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THE
APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE
IN
ANGLO-SAXON
BY
MORGAN CALLAWAY, Jr.
Professor of English in the University of Texas
Reprinted from the Publications of the Modern Language Association of America
Vol. XVI, No. 2, Baltimore, June, 1901
baltimore
The Modern Language Association of America
1901
7 0S
THE
APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE
IN
ANGLO-SAXON
B V
MORGAN CALLAWAY, Jr.
Profe^or of English in the University of Texas
Reprinted from the Publications of the Modern Languagt Association of America,
Vol. XVI, No. 2, Baltimore, June, 1901
b a l t i m ore
The Modern Language Association of America
19 01
119213
JOHN MURPHY COMPANY, 1'IUNTERS,
BALTIMORE.
*-' sJ O
CONTENTS.
Page.
Introduction 141
I. The Dual Nature of the Participle; Definitions 141
II. The History of the Term Appositive Participle 144
III. The Relative Age of the Several Uses of the Participle... 149
IV. The Inflexion and the Position of the Appositive Parti-
ciple 150
Chapter I. Statistics of the Appositive Participle in
Anglo-Saxon 154
I. In the Prose Works 155
II. In the Poems 234
III. Synoptic Table 266
Chapter II. Uses op the Appositive Participle in Anglo-
Saxon 268
I. The Adjectival Use 270
II. The Adverbial Use 273
1. Modal 274
2. Temporal 278
3. Causal 279
4. Final 280
5. Concessive 282
6. Conditional 284
IIL The Co-ordinate Use 285
1. The "Circumstantial" Participle 286
2. The "Iterating" Participle 287
3. Notes 2S9
IV. Summary of Uses 292
Chapter III. Origin of the Appositive Participle in
Anglo-Saxon 297
I. The Adjectival Use 298
II. The Adverbial Use 300
1. Modal 300
2. Temporal 301
iii
iv CONTENTS.
Page
3. Causal 302
I. Final 304
5. Concessive 304
6. Conditional 305
III. The Co-ordinate Use 306
IV. The Governing Power of the Participle 307
1. The Present Participle 307
2. The Preterite Participle 313
V. Table of Latin Correspondences 315
chapter IV. Tin: Anui.o-Saxon Rendering of the Latin
Appositive Participle 321
I. By a Co-ordinated Finite Verb 321
II. By a Subordinated Finite Verb ! 323
III. By a Prepositional Phrase 326
1 V. By a Verb in the Infinitive Mood 327
V. By an Attributive Participle 328
VI. By an Absolute Participle 328
VI 1. By an Adverb 328
VIII. By an Adjective 328
IX. By a Substantive 329
Chapter V. The Appositive Participle in the Other Ger-
manic Languages 330
I. Uses 330
1. In Gothic 330
2. In the Scandinavian Languages 332
3. In High German 334
4. In Old Saxon 338
II. Origin 339
III. Rendering of Greek and Latin Appositive Participle 341
Chapter VI. The Anglo-Saxon Appositive Participle as a
Norm op Style 344
Chapter VII. Results 348
Additions and Corrections 353
Bibliography , 355
PUBLICATIONS
OF THE
MODERN LANGUAGE ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA,
1901.
Vol. XVI, 2. New Series, Vol. IX, 2.
VIII.— THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-
SAXON.
Introduction.
The twofold nature of the participle is sufficiently attested
by the fact that it is universally defined as a verbal adjective.
The genesis of this twofold nature has been interestingly
discussed by Brugrnann (L F., V, 88 ff. ; Or. Gr.3 §§ 479 f.)
and by Delbrxick (n, p. 477). Mine is the humbler task of
pointing out the various manifestations of this dual nature as
exemplified in the appositive use of the participle in Anglo-
Saxon ; to which is appended a brief survey of the same
phenomena in the other Germanic languages. This is by no
means an easy task, since the same participle may be domi-
nantly adjectival in one sentence, prevailingly verbal in
another, and equally divided between the two in a third.
Of course, too, a participle may be used as a noun ; but in
such case it ceases to be a participle ; hence in this paper
no account is taken of the substantivized participle. How-
ever, certain adverbial uses of the participle are treated.
The difficulty of our problem is further aggravated by the
diversity of meaning attached to the same term by different
141
142 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
grammarians. At the outset, therefore, it is necessary to
define the terms used in this monograph. The study is based
upon a twofold classification of the participle: (I) According
to the nature of the participle; (II) According to the relation-
ship of the participle to its subject (or principal).
According to its nature, a participle is (1) verbal when the
assertive force is dominant, and (2) adjectival when the descrip-
tive force is dominant; as a rule, the verbal participle denotes
an act in the widest sense, while the adjectival denotes a state.
These terms, of course, are relative only, and under different
collocations each is equally applicable to the same word.
Thus, in the phrase, the shining sun. shining is adjectival,
if not an adjective ; while in the sentence, The sun, shining
through the trees, lighted our path, the participle is verbal.
Hut, despite this relativity, the distinction is of great import-
ance; and it is possible to mark off certain more or less
stable groups. The preterite participle, for instance, is more
adjectival than the present ; as the present participle with
an object is more verbal than one without an object. Occa-
sionally, too, a participle is so constantly used adjectivally
that it becomes an adjective proper, as in the case of the
Latin sanctus, the A.-S. cwS, etc. The completely adjectiv-
ized participle is not treated in this monograph.
According to its relationship to its principal, a participle
is (A) independent (or absolute) when its subject is gram-
matically independent of the rest of the sentence, and (B)
dependent (or conjoint) when its subject is not grammati-
cally independent of the rest of the sentence, but is intimately
bound up therewith. Examples are: — (^4): JBede1 284. 20:
swa eallum geseondum wpp in heofonas gewat = Bede2 220. 11 :
sic uidentibus ounctis ad alia subduxit (see my Abs. Ptc. in
A.S., p. 5 ff.) ; — (B) : Luke 4. 40 : he syndrygum hys hand
onsettende hig gehcelde = die singulis manus imponens eurabat
eos. The dependent (or conjoint) participle may be sub-
divided into (1) predicative (or supplementary, cf. Goodwin,
Moods and Tenses, § 877), when the participle is joined to its
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 143
subject by means of a verb ; (2) non-predicative (or assump-
tive, cf. Sweet, § 44), when not joined to its subject by the
instrumentality of a verb. The predicative participle may be
subdivided into (a) predicate nominative and (6) predicate
accusative; the non-predicative (or assumptive), into (a)
attributive, when the connection between the participle and
its principal is so close that the two constitute one indivisible
idea, and (6) appositive, when the connection between the
participle and its principal is so loose that the two seem to
constitute two independent ideas; or, to use the words of
Sweet (§ 90) : " When the subordination of an assumptive
(attributive) word to its head-word is so slight that the two
are almost co-ordinate, the adjunct-word is said to be in
apposition to its head-word." A few examples will suffice
for illustration : — (1) Predicative (or Supplementary) : (a)
Predicate Nominative : Elene 492 : Stephanus wees stanum
worpod; — ib. 486 : S« ¥>y ¥>riddan dceg lifgende aras, etc. ; —
(6) Predicate Accusative : Luke 22. 56 : Da hine geseah sum
¥>inen cet leohte sittende = quern cum vidisset ancilla qucedam
sedentem ad lumen; — Bl. Horn. 218. 7 : Sa mette he "Sane man
for&feredne, etc. ; — (2) Non-predicative (or Assumptive) : (a)
Attributive : Beoio. 741 : he gefeug AraSe forman sifte slos-
'pendne vine; — ib. 581 : Da mec so3 o'Sbcer . . . wadu weal-
lendu; — ib. 1245 : See/- on bence ivass . . . y'Sgesene . . . hringed
byrne; — ib. 216 : guman ut scufon . . . ivudu bundenne, etc. ; —
(6) Appositive: Mat. 9. 12: seHozlend, cvmft, ¥>isgehyrende =
At Jesus audiens, ait; — Luke 1. 74 : ftost we butan ege of ure
feonda handa alysede him ^Seowian = Ut sine timore, de manu
. . . liberati, serviamus illi; — Mat. 8. 9 : So'Slice ic eom man
under anwealde gesett ==■ Nam et ego homo sum sub potestate
constitutus; — jElfr. Horn. I, 62a : Johannes beseah to heofonum,
bus cwe^Sende, etc.
No originality is claimed for the above classification ; for,
although I have not found the system as a whole in any
treatise, almost every one of the terms is substantially so
used in one or more standard works. Nor is the system
144 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
looked upon as ideal ; it is given merely because it seems
a fair working scheme for this monograph. But, while I
believe that all my terms are clear as above defined and
exemplified, the word appositive demands more extended
treatment, since it gives the title to this paper.
II.
Remoteness from the larger libraries precludes my giving
a complete history of the phrase appositive participle ; and
I must content myself with a brief statement concerning the
more important grammatical treatises that have been accessi-
ble to me. Fortunately, as a reference to the bibliography
will show, I have been able to consult all the most significant
monographs (old as well as new) on the participle in Anglo-
Saxon and in the other Teutonic tongues.
The phrase appositive participle is not used as a distinct
category by Grimm, Becker, Miitzner, Koch, March, Sweet,
or Delbriick among the Germanic grammarians, or by Classen,
Draeger, Gildersleeve, or Goodwin among the classicists. The
locution seems to have been habitually used first * by Kruger
and Curtius in their Greek grammars, by Madvig in his Latin
grammar, by Gabelentz and Lobe in their Gothic grammar,
and by Vernaleken in his Deutsche Syntax; and its present
currency is perhaps largely due to the wide popularity of
these works, especially the first three.
By the grammarians who regularly make use of the phrase,
two distinct definitions have been given. The one set restricts
the term appositive to the participle that is equal to a de-
pendent adverbial (conjunctive) clause, while the other extends
it also to the participle that is equivalent to a dependent adjec-
tival (relative) clause. Judged by their definitions, Kruger
and Curtius originally sided with the former. Kruger's state-
lIn his Greek grammar of 1829 (pp. 469, 474), however, Bernhardy has
a few words concerning the appositive use of the participle.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 145
inent is as follows (p. 215 *): "Die appositive Participial-
construction unci ihr zur Seite gehend die absolute sincl eine
uuklarere Ausdrucksweise fur Satze die mit dem Hauptsatze
in einern temporalen oder realen Verhaltnisse stehen." Ex-
amples are cited of the appositive participle in (1) temporal,
(2) conditional, (3) causal, and (4) concessive clauses, but not
in adjectival (relative) clauses, though under the head of
temporal uses (p. 217, 10, Anrnk. 1) this remark is made:
" In vielen Fallen iibersetzen wir die Participia durch das
Relativ oder durch Conjunctionen." To the same effect is
the definition of Curtius (§ 579 2) : " Das Particip dient dazu,
einem Substantiv etwas als eine nur voriibergehende Eigen-
schaft oder Thatigkeit beizulegen. In diesem Falle ist das
Particip eine kuz*ze und unbestimmtere Ausdrucksweise fiir
das, was sonst durch Nebensatze mit Conjunctionen der
verschiedensten Art ausgedriickt wird." In the following
sections (580-583) he gives examples of the appositive parti-
ciple in (1) temporal, (2) causal and final, (3) concessive, and
(4) conditional clauses; adding this note3: "Bei dem man-
nichfaltigen Gebrauch der appositiven Participien ist nicht
zu iibersehen, dass ein solches Particip an sich keine der in
§§ 580-583 entwickelten Bedeutungen deutlich ausdriickt,
dass wir vielmehr nur zur Ubersetzung uns der einen oder
der andern Wenduug bedienen, urn dasselbe in scharferer
Weise auszusprechen, was durch das Particip nur angedeutet
XI quote from the fifth edition of his Attische Syntax (Leipzig, 1873),
but the same statement, I have been informed, occurs in the first edition
(Leipzig, 1843).
2 1 quote from the ninth edition (Prag, 1870), but substantially the same
statement is made in the first edition (Prag, 1852). And in the chapter
on the Participle in his Erlduterungen3 (p. 203) Curtius thus acknowledges
his indebtedness to Kriiger: "In der Gliederung dieser Gebrauchsweisen
bin ich wesentlich K. W. Kriiger gefolgt, ohne jedoch in der Reihenfolge
mich ihm anzuschliessen." — My quotation is from the third edition of the
Erlauterungen (1875), but it does not differ essentially from the statement
of the first edition (1863).
'This note is not in the first edition of the grammar.
146 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
ist." Gering specifically restricts the appositive participle
to adverbial clauses (p. 393): " Wahrend das attributive
particip best im mend und erklarend zu dem nomen tritt, dient
das appositive dazu, gewisse adverbialle nebenbestimraungen
der handlung auszudrucken. Es bezeichnet daher, in welcher
zeit, aus welchem grunde, in welcher absicht, unter welchen
bedinguugeu oder einschriinkungen, durch welche mittel, auf
welche art und weise eine person oder ein gegenstand etwas
ausfuhrte oder erlitt. Characteristisch fiir das appositive
particip ist es, dass es nie den artikel bei sich hat." The
same restriction is made by Karl Kohler and by Kuhn,
though the latter does not use the term appositive, but speaks
of the use of the participle "in eigentlicher participialer
Funktion in Vertretung eines Adverbialsatzes."
But, despite the high standing of Kriiger, Curtius, and
Gering, the restriction of the appositive participle to ad-
verbial uses seems unwise. Indeed, it may be doubted
whether Curtius intended so to limit the term by the defini-
tion above quoted ; if so, he afterwards changed his mind,
for in his Erlaui&rungen3 (p. 203) he gives a definition of
the appositive participle that includes its use in adjectival
(relative) as well as in adverbial (conjunctive) clauses: "Der
'appositive Gebrauch' schliesst sich an die § 361, 12 gegebene
Definition der Apposition an. Wie ieh unter Apposition
einer Zusatz Loserer Art verstehe, welcher in der Regel
synonym mit einem besehreibenden Zwischen — oder Neben-
satz ist, so entsprechen die appositiven Participien als
kiirzere, losere und deshalb auch weniger bestimmte Aus-
drucksweisen wesentlich demselben Zwecke, der in festerer
Weise durch relative1 und Conjunctionssatze erreicht wird."
The remainder of his comment, though not on this ]>oint, is
too instructive to omit: "Classen in seinen oben (S. 173)
erwahnten Beobachtungen iiber den homerischen Sprachge-
brauch nennt den von mir appositiv genannten Gebrauch
1 The italics are mine.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 147
pradicativ. Ich verkenne nicht, dass sich auch diese Bezeich-
nung rechfertigen lasst, insofern als das appositive Particip,
untersohieden vom attributiven, allerdings eine aussagende,
pradicirende Kraft besitzt, die am entschiedensten in den abso-
luten Participialconstructionen hervortritt. Allein es scheint
mir doeh gerathener, den Ausdrnck pradicatives Particip mit
Kriiger auf denjenigen Gebrauch zu beschranken, bei welchem
das Particip zur Erganzung eiues verbalen Pradicats dient
(§ 589 bis 594) und als solches einen wesentlicben Theil
der Aussage bildet" Vernaleken leaves no doubt as to his
position (p. 502): "Das partizip welches dazu dient einem
substantiv etwas als eine nur voriibergehende eigenschaft oder
thatigkeit beizulegen, also appositionell stent, und so eine
kiirzere ausdrucksweise ist fur das, was sonst durch neben-
satze mit bindewortern oder dem relativ ausgedriickt wird,
findet sich," etc. ; which definition clearly includes adjective
(relative) as well as adverbial (conjunctive) clauses. With
this O. Erdmann substantially agrees ; for, while he does not
use the phrase appositive participle, it is clear that his
selbstdndiges Participium of the following quotation corresponds
to Vernaleken's appositive participle (Syntax d. JSpr. Otfrids,
p. 214): "Die verbale Natur des Participiums tritt nicht
imrner in gleichem Masse hervor. Ich suche bei einem jeden
der beiden Participia, welche die ahd. Sprache besitzt, die
Belege mit Rucksicht hierauf zu ordnen, und unterscheide
drei Abschnitte, je nachdem das Participium eine selbstiindige,
von der Handlung des Hauptsatzes unterschiedene Tatigkeit
aussagt, oder pradicativ mit dem Verbum zu dem Begriffe
einer einzigen Tatigkeit verschmilzt, oder endlich attributiv
wie ein Adj. gebraueht wird um eine dem Gegenstande, auf
welchen es sich bezieht, stetig inwohnende Eigenschaft zu
bezeichnen." In his examples Erdmann cites participles that
represent adjectival as well as adverbial clauses ; as does
Mourek, who (p. 33) speaks of the participle " in selbstaud-
iger, priidicativer, satzvertretender apposition." With the
exception of K. Kohler and of Kiihn, who, as already stated,
148 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
restrict the appositive participle to adverbial clauses, all l the
writers on Old English Syntax named in the bibliography
include under the appositive use of the participle adjectival
as well as adverbial clauses. Some (Conradi, Einenkel,
Flamme, Hoser, Kempf, Mohrbutter, Schiirtnann, Wiilfing2)
use the phrase appositive participle; others (Furkert, Hertel,
Planer, Reussner, Seyfarth, Spaeth, Wohlfahrt) speak of the
" eigentliches Participium zur Abkurzung eines Satzes"
(Wohlfahrt, p. 39); and others (Koch, Matzner, March,
Sweet) have no specific designation for the construction.
Another apparently divergent interpretation calls for brief
mention. The standard New High German grammars of
Brandt, von Jagemann, Thomas, and Whitney regularly use
the expression appositive participle to indicate, in the words
of Thomas, " an appositional predicate, which denotes a con-
comitant act or state;" but "such a participle or participial
phrase is," according to Whitney6 (§ 357), "used only in the
sense of an adjective clause, aud expresses ordinarily an
accompanying circumstance, or describes a state or condition ;
it may not be used, as in English, to signify a determining
cause, or otherwise adverbially." But, as a following note
by Whitney and some examples cited by Thomas show, this
statement is somewhat too strong, for in New High German
an appositive participle is occasionally used in place of a
dependent adverbial clause. Moreover, in making the above
remark, Whitney intended to acquaint his reader with New
High German usage and not to give a general definition of a
grammatical term.
To sum up the matter : by a number of eminent gram-
marians the phrase appositive participle is not used as a
distinct category ; by others equally eminent it is habitually
used, but in different senses. Of the latter some restrict
1 Except the older grammarians (Hickes, Lye, and Manning), who do
not treat the construction of the appositive participle.
51 Wulting's treatment of the Appositive Participle has not appeared
as yet.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 149
the appositive use to the participle that is equivaleut to an
adverbial clause, while others make it include adjectival as
well as adverbial clauses. The latter usage, though not
universal, is becoming general, especially with students of
Germanic grammar.
To me the general introduction of this term into our text-
books seems highly desirable, since it would extend to the
use of the participle what the student had already learned
with reference to the noun. As the statistics show, I include
under appositive the participle that is equivalent to an adjec-
tival clause as well as that which is equal to an adverbial clause.
The uses of the adverbial appositive participle correspond
closely to those of the subordinate adverbial clause, but are
so varied as to call for treatment in a separate chapter (n.).
III.
The appositive use of the participle is common to the
Indo-Germanie languages, but by no means equally common.
Greek leads the others, and Latin is far in advance of the
Germanic languages. An instructive general treatment of
the subject is given by Jolly in his Zur Lehre vom Particip
and by Delbruck in his Syntax. To the works named by
Delbruck I may add those of Boiling, Fay, Helm, Koberlin,
Milroy, and Tamraelin, which throw no little light on the
appositive participle in Latin and in Greek. Of works on
the appositive participle in the Germanic languages exclusive
of English a brief account is given in Chapter v.
In the article just referred to, Jolly maintains that the
attributive use of the participle preceded the appositive, and
that the appositive preceded the predicative, which latter he
considers a younger variation of the appositive. In Anglo-
Saxon it is probable, I think, that the attributive use preceded
the appositive, the latter growing out of the former when thrust
into post-position, either because the noun had several parti-
ciples modifying it at once or because the participle was itself
150 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
modified (see section iv., below). The appositive use of the
adjectival participle may have preceded the predicative use
of the participle; for the appositive adjectival participle is
common in Anglo-Saxon poetry, while, as Pessels (p. 49)
has shown, the predicative participle of the progressive tenses
is very rare in Anglo-Saxon poetry, though common in the
prose. But the appositive use of the verbal participle, at
least of the participle governing a direct object, is most
probably of later development in English than the predica-
tive use of the present participle; since the progressive tenses
are very common in the works of Alfred (nearly 600 exs.,
according to Pessels, p. 51), while the appositive participle
with a direct object is practically unknown to him (only 18
exs., of which 17 are in direct translation of a Latin apposi-
tive participle), and does not become frequent until the time
of iElfric (see Statistics). But we must turn from these
speculative questions to matters about which a reasonable
degree of certainty is possible.
IV.
In Anglo-Saxon the appositive participle occurs by far
most frequently in the nominative case, as is true also in
Lithuanian (Delbriiek, p. 490) and in Old High German
(Mourek). For the representation of the several cases in
Anglo-Saxon see the statistics.
The inflexion of the appositive participle is as follows : —
(1) Present: — The nominative singular of all genders has
-ende, with these exceptions: -end occurs three times in the
masculine (Boeth. 8. 5,JEJifr. L. 8. 282. 5,JE/fr. Hept. (Judges)
4. 22), and once in the feminine (Bede1 72. 3); by confusion
of inflected infinitive with participle, Benei has -enne for -ende
four times (95. 11, 114. 10, Gl. 7, all masc. ; 98. 6, fem.),
-an for -and once (29. 11, masc), and -endre for -ende
once (16. 9); Boeth} 73. 22 has -inde, m. The GSMN. has
THE APPOSITIVE PAETICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 151
-endes except once, in Benet (109. 2 : secgende). The GSF. is
-eadre except once, in iElfric (L. S. xxiii. B. 426 : ftencende).
The DSMN. is usually -endum (20 exs.), but is -ende occa-
sionally (7 exs. : 1 in xElfred, 1 in Benedict, 5 in iElfric), and
-endan, weak, once (Luke 6. 49). The DSF. is -endre normally
(4 exs.), rarely -ende (1 ex. : iElfric). The ASM. is -endue 21
times,1 but -ende 28 times (Alfred 3,^lfric 8, A.-S. Horn. &
L. S. 5, Gospels 6, Poems 6). The ASF. is invariably -ende.
The ASN. is -ende except once (Chron. 656 E : cioceftend). The
N. and APMFN. is -ende except twice in Benet (21. 7 : be-
cumene for becumende, apm. ; 26. 14: stirienda, apn.). The
GP. is -endra (14 exs.) except twice in Benet (69. 1 : etenda,
78. 12: utgangendre). The DP. is -endum (30 exs.) except
twice {JElfr. de v. et n. Test 5. 34: far ende ; A.-S. Horn. &
L. ofS. i, 7.151 : ib.).
(2) Preterite :— The NSMN. is -ed (-od,2 -ad2; -t2) for
weak and -en for strong verbs. The NSF. is regularly
uninflected (64 exs.), being -ed for strong and -en for
weak verbs ; except twice in .ZElfric (Horn, ir, 90a2: fortredene,
weak ; L. S. xxiii. B. 524 : gedrefedu). The GSMN. is once
-es (Chron. 1100 E) and once -ed (Christ 20: forwyrned).
The GSF. is -re (2 exs.). The DSMN. is sometimes inflected
(-um (-an): 11 exs.: EWS. 7, Gosp. 1, Benet 1, Poems 2),
but is oftener not inflected (21 exs.: iElfric 17,^4.-6'. Horn.
& L. S. 2, Poems 2). The DSF. is occasionally inflected
(-re : 4 exs.: iElfred 1, xElfric 2, Gosp. 1), but usually not
(14 exs. : Bl. Horn. 1, iElfric 12, A.-S. Horn. & L. S. 1). " The
ASM. is sometimes inflected (-ne: 47 exs. : iElfred 10, iElfric
17, Gosp. 11, Poems 8, Benet 1), sometimes not (33 exs.:
Alfred 1, .Elfric 28, Poems 4). The ASF. is half the time
inflected (-e: 18 exs. : Alfred 3, .Elfric 2, A.-S. Horn. & L.
S. 1, Gosp. l,Wulfst. 1, Poems 10), the other half not (17
exs.: Alfred 1, .Elfric Q,A.-S. Horn. & L. 8. l,Wulfst. 3,
1In one of these {Benet 107. 7) the text has -enne for -endne.
2 These regular variants of -ed- will not be specified hereafter.
152 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
Benet 2, Poems 4). The ASN. is uninflected except in Bede
314. 14 (getrymede, but MS. Ca.; getrymed). The N. and
APM. is habitually inflected (-e: over 200 exs., in all the
texts), but occasionally not (15 exs. : E. W. S. 4, A.-S. Horn. &
L. S. 1, Benet 1, Poems 9). The N. and APF. is invariably
inflected (-e 29 exs.; -u 1 ex.: Benet 92. 15, but see note
thereon in statistics). The N. and APN. is usually in-
flected (-e: 24 exs.; -an, weak, 1 ex.: Bede1 182. 23), but
is uninflected at times (13 exs. : iElfred 2, Bened. 1, Poems
10). The GP. is inflected regularly (-ra: 13 exs.) except
once in the Ghron. (656 E : leered). The DP. is inflected
four times (-wm), and is uninflected three times (iElfred 1,
jElfric 2).
It is evident, therefore, that in Anglo-Saxon, especially in
Late West Saxon and in the poems, the appositive participle
is often not inflected, much oftener indeed than is stated in
Sievers's Angelsdchsische Grammatik.3 The same is true of
Old High German (Mourek, p. 19; O. Erdmann, Syntax d.
Spr. Off rids, § 355) and of Old Saxon (Pratje, § 156), but
not of Gothic (Gering, p. 393).
Again, the inflexion of the appositive participle in Anglo-
Saxon is almost invariably strong. In this sentence from
the BUckling Homilies (107. 20 : Da ecvSmodan heortan and
-ga forhtgendan and Sa bifigendan and $a cwacigendan and fta
ondrcedendan heora Scyppend, neforhogaft Sa naif re God ne ne
forsyhft), the weak participle, ondrcedendan, has an object, and
is partly attributive and partly appositive. The sentence
illustrates well, I think, the passage of the attributive into
the appositive use of the participle ; the participle is thrust
into post-position because its principal has several participial
modifiers, and because the participle itself has a direct object
(see section hi., above). Sometimes, even in pre-position, the
weak participle is strongly appositive, as in Luke 6. 49 : He
is gelic %am timbriendan men his hus ofer %a corftan = similis
est homini aedijicanti domum super terram; — Bede1 182. 23 :
wo3s geworden ftostte ftcere seolfan neahte "Sa brohton (MS. B. :
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 153
gebrohtaii) ban vie awunedon = 148. 17 : factum est ut . . , .
reliquiae adlatae foris permanerent ; ib. 24. 22; JElfr. Horn.
II., 90i2 ; ^Elfr. L. S. xxvu. 117. Compare, too, Bede1 130.
33 : ¥>ost he sceolde his freond ¥>one betstan in neede gesetum
(MS. B. : gesettan) in gold bebycgan = 110. 9 : amicum suum
optimum in necessitate positum auro uendere. Mourek (p. 46)
cites three examples of the appositive participle with weak
inflection in Tatian.
In Anglo-Saxon the appositive participle regularly follows
its principal (post-position), though occasionally it precedes
(pre-position : about 100 exs. in all, of which 8 occur in the
Poems). Typical illustrations are : Matthew 8. 25 : hy awehton
hyne, %us cweftende = suscitaverunt eum, dicentes ; Beowulf
1819: we sosliftend secgan wylla^),feorran cumene; Beow. 721 :
Com . . . rinc sifiian dreamum bedozled; — Math. 2. 11 : gangende
into ftam huse, hi gemetton l&ost did mid Marian = intrantes
domum invenerunt puerum; Beow. 1581 : slospende frost folces
Denigea fyftyne men. It should be added that it is particu-
larly difficult to distinguish between the post- positive attribu-
tive and the appositive participle ; but what Mourek (p. 44)
says of Tatian seems to me true of Anglo-Saxon in general :
most post-positive participles are appositive rather than
attributive.
154 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
CHAPTER I.
STATISTICS OF THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE
IN ANGLO-SAXON.
Explanatory Note.
With the exception of the glosses and of a few out-of-prints,
1 have made a statistical reading of the whole of Anglo-
Saxon literature and of the more definitely known Latin
originals of the prose texts. For a detailed statement, see the
bibliography.
Within the respective groups the works are arranged
approximately in their chronological order, except the Minor
Poems, which are given in their alphabetic order.
For the light that it throws upon Anglo-Saxon and Ger-
manic syntax, the participle with an object is everywhere
separated from the participle without an object. Obviously
the distinction is of less importance for the preterite than
for the present participle. As applied to the present parti-
ciple, the term object has its usual signification ; as applied to
the preterite participle, it includes not only the object in the
ordinary acceptation, but also any noun modifier of the
participle.
To show the inflection of the participle, each case, number,
and gender is cited separately. The abbreviations used to
designate these are self-explanatory, as nsn. = nominative,
singular, neuter, etc. Cases not cited do not occur. " Other
examples " are throughout cited in the alphabetic order of
the Anglo-Saxon participles. Compound participles are not
separated from the simple ones.
For convenience I have not distinguished $ and ]>, but have
uniformly used 3.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO- SAXON. 155
In all of the more definitely known translations the Latin
original is given.
I have carefully compared my own statistics with those
given in the monographs upon Anglo-Saxon syntax named
in the bibliography; and but for the divergent views, already
discussed, as to what constitutes an appositive participle, I
should give in detail the results of my several collations.
However, if the definition given in each treatise is observed,
the difference is not great ; hence I shall call attention to
only the more noteworthy discrepancies disclosed by my
collations.
I have tried to make the statistics complete according to
the definition given in my Introduction. But, in such a
mass of details, occasional omissions and misclassifications
are inevitable ; I can only hope that they will not prove so
numerous or serious as to invalidate this history of the
appositive participle in Anglo-Saxon.
Finally, I trust that these statistics, which at first doubt-
less appear unnecessarily detailed, may throw some light on
several problems not germane to the purpose of this mono-
graph, such as the contested authorship of the Alfredian
works; the Anglo-Saxon vocabulary; the relationship of
Anglo-Saxon to Latin syntax aside from the use of the parti-
ciple, etc. ; — some of which I hope to take up at another time.
I. IN THE PROSE WORKS.
BEDE1 (180).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (107).
I. Without an Object (93).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (58) : —
NSM. (23) :— 22. 34 : Dfet sum on N. ma-g-Se of dea$e
arisende . . . secgende wses = 303. 24 : Ut quidam ... a
156 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
raortuis resurgens . . . narraverit ; 102. 21 is ssegd Sset he
beotigende forecwsede = 83. 27: "fertur minitans praedixisse. —
Other examples: — 8. 19: becumende = 36. 4: perueniens ;
24. 3: ib. = 311. 1: ueniens; 270. 4: beoliende = 211. 10:
minitans; 22. 29; bodiende = 298. 27: praedicans; 12. 11 :
cumende = 97. 4 : ueniens; 8. 16 : i&. = 33. 21 : nauigans ;
8. 28 : r'6. = 39. 29 : reuersus; 114. 21 : /<We = 92. 24 :
fugiens; 190. 18 : forhtigende = 153. 1 : tremens; 62. 13 : #e-
feonde = 47. 22 : credens ; 442. 26 : gnorniende = 314. 14 :
merens ; 154. 3: grimsigende = 128. 6 : saeuiens ; 204. 17:
onhleoniende = 1 60. 24 : incumbens ; sorgende — sollicitus,
186. 23 = 150. 29, 268. 7 = 210. 9 ; sweltende = moriens,
18. 18 = 220. 21 (or attrib. in A.-S.?) and 286. 6 == 221. 3 ;
ib. = moriturus, 24. 5 = 313. 26 ; 410. 27 : swigende = 297.
23: tacitus; 86. 22al: wceccende = 60. 28: sciens ; 86. 22b :
(iio)weotende =61. 1 : nesciens (I insert no from MSS. Ca.
and O.).
NSF. (3):— 332. 2: Sreo & Srittig $sem aerestum heo
secSelice gefylde in weoruldhade drohtiende = 252. 23: xxxiii
primos in saeeulari habitu nobilissime conuersata complenit. —
Other examples: 186. 31 : oiidrcedende = 151. 10: iimens ;
18. 20: ufgangende = 220. 22: egressura.
NSN. (1): — 86. 10: mid "Sy "Saet mood 'Sis ne weotende
arsef'neS = 60. 7 : quia banc animum nescientem pertulisse.
NSM. or F. (2) :— 240. 26 : wol . . . grimsigende = 192.
4: desaeuiens ; 264. 25: ingongende = 208. 25: egressa (the
two preceding nouns are 3« stefn and "Sowe sa??^. Of ingressa
the subject is mr).
XPM. (8): — 252. 2a&b: se b. and heora lareowas gefeonde
and blissigende ham hwurfon = 200. 7 : sacerdotes, doctor-
esque . . . rediere laetantes. — Other examples: — 310. 1 : feoh-
tende = 238. 19 : compugnantes ; 284. 15 : forhtiende = 220.
5: tremefadae; 312. 2: ondettende = 239. 24: professi;
1 In this text the superior letters distinguish different examples in the
same line.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 157
54. 4: sarigende = 32. 33: dohntes ; 438. 30: sittende =
312. 11 : residens; 186. 9: sorgiende = 150. 13: sollicUL
NPN (1) : — 158. 27 : 'Skier gcfeonde coman . . . folc Godes
word to gehyranne = 132. 20 : coufluebant ad audiendura
verbum populi gaudentes (or pred.?).
NDM. (2):— 430. 27: hwerfende = 308. 7: reuersi ; 424.
20 : suigiende = 304. 30 : tacentes.
GPN. (1) : — 104. 18: seo is rnonigra folca ceapstow of
londe and of sse cumendra = 85. 11 : . . . populorum terra
marique uenientium.
DSM. (3): — 316. 18 : swa swa me seolfum frinendum . . .
W. ssegde = 343. 12: sicut mihimet sciscitanti . . . W.
referebat.— Other examples : 382.22: biddendum= 280. 12:
roganti (or attrib. ?) ; 330. 14: taltriendum = 251. 34: peri-
clitanti.
DSF. (1) : — 288. 34 : swa swa heo to hire lijigendre sprsece,
bsed Sset, etc. = 223. 5 : quasi iiiuentem adlocuta, rogavit.
DPM. (4) : — 382. 17 : ftset hie mihton heora biddendum
freondum syllan = 280. 6 : quam rogantibus amicis dare . . .
possent (or attrib.?). — Other examples : — 366. 21 : cumendum
= 271. 29 : tidumientibus ; 8. 2 : gelyfendum = 28. 15 : crc-
dentes ; 336. 25: wuniendum = 255. 28: manentibus.
ASM. (3) : — 228. 19: he eorre -Sone cyningfy7/7<???(/egehran
mid 'Ssere gyrde = 174. 6 : Iratus autem tetigit Regem iacen-
tem. — Other examples: — 312. 27b : forftleorendne = 240. 22:
procedentem ; 270. 22 : iifigende (MS. Ca. : lifigendne) = 211.
30: in carne manentem.
ASN. (2):— 140. 12: he noht elles dyde . . . "Son Sset
cumende Cristes folc "Sider of eallum tunum . . . mid god-
cundre lare timbrede = 115. 4: nil aliud ageret quam con-
fluentem eo . . . plebem C. . . . verbo instruere; 412. 13:
licgende = 298. 9 : iacenlem.
APM. (2): — 276. 12: licade us efencuman sefter 'Seawe
arwyi"Sra rehta smeagende bi -Seem, etc. = 215. 1 : placuit
conuenire nos, . . . tractaturos de, etc. ; 10. 29 : hwylc wracu
hi forhogiende aefterfyligde = 81. 8: quaeue illos spernentcs
2
158 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
ultio secuta est. [Miller and Smith have him forhogiende, in
which ease forhogiende would be a "crude" dative plural;
but it seems preferable to read hi forhogiende, the variant
given by Miller and Schipper, which corresponds better with
the Latin. Though Miller apparently so translates, him
could scarcely be the object of forhogiende, since accord-
ing to Wiilfing (p. 186) this verb governs the accusative
only.]
APF. (2) : — 426. 33aAb: $a geseah ic msenigo 'Sara wergra
gasta v. monna sawla grornende & heofende teon & lsedan
on = 306. 13a&b: considero turbam malignorum spirituum,
quae quinque auimas hominum merentes heiulantesque . . .
trahebat.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
finite verb, which finite verb is usually in immediate connec-
tion with an appositive participle (5) : —
NSM. (3): — 160. 15: he "Sa gifeonde 'Searfum rehte and
sealde = 135. 28 : Cuncta . . . mox hauperibus . . . erogare
gaudebcd (cf. gefeonde = gaudentes in 158. 27 = 132. 20,
etc.). — Other examples: — 88. 17a&b: goiende } geomriende
cwseS = 61. 25 : gemebat dicens.
NPM. (2) :— 250. 28 : and Cristes noman . . . gefeonde
[MS. B. : lustlice] andettan = 200. 5 : ac nomen C . . . con-
fiteri gauderent ; 240. 13: Drihtne gefeonde "Seowodon =
180. 25 : Christo . . . seruire gaudebant.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
gerund in the ablative (20) : —
NSM. (16):— 22. 17a&b: Dajt he his preosta senne . . .
gebiddende y bletsigende fram deaSe gecyrde = 289. 4c&d:
orando ac benedicendo a morte reuocauerit. — Other ex-
amples: — 348. 25: bebeodende = 262. 18: commendando ;
270. 34: dwoliende = 212. 11 : errando; 346. 3: eodorcende
= 260. 31: ruminando; 246. 25b : gongende = 195. 21b :
incedendo ; gebiddende = orando, 8. 23b = 37. 5, 12. 10 =
93. 26, 16. 2 = 158. 27, 20. 29 = 271. 3, 22. 7b = 281. 2,
22. 11 = 285. 1, 22. 14 = 288. 1 ; ib. = benedicendo, 22. 9
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 159
= 282. 30; 246. 25a : ridende = 195. 21a: equitando ; 348.
24 : segniende = 262. 17 : signando.
NSF. (2):— 72. 3a&b: Saette oft [cirice is to be supplied
from earlier part of sentence] Sset wrSerworde yfel abeorende
and celdend (MS. O. : yldende) bewereS = 51. 29, 30: ut
saepe malum quod aduersatur portando et dissimulando
conpescat.
NPM. (1) : — 72. 9 : "Sa fte him ne ondrsedaft weotonde
syngian = 52. 1 : qui non metuunt sciendo peccare.
ASM. (1) : — 22. 16a: Beet he his preosta senne of horse
fcdlende & gebrysedne gel ice gebiddende & bletsigencle fram
deafte gecyrde = 289. 4a : Ut clericum suum cadendo contri-
tum, aeque orando ac benedicendo a morte reuocauerit.
4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
adjective (2) : —
NSM. (1): — 204. 3 : he . . . on Ssere styfte stondende
forbferde = 160. 5 : . . . addinis destinae . . . spiritum, uitae
exhalaret ultimum.
NPM. (1): — 54. 5: sume forhliende on e$le gebidon =
33. 1 : alii perstantes in patria trepidi . . . agebant.
5. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
prepositional phrase (1) : —
NSM. (1) : — 142. 8 : ssegde he ftaet he hine cneoht weosende
gesawe = 116. 12 : et se in pueritia vidisse testabatur. [hine
here stands for here, 'sanctuary.' — Cf. Bede 188. 1 : in Bam
mynstre ... in Sam cneohtivesendum "Sis hselo wundor ge-
worden waes = 151. 15: in eodem monastprio ... in quo tunc
puero factum erat hoc miraculum sanitatis, in which cneoht-
wesendum is perhaps a substantive. Cf. further Widsift 39 ;
Beow. 46, 372, 535, 1187.]
6. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
adverb (2) : —
NSM. (1) :— 38. 1 : Da ... he ealle 3a witu . . . geSyldelice
and gefeonde for Drihtne abser and arsefnde = 20. 1 : Qui . . .
patienter hsec pro Domino irarao gaudenter ferebat. [Per-
haps it is better to consider gefeonde here as a pure adverb.]
160 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
NPM. (1) : — 310. 30 : Das we seondon arfsestlice fyligende
& rihtwuldriende = 239. 23 : Hos itaque sequentes nos pie
atque ortkodoxe. [Pure adverb? Cf. 310. 25: we waeron
sineagende rehtne jjeleafan & rehtwuldriende = 239. 17 : fidem
rectam & orthodoxam exposuimus, where rehtwuldriende is an
adjective.]
7. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
future infinitive (2) : —
NPM. (2):— 266. 32a&b : sefter seofou dagum heo eft hweor-
fende & cumende me gehehton ; ^ me -Sonne mid him lsedan
woldon = 209. 34 : se redituros, ac me secum adducturos
esse promiserunt.
8. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin correspond-
ence (3) : —
NSM. (1) : — 464. 16: gefeonde <5a heofonlican rico gestah
& gesohte = 330. 1 : no Latin correspondent.
NPM. (1): — 100. 12: Da ondetton eac Biettas scomiende
■ftaet heo ougeton = 82. 14 : Turn Brettones confitentur quidem
intellexisse se.
ASM. (1) : — 214. 32: -Sa gegreopon 3a unclsenan gastas
serine of •<5am monnum iSe heo in ftsern fyre bserndon and
"Srse^ton *] wurpon swa beornendne on hine & he gehran his
sculdra ^ his ceacan 3 hine swa forbserndon = 166. 26:
arripientes immundi spiritus unum de eis, quos in ignibus
torrebant, iactaverunt in eum, et contingentes humerum
maxillamque eius incenderunt.
II. With an Object (14).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (14) : —
NSM. (8) : — 378. 25 : he mid fty maestan gewinne mid his
crycce hine ivreftigende ham becom [MS. B. : hine gewreftede
& ham becom] = 278. 15: maximo cum labore baculo
innitens domum peruenit. Cf. 380. 7 : his leomo mid his
crycce wreftgende eode in cyrican [MS. B. : gewreftede &
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 161
eode] = 278. 27: artus baculo sustentans intrauit ecclesiam. —
14. 4 : Beet se ylca cyning biddende . . . biscope onfeng
Aidanura on naman gehatenne = 131. 4 : Ut . . . rex postu-
lans antistitem . . . acceperit Aidanura. Cf. 10. 12: andsware
biddende onfeng = 48. 2 : responsa petens acceperit. — 10. 7 :
and swa . . . G. word bodigende on Cent eode = 44. 25 : sic
. . . Cantiam praedicaturus intrauerit. — 352. 14: •ftsette . . .
ongan, swa he eft for intingan "Saere godcundan lufan lust-
fuUiende ■Sam ecum medura faestlice forSlaeste = 264. 12:
quod . . . iam causa diuini amoris deledatus praemiis inde-
fessus agebat. — 450. 20 : mid fty he wses god re gleaunesse
cniht 3 he 3a yldo mid $eawum oferstigende [MS. B. : wses
oferstigende] & he swa gemetfaestlice & swa ymbsceawiendlice
hine sylfne on eallura bingura beheold Saet = 322. 27 : atque
aetatem moribus transiens, ita . . . gereret ut (or pred. ?). —
16. 8 : ©set se . . . b. ovfonde . . . sume stowe mynster on to
timbrianne, & 3a mid halgum gebedum & fasstenum Drihtne
gehalgode = 174. 22: Ut idem episcopus locum . . . accipiens
„ . . Domino consecraverit.
NPM. (3):— 312. 23a&b: we wuldria« usserne D. swa swa
-Sas wuldredon . . . noht tocetecende oSSe onweg ateonde =
240. 18a&b: glorificamus D. sicut . . . nihil addentes uel sub-
trahentes. — 312. 25 : <5a 3e heo onfengon we eac swelce onfoS
. . . wuldriende God Feeder, etc. = 240. 20 : suscepimus,
glorificantes Deura, etc.
GSN. (1) : — 426. 30 : gehled & ceahetunge swa swa unge-
laeredes folces & biosmriendes gehseftum heora feondum =
306. 10 : cachinum crepitantem quasi uulgi indocti captis
hostibus insultantis.
APM. (2) : — 54. 31 : sende munecas mid hine Drihten
ondredende = 42. 2 1 : misit monachos timentes Dominum. —
358. 10 : Ac forSon 3e he ne wolde 3y aerran geare gehyran
3one arwyr3an faeder Ecgberht, -Saet he Sceottas hine noht
sceftftende ne afuhte = 267. 7 : sed quoniam noluerat audire
E., ne Scottiam nil se ledentem irapugnaret.
162 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
Note. — In Bede 1 430. 18 (in Ssere ic eae swylce $a swetestan
stsefne geherde Godes lof singendra = 307. 31 : in qua etiam
uocem cantantium dulcissirnam audiui) we have a substantiv-
ized participle witli an object.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (73).
I. Without Object (60).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (47) : —
NSM. (14): — 318. 1 : Sset . . . lichoraa bebyrged brosnian
ne meahte = 243. 24 : sepulta caro corrurapi non potuit. —
Other examples: — 400. 25: bewrigen = 290. 15: obtectus ;
396. 20 :f ordered = 288. 9: defunctus ; 442. 22: ge-ead-
moded= 314. 10 : humiliatus ; 8. 23a : gehcefd [MS. B. : wses
gehrefd] = 37. 5 : detentus; 442. 23 : genV&erad = 314. 12 :
damnatus ; — geseted = posltus, 20. 27 = 268. 20 & 444. 5 =
314. 21 ; 10. 10 : geworden = 48. 1 : /actus; 260. 7 : haten
= 205. 28: iussus ; 278. 18b : ib. = 216. 16b: invitcdus ;
92. 17: oferswifted = 71. 23: uictus; 352. 13; onbryrded
= 264. 11: conpundus; 278. 18a : onfongen = 216. 16*:
susceptus.
NSF. (4):— 330. 30: heo of eorSau t alceded leorde $y
fifteogeftan dsege = 252. 20 : de terris ablata transmit. — Other
examples: — 340. 16 : afyrhted = 257 '. 20: perterrita; 470. 25:
geriht [MS. B. : geriht wa^s] = 346. 12 : oorreeta ; 104. 17 :
geseted = 85. 10 : posita.
NSN. (1): — 78. 15: vviif in blodes flovvnesse geseted =
52. 1 : in fluxu posita; ib. 78. 28 = 56. 5.
NS. M. or N. (1) :— 150. 13 : . . . rarel & cajlic . . . gehal-
gad = 126. 9 : calicem . . . consecratum.
NS. N. or F. (1):— 262. 22: wsel & moncwild gesended
=• 207. 21 : clades missa.
NPM. (7): — 164. 7: ofr&et heo stycceinselum aafedde
. . . beboda onfon meahte (MS. Ca. : niihten) =137. 17:
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 163
donee paulatim enutriti ... ad capienda . . . praecepta suffi-
cerent.— Other examples :— 202. 20: ofyrhte = 159. 21
territi; 160. 26: bescorene = 136. 10: adtonsi ; 234. 1
forKferde (MS. Ca. : forftferende) = 176. 30 : morientes ; 8. 5
genedde =29. 12: coadi ; 58. 24: gewelgade = 45. 33
praediti; 310. 2 : togotene = 238. 22 : refusi.
NPN. (2) : — 140. 3 : wseron eac gefulwade o$er his beam
of A. 3sere cwene acende =114. 25 : Baptizati sunt alii
liberi eius de A. progeniti. — 182. 23: waes geworden "Ssette
■Ssere seolfan neahte $a brohton (MS. B. : gebrohlan) ban ute
awunedon = 148. 17 : factum est ut . . . reliquiae adlatae
foris permanerent (may be attrib.).
DSF. (1) : — 320. 7 : cwomon heo to sum re ceastre gehro-
renre noht feor Sonon = 245. 1 : uenerunt ad ciuitatulam
quondam desolatam, non procul inde sitam.
DSN. (1): — 338. 32: in obrum mynstre fy rr gesettum =
257. 2 : in alio longius posilo monasterio.
ASM. (8): — 312. 27a : we eac swelce onfoS, wuldriende
God Feeder & his Sunu -Sone acennedan of Faader acennedne
asr worulde = 240. 21 : . . . glorificantes Deum & filium
eius unigenitum ex Patre generatum. — Other examples: —
288. 12: bewundenne= 222. 14: inuolutum ; 380. 24: for%-
feredne = 279. 14: defunctum; 22. 16b : gebrysedne = 289.
4b : contritum; 88. 15: gebundennc = 61. 23: ligatum ; 246.
7: gelceredne = 194. 28 : instructum ; 94. 14 : genumm (MS.
B. : genumenne) = 79. 9 : sumtum; 130. 33 : gesetum (MS. B. :
geseltan) = 110. 9 : position.
ASF. (3): — 58. 25a&b: Bseron . . . anlicnesse Drihtnes
Hselendes on brede ofmgde and awritene = 46. 2 : ferentes
. . . imaginem ... in tabula depictam ; 484. 28 : ge&ydde =
359. 29 : adiedum.
ASN. (3):— 122. 12: Ha?fde he . . . twiecge handseax
gecettred = 99. 3 : qui habebat sicam bicipitem toxicatam. —
Other examples: — 106. 7: gehalgod = 86. 12: dedicatum ;
314. 14: priuilegium of Ssere apostolican aldorlicnesse getry-
mede (MS. Ca. : getrymed) = 241 . 14 : ... epistulam priuilegii
164 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
ex auctoritate apostolica firmatam (getrymede due to close
following of firmatam ?).
APM. (1):— 296. 7: Geseah he . . . $ry wsepnedmen to
him cuman mid beorhtum hrseglum gegyrede = 226. 21:
Uidit enim . . . tres ad se uenisse uiros claro indidos habitu.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
predicative participle (1) : —
NSN. (1):— 272. 6: Is ofer his byrgenne stowe treowge-
weorc on gelicnesse medmicles huses geworht, mid hrsegle
gegy rived = 212. 17: Est antem locus idem sepulcri tumba
lignea in modum domunculi facta co-opertus.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
adjective (3) : —
NSM. (3) : — 312. 4a & b : In . . . mynstre wses sum broftor
syndriglice mid godcundre gife gemcered ^ geweorftad =
258. 28 : In m. fuit frater quidam diuina gratia specialiter
insignis; 88. 25 : geneded = 62. 2 : inuitus.
4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
prepositional phrase (1) : —
NSM. (1) :— 16. 15 : Beet E. se halga wer of Angelcynnes
cynne acenned munuclif wses Isedende on Hibernia = 191.
26 : Ut E., uir sanctus de natione Anglorum, monachicam in
H. uitam duxerit.
5. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre-
spondence (8) : —
NSM. (5) : — 20. 28 : Dset se wer on ancerlife geseted . . .
gelsedde = 271. 3 : Ut idem in uita auachoretica . . . pro-
dnxerit, lb.: 22. 7a=281. 2. [Cf. geseted = positus in
20. 27 = 268. 20, 444. 5 = 314. 21.]— Other examples:—
114. 14 : geswenced & werig [MSS. B. & C. : wses] = 92. 17;
258. 28 : haten (' called ') = 205. 15 ; 434. 24 : haten (' called ')
= 310. 6.
ASM. (1): — 14. 5: ©set se ylca cyning biddende . . .
biscope (MS. B. : bysceop) onfeng Aidanum on naman ge-
hatenne= 131. 4: Ut idem rex postulans antistitem . . .
acceperit Aidanum. [Cf. 158. 12 : him biscop sendon, Aidan
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 165
wses haten = 131. 15 : accepit namque pontificem Aeda-
num.]
APM. (1) : — 328. 7 : 'Sa stafas mid him awritene hsefde (or
pred. ?) = 250. 28 : no Latin equivalent. [MS. B. omits
awritene. ~\
APN. (1) : — 108. 17 : fta 'Sing *Se $ser gedemed wseron . . .
wrat and fcestnade ond eft hwearf to B. 3 "Sa mid hine on
Ongolciricum to healdenne awriten brohte — 88. 22 (or
pred.?).
II. With an Object (13).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (12) : —
NSM. (3):— 214. 11: eft onlysed 3y lichoman byrneS
= 166. 4 : ita solutus corpore ardebit. — Other examples : —
478. 1 : eldo fornumen = 349. 29 : consumtus aetate; 440. 20:
witum under^Seoded = 313. 3 : psenis subditus.
NSF. (1) :— 332. 16 : ForSon 3e . . . HereswrS . . . re-
gollicum ^eodscipum underfteoded, baad $one ecan sige =
253. 10 : Nam H. . . . regularibus subdita disci plinis ex-
pectabat.
GSF. (1): — 172. 26: Bisse fsemnan Gode gehalgodre
monige weorc . . . gewuniaS . . . ssegd beon = 143. 1 : Huius
autem uirginis Deo dicatae solent, etc.
GPF. (1): — 284. 32: in $ara ftemnena mynstre Gode
gehalgodra = 220. 26 : in uirginum Deo dedicatarum cella.
DSM. (1) : — 16. 12 : Se cyning for -Sam sige sealdan him
. . . sealde, etc. = 129. 11 : pro adepta uictoria . . . dederit.
DPF. (1) : — 14. 15 : be E. and A. Gode gehalgedum
fsemnuni = 142. 2 : de E. and JE., sacratis Deo uirginibus.
DPN. (1): — 24. 22: mid him Sam underfteoddum myn-
strum = 346. 14 : cum subiedis sibi monasteriis (or atttrib. ?).
ASF. (1) : — 232. 2 : ne ftonne nemne medmicel dsel hlafes
and an henne seg mid litle meolc wsetre gemengede he onfeng
= 175. 30 : cum paruo lacte aqua mixto percipiebat.
ASN. (1): — 344. 28 : -Sy betstan leo$e geglenged him asong
166 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
and ageaf, Sfet him hcboden wses = 260. 24 : optimo carmine,
quod iubebatur, conpositum reddidit.
APN. (1): — 212. 23: Geseah lie eac feower fyr onseled
on -Ssere lyfte noht micle fsece betweoh him tosceaden =
165. 20 : . . . quatuor ignes . . . non multo . . . spatio
distantes.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
gerundive (1) : —
NSF. (1) :— 236. 29 : Da eode seo . . . dohtor . . . Gode
geha/god in baet mynster = 179. 1 : Intrauit filia Deo dedi-
canda ruonasterium.
BOETHIUS1 (27).
A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (17).
I. Without ax Object (17).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (2) : —
NSM. (1) : — 14. 16 : se broc, 3eah he swife of his rihtryne,
"Sonne1 "Seer micel stan weahviende of Sam heohan munte
oninnan fealS & hine todselS & him his rihtrynes wiftstent =
23. 16 : Quique uagatur montibus altis defluus amnis, ssepe
resistit rupe soluti obice saxi.
NSF. (1) : — 81. 27 : Swa ftu gesceope Sa saule •Sset hio
sceolde ealne weg hwearfian on hire selfre, swa swa eall Ses
rodor hwerfS, oSSe swa swa hweol onhwerfS, smeagende ymb
hire sceoppend oSSe ymbe hi selfe = 71. 13: Tu triplicis
mediam naturae cuncta moventem conectens animam per
consona membra resoluis. Quae cum secta duos motum
glomerauit in orbes, in semet reditura meat mentemque
profnudam circuit et simili conuertit imagine caelum.
2. The A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
finite verb, which verb is in immediate connection with an
appositive participle (1) : —
1 1 have expanded the contractions of this text.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 167
NPM. (1) : — 108. 14: irnaS hidres Sidres dwoligende under
•Saem hrofe eallra gesceafta = 93. 78 : sed circa ipsam rerum
sum mam uerticemque deficiunt nee in eo miseris contiugit
efFectus quod solum dies noctesque moliuntur.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
substantive in the ablative (2) : —
NSM. (2) :— 8. 81&2 : wepende & gisciende = 3. 2 : fletibus.
4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds loosely to a
Latin substantive in the nominative (1) : —
NPM. (1) :— 74. 31 : dwoliende = 67. 9 : error etc.
5. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
adjective (2) : —
NSM. (2): — 8. 15: geomriende asungen haefde = 4. 2:
querimoniam lacrimabilem ; 8. 6 : ic sceal nu heofiende singan
= 3. 1 : flebilis.
6. The A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre-
spondence (9) : —
NSM. (9) : — 3. 7 : Hu B. hine singende gebsed ; singende
cwsfiS : 9. 29, 46. 2, 48. 22, 60. 27, 71. 4, 8. 5 {singend—),
73. 22 (singinde — ); 17. 14: sorgiende anforlete.
II. With an Object (0).
No example.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (10).
I. Without an Object (10).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (3) : —
GPM. and N. (2):— 11. 27, 281 : Ne me na ne lyst mid
glase geworhtra (or attrib. ?) waga ne heahsetla mid golde &
mid gimmum gerenodra= 19. 21 : ... comptos ebore ac uitro
parietes.
ASN. (1):— 133. 22: God seleS aegSer ge good ge yfel
gemenged = 112. 140: mixta.
168 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
absolute participle (1) : —
NS. F. or N. (1):— 91. 8: wuht . . . Se ungened lyste
forweorSan = 78. 45 : nullis cogenlibus.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
finite verb (1) : —
NSM. (1): — 46. 27: se nama mid feaum stafum awriten
= 47. 17 : signal nomen Uteris.
4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
adjective (1) : —
NP. F. or N. (1) : — 100. 22 : gesceafta hiora agnum willurn
ungenedde him waeren underSiodde = 83. 47 : uoluntaria
sponte.
5. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre-
spondence (4) : —
NSN. (1):— 131. 27: gemenged = 111. 96 (cf. 133. 22:
gemenged = 112. 140: mixta).
NPM. (2) :— 30. 25, 26 : Sonne sint hi Se pliolicran &
geswincfulran hcefd Sonne ncefd.
GPF. (1) :— 11. 28 : boca mid golde awritenra = 19. 21 (an
ap. ptc. occurs in the Latin of this sentence, but not correspond-
ing to awritenra).
II. With an Object (0).
No example.
GREGORY1 (82).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (58).
I. Without an Object. (56).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (9) : —
NSM. (2) : — 261. 11 : Se ilea suigende geSafode swingellan
= 1 96b ' : tacitus flagella toleravit ; 225. 22 ; Keahtigende =
1 70b : retractantes.
1 In this text a refers to the top and b to the bottom of the page.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 169
NSN. (1) : — 431. 18 : Swa bi$ -$a?t mod slozpende gewundad
swa hit ne gefret, ftonne etc. = 356a : Mens quippe a cura
suae sollicitudinis dormiens verberatur et non dolet, quia etc.
NPM. (3) : — 405. 31 : Ac $a hie wendon hfera bsec to him,
■Sa hi ofermodgiende his gebod forhogdon = 326a : superbiens
ejus jussa contemsit. — Other examples: — 259. 19: suigende
= 196a: taciti ; 171. 9: fturhwuniende = 126a: inhaerentes.
DSM. (2) : — 93. 9 : Hit is gecueden -Sset se sacerd scolde
sweltan, gif se sweg nsere of him gehiered ge inngcmgendum
ge utgongendum = 62b : Sacerd os nam que ingrediens vel egre-
diens moritur, se de eo sonitus non auditur.
ASM. (1):— 399. 14: Sio Segor geh aside Loth fleondne =
318a : Segor civitas, quae fugientem salvet infirmum.
Note. — In 159. 18 (ftset hi -Sonne gehieran ftreagende of
•Sses lariowes mu^e hu micle byrSenne hie habba-S on hiera
scyldum = HGa: ut cum culpa ab auctore non cognoscitur,
quanti sit ponderis, ab increpantis ore sentiatur) ^Sreagende, as
Cosijn suggests (vol. 2, p. 97), is doubtless used adverbially.
We should expect the genitive, ftreagendes, to agree with
lariowes. Compare the use of Kreatigende in 315. 23, etc.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
finite verb, which finite verb either is subordinate or is in
immediate connection with an appositive participle that has
been turned into an A.-S. finite verb (6) : —
NSM. (5) : — 93. 6 : Hit is awriten ftset he scolde inn-
gongende & utgongende beforan Gode to 'Sam halignessum
beon gehiered his sueg, -Sylses he swulte = 62b : Scriptum
quippe est : " Ut audiatur sonitus, quando ingreditur et egre-
ditur sanctuarium in conspectu Domini, et non moriatur." —
151. 24: he hit him -§eah suigende gessede = 110a: et hoc
ipsum tamen, quia tacuerit, dixit. [Just before this, however,
occurs tacens et quasi non videns]. — 369. 4 : siofgende cwse-S
= 286a : queritur dicens. — 315. 23: ftreatigende cwseS =
244a : redarguit dicens.
NPM. (1): — 215. 7: unwillende = 162a : quae non appe-
tunt.
170 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
gerund in the ablative (18) : —
' NSM. (13):— 101. 14: & eft bine selfne ofdune astig-
gende be cu$e geruetgian bis bieremo[n]num = 70a : quia
noverat eumdem se auditoribus condescendendo teraperare. —
379. 19 : ftaette be eac cigende & kerende o$re 'Sider tio &
laSige ftider be getogen bi3 = 294b : Ut . . . illuc etiam
clamando alios quo ipse rapitur trabat. — Other examples : —
27. 21 : geSaJiende = 8a : permittendo ; 127. 6: oliccende =
88b: demulcendo ; 49. 20 and 81. 10: sprecende = 26b and
54a : loquendo ; 123. 21 : stirende = 86a : corrigendo ; 127. 7 :
Krealigende = 88b : terrendo ; 383. 8 : ib. = 298a : incre-
pando; 295. 12 and 297. 15 : wandigende = 222b and 224b :
parcendo ; 81. 11: ivyrcende = 54a : osfendendo.
NSN. (1) :— 433. 6 : Suet is 3«et bit [== mod] «a gedonan
unbeawas sivincende gebete, & ba ungedonan foreboncelice
becierre = 358a : ut et praesentia laborando subjiciat, et
contra futura certamina prospiciendo convalescat.
NPM. (4):— 439. 15: -Saet hi ongiten fecdlende "Sset hie
ser hiora agnes Nonces ne stodon = 364b : et cadendo discunt
non fuisse propria m quod steteriint. — Other examples : — 91.
22: hlydende = 62a : clamando; 345. 22: ofermodgiende =
266b : superbiendo ; 101. 21: upsceawiende = 70a: contem-
plando.
4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
gerund in the genitive (1) : —
NPM. (1):— 191. 4: Sset hie wel libben[de] gode bisene
astellen 'Saem "Se him underSiedde sien = 142a: discant . . .
isti quomodo etiam commissis sibi exempla bene vivendi
exterius praebeant.
5. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
prepositional phrase (7) : —
NSM. (4) :— 397. 27, 28 : Ne cwe"So ic no ^set Kset ic jer
cwae-5 bebeodende, ac Imrende & geSajigende = 31 6a : Hoc
autem dico secundum indulgentiam non secundum imperium;
253. 6 : geomriende = 192* : in dolore.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 171
NSN. (1) :— 417. 1 1 : geKafigende = 338b : ex deliberatione.
NPM. (2) : — 415. 6 : Wuton cuman 8er his dome andet-
tende (or pred. ?) = 336a: Praeveniamus faciem Domini in
confessione ; 123. 16: weaxamde = 286a : ad inter Hum.
6. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
substantive in the ablative of manner or of means (6) : —
NSM. (4): — 415. 18: & he Sa hi svva unrote oleccende
to him geloccode = 336b : tristemque blanditiis delinivit. —
Other examples: — 53. 16: egesiende — 30a : terroribus ; 53.
16 : hiertende = 30a : favor ibus ; 379. 23 : hreowsigende =
294b : magua voce pcenitentiae.
NPM. (2) : — 185. 7 : is cynn Ssette we for hira modes hselo
olicende hi on smyltnesse gebringen mid ure spraece = 138* :
dignum est, ut ad salutem mentis quasi dulcedine citharae
locutionis nostrae tranquilitate revocetur; 117. 17: suigende
= 82a : tacita cogitatione.
7. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
adverb (1) : —
NPM. (1) : — 381. 25 : ... Godes Segnas, $a Se unwandi-
ende Sara scyldegena gyltas ofslogen = 296b : qui delinquen-
tium scelera incunctanter ferirent (or pure adverb?).
8. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
infinitive (3) : —
NSM. (2) : — 403. 6 : ForSsem se fte hine selfne maran
godes behset, & Sonne forlaet 3a maran god, & went hine to
Ssem lsessum, Sonne bi$ hit swutol Sset he bift fromlociende
oferswi"Sed = 322a : Iui igitur fortiori studio intenderat, retro
convincitur respicere, si relictis amplioribus bonis adminima
retorquetur. — 61. 3 : Se Isece biS micles to beald & to scom-
leas Se gseS asfter oSra monna husum lozenigende (or pred.?),
& hsefS on his agnum nebbe opene wunde unlacnode = 36a :
Si ergo adhuc in ejus opere passiones vivunt, qua prresumtione
percussum mederi proprat, qui in facie vulnus portat?
NPM. (1):— 297. 4: Sua, -Sonne Sonne hatheortan hie
mid nane foreSonce nyllaS gestillan, ac sua wedende folgiaS
hwam sua sua Assael dyde ^fnere, & naefre nyllaS gesuican,
172 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
•Sonne is micel -Searf etc. = 224a : Sed cum iracundi nulla
consideratione se mitigant, et quasi Asael persequi et insanire
non cessant ; necesse est etc.
9. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
substantive in the nominative (1) : —
NSM. (1): — 207. 22: ForSaern he sprsec "Sas word $e he
wolde 'Sara scamleasna scylda tcelende geopenian == 156a: ut
et illorum culpas increpatio dura detegeret.
10. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre-
spondence (3) : —
NSM. (3) : — 185. 9 : seresft mon sceal sprecan asciende. —
153. 5 : Ac Sonne se lareow ieldende seeS ftone timan etc. —
39. 16 : suigende he cwarS.
II. With an Object (2).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (1) : —
NSM. (1) :— 99. 4 : & Ssette hie [Cotton MS. : he] sua hea-
licra "Singa wilnigende ne forsio his niehstan untrume & scyldige
= 68a : ne aut altapetens proximorum infirma despiciat.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
gerund in the ablative (1) : —
NPM. (1) : — 171. 13: ©set is "Sonne $set mon -Sa earce
bere on "Saem saglum, ftsette "Sa godan lareowas "Sa halgan
gesomnunge Icerende $a niwan & $a ungeleaffullan mod mid
hire lare gelsede [sic/] to ryhturn geleafan = 126a: Vectibus
quippe arcam portare, est bonis doctoribus sanctam Ecclesiam
ad rudes infidelium mentes praedicando deducere. [Cotton
MS. has beofo Icerende.]
B.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (24).
I. Without an Object (23).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (11) : —
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 173
NSM. (4) : — 443. 22 : Ac 3a he swa gebreged on eorftan
feoll, & acsode, & cwseft etc. = 370.b Nam cum prostratus,
requireret, dicens. — Other examples : — 135. 23 : gehefegad and
ofersutiSed = 96b : victam ; 51 . 1 : unchvnsod = 26 b : non
purgatus.
NPF. (1): — 153. 1: Ac monige scylda openlice witene
beoS to forberanne = 110a: Nonnulla autem vel aperte cog-
nita, mature toleranda sunt.
NPN. (2) : — 245. 8 : Hwset getacniaS -Sonne 3a truman
ceastra butan hwurfulu mod, getrymedu and ymbtrymedu mid
lytelicre ]adunge?= 184b: Quid enim per civitates munitas
exprimitur, nisi suspectae mentes et fallaci semper defensione
circumdatae f
DPM. or N. (1): — 155. 10: Sonne he ongiet be sumum
■Singum oSSe Seawum utanne odiewdum eail 3a?t hie innan
•Sencea-S = 112a : qui discussis quibusdam signis exterius
apparentibus ita corda subditorum penetrat ut etc.
ASM. (2) : — 383. 32 : gif mon on niwne we[a]ll unadru-
godne & unastv&odne micelne hrof & hefigne onsett, Sonne
etc. = 300a : quod structuris recentibus necdum solidatis si
tignorum pondus superponitur etc.
ASN. (1):— 403. 20: "Sget hi hit huru tobrocen gebeten =
322b : bona . . . saltern scissa resarciant.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
prepositional phrase (2) : —
NPM. (1) :— 227. 25: Se . . . gefeohtaS & eft innan hira
burgum f»ste belocene Surh hiera giemelieste hie Ia3ta3 ge-
bindan = 172b: qui victores sunt, sed per negligentiam
postmodum intra urbis daustra capiuntur.
NPF. (1): — 407. 30: forSsem gif hie geSenceaft Sara
gessel^a 3e him uvgeendode sefter Sasm geswincum becuman
sculon = 328a : Si enim attendatur felicitas quae sine transitu
attingitur.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
ablative of manner or of cause (1) : —
3
174 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
NPM. (1) : — 435. 2 : gif hi ferlecor syngoden unbeftohte =
360a : si in his sola prcecipitatione cecidissent.
4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
dative of cause (1 ) : —
NPM. (1):— 109. 23: Hie sculon forSy ofdrced[de] . . .
licgean astreahte etc. = 76a : quia videlicet etc. ex ea debent
etiara formidini jacere substrati.
5. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
adverb (2) : —
NPM. (2): — 117. 23: ... sua ... sua we for monnum
orsorglicor ungewitnode syngiaS = 82a : Tanto . . . quanto
apud homines inulte peccarnus. — 137. 19: Ungeniedde, mid
eowrum agenum willau, ge sculon ftencean = 98b : non coade,
sed spontanee etc. [Or are both pure adverbs?].
6. An A.-S. appositive participle loosely corresponds to a
Latin substantive in the nominative (2) : —
NPM. (2):— 302. 10: unmidlode and aKundene = 228b :
effrenatio etc.
7. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
adjective (2) : —
NSM. (2) : — 227. 21 : & he -Sonne sua gebunden . . . sargaft
etc. = 172b: ut plerumque vir patiens . . . captivus erube-
scat; 317. 12: unge&ingod = 244b : repentina (or pure ad-
verb ?).
8. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre-
spondence (2) : —
NPM. (1): — 105. 1: . . . clrenran ftonne hie . . . wseren,
mid -Seem tearum -Sara gebeda afiwcegen.
DPF. (1) :— 343. 8 : sehtum gereafodu[m~\.
II. With an Object (1).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
substantive in the accusative (1) : —
ASM. (1):— 197. 20: hit no gedsefenlic nsere $8et hie
slogon Gode gehalgodne kyning = 148a : fregit eos responsi-
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 175
onibus, quia manum mittere in Christum Domini non deberet
(or attrib. ?).
OROSIUS1 (21).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (16).
I. Without an Object (14).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (4) : —
NSM. (2) :— 200. 32 : he him wepende (Ssere bene) ge-
tyg'Sade, for $on -be (he) sceolde Italiam forlsetan = 201. 30 :
flens reliquit Italiam ; 240. 9 : ivepende maeude fta unare =
241. 8 : deplorans injurias.
NSF. (2) :— 12. 32, 33 : & Sonne forS Sonan west irnende
heo toli3 on twa ymb an igland -3e mon hset Meroen, & -Sonan
norb bugende ut on bone Wendelsse = 13. 20, 22 : deinde diu
ad occasum profluens, faciensque insulam nomine Meroen in
medio sui : novissime ad septentrionem inflexus . . . plana
.iEgypti rigat.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
substantive (2) : —
NSM. or N. (2) :— 166. 17, 18 : segSer ge he(self) wepende
hamweard for, ge ftset folc Saet him ongean com, eall hit him
wepende hamweard folgade = 167. 8 : ... ad cujus conspec-
tum plangentium junguntur agmina.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
adjective (2) : —
NSM. (2) : — 294. 1 1 : hiene si'S^an mid rapum be -Seeni
sweoran up aheng, gelicost ftsern $e he hiene self(ne) unwitende
hsefde awierged = 295. 8 : strangulatus, atque ut voluntariam
sibi conscivisse mortem putaretur, laqueo suspensus est (notice
the mistranslation) ; 40. 18 : fieonde = 41. 16 : profugum.
4. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin correspond-
ence (6) : —
176 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
NSM. (4) :— 178. 24 : searigende ; unwitende : 248. 14, 250.
12; 140. 7: ivitende.
ASM. (1) :— 258. 12 : slcependne.
APM. (1):— 200. 21 : fleonde.
II. With an Object (2).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (1) : —
NPM. (1) : — 32. 21 : geforan RoSum 3set igland, ivilniende
•Saet hi selcum gewiune oftflogen hsefdon = 33. 19: credentes
quod se . . . abstraherent, Rhodutn insulam . . . ceperunt.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre-
spondence (1) : —
NSM. (1) : — 52. 27 : sona $8es folces ftone msestan dsel
fleonde mid ealle forlsedde \dcel seems to be the object of
forlcedde as well as of fleonde].
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (5).
I. Without an Object (5).
1. Au A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (2) : —
NPF. (1) : — 14. 18 : -Sees landes is xliii [sic] Seoda, wide
tosetene for unwsestmbsernesse 'Sees londes = 15. 20 : gentes
sunt quadraginta duae, propter terrarum infsecundam diffu-
sionem late oberrantes.
ASN. (1): — 168. 14: swa he hit him eft ham bebead on
anum brede awriten etc. = 169. 10: . . . per tabel las scriptas
etc.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
prepositional phrase (1): —
DPF. & M. (1):— 88. 13: ^Efter Ssem wass an ger full
ftiet ofer eall Romana rice seo eorSe wtes cwaciende & berstende
& alee dsege mon com unarimedlice oft to (-(Saem) senatum, &
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANC4LO-SAXON. 177
him ssedon from burgum & from tunum on eorSan besuncen =
89. 10 : Per totum fere annum tarn crebri, tamque etiam
graves in Italia terrae-motus fuerunt, ut de innumeris quassa-
tionibus ac minis villarum oppidorurnque assiduis Roma
nuntiis fatigaretur.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corres-
pondence (2) : —
NPM. (2): — 92. 30: bewopene; 250. 14: ungeniedde.
II. With an Object (0).
No example.
PSALMS, THORPE (24).
A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (20).
I. Without an Object (7).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (1) : —
NSM. (1) : — 17. 3 : herigende ic clypige to Se, Drihten =
laudans invocabo Dominum.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
prepositional phrase (1) : —
NSM. (1) : — 50 Int. (= Introduction) : hreowsiende =.
Bruce 93 : Sub occasione poenitentiae.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
gerund in the genitive (2) : —
NSM. (2): — 34 Int.142: ma ivitgiende, 3onne wyrgende
oS3e wilniende = Bruce 86 : non malevolentia optandi, sed
praescientia prophetandi.
4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
substantive in the ablative (1) : —
NSM. (1) : — 34 Int.3 : wyrgende = Bruce 86 : malevolentia.
5. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre-
spondence (2) : —
NSM. (2) : — 30 Int. : gebiddende to ; 5.7: hopiende to.
178 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
II. With an Object (13).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
absolute clause (1) : —
NSM. (1) :— 38 Int. : — seofigende = Bruce 87 : Angentibus
. . . moeroribus.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
adverbial phrase (1) : —
NSM. (1) :— 34 Int. : siojigende = Bruce 85 : Occasione
cerumnarum suarum.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin equiva-
lent (11) :—
NSM. (11): — 37 Int.: andettende ; 28 Int.: bebeodende;
33 Int. : gehatende ; 39 Int. : gylpende; 32 Int. : herigende
(cf. 17. 3, where herigende = laudans) ; 47 Int. : mycliende ;
37 Int. : seofigende, ib. 43 Int. ; 32 Int. : ftanciende, ib. 45
Int. ; 31 Int. : wundriende.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (4).
I. Without an Object (4).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (2) : —
APF. (2) : — 44. 15 : beslepte and gegyrede = circumamicta.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
prepositional phrase (1) : —
ASN. (1) : — 20. 3 : astcened = de lapide.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
adjective (1) : —
DSN. (1) : — 41 Int. : folce gehceftum etc. = Bruce 89 : po-
pulus captivus etc.
II. With an Object (0).
No example.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 179
THE CHRONICLE* (46).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (13).
I. Without an Object (9).
NSM. (2):— 1097 Ea&b (p. 233b) : Da uppon sancte
Michaeles maessan iiii°N° October setywde an selcuft steorra
on sefen scynende & sona to setle gangende (or pred. ?).
NPM. (7):— 1069Da'b-c (p. 204m) : & heora com Saer
togenes Eadgar cild & WaldSeof eorl & Mserleswegen &
Gospatric eorl mid NorSymbrum & ealle 3a land leoden
ridende & gangende (or both pred.?) mid unmsetan here
swrSe fcegengende & swa ealle anrsedlice to Eoferwic foron. —
1075 Dab (p. 210m) : ac he sylf & his ferestan menn ferdon
eft ongean to Scotlande, sume hreowlice on fotan gangende &
sume earmlice ridende (or both pred.?). — 1123 E (p. 251'):
& riden "Seer sprecende (or pred. ?). Da aseh dune se biscop
etc. — 1086 Ea (p. 21 8b) : & twegen halige menn 3e hyrsu-
medon Gode on ancersettle wuniende ftser wseron forbearnde.
II. With an Object (4).
NSM. (1) :— 1087 E (p. 223m) : Das Sing geseonde se
arwurfta biscop Wlstan wearS swiSe gedrefed on his mode.
NPM. (1) : — 1083 E : & sume crupon under & gyrne
cleopedon to Gode, his miltse biddende.
ASN. (2) :— 656 Eb (p. 33fc) : seo papa seonde $a his writ,
•Sus cwceftend: Ic Uitalianus papa etc. — Cf. 675 E (p. 35b) :
And seo papa seonde $a his ge write to Englalande, "3 us
cweftende.
Note: Latin Participles in The Chronicle. — Several instances
of a Latin appositive participle occur in the Chronicle but are
not translated into A. -S. : 431 E : apparens; 625 E : constans.
*The superior letters outside the parenthesis distinguish the several
examples of the same year ; those inside the parenthesis are explained by
Plummer.
180 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
B.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (33).
1. Without an Object (33).
NSM. (12):— 1104 E (p. 2391): on 5am Tiwsesdsege "Seer
setter retywdan feower circulas to Sam middrege onbutan
•Saere sunnan Invites hivves, selc under oSran gcbroiden
swylce hi gemette vvseron. — 50 F : Her Paulus gebunden
wearS gesend to Rome (or pred. ?). — 755 F : & Sibertes
broSer, Cynehard gehaten, ofsloh Cynewulf on Merantune.
So: 604 A (or pred.?), 777 E, 1 130* E.— -Other examples:—
1118 E and 1127 Eb: gewundod ; 1154 E: luued (or post-
positive attrib. ?); 3 A: ofsticod; 1086 Eb: ungederad (or
pred. ?) ; 1048 E : unswican (or pred. ?).
NSN. (1):— 1127Ea (p. 256b): Saar wses se Scotte kyng
Dauid & eall fta heaued leered <& laauued 'Sset wses on Engle-
land. [May be considered plural as by Plummer.]
NPM. (15):— 1066 Da-b-° (p. 199m): Sa Engliscan hi
hindan hetelice slogon o^ 'Sset hig sume to scype coman,
sume adruncen & sume e&cforbcernde & swa mislice/or/wmie,
ftset ftser wses lyt to lafe. — Other examples : — gehadode :
995 F, 1012 E, 1095 E, 1102 E; 449 A : geleaXade; 1083
Ea: gewepnede (or pred.?); hadode: 1014 E, 1023 D, 1046 E
(manig mann Sserto ge hadode ge lsewede) ; 1096 E : hunger-
bitene ; 911 A: unbefohtenene (or pred.?); 1070 E : wep-
node.
GSM. (1) : — 1100 E (p. 235b) : selces mannes gehadodes &
laewedes.
GPM. (1) :— 656 Ea (p. 29b): be his broSre rad . . . & be
al his gewiten read, leered & lawed, 'Se on his kynerice wseron.
DSM. (1):— 1053CC: se Wulfwi feng to Sam biscoprice
"Se Ulf hrefde be him libbendum & ofadrcefdum.
ASN. (2) : — 992 EaAb : & "Sset scip genamon eall gevmpnod
& gewcedod.
II. With an Object (0).
No example.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 181
Note. — As the examples show, in many instances the parti-
ciples (both present and preterite) above cited from the
Chronicle are in immediate juxtaposition with intransitive
verbs like oetiewan and far an ; hence even more examples
than those queried may be predicative rather than appositive.
THE LAWS (19).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (4).
I. Without an Object (3).
ASM. (1) : — Ine, c. 35 : Se $e beof slihb, he mot abe ge-
cySau, 3set he hine fleondne for beof sloge.
ASN. (2):— Cnut n., c. 24, Int,a&b: nan Singe . . . ne
libbende ne licgende.
Note: Accusative Compounds. — Three accusative-compound
participles occur in the Laws : — Ine, c. -15 : Burg-bryce mon
sceal betan . . . gesibcundes monnes kmdhcebbendes xxxv ;
and Ine, c. 51a&b: Gif gesibcund mon landagende forsitte
fierd, geselle cxx scill. and ftolie his landes ; unlandagende
lx scill. As the examples show, however, the participles are
used attributively rather than appositively.
II. With an Object (1).
NSM. (1) : — Wihtrsed, c. 18 : Preost hine clsensie sylfa3s
sobe, in his halgurn hraegle aetforan wiofode, bus cweftende:
" Ueritatem dico Christo, non mentior."
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (15).
I. Without an Object (15).
NSM. (1): — Ine, c. 39: Gif hwa fare unaliefed fram his
hlaforde (MS. B. has unalyfede, which is perhaps a pure
adverb).
182 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
NSN. (2) :— Cnut IL, c. 71, § 4a&b : twa hors, I. gesadelod
and ofter ungesadelod.
NPM. (2) :— iEthelred VII., Appendix, § 7 : ealle . . . ge-
hadode and lsewede ; Wihtrsed, c. 4 : ungestrodyne.
NPN. (4) :— Cnut il, c. 71, Introduction : $aet syndon
viii. hors, IV. gesadelode & IV. unsadelode. — So gesadelode
and unsadelode in Cnut II., c. 71, § la&b.
GPM. (1) :— Eadraund IL, Introduction : mid minra witena
geSeahte, ge hadedra ge lsewedra.
DSM. (2):— Ine, c. 18, title: Be cirliscura Seofe gefonge-
num ; Ine, c. 20, title : Be feorran cumenum men butan wege
gemetton [MS. H. : gemetturri].
DSN. (2) :— Alfred, c. 10, title : Be twelfhyndes monnes
wife forlegenum; iElfred, c. 9, title: Be bearneacnum wife
ofsloegenum [MS. B : Be Sam Sset man ofslea wif mid cilde].
ASM (1):— Alfred, c. 35, § 4 : Gif he hine to preoste
bescire unbundenne.
II. With an Object (0).
No example.
BENEDICT1 (72).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (63).
I. Without an Object (25).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (12) : —
NSM. (3) :— 2. 18 : and «us acsiende cwy$ = 4. 21 : Et
quaerens Dominus . . . iterum dicit. — Other examples : —
47. 16: arisende =88. 17: surgentes ; 52. 9: wuniende mid
upaliefednesse = 98. 2 : elatus.
NPM. (9) : — 47. 12 : hy butan elcunge arisende caflice
gehwylc o^erne forestseppe and to "Sam Godes weorce efste =
88. 13 : absque mora surgentes festinent. — Other examples : —
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 183
62. 15b: drincende = 118. 2: bibentibus ; 62. 15a: etende =
118. 1: comedentibus ; 134. 17*: libbende = 231. 8: mcfi-
to?i^s; 135. 23b*: sittende = 231. 36: seeZewtes; 138. 2*:
Kurhwuniende = 233. 22 : persistentes ; louniende (fram) =
remoti, 134. 18* = 231. 11 ; = stantes, 135. 23a* = 231. 35 ;
137. 14* : wyrcende = 233. 6 : operantes.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
finite verb, which finite verb is usually subordinate or in
immediate connection with an appositive participle (3) : —
NSM. (2):— 133. 13: Swa hwylc swa onettende efst to
■Sam heofonlican eSle, gefreme aerest = 206. 11 : Quisquis
ergo ad patriam ccelestem festinas . . . perfice ; 68. 14 : hreou-
sigende = 128. 20 : pceniteat.
NPM. (1): — 68. 21: wen is, Saet sume o$$e sleaclice
lagon and slepon, ofrSe sittende mid idelre spel lunge deofle to
micelne forwyrdes intingan gesealden = 130. 4 : erit forte
talis qui se aut recollocet et dormiat, aut certe sedeat sibi
foris, vel fabulis vacet, et detur occasio maligno.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
ablative of manner or of means (1) : —
NSM. (1) : — 71. 7 : butan he -Sserrihte beforan eallum hine
dcedbetende geeaSmede^ 134. 15 : nisi satisfadione ibi coram
omnibus humiliatus fuerit.
4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
adjective (1) : —
NPM. (1) : — 9. 23 : sefre unstaftolfseste and woriende =
16. 9 : semper vagi et numquam stabiles.
5. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
prepositional phrase (1) : —
NPM. (1): — 9. 7: geleornia-S Sset hie anstandonde . . .
ongean deofol . . . winnan magan = 14. 4 : et beni instructi
. . . jam sine consolatione alterius . . . contra vitia pugnare
sufficiunt.
*A11 starred references are to the Appendix of Benedict1.
184 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
6. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre-
spondence (7) : —
NSM. (4) :— 31. 14 : geomriende clypude = 58. 13 ; 24. 6 :
smeagende gehealde = 46. 24; 4. 15c: tremegende= 8. 21 ;
60. 1 : cwe'Se . . . "Sanciende = 112. 3.
NPM. (3) :— 132. 1 : betende = 204. 3 ; 2. 10 : elciende =
4. 15; 135. 6: swindende = 231. 20.
II. With an Object (38).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (25) : —
NSM (11): — 22. 15: wiS <5one unSeaw hine bewarode se
witega, 5us cweftende = 44. 16 : quod se cavere Propheta in-
dicat, dicens. — So civeftende = dicens : 4. 7 = 8. 13 ; 24. 14 =
48. 7. — Other examples : 26. 14 : geefenlcecende = 52. 5 :
imitans ; 4. 15: gefyllende = 8. 21 : complens ; gehyrende —
audiens, 2. 19 = 4. 25, 15. 6 = 26. 17 ; 30. 3 : healdende =
56. 19: habens; 27. 2: ne Icetende = 52. 10: sustinens ; 54.
9: ondrcedende = 100. 14: timens ; 4. 15a : wyrcende = 8.
21 : complens.
NSF. (1) : — 2. 9 : sio godcunde stefn myngaS and clypa$,
$us cweftende = 4. 14 : divina quotidie damans quid nos ad-
moneat vox dicens.
NSN. (3) : — 25. 12 : Be $am halig gewrit rnona$, Sus cwe-
^ende = 50. 9 : Unde Scriptura praecipit, dicens. — So cweftende
= dicens, 27. 19 = 54. 2, 28. 15 = 54. 14.
NPM. (10) : — 64. 13 : we fteah manna untrumnesse and
tydernesse besceawiende gelyfaS, $set etc. = 122. 5: Tamen
infirmorum contuentes imbecillitatem, credimus. — Other ex-
amples : 134. 24* : ascyriende = 231. 16 : remoti ; 135. 27* :
begytende = 232. 2 : captantes ; 59. 21 : bitddende = 112. 2 :
postulantes ; 4.3: clipiende = 8. 10 : dicentes ; 70.7: clypi-
ende = 132. 14 : dicens ; 3. 14 : cweftende = 6. 17 : dicentes ;
11.8: forhogiende = 18. 21 : contemnentes ; 27. 22 : gefyllende
= 54. 5 : adimplentes ; 87. 5 : secgende = 154. 7 : dicens.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 185
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
finite verb, which finite verb generally is subordinate or is in
immediate connection with an appositive participle (7) : —
NSM. (6) : — 25. 10 : clypiende = 50. 3 : elicit; cweftende =
dicat, 11.6 = 18. 18, 26. 2 = 50. 20 ; ib. = ait, 21.9 = 42.
8 ; ib. = dicit, 51. 14 = 96. 9 ; ib. = dicant, 82. 24 (Wells
Fragment) = 1 52. 5.
NSN. (1) :— 22. 10 : clypiende = 44. 12 : clamed.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
prepositional phrase (1) : —
NPM. (1) : — 134. 13* : Se . . . westestowa and selsetu and
anwunung gelufiaft geejenlcecende Elian etc. = 231. 6: ad,
imitationem scilicet Eliae.
4. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin equiva-
lent (5) :—
NSM. (2) :— 4. 10 : clypiende = 8. 16 ; 101. 6 : fcestniende
= 166. 16.
NPM. (3): — 131. 15: awyrpende (MS. F. : awyrpen) =
204. 1 ; 6. 1 : geefenlcecende =12. 2 ; 138. 8 : Kicggende =
233. 27.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (9).
I. Without an Object (8).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (2) : —
NSM. (2):— 2. 3: gegremed = 4. 6: irritatus ; 28. 2:
geondead = angaritia : 7. 54.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
gerundive (1) : —
NSM. (1); — 34. 2: Eefter bam fylige capitel of -Ssera
apostola lare gemyndelice butan bee gesced = 64. 7 : Lectio
sequatur, ex corde recitanda.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
adjective (2) : —
186 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
NPM. (2) : — 44. 22aib : eala 'Seer we asolcene and aivacode
on anre wucan gelsesten = 82. 26: quod nos tepidi utinam
septimana integra persolvamus.
4. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin equiva-
lent (3) :—
NSM. (1) :— 28. 6 : geneadod = 54. 9 (cf. 28. 2, where
geneadod = angariati).
NPM. (2):— 11. 16a&b: getrymede and anbryrde = 20. 5.
II. With an Object (1).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (1) : —
DPM. (1) : — 25. 16 : and nu fram -8am englum us betceh-
tum ure weorc . . . beoft gebodude = 50. 13 : et ab Angelis
nobis deputatis . . . opera nostra nuntiantur.
THE BLICKLING HOMILIES (52).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (36).
I. Without an Object (27).
NSM. (10) : — 235. 12 : Ond 3us cweftende se halga Andreas
asette his heafod ofer senne his discipula & he onslep. — Other
examples : — 133. 17 : cumende; 193. 8 : dwolgende ; 249. 20 :
efstende (or pred. ?) ; 113. 29 : gnomgende (by Flamme classed
as pred. (§ 169), by Morris translated as appos.) ; 179. 20:
leogende; loeiende: 229. 28, 245. 8a, 245. 16; 231. 9 : %urh-
wunigende.
NSF. (5): — 5. 8a&b: Gehyron we nu to hwylcum gemete
seo arwyrSe fsemne & seo halige, on hire cantice gefeonde and
blissigende, sang & $us cwseS. — 7.16: ^set Maria . . . smeade
& swigende -Sohte hwset seo halettung waere. [Flamme (§ 169.
2) classes swigende as pred. ; but Morris correctly translates :
"and silently considered." Swigende may be considered an
adverb.] 249. la * b : hrymende, wepende.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 187
NSN. (1) : — 199. 17 : Da wses he mid yrre swrSlice onstyred,
forSon "Se hit [= hrySser] swa wedende eode, & swa ofer-
modlice ferde. [Flamme (§ 169) classes wedende as pred. ; but
Morris correctly translates : " because it had gone about so
madly and had behaved so arrogantly." Clearly wedende is
coordinate with ofermodlice, and may like it be classed as an
adverb.]
NPM. (5) : — 225. 17 : cuma'S arisende wulfas, todrifaS "Sine
heorde. — Other examples: — gefeonde: 201. 10, 203.2 (or
pred. ?), 207. 8 (or pred. ?) ; 239. 27 : ingangende.
NPN. (1) : — 243. 5: and ingangende on %set carcern hie
[= -Sa deoflu] gestodon on gesilrSe -Sees eadigan Andreas.
DSM. (2):— 115. 18a : we him fleondum fylgeaS.— 245. 3 :
Bus gebiddende -§arn halgan Andrea Drihtnes stefn waes ge-
worden on Ebreisc, cweSende.
DPM. (2):— 171. lla&b: swa him Drihten Crist, eallum
rihtgelyfdum mannum wunigendum for his noman, & fturhwu-
niggendum in tintregum on so^re andetnesse o^ ende his lifes
untweogendlice, geheht & cwseft.
ASM. (1):— 115. 18b: & hine feallendne lufiaS.
II. With an Object (9).
NSM. (4) : — 239. 22 : he gesset be Sam swere anbidende
hwaet him gelimpan scolde (or pred. ?) ; 249. 17a&b: he ^aer
wunode mid him seofon dagas, Icerende and strangende hira
heortan on geleafan . . . Cristes. — 57. 7 : spiwende.
NSF. (2) :— cweKende : 229. 27, 245. 4.
NPM. (1) : — 133. 27 : Swylce is gecwedeu *Sa3t hie ealle on
yppan wunedon, Sonen bidende Sees Halgan Gastes.
NPN. (1) :— 243. 7 : hie [=$a deoflu] gestodon on gesihSe
•Sees eadigan Andreas, and hine bismriende mid myclere
bismre, and hie cwsedon.
ASM. (1) :— 215. 21 : cweZendne.
119213
188 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (16).
I. Without an Object (15).
NSM. (4):— 89. 34b: raSe he lifgende ut eode of his
byrgenne mid his agenre mihte aweht. — 87. 36 : & befealden
to Haelendes cneowura he cwse$. — Other examples : — 187.
28 : gebeagod ; 225. 33 : getrymed.
NSF. (1) : — 197. 20 : Donne is 3a?r on neaweste sum swiSe
maere burh betwih Ssere see seo is nemned Adriaticus on ftsetn
munte Garganus geseted se is haten Sepontus.
NPM. (5) :— 85. 9 : Hie $a swiSe forhte & abregde $us
cwsedou. — Other examples: — 221. 28°: gegyrede; 221. 28a :
gesceldode ; 221. 28b : gesperode ; 171. 28: geioeor&ode.
NPF. (1) : — 209. 36 : he geseah Sset on ftsern clife hangodan
on Seem is gean bearwum manige sweorte saula be heora
handuni gebundne. [Flamme (§ 174. 2) says this wavers
between appos. and pred.]
NPN. (1) : — 127. 33 : Swylce eac syndon on ^seremyclan
cirican ehta eagSyrelu swifte mycele of glsese geworht.
[Flamme (§ 173) thinks that geworht is possibly predica-
tive, but Morris translates it as appositive.]
ASM. (2) : — 11. 7 : ArweorSian we Crist on binne asetene;
181. 1 : beheafdodne.
APF. (1) : — 31. 20: 3as dseda $us gedone from Drihtne
(but the text is corrupt).
II. With an Object (1).
DSF. (1) : — 197. 6: se $e is on ealra ymbhwyrfte to
weorSieune & to wuldrienne his ciricean, gehweSer ge his
agen geweorc ge on his naman gehalgod (but the passage is
corrupt).
Note. — The text is too corrupt to construe aha/en in
115. 32.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 189
^ELFRIC'S HOMILIES,* THORPE (676).
A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (477).
I. Without an Object (203).
NSM. (90) : — II. 78b : se sceaSa on hine gelyfende his
synna geandette. So: i. 62bl; n. 130a6.— n. 132b142: se
biscop, scinende on . . . geearnungum and . . . geftineSutn, on
heofenan rice, mid $am iElm? Sc. on ecere blisse rixiende
wuldraS. So scinende: I. 466a ; II. 352a2, 502b1.— Other
examples: — i. 386a2: andbidigende ; I. 390b3: arisende; I.
226b: astigende; n. I36al : awegferende ; II. 176bl: bifi-
gende; blissigende: I. 340al&2, 58*0% 596a4i% II. 426a; II.
300bl: byrnende ; I. 51 6b : cnucigende; I. 124a: dcedbetende ;
drohtni(g)ende : I. 398b, n. 546bl; n. 82b: ehtende ; fcegnigende:
I. 596al, II. 312a3; ii. 442b: farende; feallende: I. 380b2,
S90h2;forhtigende: n. 40% 142b% 176b2; forSstceppende : i.
278a, 500a2, II. 90al; n. 360a: fundigende; II. 176b4: #e-
seonde; I. 56bl : gewitende; I. 410a: gyddigende ; II. 246al:
hajiligende; hangi(g)ende : I. 594al, 596b% II. 256% 260b ;
I. 380b3: hreosende; ir. 302a : hrymende (or pred. ?); n.
152bl: licgende ; II. 474b : lviim.de; lybbende: n. 152b%
364b% 500a2, 502b2; I. 54b : miltsigende; n. 182a2: <m&e-
seonde ; ir. 134a : plegende ; I. 294b : reordigende ; sittende:
i. 346a% 548% ii. 134b% 3S2bl; II. 500a x : smeagende ; n.
138a2: standende; suwi(g)ende : II. 230% 350a2; I. 480b :
sweltende ; I. 338b 2 : syngigende ; I. 596b": iihtende; truwi-
(g)ende: i. 2% II. 478al; I. 374a : -Seofende; II. 168a3:
ftrutigende ; ir. 204b x : fturhwunigende ; ir. 130a3: under-
fonde; ii. 140b3: unforhtigende ; II. 164b : wedende ; I. 52b ;
weiwillende (or adverb?); wepende: II. 134b; writende: n.
332b% 348al; wunigende: i. 134% 150a2&% 232% 326% 346a%
II. 142b3, 440% 498bl; I. 432a : yrsigende.
*The superior letters (a and 6) refer respectively to the top and the
bottom of the page; the superior figures distinguish the several examples.
4
190 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
NSF. (11): — I. 438b1*2: heo drohtnode gemsenelice mid
"5am apostolicum werode, injarende and uffarende betwux
him.— Other examples :— I. 98a2: donde; I. 146b : lybbende ;
I. 66bl: rarigende; i. 440al: smeagende; I. 564a2: utflo-
wende; wepende: I. 566bl, II. 146b; II. 434b : writende; II.
182b 4 : wunigende.
NSN. (7) :— i. 372b 2 : Dast folc $a mid anre stemne
clypigende cwaeS. So: i. 594b2. — Other examples: — I. 566b2 :
blissigende; II. 140a3: brcestligende ; II. 450b : hreosende ;
II. 142bl: sprecende; I. 296b : wunigende.
NS. M. or F. (2) :— i. 546b lk2: fyligde heap . . . manna . . .
fturhwumgende, to Criste gefteodende.
NS. F. or N. (1) : — I. 324bl : gecynd . . . wunigende.
NPM. (62):— I. 610a2&3: Sind eac sume steorran leoht-
beamede, faerlice arisende and hrasdlice gewitende. — i. 592b 1 * 2 :
"Sser ge symle blissia^, blowende and mid Criste rixigende.
So rixigende in I. 500b. — Other examples : I. 534b : bid-
dende ; blissigende: I. 56b4, 564a/ II. 258a: bugende ; I.
596b4: clypigende; II. 454al: cumende; I. 68b : dcedbelende;
drohtni(g)ende : I. 536b, II. 158b2, 296b2, 404a; dweligende:
I. 340\ ii. 124b; feallende: i. 38b, 560a2, n. 126b, 214%
236b, 246bl; n. 34a2: feohtende ; n. 334al : fleogende ; i.
352a : for^stceppende ; II. 130bl : gelyfende; I. 46b : hryrnende;
II. 138a3: licgende; I. 544b2: lutigende ; II. 130a4: lybbende;
miltsigende: I. 370a, 540b; I. 78b2: nv&erfeallende ; scinende:
ii. 136bl, 496a; I. 606b3: singende ; sprecende: II. 248b,
284a2; II. 136b2: stymende; II. 21 2b : suwigende; sweltende:
II. 34a3, 554a; I. 496b2: syngigende; I. 606bl: tcecende ; I.
606b2: tihtende; I. 84al: upaspringende ; I. 334b3: wcedli-
gende; wedende: I. 50bl, 470a, II. 232b; n. 454a2: wepende;
wunigende: I. 150a3, 228b2, 238a, 338a (cf. Abs. Ptc. inA.-S.,
p. 11), 406a2, 544 bl, 610b, n. 204b2; n. 236a : yrsigende.
NPN. (2) :— ii. 336a : Da deoflu feohtende scuton heora
fyrenan flan ongean fta sawle ; — n. 350b 3 : hlihhende.
NP. M. or N. (1) : — i. 60a x : weras and wif . . .fcegnigende.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 191
GPM. (2) : — i. 30b 2 : wearS gesewen micel raenigu heofon-
lices werodes God herigendra and singendra (or substan-
tive?). So: i. 38a2
DSM. (4) : — I. 494a : and clypigendum Drihtne to 'Sam
ecan life caflice geandwyrt (or Abs. ? Cf. Abs. Ptc. in A.S.,
p. 10). — i. 324b3 : to ftani geleaffullan heape, on $ysre worulde
wunigende. — Other examples : — I. 362a : cumendum (or Abs. ?
Cf.^L&s. Ptc,. inA.-S., p. 10); II. 180bl: ridendum.
DPM. (6) :— ii. 186b l & 2 : cySde his forSsrS on jer sumum
his leorning-cnihtum mid him drohtnigendum and sumum
o-Srum on fyrlenum stowum wunigendum. — Other examples: —
gelyfendum: I. 228b, n. 284a3; I. 440a2: onlociendum ; n.
284a 4 : sprecendum.
DDM. (1) : — ii. 1 72b 2 : ue seteowode ic inc bam slapendum f
ASM. (4) : — ii. 418a 3- 4- 5 : underfoh me nu behreowsiendne,
•Sone fte Su oS $is andigendne and tcelendne forbaere; I.
496bl: lutigm.de.
ASF. (2) : — i. 376a : se dry worhte $a serene naeddran,
styrigende swylce heo cucu wsere; II. 344a2: byrnende.
ASN. (2) :— ii. 508b l : cwseS Saet he hit [= Ireow] under-
fenge feallende to foldan. — II. 150a: licgende.
APM. (4):— ii. 246b4: feallende; I. 334bl: licgende; n.
154a: lybbende; II. 242b2: sittende.
APF. (2) :— ii. 350b l & 2 : «a deoflu geteddon fif manna
sawla, hreowlice gnorniende and grimetende, into 'Sam fyre.
2. With an Object (274).
NSM. (176) : — u. 142a : Da begann se wer dreorig wepan,
anftracigende -Sses ungelimpes. — II. 188a: stod sum arwurSe
wer mid . . . gyrlurn, axigende etc. — II. 164a2: Benedictus
. . . taehte him 3aes deed bote, bebeodende Saet etc. — I. 372bl: Se
apostol genealashte &m lice mid a^enedum earmum, -Sus
biddende. So: i. 126al, 418bl, 428al (w. gen.), 434b (ib.),
452» (ib.), 456b, 464bl, 598a3, n. 26a, 110b, 134b3, 138%
144b3, 180ba, 304a2, 304b, 418al, 498b2 (w. gen.), 504b2.— i.
192 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
62": Johannes beseah -Sus cweSende (cwctf&ende). So: I. 50b2,
66b3, 78bl&% 88b, 98al, 120a&% 124% 126a, 192b, 206a, 208%
222b, 242a, 264% 294% 314b, 324b2, 328a, 350b, 358al & 2, 364%
366a, 370a, 376b, 380a, 380bl, 390a, 390bl, 404b, 406al, 418b2,
430% 436b, 442b, 450a, 450b, 480a, 482a, 502b2, 510b2, 520a
(=dicens), 522a&% 530a, 534a, 538b\ 548% 550a2, 560b%
568a ' & 2, 568b 2, 570% 572b % 576% 596a % 600b \ 604b, 606a,
610a4; ii. 10% 12% 14%16%34a%52%62a% 72% 84a\ 112al&%
182b% 266% 288% 312b% 328% 384% 400a% 406% 414b% 418a%
428a% 428% 432% 464% 468a\ 538a, 542% 562% 576a.— Other
examples: — II. 540bl: belcewende ; bigende: II. 298% 408b ;
II. 184bl: blissigende; bodi(g)ende: I. 370b% 560a% n. ISO*1;
II. 414b 1 : bysmrigende (w. dat.) ; I. 48a : clypigende ; I. 66 a 2 :
ferigende ; II. 446b 2 : forbugende ; II. 130a 2 : forhogiende ; II.
168bl : forhtigende ; n. 352a 3 : fylgende (w. dat.) ; II. 41 8b 1 k 2 :
geefenlcecende ; I. 78a 2 : gehyrende ; n. 376b * & 2 : getacnigende ;
hcebbende: I. 126% 130a2; II. 432b : herigende ; Icerende: I.
370b2, 596a2; i. 400bl: liccetende; i. 600b2: manigmde; n.
320a : ofersceawigende ; II. 446b l : ondrcedende ; I. 508a :
onstandende (should be on standendef); reccende : II. 350a%
356b ; I. 388b : sawende (or pred.?); sceawi(g)ende : II. 32a%
120a 3 ; secende : i. 338b 1 (or pred. ?), n. 358a 2, 448a ; I. 596b 3 :
secgende ; I. 388al: secende; II. 138al: syngende; II. 334b :
smeagende ; II. 182a3; swerigende ; siouteligende : II. 400a%
466a ; ii. 540b 2 : teowde; i!iA^n<i« .- I. 528a % II. 328a ; II. 326b x :
todypigende ; todcelende : i. 322b (w. dat.), n. 338b, 344a l ; i.
106b : towurpende; II. I28b: fteoivigende (\v. dat.); ftreagende:
ii. 170% 256a2; i. 608al: undergynnende ; n. 346b2: wtftw-
^rencZe (w. gen.); writende: II. 272b3, 364b2; I. 572bl: wyr-
cende.
NSF. (16):— ii. 76b: Seo endlyfte tid bis seo forvverode
ealdnyss, 8am deafte genealcecende. — Other examples: — arozj-
ni(g)ende : I. 30b 3, 42b 1 & 2 ; biddende : I. 66h 2, 566a 2, II. 184a x ;
cu'eSende: I. 104% 194% 388a2, 426a% II. 42% 432b2; heorc-
nignxde: II. 438b (w. dat.), 440a2 (*&.).— I. 98a3: ondrsedende;
ii. 1 82b 3 : fteowigende.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 193
NSN. (8) : — ii. 578b : folc ham gewende, ftancigende -Seem
JElmihtigan ealra his goda. — Other examples : — biddende: I.
68a3, II. 140b2; cweSende: I. 200a, 594b3, n. 110a, 114a;
II. 256b : ftreagende.
NS. M. or N. (1) : — n. 342a : sang . . . cweftende etc.
NPM. (61): — I. 38a3: hi . . . godum mammm sibbe
bodedon, swutellice ceteowiende 3a?t etc. — Other examples : —
II. 200b : anbidigende (vv. gen.); II. 548a : andswariende ;
befrinende : I. 78a, 1 04a (= dicentes) ; biddende : I. 74a, 562b,
ii. 30b2, 160b2, 176a, 396b, 484a, 486b ; n. 252bl: bigende ;
bodigende: ii. 492bl; ii. 506a : clypigende ; cweftende: i.
4a, 64a, 68b2, 510bl (= dicentes), 538b4, 560b3, 596b5, n.
112a3, 172bl, 252b2, 300a, 484b, 488al; n. 168b2: cyKende;
II. 534b2: drincende ; II. 492b3: dweliende (or pred. ?); II.
534b 1 : etende ; I. 588b : ferigende ; I. 526a : gadrigende ;
II. 226b : geeuenlcecende ; I. 560a3: gehyrsumigende (vv. dat.);
I. 90a: hcebbende; healdende: I. 528a2, 538b3; herigende: I.
32a 2, 42b 4 ; II. 474a : leasetende (or pred. ?) ; mcersigende :
I. 544a2, ii. 194b; n. 248b2: meldigende ; n. 34al: oferswift-
ende; If. 490b2: onlihtende ; II. 248a : sleande ; I. 426bl:
swingende ; ftancigende (vv. dat. and gen.): I. 102a, 606b*, II.
272bl; Keowigende (vv. dat.): n. 70b, 310a; II. 250* l: wre-
gende ; vmldrigende : I. 32a, 42b3; II. 130s5: wundrigende (vv.
gen.) ; II. 490b l : wyrcende.
NPN. (4) : — -II. 56b : iEt Sam giftum waBron gesette six
staenene vvseterfatu, healdende senlipige twyfealde gemetu o$8e
•Sryfealde. — ii. 548a : stodon twa heofonlice werod setforan
"Saere cytan dura, singende heofonlicne sang (or pred.?); —
cweKende: n. 41 4b3, 41 6a2.
NP. M. or N. (1) : — I. 60a2 : weras and wif . . . cweftende.
GP. (2): — I. 30bl: wearS gesewen micel menigu heofon-
lices werodes God herigendra. So : I. 38a \
DPM. (1): — ii. 440bl: swa swa he behet eallum him
fteniendum.
APM. (4): — i. 334b2: Manega Lazaras ge habbaS nu
licgende set eowrum gatum, biddende eowre oferflowend-
194 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
nysse. So : n. 330*. — Other examples : — i. 28* : bodigende ;
I. 296* : cweSende.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (199).
I. Without an Object (194).
NSM. (94) : — H. 182al : he fta dearie ablicged aweg tengde.
— I. 10*: Beos -Srynnys is au God; -Sset is se Feeder and his
wisdom of him sylfum sefre acenned. So : I. 34b, 150* \ 222*,
278b 2, 464b 2, 500* \ n. 42b 3, 204b 3, 366*.— Other examples :—
II. 352* l: afylled; II. 510b : afyrht (or pred. ?) ; I. 550* x:
aha/en; ahangen: II. 598*, 606b ; astreht: I. 426b2, II. 186b3 ;
II. 332b3: aftelboren; I. 434* 2: awed; II. 254b : awend; I.
598b : aworpen ; n. 120*1: befangen ; I. 426* 2: befrinen ;
I. 56b 2: bewcefed ; II. 382b 3 : fornumen ; I. 66* * : forscyldigod ;
ii. 424* : fulfremed ; I. 594bl: gecebyligd ; I. 414b2: geanc-
sumod; II. 250* 2: gebolgen ; gebyld: II. 390b, 41 2b2; ye-
drefed: I. 414bl; II. 140* a: geflogen ; gefrcetewod: II. 118b;
II. 306* x: geftdlod; I. 52* 2: gefultumod; geglen(c)g(e)d : II.
512b2, 518b2; II. 130b2: gehadod; II. 244* : gehalgod; gehaten:
i. 502*, ii. 152* 2, 304* \ 308* x, 332b2, 348* 2, 412bl, 488* 2;
gehathyrt: ii. 374b, 424b; II. 250b2: gelcedd; gelaftod: I. 128*,
Ii. 54* ; II. 270b : geliffcest ; II. 250b x : gelogod ; gelyfed : II.
152* \ 332b4; I. 468b2: gemartyrod ; n. 158bl: gemenged ;
II. 348* 3: gemetegod; I. 588b : geneadod; II. 24b : geripod ;
II. 42b2: gesceapen; gescryd(d): I. 528b, 578b (or pred.?), n.
312b3, 382b2, 512bl; ^ese^) : I. 126*3, 130*1, 218*1; n. 234b :
gesworen; I. 428b : getogen; I. 614b : geftread ; II. 36b :
gefiungen; n. 51 6b2: gewceht; gewcepnod: I. 450b2, II. 334* 2,
502*; geworht: I. 278bl, II. 42bl; I. 426* T: gewreged; II.
518*: gewuldrod ; I. 52* x: oftorfod; II. 150b: onbryrd ; I.
290*: rihtgelyfed; II. 514*: toswollen; II. 372*: unabeden;
ii. 204* : : unbegunnen ; I. 428* 2 : ungeaxod ; II. 336b : wn-
gederod ; ii. 204* 2 : ungeendod.
NSF. (14):— ii. 546b3, 548* 1: Hire modor, Redempta
gehaten, stod hire ofer, micclum afyrht for "Sam heofonlican
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 195
leohte. So gehaten : n. 284a \ 306a 2, 584a.— Other examples :
— I. 446a : ahafen ; II. 58a : astreht ; I. 502b : aftrawen ; I.
60": awreht; II. 90a2 : fortredene; II. 138b2: gelaftod ; II.
308b : getintregod ; II. 498a : geworht ; n. 586b : ymbscryd
(or pred. ?).
NSN. (16):— I. 184bl&2: $a fif hlafas wseron swylce hit
seed waere, na on eorSan besawen, ac gemenigfykl fram "Sam -Se
eorSan geworhte. — Other examples: — II. 572a : afyrht; n.
494bl&2: ogoten; I. 352b : bedysed ; II. 140a2: bepceht ;
II. 326a2: forscyldgod ; II. 272b2: geblodgod ; gehaten: II.
312b2, 438a; I. 508b2: gescrydd ; I. 508bl: ^.se«; n. 510b3:
geftuht; II. 140bl: ofscamod; II. 510b2: toslopen.
NS. F. or N. (1) ; — I. 42b4 : gemynd . . . geswutelod.
KPM. (20): — i. 608a2: Saet we huru his genealaecendan
dom, mid mislicum swinglnm afcerede, ondreedon. — Other
examples : — n. 326b 2 : acennede ; I. 98a * : ascyrede ; asende :
I. 348al&2, 540a; I. 560b x : fordemde ; fornumene: II. 246b2,
348b; I. 84a2: forsodene ; I. 566al: gedrehte ; I. 298b : #e-
glengede; I. 504b : gelcerde ; I. 10a2: gesceapene ; I. 538b2:
gescrydde; II. 396b4 : gewcehte ; II. 246b3: gewcepnode ; I.
526b : gewrrSene ; I. 544b4: gewunode; I. 610al: teo/ii-
NPF. (3): — II. 174a: Twa mynecetma wseron droht-
nigende on gehendnysse his mynstres of arSelborenre msegfte
asprungene. — Other examples: — I. 366b : bepcehte ; II. 298a :
geendode.
NPN. (3) :— ii. 380a : deoflu, Se feollon to his fotum, mid
fyrhte fornumene (or pred.?). — n. 326al: comon cwelmbsere
deoflu swutellice gesewene, on sweartum hiwe, in to 'Sam
cilde. — ii. 354b : He befrau $a hwam Sa gebytlu gemynte
wseroiij swa maerlice getlmbrode.
GPM. (1) : — ii. 290a : gelaftunge gecorenra manna to $am
ecan life.
DSM. (2):— ii. 546a: G. awrat be sumum geSyldigan
were, Stephanus gehaten. — ii. 308a 2 : set foran "Sam casere,
Aurelianus genamod.
196 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
DSF. (2) : — ir. 494a : becomon to anre heafodbyrig, Suanir
gehaten; — ir. 546b2: be sumere mynecyne, Romula gehaten.
DPM. (1): — ir. 286a: Sume gecwemdon englum on heora
gesthusutn under jangenwnx burn cumliftnysse.
ASM. (21):— ii." 596bl,2-&3: Ic gelyfe on senne Crist,
Hselend Drihten, bone ancennedan Godes Snnu, of Sam Feeder
acenned aer ealle worulda, God of Gode, Leoht of Leohte,
Sobne God of Sobum Gode, acennedne na geworhtne. So
acennedne: I. 198a. — n. 168al : asende his swurdboran, Riggo
gehaten {sic!). So gehaten = an accusative: n. 358al, 468a2
(=eo nomine), 480b, 492b2. — n. 162bl: asende him senne
focan to lace mid attre gemencged. — Other examples : — II.
112b: befangenne ; n. 598b 2 : forlorenne ; II. 9 2a : for ftrcestne ;
II. 280a : gebrcedne ; n. 252a : gecigedne ; II. 1 20a 2 : geende-
byrdne ; I. 210a: gefreatewodne ; I. 330b : geglencgedne ; II.
416b2: gehceftne; gescrydne: n. 168a2, 500b.
ASF. (2): — ii. 182b2: se halga wer hsefde ane swustor,
Scolastica gehaten; n. 124a: afandode.
ASN. (7): — ii. 264a2: Ne ete ge of &ra lambe nan $ing
hreaw, ne on waetere gesoden, ac gebrazd to fyre. So gesoden :
ii. 278b1.— Other examples :— n. 260b2: gedeced ; II. 198b:
gefadod ; I. 42a 2 : gehalgod ; I. 1 34b : gelacod ; I. 42a 1 : ge-
wemmed.
APM. (3):— ii. 516bl: oS5e hwam betadhst bu us nu
forlaitenef — Other examples: — II. 486bl: g edr elite ; I. 568bl:
gescrydde.
APF. (3) : — i. 68a l & 2 : ge begeaton eow 'Seosterfulle wu-
nunga mid dracum afyllede, and . . . mid . . . witum afyllede. —
i. 506a : Da gesawon hi setforan Ssere cyrcan norSdura, on
5am marmanstane, swilce mannes fotla^sta fsestlice on bam
stane geftyde. [Though Sweet and others give fotlmst as
masculine only, it seems to be feminine here. See, too,
i. 508a.]
APN. (1): — i. 218a2: se sacerd bletsian sceole palmtwigu
and hi swa gebletsode $am folce dselan.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 197
II. With an Object (5).
N8N. (1): — I. 594a2: $u ceaf, ecura ontendnyssum ge-
gearcod, gehyr me.
NPM. (1) : — i. 544b3: deorum geferlcehte, to engelicura
spraecura gewunode, on micclum wundrum scinende wseron.
NPN. (1) : — ii. 314b : raanega sind beboda mannum geselie
(or pred. ?).
GSF. (1):— ii. 292a: titiS Surh miltsunge h\m for gyfenre
raihte (or Abs. Dat. ? See Abs. Ptc. inA.-S., p. 11).
APM. (1) : — ir. 598bl: gescyld ftine Seovvan Sinum tuse-
genSrymrae underfteodde.
Note: Latin Participles occur as follows : — (1 ) untranslated :
credentes, persuadenfes, secuti, in Pref. to I. ; (2) translated :
dicens (dicentes) = cweftende, I. 510bl, 520a = befrinende in I.
104a ; — raptum = fte woss gegripen, II. 332b ; — cireumdata =
ymbscryd, n. 58 6b.
^LFRIC'S LIVES OF SAINTS (543).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (335).
I. Without an Object (129).
NSM. (54) : — 442. 24 : com se arwurSa swy$uu to sumum
. . . smy^e on swefhe ceteowiende wurSlice geglencged. —
xxviii. 6 : Se casere wses cene and refte and deofolgild
beeode dwollice libbende. — 482. 182 : he sona wearS hal
beorhte locigende se 'Se blind wa?s. — Other examples : — 478.
92: blyssigende ; xxin. B. 1991 : clypigende ; 156. 134:
drohtnigende ; xxin. B. 640: eftcyrrende ; 448. 100 : fazgni-
gende ,—feallende : 396. 222, xxviii. 114; 282. 5 : feohtend
[sic] ; xxin. B. 1992 : forftgangende ; 14. 77 : forftsteppende ;
xxin. B. 645: geftrystl&cende ; — hangi(g)ende : 428. 212,
227, xxix. 254 ; xxin. B. 733 : haivigende ; heofende :
XXX. 180; xxin. B. 366: hlihhende; 526. 617: hlydende;
466. 417: hoppende ; xxin. B. 726: hreowsigende ; 174.
198 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
66: licgende; xxx. 47: nytende; xxm. B. 154: restende;
rixi(g)e7ide : 146. 474, 412. 480; 178. 158 : scinende; xxm.
B. 1532: sittende; 452. 184: siKigende; xxm. B. 6671 :
smeagende; xxnr. B. 664: sorgigende; xxm. B. 164:
standende; XXV. 156: sweltende; 76. 443: teonde ; xxv.
14: truwigende; xxm. B. 1862 : ftenigende; xxx. 32 :
fteonde; xxm. B. 231 : Keowigende ; xxv. 472: understand-
ende; xxx. 258 : utgangende ; 82. 550 : waciende ; xxm.
B. 162: wendende; wepende: 158. 199, 510. 371, xxm. B.
191, xxx. 327; wundrigende: 518. 513, 534. 745; wuni-
gende: 12. 33, 78. 4941, 336. 1, 470. 4721.
NSF. (37) : — xxm. B. 431 : ic cwarS to hire geornlice
and unforbuffendlice behealdende and cweftende. — xxm. B.
472 : mine cneowa gebigde beforan ftarn halgan andwlitan
•Sysura wordutn biddende. — 212. 34: Heo aras 3a bijigende
for ftaere beorhtan gesihfte (or pred. ?). So : xxm. B. 461. —
Other examples : — 192. 378 : blissigende; cweSende (cwceftende):
xxm. B. 2641, 636, 696; xxm. B. 6681 : eftcyrrende; 196.
162: egsigende; 434. 42 : fcestende ; xxm. B. 510 : fleonde ;
gangende: xxm. B. 685, xxvi. 219; xxm. B. 5112: ge-
hihtende; xxm. B. 702: geomrigende ; xxm. B. 274:
hangiende; xxm. B. 486: hawigende ; heqfende: xxm. B.
428, 721; xxm. B. 544: hreqfigende; xxm. B. 334:
licgende; xxm. B. 701 : locigende; 196. 161 : olecende;
scinende: 250. 197, xxvu. 117; xxm. 548: sorgigende;
xxm. B. 283 : syrwiende ; xxm. B. 457 : ftrystlcecende ;
wepende: xxm. B. 485, 494, 496, 541, 546, 720; wuni-
(g)ende: 20. 1772, 38. 230.1
NSN. (5) : — 78. 468 : wunode an mseden mserlice droht-
nigende geond feowertig geare fee fsegre gehealden. — Other
examples: — xxvi. 159 : feallende; 88. 652 : jlitende ; 184.
242: grymetende; 44. 327: wunigende.
NPM. (17):— 98. 154: Da eoden $a hseSengyldan into
heora temple clypigende hlude to "Sam leasan gode. — 226. 110 :
•3a clypodon "Sser "Sry weras cnucigende a3t 'Seem geate. —
Other examples: — 438. 99: blyssigende ; 514. 445: dreori-
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 199
gende ; 192. 379: drohtniende ; xxni. B. 115: gereordende ;
110. 3381: glUiniende; 240. 18: libbende ; liegende: 54. 62,
xxv. 496; XXV. 513: ridende; 326. 83: sprecende; XXV.
779: standende; 326. 100: ftancigende ; 94. 77: fteonde;
xxvi. 186: wundrigende ; 70. 330: wunigende.
NPN. (4) : — 224. 861 k 2 : binnan 3am wseron ealle cuce
nytenu creopende and gangande (or pred.?). — Other ex-
amples:— XXVii. 39: dynigende; XXIV. 53: grymetende.
DSM. (2) : — 14. 79 : Nis nanum menn on . . . life libbendum
nanes binges swa mycel neod. — xxiii. B. 673 : Dus mid
tearnm biddende, him eft o3er ge3anc on befeoll 3us cwe-
•Sende. [I omit he after f)us, as does Skeat's " B."]
DSF. (3) : — 212. 40 : forgif me 3a to clsennysse to criste
farendre. — xxiii. B. 752 : geic eac gebiddan 3eahhwse3ere
for me of 3yssere worulde hleorende on "Sam rnon3e etc. ; —
36. 185 : licgendre.
ASM. (2) : — 78. 489 : gelsedde hine on mergen for3 swi3e
faegres hiwes buton selcurn womme and wel sprecande; —
78. 4812: unsprecende.
ASF. (2) :— 334. 216 : Se sang geswutela3 3a halgan
3rynnysse on anre godcundnysse aefre wunigende ; ib. xxix.
5(?).
APM. (3) : — 388. 80 : se cyning sende swy3e fela aeren-
dracan to . . . eardum embe 3e axiende. — Other examples : —
xxx. 429 : gebiddende (or pred. ?) ; 32. 130 : liegende.
II. With an Object (206).
NSM. (114): — xxvi. 137 1&2: he 3serbinnan wunode
godes lof arcerende and gerihtlcecende 3set folc. — xxiii. B.
96 : 3as weoro Zosimus behealdende hine sylfne geornlice to
fulfremeclnysse a3ened[e] gemang 3am emnwyrhtum. So :
xxx. 233. — 60. 166 : [he] com to basilie biddende fulluhtes.
— 62. 193 : Da asende se ealdorman sona to basilie, biddende
earmlice 3set etc. — 78. 487 : ac se bisceop . . . wacode ealle
3a niht mid 3am wsedlian hreoflian, biddende 3one haelend
200 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
$set he etc. — 410. 443: Da . . . raannases ... to Sam
selmihtigan clypode, biddende miltsunge ealra his mandseda.
Other instances of biddende: 66. 278, 106. 278, 122. 115,
224. 69, 312. 80, 314. 109, 316. 135, 420. 95, 448. 103,
458. 273, xxm. B. 719, xxv. 487, xxvn. 212, xxix.
56. — 96. 91 : he him asende Sisne frofer 3us cwcri&ende etc.
So cweftende (cwatiende) : 22. 190, 154. 1062 (or pred.?), 182.
2032, 250. 2122, 314. 109, 364. 3, 378. 216, 386. 29, 408. 417,
444. 64; xxm. B. 6672, 6682, 670, 674, xxiv. 103, xxvi.
100 ; xxx. 45, 98. — Other examples : — xxm. B. 161 : ahceb-
bende; xxm. B. 672: berende; xxm. B. 7962: bletsigende; —
bodigende: 346. 135 (or pred.?), xxix. 114 (or pred.?), 144
(or pred.?); — xxm. B. 1531: brucende (w. gen.); 366. 48:
bysmrigende; clypigende: 180. 181 (or pred.?), 182. 2031,
250. 2121, 474. 49, xxm. B. 601; 220. 33: cunnigende;
xxm. B. 638: cyssende; xxm. B. 6392: donde; xxm. B.
271 : foresettende ; 90. 666 : fremiende (w. dat.); 64. 221 :
gebysmriende ; gehyrende: xxm. B. 587, XXX. 246; xxm.
B. 678: geseonde; hcebbende: 284. 10, xxm. B. 78, 151,
669; herigende: 80. 523, 156. 139, 222. 35, xxm. B. 7963,
xxix. 296 (or pred.?); xxx. 179: hopiende (w. gen.); 154.
1061 : hrymende (or pred.?) ; xxm. B. 292 : hyrende ; xxm.
B. 689 : kyrsumigende (\v. dat.) ; xxm. B. 363 : ofergeotende ;
xxm. B. 185: ofergrtUigende ; xxx. 4: oferhlifigende;
XXVIII. 37: offrigende ; 320. 5: sawende ; secgende: 246.
135, 300. 242,410. 422, 462. 331, xxv. 5411, xxvn. 1902;
xxv. 5412 : seSende ; 28. 59: singende ; xxvn. 1901 :
sleande ; smeagende : XXIII. B. 280 (= putans), XXVII.
137; tihtende: 84. 574, 96. 103, 306. 313; xxm. B. 680:
tweonigende ; %anci(g)ende (w. gen. & dat.); 28. 75, xxvii.
102; Zeowigende (w. dat.).- 330. 152, 486. 251; 82. 538:
ftingiende (w. dat.); xxm. B. 1861 : understandende ; wil-
nigende (w. gen.) : 220. 28, xxvi. 56 ; wuldrigew.de: xxm. B.
6391, 679, 7961, xxvn. 217; wundriende (w. gen.): 54. 77,
56. 98; wurlSigende: XXVII. 105, xxix. 232; wyrcende:
78. 4942, 470. 4722.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 201
NSF. (36) : — 206. 178 : am seo burhwaru endemes to 3ara
arleasan axlende mid gehlyde etc. — Other examples : — xxiii.
B. 538: adreogende; xxiii. B. 51 11: anbidigende; xxiii.
B. 398: beswicende; biddende (w. ac. or w. gen.).* 82. 533,
554; 178. 154, 180. 200, 182. 224, xxiii. B. 560; clypi-
(g)ende: 80. 501, 210. 25, 224. 87, 92; 226. 101, 332. 191
(clypiende stemn = vox clamantis), xxiii. B. 487; cnyssende:
xxiii. B. 542, 549; eioeftende (cwceftende) : 82. 533; xxiii.
B. 282, 432, 454, 489, 591 ; xxx. 241, 343, 444; xxiii. B.
319 : forhcelende; xxiii. B. 397 : gegadrigende ; xxiii. B. 597 :
halsigende; XXIII. B. 521 : notigende ; xxiii. B. 581 : smea-
gende; xxiii. B. 400: teonde; xxiii. B. 495: toivriftende ;
xxiii. B. 426 : ftencende.
NSN. (5) : — xxiii. B. 595 : ac godes word is cucn and
scearp, innan Icerende "Sis mennisce andgyt. — Other examples :
— biddende: 60. 171, xxv. 716; xxiii. B. 324: cweftende;
xxiii. B. 287 : hcebbende (== reducens).
NPM. (44) : — 472. 9 : gebugon to fulluhte behreoiosigende
heora synna. — Other examples : — biddende (w. g. or ac.) :
46. 357(?), 70. 334, 138. 352, 240. 40, 242. 75, 400. 258,
448. 121, 452. 188; xxv. 336, 768; xxix. 172; xxvi.
79: bodigende ; 136. 305: clypigende ; cwer&ende: xxx. 140,
281, 425; xxix. 192: cyftende ; xxvi. 238: feccende;
xxvni. 10 : folgiende (w. dat.); xxiii. B. 139: gefyllende ;
geseonde: xxiii. B. 377, xxx. 184; 148. 24: halsigende;
heri[g]ende: 70. 349 (or pred.?), 102. 222, 110. 338,2 138.
351, 142. 403; mcersigende: 26. 37, 230. 162, 242. 51 (or
pred.?); XXV. 495 : sceotiende ; 54. 56 : secende (or pred. ?);
secgende: 146. 458, xxv. 121 ; %anci(g)ende (w. dat. &
gen.) : 114. 410, 132. 249, 438. 85, 460. 322, 478. 96, xxv.
453; 80. 526: wuldrigende ; 184. 249: mirftigende.
NP. F. or M. (1) :— 224. Q6 : wydewan and Searfan . . .
ceteowigende.
GSF. (1) : — xxiii. B. 426 : -5a on h ran so^lice min mod
and fta eagan minre heortan hselo andgit mid me sylfre
202 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
ftencende Sset me "Sone ingang belucen Sa onfeormeganda (sic)
minra misdseda (but, as is evident, the text is very corrupt).
DSM. (3) : — xxiii. B. 246 : Da forgeaf heo Zosime and-
swarigende Amen. [The text seems corrupt. Skeat trans-
lates : " Then she gave Zosimus [her blessing, he] answering
'Amen.' "] — xxiii. B. 674 : Bus mid tearum biddende, him
eft o$er geiSane on befeoll, ftus cweftende. [I here follow
Skeat's "B" and omit he after Bits.]— 82. 540: Se wyle $e
gehyran me ftingiende to him.
ASM. (2) : — 480. 143 : het se foresa?da dema gelsedan Sone
halgan on heardre racenteage feorr on wrsecsi"S ferigende on
scipe. — xxx. 411 : se casere . . . het hine ungyrdan and
bewsepnian and beforau his ansyne setstandan mid his wife
and his cildum swilce ofergcegendne his hlafordes bebod.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (208).
I. Without an Object (205).
NSM. (87) : — 14. 761*2 : se halga gast is sefre of him bam,
na acenned ac foHSsteppende. So acenned in 12. 34, 36. —
114. 428 : Da fleah martianus for nean adyd— 206. 180 : Da
fleah quintianus afyrht for 'Sam gehlyde. So: 348. 166. —
Other examples: — 386. 48: afunden ; afylled: 194. 424,
314. 125, 330. 153, 330. 157; 466. 420: ahred; asend :
48. 413, 396. 207, xxiv. 140; xxvi. 173: asmtiSod; xxx.
31 : ceftelboren; 84. 593: awend; 158. 174: awreht ; xxiii.
B. 235 : belocen ; XXV. 782 : beswungen ; xxxi. 36 : betceht ;
428. 228 : fordemed ; xxv. 498: fornumen ; 446. 96: ge-
biged; 394. 179: gebolgen; gebyld: 58. 142, xxix. 143;
geci(e)ged: 238. 10, xxvi. 9; xxx. 234: gedrefcd: xxiii.
B. 179 : gefremed; 422. 126 : gefullod; 150. 40: gefultumod;
456. 238: geglencged; 462. 336: gehceled ; gehaten, "called,
named:" 28. 58, 54. 63, 84. 567, 136. 322, 154. 126, 186.
296, 398. 228, 408. 389, 426. 196, 436. 62, 472. 14, 476. 72,
xxiv. 69; xxv. 7, 298, 594, 749; xxvi. 2, 120, 257; xxvu.
22, 47; 126. 159: gehaten, "summoned;" 446. 95: ge-
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO— SAXON. 203
hoferod ; xxix. 81: gelozred ; 96. 99: gelaftod ; gelyfed:
422. 125; xxvi. 3, 8; xxvu. 46; xxm. B. 706: gereht;
14. 631 : gesceapen; 162. 247: gescryd ; xxm. B. 234:
gewceced ; 66. 273: gewcepnod; xxm. B. 218: geicend ; 14.
632 : geworht ; 92. 22: gewyssod ; xxv. 616: geyrsod ; 532.
718: of dreed ; xxm. B. 322: ofergoten ; xxix. 64: of-
wundrod ; 208. 219: onceled ; 12. 161 : unbegunnen ; 222.
45: unbunden; uncu§ : 66. 272, 116. 17; ungeendod (un-
gecendod): 12. ]62, 268. 103; xxxi. 42: ungewemmed.
NSF. (14) : — 180. 180 : arn seo burhwaru ablycged Sider.
— xxm. B. 427 : Da ongan ic biterlice wepan and swifte
gedrefed mine breost cnyssan. — xxm. B. 524 : Heo $a
gedrefedu him andswarode. — 420. 108 : Da wses 'Sser gehende
"Sam halgan wsere an rnyrige dun mid wyrtum amet. — Other
examples: — 20. 1771 : befangen; xxm. B. 477: forftoht ;
222. 55: geciged; xxm. B. 238: gefremed ; 222. 56: ge-
glencged; 386. 501 : gehaten; 222. 54: gelyfed; 386. 502:
gemodod ; xxm. B. 2642 : gewend ; 38. 2302 : wncwS.
NSN. (15): — 78. 469: wunode an mseden maBrlice droht-
nigende geond feowertig geare fee fsegre gehealden. — 298.
229 : -Saet ofter folc fleab ofyrht for heora hreame. — Other
examples: — xxvi. 183: astreht ; xxv. 567: befangen; 236.
250 : fulfremed ; xxvi. 214: gebrocod ; xxm. B. 749: ge-
cweden; 32. 134: gecyged ; gehaten: 44. 327, 170. 7l, 236.
249; gelyfed: 170. 72, 194. 2; 30. 94: uncuft ; xxm. B.
285 : ymbseald.
NPM. (37) :— 180. 167 : ac hi . . . ablicgede cyrdon to
heora . . . hlaforde. — 468. 437 : "Sean -Se 3a Iudeiscan -Surh
deofol beswicene nellon gelyfan. — Other examples: — afyllede:
126. 168, xxviii. 60; afyrhte: 166. 317, xxv. 611, xxvi.
231, xxix. 305; 54. 53: alysde ; 116. 25: ceftelborene ;
xxvi. 93: cumene; fornumene: 58. 138 (or pred.?), 204.
148, 326. 96; 126. 167: geborene ; 342. 73: gebundene ;
gebylde: xxv. 488, xxvu. 149; 208. 216: geegsode; xxv.
339: gehyrte; 318. 172: geleofede; gelyf(e)de: xxiv. 2,
xxv. 109, xxviii. 15; 184. 245: gemartyrode ; xxv. 558:
204 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
getemode ; 460. 319: geuntrumode; gewcepnode: 190. 359,
xxv. 333; xxv. 559: gewenode ; geworhte: 386. 38, 408.
386 ; 506. 300 : ofdrcedde; 298. 228 : ofhrorene; xxv. 497 :
ofslagene ; 54. 58 : onbryrde ; xxnr. B. 571 : totorene (but
the passage is corrupt).
NPF. (1) : — xxv. 813 : on -gysre worulde synd -Sreo ende-
byrdnysse oh aunysse gesette ; 3set synd etc.
DSM. (7) : — 462. 351 : oSSset hi becoraou to sumura
senlicum felda fsegre geblotoen. — xxv. 757 : sum leogere . . .
ssede Sam ealdormenn Apollonius geciged. — 140.368: Nico-
stratus . . . wearS . . . toforan "Sam deman gebroht, fabianus
gehaten. So gehaten: 224. 79, 402. 317, xxv. 331, XXVI.
121.
DSF. (11): — xxiii. B. 438 : forSon witodlice genoh riht-
lic is me swa besmitenre fram -Sinre clsenan ungewemmednysse
beon ascirod. — xxiii. B. 598 : Nu ic fte . . . andbidde . . .
^set $u for me earm 1 icre forlegenre gebidde. — 54. 83: ge-
wendon to anre widgyllan byrig, Antiochia geciged. So
geciged: 146. 462. — 54. 66: ferde to Saere [flowendan] ea
iordanis gehaten. So gehaten: 68. 325, 184. 264, 238. 11,
xxv. 413, xxix. 4, 146.
DSN. (2):— 196. 10: betamte hi anum fulum wife
Afrodosia geciged. — xxxi. 11 : Marti nus . . . wses geboren
on $arn fsestene Sabaria gehaten.
DS. M. or N. (1):— 172. 36 : He geglseugde me mid orle
of golde awefen.
ASM. (20):— 44. 3501&2: Basilla hsefde enne hae^ene
wogere, pompeius gecyged, svvi'Se afoelboren. So geciged:
xxix. 213. — 312. 68 : A. . . genam senne mycelne bollan
mid bcaluwe afylled. — XXVII. 11 : forlet fta senne daBl on
•Ssere ylcan byrig -Se Crist on 'Srowode, swa swa us cySa"S
gewritu, mid seolfre bewunden. — Other examples : — 200. 75 :
gebigedne (or pred.?); xxiii. B. 661: gefylltdne ; gehaten:
28. 67, 104. 230, 124. 125, 194. 409, 222. 42, 302. 277,
408. 396, xxv. 761, xxvi. 53, xxix. 204, 214; 78. 4811:
toswollen ; 78.482: unafunden.
THE APPOSITTVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 205
ASF. (4) : — xxviii. 36 : wi$ ane litle burh Octodorum
gehaten. So gehaten : xxxi. 59. — xxiii. B. 500 : ic becora
to sanctes iohannes cyrcan 'Sees fulwihteres wift iordanen
gesette. — 436. 80 : geworht.
ASN. (2) : — 92. 26 : Da fundon his niagas sum seSelboren
ruseden basilissa gehaten; 132.258: untobrocen.
APM. (1):— 246. 146 : unscrydde.
APF. (2): — xxiii. B. 128: sum [bser] beana mid wsetere
ofgolene ; ib. xxiii. B. 663.
APN. (1) : — 24. 225 : ealle lichamlicra 3inga hiw heo rnseg
on hyre sylfre gehiwian, and swa gehiwode on hyre mode
gehealden.
II. With an Object (3).
NSN. (1):— 288. 71 : forSan $e heo gebedhus is, gode
gehcdgod.
ASM. (1) : — xxiii. B. 676 : Eala me ungesseligan swa
rihtwislicre gesih-Se afremdad me.
ASF. (1) : — xxiii. B. 442 : gefultuma me nu anegre selces
fylstes bedceled (MS. G : bedcelede).
Note: Latin Participles occur in 332. 191 (vox clamantis
= elypiende stemn), 338. 33 (vir videns deum = Dat is on
Engliscre sprosce : se wer fte god gesihft), xxiii. B. 280
(putans — smeagende), xxiii. B. 287 (reducens = hcebbende).
^LFRIC'S DE VETERI ET DE NOVO
TESTAMENTO (41).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (15).
I. Without an Object (5).
NSM. (4) :— 18. 32 : he bifiende feoll to I. fotum (or
pred. ?). — 20. 24 : Bellatores . . . ure burga healdati . . .
feohtende mid wsemnum ; (ibbende (lybbende) : 2. 26, 12. 40.
DPM. (1) : — 5. 34 : [mete] him selce dseg com edniwe
of heof'enum feowertig wintra fyrst on -Sam westene farende.
5
206 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
II. With an Object (10).
NSM. (7) :— 18. 332 : he . . . feoll to I. fotum . . . biddende
miltsunge. — Other examples: — 16. 32: bodigende (or pred.?);
16. 10: cweftende ; 16. 302 : Icerende ; 20. 10: secgende ; wyr-
cende (idrcende) : 15. 23, 16. 301.
NPM. (3) : — 19. 45 : -Sser -Seer hig blksiaft andbidiende git
•SaBS ecan lifes; heriende: 5. 28, 8. 27.
B.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (26).
I. Without an Object (26).
NSM. (13):— 2. 9, 10: Her is seo halige Srinnis on
•Sisum ftrim man n una . . . se . . . feeder of nanum o^rum
gecumen, and se micla wisdom of 'Sam wisan feeder sefre
. . . acenned. — Other examples: — 3. 25: adrenced; 13. 40:
ahangen ; 3. 2 : awend ; 2. 44 : gefaistnod ; gehaten : 9. 20,
11.4; 11.5: gelyfed. ; 1 7. 24 : gestrangod ; 1 2. 34 : geftogen ;
18. 331 : qfergoten; 18. 34: qfsceamod.
NPM. (3) : — 20. 20 : Laboratores sind yrSlingas and sehte
men to $am anum bekehte etc. So : 20. 22.
NPF. (2) : — 14. 12 : "Sset syndon "Sreo bee mid lufe afyllede
folce to lare ; 11. 21 : gehatene.
DSM. (1) : — 16. 24 : binnan anum igofte feor on wrsecsi'Se,
Pathmos gehaten.
ASM. (4) : — 3. 23 : se acwealde his broftor Abel gehaten
unscildigne mannan. So gehaten = ace. sing. masc. : 7. 18,
8. 20, 11. 9.
ASF. (1) : — 15. 44 : he awrat $a boc on his wraecsrSe
Apocalipsis gehaten.
ASN. (2) :— 7. 341&2 : He arserde . . . Sat . . . tempel . . .
swa fsegere getimbrod and swa fseste getrymmed ; 7. 35:
oferworht.
II. With an Object (0).
Xo example.
THE APPOSITTVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 207
iELFRIC'S HEPTATEUCH (99).
A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (61).
I. Without an Object (25).
1, An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (15) : —
NSM. (9) : — Judges 4. 20 : gif her senig man cume acsi-
gende em be me = cum venerit aliquis interrogans te (or
pred.?). — Gen. 19. 14: Da wses him ge-Suht, swilce he
gamnigende spraece = Et visus est eis quasi ludens loqui. —
Other examples : — ingangende = ingrediens : Deut. 28. 61
191; Num. 22.34: nitende = nesciens ; Gen. 15. 17: smoci-
ende = finnans- (or attrib. ?) ; Num. 16. 48: standende =
stans ; utgangende = egrediens : Deut. 28. 62, 192.
NSN. (2) : — Ex. 2. 23 : Israela beam clypode geomriende
for -Sam weorcum = ingemiscentes filii Israel propter opera
vociferati sunt; Job. 1. 19: hreosende = corruens.
NPM. (3): — Judges 15. 14: union him togeanes ealle
hlydende = Et cum Philisthiim vociferantes occurrissent ei (or
pred.?). — Other examples: — Ex. 1. 71: spryttende = germi-
nantes ; Num. 16. 18: standende = stantes.
NPN. (1) : — Gen. 8. 3 : Da weeteru Sa gecirdon of -SaBre
eorSan ongean farende = Reversseque sunt aqua? de terra
euntes et rede antes.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
finite verb, which finite verb is usually subordinate or is in
immediate connection with an appositive participle (5) : —
NSM. (1) : — Gen. 22. 3 : Abraham ba aras on -Ssere ylcan
nihte and ferde mid twam cnapum to $arn fyrlenum lande
and Isaac samod on assum ridende = Igitur Abraham de
nocte consurgens stravit asinum suum, ducens secum duos
juvenes et Isaac filium suum abiit in locum.
NPM. (4) : — Num. 14. 45 : and hig micclum slogon and
ehtende adrifon = et percutiens eos atque occidens persecutus
est eos. — Other examples : — Num. 20. 30 : beweopon geomeri-
208 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
ende =jlevit (there is an ap. ptc. in the sentence) ; Josh. 8.
16 : hrymdon ridende = vociferantes persecuti sunt eos; Job
2. 122: hrymdon wepende = exclsLmantes ploravermit.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
prepositional phrase (1) : —
NSM. (1):— Gen. 24. 63: He eode ut on "Sat land %en-
cende = Et egressus f'uerat ad meditandum in agro.
4. An A.-S. appositive participle has no exact Latin
correspondence (4) : —
NSM. (2) : — Judges 4. 22 : aesigend (sic: cf. Judges 4. 20,
where acsigende = iiderrogans) (or pred. ?) ; Gen. 37. 35 :
wepende (cf. Gen. 37. 34, in which lugens occurs).
NPM. (2): — Job 2. 121 : cumende ; Josh. 7. 6 : licgende.
II. With an Object (36).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (25) : —
NSM. (12) :— Gen. 1. 22 : And bletsode hig, 3us cweftende
— Benedixitque eis dicens. So cwefiende = dicens : Gen. 2.
16, 8. 15, 17. 17; Ex. 3. 16, 5. 6; Deut. 32. 48, 34. 4.—
Other examples: — Job 1. 82: yfel forbugende = recedens a
malo ; Job 1. 81: ondrcedende = timens ; Job (Exposition),
p. 266, 1. 20 : secende = qucerens (for Latin cf. I. Peter 5.
8) ; Gen. 2. 6 : wcetriende = irrigans.
NSF. (5):— Gen. 18. 12: (Sarra) hloh digellice, 3us
cweftende = Quae risit occulte, dicens. So cwe&ende = dicens :
Gen. 15. 4; Num. 16. 41.— Other examples :— Num. 10. 33 :
sceawiende = providens ; secgende = dicens : Gen. 15. 1.
NSN. (1): — Judges 6. 7: Swa Israela folc -Sa earmlice
clipode to $am . . . gode, his helpes biddende = Et clamavit
Israel ad dominum, postulans auxilium.
NPM. (1): — Gen. 3. 5: ge beo$ "Sonne englum gelice
witende segSer ge god ge yfel = et eritis sicut dii, scientes
bonum et malum.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 209
ASF. (1): — Gen. 1. 121: seo eorSe for$ ateah growende
wirte and seed berende be hire cinne = protulit terra herbara
virentem etfacientem semen juxta genus suum.
ASN. (4): — Gen. 1. II1*2: Spritte seo eorSe growende
gsers and ssed wircm.de and seppebsere treow wsestrn wircende
sefter his cinne = Germinet terra herbam virentem etfacien-
tem semen et lignum pomiferum faciens fructum juxta genus
suum; ib. Gen. 1. 122; Gen. 1. 123: hcebbende = habens.
APF. (1) : — Gen. 1. 29: ic forgeaf eow eall gsers and
wyrta ssed berende ofer eorSan = dedi vobis omnem herbam
aferentem semen super terram.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
finite verb, which finite verb is usually either subordinate
or is in immediate connection with an appositive participle
(3):-
NSM. (1): — Deut. 4. 45 : ... se, $e Moises foresette and
laga and domas, -Sus cweftende = . . . lex, quam proposuit
M., et . . . judicia quae locutus est.
NSF. (1) : — Josh. 10. 6 : Da sende seo burhwaru ... to
Iosue biddende $set etc. = miserunt ad Iosue et dixerunt ei.
ASN. (1) : — Deut. 11. 25 : Ge . . . gehirdon his word, Sus
cweftende = . . . et locutus est vobis.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle has no exact Latin
correspondence (8) : —
NSM. (2) : — Judges (Epilogue), p. 264, 1. 14 : gewilniende;
Judges 5. 32 (Exposition) : heriende.
NPM. (6): — Judges 5. 32 (Exposition): ahebbende ; bid-
dende: Judges, Preface, 1. 10, 3. 15, 4. 3; Judges, Epilogue,
p. 265, 1. 15: ftanciende; Judges, Epilogue, p. 265, 1. 13:
vnlniende.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (38).
I. Without an Object (38).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (11) : —
210 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
NPM. (3) : — Num. 15. 44 : Hig swa Seah ablende beotlice
astigon = At illi contenebrati ascenderunt. — Other examples :
— Ex. 1. 72: gestrangode = roborati ; Num. 16. 33: ofhrorene
= operti.
ASM. (3) : — Gen. 22. 13 : geseah 'Sser anne ramm betwux
•Sam bremelum be 'Sam hornum gehceft= viditque . . .
arietem inter vepres hcerentem cornibus (or pred.?). — Other
examples: — Ex. 9. 24: hagol wrS fyr gemenged = mista ;
Ex. 29. 23 : gesprengedne = conspersce.
ASN. (2):— Ex. 12. 8 : And eton ealle iSset flassc on fyre
gebrcedd = Et edent carnes nocte ilia assets igni : — Ex. 12.
9 : gesoden = coctum aqua.
APM. (1): — Levit. 2. 4: Bring clsene ofenbacene hlafas
mid ele geasmirede = panes conspersos oleo.
APN. (2):— Ex. 31. 18: He sealde Moise twa stamene
wexbreda mid godes handa agrafene = duas tabulas lapideas
scriptas digito dei ; Gen. 41. 6 : forscruncene = percussae.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
finite verb, which finite verb is usually subordinate or
is in immediate connection with an appositive participle
(1):-
NSN. (1): — Judges 16. 4: Hine beswac swa Seah sifrSan
an wif, Dalila gehaten = Post hsec amavit mulierem, quce
vocabatur Dalila.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
prepositional phrase (2) : —
NPM. (2) :— Ex. 12. 191&2: ne ete ge nan Sing onhafenes,
ne utan cymene ne innan lande geborene = tarn de advenis
quam de indigents terrae.
4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
substantive in the ablative (1) : —
NSM. (1): — Judges 13. 2 : An man wses eardigende on
Israhela 'Seode, Manue gehaten = Erat autem quidam vir
nomine Manue.
5. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
adjective (1) : —
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 211
NPM. (1) : — Ex. 4. 31 : and hig gebsedon hig to gode
nywel astrehte on eorSan = et proni adoraverunt.
6. An A.-S. appositive participle has no exact Latin
correspondence (22) : —
NSM. (5):— Num. 22. 27 : afirht (or pred.?); Judges 16.
5: bepceht ; Judges 4. 14 : gebyld ; Judges 4. 17 : geegsod;
Judges (Epilogue), p. 265, 1. 1 : gehaten.
NSF. (1):— Gen. 21. 6: ofwundrod.
NSN. (1):— Num. 16. 34: afirht.
NPM. (3):— Gen. 14. 10: afirhte ; Gen. 19. 1 : asende ;
Judges 6. 2 : gewcehte.
DSM. (4) : — Judges 6. 1 : $arn . . . leodscipe Madian ge-
cweden ; Judges 4. 2: sumuru . . . cininge Iabin gehaten;
Judges 16. 23: heora gode, Dagon gehaten; Judges (Epi-
logue), p. 264, 1. 32 : on -5am miclan ea, Euf rates ge-
haten.
DSF. (1) : — Judges 16. 1 : to anre birig, Gaza gehaten.
DPM. (1) : — Judges 16. 7: mid seofon rapum of sinum
geworhte.
ASM. (6) :— Josh. 10. 33 : -gone o-Serne kyning Hiram
gehaten. So: Judges 4. 6, 4. 7, 6. 14, 11. 1.— Gen. 19. 24 :
god sende . . . renscur mid swefle gemencged.
II. With an Object (0).
No example.
ANGLO-SAXON HOMILIES AND LIVES
OF SAINTS, I. (89).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (49).
I. Without an Object (25).
NSM. (5) : — 3. 105 : Be $arn sang se witega -Sisum
wordurn cweftende. So: 4. 41. — Other examples: — lybbende:
1. 87, 9. 195; 3. 78 : secgende ftisurn wordum.
212 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
NSF. (2): — 1. 24: Deos is seo halige Srynnys, fte ealle
•Sing gesceop, on anre godcundnysse aefre wunigende. — So :
3. 130.
NSN. (2):— 3. 437: Sura . . . wif . . . his fet aSwoh and
gelome hi cyste, licgende set his fotura ; 9. 80 : wunigende.
NPM. (11): — 6. 113: .. . gif we her nu swincaft, feohtende
mid geleafan wi"S leahtras. — Other examples : — 9. 357 : hly-
dende ; libbende: 7. 6, 9. 60 ; 9. 61 : sioyltende ; truwigende:
9. 88, 9. 3502; wunigende: 3. 132, 3. 527, 6. 66, 9. 133.
NPN. (1):— 3. 324: Seah $e hi [= msedenu] clsene beon
on msegfthade lybbende.
NP. M. or F. (1) :— 3. 12 : lybbende.
DPM. (1) : — 7. 151 : [mete] heora selce dsege com edniwe
of heofenum xl wintra fyrst on &m wsestene farende.
ASM. (1): — 9. 330: ac . . . he asende me ongean on his
sige blissigende and on eowre alysednysse.
APM. (1) :— 9. 103 : god hi $a gelsedde . . . ealle ofer $a
. . . sse, sv&igende be "Sam grunde.
II. With an Object (24).
NSM. (4) : — 1 . 304 : se . . . lareow lserde us 'Sus cweftende. —
Other examples: — 4. 55: secende ; secgende: 3. 181, 3. 531.
NSF. (3) : — 8. 176 : heo . . . fseste, biddende set gode, 'Sset
etc. — Other examples: — 9. 318: cweftende; 9. 417: fteo-
wigende (w. dat.).
NSN. (2) : — 9. Ill : ©set godes folc 'Sa eode upp be "Sam
grunde, herigende heora drihten ; 3. 479 : singende.
NPM. (14) : — 5. 75 : reaferas urnon geond 'Sa burh mete
gehwser secende. So: 9. 366. — Other examples: — 9. 82:
abugende; biddende: 9. 59, 9. 72; 9. 162: cweftende ; 1. 901
(foot-note) : fyligende (w. dat.); 7. 145: herigende; 1. 902
(foot-note): Icerende ; 2. 142: strynende ; Seowigende (w.
dat.): 2. 185, 204, 220; 9. 451.
APM. (1) : — 2. 117: Iohannes . . . geseah Crist standan
and $one clsenan flocc mid him, huudteontig ftusenda and
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 213
feower and feowertig Susenda, swrSe hlude singende -Sone
heofonlican sang.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (40).
I. Without an Object (40).
NSM. (13): — 1. 67: he us alysde . . . mid his agenurn
dea$e, on rode ahangen. — Other examples : — 7. 28 : amend ;
gehaten: 5. 9; 8. 2, 78, 127; 9. 193; 8. 268: gehathyrt ; 9.
194 : gelyfed; 7. 23 : ifcestnod ; ihaien: 7. 214, 287 ; 7. 288 :
ilyfed.
NSF. (3) : — 9. 207 : heo freste symle buton on freolsdagum,
mid haeran gescryd to hire lice sefre. — Other examples : — 7.
61 : aftwogen; 3. 27 : gesceapen.
NSN. (4) : — 3. 349 : Iacobes wif, Rachel geciged, twentig
wintra wunode etc. — Other examples: — 3. 334: gehaten;
8. 149: tostenced ; 3. 95: ungewemmed.
NPM. (11):— 1. 43, 44: hi forleton his hlafordscipe ealle
swySe unwislice, fram him ascyrede mid andan afyllede. So
afyUede: 8. 110.— Other examples :— 1. 81 : aroerde; 9. 58 :
fornumene; 9. 2: gecweden ; 3. 293: gelcerede ; 3. 295:
gemartirode ; 3. 38 : ofslagene (or pred. ?); 2. 213 : onbryrde;
9. 69 : ymbtrymde.
NPF. (1) : — 7. 302 : Twa bee beo"S isette . . . machabeorum
ihatene.
DSM. (1) : — 3. 25 : And eac his godcundnyss wses on -Srere
menniscnysse to auum so'San Criste of hyre acenned, sefre
unbegunnen on Seere godcundnysse.
DSF. (1) : — 2. 114: on his gastlican gesihSe, Apocalipsis
gehaten.
DSN. (1) : — 3. 362 : mid his wife, Elisabeth genamod.
ASM. (4) : — 3. 332 : behet, $set hi habban sceoldon sunu,
Isaac gehaten. So: 9. 46; ihaten: 7. 49, 292.
ASF. (1) : — 9. 9 : towsende se cyning heora . . . burh,
Hierusalem gehaten.
214 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
II. With an Object (0).
No example.
ANGLO-SAXON HOMILIES AND LIVES
OF SAINTS, II. (22).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (16).
I. "Without an Object (11).
NSM. (2) :— 15. 353 : ic hit unwillende do ; 10. 90 :
scamiende.
NSF. (6): — 18. 25: swilce heo dweliende Cycler come.
So: 18. 29. — Other examples: — 10. 181: geomriende ; we-
pejide: 10. 100, 10. 180; 18. 32 : woperiende.
NPF. (1): — 15. 51: hire fostermoder hi het gan mid
oSrum fsemnum on feld, sceap to hawienne, and hi swa
dydo[n] spinnende.
APM. (2): — 15. 2421&2: Sume ic skepende beswac and
snme eac wacigende = 19. 265: Et cum donniunt, venio
super eos et excito illos a somno.
II. With an Object (5).
NSM. (4):— 15. 52: Da ferde Olibrius to Anthiochiam,
axiende etc.; cweSende: 18. 57, 80, 109.
DSM. (1) : — 11. 16 : Audiens ex ore meo sermonem meum,
adnuntiabis eis ex me, non ex te. ©set is on urum ge"Seode :
Of minum mu$e gehlystendum [for gehlystende by attraction
to mwSef] ftu bodast hym mine sprsece of me, uses of $e.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (6).
I. Without an Object (5).
NSM. (1) : — 15. 12 : wees sum hseSen cyningc, Theodosius
gehaten.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 215
NSF. (1): — 15. 44: heo cwseS : ic com -Sin -Seowa [sic!~\
clsena and ungewcemmed.
NSN. (1) : — 16. 55 : hig hyru dryncan sealdon, -Sset wses
wyn and eced gemenged togsedere.
NPM. (1): — 12. 45: hwilum willes, hwilum geneadode
gewuniaS of to drincanne.
ASF. (1) : — 15. 45 : De ic me betsece ungewaemmode.
II. With an Object (1).
NSM. (1): — 17. 23: ic earn of Grecane rice and ic of
Iudean wses, "San Pontisscen Pilate under'Seodd.
Note: Latin Participles. — Latin participles occur in 11. 16
(quoted under dative above), in 13. 13 (sciens = $a wiste se
hselend), in 13. 59 (sciens = He wiste), and in 18. 68 (et
videos filium etc. = no A.-S. equivalent). Again in no. 19,
which is entirely in Latin and which is the basis, though not
the literal equivalent, of no. 15 (Anglo-Saxon), about 55
appositive participles occur ; but, as no one of these is trans-
lated by an appositive participle in Old English, it seems
unnecessary to cite them.
GOSPELS1 (280).
A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (237).
I. Without an Object (115).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (107) : —
NSM. (52) :— L. 23. 5a & b : he astyraS "Sis folc, Icerende Surh
ealle iudeam agynnende of [gal ilea o$ hvder] = Commovet
populum docens per universam Judeam, incipiens a Galilsea
usque hue. — Other examples : — L. 23. 14 : ahsiende = inter-
rogans ; L. 24. 12a: alutende = procumbens ; andswari(g)ende
= respondens: Mat. 11. 25, 20. 13; Mk. 9. 12, 10. 24, 11.
22, 13. 5, 14. 48 ; Luke: 4. 12, 5. 5, 5. 22, 7. 40, 13. 2, 14.
216 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
5, 15. 29, 17. 17 ; Mk. 1. 35 : arisende = surgens ; L. 5. 3a :
astigende = adscendens; Mk. 7. 34 : behealdende = suspiciens ;
L. 3. 18 : bodigende = exhortans ; Mk. 1.7: bugende = pro-
cumbens ; clypiende = damans : Mk. 15. 39, L. 23. 46a; ib.
— exclamans: Mk. 1.26b; Mat. 12.44: cumende = veniens ;
Mk. 9. 20: fcemende = spumans ; Mat. 4. 9: feallende =
cadens ; gangende = ambulans : Mat. 14. 25 (or pred.?),
Mk. 6. 48 (or pred.?) ; ib. = transiens, L. 12. 37 ; L. 15. 5 :
geblissiende = gaudens ; Mk. 1.31: genealcecende = accedens;
hrymende = damans : Mk. 5. 5 (or pred.?), 5. 7; ib.= ex-
damans : Mk. 9. 26a, L. 8. 28 ; ingan(c)gende = ingressus :
Mk. 1. 21, L. 1. 28; Icerende = doeens : Mat. 4. 23, 9. 35a,
Mk. 12. 35; L. 17. 24: lyhtende = coruscans ; L. 5. 3b :
sittende = sedens; Mk. 7. 33 : spcetende = exspuens; L. 4. 39 :
standende = stans ; Mk. 15. 30 : stigende = descendens ; L.
1. 78 : upspringende = oriens ; idgangende = egressus : Mk.
1. 45, L. 4. 42.
NSF. (3) : — L. 2. 38 : And -Seos -Ssere tide becumende
drihtne andette = Et hsec, ipsa "bora superveniens, confite-
batur Domino. — Other examples: — L. 2. 19: smeagende =
conf evens ; L. 2. 37 : fteowigende = serviens.
NSN. (4):— Mk. 5. 33a&b: Ba3t wif Sa ondrcedende &
forldigende com &, astrehte hi = Mulier vero tlmens et tremens
. . . venit et procidit ; gangende = introiens : Mk. 7. 15, 7. 18.
NPM. (30): — Mk. 15. 31: heahsacerdas bysmriende be-
tvvux 3am bocerum cwsedon = sacerdotes illudentes . . .
dicebant. — Other examples : — Mk. 7. 1 : cumende = venientes;
L. 22. 65: dysigende = blasphemantes ; L. 2. 16: efslende =
festinantes ; Mk. 16. 20: farende = profecti ; gangende =
intrantes, Mat. 2. 11 ; ib. =incedentes, L. 1. 6; gehyrende =
audientes: Mat, 13. 13b, Mk. 4. 12b, L. 8. 10b ; geseonde
= videntes: Mk. 4. 12a, L. 8. 10a; Mk. 11. 24 : gymende =
orantes ; Mat. 9. 27: hrymynde = damantes ; Mat. 12. 45:
ingangende = intrantes ; Mat, 5. 11 : leogende — mentientes ;
lotiende — videntes : Mat, 13. 13a, 13. 14; L. 2. 48: sari-
gende]= dolentes ; Mat. 27. 36: sittende = sedentes ; Mat, 17.
THE APPOSITIVE PAETICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 217
3: sprecende = loquentes ; Mat. 6. 5 : standende = slanies ;
Mk. 6. 32: stigende = adscendentes ; L. 5. 5 : swineende =
laborantes ; utgcmgende (iitgangynde) = exeunles: Mat. 8. 28,
9. 31, Mk. 3. 6, 6. 12; L. 20. 26 : wundrigende = mirati ;
L. 22. 44 : yrnende = decurrentis.
NPN. (1) :— Mat. 8. 32 : big [=$a deofla] $a utgangende
ferdon on "5a swin = At i 11 i exeuntes abierunt in porcos.
NDM. (1):— L. 24. 17: hwset synt $a spseca 3e gyt
recceab inc betwynan gangendef = Qui sunt hi sermones
quos confertis ad invicem ambulantes f
GPM. (1): — L. 18. 7 : So-Slice ne deft God his gecorenra
wrace clypiendra to him daeges & nihtes = Deus autem non
faciet vindictam electorum suoruni clamantium ad se die
ac nocte.
GPN. (1) : — L. 8. 32 : And -gar wees micel heord swyna
on 'Sam munte Icesiendra = Erat . . . grex porcorum . . .
pascentium in inonte.
DSN. (1) : — Mat. 1 3. 47b : Eft is heofena rice gelic asendum
nette on ^a sa3 & of selcum fisc-cynne gadrigendum =
Iterum simile est regnum caelorurn sagena? missaB in mare, et
ex omni genere piscium congreganti.
DPM. (5): — L. 6. 17 : And mid him farendum he stod
on feldlice stowe = Et descendens cum illis stetit in loco
campestri. [Or shall we emend farendum to farende in
accordance with the Latin ?] — Other examples : — Mk. 9. 42 :
gelyfendum = credentibus ; Mk. 16. 10a : heofendum = lugen-
tibus ; Mat. 11. 16: sltlendum = sedentibus ; Mk. 16. 10b :
wependum = jientibus.
DPN. (2):— L. 7. 32a&b: Hi sint gelice cildum on straete
sittendum & specendum betvvux him = Similes sunt pueris
sedentibus in foro, et loquentibus ad invicem.
ASM. (4) : — Mk. 15. 21 : & genyddon surane wegferendne
simonem cireneum cumende of &m tune . . . 'Sset he etc. =
Et angariaverunt prsetereuntem quempiam, Simonem Cyre-
nasum venientem de villa etc. — Other examples: — J. 1. 9 :
218 MORGAN CALL A. WAY, JR.
cumendne = venientem ; L. 17. 7a : eregendne = arantem ;
Mat. 9. 2 : licgende = jacentem.
ASN. (1):— L. 6. 38b: god geraet & full gebeapod and
oferfloivende hig syllaft = mensuram, bonara . . . et superef-
fluentem dahunt.
APM. (1): — Mat. 4. 24: yfeihcebbende = male habentes.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
finite verb, which finite verb is usually subordinate or
is in immediate connection with an appositive participle
(2):-
NSM. (2):— Mk. 11. 17 : & he Sa Icerende $us cwjeS =
Et docebat, dicens eis. — Mat. 26. 27a : And he genam "Sone
calic ftanciende & sealde hym ftus cwe^ende = Et accipiens
calicem, gratias egit, et dedit 1 11 is, dicens.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
gerund in the ablative (2) : —
NSM. (2) : — L. 15. 13 : & forspilde "Sar his sehta, lybbende
on his gselsan = et ibi dissipavit substantiam suam vlvendo
luxuriose; — L. 12. 25: ftencende = cogitando.
4. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
prepositional phrase (1) : —
NSM. (1) : — Mk. 9. 24 : wepende cwasft = cum lacrymis
aiebat.
5. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
ablative absolute clause (1) : —
NSM. (1) : — L. 6. 20 : Da cwseS se hselend beseonde to
his leorning-cnihtum = Et ipse elevatis oculls in discipulos
suos, dicebat.
6. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre-
spondence (2) : —
NSM. (1):— Mk. 5. 40 : He . . . ineode swigende (Hat.
MS.) "Sar 'Sset mseden wses = Ipse . . . ingreditur ubi etc.
NSF. (1): — L. 2. 51 : And his modor geheold ealle 3as
word on hyre heortan smeagende = Et mater ejus conservabat
omnia verba in corde suo. [Cf. L. 2. 19, where smeagende =
confer ens.]
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 219
II. With an Object (122).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (117) : —
NSM. (57):— Mk. 1. 41:. & his hand aSenode & hine
cethrinende [Hat. MS. sethrinede] & ftus cwseS = extendit
manum suam, et lav gens eum, ait illi. — Mat. 10. 5a : Das
twelf se h. sende, him bebeodende = Hos duodecim misit J.,
prceoipiens eis. — L. 3. 3 : he com into eall iordanes ricae
bodiende dsedbote fulluht & synna forgyfenesse = venit in
omnem regionem Iordanis, pvazdicans baptismnm poenitentiee
in remissionem peccatornm (or pred.?). Sobodi(g)ende=prce-
dicans in : Mat. 9. 35b, Mk. 1. 14 (or pred. ?) ; = evangelizans
in L. 8. lb (or pred. ?).— Mat. 9. 18: & ge-ea$medde hyne
to him, ftus cwe^Sende = et adorabat eum, dicens. So cwe&ende
(cwe$ynde)= dicens in : Mat. 8. 6, 9. 29, 9. 30, 10. 5b, 13. 3,
13. 31, 26. 27b, 26. 44, 27. 11; Mk. 1. 15 (or pred.?), 9. 25;
L. 23. 46 ; J. 1. 15, 1. 32.— Other examples :— L. 5. 13 (MS.
A) : aftenigende = extendens ; behealdende = circumspiciens,
Mk. 3. 34; lb. =intuilus, Mk. 10. 21 ; Mk. 14. 13 : berende
= bajulans; Mk. 3. 5a : besceawiende = circumspiciens ; Mk.
10. 23 : beseonde hine = circumspiciens (without object) ; —
biddende = rogans, Mat. 8. 5; ib. = deprecans, Mk. 1. 40;
bletsiende = benedicens, Mk. 14. 22, L. 1. 64; Mk. 5. £
ceorfende = concidens (or pred. ?) ; J. 6. 6 : fandigende his =
tentans eum ; Mk. 8. 13 : forlcetende = dimittens ; Mat. 9. 12 :
gehyrende = audiens ; geseonde = videns, Mk. 9. 15a, L. 1.
12 (no obj. in Latin) ; L. 14. 7 : gymende = intendens ; hceb-
bende = habens : Mk. 3. 1, 9. 47, L. 4. 33, 7. 8b; Mat. 9.
35°: hazlende = curans ; L. 17. 15: mcersiende — magniji-
cans ; L. 4. 40 : onsellende = imponens ; L. 8. la : prediciende
= prwdicans (or pred.?); secende = qucerens : Mat. 12. 43,
L. 11. 24, 13. 7 (or pred.?); — L. 3. 16 : secgende = dicens ;
Mk. 10. 16: seltende = imponens ; slitende = discerpens, Mk.
1. 26a, 9. 26b; ib. = scindens, Mk. 14. 63; L. 10. 30: upbe-
seonde hine = suscipiens (no object) ; L. 18. 43 : wuldrigende
220 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
= magnificans ; L. 24. 12b : wundrigende "Sees = mirans
quod (or pred.?).
NSF. (4):— Mat. 20. 20a&b: Da com to him zebedeis
bearna modor mid hyre beam urn big ge-eadmedende & sum
ftingc fram him biddende = Tunc accessit . . . mater, adorans
et petens aliquid ab eo. — Other examples : — J. 11. 28: cive-
ftende = dicens ; Mk. 3. 8 : gehyrende = audientes.
NSN. (3) : — L. 2. 23 : 3a3t selc wsepned gecynd-lim
ontynende by$ drihtne halig genemned = Quia omne mascu-
linum adaperiens vulvam, sauctum Domino vocabitur. —
Other examples: — Mk. 7. 19 : -clcensigende = purgaiis ; L. 7.
29a : gehyrende = audiens.
NPM. (36):— Mk. 1. 5: & wteron . . . gefullode . . .,
hyra synna andetende (MS. A.) = et baptizabantur . . ., con-
fitentes peccata sua. — Other examples : — Mk. 6. 55 : befarende
= percurrentes ; Mk. 2. 3: berende = ferentes (or pred.?);
L. 24. 53b : bletsigende = benedicentes (or pred.?); Mat. 19.
3 : costnigende hine = lentantes eum ; — cweftende = dicentes in :
Mat. 6. 31, 8. 25, 9. 27, 10. 7, 10. 12, 12. 10, 12. 38, 27. 23,
27. 29, Mk. 3. 11, J. 11. 31 ; — demende = judicantes : Mat.
19. 28, L. 22. 30 (or both pred.?) ; fandi{g)ende his = tentantes
eum: Mk. 10. 2, J. 8. 6 ; L. 24. 52: gebiddende — orantes
(no obj. in Latin); L. 6. 35: gehihtende = sper antes ; ge-
hyrende = audientes: L. 4. 28, 8. 15; L. 20. 11 : gewoscende
= afficientes ; Mk. 7. 3: healdende = tenentes ; heriende (her-
gende) = laudantes: L. 2. 20b (or pred. ?), 24. 53a (or pred. ?);
L. 20. 47 : hiwgende = simulantes; secende = qucerentes : Mat.
12. 16, 12. 47, L. 11. 54 ; ib. = requirentes : L. 2. 45 ; Mk. 7.
13: toslitende = rescindentes ; L. 23. 10: wregende — accusantes
(or pred.?); L. 2. 20a : wuldriende = glorijicantes (or pred.?).
NPF. (3): — Mat. 9. 33: $a menigeo wundredon civeftende
= miratse sunt turbse, dicentes. — Other examples: — Mat. 15.
31a: geseonde = videntes; Mat. 15.30: hcebbende = habentes.
NPN. (4) :— Mat. 8. 31 : Sa deofla soSlice hyne bsedon,
$us cweftende = Dsemones autem rogabant eum, dicentes. So
cweftende = dicentia in L. 4. 41\ — Other examples : L. 4.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 221
41a: hrymende = clamantia ; Mat. 27. 55: ISenigende hiin =
ministrantes ei.
NP. M. or N. (1) :— L. 23. 49 : cirSan & wif geseonde =
videntes.
NDM. (1):— Mk. 11. 5: Hwset do gyt Sone folan unti-
gende? = Quid facitis solventes pullum ?
DSM. (2) : — L. 6. 48 : He ys gelic timbriendum men his
hus= Siruilis est homini csdificanti domum. Cf. L. 6. 49:
He <is gelic "Sam timbriendan men his hus ofer $a eorSan =
similis est homini cedificcmti domum etc.
DPN. (1) : — L. 7. 32°: Hi synt gelice cildum . . . ewe&en-
dum = Similes sunt pueris . . . dicentibus.
ASM. (5) : — Mat. 8. 17 : &et wsere gefylled ftset gecweden
is -Surh esaiam 'Sone witegan, ftus cweftende = Ut adimplere-
tur quod dictum est per Isaiam prophetam, dicentem. So
cweftmde = dicentem in Mat. 12. 17, 27. 9. — Other examples :
— Mk. 9. 17 : hcebbende = habentem ; L. 17. 7b : lcesgendne =
pasoentem.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
finite verb, which finite verb is generally either subordinate
or in immediate connection with an appositive participle
(3):-
NSM. (1) :— Mat. 14. 19 : beseah on Sone heofon & bletsi-
gende braec -Sa hlafas = adspiciens in ccelum benedixit et
fregit . . . panes.
NSF. (1) : — L. 18. 5: $e-lses heo set neahstan cume me
behropende = ne in novissimo veniens sugillet me (or pred. ?).
NPM. (1) :— Mk. 9. 15b : & hine gretende him to urnon =
et accurrentes salutabant eum.
3. An A.-S. appositive participle has no Latin corre-
spondence (2) : —
NSM. (1) :— Mat. 22. 35 : axode hyne & fandode hys Sus
cweftende = Et interrogavit eum unus ex eis legis doctor,
ten tans eum.
NSF. (1):— J. 12. 28: Da com stefn of heofone 3us
eweftende = Venit ergo vox de coelo.
6
222 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (43).
I. Without an Object (36).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (34) : —
NSM. (14) : — Mk. 14. 51 : Sum iungling him fyligde mid
anre scytan bewcefed nacod & hi nanion hine = Adolescens
autem quidam sequebatur enm amictus sindone super nudo. —
Mk. 5. 30 : he cwseS bewend to -Ssere menigu = conversus ad
turbam aiebat. So bewend = conversus: L. 7. 9, 10. 23, 14.
25, 23. 28. — Other examples : — Mk. 9. 20 : forgnyden =
elisus; Mk. 5. 4: gebunden = vinctus; Mat. 2. 22: gemynegod
•= admonitus ; gesett = constitutus : Mat. 8. 9, L. 7. 8a ; Mk.
3. 5b : geunret = contristatus ; L. 22. 32 : gewend = conversus;
Mat. 25.. 25 : ofdrced = timens (or pred.?).
NSF. (1): — Mat. 14. 8: Da cwseS heo fram hyre meder
gemyngod — At ilia prcemonita a matre sua . . . inquit.
NSN. (2):— L. 11. 17 : JElc rice on hyt sylf todceled by3
toworpen = Omne regnum in se ipsum divisum desolabitur. —
L. 10. 15 : upahafen = exaltata.
NPM. (5): — L. 1. 74: ftset we butan ege of ure feonda
handa alysede him fteowian = Ut sine timore, de manu . . .
liberati} serviamus illi. — Other examples : — gefullode (gefuttede)
= baptizati, L. 7. 29b, 7. 30 ; L. 9. 31 : gesewene = visi ; Mat.
7. 6 : gewende = conversi.
NPN. (1):— Mat. 26. 47 : «a com iudas ... & micel folc
mid hym mid swurdum & sahlum asende fram . . . ealdrum
^ ecce Judas . . . venit, et cum eo turba multa cum gladiis
et fustibus, missi a principibus etc.
DSN. (1) :— Mat. 13. 47a : Eft is heofena rice gelic asendum
nette on $a sse = Iterum simile est regnum coelorum sagena?
missce in mare.
ASM. (7): — Mk. 16. 6: ge secaft "Ssene nazareniscan hse-
lend ahangenne = Jesum quseritis Nazarenum, crucifixum. —
Other examples : — Mat. 27. 37 : awritenne = scriptam ; Mk.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 223
15. 17: awundenne = pleclentes ; Mk. 15. 15: beswungenne
= ccesum ; L. 23. 16: gebelne = emendatum; Mat. 27. 16:
gehceftne = vinctum ; L. 7. 25 : gescryddne = indutum.
ASF. (1):— L. 22. 12: he eow betsecS mycele healle
gedcefle = ipse ostendet vobis coenaculum magnum .stratum.
ASN. (2) : — L. 6. 38 : god gemet & full geheapod . . . hig
syllaS = mensuram bonam, et confertam et coagitatam . . .
dabunt ; Mat. 27. 34 : gemenged = mixtum.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
finite verb, which finite verb is usually subordinate or in
immediate connection with an appositive participle (1): —
ASM. (1): — L. 20. 15: hig hine of -Sam wingearde
awurpon ofslegene = eject um ilium extra vineam occiderunt
3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
adjective (1) : —
NSF. (1):— L. 1. 28: hal wes 5u mid gyfe gefylled =
Ave, gratia plena (or subst. ?).
II. With an Object (7).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (7) : —
NSM. (1) : — Mk. 9. 31 : & of slag en -Sam -Sriddan deege
he arist = et occisus tertia die resurget.
DSF. (1): — L. 1. 27: wa?s asend gabriel ... to bewed-
dudre fsernnan anum were ftses nama wees iosep = ... ad
virginem desponsatam viro cui nomen erat J.
ASM. (3): — Mat. 11. 8: oSSe hwi eode ge ut geseon
mann hnescum gyrlum gescrydnef = Sed quid existis videre?
hominem mollibus vestitumf So gescrydne = indutum: L. 23.
11 ; Mk. 16. 5 : oferivrohne = co-opertum.
ASN. (1) : — Mat. 11.7: Hwi eode ge ut on wesften geseon
winde awegyd hreod? = Quid existis in desert urn videre?
arundinem vento agitatamf
APM. (1) :— Mat. 4. 24 : hi brohton him ealle yfel-
hsebbende, missenlicum adlum & on tintegrum gegripene =
224 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
obtulerunt ei omnes male habentes, variis languoribus et
tormentis comprehensos.
Note : Examples of Participles hitherto cited as Appositive.
A. Erdmann (p. 26) considers bebeodende appositive in
Matthew 11.1 (hyt woes geworden "Sa se hcelynd %ys ge-endude
hys twelf leorning-cnihtum bebeodende he for ftanun = factum
est, quum consummasset Jesus prozcipiens duodecim discipulis
suis, transiU inde), and that %ys is the object of bebeodende;
while Matzner (in., p. 70) and March (§ 458) seem to hold
that the participle here is used substantially and is the
object of ge-endude. To me, however, neither of these views
seems tenable ; I take %ys to be the object of bebeodende and
the participle to be used predicatively after the intransitive
verb of ending, as is common in Greek (cf. Goodwin, Gr.
Grammar, § 1578) and as occurs in the Greek of this verse.
Again, Erdmann (p. 28) holds that gangende is appositive
in Luke 9. 34 (hi ondredon him gangende on ¥>cet genip = tim-
uerv/nt, irdrmdibus ittis in nubem); but, as I have since tried
to show (Abs. Ptc. in A.S., p. 13), the participle is more
probably a crude absolute dative.
According to Erdmann (p. 28) ahsiende is possibly apposi-
tive in 3Iark 9. 32 (hi adredon hine ahsiende = timebant
interrogate eum), while Matzner (in., p. 70) and March
(§ 458) appear to look upon ahsiende as the substantival
object of adredon. For several reasons, however, I believe
that ahsiende is to be emended to ahsienne, which latter is the
infinitive object of adredon. (1) We know that this confu-
sion] of infinitive and participial forms occurs in the Gospels
(cf. above Mk. 1. 5, where I give MS. A.'s andetende instead
of the Corpus anddetenne). (2) We find the verb ondixedan
governing an inflected infinitive as direct object (cf. Mat. 1.
20, 2. 22, both cited by Erdmann). (3) ahsienne would
correspond better with the infinitive of the Latin (and
Greek) than would ahsiende.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 225
In Luke 9. 55, Professor Bright, following MSS. B. and
C, reads : hine beicend, he lug ftreade (= conversus increpavit
illos), in which case beicend would be appositive. But, as we
have no other instance in the Gospels of the past participle
(beicend) governing an accusative, it seems better to read,
with the remaining MSS., beicende (beicente).* The Lindisfarne
and Rushworth Glosses likewise have a finite verb here. For
the other occurrences of bewend in the Gospels, see NSM.
under B, I., 1 above.
WULFSTAN (28).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (9).
I. Without an Object (3).
NSM. (1) : — 244. 7a : Sset is feeder and sunu and halig
gast and is an soft god rixigende and gemende ealra his
gesceafta a butan ende.
NPM. (1) : — 295. 14 : hi sculon fleonde on gefeohte beon
ofslagene.
NPN. (1) : — 236. 26 : and Sa deoflu wendon seeamigende
aweg.
II. With an Object (6).
NSM. (5): — 199. 15: be ftam awrat Iohannes . . . Sus
cweftende. lb. 201. 8, 246. 11, both immediately before a
Latin quotation. [Only one other example of cweftende
occurs in Wulfstan (see 105. 30 under NPM.). Wulfstan
translates dieens (dicentes) twice by a co-ordinated finite verb
(60. 14, 87. 15) and once by a subordinated finite verb (87.
18), while twice he leaves it untranslated (31. 32, 77. 3).] —
244. 7b : Sset is feeder and sunu and halig gast and is an soft
*The past participle must however certainly be allowed to govern the
accusative. I should still regard hine bewend as a servile translation of
conversus, and the readings of Corp. and A. as representing steps in
revision. — J. W. B.
226 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
god rixigende and gemende ealra his gesceafta a butan ende. —
278. 9 : and on "Sam eahto'San dsege manna gehwylc ham
ferde mid fulre blisse gode selmihtigum ftancjende ftsere
maerSe (or predicative?).
NPM. (1) : — 105. 30: we bine senne ofer ealle o'Sre $ing
lufja'S and wurSjafl mid gewissum geleafan aveftende etc.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (19).
I. Without an Object (15).
NSM. (2): — 25. 19: se fte ftsene bryne fturhfseHS unbe-
sencged (or pred.?) ; 26. 7 : gemencged (or pred.?).
NPM. (7):— 133. 5a&b: and ge tofesede swrSe afirhte oft
litcl werod earhlice forbugaft = 131. 23 : et animam nestram
tabe.scentem faciam, et persequentnr uos inimici uestri, et
fngietis nnllo ])ersequente. — 137. 18: and we beoft him
"Sonne fseringa beforan brohte seghwanon cumene to his
ansyne. — Other examples: — gehadode (gehadede) : 160. 1,181.
29,^272. 21, 292. 30.
ASF. (5):— 263. 4, 5, 6a&b: Seah Se $a mihtegestan and
"Sa ricestan hatan him reste gewyrcan of marmanstane and mid
goldfrsetwum and mid gimcynnum eal astcened and mid seol-
frenum ruwuni and godwebbe eall qferwrigen and mid deor-
wyr<Snm wyrtgemengnessnm eal gestreded and mid goldleafum
gestrewed ymbutan ; 163. 6 : gewylede.
AP. M. or F. (1):— 46. 7 : wa eow, he cwse$, 3e lecgaft
togsedere hamas and ashta on unriht begytene on seghwilce
healfe.
II. With an Object (4).
NSM. (1) : — 48. 3 : and forSam he sceal drefan dimne and
deopne hellewites grand, helpes bedceled.
NPM. (3):— 256. 12a-b'°: ac gewitaS fram me, wuldre
bcdcelcde, freondum afyrede, feondum betcehte in $am hatan
wylme hellefyres.
THE APPOSITIVE PAKTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 227
Note: Latin Participles in Wulfstan. — Thirty-four Latin
participles occur in Wulfstan. Of these, twelve are untrans-
lated (adorantes, 175. 14; audientes (twice), 42. 29, 47. 12;
dicens (twice), 31. 32, 77. 3; egressus, 87. 10; eleuatus, 31.
19; placentem, 31. 28; reatus, 63. 12; respondens, 87. 12;
scribentes, 43. 9; sumentes, 30. 12); twelve are translated by
a subordinated finite verb (accedens, 29. 11 ; agnoscens, 29.
15; audiens, 190. 11; dicentes, 87. 18; fallens, 50. 19;
habentes, 43. 15b; ponentes (twice), 42. 25, 26; seiens, 248.
9; sperantes (twice), 43. 15, 48. 6; tabcscentes, 131. 30); and
nine are translated by a co-ordinated finite verb (dans, 29.
21; dicens (twice), 60. 14, 87. 15; faciens, 248. 10; re-
spondens (respondentes) (thrice), 62. 3, 67. 23, 87. 16 ; reuer-
tentes (twice), 44. 5, 49. 17).
BENET1 (142).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (103).
I. Without an Object (40).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (35) : —
NSM. (12) : — 95. 10 : niwan cumende (text : cumenne)
aenig to gecyrrednesse ne si him eoelic forgifen infsereld =
Noviter veniens quis ad conversionem non ei facilis tribuatur
ingressus. So cumende = veniens: 80. 6, 95. 13. — Other
examples : — 4. 8 : forseonde = respuens ; 36. 2b : gangende =
ambxdans ; 116. 15: gebetende = satisfaciens ; 114. 14: ge-
truwigende = conjidens ; 69. 5 : ingangende = ingrediens ;
68. 1: luftcende = diligens ; 36. 2a : sittende = sedens ; 36.
2C : standende = stans ; 57. 3b : fturhtvunigende = persistens.
NSF. (1) : — 2. 11 : utan gehyran . . . clipiende hweet us
myngie stefn = audiamus . . . damans quid nos ammo-
neat vox.
NSN. (1) : — 9. 16 : ftaet forme mynstermanna 'Saet is
mynsterlic campiende under regule o$$e abbude = Primum
228 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
coenobitarum hoc est monasteriale militans sub regula vel
abbate.
NPM. (13) : — 55. 7 : arisende softlice to godes weorce . . .
gemedlice tihtan oSSe laran = Surgentes vero ad opus dei
invicera se moderate cohortent. So arisende (ariscende) =
surgentes: 55. 4, 81. 16. — Other examples: — 24. 12:
droh(ti)gende = degentes ; 106. 11: forahrcedigende = pre-
venientes ; 24. 1 lb : gangende = ambulantes ; gecyrrende =
revertentes: 92. 14, 93. 2; 24. 10: libbende = viventes ; 6.
12 : fturhwunigende = perseverantes ; utgangende = exeuntes:
75. 5\ 81. 12, 93. 1.
NP. M. or F. (1) : — 45. 7: gebyriende = pertinentes.
Note. — utgangendum (in 66. 15: ¥>a utgangendum = egre-
dientes) is either absolute or substantive ; in the latter case
read "Sa utgangendan.
GSM. (1) : — 25. 10 : se "Se heortan his besceawaft ceoriendes
= qui cor ejus respicit murmurantis.
GPM. (2) : — 69. 1 : meosan etenda gebroftrum (read ge-
6ro"Sra) rsedinc wana beon na scell = Mensis fratrum edentium
lectio deesse non debet; 78. 12 : idgangendre = exeuntium.
DSM. (1) : — 13. 9 : "Sset ahwenne him na secge syngendum
= nequaudo illi dicat deus <peccanti.
DPM. (1): — 118. 10: us asolcenum -j yfel lybbendum ~\
gimeleasum scame gescyndn}7sse = nobis autem . . . male
viventibus . . . rubor confusionis est.
APM. (2):— 21. 7: ge-Sohtas $a yfelan heortan his to
becumende (text becumenne) sona to christe aslidan = Cogita-
tiones malas cordi suo advenientes mox ad christum allidere.
So cumende = advenientes : 33. 5.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
adjective (2) : —
NSM. (1) : — 61. 6 : hordere si gecoren of gegsederunge wis
. . . na upahafen [blank] drefende = Cellarius . . . eligatur
de congregatione sapiens . . . non elatus non turbulentus.
NPM. (1) : — 11. 2: $a . . . cumlrSiaft sef're worigende *j
nsefre staSolfseste = qui . . . hospitantur semper vagi et
nunquam stabiles.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 229
3. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
gerund in the ablative (3) : —
NSM. (3): — 61. 1 1 : forseonde hine he ne gedrefe = non
spernendo euin contristet. [Of. Benedict1 54. 14: he fteah
mid forseawennesse hine ne geunrotsige.] — 114. 10a&b: his
unacumenlicnesse se $e gewis [blank] 3 gedafenlice [blank]
na modigende [text : modigenne] oftSe wv&standende [blank]
= impossibilitatis sue causas ei qui sibi preest patienter et
oportune suggerat, non supcrbiendo aut resistendo vel con-
tradicendo. [Cf. Benedict1 128. 15, 16: 3a$t he eft mid
ge^ylde on gedafenre tide his maegenleaste his ealdre gecySe,
he no -Seah ua wiftstande, ne mid modignesse ne wi$cwe"3e.]
Note 1 . — It is possible to construe forseonde, modigende,
and vnftstandende above as appositive participles, but it is
also possible that they may be used here precisely as the
Latin gerunds are ; that is, they may be verbal nouns in an
oblique case instead of verbal adjectives in the nominative
case. Certainly yrnende in the following is a verbal noun :
Benet1 3. 15 : . . . n "Sees rices healle on inne gyf we wyllaS
[blank], butou [blank] mid godum dseduni yrnende nateshwon
ne bi3 becumen == (In) cujus regni tabernaculo si volumus
habitare, nisi illuc bonis actibus currendo minime perveuitur.
[Cf. Benedict1 3. 9 : Natoftaeshwon his rices eardung biiS
gefaren buton mid gymeue and gehealdbiimnesse godra daeda;
ofst and hradung godra weorca is to -Saein rice weges fsereld.]
In all probability, too, onginnende and standende, corre-
sponding respectively to a Latin gerundive and gerund, are
verbal nouns, not verbal adjectives, in the following : —
Benet1 105. 5a&b : sefter endebyrdnesse fta $a he gesette o$$e
$a -Sa habbaS $a sylfan gebro^ran hi ne genealaecan [blank]
to huselgange to on * sealmum ginnende on choro standende
= Ergo secundum ordines quos constituent vel quos habue-
rint ipsi fratres si [read sic] accedant ad pacem, ad commu-
nionem, ad psalmum imponendum, in choro standum. [Cf.
*As Logeman (foot-note to p. 105) says, on belongs with ginnende.
230 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
Benedict1 115. 4, 5 : ... gauge selc sefter cSruni to cosse, to
husle and be ■San on chore stande and sealmas and gehwylce
■Senunga beginne.~\
Note 2. — In the following the present participle that corre-
sponds to a Latin gerund in the ablative seems in use to be a
pure adverb: — Benet1 43. 4: "Sset is Sset sig [blank] sungen
buton antempne teonde sethwega swa swa on $am sunnan die
dsege = id est, ut sexagesimus sextus psalrnus dicatur sine
antiphonasM&<ra/iettrio mod ice sicut dominica. [Cf. Benedict1
37. 8 : ]>set is -Sa3t se syxandsyxtigefta seahn . . . sy gecweden
butan antefene, and he sy on swege gelencged hwsethwara
ealswa on sunnandsege.] — Benet J 76. 3 : "Sane forSi eallunga
teonde latlice we wyllaft beon gessed = quern propter hoc
om nino protrahendo et morose volumus dici. [Cf. Benedict1
68. 9 : 'Sonne we eac forSi on -Sam sancge lencgcv§.~\
II. With an Object (63).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (62) : —
NSM. (32):— 68. 1 : sig hus cyte ofer hi betseht 3 Sen
adrcedende [blank] ^ lufiseude = sit cella super se deputata,
et servitor timens deum et diligens. [Here aud occasionally
at other places deum is not glossed, perhaps because of its
familiarity.] — 34. 6 : gelyfe . . . geeadmetende hine sylfne =
credat . . . humiliam se. — Other examples: — 29. 11 : asmai-
dand (MS. : asmaidan) = scrutans (or predicative?); 16. 8 :
behiwiende = dissimulans ; 13. 8: o"Srum bodiende = aliis
predicant* ; 104. 16: brueende (MS.: brucenne) anwealde =
uteris potestate ; 111. 8: donde = faciens ; 61. 7 : drcedende
(MS. drcedenne) = timens; 31.16: geefenlcecende = immitans;
5. 3 : gefytlende = compleas; 29. 3 : gehealdende = custo-
diens ; gehyrende = audiens : 3. 1, 17. 14; 35. 2: habbende
= hub ens ; 98. 11 : hecddende = reservans ; 31. 10: lujiende
= amans ; 14. 14 : mcengcende tidum tida = miscens tempo-
ribus tempora ; 109. 5: nimende = sumens ; 2. 16: secende
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 231
= queer ens ; 28. 14: secende [sic /] = ponens ; secgende =
dicens : 36. 5, 78. 10; 16. 9: taliende (MS.: taliendre) =
pendens; 4. 7: tihtende (MS.: tihende) = suadentem ; 109. 2a :
ftencende = cogitans ; 36.4: wenende = existimans ; witende
= sciens: 15. 12, 19. 3, 57. 4a, 97. 5, 103. 14; 1. 8 :
wiftciveftendc lustum = abrenuntians voluptatibus.
NSF. (1): — 98. 6: $set fers eall seo gseder.ung -Sriddan
srSan togefteodende [text : -e/irie] mid [blank] = Quern ver-
sum omnis congregatio tertio respondeat adjungentes gloria
patri. [The A.-S. has nothing corresponding to the Latin
respondeat. Of course, the A.-S. participle may be plural,
as the Latin one is.]
NSN. (3) : — 27. 2 : clypaS us gewritt $set godcunda eala
seccende (= secgende) = Clamat nobis scriptura divina fra-
tres dicens. So secgende = dicens : 30. 14. — 32. 7: gesutuli-
ende = ostendens.
NPM. (19) :— 5. 16 : 3 g[f fleonde helle wite life we wyllaS
becuman to 'Sam ecan = Et si fugienies gehenne jxenas ad
vitam volumus pervenire perpetuam. — Other examples : —
4. 11 : ahwenende (== ah wenende?) = existimantes ; 12. 14:
forhicgende = contempnentes ; forhetende = relinquentes : 23.
16, 24. 1; ib. = deserentes : 23. 17; 32. 12: gefyllende =
adimplentes ; 24. lla: gehyrsumiende (w. dat.) = obedientes ;
healdende= servantes: 10. 9b; ib. = observantes: 117. 16 ; 51
10: myiidigende = commonentes ; nimende = accipientes : 92
7 ; ib. = assumentes : 109. 16 ; 3. 16 : secgende = dicentes ;
^Seowgende (fteowiende) (w. dat.) = servientes : 11. 3, 67. 13
109. 15b: wenende = estimantes ; witende = scienies : 107
12, 116. 4.
GSM. (3) : — 3i. 11 : ftas stefue drihtnes mid daedum ac he
geefenlsece secgendes = sed vocem illam domini factis imi-
tetur dicentis. So secgendes = dicentis, 57. 4b. Cf. 109. 2b
(Sencende gesead 3aes halgan iacobes secgende = cogitans
discretionem sancti Jacob dicentis.)
GPM. (1): — 111. 5: swa hwsenne swa geceost [blank]
mid ge^eahte [blank] ond reed end ra gode etc. = quemcumque
elegerit abba cum consilio fratrum timentium deum.
232 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
DSF. (1):— 3. 8: est [sic] luftempre [blank] (-Siss)ere
stefne [blank] gehv&gendre la ge "Sa leofestan gebroSran =
Quid dulcius nobis (ab h)ac voce domini invitantis.
ASM. (1):— 107. 7: 'Sset [blank] for his leahtrura . . .
geftafiendne (text : -enne) had mid gelicum ge^eahte gif
gecys'S = Quod si etiam omnis congregatio vitiis suis . . .
consentientem personam pari eonsilio elegerit.
APN. (1):— 26. 14: higlista [blank] o$$e idel word
[blank] stirienda . . . we . . . fordernaft = Scurilitates vero
vel verba otiosa et risum moventia . . . dampnamus.
2. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
gerund in the ablative (1) : —
NSM. (1) : — 31. 5 : ariende = parcendo.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (39).
I. Without an Object (30).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (30) : —
NSM. (15): — 59. 6 : fteah $e he amansumad hit ne gebet
teartere genealsece iSrseiungan = etiam si excommunicatus non
emendaverit acrior ei accedat correptio. — Other examples : —
100. 3 : bepceht (MS. bepaslvS) = deceptus ; 68. lc ; fidfremed
= sollicitus ; 77. 13: geaslndrod = sequestratus ; 97. 17
gebeden = rogatus ; 107. 14: gehadod = ordincUus ; 78. 14
gehaten =jussus ; 104. 6 : geminegod = ammoniius ; 54. 7b
gtf&reat = eorreptus ; 2. 5: geyrsod = irritatus ; 78. 11
pro afered = stratus; 12. 11 : tolysed = absolutus ; 98. 17
unscryd = exutus; upahqfen = elatus: 59. 9, 61. 5.
NSF. (1) : — 36. 12 : sona to ftsere softan lufan godes
becymft to ftsere fidfremed ut seo asend ege = mox ad
karitatem dei perveniet illam que perfeda foras mittit
timorem.
NSN. (1): — 70. 17: an pund awegen genihtsumige on
dege = Panis libera una propensa sufficiat in die.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 233
NPM. (10) : — 10, 7 : -Sa on senigum regole na afandode
vel [sic] o3Se afundennessa lareowas . . . lcogan gode . . .
synd acnawene = qui nulla regula approbati experientia
magistri . . . mentiri deo . . . noscuntur. — Other examples : —
113. 9: astreht (MS. : astrehft) = prostrati; 44. 11 : gecyrde
= conversi ; 10. la : gelcerde = docti ; 32. 14: genydde =
angarizati ; 76. 10: gesaviene = visi ; 75. 5a : geselte =
positi : 10. lb : getyde = instruct i ; 10. 9a : nexode = molliti ;
109. 15a : tobrcedde = inflati.
ASM. (2): — 118. 12: Sysne Sane lsestan acunnednesse
regol awrilenne fylstendurn criste "bu gefremme = hanc mini-
mam inchoationis regulam discriptam adjuvante christo per-
ficias ; 20. 10 : gedonne =factam.
APF. (1) :— 92. 15 : [bjrec $as 3a «a [blank] beo"S asende
on hra3gelhu.se niman 3a hi gecyrrende gtf&wagenu Sara
agenbringan = Femuralia hi qui in via diriguntur de vesti-
ario accipiant qui revertentes lota ibi restituant. [Is the -u
of geSwagenu due to lota, and is geftwagenu to be considered
a neuter despite the gender of [6]rec /]
Note. — In the following, gewunede and gedihte appear to
be used as adverbs: — 92. 16: cuflan ^ tonican beon o3er-
hwilen synd gewunede sunt [sic] habban gethwigan beteran =
Cuculle et tunice sint aliquanto solito quas habent modice
meliores ; 40. 11: sittendum eallum gedihte -\ be endebyrd-
nysse on sceamolum = residentibus cunctis disposite et per
ordinem in subselliis.
II. With an Object (9).
1. An A.-S. appositive participle corresponds to a Latin
appositive participle (9) : —
NSM. (1) : — 54. 7a : ^set senig of Sam on sumere fserunga
tobrosd modignesse gif brS gemet teallic etc. = Quod si
quisque ex eis aliqua forte infiatus superbia repertus fuerit
reprehensibilis etc.
234 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
GSF. (1) : — 16. 7 : S^et be na Sset an nySerunga sefwyrSe
heorde him sylfan befcestre Solige = ut non solum detrimenta
gregis sibi commissi non patiatur.
GPF. (1) : — 16. 9 : hasle saule him sylfan bifcestra = sal li-
tem animarum sibi commissarum.
DSN. (1):— 57. 3a: ana [blank] to weorce [blank] to be-
tcehtum = Solus sit ad opus sibi injunctum.
DPM. (1) : — 31. 1 : ^ gif fram englum [blank] betehtum
= et si ab angel is nobis depulatis.
DPN. (1): — 75. 4: on Sam sylfum betcehtum him sylfum
Singurn = in assignato sibi cominisso.
ASM. (1): — 104. 4: se [blank] regol fram decanum oSSe
fram pravostum him sylfan gesetne gehealden wite = qui
tamen regulam a decanis vel prepositis sibi constitutam
servare sciat.
ASF. (2): — 104. 15: se ne abbod gedrefe befceste him
sylfum heorde = Qui abbas non conturbet gregem sibi
commissam ; 62. 15: him betcehte = sibi commissum.
II. — IN THE POEMS.
A.— LONGER POEMS.
BEOWULF (91).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (23).
I. Without an Object (19).
NSM. (9) :— 2272 : se Se byrnende biorgas seceS ; ib. 2569
(or pred.?); 815: wses gehwseSer oSrum lifigende laS. —
Other examples: — 2219: slcepende; 2235: ftanchycgende ;
2548: unbyrnende ; 708: wceccende; 2062: wigende (or
lifigende f) ; 2716: wishycgende.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 235
NSF. (1):— 1953: Sser hio siSSan wel . . . lifgesceafta
lijigende breac.
NPM. (2): — 916: Hwilura flitende fealwe strsete mearum
mseton ; 2850 : hy scamiende scyldas bseran.
N. Dual M. (1) : — 535 : Wit "Sset gecwaedon cnihlwesende.
DSM. (2) : — 1389 : 'Sset brS drihtguman unlifgendum sefter
selest ; 1187 : gif he -Sset eal gemon, hwset wit to willan and
to worSruyndum umbor-wesendum ser arna gefreraedon (or
subst. here ?).
ASM. (3): — 2781: ligegesan wseg hatne for horde, hioro-
weallende; 372: Ic hine cirSe cnihlwesende; 46: 'Se hine set
frutrjsceafte forS onsendon serine ofer y-Se umbor wesende.
APM. (1) : — 1581 : slcepende frset folces Denigea fyftyne
men.
II. With Object (4).
NSM. (3): — 2106: gomela Scilding fela. friegende feorran
rehte (but Kohler considers fela an adverb) ; 2350 : for -Son
he ser fela nearo neftende ni$a gedigde; 1227 : Beo "Sti suna
minura dsedum gedefe dream healdende. [Should we not
write dream-healdende, as Grein does in his Glossary ?
Cf. dream-hozbbendra in Genesis 81. Kohler considers
healdende as substantivized.]
NPM. (1) :— 1829 : Gif ic Saat gefricge ofer floda begang,
•Sset 'Sec ymbesitteud egesan $ywaft, swa "Sec hetende
hwilum dydon, ic $e 'Susenda "Segna bringe, hselefta to helpe
(or a substantivized participle, as Kohler holds).
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (68).
I. Without an Object (18).
NSM. (9): — 1351 : o$er earmsceapen on weres wsestmum
wrseclastas trsed (may be considered substantivized as by
Kohler) ; 2569 : Gewat 'Sa byrnende gebogen scriSan (or
pred. ?) ; 846 : hu he . . . on nicera mere fsege and gefiymed
236 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
feorhlastas beer; ib. 1370; 2852: He gewergad sset ; 868:
guma gi/phkeden or attrib. ?); 262 : Wses rain feeder folcum
gecvSed, se$ele ordfrnma Ecgfteow haten (may be pred.) ;
1913: Ceol up geSrang, lyftgeswenced on lande stod ; 2443:
sceolde hwa?3re swa Seah seSeling unwrecen ealdres linnan.
NSF. (2): — 614: cwen Hroftgares . . . grette goldhroden
gnraan on healle ; ib. 1948.
NSN. (1): — 3012: ac •$ser is ma^ma hord, gold iinrime
grim me geceapod (may be pred.).
NS. M. or N. (1): — 3085: Hord is gesceawod, grimme
gegongen.
NPM. (1): — 1819: we sselrSend secgan wyllaft, feorran
cumene, ftset etc.
NPN. (2) : — 59 : Bseni feower beam forS gerimed in
woruld wocun. — Other examples: — 3049: fturhetone (or
pred. ?).
DSM. (1): — 1479: ^set ftu me a wsere forftgewitenum on
feeder stsele (cf. Abs. Ptc. in A.S., p. 16).
APF. (1) : — 1937 : ac him waelbende weotode tealde, hand-
gewrv&ene.
II. With an Object (50).
NSM. (27): — 1113: wees eftgesyne . . . se^eling manig
wundum aicyrded ; 721 : Com . . . rinc simian dreamum
bedceled ; ib. 1275. — Other examples: — 1451 : befongen frea-
wrasnum ; 2274: fyre befangen; ib. 2595; 531: beore
druncen; 1467: wine ; 2580: bysigum gebceded ; 3117:
strengum gebceded; 2359: bille gebeaten; 2401: torne ge-
bolgen ; 2111: eldo gebunden; 923: cystum gecyfted; 217:
winde gefysed; 630: gu'Se gefysed; 2309: fyre gefysed;
1005: nyde genyded (Wiilckerhas genydde) ; 975: synnum
geswenced; 1368: hundum geswenced; 1285: hamere ge-
fturen; 250: wsepnurn geweorftad ; 1450: since ; 1038:
since gewur&ad ; 1645: dome ; 2255: hyrsted golde;
845 : nr<Sa ofercumen.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 237
NSF. (5) : — 1443 : scolde herebyrne hondurn gebroden, sid
and searofah suud cunnian. — Other examples : — 3018 : golde
bereafod; 1333: fylle gef(i-)cegnod ; 777: golde geregnad;
624 : mode geSungen.
NSN. (5) : — 553 : beadohrasgl ... on breostum lseg, golde
gegyrv:ed. — Other examples: — 2680: ni8e genyded ; 2764:
sear w n m gesceld ; 2441: fyrenum geseyngad ; 406: seowed
smrSes orSancum.
NS. M. or X. (1): 3146: astah . . . swogende leg wope
bewunden.
NPM. (3): — 1126: Gewiton him -Sa wigend wica neosian
freondum befeaUen Frysland geseon; 480: Fuloft gebeotedon
beore druncne ofer ealowsege oretmecgas. — Other examples : —
3014 : feore gebohte.
ASM. (1): — 3139: Him 3a gegiredan Geata leode ad on
eorban unwaclicne, helmum behongen.
ASF. (2) : — 2931 : bryd aheorde, gomela iomeowlan golde
berofene. — Other examples: — 2192 : golde gegyrede.
ASN. (2) : — 1900 : He "Ssem batwearde bunden golde swurd
gesealde ; 1531: wearp -Sa wundenmaBl wrsettum gebunden
yrre oretta (though some consider gebunden as norm).
AS. M. or N. (1) : — 2769 : Swylce he siomian geseah segn
eallgylden, . . . gelocen leobocraBftum.
APM. (1) : — 1028 : ne gefraegn ic freondlicor feower mad-
mas golde gegyrede gnrnmauna fela in ealobence o^rum
gesellan.
APN. (2) : — 2762 : Geseah . . . fyrnmanna fatu feormend-
lease hyrstum behrorene; 871 : soSe gebunden.
Note 1. — Kohler reads ealo drincende in 1945, and con-
siders drincende an appositive participle ; I retain Wulker's
ealodrincende, which is a substantive.
Note 2. — The text is too defective to admit of classifying
the following: 304: gehroden ; 1031: bewunden; 2229:
earmsceapen; 2230: sceapen ; 3151: nmnden.
238 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
GENESIS1 (42).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (10).
I. Without Object (10).
NSM. (3) : — 1583 : ac he hlihende brcSrura ssegde. — Other
examples: — 874: sceomiende ; 347: sorgiende.
NSF. (1 ) :— 890 : gitsiende.
NSN. (1) :— 560 : willende.
NPM. (1):— 2066: hlihende.
GPF. (1) : — 81 : ftrymmas weoxon dugirSa mid drihtne
dreamhcebbendra.
DSM. (2) : — 2663 : fteet ic $e lissa Ufigendum giet on dagum
laete duguSa brucan, sinces gesundne; 2649: Me ssegde ser
■Sset wif hire wordum selfa unfricgendum, -Sset etc.
ASM. (1): — 2169: ac ic fte lifigende her wr3 weana ge-
hwam wreo ~) scylde.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (32).
I. Without Object (11).
NSM. (4) : — 1571 : SwiSe on slsepe sefa nearwode, ftset he
ne mihte on genrynd drepen hine handum self mid hraegle
wry on. — Other examples: — 725: gehugod; 481: gewanod;
1799 : haten (may be pred., as Seyfarth holds).
GPM. (1): — 1836 : feorren cumenra.
GPN. (1) : — 1185 : wintra gebideivra etc.
ASM. (1) :— 1865 : geftreadne.
ASF. (2): — 165: ceteowde; 549: gesceapene (or pred.?).
ASN. (1) :— 2022 : forslegen (or attrib. ?).
APN. (1) :— 1520 : besmiten.
II. With Object (21).
NSM. (9):— 930: dugeSum bedoded; 2099: eorlum be-
droren; 2124: secgum befylled ; 2605: wine druncen ;
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 239
1818: dri h t ne gecoren; 2668: egesan geSread; 2137: elne
gewurftod ; 32: nibes of&yrsted ; 2740: hleowfeSrurn fteaht
(or pred. ?).
NPM. (5): — 86: leohte belorene ; 76: Systrum bcfteahte;
1734: metode gecorene; 1693: hleoSrum gedcelde ; 2002:
ecgum offtegde.
NPF. (2):— 2082: dome bedrorene; 2010: freondum 6e-
slcegene.
NPN. (2) :— 2001 : secgum ofslegene; 1989 : helmum Keahte.
ASN. (2): — 1263: hundtwelftig geleled rime wintra;
2344 : geteled rimes.
APN. (1) : — 1336 : Su seofone genim on $aet sundreced
tudra gehwilces geleled rimes.
Note. — Seyfarth considers the following as appositive parti-
ciples:—183: umvundod, 319 : fylde, 1472: liSend, 2480:
ftearfende. But, in The Abs. Pie. in A.-S. (p. 17), I have
shown that umvundod is used predicatively, and that fylde is
a finite verb. The form of Ir&end seems to me to show that
it is a substantive. I consider that ftearfende is used sub-
stantively, as does Dietrich (quoted by Wulker). — In 2603,
genearivod, the text is too defective to admit ot classification.
EXODUS (12).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (3).
I. Without Object (3).
NSF. (1) : — 213 : Wceccende bad eall seo sibgedriht somod
setgsedere maran msegenes.
NPM. (2) :— 452 : flugon forhtigende (or pred. ?) ; 264 :
lifigende.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (9).
I. Without Object (3).
NPN. (1) : — 497 : synfullra sweot sawlum lunnon faeste
befarene.
240 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
ASM. (1) : — 412: unweaxenne.
ASN. (1): — 232 : x. hund g deled tireadigra.
II. With Object (6).
NSM. (3): — 5322 : wreccum alyfed; 5321 : woramum
awyrged ; 549: mihtum swifted.
NSF. (1) : — 580 : golde geweorftod.
NPM. (1) : — 36 : swsefon seledreamas since berqfene.
ASN. (1) :— 372 : geteled rime.
DANIEL (13).
A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (5).
I. Without Object (3).
NSM. (2) :— 687 : hamsittende (or attrib. ?) ; 573 : lifgende.
NPM. (1) :— 2962 : lifgende.
II. With Object (2).
NSM. (2) : — 355 : Seer Sa dsedhwatan geond Sone ofen
eodon 3 se engel mid, feorb nerigende; 396 : "Sec . . . gastas
lofiaS liff'rean, lean sellende eallum . . . [defective MS.] ece
drill ten.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (8).
I. Without Object (1).
ASM. (1) : — 521 : gesceledne.
II. With Object (7).
NSM. (3) : — 736: drihtne gecoren; 1842: mode gefrecnod;
1841 : mane gemenged,
NSN. (1) : — 556 : treow . . . telgum besnceded.
NPM. (3):— 2961: lige belegde; 92: metode gecorene;
259 : aid re generede.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 241
Note. — Spaeth considers 696 (Sseton him set wine wealle
belocene) as appositive, but the participle is rather predicative
after sceton.
CYNEWULF'S CHRIST (65).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (14).
I. Without Object (13).
NSM. (3): — 176: Hwset bemurnest 3u, cleopast ceari-
gendef — Other examples : — 426: for^Sgongende; 1324: unsco-
miende.
NSF. (4): — 1160: Hell eac ongeat scyldwreccende <5a3t
etc.; 1016: sorgende; 1584: servSende ; 288: ftristhyegende.
NPM. (4):— 950: brecende ; 387: bremende ; 90: geom-
rende; 992: wanende.
DPM. (1): 1266: sorgendum.
ASM. (1) : — 1391 : Sa ic fte on -Sa fsegrau foldan gesette to
neotenne neorxnawonges beorhtne bleed welan, bleom sclnende.
II. With Object (1).
NPM. (1) : — 1271 : on 3am hi awo sculon wrsec winnende
weergftu dreogan. [Grein1 and Gollancz1 & 2 write as a com-
pound , wrcccwin nende.~\
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (51).
I. Without Object (15).
NSM. (2) : — 475 : acwsetf Waldend engla, gefysed, Frea
mihtig, to Feeder rice ; 970 : Grorna-S gesargad eal mid-
dangeard (but Hertel considers it predicative after an
intransitive verb).
NSF. (3):— 1065: arcered ; 1087: biseon (or pred.?);
380 : geblissad.
NSN. (2): — 218: acenned; 961 : gesargad.
242 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
NPM. (3):— 1229: arasode; 12981 : ascamode; 1274:
fordone.
NPN. (2): — 1223: Donne beo^S gesoinnad $a clsenan folc
. . . gceorene bi cystnm ; 1071 ; Donne weoroda rnsest fore
Waldende, ece and edgeong, ondweard gse^, neode ond nyde bi
noman gehatne (may be masc., as Cook gives it).
GPM. (1): — 179: Ne ic culpan in 3e, incan senigne sefre
onfiuide, womma geworktra.
ASN. (1) : — 890 : mon maeg sorgende folc gehyran, hyge-
geomor, hearde gefysed, cearum cwi^ende cwicra gewyrhtu,
forhte afserde.
APN. (1) :— 892 : afarde (quoted under ASN. 889 above).
II. With Object (36).
NSM. (6) : — 625 : ond to ftsere ilcan scealt eft geweor<5an
wurmum aweaUen. — Other examples : — 725 : cla^um be-
immden (or pred.?); 1407 : bidceled dugeSum ond dreamum ;
1432: mane ; 1206: dea 3 firen u m forden; 10:5 mon-
num sended.
NSF. (4): — 192: Sonne sceal Dauides dohtor sweltan,
stanum astyrfed. — Other examples : — 1085 : blode bestemed
(or pred. ?) ; 908 : gebleod wundrum ; 292 : beaga hroden.
NS. N. or M. (1): — 1139: $aes temples segl, wundor-
bleom geivorht to wlite -Sees huses, sylf slat on tu.
NPM. (21) : — 940 : steorran swa some stredaft of heofone,
•Surh Sa strongan lyft stormum abeatne. — Other examples : —
1525: rajdum birofene; 1519: willum biscyrede; 16432:
sorgum biwerede; 16431 : sibbum bmve&ede; 831 : wselmum
bitvreeene; 1642: leohte biwundne ; 1103: firenum fordone;
1356: adle gebundne; 1538: lege gebundne ; 993: hreowum
gedreakte; 12982: scondum ; 1508: drynces ;
16441: dreamum gedyrde ; 393: swegle gehyrste; 16442:
Dryhtne gelyfde; 149 : suslum geslaJite ; 385 : dome ge-
svriftde; 986: sundes getivcefde; 1509: "Surste geftegede;
447 : hraeglum gewerede.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 243
GSM. (1) : — 20 : Eadga us siges oftrum forivyrned, wlitigan
wilsiftes, gif his weorc ne deag.
DPM. (1) : — 151 : bring us hselolif wergum wite-
"Seowum, wope foreymenum.
ASF. (1) :— 120 : Nu we hyhtfulle hselo gelyfaS Surh -Sset
Word Godes weorodum brungen.
APM. (1) : — 873 : slsepe gebundne.
Note. — In 891 (mon mseg sorgende folc gehyran, hyge-
geomor, heard e gefysed, cearum owv&mde cwicra gewyrhtu),
Hertel considers cwr&ende appositive, but to me it seems to
be used predicatively as a second accusative.
ELENE (26).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (9).
I. Without Object (7).
. NSM. (3) : — 352 : swa hit eft be eow Essaias . . . wordum
mselde, deophycggmde Surh dryhtnes gast; ib. 881; 951:
tvifterhycgende.
NSF. (1) : — 449 : Ne mseg . . . Ebrea "Seod rcedfteahtende
rice healdan.
NPF. (1) : — 906 : sawla ne moton manfremmende in minum
leng seh turn wunigan.
DSM. (1) : — 810 : Sie •Se, msegena god, ftrymsittendum "Sane
butan ende.
ASM. (1) : — 795 : Forlset nu . . . wynsumne up under
radores ryne rec astigau lyftlacende.
II. With Object (2).
GPM. (1) : — 1096 : Da se halga . . . eode gurnena 'Sreate
god hergendra.
DPM. (1) : — 1220: $a eallum bebead on ftarn gumrice
god hergendum, werum and wifum, -Sset etc. (Schiirmann :
substantivized).
244 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (17).
I. Without Object (3).
NSN. (1): — 1226: mserost bearna, 'Sara "Se of eorSan up
aweoxe geloden under leafum.
GPM. (1) : — 992 : Nses 'Sa fricgendra under goldhoman
gad in burgurn feorran geferede [Sievers as quoted by Wulker :
geferedraf].
ASM. (1) : — 529 : mec feeder min . . . univeaxenne wordum
Iserde.
II. With Object (14).
NSM. (6) : — 697 : cleopigan ongan sarura besyled. — Other
examples: — 932: sarum forsoht; 1128: egesan geaclod;
720 : hungre gehyned ; 1263 : wirum gewlenced ; 1094 :
breostum onbryrded.
NSF. (1): — 331 : on ftrymme bad . . . geatolic girScwen
golde gehyrsted.
NSN. (2): — 2: Da wses agangen geara hwyrftum tu hund
•j ^reo geteled rimes; 634 : geteled rime.
NPM. (2) : — 766 : dreogafl deaftcwale in dracan faB^Sme
■Seostrum forftylmed ; 263: hyrstum gewerede.
NPN. (1) : — 883 : leomu colodon "Sreanedum be&eaht.
GPN. (1): — 1284: Sceall seghwylc . . . worda swa same
wed gesyllan, eallra unsnyttro a?r gespreemra.
ASM. (1) : — 1058 : Sset he gesette . . . Iudas Sam folce to
bisceope . . . crseftum gecorene.
Note. — Schiirmann (p. 368) considers the following apposi-
tive, but I substantive: — 279: me&elhegende ; 395: synwyr-
cende. On the other hand, as the statistics show, 1 have
classified as appositive participles several words that he
considers as substantives.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 245
JULIANA (28).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (11).
I. Without Object (10).
NSM. (5) : — 68 : Da reordode rices hyrde wiS "Saere
faernnan feeder frecne mode darctfShcebbende ; 281 : lyft-
lacende; 137 : fte 3u haestlice manfremmende to me beotast
(or subst. ?) ; 445 : sceal nu lange ofer "Sis scyldwyrcende
scame ftrowian ; 261 : siftende.
NSF. (1) : — 252 : gleawhyagmde.
NSN. (1): — 648: ic leof weorud laeran wille cefrem-
mende, etc.
NPM. (1) :— 662 : wceccmde.
DSF. (1) : — 196 : wi'Serhyegendre.
ASM. (1) :— 435 : Srymstttmdne (cf. Phcenix 623).
II. With Object (1).
GPM. (1) : — 6 : geat on grseswong god hergendra hseSen
hildfruma haligra blod ryhtfremmendra. [Gollancz has
god-herge)id[r~\a, in which case we have a substantive.]
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (17).
I. Without Object (7).
NSM. (5):— 411: acyrred; 320: afongen ; 417: bifolen;
2621 : geftungen; 2622 : sended (or pred., as Conradi holds?).
GPN. (1) :— 686 : icitedra.
ASM. (1): — 617: awyrgedne.
II. With Object (10).
NSM. (4) :— 350 : facne Mfangm; 203: ntiSagebceded; ib.
462 ; 582 : yrre gebolgen.
246 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
NSF. (2): — 241: heolstre bihelmad ; 535: breostum
mbryrded.
NPM. (4) : — 681 : hroSra bidceled hyhta lease helle
soh ton. — Other examples: — 486: beore druncne ; 13: dse-
dum (jedwolene ; 490: sarum gesohtc.
GUTHLAC (4 2).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (11).
I. Without Object (10).
NSM. (1) : — 1085 : lac onssegde deophycgende dryhtne to
willan.
NPM. (7) : — 203 : sceoldon wraecimecgas ofgiefan gnornende
grene beorgas; ib. 651; 117: $onan si$ tugon, wide wa$e
wuldre bescyrede lyftlacende. — Other examples : — 401 : mur-
nende; 828: scudende; 879: wedende; 635: vrifterhyegende.
NPF. (1) : — 1250 : wyrta . . . hunigflowende.
GSM. (1) :— 1190 : neosendes.
II. With Object (1).
NSM. (1):— 1029: ac he hate let torn Koliende tearas
geotan. [Furkert considers ftoUende predicative after let, but
incorrectly I think. Cf. Judith 272.]
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (31).
I. Without Object (8).
NSM. (5) : — 911 : Hre-Ser innan born afysed on forSsrS. —
Other examples: — 1286: arceved ; 662: gegearwad ; 1287:
gesewen ; 913: wngeblyged.
NSN. (1) :— 1282 : lie colode belifd under lyfte.
NPF. (1): — 1249: wyrta geblowene.
NPN. (1): — 1263 : scadu sweftredon tolysed under lyfte.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 247
II. With Object (23).
NSM.(8) : — 1127 : awrecen wselpilum ; 1260 : . . . wselstrse-
lurn ; 967: flsesce bifongen ; 1143: leana biloren ; 1004:
foldaerne bvSeaht ; 640: attre geblonden ; 1126: nearwum
genceged ; 1 274 : husle gereorded.
NSF. (1) : — 1325 : — Sonne seo ftrag cymeS wefen wyrd-
stafum (or pred. ?).
NSN. (1) : — 888 : him to honda huugre ge&reatad fleag
fugla cvn.
NPM. (7) : — 116 : wuldre byscyrede ; 873 : drearanm bidro-
rene; 872: hiwes binotene ; 1047: wilna biscirede; 645:
wnldre biscyrede ; 858: adle gebundne; 1046: ac in lige
sceolon sorgwylmum soden sar wanian.
NPN. (2) : — 930 : leomu hefegedon sarum gesohte; ib.
1003.
ASM. (3) :— 1312 : life bilidenne ; 992: is me . . . geSuht,
•Sset Se untrymnes adle gongum on "Sisse nyhstan niht bys-
gade, sarbennum gesoht; 1118 : feorhhord onleac searocsegum
gesoht.
APM. (1) :— 740 : leohte gercehte.
RIDDLES (44).
A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (8).
I. Without Object (8).
NSM. (4):— 13. 14: lifgende; ib. 29. 9 ; 3. 8 : winnende;
41. 107 : wrotende.
NSN. (1) : — 49. 4 : sine for seegum swigende cwaeft.
NS. F. or N. (1) :— 84. 5 : wiht . . .ferende.
NPM. (1) : — 17. 6: hi beo-S swrSran Sonne ic "j mec
slitende sona flyma'S.
GSF. (1) :— 55. 5 : stondendre.
248 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (36).
I. Without Object (9).
NSM. (4) :— 72. 12: bunden ; 24. 16: searosceled ; 2.
11: sended ; 24. 15: unbunden.
NSF. (2) : — 21. 2 : gegyrwed ; 2 J . 1 : sceapen.
NS. F. or N. (1) : — 24. 2 : ic eom wnetlic wiht on gewin
sceapen.
NSN. (1):— 31. 21: bewunden.
NPM. (1):— 12. 61: gemcedde.
II. With Object (27).
NSM. (12): — 28. 14: meegene binumen ; 28. 13: strengo
bistolen; 3. 9: holminaegne bv&eaht; 18. 2: gefylled dryht-
gestreona (or pred. ?) ; 2. 10 : holme gehrefed; 71. 8 : hringum
gehyrsted; 4. 6Q : meahtum gemanad ; 41. 85: gewefen
wundorcrsefte ; 91. 4: hringum gyrded; 5. 2: hringum
hcefted ; 11. 4: ySum fteaht; ib. 17. 3.
NSF. (5): — 27. 6: sindrum begrunden ; 71. 1: reade
beiccefed (or pred. ?) ; 32. 20 : frcehced hyrstum ; 4. 22 : eare
geblonden; 32. 10: gecoren eras ft urn.
NSN. (2):— 31. 3: fyre gebysgad (or pred.?); 31. 22 :
wedre gesomnad (or pred. ?).
NPM. (4): — 14. 8: meahtum aweahte ; 12. 62 : mode
bestolene; 14. 7 : reafe birofene; 12. 7 : dsede gedwolene.
NPN. (1) : — 27. 14 : wrsetlic weorc smiSa wire bifongen.
ASF. (1) : — 87. 2 : wombe Sry^um geftrungne.
ASN. (2):— 24. 8: spilde geblonden; 30. 3: listum
gegierwed.
Note 1. — Two Latin appositive participles occur in the
Riddles, but are not translated into Anglo-Saxon : — 90. 41 & 2 :
Dum starem et mirarem, vidi gloriam magnam : duo lupi
stantes et tertium tribul[antes] nil pedes habebant, cum
septem oculis videbant.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 249
Note 2. — The defective text precludes the classification
of the following: — 78. 7: bewrigene ; 83. 3 and 4: life
bewunden, fyre gefcelsad ; 84. 40: wuldrum gewlitegad.
ANDREAS (33).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (7).
I. Without Object (4).
NSM. (3): — 1557: heau, hygegeonior, heofende sprsec ;
378 : aBuig ne wende, $aet he lifgende land begete ; 59 : He 8a
wepende weregum tearum his sigedryhten sargan reorde, grette.
GSM. (1) : — 528 : $u cyninges eart -Segen . . . ftrymsiltendes.
II. With Object (3).
NSM. (2) : — 570 : JESelinge weox word 3 wisdom, ah he
■Sara wundra a dona agende dsel senigne frsetre 3eode beforan
cyftde ; 300 : Him 8a ofstlice Andreas wi3 wine ftearfende
wordum mselde (cf. Gnthlac 1321, where wineftearfende is
substantive).
DPF. (1) : — 491 : Ic wses on gifeSe iu 3 nu syxtyne siSum
on ssebate, mere hrerendum mundum freorig, eagorstreamas.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (26).
I. Without Object (12).
NSM. (6) : — 78 : fty Ises ic lungre scyle ablended in burgum
. . . leng ftrowian. — Other examples : — 1299: awerged; 267:
bewunden; 1127: gehcefted ; 4362 : geftreatod ; 4361 : geSyd.
NSN. (1) : — 1529 : sund grunde onfeng deope gedrefed.
NPM. (1) : — 665 : nses $ser folces ma . . . sinra leoda
nemne ellefne orettmrecgas, geteled tireadige.
GPM. (1) : — 24 : hie blod and fel, fira flseschoinan feorran
cumenra ftegon.
250 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
ASM. (1) : — 1651 : Dser se ar godes anne gesette wisfsestne
wer, ... "31 gehalgode . . ., Platan nemned.
ASF. (1): — 646 : ic on "Se sylfurn soft oncnawe wisdornes
gewit wundorcrsefte, sigesped geseald (or fact. ?).
APM. (1) : — 883 : swylce we gesegon for suna meotudes
. . . eowic standan, twelfe getealde, tireadige hseleS.
II. With Object (14).
NSM. (5) : — 309 : ftset ftu ssebeorgas secan woldes, mere-
streama gemet, m aft muni bedceled. — Other examples : — 1314 :
duguSum bereafod; 413: billurn foregrunden ; 983: elne
gefyrSred; 1313: rayrce gescyrded.
NSN. (1) : — 772 : morSre bewunden.
NPM. (4): — 1631: witum aspedde; 1618: wuldre
bescyrede; 1003: dreore druncne ; 746: mode gemyrde.
DSM. (1): — 487: Sset $u me getsehte . . . hu $11 wsegflotan
wsere bestemdon, ssehengeste sund wisige.
ASF. (1) : — 675 : he lungre ahof wofte . . . wean onblonden.
ASN. (1) :— 1035 : gelsedde ... on frrS dryhtnes tn 3
hundteontig geteled rime (cf. Andr. 665 and Elene 2, 634).
APN. (1) : — 1046 : weorod on wilsrS wolcnum beftehte.
Note. — The MS. is too defective to classify 1025 : gewyrht.
PHCENIX (26).
A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (4).
I. Without Object (4).
NSM. (1) : — 368 : forSon he drusende dea-S ne bisorgaft.
NSF. (1) : — 502 : -Sonne ^eos woruld scyldwyrcende in
scome byrneft.
GPM. (1): — 178: ealra beama on eorSwege uplcedendra.
DSM. (1): — 623: ond "Se Sonc sy ftrymsittendum. Cf.
Summons to Prayer 2 : "Srymcyningc thronum sedens ; and
ib. 25 : to "Seodne thronum regenti.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 251
B.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (22).
I. Without Object (7).
NSM. (3):— 525: afcered; 180: gescylded; 160: ge&ungen.
NPM. (1) :— 592 : gebredade.
NPF. (2) : — 226 : geclungne ; 541 : gecorene.
ASN. (1) :— 274 : gefradwed.
II. With Object (15).
NSM. (9) : — 535 : flresce bifongen ; 306 : bregden feSrum ;
602: brogden w unci rum ; 140: saelum geblissad ; 27: wyn-
num geblowen ; 162: wintrum gebysgad; 486: waepnum
ge&ryfted ; 551 : wuldre geweor'Sad ; 550 : breostum on-
bryrded.
NSF. (1) :— 503 : ade onceled.
NSN. (1) :— 62 : lyfte gebysgad.
NPM. (1) :— 633 : manes amerede.
ASF. (2) : — 1701&2 : biholene y bihydde monegum.
APM. (1) : — 488 : sawlum binumene.
METRES OF BOETHIUS (13).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (6).
I. Without Object (6).
NSM. (1) : — 2. 2 : Hwset ic lioba fela lustlice geo sang on
sselum ! nu sceal siofigende wope gewaeged wreccea giomor
singan sarcwidas = Boeth.2 3. 2 : Carmina qui quondam
studio florente peregi, flebilis in msestos cogor inire modos.
NSF. (3):— 20. 221: Sonne hio ymb hi selfe secende
smeaS; ib. 20. 214; 20. 212: hwa3rfeS ymbe hy selfe oft
smeagende ymb etc.
NSN. (1) : — 3. 4 : Sonne hit winnende his agen leoht an-
forlaeteS.
252 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
NPF. (1) : — 11. 34: Swa haefS geheafterod hefourices
weard mid his anwealde ealle gesceafta, ^set hiora seghwilc
wr$ o$er wiirS, "J "Seah winnende wreSiaft fseste = Boeth.2
48. 3 : Quod pugnantia semina foedus perpetuum tenent.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (7).
I. Without Object (4).
NSM. (1):— 1. 82 : forSokt.
NSF. (1):— 6. 15: geondstyred.
NPM. (1) : — 25. 7 : ymbestandne = Boeth.2 95. 2 : sceptos.
APM. (1) : — 19. 4 : alceded (perhaps should be alcedeft,
as Grein conjectures).
II. With Object (3).
NSM. (1) : — 2. 3 : wope gewceged (see Latin under 2. 2
above).
NSN. (1) : — 3. 8 : sorgurn geswenced.
NPM. (1) :— 25. 6 : golde gegerede.
THE METRICAL PSALMS1 (37).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (17).
I. Without Object (13).
NSM. (2) :— 50. 75 (Cot.) : Sonne ic . . . ofer snawe self
scinende <Sinre sibbe lufan sona gemete = et super nivera
dealbabor ; 77. 651 : slcepende = dormiens.
NPM. (5):— 50. 56 (Cot.): cerrende = o; 125. 51&2:
gangende -y ferende georne wepaS = euntes ibant et flebant ;
146. 10: se $e mete syle$ manegum neatum, hrefnes
briddum, ftonne heo hropende him cigeaft to = Qui dat
jumentis escani ipsorum, et pullis corvorum invocantibus
eum ; 113. 25: lifigende = qui vivimus.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 253
DSN. (1) : — 82. 6 : raid eardiendum folce in Tyrum =
cum habitantibus Tyrum.
DPM. (1) : — 140. 6 : mid man mi m manfremmendum = cum
hominibus operantibus iniquitatem.
ASN. (2) : — 140. 4 : sete swsese geheald swylce, drihten,
mu-Se minum (ne la3t man sprecan) •} arSele dor ymb-
standende, "Sat on welerum wisdom healde = Pone, Domine,
custodiam ori meo ; et ostium circumstantm labiis meis ; 57.
6 : yrnende = currens.
APM. (2) :— 68. 25 : gramhicgende = o; 123. 2 : lifigende
= vivos.
II. With Object (4).
NSM. (2):— 104. 10: and him Sa mid soSe saegde,
cwe&ende = Et statuit . . . dicens ; 105. 4: Genuine us,
drihten, on modsefan for§ hycgende folces $ines 3 us
mid hselo her geneosa = Memento nostri, Domine, in bene-
placito populi tui ; visita nos in salutari tuo.
NPM. (1) : — 138. 17: Blodhreowe weras ! ge bebugaS me,
"Se "Sset on geSohtum -SenceaS cweSende = Viri sanguinum
declinate a me ; quia dicitis in cogitationibus vestris.
GSM. (1) : — 105. 17 : Hi . . . ongunnan . . . ouwendan
heora wuldor on Spene wyrsan had hse-§enstyrces hig
etendes = et mutaverunt gloriam suam in similitudinem
comedentis foenum.
B.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (20).
I. "Without Object (9).
NSM. (3) : — 115. 6 : "Sinre 3eowan sunu on 3e acenned =
filius ancillse tuse; 148. 9: alceded = o ; 50. 74: geclcensod
= mundabor.
NSF. (2):— 50. 127 (Cot.): hiorte geclansod = cor con-
tritum ; 143. 10: Ic . . . singe on psalterio, "Se him swynsa$
oft mid tyn strengum getogen hearpe = cantabo tibi ; in
psalterio decern chordarum psallam tibi.
8
254 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
NSN. (1) :— 128. 4 : ofohten = evellatur.
NPM. (1) : — 67. 24 : gegaderade = conjundi.
NPF. (1) :— 50. 145 (Cot.) : forgeofene = o (or pred. ?).
ASF. (1) : — 107. 9 : Hwylc gelaede'S me on lifes byrig
faeste getrymede = Quis deducet me in civitatem munitam.
II. With Object (11).
NSM. (2) : — 77. 652 : wine druncen = crapulatus a vino ;
54. 24 : bealuinwites fsecne gefylled = dolosi.
NSF. (1) :— 50. 128 (Cot.): hiorte . . . geeadrneded inge-
•Sancum = cor . . . humiliatum.
NPF. (1) :— 50. 51 (Cot.) : ic . . . bidde -&et meforgefene
gastes wunde an forSgesceaft feran mote. [There is no
Latin correspondence to this part of 50. 51, the verse being
much amplified in the O. E. translation. Grein in Glossary
sub v. forgifan says that for gefene is accusative absolute, and
supplies ic as subject of mote. I translate as Dietrich (quoted
by Grein) : ' ut mihi condonata animi vulnera in abolitionem
abire possint.']
NPN. (3): — L06. 36: sy'Sftan greowan lungre land heora
aloden wsestmum = Et seminaverunt agros, et plantaverunt
vineas, et fecerunt fructum nativitatis ; 148. 10: fugla cynn
frSerum geseyrped = volucres pennatae (may also be singu-
lar) ; 67. 17 : wserun crseta tyn Susendo geteled rime =
currus Dei decern millibus multiplex.
DSN. (1) : — 67. 26 : on -Sinum temple tidum gehalgod,
■SaBt ys on Hierusalem = a templo sancto tuo quod est in H.
(or NSM.?).
ASF. (2) : — 59. 8 : weallum beworhte = munitam; 131. 5 :
stowe drihtne gecorene = locum Domino.
APN. (1) : — 106. 32 : He on westenne wynne streamas
soSfsest sette, "Sser he sarig folc ge&ewde fturste Sa blissade =
Quia posuit flumina in desertum, et exitus aquarum in
sitim.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO— SAXON. 255
B.— MINOR POEMS*
AZARIAS (2).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1).
I. Without Object (1).
NPM. (1): — 162: lifigende.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1).
I. With Object (1).
KPM. (1) :— 161 : lege bilegde.
CALENDAR OF SAINTS (4).
A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (4).
I. Without Object (2).
NSM. (2) : — 7 : forSy se kaleud us cymeS geftincged on •Sam
ylcan dsege ; 164 : 3sette HaligmonS beleSum geSinged fere<5
to folce.
II. With Object (2).
NSM. (2) :— 142 : waestnmm hidden; 205: forste gefe-
terad (may be aec.).
CHARMS (4).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1).
I. Without Object (1).
NSM. (1) : — i. 74 : Ful secer fodres fira cinne beorht-
blowende, -§u gebletsod weorS.
*The text of the Ruin is so defective that I have taken no account of
this poem.
256 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (3).
I. Without Object (2).
ASN. (1) : — I. 61 : heo si geborgen \vr3 ealra bealwa
gehwylc, 'Sara lyblaca geond land sawen.
APN. (1) : — i. 64 : -<5set awendan ne rnsege word -Sus
gecwedene.
II. With Object (1).
NSM. (1) : — Viii. 30 : Iohannes wuldre gewlitegod.
CHRIST'S DESCENT INTO HELL, RESURRECTION,
ASCENSION, AND APPEARANCE AT
FINAL JUDGMENT (4).
A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (4).
I. Without Object (1).
APM. (1) :— 81 : gebeged.
II. With Object (3).
NSM. (1) :— 172 : dome gewurKad.
NSN. (2) : — 284 : wynnum bewunden ; 283 : gimmum
gefrcetewod.
CREED (1).
A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1).
I. Without Object (1).
ASM. (1) : — 10 : cyning, hider asendne.
DOOMSDAY (5).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (3).
I. Without Object (2).
NSM. (1) : — 251 : murenigende cwse$.
NPM. (1):— 231 : deriende gedwinaS.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 257
II. With Object (1).
NPN. (1):— 112: cumaS hider ufon of heofone deaS
beacnigende tacen = signa minantia mortem of Latin original.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (2).
I. With Object (2).
NSM. (2): — 290: blostmum behnngen ; 252: mode gedrefed.
DREAM OF THE ROOD (Vercelli Text) (3).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1).
I. Without Object (1).
NSM. (1) : — 24 : HwaeSre ic ftser licgende lange hwile
beheold hreowcearig hselendes treow.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (2).
I. Without Object (1).
DSN. (1) : — 49 : Eall ic waes mid blode bestemed, begoten
of "Sees guman sidan.
II. With Object (1).
ASN. (1) : — 5 : leohte bewunden.
DURHAM (1).
A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1).
I. With Object (1).
NPN. (1) : — 19: Eardiaft ... in Bern minstre unarimeda
reliquia, monia wundrum gewurftad.
258 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JE.
EADGAR (2).
A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (2).
I. With Object (2).
NSM. (1) :— 28 B : hama hereof od.
NSN. (1) : — 11 A: agangen wses tynhund wintra geteled
rimes.
EADWEARD (2).
A.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (2).
I. Without Object (1).
NSM. (1) : — 9 : wel geftungen.
II. With Object (1).
NSM. (1) :— 16 : lande hereof od.
FALLEN ANGELS (DIE KLAGEN DER GEFALLENEN
ENGEL) (12).
A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (12).
I. Without Object (3).
NSM. (1):— 181 : aworpen.
NPM. (1) :— 308 : gefrcetewod.
ASF. (1) : — 341 : Godes andsacan hweorfan geond helle,
hate onceled ufan and utan.
II. With Object (9).
NSM. (5) :— 186 : goda bedceled ; 122 : duguSum bedeled;
121: wuldre benemed ; 38: gebunden fyrclommum ; 131:
synnum forwundod.
NPM. (3): — 344: drearaum bedcelde ; 52: susle begro-
rene ; 343 : wuldres heseyrede.
NPF. (1) :— 296 : sorgum bedcelde.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 259
FATES OF MEN (3).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1).
I. Without Object (1).
DSM. (1) : — 9 : god ana wat, hwset him weaxendum
winter bringeS.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (2).
I. With Object (2).
NSM. (2): — 55: dreamum biscyred ; 20: mode gebysgad.
GLORIA (2).
A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (2).
I. Without Object (2).
NSM. (2):— 10: asyndrod; 12: gebletsod.
GNOMIC VERSES (1).
A.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1).
I. Without Object. (1).
NSM. (1) : — H. 35 : to "Sees oft cymeS dea$ unhinged.
HARROWING OF HELL (HOLLENFAHRT
CHRISTI) (2).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (2).
I. Without Object (2).
NSM. (1) :— 24 : hlyhhende sprsec.
NPM. (1) : — 91 : msendon murnende.
260 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
HUSBAND'S MESSAGE (2).
A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (2).
I. Without Object (1).
NSF. (1) : — 13 : ^Sset "Su sinchroden sylf geraunde.
II. With Object (1).
NSM. (1) : — 39 : nvde gebceded (ms. is defective).
HYMN (1).
A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1).
I. With Object (1).
NSM. (1) : — 43 : haliges gastes fegere gefelled.
INSCRIPTION ON CROSS AT BRUSSELS (2).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1).
I. Without Object (1).
NSF. (1) :— 21 : bser byfigende.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1).
I. With Object (1).
NSF. (1) :— 22 : blode bestemed.
JUDITH (9).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1).
I. With Object (1).
NPM. (1) : — 272 : Hi $a somod ealle ongunnon cohhetan,
cirraan hlude 3 gristbitian gode orfeorme, mid tofton torn
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 261
^oligende. [Cf. Guthlao 1029: torn ftoliende ; and Psalm
1119: torn toSum ftolian = dentibus freraere.]
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (8).
I. With Object (8).
NSM. (2): — 67: wine swa druncen ; 118: Systrum
for&ylmed.
NSF. (2): — 171: golde gefrwtewod ; 129: -Seawum ge-
%ungen.
ASF. (2): — 36: beagum gehlceste; 37: hringum gehrodene.
ASN. (1) :— 329 : golde gefrcetewod.
APF. (1) :— 339 : gerenode golde.
Note. — A. Miiller considers ftearffendre in 85 (ic %e . . .
biddan wylle miltse ftinre me ftearffendre) and geweorftod in
299 (Him on laste for sweot Ebrea sigore geweorftod) apposi-
tive ; they may be, but to me the former seems attributive
and the latter predicative.
MALDON (1).
A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1).
I. Without Object (1).
NPM. (1) : — 57 : ftset ge mid urum sceattum to scype
gangon unbefohtene (or pred. ?).
RUNESONG (2).
A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (2).
I. With Object (2).
NS. F. or M. (1) :— 31 : flor forste geworuht.
NSN. (1) : — 37 : wyrtrumum underivre^Syd.
262 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
SALOMO AND SATURNUS (6).
A.— THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (3).
I. Without Object (3).
NSM. (1) : — 105 : ■Sonne he hangiende helle wisce'S.
NPN. (1) : — 220 : aterrcynn, . . . Sa fte nu weallende Surh
attres oro"S ingang ryrna$.
ASF. (1) :— 447 : Hfigende.
B.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (3).
I. Without Object (2).
NSF. (1) :— 31 : gegoten.
NSN. (1) :— 222 : gesccened.
II. With Object (1).
ASM. (1) :— 104 : heolstre behelmed.
SEAFARER (4).
A.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (4).
I. Without an Object (1).
NSM. (1) : — 106 : cymeS him se deaS unhinged.
II. With an Object (3).
NSM. (3): — 162 : winemsegura bidroren ; 17: bihongen
hrimgicelum ; 161 : wynnuni biloren.
SOUL AND BODY (4).
A.— THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (4).
I. Without Object (1).
NSM. (1) : — 46 (Verc.) : ic wses gast on Se fram gode
sended (or pred. ?).
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 263
II. With Object (3).
NSM. (2) :— 34 (Verc.) : flassce befangen ; 67 (Verc.) :
synnum gesargod.
NSN. (1) :— 105 (Verc.) : dsedum gedrefed.
SPIRIT OF MEN (4).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1).
I. With Object (1).
NPM. (1) : — 82 : we sculon a hycgende hselo rsedes gemu-
nan in mode rnsela gehwylcurn $one selestan sigora waldend.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (3).
I. With Object (3).
NSM. (3): — 42: Sryrnme gebyrmed ; 41: wine gewceged ;
43 : aefestum onceled.
SUMMONS TO PRAYER.
Note. — No example occurs in the Anglo-Saxon part of
this poem, but two occur in the Latin, both with an object: —
2: Damne gemiltsaft Se . . . Srymcyningc thronum sedens ;
25 : to Seodne thronum regenti. With both compare Phoenix
623 : 'Srymsittendum.
WALDERE (1).
A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1).
I. With Object (1).
NSF. (1) :— B 19 : StandeS me her on eaxelum JElfheres
laf god and geapneb, golde geiceor'&od (or pred. ?).
264 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
WANDERER (1).
A. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1).
I. With Object (1).
NSM. (1) :— 20 : eSle bidceled.
WHALE (5).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1).
I. Without Object (1).
NP. M. or N. (1) :— 32 : biS . . . deofla wise, Sat hi droht-
ende 'Surh dyrne meaht dugirSe beswicaft.
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (4).
I. Without Object (1).
NSM. (1) : — 70 : gereaht (but the passage is doubtful).
II. With Object (3).
NSM. (1) :— 45 : heoloShelme btiSeaht.
NSN. (1) : — 10 : sondbeorgum ymbseald.
NPM. (1) : — 74 : gyltum gehrodene.
WIDSID (2).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (1).
I. Without Object (1).
NSM. (1) : — 39 : ac Offa geslog serest monna cniht wesende
cynerica mast (cf. Beow. 46, 372, 535, 1187; Bede 142. 8,
188. 1).
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 265
B. — THE PRETERITE PARTICIPLE (1).
I. With Object (1).
NSM. (1): — 53: godes and yfles "Seer ic cunnade cnosle
bidceled.
WONDERS OF CREATION (3).
A. — THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE (3).
I. Without Object (1).
NSM. (1) : — 80 : witan . . . o&5e hwa "Sees leohtes lond-
buende brucan mote.
II. With Object (2).
NPM. (2) : — 14, 15 : cufton ryht sprecan, ^set a fricgende
fira cynnes 3 secgende searoruna gespon a gernyndge ma3st
monna wiston.
Note. — Bewriten of line 19 should be bewritan or bewrti&an,
as several editors conjecture.
266
MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
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268 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
CHAPTER II.
USES OF THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE
IN ANGLO-SAXON.
The uses of the appositive participle in Anglo-Saxon may-
be grouped under the three following larger heads : —
I. The Appositive Participle is equivalent to a Dependent
Adjectival (Relative) Clause, and denotes either an action or
a state, as in : — Mk. 3. 1 : 3ar wses an man forscruncene
hand htebbende = erat ibi homo habens manum aridam ;
Bede1 246. 7 : sende . . . haligne wer 3 in his Seawum
gemetfsestne "j in leornunge . . . wel gelceredne = 194. 28:
misit . . . uirum sanctum, . . . scripturarum lectione suffi-
cienter instruction; Beow. 624: ^set hio Beowulfe, beaghroden
cwen, mode geftungen medoful setbser ; Aelf. L. S. 28. 58 :
On 3am ylcan daege com sum bisceop, helenus gehaten.
II. The Appositive Participle is equivalent to a Dependent
Adverbial (Conjunctive) Clause, and denotes time, manner,
means, etc., as in : — Bede 8. 23b : 3a brynas . . . gebiddende
adwsescte = 37. 5 : incendia orando restinxerit ; ib. 10. 10 :
pset se ylca biscop geworden onbead = 48. 1 : Ut idem
episcopus /actus mandarit ; Beow. 480 : Ful oft gebeotedon
beore druncne ofer ealowsege oretmecgas.
III. The Appositive Participle is substantially equivalent
to an Independent Clause, and either (1) denotes an accom-
panying circumstance or (2) repeats the idea of the principal
verb. Doubtless, as Gildersleeve holds (Latin Grammar,
§ 664, Remark 1), an ultimate analysis would show every
participle to be dependent in nature ; but the dependence
here is so slight that it may be ignored. Certainly the
function of the participles under this head is so radically
THE APP0SIT1VE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 269
different from that of those under I. and II. as to demand
separate consideration. Nor does the fact that in modern
English we not infrequently retain the participle in our trans-
lation of (2) (cf. Mat. 13. 3) invalidate this classification. To
define the class negatively : all appositive participles that are not
equal to either a dependent adjectival or a dependent adverbial
clause are considered as equal to an independent clause.
This use of the participle is commonly recognized by Greek
and Latin grammarians. Thus, in the remark just cited,
Gildersleeve admits this use of the participle, although he
objects to its being classed as co-ordinate: "It is sometimes
convenient to translate a Participle Sentence by a co-ordinate
clause, but the Participle itself is never co-ordinate, and
such clauses are never equivalents." Goodwin also recog-
nize- this use; in § 832— § 844 of his Moods and Tenses he
designates the relations expressed by his " Circumstantial Par-
ticiple " as follows : (1) time, (2) means, (3) manner, (4) cause,
(5) purpose, (6) condition, (7) concession, (8) " any attendant
circumstance, the participle being merely descriptive;" (9)
" that in which the action consists." His (8) and (9) cover
exactly the ground of my "participle substantially equivalent
to an independent clause;" and it seems to me that to give
this use the name Co-ordinate is in the interest of simplicity.
This modification made, Goodwin's " Circumstantial Parti-
ciple" would tally perfectly with my "Participle equivalent
to a dependent adverbial clause." Fay (!. c.) and Milroy (p. 16)
explicitly state that the participle is occasionally equivalent to
a co-ordinated finite verb. If I dwell on this co-ordinate
use of the participle, it is because it has received but scant
treatment in our standard English and German grammars
(see March, § 459 (4), Matzner, in, p. 70 (c), and von
Jagemann, § 124, c), and is not mentioned in any of the
dissertations on Anglo-Saxon or Germanic syntax that have
come under my notice. Examples are as follows: — (1): —
Lk. 4. 39 : he standende ofer hig $am fefore bebead = stans
super illam imperavit febri ; ib. 10. 23 : pa cwaej> he to his
9
270 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
leorningcnihtum bewmd = Et conversus ad diseipulos suos
dixit ; — Aelf. L. 8. 146. 458: behyddon his . . . lichamao . . .
secgende; Mat. 8. 25: hy awehton hyne 'Sus cweftende =
suscitaverunt eum dicentes ; — (2): — Mat. 11. 25: Se hselynd
c\\f«|) andswariende = respondens Jesus dixit; ib. 13. 3 : he
sprseo to hym fela on bigspellum, civeftende = Et locutus est
eis multa in parabolis, dicens; Aelf. L. S. 80. 523: sprseo
mid . . . reorde god herigende.
The relative frequency of these three uses of the appositive
participle — the adjectival, the adverbial, and the co-ordi-
nate— may be gathered from these figures : of the adjectival
there are about 1223 instances in all, 881 in the prose and
342 in the poetry ; of the adverbial, about 897 instances,
691 in the prose and 206 in the poetry; of the co-ordinate,
about 890 instances, 871 in the prose and 19 in the poetry.
In all about 3010 examples of the appositive participle have
been collected, of which 1784 are present and 1226 are
preterite.
So much by way of general statement ; let us now con-
sider the three classes in detail.
I. The Appositive Participle is Equivalent to a
Dependent Adjectival (Relative) Clause.
As we have seen, the adjectival is the commonest use of
the appositive participle in Anglo-Saxon, about 1223 examples
occurring in all. Of this number 881 occur in the prose, and
342 in the poetry, in each distributed throughout all periods.
The adjectival use is found with both the present and the
preterite participles, but is far more frequent with the latter
than with the former. About 377 examples occur of the present
participle, and about 846 of the preterite. Examples of
each participle are given below.
The present participle, in this use, has the power of
governing a direct object, but it occurs far more frequently
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 271
without an object than with one, especially in Early West
Saxon and in the poetry, in the latter of which an object is
almost unknown. In all we have 270 present participles
without an object and 107 with an object. [See the dis-
cussion of the Governing Power of the Participle, in
Chapter III.]
The past participle, too, can have an object (see Explana-
tory Note to Statistics), and in the poetry usually does ; in
prose the reverse is the case. Of the preterite participles
used adjectivally, 609 have no object, of which 525 are
found in the prose and 84 in the poetry ; while 237 do have
an object, of which 39 are from the prose and 198 from
the poetry.
As stated in my Introduction, not a few scholars deny the
adjectival use to the appositive participle, and class all parti-
ciples that are equivalent to a relative clause as attributive.
I have, however, already explained why I do not accept this
view, and have shown that the meaning of the term apposi-
tive participle has been extended to include participles equal
to relative clauses. Still other scholars admit that the parti-
ciple equivalent to a relative clause may be used appositively,
but only, they maintain, when the participle denotes an act
(in the largest sense) ; that which denotes a state or condition
being called attributive. It appears to me that, in so doing,
these grammarians are confounding two distinct things, viz.,
the classification of the participle by its nature and the
classification by its syntactical relationship, — a confusion that
should be avoided. But I have not ignored the object at
which these scholars aim, namely, sharply to discriminate,
between the participle that has strong verbal (assertive)
power and the participle that has strong adjectival (descrip-
tive) power; on the contrary, by arranging the whole of my
statistics with reference to whether or not the participle is
followed by an object, and by emphasizing the co-ordinate
use of the participle, I have tried to segregate the more
verbal from the less verbal participles to a degree not
272 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
attempted hitherto in Anglo-Saxon. To apply this principle
to the matter in hand, the participle that is equivalent to an
adjectival (relative) clause : the transitive participle with
an object is manifestly nearer a verb than the participle
without an object. Again, the preterite participle is more
like an adjective than is the corresponding present participle.
This will sufficiently explain the chief differences between
my statistics and those of former investigators as to the
adjectival use of the appositive participle.
The adjectival use occurs in most of the texts, prose and
poetical, and I give a few examples here from the chief
writers in prose and in poetry.
I. In Prose.
JEIfred: — Bede1 8. 2: past P . . . wses siended to gely-
fendum Scottum on Crist = 28. 15 : Ut • . . . P. ad Scottos in
Christum credentes missus est. — lb. 78. 15: ^set wiif in
blodes flownesse geseted . . . meahte gehrinan = 55. 25 : Si
ergo in fluxu . . . posita . . . potuit tangere. — Boeth. 46. 27 :
Hwset is heora nu to lafe, butan se lytla hlisa "j se nama mid
feaum stafum awriten f = 47 . 17: Signat superstes fama
tenuis pauculis Inane nomen litteris. — Greg} 155. 10 : Sonne
he ongiet be sumum Singum oSSe Seawum utanne cetiewdum
eall ftset hie innan bencea^ = 112a: qui discussis quibusdam
signis exterius apparenlibus ita corda . . . penetrat etc.
Ps. Th. : — 20. 3 : Su sendest his heafod kynegold, mid
deorwyrSum gimmum astcened = posuisti in capite ejus
coronam de lapide pretioso.
Chron. : — 755 F. : Sibertes broker, Cynehard gehaten,
ofsloh Cynewulf on Merantune.
Laws: — iElfred, c. 9, Title : Be bearneacnum wife qfsJcege-
num [MS. B. : Be Sam $a?t man ofslea wif mid cilde].
Bened.1: — 25. 16: and nu fram Sam englum us betcehtum
ure weorc . . . beo$ gebodude = 50. 13 : et ab angelis nobis
deputcdis . . . opera nostra nuntiantur.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 273
BL Horn. 11. 7 : ArweorSian we Crist on binne asetene.
JEffric: — L. S. 54. 83: gewendon to . . . byrig, Antiochia
geciged (sic /). — lb. 78. 4941 * 2 : Effrem wa?s gehaten sum
swiSe halig abbod on wsestene wunigende, fela wundra
wyrcende.
Gosp. : — Mat. 8. 9 : SoSlice ic eora man under anwealde
gesett = Nam et ego homo sum sub potestate constitutus. —
lb. 8. 17 : -Sset wsere gefylled -Sset gecweden is $urh esaiam
•Sone witegan, bus cweftende (sic!). — lb. 11. 16 : heo ys gelic
sittendum cnapun on foretige = Similis est pueris sedentibus
in foro.
Wulfst. : — 46. 7 : wa eow, . . . "Se lecga^ togsedere hamas
and sehta on unriht begytene on seghwilce healfe. — 181. 29:
ealle gemrenelice, gehadode and Isewede, bugon to gode georne.
II. In Poetry.
Beow. : — 777: 3ser fram sylle abeag medubenc monig
mine gefraege, golde geregnad. — lb. 1645: pa com in gan
ealdor "Segna, dsedcene mon dome gewwftad.
El.: — 331 : 3ser on -Srymme bad . . . geatolic guftcwen
golde gehyrsted (or pred. ?). — lb. 352 : Swa hit eft be eow
Essaias witga for weorodum wordum mrelde, deophycggende
burh dryhtnes gast.
Gen.: — 725: hloh 3a ^ plegode boda bitre gehvgod. — lb.
1836 : hwset sie freondlufu ellSeodigra uncer twega, feorren
cumenra.
II. The Appositive Participle is Equivalent to a
Dependent Adverbial (Conjunctive) Clause.
Of the adverbial use of the appositive participle I have
found about 897 examples, 691 in the prose and 206 in
the poetry.
The present participle occurs 538 times in this use, and
the past participle 359 times.
274 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
Of the present participles 430 have no object and 108 have ;
of the preterite participles 261 have no object, while 98 have.
In its adverbial use the appositive participle denotes
subordinate relations of manner and means (combined here
under the head of Modal), of time, of cause, of purpose, of
concession, and of condition. Of course, these uses so
interlap that at times the same participle can with propriety
be put under several different heads. Where classification
is so largely a matter of subjectivity, there must be much
room for difference of opinion. I trust, however, that in
the main my classification will justify itself to my readers.
According to my estimate, the approximate number of each
use is: Modal, 319; Temporal, 248; Causal, 228; Final,
40; Concessive, 33; Conditional, 29.
Let us look at each for a moment by itself.
I. MODAL.
The Modal use of the appositive participle is far more
frequent in Anglo-Saxon prose than in the poetry, 257
examples occurring in the former and 62 in the latter.
Of these 319 examples 254 are present and 65 are past.
An object is rarely used with the modal participle, only
16 occurring with the present participle and 22 with the
preterite.
Though occurring in all periods of Anglo-Saxon, the modal
participle is much more common in the works of Alfred than
in those of any other author. In his Bede and his Gregory
the construction is especially frequent, about one-third of all the
examples being found in these two works. Here, as my
statistics show, the Anglo-Saxon participle often translates a
Latin gerund in the ablative ; and the frequency of the
gerund in the two originals has doubtless caused the large
number of modal participles in the two translations.
As stated above, the modal participle denotes both manner
and means. It is not always easy to teiJ which notion
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 275
predominates, but the examples below will, it is hoped,
sufficiently illustrate the two tendencies.
Some participles denoting manner, instead of being equiva-
lent to a dependent adverbial clause, are practically equivalent
to a simple adverb, as in : Bede1 86. 22a&b : ftset he wceccende
Sohte Sajt he [wo] weotende arsefnde=60. 28: quia, quod
cogitauit sciens, hoc pertnlit nesciens ; ib. 38. 1 : pa ... he
ealle 8a witu . . . gcSyldelice "j gefeonde abser = 20. 1 : Qui
. . . patienter hsec pro Domino, im mo gaudenter ferebat; ib.
310. 30: pas we seondon arfaestlice fylgende ^ rihtwuldriende
= 239. 23: Hos itaque sequentes nos pie atque orthodoxe ;
JElf. Horn. 1. 52 b: he for Stem stsenendum loelwillende gebsed ;
Mat. 5. 11: secgea'S selc yfel ongen eow leogende for me =
dixerint omne malum adversnm vos mcntientes propter me;
etc., etc. Personally 1 believe it would be better to class such
words as participial adverbs rather than adverbial participles ;
but, as I hesitate to set up new categories, in my statistics
I have retained them under the ordinary rubric, save in one
or two cases that could not be construed as participles, like
hreagende (Greg.1 159. 18, etc.: see Statistics). This use of
the participle as an adverb, it is well known, is common in
Greek (see Goodwin, Greek Grammar, § 1564) and in Latin
(see Gildersleeve, Latin Grammar, § 325. 6). In Old High
German it was so very frequent that there was developed a
regular adverbial form of the participle in -o (O. Erdmann,
Syntax der Sprache Otfrids, § 359 ; see below, Chapter v.). I
have not, however, found this use of the participle treated in
Koch, Miitzner, March, or in the dissertations on Old English
syntax. There is perhaps a suggestion of it in Cosijn (il, p.
97), who writes of Greg} 159. 18 : "adverbialisch ^Sreagendef"
Further illustrations are given under "(2) Manner" below.
(1) Mean*.
I. In Prose.
JElfred: — Bed?1 22.9: paet se b. renne dnmbne monn
gebiddende gehaelde = 282. 30 : Ut episcopus mutum benedi-
276 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
cendo curauerit. So gebkldende = orando in Bedt1 22. 11,
22. 14, etc.— lb. 72. 3a&b: Ssette oft [seo cirioe] ««t wiSer-
worde yfel abeorende "j celdend bewere'S = 51. 29: ut ssepe
malum quod aduersatur portando et dissimulando conpescat. —
Greg} 53. 16: Sua si micla crseftiga hieriende toscyi'S & egesi-
ende stierS ofermetta mid 'Ssere tselinge his hieremonnum, 3set
he hie gebringe on life = 30a : Magnus enim regendi artifex
favoi'ibus impellit, terroribus ret rah it : ut etc. — lb. 81. 10, 11 :
3set is -SEet he spreeende bebiet $set he Sset wyrcende oSiewe,
"Seet hit -Surli "Sone fultum sie forSgenge = 54a : quia quod
loquendo imperat, ostendendo adjuvat ut fiat. — lb. 127. 6, 7:
$a?t mod his hieremonua oliccende egesige & ftreatigeride olicce
= 88b : terrendo demulceat, et tamen ad terroris reverentiam
dtmulcendo constringat. — lb. 225. 22 : fta monn-Swsernesse $e
he ser 'Surhtogen hrefde eft ¥>eahtigende on yfel gewend [Cot-
ton MS.: gewent] =170b : et mansuetudiuem, quam tolerautes
habuerunt, retractantes in malitiam vertuut.
Bened.1: — 2. 10: nellen ge elciende eowere heortan ahyrdau
= 4. 15 : nolite obdurare corda vestra.
Bl. Horn. : — 89. 34a&b : raiSe he lifgeude ut eode of his byr-
genne mid his ageure mihte aweht.
JElfric: — Horn. 1. 226b: Mare miht wses, ftset he $one deaft
mid his seriste tobrsec, •Sonne he his lif geheolde, of ftsere
rode astigende. — 76., n. 182a2: ftone $e B. na handlunge ac
on-beseortde fram his bendum alysde.
Gosp.: — Lh. 12. 25 : Hwylc eower maeg ftencende ican ane
elne to his anlicnesse ? = Quis autem vestrum cogitando
potest adjicere ad staturam suam cubitum unum ? — 31k. 15.
30 : gehsel $e sylfne of 'Ssere rode stigende = Salvum fac
temetipsum descendens de cruce.
II. In Poetry.
EL : — 449 : Ne mseg sefre ofer "Sa3t Ebrea 3eod rccdfteaht-
ende rice healdan. [May be adjectival, as Schiirmann and
Garnett hold.]
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 277
(2) Manner .
I. In Prose.
jEIfred : — Bede1 72. 9 : "5a Se him ne ondrsedaS ivrotonde
syngian = 52. 1 : qui non metuunt sciendo peccare. — 76.
102. 21: is ssegd Sa3t he beodgeude forecwsede = 83. 27:
fertur minitans prsedixisse. — Boeth} 3. 7 : Hiv B. hine sing-
ende gebaed, y his earfoSu to Gode msende. — lb. 9. 29 :
Ongan $a giddien, ^ Sus singende cwseS. — lb. 8. 15: pa ic
-5a -Sis leo$, cwseft B., geomriende asungen hsefde, $a com
etc. = 4. 2 : Hsec dum mecum tacitus ipse reputarem querimoni-
amque lacrimabilem stili officio signarem, adstitisse . . . uisa
est mulier etc. — Greg.1 185. 9: seresS mon sceal sprecan
asciende, suelce he be cSruin nienn spreee & ascie = 138a:
prius per quasdam similitudines velut de alieno negotio
requirendi sunt. — lb. 405. 31 : hi qfermodgiende his gebod
forhogdon = superbiens ejus jussa contempsit. — lb. 379. 23 :
Hie sceoldon gehieran hu Essaias se witga hreowsigende hine
selfne tselde = 294b : Audiant quod Isaias magna voce pceni-
tentice se ipse reprehendit. — lb. 381. 25: cwseS Saet $a scold en
bion synderlice Godes ftegnas, <5a 'Se unwandiende -Sara
scyldegena gyltas ofslogen = 296b : illos a parte Dei de-
nuntiavit existere, qui delinquentium scelera incwnctanter
ferirent dicens (or adverb?) — 76. 117. 23: ForSam we beo-S
mid Gode sua micle suiSor gebundne sua we for monnum
orsorglicor ungeicitnode syngiaS = 82a : Tan to ergo apud Domi-
num obligatiores sumus, quanto apud homines invite peccamus.
JElfric: — Horn. 1. 54b : "Saet Su scealt miltsigende forgifan. —
76. i. 340al : he hit bser on his exlum to fttere eowde blissigende.
Gasp.: — Mat. 6. 5 : Sa lufiaS -bset hig gebiddon hi stavdende
on gesomnungum = qui amant in synagogis . . . st antes
orare. — Mk. 5. 40 : inn-eodon suwiende -Sar 3a?t mseden wses
= inoreditur ubi puella erat jacons. — 76. 9. 24 : icepende
cwaeS = cum lacrymis aiebat. — LI: 22. 65 : manega oSre
■Sing hig him to cwsedon dysigende = alia multa blasphe-
mantes dicebant in eum.
278 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
II. In Poetry.
Beoic. 2062 : him se oftcr -Sonan losaft wigende, con him
land geare. [If we adopt Heyne's Ufigende, the participle
is Final instead of Modal. See below under Final]. — lb. 2235 :
swa hy on geardagum gumena nathwylc eormenlafe seSelan
cynnes ftavchycgende ftsev gehydde. — lb. 2595 : niwan stefne
nearo ftrowode fyre befongen, se "Se ser folce weold. [May
be Adjectival, but is more probably Modal, as K. Kohler
puts it.]
Andr. 1 557 : hean, hygegeomor, henfende spreec. [May be
Adjectival.]
Gen. 1582: ac he hlihende bro^rum sseffde.
IT. TEMPORAL.
The second most frequent use of the adverbial appositive
participle is to denote relations of time. If we use the term
temporal in a very broad sense, no doubt a number of parti-
ciples that I have put under other rubrics might be put here,
since almost any participle may be looked upon as indicating
afier a fashion a time relationship. But I have classed as
temporal only those participles in which the idea of time
seems definite rather than general. Of the 248 temporal
participles in Anglo-Saxon, 200 are found in the prose, and
48 in the poetry.
Of these participles 166 are in the present tense, and 82
in the preterite.
As with the modal participle, so here an object is rare;
28 occurring with the present participle and 10 with the
preterite.
As my table shows, the temporal participle is sprinkled
throughout the periods of Anglo-Saxon.
Examples follow : —
I. In Prose.
jElfred : — Bede1 214. 11: swa eft onlysed $y lichamon
byrne$ = 166. 4 : ita solulus corpore ardebit. — lb. 264. 25 :
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 279
song $a ingongende ealle gefylde = 208. 25: quod ingressa
[== uox] totum imj)leuit. — lb. 142. 8: saegde he ftset he
hine [i. e., here, sanctuary] eneoht weosende gesawe (MS. Ca :
hine cu-Se cniht wesende) = 116. 12: se in pucritia uidisse
testabatur. — Greg} 93. 9 : Hit is gecueden Sat se sacerd
scolde sweltan, gif se sweg nsere of him gehiered eegSer ge
inngongendum ge utgongendwm, etc. = 62b : Sarerdos namque
ingrediens vel egrediens raoritur, si de eo sonitus non audi-
tur.— lb. 399. 14 : Sio Segor gehrelde lath Jleondne = 31 8a :
Segor civitas, quae fugientem salvet infirmurn.
JElfric: — Horn. I. 232a : Crist ableow -Sone Halgan Gast
ofer -ga apostolas, Sa-gyt wunigende on eorftan. — lb. n. 250b2 :
Se H. $a stod on Sam domerne gelcedd.
Gosp.: — Mat. 7. 6 : hig Sonne ongean gcwende eow tosly-
ton = eonversi di rum pant vos. — Mk. 15. 15 : sealde him Sone
hselend beswungenne = tradidit Jesum flagellis ccesum (or
Adjectival?).
II. In Poetry.
Beow.: — 535: Wit •Seet gecwrednn eniht-ioesende. — 76.815:
wses gehwseSer o-Srum lifigende la$.
EL: — 529 : Dus mec feeder min on fyrndagum umceax-
enne word urn Iserde.
Gen.: — 2169: ac ic Se lifigende her wr3 weana gehwam
wreo "j scylde.
Ill CAUSAL.
Of the 228 Causal Participles, 157 belong to the prose and
71 to the poetry.
The present participle is found 56 times, the preterite 172
times.
An object occurs with the present participle in 23 instances,
and with the preterite in 51 instances.
The causal use is pretty evenly distributed throughout the
various prose and poetical texts.
Not a few of the examples are doubtful.
280 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
I. Iii Prose.
JElfred: — Bede1 8. 5 : piet Bryttas mid $y mserran
hungre genedde fta elreordian of heora gemserum adrifan =
29. 12: Ut Brettones fame famosa coacti barbaros suis e
finibus pepulerint. — lb. 62. 13 : he ft a gpfeonde waes gefulwod
= 47. 22: credens baptizatus est. — lb. 186. 31 : ac heo swa
ondrceden.de from him gewat = 151. 10: quin in tantum
timens aufugit.
jElfric: — Horn. I. 380b2: he feallende tobserst on feower
sticca. — lb. I. 594bl : Egeas gecebyligd het hine ahon.
Gos. : — Mk. 3. 5b : ofer liyra Iieortan blindnesse geunret
cwse$ = contristatus super cascitate . . . dicit. — Mat. 14. 8 :
Da cw8e"8 heo fram hyre meder gemyngod = At ilia prcemonita
a matre sua . . . iuquit (or Temporal?). — lb. 15. 31: swa
ftset $a msenegu wundredon geseonde dumbe sprecende etc. =
Ita ut turbae mirarentur videntes mutos loquentes. — Lk. 4. 28:
Da wurdon hig ealle on 3sere gesamnunge mid yrre gefylled,
■Sas $ing gehyrende= Et repleti sunt omnes in synagoga ira,
hsec audientes.
II. In Poetry.
Andr. 436 : wreteregesa sceal geftyd -j geftreatod $urh ^5ry$-
cining, lagu lacende liSra wyrSan. — lb. 746 : o&Se sel nyton
mode gemyrde.
El. 1128: he San nseglan onfeug egesan geaclod •j bsere
arwyHSan cwene brohte.
Gen. 1571 : SwiSe on slsepe sefa nearwode, $set he ne mihte
on gemvnd drepen hine handum self mid hraegle wryon "j
sceome 'Seccau.
IV. FINAL.
The appositive participle denoting purpose is rare, only 40
examples having been found ; 39 in the prose, and 1 in the
poetry (doubtful).
This use is confined almost exclusively to the present parti-
ciple; but one example occurs in the preterite {JElfr. Horn. I.
134b), and that is doubtful.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 281
The final participle has an object oftener than not ; of the
39 present participles 35 have an object. The single example
of the preterite participle has no object.
A glance at the table will show that only three examples
have been found in Early West Saxon : two in Bede, each
answering to a Latin participle ; and one in Gregory, cor-
responding to a Latin infinitive of purpose. Most of the
examples occur in yElfric's Homilies and in the Gospels.
Among the examples may be cited : —
I. In Prose.
JElfred: — Bede1 10. 7: bod ode ; -} swa mid his lef-
nysse Godes word bodigende on Cent eode = 44. 25 : sic
Cantiam prcedicaturus intraucrit (or Pred. ?). — lb. 276. 12:
licode us efencuman sefter "beawe arwyrbra rehta smeagende
be 'Satn etc. = 215. 1 : placuit conuenire nos, tractaturos de
etc. — Greg} 61. 3: Se Isece . . . $e garb asfter o$ra monna
husum kecnigende = 36a : percussum mederi properat.
Bened} 135. 27 : snrae heora fnada and wrsedas gemicclia^
idel lof fram mannum begi/tende = 232. 2 : alii fimbrias et
phylacteria sua magnificant, gloriam captantes ab hominibus.
— lb. 134. 13 : Ober cyn is muneca, $e feor fram mannum
gewitab ond westestowa and aelsetu and anwunung gelufiab
geefenlcecende Elian = 231. 6: Secundum genus est eremi-
tarum qui, procul ab hominibus recedentes, deserta loca et
vastas solitudines sequi, atque habitare perhibenter, ad imita-
tionem scilicet Eliae.
JElfrie: — Horn. 1. 74a : Hi ba begen bone apostol gesohton,
his miltsunge biddende. — lb. 1. 134b : gebrohte beet cild <5e
heo acende, H. C, gelacod to Sani Godes temple (or adjec-
tival?).— lb. 1. 33815: " -Sonne forlset he ba nigon and hund-
nigontig on westene and ga?3 secende 'beet an be him losode "
[or Pred. ? Cf. Med. 18. 12 ; g8B$ and seeb = vadit quserere].
Gosp.: — Mat. 19. 3: pa genealsehton him to farissei hyne
costnigende •j cwsedon = Et accesseruut ad eum Pharissei ten-
282 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
tantes eura, et dicentes. — Lk. 2. 45 : hig gewendon to hieru-
salem hyne secende = regressi sunt in Jerusalem requirentes
eura. — J. 6. 6 : "Sset he cwseft his fandigende = Hoc autem
dicebat tentans eura. So J. 8. 6 : fandiende.
II. In Poetry.
Beoiv. 2062: if we read lifigende ; but we have the modal
use if we read wigende (see above, under Modal).
Dan. 355 : wearS se hata lig todrifen "j todwa?sced, ftser $a
dsedhwaton geond "Sone ofen eodon •j se engel mid, feorh
nerigende, se 'Se $aer feorSa wees, Annanias ~\ Azarias j Miscel
(or pred.?).
V. CONCESSIVE.
The concessive use of the appositive participle is somewhat
rarer even than the final. 33 examples occur in all, 25 in
the prose, and 8 in the poetry.
Of these 19 are in the present, aud 14 in the past tense.
An object is very rare, only 4 occurring with each of the
two participles.
As to its distribution, but three examples have been found
in Early West Saxon, namely, one each in Bede, Gregory,
and Orosius, the two first corresponding to Latin participles,
and all being doubtful. Most of the instances are in the
Gospels. One example occurs in each of these poems :
Beowulf, Elene, Genesis, Gulhlac, Juliana, and Metres of
Boethius, and two in the Phoenix.
The following will serve as examples: —
I. In Prose.
JEfred: — Bede1 278. 18b: Gif he sene sijm onfongen,
haten ham hweorfan, ne wille, etc. = 216. 16b: Quod si semel
susceptus noluerit inuitatus redire, etc. [May be temporal,
as Miller translates.] — Greg. 153. 1 : Ac monige scylda open-
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 283
lice witene beo$ to forberanne = 110a : Nonnulla autem
vel aperte cognita, mature toleranda sunt, etc. [May be
adjectival.] — Oro.s. 250. 14: iEfter bosm Germanie gesohton
Agustus ungeniedde him to frifte. [May be modal.]
JElfric : — Horn. I. 596b 8 : forSan 3e he ue geswicS so$ to
bodigenne, mi twegen dagas cucu hangigende.
Gosp.: — Mat. 13. 13a&b: forSam ic spece to him mid
bigspellum, forSam 3e lociende big ne geseoft j gehyrende
hig ne gehyraft = quia videntes non videat, et audientes non
audiunt. So: Mk. 4. I2a&b; Lk. 8. 10a&b.— Lk. 5. 5b :
Eala bebeodend ealle niht swincmde we naht ne gefengon =
Prasceptor, per totam noctem laborantes, nihil cepimus. — lb.
6. 35: la?ne sylla-S nan -Sing Galium eft gehihtende = date,
nihil inde sperantes.
II. In Poetry.
Beow. 2350 : for -Son he ser fela nearo neftende ni$a gedigde.
[K. Kohler classes as modal, but Garnett translates as con-
cessive. J
Gen. 2649 : Me ssegde ser -Seet wif hire wordum selfa
unfricgendum, ftset etc.
Guth. 1260: Bad se "Se sceolde eadig on elne endedogor
avrecen wselstrselum. [Furkert : Pred. after intransitive
verb, but Gollancz translates as appositive and conces-
sive.]
Jul. 241 : Symle heo wuldorcyning herede eet heortan
heofonrices god in "Sam nydclafan, nergend fira, heolstre
bihelmad.
Phoenix: 162 : Donne wa'Sum strong west gewiteS wintrum
gebyagad fleogan feSrum snel. — Jb. 368: ForSon he drusende
deaS ne bisorgaft.
Metres of Boetli. 11. 34: Swa beefS geheaftserod hefonrices
weard mid his anwealde ealle gesceafta, ^set hiora seghwilc
\vi$ o$er win$, ~\ -Sean icinnende wreSiaiS fseste = 48. 3 :
Quod pugnantia semina foedus perpetuum tenent.
284 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
VI. CONDITIONAL.
Least frequent of all the adverbial uses of the appositive
participle is the conditional. Of the 29 examples 13 are in
the prose and 16 in the poetry.
The present participle is used 4 times, the preterite 25.
Twice the present participle has an object, and 11 times
the preterite participle.
In Early West Saxon, I have found only 4 examples (1 in
Betle and 3 in Boethius). Late West Saxon, also, has very
few examples, there being one doubtful example in JElfrie and
two in the Gospels. In the poetry are represented Beoivuff (2),
Genesis (3), Exodus (2), Eadgar (1), Andreas (3), Elene (2),
Riddles (2), and Metrical Psalms (1).
As my quotations show, several of these examples are
quite doubtful.
Typical examples are: —
I. In Prose.
JElfred: — Bede1 278. 18a: Gif he sene si$a onfongen haten
ham hweorfan [ne wille] = 216. 16a : Quod si semel susceptus
noluerit inuitatus red ire etc, — Boeth} 30. 25, 26 : Ac gif hi
yfele sint } lytige bonne sint hi Se pliolicran *j geswincfulran
heefd Sonne ncefd; forSsem yfele "Segnas bioS simle heora
hlafordes fiend = 37. 47 f. : Qui si uitiosi moribus sint, per-
niciosa domus sarcina et ipsi domino uehementer inimica. —
lb. 91.8: Ne ma3g ic nane cwuce wuht ongitan Sara Se wite
hwset hit wille, oSSe luvset hit nylle, Se ungened lyste for-
weorSan = 78. 45 : nihil inuenio, quod nullis extra cogentibus
abiciant manendi intentionem et ad interitum sponte festinent.
Bened} 28. 2 : geneadod to anre mile gange, gang willes
twa = 54. 7 : angariati milliario vadunt duo. — 16. 28. 6.
Gosp.: — Mk. 7. 15: Nis nan Sing of Sam men gangende
Sset hine besmitan maBge = Nihil est extra hominem introiens
in eum quod possit eum coiuquinore. [May be adjectival or
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IX ANGLO-SAXON. 285
temporal.] — lb. 7. 18 : Ne ongyte ge $9et eall Sset utan cynrS
on Sone man gangende ne maeg hine besmitan? = Nou intelli-
gitis quia orane extrinseeus introiens etc. [May be temporal.]
II. In Poetry.
BeAv. 1368, 1370: Sean 3e hseSstapa hundum geswenced,
heorot hornum trum holtwudu sece, feorran geflymed, ser he
feorh seleft.
Gen. 1263: SiSSan hundtwelftig geteled rime wintra on
worulde wrseee bisgedon fa3ge Seoda. So geteled rime(s) :
Gen. 1336, 2344; Exod. 372; Andr. 1035; Eadgar 11 ; El.
2 and 634; Metr. Ps. 67. 17.
Exod. 232 : Wses on anra gehwam aeftelan cynnes alesen
under lindum leoda dugufte on folcgetael fiftig cista ; haefde
cista gehwilc cirSes werodes garberendra, gu^fremmendra -x-
hund geteled tireadigra.
Andr. 883 : Swylce we gesegon for suna meotndes seftelum
ecne eowic standan, twelfe geteatde, tireadige hsele^S.
Middles 24. 15, 16: JNelle ic unbunden aenigum hyran
nymbe searosceled. Saga, hwset ic hatte ! [24. 15 may be
temporal.]
III. The Appositive Participle is Substantially
Equivalent to an Independent Clause.
Of the 890 co-ordinate participles 871 are found in the
prose, and 19 in the poetry.
The present participle occurs 869 times, and the preterite
21 times.
An object is found far more frequently with the co-ordi-
nate than with the adjectival or the adverbial participle,
there being 633 instances with the present, and 2 with the
past participle.
The co-ordinate participle is very rare in Early West Saxon
and in the poetry ; and whenever it .occurs in the works of
10
286 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
JElfred, it is in translation of a Latin appositive participle.
It is very common in Benedict, in the works of JS/fric, in
the Gospels, and in Benet.
I add a few examples to those already given in defining
the co-ordinate use of the appositive participle. They are
arranged under two heads: (1) the participle denotes an
accompanying circumstance; (2) the participle repeats the
idea of the principal verb. The former may conveniently be
designated as the "circumstantial" participle in the narrower
sense; the latter, as the " iterating" participle.
(1) The "Circumstantial" Participle.
I. In Prose.
JElfred :—Bedel 312. 23a&b: we wuldriab usserne Drihten
swa swa 3as wuldredon, noht tocetecevde o'&Se onweg ateonde =
240. 18a&b: glorificamus Dominum sicut . . ., nihil addentes
uel subtrahentes. — lb. 312. 25, 27 : 3a be heo onfengon we eac
swelce on fob, wxddriende God Feeder 3 his Sunn = 240. 20, 21 ,
22 : . . . susci pi m us, gloriftcantes Deum et filium eius. — lb. 332.
16: Forbon 3e in $sem ilcan mynstre. . . Hereswi$ . . .
regollicum beodscipum underfteoded, in $a tid baad $one ecan
sige = 253. 10 : Nam H., . . ., regularibus subdita discipli-
nis; expectabat (doubtful). — Other examples: — Bcde 10.
12 : biddende = petens ; 14. 4 : biddende = postulans ; 310.
1 : feohtende = compngnantes ; 438. 30 : sittende = residens.
— Oros.1 12. 32, 33: "bonne forb 'Sonan west irnende heo
toli'S on twa ymb an igland $e mon hset Meroen, 3 ftonan
bugende ut on ftone Wendelsa? . . . ftret seo ea bib flowende ofer
eal JEgypta lond =13. 20, 22 : iEgyptus inferior . . . habet
. . . fluviumque Nilum, qui etc. . . . deinde diu ad occasum
profluens, faciensque insulam nomine Meroen in media sui :
novissime ad septentrionem wflexus plana JEgypti rigat.
Chron. 656 E (p. 33l) : seo papa seonde 3a his writ 3us
cwafoend (or adjectival ?). So 675 E (p. 35b).
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO— SAXON. 287
Bened.1 30. 3 : swigean heaklmde ne sprece o$ Sset he geah-
sod sy = 56. 19: taciturnitatem habeas usque ad interroga-
tionem non loquatur.
JEtfric: — Horn. 1. 48a : And gebigde his cneowu, mid
micelre sterane clypigende etc. — lb. 1. 62a : Iohannes beseah
to heofonum, "Sns cwe§ende.
Gasp.: Med. 9. 29: f)a asthran he hyra eagena aceftynde
= Tunc tetigit oculos eorum, dieens. — Mk. 1. 41 : his hand
aftenode 3 liina cethrinende [ms. Hatton : cetkrinede] *j -Sus
cwseS = extendit manum suam, et tangens eum, ait illi.
Benet 31.16: mid ealre gehyrsunmessa hine sylfne Seowde
ealdre geefenlazcende drihtnes = omni obedientia se subdat
raajori, immitans dominum.
II. In Poetry.
Beow. 916 : HwWum flitende fealwe streete mearum mseton.
Christ 950 : Ond on seofon healfa swoga"S windas, blawa$
brecende bearhtma rnseste. — lb. 1016 : ForSon nis senig wun-
dor hu him woruldmonna seo undone gecynd cearum sorgende
hearde ondrede •Sonne etc. (or adjectival?)
Metres of Bceth. 20. 212: swa deS monnes saul hweole
gelicost, hwasrfeS ymbe hy selfe oft smeogevde ymb -Sas eor$-
lican drihtnes gesceafta dagum j nihtum. — lb. 20. 214, 221 :
secende.
Met. Ps. 50. 1. 56 (Cot.) : Ac 3u synfulle simle laerdes, $£et
hio cerrende Criste herdon 3 hiom lif mid 3e langsum begeton.
(2) The "Iterating" Participle.
I. In Prose.
JElfred : — Bedt1 330. 30 : heo of eorSan alceded leorde -Sy
fifteoSan daege etc. = 252. 20 : de terris ablata transuiuit. —
lb. 210. 26 : wool . . . feor 3 wide grimsigende micle menigeo
monna afylde 3 fornom = 192. 4 : longe lateque desceui-
ens . . . strauit. — lb. 312. 2 : sefter heora lare . . . geSwaerelice
288 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
we gelyfaft ondettende 239. 24 : iuxta doctrinam eorum pro-
fessi credimus consonanter, et confiternur. Oros.1 240. 9 :
wepende rnamde 3a unare.
Chron. 1083 Eb: gyrne cleopedon to Gode his miltse
biddende (or final?).
JBened.1 4. 10: Be •Sseru ilican andgyte se hselend cwi^ on
$aarn halgan godspelle Sus elypiende = 8. 16 : Unde et Domi-
nus in Evangelio ait. — 76. 11. 8: hy fteak forhogiende me
forsawon = 18. 21 : ipsi autem contemnentes spreverunt me
(or modal?).
JElfric: — Horn. 1. 104b: -Sees Feeder stemn of heofenum
hlude swegde, Sus cioedende. — lb. 1. 294b : him to sprsec
ymbe Godes rice, samod mid him reordigende.
Gosp.: — Mat. 8. 31 : $a deofla soSlice hyne baedon, ftus
cweftende = Daemones autem rogabant earn dicentes. — lb. 9.
30: se h. bebead him cweftende = comminatus est il lis Jesus,
dicens. — lb. 11. 25: Se h. cwarS andswariende = respondens
Jesns dixit. — lb. 12. 10: hi ahsudun hyne "Sus cwe$ende =
interrogabant eum, dicentes. — lb. 13. 31 : He rehte him •Sa
gyt oSer big-spel, "Sus cweftende = . . . proposuit eis, dicens.
— Mk. 3. 1 1 : *Sus cweftende clypedon = clamabant dicentes.
Wulfst. 199. 15 : be ^am awrat Iohannes on -Saere bee,
•Se man hat apocalipsin, -Sus cweftende. So 201. 8. — lb. 246.
11 : svva se witega "Se lserS $us cw&ende: sepi aures tuas
spin is.
Benet} 30. 14 : gewrit bebyt secgende = scriptura praecipit
dicens.
II. In Poetry.
Andr. 59: He $a wepende weregum tearum his sigedrihten
sargan reorde, grette gumena brego geomran stefne.
Christ 387 : ForSan hy, daedhwsete, dome geswiSde, $set
soSfseste seraphinnes cynn, uppe mid englum a bremende,
unaSreotendum ftrymrnurn singaS. [Hertel : pred. after
intransitive verb.] — lb. 992 : Wepaft wanende wergnm
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 289
stefnum, heane, hygegeomre, hreownra gedreahte. [Hertel :
attrib., but Gollancz : "weep and moan."]
Guth. 401 : Bonan gnornedon, mrendon murnende, -$a3t etc.
[May be adjectival or modal.] — lb. 879 : hwilum wedende
swa wilde deor cirmdon on corSre.
Jul. 662 : Wserlic me SinceS, Sset ge wceccende wi$ het-
tendra hildewoman wearde healdan.
Spirit of Men 82 : ForSon we sculon a hycgende hselo
rsedes gemunan in mode msele gehwylcum Sone selestan
sigora waldend ! Amen !
Harrowing of Hell 91 : Sonne hy gehyrdon, hu we hreo-
w[ige] [ma?ndo]n murnende maeg burg usse. [May be
adjectival or modal.]
Met. Ps. 104. 10 : And him Su mid sobe ssegde, cwe&ende =
Et statuit illud Jacob in prseceptum, et Israel in testamentum
seternum, dicens. — lb. 105. 4 : Gemune us, drihten, on mod-
sefan forS hycgende folces Sines 3 us mid haslo her geneose
= Memento nostri, Domine, in beneplacito populi tui ; visita
nos in salutari tuo. — lb. 138. 17 : Blodhreowe weras ! ge
bebugaS me, Se beet on geSohtum SenceaS cwe^Sende = Viri
sanguinum declinate a me; quia dicitis in cogitationibus
vestris. [Cf. 104. 10: where cweSende = dicens.] — lb. 146.
10: Se $e mete syleS manegum neatum, hrefnes briddum,
Sonne heo hropende him cigeaS to, cubes yeses = Sui dat
jumentis escam ipsorum, et pullis corvorum invocantibus eum.
NOTES.
1. Prevent Participle in a Passive Sense. — I have found
no instance of the present participle used in a passive sense
in Old English. [Cf. Kellner, Syntax des Englisches Verbums,
p. 85 f. ; Koch, n, p. 72 ; Matzner, n, p. 56 ; Sweet, § 2312 ;
and, for the Germanic languages in general, O. Erdmann,
Grundzuge, I, § 132 f. ; Falk and Torp, § 138, 1; and Grimm,
iv, p. 68.]
290 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JE.
2. Passive Participle in an Act ire Sense. — The preterite
participle of intransitive verbs has an active sense, such
as cumen, forftfered, etc. : Bede1 396. 20 : in iSsere he /orS-
fered bebyrged beon sceolde = 228. 9: in quo defunctus
condi deberet; jE(f. L. 8. 462. 351: oSSast hi becoraon
to sumum sen li cum felcla fsegre geblowen (sic!); Bl. Horn.
87. 36: befealden to Hselendes cneowum, he cwseS ; Hat.
7. 6 : hig 'Sonne ongean gewende eovv toslyton = conversi
dirumpant vos. Cf. bewend in Mk. 5. 30; L. 7. 9, 10. 23,
etc. Occasionally, too, the past participle of transitive verbs
has an active sense: Greg} 435. 1 : gif hi fserlecor syngoden
unbeftohte = 360. 7 : si in his sola prascipitcdione cecidis-
sent (or adverb?); uEtf. L. 8. XXIV. 2: waeron twegen
kyningas on crist gelyfde ; ib.: xxv. 109, xxvur. 15, etc.
(see Statistics); JElf. Horn. I. 66. 12: -Sonne faerlice gewitt
he of Sissere worulde, nacod and forscyldigod. But, as in
High German (see Grimm as cited below), the use of the
preterite participle in an active sense occurs usually, not
when the participle is appositive, but when it is attributive
or predicative, or has been substantivized; under one of
which heads come most of the examples cited by Matzner,
March, Schrader, and Sohrauer. Druncen in trine druncen
and in beore druncen, cited by Matzner and by March as
active, seems to me passive in sense. [See Kellner, Syntax
des Verburm, p. 97 f. ; Koch, n, p. 72 ; Matzner, nr, p. 93 ;
March, § 455; Schrader, § 104; Sohrauer, p. 31; Sweet,
§ 2356 ; and, for Germanics, O. Erdmann, Grundzuge I.,
§ 133 ; Falk and Torp, § 138, n ; Grimm, iv., p. 73.]
3. Supplementary Particles. — Only slight use is made of
supplementary particles, which serve the more clearly to indi-
cate the relationship of the participial to the main clause.
They seem to be confined to the late West Saxon prose.
Examples: swa swa: sEtf. L. 8. xxnr. B. 234: ongan he
sworettan swa swa eallunga gewsecced on "Sam oreSe belocen;
swa -Sea/t: jE'f. Hept. Numb. 15. 44 : Hig swa fteah ablende
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 291
l>eotlice astigon = At illi contenebrati ascenderunt ; ib. JElf.
L. $, xxxi. 42; — swa-Seah-hwar&ere : JElf. L. S. xxm. B.
285 : ic eom synful wif, swafteahhwceSere utan ymbseald mid
■5am halgan fulluhte ; — swilce: JElf. Horn. I. 60b : Drusiana
•5a aras swilce of slaepe awreht ; ib. JElf. L. S. 158. 174, xxv.
513, xxx. 411, etc. ;— 5a: JElf. L. S. xxm. B. 587 : Zosimus
5a witodlice gehyrende 5aet ... he hire to cwae5 ; ib. Mk.
8. 13; — 'Sonne: Mat. 7. 6: hig Sonne ougean gewende eow
tosliton = et conversi dirumpuut ; ib. yE/f. Horn. i. 38b ; jElf.
L. S. xxm. B. 115.— Matzner (in, pp. 73, 90) mentions only
swilce.
4. Pleonastic " and." — As with the absolute participle (see
Absolute Participle in Anglo-Saxon, p. 21) so with the apposi-
tive there is occasionally a pleonastic and: Btde1 450. 20;
Oros.1 1 2. 32, 33 ; Bl. Horn. 243. 7 ; JElf. L. S. xxm. B. 542,
560, 588, etc., etc. The same is true of Gothic and of Old
High German (Gering, p. 401).
I close this chapter with tables showing the distribution
of the appositive participle in its several uses (adjectival,
adverbial, and co-ordinate), in the whole of Anglo-Saxon
Literature.
292
MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
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CHAPTER TIL
ORIGIN OF THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN
ANGLO-SAXON.
Is the appositive use of the participle a native English idiom,
or is it borrowed from the Latin ?
The only direct expressions that are known to me on this
question are from Einenkel and myself. In his MUtelenglische
Syntax (Miinster, 1887), p. 273, in treating the present parti-
ciple, Einenkel says : " Das Part, in appositiver Stellung (im
Deutschen wiederzugeben dnrch Adjectiv-Satz) findet sich gele-
gentlich im AE., haufiger im Afranz., ist jedoch wol in keinem
Falle ein einheimisches Gewachs, sondern stammt aus dem
Lat., wo die Construction eine ganz gewonliche ist. Die ver-
bale Kraft, die das so verwendete lat. part, besitzt, zeigt sich
im AE. und Afranz." And in his chapter on English Syntax
in Paul's Grundriss2, § 129% he thus speaks of the preterite
participle : " Zu erwahnen ist hier die schon im Altenglischen
bekannte spater zunehmende appositionelle Verwendung des-
selben, die vom Lateinischen hervorgerufen und spater vom
Altfranzosischen vielleicht auch vom Altnordischen unterstiitzt
wird." Einenkel, then, holds that the appositive use of both
the present and the past participle in Anglo-Saxon is due to
Latin influence.
Before reading Einenkel's treatment I had come to the same
general conclusion myself on noticing how sedulously Alfred
avoided the use of the appositive participle in his translations
from the Latin. And in my monograph on The Absolute
Participle in Anglo-Saxon (p. 50), in treating of the stylistic
effect of the participle in Anglo-Saxon, I incidentally recorded
this belief: "Clearly relief was needed here [i. e., from the
298 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
heaping up of co-ordinate finite verbs] ; and it came through
the adoption of the appositive participle from the Latin."
An indirect statement concerning the origin is this by Th.
Mii Her (p. 250): "Doch ist hinzuzufu\gen,dassdieVerwepdung
der Participien znr Satzverkiirzung im Ags. eine zicmlich
beschrankte ist, namentlich die Verwendung des absolnten
Particips. . . . Im Englischen hat die Anwendung des Part,
znr Satzverkiirzung sehr an Urufang gewonnen, besonders
durch Einwirkung des Franzosischen und Lateinischen . . .
Im Ae. ist die Satzverkiirzung durch das Particip. noch be-
schraukt und nicht viel ausgedehnter, als im Ags." A. Erd-
mann cautiously expresses himself as follows (p. 30) : " How-
ever common this use [i. e., the apj)ositive] of the participle
present, as shown in n: 1:0, undoubtedly is, still the general
run of the language seems to be opposed to the too frequent
recurrence of it. There are to be found in the Gospels, in spite
of the general closeness of the translation, numerous instances
of co-ordinate finite verbs or subordinate clauses substituted for
Latin-Greek participles present. In many of these passages
the English translation readmits the participle, conformably
to the original text." Owen (p. 61) seems to consider the con-
struction native to English, though somewhat influenced by the
Latin ; but, as his statement is indefinite, it need not be quoted.
The statements of both Einenkel and myself were in the
nature of the case incidental and general. May not the present
detailed study of the appositive participle in Anglo-Saxon
enable us to make definite statements with reference to at least
several of the uses of the appositive participle in Anglo-Saxon?
I believe it will; and I turn, therefore, to the consideration
of the several distinctive uses of the appositive participle in
Anglo-Saxon.
I. The Adjectival Use.
The appositive use of the present participle that is equiva-
lent to a dependent adjectival (relative) clause, seems to have
been largely due to Latin influence and never to have gained
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 299
a secure foothold in Anglo-Saxon, because, as my appended
tables show : — (1) This use is rare in Early West Saxon. (2)
In most of these Early West Saxon examples, the Anglo-Saxon
participle is in direct translation of a Latin appositive parti-
ciple. (3) The construction is rare, also, in the more original
prose (the Chronicle, the Laics, and Wulfstan). (4) It is very
rare, too, in the poetry ; and most of these examples occur in
poems known to be translations of Latin originals. (5) It is
common in iEIfric, in the Gospels, and in Benet. Of the 13
examples in the Heptateuch all but 2 are translations from
the Latin ; of the 44 examples in the Gospels every participle
except 1 ; and of the 32 in Benet all except 2. Despite this,
it is possible that the appositive use of a few slightly verbal
participles like blissigende and gefeoncle (see Bl. Horn. 5. 8a & b,
p. 186 above), and Ubbende and licgende (see Laws: Cnut II,
c. 24, Intr.a&b, p. 181 above) may be the native extension of
the attributive use of such participles in postposition, the
apposition arising from the fact that we have a series of
participles, some with modifiers. [See above pp. 149, 152,
and below on the origin of the adjectival appositive preterite
participle]
Whether the foregoing be accepted or not, this much seems
certain : the appositive present participle with a direct object
is not native to English, a topic the treatment of which is
deferred to the close of this chapter (p. 307).
On the contrary, the adjectival use of the appositive preterite
participle is probably native; or, if first suggested by the Latin,
was soon naturalized. To me this use seems merely the exten-
sion of the attributive use of the preterite participle in post-
position (see pp. 149, 152 above) when there was a series of
participles modifying a single noun, or when the participle
had an object or a somewhat extended adverbial modifier; as
in : jEIJ. Hept. (Exod. 12. 19) : ne ete ge nan -Sing onhafenes,
ne ii tan cymene ne innan lande geborene ; ib. 29. 23: Bu
nymst . . . anne holne hlaf mid ele gesprengedne ; Beow.
1126 : Gewiton him Sa wigend wica neosian freondum befeal-
300 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
ten Frysland geseon. This difference as to the origin of the
appositive present and of the appositive preterite participle
is not in reality so strange as may at first appear; for, as
already stated in the Introduction, the preterite participle is
much more adjectival in nature than is the present participle;
and, as our statistics show, in Anglo-Saxon the appositive
use of the participle (whether present or past, and in what-
ever function) is in keeping with this general principle : the
construction is most frequent when the participle manifests
most of its descriptive (adjectival) and least of its assertive
(verbal) power.
Whatever the explanation, it is a fact that the adjectival
use of the preterite appositive participle in Anglo-Saxon is far
more common than that of the present participle, and it seems
thoroughly naturalized, if not native. For our tables show
(1) that the construction is common in Early West Saxon, in
the more original prose works, and in the poetry, as well as in
iElfric, the Gospels, and Benet ; and (2) that in the transla-
tions, notably in the Heptateuch, a considerable fraction of
the appositive preterite participles used adjectivally are not
translations of Latin participles.
The same distinction between the appositive present and
the appositive preterite participle is found in the other
Germanic languages (see chapter v).
II. The Adverbial Use.
1. Modal.
(1) Manner.
The appositive use of the participle (present and past)
denoting mauner, was probably native to Anglo-Saxon ; if not,
it was certainly early naturalized. We find this use very
often in Early West Saxon, often in iElfric and the Gospels,
anil occasionally in the more original prose and in the poetry.
Moreover, in the translations, the Anglo-Saxon participle
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 301
corresponds not only to Latin participles, but also to Latin
prepositional phrases, to nouns in the ablative, to finite verbs,
to adjectives, and to adverbs; while in not a few cases there
is no Latin corresponding to the Anglo-Saxon participle. Nor
is the participle denoting manner confined to the poems known
. to be translations ; on the contrary, the largest number of
examples in any single poem is found in Beowulf. Finally,
it may be said that in this use the participle has but slight
verbal power ; and hence the fact that the construction was
native to Anglo-Saxon (or, if this be not allowed, was early
naturalized), is what we should expect after what has been
said above concerning the lack of verbal power in the Anglo-
Saxon participle.
(2) Means.
The appositive use of the participle denoting means was in
all probability not native to the English, but was borrowed from
the Latin. It is found chiefly in the more direct translations
and in the works of iElfric, and in the former almost invari-
ably corresponds to a Latin participle or to a Latin gerund in
the ablative, in the majority of cases to the latter. It is prac-
tically unknown in the more original prose and in the poetry.
Since the verbal power is more prominent in the participle
denoting means than in that denoting manner, we need not
be surprised at the difference in the origin (or the naturalness)
of the two.
The modal participle in both of its uses has substantially
the same history in the other Germanic languages (chapter v).
2. Temporal.
With the exception of a few slightly verbal participles like
being, living, and sleeping, the temporal use of the appositive
participle, strange as it may seem, can hardly have been a,
native idiom in Anglo-Saxon. When it occurs in the prose
translations, it is with but a few exceptions a direct transla-
11
302 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
tion of a Latin appositive participle. Only two examples
occur in the more original prose (Laws, 1 : Ine C. 35 : Se <5e
Seof slitrS, he mot aiSe gecySan, Sset he hine fleondne for
•Seof sloge; and Wulfstan, 1 : 295. 14: hi scu 1 on fieonde on
gefeoiite beon ofslagene). As to the poetry, most of the
examples occur in the poems that rest upon Latin originals.
14 examples, however, occur in Beowulf, nine in the present
and five in the preterite (lifigende: 815 and 1953 ; unlifgendum :
1389; slcepende: 1581 and 2219; wesende (usually in composi-
tion with cniht and umbor): 46, 372, 535, 1187 ; druncen (in
beore and wine druncen): 480, 531, 1467 ; forftgewitenum :
1479, which may be adjectival ; and fylle gej\r)cegnod .-
1333). But after all only five different words are involved ;
these are often used adjectivally, and the temporal use here
may be partly due to that fact.* At any rate, the temporal
use of the appositive participle can hardly be considered
organic in a work showing only five words so used. More-
over, in Anglo-Saxon, time relations are normally denoted
by a finite verb introduced by a subordinating conjunction,
as is evidenced by its habitual rendering of the Latin tempo-
ral participle (see chapter iv).
In the other Germanic languages, also, the temporal use is
restricted to participles of slightly verbal power, like being,
living, sleeping (chapter v).
3. Causal.
The use of the appositive participle to denote cause seems,
in the main, to be an imitation of the Latin. Few examples
occur in Early West Saxon ; and the majority of these as of
those in other translations correspond to Latin participles,
though a few answer to substantives in the ablative or to
adverbs. The construction is exceedingly rare in the more
* Einenkel {Miltekngl. Syntax, p. 279) derives the temporal use of the
preterite appositive participle from the adjectival (relative) use of the
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 303
original prose, there being but two examples in the Chronicle
(1087 E : geseonde, which has an object and is therefore to be
excluded from consideration ; 449 A : Hengest "j Horsa from
Wyrtgeorne geleaftode, Bretta kyninge, gesohton Bretene (MS.
E : gelaftode Wyrtgeorn Angelcin hider ; MS. F : com Angel-
cynn to Sisum lande, gelaftode from Wyrtgeorne cinge) ) and
two in Wulfstan (133. 5a&b: sculon eowre heortan eargjan
swibe and eowra feonda insegen strangjan dearie, and ge
tofesede swifte afirhte oft litel werod earhlice forbugaft =
131. 23 : et animam uestram tabescentem faciam, et perse-
quentur uos inimici uestri, et fugietis nullo persequente).
In the poetry, but five examples occur with the present parti-
ciple; two have an object (Andreas 1, and Gu'Slac 1) and are
therefore not to be considered ; while three occur in poems
based on Latin originals (Genesis 2, Exodus 1). In all proba-
bility, then, the causal use of the present appositive participle
is not native to Anglo-Saxon poetry. As to the past parti-
ciple, as I have already said in a preceding chapter, many of
the examples are doubtful and may be considered adjectival
(relative). K. Kohler, for example, does not consider as causal
any one of the nine examples that I have classed as such in
Beowulf. Most of the other causal preterite participles in
Anglo-Saxon poetry are in poems based on Latin originals ;
those in the prose have been discussed in the beginning of
this paragraph.
It seems highly probable, therefore, that the causal use of
the present participle in both prose and poetry is due to
Latin influence ; it seems probable that the causal use of the
preterite participle is largely due to Latin influence, but that
it is partly an extension of the adjectival use of the preterite
participle, which latter has been shown to be so common in
Anglo-Saxon. As is shown in chapter iv, the Latin causal
participle is in Anglo-Saxon normally translated by a sub-
ordinated finite verb.
For the other Germanic languages, see chapter v.
304 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
4. Final.
The appositive participle denoting purpose is mainly from
the Latin. But three examples occur in Early West Saxon,
two corresponding to Latin participles and one to a Latin
infinitive of purpose. No example has been found in the
more original prose. The instances in the Gospels and in
Bend correspond invariably to a Latin participle. The
single example in the poetry (already quoted : Dan. 355 : neri-
gende) is from a poem based on the Latin. A still further
reason for considering the final use unoriginal is this : 35 of
the 39 present participles have an object (see p. 307 below).
But, as the statistics show that the final participle in Old
English occurs, as in Latin (Gildersleeve, Latin Grammar,
§ 670, 3), chiefly after verbs of motion, it may well be that the
very frequent predicative use of the participle in Anglo-Saxon
after verbs of motion contributed somewhat to its appositive
use to denote purpose.
See, further, chapters iv and v.
5. Concessive.
The concessive use of the appositive participle is likewise to
be ascribed to Latin influence. Of the three examples found
in Early West Saxon, two are direct translations of Latin parti-
ciples; while the third (ungeniedde in Oros. 250. 14), though
without a Latin correspondence in this particular instance,
answers to (non)eoacti, which occurs elsewhere in Alfred's
Latin originals (as in Bede2 29. 12: co-adi = 8. 5: genedde).
No instance of the concessive participle has been found in the
more original prose. Each example in the Gospels is in trans-
lation of a Latin participle. Of the eight examples in the
poems, that in Beowulf (2350 : nearo neftende) is considered
modal by K. Kohler ; the other seven occur in poems known to
be from Latin originals (one each in Elene, Genesis, Guftlac,
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 305
Juliana, Metres of Boethius ; and two in the Phcenix). More-
over, the Boethius example translates a Latin participle.
Compare chapters iv and v.
6. Conditional.
The appositive participle denoting a condition is probably
due to Latin influence. Four examples occur in Early West
Saxon, of which one corresponds to a Latin appositive parti-
ciple (Bede 278. 18a), one to a Latin absolute participle (Boeth.
91. 8), while two have no correspondents in Latin (Boeth. 30.
25, 26). Of the two examples in Benedict, one answers to a
Latin participle, and one is without a correspondent. The
two examples in the Gospels are translations of Latin parti-
ciples, as are also the four in Benet. Only one example occurs in
the remainder of Anglo-Saxon prose. Of the sixteen examples
in the poetry, two are in Beowulf (1368 : geswenced ; 1370:
gefiymed), one in Eadgar (1 1 A : geteled rimes) three in Genesis
(geteled rime(s) in 1263, 1336, and in 2344), two in Exodus
232 : geteled tireadigra, 372 : geteled rime), three in Andreas
(309 (?) : maSmum bedceled, 883 : twelfe gelealde, 1035 : ge-
teled rime), two in Elene (2 : geteled rimes, 634 : geteled rime),
two in the Riddles (24. 15: unbunden, 24. 16: searosa'led),
and one in the Metrical Psalms (67 . 17: geteled rime).* In
ten of these examples, however, the same word (geteled nine
times, getealde once) is used ; and, besides, the participle is
not unmistakably conditional. From its frequent occurrence
in Anglo-Saxon and its occasional employment in Old Saxon
(Heliand 1251 : twelivi gitcdda), this seems to have been a
favorite locution ; but its use appears to have been phraseo-
*The translation of this phrase by Grimm (computati numero, note to
Elene 1035 in his Andreas u. Elene), by Grein [geziilt der Zed naeh, in his
Glossary sub v. rim), and by Kent (the number told, note to Elene 2) is, like
the original, ambiguous, except that Kent does say that the participial
phrase is used adverbially. Pratje (# 158) considers the O. S. gitulda to be
attributive.
306 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
logical rather than syntactical. The Beowulf examples, also,
are doubtful. We know, too, that in Anglo-Saxon a condi-
tion is regularly denoted by a subordinated finite verb. I
believe, therefore, that the use of the appositive participle to
denote a condition is not a native English idiom, but was
perhaps borrowed from the Latin.
See, too, chapters iv and v.
III. The Co-ordinate Use.
The co-ordinate participle, in both its " circumstantial " and
its "iterating" uses, is a direct importation from the Latin.
No clear example of the co-ordinate participle occurs in Greg-
ory, and only sixteen examples in the remainder of Alfred's
works, each time in direct translation of a Latin participle.
Three examples occur in the Chronicle and five in Wulfstan,
all present participles with an object, and all due to Latin
influence (see p. 307 below). No example is found in the Laws.
With about a dozen exceptions all the examples in Bene-
dict, in the Gospels, and in Benet are translations of Latin
participles. In the Prose Psalms, however, only one of the
sixteen co-ordinate participles answers to a Latin participle;
but thirteen are present participles with an object, and, there-
fore, cannot be native English (p. 307).
In the poems, only nineteen examples occur: one in Beowulf
(916 : flitende), one in Andreas (59 : wepende), four in Christ
(387 : bremende, 992 : wanende, 950 : brecende, 1016 : sorgende),
two in Guthlac (401 : mumende, 879 : wedende), one in Juliana
(662 : ivwccende), one in Spirit of Men (82 : hycgende), one in
the Harrowing of Hell (91 : mumende), three in the Metres of
Boethius (20. 212: smeagende, 20. 214, 221 : secende), and five
in the Metrical Psalms (50. 56 : cerrende, 104. 10: cweftende
= dicens, 105. 4: hycgende, 138. 17 : cweftende = dicitis, 146.
10: hropende = invocantibus). With the exception of Beoiv.
916 (which may not be co-ordinate) and of Spirit of Men 82
(of which I do not know the source), all the examples are from
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 307
poems known to be based on Latin originals. Two of the
examples are in direct translation of Latin participles (Metr.
Ps. 104. 10: cweftende = dicens ; 146. 10: hropende = invo-
cantibus), to which may confidently be added a third {Metr.
Ps. 138. 17 : ciceftende), though here answering to a finite verb,
dicitis. Finally, the majority of the remaining examples (like
brecende, mumende, sorgende, ivceccende, wanende, tvedende, and
ivepende) really waver between the co-ordinate use on the one
hand and the adjectival and the modal on the other ; indeed,
brecende, mumende, sorgende, and wanende are expressly de-
clared to be attributive by Hertel and by Furkert, and I have
put them here despite their extreme doubtfulness merely to
avoid the appearance of bending statistics to conformity with
a theory. The few clear cases that remain of the co-ordinate
use (like cerrende, hycgende, secende, and smeagende) may, I
think, safely be attributed to Latin influence. The Latin
co-ordinate participle is in Anglo-Saxon usually rendered by
a co-ordinate finite verb (chapter iv).
The co-ordinate participle is likewise uncommon in the
other Germanic languages (chapter v).
The Governing Power of the Participle.
1. The Present Participle.
I conclude with a remark that applies equally to each of
the three uses of the appositive participle : the present apposi-
tive participle with a direct object, no matter whether its use
is adjectival, adverbial, or co-ordinate, is always in imitation
of the Latin. For the Anglo-Saxon present participle, when
used appositively, seems originally not to have had the power
of governing a direct object in construction, — a fact not
noticed hitherto so far as I am aware. This statement is
substantiated, I believe, by the following considerations : —
1. Very few examples of a present participle having an
object occur in Early West Saxon. Only eighteen examples
308 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
have been found in the works of iElfred, distributed as fol-
lows : Bede 14, Gregory 2, Orosius 2.
2. With two exceptions each of these eighteen examples
in Early West Saxon is a translation of a Latin appositive
participle with a direct object. In one of the exceptional cases
(Greg.1 171. 13: Icerende (MS. C. : beo¥> kerende) = 126a:
praedicando) the Anglo-Saxon participle translates a Latin
gerund in the ablative ; in the other (Oros.1 52. 27) the accu-
sative seems to belong to the finite verb as well as to the
participle (see Statistics).
3. In hundreds of instances the Early West Saxon trans-
lators (iElfred and his helpers) clearly avoided turning the
Latin participle with an object by an Anglo-Saxon participle
with an object (see chapter iv).
4. An object is exceedingly rare in the more original prose
works, there being but four examples in the Chronicles, one
in the Laws, and six in Wulfstan ; in all eleven instances.
5. In every one of these eleven examples the participle
can bo traced directly or indirectly to a Latin source. In
the Chronicle, biddende (1083 E), cweftende, which occurs
twice (656 E, 675 E, both already quoted above), and geseonde
(1087 E), may be due to the Latin i^eteyxs, dicens, and videns,
which latter occur so often in the Vulgate Neic Testament,
in Gregory's Cara Pastoralis, in Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica,
and in other books that we may assume to have been in the
hands of the compiler of MS. E., especially as this MS. is itself
occasionally interlarded with Latin. Or, since it was written
about 1121 (Plummer, n, § 26), the editor of E. could have
borrowed these participles from the Anglo-Saxon Gospels or
from the works of iElfric, in both of which they abound. The
single example in the Laws (Wihtr. C. 18 : Preost hine claensie
sylfses soft, in his halgum hrsegle astforan wiofode, Sus cwe-
hm'lc: "Ueritatem dico in Christo, non mentior") may con-
fidently be ascribed to Latin influence, not only that it is
rtr( ftende, but that the participle is immediately followed by
a quotation in Latin. As to Wulfstan, four of the examples
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 309
are cweZende (105. 30, 199. 15, 201. 8, 246. 11), which here
as elsewhere is to be ascribed to Latin influence, dicens
(dicentes) occurs five times in Wulfstan, though not in the
above examples ; twice it is translated by a co-ordinated
finite (60. 14, 87. 15) and once by a subordinated finite verb
(87. 18), and twice it is not translated at all (31. 32, 77.
3). Moreover, in two instances (201. 8, 246. 11) cweftende
immediately precedes a quotation in Latin. The other two
examples in Wulfstan (244. 7b : gemende, 278. 9 : ftanejende:
see Statistics) sound like translations from the ritual. Be
this as it may, the participle may unhesitatingly be ascribed
to Latin influence; for in Wulfstan there are interlarded with
the Anglo-Saxon fourteen Latin present participles with an
object.
6. Very few objects are found with the present participle
in the poetry, only twenty-three in all, distributed as follows :
Beovulf four (1227 : dream healdende; 2106 : fela fricgende
(but K. Kohler considers fela an adverb); 2350: nearo neftende;
1829 : "Sec hettende, which may be substantival, as K. Kohler
construes it), Cynewulf's Christ one (1271 : wrcec winnende,
Grein1 and Gollancz1*2: wraxwinnende), Andreas three (570
dom agende, 491 : mere hrerendum, mundum freorig, 300
wine ftearfende), Elene two (1096: god hergendra, 1220
god hergendum), Doomsday one (112 : dea^S beaenigende tacen
= signa minantia mortem), Judith one (272 : mid tofton
torn ^Soligende : cf. Ps. 111. 9: torn tc3um Solian =
dentibus fremere), Daniel two (355 : feorh nerigende, 396 :
lean sellende), Guthlac one (1029: torn ftoliende: cf. Judith
272), Juliana one (6: god hergendra: cf. Elene 1096, 1220),
Spirit of Jlen one (82 : hycgende hselo raedes), Wonders of
Creation two (14: fricgende fira cynnes, 15: secgende searo-
runa gespon), Metrical Psalms four (104. 10 : eweSende =
dicens; 138. 17: cwe&ende = dieitis ; 105. 17: hse-Senstyrces
hig etendes = in similitudinem comedentis fcenum ; 105. 4 :
gemune us, drihten, on modsefan forS hycgende folces -Sines
= memento nostri, Domine, in beneplacito populi tui). Of
310 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
these twenty-three participles, three (Doomsday 112, Metr. Ps.
104. 10 and 105. 17) are direct translations of corresponding
Latin participles with an object ; and to this class we may add
a fourth (Metr. Ps. 138. 17), for the cweftende here, though
corresponding to dicitis, must be due to dicens, which occurs
not infrequently in the Latin Psalms. But what about the
remaining nineteen examples? In the first place it is to be
noticed that, except in four instances (Spirit of Men 82, Won-
ders of Creation 14 and 15, and Metr. Ps. 105. 4), the object
immediately precedes its participle; that, though they are not
so printed in Grein-Wiilker, possibly we have accusative com-
pounds (except in Beow. 1829), which compounds are in the
main descriptive epithets, as are the hyphenated accusative
compounds. And an object in an accusative compound seems
to me to stand on an entirely different footing from an object in
construction (cf. Strong, Logeman, Wheeler, p. 334, and Storch,
p. 25). The accusative compound is often made because the
Anglo-Saxon had no single word for the idea to be expressed,
as when the translator of the Psalms (81. 2) turns the Latin
peccator by syn-wyrcende, etc. Oftener, perhaps, the compound
is made for the sake of its picturesqueness; hence it is more
frequent in poetry than in prose. That the participles which
govern an object in composition do stand by themselves and
that their governing an object in composition does not neces-
sarily imply an antecedent power of governing an object in
construction is attested, I think, by the fact that only one
or two of the participles with an object in composition are
found, also, with an object in construction. This principle
by itself might account for most of the participles under
consideration. But we see, further, that of these parti-
ciples eleven occur in works known to be translations from
the Greek or the Latin (Andreas 3, Christ 1, Elene 2,
Judith 1, Daniel 2, Guthlac 1, Juliana 1), and the participles
here may be due in part to the influence of the participles in
the originals, even if at times, as in the two examples from
the Elene, the Anglo-Saxon participles correspond, not to
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 311
Latin participles, but to Latin finite verbs. It will be ob-
served, also, that in these eleven examples there are only eight
different participles, the participle of hergian occurring three
times and that of ftolian twice. As to the four participles
with objects following in construction, I think that they
must be ascribed to foreign influence, though I cannot defi-
nitely trace that influence in three of the examples, as I do
not know the sources of the Spirit of Men and the Wonders
of Creation. Hycgende of Metr. Ps. 105. 4 may safely be
ascribed to the influence of the Latin participles of the
Psalter, though none is found in the particular verse corre-
sponding to this line.
7. An object is likewise rare in the other Germanic
languages, especially in High German and in Old Saxon,
as will be shown in chapter v.
8. The only fact known to me that seems to militate
against the assumption that the present participle in Anglo-
Saxon had not, originally, the power of governing an
object, is this : in the Prose Psalms there are thirteen
examples of the present participle with an object, no one
of which is known to have a Latin appositive participle
as its original correspondent. All of these participles occur
in the Introductions to the Psalms. And, in his very able
discussion of the Paris Psalter (p. 64 ff.), Bruce has shown
that these Introductions are paraphrases of Latin originals,
principally of the argumenta in the commentary In Psalmorum
Libmm Exegesis. In the originals as given by Bruce I
find but two correspondences to our participles : in Psalms
34 siofigende corresponds to a substantive in the ablative
with a genitive modifier (Dauid sang -Sysne feower and
■Srittigoftan sealm, siofigende to Drihtne his yrrnfta = occa-
sione cerumnarum suarum David hunc psalraum in tempore
Jeremise componit, etc.), and in Ps. 38 to an ablative absolute
(Dauid sang ftysne eahta and 3rittigo$an sealm, seofigende
to Drihtne, mid hu manegum unrotnessum he wres ofSryceed
under Sawle = Angentibus sub Saule mceroribus, hunc
312 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
psalmum cecinit etc.); while in the remaining eleven
examples (37 : anddtende, 28 : bebeodende, 33 : gehatende, 39 :
gylpende (w. gen.), 32 : herigende, 47 : mydiende, 37 : seofi-
gende: 43: seofgende, 32: ftanciende, 45: ftanciende, 31:
ivundriende (w. gen.)) there is no Latin correspondence. It
will be observed, however, that, since one word is repeated
four times (seofigende) and another twice (ftanciende), only
seven words are involved ; that, although there are no
participles in the Latin corresponding to the Anglo-Saxon
participles, participles are abundant in the Latin originals ;
that, as Bruce shows, the Prose Psalms are the work of
an ecclesiastic ; and that the Anglo-Saxon participles are
those the Latin correspondents of which must have been
often before the eyes and upon the lips of an ecclesiastic
(such as confitens, postulans, benedicens, etc.). While, then,
in the Prose Psalms the number of present participles with
an object for which no immediate Latin source has been
found, does seem to militate against the statement that
originally in Anglo-Saxon the present participle had not
the power of governing an object, in reality it does not :
the author was an ecclesiastic and naturally molded his
English translation on the pattern of what was at once
his official language and his literary source.
9. In Late West Saxon, to be sure, especially in iElfric
and in the Gospels, there are numerous present participles
with direct objects; but this fact does not invalidate the con-
tention that in Anglo-Saxon the present participle had not
the governing power originally. It will be observed, further,
that in the Late West Saxon translations the participles with
objects usually correspond to Latin participles with objects
(25 times out of 36 in the Heptateuch, 117 times out of 122
in the Gospel*, and 62 times out of 63 in Benet) ; and that in
scores of instances the Latin participle is translated into
Anglo-Saxon by a finite verb. The frequency of the parti-
ciple with an object in iElfric's Homilies and in his IAves of
s<ii,,t.-< is due, of course, to the fact that, as he tells us, these
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 313
works are translations from the Latin. The rareness of the
present participle with an object in the poems and in the more
original prose, especially in the late Wulfstan, would seem to
indicate that, despite its great frequency in JElfric and in the
Gospels, this construction was never thoroughly naturalized
in Anglo-Saxon.
10. Whenever it does govern an object, the present parti-
ciple, as our examples show, has the same regimen as the
verb from which it is derived. We find as object occasionally
the genitive (Gregory1 99. 4: wilnigende; Metr. Ps. 105. 4:
hycgende; etc., etc.) and the dative (Bede1 426. 30: biosmri-
endes; JElf. Horn. II. 128b: fteoivigende ; etc., etc.), but
usually the accusative (see Statistics). — In the preceding dis-
cussion as to the origin of the present participle with a
direct object I have included not only the accusative, but all
the cases that from the modern English standpoint appear to
be direct objects and, in the Early West Saxon texts and in
the poems, all participles with objects, whether direct or not.
2. The Preterite Participle.
1. With reference to the preterite participle, the word
object, as stated in the prefatory note to the Statistics, is used
to include not only the object in the ordinary sense, but also
any noun modifier of the participle. We find with the pre-
terite participle the object in the genitive (/Elf- L. S. xxiii.
B. 442: selces fylstes bedceled; Beoio. 845: nifta ofercumen;
Gen. 2344 : geteled rimes ; etc., etc.), the dative (JElf. Horn.
I. 544b 3: deorum geferlcehte ; ib. II. 31 4b: beboda mannum
gesette; Bede1 172. 26 : Disse faamnan Gode gehcdgodre weorc;
etc., etc.), and the instrumental (Bede1 214. 11 : onlysed "Sy
lichoman ; ib. 344. 28: "Sy betstan leo^e geglenged ; etc.,
etc.). This use of the preterite participle occurs both in
the prose and in the poetry, but much more frequently in the
latter. The construction seems to be thoroughly natural in
Anglo-Saxon.
314 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
2. In the whole of Anglo-Saxon literature, however, I
have found but one instance of an appositive preterite parti-
ciple governing an accusative of the direct object, namely,
Luke 9. 55 (MSS. B. & C.) : hine beiuend, he hig Sreade =
conversus increpavit illos. The remaining three mss. and the
corresponding Glosses here use a finite verb (see p. 225) ; and
Professor Bright in his footnote to the above passage con-
siders bewmd a slavish translation of the Latin participle.
It is scarcely possible to consider as original a construction
of which but one example is found in our texts. I believe,
therefore, that in Anglo-Saxon the past participle, when used
appositively, did not have the power of governing a direct
object.
I append tables showing the Latin correspondences of the
Anglo-Saxon appositive participles, in their several uses, in
the more definite Ansrlo-Saxon translations from the Latin.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON.
315
BEDE
A.-S. Ptc. wiTHorT Object.
LATIN EQUIVALENT.
A.-S. Ptc.
with Object.
latin equivalent.
Use.
*™p-{S5:::
*M&::::
»»«■{!£::
Co-ord.{g-
15
12
35
26
48
19
3
3
22
19
n
10
:;
3
8
6
1
1
0
0
1
1
0
0
1
1
4
4
1
1
BOETHIUS.1
"-.{St::
Cond.{£--:
Co-ord.{^;;
0
6
12
0
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
II
3
1
0
3
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
1
1
2
2
S
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
316
MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
GREGORY
A.-S. Ptc. without Object.
LATIN EQUIVALENT.
A.-S. Ptc.
with Object.
LATIN EQUIVALENT.
Use.
X
2
g
-'
1
CO
2
ci
<J
^
<3
3
'X
<
<
<5
<J
a
£
-
f>
=
a
Ch
a
5
a
.~
£
a
□
o
ft
g
B
a
0>
<y
x>
■i.
■-■
o
ft
o
J=
5-1
<
«i
in
~
a
Ph
CO
CO
<
o
14
H
<
is
X
1
1
0
7
4
o
1
I
1
48
o
4
2
18
1
7
6
1
1
3
]
i
3
1
1
1
0
6
4
2
1
1
0
4
1
1
0
0
(i
2
91
1
1
0
0
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
a*. {I:;:;:-;;;
Mod. {|-;;;;;
Temp.{^;;;
K:::
cond.{K;;.
Co-d.{SL
OROSIUS
""•{St:
cau, { ;:;■;,-
«--{5Sr~:
: ss~
co-ord. ; ;;;•;;
2
4
7
0
2
0
0
0
0
II
0
1
0
0
:;
0
1
2
3
1
2-
1
1
1
4
2
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
(1
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
1 is in the dative.
rhese are in the genitive.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IX AXGLO-SA X< IX,
317
METRICAL PSALMS
A.-S. Ptc. without Object.
LATIN EQUIVALENT.
A.-S. Ptc.
with Object.
LATIN EQUIVALENT.
op
-2
6
3
a
OQ
Use.
<
a
£
d
£
a
>
a
<
a
O
<
o
£
A
>
J3
C3
o
e.
—
a
tM
o
S
o
A
-:
'S'
c
o
a,
a
n'
V
o
**
<
<
~
M
-
■j
Ch
X>
X
<J
A
H
<
ta
<
-
fc
^■{SS::::
7
6
0
9
2
1
1
1
4
1
9
1
5
1
3
Mod-{preet:::::
1
0
1
0
1
1
Temp.'!:-;;
3
3
3
1
2
0
0
Cau3.jP-;;;;
0
0
0
0
Fin. 1 lrest
( Pret
0
0
0
c«|^::
0
0
0
0
Cond. {£-••;
0
I)
0
1
1
<*-*•{£*::
2
0
1
1
0
1
1
1
BENEDICT.1
Mod.{g|st;;;::
*-HS5:::
caus-l^;;;;;
■MS::::::
conc{^;:::
Cond-|pret....
Co-orJ-{pret::
1
1
1
1
1
5
1
2
0
3
0
0
0
3
2
1
1
(1
0
0
0
1
0
1
31
20
7
0
12
318
MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
H EPTATEUCH.
A.-S. Ptc. without Object.
LATIN EQUIVALENT.
A.-S. Ptc.
with Object.
LATIN EQUIVALENT.
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THE GOSPELS.1
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THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON.
319
METRES OF BOETHIUS.
A.-S. Ptc. without Object.
LATIN EQUIVALENT.
A.-S. Ptc.
with Object.
LATIN EQUIVALENT.
Use.
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320
MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
PROSE PSALMS.1
A.-S. Ptc. with Object.
LATIN EQUIVALENT.
A.-S. Ptc. with-
out Object.
LATIN EQUIVALENT.
USE.
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THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 321
CHAPTER IV.
THE ANGLO-SAXON RENDERING OF THE
LATIN APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE.
When not turned by an appositive participle, the Latin
appositive participle is translated into Anglo-Saxon as
follows : —
I. Normally by a Co-ordinated Finite Verb.
Most frecpiiently the Latin appositive participle is rendered
in Anglo-Saxon by a co-ordinated finite verb, though the
texts vary widely, as is evident from the table in the
footnote.1 That the co-ordinated finite verb is the most
frequent rendering of the Latin appositive participle, while
the subordinated finite verb is the commonest translation
of the Latin absolute participle (see The Abs. Ptc. in A.S.,
p. 36), is doubtless due to the fact that not a few of the
Latin appositive participles have what we have denominated
the " co-ordinate " use ; and this rendition is, therefore, more
appropriate for the appositive than for the absolute participle.
xThe proportion of co-ordinated to subordinated finite verbs is as
follows : —
Bede1
= 2.14:1.
Benedict1
= 1:1.97.
Benet1
= 1:2.
Genesis1
= 5.36:1.
Gregory1
= 1 : 1 . 56.
Matthew1
= 3:1.
Poetical Psalms
= 1:1.88.
Prose Psalms = 1:1. 27.
Tbe ratio of the total co-ordinated to the total subordinated finite verbs
in these works is 1 . 35 : 1.
322 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
But it must be allowed that no principle has been consistently
followed throughout by the Anglo-Saxon translators ; and
that not infrequently this rendition ignores shades of mean-
ing in the original, and at times does positive violence to
the sense. Undoubtedly, however, the modification of the
sense of the original is often deliberately made by the
translator because of his different conception of the relative
importance of the ideas denoted by the Latin verb and the
Latin participle.
The co-ordinated verb is usually in the indicative, though
occasionally in the optative or the imperative. As a rule,
the co-ordinated verb occurs in the same sentence as the
verb with which it is co-ordinated, but occasionally it stands
in an independent sentence. The clauses are generally united
by a conjunction, but sometimes there is no connective.
A few examples will suffice to illustrate the range of the
construction : —
(1) Co-ordinated Indicative: (a) With a verb in the same
sentence : Bede2 21. 9 : relinquens reuersus est = 40. 1 :
woss forlcetende y hwearf ; Greg.2 62. 7 : Hinc per Isaiam
Dominus admonet, dieens =91. 19 : forSam myndgode
Dryhten fturh Essaiam $one witgan j cuse'S ; Mat. 12. 25 :
sciens dixit = wide y ewarS ; Gen.2 22. 3 : Abraham consur-
gena stravit etc. = A. aras . . .and ferde. — Other examples :
Bede2 98. 34 (122. 9), 100. 13 (124. 21); Greg.2 24. 2 (45.
13), 76. 18, 21 (111. 6, 9); Gen. 42. 7, 9; Mat. 24. 2, 25.
18; etc., etc. — (b) With a verb in another sentence: Greg.2
70. 17 : Coram testamenti area Dominum consulit, exemplum
. . . rectoribus prcebens = 103. 6 ; frsegn -Sees Dryhten beforan
•Ssere earce. . . He astea/de on •Saem bisene ; Gen. 42. 3 ; etc.
(2) Co-ordinated Optative : Greg.2 394. 23 : ne in seme-
tipsis torpentes opere alios excitent voce = 461. 15: 'Sylses
he cSre awecce mid his wordum, ^ himself aslawige godra
weorca ; Bede2 112. 12, 13: adueniens . . . peruolauerit,
qui . . . ingrediens . . . exierit = 136. 1,2: Cume an spearwa,
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 323
. . . fleo -j cume . . . ut gewite. — Other examples : Bened.2 56.
2 (29. 6), 56. 8 (29. 12); 58. 16 (31. 11); Mat.2 22. 24; etc.
(3) Co-ordinated Imperative: Greg.2 150.24,25: Et vos
domini eadem facite illis, remittentes niinas, scientes quod et
illorum et vester Dominus est in coelis = 203. 1 : Ge hlafordas,
do$ ge eowrurn monnum 'Sset ilce be hira andefne & gemetgiaft
•Sone 3rean ; geftencaft ftret Eegfter ge hira hlaford ge eower
is on hefenum.— Other examples : Mat.2 5. 24, 9. 13, 10. 7 ;
Ps. Th.2 17. 48; etc.
II. Frequently by a Subordinated Finite Verb.
Almost as frequently as by a co-ordinated finite verb the
Latin appositive participle is translated by an Anglo-Saxon
subordinated finite verb, introduced by a conjunction that
indicates the relation sustained by the Latin participle to
the principal verb. The dependent verb in Anglo-Saxon is
more commonly in the indicative, though occasionally in
the optative ; while at times the form of the verb is ambigu-
ous. The use of the indicative or the optative rests upon
the well-known distinction between these two moods, but
the principle is not infrequently ignored. I cite examples
of each mood. In the main, the examples are arranged
according to the use of the appositive participle in Latin : —
1. The Latin Temporal Clause is translated by a subordi-
nated finite verb introduced by a temporal conjunction or
conjunctioual phrase: usually by 3a, 3a 3a, ftonne ; less
frequently by after 3a??i 3p, cefter 3on 3oe£, mid 3#, o3 3ce£,
si33aw, sona swa, swa, swa swrSe swa, -8a hwile 3e. Examples :
(1) Indicative: — 3a: Mat.2 27. 24: Uidens autem pilatus . . .
lavit manus = Da geseah p. . . . $a . . . he 3woh his handa ;
ib. 8. 8; Bede2 91. 5 (112. 2), 91. 30 (112. 26); Greg.2 70.
23 (103. 11); Gen2 28. 18, 30. 9; etc.; 3a 3a: Bede2 87.
4 (106. 24); Greg2 136. 5 (181. 17); Gen2 3. 8; etc.;
Konne: Greg.2 8a (27. 17), 32. 15 (57. 2) ; Ps. Th.2 21. 11 ;
Bened.2 152. 12 (85. 9); etc.; cefter "Seem 3e: Greg2 216. 23
324 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
(287. 9); cvfter Son %cet: Bede2 11. 25 (28. 7); mid %.•
Bede2 84. 5 (102. 30); oKKcet : Greg.2 102. 23 (143.
17); siVKan: Greg.2 78. 16 (113. 11), Bened.2 132. 18 (70.
9) ; sona siva : Greg.2 32. 1 7 (57. 6) ; swa moi&e swa :
Greg.2 68. 17 (99. 21); *a hwile Ke: Greg2 344. 16 (421.
28. — (2) Optative: ftonne: Bened2 32. 11: Injuriam non
facere, sed factarn patienter sufferre = 17. 11 : ac %onne him
mon yfel do, he sceal geSyldelice arsefnian ; Bede2 83. 6
(100. 33); Greg.2 322. 10 (403. 14); Mat2 6. 7; o« Kcet:
Bened.2 202. 14 (131. 6); siWan: Bened.2 138. 14 (73. 9);
sona swa: Bened2 138. 14 (73. 9); swa: Bened2 158. 11
(91. 13).
Note. — The Latin Co-ordinate Participle, though normally
translated into Anglo-Saxon by a co-ordinated finite verb (see
above, p. 321), is sometimes translated by a subordinated finite
verb, which clause is temporal. Thus in Greg.2 156. 3 (in-
crepat, dicens = 207. 14 tselde, %a he cuceS) we have as the
translation of dicens the dependent %a he cwceft instead of the
more common independent and he cwceS (Greg.2 98. 16 (137.
16), etc.). I have noted about thirty examples of dicens = %a
he cwceft in Greg.2 and about forty examples of dicens = and
he vine's. Besides, the Anglo-Saxon dependent temporal
clause is substituted for other co-ordinate participles of the
Latin.
2. The Latin Relative Clause is translated by a subordi-
nated finite verb introduced by a relative pronoun. Ex-
amples:— (1) Indicative: Bened.2 72. 14: Lectiones ad ipsum
deum periinentes dicantur = 39. 9 : rsediuga syn gesungene, 3e
to «am freolsdaege bdimpaft ; ib. 2. 6, 8 (1. 7, 9) ; Greg2 18a2
(37. 22); Bede2 92. 8 (114. 6), 94. '28 (118. 12); Gen. 23.
17; Mat. 22. 11, 25. 29, 25. 34; Ps. Th.2 3. 6; etc., etc.—
(2) Optative : Bened.2 44. 8 : Scurrilitates vero vel verba otiosa
et risum moventia, seterna clausura in omnibus locis damnamus
= 22. 5 : gegafsprsece and idele word and fta word, %e leahter
astyrien . . . we . . . forbeodaS ; Greg.2 126. 26 (173. 8) ; Bede2
57.' 17 (80. 25).
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 325
3. The Latin Causal Clause is rendered by a subordinated
finite verb introduced by forftcem, for&mm %e, forfton, forfton
•Se, mid %. Examples : — (1) Indicative : fortcem : Greg.2 50.
14 : ad exemplura aliis constitutus= 77. 13 : Forftcem he bv§
gesett to bisene oSrum monnum : Ps. Th. 18. 7 ;— /orSon.- Greg.2
52. 9 (79. 10); Bede2 6. 9 (2. 1 9) ; forKcem^e : Greg2 210. 1
(276. 15 Cot.), ib. 232. 12 (305. 2); Bede2 116. 3 (142. 1);
for Kon %e: Bede2 309. 10 (432. 30); mid %y: Bede2 12. 13
(28. 18) (or Temporal ?).
4. The Latin Conditional Clause is translated by a subordi-
nate finite verb introduced by gif. Examples : — (1) Indicative :
Greg2 44. 6 : Pupilla namque oculi . . . albuginem tolemns nil
videt = 69. 18 : gif hine Sone ^set fleah mid ealle qfergarS,
Sonne ne mag he noht gesion ; ib. 208. 25 (277. 8) ; Bede2
98. 8 (120. 22); Bened.2 86. 17 (46. 16), 96. 20 (52. 4) ; Mat.2
21. 22.— (2) Optative: Greg.2 22. 23: Cui nolenti in faciem
mulier spuit = 45. 2: Gif hire -Sonne se wiftsace, 'Sonne is
cynn $set him spiwe Sset wif on $set nebb.
5. The Latin Concessive Clause is turned by a subordinate
finite verb introduced by fteah, fteah fte. Examples : — (1)
Indicative: fteah : Greg.2 192. 3: non levabo caput, saturatus
afflictione et miseria = 253. 8 : . . . fteah ic eom gefylled mid
broce & mid iernrSum. — (2) Optative: fteah: Greg2 34. 19:
co-actus= 59. 10: $eah hiene raon niede; ib. 42. 18 (67. 23);
Ps. Th.2 3. 5 ; Keah %e : Greg2 68. 7 (99. 9), Bede2 57. 29
(82. 4), 272. 28 (368. 16).
6. The Latin Final Clause is translated by a subordinated
finite verb introduced by to ftcem ftcet, to %y ftcet, ¥>cet, Se Ices,
■Se Ices "Se, ftylces. Examples: — (1) Indicative: I find no ex-
ample.— (2) Optative: ftcet: Mat.2 14. 15: dimitte turbas, ut
euntes in castella emant sibi escas = forlset Sas msenegeo ¥>cet
hi faron . . . -j him mete bicgean ; Greg.2 122. 19 (167. 17) ;
to Kcem Kcet: Greg.2 246. 20 (319. 20); to % Keel: Bened.2
204. 15 (132. 15); "Se Ices: Mat.2 13. 29; 3e Ices $e: Gen.2 32.
11 ; Kylces: Greg.2 90. 2, 4 (127. 14, 15), 180. 13 (239. 2).
326 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
7. The Latin Modal Clause is turned by a subordinate
finite verb introduced by swa swa, swelce. Examples: —
(I) Indicative : swa swa: Greg.2 348. 14 : ut qui voluptatibus
ati discessimus, fletibus ainaricati redeamus = 425. 14 :
•Ssette us biterige sio hreowsung, swa siva us ser swetedon $a
synna; Mat.2 9. 36; etc., etc.— (2) Optative: swelce: Greg.2
156. 6: quasi compatiens = 207. 17: suefce he efnsurSe him
6cer«; ft. 80. 22 (117. 1), 94. 30 (135. 1); Bened.' ISO. 6
(113. 25).
8. The Latin Consecutive Clause is translated by a sub-
ordinated finite verb introduced by swa %cet, ftcet, beetle.
Examples:— (!) Indicative: sica ¥>cet: Mat.2 13. 2: congre-
gate sunt ad eum turbse multee, ita ut in naviculam. adscendens
sederet = mycle mrenigeo wseron gesamuade to him swa %cet
he eode on scyp ? «ser sset ; Bede2 278. 11, 12 (378. 20, 21);
IScet: Bede2 116. 4 (142. 2); Bened.2 188. 15 (124. 5); Kcette:
Greg.2 182. 7 (241. 3).— (2) Optative: See*: Greg.2 34. 21 :
caveat ne acceptam pecuniam in sudarium ligans de ejus
occultatione judicetur = 59. 13 : healde hine Kent he ne
cnytte -Sset underfongne feoh on Seem swatline; ib. 38. 14
(63. 15), 398. 20 (463. 13): beetle: Greg.2 164. 23 (219. 7);
swaZcet: Bened.2 12. 4 (5. 24).
III. By a Prepositional Phrase.
Not infrequently the Latin appositive participle is translated
into Anglo-Saxon by a prepositional phrase.
(1) The phrase denotes Manner, Means, or Instrumentality,
and is introduced by mid, in, %urh. Examples: — mid: Bened.2
52. 19: subsequuntur gaudentes et dicentes = 27. 11: ftus
sefterfylgendlice mid blisse clypiaS ; ib. 104. 9 : adjutus =
55. 16 : mid heora fultume ; Greg2 274. 1 : iratus = 353. 20 :
mid his ierre; in : Bede2 239. 18 : Cristas incarnatus = 310.
26: Crist in menniscum lichoman; %urh: Bened.2 178. 15:
admonitus = 113. 13 : %urh myngunge.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-S.A XON. 327
(2) The phrase denotes Time, and is introduced by after,
be, on, under. Examples: — cefter: Bede2 110. 23: eidem
perempto = 132. 14: cefter his siege; on: Bened.2 88. 12:
dormientes= 47. 11 : on slcepe ; Greg.2 218. 15= 289. 10;
under: Bede2 114. 26: albati = 140. 4: under crisman (or
Modal ?).
(3) The phrase denotes Cause, and is introduced by for.
Examples: — Bened.2 96. 20: exGommunieatus = 52. 5: for
amanmnge; Greg.2 28. 12 (51. 14); Greg2 68. 18 : miseratus
= 99. 22 : for mildheortnesse ; Greg.2 124. 5 : supernse formi
dinis et dilectionis spiritu afflatus = 169. 3 : for Godes lufum
y for Godes ege; Bede2 32. 30 : fame confedi = 54. 2 : for
hungre; Gen. 19. 29: Deus recordatus Abrahamse liberavit
Lot = alysde L. for Abrahame; Gen. 45. 3: nimio terrore
perterriti =for ege.
(4) The phrase denotes Condition and is introduced by
butan : Mat.2 22. 25 : non habens semen = butan bearne.
IV. By a Verb in the Infinitive Mood.
Occasionally the Latin appositive participle is translated
by an infinitive. Examples: — (1) Ihe Uninfected Infinitive:
(a) Without a subject: Bened.2 10. 13 : Et >\fngientes geheunse
poenas ad vitam volumus pervenire perpetnam = 5. 5 : And
gif he hellewites susl a /or 6 ?/#<rm willa-S and to ecum life cuman ;
Bede2 99. 25 : uerbis delectatus promisit = 122. 33 : $a ongon
he lustfullian "Sees biscopes wordum and geheht ; etc. ; (b) With
a subject: Bede2 46. 5: ad iussionem regis resideutes . . . prae-
dicarent = 58. 28 : Da het se cyning hie sittan . . . and hie
. . . bodedon; Mat.2 27. 26.— (2) The Inflected Infinitive:
Greg.2 178. 25: ita nonnunquam quibusdam audita vera
nocuerunt = 237. 11: sua dereS eac hwilnm suninm mon-
num Sset so? to gehierenne ; Greg.2 300. 15: ut cum . . .
tunc quasi a nobismetipsis fovas etiam alios instruentes ex-
eamus^385. 9: Ac eft bonne . . . Sonne bio we of Ssere
ceastre ut afserene, ^aet is of urum agnum ingeSonce, o"Sre
328 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
men to Iceranne ; Bede2 8. 10: omnes ad quos htec eadem
historia peruenire poterit . . . legentes siue audientes suppliciter
precor, ut = 486. 8 : ic eaSmodlice bidde . . . Ssette to eallutn
■Se Sis ylce star to becyme . . . to rcedanne oSSe to gehyranne
•Sfet, etc.; Bede2 54. 24 : si . . . actura gratias intrat = 76. 12 :
•geah -Se heo . . . Gode -Soncunge to donne . . . gange ; Ps.
Th.2 9. 12.
V. By an Attributive Participle.
The Latin appositive participle is at times translated by an
Anglo-Saxon attributive participle. Examples: — Bened2 24.
13 : ut non solum detrimenta gregis sibi commissi non patia-
tur = 14. 8 : Sset he him "Sees befcesten eowdes nanne sefwird-
lan najbbe; ib. 92. 14 (49. 18), 146. 11 (78. 10); Greg.2 22. 12
(43. 14), 126. 7 (171. 11); Mat. 17. 14.
VI. By an Absolute Participle.
Rarely the Latin appositive participle is translated by an
Anglo-Saxon absolute participle. Examples : — Mat.2 13. 1 :
In illo die exiens Jesus de domo, sedebat secus mare = On
•Sam dsege •Sam hcelende ut-gangendum of huse he sset wiS
3a sse; Mk2 5. 2, 16. 12 ; Mat.2 17. 14 ; Lh2 1. 63, 17. 7 ;
Oros2 33. 29 (34. 1). (See Abs. Ptc. in A.S., pp. 8, 13.)
VII. By an Adverb.
Occasionally the Latin appositive participle is turned by
an adverb. Examples : — Greg2 360. 18 : Hinc iterura iratus
dicit = 435. 11: he cwaeS 'eft ierrenga ; Greg.2 402. 18, 21 :
cautus . . . sollicitus = 467. 1, 3 : ivcerlice . . . geomlice ; Ps.
Th.2 16. 10: projicientes =forsewenlice.
VIII. By an Adjective.
The Latin appositive participle is at times translated by an
Anglo-Saxon adjective. Examples : — Bede2 108. 32 : scio . . .
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 329
qua? uentura tibi in proximo mala formidas = 128. 25 : ic wat
. . . hwylc toweard yfel $u -Se in neahnesse forhtast ; Bede?
82. 5 : adlatus est quidam . . . oculorum luce priuatus = 100.
3: -Sa lsedde mon for5 sumne blindne mon ; Mat? 8. 16:
multos dcemonia habentes = manege deqfol-seoce.
IX. By a Substantive.
Rarely a Latin appositive participle is represented in Anglo-
Saxon by a substantive. Examples : — Bened.2 116. 7 : Mensis
fratrum edentium lectio deesse non debet = 62. 3 : Gebro^ra
gereorde set hyra mysum ne sceal beon butan rsedinge; Greg.2
160. 16, 17 : Egit . . . doctor, ut prius audirent laudali, quod
recognoscerent, et postmodum, quod exhortati sequerentur =
213. 20. 21 : Sua gedyde se . . . lareow Sset hie reresS gehier-
don ■$« heringe "Se him licode forSaein %eet hie setter fem $e
lusftlicor gehierden Sa hire.
330 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
CHAPTER V.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN THE
OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES.
I.
In the main, the uses of the appositive participle in the
other Germanic Languages tally with those found in Anglo-
Saxon. My discussion must be brief not only because of
the want of space but also because of the lack of a com-
prehensive treatment of the appositive participle in these
languages. But the treatises of Douse and of Gering answer
admirably for Gothic; those of Falk and Torp, of Lund,
and of Nygaard for the Scandinavian languages; those of
Dietz, O. Erdmann, K. Forster, Mourek, Rannow, Seedorf,
Seiler, and Wunderlich, for Old High German ; that of
Barz for Middle High German ; and those of Behaghel and
Pratje for Old Saxon. Mourek, Pratje, and Rannow do
not classify their examples according to use. Perhaps it is
not improper to state that, while this chapter is based on
the statistics of others, the interpretation thereof is my own.
1 . Gothic.
In the Introduction I have already commented on the
unwisdom of Gering's excluding the adjectival (relative)
participle from the appositive use. Ignoring this, we find
the appositive participle freely used adjectivally, adverbially,
and co-ordinately (though Gering does not use the last term).
As Liicke has shown with reference to the absolute participle,
so it is with the appositive participle : Ulfilas was a slavish
translator; and his usage represents, I believe, the genius
THE APPOSITIVE PAETICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 331
of the classical (especially Greek) and not of the Germanic
languages (see II. below). But at times even Ulfilas turns
the Greek appositive participle by a finite verb, Gering (p.
313 IF., 399 if.) giving not a few examples of the same (over
fifty subordinate and twenty-five co-ordinate verbs) ; whereas
the turning of a Greek finite verb by a Gothic appositive
participle is very rare (four * examples, according to Gering,
p. 401).
I append a few examples from Gering : I. Adjectival
(Relative) (Gering's attributive) : Mat. 8. 9 : Jah auk ik manna
im habands uf waldufnja meinamma gadrauhtins = Kal yap
iyco avOpairo^ elp,i . . . e^tov inr' ip,avTov <TTpaTia)Tas ; L.
2. 13: managei harjis himinakundis, hazjandane gub jah
gibandane = IL\?}#oc arparid^ ovpavlov aivovvrwv rov 6eov
Kal Xeyovrcov ; II. Adverbial : Mat. 27. G3 : qah nauli libands
= elrrev en £6yv (temporal); Mk. 6. 20: Herodis ohta sis
Iohannen, kunnands ina wair garaihtana jah weihana =
(}ipci)Srj<; i(f)0^eiro tov 'Iwdvvijv, etS&><? avrov avSpa Sc/caiov
Kal ciyiov (causal) ; J. 6. 6 : batuh ban qaj? fraisands ina =
ToOro Se eXeyev ireipd^tov avrov (final); Mat. 6. 17: i]»
bu fastands salbo haubib bein = Xv Se vrjarevcov dXei-^rai
crov rrjv Ke({)a\j]v (conditional according to Gering, but may
be temporal) ; Lk. 2. 48 : sa atta beins jah ik winnandona
sokidedum buk = 6 IlaT^p crov Kayco ohvvdopevot e^rovp^ev
o~e (modal : manner); Mk. 6. 5 : siukaim handuns galagjands
gahailida = dppcoo-rois eVi^ei? rds ^elpa<; iOepdirevaev (modal :
means, Gering's instrumental); J. 7. 15: hwaiwa sa bokos
kann unuslaisibs? = ILSs ovros ypdppara olSev prj uep,adrjKco<;
(concessive, Gering's limitative) ; 177. Co-ordinate (not treated
by Gering as such) : Mat. 6. 31 : Ni maurnaib nu qtyandans
= Mt) ovv pepipvrfo-eTe Xeyovres ; Mk. 9. 12 : lb is andhaf-
jands qab du im = 6 he aTTOKpidel*; elirev avrols.
* But since, in making this statement, Gering limits himself to the
adverbial uses of the appositive participle, there must be more than four
examples in all. I have myself found about this number in Mark.
332 MOEGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
2. The Scandinavian Languages.
According to the statements of Lund, of Falk and Torp,
and of Nygaard, the appositive participle has had the same
history in the Scandinavian languages as in Anglo-Saxon.
As Lund's Oldnordisk Ordfojningslcere * is out of print, it
is best, perhaps, to quote in full what he has to say of the
appositive use of the participle in Old Norse, together with
his examples (§ 149) : " Tillsegsformerne, isser den handlende,
fojes (som hosstillet) til et navneord i sretningen for at betegne
en med hovcdhandlingen samtidig (eller fortidig) handling
eller tilstand, der star saledes i forbindelse med hovedhand-
lingen, at den ikke alene kan bestemme dens tidsforhold, men
ogsa dens made og andre omstsendigheder, som grund, anled-
ning, betingelse, modssetning osv., hvilke forhold almindelig
ellers(som pa Dansk) udtrykkes ved bisa3tninger(med bindeord
eller lienforende udtryk) eller ved en forholdsordsforbindelse.
Skont denne brug ikke er meget almindelig (som i Grsesk og
Latin), tjener den dog ikke sjselden til at give talen korthed
og bojelighed, da tillsegsformerne pa denne made kunne fojes
ikke alene til ssetningens grundord, men ogsa til genstanden,
hensynet og andre led deri." Then follow his examples :
Hlsejandi Volundr h6fsk at lopti, gratandi BoSvildr gekk or
eyju. Volundarkv. 27. — (Hann) hafSi tekit lax or forsinum
ok at blundandi. -Sri. Edd. 72. — Or hans si"5u sofanda t6k
gir$ eitt rif ok fylldi rum rifsins rneft holSi. Gisl. 44, 66. —
Sa sem norrcena-Si, kennandi sinu f£tsekd6m ok vanfceri t6k
|?etta verk upp a sik af boftskap ok forsogn fyrri sagfts virSu-
ligs herra. Stjom 2. — Sii er kaupir vis vitandi (sciens, med
sit vidende, saledes at han ved) Grdg. I., 15. — Hon drottningin
|?etta sjandi (hoc videos, ved at se dette) fylldist spdleiksanda
ok maslti sva. Biskupa S. 217. — At fengnum andsvorum
spurora luta ok offraSu miklu fe. Alex. 51. — Drukku jarlar
* For the loan of this book I am indebted to Professor James Morgan
Hart, who also kindly called my attention to the work of Falk and Torp.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IX AXGLC—SAXON. 333
61 J^egiandi (tiende a : uden at ru.be dertil), en cepanda olker
sto$. Hervar. 41. — In the next paragraph (§ 150) Lund
discusses the attributive use of the participle; and some of
the examples there given would come under our "adjectival "
use of the appositive participle.
In their recent work, Dansk-Norskens Syntax i Historisk
Fremsstilling , Falk and Torp briefly treat the appositive use
of the participle not only in Old Norse but also in the modern
Scandinavian languages. Their statement is an admirable
supplement to that of -Lund, and is worthy of quotation (§ 67.
3): "Apposition af participier forholder sig vsesentlig som
adjektivernes. Ved prrasens particip forekommer appositiv
brug i oldnorsk kun i Iserd stil : lion misgorfti etandl af tressins
dvexti; takriSi ])dfyrir sinum mpnnum svd mcelandi. Endnu er
udtryk som : jeg gik igang med arbeidet stolende paa haus lofte ;
trodsende alle hindriuger trsengte han frem, fremmede for den
egte folkelige udtryksmaade. Den seldre kancellistil yndede
saadanne vendinger : paa eet andhet stedt talindis om banclt
siger han saa (P. Elies.) ; T. gick vd emod dennem berendis
hostiam (Abs. Ped.) ; andre breffue lydendis at (St. D. Pr.) ;
jeg befaler dig Gud onskendis dig aid lyksalighed (Pont.) ;
befalendiss dig hermed gud og himmelen (Chr. VI.). Ved
fortidsparticip findes appositiv brug i oldnorsk klassik prosa
kun i et parenkle udtryk : \d lagu \>ar fyrir Danir komnir
or ler&angri. I larde skrifter forekommer ogsaa foranstillet
apposition : utgenginn af skola heldr hann sik nu upp d leik-
manna halt; Or sinu valdi kastadr do hann i myrkvastofu.
Endnu er forbindelser som : forladt af alle dode han i ensom-
hed ; opbragt herover ponsede han paa hasvn, ganske uhjem-
lige og fremmede for godt landsmaal. Uden anstod er
derimod den efterstillede apposition i udtryk som : Gud
sendte sin son, fodt af en kvinde ; til en by, kaldet Ephrem.
I den asldre kunstige stil paatrseffes vendinger som : rigdom
ther ijlde brnghet gifFuer orsage till alwerdsins homodt (P.
Elies.); aalije, ther mange menniskir smwrde met worde
karscke (ib.). Sml. § 139, 1." The section cited runs:
13
334 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
"Appositivt particip til betegnelse af den en hovedssetning
underordnede handling, erstattende en relativ, tids-eller
aarsagssoetning, er i det hele og store en fremmed brug i
nordisk : se § 67, 3. I vort skriftsprog er denne udtryksmaade
ikke sjelden : han gik bort, p0nsende paa hsevn ; ankornmen
til byen, gik han straks ned til havnen. I dagligtalen
anvendes den aldrig. Anderledes hvor participiet betegner
snbjektets tilstand under handlingen. Her fungerer det som
adjektiv, idet dette kan anvendes paa samme maade : Outrun
grdtandi gekk or tuni ; han gik slagen derfra (sml. han gik
glad bort) ; se § 68, 2 b."
Nygaard considers that the use of the participle in Norse
prose is largely due to Latin influence. As I have not had
access to his article on Den Lcerde Stil i den Normne Prosa,
I quote the summary of the Berlin Jahresbericht for 1896 :
" Der gelehrte stil zeigt sich in der nordischen prosa: 1. in
der erweiterung des gebrauchs des part, prsesens, das in
volkstiimlichen stile nicht allzu haufig angevvendet wird.
Auf dem gebrauch dieses part, hat im gelehrten stil das lat.
part, praesens und das gerundium eingewirkt. 2. Auch der
gebrauch des part, praet. ist in dem gelehrten stil wesentlich
erweitert. Namentlich wird das part, prset. haufig mit
pii'ipositionen (at, eptir) verbuuden ; wir haben hier eine
konstruktion, die dem lat. abl. absol. entspricht."
3. High German.
(1) Old High German.
I have been surprised to find how closely the uses of the
appositive participle in Old High German correspond to those
in Anglo-Saxon. True, Tatian has no Anglo-Saxon counter-
part, for he is as slavish in following his original as is Ulfilas ;
and has hundreds of examples of the uu-Germanic co-ordinate
participle. But the more original Otfrid and Isidor are quite
different. In Otfrid and Notker the modal participle was
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 335
so common that it developed an adverbial ending in -o (O.
Erdrnann, Syntax der Sprache Off rids, p. 219), as in Otfrid,
IV., 12. 53 : er fnor ilonto ; v., 9. 14 : ir get sus drurento. The
modal use is found, too, in Isidor. In Isidor and in Otfrid,
again, the adjectival use of the preterite participle is common,
while that of the present is comparatively rare, being limited
as in Anglo-Saxon to participles with slight verbal power.
The other uses are rare in both writers. Isidor, for instance,
has only four examples of the co-ordinate participle, all
from quedan ; two are in direct translation of the Latin dicens,
and we may add also the other two, though dicens does not
occur in these two passages. But eighteen times Isidor trans-
lated a Latin co-ordinate participle by a finite verb (nine
co-ordinated and nine subordinated). Clearly, then, if Isidor
and Otfrid are true types, the co-ordinate participle was as
unnatural in Old High German as in Anglo-Saxon. In the
Benediktinerregel, finally, the present participle often answers
to a Latin gerund in the ablative (Seiler, p. 470).
Examples : (1) Adjectival (Relative): — Tatian, 88. 2 : Uuas
sum man dar drizog inti ahto iar habenti in sinero unmahti =
Erat autem quidam homo ibi triginta octo annos habens in
infirmitate sua; Otfrid, in., 20. 1 : gisah einan man, blintan
giboranan ; Tatian, 107. 1 : Inti uuas sum arm betalari ginem-
nit Lazarus = Et erat quidam mendicus nomine Lazarus ; (2)
Adverbial: — Otfrid, I., 17. 73: sie wurtun slafente fon engilon
gimanote (temporal); Tatian, 192. 2: Inti anderu managu
bismaronti quadun in inan = Et alia multa blasphemantes dice-
bant in eum (modal: manner); Tatian, 12. 3: inti inan ni
findanti fuorun uuidar zi Hierusalem inan suochenti (causal
and final) ; Otfrid, v., 12. 26 : er ingiang ungimerrit, duron
so bisperrit (concessive) ; Otfrid, I., 8. 6 : thin racha, sus gidan,
nam thes huares thana wan (conditional); (3) Co-ordinate : —
Otfrid, 1 , 13. 18 : barg thin wort, in herzen ahtonti ; Tatian,
6. 6 : Maria uuarlihho gihielt allu thisiu uuort ahtonti in ira
herzen = M. autem conservabat omnia verba haec conferens
in corde suo ; Tatian, 54. 6 : antvvurtenti quad zi in = re-
336 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
spondens dixit ad illos ; Tatian, 81. 2: sprah in quedenti =
locutus est eis dicens.
(2) Middle High German.
The story is the same in Middle High German, if we may
take Barz's * statistics of the Nibelungenlied and Iwein as true
for Middle High German in general. Here the adverbial
participle denoting manner is very common, and we meet with
sorgende, swigende, unwizzende, etc., as in Anglo-Saxon. But
the adverbial participle denoting means is practically unknown,
and the other uses of the adverbial appositive participle are
rare. Those cited as temporal and as final occur in close con-
nection with verbs of motion, and waver between predicative
and adverbial uses. The adjectival (relative) use is almost
exclusively confined to the preterite participle. The co-ordi-
nate use is not known.
Examples from Barz : — (1) Adjectival {Relative): Nib. 2.
3: ein vil edel magedin, daz . . . sin, Kriemhilt geheizen; Nib.
833. 2 : die truogen liehte pfelle . . ., geworht in Arabin ; (2)
Adverbial: Nib. 1065. 1 : vil lute scricnde daz liu't gie mit im
dan (temporal) ; Nib. 2333. 3 : ez giengen iuwer helde zuo
disem gademe gewqfent wol ze vlize (temporal) ; Nib. 502. 3 :
sorgende f wahte er (modal : manner) ; Iw. 3227 : er stal sich
sioigende f dan (modal); Iw. 6113: daz ist unwizzende f gesche-
hen (modal) ; Iw. 531 : daz ich suochende rite einen man
(final); ib. Iw. 4163, 5775.
(3) New High German.
The fullest recent treatment accessible to me of the apposi-
tive participle in New High German is that by von Jagemann
in his Elements of German Syntax ; of which this section of
*Paul does not treat the construction.
fBarz (p. 22) puts this under Adverbialer Gebrauch des Participiums, not
Appositiver Gebrauch.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 337
my paper is scarcely more than a summary. In § 124,
4a, he gives the three following examples of the appositive
participle in New High German: "She sat weeping by the
bedside of her mother = Sie sass weinend am Bette ihrer
mutter; He entered the room in silence = Schweigeud trat
er in das Zimmer; Pierced by an arrow he sank to the ground
= Von einera Pfeile getroffen sank er zu Boden." To me,
however, the participle in the first example appears to be
used predicatively. The remaining two are appositive, the
former denoting manner and the latter cause. In § 125,
notwithstanding, we are told : " Present participles should
not be used in German to express adverbial relations of
time, cause, or manner." * I do not know how to
reconcile the italicized part of this statement with example
two above, unless for the moment Professor von Jagemann
had in mind the statement made in § 124, 3c: "A limited
number of present participles are no longer felt as such, but
as common adjectives, and they may therefore be used
predicatively and adverbially*: He is absent = Er ist ab-
wesend ; She sang charmingly = Sie sang reizend ; " and
thought that he had put Schweigend trat er in das Zimmer
under § 124, 3c instead of § 124, 4a. Be this as it may, his
statement that the present participle may be used adverbially is
in strict keeping with the tradition not only of High German,
but also of ths Germanic languages in general, so far as it
is used to denote manner. The non-use of the present parti-
ciple to denote time and cause is what our preceding investi-
gation has led us to expect.
Again, we learn that the "adjectival" use of the present
appositive participle is not allowed (§ 124, 46) : "This [i. e.,
the appositive] use of a participle, however, is not permitted
in the numerous cases in which an important limitation of a
noun is to be expressed. The participle should then be used
attributively, before the noun, preceded by its own qualifiers
*The italics are mine.
338 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
(see § 231, 2) ; or else a relative clause should be substituted :
The book lying on the table was a Greek Grammar = Das
auf dem Tische liegende Buch war eine grieehische Grammatik,
or Das Bnch, das auf dem Tische lag etc. ; The candidate
receiving the largest number of votes is elected = Der die
meisten Stimmen erhaltende Candidat (or derjenige Candidat,
welcher die meisten Stimmen erhalt,) ist erwahlt ; I prefer
an edition of Moliere's works printed in France = Ich ziehe
eine in Frankreich gedruckte Ausgabe von Moliere's Werken
(or eine Ausgabe von . . . die in Frankreich gedruckt ist,) vor."
Finally, we are told that the " co-ordinate " use of the
present participle is not common (§ 124, Ic) : "A present
participle should not, ordinarily, be used to express an idea
as important as, or more important than, that expressed by
the finite verb, but a co-ordinate verb should be used instead
of the participle : He sat at his desk all day, writing letters
= Er sass den ganzen Tag an seinem Pulte und schrieb
Briefe; He stood on the mountain, looking down into the
valley = Er stand auf dem Berge und sah ins Thai hinunter."
This usage is in strict accord with that of Early West Saxon.
No specific statement is made as to the governing power
of the present participle when used appositively. But, from
§ 124. 4b&0 above quoted, we learn that the present apposi-
tive participle seldom governs an object in New High German,
the participle with an object usually being attributive.
As to the past participle, von Jagemann has this to say
(§ 126): ''Although past participles are more frequently used
in German to express adverbial relations than present parti-
ciples, yet they cannot be used with the same freedom as in
English, and it will often seem best to make substitutions for
them similar to those just indicated for present participles."
4. Old Saxon.
in Old Saxon (cf. Behaghel, and Pratje, §§ 156, 159) we
again meet with the adverbial participle denoting manner
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IX ANGLO-SAXON. 339
(sorgondi, gornondi, greotandi, etc.), but not means. The only
instances of the temporal participle are with slapandi and
libbiandi. The other adverbial uses are unrepresented (cf.
Behaghel, § 300). The adjectival (relative) use is commoner
with the preterite than with the present. The co-ordinate
participle is unknown ; for the participles cited by Behaghel
in § 300, B., are either predicative or modal.
Examples (all from the Heliand as given by Pratje) : — (1)
Adjectival (relative): 3391 : huo ik hier brinnandi thrauuerc
tholon ; 2776 : that man iro Johannes . . . hobid gad alosit
fan is lichamen ; (2) Adverbial ': Temporal: 1013: that gi so
libbeandi thena landes uuard sebon gisahon ; 701 : sagda im
an suefna slapandion on naht ; — modal : 4588 : thuo bigan
thero erlo gihuilic te oSremo . . . sorgondi gisehan ; 4071 :
griot gornondi; 2996: gruotta ina greotandi; etc. Pratje
(§ 155. 2) considers uuillaadi an adverb in 1965 : thoh hie
. . . manuo huilicon uuillandi forgeue uuatares drincan.
II.
Despite the professed incompleteness of the preceding pres-
entation of the uses of the appositive participle in the Ger-
manic languages exclusive of English, I believe it warrants
us in drawing certain general conclusions concerning the origin
of the appositive participle in the Germanic languages, as
follows : —
1. The adverbial participle denoting manner and the adjec-
tival (relative) past participle are most probably native to the
Germanic languages. Perhaps, too, the adjectival and the
temporal uses with words like be, live, and sleep are native.
2. All other uses of the appositive participle, whether
present or past, are probably of Greek or Latin origin.
3. That the appositive use of the present participle having
an object is derived from the Greek and the Latin is highly
probable. True, the appositive participle in Ulfilas and in
Tatian governs an object with extraordinary frequency ; but
340 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
I believe that a comparison of the examples with the originals
would show that in almost every case the construction is in
direct imitation of the Greek and the Latin. Neither Gering
nor Mourek cites all the examples of the participle with an
object; Mourek does not give the Latin original along with
the Old High German ; and I have not made an exhaustive
comparison in either case. But the slight stud)7 I have given
forces me to the above conclusion. I find, for instance, that
out of 151 present participles with a direct object in the
Gothic Mark 139 correspond to Greek participles with
objects ; and that in most of the twelve exceptional cases
the participle translates a Greek participle elsewhere in Mark.
Mourek cites 140 examples of quedenti in Tatian ; and, on
turning to the Latin, I find that in 137 of these instances
the Old High German participle is a direct translation of
dicens. More than this, not a few of the Greek participles
with an object that are cited by Gering (pp. 313 if., 399 ff.)
are turned by a finite verb, whereas the whole number
of Greek verbs turned by Gothic participles is very small.
In the more original Old High German texts, a present
participle with an object is almost unknown. Of the
appositive participles (present) cited from Otfrid by Erd-
maim only three have an object (singenti, I. 12. 22; hel-
senti, i. 11.46; trinti, I. 5. 50). With the present appositive
participles cited from Isidor by Rannow, an object occurs only
four times, each time the participle of the verb quedan; in
two of these instances in direct translation of the Latin dicens,
and in the other two without any corresponding participle
in the Latin. More than this, eighteen times Isidor translated
a Latin participle having an object by a finite verb (co-ordi-
nated nine and subordinated nine), nine of these being forms
of dicens. — In Middle High German, too, an object is seldom
found. Bar/ cites only three examples from Iwein and the
Nibelungenlied (Nib. 2292 : gie Wolf hart . . . houwende die
Guntheres man ; Iw. 531 : daz ich suochende rite einen man ;
ho. 4163 : die reit ich suochende), and these are in connection
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 341
with a verb of motion, and waver between the predicative
and the appositive use. — The comparative infrequency of the
present participle with an object in New High German is
known to all. — As for Old Saxon, not one of the genuine
appositive participles cited by Pratje has an object.
III.
The other Germanic languages employed about the same
substitutes for the Greek and Latin appositive participle as
did Anglo-Saxon; hence this topic may be treated with great
brevity.
1. The Co-ordinated Finite Verb.
Of the co-ordinated finite verb, Gering (p. 399 f.) cites
about twenty-five examples from Ulfilas, such as Mh. 5. 41 :
KpaTij<ra<i t?;? %«po9 rov Trathiov \eyei = fairgraip bi
handau ]>ata barn qajmh ; J. 18. 22 : eSo/cev pairta^a . . . eliroov
= gaf slah . . . qajrnh ; etc. — This translation is common in
Old High German, also, ten examples occurring in Isidor
(Rannow, p. 99 f.) : 39. 26 : etiam locus ipse coruscans
miraculis ... ad se omnem contrahat mundum = ioh auh
dhin selba stat ehischeinit . . . ioh zi imu chidhinsit allan
mittingart ; 4. 33 : respondem . . . ait = antuurta . . .
quad ; etc.
2. The Subordinated Finite Verb.
For the dependent clause as a translation of the Greek and
Latin appositive participle in the other Germanic languages,
see Gering, p. 395 ff. ; Rannow, p. 100.
As to Gothic, Gering gives but two or three examples of
this locution in his treatment of the appositive participle (J. 13.
30 : Xaftcbv . . . e£rj\dev = bi]>e andnam J?ana hlaib jains, suns
galai); ut; Philip. 1. 27) ; but, as already stated, Gering limits
the term appositive to the " adverbial " uses of the participle,
and excludes therefrom the "adjectival," unwisely considering
all the latter " attributive." Many of his attributive parti-
342 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
ciples are, according to our definition, appositive ; and in not
a few of these examples, as Gering states (p. 313), the Greek
participle is translated by a Gothic subordinated finite verb
introduced by a relative pronoun, as in : Mat. 6. 4, 6. 18 : 6
7rar7]p aov 6 ^Xeirwv iv ra> Kpvirrw = atta ]>eins saei saihwty
in fulhnsja ; Eph. 1.3: 0eb<> ... 6 evXoyijaas f)fia<i = gu]> • • •
izei ga)riu]rida uns ; etc., etc. (about fifty examples in all). More-
over, as Gering tells us (p. 317 ff.), the Greek substantivized
participle is often turned by a Gothic dependent clause. In
reality, then, the translation of a Greek appositive participle
(especially in its adjectival use) by a subordinated finite verb
is very common in Gothic.
In Old High German, also, the dependent finite verb often
translates a Latin appositive participle. Rannow (p. 100)
cites ten examples from Isidor ; of which I quote two only :
19.14: secundum Moysi sententiam dicentis = after Moyses
quhidim, dhar ir quhad ; 21. 16 : sed semetipsum exinanivit
formam servi accipiens = oh ir sih selbun aridalida, dhuo ir
scalches chiliihnissa infenc.
3. The Prepositional Phrase.
Rannow (p. 102) cites one instance of this construction in
Isidor: 19. 26: incarnatus et homo factus est = in fleisches
liihheman uuardh uuordan ; which should be compared with
Bede2 239. 18 : Cristus incarnatus = 310. 26 : in menniscum
lichoman.
4. The Infinitive.
Gering (p. 397) cites one example from the Gothic : Mk.
10. 46 :J etcddnro irapa rrjv 6Sbv Trpocranwv = sat faur wig du
aihiron, but the Greek participle here is better considered
predicative.
5. The Adverb.
Four examples of this locution occur in Gothic (Gering,
p. 306): 2 Cor. 13. 2, 10: airo>v ^pd^xo = alja]>ro melja ;
Phil. 1. 25, 27.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 343
6. The Adjective.
This substitution is very common in Gothic (Gering, p.
301 f.) : 31 k. 6. 9 : v-n-oSeSe/jLevos = gaskohs ; etc., etc. — Six
examples occur in Isidor (Rannow, p. 102) : 33. 5 : mente
caecati = muotes blinde; etc.
7. The Substantive.
This construction occurs in Gothic (Gering, p. 303) and
in Old High German (Rannow, p. 102). Examples : — (a)
Gothic : Mat. 8. 16 : TrpoaijpeyKap avrco Sai/jLOVL^ofMevovs
7roWou9 = atberun du imma daimonarjans mauagans ; etc. ; —
(6) Old High German : Isidor, 21. 30 : dominus numeravit
scribens populos = druhtin saghida dhazs chiscrip dhero folcho
(see Rannow's footnote on this sentence).
344 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
CHAPTER VI.
THE ANGLO-SAXON APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE
AS A NORM OF STYLE.
In my dissertation on The Absolute Participle in Anglo-
Saxon a chapter is given to "The Absolute Participle as
a Norm of Style," which is based on Professor Gildersleeve's
essay " On the Stylistic Effect of the Greek Participle." In
that chapter is discussed the stylistic effect not only of the
absolute participle, but also, incidentally, of the appositive
parliciple. I need not, therefore, detail here the theory there
laid down, the more so that nothing has occurred to make
me change the view then expressed. Since, however, this
study may come into the hands of some to whom the earlier
paper is not accessible, I shall briefly state the theory there
given, and add such comments and illustrations as may
seem called for by the present detailed investigation of the
appositive participle in Anglo-Saxon.
The theory as to the stylistic effect of the absolute parti-
ciple in Anglo-Saxon was summarized in these words (p. 52) :
" The stylistic effect of the absolute participle in Anglo-
Saxon was much the same as in the classical languages :
it gave movement to the sentence ; it made possible flexibility
and compactness. But, owing to the artificial position of
the absolute construction in Anglo-Saxon, its stylistic value
was reduced to a minimum, was indeed scarcely felt at all.
The absolute participle rejected as an instrument of style, the
Anglo-Saxon had no adequate substitute therefor. The two
commonest substitutes, the dependent sentence and the co-
ordinate clause, as used in Anglo-Saxon, became unwieldy
and monotonous. Brevity and compactness were impossible ;
the sentence was slow in movement and somewhat cumber-
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 345
some. The language stood in sore need of a more flexible
instrument for the notation of subordinate conceptions, of
such an instrument as the absolute dative seemed capable
of becoming but never became."
In the light of the foregoing history of the appositive
participle in Anglo-Saxon, does this theory as to the stylistic
effect of the absolute participle apply likewise to the apposi-
tive participle? Was the appositive participle as artificial a
construction as the absolute participle? or was it more or less
naturalized, if not native, in Anglo-Saxon?
Undoubtedly the stylistic effect of the appositive participle
in Anglo-Saxon is to give the sentence movement, flexibility,
and compactness ; and it does this to a somewhat greater
degree, I think, than could an equal number of absolute
participles. To test this statement one need only compare
a half dozen pages of Alfred, in which, as we have seen, the
appositive participle (especially in certain uses) is rare, with
the same number of iElfric's, which are strewn therewith.
The slowness and the clumsiness of the former are not more
patent than the rapidity, the flexibility, and the grace of the
latter. Space does not allow quotations, nor are they necessary.
But the above statement is with reference to the appositive
participle as a whole, whereas in Anglo-Saxon, as we have
learned, the appositive participle has three sharply differenti-
ated uses. Let us look at each for a moment by itself.
In its adjectival use, the appositive participle contributes
not only to rapidity and flexibility but also to picturesqueness.
The two former effects were attained in both prose and
poetry ; the last, as a rule, in poetry only ; and all three
to a greater or less degree in all stages of the Anglo-Saxon
period, at least so far as the preterite participle was con-
cerned. For the adjectival use of the present participle the
Anglo-Saxon went to the Latin, though not until the Late
West Saxon period. What a boon this borrowing was is
clearly revealed by a comparison of Alfred with iElf'ric or
with the Gospels; or, to give a more modern illustration,
by comparing modern English with New High German, as,
346 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
for instance, in the examples quoted from von Jagemanu in
chapter v.
Of the adverbial uses, the Anglo-Saxon at the outset
wielded with skill only that denoting manner, as in swigende
flea's, etc. How poor he was as compared with us may
be readily realized if we suppose the modern Englishman
deprived, as is the modern German, of the ability to express
means, time, cause, concession, etc., by the appositive parti-
ciple. That was the situation of the Early West Saxon;
but, thanks to iElfric and the translators of the Gospels,
Anglo-Saxon borrowed from the Latin what was so sadly
needed ; and iElfric's pages rim as smoothly as do those of
a modern Englishman. The fact, however, that these newly
introduced uses of the adverbial appositive participle are so
rare in the latter part of the Chronicle and in Wulfstan,
leaves it doubtful whether the wisdom of iElfric's adoption
received as immediate recognition as it deserved; though the
non-use in the former may be due to the fact that it professes
to be merely a bald record of facts. It seems probable,
nevertheless, that these uses did not become normal for
English until after the close of the Anglo-Saxon period,
largely perhaps through the Anglo-Saxon and Middle English
translations of the Bible, supplemented by French influence.
The Anglo-Saxon stood in greater need, I think, of the
co-ordinate participle than of the adverbial (exclusive of
that denoting manner) ; and Alfred's persistent refusal to
use it accounts in a large measure for the monotony of
his style. Again iElfric and the translators of the Gos-
pels, discerning the need, borrowed from the Latin, this
time the co-ordinate participle, and thereby gave to English
a construction that, judged from the standpoint of style,
was of immense value. Here, also, the difference between
Alfred and iElfric is the difference between modern English
and modern German, happily illustrated in the examples
cited from von Jagemaun above (chapter v). A third
time iElfric's lead was coldly followed by his immediate
successors (Wulfstan and the author(s) of the later ('hronicle),
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 347
and the construction hardly became fixed until the Middle
English period, again through the help of the biblical
translations. The foregoing applies chiefly to the present
participle; the preterite participle, being inherently unsuited
to the co-ordinate use, is as rare in iElfric as in modern
English.
The chief shortcoming, however, of the Anglo-Saxon apposi-
tive participle was, I take it, that in no one of the three uses
did the present participle originally have the power of govern-
ing an object in construction. The introduction of this use,
from the Latin, by iElfric and the Late West Saxon translators
constitutes, to my mind, their chief contribution to English
style; for, with the possible exception of the infinitive and
the modern gerund, no single construction has contributed so
much to the compactness and the flexibility of the modern
English sentence. Here, too, the innovation was tardily
accepted, being seldom resorted to by Wulfstan or by the
author of the Peterborough Chronicle. The general adop-
tion of the construction in English was largely due to the
influence of the biblical translations. Finally, the difference
between Alfred and iElfric is once more paralleled in that
between modern English and modern German.
The Anglo-Saxon substitutes for the appositive participle call
for only brief comment. The most frequent substitute, the
co-ordinated finite verb, does well enough for the co-ordinate
participle, but for no other, since it ignores shades of meaning.
The next most common, the subordinated finite verb, is ill
fitted to take the place of the co-ordinate participle, since it
unduly subordinates the idea of the participle to that of the
principal verb ; but it is an excellent substitute for the adjec-
tival and the adverbial participle, and is often so used not
only in Anglo-Saxon but also in modern English and in the
other Germanic languages. Undoubtedly, however, the ap-
positive participle is a more flexible instrument for the deno-
tation of subordinate ideas than is the dependent finite verb;
witness the difference in this regard between modern English
and modern German.
348 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
CHAPTER VII.
RESULTS.
The following are in brief the results that I believe to be
established by this investigation : —
1. In Anglo-Saxon the appositive participle occurs oftenest
in the nominative case, occasionally in the accusative and the
dative, rarely in the genitive.
2. In Anglo-Saxon, especially in Late West Saxon and in
the poems, the appositive participle is often not inflected,
much oftener indeed than has hitherto been supposed. For
details see p. 150ff.
3. When inflected, the appositive participle almost invaria-
bly follows the strong declension.
4. As a rule, the appositive participle follows its principal,
though occasionally (about 100 times in all) it precedes.
5. The uses of the appositive participle are three-fold : —
(1) Adjectival, in which the participle is equivalent to a
dependent adjectival (relative) clause.
(2) Adverbial, in which the participle is equivalent to a
dependent adverbial (conjunctive) clause; subdivided into (a)
modal (manner and means), (6) temporal, (c) causal, (d) final,
(e) concessive, and (f) conditional clauses. Some participles
denoting manner, however, are equivalent, not to dependent
adverbial clauses, but to simple adverbs.
(3) Co-ordinate, in which the participle is substantially
equivalent to an independent clause ; subdivided into («) the
" circumstantial " participle in the narrower sense, which
merely denotes an accompanying circumstance ; and (6) the
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO— SAXON. 349
iC iterating " participle, which simply repeats the idea of the
chief verb.
6. As to the origin of the appositive participle in Anglo-
Saxon, in some uses it is (A) native and in others (B) foreign
(Latin).
A. Native.
(1) In the following uses the appositive participle appears
to be a native English idiom : —
(a) The adjectival use of the preterite participle and, per-
haps, of a few slightly verbal present participles like living,
lying (licgende), etc.
(b) The modal use of the present and of the preterite parti-
ciple when each denotes manner.
(c) Perhaps the temporal use in a few present participles
of slight verbal force like being, living, and sleeping.
(2) The grounds for the statements in (1) are as follows :
(a) In the uses there specified the appositive participle is found
in Early West Saxon. (6) It occurs, also, in Late West Saxon,
in the more original prose (the Chronicle, the Laws, and Wulf-
stan), and in the poems not known to be based on Latin
originals as well as in those believed to be translations, (c)
In a number of instances in the translations, the Old English
participle does not correspond to an appositive participle in
the Latin original, but to various other constructions (see
Tables at end of Chapter hi), (d) In these uses the apposi-
tive participle is common in the other Teutonic languages.
B. Foreign (Latin).
(3) In the uses named below, on the contrary, the apposi-
tive participle is not a native English construction, but is
borrowed from the Latin : —
(a) The adjectival use of the present participle except in a
few that have but little verbal force like living and lying.
14
350 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
(b) The modal use of the present and of the preterite
participle when each denotes means.
(c) The temporal use of the participle except in a few
slightly verbal present participles like being, living, and
sleeping.
(d) The causal use of the present and of the preterite
participle, though the latter may in part be an extension
of the adjectival preterite participle.
(e) The final use of the participle, though this may in a
slight degree be due to the frequent predicative use of the
present participle after verbs of motion in Anglo-Saxon.
(f) The concessive use of the participle.
(g) The conditional use of the participle,
(h) The co-ordinate use of the participle.
(i) The present participle (whether adjectival, adverbial,
or co-ordinate) when it governs an object in construction.
(4) The statements of (3) are believed to be substantiated
by the following considerations : (a) The specified uses of the
appositive participle are practically unknown in Early West
Saxon ; and, in the few instances in which they do occur,
they are usually in direct translation of a Latin appositive
participle. (6) In hundreds of instances Alfred expressly
avoided the constructions, although they occurred on every
page of his Latin originals, (c) These uses are very rare
in the more original prose (the Chronicle, the Laws, and
Wulfstan), and in almost every instance have been traced to
a direct or indirect Latin prototype, (d) They are very rare,
too, in Anglo-Saxon poetry, and are found almost exclusively
in the poems known to rest on Latin originals, (e) They
seldom occur in the other Germanic languages except in the
more slavish translations. (/) They are very common, on
the other hand, in the later and closer Anglo-Saxon transla-
tions (iEIfric, the Gospels, and Benet1). — The cogency of these
arguments varies somewhat with respect to the several uses ;
concerning which see the detailed treatment in Chapter in.
(5) From the above statements ( (l)-(4) ) as to the different
origin of the several uses of the appositive participle we draw
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 351
this general conclusion : Anglo-Saxon was favorable to the
appositive participle with pronounced adjectival (descriptive)
force, but was unfavorable to the appositive participle with
strong verbal (assertive) force.
7. Originally in Anglo-Saxon, the present appositive parti-
ciple did not have the power of governing a direct object in
construction. All present participles with a direct object are
due to Latin influence.
8. Nor did the preterite appositive participle have the
power of governing an accusative of the direct object. Only
one example occurs in the whole of Anglo-Saxon literature,
and that is in imitation of the Latin original.
9. The Anglo-Saxon substitutes for the appositive parti-
ciple were : —
(1) Most frequently a co-ordinated finite verb.
(2) Somewhat less frequently a subordinated finite verb.
(3) Not infrequently a prepositional phrase.
(4) Occasionally a verb in the infinitive mood, both in-
flected and uninflected.
(5) Rarely an attributive participle.
(6) In a few instances an absolute participle.
(7) Occasionally an adverb.
(8) Rarely an adjective.
(9) Very rarely a substantive.
10. Although my treatment of the appositive participle in
the other Germanic languages is professedly not exhaustive,
it seems to make probable the following conclusions : —
(1) The uses of the appositive participle in the other Teu-
tonic languages are on the whole substantially the same as in
Anglo-Saxon, but with considerable variation in the different
languages and authors. Ulfilas and Tatian, for instance, are
much more addicted to the appositive participle, especially
that with verbal force, than are any of the Anglo-Saxon
writers except the author of Bend1, which is a gloss.
352 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JE.
(2) In the other Teutonic languages as in Anglo-Saxon the
appositive participle is of two-fold origin. The adverbial
participle denoting manner, the adjectival (relative) past parti-
ciple, the adjectival present and the temporal participle in
such verbs as be, live, and sleep, are perhaps native. In all
other uses the appositive participle, whether present or past,
is probably of Greek (Ulfilas) or Latin origin, though in one
or two of these functions, as in Anglo-Saxon, the appositive
participle may in part be an extension of the attributive or
the predicative use of the participle. The present appositive
participle with an object in construction seems to be of wholly
foreign origin.
(3) The substitutes for the appositive participle are about
the same in the other Germanic Languages as in Anglo-
Saxon.
11. As for its stylistic effect, in Anglo-Saxon as in the
classical languages the appositive participle conduces to
rapidity, compactness, and flexibility. In the adjectival use
of the preterite participle and in the adverbial use of the
present and of the preterite denoting manner, this is more
or less exemplified in all periods of Anglo-Saxon ; and
in the poetry the participle contributes, also, to pictur-
esqueness. The other uses of the appositive participle were
practically ignored by the Early West Saxons, and to this
fact are largely due the unwieldiness and the monotony of
Alfred's style. iElfric and the translators of the Gospels, on
the other hand, adopted these uses from the Latin, and
handled the same almost as skillfully as do modern English-
men ; whence results in great measure the excellence of
iElfric's style in point of flexibility and grace. But these
innovations were looked upon coldly by ^Elfric's immediate
successors (Wulfstan and the author of the Peterborough
Chronicle), and scarcely became thoroughly naturalized dur-
ing the Anglo-Saxon period.
Morgan Callaway, Jr.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 353
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Originally not intending to discuss the inflection of the
appositive participle, I did not in my first draft jot down all
the peculiar forms observed. After deciding to treat the
subject, I thought that the Introduction could be held in type
until the final proving and printing of the Statistics. But,
as their bulk made this impossible, the following additions
and corrections are called for in the section of the Intro-
duction (iv) dealing with the inflection of the appositive
participle : —
The Present Participle.
NS. (p. 150) : — L. 7 from below : change three to two,
and strike out ^Elfr. L. S. 282. 5 ; for, after the preparation
of the Statistics, I received vol. iv of Skeat's edition of this
work, in the " Errata " of which he corrects feohtend to
feohtende. This, of course, changes feohtend in my Statistics
(p. 197, 1. 27).
L. 3 from below : change four to five, and add 104-. 16
after 95.11.
L. 1 from below : to exceptions add -cende : Benet1 68. 1 ;
-ynde: Med} 9. 29.
ASM. (p. 151, 1. 6):—^lfr. L. S. 78. 489 has -enide,
which reduces the number of -ende by one.
N. and A. PMFN. (p. 151, 1. 10) : to the exceptions add:
(1) masculine: -cende: Benet1 55. 4, Greg.1 123. 16: -onde:
Becle1 72. 9, Bened. 9. 7 ; -ynde: Med.1 9. 27, 31 ; (2) neuter :
-ande: JElfr.L.S. 224. 86.2
The Preterite Participle.
NSM. (p. 151, 1. 16):— Benet1 100. 3 has bepcehft for
bepceht ; and Chron, 1048 E has unswiean.
354 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
DSMN. (p. 151, 1. 22) :— insert -on after -an.
ASM. (p. 151, 1. 6 from below): — to the inflectional end-
ing add -um for -an, weak (Bede1 130. 33), and see p. 153,
where the example is quoted in full.
ASN. (p. 152, 1. 1) :—3Iat.1 11. 7 has -yd instead of -ed.
NPM. (p. 152, 1. 2) : — Laws (Wihtr., c. 4) has -yne instead
of-ene; aud Benet1 113. 9 has astrehft for ast relit.
NAPN. (p. 152, 1. 7): — to the inflectional endings add -u
{Greg} 245. 8a&b), in which the participles are probably
accusatives rather than nominatives (as given on p. 173,
1. 10). Beow. 3049 has ftnrhetone instead of fturhetene.
GP. (p. 152, 1. 10): — to the exception add geferede:
EJene 992.
DPM. (p. 152, 1. 11): — to the inflectional ending add -e :
Mlfr. Hept. (Judges 16. 7).
On p. 203, 11. 8, 18, and 25, strike out uncw6.
The following typographical errors should be noted : —
P. 146, 1. 26 : change dash to hyphen.
P. 147, 1. 2 : for rechfertigen read rechtfertigen.
P. 149, 1. 16 : for Indo-Germanie read Indo- Germanic.
P. 180, 1. 23 : for unbefohtenene read unbefohtene.
P. 181, 1. 11 : for ftinge read ftingc.
P. 185, 1. 26: for geondead = angaritia : 7. 54- read
geneadod = 54-. 7 : angariati.
P. 288, 1. 12 : for ewedende read cweftende.
M. C, Jr.
A NOTE OF THANKS.
I wish heartily to thank my colleagues in the School of English, Drs.
Killis Campbell and Pierce Butler, and my honored teacher, Professor
James W. Bright, for gracious help in the issuing of this monograph.
Each of the three has kindly assisted in reading the proof, and has offered
valuable suggestions for the betterment of my study.
M. C, Jr.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 355
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
I. Texts Read.
a. Anglo-Saxon.
JElf. de v. et n. Test. = Grein, JEIfrw de vetere et novo Testamento, Penta-
teuch, Josua, Buck, der Richter, u. Hiob, vol. i of Grein's Bibliotheh der ags.
Prosa, Cassel, 1872.
JElf. Hept. = ib.
JElf. Horn. = Thorpe, The Homilies of the A.-S. Church, 2 vols., London,
1844, 184G.
JElf. L. S. = Skeat, ^Elfric's Lives of Saints, E. E. T. S., nos. 76, 82, 94,
London, 1881, 1885, 1890. Vol. iv (1900) was received too late to be read
for this study. Vols. I and II are cited simply by page and line ; vol. in,
by number of homily and of line.
A. -S. Horn, and L. S. = Assman, Angelsachsische Homilienund Heiligenhln n ,
vol. Ill of Grein-Wulker's Bibliotheh der ags. Prosa, Kassel, 1889. Sub-
divided into i = nos. 1-9, by iElfric ; and n = nos. 10-19, not by iElfric.
Bede1 = Miller, The Old English Version of Bedtfs Ecclesiastical History,
E. E. T. S., nos. 95-96, 110-111, London, 1890-98.
Benedict ' = A. Schroer, Die ags. Prosabearbeitungen der Benedihtinerregel,
vol. n of Grein-Wulker's Bibliotheh der ags. Prosa, Kassel, 1885, 1888.
Benetl = TA. Logeman, The Rule of St. Benet, Latin and A.-S. Interlinear
Version, E. E. T. S., no. 90, London, 1888.
Bl. Horn. = Morris, The Blickling Homilies of the Tenth Century, E. E. T. S.,
nos. 58, 63, 73, London, 1874, 1876, 1880.
Boeth.1 = Sedgefield, King Alfred'' s Old English Version of Boethius De
Consolatione Philosophiae, Oxford, 1899. [For the prose only ; the Metres
are taken from Grein-Wulker's Bibl. der ags. Poesie.']
Christ = Albert S. Cook, I he Christ of Cynewulf Boston, 1900.
Chron. = Plummer-Earle, Tivo of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, 2 vols.,
Oxford, 1892, 1900.
Cosp. ' = Sk«eat, The Gospels in A.-S. and Northumbrian Versions Synopti-
cally Arranged, 4 vols., Cambridge, 1871-1888.
Greg.1 = Sweet, King Alfred's W. S. Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care,
E. E.T. S., nos. 45, 50, London, 1871-2.
Laws = Liebermann, Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, Halle, 1898-99.
Oros.l= Sweet, King Alfred' s Orosius (O. E. Text and Latin Original),
E. E. T. S., no. 79, London, 1883.
356 MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR.
Poems = CrvmAViWkw^ Bibliothck der ags. Poesie, 3 vols., Kassel, 1881-
1898. [For all the poems except Cynewulf s Christ, which see above.]
Ps. Th.1 = Thorpe, Libri Psalmorum Versio antiqua Latina cum Para-
phrasi Angk-Saxonica, Oxonii, 1835. [For the prose psalms only; the
poetical ones are cited from Grein-Wiilker.]
fst=A. S. Napier, Wvlfstan: Sammlung der ihm zugeschriebenen
Homilien, Berlin, 1883.
6. Latin.
Bede*= Plummer, Baedae Opera Historica, 2 vols., Oxford, 1896.
Benedict * = The Rule of Our Most Holy Father St. Benedict, ed. with an
English Translation and Explanatory Notes by A Monk of St. Benedict's
Abbey, Fort Augustus, London, 1886 (?).
Benet.- = Latin in Benet.1
Boeth,2 = Peiper, Boetii Philosophiae Consolationis Libri Quinque, Leipzig,
1871.
Gosp.2 = Jager and Tischendorf, Novum Testamentum, Graece et Latine,
Paris, 1861.
Greg.2= Bramley, S. Gregory on the Pastoral Charge, Oxford, 1874.
n,t>t.* = Latin Heptateuch, etc., given in JElj. HepL, which see.
Oros.*= Latin in Oros.1
Ps. Th.*= Latin in Ps. Th.1 [The Introductions are taken from Bruce
in ii.]
II. Works Cited.
Bartlett, Helen: The Metrical Division of the Paiis Psalter, Baltimore,
1896.
Barz, Robert : Das Participium im Turin u. Nibdungenliede, Riga, 1880.
Becker, K. F. : Ausfuhrliche deutsche Grammatik, 2nd ed., Prag, 1870.
Behaghel, O. : Die Syntax des Heliand, Wien, 1897.
Bernhardy, G. : Wissenschaftl. Syntax der Griechischen, Berlin, 1827.
Boiling : "The Participle in Hesiod," in Catholic Univ. Bulletin, vol. ill,
Washington.
Brandt, II. C. G. : German Grammar, 4th ed., Boston, 1888.
Bright, J. W. : The Gospel of St. Luke in Anglo-Saxon, Oxford, 1893.
Bruce, J. D. : "The Paris Psalter," in Publications of Modem Language
[880ciation, ix, pp. 43-164, Baltimore, 1894.
Bruhl, C : Die Flexion des Verbums in JEl fries Heptateuch u, Buch Hiob
Marburg, 1892.
Brugmann, K. : "Die mitdem Suffix -to- gebildeten Partizipia," in Lndo-
Germ. Forschungen, v, 88-152, Strassburg, 1895.
Brugmann, K. : GrUehisehe Grammatik, 3rded., Miinchen, 1900.
i allaway, M., Jr.: The Absolute Participle in Anglo-Saxon, Baltimore
1889.
THE APPOSITIVE PARTICIPLE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 357
Classen, J. : Beobachtungen uber den homerischen Sprachgebrauch, Frank-
furt, 1867.
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