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ARABIC THOUGHT AND
ITS PLACE IN HISTORY
BY
DE LACY O'LEARY, D.D.
Lecturer in Aramaic andSyFTac, Bristol University
LONDON :
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCHy^RUBNER & CO., LTD.
NEW YORK : E. P. BUTTON fc OO.
192*
FOREWORD
History traces the evolution of the social structure
in which the community exists to-day. There are
three chief factors at work in this evolution ; racial
descent, culture drift, and transmission of language :
the first of these physiological and not necessarily
connected with the other two, whilst those two are
not always associated with each other. In the evolu-
tion of the social structure the factor of first impor-
tance is the transmission of culture, which is not a
matter of heredity but due to contact, for culture is
learned and reproduced by imitation and not in-
herited. Culture must be taken in the widest sense
to include political, social, and legal institutions, the
arts and crafts, religion, and the various forms of
intellectual life which show their presence in literature,
philosophy, and otherwise, all more or less connected,
and all having the common characteristic that they
cannot be passed on by physical descent but must
be learned in after life. But race, culture, and
language resemble one another in so far as it is true
that all are multiplex and perpetually interwoven, so
that in each the lines of transmission seem rather
like a tangled skein than an ordered pattern ; results
proceed from a conflicting group of causes amongst
which it is often difficult to apportion the relative
influences.
The culture of modern Europe derives from that
of the Roman Empire, itself the multiple resultant
of many forces, amongst which the intellectual life
of Hellenism was most effective, but worked into a
coherent system by the wonderful power of organiza-
tion, which was one of the most salient characteristics
of that Empire. The whole cultural life of medieval
Europe shows this Hellenistic-Roman culture passed
vi FOREWORD
on, developed, and modified by circumstances. As
the Empire fell to pieces the body of culture became
subject to varying conditions in different localities,
of which the divergence between the Greek-speaking
East and the Latin-speaking West is the most striking
example. The introduction of Muslim influence
through Spain is the one instance in which we seem
to get an alien culture entering into this Eornan
tradition and exercising a disturbing influence. In
fact, this Muslim culture was at bottom essentially a
part of the Hellenistic-Boman material, even the
theology of Islam being formulated and developed
from Hellenistic sources, but Islam had so long lived
apart from Christendom and its development had
taken place in surroundings so different that it seems
a strange and alien thing. Its greatest power lay in
the fact that it presented the old material in an
entirely fresh form.
It is the effort of the following pages to trace the
transmission of Hellenistic thought through the
medium of Muslim philosophers and Jewish thinkers
who lived in Muslim surroundings, to show how this
thought, modified as it passed through a period of
development in the Muslim community and itself
modifying Islamic ideas, was brought to bear upon
the culture of mediaeval Latin Christendom. So
greatly had it altered in external form during tfie
centuries of its life japart, that it seemed a new type of
intellectual life and became a^sturbing^ factor which
~ new^ Imes and
Church, directly fading up to the Benascence^which
gave^the .dea^^low_to mediSBval culture! so little
had it altered in real substance th&t If used the same
FOREWORD vii
text-books and treated very much the same problems
already current in the earlier scholasticism which had
developed independently in Latin Christendom, It
will be our effort so to trace the history of mediaeval
Muslim thought as to show the elements which it
had in common with Christian teaching and to
account for the points of divergence.
D6 L. O'L.
CONTENTS
OHAP. PAGE
I THE SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM . 1
II THE ABAB PERIOD .... 56
III THE COMING OF THE 'ABBASIDS . 89
IV THE TRANSLATORS . . . .105
V THE MU'TAZILITES .... 123
VI THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS . . 135
VII SUFISM 181
VTII ORTHODOX SCHOLASTICISM . . 208
IX THE WESTERN PHILOSOPHY . . 226
X THE JEWISH TRANSMITTORS . . 261
XI INFLUENCE OF THE ARABIC PHILOSO-
PHERS ON LATIN SCHOLASTICISM . 275
CONCLUDING PARAGRAPH .... 295
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE . . . .298
CHAPTER I
THE SYEIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM
The subject proposed in the following pages is the
history of the cultural transmission by which Greek
philosophy and science were passed from Hellenistic
surroundings to the Syriac speaking community,
thence to the Arabic speaking world of Islam, and so
finally to the Latin Schoolmen of Western Europe.
That such a transmission did take place is known even
to the beginner in mediaeval history, but how it
happened, and the influences which promoted it,
and the modifications which took place en route,
appear to be less generally known, and it does not
seem that the details, scattered through works of
very diverse types, are easily accessible to the English
reader. Many historians seem content to give only
a casual reference to its course, sometimes even
with strange chronological confusions which show
that the sources used are still the mediaeval writers
vho had very imperfect information about the de-
velopment of intellectual life amongst the Muslims.
Following mediaeval usage we sometimes find the
Arabic writers referred to as " Arabs " or " Moors,"
although in fact there was only one philosopher ol
any importance who was an Arab by race, and com-
B
2 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
paratively little is known about his work. These
writers belonged to an Arabic speaking community,
but very few of them were actually Arabs.
After the later Hellenistic development Greek
culture spread outward into the oriental fringe of
people who used Syriac, Coptic, Aramaic, or Persian
as their vernacular speech, and in these alien surround-
ings it took a somewhat narrower development and
even what we may describe as a provincial tone.
There is no question of race in this. Culture is not
inherited as a part of the physiological heritage
transmitted from parent to child ; it is learned by
contact due to intercourse, imitation, education, and
such like things, and such contact between social
groups as well as between individuals is much helped
by the use of a common language and hindered by
difference of language. As soon as Hellenism over-
flowed into the vernacular speaking communities
outside the Greek speaking world it began to suffer
some modification. It so happened also that these
vernacular speaking communities wanted to be cut
off from close contact with the Greek world because
very bitter theological divisions had arisen and had
produced feelings of great hostility on the part of
those who were officially described as heretics against
the state church in the Byzantine Empire.
In this present chapter we have to consider three
points ; in the first place the particular stage of
development reached by Greek thought at the time
when these divisions took place ; secondly the cause
THE SYRIAC VERSION Of HELLENISM
of these divisions and their tendencies ; and thirdly
the particular line of development taken by Hellen-
istic culture in its oriental atmosphere.
First stands the question of the stage of develop-
ment reached by Hellenism, and we may test this by
its intellectual life as represented by science and
philosophy, at the time when the oriental offshoot
shows a definite line of separation. English educa-
tion, largely dominated by the principles learned at
the renascence, is inclined to treat philosophy as
coming to an end with Aristotle and beginning
again with Descartes after a long blank during which
there lived and worked some degenerate descendants
of the ancients who hardly need serious consideration.
But this position violates the primary canon of
history which postulates that all life is continuous,
the life of the social community as well as the physical
life of an organic body : and life must be a perpetual
series of causes and results, so that each event can
only be explained by the cause which went before,
and can only be fully understood in the light of the
result which follows after. What we call the " mid-
dle ages " had an important place in the evolution
of our own cultural condition, and owed much to
the transmitted culture which came round from
ancient Hellenism through Syriac, Arabic, and Hebrew
media. But this culture came as a living thing
with an unbroken and continuous development
from what we call the " classic " age. As the
philosophy of the great classic schools passes down
4 ARABIC THOUGHT /A T HISTORY
to these later periods it shows great modifications,
but this Alteration is itself a proof of life. Philosophy,
like religion, in so far as it has a real vitality, must
change and adapt itself to altered conditions and
new requirements : it can remain pure and true to
its past only in so far as its life is artificial and un-
real, lived in an academic atmosphere far removed
from the life of the community at large. In such an
unnatural atmosphere no doubt, it is possible for a
religion or a philosophy to live perfectly pure and
uncorrupt, but it is certainly not an ideal life : in
real life there are bound to be introduced many
unworthy elements and some which can only be
described as actually corrupt. So it is inevitable
that as a religion or a philosophy lives and really
fulfils its proper functions it has to pass through
many changes. Of course the same holds good
for all other forms of culture : it may be true that a
country is happy if it has no history, but it is the
placid happiness of vegetable life, not the enjoyment*
of the higher functions of rational being.
In considering the transmission of Greek phil-
osophy to the Arabs we see that philosophy still as a
living force, adapting itself to changed conditions
but without a break in the continuity of its life. It
was not, as now, an academic study sought only by
a group of specialists, but a living influence which
guided men in their ideas about the universe in which
they lived and dominated all theology, law, and
gocial ideas. For many centuries it pervaded the
THE SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 5
f
atmosphere in which Western Asia was educated
and in which it lived. Men became Christians, for
a time the new religious interest filled their minds,
but later on it was inevitable that philosophy should
re-assert its power, and then Christian doctrine had
to be re-cast to conform to it : the descendants of
these people became Muslims and then again, after an
interval, religion had to conform itself to current
philosophy. We have no such dominant philo-
sophical system in force to-day, but we have a certain
mass of scientific facts and theories which form an
intellectual background to modern European life
and the defenders of traditional religion find it
necessary to adjust their teaching to the principles
implied in those facts and theories.
But the important point is that then Christian
teachers began to put themselves into touch with
current philosophy, and so when the Muslims later
on did the same, they had to reckon with philosophy
"as they found it actually living in their own days :
they did not become Platonists or Aristotelians in
the sense in which we should understand the terms.
The current philosophy had changed from the older
standards, not because the degenerate people of those
days could not understand the pure doctrines of
Plato and Aristotle, but because they took philosophy
so seriously and earnestly as an explanation of the
universe and of man's place in it that they were bound
to re-adjust their views in the light of what tlj<ey re-
garded as later information, and the views had altered
6 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
to adjust themselves with the course of human ex-
perience.
From lato onwards philosophy had been very
largely concerned with theories which more or less
directly concerned the structure of society : it was
perceived that a very large part of man's life, duties,
and general welfare, was intimately concerned with
his relations to the community in which he lived.
But soon after the time of Aristotle the general
conditions of the social order were seen to be under-
going a profound modification : great empires with
highly organised administrations replaced the self-
governing city states of the older period, and social
life had to adjust itself to the new conditions. A man
who was a citizen of the Eoman Empire was a citizen
in quite a different sense from that in which one was
a citizen of the Athenian Eepublic. The Stoic
philosophy, which is of this later age, already pre-
supposes these new conditions and in course of time
the other schools orientated themselves similarly.
One of the first results is a tendency to eclecticism and
to combination of the tenets of several schools. The
new outlook, broader in its horizon, perhaps shallower
in other respects, impelled men to take what was an
imperialist attitude instead of a local or national one.
Precisely similar changes were forced upon the Jewish
religion. Hellenistic Judaism, at the beginning of
the Christian era, is concerned with the human
species and the race of Israel is considered chiefly
as a means of bringing illumination to mankind at
77/E SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 7
large. It was this Hellenistic Judaism which cul-
minated in St. Paul and the expansion of the Christian
Church, whilst orthodox Judaism, that is to say the
provincial Jewery of Palestine reverted to its racial
attitude under the pressure of circumstances partly
reactionary against the too rapid progress of Hellenism
and partly political in character.
The old pagan religions showed many local varieties,
and from these a world- wide religion could only be
evolved by some speculative doctrines which recon-
ciled their divergences. Never has a religion of any
extension been formed from local cults otherwise
than by the ministry of some kind of speculative
theology : sometimes the fusion of cults has spon-
taneously produced such a theology, as was the case
in the Nile valley and in Mesopotamia in early times,
and when the theology was produced it brought its
solvent power to bear rapidly and effectively on
other surrounding cults. As many races and states
were associated together in the Greek Empire which,
though apparently separated into several kingdoms,
yet had an intellectual coherence and a common
civilization, and this was still more definitely the case
when the closer federation of the Roman Empire
followed, philosophy was forced more and more in
the direction of speculative theology : it assumed
those ethical and doctrinal functions which we
generally associate with religion, the contemporary
local cults concerning themselves only with ritual
duties. Thus in the early centuries of the Christian
8 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
era Hellenistic philosophy was evolving a kind of
religion, of a high moral tone and definitely mono-
theistic in doctrine. This theological philosophy
was eclectic, but rested upon a basis of Platonism.
Whilst the philosophers were developing a mono-
theistic and moral system which they hoped to make a
world religion, the Christians were attempting a
similar task on somewhat different lines. The
earlier converts to the Christian religion were not as
a rule drawn from the educated classes and shewed
a marked suspicion and dislike towards those superior
persons, such as the Gnostics, or at least the pre-
Marcionite Gnostics, who were disposed to patronise
them. Gradually however this attitude changed and
we begin to find men like Justin Martyr who had
received a philosophical education and yet found it
quite possible to co-ordinate contemporary science
and Christian doctrine. In Borne, in Africa, and in
Greece the Christians were a despised minority,
chiefly drawn from the unlettered class, and osten-
tatiously ignored by the writers of the day. Like
the Jew of the Ghetto they were forced to live an
isolated life and thrown back upon their internal
resources. But in Alexandria and, to a lesser
degree in Syria, they were more in the position of the
modern Jew in Anglo Saxon lands, though bitterly
hated and occasionally persecuted, and were brought
under the intellectual influences of the surrounding
community and thus experienced a solvent force
in their own ideas. When at last Christianity
THE SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM f
appears in the ascendant it has been largely re-cast
by Hellenistic influences, its theology is re- stated
in philosophical terms, and thus in the guise of theology
a large amount of philosophical material was trans-
mitted to the vernacular speaking hinterland of
Western Asia.
The Arabic writer Masftdi informs us that Greek
philosophy originally flourished at Athens, but the
Emperor Augustus transferred it from Athens to
Alexandria and Eome, and Theodosius afterwards
closed the schools at Eome and made Alexandria
the educational centre of the Greek world (Masftdi :
Lime de Vavertissement, trad. B.Oarra de Vaux,
Paris, 1896, p. 170). Although grotesquely expressed
this statement contains an element of truth in so far
as it represents Alexandria as gradually becoming
the principal home of Greek philosophy. It had
begun to take a leading place even in the days of
the Ptolemies, and in scientific, as distinguished
from purely literary work, it had assumed a position
of primary importance early in the Christian era.
The schools of Athens remained open until A.D. 529,
but had long been out of touch with progressive
scholarship. Eome also shows great philosophers,
most often of oriental birth, down to a late age, but
although these were given a kindly welcome and a
hearing, Eoman education was more interested in
jurisprudence, indeed the purely Eoman philoso-
phical speculation is that embedded in Justinian's
code. Antioch also had its philosophy, but this
10 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
was never of more than secondary importance.
In the course of what we may term the Alexandrian
period the Platonic school had steadily taken the
first place. It was indeed considerably changed
from the ancient Academic standards, chiefly by the
introduction of semi-mystical elements which were
attributed to Pythagoras, and later by fusion with the
neo-Aristotelian school. The Pythagorean elements
probably can be traced ultimately to an Indian source,
at least in such instances as the doctrine of the un-
reality of matter and phenomena which appears in
Indian philosophy as m&ya, and the re-incarnation
of souls which is avatar. The tendency of native
Greek thought, as seen in Democritus and other
genuinely Greek thinkers, was distinctly material-
istic, but Plato apparently incorporates some alien
matter,, probably Indian, perhaps some Eygptian
ideas as well. We know there was a transmission of
oriental thought influencing Hellenism, but very
little is known of the details. Certainly Plotinus and
the neo-Platonists were eclectic thinkers and drew
freely from oriental sources, some disguised as Pytha-
gorean, by a long sojourn in Greek lands.
In the 3rd century A.D. we find the beginnings of
what is known as neo-Platonism. A very typical
passage in Gibbon's Decline and Fall (ch. xiii) refers to
the neo-Platonists as " men of profound thought and
intense application ; but, by mistaking the true
object of philosophy, their labours contributed much
less to improve than to corrupt the human under*
THE SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 11
standing. The knowledge that is suited to our
situation and powers, the whole compass of moral,
natural, and mathematical science, was neglected by
the new Plantonists ; whilst they exhausted their
strength in the verbal disputes of metaphysics,
attempted to explore the secrets of the invisible
world, and studied to reconcile Aristotle with Plato,
on subjects of which both these philosophers were
as ignorant as the rest of mankind.'' Although this
passage is coloured by some of the peculiar prejudices
of Gibbon it fairly represents a common attitude
towards neo-Platonism and might equally apply
to every religious movement the world has ever seen.
The neo-Platonists were the result, we may say
the inevitable result, of tendencies which had been
at work ever since the age of Alexander and the
widening of the mental horizon and the decay of
interest in the old civic life. The older philosophers
had endeavoured to produce efficient citizens ; but
under imperialist conditions efficient citizens were not
so much wanted as obedient subjects. Through all
this period there are very clear indications of the new
trend of thought which assumes a more theological
and philanthropic character, aiming at producing
good men rather than useful citizens. The specu-
lations of Philo the Jewish Platonist give very plain
indications of these new tendencies as they appeared
in Alexandria. He shows the monotheistic tendency
which was indeed present in the older philosophers but
now begins to be more strongly emphasized as
12 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
philosophy becomes more theological in its specula-
tions, though no doubt in his case this was largely due
to the religion he professed. He expressed the doc-
trine of a One God, eternal, unchanging, and passion-
less, far removed above the world of phenomena, as
the First Cause of all that exists, a philosophical
monotheism which can be fitted in with the Old
Testament but does not naturally proceed from it.
The doctrine of an Absolute Reality as the necessary
cause of all that is variable, something like the fulcrum
which Archimedes needed to move the world, was one
to which all philosophy, and especially the Plantonic
school, was tending. \( But, as causation to some extent
implies change, this First Cause could not be regarded
as directly creating the world, but only as the eternal
source of an eternally proceeding emanation by means
of which the power of the First Cause is projected so as
to produce the universe and all it contains. The
essential features of this teaching are, the absolute
unity of the First Cause, its absolute reality, its
eternity, and its invariability, all of which necessarily
removes it above the plane of things knowable to
man ; and the operative emanation ceaselessly
issuing forth, eternal like its source, yet acting in
time and space, an emanation which Philo terms the
Logos or " Word." Although these theories are to
a large extent only an expression of logical conclusions
towards which the Platonists were then advancing,
Philo had curiously little influence. No doubt there
was a tendency to regard his teaching as mainly an
THE 3YRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 13
attempt to read a Platonic meaning into Jewish
doctrine, and certainly the large amount of attention
he devoted to exegesis of the Old Testament and to
Jewish apologetics would prevent his works from
receiving serious attention from non- Jewish readers.
Again, although his ideas about monotheism and the
nature of God were those to which Platonism was
tending, they represent also a Jewish attitude which,
starting from a monotheistic standpoint was then,
under Hellenistic influence, making towards a supra-
sensual idea of God, explaining away the anthropo-
morphisms of the Old Testament and postulating an
emanation, the Hochma or " wisdom " of God as the
intermediary in creation and revelation. Undoubt-
edly Philo, or the Philonic school of Hellenistic
Judaism, was responsible for the Lo^os doctrine which
appears in the portions of the New Testament bearing
the name of St. John. He had an influence also on
Jewish thought as appears in the Targums where
the operative emanation which proceeds from the
First Cause is no longer the " wisdom " of God but
the " Word." He seems to have had no influence at
all on the course of Alexandrian philosophy
generally.
The tendencies which were at work in Philo were also
leavening Greek thought outside Jewish circles and
all schools of philosophy show a growing definiteness
in their assertion of One God eternal and invariable,
as the source and First Cause of the universe. It is a
recognition of the principal of uniformity in natura
14 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
and of the necessity of accounting for the cause of this
uniformity. The Gnostic sects, which were of
philosophical origin, simply show the definite accept-
ance of this First Cause and, having accepted it as on a
plane far removed above imperfection and variation,
suggest intermediary emanations as explaining the
production of an imperfect and variable universe
from a primary source which is itself perfect and un-
changing. The descriptive accounts of the successive
emanations, each less perfect than that from which it
proceeds, which ultimately produced the world in
which we perceive phenomena, are different in different
Gnostic systems, often crude enough and grotesque in
our eyes, and frequently drawing from Christianity or
Judaism or some other of the oriental religions which
were then attracting the attention of the Boman
world. But these details are of minor importance.
All Gnostic theories bear witness to the belief that
there is a First Cause, absolutely real, perfect, eternal,
and far removed above this world of time and space,
and that some emanation or emanations must have
intervened to connect the resultant world, such as we
know it, with this sublime Cause : and such belief
indicates in crude form a general conviction which
was getting hold of all current thought in the early
centuries of the Christian era.
Complementary to this was the psychological
teaching represented by the Aristotelian commentato*
Alexander of Aphrodiaias who taught at Athens,
A.D. 198-211 . His extant works include commentaries
THE SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 16
on the first book of the Analytica Priora, on the
Topica, Meterology, de sensu, the first five books of the
Metaphysics and an abridgment of the other books
of the Metaphysics, as well as treatises on the soul, etc.
Over and over again his treatise on the soul and his
commentaries are translated into Arabic, paraphrased,
and made the subject of further commentaries, until
it seems that his psychology is the very nucleus of all
Arabic philosophy, and it is this which forms the main
point of the Arabic influence on Latin scholasticism.
It becomes indeed absolutely essential that we under-
stand the Alexandrian interpretation of the Aris-
totelian psychology if we are to follow the oriental
development of Greek science.
The first point is to understand what is to be
implied in the term u soul." Plato was really a
dualist in that he regards the soul as a separate
entity which animates the body and compares it to a
rider directing and controlling the horse he rides.
But Aristotle makes a more careful analysis of
psychological phenomena. In the treatise de anima
he says " there is no need to enquire whether soul and
body are one, any more than whether the wax and
the imprint are one ; or, in general, whether the
matter of a thing is the same with that of which it is
the matter." (Aristot : de anima. II. i. 412. b. 6.)
Aristotle defines the soul as "the first actuality of ft
natural bj^jLaving jn it the capacity of life " (id. 412.
b. 5), in which " first " denotes that the soul ia the
primary form by which the substance of the body is
14 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
actualized, and " actuality " refers to the actualizing
principle by which form is given to the body which
otherwise would be only a collection of separate
parts each having its own form but the aggregate
being without corporate unity until the soul gives it
form ; in this sense the squl is thejrealization of the
body (cf. Aristot : Metaph. iii. 1043. a. 35). A dead
body lacks this actualizing and centralizing force and
is only a collection of limbs and organs, yet even so
it is not an artificial collection such as a man might put
together, but " a natural body having in it the
capacity of life," that is to say, an organic structure
designed for a soul which is the cause or reason of
its existence and which alone enables the body to
realize its object.
The soul contains four different faculties or powers
which are not strictly to be taken as " parts " though
in the passage cited above Aristotle uses the term
u parts." These are, (1) the nutritive, the power of
life whereby the body performs such functions as
absorbing nourishment, propagating its species, and
other functions common to all living beings, whether
animal or vegetable : (ii) the sensible, by which the
body obtains knowledge through the medium of the
special senses of sight, hearing, touch, etc., and also
the " common sense " by means of which these per-
ceptions are combined, compared, and contrasted so
that general ideas are obtained which ultimately rest
on the sense perceptions : (iii) the locomotive, which
prompts to action, as desire, appetite, will, etc., also
THE SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 17
based, though indirectly, on sense perception, being
suggested by memories of senses already in action :
(iv) the intellect or pure reason, which is concerned
with abstract thought and is not based on sense per-
ception. All these, embracing life in its widest
application, are classed together as soul, but the last,
the intellect, nous, or rational soul, is peculiar to man
alone. It does not depend on the senses, directly
or indirectly, and so, whilst the other three faculties
necessarily cease to function when the bodily organs
of sense cease, it does not necessarily follow that this
rational soul will cease as it is apparently independent
of the organ sense. This nous or " spirit " is reduced by
Aristotle to a much more restricted range than is
usual in the older philosophers and is taken to mean
that which has the capacity of abstract knowledge,
independent of the information due, directly or
indirectly, to sense perception. It would seem, how-
ever, to be a distinct species of faculty for Aristotle
says : " As regards intellect and the speculative
faculty the case is not yet clear. It would seem,
however, to be a distinct species of soul, and it alone is
capable of separation from the body, as that which is
eternal from that which is perishable. The remaining
parts of the soul are, as the foregoing consideration
shows, not separable in the way that some allege
them to be : at the same time it is clear that they are
logically distinct." (Arist. de anima. II. ii. 413. b. 9).
It is suggested that (i) the rational soul is of a distinct
species and so presumably derived from a different
18 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
source than the other faculties of the soul, but nothing
is said as to whence it is derived : (ii) it is capable of
existence independently of the body, that is to say its
activity does not depend on the operation of the bodily
organs, but it is not stated that it does so exist ; (iii)
it is eternal on the ground that it can exist apart
from the perishable.
The obscurity of this statement has led to a great
divergence in its treatment by commentators.
Theophrastus offers cautious suggestions and evidently
regards the rational soul as differing only in degree of
evolution from the lower forms of soul faculty. It
was AJexander^QjLAphrodislas who opened up .new
fields of speculation, distinguishing Between a mater-
ial intellect and aii ^active intellect. The former is a
faculty of the individual soul and this it is which is the
form of the body, but it means no more than the
capacity for thinking and is of the same source as the
other faculties of the human soul. The active
intellect is not a part of the soul but is a power which
enters it from outside and arouses the material
intellect to activity ; it is not only different in source
from the material soul, but different in character in
that it is eternal and so always has been and always
will be, its rational power existing quite apart from
the soul in which the thinking takes place ; there is
but one such substance and this must be identified
with the deity who is the First Cause of all motion
and activity, so that thejicti^
an emanation from the deity entering the
THE SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM If
Boul, arousing it to the exercise of its higher functions,
and then returning to its divine source. This theistic
interpretation of Aristotle was strongly opposed by
the commentator Themistius who considers that
Alexander forces the statement of the text out of its
natural meaning and draws an unwarrantable de-
duction from the two sentences " these differences
must be present in the soul," and " this alone is
immortal and eternal." It seems, however, liaJL
Alexand^'^ n^^ part
in the formation of neo-Plantonic^theory, and it
certainly is the key to the_history_jo| ^Muslim _ philo-
sophy, and is not without its^ importance is_the
development ofjChristian mysticism.
The neo-Platonic school was founded by Ammonius
Saccas, but really takes its definite form under
Plotinus (d. 269 A.D.). In sketching in brief out-
line the leading principles of this system we shall
confine ourselves to the last three books of the
Enneads (iv-vi) as these, in the abridged form known
as the " Theology of Aristotle " formed the main
statement of neo-Platonic doctrine known to the
Muslim world. In the teaching of Plotinus God is
the Absolute, the First Potency (Enn. 5. 4. 1.),
beyond the sphere of existence (id. 5. 4. 2.), and beyond
reality, that is to say, all that we know as existence
and being is inapplicable to him, and he is therefore
unknowable, because on a plane which is altogether
beyond our thought. He is unlimited and infinite
(id. 6. 5. 9.) and consequently One, as infinity excludes
35 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
the possibility of any other than himself on the same
plane of being. Yet Plotinus does not allow the
numeral " one " to be applied to God as numerals
are understandable and refer to the plane of existence
in which we have our being, so that " one " as a
mere number is not attributed to God, but rather
singularity in the sense of an exclusion of all com-
parison or of any other than himself. As Absolute
God implies a compelling necessity so that all which
proceeds from him is not enforced but is necessarily
go in the sense that nothing else is possible ; thus, for
example, it results from him that two sides of a
triangle are greater than the third side, they are not
forced into greater length, but in the nature of things
must be so, and this necessary nature has its com-
pelling source in the First Cause. Ygt_ I^ojfcnmsjyill
not allow us to say that GodJ* wills " anything, ^or
will inipl^sjbjiesire for what is not possessedjor is not
jet present (id. 5. 3. 12) ; yill operate^ jii tjme_and
space, but necessity has for eyerjrqcej^lcHl frqmjbhe
Eternal One who does not act in time, Nor can we
conceive God as knowing, conscious, or thinking, all
terms which describe our mental activities in the
world of variable phenomena ; he is all-knowing by
immediate apprehension (*a#poa Wi/JoA^) which ifi no
way resembles the operation of thought but is super-
conscious, a condition which Plotinus describes as
" wakefulness " ('eyp?/yopens) ? a perpetual being aware
without the need of obtaining information.
Prom the true God, the eternal Absolute, proceedi
SYRIAC VERSION Of" HELLENISM 2\
the nous, a term which has been variously rendered as
Eeason, Intellect, Intelligence, or Spirit, this last
being the term which Dr. Inge regards as the best
expression (Inge : riotinus. ii. p. 38), and this noui
is fairly equivalent to the Philonic and Chri&tiar
Logos. An external emanation in necessitated in
order" that the First Cause may remain unchanged
which would not be the case if it had once not been a
source and then had become the source of emanation ;
there can be no u becoming " in the First Cause. The
emanation is of the same nature as its cause, but is
projected into the world of phenomena. It is self-
existent, eternal, and perfect, and comprehends
within itself the u spirit world," the objects of ab-
stract reason, the whole of the reality which
lies behind the world of phenomena ; the things
perceived are only the shadows of these real
ones. It perceives, not as seeking and finding,
but as already possessing (id. 5. 1. 4.), and the things
perceived are not separate or external but as included
and apprehended by immediate intuition (id. 5. 2. 2.)
From the nous proceeds the psyche, the principle of
life and motion, the woild soul whi^fr is in th<*
knows, but only through the processes of reasoning,
by means of separating, distributing, and combining
the data obtained by sense perception, so that it
corresponds in function to the " common sense " of
Aristotle, whilst the nous shows the functions which are
attributed to it by Aristotle and has the character
which Alexander reads into Aristotle.
22 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
The work of Plotinus was continued by his pupil
Porphyry (d. 300 A.D.) who taught at Borne, and is
chiefly noteworthy as the one who completed the
fusion of Platonic and Aristotelian elements in the
neo-Platonic system, and especially as introducing
the scientific methods of Aristotle. Plotinus had
criticized adversely the Aristotelian categories (Enn.
vi.), but Porphyry and all the later neo-Platonists
returned to Aristotle. Indeed, he is best known to
posterity as the author of the Isagoge, long current as
the regular introduction to the logical Organon of
Aristotle. Then came JambMchus (d. 330), the pupil
of Porphyry who used neo-Platonism as the basis of a
pagan theology ; and finally Proklus (d. 485) its last
great pagan adherent who was even more definitely
a theologian.
Neo-Platonism was the system just coming tq^Jkhe
forejroni J^ie^th^kristians of Alexandria began to
be in contact with philosophy^ The first prominent
Alexandrian Christian who endeavoured to reconcile
philosophy and Christian theology was Clement of
Alexandria who, like Justin Martyr, was a Platonist of
the older type. Clement's Stromateis is a very striking
work which shows the general body of Christian
doctrine adapted to the theories of Platonic philo-
sophy. It does not tamper with the traditional
Christian doctrine, but it is evidently the work of one
who sincerely believed that Plato had partially fore-
been what the Gospels taught, and that he had used a
clear and efficient terminology which was in all
THE SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 23
respects suitable for the expression of profound truths,
and so Clement uses this terminology, incidentally
assuming the Platonic metaphysics, and so uncon-
sciously modifies the contents of Christianity. If we
ask whether this results in a fair presentation of
Christian teaching we shall perhaps be inclined to
admit that, in spite of modification and in view of the
scientific attitude of the times it substantially does
so : when truths already expressed by those who have
not received a scientific training are repeated by those
who have and who are careful to cast their expression
into logical and consistent form, some modification is
inevitable. Whether the scientific assumptions and
philosophy generally of Clement were correct is, of
course, another matter ; modern opinion would say it
was incorrect. But, so far as contemporary science went,
it was obviously an honest effort. It has not been
appreciated by all Clement's successors and he is one
of the few Christian leaders who has been formally
deprived of the honorific title of " saint " which was at
one time prefixed to his name. Within the
centuries the re-formulatiQn.Qf ^j
steadily until at last it appears as essentially Hellen-
istic, but with the Platonic element now modifiecLJby
the mOTe^^^iritualistic influences of jieo-Platonism.
Undoubtedly this was a gain for Christianity, for when
we read the Didache and other early non-Hellenistic
Christian material we cannot help feeling that it
shows a narrower and more cramped outlook and one
far less suited to satisfy the needs and aspirations of
24 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
humanity at large. It is curious to compare Clement
of Alexandria with Tertullian, one of the greatest, if
not the greatest, of the literary lights of Latin Christ-
ianity, but severe, puritanically rigid, and suspicious
and hostile in his attitude towards philosophy which
he regards as essentially pagan.
The next great leader of Alexandrian Christian
thought was Origen, himself a pupil of Plotinus, and
one who found little difficulty in adapting contem-
porary philosophy to Christian doctrine, although this
adaptation was by no means received with approval
in all parts of the Christian community. Under
Clement and Origen the catechetical instruction
which was regularly given in all churches to candidates
for baptism was expanded and developed on the lines
of the lectures given by the philosophers in the
Museum, and so a Christian school of philosophical
theology was formed. This development was not
regarded favourably by the older fashioned churches
nor by the philosophers of the Museum, and even
amongst the Alexandrian Christians there was a
section which viewed it with disapproval, especially
evident when the school became so prominent that
it tended to overshadow the ordinary diocesan
organization.
This is not the place to consider the various intrigues
which ultimately compelled Origen to leave Alex-
andria and retire to Palestine. There, at Caesarea^J^
founded a school on jfchiji model j9JJ&at..a.t Alexandria.
This second foundation did not attain the same
THE SYRIAC VERSION Of HELLENISM 25
eminence as its proto-type, perhaps because Origen's
influence turned its activities into a direction too
highly specialised in textual criticism, but it prompted
a development which ultimately played an important
part in the history of the Syrian church where, for
some time to come, theological activity mainly
centered in these schools which had their imitators
amongst the Zoroastrians and the Muslims. The
first such school injSyria was founded at J^tioch by
Malchion about 270 A.I), and deliberately copied the
pattern set at Alexandria and ultimately became ita
rival.
About fifty years later a school was established at
Msibis, the modern Nasibin on the Mygdonius river,
in the midst of a Syriac speaking community. The
church had spread inland from the Mediterranean
shores and had by this time many converts in the
hinterland who were accustomed to use Syriac and
not Greek. For the benefit of these the work at
Msibis was done in Syriac, Syriac versions were
prepared of the theological works studied at Antioch,
and the Greek language was taught so that the Syriao
speaking Christians were brought into closer touch
with the life of the Church at large.
The acquiescence of the Church in the AlftY^ndrifln
philosophy had far-reaching consequences. The
Church did not officially adopt the neo-Platonic
philosophy in its entirety, but it had to adjust itself
to an atmosphere in which the neo-Platonic system
was accepted as the last word in scientific enquiry and
2* ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
where the Aristotelian metaphysics and phychology
were assumed as an established and unquestionable
basis of knowledge. It was impossible for churchmen,
educated in this atmosphere, to do otherwise than
accept these principles, just as it is impossible for us
to admit that the body of a saint can be in two places
at once, our whole education training us to assume
certain limitations of time and space, although a
devout Muslim of Morocco can believe it and honours
two shrines as each containing the body of the same
saint who, he believes, in his life time had power of
over-passing the limitations of space. The general
postulates of the later Platonic and Aristotelian
philosophy were firmly established in the fourth
century in Alexandria and its circle, and were no more
open to question than the law of gravity or the
rotundity of the earth would be to us. It was known
that there were people who questioned these things,
but it could only be accounted for by blind ignorance
in those who had not received the benefits of an
enlightened education. The Christians were no more
able to dispute these principles than anyone else.
They were perfectly sincere in their religion, many
articles of faith which present considerable difficulty
to the modern mind presented no difficulty to them ;
but it was perfectly obvious that the statements of
Christian doctrine must be brought into line with the
current theory of philosophy, or with self evident
truth as they would have termed it. It shows a
strange lack of historical imagination when we talk
THE SY^RJAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 27
slightingly about how Christians quarrelled over
words, forgetting what these words represented and
how they stood for the established conclusions of
philosophy as then understood. y x
This comes out very plainly in the Arian contro-
versy. Both sides agreed that Christ was the Son of
God, the relation of Father and Son being, of course,
not that of human parentage but rather by way of
emanation : both agreed that Christ was God, as the
emanation necessarily had the same nature as the
source from which it proceeded : both agreed that the
Son proceeded from the Father in eternity and before
the worlds were created, the Son or Logoajbeing the
intermediary juLjsreation, But some, and these, it
would seem, mainly associated with the school of
Antioch, so spoke of the Son proceeding from the
Father as an event which had taken place far before
all time in the remoteness of eternity, it is true, but
BO that there was when the Father had not yet be-
gotten the Son, for, they argued, the Father must have
preceded the Son as the cause precedes the effect, and
BO the Son was, as it were, less eternal than the Father.
At once the Alexandrians corrected them. To begin
with there are no degrees in eternity : but, most
serious error of all, this idea made God liable to
variation, at one period of eternity he'had been alone,
and then he had become a father : philosophy taught
that the First Cause, the True God, is liable to no
change, if he is Father now, he must have been so
from all eternity : we must understand the Son a&
2b ARABIC 1HOUGHT /.V HJSTOffY
the Logos forj&verjBi^n^^
Father as source. The actual merits of the contro-
versy do riot at present concern us : we simply notice
the fact that the current Greek philosophy entirely
dominated the theology of the Church and it was
imperative for that theology to be expressed in terms
which fitted in with the philosophy. The result of
the Arian struggle was that the Eastern church came
to recognise the Alexandrian philosophy as the
exponent of orthodoxy, and in this it was followed
by the greater part of the Western Church, though
the West Goths still remained attached to the Arian
views which they had learned from their first teachers.
By the fifth century Arian doctrine had been
completely eliminated from the state church and
Alexandrian philosophy which had been the chief
means of bringing about this result, was dominant,
although there are indications that it was viewed with
suspicion in some quarters. Amongst the contro-
versies which took place in the post-Nicene age the
most prominent are those which concerned the person
of the incarnate Christ, and these are largely questions
of psychology. It was generally admitted that man
has a psyche or animal soul which he shares with th
rest of the sentient creatures, and in addition to this a
spirit or rational soul which, under the influence of
the neo-Platonists or of Alexander of Aphrodisias,
was regarded as an emanation from the creative
spirit, the Logos or " Agent Intellect," a belief which
Christian theologians supported by the statement in
THE SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 29
Genesis that God breathed into inan_the breath of
life and so man became a living .soul. In fact St.
Paul had already distinguished between the two
elements, the animal soul and the immortal spirit, in
accordance with the psychology which had been
developed in his time. But_ Christian theology
supjiosed tha^iTT^QHJ&t .wat* a.iao .present- th external
Logos whicj^jiad been the creative Spirit and_.of
which the spirit or rational spuLwasJts_elf an emana-
tiipn. What, therefore, would be the relation between
the Logos and its own emanation when they came
together in the same person ! If the Alexandrian
philosophy and the Christian religion were both true
the problem was capable of reasonable solution :
if its only answer was a manifest absurdity then either
the psychology or Christianity was in error, and then,
as always, it was assumed that contemporary science
was sure and religion had to be tested by its standard.
To this particular problem two solutions were pro-
posed. The one, especially maintained at Alexandria,
was that the Logos and the rational soul or spirit,
being in the relation of source and emanation,
necessarily fused together when simultaneously
present in the same body, the point being of course
that the Logos was the agent of creation, the True
God not acting therein as it was an activity in time,
but through the intermediary of the Logos, whilst the
animal soul dispersed through creation was ultimately
derived from the Logos, but the spirit was directly
proceeding from it, all of which represents the
30 ARABIC THOUGHT 7A T HISTORY
philosophical theory formulated by Alexander of
Aphrodisias and the neo-Platonists and then accepted
as unassailable. The other solution, which found its
chief advocates at Antioch, laid stress on the com-
pleteness of the humanity of Christ so that the body,
animal soul, and spirit were necessarily complete in
the humanity and the Logos dwelt in the human
frame without subtracting the spirit which was one of
the essentials of humanity, and so there could have
been no fusion because this would have implied the
return of the spirit to its source and consequently
its subtraction from the humanity of Christ. This
solution, it will be observed, postulates the name
psychology as the other, and whichever view pre-
vailed the Church would be irrevocably committed
to the current psychology by this definition of its
doctrine.
Both solutions offered perfectly logical deductions
from the postulates assumed and it only wanted the
advocates of one or the other to over-state the case so
as to transgress against the teachings of philosophy
or of traditional religion. The first false move came
from Antioch. Laying great stress on the complete-
ness of the humanity of Christ so that body, soul, and
spirit were necessarily connected in the human frame,
the view was so expressed as to describe the Virgin
Mary as the mother of the human Christ, body, soul,
and spirit alone, which implied, or seemed to imply,
that at birth Christ was man only and afterward*
became God by the Logos entering into the human
THE 3YR1AC VERSION OF HELLENISM 31
body, a conclusion possibly not intended by those who
expressed their views but pressed by their opponents.
This had been the teaching of Diodorus and of
Theodore of Mopseustia both associated with the
school of Antioch, and defended in its extremer form
by Nestorius, a monk of Antioch, whgL_was made
bishop of Constantinople in A.P. 428. Violent
controversies ensued which resulted in a general
council at Ephesus in_ 431, where the Alexandrian
party succeeded in getting JS" estorius and his followers
condemned as heretics. Two years later the Nestor-
ians, absolutely confident that their opponents were
utterly illogical in supposing that the rational soul
and the Logos in Christ were fused or united together,
repudiated the official church and organised them-
selves as the Church which had no part with the
heretics of Ephesus. The state Church, however,
had the weight of the temporal authority behind it,
and the heavy hand of persecution fell severely upon
the Nestorians. In Antioch and Greek speaking
Syria persecution did its work effectually and the
Nestorians were reduced to the position of a fugitive
sect, in Egypt, as might be expected, they had no
footing, and the westerns as usual agreed with the
dominant state church : only amongst the Syriao
speaking Christians the Nestorian teaching had
a free course, and that section for the most part
adhered to it.
Some time before this the school at Nisibis had been
elosed, or rather removed to Edassa. In A.D. 363
32 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
the city of Nisibis had been handed over to the
Persians as one of the conditions of the peace which
closed the unfortunate war commenced by Julian,
and the members of the school, retiring into Christian
territory, had re-assernbled at Edessa, where a school
was opened in 373, and thus Edessa in a Syriac
speaking district but within the Byzantine Empire,
became the centre of the vernacular speaking Syriac
church.
At the Nestorian schism the school at Edessa was
the rallying place of those who did not accept the
decisions of Ephesus, but in 439 it was closed by the
Emperor Zeno on account of its strong Nestorian
character, and the ejected members led by Barsuma, a
pupil of Ibas (d. 457), who had been the great
luminary of Edessa, migrated across the Persian
border. Barsuma was able to persuade the Persian
king Piruz that the orthodox, that is to say the state,
Church was pro-Greek, but that the Kestorians were
entirely alienated from the Byzantine Empire by the
harsh treatment they had received. On this under-
standing they were favourably received and remained
loyal to the Persian monarchy in the subsequent
wars with the Empire. The Nestorians re- opened
the school at Nisibis and this became the focus of
Nestorian activity by which an orientalised phase of
Christianity was produced. Gradualb^the Nestor-
ian mis^onaries^spread through jtll central Asia and
down into Arabia so thatjbhe races outside the Greek
Empire came to know Christianitv first in a^ffestorian
THE SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 33
lorm. It seems probable that Muhammad had con-
tact with Nestorian teachers (Hirschfeld : New
Researches, p. 23), and certainly Nestorian monks and
missionaries had much intercourse ^vith the earlier
Muslims. These Nestorians were not only anxious
to teach Christianity but very naturally attached the
utmost importance to their own explanations of the
person of Christ. This could only be made clear by the
help of theories drawn from Greek philosophy, and so
every Nestorian missionary became to some extent
a propagandist of that philosophy : they translated
into Syriac not only_tihe great theplpgians_such as
Theodore of Mopseustia who explained their views,
H_* a jgg__ G^ ree k authorities such as_Aristotle andjiis
commentators because some knowledge of these was
necessary to jmderstand the theology. Much of this
work of translation shows a real desire to explain
their teaching, but it shows also a strong resentment
against the Emperor and his state church ; as that
church used the Greek language in its liturgy and
teaching, the Nestorians were anxious to discard
Greek, they celebrated the sacraments only in Syriao
and set themselves to promote a distinctly native
theology and philosophy by means of translated
material and Syriac commentaries. These became the
medium _ by ~* which Aristotle And the neo-Platonio
commentators were transmitted ^to Asia outside the
Empire, and so later on as we jhall see j.t .wasjt group
of Nestorian translators who, by making Arabic ver-
sions from the Syriac, first brought Hellenistic philos-
34 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
ophy tojbhe Arabic wprlcL^ But there was also a weak
side, for tlie Nestorian Church, cut off from the wider
life of Hellenism, became distinctly provincial. Its
philosophy plays round and round that prevalent at
the schism, it spreads this philosophy to new countries,
it produces an extensive educational system, and
elaborates its material, but it shows no development.
If we regard the main test of educational efficiency as
being in its research product and not simply the
promulgation of material already attained, then
Nestorianism was not an educational success : and it
seems that this should be the supreme test, for
knowledge is progressive, and so the smallest contribu-
tion towards further progress must be of more real
value than the most efficient teaching of results
already achieved. Yet it would be difficult to over-
estimate the importance of Nestorianism in pre-
paring an oriental version of Hellenistic culture in
the pre-Muslim world. Its main importance lies in
its__being preparatory to Islam which brQughl_.for-
waM Arabic^ as a cosmopolitan medium for the
interchange of thoughjt^and so enabled th$ Sjriao
material to be used ir^ a wider and more fruitful
field.
Although Nestorius had been condemned, the
Church was left with a problem. The objection was
true that, if the Logos and the rational soul in Christ
were fused together so that the rational soul or spirit
lost itself in its source, the Logos dwelt in an animal
body and the full humanity of Christ disappeared,
THE 5YRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 35
The Nestorian view of a temporary " connection "
was now condemned as heretical, but was it necessary
to go to the other extreme of u fusion " which was the
logical result of the Alexandriar teaching ? The
Church wished to be philosophically correct and yet
to avoid the conclusions which might be drawn from
either view in its extreme form. In fact philosophy
ruthlessly pressed home was the danger of which the
Church was most afraid, feeling in some dim realm of
Bub-consciousness that the deposit of faith did not
quite fall into line with science, or at least with the
science then in fashion ; and the Church's real enemies
were the enthusiasts who were confident that
doctrine and philosophy were both absolutely
VnwM**Vfct* ,...,-
true. Nor have we, even in these days, altogether
learned the lesson that both are still partial and
progressive. Islam had to go through exactly the
same experience in her day and came out of it with
very similar results, that is to say both the Christian
and Muslim churches finally chose the via media
adopting^the j)Jbilojp^hical ^J^t&f^SQt^ oJL doctrine
but condemning as heretical the Jogical conclusions
which might be deduced. The Alexandrian school,
elated perhaps at its victory over Nestorius, became
rather intemperate in the statement of its views and
pressed them home to an extreme conclusion. At
once the warning prediction of the Nestorians was
justified: the teaching of a " fusion, " fe^tw^en the
Logos and the rational SQul.iii Qbgrist , w entiCB!j. under-
mined his humanity. Another controversy ensued
36 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
and in this, as in the former one, neither side suggested
any doubt as to the psychology or metaphysics
borrowed from the Aristotelian and neo-Platonic
philosophies, that was throughout assumed as certain,
the problem was to make Christian doctrine fit in
with it. Now those who opposed the Alexandrian
conclusions maintained the theory of a " union "
between the Logos and the rational soul in Christ,
so that the complete humanity was preserved as well
as the deity, arid the union was such as to be insepar-
able and so safeguarded from the Nestorian theory.
In fact this was simply admitting the philosophical
statement and forbidding its being pressed home to
its possible conclusions. This is described as
" orthodox " doctrine and rightly so in the sense that
it expresses, though in philosophical terms, a doctrine
as it was held before the Church had learned any
philosophy, and excluded possible deductions which
came within range as soon as a philosophical state-
ment was made. This is the normal result when
doctrine originally expressed by those ignorant of
philosophy has to be put into logical and scientific
terms : the only orthodox representation of the
traditional belief must be a compromise.
This second controversy resulted in the Council of
Chalcedon in A.D. 448, at which the advocates of the
theory of " fusion " were expelled from the state
church, and thus a third body was formed, each of
the three claiming to represent the true faith. Practi-
cally the whole of the Egyptian Church followed tht
THE SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 37
44 fusionists " or Monophysites or Jacobites, as they
were called after Jacob of Serugh, who was mainly
instrumental in organizing them as a church : in
Syria also they had a strong following. Like the
^estorians they were persecut 3d by the Emperor and
the state church, but unlike them they did not migrate
outside the Byzantine Empire, but remained an
important though strongly disaffected body within
its limits, though later on they sent out off-shoots
into other lands. Like the Nestorians they tended
to discard the language of their persecutors and to use
the vernacular Coptic and Syriac : it is rightly claimed
that the golden age of Syriac literature and philo-
sophy begins with the Monophysite schism. A
curious line of demarcation however, is observed in
Syriac between the Jacobites in the West and the
Nestorians in the East : they used different dialects,
which is probably the result of their geographical
distribution, and they used different scripts in writing
which was partly due to deliberate intension, though
partly also to the use of slightly different implements
for writing.
When we consider the results of the Monophysite
and Nestorian schisms we begin to understand why
so much Greek philosophical material was translated
into Syriac, whilst the Nestorian movement was the
effective reason why Syriac gradually became the
medium for transmitting Hellenistic culture into the
parts of Asia which lay beyond the confines of the
Byzantine Empire during the centuries immediately
3i ARABIC THOUGHT IN HTStORY
preceding the outspread of Islam. It is obvious that
the late Aristotelian and neo-Platonic philosophers
were of vital importance to everyone engaged in the
theological controversies of the day, and the Aris-
totelian logic was of equal importance as on it de-
pended the way in which terms were used. After
their separation from the Greek Church the Nestorians
and Monophysites turned to the vernacular speaking
Christians, and so a large body of philosophical as well
as theological matter was translated into Syriac ;
very much less into Coptic, for the Egyptian Mono-
physites were not called upon to face so much contro-
versy as their brethren in Syria.
The period between the schisms and the beginning
of Muslim interest in philosophy was one of prolific
translation, commenting, and exposition. Whilst
there is much interest in tracing the literary history
of a nation, there is comparatively little in following
the history of a literature which is confined to activities
of this sort, for it cannot be much more than a list of
names. Commentary and essay might indeed open up
a field of originality, but nothing of the sort appears
in this type of Syriac work : it seems as though the
provincialism which followed severance from the
Greek world brought in narrowing restrictions so
that, although we get able and diligent workers, they
never seem able to advance beyond re- state-
ment, more or less accurate, of results already
achieved.
Besides philosophy and theology we find a con-
THE SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 39
siderable interest in medicine and the two sciences of
chemistry and astronomy which were treated as
allied to it, for astronomy, regarded from the astro-
logical point of view, was supposed to be closely
associated with the conditions of life and death, of
health and disease. Medical studies were especially
attached to the school of Alexandria. Philosophy
proper had been so largely taken over by theology
that the secular investigators were rather impelled to
turn to the natural sciences and as a centre of medical
and allied studies the ancient school of Alexandria
continued its development without loss of continuity,
but under changed conditions. John Philoponus, or
John the Grammarian, as he was called, was one of
the later commentators on Aristotle and also one of
the early lights of this medical school. The date of
his death is not known, but he was teaching at
Alexandria at the time when Justinian closed the
schools at Athens in A.D. 529. The next great leader
of this school was Paul of Aegina who flourished at the
time of the Muslim conquest, and whose works long
served as popular manuals of medicine. The founders
of the medical school at Alexandria established a
regular course of education for the training of medical
practitioners, and for this purpose selected sixteen
works of Galen, some of which were re-edited in an
abridged form, and were made the subject of regular
explanatory lectures. At the same time the school
became a centre of original research, not only in
medicine, but also in chemistry and other branches ol
40 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
natural science. Thus, on the eve of the Muslim
conquest Alexandria had become a great home of
scientific enquiry. To some extent this was un-
fortunate as the existing traditions in Egypt directed
those investigations very much into obscurantist lines
and tended to the use of magical forms, talismans, etc.,
and to introduce an astrological bias. This after-
wards became the great defect of Arabic medicine as
appears later even in mediaeval Padua, but it was not
the fault of Islam, it was an inheritance from Alex-
andria. Such material as remains of Syriac research
shows us a saner and sounder method in vogue there,
but Alexandria had eclipsed the Syrian scientists at
the time of the Muslim invasion, at least in popular
esteem, and this was a determining factor in directing
Arabic research into these astrological by-paths.
Amongst the famous products of this school was
Paul of Aegina, whose medical works formed the
basis of much of the mediaeval Arabic and Latin
teaching, and the priest Ahrun (Aaron) who composed
a manual of medicine which was afterwards trans-
lated into Syriac and became a popular authority,
Alexandria was the centre also of chemical science,
and as such was the parent of later Arabic alchemy.
It appears from M. Berthelot's exhaustive study of
Arabic chemistry (La chimie an moyen age : Paris.
1893) that the Arabic material may be divided into
two classes, the one based upon, and mainly
translated from, the Greek writers current in Alex-
andria, the other representing a later school of
THE SYR1AC VERSION OF HELLENISM 41
independent investigation. f Of the former class
Berthelot gives three specimens, the Books of Crates,
of al-Habid, and of Ostanes, all representing the
Greek tradition which flourished at Alexandria on
the eve of the Muslim invasion.
Whilst the Alexandrians kept alive an interest in
medical and the allied sciences the separated branches
of the vernacular speaking churches of Asia were more
interested in logic and speculative philosophy. It
was perhaps natural that the Monophysites with
their strong Egyptian connection should adopt the
commentaries of John Philoponus, himself a Mono-
physit of a type, but both they and the Nestorians
invariably used Porphyry's Isagoge as an introductory
manual. In the general treatment of metaphysics
and psychology as applied to theology, and in the
treatment of theology itself, the Monophysites in-
clined more towards neo-Platonism and mysticism
than the Nestorians, and their life centered more in
the monasteries, whilst the Nestorians adhered rather
to the older system of local schools, although they too
had monasteries, and in course of time the schools
adopted the discipline and methods of the convent.
The oldest and greatest of the Nestorian schools was
that of Nisibis, but in A.D. 550 Mar Ahba, a convert
from Zoroastrianism, who had become catJiolicos or
patriarch of the Kestorians, established a school at
Seleucia on the model of Msibis. A little later the
Persian king, Kusraw Anushirwan (Nushirwan, flor.
531-578 A.D.) who had been greatly impressed by the
41 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
view of Hellenistic culture which he had obtained
during his war with Syria, and had offered hospitality
to the ejected Greek philosophers when Justinian
closed the schools at Athens, founded a Zoroastrian
School at Junde-Shapur, in Khuzistan, where not only
Greek and Syriac works, but also philosophical and
scientific writings brought from India, were trans-
lated into Palilawi, or Old Persian, and there the
study of medicine taught by Greek and Indian
physicians was developed more fully than in the
theological atmosphere of the Christian schools,
although some of the most distinguished medical
teachers in this school were themselves Nestorian
Christians. Amongst the alumni of Junde-Shapur
were the Arab Hares b. Kalada, who afterwards
became famous as a practitioner, and his son Bnnadr,
cited in the 5th canon of Ibn Sina (Avicenna), an
enemy of the Prophet Muhammad who was amongst
those defeated at the battle of Badr and was put to
death by 'AIL Several Indian medical writers are
cited by Eazes and others, notably Sharak and
Qolhoman, whilst the treatise on poisons by the
Indian Shanak was, at a later date, translated into
Persian by Manka for Yahya b. Khalid the Barmecide
and afterwards into Arabic for the 'Abbasid Khalif
al-Ma'mun. Manka, who was medical attendant to
Harunu r-Eashid, translated from Sanskrit various
medical and other works. Besides the Christian and
Zoroastrian schools there was also a pagan school at
Harrau, of whose foundation we have no further
THE SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 43
information. ,1 Harran had been a centre of Hellenic
influence from the time of Alexander the Great and
remained a refuge for the old Greek religion when the
Greek world at large had become Christian. Al-
though it would appear that Harran had an inheritance
from the ancient Babylonian religion, which had a
late revival during the first centuries of the Christian
era, this had been entirely overlaid with the develop-
ments of paganism as revised by the neo-Platonists.
Indeed Harran shows the last stand of Greek paganism
and neo-Platonism as the two had been formulated by
Porphyry and they continued there to live out a
vigorous though secluded life.
There were thus several agencies at work de-
veloping and extending Hellenistic influence in
Persia and Mesopotamia which later on became a
Persian province, and besides these established
schools there were many secondary forces. The
Persian armies returning from the invasion of Syria
brought back many items of Hellenic culture, amongst
them the Greek system of baths which was copied in
Persia and continued by the Muslims who spread this
refinement throughout the Islamic world, so that
what we call the Turkish bath is a lineal decendant of
the old Greek bath passed through the' Persians
of pre-Muslim times, and then spread more widely by
the Muslims. These armies brought home also a
great admiration for Greek architecture and engineer-
ing, and Greek architects, engineers, and craftsmen
being amongst the most valued plunder brought back
44 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
from Syria, by their help Persia endeavoured to start
building in the Greek style. Thus the centuries
immediately before the outspread of Islam show a
wide and steady extension of Hellenistic influences in
all the different forms of culture, in science, philosophy,
art, architecture, and in the luxuries of life : and
even before this, ever since the days of Alexander the
Great, there had been a percolation of Greek influence,
so that Western Asia was steeped in Hellenistic art,
in many cases very crudely represented and combined
with native elements. When the oppressive control
of the Umayyads was lifted and the native population
came again to its own, we can hardly wonder that
this meant a revival of Hellenism.
We have already mentioned I has (d. 457) as the
teacher of Barsuma who led the Nestorian migration
into Persia and re-opened the school of Nisibis. This
Ibas had been the great luminary of the school of
Edessa in its last days and seems to have been the first
to make a Syriac translation of Porphyry's Isagoge,
the recognised manual of logic preparatory to Aris-
totle's Organon. This shows that logic had been
taken as the chief material of education amongst the
Nestorians and very much the same seems to have
been the case amongst the Monophysites.
About the same time flourished Probus, who is
said to have been a presbyter of Antioch, and pro-
duced commentaries upon Porphyry's Isagoge, and
on Aristotle's Hermeneutica, Soph. Elench., and
Analytica Priora, these commentaries becoming
THE SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 4*
favourite manuals amongst the Syriac speaking
students of logic. Hoffman's De Hermeneuticis apud
Syros (Leipzic, 1873) gives the text of the commentary
on the Hermeneutica followed by a Latin translation.
The method employed here and in all Syriac comment-
aries is to take a short passage, often no more than a
few words, of the Text of Aristotle translated into
Syriac and then give an explanation of the meaning
sometimes extending to several pages, sometimes
only a brief remark, according to the difficulty of the
text, very much as if a teacher were reading aloud and
explaining passages by passage as lie read. This
became the usual method of commenting and was
afterwards copied by the Muslims in their comment-
aries on the Qur'an. The commentary on the
Isagoge has been published by Baumstark (Aris-
totles bei den Syrern, Leipzic, 1900), and that on the
Analytica Priora by the great Louvain scholar Prof.
Hoonacker in the Journal Asiatique for July -August,
1900.
The greatest of the Monophysite scholars was
Sergius of Eas al- 4 Ayn (d. 536), who was both a
translator and the author of original treatises on
philosophy, medicine, and astronomy. His medical
work was his chief interest and he left a permanent
mark as a translator into Syriac of a considerable
part of Galen. He spent some time in Alexandria
where he perfected himself in a knowledge of Greek and
learned chemistry and medicine in the Alexandrian
medical school tfien just beginning its career. Some
46 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
of his translation of Galen is preserved in the British
Mus. MSS. Addit. 14661 and 17156 : in the latter
are fragments of the " Medical art " and " Faculties
of the aliments " which have been edited by Sachau
(Inedita Syriaca, Vienna, 1870). Of his philosophical
work Sachau has given us the versions which he made
of the Isagoge and Table of Porphyry, and Aris-
totle's Categories and the dubious de mundo, as well
as a treatise on " the soul " which is not the de anima
of Aristotle. He wrote original treatises on logic
in seven books (incomplete Brit. Mus. Add. 14660
contains that on the categories), on " negation and
affirmation," on " genus, species, and individual,"
on " the causes of the universe according to Aris-
totle " and minor essays. In astronomy he has left
a tract " on the influence of the moon " which is
based on the work of Galen (cf. Sachau, op. cit.)
The writings of Sergius circulated amongst both
Nestorians and Monophysites, all regarding him as a
leading authority on medicine and logic, and in
medicine it seems that he was the founder of a
Syriac school which became the parent of Arabic
medicine, certainly that school owed its impetus to
him. Bar Hebraeus refers to him as " a man
eloquent and greatly skilled in the books of the
Greeks and Syrians and a most learned physician of
men's bodies. He was indeed orthodox in his opinions,
as the " Prologue " bears witness, but in morals
corrupt, depraved, and stained with lust and avarice "
(Bar Hebraeus. ed. Abbelooi et Lamy. i. 205-7)-
THE SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 47
In the same century lived Ahudemmeh who became
bishop of Tagrit in A.D. 559, and introduced the
commentary of John Philoponus as the regular
manual of instruction amongst the Syriac speaking
Monophysites. He is said to have composed treatises
on the definitions of logic, on the freedom of the will,
on the soul, on man considered as a microcosm, and
on the composition of man as of soul and body, this
last in part preserved in MS. Brit. Mus. Addit. 14620.
Amongst the Nestorian scholars of the sixth
century was Paul the Persian who produced a treatise
on logic which he dedicated to King Khusraw and has
been published in M. Land's Analecta Syriaca (iv).
This has brought us to the period of the Muslim
invasion. In 638 Syria was jjpnquered, and the con-
quest of Mesopotamia followed in the course of the
same year, that of Persia four years later. In 661
the Umayyad dynasty of Arab rulers was established
in Damascus ; but all this did not greatly affect the
internal life of the Christian communities who lived
on in perfect liberty, subject only to the payment of
the poll tax.
About 650 the Nestorian Henanieshu' wrote a
treatise on logic (cf. Budge : Thomas of Marga.
i. 79) and commented on John Philoponus.
The Monophysites had no great schools like the
Nestorians, but their convent at Qensherin, on the
left bank of the Euphrates, was a great centre of
Greek studies. Its most famous product was Sever ui
BeboJct who flourished on the eve of the Muslim
48 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
conquest. He was the author of a commentary on
Aristotle's Hermeneutica of which only fragments
survive, of a treatise on the syllogisms of the Analy-
tica Priora, and of epistles dealing with terms used in
the Hermeneutica and on the difficult points in
Aristotle's Rhetoric (cf. Brit. Mus. Add. 14660, 17156).
In astronomy he wrote on " the Figures of the
Zodiac " and on " the Astrolabe," the former of these
is preserved in Br. Mus. Add. 14538 and has been
published by Sachau (op. cit.), the latter in Berlin
MS. Sachau 186 and published by Nau in the Journal
Asiatique of 1899.
Athanasius of Balad who became Monophysite
patriarch in 684 was a pupil of Severus Sekobt, and
is chiefly known as the translator of a new Syriac
version of Porphyry's Isagoge (Vatican Ms. Syr. 158.
cf. Bar Hebraeus Chron. Eccles. ed. Abbeloos et
Lamy. i. 287).
James of Edessa (d. 708 A.D.) also was a pupil of
Severus Sebokt at the same convent, was made
bishop of Edessa about 684 and abandoned this see
in 688 as the result of his failure to carry out the
reformation of the monasteries in his diocese : he
retired to the monastery of St. James at Kaishun,
between Aleppo and Edessa, but ]eft this to become
lecturer at the monastery of Eusebona, in the diocese
of Antioch where u for eleven years he taught the
psalms and the reading of the scriptures in Greek and
revived the Greek language which had fallen into
disuse " (Bar Hebr. Chron. Eccles. i. 291). Attacked
THE SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 49
by the brethren who disapproved of the study of
Greek, he migrated to the monastery of Tel'ed^'where
he prepared a revised version of the Peshitta or
Syriac Vulgate of the Old Testament, finally returning
to Edessa about four months before his death. His
Enchiridion, a treatise on the terms used in philosophy,
is preserved in the Brit. Mus. MS. Addit. 12154.
George, who became " bishop of the Arabs " in
686, was himself a pupil of Athanasius of Balad and
translated the whole logical Organon of Aristotle, of
which his versions of the Catagories, Hermeneutica,
and Analytica Priora appear in Brit. Mus. Addit.
14659, each furnished with an introduction and
commentary.
These names cover the whole period between the
two schisms and the Muslim invasion and suffice
to show that the Syriac speaking community con-
tinued diligent in the study of the Aristotelian logic
and metaphysics, and also gave attention to medical
and scientific studies. It is not exactly a brilliant
or original form of cultural activity, for the most part
it was only the transmission of received texts with the
preparation of new translations, commentaries, and
explanatory treatises, but this itself fulfilled an im-
portant function. The Muslim invasion made no
change in the course of these studies : the Umayyads
did not interfere with the schools and the Syriac
students went their own way living a life quite apart
from that of their Arab rulers. Now and then un-
scrupulous or angry clergy appealed to the Khalif
50 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
against their fellow clergy and this was the commonest
cause of interference which the historians describe as
persecution. Such was the experience of Henany-
esliu*' who became Nestorian Catholicos in A.D. 686.
The bishop of Msibis made complaints against him
to the Khalif 'Abdul -Malik in consequence of which
he was deposed, imprisoned, and then thrown over a
cliff. He was not killed by his fall, though severely
lamed ; by the kindness of some shepherds he was
sheltered and nursed back to health, and then retired
to the monastery of Yannan near Mosul, resuming
his patriarchal office after the death of the bishop of
Msibis, and holding it until his own death in 701
(Bar Heb. Chron. Ecdes. Abbeloos et Lamy. ii. 135-
140). Besides sermons, letters, and a biography of
Dewada, he wrote an educational treatise on " the
twofold duty of the school " as a place of religious and
moral influence on the one hand, and of an academy of
the humanities on the other (cf. Assemsan BO.)
iii. part I. 154 and also an " Explanation of the
Analytica " (id).
Mar Abha III. became Nestorian Catholicos
somewhere about 740 (133 A.H.) and produced a
commentary on Aristotle's logic (cf. Bar Heb. ii. 153).
This brings us down to the period when the Muslim
world began to take an interest in these philosophical
and scientific studies, and translations and comment-
aries began to appear in Arabic. But Syriac studies
did not at once disappear and it will be convenient
to enumerate briefly some of those who appeared in
THE SYRIAG VERSION OF HELLENISM 51
later times down to the age of Bar Hebraeus (d. A J).
1286), with whom the literary history of Syriac comes
to an end. In the latter part of the eighth century we
find Jeshudena bishop of Basra writing an u intro-
duction to logic." Shortly afterwards JeshuboTct
metropolitan of Persia wrote on the Categories (cf.
Journ. Asiat. May-June. 1906). Hunayn b. Ishaq,
his son Ishaq, and his nephew Hubaysh, with some
other companions, formed the college of translators
established at Baghdad by the Khalif al-Ma'mun to
render the Greek and other philosophical and scientific
texts into Arabic, a work to which we shall refer again ;
but Hunayn, who was a Nestorian Christian, was
also occupied in making translations from the Greek
into Syriac : he prepared, or revised, Syriac versions of
Porphyry's Isagoge, Aristotle's Hermeneutica, part of
the Analytica^ the de generations et corruptione, the
de anima, part of the Metaphysics, the Summa of
Nicolas of Damascus, the Commentary of Alexander
of Aphrodisias, and the greater part of the works of
Galen, Dioscorus, Paul of Aegina, and Hippocrates,
His son Ishaq also made a translation of Aristotle's
de anima, and it is significant that this treatise and the
commentary of Alexander Aphr. now begins to take
the most prominent place in philosophical study ;
the centre of interest is moving from logic to psych-
ology. About the same time the physician John Bar
Maswai (d. A.D. 857) composed various medical
works in Syriac and Arabic. He, like Hunayn, was
one of the intellectual group which the 'Abbasids
52 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
gathered together in their new capital city of Baghdad.
Contemporary also were the Syriac writers Denha (or
Ibas) who compiled a commentary on the Aristotelian
logical Organon : Abzud, the author of a poetical
essay on the divisions of philosophy, and then, after
a series of minor writers on logic, Dionysius Bar
Salibi in the twelfth century A.D., who composed
commentaries on the Isagoge, the Categories, Her*
meneuticaj and Analytical and in the early part of
the following century Taqub Bar ShaJcalco, author of a
collection of " Dialogues " of which the second book
deals with philosophical questions of logic, physics,
mathematics, and metaphysics.
The series of Syriac philosophical writers closes
with Gregory Bar Hebraeus, or Abu l-Faraj in the
thirteenth century A.D. whose " Book of the Pupils of
the Eyes " is a compendium of logic summarising and
explaining the Isagoge, and Aristotle's Categories, Her-
meneutica, Analytica, Topica, and Sophistica Elenchi ;
his " Book of the Upholding of Wisdom " being a
summary introduction to logic, physics, metaphysics,
and theology. A third work " The Cream of Science "
is an encyclopedia of the Aristotelian philosophy,
and this work appears also in an abridged form as the
44 Business of Businesses." He was also the trans-
lator into Syriac of Dioscorus on simples, and author
of a treatise on the medical Questions of Hunayn b.
[shaq, and of a work on geography called " the Ascent
of the Spirit." Although esteemed as one of the
greatest Syriac authorities and for centuries holding a
THE SYRIAC VERSION OF HELLENISM 53
place of primary importance, he was in reality no
more than a compiler who produced encyclopaedic
works dealing with the researches of his predecessors.
The great importance of the Syriac speaking
Christian communities was as the medium whereby
Hellenistic philosophy and science was transmitted
to the Arabic world. There was no independent
development in its Syriac atmosphere, and even the
choice of material had already been made by the
Hellenists before it passed into Syriac hands. It was
now definitely established that the basis of the
" humanities " was the Aristotelian logic, and that
this as well as all other studies in the work of Aris-
totle was to be interpreted according to the neo-
Platonic commentators. In medicine and chemistry
the curriculum of the school of Alexandria was
recognised as authoritative and this, in so far as it
was based upon Galen and Hippocrates, and upon the
teaching of Paul of Aegina in obstetrical medicine,
was to the good : but there was a mystical side of
Alexandrian science mixed up with astrology, so
that particular drugs had to be taken where certain
planets were in the ascendant, and such like ideas,
which gave a magical tone to Alexandrian and
Arabic medicine which was not for its advantage,
although it must be remembered that the ready con-
tempt formerly poured upon Arabic science as mere
charlatanism is now expressed more cautiously : we
are prepared to admit that very much real and
valuable work was done in medicine and chemistry,
54 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
although it is probable that the Egyptian obscurantism
did rather tend to hinder the steady development of
the sounder tradition derived from Galen and the
Greek physicians.
We are thus able to understand that ' ' Muslim
theology, philosophy, and science put forth their first
luxurant shoots on a soil which was saturated with
Hellenistic culture." (Nicholson : Mystics of
Islam. London. 1914 .p. 9.) The passage of Hellenism
took place through five channels :
(i) The Nestorians who hold the first place as the
earliest teachers of the Muslims and the most impor-
tant transmittors of medicine.
(ii) The Jacobites or Monophysites who were the
chief influences in introducing neo-Platonic specula-
tions and mysticism.
(iii) The Zoroastrians of Persia and especially the
school of Junde-Shapur, although this had a strong
Nestorian element.
(iv) The Pagans of Harran who came forward at
a later stage.
(v) The Jews who, in this connection, occupy a
somewhat peculiar position : they had no contact
with the tradition of Aristotelian philosophy, their
academies at Sora and Pumbaditha were concerned
with their own traditional law and Bible exegesis
only. Jewish philosophical studies began later and
were themselves derived from the Arabic philosophers.
But they shared with the Nestorians an inclination
towards medical studies so that Jewish physician*
THE SYRIAC VERSION Of HELLENISM 55
appear in the early days of Baghdad. Yet they come
distinctly second to the Nestorians. Thus amongst
the medical writers mentioned by Dr. Leclerq in his
Histoire de la medicine arabe (Paris, 1?76) we find
amongst the names cited for the tenth cent. A.D.
that there are 29 Christians, 3 Jews, and 4 pagans of
Harran, though in the next century only 3 Christians
appear, as against 7 Jews, the work then passing very
largely into Muslim hands.
CHAPTER II
THE AEAB PEEIOD
Islam in its earlier form was entirely an Arab
religion. The temporal side of the Prophet Muham-
mad's mission shows him engaged in an effort to
unite the tribes of the Hijaz in a fraternal union, to
limit the custom of the razzia (ghazza) or marauding
foray, and to form an orderly community. These
temporal aims were due to the influence of Madina
on the Prophet aud to the conviction that it was
only in such a community that his religious teaching
could obtain a serious attention. In Mecca he had
been faced with constant opposition chiefly due to
the tribal jealousies and strife which formed the
normal condition of a Bedwin community. Madina
was a city in a sense quit^ different from that in which
the term could be applied to Mecca. It had developed
a civic life, rudimentary no doubt but very far in
advance of the Meccan conditions, and had inherited
a constitutional tradition from Aramaean and Jewish
colonists. At Madina the Prophet began to perceive
the difference produced by the association of men in
an ordered communal life as contrasted with the
incoherence of the older tribal conditions, and the
accompanying difference of attitude towards religion.
THE ARAB PERIOD 57
This last was not really due to civic life but more
directly to Jewish influence, although no doubt the
conditions of city life were more favourable to the
evolution of speculative theology than those of the
wilder tribes. The older Arabs seem to have accepted
the idea of one supreme God, but speculated little
about him : they did not regard the supreme deity as
at all entering into their personal interests, which
were concerned only with the minor tribal deities
who were expected to attend diligently to tribal
affairs and were sharply censured when they appeared
to be negligent about the interests of their clients.
The desert man had no tendency to the sublime
thoughts about God with which he is sometimes
credited, nor had he any great reverence towards the
minor members of his pantheon. The Prophet found
it one of his most difficult tasks to introduce the
observance of prayer amongst the Arabs, and they
do not appear very much attached to it at the present
day. In Madina the Prophet was in contact with
men whose attitude towards religion was very different
and who were more in sjTngathy with the principles
which he had learned from very much the same sources
as themselves.
In Madina, therefore, the Prophet added a tem-
poral side to the spiritual work in which he had been
previously engaged. It was not consciously a change
of attitude, but simply the adoption of a subsidiary
task which seemed to provide a most useful accessory
to the work which be had already been doing. Its
58 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
keynote is given in the Madinian Sura 49.10, " Only
the faithful are brethren, wherefore make peace
between your brethren." It was a call to his fellow
Arabs of the Hijaz to cease their strife and to unite
in the bonds of brotherhood. Such a union on the
part of those whose habits and ideals were warlike
and who were disinclined to the arts of peace, neces-
sarily produced an attitude of hostility towards per-
sons outside their community. Was this militant
attitude any part of Muhammad's plans ? The
answer must certainly be in the negative. The mili-
tary enterprises of early Islam were no part of its
original programme. In those enterprises the Pro-
phet and his immediate successors show a hesitating
and dubious attitude ; obviously their hands were
forced and they take the lead reluctantly. As Fr.
Lammens says :
Le Qoran travailla & r6unir les tribus du Higaz.
La predication de Mahomet r^ussit & mettre sur
pied une arm6e, la plus nombreuse, la plus dis-
ciplin^e qu'on gut vue jusque-l& dans la Pninsule.
Cette force ne pouvait longtemps demeurer sans
emploi. Par ailleurs 1-islam, en imposant la paix
entre les tribus, rallies & la nouvelle religion ou
simplement & l'6tat mMinois en formation, le ta'llf
al-qoloub poursuivait ce dernier objectif Pislam
allait fermer tout issue & I'inqui&te activity des
nomades. II pr^tendait supprimer & tout le moins
limiter, le droit de razzia, plac6 & la base de cette
soci6t6 patriarcalement anarchique. II fallait &'at~
THE ARAB PERIOD 5*
tendre & voir le torrent ; momentan6ment endigu6,
d&border sur les regions fronti^res.
" Que Mahomet ait assign^ ce but & leurs efforts f
II devient difficile de d6fendre cette th&se, trop
facilement accept^e jusqu'ici."
(Lammens : Le berceau de Vislam. Borne, 1914,
i. p. 175.)
In the expedition against Mecca a militant attitude
was the inevitable result of compelling circumstances.
The Meccans were actively hostile and had adopted
a persecuting attitude towards those who accepted
the new religion. At the time the Quraysh tribe, to
which Muhammad belonged, was so far in the a seen*
dant that its adhesion was necessary for the progress
of Islam in the Hijaz : the championship of some
prominent tribe was essential, and Muhammad him-
self was deeply attached to the traditional " House
of God " at Mecca, to which his own family was
bound by many associations ; besides he desired the
adherence of his own tribe as his mission was to it
in the first place. Had the Meccan opposition not
been broken down the Muslim religion could have
been no more than the local cult of Madina, and even
as such would have had to be perpetually on the
defensive. No doubt the " holy war " as an institu-
tion was based on the traditions of this expedition,
but such a war is related to the later enterprises for
the conquest of non-Arab nations by a line of develop-
ment which the Prophet himself could hardly have
anticipated. The challenge to Heraclius is on a
60 ARABIC THOUGHT /AT HISTORY
similar footing. Although we may not be disposed to
accept the traditional account given by Bukhari,
there no doubt was some such challenge. But
Heraclius had only recently re-conquered Syria for
the Byzantine Empire, the land he had acquired
included a considerable portion of the Syrian desert
which formed a geographical unity with Arabia, and
amongst his subjects were Arab tribes closely akin
to those of the Hijaz.
Islam became a militant religion because it spread
amongst the Arabs at a time when they were begin-
ing to enter upon a career of expansion and conquest,
and this career had already commenced before Mu-
hammad had got beyond the first the purely
spiritual stage of his work. The only reason why the
earlier Arab efforts were not followed up immediately
seems to have been that the Arabs were so surprised
at their success that they were unprepared to take
advantage of it. For some time previously Arab
settlements had been formed in the debateable land
where the Persian and Byzantine Empires met, but
this encroachment had been more or less veiled by
the nominal suzerainty of one or other of the great
states. The Quda, a tribe of Himyaritic Arabs, had
settled in Syria and become Christian, and was
charged by the Byzantine Emperor with the general
control of the Arabs of Syria (Masudi : in., 214-5) ;
that tribe was superseded by the tribe of Salih
(id. 216), and that by the Arab kingdom of Ghaaan
which acknowledged the Emperor of Byzantium as
THE ARAB PERIOD 61
its overlord, whilst the Arab kingdom of Hira acknow-
ledged the Persian king. Somewhere between A.D.
604 and 610, when the first beginnings of persecution
were falling on the Prophet in Mecca, the Arabs led
by al-Mondir inflicted a crushing defeat upon the
Persian army under King Khusraw Parwiz, who, a
few years before, had led a victorious force to the
invasion of the Byzantine province of Syria. This
victory showed the Arabs that, in spite of its imposing
appearance, the Persian Empire, and presumably the
Byzantine also, were vulnerable, and a determined
effort might easily place the wealth of both at the
disposal of the Arabs.
The Muslim conquests of the 7th century A.D.
form the last of a series of great Semitic outspreads
of which the earliest recorded in history resulted in
the formation of the empire of Babylon some 2225
years before the Christian era. In all these the
motive power lay in the Arabs who represent the
parent Semitic stock, the more or less nomadic in-
habitants of the barren highlands of Western Asia,
who have always tended to prey upon the more
cultured and settled dwellers in the river valleys and
on the lower slopes of the hills.
44 The belts between mountain and desert, the banks
of the great rivers, the lower hills near the sea, these
are the lines of civilization (actual or potential) in
Western Asia. The consequence of these conditions
is that through all the history of Western Asia there
runs the eternal distinction between the civilised
62 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
i cultivators of the plains and lower hills and the wild
peoples of mountain and desert. The great monarch-
ies which have arisen here have rarely been effective
beyond the limits of cultivation ; mountain and desert
are another world in which they can get, at best,
only precarious footing. And to the monarchical
settled peoples the near neighbourhood of this unsub-
jugated world has been a continual menace. It is a
chaotic region out of which may pour upon them at
any weakening of the dam hordes of devastators.
At the best of times it hampers the government by
offering a refuge and recruiting ground to all the
enemies of order." (Bevan : House of Seleucus, i.,
P- 22.)
Scornful of agriculture and with a strong distaste
for settled and especially for urban life, the Bedwin
are those who have remained nomads by preference,
and like all races at that stage of evolution, find the
most congenial outlet for their vigour in tribal
warfare and plundering expeditions. From the
earliest dawn of history they have always been strong-
ly tempted by the wealth of the settled communities
within reach, and appear in the oldest records as
robber bands. Sometimes predatory excursions were
followed by settlement, and the invading tribes
learned the culture of those amongst whom they
settled : all the Semitic groups other than the Arabs
had formed such settlements before the 7th century
A.D., and these groups are distinguished one from
another, and all from the parent stock, simply by
THE ARAB PERIOD 63
the cultural influences due to the earlier inhabitants
of the lands they entered ; the Arab stock itself
remained high and dry, the stranded relic of more
primitive conditions, though itself not absolutely free
from a reacting influence. The only thing that ever
has restrained the incursions of these nomadic tribes
into such neighbouring lands as offer hope of plunder
is the military power of those who endeavour to place
a barrier for the protection of the settled community
of the cultivated area, and every Arab outspread
has been due, not to the pressure of hunger resulting
from the desiccation of Arabia, nor to religious
enthusiasm, but simply to the weakness of the power
which tried to maintain a dam against them,
In the 7th century A.D. the two powers bordering
on the Arab area were the Byzantine and Persian
empires. Both of these were, to all appearance,
flourishing and stable, but both alike were in reality
greatly weakened by external and internal causes
which were closely parallel in the two. Externally,
both had been severely shaken by some centuries
of warfare in which they had disputed the supremacy
of Western Asia, and both had suffered from rear
attacks by more barbarous foes. Internally, both
alike had a thoroughly unsatisfactory social structure,
though the details differ : in the Byzantine Empire
almost the whole burden of a very heavy taxation
fell upon the middle classes, the curiales, and the
armies were mainly composed of foreign mercenaries,
whilst in the Persian Empire a rigid caste system
64 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
stifled natural development. In both we see a state
church engaged in active persecution and thereby
alienating a large section of the subject population.
The career of Muslim conquest came with great
suddenness. Between the years 14 and 21 A.H.
(A.D. 635-641) the Arabs obtained possession of
Syria, Iraq, Egypt, and Persia. They owed to Islam
the united action which made these conquests pos-
sible, but the older Muslims who had shared the ideals
and labours of the Prophet, though put at the head,
were carried forward reluctantly and yet irresistibly
by the expanding force behind them. Many of them
viewed these large accessions with very real anxiety.
When the second Khalif Umar saw the large number of
prisoners and captives from Jalftla (Persia) flocking
into Arabia, he exclaimed, " O, God, I take refuge
with thee from the children of these captives of
Already the community of Islam contained three
distinct strata, (i) The " old believers," i.e., the
sahibs or companions of the Prophet and the early
converts who placed the religion of Islam first and
desired that religion to produce a real brotherhood
of all believers, whether Arab or not. Important by
their prestige they were numerically in the minority.
(ii) The Arab party, consisting of those who had em-
braced Islam only when Muhammad had shown his
power by the capture of Mecca. They accepted
Muslim leadership because Muhammad and the first
two Khalifs were at the moment in the ascendancy,
THE ARAB PERIOD 65
but they had no attachment to the religion of Islam.
They were those who would have gone forward to
conquest under any efficient leader as soon as it was
clear that Persia and the Greek Empire were vul-
nerable, and to them it was a detriment that union
under a leader incidentally involved adherence to a
new religion. At the head of these purely secular
Arabs was the Umayyad clan of the tribe of Quraysh,
and the main thing which gained their continued
adherence to Islam was that the Prophet himself
had belonged to that tribe and so the prestige of
Islam involved that of the Quraysh who thereby
became a kind of aristocracy. Although the Umay-
yads were thus able to gratify their personal pride,
always a strong factor in semi- civilised psychology,
and even to obtain a considerable measure of control
over the other tribes, this only served to perpetuate
the pre-Islainic conditions of tribal jealousy, for the
primacy of the Quraysh was bitterly resented by many
rivals. For the most part the true Arab party was,
and stUMs, indifferent towards religion.
" The genuine Arab of the desert is, and remains
at heart, a sceptic and a materialist ; his hard, clear,
keen, but somewhat narrow intelligence, ever alert
in its own domain, was neither curious nor credulous
in respect to immaterial and supra-sensual things ;
his egotistical and self-reliant nature found no place
and felt no need for a God who, if powerful to protect,
was exacting of service and self-denial." (Browne :
Literary Hist, of Persia, L, pp. 189-190.)
66 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
The Arab certainly was not disposed to regard the
conquered alien, even if he embraced Islam, as a
brother. To him the conquest of foreign lands meant
only the acquisition of vast estates, of great wealth
and unlimited power : to him the conquered were
simply serfs to be used as a means of rendering the
conquered lands more productive. The conquered
were allowed the choice either to embrace Islam or to
pay the poll tax, but the 'TJmayyads discouraged
conversion as damaging to the revenue, although the
cruel and hated Hajjaj b. Yusuf (d. 95) forced even
converts to pay the tax from which they were legally
exempt, (iii) The third stratum consisted of the
" clients " (mawla, plur. mawali), the non-Arab con-
verts, theoretically received as brethren and actually
so treated by the " old believers," but regarded as
serfs by Arabs of the Umayyad type. Owing to the
wide expansion of Islam these rapidly increased in
number until, in the 2nd century of the Hijra, they
formed the vast majority of the Muslim world.
The two first Khalifs were " old believers " who
had been companions of the Prophet in his flight from
Mecca. The third, 'Uthman, had also been one of the
Prophet's companions, but he was a weak man and
moreover, belonged to the 'Umayyad clan, which, as
the aristocratic element in Mecca, was then in the
ascendant and, unable to free himself from the
nepotism which is an Arab failing, allowed the rich
conquests of Syria, Egypt, 'Iraq, and Persia to become
the prey of ambitious members of the clan and thus
THE ARAB PERIOD 47
suffered the complete secularising of the Islamic state.
When, in 35 A.H., he fell a victim to the assassin, he
was succeeded by 4 Ali, one of the older Muslims and
the Prophet's cousin and son-in-law. But at 'Ali's
accession the internal division appears as an accom-
plished fact. The purely secular Arabs, led by the
'Umayyad Mu'awiya, who was governor of Syria,
entirely refused to recognise 4 Ali, affecting to regard
him as implicated in the murder of 'Uthman, or at
least as protecting his murderers. On the other hand,
the Kharijite sect, claiming to represent the older
Muslim type, but in reality mainly composed of the
Arabs of Arabia and of the military colonies, who
were envious of the power and wealth of the Umayyad
faction, at first supported him, then turned against
him, and in 41 were responsible for his assassination.
At 4 Ali's death Mu'awiya became Khalif and
founded the Umayyad dynasty which ruled from 41
to 132 A.H. During the whole of this period the
official Khalifate was Arab first and Muslim only in
the second place. This forms the second period of
the history of Islam when the religion of the Prophet
was allowed to sink into the background and the Arab
regarded himself as the conqueror ruling over a
subject population. There was no forcible conversion
of a subject population, indeed, save in the reign of
*Umar II (A.H. 99-101) conversions were rather
.discouraged as detrimental to the poll tax levied on
non-Muslims. There was no attempt to force the
Arabic language : until the reign of * Abdu 1-MSIik
68 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
(65-86), who started an Arabic coinage, the public
records were kept and official business transacted in
Greek, Persian, or Coptic, as local requirements
demanded, and the change to Arabic seems to have
been suggested by the non-Muslim clerks. When
Arabic became the official medium of public business
then, of course, motives of convenience and self-
interest* caused its general adoption. Hitherto it
had been used in prayer by those who had become
Muslim, but now it had to be learned more accurately
by all who had to do with the collection of the revenue
or the administration of justice. Incidentally this
became a matter of great importance, as it provided
a common medium for the exchange of thought
throughout the whole Muslim world.
As rulers in Syria, the Arabs were in contact with
a fully developed culture which was brought to bear
iupon them in various ways, in the structure of society
and in social order generally, in the arts and crafts,
and in intellectual life. The Greek influence was
nearest at hand, but there was also a very strong
Persian element in close contact with them. The
provincial officials of Syria, all trained in the methods
of the Byzantine Empire, continued in their employ,
and, as Syria was the seat of the 'Umayyad govern-
ment, the state came under Greek influence. Yet,
for all this, even in 'Umayyad times, the Persian
influence seems to have been very strong in political
organization. The governments already existing in
Egypt and Syria were provincial, dependent upon
THE ARAB PERIOD 69
and subordinate to, the central government at Byzan-
tium, and constantly recruited by Byzantine officials,
at least in their upper grades. The Persian govern-
ment, on the other hand, was a self-contained one,
fully organised throughout and including the supreme
and central authority. Until the fall of the 'Urnay-
yads, after which Persian influence became supreme,)
the political structure of the Muslim state was some-
what experimental ; apparently the rulers left the details
altogether to the subordinate officials who adapted
to the needs of the state such elements as they
could use from the old provincial administration.
In the matter of taxation the early Khalifate con-
tinued the system already in vogue and employed
existing methods for the collection of the newly
imposed poll tax. It was on this side that the
'Umayyad rule was most unsatisfactory. Like many
who have been bred in poverty and have afterwards
suddenly come into great wealth, the Arabs behaved
as though their wealth was inexhaustible : each
governor bought his appointment from the state and
it became a recognised custom for him to exact a
cash payment from the outgoing governor, and then
he was free to raise what he could from his defenceless
subjects to prepare for the day when his opportunities
of exaction came to an end. The thoroughly unsatis-
factory condition of the 'Umayyad financial system
was one of the leading causes of their fall. One of the
'Umayyad sheikhs, named Minkari, when asked the
reason of their fall, replied :
70 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
" We gave to pleasure the time which should have
been devoted to business. Our subjects, harshly
treated by us and despairing of obtaining justice,
longed to be delivered from us : the tax payers, over-
burdened with exactions, were estranged from us :
our lands were neglected, our resources wasted. We
left business to our ministers who sacrificed our
interests to their own advantage, and transacted our
affairs as they pleased and without our knowledge.
The army, with its pay always in arrear, ceased to
obey us. And so the small number of our supporters
left us without defence against our enemies, and the
ignorance of how we stood was one of the chief
causes of our fall." (Masudi : vi., 35-36.)
It will not be unfair to say, therefore, that during
the 'Umayyad period the Arabs learned practically
nothing of the art of government and of the work of
administration. They were in the position of prodigal
young heirs who leave all details to their men of
business and content themselves with squandering
the proceeds.
In the case of civil law matters were rather different.
The civil law is necessarily based on the social and
economic structure of the community, and in the
acquired provinces this was so different from that
prevailing in Arabia that it was necessarily forced on
the attention of the Arabs. Moreover, in primitive
Islam, the line was not clearly drawn between the
canon law and the civil law. Inheritance, the taking
of pledges, and such like matters, were to the Arabs
THE ARAB PERIOD 71
subject to the direction and sanction of the law of
God as revealed by his Prophet. Thus, for example,
Sura 4, one of the later Madinian revelations, con-
tains a statement of the law relating to guardianship,
inheritance, marriage, and kindred topics, according
to the social conditions prevailing at Madina. But
in the Greek and Persian dominions the conquering
Arab had to deal with more complex conditions for
which the revealed law made no provision, although
what it did contain so far touched the subject that
it could not be treated regardless of revelation. It
seemed impossible to disregard the revealed precepts
and substitute an alien legislation, although this has
been done in the modern Ottoman Empire, but not
without many and grave protests ; in the first cen-
tury it would have been intolerable, for every dis-
affected faction would have used it to break up the
Muslim state which was only held together by the
prestige of the Prophetical tradition. We may well
suppose that the 'Umayyads would have had no reluc-
tance to try the experiment, but it was too dangerous.
The only alternative was to expand the sacred law
so as to include new requirements, and in the 'Umay-
yad period this was done by the addition of a vast
number of fictitious traditions professing to relate
what the Prophet had said and done in conditions in
which he had never been placed. In describing these
traditions as " fictitious," it is not necessarily implied
that they were fraudulent, although many were so,
showing an obvious motive in increasing the privi*
72 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
leges and rights of the dominant faction or asserting
the tribal pre-eminence of the Quraysh, etc. But
more often they are " fictitious " in the sense of legal
fictions rightly correcting the actual law in the inter-
ests of equity. When entirely new conditions arose, the
question would be asked, " How would the Prophet
have acted in this case ? " The early companions
of the Prophet, educated in the same environment
as he had been educated, and confident that their
outlook was essentially the same as his, had no
hesitation in stating what he would have done or
said, and their statement was almost certainly cor-
rect : but they worded their evidence, or it was after-
wards worded for them, as a statement of what the
Prophet actually had done or said. And, later again,
in a subsequent generation, when new problems arose,
no difficulty was felt in accepting the supposition that
the Prophet would have admitted the reasonable and
just solution which the Eoman jurists proposed. Thus
it finally came to pass that a considerable portion of
the Roman civil law was embodied in the traditions
of Islam (cf. Santillana : Code cioil et commerciel
tunisien. Tunis, 1899, etc.) It is not to be supposed
that Arab governors and judges studied the Eoman
code, they simply accepted its provisions as they
found them in force in Syria and Egypt, and thus
learned its general principles from the usage of the
civil courts already existing. In many places mater-
ial is found in the traditions which can be traced to
Zoroastrian, Jewish, and even Buddhist sources,
THE ARAB PERIOD 73
though these deal rather with ritual and the descrip-
tion of the unseen world and serve to show how read-
Qy Islam absorbed elements with which it was in
contact. So far as the actual needs of the civil law
are concerned, the chief source was the Roman law,
and these needs fill a very large part of the traditions.
It was not until the close of the 'Umayyad period
that the Muslims began to develop a scientific juris-
prudence and to make a critical examination and
codification of the traditions. In the case of juris-
prudence there were at first two schools, a Syrian
and a Persian. The Syrian school formulated its
system under the leadership of al-Awzcfi (d. 157),
and for some time it prevailed over all parts of the
Muslim world which had been parts of the Byzantine
Empire. The Persian school owed its origin to Abu
Hanifa (d. 150) and, as the seat of government was
removed to 'Iraq by the 'Abbasids and Abu Hanifa's
system was enforced by his pupil Abu Yusuf (d. 182)
who was chief Qadi under the Khalif Harunu r-
Eashid, it had a tremendous advantage over the
Syrian school. It became the official system of the
'Abbasid courts and still holds its own through
Central Asia, North India, and wherever the Turkish
element prevails, whilst the Syrian system has be-
come extinct. Abu Hanifa's system represents a
serious and moderate revision of the methods which
had already come into use as extending the discipline
of Islam to the needs of a complex and advanced
civilization. Under the 'Umayyads the jurists had
74 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
supplemented any deficiencies in the law by their
own opinion (ra'y) which meant the application of
the judgment of a man trained under the Eoman law
as to what was just and fair. In that early period
no derogatory sense was attached to " opinion "
which rested on the theory that the intellect could
intuitively perceive what is right and just, thus
assuming that there is an objective standard of right
and wrong capable of apprehension by philosophical
enquiry, a theory which shows the influence of Greek
ideas embodied in the Civil Code. But the 'Abbasid
period experienced an orthodox reaction which tended
to limit freedom in using speculative opinion, and
Abu Hanifa shows this limitation. In his system
weight was attached to every positive statement of
the Qur'an which could be taken as bearing upon the
civil law, only to a slight extent did he avail himself
of the evidence of tradition, to a much larger extent
he employs qiyas or " analogy," which means that a
new condition is judged by comparison with some
older one already treated in the Qur'an, and he also
employed what he called istihsan, " the preferable,"
that is to say, what seemed to be equitable and right
even when it diverged from the logical conclusion
which could be deduced from the revealed law. Only
in this latter case di<Ji he admit what can be described
as " opinion," and this is strictly limited to the
adoption of a course necessary to avoid an obvious
injustice. As thus stated, Abu Hanifa's system was
broader, milder, and more reasonable than any other
THE ARAB PERIOD 7S
treatment of the Islamic law : but it is a mistake to
suppose that it still is mild and reasonable, for in the
course of time the decisions pronounced as to " the
preferable " have become hardened into precedents
and the Hanifite code expresses only those fixed
decisions of early mediaeval Islam without flexibility.
The case is parallel with the English treatment of
equity. In older times equity shows us the philo-
sophical principles of justice correcting the defects of
common law ; but modern practice displays these
principles fossilized as precedents and as rigid and
formal in their application as the common law itself.
As first conceived, " the preferable " shows the in-
fluence of Eoman law and Greek philosophy, both of
which contemplated an objective standard of right
and wrong which could be discovered by investiga-
tion, the Stoic teaching, predominant in Eoman law,
tending to treat this discovery as intuitive. Un-
supported by other evidence, we might hesitate to
suggest that istihsan necessarily had a Hellenistic
basis, but when we compare the ideas of Abu Hanifa
with the contemporary teaching of Wasil b. 4 Ata
(d. 131) in theology, we are forced to the conclusion
that the same influences are at work in both, and in
Wasil these are certainly derived from Greek philoso-
phy. We are not justified in supposing that Abu
Hanifa ever read the Greek philosophers or the Eoman
law, but he lived at a period when the general prin-
ciples deduced from these sources were beginning to
permeate Muslim thought, though in fact his teaching
76 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
tends to limit and define the application of the general
principles according to a system. The older Muslims
supposed that good and evil depend simply on the
arbitrary will of God, who commands and forbids as
he sees fit : it was the influence of the Greek philoso-
phy which brought in the idea that these distinctions
are not arbitrary but due to some natural difference
existing in nature between good and evil and that
God is just in that his decrees conform to this stan-
dard.
In orthodox Islam there are now four schools of
jurisprudence showing allowable differences in the
treatment of the canon law. Most Absurdly they are
sometimes described as " sects " : this they are not
as the differences of opinion are fully recognised as
all equally orthodox. The followers of Abu Hanifa
form the most numerous of these schools, the other
three being all more or less reactionary as compared
with it. The contemporary Malik b. Anas (d. 179)
was openly actuated^ by _ Dislike of the admission of
istihsan and the recognition therebj^gix^enjbo " opin-
istislah
or " public expedieacy," allowing analogy to be set
aside only when its logical conclusion would be
detrimental to the community. The difference seems
to be more a verbal correction than a material change,
but the underlying motive is clear and indicates an
orthodox reaction. At the same time he attached
much greater weight to the evidence of tradition,
adding to it also the principle of iima or " consensus,"
THE ARAB PERIOD 77
which in his system meant the common usage of
Madina. Undoubtedly Ibn Malik's position was
theoretically sound : the Islamic state had taken
form at Madina and nothing could give so clear light
on the policy of the Prophet and his companions as
the local customary law of the mother city. At the
same time Ibn Malik took tradition quite seriously,
indeed, the critical and scientific treatment of tradi-
tion begins with his manual known as the Muwatta.
To-day Ibn Malik's school prevails in Upper Egypt
and North Africa west of Egypt. The third authority
ash-Shafi'i (d. 204) takes an intermediate position
between Abu Hanifa and Ibn Malik, interpreting ijma
as the general usage of Islam, and not of the city of
Madina alone. The fourth authority, Ahmad b. Han-
bal (d. 241), shows an entirely reactionary position
which reverted to a close adherence to Qur'an and
tradition ; it carried great weight amongst the ortho-
dox, especially in Baghdad, but now survives only
in remote parts of Arabia.
In the sphere of the arts and crafts, our best evi-
dence lies in architecture and engineering. In these
the Arabs had no skill and were conscious of their
incapacity. The earliest mosques were simply enclo-
sures surrounded by a plain wall, but a new type was
developed under the first 'Umayyad Khalif Mu'awiya,
j^ ,,^. . I**
who employed Persian non-Muslim builders in the
construction of the mosque at Kufa, and they worked
on the lines of the architecture already used by the
Sasanid kings. In this mosque the traditional square
78 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
enclosure was retained, but the quadrangle was sur-
rounded by a cloister in the form of a collonade with
pillars 30 cubits high of stone drums held together by
iron clamps and lead beddings. From this the
cloistered quadrangle became the general type of the
congregational mosque and remained so until late
Turkish times, when it was partly superseded by the
Byzantine domed church. The dome had been used
in earlier times only as the covering of a tomb, stand-
ing alone or attached to a mosque.
The same Khalif Mu'awiya employed bricks and
mortar in restorations which he made at Mecca, and
introduced Persian workmen to execute the repairs.
In 124 A.H. (A.D. 700) the fifth 'Umayyad Khalif
found it necessary to repair the damage caused at
Mecca by flood, and for this purpose employed a
Christian architect from Syria.
In the time of the next Khalif al-Walid, the " Old
Mosque " of Fustat (Cairo), that now known as the
44 Mosque of 'Amr," was rebuilt by the architect
Tahya b. Hanzala, who probably was a Persian.
The earlier mosque had been a simple enclosure. The
next oldest mosque of Cairo, that of Ibn Tulun
(A.H. 283) also had a non-Muslim architect, the
Christian Ibn Katib al-Fargani,
Not only in the earlier period, but also in the days
of the Abbasids, the Muslims relied exclusively upon
Greek and Persian, to a less degree on Coptic, archi-
tects, engineers, and craftsmen for building and
decoration. In Spain of the 2nd century (8th eon-
THE ARAB PERIOD 79
tury A.D.) we find the Byzantine Emperor sending a
mosaic worker and 320 quintals of tessarae for the
adorning of the great mosque at Cordova.
In origin all Muslim art had a Byzantine beginning,
but the traditions of Byzantine art received a peculiar
direction by passing through a Persian medium, and
this medium colours all work done after the close of
the 'Umayyad period. Only in the west, in Spain,
and to a less degree in North Africa, do we find traces
of direct Byzantine influence in later times. But
Persian art, as developed under the later Sasanids,
was itself derived from Byzantine models, and mainly
from models and by craftsmen introduced by Khus-
raw I. (circ. A.D. 528) ; but even at that early stage
there were also some Indian influences apparent in
Persian and East-Byzantine work, as, for example,
in the use of the horse shoe arch which first appears
in Western Asia in the church of Dana on the Euphra-
tes, circ. A.D. 540. But the horse shoe arch in pre-
Muslim times, as in India, is purely decorative and
is not employed in construction.
Thus it appears that the real work of Islam in art
and architecture lay in connecting the various por-
tions of the Muslim w^orld in one common life, so that
Syria, Persia, 'Iraq, North Africa, and Spain shared
the same influences, which were ultimately Greek or
Graeco-Persian, the Indian element, of quite second-
ary importance, entering directly through Persia.
Already before the outspread of Islam, Byzantine
art had entirely replaced native models in Egypt, and
80 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
this was largely the case in Persia as well. At most
we can say that Islam evolved a quasi-Byzantine
style which owed its distinctive features to the limita-
tions of the Persian artists, but which occasionally
attained a better level by the importation of Byzan-
tine craftsmen. Exactly the same general conclu-
sions hold good in the history of the ceramic arts and
in the illumination of manuscripts, though here the
observance of the Qur'anic prohibition of the por-
trayal of animal figures, strictly observed only in
some quarters and least regarded in Persia and Spain,
caused a greater emphasis to be laid on vegetable
forms in decoration, and on geometrical patterns.
In the field of science and philosophy, where we get
such abundant evidence in the 'Abbasid period, we
are left with very little material under the 'Umayyads.
We know that the medical school at Alexandria con-
tinued to flourish, and we read of one Adfar, a Chris-
tian, who was distinguished as a student of the books
of Hermes, the occult authority which did most to
divert Egyptian science into a magical direction, and
we are informed that he was sought out by a young
Eoman named Morienus (Marianos) who became his
pupil and at his master's death retired to a hermitage
near Jerusalem. Later on the prince Khalid b.
Yazidj^^ (d. 85 A.H. 704 A.D.)
is said to have become the pupil of Marianos and to
have studied with him chemistry, medicine, and
astronomy. He was the author of three epistles,
in one of which he narrated his conversations with
THE ARAB PERIOD 81
Marianos, another relates the manner in which he
studied chemistry, and a third explains the enigmati-
cal allusions employed by his teachers. Long before
this medical and scientific studies had passed over
to Persia, but Alexandria retained its reputation as
the chief centre of such work throughout the 'Umayyad
period.
Towards the end of the 'Umayyad age the influence
of Hellenistic thought begins to appear in the nature
of criticism upon accepted views of Muslim theology.
As in jurisprudence, we have no ground for supposing
that Muslims at this stage were directly acquainted
with Greek material, but general ideas were obtained
by intercourse with those who had been long under
Hellenistic influences, and especially by intercourse
with Christians amongst whom the premises of
psychology, metaphysics, and logic had encroached
very largely upon the field of theology by the nature
of the subjects debated in the Arian, Nestorian, and
Monophysite controversies which turned mainly upon
psychological and metaphysical problems. The
ideas with which the Muslims were brought into
contact suggested difficulties in their own theology,
as yet only partially formulated, and in religious
theories which had taken form in a community
entirely ignorant of philosophy. Some of the older
fashioned believers met these questions with a plain
negative, simply refusing to admit that there was a
difficulty or any question for consideration : reason
('aql), they said, could not be applied to the revela-
82 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
tion of God, and it was alike an innovation to dispute
that revelation or to defend it. But others felt the
pressure of the questions proposed and, whilst
strictly faithful to the statements of the Qur'an,
endeavoured to bring their expression into conformity
with the principles of philosophy.
The questions first proposed were concerned with
(a) the revelation of the Word of God, and (b) the
problem of free will.
(a) The Prophet speaks of revelation as " coming
down " (nazala) from God and refers to the " mother
of the book " which seems to designate the unre-
vealed source from which the revealed words are
derived. It may be that this refers to the idea of
which the word is the expression, and that in this the
Prophet was influenced by Christian or Jewish
theories which had originally a Platonic colouring,
but it seems probable that he had no very clear
theory as to the " mother of the book." At an early
date the view arose that the Qur'an had existed,
though not expressed in words, that the substance and
meaning were eternal as part of the wisdom of God,
though it had been put into words in time and then
communicated to the Prophet, which is now the
orthodox teaching on the basis of Qur. 80. 15. that it
was written u by the hands of scribes honoured and
righteous," this being taken to mean that it was
written at God's dictation by supernatural beings in
paradise and afterwards sent down to the Prophet.
That is not the necessary meaning of the verse,
THE ARAB PERIOD 83
which may refer to the previous revelations made to
the Jews and Christians which the Prophet regarded as
true but afterwards corrupted, so that the Qur'an
is simply the pure transcription of Divine Truth imper-
fectly represented by those earlier revelations. Under
the 'Umayyads, when a rigid orthodoxy was taking
form in quarters not sympathetic towards the official
Khalif, a view arose that the actual words expressed
in the Qur'an were co-eternal with God, and it was
only the writing down of these words which had
taken place in time. It seems probable that this
theory of an eternal " word " was suggested by the
Christian doctrine of the " Logos." It can be
traced primarily to the teaching of St. John Damascene
(d. circ. 160 A.H. - A.D. 776) who served as secretary
of statejander one of the ^mayyadSj ^ either^Yazid
II. or Hijam, and his pupil Theodore Abucara (d. 217
*832), who express the relation of the Christian
Logos to the Eternal Father in terms very closely
resembling those employed in Muslim theology to
denote the relation between the Qur'an or revealed
word and God. (cf. Von Kremer : Streifzuege. pp.
7-9). We know from the extant works of these two
Christian writers that theological discussions between
Muslims and Christians were by no means uncommon
at the time.
The Mu'tazilites of whom W^miU' Mto (d. 131) is
generally regarded as the founder, were a sect of
rationalistic tendencies, and they were opposed to
the doctrine of the eternity of the Qur'an and the
S4 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
claim that it was uncreated because the conclusions to
be drawn seemed to them to introduce distinct
personalities corresponding to the persons of the
Christian Trinity, and in these views they were un-
doubtedly influenced by the form in which St. John
Damascene presented the doctrine of the Trinity.
As it was implied that there was an attribute of wisdom
possessed by God which was not a thing created by
God but eternally with him, and this wisdom may be
conceived as not absolutely identical with God but
possessed by him, the Mu'tazilites argued that it was
something co-eternal with God but other than God,
and so an eternal Qur'an was a second person of the
Godhead and God was not absolutely one. Al-
Muzdar a Mu'tazilite greatly revered as an
ascetic, expressly denounces those who believe in an
eternal Qur'an as ditheists. The Mu'tazilitea
called themselves Ahlu t-TawMd wa-l-'Adl " the
people of unity and justice," the first part of this
title implying that they alone were consistent defend-
ers of the doctrine of the Divine Unity.
y(b) As to the freedom or otherwise of the human
will, the Qur'an is perfectly definite in its assertion
of God's omnipotence and omniscience : all things
are known to him and ruled by him, and so human
acts and the rewards and punishments due to men
must be included : " no misfortune happens either
on earth or in yourselves but we made it, it was in
the book " (Qur. 57. 22) ; " everything have We set
down in the clear book of our decrees " (Qur. 36) ;
THE ARAB PERIOD **
" had We pleased We had certainly given to every soul
its guidance, but true is the word which hath gone
forth from me, I shall surely fill hell with jinn and
men together." (Qur. 32. 13). Yet the appeal for
moral conduct implies a certain responsibility, and
consequently freedom, on man's part. In the mind
of the Prophet, no doubt, the inconsistency between
moral obligations and reponsibility on the one hand,
and the unlimited power of God on the other, had not
been perceived, but towards the end of the 'Umayyad
period these were pressed to their logical conclusions.
On the one sidejEfijre the Qadarites (qadr " power "),
the advocates of free will. This doctrine first appears
in the teaching of Ma'bad al-Yuhani (d. 80 A.H.) who
is said to have been the pupil of the Persian Sinbuya
and taught in Damascus. Very little is known of the
early Qadarites, but it is stated that Sinbuya was put
to death by the Khalif 'Abdu 1-Malik, and that the
Khalif Yazid II. (102-106 A.H.) favoured their views.
On the other side were the Jabarites (jabr, " com-
pulsion ") who preached strict determinism and were
founded by the Persian Jahm b. Safwan (d. circ. 130).
It is baseless to argue that either free will or determin-
ism were necessarily due to Persian pre-Islamic
beliefs, it is evident that the logical deduction of
doctrinal theology in either direction was done by
Persians ; they were, indeed, the theologians of
early Islam. It must be noted that the full develop-
ment of fatalism was not reached until a full
century after the foundation of Islam and that
86 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTOMY
its first exponent was put to death as . a heretic.
The earlier Qadarites had a Persian origin, but the
reaction against the Jabarites was led by Wasil b.
*Ata whose teaching clearly shows the solvent force
of Hellenistic philosophy acting on Muslim theology.
Wasil was the pupil of the Qadarite Hasan ibn Abi
1-Hasan (d. 110) but he " seceded " from his teacher
and this is given as the traditional reason for calling
him and his followers the Mu'tazila or_"jgecession,"
and did so on the ground of the apparant injustice
imputed to God in his apportionment of rewards and
penalties. The details of the controversy are quite
secondary, the important point is that the Mu'tazilites
claimed to be " the people of Unity and Justice,"
this latter meaning that God conformed to an objective
standard of just and right action so that he could not
be conceived as acting arbitrarily and in disregard of
justice, an idea borrowed from Hellenistic philosophy
for the older Muslim conception regarded God as
acting as he willed and the standard of right and
wrong merely a dependent on his will.
Throughout the whole 'Umayyad period we see the
conquering Arabs, so far the rulers of the Muslim
world, in contact with those who, though treated with
arrogant contempt as serfs, were really in possession
of a much fuller culture than their rulers. In spite of
the haughty attitude of the Arab there was a con-
siderable exchange of thought, and the community
of Islam began to absorb Hellenistic influences in
several directions, and so the canon law and theology
THE ARAB PERIOD 87
of the Muslims was beginning, at the end of the
'Umayyad period, to be leavened by Greek thought.
It was, however, a period of indirect influence ;
there is no indication, save in a few instances in the
study of natural science and medicine, of Muslim
teachers or students availing themselves directly of
Greek material, but only that they were in contact
with those who were familiar with the work of Greek
philosophers and jurists. It was a period of su-
pended animation, to some extent, during which a new
language and a new religion were being assimilated by
the very diverse elements now comprised in the
Khalifate, and those elements were being welded
together in a common life. However great were the
sectarian and political differences of later times, the
church of Islam long remained, and to a great extent
still remains, possessed with a common life in the
sense that there is a mutual understanding between
the several parts and that thus an intellectual or
religious influence has been able to pass rapidly from
one extreme to the other, and the religious duty of
pilgrimage to Mecca has done much to foster this
community of life and to promote intercourse between
the several parts. Such an understanding has by no
means always produced sympathy or friendliness, and
the various movements as they have passed from one
part to the other have often been considerably
modified in the passage ; but the motive power
behind a movement in Persia has been intelligible in
Muslim Spain though perhaps intensely disliked
88 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
there and most often a movement beginning in any
one district has sooner or later had some contact with
every other district. There is no such division in
Islam as that which prevents the average English
churchman from knowing about and appreciating a
religious movement at work in the Coptic or Serbian
church. The common life of Islam is largely based on
the use of the Arabic language as the medium of daily
life, or at least of prayer and the medium of scholar-
ship, and this was extremely effective before the
inclusion of large Turkish and Indian elements
which have never really become Arabic speaking. It
was this which made the Arabic speaking community
of Islam so favourable a medium of cultural trans-
mission. The 'Umayyad period was a marking time
during which this common life was being evolved, and
with it was evolved necessarily the bitterness of
sectarian and faction divisions which always result
when divergent types are in too close contact with
one another.
CHAPTER III
THE COMING OF THE <ABBASIDS
The rule of the 'Umayyads had been a period of
tyrannical oppression on the part of the Arab rulers
upon their non-Arab subjects and especially upon the
mawali or converts drawn from the native population
of the conquered provinces who not only were not
admitted to equality, as was the professed principle of
the religion of Islam, but were treated simply as
serfs. This was in no sense due to religious persecution,
for it was the converts who were the most aggrieved,
nor was it due to a racial antipathy as between a
Semitic and an Aryan people, nor yet to anything
that could be described as a u national " feeling on the
part of the Persians and other conquered races, but
simply a species of " class " feeling due to the con-
tempt felt by the Arabs for those whom they had
conquered and hatred on the part of the conquered
towards their arrogant masters, a hatred intensified by
disgust at their misgovernment and ignorance of the
traditions of civilization. There were other causes
also which helped to intensify this feeling of hatred
especially in the case of the Persians. Amongst
these was a semi-religious feeling, even amongst those
who had become converts to Islam. It had been the
90 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
old usage of the Persians to regard the Sasanid
kings, the descendants of the legendary Jcayani
dynasty of heroes who had first established a settled
community in Persia, as bagh not quite perhaps what
we should understand as " gods," but rather as
incarnations of deity, the divine spirit passing on by
transmigration from one ruler to another, and so they
ascribed to the king miraculous powers and worshipped
him as the shrine of a divine presence. At the Muslim
conquest the Sasanid kings had not only ceased to
rule, but the dynasty had become extinct. Many of
the Persians who, in spite of adopting Islam, still
clung to their old ideas, were quite ready to treat the
Khalif with the same adoration as their kings, but felt
a distinct distaste for the theory of the Khalifate
according to which the Khalif was no more than a
chieftain elected in the democratic fashion of the
desert tribes, a thing which seemed to them like
reversion to primitive barbarism. Our own experience
in dealing with oriental races has shown us that there
is a great deal which must be taken seriously in ideas of
this kind. Of course those who had been subjects of
the Eoman Empire had no inclination towards
deifying their rulers, unless perhaps some who had
been only recently incorporated from more oriental
elements : but those who had been under Persian rule
craved a deified prince. In A.H. 141-142 this took
the form of an attempt to deify the Khalif by a
fanatical sect of Persian origin known as the Bawan-
diyya which broke out into open revolt when the
THE COMING OF THE 'ABBASIDS 91
Khalif refused to be treated as a god and cast their
leaders into prison : the members of the sect, and
many other of their fellow-countrymen, considered
that a Khalif was no valid sovereign who refused to
be recognised as a deity. From the second century of
the Hijra down to modern times there has been a
continuous stream of pseudo-prophets who have
claimed to be gods, or successful leaders who have
been deified by their followers. The latest of these
appears in the earlier phases of the Babi movement,
A.D. 1844-1852, though the doctrines of re-incarnation
and of the presence of the divine spirit in the leader
seem to be less emphasized in present day Babism,
at least in this country and America.
The most prevalent form of these ideas occurs in the
essentially Persian movement known as the Shi'a or
" schismatics." These are divided into two types,
both alike holding that the succession of the Prophet
is confined to the hereditary descendants of 'Ali the
cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet to whom alone
was given the divine right of the Imamate or leader-
ship. The two types differ in the meaning of this
Imamate, the one group contenting itself with
maintaining that 4 Ali and his descendants have a
divine authority whereby the Imams are the only
legitimate rulers of Islam and its infallible guides ;
of this moderate type of Shi* a is the religion of
Morocco and the form prevalent about San'a in
South Arabia, The other group presses the claim
that the Imam is the incarnation of a divine spirit,
92 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
sometimes asserting that it was only by fraud that the
prophet Muhammad interposed and acted as spokes-
man for the divine Imam 'AIL Of this type is the
Shi'a which forms the state religion of modern
Persia, spreading westwards into Mesopotamia and
eastwards into India. The commonest belief,
prevalent in the modern Shi'a, is that there were
twelve Imams of whom 'Ali was the first, and Muham-
mad al-Muntazar, who succeeded at the death of his
father the eleventh Imam al-Hasan al-Askari in
260 A.H. ( =A.D. 873) was the last. Soon after his
accession Muhammad Al-Muntazar u vanished " at
Samarra, the town which served as the 'Abbasid
capital from A.H. 222 to 279. The mosque at
Samarra is said to cover an underground vault into
which he disappeared and from which he will emerge
again to resume his office when the propitious time
has arrived, and the place whence he is to issue forth
is one of the sacred spots visited by Shi'ite pilgrims.
Meanwhile the Shahs and princes are ruling the faith-
ful only as deputies of the concealed Imam. The
disappearance of Muhammad al-Muntazar took place
more than a century after the fall of the 'Umayyads but
we have anticipated in order to show the general
tendency of the Shi'ite ideas which were prevalent
even in 'Umayyad times, especially in Northern
Persia, and did much to promote the revolt against
the secularised 'Umayyad rule.
A curious importance also is attached to the date.
The digaff ection of the mawali came to a head towards
THE COMING OF THE 'ABBASIBS 93
the end of the first century of the Muslim era. There
was a general belief that the completion of the century
would see the end of existing conditions, just as in
Western Europe the year 1000 A.D. was expected to
mark the dawn of a new world. Dissatisfaction was
at its height, especially in Khurasan, and the dis-
affected for the most part rallied round the 'Alids.
The 'Alid claims which did so much to overthrow
the 'Umayyad dynasty and indirectly led to the
bringing forward of the Persian element by which
the transmission of Hellenistic culture was most
furthered, are best understood by the help of a
genealogical table.
al-Hanafiya + (1) 4 Ali + Fatima
Muhammad (2) Hasan (3) Husayn
I I
Abu Hashim (4) 'Ali Zayn
Zayd
(5) Muhammad al-Bakir
I
(6) Ja'far as-Sadiq
Isma'il (7) Musa al-Qazam
I I
Muhammad (8) 4 Ali ar-Eida
(9) Muham. al-Jawad,
I
(10) 4 Ali al-Hadi
I
(11} Hasan al-Askari
I
(12) Muham. al-Muntazar
94 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
'Ali had two wives, (i) al-Hanafiya, by whom he had a
son Muhammad, and (ii) Fatima, the daughter of the
Prophet Muhammad, by whom he had two sons,
Hasan and Husayn. All the 'Alid party believed that
4 Ali should have succeeded the Prophet by divine
right and regarded the first three Khalif s as usurpers.
Already under the third Khalif Uthman the dis-
satisfied mawla element had begun to look to 'Ali as
their champion, and he in the true spirit of early
Islam supported their claim to the rights of brother-
hood as fellow Muslims. This partisanship received
its extreme expression in the preaching of the Jewish
convert 'Abdu b. Saba, who declared the divine right
of 'Ali to the Khalifate as early as A.H. 32. 'Ali
himself apparently did not take so pronounced a
view, but certainly regarded himself as in some degree
injured by his exclusion. In 35 'Ali was appointed
Khalif and Ibn Saba then declared that he was not
only Khalif by divine right, but that a divine spirit
had passed from the Prophet to him, so that he was
raised to a supernatural level. This theory 'Ali him-
self repudiated. When he was assassinated in 40
'Abdu declared that his martyred soul had passed to
heaven and would in due course descend to earth
again : his spirit was in the clouds, his voice was
heard in the thunder, the lightning was his rod.
The Umayyad party led by Mu'awiya never sub-
mitted to 'Ali, although they did not question the
legitimacy of his appointment. At his death Mu-
'awiya became the fifth Khalif, but had to face the
THE COMING OF THE :ABBASIDS 95
claims of al-Hasan, 'All's son. Al-Hasan made terms
with Mu'awiya and died in 49, poisoned, it was
commonly stated. The other son, al-Husayn, tried
to enforce his claim, but met a tragic death at Kerbela.
After al-Husayn's death some of the 'Alid partisans
recognised Muhammad the son of 'Ali and al-Hanafiya
as the fourth Imam ; he, it is true, disowned these
supporters, but that was a detail to which they paid
no attention. His supporters were known as Kay-
sanites, and owed their origin to Kaysan, a freedman
of 'Ali, who formed a society for the purpose of
avenging the deaths of al-Hasan and al-Husayn.
When this Muhammad died in 81 his followers
divided into two sections, some accepting the fact of
his death, others supposing that he had simply
passed into concealment to appear again in due course.
This idea of a " concealed " Imam was a heritage
from the older religious theories of Persia and recurs
again and again in Shi'a history. The important
point is that both sections of this party continued to
exist all through the 'Umayyad period, steadily refus-
ing to recognise the official Khalifa as more than
usurpers, and looking forward to the day when they
could avenge the martyrdom of 'Ali and his sons.
We need not linger over the family of al-Hasan and
his descendants. They were involved in 'Alid
risings at Madinna, and after the suppression of one of
these in 169, long after the fall of the 'Umayyads,
Idris the great-grandson of al-Hasan escaped to the
far West and established a " moderate " Shi'ite
*6 ARABIC THOUGHT TN HISTORY
Dynasty in what is now Morocco, so that the subse-
quent history of that house concerns the history of
the West.
Most of the Shi'ites regard the third Imam al-
Husayn as being succeeded by his son 'Ali Zayn.
Al-Husayn, like al-Hasan ? was not only the son of
4 Ali, but also of the Prophet's daughter, Fatima. In
al-Husayn's case moreover there was another heritage
which ultimately proved more important , than
descent from either 'Ali or Fatima : he was generally
supposed to have married the daughter of the last
of the Persian kings, the " mother of the Imams,"
and this traditional marriage with the Persian princess,
its historical evidence is very dubious has been
regarded by the Persian Shi'ites as the most important
factor in the Imamate, although this, of course, has
nothing whatever to do with the religion of Islam.
That so great weight could be attached to such a
consideration serves to show how really foreign and
non-Muslim a thing the Shi 'a is. 'Ali Zayn had two
sons, Zayd and Muhammad al-Bakir. Of these Zayd
was a pupil of Wasil b. 'Ata and associated with the
Mu'tazilite movement : he is generally regarded as a
rationalist. Indeed, as we shall now see frequently,
the heretical Shi'ite party was very generally mixed up
with free thought and frequently shows adherence to
Greek philosophy : it seems as though its inspiring
spirit was hostility towards orthodox Islam, and a
readiness to ally itself with anything which tended
to criticize unfavourably the orthodox doctrines.
THE COMING OF THE 'ABBASIDS 97
Zayd had a body of followers who established them-
selves in North Persia where they held their own for
some time, and a branch of their party still exists in
South Arabia, still suspected of rationalist pro-
clivities. Most of the Shi'ites, however, recognised
Muhammad al-Bakir as the fifth Imam, and Ja'far
as-Sadiq as the sixth. This latter also was a devoted
follower of the " new learning," that is to say, of
Hellexyistic philosophy, and is generally regarded as the
founder, or at least the chief exponent, of what are
known as batinite views, that is to say the allegorical
interpretation of the Qur'an, so that revelation is made
to mean, not the literal statement, but an inner
meaning, and this inner meaning generally shows a
strong influence of Hellenistic philosophy. It is only
the divinely directed Imam who can expound the true
meaning of the Qur'an which remains a sealed book to
the uninitiated. Ja'far was, it would appear, the
first of the 'Alids who openly asserted that he was a
divine incarnation as well as an inspired teacher :
his predecessors had done no more than acquiesce in
such claims when made by their followers, and very
often had repudiated them.
Abu Hashim, the son of Muhammad b. al-Hanafiya,
died in 98 A.H. poisoned, it was generally believed, by
the Khalif Sulayman, and bequeathed his rights to
Muhammad b. 'Ali b. 'Abdullah, a descendant of the
house of Hashim, to which the Prophet and 'Ali had
belonged, the rival clan of the Quraysh tribe opposed
to the clan of the 'Umayyads. Abu Hashim assumed
H
98 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
that the Imamate was his to be passed on to whom he
saw fit, a view of the Imamate which was not accepted
by the stricter Shi'ites who were legitimists, but the
partisans of Abu Hashim do not seem to have been
extremists in spite of their Kaysanite origin. In 99
the Khalifate passed to Umar II. the one 'Umayyad
who showed 'Alid sympathies, putting an end to the
public cursing of *Ali which had formed part of the
public ritual in the mosques of Damascus since the
days of Mu'awiya and who represented a type of
personal piety to which the 'Umayyad Khalifs had
hitherto been strangers. His brief reign of less than
three years did not, however, remove the evils of
tyranny and misgovernment, and he was followed by
other rulers more in conformity with the old bad
type.
About the time of Umar's death a deputation of
Shi'ites waited upon Muhammad b. *Ali the Hashimite,
a man of noted piety and the one who had now become,
as legatee of Abu Hashim the son of Muhammad b.
al-Hanafiya, the recognised head of an important
wing of the Shi'ites, and swore to support him in an
endeavour to obtain the Khalifate " that God may
quicken justice and destroy oppression " (Dinwari :
ATMaru t-Tiwal. ed. Guirgass, Leiden, p. 334): and
Muhammad had answered that " this is the season of
what we hope and desire, because one hundred years of
the calendar are completed " (id.)
The supporters of the family of Muhammad b. al-
Hanafiya, who had now transferred their allegiance to
THE COMING OF THE 'ABBASIDS 99
Muhammad b. 4 Ali, were extremely important, not so
much by reason of their numbers as by their excellent
organisation. They had developed a regular system
of missionaries (da% plur. du'at) who travelled under
the guise of merchants and confined their teaching to
private instructions and informal intercourse, a
method which has become the standard type of
Muslim missionary propaganda. By Abu Hashim's
death and legacy Muhammad b. 4 Ali found this very
fully organised missionary work at his service, and its
emissaries were fully confident that his acceptance of
the overtures of the Shi'ite deputation meant that he
stood as the champion of Shi'ite claims. The stricter
Shi'ites who followed the house of al-Husayn did not
admit the claims of Muhammad b. al-Hanafiya or his
descendants, but they supported Muhammad b.
'Ali's efforts under the impression that he was a
Shi'ite champion.
The propaganda in favour of Muhammad b. 'Ali is
sometimes referred to as 'Abbasid because he was
descended from al-'Abbas, one of the three sons of
'Abdu 1-Muttalib, and so brother of Abu Talib the
father of the Imam 'Ali and of 'Abdullah who was
grandfather of the Prophet Muhammad. At the
time, however, the missionaries claimed rather to be
the supporters of the Hashimites, a term which was
ambiguous, perhaps intentionally so. It was after-
wards explained as referring to the house of Hashim
which was the rival clan of the Quraysh opposed to the
'Umayyads and that to which the Prophet, and 'Ali,
100 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
and al-'Abbas belonged : but in the minds of many of
the Shi'ites it was taken to mean the followers of Abu
Hashim, the grandson of Al-Hanafiya.
Muhammad b. 4 Ali died in 126 A.H. leaving three
sons, Ibrahim, Abu 1- Abbas, and Abu Ja'far, the first
of these being recognised as his successor. About the
same time Abu Muslim, who became governor of
Khurasan in 129 comes into prominence. It is
dubious whether he was an Arab or a native of 'Iraq
(cf . Masudi. vi. 59), indeed, the claim was made that he
was a descendant of Gandarz, one of the ancient kings
of Persia (id.) Now Khurasan was the area most
disaffected towards the 'Umayyads, and there the
Hashimite missionaries had been most active and
successful. Abu Muslim threw himself into this work
heartily and began gathering together an armed body
of men who before long numbered 200,000. In-
formation and warning was sent to the Khalif Marwan
II. but was ignored : indeed the court at Damascus
took no notice until 130. Abu Muslim at length
openly raised the black standard as the signal of revolt
against the 'Umayyads whose official colour was white.
Then all the Khalif did was to seize Muhammad b.
'Ali's son Ibrahim and put him to death. The other
two sons escaped and fled to Kufa where they were
sheltered and concealed by some Shi'ites, the second
son Abu l-'abbas, known to history as as-Saffah u the
butcher " being recognised as the Hashimite leader.
Abu Muslim's success was rapid and complete, and
in 132 the 'Umayyad dynasty was overthrown and
THE COMING OF THE 'AQBASIDS 101
partly exterminated, and so "the butcher" became
the first of the 'Abbasid Khalifs, so called as being of
the family of al-'Abbas the son of 'Abdu 1-Muttalib.
As soon as the Khalif Abu l-'Abbas was seated on
the throne his chief aim was to secure tue establish-
ment of his dynasty by getting rid of all possible
rivals, and it was the vigour he showed in doing this
which earned for him the title of " the Butcher."
First of all he hunted down and slew all the repre-
sentatives he could find of the 'Umayyad family. One
of these escaped, 'Abdu r-Eahman, and went to Africa
where he endeavoured to form a body of supporters
without success, and then crossed over to Spain
where in 138 he established himself at Cordova, and
there he and his descendants ruled until 422 A.H.
These Spanish 'Umayyads claimed to be legitimist
rulers, but never assumed the divine claims of the
'Alid section.
Abu Muslim, who had done most to establish the
'Umayyad dynasty, next provoked the Khalifs
jealousy, probably with good cause for he was in-
dignant to find that " the Butcher " was no sooner on
the throne than he entirely discarded the Shi'ites who
had helped to place him there, and so within the firat
year of the 'Abbasid rule Abu Muslim was put to
death.
The fall of the 'Umayyads brought an end to the
tyranny of the Arab minority, as it now was, and
placed the preponderance for a clear century (A.H.
132-232) in Persian hands. The government was
102 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
remodelled on Persian lines, and to Persian influence
was due the institution of the wazir or responsible
minister at the head of the executive. The title is
probably identical with the Old Persian vi-chir or
" overseer " (thus Darmesteter : Etudes Iraniennes i.
p. 58. note 3.) ; before this the chief minister was
simply clerk (k&tib) or adviser (mushir) and was
simply one of the Khalif's attendants who was em-
ployed to conduct correspondence, or to give advice
when occasion required. In 135 the noble Persian
family of Barmecides began to supply wazirs, and
these controlled the policy of the Khalifate until 189.
From the time of al-Mansur (A.H. 136-158) onwards
the Persians began to assert their pre-eminence and a
party was formed known as the Shu'ubiyya or " anti-
Arab party " of those who held, not only that the
alien converts were equal to. the Arabs, but that the
Arabs were a half savage and inferior race in all
respects, contrasting unfavourably with the Persians,
Syrians, and Copts. This party produced consider-
able mass of controversial literature in which free
course was given to the general dislike felt towards the
Arabs and which reveals the intensity of the contempt
and hatred felt towards these parvenus. The Arabs
had boasted of their racial descent and had devoted
much attention to the keeping of their genealogies, at
least in the century immediately preceding the rise of
Islam ; as they had then only just commenced to
count descent in the father's line these genealogies
were purely fictitious in so far as they dealt with pre-
THE COMING OF THE 'ABBASIDS 103
Islamic ancestors. The Arabs were in fact a parvenu
people only just emerging out of barbarism (of.
Lammens : Le berceau de Vislam. p. 117). But the
Persians, no less careful about genealogical records, to
which their caste system had caused Aem to pay
considerable attention, boasted authentic genealogies
of much greater antiquity. In literature, in science,
in Muslim canon law, in theology, and even in the
scientific treatment of Arabic grammar, the Persians
very rapidly surpassed the Arabs, so that we must be
careful always to refer to Arabic philosophy, Arabic
science, etc., in the history of Muslim culture, rather
than to Arab philosophy, etc., remembering that,
though expressed in the Arabic language, the common
medium of all the Muslim world, only in a very few
cases was it the work of Arabs : for the most part
the Arabic philosophers and scientists, historians,
grammarians, theologians, and jurists were Persians,
Turks, or Berbers by birth, though using the Arabic
language. The fall of the 'Umayyads and the re-
placing of the Arabs by the Persians commences the
golden age of Arabic literature and scholarship. The
older Arabic literature, that namely which was written
by Arabs as yet untouched by external influences,
consists entirely of poetry, the work of professional
bards who sing of desert life and warfare, lament over
the deserted camping grounds, boast of their tribe, and
abuse their enemies. It forms a distinct class of
poetic composition, which has developed its own
literary standards, and attained a high standard of
104 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
excellence in its way. In many respects this older
Arab poetry makes a special appeal to us, it shows an
observation of nature which is very striking, it has an
undercurrent of melancholy which seems an echo of
the desert, and an emotional side which seems con-
vincing in its reality. At the same time it has very
distinct limitations in its range of interest and subject
matter. Undoubtedly a careful study of this early
Arab poetry is a necessary preparation for a proper
appreciation of the literary forms of Arabic and of its
oldest vocabulary and syntax, and of recent years
much attention has been given to it. But this older
Arabic poetry, apparently a native production, but
possibly influenced in pre-Islamic times by some
external contacts as yet undefined, comes to an end
soon after the fall of the 'Umayyads, save in Spain,
where, under the exiled and fugitive remnant of the
'Umayyad dynasty, the production of such poetry
survived. But this type of poetry is really outside
our present enquiry, save to note that it was a Persian
scholar, Hammadb. Sabur ar-Eawiya (d. circ. 156-159)
who collected and edited the seven ancient Arabic
poems known as the Mu'allaqat or " suspended,"
i.e., the catena or series, and thus set what may be
called the classical standard of the ancient poetry and
vocabulary. At the accession of the* Abbasids the old
Arab type passes away and the intellectual guidance
of the Muslim community passes into the hands of
the Persians.
CHAPTEE IV
THE TRANSLATORS
One of the first and most significant indications of
the new orientation of Muslim thought was the exten-
sive production of Arabic tranlations of works
dealing with philosophical and scientific subjects,
with the result that eighty years after the fall of the
'Umayyads the Arabic speaking world possessed
Arabic translations of the greater part of the works of
Aristotle, of the leading neo-Platonic commentators, of
some of the works of Plato, of the greater part of the
works of Galen, and portions of other medical
writers and their commentators, as well as of other
Greek scientific works and of various Indian and
Persian writings. This period of activity in trans-
lating falls into two stages, the first from the accession
of the Abbasids to the accession of al-Ma'mum
(A.H. 132-198), when a large amount of work was done
by various independent translators, largely Christians,
Jews, and recent converts from non-Islamic religions ;
the second under al-Ma'mun and his immediate
successors, when the work of translation mainly
centered in the academy newly founded at Baghdad,
and a consistent effort was made to render the material
necessary for philosophical and scientific research
available for the Arabic speaking student.
105
106 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
The earlier translation work is especially associated
with * Abdullah b. al-Muqaffa', a native of Fars and
originally a Zoroastrian, who made his profession of
faith before a brother of Muhammad b. 'Ali, the father
of as-Saff ah, and became his secretary. Presuming on
his employer's protection he ventured to make
derisive and impertinent remarks to Arab dignitaries
and especially to Sufyan, the governor of Basra,
whom he used to salute with a lewd jest against his
mother's chastity. It seems that men of Arab birth
who held political office under the early 'Abbasids
often had to put up with such insults from the ex-
serfs. After an unsuccessful attempt at revolt by
another of the Khalif s uncles Ibn al-Muqaffa* was
directed to prepare a draft letter of pardon to be
presented to the Khalif al-Mansur, who succeeded his
brother as-Saffah, for his official seal, but he drew up
the letter in such terms as to arouse the Khalif's
indignation ; amongst other things the letter said,
"if at any time the Commander of the Faithful act
perfidiously towards his uncle 'Abdullah b. <Ali, his
wives shall be divorced from him, his horses shall be
confiscated for the service of God (in war), his slaves
shall become free, and the Muslims loosed from their
allegiance to him." The Khalif enquired who had
prepared this letter and on being informed directed
Sufyan to put him to death. Pleased thus to gratify
his personal rancour the governor of Basra executed
Ibn al-Muqaffa c with great cruelty, though the details
differ in different accounts, in A,H, 142 or 143.
THE TRANSLATORS 107
Although conforming to Islam, Ibn al-Muqaffa* was
generally regarded as a Zindiq, a term properly
signifying a Manichaean but used loosely by the
Arabic writers to denote a member of one of the
Persian religions who professed outward conformity to
Islam, but secretly adhered to his own creed, or as a
term of abuse to denote a heretic of any sort. The
word itself is a Persian rendering of siddiq or
44 initiate," a title assumed by full members of the
Manichsean sect. It implies the possession of esoteric
knowledge and from this idea rose the practice
common amongst the Shi'ite sects of concealing their
real beliefs from general profession and assuming the
external appearance of orthodoxy. Masudi (viii. 293)
states that " many heresies arose after the publication
of the works of Mani, Ibn Daysan, and Marcion
translated from Persian and Pahlawi into Arabic by
'Abdullah b. al-Muqaffa 4 and others." Under al-
Mansur and by his orders, translations were made
from Greek, Syriac, and Persian, the Syriac and Persian
books being themselves translations from Greek or
Sanskrit. The best known work of Ibn Muqaffa,
was the translation of the Kalila wa-Dimna or
u Fables of Bidpai " from the Old Persian which was
itself a translation from the Sanskrit. Ibn al-
Muqaff a's translation into Arabic is generally regarded
as a standard model of Arabic prose. The Persian
original is lost, but a version in Syriac made from it by
the Nestorian missionary Budh, about A.D. 570, is
extant and has been published (ed. Bickell and Benfey,
108 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
1876) ; the Sanskrit original also is lost in what was
presumably its earlier form, but we find its material
in a much expanded form in two Sanskrit books, (i)
in the PancJiatantra, which contains the stories which
appear as 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 17, of de Sacy's Arabic text,
and (ii) the Mahdbliarata, which contains chapters
11, 12, 13. Evidently the old Syriac of Budh, a
translation of the Persian translation of the original, is
the best representative of the older form of the text.
The Arabic version of Ibn al-Muqaffa 6 shows a number
of interpolations and additions which all, of course,
appear in the derived versions, in the later Syriac, the
several mediaeval Persian translations which are made
from the Arabic and not from the old Persian, and in
the numerous Latin, Hebrew, Spanish, Persian, and
Greek versions. It was this Arabic translation which
gave to the book a wider circulation than possessed
before or than it could ever have had, and introduced
it to the western world. The case was exactly
parallel T\ith Aristotle and similar material : Arabic
became a medium of extremely wide transmission
and the additions made as material passed through
Arabic received a wide circulation also.
Ibn Muqaffa' lived in the reign of al-Mansur and
during that same period we are told (Masudi. viii.
291-2) that Arabic versions were made of several
treatises of Aristotle, of the almajasta of Ptolemy, of
the book of Euclid, and other material from the Greek.
About 156 A.H. an Indian traveller brought to
Baghdad a treatise on arithmetic and another on
THE TRANSLATORS 109
astronomy : the astronomical treatise was the
Siddhanta which came to be known to the Arabic
writers as the Sindhind, it was translated by Ibrahim
al-Fazari and opened up a new interest in astronomical
studies : some little time afterwards Muhammad b.
Musa al-Kharizmi combined the Greek and Indian
systems of astronomy, and from this time forth the
subject takes a prominent place in Arabic studies.
The great Arabic astronomers belong to a later
generation, such as Abu Ma'shar of Baghdad, the
pupil of al-Kindi, who died in A.H. 272 ( - A.D. 885),
known to the Latin mediaeval writers as " Abumazar,"
and Muhammad b. Jabir b. Sinan al-Battani (d. 317
A.H. ^A.D. 929) who was known as " Albategnius."
The Indian work on arithmetic was even more
important as by its means the Indian numerals were
introduced, to be passed on in due course as " Arabic "
numerals, and this decimal system of numbering has
made possible an extension of arithmetical processes
and indeed of mathematics generally which would
have been difficult with any of the older and more
cumbersome systems.
4J.-JfePiSur, after founding Baghdad in A.H. 148
( =A.D. 765) summoned a Nestorian physician,
George Boktishu', from the school at Junde-Shapur
and established him a court physician, and from this
time there was a series of Nestorian physicians
connected with the court and forming a medical
school at Baghdad. George fell ill in Baghdad and wag
allowed to retire to Junde-Shapur, his place being
110 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
taken by his pupil Issa b. Thakerbokht, who was the
author of a book on therapeutics. Later came
Bokhtishu 4 son of George who was physician to Harunu
r-Eashid in 171 ( =A.D. 787), and then Gabriel,
another son of George, who was sent to attend Ja'far
the Barmecide in 175 and stood high in Harun's
favour : he wrote an introduction to logic, a letter to
al-Ma'mun on foods and drinks, a manual of medicine
based on Dioscorus, Galen, and Paul of Aegina,
medical pandects, a treatise on perfumes, and other
works. In medicine, as will be remembered, the
Indian system had been introduced at Junde-Shapur
and combined with the Greek, but the latter clearly
predominated. Another important settler in Baghdad
was the Jewish Syrian physician John bar Maserjoye,
who translated the Syntagma of Aaron into Syriac
and presided over the medical school gathered in
the Muslim capital. For a long time the Arabic work
in medicine was limited to translation of the great
Greek authorities and practice on the lines learned
in Alexandria. We have already referred to the
unfortunate influence derived from the Egyptian
school which diverted both medicine and chemistry
into semi-magical lines, an evil tendency from which
the Arabic school never quite freed itself. A con-
siderable time elapsed before the Arabic speaking
community produced any original writers on medicine.
About the end of the third century we find Abu 1-
Abbas Ahmad b. Thayib as-Sarakhsi, a pupil of al-
Kindi, who is stated to have written a treatise on the
THE TRANSLATORS 111
soul, an abridgment of Porphyry's Isagoge, and an
introductory manual of medicine (Masudi. ii. 72).
At that time medical studies were still very largely in
Christian and Jewish hands, and we find the Syriac
physician John ben Serapion (end of 9th cent. A.D.)
writing in Syriac medical pandects which were
circulated in two editions, the latter of which was
translated into Arabic by several writers independently
and long afterwards into Latin by Gerard of
Cremona.
The father of Arabic medicine proper was Abu
Bakr Muhammad b. Zakariyya ar-E/azi (d. A.H.
311-320 =A.D. 923-932) who was known to Latin
mediaeval writers as " Razes," a student of music,
philosophy, literature, and finally medicine. In his
medical pandects he uses both Greek and Indian
authorities, and the introduction of these latter in
subordination to the classic authorities used at
Alexandria was the really important contribution
made by the Arabic students to the progress of
science. Unfortunately ar-Eazi's work suffered
from the defect that it greatly lacks order and arrange-
ment, it is a collection of more or less separate
treatises, and so not at all convenient to use. For
this reason more perhaps than any other he was re-
placed by Ibn Sina (Avicenna) whose work, if any-
thing, errs in the opposite direction and suffers from
an extremely elaborate arrangement and systematiza-
tion. It will be noticed that with the Arabic writers*
as with their Syriac predecessors, the leading medical
112 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
writers were usually also exponents of logic and
commentators on Aristotle as well as Galen.
The Khalif al-Mansur was the patron who did most
to attract the Nestorian physicians to the city of
Baghdad which he had founded, and he was also a
prince who did much to encourage those who set
themselves to prepare Arabic translations of Greek,
Syriac, and Persian works. Still more important was
the patronage given by the Khalif al-Ma'mun who in
A.H. 217 ( =A.D. 832) founded a school at Baghdad,
suggested no doubt by the Nestorians and Zoroas-
trian schools already existing, and this he called the
Bayt al-HiJcma or " House of Wisdom," and this he
placed under the guidance of Yahya b. Masawaih
(d. A.H. 243 =A.D. 857), who was an author both in
Syriac and Arabic, and learned also in the use of
Greek. His medical treatise on " Fevers " was long
in repute and was afterwards translated into Latin
and into Hebrew.
The most important work of the academy however
was done by Yahya's pupils and successors, especially
Abu Zayd Hunayn b, Ish$ t j$;hadi (d. 263 A.H. ~
A.D. 876), tKelNestorian physician to whom we have
already referred as translating into Syriac the chief
medical authorities as well as parts of Aristotle's
Organon. After studying at Baghdad under Yahya
he visited Alexandria and returned, not only with the
training given at what was then the first medical
jBchool, but with a good knowledge of Greek which he
employed in making translations in Syriac and Arabic.
THE TRANSLATORS 113
With him were associated his son Ishaq and his
nephew Hubaysh. Hunayn prepared Arabic trans-
lations of Euclid ; of various portions of Galen,
Hippocrates, Archimedes, Apollonius, and others, as
well as of the BepubliCjLaws, and Timneus of Plato,
the Categories, Physics, and Magna Moralia of
Aristotle, and the commentary of Themistius on book
30 of the Metaphysics, as well as an Arabic trans-
lation of the Bible. He also translated the spurious
Mineralogy of Aristotle, which long served as one of
the leading authorities on chemistry, and the medical
pandects of Paul of Aegina. His son, besides original
works on medicine, produced Arabic versions of the
Sophist of Plato, the Metaphysics, de anima, de
generatione et de corruptione, and the Hermeneutica
of Aristotle which Hunayn had translated into
Syriac, as well as some of the commentaries of
Porphyry, Alexander of Aphrodisias, and Ammonius.
A little later we find the Syrian Christian Questa b.
Luqa, a native of Ba'albek, who had studied in Greece,
prominent as a translator.
The fourth century A.H. was the golden period of
the Arabic translators, and it is worth noting that,
although the work was done chiefly by Syriac speaking
Christians, and inspired by Syriac tradition a very
large number of the translations were made directly
from the Greek, by men who had studied the language
in Alexandria or Greece ; very often the same scholar
made Syriac and Arabic translations from the Greek
text. There were also translators from the Syriac, but
114 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
X
these usually come after the translators from the Greek.
Amongst the Nestorian translators from Syriac was
Abu Bishr Matta b. Yunus (d. 328 A.H. =AJ). 939),
who rendered into Arabic the Analytica Posteriora
and the poetics of Aristotle, Alexander of Aphro-
disias' commentary on the de generatione et de corrup-
tione, and Themistius' commentary on book 30 of the
Metaphysics, all from the existing Syriac versions.
He was also the author of original commentaries on
Aristotle's Categories and the Isagoge of Porphyry.
The Jacobite translators come on the scene after the
Nestorians. Amongst the Jacobites translating from
Syriac to Arabic we find "Yahya b. Adi of Takrit
(d. 364), a pupil of Hunayn, who revised many of the
existing versions and prepared translations of Aris-
totle's Categories, Sophist. Elench., Poetics, and
Metaphysics, Plato's Laws and Timaeus, as well as
Alexander of Aphrodisias' commentary on the
Categories and Theophrastus on the Moralia. The
Jacobite Abu 'Ali Isa b. Zaraah (d. 398) translated
the Categories, the Natural History, and the de
partibus animalium, with the commentary of John
Philoponus.
This is a convenient place to summarize briefly the
range of Aristotelian, material . available to ^Arabic
students of philosophy. The whole of the logical
Organon was accessible in Arabic, and in this were
included the Ehetoric and Poetics, as well as
Porphyry's Isagoge. Of the works on natural
science they had the Physica, de coelo, de generatione
THE TRANSLATORS 115
el corruptione, de sensu, the Historia animalium, the
spurious Meteorologia, and the de anima. On mental
and moral science they had the Metaphysics, the
Nicomachcean Eihics and the Magna Moralia.
Strangely enough the Politics was not included in the
Aristotelian canon, its place being taken by Plato's
Laws or Republic. Besides these the Arabic students
accepted as Aristotelian a Mineralogy, of which we
have no knowledge, and a Mechanics.
Of these the logical Organon always remained the
basis of a humane education, side by side with the
indigenous study of grammar, and this essentially
logical basis of education seems to have been in-
fluenced by the example of the existing system
developed amongst the Syrians, although it must be
remembered a similar system was developed quite
independently in Latin scholasticism prior to the
earliest contact with the Arabic writers. The Aris-
totelian logic has always remained an orthodox and
generally accepted science. The philosophical and
theological controversies and the developments
produced by the Arabic philosophers centred mainly
in questions of metaphysics and psychology, and so
were particularly concerned with the 12th book of
Metaphysics and the treatise de anima, more especially
the 3rd book. ^LS we have already noted the psycho-
logy of Aristotle was interpreted in the light of
Alexander of Aphrodisias' commentary, and thus
received a theistic and supernatural colouring which re-
ceives its fuller development in neo-Platonic teaching.
116 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
Most important in the fuller development of this
neo-Platonic doctrine was the so-called Theology of
Aristotle which appeared in Arabic about 226 A,H.
It was in fact an abridged paraphrase of the last
three books (iv-vi) of the Enneads of Plotinus made by
Naymah of Emessa, boldly circulated and generally
received as a genuine work of Aristotle. It might be
regarded as a literary fraud, but it is quite possible
that Plotinus was confused with Plato whose name
appears in Arabic as 'Aflatun, it seems indeed that
this particular confusion was made by some other
writers, and the translators accepted the current
belief, maintained by all the neo-Platonic commen-
tators, that the teaching of Aristotle and that of
Plato were substantially the same, the superficial
appearances of difference being such as could be
easily explained away. By means of this Theology
the fully developed doctrine of the neo-Platonists
was put into general circulation and combined with
the teaching of Alexander of Aphrodisias and thus
exercised an enormous influence on the philosophy of
Islam in several directions. In the hands of the
philosophers properly so called it developed an
Islamic neo-PlatQjysm which received its final form
at the hands of Ibn Sina (Avicenna) and Ibn Bushd
(Averroes), and in this form exercised a powerful
influence over Latin scholasticism. Transmitted iij
another atmosphere it affected Sufism or Muslim
mysticism, and was mainly responsible for the
speculative theology which that mysticism developed.
THE TRANSLATORS 117
In a modified form some of the resultant principles
gathered from these two sources finally entered into
orthodox Muslim scholastic theology.
The main points of this neo^atc^^ it
figures in Muslim theology pre^tlt th&*t^MMng 6t the
active intellect or 'agl fa"al, the Agent Intellect of
Alexander Aph. as an emanation from God, and the
'agl hayyulani or passive intellect in man only aroused
to activity by the operation of this Agent Intellect,
which is substantially the doctrine of Alexander Aph. :
the aim of man is to attain a union or ittisal in which
his intellect becomes one with the Agent Intellect,
although the means of attaining this union and the
nature of the union differ in the doctrines of the
philosophers and the mystics, as we shall see in due
course.
Next to philosophy proper medical science is the
most important heritage received by the Arabic
world from Hellenism. But this science derived
through an Alexandrian medium had a serious defect
in the accretions which the later Egyptian school had
added to the pure teaching of Galen and Hippocrates.
As we have already noted this accretion is of a quasi
magical character and shows itself in talismans, etc.,
and theories which are based on ideas which are now
classed as " sympathetic magic."
The real impetus came ultimately from transmitted
Hellenism, but this influence was derived immediately
from the Nestorians in philosophy proper, and from
the Nestorians and the Zoroastrian school at Junde-
118 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
Shapur in medicine. A good deal later comes the
influence of the pagan school at Harran, which also
had a neo-Platonic tendency. When the second
Abbasid Khalif al-Mansur passed by Harran on his
way to fight against the Byzantine Emperor he was
astonished to observe the strange appearance of some
of the citizens who came out to meet him, wearing
their hair long and having close fitting tunics. When
the Khalif asked whether they were Christians, Jews,
or Zoroastrians, they replied that they were neither.
He then enquired if they were " people of a book,"
for it was only those who possessed written scriptures
who could be tolerated in Muslim dominions ; but to
this they returned such hesitating and ambiguous
replies that the Khalif at length felt convinced that he
had discovered a colony of pagans, as was the case, and
he ordered them to adopt some one or other of the
" religions of the book " before his return from the
war, or to suffer the penalty of death. At this they
were greatly alarmed : some of them became Muslims,
others Christians or Zoroastrians, but some declined
to desert their traditional beliefs. These latter
naturally had the most anxious time, wondering how
they could contrive to evade the Khalif's demands.
At length a Muslim lawyer offered to show them a way
out of the difficulty if they paid him a substantial fee
for doing so. The fee was paid and he advised them
to claim to be Sabians, because Sabians are mentioned
in the Qur'an as belonging to a religion " of the book,"
but no one knew who the Sabiani were. There is a
THE TRANSLATORS 119
sect known as Sabiyun or Sabaean, whose religion is a
strange mixture of ancient Babylonian state worship
Christian Gnosticism, and Zoroastrianism, living in
the mashe lands near Basra, but they had always
been careful to keep their religious beliefs secret
from all outsiders, and although they were no doubt
the sect mentioned in the Qur'an under the name of
Sabiyun or Sabians, none could prove that the pagans
of Harran were not also comprised under this term.
The Khalif never did pass back by Harran, the pagans
who had assumed the name of Sabian continued to use
it, those who had become Christians or Zoroastrians
reverted to their old faith and submitted to its new
name ; those who had become Muslims were obliged
to remain so as the penalty of death lay upon any who
became renegades from that religion.
The most distinguished of the alumni of Harran
was Thabit b. Qurra (d. 289 A.H.), a scholar familiar
with Greek, Syriac, and Arabic, who produced many
works on logic, mathematics, astrology, and medicine,
as well as on the ritual and beliefs of the paganism to
which he remained faithful. Following in his foot-
steps were his son Abu Sa'id Sinan, his grandsons
Ibrahim and Abu 1-Hasan Thabit, and his great
grandsons Ishaq and Abu 1-Faraj. All these special-
ized in mathematics and astronomy.
It seems that we ought to associate with Harran
Jabir b. Hayyan a perfectly historical character but
of somewhat uncertain date, but believed to have been
a pupil of the 'Umayyad prince Khalid, who dis-
120 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
tinguished himself by his researches in chemistry.
Many chemical treatises bear the name of Jabir and a
great proportion of these are probably quite authentic.
M. Berthelot in the 3rd volume of his La cMmie au
moyen age (Paris, 1893) has made a careful analysis of
the Arabic chemists and regards the whole material
capable of division into two classes, the one a re-
production of the investigations of the Greek chemists
of Alexandria, the other as representing original
investigations, though based upon the Alexandrian
studies in the first place, and all this original material
he regards as due to the initiative of Jabir who thus
becomes in chemistry very much what Aristotle was in
logic. Berthelot publishes in this book six treatises
claiming to be by Jabir, and these he regards as
representative of all Arabic chemical material, the
later investigators continuing in the lines laid down by
this first investigator. For a long time the main
object in view was the transmutation of metals, but at
a later period chemistry enters into closer connection
with medical work though never losing the metallurgi-
cal character which we imply when we speak of
" alchemy." The object in view of the Arabic
students of alchemy does not appeal to the modern
scientist, although the possibility of transmuting
elements is no longer regarded as the impossible
dream which it appeared to the chemists of the
nineteenth century : and, at the same time, it is
perfectly clear that with admitted limitations, the
Arabic chemists were bona fide investigators, though
THE TRANSLATORS. 121
not understanding correctly the results of the experi-
ments they made.
All the texts published by M. Berthelot begin with
the warning that the contents are to be kept strictly
secret, and often contain a statement that some
essential process is omitted in order that the unen-
lightened student may not be able to perform the
experiments successfully, lest the wholesale production
of gold should be a means of corrupting the whole
human race. Undoubtedly the Arabic chemists did
claim to have attained a knowledge of the means of
transmuting the baser metals into gold but the histor-
ies contain various references which show that these
claims were adversely criticised by many contemporary
thinkers, and that a great many of the Arabic writers
regarded chemistry, as it was then understood, as a
mere imposture. More than once it was noted that
the philosopher al-Farabi, who fully believed that it
was possible to change other metals into gold and
wrote a treatise on how it might be done, himself
lived and died in great poverty, whilst Ibn Sina, who
did not believe in alchemy, enjoyed modest comfort
and could have commanded wealth had he been
willing to accept it.
In the course of the middle ages various treatises
by Jabir were translated into Latin, where his name
appears as Geber, and exercised a considerable
influence in producing a western school of alchemy.
Before long many original alchemical works were
produced in Western Europe and a considerable
122 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
proportion of these were published under the name of
Geber but are pure forgeries. As a result the person-
ality of Geber took a semi mythical character and
attempts have been made to account for the diverse
and contradictory statements about his life and death,
and about the country and century in which he lived
by supposing that there were several persons who bore
the name ; but the fact seems to be that he early
attained a position of great prominence as a chemical
writer, and that later ages fathered on him a number
of apocryphal productions. Berthelot considers that
the best evidence associates him with Harran in the
early part of the second century of the Hijra.
THE MU'TAZILITES 129
was due to oriental influences which were now
beginning to appear in Islam. N>
Ma'mar's pantheism was more fully developed by
Tumameh b. al-Ashras (d. 213) who treats the world as
indeed created by God, but created according to a
law of nature so that it is the expression of a force
latent in God and not due to an act of volition.
Tumameh entirely deserts al-Allaf's attempt to re-
concile the Aristotelian doctrine of the eternity of
matter with the teaching of the Qur'an, and quite
frankly states that the universe is eternal like God.
This is by no means the last word in Islamic pantheism,
but its subsequent development rather belongs to the
doctrines of the extremer Shi'ite sects and to Sufism.
Reverting to an-Nazzam, the great leader of the
middle age of the Mu'tazilites, we find his teaching
continued by his pupils Ahmad b. Habit, Fadl al-
Huddbi. and 'Amr b. Bakr al-Jaliiz. On the theo-
logical side all the Mu'tazilites admitted the eternal
salvation of food Muslims, and most agreed that un-
believers would receive eternal punishment : but
there were differences of view as to those who were
believers but died unrepentant in sin. For the most
part the Mu'tazilites took the lax view that these
would be favourably treated as against the rigorist
opinion which reserved eternal salvation to good
Muslims, an opinion which appeared amongst the
stricter believers during the 'Umayyad period. The
two first named of an-Nazzam's pupils, however,
introduced a new theory entirely repugnant to ortho-
130 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
dox Islam, though familiar to the extremer Shi'ite
sects, that those neither decisively good nor absolutely
bad, pass by transmigration into other bodies until
they finally deserve either salvation or damnation.
With these two thinkers also we are brought into
contact with another problem which now began to
present itself to Islam, the doctrine of the " beatific
vision." Islam generally had expected the vision of
God to be the chief of the rewards enjoyed in paradise,
but the treatment of the attributes of God had been
so definitely against the anthropomorphic ideas
expressed in the Qur'an that it became difficult to
explain what could be meant by " seeing God."
Ahmad and Fadl dealing with this subject deny that
men ever will or can see God ; the beatific vision can
at most mean that they are brought face to face, with
the " Agent Intellect " which is an emanation from
the First Cause, and " seeing " in such a connection
must of course mean something quite different from
what we understand as vision.
'Amr b. Baler al-Jahir (d. 255), the third of an-
Nazzam's pupils mentioned above, may be regarded
as the last of the middle period of the Mu'tazilites.
He was an encyclopaedic writer according to the
fashion of the time and wrote on literature, theology,
logic, philosophy, geography, natural history, and
other subjects (cf. Masudi viii. 33, etc.) To free will
he gives ratht>i a new bearing. The will he regards aa
simply a manner of knowing and so as an accident
of knowledge ; a voluntary act he defines as one known
THE MU'TAZILITES 131
to its agent. Those who are condemned to the fire of
hell do not suffer eternally by it, but are changed by
its purification. The term " Muslim " must be taken
to include all who believe that God has neither form
or body, since the attribution of a human form to
God is the essential mark of the idolater, that he is
just and wills no evil, and that Muhammad is his
prophet. Substance he treats as eternal, accidents
are created and variable.
We have now reached the third stage of the history
of the Mu'tazilites, that which marks their decline.
During this latter period they divide into two schools,
that of Basra giving its attention mainly to the
attributes of God, that of Baghdad being chiefly
occupied with the more purely philosophical dis-
cussion of what is meant by an existing thing.
The Basrite discussions received their final form
in the dispute between al-Jubbay (d. 303) and his son
Abu Hashim (d. 321). The latter held that the attri-
butes of God are distinct modes of being, we know the
essence under such varying modes or conditions, but
they are not states, nor are they thinkable apart from
the essence, though they are distinct from it but do
not exist apart from it. Against this his father
objected that these subjective attributes are only
names and convey no concept. The attributes are
thus asserted to be neither qualities nor states so as
to imply subject or agent, but they are inseparably
united with the essence.
fc
Against all views of this sort the orthodox adhered,
132 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
and still adhere to the opinion that God has real
qualities. Those who laid emphasis on this in
opposition to the Mu'tazilite -speculations are com-
monly known as Sifatites (sifat, qualities), but they
admit that, as God is not like a man, the qualities
attributed to him in the Qur'an are not the same as
those qualities bearing the same names which are
referred to men, and it is not possible for us to know
the real import of the qualities attributed to God.
A more pronounced recoil against the Mu'tazilite
speculations appears in Abu * Abdullah b. Karram
(d. 256) and his followers who were known as Karram-
ites. These returned to a crude anthropomorphism
and held that God not only has qualities of precisely
the same kind as a man may have, but that he actually
sits on a throne, etc., taking in plain literal sense all
the statements made in the Qur'an. y
The Mu'tazilite school of Baghdad concerned itself
mainly with the metaphysical question " what is a
thing ? " It was admitted that " thing " denotes a
concept which could be known and could serve as
subject to a predicate. It does not necessarily exist,
for existence is a quality added to the essence : with
this addition the essence becomes an entity (mawjud),
without this addition it is a non-entity (ma'dum)
but still has substance and accident, so that God
creates by adding the single attribute of existence.
The whole course of Mu'tazilite speculation shows
the influence of Greek philosophy as applied to
Muslim theology, but the influence is for the most
THE MU'TAZILITES 133
part indirect. The ideas of Aristotle, as the course of
speculation projected to the fore-front the problems
with which he had dealt in times past, were received
through a Syriac Christian medium, for the most
part imperfectly understood and somewhat modified
by the emphasis which Christian controversy had
given to certain particular aspects. More or less
directly prompted by the Mu'tazilite controversy
we have three other lines of development : in the
first place we have the u philosophers " as the name is
used by the Arabic writers, meaning those students
and commentators who based their work directly
on the Greek text or at least on the later and better
versions. In their hands philosophical enquiry took a
somewhat changed direction as they began to under-
stand better the real meaning of what Aristotle had
taught. In the second place we have the orthodox
theology of al-Ash'ari, al-Ghazali, and others, which
represents Muslim theological science as modified and
partly directed by Aristotelian philosophy, con-
sciously endeavouring to make a working compromise
between that philosophy and Muslim theology. The
older Mu'tazilite tradition came to an end in the time
of al-Ash'ari : men who felt the force of philosophical
questions either adopted the orthodox scholasticism
of al-Ash'ari and those who came after him, or
followed the course of the philosophers and drift
134 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
away from the traditional beliefs of Islam altogether.
In the third place we have the Sufi movement, in
which we find neo-Platonic elements mingled with
others from the east, from India and Persia.
The M'utazilites proper come to an end with the
fourth century A.H.
CHAPTER VI
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS
The Aristotelian philosophy was first made known
to the Muslim world through the medium of Syriac
translations and commentaries, and the particular
commentaries used amongst the Syrians never ceased
to control the direction of Arabic thought. From the
time of al-Ma'mun the text of Aristotle began to be
better known, as translations were made directly from
the Greek, and this resulted in a more accurate
appreciation of his teaching, although still largely
controlled by the suggestions of the commentaries
circulated amongst the Syrians. The Arabic writers
give the name of failasuf (plur. falasifa), a trans-
literation of the Greek <iAoo-o<o<?, to those who based
their study directly on the Greek text, either as trans-
lators or as students of philosophy, or as the pupils
of those who used the Greek text. The word is used
to denote a particular series of Arabic scholars who
arose in the third century A.H. and came to an end
in the seventh century, and who had their origin in
the more accurate study of Aristotle based on an
examination of the Greek text and the Greek com-
mentators whose work was circulated in Syria, and
is employed as though these falasifa formed a par-
135
136 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
ticular sect or school of thought. Other philosophical
students were termed "hakim or nazir.
The line of these falasifa forms the most important
group in the history of Islamic culture. It was they
who were largely responsible for awakening Aris-
totelian studies in Latin Christendom, and it was they
who developed the Aristotelian tradition which Islam
had received from the Syriac community, correcting
and revising its contents by a direct study of the
Greek text and working out their conclusions on lines
indicated by the neo-Platonic commentators.
The first of the series is Yaqub b. Ishaq al-Kindi
(d. circ. 260 A.H. = 873 A.D.), who began very much
as a Mu'tazilite interested in the theological problems
discussed by the members of that school of thought,
but desirous of testing and examining these more
accurately, made use of the translations taken
directly from the Greek and then only recently
published. By this means he brought a much stricter
method to bear, and thus opened the way to an
Aristotelian scholarship much in advance of anything
which had been contemplated so far. As a result
Ms pupils and those who came after them raised new
questions and ceased to confine themselves to
Mu'tazilite problems, and al-Kindi was their in-
tellectual ancestor in those new enquirres which his
ffiellio3s and his use of the Greek text alone made
a strange fa^
p.f the
iFefy*"iew leaders of Arabic thought who was a true
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 137
Arab by race. For the most part the scientists and
philosophers dOEe"* Muslim world were "of~ Persian,
Turkish, (6fTRrBeF13o was descended
from the Yemenite kings of Kinda (cf. genealogy
quoted f m_ th a J^arjM^o^ff a kamy
(22) of De Slane's trans, of Ibn Kkallikan, vol. i. p.
355). Very little is known about his life, save that
his father was governor of Kufa, that he himself
studied at Baghdad, under what teachers is not
known, and stood high in favour with the Khalif
Mu'tasim (A.H. 218-227). His real training and
equipment lay in a knowledge^oHjrreeT&, which he
used^in "preparing translafions^bi 1 Aristotle's Meta-
physics, Ptolemy's Geography, and a revised edition
of the Arabic version of Euclid. Besides this he
made Arabic abridgments of Aristotle's Poetica
and Hermeneutica, and Porphyry's Isagoge, and wrote
commentaries on Aristotle's Analytiea Posteriora,
Sophistica Elenchi, the Categories, the apocryphal
Apology ; on Ptolemy's Almagesta and Euclid's
Elements, and original treatises, of which the essay
" On the Intellect " and another " On the -five
essences " are the most noteworthy (Latin tr. by
A. Nagy in Baeumker and Hertling's Beitrage zur
Geschichte der philosophie des MA. II. 5. Munster,
1897).
He accented as genuine the ^Theology of Aristotle
which had been put into circulation by Naymah of
Emessa, and, we are told, revised the Arabic trans-
lation. The Theology was an abridgment of the
138 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
last three books of Plotinus' Enneads, and presumably
al-Kindi compared this with the text of the Enneads,
corrected the terminology and general sense in ac-
cordance with the original, and evidently did so
without any suspicion that it was not a genuine work
of Aristotle. The Theology had not been long intro-
duced to the Muslim world, and it is certain that the
use of it made by al-Kindi was a main cause of its
subsequent importance. Endorsed by him it not
only took an assured place in the Aristotelian canon,
but became the very kernel of the teaching developed
by the whole series of falasifa, emphasizing the
tendencies already marked in the commentary of
Alexander of Aphrodisias. The influence of the
Theology and of Alexander appear ( most clearly in
the treatise " On the Intellect " which is based on
the doctrine of the faculties of the soul as described
in Aristotle's de anima II. ii. Al-Kindi, developing
the doctrine as presented by the neo-Platonic com-
mentators, describes the faculties or degrees of
intelligence in the soul as four, of which three are
actually and necessarily in the human soul, but one
enters from outside and is independent of the soul.
Of the three former one is latent or potential, as the
knowledge of the art of writing is latent in the mind
of one who has learned to write ; the second is active,
as when the scribe evokes from the latent state this
knowledge of writing which he desires to put into
practice ; the third is the degree of intelligence
actually involved in the operation of writing, where
THE EASTERN PHILOSQPHERS 139
the knowledge now quickened into activity guides
and directs the act. The external faculty is the
" Agent Intellect " ('aql fa u al) which proceeds from
God by way of emanation and which, though acting
on the faculties in the body, is independent of the
body, as its knowledge is not based upon per-
ceptions obtained through the senses.
It is futile to maintain that the history of Arabic
philosophy shows a lack of originality in the Semitic
mind ; for one thing not one of thephilosophers of
first rank after al-Kindi was of Arab birth, very few
could be described as Semitic. It woulcl j be more
correct to say that tlie GfieeFpTiilosophers stood alone,
until quite modern times, in attempting anything
which could be described as a scientific psychology.
Until the methods and material of modern natural
science came to be applied to psychological research
there was little, if any, advance on the psychological
theories of the ancient Greek investigators, and the
only point of difference in later schools was as to
which particular aspect af ancient research would
be selected as the starting-place. Here lies the great
importance of al-Kindi, for it was he who selected
and indicated the starting-point which all the later
Arabic philosophers began from, and selected the
material which they developed. The particular basis
thus selected by al-Kindi was the psychology of
Aristotle's de Anima as expoun"dean5y~ 31exaE3eF of
Jtphrodisias. This was suggested but not icT all
respects clearly indicated by the Syriac philosophers,
140 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
and it seems certain that al-Kindi's development
was very largely influenced by the Theology of
Aristotle, a work which he evidently esteemed very
greatly. The relation between Alexander Aphr. and
Plotinus, whose teaching appeared in the Theology,
may be described as being that Alexander's teaching
contained all the germs of neo-Platonism, whilst
Plotinus shows the neo-Platonic system fully worked
out. As first presented this system must have
seemed fully consistent with the teaching of the
Qur'an, indeed it would appear as complementary
to it. In man was an animal soul which he shared
with the lower creation, but added to it was a rational
soul or spirit which proceeded directly from God and
was immortal because it was not dependent on the
body. The possible conclusions which proved to
be inconsistent with the teachings of revelation were
not as yet fully worked out.
We need not linger over al-Kindi's logical teaching
which carried on and corrected Arabic study of the
Aristotelian logic. This was not a mere side issue,
it is true, although logic did not play so important
a part in Arabic education as it did in Syriac. In
Syriac it was the basis of all that we should regard
as the humanities, but in Arabic this position was
taken by the study of grammar, which was developed
on rather fresh and independent lines, though slightly
modified by the study of logic in later times. Still,
so long as the Muslim world had any claim to be
regarded as fostering philosophical studies, and to
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 141
a less degree even in later times, the Aristotelian
logic has been only second to grammar as the basis of
a humane education. Al-Kindi's real influence is
shown in the introduction of the problems of psycho-
logy and of metaphysics, and the work or the falasifa
centres in these two studies on the lines indicated
by al-Kindi.
In psychology, as we have seen, al-Kindi introduced
a system already fully developed by Alexander and
the neo-Platonic commentators on Aristotle, kept
alive amongst the Syriac students of philosophy,
and then further developed from this point by his
successors. In metaphysics the circumstances were
different. Al-Kindi apparently was the one who
introduced the problems of metaphysics to the^Muslim
world, but it is obvious that he did not clearly under-
stand Aristotle^s treatment of these problems. The
problems involved in the ideas of movement, time,
and place are treated by Aristotle in books iv., v.
and vii. of the Physics, which had been translated by
ai-Kindfs contemporary, Ilunayn b. Isliaq, and in
the Metaphysics, of which at the time no Arabic trans-
lation existed, so that, so far as it was used, al-Kindi
must have consulted the Greek text.
The essay " On the Five Essences " treats the ideas
of the five conditions of matter, form, movement,
time, and place. Of these he defines (a) matter as
that which receives the other essences but cannot
itself be received as an attribute, and so if the matter
is taken away the other four egsences are necessarily
142 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
removed also, (b) Form is of two kinds, that which
is the essential of the genius, being inseparable from
the matter, and that which serves to describe the thing
itself, i.e., the ten Aristotelian, categories substance,
quantity, quality, relation, place, time, situation,
condition, action, and passion ; and this form is
the faculty whereby a thing (shay') is produced from
formless matter, as fire is produced from the coinci-
dence of dryness and heat, the matter being the
dryness and heat, the form being the fire ; without
form the matter is abstract but real, becoming a
thing when it takes form. AaDft YailJT Pf>il)fo n11 ^
(Avicenne, R.JJ5] thi illustration shows that al-Kindi
does not grasp Aristotle's meaning correctly, (c)
'* .."'** *"** '"w*"""****"*" "*"*"" OT * ! "*** I *^. ITT-IIIUIJLMIIIIHI mmm<* nim IIIIIHHK*^ < * II *"*'^" IPM '''** > *^^
Movement is of six Kinds : two are variations in
substance, as either generation or corruption, i.e.,
production or destruction ; two are variations in
quantity by increase or decrease ; one is variation in
quality, and one is change of position, (d) Time is
itself akin to movement, but proceeds always and
only in one direction ; it is not movement, though
akin, for movement shows diversities of direction.
Time is known only in relation to a u before " or
u after," like movement in a straight line and at
a uniform rate, and so can only be expressed as a
series of continuous numbers, (e) Place is by some
supposed to be a body, but this is refuted by Aristotle :
it is rather the surface which surrounds the body.
When the body is taken away the place does not
cease to exist, for the vacant space is instantly filled
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 143
by some other body, air, water, etc., which has the
same surrounding surface. Admittedly al-Kindi
shows a crude treatment of these ideas, but he was
the first to direct Arabic thought in this direction,
and from these arose a new attitude towards the
revealed doctrine of creation on the part of those
who came after him.
Al-Kindi, the " Philosopher of the Arabs,' 1 as he
was called (cite. 365), contains our best account of
the various sects existing in Islam towards the end
of the 3rd century A.H. as he met them in the course
of his travels. It has been published as the second
volume of De Goeje's Bibliotheca Geographorum
Arab. (Leiden., 1873).
The next great philosopher was Muhammad ft.
Muhammmadb. TarJchan Abu Nasr al-Farabi (d. 339),
of Turkish descent. He was " a celebrated philosopher,
the greatest indeed that the Muslims ever had; he com-
posed a number of works on logic, music, and other
sciences. No Musulman ever reached in the philo-
sophical sciences the same rank as he, and it was by
the study of his writings and the imiiatioZTl)! Tug
style that Avicenna attained proficiency and rendered
his own works so usefuL" (Ibn Khallikan, iii. 307).
He was born at Farab or Otrar near Balasaghum,
but travelled widely. In the course of his wander-
ings he came to Baghdad but, as at the time he knew
no Arabic, he was unable to enter into the intellectual
life of the city. He set himself first to acquire a
knowledge of the Arabic language, and then became
144 ARABIA THOUGHT IN HISTORY
f
a pupil of the Christian physician Matta b.
who was at that time a very old man, and under him
he studied logic. To increase his studies he removed
to Harran, where he met the Christian philosopher
Yuhanna b. Khailan, and continued to work at logic
under his direction. He then returned to Baghdad,
where he set to work at the Aristotelian philosophy,
in the course of his studies reading the de anima
200 times, the Physics 40 times. His chief interest,
however, was in logic, and it is on his logical work
*^ a * his fame chiefly rests. From Baghdad he^BEt
loTDamascus, and thence to Egypt, but returned to
Damascus, where he settled for the rest of his life.
At that time the empire of the Khalifa of Baghdad
was beginning to split up into many states, just like
the Eoman Empire under the later Karlings, and the
officials of the Khalifate were forming semi-
independent principalities under the nominal
suzerainty of the Khalif and establishing hereditary
dynasties. The Hamdanids Shi'ites, who began to
rule in Mosul in 293, established themselves at Aleppo
in 333 and achieved great fftme and power as success-
ful leaders against the Byzantine emperors. In 334j
( =946 A.D.) the Hamdanid Prince Sayf ad-Dawla
took Damascus, and al-Farabi lived under his pro-
tection. At that period the orthodox were distinctly
j^a^gnary, and it was the various UEfite rulers
who showed themselves the patrons of science and
philosophy.
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 145
At Damascus al-Farabi led a secluded life. Most
of his time lie spent by the borders of one of the many
streams which are so characteristic a feature of
Damascus, or in a shady garden, and here he met
and talked with his friends and pupils. He was
accustomed to write his compositions on loose leaves,
" for which reason nearly all his productions assume
the Torm of detacTiM^eliaplery aiid holes ; some of
them exist only in fragments and u^imisEeHT He
was the most indifferent of men for lihe things of
this world ; he never gave himself the least trouble
to"aFquire a livelihood or possess a habitation. Sayf
ad-Dawla settled on him a daily pension of four
dirhams out of the public treasur^Jthis moderate
sum being the amount to which al-Farabi had limited
his- demand." (Ibn Khallikan, iii. 309-310.)
Al-Farabi was the author of a series of com-
mentaries on the logical Organon, which contained
nine books according to the Arabic reckoning,
namely :
(i.) The Isagoge of Porphyry.
(ii.) The Categories or al-Maqulat.
(iii.) The Hermeneutica or al-'Ibara or al-Tafsir.
(iv.) The Analytica Priora or al-Qiyas I.
(v.) The Analytica Posteriora or al-Burhan.
(vi.) The Topica or al-Jadl.
(vii.) The Sophistica Elenchi or al-Maghalit.
(viii.) The Ehetoric or al-Khataba.
(ix.) The Poetics or ash-Shi'r.
146 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
He also wrote an " Introduction to Logic " and
an "Abridgment of Logic " ; indeed, as we have already
noted, Ms main work lay in the exposition of logic.
He took some interest in political science and edited
a summary of the laws of Plato, which very often
replaces the Politics in the Arabic Aristotelian
canon. In Ethics he wrote a commentary on the
Nicomachaean Ethics of Aristotle, but ethical theory
did not, as a rule, appeal greatly to Arabic students.
In natural science he was the author of commentaries
on the Physics, Meteorology, de coelo et de mundo
of Aristotle, as well as of an essay " On the movement
of the heavenly spheres." His work in psychology
is represented by a commentary on Alexander of
Aphrodisias' commentary on the De Anima, and by
treatises " On the soul," " On the power of the soul,"
14 On the unity and the one," and " On the intelligence
and the intelligible," some of which afterwards
circulated in mediaeval Latin translations, which
continued to be reprinted well into the 17th century
(e.g., De intelligentia et de intelligibili. Paris, 1638);
In metaphysics he wrote essays on " Substance,"
" Time," " Space and Measure," and " Vacuum."
In mathematics he wrote a commentary on the
Almajesta of Ptolemy, and a treatise on various
problems in Euclid. He was a staunch upholder of
the neo -Platonic theory that the teaching of Aristotle
and that of Plato are essentially in accord and differ
only in superficial details and modes of expression ;
be wrote treatises " On the agreement between Plato
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 147
and Aristotle " and on " The object before Plato and
Aristotle." In essays u Against Galen " and
" Against John Philoponus " he criticised the views
of those commentators, and endeavoured to defend
the orthodoxy of Aristotle by making them responsible
for apparent discrepancies with the teaching of
revelation. He was interested also in the occult
sciences, as appears from his treatises " Ongeomancy,"
" On the Jinn," and u On dreams." His chemical
treatise called Jcimiya t-Tabish, " the chemistry of
things heated," has been classed as a work on natural
science and also as a treatise on magic ; this was the
unfortunate direction which Arabic chemistry was
taking. He also wrote several works on music.
(Cf. Schmolders : Documenta Philos. Arab. Bonn.,
1836, for Latin versions of select treatises).
As we have already noted, his primary importance
was as a teacher of logic. A great deal of what he
has written is simply a reproduction of the outlines
of the Aristotelian logic and an exposition of its
principles, but De Vaux (Avicenne, pp. 94-97) has
drawn attention to evidences of original thought in
his " Letter in reply to certain questions."
Like al-KindiJb^accepted the Theology as a genuinq
work of J^Mott^a^^
mHuencea* In his treatise " On the intelligence " he
makes a careful analysis of the way in which the term
'agl (reason, intelligence, spirit) is employed in general
speech and in philosophical enquiry. In common
language " a man of intelligence " denotes a man of
148 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
reliable judgment, who uses Ms judgment in an upright
way to discern between good and evil, and thus is dis-
tinguished from a crafty man who employs his mind
in devising evil expedients. Theologians use the
term ( aql to denote the faculty which tests the validity
of statements, either approving them as true or
rejecting them as false. In the Analytica Aristotle
uses " intelligence " for the faculty by which man
attains directly to the certain knowledge of axioms
and general abstract truths without the need of proof ;
this faculty al-Farabi explains as being the part of
the soul in which intuition exists, and which is thereby
able to lay hold of the premises of speculative science,
i.e., the reason of intelligence proper as the term is
employed in the de anima, the rational soul which
Alexander of Aphrodisias takes as an emanation
from God. ^Following al-Kindi, al-Farabi speaks of
fctmr faculties or parts of the soul : the potentiaJjor^
latent^ infeffigencS," 'ffiteffigence in action, acquired
intelligence, and the agent intelligence. The first
is the*****;! hayyulani, the passive intelligence, the
capacity which man has for understanding the
essence of material things by abstracting mentally
that essence from the various accidents with which i$
is associated in perception, more or less equivalent
to the " common sense " of Aristotle. The intelli-
gence in action or 'aql bi-l-fi'l is the potential faculty
aroused to activity and making this abstraction. The
agent intelligence or 'agf f a " al is ^ e external power,
the emanation from God which is able to awaken
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 149
the latent power in man and arouse it to activity,
and the acquired intelligence or 'agl mustafad is the
intelligence aroused to activity and developed under
the inspiration of the agent intelligence. Thus the
intelligence in action is related to the potential
intellect as form is to matter, but the agent intelligence
enters from outside, and by its operation the
intelligence receives new powers, so that its highest
activity is " acquired."!
Al-Parabi appears throughout as a devout Muslim,
and evidently 7 does not aj^re^^
the Aristotelian psychology on the doctrine oF"Ehe
Qur'an. The earlier belief of Islam, as of most
religions, was a heritage from primitive animism,
which regarded life as due to the presence of a per-
fectly substantial, though invisible, thing called the
soul : a thing is alive so long as the soul is present,
it dies when the soul goes away. In the earlier forms
of animism this is the explanation of all movement :
the flying arrow has a " soul " in it so long as it
moves, it ceases to move when this soul goes away
or desires to rest. This involves no belief in the
immortality of the soul, nor is the soul invested
with any distinct personality, all that comes later ;
it is simply that life is regarded as a kind of
substance, vary light and impalpable but perfectly
self -existent. What may be described as the " ghost"
theory marks a later stage of evolution, when the
departed soul is believed to retain a distinct
150 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
personality and still to possess the form and some at
least of the sensations associated with the being
in which it formerly dwelt. Such was the stage
reached by Arab psychology at the time of the
preaching of Islam. The Aristotelian doctrine re-
presented the soul as containing different energies
or parts, supfr as it had in common with the vegetable
world and such others as it possessed in common
with the lower kinds of animals : that is to say the
faculties of nutrition, reproduction, and all the per-
ceptions obtained from the use of the organs of sense,
as well as the intellectual generalisations derived
from the use of those senses, are simply laid on one
side as forms of energy derived from the potentiali-
ties latent in the material body, very nearly the
position indeed of modern materialism, as the term
is used in psychology. This does not oppose a
belief in God, who is the prime source of the powers
which exist, although that is brought out more by
the commentators than by Aristotle himself ; nor
does it infringe the doctrine of an immortal and
separable soul or spirit which exists in man in addition
to what we may describe as the vegetative and
animal soul. It is this spirit, the rational soul which
has entered from outside and exists in man alone,
which is immortal. Such a doctrine sets an impas-
sible gulf between man and the rest of creation, and
explains why it is impossible for those whose thought
is formed on Aristotelian lines, whether in orthodox
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 151
Islam or in the Catholic Church, to admit the
" rights " of animals, although ready to regard
benevolent action towards them as a duty. But
more, the highly abstract rational soul or spirit of
the Aristotelian doctrine, void of all that could be
shared with the lower creatures, and even of all that
could be developed from anything that an animal is
capable of possessing, is the only part of man which
is capable of immortality, and such a spirit separated
from its body and the lower functions of the animal
soul can hardly fit in with the picture of the future
life as portrayed in the Qur'an. Further, the Qur'an
regards that future life as incomplete until the
spirit is re-united with the body, a possibility which
the Aristotelians could hardly contemplate. The
Aristotelian doctrine showed the animal soul not as
an invisible being but merely as a form of energy in
the body : so far as it was concerned, death did not
mean the going away of this soul, but the cessation
of the functions of the bodily faculties, just as com-
bustion ceases when a candle is blown out, the flame
not going away and continuing to exist apart ; or
as the impression of a seal on wax which disappears
when the wax is melted and does not continue a
ghostly existence on its own account. The only
immortal part of man, therefore, was the part which
came to him as an emanation from the Agent Intellect,
and when this emanation was set free from its associa-
tion with the human body and lower soul it became
inevitable to suggest its re-absorption in the omni-
152 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
present source from which it had been derived. The
logical conclusion was thus a denial, not of a future
life, nor of its eternity, but of the separate existence
of an individual soul, and this, as we shall see, was
, actually worked out as a result of Arabic Aristotelian-
ism. Thus tne scholastic theologians, both of Islam
and of Latin Christianity, attack the philosophers as
undermining belief in individual personality and in
opposing the doctrine of the resurrection, and in this
latter, it must be remembered, Muslim doctrine is
committed to cruder details than prevail in
Christianity. But al-Farabi did not see where the
Aristotelian teaching would lead him : to him Aristotle
seemed orthodox because his doctrines seemed to
prove the immortality of the soul.
Al-Farabi expresses his theory of causality in the
treatise called " the gems of wisdom."^ Everything
which exists after having not existed, he says, must
be brought into being by a cause which itself may be
the result of some preceding cause, and so on, until
we reach a First Cause, which is and always has been,
its eternity being necessary because there is no other
cause to precede it, and Aristotle has shown that the
chain of causes cannot be infinite. The First Cause
is one and eternal, and is God (cf. Aristot. Metaph.
12, 7, and similarly Plato, Timaeus 28). Being un-
changed this First Cause is perfect, and to know it
is the aim of all philosophy, for obviously everything
would be intelligible if the cause of all were known.
This First Cause is the " necessary being " whose
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 153
existence is necessary to account for all other existence ;
it has neither genus, species, nor differentia ; it is
both external and internal, at once apparent and
concealed ; it cannot be perceived by any faculty
but is knowable by its attributes, and the best
approach to knowledge is to know that it is inacces-
sible. In this treatment al-Farabi is mingling the
teaching of philosophy proper with mysticism, in
his days rapidly developing in Asiatic Islam, and
especially in the Shi'ite community with which he
was in contact. Prom the philosophical point of
view God is unknowable but necessary, just as eternity
and infinity are unknowable but necessary, because
God is above all knowledge : but in another sense God
is beneath all knowledge, as the ultimate reality must
underlie all existing things, and every result is a
manifesting of the cause.
The proof of the existence of God is founded upon
the argument in Plato, Timaeus 28, and Aristotle,
Metaphysics 12. 7, and was later on used by Albertus
Magnus and others. In the first place a distinction
is made between the possible, which may be only
potential, and the real. For the possible to become
real it is necessary that there should be an effective
cause. The world is evidently composite, and so cannot
itself be the first cause, for the first cause must be single
and not multiple : therefore the world evidently pro-
ceeds from a cause other than itself. The immediate
cause may itself be the result of another preceding
cause, but the series of causes cannot be infinite) nor
164 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
can they return as a circle upon themselves, there-
fore if we trace back we must ultimately reach an
ens primum, itself uncaused, which is the cause of
all, and this first cause exists of necessity, but not by
a necessity caused by anything other than itself.
It must be single and unchangeable, free from all
accidents, absolute, perfect, and good, and the
absolute intelligentia, intelligibile, and intelligens.
In itself it possesses wisdom, life, insight, will, power,
beauty and goodness, not as acquired or external
qualities, but as aspects of its own essence. It is
the first will and the first willing, and also the first
object of will. It is the end of all philosophy to know
this first Cause, which is God, because as He is the
cause of all, all can be understood and explained by
understanding and .knowing Him. That the first
Cause is single and one and the cause of all agrees
with the teaching of the Qur'an, and al-Farabi freely
uses Qur'anic phraseology in perfect good faith,
supposing that the Aristotelian doctrine corroborates
the doctrine of the Qur'an. The most curious part
of al-Farabi's work is the way in which he employs
the terminology of the Qur'an as corresponding to that
of the neo-Platonists, so that the Qur'anicpen, tablet,
etc., represent the neo-Platonic, etc. It may be ques-
tioned whether, even in al-Farabi, philosophy really
does fit in with Qur'anic doctrine, but the divergence
was not yet sufficiently marked to compel attention.
Assured of the conformity of the teaching of
Aristotle with the teaching, of revelation al-Farabi
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 155
denies that Aristotle teaches the eternity of matter,
and so is inconsistent with the dogma of creation.
The whole question depends on what is meant by
" creation." God,, he supposes, created all things in
an instant in unmeasured eternity, not directly, but
by the intermediary operation of the 'aql or Agent
Intelligence. In this sense Aristotle held that the
universe existed in eternity, but it so existed as a
created thing. Creation was therefore complete
before God, acting through the 'aql, introduced
movement, at which time commenced ; as movement
and time came into existence simultaneously, forth-
with creation already existing in the timeless came
out of its concealment and entered into reality.
The term " creation " is sometimes used as applying
to this emergence from timeless quiesence, but more
properly may be taken as denoting the causation,
which, as it preceded time, came into unmeasured
eternity, which is what Aristotle means when he
speaks of the world as eternal. Thus both Qur'aa
and Aristotle are right, but each uses " creation "
to denote a different thing.
It is difficult to over-estimate the importance of
al-Farabi. Practically all we afterwards meet in
Ibn Sina and Ibn Eushd is already to be found in sub-
staiice in his teaching, only that these later philoso-
phers have realized that the Aristotelian system cannpt
be reconciled with, the traditional theology, and BO,
having given up all attempt at formal reconciliation,
are able to express themselves more clearly and to
156 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
press home their tenets to their logical conclusions.
When considering the reconciliation between philo-
sophy and Qur'an attempted by al-Farabi it is im-
portant to compare and contrast the reconciliation
attempted on quite other lines by al-Aslrari and
other founders of orthodox scholasticism. It must
be noted that the^ beginning of schplasiticism was
contemporary with al-Farabi.
~'&B~KasH6een noted, al-Farabi was mixed up with
the Shi^ite group ; the supporters of 'Alid claims who
held aloof from the official Khalifate at* Baghdad.
About the time of al-Kindi's death (circ. 260), the
twelfth Imam of the Ithna 'ashariya or orthodox
Shi'ite sect, Muhammad al-Muntazar, " disappeared."
In the year 320, within the period of al-Farabi's
activity, the Buwa^hid princes became the leading
power in 'Iraq, and in 334, five years before his
death, they obtained possession of Baghdad, so that
for the next 133 years the Khalifs were in very much
the same position as the Frankish kings when they,
surrounded with great ceremony and treated with
the utmost reverence, were no more than puppets
in the hands of the Mayors of the Palace. In ex-
actly the same way the Khalifs, half popes and hall
empei$$rs, whose sign manual was sought as giving
a show of legitimacy to sovereigns even in far-ofl
India, possessed in Baghdad only ceremonial functions^
and were treated as honoured prisoners by the
Buwajhid _Enuis, who %msei^^^
the Ithna 'ashariya sect, and who t consequently, re-
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 157
garded the Khalifs as mere usurpers. At this period
the Shi'ites were the patrons of philosophy, and the
orthodox Sunnis generally took a reactionary attitude.
Besides the Ithna 'ashariya, the comparatively
orthodox Shi'ites, there was another branch of ex-
tremer type known as the Sab'iya or " seveners."
The sixth Imam Ja'far as-Sadiq had nominated his
son Isma'il as his successor, but as Isma'il was one
day found drunk, Ja'far disinherited him and ap-
pointed his second son Musa al-Qazm (d. 183).
But some did not admit that the Imamate, whose
divine right passed by hereditary descent, could
be transferred at will, but remained loyal to Isma'il,
and these preferred, when Isma'il died in Ja'far's
lifetime, to transfer their allegiance to his son
Muhammed, reckoning him as the seventh Imam.
These " seveners " continued to exist as an obscure
sect until, it would appear, somewhere about the
year 220, when 'Abdullah, the son of a Persian oculist
named Maymun, either was made their head or led
a secession from them, and organised his followers
with a kind of freemasonry in seven (afterwards
nine) grades of initiation and a very admirably
organised system of propaganda on the lines already
laid down by the Hashimites (cf. supra). In the
earlier grades the doctrine of batn or allegorical
interpretation of the Qur'an was laid down as essential
to a right* understanding of its meaning, for the
literal sense is often obscure, and sometimes refers to
things incomprehensible, a doctrine commonly attri-
158 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
buted to J>'f$r as-Sadiq. The initiate was then
taught that the true meaning could not be discovered
by private interpretation but needed an authori-
tative teacher, the Imam, or, as he had disappeared,
his accredited representative, the Mahdi 'Abdullah,
son of Maymun. In the higher grades the disciple
had this inner meaning of the Qur'an disclosed to
him, and this proved to be substantially the Aristot-
elian and neo-Platonic doctrine in general outline,
together with certain oriental elements derived from
Zoroastrianism and Masdekism. These oriental
elements figured chiefly in the doctrines taught to
the intermediate grades, the higher ones attaining a
pure agnosticism with an Aristotelian background.
The sect thus formed spread, developed, and finally
divided. It had a successful career in the Bahrayn
or district near the junction of the two rivers, the
Tigris and Euphrates, and there its followers were
known as Qarmatians, after the name of a leading
missionary. It met with success also in and around
Aden, but we have no account of its subsequent history
there. Prom Aden missionaries passed over to North
Africa, where it had its chief success, and when Ubayd
Allah, a descendant of 'Abdullah, passed over there
an independent state was founded, with its capital
at Kairawan (297 A.H.). From Kairawan a mis-
sionary propaganda was conducted in Egypt, then
suffering from almost perennial misgovernment, and
in the days of the deputy Kafur a definite invitation
was sent by the Egyptian officials asking for the Khalif
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 159
of Kairawan to enter Egypt. At length Ubayd
Allah's great-grandson al-Mo'izz <lid invade Egypt
in 356, and established there the Fatimite Khalifate,
which lasted until the country was conquered by
Saladin in 567.
The Sab'iya sect was thus geographically divided
into two branches, one in Asia represented^lby ;%be
Qarmatians, the other in Africa under the Fatimite
Khalifs. In the Asiatic branch the members were
chiefly drawn from the Nabatsean peasantry, and
the sect took the form of a revolutionary group witfc
communist teaching, and violently opposed to the
Muslim religion. In their contemptuous hostility
they finally attacked Mecca, slew many of the digni-
taries of the city and a number of pilgrims who were
there, and carried off the sacred black stone, which
they retained for several years. In the hands of the
Qarmatians the sect ceased to be a propaganda of
philosophical doctrine, it became simply anti-religious
and revolutionary. The history of the African
branch took a different turn. Possession of an
important state brought with it a position of ra-
spectability, and political ambition replaced religions
enthusiasm. As the majority of the subject popu-
lation was strictly orthodox, the peculiar tenets of
the sect were, to a large extent, allowed to drop into
the background; candidates were still admitted to
initiation and instructed, but, although the Fatimite
rulers in Egypt were liberal patrons of scholarship,
and generally showed a more tolerant attitude than
160 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
other contemporary Muslim rulers, they certainly
did not carry out a wholesale Aristotelian propaganda ;
indeed, the line of " philosophers " proper simply
misses over Fatimite Egypt, although there were
several distinguished medical workers there. From
the Isma'ilians or Sab'iya of Egypt there came two
interesting off-shoots. Towards the end of the reign
of the sixth Fatimite Khalif, al-Hakim, who may
have been a religious fanatic, perhaps insane, or
possibly an enlightened religious reformer of views
far ahead of his age his real character is one of the
problems of history there arrived in Egypt certain
Persian teachers holding doctrines of transmigration
and of theophanies, which seem to be endemic in
Persia, and these persuaded al-Hakim that he was
an incarnation of the Deity. A riot followed the
open preaching of this claim, and the preachers fled
to Syria, then a part of the Fatimite dominions,
and there founded a sect which still exists in the
Lebanon under the name of the Druzes. Soon after
this al-Hakim himself disappeared ; some said he
was murdered, others said he had retired to a Christian
monastry, and was recognised there afterwards as a
monk; others believed he had gone up to heaven,
and more than one claimant appeared asserting that
he was al-Hakim returned from concealment. The
other off -shoot shows a more definitely philosophical
bearing. In the days of al-Mustansir, al-Hakim's
grandson, one of the Isma'ilian missionaries, a
Persian named Nasir-i-Khusraw, came from Khurasan
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 161
to Egypt, and after a stay of seven years returned
home. This seems to have coincided with a kind
of revival in the Isma'ilian sect, which now regarded
Cairo as its headquarters. The Qarmatians had
quite passed away ; al-Hakim, whatever his later
eccentricities, had been a patron of scholarship, the
founder of an academy, the Daru 1-HiJcma, or " House
of Wisdom," at Cairo, and had enriched it with a large
library, and was himself distinguished as a student
of astronomy. The reign of his grandson was the
golden age of Fatimid science, and apparently Shi'ites
from all parts of Asia found their way to Egypt.
In 471 another da'i or missionary, Hasan-i-Sabbah,
a pupil of Nasir-i-Khusraw, visited Cairo and was
received by the Chief Da'i, but not allowed to see the
Khalif, and eighteen months later was compelled to
leave the country and return to Asia. There were
two factions in Cairo, the adherents respectively of
the Khalif } s two sons, Nizar and Musta'li ; xJKTasir-
i-Khusraw and Hasan-i-Sabbah had already made
themselves known as supporters of the elder son
JTizar, but the court officials in Egypt adhered to
the younger son Musta'li. When the Khalif al-
Mustansir died in 487 the Isma'ilian sect divided
into two new branches, the Egyptians and Africans
generally recognising Musta'li, the Asiatics adhering to
Nizar, This latter group had already been well organ-
ised by Nasir-i-Khusraw and Hasan-i-Sabbah, who for
several years previously had been preaching the rights
of Nizar. On his return home, about 473, Hasan**
162 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
i-Sabbah had secured possession of a stronghold
known as Alamut, " the eagle's teaching " (cf . Browne :
Lit. History of Persia, ii. 203, espec. note 13), and
this became the headquarters of the sect of Mzaris
or Assassins, who figure so prominently in the history
of the Crusades. They had many mountain strong-
holds, but all were under the control of the Sheikh
or " Old Man of the Mountain," as the Crusaders
and Marco Polo called him, at Alamut. These
Sheikhs or Grand Masters of the order continued for
eight generations, until Alamut was captured by the
Mongols in 618 A.H. (-1221 A.D.), and the last was
put to death. As the order grew it spread into Syria,
and it was the Syrian branch with which the Crusaderi
from Europe came most into contact. JEn this order
we find the old system of successive grades of initia-
tion. The Lasiqs, *or " adherents," had but little
knowledge of the real doctrines of the sect, and
attached to them were the Fida'is or " self -de voted,"
bound to blind obedience and ready to execute
vengeance at the bidding of their superiors ; these
were the men to whom the Crusaders especially
applied the term Assassins, that is Hashishin or
u users of hashish," referring to the hashish or Indian
hemp which they commonly used as a means of
exaltation. Above these were the -Ka/ig* or
" companions," and above these was an ordered
hierarchy of da' is or missionaries, Chief Missionaries
(da'i i~Kabir), and Supreme Missionary (da'i d-Du'at).
In the eyes of outsiders the whole sect had a sinister
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 163
appearance ; the crimes of the Fida'is, usually com-
mitted under striking and dramatic circumstances,
and the reputed heresies of the superior grades were
sufficient to secure this, and the general dread with
which they were regarded was increased by incidents
which showed that they had spies and sympathizers
in all directions. The superior grades, however,
were true heirs of the old Isma'ilian principles and
ardent students of philosophy and science. When
the Mongols under Hulagu seized Alamut in 654
= A.D. 1256) they found an extensive library and
an observatory with a collection of valuable astronom-
ical instruments. The Mongol capture meant the
downfall of the Assassins, although the Syrian branch
still continued in humbler fashion, and the sect has
adherents even at the present day. Scattered relics
survive also in central Asia, in Persia, and in India ;
the Agha Khan is a lineal descendant af Ruknu
d-Din Khurshah, the last Sheikh at Alamut.
Thus the movememt started by AbduHiM 1 , the son
of Maymun, whose original purpose seems to have
been to maintain a highly philosophical religion
as revealed by Aristotle and the neo-Platonists, but
to safeguard this as an esoteric faith disclosed only
to initiates, the rank and file being apparently Shi'ite
sectaries, produced a group of very curious sects. In
the Qarmatians the esoteric tenets were compelled
to take a debased form because those who professed
them, and into whose hands this branch fell alto-
gether, were illiterate peasants. In the Fatimid
164 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
state of Egypt they were minimised because political
considerations rendered it expedient to conciliate
orthodox Muslim opinion. And in the Assassins,
confined, it seems, to the higher grades of the initiates,
they produced a rich intellectual development, though
allied to a system which shows fanaticism un-
scrupulously used by the leaders that they might
live out their lives in a philosophical seclusion, pro-
tected from the dangers which surrounded them:
Before leaving this particular subject, which
shows the promulgation of philosophy as an esoteric
creed, we must refer to a society known as the .IJchwanu
a-8afa or " the brotherhood of purity." We do not
know what its connection with ' Abdullah b. Maymun's
sect may have been beyond the fact that they were
contemporary and of kindred aims, but it certainly
seems that there was some connection : it has been
suggested that this brotherhood represents the
original teaching of Abdullah's sect. It was divided
into four grades, but its doctrines were promulgated
freely at an early date, though we do not know
whether this general divulging of its teaching was
part of the original plan or forced upon it by cir-
cumstances. It appears openly about 360, some
hundred years after Abdullah founded his sect,
shortly after the Fatimites had conquered Egypt and
some time after the Qarmatians had returned the
sacred black stone which they had stolen from the
" House of God " at Mecca. It seems tempting to
suggest that it may have been a reformation of
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 165
the Ishma'ilians on the part of those who wished
to return to the original aims of the movement.
The published work of the brotherhood appears in
a series of 51 epistles, the Rasa'il ikhwani s-Safa,
which form an encyclopaedia of philosophy and
science as known to the Arabic-speaking world in the
4th cent. A.H. They do not propose any new
theories but simply furnish a manual of current
material. The whole text of these epistles has been
printed at Calcutta, whilst portions of the voluminous
whole have been edited by Prof. Dieterici between
1858 and 1872, and these were followed in 1876 and
1879 by two volumes called MaJcrokosmos and
MikrokosmoSj in which an epitome is presented of
the whole work. It appears that the leading spirit
in the preparation of this encyclopaedia was Zayd
b. Eifa'a, and with him were associated Abu Sulayman
Muhammad al-Busti, Abu 1-Hasan <Ali az-Zanjani,
Abu Ahmad al-Mahrajani, and al-Awfi, but it does
not follow that these were the founders of the brother*
hood, as some have suppposed.
A great part of the Epistles of the Brotherhood deals
with logic and the natural sciences, but when the
writers turn to metaphysics, psychology, or theology,
we find very clear traces of the neo -Platonic doctrines
as containedjm Alexander of Aphrodisias and matured
by Plotinus. God, we read, is above all knowledge
y ,,wvi*i **"*' * ,*t, > *.,**-' <* '* n-' < " '" o w
and abo ve all ^ tjiejcategori^ pf human thought. From
God proceeds the 'aql or intelligence^ a complete
spiritual emanation which contains in itself the forms
166 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
of all things, and from the 'aql proceeds the Universal
Soul, and from that Soul comes primal matter : when
this primal matter becomes capable of receiving
dimensions it becomes secondary matter, and from
that the universe proceeds. The Universal Soul
permeates all matter and is itself sustained by the
perpetual emanation of itself from the 'aql. This
Universal Soul permeating all things yet remains one ;
but each individual thing has a part-soul, which is
the source of its force and energy, this part-soul
having a varying degree of intellectual capacity.
The union of soul and matter is temporary ; by wisdom
and faith the soul tends to be set free from its material
fetters, and so to approach nearer to the present
spirit or 'aql. The right aim of life is the emanci-
pation of the soul from matter, so that it may be
absorbed in the parent spirit and thus approach
nearer to the Deity. All this is but a repetition of
the teaching of al-Farabi and the neo-Platonists,
slightly coloured, perhaps, by Sufism, and expressed
less logically and lucidly than in the teaching of the
philosophers. In general character it shows a
tendency towards jjajRtheism, akin to the tendency
we have already observed in certain of the Mu'tazilites.
God, properly so called, is outside, or rather on such
ft plane that man does not know, and never can know,
anything about Him. Even the 'aql is on a plane
other than that on which the human soul lives. But
the Universal Soul which permeates all things is an
emanation from this Spirit, and the Spirit emanatti
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 167
from the unknowable God. Comparing this with the
teaching of al-Kindi and al-Farabi it is clear that it
is based upon the same material, but jit is in the
hands of those who have made it a religion, and this
religion has entirely broken away from the orthodox
doctrine of the Qur'an. In al-Parabi this breach is
not conscious, although really quite complete ; in his
successors we see a full realization of the cleavage.
Comparing it with Sufism the superficial resemblances
are very close, the more so as Sufism borrows a great
deal of philosophical, i.e., neo-Platonic terminology,
but in fact there is an essential divergence : the
Epistles of the brethren represent the emancipation
of the soul from matter as the aim of life, and the
final result is re-absorption in the Universal Soul,
but they represent this emancipation as due to an
intellectual force, so that the soul's salvation lies in
wisdom and knowledge ; it is a cult of intellect.
But Sufism is spiritual in another sense : it has the
game aim in view, but it regards the means as wisdom
in the sense of religious truth as found by the devout
soul in piety, not as the wisdom obtained by intel-
lectual learning.
We seem, however, justified in saying that Sufism
is the heir of the philosophical teaching of al-Farabi
ana the Brethren of Purity, at least in A$ii* After
the first quarter of the fifth century philosophic^
teaching seems to have disappeared altogether in
Asia, but this is only apparent. In substance it
remains in Sufism, and we may say that the essential
168 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
change lies in the new meaning given to " wisdom,"
which ceases to signify scientific facts and specu-
lations acquired intellectually, and is taken to mean
a supra-intellectual knowledge of God. This,
perhaps, represents the Indian contribution working
upon elements of Hellenistic origin.
The doctrines of the Brethren of Purity were in-
troduced to the West by a Spanish .doctor, Muslim b.
Muhammad Abu 1-Qasim al-Majriti al-Andalusi
(d. 395-6), and were largely influential in producing
the falasifa of Spain, who ultimately exercised so great
an influence on mediaeval Latin scholasticism.
Before leaving this particular section of our subject
it will be well to note that all these sects and groups
we have mentioned after al-Farabi, from the sect
founded by Abdullah b. Maymun to the Brethren of
Purity, agreed in treating philosophy, at least in
so far as it had any bearing on theological topics,
as esoteric, and not to be disclosed to any save the
elect. This general attitude will appear again,
in a slightly different form, in the works of the
Spanish philosophers, and to some extent recurs in all
Islamic thought.
The greatest product in Asia of the ferment of
thought produced by the general study of the Aristot-
elian and neo-Platonic philosophies appears in Abu
*Ali al-Husayn b. 'Abdullah b. Sina (d. jlggj- AJD.
1027), commonly known as Ibn Sina, which is Latin-
ized as Avicenna. His life is known to us from an
autobiography completed by his pupil, Abu Ubayd
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 169
al- Juzjanl, from his master's recollections. We learn
that his father was governor of Kharmayta, but, after
his son's birth, he returned to Bukhara, which had
been the original home of his family, and it was there
that Ibn Sina received his education. During his
youth some Isma'ilian missionaries arrived from
Egypt, and his father became one of their converts.
From them the son learned Greek, philosophy,
geometry, and arithmetic. This helps to remind us
how the whole Isma'ilian propaganda was associated
with Hellenistic learning. It is sometimes stated
that the Egypt of the Fatimite age was isolated from
the intellectual life of Islam at large: but this is
hardly accurate ; from first to last the whole of the
Isma'ilian movement was connected with the intel-
lectual revival due to the reproduction of Greek philo-
sophy in Arabic form, less so, of course, when the
Isma'ilian converts were drawn from the illiterate
classes, as was the case with the Qarmations, and when
the attention of the members was engrossed with politi-
cal ambitions, as was the case with the Fatimids whilst
they were building up their power in Africa before the
invasion of Egypt. But even under the most un-
favourable conditions it seems % that the da 'is or
missionaries regarded the spread of science and
philosophy as a leading part of their duties, quite as
much so as the preaching of the 'Alid claims of the
Fatimite Khalif. Learning Greek and Greek philo-
sophy from these missionaries Ibn Sina made rapid
progress, and then turned to the study of juris*
170 ARABIQ THOUGHT IN HISTORY
prudence and mystic theology. Jurisprudence, that
is to say, the canon law based on one of the orthodox
systems laid down by Ab-u Hanifa and the other
recognised jurists, or by their Shi'ite rivals, has
always been the backbone of Islamic scholarship, and
was thus parallel with the study of canon law in
mediaeval Europe : in each case it turned men's
attention to the development of the social structure
towards an ideal, and this had an educative influence
of the highest value. We, holding very different
principles, may be tempted to under-estimate this
influence, but it is worth noting that, whilst our aims
are opportunist in character, the canonist of Islam
or of Christendom had a more definitely constructed
ideal, with a more complete and scientific finality,
which, in so far as it was an ideal, was an uplifting
power. In Muslim lands the canonists were the one
power which had the courage and ability to resist
the caprices of an autocratic government, and to
compel even the most arbitrary princes to submit to
principles which, however narrow and defective they
may seem to us, y#t made the ruler admit that he
was subordinate to a system, and defined the limits
Billowed by that system in conformity with ideals of
equity and justice. It is interesting to note that in
[bn Sina's time mystic theology had already token
^ *!**><<< " ^ , , ,! I f -0W l4<> 1 , 1 I, I 11 *, , I ,
ts glace as a sub|fit flfjseriaus, atudy.
A short time afterwards a philosopher named
in-Natali arrived at Bukhara and became a guest
>f Ibn Sina's father. Bearing in mind the technical
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 171
meaning of failasuf, we recognise this guest as, a pro-
fessed Aristotelian, and presumably one able to obtain
his living as a teacher of the Aristotelian doctrine.
From him Ibn Sina learned logic and had his mind
directed towards the Aristotelian teaching, which was
then preached like a religion. After this he studied
Euclid, the Almajesta, and the "Aphorisms of the
Philosophers/' His next study was medicine, in
which he made so great progress that he adopted the
practice of medicine as his profession. He attempted
to study Aristotle's Metaphysics, but found himself
entirely incapable of understanding its meaning,
until one day he casually purchased one of al-
Farabi's books, and by its help he was able to grasp
the meaning and purport of what had so far eluded
him. It is on this ground that we are entitled to
describe Ibn Sina as a pupil of al-Farabi : it was al-
Farabi's work which really formed his mind and
guided him to the interpretation of Aristotle ; al-
Farabi was, in the truest sense, the parent of all
subsequent Arabic philosophers ; great as was Ibn
Sina he does not enter into the tradition in the same
way as al-Farabi, and does not exercise the same
influence on his successors, although al-Ghazali
classes him with al-Farabi, and calls them the leading
interpreters of Aristotle. Emphasis is sometimes
laid upon the fact that Ibn Sina treats philosophy as
quite apart from revelation as given in the Qur'an ;
but in this he was not original : it was the general
tendency of all who came alter al-Farabi ; we cam
172 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
only say that Ibn Sina was the first important writer
who illustrates this tendency, i,
Called to exercise his medical skill at the court of
Nuh b. Mansur, the Samanid governor of Khurasan,
he enjoyed that prince's favour, and in his library
studied many works of Aristotle hitherto unknown
to his contemporaries, and when that library was
burned he was regarded as the sole transmitter of the
doctrines contained in those books. This represents
contemporary Arabic opinion about him : there is
no evidence in his existing writings that he had access
to Aristotelian material other than that generally
known to the Syriac and Arabic writers. When the
affairs of the Samanid dynasty fell into disorder Ibn
Sina removed to'Khwarazan, where he, with several
other scholars, enjoyed the enlightened patronage
of the Ma'muni Emir. But this Emir was living a
somewhat precarious existence in the neighbourhood
of the Turkish Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna, the stern
champion of orthodoxy and the conqueror of India.
It was obvious that the Sultan coveted the Emir's
dominions, and that when he chose to seize them it
would be impossible to resist ; he actually did take
them in 408. Meanwhile the Sultan was treated with
the utmost deference by the Emir and such of his
neighbours as were allowed to live on sufferance.
Mahmud wished to be distinguished as a patron of
learning, and " invited " scholars to his court in
plain words, he kidnapped scholars and took care that
they neVer afterwards transgressed the strictest
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 173
limits of orthodoxy. Amongst others the Emir
received a letter inviting such men of learning as were
to be found in Khwarazan to his court. The Emir
read out the letter to the five most distinguished
scholars who were his guests, leaving them to act
as they thought fit. Three of the guests were
attracted by the Sultan's reputation for generosity
and accepted the invitation, but two, Ibn Sina and
Masihi, were afraid to venture, so they escaped
privately and fled ; overtaken by a sandstorm in
the desert Masihi perished, but Ibn Sina, after long
wanderings, finally found a refuge in Isfahan, where
the Buwayhid 'Ala'u d-Dawla Muhammad held his
court. His experiences show plainly that it was the
Shi'ites who were the supporters of philosophy, and
that the growing Turkish power of Mahmud of
Ghazna and of the Seljuks who succeeded him was
reactionary and unfavourably disposed towards philo-
sophical research. It was the Turkish power which
finally checked the progress of Arabic philosophy in
the East.
Ibn Sina wrote many works in Arabic and Persian,
and a number of these are still extant. Amongst
his productions were as-Shafa, an encyclopaedia of
physics, metaphysics, and mathematics in eighteen
volumes (ed. Forget, Leiden, 1892), a treatise on
logic and philosophy, and the medical works on which
his fame so largely rests. The best known of these
are the Najat abridged from the as-Shafa, and the
medical Canon, in which he reproduced the teaching
174 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
of Galen and Hippocrates with illustrative material
from the later medical writers. The Canon is
more methodical in its arrangement than the al-Hawi
of Bazes, hitherto the popular manual of medicine
in Arabic ; indeed, its chief defect is an excessively
elaborate classification. It became the leading
medical authority, and, after translation into Latin by
Gerard of Cremona, served for many centuries as
the chief representative of the Arabic school of
medicine in western Europe, holding its place in the
universities of Montpelier and Louvain down to
A.D. 1650.
Ibn Sina treats logic as of use rather in a negative
than in a positive way : " the end of logic is to give a
man a standard rule, by observing which he is
preserved from error in reasoning " (Isharat ed.
Forget, p. 2). His treatise on this subject in Tis*
Rasa'ilfi-l-Hikma wa-l-Tabi'yat (p. 79, pub. Stamboul,
1298), is divided into nine parts corresponding to the
Arabic canon of, Aristotle, which includes the Isagoge
as well as the Ehetoric and Poetics. He makes
special note to the logical bearing of particular
grammatical constructions which in Arabic differ
from the forms used in Greek, as, for example, where
the Greek expresses the universal negative by " all
A is not B," but Arabic renders this " nothing of
A (is) B." He lays great emphasis upon accurate
detrition, which he describes as the essential basis
of all sound reasoning, and to this he devotes much
attention. Definition proper must state the quiddity
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 175
of a thing, its genus, differentia, and all its essential
characteristics, and is thus distinct from mere de-
scription, which need only give the propria and
accidents in such a way that the thing may be re-
cognised correctly.
In dealing with the universal and the particular
he considers that the universal exists only in the
human mind : the abstract idea of the genus is formed
in the mind of the observer when he compares individ-
uals and makes note of their points of similarity, but
this abstract idea exists only as a mental concept and
has no objective reality. The universal precedes the
individual (genus ante res) only in the way that the
general idea existed in the mind of the Creator before
the individual was formed, just as the idea of an object
to be made exists in the mind of the artificer before
the work is executed. The general idea is realised
in matter (genus in rebus), but only when accompanied
by accidents: apart from these accidents it exists
only as a mental abstraction. After the general idea
is realised in matter (genus post res) it is possible for
the intellect to make a mental abstraction and to
use this as a standard of comparison with other
individuals. The generic belongs only to the realm
of thought, and such abstract ideas have no objectite
existence, although they may be used as real in logic*
The soul is treated as a collection of * faculties
(fcowa) or forces acting on the body : all activity of
any sort, in bodies animal or vegetable, as well as
human, proceeds either from such forces added to
!76 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
the body or from the mixture of elements from which
the body is formed. The simplest soul condition is
that of the vegetable whose activity is limited to
nutrition and generation and accretion by growth
(Najat, p. 43). The animal soul possesses the veget-
able faculties but adds to them others, and the
human soul adds yet others to these, and the addition
made to the human soul enables it to be described
as a rational soul. The faculties present in the soul
may be divided into two classes, the faculties of per-
ception sfnd the faculties of action. The faculties
of perception are partly external and partly internal :
of these the external faculties exist in the body
wherein the soul dwells and are the eight senses,
sight, hearing, taste, smell, perception of heat and
cold, perception of dry and moist, perception of
resistance as by hard and soft, and perception of
rough and smooth. By means of these senses the
form of the external object is reproduced in the soul
of the percipient. There are four internal faculties
of perception : (i.) al-musawira, " the formative,"
whereby the soul perceives the object without the
aid of the senses as by an act of imagination ; (ii.)
al-mufaKkira, " the cogitative," by which the soul
perceiving a number of qualities associated together
abstracts one or more of them from the others with
which they are associated, or groups together those
which are not seen as connected ; this is the faculty
of abstraction which is employed in forming general
ideas } (iii) al wahm, or " opinion/ 9 by means o! which
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 177
a general conclusion is drawn from a number of ideas
grouped together ; and (iv.) al-hafiza or az-zakira,
" memory," which preserves and records the judg-
ments formed. Men and animals perceive pariculars
by means of sense ; man attains the knowledge of
universals by means of reason. The 'aql or rational
soul of man is conscious of its own faculties, not by
means of an external, i.e., bodily sense, but im-
mediately by the exercise of its own reasoning power.
This proves to be an independent entity, even
though accidentally connected with a body and
dependent on that body for sense perception :
the possibility of direct knowledge without sense
perception shows that it is not essentially dependent
on the body, and the possibility of its existence
without the body, which follows logically from
its independence, is the proof of its immortality.
Every living creature perceives that it has only
one ego or soul in itself, and this soul, says Ibn Sina,
did not exist prior to the body but was created, that
is to say, proceeded by emanation from the Agent
Intellect at the time when the body was generated.
(Najat, p. 51).
Under the head of Physics Ibn Sina considers the
forces observed in nature, including all that are in
the soul, save only that which is peculiar to the
rational soul of man. These forces are of three kinds :
some, such as weight, are an essential part of the body
in which they occur ; others are external to the body
on which they act, and are such as cause movement
178 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
or rest ; and others, again, are such as the faculties
possessed by the non-rational souls of the spheres,
which produce movement directly without external
impulse, No force is infinite ; it may be increased or
diminished, and always produces a finite
Time is regarded as essentially dependent on
ment ; although it is not itself a form of movement,
so far as the idea of time is concerned, it is measured
and made known by the movements of the heavenly
bodies. Following al-Kindi place is defined as " t|ie
limit of the container which touches the contained/'
Vacuum is " only a name", in fact it is impossible,
for all space can be increased, diminished, or divided
into parts, and so must contain something capable
of increase, etc.
God alone is " necessary being," and so the supreme
reality. Space, time, etc., belong to " actual being,"
and whatever necessity they possess is derived from
God. The objects studied in physical science are
only "possible being," which may or may not become
" actual being." God alone is necessarily existent
through all eternity: He is the truth in the sense
that He alone is true absolutely, all other reality is
BO only in so far as it is derived from God. From God
* 5 **i'-1. ' '
jbj; $ Equation comes thJogl or " Agent Intellect,"
and from this proceeds the intellect or reason winch
differentiates the rational soul in man from the soul
in otHer creatures. To every man this intellect is
given, and in due course it returns to the " Agent
Intellect "which was its source. The soul's possible
THE EASTERN PHILOSOPHERS 179
activity, independent of the body with which it is
associated, proves its immortality, but this immortality
does not imply separate existence, but rather re-
absorption in the source. From the 'aql also proceeds
the universe, but not like the reason of man by direct
emanation, but by the medium of successive
emanations.
Jbn Sina was the last of the great philosophers of
the East. Two causes combined to terminate philo-
sophy proper in Asiatic Islam. In the first place
it had become closely identified with the ShHte
heresies, and was thus in bad repute in the eyes of
the orthodox; whilst the Shi'ite sects themselves,
all of the extremer kind (ghulat), which had devoted
themselves most to philosophical studies, had also
taken up a number of pre-Islamic religious theories,
such 2^8 transmigration of souls, etc., which were
detrimental to scientific research. Neo-Platonism
had shown itself at an earlier period prone to similar
tendencies. As a result the Shi'ites tended towards
mystic and often fantastic theories, which were dis-
couraging to the study of Aristotelian doctrines. The
second cause lay in the rise of dominant Turkish
elements, Mahmud of Ghazna, then the Saljuk Turks,
which were of uncompromising orthodoxy, and
abhorred everything which was associated with the
Shi'ites or tended to rationalism. For all that it
left permanent marks in Asiatic Islam in two
directions : in orthodox scholasticism and in
mysticism.
180 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
We have already noted that Muslim b. Muhammad
Abu 1-Qasim al-Majriti al-Andalusi (d. 395-6), as his
name denotes, a native of Madrid, brought the teach-
ings of the Brethren of Purity to Spain, and so in-
cidentally aroused an interest there in the philosophy
which had been studied in the East. For some time
no important results appeared, then followed a series
of brilliant philosophical writers and teachers, de-
riving their inspiration partly from the Brethren,
and partly from the Jewish students.
CHAPTER VII
SUFISM
Sufism or Islamic mysticism, which becomes pro-
minent in the course of the^jicdL^nt. A.H., was
partly a product of Hellenistic influences, and exer-
cised a considerable influence on the philosophers of
the time of Ibn Sina and afterwards. The name
Sufi is derived from suf " wool," and so means
" wool-clad," thus denoting a person who from choice
used clothing of the simplest kind and avoided every
form of luxury or ostentation. That this is the true
meaning is proved by the fact that Persian employs
as its equivalent the term pashmina-push, which also
means " wool-clad." By a popular error the Arabic
writers on Sufism often treat the word as derived
from a/a, " purity," and so make it something akin
to " puritan " ; and still more incorrectly certain
Western writers have supposed that it is a trans-
literation of the Greek <ro<f>6<;. The emphasis is
laid upon the ascetic avoidance of luxury and the
voluntary adoption of simplicity in clothing on the
part of those to whom the term is applied. If we
regard this as a form of asceticism ,it will be at 01190
objected^ that asceticism has no place in the teaching
of the Qur'an and is alien to the character of early
181
182 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
Islam. In a sense this is true, and in a sense untrue
according to the meaning we attach to the term
" asceticism." As it is used in the history of
Christian monasticism, or of the devotees of several
Indian religions, or even of the latter Sufis, it implies
a deliberate avoidance of the normal pleasures and
indulgences of human life, and especially of marriage,
as things which entangle the soul and prevent its
spiritual progress. In this sense asceticism is alien
to the spirit of Islam, and appears amongst Muslims
only as an exotic. But the term may be used, not
very accurately perhaps, of the puritanical restraint
and simplicity which avoids all luxury and display,
and deliberately tries to retain a primitively simple
and self-denying manner of life. In this latter sense
asceticism or puritanism was a distinguishing mark
of the " old believer " as contrasted with the secular-
ised Arab of the Umayyad type, and this attitude
always had its admirers. The historians constantly
refer with commendation to the abstemious lives of
the early Khalifs and the " Companions '/of the
Prophet, and describe how they were abstinent not
from poverty but in order to put themselves on an
equality with their subjects, and to preserve the
traditional mode of life of the Prophet ^nd his first
followers, and very often in the recognised Traditions
we find mention of the bare and simple mode of life
of the first Muslims. Quite early this simplicity
appears as the distinctive mark of the strict Muslim,
and emphasizes the difference between him and the
SUFISM 183
worldly followers of the Umayyads, and similar
instances appear amongst the devout Muslims of the
present day. Such were not Sufis, but t they may be
regarded as the precursors of the Sufis. The his-
torian al-Fakhri, describing the abstemious life of
the first Khalifs, says that they endeavoured by this
self-restraint to wean themselves from the lusts of
the flesh. This is reading a later idea into a much
earlier practice, which was originally designed simply
as a more accurate following of the Proghet, who was
unable to enjoy any luxury or splendour ; but it
shows that later generations were inclined to ascribe
a more definitely ascetic motive to the affectedly
simple life of the earlier Muslims, and no doubt that
early puritanism, misunderstood by later ages, con-
tributed to spread asceticism.
Al-Qushayri (cited Browne : Lit. Hist, of Persia,
i. pp. 297-8), after referring to the " Companions "
and " Followers " of the first age of Islam, then
mentions the " ascetes " or " devotees " as the elect
of a later age, those who were most deeply concerned
with matters of religion, and finally the Sufis as those
elect of still later times, " whose souls were set on God,
and who guarded their hearts from the disasters of
heedlessness." Historically this is an error, for the
saints of early Islam were inspired by a spirit of strict
adherence to the traditional life of their desert
ancestors and rejected luxury as an " innovation,"
very much the same spirit as that observed in the
ancient Hebrew prophets ; whilst the Sufis were no
184 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
enthusiasts for tradition, but eschewed bodily in-
dulgence as an entanglement of the flesh which
hindered the progress of the spirit, so that they were
in no sense the successors of the " Companions,"
but were influenced by new ideas unknown to early
Islam. Yet superficially the results were very much
alike, and this caused the two to be connected, and
helped the later custom of connecting the early
puritans with the ascetics of a subsequent age. In
its earliest form, also, Islam made a strong appeal to
the motive of fear, an appeal not based on divine
severity so much as on divine justice and on man's
consciousness of his own sinfulness and unworthi-
ness, and on the fleeting passage of the life lived in
this present world. There was an intense concentra-
tion on the Day of Judgment and on the perils of the
sinner, a teaching which is perceived in the Qur'an
even by the most casual reader : but all this was not
altogether congenial to the Arab, although he in
poetry certainly inclined towards a tone of sadness.
The inevitable result of this teaching was asceticism
in the puritanical sense, or, perhaps we should say,
a tone of severity in religion.
Jami, one of the greatest Persian authorities on
Sufism, tells us that the name " Sufi " was first
applied to Abu Hashim (d. 162), an Arab of Kufawho
spent the greater part of his life in Syria, and is typical
of the early Islamic devotee who followed the
simplicity of the Prophet's life and was deeply
influenced by the Qur'anic teaching about sin,
SUFISM 185
judgment, and the brief passage of earthly life.
Similar devotees, claimed as Sufis by later Sufi
writers, but more properly devotees who were their
precursors, appear in the course of the 2nd century,
such as Ibrahim b. Adham (d. 162), Da'ud of Tayy
(d. 165), Fadayl of 'lyad (d. 188), Ma'ruf of Karkh
(d. 200), and others, both men and women. Amongst
these there was gradually evolved the beginnings of an
ascetic theology in traditional sayings and narratives
of their lives and conduct, a hagiology which lays
great emphasis upon their penances and self mortifi-
cation. Of this material the most important is the
recorded teaching of Ma'ruf of Karkh, from which
we may quote the definition of Sufism as " the
apprehension of divine realities," which, in a slightly
altered sense perhaps, becomes the keynote of later
Sufism.
Can we trace the origin of these early recluses f
Von TTremej (jtierrseh, p. 67) considers this type as
a native Arab growth developed from pre-Islamic
Christian influences. Christian monasticism we know
was familiar to the Arabs in the country fringing the
Syrian desert and in the desert of Sinai : of this we
have evidence both in Christian writers like Nilus and
in the pre-Islamic poets, as in the words of Imru
1-Qays :
44 Friend, see the lightning it flashed and is gone,
like the flashing of two hands on a crowned pillar :
Did its blaze flash forth ? or was it the lamp of a
monk who poured oil on the twisted wick t "
186 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
The hermit's life was known even in Arabia itself,
and tradition relates that Muhammad received his
first call when he had retired to the cave of Hira and
was living as a recluse there, returning periodically
to his home and taking back food with him to the
cave (cf. Bukhari : Sahih, L). It seems likely, indeed,
that the early recluses of Islam were inspired by the
example of Christian monasticism, either directly
or through the medium of Muhammad's traditional
retirement. But these recluses were not numerous,
and admittedly neglect the Qur'anic command to
marry (Qur. 24, 32).
Thus the earlier asceticism shows the character
of devout quietism, of a puritanical abstinence from
display of wealth and from self-indulgence, of a
strict simplicity of life rather than of a voluntary
poverty and mortification, of occasional retirement
from the world, and only in rare instances of the
permanent adoption of the hermit life. An instance
of this type occurs in Abu l-'Abbas as-Sabti (d. 184),
son of the Khalif Harunu r ^t^sMd, who renounced
rank and fortune for a life of meditation and retire-
ment.
In the latter part of the 3rd cent, we begin to find
evidences of a " new Sufigjw," which was inspired by
religious ideals other than those which had been
dominant in early Islam, and which developed from
those ideals a theology of its own, which for a long
time was not admitted as orthodox. Asceticism
still occurs, but whilst, cm the one hand, it begins to
SUFISM 187
take a more definite character in the deliberate seeking
of poverty and mortification, it is, on the other hand,
relegated to a subordinate place as a merely pre-
paratory stage in the Sufi life, which is technically
described as a " journey." Poverty, which amongst
the early Muslims was esteemed simply in so far as it
reproduced the modest life of the Prophet and his
companions, and was a standing protest against the
secularisation of the Umayyads, now assumed greater
prominence as a devotional exercise, a change which
appears definitely in Da'ud at-Ta'i (d. 165), who
limited his possessions to a rush mat, a brick which
he used as a pillow, and a leather water bottle. In
later Sufism poverty takes a position of great promi-
nence : the terms v /ap>, " poor man," and darwish,
" mendicant," become synonyms for " Sufi." But
in Sufi teaching religious poverty does not mean
absence of possessions only : it implies the absence of
all interest in earthly things, the giving up of all
participation in earthly possessions, and desiring God
as the only aim of desire. So mortification is the
subjugation of the evil part of the animal soul, the
nafs which is the seat of the lust and passions, and
so the weaning of the soul from material interests,
a " dying to self &o4 to the world " as a beginning
of a living to God.
What was the source of the theology developed in
the newer Sufism f Undoubtedly this was ,nejq-
JPJ&tonic. as has been proved by Dr. Nicholson
""! /. WuS^
from the Diwan of Shams-i- Tabriz,
188 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
Camb., 1898, and The Mystics of Islam, Lond. 1914),
and by Prof. Browne (Literary Hist, of Persia, Lond.,
1902, chap, xiii.), and forms part of the influence
which came into Islam at the introduction of Greek
philosophy under the 'Abbasids. But as in philo-
sophy and other cultural transmissions direct Greek
influence was preceded by an indirect influence
brought to bear through Syriac and Persian, so it
was also in neo-platonic theology, for neo-Platonic
influences had already been brought to bear upon
the Syrians and Persians in the pre-Islamic period,
lut the forefront of the later direct influence must
be placed the so-called Theology of Aristotle, which it
is no exaggeration to describe as the most prominent
and the widest circulated manual of neo-Platonisni
which has ever appeared. It is, as we have already
stated, an abridged translation of the last three books
of Plotinus' Enneads. Now the mysticism &t
Plotinus is philosophical and not religions, but it
lends itself to a theological interpretation very
easily, just as neo-Platonism as a whole very readily
became a theological system in the hands of
Jambliehus, of the pagans of Harran, and such like ;
and the Sufis were inclined to make this application,
whilst the falasifa CQflfiiied themselves to its philo-
sophical side. It seems probable that the influence
of the Pseudo-Diqnysius was brought to bear upon
[slam about the same time. The Pseudo-Dionysian
writings consist of four treatises, of which two, a
treatise " On Mystical Theology " in five chapters,
SUFISM 189
and a treatise " On the Names of God " in thirteen
chapters, have been the chief source of Christian
mystical theology. The first reference to these
writings occurs in A.D. 532, when the claim was made
that they were the work of Dionysius, the
Areopagitc, a pupil o f St. Paul, or at least represent
his teaching, in several places the wiiter cites
Hierotheus as his teacher, and this enables us to
identify tho source JJK M Syrian monk mim^u Stephen
Bar Surbili, who wiute under tbe name of H<orotheus
(of. Asseman, Bill. Orient, ii. 290-291). This Bar
Sudaili was abbot of a convent at Edessa, and was
involved in controversy with James of Sarugh, so
that we may refer the writings to the latter part of
the 5th century A.D. They were translated into
Syraic very soon after their first appearance in Greek,
and, as familiar to Syriac Christians, must have
become indirectly known to the Muslims. We have
no direct evidence as to their translation into Arabic,
but Mai gives fragments of other works of Bar Sudaili
which appear in Arabic MSS. in his Spicilegium
Romanum (iii. 707). The traditional view of the
relations between Sufism and philosophy is described
in the anecdote cited by Prof. Browne (Lit. Hist, of
Persia, ii. 261, from AJchlag-i-Jalali) of the Sufi Abu
Sa'id b. Abi 1-Khayr (d. 441 A.H.-1049 AJX), who
is said to have met and conversed with Ibn Sina ;
when they parted Abu Said said of Ibn Sina, " What
I see, he knows," whilst Ibn Sina said, " What I
know, he sees."
190 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
But there were other influences of a secondary
character at work in 'Iraq and Persia which become
important when we remember that it was the
subject population of those parts which had, to a
large extent, replaced the Arabs as the leaders of
*Islam during the 'Abbasid period. In connection
with the Sufis probably we cannot refer any influence
to the Zoroastrian religion proper, which had a non-
ascetic and national character; but the Manichaean
and Masdekite religions, the two " free churches "
of Persia, show a definitely ascetic tone, and when
we find, as is the case, that many of the early Sufis
were converts from Zoroastrianism, or the sons of such
converts, we are inclined to suspect that, though pro-
fessing that recognised religion, they were in all
probability actually Zindiqs, that is to say secretly
heretics and initiates of the Manichsean or Masdekite
sect making external profession of the more re-
cognised cult, as was the common practice of these
Zindiqs. Note must also be made of the (gnostic influ-
ences transmitted through the Saniy a of the fen country
between Wasit and Basra, the Mandaeans, as they are
called to distinguish them from the so-called Sabians
of Harran. ThejSufi Ma'ruf of Karkh was himself the
son of Sabian parents. And again we must not ignore
the probability of Buddhist influences, for Buddhist
propaganda had been active in pre-Islamic times in
Eastern Persia and Transoxiana. Buddhist mon-
asteries existed in Balkh, and it is noteworthy that
the ascete Ibrahim \ Adham (d. 162 cf. supra) ii
SUFISM . 19/
traditionally described as a prince of Balkh who left
his throne to become a darwish. On clpsgy examina-
tion, however, it does not appear that Buddhist
influence can have been very strong, as there are
essential differences between Sufi and Buddhist
theories. A superficial resemblance exists between
the Buddhist nirvana and the fana or re- absorption
of the soul in the Divine Spirit of Sufism. x But the
Buddhist doctrine represents the soul as losing its
individuality in the passionless placidity of absolute
quiescence, whilst the Sufi doctrine, though also
teaching a loss of individuality, regards everlasting
life as consisting in the ecstatic contemplation of the
Divine Beauty. There is an Indian parallel to fanaj
but it is not in Buddhism, but in the Vedantic
pantheism.
It is generally accepted that the first exponent of
Sufi doctrine was the Egyptian, or Nubian, Dhu
n-Nun (d. 245-246), a pupil of the jurist Malik b.
'Anas, who lived at the time when there was much
percolation of Hellenistic influence into the Islamic
world. He was indeed nearly contemporary with
'Abdullah, the son of Maymum, whose work we have
already noticed. Dhu n-Nun's teaching was recorded
^ W *fh.W *1M .*,, Wtflr ,f,. .
and systematized by al-Junayd of Baghdad (d. 297),
a, , ,, , M mi 11 * .'** *i " MO ltl ^j l i St ^*Mt&^**** t wmiii<ptf,*n;i wfnvi^^ilih^if,^ t
and in it appears essential doctrine of Sufism, as of
all mysticism, in the teaching of tawkid, the final
union of the soul with God, a doctrine which is
expressed in a way closely; jtesembtiog,,. the JJflfJl-
Platonic teaching, save that in Sufism the means
192 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
whereby this union is to be attained is not by the
exercise of the intuitive faculty of reason but by
piety and d$rotion. Still the two come very close
wKen we find in the teachings of the later philosophers
that the highest exercise of reason consists in the
intuitive apprehension of the eternal verities rather
than in any other activity of the intellect. AI-
Junayd is stated by Jam! to have been a Persian, and
it is Chiefly in Persian hands that the doctrines of
Sufism develop and turn towards pantheism. Both
agnosticism and pantheism are present practically
in the later neo-Platonism ; agnosticism as regards
the unknowable First Cause, the God from the Agent
Intellect is an emanation, a doctrine which develops
in the teaching of the philosophers and of the
Isma'ilians and kindred sects ; but Sufi teaching!
centres its attention upon the knowable God, which
the philosopher would describe as the Agent Intellect
or Logos, and this develops more usually in a
pantheistic direction. The doctrines thus developed
and expressed by al-Junayd were boldly preached
by his pupil, ash-Shibli of Kurasan (d. 335).
* f * 7 ** '**< *** * '
Al-Husayn b. Mansur al-Hallaj (d. 309) was a
fellow- student of ash-Shibli, and shows Sufism as
allied with extremely unorthodox elements. He
was of Zoroastrian descent and closely in touch with
the Qarmatians, and seems to have held those
doctrines which are usually associated with the ghulat
or extreme ShHtes, such as transmigration, in-
carnation, etc. He was put to death as a heretic for
SUFISM 193
declaring " I am the truth", thus identifying himself
with God. The accounts given of him show great
differences of opinion : for the most $a.rt the earlier
historians, approaching the subject from an orthodox
stand-point, represent him as a wily conjurer who by
pretended miracles gained a number of adherents,
but later Sufi writers regard him as a saint and martyr
who suffered because he disclosed the great secret of
the union between the soul and God. The doctrine
of hulul, OT\ the incarnation of God in the human_
Mwlt 44., *" ^. _ j^f^*****-*- * aw an ii- i '" '"
bodyAwas one of the cardinal tenets of the ghulat.
According to al-Hallaj, man is essentially divine
because he was created by God in his own image, and
that is why, in Qur. 2, 32, God bids the angels worship
Adam. In hulul, which is treated as tawhid taking place
in this present life, the deity of God enters the human
soul in the same way that the soul at birth enters the
body. This teaching is a fusion of the old pre-Islamic
Persian beliefs as to incarnation and the philosophical
theories of neo-Platonism, of the Intellect or rational
soul or spirit, as it is more commonly called by
English writers, the part added to the animal soul
as an emanation from the Agent Intellect, to which
it will ultimately return and with which it will be
united (cf. Massignon : Kitab al-Tawasin, Paris, 1913).
This is an extremely interesting illustration of the
fusion of oriental and Hellenistic elements in Sufism,
* *r >.**H'1* l * < ''* l< ' '*" *n * ". ' v m< x *
and shows that the theoretical doctrines of Sufism,
whatever they may have borrowed from Persia and
India, receive their interpretative hypotheses from
194 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
"V
neq-Platonism. It is interesting also as shewing in
the person of al-Hallaj a meeting-point between the
Siifi and the philosopher of the Isma'ilian school.
Very similar was the teaching of Abu Yazid or
Bayazid of Bistam (d. 260), who was also of Zoroastrian
descent. The pantheistic element is very clearly
defined : " God," he said, " is an unfathomable ocean" ;
he himself was the throne of God, the preserved
Tablet, the Pen, the Word all images taken from
the Qur'an Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and Gabriel,
for all who obtain true being are absorbed into God
and become one with God.
Pantheistic views and the doctrine of hulul occur
frequently in Sufi teaching, but they are by no means
universal. Indeed, we cannot make any accurate
statement of Sufi doctrine in detail, but only of
general principles and tendencies. The Sufis do not
form a sect, but are simply devotees of mystical
tendencies spread through all the branches of the
Muslim community. In the 3rd cent, they arc most
prominent amongst the Shi'ites, and so Shi'ite views
seem to be incorporated in Sufism, but they form
no integral part of it. Precisely similar conditions
occur in Christianity where mysticism has flourished
in the extremer Protestant sects as well as in the
contemplative orders of the Catholic Church, and,
in spite of theological differences, has a very consider-
able amount of common material. Only it must be
noted that no basis of mjticism exists unless some
such relations between the human soul and God are
SUFISM 195
pre-supposed, as are suggested by neo-Platonism.
Christian mysticism, in the true sense, does not begin
in the West until the works of the Pseudo-Dionysius
were translated into Latin in the QJJi jjqnt. A.D., and
Muslim mysticism dates from the translation of the
Theology of Aristotle. On the other hand, it must also
be noted that mysticism exercises a strong modi-
fying influence on theology generally. The tendency
of mysticism is towards a latitudinarian type : it is
consequently opposed, consciously or unconsciously,
to definite dogmatic teaching and so to speculative
theology and philosophy.
Superficially Muslim mysticism seems to be organ-
ised like a sect. Eeference is often made to the
various u grades " of Sufis. But these are not
official grades like those of the Isma'ilians and similar
bodies, but denote successive stages on the path of
personal holiness : it is no more than a fanciful
terminology, perhaps borrowed from some of the
sects because it seems that Sufism flourished earliest
and most freely in some of the extremer Shi'ite
groups. It was, and is, most usual for the beginner
in the path of holiness to put himself under the
direction of some experienced spiritual guide, who acts
as his teacher, and is known as sheikh, murshid, or
pir. In many cases this pupilage involves absolute
and blind obedience to the teacher, because the re-
nunciation of personal wishes and inclinations and
all that can be described as self-will is one of the
forms of abnegation required of those who seek to
196 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
be weaned from earthly interests. From the grouping
of devotees around some prominent teacher has arisen
the foundation of darwish confraternities, sometimes
ag sodalities of laymen, who pursue their secular
occupations and meet from time to time for religious
exercises and instruction, and sometimes as permanent
communities living in strict obedience under a sheikh.
Traces of such monastic institutions appear in
Damascus about 150 A.H., and in Khurasan some
fifty years later. None of the existing orders of Islam,
however, seem to be of so early a date. We hear of
a sheikh Alwan (circ. 149), whose shrine is at Jedda,
and who is the reputed founder of the Alwaniya
community, a body now existing only as a sub-
division of the Eifa'ite order. There are also orders
known as the Adhamiya, Bastamiya, and Saqatiya,
which trace their origin to Ibrahim b. Adham (cf.
above), to Bayazid Bastami, and to Sari as-Saqati
respectively, but whose real origin is uncertain.
In the 6th century we are on surer ground. There is
no reason to question the claim of the Eif a'ite order to
trace its foundation to Abu I-' Abbas Ahmad b. 'Ali l-
Hasan 'Ali ibn Abi I-' Abbas Ahmad Rifa'i (d. 578), a
native of the village of Umm Abida, near the junction
of the Tigris and Euphrates. In his lifetime he gathered
a large body of disciples, whom he incorporated in an
order in 576, the members living in community under
a sheikh, to whom they owed unquestioning obedience,
but having also, like other orders, a number of lay
adherents. Dying without issue the headship of
SUFISM ' 197
his order passed to his brother's family. It exists
to-day in two main branches (i.) the Alwaniya,
already mentioned, and (ii.) the jjibawi, who are best
known from their association with the ceremony of the
dawsa, at which the sheikh used to ride over the
prostrate bodies of his followers. Of all the orders
now flourishing in Egypt it is the one most inclined
to fanatical observances at its ziJcr or prayer-meeting,
the members cutting themselves, driving sharp
skewers and knives into their bodies, swallowing
snakes, etc., and in prayer allowing the name of God
oft-repeated to become at last no more than a half
articulate groan. They are usually distinguished by
black turbans. The Qadariya claim 'Abdu 1-Qadir
Jilani (d. 561) as their founder. At their ziJcr there
is none of the fire-eating, serpent-swallowing, or
self-mutilation of the Bifa'ites, but only the name of
God is repeated, always clearly enunciated and
followed by a pause. The Badawiya were founded
by Abu 1-Fita Ahmad (d. 675), whose shrine is at Tanta,
in Lower Egypt. The zikr is of a sober kind, the
Divine name being repeated in a loud voice without
cutting, fire-eating, etc. The Mawlawiya or dancing
darwishes were founded by the Persian mystical poet
Jalalu d-Din Kumi, the author of the poem known as
the Masnawi. The Suhrwardiya trace their origin
to Shihabu d-Din, a pantheistic Sufi of Baghdad, who
was put to de^th by Saladin in 587.
In each of these orders a special course of instruc-
tion has taken a more or less conventional form, and
196 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
there have been certain great teachers whose writings
have come into use as manuals, and so have impressed
their views upon Sufism generally. Yet the fact
remains that Sufi teaching is essentially eclectic, and
^ ^ ** flUiP * I'V ,f< * **>, uu '
can be formulated only in broad principles and
tendencies. Of these the following seem to be of
most general application :
(i.) God alone exists ; God is the only reality, all
else is illusive. This is the Sufi rendering of the
doctrine of the unity of God. Strictly speaking
44 God " here signifies the Agent Intellect, that is to
say, the revelation of God who in Himself is unknow-
able, but the Sufi does not make this philosophical
distinction clear, or else deliberately regards the
revelation of God as God. But in man there is a
rational soul, which is to God as a mirrored image is
to the object which it reflects, and is capable of
approaching the Divine reality. As other than God
is merely illusive it is obvious that a knowledge of
God the Eeality cannot be attained by the medium
of created things, and thus the Sufis were led, like the
neo-Platonists, to attach greater value to immediate
intuition by the rational soul than to the use of
arguments, and so to place direct revelation above
what is ordinarily described as reason. This is a
line of development common to aU forms of mysticism,
and results in a preference for ecstasy or similar
T ^I*W*^>***..-.-I'< <tir*w*<r-*"' v > , 1,^.^1 ,
spiritual experience above the record of pa$t re-
velation as giyejDMtojft^ The doctrine of
ecstasy (hal or maqama) was first formulated by Dhu
SUFISM 199
n-Nun, and implies fana or u passing away," i.e.,
insensibility to the things of this world, and finally
baqa or " continuance " in God. Usually this ex-
perience is accompanied by loss of sensation, though
this is not always the case, and there are many
legends of Sufi saints which represent them as totally
unconscious of violence of wounds ; and this is not
confined to legend, for most extraordinary sufferings
are endured, apparently with perfect placidity, by
darwishes at the present day, perhaps in accordance
with psychological laws which are imperfectly under-
stood, and this is the underlying idea in the exercises
undergone by the Eifa'i darwishes and others. The
exercise known as ziJcr (dhikr) or " remembering,"
in accordance with the command in Qur. 33, 41 f
" remember God often," is an attempt to make an
advance towards the ecstatic state. It was perhaps
under Sufi influence that we find philosophy inclining
to prefer knowledge obtained by immediate intuition ;
it was certainly under such influence that ecstasy is
treated as a means of obtaining such direct appre-
hension of truth in the later philosophers.
(ii.) The Sufi doctrine of God as the only reality
has a direct bearing not only on creation but also on
the problem of good and evil. As a thing can only
be known by its opposite, light by darkness, health
by sickness, being by non-being, so God could only
be made known to man as reality contrasted with
non-reality, and the mingling of these two opposites
produces the world of phenoma in which light is made
200 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
known by a background of darkness, which darkness
is itself only the absence of light : or, as being pro-
ceeds by successive emanations from the First Cause,
and becomes weaker or less real in each emanation as
it recedes further from the great Eeality, it
incidentally becomes more perceptible as it becomes
less real* Thus evil, which is merely the negation
of the moral beauty of the Eeality, appears in the
latest emanation as the unreal background which
is the inevitable result of a projection of the emanation
from the First Cause, who is entirely good, into a
world of phenomena. Evil is therefore not real, it
is merely the result, the inevitable result, of the
mingling of reality with unreality. In fact, this is
implied in the doctrine that all other than God is
unreal.
(iii.) The aim of the soul is union with God. This
doctrine of tawhid, as we have seen, received early ex-
pression in Muslim mystic theology. Dr. Nicholson is of
opinion that " the Sufi conception of the passing away
(fana) of individual self in universal being is certainly
. . . of Indian origin. Its first great exponent
was the Persian mystic Bayazid of Bistam, who may
have received it of his teacher, Abu 'All of Sind
(Scinde.") (Nicholson : Mystics of Islam, p. 17.)
But this is only one particular way of presenting a
doctrine which has a much wider range and is present
in all mystical teaching, including that of the neo-
Platonists. In the highest sense it is the basie of
Sufi etbica, for the summwn bonufa is define^ as the
SUFISM 201
union of the individual soul with God, and all is good
which helps towards this, all is evil which retards it,
and this is true of Christian and all other forms of
mysticism equally. We cannot say definitely that
the doctrine of the unitive state is borrowed from
neo-Platonism, from Buddhism, or from Gnosticism ;
it is the common property of all, and is the natural
conclusion from the mystics premises as to the nature
of God and of the human soul. It may well be that
certain presentations of this doctrine show Indian
details, but in this as in all other parts of Sufi specu-
lation it seems that the constructive theory employed
in forming a theological system was neo-Platonic :
even in mysticisn* the Greek mind exercised its
influence in analysing an<J constructing hypotheses.
At quite an early age the soul's desire for union
with its Divine source began to be clothed in terms
borrowed from the expression of human love. With
some hesitation we may say, perhaps, that this is
distinctly oriental, although it was so only as a means
of expressing a desire which is characteristic of all
mysticism. We find the same, at a later period,
though in a much more restrained fashion, in
Christian mysticism, and it is not easy to see the
actual line of contact, if any. Perhaps we must be
content to regard it as independently developed as
a means of expressing the soul's longing.
The rise of Sufi teaching was not without opposition,
and this was mainly on three grounds (i.) the Sufis
advocated con$4nt prayer 14 the form of unceasing
202 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
silent intercourse with God, and by this tended to
discard the fixed salawat or five obligatory prayers
at appointed hours, one of the compulsory duties of
Islam and one of its distinctive marks. Ultimately
the Sufi position was that these fixed ritual obser-
vances were for the people at large who had not made
any advance in the deeper spiritual knowledge, but
might be disregarded by those who were more mature
in grace, a position which is closely parallel to
that attained by the philosophers. (ii.) They
introduced zikirs or religious exercises, consisting
in a continuous repetition of the name of God,
a form of devotion unknown to older Islam, and
consequently an innovation. And (iii.) many of them
adopted the practice of tawakkul, or complete de-
pendence on God, neglecting all kinds of labour or
trade, refusing medical aid in sickness, and living on
alms begged from the faithful. All these were
" innovations," and as such met with very definite
opposition, mostly, no doubt, because they were
repugnant to the sober tone of traditional Islam,
which has always been suspicious of oriental
fanaticism. The more serious objection, that it really
dispensed with the religion of the Qur'an is implied
if not expressed ; it introduced an entirely new
concept of God and a new standard of religious
values ; if Sufi ideas prevailed the practices of the
Muslim religion would be at best the tolerable and
harmless usages of those who were not initiated
into vital religion. In fact, however, the philo-
SUFISM 203
sophical principles brought forward by the neo-
Platonic Aristotelian works in general circulation
were so far influential and regarded as reconcileable
with the Qur'an that Sufism, in so far as it was
neo-Platonic, did not appear to be destructive of Islam,
but only at variance with customary usage.
Nevertheless, Sufism was generally looked upon
as heretical, not only from the " innovations " wd
have mentioned, but because of the close alliance
between the doctrines of its extremer advocates and
those of the more advanced Shi'ites. It is indeed
most significant that it developed chiefly amongst
the same elements which gave the readiest hearing
to philosophy and still adhered to Zoroastrian and
Masdekite ideas. No doubt the ill repute of Sufism
was largely duB to the bad company it kept. It was
not until the time of al-Ghazali (d. 505) that
Sufism began to take its place in orthodox Islam.
Al-Ghazali, left an orphan at an early age, had been
educated by a Sufi friend, and, after becoming an
Ash'arite and as such acting as president of the
Nazimite academy at Baghdad, found himself in
spiritual difficulties, and spent eleven years in retire-
ment and in the practices of devotion, with the result
that when he returned to work as a teacher in 449
his instruction was strongly leavened by mysticism,
practically a return to the principles he had been
taught in his early years. As al-Ghazali became in
course of time the dominant influence in Muslim
scholasticism, a modified and orthodox Sufism was
204 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
introduced into Sunni theology and has since held
its own. At the same time he reduced Sufism to a
scientific form, and gave, or rather supported, a
terminology derived from Plotinus. Such a Sufism
may be described as Muslim mystic theology purged of
its Shi'ite accretions. This admission of a modified
Sufism into the orthodox church of Islam took place
in the sixth century A.H.
In the following century Sufism appeared in Spain,
but there it arrived as transmitted through an orthodox
medium, and hence differs from Asiatic mysticism.
The first Spanish Sufi seems to have been Muhyi
d-Din ibn 'Arabi (d. 638), who travelled in Asia and
died at Damascus. He was a follower of Ibn Hazm,
who, as we shall see later, represents a system of
jurisprudence of a type more reactionary even than
that of Ibn Hanbal. In Spain itself the leading
Sufi was 'Abdu l-Haqq ibn SaVin (d. 667), who shows
the more characteristic Spanish attitude of a Sufi
who was also a philosopher, for Spanish Sufism was
essentially speculative. Like many other philo-
sophers of the Muwahhid period he adhered out-
wardly to the Zahirites, the most reactionary party
of the narrowest orthodoxy.
In the 7th century, also, we have Jalalu d-Din
Eumi (d. 672), who practically completes the golden
age of Sufism. Although a Persian he was an
orthodox Sunni. He was a native of Balkh, but his
father was compelled to leave that city and migrate
westward, and finally settled at Qonya (Iconium),
SUFISM 205
where he died. Jalalu d-Din had been educated by
his father, and after his death he sought further
instruction at Aleppo and Damascus, where he came
under the influence of Burhanu d-Din of Tirmidh,
who had been one of his father's pupils, and continued
his training in Sufi doctrines. After this teacher's
death he came in touch with the eccentric but saintly
Shams-i-Tabriz, a man of great spiritual power but
illiterate, who left a great impress on his age by his
tremendous spiritual enthusiasm and the strange
crudity of his conduct and character. It was after
the death of Shams-i-Tabriz that Jalalu d-Din
commenced his great mystical poem, the Masnawi,
at work which has attained an extraordinary eminence
sind reverence throughout the whole of Turkish Islam.
As already mentioned, Jalalu d-Din founded an
order of Darwishes known as the Mawlawi order, or
u dancing darwishes," as they are called by Europeans.
The whole course of doctrinal Sufism begins with
Dhu n-Nun and ends with Jalalu d-Din ; later writers
do little more than repeat their teaching in new
literary form, and it will be sufficient to select a few
typical examples. In the 8th cent, we have ^Abdu
r-Razzaq (d. 730), a pantheistic Sufi who wrote a
commentary on and defended the teaching of Muhiyyu
I-Din ibnu l-'Arabi. He advocated the doctrine
jt free will on the ground that the human soul is
an emanation from God, and so shares the Divine
character. This world, he holds, is the best possible
world : differences in condition exist and justice
206 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
consists in accepting these and adapting things to their
situation ; ultimately all things will cease to exist
as they are re-absorbed in God, the only reality,.
Men are divided into three classes : the first contains
the men of the world, whose life centres in self and who
are indifferent towards religion ; a second class
contains the men of the reason, who discern God
inteDectually by his external attributes and mani-
festations ; and as a third class are the men of the
spirit, who perceive God intuitively.
Although Sufism has now taken a recognised
place in the life of Islam, it was not allowed to
pass without occasional challenge. The leading
opponent was the Hanbalite reformer^ Ibn Taymiya
(d. 728), who represented the reactionary but popular
theology. He rejected formal adherence to any
school, dismissed all importance attached to Ijma
or " consensus " save that based on the agreement
of the Prophet's Companions ; he denounced the
scholastic theology of al-Ash'ari and al-Ghazali, and
defined the Divine attributes on the lines laid down
by Ibn Hazm. At that time the Sufi an-Nasr al-
Manbiji was prominent in Cairo, and to him Ibn
Taymiya wrote a letter denouncing the Sufi doctrine
of ittihad as heresy. From this arose a quarrel
between the two rival forces of Islam, traditional
orthodoxy and mysticism, in the course of which
Ibn Taymiya suffered persecution and imprisonment.
Towards the end of his life, in 726, he issued a fatwa
4rt*#w*< J *
or declaration ,jof opinion against the lawfulness of
SUFISM 207
the reverence paid to the tombs of saints and of the
invocation of saints, the Prophet himself included.
In this he was the precursor of the Wahibi reformation
of the 18th cent. A.D. MSS. exist in which the works
of Ibn Taymiya are copied out by the hand of
'Abdu 1-Wahhab, who was evidently a close student
of that reformer, all of whose theories he reproduces.
Ash-Sha'rani of Cairo (jkJ93) is typical of the
later orthodox Sufi. He was a follower of Ibn
'Arabi on general lines but without his pantheism.
His writings are a strange mixture of lofty speculation
and lowly superstition, his life was full of intercourse
with jinns and other supernatural beings. The
truth, he states, is not to be reached by the aid of
reason, but only by ecstatic vision. The wali is the
man who possesses the gift of illumination (ilham),
or direct apprehension of the spiritual, but that
grace differs from the inspiration (wahy) bestowed
upon the prophets, and the wali must submit to the
guidance of prophetic revelations. All walis are essen-
tially under the qutb, but the qutb is inferior to the
companions of Muhammad. Whatever rule (tariqa) a
darwish follows he is guided by God, but ash-Sha'rani
himself preferred the rule of al- Junayd. The varying
opinions of the canonists are adapted to the different
needs of men. Ash-Sha'rani was the founder of a
darwish order which forms a sub- division of the
Badawiya (cf. above). His writings have consider-
able influence in modern Islam, and form the pro-
gramme of those who advocate a neo-Sufi reformation.
CHAPTER VIII
ORTHODOX SCHOLASTICISM
The formation of an orthodox scholasticism within
the Muslim church appears as a development spread
over the 4th-5th centuries of the Hijra (10-11 cent.
A.D.), and is in three strata associated with the three
leaders, al-Ash'ari, al-Baqil^ni, and al-Ghazali. Such
a development, of course, is principally of interest
for the internal history of Islam and the evolution
of Muslim theology, but it had its influence also on
the transmission of Arabic thought to Latin
Christendom in two ways: (i.) directly, in that al-
Ghazali was established as one of the great Arabic
authorities when the Latins began to study the
interpreters of Aristotle, and his teaching is quoted
by St. Thomas Aquinas and other scholastic writers ;
and (ii.) indirectly, because a considerable part of the
work of Ibn Eushd (Averroes) takes the form of
controversy against the followers of al-Ghazali; his
Destruction of the Destruction, for example, is a &:
futation of al-Ghazali's Destruction of the Philoso-
phers. It thus becomes imperative to know some-
thing about the position and teaching of al-Ghazali
and the influences which prepared the way for his
work.
208
ORTHODOX SCHOLASTICISM 209
Such a movement as orthodox scholasticism was
inevitable. The position at the end of the third
century was quite impossible. The orthodox Muslim
adhered strictly to tradition, and entirely refused
to admit " innovation " (bid'a) : he ha$ been forced
into this position as a reaction against his earlier
ready acceptance of Plato and Aristotle as inspired
teachers, for the later errors of the Mu*tazilites showed
what extremely dangerous conclusions could be drawn
by those who came under Hellenistic influence, and
the more accurately the Greek philosophers were
studied the worse the faprfmiAg gathered from them.
Orthodox thought held itself carefully aloof from the
Mu'tazilites and philosophers on the one side, and from
the Shi'ites and Sufis on the other, confining itself to the
safe studies of Qur'an exegesis, tradition, and the canon
law in which at Baghdad the reactionary influence
of Ibn Hanbal was predominant. The whole of thu>
third century had been a time of reaction on the part
of the orthodox, very largely due to tKe unfortunate
attempt of al-Ma'nijin to force rationalism on his
subjects. Al-Ghazali tells us in his " Confessions "
that some sincere Muslims felt themselves bound to
reject all the exact sciences as of dangerous tendency,
and so repudiated scientific theories as to eclipses of
the sun and moon. All speculation lay under a ban,
because it led to " innovation " in belief or in practice ;
it was contrary to orthodoxy to use the methods of
Greek philosophy to prove revealed doctrine as much
as it was to impugn it, for both alike were innovations
p
210 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
on the traditional usage ; nothing "was known of
spiritual matters save what is actually stated in the
Qur'an and tradition, and from this nothing could be
deduced by the use of argument, for logic itself was
a Greek innovation, at least as applied to theology :
only that was known which was actually stated, and
no explanation of the statement was lawful. Thus,
when Ahmad ibn Hanbal was examined by the
inquisitors of al-Ma'mun he replied only by quoting
the words of the Qur'an or tradition, refusing to draw
any conclusions from these statements and admitting
no conclusions drawn, keeping silence when arguments
were proposed to him, and protesting that such ex-
amination as to religious belief was itself an innovation.
This position was hardly satisfactory to those who
had inherited #ny part of the Hellenic tradition,
and it ultimately became impossible. An organic
body which cannot adapt itself to its surroundings
is doomed to decay. The Islamic state had sufficient
vitality to meet the new .conditions introduced by
its expansion to Syria and Persia, and now the time
had come for Islamic theology to adapt itself to the
new thought that was invading it. As we have #een,
the philosophers al-Kindi and al-Farabi were loyal
Muslims, and had no suspicion that their investigations
were leading to heretical conclusions, and such wns un-
doubtedly the case with the earlier Mu'tazilites also,
but results had justified the orthodox in a suspicious
attitude towards " argument " (kalam). Now, towards
the close of the third century the attempt to find an
ORTHODOX SCHOLASTICISM 211
orthodox kalam appears as a movement which
originates with the Mu'tazilites, of whom a section of
the more conservative sought to return to an orthodox
stand-point, and to use /kalam in theology in defence
of the traditional beliefs as against the heretical
conclusions which were in circulation. Following a
somewhat later usage we may employ this term fatlam
to denote an orthodox philosophical theology, that
is to say, one in which the methods of philosophy were
used, but the primary material was obtained from
revelation, and thus one which was closely parallel
with the scholastic theology of Latin Christendom.
We have cited the name of al-Ash'ari as repre-
sentative of the first stage of this movement, but it
is equally represented by the contemporary al-
Mataradi in Samarqand and by at-Tahawi in Egypt.
Of these, however, at-Tahawi has quite passed into
oblivion. For long the Ash'arites and the Matar-
idites formed rival orthodox schools of kalam , and
al-Mataridi's system still has a certain vogue amongst
Turkish Muslims, but the Ash'arite system is that
which commands the widest assent. Theologians
reckon thirteen points of difference between the two
schools, all of purely theoretical importance.
Al-Ash'ari was born at Basra iiv ?60 or 270, and
-W I,V , .*!># ' < ' ,,,,* "
died at Baghdad about 330 or 340. At first he was
an adherent of the Mu'tazilites, but one Friday in
A.H. 300 he made a public renunciation of the views
of that party, and took up a definitely orthodox
position ; in the pulpit of the great mosque at Basra
212 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
he said, " They who know me know who I am ; as
for those who do not know me, I am 'AH b. Isma'il
al-Ash'ari, and I used to hold that the Qur'an was
created, that the eyes of men shall not see God, and
that we ourselves are the authors of our evil deeds ;
now I have returned to the truth ; I renounce these
opinions, and I take the engagement to refute the
Mu'tazilites and expose their infamy and turpitude "
(Ibn Khallikan, ii. 228). From this it will be per-
ceived that the doctrines then regarded as char-
acteristic of the Mu'tazilites were (i.) that the Qur'an
was created, (ii.) the denial of the possibility of the
beatific vision, and (iii.) the freedom of the will.
In the period after this change al- Ash'ari wrote a con-
troversial work against the Mu'tazilites, which bears
the name Kitab ash-8harh wa-t-Tafsil, " the book
of explanation and exposition " ; he was the author
also of religious treatises called Luma u flashes,''
Mujaz " abridgment, " Idah al-B urban " elucidation
of the Burhan," and Tabiyin " illustrations." His
real importance, however, lay in founding a school
of orthodox scholasticism, afterwards more fully
developed by al-Baqilani, and gradually spreading
through the Muslim world, although strongly opposed
on the one side by ihefalasifah, who saw in its teaching
the introduction of traditional beliefs limiting and
restricting the Aristotelian doctrine, and on the
other side by the more reactionary orthodox, who
disapproved the use of philosophical methods as
applied to theological subjects. This use of philoso-
ORTHODOX SCHOLASTICISM 213
\
phy in the explanation and defence of religion came
to be known as /raZaw, and those who employed it
were called rnutakaUamin.
In dealing with the old problems of Muslim
theology, such as the eternity of the Qur'an, the
freedom of the will, etc., the Ash'arites do seem to
have produced a reasonable statement of doctrine,
which yet safeguarded the main demands of orthodoxy.
(a) As to the Qur'an they held that it was eternal in
God, but its expression in words and syllables was
created in time. This does not of course mean that
the expression was due to the Prophet to whom ill
was revealed, but to God, so that the doctrine o^
literal inspiration was asserted in the strictest form
Nor was it thus created when it was revealed, but
long before in remote ages when it was first uttered
to the angels and " august beings," and wan after-
wards disclosed by the angel Gabriel to the Prophet
Muhammad. This, which is now the orthodox
belief, has furnished an opportunity for controversy
to Christians and modern rationalists, who have fixed
upon the use of particular words, introduced into
Arabic as loan words from Syriao, Persian, and
Greek, and appear in the Qur'an : how, they ask,
can it be explained that words revealed at a remote
period of past eternity, long before the creation of
the world, as it is commonly asserted, show the
influence of foreign languages which were brought to
bear upon Arabic in the 7th cent. A.D. ? and Muslim
apologists, who have always maintained the absolute
214 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
purity of Qur'anic Arabic as one of the evidences
of Divine origin, seem to regard this as a serious
difficulty. The view that the Qur'an is eternal in
substance, and thus in substance revealed to the
Prophet, who was left to express it in his own words,
which would thereby show the limitations of his time,
is not admitted by the orthodox. It will be noted
also that the Ash'arite teaching evades and does not
answer an old difficulty : if the substance of the
Qur'an is the wisdom of God and is co-eternal with
Him, even though emanating from Him, we have
something other than God, namely, His wisdom,
eternally existing with Him, and this can be repre-
sented as parallel with the persons of the Christian
Trinity, so as to be inconsistent with the absolute
unity of God.
(6) This brings us to the attributes of God generally.
The Ash'arites in this controversy side with the
traditional school against the philosophers. Of the
ten Aristotelian categories they regard only two
existence, i.e., ens, and quality as objectively real ;
the other eight are merely relative characteristics
(Ctibar) subjective in the mind of the knower, and
having no objective reality. God has qualities
indeed, no less than twenty are enumerated, but
amongst these is mukhalafa, which is the quality
of uniqueness in qualification, so that the qualities
and jattrifefljbes ascribed to Gpd must either fee such
as cannot be applied to men, or else, if the terms can
be used of created beings, they must have quite
ORTHODOX SCHOLASTICISM 215
different meanings when applied to God, and these
qualities thus signified must be such as could not be
predicated of men or of any other created being.
Thus, that God has power and wisdom means that
He is almighty and omniscient in a way which could
not possibly be stated of any men. In practice this
works so that no attribute can be applied to God
unless it is expressly so applied in the text of the
Qur'an ; if it occurs there it may be used, but must
be understood as having a meaning other than such
a term would have when used in the normal way of
men. It cannot be that God's attributes differ from
those of men only in degree, as that He is wiser and
more powerful than man, but they differ in their
whole nature. It is noted also that God is qiyam
bi-n-nafs, or " subsisting in Himself, " that is to say,
independent of any other than Himself, and so God's
knowledge does not depend on the existence or nature
of the thing known.
(c) As to freedom of the will. God creates power
in the man and creates also the choice, and He then
creates the act corresponding to this power and
choice. Thus the action is " acquired " by the
creature.
Of the categories existence is the first substratum,
and to this the other predicables are added : none of
these others are separable or per se, they can only
exist in the essence. It is admitted that such qualities
exist in the ens, but they are only adjuncts which
come into being with the ens and go out of existence
216 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
with it. Therefore the world consists of entia or
substances on which the mind reflects the qualities
which are not in the thing itself but only in the mind.
Against the Aristotelian theory that matter suffers
the impress of form, he argues that all impress i&
subjective in the mind : if all qualities fall out sub-
stance itself ceases to exist, and so substance is not
permanent but transitory, which opposes the
Aristotelian doctrine of the eternity of matter.
the substances perceived by us are atoms which
come into existence from vacuity and drop out of
existence again. Thus, when a body moves from one
position to another the atoms in the first position
cease to be, and a group of new similar atoms come
into existence in the second position, so that move-
ment involves a series of annihilations and creations.
The cause of these changes is God, the only per-
manent and absolute reality. There is no secondary
cause, as there are no laws of nature ; in every case
God acts directly upon each atom. Thus, fire does
not cause burning, but God creates a being burned
when fire touches a body, and the burning is cjirectly
His work. So in the freedom of the will, as, for
example, when a man writes, God gives the will
to write and causes the apparent motion of the pen
and of the hand, and also directly creates the writing
which seems to proceed from the pen.
Existence is the very self of the thing. This is
peculiar to al-Ash'ari and his followers : all others
hold existence to be the state (Ml) necessary to the
ORTHODOX SCHOLASTICISM 217
essence, but in al- Ash'ari it is the essence. So God exists,
and His existence is the self (*ayn) of His essence.
Su^h a system involves ethical difficulties ; it
appears that there can be no responsibility if there is
no connection between action and the act done. Al-
Ash'ari replied that there is a unity in the will of God,
so that cause and effect are not isolated as though
independent atoms, but all is disposed according to
a Divine plan. This answer, however, can hardly be
regarded as adequate.
This system is an attempt to deal with the diffi-
culties raised by philosophy, but al-Ash'ari considers
it preferable that the difficulties should never be
raised, and so strongly urges that the mysteries of
philosophy should never be discussed with the
multitude. We shall see the same conclusion set
forth by the later philosopher of the West, but on
a somewhat different ground ; they regarded the
mysteries of philosophy as containing the supreme
truth, for which the multitude was not ripe, and so
they should not be discussed publicly, as the people
were not able to understand ; but al-Ash'ari seems
rather to regard these mysteries as likely to be not
edifying, as introducing questions which are of small
importance compared with the great truths of re-
velation.
The Ash'arite system thus described was completed
by aljBaqjyiim (d. 403), but it did not become general
until it was popularised by al : Ghpali in the East
and by Ibn Tumart in the Wes't.
218 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
Al-Mataridi, of Samarqand was a contemporary of
al-Ash'ari, and reached very similar results. Amongst
the points peculiar to al-Mataridi we may note (a) the
attribute of creating has been an attribute of God
from all eternity, but this attribute is distinct from
the thing created ; (6) Creatures have certain choice
of action, and for the things done by this choice they
are rewarded or punished ; good actions are only
done by the pleasure (rida) of God, but bad actions
are not always by His pleasure ; (c) Ability to do the
action goes with the will and the act, so that the
creature cannot have an action imposed on him as a
task which is not in his power.
He agrees with al-Ash'ari in holding that the world
and all it contains have been created by God from
nothing : it consists of substances and attributes.
The substances exist in themselves, either as com-
pounds, such as bodies, or as non-compounds, as
essences which are indivisible. Attributes have no
separate existence, but depend for their existence on
bodies or essences. God is not essence, nor attribute,
nor body, nor anything formed, bounded, numbered,
limited, nor compounded. He cannot be described
by mahiya (quiddity), nor Jcayfiya (modality) ; He
does not exist in time or place, and nothing resembles
Him or is outside His knowledge or power. He has
qualities from aJJ^ eternity existing in His essence;
they are nqt He nor is He other than they.
For some time the Ash'arites had to meet keen
opposition and even persecution, and it was not until
ORTHODOX SCHOLASTfCISM 219
the middle of the 5th cent, that they came to be
admitted generally as orthodox Muslims. Their
triumph was assured in 459 A.H., when Nizam al-
Mulk, the wazir of Alp Arslan, founded at Baghdad
the Mzamite academy as a theological college of
Ash'arite teaching. Still the Hanbalites raised
occasional riots, and demonstrated against those whom
they regarded as free thinkers ; but these were put
down by authority, and in 516 the Khalif himself
attended the Ash'arite lectures. The Mu'tazilites
were now merely a survival ; as broad church theo-
logians they had fallen into general disrepute in the
eyes of the orthodox, and they were equally disliked
by the philosophers as defective in their adherence
to the Aristotelian system. The educated fell now
into three broad groups : on the one hand were the
orthodox, who came under the influence of al-Ash'ari
or al-Mataridi ; on the other were those who accepted
the doctrines of the philosophers, and in the third
place were those who rejected all philosophy, and
confined their attention solely to Qur'an tradition
and the canon law, and who should not be excluded
from the ranks of the educated, although their
studies ran in somewhat narrow lines.
The final triumph of the Ash'arite theology was
'* *' * N ' *" H'vUlf r ' W*
the work of al-Ghazali (d. 505). He was born at^Tus
in 450 ( == 1058 AJD.) ; early left an orphan he was
educated by a Sufi friend, and then attended the
school at Naisabur. As his education progressed he
cut loose from Sufi influence and became an Ash'arite,
220 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
and in 484 he was appointed president of the Nazmiite
Academy at Baghdad. Gradually, however, he be-
came a prey to spiritual unrest, and in 488 resigned
his post and retired to Syria, where he spent some
year^ in study and the practices of devotion. In
499 he returned to active work as a teacher in the
Nazimite Academy at Naisabur, where he became
the leader of a modified Ash'arite system strongly
leavened by mysticism, which we may regard as the
final evolution of orthodox Muslim theology.
Al-Ghazali, following al-Ash'ari, taught that
philosophical theory cannot form the basis of religioug
thought, thus opposing the position of the
philosophers. By revelation only can the primary
essentials of truth be attained. Philosophy itself
is no equal or rival of revelation : it is no more than
common sense and regulated thinking, which may be
employed by men about religion or any other subject ;
at best it acts as a preservative against error in
deduction and argument, the primary material for
which, so far as religion is concerned, can be furnished
only by revelation. But against this he appears
also as the transmitter of the teaching already given,
by al-Qushayri, which introduced the mysticism of
the Sufis into orthodox Islam. Eevelation indeed
is given by means df the Qur'an and tradition, and
it is sufficient to accept what is thus revealed, but
the ultimate truth of revelation can be tested and
proved only bj^the experience^of ^ the individual^ So
far as men are concerned this is possible by means
ORTHODOX SCHOLASTICISM 221
of ecstasy whereby one becomes a knower ('art/),
and receives assurance and enlightenment by direct
communication from God. The soul of man differs
from all other created things ; it is essentially
spiritual^ and so outside the categories which are
applicable only to material things. The soul has been
breathed into man by God (Qur. 15, 29 ; 38, 72),
and this is comparable to the way in which the sun
sends out its rays and gives warmth to those things
on which its rays rest. The soul, which has no
dimension, shape, or locus, rules the body in the
same way as God rules the world, so that the
body is a microcosm reproducing the conditions
of the world. The essential element of this
soul is not the intelligence which is concefhed with
the bodily frame, but the 4 wUl : just as God is
primarily known not as thought or intelligence, but
as the volition which is the cause of creation. Thus
God cannot be considered as the spirit animating the
world, which is the pantheistic position, but as
volition outside the world which has willed it to be.
The aim of scholastic theology is to preserve the
purity of orthodox belief from heretical innovation :
" God raised up a school of theologians and inspired
them with the desire to defend orthodoxy by means
of a system of proofs adapted tojmveil the devices
of the heretics and to foil the attacks which they made
on the doctrines established by tradition " (Al-
Ghazali : Confessions). Aristotle himself was an
unbeliever using arguments he should not, but, in
222 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
spite of his errors, his teaching as expounded by al-
Farabi and Ibn Sina is the system of thought which
comes nearest to Islam (id.). Because of its
unavoidable difficulties and the grave errors con-
tained in Aristotle and his Arabic commentators
men are not to be encouraged to read philosophy (id.).
There are three different worlds or planes of
existence (i.) the 'alam al-mulk is that in which
existence is apparent to the senses, the world made
known by perception, and this is in a state of constant
change ; (ii.) the 'alam al-malakut, the changeless
and eternal world of reality established by God's
decree, of which the world of perception is but the
reflexion ; (iii.) and the 'alam al-jarabut or inter-
mediate state, which properly belongs to the world
of reality, but seems to be in the plane of perception.
In this intermediate state is the human soul, which
belongs to the plane of reality, though apparently
projected into the perceptible plane to which it does
not belong, and then returns to reality. The pen,
tablet, etc.,, mentioned in the Qur'an are not mere
allegories ; they belong to the world of reality, and
go are something other than what we see in this world
of perception. These three worlds or planes are not
separate in time or space, they are rather to be con-
sidered as modes of existence.
The theories of the astronomers as to movements
of the heavenly bodies are to be accepted al-Ghazali
adhered, of course, to the Ptolemaic system but these
deal only with the lowest plane, the world of sense.
ORTHODOX SCHOLASTICISM 223
Behind all nature is God, who is on the plane of
reality. This higher plane cannot be reached by
reason or intellect, whose operations must rely on
the evidence of sense perception. To reach the plane
of reality man must be raised by a spiritual faculty,
" by which he perceives invisible things, the secrets
of the future and other concepts as inaccessible to
reason as the concepts of reason are inaccessible to
mere discrimination and what is perceived by dis-
crimination of the senses " (op. cit.). Inspiration
means the disclosing of realities to the prophets or
saints, and these realities can only be known by such
revelation or by the personal experience of ecstasy
by which the soul is raised to the plane of reality.
TSTot only are the religious truths in the Qur'an
revealed, but all ideas of good and evil are similarly
revealed, and could not be attained by the unaided
use of reason, a view which is obviously intended to
refute the Mu'tazilite claim that moral differences
can be perceived by reason. The philosophers also
have attained truths by revelation, and the main
substance of medicine and astronomy is based on such
revelation (op. cit.).
Unlike Ibn Eushd, al-Ghazali thus emphasizes
supra-rational intuition attained in a state of ecstasy,
whereby the soul is raised above the world of shadow
and reflection to the plane of reality. This was pure
mysticism, and thus al-Ghazali introduces a Sufi
element into orthodox Islam. At the same time he
reduced Sufism to a scientific form, and endorsed
224 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
the Plotinian terminloogy. Macdonald summarisei
his work under four heads : (i.) he established an
orthodox mysticism : (ii.) he popularised the use of
pljilosophy ; (iii.) he rendered philosophy subordinate
to theology, and (iv.) he restored the fear of God when
the element of fear was tending to be thrust into the
background, at least by the educated. Prom this
time on the term kalam was usually applied to
philosophy adapted to the use of theologians.
The chief works left by al-Ghazali are the Ihya
i Vlum ad-Din, of which it is understood that a trans-
lation by H. Bauer is in preparation, and the MVyar
al-'llmj a treatise on logic. To posterity, however, he
is best known by his Confessions, an autobiographical
account of his spiritual life and development, which
may not unfitly be placed beside the Confessions of
St. Augustine.
Al-Ghazali completes the development of orthodox
Muslim theology. Prom this time forth it ceased to
have any originality, and for the most part showed
signs of decadence. Here and there we find Sufi
revivals ; indeed, Sufism is the only phase of Islam
which kept free from the rigid conservatism which
has laid its iron hand of repression upon Muslim life
and thought generally. In Yemen the system of
al-Ghazali was kept alive by generations of Sufis,
but for the most part Sufism preferred less orthodox
paths. Against these Sufi movements we see from
time to time others of a distinctly reactionary
character, such as that of the Wahabis, who opposed
ORTHODOX SCHOLASTICISM 225
the theology of al-Ghazali when it was generally
recognised as the orthodox teaching at Mecca, and
in this they were followed by the Sanusi.
Sayyid Murtada (d. 1205 A.H. - 1788 AJX), a
native of Zabid in Tihama, wrote a commentary on
al-Ghazali's IJiya ' Ulum ad-Din y and thus revived the
study of the great scholastic theologian. From that
time the Islamic community has not lacked neo-
Ghaz#lian students, and many consider that that
school contains the best promise for modern Islam.
CHAPTEE IX
WESTEEN PHILOSOPHY
Muslim rule in North Africa west of the Nile valley
was commenced under conditions very different from
those prevailing in Egypt and Syria. The Arabs
found this land occupied by the Berbers or Libyans,
the same race which from the time of the earliest
Pharaohs had been a perpetual menace to Egypt, and
which, on the Mediterranean seaboard, had offered
a serious problem to Phoenician, Greek, Eoman and
Gothic colonists. For some thousands of years these
Berbers had remained very much the same as when
they had emerged from the neolithic stage, and were
hardy desert men like the Arabs in pre-Islamic times.
Their language was not Semitic, but shows very
marked Semitic affinities, and, although language
transmission is often quite distinct from racial
descent, it seems probable that in this case there
was a parallel, and this is best explained by supposing
that both were derived from the neolithic race which
it one time spread along the whole of the south
soast of the Mediterranean and across into Arabia,
but that some cause, perhaps the early development
3f civilization in the Nile valley, had cut off the
eastern wing from the rest, and this segrated portion
226
WESTERN PHILOSOPHY 227
developed the peculiar characteristics which we
describe as Semitic. The series of Greek, Punic,
Roman, and Gothic settlements had left no permanent
mark on the Berber population, on their language,
or on their culture. At the time of the Arab invasion
the country was theoretically under the Byzantine
Empire, and the invading Arabs had to meat the
resistance of a Greek army ; but this was not a very
serious obstacle, and the invaders were soon left face
to face with the Berber tribes.
The Muslim invasion of North Africa followed
immediately after the invasion of Egypt, but the
internal disputes of the Muslim community prevented
a regular conquest. It was not until a second
invasion took place in A. II. 45 ( -= A.D. 663) that
we can regard the Arabs as commencing the regular
conquest and settlement of the country. For
centuries afterwards the Arab control was precarious
in the extreme, revolts were constantly taking
place, and many Berber states were founded, some
of which had an existence of considerable duration.
As a rule there was a pronounced racial feeling
between Berbers and Arabs, but there were also
tribal feuds, and Arab policy generally aimed at play-
ing off one powerful tribe against another. Gradually
the Arabs spread all along North Africa and down to
the desert edge, their tribes as a rule occupying the
lower ground, whilst the older population had its
chief centres in the mountainous districts. During
the invasion of 45 the city of Kairawan was founded
228 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
some distance south of Tunis. The site was badly
chosen, and is now marked only by ruins and a scanty
village, but for some centuries it served as the
capital city of Ifrikiya, which was the name given to
the province lying next to Egypt, embracing the
modern states of Tripoli, Tunis, and the eastern part
of Algeria up to the meridian of Bougie. West of
this lay Maghrab, or the "western land," which was
divided into two districts, Central Maghrab extending
from the borders of Ifrikiya across the greater part
of Algeria and the eastern third of Morocco, and
Further Maghrab, which spread beyond to the Atlantic
coast. In these provinces Arabs and Berbers lived
side by side, but in distinct tribes, the intercourse
between the two varying in different localities and
at different times. For the most part each race
preserved its own language, the several Arabic
dialects being distinguished by archaic forms and
phonology somewhat modified by Berber influences ;
but there are instances of Berber tribes which have
adopted Arabic, and some of the Arab and mixed
groups have preferred the Berber language.
The religion of Islam spread rapidly amongst the
Berbers, but it took a particular development, which
shows a survival of many pre-Islamic religious ideas.
The worship of saints and the devotion paid at their
tombs is a corruption which appears elsewhere,
on lines quite distinct from the Asiatic beliefs as
to incarnation or transmigration, and in the west
this saint worship takes an extreme form, although
WESTERN PHILOSOPHY 229
bare and there are tribes which reject it altogether,
as is the case with the B. Messara, the Ida of South
Morocco, etc. Pilgrimages (ziara) are made to saints'
tombs, commemorative banquets are held there
(wa'da or Ja'an), and acts of worship, often taking a
revolting form, are paid to living saints, who are
known an murabits or marabouts, a word which
literally means " those who serve in frontier forts
(ribat)," where the soldiers were accustomed to devote
themselves to practices of piety. These saints are
also known as sidi (lords), or mulaye (teachers),
and in the Berber language of the Twaregs as aneslem,
or " Islamic." Very often they are insane persons,
and are allowed to indulge every passion and to dis-
regard the ordinary laws of morality. Even those
living at the present day are credited with miraculous
powers, not only with gifts of healing, but with
exemption from the limitations of space and from
the laws of gravity (cf. Trumelet : Les saints de
Vislam, Paris, 1881) ; in many cases the same saint
has two or more tombs, and is believed to be buried
in each, for it is argued that, as he was able to be in
two or more places at once during life, so his body
can be in several tombs after death. All this, of
course, is no normal development of Islam, to which
it is plainly repugnant. How thin a veneer of Muslim
usages covers over a mass of primitive animism may
be seen from Dr. Westermarck's essay on " Belief in
spirits in Morocco," the firstfruits of the newly
established Academy at Abo in Finland (Humaniora.
230 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
I. i. Abo, Finland, 1920), and from Dr. Montet's Le
culte des saints musulmans dans VAfrique du nord
(Geneva, 1905).
Amongst the Berber tribes in perpetual conflict
with the Arab garrisons there was always a refuge
and a welcome for the lost causes of Islam, and so
almost every heretical sect and every defeated
dynasty made its last stand there, so that even now
those parts show the strangest survivals of otherwise
forgotten movements. No doubt this was mainly
due to a perennial tone of disaffection towards the
Arab rulers, and anyone in revolt against the Khalif
was welcomed for that very fact.
The conquest of Spain towards the end of the
1st cent. A.H. (early 8th cent. A.D.) was jointly an
Arab and Berber undertaking, the Berbers being in
the great majority in the invading army, and most of
the leaders being Berber. Thus in Andalusia the
old rivalries between Arab and Berber figure largely
in the next few centuries. At first Andalusia was
regarded merely as a district attached to the province
of North Africa, and was ruled from Ifrikiya.
In A.H. ,138, after the fall of the Umayyads in
Asia, a fugitive member of the fallen dynasty, 'Abdu
r-Eahman, failing in an attempt to restore his
family in Africa, crossed over to Spain, and there
established a new and independent power, with its
seat of government at Cordova, arid in A.H. 317 one
of his descendants formally assumed the title of
u Commander of the Faithful." The Umayyads of
WESTERN PHILOSOPHY 231
Spain very closely reproduced the general character-
istics of their rule in Syria. They were tolerant, and
made free use of Christian and Jewish officials ; they
encouraged the older literary arts, and especially
poetry, and employed Greek artists and architects ;
but though doing much for the more material elements
of culture, there is no evidence under their rule of
any interest in Greek learning or philosophy. Yet,
though in a sense old-fashioned, the country was by
no means isolated, and we find frequent intercourse
between Spain and the east. The religious duty of
the pilgrimage has always been an important factor
in promoting the common life of Islam, and there is
abundant evidence that the Spanish Muslims looked
steadily eastwards for religious guidance, accepting
the hadith, the canon law, and the development of
a scientific jurisprudence as it took shape in the east.
Both Muslims and Jews travelled to Mesopotamia
in order to complete their education, and thus kept
in contact with the more cultured life of Asia. But
Spanish Islam had no feeling of sympathy with the
philosophical speculation popular in the east, and
certainly disapproved the latitudinarian developments
which were taking place under the 'Abbasids of the
third century : its tendency was to a rigid orthodoxy
and strict conservatism, its interests were confined
to the canon law, Qur'anic exegesis, and the study
of tradition.
The reactionary character of Spanish Islam is well
illustrated by Ibn Hazm (d. 456 A.H.), the first
232 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
important theologian which it produced. Rejecting
the four recognised and orthodox schools of canon
law, and discarding even the rigid system of Ibn
Hanbal as not strict enough, he became an adherent
of the school founded by Da'ud az-Zahiri (d. 270),
which has never been admitted as on the same footing
as the other four, and now is totally extinct. In the
teaching of that school Qur'au and tradition were
taken in their strictest and most literal sense; any
sort of deduction by analogy was forbidden ; "it is
evident that here we have to do with an impossible
man and school, and so the Muslim world found.
Most said roundly that it was illegal to appoint a
Zahirite to act as judge, on much the same grounds
that objection to circumstantial evidence will throw
out a man now as juror. If they had been using
modern language, they would have said that it was
because he was a hopeless crank." (Macdonald :
Muslim Theology, p. 110). This was the system
which Ibn Hazm now introduced into Spain, and it
was one calculated to appeal to the stern puritan
strain which undoubtedly exists in the Iberian
character. The novel point was that Ibn Hazm
applied the principles and methods of jurisprudence
to theology proper. Like Da'ud he entirely rejected
the principles of analogy and taqlid, that is, the follow-
ing of authority in the sense of accepting the dictum
of a known teacher. As this undermined all existing
systems, and required every man to study Qur'an and
tradition for himself, it did not receive the approval
WESTERN PHILOSOPHY 233
of the canonists, who, in Spain as elsewhere, were the
followers of recognised schools, such as that of Abu
Hanifa and the other orthodox systems, and it was
not until a full century afterwards that he gained
any number of adherents. In theology he admitted
the Ash*arite doctrine of mukhalafa, the difference
of God from all created beings, so that human attri-
butes could not be applied to him in the same sense
as they were used of men ; but he carried this a stage
further, and opposed the Ash Writes, who, though
admitting the difference, had then argued about the
attributes of God as though they described God's
nature, when the very fact of difference deprives
them of any meaning intelligible to us. As in the
Qur'an ninety-nine descriptive titles are applied to
God we may lawfully employ them, but we neither
know what they imply nor can we argue anything
from them. The same method is applied to the treat-
ment of the anthropomorphical expressions which
are applied to God in the Qur'an ; we may use those
expressions, but we have not the slightest idea of what
they may indicate, save that we know they do not
mean what they would mean as used of men. In
ethics the only distinction between good and evil
is based on God's will, and our only knowledge of
that distinction is obtained from revelation. If God
forbids theft it is wrong only because God forbids it ;
there is no standard other than the arbitrary approval
or disapproval of God.
Although it took a century for these views to
234 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
obtain any number of adherents, Ibn Hazm was no
obscure figure during his lifetime. He became
prominent as a violent and abusive controversialist,
an opponent of the Ash'arite party and of the Mu'taz-
ilites, curiously enough treating the latter more
gently as having limited God's qualities.
Ibn Hazm lived at a time when the Umayyads of
Cordova were already in their decay, and in 422 the
dynasty fell. Very soon the whole of Andalusia
was split into a number of independent princi-
palities, and this was followed by a period of anarchy,
during which the country was exposed more and
more to Christian attacks, until at length Mu'tamid,
King of Seville, fearing that the Muslim states would
disappear altogether under the tide of Christian
conquest, advised his co-religionists to appeal for
help to the Murabit power in Morocco, which, with
much misgiving, they did.
The Murabits, the name is that commonly applied
to saints in Morocco, were the product of a religious
revival led by Yahya b. Ibrahim of the clan of the
Jidala, a branch of the great Berber tribe of Latuna,
one of those light-eomplexioned Berber races such as
can still be seen in Algeria, and are apparently nearest
akin to the Lebu as they are represented in ancient
Egyptian paintings. In 428 ( -1036 A.D.) Yahya
performed the pilgrimage to Mecca, and was astonished
and delighted at the evidences of culture and pros-
perity which he saw in the lands through which he
travelled, so far exceeding anything which had
WESTERN PHILOSOPHY 235
previously entered his experience. On his return
journey he stopped at Kairawan and became a hearer
at the lectures given there by Abu Amran. The
lecturer was greatly struck by the diligence and
attention of his pupil, and greatly surprised when he
discovered that he was a product of one of the wild
and barbarous tribes of the far west. But when
Yahya asked that one of the alumni of Kairawan
might be sent home with him to teach his fellow-
tribesmen no one was found willing to venture
amongst a people who were generally regarded as
fierce and savage, until at last the task was under-
taken by Abdullah ibn Jahsim. Helped by his
companion Yahya commenced a religious revival
amongst the Berbers of the West, and seems to have
modelled his work on the example of the Prophet, by
force of arms urging his reforms upon the neighbouring
tribes and laying the foundation of a united kingdom,
a work which was continued by his successor, Yusuf
b. Tashfin, and so at length a powerful kingdom was
established, which extended from the Mediterranean
to the Senegal. Many such Berber states were
established at various times, but, as a rule, they fell
into decay after a couple of generations.
Yusuf b. Tashfin was the champion now invited by
the Muslims of Spain, not without- misgivings in
many quarters, but the choice seemed to lie only
between Christian or Berber, and the Berbers were
at least of their own religion and of the same race as
the majority of the Spanish Muslims. Yusuf came
236 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
as a helper, but a second time invited he stayed on
and established his authority over the country, and
thus Spain became a province under the rule of the
Murabit princes of Morocco. Yusuf was succeeded
by *Ali, who was successful in restraining the Christians,
and at one time even formed plans to drive them out
of Spain altogether.
Murabit rule, which lasted 35 years, brought many
changes and itself experienced many changes. The
rulers were rough men of uncouth manners
and fanatical outlook. Not many years before, it
will be remembered, the Arabs of Kairawan were
reluctant to venture into their land, such was their
ill repute. They were partially humanised by a
religious movement, and thus naturally show a religious
character which bordered on fanaticism. *Ali himself
was entirely in the hands of the faqirs or mendicant
devotees and qadis, and the government was liable to
interference from these irresponsible fanatics at every
turn. It was a state of affairs which awakened the im-
patience of the cultured Muslims of Spain, who expressed
their feelings in many caustic epigrams and satirical
poems. But very soon a change began to work. The
Murabits and their followers did not become less
attached to the devotees, who swarmed unchecked on
every side and received idolatrous attentions from the
multitude, but they learned the luxuries and refine-
ments of the cultured life then prevailing in Spain and
showed themselves apt pupils. Indeed, their downfall
may be explained either as due to effete luxury or to
WESTERN PHILOSOPHY 237
faqir-ridden superstition, as we shall see later on.
The intellectual life of Muslim Spain up to the
Murabit period was conservative rather than back-
ward. Its literary men were nearer the old tra-
ditional Arab type than was the case in the eastern
Khalifate, where Persian influences had pushed the
Arab so much into the background ; its scholars
were still occupied exclusively with the traditional
sciences, exegesis, canon law, and traditions. The
Murabit invasion offered a stimulus to satirical verse,
but otherwise did nothing to promote either
literature or science. Yet it is under Murabit rule
that we find the first beginnings of western philosophy,
and the line of transmission is from the Mu'tazilites
of Baghdad through the Jews and thence to the
Muslims of Spain. The Jews act as intermediaries
who bring the Muslim philosophy of Asia into contact
with the Muslims of Spain.
For a long time the Jews had taken no part in the
development of Hellenistic philosophy, although in
the later Syriac period they had participated in
medical studies and in natural science, of which we
have seen evidence in the important work of Jewish
physicians and scientists at Baghdad under al-Ma'mun
and the early 'Abbasids. Outside medicine and
natural science Jewish interest seems to have been
mainly confined to Biblical exegesis, tradition, and
canon law.
One of the few exceptions to this restriction of
interests was Sa'id al-Fayyumi or Saadya ben Joseph
238 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
(d. 331 A.H. =942 A.D.), a native of Upper Egypt,
who became one of the Geonim of the academy at
Sora on the Euphrates, and is best known as the
translator of the Old Testament into Arabic, which
had now replaced Aramaic as the speech of the Jews
both in Asia and in Spain. As an author his most
important work was the Kitab al-Amanat wa-l-
Ftiqadat, or " Book of the articles of faith and dog-
matics," which was finished in 321-2 ( -A.D. 933),
and was afterwards translated into Hebrew as Sefer
Emunot we-De^ot by Judah b. Tibbon. He was the
author also of a commentary on the Pentateuch, of
which only a portion (on Exod. 30, 11-16) survives,
as well as other works ; but it is in the first-named
and in the commentary that his views appear most
clearly. For the first time a Jewish writer shows
familiarity with the problems raised by the Mu'tazi-
lites, and gives these a serious attention from the
Jewish stand-point. It does not seem, however, that
we should class Sa id as a Mu'tazilite ; he more properly
represents the movement which produced his Muslim
contemporaries, al-Ash'ari arid al-Mataridi, that is
to say, he is one of those who use orthodox kalam and
adapt philosophy to apologetic purposes. His
position is shown most clearly in the " Book of the
articles of faith and dogmatics " in dealing with the
three problems of (a) creation, (b) the Divine Unity,
and (c) free will. In the first of these he defends the
doctrine of a creation ex nihilo, but in giving proofs
of the necessity of a creator he shows in three out of
WESTERN PHILOSOPHY 239
the four arguments employed distinct traces of
Aristotelian influences. In treating the doctrine of
the Divine Unity he is chiefly concerned with opposing
the Christian teaching of the Trinity, but incidentally
is compelled to deal with the idea of God and the
Divine attributes, and in doing so maintains that none
of the Aristotelian categories can be applied to God.
As to the human will he defends its freedom, and his
task is mainly an effort to reconcile this with the
omnipotence and omniscience of God. In the
fragment on Exodus he refers to the commands of
revelation arid the commands of reason, these latter,
he asserts, being based on philosophical speculation.
Evidently the Mutakallamin movement, pro-
fessedly an orthodox reaction from the Mu'tazilites,
represents a great widening of philosophical
influences. Philosophy was no longer a subject
confined to one group of scholars who were interested
in Greek writings, but had spread out until it reached
the mosques, and could no longer be thrust aside as
an heretical aberration, and in its outspread it had
penetrated the Jewish schools as well. But Sa'id
produced no immediate disciples, and those who
followed him in the Jewish academies of Mesopotamia
showed no interest in his methods. Yet his work*
apparently barren, was destined to have results of
the widest importance after a century's interval. In
spite of distance and the difficulties of travel there
was a very close and frequent intercourse maintained
between all the Jews of the Sefardi group, those,
240 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
namely, who had adopted Arabic as their ordinary
speech and who were living under Muslim rule. The
Ashkenazi Jews in the north and centre of Europe
who lived in Christian lands and did not use Arabic
were definitely separated from these others by the
barrier of language, and thus in different surroundings
the two groups developed marked differences in their
use of Hebrew, in their liturgical formularies, and
in their popular beliefs and folk-lore. Thus we must
bear in mind that a synagogue in Spain would
naturally be in close touch with synagogues in
Mesopotamia, but it was not likely to have any
contact with one in the Rhine valley.
Although the earlier Jewish settlers in Spain and
Provence had enjoyed considerable freedom, re-
strictions had been imposed by the council of Elvira
(A.D. 303-4), and they had to suffer considerable
severity under the later West Goths. The coming
of the Muslims had greatly eased their position,
chiefly because the Jews had taken a leading part in
assisting and probably in inviting the invaders ; they
often furnished garrisons to occupy towns vrhich
the Muslims had conquered, and were the means of
supplying them with information as to the enemy's
movements. It seems probable that they had been
in correspondence with the Muslims beforehand, so
that they shared with Witiza's partisans the re-
sponsibility of inviting the invasion. Under
Umayyad rule their prosperity continued and in-
creased. Very often we find Jews occupying high
WESTERN PHILOSOPHY 241
positions at court and in the civil service, and these
favourable conditions seem to have prevailed until
the time of the Muwahhids, for it does not appear
that the Murabits, for all their fanaticism, took any
measures against Christians or Jews.
Important amongst the Jews of the Umayyad
period was Hasdai ben Shabrut (d. 360 or 380 A.H.),
a physician under 'Abdu r-Rahman, who sent presents
to Sora and Pumbaditha, and carried on a correspond-
ence with Dosa, son of the Gaon Sa'id al-Fayyumi.
Hitherto it had been the custom for the western Jews
to refer all difficult problems of the canon law to the
learned of the academies in Mesopotamia, just as
their Muslim neighbours referred to the East for
guidance in jurisprudence and theology. But Hasdai
took advantage of the accidental presence of Moses
Ben Enoch in Cordova to found a native Spanish
academy for rabbinical studies there, and appointed
Moses its president, a step which received the warm
approval of the Umayyad prince. This turned out
to be more important than its founder had anticipated ;
it was not merely a provincial school reproducing the
work of the eastern academies, but resulted in the
transference of Jewish scholarship to Spain. At
that time Asiatic Islam was beginning to feel the
restricting power of the orthodox reaction, whilst
Spain, on the other hand, saw the opening of a golden
age. Shortly before this date the Umayyad Hakim II.
had been working to encourage Muslim scholarship
in the west, and had sent his agents to purchase books
242 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
in Cairo, Damascus, Baghdad, and Alexandria. In
the reactionary age of Mahmud of Ghazna (388-421)
Muslim b. Muhammad al-Andalusi had been instru-
mental in introducing the teachings of the u Brethren
of Purity " to the Muslims of Spain. We cannot say
that the Jews anticipated the Muslims of Spain in
their study of philosophy, but it is clear that the Jews
were associated with the first dawn of the new learn-
ing in Spain, and thus as the sun was setting in the
East a new day was beginning to break in the West.
The first leader of Spanish philosophy was the Jew
Abu Ayyub Sulayman 6. Yahya b. Jabirul (d. 450 A.H. =
1058 A.D.), commonly known as Ibn Gabirol (Jabirul),
and hence " Avencebrol " in the Latin scholastic
writers. He is chiefly known as the author of Maqor
Chayim, "The Fountain of Life," a title based on
the words of Psalm 36, 10, which was one of the works
translated into Latin at the college of Toledo and so
well known to the scholastic writers as the Fons Vitae
(ed. Baumer : Avencebrolis Fons Vitae, Munster,
1895). It was this work which really introduced
neo-Platonism to the West. Ibn Jabirul teaches that
God alone is pure reality, and He is the only actual
substance ; He has no attributes, but in Him are
will and wisdom, not as possessed attributes but as
aspects of His nature. The world is produced by
the impress of form upon pre-existing universal
matter. " Separate substances " in the sense of
ideas abstracted from the things in which they exist
(cf. Aristot. de anima. iii. 7, 8, " and so the mind when
WESTERN PHILOSOPHY 243
it thinks of mathematical forms thinks of them as
separated, though they are not separated ") do not
exist apart in reality ; the abstracting is only a mental
process, so the general idea exists only as a concept,
not as a reality. But between the purely spiritual
being of God and the crudely material observed in the
bodies existing in this world are intermediate forms
of existence, such as angels, souls, etc., wherein the
form is not impressed upon matter.
Besides this u Fountain of Life " Ibn Gabirol was
the author of two ethical treatises, the Tikkun
Midwoth han-Nefesh, " the correction of the manners
of the soul," in which man is treated as a microcosm
after the kabbalistic fashion ; and Mibchar hap-
Peninim, a collection of ethical maxims collected from
the Greek and Arabic philosophers. The former has
been published at Luneville in 1804, the latter at
Hamburg in 1844.
At the beginning of the sixth century A.H., a younger
contemporary of al-Ghazali, we have Abu Bakr ibn
Bajja (d. 533 A.H. =1138 A.D.), the first of the Muslim
philosophers of Spain. By this time, some three-
quarters of a century after the death of Ibn Sina,
Arabic philosophy was almost extinct in Asia and
was treated as a dangerous heresy. In Egypt, it is
true, there was a greater degree of toleration, though
less than in the golden age of the Fatimids, but Egypt
was regarded with suspicion as the home of heresy
and of forms of superstition which were uncongenial
to the philosopher. Spain thus becomes the place
244 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
of refuge for Muslim philosophy as it had already
become the nursery of Jewish speculation. Ibn
Bajja, known to the Latin schoolmen as " Avempace,"
found in Murabit Spain the freedom and toleration
which Asia no longer afforded. He continues the
work of al-Farabi, not, it will be noted, of Ibn Sina,
and develops the neo-Platonic interpretation of
Aristotle on sober and conservative lines. He wrote
commentaries on Aristotle's Physics, de generatione
et corruptione, and the Meteora ; he produced original
works on mathematics, on " the soul," and a treatise
which he called " The Hermit's Guide," which was
used by Ibn Rushd (Averroes) and by the Jewish
writer Moses of Narbonne in the 14th cent. A.D. In
this last work he makes a distinction between " animal
activity," in which action is due to the prompting of
the emotions, passions, etc., and " human activity,"
which is suggested and directed by abstract reason,
and from this distinction draws a rule of life and
conduct. He is chiefly cited by the Latin schoolmen
with reference to the doctrine of " separate
substances." " Avempace held that, by the study
of the speculative sciences, we are able by means of
the images which we know from these ideas to attain
to the knowledge of separate substances " (St. Thomas
Aq. c. Gentiles, 3, 41). This question as to the
possibility of knowing substances separated, i.e.
abstracted, from the concrete bodies in which they
exist in combination and the " separate substances "
were regarded as spiritual things was prominent in
WESTERN PHILOSOPHY 245
mediaeval scholasticism, which inherited it from the
Arabic philosophers, and from it came the further
question whether the contemplation of such abstract
ideas gives us a better knowledge of realities than
observation of the concrete bodies. Both Albertus
Magnus and St. Thomas Aquinas associate Avempace
especially with this question and with the doctrine
of the " acquired intellect," to which we have
already referred in our notes on Ibn Sina, and which
completes the theory of " separate substances " by
supposing that intelligible forms stream into our
souls from an outside Agent Intellect by way of
emanation as substantial forms descend on corporeal
matter. St. Thomas Aquinas shows direct knowledge
of Avempace's treatment of these subjects, but this
is not so evident in Albertus. Avempace, like all
other Arabic philosophers, describes ittisal or union
of the human intellect with the Agent Intellect, of
which it is an emanation, as the supreme beatitude
and final end of human life. By the operation of the
Agent Intellect on the latent intellect in man this is
awakened to life, but eternal life consists in the com-
plete union of the intellect with the Agent Intellect.
In Avempace the Sufi strain is much weaker than in
al-Farabi ; the means of attaining this union is not
by ecstasy, but by a steady disentangling of the soul
of those material things which hinder its pure intellec-
tual life and consequent union. This leads us to the
teaching of asceticism as the discipline of the soul for
its spiritual progress, and the ascetic and solitary life
246 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
is the ideal proposed by Avempace. This ascetic
and contemplative hermit life is not, however, in any
sense a religious life, for in this respect Avempace
has advanced far beyond al-Farabi ; he is fully
conscious that pure philosophy cannot be reconciled
with the teachings of revelation, a conviction which
now marks the definite separation of the
" philosophers " from the orthodox scholastics of
Islam, such as al-Ghazali and his school ; he regards
the teachings of revelation as an imperfect presenta-
tion of the truths which are more completely and
correctly learned from Aristotle, and only admits the
Qur'an and its religion as a discipline for the multitude
whose intelligence neither desires nor is capable of
philosophical reasoning. Strangely enough he lived
in security, protected from the attacks of hostile
theologians, under the protection of the Murabit
princes.
Within a few years after the death of Avempace
the Murabit dynasty came to an end. The succeed-
ing dynasty, the Muwahhids, were of Berber origin
like the Murabits, and, like them, had their origin in
a religious revival.
The foundation of the Muwahhids is associated
with Ibn Tumart (d. 524 A.H. = 1129 A.D.). He
was a native of Morocco, and a strange combination
of fanatic and scholastic. He claimed to be a descen-
dant of *Ali, and posed as the " Mahdi " possessing
the supernatural grace of isma or " security from
error," and thus introduced Shi'ite ideas into Morocco ;
WESTERN PHILOSOPHY 247
and at the same time it was he who introduced to the
West the orthodox scholasticism of al-Ghazali, al-
though at the same time he professed to be a follower
of Ibn Hazm. He travelled in Asia, where, no doubt,
he learned of al-Ghazili and his doctrines. Eoughly
treated at Mecca he removed to Egypt, where he
rendered himself prominent and objectionable by his
puritanical criticisms on the manners of the people.
Setting out from Alexandria in a ship travelling
westwards he occupied himself with a reformation of
the morals of the crew, compelling them to observe
the correct hours of prayer and the other duties of
religion. In 505 he appeared at Mahdiya, where he
took up his abode in a wayside mosque. There he
used to sit at the window watching the passers-by,
and, whenever he saw any of them carrying a jar of
wine or a musical instrument, he used to sally out
and seize the offensive article and break it. The
common people reverenced him as a saint, but many
of the wealthier citizens resented his activities, and
at length brought a complaint against him before the
Emir Yahya. The Emir heard their complaints and
observed Ibn Tumart and took note of the impression
he had made upon the populace. With character-
istic craft the Emir treated the reformer with all
possible respect, but advised, nay rather urged, him
to bestow the favour of his presence upon some other
town as soon as convenient to him, and so he removed
to Bijaiya (Bougie in Algeria). Here his ways were
extremely unpopular, and he was driven away. He
248 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
next settled at Mellala, where he met a boy named
'Abdu 1-Mumin al-Kumi (d. 558), a potter's son,
whom he made his disciple and declared to be his
successor. At this time the Murabit dynasty had
fallen from its original puritariism and was dis-
tinguished for the wealth and luxury which had been
made possible by the conquest of Spain, and the
splendour and ostentation of the royal family at
Morocco laid it open to criticism. One Friday a
faqir entered the public square where a throne was
made ready for the Emir, and, pushing his way through
the guards who stood round, boldly took his seat upon
the throne and refused to leave. It was the Mahdi
Ibn Tumart, and, so great was the superstitious
reverence accorded to all faqira, and to him above
all, that none of the guards standing round ventured
to remove him by force. At length the Emir himself
appeared and, finding who had occupied his official
seat, declined to interfere with the redoubtable faqir's
will, but it was privately made plain to Ibn Tumart
that it would be wise for him to leave the city for
a while. The Mahdi therefore retired to Fez, but
soon afterwards returned to Morocco. One day he
met in the streets the Emir's sister, who had adopted
the shameless foreign custom of riding in public
without a veil. The Mahdi stopped her and poured
out a stream of abuse at her for this neglect of
established custom, then, overcome by his indignation,
he pulled her off the beast she was riding. He seems,
however, to have felt some alarm at his own temerity
WESTERN PHILOSOPHY 249
and fled forthwith to Tinamel, where he openly raised
the standard of revolt against a corrupt and un-
faithful dynasty. At first this rebellion did not
meet with much success, but, after the Mahdi's death,
the leadership fell to his pupil, *Abdu 1-Mumin, who
took Oran, Tlemsen, Fez, Sale, Ceuta, arid in 542
became master of Morocco, and in due course seized
all the empire of the Murabits. The new dynasty
established by 'Abdu 1-Mumin is known by the name
of the Muwahhids or " Unitarians," a title which the
Spanish historians render by " Almohades," and
their rule endured until 667 A.H. ( - 1268 A.D.).
Ibn Tuniart professed to be a follower of al-Ghazali,
und introduced his system of orthodox scholasticism
to the West. In canon law he followed the reaction-
ary school of Da'ud az-Zahiri and Ibn Hazm, like
the Murabits who preceded him. To the multitude
he was the champion of Berber nationality ; he
translated the Qur'an into the Berber language, and
caused the call to prayer to be made in Berber instead
of Arabic.
Muwahhid rule introduced a period of bigotry and
of religious persecution. It was under the rule of
this dynasty that we find the Jews leaving the country
in large numbers and migrating to Africa or to
Provence, and many Christians also fled to join the
Castilian forces in the north. Modern historians tend
to condemn the later severities of Christian rulers
towards their Muslim subjects, and often seem to
apeak of those subjects as the peaceable and cultured
250 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
population which had lived under the Umayyads
and the Murabits. But Spam's last experience of the
Muslims was of the fierce, bigoted, and persecuting
Muwahhids, whose tone was very different. Strangely,
however, it was under these intolerant rulers that
Spanish Islam passed through its golden age of
philosophical speculation, and not only so, but the
philosophers were protected and favoured by the
Muwahhid court. Quite early in this period the
position seems to have been tacitly arranged that
the philosophers were absolutely free in their work
and teaching, provided that teaching was not spread
abroad amongst the populace : it was to be regarded
as a species of esoteric truth reserved for the enlight-
ened. It seems almost certain that this attitude
was deliberately arranged by the philosophers them-
selves ; it had already been sketched out by some of
the Asiatic writers, and definitely laid down by al-
Ash'ari and al-Ghazali, and the Muwahhids, it must
be remembered, professed to be Ghazalians. But
whilst the philosophers enjoyed this exceptional
freedom of speculation, so different from the re-
pressive orthodoxy of the Turkish dynasties in Asia,
and defended the system in their writings, the rulers
officially were enforcing amongst the multitude of
their subjects the severest orthodoxy and the most
reactionary system of jurisprudence, so reactionary
that it was never admitted by the Asiatic sultans.
The first great leader of philosophical thought in
Muwahhid Spain was Ibn Tufayl (d. 581 1185),
WESTERN PHILOSOPHY 251
who was wazir and court physician under the
Muwahliid Abu Yaqub (A.H. 558-580). His teaching
was in general conformity with that of Ibn Bajja
(Avempace), but the mystic element is much more
strongly marked. He admits ecstasy as a means of
attaining the highest knowledge and of approaching
God. But in Ibn Tufayl's teaching this knowledge
differs very much from that aimed at by the Sufis :
it is mystic philosophy rather than mystic theology.
The beatific vision reveals the Agent Intellect and
the chain of causation reaching down to man and
then back again to itself.
In his views as to the need of removing the doctrines
of philosophy from the multitude he shows the same
principles as Ibn Bajja, which are those which came
to be recognised as the proper ofticial attitude under
the Muwahhids, and defends them in a romance
called Hayy b. Yaqzan, " the Living One son of the
Wakeful," the work by which his name is best remem-
bered. In this story we have the picture of two
islands, one inhabited by a solitary recluse who
spends his time in contemplation and thereby raises
his intellect until he finds that he is able to apprehend
the eternal verities which are in the One Active
Intellect. The other island is inhabited by ordinary
people who are occupied in the commonplace in-
cidents of life and follow the practices of religion in
the form known to them. In this way they are con-
tent and happy, but fall far short of the complete
and perfect happiness of the recluse on the other
252 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
island. In course of time the recluse, who is per-
fectly well aware of the neighbouring island and
its inhabitants, begins to feel great pity for them in
that they are excluded from the more perfect felicity
which he enjoys, and in an honest desire for
their welfare, goes over to them and preaches the
truth as he has found it. For the most part he is
quite unintelligible to them, and the only result is
that he produces confusion, doubt, and controversial
strife amongst those whom he desired to benefit, but
who are incapable of the intellectual life which he
has led. In the end he returns to his island con-
vinced that it is a mistake to interfere with the con-
ventional religion of the multitude.
Ibn Rushd (A.H. 520 - 595), known to the West
&s Averroes, was the greatest of the Arabic philoso-
phers, and was practically their last. He was a
native of Cordova and the friend and prot^g^ of Ibn
Tufayl, by whom he was introduced to Abu Ya'qub
in 548. He was, however, more outspoken than Ibn
Tufayl, and wrote several controversial works against
al-Ghazali and his followers. The family to which
he belonged was one whose members usually became
jurists, and Ibn Eushd acted as Qadi in various Spanish
towns ; like most of the Arabic philosophers he studied
medicine, and in 578 was appointed court physician
to Abu Ya'qub. By this time he had finished his
career as an author. Under the Muwahhid Abu
Yusuf al-Mansur he was censured as a heretic and
banished from Cordova. It must be remembered
WESTERN PHILOSOPHY 253
that the Muwahhids, like the Murabits, were really
Moroccan rulers, to whom Spain was a foreign
province. It was whilst the Emir was in Spain and
at Cordova, making ready for an attack upon the
Christians, that Ibn Rushd was disgraced, and it
seems probable that this was mainly a matter of
policy, as the Emir, on the eve of a religious war, was
desirous of proving his own strict orthodoxy by the
public disapproval of one who had been rather too
outspoken in his speculative theories. As soon as
the Emir returned to Morocco the order of exile was
revoked, and later on Ibn Rushd appears at the
court of Morocco, where he died in 595.
Amongst the Muslims Ibn Rushd has not exercised
great influence ; it w r as the Jews who supplied the
bulk of his admirers, and they, scattered in Provence
and Sicily by Muwahhid persecution, seern to have
been chiefly instrumental in introducing him to
Latin Christendom.
His chief medical work was known as the Kulliyat,
u the universal," which, under the Latinized name of
u colliget," became popular as a manual in the
mediaeval universities where the Arabic system of
medicine was in use. He wrote also on jurisprudence
a text-book of the law of inheritance, which is still
extant in MS., and also produced works on astronomy
and grammer. He maintained that the task of philo-
sophy was one approved and commended by religion,
for the Qur'an shows that God commands men to
search for the truth. It is only the prejudice of the
254 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
unenlightened which fears freedom of thought,
because for those whose knowledge is imperfect the
truths of philosophy seem to be contrary to religion.
On this topic he composed two theological treatises
" On the Agreement of Religion with Philosophy "
and " On the Demonstration of Eeligious Dogmas,"
both of which have been edited by M. J. Mueller.
The popular beliefs he does not accept, but lie regards
them as wisely designed to teach morality and to
develop piety amongst the people at large ; the
true philosopher allows no word to be uttered against
established religion, which is a thing necessary for
the welfare of the people. Aristotle he regards as
the supreme revelation of God to man : with it
religion is in total agreement, but as religion is known
to the multitude it only partially discloses Divine
truth and adapts it to the practical needs of the many ;
in religion there is a literal meaning, which in ail the
uneducated are able to attain, and there is an
" interpretation," which is the disclosing of deeper
truths beneath the surface which it is not expedient
to communicate to the multitude. He opposes the
position of Ibn Bajja, who inclined to solitary medi-
tation and avoided the discussion of philosophical
problems ; he admits and desires such discussion
provided it is confined to the educated who are able
to understand its bearing, and not brought before the
multitude who are thereby in danger of having their
simple faith undermined. He agrees with Ibn Bajja,
however, as against Ibn Tufayl in disapproval of
WESTERN PHILOSOPHY 255
ecstasy ; such a thing may be, but it is too rare to
need serious consideration.
There are different classes of men who fall roughly
into three groups. The highest of these are those
whose religious belief is based on demonstration
(burhan), the result of reasoning from syllogisms which
are d priori certain ; these are the men to whom the
philosopher makes his appeal. The lowest stratum
contains those whose faith is based on the authority
of a teacher or on presumptions which cannot be
argued out and are not due to the exercise of pure
reason ; it is mischievous to put " demonstration "
or reason or controversy before people of this type,
for it can only cause them doubt and difficulty.
Intermediate between these two strata are those who
have not attained the use of pure reason which,
with Ibn Rushd, seems to be simply intuition but
are capable of argument and controversy by means
of which their faith can be defended and proved ;
44 demonstration " proper is not to be laid before
these, but it is right to enter into argument with them
and to assist them to rise above the level of those
whose belief is based only upon authority.
Most of all, Ibn Rushd opposed the teaching of the
mutdkallimin or orthodox scholastic theologians, whom
he regarded as subverting the pure principles of the
Aristotelian philosophy, and of these he considered
the worst to be al-Ghazali, " that renegade of
philosophy " His leading controversial work is the
Destruction of the Destruction (Tahafat at-Ta.hafa.tt.
256 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
which he designed as a refutation of al-Ghazali'a
Destruction of the Philosophers.
But it was as a commentator on the text of Aristotle
that he became best known to subsequent generations
amongst the Jews and the later Latin scholastics ;
he was the great and final commentator. Strangely,
however, Ibn Kushd never perceived the importance
of reading Aristotle in the original ; he had no know-
ledge of Greek, and gives no sign of supposing that a
study of the Greek text would at all assist a student
of the philosopher. The method of his commentaries
is the time-honoured form derived from the Syriac
commentators : a sentence of the text is given and
the explanatory comments follow.
In main substance Ibn Eushd reproduces the psy-
chology of Aristotle as interpreted by al-Parabi and
Ibn Sina, but with some important modifications.
In man is a passive and an active intellect : the active
intellect is roused to action by the operation of the
Agent Intellect, and thus becomes an acquired intel-
lect ; the individual intellects are many, but the Agent
Intellect is but one, though present in each, just as
the sun is one, but there are in action as many suns
as there are bodies which it illuminates. This is the
form of the Aristotelian doctrine as it had been
transmitted through Ibn Sina ; the Agent Intellect
is one, but it is as by emanation present in each, so
that the quickening power in each one is part of the
universal Agent Intellect. But Ibn Eushd differs
from his predecessors in his treatment of the passive
WESTERN PHILOSOPHY 257
intellect, the 'aql hayyulani, which is the seat of latent
and potential faculties upon which the Agent operates.
In all the earlier systems this passive intellect was
regarded as purely individual and as operated on
by the emanation of the universal Agent, but Ibn
Eushd regarded the passive intellect also as but a
portion of a universal soul and as individual only
in so far as temporarily occupying an individual body.
Even the passive powers are part of a universal
force animating the whole of nature. This is the
doctrine of pampsychism, which exercised so strong
an attraction for many of the mediaeval scholastics,
and has its adherents at the present day ; thus
James (Principles of Psychology, p. 346) says : " I
confess that the moment I become metaphysical and
try to define the more, I find the notion of some sort
of an anima mundi thinking in all of us to be a more
promising hypothesis, in spite of all its difficulties, than
that of a lot of absolutely individual souls." Ibn
Eushd regards Alexander of Aphrodisias as mistaken in
supposing that the passive intellect is a mere dis-
position ; it is in us, but belongs to something outside ;
it is not engendered, it is incorruptible, and so in a
sense resembles the Agent Intellect. This doctrine
is the very opposite to what is commonly described
as materialism, which represents the mind as merely
a form of energy produced by the activity of the
neural functions. The activity of brain and nerves,
according to Ibn Eushd, are due to the presence of
an external force ; not only, as Ari^otle teaches,
" K
s
258 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
at least according to Alexander Aph.'s interpretation,
is the highest faculty of the reason due to the operation
of the external one Agent Intellect, but the passive
intellect on which this agent acts is itself part of a
great universal soul, which is the one source of all
life and the reservoir to which the soul returns when
the transitory experience of what we call life is
finished.
Ibn Eushd's views do not receive much attention
or criticism from Muslim scholars, but the Christian
scholastics brought two main arguments against this
theory, one psychological, the other theological.
The psychological objection is that it is entirely
subversive of individuality : if the conscious life of
each is only part of the conscious life of a universal
soul there can be no real ego in any one of us ; but
there is no fact to which consciousness bears clearer
witness than the reality and individuality of the ego.
This did not touch the possibility that the individual
soul might be drawn from a universal soul as its
source, nor did it disprove that the individual soul
might be reabsorbed again in the universal soul, but
in so far as Ibn Kushd's view represented the soul as
throughout a part of the universal soul it was argued
that this is contrary to experience, which makes it
clear that in this present life the ego is very distinctly
individual. The theological argument was that Ibn
Bushd's view denied the immortality of the soul, and
so was contrary to the Christian faith. This objection
deals more specifically with the reabsorption of the
WESTERN PHILOSOPHY 259
soul of the individual in the universal soul ; such
cessation of separate and individual existence, it was
argued, meant that the soul as such no longer existed.
As we have already noted, Aristotle gives a rather
narrow range to the highest faculty of reason, con-
fining its activity to the perception of abstract ideas ;
" as to the things spoken of as abstract (the mind) thinks
of them as it would of the being snub-nosed, if by an
effort of thought it thinks of it qua snub-nosed, not
separately, but qua hollow, without the flesh in which
the hollowness is adherent : so when it thinks of
mathematical forms, it thinks of them as separated,
though they are not separated " (Aristot. de anima.
iii. 7, 7-8). Those who followed Alexander Aph.
and the neo-Platonists took this " abstract " in a
very narrow sense, and in the Arabic commentators
these abstractions even become non-substantial beings,
as it were disembodied, or rather bodiless, spirits :
44 in quibusdam libris de Arabico translatis substautiae
separatae, quae nos angelos dicimus, intelligentiae
vocantur " (S. Thos. Aquin. Quaest. Disp. de anima.
16). Can man know these substantiae separatae by
his natural faculties Ibn Eushd says he can : if
otherwise nature has acted in vain, for there would
be an intelligibile without an intelligens to understand
it; but Aristotle has shewn (Polit. 1, 8, 12) that
nature does nothing in vain, so that if there be an
intelligibile there must be an intelligens capable of
perceiving it. " The commentator (i.e. Ibn Eushd)
gays in 2 Met. comm. i. (in fine) that if abstract
260 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
stances cannot be understood by us then nature has
acted in vain, because it made that which is by
nature understandable in itself to be not understood
by anyone. But nothing is superfluous or in vain
in nature. Therefore immaterial substances can be
understood by us." (S. Thos. Aquin. Summa. 1, 88.)
As the Agent Intellect enters into communication
with relative being it has to suffer the conditions of
relativity, and so is not equally efficient in all ; it acts
on sensible images as form acts on matter, yet the
Agent Intellect never becomes corruptible as that on
which it acts.
These are in outline the points in the teaching of
Ibn Eushd, which show the most marked difference*
from that of his predecessors, and which afterwards
provoked most controversy amongst the Latin
scholastics.
Ibn Eushd realty ends the illustrious line of Arabic
Aristotelians. A few Aristotelian scholars followed
in Spain, but with the decay of the Muwahhid power
these came to an end. Of those later scholars we
may mention -Muhyi ad-Din b. 'Arabi (d. 638) and
'Abdu 1-Haqq b. Sab'im (d. 667). The former of these
was primarily a Sufi, and shows a strong inclination
towards pantheism. *Abdu 1-Haqq, the last of the
Muwahhid circle, was also a Sufi, but at the same time
an accurate student of Aristotle. In modern Islam
there is no Aristotelian scholarship, save only in logic,
where Aristotle has always held his own.
CHAPTER X
THE JEWISH TBANSMITTOBS
We have already seen that the Jews took a promi-
nent part in bringing a knowledge of philosophical
research from Asia to Spain, and Ibn Jabirul
(Avencebrol) takes his place in the line of transmission
by which Spanish Islam was brought into contact
with these studies. This did not end the partici-
pation of the Jews in philosophical work, but their
subsequent writers do not form part of the regular
series of Aristotelian students influencing the Muslim
world, but are rather confined to Jewish circles. Yet
they are of an importance wider than merely sectarian
interests, for it was by means of Jewish disciples of
Ibn Eushd that he was raised to a position of much
greater importance than he has ever enjoyed in the
Muslim world. Amongst the Jews, indeed, there
arose a strong Averroist school, which later on was
the chief means of introducing Ibn Eushd's theories
to Latin scholasticism. As we shall see later the
transmission of philosophy from Arabic to Latin
surroundings falls into two stages : in the earlier the
Arabic material passes directly, and the works used
are those which had attained a leading importance
in Islam, but in the later stage the Jews were the
261
262 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
intermediaries, and thus the choice of text-books and
authorities was largely influenced by an existing
Jewish scholasticism.
Ibn Jabirul shows the Aristotelian philosophy in-
troduced to Jewish surroundings, just as Sa'id al-
Fayyumi in Mesopotamia shows the entrance of
Mu'tazilite discussions amongst the Jews. In fact,
all the intellectual experiences of the Muslim com-
munity were repeated amongst the Jews. In Islam the
Mu'tazilites and the philosophers were followed by
the scholastics, who took their final form under al-
Ghazali, and so in Judaism also al-Ghazali has his
parallel.
The founder of an orthodox Jewish scholasticism
was the Spanish Jew, Jehuda hal-Levi (d. 540 A.H.
1145 A.D.), who lived during the Murabit rule
and the coming of the Muwahhids. His teaching
is known by a work entitled Scfer ha-Kuzari, which
consists of five essays, supposed to be dialogues
between the King of the Chazars and a Jewish
visitor to his court. These dialogues discuss various
topics of a philosophical add political character. The
study of philosophy is commended, but it is pointed
out that good conduct is not attained by philosophy,
which is occupied with scientific investigations, and
many of these have no direct bearing upon the duties
of practical life ; the best means of promoting right
conduct is religion, which is the established tradition
of wisdom revealed to men of ancient times. Even
in speculative matters a surer guidance is often
THE JEWISH TRANSMITTORS 263
furnished by religious tradition than by the specu-
lations of philosophers. God created all things from
nothing ; the attempt to explain the presence of
imperfection and evil in the world by the theory of
the eternity of matter, or by the operation of laws of
nature is futile ; those laws themselves must refer
back to God. The difficulty arising from the mingling
of evil with good in creation is admitted ; the real
solution is unknown, but it must be maintained that
creation was the work of God in spite of the difficulties
which this presents.
As to the nature and attributes of God, the dis-
tinction which Sa'id al-Fayyumi tried to make
between the essential and other attributes is un-
tenable. The attributes stated in the Old Testament
may be applied to God because they are revealed,
which is exactly the same teaching as that of al-
Ash'ari and al-Ghazali. These attributes are either
referring to active qualities, or to relative, or to
negative. Those which are active and those which
are relative are used metaphorically; we do not
know their real significance.
The fifth essay is more especially directed against
the philosophers as teaching doctrines subversive of
revelation. In the first place he disapproves the
theory of emanations ; the work of creation was
directly performed by God without any intermediary ;
if there were emanations, why did they stop short at
the lunar sphere ? This refers to the descriptions
given by the Arabic writers who endeavour to explain
264 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
the successive emanations from the First Cause as
reaching down to different spheres. He opposes also
the attempt of the Mutakallimin to reconcile
philosophy and theology as tending to undermine
the truths of revealed religion, so that he takes a
more reactionary position than al-Ghazali. This was
inevitable, for Jewish thought had as yet been much
less influenced by philosophy than was the case with
the Muslims. He objects also to the description of
the soul as intellect, more it would appear because
common usage confined " intellectual activity " too
much to philosophical speculation, arid especially he
protested against the implication that only souls of
philosophers were finally united to the Agent Intellect.
The soul of man is a spiritual substance and im-
perishable ; it does not win immortality by intellec-
tual activity but is necessarily immortal by its own
nature. He admits, however, that the passive soul
in man is influenced by the Agent Intellect, which he
seems to regard as the wisdom of God personified.
Generally, therefore, Hal-Levi defined Jewish ortho-
doxy as against the teachings of the philosophers :
he recognises the force of philosophical speculation,
but is himself distinctly conservative. God was
literally the creator, and no philosophical definition
of creation which tended to explain it otherwise
than according to traditional belief was permissible.
But Hal-Levi does not seem to have had any great
influence outside Judaism, and his work rather tends
to show how far Jewish thought of the 6th cent, of
THE JEWISH TRANSMITTORS 265
the Hijra was out of sympathy with current philo-
sophical speculation, though no longer ignorant of
it.
It was in Spain that the Jews especially
distinguished themselves as physicians, reproducing
and extending the investigations of the Arabic authori-
ties, who were pupils of the B"estoriaris and Jews in
the first place. The most distinguished of these
Spanish Jews who became leaders in medical science
was Ibn Zuhr (d. 595 A.H. = 1199 A.D.), commonly
known to the mediaeval West as " Avenzoar." He
was a native of Seville and member of a family of
physicians. Jewish philosophy does not take a
leading place until the appearance of Abu Imran
Moses b. Maymun b. 'Abdullah (d. 601 A.H. -1204
A.D.), a contemporary and follower of Ibn Eushd and
the one who did most to establish an Averroist school,
and so passed on his work and influence to Latin
Christendom. He was the son of a pupil of Hal-Levi,
and, it is said, a pupil of one of Ibn Bajja's pupils.
His family retired to Africa to avoid the persecution
of the Muwahhids and settled for a time in Fez, then
removed to Egypt. It was whilst he was at Cairo
that Ibn Maymun, or Maimonides as he is more
commonly called by European writers, first heard
of Ibn Eushd.
His chief work is known as Dalalat al-Ha J irin, "the
Guide of the Perplexed," which, like all his other
books, was produced in Arabic ; about the time of
his death this work was translated into Hebrew by
266 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
Samuel b. Tibbon as Moreh Nebukin. The Arabic
text, edited by Munk, was published at Paris (3 vols.)
in 1856-66, and in 1884 an English translation by
Friedlander was published in London. Next to this
in importance is the treatise Maqalah fi-t~Tawhid,
a treatise on the unity of God, of which a Hebrew
translation was made in the 14th cent. A.D. His
other works were mainly medical, and include
treatises " on poisons and their antidotes," " on
haemorrhoids," " on asthma," and a commentary
on Hippocrates.
Maimonides' teaching reproduces the substance of
that already associated with al-Farabi and Ibn Sina
put into a Jewish form. God is the Intellect, the
ens intettigens, and the intelligibile : lie is the
necessary First Cause and the permanent source. He
is essentially and necessarily one, and attributes cannot
be so used as to imply plurality : only those attributes
which describe activity are admissible, not those
which imply relations between God and the creature.
Like Ibn Eushd he disapproves of the Mutakallimin
whom he regards as mere opportunists in their
philosophy and without any staple principles, besides
which their method of compromise does not face
fairly the law of causality. The Aristotelian doc-
trine of the eternity of matter cannot, however, be
admitted ; creation must have been from nothing, as
follows from the law of causality ; that such was
the case cannot be proved, but every contrary
supposition is untenable. All the properties of
THE JEWISH TRAtfSMITTORS 267
matter, the laws of nature, etc., had their beginning
at creation. On the first day God created the begin-
nings (reshit), that is to say the intelligences, from
which proceeded the several spheres, and introduced
movement, so that on this day the whole universe
and all its contents came into existence. On the
succeeding days these contents were disposed in order
and developed ; then on the seventh day God rested,
which means that He ceased from active operation
and laid the universe under the control of natural
laws, which guided it henceforth.
The teaching of Maimonides shows a somewhat
modified form of the system already developed by
al-Farabi and Ibn Sina adapted to Jewish beliefs.
It had a rapid and wide success, spreading through
the greater part of the Jewish community in his own
lifetime. But this success was not without some
opposition the synagogues of Aragon, Cataionga,
and of Provence, where a very large number of Jews
had sought refuge from the Muwahhids ; the syna-
gogue at Narbonue, on the other hand, defended him.
It was not until the following century, and chiefly
by the efforts of David Kimchi, that Maimonides
was at length generally accepted as the leading doctor
of the Jewish church.
Although Maimonides was known to the Latin
scholastics, it was not his work nor that of any other
Jewish teacher which really made the Jews important
to mediaeval western thought so much as the work
they did in popularising Ibn Eushd, whom they
268 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
called " the soul and intelligence of Aristotle."
Jewish MSS. of Aristotle a.re rarely found without
Ibn Eushd's commentary, and his paraphrases
very commonly bear the name of Aristotle at their
head. It was as the commentator that he held so
high a position in Jewish thought, and it was as the
final and authoritative commentator that he finally
took his place in Latin scholasticism introduced by
Jewish teachers.
The Muwahhid persecution scattered many of the
Spanish Jews to Africa and to Provence and Lan-
guedoc. Those who took refuge in Africa, like Mai-
monides, retained the use of the Arabic language,
but Arabic quickly became obsolete amongst those
who had fled north. No doubt the refugees in
Provence found it necessary to use the Provencal
dialect for communication with their Christian neigh-
bours, but that dialect had never yet been used for
scientific or philosophical purposes ; in Western
Christendom Latin was invariably used for all educa-
tional and scholarly purposes, but the refugee Jews
did not feel disposed to adopt a language which had
no traditional associations for them and was altogether
a foreign tongue never as yet employed for Jewish
purposes. Under these circumstances the Jewish
leaders deliberately copied the actual condition
prevailing amongst their Jewish neighbours where
the ancient Latin was in use as a learned language,
whilst its derived dialects were the speech in every-
day use, and so they revived the use of Hebrew as
THE JEWISH TRAN$MITTORS 269
the medium of teaching and literature. Throughout
Hebrew had retained its place as a liturgical language ;
there had been synagogue liturgies in Greek, but
those belonged to a much earlier period. The revival
of Hebrew produced a neo-Hebrew which does not
preserve a line of historical continuity with the
ancient Hebrew. For some time Hebrew had been
a dead language in the East, and it had never spread
as a living speech to the West. But this artificial
revival, which has more than one parallel in history,
was not so difficult a feat as it sounds at first. The
vernacular speech of the Spanish Jew was Arabic,
and philologically Arabic is very nearly a dialect
if not of Arabic, yet at least of a proto- Arabic, which
shows many close parallels with Hebrew. Of course
at that time the true philological relations were not
understood : influenced by theological prepossessions
the Jew rather tended to regard Arabic as a derivative
of Hebrew ; yet the kinship was obvious, and in the
early translations made from Arabic to Hebrew it is
not uncommon to find that most of the words are
translated in such a way that the same root-form is
used as in the original. Secondly, it was not only
the case that Hebrew " came easily " to those who
knew Arabic, but there had been serious philological
studies by Jehudh Chayyug, David Kimchi, and others
which had emphasized this close kinship, and had
indeed adapted all the rules of Arabic grammar to the
use of Hebrew ; it was therefore possible to compose
and even to speak a tolerable Hebrew by the con*
270 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
scious rendering of the Arabic vocabulary into
Hebrew. It is not suggested that the inaugurators
of neo-Hebrew ignored the characteristics of the
classical speech ; in fact they did not do so, but they
were in a position to use Hebrew as though a dialect
differing from Arabic only in detail, and in this
attitude they were more strictly correct than they
supposed. Before long Arabic began to be entirely
discarded, and Hebrew, whose revival flattered
Jewish susceptibilities, was taken up with vigour as a
language of the schools ; how far it came into use in
the home we do not know.
This change necessitated the translation of the
later theological and philosophical writers from Arabic
into Hebrew. Tradition puts the beginning of this
work of translation in the 12th century, but this is
not possibly true. It was not until well into the
13th century that Hebrew translations begin to appear.
The most famous translators were of the family of
Jehuda ben Tibbon, who cannot himself be accepted
as a translator. The first work was done by Samuel
ben Tibbon, who compiled a Hebrew " Opinions of
the Philosophers," which is a catena of passages
from Ibn Eushd and other Muslim falasifah. This
production was in general use as a popular manual
until it was replaced by complete translations of the
actual texts, when, of course, such compilations went
out of use. The principal part of the work was done
by Moses ben Tibbon (circ. 1260 A.D.), who translated
most of the commentaries of Ibn Bushd, some portions
THE JEWISH TRANSMITTORS 271
of his medical works, and Maimonides' " Guide of the
Perplexed." About this time Frederick II. was
strongly desirous of introducing the Arabic writers
to the knowledge of the West, a matter to which we
shall refer again when we come to consider the trans-
lation of the Arabic philosophical works into Latin, and
BO we find him protecting and pensioning Yaqub ben
Abba Mari, a son-in-law of Samuel ben Tibbon, at
Naples, and this Yaqub employed in preparing a
Hebrew translation of Ibn Eushd's commentaries on
the Aristotelian Organon.
The thirteenth century AJD. shows us a continuous
series of Hebrew scholars cither preparing compilations
and abridgments or actually translating the full
text of the leading Arabic philosophers, and especially
of Ibn Eushd. About 1247 Jehuda ben Salomo
Cohen, of Toledo, published his Hebrew " Search for
Wisdom," an encyclopaedia of Aristotelian doctrines
mainly based upon the teachings of Ibn Eushd.
A little later Shem-Tov b. Yusuf b. Falaquera also
reproduced the doctrines of Ibn Eushd in his essays,
and later again in the 13th century Gerson b. Salomo
compiled " The Door of Heaven," which shows the
same influence.
About 1257 Solomon b. Yusuf b. Aiyub, a refugee
who had come from Granada to B&ziers, translated
the text of Ibn Eushd's commentary on the de coelo
and de mundo, and in the latter part of this century
complete translations begin to take the place of
abridgments and collections of extracts. About
272 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
1284 Zerachia ben Isaac from Barcelona translated
Ibn Eushd's commentaries on the Physics, the
Mataphysics, and the treatises de coelo and de mundo.
Eenan has drawn attention to the fact that the same
works are translated again and again, sometimes by
translators who were very nearly contemporary and
lived in the same neighbourhood. Evidently these
translations did not quickly enter into wide circula-
tion, and it does not seem that the task of the trans-
lator was held in any great esteem ; it was regarded as
a purely mechanical work, and not credited with any
literary possibilities.
Early in the 14th century Kalonymos b. Kalonymos
b. Meir translated Ibn Eushd's commentaries on the
Topica, Sophistica, and analytica Posterior (com-
pleted 1314) ; then his commentaries on the Physica,
Mataphysics, de coelo and de mundo, de generatione
and de corruptione, and the Meteora (completed 1317),
and followed these by a translation of the Destruction
of the Destruction. An independent Hebrew trans-
lation of this latter work was made about the same
time by Kalonymos b. David b. Todros. About 1321
Eabbi Samuel ben Jehuda ben Meshullam at Marseilles
prepared Hebrew versions of Ibn Eushd's commen-
taries on the Nichomachsean Ethics and his paraphrase
of the Eepublic of Plato, which was regarded by the
Arabic writers as part of the Aristotelian canon.
It is rather interesting to note that somewhere about
the same time Juda ben Moses ben Daniel of Eome
prepared a Hebrew translation of de substantia
THE JEWISH TRANSMITTORS 273
orbis from the Latin translation which, was itself
derived from the Arabic. To a great extent the
Hebrew and Latin translations were being made
contemporaneously but quite independently ; it was
not until well into the 14th century that they begin to
influence one another. It was during this later stage
that so many of the Arabic philosophical works were
translated into Latin via Hebrew, and this gave a
marked preponderance to Ibn Eushd, the result of
the Jewish vogue of his writings ; the earlier trans-
lations into Latin from the Arabic rather tend to lay
weight on Ibn Sina.
In the course of the 14th century A.D. the Hebrew
commentators on Ibn Eushd begin. Chief amongst
these was Lavi ben Gerson, of Bagnols, who wrote a
commentary on Ibn Eushd's Ittisal on the doctrine
of the union of the soul with the Agent Intelligence,
and on Ibn Eushd's treatise " on the substance of
the world." Levi's teaching reproduces the Arabic
Aristotelianism much more freely and frankly than
was ventured by Maimonides ; he admits the eternity
of the world, the primal matter he describes as sub-
stance without form, and creation meant only the
impress of form on this formless substance.
Contemporary with Levi was Moses of Narbonne,
who, between 1340 and 1350, produced commentaries
on the same works of Ibn Eushd as had already been
treated by Levi, as well as other of the treatises on
physical science.
The fourteenth century was the golden age of
274 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
Jewish scholasticism and the following century sees
it in its decay. Ibn Eushd was still studied and
commentaries were still compiled. About 1455 Joseph
ben Shem-Tob of Segovia produced a commentary on
Aristotle's Ethics which he intended to supplement
Ibn Eushd, who had not written a commentary on
this portion of Aristotle. Elias del Medigo, who taught
at Padua towards the end of the 15th century, is
regarded by Ednan as the last great Jewish Averroist.
He wrote a commentary on the de substantia orbis
in 1485, and also published annotations on Averroes.
The 36th century shows the final decay of Jewish
Averroism. In 1560 an abridgment of the logic of
Averroes was published at Eiva di Trento, and this
has remained a standard work amongst Jews, but
outside logic Averroes was beginning to fall into
disrepute. Eabbi Moses Almosnino (circ. 1538) uses
al-Ghazali's work against the philosophers to oppose
Ibn Eushd, and evidences occur of an interest in
Plato by those who despised Aristotle as a relic of
the dark ages. The later Jewish philosophers such as
Spinoza are not in touch with the mediaeval tradition,
whose continuity is severed towards the end of the
16th century ; later work shows the influence of
post-renascence non-Jewish thought.
CHAPTER XI
INFLUENCE OF THE ARABIC
PHILOSOPHERS ON LATIN SCHOLASTICISM
We have now followed the way in which Hellenistic
philosophy was passed from the Greeks to the Syrians,
from the Syrians to the Arabic- speaking Muslims,
and was by the Muslims carried from Asia to the far
West. We have now to consider the way in which
it was handed on from these Arabic-speaking people
to the Latins. The first contact of the Latins with
the philosophy of the Muslims was in Spain, as might
be expected. At that time, that is to say during the
Middle Ages, we can rightly describe the Western
parts of Europe as u Latin," since Latin was used not
only in the services of the church but as a means of
teaching and as a means of intercourse between the
educated ; it does not imply that the vernacular
speech in all the western lands was of Latin origin,
and of course makes no suggestion of a " Latin race " ;
it refers only to a cultural group, and we are employing
the term " Latin " only to denote those who shared
a civilization which may fairly be described as of
Latin origin. In Spain this Latin culture was in
contact with the Arabic culture of the Muslims.
The transmission of Arabic material to Latin is
275
276 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
especially associated with Baymund, who was Arch-
bishop of Toledo from 1130 to 1150 A.D. Toledo had
become part of the kingdom of Castile in 1085, during
the disordered period just before the Murabit invasion.
It had been captured by Alfonso VI., and he had made
it the capital city of his kingdom, and the Archbishop
of Toledo became the Primate of Spain. When the
town was taken it was agreed that the citizens should
have freedom to follow their own religion, but the
year after its capture the Christians forcibly seized
the great church, which had been converted into a
congregational mosque about 370 years before, and
restored it to Christian use. For the most part,
however, the Muslims lived side by side with the
Christians in Toledo, and their presence in the same
city as the king, the royal court, and the Primate
made a considerable impression on their neighbours,
who began to take some interest in the intellectual
life of Islam during the following years. The Arch-
bishop Kaymund desired to make the Arabic philo-
sophy available for Christian use. At the moment, it
will be remembered, the Muwahhids were established
in Spain, and their bigotry caused a number of the
Jews and Christians to take refuge in the surrounding
countries.
Eaymund founded a college of translators at
Toledo, which he put in the charge of the archdeacon
Dominic Gondisalvi, and entrusted it with the duty
of preparing Latin translations of the most important
Arabic works OB philosophy and science, and thus
INFLUENCE OF THE ARABIC PHILOSOPHERS 277
many translations of the Arabic versions of Aris-
totle and of the commentaries as well as of the abridg-
ments of al-Farabi and Ibn Sina were produced.
The method employed in this college and the method
commonly followed in the Middle Ages was to use the
services of an interpreter, who simply placed the
Latin word over the Arabic words of the original, and
finally the Latinity was revised by the presiding
clerk, the finished translation usually bearing the
name of the revisor. It was an extremely mechanical
method, and the interpreter was treated as of minor
importance. It seems that the preparation of a
translation was done to order in very much the same
way as the copying of a text, and was not regarded as
more intellectual than the work of transcription.
The revisor did no more than see that the sentences
were grammatical in form : the structure and syntax
was still Arabic, and was often extremely difficult for
the Latin reader to understand, the more so as the
more troublesome words were simply transliterated
from the Arabic. The interpreters employed in this
college certainly included some Jews ; it is known
that one of them bore the name of John of Seville.
We have very little information as to the circulation
of the translations made at Toledo, but it is certain
that about thirty years afterwards the whole text
of Aristotle's logical Organon was in use in Paris,
and this was not possible so long as the Latin trans-
lations were limited to those which had been trans-
mitted by Boethius, John Scotus, and the fragments
278 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
of Plato derived through St. Augustine. But this
material already in the possession of the West was
the foundation of scholasticism, and was developed
as far as it would go. Boethius transmitted a Latin
version of Porphyry's Isagoge and of the Categories
and Hermeneutics of Aristotle, whilst John Scotus
translated the Pseudo-Dionysius. The further de-
velopment of Latin scholasticism came in three
stages : first, the introduction of the rest of the text of
Aristotle, as well as the scientific works of the whole
logical canon, by translation from the Arabic ; then
came translations from the Greek following the
capture of Constantinople in 1204 ; and thirdly, the
introduction of the Arabic commentators.
The first Latin scholastic writer who shows a
knowledge of the complete logical Organon was John
of Salisbury (d. 1182 A.D.), who was a lecturer at
Paris, but it does not appear that the metaphysical
and phychological works of Aristotle were in circu-
lation as yet.
By this time Paris had become the centre of
scholastic philosophy, which was now beginning to
predominate theology. This takes its form, as yet
untouched by Arabic methods, in the work of Peter
Lombard (d. 1160 AJX), whose " Sentences," an
encyclopaedia of the controversies of the time but
a mere compilation, remained a popular book down
to the 17th century. The methods and form used in
the " Sentences " shows the influence of Abelard, and
still more of the Decretals of Gratian. It is interest-
INFLUENCE OF THE ARABIC PHILOSOPHERS 279
ing to note that Peter Lombard possessed and used a
newly finished translation of St. John Damascene.
Early in the 13th century we find various contro-
versies at Paris on subjects very like those debated
by the Arabic philosophers, but in reality derived
from quite independent sources. Nothing would
seem more suggestive of Arabic influence than dis-
cussion of the essential unity of souls, which seems as
though it were an echo of Ibn Eushd ; but this
doctrine had been developed independently from
neo-Platonic material in the Celtic church, and, in
its main features not at all unlike the teaching of
Ibn Eushd, was fairly common in Ireland (cf. E&nan :
Averroes, 132-133). So we find Eatramnus of
Corbey in the 9th century writing against one Macarius
in refutation of similar views. Here Arabic influence
is out of the question ; at the time, indeed, Ibn Eushd
was not yet born. So of Simon of Tournay, who was
a teacher of theology at Paris about 1200 A.D., we
read that " whilst he follows Aristotle too closely,
he is by some recent writers accused of heresy "
(Henry of Gand : Lib. de script, eccles. c. 24 in Fabrisius
Bibliotheca, 2, p. 121), but this simply means that he
carried to an extreme the application of the dialectical
method to theology.
More interest attaches to the decrees passed at a
synod held at Paris in 1209 and endorsed by the
decisions of the Papal Legate in 1215. These measures
were provoked by the pantheistic teaching of David
of Dinant and Amalric of Bena, who revived the semi-
280 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
i,,
eriphysis, and
the prohibitions dealing with them cite passages from
Scotus verbatim. The PeripJiysis itself was con-
demned by Honorius III. in 1225. But the decrees
of 1209 also forbade the use of Aristotle's Natural
Philosophy and the " commenta," whilst the Legate's
orders of 1215 allowed the logical works of the old
and new translations where perhaps the " new
translations " refers to the " new " translations made
from the Arabic as contrasted with the " old "
versions of Boethius, though it is just possible that
gome version direct from the Greek was in circula-
tion and known as the " new translations," and also
forbade the reading of the Metaphysics, Natural
Philosophy, etc., all material which had become
accessible through the Arabic.
In 1215 Frederick II. became Emperor, and in
1231 he began to reorganize the kingdom of Sicily.
Both in Sicily and in the course of his crusading
expeditions in the East Frederick had been brought
into close contact with the Muslims and was greatly
attracted to them. He adopted oriehtal costume and
many Arabic customs and manners, but, most im-
portant of all, he was a great admirer of the Arabic
philosophers, whose works he was able to read in the
original, as he was familiar with German, French,
Italian, Latin, Greek, and Arabic. Contempo^y
Mstorians represent him as a free-thinker, who regained
all religions as equally worthless, and attributed to
him the statement that the world had suftefrad from
INFLUENCE OF THE ARABIC PHILOSOPHERS 281
three great imposters, Moses, Christ, and Muhammad.
This opinion of Frederick is expressed in passionate
words by Gregory IX. in the encyclical letter " ad
omnes principes et prelatos terrae " (in Mansi.
xxiii. 79), where he compares the Emperor to the blas-
pheming beast of Apocalypse xiii., but Frederick in
reply likened the Pope to the beast described in Apoc,
vi., " the great dragon which reduced the whole world, 11
and professed a perfectly orthodox attitude towards
Moses, Christ, and Muhammad. It is quite probable,
as Bnan (Averroes, p. 293) supposes, that the vfUwtf
ascribed to Frederick really are based on a professed*
sympathy towards the Arabic philosophers, who
regarded all religions as equally tolerable for the
uninstructed multitude, and commonly illustrated
their remarks by citing the " three laws " which were
best known to them. In 1224 Frederick founded a
xuitversity at Naples, and made it an academy for the
purpose of introducing Arabic science to the western
world, and there various translations .were made
from Arabic into Latin and into Hebrew. By his
encouragement Michael Scot visited Toledo about
1217 and translated Ibn Kushd's commentaries on
Aristotle's de coelo et de mundo, as well as the first part
of the de anima. It seems probable also that he was
the translator of commentaries on the ~3feteora, Parva
Naturalia, de substantia orbis, Physics, and de genera-
tione et de corruptione. Ibn Sina's commentaries
were in general circulation before this, so that they
were very probably the " commentaries " referred
282 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
to in the Paris decree of 1209, but we do not know who
was responsible for their rendering into Latin, save
that they almost certainly proceeded from the college
at Toledo. The introduction of Ibn Eushd, not of
great repute amongst the Muslims, bears evidence to
the weight of Jewish influence in Sicily and in the
new academy at Naples. We know that Michael
Scot was assisted by a Jew named Andrew.
Another translator of this period was a German
Hermann who was in Toledo about 1256, after
Frederick's death. He translated the abridgment
of the Ehetoric made by al-Farabi, Ibn Eushd's
abridgment of the Poetics, and other less known
works of Aristotle. Hermann's translations were
described by Eoger Bacon as barbarous and hardly
intelligible ; he transliterated the names so as to
show even the tanwin in Ibn Eosdin, abi Nasrin, etc.
By the middle of the 13th century nearly all the
philosophical works of Ibn Bushd were translated
into Jjatin, except the commentary on the Organon,
which came a little later, and the Destruction of the
Destruction, which was not rendered into Latin until
the Jew Calonymos did so in 1328. Some of his
medical works also were translated in the 13th
century, namely, the Colliget, as it was called, and the
treatise de formatione ; others were translated from
the Hebrew into Latin early in the following century.
The first evidence of the general circulation of
ideas taken from Averroes (Ibn Eushd) is associated
with William of Auvergne, who was Bishop of Paris,
INFLUENCE OF THE ARABIC PHILOSOPHERS 283
and these show a considerable amount of inaccuracy
in detail. In 1240 William published censures
against certain opinions, which he states to be derived
from the Arabic philosophers ; amongst these he
expresses his disapproval of the doctrine of the First
Intelligence, an emanation from God, as being the
agent of creation, a doctrine common to all the
philosophers, but which he attributes specifically to
al-Ghazali ; he objects also to the teaching that the
world is eternal, which he attributes correctly to
Aristotle and Ibn Sina, but mentions Averroes as an
orthodox defender of the truth ; he further condemns
the doctrine of the unity of intellects, which most
incorrectly he attributes to Aristotle, and also refers
to al-Farabi as maintaining this heresy ; throughout
he cites Averroes as a sounder teacher who tends to
correct these ideas, but his description of the doctrina
of the unity of intellects reproduces the features
which are distinctive of Averroes. The arguments
he uses against this latter doctrine are, on the whole,
very much the same as those employed a little later
by Albertus Magnus and St. Thomas, viz., that the
doctrine undermines the reality of the individual
personality, and is inconsistent with the observed
facts of diversity of intelligence in different persons.
He cites Abubacer (Ibn Bajja) as a commentator
on Aristotle's Physics, but in fact this was a book on
which Ibn Bajja did not write a commentary, and the
substance of the citation agrees with the teaching
of Averroes. At that time evidently the position was
284 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
that Aristotle and the Arabic commentators generally
were regarded with suspicion save in the treatment of
logic, the one exception being Averroes, who was
considered to be perfectly orthodox. So strange a
perversion of the facts could only be due to Jewish
influence, for the Jews at that time were devoted
adherents of Averroes.
When the friars began to take their place in the
work of the universities we note t^vvo striking changes :
(i.) the friars cut loose entirely from the timid policy
of conservatism and begin to make free use of all the
works of Aristotle and of the Arabic commentators,
and also make efforts to procure newer and more
correct translations of the Aristotelian text from the
original Greek ; under this leadership the universities
gradually became more modern and enterprising in
their scientific work, though not without evidence
of strong opposition in certain quarters, (ii.) As a
natural corollary a more correct appreciation was
made of the tendencies of the several commen-
tators.
The leader in these newer studies was the Franciscan
Alexander Hales (d. 1245), who was the first to make
free use of Aristotle outside the logical Organon.
His Summa, which was left unfinished and continued
by the Franciscan William of Melitona, was based on
the Sentences of Peter Lombard, and serves as a
commentary to it. Peter Lombard, however, had
not quoted Aristotle at all, whilst Alexander uses the
metaphysical and scientific works as well as the logic.
INFLUENCE OF THE ARABIC PHILOSOPHERS 285
From this time forth the Franciscans begin to use the
Arabic commentators.
The more accurate study of Aristotle in mediaeval
scholasticism begins with Albertus Magnus (1206-
1280), the Dominican friar who first really perceived
the importance of careful and critical versions of the
text, and thus introduced a strictly scientific standard
of method. He studied at Padua, a daughter uni-
versity of Bologna, but became a Dominican in 1223.
His methods were followed and developed by his
pupil, St. Thomas Aquinas (d. 1274), who arranged his
work on the lines already indicated in Albertus'
commentary on Aristotle's Politics, lines which
became the regulation method in Latin scholastic
writers, and he was at pains to get new translations
made directly from the Greek, which was now freely
accessible ; a new translation direct from the Greek
was made by William de Moerbeka at the request of
St. Thomas. But there is a significant change from
the time when Albertus delivered his lectures : in the
work of Albertus the commentator chiefly used was
Ibn Sina, but in that of St. Thomas there is a free use
of Averroes (Ibn Eushd), although St. Thomas
shows that he is perfectly well aware of the peculiar
doctrines held by this latter philosopher, and guards
himself carefully from them.
St. Thomas frequently enters into controversy
with the Arabic commentators, and especially attacks
the doctrines (i.) that there was a primal indefinite
matter to which form was given at creation (c.
286 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
Summa. lae quaes. 66, art. 2) ; (ii.) that there were
successive series of emanations, a doctrine which
had now assumed an astrological character ; (iii.)
that the Agent Intellect was the intermediary in
creation (cf. Summa. 1, 45, 5 ; 47, 1 ; 90, 1) ; (iv.)
that creation ex nihilo is impossible ; (v.) that there is
not a special providence ruling and directing the
world; and (vi.) most of all, the doctrine of the
unity of intellects, a doctrine which, as he shows, is riot
to be found in Aristotle, Alexander of Aphrodisias,
Avicenna, or Ghazali, but is a speculative theory of
Averroes alone, at least in the form then becoming
popular as pampsychism. All these objections were
essentially the same as had been already brought for-
ward by the orthodox scholastics of Islam, and un-
doubtedly al-Ghazali is used in refuting them.
According to St. Thomas, the doctrine of pampsychism
is entirely subversive of human personality and of
the separate individuality of the ego, to which our
own consciousness bears witness. God creates the
soul for each child as it is born ; it is no emanation,
but has a separate and distinct personality. As a
corollary he denies the ittisal or final u union,"
which involves the reabsorption of the soul in its
source.
It is worth noting that St. Thomas received his
education before joining the Dominican order in the
university of Naples, which had been founded by
Frederick II. and was a centre of interest in the
Arabic philosophers, and this probably goes far to
INFLUENCE OF THE ARABIC PHILOSOPHERS 287
account for his more accurate appreciation of their
teaching. Unquestionably St. Thomas Aquinas
must be regarded as the prince of the Latin scholastics,
for it is he who first draws freely upon metaphysics
and psychology and co-ordinates them with theology
the psychological analysis given in the Secunda
secundae of the Summa is one of the best products
of the Latin scholastics and also he was the first to
appreciate correctly the difficulties of translation and
insist on an accurate rendering as essential to an
understanding of Aristotle. For the most part, as
we have noted, the mediaeval scholars undervalued
the translator's task and were content with a hack
interpreter, and saw no reason for applying them-
selves to the study of the original test, a view in
which the Arabic philosophers shared. Incidentally
St. Thomas was the first who makes free use of all
the Arabic commentators and shows that he is fully
aware of their defects. Undoubtedly he regarded
Averroes as the best exponent of the Aristotelian
text and the supreme master in logic, but heretical
in his metaphysics and psychology.
About 1256 Averroes' teaching about the unity of
intelligences was sufficiently widespread at Paris to
induce Albertus to write his treatise " On the unity
of the intellect against the Averroists," a treatise
which he afterwards inserted in his Summa. In
1269 certain propositions from Averroes were for-
mally condemned. At this time his works were well
known, and there was a distinct party at Paris which
288 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
had adopted his views and which we may describe as a
semi-Judaistic party. This time both Albertus and
St. Thomas published treatises against the doctrine
of the unity of intelligences.
Again in 1277 various Averroist theses were con-
demned at Paris, for the most part emanating from
the Franciscans, who, as Bacon notes (opus Tert. 23),
were strongly inclined towards Averroes both at
Paris and in England, a condition which prevailed
until the great Franciscan doctor Duns Scotus
(d. 1308) took a definitely anti- Averroist line. Still,
even in the 14th century, when Averroism was practi-
cally dead at Paris, it still retained its hold amongst
the Franciscans in the English " nation."
The Dominicans were less favourably disposed
towards the Arabic writers, at least after the time of
Albertus, and show a much more careful estimate of
their work. This was no doubt due to the fact that
they had a bouse of Arabic studies in Spain, and were
actually engaged in controversy with the Muslims.
As a rule a careful distinction is drawn between
Averroes the commentator, who is treated with great
respect as an exponent of the text of Aristotle, and
Averroes the philosopher, who is regarded as heretical.
It seems as though there was a deliberate policy to
secure Aristotle by sacrificing the Arabic commenta-
tors. Very characteristic of the work of the Domini-
cans was the Pugio Fidei adversum Mauros et Judueos
ol Eaymund Martini, who lived in Aragon and Pro-
vence ; he was familiar with Hebrew, and freely uses
INFLUENCE OF THE ARABIC PHILOSOPHERS 289
the Hebrew translations of the Arabic philosophers.
His arguments are largely borrowed from al-
Ghazali's Destruction of the Philosophers. It is
curious to note that, in his anxiety to defend Aristotle,
he accuses Averroes of borrowing the doctrine of the
unity of intelligences from Plato, and in a sense
there was an element of truth in this, for the Averroist
doctrine was ultimately derived from neo-Platonic
sources. Eaymund also cites the medical teaching
of Averroes at a date earlier than any Latin version,
and here again shows familiarity with the Hebrew
translations. ^
John Baconthorp (d. 1346), the provincial of the
English Carmelites and " doctor " of the Carmelite
order, tends to palliate the heretical tendencies of
Averroes' teaching, and was called by his contempor-
aries " the prince of Averroists," a title which was
apparently regarded as a compliment.
Amongst the Augustinian friars Giles of Rome in
his de Erroribus Philosophorum was an opponent of
the teaching of Averroes, especially attacking the
doctrine of the unity of souls and the union or ittisal,
but Paul of Venice (d. 1429), of the same order, shows
a tendency favourable to Averroism in his Summa.
The 13th century had generally used Ibn Sina
(Avicenna) as a commentator on Aristotle, but in
the 14th century the general tendency was to prefer
Averroes, who was regarded as the leading exponent
of the Aristotelian text even by those who disapproved
hie teaching.
290 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
The University of Montpelier as a centre of medical
studies might be expected to use the Arabic authorities,
but this university, though traditionally founded by
Arabic physicians driven out of Spain, was re-founded
as a distinctly ecclesiastical institution in the 13th
century, and became the home of Greek medical
studies based on Galen and Hippocrates, though
probably the earlier texts in use were translated
from the Arabic versions. To this more wholesome
Greek character the university remained faithful,
and there was always a tendency at Montpelier to
regard the Arabic use of talismans and astrology in
medicine as heretical. It was not until the beginning
of the 14th century that the Arabic medical writers
began to be used there at all, and they remained in
quite a secondary rank. In 1304 Averroes' Canonea
de medicinis laxativis was translated from the Hebrew,
and in 1340 we find that i. and iv. of the Canons
of Avicenna are included in the official syllabus set
for candidates for medical degrees, and from this
time forward the lectures include courses on the Arabic
physicians. In 1567 the Arabic medical works were
definitely struck off the list of books required for
examination in the schools at the petition of the
students, but occasional lectures on the Canons of
Avicenna were given down to 1607. ^
The real home of Averroism was the University
of Bologna, with its sister University of Padua, and
from these two centres an Averroist influence spread
over all N.E. Italy, including Venice and Ferrara,
INFLUENCE OF THE ARABIC PHILOSOPHERS 291
and BO continued until the 17th century. It was a
precursor of the rationalism and anti-church feeling
of the renascence, perhaps assisted by Venetian
contact with the East. At Bologna Arabic influence
was predominant in medicine ; already in the later
13th century the medical course centres in the Canon
of Avicenna and the medical treatises of Averroes,
with the result that astrology became a regular
subject of study, and degrees were granted in it.
Most of the physicians of Bologna and Padua were
astrologers, and were generally regarded as free-
thinkers and heretics, Bologna had at one time
enjoyed the favour of Frederick II., and he had
presented the University with copies of the Latin
translations prepared by his order from Arabic and
Greek.
The " Great Commentary " was firmly established
at Padua, and in 1334 the Servite friar TJrbano de
Bologna published a commentary on the commentary
of Averroes, which was printed in 1492 by order of
the general of the Servites. But it is Gaetano of
Tiena (d. 1465), a canon of the cathedral at Padua,
who is generally regarded as the fouMer of Paduan
Averroism. He was less bold in his statements
than the Augustinian Paul of Venice, but still quite
definitely an Averroist in his teaching as to the Agent
Intellect and the unity of souls, etc. He seems to
have had a great popularity, as many copies of Us
lectures survive. This Averroist cult in Padua held
good through the greater part of the 15th century.
292 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
Towards the end of the century, however, the re-
action begins, and comes from two distinct sources.
On one side Pbmponat lectured at Padua on the
de an^na, but interprets it by the aid of Alexander
of Aphrodisias and discards Averroes, setting forth
his doctrines in the form of essays instead of the time-
honoured commentary on the Aristotelian text.
From this time (circ. 1495) the university of Padua
was divided into two factions, the Averroists and the
Alexandrians. Pomponat was at the same time a
representative of more distinctly rationalist theories,
towards which the Italian mind was then tending.
It was not that Alexander was more difficult to
reconcile with the Christian faith than Averroes, but
that those whose scepticism was inclined to be more
freely expressed took advantage of these new methods
of interpretation to give free vent to their own
opinions. Quite independent of these Alexandrians
were the humanists proper, who objected most to the
barbarous Latinity of the text-books in general use,
and especially to the terminology employed in the
translations made from the Arabic commentators.
Representative of these was Thomaeus, who about
1497 began to lecture at Padua on the Greek text
of Aristotle, and to treat it very largely as a study of
the Greek language and literature.
Philosophical controversy at this time was centred
chiefly in the psychological problems connected with
the nature of the soul, and especially with its separate
existence and the prospects of immortality. This
INFLUENCE OF THE ARABIC PHILOSOPHERS 293
indeed was perceived to be a crucial problem of
religion and was very keenly debated. In the early
years of the 16th century the controversy became
even more prominent, until the Lateran Council of
1512 tried to check such discussions and passed a
a formal condemnation, which, however, was powerless
to restrain the debates. It is to be noticed that these
discussions did not arise from any philo-pagan
attitude of the renascence, although they favoured
that attitude, but from the topics suggested by the
study of the Arabic philosophers in 1T.E. Italy, and
had their beginning in the problem as to whether the
soul at death could continue an individual existence
or was reabsorbed in the source, the reservoir of
life, whether Agent Intellect or universal soul.
Officially the University of Padua continued to
maintain a moderate Averroism. In 1472 the editio
princeps of Averroes' commentaries was published
at Padua. Then in 1495-7 Mphus produced a fuller
and more complete edition. Through the next half-
century a series of essays, discussions, and analyses
of Averroes were produced almost continuously,
and in 1552-3 appeared the great edition of Averroes'
commentaries, with marginal notes by Zimara. In
the course of the 16th century, also, Padua produced a
new translation of Averroes from the Hebrew. The
last of the Averroist succession was Csesar Cremonini
(d. 1631), who, however, shows strong leanings towards
Alexandrianism. By this time the study of the
Arabic philosophers in Europe was confined to the
294 ARABIC THOUGHT IN HISTORY
medical writers and to the commentaries of Averroes.
Outside Padua and Bologna Averroes retained his
position as the principal exponent of Aristotle to the
end of the 15th century. In the ordinances of
Louis XI. (1473) it is laid down that the masters at
Paris are to teach Aristotle, and to use as commen-
taries Averroes, Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas,
and similar writers instead of William of Ockham and
others of his school, which is no more than saying
that the official attitude is to be realist and not
nominalist.
With the 16th century the study of the Arabic
commentators on Aristotle fell into disrepute outside
Padua and its circle, but for a century more the. .Arabic
medicaljwriter^J^d^^Lmited range of influence in
the J2iu*pjeean^
The actual line of transmission inland after the
15th century lay in the passage of the anti-ecclesiasti-
developed in North East Italy
to
renascence. The arrival of Greek scholars after tne
fall of Constantinople and the resultant interest
developed in archaeological research diverted attention
into a new direction, but this should not disguise the
fact that the pro- Arabic element m^ch^i^ic days
was the direct parent of the philopagan element in
ttuT renascence, at least in Soui^m_Europe, IL.
northern lands it was the archaeological side which
assumed greater importance and was brought to
bear upon theological subjects*