ARAM AND ISRAEL
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
SALES AGENTS
NEW YORK
LEMCKE & BUECHNER
30-32 West 27th Street
LONDON
HUMPHREY MILFORD
Amen Corner, E.G.
SHANQHAI
EDWARD EVANS & SONS, Ltd.
30 North Szechuen Road
■li/j-- k
(l/rf//'i)
^kart^ah
lLJ)IL35)f^ (''*«•' (■^'>'-)
• Manl-:>i
\CMlCt1LMI5ir^^"^¥*"«'\
NisiiiJ
'i'^i' -t
I BuraT
Tt-l/ftJJif
'•/'
► ^«'y-</M-oJ
*H(i^I.I3.l
•HMTt
NlNtVtft"
I
•NAf
fKtKl
(dSfix)
1H-D1MNN^
OPHMK
but. KMUN\
4-3 1 Hj! A^
J
KMLlN\y
V
MAP or
WDTLR.N MDOPOTAMIA ^% ^' ?'"t5"
R.K?lQ.Vv
3 Y 1 1 A vtVi ,V G vi ^^
UPPER. 3Y«.IA
LOWER. SYRIA.
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL STUDIES
Vol. XIII
AKAM AND ISRAEL
OR
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND
MESOPOTAMIA
BY
EMIL G. H. KRAELING, Ph.D.
il2eto ^otik
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
1918
All rights reserved
1
Copyright, 1918
Bt Golumbza Univbbsitt Prbss
Printed from type, March, 1918
05
NOTE
Gradually the tangled skein of the early history of Western
Asia is being unwound. Through excavations on the one hand
and intensive study of the received documents on the other, the
relation is being understood born by the various peoples and
races to one another; and Hght is being thrown upon the forces
that played in the great historic drama that history has unrolled
for us in this part of the world. Our own interest in this history
is certain; for whatsoever we are and whatsoever we possess
comes to us from the Eastern half of the Mediterranean Sea.
The Coast and the Hinterland of that Sea have played a pre-
ponderating part in determining the influence that was supreme
there.
One of the peoples engaged in playing that part were the Ara-
maeans. Who they were and what their r61e was have been
studied by Dr. KraeUng with much assiduity and with great
care. From the various quarters he has gathered every scintilla
of evidence available; and, in the following pages, he has put
this evidence into connected form, so that he who reads may
learn. It is with much pleasure that I commend the work that
Dr. KrEieUng has done.
RICHARD GOTTHEIL
Columbia Universitt
Nov. 7, 1917
PARENTIBUS SUIS
FBIMIS ET OPTIMIS FBAECBFT0RX7M
HXTNC LIBRUM
DEDICAT AUCTOR
FOREWORD
The following pages purport only to give a sketch of the his-
tory of those Aramaean groups, which are of interest to the
student of the Old Testament. I have endeavored to make
my account readable and yet thoroughly scientific. The book
offers no new and astonishing revelations, but I hope that here
and there scholars may find a modest wayside flower worth
the picking. The original sources are constantly cited. The
secondary sources, so far as they were of value to me, or may
be to the reader, are also continually referred to. The inclusion
of numerous references in the text has made many abbrevi-
ations necessary and has caused the omission of the names of
authors of magazine articles quoted. Only those versed in
Oriental studies will realize how much we owe to men like
Delitzsch, Hommel, Johns, Kittel, Lidzbarski, Meyer, Miiller,
Sachau, Schiffer, Streck, Winckler and others, whose researches
have clarified the history of the ancient east and many obscure
passages in the inscriptions. I have devoted special attention
to geographical matters, for geography forms the basis of exact
historical study. The transcription of modern place names
generally follows that of Richard Kiepert.
I cannot close without expressing my deepest gratitude to
Professors Richard Gottheil and J. Dynely Prince of Columbia
for the kindness they have shown me, as well as to Professors
A. T. Clay of Yale, J. A. Montgomery of Pennsylvania, and to
Professors F. Weissbach, Geheimrat H. Zimmern, Geheinarat D.
R. Kittel of Leipzig, my revered guides in the realm of Oriental
research.
EMIL G. H. KRAELING
Luther's Birthday (Nov. 10), 1917
I
ERRATA
age 16, note 1. Inatead oi cf. note IS read cf. note S
40, line 8. " " Ribdb read Rihab
50, Una 22. " " 877-876 read 887-876
67, note 3. " " Gehal read Gabala, a city on the coast, south
of Laodicea.
130, line 7 (from below). Instead of QaVat el Mvdtq, which is the
site of Qarqar, read TeU Nebi Mind,
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
Thb Soukces paob
Destiny of the Aramaeans — The Aramaic Inscriptions — Assyrian
Annals — The Old Testament Narrative — Classical Authors 1
CHAPTER I
The Geographical Background
Extent of SjTia — Western Mesopotamia — Position of Syria — A
Great Highway — Natural Features and Zones — Coelesyria — The
Topography and the States 7
CHAPTER II
The. Aramaean Migration
The Arabian Home — The Akkadians — The Hittites — The Amorites —
The Aramaean Counter-movement — The Suti — Ur Kasdim — Qir
— Terah and the Suti — The Hittite Invasion — The Aflame in
Northern Mesopotamia — Campaigns of Tiglathpileser I — Aram
Naharaim — The Name "Aramaean" 11
CHAPTER III
The Aramaeans op Harran
Paddan-Aram — Tiglathpileser I and Harran — The Harran Census —
The Cities and Towns — Personal Names — The Life — Social
Conditions — Marriage .' 23
CHAPTER IV
The Invasion of Palestinb
"Hebrew" and Eberhannahar — Migration to Southern Palestine —
Jacob — Israel — A tribal treaty relating to intermarriage — Shec-
hem — The Rise of the Amurrti State — Jacob the Aramaean — The
Qabiri and the Aramaeans — Revival of the Amorite States —
Struggle of Hittites and Egyptians — The Maritime Peoples — The
Arrival of the Israel Tribes — Moab, Amon and the Aramaeans —
The Land of Qedem 31
CONTENTS
CHAPTER V
The Rise of the Aramaeans in Central Syria
Aramaeans under Merneptah — Kushanrishathaim — The Aramaean
Kingdoms — Beth-Rehob — Zobah — The Ammonite War — Ma'acah
and Geshur — The Battle before Rabbah — The Battle of Helam
— Hadadezer's Defeat on the way to the Euphrates — David in the
Biq&* — Toi of Hamath's Embassy 38
CHAPTER VI
The Early Kings of Damascus
Location and Name of Damascus — Time of Aramaean Occupation —
Israel's Rule of Coelesyria — Rezon and the Rise of the Kingdom —
Baasha and Benhadad — The Policy of Damascus — Omri — Ahab
and Benhadad II — Rise of Assyrian Power — The Siege of Samaria
— The Battle of Aphek 46
CHAPTER VII
The Mesopotamian Kingdoms
General Survey — Bit-Adini — The Trouble in Bit-JJalupe — Ashurna-
zirpal's Campaigns 879 — The Rebellion in Laq6 — The First Blow
at Bit-Adini — The Campaign in Syria 868 — Shalmaneser's Advance
against Bit-Adini — The Campaign of 858 — The Occupation of Til-
Barsip — Its Site and Inscriptions — The Pursuit of A^juni — Beth-
Eden — The Smaller PrincipaUties 63
CHAPTER VIII
The North Syrian States
Description of Principalities — Qattina submits to Ashumazirpal —
The Bargylus Region and Luhuti — Shalmaneser and the Battle of
Lutibu — The Historical Situation — The Battle of Alisir — Tribute
of the Syrian Kings at Dabigu 858 — Pitru and Qalman 854 — The
gattina Trouble 832 66
CHAPTER IX
The Supremacy of Damascus
Assyria's Object — The March to Qarqar 854 — The Syrian League —
Shalmaneser's Version of the Battle — The Old Testament Diflficulties
— Benhadad and Adad-idri — The Solution of the Problem — The
CONTENTS
Result of Qarqar — Further Campaigns of Shalmaneser — Death of
Adad-idri — Syrian League falls Apart — Battle of Saniru — Jehu's
Tribute — Shalmaneser's Campaign 839 — Hazael's Vengeance on
Israel — His Conquests — Benhadad III — The Siege of Samaria
under Joahaz — The Deliverance — Adadnirdri and Mari* of Damas-
cus — Israel's Recovery 73
CHAPTER X
KiLAMMU OF Sam'aL
The Inscription and its Language — The Name Kilammu — The
Dynasty of Gabbar — Kilammu's Foreign Policy — The Foreign
Oppression — The King of D — N Y M — Kilammu's Peaceful
Endeavors — Social Achievements — Factions in Sam'al — Kil-
ammu's ReUgious Life — His Relation to Assyria 85
CHAPTER XI
Zakie of Hamath and La* ash
The City of Hamath — Borders of the Kingdom — Relation to Assyria
— Zakir's Inscription — La* ash and Lu^uti — Zakir's Rebellion —
Site of Hadrach — The Allies of Benhadad — The Siege of Hadrach
— Zakir's Deliverance — His Building Operations — Close of the
Inscription — ReUgion of the Inscription 95
CHAPTER XII
Northern Syria under the Vannic Kings
The Urartu State — Its Part in History — The Haldian Advance —
Arpad's R61e — Mati-Uu of Arpad — The Treaty — Tiglathpileser's
Struggle for Arpad — The Campaign against Unqi — Azriydu of
Yaudi — The nineteen Districts of Hamath — Efifect of Tiglathpile-
ser's Victory — Further Campaigns against the Haldians 105
CHAPTER XIII
The Last Days of Damascus
Tabel and Rezin — Anarchy in Israel — Menahem's Tribute — The
Coalition against Assyria — Pekah and Rezin — Ahaz summons
Tiglathpileser — The Philistaean Campaign 734 — Damascus be-
sieged — Expedition to Arabia — Rebellion in Israel — Hoshea's
Tribute — Renewed expedition to Philistaea — Tribute of Tyre —
Fall of Damascus — Ahaz and Tiglathpileser 115
CONTENTS
CHAPTER XIV
Kings of Sam'al
Summary — The Hadad Inscription — The Panammu Inscription —
The Bar-Rekab Inscription — The Sitting Bar-Rekab — The Qil&ni
or palaces of Sam'al — Fortifications — Ya'di and Sam'al 122
CHAPTER XV
The Last Rebellions
Fall of Samaria — Yaubi'di's Uprising — Sargon in Philistaea — Re-
bellion of Carchemish — Revolt of Gurgum — Triumph of the Ara-
maean Language 133
' LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
F. Hommel. — Aufsatze und Abhandlungen. 1892 ff.
R. F. Harper. — AssjTian and Babylonian Letters. 1892 £f .
C. H. W. Johns. — Assyrian Deeds and Documents. Vols. II,
III. 1901.
Herzfeld und Sarre. — Am Euphrat imd Tigris. Vol. I. 1911.
F. Hommel. — The Ancient Hebrew Tradition. 1898.
American Journal of Semitic Languages.
King and Budge. — Annals of the Kings of Assyria. Vol. I.
1902.
H. Winckler. — Altorientalische Forschungen. 1897 f .
Ausgrabimgen in Sendschirli. Pts 1-4. 1893-1911.
H. Winckler. — Alttestamentliche Untersuchimgen. 1892.
Beitrage zur AssjTiologie. Ed. Delitzsch and Haupt. 1881 f.
J. H. Breasted. — Ancient Records of Egypt. 5 vols. 1896 ff.
F. Bohl. — Kanaanaer und Hebraer. 1911.
Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum. Part II.
A. T. Clay. — Amurru the Home of the Northern Semites. 1909.
Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets. 1896 f.
Fr. Dehtzsch. — Wo lag das Paradies? 1881.
Carl Ritter. — Erdkunde, XV, XVII. 1854.
M. Lidzbarski. — Ephemeris fiir Semitische Epigraphik. 1900 ff.
Ed. Meyer. — Geschichte des Altertums. I, pt. 2. 1908.
F. Hommel. — Geographie imd Geschichte des Alten Orient.
1907.
R. Kittel. — Geschichte des Volkes Israel. 1909 f .
C. H. W. Johns. — Assyrian Doomsday Book. 1901.
Journal of Biblical Literature.
Winckler und Zimmern. — Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Tes-
tament. 3. Aufl. 1902.
K H K Kurzer Hand. — Kommentar zum Alten Testament (edited by
Karl Marti): Budde. — SamueUs. 1897; Benzinger. —
Konige. 1899.
Kn Knudzton. — Die Tontafeln von El-Amarna. 1907 f.
LXX The Greek Septuagint Version of the Old Testament.
MAE W. M. Muller. — Asien und Europa. 1893.
Masp III G. Maspero. — Passing of Empires. 1900.
M D O G Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient Gesellschaft.
AA
ABL
ADD
AET
AHT
AJSL
AKA
AOF
AS
ATV
BA
BAR
Bohl
CIS
Clay
CT
DP
EK
ESE
GA
GG
GV J
HC
JBL
KAT
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
M K A L. Messerschmidt. — Keilschrifttexte aus Assur Historischen
Inhalts. 1911.
M T The Massoretic Text of the Old Testament.
M V A G Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft.
N S I G. A. Cooke. — North Semitic Inscriptions. 1903.
O L Z Orientalistische Literaturzeitung.
Procksch Die Genesis. 1913.
P S B A Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology.
R H. Rawlinson. — Cimeiform Inscriptions of Western Asia. 6 vols.
1861 f.
R A Revue Arch6ologique.
R T P H. Rost. — Keilschrifttexte Tiglathpileser's III. 1893.
S A S. Schiffer. — Die Aramaer. Greographisch-Historische Unter-
suchungen. 1911.
Sachau Ed. Sachau. — Reise in Syrien und Mesopotamien. 1883.
S B A Sitzimgsberichte der Berliner Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Textb. H. Winckler. — Keilinschriftliches Textbuch zum Alten Testa*
ment. 3d ed. 1908.
W G I H. Winckler. — Geschichte Israels. 2 vols. 1895, 1900.
Z A Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie.
Z A W Zeitschrift ftir Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft.
Z D M G Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenl&ndischen Gesellschaft.
Z D P V Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina Vereins.
xvi
THE ARAMAEANS
IN
SYRIA. AND MESOPOTAMIA
INTRODUCTION
THE SOURCES
As the early history of mankind is unrolled before our eyes and
as we learn of the struggles of nations whose names have been
forgotten for ages, we must needs marvel over nature's endless
capacity for producing ever new variations of the race, with a
Babel of tongues so vast and bewildering. Yet, somehow, each
of these peoples that once trod over the face of the globe had
its place in the structure of progress and contributed some new
energy toward the onward march of the world. The doctrine
that it is not the nature of the absolute to reveal itself fully in
one individual, may well be applied to the peoples of the earth.
None of them alone represents the ideal of humanity, but each
possesses something which it must give toward the realization
of this ideal before it vanishes to be no more seen. And in this
great fellowship Aram, too, has its place. True, its mission was
not to create eternal values, as is the case with Hellas and Israel.
It was rather the predestined medium through which these values
were to be communicated throughout the Orient.
The history of the Aramaeans cannot yet be written. Through
the gloom that enshrouds their destinies our sources only now
and then cast a fitful glimmer. We possess merely flash-light
pictures, taken here and there, and preserved in papyri or
1
)
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
engraved on stone or written on clay. These the chronicler must
piece together; they must speak to him and reveal the heart-
beats of the race and enable him to paint his sujet in colors true
to life. Of the Aramaeans we know just enough to give an im-
pressionistic design of who they were and what befell them.
AL Only a few original documents of old Aramaean origin have
come down to us. The numerous Aramaic inscriptions of Nab-
ataean and Palmyrene provenance,^ the valuable Papyri from the
upper Nile, dating from the Persian era,^ do not concern us here;
for the period with which we propose to deal is the one marked by
the hegemony of Assyria, which ended with the fall of Nineveh
606 B.C. The old Aramaic inscriptions antedating this event all
come from northern and central Syria. Foremost among them
are the inscriptions of the kings of Sam'al, Kilammu (who, though
an Aramaean, still writes in Phoenician), Panammu and Bar-
Rekab, belonging to the eighth century and unearthed at Sengirli,
at the foot of the Amanus range (Chs. X, XIV). Of equal import-
ance is also the stele of Zakir, king of Hamath on the Orontes,
from the same period (Ch. XI). These are sources of the very
first rank and offer valuable insight into the language, life and
religion of the inhabitants of Syria.'
Our chief geographical and historical information, however, is
gained from contemporaneous records in other tongues. The
Egyptian monuments, though of great value for previous Syrian
history, furnish only small gleanings for the Aramaean epoch.*
The Hittite inscriptions, from Carchemish, Mar'ash, Hamath
and elsewhere, will doubtless become an important source for
* Cf . the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, T. II, Pt. 1 ; also Lidzbarski,
Nordsemitische Epigraphik, 1898, and the English translations with com-
mentary in Cooke, North Semitic Inscriptions, 1903.
* Sayce and Cowley, The Assuan Papyri, 1907; Sachau, Aramaische
Pap5TTis und Ostraka aus Elephantine, 1911.
' The mortuary inscriptions of the priests Sin-zir-ban and Agbar of Nfirab
date probably from 605-552 b.c. (N S I 187).
* Cf. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, 5 vols., 1896 f ., and especially
W. M. Miiller, Asien und Europa, 1893.
2
INTRODUCTION
our knowledge when once they can be made to yield their time-
honored secrets.^ But at present we must mainly depend upon
the cuneiform literature of Babylonia and Assyria. The dawn
of Aramaean history greets us, it seems, in archaic inscriptions
from Nippur and Lagash from the third millennium b.c.^ The
wanderings of the Aramaeans may then be traced in letters of
the Hammurapi dynasty ' and of the Amarna age,* and more
clearly in recently discovered monuments of the early Assyrian
kings Adadnirdri I and Shalmaneser I,* as well as in the Prism of
Tiglathpileser I and in the so-called "Broken ObeUsk."* (Ch. II)
From the tenth century on we learn of Aramaean kingdoms in
Mesopotamia and Syria. For our knowledge of Mesopotamian
geography the Annals of Tukulti-Ninib ^ form a welcome addi-
tion to the inscriptions of Ashumazirpal * and Shalmaneser III.^
The two last named monarchs, together with Tiglathpileser IV,^*
are our main source for the history and geography of the
Aramaean states in Syria. Nor should we omit the mention of
Adadnirdri IV ^^ and of Sargon.^^ In some instances the Assyrian
Eponym Canon,^* so invaluable for our chronology, furnishes
brief but precious data. In studying the Assyrian annals we
must everjrwhere bear in mind the fact that they are prone to
' Cf. the account of Garstang, Land of the Hittites, 1910.
* Cf . Thureau-Dangin, Die Sumerischen und Akkadischen Konigsinschrif ten,
1907.
* Cf. Ungnad, Altbabylonische Briefe aus der Hammurapi Zeit, '13.
* Cf. Knudtzon, Die El-Amama Tafebi, 2 vols., 191 If.; also the Boghaz-Koi
Archives, cited by Winckler in 'Vorlaufige Nachrichten,' M D O G '07 no. 35.
* Collected in Messerschmidt, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur historischen
Inhalts, 1911.
' Now newly edited by King and Budge, The Annals of the Kings of Assyria,
Vol. I, 1902, p. 128 f.
^ Scheil, Annales de Tukulti-Ninip II, '09.
« Newly edited, A K A p. 155 ff.
* For the present we must depend on Schrader's KeilinschriftUche Bibli-
othek, I, '89, p. 129 ff.
1" The final edition is that of Rost, Keilschrifttexte Tiglathpilesers 1893.
" Cf . KeilinschriftUche BibUothek, I, p. 188 f .
" The final edition is that of Winckler, Keilschrifttexte Sargons, 1889.
" Cf. KeilinschriftUche BibUothek, I, 208 f.; Textb., 73 f.
3
y
\/
THE AKAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
exaraerate greatly to the glory of their authors, and to omit all
"„ of fever^s. Sometimes, too, the order of events .s o^ca^
rather than chronological, and occas.ona ly m>portant discrep^
ancies appear in the various inscriptions of the same king Here
the so3 methods of historical r^earch must be apphed to
oUaLThe tnith.. From the cultural and ->i^o^ J » P^
the Harran Census' (Ch. Ill), the Mesopotamian contract htera
tu J and the treaty of Ashur-nirftri with Mat.-.lu of Arpad
X Xm are extremely illuminating. For the life m the provmces
Sd s™ect:dtamal principalities the letters of theSargon.d
npriod offer meager information.*
"^(^r next great source is the Old Testament. True, the h.stor-
ica^^mSscTncea concerning Aram's relations U> Israel preserv^
TZ great treasury of ancient lor. are seldom contemporaneous^
ITarir^rrd^erentiate between varies o a. d
written sources, with their diverging traditions, «h.h the sacred
writers employed.' The exact nature of events consequently,
::l^ Tays'be fully determined. But where the -o-^;-
internal evidence, can be shown to be close m po nt of time to
hlTv^Lrrelated, the standard of accuracy - "- "y ™^«-2;
For the writers of Hebrew history were not, like the Assynan
^cribs official chroniclers bent on glorifying th- sovereigns;
tC d d not shrink from describing disaste.^ and defeats. On
ftfother hand, however, their religious bias often, as in the
caL otihab, prevented them from giving a correct estimate of
^l^Xt^'^y Book or Iiber.1 On™, of the District round
Tc! above all Rudolf KitteV, Geschichte des Volkea Israel, 2 vol,., 1909 f.,
mth its detaUed treatment of the sources.
INTRODUCTION
For the early period of Aramaean history the Old Testament
traditions must be used with the greatest of care. 'It should
always be borne in mind that the Hebrew writers did not aspire
to set forth the history of the heathen peoples round about.
Where they refer to them it is merely a matter of accident. And
then the accuracy of their information needs to be closely ex-
amined. No scholar would therefore presume to make these
traditions the basis of a history. On the other hand we may
thankfully make use of them, at least by way of illustration,
where they harmonize with what we learn from the monuments.
It will be seen that in a surprising number of instances the true
course of events is mirrored in the Old Testament. Thus the
patriarchal period, beneath the guise of personal adventure,
reflects the Aramaean migration and even the social life of certain
tribes (cf. below Chs. II-IV). The period of the Judges has only
vague news to offer, and under the first kings of Israel we do
not fare much better, but nevertheless we shall find certain fixed
points of tradition which we can safely adopt for the recon-
struction of Aramaean history (Ch. V). From the time of Omri
on, however, we are better informed and occasionally have ex-
cellent contemporary witnesses of events. It is unnecessary to
deal in further detail with individual passages here. The use
that is made of them in the course of our narrative will indicate
sufficiently to those versed in critical problems what attitude is
assumed towards them in each instance. Nowhere is a light-
hearted acceptance of mere tradition to be found, as little as an
espousal of the fanciful theories of some moderns.
The authors of the Graeco-Roman world have little to offer for
our theme. Perhaps the Eremboi of the Odyssey (4, 84), to
whom Menelaus came after visiting Ethiopians and Sidonians, or
the Arimoi of the Iliad (2, 782) , in whose land the monster Typhon
was concealed, may represent our Aramaeans, for it is not at all
unlikely that the echo of the gigantic Aramaean onset should
have reached the ears of the Homeric bards on the shores of
Hellas. At the time of Herodotus and Xenophon, however, the /\
5
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
Aramaean wave had long spent its force and the western Aramaean
states had crumbled, so that we learn nothing of value for our
purpose from their pages. If Josephus (Ant. VII, 5, 2) cites for
the history of Aram the works of Nicolaus of Damascus, the
contents of the quotation cannot impress us, for they offer merely
misunderstandings spun out of the biblical traditions.^ Only
for the reconstruction of ancient geography "^ can we gain infor-
mation of value from Greek and Latin authors, and perhaps
also for our knowledge of the Aramaean religion,' though the
task here becomes extremely difficult in view of the syncretism
prevalent in Syria in such matters since early days.
These then are the materials out of which the workman with
keen chisel must carve the history of the Aramaean neighbors
of Israel.
^ Cf . Schrader's Keilinschriften und Greschichtsforschung, 78, 379 f .
* Cf . especially the great work of Carl Hitter, Erdkunde, Vols. XV and XVII.
The results of modem travel and of classical geography are presented in the
invaluable maps of Syria and Mesopotamia by Richard Kiepert, appended to
von Oppenheim's, Vom Mittelmeer zum Persischen Golf, 2 vols., 1899-1900.
* Lucian's De Dea Syria deahng with the worship of Atargatis at Hierapolis,
the ancient Aramaean Nappigu, is the most noteworthy classical contribution.
CHAPTER I
THE GEOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND
In order to understand properly the history of any people, it
is first necessary to portray the setting upon which it transpired.
For by the physiography of the land, its position in respect to
other portions of the earth's surface, its natural barriers, and
features, the destiny of its inhabitants is largely controlled. The
scene of Aramaean history, so far as it is the object of the present p-
study, is laid chiefly in Syria and in the great river country east
of it, in Mesopotamia.
These two regions in reality form a unit, for the Euphrates,
which is supposed to mark their boundary, cannot be regarded as
a barrier of importance. In reality Syria extends as far east as
Nisibis and the valley of the Qabur, and "Mesopotamia" should
be applied only to that part of the 6ezireh between the IJabur
and Babylonia (G A § 332). Thus from the viewpoint of the
geographer the northern border of "Greater Syria" should be
drawn over the Tur 'Abdin and Karagah Dagh to Samosata and
Mar'ash. For practical reasons, however, we shall do well to
abide by the traditional terminology and to deal with western
Mesopotamia as distinct from Syria.
Two streams, both tributary to the Euphrates, divide western
Mesopotamia vertically. From the highlands on both sides of
the Nimrud Dagh near Edessa the Balilj originates and flows
down to meet the great river near Raqqa. The original capital
of the Balih valley is Harran whose importance, however, was
later overshadowed by Urhai (Edessa) from which this district
received the name Osroene. Further east a larger stream, the
Qabtir, descends from the Karagah Dagh and Tur 'Abdin and
merges into the Euphrates near ed-Der. Along its course nu-
7
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
merous important cities flourished, in the north notably Mardin
and Nisibis.
"^ Syria west of the Euphrates was for ages known as Amurrti.
Originally this term pertained only to a powerful state whose
center was in the Lebanon district. This is attested to by the
fact that the region at the passes of the Amanus is called Sam'al
or "north," while Yamin or "south" (later Yemen) clings to the
district south of Palestine. (K A T 18) Such a terminology can
only have arisen when the center of gravity, poUtically speaking,
was midway between Gaza and the CiUcian Gate, i.e., in central
Syria. The Akkadians however called the entire west-land
Amurrti as pars pro toto, although traces of the older usage are
by no means infrequent,
y A glance at the map reveals the unique position held by Syria
as the bridge between Eurasia and Africa. The arid and in-
hospitable nature of Arabia forces all those who would travel
from one continent to the other to traverse this narrow strip of
land along the Mediterranean coast. Moreover, the existence of
advanced civilizations on the Nile and Euphrates, each with
commodities desirable for the other, created an impetus for
traffic. Over the great caravan road from Egypt to Gaza,
Megiddo, Damascus and Aleppo, and thence to Mesopotamia or
to Asia Minor rolled much of the wealth of the ancient world.
A nation situated on such a great thoroughfare should be a
world power. This was indeed realized in very early days by
the state of Amurrti, which together with Elam, Subartu and
Akkad made up the four points of the compass, as being the
most important states in their quarter (B A VI 17). But with
the rise of imperialism in Egypt and in Mesopotamia the power
of the Syrian empire was doomed. For its borders lay open
towards both of its great neighbors. And the billows of migrating
peoples that descended from Asia Minor and Armenia, and issued
out of Arabia were destined to strike Syria with irresistible impact.
The natural features of the land predestined it to the fate of
producing a number of small rival states. For it divides into
8
THE GEOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND
three latitudinal zones. Each of these is marked by rivers. The
southern zone is watered by the Jordan, which rises from the foot-
hills of Mt. Hermon and flows south into the Dead Sea. Within
this region the Philistaean plain and the hill country of Judah and
of Ephraim are the main features. The central zone is marked
by the Orontes, which flows north between the Lebanon and
Antilebanon and around the Bargylus in a large loop to the Medi-
terranean. Between these two zones lies the Biqd\ a fertile plain
between the Lebanon and Antilebanon, forming the "Coele" or
"belly" of Syria. The coastal plain of central Syria is narrow
and intermittent, and isolated from the rest of the land by the
steep walls of the Lebanon; protected situation and splendid
harbors have made this strip a distinct country, Phoenicia. The
northern zone is marked by the twin rivers, Afrin and Kara-
Su. The Amanus mountains and the highlands east to 'Aintab
form the watershed from which these latter streams flow south
to the lake of Antioch and thence with the Orontes to the sea.
(E K XV^ 20) It is immediately apparent that the southern
sector will lie chiefly within the sphere of Egypt's influence, while
the northern sector will be controlled by the cultural forces of
Mesopotamia and Asia Minor. Only in the central portion of
the land will an independent life be at all possible.
Coelesyria, the biblical Aram, it indeed seems, has been espe-
cially favored by nature to fulfill a historical though limited task.
Its heart is the Marsyas plain (il Biqa'), a beautiful garden spot
watered by the Litany river, and protected on all sides by the
ramparts of great mountains. Through it leads the main caravan
road of Syria. But there is also a second highway, which in a
large loop circumvents the Biqa' and passes through Damascus,
an oasis on the edge of the desert. Whether the Biqa* or Damascus
becomes the center of a possible kingdom, a conflict with their
southerly neighbor is inevitable. For the first goal of a ris-
ing nation must be to gain an open road to the sea, and this
road nature marked out through northern Palestine to Akko.
(G V J II 323). To safeguard the kingdom the region of Gilead
I
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
must also be annexed, since it forms a dangerous salient on the
left flank. The struggle between Aram and Israel is therefore a
logical necessity.
As for the remainder of the land, our superficial survey of its
topography gives us an indication of where states of any size
might spring up. In the south the districts of Idumaea, Judaea
and Ephraim as well as the Shephelah plains furnish opportunity
for principalities to crystallize. In the central portion, the
Lebanon district, just described, and the Bargylus district from
the Tripolis to the Laodicea highways are apparent foci. At the
dividing line of the central and the northern sector the lake of
Antioch with the fertile *Amq will see the rise of a power con-
trolling the road to the gulf of Alexandrette, as well as the moun-
tain district between the Orontes and the way to Laodicea. Above
this the plain at the headwaters of the Kara-Su east of the im-
portant Amanus passes will be a center for the Amanus region.
On the eastern side of the northern sector there will be a few
petty principalities in the sphere of the Chains and Sagur rivers.
On the Euphrates river the point where navigation begins, near
6erabis, and the great caravan-crossing at the mouth of the
SagUr are likely to be the centers of strong political units which
will share the control of the western Osroene with Harran.
The history of the Aramaeans, in these regions chiefly, will be
followed in the subsequent chapters. The principalities outside
of this sphere inhabited by Aramaeans will only be touched on
in passing. We are not writing a history of the Aramaean race.
We are merely giving an account of the fate of the Aramaeans,
80 far as it is entwined with the destiny of the "chosen people."
10
CHAPTER II
THE ARAMAEAN MIGRATION
From the vast, little explored land of Arabia have come the
various migrations of Semitic peoples by which the more fertile
regions to the north and west have been overrun in different
epochs. All attempts at locating the Semitic cradle in Armenia
fail because of the presence there of Turanian races in extremely
early days; for the original habitat of Semite and Turanian must
have lain far apart. The ultimate home of the Semites may
have been in Abessynia or elsewhere; but most certainly Arabia
was an important center for the race and the starting point of its
migrations so far as they lie in the clear light of history.
The earliest Semitic migration is the Akkadian (Semitic-
Babylonian), which began in the fourth or fifth millennium B.C.
The Akkadian language stands apart from the other Semitic
languages, which have less in common with it than with each
other, so that it was the first to branch out from the common
tree. The Akkadian migration is shrouded in the mists of the
past. When history begins we see the Akkadians building their
state in northern Irak and battling with the Sumerians in the
south.
Soon after, in the third millennium B.C., the Gezireh must'
have been overrun by Hittite peoples from Asia Minor, for the
oldest known rulers of Nineveh, who reigned before the first
dynasty of Babylon, Aushpia and Kikia, are of this Turanian^
stock (B A VII 5, 8). Furthermore, we find opposite the Qabur's
mouth a city of Tirqa, the name of which immediately reminds
of the Hittite deity Tarqu, and a state called IJana, which has
its counterpart in the g^iii) Ya^ian and Qanigalbat in northern
Syria and Armenia, so that we are tempted to see in it a deposit
of the Hittite migration that came from these quarters. Indeed
11
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
"5atti" appears to be only a feminine form of "gana" (D P 170),
The names of the cities Zakku-Isharlim and Zakku-Igitlim, ap-
pearing in one of the 5ana Tablets/ also seem to be Hittite
(G G 50), and the same is true of the deity Idurmer^ that occurs
in an oath formula alongside of Shamash and Dagan. Below
Qana on the Euphrates lay the regions of Su^u * and Mari.*
Perhaps we may find here also a slight trace of the Hittite invasion
in the name of the god Yabliya mentioned in an Old Babylonian
letter dealing with happenings in this region.^
Upon the heels of this Hittite movement must have come the
Amorite migration. The original home of this people was South
Arabia, for its religious concepts and expressions as evidenced by
the personal names are startlingly similar to those of the later
Minaeans and Sabaeans (AHT83f.). They first invaded Syria
and estabUshed there the great state of Amurrii even before the
Akkadians completely gained control of Babylonia. It may be
assumed that the Amorites came from the Higaz, for the old
highway of the gold and frankinscense merchants traversed this
region of the Red Sea coast. In the country east of the Jordan,
» Cf. P S B A '07: 180. Since Tell 'Ishar between ed-D6r and SalehTye
seems to be the place where these tablets were found, the Tell must cover the
remains of the city of Tirqa, the capital of IJana. The latter name has also
survived in the modem *Ana (Anatho) further down the river.
* Clay, Miscellaneous Inscriptions, '16: 3, however, would make this deity
Amoritish, a variant of Amar.
' A most interesting inscription from this region, belonging, however, to a
much later period, is that of Shamash-resh-u^ur, governor of Su^i and Mari
(Weissbach, Babylonische Miszellen, '03, p. 9 ff.). It recounts an attack by
hostile neighbors, the Aramaean Tu'm&nu, who are partly killed, partly sub-
jugated; then it describes the restoration of the canal of Su^ii and a boat-ride
upon the same. After this it tells of the planting of date palms and the erec-
tion of the throne in Ribanish, and finally of the building of the city Gabbari-
bani. Other cities mentioned are Qarze, Ydbi, Railu, Kar-Nabu Yaduru and
Ukulai. — Su^u is probably the Shuach of Gen. 25 : 2. Cf . Job 2 : 1 1, 8 : 1, 25 : 1,
42: 9. Cf. also Delitzsch, Hiob, '02, p. 139.
* Clay, Miscellaneous Inscriptions, p. 4, identifies Marl with the Merra of
Isidore of Charax, which must be sought at El Irzi.
* Ungnad, Babylonische Brief e aus der Hammurapizeit, '13, no. 238; also
M VAG'01:144.
12
THE ARAMAEAN MIGRATION
place names like Mefa'at, Sebam, Dibon, Yashimoth, Ma'on,
which occur also in the South Arabian regions of Hadramaut,
Saba and Ma'in, show the path taken by the Amorites.^ From
Syria they gradually moved westward down the Euphrates.
Especially the regions of Qana, Sufeu and Mari were centers of
Amorite life and religion, notably of the Dagan cult. From these
regions the attacks of the Amorites must have been launched
against Babylonia. Thus Ishbi-Urra, founder of the Isin Dynasty,
is called "Man of Mari." The kings of the first dynasty of
Babylon from Sumu-abu to Samsuditana are all Amorites, as
their names reveal. The greatest of them was Hammurapi^
who even called himself king of Amurrii. Wherever these Amo-
rites went they took with them their summus deus Amar, from
whom they proudly derive their name, and other gods of their
pantheon. (Clay 95 f) They even founded a city of Amurrti
near Sippar and in this locality were very numerous.'
The third great Semitic migration, the Aramaean, must have
started from the highland region of the Negd in inner Arabia.
From this fertile district three highways run in northeasterly
direction. Two of these, the Wadi er-Rumma and the parallel,
more southerly ed-Dawasir, lead directly to Chaldaea; the former
issues near the mouth of the great river, the latter opposite the
island of Dilmun (Bahrein). A third road, the Wadi Sirhan
(originating in the Hauran), led in antiquity from the Gof, an
oasis north of the Negd, to the vicinity of Basra (A A 331).
Any Semitic migration from Arabia into the Euphrates valley
must come by these three roads. In consequence, the Aramaeans
ought first to appear in Chaldaea.
Now it is known that even before the Amorites from the west
conquered Babylonia, there existed in the Chaldaean plains a
population of nomadic Semites with whom the Sumero-Akkadians
1 Cf. Grimme, Mohammed, p. 14 f .
* In the Qana texts the name of this king is written Qammiirapi^). This
leads me to conclud e that the correct etymology is " * Amha (the moongod) is
exalted," Vrafa'a.
* Cf . Ranke, Personal Names of the Hammurabi Dynasty, '05, 34.
13
/
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
came into contact.^ Hommel has shown from a large number of
Arabic loan words and formations in the Akkadian language that
these Chaldaean Semites were already present in very early days
and has claimed that the later Aramaeans were their descendants.
(G G 130 f .) Especially the vicinity of Erech seems to have been
infested by these Semitic tribes. Thus we know of a Sheikh
Anam of the hordes of Erech, son of B61-shimea, named alongside
of the king Sin-Gamil, who restored the wall of Erech.^ With
this we must also combine the expression Uruk-supuri, "Erech of
the sheepfolds," in the Gilgamesh-Epic (G G 361) and the tradi-
tion which makes Nimrod the Cushite (from South Arabia?)
builder of Erech (Gen. 10 :10). Furthermore we learn from the
Urra myth of a people called the Suti ' who bear some connection
with the hcentious cult of Ishtar at Erech (col. II 8). A still
earlier reference, however, to these Suti occurs in a letter from
the time of Hammurapi.* In this letter a trader, who has been
imprisoned for embezzlement and who had been sent by his
employer across the Euphrates with a shipment of oil, gives
assurance of his innocence and places the blame upon the Suti
who have attacked and robbed him. These Suti are therefore
present in Shumer already in the days of the first dynasty. Indeed
we may possibly trace them back to the time of the Dynasty of
Ur, for Arad-Nannar of Lagash calls himself "ruler of the Su
people." ' From Shumer they migrated westward in the succeed-
ing centuries, for the Amama letters (ca. 1400 B.C.) show us
the Suti present in Syria and opposite Mesopotamia. Thus the
Assyrian king Ashur-uballit writes (Kn.no. 16:38f.) that the Suti
have pursued and held up the messengers of the Egyptian monarch,
but that he had rescued them. They are mentioned by Rib-
Addi of Gebal in connection with warhke operations and occur
even in the letters of Yitia of Ashkelon and Zimridi of Lachish
* Grimme, I.e., p. 5.
* Thureau-Dangin, Konigsinschriften, p. 223.
* The Suti are called §db ^^ri, "warriors of the plains," IV R 44, 1, 20.
* C T II pi. 19; cf. Ungnad, Briefe aus der Zeit Hammurapis, no 154.
' Cf . Thureau-Dangin, Konigsinschriften, '07, 149.
14
THE ARAMAEAN MIGRATION
(cf. Kn. 45, 1038). A little later the Cassite Kadashman-^jarbe
tried to safeguard the road to Amurrii by digging wells and sub-
jecting the Suti (AOF I 147). Another part of this people moved
northward towards Bagdad rather than to Syria, and maintained
themselves there until quite late, giving their name to the Sittacene
of classical geography (K A T 22). From these indications we
may conclude that the Suti originally tented in the desert from
Erech to Babylon, — in other words, they belonged to the early
Chaldaeans. It is impossible in consequence to reckon them
to the Amorite group, since they must have come from the Wadi
er-Rumma and the Wadi Sirhan into Chaldaea. We must rather
count them among the vanguard of the Aramaeans.^ The wor-
ship of the deity Amurru, accredited to them in later times in an
Assyrian god-list, they may have adopted in early days from
the Amorites. Originally they must have been worshipers of
Athtar, then of the Akkadian Ishtar.
In the O. T. the westward trend of the Suti may be reflected
in the account of Terah's migration from Ur Kasdim.^ Abraham
is not specifically called an Aramaean, though ethnically he be-
longs to this group. The same we have found to be true of the
Suti. The O. T. narrator would perhaps reckon Terah's family to
the Chaldaeans. By this latter term the Aramaean inhabitants of
the lower Euphrates, the Kaldi, were designated from the ninth
century b.c. on. The Hebrew term Kasdim must have passed
* Troublesome is the problem of the relation of the Suti to the Guti. They
appear often side by side in the inscriptions, and seem to be meant by the
bibUcal Koa and Shoa (D P 225 ff.). The term Guti does not refer exclusively
to the non-Semitic people of the northern mountains. Thus the Guti who
plundered Sippar according to the inscription of Nabonidus (Const. IV 21)
are the Aramaeans whom Erba Marduk repelled from Babylonia in the eighth
century (Z A XXIII 218). And the biblical use of Koa must also have such
nomadic Aramaeans in view (Ezech. 23: 23). We should therefore define the
Cruti as the partly Aramaean, originally perhaps purely Alarodian nomads
east of the Tigris, and the Suti as the Semitic nomads west of the Tigris.
* This Ur can only refer to the great city of early Sumerian culture. It is
unnecessary to suppose an Ur in Mesopotamia or to have recourse to the
Amurru ( = Uru) near Sippar (Clay 190), which was an Amorite center and
not an Aramaean.
15
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
over into Palestinian tradition before this time, since it represents
an older stage of the name (AHT 210). Kasdim seems to be de-
rived from the Babylonian "kishadu" or "shore." (GG 245) The
form Kasdiyim used by Ezechiel (23:14) is the most exact and
must be the equivalent of * Kishadaeans or people from the shore
of the Euphrates (or the sea). As we shall yet learn (Ch. IV),
the name "Hebrew" attributed to Abraham is virtually synony-
mous in meaning. That the Aramaeans came from Chaldaea is
the view also of Amos 9:7, "Have I not brought Israel out of
Egypt, and the PhiUstine from Kaphtor and the Aramaeans from
Qir?" Where is Qir? We are led by Is. 22:6, where it is brought
into relation with Elam, to seek it in southern Babylonia.^ If we
dare place any reliance on 2 Kings 16: 9, which, it seems to me,
is an intentional reference to Amos 1:5, we can recall the fact
that Tiglathpileser actually did deport captives to the region of
the lower Tigris (ATU 104, 178). Hommel was led to find Qir
in Gir-su (GG 189), but whether the two elements of this name
can be separated in this fashion remains problematic. It seems
however, that Haupt has shown the way to the right solution of
this question.* He points out that the modem name of Ur,
"Muqaj^ar," means "asphalted or built with asphalt." The
word Qir in Arabic means "pitch." In Hebrew, Qir means wall
or city, but originally must have signified "built with asphalt."
Now the Sumerian word for city is URU, which also means
"foundation." Haupt therefore holds that Qir is a synonym of
URU and may have been a by-name of Ur used perhaps by the
Beduin of the region.' If this be true, as seems plausible, then
the tradition of Amos vindicates Genesis 11 : 31.
* As A T V 178 proves, the text must be amended "Elam raises the quiver
and Aram mounts the horse and Qir bares the shield." The preceding verse
must be amended with Haupt (cf. note 13) into "Koa and Shoa batter against
the mountain."
» In a paper entitled "Ur of the Chaldees" in the J B L Vol. XXXVI,
p. 99. Professor Haupt very kindly allowed me to see his manuscript.
* Haupt cites as example of translation of names el Lefe^un (legio) for Me-
giddo, "place of troops." Nineveh had the by-name Mespila (Xenophon,
Anab., 3, 4, 7), which Haupt equates with mushptlu, "place of limestone."
16
THE ARAMAEAN MIGRATION
The migration of Terah from Ur of the Chaldees to Harran
must then be a reminiscence of a great movement of the Suti
from Chaldaea up the Euphrates. This movement can only-
have begun after the Amorite migration was consummated.
It was due no doubt to the constant pressure of additional
Aramaean hordes coming from the Negd against Ur and Erech.
In the ninth century we learn of a great many Aramaean tribes
in Babylonia/ among whom are numbered especially the
Puqudu (Pekod, Ezech. 23:23), Rapiqu, Damunu, Gambulu, and
Tu'manu (SA Iff.). Some of these groups may have infested
Chaldaea at the time when the Suti were forced to emigrate,
though the more immediate group seems to have been that of the
Aflame.
The westerly migration of these Aramaean tribes was facilitated
by a great catastrophe which befell the Amorite realm. The
first dynasty of Babylon was overthrown ca. 1760 by a terrible
onset of the Hittites (G A § 454) ; for a chronicle informs us
that in the days of Samsu-ditana the Hittites invaded the land
of Akkad. It may be that the Hyksos invasion which befell
Egypt is an organic part of the same general Hittite movement.
The attack against Babylon was launched from the district of
gana on the Euphrates; for about 1600 B.C. Agum-kakrime
records that he brought back the statues of Marduk and Sarpanit
from the far land of gana, whither they had apparently been
carried in Samsu-ditana's time. This Hittite invasion must have
destroyed the Amorite life in gana as well as in Suhu and Marl.
Over Babylonia the Hittites seem to have gained no power of
any duration, perhaps because of the Cassite invasion which
simultaneously was pouring in from the north. And now the
Aramaean movement, beginning with full vigor, swept on up the
Euphrates, overcame the Hittites, overran Su^iu and JJana, and
1 When they entered this region we do not know. G G 189 would find the
Damunu and Puqudu present already in the days of Hammiu"api because of
the canal name Palag-Damanum and the city Pikud&nu near Sirgulla.
17
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
followed the gabur and Bali^ rivers up to the Tur 'Abdin and
the Euphrates as far as Carehemish and Syria. ^
From the fourteenth century on the Suti are outstripped in im-
portance by the Ajjlame. The name, as has been suggested, is
an Arabic broken plural from hilmun and means "allies." ^ The
same root appears also in the name of the Qilimmu, a later Ara-
maean tribe (MVAG XI 226). They are first mentioned in the
Amama texts in a letter from Babylonia, so that it seems that they
play the role in this region erstwhile played by the Suti. The sup-
posed earUer mention of the Aflame in Rim-Sin's day can scarcely
be upheld (Klio VI 193). Shortly after 1400, in a letter of the
Hittite king ^attusil to a king of Babylon, the "hostile A^jlamu"
are referred to as having forced a suspension of the diplomatic cor-
respondence (MDOG 35:22). In the next place Adadnirdri tells
us that his father Arik-den-ilu (ca. 1350 B.C.) conquered the terri-
tory of the widespreading Guti, the region of the Aflame and Suti
*Gen. 11; 10-28 reflects the progress of the Aramaean migration. If we
deduct the three assuredly personal names Shelah, Re*u and Terah, we have
left a number of geographical termini. Arpakshad may be composed of arba
and kishadu and may mean "four-shore coxmtry" (Z A 15: 255; D P 255),
or arpa + kishadu, "borders of Chaldea" (G G 184). In either case it must
apply to Babylonia. Eber means the shore land of the Euphrates north of
Chaldea. (Cf . Ch. IV) Peleg is doubtless identical with Phalga at the mouth
of the IJabQr (Proksch 80). Serug and Nahor appear in the towns of Sarugi
(to-day Sertife) and Til-Najjiri west of Harran (K A T 477 and cf. Ch. III).—
Of much later origin is Gen. 10: 23. Hul (Havilah?) and Gether, "salt-plains"
(G G 180), must represent east- Arabian districts. Uz refers to Damascus and
the Ssrrian desert. (Has it any connection with the city of Az whence Gudea
brought stone for mace-heads and which must have been in the Antilebanon?)
Mash is Mons Masius or the Tur *AbdIn region. It is identical with the
mountain of Mash in the Gilgamesh epic, the Masis or MusAs of the Alexander
Romance, which name still clings to the Aghri Dagh (cf . Gressman Gilgamesh-
Epos, p. 161).
* An important question that arises here is this: Did these Beduin call
themselves Aflame, or was it a name given to them by the Amoritish settlers
on the Euphrates with whom they first came in contact? If the interpretation
just given be correct, then the latter possibility is the more likely. The in-
dividual groups probably had their own tribal names. — True, the word
A^ame could be philologically equally well derived from the root *alima with
Honamel G G 129.
18
THE ARAMAEAN MIGRATION
(MKA no. 9 1. 15 f.). Since the Assyrians at this time scarcely
can have fought the A^jlame in Babylonia, we must assume that
they have now advanced far up the Euphrates into Mesopotamia.
Indeed there are indications that the AJjlame were already pene-
trating northernmost Syria (OLZ '10:296). Adadnirdri himself
tells us that he conquered the Kashiar region (Tur 'Abdin) and
the stronghold of Harran as far as Carchemish. While he does
not explicitly refer to the AJjlame, we must suppose that the
campaign was really directed against them (MKA no. 11); for
soon after we learn from Shalmaneser I (ca. 1300 b.c.) that the
Aflame are fighting as allies of King Shattuara of ^a-iiig^'lbat on
the upper reaches of the Euphrates near Malatia.^ Valuable is
the information which he gives that "from Taidi to Irridi the whole
Kashiar region to the city of Elubat the stronghold of Sudi, the
stronghold of Harran as far as Carchemish he captured their
cities." (MKA no. 14 1. 18 f.) The Ahlame, apparently tribu-
taries of Shattuara, thus held the Tur 'Abdin and the whole
Balil) region including Harran and the district between Carche-
mish and Harran. Doubtless they also maintained themselves
along the middle Euphrates.
A century and a half elapses until we again hear of the A^ilame.
Ashur-resh-ishi (ca. 1140) relates that he destroyed their wide-
spreading hosts, but unfortunately does not tell us where (A K A
19). His son Tiglathpileser I, however, is mote explicit (Cyl. V
44 f.). He tells us that he marched "Into the midst of the Ahlame
'folk of Aram-land,' that were hostile to my lord Ashur." He de-
scribes their habitat further when he says that he devastated their
country from the mouth of the Qabur to Carchemish and drove
the remnants of this people across the Euphrates. He himself fer-
ried over the river on Keleks in pursuit of the defeated foe. At the
^ Shalmaneser was hard pressed in this battle. He was cut off from water
supply and caught in a narrow enfilade. The desperation of his troops,
however, won the day. He himself fought with Shattuara at the point of the
spear imtil sunset. He claims the capture of 14,000 men and many cities.
He asserts that he slaughtered the Hittites and their allies the Aflame like
sheep.
19
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
foot of the Bishri mountains, i.e., Tell Bashar (P S B A 11: 175),
he captured six cities. On the left bank of the Sagur he placed
an Assyrian garrison in Pituru, which is probably identical with
Tell Ghanim below Gerabis, and a second on the left bank of the
Euphrates in Mutkinu, which must then be the modern Tell Haldo
(I.e., p. 177). These were intended as frontier posts against the A^j-
lame. He evidently calls the A^jlame opposite the mouth of the
BaliJ} Aramaeans because he recognizes their relationship to the
people of the Kashiar and knows that they belong to one and
the same racial group, for this Kashiar region is called in the
"Broken Obelisk" * (AKA 128 ff.) m^t Arimi, "land of Aramaeans,"
where the cities of Sha§iri, Pauza,^ Nabula, Shinamu and IJulza
are mentioned. But Shupria, with the city of Murarir, east of
Diarbekr, is also called an Aramaean land. Similarly Magrisi in
the mountain of lari at the great forks of the Qabur, as well as
Dur-katlime on the lower JJabur (cf. Chapt. VII) are described as
being in the land of the Aramaeans.' On the other hand, the
monolith of Ashurnazirpal from Kurkh (Rev. 47 A K A 240) calls
the Aramaeans of Bit-Zamani, in the Kashiar, AJjlame. We see
^therefore that by 1100 B.C. the cities along the Qabur and Bali^),
J the right bank of the Euphrates from Su^u to Carchemish, and
1 the region of the Tur 'Abdin are explicitly described as settled by
V Aramaeans. The country west of Harran must also have received
an influx of Aramaean population at this time. Oddly enough, the
Assyrian records preserve absolute silence about this region.
V We may safely say, then, that during the thirteenth century all
'^ of Mesopotamia was overrun by Aramaeans, and with the excep-
tion of a few Hittite-Mitanni enclaves, like Carchemish, it as-
sumed Aramaean character. About this time the expression Aram
1 In this inscription a successor of Tiglathpileser tells of the deeds of his
great ancestor, as King and Budge have shown.
» The Uphaz of Dan 10:5?
* At the time of Tiglathpileser IV the lower Tigris region near the gulf is
called Land of Arumu. Cf. S A 115 f. (Surappu-Ukn(i). These people can
• only have come from theNe^d. The name "Aramaeans " is given to them by
the AssjTian in recognition of their affinity to the more westerly people of the
Kashiar and Syria.
ao
THE ARAMAEAN MIGRATION
Naharaim may have originated (Gen. 24:10). It is a modifica-
tion of the Egyptian Naharin, and the Na^jrima of the Amarna
days. In the Egyptian usage the term seems to include a consid-
erable portion of Syria about as far south as Hamath. Miiller
held the name to be an abbreviation for "land of rivers," refer-
ring to the numerous streams that water it, Euphrates, Tigris,
Ballb, 9abur. (MAE 249 f.) When the Aramaeans came into
possession of this region it could well be called the "river- Aram"
in contrast to the other Aramaean seats, Meyer (G A I, 2 §§ 334,
463) interprets Naharaim as a locative of the singular "Aram on
the Euphrates" and refers it to the region of the Osroene with
Harran. The form Nalirima, or Narima in the Amarna letters;
supports this second view. Similar to this is the interpretation of
Haupt (ZDMG 63:527) who translates "Euphrates-Aramaeans,"'
holding that "Aram" only means the people and never a region.
The expression Aram Naharaim probably disappeared after
the ninth century when the Assyrians virtually wiped out the
Aramaeans of this region. It belongs to the formative time of
Aramaean principalities, as the analogy of Aram Zobah, Aram
Beth Rehob reveals.
The origin of the name Aramaeans is shrouded in obscurity.^
The earliest occurrences of it show, that it is not the name of a re-
gion bul-of a people. The people is called Arimi, Aramu, Arumu;
the second form is the most frequent and doubtless the original
one, since the others represent merely vowel harmonization to the
ending (Z A 27 : 283) . Whether the mountain of Aruma men-
tioned by Tiglathpileser I (col. Ill 77), or the mountain city of
Arma, of which Shalmaneser I (M K A no. 14 col. II 6 f .) says that
he gathered its dust and poured it out in the gate of his city of
Ashur as witness for the days to come, or the citadel of Arman at
the headwaters of the Diy^la, or the god Armannu of the Rapiqu
* The theory of Haupt that Aramu comes from an'amun, "creatures"
(ZDMG 61: 194), I regard as unlikely. Not so impossible is the idea of
Streck, Klio VI, that the name may go back to a divine appellation. Aram
might then be regarded as an anagram of Amar. Cf. the fact that the Suti
worshiped the god Amurru.
21
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
tribe near Bagdad (G G 190) have aught to do with this name
cannot be decided with the means at our disposal.
The word "Aramu" has been interpreted as meaning "high-
landers" from the Negd.^ But we have seen that this people did
not bear this name until they had settled in the Tur *Abdm region.
Consequently we must prefer to call them "highlanders" of the
upper Tigris and Euphrates. Since they had constant contact
in that region with the Hittites, and since the latter at the time
held dominion over Syria, it is possible that the name "Aramaeans"
was transmitted southward through their agency. Hence we
find those groups of the Atilame which penetrated Syria after
the Hittite debacle called by this appellation. Perhaps also
the alternative translation of Aramu as "the exalted ones" was
foremost in the consciousness of the Aflame when they gave up
their more ancient name in favor of the new.
iGrimme, Mohammed, '04:15.
22
CHAPTER III
THE ARAMAEANS OF HARRAN
If Ur of the Chaldees is viewed by the Old Testament as the
first station in the great advance of the Aramaeans, then Harran
must be assigned the second place in importance. And indeed
this harmonizes excellently with the clues that the inscriptions
furnish; for, as we have seen, the advancing Aramaeans swerved
from the Euphrates and followed its tributaries, the Qabtir and the
BallJ). This was due no doubt to the presence of the Mitanni
state west of the Balil), which formed for a time a bulwark against
further Aramaean invasion of this region. And, since the city of
Harran was one of the most important cities of Mesopotamia,
situated on a great trade route, it is but natural that it should be
regarded from now on as a great Aramaean center from which the
further northward and westward advance of this race radiated.
To the Harran district the Old Testament expression Paddan
Aram clings. (Gen. 28 : 2, etc.) The term is by no means identical
with Aram Naharaim, which is a larger geographical concept.
The inscriptions furnish us with a land of Padan or Padin. Thus
the Cassite king Agum-kakrime (ca. 1650) styles himself "king of
Padan and Alman (=Arman?), king of the land of Guti." In
this Padan ^ and Arman, Hommel sought to discover our Paddan
Aram; according to him the name was carried by a Tigris migra-
tion of Aramaeans originally from Gir-su (which he interprets
"road of the nomads" and of which he supposes Paddan Aram to
be a translation) to the upper course of the Diydla and then even-
tually to Harran (G G 190). But it seems unlikely that the Tigris
migration was able to pass the Assyrian state in this angle; on
^ A rab ali or "city chief" of Paddnu is referred to in Rm 54, and in K 7376
Padinu is associated with the Ituai Aramaeans, A D D III 421.
23
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
the contrary, the mountain of Arman must be about the northern-
most point reached by the Aramaean tribes of the Bagdad region.
The Aramaeans of Harran must rather have crossed the Euphrates
from the south, as we have supposed. The more commonly ac-
cepted view correlates Paddan Aram with the "field of Aram"
(Hosea, 12: 13), for in Aramaic and Arabic Paddan or Fedd&n means
a yoke of oxen and then metaphorically the area that a yoke of
oxen can plow in a day (D P 135). But Hosea's "field of Aram"
has a much wider meaning than this and, furthermore, in Hosea's
day Paddan Aram can no longer have existed owing to the ex-
pulsion of the Aramaeans from Mesopotamia by the Assyrians.
More plausible is the view of Zimmem (cf. Gesenius-Buhl BuhP')
that Paddan is an older equivalent or a by-name of Harran, for
pad&nu in Assyrian means "road" and is a synonym of harr&nu.
It seems to me, however, that Paddan Aram refers to a distinct
city of Paddan, which is Aramaean in contrast to the eastern
Padan. It is an example of how the priestly writing occasionally
preserves very ancient material; for, while the other documents
speak of Harran only, in the sense of the district belonging to the
great capital of the Ball^, this tradition preserves the exact name
of the town. And just S.W. of Harran there is a Tell Feddan in
which, as Lagarde divined, our Paddan is preserved. Possibly
a divergent tradition is contained in Gen. 24:10, "city of Nahor,"
which must be identical with the ancient Til-Na^iri, lying proba-
bly a little to the west of Tell Feddan.
Tiglathpileser I does not sesmtp have had the Harran region
under very firm control. True, he boasts (VI 61 f.) that he not
only killed four monstrous wild bulls in the desert in the country
of Mitdni near the city of Araziqi (the classical Eragiza on the
left bank of the Euphrates, slightly south of the latitude of Aleppo,
Sachau 133 f.), which is over against the land of Hatti, but also
that he killed ten mighty elephants in the country of Harran and
in the district of the JJabur. But the "Broken Obelisk" relates
(col. Ill 19) that he once made a raid from the land of Majjir^ni
to the city of Shuppa, which is in the land of Harran.
24
THE ARAMAEANS OF HARRAN
Concerning the Harran Aramaeans we have received much
enlightenment through an Assyrian census deaUng with this
district. It hsts in detail the facts about each farm in a given
district. It names the pater famihas, and usually his sons, while
the women are merely enumerated. The occupations of the
various members of the household are tabulated and the condition
of the holding in regard to area, cultivation and live-stock stated.
The vineyards are described by the number of vines, roundly
estimated, the herds according to hoof. Buildings, cisterns and
ponds are Ukewise entered, and the name of the holding with its
situation appended (H C 6f.). Since the inhabitants to a large
percentage bear Aramaic names, this picture of their life must
interest us. True, the census is from the seventh century and so
objection might be raised to our making use of it in describing a
period hundreds of years older. But the fact that the Aramaeans
were jaever disturbed in Harran after the time of Tiglathpileser I
as in regions further west, for the simple reason that they never
rebelled against Assyria, leads us to believe that the conditions
of later days correspond fairly to those of the patriarchal period.
In the principality of Harran are mentioned a number of smaller
governmental units, called "qani" (H C 10). These are crystal-
lized about places of importance and comprise a number of towns
or suburbs. Thus the cities Harran, Dur-NabA, Tinuni, Tilabnt,
and gaurina stand at the head of such "qani." That of Harran
included the towns Atnu, Badani, lanata, Saidi and Qansiiri, and
the villages (al she) Arrizu and Kapparu. Several other cities
were important enough to have dependent towns but were not
seats of a qani. Thus Balihi has the towns Aanata, Bir-nari and
JJamugaen belonging to it. Similarly Qasame has Gaduata,
Sarugi has Qanand and the village Laheili, Pidua has the village
Akaru. Other cities mentioned in the census are Gadis^, Dimmeti,
gadatti, Qaluli, |Jal§u, Qamede, Qumu, Immirina, Nampigi,
Dihnunna, Rimusi, Tasume, Tillini, Til-Nahiri.^
^ The identification of some of these places is difficult as we have no clues.
Of some we shall hear again elsewhere. DAr-Nabu maybe the DAr north of
25
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
The personal names of the Aramaeans of Harran naturally are
of absorbing interest;^ for Oriental nomenclature is a mirror
of the religious conceptions of the people, often, it is true, of a
stage long outgrown, as in so many Old Testament names. For
our purposes here this is especially valuable. In the names of the
Harran district we find divinities not met with elsewhere, or if so,
then under a slightly different guise. Very many names are
compoimded with a god Si*, whom we meet also in the Palmyrene
inscriptions and who is doubtless identical with Sin (H C 13).
Thus we have Si'-dillni, " S. hath set me free"; Si*-idri, "S. is my
help"; Si*-aqabi, "S. is my reward"; Si*-manani, "S. hath counted
me"; Si*-zabadi, "S. hath endowed." A further common divinity
is Nashbu, the Nusku of the Assyrians (H C 12) ; we find him in
Nash^)u-dimri, "N. is my protection"; Nash^u-gabri, "N. is my
hero " ; Nash^ju-sagab, " N. is exalted " ; Nash|)u-sama'ani," N. hath
heard me"; Nashl)u-qatari, "N. is my rock." The only other
instance of the form Nashbu is found on a contract (C I S II 1. 1,
35), where we have Nash^Ju-aih, "N. is my strength," a sukallu
or "overseer" of Niribi" about 645 b.c. (H C 12, 33). The god
Adad is found in names like Adad-Jjutni, "A. is my protection."
The god Ai (Aa, la), the great lunar deity of the Arabians (G G 95),
is found in Ia-abb&, "Ai is the father"; lamaniai, "Ai is my right
hand," Aa-Jjali, " Ai is my uncle"; Ziri-ia, "My seed is Ai." Very
peculiar is the occurrence of AI or Alia instead of the Assyrian ilu,
"God"; thus we find AUa-sharru (malik?), "God is King";
Al Nash^)u-milki, " The god N. is my counsel." A further divinity
is 9&n, doubtless identical with the ancient deity of the Hittites,
who has survived here from Mitanni days: JJdn-dada, "H. is the
Harran at the site of the present Anaz (cf . Pognon, Inscriptions s^mitiques,
'08: 242 f.). Qamedd is doubtless Amid; Nampigi ■ Nappigu (Hierapolis);
Uanrlna may be the Horrin south of Mardin (Sachau 400) or else Haura be-
tween Raqqa and Balis (H C 49, 10).
^ On the west-Semitic personal names cf . Hilprecht, Babylonian Expedition
Series, A, vol. IX, p. 20 f., and especially A H T 75 f .
* The Nferab near Aleppo, whence two old Aramaic inscriptions have come
to us.
26
THE ARAMAEANS OF HARRAN
beloved"; Blr-J)dnu, "Offspring of g&n." Unique are the gods
Sh^r and T6r. Thus we have the names Sh^r-ilai, "Sher is the
god Ai" (G G 95), and T6r-nadin-apU (of which the last two
elements are Assyrian), " T^r hath given a son." T^r is perhaps an
Arabian deity and appears in the name of Abiate's father T^ri
in the Annals of Ashurbanipal (col. VIII 31), while Sh6r may be
identical with Sherua, the consort of Ashur (H C 18, 82). The
goddess At6, a Hittite deity, is found in Atd-idri, "Ate is my help."
The Arabian and Aramaean Atar ( = Ishtar) appears in Atar-
idri, "A. is my help"; Atar-bi*-di, "A. is my (curse-)remover."
These two divinities were later merged into one, Atargatis, whose
cult had its famous seat at Hierapohs (our Nampigi, Nappigu) .
The life revealed by the Harran Census is chiefly agricultural
(HO 19). Each cornland holding is described by "homers"
of land, as is the case also in the JJana Tablets. The average
holding had an area of 20-24 homers. Usually less than half of
the area is mentioned as arshu, "cultivated " ; the remaining doubt-
less was lying fallow. Each holding has one or more houses and
an adru or "enclosure" (barn?). Sometimes a vineyard is at-
tached to th.e holding, but occasiionally it appears independently.
The number of vines in the vineyards ranges from 2000 to 29,000.
The account of the live stock shows that the pastoral stage no
longer existed. Sheep herds count from 30 to 188 head, and only
one goat herd of 58 head is mentioned. Of cattle the ratio is
about one head to every ten homers of cultivated land. Isolated
mention of the ass, the camel and the horse also occurs. The
farms were hereditary holdings, and generally the previous owner
is named along with the present. Women, too, could be holders,
as a number of instances prove. The families are often remarkably
small; the average of persons in one family is five. The monog-
amous system seems to have been the most common; in fifteen
homes there are two wives and in six there are three. And here
childlessness of the first wife may have been the cause for the
departure from the rule. Thus, for instance, in four families with
two wives there is no offspring at all.
27
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
No doubt the lateness of the period from which our census
dates must be strictly borne in mind in drawing conclusions about
earlier days. The conditions of agricultural life reflected here
were not those existing among the nomadic Ahlame; an adapta-
tion to Assyrian customs and laws has taken place. True, the
transition from beduin to fellah is often rapid, and the Aramaeans
round Harran doubtless accepted the ordered conditions imme-
diately. But antiquity can only be claimed for the names
whose Arabian character is plain.
Concerning the social conditions of the early Aramaeans of
Harran we have a more ancient witness in Genesis 31, a chapter
the value of which a Uttle study will reveal. It is recorded there
how the clan of Jacob,' abandoning the tribe of Laban, crossed i
the Euphrates and journeyed to Gilead. Jacob, in spite of his
oppression by Laban, has grown rich and now seeks to secure his
own camping grounds. But Laban with his "brothers" (vs. 23),
i.e., clansmen, pursues Jacob and overtakes him at Gilead. The
whole desert region from Gilead to the Euphrates is conceived of
as Laban's territory. Jacob is accused by Laban of having stolen
his divine images or teraphim. Jacob invites his accuser in the
presence of "our clansmen" (vs. 32) to search the camp.'^ When
the search is ended Jacob says, "What hast thou found of all
thy property? Set it before my clansmen and thine to decide
between us both."
The following un-Hebraic features should be noticed.
In the first place the women claim the right of inheritance of
their father's property (vss. 14-15); in the Mosaic code this was
1 It is commonly supposed that the name Jacob is an abbreviation for
Jacob-el (cf. G V J I 418). Hommel finds a fitting analogy in the name of a
Chaldaean Sheikh Ya'qub-ilu, which he interprets "God rewards" (G G 167).
It may also be possible, however, to find the god Ya (Ai) in the first syllable
of this name. We have just quoted the Harranian Si'-aqabi. The form
Ya-aqahi would be equally possible. "Ya is the reward" or "Ya has re-
warded" might then be the real meaning of "Jacob."
* As Procksch 351 shows, the incident in Gen. 31:34 f. is intended to cast
ridicule on Aramaean idolatry. What kind of a god is that who allows aa
unclean woman to sit on him!
28
%
THE ARAMAEANS OF HARRAN
provided for only in extraordinary cases. Secondly, they claim
that the wealth which Jacob has won is theirs and their children's,
not his (vs. 16, they rebuff his claim in vs. 9). Un-Hebraic also is
the character of vs. 33 f., where each woman has her own tent and
is thus relatively independent. Among the Palestinian Hebrews
Sarah is in the tent of Abraham; the harem is separated by a
curtain from the men's room. But an older stage in the history
of marriage is reflected here (Procksch 200), the §adika marriage/
where it Ues within the woman's will to receive her husband's
visit or not. Under this form of wedlock the man enters into the
clan of the wife instead of the wife entering into the clan of the
husband. That this conception really underlies our narrative
is evidenced in vs. 43, where Laban, unable to answer the terrific
arraignment of Jacob, boasts cruelly, "Mine are the daughters,
mine the sons, mine the flocks, and all which thou seest is
mine." He can do what he pleases with Jacob's family and
possessions because he is the head of the family and his will is
law ; only out of goodness of heart does he yield to Jacob ! But
where in Israel has the father-in-law such authority? His control
over his daughters ceases the moment the "mohar" or price is
paid.
We must hold, then, that the early Aramaeans of Mesopotamia
brought with them their primitive Arabian marriage customs,
but dropped them as soon as they settled in established com-
munities where the patriarchal forms prescribed by Hammurapi's
laws were the rule. Indeed, as has often been pointed out, the
relation of Abraham to his wives follows the precepts of Ham-
murapi. Abraham's family at Harran had therefore already
adapted itself to these conditions. But Laban, who is more
typical of the wandering Aljlame of the Syrian desert, still rep-
resents the truer Aramaic institutions brought along from
Arabia.
Of old Aramaean or Arabian religion this chapter reveals but
little, unless we regard the teraphim, which was probably a mask
^ Cf. Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, p. 78.
29
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
for the face of the divine image and was worshiped as the giver
of family welfare,^ as strictly Aramaean. Oddly enough, it is
mentioned only among the Hebrews and is never ascribed to the
Canaanites; it is found, however, among the later Babylonians,
who may have adopted it from the Aramaeans. (Ez. 21:26)
1 Gressmann, Urspmng der Israelitisch-judischen Eschatologie, '05:345.
80
CHAPTER IV
THE INVASION OF PALESTINE
The Old Testament narrates how divine providence calls
Abram away from Harran into a land set apart for him and
his seed forever. Historically this reflects the movement of a
great stream of humanity, upon which the migration of Abram
is but a single wave.
Abram is called a Hebrew (Gen. 14:13). The origin and mean-
ing of this latter name has been much discussed. The traditional
view that *Eber is the "region beyond" the Euphrates, and
Hebrew therefore "the one from beyond," is unsatisfactory.
Attention has often been called to the Assyrian expression Ebir-
ndri, "region beyond the river," which became the official desig-
nation for the provinces west of the Euphrates from the time of
Ashurbanipal on (S A 80). The Hebrew parallel, "Eberhannahar"
(1 Kings 14:15), is not used in this fixed sense but merely means
"land beyond the river," or perhaps still more simply "river
country." This latter view is vindicated by the fact that Sargon
(cf . Winckler 44 f .) translates the Edomite Ibr Naharan, which is
in form identical with Eberhannahar, by Kibri-ndri, i.e., shoreland
of the river (M V A G '98, 1, 55).^ Furthermore *Eber appears
alongside of Ashur in Num. 24:24 as a similar concept, and if
we interpret it as "shore-region" (of the Euphrates) we get an
excellent sense. A similar meaning is directly offered by Isaiah
7:20, where the "shores of the river" Euphrates are referred
^ G G 255 regards Ebirtan "beyond" as a S3Tionym of kibir-ndri since the
first part of the ideogram for the former word is Ki.A which ordinarily means
kibru. He also calls attention to a city of Ibri in the vicinity of Babylonia.
31
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
to as "'Ebrei hannahar." If we follow these clues we gain for
"Hebrew" the sense "one from the shore of the Euphrates."^
We must assume therefore that Abram migrated from Harran
to Palestine before the name "Aramaean" became applied to the
group to which he belonged. It is different with Jacob, who
therefore belongs to a later stage.
It seems pecuUar that the Abrahamic migration should seek
southern Palestine instead of the more alluring region of Damascus
or Hamath. The reason must be sought in the strength of the
Amorite states in Coelesyria as well as in the Hittite advance.
On the other hand, the weakness of Egyptian power in Palestine
must have been such as to make an advance into that region
especially alluring. The most suitable time for Abram's immi-
gration was toward the end of the seventeenth century when the
Egyptian power in Syria stood at zero owing to the internal
troubles on account of the Hyksos (G V J I 90). Such a region
as the Negeb, where Abram chiefly dwelt, was probably thinly
populated and furnished an opportunity for strangers to settle.
The next migration of importance is that of Jacob-Israel. ^
Jacob's earUest seat was in Gilead, at Mizpeh. The pressure of
other Aramaean tribes from the north caused him great difficulty.
In the thirty-first chapter of Genesis, a document of great his-
torical value, as we have had occasion to point out, we are told of a
treaty between Jacob and Laban.* In the later Leucosyrians we
may have a remnant of the Laban tribe, for this name appears to
be merely a translation of " Laban Aramaean " (Gen. 31 : 20; O L Z
*07:547). The coloring of the story is accurate, for we learn that
a dolmen or cairn is erected, which Laban calls Yegar Sahdutha
and Jacob, Ga'led. Dolmens, the megalithic monuments of the
Indo-Europeans, are frequent in this region. What is more
likely than that such a distinctive landmark of mysterious antiq-
* Similarly Guthe, Greschichte Israels, '14: 14. Another interpretation hav-
ing plausibility is that of Spiegelberg, OLZ '07:618, according to whom
Hebrews means " Wanderstamme " or nomadic tribes.
* On the two versions of. Procksch, p. 177 ff., 345 ff. Variance in details is
no bar to the historicity of the treaty.
32
THE INVASION OF PALESTINE
nity should serve as a boundary? Nor is there the least ground
for supposing that the Aramaic name given the cairn by Laban
is a late invention. For we have an analogy in an Aramaean
Yaghra (" Hill ") near the lake of Antioch (S B A '92, 333) . Another
version relates that they erected a pillar (Maggebah) and called
it Mizpeh. The historian's purpose is no doubt to inform us
that the town of Mizpeh in Gilead, which may have been near the
famous dolmen, is the site where the treaty was concluded. The
actual terms of the treaty show a distinct inferiority of Jacob.
They provide that Jacob shall take no further wives besides
Laban's daughters. As Procksch has seen, this refers to an agree-
ment on intermarriage between the two tribes, but only on the
condition that further legitimate marriages (with Amorite women
perhaps) be excluded. Jacob, being inferior in strength, has to
accept these terms. His tribe entered into the negotiations
doubtless because it was dependent on the good will of its power-
ful neighbors and also to insure a healthy growth for itself. With
the related Esau tribes a similar agreement may have been reached
as to the boundary.
Jacob, however, did not stay in Gilead, but changed his pastur-
age an,d came to the region of Shechem west of the Jordan. We
may surmise the reason if we recall the fact that about this time
the Amorite states in central Syria were again attaining to power.
Under the leadership of Kadesh on the Orontes, the Syrian king-
doms presented a solid front against invasion and thus showed
signs of great strength. The strong cities of the plain of Esdraelon
seem to have belonged to the kingdom of Kadesh at that period.
Seventeen campaigns against Syria are recorded by Thutmose III
(from 1479 B.C. on). There is good reason indeed to believe that
Kadesh at this time controlled Damascus and the Hauran; for
the existence in the Mosaic age of Amorite kingdoms east of the
Jordan — those of Og of Bashan and Sihon of Heshbon — evidences
the Amorite power of expansion in the centuries previous. At
any rate, the removal of Jacob and the cessation of all connection
of the Hebrews with Aram hereafter seem to show that a power
33
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
arose at that time in the country of Gilead which was the cause
of both of these pecuHar facts.
Jacob is called a "roving Aramaean" (Deut. 26:5). Because the
Aramaeans migrated so much in those times, the name became
almost synonymous with "Roamer." ^ This reminiscence con-
cerning the origin of Jacob is all the more important since the
Hebrews after him entirely lost their Aramaean character and
became virtually Canaanites in language, custom and culture. It is
remarkable that the memory of the old blood relationship and
even details concerning the earliest common homes have survived.
A century after Jacob's time we stand in the Amama age and
learn of the great inroads of the SA.GAZ in Syria and of the
JJabiri in Palestine. This age and its problems cannot be dealt
with here. The question which alone concerns us is whether the
gabiri have anything to do with the Aramaeans.
As is now proven by the Boghaz-Koi Archives, the g^biri and
SA.GAZ are identical (Bohl 87). The west-Semitic equivalent
of SA.GAZ (= Ijabbatu) seems to have been Shasu, "robber"
(G V J I 520). The Qabiri can hardly be identical with the
Hebrews, since, as we have seen, the patriarchal migration took
place earlier and the Mosaic later, though philologically the names
might well be correlated (Kn. 46 ff.). It seems more plausible
to me, however, to explain the undoubtedly Semitic name from
a Canaanitic root, "habar," "to join" (= Akkadian abdru), so
that Qabiri would mean "allies." In Arabic this root possesses a
different meaning and therefore we must regard the name as an
.expression used by the Canaanites to describe the invaders and
not as the real name of the people. And, indeed, it was almost
necessary to invent such a name for them, since the preponder-
ant element of the JJabiri seem to have been non-Semitic. There
were Aryans ^ among them, and the name of this race occurs in Kn.
^ Does Sennacherib Prism V 10 play upon this usage when he speaks of the
"aramu ^jalqu u munnabtu"?
* The gods Mithra and Varuna are found in the Boghaz-Kol texts (M V A G
'13, 4, 76 f.). Following a hint of Prof. J. A. Montgomery, I would see the
deity Varvma in the Jebusite Arauna, 2 Sam. 24: 16 ff.
34
THE INVASION OF PALESTINE
56:44 (where Qar-ri must be read instead of mur-ri [Bohl 173).
The names Shuwardata, Namyawaza, Biridashya ( = Sanscrit
Brhadashwa, "the one who owns a big horse") and many others
in the Amarna letters are Indo-Germanic (G A § 468). On the
other hand, there were also Hittites among the gabiri in large
numbers. Thus the chieftain Lapaya is of this stock, and in
Abd-bipa of Jerusalem we have the divinity Qipa of the Hittites
(Bohl 83). But there were also Aramaean elements included
in the gabiri,* especially the Suti of the eastern deserts. The
A^ilame must also have been hammering at the gates of Syria,,
and their name, which is distinctly Arabian, forms a curious
counterpart to IJabiri, since both mean "allies." It would h&
perfectly feasible if they were included among the "Qabiri."
Shortly after this time the Amorite state in central Syria was^
again revived. It had an important stronghold in Kadesh —
not the great city on the Orontes, but that in Galilee (BAR
III 71) — and it wavered between allegiance to the Hittites, who
are now established in the northern Kadesh, and the Egyptians,
seeking protection with one against the other (G V J I 521).
Through it the Amorite states east of the Jordan must have
been reinvigorated. Seti I of Egypt (1292 B.C.) storms Kadesh,
and thus subjects the Amurrii state. Operations against the
Amorites east of the Jordan appear certain from the erection of
a stele of victory in the Hauran at Tell esh-Shihab.
From now on a great struggle ensues between the Egyptians
and the Hittites. It was finally concluded by the famous treaty
between Ramses II and Uattusil, a cuneiform copy of which has
recently been found by Winckler at Boghaz-Koi, the capital of
the Hittite empire (M V A G 13, 4, 101 f.). The Amorite state
now enjoyed a quasi-indeperidence under Hittite suzerainty; its
king Bente-shina became the brother-in-law of Hattusil. Indeed,
it seems to have extended its influence quite far into the Syrian
desert; for we learn that Bente-shina made a raid upon Babylonian
territory, since he could not collect the thirty talents of silver
* Similarly Clay, Cassite Names, p. 42 f.
35
rm
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
which the city of Agade owed him, and it is doubtful whether his
victims' complaint to Qattusil was of avail.
. The terrible catastrophe which put an end to the Hittite
^ empire as well as to the Amorite state occurred in the time of Mer-
neptah whose accession took place in 1225 B.C. The onset of the
maritime peoples was so terrific that even the Egyptians were
barely able to ward them off. Among them are the Philistines.
' Ramses III finally, in a great battle by land and by sea, hurled
them back and unified Palestine once more under Egyptian rule
(BAR IV § 59fiF.). In the country east of the Jordan, however,
\ the Amorite principaUties still existed.
At this time and on this background occurs the arrival of the
Israel tribes in the promised land. They are only able to enter it
after circumventing Edom * and Moab, and then striking at the
Amorite kingdom of Heshbon under its king Sihon (G V J 545 f.).
This state, together with that of Og in Bashan, are the main
renmants of former Amorite power. In Numbers 32 : 39 Makir is
driving Amorites out of Gilead.
x/tJ^»^ \ That the relations between Moab and Anmion, who are the
i^iicAi-AA^ -y^ purest of Aramaean stock so that they can boast of their origin
from Lot's daughters (Procksch 129) and the Aramaeans of Meso-
potamia, continued to be friendly, we may infer from the fact
that Balak of Moab summons an Aramaean seer from Pethor
on the Euphrates to "curse Israel." Mesopotamia is there
expressly described as the land of Balaks, "sons of his people,"
i.e., of the related Aramaeans (Num. 22:5). This opinion,
even if it be only that of the Hebrew writer, is important because
it shows that the Moabites were considered an Aramaean people.
The Hebrews, however, through intermingling with Hittites,
Canaanites, Cushites and others, have lost their Aramaean
character, so that Moab does not regard them as closely related
1 Z D M G 63:528 corrects king of Edom, Num. 20: 14, into king of the
Aramaeans. That the Edomites were merely an Aramaean tribe I regard as
assured. IHd. 506, the correction of Aram, Num. 23: 7, into Edom is disputed.
Haupt here regards Aram as the region S.E. of Elath, which in the Koran,
89: 6, appears as the Iram of the Adites.
86
I
THE INVASION OF PALESTINE
to itself. From the Assyrian inscriptions we have learned in a
former chapter that Tiglathpileser I conquered Pitru ( = Pethor)
on the Euphrates, and placed Assyrian garrisons in Pitru and
Mutkinu as outposts against the Ahlame. Tiglathpileser ruled
about 1100 B.C. If the exodus of Israel took place under Mer-
neptah about 1220 B.C. (G V J 537), and if a stay in the desert is
assumed for forty years, we would have the date 1180 for the
coming of Balaam from Pethor. How remarkably this har-
monizes with the fact that the Aramaeans at this time actually
held Pitru! This speaks highly in favor of our tradition.
The Aramaean home of Balaam ^ is substantiated by the ancient
poem 23:7f., "From Aram Balak caused me to be brought, from
the mountains of Qedem the Moabite king." Since Sinuhe, the
Egyptian, journeys from Gebal inland to Qedem, its location is
east of Byblos. It probably refers to the region beyond Damascus
(G V J 66). In Genesis 29:1 the term is applied to the country
from Palmyra to the Euphrates (ibid. 369). In the vicinity of
Qedem, or perhaps within it, lay the land of Ya'a, over which
the Amorite king Ammienshi makes Sinuhe ruler; Kittel and
Ranke locate this near the lake of Tiberias.^ In these very re-
gions, as we shall soon see, and about this very time new vistas
of Aramaean life and history are unfolding.
^ The Mesopotamian character of Balaam is proven by Daiches, Hilprecht
Anniversary Volume, p. 60 ff., from the conformance of his soothsaying
methods with the Babylonia ritual. Even the title of Balaam, Num. 24: 16,
"Hearer of the words of God, knower of the knowledge of the most high,"
reminds one of the Babylonian, "the wise man, the knower who keeps the
mystery of the great gods" (Zimmern, Ritualtafeln, 118, 19).
^ A land of Ya' in the region of ladnana is mentioned in Sargon's Display
inscription, 1. 145. ladnana is usually identified with Cyprus.
37
Hi:'.
CHAPTER V
THE RISE OF THE ARAMAEANS IN CENTRAL SYRIA
The great onset of the Indo-Europeans which shattered the
Amorite and Hittite power in Syria paved the way for the Ara-
maean possession. The Biq&*, especially, suffered from the
vandahsra of the invaders; for the Egyptians tell us that the land
became as if it had never existed (B A R IV § 64). To a large
extent the population must have been annihilated. The mighty
strongholds which had stood many a siege and were built with
consummate skill, like Kadesh and others, must have succumbed
finally to starvation and disease. Perhaps only in the most
sheltered mountain retreats did the inhabitants remain undis-
turbed.
Already at the beginning of the Indo-European movement, the
Aramaean won important positions from which he could at the
right moment stretch out his hand to the country's heart. For,
as Miiller has shown, his name is not unfamiliar to the Egyptian
of the time of Memeptah. One of this Pharaoh's officials has
made a record of the sending of messages "to the city of Mer-
neptah which lies in the territory of A-ira-mau.^' This can
only be Aram. But in reahty he means Amor. It is a scribal
error, but it shows that the Aramaeans were already within the
scope of Egypt's official cognizance (MAE 222).
The Aramaean invasion of Syria, then, synchronizes with the
entrance of the children of Israel into Palestine. Viewed from
the distance both are identical; it is one great wave, that, coming
from the Arabian desert, iBoods the land, and inaugurates a new
period of its history.
. In Syria the Aramaeans were at first too busy in establishing
THE RISE OF THE ARAMAEANS IN CENTRAL SYRIA
themselves, to bother much about their neighbors.^ This is re-
flected in Judges 18:7, 28, according to the LXX reading, where
we learn that the dwellers of Laish lived peacefully apart, far from
the Phoenicians to whom they belong and without relation to
Aram. Thus, at the time when the Danites settled at Laish, Aram
(perhaps the principality Beth Ma'aoah may be meant) was
already a fixed geographical terminus for the region north of
Palestine.
At the time of Saul, ca. 1025, we find several Aramaean kingdoms
definitely established on the edge of Canaan. For in 1 Samuel,
14:47 we read that Saul warred "against Moab, and against the
Ammonites, and Aram Beth-Rehob'' and the king of Zobah."
The chronicler has no exact information and so does not tell us
who the king of Zobah was; but that is no reason for impugning
the accuracy of his statement.
The location of Beth-Rehob may be fixed with fair certainty as
north of Ammon. The relation between the two states was always
a close one. The Rehobite Ba'sa is later the leader of the Am-
monites in the battle of Qarqar (W Gil 141). In the ruined
city of Rihab, discovered by Schumacher in 1900, forty kilometers
east of Aglun and fifty north of 'Anmian — the old Rabbath
Ammon — is to be sought, according to Guthe, the capital of
Beth-Rehob.' It lay between the Argob and the upper reaches
1 A vague reminiscence of a first warlike conflict between Aram and Israel
seems to be preserved in Jud. 3: 7-11. A priori such an invasion as that of
Cushanrishathaim is not to be dismissed as impossible. How suddenly such
attacks may come, we observed in the case of the Hittite onset against Akkad
in the days of Samsu-ditana. That Mesopotamia was at this time (ca. 1150)
called Aram Naharaim we have held most plausible. Perhaps, following
Marquard's example, we should separate the name of this king into Cushan
ra's (or "chief") of *Ataim. There may well have been a locality *Ataim in
old Mitanni, a place where the divinity At6 was worshiped. A still further
possibility might be to hold *Ain an error for Heth. Then Cushan would be a
Hittite chieftain, perhaps from Carchemish. True, the name Cushan arouses
suspicion (cf. Hab. 3:7).
* Text emended: Edom into Aram. Beth-Rehob supplied from LXX.
W G I. I. 143.
* I*rotestantische Realenzyklopadie, 3d ed. by Hauck, Vol. 21, p. 703.
39
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
of the Jabbok river, and doubtless extended east to the Zalmon
range.^ It is the most easterly of the eariy Aramaean princi-
paUties.
More problematic is the conflict of Saul with Zobah, if this state
lay, as we hold, to the west of Damascus in the Biq&'. But
unless we proceed radically as Winckler does (W Gil 142), it is
difficult from our tradition to locate it anywhere else. If Zobah
really is to be sought in Suf, thirty kilometers west of Ribab
(Guthe, l. c), then it is indeed strange that in the Hebrew conquest
of Palestine, and in the extensive geographical lists, this important
city is not mentioned (S A 141). On the other hand if Zobah
be the Biq&*, and thus the heir of ancient Amurrii, it is perfectly
possible that its power &nd influence should have extended into the
country east of the Jordan, so as to conflict with the ambitions of
Saul. That is only analogous to the conditions centuries previous,
when the Amorite state expanded into the trans-Jordanic ter-
ritory. Indeed just as the principaUty of Sihon at Heshbon was
foimded and colonized from the Biqfi,*, so also must the Aramaean
state of Beth-Rehob and its sisters have been daughters of Zobah.
As Hal^vy showed,* the word is derived from " Zehobah" —
"copper, bronze," and must be an appellative with the meaning
"the copper country." Thus copper must be a notable product
of this region. Now this is peculiarly true of the Lebanon dis-
trict, where there are large deposits of this mineral (E K XVII
1063). And in this connection it must be recalled that we have
a city of Chalcis (i.e., "copper") as the capital of the later king-
dom of Ituraea which was situated in the Marsyas plain. This
Chalcis must be the ancient Zobah.' And indeed Eupolemus
* Others — to my mind erroneously — localize it in the region of Caesarea
Panias, S A 76.
* Melanges, 1874, p. 82. Hal6vy's combination of Zobah-Chalcis with the
Nn^ashshe of the Aramna days fails. The latter is probably the northern
Chalcis (Kinnesrtn) near Aleppo, Kn. 1104 f. (Cf. next note.)
* From the cuneiform inscriptions a province of §ubatu (§ubutu, §upite) is
known, which has long been identified with our Zobah. Winckler seeks it
south of Damascus (W G I, I 141; K A T 61). But the arguments from
40
t
THE RISE OF THE ARAMAEANS IN CENTRAL SYRIA
(ca. 150 B.C.), in recounting the wars of David, substitutes "Itu-
raeans" for Zobah, showing thereby that a very definite and fixed
tradition placed Zobah in this locaUty (S A 145). In the mag-
nificent ruins of il-*Angar in the Biqa* we perhaps have the site
of Chalcis and the old capital of Zobah.^
After the accession of David, however, the real struggle with
the early Aramaean states of Syria is begun. It was provoked
by the troubles with Ammon. The king of the latter state,
Hanun ben Nahash, shamefully insulted and abused David's
ambassadors. It is very possible that the Ammonites were
directly encouraged in such insolence by the Aramaeans, who
clearly foresaw the necessity and inevitability of a conflict with
the rising Hebrew state and preferred to have the aid of Ammon in
this eventuality. As soon as the latter perceived that David was
not inclined to submit to such an insult, it summoned the aid of
Zobah and Beth-Rehob as well as of Ma'acah, a small Aramaean
state adjoining Beth-Rehob and located in the Golan directly
east and north of the lake of Hule. (2 Sam. 10.) In this con-
clave of Aramaic states one only is omitted — the small Geshur,
southerly neighbor of Ma'acah, and on the eastern side of the lake
of Galilee. The relations between Geshur and the Hebrews on
the west side of the lake appear to have been peculiarly intimate.
Ashurbanipal's Annals, VII, 114, are not convincing. This king tells us that
he defeated the Arabs in Edom, in the pass of Yabrud, in Ammon, in IJaurina,
in Seir, in Harge, in §ubitu. There is no geographical sequence maintained
in this summary, however; for from Haurina (Hawarin north of Damascus)
he jumps back to Seir. Not much more help is given by the geographical
Catalogue, II R 53. Here a §ubat (al) Hamattu appears in Rev. 41 between
Hamath and Sam'al, a §ubatu between Hadrach and Sam'al in Rev. 60, and
again between Hadrach and §imirra in Rev. 73. I hold that this §ubatu has
nothing to do with our Zobah-Chalcis in the Biqd*, but that it was confused
with it by the chronicler (2 Chron. 8: 3 f .) when he sp>eaks of Hamath-Zobah.
This §ubat (al) Qamattu (or §upite, §ubutu) I seek in the northern Chalcis
(Qinnesrin south of Aleppo). Here the Arabian campaign as well as A B L
no. 414, in which a prefect of §upite reports concerning conditions in the
province and relations to the Arabs (A O F I 465), is readily comprehended.
^ Cf . Kiepert, Handbuch der Alten Greographie, '78: 164. Droysen, Ge-
schichte des Hellenismus, III, 290, however, seeks Chalcis in Zahleh.
.41
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
(2 Sam. 3:3, 13:37.) It was this close aflaiiation with Geshur,
no doubt, which prevented that state from siding with the Ara-
maean coaUtion.
The Aramaeans of Zobah and Beth-Rehob together furnish
20,000 men. That the troops of the southernmost and northern-
most Aramaean kingdoms should be counted as a unit is indeed
pecuUar; it may find its explanation, however, in the fact that
Hadadezer is called (2 Sam. 8: 3 "ben Rehob," which means
" Rehobite " ; cf . W G 1 1 141). He is thus a native of Beth-Rehob,
and after becoming king of Zobah, is the special protector of the
land of his birth, and not merely its suzerain. Ishtob,* king of
Ma'acah, arrives with 12,000 men. Joab, as David's field
marshal, sets out to attack the coalition. Like Rameses before
Kadesh, he is lured into an ambuscade, and his retreat is cut off.
The Israelites hurl themselves first against the Aramaeans and
through the bravery of desperation their attack becomes irresist-
ible; the Aramaeans are put to flight. And when Joab now turns
against the Ammonites, these, seeing that they are deserted by
their allies, retreat to Rabbah's sheltering walls. But just as the
** victorious" Rameses at Kadesh was glad to return home without
molesting the city, so also Joab is satisfied to go back to Jerusalem
into winter quarters. The first pitched battle between Hebrew
and Aramaean of which we have record has thus resulted in a
draw.
But Hadadezer was not willing to accept the verdict of the
battle before Rabbah. He had not displayed his full force. Now
he sunmioned help from "the Aram which is beyond the river."
It is not at all impossible that his authority extended so far, for we
have the Amorite state of Benteshina's day whose rule extended
far into the Syrian desert toward Babylon, as an analogy. And
just at this time Assyria was entirely dormant. But it is sufficient
* Ishtob seems to be a personal name, K H K 248. Those who prefer the
traditional "men of Tob" may find the site of Tob in et Tayyibe near Edrei.
The list is not intact; 2 Sam. 10: 16 proves that Hadadezer must have been
mentioned and probably also the king of Beth-Rehob.
42
THE RISE OF THE ARAMAEANS IN CENTRAL SYRIA
to assume that the common blood relationship made mutual aid
against other peoples a matter of course, according to sound
Oriental principle "I and my brother against the son of my uncle,
and I and the son of my uncle against the stranger." Hadadezer's
forces are placed under the command of his field marshal Shobak.^
So momentous is the impending struggle for the Hebrews that
David himself takes cooimand of his host. He crosses the Jordan
(10:17) and marches to Helam ^ which must have lain at the head
waters of the Yarmuk river and is probably identical with the
Alema of I Maccabees 5:26 (Z A W '02, 137); a reminiscence
of it might possibly be seen in *Ilma on the Wadi il-Ghar not far
from the caravan road Damascus — Sheikh Miskin over which
the Aramaeans were likely to come. At Helam David's leadership
gained the victory. The Aramaeans were crushingly defeated
and their commander Shobak slain. Hadadezer's allies from
Mesopotamia immediately concluded a peace with David, and so
the latter was able to besiege and capture Rabbah undisturbed.
The effect of the battle upon Zobah's prestige was disastrous.
The princes of Mesopotamia had lost all respect for him, and
therefore it was necessary to reestablish his position of authority.
Consequently we learn (8:3) that he goes to retrieve his power at
the "river." ^ David appreciates that Hadadezer is only post-
poning further hostilities toward Israel until a more opportune
season, and therefore decides to strike Hadadezer once more
(Z A W '07, 16 ff). If we are told that the battle took place near
Hamath (1 Chr. 18:3) we must regard this as unlikely. The
fortresses along the Orontes would have blocked the pursuit of
Hadadezer. David could not have passed them so swiftly. Nor
is it likely that Hadadezer's expedition led through the territory
^ Shofak in 1 Chron. 19: 16. I suspect that Shobak is an error for Sdkap, or
Sa'kap, an apparently Aramaic Mesopotamian name (cf. A D D III 284), in
which case the form Shofak would be the better. It is also possible, however,
that the name contains the god Aku, like Shadrach (Shudur-Aku = "command
of Aku").
* Helam has been identified by others with Qalman (Aleppo), but this seems
too far north.
43
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
of the Hittite kindgoms to the north. The Aramaeans subject
to him must have been the Aflame opposite the mouth of the
Bali^j. Therefore an expedition thither would most naturally
follow the highway from Damascus to Palmyra and Raqqa. Since
David through his victory over Ammon and its northern neighbors
could move about unhindered in Bashan, it is reasonable to con-
clude that from this base he launched his raid and intercepted
Hadadezer east of Damascus. Under this supposition the entire
picture receives a more rational aspect. The battle may then
have taken place near Atera just east of where the Palmyra road
diverges from the road to Hamath. It resulted in a complete
victory for David. ^ An auxiliary force that came up from Damas-
cus was likewise dealt a crushing blow. David successfully
followed up his victories by subjecting Damascus and occupying it
for the present by instituting prefects in it, a measure that shows
David's resentment of Damascus interference (Z A W '07, 18).
But David went still further — he invaded the Biq4* from the
east, and so penetrated into the heart of Hadadezer's realm. Two
cities of Zobah are mentioned (8:8) — Berothai and Tebah (LXX
1 Chron. 18:8). M T erroneously reads Betah and the book of
Chronicles for Berothai substitutes Kun. If we could identify these
places we should know exactly the location of Zobah. Berothai
is mentioned in Ezechiel's description of Israel's boundaries
(47:16); the northern border is there defined as extending from
the sea over Berothah and Sibraim, between Damascus and
Hamath, to Hazar Enon on the edge of the Hauran. Berothai's
location in the Lebanon is thus assured. And its site is doubtless
preserved in Br^tan N. E. of Zahleh (Z D P V 8:34) while Kun
' The figures of the dead and captured in our present text are scarcely trust-
worthy. Reliable, however, is the statement about the horses, 8: 4. The
meaning "hamstring" for 'iqqer is unsatisfactory, however. Procksch 267
suggests "castrate." But the best sense here is "cut off," i.e., slaughter.
David is obeying the precept in Deut. 17: 16, which prescribes that a king must
not have many horses. Thus he only retains one hundred and slaughters the
rest. After David's time no king would have thought of such a thing. This
speaks for the antiquity of our tradition.
44
THE RISE OF THE ARAMAEANS IN CENTRAL SYRIA
is to be found in the classical Conna, a few hours distance north
on the Horns road. Tebah is found also among the bastard
Aramaeans in Genesis 22 : 24. It is mentioned in Papyrus Anastasi
after Kadesh (in GaUlee M A E 173) and before Gebal and Bertit
and also occurs in the Armarna letter (Kn. 179) as Tubijji along-
side of Amurrti; and its name is, as has been supposed, perhaps
contained in et-Tuffah a district east of Sidon. Thus a satis-
factory location for Hadadezer's cities in the Lebanon district
may be found. And our traditions expressly emphasize the fact
that large stores of copper were captured (2 Sam. 8:8). David
thereupon returned home and performed the duty of every pious
Oriental King, — he gave votive offerings to his god. As such are
mentioned the golden shields of Hadadezer's grandees, and other
valuable objects (8:7, 11). Before this, however, — perhaps at
Conna, — he received the embassy of the Hittite king Toi of
Hamath (8 : 10). The latter's own son ^ came with presents for the
King of Israel and congratulated him on his victory over Zobah.
Since the poor Hittite had been the victim of Zobah, as well as
of Aramaean inroads from the Euphrates region, we may assume
that his congratulations were sincere. The political significance
of his act, however, is the acknowledgment by Hamath of Israel's
supremacy in Syria. True this hegemony was only short lived
but to its brilUance later centuries looked back with awe and,
wonder, "and dreamed of its restoration as the futiu-e's ideal.
* He is called Joram in 1 Sam. and Hadoram in 1 Chron. According to
Dussaud, R A '08: 224, the original name probably was Hadad-ram.
45
CHAPTER VI
THE EARLY KINGS OF DAMASCUS
Damascus, "the eye of the world" as Julian the Apostate sur-
named it, lies in a rich and beautiful oasis formed by the river
Barada. This stream, descending from the rugged Antilebanon,
and called by the Greeks " Chrysorrhoas " — river of gold — was
famous in antiquity for its cold and clear waters. Thus Naaman,
the Aramaean, at the thought of the muddy Jordan, scornfully
cries, "Are not the Amana and the Pharpar, rivers of Damascus,^
better than all the waters of Israel?" Indeed these rivers have
made it possible for the city to have such a wealth of garden? and
parks, which are already mentioned by the Assyrian annals, and
which to the Arab are the image of paradise. But to the east of
Damascus lies the sandy desert, traversed only by the caravan
roads to the distant Euphrates, and to the west the snow-crowned
Hermon and the Antilebanon hold watch over the "pearl of the
east."
Damascus in the Amama days ' does not seem to have possessed
* Amana is really the Antilebanon range (called by the Assyrians Amanana),
Cant. 4: 8, and by metonomy the river descending from this mountain, the
Barada. The Pharpar is probably the A*wa^; the old name still survives in
the Cebel Barbar. Expository Times, '01, 2, 219 f.
' Damascus is called "Dimashqu" in the Amama texts. Haupt, Z D M G
63: 528, assumes a form Dar-mashqi as original and translates "settlement in
a well-watered region." It seems to me, however, that Dimashqu is the older
form and is comjwsed of di and mesheq. Cf. Di-zahab, "the one of gold,"
Deut. 1:1. Cp. also the late form Dummesheq with Arabian names like
Dhu-Raidan. Mesheq means "acquisition," "gain," and thus Dimashqu
must be "the one of acquisition," "place of gain," a suitable name for a city
situated on a commercial highway. The Assyrians write for Damascus the
46
THE EARLY KINGS OF DAMASCUS
much importance. It remains under the control of the Amorite
state and then of Zobah imtil subjugated by David. The city
appears to have come into Aramaean hands during the thirteenth
century, for in the Rameses III Ust of cities it is written Tiramaski
(MAE 234). This writing shows that the Aramaic "Dar-
meseq" was already coming into vogue. The new population
proudly called the city "dar" or Fortress" rather than merely
"place of Mesheq." The Hebrews, it is true, retained the old
form "Dimashqu" only slightly aramaized as Dammeseq down
to the time of Isaiah, if we may trust the Massoretic tradition.
For a brief period the Aramaeans of Damascus and Coelesyria
seem to have recognized the suzerainty of the King of Israel. If
we read in 1 Kings 4 : 21 that kingdoms as far north as the Euphrates
brought Solomon presents and were subject to him or more defi-
nitely (4 : 24) that his power extended from Thipsach (Thapsacus on
the Euphrates; to-day Tel il Thadayain A E T 142) to Gaza
this is perfectly comprehensible; for he who ruled Amurrii ex-
ercised power also over the regions east toward Babylonia as we
have seen in the case of Benteshina's state. Because of the weak-
ness of Assyria, and through this alliance with Egypt and Tyre
Solomon was the greatest ruler in Syria during his day. And if
our assumption that the defeat of Hadadezer took place on the
Palmyra road be correct, then the mention of Thapsacus becomes
still more credible and even the late statement (2 Chr. 8 : 4) that
Solomon fortified Tadmor (Palmyra) is plausible. The latter
was then a military base from which the roving Aramaeans were
ideogram SHA - IMERI - SHV. Pognon (Inscriptions S^mitiques, 177)
suggests that IMERI stands for the god Amar, for this ideogram means
both "ass" and "Amaru" (Briinnow, 4905). Since "ass" was then also
written in other ways, SHA - NITA - SHU and other forms came to be
mechanically used for Damascus. Cf. also Clay, Miscellaneous Inscriptions,
p. 2, and "Amurru," p. 130. Haupt, however, Z D M G 69: 169, defends
with skill the interpretation that the ideogram means "city of asses." KUR,
which interchanges with alu, "city," before the ideogram, he argues, means
"mountain" and refers to the Antilebanon at the foot of which Damascus lay.
Along the western slope of this range led a road which was mainly traveled by
caravans using asses as beasts of burden.
47
>
\ \
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
kept in check. Solomon's commercial control ^ of all the impor-
tant highways of Syria lent his authority an immense support.
But during Solomon's lifetime a retrogression of his power took
place. An adversary arose for him in the person of Rezon
I (Hezion?) ^ who had fled from the presence of his lord Hadadezer,
I king of Zobah (1 Kings 11 : 23-25) at the time of David's Aramaean
/ wars. He gathered about himself a troop of adventurers, and
perhaps with the aid of large Beduin contingents seized Damas-
cus. The moment that a strong personality was able to establish
an independent kingdom north of Palestine, Israel's control of
. Colesyria was of course at an end. Hamath, Thapsacus and
/ Palmyra adapted themselves unmediately to the new conditions.
/ Rezon we are told became a thorn in Solomon's flesh, and was
"king of Aram." If we may trust our narrative, Damascus from
now on became "Aram" par excellence.
The division of the kingdom under Rehoboam gave Damascus
abundant opportunity for consolidation of power. Israel and
Judah were too busy with their own affairs to pay much attention
to Syrian poUtics. Damascus doubtless forced the hard pressed
Jeroboam to make important concessions. But we have little
y light on the events in Damascus at this time. In 1 Kings 15: 18
; ' there appears to be preserved the succession of the kings in Damas-
cus; the order given is Hezion — Tabrimmon — Benhadad.
* 1 Kgs. 10: 28 f . seems to claim that he imported chariots and horses from
Egypt and transmitted them to the kings of the Hittites and Aramaeans. K A T
239 discredits this, although the frequent mention of Kusaean horses in the
letters might be cited in its support. Bohl 25 offers a novel interpretation.
He takes MS^fi (vs. 28) as the starting point of the import and translates, "the
export of horses for Solomon took place from Mu^ri (Cappadocia) and Que
(Cilicia) " and was accomplished through the agency of the kings of the Hittites
and Aramaeans.
* LXX in 11: 23 has Esron. This would be the equivalent of Hezron. It
has been supposed (cf . K H K ad loc.) that Hezion is an error for Hezron. But
the converse seems more likely to me. I regard Hezion as the name of the
first king of Damascus. The form Rezon is secondary. Hezion is vouchsafed
as a good Aramaean form by the Mesopotamian gazianu, A D D no. 61 rev. 8.
Winckler's view, A T V 62, that the original name was Hazael, I regard as
unlikely.
48
THE EARLY KINGS OF DAMASCUS
\
Apparently Hezion is identical with Rezon. About Tabrimmon ^
we know nothing. With Benhadad the Hebrew king Baasha
(914-890) seems to have formed an alliance in order to safeguard \
himself against attack from the north.
But alas for Israel! When the king of Judah Asa (917-876)
was being badly worsted by Baasha he sent what was left of the
temple treasure, plundered not long before by Sheshonq (1 Kings
14:25-26), to Benhadad, pleading with him to break his alliance
with Israel. The wily Aramaean was easily persuaded. Swiftly
he attacked Baasha from the north, capturing lyon in the fertile
Merg 'Ayun west of Mt. Hermon, Dan, Abel beth-maacah, and
all Cinneroth (the rich plain of il Ghuwer on the west shore of the
lake of Galilee) and all Naphtali, including such important cities
as Kedesh, Hazor, Merom, and Zephath. The effect upon Baasha
was immediate, for he ceased his operations of fortifying Ramah,
north of Jerusalem. The summoning of Benhadad by Asa, while
effective, was none the less extremely short sighted, as intelligent
Judaeans realized and as the Seer Hanani openly declared (2 Chr.
16:7-10). It was a betrayal of his own race and bred an ani-
mosity which later resulted in an alliance of Israel and Damascus
against Judah.
It was but natural that Aramaean statesmen hailed with glee /
any request for intervention in Palestine. If Israel desired the -, *
assistance of Aram it could obtain it only in return for concessions ( 7^
in respect to the trade route to Akko; and if Aram had cause to
war agamst Israel its first object was to seize the territory along
this route. The attack upon Baasha safeguarded this caravan
road almost completely; for the region west of Rama, not occupied
by Benhadad, belonged to the tribe of Asher, which had come
^The name means "Rimmon is wise" (AT V 74). Rimmon is the god A
of the Aramaeans of Damascus (cf. 2 Kings 5:18). Rimmon or Rumman I
means "pomegranate." The god with the pomegranate is designated by this
symbol as the spouse and brother of Ishtar. He is identical with Hadad.
The Akkadians, it appears, borrowed Rimmon from the west and called ^
him Ramman, popularly connecting the name with ramdmu, "to thunder"
(AA97f.).
49
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
largely under Canaanite influence (cf. Judges 5:17) and naturally-
welcomed all trade from the east. Thus Benhadad I looms up
in history as a figure of importance, and a ruler of great vigor and
skill.
Benhadad must have died during the early years of Omri's reign
(899-877). For if we learn from 1 Kings 20:34 that the father
of Benhadad II wrested from Omri a number of cities, and forced
him to make commercial concessions, this can hardly refer to
Benhadad I. It would be odd indeed to find in the Semitic world
a son bearing the same name as his father. An unknown king —
possibly the Rezon of 1 Kings 11 : 23 who was confused with Hezion
■ — must have ruled in Damascus as the contemporary of Omri.
He forced the Hebrew king to give Syrian merchants a quarter
of their own at Samaria. Since the Aramaeans controlled the
highway to Akko it was but natural that they should take ad-
vantage of their predominance to capture the Israelitic trade
market. Through a clever stroke of diplomacy, however, Omri
succeeded in offsetting this defeat; he renewed the covenant
with Phcenicia (18:18 G V J 334). This naturally tended to keep
Damascus in check. The alhance was cemented still further by
the marriage of Omri's son and successor Ahab (877-853) to the
daughter of Ethbaal, king of the Sidonians (8*^7-876).
A further restraint upon the Aramaeans was the advance of
Assyrian power, which began to loom up like a thundercloud.
After centuries of lethargy Ashur had once more awakened and
was treading the pathway to a great destiny. Under the mighty
Ashumazirpal it was striking at the Aramaean and Hittite states
to the north. In some manner the first contact between Israel
and Assyria must have taken place in Omri's day, for henceforth
Israel appears in cuneiform records as Bit-Humri or "house of
Omri" and its kings are often called m&r-Qumri, literally "son
of Omri," but really meaning "son of Bit-Qumri," i.e., Israelite.
/ If Omri sought aid against Damascus he received none, for Ashur-
nazirpal evaded this city's sphere of influence.
Since Omri's later days Israel was nominally a vassal of Aram.
' fiO
\)
THE EARLY KINGS OF DAMASCUS
Perhaps Ahab now neglected to pay tribute and so provoked his
suzerain. In the meantime Benhadad II had come to the throne
in Damascus. With startling suddenness the Aramaean appears
before the gates of Samaria accompanied by 32(?) vassal kings
and their cohorts (1 Kings 20). The number is doubtless ex-
aggerated and should perhaps be reduced to eleven ; for Damascus
only had twelve allies (including Israel) in 854. Even then it
seems astonishing that so powerful a league should be brought
into action against Israel. And indeed we would be at a loss to
account for this fact if it were not for the light shed on Syrian
affairs by the cuneiform inscriptions. While previously Damascus
was able to focus its attention entirely upon the opening of the
road to the sea, the accession of Ashurnazirpal now made the
events in the north supreme in importance. For here Ashur,
"the giant among the Semites," was concluding the overthrow of
the Syrian states Bit-Adini and JJattina and was getting into
position to strike at Damascus in order to open up the road through
Palestine. We may therefore surmise that Benhadad's coalition i
is in reality directed against Assyria, in view of the approaching )
peril. His purpose at Samaria is to coerce Ahab into the alliance,
or else to cripple him so that he cannot aid Assyria. The siege of
Samaria is thwarted, however, by the brilliant strategy of Ahab,
who, under cover of a ruse, delivers a sudden attack on the surprised
foe. The onslaught is carried right into the heart of the camp and
Benhadad barely escapes by galloping off on the next best wagon
horse (K H K 119). Naturally the army is dismayed. Turmoil
ensues and a general rout follows. It was a glorious victory for
Ahab and Israel and a disaster for Aram.
The Aramaeans, however, were not disposed to accept the verdict
of this battle. Thus Benhadad in the following year again ap-
peared upon the scene. This time Ahab was ready for him and
faced him close to the border at the plain of Esdraelon. On the
ranges south of the plain, perhaps in the vicinity of En Gannim,
the Hebrews lay in two corps; poetically the narrative likens them
to two herds of goats pasturing on a hillside. The Aramaeans,
61
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
however, swarmed over the plain below, evidently waiting for
the Israelites to descend into the valley, where the chariots could
be used to better advantage. At length on the seventh day
Ahab's chance came. He attacked the army of Benhadad and
again won the day. The losses of the enemy were great (though
the 100,000 of M T is preposterous). What remained of the
Aramaean army fled to the nearby city of Aphek. The latter was
taken by storm in a sanguinary battle. It was said that 27,000
Aramaeans lay buried beneath the razed walls (G V J 358) .
Benhadad himself was forced to surrender. Ahab received him
with great kindness and generously allowed him to state hig own
peace terms.
These included the restitution of cities that had been taken
from Israel and trade concessions in Damascus similar to those
which Benhadad had obtained from Omri. They were accepted
by the king of Israel and the Aramaean was allowed to go scot free.
52
CHAPTER VII
THE MESOPOTAMIAN KINGDOMS
( In the century after the time of Tiglathpileser I the Aramaeans
1 were able to form states in Mesopotamia without molestation
from Ashur. In the extreme north in the region of the Tur 'Abdin
lie the principalities of Shupria, north of the Tigris, and Nirdun
to the south of it, while to the west in the vicinity of Diyarbekr
is Bit-Zamani.^ The latter state especially was a center of Ara-
maean influence. At the time of Ashurnazirpal its ruler Ammeba'-
la, a friend of the Assyrians, was slain by his nobles and a certain
Bur-ramanu was raised to the throne. The Assyrian monarchy
however, avenged the murder of his friend, flayed Bur-ramanu^
and made Ilanu, a brother of Ammeba'la, king. But the latter
also revolted, and so Ashurnazirpal was forced again to intervene
in Bit-Zamani. In the same region the district of Zamua was also
occupied by Aramaeans. N^-Adad the Sheikh of Dagara, with
whom the monarch fought in the pass of Babit, rules over cities
with clearly Aramaic names — Uz6, Birutu, Lagalaga. (Ann. ,
Col. II 29.) But these localities lie apart from the great high-
way of progress and therefore do not interest us here. Of more
importance are those states along the Euphrates and its tribu-
taries. Opposite the mouth of the Qabtir, extending quite far
downstream, the district of Su^iu, once held by the Amorites, was
now Aramaean, and closely linked with it is a small principality
of IJindan. North of the Euphrates, between it and the 6ebel
Singar, lay the country of Laq^ and within it the principality of
Bit-3alupe (or Bit-5adippe(?) SA107). Numerous independent
city kingdoms also lay along the course of the Qabtir.
^ Cf. Toffteen, Researches in Assyrian and Babylonian Geography, '08,.
p. 6 ff ., on the cities of these regions.
53
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
Tbe most powerful Aramaean state, however, was Bit-Adini.^ It
occupied a strategic position on the great highway from Harran
to Syria, and had as its capital Til-Barsip near the mouth of the
Sagur on the right bank of the Euphrates south of Carchemish.
This state extended west into Syria as far as the gates of Arpad ^
and in the east, towards Harran, the duchies Bit-Ba^iani, Agalli,
Tilabni, and Sarugi were its vassals.
• The greater part of western Mesopotamia stood therefore under
the influence of this powerful Aramaean state. Quite naturally
Bit-Adini sought to intrigue against Assyria; thus Ashurnazirpal
tells that within the sphere of Assyria's influence, in Suru, the
capital of Bit-JJalupe,' identical with the present Sauar on the
lower tJabAr (cf. A E T 176), a revolution had taken place 884 B.C.
against the shaknu or custodian ; the latter a Hamathite * was
killed and "A^iababa, a man of unknown origin, whom they
brought from Bit-Adini they made their king" (Col. I 74f. A K A
281). Doubtless this revolution was instigated by A^uni and car-
ried out under his auspices. Ashurnazirpal found it so important
that he interrupted his campaign in Kummub and marched down
the Qabtir to Bit-Qalupe, receiving on the way the Tribute
of King Shulman-baman-ilani of Sha-Dikanna ^ and of Ilu
Adad of Qatni. When he reached Sum the elders and grandees
came out and embraced his feet, saying, "If thou desirest slay!
If thou desirest, let Uve! " It seems that the party loyal to Assyria
^The name must be derived from 'adana - "dwell permanently," there-
fore a "settlement."
* In a geographical list (of later times, it is true), R T P 15, we have a list
of some cities of Bit Adini. Among them are Qaurani (^awarin near Yabrfld),
Uaz&zu ('Azaz), Nirabu (N6rab near Aleppo) and the otherwise unknown
towns Tuka, Saruna, Dinanu.
' Oppenheim, Der Tell Halaf, '08, p. 35, would identify this Tell, excavated
by him, with Blt-JJalupi. But this site, at the forks of the Uabur, is too far
north.
* This cannot mean the Hamath in Syria, but must refer to that in Meso-
potamia mentioned by Tukulti-Ninib II (cf. the map in Scheil's Annales de
Tukulti-Ninip, 1909).
* The identification of this city with the important site of *Arb§n remains
the most probable, A E T 184.
54
THE MESOPOTAMIAN KINGDOMS
was able to gain the upper hand and delivered up the rebels to
Ashurnazirpal. On a pillar opposite the city gate he flayed all the
ring-leaders or impaled them on stakes. A^^iababa was brought
to Nineveh and his skin spread out on the city wall. A loyal
subject, Azi-ilu, was placed in charge of Bit-Qalupe. The kings
of the region of Laq6 brought tribute, as did also gaian of ginddn;
and Iluibni of Su^^u sent costly presents to Nineveh. In his third
year, the Assyrian returning home from Nairi by way of the Tur
*Abdin, received also the tribute of A^jiramu, son of Ya^iiri ruler
of AgalU and of Bit-BaJ)ianu which he describes as a "Hittite"
land. (Col. II 22 f.) From the nature of these events we can
readily divine that an anti-Assyrian confederacy was forming
along the gabiir under Bit-Adini's help, and we see also that
Ashurnazirpal was well alive to the danger and proceeded against
it with vigor.
But it was not until some years later that the great Assyrian
monarch was able to deal a decisive blow against these easterly jiyU^JJi
states. The occasion presented itself in 879, when Babylon made
the attempt to renew its claims in the middle Euphrates and leagued
itself with Suhu. Breaking up from his capital (Col. Ill 1 f) he
marched in a wide half circle to Tabite ^ which lay southeast of
Nisibis, perhaps at Tell Hamis and thence to the river Qarmish the
modern Gaghgagha (Z A XII 43), visiting Magarisi near the fork
of this stream. The mountain of lari in which the broken Obelisk
locates this city must then be merely an abbreviation of Kashiari.
The Harran Census (H C 39) mentions a city of Makrisu in "- -r^"
(i.e., lare?) which is no doubt identical with our Magarisi. From
Magarisi he descends to the gabtir and exacts tribute from Sha-
Dikanna. In his further progress down the river he stops at Qatni,
perhaps identical with the great ruins of Shedade (A E T 182),
Shunaia, DUr-katlime (ruins of Margada? cf. A E T 179),
1 Its location is established by the Route of TukiUti Ninib, Annals Rev.
35. Coming up the HabAr from Sha-Dikanna he passes Lati^, Duggaete,
Magarisi, Guriete and then comes to Tabite. As Sachau has shown, Z A XII,
43, the name is preserved in the "equites sagittarii indigenae Thibithenses"
who lay in garrison at TelbesmS (Notitia dignitatum^ed. Seeck, p. 78, no. 27).
55
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
Bit-3alupe (he refers doubtless to Suru-Sauar), and finally
arrives opposite Sirqu. This city lay near the mouth of the
Qabiir and on the right side of the Euphrates, as the annals of
Tukulti Ninib prove. According to Ashurnazirpal III 134 it lay
at the "crossing of the Euphrates." Scheil (48) compared the
classical Circesium, but since the Aramaic name of the latter
was Nabagath oiv Chabora that is impossible (Z A 27: 289).
It seems to be a little too far south, otherwise it would be
tempting to identify it with ancient Tirqa (Tell *Ishar). From
here he proceeds eastward over §upri and Naqarabani ^ to the
Euphrates, arriving opposite Qindan, the name of which Scheil (p.
44) has properly related to the classical Giddan on the left bank of
the river. From here he marched to a mountain, which must mean
the promontory opposite the tower of el Qayim, and after halting
there continued on to Bit-Garbaia (Bit-Shabaia?) ''■ opposite JJaridu,
which may then be localized at Gabarlya and Qal' at Rafida re-
spectively. From Bit-Garbaia the Assyrian proceeds to a point
opposite Anat which has been correctly identified with the
modem *Ana and classical Anatho. (Z A 19:252.) Departing
thence he storms the city of Suru, whose name I hold may be
preserved in the Wadi Sur near Tilbesh. It was a stronghold of
Shadudu, the ruler of Su^i- Of the Babylonian contingent that
aided Shadudu 50 troopers and 3000 men were captured; Sha-
dudu with a small band, however, escaped across the Euphrates.
After setting up his royal image in Suru the Assyrian returned to
Calab-
Shortly afterward (878?) Ashurnazirpal received the news of
another rebelUon in Laqe, Qindan, and Sul)u. He straightway
goes to Suru on the Qab^ and orders ships to be built for his
army. Meanwhile he marches to the mouth of the Qab^ir and
then eastward to the city of §ibate in Suhu, destroying the towns
' Tukulti Ninib mentions between Sirqu and gindan, Kasi, Arbate, Aqarbani
(- Naqarabani) and Nagiate. Tukulti Ninib mentions east of IJindan,
Kailite, Mashqite opposite garada (= Qaridu) Anat, and Suri opposite
Talbish (- the present Tilbesh).
* S A 103 identifies thU place with the Beth-Garbaia of Ephraem Syrus, but
this town must have been situated much further west.
66
THE MESOPOTAMIAN KINGDOMS
of the region, reaping the harvests and slaughtering all defenders
— 490 men. The main force of the Aramaeans had retired to
the western side of the Euphrates and was intrenched at Qaridu.
As his ships had now been completed, the monarch returned to
the mouth of the gabur and ferried his army across the Euphrates.
The allied forces of Suliu, Laq6, and ginddn which advanced to
meet him were defeated ; 6500 men were killed and the remainder
of the army perished in the desert from thirst. From Qaridu
as far as Kipina the cities are sacked. In Kipina Azi-ilu of Laqe,
doubtless identical with the Azi-ilu of Bit-galupe, had intrenched
himself. In the ensuing battle Ashurnazirpal killed 1000 men
and carried off the booty and the gods of Kipina. Azilu, however,
succeeded in retreating to the Bisuru mountains (the lesser Gebel
il Bishri, near the mouth of the Balih) some 100 km. above ed-Der.
Dislodged from there he withdrew with heavy losses in rear guard
actions undertaken to protect his herds, into Bit-Adini to the
border cities of Dummutu and Asmu.^ The fact that he finds a
haven of refuge in Bit-Adini shows with sufl&cient clearness that
the latter state was in sympathy with the rebels. Ashurnazirpal
wreaked his vengeance on Dummutu and Asmu by burning them
to the ground. He captured the rich herds of Azilu that were
"innimaerable as the stars of heaven" and apparently destroyed
the remainder of the army, but the Aramaean chief himself es-
caped farther into Bit-Adini. Meanwhile another Assyrian
force had overcome Sheikh 11^ of Laq6 and captured his chariots
and 500 of his men; these, together with the booty taken from
Azi-ilu, are transported to Ashur by the victors. Another prince
of Laqd, Qamti-ilu, who had taken refuge in his fortress, submitted
and payed tribute. At the passes of the Euphrates the Assyrian
founded two cities — Kar-Ashurnazirpal (Halebiyeh-Zenobia)
and Nibarti-Ashur (Zalebiyeh-Chanuca) as outposts and bases
agamst Bit-Adini (Masp. Ill 30, A E T 164).
The struggle with these petty states on the lower Qab{ir and
its vicinity merely signified the warding off of the Aramaean peril
^ In the modem Yasim there may be a reminiscence of ancient Asmu.
57
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
from Assyria's own door. But the aims of the Assyrian monarch
now went further. To safeguard the land against the Aramaeans
it was necessary to strike at the heart of their power in Meso-
potamia; and to lead Assyria on its path of destiny it was
incumbent upon the monarch to follow in the footsteps of Tiglath-
pileser I and open up the road to the western sea, which was
blocked by Bit-Adini. Therefore Ashurnazirpal directed his
attention to the subjugation of this state. On the 20th of Sivan
(June) he marched to Bit-Adini. It is not clear whether this ex-
pedition followed the great road over Ras-el-*Ain and Harran, or
whether it was undertaken from the newly founded cities at the
passes of the Euphrates. The omission of the mention of Bit-
Ba^iani and AgaUi speaks for the latter possibility. He approaches
the border-fortress of Kaprabi (great rock!) a city "hanging
hke a cloud in the sky." Its people trusted in their strong garrison
and did not come down to embrace his feet. At the command
of the gods Ashur and Nergal he stormed and destroyed it, and
deported 2400 of its troops to Cala|). After this feat of arms
A^juni of Adini and JJabini of Til-Abni payed tribute and gave
hostages.
Perhaps Ashurnazirpal vaingloriously believed that the terror
of Assyria's miUtary power had prostrated AJjuni. Surely he
did not appreciate the greatness of the Aramaean menace, else
he would have completed the destruction of this foe, and would
not have deported the Aramaeans to Cala|) in numbers sufficient
to endanger the national life of his own people. His ambitions,
however, were primarily directed to obtaining control of Syria,
wherefor on the 8th of lyyar (868) he took the road to Carchemish.
On the way he comes to Bit Ba^jiani, which pays tribute and fur-
nishes a contingent of troops and chariots, then to A§alli, whose
king Adad-'ime presents him with precious metals, chariots,
horses, cattle, sheep and wine, then to Bit-Adini, where he re-
ceives from Abuni costly articles of luxury, — ivory vessels, an
ivory bed, an ivory throne overlaid with silver and gold, a dagger
of gold, jewelry, live stock as well as a further number of troops.
58
THE MESOPOTAMIAN KINGDOMS
JJabini of Tilabn^ ^ likewise appears with a tribute. On ships
built of skins he crosses the Euphrates and comes to Carchemish,
whose king Sangara (an Aramaean? cf. Hebrew Shamgar) pays
a rich tribute including articles of ukarinnu wood, two hundred
maidens, elephants' tusks, a gorgeous chariot and a couch of gold
royally adorned. From Carchemish he then marches on into
Syria (cf Ch. VIII). The submission of Carchemish and Bit-
Adini is peculiar. Possibly they were willing to have Ashurnazirpal
overrun the Syrian states, especially Qattina, in order to profit
by their weakness. Apparently also none of the Mesopotamian
and Syrian states was prepared to combat the sudden and un-
expected might of Assyria.
In 860 Shalmaneser came to the throne of Ashur. Al^uni of
Adini had by this time hastened preparations for combating As-
syria and had begun to form a secret aUiance against the great
peril. One of the first acts of Shalmaneser was prophetic of his
poUcy and showed his indorsement of his father's aims. For "he
made shining" his weapons in the Mediterranean sea, sacrificed
on its shores to his gods, and erected his image on the Lallar
mountain in the Amanus. (Obelisk 276.) In his second year he
marched to Bit-Adini (Mon. I 29 f.). After crossing the Tigris he
proceeded through the mountains of 5asamu ^ and Dil>nunu (the
Nimrud Dagh?) and reached the first city of Adini, — La'la'te,
which must lie on the road Harran — Til Barsip. The inhabitants
evacuated the town and fled into the mountains. After applying
the torch to the place he advanced upon a fortress of Ki qa
(name mutilated). Al}uni of Adini, "trusting in his numerous
army," sallied out to meet him. By the help of the god Ashur the
Assyrian succeeded in hurling his opponent back into the city,
but refrained from attempting a siege. Instead, he proceeded
to the unfortified town of Burmaruna, which he stormed, causing
iTilabnd is distinctly a more Aramaic form than Tilabni. The status
emphaticus appears here unmistakably.
2 1 would identify this mountain with the Gebel abd-il-Aziz on whose western
end is a village and ruins of Hossiwe, which may preserve the ancient name.
59
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
the slaughter of the small garrison of 300 men. Before the city
he erected a pillar out of human heads. Burmaruna must have
been situated on the Euphrates, where el-Burat between 6erabis
and the mouth of the Sagur may mark its position. While at
this city Ashumazirpal received the tribute of Qabini of Tilabn^
Ga'uni of Sarugi and Giri-Adad of an unnamed principality. On
ships of skins he next crossed the Euphrates, and after receiving
the tribute of Kummulj he invaded Paqarru^buni, a province
belonging to Adini and bordering on Gurgum. He defeated the
Aramaeans at every point, burned their towns into ruins, filled
the plain with their warriors' corpses, of which he counted 1300,
and then marched on to Gurgum. His aim was to prevent the
north Syrian states from giving succor to Adini, and to make
ineffective the threatened coaUtion — a purpose achieved at the
battles of Lutibu and Aligir (cf. Ch. VIII). For this reason
perhaps he did not deal so thoroughly with Paqarru^buni and there-
fore even after the destruction of Bit-Adini this region became
the seat of another rebellion (848).
Shalmaneser's far-reaching poUcy had determined upon the
annihilation of Bit-Adini, and his manoeuvers in Syria, to be
described in the next chapter, were primarily prompted by the
desire of isolating this greatest enemy completely. On the 13th
of lyyar 858 he left Nineveh and marched to the capital of A^uni^
Til-Barsip (Mon, II 13 f.). A^uni was defeated in battle on the
left bank of the river and driven back across it to his city. The
Assyrian also crossed over in the face of a freshet; but instead of
besieging Til-Barsip, he attacked the western possessions of A^iuni.
Six fortresses, among them Siirunu, Paripa, Til Bashiri (Tell
Bashar), and Dabigu (Dabiq) were captured and spoiled and 200
other peaceful towns were sacked. He thus seems to have followed
the Sagur and then turning about, proceeded down the Quw6q.
Then, wheeling once more, he marched to the vicinity of Car-
chemish and assaulted Shazabe, which has been identified with the
S3rriac Shadabu, two parasangs below 6erabis.^ This city to-
* D P 68, and cf . Hoffmann, Auszuge aus den Syrischen Akten, etc., p. 164..
60
THE MESOPOTAMIAN KINGDOMS
gether with the towns of its neighborhood, he burned into a ruined
heap. His aim was clearly to intimidate the Hethitic states so
that they should not render aid to A\)uni. This strategy was
effective, for the princes of the west paid tribute; — among them
the kings of Sam'al, JJattina, Arpad, Carchemish, and KummuJ).
In the following summer, in the month of Tammuz 857, Shal-
maneser again took the road to Til-Barsip to deal the finishing
blow. But the adroit A^uni, in order to avoid certain annihila-
tion, evacuated the capital and retreated with his army into
Northern Syria. Shalmaneser was able to occupy the whole
region of Bit-Adini without resistance. The important cities
of the land were made royal residences of the king of Assyria
and received new names. Til-Barsip became Kdr-Shulmanasharid,
Nappigu became Lita-Ashur, Align ^ became Asbat-la-kunu,
Rugulitu became Qibit. . . . The cities of Pitru and Mutkinu on
opposite sides of the Euphrates, which had been conquered by
Tiglathpileser and under Ashur-irbe had been retaken by "the
king of the land of Arumu," were restored again to Assyria and
colonized anew. While delaying at Til-Barsip and organizing
the new province,^ Shalmaneser received the tribute of the kings
of the seashore and of the Euphrates.
Kar-Shulman-asharid, or Til-Barsip, has recently been dis-
covered in the mound of Tell Ahmar (P S B A *12, 66), situated
near the mouth of the Sagur, and directly on the shore of the
Euphrates, where there is an excellent ford. It therefore is south
of Carchemish, and not north, as was formerly held (D P 263:
Biregik). The country on this side of the river is flat for miles, but
on the opposite side low and abrupt limestone hills come close to
the river. The old ramparts of Til-Barsip, which warded off Shal-
maneser, still stand. Within the wall a broken stela has been found,
^ Nappigu has been identified with Membig (Hierapolis) south of the,
Sa^r river. Aligu is compared with Legah on the left bank of the Euphrates
some distance above the mouth of the Sa^ur.
2 In the district of Til-Barsip lay also a city Kapridargild. The new cyUnder
of Sennacherib, C T XXVI col. VI 546, relates that S. found breccia for great
stone vessels, such as had never before been found at this place.
61
THE ARAMAEANS IN MESOPOTAMIA AND SYRIA
representing an Assyrian king addressing a smaller male figure
with conical cap and beard. It is doubtless Shalmaneser and his
subject king. In the southeast gate which looks towards Nineveh,
two basalt lions stood, bearing inscriptions of the Assyrian mon-
arch. He calls himself: " the great king who hath swept the lands
of IJatti, Guti and all the lands of the sun from the shore of the
great sea of the setting sun, who hath defeated Mu§ru and Urartu
with its people, who hath swept the land of Ubu, the lands of
Harutu and Labdadu, affecting their subjugation." These
"mighty Uons" were set up as symbols of victory in the "great
gate of the city" after a triumph of Assyrian arms over some
northern king who was in league with Urartu. In the midst of
a great mountain the defeat was accomplished. Like a fierce
windstorm that breaks the trees was Shalmaneser 's onrush, and
like the swoop of a hawk the attack of his troops. The opposing
king had to slink out of his camp as a thief in the night to escape.
In 856 (so the monoUth II 66 f . while the black obelisk gives 854)
Shalmaneser took up the pursuit of A^uni. The resourceful and
courageous Aramaean had taken refuge in an almost impregnable
citadel on a cliff "that hung down like a cloud from the sky"
beside the Euphrates and which was called Shitamrat. It lay in
an almost impassable region, a three days' journey from Til-
Barsip. Shalmaneser boasts that none of his forefathers had
ever penetrated thither. A^uni met the Assyrian in open battle,
but was driven back into the city. The heads of his warriors
were cut off and the mountain stained with the blood of his fight-
ing men. The remnant of the army retreated to the top of the
mountain. If Shalmaneser says that in the midst of the city a
great battle ensued (Mon. II 73), we must refer this to the town
below the acropolis. Elsewhere he relates that like the divine
storm-bird his warriors attacked and killed 17,500 foemen (Bala-
wat III, 3 f). He was unable to take the citadel itself by storm.
A^jimi, however, wisely chose not to subject his people to the priva-
tion of a long siege, but instead submitted and saved his and his
people's hves. His treasure of incalculable weight, his troops
62
THE MESOPOTAMIAN KINGDOMS
and chariots and cavalry he surrendered to Shalmaneser. He
himself, with his gods and sons and daughters and people, was
deported to the vicinity of Ashur. The mere fact that he was not
cruelly executed shows that his surrender took place while yet
unconquered. Nevertheless, the state of Bit-Adini was now a
thing of the past, and its last hope of a revival removed.
The tragic end of the most powerful Aramaean state in the north
is reflected in the prophecy of Amos 1:5: "I will exterminate the]
inhabitants of Biq'at Aven and the staff-holder" of Beth Eden
(= Blt-Adini).^ The last shepherd of the pastoral people of Bit-
Adini shall perish. At the time when Amos prophesied, about
760 B.C. and after, Bit-Adini was merely a geographical concept
and no longer existed as a state, so that the translation "Scepter
bearer" would be impossible. The disastrous deletion of this
people is also played upon in the words of Sennacheribs Rabshaqeh
(Is. 37: 12, 2 Kings. 19: 12) : "Have the gods of the peoples that my
fathers destroyed delivered them — Gozan ^ and Harran and
Reseph* and the people of Eden (that dwell) at Telassar?" The
latter name need not be amended into Tel-bashar (Winckler), but
is rather the equivalent of Til-Ash<iri. Essarhaddon (col. II 22)
calls himself the one "who threshes the land of Barnaqi, the
dwellers of the land of Til-AshAri, which the people of Meljranu
call Mitanu.^ Tiglathpileser I mentions a country of Mitani
near the city of Araziqi (VI 61 f.), but it seems that we must seek
^ Both names are often taken as appellatives, "valley of opulency" and
"house of lust" (cf. Haupt, O L Z '10, 306) and referred to Damascus. But
the first expression I hold to refer to the rich and fertile Biqd* (Damascus can
scarcely be called a "cleft"). Then Beth-Eden must also be a real geograph-
ical name. — My translation "staff-holder" I think is preferable to "Stamm-
halter," i.e., one who maintains the family descent, S A 77.
.* Assyrian Guzana, the region at the forks of the Qabtir and the classical
Gauzanitis.
^Assyrian Ra§appa, today Ru§afe (A E T 136). It seems to have be-
come an Assyrian province as early as the time of Ashumazirpal. Ra?appa
means "paved street."
* Written Pi-ta-nu. The reading Mitanu suggested by Winckler, S B A
*88: 1335, is accepted also by Toff teen, p. 13, and Jensen, Ix.
63
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
the Mitanu of Essarhaddon further north. For the location of
Til-Ashiiri is definitely fixed by Tiglathpileser I (Ann 176 f.), who
mentions among its cities a number that can be fixed as lying
west of the Kashiar mountains and the region of Bit-Zam&ni
(cf. Toffteen 12 f.). The name Barnaqi may then survive in the
Pomaki S. E. of Diyar-Bekr (Sachau 435) as Tomkins suggested.
Meljranu must be identical with the Mahiranu of the Broken
Obelisk (VI 19 A K A 136). Jensen identified it with the famous
Tell Ma^re north of Raqqa (Z A VI 58), while Tomkins conipared
Tell-el Meghrun S E of Harran (Sachau 227) . It may be, however,
that a more northerly location is necessary. Eden, then, in
Isaiah is used in a wider sense than the name of the old state
Bit-Adini. And Telassar also appears to be a broad term, since
it has survived in the ancient name of Mar'ash — Telesaura.
The mention of Eden (Ezek. 27:23) alongside of Harran and Cahieh
must have in mind the city of Til-Barsip, which no doubt re-
mained a great center of conunerce at all times.
Concerning the smaller Aramaean principalities of Mesopotamia
little remains to be said. In 854 Shalmaneser advanced against
Giammu, king of the Bali^j region, north of Harran, who was
evidently rebelling (Mon. II 78 f.). Frightened by his advance,
the Arama^aiw^f the distzict assassinated their king and opened
their cities to Shalmaneser. The monarch entered Kitlala and
Til-sha-tura^i, introduced Assyrian gods, held a feast in Giammu's
palaces, and spoiled his treasure. From here he went directly to
Til-Barsip and into Syria (cf. Ch. VIII). In the following year
he conquers Til-abn6 (Obelisk 67 f.). The capital and near-by
towns are taken, but the king Ha rat seems to have escaped.
Since from here he goes up to the source of the Tigris to erect his
image in the Subnatgrotto (Sebeneh-Su) and sacrifice to the gods,
I am disposed to find Tilabni not at Urfa, as does Maspero (III 31),
but south of the Karagah Dagh, at Tela (Viranshehir) or the
near-by Tell Anabi.^ Henceforth the Mesopotamian Aramaeans
offer no resistance.
* Tell Halaf might also claim consideration.
64
CHAPTER VIII
THE NORTH SYRIAN STATES *
In that part of Syria north of the 36th parallel we find a number V- -d^^ff^
of states of mixed Hittite, Canaanite, and Aramaean character \
and possessing a relatively high civilization. The northernmost >
of these is Gurgum, which in part belongs to the sphere of Asia
Minor. This state, it seems, was affected by the Aramaean migra-
tion earlier than the others, for its name is Aramaic and means
"the hard pit of the pomegranate" (S B A 92:314), Neverthe-
less its kings down to very late days bear Hittite names, so that
it would seem that the Aramaeans could not hold themselves
against the great pressure of the Asia Minor peoples. The capital
of Gurgum was at Marqasi (to-day Mar* ash I. c. 318) and owed
its prominence to its strategical position on one of the main
highways into CiUcia. Gurgum had as its southerly neighbor \
Sam'al, the capital city of which was Sengirli. The excavations at \
this site have revealed the existence of a culture which sprang up
after the fourteenth century under Hittite rule. The city com-
manded the Amanus Pass that leads to the coast, and already at
the beginning of the period of fortification it was a great strong-
hold. Sam'al is described as lying "at the foot of the Amanus," and
it extended south about as far as the latitude of Killiz. Here it
bordered on the state of JJattina, whose center was the *Amq of
the lake of Antioch and which in the north controlled the district
circumscribed by the Aleppo-Iskendertin highway and on the
left side of the Orontes extended down to the Nahr ,il-Kebir.
Its capital was at Kunalua (Kunalia, Kinaha). To the east the
state of Ya^ian with the capital Arpad (Tell Erfad) and the princi- \
pality of 5alman (Aleppo), a great sanctuary of the god Hadad,^
65
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
bordered on Qattina. South of JJattina and Aleppo begins the
country of Hamath, which belongs, however, to the zone of Central
Syria.
After intimidating the Mesopotamian Aramaeans, Ashuma-
zirpal (876 b.c.) took up the march to the sea (A K A 367). The
most natural outlet for Assyria's trade and traffic with the sea-
board of the Mediterranean was the highway to the gulf of Alex-
andrette. This road passed directly through the state of gattina,
whose subjugation was therefore a political necessity. From
Carchemish the Assyrian passed into Syria between the mountains
Munzigani and Qamurga (identical perhaps with the valley of
Shekib east of the Quw^q river in the latitude of KiUiz), leaving
the land of A^janu (= Yajjan) to the left, and reached the first
city of Qattina, — Qazaz, long since identified with the modern
*Azaz S. W. of Killiz. He explicitly states that he avoided Yajjan;
the cause of this regard for its neutrality may be found in the aim
of Ashumazirpal to reach JJattina without delay. At JJazaz
he received gold, linen garments, and other goods as tribute.
From here he marched eastward to the Apr6 (Afrln) river, and
after crossing it, doubtless at the point where the Aleppo-
Iskenderiin road still crosses it, near iz-Ziyadiyeh, he called a
halt. Breaking camp again, he approached Kunalua, the capital
of 5attina, which is perhaps preserved in Tell Kunana (Tomkins,
Bab. Or. Rec. Ill 6). Ashumazirpal relates that king Lubama
of 5attina submitted in terror and payed a heavy tribute, viz.
20 talents of silver, 1 talent of gold, 100 talents of lead, 100 talents
of iron, 1000 head of cattle, 10,000 sheep, 1000 brightly colored
garments, cloth, a couch of ukarinnu wood sumptuously inlaid,
dishes of ivory and ukarinnu wood beyond estimate, female
musicians, a great kti-monkey and great birds (ostriches? — Textb.
16 and A K A 369). In addition, the Assyrian levied troops
from Lubama and took hostages from him. While he was at
Kunalua he received the tribute of King Gusi of Ya^an.
From Kunalua the Assyrian marched through the *Amq, ap-
parently recrossing the Afrin near the lake of Antioch, and reached
66
THE NORTH SYRIAN STATES
the Orontes.^ The latter he must have crossed south of it-Tlel
Babshin. For immediately afterward he passes between the moim-
tains Yaraqu and Ya'turu, which have been aptly identified with
the 6ebel Qo§eir, and then crosses another mountain (Ashtama?) -
ku (Maspero II 40). He therefore goes through the notch of the
Qo§eir over Qyzylga and Bawera, and then over the Gebel Shahsim
at Beled-ish-Sheikh. Thereupon he arrives at the Sagur (or
Sangur) river, which must be the Nahr il-Kebir^ and can scarcely
be the il Abyad (M V A G '02, 2, 61), seemingly near the point
where the road to Laodicea crosses it to-day. It has been sug-
gested that in Gishr-esh-Shughr, where the Laodicea road leaves
the Orontes, the name Sagur is still preserved. Since the river
Sagur near Carchemish has the same name, both of them must
have been christened by the early Hittites. After resting at the
il Kebir, Ashurnazirpal passed between the mountains of Saratini
and Duppani, which must consequently be found in the northern
Bargylus in the Gebel Daryus, and then halted again at the shore
of the sea? (Textb. p. 16). From here he came to Aribua, a fortress
belonging to Lubarna of gattina, which is doubtless the present
Qala'at il Arba'in (M V A G '02, 2, 61) at a strategical point,
where the states of Qattina, Hamath, and Arvad bordered on one
another.^ Aribua is occupied by Ashurnazirpal and the grain of
the land of Luhuti is harvested and stored away. The fortress
becomes an Assyrian stronghold with a military garrison, and is
consecrated to this purpose in an especial festival. While his
headquarters were at Aribua, the Assyrian brought about a great
slaughter in Luljuti, sacking the towns and hanging all captives
1 Dussaud, R A '08, 277. Winckler supposed (A O F I 5) that the Assyrian
marched around the north side of the lake of Antioch, crossed the Orontes near
the sea and passed by the Mons Casius (G. il Aqra), which he identifies with
Mt. Yaraqu. But it seems to me that then the crossing of the Kara-Su ought
to have been mentioned. A second crossing of the Afrln need not be recorded.
^Hommel, Geschichte, 581; Delattre, L'Asie Occidentale, 496.
^ Dussaud, R A '08, 228, and Maspero, III 40, go too far south. I cannot
convince myself that Lubama's power extended any further south than the
zone of Gebal-Apamea. There Hamath's sphere of interest began.
67
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
in sight of their burning villages. This conduct is indeed strange,
since Lubarna had submitted and since Aribua was occupied
without resistance. We are therefore led to suppose that Aribua
did not lie in Lu^uti, but only on the edge of it. On the other
hand Lujjuti can be no independent state, for neither a king nor a
capital is mentioned. And if it be merely a province, then it
must belong to Hamath, and be identical with the La'ash of the
Zakir inscription (cf. Ch. XI). Ashurnazirpal is therefore
striking at Hamath's left flank with the dual purpose of gaining
a hold on the Emesa-TripoUs highway, and of intimidating the
Phoenician cities. Both aims are achieved. For from Lut)uti
he reaches the northern edge of the Lebanon and follows it to the
sea to TripoUs,^ where he purifies his weapons and sacrifices to
the great gods. And at this point he then receives the tribute
of the Phoenician cities from Tyre north to Arvad; it does not
seem to have been a large tribute, however, since he neglects to
give us a detailed sunmiary. The proud cities of the seaboard in
no way humiliated themselves, and it is thus only a vain boast if
the Assyrian tells that they embraced his feet. Hamath seems ta
have paid no attention to the invasion of its western province, and
certainly did not pay tribute. From Tripolis Ashurnazirpal re-
turned to Nineveh, visiting the Amanus mountains en route to
erect a stela of himself, to sacrifice to the gods and to cut the
precious timbers needed for the Temple of Sin and Shamash.
His expedition had opened the roads to the sea at three points —
Iskender<in, Laodicea, and Tripolis. A strong foothold in Syria
had indeed been gained.
The accession of Shalmaneser found the Syrian states preparing
for a united resistance against Assyrian claims and ambitions.
Bit-Adini, realizing how desperate was its position, succeeded in
leaguing to itself IJattina, Carchemish, Gurgum and Sam'al.
Shalmaneser's plan of campaign provided for the putting down
' Hence Lu^uti extends from the vicinity of Qal'at il Arba'in to the Tripolis
highway. It includes the greater part of the Bargylus and is therefore larger-
than Dussaud, R A '08, p. 228, and Maspero, III 40, suppose.
THE NORTH SYRIAN STATES
of the rebellion in the west first of all, in order to maintain what
his father had achieved in Syria, and to strike at the coalition
before it had time to prepare fully. In his second year he crossed
the Euphrates and began to roll up the coaUtion from the north
(Mon. col. I 36 f.). Kummub paid tribute straightway and thus
withdrew from the alliance. Shalmaneser, therefore, advanced
first against Gurgum, whose king Mutallu, perhaps owing to the
perfidy of Kummu^j its neighbor, also submitted. From Gurgum
the Assyrian turned to Sam'al. 5ani of Sam'al offered resistance
in his fortress of Lutibu, aided by detachments of troops sent by
his allies — Ahuni of Bit-Adini, Sapalulme of JJattina and Sangar
of Carchmish. Near Lutibu * the Hittite-Aramaean coalition gives
battle. Shalmaneser claims the victory and says that he stained
the mountain with the blood of his foe, but it seems to have been
won with difficulty; he had to implore the aid of Nergal and Ashur
during the fight. Qani's forces retreat into the fortress in safety
and are left unmolested. The Assyrian merely erects a pillar
of human heads opposite Lutibu, destroys some defenseless towns,
and erects a mighty image of himself with an account of his heroism,
at the source of the Saluara river.'^
It is scarcely possible that the allied kings were present in
person at Lutibu. For Shalmaneser marches south alongside the
foot of the Amanus, and, skirting the lake of Antioch, crosses
the Orontes river into Qattina, where he again meets the same
kings at Ali§ir. If, after the defeat at Lutibu, they had retreated
such a great distance, the Assyrian would have certainly pursued
them. On the other hand Hani of Sam'al is represented as having
^ There is a possibility that Lutibu may be only a by-name of Sam'al (Sen-
^11), for the fighting must have taken place in this immediate vicinity, as
S B A 92: 335 also holds. The great strength of the Sen^li citadel would
make Shalmaneser's withdrawal without besieging it comprehensible. It may
be preferable, however, to identify Lutibu with Saktshegozii 25 km. N.E. of
SenfeirU. Cf. on this site and its remains O L Z '09: 377.
2 The Aramaic name means "Eel" river. The stream is identical with the
modem Kara-Su. The old name, however, is still preserved in the village of
Sulmara near its source. S B A '92: 330.
69
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
been bottled up in Lutibu, and now appears again in Qattina.
The matter is still further complicated by the fact that the coalition
is augmented by the kings of Que, Cilicia and Yasbiqu (cf. Ishbak
Gen. 25:2). How these forces could arrive so speedily in gattina
is extremely obscure, unless they came to the mouth of the Orontes
by ships from Tarsus. We are thus confronted by two possibilities;
either Shalmaneser after the battle of Lutibu was engaged in other
unmentioned operations further east, and so gave the allies from
Asia Minor and Syria time to assemble at the border of Qattina,
or else he is chronicling inexactly when he states that Ufini was
present at Ali§ir and the others participated at Lutibu.
The border fortress of Aligir, which must have been situated at
Antioch or in its vicinity, was taken after a hard battle. With
his own hand Shalmaneser captured Buranate, King of Yasbuqu.
From Aligir he approached the great cities of the king of IJattina;
the upper ones of Amurrtl and the sea of the setting sun he over-
threw like a wave of the deluge. Along the wide coast of the sea
he marched, receiving the tribute of the kings of the seaboard.
All his operations were thus conducted in the Bargylus region.
His statements, however, are so vague and his neglect to mention
further what became of the hostile coalition so peculiar, that it
would seem that he suffered a serious reverse somewhere in the
mountains. At any rate he soon wheeled about and returned to
the Amanus. At the mountain of Atalur (also called Lalldr,
"mountain of honey" S A 58), which is the promontory of Rhosus
north of the mouth of the Orontes (P S B A '15, 229), where
Ashurirbe of old had erected his royal statue, Shalmeneser set
up his own image. Then he turned homeward, conquering on
his way the cities of Taid, QazAzu, Nulla and Butamu ^ in Qattina,
killing 2800 warriors and carrying off large booty. Arame of
Gusi (Arpad), who had not joined the alliance against Assyria,
paid tribute.
* The site of Uazaz being known ('AzSz), we may look for Taid to the west
and Nulia and Butamu to the east, between 'Azaz and Dabiq. The Assyrians
are bound for Til-Barsip. Nuha I think may be the modem Niyara. Butamu
Tomkins {I.e., p. 6) aptly compared to Beitan near 'A^az.
70
THE NORTH SYRIAN STATES
In the following year (858) Shalmaneser attacked the cities of
Bit-Adini west of the Euphrates and came very close to the border
of Qattina at Dabigu (to-day Dabiq Z A XII 47). The kings of
Syria, chastened by the events of the previous season, brought
him tribute. The JJattinaean paid the sumptuous amount of 3
talents of gold, 100 talents of silver, 300 talents of iron, 100 copper
vessels, 1000 brightly colored and linen garments, his daughter
and her rich dowry, 20 talents of bright purple, 500 head of cattle,
5000 sheep. Besides this Shalmaneser imposed upon him a yearly
tax, to be delivered at Ashur, of 10 talents of silver, 2 talents of
purple, and 200 cedar beams. The tribute imposed on Sangar of
Carchemish is a close second in rank. It included 3 talents of
gold, 70 talents of silver, 30 talents of bronze, 100 talents of iron,
20 talents of bright purple, 500 weapons, his daughter and her
dowry, 100 daughters of his nobles, 500 head of cattle, 5000 sheep;
his yearly tax was fixed at 1 mina of gold, 1 talent of silver, 2
talents of purple. Qaiani, son of Gabbar, "from the foot of the
Amanus," who is doubtless identical with IJani of Sam'al, brought
10 talents of silver, 90 talents of bronze, 20 talents of iron, 300
brightly colored and linen garments, 300 head of cattle, 3000 sheep,
2000 cedar beams, his daughter and her dowry, together with an
annual tax of 10 minas of gold and 200 cedar beams. Arame, "son
of Bit-Agusi," gave 10 minas of gold, 6 talents of silver, 500 head of
cattle, 5000 sheep; he appears to remain exempt from further taxa-
tion. Katazil of Kummuh agreed to a yearly tribute of 20 minas
of silver and 300 cedar beams. From this it appears that Car-
chemish and Qattina were the richest states of northern Syria.
After Shalmaneser in the following years had accomplished
the destruction of Bit-Adini he at length in 854 turned his face
westward. He is bound for the country of Hamath, bent upon
new conquests in Central Syria. The kings of northern Syria —
Sangar of Carchemish, Kundashpi of Kummuh, Arame son of
Gusi, Lalli of Melid, Qaiani, son of Gabbar, Kalparuda of Qattina,
Kalparuda ^ of Gurgum acknowledged their vassalship by ap-
^ Dittography of the previous name?
71
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
pearing before him at Pitni, and bringing tribute (Mon. II 82 f.).
From Pitru he marched to Qalman (Aleppo) which submitted in
fear at his approach and paid silver and gold. Before leaving
Qalman the monarch brought sacrifice to the god Hadad, who
had a famed sanctuary in this city.
The attack upon central Syria, and especially the outcome of the
battle of Qarqar, appears to have weakened the prestige of Shal-
Qianeser. For after an expedition to the upper Tigris and two
campaigns in Babylonia, he was forced to return to Syria. Per-
haps Arpad and Carchemish refused to pay tribute, for in 850 he
made a raid into the territory of both. In 848 he found it necessary
to deport the restless population of Paqara^buni (Ann. 85-91).
In 832 finally we hear again of Qattina (Ann. 147 f.). While at
Calab, Shalmaneser is informed that the Hattinaeans have as-
sassinated their king Lubama (II) and have made Surri, who had
no claim to the throne, their king. The Assyrian dispatches his
war-chief Dai&n Ashur, a remarkable general, to Kinalua, the
capital of JJattina. The city is assaulted and sanguinary fighting
ensues. Surri dies suddenly, — the Annals claim of fright. His
son Zaipparma and other ringleaders of the rebellion are seized
by the people, surrendered by them to Dai&n Ashur and cruelly
impaled. Sdsi, son of Kuruzza, of the loyal Assyrian party, is
ibade king of JJS'ttina. A large tribute is imposed and the image
of Shalmaneser is erected .in the temple of the gods at Kinalua.
From now on the name Qattina disappears from the inscriptions.
{The power of this state is greatly reduced, and its realm confined
jto the *Amq of Antioch, so that it receives the name Unqi. The
I earliest occurrence of it is in the inscription of Zakir (cf. Ch. XI).
gattina's southern possessions in the Bargylus appear to have
been lost to Hamath.
Northern Syria was from now on quite firmly under Assyria's
control and isolated attempts at rebellion were suppressed without
great difficulty.
72
y
CHAPTER IX
THE SUPREMACY OF DAMASCUS
The Assyrians had succeeded in laying open the road to the sea.
The next logical step was to safeguard this achievement from
covetous neighbors. This required constant campaigns both in
the north and in the south. In central Syria it was especially
Damascus, with its ally Hamath, that threatened to contest
Assyria's claims in the west. The conquest of these states, there-
fore, became a necessity for the new world-power. Furthermore,
beyond Damascus there beckoned Tyre and Sidon, Palestine and
South Arabia. To unite this great avenue of commerce from
Asia Minor to Africa, under a common scepter, with all that such
a thing implies, in coinage and language, law and order, was in-
deed a lofty aim, achieved for a passing moment by Esarhaddon,
realized in the empire of the Persians.
In the year 854 Shalmaneser crossed the border of Qattina into
Hamath. He approached first the cities of Adennu and Barg4.
The former has been suitably identified with Tell Danit, southeast of
Idlib (R A '08, 225). Barga should then lie to the south of it,
but close by — perhaps at Stuma. Adennu is called "Ada, a
city of Ur^iileni of Hamath " on band IX of the gates of Balawat.
It and Parga (or Barga) surrendered to the Assyrian. His first
blow struck Argana, a royal city, which is perhaps identical with
the modern Riha on the north side of the mountain of the same
name (R A '08, 225).^ The city was captured and pillaged, and
the palaces of king Irhuleni of Hamath, were set in flames. From
here the Assyrian marched to Qarqar, the ancient Apamea and
modern Qal'atilMudtq (Masp. Ill 70). At Qarqar a great
^ Is the name, as Dussaud supposes, preserved in the swamp of ir-Rug
further west?
73
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
battle is fought with twelve kings of Syria, of whom only eleven,
however, are specified.
This Syrian league is composed of Adad-idri of Damascus,
Irjjuleni of Hamath, Ahab of Israel, the king of Irkana, and
Adunuba*li of Shiana, But Que, Mu?ri, Arvad, Ushana, Ammon,
and an Arabian tribe are also represented. Damascus furnishes
1200 chariots, 1200 horsemen, and 20,000 men infantry. Israel
lends 2000 chariots and 10,000 men. Hamath is third, with 700
chariots, 700 horsemen, and 10,000 men. Irkana and Shiana
each furnish 10,000 men, but only 10 and 30 chariots respectively.
Mugri is represented by 1000 men, Que by 500, and Ushana and
Arvad (under its king Matinuba'li) each by 200. The cavalry
is strongly reenforced by the 1000 camels of Gindibu the Arabian.
Ba'sa mdr Rul)ubi of Ammon finally had at least a thousand men
in his detachment.
As usual Shalmaneser claims the victory in extravagant phrases.
Thus the monoUth (II 96 f.) relates: "With the exalted power
that the Lord Ashur granted, with the mighty weapons that
Nergal who goes before me, presented, I fought with them, from
Qarqar to Gilz&u I accomplished their defeat. Fourteen thous-
and of their warriors I prostrated with weapons, like Hadad I
caused the storm to rain upon them, heaped up their corpses, filled
the surface of the field. Their numerous troops with the weapons
I slew, their blood I made flow over the expanse of the plain.
Too small was the field for the slaughter, the wide plain did not
sufl&ce to bury them. With their corpses I dammed the Orontes
as with a bridge. In the midst of that battle I took their chariots,
riders, horses, and harnesses."
Shalmaneser has bequeathed us also several other versions of
this great battle. According to the Annals (66) 20,500 foemen
are slain, a Bull inscription from Nimrud gives 25,000, a recent
statue from Ashur 29,000. But even the more conservative
figure of the monolith — 14,000 — must be regarded as greatly
exaggerated. In a certain sense the battle was an Assyrian
victory, since Shalmaneser remained master of the field, whereas
74
THE SUPREMACY OF DAMASCUS
the allies retreated. But at Gilz&u, which may be the Seleucid
Larissa (Qal'at Segar),^ they again halted. Directly on the bank
of the Orontes, which here runs through a steep and narrow valley,
the battle raged. Shalmaneser boasts that he dammed the river
with the corpses of his foes, but in reaUty he must have suffered
a defeat at this citadel. Had he been victorious he would surely
have pressed on to Hamath. Thus success at Qarqar and failure
at Gilzdu attend his first campaign against the Syrian league.
When we compare this accoimt of the cuneiform inscriptions
with our Old Testament narrative, the difficulty of harmonizing
them becomes vexing. As we have seen, Ahab of Israel fought
successfully against Damascus, and even captured its king at
Aphek, making of him a vassal. The Hebrew account deserves
full credence, the more since Ahab is distasteful to the prophetic
narrators, so that an exaggeraton of his deeds would not have
been allowed to pass into our record unchallenged. If this tradi-
tion is discarded and Ahab made the vassal of Benhadad (Winckler),
such procedure is utterly arbitrary.
The difficulties increase when we regard the name of Ahab's
opponent in the Old Testament and of his suzerain in the inscrip-
tions of Shalmaneser. Where the Bible reads Benhadad the
Assyrian gives (ilu) IM-idri. The fact that the LXX translates
Benhadad by "son of Ader" led to the supposition that hadar,
"glory," and not the divinity Hadad was originally the second
element of this name. It would have been more natural to con-
clude, however, that hadar was a later modification of Hadad for
the purpose of avoiding the name of this heathen divinity. It
was furthermore supposed that the ideogram I M could be read
"Bir," and that Bir was an Aramaean divinity. Thus Birhadar
was held by many to be the original name rather than Barhadad.^
^ Here the retreat from Qarqar would most logically reach the Orontes. For
a description of the place cf , Bell, The Desert and the Sown, p. 235.
* Cf . A T U 73 and most recently Zimmem in the Hilprecht Anniversary
Volume, p. 303. The name Barhadad occurs in Christian days as that of a
bishop in Mesopotamia; cf. von Gutschmid, Neue Beitrage zur Geschichte
des Alten Orients, 46 f .
76
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
But, admittedly, the existence of a god Bir is not established by
indisputable evidence (K A T 446) and, admittedly, the ideogram
(ilu) IM is regularly the equivalent of Adad. And in the god-
lists we are explicitly told that Addu and Dadu were the names of
the god IM in Amumi (C T XXV pi. 16:16). For this reason
Adad-idri is the only possible reading of this name, and its only
possible form in Hebrew could be Hadadezer (A J S L 27:27f.).
Benhadad and Hadadezer cannot be identified except under the
theory that the full name was Ben-Hadadezer, of which the As-
syrians dropped the first element and the Hebrews the last.
In addition to the fact that this name is of a most improbable
formation, this theory is full of difficulties.^
Luckenbill has shown one way out of the dilemma by the as-
sertion that Benhadad is not identical with Adad-idri, but rather
the latter 's predecessor (A J S L 27: 277 f.). Then the fighting
between Ahab and Benhadad might possibly have taken place
about 860. The change of rulers at Tyre, where Pygmalion
(860-814) came to the throne, may have been the signal for
Benhadad to attack Ahab, since the latter could now expect no
help from his ally. The battle of Aphek, then, took place in 859,
whereupon two years of peace with Aram followed.^ The death
of Benhadad took place, no doubt, during this interim in 858 and
Adad-idri became king in Damascus. Possibly he was a usurper,
most certainly he was a vigorous and able ruler. In 857-856
he made war upon Israel and gained Ramoth in Gilead from the
Hebrews. Ahab can have suffered no crushing defeat, for then
he would not have had the superiority in chariots with which he
is credited by Shalmaneser. It is probable that in view of the
common danger from Assyria, Ahab, who appears as a wise states-
man, made peace with Adadidri and then in 854 appeared as the
latter's ally at the battle of Qarqar. Perhaps believing the danger
from Assyria to be over for the present, Ahab in the following year
was led to undertake the campaign against the Aramaeans to
» Cf . Zeitschrift fur Keilschriftforschung, II, 167.
* These L. unnecessarily assigns to the years after Qarqar, l.c., 279.
/ 76
THE SUPREMACY OF DAMASCUS
reconquer Ramoth Gilead in which he met his fate. It must be
noted that in this account (1 Kings 22) the opponent of Ahab is
not mentioned by name, as in the preceding chapter, but is merely-
called "King of Aram." (Luckenbill, p. 281.) It is perfectly
possible to assume, therefore, that a period of five or six years in-
tervenes between 1 Kings 20 and 22 and that the "King of Aram"
is our Adad-idri. We can now also account for the fact that the
king of Israel does not appear among Shalmaneser's foes again
after 854, because the new king Joram (853-842) was engaged
in imsuccessful attempts to subdue the rebellious Moab (2 Kings
The result of Qarqar was not discouraging to the Syrians.
Indeed, after settling more urgent business in Babylonia, Shal-
maneser returned in 850 to Syria and found also Arpad and Car-
chemish rebellious. According to the Bull inscription he crossed
the Euphrates for the eighth time and burned and destroyed
many cities belonging to Sangar of Carchemish, captured Arne,^
a royal city of Arame of Arpad and sacked it, together with 100
towns of its neighborhood. This campaign, according to the Black
Obelisk (85-86), took him all that year. The Bull inscription is
mistaken in assuming an attack on the Syrian league in that season
(Textb. 21). It must also be mistaken in repeating the incursion
into Carchemish and Arpad, where 97 and 100 cities respectively
are sacked. The 100 cities of Arpad could scarcely be destroyed
twice in succession. His trip to the Amanus, however, must belong
^ If our modification of the Luckenbill theory gives a rational explanation
of the problems confronting us, then we must conclude that 2 Kings 8: 7-15 is,
to say the least, inaccurate when it makes Hazael the successor of Benhadad.
Either we must suppose Benhadad to be an error for Adadidri in vss. 7, 9 (or
a gloss!) or else deny the passage as unhistorical, for which there is hardly
enough ground (G V J 365). Those who would abide by the text must take
recourse to Kittel's theory (ibid. 359 ff.) that Shalmaneser is in error when he
mentions Ahab as his opponent, and that Ahab died 855, so that his son Joram
fought at Qarqar. Then the battle of Aphek took place 858. Under this
supposition the Benhadad-Adadidri problem, however, remains unsolved.
* Band XII of the gates of Balawat records also the capture of " . . . agd&,
a city of Arame son of Gusi."
77
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
to the 11th year, although it is not mentioned by the Obelisk
(87-89), according to which he captures 89 towns of Hatti and
Hamath. Traversing the Yaraqu mountains, apparently in the
footsteps of Ashumazirpal, he reached the cities of Hamath in
the Bargylus. Here he captured the important place of Ashta-
maku, as well as 97 towns of the region, bringing about great
slaughter. At this time, the Bull inscription vaguely tells,
Adad-idri, Ir^uleni, and twelve other (?) kings of the seaboard
went forth to meet him. He claims to have accomplished their de-
feat, slain 10,000 of their warriors, and taken away their weapons,
chariots, and horses. It is impossible to say where the battle
took place. On his return he went to the Amanus for cedars, and
then back to Mesopotamia. On the way he captured Apparasu,
a fortress in Arpad (perhaps to-day Tatmarash, northwest of
Erfad) and received the tribute of King Kalparundi ^ of gattina.
In 848 he found it necessary to undertake a punitive expedition
against Paqar^ubuna (the territory of Bit-Adini west of the
Euphrates) as we learn from the Black Obelisk (896).
In 846, his 14th year, Shalmaneser makes a supreme effort.
He mobilizes troops from all parts of his domain, as the Bull
inscription informs us, and with 120,000 men crosses the Euphrates.
The same Syrian league (this time 14 kings) again takes the field
against him. At Qarqar about 60,000 men had fought against
Shalmaneser. But now the huge army of the Assyrian must
have necessitated a much greater levy. Shalmaneser claims that
he routed the enemy; but since he furnishes no facts at all, we
must regard his statement with distrust. During the next three
years he was busy with operations in Nairi, Namri, and the
Amanus.
About this time a change of rulers took place at Damascus.
^ Apparently the last king of this state. Sachau, Z A 6: 432, has shown that
the name occurs in an Aramaic inscription of the seventh century, C I S II no.
75, "To Akrabu (?) son of Gabbarud, the eimuch, who drew near unto Hadad."
Gal-pa-ru-da, Galpurundi, Garpanmda, Gabbarud are all variations of the
same name. The one of this inscription may have been a Syrian prince whose
son suffered the fate referred to in Is. 39: 7.
78
THE SUPREMACY OF DAMASCUS
Concerning this event an Ashur text (M K A no. 30:25) says,
"Adad-idri forsook the land (i.e. died); Hazael, son of a nobody-
seized the throne." More detailed information is presented in 2
Kings 8 : 7-15, if we delete the name Benhadad as a gloss and refer
"king of Aram" to Adad-idri. According to this passage Elisha
reads the mind of Hazael, who has been sent to him by the king,
and recognizes his innermost ambitions and designs. Alone with
the King in his chamber soon afterward, Hazael smothers him
with a wet blanket (so that no sign of murder can be detected)
and then, with the help of other conspirators, seizes the throne of
Damascus.
Adadidri must have been an able and a brilliant ruler. With
his death the Syrian league seems to have fallen apart. Assyrian
diplomacy may have speeded this. Concerning Israel we know
that Joram asserted his independence by emphasizing his claims
on Gilead (2 Kings 8:28). He attacked Ramoth, captured it, and
then "held the watch" against Hazael, king of Aram (9:14) and
after being wounded, went to Jezreel for a rest-cure. With his
murder by Jehu, the dynasty of Omri reaches its end. Hazael
meanwhile was laboring under great difl&culties, and needed time
to whip his vassals back into line. But Shalmaneser, seeing his
advantage, was quick to make use of it.
In 842, therefore, he advanced upon Damascus without tarry-
ing on the way. Hamath must have submitted and allowed
him to pass on unmolested. At the mountain of Saniru (the
Shenir of Deut. 3:9), "in front of the Lebanon," Hazael intrenched
himself. The "Lebanon" must here refer to the Antilebanon
range, before whose southern "front" the Saniru or Hermon, lies
(Textb. 24). Of course, the Assyrian does not mean to say that
Hazael intrenched himself on the top of the great Hermon! Haupt
thinks the Gebel ez-Zebedani, 50 km. northwest of Damascus, is
meant (Z D M G 69:169). Most assuredly the position which the
Aramaean took was in the close vicinity of the Wadi Zerzer on
the present railroad from Damascus to Shtora, for the Assyrians
must have approached Damascus from the Biqa' on the very same
79
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
route as does the modem traveller coming from Berut. In the
ensuing battle Hazael was forced to retreat to Damascus. Besides
the slaughter of 6000 Aramaeans, Shalmaneser claims a large
booty of 1121 chariots, 470 riding horses, and Hazael's camp.
But this battle had evidently cost him so heavily that he was
unable to lay siege to Damascus. He had to content himself
with destroying the beautiful parks of the vicinity and with a
raid against defenseless towns in the Hauran. Then he turned
back to the Phoenician coast, journeying as far as the mountains
of Ba'U-ra'-si (the promontory at the Nahr-el-Kelb above Bertit),
where he set up his royal image, which is still standing to-day.'
Here he received the tribute of Tyre, Sidon and Jehu of Israel.
This fact is of extreme importance. None of these states needed
to pay tribute. Arvad, Simyra and Ushana were much nearer
and yet did not find it necessary. The significance of the act
is twofold. We see first that Jehu maintains the tradition of the
house of Omri of fraternizing with Sidon and Tyre (cf. the words
of the disappointed prophetic writer 2 Kings. 10:31). And further-
more we perceive that these three states make a bid for Assyrian
friendship and thereby declare themselves the foes of Aram.
For Israel's history it was a momentous decision.
Under this aspect, the attitude of Hazael, that Elisha foresaw,
becomes perfectly clear. He is filled with an implacable hatred
for Israel. True, for the present he could not pay any attention
to this southern neighbor, for his mind and strength were occupied
with the Assyrian menace. In 839 Shalmaneser made a last
attempt to strike at Damascus. The Obelisk (102-4) tells that he
captured four of the Aramaean's cities, and received the tribute of
Tyre, Sidon, and Gebal. The^ eponym chronicle designates the
campaign for this year as "to the land of Danabi." This can
only refer to the classical Danaba and the Dunip of the Amama
letters, which lay perhaps at §ednaya north of Damascus (Z D P V
30: 17). Danaba was, then, one of the four captured cities. But
Shalmaneser's success was not decisive, and henceforth he had to
1 Cf . Winckler, Daa Vorgebirge am Nahr-el-Kelb, '09, p. 16.
80
THE SUPREMACY OF DAMASCUS
give up the Syrian wars in favor of more urgent business in the
far north.
At last Hazael was at liberty to wreak his vengeance on Israel.
His first blows apparently fell upon Gilead and Bashan, which he
" cut off " from Israel (2 Kings 10 : 32-33) . Jehu may have appealed
more than once to Shalmaneser. How terrible the revenge of
Hazael was appears from Amos 1 :3 — "They have threshed Gilead
with iron threshing sledges." Hazael's action was a signal for
all other neighbors to stretch out their hands for spoil, and so we
find Philistines, Edomites, Ammonites, and even the Tyrians,
" forgetting the bond of brotherhood" (Am. 1:9), making Razzias
into Israel (Is. 9:12, Am. 1:6-15). Under Jehu's son Joahaz
(814-797) Israel's abasement reached the extreme stage. Hazael's
armies overran the entire land (G V J II 378). So ignominious
were the conditions in these days that the records are silent of all
details save the one fact that the Aramaeans only allowed Joahaz
an army of 50 horsemen, 10 chariots and 10,000 men (more prob-
ably only 1000 men O L Z '01, 144, 2 Kings. 13:7).
Hazael's ambitions, it appears, were chiefly directed to the
south, and he wisely abstained from giving offense to Assyria
by undue efforts in the north. Arabia especially seems to have
been close to his heart, for it was with the purpose of exercising
more complete control over the Arabs that he pushed his con-
quests into Philistaea, where the Arabian caravan roads reached
the sea.^ Besides this the control of the coastal plain of Palestine
gave him the monopoly of the trade with Egypt. According to
the information of the Greek text of Lucian in 2 Kings 13 : 22, lost
in the M.T., Hazael captured all of PhiUstaea as far as Aphek in
Sharon. He even laid siege to Gath, and from there made an ex-
pedition against Jerusalem, whose king Joash paid him a rich
tribute out of the temple treasury (2 Chr. 24: 19f., 2 Kings 12:18 f.).
Thus Hazael looms up as a great warrior, the greatest, perhaps, of
the Aramaean kings. He was on the best road to the realization
1 It is possible that Hazael was of Arabian extraction, for we find a king of
Alibi named Qazailu in the time of Essarhaddon; cf. Prisms A and C, III, 1 f.
81
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
of a Syrian-Arabian empire when death called him away from the
throne.
Benhadad III assumed the reins of government at the very
latest in 804 b.c. It would seem that Joahaz of Israel immediately
seized the opportunity of a change of rulers at Damascus to shake
off the foreign yoke.* According to a suggestion of Kuenen (Ein-
leitung 25), the account of a seige of Samaria (2 Kings 6 : 24-7 :20)
which, in its present connection, is placed in the time of Joram ben
Ahab in reaUty seems to belong to the time of Joahaz. It is a
priori unUkely that Joram should be meant, since Damascus
was during his reign too occupied with the Assyrian danger to
assume the offensive against Israel. The actual fighting that did
occur at this time, furthermore, centered at Ramoth in Gilead
(G V J II 362). That Joahaz alone can be meant becomes a
certainty from 6: 32, where the king is called "son of a murderer, "
which must refer to Jehu, the father of Joahaz, whose bloody deeds
are chronicled in detail (I.e. 379). The Benhadad of our story
can well be the son of Hazael, for the prophet Elisha was alive
still in the time of Joash the son of Joahaz. Benhadad, then,
upon the denial of his suzerainty by Joahaz, marched against
Israel and laid siege to Samaria. Dire need and starvation
reigned soon in the city. The king's whole wrath was turned
against Elisha, who could give no other counsel than "Trust in
God." But the prophet's word was vindicated, for on the morrow
the Aramaean war camp lay deserted. The cause of the flight
of the enemy is sought in the approach of Hittite and Egyptian
armies. Usually this is emended by historians into "Assyrian
armies" and referred to the advance of Adadnirdri IV (810-782).
Perhaps we should do better, however, to abide by the text and
to understand Misraim as referring not to Egypt but to the
northern " Mu^ri", or Cappadocia. They and the Hittites of Car-
chemish and Arpad may well have been moved by the Haldians
1 2 Kings 13: 22 must then be regarded as inexact. Its late origin is recog-
nized by commentators on other grounds than the one advanced here. Besides,
Hazael died some time before 803, while Joahaz lived till 797.
82
THE SUPREMACY OF DAMASCUS
of Urartu to attack Damascus, for the Haldians were striving ]s^
to establish an empire in Syria about this time (of. Ch. XII).
The campaigns of Adadnirdri in 806 to Arpad, 805 to Qazaz, may-
have been directed against the Haldian power in this quarter.
If our interpretation can be trusted, the siege of Samaria must
have taken place about 806 b.c. Damascus, forced to fight the
Haldians, had to release its pressure on Israel. |~
Certainly some events must have taken place which momentarily ' '
weakened Damascus. For Adadnirari can boast on the stone-
slab inscription that in one of his campaigns, probably that of
803 "to the sea," he laid siege to Damascus and received the
tribute of its king Mari'.^ This name is merely the popular title
of the kings of Damascus, "my lord." The real name of the ruler
can only have been Benhadad. Adadnirari received from him
in his palace 2300 talents of silver, 20 talents of gold, 3000 talents
of copper, 5000 talents of iron, brightly colored garments, cloths,
an ivory bed, a couch of inlaid ivory. In the same inscription he
asserts that he made tributary to himself Hatti, Amurri, Tyre,
Sidon, the land of Omri, Edom, and PhiUstaea. These glittering
generalities, however, must be regarded with the greatest scep-
ticism.
The renewed advance of the Assyrians gave Israel a breathing
spell. Already in the reign of Joash (797-781) the Hebrews won
successes against Aram. This is reflected in the oracle of the
dying Elisha concerning "the Arrow of victory over Aram"
(2 Kings 13: 14-19). From it we may at least gather that Joash
administered a most severe defeat to Damascus at Aphek. The
Assyrian campaign against Manguate in 797 may have helped
to render the beginning of his reign auspicious, since Damascus
was heavily engaged thereby. Joash succeeded in winning back
the cities which his father had lost to Hazael. His successor
^ As now appears from the Boghaz-Kol texts, the word Mar, "lord," is
derived from the title "mariamiu" borne by the Aryan nob'lity in Syria in the
days of the Hittite empire. Adadnirdri is for some reason reverting back to
this old title of city rulers in our instance, O L Z '10: 292 f.
83
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
Jeroboam II (781-740) even regained the Marsyas plain as far
as the entrance to Hamath, and gave Israel a new period of bloom.
The campaign of Shalmaneser IV (783-773) against Damascus
in 773 and Qatarik in 772, mentioned in the Eponym chronicle,
may have greatly aided Jeroboam. About this time the reign
of Benhadad III must have drawn to its close. Valuable Ught
is shed on the events in his last years by an Aramaic inscription
from Hamath which we shall discuss in an especial chapter
(Ch. XI).
84
CHAPTER X
KILAMMU OF SAM'AL
Among the north Syrian principaUties we have already met that
of Sam'al, at the foot of the Amanus mountains, and have heard of
its King Qdni of Sam'al, alias Uaidni son of Gabbar. The bril-
liantly successful excavations conducted by F. von Luschan on
behalf of the German Oriental Society at Sengirli, have brought to
light the capital and center of the kingdom of Sam'al and a
number of valuable inscriptions of Sam'al's kings. The oldest of
these inscriptions, found shattered to fragments, but completely
restored by the skill of an expert of the Berlin Museum, is that
of Edlammu son of JJaia.^ Von Luschan straightway recognized
that the JJaid mentioned can be no other than the JJani of Sam'al
who lived in the days of Shalmaneser.
The language of the inscription is Canaanitic or Phoenician.
If it were not for the fact that its author calls himself "bar gaia,"
using the Aramaic word ''bar" for son, we would scarcely believe
that he was an Aramaean, for there are hardly any traces of
Aramaic in the rest of the inscription. Nevertheless the language
of the invaders must have been spoken to a very large extent in
this region at Kilammu's time and even earlier, for some geographi-
cal terms in the Assyrian inscriptions referring to this district
are undoubtedly Aramaic; the name of the Kara-Su river as
Saluara (El) river, is an example (S B A '92, 330). But the learned
men of the land, the priests and scribes, were all of the older stock,
^ A S 237 ff. makes no attempt to decipher the inscription. Its difficulties
were, however, quickly solved by the work of Littmann, S B A '11: 976 f.;
Lidzbarski, E S E III 218 f.; Bauer, Z D M G, 67: 684 f. Extremely diver-
gent but not convincing is the interpretation of Hoffmann, Theol. Lit. Zeit.,
'12 (January 6).
85
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
and thus the Phoenician tongue, which had maintained itself
in spite of centuries of Hittite domination, was used in the cult
and in the civic administration.
The name of our king K L M V has been variously interpreted.
Littmann vocalized it "Kalumu" {I.e. 978) and compared the
personal name "Kalummu" (= "young") of the Hammurapi
Dynasty. Streck {ibid. 985) calls attention to the Kulummai
in M V A G '06, 230. But in view of such names as Giammu,
Panammu, Tutammu, it seems preferable to regard that of this
king as Hittite. The first element then is Kil — which is frequent
in proper names of Asia Minor provenance; ^ the second element
mu is then the ending — moos, — mcnias, — mues.'^ Lidzbarski
suggests {I.e. 224) that the name Kheramues found on the island
of Samos (Kretzschmer 333) is perhaps identical with "Kilammu."
Kilanmiu's inscription is divided into two portions by a double
line drawn horizontally through the middle, and the material
content of the inscription justifies this division. In the first half
he deals with historical matter and in the second part with social
and religious things. Let us follow his own story in detail.
After informing us who he is by the words "I am Kilammu son
of 5ai&," the author gives us a brief historical survey of his dynasty
(2-5) and mentions as its founder a certain Gabbar whom we have
heard of as the father of 5^ni of Sam'al from Assyrian sources.
As his name shows, Gabbar was an Aramaean. If he was con-
temporary of Ashumazirpal, we see that already at this day the
Aramaeans had seized the reins of government in Sam'al. This
king's reign is described briefly as "Gabbar ruled over Ya'di*
and accomplished nothing." Likewise his successor Bamah
* Cf. Lycian Kill-ortas, pisid. Kill-ares; also the place names Kilistra,
Kilarazos (Kretzschmer, Einleitung in die Geschichte der Griechischen
Sprache '96, p. 368). O L Z '11: 542 compares of Kili-Teshup (Hittite).
* Poiamoas, Oubramouasis, Panamues. Kretzschmer, Z.c, 332 f. As Lidz-
barski points out, the final vav in KLMV must have had consonantal value for
the scriptio plena for vowels does not occur in this inscription. This dis-
penses at once with all Semitic interpretations of the name.
' Ya'di - Sam'al; cf. Ch. XIV.
86
•I
KILAMMU OF SAM'AL
(B M H) accomplished nothing. The third king of the dynasty-
was the present ruler's father 3ai&. Since he is called by the
Assyrian "son of Gabbar," we must assume that Bamah was either
an older brother of Qai^ or else a usurper. IJaid, too, accomplished
nothing. His name is given in the short hypocoristic form, while
the Assyrian gives the fullest form gaidni. Perhaps the popular
form was avoided in speaking to strangers; thus the bilingual
texts from Palmyra give the hypocoristic form in the Aramaic
portion, but the full form in the Greek (E S E III 225, II 282).
The name Qaian also appears in the later Nabataean inscriptions.
It has been frequently pointed out that the name of the Hyksos
king, Khian, recorded by Manetho, bears striking similarity to
this Arabian- Aramaean gaian (S B A 11:979). gaia was suc-
ceeded by Kilammu's brother She'll ^ who "accomplished nothing.""
How Kilammu finally came to the throne is not said but it is;
quite likely that the murder of She'il preceded his accession. Since
Kilammu's name is unsemitic, he may have been the son of a Hittite
wife of Qaia, and only a half-brother to Shell.
Peculiarly indeed Kilammu described himself as "son of per-
fection." It has been suggested that he is imitating the custom of
Assyrian kings, who in praising themselves very often use the ex-
pression "gitmalu," "perfect."^ And Bauer (I.e. 685) has sup-
posed that Kilammu is playing on his name with the similar
Assyrian "kalamu" and calling himself "der Allesmacher" or
the "one who accomplishes everything." For an Assyrian vassal
it, of course, must have been eminently satisfactory that he was
able to give his name such a flattering interpretation. And in-
deed this observation seems justified from the next sentence, in
* This would be the Aramaic vocaUzation. If it was spoken in Hebrew
fashion, it would be Sha'ul ( = Saul). Littmann's interpretation "sha-ili,"
"of God," is less likely. Perhaps She'il was Haid's brother, not Kilammu's;
E S E III 226 suggests that possibly the oldest member of the ruling family
came to the throne as among the Osmanlis.
^ Hehn, Bibl. Zeitschr., '12: 121. It seems unnecessary to hold with E S E
III 227 that bar Tarn is a proper name, "son of Tam," referring to the mother
of Kilammu. It would be rather unusual for a Semite to mention his mother
in this manner.
87
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
which this king shows a most remarkable self-esteem: "Of that
which I accomplished the previous (kings) accomplished nothing."
Thus the history of the djoiasty culminates in himself, and before
his glory the deeds of all other who sat on Sam'al's throne pale
into insignificance.
Of his foreign poUcy he tells us in 11. 5-8, "My father's house,"
he says, "was in the midst of powerful kings." He does not
name them, but we can imagine who most of them were. For
Sam'al bordered to the north on Gurgum, to the south on Uattina,
and Yaban, to the east on Bit-Adini. And beyond these were
numerous other kingdoms that were constantly forming new
political constellations, and whose aid could be bought with gold.
It was a perilous diplomatic game that was constantly being
played at the royal courts of these petty states. "Every one
(of these kings) stretched out his hand against (my people)"
(Z D M G 68:227). Vividly in these few words our author
paints the situation that existed in Syria since time immemorial.
It was under such conditions that Kilammu came to the throne.
And what was the result? Forcibly he relates: "But I became
in the hands of the kings Hke a fire that devours beard and hand." ^
In this connection he gives us an incident: "When the king of
the D — N Y M 2 arose against me, I hired against him the king
of Ashur. A maiden he (the king of D.) had to give for every
sheep, and a man for every garment." ' Kilammu employs
almost military terseness and brevity. The result of his ad-
versary's hostility was disastrous to himself. The adversary had
to pay him a large war indemnity.
Who is the king of D — N Y M? This problem is the most
vexing one offered by our inscription. We are well acquainted
* Bauer, I.e., 690. But the passage is interpreted also in various other ways.
E S E III 228 translates, "I also was in the hand of kings, for devoured was my
beard, devoured was my hand." Beard and hand typify a man's dignity and
strength.
* Unfortunately the second letter of the name is illegible.
* Bauer, I.e., 686 f . This interpretation is preferable to that of Lidzbarski,
231, who assumes that Kilammu made this payment to the king of Ashur.
88
KILAMMU OF SAM'AL
with the various states of Syria from the Assyrian records, but
there is no such name occurring among them. It would be tempt-
ing to correct the name into Y (Q) N Y M — people of Ya^jan,
but this is precarious. If we abide by the reading D — N Y M, it
might be held that the Dodanim, a Greek tribe and branch of
the lonians, referred to in Genesis 10 :4 are meant. In this case it
must be assumed that sea-kings from Cyprus or other islands of
the Mediterranean temporarily exercised power over the Amanus
region. Then too it must be concluded that the Assyrian king
on an oversea's venture subjected this Greek king and forced him
to pay an indemnity. While this is not impossible per se, we must
be rather skeptical in regard to such an expedition. Another
possibility is that advocated by Littmann, that the tribe or people
of Danuna is here referred to, which appears among the Asiatics
in the Egyptian annals (MAE 359) and occurs in a letter of
Abimilki king of Tyre (Kn. no. 151:52). The locality referred
to is disputed. The only indication we have is the fact that it is
mentioned along with Ugarit. The latter seems to have been a
seaport in the extreme north of Syria (Kn. 1017). In one of the
Boghaz-Koi tablets the Hittite king justifies himself before the
king of Babylon because a caravan bound for Amurru and Ugarit
was attacked within his territory (M D G no. 35, p. 24). In
our Amama letter the Hittite army is also mentioned. It is
therefore undeniably plausible that a small state or people of
Danuna may have existed in the ninth century in the vicinity of
Alexandrette on the western slopes of the Amanus. This people
was fairly safe from attack by the Assyrians, and need therefore
not be mentioned in the inscriptions of the latter. On the other
hand it might through the pass of Beilan encroach upon the
territory of Sam'al or at least make razzias into this region.^ An
additional explanation which has not yet been proffered might be
this, that the country of Daiaeni on the Upper Euphrates is re-
ferred to by D — N Y M. A temporary expansion of power from
* The city of Dinanu given in the list R T P 15 and lying in the vicinity of
Aleppo might also claim consideration.
89
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
this center south to the region of Sam'al is not impossible. Still
better, however, might be the supposition that (Blt)-Zam^i
is meant,^ a state in the Kashiar region against which the Assyrians
in these days made a number of campaigns (cf. Toffteen, Re-
searches, p. 6ff.)-
Whoever the hostile king was, Kilammu "hired against him
the king of Ashur" (cp. 2 Sam. 10:6). We do not hear what
measures the Assyrian took, nor have we any clue in the cunei-
form inscriptions. The Assyrian help, however, was effective.
Kilammu retained his independence, and the large indemnity
which he received, coupled with the care-free life that he could
now Uve under Assyria's protection, enabled him to devote his
attention to the promotion of the common weal.
About such peaceful endeavors, Kilammu tells us in the second
part of his inscription. Herein lies his greatest pride. Like
Solomon of Israel, he was a diplomat, a builder, an organizer,
rather than a warrior. But his idea of the relation of a king to
his subjects is singularly different from that recorded of Solomon
and other Oriental potentates. What the word "Landesvater"
expresses to the German appears to have been the ideal of
Kilammu.
The second part begins anew with an introduction in which
the king names himself. We find the same form in the Assyrian
annals, as well as in the Phoenician monuments (cf . Eshmunazzar,
13). "I Kilammu, son of JJaia, sat on the throne of my father.
Before the previous kings the inhabitants walked (i.e. were con-
sidered) like dogs. " * Forcefully, though not unjustly the author
describes the character of the Oriental despots. But how dif-
ferent was his own way! "I on the contrary was a father to the
one, a mother to the next, a brother to the third " (cf. Bauer I.e.
688). He also brought prosperity to the poor and miserable.
"Him, who never saw the face of a sheep, I made the possessor of
1 The change of Z into D is no obstacle, as that is frequent; cf. gindan and
ginzan, Z A 19: 236.
*Cf. E S E III 233. Another interpretation, "slunk about like dogs," is
offered, Z D M G 68: 227.
90
KILAMMU OF SAM'AL
a flock and him who never saw the face of an ox, I made the
possessor of cattle, and owner of silver and owner of gold, and him
who from his youth had never seen cotton, I covered in my day
with byssus." What a contrast to the poverty and utter neglect
of human needs in former times! No wonder that as he thinks
back and recalls former conditions he comes to the judgment that
his predecessors accomplished nothing! "But I stood as support
at the side of the inhabitants, and they showed me a feeling such
as the feeling of an orphan for a mother." Thus the ideal state,
Kilammu believes, was achieved imder his rule.
Like all those who erect monuments for posterity, Kilammu
fears nothing so much as that his memory might be forgotten.
Therefore he adjures the coming generations: "If any one of my
descendants who shall sit in my stead, shall bring libation to this
inscription, (under him) the Mushkab shall not oppress the
Ba'rir and the Ba'rir shall not oppress the Mushkab." ^ He thus
invokes a blessing upon the reign of his successor who honors his
monument. And the greatest benefit that he can think of for a
King of Sam'al is peace between two factions that were powerful
in this state. It has been suggested that Mushkab represents
the inhabitants or fellahin, while Ba'rir designates the Beduin.
Still more likely, however, is the view (E S E III 235) that the
difference is more a national than a cultural one, and that the
Mushkab is the old inhabitant of Canaanite or Hittite stock, while
the Ba'rir is the Aramaean immigrant who now formed an im-
portant part of the population. This indeed strikes the truth
squarely, for the word Ba'rir is used in the later Aramaic in the
sense of barbarian or foreigner. Since the two words appear
without the article they are semi-proper names. The Ara-
maeans therefore continued to be called Ba'rir long after they
^ The word "Mushkab" must refer to human beings, as proceeds from the
contrast to Ba'rir in 1. 14. The translation "sepulchers" is impossible. E S E
III 233 correctly suggests that it means inhabitants of a lower order. The
Babylonia "Mushkdnu," so frequent in the Hammurapi code, might be re-
garded as analogous. Bauer, I.e., 687, explains the expression "Mushkab"
as "dwelling" used for "dwellers," just as Assyrian bit often means "tribe.'*
91
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
had ceased to be nomads and had taken up agriculture and trade.
The linguistic and racial differences between the two factions
made a sharp distinction necessary in the affairs of the kingdom
and increased the difficulties of the sovereign. The modus
Vivendi presupposed by Kilammu is exactly like that in early
Shechem between Hebrew and Canaanite. But the possibility
of bloody strife arising at any moment, as happened in Shechem,
seems dreadful to him.
The rite which Kilammu hopes shall be evermore performed at
his monument, the libation,^ has its analogy in Semitic usage.
Thus Sennacherib (Prism VI 66f.) says that whoever of his descend-
ants that shall reign after him shall have to renovate his palace,
"May he gaze upwn the inscription of my name, may he anoint
it with oil, bring sacrifice, and return it to its place ; then Ashur
and Ishtar shall hear his prayer." To anoint an inscription of
one's forebears with oil was thus an act of respect and veneration,
incumbent upon those who were pious. But as Sennacherib
closes his inscription with a curse upon the head of him who shall
change the writing of his name, so Kilammu also concludes "who-
ever shall destroy this inscription, may Ba'al §emed who is Gab-
bar's (god) destroy his head, and Ba'al gaman, who is Bamah's
(god), destroy his head, and Rekabel, Ba'al of my house."
In this oath formula Ues the only indication that we have of
Kilammu's religious life. He mentions three royal patrons that
have proved themselves helpful to the kings of Sam'al. Nor can
it be accidental that above his inscription there are engraved
three divine symbols. The first of these symbols, to the left,
is the homed head-dress usually worn by the gods in ancient
sculptures; the second is undoubtedly the bridle of a horse; ^
the third is the waning moon with a superimposed full moon.
The god Ba'al §emed, "lord of the team" (of oxen), is an agri-
' So Bauer, I.e., 689. Lidzbarski and others translate "damage," which is
unlikely. The remainder of the quotation has likewise been correctly ex-
plained by Bauer, ibid.
* So Hehn convincingly proves, Biblische Zeitschrift, 1912, p. 116.
92
KILAMMU OF SAM'AL
cultural deity and may be meant with the first sjonbol. To
define Ba'al gaman is more difficult. The interpretation "Lord
of the Amanus" is untenable (E S E III 236). The name must
be derived from the Canaanite hamon, which primarily signifies
"noise, roar, tumult." We should therefore regard this divinity
as a storm-god, and the equivalent of Hadad; and since Hadad
is a variation of the moon god in his r61e of weathermaker (G G 88),
the third symbol can represent Ba'al-gamon. Hommel's suppo-
sition (G G 160) that the Carthaginian Ba'al gaman represents
the waning moon is thus vindicated. Rekabel "The charioteer
(or rider) is god" is the old Aramaean war-god and is a mani-
festation of the God Amar (O L Z '09:16). His symbol must thus
be the bridle. But though Kilammu recognizes these gods and
calls upon them to curse impiety, he does not give any credit to
them for past help. As long as he lives he does not need them;
when he is dead they may guard his inscription ! How differently
does a Panammu speak of the grace of the Gods! Lack of the
reverence which he demands of others is characteristic of Kilammu.
He has neither respect for his ancestors nor for the divine powers.
He is Kilammu, "son of perfection."
His relation to Assyria is not clear. The expression "I hired
the king of Assyria" is noticeably contemptuous. He is ungrate-
ful, however, for without Assyrian help his prosperity would have
been impossible. But we must ask ourselves — was he still a
subject of Assyria at the time of this inscription and would a
vassal have dared to speak in this fashion? It is quite possible
that he wrote this inscription at the time of Shalmaneser IV
(783-773), when Assyria was greatly weakened. But on the other
hand it is singular that Kilammu has no weapon, but peacefully
holds in his hand a flower,^ while in pre- Assyrian sculptures from
Sengirli weapons are always represented. (E S E III 230.) This
seems to indicate that Kilammu is still a vassal, and that it was
^ Is the flower a symbol of the moongod? According to Hommel, G G 88,
Nannar is pictured as "Uly." Nannar-In-shushinak, God of Shushan, the
city of the "lUy," III R 55 No. 3, 24 be.
93
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
forbidden to vassals to wear weapons or to allow themselves to be
portrayed with them. Assyria's prestige, however, is so small,
and Kilammu's notion of his own greatness so exaggerated, that
it is only a little step to a declaration of independence.
Kilammu, we must conclude, was a wise and able ruler. If we
set aside his impiety and conceit, we have a man of sagacious and
kindly character. His inscription, however, was destroyed despite
the curses, which the foe who sacked the city may not have under-
stood. Thousands of years later, however, the skill of the modem
scientist has restored the fragments to a Uving whole.
04
CHAPTER XI
ZAKIR OF HAMATH AND LA'ASH
As we have already indicated, Hamath's rise to power is syn-
chronous with the decay of gattina. The capital city, called
also Hamath Rabbah,^ or the "great Hamath" (Am. 6:2), is
identical with the modern Hama on the Orontes and the classical
Epiphania. The great Tell in the middle of the present city
contains the remains of this ancient capital of the second largest
state of Syria, and an excavation of it should yield rich treasures
in inscriptions and monuments. The location of Hama has always
been one of commercial importance, situated as it is on the great
highway from the Biqa* and Damascus to Aleppo and in the vicinity
of one of the most fruitful districts of central Syria. If the in-
terpretation of its name as meaning "Metropolis" (Konig) be
correct, as seems likely, then its commercial and political character
is sufl&ciently emphasized. It was doubtless an ancient Canaanitic
settlement (cf. Gen. 10:18) and then became a center of Hittite
influence, as is afl&rmed by the discovery there of the so-called
"Hamath stones," or Hittite inscriptions.^ Its king Ir^uleni, who
fought at Qarqar, was a last scion of the Hittite nobility in this
part of Syria. But the population of his country must have been
largely Aramaean.
The northern border of Hamath in Shalmaneser's day must
have been near Idlib, southwest of Aleppo, where we found the
frontier towns of Adennu, Barga and Argan^. Later it reached
as far north as il-Atharib, as will appear shortly. Two excellent
strongholds guarded Hamath, which itself is imdefended, on the
* A reminiscence of Rabbah may be seen in Qal'at er-Rubbeh a little west
of Hama.
* Cf . Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, 93 f .
95
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
north — Apamea and Larissa. In its best days Hamath con-
trolled the entire Bargylus region together with a number of im-
portant coast cities like Usnu, Siannu §imirra, Rashpuna.^ Its
southern border must be defined, by the familiar Old Testament
expression Labo Hamath, "the entrance to Hamath," with which
Israel's ideal northern frontier is described. This can only
designate that point where the Orontes river leaves the Biqd' and
flows into the valley between Lebanon and Antilebanon. Near
this point there is a town to-day called Lebweh and in ancient
times Libum; it is very likely, as is supposed by some, that the
verbal form Lab5 has crystallized into the mane of this place in
later days. And if we read in Numbers 34 :1 1 that Harbelah (LXX
while M T has Riblah) is Israel's border we find this preserved
in the modem il Harmel north of Libum (Z A W 3:274). But
apart from this indirect argument, we know definitely that the
territory of Hamath extended at least to Riblah, south of the lake
of Homs (cf. 2 Kings 23:33 etc.).
Hamath, after the death of Benhadad II of Damascus, seems
to have given up resistance against Assyria, in order to avoid
further demolition of its cities. Indeed, it became a supporter
of Assyria, for the attack of Adadnir&ri IV against Mari' of
Damascus, as well as of Shalmaneser against Hazael, is unthinka-
ble except under the supposition that the Assyrians allowed
Hamath to annex some of the territory of ^[attina, when that
state was reduced to Unqi-il Amq. It was good policy for them
to strengthen Hamath at the expense of other less loyal states.
However, it was only natural that, as soon as Assyria failed to-
assert its power in the west, the other states of Syria should seek
to avenge themselves upon Hamath for its Assyrian partisanship.
These conditions are reflected in a most remarkable inscription,,
discovered and edited by Pognon.* It is written in a dialect that
is Aramaic in many characteristics, but in which a Canaanitic
* We shall deal with the so-called " 19 districts of Hamath" in Chapter XII.
* Inscriptions s6mitique8 de 1^ Syrie, de la M^opotamie et de la region de-
Mossoul, 1907, No. 86.
96
ZAKIR OF HAMATH AND LA'ASH
vocabulary predominates (J B L 28:64). It takes us, therefore,
to the period of the Aramaean absorption of this region, and
throws an imexpected flood of light on the history of Hamath in
the obscure period between Shalmaneser and Tiglathpileser. The.
inscription unfortunately is not fully preserved. It was once-
written upon a monolith of at least 2:10 meters height (according
to the discoverer's estimate), which no doubt the Arabs broke into-
blocks for building purposes. Four of these blocks were recovered
and the largest exhibits the relief of the lower extremities of a,
human figure.
Whom this sculpture once represented is related in the opening
line of the inscription: "The stele which Zakir," ^ king of Hamath
and La'ash placed for Elur (and inscribed "). This title of the
inscription straightway raises the question, what is meant by
La'ash. A city or region so important that it can be named
alongside of Hamath should be mentioned in the Assyrian inscrip-
tions, or in the Old Testament. But the cuneiform records seem to
leave us in the lurch entirely. In Genesis 10: 19, however, we may
have an occurrence of it if the conjecture that Lasha' is an error for
La* ash be true (Procksch79). There the border of the Canaanite
habitat is described as running from Sidon to Gerar (near Gaza),
then east to Sodom, and then north again to Lasha*. We are led
to expect that Lasha* lies somewhere east of Phoenicia, in order to
complete the quadrangle. Montgomery has discovered references
in the early Arabic Geographies to a town of Bal'^s^ in the region
of Homs ( J B L 28 : 69) which is to-day preserved in the Gebel
Bil'ds southeast of Selemiyeh (E S E III 176). If this be the
neighborhood of the ancient La'ash, then its omission in the
cuneiform inscriptions is explicable by the analogy of the near-by
^ This vocalization given by Pognon is retained by us here because of the
occurrence of this form among the Mesopotamian names. Noldeke (Z A XXI
375 S.) reads Zakur and Montgomery, Zakar. Kn. 1095 compares the prince
Zlkar from the same region in Amama days.
2 Montgomery, I.e., 70, also reminds us of the startling similarity between
the names La 'ash and Lagash in Babylonia, and finds a BalSs between Wa§it
and Basra.
97
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
Tadmor (Palmyra), which is also never mentioned, since it lies
too far to the left of the highway. But, on the other hand, BiVka
lies far north of the latitude of Sidon, which seems rather a serious
objection. For the present the view of Dussaud appears prefer-
able. He identifies La*ash with Lubuti (R A '08, 222 f.). This is
philologically plausible and historically most highly probable.
As we have seen (Ch. VIII) the land of Lubuti is the lofty Bargylus
plateau, which seems to have belonged to Hamath in the days of
Ashumazirpal. It represents a conquered province of Hamath
rather than an integral original part of the kingdom. What is
more likely than that a ruler of Hamath should include Lubuti
in his title, and call himself "King of Hamath and Lubuti"? It
is certainly more probable than that the obscure Bil'ds should
appear in the title.* This would only be possible if it be the
birthplace of Zakir or the first city of his rule.
After designating the stele as dedicated to the god Eltir, the
author begins anew "Zakir, King of Hamath and La'ash, a humble
man am I" (1-2).' And because of his great humility he received
divine aid: "And (there helped me) Ba'alshamayn and stood by
me and Ba'alshamayn made me king over Hazrak" (3-4). It
would appear that Zakir was the organizer of a rebellion in this
city, and became its king and that from here he subdued the rest
of the kingdom. What the political cause of his rebellion was is
not quite clear, but we may assume that in all probability the king
of Hamath had yielded to the pressure of his neighbors, especially
of Damascus, to join an anti-Assyrian coalition, and that the pro-
Assyrian party had raised Zakir to the throne in one of the chief
strongholds of the realm. It is but natural that the southern
part of the kingdom near the border of Damascus should be hostile
to this dangerous neighbor.
The fortress of Hazrak is identical with the Hadrach of Zechariah
9 : 1 — " Jahve is in the land of Hadrach and in Damascus is his seat."
^As historically, if not philologically, unlikely I also regard the view of
Grimme, O L Z '09: 15, that La'ash ■ Alashia (Cyprus).
*E S E III 6 suggests "man from *Ana" (or Akko?). I prefer "humble,"
and find here a striking analogy to the Messianic predicate Zech. 9: 9.
98
ZAKIR OF HAMATH AND LA'ASH
It occurs in the cuneiform inscriptions as IJatarikka. The name
is considered to be of Hittite origin by Lidzbarski who thinks
that the initial 5 in Qamath, Qalman, Qadrach may be a word
meaning fortress or city (E S E III 175).^ There can be no doubt
but that the Zakir inscription originally stood in the city of
Hadrach. Pognon conceals all information as to the place of
discovery of the stele, but as Lidzbarski has seen, it doubtless was
found at Umm-esh-Shershti^} situated on a high long Tell above
the Orontes northwest of Tell Bise and south of ir-Restdn, the
classical Arethusa (E S E III 174 f.). It holds a commanding
position on the important highway to the Biq^'. Here Lidzbarski
foimd in the wall of a house part of a relief of Assyro- Aramaean
character, showing the upper part of a man's body, the hand up-
lifted in gesture of adoration, hair and beard curled, and wearing
a tiara with feathers and a horn curved upward above the brow
(E S E III 167 f.). The missing part of the Zakir stele must have
been quite similar. Here then lay ancient Hadrach, the im-
portance of which disappeared with the rise of Homs, as had that
of Kadesh with the rise of Hadrach.
Our inscription now relates how the great coalition immediately
attempted to suppress the rebellion and to capture Hazrak.
"And Barhadad, son of Hazael, king of Aram, united against me
(seven)-teen kings" (4-5). We thus have an astonishing and im-
portant reference to Benhadad III of Damascus. There now
follows a list of kings, which, however, cannot have included 17
names. Seven are preserved: "Barhadad and his war-camp,
Bargush ^ and his camp, the king of Que and his camp, the king
of 'Amq and his camp, the king of Gurgum and his camp, the
king of Sam'al and his camp, and the king of Miliz ^ (and his
1 It is tempting to find in Hadrach the name of the moongod Aku. If it
were not for the form Hazrak, we should translate it "sacred enclosure of Aku."
2 As Schiffer first saw (S A IV), Bargush is the "apil Gusi" occurring often
in the Assyrian inscriptions as a term for the king of Arpad. Gush is perhaps,
a divine name; it occurs also in "N R G S H." C I S II 105; cf . E S E III 7.
^MiUz was correctly identified by Dussaud with the Armenian Milid
(Malatia).
99
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
camp)" . . . (5-7). In the lacuna of line 8 there is room for
possibly three more names; then at the end of line 8 and in
line 9 we must read with Pognon "seven kings they and their
camps." These seven unspecified kings, with the three missing
and the seven given names make up the number seventeen.^
Vividly Zakir proceeds to give details of the siege of Uazrak.
"And all these kings laid siege against Qazrak, and raised a wall
higher than the wall of gazrak, and dug a ditch, deeper than the
ditch of Qazrak" (G-19). The procedure is very similar to that
described in the siege of Abel Beth Ma'acah (2 Sam. 20:15 f.). The
purpose of these engineering operations was to undermine the wall
of the city so that it should fall at some point and make a breach
for the attackers. The alUes, however, were unsuccessful. Piously
Zakir assigns his dehverance to his patron Ba'alshamayn: "I lifted
up my hands unto Ba'alshamayn, and Ba'alshamayn answered
me and Baalshamayn said unto me through the instrumentality
of seers and the instrumentality of counters" (11-12). The
word of the gods, therefore, came to the king through the mouth
of diviners. The "seers" are familiar to us from the Old Testa-
ment, but the "counters" form a new class. They are probably
astrologers. As has been suggested, the word has its parallel in
the Babylonian "dupshar mindti" or "writer of numbers" a
class of diviners.* In this manner then "Baalshamayn (said),
* Fear not, for I made thee king and I will stand by thee and I will
deliver thee from all (the kings which) have laid against thee a
siege'" (13-15). Unfortunately our account here becomes ex-
tremely fragmentary. Pognon estimates that with the loss of
the upper part of the stele some thirty lines of the inscription
which is continued on the narrow face of the left-hand side, are
missing. They must have reported the events leading up to the
raising of the siege. Evidently there was mention of the clash
* Cf . Montgomery, I.e., 60.
*JBL 28:69. Montgomery also suggests in that connection that the
father of the prophet Azariah (2 Chron. 15:1) and another prophet named
Oded (2 Chron, 28: 9) never bore such a name, but that this was really the
official title "covmter, diviner."
100
ZAKIR OF HAMATH AND LA'ASH
of battle, for chariots and horsemen are spoken of and a king is
described as in the midst of the fray (block III 2-3). The upshot
of it all was the victory of Zakir and the discomfiture of the
hostile coalition.
Peculiar circumstances, similar perhaps to those of 2 Kings 7 : 6,
must have made the deUverance of Zakir possible. We have
pointed out that his rebellion must have been due to the Anti-
Assyrian poUcy of the king of Hamath, which finds its explanation
in the weakness of Assyria and the peril from powerful neighbors.
If so, then it is most likely that Assyrian aid caused Zakir's
triumph over the hostile coalition, and helped him to gain Hamath
and La'ash. Do the cuneiform records lend us any clues?
The suggestion has been made that the campaign of Adadni-
rari IV in 803 against Mari' had some connection with Zakir's
relief (J B L 28:62). But this seems to me unlikely. Our in-
scription mentions among the foes of Zakir the king of 'Amq. The
last trace of the kingdom of gattina dated from 832. Its re-
duction to the *Amq must have taken place because of hostility
toward Assyria. During the reign of Shalmaneser, about which
we are quite fully informed, this cannot have come about, much
less in the time of Shamshi-Adad (825-813), who did not concern
himself with the west-land. But it is most plausible that Qattina
should have been forced by Vannic influence (ch. XII) to resist
Adadnirdri, as did its neighbor Arpad in 806; the campaign
against Qazaz, the IJattina city, in 805 raises this to a certainty.
And since the campaign against Damascus in 803 presupposes at
least the passive aid of Hamath, I regard it as most likely that
Hamath was rewarded by districts cut off from Qattina, which
since then was called *Amq. We must therefore seek a slightly
later date for our events.
For the year 773 the Eponym list records a campaign of Shal-
maneser against Damascus. This eo ipso indicates that Damascus
was the heart of an anti-Assyrian coalition which did not in-
clude Hamath, since the expedition must have been undertaken
from Hamath as a base. In the following year Shalmaneser died.
101
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
This gave the vigilant Benhadad and his allies a new opportunity
of preparing against Assyria, and the Vannic state in the north
gladly aided him. A coalition of seventeen states is formed,
among them such northern principalities as Que, Gurgum, Sam'al
and MeUd, which were tributaries of Urartu. The one state loyal
to Assyria, Hamath, was thus greatly imperiled and so its king
chose to abandon his allegiance to Ashur and to join the allies.
The pro-Assyrian party in Hamath, however, organized a rebellion
and raised Zakir to the throne in the stronghold of Hadrach.
The allied forces attempted to suppress this rebellion, but were
defeated by the appearance of an Assyrian relief expedition. This
expedition was one of the first acts of the new Assyrian king
Ashurdan, for the Eponym list mentions as the salient fact of
the year 772 "to the land of Hatarikka" (Hadrach). It may be
that in the battle before the gates of this city Benhadad III lost
his Ufe and that Tab'el (Is. 7 : 6) now became ruler of Damascus.
What the purpose of the later campaigns against Hatarikka in
765 and 755 under Ashurdan and his successor may have been we
do not know. It is possible that they had some connection with
the pressure of Israel against the southern border of Hamath
under the brilliant rule of Jeroboam II (cf. 2 Kings 14:25, 28).
The lines 4-15 of the third block of the Zakir inscription deal
with the building operations of our ruler. " I (enlarged) Hadrach,"
he tells us, "and ad(ded to it) the whole surrounding district . . .
and filled it with . . . (and built) these fortifications on every
side. I built houses for the gods in my whole land and built . . .
and the cistern (?) . . . the temple (of Eldr) and I erected before
(Ehir) this stele and wro(te up)on it the inscription of my hands."
His main efforts, in great contrast to Kilammu of Sam'al, were de-
voted to strengthening the defenses of his realm and of building
temples for the gods that had helped him.
The inscription closes with the customary imprecations
11:16-28 — "Whoever causes the inscrip(tion of the hands) of
Zakir, king of Hamath and La'ash to disappear from this monu-
ment or whoever causes this monument to disappear from before
102
ZAKIR OF HAMATH AND LA'ASH
Eltir or robs it away from its place, or whoever sends forth against
it (his hand) . . . may Ba'alshamayn and E(hir) . . . and
Shamash and Shahr and . . . and the Gods of the heavens and
the gods of the earth and Ba'alof La* (Ash) his roots (extirpate).". . .
Zakir'g inscription was erected "befor El<ir." ^ We may con-
sequently assume that Eltir had a sanctuary in Hadrach at which
the monument once stood. And the phraseology makes it likely
that the inscription was composed by a Canaanite priest (E S E
III 3). But who is the god Eliir?^ It seems that Eltir is none
other than the god Amar,^ so frequently mentioned in the Assyrian
inscriptions as god of the west-land. (O L Z '09, 16.) And what
should be more likely than that on the edge of Amurrti, and on
the great highway that leads through Amurrti, this divinity should
be worshiped? He is probably the moon-god, not the solar deity
(against Clay p. 108) for i-lu-mi-ir (= Eltir) appears among the
names of Adad. C T 29:45 11. 18-24 (0 L Z 13:254.) But most
peculiar is the fact that Zakir, although he erects the Stele to Ehir,
gives glory only to Ba'alshamayn " lord of the heavens." It would
be most tempting to assume that Ba'alshamayn is only an epithet
or else a manifestation of Eltir. It should be noted that the great
list of the gods (C T XXIV 40, 48) equates the god of the west-land
(M A R — T U) with the ''Adad of the deluge." Adad is merely
a manifestation of the moon as the weather-maker. And to Adad
the invocation of Qattusil in the treaty with Rameses applies the
epithet Ba'alshamayn, as well as to his variant Reshef and to the
Sun-god (M V A G '02, 5, 17, and MAE 311). Among the
Hittites Adad or his synonym appears as the head of the pantheon
' O L Z '08:341 wovild read El-wadd. Wadd is an epithet for the moon-
god of the Minaeans (G G 86). But d and r are carefully distinguished
(J BL 28:66).
^ The name of the antediluvian king Aloros mentioned by Berossus, as well
as the town of Alouros in Judaea remind one very much of El-ur; cf . E S E
III 6 and Clay, p. 158.
*If Schiffer's interpretation (O L Z '09:478) of Babylonian Expedition of
the U. of P., Vol. X, no. 125, be right, the name KUR. GAL ( = Amurru)-
upa^r is transcribed in the Aramaic "indorsement" as Ur-upa^^r, thus
establishing the identity of Amar and Ur.
103
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
and as god of the heavens (G G 51), so that the Hittite origin of
Ba'alshamayn is very plausible (E S E II 250 f). It should be
recalled also that Adodos is called King of the Gods by Philo of
Byblus (Frag. Gr. Hist. Ill 509). Shams and Shahr are the
Arabian forms of the sun and moon gods. The conjectural
Ba'al of LaCash) in 1.26 (J B L 28:61) is a Phoenician local deity.
104
CHAPTER XII
NORTHERN SYRIA UNDER THE VANNIC KINGS
Like a great rampart of crescent shape, a series of mountain
ranges frowns upon Assyria and Babylonia from the north. In
the heart of these ranges lurked the hour of doom for every civili-
zation that has arisen in the valley of the Euphrates and Tigris.
From Iran or from the Caucasus or from the Taurus the great
non-Semitic migrations poured into Semitic Jands. Since the
earliest days, therefore, we find the Assyro-Babylonian kings
carrying war into these rugged regions for the purpose of sheer
self-preservation.
At the headwaters of the river Tigris, there appears in the ninth
century, B.C., an organized state of Urartu under a king named
Arame.^ Shalmaneser regarded it as so menacing to Assyria's
interest that he undertook an expedition thither in 857, destroyed
the capital Arzashkun, penetrated as far as lake Van, and left
his inscription on Mount Irritia. The upstart state had been
crushed no sooner than established. Some years later, however,
we find that a reorganization has taken place in this region and
that a new dynasty of kings foimded by Sarduris I is flourishing
there. These monarchs, who have left us numerous inscriptions,
style themselves "Kings of Biaina (Van) ruling in Tuspa." The
real name of the people they represent is "Haldians." Their
rise is swift and glorious. Hardy sons and a rugged climate, pos-
sessing impenetrable retreats, they^ could swoop down like eagles
from their fastnesses upon the Syrian and Mesopotamian towns.
The far-seeing Shahnaneser grasped fully the r61e the Vannic
1 As his name indicates, this king was of Aramaean stock, perhaps a bold
chieftain from the Tur *Abdin who succeeded in establishing a state among
the Alarodian northerners.
105
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
kings were destined to play in history. Two paths nature had
marked out for them. The one led down the Tigris into Meso-
potamia and Assyria, and threatened the very existence of the
latter state. The other led down the Euphrates into northern
Syria and to the sea, and menaced Assyria's position as a world
power. And already in these early days the Vannic state made
its power felt along the plane of its destiny. For this reason we
find that Shalmaneser, immediately after crushing Bit-Adini,
turned his attention to Urartu. And after the campaign against
Damascus in 846 he straightway in the following year marched to
the Subnat grotto and there left an inscription commemorating
the defeat of Benhadad and Ir\)uleni and their allies. This is
only comprehensible if the Haldians were, to say the least, silent
partners in the Syrian league. We may therefore surmise (with
Lehman-Haupt : Israel, 75) that the various campaigns to Que
and other northern states from 840-829 and even the internal
troubles in Que (834) and in Kinalua (832) have some relation to
Haldian intrigues. Shamshi-Adad (825-813) also undertook
campaigns against Ispuinis of Urartu, under whose rule many
inscriptions in the native tongue of the Haldians were erected in
Armenia. Ispuinis and his son Menuas, who for a time was
coregent with his father, erected a bilingual inscription in the
Kelishin pass on the boundary between Assyria and Urartu.
Under Adadnir&ri IV the Haldian influence in northern Syria,
which as we have pointed out, was largely responsible for the
resistance of Arpad and Hattina in 806 and 805, and which
strengthened the league headed by Benhadad III, was temporarily
stemmed. In brilliant campaigns the Assyrian king seems to have
subjected all Syria and Palestine. His alliance with Babylonia
through the marriage with the famous Semiramis greatly in-
creased the strength of his position. His successor, Shalmaneser IV,
however, had to undertake six campaigns against Argistis I of
Urartu, who once advanced within a few days' journey of Nineveh
itself. Assyria was now entirely on the defensive. All the
actions in Syria (773) against Damascus, (772, 765, 755) against
106
NORTHERN SYRIA UNDER THE VANNIC KINGS
Hadrach must probably be viewed as directed against Urartu.
Argistis I thus appears as a great conqueror, who expanded his
realm far into Asia Minor and Syria, and who has left us his annals
inscribed on the rocks of the citadel of Van. And it might in-
deed have fared worse with Assyria, had not a brave and brilliant
war chief, Shamash-ilu, who served under three kings, been captain
of the Assyrian hosts. (Lehman Haupt 82.)
Any advance of the Haldians down the Euphrates and into
Syria brought them straight to the gates of Arpad. This state
was therefore in a difficult position; it was forced to choose be-
tween Urartu and Assyria, and that choice was liable to have
disastrous consequences. Urartu quite naturally exerted every
means of "moral suasion " to have the help of Arpad, since Arpad
was an excellent buffer against Assyria, behind which the Haldians
could safely do what they pleased in Syria. And Arpad seems to
have allowed itself to be persuaded. Even after the lesson ad-
ministered to it by Adadnirdri IV in 806, it showed itself repeatedly
antagonistic to the Assyrians. For the year 754 the eponym
list mentions a campaign of Ashurnirdri to Arpad. This bald
statement of the chronicle is illumined by a imique document
that has come down to us — a treaty between king Mati-ilu of
Arpad and Ashurnirari (M V A G '98:228). The former sur-
rendered to the Assyrian, and was allowed to retain his throne,
but under most humiliating conditions. The treaty is sealed by
the sacrifice of a goat. It tells:
If Mati-lui sins against the oaths
Then, just as this goat is brought up from his herd
So that he will not return to his herd (will not
again take his place at the head of his herd,)
So shall Mati-ilu with his sons, his daughters.
The people of his country (be brought up) from his land.
To his land he shall not return at the head of his
land (he shall not again take his place)
This head is not the head of the goat
It is the head of Mati-ilu.
107
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
(It is) the head of his children, his nobles, the
people of his country. •
If Mati-ilu (transgress) against these oaths
Just as the head of the goat is cut off
— his teeth layed in his mouth —
So shall the head of Mati-ilu be cut off."
After this ritual ceremony, the conditions of Mati-ilu's vassalship
are described as follows:
"At the command of Ashumir&ri he will go against
his (the Assyrian's) enemies.
Mati-ilu with his nobles, his forces,
According to their own pleasure they will not go
forth, not depart,
(else) Sin the great lord who dwells in Harran shall
clothe Mati-ilu
his nobles, the people of his country with leprosy
like a garment
that they must camp outside, without receiving mercy . . .
If Mati-ilu, his sons, his nobles or any one else
sins against
the oaths of Ashumir&ri, king of Assyria,
then his peasants shall not sing a harvest song
nor shall a plant of the field spring up."
Other more ignominious and debasing curses are also included,
and at the close, a list of gods is invoked as witnesses, among them
the Adad of Kurb&n and the Adad of JJallaba.
During the lifetime of Ashumir&ri Mati-ilu seems to have kept
his pledges. But the accession of a new king, Tiglathpileser IV
(745-728), must have tempted him to rebel. The Eponym list
mentions for the year 743 "in the city of Arpad; ^ the army of
• Does this mean that he entered the city? If so, then the view of Belck
and Lehmann, p. 324 f., and Maspero, III 146, that Arpad opened its gates
to him and served as a base of operations, would be correct.
108
NORTHERN SYRIA UNDER THE VANNIC KINGS
Urartu defeated." Urartu and Arpad are here expressly joined
together. The king of Urartu was the vigorous Sarduris II, who
had made successful inroads into Assyria's northern possessions,
and was now undertaking an invasion of Syria. His ambitions
in this direction are manifested by the title which he adds to his
name — "King of Suri." He had succeeded in forming a strong
coalition against Assyria, including Mati-ilu of Arpad, Sumalal of
Mehd, Tarhulara of Gurgum and Kundashpi of Kummuh (Ann.
596). Tiglathpileser seems to have advanced first against Arpad
and to have left a strong force there to hold Mati-ilu in check.
Thereupon he marched north and met the remainder of the alli-
ance in battle between Kishtan and galpi in the land of Kammu^j,
winning a decisive victory. Sarduris, to save his life, had to flee
on the back of a mare — a disgrace for any warrior.^
In the following year Tiglathpileser began the siege of Arpad
in earnest. But the city did not fall until 740. Mati-ilu could
expect no mercy from the Assyrians, and therefore chose to hold
out to the bitter end. Without doubt he still hoped for help from
Sarduris, but if so the hope was vain. Concerning the siege of
the fortress we know nothing. That it was grimly defended the
length of the siege reveals. Heartrending scenes of misery and
starvation must have occurred within those doomed walls. Its
final capture must have been followed by a gruesome vengeance
upon Mati-ilu and his people. On that day the curses of Ashumi-
rari came true. Even for another century the city remained a
terrible example of Assyrian revenge (cf. 2 Kings 18:34, Is. 10:9,
Jer. 49 : 23) . And so deep was the impression upon the Syrian
states of that day that the various princes paid Tiglathpileser
tribute and thus temporarily renounced their allegiance to Urartu.
Among them were Ragun (Rezin) of Damascus, and the kings of
Kummufe, Que, Tyre, Carchemish, and Gurgum.
Only one did not appear with tribute of whom it was expected
— Tutammu of Unqi. He evidently contemplated to make a
1 Lehmann, Verb. d. Berl. Anthropol. Ges., 1896, p. 325. On Tiglathpi-
leser's route cf. Tofifteen, Researches in Assyrian Geography, p. 11 f.
109
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
rebellion of his own. And since it would be dangerous for his
prestige to allow this challenge to pass unnoticed, Tiglathpileser
immediately marched * on to Kinalia, the capital of Unqi. He
captured it, carried off its inhabitants into captivity, and made the
state an Assyrian province. It was a master stroke, for with the
*Amq in his power Tiglathpileser gained a strong hold upon Syria
and from this center was able to strike swiftly at any point, and
especially against Hamath and Sam'al. The act did not fail to
make an impression. With Unqi the last Hittite state in the heart
of Sjoia was overthrown. That to the last it was relatively free
of Aramaean elements appears from the fact that Tiglathpileser
in 738 settled 600 Aramaeans of the tribe DamAnu and city of
Amlate and 5400 from the city of DAr in Unqi in the cities Kunalia,
Quzarra, Tae, Tarmanazi, Kulmadara, Qatatirra, and Sagillu.'^
(Ann. 143. f.). This implies that the inhabitants of the land are
not Aramaeans, for it would have been contrary to reason to
deport a people to a region where they find others of the same
stock (S A 58).
In 739 the Assyrian monarch marched to the north into Urartu
and took possession of the region of Ulluba as a vantage point for
future campaigns. Perhaps he intended to invade the Urartaean
kingdom at this time, but if so he was recalled to Syria by an im-
portant rebellion. Whether it was instigated by Sarduris* intrigues,
or whether the new province of Unqi was a thorn in the flesh of its
neighbors and thus roused them to a revolt, is not quite clear.
The main figure in the uprising was Azriydu of Yaudi or Sam'al,
who has nothing to do with the contemporaneous Azariah of Judah
with whom he was long confused (A O F 1 1 f.). Azriyau, it seems,
• A O F I 9 f . assumes that this took place in 738 with the Azriydu troubles.
That is not impossible. We have preferred, however, to abide by the order
given in the Annals.
» Identification of most of these towns seems possible. Thus Quzarra may
be 5azre, Tae may be Kefr Tai (not identical with the Taid of Shalm. Mon.
col. II. 11), Tomkins, Bab. Or. Rec, III, 6. On the sites of. Sachau. But
Tarmanazi is more probably Armenaz, east of the northern end of the 6ebel
11 *Ala, than Turmanin (P S B A 27:45). Sagillu is probably the Ser^e on
the route Bflra-Marra N.E. of Apamea (Z A XII 43 f.).
110
NORTHERN SYRIA UNDER THE VANNIC KINGS
usurped the throne of Sam'al (cf. Ch. XIV) and succeeded in gain-
ing the help of the "nineteen districts of Hamath."
Tiglathpileser did not give Hamath time to unite its forces with
those of Azriydu, but from Til-Barsip marched toward KiUiz and
struck swiftly at the heart of the rebellion in Sam'al. Unfortu-
nately the Annals are very fragmentary at this point, and give us
little information as to the scene of the battle. This much, how-
ever, we may glean from them : a mountain stronghold is stormed
(108-10), whereupon the foe, now reenforced by the arrival of
allies, establishes himself in an almost inaccessible place which he
fortifies still further by a trench and wall and other means of
defense (111-19). The fate of Azriy&u remains doubtful, but
since the Assyrian would scarcely relate an unsuccessful siege in
such detail, we may assume that Azriydu met his doom. In his
capital, which does not seem to be identical with this stronghold,
the Assyrian builds a palace and lays a tribute on the people
(123-4). A new king of the royal family, Panammu I (cf. Ch. XIV)
seems to have been placed on the throne at this time. We are led
to believe that Azriyau's capital was the city of Kullanl, whose
capture the Eponym list records as the great event of 738. Per-
haps the real capital of the land, SengirU, was not in his possession.
The site of KuUani,^ which is also the Calneh or Calno of Amos 6 : 2,
is probably preserved in the ruins of Kullanhou, about six miles
east of Tell Erfad (Tomkins P S B A '83: 61). The fighting then
between Azriyau and Tiglathpileser must have occurred in the
mountains in the vicinity of Killiz, or along the upper Afrln, at
the border of Sam'al. After the overthrow of Azriyau, and the
annexation of the district of Kullani,^ Tiglathpileser occupied
the nineteen districts of Hamath.
* The letter A B L no. 372, reporting the sending of Knsaean horses, men-
tions together Ddna (doubtless the Dana west of Aleppo), Kullani, Arpad and
Isana. (Tell Isdn S.W. of Biregik P S B A 82: 117) K. 122 A B L, no. 43
refers to Ra§appa, Kullania, Arpad and Isana, whose prefects have neglected
to pay their contribution to the temple of the god Ashur. KuUani's nearness
to Arpad is thus certain.
* Ann. 125 Kul . . . may represent Kullani, but this city cannot have been
counted among the provinces of Hamath, since it lay in Ya'di.
Ill
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
In these districts of Hamath practically all of that state except
the vicinity of the capital itself is contained. It is difficult to
understand how these districts can have made common cause
with Azriydu. For between Yaudi and Hamath lay the region
of Unqi. It is very strange that this principaUty is not mentioned
in this connection. If Winckler's hypothesis that the subjection
of Unqi really took place in 738 be correct, then we would gain a
more reasonable picture of the happenings in Hamath. We would
then be able to assume that Azriy&u, perhaps as the tool of the
Vannic king, organized a great rebellion in which Tutammu of
Unqi participated; and since the king of Hamath, Eniel, was
loyal to Assyria, the nineteen districts revolted against him and
joined the league of Azriy&u. The latter seems to be the quasi
king of the nineteen districts. For no other leader appears, and
no serious fighting takes place after the capture of Kullanl. The
large territory of Hamath seems to fall into the lap of the Assyrian
as the fruit of his victory further north.
The nineteen districts are described in Annals 126-133. First
come four Phoenician coast cities: (1) Usnu, which seems to be pre-
served in Qal'at-il-Husn (D P 277) though Tomkins {I.e., 4)
compares Ouzoun Dagh, mentioned by the explorer Rey. (2)
Siannu, to which is compared Syn, the name of a hamlet near
the Nahr Arqa, while Tomkins finds it in il-Ouzanieh, southwest of
§ahytin, east of Laodicea. (3) §imirra, to-day §umra in the
latitude of Homs. (4) (Ra8h)-pu-na (Textb. 29). If the reading
be correct, the classical Theuprosopon (Ras-ish-Shaq*a) might
be compared. From Rashpuna he occupies all the towns as far
as Mt. Saui, a mountain which borders on the Lebanon. Then
he names the Mt. Ba'li-§apuna, extending as far as Mt. Ammana,
home of the ukarinnu wood. Summing this up he says (5) "Sau
in its entirety." The term Sau must then include the whole
district from Rashpuna to the Ammana (the Antilebanon). The
mountain of Saui in the Lesser Inscription I is brought into re-
lation with JJatarika: "From Qatarika to the mountain of Saua."
This moimtain I would therefore identify with the 6ebel Sayifei
112
NORTHERN SYRIA UNDER THE VANNIC KINGS
west of Horns, which slopes down to the Lebanon. Ba'li§apuna
may be the 6ebel Akkar or 6. Akrtin, both of which are near the
Antilebanon. (6) The city of Kar-Hadad. As the next district
shows, the sequence is now northerly. We may assume then that
Kar-Hadad was at a point between the Antilebanon and Homs —
perhaps it was another name of Kadesh or Riblah. (7) {Jatarika
lay, as we have seen, near Arethusa, north of Horns. From here
the list jumps over the district of Hamath, which remained true
to its king Eniel and mentions (8) Nuqudina. The latter was a
pastoral district, as the name "the shepherds" implies. Perhaps
it should be localized at Tarutia ^ (Tarutin it Tuggar between
Hama and Aleppo). (9) The mountain of gasu. This I find in
the southern part of the Gebel Riha, where there still is a town of
Has west of Ma'arrat in No'man. (10) Ara and the surrounding
cities. This is doubtless the classical Arra at Ma*arrat-in-No*man
south of the 6ebel Riha. (11) The mountain of Sharbua may be
found with Tomkins {L c. 5) at Tell Shreb, east of Arra. (12) The
city of Ashhani — correctly equated by Tomkins with Sheihun
east of Apamea. (13) Yadibi — for which Tomkins suggested the
site of Hatab northwest of Hama, which seems rather far south,^
however. (14) The mountain of Yaraqu in its entirety, i.e. the
6ebel Qo§eir (cf. Ch. VIII). (15) The city of . (16) The city
Ellitarbi brilliantly identified by Sachau with Il-Atharib, west of
Aleppo (S B A '92:337). (17) Zitanu as far as the city of Atinni.
Zitanu is no doubt the present Zetan, southwest of Aleppo on the
Quweq river (Tomkins p. 5). Atinni or Adinnu is probably Tell
Danit near Idlib (cf. Ch. IX). (18) The city of . (19) The
city of Bumami (unknown). This list makes up the nineteen
districts. All that was left of Hamath when they are subtracted
was the city itself, the Orontes valley as far as Apamea in the north
and in the south to a point above Arethusa and then the Bargylus
plateau in the west. The entire nineteen districts were made
^ I suspect that Tarutia contains an Aramaic word from the root r*a, "to
feed," "pasture"; cf. the form tar'itha. The connection with "shepherds"
is then permissible, since the locaUty of Tarutia fits excellently into the geo-
graphical sequence.
113
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
Assyrian provinces and placed under Assyrian administration.
30,300 of the inhabitants were deported to a different portion of
the empire and 1223 were settled in distant UUuba (132-133).
Later on, part of these nineteen districts, if not the whole, were
included in the province of §imirra, of which Shalmaneser, the son
of the Assyrian monarch, was made governor. (A O F II 3.)
The overthrow of Azriydu's rebellion made a profound impres-
sion throughout Syria. All hope of help from Urartu vanished.
I The princes of the various states appeared with their tribute —
Kustaspi of Kummub, Rezin of Damascus, Menahem of Samaria,
Hiram of Tyre, Sipittibi'l of Byblos, Urikki of Que, Pisiris of
Carchemish, Eniel of Hamath, Panammu of Sam'al, 'Tar^ulara of
Gurgum, Sulumal of MeUd, several kings from still more northerly
regions, and finally Zabibi, queen of Arabia.
After this great success, Tiglathpileser reverted again to his
northern campaigns. In 737 he struck at the Medes, in 736 he went
to Nal (Nairi), both campaigns being preliminary strategic maneu-
vers in his plans against the Haldians. In 735 finally he invaded
Urartu and besieged the capital Tuspa on the shores of lake Van.
He occupied and destroyed the city; but Sarduris with his garrison
held the almost impregnable citadel against every attack, and
the Assyrians finally had to retreat as winter came on. Neverthe-
less Tiglathpileser had temporarily broken the influence of the
Vannic kings, and was now able to turn his attention to Syria
and Palestine once more.
114
CHAPTER XIII
THE LAST DAYS OF DAMASCUS
As we have remarked, Benhadad III probably perished in the
battle of Hadrach in the time of Zakir of Hamath, and was suc-
ceeded by Tab-'el.^ According to Tiglathpileser (ann. 205)
Tab-'el came from Bit-Qadara. Consequently he cannot have
been a scion of the dynasty of Hazael, but must have been a
usurper. He is referred to in Is. 7 : 6 as the father of Rezin (A T U
74). During his reign quiet seems to have prevailed in central
Syria. The only events of moment must have occurred in con-
nection with the IJatarikka campaigns of 765 and 755. The
strength of Israel and of Hamath evidently led Tab-'el to live a
peaceful Ufe. Concerning his decease and the time of Rezin's
accession we know nothing.
The brief period of glory enjoyed by Israel under Jeroboam II
was soon over. The dynasty of Jehu, founded on murder, ends
with the murder of Zachariah, son of Jeroboam, after a reign of six
months by the ursurper Shallum ben Jabesh (2 Kings 15: 13-16).
The murderer himself only enjoys the possession of the throne for
a month, when he is attacked in Samaria by Menahem ben Gadi
and loses his life (15:17-22). The conditions of civil war accom-
panying these changes greatly weakened Israel (cf. Is. 9:19, 20).
It is pecuUarly significant that both Shallum and Menahem are
from the region of Gilead, the land which Aram had "threshed" ,
and which had been the scene of so many bloody struggles. They !
were doubtless hostile to the Aramaeans and were bent on in-
^ Duhm, Jesaias-ad. 7:6, corrects the name into T^b'el. But 1 would point
out that the name appears to occur in A B L IV no. 221 Ob. 2 as Tab-ill, a
scribe in Sjria, who reports that he has been at Nineveh and has seen the face
of Nabu and of the king. He tells also that Abi-ili, the tax overseer of Arpad,
is on his way to the prefect. According to A T V 174 the name TAb'el means
"God is wise."
116
y
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
augurating an anti-Aramaean policy. To this end indeed Mena-
j hem coveted the aid of Ashur, the bitterest enemy of Aram, while
I the opposition sought the protection of Egypt. Perhaps with a
j view to dampening the Egyptian leanings of Israel, Tiglathpileser
after subjecting the nineteen districts of Hamath, in 738, dis-
patched an expedition to Samaria. Indeed the suspicion may be
entertained (cf. 2 Kings 15: 19) thatMenahem summoned Tiglath-
pileser to undertake this step in order to strengthen his tottering
throne (G V J II 471, 469). But for such aid he had to pay dearly
with tribute, which he raised by assessing the citizen-army fifty
shekels per head (2 Kings 15: 20). Since 1000 talents are paid
and since a talent is composed of 3000 shekels, the strength of
Israel's host must have amounted to 60,000 men. The sum-
moning of the king of Assyria is severely condenmed by Hosea
(5:13, 8:9).
Menahem died soon after this event, and his son Pekahiah, after
a two years' reign, was murdered by his adjutant Pekah ben
RemaUah (2 Kings 15: 22 f.). Inasmuch as we subsequently find
Pekah allied with Aram, it is reasonable to suppose that his act
was dictated by a pro-Aramaean party in Israel. There were
many in Israel who realized that only a strong Damascus could
prevent the Assyrians from conquering all of Syria. These men
desired to join Damascus in common antagonism to Ashur. For
this reason Menahem's son, the vassal of Ashur, had to be deposed.
And indeed Pekah succeeds in forming a coalition with Aram,
Tyre, and Sidon, and Samst, queen of the Arabs.
This coalition, however, was not yet sufficiently powerful. For
an effective resistance against Assyria it was necessary to gain
the help of the other Phoenician cities, and of Palestinian states —
Ammon, Moab, Judah, Edom Philistaea. The task was urgent
and had to be completed before Tiglathpileser concluded his
campaigns against Urartu (737-735). Philistaea and Edom seem
/ to have submitted under pressure, but Judah remained obstinate.
j For this reason Rezin and Pekah moved to attack it, and thereby
caused the outbreak of the Syrian-Ephraimite war, for which
116
THE LAST DAYS OF DAMASCUS
the prophecy of Isaiah is our chief source of knowledge. (G V J
II 473 ff.).
The course of events was one that brought panic to the southern
kingdom. "The king's heart and that of his nation trembled like
the trees in the forest before the wind" (Is. 7:2). For like a
swarm of locusts, "Aram has ahghted upon Ephraim." In a
terrible battle Pekah has destroyed the Jewish army in the north,
and Rezin has taken the harbor of Elath, Israel's seaport on the
gulf of Akabah in the south. Pekah hopes to complete the sub-
jugation of Jerusalem alone, but, when unsuccessful, is joined by
the army of Rezin. They plan to make the son of Tab-'el, Rezin,
king over Judah (Is. 7:6). In this moment of dire extremity
Ahaz of Judah receives the counsel of the prophet Isaiah not to
despair before these two smoking torch-butts, Rezin and the son
of Remaliah, but to trust in God. Both Aram and Ephraim are
"burnt out," their day is over. By divine grace Rezin rules
Aram and Pekah Ephraim, but neither shall rule Jerusalem.
Ahaz, however, scorns the advice of Isaiah, and his decision is
of momentous character. He summons the help of Tiglathpileser
(2 Kings 16: 7, 8) and thereby inaugurates the series of events
which lead to the downfall of both Israel and Judah. While the
Assyrian did not act immediately, nevertheless the Kings of
Damascus and Samaria withdrew from the contemplated siege
of Jerusalem. Both probably realized that it was now imperative
to prepare for the Assyrian onset, and, since they had crippled
Judah effectively, they were, at least, safe from attack in the rear.
In 734 Tiglathpileser, in answer to the petition of Ahaz, imder-
took a campaign to Philistaea. This powerful stroke was of a
masterly character, for it aimed to split the confederacy and to
isolate Damascus. Doubtless leaving a strong army and his
loyal vassal Eniel of Hamath in guard of his communications in
the province of Simirra and to threaten Damascus, Tiglathpileser
marched into northern Israel. At this time he took from Israel
the cities in Naphtali and Dan (2 Kings 15: 29). His own inscrip-
tions leave us in doubt as to this campaign. The summary in the
117
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
lesser Inscription I (Textb. 34) says that he took the city "Gal . . .
(Gilead?) and the city of Abilakka ^ which is at the entrance of
Beth-Omri and the wide . . . li (Naphtali?) and added them to
the territory of Assyria." These first blows at Israel, however,
merely were intended to lay open the road to the coastal plain.
His goal was the PhiUstine city of Gaza. Here, no doubt, he could
affect a junction most quickly with Ahaz of Judah, and further-
more with Gaza he held possession of a point from which he could
threaten both Arabia and Egypt. That Egypt was assisting the
anti-Assyrian league may be guessed from the fact that king
Qanun of Gaza fled thither at the advance of Tiglathpileser.
After capturing Gaza the Assyrian returned to Beth-Omri and
began the deportation of its northern inhabitants.
The events of 733 center chiefly about Damascus, and therefore
the name of this city appears again in the Eponym list. After
Israel had been punished by the loss of its northern provinces,
Tiglathpileser proceeded directly against Damascus (Ann. 195-
209). Rezin (Ra§unnu) meets him in battle, trusting in the ancient
fortune of Aramaean weapons which had thwarted the Assyrian
so many times in the past. But the force of Tiglathpileser's
onset breaks his battle array, many of his men and officers are
captured, and the latter the captor impales to be a spectacle of
horror in the land. Rezin himself takes flight, "like an antelope
the gate of his city he entered." The city is now besieged and
Rezin is confined in it as a "caged bird." His countless parks
around Damascus, the pride of this city in all ages, are destroyed
in utter vandalism, so that not one is left. (Blt)-B[adara,'^ the
home of Rezin, was besieged and captured and 800 of its inhabitants
with their herds and property deported. Similarly 750 prominent
citizens were deported from Kuru^ga,' 550 from Metuna, and a
^Usiially identified with Abel-beth-Maacah. Textb. 34 interprets, "Abel
in the territory of Akko."
* This place I would identify with the Adarin of the Tabula Peutingeriana,
south of YabrQd, near the ^om8- Damascus highway.
' This must be the classical Geroda, today Gerud, east of Adarin (E K XVII
1473). Perhaps it was the home of Sdsi (above p. 72).
118
THE LAST DAYS OF DAMASCUS
lost number from Irma, towns east of Damascus. Tiglathpileser
boasts also that he destroyed 591 towns in the sixteen districts
of Damascus like, making them ruin mounds.
In connection with these operations Tiglathpileser recounts an
expedition against Samsi, queen of the Arabian tribe of Bir'a who
had "transgressed the oath by Shamash" (Ann. 210 f RTP
XXXIV f.). Since she was the ally of Damascus, it was necessary
to prevent her from bringing aid to Rezin. Tiglathpileser's
expeditionary force must have followed the old pilgrim's highway
that leads via el-Ola to Mecca, Apparently Samsi was already
on the way to Damascus, for at the advance of the Assyrians,
she retreated and attempted to lure the enemy farther and farther
into the desert. At length, however, she was forced to give battle,
and after heavy losses, especially in livestock (30,000 camels and
20,000 cattle), she bowed down before the victor. Owing to this
success a number of other Arabian cities and tribes paid homage;
the cities — Mas'a, Tema,^ gayappa, Badana, tJatti, and the
tribes Saba and Idibail. An Arabian Sheikh Idibi'l was made
the guardian of Assyrian interests in Mu§ri (i.e. Egypt in Asia —
the Sinaitic peninsula) having his seat at Philistaea. From here
Tiglathpileser, through his representative, exercised supremacy
over the Arabians, since he controlled the outlet of their avenues
of commerce, and forced them to pay regular tribute (Ann. 221 f.).
In the meantime a rebellion took place in Samaria. Pekah
was murdered and a usurper, Hosea ben Ela, became King in his
stead (Annals 228, Less. Inscr. I 17, 2 Kings 15:30). It is not
discernible whether differences of attitude toward foreign matters
were at the bottom of this event. Tiglathpileser took advantage
of the momentary chaos in Israel and marched against Ausi
(Hosea) ; for the Annals, in the paragraph on Beth-Omri (227-234)
* This is, no doubt, the Teima north of El-Ola, whence the Aramaic In-
scriptions discovered by Doughty and Huber have come (cf. C I S II 113-
115). They date from the 5-4 century. The most important and largest
is that which records the introduction of the cult of the god §alm of Hagam,
and the installation of his priest §almshezeb bar Potosiri, whose income is
to consist of the fruit of 21 palm trees.
119
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
which is unfortunately fragmentary, after mentioning the de-
position of Pekah, immediately deal with an attack against
Israelitish districts.^ In the Hebrew version (2 Kings. 17:3) Shal-
maneser appears as the king who marched against Hosea. Both
accounts may be reconciled if we assume that the later king of
Assyria, who then was governor of the province of §imirra, was
entrusted by his father with the expedition. About this time
Isaiah must have prophesied 8:4. Hosea, frightened by the
Assyrian advance, submitted and paid a tribute of 10 talents of
gold and 1000 (?) talents of silver. He remained in possession
of the kingship by his suzerain's grace (Lesser Inscr. I, 18).
This fresh resistance of Israel seems to have been made in con-
junction with similar developments in PhiUstaea and Phoenicia.
Mitinti of Ashkelon, who had apparently submitted in 734, trans-
gressed against his agreement, in the hope that Rezin would be
victorious. The defeat of Rezin drove him insane. His son
Rukibtu succeeded him. After the Hebrew king Hosea had sub-
mitted, Tiglathpileser marched against Ashkelon. Rukibtu, who
pleaded with him, was spared, but the Assyrian entered the city
and gave fifteen towns of Ashkelon to the trusty Idibi'l of Aribi
(Ann. 235 f.). Against Metuna, king of Tyre, he dispatched his
Rabshaqeh, or conunander-in-chief, and at the latter's approach
Tyre also deserted Damascus and paid tribute. Thus Damascus
was now completely isolated; its only helpers were intimidated,
its fate was sealed. With despairing heart Rezin may have heard
the news that the last hope of relief was gone. He was doomed to
fight alone against the greatest miUtary power of the world, and
in a lost cause. The day that Tiglathpileser hammered against
the gates of Damascus marked the end of that city's dream of
empire.
Of the great siege we know Uttle, for not even Tiglathpileser's
* He carries off 655 prisoners from Bit . . . , others from a city of (Ak?)
ba-ra-a (cf. the Talmudic *Akbara, Neubauer, Geographie, 228 f.), others
from Hinaton - Ginnaea (cf. Buhl, Geogr. Pal., p. 82), 550 prisoners from
Kana (?) (in Galilee), 400 from -at-bite, 650 from Jr. . . . The cities Aruma
and Marum are likewise mentioned. Cf . Buhl, 220, 234.
120
THE LAST DAYS OF DAMASCUS
description of it is extant. Only the fact that Panammu of Sam'al,
one of the Syrian tributaries, fought and fell before Damascus
(cf . Ch. XIV) gives us an insight into the bitterness of the struggle.
In 732, finally, the city was taken, and the kingdom became a
province. Rezin was executed (2 Kings 16:9), doubtless in the
barbarous manner customary among the ancient Semites. With
the fall of Damascus Tighlathpileser was master of Syria, and did
not find it necessary to return thither again.
Perhaps with a certain feeling for the dramatic Ahaz (Yau^azi)
of Judah appeared before Tiglathpileser at Damascus (2 Kings
16:10 ff.). It had been long since a king of the Hebrews crossed
the threshold of Aram, For centuries they had suffered at the
hands of this great and cruel foe. Perhaps Ahaz dreamed that
he was treading in David's footsteps, in the dawn of a new and
glorious day. Here at Damascus he saw an (Assyrian) altar,
and sent a model of it to the priest Uriah at Jerusalem, who con-
structed a similar one to replace the altar of Solomon.^ By this
act of servility he hoped to please his lord Tiglathpileser.
1 Cf . Kittel, Studien zur Hebraischen Archaologie, p. 50 S.
121
V
CHAPTER XIV
KINGS OF SAM'AL
In the explorations conducted by F. von Luschan at Sen^irli,
several other native inscriptions were discovered which give us a
welcome and valuable insight into the conditions in northern
Syria, during the eighth century. A number of additional Kings
-of the state of Sam'al, not alluded to by the Assyrians, arise again
from the grave before our eyes. We have already heard of Gabbar,
"Qaik and Kilammu. The next king of whom we now learn the
name is Qaral. We only know of him because he is mentioned by
his royal son. His name is an indication of his non-Semitic origin,
» for it seems to be identijcal with the Aegean " Korulos " (Hal^vy).^
Whether he was a son of Kilammu or even his immediate successor
we cannot say. It is possible that there is no link missing at all,
Pananmiu I, son of Qaral, has left us an inscription on a huge,
statue of the god Hadad. It was found in 1890 on the mound of
6er^, a large Tell south of Sengirli (A S 47, 45), and is now in
the Berlin Museum.' It is a votive inscription of 34 lines, the
decipherment of which is made difficult by the numerous lacimae
caused by the exposure of some 2600 years.
Piously Panammu begins by telling us how divine aid preserved
his throne: "I am P., son of Qaral, King of Ya'di, who erected this
statue to Hadad lord of the waters (?). There stood by me the
divinities Hadad and El and Reshef and Rekabel and Shamash
and there gave into my hand Hadad and El and Rekabel and
Shamash and Reshef the scepter of blessing (?). And Reshef
stood by me and whatever I took in (my) hand . . . that pros-
' QRL could be interpreted as qar-ili, "wall of God," but such a formation
is unlikely.
' Published by Sachau, AS, If. Further elucidated by Miiller in the
Vienna Oriental Journal, VII, 33 f. and 113 f. Of. also N S I, p. 159 f.
122
KINGS OF SAM'AL
pered." (1^.) It deserves attention that the author singles out
the war God Reshef for especial mention. He must therefore,
have carried on a few successful warUke ventures in spite of his
otherwise peaceful vent.
Like Kilammu, the chief interest of Panammu lies in the happi-
ness and prosperity of his people. But he differs from his ancestor
in that he is more religious. ChildUke is his avowal. "And
whatever I ask of the gods they give me" (4). He is indeed a
favorite son of the heavenly ones. Among the things which the
gods have granted he enumerates "a peaceful life," "great crops
of barley, wheat and garlic." Everybody "tilled the land and
the vineyard" and thus followed peaceful pursuits (5-7).
The strict logic which marks the thinking of Kilammu is not
characteristic of Panammu. For after this description of the
blessedness of his reign, he reverts again to its beginning, and
superfluously repeats that Hadad gave him the sceptre of bless-
ing (?) when he came to the throne (8-9). "Sword and slander
(were cut ofif) from my father's house" (9), he adds, referring per-
haps to early troubles connected with his accession. Again he
paints us for the prosperity of his rule, "In my day moreover Ya'di
ate and drank. And in my day ^ ... a man helped (?) his
neighbor. And Hadad and El and Rekabel and Shamash and
Araq-reshef gave increase and gave me greatness and a sure
convenant they made with me" (9-11). But this divine aid is
due to a large extent to the efforts of Panammu in behalf of the
divine cults on the principle "do ut des." He says "And in my
days fat-offering was given to the gods and surely they accepted
it from my hands. And so whatever I ask from the gods they
surely give abimdantly to me and are willing" (12-13). The
choice offerings of which he was the donor inclined the tender
hearts of the gods toward mercy. And at the command of Hadad
he performed building operations: "And I built indeed and raised
up this stele of Hadad and the 'place' of Panammu son of Qaral
king of Ya'di with the stele of Hadad " (14-15). Briefly the king of
1 The tenth line is totally obscure.
123
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
Ya'di has given us a resum^ of the happenings of his reign. His
reUgious disposition, coupled perhaps with an age no longer youth-
ful, cause him to think of the long rest in the grave and of the land
of no return, where his spirit will soon be wandering. Every
sacrifice or Ubation at the tombs of the fathers brings food to their
languishing spirits and cheers for a httle their awful gloom. And
the dread that impious descendants might forget this duty causes
him to shudder. He dwells at length, therefore, on the theme of
the obhgations of his descendants toward himself and his god
Hadad.
"Whoever of my sons shall hold the sceptre and sit upon my
throne and shall strengthen the power, and shall sacrifice ... to
Hadad, and remember the name of Hadad, or who shall say ' May
the soul of Panammu eat with thee and may the soul of Panammu
drink with thee,' (who) still shall remember the soul of Panammu
along with Hadad . . . this his sacrifice . . . may he (the god)
look favorably upon it." (15-18.) But if the son that follows him
does not fulfill this wish, then may Hadad "not look favorably
upon his sacrifice, and whatsoever he shall pray for, may Hadad
not grant it; and may Hadad pour out wrath upon him . . . suffer
him not to eat because of wrath and withhold sleep from him by
night" (22-24). The remaining lines are not clearly understood.
They apparently picture tumultuous conditions brought about by
the curse which will rest upon those who disregard or desecrate
this memorial of Panammu.
A second great Aramaic inscription was found 1888 in the grave-
yard of Tattaly Bunar, whither it seems to have been carried at
some occasion from 6ergin (A S 48) or possibly from Sengirli itself.
It belongs to a memorial statue for Panammu II, erected perhaps
upon his grave by his son, "This statue Bar-Rekab set for his
father, for Panammu son of Bar-§ur, King of Ya'di", it begins.
Bar-§ur must have been the successor of Panammu I, son of
Qaral, though his reign cannot have been of long duration. The
fact that his son again bears the name of Panammu is an indication
that the line of descent is unbroken. The Inscription may be
124
KINGS OF SAM'AL
divided into three parts. The first tells of a revolution in Ya'di,
the second relates the accession of Panammu, and the third the
death of Panammu and the accession of Bar-Rekab.
Piously Bar-Rekab remarks of his father that "the gods of
Ya'di rescued him from his destruction. There was a conspiracy
in his father's house" (2). The fragmentary text does not tell us
who the main conspirator was, but we can fortunately supply his
name with certainty from the inscriptions of Tiglathpileser; he
is none other than Azriydu of Yaudi. We have already seen how,
under the leadership of this individual, and possibly with the help
of the Haldians, a rebellion of some magnitude took place against
Assyrian suzerainty. Evidently the loyal Bar-Sur was less fortu-
nate than Eniel of Hamath, who at least remained alive, for Bar-
Rekab says that the usurper "brought about destruction in the
house of his father and slaughtered his father Bar-Sur and mur-
dered 70 kinsmen of his father" (3). Many others loyal to the
dynasty were probably put to death "and with the rest thereof
indeed (?) he filled the prisons, and made the desolate cities more
numerous than the inhabited cities" (4). Panammu, however,
escaped the holocaust. The conditions of anarchy in Ya'di
brought about a serious increase in the cost of living. "There
perished . . . grain and com and wheat and barley and a Peres (a
half measure of wheat) stood at a Shekel and a Shatrab of (barley)
stood at a shekel and an Esnab of oil stood at a shekel" (5-6).
cf. 2 Kings 7:1.
The second part of the inscription begins: "And my father
brought (present) to the king of Ashur and he made him ruler
over his father's house and he slew the stone of destruction from
his father's house" (7) cf. Is. 8: 14. No doubt he refers here to the
fate of Azriydu. Thereupon Panammu seems to have given the
king of Ashur a tribute from the treasure of the gods of Ya'di.
Then "he opened the prisons and released the prisoners of Ya'di.
And my father arose and released the women . . ." (8). The
nobility that had been jailed and their harems confined were now
liberated as Panammu assumed the reins of government. Im-
125
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
mediately after his accession peace and prosperity are restored.
(He reestablished) "his father's house and made it better than it
was before; and wheat and barley and grain and com were abun-
dant in his days (9)." And "cheapness (?) of price" returned
again in consequence. "And in the days of my father Panammu
he installed cupbearers (?)^ and charioteers," thus elaborating
the pomp of the royal court which before must have been some-
what primitive. "And my father Panammu was made to sit in
the midst of powerful kings" ^ (10) but he did not allow himself
to be seduced by any one "whether possessor of silver or possessor
of gold in his wisdom and righteousness." ' On the contrary "he
grasped the hem of the skirt of his lord the king of Ashur" (11) and
the latter placed him over the "governors and princes of Ya'di."
The Assyrian prefects even, who had been instituted by Tiglath-
pileser, as well as the local chieftains, were subordinated to his
authority. Indeed he was so loyal that his son can say, "And his
lord the king of Assyria gave him preference over the powerful
kings" (12). He proved his faithfulness to the great monarch by
accompanying him on many a warlike venture. "At the chariot-
wheel of his lord Tiglathpileser, king of Ashur, in the campaigns he
ran, from the rising sun to the setting sun and ... in the four
quarters of the world." Apparently the vassals, who were less
reliable when it came to fighting than the Assyrian troops, were
employed to carry out the deportation of the inhabitants of con-
quered districts, for we learn of Panammu that "the daughter of
the east he brought to the west and the daughter of the west he
brought to the east" (13-14). As a reward for his distinguished
services the Assyrian increased Panammu's territory at the ex-
pense of his northern neighbor: "And his lord Tiglathpileser, the
king of Ashur (extended) his border through cities from the border
* Perhaps derived from Assyrian "kapru," "cup."
*Some translate "kings of Kebar" here and in 1. 12. This could only be
the equivalent of Kibir nAri (or kibir tAmti) and be used here in the sense of
the later Eberhannahar, i.e., the region west of the Euphrates.
• The trend of thought is doubtful. Possibly he means to say that he made
his people possessors of gold and silver.
126
KINGS OF SAM»AL
of Gurgum" (15). This act must have caused resentment in Gur-
gum and may have brought on the later troubles with Gurgum
in Sargon's day (cf. Ch. XV).
The last part of the inscription tells us how Panammu perished.
He participated in the siege of Damascus and there his fate over-
took him. "Moreover my father Panammu died in camp while
following his lord Tiglathpileser, king of Ashur . . . and his kins-
folk bewailed the kingship and the whole camp of the king of
Assyria bewailed him; and his lord the king of Ashur took . . .
his corpse and instituted for it a lamentation on the way, and
brought my father over from Damascus to (this), place" (16-18).
Whether or not Panammu died in battle during the many assaults
against the walls of Damascus is left untold. His faithfulness to
his beloved king of Ashur was thus crowned by a glorious death
in his cause.
Bar-Rekab closes by telling us how he himself came to the throne
"And as for me, Bar-Rekab, son of Pananmiu (for the
righteous)ness of my father and for my own righteousness, my
lord caused me to sit (instead) of my father Panammu, son of
Bar-Sur" (19-20). The character of this inscription is then
finally avowed by its author. "And a memorial this is! So may
Hadad and El and Rekabel, my patron, and Shamash and all the
gods of Yadi be my (witnesses) before Gods and before men"
(22-23).
The third important inscription of this period was found in
SengirU in 1891. It is a building inscription of twenty lines and is
preserved perfectly. On the left of the inscription is the figure of
its author, Bar-Rekab, in relief, holding in his hand a lotus flower.
On the upper part of the stone appear the same symbols that we
have already found upon the Kilammu monument, with the ad-
dition only of a five-pointed star enclosed in a circle with double
contures. (A S 377 f. PL LXVII.) The inscription reads as
follows:
"I am Bar-Rekab, son of Panammu, king of Sam'al, servant of
Tigalthpileser, the lord of the four quarters of the world. For
127
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
the righteousness of my father and for my own righteousness, my
lord Rekabel and my lord Tiglathpileser caused me to sit upon the
throne of my father. My father's house labored more than all.
And I ran at the wheel of my lord the king of Ashur, in the midst
of mighty kings, possessors of silver, possessors of gold. And I
took possession of the house of my father and made it better than
the house of any one of the mighty kings. And my fellow-kings
envied everything. How beautiful is my house ! A good house my
fathers, the kings of Sam'al did not have. They only had yonder
house of Kilammu. And that was their winter-home as well as
their simimer-home. Therefore I built this house."
A further sculpture representing Bar-Rekab was found at
Sen^rli. The king is shown in a sitting posture, with a eunuch
holding a fan, behind him and in front of him a man whose right
hand is uplifted as though he were giving his oath, while under
the left arm he is carrying a book, the covers of which are bound
in almost modem fashion, and the left hand holds a writing ap-
paratus of Egyptian style with a box for the pens. He must
therefore be a scribe or court official. On the right of the king's
crown we have the brief inscription: "I am Bar-Rekab, son of
Panammu." Still further to the right we read: "My lord Ba'al
Harran." The stone must therefore be dedicated to this divinity
(AS 347).
The Building-Inscription finds an excellent commentary in the
excavations of Sengirli. For here the castle of the kings of Sam'al
was unearthed. To emphasize the peculiar architecture of the
castle, Koldewey has adopted for it the word giUni. Thus
Sargon states that he built a vestibule, in the manner of a palace
of the Hittite country which in the language of Amurri is called
Bit-3il&ni, in front of the gorgeous gates at Dtir-Sharrukin (cf.
Display Inscr. 161-2, etc.). The excavator believes that in Sengirli
we have such a typical Bit-^il^ni (A S 189) ; and, indeed, I am in-
clined to accept this in view of the hall-building of Bar-Rekab^
which seems to have the character of a vestibule like that of Sargon.
There are three distinct palaces from different epochs at Sengirli,
128
KINGS OF SAM'AL
which are designated as Qil&ni I-III, and for the sake of con-
venience we will retain this term.
The oldest of these structures is the mighty Qil^ni I> which stood
on the highest point of the city. It is a citadel with two bold
towers which overlook the surrounding country for a great dis-
tance. Four strongly fortified gates, with huge stone lions guard-
ing the entrance, led into the interior of the castle. Within the
court a grave with the sculptured image of a woman — perhaps a
favored queen of Sam'al — was found. The interior of the palace
is unpretentious, suited only to very modest requirements (AS
175).
The progress in the standard of living in the course of time made
this castle insufficient for the needs of a royal family, and sa
gildni II was constructed below it. It is a more spacious building
but far less powerful than the upper citadel. In the midst of this
lower castle, in a niche-like chamber adjoining the main saloon,
stood the statue of a God striding upon a postament of horses.
In the main room the throne of the kings of Sam'al must have
stood.
IJildni III represents the supreme height of Sam'al's glory
(A S 167). It is a very large palace, with numerous buildings^
suited to the pomp of a great royal court. All the clan and body-
guard of the king had room to dwell here. The faithfulness of
Panammu II and Bar-Rekab to the king of Assyria was amply
rewarded by a great increase in wealth and prosperity. For
only such conditions can account for such a sudden bloom. But
all this glory of the new Sam'al seems to have taken an untimely
end, for an immense conflagration destroyed the palace, apparently
during the lifetime of Bar-Rekab (AS 240). Whether this king
rebelled against Sargon under the influence of Midas of Phrygia
or Rusash the Haldian, or whether these enemies of Ashur wreaked
their vengeance upon his unfortunate city, is a matter of doubt.
The former possibiUty would become a certainty if the passage of
the Nimrud inscription (18) which mentions the subjection along
with Hamath of "Yaudu, whose location is afar," refers to our
129
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
Ya*di or Sam'al. If so, then Bar-Rekab must have participated
in the uprising of Yaubi'di. There was placed in JJil^i III an
Assyrian stele, perhaps of Tiglathpileser IV, whose inscription
was entirely effaced by the flames (A S 27 f.). Sam'al evidently
became a province about the end of the seventh century, for in
the Assyrian Eponym list, a governor of Sam'al appears in the
year 681.
JJildni II and III are connected by a hallway of colonnades. In
the campaign of 1904 the northwestern comer of the castle-hill
behind this only partly excavated hallway was investigated.
In the northern part of the hallway the Bar-Rekab inscription
had already been discovered in 1894. Now two other buildings
described by the excavators as J and K were unearthed, and in
the former the monument of Kilammu was found. As Lidzbarski
has seen, J certainly originated at the time of Kilammu; in K it
received an extension, perhaps under the same king, and the whole
together was called "the house of Kilammu." Since the columned
porches of J and K faced south and west, they must have been
uncomfortable during the hot season. Therefore Bar-Rekab
built an especial summer house in the great northern Hall, which
must have been a very pleasant place in the summer days (E S E
III 218 f.).
The city of Sam'al was surrounded by fortifications and the
ground plan of the whole is ovular in shape. This is quite rare
and exceptional among the ancient cities, for the square or rect-
angular form was the ordinary one. It may be that this oval
type is of Hittite origin — the more feasible since Sengirli is in
reaUty a creation of the Hittite era. Two other great Hittite
cities, the mounds of Carchemish (6erabis) and Kadesh (Qal'at
el Mudiq) show the very same characteristics (AS 178 f.). The
ancient Hittite engineers reaUzed that all angles are a weakness
in defense. Three complete walls entirely girded the city and
two other walls partly surrounded it. Along the outer wall were
more than 100 towers (A S 174). These walls were of great
strength. Furthermore, the three gateways that led through
130
KINGS OF SAM'AL
these walls, being by nature the most vulnerable points, were
enormously fortified. The besieger of Sam'al had to break through
five of such gates before he reached the citadel. And then he
faced the task of attacking JJil^ni I with its immense walls —
five yards in thickness — and its towers which were seventeen
yards square at the base. To the architect of antiquity the
fortress of Sam'al must indeed have seemed impregnable (A S 182).
But all this greatness crumpled before the terrible impact of the
Assyrian onset. It must instil into us a great admiration for
the army that could storm this city. So great was the catastrophe
for Sam'al that for fifty years it must have lain quite desolate.
It was not until the time of Essarhaddon that another small castle
was built on the ruins of gildni I, probably as a home for the
Assyrian garrison and the governor (A S 242). Here stood a stele
of Essarhaddon with an Assyrian inscription in which he speaks
of his wars with the Egyptians. (A S 36.) The sculpture repre-
sents the monarch and two conquered kings, Tirhaqa the Egyptian,
and Ba'al of Tyre. This palace was apparently destroyed ca.
300 B.C., at the time when the Acropolis of Iglahhiye was founded
on the site of the later Nicopolis of Pompey which usurped the
place and importance of Sam'al. (A S 177.)
There is one point of which we still must make mention. What
is the relation of the Ya'di to Sam'al? Winckler (A O F I 18)
and later also Schiffer (S A 94) have had recourse to complicated
arguments to show that they are two different states adjoining
each other, and forming at times a dual monarchy. But this
seems rather unsatisfactory.^ Both Panammu I and Panammu II
are called King of Ya'di in the two inscriptions from Gergin, but
Bar-Rekab speaks of his fathers as the "Kings of Sam'al" and in
the same breath calls himself King of Ya'di. Kilammu also is
king of Ya'di. The Assyrians speak of Qaia and Pananmiu as
^ The city of Kullani appears as capital of Yaudi under Azriy&u, and in 864
a governor of this city is mentioned. But since the portion of Sam'al which
had held to Azriydu became a province immediately, it is but natural that it
should remain an especial administrative district in later days.
131
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
kings of Sam'al, but of Azriyau as being Yaudi. We may suppose
then that Ya'di was the name of the city Sengirli while Sam*al
was the name of the larger kingdom, or else we can hold with
Lidzbarski that both terms are identical, the former being merely
the Hittite and the latter the Semitic name of the state.
132
CHAPTER XV
THE LAST REBELLIONS
TiGLATHPiLESER was succeeded by his son Shalmaneser IV
(727-722), the former governor of the province of §iniirra. The
only principalities which now still preserved at least a shadow of
independence were the (greatly reduced) kingdoms of Hamath,
Carchemish, Sam'al, and Gurgum. On the Phoenician coast the
Tyrian state seems to have caused a little trouble, as must be
concluded from the treaty of Essarhaddon with Ba'al of Tyre.^
Perhaps this state intended to make common cause with its ancient
ally Israel. For the latter, under its foolish king Hoshea, was de-
luded by Sewe of Egypt (alias Sib'u of Mu§ri) into a revolt against
the Assyrians (2 Kings 17 : 1-6). The king of Ashur then laid siege
to Samaria and captured it. The Old Testament account tacitly
assumes that Shalmaneser is the conquerer of Samaria. With
this the claims of Sargon conflict. Thus he asserts in his Annals
(11-17) that the fall of Samaria and the battle of Dur-ilu took
place in his first year (721). But here he must be in error; for the
Babylonian chronicle (I 33) and also K 1349, a text dating from the
second year of Sargon, place the Babylonian troubles in 720 (01m-
stead 43 f.). It would seem then that Olmstead is correct when
he argues that the siege of Samaria began in 725 and ended
in 723 during the Ufetime of Shalmaneser (A J S L *05, 179 ff.).
It would indeed be difficult to imagine how Samaria, if destroyed
by Sargon in 721, could participate in the rebellion of 720. On
the other hand it is highly probable that a change of rulers in
Ashur should encourage Israel to a new revolt. Sargon's claims
may then apply to the renewed suppression of Samaria in 720 and
it is probable that the deportation of 27,290 people from this city
iAOFII,p. 10.
133
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
(Ann. 15) is identical with that referred to in 2 Kings 17 : 6 and took
place at this time. Indeed it seems to me that in 2 Kings 17:5 the
first captm-e of Samaria has been lost in our text, for it must have
been told there that Shalmaneser captured the rebellious city
before he could cast Hoshea into prison. The second capture under
Sargon then led to the removal of the population to Mesopotamia
and Media (on the regions cf. Olmstead 71 f.) and the coloniza-
tion of the city with people "from all lands" (Ann. 16).
During his first year Sargon was probably busy estabhshing his
authority in Assyria. Then in his second year he was forced to turn
to Babylonia and to fight at Durilu with Humbanigash of Elam and
Merodach-Baladan. It seems that his reverse at Dur-ilu was due
to the fact that he was already engaged in the campaigns in Syria,
which took place in the same year. For the Syrian realm was
threatened by a new uprising. It had been instigated chiefly
by the Egyptians and had two main centers — Philistaea and
ELamath. |}anun of Gaza, who had fled to Egypt in 734, had re-
turned to his kingdom after Tiglathpileser's death. The Arabian
tribes were now confronted by the same conditions as previously
and so they abandoned their allegiance to Ashur. The Assyrian
governor Idib'il of Aribi either yielded and made common cause
with the others or else was put out of the way. The Ambassadors
of Philistaea also tried to draw Judah into the rebellion, but failed,
since Isaiah opposed them (14:32 GVJ 489). In the north
Hamath, under a certaia Yaubi'di,^ succeeded in stirring up the
Assyrian provinces Arpad, §imirra, Damascus, Samaria, and
probably Sam'al. It might be assumed that the two movements
in Philistaea and Hamath were entirely independent of one an-
other, but it seems to me that the Display inscription wishes in-
tentionally to correlate the two, when, contrary to the chronology,
it places the struggle with Qanun before that with Azriydu. The
purpose of this must be to introduce Sib'u of Mugri as the leading
1 The name seems to contain " Yahweh," " Yau has removed my curse (?)."
The alternate form Ilubidi, as Olmstead, 48, suggests, is simply (M. ilu)
Yaubidi with the Ya dropped and the god-sign "ilu" drawn into the name.
134
THE LAST REBELLIONS
figure in the events of this year. True, Haldian influence may
also have been exercised at Hamath (Ohnstead 48).
Sargon followed the fundamental principle of Assyrian strategy
and struck swiftly at his foes before they were able to complete
their preparations. After crossing the Euphrates he marched
straight for the territory of Hamath. Yaubi'di, a rustic
(§ab-t}ubshi), who had no right to the kingship, a " Hittite, " ^ sought
tQ secure the throne upon which the faithful Eniel had sat so long.
Whether he ever did rule in Hamath is doubtful, for Display 33 and
Nimrtid 8 appear to contradict each other. His fortress is Qarqar,
" his beloved city " (i.e. his birthplace?) . Here in the glorious days
of Ir^juleni the Assyrians had been thwarted. Perhaps Yaubi'di
believed that he could bring back those times once more. But if
so he did not expedite his preparations sufl&ciently. For like a
whirlwind Sargon was upon him. Qarqar was besieged, stormed,
and sacked. The hapless Yaubi'di with his family and warriors
was brought in chains to Assyria and later flayed aUve. Hamath
itself was also captured (2 Kings 18 : 34, Olmstead 179). According
to Display 33 Sargon visited all the rebellious districts and killed
the revolutionists. Hamath henceforth became a province under
Assyrian administrators. 6300 loyal Assyrians were settled
there. A military levy of 300 chariots (Display 35 only 200) and
600 horsemen was made upon Hamath. (Stele I 57f.) Daiukku
of Man (Deioces theMede: Herodotus I 16) with his clan was
later deported to the district of Hamath, according to Display 49.
From northern Israel, after visiting no doubt Damascus and
Samaria, Sargon advanced to meet gamm of Gaza and Sib'u of
Mu§ri.2 ganun did not make the mistake of attemptiug to hold
1 Ethnically he was an Aramaean, as his name proves, "Hittite" is the
type of an excitable, faithless person, just as "Gutaean" is the type of a brutal
and rough individual; cf. Texb. 38.
* G V J II 485 makes Sewe — Sib'u another name for Pi'anchi (cf. BAR
rV '08 §812 f.). Equally possible is the assumption that Sib'u is merely the
commander of Pi'anchi's armies. In regard to the Arabian Mu§ri (Winckler,
M V A G '98, 1) we must be very skeptical; cf. Ohnstead, 56 ff.; G V J II
488 f . This Mu§ri must not be confounded with that in Cilicia.
136
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
Gaza alone, but retired and united with the appoaching Egyptian
reenforcements to the south at Rapi^ju (Tell Refalj). Here a
great battle with Sargon was fought, ending in an Assyrian victory.
Sib'u fled alone, "like a shepherd whose sheep have been robbed "
(Annals 29), before the weapons of Sargon and utterly disappeared
(Display 26). Qanun was captured and brought to Ashur in
chains, with 9033 of his people and their possessions (Ann. 30 f.).
Rapibu was destroyed, but Gaza was apparently spared, for it was
too valuable for the Assyrian to destroy it unnecessarily.
New trouble in Syria arose for Sargon several years later at
Carchemish.^ This state, through the skillful diplomacy of its
rulers, had remained independent, while all its neighbors were
ground under Ashur's foot. It was the last bulwark of Hittite
civilization in that latitude. Doubtless it too had a chiefly
Aramaean population, but the superior culture and intelligence of
the old inhabitants gave it its character and governed its policies.
The state of Carchemish always participated in the Syrian re-
bellions and yet always managed to withdraw its neck from the
noose before it was too late. Its policy was to take no risks; for
Carchemish was a great commercial city and commercial interests
must militate against any interruption of prosperity. Now,
however, Carchemish was completely isolated, for its western
neighbor, Sam'al, had also become an Assyrian province. Its
king, Pisiris, must have realized that Ashur would very soon annex
Carchemish, if only for the sake of its treasures. Furthermore,
a new figure had loomed up upon the theater of history — Mita of
Muski or Midas of Phrygia (A O F II 136) — who promised to
renew the ancient empire of the Hittites. Already his legions
were pouring into Que and Armenia. What was more natural
than that the ruler of Carchemish should hope for deliverance
through him? In 717 Pisiris sent an appeal to Midas for assistance
against Ashur.
* On this city cf. Hogarth, Carchemish, 1914; Proceedings of Brit. Acad., V,
"Hittite Problems and the Excavations at Carchemish"; also King, History
of Babylon, 1916, p. 127 f.
130
THE LAST REBELLIONS
The uprising of Carchemish was no light matter for Sargon.
If Midas offered effective aid, then renewed rebellions from the
Amanus to Philistaea could be expected. The road to the sea
would be blocked and Mesopotamia laid open to invasion. Again,
however, the great speed of his attack thwarted his foes. Before
Midas could move to help Pisiris, Sargon was hammering at the
gates of Carchemish. We know nothing of the siege. It seems
that Pisiris did not hold out to the bitter end, for no holocaust of
•death came over the city. Sargon merely states that he led
Pisiris and his family and all the conspirators with their property
away to Assyria. From the treasure-house he took 11 Talents of
bright gold, 2100 Talents of silver, 10 Talents of bronze. Of
other booty he mentions elephant hides and tusks, as well as
weapons. The troops of the city, 50 chariots, 200 horsemen,
3000 (Annals 50 gives 300) infantry, he attached to his own legions
(XIV 1 42 f.). The miUtary strength of the city was evidently not
so very great. If Carchemish suffered from the siege we do not
know, but bricks bearing Sargon 's name have been foxmd there.
The fall of Carchemish was celebrated as a great event. In its
honor the earliest document of Sargon 's reign — the Ninariid in-
scription — was erected in the palace of the monarch where his
treasure was deposited and especially the great booty of Carchemish
which his hand had won (1. 21 f). That Carchemish still retained
its commercial importance is vouched for by the fact that the Mina
of Carchemish was used alongside of the regular royal Mina of the
Assyrians down to the time of the fall of Nineveh (A D D II 268).
During the next years Sargon took up the struggle with the
Haldians under Rusash. The details of this struggle do not
-concern us here; suffice it to say that he utterly smashed the
Vannic state. Rusash ended his life with suicide in 714.^ After
expeditions to Media and Asia Minor we find Sargon again cen-
•cemed with Syria in 71 1 . The northernmost Syrian state, Gurgum,
' Recently a new and valuable text relating to the Armenian campaign of
714 has been published by Thureau-Dangin, Una Relation de la Huiti^e
Campagne de Sargon, '12.
137
THE ARAMAEANS IN SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA
caused him trouble. Its king Tarbulara was murdered by his
own son Mutallu/ doubtless because he refused to side with the
Phrygian Midas against Assyria. Sargon, with his bodyguard,
hastened to the capital of Gurgum, Marqasi (Mar* ash) and
captured Mutallu with the whole clan of Blt-Pa'alla ^ and their
spoil. He made Gurgum a province, and redistributed the land
among the inhabitants (Display 83-89). Sargon must have been
in Sjnia at this time — perhaps engaged in the Philistaean cam-
paign against Azuri of Ashdod — else he could not have struck so
swiftly at Mutallu. Whether the Mutallu of Kummul) who made
conmion cause with Argistis of Urartu in 708 and whose land
became an Assyrian province is to be identified with Mutallu of
Gurgum (Winckler, Sargon XLI) is uncertain. If this were so the
previous news of Mutallu's capture must have been "greatly
exaggerated." But perhaps the identity in names is merely a
coincidence.
All of Syria, in so far as it was Aramaean or even bastard-
Aramaean, had now come under the sway of Assyria. True, the
Phoenician cities on the coastal rim, protected by the mountaiQ
barriers, still retained their autonomy for some time during the
next century. But Phoenicia, while of great importance in the
development of civilization, stands with its face toward the setting
sun. It thus lies apart from the great movements which mark the
course of Oriental history. Aram, however, stood with Israel in
the path of progress, and, heroically resisting, was ground beneath
the chariot wheels.
But just in this its tragic fate Aram, like Israel, was led to the
consimimation of its mission. It is indeed a spectacle almost
without analogy that the conquered can force its language upon
the conqueror and upon a vast territory like the fertile crescent
from Egypt to the Persian Gulf. True the Amorites of old had
accepted the speech of the Akkadians, but here the Akkadians
^Variants of an inaccurate nature make Tar^ulara directly deposed by
Sargon XIV 10 Pav6 des portes, IV, 28.
» Doubtless the home of Tarbulara (Winckler, Sargon, XXX). The name
is clearly Aramaic.
138
THE LAST REBELLIONS
were vastly superior in culture. The Aramaeans, however, were
inferior in this respect to their conquerors. How then could such
an anomaly come to pass? Undoubtedly the policy of the As-
syrian kings of deporting captive Aramaeans in such large numbers
into the immediate vicinity of Nineveh, together with the complete
absorption of Babylonia by new arrivals from the Negd, was to a
large extent instrumental in the overthrow of the Assyrian as the
spoken language of the common people. But with this also is
coupled the fact that the Aramaeans were great merchants, and
that they were especially numerous in the region of the great trade
routes of Sjo-ia, Mesopotamia, and Chaldaea. Thus their language
had the opportunity of becoming a medium of exchange. And
its greater simphcity of structure, coupled with an easy and con-
venient script, gave it an inestimable advantage over its only
possible competitor, the Assyrian. Furthermore, the destruction
of the Aramaic states separated this language from all national
aspirations or religious propaganda, so that no prejudice against
its use could arise. After the fall of Nineveh (606) nothing could
hinder its triumphal march. It became the necessary means of
communication between Iranian east and the Semitic west. It
succeeded eventually in entirely displacing the Hebrew and
Canaanitic; even in Tyre and Sidon the old mother-tongue
perished, and in Edom and North Arabia as well. From the
Persian gulf to Cilicia, and from Edessa to Petra and to Syene on
the Nile the Aramaic became the language of the common people.
And it maintained its supremacy even against the inroads of
Hellenistic civihzation until finally the great onset of Islam
brought its rule to a sudden end.
But withal, its importance for the world was then consmnmated.
It had been the language of Christ and his apostles, and of the
early Christian Church especially in the Osroene. Without it
the expansion of Christianity in the Orient would have been un-
thinkable, just as it would have been unthinkable in the Occident
without the Greek. This then is the historical debt which the
world owes the Aramaeans.
139
INDEX OF BIBLE PASSAGES
Genesis
PAGE
10:4 89
10:10 14
10: 10-26 18
10: 18 95
10: 19 97
10:23 18
11:31 16
14: 13 31
22:24 45
24:10 21,24
25:2 12,70
28:2 23
29:1 37
31:14-15 28
31:20 32
31:23 28
31:32 28
31:33f 29
31:34f 28
31:43 29
Ntjmbebs
20: 14 36
22: 5 36
23:7 36,37
24:16 37
24:24 31
32:39 36
34:11 96
Deuteronomy
1:1 46
3:9 79
17:16 44
26:5 34
Judges
PAGE
3:7-11 39
5:17 60
18:7 39
18:28 39
1 Samuel
14:47 39
2 Samuel
3:3 42
8:3 42,43
8:4 44
8:7 45
8:8 44,45
8: 10 45
8:11 ,..45
8:16 42
10 41
10:6 90
10:16 42
10:17 43
13:37 42
20:15f 100
1 Kings
4:21 47
4:24 47
10:28f 48
11:23 48,50
11:23-26 48
14:15 31
14:25-26 49
15:18 48
20 51,77
20:34 60
22 77
141
2 Kings
PAGE
3 77
6:18 49
6:24-7:20 82
6:32 82
7:1 126
7:6 101
8:7-15 79
8:28 79
9:14 79
10:31 80
10:32-33 81
12:18f 81
13:7 81
13:14-19 83
13:22 81,82
14:25 102
14:28 102
15:13-16 115
15:17-22 116
15:19 116
15:20 116
15:29 117
15:30 119
16:7,8 117
16:9 16,121
16:10f 121
17:1-6 133
17:3 120
17:5 134
17:6 134
18:34 109,134
19:12 63
1 Chronicles
18:3 43
18:8 44
19:16 43
INDEX OF BIBLE PASSAGES
2 Chronicxes
8:3f.
8:4
15:1
16:7-10
24:19f 81
28:9 100
Job
2:11.
8:1..
25:1.
42:9.
PAQE
...41
...47
..100
...49
.12
,12
,12
,12
Canticles
4:8 46
Ihatait
7:2 117
7:6 102,115,117
7:20 31
8:4 120
PAGE
Isaiah (corUiniied)
8:14 125
9:12 81
9:19,20 115
10:9 109
14:32 134
37:12 63
39:7 78
Jeremiah
49:23 109
EZECHIEL
23:14 16
23:23 17
27:23 64
47:16 44
Daniel
10:6 20
PAQE
HOSEA
5:13 116
8:9 116
12:13 24
Amos
1:3 81
1:5 16,63
1:6-15 81
1:9 81
6:2 95
9:9 16
Habakxtk
3:7.
.39
Zechariah
9:1 98
9:9 98
1 Maccabees
5:26 43
142
INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Aanata, 25
Abel-beth-Ma'acah, 118
Abilakka, 118
Ada, 73
Adarin, 118
Adennu, 73, 95
Afrln, 9, 66, 111
Agade, 36
Aghri Dagh, 18
Aglun, 39
Agusi, 71
Ahanu, 66
Ain-tab, 9
A-ira-mau, 38
Akabah, 117
Akaru, 25
Akbara, 120
Alashia, 98
Alexandrette, 10, 66
Alisir, 70
Alman, 23
Amanus, 2, 8, 9, 10, 59, 66, 70, 77,
89
Amid, 26
Amlate, 110
Ammana, 46, 112
Amor, 38
Ammru, 8, 12, 13, 15
•Ana, 12, 56, 98
Anat, 56
Anatho, 12, 56
'Anaz, 26
Antilebanon, 9, 113
Antioch, 70, lake of, 9, 33, 66
Apamea, 57, 73, 96, 110
Aphek, 52, 76, 77
Apr§, 66
Aqarbani, 56 (cf. Naqarabani)
Ara, 113
Arabia, 8, 11
Aram, 38, 39
Aram Naharaim, 21, 23
Araziqi, 24
Arethusa, 79
Aribi, 120, 134
Aribua, 67, 68
Arma, 21
Armenaz, 110
Armenia, 8, 11, 106, 136f.
Arpad, 4, 61, 65, 72, 107ff., 109, 111,
115, 134
Arra, 113
Arrizu, 25
Aruma, 21, 120
Arumu, 19
Arvad, 67, 74, 80
A§alli, 54, 55, 58
Asbat-la-kunu, 61
Ashdod, 138
Ashhani, 113
Ashkelon, 14, 120
Ashtamaku, 67, 78
Ashur, 21, 31
Asia Minor, 8
Asmu, 57
Atinni, 113
Atnu, 25
*Azaz, 54, 66
Babit, 53
Babylon, 15, 17, 55, 106
Badana, 119
Badani, 25
Bagdad, 15, 22, 24
Bahrein, 13
Bal'ds, 97
143
INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Bali^, 7, 18, 20, 23, 64
Balibi, 25
Ba'lira'si, 80
Balis, 26
Ba'li^apuna, 112f.
B&ra, 110
Barada, 46
Barga, 73
Bargylus, 9, 10, 67, 70, 96
Bamaqi, 64
Bashan, 44
Basra, 13
Baw6ra, 67
Beilan, 89
Beitan, 70
Beled-ish-Sheikh, 67
Berothai, 44
BerQt, 45
Betah, 44
Beth Eden, 63
Beth Ma'acah, 39, 41
Beth Omri, 119f.
Beth Rehob, 21, 39f., 41, 42f.
Biaina, 105
Biq&' 9, 38, 40, 44, 63
Biq'at Aven, 63
Bire^k, 61
Bir N&ri, 25
Birutu, 53
Bisuru, 57
Blt-Adini, 54ff., 58, 68ff., 71, 87
" -Babiani, 55, 58
" -Garbaia, 56
" -gadara, 118
" -galupe, 53, 55, 56
" -gumri, 50
" -Pa'alla, 138
" -Zam&ni, 53, 90
Brfitdn, 44, 45
Burmanina, 59
Byblos, 37 (cf. also Gebal)
Caesarea Panias, 40
Calab, 58
Calneh, 64, 111
Cahio, 111
Cappadioca, 82
Carchemish, 18, 19, 20, 39, 64, 61,
68, 72, 77, 82, 114, 130, 133,
136ff.
Casius, Mons, 67
Caucasus, 105
Chabora, 56
Chalcis, 40f.
Chaldaea, 13, 16, 17
Chalus, 10
Chryssorrhoas, 46
Cilicia, 8, 65, 70
Cinneroth, 49
Circesium, 56
Coelesyria, 9
Conna, 45
Cyprus, 89
Dabigu, 60, 71
Dabiq, 70
Dagara, 53
Daiaeni, 89
Damanum, 17
Damascus, 33, 37, 46f., 50, 52, 79,
84, 98, 106, 116, 118, 120f., 121,
134
Dana, 111
Danaba, 80
Danabi, 80
Dhu-Raidan, 46
Dibon, 13
Di^nunna, 25, Di^nunu, 59
Dilmun, 13
Dimmeti, 25
Dinanu, 54, 89
Diyarbekr, 20, 53
Di-zahab, 46
Duggaete, 56
Dummutu, 57
Dunip, 80
Duppani, 67
Diir, 25, 110
Dur-ilu, 133, 134
Dur-katlime, 20, 55
144
INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Dur-nabA, 25
Dur-Shamildn, 128
Eberhannahar, 31, 126
Ebirt&n, 31
ed-Der, 7, 12
Eden, 63, 64
Edessa, 7
Edom, 36, 39, 41
Edrei, 42
Egypt, 8, 32, 47
Elam, 8, 16, 134
Elath, 36
El-Lefegun, 16
EUitarbi, 113
El-Irzi, 12
Eluhat, 19
El-Qayim, 56
Emesa, 68
En-6annlm, 51
Epiphania, 95
Eragiza, 24
Erech, 14, 15, 17
Esdraelon, 33
Et-Tufifah, 45
Et-Tayyibe, 42
Euphrates, 8, 14, 37, 56
Gabariya, 56
Gadise, 25
Gaduatd, 25
Caghgagha, 55
Gal'ed, 32
Gauzanitis, 63
Gaza, 118
Gebal, 14, 37, 45, 67, 80
6ebel 'abd-il-'Aziz, 59
" Akkar, 113
" Akrun, 113
" Barbar, 46
" Bil'as, 97, 98
" Daryus, 67
" ez-Zebedani, 79
" il 'Ala, 110
" il Aqra, 67
" il Bishri, 57
Gebel Qogeir, 67
" Riha, 113
" Sayilj
" Shahsim, 67
" Singar
6erabis, 10, 60
Gerar, 97
Gerfein, 124
Geroda, 118
Gezireh, 11 C€,jrH¥^,4-l
Gether, 18
Giddan, 56
Gilead, 9, 28, 32, 34, 79, 81, 82, 115
Gilz&u, 74, 75
Gir-Su, 16, 23
Gof, 13
Golan, 41
Gozan, 63
Gurgum, 61, 65, 69, 88, 102, 109, 114,
127, 133, 137f.
Guriete, 56
Guzana, 63
gabur, 7, 18, 20, 21, 23, 24, 54, 55
gadatti, 25
Hadrach, 98ff., 106
Hadramaut, 13
Hagam, 119
iJallaba, 108
Halebiyeh, 57
galman, 65, 72, 99
Qal^u, 25
Saluli, 25
Hamath, 2, 43, 54, 66, 67, 68, 72, 73,
78, 79, 84, 95, 96, 112ff., 114,
116, 117, 125, 128, 133, 134
Hamath-Zobah, 41
IJamedS, 25
gamurga, 66
gana, 12, 13
IJanana, 25
gdnsAri, 25
garada, 56
Harbelah, 96
Qarge, 41
145
INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
garidu, 56, 57
Qarmish, 55
IJarn\i§aen, 25
Harran, 10, 18, 19, 23, 24, 54, 58, 63, 64
Harze, 12
Harutu, 62
Qas, 113
Uasame, 25 (lasamu, 59
Hatab, 113
Qatarik (-ka), 84, 99, 112, 113, 115
Qatatirra, 110
l^atti in Arabia, 119
Sattina, 50, 59, 61, 65, 66f., 67, 70,
71, 88, 100, 106
Haura, 26
Hauran, 13, 33, 35, 80
^aurani, 54
IJaurina, 25, 26, 41
Havilah, 18
Qaw^n, 41, 54
Ijayappa, 119
Hasar Enon, 44
UasiBU, 54, 66, 70, 83, 100
Hazor, 49
^azre, 110
Helam, 43
Hermon, 79
Heshbon, 33, 36
Hierapolis, 6, 26, 27, 61
Higaz, 12
Hinaton, 120
Uindan, 53, 56, 67, 90
Horns, 99
Hul, 18
HQle, 41
li^uzarra, 110
ladnana, 37
lari, 20, 55
Ibri, 31
Ibr Nahar&n, 21
Idlib, 95
Idumaea, 9
il-Angar, 41
" Atharib, 95, 113
il-Ghuwgr, 49
" Harmel, 96
'Uma, 43
il Ouzanieh, 112
Irak, 11
Iram of the Aditea, 36
Iran, 105
Irma, 119
ir-Restan, 79
ir-Rufe, 73
Irritia, 105
Isana, 111
Iskenderun, 65, 68
I?lahhiye, 131
it-Tiel-BabshIn, 67
Ituraea, 40
lyon, 49
iz-Ziyadlyeh, 66
Jabbok, 40
Jerusalem, 49, 81, 116, 121
Jezreel, 79
Jordan, 9, 33
Judaea, 10
Kadesh, 33, 99, 113, 130; in Galilee,
35,45
Kailite, 56
Kana, 120
Kaphthor, 16
Kapparu, 25
Kaprabi, 58
Kapri-dargilfi, 61
Kara-Su, 9, 10, 67, 69, 85
Karafeah Dagh, 7, 64
Kar-Ashurnazirpal, 57
Kar-Hadad, 113
Kar-Naba, 12
Kar-Shulmanasharid, 61
Kashiar, 19, 20, 55, 64
Kasi, 56
Kebar, 125
Kedesh, 49
Kefr tai, 110
Kibri-N&ri, 31, 126
146
INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
KUliz, 66, 111
Kinalua, 72, 106; Kinalia, 110 (cf.
Kunalua)
Kipina, 57
Kishtan. 109
Kitlala, 64
Kullanhou, 111
KullanI, 111
Kulmadara, 110
Kummu^, 54, 60, 61, 69, 71, 109, 114
Kun, 44
Kunalua, 65, 66 (cf. Eonalua)
Kurban, 108
Kuru§§a, 118
La'ash, 68, 97f.
Labdadu, 62
Labo Hamath, 96
Lachish, 14
Lagalaga, 53
Lagash, 3, 14, 40, 97
Lalje-ili, 25
La'la'te, 59
Lallar, 59, 70
Laodicea, 10, 68, 112
Laqe, 56, 57
Larissa, 75, 96
Lasha', 97
Latihi, 56
Lebanon, 8, 9, 68, 113
Lebweh, 96
Legah, 61
Libum, 96
Lita Ashur, 61
Luhuti, 67, 68, 98
Lutibu, 69, 70
Ma'acah, 41
Ma*arrat-in-No*man, 113
Magarisi, 55; Magrisi, 20 (cf.
Makrisu)
Mahirani, 24, 64
Ma'in, 13
Makrisu, 55
Malatia, 18, 99 (cf. Melid, MiUd)
Man, 135
Man^uate, 83
Ma'on, 13
Mar'ash, 2, 7, 38, 64, 65
Mardin, 26
Margada, 55
Mari, 12, 13, 17
Marqasi, 65, 138
Marra, 110
Marum, 120
Marsyas, 9, 84
Mas'a, 119
Masis, 18
Masius, Mons, 18
Media, 136
Megiddo, 16
Mehranu, 63, 64
Meiid, 102, 109
Membig, 61
Merg Ayun, 49
Merom, 49
Merra, 12
Mesopotamia, 7
Mespila, 16
Metuna, 118, 120
Milid, 99 (cf . also Melid)
Mitani, 24, 63, 64
Mizpeh, 32, 33
Munzigani, 66
Muqayyar, 16
Murarir, 20
Mu§ri, 62, 74, 82, 119, 133, 134, 135
Mutkinu, 20, 61
Nabulu, 20
Nagiate, 56
Naharin, 21
Nahrima, 21
Nahr Arqa, 112
Nahr-il Abyad, 67
" " Kebir, 67
Nairi, 55, 77, 114
Nampigi, 25 (cf . Nappigu)
Namri, 77
Nappigu, 4, 27, 61
147
INDEX OP GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Naqarabani, 56
Negeb, 32
Negd, 17, 22
Nerab, 26, 54
Nibarti-Asphur, 57
Nicopolis, 131
Nimrud Dagh, 7, 59
Nippur, 3
Nirabu, 54
Nirdun, 53
Niribi, 26
Nifiibis, 7, 8, 55
Niyara, 70
Nu^ashshe, 40
NtiUa, 70
Nuqudlna, 113
Orontes, 9, 65, 67, 70, 76
Osroene, 7, 10
Ouzoun Dagh, 112
Pad&nu, 23
Paddan Aram, 23f., 72
Palag Damanum, 17
Palestine, 8, 36, 81
Palmyra, 37, 44, 47, 98
Paqami^buni, 60
Paqar^ubuna, 78
Paripa, 60
Pauza, 20
Phalga, 18
Pharpar, 46
Philistaea, 36, 81, 116, 119,
Phoenicia, 9, 50, 68, 80, 85,
133
Phrygia, 128, 136
Pidua, 25
PikudAnu, 17
Pomaki, 64
Qal'at il Arba'in, 68
" il 5u8n, 112
" ilMudiq, 73
" er-Rubbeh, 95
" Raftda, 56
Qarqar, 39, 73, 135
120, 134
97, 120,
Qatni, 54, 55
Qedem, 37
Que, 70, 73, 102, 106, 109, 114, 136
Quweq, 61, 66
Rabbah, 43; Rabbath Ammon, 39
Railu, 12
Rama, 49
Ramah, 49
Ramoth Gilead, 76, 82
Rapibu, 136
Raqqfi, 44
Ra^appa, 63, 111
Ra'sel-'Ain, 58
Rashpuna, 96, 112
Ra's-ish-Shaq'fi, 112
Reseph, 63
Rhosus, 70
Riblah, 96, 113
Riha, 73
Rlhab, 39, 40
Rimusi, 25
Rugulitu, 61
Ru$afe, 63
Saba, 13, 119
Sagillu, 110
Sagur, 67
Sa^r, 10, 20, 54, 60, 67
^ahyOn, 112
Saidi, 25
SaktshegozQ, 69
Saluara, 69
Sam'al, 2, 8, 41, 61, 65, 69, 85, 88,
99, 102, 110, 111, 114, 122f.,
130, 131, 133
Samaria, 50, 82, 114, 115, 119, 133
Samosata, 7
Saniru, 79
Saratini, 67
Sarugi, 18, 25, 54
Saruna, 54
Sau, 112
Sauar, 54, 56
Saui, 112
148
INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Sebam, 13
Sebeneh Su, 64
§ednaya, 80
Seir, 41
Senfeirli, 2, 65, 85, 111, 128ff.
SerfeUle, 110
Shadabu, 60
Sha-Dikanna, 54, 55
Sharbua, 113
Sharon, 81
Sha§iri, 20
Shazabfi, 60
Shechem, 33, 92
Shedade, 55
Sheihun, 113
Sheikh Mislan, 43
Shekib, 66
Shinamu, 20
Shitamrat, 62
Shtora, 79
Shuach, 12
Shuppa, 24
Shupria, 20, 53
Siannu, 96, 112
§ibate, 56
Sibraim, 44
Sidon, 80, 83, 97, 116
§imirra, 41, 96, 112, 114, 116, 120
Simyxa, 80
Sippar, 13, 15
SirguUa, 17
Sirqu, 56
Sodom, 97
Stuma, 73
Subartu, 8
§ubatu, 41
Subnat grotto, 64, 106
Suf, 40
Sufeu, 12, 13, 17, 53, 55, 57
Sulmara, 69
§upite (cf. §ubatu)
§upri, 56 . "
Suru, 54, 56
Suri, 109
Stinma, 60
Syn, 112
Syria, 7, 18, 19, 33, 34, 106
Tabite, 55, 56
Tadmor, 47, 98
Tae, 110
Taia, 70, 110
Taidi, 19
Talbish, 56
Tarmanazi, 110
Tarsus, 70
Tasume, 25
Tatmarash, 78
Taurus, 105
Tebah, 44, 45
Tela, 64
Telassar, 63, 64
Telesaura, 64
Tell Ahmar, 61
" Anabi, 64
" Bashar, 20, 60, 63
" Besme, 56
" BisS, 99
" el Meghrun, 64
" Erfid, 65, 110
" Danit, 73, 113
" esh-Shihab, 35
" Feddan, 24
" Ghanlm, 20
" Halaf, 64
" Halao, 20
" il Thadayain, 47
Isan, 111
" 'Ishar, 12, 56
" Kunana, 66
" Mahr6, 64
" Shreb, 113
" Tell Rafa^, 136
Tema, Teima, 113
Thapsacus, 47
Thipsach, 47
Tiberias, lake of, 37
Tigris, 15, 20, 23, 53
Tilabna, 59; Tilabn6, 63; Tilabnl, 25,
54
149
INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
TU AshAri, 63, 64
Til-Barsip, 54, 60, 61, 64
Til Bashiri, 60
Tilbesh, 56
TUllni, 25
Til Na^iri, 18, 24, 25
Til-sha-turabi, 64
TinAni, 25
Tiramaski, 47
Tirqa, 11, 12, 56
Tob, 42
Tripolis, 10, 68
Tubibi, 45
Tuka, 54
Tor 'Abdin, 7, 18, 19, 20, 22, 53, 55,
105
Turmanin, 110
Tufipa, 105, 114
Ugarit, 89
Ukulai, 12
UUuba, 110, 114
Umm-esh-SherehQb, 99
Unqi, 72, 109f., 112
Uphaz, 20
Ur, 15, 16, 17, 23
Urartu, 62, 83, 102, 105, 106, 107,
110, 114, 116, 138
Urfa, 63
Urhai, 7
Uruk, 14
Ushana, 74, 80
Uanu, 96, 112
Ui, 18
Us«, 63
Van, 105, 107, 114
Viranshehir, 64
Wadi ed-Daw&sir
" er-Rumma
" il Ghar
" Sirhan
" Sur
" Zerzer
Y&bi, 12
Yabrud, 41, 54, 118
Ya'di, 110, 125, 131 (cf. Sam'al)
Yadibi, 113
Yaduru, 12
Yaghra, 33
Yaban, 11, 65, 88, 89
Yabiri, 55
Yamin, 8
Yaraqu, 66, 78, 113
Yarmuk, 43
Yasbiqu, 70
Yasim, 57
Ya'turu, 66
Yaudi, 125
Yaudu, 128
Yemen, 8
Zahleh, 44
Zakku Igitlim, 12
" Isharlim, 12
Zaleblyeh, 57
Zalmon, 40
Zamua, 53
Zenobia, 57
Zephath, 49
Z^tan, 113
Zitanu, 113
Zobah, 39, 40£f.
150
GENERAL INDEX
Aa, 26
Abiate, 27
Abraham, 15
Adad, 26, 76, 103, 108
Adad-idri, 74, 76f., 79
Adad-ime, 58
Adadnir&ri 1, 3, 18
IV, 3, 83, 96, 106
Agumkakrime, 17, 23
Ahab, 74, 50
Ahaz, 116f., 121
A^ababa, 55
A^ramu, 55
Aflame, 17, 18ff., 22, 35
A^uni, of Bit-Adini, 58ff., 69
Akkadian Migration, 11
Al, 26
Alexander Romance, 18
Alisir, battle of, 70
Alia, 26
Aloros, 103
Amar, 12, 13, 93, 103
Amama letters, 3, 14
*Amm, 13
Ammeba'la, 53
Ammon, 36, 38, 74, 81, 116
Ammorites, 12, 15, 33, 36
Amurru-god, 15
Amurru-land, 70
Anam, 14
Aphek, battles at, 52, 76, 77, 81, 83
Arabia and the Arabians, 11, 74, 81,
114, 119
Arabic loan words, 14
Arad Nannar, 14
Aram, 9, 20, 21f., 99
Aramaeans
deportation of, 58
invasion of Syria, 38
migration, 5, 13, 17, 20, 23
southern tribes, 17
Arame of Urartu, 105
Arame of Gusi, 70, 71, 77
Aram Naharaim, 21, 23
Arauna, 34
Argistis I, 106, 138
Arik-den-ilu, 18
Arimoi, 5
Army, Israel's, 8, 116
Arpakshad, 18
Aryans, 34, 83
Asa, 49
Asher, 49
Ashur-irbe, 70
Ashurnazirpal, 3, 50, 66f.
Ash\ir-nirfi,ri, 4, 107f .
Ashur-resh-ishi, 19
Ashur-uballit, 14
Assyria, 50, 66
Atar, 27
Atargatis, 6, 27
Ate, 27
Aushpia, 11
Ausi, 119f.
Az, 18
Azriydu, llOf., 114, 125
Azuri, 138
Ba'al, of Tyre, 131, 133
Ba'al Qaman, 92, 93
" Harran, 128
" La'ash, 103, 104
151
GENERAL INDEX
Ba'al §emed, 92
Ba'alshamayn, 103, 104
Baasha, 49
Babylonia, 15
Balaam, 36f.
Balak, 36f.
Bargush, 99
Bar §ur, 124, 125
Ba'sa, king of Ammon, 39, 73
B61-Shimea, 14
Benhadad I, 49, 50
II, 50, 51, 75, 79
III, 82, 83, 84, 99, 102,
106, 115
Benteshina, 35
Bir'a, 119
Bit-gUani, 128
Buranate, 70
Bur-Ramanu, 53
Cassites, 15, 17
Cattle, 27
Census, Harran, 25fiF.
Chaldaean Semites, 14, 15
Copper, 39
Cushite, 14
Dadu, 76
Dagan, 12, 13
DaiAn-Ashur, 72
Damunu tribe, 17
Dan, tribe of, 39, 49, 117
Deioces of Media, 135
Dodanim, 89
Dolmens, 32
Eber, 18, 31
Edomites, 83, 116
Egyptians, 82
Elisha, 79, 82
ElOr, 102f.
Eniel of Hamath, 112, 113, 114, 125,
135
Ephraim, 10
Eponym Canon, 3
Erba Marduk, 15
Eremboi, 5
Esau, 33
Essarhaddon, 64, 81, 131
Ethbaal, of Sidon, 50
Ethiopians, 5
Eupolemus, 40
Factions in Sam'al, 92
Family, 27
Fortresses, 130ff.
Giammu, 64
Gindibu, 74
Graeco-Roman authors, 5
Gudea, 18
Gush, 99
Gusi, 66
gabini of Tilabnl, 58, 59, 60
gabiri, 3411.
Hadad, 65; (cf. Adad)
Hadadezer, 48, 75
Hadoram, 45
gaiA (ni), 71, 85, 87
Haldians, 82, 83, 105f., 114, 135, 137
Hammurapi, 13, 14
g&ni of Sam'al, 71; (cf. also galA)
ganun, 41, 118, 134, 135f.
Harran Census, 4, 23f.
Hatti, 12, 24, 62, 78, 83
gattusil, 18, 35, 103
Hazael, 79, 81, 82, 83, 115
Hebrew, 29, 31
Herodotus, 5
Hezion, 48, 49, 50
Hiram, 114
Hoshea, 119, 120, 133
Humbanigash, 134
Hyksos, 17
Idibi'l of Aribi, 120, 134
Idurmer, 12
m, 57
Mnu, 53
162
GENERAL INDEX
Ilu-Adad, 54
Ilubi'di, 134
Iluibni, 55
Indo-Europeans, 32, 38
Indo-Germanic names, 35
Inscriptions :
Bar-Rekab, 127ff.
Kilammu, 85fiF.
Hadad, 122
N^ab
Panammu, 127
Teima, 113
Zakir, 96ff.
Irbuleni, 78, 106
Isaiah, 117, 134
Ishbi-Urra, 13
Ishtar, 15, 27, 49
Ishtob, 42
Isin Dynasty, 13
Ispuinis, 106
Israel, 32, 76f., 115, 118
Ituai-tribe, 23
Jacob, 28f., 32, 34
Jehu, 79, 80, 81, 82
Jeroboam, 84, 102, 115
Joahaz, 81, 82
Joash, 83
Joram, 77, 79, 82
Judah, 116, 134
Judges, 5
Kadashman-^arbe, 15
Kaldi, 15
Kalparuda, 71
Katazil, 71
Khian, 71
Kikia, 11
Kilammu, 2, 85, 130
Koa, 15, 16
Kundashpi, 71, 109
Kustaspi, 114
Laban, 32f.
Lalli, 71 »
Leucosyrians, 32
Lubarna, 66, 67, 72
Luciftn, 6
Makir, 36
Manetho, 87
Marduk, 17
Mari», 83, 96, 100
Marriage, 29
Mati-Uu, 4, 107f., 109
Menahem, 114, 115, 116
Memeptah, 36, 38
Merodach-baladan, 134
Midas of Phrygia, 128, 136f ., 138
Mina of Carchemish, 137
Minaeans, 12
Mithra, 34
Mitinti of Askalon, 120
Moab, 36, 77, 116
Mutallu, 69, 138
Naaman, 46
Nabataean inscriptions, 2
Nabonidus, 15
Nahor, 18, 24
Names, personal, 26
Nannar, 94
Naphtali, 49, 116
Nasbfeu, 26
Nicolaus of Damascus, 5
Nimrod, 14
Nur-Adad, 53
Nusku, 26
Og, 33, 36
Omri, 5, 79, 80, 83
Palmyrene Inscriptions, 2, 87
Panammu I, 2, 114, 121
II, 124
Papyrus Anastasi, 45
Patriarchal period, 5
Pekah, 116f.
Pekahiah, 116
Pekod, 17
163
GENERAL INDEX
Philo of Byblos, 104
Pisiris of Carchemish, 114, 136f.
Pompey, 131
Puqudu, 17
Pygmalion, 76
Qarqar, battle of, 73f .
siege of, 135
Rabshaqeh, 63, 120
Ramman, 49
Ramses III, 36, 47
Rapiqu-tribe, 17
Ra^un (nu), 109, 118
Rehoboam, 48
Rekabel, 92, 93
Relief, Assyro-Aramaean, 99
Reshef, 103
Rezin, 109, 114, 115, 116, 118, 121
Rezon, 48f., 50
Rib-Addi, 14
Rimmon, 49
Rim-Sin, 18
Rusash, 128, 137
Sabac&ns, 12
^adlka-marriage, 29
SA. GAZ, 34
9alm, 119
Samaria, bazaars in, 50
Samsl, 116, 119f.
Samsu-ditana, 13, 17, 39
Sangara, 59, 69
Sapalulme, 69
Sarduris II, of Urartu, 109, 114
Sargon, 3, 133fif.
Sargonid letters, 4
§arpanit, 17
SAsi, 72, 118
Saul, 87
Sculptures from Sen^li, 93, 128
Semites, 11
Senacherib, 63, 92
Serug, 18
Setil, 35
Sewe, 133
Shadudu, 56
Shahr, 104
Shallum, 115
Shalmaneser I, 3, 19
III, 3, 59, 81, 106
" IV, 84, 92, 106, 114,
120, 133f.
Shamash, 12
Shamash-ilu, 107
Shams, 104
Shamshi-Adad, 100, 106
Shattuara, 19
Shfir, 27
Shoa, 15f.
Shobak, 43
Shumer, 14
Si'aqabi, 28
Sib'u, 133, 134, 135f.
Sidonians, 5, 50
Sihon, 36
Sin, 26
Sin-Gamil, 14
Sinuhe, 37
Sin-zir-ban, 2
Sipittibi'l, 114
Social conditions, 28f .
Solomon, 47
South Arabian districts, 13
Sudi, 19
Sumu-abu, 13
Sumalal, 109, 114
Suti, 14ff., 17, 18, 35
Tab'gl, 102, 115
Tabrimmon, 48, 49
Tabula Peutinger, 118
Tarbulara, 109, 114, 138
Tarqu, 11
T6r, 27
Terah, 15
Teraphim, 29
Tiglathpileser I, 3, 19, 24, 25
IV, 3, 15. 20, 116, 119f.
Tigris migration, 23
164
GENERAL INDEX
Tigris, Arumu on, 20
Tirhaqa, 131
Toi, 45
Trade, 49, 66, 81
Tukulti-ninib, 3, 26
Tu'mdnu tribe, 12, 17
Tutammu, 109, 112
Typhon, 5
tJr-Amurru, 103
Ur-Dynasty, 14
TJr\}ileni, 73, of Irfeuleni
Uriah, 121
Urikki, 114
Vannic influence, 100
Varuna, 34
Vineyards, 27
Wives, 33
Xenophon, 17
Ya,26
Yabliya, 12
Yaubi'di, 130, 134, 135
Yitia, 14
Zabib!, 114
Zaipparma, 72
Zakir of Hamath, 97£f.
Zimridi, 14
166
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
Columbia UniTersity in the City of New York
The Press was incorporated June 8, 1893, to promote the publica-
tion of the results of original research. It is a private corporation,
related directly to Columbia University by the provisions that its
Tnistees shall be officers of the University and that the President of
Columbia University shall be President of the Press.
The publications of the Colimibia University Press include works
on Biography, History, Economics, Education, Philosophy, Linguistics,
and Literature, and the following series:
Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology.
Columbia University Biological Series.
Coltunbia University Studies in Cancer and Allied Subjects.
Columbia University Studies in Classical Philology.
Coltunbia University Studies in Comparative Literature.
Columbia University Studies in English.
Columbia University Geological Series.
Columbia University Germanic Studies.
Columbia University Indo-Iranian Series.
Columbia University Contributions to Oriental History and
Philology.
Columbia University Oriental Studies.
Columbia University Studies in Romance Philology and Liter-
ature.
Records of Civilization: Sources and Studies.
Adams Lectures. Carpentier Lectures.
Julius Beer Lectures. Hewitt Lectures.
Blumenthal Lectures. Jesup Lectures.
Catalogues will be sent free on application.
LEMCKE & BUECHNER, Agents
30-32 WEST 27th ST., NEW YORK
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL STUDIES
Edited by RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEIL
VOL. I. THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE MORAL QUALITIES.
An Ethical Treatise of the Eleventh Century by Solomon Ibn
Gabirol. By Stephen S. Wise, Ph.D. 8vo, cloth, pp. ix + 117,
$1.25 net.
[VOL. n. PARODY m JEWISH LITERATURE. By Israel
Davidson, Ph.D. 8vo, cloth, pp. xxii + 292.]
VOL. m. OLD BABYLONIAN TEMPLE RECORDS. By Robert
Juuus Lau, Ph.D. 8vo, cloth, pp. xi + 89 + 41. Plates. $2.50 net.
VOL. IV. SIDON. A Study in Oriental History. By Frederick
Carl Eiselen, Ph.D. 8vo, cloth, pp. vii + 172. $1.50 net.
VOL. V. HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA FROM THE
EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PRESENT DAY. By Martin A.
Meter, Ph.D. 8vo, cloth, pp. xiii + 182. $1.50 net.
VOL. VL THE BUSTAN AL-UKUL by Nathanael ibn Al-
FATTTJin. By David Levine, Ph.D. 8vo, cloth pp. xvi + 142 + 88.
$2.50 nst.
[VOL. VH. THE EIGHT CHAPTERS OF MAIMONIDES ON
ETHICS (SHEMONAH PERAKIM). Edited by Joseph I. Gor-
finkle, Ph.D. 8vo, cloth, pp. xii + 104 + 55.]
VOL. Vm. SUMERIAN RECORDS FROM DREHEM. By
William M. Nesbit, Ph.D. 8vo, cloth, pp. xiv + 91. Plates and
sign list. $1.50 net.
VOL. IX. THE EVOLUTION OF MODERN HEBREW LITERA-
TURE, 1850-1913. By Abraham S. Waldstbin, Ph.D. 8vo,
cloth, pp. vii + 127. $1.25 net.
VOL. X. THE HISTORY OF TYRE. By Wallace B. Flebong,
Ph.D. 8vo, cloth, pp. xiv+ 165. Map. $1.50 net.
VOL. XL THE YEMENITE MANUSCRIPT OF PESAHIM IN
THE LIBRARY OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY. Edited by
Julius J. Price, Ph.D. 8vo, cloth. In press.
VOL. Xn. THE PROBLEM OF SPACE IN JEWISH MEDIEVAL
PHILOSOPHY. By Israel Isaac Efros, Ph.D. 8vo, cloth. In
press.
VOL. Xm. ARAM AND ISRAEL, OR THE ARAMAEANS IN
SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA. By Emil G. H. Kraeunq, Ph.D.
8vo, cloth, pp. xii+ 157. Map. $1.50 net.
VOL. XIV. A SUMERO-BABYLONIAN SIGN LIST. By Samuel
A. B. Mercer, Ph.D. 8vo, cloth. In press.
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
LEMCKE AND BUECHNER, AGENTS
30-32 West 27th Street NEW YORK
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY CONTRIBUTIONS TO
ORIENTAL HISTORY AND PHILOLOGY
Edited by RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEIL and
JOHN DYNELEY PRINCE
NO. 2. SUMERIAN HYMNS. From Cuneiform Texts in the
British Museum. TransUteration, translation and com-
mentary. By Frederick A. Vanderburgh, Ph.D. 8vo,
pp. xiii + 83. Paper, $1.00; cloth, $1.50 net.
NO. 2. THE HISTORY OF THE GOVERNORS OF EGYPT
by Abu Umar Muhammad Ibn Yusuf Al-Kindi. By
Nicholas August Koenig, Ph.D. Svo, paper, pp. 33 + 33.
$1.00 net.
NO. 3. ASSYRIAN PRIMER. An Inductive Method of
Learning the Cuneiform Signs. By J. Dyneley Prince,
Ph.D., Professor of Semitic Languages, Columbia University.
Svo, paper, pp. 58. $1.00 net.
NO. 4. THE WITNESS OF THE VULGATE, PESHITTA
AND SEPTUAGINT TO THE TEXT OF ZEPHANIAH.
By Sidney Zandstra, Ph.D. 8vo, paper, pp. 52. $1.00 net.
NO. 5. TIGLATH PILESER IH. By Abraham S. Ans-
PACHER, Ph.D. 8vo, cloth, pp. xvi + 72. $1.25 net.
NO. 6. ROOT-DETERMINATIVES IN SEMITIC SPEECH.
A Contribution to Semitic Philology. By Solomon T. H.
HuRwiTz, Ph.D. Svo, pp. xxii + 113. Cloth, $1.50 net;
paper, $1.00 net.
NO. 7. MUHAMMEDAN LAW OF MARRIAGE AND
DIVORCE. By Ahmed Shukri, Ph.D. Svo, paper, pp. 126.
$1.00 net.
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
LEMCKE AND BUECHNER, AGENTS
30-32 West 27th Street NEW YORK
7 fMi
PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY
