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BECEIVED

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATICfMtt 3 jgio

'LlBRARyoFTWB n
PEABODY MUSEUM

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY

VOLUME 12

A. L. KROEBER

EDITOR

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS
BERKELEY
1916-1017

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Cited as Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn.

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CONTENTS

NuMBEE 1. — Composition of California Shellmounds, Edward Winslow Giflford,
pages 1-29.

Number 2. — California Place Names of Indian Origin, A. L. Kroeber, pages
31-69.

Number 3. — Arapaho Dialects, A. L. Kroeber, pages 71-138.

Number 4. — Miwok Moieties, Edward Winslow Gifford, pages 139-194.

Number 5. — On Plotting the Inflections of the Voice, Cornelius B. Bradley,
pages 195-218, plates 1-5.

Number 6. — Tiibatulabal and Kawaiisu Kinship Terms, Edward Winslow Gif-
ford, pages 219-248.

Number 7. — Bandolier's Contribution to the Study of Ancient Mexican Social
Organization, T. T. Waterman, pages 249-282.

Number 8. — ^Miwok Myths, Edward Winslow Giflford, pages 283-338, plate 6.

Number 9. — California Kinship Terms, A. L. Kroeber, pages 339-396.

Number 10. — Ceremonies of the Pomo Indians, 8. A. Barrett, pages 397-441,
8 text-figures.

Number 11. — Pomo Bear Doctors, S. A. Barrett, pages 443-465, plate 7.

INDKX, pages 467-473.

Errata, page 473.

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY

Vol. 12, No. 1, pp. 1-29 February 24, 1916

COMPOSITION OF CALIFORNIA SHELLMOUNDS

EDWARD WINSLOW GIFFORD

CONTENTS

PAGE

Introduction 1

Shellmound Constituents 4

Shellmound Environment 7

Age of the Shellmounds ~ - 12

Tables 15

INTRODUCTION

The study of the composition of California shellmounds for the
present paper was begun in August, 1913, at the suggestion of Dr.
A. L. Kroeber. The paper has also had the benefit of his advice.

The first portion of the work was to find by analysis the quantity
of the various constituents entering into the mound composition, the
relation of quantity and depth in the occurrence of these constituents,
and the amount of disintegration to which they have been subjected.
The second portion of the work has been to consider the facts brought
out by the analyses and see, first, whether they gave any insight into
the environment of the shellmounds during their growth, and hence,
whether they threw any light on the daily life of the shellmound
dwellers; second, whether they offered any evidence as to the age of
the mounds, either directly or relatively.

The results of the analyses of eighty-four samples (all part of the
collection of the University of California Museum of Anthropology)
are embodied in the present paper. These samples total in weight
10,003.15 grams, and range in weight from 31.47 to 832.9 grams
(average 119.08 grams). In each case the sample is typical of the

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2 University of Calif omia Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [ VoL 12

mound at a particular level and does not merely represent the contents
of a pocket of any kind, for example a fireplace. Such pockets and
their contents have been purposely avoided as not being typical.

Each sample was sifted through three square-mesh screens. The
largest screen had meshes twelve millimeters square, the intermediate
had meshes four millimeters square, and the smallest meshes two milli-
meters square. The material caught by each of these three screens,
beginning with the coarsest, was separated by the eye and the various
constitutents weighed. The fine material passing through the two-
millimeter screen was analyzed chemically, by Mr. C. A. Harwell of
the University of California, for the proportion of shell and of ash.
All matter not proving to be either shell or ash in this chemical analysis
has been called residue wherever mentioned in this paper.

Samples were examined from mounds, shown on the accompanying
map, in the vicinity of San Francisco Bay, as listed below. The
mound numbers refer to a manuscript map^ and, in part, to a pub-
lished map,^ both by Mr. N. C. Nelson.

Sausalito (Mound No. 3) 6 samples

Greenbrae (Mound No. 76) 8

San Rafael (Mound No. 86c) 6

Carquinez (Mound No. 236) 2

Ellis Landing (Mound No. 295) 10

West Berkeley (Mound No. 307) 8

Emeryville (Mound No. 309) 19

Castro (Mound No. 356) » 5

San Mateo (Mound No. 372) 4

San Mateo Point (Mound No. 418) 2

San Francisco (Mound No. 417) 1 sample

Half Moon Bay (Mound No. 407) „ 4 samples

Samples were also examined from three mounds outside of the San
Francisco Bay region. The first two of these, listed below, are on the
shores of Humboldt Bay in northern California, and are numbered
as shown below on a manuscript map of that region by Mr. L. L. Loud.**
One, Eureka mound, is a mile and a half east of the county courthouse
at Eureka. The other, Gunther Island mound, is a mile north of the
waterfront of Eureka and is on an island which lies in front of the
town. The third mound (Point Loma) is on the west shore of San

1 Univ. Calif. Mus. Anthrop., No. 13-1065.

2 N. C. Nelson, Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Region, Univ. Calif.
PubL Am. Arch. Ethn., vii, map 1, 1909.

8 Univ. Calif. Mus. Anthrop., No. 13-994.

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1916] Giford: Composition of California Shellmounda 3

Diego Bay in southern California. Its exact location is also shown on
a manuscript map.^

Eureka (Mound No. N59) 1 sample

Gunther Island (Mound No. N67)... ^ « 7 samples

Point Loma (Mound No. B49) — 1 sample

The two samples obtained from Carquinez mound, and likewise the
five from Castro, have not yet been catalogued with the Museum's
collection. The remaining samples, arranged in order of depth of
sample from top to bottom of each mound, are catalogued as follows :

Sausalito mound: 1-14817 to 1-14822.

Greenbrae mound: 1-14906 to 1-14913.

San Rafael mound: 1-14968 to 1-14973.

EUis Landing mound: 1-11406, 1-11403, 1-11399, 1-11407, 1-11400,

1-11404, 1-11408, 1-11401, 1-11405, 1-11402.
West Berkeley mound: 1-7312, J.-7313, 1-17003, 1-7314 to 1-7318.
Emeryville mound: 1-9869, 1-9870, 1-9872, 1-9874, 1-9876, 1-9878,

1-9880 to 1-9884, 1-9890 to 1-9893, 1-7941, 1-7963, 1-7964,

1-7967.
San Mateo mound: 1-18586 to 1-18588, 1-16758.
San Mateo Point mound: 1-17331, 1-18585.
San Francisco mound: 1-17031.

Half Moon Bay mound: 1-17320, 1-17322 to 1-17324.
Eureka mound: 1-17978.
Gunther Island mound: 1-18546, 1-18547, 1-18553, 1-18556, 1-18576

to 1-18578.
Point Loma mound: 1-17366.

All depths were measured in feet from the surface of the mound.
Often the samples from a given mound, however, were not all taken in
one vertical plane. Such is the case with the samples from Carquinez,
Ellis Landing, West Berkeley, Emeryville, Castro, San Mateo, San
Mateo Point, Half Moon Bay, and Gunther Island.** The samples from

4 Univ. Calif. Mus. Anthrop., No. 13-960.

s Of the Ellis Landing samples, those taken at 1.5, 4.5, and 7 (second seven
in tables) feet are all in the same vertical plane (70 feet from the center) ; those
taken at 2, 7 (first seven in tables), and 11 feet are all in another vertical plane
(35 feet from the center); and those taken at 3, 6, 10, and 17 feet are in a third
vertical plane (the center). Of West Berkeley samples the one marked 4.5 feet
was not taken in the same vertical plane as the other samples. The first fifteen
Smeryville samples (.5 to 19.5 feet deep) are from a vertical shaft sunk on the
eastern side of the mound. The remaining four samples are from various places
at the bottom of an excavation on the western side of the mound, and represent
the mound at its very base. The first three Castro samples (1, 2, and 3 feet
deep) were taken in one vertical plane; so also were the first three San Mateo
samples (3, 6, and 8 feet deep). The first Half Moon Bay sample (1 foot deep)
^was not taken in the same vertical plane with the other* three. The last three
Gunther Island samples (6, 6.5, and 8 feet deep) came from one vertical plane.

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4 University of Calif omia Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

Sausalito, Greenbrae, and San Rafael were taken from one vertical
plane in the case of each mound.

Where only the approximate and not the absolute depths are given
in the Museum's catalogue, the average depth is given in this paper.
For example, three to six feet in the catalogue is here given as four
and a half feet to serve better the purposes of comparison.

The listing of the mounds in most of the tables is in a series begin-
ning at Sausalito on the north side of the Golden Gate and following
the bay shore around to San Francisco on the south side of the Golden
Gate. Then come the mounds located at Half Moon, Humboldt, and
San Diego bays.

The species of shells from the Point Loma mound are entirely
foreign to the San Francisco Bay and Humboldt Bay mounds. For
that reason the shell of the single Point Loma sample has not been
separated specifically, being of no use for comparison.

The records of the analyses are stated in terms of weight and not
of volume.

SHELLMOUND CONSTITUENTS

The seven main constituents into which each sample of shellmound
material was separated were fish remains (bones and scales), other
vertebrate remains (chiefly bones), shell (almost entirely moUuscan,
but including also barnacles, crab shell, and sea-urchin), charcoal, ash,
rock, and residue (earth, sand, charcoal dust, etc.). Of these con-
stituents, shell is the most abundant, the average mound containing
over fifty-two per cent by weight. Then follow residue with nearly
twenty-eight per cent, ash with over twelve per cent, rock with over
seven per cent, and charcoal, fish remains, and other vertebrate
remains with less than one per cent combined. Table 1 gives the
average per cent of these constituents in the fifteen mounds.

The percentage for fish remains, other vertebrate remains, charcoal,
and rock should undoubtedly be higher than given in the tables. All
of the very minute pieces of these constituents passed through the
fine or two-millimeter screen, and, as they were not separated chem-
ically, are included in the shell, ash, and residue. The percentages for
these three are therefore too high, but there is no practical method of
making the adjustment, so that this slight error in the results will
have to stand.

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1916] Gifford: Composition of California SJiellmounds 5

In the second table the seven constituents of the first table have
been combined so as to form only three groups. Fish remains, other
vertebrate remains, and shell are included under material derived
from animal sources ; charcoal and ash under products of combustion ;
and rock and residue under material derived from inorganic sources.
The percentages in table 1 for shell and ash differ but little from the
corresponding percentages in table 2 under animal and combustion.
This is due in the first case to the uniformly small amounts of fish and
other vertebrate remains found in the mounds, and in the second case
to the uniformly small quantity of charcoal. The average mound is
composed by weight of over fifty-two per cent of material derived from
animal sources, of thirteen per cent of material produced by com-
bustion, and of thirty-five per cent of material derived from inorganic
sources. For the average San Francisco Bay mound the figures are a
trifle different, being fifty-six, fifteen, and twenty-nine, respectively.

The seven main constituents are presented in detail in the third
to the ninth tables. The quantities are stated as percentages of the
weight of each sample. It will be noted that the percentages for fish
remains, other vertebrate remains, and charcoal are all very low, while
those for shell, ash, rock, and residue range widely. In the case of
fish remains (table 3) the two high percentages (2.11 and .9) for
Emeryville are due to extraordinarily large fragments of bone. Con-
sidering the rapidity with which fish bones disintegrate, especially
when cooked, it seems rather remarkable that any were preserved at
all. Inasmuch as there are found in some of the mounds, and at all
levels, grooved stones considered to be net sinkers, it is evident that
fishing was a regular means of procuring food.®

In the material examined remains of other vertebrates were found
in slightly larger amounts than those of fish (cf. tables 3 and 4). If
these samples are typical, one of two conclusions must be true : either
the shellmound people ate very few vertebrates outside of fish, or some
destroying agency (possibly a domestic dog) has been a factor in
obliterating the evidence.^

In the eighth table it will be noted that specimens of rock were
retained by the screens from all but two of the eighty-four samples.
The records of the amounts caught by each screen demonstrate that
in the average mound eighty-three per cent passed through the twelve-

o Cf . N. C. Nelson, Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Region, Univ. Calif.
Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., vu, p. 339, 1909.
7 Cf . N. C. Nelson, op, cit, p. 339.

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6 University of Caiifomia Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

millimeter and was caught by the four-millimeter and two-millimeter
screens. From this it is evident that eighty-three per cent of the rock
consists of very fine fragments and pebbles. Mounds such as Sausalito
and San Mateo Point probably derive the high average percentage of
rock (see table 1) from the stony land on which they are laid. In
many cases, however, the pebbles and small fragments of rock doubtless
were attached to roots and bulbs dug elsewhere for food. Some of the
ordinary earth or dirt in the shellmounds must have been brought
there in a similar adventitious fashion.

Mussel {MytUus ediUis), clam (Macoma nasuta), and oyster {Ostrea
lurida) are the most prominent molluscan species, at least one of them
being of importance in each of the mounds except Half Moon Bay and
Castro. In the eleven San Francisco Bay mounds, with the exception
of Ellis Landing and Castro, mussel predominates above all other
species. In Ellis Landing clam and in Castro horn-shell {Ceriihidea
calif ornica) are the commonest species. In the tenth table are shown
the records for the San Francisco Bay region. The amount of each
species is mentioned as a percentage of the total amount of shell.

The mounds of Half Moon and Humboldt bays naturally yield, at
least in part, shell species different from those typical of the San
Francisco Bay mounds. These species are listed in the eleventh table.
That the sources of shellfish supply of the Eureka and Gunther Island
mounds, although less than two miles apart, were not the same, is made
apparent at a glance by the species found in Gunther Island and not
in Eureka, and furthermore, where they have species in common, by
the widely divergent percentages. Gunther Island savors strongly of
the ocean as well as the bay ; Eureka only of the bay.

As stated in the introduction, three sizes of screens were used as
aids in segregating the various constituents. At the same time record
was kept of the amount of each constituent caught by these screens,
and likewise of the amount of material passing through the fine
screen. There proved to be a considerable variation in regard to this
last point. Eighty-seven per cent of the Gunther Island and only forty-
one per cent of the San Mateo material passed through the fine screen.
Castro with eighty-five per cent and Point Loma with eighty-two per
cent are similar to Gunther Island in this respect. This is owing to
the abundance of earth in Castro and of sand in Gunther Island and
Point Loma. The remaining mounds treated in this paper are more
typical than the above four, ranging from sixty-six per cent in the
case of San Bafael to forty-three per cent in Ellis Landing. Sixty

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1916] Gifford: Composition of California Shellmounds 7

per cent of the material composing the average mound passed through
the fine, or two-millimeter, screen.

That all shell species do not break up alike was definitely demon-
strated by keeping a record of the amount of mussel, clam, and oyster
caught by the three screens. Of mussel, two per cent was caught by
the coarse screen, twenty-eight per cent by the medium, and seventy
by the fine ; of clam fifteen per cent by the coarse screen, fifty-one by
the medium, and thirty-four by the fine; of oyster thirteen per cent
by the coarse screen, sixty by the medium, and twenty-seven by the
fine. It is very clear that the mussel breaks far more readily than
either clam or oyster, a fact which will have a bearing later in
explaining the difference in the size of shell fragments in the upper
and lower portions of Ellis Landing mound.

SHELLMOUND ENVIRONMENT

No evidence of change of environment is afforded by the results
of the analyses. The definite facts established point the other way:
that is, towards the continuity throughout shellmound times of the
conditions as they were at the coming of the white man. This con-
tinuity of conditions is demonstrated by the shell species found in the
mounds. It may be taken as almost axiomatic that the species in a
mound reflect the moUuscan fauna of the vicinity, and hence the
environment during the period of growth of the mound. A very clear
case in point is that of the small San Francisco mound located in a
swamp in the Presidio on the south shore of the Golden Gate. This
mound, as one can see by consulting the accompanying map, is situated
in a position favorable for the hunting of both bay and ocean species
of moUusks. The fact that the mound dwellers sought both forms
regularly is shown in table 10 by the nearly equal percentages of
MytUtts calif omianus and Mytilus edvlis. The former is an ocean
species frequenting surf-beaten rocks; the latter lives in the quieter
bay waters.

The presence of large quantities of oyster shell (Ostrea lurida) in
the shellmoimds of the central San Francisco Bay region — ^West
Berkeley, Emeryville, San Mateo, and San Mateo Point — points to
the similarity between the conditions during the period of their growth
and the conditions during modem times. This abundance of Ostrea
Inrida is made manifest in table 10. Generally speaking, these four

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8 University of California Puhlicaiions in Am, Arch, arid Ethn. [Vol. 12

mounds lie in the region which has been largely utilized at the present
day for the raising of the introduced Atlantic coast oyster {Ostrea
virginiana) for the market. The introduced oyster has in part dis-
placed the native oyster of shellmound days.

Many examples of the occurrence throughout mounds of other
species might be added as further proof of the absence of sweeping
physiographic changes in the environment of the shellmounds. How-
ever, I will be content with mentioning two others, which are par-
ticularly interesting because they not only show continuity of con-
ditions but also the advantages and disadvantages of the locations of
the mounds involved. These two cases hinge on the occurrence of the
horn-shell (Cerithidea calif ornica) , a small univalve with a great many
spirals, and of another univalve (Phytia myosotis), which is minute.

In Castro mound near the southern end of San Francisco Bay, the
horn-shell proves to be the commonest species (see table 10). Almost
invariably it is found with the apex of the spiral broken off, evidently
to aid in extracting the animal without crushing the entire shell. This
species inhabits salt marshes, where it is usually found by thousands
in shallow pools on top of the marsh. Its occurrence from top to
bottom of the Castro mound proves the existence of salt marsh near by
from the very beginning of its accumulation. This salt marsh with
its deep sloughs, lying between the mound and the bay, must have been
a fairly effective barrier against the mound-dwellers reaching the bay
shore. This conclusion is further warranted by the comparative
scarcity here of ordinary shellmound species, which is very well
shown by the column for Castro in table 10. Bhirther negative proof
of the difficulty that the Castro people had in obtaining the usual
molluscan food is also shown in table 10 by the scarcity or absence
of Cerithidea calif ornica in other mounds, in spite of the fact that it
is a common species in the San Francisco Bay region. Thus it appears
that the people of Castro, on account of the difficulty of obtaining
the ordinary shellmound species, were forced to make use of the small
and unsatisfactory Cerithidea calif ornica. Conversely, the people of
the other San Francisco Bay mounds appear to have neglected it
because of the bountiful supply of other molluscan food.

The deduction that the Castro people lived under conditions differ-
ing from those at Ellis Landing, for example, is obvious. It is sup-
ported, moreover, by the fact that nearly seventy per cent of Ellis
Landing mound is composed of shell, while Castro mound contains only
about twenty-six per cent (see table 1).

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1916] Giford: Composition of California Shellmounds 9

The next species to be considered in connection with the matter of
environment is the tiny Phytia myosotis. Its distribution in certain
of the San Francisco Bay mounds is indicated by crosses in table 12.
Like the last species, it also lives in salt marshes, where it occurs on the
underside of driftwood which has lain in the marsh for a considerable
time. Briefly then, the presence of Phytia myosotis in a mound
indicates that there must have been salt marsh close by ; which, further-
more, supplied the inhabitants with some of their firewood. An
examination of table 12 shows therefore that salt marsh existed in
the vicinity of some of the mounds throughout the period of their
growth.

Mr. N. C. Nelson inclines to the theory that some of the San
Francisco Bay shellmounds may have been ** begun, if not actually
abandoned, prior to the building up of the now broad belt of reclaim-
able marsh."® The absence of salt marsh during shellmound days
would mean a very remote antiquity for the mounds and a great
difference in the physical geography of the San Francisco Bay region.
There is no evidence for either. The salt marsh doubtless grew rapidly
enough to offset the general subsidence of the region as a whole and
thus kept the conditions practically unchanged for countless centuries.
Only a very sudden and extensive elevation or subsidence could
obliterate the salt marsh of the bay. This would have meant a great
difference in the habits of life of the people. The contents of the
mounds certainly offer no indication of such a condition, while the
presence of the two mollusks discussed give positive proof that such
was not the case.

Mr. Nelson directs attention **to the noticeable variation of the
preponderating shell species represented in the section wall of the
Ellis mound (see pi. 49, fig. 1) . The lower portion of this accumulation
is composed almost exclusively of mussel shells, and it is only in the
upper eight feet that the clam shells become at all plentiful.*'* Table
13 bears out Mr. Nebon's statement. In it, the amount of clam
{Macoma nasuta) in each sample is compared with the amount of
mussel (Mytilus €dulis)y each species being given as a percentage of
the combined quantities of both. It will be noted that below ten feet
the amount of Macoma drops to less than ten per cent by weight of the

s Nelson, SheUmounds of the San Francisco Bay Region, p. 328; see also p. 317.

» N. C. Nelson, The Ellis Landing Shellmound, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch.
Ethn., VII, p. 376, 1910. The reference in the above quotation is to plate 49 in
the paper cited.

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10 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [VoL 12

combined species. It would be interesting to test by samples the
extent to which Mr. Nelson's assertion holds true below the depth of
seventeen feet.

Similar variations of the preponderating shell species are found
in Sausalito mound between mussel and clam (table 14) ; in Emery-
ville mound between mussel, oyster {Ostrea lurida), and clam (table
15) ; in Castro mound between mussel, horn-shell {Cerithidea calif or-
nica), and oyster (table 16); in San Mateo mound between mussel
and oyster (table 17) ; in Half Meon Bay mound (table 18) between
the large coast mussel {MytUus cdlifornianus) and the black turban
shell (Tegula funebralis) ; and in Gunther Island mound between all
four of its chief food species (table 19). The twentieth table for
West Berkeley mound shows variations less extensive than in the pre-
ceding. Tables 21 and 22 show that in Greenbrae and San Rafael
mounds clam (with one exception) and oyster in no case amount to
over ten per cent of the total of mussel, clam, and oyster. Moreover,
mussel varies but little.

All of these cases, where not merely accidental, are to my mind
nothing but instances of the mound-dwellers' overtaxing the supply
of one particular shell species and thus being forced to rely more on
other species. I consider that this explanation covers the case of Ellis
Landing as well as of the other mounds. I have actually seen a modem
instance of this sort. Several years ago clams {My a arenaria)
became very scarce in the mud flats at the east end of the city of
Alameda on the eastern shore of San Francisco Bay, owing to a few
Chinese clam diggers becoming too persistent in their work in such a
small area. Why could not such a case have occurred in ancient times f
With Ellis Landing mound, I fail to see where it is necessary to
postulate changes in physiography to account for the abundance of
clam shell in the upper portion of the mound and its scarcity in the
lower portion.*® A further consideration of table 13 will show that
in part mussel is more abundant than clam in the upper portion of the
mound. This recurrence of mussel in abundance perhaps represents
a recovery from the drain to which it had been subjected. It is per-
fectly natural that a primitive people should prefer mussels, for they
can be obtained without tools and merely for the effort of pulling
them off the rocks or wood on which they grow. Clams, on the other
hand, have to be dug, requiring more labor.

10 Cf. N. C. Nelson, The Ellis Landing Shellmound, pp. 376-378.

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1916] Oxford: Composition of California Shellmounds 11

The very different manner in which mussel shell and clam shell
break up has been already pointed out. In Ellis Landing an average
of seventy-one per cent of all the mussel (see table 23) stopped by the
screens was caught by the fine or two-millimeter screen, while only
fifteen per cent of the clam was caught by the same screen. Speaking
of the difference in structure of the upper and lower portions of Ellis
Landing mound, Mr. Nelson states that *'the upper six or eight feet
of the deposit is comparatively coarse material," while ** below it the
material is of an almost uniformly -fine and compact nature. ''^^ Two
pages farther on in the same paper, he says that **the lower portion
of this accumulation is composed almost exclusively of mussel shells,
and it is only in the upper eight feet that the clam shells become at
all plentiful." These two statements seem to dovetail with the facts
mentioned above as to the average size of the fragments of mussel and
clam shell in the mound. It is obvious that the peculiarity of struc-
ture, to which Mr. Nelson calls attention, is due merely to the different
manner in which the preponderating species in the two portions of
the mound break up.

Besides the cause just mentioned, another has been operative in
producing layers and streaks of finely broken shell at various depths
in the shellmounds. This second cause, which operated constantly
while the mounds were inhabited, was the people themselves. In their
excursions for fuel, food, water, and other necessities, the mound-
dwellers must in time have formed more or less well-defined trails.
Not only must we consider trails, but also the places frequented by
people around their houses. Then, too, dances and other ceremonies,
which attracted a large number of visitors, were certainly instrumental
in breaking up the shell. On the other hand, pockets of unbroken shell
probably represent refuse heaps where people were not in the habit
of walking. The occurrence of the sort of streaks and layers mentioned
above is shown in table 23 for Sausalito, Qreenbrae, San Rafael, Ellis
Landing, and Emeryville mounds. Mussel shell is used to demonstrate
this point, a high percentage representing a large amount of finely
broken shell, a lower percentage indicating the reverse.

It is just possible that the favorable location for shellfish at Ellis
Landing mound (note in table 1 that it has a higher percentage than
any other mound) may have made it not only the metropolis but also
a sort of ceremonial center for the region. This would be an additional

11 Nelson, The Ellis Landing SheUmound, p. 374.

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12 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

factor, in helping to exhaust the mussel supply and enforce the more
extended use of clams.

AGE OP THE SHELLMOUNDS

Mr. N. C. Nelson estimates the volume of Ellis Landing mound at
1,260,000 cubic feet,** in other words 35,649 cubic meters. By actual
test of shellmound material before it had been broken up or disturbed,
I have found that its specific gravity is about 1.3. This makes the
total weight of the Ellis Landing shellmound about 51,085 short tons.
The shell entering into the mound would be about 69.43 per cent (see
table 1) of this, or 35,468 tons. If we take Mr. Nelson's estimate of
thirty-five hundred years as the age of the mound, the shell must have
been laid down at the average rate of 10.13 tons a year, or fifty-six
pounds a day. This amount of shell a day certainly seems reasonable
enough, if we accept one hundred people as the average population
of the mound throughout its growth. Both .Dr. Kroeber and Mr.
Nelson consider this figure to be the most probable, the former basing
his opinion on his knowledge of California Indian life, the latter on
his findings at Ellis Landing.

Turning to table 1 it is found that 13.99 per cent of Ellis Landing
mound consists of ash. The actual weight of ash in the mound is
therefore about 7147 short tons. Again employing Mr. Nelson's
estimate of thirty-five hundred years as the age of the mound, we find
that ash accumulated at the rate of 2.04 tons a year, or 11.2 pounds
a day. If we adopt .009*' pound of ash as the average amount pro-
duced by one pound of wood, then it appears that the Ellis Landing
people used 1240 pounds of wood a day. If the assumed population of
one hundred individuals was distributed among fifteen families, this
would mean an average of eighty-three pounds of wood per family
per day. This is a moderate amount if one considers that they had
an abundance of driftwood close at hand. The two great rivers which
drain the interior of California, the Sacramento and the San Joaquin,
empty into San Francisco Bay through the adjoining Suisun and San
Pablo bays. They must have given the shellmound people of the
region a great variety of driftwood as well as a great quantity.

12 Nelson, Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Region, p. 346.

18 This approximate figure was derived by averaging the percentages of ash
for the trees likely to have been accessible to the shellmound dwellers. The
percentages were obtained from Romeyn Beck Hough, American Woods, 1888 ff.

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1916] Gifford: Composition of California Shellmounds 13

These results accordingly corroborate Mr. Nelson's figure of thirty-
five hundred years as the age of Ellis Landing mound. Of course they
are dependent primarily on the acceptance of his assumption of one
hundred people as the average population day in and day out.

Dr. Max Uhle estimated the volume of Emeryville mound at 39,000
cubic meters.^* Again using 1.3 as the specific gravity of shellmound
material, the weight of the entire mound proves to be about 55,885
short tons. Of this mass I assume that 59.86 per cent by weight is
shell and 13.47 per cent is ash, as shown in table 1. Then in actual
figures the shell in Emeryville mound would weigh 33,455 tons and
the ash 7528 tons.

Let us suppose that the average population at Emeryville mound
was one hundred as at Ellis Landing, for the two mounds approximate
each other in volume. If we allow that these hundred people ate
shellfish at the same rate as the Ellis Landing people, it then took
thirty-three hundred years to accumulate the shell in Emeryville
mound. Assuming that thirty-three hundred years is the correct age,
the amounts of wood burned daily by the two populations were slightly
different, though in virtual agreement. In Ellis Landing with an
average population of one hundred and an age of thirty-five hundred
years, it was shown that the rate of accumulation of ash was 11.2
pounds a day. In Emeryville mound, however, the people burned more
wood, and ash accumulated at the rate of twelve pounds a day or 2.2
short tons a year. The Emeryville people used about 1333 pounds of
wood a day.

Of course the results for Emeryville could be reversed by assuming
that the amount of wood burned per day was the same as at Ellis
Landing. In that case the amount of shellfish consumed per day would
be less and the age of the mound would be thirty-seven hundred years
instead of thirty-three hundred. This is really a further confirmation
of the probable age of the mound rather than a contradiction. By
age I mean, of course, the number of years during which accumula-
tion took place; not the number of years the mound has been in
existence.

It is plain that results depend upon what we assume our unknown
quantities to be, and unfortunately there are many of these. Never-
theless, the period of thirty-three hundred or thirty-seven hundred
years for Emeryville mound may be claimed to be a reasonable length

14 The Emeryville Shellmound, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., vii, p. 10,
1907.

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14 University of Caiifomia Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [ VoL 12

of time for the accumulation of the mound. In fact, it is substantiated
by Mr. Nelson's figures for Ellis Landing. His estimate and the
present one for Emeryville really corroborate each other.

This method of ascertaining the age of the mounds might be applied
to all treated in this paper, were it not that the precarious factors are
too numerous. The percentages of shell and ash in table 1, however,
aflford evidence that all shellmounds did not grow at the same rate.
The mode of accumulation for the average mound was one part of ash
to four parts of shell. In Ellis Landing the ratio is one to five and
in Emeryville one to four. Emeryville matches the average mound,
while Ellis Landing exceeds it on the side of shell. San Francisco
and Emeryville mounds are the only ones that show the average ratio
of ash to shell.

Considering the entire list of fifteen mounds, four have exception-
ally large amounts of ash compared to shell : San Rafael, Carquinez,
and West Berkeley with the ratio of one to two ; and Castro with the
ratio of one to three. In the majority of mounds the amount of ash
is below the average when compared to the amount of shell : Green-
brae, Ellis Landing, and San Mateo with the ratio of one to five ; Eureka
with one to six ; Point Loma with one to seven ; Gunther Island with
one to nine; San Mateo Point with one to ten; and Sausalito and
Half Moon Bay with one to thirteen.

Differences of this sort have a very direct bearing on calculations
with regard to the age of the mounds. Where the amount of ash is
exceptionally high in proportion to the shell, it does not mean merely
that the inhabitants burned more than the usual amount of wood;
but it undoubtedly means that the mound was built up more slowly
than others with a less amount of ash. The inhabitants, instead of
depending to the usual extent on shellfish, lived more on vegetable
foods which would leave no trace. The only thing to tell the tale would
be the unusually high percentage of ash compared to shell. Therefore
one cannot estimate the accumulation of shell in a mound of this sort
at the same rate as in an average mound like Emeryville.

The puzzle of the age of the shellmounds requires for its solution
every scrap of information bearing on the mounds. A knowledge of
shellmound composition, of population, of artifacts, of skeletal remains,
of environment, or of food alone will not solve the puzzle. The proper
combination of all of these is necessary to gain the end.

Transmitted December 4, 1914.

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Oxford: Composition of California Shellmounds

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University of Calif omia Publications ia Am. Arch, and Ethn. [ VoL 12

TABLE 2

Shellmound Composition in Percentages of Mate&ial Derived from Animal

Sources, from Combustion, and from Inorganic Sources

Hound Animal OombuBtion Inorganic

Sausalito 55 4 41

Greenbrae 65 13 22

San Rafael 54 25 21

Carquinez 55 27 18

Ellis Landing 70 14 16

West Berkeley 53 24 23

Emeryville 60 14 26

Castro 26 10 64

San Mateo 59 11 30

San Mateo Point 59 6 35

San Francisco 57 16 27

Half Moon Bay 57 4 39

Eureka 69 12 19

Gunther Island 16 2 82

Point Loma 29 5 66

Average mound 52 13 35

Average S. F. Bay mound 56 15 29 *

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Giford: Composition of California Shellmounds

TABLE 11

Average SPEaFic Composition (in Percentages)* of the Shell from
Half Moon Bay and Humboldt Bay Mounds

Species
Mytilos edulis

Barnacles (Balanus) —

Crab shell

Cardium corbis

Paphia staminea

Sehizothaerus nuttallii

Macoma nasuta

Mytilus ealifomianus ..

Littorina scutulata

Sea urchin

Tegula funebralis

Tegula brunnea

Chitons

Limpets

Platyodon canceUatus ..

Pholadidea penita ^

Sazidomus nuttallii

Crepidula adunca

Saxidomus giganteus ....

Cardium californiense ..

Paphia tenerrima

Zirphaea crispata

Unidentified shell

Half Moon Bay
X

25
Y
X
35
X
X
Y
Y
Y
X
Y

Eureka
58

Ounther Island
X

Y
14
i2
23
17

1
Y

* Where the amount of a species is less than one ner cent, but more than one-tenth of one
per cent, an X has been substituted for the actual figure; where less than one-tenth of one
per cent a Y has been substituted.

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University of California PublicatioTis in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

TABLE 12

OCCUEBBNCE OF

Phytia myosotia (indicated by x)

Depth

1
1

1
1.5

..^

—

....

—

— '

....

—

....

3.5

—

....

—

....

—

4.5

—

....

—

....

—

....

—

....

6.5

....

—

....

—

....

—

7
8
9

....

—

....

.""

9.5

....

—

....

—

....

—

....

10.5

—

....

—

....

—

....

—

....

—

....

—

....

12.5

—

....

—

....

..^

15.5

....

..«.

....

..-

....

17.5

....

—

19.5

....

—

....

Bottom
Bottom

....

Bottom

....

.«-

....

Bottom

....

—

....

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1916]

Giford: Composition of California SheUmounds

TABLES 13 TO 22

Tables 13 to 22 show the relative abundance in each sample of the
species included in the table. This relative abundance is expressed in
percentages of the sum of the species.

TABLE 13

Elus Landing

Depth
1.5

MytUuBednlit
43

Haeoma nasata
57

4.5

TABLE 14
Sausalito

Depth

MytiluBednlit
41

Maeoma nasuta
59

3.5

12.5

57
TABLE 15

EMSBTVUiLE

Depth
.5

MytOni edoli* Macoma natata Ostrea lurida
74 14 12

1.5

9.5

10.5

15.5

17.5

19.5 •

Bottom

—

Bottom

—

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28 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [ Vol. 12

TABLE 16
Castbo

Depth Mytilus edolis Cerithidea californica OBtrea lurida

1 6 65 29

2 10 78 12

3 10 81 9

4 6 61 33

5 1 84 15

TABLE 17

San Mateo

Depth
3

Mytilns edulis
62

Ostrea lurida
38

50
TABLE 18

Half Moon Bay

Depth

Tegula f unebralii
78

Mytilus califomianus
22

28
TABLE 19

GUNTHEB Island

Depth

Schizothaeros
nnttallii

Macoma
nasuta

Cardium
corbis

Paphia
staminea

—

2.5

—

6.5

34
TABLE 20

West Berkeley

Depth
2

MytiluB edulis Macoma nasuta Ostrea lurida
73 3 24

3.5

►

4.5

6.5

—

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1916]

Giford: Composition of California Shellmounda

TABLE 21

Gbeenbrae

Depth
.5

Mytilns edulis
81

Macoma nasata
13

Ostrea Inrida
6

—

TABLE 22

San Rafael

Depth
.5

MytiluB edalis
97

Macoma nasata
3

Ostrea lurida

—

TABLE 23

Mussel Shell (MytUus edulis) Caught by the Fine, ob Two-millimeteb, Scbeen

IN Peecentages of the Amount of all Mussel Caught by Screens

Depth
.5

Sausalito

Oreenbrae

San Rafael
97

Ellis Landing

Emeryville

....

1.5

....

3.5

....

4.5

....

— .

....

9.5

....

10.5

....

..~

....

.— .

....

12.5

....

15.5

....

17.5

....

19.5

....

Bottom

....

Bottom

....

Bottom
Bottom

....

95
97

Average

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY

Vol. 12, No. 2, pp. 31-69 June 15, 1916

CALIFORNIA PLACE NAMES OF
INDIAN ORIGIN

A. L. KBOEBER

The origin of many place-names in California which are of Indian
derivation is very imperfectly known, and has often been thoroughly
misunderstood. There is no subject of information in which rumor
and uncritical tradition hold fuller sway than in this field. The best
literature dealing with the topic — and it is one of widespread interest
— contains more errors than truths. The present compilation, in spite
of probably embodying numerous misunderstandings and offering
only doubt or ignorance on other points, is at least an attempt to
approach the inquiry critically. It is based on fifteen years of
acquaintance, from the anthropological side, with most of the Indian
tribes of the state. In the course of the studies made in this period,
geographical and linguistic data were accumulated, which, while not
gathered for the present purpose, serve to illuminate, even though
often only negatively, the origin and meaning of many place-names
adopted or reputed to have been taken from the natives. Authorities
have been cited where they were available and known. If they are not
given in more cases, it is because unpublished notes of the writer are
in all such instances the source of information.

The present state of knowledge as to place-names derived from the
Indians is illustrated by the following example. There are nine
counties in California, Colusa, Modoc, Mono, Napa, Shasta, Tehama,
Tuolumne, Yolo, and Yuba, whose names are demonstrably or almost
demonstrably of Indian origin, and two others, Inyo and Siskiyou,
that presumably are also Indian. Of these eleven, Maslin in his of-
ficially authorized list, cited below, gives two. Mono and Yuba, as being
Spanish ; he adds Solano and Marin, of which the first is certainly and

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32 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

the latter probably Spanish, as being Indian ; and the only etymologies
which he mentions — ^those for Modoc, Napa, Shasta, Tuolumne, and
Yolo — are all either positively erroneous or unverified. The lists by
other authors, which include the names of less widely known locali-
ties, are as a rule even more unreliable. The prevalent inclination has
been to base explanations of place-names of Indian origin not on
knowledge, or where certainty is unattainable on an effort at investi-
gation, but on vague though positively stated conjectures of what such
names might have meant, or on naive fancies of what would have been
picturesque and romantic designations if the unromantic Indian had
used them. ' It is therefore a genuine pleasure to mention one notable
and recent exception, the Spanish and Indian Place Names of Cali-
fornia of Nellie Van de Grift Sanchez, a really valuable work which
unites honest endeavor and historical discrimination with taste and
pleasing presentation.^

To avoid an array of foot-notes, most references have been cited
in the text in a simplified form, which will be clear upon consultation
of the following list.

Maslin: Prentiss Maslin. I have not seen this work, printed for or by the
State of California, in the original. It may be more accessible to most readers
as reprinted as an appendix to John S. McGroarty's California, 1911, pages 311
and following. As the names follow one another in alphabetical order, page
references are unnecessary.

Gannett: Henry Gannett, "The Origin of Certain Place-Names in the
United States.'* U. S. Geological Survey, Bulletin 197, 1902. As this is also
an alphabetic list, page references have again been omitted.

Bailey: G. E. Bailey, "History and Origin of California Names and
Places," in several instalments (the pages indicated in the table of contents
for the volume are in part erroneous), in volume 44 of the Overland Monthly,
San Francisco, July to December, 1904. The Indian section is arranged alpha-
betically and begins on page 564.

PowEEs: Stephen Powers, "Tribes of California," being Contributions to
North American Ethnology, volume 3, Washington, 1877.

Merriam: C. Hart Merriam, "Distribution and Classification of the Mewan
Stock of California, ' * American Anthropologist, new series, volume 9, pages 338-
357, 1907.

Barrett, Pomo: S. A. Barrett, "The Ethno-geography of the Porno and
Neighboring Indians," being pages 1 to 332 of volume 6 of the present series
of publications. Page citations follow the title, in references in the present
text made to this and the following works.

Barrett, Miwok: S. A. Barrett, "The Geography and Dialects of the Mi wok
Indians, ' ' pages 333 to 368 of volume 6 of the same series of publications.

1 San Francisco, A. M. Robertson, 1914.

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1916] Kroeber: California Place Names of Indian Origin 33

Kaoebeb, Miwok: A. L. Kroeber, ''On the Evidences of the Occupation of
Certain Regions \>j the Miwok Indians," pages 369 to 380 of the same volume
as the last.

Kroeber, Shoshonean: The same, "Shoshonean Dialects of California,"
volume 4, pages 65 to 165, also of the present series.

Kroeber, Cahuilla: The same, ''Ethnography of the Gahuilla Indians,"
pages 29 to 68 of volume 8 of the present series.

Several important original sources, such as Hugo Reid in the Los
Angeles Star of 1852, and Alexander Taylor in the California Farmer
of 1860 following, are referred to or partly extracted, so far as Indian
place-names are concerned, in the above works.

The number of California place-names taken from the several Cali-
fornia Indian languages varies greatly. In general, Spanish occupa-
tion has been more favorable than American settlement to preservation
of native designations of localities. The distribution of positively and
probably identified names, according to their source from the various
families of speech, is as follows :

Shoshonean

Maidu

Chumash

Yuki

Miwok

Athabascan

Wintun

SaUnan

Yurok

Shastan

Yuman

Washo

Pomo

Lutuami

Yokuts

Wiyot

Costanoan

Karok, Chimariko, Yana, and Esselen have furnished no terms to
modern California geography.

Such obviously imported names of Indian origin as Cherokee,
Seneca, Mohawk, Oneida, Tioga, Sequoya, and Maricopa, have not
been discussed in the present account.

THE NAMES

Acalanes, a land grant in Contra Costa County, in the vicinity of
the present town of Lafayette, is probably named from a Costanoan
Indian village of the vicinity, Akalan or something similar, which the
Spaniards dignified into the Acalanes ** tribe." The ending occurs on
many Costanoan village names : Sacla-n, Olho-n, Bolbo-n, Mutsu-n, etc.

Aguanga, in Riverside County, has no connection with Spanish
agua, ** water,'' but is a place or village name of the Shoshonean

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34 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

Luiseno Indians. The meaning is not known, but the word is derived
from the place-name proper, Awa, plus the Indian locative case end-
ing -nga (Kroeber, Shoshonean, 147).

Ahpah creek, entering the Klamath River from the south just above
Blue Creek, in Humboldt County, is named from its Yurok designa-
tion, O'po.

Ahwahnee, in Madera County, is situated forty miles from the orig-
inal Awani, which was the Southern Miwok name of the largest village
in Yosemite Valley and therefore of the valley itself. The Indian
name of American Ahwahnee was Wasama (Merriam, 346, and Bar-
rett, Miwok, 343). It is of interest, though perhaps of no bearing in
the present connection, that a similar name, Awaniwi, appears among
the far-distant but related Coast Miwok Indians of Marin County as
the appelation of a former village in the northern part of the city of
San Rafael.

Algomah, in Siskiyou County, is of unknown origin, and suggests
coinage, or borrowing from the Eastern place-name Algoma, also
coined, given by Gannett.

Algootoon, which does not appear on most maps, is given by Bailey
as another name of Lakeview, Riverside County, and as derived from
Algoot, the Saboba {i.e., Luiseno) hero who killed **Taquitch'* (see
Tahquitz). The name Algut sounds Luiseno, but does not appear in
the Sparkman Luiseno dictionary in possession of the University of
California. It is probably a Spanish spelling of Alwut, ** raven," who
is one of the most important traditional and religious heroes of the
Luiseno, and into whom Tukupar, **Sky," turned himself when he
went to visit Takwish on Mount San Jacinto preparatory to killing
him.' This etymology, however, does not account for the last syllable
of ** Algootoon." Were it not that guesses are already more numerous
in these matters than knowledge, the writer would be tempted to
hazard the suggestion of a possible American corruption from Spanish
algodon, '* cotton."

Aloma mountain, in Ventura County, has an unidentified name.

Anacapa, the name of the island off Ventura County, is absurdly
given by Bailey, page 360, as Spanish for * * Cape Ann. ' * The Chumash
original is Anyapah, recorded by Vancouver as Enneeapah, misspelled
Enecapah by the map engraver, and then Spanicized into Anacapa
(Sanchez, 351, fide George Davidson).

2 Journ. Am. Folk Lore, xix, 318, 1906

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1916] Kroeber: California Place Names of Indian Origin 35

Anapamu, the name of a street in Santa Barbara city, is said locally
to be of Indian origin^ and has a good Chumash ring.

Aptos, in Santa Cruz County, is given by Bailey as the name
of a ** tribe." If this is a fact, the village was Costanoan; but the
derivation from Spanish apto seems not impossible.

Areata, in Humboldt County, is said by Gannett to mean ** sunny
spot'* in Indian. Such a place-name would be very unusual in any
California Indian language, nor does the sound suggest a word in the
Wiyot language, which is the idiom spoken in the vicinity.

Aukum, in Eldorado County, is, if Indian, which seems doubtful,
of Northern Miwok origin.

Ausaymas, a land grant in Santa Clara and San Benito counties,
is obviously named after the Ausaymas or Ansaymas Indians men-
tioned in Arroyo de la Cuesta's Phrase Book of the Mutsun Language
as speaking a dialect somewhat different from that of the Mutsunes.
Evidently Ausayma and Mutsun were both Costanoan villages near
Mission San Juan Bautista.

Avawatz mountains, north of Ludlow in San Bernardino County,
have a name that sounds like good Shoshonean. Southern Paiute or
Serrano tribes lived in the neighborhood.

Azusa, or Asuza, in Los Angeles County, was a Gabrielino Sho-
shonean village, Asuksa-gna in Gabrielino* or Ashuksha-vit in the
neighboring Serrano* dialect. According to a correspondent,' the
word means ** skunk hill."

Bally, or Bully, mountain, in Shasta County near the Trinity line,
has its name from Wintun boU (o like English **aw"), ** spirit." See
Bully Choop and Yallo Bally. There is also a Bully Hill in Shasta
County between the Pit and McCloud rivers.

Beegum and Beegum Butte, in Tehama County, are names of un-
identified origin.

Bohemotash mountain, in Shasta County, bears a northern Wintun
name. Bohem is ** large," but the second part of the word is not
known.

» J. P. Harrington, American Anthropologist, n. s. xm, 725, 1911.

4 Hugo Reid, originally in the Loa Angeles Star, quoted by A. Taylor, Cali-
fornia Farmer, xiv, 1861, and by Hoffman, Bulletin Essex Institute, xvn, 1885.

» Present series, vin, 39, 1908.

« Mr. C. C. Baker of Azusa, quoting Mr. W. A. Balton, whose godfather was
Hugo Beid: Azuncsabit, ''skunk hill,'^ the skunks beinc of the small or polecat
variety, and the name applied by the Indians to the hill, east of the present
town, where the ranch house of the grant stood. As -bit is the regular locative
ending in Serrano, the literal meaning was probably ** skunk place'' rather
than "hill."

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36 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

Bolbones, or more fully Arroyo de las Nueces y Bolbones, a grant
in Contra Costa County, probably derives its name from a village
whose inhabitants were called Volvon, Bolbon, and Bulbones by the
Spaniards. See Bancroft, Native Races, I, 453.

BoUnaSy in Marin County, is said by Sanchez, 228, 355, to be prob-
ably an alteration of Los Baulines, a grant name, based in all likeli-
hood on an Indian geogi*aphical designation. This seems reasonable.
The division involved would be the Coast Miwok, and the native word
probably Wauli-n.

Bully Choop, or Bally Ckup, mountain, between Shasta and Trinity
counties, is apparently from Wintun boli, ** spirit." The meaning of
chup is not known. See Bally and Yallo Bally.

Buriburi, a land grant in San Mateo County, is a name of unknown
source. The grant is near San Bruno, so that the Costanoan Indians
on it would have been attached to Mission Dolores in San Francisco.
Urebure occurs as the name of one of the many rancherias formerly
existing in the vicinity of Mission Dolores.^

Cahto, in Mendocino County, is in Athabascan territory and has
come to be used, in the form Kato, for an Athabascan tribe or division,
but is a Pomo word, meaning **lake."* The Bailey definition of
** quicksand," from cah, ** water," and to, **mush," is unproved; al-
though ka and to separately have this meaning in Pomo, and the ety-
mology is repeated in the meaning cited in Barrett {Pomo, 262), for
Bida-to, ** mush-stream" (also, it is said, on account of the presence
of quicksand), the Northern Pomo name of a Coast Yuki village at
the mouth of Ten Mile River in the same part of Mendocino County.
Cahto Creek in southeastern Humboldt County is probably the same
name as Cahto in northern Mendocino.

Cahuenga pass and peak, in Los Angeles County, are undoubtedly
named from some Gabrielino Shoshonean word, as shown by the
locative ending -nga.

Cahuilla, often written Coahuila, but always pronounced **Kawia"
and never **Kwawila," is the name of a Shoshonean tribe, or rather
dialect group, located in San Gorgonio Pass, the Colorado desert, and
the vicinity of the present Cahuilla reservation in Riverside County.
The name, ever since Reid, an excellent authority, has been said to
mean ** master," but the author has never found an Indian to cor-

f Bancroft, Native Baces, i, 453.

8 Goddard, present series, v, 67, 1909; Powers, 150.

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1916] Kroeber: C<ilifomia Place Names of Indian Origin 37

roborate this interpretation, or to admit the word as being anything
else than Spanish. There is no connection with Kaweah.

Calleguas, in Ventura County, is derived from Chumash Kayiwilsh,
"my head,'* the name of a rancheria.

Calpella, in Mendocino County, according to Barrett, Porno, 143, is
named after Kalpela, the chief of the former Northern Pomo village
of Chomchadila, situated '*on the mesa just south of the town of
Calpella. * ' Kalpela 's name* * * was given to his people, and was applied
by the whites in a general way to all of the Indians living in Redwood
Valley. . . . The late Mr. A. E. Sherwood is authority for the state-
ment that *Cal-pa-lau' signifies * mussel or shellfish bearer,' '' — whence
Bailey's notice is apparently derived. ** Mussel" is khal, hal, in North-
em Pomo.

Camulos, in Ventura County, is named from an Indian village
Eamulus or Kamulas.*® This territory has usually been considered
Chumash, but was more likely Shoshonean; it is, however, probable
that Kamulas was its Chumash name; at any rate, the etymology in
Chumash is my-mulus, mulus being an edible fruit.

Capay, a land grant in Glenn and Tehama counties, and another in
Yolo County, the latter surviving in modern nomenclature as Capay
Valley, are named from Southern Wintun (Patwin) kapai, ** stream."

Carquinez straits, in San Francisco Bay, are named from a South-
ern Wintun ** tribe" or village, Carquin or Karkin.

Caslamayomd, a land grant in Sonoma County, seems Indian, espe-
cially on account of its ending, -yomi or -yome, which means ** place"
both in Southern Pomo and Coast Miwok.

Castac Lake, in Tejon Pass in Kern County, and Castac Creek in
Los Angeles County, are named from a Shoshonean village, situated
near the mouth of the stream, and called by the neighboring Chumash
Kashtuk (the u unrounded), **my eyes" (dual), or **our eye." A
frequented Indian trail led from the village up the stream to the lake
and thence into the San Joaquin Valley — whence probably the appli-
cation of the name to the two localities. The Shoshonean Kitanemuk
or Serrano of the vicinity of the lake call this Auvapya, and the
Yokuts of the San Joaquin Valley Sasau. Both words mean **at the
eye." The Castac grant extended from Castac Lake north into the
San Joaquin Valley.

» Becited in Kroeber, Shoshonean, 152.

10 Handbook of American Indians, Bur. Am. Ethn. Bull. 30, part i, 649.

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38 University of California Publications in Am, ArcK and Ethn, [Vol. 12

Catacula, in Napa County, is a name of unknown origin. The
grant lay in Wintun or Wappo territory.

Caymus grant in Napa County is named for the Yukian Wappo
village of Kaimus, derivation unknown, formerly on the site of what
is now Yountville (Barrett, Porno, 268).

Cayucos, in San Luis Obispo County, means ** boats** or ** skiffs"
in South American Spanish, according to the dictionaries, while
Cayuca, a form of the name that also appears, denotes **head" in
Cuban Spanish.

Chagoopa plateau and creek, southwest of Mount Whitney, are in
Tulare County. The meaning is unknown, but the name is almost
certainly a Mono word. A familiar Shoshonean noun ending -pa
appears, as also in Ivanpah, Hanaupah, Nopah.

ChancheluUa mountain, in Trinity County, also appearing on maps
as ChauchetuUa and Chenche Lulla, seems to derive its name from a
Wintun source, but the etymology is unknown.

Chemehuevi valley and mountains, in eastern San Bernardino
County, are named after the Chemehuevi tribe, an offshoot of the
Southern Paiute. The meaning of their name ,is unknown, and its
source is also not certain, although the Mohave appear to use it not
only of the Chemehuevi but of all Paiute divisions, and may have
originated the term.

Chimiles, a land grant in Napa County, between Vacaville and
Napa city, bears a name of unidentified but possibly Indian origin.

Choenimne mountain, in Fresno County, derives its name from the
Yokuts tribe of the Choinimni, who lived on Kings River near the
mountain.

Cholame, in San Luis Obispo County, is a name of Salinan Indian
derivation. Cholam, more exactly TcIola'M, — also given as Tco'alam-
tram, ** Cholam houses'* or ** Cholam village,*' — was a rancheria near
Mission San Miguel,^* and therefore at the mouth of Estrella Creek,
as the lower course of Cholame Creek is called.

Choul mountain, in Santa Clara County, bears a name of unknown
origin.

Chowchilla Biver in the drainage of the San Joaquin was in its
lower course the habitat of the Chauchila tribe of the Yokuts. This
division bore a warlike reputation among neighboring groups, and its

11 Mason, present series, x, 107, 1912. The settlement known as Cholame is,
however, on the Cholame grant, which is on Cholame Creek, toward Cholame
Pass, and some distance easterly of San Miguel, so that the site of the aborig-
inal Cholam village cannot be regarded as certainly known.

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1916] Kroeber: California Place Names of Indian Origin 39

name may be connected with the Yokuts verb taudja, *'to kill," but
this etymology is far from certain. Yokuts Indians have at times
translated the tribal name as ** murderers," but this may be an incor-
rect ex post facto etymology on their part. The Chauchila have been
referred to as a Miwok division ; but as the Miwok, in distinction from
the Yokuts, had no true tribes, it is likely that the Miwok Chauchilas
were so named by the Americans, or by English-speaking Indians, after
the name of the stream near whose upper course they live. There are
also Chowchilla Mountains in Mariposa County.

Chualar, in Monterey County, is Spanish ** place of chual," or
Chenopodium album,

Cisco, in Placer County, is given by Bailey as of Indian origin, and
meaning a kind of trout. The word will be found in any modern Eng-
lish dictionary as the name of a fresh-water fish. If originally Indian,
it is not California Indian. It is also a family name.

Cleone, in Mendocino County, is probably named from Kelio, the
Northern Pomo name of one of their divisions or more probably a
village.^^

CoacheUa, in Riverside County, is in Cahuilla territory, but it has
not been learned that the name has an Indian source, though it is
sometimes so stated.

Coahuila, see Cahuilla.

Collayomi, a land grant in Lake County, is no doubt named after
the Coyayomi or Joyayomi ** tribe" mentioned by Engelhardt.^' This
is probably a Coast or Lake Miwok name, as shown by the ending
-yome, ** place," though the same element occurs with a similar mean-
ing in Southern Pomo. Barrett {Pomo, 316) identifies it hesitatingly
with Shoyome, a Lake Miwok village on the south side of Puta Creek
three and a half miles below Quenoc.

Coloma, where gold was first discovered in California, in Eldorado
County, is given by Powers, 315, as the name of a Nishinam (Southern
Maidu ) * * tribe ' ' or village.

Colusa County is named from the Patwin, that is. Southern Win-
tun, Koru, a village on the site of the present town of Colusa. The
meaning of Koru is not known to the Indians, who declare it to be
merely a place name. The r in this word is trilled, hence presents
difficulty to Americans, which fact seems to account for its change
into 1. The origin of the third syllable is not entirely clear. Colusa

12 Handbook of American Indians, Bur. Am. Ethn. Bull. 30, part i, 672.
IS Franciscans in California, 1897, p. 451.

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40 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

was originally spelled Colusi or Coluse, as it is still vulgarly pro-
nounced. It is possible that the ending is from a Spanish plural of
the place name used as a tribal name, as so often happened; or
Korusi may have been an Indian variant of Koru. Indian informants
mention a belief locally current among Americans that Koru was the
name of a chief of the rancheria, but emphatically deny this. It will
be seen that a similar statement has been made concerning Yolo, and
that this statement is also contradicted by the available Indian in-
formation.

Comptche, in Mendocino County, is from an unknown source.
There was a Pomo village Komacho in the region. Barrett, Porno,
178.

Concow, in Butte County, surviving also as the ofScial and popular
name of the Concow or Maidu Indians on Round Valley reservation,
is from the Southwestern Maidu word Koyongkau. Powers, 283, gives
the etymology from koyo, ** plain" or *Walley, and kau, ** earth" or
** place."

Cortina Valley, in Colusa County, appears to be named for Kotina,
a former Southern Wintun chief (Barrett, Pomo, 324), though
whether his name was Indian, or an Indian corruption of Spanish
Cortina, is not known.

Cosmit reservation, in San Diego County, is called Kosmit also in
the Diegueno language, but the meaning is not known.

Coso, a range and place in Inyo County, appear to be named after
a Shoshonean Indian division, allied to the Panamint or part of them.
It is, however, possible that Coso is originally a place name, from
which the range derived its name, after which the whites and then the
Indians came to speak of the Coso Mountain Indians or the Koso tribe.
The ethnology of this region is very little known. Bailey says that
Coso means ** broken coal." Words beginning with ku- mean char-
coal in several Shoshonean dialects of the vicinity. A locality or vil-
lage, but hardly a tribe, might be given such a name by Indians.

Cosumnes River is evidently named from an Indian village or
tribe, as shown by the ending -umne or 'amni, discussed under Tuo-
lumne. The location indicates a Plains Miwok origin. Kawso
(=Koso) is mentioned by Merriam, 348, as the name given by the
Pawenan (part of the Southern Maidu) to the Mokozumne Plains
Miwok division. Cosumne thus appears to be Koso plus -umni plus
the Spanish or English plural -s ; Mokozumne may be only a form of
the same name; and the term denotes the people of a Plains Miwok

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1916] Kroeber: California Flace Names of Indian Origin 41

village or tribe. The derivation of Cosumnes from Miwok kosum,
** salmon/' given by Bailey and others, should also be mentioned,
though unverified.

Cotati, in Sonoma County, is named for Kotati, a Coast Miwok vil-
lage just north of the present town (Barrett, Porno, 311). The mean-
ing of the word is unknown.

Coyote, and Coyote Creek, in Santa Clara County. Gannett says :
**The word, in the dialect of the Cushina and other tribes inhabiting
the upper portions of Sacramento Valley, means a species of dog.'*
This is untrue. The origin of the word is Aztec coyotl, whence Mexi-
can Spanish and ultimately English coyote.

Cxiati, the name of a land grant in Los Angeles County, not to be
confused with Quati in Santa Barbara County, is of unknown origin.

Cucamonga, in San Bernardino County, is a Shoshonean place
name, Kukomo-nga or Kukamo-nga in Gabrielino, Kukumu-nga-bit or
Kukamo-na-t in Serrano (Kroeber, Shoshonean, 134, 142, Cahuilla,
34,39).

Cuyama River, between San Luis Obispo and Santa Barbara coun-
ties, derives its name from a Chumash place-name Kuyam, of un-
known significance.

Cuyamaca Mountains, in San Diego County, were so called by the
Diegueno Indians. Ekm-amak is ** rain-above.''

EUm, in Tehama County. The origin is unknown. If Indian, the
name is of Wintun source.

Guajome, in San Diego County, is from Luiseno Wakhaumai
(Kroeber, Shoshonean, 147).

Gualala River, in Sonoma and Mendocino counties, according to
Barrett, Porno, 224y is probably from ** Porno wala'li or wa'lali, which
in the Southern and Southwestern dialects is ... a generic term
signifying the meeting-place of the waters of any in-flowing stream
with those of the stream into which it flows or with the ocean," in
short, a river mouth. Any connection with Walhalla is imaginary.

Guaiay, a San Diego County reservation, is named from Diegueno
kwatai, ** large."

Chienoc, a land grant and town in Lake County, is a name of doubt-
ful origin, according to Barrett, Porno, 317.

Guejiio, in San Diego County, is from an unknown source, prob-
ably Spanish, as indicated by the ending. Chiijo is ** gravel" in
Spanish.

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42 University of California Publications in Am. ArcK and Ethn. [Vol. 12

Guesisosi, a land grant in Yolo County, on Cache Creek a few miles
above Woodland, in territory originally belonging to the Patwin or
Southern Wintun. The name is unidentified.

Guilicos or Los Guilicos grant, in Sonoma County, is from Wilikos,
the Coast Miwok name of a former Wappo village at the head of
Sonoma Creek (Barrett, Porno, 269) . There was also a Southern Pomo
village, named Wilok, about three miles northeast of Santa Rosa (Bar-
rett, Pomo, 222).

Guyapipe reservation, in San Diego County, is named ewi-apaip or
am-apaip, **rock lie on,'* in the Diegueno dialect.

Haiwee Creek, in Inyo County. Unidentified.

Hanaupah Canyon, in the Panamint range, in Inyo County. Un-
identified. The form of the name, however, including the suffix -pa,
as well as the situation of the locality, make an ultimate Shoshonean
source likely.

Hemet, in Riverside County, appears not to have been identified,
although the word sounds as if it might be Luiseno Shoshonean.

Hetch Hetchy Valley, in the famous canyon on Tuolumne River, is
named from a Central Miwok word denoting a kind of grass or plant
with edible seeds abounding in the valley. Merriam, 345, gives Hetch-
hetch-e as a Miwok village in the valley.

Hettenchow, or Kettenchow, or Kettenshaw, a peak and valley in
Trinity County, are, according to Powers, 117, named from Wintun
ketten or hetten, **cammas," and chow, ** valley," whereas Hetten
Pum means '^cammas earth." Pom is Wintun for **land," and there
seems little reason to doubt that hetten denotes camas, or at least some
kind of edible root.

Homoa, near San Bernardino, is from Shoshonean Serrano Hom-
hoa-bit (Kroeber, Shoshonean, 134).

Honcut, in Butte County, and Honcut Creek between Butte and
Yuba counties, probably named after a land grant in Yuba County,
take their designation from a Maidu village near the mouth of the
creek. Powers, 282.

Hoopa, in Humboldt County, is the Yurok name of the valley as a
whole, Hupa, or better Hupo, though the **o" is so open that its
quality is well given by English **aw." It is not the name of the
** tribe," for the Yurok called the Hoopa Indians Hupo-la after the
locality.

Hoppow Creek, an affluent of the Klamath, in Del Norte County,
is named after the Yurok village Ho 'open.

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Horse Linto Creek, in Humboldt County, is a settler's rendering
of Haslinding,^* the Hupa name of the village at the mouth of the
stream.

Hosselkus valley, in Plumas County, has an unidentified name ; if
Indian, it would be Maidu.

Huctsna, in San Luis Obispo County, is given as a Chumash village
by Alexander Taylor.^*

Hueneme, in Ventura County, is originally a Chumashan place
name, Wene'me or Wene'mu.

Huichica, a land grant in Sonoma and Napa counties, is named
from Huchi, a Coast Miwok village which stood near the plaza of the
city of Sonoma. The etymology is unknown (Barrett, Porno, 312).

Hunto, the name of a mountain in Yosemite National Park, is from
an Indian word for eye, according to Sanchez, 379. Huntu is **eye''
in Southern Sierra Miwok, the native dialect of the vicinity.

Hyampom, on the south fork of the Trinity River, in Trinity Coun-
ty, is evidently Northern Wintun, in which pom is **land " or ** place.*'
Powers, 231, gives Haienpum as a place on the Hay Pork of Trinity
River and as meaning **high hill," but pom clearly has the meaning
of '*down," ** earth," or **land" rather than of *' elevation" in
Wintun.

laqua Buttes, and laqua, in Humboldt County, seem to be named
from Aiekwi or Aiekwe or Ayokwe, the form of native greeting, as
well as of salutation at parting, common to several of the languages of
Humboldt County, and still frequently used instead of ''good day"
between Indians and whites.

Igo, in Shasta County, is of unknown origin.

Inaja, more properly Inaja, an Indian reservation in San Diego
County, is named from Diegueno Indian Any-aha, '*my water."

Inyo County is said to be named after an Indian tribe. No such
division or village appears to have been recorded, and although the
word sounds Shoshonean, and the derivation seems probable, it must
be regarded as uncertain.

Ivanpah, in San Bernardino County, is in Chemehuevi, that is.
Southern Paiute, territory, and the name contains only sounds that
occur in that language. Bailey says it is from ivan, **dove," and pah,
** water," which the writer is unable either to admit or refute.

14 Ooddard, present series i, 12, 1903: Xaslindin.
16 California Fanner, October 18, 1861.

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44 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

Jalama, in Santa Barbara County, is named from a Chumash vil-
lage Halam.^*

Jamacha or Jamacho, in San Diego County, is from Diegueiio In-
dian Hamacha, the place being named after a small wild squash plant.

Jamul, in San Diego County, has its name from Diegueno ha-mul
(from aha, ** water''), meaning **foam'' or ** lather.''

John, in Monterey County, is an aboriginal site of the so-called
Salinan Indians, and is still inhabited by them. The origin of the
name, however, is uncertain, and the meaning undetermined."

Jonive, a grant in Sonoma County, has a name of unknown origin.
The sound v is not Indian, in this vicinity; but might be Spanish
orthography for b.

Juristac, a land grant in San Benito County, is named from a
Costanoan place-word, as indicated by the locative case -tak. See also
VUstac.

Jurupa, in San Bernardino County, is Serrano or Gabrielino Sho-
shonean Hurupa or Hurumpa, meaning unknown (Kroeber, Sho-
shonean, 134, Cahuilla, 39).

Kaweah River is named after a Yokuts tribe called Kawia, or prob-
ably, more exactly, Ga'wia. They lived on or near the river where it
emerges from the foothills into the plains. The name has no known
connection with the almost identically pronounced Southern Cali-
fornia term Cahuilla.

Kai-ai-au-wa Peak, near Yosemite, in Mariposa County, is in South-
trn Miwok territory, but the origin and meaning of the name are not
known.

Ke-ka-wa-ka, or Kekawa, creek, an aflBuent of Eel River, in South-
western Trinity County, bears a name of unknown but presumably
Indian origin.

Kenoktai, Conockti, Kanaktai, the name of a prominent peak in
Lake County also known as Uncle Sam Mountain, is derived from
the Southeastern Pomo name Knoktai, from kno, ** mountain," and
hatai, ** woman" (Barrett, Pomo, 183).

Kenshaw Spring, in Shasta County, between ChancheluUa and
Beegum Mountains, is in Wintun territory. The word sounds Wintun.
Compare Hettenchow or Kettenchow.

i« Alexander Taylor, California Farmer, October 18, 1861, corroborates the ex-
istence of the village, but his lalamma is only a misspelling of Spanish Jalama.

17 See Mason, ' ' The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians, * * in the present series,
X, 106-108, 1912.

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1916] Kroeber: California Place Names of Indian Origin 45

KibesiUak, in Mendocino County, suggests a derivation from Pomo
kahe, **rock/* sila, **flat.'' No such Pomo name is known in the
vicinity of KibesiUah, but Barrett, Pomo, 230, mentions kabe-sHa-mna,
**rock-flat-upon,*' as a former village of the Southwestern Pomo at
Salt Point.

Kimshew and Little Kimshew creeks, in Butte County, are near
Nimshew, and their name, like the latter, is presumably also of Maidu
Indian origin.

Klamath, This well-known name of a large river, lakes, former
California county, present post-office in the same state, and flourish-
ing city in Oregon, is of obscure origin. The Klamath Indians of
Oregon, a sister tribe of the more famous Modoc, still live on the upper
drainage of the river. They call themselves Maklaks, ** people." The
Chinook of the Columbia River called the tribe Tlamatl.^* Prom this
word the early American forms of the name, Tlameth and Clamet,
seem to be derived, whence in turn the more recent Klamath. English
speaking people regularly change aboriginal surd 1 or tl into kl at the
beginning of words, because, although tl in little is as familiar as kl
m pickle, tl does not occur initially in English, whereas kl is common
(clear, clean, clever, click, close), and it is well known that the un-
trained ear hears only what the tongue is accustomed to produce. The
same phonetic law has produced Klickitat, and Klingit for Tlingit.
It is, however, not certain that Chinook Tlamatl is a rendering of
Maklaks. De Mofras,^' earlier than Hale, speaks of the Klamacs. This
form is nearer both to original Maklaks and to modern Klamath than
is Tlamatl. It is possible that Klamacs and Klamath are a corruption,
by metathesis of consonants, directly from Maklaks.

Klamathon, in Siskiyou County. This name is apparently coined
from Klamath.

Koip Peak, between Mono and Tuolumne counties, is probably,
like near-by Kuna Peak, named from a Mono Indian word. Koipa is
** mountain sheep'' in the closely related Northern Paiute dialect.

Kosk, and Kosk Creek, in Shasta County, are in Achomawi or Pit
River Indian territory, and the word sounds as if it might have been
taken from that language.

Kuna Peak, between Tuolumne and Mono counties, is probably
named from the Shoshonean word kuna, usually meaning **fire," but
appearing in the Mono dialect of the vicinity with the signification of
**fire.wood.''

" Hale, U. S. Expl. Exped., vi, 218.
J» II, 335.

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46 University of California PublicatioM in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

Lac, a grant in Sonoma County. Unidentified.

Lasseck Peak, in Humboldt County, is said to be named after a
chief Lasseck or Lassik. The Athabascan Indians of Van Duzen, Lar-
rabee, and Dobbin creeks, and the head of Mad River, have also gen-
erally been called Lassik after his name.

Lebec, in Kern County, has an unidentified name.

LocoaUomi or Locallomi grant, in Pope Valley in Napa County,
seems to be named from Lakahyome (Barrett, Porno, 273), the Lake
Miwok name of a Wappo rancheria which these Indians themselves
called Loknoma, and which stood three-fourths of a mile northeast of
Middletown in Lake County. The LocoUomillo (pronounce Loko-
yomio) Indians were said by Alexander Taylor^® to be near the
Guenocks' rancheria which in turn lay between Clear Lake and Napa.
The meaning of Lakahyome is not known, except that -yome occurs as
an ending on many Lake Miwok village names with the signification
of *' place.''

Loconoma Valley, in which Middletown, Lake County, is situated,
is named from a former Wappo village, near Middletown, called Lok-
noma, from lok, **wild goose,*' and noma, ** village." See Locoallomi.

Loleta, in Humboldt County, is given by Gannett as meaning **a
pleasant place" in Indian. This meaning does not appear probable,
and the word has not a Wiyot ring. It is more likely the Spanish
woman's name Lolita.

Lompoc, in Santa Barbara County, like Huasna, is mentioned by
Alexander Taylor^^ as having been the name of a Chumash village.

Lospe Mountain, near Guadalupe in Santa Barbara County, was in
Chumash Indian territory, and the word, though unidentified, might
with perfect propriety have been taken from one of the Chumash
idioms.

MaUbu, one of the three names of the Topanga-Malibu-Sequit land
grant in Los Angeles County, seems to go back for its source to the
appelation of a Chumashan or Gabrielino Shoshonean village, called
Maliwu in Chumash, which lay on the east side of the mouth of Malibu
Creek.

Mallacomes, two land grants also called Moristul (which see), one
in Sonoma, the other in Napa and Sonoma counties, are named from
Maiyakma, a former Yukian Wappo village a mile south of the pres-
ent Calistoga. Barrett, Porno, 269. The meaning is not known.

20 In the Califorma Farmer of March 30, 1860.

21 California Farmer. October 18, 1861.

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1916] Kroeber: California Place Names of Indian Origin 47

Bailey's etymology of may-a-camass, **eamas8 eaters," is imaginary,
since camas is a Northern and not a Califomian Indian word, and
**eat" is not mai in Wappo or any neighboring language.

Marin County. The ** official*' derivation is from chief Marin of
the Lecatuit or Likatuit or Lekahtewutko ** tribe," a division or more
probably a village of the Coast Miwok. This is probably true, but it
is unlikely that Marin was the Indian name of this man. In his native
language the sound **r" does not occur. Maslin goes on to say that
after being subdued, ** Marin" was baptized Marinero, ** mariner" and
became a ferryman on San Francisco Bay. It is altogether more prob-
able that he first followed this occupation, was then called ** Marinero,"
and that Marin is an abbreviation or corruption of this Spanish name.

Matajuai, in San Diego County, is Diegueno Amat-ahwai, ** earth-
white, ' * so named from white earth or scum, used as paint, being found
at the spot. The variant Matagual is only a misprint.

Matilija, in Ventura County, is from Ma'tilha, or, according to H.
W. Henshaw, Matilaha, a Chumash place name.

Mattole River, in Humboldt County. The Wiyot of Humboldt Bay
call the Athabascan Indians of this vicinity Medol, but it is not known
if the name is original with them.

Maturango Peak, in Inyo County. Uncertain, but more probably
Spanish or corrupted Spanish than Indian.

Menione, in San Bernardino County, is given by Bailey as ** In-
dian" for *'chin." Menton is Spanish for this part of the body; but
it is more likely that the place is named after the one in the French
Riviera.

Mettah, a school district in Humboldt County, is named from the
Yurok village of Meta on the south side of the Klamath River.

Moco Canyon, in Eldorado County. This name is not Indian, but
means muck, mucus, or slag in Spanish.

Modoc County is named after the Modoc Indians, a tribe closely
aUied in speech to the Klamath or ** Klamath Lakes" adjoining them
on the north. Maslin gives the meaning of the word as **the head of
the river," but in a note cites General O. 0. Howard as stating that
Modoc is a ** corruption" of Maklaks and means ** people." As the
late veteran Indian linguist A. S. Gatschet more than twenty years
ago compiled and published an elaborate and careful dictionary of
the Klamath language,^^ from which the Modoc differs scarcely even
as a dialect, so that all the facts bearing on the question have long

22 Contributions to North American Ethnology, n, Washington, 1890.

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48 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

since been of authentic record, this word furnishes a memorable ex-
ample of the free rein which it has been customary to give to current
tradition, vulgar rumor, and unsubstantiated opinion, in the matter of
Indian names. Modoc is the Klamath and Modoc word for ** south''
or ** southern,'' written by Gatschet moatok, in another grammatical
form moatokni, applied by the Klamath to their southern kinsmen the
Modoc, though never, in such application, without the addition of a
word like maklaks, ** people" (see Klamath). In a word, ** Modoc"
means ** south," and nothing more or less.

Mohave, or Mojave, originally written Jamajab by the Spanish ex-
plorer Garces, from Hamakhava (k and h separate sounds), the name
for themselves of an important tribe, of Yuman lineage, in the bottom
lands of the Colorado River in the region where California, Arizona,
and Nevada now meet. Outside of their own territory, the name was
first applied to the Mohave River to the west, from an erroneous im-
pression that this drained into the Colorado in the habitat of the
Mohave. From the river, the desert in which it is lost took its designa-
tion, and from this the town in its western reaches. All the localities
to which the name Mohave now adheres were in Shoshonean and not
in Mohave territory. The meaning of the name Hamakhava is not
known to the Mohave of today, and analysis of their language has so
far failed to reveal an etymology. A. S. Gatschet appears to be re-
sponsible for the explanation ** three mountains," adopted by Bailey,
Gannett, and others. This derivation is positively erroneous. * * Three ' '
is hamok in Mohave, and ** mountain," avi, so that the vowels differ
from those of Hamakhava; moreover the rules of composition in the
language demand the inverse order, Avi-hamok. This is a place name
actually found in the Mohave dialect, but denotes a locality near
Tehachapi Pass.

Mokelumne River is named from Indian Mokelumni, ** people of
Mokel, ' ' a Plains Miwok village near Lockf ord on this stream, accord-
ing to Barrett, Miwok, 340, and Merriam, 350. The ending -umni
occurs also in Tuolumne and Cosumnes.

Monache Peak, in Tulare County, is named from the Monachi
Indians, usually called Mono, which word see.

Mono County and Lake are named after a wide-spread division of
Shoshonean Indians on both slopes of the Southern Sierra Nevada.
In speech and presumably in origin they are closely allied to the
Northern Paiute of Nevada and Oregon and the Bannock of Idaho.
By their Yokuts neighbors they are called Monachi. The ending -chi

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1916] Kroeber: California Place Names of Indian Origin 49

occurs otherwise in Yokuts and Miwok as a suflSx on names of tribes
or divisions: Yaudanchi, Wimilchi, Heuchi, Pitkachi, Wakichi, Dalin-
chi, Apiachi, Pohonichi, perhaps also Tachi, Wobonuch, and Endim-
bich. The stem therefore appears to be Mona. To the Spaniards, who
knew the Miwok and Yokuts earlier than they knew the Monachi,
this stem might easily suggest mono, ** monkey.'' This is the interpre-
tation usually given, as by Maslin, but it seems to be secondary.
Bailey also says that Mono is a tribal name, but his explanation of
** good-looking'' is unfounded. The Yokuts themselves give a sec-
ondary interpretation of Monachi, which is interesting as an example
of folk etymology, but very improbable. Monai, monoi, or monoyi
means ** flies" in Yokuts speech. The Monos, as mountain dwellers in
the higher Sierra, climbed skillfully about steep cliffs and rocks until
from a distance they looked like flies on a vertical surface : hence their
designation, the Indians say. But Indian tribal names of known origin
do not follow such lines of thought. It appears that Monachi, like
most of the names of the Yokuts for their own or other tribes, no
longer possesses a determinable meaning.

Moorek, a school district in Humboldt County, is named from
Mureku or Murekw, a Yurok village on the north side of the Klamath
River.

Moosa, in San Diego County, is a name of unknown origin.

Moristul, or Muristul, the name of two land grants in Sonoma and
in Napa and Sonoma counties, also called Mallacomes (which see), is
from Mutistul, a Wappo village formerly four and a half miles west
of Calistoga in the mountains. The derivation is from muti, ** north,"
and tul, ** large valley." Barrett, Porno, 271.

Morongo, the name of a valley, a creek, and an Indian reservation
near Banning, Riverside County, is Serrano Shoshonean for a native
village in Morongo Valley or on Mission Creek. Kroeber, Cahttilla, 35

Muah, a peak between Tulare and Inyo counties. Unidentified, but
the location of the mountain and the sound of the word indicate a
Shoshonean origin, probably Mono.

Mugu, a point and lagoon in Ventura County, is Chumash Indian
muuni, ** beach," used as a specific village or place name.

Musaldcon, a land grant near Cloverdale, Sonoma County, is prob-
ably of Pomo origin. Powers, 183, says of the Indians he calls the
Misalla Magun: **This branch of the [Pomo] nation was named after
a famous chief they once had. A Gallinomero [Southern Pomo] told

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50 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

me the name was a corruption of mi-sal'-la-a'-ko, which denotes *long
snake.' Another form for the name is Mu-sal-la-ktin'."

Mu^cupiabSy near San Bernardino, was in Serrano Shoshonean ter-
ritory, and is the Serrano name of the place or vicinity, Muskupia
being the stem, and -bit, appearing also as -pet and -vit, a locative
suflBx. Cited by Kroeber, Shoshonean, 134.

Najalayegua, a land grant in Santa Barbara County, is evidently
named after a Chumash village, called Majalayghua by Alexander
Taylor.** This is no doubt a misspelled form of Najalayegua, but was
probably given to Taylor as an aboriginal site and name by Indian
informants.

Napa County and City are said by Maslin and others to be named
from an Indian word meaning **fish.'* Bailey gives a derivation from
an Indian ** tribe," while Gannett says the word means ** house" in
Indian. No Indian village called Napa has ever been located in the
region. As regards the meaning **fish," ** harpoon-point" is perhaps
to be substituted, since Barrett, Porno, 293, says that no such word as
Napa has been found in the Wintun, Wappo, or Miwok languages,
which are the ones that would come in question, but that the word is
used in several of the Pomo dialects, some of which were spoken not
far away, as the name of the detachable points of the native fish har-
poon, although there is no distinct evidence that this is the origin of the
name Napa.

Natoma, in Sacramento County, passes current as meaning ** clear
water," but this appears the creation of an American mind. The
word seems derived from Maidu nato or noto, ** north" (or, according
to some translations, **east" — probably the true meaning is **up
stream"), and was presumably a village name. See Powers, 317.

Neenach, in Los Angeles County, is of unknown origin, but the
place is in Shoshonean territory and the word sounds as if it might be
from some Shoshonean dialect.

Nimshew, in Butte County, is named from Maidu 7i€nu sen (or
sewi), *' large stream." Powers, 283.

Nipomo, in San Luis Obispo County, is named from a Chumash
village.**

Nojoqui, probably more correctly Nojogui, since Nojohui is also
found, in Santa Barbara County, seems to go back to a Chumash
Indian Onohwi.

28 California Fanner, April 24, 1863.

24 Schumacher in Smithsonian Beport for 1874, 342, 1875.

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1916] Kroeher: California Flckce Names of Indian Origin 51

Nomcult Farm, the first name applied to the reservation later desig-
nated as Bound Valley. This term is not in use now. The word is
Wintun, although the reservation is on original Yuki territory. Norn-
is **west," as in Nomlaki, ** west-tongue, west language"; -cult eon-
tains a combination of consonants not tolerated in Wintun but stand-
ing for **lh," as the surd or ** Welsh*' 1 of that language may be rep;
resented. The second element would in that case be kolh, which, ac-
cording to Powers, 230, represents kekhl, ** tribe." Bailey gives
Meshakai, **tule valley," as the aboriginal name of Round Valley, but
the writer has never met with this term.

Nopah Range, in Inyo County. The name sounds Shoshonean, the
locality suggests the same.

Noyo River, in Mendocino County, is named after the former
Northern Pomo village at the mouth of Pudding Creek. Barrett,
Porno, 134, says that this creek was named after the village (which is
general Indian custom), but that ** after the coming of the whites the
name was transferred" (i.e., by them) **to the larger stream south of
Port Bragg, which now bears the name of Noyo River. The Indian
name of Noyo River is tce'mli-bida" (i.e., Chendi-bida). The mean-
ing of Noyo is unknown.

Ojai, in Ventura County, is given by Bailey and Gannett as mean
ing '*nest." This signification would be characteristic of civilized
fancy rather than of Indian geographical usage. The word is a
Chumash place name, A'hwai, and means **moon."

Olanche, in Inyo County, may be named from an Indian source,
though its origin appears to be unknown. The word has a general
Shoshonean ring, though neither the Mono-Paiute-Bannock, the Sho-
shoni-Panamint-Coso, nor the Chemehuevi-Paiute-Kawaiisu dialect
groups of this vicinity contain the sound **1." The nearest Shoshonean
language in which **1" occurs is the Tiibatulabal of Kern River, across
the main divide of the Sierra Nevada. It is not impossible that the
word is taken from the name of a Yokuts tribe on Tule River on the
opposite side of the Sierra Nevada, who call themselves Yaudanchi,
and are called by their western neighbors Yaulanchi. This pronun-
ciation, via the intermediate form Yolanchi, is not very different from
* * Olanche. * ' There is also an Olancha Peak in the crest of the Sierra
Nevada west of the settlement called Olanche, and therefore nearer to
the habitat of the Yaudanchi.

Olcma, in Marin County, according to Barrett, Pomo, 307, is prob-
ably named from a former Coast Miwok village Olemaloke, **frora

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52 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

6'le, coyote, and lo'klo or lo'kla, valley, near the town of Olema at the
southern extremity of Toraales Bay/' It is probable that this name
is also the source of the ** tribal'' name Olamentke, frequently ap-
plied, since the time of the Russian settlement in California, to the
Coast Miwok Indians of Bodega Bay, and thence to those of Marin
County as a group.

Oleta, in Amador County, is in Miwok Indian territory. A stem
ole appears in several Miwok dialects with the meaning ** coyote" —
compare Olema, — and -ta or -to means **at." There is, however, no
evidence that this suggested derivation is the actual one. Merriam,
344, gives Tamm-oolette-sa as a Miwok village near Oleta, but this
name is more probably connected with tamalin, north.

Olompaliy in Marin County, is from Olompolli, a Coast Miwok vil-
lage five miles south of the present Petaluma. Barrett, Pomo, 310.
Olom signifies ** south," but the meaning of polli is not known.

Omagar Creek, a southerly affluent of the Klamath River, in Del
Norte County, has a name that is derived from Omega', the Yurok
designation of the stream.

Omjumi Mountain, in Plumas County, is in Maidu Indian terri-
tory, and the name sounds as if it might be Maidu, in which dialects
om means * * rock ; ' ' but the derivation is not recorded.

Onto Ranch, in Eldorado County, is named for the Northern Sierra
Miwok village Omo. Merriam, 344.

Omochumnes, a land grant in Sacramento County, has an Indian
name. It contains the ending -umni (or -amni, -imni), borne by many
Yokuts, Miwok, and Maidu tribal or group names in the valley of the
San Joaquin and Lower Sacramento. Oomoochah is given by Mer-
riam, 349, as a Northwestern (Plains) Miwok village at Elk Grove
The Umuchamni or Omochumne would therefore be the people of this
village. According to several authors other than Merriam, but less
definite in their statements. Elk Grove and the tracts north of the
Cosumnes were Maidu, not Miwok.

Ono, in Shasta County, is from an unknown source. In the Maidu
language, and in the Southern Wintun dialect of the vicinity of
Colusa, ono means *'head." The settlement Ono is in Northern Win-
tun territory, but this and all the other dialects of the family, except
that of Colusa, have quite different words for **head," so that the
derivation, although possible, must be considered entirely uncon-
firmed.

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1916] Kroeber: California Place Names of Indian Origin 53

Orestimha, a land grant on the west side of the San Joaquin River,
in Stanislaus and Merced counties, at the mouth of Orestiraba Creek,
is a name of unknown origin. The first part of the word, ores, how-
ever, denotes **bear*' in the Costanoan dialects, and it is perhaps more
than a coincidence that an affluent of Orestimha Creek is known as
Oso, that is, *'bear," creek. The Costanoan Indians ranged from the
coast at least to the Mount Diablo Range, and perhaps beyond; at
any rate, whether Orestiraba was in Yokuts or in Costanoan territory,
the Spaniards would have reached it from the Costanoan Indians.

Orick, in Humboldt County, is named after Arekw or Orekw (the
first vowel nearly like English aw), a Yurok village on the south side
of the mouth of Redwood Creek, a mile and a half below the present
post-office and stage station of the same name.

Osagon Creek, in Humboldt County. Prom Yurok Asegen, a place
name of unknown meaning.

Otay, in San Diego County, is named from a Diegueno Indian word,
otai or otay a, ** brushy."

Pachappa, near Riverside. Of unknown origin.

Pacoima, in Los Angeles County. Probably of Qabrielino Sho-
shonean origin, but unknown.

Pahute Mountain, in Kern County, is named from the same tribe
as Piute, which see.

Paicines, or Pajines, in San Benito, is probably a tribal name, as
stated by Sanchez, 160, 399. The region was occupied by Costanoan
Indians, many of whose village or group names end in -n, to which
the Spaniards frequently added the plural -es. Compare Mutsu-n,
Rumse-n, Olho-n-es, Bolbo-n-es, Salso-n-es; also, in the territory of
their immediate neighbors, Essele-n, Carqui-n-ez, Suisu-n, Ulpi-n-os.

Pala, in San Diego County, may be named, as sometimes stated,
from Spanish pala, ** shovel,'' but is much more probably from Luiseno
Shoshonean pala, '* water.'' At least, the Luiseiio accept it as a native
place name of this significance. Kroeber, Shoshonean, 147.

Pamo, in San Diego County, was called Pamo by the Diegueno
Indians, but the meaning is not known.

PananUnt Mountains and Valley, in Inyo County, are named from
a Shoshonean tribe in the region of the range, who were close rela-
tives of the Shoshoni proper of central and northeastern Nevada, and
identical, or practically so, with the Shikaviyam or Koso. The Mohave
apply the name, in their pronunciation ** Vanyume," to the Serrano of

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54 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

the Mohave River and adjacent regions. The origin of the word is
unknown.

Paoha Island, in Mono Lake, has a name which for all that is known
to the contrary may be from a Mono or Northern Paiute source. It is
of unknown origin, however, and in its present form looks more like
a Hawaiian than an Indian word. The Faoho of some maps appears
to be only a misspelling.

Pasadena is often known as **the Crown City," and Bailey gives
its derivation from Chippewa Weoquan Pasadena, ** crown of the
valley." The Chippewa may now have a descriptive word for crown,
but such a conception is certainly not aboriginal. No unsophisticated
and very few civilized Indians would think of calling any place the
** crown of the valley." The phrase has all the appearance of having
been coined by an American out of Indian or imaginary Indian terms.

Paskenta, in Tehama County, is Central Wintun Paskenti, ** bank-
under," under the bank.

Pauba, in Riverside County, was in Luiseno territory, and the name
sounds as if it had been taken from that language, but nothing appears
to be known as to its source.

Pauja, in San Diego County, is named from Diegueno Pauha, of
unknown significance.

Pauma, in San Diego County, is Paumo, a still inhabited Luiseno
village. The meaning is unknown. Kroeber, ShoshoneaUy 147.

Pecwan Creek, Humboldt County, has its designation from the
Yurok village of Pekwan, at the entrance into the Klamath of the
creek, which is named, according to Indian custom, after the spot at
its mouth.

Petaluma, in Sonoma County, is named from an aboriginal Peta-
luma, which stood **on a low hill east of Petaluma Creek at a point
probably about three and one-half miles, a little north of east, of the
town of Petaluma." So Barrett, Porno, 310. The village belonged to
the Coast Miwok, and its name in their dialect signifies ** flat-back," no
doubt from the appearance of the elevation on which it was situated.

Piru, in Ventura County, according to Alexander Taylor, ^'^ is
named from a Chumash village Piiru; according to the writer's in-
formation, the name of the village, which was Shoshonean, not Chu-
mash, was Pi'idhuku in Shoshonean, and signified a kind of plant,
perhaps a sedge or grass.

25 California Fanner, July 24, 1863.

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1916] Kroeher: California Place Names of Indian Origin 55

Pismo, in San Luis Obispo County, is of unknown origin. The
place was in Chumash Indian territory, and the name sounds like good
Chumash.

Piute, places in Kern, also in San Bernardino County, and a spring
in eastern San Bernardino County, take their name from a well-
known, or rather two well-known, Shoshonean divisions, too wide-
spread and too loosely organized to be truly designable as tribes, but
each possessing a considerable uniformity of speech and customs. The
Southern Paiute, who appear to have been first called by this name,
lived in southwestern Utah, northernmost Arizona, southern Nevada,
and southeastern California, and may be said to include the Cheme-
huevi and Eawaiisu. Their language is similar to Ute. The Northern
Paiute, who disclaim this name, although it is universally applied to
them by Americans in their habitat, and who have also been called
Paviotso in literature, speak a dialect virtually identical with Ban-
nock. They live in eastern Oregon, northwestern Nevada, an eastern
fringe of northern and central California, and apparently shade into
the Mono. Thus the Indians of Owens River Valley, who appear to
be substantially Monos, are commonly called Paiutes. The usual
American pronunciation of Paiute is Paiyut, but the meaning of the
word, which has been interpreted both as ** water Ute'' and **true
Ute," cannot be considered as positively determined.''* Most of the
places in California called Piute or Pahute are in or near the range of
the Southern Paiute or their close kindred; but a Piute mountain
and creek in Tuolumne County are apparently named after the Mono-
speaking Indians of Mono County, who affiliate with the ** false'' or
Northern Paiute.

PogoUmi, a land grant in Sonoma County, bears an unidentified
name which may be Indian.

Pohono Palls, in Yosemite Valley, appears to be of Miwok Indian
origin. These Indians, however, do not recognize the often quoted
meaning **evil wind," and connect the word rather with Pohonichi,
the Yokuts name of a Miwok group in the vicinity, in which -chi is an
ending denoting ** people."

Porno, a post-office in Potter Valley, Mendocino County, embodies
the name Pomo or Poma — meaning ** people" and much used as a suf-
fix of village names — which in literature and popular usage has come
to designate a large group or linguistic family of Indians in Mendo-

2« See, however, W. L. Marsden, in American Anthropologist, n.s. xiii, 724-725,
1911, who presents good evidence favoring the meaning ** water Ute.'*

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56 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

cino, Lake, and Sonoma counties. It was, however, also the name of
one particular village of the Northern Pomo, which stood at the present
Potter Valley flour mill, south of the post-oflSce, and is probably the
source of the name of the town. Barrett, Pomo, 140.

Poonkiny, in Mendocino County, is Yuki punkini (more exactly
punkHni), meaning ** wormwood.'*

Posolmi, a land grant in Santa Clara County, may be a name of
Costanoan origin, but is not identifiable.

Poway, in San Diego County, was in Diegueiio territory. The
neighboring Luiseno today call the place Pawai (Kroeber, Shosho7iean,
149) ; the Diegueno use the same term ; but whether this designation is
native with either tribe, or borrowed by them from the whites, is not
certain.

Puta or Putah or Putos Creek, has sometimes been said to be of
Indian origin, but appears to be from the Spanish puta, ** harlot."

Quaii, a grant in Santa Barbara County, bears an unidentified
name.

Requa, in Del Norte County, is said to have been named after a
member of the Requa family prominent in California. It is more
likely that the origin is from Rekwoi, an important Yurok village at
the mouth of the Klamath, just below the present American town.

Saboba, in Riverside County, is Luiseno Sovovo (both *'v's*'
bilabial), a place or village name, meaning unknown. Kroeber, Sho-
shonean, 147.

Samagatuma, near Cuyamaca in San Diego County. Unknown.
If Indian, Diegueno.

Sanel, in Mendocino County, is given by Bailey as named after a
** tribe," which is correct in the sense of a village. According to Bar-
rett, Pomo, 171, this rancheria was called Shanel (cane'l), from shane
(cane'), ** sweat-house," and was a populous place **on the south bank
of McDowell Creek at a point just south of the town of Sanel or Old
Hopland." Prom this village was named the Senel land grant. An-
other Pomo village called Shanel, which, however, does not appear to
have entered into American geographical nomenclature, was situated
farther north, in Potter Valley.

Sapaque Valley, on the line of San Luis Obispo and Monterey
counties, has an unidentified name. If Indian, it is of Salinan origin.

Saticoy, in Ventura County, goes back to a Chumash original
Sati'koi, a village in the vicinity.

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1916] Kroeber: California Place Names of Indian Origin 57

Sequan or Sycuan or Cycuan reservation, also a peak, in San Diego
County, has its name from a Diegueiio Indian word, sekwan, denotnig
a kind of bush.

Sequit, the third name of the Malibu or Topanga land grant in Los
Angeles county, is unidentified, but, like these two other names, evi-
dently of Indian origin.

Sesma, in Tehama County, bears an unidentified name.

Sespe, in Ventura County, is named from a Chumash village,
Se-ek-pe, Shehpe, or Sekspe; the mjeaning of the word may be **fish."

Shasta, The name of this county is involved in obscurity. The

county is obviously named after the far- visible gigantic mountain. The

suggested derivation from French chaste, **pure,'' as applicable to its

perpetual snows, is unlikely. Dr. R. B. Dixon, who is the authority

above all others on the Shasta group of Indians, says :^^

''The earlier forms — smh as Saste, Shaste, Sasty, Shasty, Chasty, Shastl,
Shastika — have given place to the form Shasta. . . . The origin and meaning
of this term . . . are both obscure. So far as my information goes, it is not a
term used by the Shasta for themselves, either as a whole or in part, although
there is some doubt as to whether or not the term may not have been used to
designate a portion of the stock, i.e., that about the eastern portion of Shasta
Valley. Its use, however, as such, is recent. It is not a term for the Indians
of this stock in the languages of the surrounding stocks, whose names for the
people are known, although in use by both Achoma'wi and Atsuge'wi. It is
emphatically denied by the Shasta that it is a place-name for any section of
the territory occupied by them, and indeed there is some question as to
whether it is even a word proper to their language. After persistent inquiry,
the only information secured which throws any light on the matter is to the
effect that about forty or fifty years ago there was an old man living in Shasta
Valley whose personal name was Shastika (Susti'ka). He is reported to have
been a man of importance; and it is not impossible that the name Shasta came
from this Indian, an old and well-known man in the days of my informant's
father, who was living at the time of the earliest settlement in this section, —
in the '50 's. Inasmuch as the suffix ka is the regular subjective suffix, we
should have susti as the real name of this individual, from which the earlier
forms of Shasty, etc., could easily have been derived. The derivation from the
Russian CHI8TY, meaning ** white [sic], clean," — a term supposed to have been
applied by the settlers at Fort Boss to Mount Shasta, — is obviously improbable.
The matter is further complicated by the difficulty of clearing up the precise
relationships of the so-called '^Chasta'* of Oregon, and of explaining the re-
currence of the same term in the name of the Athabascan tribe of the Chasta-
Coeta28 of the Oregon coast. ' '

Dr. Dixon, however, also says that the Shasta are called Sasti'dji
by the Achomawi and Siisti'dji by the Atsugewi. These names would

2T **The Shasta/* in Bull. Am. Museum Natural History, xvii, 384, 1907.
28 Pronounced * ' Shasta-Costa. ' * The spelling with * * Ch " points to an original
French use of the word in Oregon.

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58 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

point to an Indian origin for the tribal term and geographical designa-
tion, were it not entirely possible that they have but recently been
coined or derived, from the American name of the Shasta, by these
other Indians who now know English in addition to their own dialects.

The origin of the word must therefore be regarded as still unde-
termined, although almost certainly Indian.

The current derivation of the word, as given, for instance, by
Maslin, is from a tribal name meaning ** stone house or cave dwellers."
This erroneous tradition seems to go back to a hasty misunderstanding
of a statement by Steele on page 120 of the Report of the Commis-
sioner of Indian Affairs for 1864, to the effect that '*the Shasta In-
dians, known in their language as Weohow — it meaning stone house,
from the large cave in their country — occupy the land east of Shasta
River," etc. It will be seen that the alleged meaning does not apply
to ** Shasta" at all, but to the native name ** Weohow" for which the
Americans use Shasta. Indiscriminateness of this sort is typical of
most of the attempts to explain native names in California.

Simi, in Ventura County, is Ventura dialect Chumash Shimiyi or
Shimii, a place or village. Indian informants can give no etymology,
and Bailey's signification of *' source of water" appears unfounded.

Sisar Canyon, in Ventura County, derives its name from a Chu-
mash village site Sis 'a.

Siskiyou, the name of the county, is a term the significance of
which, according to Maslin, has ** never been authentically deter-
mined," although it has *' generally been assumed" to be the **name of
a tribe." He cites, however, a suggestion that it is a corruption of
French **Six Cailleux," applied in 1832 to a ford on the Umpqua
river in Oregon because of six stepping stones. This story looks too
much like a typical case of subsequent folk-etymology to engender
much confidence. The usual assumption of an Indian origin, though
not necessarily from a tribal name, is more credible. The source, if
aboriginal, is, however, at least as likely to have been Oregonian as
Californian.

Sisquoc, in Santa Barbara County, is unidentified. It looks to be
Chumash Indian.

Skukum Rock, a mountain in Siskiyou County, is apparently named
from the Chinook jargon word skukum, ** strong." This trade dialect
barely penetrated to the northernmost parts of California, and the
name was therefore almost certainly applied by white men.

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1916] Kroeber: California PlcLce Names of Indian Origin 59

Soboyame, in San Diego County, may be Indian. It is unidenti-
fied.

Somis, in Ventura County, has a Chumash name, the appelation of
a village variously rendered S'ohmiis, Somus, Somes, and Somo.^"

Sonoma County is named after the mission and city of Sonoma.
The translation ** valley of the moon'' is fanciful. It has also been
said, according to Barrett, Porno, 313, that the term is of Spanish
origin and was given as a name to a chief at Sonoma by the Spaniards.
The last part of this statement is no doubt correct, since Dr. Barrett's
Indian informants recalled a Coast Miwok chief, properly called Hoi-
pustolopokse, who was commonly known as Sonoma. But there can
be little doubt that as in the case of Solano the individual was so
dubbed from the Mexican establishment. Dr. Barrett gives what must
be regarded the most likely derivation when he says that there is, **in
the village names of the Yukian Wappo dialect, the territory of which
extends to within a few miles of Sonoma, a constantly recurring end-
ing -tso'noma, derived from tso, earth or ground, and no'ma, village,
as micewal-tso'noma ; and it seems probable that this is the true source
of the name Sonoma."

Soquel, in Santa Cruz County, also written Shoquel in the name of
the land grant, is a Costanoan village name. Alexander Taylor cites
**080cali8 (Souquel) " as one of the rancherias from which the mission
of Santa Cruz had neophytes.'®

Sotoyome, a land grant in Sonoma County, is given by Bailey as
from Spanish soto yo me, literally, ** forest I me," which he makes by
a peculiar idiom into **my own forest." What is perhaps the same
name in another spelling, Sotoyama, he interprets as a compound of
Spanish soto, forest, and ** Indian" yama, lake — ^which would be
equally remarkable. Barrett, Porno, 218, says that the chief of the
Southern Pomo village of Wotokkaton (on the Luce Ranch a short
distance upstream from Healdsburg and across the Russian River
from the town), was known as Santiago; also as Manteca, literally
**lard," evidently a Spanish nickname corresponding to English
**Pat;" and also as Soto; and that **it is from this latter name that
Sotoyome is derived, the latter part of the name signifying *the home
of.' " Whether Soto is a third Spanish name of this conspicuous indi-
vidual, or Indian, is not certain ; but it is clear that even if the word
Sotoyome is good Pomo it is not an ancient name of a locality, for

29 Handbook of American Indians, Bur. Am. Ethn. Bull. 30, part n, 615.
«o California Farmer, April 5, 1860.

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60 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

the California Indians, before contact with the whites, never based
the permanent appelation of a village or locality on the name of a
person. It seems therefore that Sotoyome is an Indian place-name
formed by Indians from a personal name in Spanish times.

Soulajule, a land grant in Marin County, appears to be named
from an Indian word, but this has not been identified.

Suey, a land grant in San Luis Obispo and Santa Barbara coun-
ties, bears an unidentified name. The only suggestion, and it is a
slender one, is afforded by Suiesia, mentioned by Taylor'^ as a Chu-
mash village connected with Santa Ynez mission.

Suisun Bay, and Suisun City, in Solano County, bear the name of
a prominent ** tribe, *' that is, probably a village, of the Patwin or
Southern Wintun Indians of this region. This village is often men-
tioned in Spanish sources, but has not been exactly located.

Surper appears on some maps as a settlement on the Klamath
River, in Humboldt County. It is occupied only by one or two Yurok
Indian houses, representing the former native village of Serper.

Suscol Creek, in Napa County, is the aboriginal Southern Wintun
village of Suskol.

Taboose Pass, in the crest of the Sierra Nevada, and Taboose
Creek, in Inyo County. Unidentified, but, judging from the sound,
very likely of Mono Shoshonean origin.

Tache, Laguna de, a land grant in Fresno County, is named for
the Tachi tribe of Yokuts Indians, who lived in the slough-intersected
region at the outlet of Tulare Lake, near by.

Tahoe Lake is said to be named from Washo tah-hoo-he, **big
water.*' This etymology is given by Bailey, and is also current. There
is very little on record concerning the Washo language. Intrinsically
the above derivation seems reasonable, but the accepted etymologies
of California Indian names are so much more often wrong than right,
that in view of the ordinary word in Washo for ** water'' being time
and for ** large," tiyeli, some doubt may not be hypercritical. Five
minutes' unprejudiced inquiry of an intelligent elderly Washo would
settle the point positively.

Tahqtdtz, one of the peaks of the San Jacinto Mountains in River-
side County, also a nearby creek, is named from Takwish (or Dakwish
^-one spelling is as correct as the other, since the initial sound is in-
termediate between English **t" and **d"), a mythological character
of the Luiseno and Cahuilla Indians, associated with meteors or per-

31 California Farmer, October 18, 1861.

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1916] Kroeber: California Place Names of Indian Origin 61

haps more exactly ball-lightning, usually pictured as a cannibal, and
believed to have had his home, or still to have it, on or in Mount San
Jacinto.

Taijiguas, in Santa Barbara County, according to Alexander Tay-
lor, is named from a Chumash village.'*

Tajauta, a land grant in Los Angeles County, is named from an
unknown source. If Indian, it would be from the Qabrielino dialect ;
and its sound makes such an origin possible.

Tallac, in Eldorado County, was, like Lake Tahoe, in Washo ter-
ritory', but there is apparently no information available to show
whether or not the word is Indian.

Tallowa Lake, a portion of Lake Earl in Del Norte County, is
named from Tolo'okw, the Yurok name of an Athabascan village in
the vicinity, the current ethnological designation of the tribe, Tolowa,
deriving from the same source: ni-tolowo, **I speak Tolowa,'' i.e., the
Athabascan dialect of Del Norte County.

Tamalpais Mountain, in Marin County, does not contain Spanish
pais, ** country.'' It is Coast Miwok Tamal-pais, **bay mountain."
Barrett, Porno, 308.

Tapo or Tapu Canyon, near Simi in Ventura County, is named
from a Chumash original Ta'apu, ** yucca," an inhabited site.

Tecopa, in Inyo County, is said by Bailey to have been the name
of an Indian chief, which may or may not be the case. There is noth-
ing in the sound of the word to prevent its having had a Shoshonean
origin.

Tecuya or Tacuya Creek, in Kern County, and Tecuya Mountain
at the head of this stream, are named after Tokya, the name applied
by the Yokuts tribes to the Chumash Indians, a division of whom oc-
cupied the region in question.

Tehachapi, also Tehichipi, the famous pass, and a town and moun-
tain range, in Kern County. The name is of Indian origin. The pass
was in the territory of the Shoshonean Kawaisu, but it has not been
ascertained whether the word occurs in their speech. The Yokuts to
the north, however, call the region, or some spot in it, Tahichipi, or
more usually Tahichpiu, -u being the regular locative case ending.

Tehama County is, as Maslin says, named from an Indian * * tribe, ' '
that is, Wintun village, which probably stood on the west side of the
Sacramento River near or at the present town of Tehama.

82 California Farmer, October 18, 1861.

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62 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

Tehipite Valley and Dome, on upper Kings River in Fresno Coun-
ty, appear to derive their name from an unidentified word of Mono
origin. The location of the places and sound of the name indicate
this.

Tejunga or Tujunga River, in Los Angeles County, is evidently a
Qabrielino Shoshonean place name, as evidenced by the locative case
ending -nga,

Temecula, in Riverside County, is Luiseno Temeku, meaning un-
known, a village of this Shoshonean division. Kroeber, Shoshonean,
147. Teme-t is **sun'' in Luiseno.

Tenayay a stream and lake draining into Yosemite Valley, are
named after a Miwok chief, head of the Yosemite Indians at the time
of discovery.

Tepusquet, in Santa Barbara County, is a name that has the ring
of a Chumash Indian word, but is of unknown origin.

Tequepis, a land grant in Santa Barbara County, is named from a
Chumash village near San Marcos.*'

Terwah Creek, a northerly aflSuent of the Klamath River, in Del
Norte County, is named from Terwer, as the Yurok Indians call it.

Tiee Valley, in Contra Costa County. Unidentified.

Tiltill Mountain and Creek, in Tuolumne County. Unidentified.

Tinaquaic, in Santa Barbara County, has a name presumably of
Chumash Indian origin, but unidentified.

Tinemaha, or Tinemakar, in Inyo County, may be of **Paiute"
origin.

Tish-Tang-a-Tang Creek, in Humboldt County, is not, as given by
Gannett and repeated by Bailey, a fanciful name indicating the
splashing of water, but the American rendering of Hupa Djishtanga-
ding,'* the name of a village at the mouth of the creek.

Tissaack, South Dome in Yosemite, is, fide Powers, 364, 367, South-
ern Miwok Tisseyak, the name of a woman who according to tradition
was transformed into the mountain. California Indian legendary
names of persons, however, almost always have meanings; and the
significance of this word is not yet known.

Tocaloma, in Marin County, is given by Bailey as meaning **the
hooded hill'' in Spanish. This is improbable. Toca means a **hood"
or ** toque," but ** hood-hill" would be Loma Toca rather than Toca-
loma. The place is in Coast Miwok territory, and sounds like a Coast

83 Alexander Taylor, California Farmer, October 18, 1861 ; April 24, 1863.
34Goddard, present series, i, 12, 1903: Djictafiadifi.

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1916] Kroeber: Calif amia Place Names of Indian Origin 63

Miwok word. The ending suggests -yome, meaning ** place" in this
language; especially as 1 and y interchange in some Miwok dialects.
It may be added that in Central Sierra Miwok dialect tokoloma means
'*land salamander.'*

Tolay Creek, in Sonoma County, appears to have an unidentified
Indian name. There was a Coast Miwok rancheria Tuli near Sonoma
City. Barrett, Porno, 313.

Tolenas, or Tolenos, in Solano County, is apparently named from a
South Wintun Indian village. Taylor, quoted in Bancroft, Native
Races, i, 452. Sanchez, 268, 436, suggests a misspelling of Yolenos,
perhaps Yolenos, as the Spaniards might have called the Yolo Indians.

Toluca, **near Los Angeles, is probably derived from Tolujaa, or
Tilijaes, a tribe among the original ones at San Juan Capistrano, al-
though there is also a place named Toluca in Mexico." Sanchez, 439.

Tomales Bay, in Marin County, is from Coast Miwok tamal, **bay."
There is no connection with Spanish tamales. Barrett, Porno, 308.

Toolwass, in Kern County, is of unknown origin, but suggests
ioloache, often vulgarly pronounced tuluachy the Spanish name of the
jimson-weed. Datura meteloides. This derivation, however, is only a

Toowa Range, in Tulare County. Unknown, but a Shoshonean,
probably Mono, origin is indicated.

Topanga, one of the three names of the Topanga-Malibu-Sequit
land grant in Los Angeles County, also applied specifically to a canyon
four miles west of Santa Monica, is a place designation taken from
the Qabrielino Shoshonean dialect, as shown by the locative ending
•nga,

Topa Topa or Topo Topo Mountain, in Ventura County, is a Chu-
mash place name. Taylor gives Topotopow,'*^ Henshaw's'* and the
writer's informants Si-toptopo; and Henshaw locates the rancheria
at Nordhoflf. The prefix -si in the Indian original means **his" or
'4ts."

Truckee City and River, in Nevada and Placer counties, are named
after a Northern Paiute chief. See Gannett. The word appears con-
siderably corrupted, but the exact original pronunciation does not
seem to have been recorded.

Tulucay, a grant in Napa County, is named from Tulukai or
Tuluka, meaning **red," a Southern Wintun or Patwin village near
the State Hospital at Napa. Barrett, Porno, 293.

M California Farmer, May 4, 1860.

8«Bur. Am. Ethn., Bull. 30, ii, 582 (a = o).

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64 University of California Ptiblications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

Tunndbora Peak, in the crest of the Sierra Nevada, near Mount
Whitney. Unknown. Possibly Shoshonean, Mono dialect. Compare
Tnnemah Peak and Pass not far to the north.

Tuolumne County is evidently named after the river. According
to Maslin, Tuolumne is a ''corruption of the Indian word *Talma-
lamne' which signifies 'stone house or cave' '' — and which was the
name of a large tribe of Indians who lived on both sides of the river. ' '
There was a tribe (Kroeber, Miwok, 373; Merriam, 351) called Tawa-
limni, Towolumne, or Tuolumne, possibly Miwok but more probably
Yokuts, in the plains of the San Joaquin Valley in the vicinity of the
lower Tuolumne and Stanislaus rivers up as far as about Knights
Ferry. The word Tawalimni, which perhaps was really Tawalamni
or Tawalumni, would easily give rise, in either English or Spanish, to
Tuolumne. The signification is unknown, but its ending, 4mn%, -amni,
or -umni, occurs in many names of Yokuts tribes and Miwok and
Maidu villages in the valley portion of the San Joaquin-Sacramento
drainage. Usually the stems of such words cannot be assigned a mean-
ing even by Indians. The interpretation "stone house or cave" is
very unlikely, since the California Indians never built in stone, and
the term would therefore be applicable only to dwellers in caves or
rock shelters, which demand a mountain habitat, whereas both the
location of the Tawalimni and the distribution of nearly all Indian
place names ending in -imni seem to be confined to the plains.

Turup Creek, in Del Norte County, is named from the Yurok vil-
lage Turip, on the south side of the lower Klamath River.

Tzabaco, a land grant in Sonoma County, may bear an Indian
name, though it suggests Spanish tabaco.

Vbe Hebe, appearing on some maps as northeast of Independence,
Inyo County, is an unidentified name.

Vkidh, the county seat of Mendocino County, is named after the
Yokaya grant extending from about four miles north of Hopland to
north of Calpella, and including, therefore, Ukiah Valley. The word,
according to Barrett, Porno, 168, is Central Pomo, yo, "south,'* and
kcm, * * valley. ' ' Yokaia is today the Indian name of a rancheria south-
southeast of the city of Ukiah. Dr. Barrett says that the inhabitants
moved to the site only since the American occupation, after their re-
turn from the former Mendocino reservation (on the coast between
Noyo and Ten Mile rivers). The reservation was discontinued in
1867. Before the coming of the whites, according to the same author-
ity, the people of the present Yokaia rancheria lived "chiefiy at co'-

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1916] Kroeher: California Place Names of Indian Origin 66

kadjal (Shokadjal), a short distance northwest/' The designation
Yokaia is, however, unquestionably older than the modern Indian
village, as shown by the grant name. Whether it originally applied to
the entire valley, to a part of it, or to some native settlement in it, is
uncertain, but the interpretation ** south- valley" must be considered
the correct one. M. A. E. Sherwood, cited by Barrett, Porno, 169, is re-
sponsible for the definition **deep valley,'' repeated by Bailey. Yo,
it is true, is **down," ** under," or **hole" in several Pomo dialects,
but appears normally as a suffix, whereas yo, ''south," like other terms
of direction, is regularly first in compound words.

Ulatus or Vlatis or Ualtis Creek, in Solano County, bears a name
evidently connected with that of the South Wintun or Patwin Indian
division called Olulato, Ululato, or Ullulata. Compare, Powers, 218,
and Bancroft, Native Races, i, 452, 453.

VUstac, a land grant in Santa Clara County. The word is obvious-
ly of Costanoan origin, as evidenced by the regular Costanoan locative
case ending 4ak, frequent on village names ; but the name is not other-
wise identifiable. It suggests Juristac, which see. L and r alternate
in Costanoan dialects, and an initial h would be likely to be repre-
sented by j by one Spanish writer, and omitted altogether by an-
other. Ores, ' * bear, ' ' and uri, uli, * * head, " * ' hair, "or * * forehead, ' ' are
the only Costanoan words known to the author which suggest the stem.

Ulpinos — Rancho de los Ulpinos — a land grant in Solano County,
is evidently named after the Chulpun or Khoulpouni Indians. The
location of the grant, on the west side of the lower Sacramento river,
would make these Indians of Wintun stock, according to all ethno-
logical maps. Merriam, 348, however, declares the Hulpoomne (for
the ending -umni, see Tuolumne) to have been a Northwestern
(Plains) Miwok tribe whose principal rancheria was near Preeport,
nine miles south of Sacramento City, and on the east side of the
river.

Un Bully Mountain, between Siskiyou and Trinity counties, is in
Wintun territory, and ** Bully" is apparently Wintun boli, literally
** spirit," but much used in mountain names: compare Yallo Bally.
The meaning of Vn is not known.

Unumkum, or Umunhum Mountain, in Santa Clara County, is
named from an unidentified source.

Vsal, in Mendocino County, pronounced Yusawl, was in Atha-
bascan territory but appears to be the Pomo word Yoshol, containing

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66 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

the stem yo, *' south.*' Sho is **east/' and -i- an ending of terms of
direction in the same language; but it is not known whether these
elements enter into the word.

Wahtoke, in Fresno County, appears to be Yokuts watak, ** pine-
nut." A ''tribe" called Wattokes, living **high up on King's River"
— and therefore presumably Monos — are mentioned in the Report of
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1857, p. 399,'^ and elsewhere.
This tribe has, however, not been identified.

Wanamdna, in Shasta County, is unknown and may be Indian,
coined, or borrowed.

Wapanse Creek, in Plumas County. The origin of the name is un-
known.

Wasioja, in Santa Barbara County, is unidentified. The combina-
tion of Spanish j with w that does not occur in that language, suggests
coinage or at best corruption.

Wassama Creek, in Madera County, is named from Was-sa'-ma, a
Southern Sierra Miwok village on the stream, near Ahwahnee. Mer-
riam, 346.

Wauhab Ridge, southeast of Sunol, in Alameda County. The name
suggests an Indian origin but is unknown.

Waukell Creek, entering the Klamath River from the south in Del
Norte County, has its name from the Yurok village Wohkel, * * pepper-
woods."

Wawona, in Mariposa County, is of unknown origin. It does not
appear to be Indian.

Weeyot, in Humboldt County. Prom the current name of the
Humboldt Bay Indians, Wiyot, which occurs in several neighboring
native languages in this form or the variants Weyat or Weyet.

Weitchpec, in Humboldt County, from Yurok Weitspekw, a spring
in the Indian village of Weitspus at the confluence of the Klamath and
Trinity rivers, now called Weitchpec or Wichpec by the whites. The
meaning of Weitspekw is not known; that of Weitspus seems to be
**at the forks," since the Yurok give the same name to the former
Hupa village situated at the junction of Trinity River with its south
fork.

Winum Bully Mountain, between Shasta and Trinity counties, is
from a Wintun original. ** Winum" suggests luin, the Central Win-
tun form corresponding to Northern Wintun wintim, **man," plus a

8' Quoted in Bancroft, Native Races, i, 455.

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1916] Kroeber: California Place Names of Indian Origin 67

case ending, or the stem ivin, tvini, **to see;'* and '* Bully" is boli,
** spirit/' appearing otherwise in names of mountains in Wintun ter-
ritory, as in Yallo Bally, which see. The meaning therefore is prob-
ably either ** person's spirit*' or **sees spirits."

Wynola, in San Diego County. Unknown.

Yajome, a land grant in Napa County, is unidentified and there-
fore probably Indian. The derivation from Yayome, from Spanish
ya yo me, ** already I me," supposed to mean **now I have arrived,"
is of course nonsense.

Yallo Bally Mountains, two peaks known as North and South, be-
tween Trinity and Tehama counties, are named from Wintun yola,
**snow," and apparently holiy ** spirit." (The Wintun o is open, like
English a in ** all"). The belief that peaks were the abode of spirits
was common among the Indians of California. The element hoU reap-
pears, in the forms Bally and Bully, in Bally, Bully Choop, Winum
Bully, and Un Bully, aU of them peaks in Wintun territory.

Ydalpom, pronounced Wydalpom, in Shasta County, is from a
Northern Wintun place name, in which wai- is ** north," -daU possibly
means ** lying," and -pom is ** place."

Yokohl, in Tulare County, is named from a Yokuts tribe called in
some dialects of that speech Yokol and in others Yokod. They were
neighbors of the Kawia where the Kaweah River emerges into the
plain. The name Yokol is not explained by the Indians, but suggests
a connection with Yokuts, more exactly Yokoch, meaning *' person"
in that language.

Yolo County is named, as Maslin says, from Yo-loy, a tribal name.
The ** tribe" was of course a village, of the Patwin or Southern Win-
tun, which stood at Knight's Landing and was called Yoloi, or more
probably Yodoi. Maslin 's and Gannett 's definition, **a place thick
with rushes," is at best approximate; if that is what the Wintun
meant, they would have said merely ** rushes," or in California par-
lance **tules." This seems a reasonable name, but available Wintun
vocabularies show only forms like hlaka and hlop for *'tule," and
nothing resembling yodoi, Barrett, Porno, 294, quotes Miss Kathryu
Simmons as mentioning a chief Yodo at Knight's Landing. Analogy
with other cases would lead to the conclusion that this chief's name
had been applied by the whites to his people and his village ; but Dr.
Barrett's Indian informants, and the author's, know of yodoi only
as a place name, and one without meaning.

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68 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

Yontockett School District, in Del Norte County, bears an unex-
plained name, which seems, however, to go back to the appellation of
an Athabascan Tolowa village.

Yosemite is Southern Sierra Miwok for ** grizzly bear,*' as usually
stated, though like English ''bear" it signifies the species in general
and denotes a ** fully grown'* animal only in distinction from words
perhaps corresponding to **cub/' The Indian pronunciation is Uzu-
mati or Uzhumati, with the u spoken with unrounded lips. The
word seems to have been applied to the valley by Americans either
through a misunderstanding or from a desire to attach to the spot a
name which would be at once Indian and appropriate. The statement
that the tribe owning the valley were known as **the Grizzly Bears''
cannot be authenticated and is probably incorrect. The native name
of the principal village in the vaUey, and by implication of the valley
itself, was Awani, surviving in Ahwahnee, which see. Barrett, Miwok,
343.

Yreka, in Shasta County, for either the spelling or the pronuncia-
tion of which every literate Californian must blush — ^the word is
spoken **Wyreka" — is said by Powers, 243, to be the word meaning
mountain and the name of Mount Shasta in the Shasta language:
wairika, properly waiika. The last syllable looks like the Shasta sub-
jective case; compare Shastika and Shasta. Wat- means ** north"
among the neighboring Wintun; but the idiom of these Indians is
totally different from that of the Shasta, and the resemblance there-
fore probably fortuitous. Dixon, in Bulletin of the American Museum
of Natural History, volume 17, page 389, 1907, confirms Powers.

Yuba County is said by Maslin to be named from Yuba River,
Spanish **Rio de las Uvas" or wild grapes. Uvas became Uva, then
Uba, then, in American mouths, Yuba. This is almost certainly an
imaginary derivation. Yupu, or Yuba, or with the nominative ending
Yubam, also written in American spelling Yubum, was a Northwestern
Maidu village near the mouth of the Yuba into the Feather River.*'
The name would apply also to the river, as according to Indian cus-
tom streams commonly bore no specific appelation, but were desig-
nated, when necessary, by the names of the places at their mouths.

Yucaipa, in San Bernardino County, takes its name from Serrano
Shoshonean Yukaipa or Yukaipat, a place. Kroeber, Shoshonean, 134,
Cahuilla, 34, 39.

88 Handbook of American Indians, Bur. Am. Ethn. Bull. 30, part ii, 1012.

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1916] Kroeber: California Place Names of Indian Origin^ 69

Yulupa, in Sonoma County, near Santa Rosa. Unidentified.

Yuma Reservation, in Imperial County, opposite the Arizonan city
of Yuma, is named after the Yuma tribe, the occupants, throughout
the historic period, of the vicinity. The origin of the name Yuma has
never been satisfactorily ascertained. The Yuma themselves, and the
allied Yuman tribes such as the Mohave and Maricopa, do not accept
the word Yuma as native, but call the tribe Kwichyana.

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY

Vol. 12, No. 3, pp. 7M38 June 28, 1916

AEAPAHO DIALECTS

A. L. KROEBER

CONTENTS
PART I— DIALECTS OF THE ARAPAHO GROUP

PAGE

The Dialects 73

Comparative Vocabulary ~ 75

Notes on Vocabulary 76

Additional Words — Arapaho Proper 76

External Phonetic Correspondences of the Group 77

Vowels 79

Internal Phonetic Correspondences of the Group 80

Basa"wunena° 80

Gros Ventre - 81

Na'wa^inahana" 81

PART II— SKETCH OF ARAPAHO PROPER

Phonetic Elements 83

Composition 85

A. Nouns Compounded of Two Separate Words 85

B. Nouns and Verbs Formed with Prefixes 86

C. Nouns and Verbs Formed with Suffixes 87

Verbs - 90

Word-forming Prefixes 90

A. Prefixes used also as independent verbs, etc 97

B. Prefixes used also as independent adverbs, etc 99

C. Prefixes not yet found as independent parts of speech 103

1. Apparently verbal 103

2. Apparently adverbial, referring to manner 103

3. Apparently adverbial, referring to space 104

Word-forming Suffixes a 105

Grammatical Prefixes 109

Grammatical Suffixes 109

Pronominal Endings 110

Connective Suffixes 112

Classified List of Stems 113

Transitive 113

Intransitive 115

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72 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

PAGE

Nouns 117

Plural 117

Cases 118

Possession 119

Pronouns 120

Adverbs » 121

Numerals 122

Texts 123

Text I— A Prayer 124

Notes 124

Text II— An Adventure 125

Notes 126

Text III— Tangled Hair 127

Notes 128

PART III— NOTES ON GBOS VENTBE

Phonetics 131

Composition 131

Verbs 133

Affixes of Mode and Tense 133

Pronominal Endings and Connectives 133

Nouns 135

Pronouns 136

Numerals 137

Text IV— Tangled Hair 137

The investigations upon which this essay is based were carried on,
in 1899, 1900, and 1901, through the generosity of Mrs. Morris K.
Jesup, and under the direction of the Trustees and officers of the
American Museum of Natural History, to whose courtesy the writer
expresses his indebtedness.

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1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 73

PART I
DIALECTS OP THE ARAPAHO GROUP

The Dl\lects

According to the latest authority, Dr. Truman MieheLson/ the
languages of the great Algonkin family fall into four primary, sub-
stantially co-ordinate, but very unequal groups. Three of these are
Blackfoot, Cheyenne, and Arapaho. The fourth, or Eastern-Central,
comprises all the other dialects of the family. The Blackfoot, Chey-
enne, and Arapaho were buflfalo hunters in the open plains. The
other tribes with scarcely an exception were timber people. It is
erroneous, however, to look for an exact repetition of this primary
cultural cleavage in the linguistic organization of the family. The
Blackfoot, Cheyenne, and Arapaho tongues are as distinct from one
another as from the remaining languages. This fact had indeed been
asserted, in so far as the imperfect evidence permitted opinion, before
Dr. Michelson's exact comparative studies, and has long rendered
very improbable, at least as regards the Blackfoot and the Arapaho,
the prevailing assumption, which is still largely current, that all the
Plains Algonkin tribes are recent offshoots from the main body of the
stock in the w^ooded region. It cannot be emphasized too strongly
that wherever these tribes may originally have lived, they were not,
for a long time past, close relatives and perhaps not even neighbors
of the Cree, Ojibwa, or any other known Algonkin division. The
recent brilliant discovery of Dr. E. Sapir that the far-away Yurok
and Wiyot languages on the Pacific Coast of California are Algonkin
proves that the history of this great assembly of tongues cannot be
deduced by any off-hand inference from recent habits of life or dis-
tribution of the Indian tribes involved. The writer believes that the
Arapaho have been separated from the Central and Eastern Algonkins
for more than a thousand years.

The Arapaho recognize five former divisions of their people. As
placed by them in order from south to north, these were the Na'^waft-
naha'na" or South- ^-people, the Ha^anaxawtine'na" or Rock-people,
the Hinana'e'ina" or Arapaho proper, the Basa'^wune'na" or Wood-

1 Science, xxxv, 675, 1912, and Bureau of American Ethnology, Twenty-eighth
Annual Beport, Washington, 221-290, 1912.

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74 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

house-people, and the Hitoune'na" or Begging-people. The last are
the tribe that calls itself Ha'a'ninin and has long been known as
Atsina or Gros Ventre of the Prairie. The Arapaho proper have for
a considerable time been divided into a northern and a southern
branch. As the language of these two halves scarcely differs even
dialectically, the distinction, however important historically, may be
disregarded in the present connection.^ The three other tribes have
long since coalesced with the Arapaho. The Basa^wunena, whose
dialect was very similar to that of the Hinana'eina**, are still to be
found among them in some numbers, though without any identity €is
a separate group. A very few people remembering something of the
Na°waWnahana" dialect were living in 1899. From one of these was
obtained the brief vocabulary given below. This dialect is more
divergent from Arapaho proper than either BSsa^wtinena" or Gros
Ventre, and, at least superficially, shows some resemblance to Chey-
enne. No one was found who remembered the speech of the Ha°a-
naxawunena", which is said by the Arapaho to have been the most
different from their own. One of their submerged dialects, probably
this Ha"anaxawunena" tongue, some Arapaho declare to have been
intermediate between their own speech and Blackfoot. The state-
ment is here made only on Indian authority. It is not impossible
that some specimens of this speech may yet be recoverable by careful
search among the Arapaho.

A brief comparative vocabulary of the four dialects on which
material could be obtained is appended. This is unfortunately badly
selected, and the phonetic perception and rendering are no doubt
inadequate even for Arapaho and Gros Ventre, which the author had
ampler opportunity to hear. Further, the words in the two other
dialects were obtained from people who no longer habitually used
them, perhaps had never done so. Still, the lists contain new infor-
mation, which may never be duplicated, and are therefore given with
all their imperfections.

2 Mr. James Mooney (Bur. Am. Ethn. Ann. Rep., xrv, 954, 1896, and Bur.
Am. Ethn., Bull. 30, 73, 1907), gives the five Arapaho subdivisions differently,
apparently through identifying the Na^wa^inahftna' with the Na"wuinena", the
southern half of the Arapaho proper. He therefore virtuaUy omits the former
and exalts the southern branch of the Arapaho into a distinct division. Politi-
cally this may be correct for recent centuries, but the existence of a markedly
separate Na°wa^nah&na° dialect, as discussed below, necessitates the recognition
of this people, instead of the southern Arapaho proper, as one of the five divi-
sions, from the point of view of language and earlier history. The only alter-
native is to assume the specimens of speech obtained as Na°wa^inah&na" to be
not Na^wa^nahftna", but Ha"anaxawunena", a proceeding which would reconcile
all conflicting statements, but which would be arbitrary.

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1916]

Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects

COMPAEATIVE VOCABULARY

Arapaho

Southern People^

Wood-lodge People^

Gros Ventre

English

Hinana'eina^

N&^waBxnah&na^

BdsanwUnena^

Ha'dninin

tcftseix

tca»cilaha'»

nanlsetci

tca^eity

nisi

nisaha'

nanisehi '

ni^

nftsa*

nahaha'

nanasei

na^a'

yein*

niabaha '

yananei

yani

ya^an«

niotanaha'

yana^ani '

yatani

nitanax-

neixMoti

nitcatax

neitya"t08

ni8a»tax"

niciota"

nisa^ax

nitfa"tos

na8a»tax"

nexiotahaha-

nanasa-tax'^eit

na^^tos

cioxtahaha-

ciotaxahei

a°habetaH08

batatax"

maxtoxtahaha*

batcatoxe

beta"t08

man

hinen*

hiten

hini

hineni

woman

hisei

hihi'i

hisana"

hi^a

child

tela"

hakutsa'anaha^

teia-nihi'

teia°na

white man

nih'a-^»

matsdhuto

ni '&"85

nix'a»t

father

neisana"

hitfextin

hlsananin*

ni^na"

mother

neina"

haictin

neinah*

neina"

elder brother

nftsaha'

nixtsia"

nih'sa*

na^aha'

son

neiha-'

neicta'

neiha'*

neiha'

daughter

natane

naxtanaha

natana*

natan

grandfather

nabaciba

(h)amacim

nabacibaha'*

nabeseip

grandmother

neibaha"

(h)ihi'im

neibaha"*

niip

grandchild

neici

ni'icitaha*

niisa

eye

bacisa

masixsan

hicisa

besS^

nose

beic

maic

hitfea

beica

mouth

bati

matin

hitcina

betyi'

tooth

beitci^

meitcixta

hiniteie

bitsit*

tongoe

bei^n

hini^an

biitani

ear

wanatana'

hinatana '

wanotan

neck

basona"

hisa*

wa^ana

belly

wanot

moxta", monoxta*

hinot*

wanot*

hand

batcet

hitcet

batyetyi

foot

wa'a"^'

mo 'oxts

hi'a»c

wa'a»t8

house

nina»

mi 'in

nina", ni 'in*

nin, nin"

house

ha'a»wu

ha'axamun^

ha'a-wu*

bow

bata

ma 'axta

bata*

bat

arrow

ho^*

hot

hoci*

hotsi

sun, luminary

hicis

hieihia"

hicis*

hisos

star

hatfa'a-

hatfa'aha'a-

hatou

water

netc*

netc

netsi*

nets, nits

river

nitciye

titc

nitciye*

nitsa-

stone

haha'an&*ka>

haxta*

haha'ana»ka"

axa'ana»tya»

earth

bita'a»wu

mixta 'amu

bita 'awu

fire

icita"

ih 'cita»

hixt,ih'ta»*

isota"

wood

bacS bax-

ma'

baci,* bax

bis

metal

beltci^ei

mahi'itsita

beitcitfei*

beitsit

road

ba'a»

mihia"

ba'ah*

tree, eottonwood hahaH*

hoxtoxt

hahatci*

hahanina" (pl.)

grass, me<lieine

waxu'

maxsou

waxu',*

waxuina" (pi.)

wasiina" (pl.)

horse

hiwaxuhft»x-abi

masoutihem

hiwaxuahatfa,* hi-

hiwas'ha-tf

(Pl-)

waxuha»xeb (pi.)

dog

he^ abi (pi.)

hatam

ha^,* ha^biha-
(pl.)

hote

bnifalo bull

hana*tca«

hita°m6»

hana»tca*

hana-tyei

buffalo (herd)

hi^eina"

hicinan

hita»nan

deer

bihi'i

mixtihi

bihi'i*

bihi'i

antelope

nisitca-, na'sitca'

» tcasitca"

nictea*

na»8ity

elk

hiwax"

himaxsout

hiwax-*

hiwaso»

mountain sheei

0 hota'

hoxtaha-

hota'*

hote

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University of Calif omia Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

Arapaho

Southern People^

Wood-lodge People^

Gros Ventre

English

Hinana *eina«

NdnwaOiTiahdnan

Bdsa^wUnena^

Ha *dninin

beaver

habac

hamaha *

habac*

habes

rabbit

na-k"

ma'^kut

na-k"*

naHse

bear

wox"

mahom

wox",* waxuina"
(Pl.)

was

wolf

ha^xei

ha-xe*

ha°^ei

skunk

xouhu

sao^

xouhu*

^ouu

eagle, bird

ni4hi

tcasei

ni'ix

ni'ihi

crow

hou

hahaha'

hou

ouu

magpie

wa 'uei

mouxtia"

wouxei

turtle

ba'ana"

ma 'ana"ha"

ba'an*

ba 'anou

supernatural

nanaba ^ana",
batana"

nanamatit

tananaba 'ana"

bata-

large

ban^sa"

manacie

banasa-

basou

white

na°k-

wanatsia"

na»k-*

nana°tsa

black

wa 'ota"

moxtsia"

wa'ota"*

wa'ota»ya"

red

ba-

maoxtaheini

baxa 'a"

yellow

niha^ya"

hitianie

niha»ya"*

niha°ya"

Notes on Vocabulary

1 From Tall Bear.

2 Unmarked words from the wife of Bow-of -Lodges; starred words from
Tall-Bear.

3 An 1 was recorded, but seems doubtful, as the Arapaho ordinarily are un-
able to pronounce this sound. The word for *'rain'' in the same dialect was,
however, recorded both as hii"8ivaxta and ha'^silaxta.

***Small." Evidently contains the diminutive suffix, as does the Basa"wu-
nena" form.

5 The manuscript record may be read either with final s or B.

Additional Words — .

young man
young woman
old woman
old

hanaxa'aha
hiteiya"
batabi(a)
baha'ei, behi'i

human being

ghost

head

hinenita"

^Wk"

hakuhji"

hair

bei^e 'a

throat

beita"

bone

hixu

heart

bata"

arm

bJinec

elbow

batic

sinew

haota"

milk, breast- water

ba^enetc*

penis

ha^°

testicle

ba^as

vagina
tail

hahatc
batihi 'i

rib

hitca"

liver

hie

kidney

hitl^^

blood

excrement

ba. bi-hi^

shadow

batata"

shaman

batat

■Arapaho Proper

mountain

ha-^ani'

night

Mka»

moon

bikosis

sky, cloud

hana" '

thunder

baxa 'a"

fog

banana-

creek

kaha 'a"wu

snow

tent pole

haka"x

robe

hou

awl

bei

dress

bixuti

bed

ha"

boat

^wu

meat

haseinou

pipe
tobacco

= rib

cisa^wa"

corn

beckatana"

fruits

bina"

bush

bic

coyote

ka»V

buffalo cow

bii

fly

nouba»

louse

batei

worm

bisa", hisa^na"

fish

nawat

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1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 77

Some of the more readily noted correspondences in sound between
Arapaho and the other Algonkin languages, and within the Arapaho
dialects, will now be given. There is no pretense that these observa-
tions are complete. The material used in the comparisons is familiar
to students of the subject in the works of Baraga, Jones, Lacombe,
Hayden, Rand, Petter, besides many others whose efforts have not
been drawn upon. For this reason the Indian forms of the words
referred to in English have not been given. The few who may follow
up the present suggestions can verify them with ease, and will be at
least as familiar with the material as the writer. The following ab-
breviations have been used to designate groups, languages, and lialects :

Eastern-Central Algonkin

Micmac

Fox

Ojibwa

Cree

Cheyenne

Blackfoot

Arapaho group of dialects

Arapaho proper

Gros Ventre

Basa°wunena"

Na°waMnahana»

Of the symbols used, c is s or sh as customary in American phil-
ology, $ is the same as English surd th, x is a surd fricative approxi-
mately in k position, a is a as of '*bad" in American English, a" and
a" are nasalized vowels, o is somewhat as in German, but probably
unrounded, and ' is the glottal stop.

External Phonetic Correspondences op the Group

Assuming the Eastern-Central group of dialects, in which are
included the great majority of those belonging to the family, to be
most representative of the original or former condition of Algonkin,
it is clear that original k is but rarely retained in the Arapaho division.
It appears most commonly as s or h, or is entirely lost or represented
only by a glottal stop.

k>k: wolf. Ch, Bl, A.
k>t: black, EC, k; Ch, xt; A, t.
k>tc: metal. Ch, k; Bl, ks; A, to.

k>8: neck, nose, eye, woman, antelope, one. Ch shows k, x, ts. GV usually
has $ for s.

k>h, x: beaver, deer, bone, bear, sun, skunk. EC has k or sk; Bl, usually

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78 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

k; Ch is variable.

k> ', — : bow, turtle, red, star, eagle, foot, nine. E-C again shows sk as well
as k, also kw. Ch usually agrees with Arapaho, while Bl oftener retains k, but
is variable.

T
Algonkin dental stops seem to be of two kinds. One appears with
but little variation as t in all dialects, including Arapaho. The other
varies between t, d, n, and 1 in the Eastern-Central group, is t in
Cheyenne as in Gros Ventre and Na"wa^ahana°, but $ in Arapaho
proper and Basa°wunena".

t>t: bow, heart, fire, night, daughter, buflPalo bull, ten, reflexive suffix. Bl
has some inclination toward ts or st, N toward xt.

t, d, n, 1>^: tongue, tooth, foot, star, metal, dog, five. Mi, t, d, 1; O, d, n;
Bl, tf, kf ; Ch, Na, GV, t; Ar, Ba, 0,

t>tc: pipe, mouth, six. EC, t; Bl, — ; Ch,f; Ba, GV, tc; Ar, t, tc.

P
Original labial stops begin to be lost or altered as soon as the
Eastern-Central division is left behind, and seem to have disappeared
entirely from the Arapaho group.*

p, b>k: rabbit, white, sit, sleep. E-C, p, b; Bl, p, k; Ch, k, x; Ar, Na, Ba, k;
GV, ts. These are the principal occurrences of k in Arapaho that the author can
account for by any phonetic rule.

p, b>tc: tooth, water, night. EC, p, b; Bl, Ch, p w; A, tc.

N usually recurs unchanged in all Algonkin groups, though in
some stems the sound varies between n and y. There may be two
distinct original sounds involved.

n>n: bone, man, daughter, turtle, one, two, three, six, sing, water, fish, drink.
In the last three stems m sporadically supplants n.

n, y>n, y: tongue, mouth, neck, wolf, four, five, sleep. All dialects except
Mi and 0 have y in some of these stems. F and Na show ny.

M of original Algonkin seems to be retained quite regularly in
Eastern-Central, in Blackfoot, in Cheyenne, and in the Na"wa^ina-
hana" dialect of Arapaho. In the three other Arapaho dialects it is
entirely lacking, and replaced by b and w. As between these two

8 E. Sapir, American Anthropologist, n. s., xv, 538, 1913.

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1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 79

sounds, the rule is that b occurs before the front vowels i, e, a, a", and
w before the back vowels u, o, a, a°.* This is a consistent phonetic
law of Arapaho ; even within the dialect the same stem changes from
b to w if the vowel becomes a back one. Compare Ar neibaha'^, my
grandmother, and hiniiwaha**, his grandmother. It is also illustrative
that in' trying to say the English word ** buffalo," the Gros Ventre,
whose idiom follows the same law, speak wa^anou instead of ba^anou.
All Arapaho labial sounds seem to be derived from original m.

m>b (i): eat, defecate, give, dog, deer, earth.

m>b (e) : metal.

m>b (a, a") : blood, red, bow, wood, turtle, beaver, ten, drink.

m>w (a, a% o) : bear, fish, grass, black.

In a few words m changes to n in Arapaho. In these Cheyenne
has n also.

m>n: eagle, house.

A more remarkable change is that of original w to Arapaho n.

This probably represents the transition w>m>n.

w>n: buffalo herd, antelope, rabbit, white; perhaps also ear. Ar, Ba, GV,
regularly n; Na, sometimes m; Ch, Bl, E-C, w.

S
Eastern-Central s, like t, sometimes recurs in Arapaho, sometimes
becomes 0, There is thus the possibility that eastern s, with which
c (sh) has been included, represents two sounds originally distinct.

8>8: sun, fire, wind, rain, tobacco, two, three. Bl, Ch, and Na show — , h,
or X frequently. GV alone has $ sometimes: tobacco, two, three.

s>^: hair, nine, eat, defecate. EC, s, tc, dj; Ch, Na, s; Ar (and Bat), Q.

8>h: stone, yellow. A dialects have h, except Na t. Perhaps allied to the
change k]>s, h.

VOWELS

The vowels of Arapaho also evince fairly regular correspondences
with those of other dialects, though the cause of their most marked
peculiarity, the frequent nasalization of a and a, is not clear to the
writer. Counting a"^ and a** for the present with a and a, four prin-
cipal equivalences are noticeable.

^ba'a", road, and baha'a", thunder, are exceptions noted in simple stem
words.

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80 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

Mi F Cr,0 Bl Ch Na Ar,Ba,GV

Type 1 i i i i i i i

Type 2 var. a, e i (i) (i) a a, e

Type 3 a, o, u a a a,o o a a

Type 4 var. a a var. o, u o, u u

It is evident that there is a special similarity between Pox and the
Arapaho group, at least under the orthographies that have been em-
ployed ; that Na"wa^inahana° leans towards Cheyenne ; that the latter
favors a sound usually written o,** and Blackfoot the vowel i.

Type 1 — i>i: nose, eye, tooth, sun, fire, water, eat, defecate, give, two, re-
flexive suffix. GV alone several times has 6, which in most its occurrences in
that dialect seems to replace Ar i.

Subtype la — i, e>i: woman, pipe, six. F, e; Cr, O, Bl, Ch, i, e, a; A i, some-
times ei.

Type 2 — i, a>a: heart, bow, wood, dog, beaver, turtle, red, drink, two, three,
four, ten. Mi, f ; F, a; Cr, O, i; Bl, Ch, i often, but not always; Na, a, oftener
a; Ar, Ba, GV, a.

Subtype 2a — i, e>e: hand, man, water, metal. Mi,f; F, e; Cr, O, i; Bl, i;
Ch, a back vowel; Na, e, a; Ar, Ba, GV, e.

Type S — a>a: daughter, wolf, buffalo, rabbit, turtle, fish, star, stone, pipe,
yellow, jump, sleep. Mi, back vowels, possibly only variant orthographies for
a; F, Cr, O, a; Bl, a or o; Ch, o; A, a, a°. GV occasionally shows ou.

Subtype 3a — Same, except Bl i, A sometimes a: tongue, neck, beaver, dog,
five, ten.

Subtype 36 — Same, except Ar, and sometimes other A dialects, open o for a:
neck, bear, black, sit.

Type 4 — a>u: bone, bear, skunk, rabbit, grass.

Internal Phonetic Correspondences of the Group

BASA°V^UNENA»

Within the Arapaho group, Basa^wunena" differs little from the
principal dialect. S or c sometimes appears for 0, as in tooth, foot,
white man. This is not a reversion to original s which Arapaho B at
times represents, but a further specialization, since Arapaho B in these
words stands for original t. On the other hand, Arapaho s, or e,
becomes B in Basa^wtinena" in the word for nose, and x in fire and
wood. In other stems Arapaho ^, s, and c recur unchanged in Basa"-
wunena". T occasionally appears as tc : tree, mouth, six, ten.

All the Basa"wunena° body-part terms obtained from both in-
formants begin with the possessive prefix of the third person hi-,
instead of the indefinite wa-, ba-, of Arapaho, which elsewhere in the
family is represented by ma-, mi.

5 Fetter, Mem. Am. Anthr. Ass., i, 448, 1907, denies that Cheyenne properly
possesses the vowels i and u.

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1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 81

GROS VENTRE
Groe Ventre presents greater changes.

Ar x>GV s: grass, elk, bear, eight, ten. GV evidently clings to the older
sound which Ar has altered.

Ar x>GV $: wolf, skunk. GV apparently has specialized.

Ar ^>GV t: tongue, white man, dog, buffalo, buffalo herd, star, metal, five,
** nephew" (when not called **son"), father-in-law, son-in-law, brother or sister-
in-law of opposite sex.« Comparison shows Gros Ventre to be the more con-
servative, as the Ar sound stands for original t.

Ar ^>GV ts, tc: foot.

Ar t>GV tc, ty: mouth, hand, six. Ba shows a similar tendency. In many
other words, on the other hand, such as ear, belly, fire, mountain sheep, black,
eight, ten, both Ar and GV have t.

Ar s, c>GV $: eye, neck, woman, tobacco, two, three, seven, eight, father,
older brother, ** niece'' (when not called ** daughter*'), daughter-in-law, wife.«
In some of these words Ar s represents original s or h, in others original k.
In other instances Ar s of both origins remains s in GV.

Ar tc was usually heard as either ts, or ty, nearly ky, in Gros Ventre.

Ar k>GV ts: rabbit, white.

Ar i>GV 6: eye, sun, fire.

NAnWU^INAHANA"

Na^wu^nahana** not only departs farthest from Arapaho proper
but stands nearest of the known Arapaho dialects to Cheyenne and
Eastern-Central. It presents enough peculiarities, however, to be
more than a mere transition.

Na°wu^ahSna° agrees with Cheyenne in retaining m which Ara-
paho has converted to b and w; in fact the dialectic pronunciation
of ** Washington'* was given as mo^cten. It agrees with Cheyenne
and Ojibwa in having w, or b, in certain words which possess n in
Arapaho. Like these two dialects, it shows n as the initial of the
words for four and five, where Arapaho has y. In all these points it
departs from the Arapaho group of dialects in the direction of the
Central and Cheyenne groups.

As regards s and h sounds, correspondences of all three types, s>h,
x>8, s>8, are found between Arapaho and Na°wuWnahana". Ara-
paho X is probably an h with partial stricture rather than a true
palatal fricative. In place of it Na^wu^inahSna** sometimes has s,
sometimes a sound written xs. In **bear'' h equals x.

Arapaho 0 was usually rendered by t, once or twice by s and ts,
in the Na°wu^nahana° words obtained. Three words in this dialect

« Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xviii, 9, 1902.

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82 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

were recorded with $, but the sound does not agree regularly with any
Arapaho sound in tnese cases, and must be considered doubtful.

Arapaho a was sometimes rendered by a in Na°wuftnahana°, some-
times by a. Ei becomes e.

The X or h so frequently written before t, ts, and s in Na°wu^i-
nahana" causes the suspicion that the informant was exaggerating a
real or imaginary greater degree of aspiration, either of vowels or of
consonants, than he believed Arapaho to possess. It seems somewhat
doubtful whether full xt, xts, and xs were really spoken. Cheyenne,
however, shows a similar parasitic x or h before t, as well as before k.
Yurok also has xk, and Fox 'k.

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1916 J Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 83

PAET II
SKETCH OP ARAPAHO PROPER

Phonetic Elements

It is fourteen years since the writer has heard Arapaho or Gros
Ventre. At that time his understanding of the nature and formation
of spoken sounds was vague. Some experience with and much interest
in the two languages have, however, left many distinct motor impres-
sions of words; and a comparison of variant orthographies makes
other points clear which inability of interpretation rendered baffling
at the time. The following notes may therefore still have some value.

Arapaho vowels are :

ti, u, open.

o, very open, often confused with a"; long, ou.

a', a", nasalized, possibly spoken with the tongue slightly more raised than
in the f oUowing.

a, &.

A, less clear than a, was often written, but not regularly, and has been omitted
from the present orthography.

a, ft, as in American English ''bad."

a°, ft", nasalized.

e, very open, sometimes resembling a; long, ei.

i, i, open.

Gros Ventre adds to these a mixed vowel o, sometimes heard as
almost o, sometimes as ii. This is a derivative from i. Arapaho ei
was sometimes heard with an approach to the quality of oi.

The extreme openness of most of these vowels, as well as the pres-
ence of a, are conspicuous resemblances to the phonetics of Yurok,
now that Dr. Sapir has shown the connection.

Long vowels are more or less doubled. See text m, note 1.

Pinal vowels, unless long or accented, are surd or whispered. The
nature of surd vowels was not understood by the author at the time
his notes were recorded ; they were therefore sometimes omitted, some-
times written as sonant, sometimes indicated by small superior char-
acters. So far as it could be restored with what seemed reasonable
safety, the latter orthography has been employed in this paper. The
writer is strongly of the impression that no word in Arapaho really
ends in a consonant, a final surd or sonant vowel being always present ;

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84 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. fVol. 12

but proof or disproof of this belief must be left to future investigators.
Gros Ventre may furnish an exception in the case of final surd n;
but this sound seems to owe its quality to the surdness of the preceding
vowel. In Gros Ventre, also, the surdness of final vowels seems more
complete than in Arapaho.

Vowels followed by a glottal stop ( ') show usually, perhaps always
in distinct speech, an echo. Naha and nahaa, this, were written indis-
criminately for naha 'a, perhaps more exactly naha'*. The orthog-
raphy naha' should be sufficient.

Arapaho consonants :

k, t, and tc (English ch) are probably sonant during part of the explosion,
as in so many Indian languages. The g mentioned by Dr. Michelson was not
observed. When final, these stops seem to be entirely surd, and their explosion
takes on a vowel color.

In Gros Ventre, tc is replaced by two sounds: ts, the general equivalent of
Arapaho tc, and ty, which often stands for Arapaho t. The two are however
not as different in articulation and sound as the orthographies might indicate.
Ty seems to be a very posterior t; it is sometimes heard as ky, and the Arapaho
so render it in trying to reproduce Gros Ventre.

b is a full sonant, as would be indicated by its origin from m, and by its
alternation, both in Arapaho and Gros Ventre, with w.

w, y, and n need no discussion. Gros Ventre surd n has been mentioned in
connection with the surd vowels.

s and c (sh) are difficult to distinguish. They were very much confounded
by the writer, though he is inclined to consider them two sounds.

X and h were also much confused. It seems that x is really an h with con-
siderable stricture, and that h is fainter than in English, so that h and * might
have been better orthographies. If this is the case, the nature of the two
sounds is the same as in Yana, Mohave, and other Californian languages.^ In
Gros Ventre initial h is particularly faint, and was often not heard. Final h
or X, that is, h followed by a surd vowel, is strong in both languages.

^ is a surd dental fricative like English th in thin.

Vocalic changes are illustrated throughout the grammatical and
textual material presented below, but are very complex. Changes
proceed from stem to suffix, from suffix to stem, and from stem to
prefix; they are sometimes in the direction of assimilation, at other
times of contrast. Consonant alterations, especially between b and w,
follow the vowel changes. Here again the similarity of process to
Yurok is marked.

Consonantal changes are also somewhat obscure, but it is of note
that in part at least they follow the interdialectic equivalences be-
tween Arapaho and Gros Ventre.

7 Present series of publications, x, 62, 1911.

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1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 85

Composition
The intricate subject of word composition is too little plain in
Arapaho to allow of more than a listing of some of the principal
forms which word compounding has been observed to take. These
comprise nouns containing two or more elements used also as inde-
pendent words, a few words containing elements occurring only as
''prefixes/' and a larger number ending in elements which are always
''suffixes." Verbs consisting of two verb stems, or of a verbal and
an adverbial stem, are more conveniently considered in connection
with the subsequent section treating of the structure of the verb.

A. NOUNS COMPOUNDED OF TWO SEPARATE WORDS
Noun and noun, the first determining the second :

lia"-n-isei, * * Bed-Woman ' '

he^a-bic, dog bush

he^a-w-a"wii, dog lodge

hi-tce 'aox-a^wu, club lodge, club dance

bi8a°-n-ox"-ina", worm weeds

waxu-sei-na°, bear, women

nitcihe-hinen, Kiowa (nltciye, river)

nih 'a"^-ousei, white-man woman, American woman

ciciye-n-axu, snake weed, snake medicine

Verb with a noun as its object, which can also be used as a separate,
independent substantive :

wan-isei-na-hi^, they go after women, burrs

noti-sei-n-a'^t', looks for a wife

hi-netci-bi-ni^', the giver of water, he who owns the waters

It will be seen that the noun comes before as well as after the
verbal element. It is not certain how far these examples are to be
interpreted as being verbs or as being nouns. Hence the term * * incor-
poration" is avoided for them.

Noun with following verb or adjective stem, the former determin-
ing the latter, but the entire word being nominal. It will be seen that
the majority of the forms are proper names. Compare the verbal
suffix -ni.

ha^ati-n-aha^ka", '*Lime Crazy*'
wax-tciyei, '*Bear Creeping*' (cici, creep)
wax-kukatani, *'Bear Spotted (Is)*'
ha»xa-ba'ani, '^Wolf Bed (Is)"
hisei-waota'ni, ' ' Woman Black (Is) * '
icita°-ku^a", fire drill

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86 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

Verb, adjective, or adverb preceding and determining a noun :

h-axa"^-ineiiiiia°, funny men, name of a band (axaH-^hi, laughable)

na"wu-nenit&na°, south people

hawah-a'wu, many houses, town

ha"w&"-u-n-anaxa 'aha, praying young man

habat-atf, large dog (he^)

habat-a*'xe, large knife (wa»xe)

haba^-inen', large man

habatf-i-waxu, large bear (wox")

hatcax-a"ze, small knife

hatcac-inen*, small man

kaha'u-cl-nin, half a day

haseihi-n-axucitana*', sacrifice (sun dance) paintings

niha"-n-ouha", yellow buffalo calves (wou)

waota»-n-ou, black crow (hou)

ka'>ku-na''tinei, "One-eyed Sioux'' (ka^kou-iya", patch on)

ka"kuiy-a^bi, scabby dogs

haH-etc*, large water, ocean (netc*, water)

citci-na-waxu, lasting weed (cicitci, stretch)

tcayataw'-inenita", untrue person, spirit

^awa^-inenita", real person, human being

B. NOUNS AND VERBS FORMED WITH PREFIXES

wot-i-, in fire, into fire.

woti-tan-ehi, fire-starter
wot'-tana-tanft-na", they burn it
ha^ix-woti-^-a", they put him in the fire
woti-ka*'hu-na', they ran into the fire
woti-tana", added wood to the blaze

sa'a-, sa'i-, flat.

sa'a-baxa*>, flat wood, boards

sa'ei-tca'a", "flat" (straight tubular) pipe

sa'a-hi^, flat ones, bedbugs

tah'-sa'i-ci, after she lay

sa'a-beitci^, flat metal, spade

sa 'i-ce-^na", roof.

sa'a-sana^ sliced meat

htf^ix-sa 'a-se 'esl, then cut them into slices

sa'i-^-xa-h-u^en*, I peg you out flat

sa'i-^-xa-h-un, the crucified one, Christ

sa 'i-ci-w-anaxa 'a, ' * Lie-abed-long Young-man ' '

na-, relating to clothing.

n8,-ta°nei, take off moccasins
n&-tataha°, take off leggings
n&-^ibi, take off clothes
n8,-ya"-un, dress t

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1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 87

kaka-, relating to mental action.

kaka'-u^tca°-na% thoughts
kako-xa'anftta**, think about it

C. NOUNS AND VERBS FORMED WITH SUFFIXES

-I-n*, on measures of time. Compare the sufiSx -in* on the numerals
11 to 19, which is no doubt the same.

kahau-ci-ni-n, half a day

tihi'-8i-ni, yesterday

tayu-ni-n', tatayou-ni-n*, autumn (tai, cold)

tcatci-n', winter, year

isibi-ta-ni-ni, bedtime, time for lying down

xa"taei-ni-n*, shortly after, sometime later

tah*-tcani-bihiya°-ni, when it was late in the night

-atit*, on names of ceremonial acts. The last part of this suffix is
almost certainly an ending denoting the third person.

tca'-atit*, welcoming

tceita"-h-atit*, ear piercing

tiaxa"-n-atit', foot touching, an invitation

tcatceci-n-atit*, untying, a redeeming

tcaoxu-tcabi-h-atit*, foe-shooting, the settling of a dispute by a game or test

-ah»wa°t*, dance. Also seems to contain the ending of the third

person.

hou-n-ah'wa»t', crow dance
ha8a"-n-ah'wa"t', rain dance
nou-t-ah^waH*, dancing out of sun dance
ka'ei-n-ah'wan*, round dance, ghost dance
tawa-n-ah»wa"t*, cutting dance
na^a-n-ah'waH-aniba, all of you dance around me!

-tana, bum, do to or with fire.

woti-tana-t*, he makes a fire
ha-tana-hei, put the fire outl
ha-tana-^-a"t, he extinguishes it
ha-tana-kana-^ei, drench the fire
wot*-tana-hokani, they burn it

-tca-na, cook ; probably from the same radical as the last.

hi-tcana-at*, gridiron

tcabitana-tcana, fried bread

ni-te-teana-^yei-na°, I maintain the fire constantly

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88 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Eihn. [Vol. 12

-i-^etca°, think.

kaka '-utfetca"-na", thoughts

wax-'^etca", feel sad (wa^sa", wa^xeit', bad, ugly)

ha'-s-i^etca^-hoku, she thought

bi 'a"h-ou^etca*, I truly thought

ha"na''-kaxtaw-u^etca''-t*, then she thought something was wrong

-^bi, relating to clothing. This and the preceding three elements

seem verbal and could with equal propriety be listed among the sufiSxes

or stems of the next section.

nft-^ibi, undress
tci-Wbi-t', he dressed

-a°wu, water.

haxeci-n-a''wunetc', muddy water
tcanata"-n-a"wunetc', blue or deep water
^■M-a"wu, high or rough waves
kaha'-a»wu, creek
kakuiy-a^wu, sticky liquid, molasses

-(i)yei, tent: nlna", nlnan, tent.

nayei, hayei, hiyei, my, your, her tent
yeiyi, set up a tent
sis-ayei, take down a tent
n-eiha^wu-uyei, I have no tent

-akac, -akay, tent, house.

h&bat-akay', large tent

hatcax-akay', small tent

wa°^ei-n-akay, wa^^ei-n-akac, an old brown tent

waota"na-h-akay-eit', "Black Lodge," his tent is black

batabi-h-akac, old woman 's tent

hi-beitci^ei-n-akay-anit', who has the metal tent

hina-n-akay-a°, ''main" pole, by which tent is raised

tcit-akahay-ina"t', enter-tent-song, sung when water is brought into the

peyote tent
he^aw-akay-a-ni, in the dog tent

'Mh\ fire.

ban&s-a^a', a large fire

hlb&xutcHn-a^ when the fire became low

kox-k-a^-ya"-na", kindlings

-anihi', pet, domestic animal; perhaps contains the diminutive

suffix quoted below.

tciy-anehi, furry, shaggy dog
ta'-anahi-hi', short -legged dog
n-eiha"wu-t-anihi \ I have no horses

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1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 89

-h-a"x^, plural -h-a°xabi, horse, domestic animal.

n-abit-a"xabei-t', steals horses or cattle
noti-n-a"xabi, looks for horses
hiwaxu-ha^xabi, horses (hiwax", elk)

-a'ei, head, hair, neck. The independent word for **hair'* is
bei^'a, for **his head" hakuha".

ot-a'ei-hi, comb hair

ha"tit-a 'ei-ni^i, beheaded ones

tea 'a 'ei-n-axa 'ana"x", roundhead-ax

tcastc-a'ei-niW, scratched head

bab&'-a'ei-n*, you are curly haired

na"-ta»-h-icib-a'ei-nei-t', and when he laid his head down

ka"k-a'ei-W, Blackfeet (with erect hair)

kax-a'ei-sibat', fractured his skull

ka^-xu-ha^ix-tab-a^ei-ku-^-ana", then again they cut off his himd

behic'-tab-a'ei-6^ehi, all cut off heads

tab-a'ei-bas-i, cut-head-wood, stumps

tab-a'ei-na", cut-head, hornless saddle

tcih-tas-a'ei-ci, lay your head on!

na"k-a'ei-n, white-neck, starched collar

tah'-tcih'-ba-tcit-a'ei-xa»-M, when they all put their heads in

-i-^, nose. The independent word is beic.

tab-i^-bic, cut-nose-bush, whose fruit appears noseless like a skull

-ehi, face.

kou-ehi, sweU-face, mosquito
kahan-ehi, hair burnt off
ha*-ni-tabi-eihi-t', struck him in the face

'$s.^6'if fingers, hand. Independent word, batcet.
hahis-^^^-ohu, wash hands

-a"t, leg. Independent word, wa*a°^.
hawah-a»t-at', many legs, centipede

-ixta°, nail, claw, foot.

was-ixta", bear claws, bear foot (wox", bear)
ha"8-ixta°-ci8a°, * * Sore-foot-child ' '

-ineihi, tail. Independent word, batihi'i.

ta"ta"ka-n-ineihi, raccoon (twisted, ringed tailt)

taxa^-n -ineihi, opossum (smooth tailf)

wa^^eini^-ineihi, bat, also Satan (brown, or old, ugly tailf)

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-hi 4, -ha', -hahi, diminutive.

hanaza'aha, young man, hanaxa'a-hi'l, boj
bi&t3&bi(a), old woman, batabi-hahi
teia% child, teia"-n-aba'
cicitci, duck, cicltce-ha" '
ta'auahi-hi', short-legged dog

Verbs

WORD-FORMING PREFIXES

Among the elements prefixed to verbs, it is clear that those which
are essentially word-forming come nearest the stem, while those whose
purpose is more strictly relational or grammatical on the whole pre-
cede them. As might be expected, no hard and fast line can, however,
be drawn between the two classes.

Word-forming prefixes, in turn, are often difiicult to separate from
independent words. Thus, tas-i- and tcan-i- mean **on" and ** under"
in verbs; but provided with the locative sufiix -i-hi* they are adverbs
which stand alone. Just so xou-wu-hu\ ** straight," and xanou, ** im-
mediately," are employed, in the forms xou- and xanou-, as prefixes
to verbs. Verbs themselves, like tcasis, **to begin," and ^a'^ku-h, **to
follow, ' ' are used as prefixes to other verbs.

Apparently related to this last group are such elements as ta'-,
tou-, **to stop," and ta, tou, *'to strike, tie, or be or come in contact
with"; kax-, ** through," and kax, **to impact violently"; tca^-i-,
'*away, outdoors," and tca^-i, **to depart or elope"; tcab-i-, **past,
alongside," and tcab-i, **to travel."

It is true that even when these elements are themselves verbs they
are not used merely with the personal suffixes, but that second elements
such as -hi, -ni, -ku, -xa, -h are added to them. Now these added
elements, which are frequent on indubitable verb stems, have all been
listed as suffixes. But the possibility is by no means precluded that
these ** suffixes," whose significance usually is of the vaguest and most
general, are themselves the real stem of the verb ; in which case the
preceding element, which is so much more specific in meaning as
usually to carry the principal idea conveyed by the complete word,
would after all be a prefix of the adverbial or prepositional type
familiar from so many other languages.

For instance, Oi- or ^ei- occurs as the first etymological element of
a considerable number of verbs or nouns in all of which the idea of
**in" or **on" or ** projecting upward" is contained. Thus, ft-aya".

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**a post"; ^ei-ka-h and ^ei-wa-n, **to carry on the back.'' On the
other hand, the frequent element -ku is ajways at the end of words,
and often adds little if anything to the meaning of the stem to which
it is attached, as in abita-ku, *'to steal, *^ of which the stem appears
without the -ku, but with the same denotation, in abita, **to steal,**
n-abit-Ihi, ** thief,** h-abTt-a"xabei-ti, **he steals horses.** When, how-
ever, the prepositional ** prefix'* ^ei- and the vague ** suffix** -ku are
put together they form ^ei-ku, **to put in." In the same manner the
combination of the variant 6i- with the suffix -ok^, apparently an
intransitive equivalent of transitive -ku, results in Oi-ok^, **to sit."
Which part of ^ei-ku and ft-ok^ is what in other languages would be
called the stem? If the first element is a verb stem, then ^ei-wa-n,
and such parallel forms as tcltt-n-a°ha-b, **to enter in order to see,"
are clearly compound or double verbs. If the second element is a
verb stem, then abita-ku must be a compound of two verbs.

That Arapaho, like Shoshonean and some other American lan-
guages, possesses true compound verbs — verbs functioning as such
and composed of two verbs — is thus probable. But either ^ei- or -ku,
or both, and with them a large number of other elements, are lost
as affixes. And yet the process involved in these cases is not one of
mere simple word-compounding, for apparently Oei- never occurs with-
out a following element and -ku never without a preceding one. In
short, it would seem that the Arapaho verb is frequently, perhaps
normally, compounded of elements which themselves either are, or
can become, verbal in force.

It is therefore possible that the old terms **polysyn thesis** and
"holophrasis,** which in recent years have been in justifiable disre-
pute on account of their vagueness and their implication of processes
totally foreign to other languages, may, when the Algonkin, and for
that matter the Iroquoian and Caddoan languages, are more precisely
understood, be rehabilitated with a new and exact meaning. And
still extreme caution seems called for in drawing any such inference.
** Incorporation** is another linguistic concept which has been re-
established of late years ; and yet the justification was brought about
only by an abandonmient of the very traits which ** incorporation "
was originally and long believed to denote. Bandied about without
standing for anything definite, the term '* incorporation" was abused
until the very existence of the process was challenged and denied.
And when the reality of the process was finally demonstrated the
proof resolved itself into the recognition of pronominal incorporation

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92 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

as a familiar and purely grammatical method represented in some
degree in most languages, and of nominal incorporation as a form
of the equally familiar process of etymological word-compounding,
with only the one distinctive feature that in ''incorporating" lan-
guages noun and verb can be combined to form verbs, whereas in
other idioms they combine only into nouns. In short, the concept
of incorporation involves only a new application of a widespread
and well known linguistic process, not a new and unique process itself.
Or it might be said that incorporating idioms differ from non-incor-
porating ones in degree, not in kind.

In an analogous manner it seems possible that we may ultimately
be justified in speaking of Algonkin as truly ''holophrastic" or
''polysynthetic." But if so, these terms will essentially be only a
convenient designation for the linguistic process which allows two
verbs to consolidate into a single one.

In fine, the Algonkin verb, so far as Arapaho is representative of
it, cannot in any off-hand manner be broken up into the usual elements
of ** prefix,'' stem," and ** suffix"; and any attempt to apply such a
procedure leads quickly to contradictions and inconsistencies that
reveal the arbitrariness of the method.

The late Dr. William Jones reached exactly the same conclusion
as regards the Fox dialect. He does not separate ''prefixes" and
"suffixes" from "stems" in the verb, but distinguishes "initial
stems," "secondary stems of the first order," and "secondary stems
of the second order," making these elemiCnts differ from each other
not so much in their kind of meaning or in their ability or inability
to appear as separate words, as in their mere order or position in the
word-compound. This classification is a valuable and important de-
parture from the all too frequent method of forcing new languages
to fit old schemes or the categories established in other tongues. That
the principles of Algonkin verb formation are in some respects con-
spicuously different from those of Indo-European Dr. Jones has made
very clear ; and a realization of this fact is the first requisite to a true
understanding of Algonkin structure.

At the same time, while Dr. Jones has cleared away the brush and
brought us face to face with the trees, he has not led us out of the
forest. This task he would no doubt have achieved, save for his
untimely death; but it remains undone. The realization that the
Algonkin foot does not fit into the grammatical shoe built around
the Indo-European last is, however important, only a first step. The

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1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 93

next and necessary one must be the construction of a new type of
shoe which upon suitable modification for individual cases will fit
both feet. Or, to drop the metaphor, while an application to Algonkin
of linguistic categories derived from Indo-European leads to misun-
derstanding, the construction and use of an entirely novel set of
categories for Algonkin is meaningless. The types of structure rep-
resented by the two groups of languages obviously have something in
common, however different these common principles may in reality
be from what superficial acquaintance or a one-sided approach would
lead one to suppose. In fact, the determination of what they have
in common, involving as it does the recognition of that in which they
are different, is an essential purpose of the study of both ; for whether
our interest lies in the problem of the nature or that of the origin of
human speech, a classification is involved. In its widest ultimate
aspect philology is concerned not with Algonkin as such nor with
Indo-European as such but with all languages. Only when speech
in general, its scope and its niethods, are better understood will both
Algonkin and Indo-European, or for that matter any particular group
of languages, be more truly understandable. The real aim of the
study of any American tongue, as well as the aim of any deeper
research in Indo-European philology, must therefore be the more
precise and fundamental determination of their relations to all other
languages ; and this necessitates concepts and terms which are applic-
able in common. It is impossible to characterize the wolf in terms
of his skeleton, the elephant of his embryology, the whale of his habits,
and then to construct a classification which will help to reveal the
inherent nature, the development, or the origin of the animal king-
dom. True tribute to the memory of Dr. Jones's work will be paid,
not by a standing still where his labors were unfortunately broken
off when chiefly their negative or destructive side had been completed,
but by carrying his efforts and formulations on through a constructive
phase to a point, denied to him by time, at which Algonkin will once
more appear in a definite relation to human speech as a whole.

What this relation will be the writer does not have knowledge or
understanding enough of any Algonkin language to say. But until
the science of language is revolutionized by entirely new methods of
thinking about it there seem to be only three possible descriptions of
the Algonkin verb that have a usable meaning.

The first interpretation is that of the verb as the result of a process
of composition similar to that of noun composition, but extended in

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94 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

Algonkin also to verbs. This essentially is the conclusion of Dr.
Jones ; and it is also the inference of the present writer. But it can-
not be too clearly recognized that even if this explanation is in sub-
stance the correct one we do not yet really know anything as to the
rules and conditions and limitations of this verb-compounding.

The second interpretation of the Algonkin verb is that of a stem
followed by a greater or less number of suflSxes. In this case the
'* initial stem'' of Dr. Jones would be the only true stem, his ** sec-
ondary stems" the suffixes. In support of this explanation is the
fact that the initial elements of verbs come nearest to having the
power of forming words by themselves, in both Arapaho and Fox:
and the statement of Dr. Jones® that on the whole initial stems more
definitely perform the function of verbs. If this view is correct, the
type of Arapaho verb-building would be somewhat analogous to that
of Eskimo.

The third possible interpretation is also that of a verb stem with
affixes, the word-forming ones, however, being chiefly or wholly pre-
fixes, the stem coming last, except for grammatical endings.

In favor of this last view is the fact that practically all the
** secondary stems of the second order'' given by Dr. Jones are nat-
urally translated by words which in most other languages are verbs,
whereas substantially all his cited ** initial stems" and ** secondary
stems of the first order" can actually be rendered, without much dis-
tortion, as adverbs, nouns, auxiliary verbs, or modal particles. It is
not certain how far Dr. Jones's examples of each class are fully rep-
resentative of that class, his lists obviously aiming at well translated
instances rather than at fullness ; but it is clear that his own presen-
tation of evidence leaves the interpretation of the ** secondary stems
of the second order" as being true verb stems defined by prefixes, in
a position where it cannot be summarily dismissed.

Thus the "secondary stems of the second order** listed by Dr. Jones» are
most simply rendered as follows: ega, dance; tcim (Arapaho tcawou), swim;
isa, fly; isahd, jump; ota, crawl; usa (Arapaho is-a, us-a), walk; gapa (Arapaho
M-a"ku), stand; paho (Arapaho i-ka^-hu), run; 6, carry on back; hogo, swim,
convey by water; pugo, float. Initial stems cited^o are: ki, about; pem(i), past,
alongside, incipiently; pya, hither; pi(t), into; cosk, straightly, smoothly; 8ag(i),
projecting, holding; mik, assiduously; kog, wetly, with water; kas(i), by wiping;
pa8(i), suddenly, hotly; wi, with; ta(wi), painfully; nag(i), stop; pon(i), cease;

8 Some Principles of Algonquian Word-formation, American Anthropologist,
n. s., VI, 401, 1904.

9 Op, cit,, 394.

10 p. 388.

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wap(i), begin; iLask(i), can, be able; kic(i), completely; nota (pp. 394, 404),
be unable; pag (pp. 393, 403, Arapaho kax), by striking, with impact. Second-
ary stems of the first order^^ are a'kw, wood, resisting; nag, hole; tag, color;
nagu, appearance; ita, feel; ane, think; kam, expanse; and the following body
part stems, used objectively or adverbially (in translation) to the verbal element
in the verb complex: ca, ear; kum, nose; tun, mouth; wina, horn; <kwa, head,
hair, nape; tea, belly.

Compare also wap-usa-w*, **he begins to walk" (p. 386) =*'incipiently he
walks" (or "he begins in his walk"f); wapi-pya-tci-tetep-usa-w*, he begins to
walk approaching in a circle ==** incipiently hither circularly he walks" (or
**he begins his hither circular walk"f); pagi-kuma-cin-w% '*he bumped his
nose" (p. 393)=** with impact his nose he struck" (or **he struck his nose
against it"?); tawi-cin-w*, **he fell and hurt himself" (p. 386) =* 'painfully
he struck" (or **he hurt himself against it, he hurt himself by impact"?);
tiiwe-'kwa-ho-w*, "he has a headache" (p. 394) = "painfully as to his head
he is" (or **he hurts as to his head"?); pag-a'kwi-tuna-cin-w% "he bumps his
mouth" (p. 403)= "with impact against something resisting his mouth he
struck" (or **he struck against something resisting with his mouth so as to be
stopped"?). Translating these Algonkin words as compound verbs gives a
third set of renditions, which are perhaps the truest, but, owing to Indo-
European idiom, almost unintelligible in English: **he begin -walks, " **he
begin-hither-around-walks, " **he hit-nose-strikes," "he hurt-strikes," "he
hurts-head," "he hit-hard-mouth-strikes."

The posthumous and fuller grammatical sketch of Fox by Dr.
Jones in the Handbook of American Indian Languages^^ gives some
other forms, to which the reviser, Dr. Michelson, has added a hundred
odd further initial stems taken from the Fox Texts of Dr. Jones.
But this increased material does not alter the conclusion which can
be drawn from Dr. Jones's earlier work as here summarized. The
secondary stems of the first order are clearly not the principal stems
of the verb-complexes. The ** initial stems" may be verbs. If they
are, the *' secondary stems of the second order'* are either suffixes or
other verbs compounded with the ** initial stems.'' That they are
suffixes does not seem likely from the character of the examples given.
If their number is substantially limited to those quoted, their suffix
nature might be conceived of; but if their number is indefinitely
large they cannot well be anything but true verb stems. The evidence
of quantity, then, becomes as decisive on this point as that of quality ;
and this evidence must be awaited with interest from Dr. Michelson
or some other authority competent to carry on Dr. Jones's analysis.
Meanwhile the strong probability is that if the ** initial stems" are
truly verbal in nature the normal Fox verb is a compound binary

11 P. 391.

12 Bureau of American Ethnology, BulL 40, 735-873, 1911.

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96 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

verb. If, on the other hand, the ** initial stems" are essentially ad-
verbial, prepositional, or modal in quality, they deserve only to be
ranked as prefixes, even if some of them may have reached this con-
dition by the way of once having been subsidiary verbs ; and in that
case Fox, and with it no doubt Algonkin in general, possesses verbs
that are built up around a kernel of a normal verbal stem or root, as
in most languages, and these stems or roots are the ** secondary stems
of the second order."

The problem has a somewhat different aspect in Fox and Arapaho
because Dr. Jones and Dr. Michelson have started their analysis of
the verb from the concept of three kinds of stems, while the present
treatment proceeds, though with full realization of the difficulties
involved, from the more conservative premises of prefix, stem, and
sufiix. But Arapaho is so obviously Algonkin in its whole plan of
expression and word-building that the fundamental problem is un-
doubtedly identical in the two languages.^'

One suggestion to future laborers in this field may not be amiss.
It is the dropping of the term ** secondary stems," at least as applied
to those **of the second order." If these '* secondary stems" are
suffixes, nothing will be gained by denominating them stems. If they
are stems, that is, true verbal elemlents, they are either the real stem
of the entire verb or at least one of a pair of stems, and in the latter
case probably the ruling and ** determined" one of the pair. In that
event the designation ** secondary" will be misleading. Tentatively
the name ** final stems," which parallels that of ** initial stems" with-
out any implication of primacy or dominance, is proposed.

In short, the undetermined and, in the writer's mind, fundamental
problem of Arapaho, Fox, and Algonkin in general is whether these
languages say * * he enter-looks, " * * he enters lookingly , "or * * enteringly
he looks. ' ' The first solution seems indicated ; if it proves fallacious,
the third appears more likely to be correct than the second. In either
the probable first or third event, however, it can be said that the last
element comes nearest to being the principal verb stem of the complex
word.

The thorough difficulty of judging this case in the present state
of knowledge may be illustrated by the English words ** contend,"

13 It is a matter of great satisfaction to the author that since the preceding
passages were written, two statements from the pen of Dr. Michelson (Am.
Anthrop., n. s., xv, 475, 693, 1913) have been published which evince a very
similar realization of the more important aspects of this intricate problem.
Br. Michelson 's knowledge of Algonkin is much the greater; that he should
have come to nearly the same conclusions is therefore gratifyingly corroborative.

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1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 97

** contest/' ** conflict/' '* combat," ** compete." If English were as
little understood in its basic structure and history as Algonkin, it
would be a fair inference that **con-" in these words denoted the
verbal idea of ** struggle, oppose, fight," and that the second syllables
were adverbially modifying suffixes of this stem. That **-flict" and
**-pete" do not occur independently, and **tend" and **test" when
separate words have an entirely different meaning from their com-
pound forms, would only incline to confirm the conjecture. Obviously
it would require a wealth of accurately understood and exactly ana-
lyzable lexical material before the true nature of the elements of these
words and their strict parallelism to the constituents of ** offset,"
** forbid," or ** withdraw" became clear. This understanding of
Algonkin we do not yet possess; and therefore, tempting though it
may seem to explain its verb as compounded of two verbal elements,
or of a nominal or adverbial with a verbal element, it is wiser to
proceed with caution. Accordingly, for purposes of presentation, the
old concepts of stem, prefix, and suflSx have been retained, subject to
the qualifications discussed, as the categories underlying the following
classification of Arapaho verb elements.

A. Prefixes Used Also as Independent, Separate Words, or Made Into Verbs
BY the Addition op an XJnspecific, Merely Verbifying Suffix

tcasis-, begin.

tcasis-iDa^ei, go off to hunt
tcesis-ta-ka^hu, begin to flee
tce^^-ouhu, begin to climb

naye-, try.

tah*-ba-nayei-^', when all tried
nayikaxk-atiwa'ou, tried to roll through
naye-tawa-h-un', try to chop it down!

^°k"-, following, behind.

^»ku-h, tfana^ku-h, follow
^"ku-na"-U88,, come back
^"(k)-ka°outa", follow making dust

ta'-, tana-', tou-, tanou-, stop, cease. The element occurs also as
an independent verb or characteristic first part of the verb in a

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number of words which denote contact, impact, or the meeting of an

obstacle by a motion.

ta^-usa, come and stop

tana'-us&, stop when going

kou-ta'-a"-ba-, lie abed long (a", bed)

ha"tni-taux-tca-i-niM, stopping place

ha-tou-n-a°wu-n-e^, I hold it for you

tanou-ku-hu^, three first poles erected to hold up the remainder of the tent

ni-tou-na", I strike

tou-ninat*, coup, counting strokes

tou-ku-hu-ta-ni-na", they are tied up for

tou-ku-hu-i-n-a"wu, tying-up house, jail

tou-tci-hit', belt

ta'a-xa-n-e^en', I kick you

ta"-ya"-b-e^en', I bite you

taa-w-a°ti, taa-b-a", struck him

ta-wa-hei-na", I chop wood

ha"t-ta-wa-h-at', he will cut down the tree

nitawu-tou, ** Striking First," a name

kax- seems to imply violent impact or penetration. Compare Fox

pag-.

kax -ka 'ana", it went through

kax-k-oti-wa", rolled through

kah-a'ei-si-ba-t', fractured his skuH

kax-aei-t*, striking

kaxa'-axuxa", wedge

kaxa'-atS there was a fissure

kax-ouhu, chipped off, shot off

kaxa'-a"-hak", shoots him

kox-k"^aha»-na", ''breastpins'* of tent

kox-k-'^a-ya^-na", kindlings (''through flame starts'*!)

kox-ta-wu-h, touch, do to, copulate

tcab-i-, passing, past, on, continuing.

tcab-i-hi-t', travels

tcab-i-sa, pass on, pass by, be on way, walk, go continually

tcab-i-ka"hu, pass, come by

tcab-i-xa"t*, walks

tcab-i-xa-h-e^en', I carry you

tcit-, tcl^-i-, in, into, entering.

tcit-ei, enter, go indoors

tciM-n-a"ha-b, go in to see

tciM-x-tca-hi, run inside, go into

tcit-a-n-a", takes him in

tcit-awa°t', dancing in

tcit-a"-bixut*, undershirt, inner garment

tcit-a°wu, indoors

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B. Prefixes Used Also as Independent, Separate Adverbs, or Similar Parts

OP Speech

h-ixtc-i-, up.

hixtc-aba, up, above

he-tci '-ixtci-ku-8-i-ba, throw me up

h-ixte-is, go up

ha°^ab-i-, to, reaching to, before, ahead.

ha"tf&b*, toward
ha°^b-i-nou-isa, go there
ha"^b-i-na-sa, arrive
t-a"^b-i-na-u8Ji, when arrives
ha"tf&'-ei-8a"-t', before him
ha»^*-ei-ta", in front
ha^aw-unena", head men
ha^b-asei, chief woman
hatowa-n-axu, ** chief -medicine, " a root

tean-i-, far, downj headlong.

tcan-ihi', under

tcan-isei, give birth to, "drop*'

tcan-isi-b-eit', threw hira off

tcan-isa, fall off, go down, go far

tcan-i-xouka", flew down

tcen-i-ta-ka»hu, flee far

tah*-tcani-bihi 'iya"-ni, when it was far into the night

tcen-anaba'a-t', plunged headlong

tas-, tax-, on, at the top.

tas-ihi', on top of, on, at the top
ha"i-tas-a-n-a", then he put it on
ta"s-isa"-M, mounted (horse)
tax-oha^, put hands on
hih'-ta"x-oku-ta-n', which he rode
t&si ninana, top of a tent
tasiha" tea ^ota^ya", on top of the hill
tasihi' a"bil, on the bed

a°xu-, across.

h-a*x-ana", across the stream
a"xu-n-oti-wa", rolled across
h-a»xu-x-a»t*, the crossing
h-i"xu-iy-ei-n, sew
tcih*-a"xu-s, come across!

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^i-, ^ei-, on, upon. Perhaps more properly ^i'-, ^ei'-.
M-ok", sit, live
M-a°k", stand
^i-ana, put, place
^i-a-ya°, post, monument
^ei-ku-^, put in

^ei-ka-h-a", carries on the back
^ei-wa-n-6hu, carrying on the back

has-, ha°s-i-, hard, very, fast, violently.

hana", hanou, hard

ha'na'ei, ha'na'ou, fast, very fast

hasei-yei-hi^e-t', very good

ha°8i-i-ka"hu, run hard, swiftly

ha8a*a°-t', anesa'a", swift

hasa V-n-oti', '* fast-wheel, ' * train

haseisen', wind

hasa°-netc', rain

has-a"ha-b-eti-t', looking at oneself

ha8-a"ha-^ana", sights

(h)a8i-ba", a sore

ha"s-ixta"-cisa°, ** Sore-foot-child, " a name

asi-na-ta, hungers for it

asi-na-n-at', anger

asi-ni-h, to make angry

t-as-owa-bi-x-t', when he became sick

nou-, na"a-, naha-, out, around, down.
na"u-hu', down
na°a-hi, go out, come out
na"a-sa, walk about
na"a-ka"hu, run around
nou-ta-n-in, bring her out!
nou-san, drive out

nou-t-ahawa"t', dancing out, a ceremony
nou-^ta"a", went out in file
nohu-ku-^, lift up, carry
na"a-n-ahawa"t-ani-ba, dance around me I

a"wu-, !na"wu-, hani-, down, falling,
ha^wu*, hanawu', down
n-a-^wu-hu \ south
n-a^wu-ba 'ei, southern berries
tcih'-a"wu-ina», let it come down!

tah'-na^sou-n-a^wn'-nihi-sa-t*, while he traveled down -stream
h-a^wui-nihihi, down-stream
t-a"wu-n-iho-a", floating down-stream
ina"wu-8a"-hak", dived, went under water
h-ina°wu-a", it sank
hani-naa", fall
hani-ku-^a°, throw down

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kou-, kanou-, long, far.

kana"-a"ya", ** oblong," extended
ka"a°n-ihi', slowly

kanou-ci-bI-tfi-hi-na°, I eat a long time
kou-^-inat-it', long life
kou-ta '-a"-ba-, lie abed long
kou-^hi', some time later
kanou-ta'ta", long

XOU-, xanou-, straight.

xanou, xaxanou, straightway, immediately

xouwu, xouw-uhu', straight, straight in

xoub-a", straight

xanoub-i-x-t', straight

tani-xoub-ei, a very straight one

xoawu-xati, take this straight

xana^-ku-ba, ''straight (across) red," name of a design

xouw-usS, go straight

tceib-i, aside, crookedly.

tceib', crooked

tceib-a", crooked (cf. xouba", straight)

tceib-i-s, step aside t

tceib-i-sa-na", I get out of the way

tceib-i-tcena 'a", jumped aside

tca^-i-, away, off.

tc&W, outdoors
tca^-i-a°t*, he elopes
tce^-i-ka"hu, escape, start off, leave
tce^-eia"t', goes, departs
tcetf-akouuhu, go farther up
tca^-i-^"ci-b-eit*, blew him away

wata°-, into the camp circle.

wata"-ni', into a camp

wata^-s", go into the camp circle

wata»-ka"hu, go (run?) to camp

ci-, cix-, seci^-, senix-, into water, in the water.

sec'^-a'wu, at the bank, near the river

hit* tcih-cTh-ku-^-i, throw me into the water here!

hana»-cih-ku-^-a"t', then he threw him into the water

seniex-tcahit', jumps in the water

na'-tci-ci-eisa", come right into the water!

hana»-ni8a»-ci-eisa°-^, then both entered the water

wa"-ci-e-b, take into the water

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102 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

nanab-, north.

nanaba'y nanabP, north
nanab -isft-t', goes north

nis-bis-, east ; nis-na-, west,
nis-bis-isft, go east
nis-na-isft, go west

naxk"-n-, with, also.

naxku-hu*, with, together, including, also
ha^-ba-naxku-ha", you might be included
nanaxku-ni-hi-tawa, I include it
naxku-n-isa, travel with
haH-naxk-a-tce^ei-aH', he will go away with him

nas-, hanas-, thus; compare the demonstratives na-ha', hi-na.
n&s-inat-it', thus lived again
nfts-it-a^t', did accordingly
hanfts-i^etca^-tana-hok", thought of him thus

taba-, just then, begin to.

t&ba, then! lo! just then! being about to, when
t&ba-ban&, begin to drink
tS.ba-tawa-h-&t', begins to chop down

ka"x"-, ka"xa"-, again, once more.

ka"x", ka"xu, ka"xa"i, again, another time, then at last

ka"xa"ika^e-n-a, again lost him

ka'*xa'>i-naxaw°, again was near

ka°-xa°i-ane^eia-n-a, once more he struck one down by kicking

hana'ut*-, hana'a-, all, completely, enough, suflSciently, until,
hanaut' bitcixa" tcan-isei, all leaves are falling
ha"ix-hana 'uta-ya", now was complete
hana'ut'-ha'>ix-ya(?ani-sibihei, until he had killed (all) five
hana'ut'-haH-icite-n-a", indeed I will catch it
hana'ut'-hah'-naha-'ou, until I killed them all

ba-, behi-, behic-, babanei-, all.

bahihi', all, everyone, anybody, completely
bft-hi-nihani-x-t', the owner of all
b&-tani-ci-ni^, all have a hole cut
ba-hi-niha"-you, all are yellow
ba-hi-yeiya"-una"-^i, all have four arrows
ba-h-axa°-at', shot all

ha°^ei-, all, all who.

ha"^ei, all. See Text i, note 5
ha^^ei-hi^eti-ni, all that were good
ha°^ei-wana-uneiti-niW, all who still lived

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1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 103

C. Prefixes Not Yet Found as Independent Parts of Speech

1. Apparently Verbal —

wan-, go to, go for, go after.

hana"-wan-bi-n-aH*, then he went to give it to him
wan-i-bi, go to eat
ni-wa"-ka"huwa, I went and cut
wan-ote-n, go and gather
wan-i-tcena'a», go in order to jump
wan-isei-na-hitfi, burrs, * * they who go after women ' *

nabi-, nawu-, make a motion to, move forward,
nabi-x-tea-hi^, made a motion forward
tcena-naba'-a-t^ plunged headlong

nis-, to, tied to.

nis-axaya*, wire fence

nls-i-a^eiyo, trousers, "tied leggings"

na-nis-a^ku-hu-ni^, the tied ones

na'-, to, arriving.

na'-usSl, na"-u8, arrive, come to

cit-, continue.

cit-is&, journey, go on, keep going

ha^a'a"-, truly, surely, indeed, necessarUy.

ha^'a"-biti, indeed I shall be revenged
ha^'a°-h'a"-t-icite-n-a», surely I shall catch him
ha^a V-ha^ni 'itcei, it must be eatable

2. Apparently Adverbial, Referring to Manner —

hinix-, hanux-, very.

hinix-itfeti, very good

hanux-utfeti-n, very good

hin-tca-b-it', water-monster ('* very-shooter "f)

hinix-hanixt*, very tall

ni'-, good, well,
ni '-bi-ni, good to eat
ni'-ina"ei, good hunting
ni'-bfiha", smell good
ni*-teei, eatable
ni*-tci"-t', is sweet
ni '-owa-be-hi-na", I feel well
ni-eh-t*, is fine-looking

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104 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Elhn. \ Vol I 'J

tani-, indeed, very, skillfully.

tani-xoub-ei, very straight one
nlh'-tani-tca-inati-hok", skillfully he lived again

ina-, fast, more swiftly.

nih'-in&-8a-t', quickened his pace
h-in&-nawa, without delay

nani-, nani-, constantly.

nani-bani, drink frequently

neni-nfi"ku-t*, blind

ni-neni-s-ei-ka»hu-t*, mole (**who constantly runs**f)

in-i-, aimlessly, randomly, about.

in-i-sa, wander, go aimlessly, **bum around"
in-i-kuhi, was chased about
in-i^-i-ka"hu, went around
in-i-ta^-ka"hu-h-eit', dragged him along

3. Apparently Adverbialf Referring to Space —

tea-, tci-, back, again, retumiug.

tca'-isft, tci'-isft, tci-8&, go back
tca-yi-ka"hu, run back
tca"-w-oti-wa», roUed back
tca-naih-a»-t*, "again kiUing," a place

ly-i-, near.

h-iy-i-sft, come near, approach
i-ha"-n, iyi-ha*»-n, go after, pursue

a"y-, in front.

a°y-ei-ka"hu, go ahead

tci-bixa°-, out of the woods, into the open.
tci-bixfi»-u-ka% came running out of the timber

bis*-, up, out.

ha"ix-bi8*-tcena'a», sprang up

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1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 105

WORD-FORMING SUFFIXES

The etymological ** suffixes" of Arapaho verbs are not only less
numerous than the ** prefixes'* but far less concrete and specific, to
the degree of being almost grammatical. They comprise transitives,
intransitives, causatives and similar derivatives of wide applicability
but general meaning.

-ni, to be, to have ; verb- forming.

hiha^w-aha 'aiiaka"-ni-n, there are no stones
hit-aka^xu-i-ni-t', he who has tentpoles
n-eiha»wu-uta-ni-hi, I have no horses
n-itfe-ti-ni-n, that which is good
hinana 'ei-ni-na", I am an Arapaho
inenita-ni-n*, you would be weU, living
bahaei-ahe-ni-t', becomes an old man
ni'-bi-ni, good to eat
natci-ni, wet (netc*, water)

hi-netci-bi-ni-^', the water-giver, owner of waters
niha"-ni-x-t*, is yellow (niha"-ya'*)
tea 'otaya-ni-na", I am hump backed
nana-ni-na°, I, it is I

-Oiy intransitive.

n&'a-tfi-x-t, resembled (n&'a-si, thus)
bi-^-, eat (bin, eat something, bi-tf', food)
ana"-^-, be different in appearance

-hi, intransitive.

h-i^ei-hi-naxk", if you are good
bihi'i-hi-n, be a deer
bani-^-hi-na», I eat
kanane-hi-na", I am a coward
nanaba-hi-t*, what is sacred
hi^"wu-tai-hi-na», truly I am cold

-hu, intransitive

i-ka"-hu, run
ta-ka"-hu, flee
na-ka"-hu, come, bring
ni-8a"ku-hu-^, were tied
nitou-hu-t*, shouts
teabixa»-hu-t*, flies
yana-hu-t*, pledger, he who vows
tca'otaya-hu-t*, hump backed

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106 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

-awui-ni, become, begin, be.

t-intcabit-awui-ni-t', he became a water-monster
ka"na"-n-awui-ni-M, they opened it
bani-awui-n*, spring (bani-tce, summer)

-owa, feel ; bodily condition.

ni '-owa-be-hi-na", I feel sick
has-owa-, sick

-si, be in the condition of.

isi-si, be lying

ba-tani-si-ni-^, all have a hole cut
n&'a-si, n&'ei-si, thus, thus it is
kah-a'ei-si-ba-t', fractured his head

-ba-n, -wa-n, cause, make, bring about.

t-aseinou-ba-na", I get meat

axa"-ba, made laugh

axa-ba", axa-wu, fed them, give me food!

wazu-ba-, to have medicine

oti-wa", roll (hoti', wheel)

-h, causative. See the starred forms under the ** connective"
suflSx -h.

-ei, causative.

haka"x-ei, make tentpoles
h-a»xu-iy-ei-n, sew (§"xu-, across)
tcft-tcab-ei-^i, making pemmican (tceb*)
tic-tcib&t-ei-t', after he made a sweat-house

-xa-h, cause to be in condition of.

tcabi-xa-h, make travel; transport (tcab-i-, passing)
na"a-xa-h, bring in (nou-, na'a-, out)
tca'e-xa-h, take back (tea-, back)
sa'i^-xa-h, peg out flat (sa'a-, flat)
xouwu-xa-ti, takes it straight (xou-, straight)
tca-bi-xa"-hu-t', flies (tca-b, shoot)
ni-tana-xa-hei-na", I dig a hole (tana-t*, hole)
ba-xa-h, strike

What at first appears to be the stem preceding this suffix is in
most cases an element which itself is normally a prefix. Whether
the ** prefix'' tcabi- or the ** suffix" -xa is the true verbal **8tem"
remains to be determined, as in so many other cases.

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1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 107

-ku-^, to make a motion leading to the condition or position de-
scribed in the **stem." This **stem'' in turn is often a ** prefix'' in
other words.

^ei-ku-^, put in (tciM-, ^ei-, in, on)

nohu-ku-tf, lift, carry (nou-, out)

tcei-ku-^, release, let go (tea-, tci-, back; tca^-i-, away)

ha»ix-ixtci-ku-^-a», threw him up (hixtc-, hixtcaba, up)

tou-ku-tf, bind

ka^ka^ni-ku-^-a", he uncovered him

i^i-ku-^, seize

abita-ku-tf, steal

ba-ku-ta", * * red stand, ' ' a head-dress

Probably the same in origin as -ku-^ is an intransitive ending -ok".

W-a'k", stand (M-, on, projecting)

^-ok", sit, be sitting

tcan-ok**, sit down, seat oneself (tcan-i-, down)

ta'x-ok", ride (tax-, tas-, on)

-a, to make, bring, cause to be.

bas-R-, carry, bring wood (bas')
tcit-a-n-a", takes him in

-ta-n, -ta-na, for, to, of, about.

ci-ta-n, capture for

ic-ta-n, ici-ta-n, make

kousa 'a''-ta-n, attack

^■wa-ta-n, believe

ciyi-ta-^, make disappear for

a"W-ta-n-a"t', tells it to him

axa»-tana-w-a"t', makes fun of him

aheisi-ta-ni, gave to be washed (aheisi-ou, wash one's self)

hanas-itfetca^-tana-hok**, thought of him thus

h-iW-ku-ta-n-a"M, when they seized them

isi-bi-ta-ni-ni, bedtime, time for lying

^aha'i-ta-n, be agreeable (tot)

kaha^u-sa^-ta-b-a", took half of her

tou-ku-ta-n-a", tied to him

tou-ku-hu-ta-ni-na", they are tied up for

na-na(h)a-ta-n-eina", he killed them for us

-wu-n, to, for, with.

wa^anaha-wu-n, write to
ata-wu-n, eat up for
neiana"-wu-n-a", holds it tight for him
ni-tana-wu-hei-na», I dig a hole
kox-ta-wu-h, do to, meddle with

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108 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

-t* (-i-tS -a°-tO, forms abstract nouns. This ending seems to be

that of the third person subjective.

bixa"-^-et-it*, love

bi-^-h-it*, food, eating

ba8a-iha"t-it* (ceremonial) touching (by old men)

hina-t it*, life

hinen-tan-it', tribe

tceita"-h-at-it', ** ear-piercing " ceremony

tce*-at-it*, ** welcoming" ceremony

has-owa-be-h-it*, sickness

anet-it', speech, voice

waxu-c-it', paint, the painting

ka'ue-h-it*, a bleeding

tou-tci-h-it*, belt

bat-a"t*, a dance

a8ina-n-a»t', anger

h-a'xu-a't*, a crossing

-ehi, ohu, agent, action, instrument, thing for.

h-abit-ihi, thief

aneti-b-ehi, speaker

habatf-ehi, a large one

kata-dhu, bead work (kata-, cover, hide)

tcawouw-uhu, swimmer

-a°, -y-a°, that which.

$i 'a-ya", post, monument, goal

hasei-ya", an offering

ba-tfa'to-^", hemorrhage

baM-ya°, property, clothing

bani-ya", night, darkness

bihi'i-yi», at night

kana" 'a"-ya", long, oblong

niha"-ya°, yellow (niha"-ni-x-t*, is yellow)

niha-ya", self (niha-ni-, to own)

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109

GRAMMATICAL PREFIXES

Orammatical affixes of verbs are prevailingly prefixes, except for
most of the pronominal and a few other elements.

interrogative

k-ih'-

k-a--

k-a-hei-

k-a-ha-

k-a-hn-

i-ha»wn-

negative

tci-, tcih-

negative

tci-b&'-,tci-bah-

negative imperative

tci-

sometimes positive imperative

iii-,nih»-

incompleted action

-isi-

completed action

nih-isi-

ha-nifli-

■-

ha»t-

future, probably of purpose or intent

ha»t-i-

ha-t-a"!!-!-

when, after, because

ti-,tih»-

action incomplete

ta»-, tah*-

tiai-

action complete

tisini-

ta»hi8i-, ta»hu8i-

ta"hu8iiii-

ha»-ti-

optative, **let me''

ha--tih».

hih'.

'* would that!''

0i-

optative, 'Met me," 'Met us"

iW-

ha--

meaning not determined

ha-ih-, ha"-ix-

'then "14

ha»-na"-

'then"i*

ni-

relatively subordinating or noun -making

who, which, where"

nih-

hi-

nihi-

hini-

ha»-ta»-

where

ha».

while; continuing; " — ing"

ha-tcis-

na"80n-

the same meaning as the last

ti-na'son-

hawa-tih*-

although

GRAMMATICAL SUFFIXES

-eti

reflexive

-uti

-hok-

"it is said," quotative

-axk-

conditional, subordinating \

-haxk"

-naxk"

'he

14 These two frequent prefixes, whose exact force is not clear, are evidently
introductory and appear to contrast with pach other. See text m, notes 4, 29.

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110 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

PRONOMINAL ENDINGS

The pronominal endings of intransitive verbs, including numerals,

adjectives, and independent pronouns, are:

I -na"

you -n*

he -t', or a vowel

we -na"

you -na°

they '6if or a vowel

These endings are usually added directly to intransitive stems.

bana-na" I drink

n-aneti-na* I speak

^oku-t* he sits

^ai^ku-t* he stands

The intransitive imperative is the stem.

The intransitive negative with the prefix Iha°wu- is formed with
prefixed pronominal elements.

I n-eiha°wu —

you h-eiha"wu —

he h-iha"wu —

we n-eiha^wu — ba (or -hi-ba)

you h-eiha"wu — ^ba (or -hi-ba)

they h-iha"-wu — na» (or -hi-na")

In these forms -na" recalls the commonest plural suffix of nouns,
-ba is probably the stem for **all," and the vowel change in the third
person, as well as the initial prefixes, are suggestive of the posses-
sive prefixes. Perhaps the division should be nei-ha"wu instead of
n-eiha°wu.

The transitive conjugation is formed by suffixes. These are :

You

Eim

You

Them

e^en'

-a"'

-e«ena»

-ou

-awa"

You

un'

—

-an'

-eia»

—

-a"tei

-aw"

-eina"

-ein*

-a-t'iB

-ina"

-eina"

-a"t'

-a'

—

-an'

-at'

—

-ana"

at'

-awina*

You

-eiana"

—

-ana"

-eiana"

—

-ana"

■a win a"

They

-i^i

-einanl

-a-MKJ

-eina"

-a"W

-ou

The above forms have been found on most stems. Some verbs,
including tca-b- and ka"u-s, replace the first vowel of the suffix, be it
e, ei, a, or u, by i, except for the inanimate object, the **I-them" form
-ou, and perhaps certain other forms of the third person object.
Thus, tca-b-I-na", ka"u-s-i^en*. Some other verbs, including baxa-h-
and sa'i^xa-h-, substitute u for e, ei, a as the first vowel of the suffix

15 Second form: he (B) to him (A): -eit'.
10 Second form: they (B) to him (A): ei^'.

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1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 111

in the first and second persons object, but contrariwise in the third
person object change a to a, and ou to ei. On the other hand, the
stem vowels change according to the suflSx in some verbs: na-naha\
kill, occurs before all persons of the object, animate and inanimate,
except the **A'' form of the third person: nanaha'-eina", nanaha-ein^,
nanaha'-eit*, but nanaha'-a°t^

The endings themselves cannot be analyzed in all cases into regu-
larly recurring subjective and objective constituents, although -n* for
the second person singular object, -na"* second plural subject and
object, -ei first plural object, are clear. The impression given by the
endings is that the two elements of each occur in a fixed order not
so much according as they represent the subject and the object as
according to the person denoted. The second person comes last,
whether subject or object ; between the first and third persons prece-
dence is not so clear.

This is confirmed by the transitive negative conjugation with the
prefix -i-ha'^wu-. In this the second person is always prefixed; the
first is suffixed as against the second, but prefixed as against the third,
while the third is prefixed only when there are two elements of this
person. Such a form as hei-ha°wu-bixa'*-^-e^ also corroborates the
inference that -e^ in bixa"-^-e^-en» is the part that means * * I ".

Me You Him Us You Them It

I hei— e^ nei — a" hei — e^eba nei — a°na* nei — it

Tou hei — * hei — a" hei — eia° hei — a"na' hei — it

He nei — e hei — e hi — 8. hei — ein hei — eiba hi — ^a hii — it

We hei — 3, nei — ^aba hei — Hba nei — ^aba nei — awuba

Tou hei — uba hei — ^a°ba hei — eia»ba hei — a^ba hei — awuba

They nei — ei hei — ei hi — 8.na" hei — ein hei — eiba hi — 8.na° hi — awu

The transitive imperative forms differ somewhat from the indic-
ative: -un, -in, implies the object of the third instead of the first
person. Probably it expresses only the subject of the second person.

bixa°-x-u

like me!

bixa"-x-un'

like him ! like them !

hi-8-in'

fear him!

haseina-b-in'

hate him!

bixa-t-a"

like it!

bixa»-«-eia»

like us!

bixa"-«-a

do you (pi.) like him!

The negative imperative, with prefixed tci-ba-, has the same sufl&xes.
The forms referring to an animate object of the third person are
preceded by connective consonants which in the indicative of the
same verbs occur before the first and second persons objective.

r Possibly a final surd * has escaped notice in these forms.

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112 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

CONNECTIVE SUFFIXES

The transitive pronominal endings are not added directly to the
stem, but are invariably preceded by one of five consonants: b, n, s,
Of h. At first regarded as part of the pronominal suflSx, later as a
connective characteristic of each verb, these consonants were later seen
to correspond to the **instrumentals'' of Dr. Jones." Before this,
in fact, -h had been recognized as a causative. The four other con-
sonants, on the other hand, do not appear to be significantly instru-
mental in Arapaho, except in so far as they all occur only on transitive
verbs. They certainly do not in most cases refer, except by the re-
motest implication, to a part of the body or a type or shape of instru-
ment. There are also scarcely any observed instances of one stem
appearing, under the same or an altered meaning, with any other than
its characteristic consonant." The designation * * instrumentals ' ' there-
fore seems of dubious applicability in Arapaho.^**

It may be added that a search for a possible phonetic relation
between stem and connective consonant gave no results.

Meaning

Verb

You

Him

Fou

Them

see

a"ha

b2i

strike

ta»

b2i

hate

aseioa

b21

[t]

shoot

tc&

tell

itawu

[n]

eat

reach

oux&*-ta

[n]

fear

cut

k&»u

bixa"

peg flat

sa'i^-xa

strike

baza

h28

kill

na-naha

These connectives or instrumentals change somewhat according to
the person of the animate object expressed in the pronominal endings
which follow them, and in part according to the stem. Such varia-
tions, which are illustrated in the following table, are clearly of a
phonetic origin. But a radical change undergone by the consonant

18 Am. Anthrop., n. s., vi, 403, 1904; Bur. Am. Ethn., Bull. 40, 807, 1911.
i» Except bii, find, which occurs both as bii-n and bii-h; anS"ka-b, ana^ka-n,
loosen; and ci-n, ci-h, capture.

20 Compare Michelson, Am. Anthrop., n. s., xv, 476, 693, where substantially
the same contention is advanced as regards Fox.

21 w with subject of second person singular and third plural.

22 X with subject of second person singular and third plural.
28 This is the only stem found with the glottal stop.

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113

when the object denoted by the pronominal sufSx is inanimate, especi-
ally from -w to -t, can scarcely be due to any merely phonetic laws.
The author sees in this thorough difference of form when the object
is inanimate a further argument against the instrumental nature of
these connectives.

CLASSIFIED LIST OF STEMS
A number of transitive verb ** stems" follow, arranged according
to their ** connective" suiBxes. This list is followed by one giving the
principal ascertained intransitive verbs, which lack connectives.

Transitive

-b, -w

a»ha-b

see

ana-ka-b

loosen (also with -n)

a"tana°ta-b

buy

abita-b

steal

aseina-b

hate

ayiata-b
b&s-ana-b

pursue closely

think of highly

kaV-b

bite

nib

marry

tousa-b

bathe

tab

strike

ta»ya-b

bite

tahi-b

help

tab

cut, break off

tca-b

shoot

wa°-ci-e-b

take into water

outayft"-!!

-n
hang up to dry

awuna-n

pity

a"ina-n

mow

iyiha-n, yiha»-n

go to, go after, pursue

isa-n

alarm, scare up

icitan, ite-n, ata-n,

tan take, catch, seize

nou-ta-n

bring out

tci-ta-n

take in, bring

basa-n

touch

bin

eat

bi-n

give

bun, bn-h

find

koutesa 'a-n

chase, drive off

ka"a^ei-n

cut open belly

ka^e-n

lose grip on

ka"koua-n

envy

ka»ne-n

open (ka^u-s, cut)

kayei-n

pull out, pull off

nouxa-n

meet

non-sa-n

drive out

nota-n

ask, question (notl-h, seek)

n-!^-n

go with, come with .

nitou-n

breathe in, suck in

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ci-n, ci-h

take, capture

cinouhu-n

resemble

tou-n, tanou-n

hold

tan

pour

ta'xa-n

kick

wa'awa'a-n

go in, draw in, 8uck in

With suffix -ta:

ouxa"-ta-n

reach

ici-ta-n, ic-ta-n

make (n ici-h, make)

^a»wa-ta-n

believe

kousa 'a"-ta-n

attack

na-naha-ta-n

kill for

ci-ta-n

capture for

touku-ta-n

tie to

tca'a-ta-n

perceive, notice

tcei-ta-n

visit

With suffixes -wu, -ha:

ata-wu-n

eat up for

isi-ba-n

lay down, go to bed with

^ei-wa-n, ^ei-ka-h

carry on back

tawaha-wou-n

cut tree down for

wa^anaha-wu-n

write to

waxu-ba-n

imitate a bear

-S, -X

(ii-)i-8

fear

ita-8, ita-8

meet, reach, arrive at, come to

ba-8

touch

ka»u-8

cut (ct. ka"ne-n, open)

nou-ta"-8

carry out

tana-8

pierce, make hole in

tcei-8

give here

wahani-8

unite

waxu-8

paint

a»(?a»-(?

'0
rub

B,^eie

narrate

a-ka"-^

take home

aneti-^

speak to

bixa»-^

like, love

ka»koutci-^

scratch

sixaha"-^

do thus, show

ciyi-ta-^

make disappear for

With suffix -ku:

(i-)tou-ku-^

bind, tie to

dei-ku-tf

put in

ka-ka^ni-ku-^

uncover

nohu-ku-^

lift up, carry

ni8a»-ku-d

bind

tcei-ku-d

release

-h^*

ata-h

give

-axa-h, -axa-h

bring, take, carry (in, back, etc.)

*a8ini-h

anger, be angry at (asina-na-t*, anger)

-i-^etca»-h

think

2« Starred forms show this suffix with an indisputable causative force.

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•h-itca--h

give pipe to, cause to smoke

iya-h

ignore, not know

ba-zo-h, ba-za-h

strike

•bata-h

give medicine to, doctor

bu-h, bii-n

find

tfouu-h, ^»a-h

crush, grind, chew (^azan, forcibly)

fe«ku-h

^i-ka-h, ^ei-wa-n

carry on back

•Wa-kuh

make stand

koztawu-h

do to, meddle with, copulate with

ka"kaz°ka-h

stab, pierce, sting

kataja-h

cover up

search for, seek (nota-n, ask)

*noti-h

natani-h

deceive, trick

n-ici-h, ici-ta-n

make

nicka-h

whip

sa'i^-za-h

peg out flat

ci-h, cin

capture, take

•tcabi-za-h

carry, transport, cause to travel

•teitei-h

cause to enter, let in

wawah

throw over, scatter

Intransitive

ouhu

climb

on$

hang

comb

a"ku-ft»

thaw, be warm

an-a»

stand

awuna"

be closed

a^xtce-hi

shove

ana-W

be different

atei-ni

make camp, stay over night

atei-jaka-ni

come to a camp

hi^"bei

be true, right, so

ixanehi

provide for, favor
lunt

ina--ei

inenita-ni

be well, live

inikati

play

isi-bi

lie down, go to bed

isi-si

be lying

itou, aton, atei-a»

shout, make noise, roar (cf. n-itou-hu)

h-iton

beg

ita»-ei

take arms

b&i-ni

be bloody, bleed

b«i-tcizti

be red hot

babaa'ei

be curly haired

bana,beni

drink

bana»^ei

smell

basayei

touch

bixou

emerge, rise to surface of water

biwa-hu

weep, cry

hahisi

wash

«a»ba

snore

Wbi

have to do with clothing

^ya-hu

cut hair

kozuna

hide, enter a hole

kozahei

dig

ka'-u8

drop, fall

ka'uye-

pick fruit

ka'out-

make dust

ha»hei, kohajei

get up, rise, ride

ka"kou

patch on

kaxou-hu

chip off

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kaxa'a

crack, fissure, dent

kanane-hi

be a coward

ka°a»ni, kana-a-ni

be slow

kou, kanou, kana"

swell (kou-, kanou-, long, far)

kaya'a-hu

fly away

na-, naya"

take off (clothing), dress

na-(?a»

stay

na^ku^ei

push

na'nou

get ready

nani^e

menstruate

natca, netce

die, be dead

iienina»k"

be blind

niha-ni

own

mh'a»,nih*aa

sting, hurt, irritate

nibou-ha

use perfume

n-itou-hu

shout, whistle, breathe (cf. ito

Base-hi

play, trouble, make noise

saya

chew

cicitci

stretch

ciyiha»ti

disappear

tou

strike (tou-ku, bind)

tai

be cold

taye-hi

be ashamed

tcena 'a°

jump

tcani

skin, flay

tcastc

scratch

tcatecti

cut, hurt

tcin

plant, bury

wua°

rest in water

wa»^», waDa»^°

abound

waxusi

paint

yana-hu

pledge, vow

In general, transitive stems are used intransitively, or vice versa,
so far as their meanings permit, without further change than that
produced by the loss or insertion of an ** instrumental'' connective.
The following are the principal observed cases of a more extensive
modification.

Transitive
aku-hu-, cook
a°ina-n, know
hinita-(t), inhabit
isi-ba-n, lay down
ici-ta-n, n-ici-h, do, make
basa-n, touch
bii-n, bii-h, find
bi-n, eat

noti-h, seek, nota-n, ask
naha', naha', kill
ni-b, marry
tca-b-, shoot
8a°ku-^, bind

Intransitive
a"ku-, thaw, be warm
a"in-, know
hanita-, live, stay
isi-bi-, lie down; isi-si, be lying
ici-hi-, n-ici-ti-, aci-ta-, do, make
basa-yei-, touch
bii-ti-, bii-ha-, find
bi-^-, eat

noti-hi-, look, search
na'ihei-, naiha"-, kill
ni-ni-, marry
tca-ba"-, shoot
sa^^ku-hu-, be tied

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1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 117

Nouns

PLURAL

Arapaho nouns take a plural sufSx whether animate or inanimate,
this distinction of gender being expressed by the verbs, adjectives, or
numerals referring to them and not in the nouns themselves.

The most common plural sufiix is -na". This has been observed on
hic(*), liver; baseit*, urine; ha^xei, wolf; hou, raven; bitei'i, dove;
haha^t*, cottonwood, tree; kaka°x(»), tent pole; haha'ukta", hair
braid; haxa'ana"ka", stone; ha^a°, penis; ha^kuhS", head; na^tca",
chief ; hana"tca°, buffalo bull ; hinen», man ; hisei, woman ; wa'a, wa'aha,
moccasin ; kakuiy, tube, gun, whistle ; cisa'^wa", tobacco ; tcibat*, sweat-
house; wana', wrist; hi^eina", buffalo; blsa", worm.

With some slight or apparent change of final vowel, this ending
occurs also in the following words :

wax", grass, herbage, waxuina" (contrast waxu', medicine, below)

waxucit*, painting, waxucitana"

ha^ka^x", saddle, ha»ka»xuina"

nic'tceinan*, buckskin (probably antelope skin), nic'tceinana" (for nic'-

tceinan'na"!)
batceot('), watceot(*), stomach, batceotana"
0ik?y ghost, tfeikana"
^w", bridge, boat, Wwana"

-a°, -ha" (probably really -a"', -ha"') is also common. Before it
-a, -e, change to a ; and -x becomes -6, -c becomes -0 or -x, 6 becomes -t.

bata", heart, bata"ha"

nicitca", antelope, nicitcaha"

ni'ihi, eagle, bird, ni'ahiha"

nitciye, river, nitcihaha"

hou, robe, houwa" (ct. hou, raven, above)

ha"kuhu', mouse, ha^kuhuha*

h&ni% ant, h&ni'iha"

hanaxa'ahiH, boy, hanaxa'ahiha"

hata», sinew, hataha"

waxu', medicine, waxuwa" (ct. wax", above)

wou, buffalo calf, wouha"

tca'einox, bag, tca'eina^a"

ha'uwanux, parfleche case, ha'uwana^"

beic(*), nose, beitfa"

benec, arm, banoxa*'

bas', wood, baxa"

waV^*, leg, wa'a»ta°

beitci^, tooth, beitcita"

tcaox", foe, Comanche, tcao^a"

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118 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

tce'ft"ox", club, tomahawk, tce'ft"o^"
bitcic, leaf, bitcixa"
tcicihi, night hawk, tciciha" (sic)
hiti^^, kidney, hiti^^a" (sic)

Lengthening or vocalization of the final vowel is fairly frequent :

i>T; u>fl; a>ei; a, a">ou, au.

ho^*, arrow, hoOi

bihi'i, deer, bihi'i

tca^^ni'i, prairie dog, tca"^ani'i

wox", bear, woxfl

wa'az", nail, wa'azii

netc', water, netci

ni'etc*, lake, ni'etci

hftHetc*, ocean, haHetci

w&8&"^(*), arrowpoint, wft8&»W

hab&8(*), beaver, hUbas!

hi^"zu, guts, hi^a"xu

kahaVwu, creok, kaha'a"wu

hoseina", meat, hoseinou

wa"ketc('), cattle, wa^ketci

hota^ mountain sheep, hotel

b&°clBa^ eye, ba'cisei

hft"w", house, h&»wii

ha^a"', star, ha^a'Q (ct. ha^% penis, above)

wanatana^ ear, wanatana'u

Apparently formed by a special suffix :

he^, dog, he^bi
ka'a", coyote, kazawii
hiwazuhfi'x, horse, hiwazuh&*zabi

CASES

An oblique case, usually an objective, was observed on a few nouns.
It seems to be formed by -n*.

hisei, woman, objective hisei-n^), compare text m, note 28.

wot n&ha' nitcihe*hinen* ni 'babanihaxk", this Kiowa was handsome;
h&*iznouzan$ nitcihe-hineni-n*, he met a Kiowa.

tuxkanii* bfinin&*t* nitca-ou<n* bitcineni-n*, Tuxkana' gives a blanket to
Bltcinen^

n&h&* hinen' tawin* hi'ihi' haza'ani>ka" hinii' hineni-n*, this man struck
with a stone that man.

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A general locative, also serving as an instrumental, is more fre-
quent. It takes the forms -ha', -na', -ba*; also -i^ n\ -i, -ii, recalling
both one type of plural and the objective.

nayei, my tent, najeiM'

hi'a»tf*, his leg, hi'a^ta', hi'a»^n* (plural)

bei, awl, beiha'

nitciye, river, nitciha'

haxa'ana"z, ax, haxa'ana^'^a'

nina", tent, nina°na'

ha"xeb', spring, ha^'xebina'

ba V, road, baVna'

ha°kuha», head, ha^kuha^na '

haka'x, tent pole, haka''x*'ina '

kakuic, kakuiy, gun, kakuiyana'

tetcena", door, tetcena^na*

tcEseix, one, tca8eiya°na ', in one spot

wax", gra^s, waxu'una'

h-a", bed, h-a^ba'

hoti', wheel, hotiba'

netc', water, netci

tca'ota"ya", hill, tca'ota°ni

haha°t*, cottonwood tree, haha°ti', hahS-Hi-n*

bita'a»wu, earth, bita'a"wu

waw", ice, wa'awu

he^-aw-akay-a-ni, in the doghouse

POSSESSION

The personal possessive aflSxes of nouns are illustrated by the
following examples :

Word

Father

Mother

Older brother

Daughter

Vocative

neixa°

naV

nata

neisana"

neina'*

n&saha'a

natane

Your (s.)

heisana"

heiha"

hasaha'a

hatane

His

hinisana"(n*)

hinan'

hisahaV

hitana"

Our (incl.)

heisananin'

heinanin'

hasaha'ehin'

hatanihin*

Our (excl.)

neinanina"

n&saha'ahina-

Your (pi.)

heinanina"

Their

hinlsananina"

hinaninina"

hitanehina*

Somebody's

beisana"

beina"

b&saha'a

Word

Grandfather

Son

Sons

Bobe

Vocative

nabaciwa"

ne'i

(hou)

nabacibaha

neih »a»

neih 'a»ha»

natou

Your (8.)

habacibaha

heih'a-

heih Vha"

hatou

His

hibaciwaha"

hiV

hiVha"

hitouwu

Our (incl.)

habacibei-hin*

heih'ehin'

Our (excl.)

Your (pi.)

Their

hibacibahaina"

Somebody 's

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120

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Word

Bobes

Penis

Dog

Tent

Vocative

(houwa")

(ha^a-)

(hee)

(nina")

natouwa"

nei^a"

neta^bibi

nayei

Your (8.)

hatouwa"

hei^a"

hetatfabibi

hayei

His

hini^a»

hita^abiwu

hiyei

Our (incl.)

hatouwun»»

heta^abibin'

hayeihin'

Our (excl.)

nayeihina"

Your (pi.)

hayeihina"

Their

hitouwuna"

hita^abibina"

hiyeihina"

Somebody *8

ba^a°

Some of the above forms under **our," **your/' and ** their" may
really denote plural instead of singular nouns. The ** vocative" in
the terms of relationship is the term of direct address: ** father!"
In the other words given, the corresponding form in parentheses is
the nominative.

Several nouns show a sufiix with labial consonant in all three
persons. This perhaps denotes acquirement of possession.

nat-aha"ti-bi, my tree
hit-aha"ti-wu, his tree
net-a^bi-bi, my dog
na-nouhuha-bi, my kit-fox
na-na"tc8."-wa», ray chiefs
na-teia"ni-wa", my children

Pronouns
The demonstratives, which are alike for singular and plural, ani-
mate and inanimate, are :

naha ', nuhu '

hina'

hini

this

that, visible, or near the person spoken to

that, invisible, or of reference only

Compare: na'asi, thus, na'eisi, na'asa", it is thus, resembles, nana-
hisou, alike, na^a^xt*, he resembles.

Interrogatives :

ha"na '

ha"you

hSHa", ta»ti, ta^teiha"

ha^tax"

tou

tousa"

tahou, tahoutax"

tou^ouhu *

who

what

where

whenever

when

why, what kind

how many

for how much, at what price

A real personal pronoun does not exist. Independent words trans-
latable by English pronouns occur only in answer to questions, or

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1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 121

occasionally for tautological emphasis. They are verbs formed from
a demonstrative stem.

nanil-ni-na" it is I, **I"

nana-ni-t' it is he, *he"

nana-hazk" it must be he, "he**

Compare :

hineni-ni-na" it is a man that I am, **I am a man'*

hisei-ni-na" I am a woman

haha°ka°-ni-na" I am a fool, I am crazy

The ** independent possessive pronouns*' are also verbal sentences,

with a possessive prefix and a subjective suflSx of the third person.

mine neinis*ta»t' (**he is mine*')

yours heinis^taHi

his hinis^ta^t'

ours neini8*ta"tibina»

yours heinis'taHinina"

theirs hinis^taHinina"

Adverbs

-ihi', -uhu', is the commonest ending of independent words of

adverbial or prepositional force. Without the suflBx, several of the

stems occur as prefixes of verbs.

tcan-ihi ', under (tcan-i-)

tas-ihi', on (tas-i-, tax-)

ka°a'»-n-ihi ', slowly (kou-)

xou-w-uhu', straight (xou-)

ba-h-ihi', aU (ba-)

na"-uhu', out from the river or valley (nou-)

hanawu-n-ihi ', ha"wui-nih-ihi', down-stream

n-a"wu-hu', south

hawaho-uhu', many times

hi'-ihi', hu'-uhu', with, on account of

hi^a"w-uhu', really, truly (hi^a"bei-, to be so)

^ei-n-ihi', ^einei-si, inside

kou^-ihi', some time later

kox-tf-ihi', over, beyond (kax-, violently, through)

ka°-kaxu^-ihi ', over a hill

kanaw-uhu ', meanwhile, at the same time

kanax-uhu', obstinately, unduly

nih-ihi', along, during

tou-^o-uhu', at what price (tou, what)

ka^ka^tf-ihi ', homeward

-ba, -hi, -wu, is another ending of adverbs, whose stems in some
cases also serve as prefixes of verbs,
hixtc-a-ba, up, above (hixtc-i-)
ha»^-b*, toward (ha»^-, ha°^-bi-)
nana-ba, nana-bi, north
na"ta-ba, at the rear of the tent, opposite the door

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-a"wu refers to the ground :

bita'a»wii, earth
hi^"wu, on the prairie
hi^awa"wu, under ground
naxuta"wu, above ground

-OU:

han-a", hard, han-ou, very hard
ha'na'-ei, fast, ha'na'ou, very fast
n8.'asi, thus, nanahis-ou, alike
ha-na', who, hft»-y-ou, what

Numerals

The Arapaho numerals given in the vocabulary are those used in
counting, and mean ** — times/' The cardinals used in sentences are
formed like verbs with the prononinal endings -i-^, animate, and -ei,
-i-i, inanimate. They occur either with a prefix ha- or with prefixed
reduplication. In this reduplication initial y of the stem turns to n.
The relationship of these two sounds has been mentioned before. The
stem of the cardinal numeral **one'' is the same as that of **two,"
nis, but has the corresponding singular suffixes -ix-t» and -e-t*. In
the ordinal and the forms for **six,'' the stem for *'one" appears in
what may be its original form, nit. The stems for **nine'' and **ten"
are used without reduplication or the prefix ha-. The ordinals are
formed, with reduplication, by the suffix -awa. This is sometimes
further enlarged by the ending -na' when inanimate, and when ani-
mate has the ending -t». Numeral classifiers have not yet been ob-
served, except -a°na, which is employed when camps, towns, herds, or
portions are referred to, and which may be a locative or collective:
yaneiy-a"na"-na", four bands.

Counting

Cardinal

Ordinal

tcftseix

ha-nisi-xt' (an.)

na-nisi-xt'

na-nit-awft-t*

ha-nis-et* (inan.)

na-nis-et'

na-nit-awa-(naO

nis'

ha-nisi-^' (an.)

na-nisi-^'

na-nisi-awa-t*

ha-nis-ei (inan.)

na-nis-ei

na-ni8i-awa-(na')

n&sa", n&sax

ha-nai-(?»

na-nai-^»

na-nftsi-awa-t'

yein«

ha-yeini-^'

ya-neini-^'

ya-neini-awa-t*

ya^an*

ha-ya^ani-tf*

ya-na^ani-^*

ya-na^ani-awa-t'

nit-a»-tax«

ha-nit-a»-taxu-^*

na-nit-a»-taxu-^'

na-nit-a°-taxu-awat*

ni8-a"-tax"

ha-nl8-a»-taxu-^'

na-nis-a'taxu-tf'

na-ni8-a"-taxu-awa-t*

nas-a-tax"

ha-nas-a"-taxu-^»

na-nas-a''-taxu-^'

na-nas-a"-taxu-awa-t*

^'*

M'a-taxu-^'

^'a-taxu-awa-t'

bata-tax-

bata-taxu-^*

bata-taxu-awa-t*

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The numerals from 11 to 19 are formed from those for 1 to 9 by
the suflSx -ini, which occurs also on words denoting measures of time ;
the tens by the ending -a"', -a', or u', with change of preceding con-
sonant.

tcftseix

tc&seini

4
5

yein*

ya^an*

nisaHax"

14
15
17

yeinini

yatfanini

ni8a°tax"ini

40
50
70

yeiyu'
ya^aya '

nftsa-tax"

n8.8a°tax*'iiii

nasaHasa

Other forms: nita°, first, before; nisa^ouhu*, nisaha'a, both;
tca"xa°, another one; tcaseix, one, inanimate; tcasa', one, animate.

The suffix -tax'*, in 6 to 10, appears to be found also in tahoutax^,
how many, and h&°tax^, whenever.

TEXTS

Only enough textual material is presented here to illustrate some
of the leading structural and phonetic features that have been out-
lined. Several hundred pages of Arapaho texts were secured by the
writer. But the foregoing description is, after all, not more than a
sketch of part of the salient traits of the language ; and any analysis
making a pretense at even approximate completeness was impossible,
without a study so thorough-going that it would have crowded into
the background indefinitely other work which was a nearer duty.
With the possible exception of Eskimo, AlgonMn, as represented by
Arapaho and Yurok, is far the most difficult form of speech encoun-
tered by the writer at first hand. How much remains to be done in
Arapaho before the language is really understood is revealed by the
notes that have been added to the appended texts. The purpose of
these notes is elucidation; but whoever consults them will not need
the advice that for nearly every point explained there is a problem
raised, and several that are not even touched on. For these reasons
the entire body of texts recorded has been put in the possession of the
Bureau of American Ethnology, in the hope that under the hand of
Dr. Michelson or some other investigator better fitted by capacity or
long occupation with Algonkin than the writer, their publication will
ultimately result in greater usefulness than could be attained now.

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124 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

TEXT I— A PRAYERi
ha°-heisana'nin»^ nanitane'ina"* na-h*bacibe'hin^* ha^e'i'

Ha! our father, hearns, and grandfather. All

naha'a^se'hi'it nanaxkunihi'ita'wa"* hici'^ m'ha"ya"

the shining ones I also mention, day yellow,

hase'isen>® hVVOeti na'yeitci i'i'^etin*^ bitaVwu u'^etin®

wind good, timber good, earth good.

tcasae'hi ha°^tca'^in*^® hi^a**'wa"wu^^ naxuta^'wu"

Animal listen under the ground ! above the ground

tcasae'ihi natci^^ tcesaehe'iha**** tcibah 'tcaha'^I**

animal, in water animals, all listen !

hatciyawa^ni'na"" haHwani'bim^* ha°tihi 'We'hi"

Your food-remnants we will go to eat. May they be good!

ha"tihitcihika'*'ta"^® ha^wa^a'w'* hmaiti't*® ha°tihiawa°ho'ua°

May there be long breath life! May increase

hina'^tani't'^ teia°na' '^^ hanatciha"ye'it" hise'hihi"

the people, children of all ages, girl

naha-hana'xa'ahixi^^ nax'-hine'n hanatcixa"ye'it hi'sei

and boy and man of all ages. woman,

bah*e'ihahin^* hanatcixa^ye'in batabi' ha"tninioxane'ia"nou^*

old man, of all ages, old woman. It shall give us strength

bi'ciwa"^'^ ha'^neika^'hu^i^' hici'c ha"'^a° neixa°'"

the food while runs the sun. Oh that! my father!

tcixtca 'a'^i" naba'elwa"" na^nihi *i^a' 'a""* kakau'^etca"*^

listen, my grandfather! for what I ask, thoughts.

bata°'" bixa"^eti't»2 hanaw^»nati't ha"tninl^xanabe^en'«

heart, love, happiness! We will eat you.

Notes

1 Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xviii, 315, 1907.

2 Ist pers. pi. inclusive: neisana", my father.

8 -n-, connective; -eina", he — me or they — us: thou — us is -eia".

* na" ' or nah» is ' ' and ' ' ; the -h»- may be part of this or part of the possessive
elements ha — h-in', our; nabaciba, my grandfather.

5 Also a prefix of verbs.

« na-, for na"' or nah*, and; -naxku-n-, with, a prefix of verbs; nih*-, incom-
plete action; ita, stem; -w-, connective; -a", I — him.

7 Cf . hicic, sun, below.

8 Cf . hasa*a"t', swift, and the prefix of verbs has-, swiftly, violently, very,
hard.

9 These two words were heard as parts of the preceding ones, to the final
vowels of which their initial vowels are assimilated.

10 ha"^i- apparently equals ha°ti-, optative; -in*, transitive imperative.

11 -a"wu, an ending of adverbs referring to the ground.

12 Locative of netc', water.

18 -ha", plural; -ehi, -ehei, may be -ehi, denoting the agent, -ehi, face, or -hi'i,
-hahi, diminutive.

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i*tci-, imperative, regular in the negative, occasional in the positive; -bah'-,
all; tcaha^-t-i, compare tcS,^-t-, note 10, is or contains the stem.

15 * * Crumbs. ' ' Plural, with 2nd pers. possessive.

i«ha"t-, purposive future; wan-i-, go to do; bi, eat; -n-, connective.

IT ha"tih*-, optative or precative (cf. note 10), -ih* probably denoting incom-
pletion of action; i^e appears to be the stem meaning good, cf. above, note 9;
-hi, intransitive.

i8ha"tih*-, as in last word; -tcihi-, possibly tci-, imperative, and n-ih*-, in-
complete action ; ka"-t-a° suggests the * ' prefix ' ' kou-, kanou-, long, far.

Id Cf . hinen*, man, hinenita", person, hinana'ei, Arapaho, hiteni, life symbol;
-it*, no doubt containing the pronominal ending of the 3rd pers., recurs below
on abstract nouns.

20 Plural (t) of teia", child. The form has the appearance of a locative.

21 Unanalyzed, except for the abstract ending, cf. note 19.

22hisei, woman; -hi'i, -ha', -hahi, etc., diminutive; hanaxa'aha, young man.

28 baha 'ei, behi 'i, old, with perhaps the diminutive suffix. Compare the stems
for old woman, in the second word following, and for grandfather, as in note 4.
The ending of the next word changes from -t to -n, evidently to agree with the
unexplained -n of the present noun.

2*ha"tni-, or ha°t-, ha"ta°ni-, purposive future; -ni-, perhaps ni'-, good; -oxa-,
the stem, cf. axa-wu, give me food, -axa-h-, to bring, take, carry; -n- appears to
be the connective, in spite of the -h- of -axa-h; -eia°nou then would be the pro-
nominal ending, not fully clear, though -eia" is thou — us.

2» Unknown derivation from bi-, eat.

2«ha'*-, while, continuing; -ne-, for ni-, nih*-, incomplete action; i-ka", stem,
to move, especially to run, usually with the intransitive suffix -hu.

27 ' < Vocative, ' * Ist pers. possessive, regularly a shortened form in terms of
relationship.

28 Imperative: cf. notes 10 and 14.

2»na"-, perhaps my; nih-, nihi-, ni-, hi-, that which, he who, where.

so .i^etca°-h-, to think; kaka-xa 'anata", thought, think.

81 Indefinitive possessive prefix b-a-, b-ei-, w-a-.

82 bixa"-^-e^en*, I love you; for -it see note 19.

88ha"tni-, one form of future of intent; -ni^xana-, unanalyzed; -b-, connec-
tive; -e^en, I — you.

TEXT II— AN ADVENTUEEi
bihi'i ha°ixina"eP hitaxa^hok' wotix touciniehin

"Deer' now went huntins. Heeameto accidentally one who was pretty

hisein* behic^nicHca"^ hinaninouyuyaxkan xanou*

woman. All antelope was her clothing. Straightway

ha^ixtcetci^ana"* tah*nahawa"t^ hisein* ha^ixSneitaxawuina"*®

then he wanted to court her when he saw the woman . Then she motioned for him to approach.

wa°hei ha"tibia°^e^en ha^^a'^hok' bihi4 nah'nihaya"

"Well, let me love you," said to her "Deer." "And yourself

hacita°nani ha"^eihok* hanaiyiha"t^° ta"ba^^

please." she said to him. Then he went to her. Just

ha'»tnitena'*hok" hina°nanax ha^ixwosatouhin^' tcestcatcena *a^

he will he about to touch her, to his surprise then she cried (like a deer) , suddenly Jumped,

tcatcebita'eixa**^' ha°i'biniha°haba^* bihi'i bihi'i ha^ixtaye

ran off looking back. Then he saw she was a deer. "Deer" then was ashamed

ha°wo-nih'ot-bia 'a"t" ha°natcatcka°hut^* taxtayehit^®

at being deceived in loving. Then he returned ashamed.

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126

University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

ha°ixxa°ta'einm

Now later

bihi'i

"Deer"

ta'bihi'ihinanin*^

became like a deer.

naye^a°na"

In the camp-cirele

ha"ixinikuhina"^*

then was ehased

bihil

"Deer"

wa«^ti bihi'i

like a deer.

wa"ti

bihi'i

a deer

niMouhak22 wa^ti

he cried. like

i bihi'i

a deer

tcatcena'a""

he Jamped.

wa°ti

bihi'i

a deer

hahna^kuhnahak"

he lied on the prairie;

ha"ixnana°ni^a°kua"

then his eyes looked different.

ha°ni ha°ixtcmin^

At last then he ceased

habahiyeihana"tak°^'

all pursued.

bihi'i ha^^ixtatina"

"Deer" now had his month open.

bihi'ihin^^ na'a^clhit*

being a deer. For this he is named

ticitanat'*

When he was eanght,

ha^ixbahaneiana"^'*

Then all held him.

bihi'i

"Deer."

Notes

1 BulL Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xvm, 20, 1902.

2 For ha"ix-, see note 29 to following text; ina", hunt; -ei, causative, here:
go to.

3 -hok", it is said, they say. Cf. Michelson, Bur. Am. Ethn. Ann. Bept., xxviii,
237, 1912.

4 An apparent instance of the objective or oblique case: hisei, woman,
^ba-, behi'i-, behici-, babanei-, all, completely; na^sitca", nisitca", antelope.
« Also a * * prefix ' ' of verbs.

7 tah*-, when; n-a"ha-w, see; -aH', he — him.

8 Cf . h-itaxa" in the third word of this text ; with this * * stem ' ' compare ita-s,
ita-s, reach, meet. For ha"ix-, see note 2 : -wuina", from -wu-n, to, for, with, or more
probably from -awui-ni, become, begin, and -n-, connective, -a", -a", he — ^him
(a form different from those given above in the table of transitive pronominal
endings, and no less common; but their relation is not yet clear).

» For ha"t-i-bixa°-^-etfen', I will love you.

10 hana- = ha°na"-, which see in note 29 to next text; iyihaH suggests the
analysis iyi-h-a"t*, but the form otherwise found is stem iyiha" with connec-
tive -n-.

11 Also a prefix, but here heard as a separate word.
i2ha"t-ni-; ite-n, take; -hok", see note 3.

i8ha"ix-; wos-,f; atou, itou, cry, make a noise, shout; -hi, intransitive; -n,f

1* Cf. tcesis-, begin; tea-, again, back, or perhaps reduplication here, *' jumped
about"; tcena'a", jump.

15 Cf. tea-, backward, again; tceib-i-, aside, crooked; the stem seems to be
the same verb of motion as in the word referred to in note 8.

i«ha°ix-, as ante; bini-h-, possibly from bii-n, bii-h, find; a"ha-b-a°, he sees
him.

• 17 Perhaps from bixa"-^, to love.

i8ha"na"-, as above; tea-, back, again; -tc-,f; i-ka"-hu, run, travel; -t*, he.

i»tah»-, when, because; taye, be ashamed, as in the preceding sentence; -hi,
intransitive; -t*, he.

20 ta'-, for tah"- (f); bihi'i, deer; -hi-na"ti-n, compare ni-waxu-na»t*, she who
turned into a bear, and the independent word wa"ti in the next sentence.

21 ha»ix-; in-i-, about, aimlessly, at random; -ku-hi-na°, possibly from -ku-tf,
make a motion to, transitive, and -hi, intransitive.

22ni-^-,f; etou, for itou or atou, shout; -hak, for -haxk", conditional, subor-
dinating.

28ha-,(f); bah-, all, as in note 5; iyeiha-n-, for iyiha"-n, pursue; &"tak", un-
certain, but evidently contains the * * conditional, ' ' as the word in note 22.

24tic-i-, when; ite-n, catch; -ftt, for -a"t*, equals -a°t*, he — ^him.

2s Again the prefix * * all, " as in notes 5 and 23.

20 Perhaps the intransitive verbifying suffix -hi.

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1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 127

TEXT in— TANGLED HAIRi
hinen ha^nixaHihok'*^ na°ha°ina'*eihok'»' ha°eita"wuna*^hok'*

A mMi lived alone. He went to hant. He told her

hinini ha'^ta"nina'*eiti* ha°na"ya" tciba"ta"ka'*ha'*wuna***

hit wife, when he was ahont to go to hunt: '*Mind ! do not look at him

ha"tanita°8eiiii' na"na°teiti* hlna°ha"temeiti* hiha^wiixHwa**^

when he eomes to yon a powerful one with tangled hair who is hard to satisfy aboa^

a^titci ha'^Ina^^ya" ha°ta'*nita°8a'* na** tciba°yei^a**eini

Itlates. He will make a noise when he will come and do not look there

hita'^seinihina^ku* ha^ina'^ya" hota"nitoutca°na"W® ha^^na^ya**

where he comes. He will make a noise; hewillshont; mind!

tciba"neia'*ha'*wuiia'** na°na°teiti ha'*ba°tcitcitei*® ha"yeia" 'a**^^

do not look at him the powerful one, he might enter your tent/'

ha^^a'^hoku" hininin" ta^tca'^^eia"!*^* na"na"tca°Wcina'*eihoku"

he said to her his wife when he went away. And he went to hunt

ticmihife°ti** hinlni na°na'*na°^a°hoku tlna"eiti*^

after he had told his wife; he left her to hunt.

iia"ha°na"eita"seiiiitt* hinini hina°ha°teineinitt**

And then he came to his wife. he whose hair was tangled.

na'*ha°tcita"ka'*ha'*wa'*hoku* na°na"tci'*IsaVa°ka'^nei*®

And she did not look at him. And he went back

ta"tcineia°ha"wa°ti* ha"tca'*i8a'*ya°ka"*P® ha^tisa'^niW*® nuhu

when she did not look at him. he went back to where he had come from, that

hina"ha"teinihiniW*® ta"^a"niheiti nuhu ta'^bS^tlta^seiti'

one with the tangled hair. he failed that one on first coming

nun a°ha°ka"neineiW^^ ha°yawuta"sei^* nItcita"ka"ha°wa°hoku*

that demented one, whenever he came to her who did not look at him.

na"ya'^neinia"wa°m** ha'^ta^na^hoku^' ha°tca"ci beiha" *a""

Bnt the fourth time she made a hole by means of an awl

ha^xuti nina°na" ta'^hma^tca^^eia^ni^** hi'ihi' beiha'a"

at the left of the door in the tent, when he turned back, with an awl,

ta'*huhiftwa°ha"wa"ti*» " ^a^i^a^hift^'* ha^haku

as she looked through, ' ' Let me see him ! *' Ae said.

ha°na'*eiwa°ha"wa"ti* hihi^'i nuu a"ta°na°tihTni ha"xuti

Then she looked out through that hole at the left of the door

hitt 'i ha Tieitc ha°tfeihoku* ^ na°ina°sa°y a"kani

through. "Here!" he said to her as he turned back.

ta°tciteia"neiti^® ha^^eihoku ta"nia"cina°na°** na'^tcia^xa^^wu*^

When he came in he said to her: "I am hungry, give me to eat,

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128 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

ha°^a°hoku" nuhu' hiseini^* hana°a°tltciheiti^® ha°eina°^®

he said to her that woman. Then she gave him for a plate a clay one.

hiha^^wnanisou 'u'*^ na°tltcita°na"*^ hana°a°titciheiti^*

"It is not the kind I nse for plates." Then she cave him for a plate

bacina"'® hiha°wna"isou'u na'*titcita°na'* haha°ku

a wooden one. "It is not the kind I use for plates," he said.

ha°na°a'*titciheiti ka'^ka^ha^wa^ti ka°xu ha°ma°eihiti

Then she gave him for a plate a war-bonnet. Again he said the same.

ha'^na^^a'^titciheiti hibixuta°nini*' ta'^na^na" ' ha"fe°hoku

Then she gave him for a plate her dress. "Very nearly ! " he said to her.

na°h&°na°a°titclheiti hiwa**nina°'* ta"na°na° ' ha°^a"hoku

And then she gave him for a plate her moccasins. "Very nearly! " he said to her.

ka"xu ha^n&'^icibinifti^* ha°^Weineihi'i'* na'^na^' ha°^a°hoku

Again then she lay down flat on her back. "That is iti " he said to her.

na"ta"ha"ta"wa"niW^ ha°na°ika°^eineit*^® wa"ha°inisei^*

And when he had eaten then he slit her open. She was pregnait with twins,

nTsa°u'^^ ha"na" 'a"hia"*° nlsa°na"*® ha°na°rita°na"ti*^

both were boys, the twins. Then he took them ;

tca°xa°" nuu ha'*na'»'a"hia°*® ha°na°iwa"cieiwa°ti*'

one that boy then he pat in the water

ha^xabeina*^^ na" tca°xa" a^ha'^i^eiku^a**** ^a°ya"ka"xu'

in the spring. and one he threw nnder the right side of the door

nina°na°^^ ha"na"na'^^itca°ftia'^ti*' tlc^eiku^a°ti** teliyana" '

at the tent. Then he went away after he had placed the children.

ha°ma°kei na-hlna"ni** ha°einici'ia*® hinini

He returned, this man. he called his wife.

ha**itca"ti^ni ta"nicia"ti*' hinini na" xa°xa°n6u*®

she did not answer. when he called her, his wife. And straightway

ha°ia"ini" ta"na"eineiW" ta^tca'^ti^einiW*

he knew that she was dead when she did not answer.

ha"na°tci^na°ha°wa°ti'** ha'^ha'^eik&'^^eini'* neitcInihi^a"na'*ou**

Then he went in to see. She was slit open. "I told yon."

ha°^a"hoku ha°na'*iblwa"huti'^* ha°na"na"^ina°hit*

he said to her. Then he cried. Then he went off.

Notes

1 Field Columbian Museum Publications, Anthrop. Series, v, 378, 1903. The
informant spoke with elaborate slowness and distinct syllabification. To this
are due the numerous nasalized vowels, which, as Dr. Michelson says, tend to
disappear in rapid speech. The slow utterance of the present informant may
have caused nasalization to be heard where it was not organic. Dr. Michelson
nasalizes o and perhaps other vowels; the author noted only a*^ and a", though
a" was sometimes confused with o. Arapaho long vowels were usually heard

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1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 129

and written as geminated or doubled, particularly from this informant. As
the writer in studying other languages has, however, found this apperception
to be largely an individual pecuUarity, such double vowels have in this paper
been represented by single letters with the macron, except long e and o, which
are represented, as heard, by ei and ou. The tendency to double crest long
vowels seems nevertheless actually to be fairly marked in Arapaho, although
the slight importance of the trait at best, and the cumbersomeness of its ap-
pearance in print, probably make its orthographical neglect preferable.

2 The ending -hok", given by Dr. Michelson as a stem meaning * * say, ' ' is
common as a quotative. Text ii, note 3.

sna"-,t; ina"-ei, hunt, go to hunt, probably containing -ei, causative; -hok",
*' quotative"; ha"ta"ni-,,ha"ti-, ha°t-, purposive future, as in the preceding text;
-ti, for -t*, he, intransitive.

•*tci-, negative, tci-ba-, negative imperative; ta"k-, nei-, not determined;
ta"-, when; na"-, nah*- (also independent, perhaps regularly loosely proclitic
rather than prefixed), and; ha°-, probably related to ha"ix-, ha"na"-, see note 29;
a*ha-w, stem, to see; -hok", ** quotative"; -ti, -a"-ti, ei-ti, 3rd pers.; -na", not
clear, but evidently pronominal, -na occurring quite regularly as the subjective
and objective element of the 2nd pers. plural.

5 haHani-, future; na»-, and; ha"na-, **then"; ta"ba-, just, only, first begin to;
ha"yaw-, if the translation obtained is literal, would mean ** whenever" (inde-
pendent, ha"-tax", whenever, ha*-you, what); ita"-s, to come to; -ni, -niW, -Biy
modal-pronominal; -ti, see note 6.

« These two words contain the 3rd pers. ending -(ei)-t*, and are to all ap-
pearances verbs.

7 iha"wu-, with pronominal prefix, a frequent form of the negative in verbs.*

8 Cf . note 5.

^ hota"ni- for ha"ta"ni-, cf . note 1 ; itou, stem.

10 tcitei, enter; cf. tcit-, tci^-i-, in, entering.

11 These words all contain a locative suffix.

12 ha^-^^-hok", he (A) said to him (B) ; ha»-^i-hok», he (B) said to him (A).
Cf. Michelson, Bur. Am. Ethn., Ann. Eep., xxviii, 237, 1912. It appears that a
similar distinction is made in other verbs in the transitive pronominal endings.
The two contrasting forms are probably related to the two forms of the third
person in Central Algonkin; but the writer is under the impression that, in
Arapaho at least, the **suus-ejus" distinction has been far transcended, the
two forms serving rather as a convenient and valuable means of expressing
over considerable passages the ideas which in our legal documents are ren-
dered by *'the party of the first part" and **the party of the second part."
If this view proves correct, the force of the paired Arahapo forms would be
somewhat similar to the contrasting Yuki particles sa"' and si', of which one
indicates the continuance and the other a change of grammatical subject or
agent in the sentences which they open.

18 Without the final -n in other occurrences in this text, as ante.
i^ta"-, when; tca"^-ei-, tca^-i-, off, away.

15 na"-, and; tca"^-i-, away; ina"-ei, go to hunt; -hoku, quotative.
i«tic-, ticini-, when, after, with implication of completed action; hi-,f; -^a"-,
cf. ha»-tfa"-hoku, note 12; -ti, he.

17 t-, ti-, tih'-, ta"-, tah»-, when, after, to, because.

18 Compare the corresponding form in note 6.
i»na"-, and; tcR"-, back; i-sa", go, come.

20 ha"t-, ha"t-a"-, where; i-sa", go, come.

21 hah&"ka% crazy.

22 ya-neini-awa-t*, the fourth, animate, ya-neini-awa-na', inanimate. The
ending -ni is evidently the same as is found on the cardinal numbers from 11
to 19, and on words denoting measures of time.

2stana-s, pierce, make hole in. Cf. ta'-, tana'-, tou-, tanou-, to stop, or by
stopping; also the fourteenth word below in the text.

2*ta*-, when, as; a"ha-w, a"ha-b, see; huhi^-w- is evidently a form of the
independent word hihi^'-i or hi^'i (as below), probably for hihi^-ihi*.

25 W-, i^-, let me.

2«a8ini-h, to anger; asina-na-t', anger; the same stem seems to be used to
express the meanings of anger and hunger, which both imply stirring emotion;
or has the similar sound of the English words led to confusion in translation?
The ending -na" is the regular intransitive of the Ist pers.

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130 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

27 tci-, positive or negative imperative; a"xa"-wu, aza-wu, give to eat!

28 Objective of hisei.

2»a"titci, plates, ante; -h-ei, causative; hana"-, ha"na°-, correlative with
ha"ix-, mentioned in the preceding text. The force of these two common pre-
fixes is not clear. Informants left them untranslated or rendered them by
* * then. ' * They appear to be relational to the discourse as a whole rather than
syntactical or grammatical. For ha"- alone see note 4.

80 Compare Gros Ventre ha'a»ty*, lime, white earth; and haaninin, better
ha'aninin, the Gros Ventre name for themselves, translated, perhaps in false
etymology, as ** lime-men." The myth refers to a time when the Arapaho at
least .knew pottery. For the ending -i-na" compare bacina", a wooden one, just
below, from bac*, wood.

81 i-ha"wu-, negative of verbs.

82 a'titci, plates, as in note 29; -ta-n, -ta-na, to, for, of; either the initial n-
or the final -na" denotes the first person.

83 hi-, her; bixut', dress; wa'a, wa'aha, moccasin, plural -na".
84ici-bi, isi-bi, lie down.

8B -ihi 'i, -ihi ', the commonest su£^ of adverbs.

88 Compare naha', nuhu', this; hina', that, visible; nan&-ni-na°, I, it is I;
nana-haxk**, he, it must be he.

8T na"-, and; ta"-, when; ha"t-, future intent, and a'wa", eat; or h-a"ta"-, eat
(cf. ata-wu, eat up for), and -wa, -ba, cause.

88 i-ka"^ei-n, cf . ka"aiei-n, cut open belly (ka 'a"-b, bite, ka^ne-n, open, ka"u-s,
cut off); -eit*, he (B) — him (A).

80 nis', two (counting), ha-nis-ei, two, inanimate; -na°, plural.
I 40 hanaxa 'aha, young man; -hi'i, -ha', -hahi, diminutive; -a", for -a"', -ha",
plural. For: hanaxa 'ahiha" '.

*i ite-n, take, catch.

*2 Compare tc&seix, one, in counting.

*8 i-wa"ciei-w for wa"cie-w, wa"cie-b, take into water.

** i-^ei-kti-^ for Bei-ku-B, put in ; -a", he — him.

«na"^-,f; tca"tfi, for tca^-i-, away, usually a "prefix," here obviously the
' ' stem, ' * since it is followed directly by the pronominal ending.

*8 tic, or tisi-, when, after, completed action.

*7 teia", child; -na", plural.

*8For: naha' hinen'.

*» This transitive stem seemingly is used without the usual connective con-
sonant. Compare the endings of the two occurrences of the stem: -a"t* and eit',
the A and B forms according to the table of pronominal endings, occur, here
and elsewhere in the text, in subordinate verbs; -a", as in note 44, and notes 8
and 16 of Text ii, is found on independent verbs.

80 Or xanou ; also a prefix.

81 Transitive a"ina-n. This form seems to be intransitive and without pro-
nominal suffix.

62 ta"- once means that, once when.

88tci^-i-, in, entering, to enter; a"ha-b, a"ha-w, to see. Perhaps best: he
entering saw, he enter-saw. This word illustrates excellently the difficulty in
distinguishing in Arapaho between verb stems with adverbial prefixes and
binary compound verbs, as discussed above in the first part of the section
dealing with verbs.

84 See note 38.

88 The expected ending -e^en', I — you, is lacking; n-ei- seems to be the part
of the word meaning I.
8«biwa"-hu, to cry.

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1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 131

PAET III
NOTES ON QROS VENTRE

Phonetics

The sounds of Gros Ventre have been discussed in connection with
those of Arapaho proper. Certain dound correspondences between
the two languages have been pointed out in Part I.

Vocalic changes, consonantal substitutions, increments, and redu-
plications or similar expansions, are frequent, but the laws by which
they are governed are not often clear.

W08, bear; waota^-n-os, black bear.

liit&na"(ii)-i-bi, buffalo cow.

nixaH-ou-i^, white-man woman.

na»t8*, rabbit; na"k-a"t8, "white rabbit," jackrabbit; nawat-a°ts, 'Meft-hand
rabbit," cottontail rabbit.

na'*ts-ou-hit&na°, white buffalo.

na"k"-tf-otei, ''white belly," donkey; wanot*, some one's belly; na-na"ty-ix-ty*,
he is white.

ha'a"-ty', white clay, lime; ha'a-n-inin, Gros Ventre; ha'a-n-i^, Gros Ventre
woman.

b*-teibyi, louse, '*some one's louse"; bei-teibyi, "red louse," flea; ^ei-teibyi,
"flat louse," bedbug; baxa 'aMeibyi, "thunder louse," butterfly.

a^wu, down; a^wu-nihi 'i, down along a stream; n-a"w'-na"tyinei, "lower-
Assiniboines, " Sioux.

kaka-ya", flat, it is flat; kaka-tyi, he is flat; kak-ou-bi^, "flat wood," cut
Inmber, planks.

b&^-ani'i, "large gopher," prairie-dog; bft^-a^tsu, "large mouse," rat; bfts-ou,
bl^-ei-(y)a", bana^-ei-(y)-a", large (inanimate), it is large, a large thing;
banatf-ei-tyi, he is large, a large one; b&s-inita", "large person," a giant;
habaty-inita* (haba-ty'-inita"?), a large person.

baxa-a°, red, inanimate; bei-x-ty', he is red, red (animate); ban&ty', he is
red; ba»a'' bis, red wood; bax-ou, "red porcupine(t)," badger; nix-b&a '&-na",
I was red headed; ban&ba- 'ta-na", I have red ears; bana"b(a")-a"t8o-na", I have
red eyes.

Composition
Some body part stems when in composition are dissimilar to the
independent stems of the same meaning ; others are the same.

Distinct:

-ib&-, nose ; be-ic', nose. Arapaho : -i-^a-, b-eic.

W-n-ibft-ty*, "flat nose he is," pig

ta-n-ibS-ts, ' ' pierced nose they are, * ' Nez Perc4 Indians

ba^&s-Sbft'-na", * * large nose I am, ' ' I have a large nose

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132 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

-a 'a-, head ; bi-t* '*° ( or bit-* '*"?), head. Arapaho : a 'ei- ; ha-kuha**,
head; bei-^e'a, hair.

ban&^-a '^-na", I am large headed

kaka-a 'R-nin, "flat head men(f)," Flat-head Indians

-taxa-, belly; wa-n-ot®, belly. Arapaho: wa-not.
ha^tyis-taxa-na", I am small-bellied

-a°tso-, eye ; be-so^, eye. Arapaho : ba-elsa.
wana"wa"^-a"t86-na", I have ugly eyes

Identical:

ityi-, mouth; be-tyi', mouth. Arapaho: ba-ti.
wana*»^-ityi-na", I am ugly mouthed

-*tan-, ear; wa-n-otan, ear. Arapaho: wa-natana*.
banaba^-*tan-(n)a", I have large ears

-a'^tsota-, tooth ; bi-tsit*, tooth. Arapaho : bei-tcW.
ninan*-a"t8ota-na", I have pretty teeth

-ofena-, neck ; wa-^ana, neck. Arapaho : ba-sona"^.
banRs-d^ana-ni-na", I have a large neck

-tina, mammae ; be-ten, breast. Arapaho : ba-^en-etc^ breast- water,
milk.

ban&b&s-tina-na", I have large breasts

Several other nouns occur in two forms :

-okay-, house, in composition only; -yei, house, independent word
with possessive pronoun ; nln*"*, house, independent word without pos-
sessive. Arapaho : -akac or -akay, -i-yei, nlna"*.

wux-n-okay-an, *' (f)-house8,'' the Minitari

wasoin-hiyei-hi-ts, "grass their houses,'' "they have grass houses," a
Shoshonean tribe

-a°w"-, water, in composition only; nets*, water. Arapaho: -a"wu,

netc*.

ba°-a"w''ha"^a°-nets*, red rain
nana»k-a"w" nets', white water
tsok-a^w", clear water
hou-n-a"w", muddy water
waota"-n-a»w", black water
waota"-nots*, "black water," coffee
nixa"t-ou-nets*, * ' white man 's water, ' ' whisky
bete (n) -nits*, "breast water," milk
be^*-nits*, "wood-water," sap.

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1916] Kroeber: Arapaho DialecU 133

Verbs

ArriXES OF MODE AND TENSE

The tense and mode affixes observed are substantially the same as
in Arapaho.

Prefixes
n-, ni-, na"-, incomplete action, present; Arapaho: ni-
nih*-, ninih*-, incomplete action, past; Arapaho: nih'-
nih-ise-n-, completed action, past; perhaps: once continued action now

completed; Arapaho: nih-isi-
ha»ta"-, ha"ta"ni-, future, probably of intent; Arapaho: ha"t-, ha't-i-,

ha"ta"ni
nih'-aHa"-, **wa8 about to"; nih*- and ha"ta"-

ha"-e-, interrogative, present; Arapaho: kih*-, ka»-, ka"hei-, ka°ha-, ka"hu-
ha^-ex-, interrogative, past
ha"'aHa"-, interrogative, future
ts6-, tsu-, tsa-, tse-, negative; Arapaho: tci-, tcih-
ha^-Cn), optative, "let me"; Arapaho: ha»-ti-, ha"-tih*
hax-, that, when, subordinating; Arapaho: ta"-, tah*-
ihi-, if, past unreal supposition
na°^ei-, perhaps; Arapaho: na°xei-

A few etymological affixes have also been distinguished :

naye-x-tso-, niya-x-tso-, try to; Arapaho: naye-

tca'^-so-, begin to; Arapaho: tcasis-

na"wa-, na°bi-, make a motion to; Arapaho: nawu-, nabi-

Suffixes
-etyi, reflexive; Arapaho: -eti, -uti
-ehi, -ohu, agent; Arapaho: -ehi, -ohu

-n-axku, added to personal ending, conditional; Arapaho: -h-axk", n-axk"
-ya", ending of many adjectives in the absolute or inanimate form; Arapaho:
-a», -ya"

PRONOMINAL ENDINGS AND CONNECTIVES
The intransitive endings are :

Gros Venire

Arapa)

-na»

-na"

You

•n«n

-n»

-ty»

•t'

-nin

-na°

You

-na»

-na"

They

-tsC)

-$i

The intransitive imperative is expressed by -ts; anity-i-ts, talk!
This ending has not been observed in Arapaho.

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134 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

The transitive conjugation is substantially the same as in Arapaho.

Gros Ventre

Arapaho

I — you

-etin

-etfen*

I — him

-o -I

-a»'

I— you (pi.)

-etina"

-e^ena"

I — them

-ou

I— it

-awa"

you — ^him

-ots*

-aH'

he — me

-ein»»

-eina"

he — you

-ein*

he — him

-aty'

-an*

they — ^you

-ein'nC)

-einani

they — him

-ots*

-a»W

The preceding consonant or connective also undergoes change much

as in Arapaho.

Meaning Verb Me You Him You Them It

see a^ha b kw2» b w t

strike ta" b b w

shoot tci by by by bit2«

kick ta^a n n

tell n-i t27 t27 t27

kill naha '

The transitive imperative is -in ; Arapaho, -in*, un*.

tci-by-in shoot him!

nihi'-in kill him!

The transitive endings occurring with the interrogative prefix
ha'^ex- are evidently the same as the Arapaho personal suflSxes used
in the negative formed by -i-ha°wu-.

Gros Ventre

Arapaho

I — you

-eta

-ee

I — him

-a"

you — him, them

-a-

-a», -a"na '

he — me

_ J

-e

he — him, them

■',&'

-a

they — me

-ei

they — him, them

-',-a»

-ana"

One of the two personal elements seems to be expressed, the other
understood.

The negative conjugation appears to be based on the use of the
prefix tso- (and its phonetic modifications), corresponding to Arapaho
tcT-. The equivalent of the Arapaho negative in i-ha°wu- has not been
observed.

ne-tsa-asa", I am not swift
na-tsa-atcesou-hi, I am not small
he-t8u-na"ha-b-et*, I do not see you

25 Unparalleled in Arapaho.

2« As in Arapaho.

27 Corresponds to Arapaho s.

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Kroeber: Arapaho Didlect8

135

Nouns

The plural of nouns shows the same types as in Arapaho.
-n, -in, -an, corresponding to Arapaho -na"*, -i-na°.

bear

wos(5)

W086*»

elk

(h)iwa86»

(h)iwas6hin

wildcat

be^a»ty»

be^a»tyan

crow

(h)ouu

(h)oun

fly

noubft"

noub&n

feather

bii

biin

bone

hi^»

hitfan

tent

nin"

ninan

stone

(h)axa'anaHya»

(h)axa'ana"tyan

L°, -ha", as in

Arapaho.

mouse

a»tsu

a»tsuhih"n

antelope

na°sity

na"sitya»

rabbit

na"ts*

naHs'ha*

gopher

(h)ani'i

(h)ani'iha»

muskrat

l9os

i^osa"

otter

nei

neih*»

squirrel

^a^a^ya 'ei

^a^»ya'eiha»

cat, puss

wus

wusha"

donkey

na«k-^otei

na»k"^oteihiha"

bald eagle

na»k°tiyghi

na"k°tiyehi«

turtle

ba 'anou

ba'anouha»

fish

na-w"

na»wuh»»

butterfly

baxa V-teibyi

baxa'a-teibyihiha»«8

river

nitsft

nitsaha"

Lengthening of the final, often surd or inaudible, vowel to -i, -u,
or a phonetic equivalent, as in Arapaho.

deer

bihi'i

bihi'ihi

beaver

(h)abes

(h)abes6i

skunk

^ou

^oue

cattle

wa°kety«

wa»ketyi

mountain sheep

(h)ot<«>

(h)otei

wooden house

batyi^ou

batyi^ou *u

ear

wanatan

wanatanou

water

nets*, nots

notsa"

louse

b'teibyi

b'teiwuh28

Words for ** domestic animal," or compounded with it, take -ibl,

Arapaho -abi.

dog (h)of (h)otibi

horse, * ' elk-dog ' ' hiwas 'ha"^ hiwas 'ha»^ebi

dragon-fly, * * insect dog ' ' bi^a"ha»^ bi^a"ha"^bi

A few words change final -s or -ts to -t.

tooth
horn
parfleche bag

bitsits

ninis

houwanos

bitsit
ninit
houwanot

28 Apparently different plurals on the same stem.

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136

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Animateness or inanimateness of nouns is indicated in the con-
joined verb, adjective, or numeral; or, as they should collectively be
called, the verb. The ** animate" gender, however, includes many
names of lifeless things. Such are : sun, moon, stars, thunder, wagon,
mowing-machine, which travel ; and snow, stone, tree, log, cedar, pine,
pipe, and money, which do not move. Inanimate are the nouns for
sky or clouds, lightning, rainbow, rain, water, river, spring, earth,
iron, willow, sage, grass, mountain, gun, bow, arrow, and wind, several
of which denote moving objects.

A locative is formed by a vocalic suiBx, as at times in Arapaho.

earth

bita'aw-

bita'awu

stone

(h)axa'ana'>tya"

(h)axa'ananyei

jarfleche bags
>ed

houwanot

houwanote

(h)a"w"

(h)a»ba'

The types of possessive pronominal prefixes are those occurring
in Arapaho. The third person frequently shows a vocalic suflBx
increment.

Word

Father

Mother

Son

Grandmother

vocative

ni^a»

na'a»

neihe '

nip

ni^na"

neina"

eihe'

eip

your

i^ina"

eina"

iha'aha»

iniwaha

his

iniMna°

inan*

our (incl.)

i^inan

our (excl.)

ani^inan'n

your

i^nanina"

Word

Grandchild

Mother's brother

Hair

Mouth

vocative

11186

nis 'ha"

nTs&

nis'

nanif-

netyi '

your

1S&

as'

anif"

etyi;

his

inisaha"

isa'*"

init"

ityi'

somebody's

bif»

betyi'

It is probable that an h-, which is fainter in Gros Ventre than in
Arapaho, occurs before all the above words written as commencing
with a vowel.

Pronouns
As in Arapaho, the so-called ''pronoun'' is a verbal sertence.

ni-na

ni-na-ni-na"

nih-na-ni-na"

haHa'-na-ni-na"

ni-nani-ts

it is it, that is it
'*!," literally, it is I
it was I
it will be I
*'they,'' it is they

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Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects

137

Numerals

Counting

Cardinal

Ordinal

tya^ei

ah-niW-ty* (an.)
ah-nW-* (inan.)

ni-nit-awa»-ty*

ni^

ah-nisi-t8 (an.)
ah-ni^-ei (inan.)

ni-ni8a-uwa»-ty*

n&^

ah-nixi-t8 (an.)
ah-na^ i (inan.)

ni-na8a-uwa"-ty*

yftn*

ah-yftni-ts (an.)
ah-yftn-ei (inan.)

ye-nana-uwa»-ty*

yatan*

ah-yatani-ts (an.)2»

yenatana-uwa»-ty*

neitya"t08

ni-neityano8-awa»-ty*

ni^»t08

n&^Hos

anhabeta"t08

beta»t08

ah-beta»t8i-t8 (an.)

bata»t08-awa°-tv*

The above ordinals are animate. The inanimate forms lack the
animate intransitive ending -ty*. The form for ** second" was ob-
tained without the prefixed reduplication. ''First'* is nltawu. The
difference of consonant in the animate cardinals for **one" and **two"
follows that in Arapaho.

Eleven to 19 are formed from 1 to 9 by -in, -oin, Arapaho -ini:
tya^ein, nisoin, nasoin, yanln, yatanin, neitya^tosoin, ni^a°tosoin,
nada"tosoin, anhabeta°tos8in or anhani^5u. Here the 0 of **two*' and
*' three" reverts to its Arapaho form, s. Twenty to 100 are made by
-6u; Arapaho, -a°', -a', -u^ nl^ou, na^ou, ySnou, yatanou, neitya**-
ta^ou, nl^a^^ta^ou, na^a°ta^ou, anhabeta^ta^ou, beta^ta^ou. Here s
becomes 6. Twenty-two is nl^ou nisoin, 39 anhayanou, 200 nl^ beta"-
ta^ou, 1000 bas beta"ta^ou, *' great hundred."

The only appearance of a ''classifier" noted is -an-, corresponding
to Arapaho -a"na, a collective.

tya" 'a"ya"tei bi^ yatan-an-ei, ''heaps wood five,*' five piles of sticks

min

A mmi

TEXT IV— TANGLED HAIR
h6uxnl^a"tciba' *a" a"'tasna"ka'ni hou'xa 'atso'u

was living alone. In the moming he went hunting,

hito'uani wa"tyinana°'niia"tye'ity* nohuutc'ha'ntinan nohuti'^a^ts

in the evening he returned. "When I am away, when comes

ini'ta" tsab^he'i tso'tits^ne'hin wa"tyl'ta°tyi ini'n** ta'ta"

a person, do not invite h^m!" he told her his wife. "£ven

hana'yeiso" tso'tya^ts tso'tya"ts tsab'hi'isiin a"hi'ta"wu'

if he is about to

a"'t'a8oj'ha'*'te'i

when he was away this man. surely

enter. enter do not let him." And indeed

i'n-ini'n houu'ta"wu nounenta'^te'ihini

some one came.

29 Or: ha^-yatanits, animate; ha"-yatanei, inanimate.

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138

University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

ininin

His wife

ka^ka"'

Just

hi'ni^an

naxka^'ka" hitso'watcatcini

Just would not say anything.

h5uxiia"a'*^°'t* hini'n 'a"

walked about. Hit wife

tso'tsodja'*

enter,

hi'n-inm

this man.

hini'ii

his wife.

hou'xtam i'^awu

He made as if to in

itsowatyl-istso'd ja** nah 'nou 'u^a'nts

not enter. Returned

ha°axtso-n6une'nita°t ni'watylta^t

"Has some one come?" he said to her

niwatci'teity* hih* 'a"' ni'watcita"

she said to him. "Is that sot" he said to her.

hana'yeisd hi^awu' tixil' ts6tya°ts»

if he is about to in enter,

wa°tyi'ta°tyi ini'n naxta'^ ho'uxats'ou

he said to her

haxkouta'nixty*

a"h no'hu ini'ta"

And that person

ha"hitso'watyatyin

would not ssy anything.

ha^hu'ityina-

but he did

hou'xna'^tcitana

asked her:

wa'e'idy^ya^ts

"Indeed he did!"

ta'ta"

even

tsa'bh^'isi'n

do not let him!"

nu'hu-inen

hana°'dya"

"Now

tsotya"ts

enter

his wife. And again went hunting tliat man.

houxtci' noune'nita^teTiinin nu'hu ini'n

When he was away long, again some one came that man.

wa'^tyina'xni'i'

He was about to

tayani' tilso' tsotyanits nu'hu

but did not enter, that

nuhuu' inounenita^te'itan hdti'xka^kanitako'utyin

who came. Then he flapped

wa^tylnehi 'i'tsa^nine'ixty* ts8dja°ts wa'^tyita^^'ty*

She began to restrain herself no longer. "Enter! " she said to him.

ouxtsS'djSni wa°tylnehi 'i' byltsiwa^na**

it was who entered. She began to cook for him.

byitsi'wa°na wa°tyinehi 'i' ha^a'wa^ty*

cooked, she went to give him food.

na°tyi'tsota"

I use as plates,"

anyi'tsha^'tyi aJ^'hWO

itsunani"W6u

"That is not the kind

a'natetyin

change

wa°tyi'teity*

he said to her.

nite'idj*

ini'tan

person

hitidje'na"^

the door.

a"h'ine'n

An^*^ man

ho'huso"'

When she had

a"hTy6'u-wa°tyi'nit8

And he snid:

wa"tyi'teity*

he said to her.

itsonanl'^ou

wa°tyinehi *!'

She went to

his plate. And again, "That is not the kind

ni'watci-ka'so anatyi'tsaha'a" a°h

his plates and

bihi hatyi'tsaha'

he said.

wa°tylna"'ni *i

Then she began

notyanSna"^

to think

axni'^etyin

one of

tana'n^na"

that is very near,'

Constantly she ehanged

wa^tyine'hi'i

Then she began

ityho'uwin

not to know

otna°dji'ts*ha°tyi

what to use as a plate.

hiw*a'xa'

her moccasins.

naHyitso'tan

I use as plates,"

hou'uxni'^

the same

all

to use her plates,

a°tyi'tsha°tyi

what to use as a plate.

wa^tyine'hn

Then she went and

1 nan

every kind.

wa°tyina nil

Then she began

nat'a'hnri

drew off

wa^tyinan

And she went nnd

a°tyitsha"ty»

used it as a plate.

WUUU
"Ha,

wa"tyite'ity»

he said to her.

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY

Vol. 12, No. 4, pp. 139-194 June 24, 1916

MIWOK MOIETIES

EDWARD WIN8L0W GITFORD

CONTENTS

PAGE

Introduction 139

Moieties ., 140

Exogamy 141

Totemism 142

Ceremonies 145

Personal Names 146

Marriages 161

Genealogies 165

Terms of Relationship 170

Terminology and Social Customs ^ 181

Cross-cousin Marriage 189

Conclusion 193

INTRODUCTION

The Miwok Indians of the Sierra Nevada of California are divided
by anthropologists into three dialectic groups, termed Northern or
Amador, Central or Tuolumne, and Southern or Mariposa. These
three groups occupy the western slope of tlje mountains from El
Dorado County in the north to Madera Cotmty in the south.^ Their
social organization takes the form of totemic exogamic moieties with
paternal descent.

To Dr. C. Hart Merriam and to Dr. S. A. Barrett belongs the credit
of calling attention to the Miwok moieties.^ The present contribution,

1 For geographical information see C. Hart Merriam, Distribution and Classi-
fication of the Mewan Stock of California, Am. Anthr., n. s., ix, 338-357, 1907;
and S. A. Barrett, The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians, Univ.
Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., vi, 333-368, 1908.

2 C. Hart Merriam, Totemism in California, Am. Anthr., n. s., x, 558-562,
1908; S. A. Barrett, Totemism Among the Miwok Indians, Journ. Am. Folk-Lore,
XVII, 237, 1908.

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140 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

while treating of the moieties in a general way, deals especially with
two subjects with which they are closely interlocked, viz., personal
names and terms of relationship. The former are connected with the
totemic features of the moieties, the latter with the exogamic features.

The writer has recently found an organization, bearing a resem-
blance to that of the Miwok, among the Shoshonean Mono on the
western slope of the Sierra Nevada in Madera County, and among the
Chukchansi, Qashowu, and Tachi, which are Yokuts tribes. The
Chukchansi inhabit Madera County north of the San Joaquin River ;
the Qashowu inhabit Fresno County south of the San Joaquin River ;
and the Tachi inhabit the plains north of Tulare Lake. These discov-
eries, which will be treated in a forthcoming paper, indicate that social
organization on a dual basis was common to a large part of south
central California.'

The data here recorded refer, except where otherwise noted, to the
Central Sierra Miwok, and were obtained during three visits to their
territory in Tuolumne County. These visits were made in 1913, 1914,
and 1915. Information was also obtained from people who spoke the
Northern Sierra dialect and who were employed on ranches in the
vicinity of Elk Grove, Sacramento County. These people had come
down from their homes in the Sierra Nevada foothills of Amador
County. A brief visit was also paid to the Southern Sierra Miwok
of Madera County.

In the preparation of this paper I am indebted to Dr. A. L.
Kroeber, who has unstintingly given me the benefit of his knowledge
of Californian ethnology.

MOIETIES

As already related, the Central Sierra Miwok are divided into ex-
ogamic moieties with paternal descent, usually spoken of as kikua
(water side) and tunuka (land, or dry, side). Frequently the former
are referred to as ** bullfrog people '* (lotasuna) and the latter as
** blue jay people'' (kosituna). The presence of two exogamic divisions
with animal nicknames has at least a superficial analogy to a case
mentioned by Dr. W. H. R. Rivers as occurring on the island of Raga
or Pentecost in the northern New Hebrides.*

8 For a preliminary notice see Dichotomous Social Organization in South
Central California, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., xi, 291-296, 1916.

* Totemism in Polynesia and Melanesia, Joum. Roy. Anthr. Inst., xxxix, 172,
1909.

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1916] Gifford: Miwok Moieties 141

With the Miwok the moiety has no subdivisions. At first glance
the fact that 16 per cent of the Central Sierra Miwok are named after
bears, and the remainder after numerous other animate and inanimate
objects and phenomena, would seem to suggest a phratral system, with
numerous totemic gentes, gone into decay. The Indians, nevertheless,
positively deny the existence of smaller divisions. They in no way
regard the people with bear names, for example, as forming a special
group. Nothing in the information obtained points to a phratral
system ever having been in operation.

Individuals from the Northern Sierra division of the Miwok were
found to disagree as to the occurrence of the moiety system among
their people. An informant from West Point in Calaveras County
and one from Jackson in Amador County stated that the dual divisions
were in force in those places. Two other informants, one thirty and
the other about forty years of age, from Plymouth, in Amador County,
knew nothing about the moieties.

Exogamy

The exogamic rules of the moieties were not rigidly adhered to
even before the coming of the whites. Out of a series of four hundred
and thirteen individuals, whose names were obtained, one hundred
and eighty-four, or 45 per cent, belonged to the water moiety, and
two hundred and twenty-nine, or 55 per cent, to the land moiety. The
greater number of these four hundred and thirteen individuals were
either of the generation of the oldest Indians of today or of the pre-
ceding generation. Had the exogamic rules been strictly enforced it
would have meant that ten people out of every hundred went un-
married or else married late in life. The natural result of this pre-
ponderance of one moiety over the other would be the breaking down
of strict exogamy in actual practice, especially in a case like the
present, where the system lacks the rigidity of the Australian marriage-
class system. Informants stated that strenuous efforts were never
made to prevent improper marriages. The relatives merely objected
and pointed out the impropriety of such marriages. Under the head-
ing ** Marriages'* are listed the recorded Miwok marriages, of which
actually 25 per cent are improper.

The figures in the last paragraph show the division into moieties
of the Central Sierra Miwok as a whole, at least so far as the data go.
A list of the inhabitants of only one village was obtained. This village

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142 University of California Publicatio7is in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

was located on Big Creek near Groveland. The total number of indi-
viduals listed is one hundred and two and includes people of all
generations within the knowledge of the informant. Out of this total,
56 per cent belonged to the water moiety and 44 per cent to the land
moiety. This is the reverse of the situation among the Central Sien-a
Miwok exclusive of the Big Creek people. A table will perhaps make
the situation clearer.

Percentage Percentage

of water of land

moiety moiety

Central Sierra Miwok in general 45 55

Village at Big Creek 56 44

Central Sierra Miwok, except Big Creek people 41 59

Unfortunately no other village censuses have been taken, so that
in comparing the Big Creek people with the remainder of the Central
Sierra Miwok we are comparing with a very miscellaneous and scat-
tered lot of individuals. Roughly stated, however, they may be said
to be mainly Jamestown and Knights Ferry people. At Big Creek
twelve people out of a hundred were ineligible for monogamic mar-
riage within the village, if strict exogamy were enforced. In the
region outside of Big Creek, however, eighteen people out of a hun-
dred were ineligible.

Totem ISM

That totemic symptoms of one sort or another are present in the
Miwok organization cannot be denied ; yet, on the other hand, it must
be acknowledged that the classing of the Miwok with totemic peoples
is based on a rather weak foundation. The claims for such classifi-
cation rest on three well established facts.

First, all nature is divided between land and water, in a more or
less arbitrary manner, to be sure, as shown by the classing of such
animals as the coyote, deer, and quail on the ** water'' side.

Second, the exogamic moieties are identified respectively with land
and water.

Third, an intimate connection exists between the land and water
divisions of nature and the land and water moieties. This connection
is through personal names, which usually have an implied reference
to animate or inanimate natural objects or phenomena, although not
infrequently to manufactured objects instead. The objects or phe-
nomena referred to in personal names belong, as a rule, either to the
water or to the land side of nature. The names are applied according

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as the individual is of the water or of the land moiety. Hence, it
may be said that each moiety is connected through the personal names
of its members with a more or less definite group of objects and
phenomena.

The ensuing very incomplete lists, the contents of which were
spontaneous on the part of informants, give some idea of the dual
classification of nature. The reason for placing on the ** water'' side
certain creatures which are actually land animals is hard to under-
stand. An informant explained two of the cases to me as follows:
The quail is placed on the water side because a turtle once turned into
a quail; while the coyote is placed on the water side because Coyote
won a bet with the creator and the latter had to go to the sky and take
a land-side name, while Coyote remained on earth and took a water-
side name,

On the water side are coyote, deer, antelope, beaver, otter, quail,
dove, kingbird, bluebird, turkey vulture, killdeer, jacksnipe, goose,
crane, kingfisher, swan, land salamander, water snake, eel, whitefish,
minnow, katydid, butterfly, clouds, and rainy weather.

On the land side* are tree squirrel, dog, mountain lion, wildcat,
raccoon, jay, hawk, condor, raven, California woodpecker, flicker,
salmon-berry, ** Indian potato,'' sky, and clear weather.

Another, though slender, bit of evidence in favor of totemism is a
fragment of a myth recounting the origin of the moieties. It was
obtained from a woman of the water moiety, Mrs. Sophie Thompson,
formerly chieftainess at Big Creek, near Groveland. She stated that
her father, Nomasu, told her the story. In this myth it is interesting
to note that, although an animal of each side is concerned, it is the
coyote, usually classified by the Miwok as a water animal, which
actually gives birth to the four founders of the moieties. However,
the part the coyote plays may perhaps be as much that of culture hero
as of water totem. The myth, the scene of which is laid in Hetch-
Hetchy Valley, runs as follows :

Coyote said to his wife. Bear, as he was about to cohabit with her: "We
will have a boy and a girl. ' * His wife gave birth to twins, a coyote-boy and a
coyote-girl, who grew up.

Coyote girl married a bear. Coyote himself dreamed and **made the first
four people when he was dreaming. He dreamed how he was going to make two
kinds and how he was going to call them. * ' Coyote-girl and her husband told
each other they would have four children, two girls and two boys. Coyote-
girl gave birth to them and they were the first four people about whom Coyote
dreamed.

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144 University of California ruhlications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

Coyote named one of the male children Tunuka and one of the female
children Eikua. The other male child he named Eikua and the other female
Tunuka. Coyote thus made the moieties and gave people their first names.

The new couples, although brothers and sisters, married and had children.
The gopher acted as messenger and told Tunuka (woman) to come and help
Kikua (woman) give birth to her child. After his wife Kikua had given birth,
Tunuka (man) went out and killed a turkey vulture so as to wrap his baby in
the feathers. Next Tunuka (woman) had a baby and gopher went to Kikua
(woman) and a«ked her to come and assist at the delivery. Then Kikua (the
husband of Tunuka) went out and killed an eagle to wrap his baby in. He
also killed a deer and tanned the hide to make a cradle-board of it for the baby.

Coyote-boy also married his sister 's daughter Tunuka, the wife of Kikua.

The above myth is the only one obtained which points to a belief
in actual descent from anim£ils. When applied to people with bear
names it looks very much like a myth of descent from the totem, or
at least from the animal after which these people are named. Especi-
ally is this true if a genealogy shows bear names continuously on the
male side of the family. Such was very nearly the case with the family
of the informant's husband (see genealogy III). With one exception,
all possessed bear names, at least during the four generations shown
in the genealogy just mentioned. When asked if her husband be-
lieved his paternal ancestors to be descended from a bear, Mrs. Thomp-
son replied in the aflBrmative ; but the bear she referred to was Coyote-
girl's husband, who, according to the myth, was the paternal ancestor
of all the Miwok regardless of moiety or personal name, and not merely
the paternal ancestor of the Miwok with bear names. Negative an-
swers were received from all other informants when similar questions
were propounded to them. They were usually amused at the idea of
one of their ancestors being a bear, the sun, a dance-pole, or some other
object. In short, the Central Sierra Miwok as a whole do not believe
that they are descended from animals. They do believe, however, that
they succeeded the animals on earth, which is the belief common to
the typical central Californian stocks. This belief, that before the
coming of the Indians animals possessed the world, is very diflFerent
from the idea of descent from the totem.

Informants stated that in former days it was customary for people
to **show respect" to tlie bear, the eagle, and the falcon after any of
these had been killed. This was done by laying the body of the slain
creature on a blanket and having a little feast in honor of it when it
was brought to the hunter's home. So far as I could ascertain, this
was not a ceremony connected with moieties or with totemism. It
was no different in import from the offerings made by the Miwok when

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a condor was killed or when the young of a certain hawk were taken
from the nest.* This type of ceremony was common to a large part of
California. The purpose was to appease the animal or its spirit. The
ceremony was based on the belief that the animals possessed dangerous
supernatural power. Obviously the three cases in question are no
different in motive from the above, or from the practices of other
stocks, of which a notable example is the Maidu treatment of bears.*

The supernatural powers obtained by shamans from animals were
not received, except by coincidence, from the animal after which the
shaman was named. A man of the water moiety might become a bear
shaman just as readily as a man of the land moiety, even though bears
and bear names are associated only with the latter moiety. Appar-
ently a man's moiety and his personal name had no influence on his
acquisition of supernatural power. The animal he was named after
did not become his familiar or guardian spirit, except, as I have said,
by coincidence.

Ceremonies

The participation of the moieties as such in games and cere-
monies was unimportant. Out of forty-four known ceremonies, the
moieties took part as such in only four — the funeral, the mourning
ceremony, the girl's puberty ceremony, and a dance known as the
ahana. At least at Big Creek the moieties had reciprocal funerary
functions, it being the duty of one moiety to care for the dead of the
other. In the washing of the people which terminated the mourning
ceremony washers of the water moiety tended one basket and washed
people of the land moiety, while washers of the land moiety tended
another basket and washed people of the water moiety. This custom,
together with that of the moieties taking sides in games, obtained regu-
larly at Big Creek, but not to such an extent elsewhere. This perhaps
points to Big Creek as a place in which the moiety system was more
firmly established.

In the girl's puberty ceremony it was customary for some girl,
for whom the rites had previously been performed, to exchange dresses
with the initiate. In all cases the two girls belonged to opposite moie-
ties; if the initiate was of the water moiety, the girl who exchanged
dresses with her must be of the land moiety. In the ahana dance the

5 See the meaning of Tcuke in the list of personal names, p. 157.
« Roland B. Dixon, The Northern Maidu, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xvii, 194,
1905.

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146 University of Calif omia Puhlications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

spectators, who made gifts to the dancers, were always of the opposite
moiety but of the same sex as the dancers to whom they gave presents.
Among the Southern Sierra Miwok of Madera County dancers
indicate their moiety by means of paint, especially on the face. The
land moiety is indicated by stripes, usually horizontal; the water
moiety by spots. The latter are said to represent the spots of fawns,
which are water moiety animals. Informants did not know what the
land moiety stripes represented.

PERSONAL NAMES

A child was named shortly after birth, preferably by a grand-
father, but not infrequently by any one of the near relatives. The
name received at that time was kept throughout life. Names of men
and women did not diflFer. Occasionally a person received a nickname
later in life.

The literal meanings or derivations, in part at least, as well as
the connotations, of one hundred and forty-four personal names were
obtained. Thirty-four of these names prove to be nouns or deriva-
tives of nouns, and one hundred and two verbs or derivatives of verbs.
Of the remaining eight names, three are adverbial, while five may be
either nouns or verbs. It is likely that a similar proportion will be
found throughout the remaining two hundred and eighty-seven names,
of which record was made, when the literal meanings are worked out.
It is interesting to find that in the use of both nouns and verbs Yokuts
personal names, as obtained by Dr. A. L. Kroeber, agree with the
Miwok.^

To a strange Indian, not acquainted with the individual whose
name is mentioned, verb names have only their literal meaning. To
the friends and acquaintances of the individual, however, the name
has more than its literal meaning. It has an implied meaning, which
usually brings in a reference to an animate or inanimate object. For
example, the personal name Wiiksii is a form of the verb meaning
**to go." Yet to the friends and relatives of the man his name meant
**Sun going down.'' Another interesting case is found in the per-
sonal names Hausii and Hautcu, both derived from hausus, to yawn,
or to gape. The former is a land moiety name and a bear is implied ;
the latter is a water moiety name and a salmon is implied. An ex-
treme case, but one which throws light on the mental attitude of the

7 Yokuts Names, Journ. Am. Folk-Lore, xix, 142-143, 1906.

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name-giver, is that of the name Kujrunu. This name, according to the
informant, had the connotation, **Dog wagging its tail/* Kuyunu
contains the same root as kuyage, to whistle. Apparently the name-
giver thought of the whistling of a man to a dog as the cause of the
dog wagging its tail, and, instead of naming the child after the action
of the dog, named it after the cause of the dog's action; namely, whis-
tling. Without knowledge of the individual, a Miwok, on hearing any
of the above names, would be unable to decide as to the person's moiety
or as to the animal or object implied. In the seventy bear names
obtained, the word for bear is actually used in only one case.

In other words, among the Miwok there is absolutely nothing in
the literal meanings of over 70 per cent of the personal names even to
suggest totemism. It is only in the implied meanings that the totemic
element appears. In this respect there is a striking resemblance to
the Mohave custom of calling women by names which have only an
implied and perhaps esoteric reference to natural objects or phe-
nomena, the coyote, for instance.®

A close parallel to Miwok names is found in Hopi personal names,
as set forth in the Rev. H. R. Voth's paper on **Hopi Proper Names.*'®
The names as a rule are considerably longer than the average Miwok
name, because they are usually made up of two or more elements, in
many cases a noun and a verb. Pure verb names among the Hopi are
scarce, but, when they do occur, they do not differ from Miwok verb
names in their application. For example, consider the name Una,
which means ** remember"; in this there is nothing to indicate the
animal or object for which the person was named. Yet the coyote is
implied, and the name ** refers to the fact that a coyote is said to
remember some food that he has buried somewhere and that he then
gets." As stated above, each Miwok name has an implied or actual
reference to an object associated with the moiety to which the pos-
sessor of the name belongs. Each Hopi name, however, does not refer
to the clan totem of the possessor, except coincidentally, but does refer
to the clan totem of the name-giver. The most striking resemblance
between the Miwok and the Hopi systems of naming lies in the fact
that in each system names identical in form, when applied to different
individuals, may connote entirely different objects.

Half-breeds born of Miwok mothers and white fathers are always
considered as belonging to the moiety of which the mother is not a

8 A. L. Kroeber, Preliminary Sketch of the Mohave Indians, Am. Anthr.,
n. 8., IV, 278, 1902.

• Field Col. Mus. Anthr., vi, 61-113, 1905.

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148 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

member. For example, if the mother is of the land moiety, the half-
breed child will be of the water moiety and his or her name will refer
to an animal or object identified with the water side of nature.

The matter of naming foreigners who take up their residence with
the Miwok proceeds after a somewhat similar fashion. It is particu-
larly well exemplified by a number of Yokuts and Costanoan men who
lived with the Miwok and married Miwok women. As a rule these
men were placed in the moiety to which their wives did not belong.
The same practice is shown in the marriage of Yottoko, a negro, to
Ukunulumaiye, a Miwok woman of the land moiety. Yottoko was
given a water moiety name. The above custom is just the reverse of
the Winnebago practice, in which foreigners who marry Winnebago
women are given a name from the wife's clan.*** Descent with the
Winnebago is paternal as with the Miwok, hence the children of such
marriages belong to the mother 's clan, not directly through the mother,
however, but through the father.

The ensuing list gives the names for which complete or partial
derivations have been worked out. The sex and moiety of each indi-
vidual is indicated as follows: (m.) for male, (f.) for female, W. for
water moiety, L. for land moiety. The italicized words in this list
indicate the animals or other objects to which the personal names refer.
It is to be noted that the connotation of a name occasionally brings to
light an interesting old custom, for example, in the case of the name
Tcuke (see p. 157). Lack of familiarity with the language prevents a
fuller linguistic analysis of the names.

Akaino. L. (m.) Bear holding its head up. Akaiye, to hold one's head up.

Akulu. L. (m.) Looking at the sun, Akule, to look up.

Apanta. W. (m.) Salamander in the water. Apanta, salamander.

Atce. W. (f.) Cutting and drying salmon. Ate, to split off.

Awanata. W. (m.) Turtle,

Elki. L. (m.) Bear hanging intestines of people on top of rocks or bushes.
Elkini, to hang on top of or over.

Eneto. L. (m.) Bear's manner of walking. Ena, bent or crooked. In this case
reference is made to the bear bending its foot when walking.

Epeta. L. (f.) Lizard lying on top of rock. Epetitcii, to lie on the belly. •

Etu. L. (m.) Sun rising from the hills. Etu, sun; etumu, to get warm in the
sun, that is, to sun one's self; etumii, to ascend a hill. According to a Big
Creek informant, etu is the term for sun at that place. Cf. watu, sun, in
Southern Sierra dialect. Among the Central Sierra Miwok, other than Big
Creek people, hiema is the term for sun.

Etumu. L. (m.) Bear warming itself in the sun. Etumu, to sun one's self.

10 Paul Badin, The Clau Organization of the Winnebago, a Preliminary
Paper, Am. Anthr., n. s., xn, 212-213, 1910.

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Etumuye. L. (f.) Bear climbing a hill. Etumii, to ascend a hill.

Hatawa. L. (m.) Bear breaking the bones of people or animals. Hate, foot;
hate, to press with the foot; atwa, to split.

Hateya. L. (f.) Bear making track in the dust. Hate, foot; hate, to press
with the foot.

Hausu. L. (m.) Bear yawning as it awakes. Hausus, to yawn, to gape.

Hautcu. W. (m.) Salmon gaping when out of water. Hausus, to yawn, to gape.

He'eluye. L. (f.) Bow, arrows, and quiver placed against tree while warrior rests.
Seelutco, to lay on side.

Helaku. L. (f.) Sunny day without clouds. Helaku, sunny day.

Helki. W. (m.) Jacksnipe (I) digging into ground with bill. Hele, to touch.
The Miwok name for the bird alluded to its kuiatawila; it is said to come
only in the winter.

Helkimu. W. (m.) Hitting bushes with seed beater. Hele, to touch.

Heltu. L. (m.) Bear barely touching people as it reaches for them. Helat, to
reach for and barely touch.

Hesutu. L. (m.) Lifting a yellow-jackets * nest out of the ground. Hesa, yellow-
jackets ' nest; hesute, to take out yellow- jackets ' nest.

Hesutuye. L. (f .) Getting yellow-jackets * nest from the ground. Hesa, yellow-
jackets ' nest; hesute, to take out yellow- jackets ' nest.

Heteltci. L. (f.) Leaning against pota ceremony pole. Helitcu, to lean against.

Hisokuye. L. (f.) Hair growing on hear, Hisoku, body hair.

Hopoto. W. (m.) Frog eggs hatching in water. Hopoto, round.

Hotutu. W. (m.) Bound rocks hurting the feet, when one is walking. Hoto-
wun, to walk on round rocks; hotolum, to roll.

Howotmila. L. (m.) Running hand down (Encircling) branch of a certain kind
of shrub to get off the seeds for beads. Howotu, beads.

Hnnipte. L. (m.) Looking ** high-toned ' ' when getting seed, Hunepu, to look
proud.

Hupaiye. W. (f.) Making boiled **wild cabbage" into a ball for lunch when
cooking acorns. Hupaiye, to squeeze.

Huyana. W. (m.) Bain falling.

Kalmanu. W. (m.) Lightning striking tree. Kala, lightning striking.

Katuye. W. (m.) Damming water in pool. Kata, to close, to shut.

Kilikila. L. (m.) Small hawk (kilikila) calling, making a cry which resembles
name.

Eoho. L. (m.) Limping. Cojo, Spanish for lame.

Kolenya. W. (f.) Fish coughing. Kole, to cough.

Eolotomu. W. (f.) Getting oak-leaf gall-nuts. Eolotu, a spiny red oak-leaf
gall-nut.

Eosumi. W. (m.) Going fishing with a spear for salmon. Kose, to throw at;
kosumu, salmon.

Kukse. W. (m.) Valley quail starting to fly from ground. Kukse, to be fright-
ened.

Kusetu. W. (f.) ** Wild potato" ajpTOuting. Eusetu, to bloom.

Kusetu. L. (m.) **Wild potato" growing out of ground. Kusetu, to bloom.

Kusetuye. W. (f.) "Wild potato" sprouting. Kusetu, to bloom.

Kutattca. L. (m.) Bear scattering intestines of a person as it eats him. Ku-
tatcnani, to throw away something not wanted.

Eutcume. L. (m.) Unburned ends of wood after fire dies out.

Kutcuyak. L. (m.) Bear with good hair. Kutci, good.

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150 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

Kututcanati. L. (f.) Bear eating people. This name is undoubtedly of the
same derivation as Kutattca.

Kuyunu. L. (m.) Dog wagging its tail. Probably from kuyage, to whistle, in
which case the meaning is entirely a matter of implication. The reason for
such a meaning lay in the mind of the name-giver, who connected the wag-
ging of a dog 's tail with the whistling of a person to the dog.

Labakse. W. (m.) Getting elderberry wood. Lapa, elderberry.

Lilepu. L. (m.) Bear going over a man hiding between rocks. Lile, up, prob-
ably used here with the idea of over, or on top of.

Lidugse. L. (m.) Tule growing in water. Lifia, tule.

Liptcu. W. (m.) Dropping of eggs of female salmon when it is lifted up.
Lipisa, to drop.

Liptuye. L. (f.) Getting pine-nuts from cones which have dropped from the
tree to the ground. Lipisa, to drop.

Litana. W. (m.) Hummingbird darting down after having gone straight up.
Litafiii, to dart down.

Liwanu. L. (m.) Bear growling. Liwani, to talk; liwa, to make noise.

Lumai. W. (m.) Humming of hummingbird's wings when it is flying fast.
Lumana, to go by with a noise.

Lutaiyet. W. (f.) Fresh-water snail {Physa).

Luyu. W. (m.) Dove shaking head sideways. Luyani, to shake head sideways.

Luynnu. L. (m.) Bear taking off leg or arm of person when eating him.
Luyani, to shake head sideways.

Liitcmii. W. (m.) Salmon going fast up riffle. Lutsu, to ascend.

Maiyefio. L. (f.) Chieftainess.

Matcumpaiye. L. (f.) Eating farewell-to-spring seed raw. Matcu, farewell-to-
spring (Godetia williamsoni) .

Memtba. W. (m.) Tasting farewell-to-spring seed after it has been mashed
with pestle and while still in mortar. Memttu, to taste.

Mituna. W. (m.) Wrapping a salmon with willow stems and leaves after catch-
ing it. Mituye, to roll up.

Moemu. L. (m.) Bears sitting down looking at each other. Mo'ani, to meet;
moeye, to join.

Molestu. W. (m.) Refers to the stone shaped like a deer's foot, which brings
good luck in deer-hunting to its owner. Mole, a magic stone.

Mona. W. (m.) Getting jimson weed seed. Monoyu, jimson weed; monui, Yokuts
for jimson weed.

Muliya. L. (m.) Hitting farewell-to-spring seed with stick when it is on bush.
Mule, to beat or strike.

Mulya. L. (m.) Knocking acorns off tree with a long stick. Mule, to beat or
strike.

Miile. W. (m.) Hawlc seizing quail on ground. Mule, to strike.

Notaku. L. (m.) Growling of bear as some one passes. Notcaku, to growl.

Notcitcto. W. (m.) Coyote, snarling over piece of meat under its foot. Notcu,
to cry.

Notcuuku. L. (f.) Any kind of animal calling. Notcu, to cry.

Omusa. L. (m.) Missing things when shooting with arrows, Omsa, to miss
with arrows. Another informant gave this man 's name as meaning, * ' Miss-
ing deer when shooting at them with arrows.''

Otu. W. (m.) Collecting sea shells in a basket. Ote, to put in a basket.

Oya. W. (m.) Naming or speaking of the kuiatawila bird (jacksnipe?). Oya,
to name.

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Pati. W. (m.) Twisting willows for carrying fisK Patiwe, to break by twisting.

Patiwo. W. (m.) Taking bones from slain deer. Patiwe, to break by twisting.

Pikatco. L. (f.) Sifting tusorn flour on flat basket by shaking. Pika, to sift.

Pilekuye. W. (f.) Shell nose-stick staying in the ocean. Pileku, shell nose-stick.

Polaiyu. W. (m.) Lake. Polaiyu, lake, valley, or ocean.

Polneye. W. (f.) Dove decoying a person by feigning injury. Polangas, to fall.

Pootci. W. (f .) Cutting salmon *s belly. Putu, to cut open the belly.

Posala. L. (f.) Pounding farewell-to-spring seed. Posa, to burst.

Pusubi. W. (m.) Fog blowing up and covering everything. Puselum, to blow.

Pususu. L. (m.) Calling a dog. Puus, Yokuts for dog.

Puta. W. (m.) Cutting open a salmon, Putu, to cut open the belly.

Putbana. W. (f.) Catching small fish with basket. Putbako, to scoop up.

Putceyu. W. (f.) Evil smell of deer's large intestine. Puseyu, to stink.

Putkuse. L. (f.) Acorn soup boiling. Putkuse, to bubble.

Sakati. L. (m.) Hawk (kilikila) catching a lizard. Sakati, a species of lizard.

Sapata. L. (m.) Bear hugging tree. Sapatu, to hug.

Sapata. L. (f .) Bear dancing with forefeet around tree. Sapatu, to hug.

Sawa. W. (m.) Bock on edge of river. Sawa, rock.

Septuye. L. (f.) Taking something, that is burning, from the fire. Sipe, to
pull out.

Sewati. L. (f.) Curving of hearts claws. Sewati, curved.

Sibeta. W. (m.) Pulling white sucker fish from under flat rock. Sipe, to pull
out.

Simutuye. L. (f .) Pinning together tree squirrel *s abdomen with stick' after
getting. Simute, to pin together.

Sipatu. L. (m.) Softening fox's tail after skinning, by repeatedly shoving
stick into it. Sipe, to pull out.

Sipinyawo. W. (m.) Breaking deer's bone for marrow. Sipe, to pull out.

Sukumi. L. (m.) Great homed owl.

Suletu. L. (m.) California jay flying out of tree. Sulete, to fly about.

Suletuye. L. (f.) Falcon flying from rock. Sulete, to fly about.

Snmtciwe. W. (m.) Plenty of whiskers. Sumutcelu, facial hair.

Sumtciwe. L. (f.) Fuzz on sugar pine cone when it is young. Evidently this
name and the preceding are both derived from a common root, which prob-
ably refers alike to fuzz and hair.

Sumutcupti. W. (m.) A name having reference to the person's whiskers.
Sumutcelu, facial hair.

Supatce. W. (f.) Mashing seed with pestle. Supa, to mash.

Taipa. W. (m.) Valley quail spreading wings as it alights. Tapa, to spread
wings.

Tamulkuyo. W. (f.) From the north. Tamalin, north. Undoubtedly an ani-
mate or inanimate object was originally implied. Compare with Tcumetoki,
dove coming from the south.

Tetmo. L. (m.) Dog picking up scraps thrown out. Tetom, to pick up.

Tiponya. L. (m.) Great homed owl sticking head under body and poking egg
when it is hatching. Tipe, to poke.

Tiwatuyak. W. (f.) Trading and buying heads. Tiwako, to trade.

Tiwitita. W. (m.) Killdeer running on ground and calling. Tewititi, killdeer.

Tolkatcu. L. (f.) Small ears of the hear. Tolko, ear in Southern Sierra dialect.

Totokono. W. (m.) Sandhill crane.

Tuiwii. L. (m.) California jay hopping on ground. Tuiyangum, to jump.

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Tukeye. L. (f.) Pine cones dropping and making dust. Tukini, to throw end-
wise.

Tukuli. W. (m.) Caterpillar traveling head first down tree in summer. Tukini>
to throw endwise.

Tumma. L. (m.) Beating drum. Tuma, drum.

Tupi. W. (m.) Throwing salmon on to bank. Tupi, to pull up or out.

Tutce. W. (m.) Small frog jumping. Tutneni, to squat.

Tceweksu. L. (m.) Tree squirrel eating green pine cones. Tciwam, to chew.

Tcintiye. L. (f.) Pressing or pounding buckeye nuts. Tciniwa, to squeeze.

Tcinwe. W. (m.) Squeezing intestines out of minnows. Tciniwa, to squeeze.

Tcitepu. W. (m.) Shining of abalone shell. Tcitepu, to shine.

Tcititi. L. (m.) Green like Icatydid. Tcitaku, green.

Tcumetokti. W. (m.) Dove coming from the south. Tcumetc, south.

Uhubita. W. (m.) Drinking water in the river. Uhu, to drink, in Southern
and Northern Sierra dialects.

Uhubitu. W. (m.) Ill-smelling stagnant water. Uhu, to drink, in Southern and
Northern Sierra dialects.

Ukulnuye. L. (f.) Bear taking young into den. Uku, to enter.

Ukunulumaiye. L. (f.) Bear going into den. Uku, to enter; emaiye, to visit.

Utatci. L. (f.) Bear scratching itself. Utas, to scratch.

Uzumati. W. (m.) Grizzly bear. A nickname applied on account of a dis-
agreeable disposition.

Wauna. W. (m.) Snow geese calling when flying. Woani, to bark; wou, to
crow, to whine.

Wialu. W. (m.) Dove going away. Wialum, to leave.

Wootci. L. (m.) Coyote barking. Woani, to bark; wou, to whine, to crow.

Woto. L. (m.) Coyote sitting on rock barking and moving tail. Woani, to
bark; wou, to whine, to crow.

Wunuti. W. (m.) Hunting-man. Wuntu, to hunt.

Wiiksii. L. (m.) Sun going down. Wuksu, to go.

Yotimo. L. (m.) Yellow-jacket carrying pieces of meat from house to nest.
Yoote, to carry.

Yotimo. L. (m.) Yellow-jacket carrying pieces of meat from house to nest.
Yoote, to carry. This man is the son of the above.

Yottoko. W. (m.) Black mud at edge of water. Yottoko, dirty; yotok, earth
or dirt in Plains Miwok. The individual was a negro.

Yutkiye. L. (f.) Chicken hawk lifting ground squirrel off of the ground.
Yiitki, to hang.

Yuttciso. L. (f.) Lice thick on chicken hawk. Yutuk, to stick on.

Yutne. W. (m.) Falcon making nest damp by defecating on it. Yutuk, to
stick on.

Yutu. W. (m.) Coyote making feint to seize bird. Yutme, to claw.

The list which follows gives personal names as rendered into Eng-
lish by the Indians, but the exact denotations of which are unknown
to the writer :

A 'a 'me. W. (f.) Dove cooing to young.

Akunatala. W. (m.) Retiring to attend to natural functions.

Almase. W. (m.).

Amayeta. L. (m.) Big mamanita berries.

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Anawuye. L. (m.) Stretching hearts hide to dry.

Ape. W. (m.) Eating acorn mush with the lingers.

Bakno. L. (m.) Missing people with arrows.

Bosaiya. L. (f.) White down on head of young eagle,

Cusua. L. (m.) Bawlc (kilikila) catching small birds.

Elsu. W. (m.) Falcon circling high in air.

Esege. L. (f.) Bear showing teeth when cross.

Eskeye. L. (m.) Farewell-to-spring seed cracked open on bush.

Ewentcu. W. (m.) Deer eating brush.

Hahiyo. W. (m.) Salmon keeping mouth open when in shallow water.

Haikiwisu. W. (m.) Salmon opening and closing mouth after being taken from

river.
Haiyepugu. L. (m.) Bear becoming angry suddenly.
Hatcaiya. W. (f.) Black clouds in streaks.
Hehemuye. L. (f.) Bear out of breath from running.
Hitcta. W. (m.).
Hoho. L. (m.) Bear growling.
Hoiyitcalu. L. (m.) Bear becoming angry.
Hokoiyu. W. (m.) Falcon hiding extra food.
Hotamuye. W. (f.) Man on rockpile watching for deer.
Hotcakme. W. (m.) Spearing salmon.
Huata. W. (f.) Carrying seeds in burden basket.
Huatama. L. (f.) Mashing seeds in mortar.
Hulutuye. W. (f.) Ahalone shell on necklace when dancing.
Hulwema. L. (f.) Dead grizzly hear, killed by hunter.
Hunui. W. (m.) Salmon fat.
Hnslu. L. (m.) Bear having lots of hair.

Hustemeyak. W. (m.) Putting fresh-water snails (Physa) in bags.
Hutamsi. W. (f.) Fish getting together in a bunch.
Hute. L. (m.) Stars appearing which form handle of the Dipper.
Hutcumi. L. (m.) Bear eating people.
Huyube. W. (m.) White oak log lying on ground.
Homiita. L. (f.) Gathering Indian tobacco (hutia) in sifting basket.
Ilokuk. L. (f.) Softness of leaves of *'wild potato*' when cooking.
Iskemu. W. (m.) Water running gently when creek dries.
Istu. L. (m.) Sugar pine sugar.
Itcimuye. L. (f.) Magpie eating grasshopperr.
Kaliska. L. (m.) Coyote chasing deer.

Kamata. W. (f.) Throwing gambling bones on ground in hand game.
Kanatu. W. (m.) Making mashed seed into hard lump.
Kaptinii. W. (m.) Breaking ice in the creek.

Katcuktcume. L. (m.) Bear lying down with paws folded, doing nothing.
Ka'uwu. L. (m.) Acorn mush cooling and thickening in basket.
Kauwiluye. W. (f.) Ice freezing on something.
Kono. L. (m.) Tree squirrel biting through middle of pine-nut.
Kulmuye. L. (f.) Bear eating young leaves just sprouting.
Kulya. L. (m.) Sugar pine nuts burned black.
Laapisak. L. (f.) Bear walking on one place making ground hard.
Lanku. L. (m.) Said to be a Yokuts name.
Lanu. L. (m.) People passing one another at the pota ceremony, when running

around pole.

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La'uyu. L. (m.) Mashed farewell-to-spring seed adhering to lips when eating.
Leyati. W. (m.) Shape of dbalone shell.
Lii. W. (m.) Turtle poking head out of water.
Liktuye. L. (f.) Bear licking something it has killed.
Liluye. L. (f.) Chicken hawk singing when soaring.
Lise. W. (m.) Salmon's head just coming out of water.
Litcitu. W. (m.) Sdlmon swimming in river.
Loiyetu. L. (m.) Farewell-to-spring in flower.
Loiyetuye. L. (f.) Farewell-to-spring in flower.
Lokni. W. (m.) Bain coming through small hole in roof.
Luituye. L. (f.) Bear crippled from being shot.
Lukulkatu. L. (m.) Making ^ox-skin quiver.
Lupu. W. (f.) Iridescence of abalone shell.
Lusela. L. (f.) Bear swinging its foot when licking it.
Lutein. L. (m.) Goldfinch flying.
Makuina. L. (m.) Bear hating people.

Makuina. L. (m.) Knocking farewell-to-spring seed oflf bush with stick.
Malataku. W. (m.) Clouds covering the sky.
Malila. W. (m.) Salmon going fast up riffle.
Malkuyu. W. (m.) Farewell-to-spring flowers drying.
Matcinina. W. (m.) Salmon jumping falls and missing.
Matcuta. L. (f.) Cracking and eating sugar pine nuts.
Metikla. W. (m.) Reaching hand under rocks to catch white sucker fish.
'Metikla. W. (m.) Putting on metakila (feather apron).
Miltaiye. W. (f.) Water in waves.
Misu. W. (m.) Rippling water,

Moitoiye. W. (f.) Valley quail's topknot bobbing as bird walks.
Molimo. L. (m.) Bear going into shade of trees.
Momosu. L. (m.) Yellow- jackets piled up in nest in winter.
Mosetuya. W. (m.) Dark-looking water on the ocean.
Mu'ata. L. (m.) Little jellow -jackets in the nest.
Mukuye. W. (f.) Old trail of deer,
Musonota. L. (f.) Magpie jumping on the ground.
Musonotoma. W. (f. ) Coloring of valley quail,

Mutckuye. L. (f.) Taking bow and arrows from wall to go shooting.
Miikii. W. (m.) Deer making trail When walking back and forth.
Namino. L. (m.) Hawk (kilikila) pulling at food, lifting its head as it does.
Naminu. W. (m.) Coyote feeling weak after eating salmon.
Natcamila. W. (f.) Stirring acorn mush when cooking.
Neplii. L. (m.) Bear eating a man.
Newulo. W. (m.).

Nikiti. W. (ra.) Round and smooth like abalone shell.
Nimo. W. (m.).
Niwuye. L. (f.) Getting seed.

Noini. L. (m.) Putting sonolu (feather head-ornament) on head.
Nokonyu. L. (m.) Katydid's nose being close to its mouth.
Noksu. L. (m.) Smell of chicken hawk's (suyu) nest.

Nomasu. W. (m.) Giving away (handing to some one) seed. Another inform-
ant said that nomasu was the name of a kind of seed.
Oiyikoisiye. L. (f.) Getting salt at a place near Copperopolis.
Onalik. W. (m.) Making bows out of cedar.

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Onpume. W. (f.) Coyote about to catch something.

Osepa. W. (f.).

Osmokse. L. (m.) HawJc (kilikila) eating dead birds.

Osoi. W. (m.) Becoming angry. Undoubtedly this name originally had an

implied reference to some animal, since forgotten.
Panahatcu. L. (m.) Twisting and breaking open sugar pine cones.
Papina. L. (m.) Vine growing on oak tree.
Pasatu. L. (m.) Bear's big foot.
Paseleno. W. (f.) Getting wild vetch,
Patakasii. W. (m.) Small ant biting a person hard.
Patcuka. W. (m.).

Peeluyak. L. (m.) Bear flapping ears when sitting down.
Pele'me. L. (m.) Coyote with head down passing person.
Pelisu. W. (m.) Eating fish at river for lunch when on fishing expedition.
Petno. W. (m.) Valley quail crouching in brush as hawk passes.
Peusuye. W. (f.) Water spilling over.

Pilitcyano. L. (m.) Jack rabbit putting ears back when lying down.
Piltcitcma. W. (f.) Meadowlark singing.
Pososu. L. (m.) Color of down of young great horned owl,
Posululu. W. (f.) Frog puffed up when singing.
Pota. L. (m.) One man running around pota ceremony pole.
Potcu'e. W. (m.) Kicking football. Potce, to kick.
Puitcitu. W. (m.).

Pukuna. W. (f.) Deer jumping when running downhill.
Pumsono. W. (m.) Sucker fish jumping out of water.
Punoi. L. (m.) Tree squirrel jumping from pine to ground. .
Pusui. W. (m.) Turkey miUure putting rattlesnake to sleep by circling over it.
Pusuwe. W. (m.) Cutting deer for skinning.

Putepu. L. (m.) Chicken hawk (suyu) walking back and forth on limb.
Putsume. L. (m.) Brushing ground around pole before pota ceremony,
Putsume. L. (m.) Bear sitting on top of big rock with soles of feet turned

forward, legs spread.
Sakasaiyu. L. (f.) Chicken hawk (suyu) making a rough nest with holes in it.
Samtuye. W. (f.) Beaching for deer meat when some one is handing it around.
Sanuye. L. (f.) Bed cloud coming with sundown.
Sata. W. (m.) Throwing salmon out of water.
Satuwii. L. (f.) Bubbing farewell-to-spring seed with rock after it has been

soaked.
Selibu. L. (f.) Falcon flying along edge of bluff.
Selipu. L. (f.) Falcon darting down obliquely in the air.
Selumtci. L. (m.) Shooting arrow up in air.
Semeke. L. (f.) Bear lying down looking at ground.
Semuki. L. (m.) Bear looking cross when in its den during snow.
Semuki. L. (f.) Wizard (tuyuku) with fingers bent to shoot "poison" at

victim.
Siitu. L. (m.) Magpie's head cut off.
Sitala. W. .(f.) Valley quail running uphill.
Sitki. L. (m.) Putting arrow in quiver.
Sitni. W. (m.) Drawing bow,

Sitpu. L. (m.) Cracking bones of badger after it has been cooked.
Situtu. W. (m.) Taking arrow out of quiver.

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Situtuyu. L. (m.) Running hand down branch over basket and collecting berries

that way.
Siweno. L. (m.) Taking out bear's gall.
Siwili. L. (m.) Long tail of fox dragging on ground.
Sokawa. W. (m.) Taking eye out of dead deer, or taking hide off.
Sokono. W. (m.) Wizard's ''poison."
Solasu. L. (m.) Bear taking bark off tree.
Soloni.- W. (m.) A place name in Mariposa County.

Solotci. L. (m.) Jack rabbit sitting with ears up in the morning or evening.
Sofieyu. L. (m.) Beat walking with its short tail hanging down.
Sopatcu. L. (m.) Baven-feather sonolu (head ornament) shaking on head of

dancer.
Soso. L. (m.) Tree squirrel biting small hole in pine nut.
Su'aiye. L. (f.).

Suki. L. (m.) Chicken hawk (suyu) having a long tail.
Suk'kaa. L. (m.) Getting ahead of others in digging *'wild potatoes,"
Sukukiye. L. (f.) Flat place near Rawhide.
Sunumptca. L. (f.) Old and spoiled sugar pine nuts.
Sutuluye. L. (f.) Bear making noise climbing tree.
Ta'kawa. W. (m.) Mountain lion took his scalp off.
Ta'kawa. L. (m.) White head of the bald eagle,

Takefia. W. (m.) Falcon swooping and knocking down prey with its wing.
Taktekaiyu. W. (m.) Deer running on the hills.
Takutcima. L. (f.) Husking seed with stick on flat rock.
Talalu. W. (m.) Big long flat rock,
Tanatcio. W. (m.) Coyote poor and thin.

Talatu. L. (m.) Bear walking around tree, steps close together.
Talepuye. W. (f.) Polishing abalone shell.
Talulu. W. (m.) Falcon eating bird.
Taukiyak. L. (m.) Two arrows crossed, held by two warriors standing on either

side of trail guarding it with drawn bows.
Tawitci. W. (m.) Turkey vulture defecating around nest.
Telumi. L. (m.) Tree squirrel taking shell off of nut.
Telumu. L. (f.) Pounding farewell-to-spring seed in deep mortar.
Tentpaiyu. W. (f.) A person feeling hungry while sitting beside one who

mashes seeds,
Tiimii. W. (m.) Black and yellow caterpillar coming out of ground.
Tikmu. L. (m.) Tree squirrel digging in ground.
Tiktcu. W. (m.) Jacksnipe (t) digging "wild potatoes" (susa).
Tiputa. W. (f.) Valley quail hiding young when some one passes.
Titci. L. (f.) Bear making motion at every jump when running.
Tiwintcu. W. (m.) Killdeer flying and calling.
Tiwolu. L. (m.) Chicken hawk (suyu) turning eggs with bill when they are

hatching.
Tokkoko. W. (m.) Burrowing owl coming out of hole and calling "tok kok. "

Apparently an onomatopoetic name.
Tokoak. L. (f.) Refers to a place near Rawhide where the parents of the

woman lived.
Tokolasik. W. (f.) Black-oak acorns getting rotten in water, having been for-
gotten.
Toktokolu. L. (m.).

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Tolikna. W. (f.) Coyote's long ears flapping.

Toloise. W. (m.) Deer lying down and looking up at some one coming.

Toloisi. L. (f.) Chicken hawk tearing gopher snake with talons.

Tololi. L. (m.) Digging for "trtW potato" (moa).

Tolopoiyu. L. (m.) A big-leaved vine which grows on ground.

Tolsowe. W. (m.) Deer standing, head up, ears erect, looking around.

Tolsowe. W. (m.) Deer's ears erect when it is looking around.

Tonolu. L. (m.) Spotting on California jay,

Tuenu. W. (m.) Turkey vulture lighting on rock or tree.

Tuikuye. W. (f.) Wizard killing person with "poison."

Tuketu. L. (m.) Bear making dust when running.

Tukubi. W. (m.) Tukutucu bird singing.

Tulanu. L. (m.) Two or three hears taking food from one another.

Tulmisuye. L. (f.) Bear walking slowly and gently.

Tumakaiyu. L. (m.) Bear remaining stubbornly in hole when people try to get

it out.
Tumptca. L. (m.) Smoking Indian tobacco (hutia).
Tunaa. W. (m.) Salmon 's intestines pulling out like string.
Tunaa. W. (m.) Spotting on sununu fish (catfishf).
Tunelu. L. (m.) Hawk (kilikila) roosting on top of a pine tree.
Tusimi. W. (m.) Wizard's "poison" hurting victim.
Tusuwe. W. (m.) Poking deer's stomach with stick, while it is cooking with

meat and blood inside of it, to see if it is done.
Tutaiyati. L. (m.) California jay "cackling" when singing.
Tuwume. L. (f.) Arrow sticking in pota ceremony pole.
Tulemuyak. L. (m.) Morning star rising.

Tunii. W. (m.) Deer thinking about going to eat "wild onions."
Tusuku. W. (m.) Easy breaking of shell nose-stick,
Tcaksepuye. L. (f.) Getting light in the morning (dawn),
Tcanatcimu. L. (f.) Tree «gutrrcZ " singing. "
Tcanutuye. W. (f.) Valley quail scattering as they fly.
Tcasibu. L. (m.) Sun hurting eyes.

Tcatipu. W. (f.) Deer's antlers hitting brush when deer is running.
Tcawitcu. L. (m.).
Tcilawi. W. (m.) One getting ahead of others in gathering farewelUto-spring

seed. Another informant gave the connotation of this name as "cutting

salmon in strips."
Tcilikna. L. (m.) A certain species of small hawk flying.
Tciplitcu. L. (m.).

Tcipuyu. W. (f.) Tying up salmon in willow branches before cooking.
Tcistu. L. (m.) A night bird calling "tcik! tciki "
Tcitatpo. L. (m.) Creeper (akantoto) going down tree.
Tciwela. W. (m.) Sides of falcon's nest covered with excrement.
Tciwu. W. (m.) Valley quail defecating as it flies.
Tciyifio. W. (m.).

Teoileka. W. (f.) Water standing in one place.
Tcokotca. W. (m.) Big cocoon on tree.
Teotcka. W. (m.) Sound of water in creek.

Tcuimukse. W. (m.) Big black bee, with yellow spots, gathering pollen.
Teuke. L. (m.) Throwing seed on roof of ceremonial house after catching

young of hawk (ititu), so that people will not become sick.

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Tcukitcko. W. (f.) Deer's intestines.

Tcukpaiye. L. (f.) Piling up stems of farewell-to-spring,

Tcuktoko. W. (m.) ' People arriving on time to eat deer meat.

Tcukululuye. L. (f.) Bear making so much noise when walking that it frightens

other creatures.
Tculu. L. (m.) Ck>oking acorns in ashes.
Tcumaanuye. L. (f.) Crushing manzanita berries in mortar.
Tcumela. L. (f.) Bears dancing in the hills.
Tcumutuya. L. (f.) Bear catching salmon with paws in riffle.
Tcutcubi. L. (m.) Sun hurting eyes as it comes up over a hill.
Tcuttoko. W. (m.) Lumps around base of deer's antler.
Umlutuya. L. (m.) Soaking seed in water on arrival home after collecting.
Umuye. L. (f.) Damp ground,

W. (f.) Piling up buckeye nuts for cooking.

L. (m.) Bear eating something it finds dead.

L. (f.) Cracking sugar pine nuts.

L. (m.) Bear rolling rock with foot when pursuing something.

L. (f.) Falcon, with feathers of neck ruffled up, dashing down for

Uptuye.
Usepyu.
Uskuye.
Utnepa.
Utunya.
prey.
Ututse.
tyiemsii.
Waketnu.
Wasekuye,

L. (m.) Tasting salt after it has been boiled down in hole in rock.
L. (m.) Bear sleeping in hole.
L. (m.) Indians shouting as they draw hoivs when fighting.
W. (f.) Fragments of acorns being scattered by pestle.

Wasilu. L. (m.) Putting on a quail-crest ear-plug,

Wasilu. W. (f.) Putting on a quail-crest ear-plug,

Wassusme. L. (f.) Bear standing on hind feet scratching tree.

Wenitu. L. (m.) Mixing different kinds of seeds in same basket when gath-
ering them.

Wenutu. L. (m.) Sky clearing after being cloudy.

Wilanu. L. (m.) Pouring water on acorn flour in leaching place.

Wilu. L. (m.) Chicken hawk (suyu) calling **wi."

Wiluye. L. (f.) Eagle singing when flying.

Wininu. L. (m.) Falcon circling in air.

Wipupamu. L. (f.) Tearing people to pieces with mouth. This name may
originally have had an implied reference to some animal, more than likely
the bear.

Wittcuna. L. (m.) Falcon pulling feathers off quail.

Wopemii. L. (m.) Bear bearing down a small tree when climbing it.

Wuyi. W. (m.) Turkey vulture soaring.

Yaluta. L. (f.) Women out on flat telling one another there is lots of farewell-
to-spring seed.

Yanapaiyak. W. (m.) Little clouds passing by sun and making small shadows.

Yatcalu. W. (m.) Deer's antlers spreading wide.

Yeleyu. L. (m.) Going at night, walking in the dark. Perhaps this name orig-
inally had an implied reference to some animal which habitually traveled at
night.

L. (f.) Bear traveling among rocks and brush without making noise.
L. (f.) Little acorn just beginning to grow on tree.
W. (m.) Wizard pressing with fingers on a sleeping person to * * poison * '

Yelutci.
Yenatcu.
Yenene.
him.
Yewetca.

L. (f.) Bear wasting away at death.

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Tokoa. L. (m.) Bad man killing every one.

Yoskolo. L. (m.) Breaking off a piece of acorn,

Toskolo. L. (m.) Breaking oflP sugar pine cones.

Tukukukuye. W. (f.) Noise made by dove with wings when flying. Another

informant gave the meaning of this name as ''the sound made by a rolling

stone. ' '
Yulestu. L. (m.) Hawk (kilikila) calling as it alights.
Yuttene. W. (m.) Seeds getting wet owing to a leaky roof.

In sixteen instances I obtained more than one name for an indi-
vidual. This was due in some eases to conflicting testimony as to the
real name; in other cases the additional name was- a nickname. A
comparison of the meanings of real names and nicknames shows no
special rule in the assigning of the latter. Sometimes the object
mentioned or implied in the nickname is the same as in the real name ;
for example, the name Akaino and the nickname Huslu both refer to
the bear. At other times the objects implied are different; for ex-
ample, the name Lutein refers to the goldfinch, while the nickname
Wasilu refers to the quail-crest ear-plug. Some nicknames are ap-
plied on account of personal peculiarities ; for example, the real name
of one of my informants was Molestu, a name which referred to a
magic stone connected with deer hunting, while among his nicknames
were Sumtciwe and Sumutcupti, which were more or less derisive
names referring to his unusually full beard. Other nicknames such
as Tiktcu and Kaptinii are probably derived from Dick and Captain,
the English names applied respectively to the two people in question.
Typical connotations were obtained for these two nicknames, however,
the first referring to a bird (probably the jacksnipe), the second to ice.
The real names of the individuals who bore these two nicknames were
Hunui, meaning ** salmon fat,'* and Luyu, meaning **dove shaking
head sideways.*' Still other nicknames refer to events in the person's
life. A man named Mosetuya, ** dark-looking water on the ocean,"
bore the nickname Ta'kawa, ** mountain lion took his scalp off," be-
cause of his adventure with a mountain lion.

None of the nicknames obtained apply to women. In the following
table the first column contains the individual's correct name so far as
ascertainable. The second column contains another name alleged to
be the real name, but which I have discarded as unlikely. The pres-
ence of this column is due to conflicting testimony. The third column
contains nicknames. In parentheses, following each name, is men-
tioned the object referred to in the meaning of the name given in the
preceding lists.

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Reftl name
Akaino (bear)
Bakno (arrow)
Elki (bear)
Eneto (bear)
Hunui (salmon)
Lutelu (goldfinch)
Luyu (dove)
Luyunu (bear)
Molestu (deer)

Mosetuya (water)

Sapata (bear)

Sitni (bow)

Totokono (sandhill crane)

Tciyino

Ukulnuye (bear)

Yuttene (seed)

Alleged name

Ukunnunu (bear)

Wialu (dove)

Pasatu (bear)
Puta (salmon)
Oya (jacksnipet)
Nimo

Semeke (bear)
Tanatcio (coyote)

Nickname
Huslu (bear)
Yokoa (bad man)
Tulanu (bear)

Tiktcu (jacksnipef)
Wasilu (quail-crest ear-plug)
Kaptinii (ice)
Tumptca (tobacco)
Iskemu (water)
Sumtciwe (whiskers)
Sumutcupti (whiskers)
Ta'kawa (mountain lion)

Akunatala

The objects mentioned or implied in the personal names presented
on pages 148 to 159 are listed below in three tabulations. The first
two show the objects and phenomena mentioned or implied in water
moiety names and in land moiety names, respectively. The third table
lists objects common to the moieties. The figures indicate the number
of names which have reference to the objects listed.

WATER MOIETY

Abalone 6

Acorn 3

Ant 1

Beads 1

Black bee 1

Bow, arrow, quiver 3

Buckeye 1

Burrowing owl 1

Caterpillar 2

Cloud 3

Cocoon 1

Coyote 6

Deer 23

Dove 6

Elderberry 1

Falcon 6

Farewell-to-spring 3

Fish 5

Fog 1

FootbaU 1

Frog 3

Gambling bones 1

Hawk 1

Hummingbird 2

Hunting man 1

Ice 2

Jacksnipe (?) 3

Jimson weed 1

Killdeer 2

Lake 1

Lightning 1

Meadowlark 1

Metakila (feather apron) 1

Minnow 1

Mountain lion 1

Mud 1

Oak -leaf gall-nut 1

Physa (fresh-water snail) 2

Place name 1

Bain 2

Quail-crest ear-plug 1

Rock 3

Salamander 1

Salmon 21

Sand 1

Sandhill crane 1

Seashell 1

Seed 7

Shell nose-stick 2

Snow goose 1

Sucker fish 3

Sununu fish 1

Tukutucu bird 1

Turkey vulture 4

Turtle 2

Valley quail 9

Vetch 1

Water 10

Whiskers 2

White oak 1

"Wild cabbage" 1

* ' Wild potato ' ' 2

Wizard 4

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161

LAND MOIETY

Acorn 8

Animal 1

Bad man 1

Badger 1

Bear 69

Berries 1

Bow, arrow, quiver 9

Buckeye 1

California jay 4

Chicken hawk 10

Chieftainess 1

Cloud 1

Coyote 4

Creeper 1

Dawn 1

Dog 3

Drum 1

Eagle 3

Falcon 6

Farewell-to-spring 12

Fire 1

Fox 3

Goldfinch 1

Great homed owl 3

Ground 1

Hawk 9

Jack rabbit 2

Katydid 2

Lizard 1

Magpie 3

Manzanita 2

Night 1

Night bird 1

Pine nuts 2

Place name 2

Pota ceremony 4

Quail-crest ear-plug 1

Salt 2

Seed 7

Sky 1

Sonolu (feather head-ornament) .... 2

Stars 2

Sugar pine 8

Sun 5

Sunny day 1

Tobacco 2

Tule 1

Tree squirrel 8

Vine 2

' ' Wild potato ' ' 4

Wizard 1

Wood 1

Yellow-jacket 6

OBJECTS COMMON TO THE MOIETIES

Occurrences

/ \

Object Water Land

Acorn 3 8

Bow, arrow, quiver 3 9

Buckeye 1 1

aoud 3 1

Coyote 6 4

Falcon 6 6

Farewell-to-spring 3 12

Occurrences

Object Water Land

Hawk 1 9

Place name 1 2

Quail-crest ear-plug 1 1

Seed 7 7

''Wild potato'' 2 4

Wizard 4 1

Marriages

Ninety-nine marriages were recorded among the Central Sierra
Miwok, thirty-two of these being from Big Creek alone. In the fol-
lowing table proper marriages, that is, between individuals of different
moieties, are indicated by W-L ; improper marriages, that is, between
individuals of the same moiety, are indicated by W-W for the water
moiety and L-L for the land moiety.

Percentage Percentage

of proper of improper

W-L W-W LrL marriages marriages

Village at Big Creek 26 5 1 81 19

Central Sierra Miwok, except Big Creek

people 48 1 18 72 28

Central Sierra Miwok in general 74 6 19 75 25

The figures for Big Creek include marriages of such individuals whose names
and meanings of names were not obtained. The figures for the Central Sierra
Miwok exclusive of Big Creek do not include these.

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In the above table it is to be noted that Big Creek has a lower
percentage of improper marriages than the remainder of the Central
Sierra Miwok region. Cross-cousin marriage which occurred there
gave a wider choice of mates in the proper moiety by not restricting
choice to non-relatives and distant relatives. This perhaps tended to
keep down the number of improper (endogamous as to moiety) mar-
riages.

The two following tables list, in alphabetical order of husbands'
names, all of the Miwok marriages of which record has been obtained.

BIG CREEK MARRIAGES

Husband

Moiet;

' Named after

Wife Molet>

• Named after

Efieto

Bear

Miltaiye

Water

Hautcu

Salmon

Putbana

Fish

Hautcu

Salmon

Utatci

Bear

Litcitu

Salmon

Maiyeno

Chieftainess

Liwanu

Bear

Tolikna

Coyote

Luyunu

Bear

Kauwiluye

Ice

Molimo

Bear

Bosaiya

Eagle

Nomasu

Seed

Tulmisuye

Bear

Nomasu

Seed

Wiluye

Eagle

Notcitcto

Coyote

Putkuse

Acorn

Omusa

Arrow

Posululu

Frog

Patakasii

Ant

Yewetca

Bear

Pelisu

Fish

Liluye

Chicken hawk

Sapata

Bear

Atce

Salmon

Sapata

Bear

Pilekuye

Shell nose-stick

Talalu

Rock

Niwuye

Seed

Tunaa

Salmon

Simutuye

Tree squirrel

Tusuku

Shell nose-stick

Etumiiye

Bear

Tcilawi

Salmon (also seed)

Umuye

Ground

Wuyi

Turkey vulture

Titci

Bear

Yottoko

Mud

Ukunulumaiye L

Bear

Yuttefie

Seed

Tcanatcimu

Tree squirrel

]

MARRIAGES, EXCLUSIVE OF BIG CREEK

Husb&nd

Moietj

r Named after

Wife Moietj

r Named after

Eskeye

Farewell-to-spring

Matcumpaiye L

Farewell-to-spring

Eekeye

Farewell-to-spring

Sumtciwe

Sugar pine

Hatawa

Bear

Piltcitcma

Meadowlark

Hatawa

Bear

Sumtciwe

Sugar pine

Haikiwisu

Salmon

Semuki

Wizard

Hunipte

Seed

Polneye

Dove

Kilikila

Hawk

Huatama

Seed

Kono

Tree squirrel

Natcamila

Acorn

Kukse

Valley quail

Hesutuye

Yellow-jacket

Kutcuyak

Bear

Musonotoma

Valley quail

Litana

Hummingbird

Laapisak

Bear

Lukulkatu

Fox

Mukuye

Deer

Lukulkatu

Fox

Oiyikoisiye

Salt

Lutelu

Goldfinch

Tiputa

Valley quail

Liitcmii

Salmon

Hiimiita

Tobacco

Malila

Salmon

Tcumutuye

Bear

Malkuyu

Farewell-to-spring

Itcimuye

Magpie

Metikla

Sucker fish

Selipu

Falcon

Molestu

Deer

Uskuye

Sugar pine

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163

Husband

Moietj

' Named after

Wife Moiety

Named after

Mulya

Acorn

Yaluta

Farewell-to-spring

Mulya

Acorn

Yukukukuye

Dove

Miiku

Deer

Tcumela

Bear

Neplu

Bear

Kusetuye

''Wild potato''

Pati

Fish

Tiputa

Valley quail

Patiwo

Deer

Yuttciso

Chicken hawk

Pele 'me

Coyote

Posala

Farewell-to-spring

Pososu

Great homed owl

Loiyetuye

Farewell -to-spring

P08O8U

Great homed owl

Yaluta

Farewell-to-spring

Potcu'e

Football

Hisokuye

Bear

Punoi

Tree squirrel

Liptuye

Pine nuts

Putsume

Bear

Pukuna

Deer

Sipatu

Fox

Pukuna

Deer

Sitni

Bow

Sapata

Bear

Sitni

Bow

Toloisi

Chicken hawk

Sitni

Bow

Yuttciso

Chicken hawk

Situtu

Arrow, quiver

Sewati

Bear

Sokono

Wizard

Matcuta

Pine nuts

Solotci

Jackrabbit

Epeta

Lizard

S08O

Tree squirrel

Wasekuye

Acorn

Suki

Chicken hawk

Tcipuyu

Salmon

Sukumi

Great homed owl

Talepuye

Abalone

Sukumi

Great homed owl

Wasilu

Quail-crest ear-plug

Suletu

California jay

Tcaksepuye

Dawn

Takena

Hawk

Kututcanati

Bear

Talatu

Bear

Huata

Seed

Tawitci

Turkey vulture

Kututcanati

Bear

Tawitci

Turkey vulture

Satuwu

Farewell-to-spring

Telumi

Tree squirrel

Paseleno

Vetch

Tikmu

Tree squirrel

Samtuye

Deer

Tikmu

Tree squirrel

Tuikuye

Wizard

Tolsowe

Deer

Ukulnuye

Bear

Tumma

Dmm

Pikatco

Acorn

Tnnaa

Sununu fish

Selibu

Falcon

Tunaa

Sununu fish

Utunya

Falcon

Tcilikna

Hawk

Tcukpaiye

Farewell-to-spring

Tcititi

Katydid

Heteltci

Pota ceremony

Tcuimukse

Black bee

Tuwume

Arrow

Tcutcubi

Sun

Hateya

Bear

Ilmlutuya

Seed

Sukukiye

Place name

Wenitu

Seed

Musonota

Magpie

Wininu

Falcon

Lupu

Abalone

Wininu

Falcon

Yukukukuye

Dove

Wittcuna

Falcon

Putceyu

Deer

Wootci

Coyote

Yukukukuye

Dove

Wuksii

Sun

Lupu

Abalone

Yotimo

Yellow-jacket

Samtuye

Deer

A berdache, Muliya, who was named after farewell-to-spring and
belonged to the land moiety, was ** married*' to Taktekaiyu, a water
moiety man named after deer. It seems possible that the exogamie
rules regulated berdache ** marriages/' However, this is the only such
union recorded, and the evidence is therefore insufficient. Berdaches
were not infrequent. Out of five mentioned among Jamestown and
Knights Ferry people, Muliya is the only one whose name was ob-
tained. He and Taktekaiyu lived together at Tcakatcino, near James-
town.

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In the three following tables are summarized all of the regular
marriages of three groups of people — ^those with deer, salmon, and
bear names. These three groups of names are the commonest among
the Central Sierra Miwok. The absence of any rule in the choice of
mates, oth^r than moiety exogamy, is apparent. That is to say, for
example, men with bear names did not regularly marry women who
were named after one particular animal. So long as the women were
of the proper moiety it did not matter what they were named after.
Certain marriages occur in more then one table ; for example, a deer-
bear marriage would appear under both deer and bear. Irregular or
endogamic marriages are excluded.

People with
deer names

Married to

Number of
occurrences

Man

Sugar pine

Man

Bear

Man

Chicken hawk

Woman

Fox

Woman

Bear

Woman

Tree squirrel

Woman

Falcon

Woman

Yellow-jacket

People with
salmon names

Married to

Number of
occurrences

Man

Bear

Man

Chieftainess

Man

Ground

Man

Tree squirrel

Man

Fish

Man

Wizard

Man

Tobacco

Woman

Bear

Woman

Chicken hawk

People with
bear names

Married to

Number of
occurrences

Man

Water

Man

Coyote

Man

Ice

Man

Salmon

Man

Shell nose-stick

Man

Meadowlark

Man

Valley quail

Man

Deer

Man

Seed

Man

"Wild potato"

Woman

Salmon

Woman

Seed

Woman

Ant

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People with
bear names

Married to

Number of
occurrences

Woman

Shell nose-stick

Woman

Turkey vulture

Woman

Mud

Woman

Hummingbird

Woman

Deer

Woman

Bow, arrow, quiver

Woman

Hawk

Woman

Football

Genealogies

In the genealogical information obtained there are forty-eight male
lines of descent. Some of these are rather long, covering four or five
generations. Others consist merely of two generations — a man and
his offspring. Of these lines of descent only nine show complete trans-
mission of the eponym of the paternal ancestor to the descendants.
In other words, less than one-fifth of the Central Sierra Miwok families
named all their children after the eponym of the father or other male
ancestor of the group. Plainly, there is no rule of transmission of the
eponym of the male ancestor, and consequently no widespread belief
in descent from the eponymous animal.

If we take the forty-eight lines of descent and break them up into

smaller groups, consisting in each case of father and child, we get the

following results:

Number of cases 132

Percentage of children with eponym of father 41

Percentage of children without eponym of father 59

Considered from the standpoint of moieties, the following results
as to transmittal of eponyms are obtained :

WATER MOIETY

Number of lines of descent 22

Eponym of paternal ancestor transmitted throughout in 14%

Eponym of paternal ancestor not transmitted throughout in 86%

Number of pairs consisting of father and child 61

Percentage of children with eponym of father 28

Percentage of children without eponym of father 72

LAND MOIETY

Number of Unes of descent 26

Eponym of paternal ancestor transmitted throughout in 23%

Eponym of paternal ancestor not transmitted throughout in 77%

Number of pairs consisting of father and child 71

Percentage of children with eponym of father 52

Percentage of children without eponym of father 48

Obviously the results based on the pairs of individuals, consisting
of male parent and offspring, give the more accurate data as to the
tendencies of the moieties in the matter of names. Judging, therefore.

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166 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

by percentages, it appears that the tendency of the water moiety as a
whole was to ignore the eponym of the paternal ancestor; while the
' land moiety as a whole was about evenly divided on the question. It
is possible, of course, that these tendencies are only local or temporary.
Disregarding moieties and putting the data on the basis of Big
Creek people and Central Sierra Miwok exclusive of Big Creek people,
it is found that the latter are the more zealous in the transmittal of
eponyms, although in both groups they are transmitted in less than
half of the cases :

BIG CREEK

Number of pairs consisting of father and child 54

Percentage of children with eponym of father 33

Percentage of children without eponym of father 67

EXCLUSIVE OF BIG CREEK

Number of pairs consisting of father and child 78

Percentage of children with eponym of father 46

Percentage of children without eponym of father 54

Going still further and considering moiety as well as locality, the
curious result shown in percentages in the following table is reached :

Big Creek Exclusive of Big Creek

Water Land Water Land

Transmitted 9 71 50 44

Not transmitted 91 29 50 56

It appears that the Big Creek people of the water moiety were
remarkably careless about the transmission of the paternal eponyin,
while their fellow-villagers of the land moiety were the reverse. Upon
consulting the figures for people, exclusive of Big Creek, it is found
that conditions are very different, about half of the eponyms being
transmitted in each moiety. Perhaps the difference in results for the
two areas is due to lack of sufficient data from Big Creek.

The lines of descent on which the previous discussion is based are
listed below. Sex is indicated by (m.) for male, (f.) for female. The
word following each name is that of the object mentioned in the con-
notation or denotation of the name.

WATER MOIETY— BIG CREEK

Onalik, bow, arrow, quiver, father of Katuye, water (m.).

Wuyi, turkey vulture, father of Notcitcto, coyote (m.), of Yutu, coyote (m.),
and of Wunuti, hunting-man (m.). Yutu, father of Hatcaiya, cloud (f.).
Wunuti, father of Tciyino (m.). Tciyifio, father of Tiimii, caterpillar (m.) and
of Lii, turtle (m.).

Tcotcka, water, father of Tolikna, coyote (f.) and of Peusuye, water (f.).

Mosetuya, water, father of Totokono, sandhill crane (m.). Totokono, father
of Sawa, rock (m.), of Hunui, salmon (m.), and of Yuttene, seed (m.). Yuttefle,
father of Onpume, coyote (f.).

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Tunaa, salmon, father of Miltaiye, water (f.), of Talalu, rock (m.), and of
Nomasu, seed (m.). Talalu, father of Putbana, fish (f.) Nomasu, father of
Tukubiy tukutucu bird (m.), of Kusetu, "wild potato" (f.), of Tcilawi, seed
(m.), of Hupaiye, "wild cabbage'* (f.), of Tcanutuye, valley quail (f.), of
Hutamsi, fish (f.), of Hopoto, frog (m.), of Pilekuye, shell nose-stick (f.), and
of Pelisu, fish (m.). PelisU; father of Atce, salmon (f.).

TusiikUy shell nose-stick, father of Otu, seashells (m.), and of Hautcu, salmon
(m.). Hautcu, father of Kolenya, fish (f.), and of Litcitu, salmon (m.).

Soloni, place name, father of Kauwiluye, ice (f.), of Posululu, frog (f.), and
of Newulo (m.).

Tcotcka, water, father of Osepa (f.) and of Almase (m.).

WATEE MOIETY— EXCLUSIVE OF BIG CREEK

Luyu, dove, father of Osoi (m.), and of Yukukukuye, dove (f.).

Tusimi, wizard, father of Tuikuye, wizard (f.)» and of Sokono, wizard (m.).

Ewentcu, deer, grandfather of Tcatipii, deer (f.).

Tcuktoko, deer, father of Hotamuye, deer (f.), of Mukuye, deer (f.), and of
Mukii, deer (m.). Miikii, father of Tolsowe, deer (m.), of Samtuye, deer (f.),
and of Patiwo, deer (m.). Patiwo, father of Yatcalu, deer (m.).

Hahiyo, salmon, father of Liitcmii, salmon (m.) and of Yanapaiyak, cloud (m.*).

Sitni, bow, arrow, quiver, father of Kukse, quail (m.).

Leyati, abalone, father of Musonotoma, valley quail (f.).

Situtu, bow, arrow, quiver, father of Nikiti, abalone (m.), of Lupu, abalone
(f.), and of Hulutuye, abalone (f.).

Metikla, sucker fish, father of Pootci, salmon (f.).

Tolsowe, deer, father of Tunii, deer (m.), and of Putceyu, deer (f.).

Miile, quail, father of Uptuye, buckeye (f.).

Takena, falcon, father of Talulu, falcon (m.) and of Tutce, frog (m.).

Malkuyu, farewell-to-spring, father of Elsu, falcon (m.), of Tciwela, falcon
(m.), of Hokoiyu, falcon (m.), and of Yutne, falcon (m.).

Potcu'e, football, father of Ape, acorn (m.).

LAND MOIETY— EXCLUSIVE OF BIG CREEK

Luyunu, bear, father of Sutuluye, bear (f.), and of Tcanatcimu, tree squir-
rel (f.).

Tutaiyati, California jay, father of Luituye, bear (f.), of Lusela, bear (f.),
and of Liwanu, bear (m.). Liwanu, father of Katcuktcume, bear (m.).

Hoho, bear, father of Solasu, bear (m.), and of Efieto, bear (m.). Solasu,
father of Sanuye, cloud (f.)* Eneto, father of Liktuye, bear (f.) and of Sapata,
bear (m.). Sapata, father of Anawuye, bear (m.), of Kulmuye, bear (f.), of
Molimo, bear (m.), of Wopemii, bear (m.), of Wassusme, bear (f.), of Hehe-
muye, bear (f.), of Moemu, bear (m.), of Hoiyitcalu, bear (m.), and of Etumu,
bear (m.).

Peeluyak, bear, father of Niwuye, seed (f.).

LAND MOIETY, EXCLUSIVE OF BIG CREEK

Noksu, chicken hawk, father of Tiwolu, chicken hawk (m.).
Sitki, bow, arrow, quiver, father of Mutckuye, bow, arrow, quiver (f.), of
Waketnu, bow, arrow, quiver (m.), and of He'eluye, bow, arrow, quiver (f.).
Tumma, drum, father of Makuina, seed (m.).

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168 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

Semuki, bear, father of Takutcima, seed (f.).

Tceweksu, tree squirrel, father of Tikmu, tree squirrel (m.), of Telumi, tree
squirrel (m.), and of Hiimiita, tobacco (f.)>

Sukumi, great homed owl, father of Wootci, coyote (m.), of Pososu, great
homed owl (m.), of Tiponya, great homed owl (m.), and of Yelutci, bear (f.).

Etu, sun, father of Akulu, sun (m.), and of Mulya, acorn (m.). Mulya,
father of Suletuye, falcon (f.).

Tiilemuyak, star, father of Tcaksepuye, dawn (f.).

Talatu, bear, father of Wuksii, sun (m.). Wiiksu, father of Siitu, magpie
(m.), and of Tcasibu, sun (m.).

Putepu, chicken hawk, father of Toloisi, chicken hawk (f.).

Eskeye, farewell-to-spring, father of Yaluta, farewell-to-spring (f.).

Punoi, tree squirrel, father of Matcuta, sugar pine (f.)) and of Wittcuna,
falcon (m.). Wittcuna, father of Tetmo, dog (m.).

Putsume, bear, father of Lifiugse, tule (m.).

Pele'me, coyote, father of Ukulnuye, bear (f.), and of Posala, farewell-to-
spring (f.).

Umlutuya, seed, father of Loiyetu, farewell-to-spring (m.), of Loiyetuye,
farewell-to-spring (f.), and of La'uyu, farewell-to-spring (m.).

Neplii, bear, father of Esege, bear (f.) and of Tcukululuye, bear (f.).

Hunipte, seed, father of Wenitu, seed (m.), of Muliya, farewell-to-spring
(m.), and of Tcukpaiye, farewell-to-spring (f.).

Tcilikna, hawk, father of Hute, star (m.).

Soso, tree squirrel, father of Telumu, farewell-to-spring (f.), and of Tcuma-
anuye, manzanita (f.).

Ciisua, hawk, father of Osmokse, hawk (m.), of Kilikila, hawk (m.), of
Sakati, hawk (m.), of Tufielu, hawk (m.)) of Tulestu, hawk (m.), and of Namino,
hawk (m.). Kilikila, father of Tcutcubi, sun (m.).

Papina, vine, father of Yoskolo, sugar pine (m.), of Sunumptca, sugar pine
(f.), and of Kulya, sugar pine (m.).

Suki, chicken hawk, father of Wilu, chicken hawk (m.).

Of value as indicating the relationship of many individuals not
listed in the above lines of descent is a list of brothers and sisters.
Where the implied eponym is the same in each name in a group no
positive evidence is offered as to the transmission of the eponym of
the father. Where the eponym in each name in a group is different
it is obvious that the eponym of the father has not been transmitted
throughout to the offspring. Of the thirty-four groups of brothers
and sisters nine have similar eponyms, while twenty-five have dis-
similar.

Hunipte, seed (m.); Umlutuya, seed (m.).

Pati, fish (m.); Metikla, sucker fish (m.).

Etu, sun (m.); Tculu, acom (m.); Sitpu, badger (m.).

Taipa, valley quail (m.); Situtu, bow, arrow, quiver (m.).

Kutcuyak, bear (m.); Tumakaiyii, bear (m.); Suletu, California jay (m.).

Liptcu, salmon (m.); Putsume, pota ceremony (m.).

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1916] Giford: Miwok Moieties 169

Tiwitita, killdeer (m.); Piltcitcma, meadowlark (f.).

Tolopoiyu, vine (m.); Sitki, bow, arrow, quiver (m.).

Metikla, metakila (m.); Kolotomu, oak-leaf gall-nut (f.); Tunaa, simunu
fish (m.).

Epeta, lizard (f.); Pususu, dog (m.); Kuyunu, dog (m.).

Tcitepu, abalone (m.); Wiskala, sand (m.).

Wasilu, quail-crest ear-plug (f.); Moitoiye, valley quail (f.); Sitala, valley
quail (f.).

Sapata, bear (f.); Hateya, bear (f.).

Awanata, turtle (m.); Sitni, bow, arrow, quiver (m.).

Istu, sugar pine (m.); Ilokuk, "wild potato*' (f.).

Sipatu, fox (m.); Lukulkatu, fox (m.).

Tcuktoko, deer (m.); Pukuna, deer (f.).

Tupi, salmon (m.); Hahiyo, salmon (m.).

Tolsowe, deer (m.); Patcuka (m.); Tusuwe, deer (m.).

Hustemeyak, Physa or fresh -water snail (m.) ; Lutaiyet, Physa or fresh -water
snail (f.).

Yoskolo, acorn (m.); Septuye, fire (f.).

Polaiyu, lake (m.); Paseleno, vetch (f.).

Mosetuya, water (m.); Tunaa, salmon (m.).

Soloni, place name (m.); Tcoileka, water (f.).

Simutuye, tree squirrel (f.); Peeluyak, bear (m.).

Tutaiyati, California jay (m.); Wiluye, eagle (f.); Tulmisuye, bear (f.).

Situtuyu, berries (m.); Putsume, bear (f.).

Bosaiya, eagle (f.) ; Akaino, bear (m.) ; Tolkatcu, bear (f.) ; Maiyefio, chief-
tainess (f.).

Misu, water (m.); Tentpaiyu, seed (f.).

Tcuttoko, deer (m.); Pukuna, deer (f.).

Kono, tree squirrel (m.); Soso, tree squirrel (m.).

Tcintiye, buckeye (f.); Tukeye, pine nuts (f.).

Takeiia, hawk (m.); Malkuyu, farewell-to-spring (m.).

Suki, chicken hawk (m.); Sakasaiyu, chicken hawk (f.).

The following six short genealogies are inserted in the paper as
an aid to the discussion of the Miwok terms of relationship, and also
for the purpose of demonstrating the existence of cross-cousin marriage
(see p. 189). As heretofore, m. means male, f. female, W. water moiety,
L. land moiety. Generation B in genealogy I coincides approximately
in time with generation B in the other genealogies; the same is true
with the other generations, all having the same letter being approxi-
mately the same in age. In addition to the letters after each name
indicating sex and moiety, there are inserted, in cases where names
occur more than once in the genealogies, Roman numerals and letters
referring to the genealogy and generation in which the name is to be
again found ; for example, (IIC) placed after a name means that it is
to be found also in genealogy II, generation C.

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170 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP

Exclusive of the terms eselu, child; hikime, child in cradle; and
luwasa, foster-child, thirty-four terms of relationship are employed by
the majority of the Central Sierra Miwok. The people in the vicinity
of Big Creek employ only thirty-three terms, as their term ate
(younger brother or younger sister) takes the place of the two terms
tcale and kole used for these two relationships elsewhere. In this the
Big Creek people correspond with some of the Southern Sierra Miwok
and with the Plains Miwok, but not with the Northern Sierra Miwok,
who, like the majority of the Central people, use the two terms tcale
and kole. One of the striking features of the Central Sierra Miwok
terms of relationship is the disregard of generation. Of the thirty-
four terms, twenty-one apply to two or more relationships which are
in different generations.

The following table presents an analysis of the typical Central
Sierra Miwok terms on the basis of the categories used by Dr. A. L.
Kroeber in his paper on * ' Classificatory Systems of Relationship.''"
His eighth category, the condition of the connecting relative, has been
omitted, as it is not operative in Miwok terms. Dr. Kroeber used
twenty-four Miwok terms in his comparative table, while I am using
thirty-four. The changes in figures, especially for the category * * Gen-
eration,'' which expresses **the difference between persons of the same
and separate generations," are due to the larger amount of data now
at hand. As remarked above, these data have shown that, considering
the full use of each term, more than one generation is represented in
nearly two-thirds of the terms. The crosses in the following table
mean that the category named at the head of the column is operative
throughout all the applications of the term opposite which it is placed.
The sex of the relative, and whether the relationship is one of blood or
marriage, are the two categories most frequently expressed, the former
in twenty-eight of the thirty-four terms, the latter in twenty-six. No
term expresses over five categories ; the average term expresses three.

Considered as to moiety, it is found that of the twenty-nine terms
used by a man twelve apply to relatives belonging only to his moiety,
nine to relatives of the opposite moiety only, and eight to relatives
who may belong to either moiety. Belonging to the man 's moiety only
are his ansi, ene, haiyi, kole, kumatsa, moe, pinuksa, tatci, tete, tune,

11 Journ. Boy. Anthr. Inst., xxxix, 78-79, 1909.

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Ob:

1. MoMtaya C
=2. . . . <f) —

S. . . . <mW]
=4. . . . (f> —

5. TiiMAft inty^
=•. SuBrntaye CI

GmmmmAfnoif

75. . . . (mlil
=76. . . . (O —

=77. . . . (f) —

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1916]

Gifford: Miwok Moieties

171

Term

Oeneration

Ama

Anisu

Alisi

Apasti

Atce

Ene

Haiyeme

Haiyi

Hewasu

Kaka

Kawu

Kole

Kolina

Komatsa

Lupnba

Maksi

Manisa

Moe

Nafia

Oiyame

Olo

Osa

Pansa

Papa

Pinuksa

Tatci

Tete

Tomu

Tune

Tcale

Cpsa

Cpii

Wokli

Terms*

Blood or Lineal or
marriage collateral

X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X

X
X
X
X

Sex of
relative

X
X
X
X

Bexof
connecting Sex of

relative speaker

X X

X X
X

X X

15 9

Age in
generation

* Knmber of terms in which each category is expressed.

tcale, and iipii, belonging to the opposite moiety only are his anisii,
kaka, lupuba, manisa, oiyame, osa, tomu, iipsa, and iita ; belonging to
both moieties are bis ama, atce, hewasu, kawu, maksi, olo, papa, and
wokli. With a woman the distribution differs. She uses thirty terms
to the man's twenty-nine. Fourteen she applies to relatives who be-
long only to her moiety ; seven to relatives of the opposite moiety ; and
nine to relatives who may belong to either moiety according to cir-
cumstances. In the first category belong her ene, haiyeme, haiyi, kole,
kumatsa, manisa, oiyame, pansa, pinuksa, tatci, tete, tcale, iipsa, and
iipii ; in the second category belong her ansi, anisii, kaka, naiia, tomu,
tune, and iita ; and in the third category belong her ama, apasti, atce,
hewasu, kawu, kolina, maksi, olo, and papa.

The terms of relationship with their principal applications are
given below, together with any remarks that seem pertinent. The lists

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172 University of Calif ornia Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

of meanings are incomplete in most cases, but are supplemented a few
pages beyond by additional meanings derived directly from the gene-
alogies. Unless otherwise stated the terms older and younger in the
following lists mean older or younger than the speaker. At times the
diminutive suffix -tci or -ktci is added for very young brothers, sisters,
nieces, or nephews, as in tcalektci (baby younger brother), kolektci
(baby younger sister), iipsatci (baby nephew).

AmaA^ Grandmother, grandmother's sister, grandfather's sister, great grand-
mother. The reciprocal of this term is atee.

Ami, Mother's older sister, father's brother's wife if she is older than mother,
mother's earlier co-wife. This term is the Big Creek equivalent of the
more generally used term tomu. The reciprocals are ansi and tune.

Anisii, Mother's younger sister, father's brother's wife (younger than mother),
mother's brother's daughter (one of a person's two female cross-cousins),
mother's brother's son's daughter (one of a person's female cross first
cousins once removed), stepmother, mother's later co-wife. The recip-
rocals of this term are ailsi and tune.

Ansi. Son, man's brother's son, woman's sister's son, woman's father's sister's
son (one of her two male cross-cousins), man's father's brother's son's
son, woman 's paternal grandfather 's sister 's son (one of her male cross
first cousins once removed), husband's brother's son, wife's sister's son,
co-wife's son, stepson. The reciprocals of this term are ami or tomu,
anisii, haiyi, iipu, and iita, in other words, father and mother, and poten-
tial stepfathers and stepmothers.

Apasti, Husband's brother, husband's grandfather. The reciprocal of this term
is olo in its meanings brother 's wife and grandson 's wife.

Atce, Grandchild, man's sister's grandchild, woman's brother's grandchild,
great grandchild. The reciprocals of this term are ama and papa.

Ate, Younger brother, younger sister, father's brother's younger children,
mother's sister's younger children, younger stepbrother, younger step-
sister. This term is the Big Greek equivalent of the more generally used
terms kole and tcale. The reciprocals of this term are tatci and tete.

Ene, Father's sister, father's father's brother's daughter. The reciprocal of
this term is iipsa in its meanings woman's brother's child and woman's
father's brother's son's child.

Eselu, Child, man's brother's child, woman's sister's child.

Haiyeme. Later co-wife, husband's brother's wife. The reciprocal of haiyeme
in the first meaning is pansa, in the second haiyeme. In this last respect,
that is, being its own reciprocal, the term haiyeme parallels moe and
maksi, and pinuksa in part.

Haiyi, Mother's sister's husband, stepfather (providing he is not father's
brother when iipii is used). Nowadays there is a tendency to apply the
term haiyi to father's brother; this, however, is a modern innovation
probably due to contact with the whites, for the ancient term for father 's
brother is iipii. The reciprocals of this term are afisi and tune.

12 In the San Miguel dialect of Salinan this term is used for father's parents.
See J. Alden Mason, The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians, Univ. Calif. Publ.
Am. Arch. Ethn., x, 170, 1912.

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1916] Gilford: MiwoJc Moieties 173

Hewasu. Parent-in-law, husband's father's brother, husband's mother's sister,
wife's father's brother, wife's mother's sister, man's brother's wife's
parents, woman's sister's husband's parents. The reciprocals of this
term are manisa and oiyame.

Kaka, Mother's brother, mother's brother's son (one of a person's two male
cross-cousins, and in the light of Miwok cross-cousin marriage a man's
potential brother-in-law). The reciprocals of this term are upsa and
lupuba.

Katcu. Sister's husband, father's sister's husband, woman's brother's daughter's
husband, granddaughter 's husband. The reciprocal of this term is wokli.

Kole. Younger sister, father's brother's younger daughter, mother's sister's
younger daughter, younger half sister, female cross -cousin 's (anisii)
younger daughter if not speaker's daughter also, younger stepsister,
younger foster sister. The reciprocals of this term are tatci and tete.
At Big Creek ate is used in place of this term.

Kolina. Husband's sister, husband's father's sister, husband's grandmother.
The reciprocal of this term is olo.

Kumatsa. Mother's brother's wife, man's sister's son's wife (a man's own
daughter in case of Miwok cross-cousin marriage). The reciprocal of
this term is pinuksa in its meanings husband's mother's brother and
husband's sister's child. Two Jamestown informants gave manisa, with
the meaning husband 's sister 's son, as a reciprocal of kumatsa. This of
course would indicate cross-cousin marriage. Five other informants,
however, gave pinuksa as the proper term for this relationship.

Lupuba. Man's sister's daughter, man's father's sister's daughter (one of a
man's two female cross-cousins). The reciprocal of this term is kaka.

MaksiA^ Son's or daughter's spouse's parents, son's wife's brother, daughter's
husband's sister, man's sister's husband's parents, woman's brother's wife's
parents. The reciprocal of this term is maksi; it is paralleled in this
regard by moe and in part by haiyeme and pinuksa.

Manisa. Son-in-law, man's brother's daughter's husband, woman's sister's
daughter 's husband, daughter 's husband 's brother. The reciprocal of this
term is hewasu. -

Moe. Wife's sister's husband. This term is the reciprocal of itself, in this
respect being paralleled by maksi and in part by haiyeme and pinuksa.

Nana. Husband. The reciprocal of this term is osa.

Oiyame. Daughter-in-law, man's brother's son's wife, woman's sister's son's
wife, son 's wife 's sister. The reciprocal of this term is hewasu.

Olo. Brother's wife, woman's brother's son's wife, grandson's wife. The
reciprocals of this term are apasti and kolina.

Osa. Wife. The reciprocal of this term is nana.

Pansa. Earlier co-wife. The reciprocal of this term is haiyeme in its meaning
later co-wife.

Papa. Grandfather, grandmother's brother, great grandfather. The reciprocal
of this term is atce.

PinvJcsa. Husband 's mother 's brother (a woman 's own father in case of Miwok
cross-cousin marriage), husband's sister's child, man's sister's daughter's
husband, wife's mother's brother. In its first two meanings the recip-
rocal of this term is kumatsa; the second two meanings are the recip-
rocals of each other.

18 Of. Yokuts makci, A. L. Kroeber, The Yokuts Language of South Central
California, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., n, 240, 1907.

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174 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

Tatci. Older brother, father's brother's older son, mother's sister's older son,
older half brother, female cross-cousin's (anisii) older son, older step-
brother, older foster-brother. The reciprocals of this term are tcale and
kole, which are included in the one term ate a£ Big Creek.

Tete. Older sister, father's brother's older daughter, mother's sister's older
daughter, older half sister, female cross-cousin's (anisii) older daughter,
older stepsister, older foster sister. The reciprocals of this term are
kole and tcale, which are included in the one term ate at Big Creek.

Tomu. Mother's older sister, father's brother's wife (older than mother),
mother's earlier co-wife. The reciprocals of this term are afisi and tune.
At Big Creek the term tomu is replaced by the term ami.

Tune. Daughter, man 's brother 's daughter, woman 's sister 's daughter, woman 's
father's sister's daughter (one of a woman's two female cross-cousins,
and in the light of Mi wok cross-cousin marriage her potential sister-in-
law), man's father's brother's son's daughter, husband's brother's daughter,
wife's sister's daughter, co-wife's daughter, stepdaughter. The recip-
rocals of this term are ami or tomu, anisii, haiyi, iipii, and iita; in other
words, father and mother, and potential stepfathers and stepmothers.

Tcale. Younger brother, father's brother's younger son, mother's sister's younger
son, younger half brother, female cross-cousin's (anisii) younger son if
not speaker's son also, younger stepbrother, younger foster brother. At
Big Creek ate is used in place of this term. The reciprocals of this term
are tatci and tete.

Vpsa. Man's sister's son, woman's brother's child, man's father's sister's son
(one of a man's two male cross-cousins), woman's father's brother's
son 's child. The reciprocals of this term are kaka and ene.

VpU. Father, father 's brother, father 's father 's brother 's son. The reciprocals
of this term are afisi and tune. There is a modem tendency to use the
term haiyi for father's brother. Although iipii is the vocative form for
father 's brother, he is sometimes distinguished otherwise by the addition
of the words tuni (younger) or upela (older), and is then spoken of as
younger father or older father. If father has only two brothers and he
himself is either the oldest or the youngest, the one intermediate in age
is spoken of as middle father, the word kauwina (middle) being added.

Vta. Mother. The reciprocals of this term are afisi and tune.

Wokli. Wife's brother, wife's sister, wife's brother's child, wife's father's
sister, wife's grandparents. The reciprocal of this term is kawu.

A demonstration of the use of the preceding terms of relationship
is given below. Mrs. Sophie Thompson (39. Pilekuye) and her daugh-
ter, Mrs. Lena Cox (58. Kulmuye), gave me the status, so far as they
were concerned, of ninety-one other inhabitants of Big Creek known
to themj Of these seventy-nine stand in some relation, either blood
or marriage, to the two informants. The list of Big Creek inhabitants
by no means exhausts the people whom the informants reckoned as
relatives. A few of their many relatives who lived elsewhere are also
included in the list given below.

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1916] Giford: Miwoh Moieties 175

For the sake of brevity in the following list I have used the number
assigned to each individual in the genealogies, in place of the indi-
vidual 's name. Where any special remarks have been considered neces-
sary they have been inserted. The terms applied by each individual
to the two informants are not given below, but they can be derived
readily enough by looking up in the preceding list the reciprocal of
the term applied to the individual by the informant.

I. Papa (father's father's brother) to 39; papa (mother's father's father's
brother) to 58.

5. Papa (father's father) to 39; papa (mother's father's father) to 58.

6. Ama (father's mother) to 39; ama (mother's father's mother) to 58.

7. tJ^pu (father's father's brother's son) to 39; papa (mother's father's
father's brother's son) to 58.

9. Same as last.

II. tJ^pu (father) to 39; papa (mother's father) to 58.

12. Ami (mother's earlier co-wife) to 39; ama (mother's mother's earlier
CO- wife and father's father's father's brother's daughter) to 58.

13. Same as last.

14. Same as last.

16. Upii (father's brother) to 39; papa (mother's father's brother) to 58.

17. Ami (father's brother's wife older than mother) and ama (father's
mother's brother's daughter) to 39; ama (mother's father's brother's wife and
mother's father's mother's brother's daughter) to 58.

18. Ene (father's sister) and hewasu (mother-in-law) to 39; ama (mother's
father's sister and father's mother) to 58.

19. Kawu (father's sister's husband) and hewasu (father-in-law) to 39;
papa (father's father) to 58.

20. Tatci (father's father's brother's son's older son) to 39; kaka (mother's
father's father's brother's son's son) to 58.

21. Same as last.

22. Olo (father's father's brother's son's son's wife) to 39; no relation to
58. 39 first said that 22 was no relation; then on second thought gave the
above. 58 had ceased to think of 22 as a relative at all, although 22 stands in
the relation of kumatsa (mother's father's father's brother's son's son's wife)
to 58.

23. Same as 20.

24. Same as 20.

25. Tete (father's father's brother's son's older daughter) to 39; ami
(mother's father's father's brother's son's daughter older than mother) to 58.

27. Kawu (father's father's brother's son's daughter's husband) to 39;
haiyi (mother's father's father's brother's son's daughter's husband) to 58.

28. Same as 27.

29. Same as 27.

30. Tatci (older half brother) to 39; kaka (mother's half brother) to 58.

31. Tete (older half sister) to 39; ami (mother's older half sister) to 58.

32. Same as 30.

33. Olo (half brother's wife) to 39; kumatsa (mother's half brother's wife)
to 58.

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176 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

34. Same as 30.

35. Same as 33.

36. Same as 31.

37. Same as 31.

38. Tatci (older brother) to 39; kaka (mother's brother) to 58.

40. Ansi (father's sister's son) and nafia (husband) to 39; ilpii (father)
to 58. If 40 were not the husband of 39 and the father of 58, he would stand in
the relation of tatci (mother's father's sister's son) to 58. Hence it might be
said that 58 is both the daughter (tune) and younger sister (ate) of 40, a
paradox which is the product of cross-cousin marriage and a system of relation-
ship which does not fit that form of marriage.

41. Ate (younger sister) to 39; anisii (mother's younger sister) to 58.

42. Kawu (sister's husband) to 39; haiyi (mother's sister's husband) to 58.

43. Ansi (mother's sister's daughter's son) and kawu (sister's husband) to
39; haiyi (mother's sister's husband) to 58. 43 must also stand in the relation
of tatci (mother's mother's sister's daughter's son) to 58, although the in-
formant did not state this to be so. 58 regarded 43 rather as an uncle (haiyi)
than as a brother (tatci).

44. Ate (father's brother's younger daughter) to 39; anisii (mother's father's
brother's daughter younger than mother) to 58.

45. The informants stated that this man was no relation. Nevertheless to
39 he stands in the relation of kawu (father's brother's daughter's husband)
and to 58 he stands in the relation of haiyi (mother 's father 's brother 's daugh-
ter's husband). It is quite possible that the informants made a mistake in the
case of this man, although, on the other hand, they may not have thought of
him as related to them even by marriage. As a matter of fact, 39 and 58 have
an ancestor in common with 45; this ancestor is 75. The blood relationship to
39 would be that of father's mother's half sister's son's son. Compare 82, 83, 84.

46. Tune (father's sister's daughter) and kolina (husband's sister) to 39;
ene (father's sister) to 58.

47. t)^psa (half brother's daughter) and pansa (earlier co-wife) to 39; anisii
(mother 's half brother 's daughter) and ami (mother 's earlier co-wife) to 58.
Pilekuye (39) stated that she drove Atce (47) out of her husband's house after
she (Pilekuye) became co-wife, a statement which sheds light on the probable
condition in many polygynous Miwok households.

48. t^psa (father's father's brother's son's son's daughter) to 39; anisii
(mother's father's father's brother's son's son's daughter) to 58.

49. Kawu (father's father's brother's son's son's daughter's husband) to
39; haiyi (mother's father's father's brother's son's son's daughter's husband) •
to 58.

- 50. Tune (father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter) to 39;
tete (mother's father's father's brother's son*s daughter's older daughter) to 58.

51. t^psa to 39, which relationship was not traced out owing to lack of time.
By marriage to 50, however, 51 became manisa (father's father's brother's
son's daughter's daughter's husband) to 39 and kawu (mother's father's
brother's son's daughter's daughter's husband) to 58.

52. Same as 50.

53. Same as 51 by marriage.

54. Same as 50.

57. Aftsi (son) to 39; tatci (older brother) to 58.
59. Ansi (son) to 39; ate (younger brother) to 58.

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1916] Gilford: Miwok Moieties 177

60. Kolina (husband's father's mother's half sister's son's daughter) and
oiyame (daughter-in-law) to 39; ene (father's father's mother's half sister's
son's daughter) and olo (brother's wife) to 58.

61. Same as 59.

62. Tune (daughter) to 39; ate (younger sister) to 58. ,

63. Same as 62.

64. Same as 59. ' ^|

65. Same as 59.

66. Same as 59.

67. Afisi (sister's son) to 39; tatci (mother's sister's older son) to 58.

68. Same as 67.

69. Tune (father's brother's daughter's daughter) to 39; tete (mother's
father's brother's daughter's older daughter) to 58.

70. Afisi (father's brother's daughter's son) to 39; ate (mother's father's
brother's daughter's younger son) to 58.

71. Kolina (husband's father's mother's half sister's son's daughter) and
oiyame (son's wife's sister and father's brother's daughter's son's wife) to
39; ene (father's father's mother's half sister's son's daughter) and olo (mother's
father's brother's daughter's son's wife and brother's wife's sister) to 58.

72. Atce (father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter's son) to
39; ansi (mother's father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter's son)
to 58.

73. Olo (father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter's son's wife)
to 39; oiyame (mother's father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter's
son 's wife) to 58.

74. Atce (half brother's daughter's son) to 39; ate mother's half brother's
daughter's son) to 58.

78. Papa (father's mother's brother) to 39; papa (mother's father's mother's
brother) to 58.

82. The informants stated that this man was not related to them, meaning
undoubtedly that they did not normally think of him as a relative. He actually
stands in the relation of upU (father's mother's half sister's son) to 39. The
informants did not treat 83, 84, 45, or 85 as related to themselves through 82.
83, 84, and 45 were considered non-relatives.

85. Olo to 39; kumatsa to 58. For the facts bearing on this questionable
relation see the remarks following 114.

90. Apasti (husband's father's father) to 39; papa (father's father's father)
to 58.

93. Kawu (father's collateral sister 's^^ husband) and hewasu (husband's
father's brother) to 39; papa (father's father's brother) to 58.

95. Maksi (son's father-in-law) and hewasu (husband's father's mother's
half sister's son) to 39; maksi (brother's father-in-law) and papa (father's
father's mother's half sister's son) to 58.

96. Maksi (son's mother-in-law) to 39; maksi (brother's mother-in-law) and
ama (father's father's mother's half sister's son's wife) to 58.

97. Tune (father's collateral sister's daughter) and kolina (husband's father's
brother's daughter) to 39; ene (father's father's brother's daughter) to 58.

98. Kolina (husband's father's mother's half sister's son's daughter) and
oiyame (son's wife's sister) to 39; ene father's father's mother's half sister's
son's daughter) and olo (brother's wife's sister) to 58.

14 Collateral sister is the daughter of father 's brother or mother 's sister, in
other words, an identical cousin.

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178 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

99. Apasti (husband's father's mother's half sister's son's son) and maksi
(son's wife's brother) to 39; upii (father's father's mother's half sister's son's
son) to 58.

102. Hewasu (husband's father's father's brother's son) to 39; papa (father's
father's father's brother's son) to 58.

104. Kolina (husband's father's father's brother's son's daughter) and
anisii (mother's co-wife's brother's daughter) to 39; ene (father's father's
father's brother's son's daughter) to 58.

105. Same as last.

107. Apasti (husband's father's father's brother's son's son) and kaka
(mother's co- wife's brother's son) to 39; iipii (father's father's father's brother's
son 's son) to 58.

108. Said by informants not to be regarded as a relative. Nevertheless
108 stood in the relation of haiyeme (husband's father's father's brother's
son's son's wife) and kumatsa (mother's co- wife's brother's son's wife) to 39,
and in the relation of either ami or anisu (father's father's father's brother's
son 's son 's wife) to 58.

109. Ate (mother's co- wife's brother's daughter's son) to 39; kaka (mother's
mother's co-wife's brother's daughter's son) to 58.

110. Ansi (husband's father's father's brother's son's son's son) and kaka
(mother's co-wife's brother's son's son) to 39; ate (father's father's father's
brother's son's son's son) to 58. ^

113. Ate (mother's sister 'b younger daughter) to 39; anisu (mother's mother's
sister's daughter) to 58.

114. Kawu (mother's sister's daughter's husband) to 39; haiyi (mother's
mother's sister's daughter's husband) to 58.

The individuals 115 to 122 are related to 39 and 58 because Nomasu
(11) **u8ed to spark with Posululu's [120] mother'' [117]. I do not
know whether this statement by Mrs. Thompson meant that 11 was
actually the father of 118, 120, and 122 or not. At any rate, the terms
applied by her to these three individuals were the same as those ap-
plied to real brothers and sisters. The following relationships and
also that of 85, the informant said, are based on the above.

115. Ene to 39. 115 being ene to 120, who is counted as tete to 39, 115 is
reckoned as ene to 39 also. The relationship is not logical whether reckoned
by descent or by marriage.

116. I did not obtain the relationship to 39 and 58.

117. I did not obtain the relationship to 39 and 58.

118. Tete to 39; ami to 58.

119. Kawu to 39; no relation to 58.

120. Same as 118.

121. Counted as no relation. However, if 119 stands in the relation of kawu
to 39 this man ought to also.

122. Tatci to 39; kaka to 58.

Many of the above meanings of the terms of relationship are addi-
tional to those already given in the list of terms. These additional

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meanings are listed below, and may be summarized in the statement
that they represent the usual collateral application of terms common
to the so-called classificatory systems of relationship. Meanings of
terms already given in the list of terms of relationship are omitted in
that which follows. It [Should be remembered that the ensuing use of
terms is entirely from the standpoint of a woman as the speaker.

Ama

Ami

Anisii

Father ^s mother 's brother 's daughter.

Father 's father 'a mother 's half sister 's son 's wife.

Mother 's father 's brother 's wife.

Mother 's father 's mother 's brother 's daughter.

Mother's older half sister.

Mother's earlier co-wife.

Mother's mother's earlier co-wife.

Mother 's father 's father 's brother 's son 's daughter.

Father 's father 's father 's brother 's daughter.

Mother's half brother's daughter.

Mother 's mother 's sister 's daughter.

Mother's co-wife's brother's daughter.

Mother 's father 's brother 's younger daughter.

Mother's father's father's brother's son's son's daughter.

Ansi

Father's brother's daughter's son.
Husband 's father 's father 's brother 's son 's son 's son.
Mother's sister's daughter's son.

Mother 's father 's father 's brother 's son 's daughter 's daughter 's son.
Apasti

Husband 's father 's father 's brother 's son 's son.
Husband's father's mother's half sister's son's son.

A tee

Ate

Ene

Half brother 's daughter 's son.

Father 's father 's brother 's son 's daughter 's daughter 's son.

Father's father's father's brother's son's son's younger son.
Mother 's half brother 's daughter 's younger son.
Mother's co-wife's brother's daughter's younger son.
Mother's father's brother's daughter's younger son.

Father's father's father's brother's son's daughter.

Father's father's mother's half sister's son's daughter.
Eaiyi

Mother's mother's sister's daughter's husband.

Mother's father's father's brother's son's daughter's husband.

Mother's father's father's brother's son's son's daughter's husband.
Hewasu

Husband's father's father's brother's son.

Husband 's father 's mother 's half sister 's son.

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180 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

Kdka

Mother's half brother.

Mother 'b co-wife 's brother *8 son.

Mother's co-wife's brother's son's son.

Mother's mother's co-wife's brother's daughter's son.

Mother 's father 's father 's brother 's son 's son.
Kawu

Father 's father 's brother 's son 's daughter 's husband.

Father's father's brother's son's son's daughter's husband.

Mother's sister's daughter's husband.

Mother's father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter's husband.
Kolina

Husband's father's brother's daughter.

Husband's father's father's brother's son's daughter.

Husband's father's mother's half sister's son's daughter.
Kumatsa

Mother's half brother's wife.
Manisa

Father 's father 's brother 's son 's daughter 's daughter 's husband.
Oiyame

Father 's brother 's daughter 's son 's wife.

Mother's father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter's son's wife.

Olo

Papa

Brother's wife's sister.

Half brother's wife.

Father's father's brother's son's son's wife.

Father 's father 's brother 's son 's daughter 's daughter 's son 's wife.

Mother 's father 's brother 's daughter 's son 's wife.

Father's father's brother.

Father's father's father's brother's son.

Father's father's mother's half sister's son.

Mother's father's brother.

Mother's father's father's brother.

Mother 's father 's father 's brother 's son.

Mother's father's mother's brother.

Tatci
Tete

Tune
Ppsa
typii

Father 's father 's brother 's son 's older son.

Father's father's brother's son's older daughter.
Mother's father's brother's daughter's older daughter.
Mother's father's father's brother's son's daughter's daughter.

Father's brother's daughter's daughter.

Father 's father 's brother 's son 's daughter 's daughter.

Half brother's daughter.

Father 's father 's brother 's son 's son 's daughter.

Father 's father 's father 's brother 's son 's son.
Father's father's mother's half sister's son's son.

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Gilford: Miwok Moieties

181

My oldest informant, Tom Williams of Jamestown, stated that in
the case of endogamic (as to moiety) marriages the terms of relation-
ship for persons connected through the marriage were altered. Every
other informant denied this. Tom, however, volunteered the infor-
mation in such a straightforward manner that it seems not unlikely
that this was the practice in former times. All of the terms which
are said to be changed by the tabu marriage denote relationships which
are normally the result of marriage. Furthermore, each expresses a
relationship which is at least one generation removed from the speaker,
never in the speaker's generation. In each case of change a term is
substituted which brings the person addressed one generation nearer
the speaker. No change is made in the case of relatives connected by
the marriage are of one generation. The motive of the change would
seem to be the desire to ignore the improper (endogamic) marriage.
This alleged peculiarity of the Miwok kinship nomenclature has been
disregarded in the inferences drawn in this paper owing to lack of
verification. The data are presented as a matter of record, the ex-

amples given by Tom Williams being tabulated below.

Its most direct
normal applica-
The term tion is

In case of endogamic
marriage it is applied
to

Eselu

Ansi
Tune

Cpu

Tomu

Cpsa

Apasti

Olo

Kolina

KoHna

Tatei

Child under 15 years Grandchild (through son)

of age under 15 years of age

Son Grandson (through son)

Daughter Granddaughter (through

son)
Father Paternal grandfather

Mother 's older sister Paternal grandmother
Sister's son (m.s.) Grandson of sister (m.s.)
Husband 's brother Husband 's father
Brother's wife Son's wife (m.s.)

Husband 's sister Husband 's mother
Son's wife (w.s.)
Sister 's daughter 's hus-
band (m.8.)
Sister 's daughter 's hus-
band (m.s.)

On account of the
below-named persons
being of the wrong
moiety

Grandchild 's parents

Had the mar-
riage been
proper (ex-
ogamic) the
term used
would have
been

Atce

Husband 's sister
Elder brother

Teale Younger brother

Grandson 's parents
Granddaughter 's

parents
Speaker's parents
Speaker 's parents
Sister's husband (m.s.) Atce
Husband Hewasu

Son 's wife
Husband
Wife
Husband if older

than speaker
Husband if younger

than speaker

Atce
Atce

Papa
Ama

Oiyame
Hewasu
Oiyame
Pinuksa

Pinuksa

Terminology and Social Customs

Of the female relatives who are normally of the opposite moiety,
a man may sometimes marry his anisii who stands in the relation to
him of cross-cousin or first cousin once removed (mother's brother's
daughter or mother's brother's son's daughter).*"^ He may not marry

IS See the discussion of this matter under the heading
riage," p. 81.

'Cross-Cousin Mar-

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182 University of CQUfomia Fublicatians in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

the aniaii who stands in the relation to him of mother's younger sister.
Tliere seema to be uo object IoUt however, to a man marrying his anisii
who is his mother *s collateral sister. The marriage of 41 and 43 in
genealoo^" I, generation D, and genealogy V, generation E, is of this
type, 41 standing in the relation to 43 of mother's mother's sister's
daughter. A man may not marry his lupuba, his tomu, or his oiyame.
Speech with his oiyame (usually daughter-in-law) is tabued.

Of the female relatives who may belong to either moiety, he may
marry only those individuals who are not of his moiety, as follows:
upon the death of his brother, his olo who stands in the relation of
brother's mife; and upon the death of his wife, his wokli who stands
in the relation of wife's sister, wife's brother's daughter, or wife's
father's sister. He may form a polygynous union with any of the last
three during the lifetime of his M^ife. The marriage of 40 to 39 after
his marriagt* to 47 (genealogy T, generations D and E) affords an
example of a man marrying liis wife's father's [half] sister.

A woman may sometimes nxarry her ansi who is her cross-cousin,
or first cousin once re mo veil (father's sister's son of father's father's
sixer's son), or her an si who is her collateral sister's son, as in the
case cited above (41 and 43 in genealogies I and V). She may not
tnarry the ansi who is her own son or her sister's son. She may not
marry her kaka. Of the male relatives who may belong to either
moiety a woman may raarry those who are not of her moiety, as
follows: upon the *leath of her husband or of her married sister, her
apasti, who stands in the relation of husband's brother, or her kawu,
who stands in tht* relation of sister's husband, father's sister's husband,
or brother s daughter's husband. She may also become a co-wife in
a polygynous union with either of the last three. The marriage of
39 to 40 in genealogy I, generation D, exemplifies this, for 40 was
already the husband of 47 (g*^ne rations D and E), who was 39 's [half]
brother's danghter. If 40 had married 39 first and then 47, the second
marriage would have been an example of a woman marrying her
father's [half] sister's husband, 6v to state it from the opposite stand-
pointy an example of a mnn marrying his wife's [half] brother's
daughter. The marriage of 11 to 14 (genealogy I, generation C) is
another case in point, 14 stood in the relation of (ipsa (probably
brother's daughter) to 12 and 13. Hence when 11 married 14 he
married his wives' brother's daughter. 12, 13, 14, and 15 were co-
wives married to 11 j 39 and 47 were co-wives married to 40.

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1916] Giford: Miwok Moieties 183

Speech tabus between relatives among the Miwok are correlated, so
far as they go, with certain of the types of marriage. Between people
of the same moiety tabus operate as follows : between a man and his
mother-in-law, between a man and his mother-in-law's sisters, between
a man and his mother's brother's wife, and between a woman and her
son-in-law's brother. Tabus between relatives of different moieties are
those between a woman and her father-in-law, a woman and her father-
in-law 's brother, and a man and his daughter-in-law's sisters. It is
to be noted that when it is permissible for relatives to marry after the
death of the connecting relative, no speech tabu is imposed upon them
during the life of the connecting relative. Conversely, tabus continue
in operation after the death of the connecting relative, just as terms
of relationship do, for example, mother-in-law and son-in-law. If it
becomes necessary to address a tabu relative on account of the absence
of a go-between, the plural form is used, and, as an Indian expresses
it, he talks to his relative as though she were more than one person.
For example, a man would address his kumatsa (mother's brother's
wife) by the plural kumatsako.

In the succeeding paragraphs the application of terms of relation-
ship, which apparently have been conditioned by social customs, will
be discussed. The social phenomena, outside of exogamy, which I
believe to have been particularly potent in molding the features of
the Miwok terminology, are the right of marriage to certain of the
wife's relatives and descent in the male line. Then, too, a psycho-
logical factor may be invoked, namely, the feeling that one brother
may be substituted for another, or, in other words, that brothers are
essentially alike. The use of the term iipii (father) for father's
brother indicates this sentiment, and shows that the father and the
father's brother were regarded as more or less interchangeable as
husbands and fathers. This use of the term iipii might be interpreted
as indicating polyandry in which two or more brothers married a
single woman. There is not the slightest pretext, however, for be-
lieving that such a form of marriage ever existed among the Central
Sierra Miwok. The concept of the similarity of brothers found ex-
pression in the practice of a man marrying his brother's widow and
thus becoming the father of his brother's children. The inclusion of
the father and his brother in the term iipii is just the reverse of the
careful distinction of the mother and her sisters by the terms iita,
mother; tomu or ami, mother's older sister; and anisii, mother's
younger sister.

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184 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

Upon the death of his wife a man might marry her sister, in case
he had not already done so in a polygynous marriage. These two
customs, the marriage of a man to his brother's widow and to his
wife's sister, readily account for the applications of the twelve terms
of relationship which follow. It is not claimed that the terms have
resulted only from these two types of marriage, but it is claimed that
the types of marriage and the use of the terms are in agreement and
certainly seem to stand in the relation of cause and effect.

tpii

Ansi

Tune

Father.
Father's brother.

Son.

Man's brother's son.
V^Toman's sister's son.
Husband 's brother 's son.
Wife's sister's son.

Daughter.

Man 's brother 's daughter.
Woman 's sister 's daughter.
Husband 's brother 's daughter.
Wife's sister's daughter.

Younger sister.

Father's brother's younger daughter.

Mother's sister's younger daughter.

Older brother.

Father's brother's older son.

Mother's sister's older son.

Older sister.

Father's brother's older daughter.

Mother's sister's older daughter.
Tcale

Younger brother.

Father 's brother 's younger son.

Mother's sister's younger son.
Hewasu

Father-in-law.

Husband 's father 's brother.

Wife's father's brother.

Mother-in-law.

Wife's mother's sister.

Husband 's mother 's sister.

Kole

Tatci

Tete

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Manisa

Son-in-law.

Man's brother's daughter's husband.

Woman's sister's daughter's husband.

Daughter's husband's brother.
Oiyame

Daughter-in -law.

Man's brother's son's wife.

Woman 's sister 's son 's wife.

Son's wife's sister. ^

Haiyeme

Later co-wife.

Husband's brother's wife.
Anisu

Stepmother.

Mother's younger sister.

Father 's brother 's wife.

The term anisii denotes among immediate relatives the mother's
brother's daughter, the mother's younger sister and the father's
brother's wife, providing she is younger than the mother. The
mother's older sister and the father's brother's wife, providing she
is older than the mother, are called tomu, or, among the Big Creek
people, ami. The identity of the terms in each of these pairs of re-
lationships need not be taken as an indication of double marriage,
although informants stated that two brothers did at times marry two
sisters, and such indeed would be the case were cross-cousin marriage
rigorously adhered to. The identity of the terms undoubtedly arises
from the two marriage customs mentioned above, which have nothing
to do with either double marriage or cross-cousin marriage ; namely,
the marrying of the brother's widow and of the wife's sister. Hence,
regarded from the standpoint of myself, my mother's sister and my
father's brother's wife are both the potential wives of my father and
both my potential stepmothers. To my mind this accounts for the
identity in terminology without involving double marriage or cross-
cousin marriage. As I will show later, cross-cousin marriage is un-
doubtedly a late and not general development and has had no effect
on the terminology of relationship.

The identification of the mother's brother's daughter with the
mother's younger sister and the father's brother's wife younger than
the mother is apparent in the use of the term anisii for these three
relationships without any qualifying term. As corroboration of this
identification, it must be noted that the reciprocals of the various

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186 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

meanings of the terms anisii and tomu are identical throughout. They
are ansi and tune, that is, son and daughter. Furthermore, a man
or a woman calls the children of the anisii cross-cousin (mother's
brother's daughter), when they are not the man's own, his or her
brothers and sisters, just as is done with the children of other anisii
relatives, notably mother's sister's children. Light is thrown on this
identification of the mother's brother's daughter with the mother's
younger sister and the father's brother's wife younger than the mother
by the Miwok custom of a man marrying his wife's brother's daughter
in cases of polygamy or after the death of his wife. In some cases,
if she were too young for him to marry, she was held for him until
she had reached the marriageable age, when she was handed over to
him. To myself, therefore, my mother's brother's daughter also stands
in the relation of father's potential wife or potential stepmother, just
as do my mother's sister and my father's brother's wife. The re-
flection, in the term anisii, of this form of marriage ; namely, of a man
to his wife's brother's daughter, is indicative of its antiquity. The
term anisii might be translated, not by its various applications, but
by the term potential stepmother, a translation which would apply
consistently to the individuals included under the term.

Other Miwok terms of relationship give additional proof of the
marriage of a man to his wife's brother's daughter. The term wokli
is applied not only to wife's brother or sister but also to wife's
brother's son or daughter. This means that a man's wife's brother's
daughter may become his wife, thus making the remaining children
of his first wife 's brother his brothers- and sisters-in-law. TJie appli-
cation of the reciprocal of wokli, kawu, to sister's husband and father's
sister's husband indicates the same kind of marriage, which, as already
pointed out, is the actual custom. This type of marriage is reflected
altogether in twelve terms, to wit : anisii, ansi, kaka, kawu, kole, lupuba,
tatci, tete, tune, tcale, iipsa, and wokli.

A woman calls her father's sister's children, who are her cross-
cousins, son and daughter, terms which seem to have arisen from this
form of marriage. Viewed from the standpoint of the woman, she
marries her father's sister's husband; hence his children become her
stepchildren. In Miwok terminology, whether she marries the man
or not, his children (her cross-cousins) are called ansi and tune (son
and daughter) by her, and she is called anisii (potential stepmother)
by them. The principle is carried into other terms, for her brother is
called kaka (mother's brother) by them, while he applies the terras

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1916] Oxford: Mvwok Moieties 187

iipsa and lupuba (sister's son and daughter) to them, according to
their sex. We thus find that the Miwok classification of cross-cousins
seems to be based entirely on this form of marriage ; namely, that of
a woman to her father's sister's husband or of a man to his wife's
brother's daughter. The cross-cousins are:

Man's mother's brother's daughter — anisii.
Man 's mother 's brother 's son — ^kaka.
Man's father's sister's son — iipsa.
Man's father's sister's daughter — ^lupuba.

Woman's mother's brother's daughter — anisu.
Woman's mother's brother's son — ^kaka.
Woman 's father 's sister 's son — afisi.
Woman's father's sister's daughter — ^tune.

It is to be noted that the mother's brother's son and daughter are
called by the terms for uncle and potential stepmother (kaka and
anisii) , whether the speaker is a man or a woman. A woman's father's
sister's son and daughter are called son and daughter, while a man's
father's sister's son and. daughter are called nephew and niece.

The practice of cross-cousins applying to each other the terms used
by children and parents, or by children and aunts and uncles, is closely
paralleled elsewhere in the world. Dr. R. H. Codrington^* has re-
corded a case in the Banks Islands which Dr. W. H. R. Rivers" has
cited. Exact parallels to the terminology in the Banks Islands are
found among the Minnitarees, Crows, Choctaws, Creeks, Cherokees,
and Pawnees." All of the above cases would be the result, Dr. Rivers
claims, of the marriage of a man to his mother's brother's wife. This
type of marriage is impossible among the Miwok on account of moiety
exogamy and descent in the male line, so that here the parallel be-
tween the Miwok, Melanesian, and eastern North American cases
ceases. The Miwok terminology is probably caused, however, by the
reverse custom of a woman marrying her father's sister's husband,
or, stating it from the standpoint of a man, of a man marrying his
wife's brother's daughter. To me it seems probable that this custom
is responsible for the uniting of my mother's brother and his male
descendants, immediate and through males, ad infinitum, in the term
kaka. Likewise it is probably responsible for the uniting of my

i«The Melanesians, Studies in Their Anthropology and Folk -Lore (Oxford,
Clarendon Press, 1891), 38-39.

17 Kinship and Social Organization (London, Constable & Co. Ltd., 1914), 28.

18 Ibid,, 53.

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188 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

mother's brother's female descendants immediate and through males,
ad infinitumj in the term anisii, for all are the potential wives of my
father. Dr. Robert H. Lowie points to an identical combination of
male descendants of the mother's brother among the patrilineal Omaha,
Oto, Kansa, and other Siouan tribes.*® He would lay this to the
operation of exogamy and to the extension of the use of terms of
relationship to clan brothers and sisters, rather than to a special mar-
riage custom, as Dr. Rivers would. Among the Miwok there are no
clan or moiety brothers and sisters, all relationship being based on
blood and marriage ties. Marriage custom and terminology among
the Miwok would seem, therefore, to support Dr. Rivers' contention.
Other features which would arise from the type of marriage just dis-
cussed are also present both among the Omaha and the Miwok; for
example, the classing together of father's sister's daughter and sister's
daughter. Among the Omaha my mother's brother's daughter's son
is ray brother; so he is also among the Miwok, where my mother's
brother's daughter may be my stepmother, for my father has a right
to marry her in case of my mother's death, or in case he desires to
have more than one wife.

To sum up, I do not deny the potency of exogamy to bring about
the Omaha and Miwok type of nomenclature, but I do claim for the
marriage custom cited an equal potency to bring about such a result.

The combining of woman's sister's husband and woman's brother's
daughter's husband in the term kawu, and of wife's sister and wife's
father's sister in the term wokli, are reflections of the marriage of a
man to his wife's father's sister and conversely of a woman to her
brother's daughter's husband.

In Miwok polygnous marriages it is said to have been not un-
common for a man to marry two sisters. Such a marriage is shown
in genealogy I, generation C. Nomasu (11) married Wiluye (12) and
Tulmisuye (13), who were real sisters (see genealogy IV, generation
C) . This type of marriage is reflected but faintly in the nomenclature
of relationship. The remarks under 107, page 178, in the demonstra-
tion of the terms of relationship based on the genealogies, bring to
light a reflection of this type of marriage. The term kaka, usually
applied to mother's brother and mother's brother's son, is here applied
to mother's co-wife's brother's son just as if mother's co-wife was
mother's sister, which she is not in this case. The fact that this term
is here applied to a person through a co-wife who is not mother's

19 Exogamy and Systems of Relationship, Am. Anthr., n. s., xvii, 238, 1915.

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1916] Oxford: MiwoJc Moieties 189

sister leads one to believe that co-wives were usually sisters. For
similar examples see 109 and 110. Other terms of relationship are
also used on the basis of treating co- wives as sisters ; for instance, see
the use of anisii in 104, of ate in 109, and of ami in 12 and 47. In the
last two instances the mother's co-wife is called by the term used for
mother's older sister.

CROSS-COUSIN MARRIAGE

When asked if it were proper for a man to marry a cousin, Miwok
informants always replied in the negative. In obtaining genealogical
information, however, cases came up in which a man married his
mother's brother's daughter. I called my informant's attention to
this fact and received the reply that the individuals concerned were
not regarded as cousins, for they stood in the relation of ansi and
anisii to each other, which translated into English would be son and
aunt, or potential stepmother. This affords an excellent example of
the futility of using English terms of relationship with natives when
discussing native customs.

Every Miwok to whom the question was put stated that the proper
mate for a man was a woman who stood in the relation of anisii to
him, providing she was not too closely related to him.'*^ Although a
man might marry his anisii cross-cousin, who was the daughter of his
mother's brother, he could under no circumstances marry his lupuba
cross-cousin, who was the daughter of his father's sister. This one-
sidedness of cross-cousin marriage among the Miwok in no way affected
its popularity, or, to be more exact, the popularity of anisii-ansi mar-
riages, of which the cross-cousin marriage is one form. In many cases
my informants would state that a certain man and his wife stood in
the relation to each other of ansi and anisii. Although these instances
were not substantiated, except in four cases, by genealogical proof,
they show the popularity of this form of marriage. At Big Creek
six of the listed marriages are of this type, eight are not, and on the
remaining eight I have no information. Cases were encountered in
which a husband and wife claimed to stand in the ansi-anisii relation
to each other, but, when asked to demonstrate the relation, were unable
to trace the connecting links. This state of affairs shows clearly that
ansi-anisii marriages must have been the vogue, otherwise married

20 See meanings of term anisii on pages 172 and 179; also discussion of term
under "Terminology and Social Customs."

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190 University of California Fuhlications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

people who could not prove such a relationship would not lay claim
to it. Even among the Northern Sierra Miwok at Elk Grove, among
whom the moiety system does not seem to exist, ansi-anisii marriages
were the custom. The Southern Sierra Miwok of Madera County state
that these marriages were proper, but that the contracting parties
must be only distantly related.

Informants at Jamestown, while stating that anisii-ansi marriages
were prevalent there as elsewhere, said that marriages between first
cousins, who stood in this relation, were commoner higher in the moun-
tains than at Jamestown. The men at Jamestown and lower in the
foothills were inclined to marry an anisii further removed than a first
cousin. There seems to have been a sentiment at Jamestown against
the marriage of first cousins. One woman was asked if she would
consider it proper for her son to marry her brother's daughter. She
replied, **No, she is too much like his mother,*' meaning herself. Her
reply may have been engendered by the Miwok custom of a man
marrying his wife's brother's daughter. By this marriage his new
wife, who is also his son's anisii cross-cousin, would become his son's
stepmother; hence perhaps the woman's statement with regard to her
son's anisii cross-cousin, **too much like his mother."

The identification of the anisii cross-cousin with the mother's
younger sister and father's brother's wife younger than mother has
already been discussed under the heading ** Terminology and Social
Customs." As stated there, there are twelve terms which reflect the
marriage of a man to his wife's brother's daughter. Turning now to
cross-cousin marriage, let us search for terms which reflect it. We
find that there are none. With the popularity of cross-cousin mar-
riage in the minds of the people at present, one might expect to find
identical terms for such relationships as mother's brother and man's
father-in-law, mother's brother's wife and man's mother-in-law, son
and daughter and son and daughter of a man's anisii cross-cousin,
but such terms are lacking.^* The only evidence which possibly favors
antiquity of cross-cousin marriage lies in the speech tabu which exists
between a man and his mother's brother's wife or kumatsa, who in
view of cross-cousin marriage is his potential mother-in-law. The

21 As mentioned on page 173 in the discussion of the term kumatsa, two James-
town informants gave the term manisa (normally son-in-law) for husband's
sister 's son instead of the usual term pinuksa. If this usage were established
it could be said that cross-cousin marriage did have a reflection in the nomen-
clature. However, five other informants gave pinuksa, not manisa, as the proper
term.

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1916] Giford: Miwok Maieiiea 191

Miwok, like other California Indians, imposed a tabu upon a man and
hia mother-in-law.

The situation there is this: There is in the Miwok terminology
of relationship an undeniable reflection of the marriage of a man to
his wife's brother's daughter; on the other hand, there is no reflection
whatever of cross-cousin marriage. This implies that the former is
the more primitive custom of the two. It may be shown in a diagram
as follows :

I I

A=b C=d

E f

In this diagram, if E marries /, who i& E^s mother's brother's
daughter (anisii cross-cousin), A cannot marry /, who is his wife's
brother's daughter, because / has already become his son's wife, and
all intercourse between a man and his daughter-in-law is tabued. If
E did not marry f, A would have a perfect right to her, for / is his
wife's brother's daughter and his potential wife. Thus we have the
two types of marriage in conflict, for either a man or his son may
claim the same woman, A claiming / because she is his wife's brother's
daughter, E claiming / because she is his anisii (mother's brother's
daughter). Informants and genealogies vouch for the occurrence of
both forms of marriage, which if taken as synchronous for any one
woman would mean polyandry, of which there is no trace, a man and
his son having one woman in common. It is easily conceivable, how-
ever, that the two practices existed side by side.

An attempt to show the connection between these two intimately
related forms of marriage will now be made. It has already been
pointed out that the marriage of a man to his wife's brother's daughter
is reflected in twelve terms of relationship. Evidently, therefore, a
man regarded his wife's brother's daughter as his potential wife, for
in some cases of polygyny, and of the death of the first wife, he mar-
ried her. Here seems to me to be the key to the mystery of the one-
sided Miwok cross-cousin marriage. The man who thus had a right
to marry his wife's brother's daughter may have passed that right on
to his son. In other words, the marriage right of the father became
vested in the son in cases in which the father did not avail himself
of it. This hypothesis explains why two blood relatives, who recip-

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192 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

rocally used the terms for son and potential stepmother, or aunt, and
who might actually become stepson and stepmother, should marry.
The theory that cross-cousin marriage has been thus evolved from
another form of marriage through descent in the male line, displays
it as a secondary, and perhaps recent, form of marriage, which has
not yet affected the nomenclature of relationship. If it were found
in future investigations that the father paid for his wife's brother's
daughter and then let his son marry her, our hypothesis would become
almost an established fact.

' Two terms of relationship, which are reciprocals, seem to support
this hypothetical origin of cross-cousin marriage. They are kolina
and olo. In kolina are united the husband's sister and the husband's
father's sister, which would be the case where both a man and his
father had the right to a woman. To fit our hypothesis more exactly,
however, the meanings combined should be husband's sister and hus-
band's son's sister (that is, stepdaughter).

If we admit the cogency of the above theory as to the origin of the
unilateral Miwok cross-cousin marriage, we immediately have at hand
an explanation of why the other form of cross-cousin marriage is for-
bidden. When a man marries his wife's brother's daughter he marries
a person who is normally not his blood relative. As I have already
pointed out, it is but a simple step to extend to the man's son the
privilege of marrying the same woman, providing the man himself
does not do so. Now let us try to imagine the forbidden cross-cousin
marriage arising in a similar manner. In the first step this involves
the marriage of a man to his son's lupuba cross-cousin, that is, to his
son's father's sister's daughter, who is his own sister's daughter. She
is called lupuba by both the man and his son. In the diagram D and
/ are the cross-cousins. A has absolutely no right to /, his son's cross-

h=zA 6 = 0

cousin. In the first place, she is not related to his wife h, and in the
second place she is the daughter of his own sister e, and hence a close
blood relative. As we recall, his right to his son's other female cross-
cousin (anisii) was based on the fact that she was his wife's brother's
daughter and normally not his blood relative. It would seem that the

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1916] Oxford: MiwoJc Moieties 193

prohibition against a man marrying his lupuba, who is his sister's
daughter, had been extended to the son, thus preventing the latter
from marrying his lupuba, who is his father's sister's daughter and
his own cross-cousin..

If Miwok cross-cousin marriage had arisen in any other way than
the hypothetical way already outlined it is hard to imagine why it
should be restricted to only one pair of cross-cousins. The very fact
that it is so restricted strengthens the theory of origin primarily
through the passing on of a privilege in the male line. In allowing
the one kind of cross-cousin marriage and not the other the Miwok
evidently considered inheritance as more important than consanguin-
ity ; yet where inheritance had no weight consanguinity became active
and prevented the other form of cross-cousin marriage.

Two first cousin marriages of the cross-cousin type were recorded.
The first case is in generation C, in genealogies I and II; the indi-
viduals are numbered 16 and 17. Talalu (16) married Niwuye (17),
who is the daughter of his mother's (6, Simutuye) brother (78, Pee-
luyak). The second case is in generation D of genealogy I; the indi-
viduals are numbered 39 and 40. Sapata (40) married Pilekuye (39),
who is the daughter of his mother's (18, Miltaiye) brother (11, No-
masu). One marriage between first cousins once removed was re-
corded. The marriage is that of Sapata (40) and Atce (47). It is
recorded in generations D and E of genealogy I. Sapata (40) mar-
ried the daughter (47, Atce) of his mother's (18, Miltaiye) brother's
(11, Nomasu) son (32, Pelisu).

CONCLUSION

The discovery of a dual social organization among the Mono and
the Yokuts tribes, as mentioned in the introduction, indicates that
they together with the Miwok form a compact unit socially. Judging
from Dr. J. Alden Mason's statement^* as to the presence of a bear
and a deer ** totem" among the Salinan Indians, it seems safe to infer
that the moiety organization will be found to extend to the coast.
Among the Central Sierra Miwok the bear is the animal associated
most frequently through personal names with the land moiety; the
deer is the animal associated most frequently in a like manner with

22 The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn.,
X, 189, 1912.

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194 University of California Puhlicattons in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

the water moiety. These facts suggest that the bear and the deer
** totems'' among the Salinan may stand for two moieties.

The greater complexity of the moiety organization among the Tachi
Yoknts about Tulare Lake as compared to the Central Sierra Miwok
organization leads to the impression that the latter people are on the
periphery of the moiety area. Although it is too early in the study
to advance a positive opinion, the distribution of the institution, to-
gether with its varying complexity, seems to point to the San Joaquin
Valley as the region from which the organization spread to the moun-
tain tribes, perhaps to the west as well as to the east.*^

28 For a preliminary notice see Dichotomous Social Organization in South
Central California, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., xi, 291-296, 1916.

Transmitted September IS, 1915.

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY

Vol. 12, No. 5, pp. 195-218, plates 1-5 October 11, 1916

ON PLOTTING THE INFLECTIONS OF THE

VOICE

CORNELIUS B. BRADLEY

PREFATORY NOTE

When first undertaken, the study which forms the subject of this
paper was no more than a mere incident in the attempt to clear up
the confusion and uncertainty which till then had beset a certain
question of phonetics, namely, the precise nature of the tonal inflec-
tions or modulations which, in languages of the Chinese type, are
essential features of every spoken word. The conclusions reached
through scientific analysis and measurement of wave-lengths could
not be made convincing and conclusive without the help of a thoroughly
accurate and trustworthy scheme for representing them visually. The
time and the effort actually spent in perfecting such a scheme, which
is, of course, a mere instrument, may seem altogether disproportionate
to the end in view. But the perfect instrument was in this case
absolutely necessary to the attainment of the end; and a scientific
quest is not to be lightly abandoned because the tools for it are not
ready to hand.

The scheme finally worked out is one which enables the student
to translate accurately to the eye the physical facts which the ear
reads as figure or movement within the field of pitch. It was shaped
for a definite and single use. But a perfected instrument often finds
much wider use than that for which it was shaped at first. So I
have been encouraged to make it known, in order that it may be within
the reach of all who may have occasion to use it. Already it is likely
to be tried in the attempt to improve and enrich the speech of deaf-
mutes, which is pitifully lacking in the element of tone, chiefly because
of the difficulty of conveying to the sufferers any intelligible ideas
or suggestions concerning modulation of the voice.

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196 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

To my colleagues of the Department of Anthropology of the Uni-
versity of California — Drs. Pliny E. Qoddard, A. L. Kroeber, and
T. T. Waterman — I am greatly indebted: to the first for the initial
impulse received as I watched his work in recording Indian speech;
to all of them in succession for generous and untiring assistance
in securing the numerous records of the voice which formed
the material of my studies; and especially to Dr. Waterman for the
unfailing interest and enthusiasm with which he has followed my
work — a stimulus without which I doubt whether this particular
phase of that work would ever have been brought to completion.

Some years ago I chanced to call one day at the Anthropological
Laboratory of the University of California, and found my colleagues
there deeply engaged in study of instrumental records of Indian
speech. They were kind enough to show me the Rousselot apparatus,
and to illustrate its working by taking a few records of my own
utterance of Siamese speech, which is my other vernacular.

My friends were interested at once in the peculiar sharp explosion
(without aspiration) of my oriental p, t, and k, as sho\^Ti in the record,
contrasting strongly with the windy utterance given these consonants
in our speech. But as I followed the delicate sinuous tracing of the
vowels, it suddenly flashed upon me that each of those tiny waves
was the record of the air-pulse from one vibration of the vocal chords;
that its length was the direct measure of the time elapsed during
that vibration, and consequently of the pitch of the voice at that
particular instant. I knew then that I had within my grasp the
definite settlement of the age-long dispute over the ** tones" of
oriental speech. The pitch of every portion of the vowel-note could
be absolutely determined by physical measurement of those waves,
and the whole movement or inflection of voice could thus be accurately
plotted on paper. We then should have irrefragable demonstration
of the precise nature of these ** tones,'* instead of irreconcilable
discrepancies between thef sense-impressions of untrained observers on
the one hand, and, on the other, the idle fancies embodied in the
native tradition and nomenclature. So, with Dr. Goddard's kind help,
I presently secured a series of records of each of the five ** tones"
of the Siamese language.^

1 A number of these records are shown in Plate 1. Those used in this
study were all taken at the highest speed of the apparatus, so as to facilitate
measurement by giving the greatest possible length to the waves in the tracing.
The working of the machine and the method of securing the records may be

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1916] Bradley : On Plotting the Inflections of the Voice 197

Finding myself at that time too busy with my regular duties to
carry this investigation further, I laid the records aside; but later,
when I went abroad for a year of study in the Orient, I took the
records with me. There, in the intervals of a larger quest, I found
time to work out the results.

First came the measurements. The records of the various ** tones**
showed anywhere from 50 to 150 separate waves. At first an attempt
was made to measure these one by one with a micrometer. After full
trial, however, this scheme was abandoned, not so much because of
the time and effort it involved, as because time and effort so spent
were largely wasted. The exactness attainable by the micrometer was
rendered of no avail because of the impossibility of determining with
equal exactness the points between which the measurements were
to be taken. For, while the larger phases of the waves were obvious
enough, the determination of the exact point which should mark crest
or hollow was as nearly impossible as it would be in the case of a
sea-wave. So, to reduce to a minimum the inevitable errors of judg-
ment, recourse was had to measuring the waves in small groups
together, and reading the scale with a vernier-glass to the nearest
hundredth of an inch.^ Of the measurements so made, the smallest

briefly described as follows: The various air-pulses originating in the vocal
apparatus are transmitted to a sensitive tympanum or drum, which in turn
actuates a recording pen. Every separate impulse received by the tympanum
gives the pen a slight thrust to one side, from which the elasticity of the
tympanum promptly brings it back. The recording point lightly touches the
surface of a sheet of smoked paper wrapped about a revolving brass cylinder
driven by clock-work at a uniform rate of speed. So long as the tympanum
is undisturbed by air-pulses, the point traces a perfectly straight white line
around the cylinder. If one speaks into the receiver, each consonant breaks
the smooth straight line for an instant into sudden and angular commotion,
while the vowel-tones ruffle it into a series of regular waves which are often
embroidered or fringed by delicate ripples or cusps caused by the overtones
of the voice or by the resonance of the chambers of the vocal apparatus.
These features of the vowel-tracings may be readily seen in the examples
shown in Plate 1. Since the paper moves at a uniform rate under the record-
ing point, the measurement of any one of the primary waves in the record
will give its pitch relatively to the others; for pitch is determined by frequency
of vibration.

For a fuller description of the apparatus and of its workings, see P. E.
Goddard, "A Graphic Method of Becording Songs>^' in Boas Memorial Volume,
p. 137.

2 In the first experiments the waves were measured in groups of three.
Later the number was increased to ^vBy with no appreciable loss in accuracy.
For the inflections of speech, unlike those of music, are true glides, with no
abrupt steps or breaks which might be concealed or obscured under these
averages. And in any case the thing sought is the general figure or pattern
of the voice-inflection rather than its minute detail, which varies greatly with
every utterance.

These measurements were recorded just as they were taken, without reduc-
ing them to the average of each group. Beduction was unnecessary, since
in either case they represent ratios, and not concrete quantities. Furthermore,
they are liable to reduction later to adjust them to the amended scheme yet
to be described, and that single operation suffices for all.

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198 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

in the whole series was 18 hundredths of an inch, and the largest
64 hundredths, showing a compass of a little less than two octaves.

All that now remained was to plot the results on the chart. But
just how was this to be done? To this question I had so far given
almost no thought, feeling sure that some form of the co-ordinate
system now everywhere used in statistical work could easily be adapted
to the needs of the case. But confronting the problem directly, and
with no record of previous attempts to guide me, I found myself at
a loss. On reflection, however, it occurred to me that since the whole
purpose of this study was to secure a plotted figure which should
supplement and correct the imperfect and fleeting image of the sound
formed in the mind, the plotted figure must be really comparable
with the mental one — must have the same essential plan and structure.
That is, the two must have the same system of co-ordinates. This
brought me to the question. How does the mind image pitch?

In listening to the flow of speech, it is probable that the mind
does not ordinarily form any distinct image of the sensation of pitch.
For the attention is then directed to the ensemble by which the mind
recognizes words and phrases, and follows the general drift of thought
rather than any one of the many separate elements which together
make up the utterance." Ordinarily the function of pitch in speech
is a very subordinate one, being either incidental to emphasis, or
suggestive of the syntactical or modal features of the utterance. So
far is it from being an essential element, that it is entirely omitted
in the written form of all languages except, of course, those in which
voice-inflection is as truly an organic feature of words as are their
vowels and consonants.* Within the field of speech, therefore, we
shall look in vain for any clear answer to our question, How does
the mind image pitch ?

If, however, we turn to music, we find that in it pitch is no longer

8 To this fact is due in large part the difficulty which European students
experience in understanding and mastering the * Hones" of Chinese speech.
Their minds have never been trained to take note of the pitch of individual
words, and therefore they never really hear it.

* Chinese writing represents a word in its entirety by a single ideographic
symbol. The "tone** is inherent in the word itself, just as are all the other
phonetic elements which together make up its complex. It therefore needs
no separate indication. So far as known to the writer, the only modern language
which consistently marks voice-inflection in writing is the Siamese, which,
though an offshoot of the Chinese stock, spells its words phonetically and
indicates the **tone'' of each, either by the choice of letters in which tone
is inherent, or else by diacritical marks. The accents of ancient Greek,
however, were doubtless also tonal inflections essential to the right utterance
of the syllable, and were undoubtedly present in speech long before it became
necessary to invent marks to indicate their nature and position in the word.

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1916] Bradley: On Plotting the Inflections of the Voice 199

subordinate or incidental, but a matter of prime importance. There
is no doubt that when the mind pauses to consider the notes of music,
it does actually image their tonal relations — does translate them into
figures of location or of movement in space. To discover the essential
features of this imaging we shall not need to have recourse to the
psychological laboratory. They are plainly indicated in the terms
which the speech of widely different races commonly applies to musical
tones. Degrees of pitch are indicated by such terms as **high" and
**low." Direction of change, or movement in pitch, are indicated
by such terms as ''rising,'' ''falling," and "level.'' And further,
wherever these terms occur, they are invariably used in the same sense.
That is, notes of great frequency of vibration are always "high,"
and those of small frequency are always "low," and never vice versa,^
The whole scheme of our musical notation is nothing but an elaborate
development and enforcement of this same principle. Its "staff"
is a veritable ladder on which the notes are visibly ranked according
to pitch.

It should be remarked, however, that this particular usage of speech
is not the only one that has been current in the world, or that is now
current. And it is probably not the earliest usage, but one that has
gradually won its way over the others. For example: of the three
Greek accents already referred to, one was called ofv? (sharp), and
another was called fiapv^ (heavy) — ^terms certainly of an order alto-
gether different from our terms "high" and "low," and apparently
unrelated to each other. The third, irepiairdfievo^ {twiated about), is
probably of our spatial order, for it designates the circumflex tone,
which first rises and then falls, and so is actually turned about upon
itself. Thus it appears that at the period when the tonal features of
Greek speech came to be matters of thought and reflection, three
separate analogies were already in the field, and each furnished one
of the names then given to them. But it is significant that later still,
when it became necessary to mark these inflections in writing to save
them from being lost, the three marks were all of one system, and that

B Since there seems to be nothing either in the physics of sound or in the
nature of the mind to bring about this unanimity, it must be ascribed to some
very early and widespread convention based, perhaps, on some external and
incidental thing in musical art, such, for example, as the relative positions
in which the various notes of some primitive musical instrument were produced
or played. One can easily imagine that the particular instrument was the
pipe, a thing of immense antiquity, and still in use throughout the greater
part of the world. It is, in fact, nothing but a whistle with a tube long
enough for finger-holes, and played in the flageolet position. The notes lowest
in pitch are thus sounded from the openings which are lowest in actual position,
and those higher in pitch, from openings higher up on the tube.

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200 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

one is our own of spatial representation. For the marks are really
nothing but tiny diagrams of the gestures by which one might instinct-
ively illustrate the three movements in pitch: / rising, \ falling,
^^ circumflex. ** Sharp/' the equivalent of the Greek term ofv?,
still survives as a technical term in modern music for a note slightly
raised in pitch; but its counter-term **flat" seems to be a recent
invention, the logical basis of which is not clear.

We have turned from the field of speech to that of music because
only in music have the phenomena of pitch received the full attention
necessary to the formulation of a usage which clearly reveals the
workings of the mind in dealing with this matter. The usage of music
shows that the modem mind at least has learned to visualize pitch
spatially, as position on a vertical scale, with notes of shorter vibration
above, and notes of longer vibration below.

But pitch is not the only thing to be provided for in our
scheme. Inflection of the voice has also the element of movement
and change, and these can take place only in time. The chart must
provide also for this other dimension, time. Fortunately there is
here no difficulty, for the mind habitually co-ordinates space and time,
and readily translates either one of these into terms of the other. It
images time as the track of a moving point — that is, as a line. Unless
otherwise determined by outside circumstances, the movement seems
generally figured as horizontal, and from left to right across the field.®

The results of this excursus into the realm of psychology may be
summed up as follows. The essential elements of the mental image
of an inflection of the voice are two : pitch and time. Pitch is figured
as position attained at a given instant on a vertical scale. Time is
figured as advance from point to point measured on a horizontal scale.
The inflection itself is figured as a line which is the resultant of these
two components.

These principles determined the general scheme of the chart to
be as follows: The series of numbers derived from measurements
and representing the various levels of pitch, are the vertical elements
of the chart, that is, its ordinates ; and numbers representing the time-
intervals are the horizontal elements, that is, its abscissas.

There still remained the problem of spacing in both these dimen-

« Both these features are doubtless due to convention — perhaps both to
the same convention, namely to the direction taken by Indo-European writing.
Both are abundantly attested by our modern cartographic treatment of all
statistical matter involving the element of time. In antiquity we find the
same idea reflected in the Greek accent-marks already alluded to. How
Arabians and Chinese image time I am unable to say.

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1916] Bradley : On Plotting the Inflections of the Voice 20 1

sions. Following the common practice in the plotting of statistics,
the spacing was made uniform throughout each of these dimensions,
but not alike in both. Unit-spaces on the co-ordinate paper were
assigned to the vertical series of measurement-numbers representing
the various levels of pitch ;^ and a constant small interval, suflScient
to give the requisite spread to the figure and to bring out its features,
was chosen, after experiment, as the horizontal time-interval of advance
between successive stations on the chart.

This scheme was carried out as follows : Beginning at the left-hand
margin, the first measurement was entered as a pencil-dot at the
beginning of the line which bore its number. The second was next
entered upon its own numbered line, but advanced toward the right
by the interval determined upon. The other measurements followed
in their order, each on its own numbered line and at the same constant
interval to the right, till all the measurements of that particular record
were plotted. A continuous curving line was then drawn through the
series of plotted points, and the figure so completed represented
visually the whole movement or inflection of the voice in uttering
that syllable.* In like manner the four other *' tones'' of the series
were plotted upon the same sheet. Finally the whole was brought
into approximate relation with concert-pitch by finding on a piano
the pitch at which I habitually sounded the more level stretch of the
** middle tone" — which was F. From this the positions of the other
notes of the diatonic scale were computed by the help of the well-
known ratios of the musical intervals,® and their places were marked
upon the margin. So far as I can ascertain, this was the first attempt
ever made to plot from measurements the inflections of the human
voice. The chart was completed in November, 1908, and was exhibited
at a public meeting of the Siam Society in Bangkok on February 2
following.

The experiment was more successful than I had dared to hope.
The results were perfectly clear and convincing. The general scheme
was evidently right. Careful study, however, revealed a certain
distortion of vertical values which interfered with accurate comparison
of one of these figures with another in a different portion of the field
— a distortion in kind not unlike the horizontal distortion of Mercator's

7 In this case the measurement-numbers ran from 18 at the top of the
sheet to 64 at the bottom. Cf. plate 2 and p. 198 ante.

8 The figure so plotted is the rising glide shown in plate 2, which is a
reproduction of my original chart published in the Journal of the American
Oriental Society, xxxi, pt. 3, p. 286. 1911.

» Cf . Century Dictionary 8. v. Interval.

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202 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

maps. The source of it was found to be the equal spacing of the
vertical series of numbers representing the levels of pitch. While
these numbers increase from above downward in arithmetical pro-
gression, the musical intervals, as plotted on the chart, increase in
geometrical progression, with the result that any given interval of
the lower octave occupies a vertical space just twice as great as the
same interval of the upper octave. An upward sweep of an octave
from middle pitch would appear only half as long as a descending
sweep of an octave from the same starting-point. This distortion is
brought out unmistakably if one compares the rising glide in plate 2
with the falling one. The rising glide covers fourteen semitones, while
the falling one covers six and one-half. Yet on the chart the vertical
reach of the former is only a trifle greater than that of the latter.***
The distortion would be very much greater if voices of entirely different
range, such for example as the masculine and the feminine, were
plotted together according to this scheme and brought into comparison.
In such a case, indeed, effective comparison would be almost impossible.

Now the ear knows nothing whatever of measurements such as we
have been making ; but beyond question it recognizes all octave cycles
as equal. Whether this is due to the recognition directly by the ear
of cycles of recurrent unison, or whether it was first suggested by
the fact that, in instrimients like the pipe, the upper and the lower
octaves are played from the same openings and over the very same
length of tube, are questions which need not detain us here. But if
the octaves are equal, then it follows inevitably that the semitones —
if they be equal divisions of the octave — are all equal to each other.
This equality, moreover, is enforced by the almost universal use of
the tempered scale for musical instruments played either with keys
or with frets. Thus our visual imagination and our thought too, unless
sophisticated by physics, follow suit of the ear and make the semi-
tones equal.

The error being thus located, the first step toward rectifying it
was obvious and easy, namely, to make the semitone-intervals equal

10 This element of vertical distortion, coupled with another of horizontal
distortion to be noticed later, may also be clearly seen if one compares figure 1
of plate 5, where both errors are uncorrected, with figure 2 of the same plate,
where both are eliminated. The vertical element works as gravity does,
progressively diminishing all upward movement as represented on the chart,
making it fall short of its due height; and progressively increasing all down-
ward motion, making it overshoot its mark. The other (the horizontal)
distortion gives to ascending motion a greater spread than is its due, and
to descending motion a spread proportionately less. The two together make
the plotted figure of the rising inflection both shorter and flatter than it
should be, and that of the falling inflection both deeper and steeper.

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1916] Bradley: On Plotting the Inflections of the Voice 203

upon the chart. So the symbols of the twelve semitones took the places
previously occupied by the measurement-numbers on the unit-lines
of the paper. But the next step — to find new places for those ousted
numbers — was not by any means so easy. Indeed, it was long before
any clear lead appeared. After much vain groping it* suddenly flashed
upon me one day that each semitone of the octave has its distinct
numerical value, namely, its ratio to the fundamental note of the
scale. And this numerical value it brings with it to the new position
in which it has been placed. These decimal ratios of the semitones
therefore, equally spaced, form the determining series of the corrected
chart, in the intervals of which the integers of the measurements must
be interpolated, each in its proper place. I had found the clew, but
was by no means out of the labyrinth.

The ratios of the diatonic scale already mentioned would not answer
here, for their intervals are not equal. I was where no books of refer-
ence were accessible, and I am not at all sure that I should have found
what I wanted, if I had had them. Thrown back thus upon my own
resources, I reflected that the octave ratios form a series in geometrical
progression — 1, 2, 4, 8, 16, and so on — ^with the constant ratio of 2.
The semitone-ratios of the tempered scale, therefore, must also form
a geometrical progression of twelve terms within each octave. Since
2 is the constant ratio of the octave series, the constant ratio of the
semitone series must be that quantity which multiplied into itself
twelve times will make 2 — that is, the twelfth root of 2. Fortunately
my desert island afforded an article of furniture not often found in
such places — a table of logarithms. With its help I soon worked out
the series of ratios shown on the left-hand margin of plate 4 and in
table 1 below. For convenience in plotting, and to get rid of a decimal
place, 10 rather than 1 was assumed as unity. The computation cov-
ered two octaves — twenty-four semitones — ^with numerical values
ranging from 10 to 40, providing compass enough for any ordinary
speaking voice in experiments such as these.

The earlier scheme, it will be recalled, was concrete and practical,
based on a series of numbers derived from actual measurements. This
new scheme was begun with an ideal series of ratios, and I proceeded
to work it out as an ideal scheme to the end, leaving to a later stage
the question of its adjustment to concrete cases. So dealing with it,
the problem of interpolation referred to above became a problem of
finding the places, within this ratio-series, of the natural numbers
from 10 to 40. The ratios are mostly decimal, though 10, 20, and 40

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204 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

at the octave points are integers, and two others, at the fifth below in
each octave, differ but infinitesimally from 15 and 30. Five numbers
were thus located at the start, and the particular space within which
each one of the other numbers must be located was plainly disclosed.
Their exact positions, however, were not so easily determined. The
method of proportional parts was first tried, and it furnished an
approximation sufficiently close to serve the purpose immediately in
view. Indeed, that was the method used in plotting the ** tones'' of
Chinese speech.^^

Here I should have stopped. But the ** pagan curiosity'' with
which I am sometimes reproached drove me on. There must be a
real solution to a mathematical series so wonderfully strict and sym-
metrical ; and I must find it. Nevertheless I groped long in darkness
before light broke upon me at last one morning as I awoke out of
sleep. If I were to plot the curve of those semitone ratios, the levels
at which the curve cuts the vertical unit-lines would be the true
location of the integral numbers. "Without delay I set myself to work.
The result is shown in plate 4, figure 1, where the vertical distances
(ordinates) of the integer levels may be read directly from the milli-
meter divisions of the paper.

Even so I was not satisfied. The solution was perfect of its kind,
but the kind was instrumental and mechanical — not of pure science.
I marvel now at my infatuation with the problem, but still more at
my stupidity. Long before this, in computing the semitone-ratios, I
had used — without recognizing it or so formulating it — the equation
y = a'^, wherein a is ^^^/2, and x is in turn each of the numbers of
the natural series from 1 to 24. But the equation is really one of
two variables. All that I now needed to do was to turn the equation
about and solve it for the values of x when, a remaining constant, y
is in turn each number of the natural series from 10 to 40. This
all the time being within my reach, and with the diagram fully drawn
and under my eyes, it was weeks before I recognized in it the solution I
was seeking. Thus at last my calculus, fifty years out of mind, came
back to me and laid the uneasy demon that so long had plagued me.

The distortion of figure, in so far as it arose from the unequal
spacing of the semitone intervals, was now completely corrected by
respacing unequally the numbered levels of pitch in such a way that

11 Cf. plate 3, from a chart first published in Proceedings of the American
Philological Association, XLV, page xliv, with abstract of the paper read.
The paper was subsequently published in full in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society, North China Branch, August, 1915.

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1916] Bradley: On Plotting the Inflections of the Voice 205

their intervals diminished from above downward just fast enough
to leave the semitone intervals equal throughout the chart. Still
another element of distortion, however, lurked in the equal horizontal
spacing which was adopted at the start. The spaces there ottght to
vary also, for they represent the time-intervals between successive
points in the record, and these vary of course with the pitch. It was
some time, I am ashamed to say, before it became clear that the very
same measurement which I plotted vertically as pitch, gave me also,
in its aspect as time, the measure of forward movement. The single
measurement, that is, gives both co-ordinates of the plotted point — a
most unusual and surprising thing.

It must not be supposed, however, that the whole of the measure-
ment-number must be taken as the increment of advance. To do so
would be to flatten the figure almost beyond recognition. All that
is necessary is that the increment in each case be proportional to the
number representing pitch. Some constant fraction of that number
— say one-half or one-third — will suffice to give the figure the necessary
spread.

Reviewing now the discussion so far, we see that the general scheme
for plotting inflections of the voice involves two dimensions, each
with a different system of spacing. In the scheme as originally worked
out, there was an error of distortion in each of these two dimensions,
due to the equal spacing which was tentatively adopted in each. In
the readjustment of the scheme described above both errors have
been eliminated by substituting for the equal spacing in each dimension
a spacing graduated proportionally to the measurement-numbers —
inversely proportional in the case of the vertical intervals; directly
proportional in the case of the horizontal. Inflections so plotted are
capable of strictest comparison in all their features both with each
other and with the records. It is difficult, moreover, to see how any
other systematic error can creep in, for there are but these two
dimensions in which it could operate, and but the one door of measure-
ment by which it could enter.

The revised scheme, as has been noted, is not built upon actual
measurements, as was the first one, but upon an ideal system of
abstract numbers or ratios, on the one hand, and of positions deter-
mined by these, on the other. It is, moreover, limited to two octaves,
a compass which includes the extreme range of voice in ordinary
speech. The special advantage of such a scheme is that, being ideal.

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206 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

it is capable of being adapted without diflBculty to any concrete case.
The essential feature of the plot (that is, the spacing of the numbered
levels of pitch) is arranged once for all, and is never to be changed.
Adjustment has to do only with the numbers which are attached to
these levels, and it may be accomplished in either of two ways: (a)
the numbers of the scheme may be raised to meet the actual measure-
ments by use of a suitable multiplier j or (6) the measurement-numbers
may be reduced by division to the dimensions of the scheme. There
is little to choose between the two methods, save that there is probably
less chance of mistake or confusion if the plotted scheme of numbers
be kept unchanged, and the particular voice or the particular meas-
urements be reduced to the standard, just as all barometric readings,
for purposes of comparison, are reduced to sea-level. The whole
process may be made clear by means of the following example together
with its illustration in figure 2 of plate 4.

In table 3, column 2 (p. 207), are given two series of measurements
made in the course of my experiments with the ** tones" of Siamese
speech. The two are taken almost at random from my notes, and
represent respectively the rising and the falling inflection. The
measurements are of groups of six waves throughout. The extreme
measurements are 30 and 110 — a large compass of voice, falling only
a little short of two octaves. The smallest number in our scheme is
10. The measurements may therefore be reduced to standard by
dividing them throughout by 3. The results of the reduction are
tabulated in column 3, and these are the figures to be used in the
plotting.^*

In table 2, column 1, are given the numbers attached to the levels
of pitch in our scheme; and opposite these in column 2 are given the
ordinates of those levels, that is, the vertical distance of each measured
from the starting-point at level 10 at the top of the sheet. These
ordinates are the results of the computation described above (p. 204).
We turn now to the co-ordinate paper on which the inflections are
to be plotted. Vertically it should have twenty-four unit spaces — one
for each semitone of the two octaves. Horizontally, the eighteen unit
spaces usually found in the millimeter sheet will be ample for all needs.
Beginning at the upper right-hand comer, we number each unit-
line along the margin from 0 at the top to 24 at the bottom. This
marking has nothing to do with the final plot and is not absolutely

12 In many cases it may be found simpler to perform the reduction by
multiplying and pointing off one decimal place. Thus, if the extreme measure-
ments had been 27 and 95, we might have multiplied by 4 and pointed off thus:
10.8 and 38.0.

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1916]

Bradley : On Plotting the Inflections of the Voice

207

necessary, but is only intended to facilitate the reading of the milli-
meter distances in the next operation. It should be done lightly with
a pencil, so that it may be easily erased when it has served its purpose.
It therefore does not appear in plate 4.

Next, at a little distance within the right-hand margin, we mark
the top line 10, the level with which our scheme begins. Its distance
of course is zero. From table 2 we take the second distance, 16.5,
and find its place between the 16th and 17th millimeter lines directly
below 10, where we mark it with a short horizontal pencil-line, and
number it as level 11. We find in the table the third distance, 31.6
(measured also from line 10), and with the help of the marginal
numbering of the unit-lines, we enter it in its place as level 12 — and
continue the operation with constantly diminishing spaces, until we
reach the 40th level at the 24th line near the bottom. This completes
the preparation of the chart.

Table 1

Table 2

Table 3

The Semitone

The

Levels of

Measurements

Batios

Pitch

Series 1

Numerical

Vertical

Horizontal

No.

Value

No.

Distance

No.

Original

Reduced

Interval

10.00

00.0 mm.

18.7

9nmi.

10.60

16.5

18.3

11.23

31.6

18.7

11.89

45.5

18.3

12.60

58.3

54.5

13.35

70.3

53.5

17.8

14.14

81.5

14.98

92.0

16.7

15.87

101.8

16.81

111.1

15.3

17.81

120.0

14.3

18.87

128.5

13.3

20.00

136.5

12.3

21.20

144.2

22.46

153.6

35.5

11.6

23.78

158.7

11.5

25.20

165.5

26.70

172.1

28.28

178.3

29.96

184.3

Series 2

31.74

190.3

16.7

8 nmi.

33.60

196.0

17.3

35.62

201.5

37.74

206.9

18.7

40.00

212.0

217.0

19.3

221.8

20.3

226.5

231.1

24.7

235.6

83-

27.7

240.0

110

36.7

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208 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

We come now to the actual plotting. Referring to table 3 for the
reduced measurements (in column 3) we take the first one, 18.7, and
enter it with a pencil-dot slightly above level 19 traced across the
chart. Taking the next number, 18.3, we note its place just below
level 18; and finding in column 4 its horizontal interval, 9 (one-half
of 18.3), we enter the second point at the level ascertained, and 9
millimeter spaces to the right of the first. The third point is again
on level 18.7, and 9 mm. to the right of point 2. This process is
continued until the series ends with point 18 at level 10, 126 mm.
from the left-hand edge. Through this series of points a smoothly
curving line is carefully drawn, which constitutes the figure or
pattern of movement executed by the voice in that particular utterance.

The plotting of the second series of measurements is carried out
in the same way, and on the same sheet. Lastly, concert-pitch is found
from the record of a C-fork taken at the same time with the other
records, which in this case determines the level of C as 17.6, that is,
near the 10th unit-line from the top. From this datum the places of
the other notes of the musical scale are easily determined by assigning
one unit-space to each semitone.

This study demonstrates the immense superiority, in point of
delicacy, of instrumental analysis over the trained ear. In plate 3,
tone 1, are shown five examples of the utterance of the same short
syllable in succession. The pitch was intended to be a perfectly level
tone. The serpentine oscillations which our analysis reveals entirely
escaped the sense of hearing, as did also the uncertainty of attack
and finish, and the hesitation in mid-movement exhibited in many
examples of other tones given in the same chart. In figure 3
of plate 5 may be seen the vagaries of a singer's voice in ren-
dering C natural — a continual wandering away from pitch followed
by attempted correction and return. The ear fails utterly to detect
errors of this dimension, for the whole portion of the note here shown
on the chart occupied but 1.08 of a second of time. The instrument
reveals even minute variations in the rate of a tuning-fork due to
infinitesimal variations in the drag on the prongs of the fork as the
recording point sweeps the surface of the paper.

Transmitted April S, 1916.

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EXPLANATION OF PLATE 1

Specimen records taken with the Bousselot apparatus, reduced to three-
fourths of their original dimensions.

Numbers 1 to 5 are records of the five 'Hones'' of long vowels in Siamese
speech, namely, 1, Rising; 2, Circumflex; 3, Middle; 4, Depressed; 5, Falling.
No. 1 has been marked off into groups of waves for measurement. Number 6
is the record of an electric tuning-fork making 100 vibrations per second.

The general features of movement and pitch which characterize these five
"tones" are shown in plate 2; and a brief indication of the part they play
in actual speech is given in the explanation of that plate. For an account
of the way in which the records are made, see footnote 1, pp. 196-197.

The extreme delicacy of which these records are capable is shown in the
case of the electric fork, the rate of which would naturally be supposed to be
absolutely uniform within the limits of a single record. But measurement
shows that the rate varied during the fraction of a second of time occupied
in the process. The first forty waves of the record together measure two one-
hundredths of an inch more than the last forty. This infinitesimal variation
is probably due to infinitesimal differences in the drag of the recording point
as it swings from side to side on the surface of the paper.

[210]

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EXPLANATION OF PLATE 2

Chart of the five ** tones** of long vowels in Siamese, illustrating the
earlier scheme of plotting.

So far as known to the writer, this is the first attempt ever made to
plot from actual measurements the inflections of the voice. It was made
in November, 1908, and was exhibited at a meeting of the Siam Society held
in Bangkok on February 2, 1909.

The figures here shown were plotted from records of the writer's voice
as he pronounced the one syllable nd with the five modes of voice-inflection
distinguished by the Siamese in their utterance of long vowels. The one
syllable so uttered becomes five different words, which to the natives do not
seem to be homophones at all, but as clearly different as seem to us the
words hate, heat, hite, hoat, hoot, which differ only in vowel quality. The
meaning of the five Siamese words, differing only in tone, are as follows:
Syllahle Inflection Meaning

nd rising thick

circumflex uncle or aunt

middle rice- field

depressed indeed

falling face, front

[212]

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EXPLANATION OF PLATE 3

Chart of the ** tones'' of Pekingese.

In this chart the vertical distortion noted in the earlier scheme was
corrected by giving to the levels of pitch a graduated instead of a uniform
spacing. It has a further interest in its revelation of surprising eccentricities
or inaccuracies in the performance of the human voice. Tone 1, for example,
is heard by the ear as a tone perfectly level in pitch. Its serpentine oscilla-
tions completely escape notice by the ear, as do also the uncertainty of attack
and the hesitation in execution noticeable in many other figures of the chart.

Pekingese scholars claim four separate ** tones" for their dialect. But
the chart would seem to show that there are really but three. The general
figure or pattern of **tone" 2 is identical with that of **tone" 3, and instru-
mental analysis fails to discover within the range of examples available any
constant difference of detail which the ear could detect as a basis of distinction.
It may be that there is a difference in vowel-quantity which does not appear
in the examples chosen.

[214]

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EXPLANATION OF PLATE 4

Figure 1. — The semitone-ratios and the levels of pitch.

The semitone-ratios are a series of numbers which express the relative
time of vibration at the pitch of each semitone of the octave, when the
vibration-time at the pitch of C is 10. These ratios, computed for two octaves,
are shown at the left-hand margin of the chart, each on its unit-line. The
ratios, it will be noted, are nearly all decimal. The problem is to find the
precise levels within this decimal series at which the integers 11, 12, 13, etc.,
are to stand. The problem was solved graphically as follows: Each ratio
(less 10, because we begin at the margin with 10) was plotted on the chart
as a horizontal line. Through the ends of these lines a curve was drawn.
The points in which this curve cuts the vertical unit-lines will mark the true
levels of the various integral numbers. The vertical distance (ordinates)
from 0 at the top of the chart to each of these levels may be read directly
from the co-ordinate paper. The ordinates actually entered on the chart are
those derived from a subsequent computation, and are carried out to one
decimal place.

Figure 2. — Illustration of the perfected scheme for plotting inflections
without distortion in either dimension, aa is the figure of a rising inflection,
and bb the figure of a falling inflection so plotted. For the data used and
for detail of the method see table 3 and the adjacent text, p. 207, ante.

[216]

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EXPLANATION OF PLATE 5
Figures 1 and 2. — Direct comparison of the two schemes of plotting.
Figure 1 is the rising inflection (aa) and the falling inflection (bb) as
originally plotted in plate 2. Figure 2 shows these same inflections replotted
according to the perfected scheme. Comparison shows that aa of figure 1 is
shorter and flatter and shows a greater time-dimension than does the cor-
rected aa of figure 2, while bb of figure 1 is deeper, steeper, and has less
time-dimension than the corrected bb of figure 2.

Figure 3 is a representation of the performance of a singer's voice in
rendering the 0 natural of a tuning-fork. It illustrates the same vagaries,
the same uncertainties and attempted corrections which were shown in the
case of the speaking voice in plate 3.

1218J

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UNIV. CALII

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY

Vol. 12, No. 6, pp. 219-248 February 24, 1917

TtBATULABAL AND KAWAIISU
KINSHIP TERMS

EDWABD WINSLOW GIFFOBD

CONTENTS

PAGE

Introduction ^ 219

Phonetic Transcription ^ 220

Tubatnlabal ..^ 220

Kawaiisu « ^ 228

Comparison ^ _ 232

Tiibatulabal and Kawaiisu - - ^ ^ 232

Kawaiisu, Kaibab Paiute, and Uintah TJte 244

INTRODUCTION

In November and December, 1915, the writer was engaged in an
examination of the tribes inhabiting the eastern and southern slopes
of the San Joaquin drainage basin to determine the limits in California
of social and ceremonial organization on the basis of dual divisions.^
Among the tribes visited were the Tiibatulabal of the Kern River
region in the southern Sierra Nevada and the adjoining Kawaiisu of
the Tehachapi Mountains at the southern end of the San Joaquin
Valley. Both of these Shoshonean groups lack the dual organization
for which the writer was seeking. The kinship systems of these two
peoples are of especial interest, however, and the facts about them are
presented in the following pages. Important features of these systems
are the use of single terms for reciprocal relationships (identical-
reciprocals), the use of diminutive sufSxes, and the use of terms and
sufiSxes denoting the condition of connecting relatives.

1 Bichotomous Social Organization in South Central California, Univ. Calif.
Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., xi, 291-296, 1916.

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220 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

The Tiibatulabal and their closely related western neighbors, the
Bankalaehi, form one of the four primary linguistic branches of the
Shoshonean family, known as the Kern River branch.* The remaining
branches are the Plateau, the Southern California, and the Pueblo.
Compared with the territory of the Plateau branch that of the Kern
River branch is infinitesimally small. Perhaps it is in consequence of
this limited geographic range that scarcely a feature of the Tiiba-
tulabal kinship nomenclature proves to be unique, and this in spite
of the linguistic divergence exhibited by the Tiibatulabal language.

' The Kawaiisu, the southern neighbors of the Tiibatulabal, who are
also to be discussed, speak a dialect of Ute-Chemehuevi,' and are
included in the great Plateau branch of the Shoshonean stock. As
will be pointed out in the comparative portion of this paper, it appears
probable that the Kawaiisu and Tiibatulabal kinship systems have
affected each other on account of the contact of the two peoples.

Thanks are due Dr. Edward Sapir for the use of his unpublished
notes on Kaibab Paiute and Uintah Ute relationship terms.

Phonetic Transcription
In this paper c = sh, tc = ch as in church, 6 = aw as in law, ii = u
as in run, and n = ng as in sing. The sound represented by ii is
neutral and is not to be understood as identical with Gterman ii.* A
period on the line between two vowels indicates that they have their
ordinary phonetic value and do not form a diphthong.

TtJBATULABAL
Forty Tiibatulabal terms of relationship were obtained. These
include identical-reciprocals with diminutive suffixes. The diminu-
tive suffix -bin or -vin is often added to an identical-reciprocal term
to indicate the younger generation of the reciprocal relationship ex-
pressed by the single term, as aka (father's father) and akabin (son's
child, m. s.). The terms applied to relatives by marriage upon the
death of the connecting relative have been omitted in the above figure.
The term for grandparent and grandchild following the death of the
connecting relative is included, however, as it is a special term (hoki),

2 A. L. Kroeber, Shoshonean Dialects of California, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am.
Arch. Ethn., iv, 97, 98, 100, 1907.

8 A. L. Kroeber, Shoshonean Dialects of California, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am.
Arch. Ethn., iv, 97, 98, 100, 110, 1907.

* See the discussion of such sounds by A. L. Kroeber, Shoshonean Dialects of
California, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., iv, 90, 91, 1907.

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and not merely the ordinary term plus a suflSx as in the ease of rela-
tives by af&nity. The terms applied to five such relatives by marriage
upon the death of the connecting relatives were obtained. The suiBx
-paiyiin or -piiniii is added in these cases, apparently with some such
meaning as * * used to be ; * * for this is the meaning given for the analo-
gous Kawaiisu suflBx -puni or -repuni. Doubtless the suflBx is added
to other Tiibatulahal terms of affinity besides the five mentioned, but
examples were not obtained. It is not unlikely also that the term
nawasu (child's spouse's parent) is changed upon the death of one of
the connecting relatives, just as the corresponding Kawaiisu term
teeni is changed (see p. 232). The Tiibatulahal term kali (father's
sister's husband) and its identical-reciprocal take the suffix -paiyiiii
or -piinin (see p. 222). On this account it is suspected that all other
analogous terms for aunts, uncles, nieces, and nephews by aflBnity like-
wise take this suffix. However, information on this point was not
obtained.

In the following list m. s. and w. s. stand respectively for **man
speaking" and ** woman speaking."

tObatulabal relationship terms*

ana. Father (before death of a child, that is to say, before the death of a
brother or sister of the speaker). Reciprocal: tumu (son, daughter).
Compare kumu (father), abu (mother), and umii (mother).

kumu. Father (after death of a child, that is to say, after the death of a
brother or sister of the speaker), father's older brother, mother's sister's
husband older than father, stepfather. Reciprocals: tumu (son; daughter;
brother's child, m. s.; wife's sister's child), aiyawutawa (stepson), ano-
ciwan (stepdaughter). It is interesting to note that kumu, the term for
father's older brother, is used for stepfather, while yugu, the term for
mother's younger sister, is used for stepmother.

abu. Mother (before death of a child, that is to say, before the death of a
brother or sister of the speaker). Reciprocal: tumu (son, daughter).
Compare iimii (mother), ana (father), and kumu (father).

iimii. Mother (after the death of a child, that is to say, after the death of a
brother or sister of the speaker), mother's older sister, father's brother's
wife older than mother. Reciprocal: tumu (son; daughter; sister's child,
w. s.; husband's brother's child).

5 The terms anociwan, kunan, pauwan, soiyin, tohan, wiinin, and yuguan were
always given with the terminal -n, which means * * my ' ' (see A. L. Kroeber, Notes
on Shoshonean Dialects of Southern California, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch.
£thn., VIII, 262, 1909). The terms agist, amust, hiimiibic, impaiyis, wasumbis,
wo.ict, and ya.ubic were never given with the terminal -n. The remaining terms
■were given both with and without it, and are here listed without it. In ref-
erence, and sometimes in address, the suffix -nun, also with the meaning *'my,"
is added to the term as in wasumbisnun, tdhanun, and kutcinun.

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222 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

tumu. Son, daughter, brother's child (m. B.)y sister's child (w. 8.)^ half brother's
child (m. s.)i half sister's child (w. s.), husband's brother's child, wife's
sister's child. Beciprocals: ana (father), abu (mother), kumu (father,
father's older brother, mother's sister's husband older than father), umu
(mother, mother's older sister, father's brother's wife older than mother),
tdhan (father's younger brother, mother's sister's husband younger than
father), yugu (mother's younger sister, father's brother's wife younger
than mother).

p^ci. Older brother, older half brother, male cousin older than speaker. Re-
ciprocal: nalawi (younger brother, younger sister, younger half brother,
younger half sister, cousin younger than speaker).

nalawi. Younger brother, younger sister, younger half brother, younger half
sister, cousin younger than speaker. Beciprocals: kutci (older sister,
older half sister, female cousin older than speaker), patci (older brother,
older half brother, male cousin older than speaker).

kutci. Older sister, older half sister, female cousin older than speaker. Becip-
rocal: nalawi (younger brother, younger sister, younger half brother,
younger half sister, cousin younger than speaker).

impaiyis. Brother (w. s.), male cousin (w. s.), sister (m. s.), female cousin
(m. s.). Reciprocal: impaiyis.

tdhan. Father's younger brother, mother's sister's husband younger than father.
Beciprocal: tumu (brother's child, m. s.; wife's sister's child).

yugu. Mother 's younger sister, mother 's younger half sister, father 's brother 's
wife younger than mother, stepmother. Beciprocals: tumu (sister's child,
w. s.; half sister's child, w. s.; husband's brother's child), aiyawutawa
(stepson), anociwan (stepdaughter). It is interesting to note that yngu,
the term for mother's younger sister, is used for stepmother, while kumu,
the term for father 's older brother, is used for stepfather.

aiyawutawa. Stepson. Beciprocals: kumu (stepfather), yugu (stepmother).

anociwan. Stepdaughter. Beciprocals: kumu (stepfather), yugu (stepmother).

pauwan. Father's sister, mother's brother's wife. Beciprocal: amust (brother's
child, w. 8.; husband's sister's child).

amust. Brother's child (m. s.), husband's sister's child. Beciprocal: pauwan
(father's sister, mother's brother's wife).

kali. Mother's brother, father's sister's husband. Beciprocal: kalibin (sister's
child, m. 8.; wife's brother's child).

kalibin. Sister's child (m. s.), wife's brother's child. Beciprocal: kali (mother's
brother, father's sister's husband). Kalipaiyiin. Wife's brother's child
(after death of wife), father's sister's husband (after death of father's
sister). It does not seem likely that the ending -paiyiifi is added to kali
with the meaning mother's brother or sister's child (m. s.), as the rela-
tionship is one of blood, not marriage.

aka. Father's father. Beciprocal: akabin (son's child, m. s.). It probably
applies also to collateral relatives (see agist).

akabin. Son's child (m. s.). Beciprocal: aka (father's father). It probably
applies also to collateral relatives (see agist).

apa. Father's mother. Beciprocal: apavin (son's child, w. s.). It probably
applies also to collateral relatives (see agist).

apavin. Son's child (w. s.). Beciprocal: apa (father's mother). It probably
applies also to collateral relatives (see agist).

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agist. Mother's father. Beciprocal: agistbin (daughter's child, m. s.). Inas-
much as utsu (mother's mother) and its reciprocal utsubin (daughter's
child, w. s.) apply to collateral as well as to lineal relatives, the term
agist and its reciprocal agistbin, being analogous, doubtless apply like-
wise to collateral as well as lineal relatives.

agistbin. Daughter's child (m. s.). Beciprocal: agist (mother's father). It
probably applies also to collateral relatives (see agist).

utsu. Mother's mother, mother's mother's sister, mother's mother's half sister.
Beciprocal: utsubin (daughter's child, w. s.; sister's daughter's child,
w. s.; half sister's daughter's child, w. s.).

utsubin. Daughter's child (w. s.), sister's daughter's child (w. s.), half sister's
daughter's child (w. s.). Beciprocal: utsu (mother's mother, mother's
mother's* sister, mother's mother's half sister).

hdki. Grandparent or grandchild (after the death of the connecting relative).
Beciprocal: hdki.

saka. Great-grandparent. Beciprocal: sakabin (great-grandchild).

sakabin. Great-grandchild. Beciprocal: saka (great -grandparent).

kufian. Husband. Becit>rocal: soiyin (wife).

soiyin. Wife. Beciprocal: kufian (husband).

wd.ict. Co-wife, co-husband. Beciprocal: wo.ict.

wasumbis. Spouse's parent, wife's mother's sister. Beciprocals: tasi (son's
wife), wiifiin (daughter's husband). Wasumpaiyiifi or wasumbisipiinin.
Spouse's parent (after death of spouse).

tasL Son's wife. Beciprocal: wasumbis (spouse's parent). Tasipaiyiifi. Son's
wife (after death of speaker's son).

wunin. Daughter's husband, half sister's daughter's husband. Beciprocal:
wasumbis (spouse's parent). wiiniupaiyM or wiiniiipunifi. Daughter's
husband (after death of speaker's daughter).

ya,ubic. Wife's brother. Beciprocal: piya (sister's husband).

piya.« Sister's husband, half sister's husband, husband's brother, daughter's
daughter's husband (w. s.). Beciprocals: tugu (brother's wife), ya.ubic
(wife's brother), yuguan (wife's sister, wife's mother's mother). Piya-
paiyiin. Sister's husband (after death of speaker's sister, w. s.).*^

yuguan. Wife's sister, wife's half sister, wife's mother's mother. Beciprocal:
piya (sister's husband, half sister's husband, daughter's daughter's
husband).

tugu. Brother's wife, daughter's son's wife (w. s.). Beciprocals: hiimiibic
(husband's sister), piya (husband's brother).

humiibic. Husband's sister. Beciprocal: tugu (brother's wife).

nawasu. Child's spouse's parent. Beciprocal: nawasu.

There are certain relationships about which the statements of in-
formants are unsatisfactory or contradictory. These are^liscussed in
the following paragraphs and table. In the table the terms which I
have considered as most likely correct are italicized.

By one informant anociwan was given for daughter, by the same
informant and one other for brother's daughter (m. s.), and by a third

6 One informant applied this term also to wife 's brother, wife 's sister, and
brother's wife (m. s.).

7 Doubtless the ending -paiyiifi is suffixed to piya used in other ways, and to
ya.ubic, yuguan, hiimiibic, and tugu, following the death of the connecting rela-
tive. The above example, however, is the only one obtained.

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224

University of Calif omia Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

informant for wife's sister's daughter. The third informant also
gave aiyawutawa for wife's sister's son. In the list on page 222 the
meanings of these two terms appear as stepdaughter and stepson re-
spectively, as these are the only positively ascertained meanings.

Mrs. John Nicolas, a Kernville Tiibatulabal, gave osambis as the
term for sister's child (w. s.). She was very positive about it, and
although it was obtained from no one else, it may represent a dialectic
difference. An Onyx (South Fork of Kern River) informant, Tom
Pope, stated that the people about Kernville, on the main Kern River,
used certain terms which were not used on the South Fork. He
mentioned as an example the term hoki, which is the term for a grand-
parent or grandchild following the death of the connecting relative.
According to Mrs. Nicolas, there were two terms for great-grand-
parents, saka for great-grandfather, ipi for great-grandmother, with
reciprocals sakabin and ipibin. Other informants gave saka for both
grandparents. This, too, may be a dialectic difference. As shown in
the case of the Miwok, such variations in a relationship system may
occur within a few miles.®

Uncertain Usages op Terms*

Relationship

Informants

Bill

Petra

Clotilda Tom

Mrs. John

Indian

Chico

Miranda

L. Gomez Pope

Nicolas

Henry

Wife's sister's child

kali

tumu kalibin

kalibin

aiyawutawa
anociwan

Wife's sister

yuguan

piya yuguan

yuguan

tugu

Sister's husband (w. s.)

piya

kumobic

piya piya

piya

kumobic

Brother's wife (m. s.)

tumubic

piya piya

tugu

Husband's sister

kumoanana

tugu tugu

hilmiibic

hiimiibic

Wife 's sister 's husband

impaiyis

patci

piya

Husband 's brother 's wife

anakutcim

tugu

* After this table was in type the following terms for brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law were
secured from Mrs. Mary Imitirio, a Tiibatulabal woman living on Tule River Indian Reser-
vation, Tulare County, California: Wife's brother, piya; sister's husband (m. s.), piya: wife's
sister, yuguan: sister's husband (w. s.), piya: husband's brother, ya.ubic; brother's wife
(w. s.), tugu; husband's sister, hiimiibic, brothers wife (w. s.), tugu.

The analysis of the Tiibatulabal terms of relationship in the suc-
ceeding table is on the basis of the eight categories set forth by Dr.
A. L. Kroeber." His eighth category, ** Condition of the connecting
relative/' is here amplified in meaning so as to cover the change of
terms for father and mother following the death of one or more of
their children (see abu and iimii = mother, ana and kumu = father,

8E. W. Gifford, Miwok Moieties, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., xn,
172-174, 1916. Compare the meanings of ate, kole, and tcale.

» Classificatory Systems of Relationship, Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst., xxxix, 78,
1909.

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Gifford: Tiibatulahal and Kawaiisu Kinship Terms

225

in the preceding list on p. 222.) The cross used in the following table
indicates the expression of a category by a term.

In the following table the category ** Generation" is undoubtedly
expressed by more terms than would be the case if fuller genealogical

Categorical Analysis op Tubatulabal Kinship Terms

Term

Gener-
ation

Blood

marriage

Lineal or Sex of
collateral relative

Sex of

connecting

relative

Sex of
speaker

Age in
gener-
ation

Condition
of con-
necting
relative

abu

....

agist

....

agistbin

....

aiyawutawa

....

aJka

....

akabin

....

amust

....

ana

anociwan

....

apa

....

apavin

....

hoki

....

hiimiibic

impaiyis

....

kalibin

....

kali

....

kumu

....

kunan

....

kutci

....

nalawi

....

nawasu

....

patci

....

pauwan

—

....

piya

....

saka

....

sakabiu

....

soiyin

....

tasi

....

tohan

....

tugu

—

....

tumu

....

utsu

....

utsubin

....

umii

....

wasurobis

....

wd.ict

....

wiinin

....

ya.ubic

....

yugu

....

yuguan

....

Terms*

* Number of terms in which each category is expressed.

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226 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

evidence were available, for terms of aflSnity, such as hiimiibic (hus-
band's sister) and ya.ubic (wife's brother), woidd probably be found
to refer to more than one generation just as do piya (sister's husband ;
daughter's daughter's husband, w. s.), tugu (brother's wife; daugh-
ter's son's wife, w.s.), and yuguan (wife's sister; wife's mother's
mother). Even with this reduction, however, the category ** Gener-
ation" would stand out as one of those most frequently expressed.
Probably the category ** Condition of connecting relative" really finds
expression in far more terms than it appears to in the following table,
for, as already mentioned, further investigation will doubtless demon-
strate that the suflBx -paiyiin or -piinin is added to all of the terms of
aflSnity upon the death of the connecting relative. If such is found
to be the case, the number of terms in which this category fimds ex-
pression will be doubled.

The fragmentary genealogy on page 227 is presented for the purpose
of demonstrating the use of the Tiibatidabal relationship terms. The
genealogy was supplied by Wanamut (number 11 in the genealogy),
who is otherwise known as Mrs. Mercedes Linares, and by her daughter
Tcaigump (19), otherwise known as Mrs. Clotilda Linares Gomez.
Names in italics are those of women.

The following kinship terms were obtained from Wanamiit (11)
and Tcaigump (19) as applied between them and the individuals ap-
pearing in the above genealogy :

I calls 11 hdki (daughter's daughter following death of I's daughter; 11
calls 1 hdki (mother's father following death of 11 's mother). 1 calls 19 sakabin
(daughter's daughter's daughter); 19 calls 1 saka (mother's mother's father).

3 calls 11 tumu (daughter); 11 calls 3 iimii (mother following the death of
a child). 3 calls 19 utsubin (daughter's daughter); 19 calls 3 utsu (mother's
mother).

5 calls 11 tumu (sister's daughter); 11 calls 5 yugu (mother's younger
sister). 5 calls 19 utsubin (sister's daughter's daughter); 19 calls 5 utsu
(mother's mother's sister).

6, 7, and 8 call 11 tumu (wife's sister's daughter); 11 calls 6, 7, and 8 tdhan
(mother's sister's husband younger than father). 19 calls 6, 7, and 8 nothing;
no reason was given.

9 calls 11 nalawi (younger sister); 11 calls 9 kutci (elder sister). 9 calls
19 tumu (sister's daughter); 19 calls 9 iimii (mother's older sister).

II calls 10 piya (sister's husband). 10 calls 19 tumu (wife's sister's
daughter); 19 calls 10 kumu (mother's sister's husband older than father).

11 calls 19 tumu (daughter). 19 calls 11 iimu (mother following the death
of a child, that is, my brother or sister).

12 calls 11 soiyin (wife); 11 calls 12 kufian (husband).

14 calls 11 yugu (mother's younger sister); 11 calls 14 tumu (sister's
daughter). 14 calls 19 nalawi (younger half sister); 19 calls 14 kutci Colder
half sister).

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Gifford: Tiibaiulahal and Eawatisu Kinship Terms

227

, IJUTO"

f
s

I HIP

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228 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

15 calls 11 umii (mother following the death of a child); 11 calls 15 tumu
(daughter). 15 calls 19 nalawi (younger half sister); 19 calls 15 kutci (older
half sister).

16 calls 11 wasumbis (wife's mother); 11 calls 16 wiifiin (daughter's hus-
band). 16 calls 19 yuguan (wife's half sister); 19 calls 16 piya (half sister's
husband).

17 calls 11 umu (mother following the death of a child); 11 calls 17 tumu
(daughter). 17 calls 19 nalawi (younger sister); 19 calls 17 kutci (older sister).

20, 21, and 22 call 11 iimii (mother following the death of a child) ; 11 calls
20, 21, and 22 tumu (son). 20, 21, and 22 call 19 kutci (older sister); 19 calls
20, 21, and 22 nalawi (younger brother). 20, 21, and 22 call 19'8 children
kalibin (sister's child) ; 19 's children call 20, 21, and 22 kali (mother's brother).

23 calls 11 wasumbis (husband's mother); 11 calls 23 tasi (son's wife).
23 calls 19 humubic (husband's sister); 19 calls 23 tugu (brother's wife).

24 and 25 call 11 utsu (mother's mother); 11 calls 24 and 25 utsubin (daugh-
ter's daughter). 24 and 25 call 19 yugu (mother's younger half sister); 19
calls 24 and 25 tumu (half sister's daughter).

26 calls 11 yuguan (wife's mother's mother); 11 calls 26 piya (daughter's
daughter's husband). 26 calls 19 wasumbis (wife's mother's half sister); 19
calls 26 wiinin (half sister's daughter's husband).

27 and 28 call 11 apa (father's mother); 11 calls 27 and 28 apavin (son's
child). 27 and 28 call 19 pauwan (father's sister); 19 calls 27 and 28 amust
(brother's child).

29 calls 11 saka (mother's mother's mother); 11 calls 29 sakabin (daughter's
daughter's daughter). 29 calls 19 utsu (mother's mother's half sister); 19 calls
29 utsubin (half sister's daughter's daughter).

12 calls 24 and 25 agistbin (daughter's daughter); 24 and 25 call 12 agist
(mother's father).

KAWAIISU

Forty-three Kawaiisu terms of relationship^** were obtained ; these
include ten terms which are exact reciprocals except that they have
diminutive suffixes. As with the Tiibatulabal system, there are a
number of terms which take a suffix, said to mean **u8ed to be,'* to
indicate the death of the connecting relative. In Kawaiisu this suffix

10 The terms for wife 's sister 's husband and husband 's brother 's wife were
not ascertained to my satisfaction. The evidence stands as follows:
Relationship Informants

J. Nichols M. Williams A. Brown R. Williams

Wife 's sister 's husband nawabiu atamwoni pavini

saka.ini

Husband's brother's wife nama.ini nama.ini nama.ini

patcini
nabuzioni
Mrs. Befugia Williams stated that the terms pavini and saka.ini are applied
according to the ages of the women concerned, not according to the ages of the
two men. This is in line with the Kawaiisu method of classifying aunts and
uncles by affinity (see p. 235). Mrs. Williams also stated that the term nabuzieni
becomes nabuzirepuni following the death of the connecting relative. The use
of the terms brother and sister for these two relationships is paralleled in the
analogous Tiibatulabal data (see table of '* Uncertain Usages of Terms," p. 224).

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1917] Oxford: Tubatulahal and Kawaiisu Kinship Terms 229

is -puni or -repuni. It is also used in instances of divorce. For ex-
ample, a woman adds this suffix to the term for son-in-law in case that
relative and her daughter separate. Eight uses of this suffix were
noted ; all were for terms of affinity. Doubtless there are other similar
cases of its use, which were not recorded. The eight terms are in-
cluded in the list of Kawaiisu terms, but are not included in the count
of forty-three terms given just above.

Not all of the meanings of Kawaiisu relationship terms were ob-
tained. Enough, however, were secured to make clear the main
features of the system. The terms for great-grandfather and great-
grandmother are the only ones which are open to question Only two
informants were consulted on this particular point. They agreed on
the terms for great-grandson and great-granddaughter ; but for great-
grandfather one gave saka.ini, the other saka.iteini. For great-grand-
mother one gave nama.ini, the other nama.itcini. One of these in-
formants said that the term asiisiizini was sometimes used for great-
grandmother ; she stated, however, that it was a term borrowed from
the **Tejon Indians. '^^^

KAWAIISU RELATIONSHIP TERMS12

muwuni. Father (before death of child). Reciprocals: pediini (daughter),
tuwuni (son).

kuguni. Father (following the death of a child), father's older brother, father's
sister's husband, mother's older sister's husband. Reciprocals: kuutcini
(younger brother's child, m. s.; wife's brother's child; wife's younger
sister's child), pediini (daughter; brother's daughter, m. s.; wife's
brother's daughter; wife's sister's daughter), tuwuni (son; brother's
son, m. s.; wife's brother's son; wife's sister's son). Compare muwuni
(father), mawiiuni (mother), and piyuni (mother).

kuutcini. Younger brother's child (m. s.), wife's brother's child, wife's younger
sister's child. Reciprocal: kuguni (father's older brother, father's sister's
husband, mother's older sister's husband).

piyuni. Mother (before death of a child). Reciprocals: peduni (daughter),
tuwuni (son).

mawiiiini. Mother (following the death of a child), mother's older sister,
father's older brother's wife. Reciprocals: mawuutcini (younger sister's
child, w. 8.; husband's younger brother's child), pediini (daughter; hus-
band's brother's daughter; sister's daughter, w. s.), tuwiini (son; hus-
band's brother's son; sister's son, w. s.). Compare piyuni (mother),
kuguni (father), and muwuni (father).

11 By **Tejon Indians" are meant those living near Tejon, Kern County,
California. In language they might be either Yokuts or Shoshonean, as both
stocks are found in that locaUty.

12 The ending -ni, of each term in the list, means '*my. " The non-vocative
forms are not given in this list. In such forms -ni, -mi, and -na are the terminal
syllables meaning **my," **your," and "his," respectively. There are occa-
sional modifications of the last stem vowel. In reference the full pronouns
nugaia (my), imia (your), and onaia (his) may also be preposed.

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230 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

mawiiiitcini. Younger sister's child (w. s.), husband's younger brother's child.
Reciprocal: mawiiuni (mother's older sister, father's older brother's
wife).

tuwuni. Son, brother's son (m. s.), husband's brother's son, wife's brother's
son, sister's son (w. s.), wife's sister's son. Beciprocals: muwuni
(father), kuguni (father, father's older brother, father's sister's hus-
band, mother's older sister's husband), pi^iini (mother), mawiiuni
(mother, mother's older sister, father's older brother's wife), heeni
(father's younger brother, mother's younger sister's husband), nupbieni
(mother's younger sister, father's younger brother's wife).

pediini. Daughter, brother's daughter (m. s.), husband's brother's daughter,
wife's brother's daughter, sister's daughter (w. s.), wife's sister's
daughter. Reciprocals: muwuni (father), kuguni (father, father's older
brother, father's sister's husband, mother's older sister's husband),
piyuni (mother), mawiiiini (mother, mother's older sister, father's older
brother's wife), heeni (father's younger brother, mother's younger sister's
husband), nupbieni (mother's younger sister, father's younger brother's
, wife).

pay in i. Older brother, male cousin older than speaker. Reciprocals: nama.ini
(younger sister, female cousin younger than speaker), saka.ini (younger
brother, male cousin younger than speaker).

saka.ini. Younger brother, male cousin younger than speaker. Reciprocals:
pavini (older brother, male cousin older than speaker), patcini (older
sister, female cousin older than speaker).

patcini. Older sister, female cousin older than speaker. Reciprocals: nama.ini
(younger sister, female cousin younger than speaker), saka.ini (younger
brother, male cousin younger than speaker).

nama.ini. Younger sister, female cousin younger than speaker. Reciprocals:
pavini (older brother, male cousin older than speaker), patcini (older
sister, female cousin older than speaker).

heeni. Father's younger brother, mother's younger sister's husband. Recip-
rocals: heetcini (older brother's child, m. s.; wife's older sister's child),
pediini (brother's daughter, m. s.; wife's sister's daughter), and tuwuni
(brother's son, m. s.; wife's sister's son).

heetcini. Older brother's child (m. s.), wife's older sister's child. Reciprocal:
heeni (father's younger brother, mother's younger sister's husband).

nupbieni. Mother's younger sister, father's younger brother's wife. Recip-
rocals: nupbietcini (older sister's child, w. s.; husband's older brother's
child), pediini (sister's daughter, w. s.; husband's brother's daughter),
tuwuni (sister's son, w. s.; husband's brother's son).

nupbietcini. Older sister's child (w. s.), husband's older brother's child. Re-
ciprocal: nupbieni (mother's younger sister, father's younger brother's
wife).

pahani. Father 's sister, mother 's brother 's wife. Reciprocal: pahatcini (brother's
child, w. s.; husband's sister's child).

pahatcini. Brother's child (w. s.), husband's sister's child. Reciprocal: pahani
(father's sister, mother's brother's wife).

cinuni. Mother's brother. Reciprocal: cinutcini (sister's child, m. s.).

cinutcini. Sister's child (m. s.). Reciprocal: cinuni (mother's brother).

kunoni. Father's father, spouse's father's father. Reciprocal: kunotcini (son's
child, m. s.; son's child's spouse, m. s.).

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1917] Giford: Tuhatulahal and Kawaiisu Kinship Terms 231

kunotcini. Son's child (m. 8.)» son's child's spouse (m. s.). Reciprocal: kunoni
father's father, spouse's father's father).

hutcini. Father's mother, spouse's father's mother. Reciprocal: hutcitcini
(son's child, w. s.; son's child's spouse, w. s.).

hutcitcini. Son's child (w. s.), son's child's spouse (w. s.). Reciprocal: hutcini
(father's mother, spouse's father's mother).

tdgoni. Mother's father, spouse's mother's father. Reciprocal: tdgotcini
(daughter's child, m. s.; daughter's child's spouse, m. s.).

tdgotcini. Daughter's child (m. s.), daughter's child's spouse (m. s.). Recip-
rocal: tdgoni (mother's father, spouse's mother's father).

kaguni. Mother's mother, spouse's mother's mother. Reciprocal: kagutcini
(daughter's child, w. s.; daughter's child's spouse, w. s.).

kagutcini. Daughter's child (w. s.), daughter's child's spouse (w. s.). Recip-
rocal: kaguni (mother's mother, spouse's mother's mother).

sakaitcini. Great-grandfather (literally ** little younger brother"). Another
informant gave this term as saka.ini. Reciprocals: pavatcini (great-
grandson, literally "little older brother"), patcitcini (great-granddaugh-
ter, literally ** little older sister").

nama.itcini. Great-grandmother (literally ** little younger sister"). Another
informant gave this term as nama.ini. Reciprocals: pavatcini (great-
grandson, literally ** little older brother"), patcitcini (great-granddaugh-
ter, literally "little older sister").

pavatcini. Great-grandson (literally "little older brother"). Reciprocals:
nama.itcini (great-grandmother, "little younger sister"), saka-itcini
(great-grandfather, literally "little younger brother").

patcitcini. Great-granddaughter (literally "little older sister"). Reciprocals:
nama.itcini (great-grandmother, literally "little younger sister"), saka.itcini
(great-grandfather, literally "little younger brother").

kupmani. Husband. Reciprocal: piwhani (wife).

piwhani. Wife. Reciprocal: kupmani (husband).

wdhoni. Co-wife, co-husband. Reciprocal: w6honi.

yeheni. Spouse's parent, spouse's parent's brother or sister. Reciprocals:
hutcibiani (son's wife, sister's son's wife, brother's son's wife), mdnoni
(daughter's husband, sister's daughter's husband, brother's daughter's
husband). Yehesepuni. Spouse's parent (following death of speaker's
spouse) .

hutcibiani. Son's wife, sister's son's wife, brother's son's wife. Reciprocal:
yeheni (spouse's parent, spouse's parent's brother or sister). Hutcibire-
puni. Daughter-in-law (following death of speaker's son).

mdnoni. Daughter's husband, sister's daughter's husband, brother's daughter's
husband. Reciprocal: yeheni (spouse's parent, spouse's parent's brother
or sister). Mdnowaipuni. Son-in-law (following death of speaker's
daughter). It is said to be used also in case of separation of speaker's
daughter from her husband.

atamwoni. Wife's brother, sister's husband (m. s.). Reciprocal: atamwoni.
Atomworepuni. Wife's brother (following death of speaker's wife);
sister's husband (following death of speaker's sister, m. s.).

nebiwhoni. Wife's sister, brother's wife (m. s.). Reciprocal: nekomwhoni
(sister's husband, w. s.; husband's brother). Nebiwhorepuni. Wife's
sister (following death of speaker's wife), brother's wife (following
death of speaker's brother, m. s.).

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232 UniverHty of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

nekomwhoni. Sister's husband (w. s.), husband's brother. Reciprocal: nebi-
whoni (wife's sister; brother's wife, m. s.). Nekumrepuni. Sister's
husband (following death of speaker's sister, w. s.), husband's brother
(following death of speaker's husband).

wiisimbiani. Husband's sister, brother's wife (w. s.). Reciprocal: wusimbiani.
Wusibirepuni. Husband's sister (following death of speaker's husband),
brother's wife (following death of speaker's brother, w. s.).

teeni. Child 's spouse 's parent. Reciprocal: teeni. Teerepuni. Child 's spouse 's
parent (following death of speaker's child or speaker's child's spouse).

An analysis of the Kawaiisu terms is presented in the opposite
table (p. 233). As in the ease of the analysis of Tiibatulabal terms
on page 225, it is based on the eight categories set forth by Dr. A. L.
Kroeber." It is to be noted that the category ** Generation" is ex-
pressed in all of the terms, a feature which is in sharp contrast with
the subordination of ** Generation " in the Miwok kinship system, in
which it is expressed in only slightly more than one-third of the
terms.**

The cross used in the opposite table indicates the expression of a
category by a term.

COMPARISON
TiJBATULABAL AND KaWAIISU

Forty terms of relationship were obtained among the Tiibatulabal
as against forty-three among the Kawaiisu. The following table ex-
hibits numerically the application of the terms in the two languages :

Number of Terms

Belationship Tiibatulabal Kawaiisu

Parent 4 4

Child 1 2

Stepchild 2

Brother, sister, first cousin 4 4

Aunt, uncle 6* 6*

Niece, nephew 3t 8t

Grandparent, grandchild 9 8

Great-grandparent, great-grandchild .... 2 4

Relation by marriage || 12 11

* Two of the terms for aunt and uncle are also the terms for mother and father following
the death of one or more of their children.

t One of the terms (tumu) for niece or nephew is also applied to one's own child.

t Two of the terms for niece and nephew are also applied to son and daughter.

II This does not include aunts, uncles, grandparents, or grandchildren by marriage, nor
does it include any of the step-relations.

18 Classificatory Systems of Relationship, Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst., xxxix,
78, 1909.

14 E. W. Gifford, Miwok Moieties, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., xii,
171, 1916.

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1917]

Oxford : Tubatuldhal and Kawaiisu Kinship Terms

233

Categorical Analysis of Kawahsu Kinship Terms

Term
atamwoni
ciniini
cinutcini
heeni
heetcini
hutcibiani
hutcini
hutcitcini
kaguni
kagutcini
kuguni
kunoni
kunotcini
kupmani
kuutcini
mawuiini
mawiiiitcini
mdnoni
muwuni
nama.ini
nama.itcini
nebiwhoni
nekomwhoni
nupbieni
nupbietcini
pahani
pahatcini
pavatcini
pavini
patcini
patcitcini
pediini
piwhani
piyuni
saka.ini
8aka.itcini
teeni
togoni
tdgotcini
tuwiini
wdhoni
wiisimbiani
jeheni
Terms*

Blood Sex of

Oener- or Lineal or Sex of connecting Sex of
ation marriage collateral relative relative speaker

Age in
gener-
ation

Condition
of con-
necting
relative

X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X

X
X
X
X

X
X
X
X
X

X
X
X

X
X
X
X

X
X
X
X
X

X
X

' Number of terms in which each category is expressed.

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234 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

The Tiibatulabal and Kawaiisu classifications of parents are iden-
tical. In both languages there is a special term for father and a
special term for mother. These terms are used for no other relation-
ships. Their use, however, for the parents is subject to a restriction,
for they are used only as long as all of their children are alive. Upon
the death of a child, the surviving children henceforth call the parent
by a diflferent term. The new term in the case of the father is that
applied to the father's older brother. The new term ini the case of
the mother is that applied to the mother's older sister. In both lan-
guages four terms are used for the parent relationship (see the pre-
ceding table) . The terms are :

Belationship

Tiibatulabal

Kawaiisu

Father before death of child

ana

muwuni

Father after death of child

kumu

kuguni

Mother before death of child

abu

piyuni

Mother after death of child

iimii

mawiiiini

For son and daughter the Tiibatulabal have but one term, there
being no distinction made as to sex of children. The Kawaiisu, on
the other hand, distinguish between male and female offspring.

elationship

Tiibatulabal

Kawaiisu

Son

tumu

tuwuni

Daughter

tumu

pediini

Only Tiibatulabal data are at hand in the matter of stepchildren.
It appears that the Tiibatulabal are far more exact in designating
stepchildren than own children. There are separate terms for stepson
and stepdaughter, whereas son and daughter are united in one term,
there being no distinction as to sex. Aiyawutawa is the designation
for stepson, anociwan for stepdaughter. The reciprocals of these
terms are not father (ana) and mother (abu), but are instead the
terms for father's older brother (kumu) and mother's younger sister
(yugu). This identification of the stepparents with the older paternal
uncle and the younger maternal aunt is one-sided, for the terms
aiyawutawa and anociwan are not the terms of the reciprocal nepotic
relationship. The nepotic relationship is designated by the term tumu
(offspring). On the one hand, the classing of the stepparents with
the older paternal uncle and the younger maternal aunt and the unit-
ing of own children with the brother's children (m. s.) and with the
sister's children (w. s.) suggests the levirate. On the other hand, the

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Oifford: Tiihatulahal and Kawaiisu Kinship Terms

235

lack of identification of the stepchildren with the brother's children
(m. s.) and with the sister's children (w. s.) would indicate absence of
the levirate. In other words, from this point of view, the Tiibatulabal
evidence is equivocal.

As shown in the table on page 232, the Tiibatulabal and Kawaiisu
both use six terms for uncles and aunts, as follows :

Tiihatulahal

Kawaiisu

Father 's older brother

kumu

kuguni

Father 's younger brother

tdhan

heeni

Father 's sister

pauwan

pahani

Mother's brother

kali

cinuni

Mother 's older sister

umii

mawuiini

Mother 's younger sister

yugu

nupbieni

It is to be noted that the specialization as to age is on the side of
the ** parallel" aunts and uncles, that is, those related to ego through
a parent of the same sex. There is an absence of age specialization
in the nomenclature of the ** cross" aunts and uncles, that is, those
related to ego through a parent of the opposite sex. Both the Tiiba-
tulabal and Kawaiisu nomenclatures are identical in their treatment
of aunts and uncles by consanguinity.

Next we must consider the aunts and uncles by affinity, in other
words, the spouses of those listed just above :

Tiihatulahal

Father 's older brother 's wife

Father 's brother 's wife older than mother iimii

Father's younger brother's wife

Father 's brother 's wife younger than mother yug^

Father's sister's husband kali

Mother's brother's wife pauwan

Mother 's older sister 's husband

Mother 's sister 's husband older than father kumu

Mother 's younger sister 's husband

Mother 's sister 's husband younger than father tdhan

Kawaiisu
mawtiuni

nupbieni

kuguni
pahani
kuguni

heeni

Here we find some decided differences between the two systems.
The Tiibatulabal use six terms, the Kawaiisu only five. The former
classify the spouses of ** parallel" uncles and aunts according to the
age of a spouse in relation to the mother or the father of the speaker.
The Kawaiisu classify the spouses of ** parallel" uncles and aunts
according to the relative ages of the uncles and aunts, and not accord-
ing to the age of the spouse. The Tiibatulabal scheme suggests double
marriage, that is, the marriage of two brothers to two sisters. Noth-

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236

University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

ing, however, is known of the marriage customs of either people, so
that it is idle to dwell too much upon the possible forms of marriage
suggested by the terminology. A curious feature of the Kawaiisu
nomenclature is the identification of father's sister's husband with the
father's older brother, the term kuguni being used where one would
expect to find cinuni. To an ardent supporter of the theory of the
reflection of forms of marriage in kinship nomenclature this would
prove brother-sister marriage, which is of course an absurdity. The
identification of father's sister's husband with mother's brother in
Tiibatulabal is not so unusual. It might result from the marriage of
two pairs consisting each of a brother and a sister. A common ex-
ample of this type of marriage is found in the custom of cross-cousin
marriage. Here again genealogies and the statements of informants
as to such a form of marriage among either people are lacking.

The reciprocals for aunts and uncles by affinity are the same as
for aunts and uncles by consanguinity. All of the terms of consan-
guinity (except Kawaiisu cinuni, mother's brother) are also terms of
affinity ; hence one list answers for both.

TUhatulahal

Kawaiisu

Term

Reciprocal

Term

Reciprocal

kumu

tumu

kuguni

kuutcini

tuwiini

pediini

tdhan

tumu

heeni

heetcini

tuwiini

pediini

pauwan

amust

pahani

pahatcini

kali

kalibin

cinuni

ciniitcini

iimii

tumu

mawuiini

mawiiiitcini

tuwiini

peduni

yugu

tumu

nupbieni

nupbietcini

tuwiini

pediini

The preceding list shows that ** parallel" nieces and nephews
(brother's children, m. s,, and sister's children, w. s.) are classed solely
as offspring by the Tiibatulabal, a condition favoring the existence of
the levirate. Among the Kawaiisu the classification is paradoxical,
for ** parallel" nieces and nephews are not only classified as offspring
(son and daughter), but also by a strictly nepotic term which is an
identical-reciprocal of the term for aunt or uncle. The classification
as offspring seems to be secondary, and taken alone suggests the levi-

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Tubatulabal

Kawaiisu

patci

pavini

nalawi

saka.ini

kutci

patcini

nalawi

nama.ini

impaiyis

1917] Gifford: Tubatulabal and Kawaiisu Kinship Terms 237

rate. The use of the identical-reciprocal for the nepotic relationship,
however, is rather against the presence of that institution. It is pos-
sible that the classification of nieces and nephews as oflPspring is due
to Tiibatulabal influence. The Tubatulabal resemble their Shoshonean
neighbors on the north in their classification of *' parallel'' nephews
and nieces ; at least this is true if we may judge from a relationship
system collected at North Fork, Madera County.

The following table presents the grouping of brothers, sisters, and
first cousins:

Older brother, older male cousin
Younger brother, younger male cousin
Older sister, older female cousin
Younger sister, younger female cousin
Brother (w. s.), male cousin (w. s.)
Sister (m. s.), female cousin (m. s.)

The feature common to both Tubatulabal and Kawaiisu, as exhib-
ited in the above table, is that cousins are classified as sisters and
brothers, a feature found also among the Shoshonean Mono of North
Fork. The points of difference between Tubatulabal and Kawaiisu
are very clear. The former unite younger brother and younger sister
in one term. This is analogous to another usage of the Tubatulabal,
who unite son and daughter in one term. The Kawaiisu, however,
have distinct terms for younger brother and younger sister. The
Tiibatulabal grouping of brothers, sisters, and cousins exhibits another
feature, which is not found among the Kawaiisu but which is present
among the North Fork Mono; namely, a single term for brother or
male cousin (w. s.) and for sister or female cousin (m. s.).

Grandparents and grandchildren are grouped in the same manner
in both Tiibatulabal and Kawaiisu. These terms are discussed a few
pages below in connection with identical-reciprocals and diminutives.
The Tubatulabal possess nine terms for the grandparent-grandchild
relation ; the Kawaiisu possess eight. The ninth term in Tubatulabal
is hoki, which is used by either grandparent or grandchild following
the death of the connecting relative.

The Tiibatulabal have but one term for great-grandparent and but
one for great-grandchild, again paralleling the single term for off-
spring. The Kawaiisu have two for each of these relationships, as they
distinguish sex.

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238

University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

A comparison of the terms for brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law
in the two languages would be futile, owing to the uncertainty with
regard to some of the Tiibatulabal terms.

A radical difference in the classification of the grandchild's spouse
and the spouse's grandparent is to be noticed. The Tiibatulabal
classify these relatives as brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law (see No.
26 on p. 228). The Kawaiisu classify the grandchild's spouse and
spouse's grandparent as grandchild and grandparent, respectively.
The Tiibatulabal classification is similar to the Miwok.^'

As stated earlier, diminutive suffixes are used by both the Tiiba-
tulabal and the Kawaiisu. At least among the latter people the dimin-
utive suffix is also an endearment, as in piwhatcini (piwha[tci]ni),
dear wife. It is also used in connection with the term for child's
spouse's parent, teetcini (tee[tci]ni). Informants stated that the use
in this case was for the sake of politeness. In the same way a person
uses this endearment for the mother-in-law or father-in-law, yehetcini
(yehe[tci]ni).

Information obtained from the Tiibatulabal as to the use of the
diminutive suffix -bin or -vin as a term of endearment requires sub-
stantiation. Otherwise the use of the diminutive among the Tiiba-
tulabal corresponded to its use among the Kawaiisu, except that it was
employed less extensively. The following list exhibits clearly the
agreements and disagreements in the use of the diminutives in the
two languages. Every term is followed by its reciprocal.

Belationship
Mother 's brother

Sister's child (m. s.)
Father 's younger brother

Older brother's child (m. s.)
Father's mother

Son 's child (w. s.)
Mother's mother

Daughter's child (w. s.)
Father's older brother

Younger brother's child (m. s.)
Father's father

Son's child (m. s.)
Mother's older sister

Younger sister's child (w. s.)

Kawaiisu

Tuhatulahal

cinuni

kaU

cinutcini

kalibin

heeni

tdhan

heetcini

tumu

hutcini

apa

hutcitcini

apavin

kaguni

utsu

kagutcini

utsubin

kuguni

kumu

kuutcini

tumu

kunoni

aka

kunotcini

akabin

mawiiiini

iimii

mawiiiitcini

tumu

15 E. W. Giflford, Miwok Moieties, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., xn,
172-174, 1916. See apasti, kawu, kolina, olo, wokli.

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Gilford: Tubatulahal and Kawaiisu Kinship Temw

239

Belationship

Kawaiisu

Tiihatulahal

Great-grandmother

nama.itcini

saka

Great-grandson

pavatcini

sakabin

Great-granddaughter

patcitcini

sakabin

Mother 's younger sister

nupbieni

yugu

Older sister's child (w. s.)

nupbietcini

tumu

Father 's sister

pahani

pauwan

Brother's child (w. s.)

pahatcini

amust

Great-grandfather

8aka.itcini

saka

Great-grandson

pavatcini

sakabin

Great-granddaughter

patcitcini

sakabin

Mother's father

tdgoni

agist

Daughter's child (m. s.)

tdgotcini

agistbin

A glance at the preceding table betrays the fact that the Tiiba-
tulabal use the diminutive form for the grandchildren and great-
grandchildren and for the sister's child (m. s.). These terms are
identical-reciprocals of the terms for grandparents, great-grandpar-
ent, and mother's brother, plus the diminutive endings. This condi-
tion is matched exactly in the case of Kawaiisu terms, except in the
matter of the great-grandparents and great-grandchildren; there, to
be sure, the diminutive suffix is used, but a single stem is not used for
the two terms of the reciprocal relation, as in Tiibatulabal. In
Kawaiisu there are six terms for aunts and uncles with reciprocals
which are identical except for the addition of the diminutive suffix.
With the exception of the case of mother's brother and reciprocal
mentioned just above, these are all lacking in Tiibatulabal. The
diflference is perhaps not so great as it appears, however, for in
Kawaiisu, as already mentioned, the reciprocals of heeni, kuguni,
mawiiiini, and nupbieni (which are the terms for ** parallel" aunts
and uncles) may be also the terms for son and daughter (see pp. 229-
230) as well as the terms listed above. In Tiibatulabal the term used
for son or daughter is also used as the reciprocal of the terms for
* * parallel ' ' aunts and uncles ( iimii, yugu, kumu, tohan ) . This reduces
the constant diflferences between the two systems, in regard to the
use of diminutives, to two. The Tiibatulabal use pauwan for father's
sister and amust for brother's child, w. s. ; in other words, two terms
with different stems and without the diminutive suffix. The Kawaiisu
use pahani and pahatcini for the same relationships; in other words,
two terms with the same stem and with the diminutive suffix. The
Tiibatulabal use of sakan and sakabin for the great-grandparent and
reciprocal is analogous to the Kawaiisu use of pahani and pahatcini.

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240 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

The Kawaiisu use of nama.itcini and saka.itcini for the great-grand-
parents and pavateini and patciteini for the great-grandchildren is
different still, for the diminutive suflSx is used with both of a pair of
reciprocal terms having different stems.

The use of identical-reciprocal terms, plus a diminutive for the
younger generation of the pair, seems to be more developed among the
Kawaiisu than among the Tiibatulabal. The former consistently apply
them to the six groups of aunts and uncles, nieces and nephews, and
to the four groups of grandparents and grandchildren. The latter
consistently apply them to the four groups of grandparents and grand-
children and to the single group great-grandparent and great-grand-
child. In the classification of aunts and uncles they are inconsistent,
identical-reciprocals being used in only one out of the six groups.
Informants among the Tiibatulabal said that frequently the terms for
grandchildren, which are here listed with diminutive suflSxes, were
used without them. Among the Mono,^® the northern neighbors of the
Tiibatulabal, terms for grandchildren and grandparents are also iden-
tical, but no diminutive suffix is employed. Viewed from the stand-
point of number of uses of identical-reciprocals and diminutives, the
Tiibatulabal are intermediate between their northern and southern
neighbors.

The Tiibatulabal terms hoki (grandparent or grandchild following
the death of the connecting relative), impaiyis (brother or male cousin,
w. s. ; sister or female cousin, m. s.), nawasu (child's spouse's parent),
and wo.ict (co-wife, co-husband) have identical-reciprocals, but never
employ the diminutive suffix. Analogous terms among the Kawaiisu
are atamwoni (wife's brother; sister's husband, m. s.), teeni (child's
spouse's parent), wohoni (co-wife, co-husband), and wiisimbiani (hus-
band's sister; brother's wife, w. s.). The explanation of the non-use
of the suffix is to be found in the fact that the terms, with the exception
of hoki, apply to individuals of only one generation.

Identical-reciprocal terms are of two types, distinguishable by their
meanings. One type, exemplified by Tiibatulabal nawasu and wo.ict
and by Kawaiisu teeni and wohoni, has identical meanings; for ex-
ample, the meaning of nawasu and teeni is child's spouse's parent;
the reciprocal of each of these terms is also child's spouse's parent.
The meanings of identical-reciprocal terms of the second type are
distinctly unlike ; in fact, the two meanings are the antitheses, one of

i«Oiily the Mono of North Fork, Madera County, California, have been
visited by the writer.

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1917] Giford: TUhatulahal and Kawaiisu Kinship Terms 241

the other; for example, the Tiibatulabal term aka means father's
father; the reciprocal aka or aka [bin] means son's child (m. s.). A
Kawaiisu example is the term atamwoni, meaning wife's brother and
sister's husband, m. s.

Certain lexical similarities between Tiibatulabal and Kawaiisu
terms are obvious. The most striking resemblances are best shown by
a table. In the case of the Tiibatulabal term saka, together with its

Tiibatulabal Kawaiisu

kufian (husband) kupmani (husband)

patci (older brother) patcini (older sister)

pauwan (father's sister) pahani (father's sister)

saka (great-grandparent) saka.ini (younger brother)

saka.itcini (great-grandfather)

reciprocal sakabin (great-grandchild), we seem to have an example of
out-and-out borrowing, the Tiibatulabal using the Kawaiisu term for
great-grandfather, which is merely the Kawaiisu term for younger
brother plus the diminutive suffix. The reverse hypothesis is possibly
the correct one, namely, that the Kawaiisu borrowed the Tiibatulabal
term for great-grandparent and applied it to the younger brother and
then to the great-grandfather. This hypothesis, however, seems an
unlikely one.

The following table summarizes the categorical analyses of the
Tiibatulabal and Kawaiisu terms presented in detail on pages 225 and
233. The columns headed ''Number" give the number of terms in
which each category is expressed. The columns headed ** Percentage"
express the number of occurrences of a category in percentages of the
total number of terms.

Tiibatulabal Kawaiisu

Number Percentage Number Percentage

Terms 40 .... 43

Generation 36 90 43 100

Blood or marriage 31 78 23 53

Lineal or collateral 10 25 12 28

Sex of relative 25 63 30 70

Sex of connecting relative 17 43 16 37

Sex of speaker 11 28 16 37

Age in generation 7 18 8 19

Condition of connecting relative 11 28 12 28

The category ** Generation" is expressed in all of the Kawaiisu
terms as presented in this paper. Inquiry on a genealogical basis

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242 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

might break down this complete expression of the category. In Tiiba-
tulabal four out of forty terms fail to express this category ; one of
these four is the term hoki, which is applied to either grandparent or
grandchild following the death of the connecting relative. The re-
maining three are the terms for brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law,
which are applied also to spouse's grandparent and grandchild's
spouse, a very different classification from the Kawaiisu which has
already been discussed.

The difference in the expression of the category ** Blood or mar-
riage" in the two languages is largely due to the difference, just men-
tioned, in the classification of spouse's grandparent and grandchild's
spouse, which among the Kawaiisu are classed as grandparent and
grandchild. This difference alone takes eight Kawaiisu terms out of
this category. The corresponding TUbatulabal terms for grandparent
and grandchild naturally fall under this category, as they all definitely
express consanguinity without expressing afl&nity also.

The other categories are expressed quite similarly by the relation-
ship systems of the two languages, with the exception of the categories
**Sex of relative" and **Sex of speaker." The difference in the first
instance is the result of the Tubatulabal uniting of great-grandson and
great-granddaughter on the one hand and great-grandfather and great-
grandmother on the other hand, while the Kawaiisu distinguish two
great-grandchildren and two great-grandparents. In the second in-
stance, * * Sex of speaker, ' ' the difference is due to the use of identical-
reciprocals for nepotic relatives by the Kawaiisu and to their non-use,
except in one case (kali-kalibin), by the TUbatulabal.

Like the last table, the following table presents a categorical com-
parison, also in percentages of the number of terms, of the Tubatulabal
and Kawaiisu kinship systems and those presented by Dr. A. L.
Kroeber in his paper on the * * Classificatory Systems of Relation-
ship."^^ For Dr. Kroeber 's Miwok figures those of the writer" have
been substituted. It is clear that in at least one category, ** Lineal or
collateral," the TUbatulabal and Kawaiisu hold a unique position and
have no near approach in any of the other systems here presented,
except the Miwok."

17 Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst., xxxix, 79, 1909.

18 Miwok Moieties, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., xn, 171, 1916.

10 The comparisons in the three succeeding tables must be used with reser-
vation, as a factor of uncertainty has been introduced by differences in the
collecting of the data. For Miwok the material is far more detailed than for
the other groups.

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1917] Giford: Tubatulabal and Kawaiisu Ein$hip Terms 243

« * * 5 I I I I

Number of terms 24 27 28 34 28 40 43 34 35

Generation 100 78 96 38 79 90^ 100 88 74

Blood or marriage 100 100 100 76 100 78 ' 53 94 97

Lineal or coUateral lOK) 78 100 18 93 25 28 100 80

Sex of relative 67 78 71 85 61 63 70 53 63

Sex of connecting relative 54 48 50 44 50 43 37 56 60

Sex of speaker 13 11 36 26 43 28 37 29 40

Age in generation 13 15 14 15 14 18 19 35 23

Condition of connecting relative .. 0 0 0 0 ♦ 28 28 0 3

* This category is expressed in terms denoting relatives by marriage, but the number of
such terms is not given. See A. L. Kroeber, Olassincatory Systems of Relationship, Joum. Boy.
Anthr. Inst., xxxix, 79, footnote, 1909.

The purpose of the two following tables is to indicate by figures
the actual differences between the Tubatulabal and Kawaiisu systems
and each of the other systems presented in the foregoing table. The
figures in these tables are the differences between the percentages in
the Tiibatulabal and Kawaiisu columns of the preceding table and the
percentages in each of the other columns of the preceding table. The
total at the foot of each column in the succeeding tables is the sum of
the percentage differences, that is, the differences in percentages for
each category as expressed in Tiibatulabal and Kawaiisu and each of
the other languages. These totals are the basis of comparison of the
systems as wholes. The first table is for the Tubatulabal system, the
second for the Kawaiisu. It is to be seen at a glance that the Tiiba-
tulabal and Kawaiisu systems resemble each other far more closely
than any of the other Californian systems resemble either of these.
In fact, the gap between the Tubatulabal and Kawaiisu systems on
the one hand and the remaining Californian systems on the other hand
may be said to be very conspicuous. Tubatulabal and Kawaiisu differ
from each other by a total of sixty-one percentage differences, while
the nearest approach to this is found between Tubatulabal and Miwok,
the total of percentage differences being one hundred and seventeen,
nearly twice as great as the difference between Tubatulabal and
Kawaiisu. It will be noted that the Tubatulabal system is not so far
removed from the other Californian systems as is the Kawaiisu. The
greatest difference between the Tiibatulabal and any of the other
Californian systems is one hundred and seventy percentage differences,
occurring between Tubatulabal and Yuki. The greatest difference

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244 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

between Kawaiisu and any other system is two hundred and thirteen
percentage diflferenees, occurring between Kawaiisu and Luiseno, both
Shoshonean groups. The least difference is between Kawaiisu and
Miwok, amounting to one hundred and fifty percentage differences.
This least difference, however, is nearly two and one-half times as great
as the difference between TUbatulabal and Kawaiisu.

TiJBATULABAL

Generation 10 12 6 52 11 10 2 16

Blood or marriage 22 22 22 2 22 25 16 19

LineaZ or collateral 75 53 75 7 68 3 75 55

Sex of relative 4 15 8 22 2 7 10 0

Sex of connecting relative 11 5 7 1 7 6 13 17

Sex of speaker 15 17 8 2 15 9 1 12

Age in generation 534341 17 5

Condition of connecting relative 28 28 28 28 28* 0 28 25

Total 170 155 158 117 157* 61 162 149

Kawaiisu

o .:«

Generation 0 22 4 62 21 10 12 26

Blood or marriage 47 47 47 23 47 25 41 44

Lineal or collateral 72 50 72 10 65 3 72 52

Sex of relative 38 1597 17 7

Sex of connecting relative 17 11 13 7 13 6 19 23

Sex of speaker 24 26 1 11 6 9 8 3

Age in generation 64545 116 4

Condition of connecting relative 28 28 28 28 28* 0 28 25

Total 197 196 171 150 194* 61 . 213 184

* "Terms denoting relatives by marriage undergo a vocalic change to indicate the death of
the connecting relative." See A. L. Kroeber, Classiflcatory Systems of Relationship, Journ.
Roy. Anthr. Inst., xxxix, 79, footnote, 1909. Dr. Kroeber does not indicate the number of
terms so altered, hence the figures in the Yokuts column of the table for the category "Condition
of connecting relative" are too large. Likewise the totals of percentage differences between
Tiibatulabal and Yokuts and between Kawaiisu and Yokuts are too large.

Kawaiisu, Kaebab Paiute, and Uintah Ute

A comparison of the Kawaiisu terms with those of the Uintah Ute
of northern Utah and Kaibab Paiute of southwestern Utah and north-

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Gifford : Tiibatuldbal and Kawaiisu Kinship Terms

245

western Arizona obtained by Dr. Edward Sapir^** shows a very close
similarity in sound and spelling, even to the matter of the diminutive
suffix. Similarity of the three groups might be expected because of
the community of language, for all speak Ute-Chemehuevi dialects.
The Tiibatulabal, however, do not speak Ute-Chemehuevi, and, further-
more, belong to another of the four primary divisions of the Shosho-
nean stock f^ hence their terms of relationship could not be expected
to exhibit as strong a degree of resemblance to the Kawaiisu terms as
Uintah Ute and Kaibab Paiute terms exhibit.

The thirty-two Kaibab Paiute terms secured by Dr. Sapir are listed
below. Twelve of these, although very similar in sound and spelling
to certain of the Kawaiisu terms, are applied in a quite different
manner. (Consult in the following list numbers 4, 10-17, 22-25.)

Kaibab Paiute

1. moan** (father)

2. piyan* ' (mother)

3. tuwatsin** (son)

4. patein** (daughter)

5. pavi(t8i)n*' (older brother)

6. tc* ■*qa.itcin* ' (younger brother)

7. patsitsin* ' (older sister)

8. yiip'ian* ' (younger sister)

9. namintsin* ' (younger sister)

10. toxon* * (grandfather)

11. toxotsin* • (grandchild, m. s.)

12. qaxun* ' (grandmother)

13. qaxutsin* * (grandchild, w. s.)

14. qunun* * (great-grandfather, great-

grandfather's brother)

15. qunutsin* ' (great-grandchild, m. s. ;

brother's great-grandchild, m. s.)

16. '"'•Hsin*' (great-grandmother,

great-grandfather 's sister)

17. * ''" tsitsin* ' (great-grandchild, w. s.

brother's great-grandchild, w .8.)

18. ain<* (father's brother)

19. aitsin* ' (brother's child, m. s.)

20. paan** (father's sister, probably

also mother's sister)

21. paatsin*' (brother's child, w. s.;

probably also sister's child, w. s.)

20 A Note on Reciprocal Terms of Relationship in America, Am. Anthr., n. s.,
XV, 132-138, 1913 ; also Dr. Sapir 's unpublished data, which are presented in the
succeeding lists of terms.

21 A. L. Kroeber, Shoshonean Dialects of California, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am.
Arch. Ethn., iv, 97, 98, 100, 1907.

Kawaiisu
muwuni (father)
piyuni (mother)
tuwuni (son)
peduni (daughter)
pavini (older brother)
pavatcini (great-grandson)
saka.ini (younger brother)
saka,itcini (great-grandfather)
patcini (older sister)
patcitcini (great-granddaughter)
nama.ini (younger sister)
nama.itcini (great-grandmother)
tSgoni (mother's father)
togotcini (daughter's child, m. s.)
kaguni (mother's mother)
kagutcini (daughter's child, w. s.)
kunoni (father's father)

kunotcini (son's child, m. s.)

hutcini (father 's mother)

hutcitcini (son's child, w. s.)

heeni (father's younger brother)
heetcini (older brother's child, m. s.)
pahani (father 's sister)

pahatcini (brother's child, w. s.)

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246

University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [VoL 12

Kaibah Paiute

22. cinan* * (male cousin older than

speaker; mother's brother)

23. cinatsin^ ' (male cousin younger

than speaker; nephew,
probably sister's child, m. s.)

24. mftflu*in* ' 22 (female cousin older

than speaker; niece)

25. mafiwu* itsin^ ' 22 (female cousin

younger than speaker)

26. pifiwan^i (wife)

27. qom'An'* (husband)

28. monatsin^* (daughter's husband)

29. tantafiwll*vin^ ' (sister 's husband,

m. s.)

30. tsi' entamowan* * (wife 's brother)

31. naimpifiwAn* ' 28 (wife's sister;

brother's wife, m. s.)

32. naifiqurnxn*' 24 (husband's brother;

sister 's husband, w. s.)

Kawaiisu
cinuni (mother's brother)

cinutcini (sister's child, m. s.)

mawiiiini (mother's older sister)

mawuiitcini (younger sister's child, w. s.)

piwhani (wife)

kupmani (husband)

mdnoni (daughter's husband)

atamwoni (sister's husband, m. s.)

atamwoni (wife's brother)

nebiwhoni (wife's sister; brother's wife,
m. s.)

nekomwhoni (husband's brother; sister's
husband, w. s.)

The ensuing list gives the thirty-three Uintah Ute terms obtained
by Dr. Sapir together with the corresponding Kawaiisu terms :

Uintah Ute
mfian'* (father)
pien' * (mother)

1.
2.

3. towAn*' (son)

towAtcin' ' (more affectionate form)

4. patcin* ' (daughter)

patcitcin' ' (more affectionate form)

5. pavin' ' (older brother)
pavitein' '

6. tc' "qai* in* * (younger brother)
tc' '"qai* tcin* •

7. paitcin* * (older sister)

8. namitcin** (younger sister) 25

9. qun""' (father's older brother)

Kawaiisu
muwuni (father)
piyuni (mother)
tuwuni (son)

pediini (daughter)

pavini (older brother)
pavatcini (great-grandson)
saka.ini (younger brother)
saka.itcini (great-grandfather)
patcini (older sister)
patcitcini (great-granddaughter)
nama.ini (younger sister)
nama.itcini (great-grandmother)
kuguni (father's older brother)

10. qun'tcin*' (father's older brother's kuutcini (younger brother's child, m. s.)
child) 2«

22** These terms were tested only for father's brother's children." — Sapir.
Number 24 was also recorded as mafiwu'an* ', and number 23 as cinantsin* '.

28 * * Cf . piflwan* * ; term probably means something like * my co-wife ' and
seems to point to levirate marriage." — Sapir. An analogous relation exists
between the Kawaiisu terms piwhani and nebiwhoni.

24 * * Cf . qom'An* ' ; term probably means something like co-husband and seems
to point to levirate marriage." — Sapir. An analogous relation exists between
the Kawaiisu terms kupmani and nekomwhoni.

25 * * Children of two brothers, of two sisters, and of brother and sister call
each other ' older and younger brother ' and ' older and younger sister ' (see nos.
5, 6, 7, 8), 'older' and 'younger' referring to actual ages of parties involved, not
to those of their parents." — Sapir. This statement is true of the Kawaiisu
terminology also (see p. 230 for the fuU meanings of the terms pavini, 8aka.ini,
patcini, and nama.ini).

2« ' * Very likely misunderstood for * my younger brother 's child, ' male speak-
ing. ' ' — Sapir.

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1917] Giford: Tiibaittlabal and Kawaii^u Kinship Terms 247

Uintah Ute KawaOsu

11. aitcin'* (father's younger brother; heeni (father's younger brother)

older brother's child, m. s.) heetcini (older brother's child, m. s,^

12. *"quin'* (mother's older brother)

13. '"qutcin* ' (younger sister's chOd,

m. s.)

14. cinxntein^ (mother's younger cinuni (mother's brother)

brother; older sister's child, m.s.) cinutcini (sister's child, m. s.)

15. pan' * (father 's sister) pahani (father 's sister)

16. patcin' * (brother 's child, w. s.) pahatcini (brother 's child, w. s.)

17. m&wun'*»* (mother's older sister) mawiiuni (mother's older sister)

18. mawun'tcin'* (younger sister's mawiiiitcini (younger sister's child, w. s.)

child, w. s.)

19. nimbiiian" (mother's younger nupbieni (mother's younger sister)

sister)

20. nimbiiiatcin* * (older sister 's chUd) nupbietcini (older sister 's child, w. s.)

21. qonun'* (father's father) kunoni (father 's father)

22. qonuntcin** (son's child, m. s.) kunotcini (son's child, m. s.)

23. '''^Hcin** (father's mother) hutcini (father's mother)

24. *^*'tcitcin'* (son's child, w. s.) hutcitcini (son's child, w. s.)
29? tOTun** (mother's father) tdgoni (mother's father)

26. toyutcin'* (daughter's child, m. s.) tdgotcini (daughter's child, m. s.)

27. qaTun'* (mother's mother) kaguni (mother 's mother)

28. qaYutcin** (daughter's child, w. s.) kagutcini (daughter's child, w. s.)

29. yaitcin" (spouse's parent, son's yeheni (spouse's parent)

wife)

30. munatcin'* (daughter's husband) mdnoni (daughter's husband)

31. tantauavin'* (wife's brother; atamwoni (wife's brother; sister's

sister's husband, m. s.) husband, m. s.)

32. nambiwAn' * (brother's wife; sister's nebiwhoni (wife's sister; brother's wife,

husband, w. s.; wife's sister; hus- m. s.)
band's brother; husband's sister)

33. piwAn* ' (husband, wife) piwhani (wife)

As disclosed by the preceding list, Uintah Ute terms and Kawaiisu
terms exhibit, in addition to similarity in sound, a marked similarity
in application. The few deviations from this similarity are now to
be discussed. Equivalents for numbers 12 and 13, the Ute terms
for mother's older brother and younger sister's child (m. s.), are
lacking in Kawaiisu. The Kawaiisu do not distinguish between
mother's older and mother's younger brothers. Both are included in
the one term cinuni, the Ute equivalent of which refers only to mother's
younger brother. Three Ute terms of afi&nity, numbers 29, 32, and 33,
are much more embracing in meaning than the corresponding Kawaiisu
terms. Number 29 unites son's wife with spouse's parent, a procedure
quite foreign to Kawaiisu. Equally unique is number 33, which unites
husband and wife in one term, the equivalent of English spouse. The
Ute term thus used is employed in Kawaiisu and Kaibab Paiute for
wife only. In number 32 are combined relationships which in Ka-
waiisu require three terms for their expression, viz. :

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248 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

1. nebiwhpni (brother's wife, m. s.; wife's sister)

2. nekomwhont (sister's husband, w. s.; husband's brother)

3. wiisinibiani (brother's wife, w. s.; husband's sister)

The uniting in Ute of the relationships expressed in 1 and 2 is in
line with and a natural consequence of the combining of husband and
wife in one term (number 33).

xJBy way of summary, we find that the Uintah Ute nomenclature
exhibits six peculiarities of application which are lacking in Kawaiisu ;
the Kaibab Paiute nomenclature exhibits twelve; and the Tiiba-
tulabal list (although the speech is quite distinct from the preceding
three groups) , exhibits only ten peculiarities. It seems as though con-
tiguity of territory is responsible for the small number of discrepancies
between the Tiibatulabal and the Kawaiisu nomenclatures, just as it
doubtless accounts for the features they have in common, such as the
terms and suflBxes denoting the condition of the connecting relative.
On the other hand, community of language doubtless accounts for the
similar phenomena among the Uintah Ute and the Kawaiisu. Cer-
tainly contiguity of territory does not account for them, for the two
groups, at least at the present time, are far removed from each other.
But if community of language explains the Uintah Ute nomenclature,
what can be said of the Kaibab Paiute nomenclature, which is in a
dialect very similar to both Uintah Ute and Kawaiisu ? Kaibab Paiute
shows more peculiarities when compared to its congener Kawaiisu than
does even the extraneous Tiibatulabal. Clearly the position of Kaibab
Paiute is anomalous. Although linguistically close to both Kawaiisu
and Uintah Ute, and geographically intermediate, it displays more
than twice as many peculiarities when compared with Kawaiisu as
does Uintah Ute. Dr. Sapir remarks with regard to Uintah Ute and
Kaibab Paiute terms of relationship : * ' Here, as so often, a cultural
dividing line runs clear across a homogeneous linguistic group. ''^'
The writer would go a step farther and remark that, if our evidence
is correct, the northeastern extremity (Uintah Ute) of the group is in
closer agreement with the southwestern extremity (Kawaiisu) than
either one is with the middle (Kaibab Paiute) . Hence the homogeneous
linguistic group may be spoken of as trisected rather than bisected.

27 A Note on Reciprocal Terms of Relationship in America, Am. Anthr., n. s.,
XV, 137, 1913.

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY

Vol. 12, No. 7, pp. 249-282 February 10, 1917

BANDELIER'S CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY

OF ANCIENT MEXICAN SOCIAL

ORGANIZATION

T. T. WATERMAN

CONTENTS

PAGE

Introduction _ 249

Clan organization in ancient Mexico 252

Governmental functions of the clan 256

Honorary chiefs 256

The clan council 257

Executive officers of the clan 25S

The war-leader, or achcacauhtin 259

The civil officials 260

The tribe and tribal government 261

The tribe and the phratry 261

The tribal council 262

The head war-chief 264

Duality of the office 267

The "Snake-Woman" 267

The "Four Quarters,'* or phratries 269

The "Captains-general," or phratry-captains 270

Other institutions in the phratry 271

Points of difficulty 272

Conclusion - *. 273

Alphabetical list of sources cited by Bandelier 276

INTRODUCTION

There are two widely different schools of doctrine concerning the

political and social institutions which the Spaniards encountered

among the highly civilized natives of the Mexican plateau. One school

consists of two investigators, Lewis H. Morgan^ and A. F. Bandelier.^

J Ancient Society, New York, 1877; League of the Iroquois, New York, 1904;
' * Montezuma 's Dinner, ' ' in North American Eeview, April, 1876.

2 ' ' On the Art of War and Mode of Warfare of the Ancient Mexicans, ' '
Reports of the Peabody Museum. Harvard University, ii, 95-161; "On the Dis-

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250 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

These two writers consider that the famous Aztec ** empire" was not
an empire at all, but a loose confederacy of democratic Indian tribes.
They have been supported in more recent literature by John Fiske,
in his Discovery of America,^ and by the sentiments, if not in the
published writings, of most American ethnologists. The opposing
school consists, broadly speaking, of the other scholars who have
written on the subject.^* In most of the literature which concerns the
Aztecs the assumption is made throughout that they had monarchical
institutions. The *' supreme rulers'^ of the Aztec ** empire'' are rep-
resented in some very recent works as independent monarchs, keeping
the state and pomp of moguls. Bandelier's papers mentioned above
are by far the most serious contributions to the subject. He makes
an effort to reconstruct a picture of the entire Aztec social order. It
is the purpose of the present paper to review and criticize his results.
It seems simplest to consider his findings with reference to one tribe,
namely, the Mexicans, or inhabitants of Tenochtitlan. His own ref-
erences to the original sources are given in the following pages in the
form of footnotes. No new material is involved.

A word might be said in the beginning about Bandelier's method
of composing his papers. We conclude, from remarks in his * * Sources
for the Aboriginal History of Spanish America, ' '* that it was his habit
first to write a paper out of his fund of general information on a
subject, citing authorities only on special points, and when the idea
suddenly occurred to him. Then he went through the paper again
and worked up a most formidable set of footnotes, in which he often
embodied the results of further research. In the case of the contri-
butions at present referred to, he wrote three papers on practically
the same subject, each paper more elaborate than the one before. The
result of all three is a sort of complex, full of statements anticipatory
of other statements, and statements presupposing a knowledge which
the reader lacks, a complex in which the first portion is unintelligible
without the last, while the last presupposes a knowledge of the first.

Worse than all, in connection with some essential points, the author
allows himself to become involved in contradictions. Moreover, he
nowhere gives a list of sources. He permits himself to employ such

tribution and Tenure of Land and Customs with Respect to Inheritance of the
Ancient Mexicans," ibtd., pp. 385-448; *^0n the Social Organization and Mode
of Government of the Ancient Mexicans,'' t&id., pp. 557-669. These papers are
cited as Art of War, Tenure of Land, and Mode of Government, repectively.

3 Cambridge, Mass., 1892.

•"^a An honorable exception is Beuchat, Manuel d 'archeologie am§rieaine,
Paris, 1912.

* Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science,
XXVII, 1878.

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1917]

Waterman : Mexican SocicH Organization

251

Table Showing Bandeliee's Sources
The dates indicate in each case the period when composition was begun. While
the dates are in many cases conjectural, the general order is approximately correct.
The sources which seem most important from the standpoint of ethnography are in-
dicated by bold-face type.

Date
1505
1519
1521
1524
1525

1527
1530

1531

1534
1540

1541

1546
1550

1551
1552
1554

1560
1569
1573
1576

1579
1582
1588
1589
1596
1598

1608
1609
1610
1613
1617

1635
1697
1742
1765

Author
Martyr, Peter (Pietro Martire d'Anghiera)
Cortes, Hernando
Zuazo, Alonzo de
Alvarado, Pedro de

Ovledo y Valde^, Gtonzalo FemiLndez de
Anonsrmous Conqueror, The
Las Casas, Bartolem^ de
Merced a Herndn Cortes de tierras

inmediatas de Mexico, etc.
Cuarta relaci6n an6nima de la jornadf ~. . .

a Nueva (Jalicia, etc.
Lettre des auditeurs Salmeron, Maldonado,

Ceynos et Queroga
Salmeron (given names not ascertained)
Bologna, Francisco de
Concilios provinciales . . . de Mexico '
Tapia, Andres de
Acazitli, Francisco de Sandoval
Motolinia (Toribio de Benevente)
Sahagtin, Bernardino de
Codex Mendoza
Codex Ramirez
Codex Telleriano-Remensis
Des cdr^monies observes . . . lorsqu-ils

f alsaient un tecle
De rordre de succession observe par les

Indlens
Molina, Alonzo de
Mendoza, Antonio de
Cr6mara, Francisco L6pez de
Relaci6n de las ceremonias y ritos, etc.
Diaz del Castillo, Bemal
Anunciaci6n, Domingo de la
Lettre des chapelains Fr^re Toribio et

Fr^re Diego d 'Olarte
Montufar, Alonzo de
Ztirltay Alonzo de
Chavez, Gabriel de
Mendleta, Gerdnlmo de
Camargo, Domingo Mufioz
Palacio, Diego Garcia
Dur^n, Diego
Pomar, Juan Bautista
Acosta, Jos6 de Salamdn
Torquemada, Juan de
Herrera, Antonio de
Tezozomoc, Fernando de Alvarado
Garcia, Gregorio
Ixtlilxochitl, Fernando de Alva
Sol6rzano y Pereyra, Juan
Eslava, Fern&n Gonzalez de
Bemesal, Antonio de
Beal ejecutoria de S. M. sobre tierras

de Axapusco
Nieremberg, Joan Eusebius
Vetancurt, Augustin
Padilla, Matlas de la Mota
Clavigero, Francisco Severio

Title
De novo orbe
Cartas
Carta

Relaci6n a Herndn Cort6s
Historia general y natural, etc.
Belaci6n de algonas cosas, etc.
Historia de las Indias

Lettre . . ,
Lettre, etc.

au conseil des Indes

Belacidn, etc.
Relaci6n de Jornada, etc.
Historia de los Indios
Historia general

Vocabulario

Avis de Vice-Roi, etc.

Historia general

Historte verdadera

Lettre, etc.

Supplique k Charles V
Breve . . . relaci6n (Bapport)
Rapport sur . . . Meztitlan
Historia ecclesi&stica
Historia . . . de Taxcallan
San Salvador und Honduras, etc.
Historia de las Indias
Relaci6n de Texcoco
Historia natural y moral
. . . monarchia Indiana
Historia . . . de los hechos, etc.
Cr6nica mexicana
Origen de los Indios
Historia Chichimeca
. . . de Indiarum jure
Coloquios espirituales
Historia . . . de Chyapa

Historia naturae
Teatro mexicano
Historia de Nueva-Galicia
Storia antica del Messico

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252 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

baffling expressions as **the learned friar/' or **the celebrated Francis-
can,"" in reference to a literature where the majority of the important
writers are both friars and Franciscans. Still another feature of
his work is this, that when he is in search of corroboration he appeals
impartially to authors of the sixteenth, and of all subsequent centuries
up to the end of the nineteenth, without outward preference or dis-
tinction. In any attempt to examine his findings at all closely, it is
therefore necessary to have at hand a list of his authorities.* These
authorities appear in chronological order in the appended tabulation.
For fuller information the reader is referred to the alphabetical list
at the end of the present paper, and to the usual works of reference.^

Clan Organization in Ancient Mexico
In attempting to review the results of Bandelier's investigations
of Mexican social organization, it seems best to begin with that element
of society which the Indians would have considered the fundamental

(one. Mexico City was more than a city in our sense of the word. It
was rather on the order of a city-state. The Mexicans are continually
spoken of as a ** tribe.'' We may regard it as absolutely certain that
this tribe, numbering a great many thousands of individuals, was
really a conglomerate of smaller units. In fact, continual reference
is made in the sources to smaller social groups which seem, in many
ways, to be of really fundamental importance. Nearly all authors,
for example,* represent the Aztec tribe at the beginning of its legend-
ary history as starting off on its migration organized in kinship
groups. These kins are worthy of careful attention.

s Mode of Qovemment, p. 687, note 276, for example.

6 He has two papers which in part supply this need, but only in part. One
is the paper on *' Sources for the Aboriginal History of Spanish America,'*
mentioned above in note 4. The other is * * Notes on the Bibliography of Yucatan
and Central America," Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n. s.,
I, 82-118.

'^ For example: Sabin, Dictionary of Works Relating to America from the
Discovery to the Present Time, New York, 1868-1891.

Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, especially the first two
volumes, Boston, 8 volumes, no date.

Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, Boston, 3 volumes, 1854, especially
the fourth edition, Boston, 3 volumes, no date.

Bancroft, Works, 39 volumes, San Francisco, 1883-1890.

Lehmann, Progress in Mexican Research, Archiv fiir Anthropologie, vi, 1907;
reprinted by the Due de Loubat, Paris, 1909.

Icazbalceta, Bibliograffa Mexicana del Siglo XVI, Mexico, 1866.

Weber, Beitrage zur Charakteristik der alteren Geschichtsschreiber fiber
Spanish-Amerika, in Beitrage zur Kulturgeschichte, edited by Lamprecht, xiv,
Leipzig, 1911.

8 Acosta, Clavigero, Dur&n, Garcia, Herrera, Ixtlilxochitl, Mendieta, Sahagun,
Torquemada, Vetancurt.

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Waterman: Mexican Social Organization

253

There is considerable variation in the terms employed by the Span-
iards to describe these units. The commonest is the word barrio,
which seems to mean in the Spanish of the period a city ward or
precinct. These barrios are in some passages called parishes, quar-
ters, or parcidUdades, The native equivalent is given by Zurita* as
calpullL The question is, just exactly what is meant, in modern term-
inology, by calpuUi, and what was its function ? Zurita helps us out
by telling us that **a calpulK is what the Jews called a tribe. "^® Ref-
erence to the early books of the Bible will indicate that the Jewish
tribe was believed to be a group descended from one ancestor. Tor-
quemada also describes what are apparently these same groups, and
says that they are based on the central idea of descent.^^ First of all,
then, the calpulU was an organization of kin, probably what modern
ethnographers would speak of as a '*clan." Zurita in another place
adds: **The word calpulU . . . signifies a barrio inhabited by a
family, known as of very ancient origin, which for a long time owns
a territory of well-defined boundaries, and all the members of which
are of the same lineage. "^^ Here, then, is an additional trait of the
calpulU — it is a land-holding organization. **The lands do not belong
to each inhabitant of the village," says Zurita, **but to the calpulU,
which possesses them in common.''^* ** Very few people," according to
Fuenleal, '*have lands of their own. The lands are held in common."^*
This fact is rendered certain enough to be accepted as probably charac-
teristic of Mexican society, by corroboration by a number of authors.^**
Gomara especially says that **many married people often live in one
house, and brothers and sisters do not divide their lands." Peter
Martyr also mentions the existence of communal houses.^* Each group
of kin develops garden plots,^^ which are called collectively **soil of
the calpuUi.''^^ Such lands could in no manner be sold, according to

9 Ztirita, p. 50. For exact reference see the list of sources at the end of the
present paper.

10 Zfirita, p. 53.

11 Torquemada, p. 545.

12 Zurita, p. 50.
i» Zurita, p. 51.

1* Fuenleal, p. 253.

i^Clavigero, Book 7, ch. 14; Durdn, ch. 5; G6mara, p. 443; Herrera, pp. 135,
190; Martyr, p. 228; Oviedo, Book 32, ch. 51, pp. 536, 537; Torquemada, p. 545,
Book 2, ch. 11, Book 3, chs. 13, 22.

i« Peter Martyr, decade 5, ch. 10.

i^Acosta, Book 7, ch. 9, p. 473; Clavigero, Book 2, ch. 17; Tezozomoc, ch. 3,
p. 8; Torquemada, Book 3, ch. 33, p. 291, Book 2, ch. 15, p. 101.

i»Ixtlilxochitl, ch. 35, p. 242; Zurita, p. 51.

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254 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

the passage in Clavigero,** to which reference was made above (note
15). This statement on the part of Clavigero is corroborated by other
authors.^® No one but a member of a calpulli had the right to settle

^on any of its lands.^^ These passages bring out rather clearly, 'Svith
regard to the calpulliy that there was involved, in addition to the idea
of common descent, a second idea that we often find associated with
the clan-organization of other and ruder tribes, namely, common own-
ership of land. The calpulli appears in this connection quite clearly
as analogous to the clan, as found, for example, among the Iroquois.

The fact that the calpullis were really fundamental is brought out
by statements such as this: *'Each calpulli was sovereign within its
own limits. ' '^^ * * Each quarter had its own soil without any connection
: with the other. *^ This means that Mexican society was really founded
on the calpulli, and that the tribe was an organization made up of a
number of these fundamental units.

Some discrepancies exist in the references to ownership of lands.
References are made in certain places to '* public" or communal lands,
and elsewhere to private holdings. The facts probably are that each
calpulli, as a group, controlled certain lands, but these lands were
assigned or allotted to small families for cultivation.^^ These lands
could not be sold by the individual, or alienated in any way. This
custom has an analogy in the agricultural institutions of the Iroquois,
as described by Morgan.^* The evidence for this arrangement among
the Mexicans is found in Zurita, and confirmed by other authors.^^
The soil was certainly occupied by individual families,^** their lots or
holdings being known as tlalmilli.^^ The right of occupancy was con-

. nected with inheritance.^** We have it on the authority of one author^®
that if a man neglected for two years to cultivate his patch it was

i» Clavigero, Book 7, ch. 14.

20 Herrera, decade 3, Book 4, ch. 15, p. 135; Torquemada, Book 14, ch. 7, p.
545; Ziirita, p*. 52.

21 Zurita, p. 53.

22 Clavigero, Book 7, ch. 14; Ziirita, pp. 51, 65.

23 Zurita, pp. 52, 56, 57, 60; De Tordre de succession, pp. 223, 224.

24* 'Houses and House-Life of the American Aborigines,** U. 8. Department
of the Interior, Contributions to North American Ethnology, iv, 79; for North
American tribes in general see Ancient Society by the same author, pp. 154-174.

25 Zurita, p. 55; Clavigero, Book 7, ch. 14; Herrera, p. 135; Torquemada,
p. 545.

26 Zurita, pp. 52, 56, 57, 60; De Tordre de succession, pp. 223, 224.
2T Molina.

28 Clavigero, Book 7, ch. 14; De I'ordre de succession, p. 224; Fuenleal, p.
253; Herrera, p. 138; Torquemada, p. 545.
20 Zdrita, p. 56.

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1917] Waterman: Mexican Social Organization 255

assigned or allotted to someone else. When a family disappeared, the
land reverted to the gronp.^° It seems most reasonable to suppose,
then, that the calpuUis, as groups, held tenure of the land, as did the
Iroquois clans; and the individuals merely occupied portions of the
j^soil without having proprietary rights. There were certain plots, the
produce of which went with certain oflBces, but the evidence concerning
these *'oflBcial'' lands is very uncertain, and they may probably be
passed over for the present without materially aifecting the picture
of Mexican land tenure. The calpulUj whatever it may have been,
certainly exhibits in this respect a very fundamental resemblance to
what are known as clans in the ethnographical literature of today.

The calpulli was involved in other activities than the ownership
of land. Mexican ** armies'' are represented as consisting of bands of
from two hundred to four hundred men. It is plausible to suppose
that each band represented the fighting force of one calpulli. Each
group, according to Duran, carried the emblem of their barrio. Here
we see another likeness to the clan — the fact that the group made
common cause in warfare. *

There are two additional features of the calpulli which make the
resemblance to the typical clan more striking still. Each one had its
own god, or calpnlteotzin,^^ and its own central place of worship.'^
I think therefore that we are on firm ground in assuming with Ban-
delier that Mexican society, at the time of the Conquest, was still
organized on a primitive clan basis. '^

We come now to the question of the number of these calpulUs.
Twenty ** chiefs'' of the Mexicans are mentioned in some of the
sources.^^ This would suggest the existence of twenty separate units
in the tribe. Herrera, speaking of the ** parishes" (calpullis), says
that there were *'many."^* Torquemada^* says that there were four
general divisions, each with three or four calpulUs, which would make
a total of perhaps sixteen. Bernal Diaz again says that the central
governing body was a '* senate" of twenty .^^ On a priori grounds it
seems likely that each clan would have a representative in such a
senate. That would indicate that the precise number was probably

«o Zfirita, p. 52.

31 Durdn, p. 42.

32 Herrera, p. 188.

33 Durdn, pp. 97, 98, 99. Tezozomoc also might be cited.

34 Herrera, p. 188.

3» Torquemada, p. 545.
3« Diaz, p. 95.

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256 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

twenty. The number is given as twenty by Vetancurt.*^ If the fore-
going passages really describe the facts, the fundamental point of
Mexican organization is that the nation or tribe consisted of an ag-
glomerate of twenty independent clans. However elaborate their
government may have been, it was based directly on a clan organi-
zation. Evidence for this idea, as may be seen by consulting the table
of authors, is found in sources of the best character.

In connection with certain governmental and deliberative functions,
each of the calpullis or clans just described had a council house, or
tecpan. Sometimes these were themselves called merely calpulli. They
contained halls and a tower.'*

Oovernmental Functions of the Clan
It remains now to discuss the oflBcials, through whom the govern-
ment was administered. It seems best, first of all, to clear the ground
as far as we can of certain diflBculties. One of the most troublesome
of these is the occurrence of contradictory allusions to individuals,
usually referred to as ** chiefs,'' in Aztec teCuhtU.

Honorary Chiefs
Consult: Art of War, pp. 117-120; Mode of Government^ pp. 641-644.

The orthography of this word tecuhtli shows considerable variety.
The proper form seems to be the one given. The word ^eoie, used by
Mendieta,'® is apparently a variant of the same. It also occurs as
tec, tecutzin, and teutley}^ The stem means in Aztec simply * * grand-
father.''

The various senses in which this term is used by the Spanish
chroniclers leave us in some uncertainty as to the functions of the
tecuhtli. According to Bandelier, it seems simplest to suppose that
the tecuhtli was, after all, not a governmental official. He insists
(though his own allusions to the dignity in question are inconsistent )l
that the tecuhtlis were members, we might say, of an order of merit,
which was awarded especially for valor. It did not necessarily en-
title the holder to office, or to authority of any sort. We must note,
however, that the chamber where the principal governing body met
was called the ** place of tecuhtlis,'' according to Bandelier 's etymol-
ogy.*^ While the situation with regard to the tecuhtli is by no means

87 Cited in vague terms by Bandelier, Mode of Government, p. 592.
88Dur&n, p. 215; Herrera, p. 190; Tezozomoc, p. 58; Ztirita, p. 62.
80 Mendieta, Book 2, ehs. 38, 39.

40 Ziirita, p. 47.

41 Mode of Government, p. 406, note 46.

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1917] Waterman: Mexican Social Organization 257

dear, a dozen passages may be cited which give Bandelier's conclusion
some authority/* Offices were filled mostly by these ** chiefs/' or
iecuhtU,^^ perhaps as offices in this country after the Civil War were
fiUed largely by veterans. In Indian society especially successful
warriors would of course be the most likely aspirants for official posi-
tions. The position or dignity was held for life, but it was not hered-
itary.** It involved, among other things, great outlay for feasts on
the part of the candidate.** This certainly fits in with what we know
of primitive society elsewhere in America — for example, on the North-
west coast, where rank and influence are connected with outlay for
entertainment.*" It seems probable, on the whole, that in discussing
the governmental offices of the Aztecs, these ** civil chiefs," or tecuhtli,
are to be ruled out. A man with the title of tecuhtli might fill almost
any office ; and consequently the accounts of the privileges and duties
which various members of this order had, involve us in all sorts of
difficulties. It seems quite likely that the rank of tecuhtli was an
honor, not an office. In my opinion, Bandelier does not establish this
fact clearly, but at least it is a plausible theory.

The Clan Council

Consult: Tenure of Land, p. 425 and notes; Mode of Government, p. 633, espe-
ciaUy, note 152, which occupies two pages.

Bandelier states that the government of the clan, or calpulli, was in
the hands of a clan council. This council, he says, was composed of
important men who got their office by election. For none of these
statements has he any proof. There is one passage in Sahagun*^ which
would seem perhaps to imply the existence of something like a clan
council. A council of the kin met to decide quarrels over land,** but
it had no final authority.*^ Altogether, evidence for the existence of a
clan council, as a definite governing institution, is of a most vague
and unsatisfactory sort. The best indication that something of the
sort existed is a statement by Zurita*® that the ''chief,'* whoever such

♦2 Clavigero, pp. 471, 472; G6mara, p. 436; Herrera, p. 135; Mendieta, pp. 156,
161; Torquemada, pp. 361, 366; Z6rita, pp. 47, 48.

*8 G6mara, Mendieta, Torquemada, as cited above; also Camargo, p. 176.

** Ziirita, p. 49.

♦BDes c^r^monies observ^es, p. 233; G6mara, p. 436; Mendieta, p. 156; Z6rita,
p. 28.

*« See, for example, Boas in Report of U. S. National Museum for 1895, "The
Social Organization and Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians."

*^ Sahagfin, p. 185.

*8 Zfirita, pp. 56, 62.

*» Zfirita, pp. 55, 56, 60, 61, 62.

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258 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

an officer may have been, did nothing without consulting the other old
men of the calpulli. The council seems to have been a general assem-
bly, for we are told that on occasions of importance the clan met as a
wholc^** In other words, what we have in Mexico is approximately
what we find in the history of our own ancient ancestors, namely, that
all matters, executive or judicial, pertaining to the group were settled
in an undifferentiated folk-moot. If a more definitely organized gov-
erning body existed, there seems to be very little evidence of it in the
sources.

Executive Officers of the Clan

Consult: Art of War, pp. 101, 119 and following; Tenure of Land, p. 425 and
following; Mode of Government^ pp. 591, 636 and following, 647 and fol-
lowing.

The most satisfying statement made by Morgan concerning Iro-
quois government is one to the effect that there was a primary
specialization of offices into civil offices on the one hand and military
offices on the other. This statement gives promise of reducing the
whole governmental establishment to a definite system. Moreover, the
specialization into leaders for war and leaders for peace seems to be
logically a very early step in the evolution of government. In spite
of this, Bandelier, in speaking of Mexican government, closes by as-
signing the civil and military leadership in the clan to one person.'*^ '
I am inclined to think that a case might be made out for a division of
the clan offices into military and civil categories. Fuenleal, for ex-
ample, says that there are two officers, ** called principales or chiefs,"
in **each of the quarters which we today call parishes. ''°^ He is borne
out in this statement by Torquemada and Zurita,^^ the former saying
that each barrio or parcialidad (meaning almost certainly the clan,
or calpnlli) has two officers, a gatherer of stores and *^a regidor, or
t/'cuhtU/' The Simancas manuscript also speaks of alcaldes and
regidors of the villages,** saying that an Aztec official called achca-
caulitis was the alcalde, or judge, while the Aztec achcacauhtin was
the algua-zil, or sheriff. It is important, it seems to me, to recognize
this differentiation in the offices of the clan.

60Z6rita, p. 62; Fuenleal, p. 249.

51 Tenure of Land, p. 425.

52 Fuenleal, p. 249.

58 Torquemada, p. 544; Ztirita, p. 225.
5* De 1 'ordre de succession, p. 225.

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The War-Leader, or Achcacauhtin
One at least of the clan officers we can identify quite readily. His
existence is very frequently mentioned. He enjoys, however, a wide
variety of titles in the Spanish works. Some of the most important
are shown in the following list. All of these titles seem to apply to
one official.

Titles Appued to the '*Clan Wae-Leader'' by Different Authors l^

Title applied

Author

Pariente mayor^o

Z6rita

Chief abbot

Mendieta

Algruacil mayor5«

Torquemada

Leader in the fight

Tezozomoc

Captain of the people

Molina

Priest

Mendieta

Principal and master-at-arms

Tezozomoc

Chief of the quarter

Tezozomoc

Master of the youth

Tezozomoc

Teacher

Captain of the guard

Torquemada

Prince

Clavigero

Old man

Fuenleal

Valiant man

Sahagun

Officer to whom the youths were entrusted

Clavigero

Captain

Tezozomoc

Begidor

Torquemada

It is obvious at once that to get any clear idea of the function of
an officer who is called at once a captain of the ^ard and an abbot,
involves some difficulty. The dignitary in question was evidently an
official who had no counterpart in societies with which the Spaniards
were familiar. His native title was achcacauhtin^^'' which means
simply ** elder brother.*' One of his duties was to lead the clan in
battle^* and to instruct the young men of the clan in warlike exercises.*^
These achcacauhtins got their office by election,**** though the details
of this election are quite uncertain.®^ Perhaps this rather uncertain

55 Zurita says he was like the *' pariente mayor ^' in the mountains of Biscay.
I would not attempt to say what the term means.

86 The exact implication of this word also is somewhat uncertain.

57 De I'ordre de succession, etc., p. 225; Molina, p. 113; Sahagtin, p. 305;
Torquemada, p. 355; Tezozomoc, pp. 24, 25; Zurita, p. 60.

58 Authority almost entirely wanting. See Art of War, p. 119 and following.
50 Tezozomoc, chs. 17, 38, 57.

•0 Molina, p. 113.

•1 It is referred to in general terms in De 1 'ordre de succession, p. 225 ;
Herrera, p. 125; Zfirita, p. 60.

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260 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

evidence will at least enable us to conclude that there was a clan official
called the ** elder brother," who had duties in a general way of military
sort, which he may have combined with ceremonial functions.

The Civil Officials

Consult: Tenure of Land, p. 425 and following; Mode of Government, pp. 637,
639 and following.

Mention is made in the sources of three different functions besides
the one just mentioned : that of calpullec, or head of the clan ; that of
tlatoani, or ** speaker," a sort of delegate who represented the interests
of the clan in the larger assemblies; and that of ** steward," or super-
visor of stores. Bandelier insists that the calpullec and the ** speaker"
were different officers.®^ Fuenleal, however, lumps them simply as
** other officers called viejos.^'^^ Zurita, moreover, says that the
calpullec spoke for members of the calpulli ** before the governors."®*
This particular passage would seem to suggest that the calpullec and
the speaker were the same individual. While it is perhaps impossible
to get a clear impression from the sources, it would certainly make
the whole scheme of government appear more symmetrical to suppose
that there was one clan official who looked out for all clan business ^
that was not specifically military. Whether the Aztecs cared for
symmetry in their government is, naturally, another question. Ban-
delier thinks that at least the calpullec and the ** steward" may have
been the same official.

With the word calpullec is associated the supervision and distri-
bution of lands.*" In this connection the calpullec kept records in the
ancient picture-writing.®® He seems to have supervised the stores of
grain belonging to the kin or clan, for he is spoken of as ** providing"
food for the religious festivals.®^ One man could hardly have done
so out of his private stores, so the statement probably implies that he
had charge of public supplies. It is very likely that these supplies
were in part in the nature of tribute from conquered groups. The
office, whatever it implied, was held for life or good behavior,®* and

«2 Mode of Government, p. 639.
08 p. 249.
«4 Pp. 60, 61, 62.
65 Zurita, pp. 61, 62.

«« Clavigero, Book 7, ch. 14; Mendieta, p. 135; Sahag6n, p. 304; Torquemada,
. 546.
«7 Herrera, p. 134; Zurita, pp. 51-66.
«8 Herrera, p. 125; Zurita, pp. 60, 61.

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was vested in a man by election. According to Zurita,*® when a
calpullec died they elected the most respected old man, who was often
a son or other near relative of the former functionary.

There was undoubtedly an office known as that of tlatoani, or
** speaker.** Each of these ** speakers** was elected by his own
calpulli,^^ and while the tenure ordinarily was permanent, he could
be removed, according to Zurita,^^ by the proper measures. The ex-
istence of ** speakers** is referred to by several other authors.^- Ac-
cording to Bandelier, the tribal council consisted of the speakers from
each clan, a total of twenty in all.^^ If these three offices were sep-
arate, there was certainly not much balance in the Aztec arrangement,
since one military leader is offset by three civil officers. In any case,
it is obvious that the clan was well provided with officials, and the clan
itself constituted an important and highly functional element of the
Aztec social order.

The Tribe and Tribal Government
The Tribe and the Phratry
It is rather hard to present the facts in regard to the relation of
the clans to Mexican society as a whole, for the reason that these clans
entered into combinations of two different sorts. Twenty clans to-
gether made up the tribe, which was, from certain points of view, the
next largest unit above the clan. The clans seem to have been directly
active in tribal government. On the other hand, for certain ceremonial
and military purposes, these clans are grouped into phratries, of which
there were four in all. The term ** phratry** does not occur in the
sources, but it is the term which would probably be applied by modern
ethnographers.^* In the literature the units we have described as
phratries are called ** major quarters.** For certain purposes, then,
the dans were considered as a group of twenty (the tribe). For
other purposes they were grouped into four large brotherhoods (the
phratries) . The usual notion is that the phratries were originally clans

«» Loc, cit.

70 Zfirita, p. 60.

71 Op. cit., p. 61,

72Bernal Diaz, p. 32; Molipa, vol. 1, p. 108, vol. 2, p. 14; Pimentel, p. 174;
Sahagun, p. 314; Torquemada, pp. 355, 626; Z6rita, p. 43.

78 See below, MS p. 28.

7* It is used already by Morgan, ''Houses and House-Life of the American
Aborigines, " U. 8. Department of the Interior, Contributions to North American
Ethnology, iv, 14-15; Ancient Society, p. 157.

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262 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

which divided, by segmentation, each into four or five, thus making
the twenty clans aa they were at the time of the Conquest. Even if
this is their actual history, for purposes of presentation it is simpler
to discuss first the tribe and its various officers, and proceed to the
phratries later.

The Tribal Council

Consult: Art of War, pp. 101, 119 and foUowing; Tenure of Land, p. 425 and
cially note 16; Art of War, pp. 127-129 with notes, 160.

The Mexicans, aa a tribe, are usually considered to have been ruled
by a despot. The principal contribution of Morgan and Bandelier to
the subject lies in their critical examination of this idea. The supreme
authority, according to Bandelier, was vested, not in any despot, but
in a ** council'* or ** senate" of important men, one from each of the
independent clans. These men, as far aa their function in the council
was concerned, were called tlatoani, or ** speakers." This council, in
Bandelier 's opinion, is the most important thing in the Aztec govern-
mental system.

It is characteristic of the sources that they say rather more about
the condition of the Mexicans in the traditional period before the
founding of the city than about the actual social order which was in
existence at the time of the Conquest. Even statements concerning
the Mexicans and their political arrangements while in the semi-
mythical migration period are interesting. Although without historical
value, such statements probably reflect later conditions, contempor-
aneous with the life of the authors. Conditions late in chronological
order were probably read back into the semi-mythical period. Hence,
when authors, in describing the period of wandering, refer to govern-
ment by a council, it shows at least that the idea of a governing council
was well known. The various statements concerning the number of
councilors who, in the prehistoric period, made up this governing body
are not in accord. Perhaps the best way of presenting the data is to
put various references in the form of a tabulation. In passing, it

Number op Members op the Supreme Council in the Traditional Period,
According to Different Sources

Author
Clavigero
Dur&n
Dur&n

Number of members in
Pajce the supreme council

190 20
47 10 (6 chiefs, 4 priests)
7

Garcia

Book 5, ch. 3 20

Mendieta

148 10

Tezozomoc

Torquemada 94, 289, 290, 291 20

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must be observed that a large number of authors mention no council
at all in connection with this period, but picture the tribe as under the
government of one chief, or king.

Whatever the facts about this traditional period may be, at the
time of the Conquest there was almost certainly a council with im-
portant powers. The thousands of persons making up the tribe could
not have congregated in one immense public gathering for the suc-
cessful transaction of business. The idea that the authority of this
council was supreme rests on a number of passages. They show that
the **king,'' or chief, did not govern the tribe entirely on his own ^
responsibility.^**

Admitting, for the sake of argument, that this council existed, its
make-up is by no means clear. Sahagun, describing a council which
met for the election of a war-chief, mentions that it was composed of
"old men, officers, and medicine-men.*'^® Torquemada, in one of the
passages cited just above (note 75), mentions the fact that old women
were also included.^^ This seems to mean, in other words, that any-
one who considered himself of sufficient importance to have an opinion
worth delivering might appear at the council and make himself
heard. It is entirely possible that all actual formal decisions were an-
nounced by duly recognized officials. From what we know of Indian
government elsewhere, it seems probable that these officials announced
the popiilar verdict, instead of deciding each point on their own
authority. The number of such duly recognized officials is variously
given. Bernal Diaz mentions twenty * * grand lords, ' ' a passage which
sounds as though it might be a reference to a supreme council.^®
Duran, however, refers to ** grand lords, twelve in number. ''^® Ixtlil-
xochitl, as if bent on confusing the matter still more thoroughly,
mentions fourteen ** great lords. ''®° Tezozomoc mentions first twelve,
and then raises the number to fifteen}'^ In view of the fact that twenty
clans are more consistently mentioned than any other number, while
there is at least some evidence for councilors to the number of twenty,

76Aco8ta, pp. 411, 477; De Pordre de succession, p. 228; Diaz, pp. 191, 194
Dur^n, pp. 103, 108, 117, 1133; Fragmento 1, pp. 124, 125; Fragmento 2, p. 147
Gr6mara, p. 442; Herrera, p. 76; Mendieta, p. 129; Tezozomoc, pp. 11, 12, 13, 172
Torquemada, pp. 352, 537.

7e8ahag6n, p. 318.

'7 Torquemada, p. 537.

'« Bernal Diaz, ch. 95; ch. 97, p. 99.

79 Durdn, p. 215.

80 ixtlilxochitl (a), p. 236.

81 Tezozomoc, p. 57.

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264 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

it is perhaps safest to put two and two together and regard the council
as made up of twenty clan representatives. At any rate, this is
Bandelier's conclusion.

When we come to the question of how often the council met, the
evidence is not quite so conflicting. The appropriate citations of
authority may also be presented in the form of a table.

Meetings of the Tribal Council

Author Page Periodic meetings

Clavigero 482 Once every Mexican ''month" (20 days)

Ixtlilxochitl 267, 268, 269 Every twenty days

66mara 442 Once a month (every 30 daysf)

Mendieta 135 Every ten or twelve days

Torquemada 355 Every ten days ("later every twelve days*')

Ziirita 101 Every twelve days

Meetings, however, could apparently be called in an emergency.®*
Bernal Diaz mentions daily meetings during Cortes' first stay in
Mexico.*^ I should say that we are entitled to conclude, on the basis
of this evidence, that a council existed in ancient Mexico which had
extremely wide powers. There is even a strong presumption that it
constituted a higher authority than any other body or any individual.

The Head War-Chief

Consult: Art of War, pp. 123, 129; Mode of Government, pp. 588, 592, 645, 659,
666, 667, 668, 670; Tenure of Land, pp. 391, 397, 407.

As for the executive officers of the tribe, we can recognize at least
two. There was certainly in the Mexican tribe an important leader
whom we may call the Head War-Chief. The other official we will
refer to in a moment. The existence of this head war-chief does not
need to be discussed. All the literature on the Aztecs, even the oldest
accounts, abounds in mention of various men who held the office. The
last three of the list are actual historical characters and had official
dealings with Cortes and the Spaniards. Question arises only with
regard to the precise nature of their office. There is considerable
evidence noted above, on page 263, that the council was above all other
agencies of government. The war-chief in addition could not de-

82 Codex Ramirez, pp. 52, 62, 66, 67, 80; Fragmento 1, pp. 124, 127; Fragment©
2, pp. 137, 147.
88 Diaz, p. 95.

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clare war, which was the prerogative of the council.®* Since that is
the case, the head war-chief obviously was not a ruler, nor a despot,
nor a monarch, in the European sense of the word. Another most
important fact in connection with the possible question of supremacy
between the council and the war-chief is the fact that the war-chief-
tainship was an elective office. The fact that the war-chief was elected
is common knowledge, and it is mentioned or referred to in practi-
cally all the literature.*' The significance of this fact is often passed
by. It certainly makes a sharp distinction between the Aztec leaders
and the European monarchs of the same period. No real monarch 'T
can be elected, it seems to me, the example of the kings of Poland and
the emperors of the Holy Roman Empire to the contrary notwith-
standing. The kings of Poland were, as a matter of fact, kings only
in name; and the same might be said with regard to the German
emperors. The head war-chief had the title in Aztec of tlacatecuhtli,
translated * * chief of men. ' * He was also known as ' * speaker ' * ( tlatoani,
degenerated sometimes to tetuan),^^ His principal office was to lead
warriors to battle.®^ It may not be out of place to insist with Bandelier
that the head war-chief was not a king.

The fact of election is amply supported.*® One authority says that
he was elected by the tribal council.*® Sahagtin, however, who gives
much the fullest information on such points, says that the war-chief
was elected by a ** junta" of speakers, clan chiefs, old leaders, and
priests, not by ballot, but unanimously.**® Of the two, the latter state-
ment seems much the more reasonable. It is supported by the Codex
Mendoza,®^ and by a statement in Duran.'^ A similar statement is
also made concerning the ** kings'* of Tezcoco, a city which was a close
neighbor and ally of Mexico.**^ Duran, in particular, emphasizes the

8*I>ur&n, p. 204; Tezozomoc, pp. 55, 56. The Codex Mendoza, pi. 67, is cited
by Bandelier. The commentary on this plate (Kingsborough, vol. 6, p. 74) offers,
however, nothing very conclusive.

85 Cf. note 93.

86Fuenleal, p. 247; the ''speaker'* is described by Bandelier as one of the
ciml officials in the case of the clan.

8T Acosta, p. 431 ; Mendieta, p. 132.

88 For example, Acosta, p. 431; Clavigero, p. 463; Codex Mendoza, pi. 2;
Codex Ramirez, p. 58; De I'ordre de succession, p. 228; Dur4n, pp. 103, 498;
Mendieta, pp. 148, 153, 154; Sahagun, pp. 136-139, 318; Tezozomoc, pp. 142, 143;
Torquemada, p. 358; Zurita, p. 14.

80 De 1 'ordre de succession, p. 228.

»o Sahagtin, p. 318.

»i Codex Mendoza, pi. 2.

02 Dur4n, p. 53, describing the election of ** Hummingbird," in the year 1396
(traditional chronology).

osDurdn, p. 496; Ixtlilxochitl (a), chs. 76, 88; Mendieta, p. 153; Pomar;
Sahagun, p. 318, Book 8, ch. 30; Tezozomoc, chs. 101, 102; Torquemada, pp. 357,
358, 359.

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266 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

importance of election, and the non-operation of the principle of
heredity, in Indian government.®* He is borne out by Vetancurt,
Torquemada, and Zurita.*** Bandelier has some evidence, therefore,
for his statement that the Mexican leaders were not kings.

If the head war-chief was elected, the question at once arises : Who
were eligible for the office? The fact is that the choice was limited
to Qne group, which consisted of a whole family or lineage. This is
stated by a large number of good authorities.®^ Duran, according to
Bandelier,®^ states emphatically that a son did not follow his father
in office, unless duly elected to it. Pomar says concerning the Tezcu-
cans that they elected, as war-chief, any one of an entire kin.®* The
best evidence of all in this connection is the actual list of war-chiefs,
in which men are not by any means regularly followed in office by
their sons. The sons of such officials, moreover, were brought up as
private citizens, not as heirs-apparent to an office. They became
singers or followed other professions.®® To put the facts briefly, the
office of head war-chief was actually elective, but at the same time it
was hereditary within a group. The nature of this group is not clear.
It may even have been some certain one of the clans.

Bandelier makes much of the point that the last head war-chief,
Montezuma, was deprived of his office by the Mexicans. There is little
question about the facts.^^® The circumstances, however, were alto-
gether unusual. The Spaniards were in the city, and Montezuma was
in their power and was prevented from discharging his office. Under
the circumstances, it is not surprising that they chose another leader.
The fact does not prove the existence of machinery for the ** recall''
of an unpopular war leader. Herrera says that among the Quiche
there was a **king," but that the heads of families had a right to put
him to death for misdemeanor.*^^ The existence of such a custom in
connection with a **king'' would indicate that the Spaniards did not
mean to be taken literally in their application of the word to Indian

0* Dur&n, pp. 103 and 490 especially.

w Vetancurt, quoted in Kingsborough, viii, 124; Torquemada, pp. 358, .359;
Ziirita, pp. 18, 19.

»«Aco8ta, pp. 439, 440; Clavigero, p. 463; Codex Bamirez, p. 58; Dur4n, pp.
103, 498, 499; Sahagun, p. 318; Torquemada, p. 358; Zurita, pp. 12, 14.

97 Durdn, p. 103, cited ju8t above.

»8 The passage is not cited by Bandelier, and it is contradicted by Torque-
mada, pp. 357, 358, 359.

08 Sahagfin, Book 5, ch. 3; Tezozomoc, p. 143.

looBernal Diaz, p. 132; Cortes, pp. 41, 42; Codex Bamirez, p. 89; Fragmento
2, p. 143; Herrera, pp. 264, 267; Las Casas, p. 49; Sahagun, pp. 28, 29; Torque-
mada, pp. 494, 497; Vetancurt, pp. 125, 130, 131.

101 Herrera, p. 386.

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afifairs. The existence of the right to kill a king certainly involves a
logical contradiction.

Duality of the Office

Another interesting point about the office of war-chief, which makes
clear the fact that it is not comparable to a monarchical institution, is
that the office was dual. Alongside of the ** chief of men" there was
another official with practically equal powers. The second official held
the extraordinary title of ** Snake-Woman. ' ' The custom of having
two chief officials seems to be quite typical of the plateau tribes, and
perhaps of Middle-American societies in general. For example, there
were two head chiefs in Tlascala.^®^. The same might be said of
Xochimilco,^^' of Chalco,^*** of the Totonacs,^^' and of the tribes of
Guatemala.'**? At Matlatzinco, according to Ziirita,^**^ there were three'
chiefs who held office by turns. It is stated by one historian that
this duality or plurality in leadership was common to every Mexican
tribe.'®* It was the custom among the Iroquois, as is well known, to
appoint an assistant or helper for each important official.

The ''Snake-Wormn''
Consult: Art of War, p. 124; Social Organization^ pp. 660-667.

We know relatively little about the ** Snake-Woman,'' or coadjutor
to the head war-chief, except that the office existed. No plausible
explanation has ever been offered for the extraordinary title. I think
the first point to be emphasized is that the snake-woman was apparently
equal to the '*king,'* or head war-chief, in rank. This is stated by a
number of good authorities.'^® (See Social Organization, p. 665, note
221.) He is referred to as ** coadjutor to the king,'* or ** second
king.""® Moreover, certain insignia were common to these two offi-

102 Anonymous Conqueror, p. 388; Bernal Diaz, p. 60; Cortes, pp. 18, 46;
G^mara, p. 332; Motolinia, pp. 229, 230; Oviedo, p. 372; Tezozomoc, pp. 150, 152;
Torquemada, p. 347 (mentions four, not two).

losDurdn, p. 104; Tezozomoc, p. 25.

iM Bernal Diaz, pp. 154, 155; Dur&n, p. 134; Tezozomoc, pp. 33, 36.
. 105 Dur4n, pp. 181, 206.

106 Bernal Diaz, p. 220 (see also the Popul Vuh, Paris, edited by Brasseur de
Bourbourg, 1861, p. 339).

107 Zurita, p. 389.

108 Herrera, p. 141; confirmed by Tezozomoc.

looAcosta, p. 494; Codex Ramirez, p. 66; Dur^n, pp. 215, 255; Fragmento 1:
Tezozomoc, pp. 53, 58, 66; Torquemada, p. 352; Vetancurt, p. 369.
110 By the Codex Ramirez, Durfi.n, and Tezozomoc, especially.

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268 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

cials, and were worn by no others. Among them was the copt7K/"
the so-called royal crown (a curious head-ornament of metal, rising
over the forehead), and a certain style of dress.*^* Both the chief of
men and the snake-woman had commemorative carvings,*** and the
same burial rites."* The snake-woman did not, however, have pre-
cisely the same functions. We are quite uncertain, as a matter of fact,
just what his functions were. The Spaniards applied to the office
various terms, which may perhaps be presented in tabular form.

Titles Applied to the ' ' Snake Woman ' ' by the Spaniards

Title given

Author

Page

Coadjutor to the

king

Codex Ramirez

•

Coadjutor to the king

Durdn

Coadjutor to the

king

Tezozomoc

Viceroy

Torquemada

352

Viceroy

Vetancurt

369

Supreme judge

Clavigero

481

Supreme judge

Codex Mendoza

pi. 69

Supreme judge

Torquemada

352

Supreme judge

Vetancurt

369

Mayordomo

Bernal Diaz

Captain -General

Cortes

89,90

Captain-General

G^mara

392

Captain-General

Tezozomoc

Principal councilor and lieutenant

Herrera

Principal councilor and lieutenant

Tezozomoc

Captain

Torquemada

567

General and auditor

Tezozomoc

Presidente

Tezozomoc

Governor of Mexico

Etelaci6n de Jornada

315,471

* See Mode of Government, note 210.

It is very hard to form a clear impression of an officer whose
function corresponded at once to that of captain-general and that of
supreme judge. It is very probable that the snake-woman, whatever
else his functions, was particularly in charge of the gathering and
housing of tribute.^^*^ During the siege of the city by the Spaniards,
Montezuma commanded the confederate tribes who were fighting the
Spaniards, while the snake-woman led the local Mexican forces.^*'

111 Dur&n, p. 214.

112 Clavigero, Book 7, ch. 22; Codex Telleriano-Bemensls; Durfi.n, p. 215;
Tezozomoc, pp. 57, 115, 129.

iisDurfin, pp. 250, 251; Tezozomoc, p. 65.

iMAcosta, p. 496; Codex Ramirez, p. 381; Dur&n, p. 381.

115 Durdn, pp. 172, 173; Tezozomoc, pp. 45, 64, 65, 104, 110, 111, 119.

lie Cort^, p. 89.

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The last snake-woman to hold the office was appointed governor of
the City of Mexico under the Spaniards by Cortes.**^ It would be
logically the most satisfying course to assume that there was a division
of function between the two highest officers, as there was possibly in
the case of the clan officers. For example, it would be a scheme easy
to understand if the head war-chief had exercised primarily military
leadership, while the snake-woman was essentially a civil officer, with
the administration of tribute gathering and other public matters in
his hands. The evidence, however, does not so indicate. At any rate,
the existence of an officer who shared the prerogatives and the author-
ity of the head war-chief adds tremendously to the probability that
the latter official was not a ** royal' ' person.

A question of some theoretical interest is this: Did the bilateral
segmentation of Aztec officialdom into civil and military functionaries
extend to the high officers of the tribe f The answer is that it did not.
There is no reference to any civil officer corresponding to the head
war-chief. The reason, when we reflect a moment, is not far to seek.
The tribe, namely, had no civil business. It owned no land, collected
no internal taxes, made no expenditures, never interfered in the affairs
of the clans. In other words, the only business in which the tribe
engaged as a unit was war. There was no need for any tribal officer
except the war leader. The snake-woman is certainly not a civil
officer, but a military one, and is to be recognized as the understudy
of the war-chief. Everything in and about his office, even his personal
ornaments, points to his partnership in the war-chief's duties. In
other words, a point to be always emphasized is the purely military
purpose and intent of all the Mexican efforts towards the organization
of a government.

The **Pour Quarters/' or Phratries
The fact that the ancient City of Mexico was divided into four
districts is well known, and it is accepted, I believe, quite generally."®
These ** major quarters" were divided into a number of independent
elans, probably twenty in all (see above, p. 255). The fact that the
*' major quarter" is a group of clans is indicated quite clearly."* The
question as to what function the ** major quarter" had, as a unit of

iiTBernal Diaz, pp. 198, 199; Cortes, p. 110; Herrera, pp. 122, 123; Ixtlil-
xochitl (b), pp. 265, 266, 269.

"8 Acosta, p. 467; Clavigero, p. 494; Durdn, p. 42; G6mara, p. 434; Herrera,
p. 61; Vetancurt, p. 124.

ii» See especially Dur&n, Torquemada, Vetancurt, as cited above.

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270 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

the social order, still remains. We know that it was very important
* in military affairs.^ ^® Moreover, it had certain religious functions.
Each such ** quarter," for example, had its own god and place
for worship.^-^j^ A group of clans for ceremonial and military purposes
deserves, it seems to me, to be called a **phratry.'' Moreover, the
word ccdpulli, which implies kinship, is applied also to these four
quarters, ^^^ indicating that these were based on notions of common

^ descent. That these *'four quarters,'* or ** major quarters," of
the Spanish historians were very important institutions is shown
by the fact that they persisted in the City of Mexico for a very long
time after the Conquest. They were perpetuated in the four city
wards of San Pablo, San Juan, Santa Maria la Redonda, and San
Sebastian, which were simply the old quarters, known to the Indians
as Teopan, Aztacalco, Moyotlan, and Cuepopan."^ It was at one time
intended to concentrate the Indian population in the old pueblo of
Tlaltelolco, which was known as the '*ward" of Santiago. The most
interesting thing about these ** major quarters" is the fact of the ex-
istence of a great war leader for each one, an official who is most

/commonly referred to as the ** captain-general" (though the use of j^
this term is not restricted to the one official in question). It remains
to discuss the functions and rank of these officers.

The ^^CaptainS'Generaly'' or Phr at ry 'Commanders
Consult: Art of War, p. 121; Mode of Government, pp. 688-690.

The existence of these four conspicuous officials is referred to,
though their titles are given somewhat differently by a number of
authors.^ 2* There is little question about their identity. Bandelier
states, on fairly good authority, that they were elected,"* and, he
thinks, by the population of each of the ' ' four quarters. ' ' Each one
had a special title or official name. In other words, as in the case of
the Iroquois, a certain name went with the occupancy of the office.
These four names, given differently by different authors, help to iden-

120 Clavigero, p. 494; Tezozomoc, p. 161; Torquemada, loc. cit.; also see below,
under ** Captain -General. "

121 Dur&n, p. 42.

122 For example, Tezozomoc, p. 184.

i23Dur&n, p. 42; Tezozomoc, p. 98; Vetancurt, p. 42.

i24Aco8ta, p. 441; Clavigero, Book 7, eh. 21; Codex Bamirez, pp. 57, 58;
T)ur4n, pp. 102, 103; Herrera, p. 75; Sahagun, pp. 318, 319; Tezozomoc, pp. 24,
161.

125 Acosta, Codex Bamirez, Dur6n, Herrera, Sahagiin, as cited just above,
note 124.

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tify the officials, when mentioned in different places in our sources.
They are, as given by Bandelier, Tlacateccatl, or ** cutter of men*';
Tlacochcacatl, or **man of the storehouse of weapons'' ; Ezhuahuacatl,
or '*he who sheds blood"; and perhaps Quauhnochtli, or ** eagle and
cactus chief." Three passages prove to Bandelier 's satisfaction that
the four were immediate assistants to the head war-chief.^^® If this
is true, their main function was undoubtedly warlike. A variety of
titles are applied to them, however. Among other things, they are
referred to as * * judges. ' '"^ * * Alcalde ' ' is another Spanish term which
to many Spanish authors seemed applicable to the official in question."^
Taking everything into consideration, we are evidently dealing with a
somewhat undifferentiated office, in which military leadership was the
most important factor.

As regards their dress, these four men were allowed to tie the hair
with red leather, a thing which was otherwise permitted only to the
head war-chief and the snake-woman. Another point of extreme
importance is this, that (according to fairly good authority) the head
war-chief was invariably elected from among tl\ese four.*^** We have
already considered the idea that the chief of men had to be elected
from one lineage. If this second principle was also in operation, the
four phratry-captains must obviously have belonged, in each case, to
the same lineage. Otherwise they would not have been eligible for
election to the office. Of the authors just mentioned (note 139), Duran
is very explicit.

Mention ought to be made of the fact that some of the sources
speak not of four officers, whom we may assume to be captains-general,
but of two.^'^ It seems plausible, however, that four was the actual
number, corresponding to the four quarters.

Other Institutions in the Phratry
The tribe seems to have had a public house, where the head war-
chief and other important men lived, and where a great deal of official
business went forward. This was called the tribal tecpan (consult
Mode of Government, pp. 648, 655). Bandelier makes much of the
point that the so-called *' palace" of Montezuma was merely the official

126 Codex Ramirez, pp. 57, 58; Dur6n, p. 103; Sahagun, p. 318.

127 Clavigero, p. 481; Torquemada, p. 352; Vetancurt, p. 370.

128 Codex Mendoza, pi. 59.

129 Acosta, pp. 431, 441; Codex Mendoza, pi. 11; Codex Ramirez, p. 58; Dur4n,
p. 103; Tezozomoc, ch. 15 (confirms vaguely); Torquemada, pp. 172, 186.

i3oG6mara, p. 442; Sahagun, p. 311; Zurita, p. 95.

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272 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

tribal administration building. Similar buildings may have existed
in each major quarter.

Two other institutions connected with the quarter might hold our
attention for a moment. One was a place called by Bandelier the
*'schoolhouse/' where youths were trained, ** under the supervision of
the clan leaders," for war. The other was an armory, a ** house of
darts,*' which seems to have been immediately under the supervision
of the phratry-captain. Statements concerning the **schoolhouses"
may be found in various authors.^*^ It is noteworthy that the clan
official did the teaching, but the schoolhouse was an establishment
belonging to the ** major quarter," or phratry. The existence of four
houses of darts, one for each major quarter, or phratry, is mentioned
by one author.*** Others are not so explicit.*** They seem to have
existed, however, and to have been found in the neighborhood of the
temples,*** probably because the temples and other public buildings
were grouped together. The '* darts" spoken of were undoubtedly
the javelins hurled by means of the characteristic Mexican weapon,
the atlatl, or spear-thrower.***^ Torquemada speaks of a special house,
at the Main Temple, reserved for javelins, and nothing else.**^ Alto-
gether it can be seen that phratries had a rather definite and active
function in the Mexican social order.

Points op Difficulty

A great many points are brought up by Bandelier concerning
which we have no satisfactory information. We know, for example,
that Mexico and two allied pueblos, Tezcoco and Tlacopan, exacted a
relatively heavy tribute from many surrounding places. The collec-
tion and forwarding of this tribute imply the existence of an ex-
tensive business organization. There are many references to the
calpixca, or ** stewards," who were engaged in this work, but there is
very little to show us the precise nature of their appointment and

181 G6inara, p. 438; Mendieta, p. 124; Sahagtin, p. 268; Tezozomoc, pp. 121,
134; Torquemada, p. 185.

182 Tezozomoc, p. 184.

isaBernal Diaz, vol. 2, p. 87, says *'two''; G6mara, p. 345, and Herrera, p.
197, say ** several''; Motolinia, p. 188, says **many. "

i84Aoo8ta, Book 6, ch. 28; Anonymous Conqueror, p. 394; 06mara, vol. 2,
p. 349; Tezozomoc, p. 121; Torquemada, p. 146.

185 Mrs. Zelia Nuttall, in Peabody Museum (Harvard University), Anthropo-
logical Papers, vol. 1.

186 Torquemada, p. 146.

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procedure. Bandelier devotes considerable space to these calpixca,
but after all achieves nothing very definite. (See Mode of Government,
especially pp. 638, 697.) We know that the tribute was collected, that
it was forwarded to the confederate towns, and that it was divided up
among the allies, Mexico and Tezcoco taking each two-fifths, and
Tlacopan receiving one-fifth. We have a suspicion that this tribute
was finally parcelled out to the clans and not to individuals. The
exact facts in connection with the gathering of tribute are a most
promising field for investigation. Another extremely interesting ques-
tion, which is closely allied to the one just mentioned, is the question
of trade routes and avenues of commerce. There is reason to believe
that there was a lively commerce in highly specialized products be-
tween various localities on the Plateau. The actual tracing of the
important trails and other arteries of commerce ought to be practi-
cable, and it is certainly most necessary.

We ought to have a list of the names applied to the clans, or
calpullis. The whole matter of totemism ought also to be thoroughly
explored. Analogy with the Iroquois, together with the attire worn
by Mexican warriors, would suggest that these clans might quite pos-
sibly have exhibited certain totemistic phenomena. Nothing has ever
been done with the question whether or not the Mexican clans were
exogamous. All these points could probably be worked out on the
basis of the source material.

A totally different point which ought to be investigated is the
question of the nature and workings of the Confederacy, to the exist-
ence of which allusion has just been made. Mexico seems to have
enjoyed the right of furnishing a leader for each confederate enter-
prise, this leader being normally her own head war-chief. This fact
tends to make an additional distinction between this official of the
Mexicans and the ordinary war-chief of ordinary Indian tribes. The
Confederacy was really superimposed on the already existing local
organization of each tribe, and its workings ought to prove most
interesting.

Conclusion

The following tabulation indicates the composition of Mexican
society as viewed by Bandelier. Under the headings are listed the
institutions and functions characterizing (in his opinion) each division
of the social order.

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274 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

Clan Phratry Tribe

War-party War-party War-party

War-leader (Elder Brother) War-leader (Phratry captain) War-leader ("King'')

Beligous observances Beligious observances Beligious observances

Official buildings Official buildings Official buildings

Council Council

Temple

Steward

Calpullec

Speaker

Lands

In summing up Bandelier's findings, several points are to be borne
in mind. It is perfectly obvious, in the first place, that arguments
cannot be based on the descriptive terminology used by the Spanish
authors of the sixteenth century, not even when these authors were
eye-witnesses of what they describe. When Spanish authors define
the same Indian official as being at once a bailiff and a general, or a
captain of the guard and an abbot, we are obviously helpless to make
up our minds what the official really was. There are several possible
explanations for the uncertainties in the Spanish accounts, all of which
probably apply in some measure. The offices the Spaniards were
describing were not exactly analogous to anything in the Old World.
Probably, also, these Indian offices were somewhat undifferentiated.
An ** official'' who is mentioned as holding office was probably in the
main merely an important man. One day he might be leading a party
to war, and the next day taking an important role in a religious cere-
mony, or exerting influence in a way which made him look to the
Spaniards like a judge. Of the various reasons for confusion and
uncertainty, this lack of specialization in functions seems to be prob-
ably the most important.

What applies to the less important officials, applies with greater
force to the most important dignitary of all, the head war-chief.
Whether he is to be called a king or not depends on the meaning which
this term carries. The office was, however, elective, and for that and
other reasons, *^king'' is probably not the term to use. The conclusion
to which the evidence obviously points is that the Aztec war-chief was
probably well started on the road to becoming a king, but had not yet
arrived. A most significant point is that the leadership was shared.
This is true also of the government of tribes in the United States,
where there was often a board of four or more ** chiefs'* who directed
affairs. It would be possible fully to understand the government of

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ancient Mexico only by making a comparative study of govei^nment
among tribes in the eastern United States (especially the Iroquois),
on the Plains and, above all, among the Pueblos of the Southwest,
where we are almost certain to find conditions that may be compared
with those in Tenochtitlan.

In a more general way still, there were fundamental differences
between Indian and Spanish society which the Spaniards never seem
to have understood. The ownership of land, to mention the most im-
portant kind of property, was vested not in individuals but in the
clan. This fact the Spaniards were slow to grasp. The Spaniards
also viewed the whole of Mexican tribal society as a unit subdivided
into four quarters, and each quarter further subdivided, for adminis-
trative purposes, into clans, or calpullis. The facts probably are that
the Indians regarded the clans as the essential thing, while the
four quarters, or phratries, and in still larger measure the tribe, were
merely loose aggregates of clans held together primarily for the pur-
poses of war, and, after that, of ritual. The fundamental point
which Bandelier makes, that Spanish society was essentially feudal,
while Indian society was essentially democratic, is, it seems to me, a
good one.

The question, therefore, whether Mexican society was monarchical
or democratic seems to me to be largely an artificial one. Mexico, for
example, is regularly described in works concerning the Aztecs as a
monarchy; Tlascala as a republic. Republic {res publica) is a word
which could not, as used by the early writers, have had its modern
sense ; moreover, it was actually applied to both cities alike."^ There
is not the slightest critical reason for drawing any distinction between
the mode of government of the two. The distinction is an accidental
one. Mexico was certainly as much of a republic as Tlascala was.
A great deal of the talk about Mexico being a monarchy, especially
the highly colored talk, could probably be traced back to Ixtlilxochitl.
He seems to have been moved by a desire to glorify his maternal an-
cestors, who were war-chiefs of Tezcoco, and to establish royal rank
for the family. He uses a feudal terminology, even in speaking of the
most ancient periods, when the peoples he describes were, according
to his own words, naked hunters.^'*

Many problems are suggested by Bandelier for which the necessary
data are so far lacking. The actual details of Mexican organization

187 Torquemada, p. 361.

188 Ixtlilxochitl (a), pp. 30, 66.

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276 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

might still be recovered, in large measure, through a study of the
manuscript material, more and more of which is becoming available.
This involves, however, an exhaustive knowledge of its contents.
Bandelier's work, it seems to me, is a good beginning, and offers the
proper foundation for a final study of Mexican society.

Bandelier's positive contributions to the subject may be summed
This involves, however, an exhaustive knowledge of their contents,
up as follows. He cites evidence which proves conclusively that the
social organization of Tenochtitlan was based on clans, that these clans
were grouped in four phratries, and that the actions of the tribe as
a whole were governed primarily by a council. The ** kings" he shows
clearly to be the executive agents, in a very real sense, of this council,
and responsible through them to the people. He brings forward a
good deal of evidence in support of his dictum that Mexican society
was fundamentally democratic.

The remainder of the points made in his paper are unsatisfactory
in the present state of the evidence. The question of the importance ^
of *' honorary chiefs** and the question of the existence of separate
clan councils as governmental institutions are still entirely open. The
function of the ** elder brother,** or war leader in the clan, and his
relation to other clan officials, must remain quite problematical. Ban-<^
delier cannot be said to have achieved anything conclusive in regard
to the whole matter of clan officials. The relation of Bandelier's work
to Morgan *s is very close. Morgan arrived at certain conclusions,
without having a very wide knowledge of the evidence in the sources.
He quotes only nine sixteenth-century authors. Bandelier backs up
Morgan's conclusions by a rather wide study of the sources, as the
following bibliography will show. He may be regarded as finally
confirming the most important of Morgan's conclusions.

Alphabetical List op the Sources Cited by Bandelier
Showing the dates of composition
It is difficult to say definitely when each of these works was com-
posed. The dates which are given in the appended list often indicate
merely the approximate period. It must be remembered that this
list includes only the original works cited by Bandelier, and not the
modern works to which he makes reference. It is not in any sense a
bibliography of the subject.

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AcAziTLi, Fbancisco de Sandoval

Belaci6n de la Jornada . . . del pueblo de Tlalmanalco, etc. (Written in
1641.)

Mexico (in Icazbalceta, Colecci6n de documentos para la historia
de Mexico, 2 vols., 1858-1866, vol. 2), 1866.

ACOSTA, J0S£ DE SaLAMIn

Historia natural y moral de las Indias. (Composed about 1588.)
Seville, 1608.
Alvarado, Pedbo de

Belaci6n a Hernando Cortes. (Written in 1524.)

Madrid, edited by Yedia (in Historiadores primitives de Indias,
2 vols., included as vols. 22 and 26 of the Biblioteca de autores Espa-
noles, 71 vols., various editors, 1849-1880, vol. 22), 1868.
Anonymous Conqueror

Be]aci6n de algunas cosas de Nueva Espana y de la Gran Ciudad de Temestitan
de Mexico. (Composed **80on after the Conquest.")

Mexico (in Icazbalceta, Colecci6n de Documentos para la Historia
de Mexico, 2 vols.), 1858-1860.
Anunciaci6n, Domingo de la

Lettre. (Written in Chalco, September 20, 1554.)

Paris (in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, 20 vols., 1837-1841, vol. 16
[i.e., Series 2, vol. 6]), 1840.
Biblioteca Mexicana

The work cited by Bandelier under this very misleading title is an edition of
the Cr6nica Mexicana of Fernando de Alvarado Tezozomoc. This edition
was annotated by Orozco y Berra and contains also the Codex Bamlrez
and two * * f ragmentos, " very frequently referred to by our author. The
volume, including the Cr6nica Mexicana and its companion pieces, seems
to constitute number 69 in a series the general title of which is as given,
Biblioteca Mexicana. This title does not, however, appear in the usual
works of reference.
Bologna, Prancisoo de

Lettre au Beverend Padre Clement de Monelia. (Written before 1534.)

Paris (in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, 20 vols., 1837-1841, vol. 10),
1840.
Camargo, Domingo MuSoz

Histoire de la republique de Taxcallan. (Written 1576-1585.)

Paris, edited by Ternaux-Compans (in Nouvelles Annales des Voy-
ages, 160 vols., various editors, 1819, vols. 98 and 99), 1843.
Chavez, Gabriel de

Bapport sur la Province de Meztitlan. (Written October 1, 1569.)

Paris (in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, 20 vols., 1837-1841, vol. 16
[i.e.. Series 2, vol. 6]), 1840.
Clavigero, Francisco Severio

Storia antica de Messico. (Composed about 1765.)
Cesena, 1780.
Co^ex Mendoza,

London (in Kingsborough, Mexican Antiquities, 9 vols.), 1831.
(Note. — The original painting is in vol. 1, pp. 1-73, the original
Spanish commentary in vol. 5, pp. 39-113, and an English translation
of the Spanish commentary in vol. 6, pp. 3-87.)

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278 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

Codex Bamirez (so-called). In Tezozomoc, Crdnica Mexicana . . . anotada por
. . . M. Orozco y Berra, y precidida del C6dice Bamlrez, manuscrito in-
titulado: Belaci6ii del origen de los Indios que habitan esta Nueva Espana
segun SUB historias, y de un examen de ambas obras, al cual va anexo un
estudio de cronologia Mexicana por el mismo . . . Orozco y Berra.

Mexico (in Biblioteca Mexicana. Coleccion de obras y documentos
relatives a la historia . . . de Mexico, No. 69), 1878.
Codex Telleriano-Bemensis,

London (in Kingsborough, Mexican Antiquities, 9 vols.), 1831.
(Note. — The original picture-writing is reproduced in vol. 1, pp. 73-
166, the Spanish commentary in vol. 5, pp. 129-158, and an English
translation of the Spanish commentary in vol. 6, pp. 95-153.)
Concilios Provinciates, Primero y Segundo, celehrctdos por la muy noble y muy leal
ciudad de Mexico, etc., etc.
Mexico, 1769.
Conquista de MSjico. See Gdmara.
CoBT^s, Hernando

Cartas. (Written at different times from 1519 to 1526.)

Madrid, edited by Vedia (in Historiadores primitives de Indias,
2 vols., issued as vols. 22 and 26 of the Biblioteca de autores Espa-
noles, 71 vols., 1849-1880), 1877.
Cuarta relacidn andnima de la Jornada que hizo Nuno de Guzman a la Nueva Galicia.
(Written about 1530.)

Mexico (in Icazbalceta, Colecci6n de documentos para la historia
de Mexico, 2 vols., 1858-1866, vol. 2, pp. 260-485), 1866.
Des c^r ^monies observes autrefois par les Indiens lorsqui-ils faissaient un tecle
(anonymous).

Paris (in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, 20 vols., 1837-1841, vol. 10,
pp. 233-241),.1840.
De Vordre de succession observe par les Indiens relativement d leurs terres et de
leurs territoires communaux (anonymous).

Paris (in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, 20 vols., 1837-1841, vol. 10),
1840.
Diaz del Castillo, Bernal

Verdadera historia de los sucesos de la conquista de la Nueva Espana. (Com-
posed in 1552, some authorities say 1568.)

Madrid, edited by Vedia {^in Historiadores primitives de Indias,
2 vols., issued as vols. 21 and 26 of the Biblioteca de autores Espa-
noles, 71 vols., various editors, 1849-1880, vol. 26), 1862.

London, edited by Maudslay (in Works issued by the Hakluyt
Society, Series 2, vols. 23, 24, 25), 1908.
DurAn, Diego

Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espafia. (Composed in 1579-1581.)

Mexico (edited by Ramirez), 1867. (First volume only. The re-
mainder was confiscated by the newly installed Republican govern-
ment on the fall of Maximilian. The text of this edition is said to
have been tampered with.)
EsLAVA, Fernan Gonzales de

Coloquios espirituales y sac ramen tales, y poeslas sagradas. (Written before
1610.)

Mexico (edited by Icazbalceta), 1877. (Only 200 copies printed.)
Fragmenio 1. See Noticias relntivas al reinado de Motecuzuma Ilhuicamina,

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1917] Waterman: Mexican Social Organization 279

Fragmento 2. See Noticias relativas a la conquista de&de la llegada de Cortes a

Tetzcuca, etc.
FuENLEAL, Sebastian BAiifREZ de

Carta (addressed November 3, 1552, to the Emperor Charles V).

Paris {in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, 20 vols., 1837-1841, vol. 10),
1840.
GarcIa, Greoobio

Origen de los Indios del Nuevo Mundo y Indias Occidentales. (Date of
composition not ascertained.)

Madrid, edited by Barcia (in Historiadores primitives de las Indias
occidentales, 3 vols., 1727-1740), 1729.
G<3mara, Fbancisco Lopez de

Historia general de las Indias. (Note. — The second part of this work goes
under the title '^Conquista de M6jico," and is so cited by Bandelier.)
(Composed about 1550.)

Madrid, edited by Vedia (in Historiadores primitives de Indias, 2
vols., issued as vols. 22 and 26 of the Biblioteca de autores Espanoles,
71 vols., various editors, 1849-1880), 1877.
Hebbeba, Antonio de

Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas y tierra firme
del mar oceano. (Composed between 1596 and 1600.)

Madrid, edited by Barcia (in Historiadores primitives de las Indias
occidentales, 3 vols., 1727-1740), 1749.

IXTLILXOCHITL, HeBNANDO DE AlVA

(a) Historia Chichimeca. (Composed 1608-1616.)

Paris (in Temaux-Compans, Voyages, 20 vols., 1837-1841, vols. 12
and 13 [i.e.. Series 2, vols. 2 and 3]), 1840.
(h) Belaciones hist6ricas. (Composed 1608-1616.)

Paris (in Temaux-Compans, Voyages, 20 vols., 1837-1841, vol. 8),
1838. (Note. — Only the thirteenth Relacidn is printed here, under the
name Cruaut^s horribles des conqu^rants de Mexico. This curious
name was invented by Bustamente, in his edition of Sahagiin [Mexico,
1829]. The Temaux-Compans reprint is the one cited by Bandelier.)
Las Casas, Babtolom^ de

(a) Brevissima relaci6n de la destruycidn de las Indias. (Composed 1541-
1542.)

Venetia, 1643.
(h) Historia de las Indias. (Composed 1527-1562.)

Madrid (in Colecci6n de documentos in^ditos para la historia de
Espana, 112 vols., various editors, published by the Boyal Academy of
History, 1842-1895, vols. 62-66), 1875-1876. (Note.— The so-called
Historia ApologHica of Las Casas is printed in vol. 66, beginning with
p. 237 of this set. Chapter 211 of the Historia is also printed in full
in vol. 8 of Kingsborough 's Mexican Antiquities [9 vols., London,
1831, vol. 8 (first part), pp. 248-254]. This latter excerpt is referred
to by Bandelier.)
Lettre des auditeurs Salmeron, Maldonado, Ceynos et Queroga d rimpSratrice de
Mexico, (Written in Mexico, March 30, 1531.)

Paris (in Temaux-Compans, Voyages, 20 vols., 1837-1841, vol. 16
[i.e.. Series 2, vol. 6]), 1840.

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280 University of California Puhlicaiions in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

Lettre des chapelains Frire Torihio et Frhre Diego d'Olarte d Don Luis de VeJasco.
(Written August 27, 1554.)

Paris (in Temaux-Compans, Voyages, vol. 10), 1840.
Martyr, Peter (Pibtro Martire d 'Anohiera)
De novo orbe. (Written 1505-1530.)

London (translated by Eden and Lok), 1612.
Mendieta, Ger6nimo de

Historia eccIesUlstica Indiana. (Composed 1573-1596.)

Mexico (in Icazbalceta, Colecci6n de documentos para la historia
de Mexico, 2 vols.), 1858-1860.
Mendoza, Antonio de

A\'is du Vice-Roi . . . sur les prestations personelles et les tamemes. (Written
in 1550.)

Paris (in Temaux-Compans, Voyages, 20 vols., 1837-1841, vol. IQ),
1838.
Merced a Eemdn Cortes de tierras inmediatas a Mexico, y solares en la ciudad
(Written July 23, 1529.)

Mexico (in Icazbalceta, Colecci6n de documentos para la historia
de Mexico, 2 vols.), 1858-1860.
Molina, Alonzo de

Vocabulario en lengua Mexicana y Castellana. (Composed about 1550.)
Mexico, 1571.
MoNTUPAR, Alonzo de

Supplique k Charles V en faveur des Macenales. (Written in Mexico,
November 30, 1554.)

Paris (Appendix to the '^Cruaut^s Horribles" of Ixtlilxochitl, in
Temaux-Compans, Voyages, 20 vols., 1837-1841, vol. 8), 1838.

MOTOLINIA (TORIBIO DE BeNEVENTE)

Historia de los Indios de Nueva Espafta. (Composed in 1541.)

Mexico (in Icazbalceta, Colecci6n de documentos para la historia
de Mexico, 2 vols.), 1858-1860.
Nieremberg, Joan (sic) Eusebius

Historia naturae, maxime peregrinae, libri XVI distincta. (Probably written
shortly before 1635.)

Antverpiae, 1635.
Noticias relativas a la conquista desde la llegada de Cortes a Tetzcuco hasta la toma
del templo mayor de Mexico ("Fragmento 2'*).

Mexico (in Fernando de Alvarado Tezozomoc, Cr6nica Mexicana,
annotated by Manuel Orozco y Berra, edited by Jos6 M. Vigil, pp. 134,
135), 1878.
Noticias relativas al rcinado de Motecuzuma Ilhuicamina (**Fragmento 1").

Mexico (in Fernando de Alvarado Tezozomoc, Cr6nica Mexicana,
annotated by Manuel Orozco y Berra, edited by Jos6 M. Vigil, pp.
124-134), 1878.
Olarte, Diego d'.

See under Lettre des Chapelains Fr^re Toribio et Fr^re Diego d 'Olarte.
Ortega, F.

The work cited by Bandelier is an appendix to a three-volume edition of
Echeverria y Veytia, Historia antigua de M^jico, of which Ortega was the
editor. It was published in Mexico in 1836.

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Oyiedo y ValdI^s, Gonzalo Fernandez db

Historia general j natural de las Indias. (Composed 1525-1550.)

Madrid, Beal Academia de Historia (four folio volumes), 1851.

Padilla, Aqustin DAvila

Historia de la fundacion j discurso de la provincia de Santiago de Mexico
(date of composition not ascertained).
Bruselas, 1625.

Padilla, MatIas de la Mota

Historia de la conquista de la provincia de la Nueva-Galicia. (Written in
1742.)

Mexico (published by the Geographical and Statistical Society),
1870.

Palacio, Diego GabgIa de

San Salvador und Honduras im Jahre 1576. (Written about 1576.)
Berlin (translated by Frantzius), 1873.

PlMENTEL NeZAHUACOYOTL, HERNANDO

Memoria dirigido al rey, etc. (Date uncertain. This is an unpublished
manuscript, quoted by Orozco y Berra on p. 243 of his Geografia de las
lenguas.)

PoMAR, Juan Bautista

Belaci6n de Texcoco. (Written in 1582.)

Mexico (in Icazbalceta, Nueva colecci6n de documentos para la
historia de Mexico, 5 vols., 1886-1892), 1891. Subsequent to Bandolier.

Beal ejecutoria de 8, M, sobre tierras y reservas de Pechos y Pag a perteneciente a
los caciques de Axapusco de la jurisdiccidn de Otumha, (Issued in 1617.)

Mexico (in Icazbalceta, Colecci6n de documentos para la historia
de Mexico, 2 vols., 1858-1866, vol. 2), 1866.

Belaci&n de jomada que hiso Don Fernando de Sandoval Acazitli, etc. (See
Acazitlu)

Belaci&n de las ceremonias y ritos, pohlacidn y gohiemo de los Indios de la provincia
de Mechuacan hecha al IlVmo Dr, D. Antonio de Mendoza, Virey y Gober-
nador de Nueva Espana, (Written between 1534 and 1551.)

Madrid (in CoIecci6n de documentos in6ditos para la historia de
Espana, 112 vols., edited by Navarrete and others, 1842-1895, vol. 53),
1842.

Remesal, Antonio de

Historia de la provincia de San Vicente de Chyapa y Guatemala del orden
de Santo Domingo. (Written 1613-1619.)
Madrid, 1619.

Sahag^, Bernardino de

Historia general de las cosas de Nueva Espana. (Composed 1546-1569.)
London (in Kingsborough, Mexican Antiquities, 9 vols.), 1831.

Salmcron, (See also under Lettre des auditeurs Salmeron, Maldonado, etc.)

Salmeron (given names not known).

. . . lettre . . . au conseil des Indes. (Written in Mexico City, August 13,
1531.)

Paris (in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, 20 vols., 1837-1841, vol. 16
[i.e., Series 2, vol. 6]), 1840.

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282 University of California Publicatioiis in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

Sol6ezano y Peeeyra, Juan

Disputatio de Indianim jure sive de juxta Indiarum occidentalium inquisitione,
acquisitione ac retentione. (Written 1609-1629.)
Madrid, 1629.

Tapia, Anders de

Re]aci6n hecha por el Senor Andres de Tapia sobre la conquista de Mexico.
(Date of composition not ascertained.)

Mexico (in Icazbalceta, Colecci6n de documentos para la.historia
de Mexico, 2 vols., 1858-1866, vol. 2), 1866.

Tezozomoc, Feenando de Alvarado

Cr6niea Mexicana. (Composed in 1598.)

London {in Kingsborough, Mexican Antiquities, 9 vols., vol. 9),
1831.

Toribio de Benevente. See Motolinia.

Toribio et Diego d^Olarte. See Lettre des Toribio, etc.

TOEQUEMADA, JUAN DE

la (-Ilia) parte de los veinte y un libros rituales y monarchia Indiana con
el origen y guerra de los Indies occidentales, de sua poblaqones, descubri-
miento, conquista, conversi6n y otras cosas maravillosas de la misma
tierra. (Composed 1589-1609.)
Madrid, 1723.

Vetancurt, Augustin de

Teatro Mexicano, descripci6n breve de los sucesos exemplares, hist6ricos,
politicos . . . del nuevo mundo occidental de las Indias. (Note. — The
Cr6nica de la Provincia del Santa Evangelico de Mexico, mentioned by
Bandelier, is the Fourth Part of this ** Teatro. '^ (Composition com-
pleted in 1697.)

Mexico, 1870.

ZuAzo, Alonzo de

Carta al Padre Fray Luis de Figueroa. (Dated Santiago de Cuba, November
14, 1521.)

Mexico {in Icazbalceta, Colecci6n de documentos' para la historia
de Mexico, 2 vols., 1858-1866, vol. 1), 1858.

Z^RiTA, Alonzo de

Breve y sumaria relaci6n de los senores y maneras y diferencias que habla
de ellas en la Nueva Espana y en otras provincias sus comarcanas, etc.
(Composed about 1560.)

Paris {in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, 20 vols., 1837-1841, vol. 10),
1840. (Nqte. — The relation appears under the title ^* Rapport sur les
diff^rentes classes de chefs de Nouvelle-Espagne")

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UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN.

[GIFFORD] PLATE 6

THOMAS WILLIAMS, OF JAMESTOWN

CENTRAL SIERRA MIWOK

Nnrrntor of Stories nos. 1-11

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY

Vol. 12, No. 8, pp. 283-338, plate 6 May II, 1917

MIWOK MYTHS

EDWARD WINSLOW GIFFORD

CONTENTS

PAGE

Introduction 283

Stories by Thomas Williams 284

1. The Theft of Fire ^ 284

2. Bear and the Fawns 286

3. Yayali, the Giant ~ 292

4. The Making of Arrows 302

5. Prairie Falcon 's Marriage 306

6. The Flood 310

7. The Bepeopling of the World ^ ^... 312

8. The Search for the Deer 314

9. Salamander and Chipmunk ^ 318

10. Liiard and Fox : 323

11. Valley Quail's Adventures „ 329

Stories by William Fuller ^ 332

12. The Theft of Fire ^ 332

13. Bear and the Fawns 333

14. Yayali, the Giant ^ - ^ ^ 334

Abstracts 335

INTRODUCTION

The fourteen stories presented in this collection were secured
during 1913 and 1914 among the Central Sierra Miwok of Tuolumne
County, California. Three, which are exceedingly brief, were told by
William Puller of Soulsbyville. The remaining eleven were obtained
from Thomas Williams of Jamestown, whose picture appears in
plate 6.

All are sentence-by-sentence translations into English of myths
which were recorded in Miwok on the phonograph.

These stories were formerly related at night in the circular
assembly houses of the Miwok. Certain men versed in the myths often

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284 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

travelled from village to village telling the tales in the assembly house
of each village. Such a raconteur was known as an utentbe, a name
derived from utne, a myth. Each utentbe was paid for his services,
his audience presenting him with baskets, beads, furs, and food.
Thomas Williams, who was formerly an utentbe, said that the telling
of a myth often took all night. Not infrequently the myth was
chanted. Each myth, whether chanted or told in ordinary prose, was
accompanied by the songs of the various characters. For example,
with the story of Prairie Falcon's Marriage belong three songs, one
sung by Prairie Falcon, one by his wife, and one by his father.

A comprehensive collection of Miwok myths, including a number
from the Central Sierra Miwok, has been published by Dr. C. Hart
Merriam.^ Stephen Powers includes three Miwok myths in his
** Tribes of California.''* Dr. A. L. Kroeber has printed a number
of Southern Sierra Miwok myths.^

STORIES BY THOMAS WILLIAMS

1. THE THEFT OF FIRE

The Black Geese asked the White Geese to help them. They
gathered in the assembly house.

Lizard lay on top of the rock and looked into the valley. It was
then that he found the fire. He saw the flames issuing from the
smoke hole in the top of a large assembly house. Then Lizard told
Coyote that he saw the fire below. Coyote doubted him. Lizard said,
**Come up here on top of the rock, look below, and you will see sparks
coming from the assembly house." Coyote asked, ** Where do you
see the fire^ I see no fire in that direction." Then Lizard said,
** Watch. There goes another spark." Coyote said to the Geese,
**It is strange that we cannot see it. He saw it again." The Geese
did not believe him. They said that he was deceiving them.

After sundown Coyote saw the fire, entered the assembly house,
and told everyone about it. Flute-player (Mouse) said nothing. The
people told Flute-player to go out and look at the fire. Flute-player
merely said, '*Yes." He took with him four flutes, but told no one

1 The Dawn of the World: Myths and Weird Tales told by the Mewan Indians
of California, A. H. dark Co., 1910, Cleveland, O.

2 Contrib. N. Am. Ethn., m, 358, 366, 367, 1877.

8 Indian Myths of South Central California, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch.
Ethn., IV, 202, 1907.

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1917] Gifford: Miwok Myths 285

when he left. He played two flutes while he journeyed into the valley.
When he arrived at the assembly house in the valley, he did not know
how to enter. Bear, Rattlesnake, and Mountain Lion guarded the
door, so that none might enter. Flute-player climbed on top of the
assembly house. There he found Eagle with his wing over the smoke
hole, so that none might enter. Eagle, however, slept. Flute-player
was puzzled, for he did not know how to enter the house undetected.
Finally, he cut two feathers from Eagle's wing and thereby entered.

When he descended into the assembly house, he found the people
asleep. He went to the fire and filled two of his fiutes with coals.
Again he visited the fire, filling two more. He filled four flutes with
the fire.

Then he started for home. All of the people awoke and looked
for him. They ran all over the hills, but did not find him. Eagle
sent in pursuit Wind, then Rain, then Hail. Hail caught fiute-player.
Flute-player, however, placed his flutes in the water before Hail
caught him. He told Hail that he had nothing. He said that he
would take no one's fire. Hail believed him and departed.

Flute-player then recovered his fiutes and played upon them after
Hail departed. He still had his fire. He said to himself, **I have
my fire. ' '

Finally, he arrived at home, arrived with his fire in the four fiutes.
Coyote came down the mountains to search for him, for he feared
that someone had killed Flute-player. Flute-player sent Coyote back
ahead of him to tell the people that he was returning with the fire.
Coyote ran back and told the people to gather wood, told them that
Flute-player was bringing the fire.

Flute-player proceeded slowly, so that Coyote, becoming impatient,
went to meet him again. He met him when he was nearly home.
Upon his arrival. Flute-player climbed on top of the assembly house.
Then he played his flute. Everyone inside was cold. When Flute-
player finished playing one fiute he dropped coals through the smoke
hole into the assembly house. Then he started to play a second fiute.
Before he finished playing the second one, Coyote interrupted him
by shouting. Coyote told Flute-player to continue playing.

The people in the middle received the fire ; the others received but
little fire — the north people, the south people, the east people, and
the west people. The west people did not talk very distinctly, because
they received so little fire ; the east people the same ; the north people
the same; the south people the same. Those who were close to the

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fire talked distinctly. Coyote, who stayed at the door, received but
little fire. He tried to talk, but shouted instead.

The people in the middle cooked their food. The others ate theirs
raw. They talked different languages from the people in the middle.
The west people talked differently ; the south people talked differently ;
the north people talked differently ; the east people talked differently.
The middle people talked correctly, for they were around the fire.
The people who were around the fire cooked their food. The people
in the middle obtained the acorns and the manzanita. The others had
nothing to eat. That which they ate was always raw. It was Coyote *s
fault, that the others talked incorrectly. If Coyote had said nothing,
all would have received fire. He spoiled the scheme, when he shouted
at Flute-player, for Flute-player stopped. He stopped before he had
played the fourth flute and before he had distributed all of the fire.

All of those who received the fire talked the same language. All
of those who were close to the fire had the same language. Some
received the fire. Some did not receive it. That is why they did not
speak the same language.

If Lizard had not found the fire, all would have died. He found
the fire and saved the people. Lizard found the fire below. Flute-
player went below to steal the fire to save the people from death.
Coyote shouted to Flute-player to drop one coal in front of him.
Then he dropped the coal and one went without fire. All of the middle
people understand each other. The others do not hear one another
very plainly. They would all have talked correctly, if they had all
received fire. The people fought each other, because they did not
understand each other's speech.

[The assembly house of the valley people was upon the west side
of the San Joaquin River. The assembly house of the Geese was at
Goodwin's Ranch, near Montezuma, Tuolumne County.]

2. BEAR AND THE FAWNS

** Sister-in-law, let us get clover. I like clover," Bear said to Deer.
Then Deer replied, **Yes, we will eat clover." Bear said, **We will
leave these girls (Fawns) at home. They always follow you." She
told the Fawns, **We go to eat clover. Clover is high enough to eat
now, I think. You girls stay at home until we return. ' '

Bear said to her sister-in-law, ** Let's go. We will be back to-
night. ' ' Then they went below to eat clover.

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After they had gone below, Bear said, ** Let's sit down and rest.**
Then she continued, ** Examine my head, examine my head. I must
have lice on my head/' Deer replied, **Yes, yes, come here and I will
look for lice." Then she found lice on Bear's head. She found large
frogs on Bear's head. When she found the frogs, she picked them oflE
and threw them away. Bear asked her, **What is it that you throw
away? Are you throwing away my lice?" Deer replied, **No, you
hear the leaves dropping." Bear said, **Take them all out. I have
many lice."

Then Deer removed them all. Bear asked, **What are you throw-
ing away?" Deer replied, **I throw away nothing. You hear pine
cones dropping from the tree." Bear said, **I think that you throw
away my lice." Deer retorted, **No, those are pine cones dropping
from the trees."

** Remove them all, then," said Bear; ** remove them all. My head
feels light, since you have finished picking the lice from it." Deer
threw away the frogs, threw away large frogs.

Bear said to Deer, **Let me examine your head." Deer said, **A11
right." Bear examined Deer's head and said, ** There are many."
Deer's lice were wood-ticks and Bear proceeded to take them from
Deer's head.

Then Bear said, ** There are many. I do not think I can get them
all by picking. You have many. Let me chew these lice and your
hair with them. That is the only way I can remove them. You have
many lice. I do not think that I have removed them all. There are
many. Stoop and I will chew your hair. Do not be afraid. Stoop
and let me try. ' '

Then Deer stooped. She thought Bear's intentions were good.
Bear examined her hair for a while, and then chewed. Instead of
chewing Deer's hair. Bear bit her neck, killing her.

Bear ate all of Deer, except the liver, which she took home. She
placed the liver in a basket and put clover on top of it. Then she went
home. She proceeded homeward after sundown, carrying the clover
in the basket with the liver in the bottom of the basket.

Arriving at home, she told the Fawns to eat the clover. She said
to them, **Your mother has not come yet; you know she is always
slow. She always takes her time in coming home." Thus spoke Bear
to the Pawns, when she arrived at home.

The Fawns ate the clover. After they had eaten it, they saw the
liver in the bottom of the basket. The younger one found it. She

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told the older one, **Our aunt killed our mother. That is her liver/'
The older Pawn said to her younger sister, * * Our aunt took her down
there and killed her. We had better watch, or she will kill us, too. ' '

They continued to eat the clover after finding the liver. Then
the younger one said, **What shall we do? I fear she will kill us, if
we stay here. We had better go to our grandfather. Get ready all of
our mother's awls. Get all of the baskets. Q^t ready and then we
will go. We will go before our aunt kills us. She killed our mother.
I think it is best for us to go. "

* * Do not forget to take the awLs, ' ' said the older Pawn, for she was
afraid of being overtaken by Bear. The Pawns started with the
baskets and awls, leaving one basket behind. Their aunt. Bear, was
not at home when they left. When she returned, she looked about,
but saw no Pawns. Then Bear discovered their tracks and set out
to follow them. After she had tracked them a short distance, the
basket, left at home, whistled. Bear ran back to see if the Pawns had
returned. In the meantime the Pawns proceeded on their journey,
throwing awls and baskets in different directions. Again, Bear started
from the house. As she proceeded the awls whistled. Bear, thinking
that the Fawns were whistling, left the trail in search of them.

The Pawns said, **We go to our grandfather."

As Bear followed them along the trail, the baskets and awls
whistled and delayed her. Whenever Bear heard the whistles, she
became angry and ran in the direction from which the sound pro-
ceeded. She of course saw nothing and returned to the trail. She
heard a whistle in the direction of the stream. She ran toward it, but
when she arrived there, saw nothing.

When she did not find the girls she became angry. She said,
** Those girls are making fun of me.*' Then she shouted, ** Where are
you, girls t Why don't you meet met" The awls only whistled in
response and Bear ran toward the sound. Then she became still
angrier and said to herself, **If I capture you girls, I will eat you.
If I find you girls, I will eat you. ' '

Bear continued to track the Pawns. She found the trail easily
and saw their tracks upon it. She said, * * I have found the marks that
will lead me to them.*' She followed the marks upon the trail. *'If
I catch them, I shall eat them.'' She heard more whistling and that
enraged her. Then she jumped on to a tree and bit a limb in two.
It made her furious to hear the whistling. She said to herself, * * If I
ever catch those girls, I shall eat them." The baskets continued to

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whistle on both sides of the trail, making her very angry, and retard-
ing her progress. The Fawns had many baskets.

They followed the long trail until they arrived at a river. Bear
was far behind. On the opposite side of the river they saw their
grandfather, Daddy Longlegs. They told him that Bear had eaten
their mother and that they wanted to cross the river in order to escape
from her. Their grandfather extended his leg across the river so that
they might walk across on it. Then they crossed on their grand-
father's leg. In the meantime Bear continued to track them. She
still followed false leads because of the whistling of the baskets and
awls. The following of false leads delayed her.

The Fawns said to their grandfather. Daddy Longlegs, **Let her
cross the river. She follows us.'' Bear was still coming along the
trail. The baskets, the soap-root brushes, and the awls continued to
whistle, causing her delay. The Fawns had many baskets, soap-root
brushes, and awls.

After the Fawns had crossed the river. Bear arrived at the bank.
She asked Daddy Longlegs, **Did the girls come by this place?" He
replied, **Yes." Then Bear told Daddy Longlegs, **The girls ran
away from me." Daddy Longlegs asked, ** Where is their mother?"
Bear replied, ** Their mother is sick. That is why she did not come,
and that is why I seek the girls. She told me to bring them back."

Bear then asked Daddy Longlegs to put his leg across the river,
so that she might cross. He said, **A11 right," and stretched his leg
across the river. Then Bear walked on Daddy Longlegs' leg. When
she reached the middle, Daddy Longlegs gave a sudden spring and
threw her into the air. She fell into the river, and had to swim
to the opposite shore.

She found again the track of the Fawns. Wherever the track was
plain she ran rapidly to make up for the time lost. The numerous
awls, which the Fawns had thrown to each side of the trail, whistled
as before.

** Hurry, sister, we near our grandfather's (Lizard's) house," said
the older Fawn to the younger. Bear became exceedingly angry and
shouted in her rage.

** Hurry, she comes; hurry, sister, she comes. We would not like
to have her catch us before we reached our grandfather's," said the
older Fawn. Then the Fawns threw awls and baskets to each side
of the trail anew. As they approached their grandfather's house,
Bear gained upon them. As Bear saw them nearing their grand-
father 's she shouted again in her anger.

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The Pawns at last arrived at their grandfather's assembly house
and asked him to open the door. The grandfather told the Pawns,
**My door is on the north side of the house." The Pawns ran to the
north side, but found no door. Then they called again, ** Hurry,
grandfather, open the door.*' He said, **My door is on the east side
of the house.'' Then they ran to the east side, but found no door.
Then they ran around the house. They found no door. They called
again to their grandfather. He said, **My door is at. the top of the
house. Come in through the top."

The Pawns climbed to the top of the house and entered through
the smoke hole. Their grandfather asked why they had come to see
him. The Pawns told him, **Bear killed our mother." The grand-
father asked, ** Where is Bear!"

The Pawns said, **Bear took our mother down to the clover. She
ate mother there. Then she returned to the house and told us to
eat the clover which she brought. While we were eating the clover
from the basket, we found the liver of our mother in the bottom
under the clover, found our mother's liver at the bottom of the basket.
The clover was on top of it." Thus spoke the Fawns to their grand-
father. He asked them again, ** Where is Bear?"

The Pawns replied, * * She follows us. She comes. Yes, she comes. ' '

Then Lizard, their grandfather, threw two large white stones into
the fire. The Fawns sat by and watched him while he heated the
two white stones. While he heated the stones, Bear came. She had
followed the tracks of the Pawns to their grandfather's assembly
house. Bear said to herself, **I think they went to their grand-
father's." Meanwhile Lizard heated the white stones.

After looking around the assembly house, Bear called to Lizard,
* * Did the Pawns come here ? ' ' Lizard said, ' ' Yes. Why ?' ' * * Well,
I wish to take them home." said Bear. Lizard asked. **Why do you
wish to take them home 1 ' ' Then Bear replied, * * I wish to take them
home to their mother. Where is your door ? ' '

Lizard told her that the door was on the north side of the assembly
house. She ran to the north side, but found no door. She called
again, ** Where is the door?" ** It is on the west side of my assembly
house," said Lizard. Bear was very angry, but she ran to the west
side of the house. She found no door there, so she asked again.
Lizard said, **It is on the east side of my assembly house." Again
she found no door, and she became exceedingly angry and asked him
crossly, ** Where is the door?" Lizard replied, **Run around the

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assembly house and you will find it." She ran around the house
four times, but to no avail. In more of a rage than ever, she asked
Lizard, ** Where is your doorT' Then Lizard told her that it was
at the top of the assembly house. Bear climbed to the top and found
the opening.

Upon finding the opening, she shouted and said, **I shall eat those
girls.'* Lizard only laughed. Bear asked how she should enter.
Lizard said, **Shut your eyes tight and open your mouth wide, then
you enter the quicker. ' '

Bear shut her eyes tight and shoved her head through the smoke
hole with her mouth wide open. Lizard called to her, ** Wider.'*
Then Lizard threw those two white stones, which he had heated, and
threw one of them into her mouth. It rolled into her stomach. He
threw the second one. It remained in her mouth. Bear rolled from
the top of the assembly house dead.

Lizard told his granddaughters, **She is dead." Then Lizard
went outside and skinned Bear. After skinning her, he dressed the
hide well. He cut it into two pieces, making one small piece and one
large piece.

He gave the large hide to the older Fawn and the small hide to
the younger. He said to them, **Take care of those hides." Then
he told the older Pawn to run and discover what sort of a sound the
hide made when she ran. The older Pawn ran and the sound was
very loud. Then Lizard told the younger Pawn to run. Her hide
made a fairly loud sound, but not so loud as that of the older Pawn.

Old Lizard laughed, saying, **The younger one is stronger than
the older." Then he told them to run together. He pointed to a
large tree and told them to try their strength against the tree. The
older one tried first. She ran against it, splintering it a little. Then
the younger girl ran against the tree at its thickest part. She smashed
it to pieces.

Lizard laughed again and said, **You are stronger than your
sister." Then he told both to run together. They ran about and
kicked the tree all day long. Lizard returned home and, upon arriv-
ing there, said, **The girls are all right. I think I had better send
them above."

The Pawns said to Lizard, **We are going home." Lizard asked
them not to go. He said, **I shall get you 'both a good place. I am
going to send you girls above." Then the girls went up. They
ran around above and Lizard heard them running. He called them

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Thunders. He said, **I think it is better for them to stay there.
They will be better oflf there." Lizard closed the door of his assembly
house. Rain began to fall. The girls ran around on the top, and rain
and hail fell.

3. YAYALI, THE GIANT

The Qiant walked from below. He shouted as he journeyed up
the mountain, shouted all of the way. He shouted to the people as
he searched for them, shouted all around the hills.

Chipmunk answered him. Chipmunk told the people that some-
one was coming up the mountain shouting. ** Perhaps he comes to
tell us something," said Chipmunk. **I shall meet him." Chipmunk
said to his wife, * * I think your brother comes. I shall meet him, for
I think he comes. ' '

It was raining heavily when Chipmunk went to meet the new-
comer. Chipmunk called to him, **Come, tell us who you are." The
Giant answered Chipmunk by saying, ** There is my meat." Chip-
munk again answered the Giant's call, for he thought that his brother-
in-law was coming.

Chipmunk at last realized that the newcomer was not his brother-
in-law, and he said to himself, **I have found someone. I have met
someone. He is not my brother-in-law." When Chipmunk saw the
burden basket on the back of the Giant, he knew that he was not his
brother-in-law. Chipmunk said to himself, **I do not think I will
go anywhere now. I do not think I will be able to reach home. ' ' Just
then the Giant approached him and asked him where he was going.
Chipmunk replied, **My assembly house is over there." The Giant
said, **Go ahead and I will go with you."

Upon arriving at the house, Chipmunk told the Giant to enter
ahead of him, while he obtained wood and built a fire. The Giant
insisted, however, that Chipmunk take the lead, saying that he was
not a member of the family. * * You are the owner of the house, ' ' said
the Giant. **You lead into your own house. I am not the owner of
it." Chipmunk demurred and asked the Giant to go ahead. **Take
the lead, or you will freeze," he said to the Giant. **You have been
in the rain and have become wet. I will build a fire for you. ' '

Chipmunk's insistence was of no avail. Again the Giant said,
**You take the lead. You are the owner of the house." Then Chip-
munk, to save further argument, led the way into the house. The

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Giant followed him. As they approached the door, the Giant reached
into his basket, securing a stone. He threw the stone at Chipmunk,
striking him on the back and killing him.

After he had killed Chipmunk, the Giant told Chipmunk's wife
to help him bring in the meat. He then made himself at home and
married Chipmunk's widow. He cooked Chipmunk, the owner of the
house, whom he had killed. He told his new wife to eat of Chip-
munk's flesh after he had cooked it. She said, **You eat it." The
Giant insisted, **You eat it, you eat it."

After the Giant left the house, his wife (Chipmunk's widow) dug
a hole in the ground. She placed in the hole her daughter by Chip-
munk. She fed the little girl with deer meat.

The Giant returned at sundown. He had in his basket many
people, whom he had killed. When he entered the house, he said
to his wife, **We will not starve. We have plenty of meat." The
woman told the Giant to eat the human flesh himself. She cooked
deer meat for hei*se]f. She ate the deer meat. The Giant ate the
people whom he had killed.

The Giant's wife cooked deer meat, with which she fed her
daughter, whom she had hidden in the pit. She did not wish the
Giant to see her daughter, for fear that he might eat her.

As the Giant departed the next morning, he said to his wife, * * You
have a better husband than you had before. He obtains more meat
than your former husband. Chipmunk. I go now to get you more
meat." He proceeded into the hills in search of more people. He
told his wife before he left, that he would be back at sundown. As he
departed he rolled a big boulder against the door, so that his wife
might not escape. He rolled large boulders against both ends of the
assembly house, and also one over the smoke hole at the top of the
assembly house, where the smoke emerges. He closed the doors tightly
with large boulders. After he had closed the doors, he went into the
hills to capture more victims. He returned with a load of people in
his basket. He had captured many large, fat people for his wife.
He rolled the boulders aside and entered the house.

While he was away, his wife had cooked deer meat. The Giant
wished to feed his wife upon fat people. He told her to eat the flesh
of fat people. She said, **Yes," but instead she ate deer meat. The
Giant thought that she ate the fat people, but instead she ate deer
meat. He threw away some of the human flesh, because he could not
eat it all. Again he obtained more fat people and cooked them. He

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told his wife to eat the flesh of the fat people. He said, **If you do
not eat them, I will kill you." He said, **I think you have a very
good husband. He always obtains plenty of meat, when he hunts.
He never misses a person with his stone.'' Again he returned with
a large load of victims, whom he cooked for his wife. He cooked, and
he cooked, and he cooked. When it became dark he danced. He was
so tall that his head projected through the smoke hole of the assembly
house.

The Giant 's wife gave birth to two boy babies. Both of them were
little giants. She wished to kill them, but she feared that the Qiant
would avenge their deaths. She fed them and they grew. All the
while she kept Chipmunk's daughter in the pit. She. fed her con-
tinually with deer meat. By the Giant, she bore two little giants.

When the Giant departed for the day, she took her daughter from
the pit, and held her in her lap, while the two little giants slept.
She cried all day, when the Giant was away. She mourned for poor
Chipmunk. She feared the Giant, but she could not escape, because
the boulders, which the Giant put against the doors, were too heavy
for her to push away. So each day she sat in the house and cried.

**You eat them. This is the meat which I cooked for you. You
eat them. This is the best one. I selected it for you." The woman
replied, **Yes." Then the Giant danced. He danced. He danced.
His head went through the smoke hole, when he danced. When he
felt happy he danced, his head going through the smoke hole.

He told his wife, **Care for my sons. Don't lose them. Care for
my sons. Do not fear hunger, for I will always bring you plenty of
meat. I am always sure to obtain meat when I hunt. ' ' He went into
the hills again in the morning to capture more women and boys and
men. He killed everybody, old people, young people, girls, and men.
He killed so many that he filled his basket in a very short time. His
wife, however, had plenty of deer meat which Chipmunk had obtained
for her.

Every night, when the Giant came home, he danced. After he
had danced, he cooked the meat for his wife, giving her old men and
old women. He took for himself the young people. When he came
home, he brought pine nuts with his victims. The old white-shelled
pine nuts, that were worthless, he cracked and gave to his wife, **Eat
these pine nuts. Here are plenty of pine nuts. You will not become
hungry, if you stay with me. Thus he spoke to his wife, when he
came home each night. He said to her, **Eat these pine nuts, for I

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perceive that you are hungry." His wife said, **Yes." However,
she deceived him, for she did not eat the pine nuts. When he was
not looking, she threw them away. She threw them away, when he
was not looking. At the same time, she made believe that she ate the
pine nuts. She ate only pine nuts which Chipmunk had obtained for
her. She did not eat those which the Giant brought to her. Each time
that the Giant went away, she ate from her own stock of pine nuts,
which Chipmunk had collected for her.

The old women and the fat women that the Giant obtained, he
brought to his wife; also those women who were pregnant. He said
to his wife, **Eat. Eat well." His wife replied, **Yes, I am eating
them. ' ' Yet all the time she deceived him.

Again he went into the hills to hunt people. He travelled all over
the country in his search. When he returned, he brought a large load
of people. Upon his arrival, he cooked the old women for his wife.
Then he danced outside of the assembly house. Afterwards he danced
inside. His wife did not eat the old women whom he cooked for her.
She said, **Yes, I am eating," but she always deceived him. She
worried every day, for fear that the Giant would kill her. That which
he cooked for her she put into a hole, making believe, however, that
she ate it. Instead, she ate deer meat. The Giant thought that she
ate the persons whom he cooked for her.

The deer meat, which she cooked each day while the Giant was
absent, she fed to her daughter in the pit. Each day, when she took
her daughter from the pit, she cried. She felt sorry for the girl,
because her father had been cooked in the fire. The thought of Chip-
munk's sad end depressed her and made her cry all day, while the
Giant was away. When the Giant returned in the evening, she hid
her daughter in the pit. She herself lay over the pit, so that the
Giant would not find her daughter. She sat over the pit, so that the
Giant would not take the girl. The two sons of the Giant lay in the
comers of the house. The Giant changed them from corner to comer,
when he came home. The boys never cried. They laughed all the
time. That is all that they did.

Chipmunk's brothers below dreamed about him. One of them
said, **I think I will visit him. I will see how he fares. I dreamed
that he was sick." So spoke one of Chipmunk's brothers after he
dreamed about him. He told no one that he was leaving, but pro-
ceeded secretly into the mountains. He did not follow the regular
trail, but went through the brush, passing through the high moun-

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tains. He spoke to no one of his proposed visit. He did not hasten,
but travelled slowly toward his brother's home.

At last he arrived at Chipmunk's assembly-house. He said to his
sister-in-law, **I am coming. Why are these large boulders against
the doorf Then his sister-in-law answered him from within, saying,
**Come in. The Giant killed your brother. He closes the door with
those large boulders each time he goes out." Thus did his sister-in-
law answer him, when he arrived at her house.

Then he rolled aside the boulders at each end of the house. His
sister-in-law said to him after he entered, **The Giant killed your
brother. Just see us. There are the Giant's two sons." Her brother-
in-law then inquired about her daughter. ** Where is my brother's
girl?" he said. The woman replied, **Shc is in this hole. I did not
want the Giant to see her." Thus spoke his sister-in-law, when she
answered him.

Chipmunk's brother asked his sister-in-law when the Giant would
return. She said, ** Sometimes he returns after sundown, sometimes
before sundown. Today he went far and will not return until to-
morrow morning."

Then her brother-in-law told her to crush some obsidian. He said,
**You can go home. The Giant has many brothers. If they overtake
you, and try to catch you, while you are on your way home, throw
the crushed obsidian in their faces. I shall not go. I shall remain
here."

She crushed obsidian and placed it on a deer hide. After she
crushed it, her brother-in-law told her to start for home. He warned
her especially not to lose the obsidian. **If they catch you," he said,
**you can use it. Throw it in their eyes." He then proceeded to dig
holes in different directions.

Following his advice she started. Meanwhile he dug holes, one
toward the south, one toward the east, one toward the north, and
one toward the west. He dug them so that he might conceal himself
and dodge from one to the other in case he were pursued. He made
holes all around the assembly house, both inside and outside. After
he had finished digging the holes, he did nothing. He rested and
walked about outside of the assembly house.

He thought about the Giant and wondered when he would return.
He went into the hills and cut a manzanita stick, sharpening one edge
of it. He worked upon it all day, making it sharp. His sister-in-law

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told him to be careful with it. He asked her what the Giant did
when he came home. She told him that the Giant always danced, and
that every time he danced, his head projected through the smoke hole,
his head projected through the smoke hole at the top of the house.
Chipmunk's brother said, **A11 right." He finally finished sharpen-
ing the manzanita stick, making it very sharp.

Then he walked around, he walked around. While he watched the
Giant came over the hill. He said to himself, **I think that is he
coming now." He stood outside and watched the Giant. As the
Giant approached the house, Chipmunk's brother stepped inside. The
Giant saw him and said, ** There is another victim. There is another
victim." The Giant was glad that he had another person to kill.
The Giant followed close behind him into the house.

Chipmunk's brother had killed the two young giants. He gouged
out their eyes after he killed them and threw their eyes into the fire,
putting one in each corner. Before his sister-in-law had left, he had
asked her where the young giants kept their hearts. She had told
him, **In the ankle," and that is where he hit them with the stick,
when he killed them. After he had thrown their eyes into the fire, he
went outside. The young giants were in each corner beside the fire.
The two young giants were dead.

Chipmunk's brother now talked to the Giant. He asked him,
**What do you do first, when you come home?" The Giant replied,
**I dance. Just watch me dance."

Then Chipmunk's brother went into his holes and came forth in
different places. The Giant tried to catch him and followed him
about, but Chipmunk's brother was too quick for him and dodged into
the holes. The Giant chased him around the assembly house. Every
time that the Giant neared him, he jumped into a hole, appearing
again in another part of the house.

He told the Giant, **You cannot catch me unless you dance. After
you dance, I will let you catch me. I want to see you dance first."

Chipmunk's brother stayed outside, while the Giant danced. He
shouted at the Giant and said, ** Dance more. Jump higher through
that smoke hole. I like to see you dance."

The Giant did as Chipmunk's brother told him. While he danced.
Chipmunk's brother with his manzanita stick climbed on top of the
assembly house. Suddenly he struck the Giant across the neck, decapi-
tating him. The head rolled down close to the spring near the house

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and the body of the Giant collapsed inside of the house. Chipmunk's
brother then cut the Giant to pieces and scattered the flesh over the
trees, on top of the rocks, and inside of the assembly house.

One of the Giant's brothers dreamed. He dreamed that his
brother was obtaining plenty of meat. He said to the other brothers
of the Giant, **Let us visit our brother. He is married now and
obtains plenty of meat every day."

Then a large number of the Giant's brothers proceeded to the
Giant's assembly house. When they arrived at the house, they saw
the meat hanging on the trees. ** Plenty of meat, plenty of meat,
plenty of meat. Our brother is quite expert with his stone," they
said.

Then they cooked the meat which they found on the trees, not
knowing it was their brother's flesh. They thought that it was the
flesh of various people whom he had killed. Each of them ate a
piece. They had all that they wished.

The youngest brother desired a drink, so they searched for the
spring, which they found. Just as the youngest one was about to
drink, he noticed the head lying beside the spring. **We ate our
brother,' he said to his older brothers. Then they all returned to the
house. The youngest one said, * * Someone killed our brother. ' '

**What shall we cry?" the youngest one said. One of the others
answered, **Well, we will cry *oak.' I do not know who killed our
brother. We do not know whence the murderer came. Let us sleep
and dream about it."

After sleeping, they arose. The one who had proposed that they
sleep pointed to the south. The others did not believe that the slayer
of their brother came from that direction. Each of the others said,
**I have not dreamed about him yet. Let us sleep again." Again
they awoke and the one who had dreamed said, **A man from the
north killed our brother."

Again they slept, for they did not believe each other. One of them
awoke and awakened the rest. **A man from the east killed our
brother," he said. But they did not believe him.

The youngest brother, who found the head near the spring, started
to cry. The others tried to stop him. He went again to the spring
and thrust his head into the water. When he returned to his brothers,
he pretended that he had cried more than they. They thought that
the water on him was tears. They said, * * He is the only one who really
mourns for his murdered brother." Then they said, ** Let's sleep
again."

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The youngest brother dreamed and awakened the others. He
told them that he dreamed that a man from the west had killed their
brother. He said, too, **Our sister-in-law is on the way to her father's
house. I surely dreamed it.*'

They all said, ** Let's cry." The youngest one objected, saying,
** Let's sleep before we cry." Then he dreamed again. He dreamed
that his sister-in-law was on the way to her father's house.

**Well, let's arise," said the youngest brother. ** Let's try to
catch our sister-in-law before she reaches her father's home." Thus
spoke the youngest brother. **We must hurry," he said. ** After
we have made a good start, we can slacken our pace." They all
proceeded on their way shouting.

Chipmunk's brother laughed after he killed the Giant. The
Giant's brothers all ran and Chipmunk's brother laughed. Before
their sister-in-law reached her father's house, the Giants overtook her.
One of them said, **Here is our sister-in-law. You catch her," he
said to one of his brothers. As one of them seized her, she threw a
handful of crushed obsidian into their faces. They shouted, for she
had thrown it into their eyes. Each one said, ** Something is in my
eyes. Hurry, remove it. Hurry, remove it. Hurry, remove it. Hurry,
remove it." They examined each other's eyes for the obsidian. They
looked and looked and looked. While they were examining each
other's eyes, their sister-in-law left them. Again they pursued her
and overtook her before she reached her father's house. They said
to each other, ** Catch her, catch her, catch her."

One of them caught her. Again she threw the crushed obsidian.
She threw it into his face before he caught her. **I have something
in my eye," he said. **I have something in my eye. I have some-
thing in my eye. I have something in my eye." Again they exam-
ined each other's eyes to remove the crushed obsidian. They looked
and looked and looked.

Again they followed her. They said, ** Let's hurry. Let's catch
her before she reaches home. Hurry. She has her daughter on her
back." Then they ran. They ran to catch her. Just as they were
about to seize her, she threw the crushed obsidian in their faces again.
Each of them said, **She has thrown something into my eyes." Then
while they examined each other's eyes, she escaped.

After they had removed the obsidian from their eyes, they said,
** Hurry. Let's catch her." Then they ran. ** Catch our sister-in-
law. Hurry," they said. When they attempted to capture her again,

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she threw the obsidian in their eyes. ** Something has come into my
eyes. Something has come into my eyes. Something has come into
my eyes. Hurry, remove it/' each one said. ''Hurry, so that we
may catch her." They ran after her again. Every time they ran
they shouted. Once more she threw the obsidian in their faces and
one of them got it in his eyes. Again she ran and they pursued her.
They said, **We will catch her and hold her this time. She will soon
exhaust her obsidian." Again she threw the obsidian in their faces,
when they tried to lay hands on her. She threw it into their eyes.
Then they looked into each other's eyes and removed the pieces.

** Hurry," they said, **so that we may catch our sister-in-law."
Then they ran. Once more she threw obsidian in their eyes, when they
were about to seize her. Again she ran and this time they were close
behind her. They shouted continually, while they ran. When they
attempted to seize her again, she threw the crushed obsidian in their
eyes. They looked in each other's eyes and removed the obsidian.
This delayed them and prevented them from capturing her. Again
they said, ** Hurry, so that we may catch our sister-in-law." Once
more they caught her and she threw the obsidian in their eyes.

**She approaches her father's home. Hurry, that we may catch
our sister-in-law," they said. They ran. The woman had not lost
her daughter, while she was running. When the giants overtook her
again, she once more threw obsidian in their eyes.

The woman said to her daughter, **We will reach home safely.
We will reach your grandfather's. Hurry and do not become tired.
Hurry, or they will catch us." In the meantime the Giant's brothers
were drawing closer to her. When they went to catch her, she again
threw the obsidian into their eyes. They examined each other's eyes
and removed the crushed obsidian. She escaped from them again,
while they were remo\'ing it. She had very little obsidian left, but
she was nearing her father's house. She was approaching it, while
the Giants picked the obsidian from each other's eyes. **We are near-
ing home," she told her daughter, **so do not be frightened. Your
grandfather (Lizard) will save us when we arrive there."

The giants ran close behind her, shouting as they ran. They
stopped frequently to dance and to sing. Then they would run after
her to catch her. When they were about to catch her, she threw the
crushed obsidian at them.

She drew near her father's house. The Giants ran after her, say-
ing to each other, *'We must catch her before she reaches home."

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When they had nearly captured her, she threw the crushed obsidian
in their eyes. That was the only way she could escape from them.
At last she reached the house.

She called to her father to open the door. She said, **A Giant
killed your son-in-law. Hurry, open the door. The Giant ate your
son-in-law.'' Thus she called to her father. Then he opened the door,
which was a large rock. After his daughter had stepped inside, he
spat on the door so that the Giant's brothers could not open it. The
assembly house turned into rock, when he spat upon the door, turned
into rock all around. The Giants encircled the house several times
inquiring for the door. Lizard did not answer them. They finally
became tired and sat down. Then they began to sing and dance.
The old man asked his daughter, *'Who are theyt Who are they?"
She replied, '*They are the Giant's brothers." The old man, her
father, said, **Let the wind blow them away. Let the wind blow
them away. Throw them away. I do not want them here." Then
a great wind came, but the Giant's brothers turned and blew the
great wind back.

Then the old man in the assembly house called a great snow.
The great snow came and covered everything. **Come and cover
everything," said the old man, when he called the snow. After the
snow had covered the Giants, they shouted and it melted. They
shouted and the snow melted. After the snow melted, the old man
said, **It is strange that they do not mind me. What is the matter
with them? It is strange that they do not mind." Then he called
the hail. He called the hail to try and force them to go away. He
hoped that the hail would chase them away. Thus spoke Lizard, when
he called the hail. When the hail started, the Giant's brothers
shouted. The hail ceased immediately. Then Lizard, the woman's
father, called for a flood. He wished the water to wash away the
Giant's brothers. Thus spoke Lizard, when he called for the flood
to help him. The flood came suddenly and washed away the Giant's
brothers, before they had an opportunity to shout. They did not
return, for they were drowned by the water.

Then the woman told Lizard, her father, **The Giant killed my
daughter's father. He killed him. The Giant killed him. He ate
him after he killed him. When the Giant came, we thought that it
was Chipmunk's brother coming to tell us something. I told Chip-
munk to go and meet him, when he shouted. I did not know that it
was a Giant coming. Then Chipmunk went to meet the Giant. When

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Chipmunk approached the Giant, he shouted to him and asked who
he was. The Giant replied, *Come here. I am here.' Thus spoke
the Giant, when Chipmunk met him. Then the Giant said, 'That is
my meat over there. I caught him, caught him, meat. ' Thus spoke the
Giant. We knew nothing about the Giant, but thought that he was
Chipmunk's brother coming for a visit. Then Chipmunk brought
the Giant home, brought the Giant home. He feared the Giant and
tried to leave him in the bills, but the Giant followed him. Chip-
munk's brother is there now. He has taken his dead brother's place.
I do not know how he fares. He said to me, *You go to your father.
I will stay here. I will stay here and take my brother's place. I am
ready for another Giant.' "

[The Giant made his home on Table Mountain, near Jamestown,
Tuolumne County.]

4. THE MAKING OF ARROWS

**What shall we do, brother? What shall we dot I would like to
hunt. I do not know how we are to hunt. I do not know how we are
to hunt. I do not know how we shall be able to hunt. I should like
very much to hunt. I do not know how we can make arrows. We
have nothing with which to cut. We know of nothing with which
to cut. I do not know how we can hunt. We have nothing with which
to cut. We do not know how to cut. I would like very much to hunt,
brother. I do not know how we are to arrange it, but we will try.
We have nothing with which to cut. I should like you and me to hunt
together, brother. We have nothing with which to hunt."

**Let us throw our grandmother into the water. If she does not
want to go, we will pull her in. We will throw the old woman, our
grandmother, into the water. After you have thrown her into the
water, pull her out quickly. Pull her out quickly. Do not keep her
in the water long. Do not keep her in the water long."

Then Dove went. Dove went. He threw his grandmother into
the water, threw her into the water. After he had thrown her into
the water, he pulled her out quickly. He pulled her out quickly.

Then Dove went to his brother and said: **I threw her into the
water. I have already thrown her into the water. Come, I have
her."

His brother said to him, **Pull one of her teeth. We will make
a knife of it." Then he pulled one of her teeth, pulled one of her
teeth. After they obtained the tooth, they commenced to cut, com-
menced to cut.

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Then Prairie Falcon said, **Piill sinew from her arm. Pull sinew
from her leg. We shall then have the cord for the bow." Thus
spoke Prairie Falcon to his brother.

Dove obtained the sinew, as he was bid. Then they started to
work on the arrows. They did not know how to begin. They made
the arrows just by thinking. They made the bow. One of them told
the other, **We will try." They made a good bow. They made a
good bow. Nobody knew what the bow was. No one had ever seen
a bow.

After they completed it, they looked at it. Prairie Falcon said
to his brother, **I guess this will be satisfactory to hunt with." He
told his brother to cut a piece of yellow pine. Thus spoke Prairie
Falcon to his brother, after they had killed their grandmother. Then
they cut the yellow pine with a knife made from their grandmother's
tooth.

Their grandmother went into the water and cried and worried
about herself. She said, '*I did not think my boys would treat me
this way."

The two brothers finished making their arrows and bows. They
completed them. Prairie Falcon said, ''These arrows are satisfactory'.
Let us try them." Thus spoke Prairie Falcon to Dove.

**We will see who can shoot the farthest." They shot toward the
east end of the world. The arrows struck in the same place. The
arrows struck in the same place. They did not strike in different
places. They hit in the same place. After they had shot their
arrows, Prairie Falcon said, **Let us race. Let us race. We will
run to the place where the arrows struck. We will see who shot the
farthest. We will see who shot the farthest."

Then they ran. Both started at the same time. Both started to-
gether. They both ran at the same speed. They ran together. One
of them did not gain on the other. At last they reached the arrows.
They arrived at the place where the arrows struck. Prairie Falcon
said to Dove, **You are a pretty good runner. We both run about
the same. Let us shoot again. Let us shoot again."

Then they shot toward the west end of the world. Again they
ran to the place where the arrows struck. Neither won the race, for
they both ran together. Prairie Falcon said to Dove, ''We run the
same. We run the same. I did not think that you could run so
fast."

They shot their arrows again toward the east. The arrows struck

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in one place. Then they ran. When they arrived at the arrows, both
stopped at the same instant. They both stopped at the same time.

They shot again to the west end of the world. They shot toward
the west. Then they ran to the place where the arrows struck. The
arrows struck in a bush. When the brothers arrived, they saw the
bush. One brother said to the other, **Let us dig this bush. It is
good to eat. Let us dig it." They dug the bush from the lower side.
Then they dug, dug, dug. They were nearing the end of the bush,
nearing the end. They ate the bush as they dug. They ate while they
dug. The root became thicker while they dug. They continued to
dig, continued to dig. The younger brother said to the other, **Keep
on digging. You will find the end pretty soon. Keep on digging."
The older brother asked, **Do you see the end yet?" The younger
one replied, **I am getting close to the end." He continued to dig.
He continued to dig.

Then the grandmother, who had turned into Beaver, said, * * I will
have revenge upon those boys. ' ' She told the water to drown Prairie
Falcon. The water came, while Prairie Falcon was digging, and
drowned him. Dove escaped. He cried for his brother. He rolled
and rolled over the hills. He cried for his dead brother. He rolled
and rolled around the great mountains. He was scratched and bruised
by the rocks and the brush. He bled all over. He mourned for his
brother and cried for him. He said to himself, **I do not know
what killed my brother." Thus he spoke to himself. He travelled
all over the world crying, travelled to the places which he and his
brother had visited together.

Dove met Spark. Spark asked him, * * What are you doing ? What
are you crying about? Dove replied, '* Something killed my
brother. I do not know what it was." Then Dove sent Spark to
investigate. Spark alighted close to the old woman. The old woman
was still crushing bones. She was still crushing bones. A small bone
flew out of the mortar. Spark seized it and put it on an arrow. Then
he shot the arrow with the bone point toward Dove. The arrow struck
in front of Dove, while he was crying. . Dove picked up the arrow
and looked at the point. As he was about to remove the bone point,
it spoke to him. The point turned into Prairie Falcon. After the
bone arrow-point transformed itself into Prairie Falcon, Prairie Fal-
con cried for his brother Dove, because the latter had so many wounds
and bruises.

Prairie Falcon cried and cried over his brother Dove, because

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the latter had bruised and hurt himself so. Brother Dove was bleed-
ing. He had no hair. Then Prairie Falcon called the various kinds
of birds together. He asked each to give him one feather. He said,
'*My brother has no feathers on him. Do me this favor. Give me
one feather apiece." They each gave him one feather. Then he
rehabilitated his brother Dove. He still cried for his brother Dove,
for he felt sorry to think that Dove had cut and bruised himself so
for him.

Then they went all over the world, searching for Dove's blood on
the rocks, where he had struck. Every time that Praire Falcon saw
a rock with his brother's blood upon it he cried, for he knew that it
was his brother's blood and that those were the rocks which had cut
his brother.

Dove recovered from his bruises and cuts and was soon well again.
Dove said to his brother, * * I am well now. Worry about me no more.
Worry about me no more. Do not trouble about me. I do not want
to lose you. See how poor you look now." Thus spoke Dove to his
brother, while he was crying. This made Prairie Falcon cry the
more.

Dove continued. **I thought you told me the truth, when you said
that that bush was good to eat. If I had known that you were to be
taken away from me so suddenly, I should not have let you dig that
bush. That is why I do not want you to bother with anything after
this. Our grandmother turned into a Beaver just as you fell, brother.
If we had not attacked our grandmother, we should have had a grand-
mother still." Thus spoke Dove to his brother, Prairie Falcon.

Now they had no grandmother. Prairie Falcon cried because his
grandmother had turned into Beaver. They both cried and cried
for their grandmother. They did not know how to get back their
grandmother. They went along the river. They saw Beaver in the
riflBe. They said, ** There is Beaver." Beaver was their grandmother.
They used to take their grandmother everywhere they went, but they
lost their grandmother because of the arrows. At last they aban-
doned the search for her and went home. Their grandmother had
turned into Beaver.

Everybody made arrows thereafter. Dove cried for his grand-
mother. Prairie Falcon cried, but they made arrows. They lost their
grandmother because of the arrows.

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5. PEAIBIE FALCON 'S M ABEIAGE

** Going, going to marry Prairie Falcon,'* Green Heron said.
*'Give me a large basket. Give me a basket, so that I may give it to
Meadowlark.'' The two left that night after they had married the
chief. ** Where is my daughter going?" said Green Heron. When
they returned. Coyote followed them. Coyote said, **You, Green
Heron, what will you do when the chief becomes hungry?*' Thus
spoke Coyote, when he told them to prepare food for the chief.

Eagle told California Jay to obtain food. Then Coyote said to
Eagle, **We go now to hunt rabbits.** Coyote continued to Califor-
nia Jay, **Yes, that is all right. Let's go.*' ** Whatever you people
say is good, * * said Eagle to Jay. Then they departed.

Jay and Coyote went hunting. Coyote ran away and hid behind
a rock.

Green Heron told his daughters to pound acorns. They said,
**Yes.** They went over to the mortar, where they pounded acorns.
The chief arose from his bed to marry one of the girls. He had never
known any girl intimately. Then he went to the assembly house and
told his wife to pound acorns on the following day. Prairie Falcon
told his sister to take the acorns to the girls. One of the girls, Meadow-
lark, gave birth to a boy baby. After she had given birth to the
child, she pounded acorns. The Eagle visited her while she pounded
acorns. He took her, Prairie Falcon's wife. **Why is that chief
deceiving me by taking my wife away from me?** said Prairie Falcon,
and he became very angry.

Prairie Falcon decided to go away. He said to his sister, **Give
me a bow and arrow. I am going into the world." He killed one
quail with an arrow. He took the quail with him. He said, *'I do
not think my sister eats anything." Then he travelled over the
world, along the water towards the north. After that he returned
home. He told his sister to tell no one where he had been.

'*I will kill my wife, if she follows me. She deceived me, when
she married me," said Prairie Falcon. Then he went around the
world, returning again to his sister.

After returning to his sister, he visited his sister's husband,
Lizard. Lizard threw the fire to him. Lizard said to his wife, ** What
will your brother do over there?" Then Prairie Falcon said to his
sister, **I think he does not wish me to remain." *'Hold back your
dogs,** said Prairie Falcon *s sister to Lizard, for Lizard had rattle-

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snakes and bears for dogs. **I do not want them to bite me/' said
Prairie Falcon to his sister.

*'I go now to the place where my father died," said Prairie
Falcon to his sister. His sister objected, saying, **Do not go; remain
here,'' for she feared for him. Their father had died at the place to
which he was going. **No, I go. My father went there and I go, too,"
said Prairie Falcon. His sister then said, **Well, you may go, then.
Remember, if anything happens to you, that you did not mind me,
when I told you not to go."

**You watch my wife, for she might follow me," said Prairie
Falcon to his sister. **If she comes, I will kill her. She is a pretty
woman, but I will kill her, nevertheless." His sister said, **Do not
kill her, for she will save your life when you arrive at your des-
tination. ' '

His wife followed him all the way. He looked back to find that
she followed him. She was coming. Prairie Falcon said to his
brother-in-law. Lizard, ** Watch her closely, for I shall take her. I
do not think that I shall kill her." Lizard watched her and Prairie
Falcon took her. **Yes, I am going," said Prairie Falcon. **Do not
give me that girl, ' ' he said to Lizard.

He went north. He told his sister not to tell his wife where he
had gone. **I go to the north," he said. *'I go to the north. I feel
lonesome." Thus he spoke to his sister, as he was leaving. **It is
all right if they kill me. I go around the water. I do not think I
shall come back. I go around the water. I think that will be the last
of me. I do not think that you will see me any more."

He changed his mind, after he talked with his sister, and went to
the south instead. He finally arrived at his destination.

Lizard said to his wife, **Your brother will be back, so the fire
tells me." Prairie Falcon's sister said, *'Our brother has returned."

Upon his return, Prairie Falcon found that his wife had started
for the place to which he had been. He set out again to overtake
her. He overtook her before she arrived at har destination. Then
they proceeded on their journey together. Prairie Falcon said, **I
go to the place where my father died. I shall take my wife with me."

He arrived there and found that his father. Owl, still lived.
Prairie Falcon remained with his father. His father said to him,
after he had stayed with him a while, **If they want your wife, give
her to them, because she will save your life."

Prairie Falcon's brother-in-law, Lizard, told his wife that her
brother had gone.

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Prairie Falcon told his wife not to come near him after they had
arrived at their destination. **Keep away from me/' he said. Lizard
threw the fire on the ground. Prairie Falcon told his father, **Fire
comes." His wife saw the fire coming. Prairie Falcon told his father
to return.

All of the ground was burned after Lizard threw the fire. Prairie
Falcon told his wife that a large fire was coming. **We had better
hurry or it will catch us. ' ' His wife replied that she did not believe
him. She pulled two hairs from herself and threw them on the
ground. They became a lake. She did this after Prairie Falcon left.
She entered the lake and stayed in the water, while the fire burned
around it. She swam around the lake. Finally she came out of it
and went to her father. Upon meeting her father (Meadowlark man),
she said, **We are safe now, the fire has gone out.'* Meadowlark 's
wife said to him, **We go to the place to which Prairie Falcon has
gone.'* Then they went. They obtained a large rock, which rolled
upon the wife's leg.

Prairie Falcon told his wife that they had arrived at their desti-
nation. **They are going to have a game with me," he said. **If
they win, they will kill me. ' '

Prairie Falcon's father. Owl, helped him. He helped Prairie
Falcon in the game, which they played. Prairie Falcon called strong
winds from every direction to help him in the race. The big wind
came as they started the jumping contest. Prairie Falcon jumped
about before he jumped through the hole. He jumped through the
hole. It snapped at him, but just missed him. He said to his wife,
**We have gone through one place safely. Now we are going to my
father."

Prairie Falcon's father dreamed that his son was coming. Prairie
Falcon's father said that he dreamed that his son was coming. **I
am going to meet him. He is on his way, coming to see me. He is
coming. I think they will kill him when he arrives here. ' '

The people told him that his son had arrived. **We can have a
game with him," they said. **He has arrived. He has brought his
wife with him." Thus spoke Chief Mountain Sheep to his people.
Mountain Sheep gave a festival in which games were played.

Mountain Sheep said, *'We are going to have a big festival. We
are going to have a football game. Get Prairie Falcon's wife. Bring
his wife. I like his wife. He can have my wife. ' ' They took Prairie
Falcon's wife and brought another woman to him. They held a

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festival. They told Prairie Falcon that he could have his wife back
after the games were over. Prairie Falcon replied, *'A11 right."
Then, upon second thought, he said, **No. I would rather have my
wife with me. I will send the string of beads." Eagle said, **A11
right. I will take the beads over there. ' '

The other girl went to Prairie Falcon, but Prairie Falcon told her
not to come near him, told her to stay away. She slept in a different
place. Then she went to Mountain Sheep and told him that Prairie
Falcon did not sleep with her. Prairie Falcon 's wife went to Moun-
tain Sheep's house and stayed there overnight. Everyone liked her.

Prairie Falcon told Gopher to dig tunnels in the ground on Moun-
tain Sheep's side of the field, so that he would stumble when he ran.
Then Gopher made tunnels in the ground. Next day they played
football. Eoadrunner helped Prairie Falcon and Dove ; so did King-
bird. They ran. Owl kicked the ball; then Prairie Falcon's side
won.

Next day they played more games. Prairie Falcon won the first
game played. Owl kicked the ball; from where it landed Coyote
kicked it; then Dove. After that they played another game.

Then Prairie Falcon said to his father, **Give me my arrows.
Mountain Sheep is tired. They will kill me, father, if they win the
game. I shall forestall them." Then he killed Mountain Sheep with
arrows. After he had killed him, he returned home.

He returned home to his sister. Then he told his wife that she
should bathe. ** After that we will go home," he said. Owl bathed
her. After she had been bathed, they started for home.

Prairie Falcon told his sister not to worry. **I have been over
to Mountain Sheep's place," he said. '*That is all for Mountain
Sheep. I killed him, just as he killed my father."

Prairie Falcon came again to the hole through which he had
passed. He called upon the winds from every direction to help him
pass safely through it. He told his wife to cling to him tightly, when
he jumped. His wife clasped him tightly about the waist. The hole
opened just as he prepared to jump. Then he jumped through it.

When he had passed to the other side of the hole, he said to his
wife, '*We are going home." Then he went to his sister's house again.
He told her that he had killed all of the people on the other side.

His sister told him not to talk thus while his brother-in-law
(Lizard) was listening. Then Prairie Falcon became angry and went
home. Then he went beyond his home. He said that he would never

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return to that place again. He took his son with him. He did not
sleep in his home, but went beyond it.

He left his wife at the assembly house. He told her that he did
not know whether he would return or not. He arrived at a large rock,
which was his father-in-law's place. His father-in-law (Green Heron)
asked him if he wanted anything to eat. He also asked him if he
had won in the game. Prairie Falcon replied, **Yes, I went there
and killed the chief.''

He stayed at his father-in-law's place for two nights. Then his
father came to take him home. He told Prairie Falcon that his wife
was worrying about him. Prairie Falcon came down from the large
rock and talked with his father. He told his father that he did not
desire to return. Then Dove and Coyote came behind him. They
told him that they had left one and that they had not found the
other one. Dove and Coyote were given bear hides to sit upon. Then
they told him to marry the girl with whom he had been going. He
did not reply.

His father asked him what he ate, while he was traveling. He
told his father that he had nothing to eat. His father told him that
he would get him a quail, if he would marry. *' Quail is the only
thing I ever eat," said Prairie Falcon to his father. His father went
hunting.

[Prairie Falcon's assembly house was at Goodwin's ranch near
Montezuma in Tuolumne County. Mountain Sheep's village was at
the south end of the world.]

6. THE FLOOD

Prairie Falcon told his people to prepare. He said, ''Get ready.
Eagle. Get ready. Flicker. Get ready, Dove. Get ready, Wood-
pecker. Get ready, Quail. Get ready. Kingbird. Get ready, Hum-
mingbird. We are going. We are going. We are going, going
toward the north. Hurry, prepare, for we must go at once, must
go at once, must go at once." Thus he spoke, when he told his people
to prepare. **We shall take the people. We shall take the people
to the place where my father always goes."

Prairie Falcon said to Eagle, *'Tell everyone. Eagle. Tell every-
one. Eagle. Have your people prepare. Tell California Jay to
come. Tell Coyote to come. Tell Hummingbird to come. We will
go to the top of the great mountain. ' '

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Eagle said, **We shall follow our chief to the great mountain.
We will go there, so that we may see how the world fares. I hear
that a flood approaches. We are all going together. Do not say *I
shall stay home. ' We are all going. Do not say * I am sick. ' Do not
be lazy. We are all going, going toward the north. We will arrive
there. We will see different sorts of people. ' ' Thus spoke the chief,
when he told his people to prepare.

Prairie Falcon said, '*We are all going. Do not stay behind.
Take Chief Eagle for a guide. He knows the way. Hurry, the water
comes. Do not stay at home, for you will drown. We are all going.
We will try to escape from the flood.*' Thus spoke Prairie Falcon
to Eagle. He continued to Eagle, **I do not think that the water
will cover the great mountain. If we arrive there before it overtakes
us, I think we shall be saved."

They hurried. **The water is just coming over the bluff," said
Coyote to Chief Prairie Falcon. Coyote saw the water coming over
the bluff. Flicker became frightened and fainted. They called Hum-
mingbird to save Flicker's life.

Coyote said, **I am the only one who will drown, as I cannot run
fast enough. One of my legs is cut off." They all went, except
Coyote. He could not walk. He stayed on a big log as the water
neared him. The water reached him and he floated with the log.
Meanwhile, the people gained the mountain top. The water over-
whelmed everything, making great caverns in the mountains. Coyote
on his log drifted hither and thither and finally stranded in a different
country. The water subsided after drowning all human beings.

Eagle said to Rattlesnake, ''The flood washed us to this mountain
top." Rattlesnake repeated this to his wife, saying, *'The water
washed those people to our mountain. ' '

The water rose a second time. It rose higher than ever, and it
washed down the great mountain where the Rattlesnakes lived. Eagle
sent Dove into the air to survey the water for another mountain,
where they might take refuge. Then he sent Hummingbird on a
similar quest. Hummingbird found dry land, returned, and told
Prairie Falcon.

** Hurry, let us go before the water overtakes us," said Prairie
Falcon to his people, **for the water still rises." They went, taking
Rattlesnake with them. On the way Rattlesnake bit Flicker, who was
carrying him. They dropped Rattlesnake in the water, and he had
to swim. He swam back to his home, which the water had not quite

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covered. After he arrived there, the water rose higher and completely
covered the mountain. Rattlesnake was forced to swim again, but
as he could not find land, he became exhausted and was drowned.

Water flooded the entire world. At last Prairie Falcon and Eagle
and their people arrived at a piece of dry land. There they found
green fruit. Hummingbird told them not to eat the fruit. Then
they sent Dove to survey the water and discover how humanity fared.
Dove reported that all human beings were dead.

Prairie Falcon and his people were starving upon their piece of
dry land. Prairie Falcon again sent forth Dove and Hummingbird
with orders to bring back some earth. He told them to obtain mud.
He instructed Hummingbird not to suck the flowers and Dove not to
eat the weed seed. **Do not forget to bring mud,'' he said, **Do not
eat the weed seed and do not suck the flowers." The water had sub-
sided. Prairie Falcon said, when he sent Dove and Hummingbird,
**Do not forget to bring mud. Do not forget to bring mud." Thus
he spoke to Dove and Hummingbird. Then the two went to obtain
mud. This occurred after all human beings were dead, after they
had been drowned and after the great mountains had been changed.
Then Dove and Hummingbird went.

7. THE EEPEOPLING OF THE WORLD

Chief Eagle said, *' Where is Coyote? Where is Coyote? He must
try to resurrect the people. Where is Coyote ? He must try to resur-
rect the people. What shall we do about our dead people? Who is
going to help us? Tell Coyote to think." Thus spoke the chief.
**Tell Coyote to think intently. All human beings are dead." So
said Eagle to Coyote.

Coyote said, * * I do not know how I shall bring them back to life. ' '
Thus spoke Coyote, when he answered Eagle. **But," he continued,
' * I will try to bring them back. I will try to bring them back. ' '

He went to the top of a rock and slept. He dreamed that he saw
a skeleton. Then he went to the chief and told him that he had seen
a skeleton in his dream. The chief sent him back, saying, '*That may
help us. Go back and sleep again. If you dream again do not arise.
The skeleton may talk to you."

Coyote said, **No one helps the chief. He feels lonely. He mourns
each day for the dead Indians." Then Coyote dreamed of the skele-
ton again. The skeleton awakened him and told him to sing. The
skeleton said, **If you sing, the people will return."

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Coyote sang in a great cave. The skeleton told Lesisko [translated
as ** devil" by the interpreter] that Coyote was singing in the cave.
Coyote sang, *'Come back, all of you girls. Come back. Come back.
Come back. Come back, all of you old people. Come back. Come
back. Come back. Come back, all of you women. Come back. Come
back. Come back.'' Thus sang Coyote, when he called the people
back after Eagle asked him to resurrect them.

Prairie Falcon told Coyote to try hard to bring about the return
of mankind. Coyote sang and cried for days and nights. Eagle
cried. He said to Prairie Falcon, **I do not think Coyote will bring
your people back." Coyote said, **The skeleton told me that, if I
sang loudly each morning, some of the people would return, but not
all." Then Coyote went to the chief and said, **The skeleton told
me that by singing loudly every morning some of the people would
return, but not all." The chief felt a bit better after he had this
word from Coyote.

Coyote said, **I think that I shall bring my people back. I think
that I shall. ' ' Thus he spoke, when he talked with the chief. He felt
very happy, when he said this to the chief. Then he continued, **I
will go back to the cave and sing. ' '

Then he sang. He sang in the morning. First he brought one
old man back to life. He tried to talk to the old man, but the latter
would not answer him. The old man did not even shake his head.
Coyote said, **I will try some more singing."

Coyote then visited the chief and told him, **I shall bring the
people back, but they will not be the same people. They will be very
nearly the same people, but they will be a little different." The
chief laughed.

Then Coyote ran around the rock shouting, ran around the rock
shouting. He felt glad that he had resurrected the people. He said,
**I brought back my grandson. Now there are many people. Now
there are many people. Now there are many people. I brought
them back. Now they are nearly the same as they were before."

Then he climbed a hill. He ran around the hills and shouted.
He went around the hills and shouted. Eagle said, **He has made
the same people. Coyote has done well." Thus spoke Chief Eagle,
for he was glad to see the people alive again. Coyote still shouted
and danced in his joy.

The chief said to Hummingbird, '*Go back and look at that moun-
tain." Then Hummingbird went. All of the people returned. The

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chief was glad to see his people. He said that the various kinds of
baskets must return. The chief was glad. He said, ** Coyote did it
all.'' The chief told Chief Prairie Falcon, ** Coyote secured the re-
turn of the people through the help of the skeleton.** Then Coyote
shouted, because he was glad that he had brought back his people.
Thus spoke Coyote. Thus spoke Coyote.

Chief Eagle said, **He brought back the people." Coyote said to
Prairie Falcon, **We have saved our people. They have returned to
their places. I have brought my people back. ' ' He told no one. He
just thought about it, when he brought the people back. No one told
him what to do. When he saw the people, he was glad. Coyote s€dd,
**I do not know what happened to us. I do not know what it was,
that killed our old folks. I do not know whence the water came."
Thus spoke Coyote, while he was running.

Prairie Falcon said, when he answered his brother, **Yes, that is
all right. ' ' Coyote shouted and shouted, when he secured the baskets,
various sorts of baskets, the various sorts in which the people cook.
He shouted and shouted, after he had brought back everything to-
gether with the people. He was glad to have his people again. Then
he stopped shouting. He stopped shouting. He said, * * It is all right.
It is all right." But when he spoke he shouted again. Then he
became accustomed to shouting and he still continues to do so. Be-
cause he was glad to see the people, he shouted.

8. THE SEABCH FOE THE DEEE

** *What is the matter? What is the matter? What is the trouble
that we see no deer? Have any of you seen their tracks? We do
not see them. ' That is what you people say each time that you return
from hunting. Mountain Lion, you go feack and look." Thus spoke
a number of the people before daybreak. **Look for the tracks of
the deer," they said. **We did not see their tracks. Look for their
tracks, Eagle. See if you can find them. Look for their tracks,
Eagle. What shall we eat, if we do not find the deer?" So spoke the
people.

** Where is Fox? Where is he? We want him to find the deer.
You hunters search for the deer." Thus spoke the people to their
hunters.

All went into the hills before the sunrise. Each person went on a

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hill. They went on the hills toward the north, but they saw no deer,
The deer were in several large caves. They did not come forth in the
morning as usual. They did not appear. The hunters searched daily
for them, but found no tracks.

The people came together and said, **What is the matter with the
deert Even we cannot find their tracks.'' Pox, Black Pox, Mountain
Lion, and Wild Cat held a conference. ' * Do not you see deer tracks ? ' '
they asked each other. Each responded, **No. No. I do not see their
tracks." Thus spoke each of the hunters. Thus spoke the hunters
after the deer went into hiding in caves in the high cliffs.

Then the hunters asked, ** Where is Crow? Let him search for the
deer. We must find them soon, or we shall starve."

Mountain Lion said, ** Where is Poxt Let him try to find the
deer, for the hunters have very nearly given up." Pox answered,
*'I do not think that I can find them. It is useless for me to try.
None of you hunters have found them, so what is the use of my
trying?" Thus spoke Pox to the people. He did not wish to try,
for all the good hunters had already tried.

While they were assembled, they asked Mountain Lion if he had
seen deer tracks. The people said, **We have seen no deer. We
see but one track each day, when we go out. We see no deer, but only
the tracks." Thus spoke the people. The deer were hiding in a
cave. Each day one deer came forth. The deer entered the cave from
either end.

Pox said, **I will try, but I fear that I shall find no deer." Thus
he spoke, when he left the people in search of the deer. He went,
intending to do his best. He went to the south end of the world.
Then he went around the world. He went to the place where the
sun sets. Then he returned home. He told the people that he had
seen no deer, that he could find none.

Again Pox, together with Crow, journeyed through the hills in
search of deer. Pox returned, but Crow did not. Black Pox then
went out in place of Pox. He went up a mountain and stayed there
overnight. Black Pox was unsuccessful, however, for the next day
he returned without having found the deer.

The people said, * * Crow has not returned yet. He must have gone
far. They sent Eagle and some of the people with him, saying, ** You
men try to find Crow, for he has not returned. Something must have
happened to him." After a while Eagle and his people returned
without having found Crow or the tracks of the deer. The people

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were starving. They had nothing to eat. Eagle said upon his return,
* * We are starving. All that we have is water. ' '

They next sent Wild Cat to search for the deer. Mountain Lion
said to the second Crow, **You go. See if you can find the deer. I
fear that if you cannot find them, we shall die. We shall starve."
Then Crow went. He climbed first to the top of a high hill. The
first Crow, his brother, had not yet returned. He stood on the top
of the high hill, which is at the end of the world. Then he returned.
He told the people that he could not find his brother. Thus he spoke,
when he returned.

The chief said nothing, for he was worrying, because his people
were starving. The chief said nothing, but was worried. Finally,
he said to Mountain Lion, * * You go. Let us see you go. ' ' Mountain
Lion now went to locate the deer. He followed along the creek. Upon
his return he said, **I do not know what is the trouble. I could not
find them. I could not even find their tracks. I do not know what
is the matter with them. I do not know what is the matter with
Crow.'' **What is he doing so long awayT' the people asked. **Let
us see you find Crow, * ' they said to Fox.

Then Fox departed, when the people told him to go. He went
to a large rock. He returned and told the people that he could see
no deer.

Then the people said that they would send the second Crow.
**Let us see you try,'' they said. Then the second Crow went. He
climbed a high mountain to the south. He saw nothing when he
reached the summit. Then he returned and told the chief, **I saw
nothing. Something must have killed my brother. I saw no deer. I
do not know what is the matter with them. Perhaps they have gone
somewhere. Perhaps my brother has followed them." Then Moun-
tain Quail went into the hills. But he, too, returned and told the
chief that he saw nothing.

Then they sent the second Crow again with instructions to remain
two days in the hills and to see if he could find his brother. Crow
left before sunrise and climbed to the top of a high mountain before
the sun rose. The sun rose after he reached the summit. Then he
looked down the mountain and saw a large cave. After he had seen
the cave, he went down the mountain towards the water. After reach-
ing the water, he prepared to drink. Then he did not drink. He
returned home and told the people that he had seen a cave. He said,
''After I discovered the cave, I went towards the water down the

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hill. I intended to drink. However, I did not drink the water after
I reached it. I thought about my brother and that is why I came
home. I think the deer are in that cave. ' '

Then the chiefs discussed the matter after Crow told them of
the cave. He returned to the hill before sundown. Then he saw
the deer entering the cave after sundown.

The chiefs assembled the people and, while Crow remained on
the mountain, they gave a dance. All of the people, all of the hunters,
assembled. They said, ** Chief Crow has found the cave.'' Crow
sang while he remained on the summit. He sang, * * I bested the other
hunters. I found the deer. We shall not starve now.'' Thus sang
Crow after he found the deer. He returned and told the chief about
the deer, told the chief about them, when he arrived at home. All
of the people assembled. Chief Mountain Lion said, **We are saved
now, because we have found the deer. I shall take my son. I shall
put him to the test." He said that he was going to test the courage
of his son. He placed his son within the cave. He put the people
all around the cave in different places. He closed the exits of the
cave. He did not want the deer to escape, so he closed the exits. He
placed the people all over the hills, so that they might kill the deer
as they came forth from the cave.

Wolf and Coj^ote came to help kill the deer. After Mountain
Lion had ever>i:hing ready, he sent his son inside of the cave to kill
the deer. Then his son entered the cave. Young Mountain Lion went
in to show his prowess. His father stayed outside. Then young
Mountain Lion commenced to fight with the deer, but he fainted from
the heat within the cave. His father entered and brought him out and
laid him beside the stream. While he was rescuing his son, the deer
escaped. They ran out on the other side of the cave, but encountered
Wolf. Wolf started to pursue them, but he collided with a rock.
Next the deer encountered Coyote further down the hill. They
jumped over Coyote, but he pursued them, until his legs caught on a
rock and he fell backwards. Some of the deer ran up the hill, where
there was a band of people. They ran over all of the people and no
one killed a deer. The people were starving and one of them died.

One of them died and the others felt very weak. They did not
know what to do after the deer escaped. The chief said to his people,
**Let us go home." Some of the people said to the chief, **We do
not think that we shall reach home; we are starving." Then the
chief went alone. He left his son beside the creek, left him there
singing.

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While proceeding along the creek, the chief met Skunk. Skunk
asked the chief to stop for a while. Then Skunk said to the chief,

* * Let me ride on your back. I will dance on your back. * ' The chief
was not agreeable. He said, **You had better walk. I am not strong
enough to carry you. I am starving. My people are dying. * ' Skunk
said, *'Do not say that. If you say that I shall die. Give me a ridt-
on your back and I will do you a favor."

Then the chief heard from the second Crow. The Indians were
dying daily, starving to death, as they had nothing to eat. The chief
said to Skunk, ''I am going. I am going." Skunk besought again,

* * Let me ride on your back. Then I will save some of your people. ' '
The chief replied, **Come on, then." They went. Skunk riding on
the chief's back.

The people were dying rapidly. Crow said, **The chief is return-
ing. ' ' The chief was coming. The chief told Skunk to hang on tight.
He said, **I am going to wade this river." Skunk said, '*I do not
care if all your people die, so long as I get this ride on your back
across the river." The chief became angry when Skunk said that.

* * Get on, we are going to cross the river, ' ' said the chief. When they
reached the middle of the river, the chief pretended to stumble. He
fell down and Skunk lost his hold. Skunk drowned. The chief went
on across the river.

As soon as he had crossed the river, he looked up the hill. He
saw the first Crow descending the hill with a load of deer. Crow
told the chief, **I killed many deer on the creek." The chief told
Crow that all of the people had died. **That is Skunk's fault," said
the chief. * * He told me he would save my people. ' ' Crow said, * * Your
remaining people will be saved, for we have plenty of meat now.
Thus spoke Crow to the chief, when he met him on the bank of the
river.

9. SALAMANDEB AND CHIPMUNK
Salamander said to Chipmunk, **Let me go to see my house. This
same thing has been here for a long while. My son-in-law has been
in this condition all the time. I could not get the big deer. I tried
my best to kill him. I tried and tried to break his neck. I could not
break it and he escaped from me. I could not kill that big deer. He
escaped from me. I could not take that big deer. I could not take
him. It frightened me, when I could not take him. I tried. I tried
to break his neck. You had better tell my son-in-law."

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Chipmunk said, **My father is lost, is lost, is lost because of Sala-
mander's troubles.'* Thus spoke Chipmunk, when he started to
search for his father. They were a long time finding his father's
tracks. They found only old tracks on the rocks. When he found his
father's tracks on the rocks he cried. He said, **I do not think my
brother knows that his father is lost." So spoke Chipmunk to his
son. He tried to find more tracks, but could not.

They crossed the creek and sought his father's tracks there. Across
the creek he saw a large deer which he followed a long distance up
the creek.

There he met two women. He stopped when he saw them
approaching. He tried to leave the trail. Then he stopped. He did
not want to go farther. **Let us catch him," the women said, **He
is going to pass near us. We will not let him pass."

Chipmunk said, **Get away, please. I am searching for my
father." He tried his best to push the two women from the path, but
they would not move. Again he tried to pass between them, but they
would not leave the trail. He did not want to do it, but again he
tried to go between them. Then they caught him.

They called to their father to come down the mountain and help
to take him up. ** Father, we have caught a man, who is looking for
his father. He has been searching and has had nothing to eat for
ten days." Then their father came to help them take their prisoner
home. **Keep your father away from me," Chipmunk said to the
girls. "I do not want him to come near me."

* * I think this is my last chance to attempt to escape from you girls.
I wonder if my brothers know that I am going to be lost. This is my
own fault. I should not have been caught, if I had not been looking
for my father. I think they did the same thing to my father. ' '

The girls called, ** Father, throw a rope, throw a rope. We have
caught our man." Thus they called to their father when they wanted
him to throw them a rope. Thus they called, when they caught Chip-
munk and when they told their father to throw a rope.

**He is my man, sister. He is my man," the younger sister said
to the older. The younger one shouted again to her father, ** Throw
that rope. Hurry. We have our man. We have our man. I do
not know what we shall feed him." Thus spoke the younger Deer girl,
when she turned into a real woman.

** Throw, and throw, and throw that rope, father. I have my man.
Mine. My man. Father, father, throw that rope. We must bring

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him up there. I do not know what I shall feed him. I do not know
what he eats. ' '

Their father said, **My children, my children. My poor girls have
caught their man. I do not know where they found him.*' Thus he
spoke, when he threw the rope. He was glad to hear his daughter
tell him to throw the rope. He said, * * I do not know, I do not know, I
do not know what they will feed him." Thus spoke the old man to
his daughters. He was glad to have a son-in-law, for he was becoming
old. Thus sang old Deer. He continued, **I do not know where, I
do not know where, I do not know where they will keep him. I do
not know where they will keep my son-in-law. ' ' So spoke the old man,
when he saw his son-in-law. Thus he spoke, thus he spoke, when he
felt glad that his daughters were considering marriage. He was so
happy over his son-in-law, that he danced and sang.

*'I have my man. I have my man,'' the girls said, when they
talked to their father and told him to throw them the rope. **I want
to bring him up there. Throw me the rope, father. I do not know
what I shall feed him, when I get him up there. I have all sorts of
things for him to eat, but I do not know what he eats.'* Thus the}'
spoke after they caught Chipmunk, after they caught him, while he
was travelling everywhere. ** Father, throw that rope. Throw it.
I am going to catch my man." Thus she spoke, when she told her
father to throw the rope. **I have my man," she said, when she
talked to her father at the top of the sky.

**Let us search for our brother," said Brown Bird to Tuyipitina
[another bird]. He spoke thus while he sang in the middle of the
water. Thus spoke Brown Bird, when he chased the deer after he
had missed Chipmunk. **6et ready," he said, **We will search for
our brother. ' ' Then Brown Bird and Tuyipitina went. They alighted
on the horn of a deer and remained there. Brown Bird alighted on
the horn a bit higher than Tuyipitina. **We have obtained the deer
for which our brother has searched, ' ' said Brown Bird to Tuyipitina.
The deer ran with Brown Bird and Tuyipitina. The two of them could
not hold him. Brown Bird said, **Let us go, let us go." This hap-
pened in the night.

Chipmunk said, **I do not^know who has captured me. I do not
know where they will take me. I do not know where they will take
me. ' ' Thus he spoke as the girls tied him. Thus he spoke while they
tied him with the rope. He thought that it was to be his last time
upon earth. *'I do not know if anyone will find me," he said. **It

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is Salamander's fault that I am caught. If I escape I shall even the
score with Salamander/' Thus he spoke after they took him to the
sky.

He did not know how to escape. When he arrived there, he saw
many deer. He was surprised to see so many deer. He sang. He
sang there. He sang. He did not know where he was. He was
afraid after they brought him there.

They cooked and cooked, cooked many kinds of seeds such as we
[the Miwok] eat. The girls said, as they were about to feed him,
**Tell them to cook one kind of seed for him.'' Chipmunk did not
want to eat seeds. There were all sorts of seeds, but he did not want
them. They tried to feed him many kinds of seeds. In despair the
girls said to each other, * * I do not know what he likes to eat. ' ' They
did not know what he liked to eat.

One of the girls told the deer, **Here is this one, who always
searches for us." All of the deer looked at Chipmunk. **I do not
know, I do not know, I do not know what we shall feed him," said one
of the Deer girls. **I fear we shall starve him." Thus they spoke,
when they gave him the seed to eat.

*'Take it away from me. Do not place it near me," said Chip-
munk, for the seed did not smell good to him. They did not put the
seed near him. Chipmunk said, **You girls might just as well let me
eat your father. I am getting hungry. I might just as well eat your
father. I shall eat your father. There is no use trying to save him.
The old man. is pretty poor, but I shall eat him just the same. ' '

* * Our father is across the way, ' ' said the girls. * ' Let me see how
I can shoot with my bow and arrow, ' ' said Chipmunk. Then he began
to sing and old Deer became fat. Old Deer became so fat that he
could scarcely walk. Chipmunk continued singing. That was all he
did. Finally he arose. He took one arrow with him. Then he knelt,
the two girls holding him. He shot old Deer with the arrow. Deer
was old, but he was fat.

One girl on each side held him after he killed their father. They
watched him, as he removed the fat and hide from old Deer. He
intended to make garments of the hide.

**That is the way they treat us," said the girls as they watched
Chipmunk slrinning their father. All of the deer were watching
Chipmunk. Chipmunk tried to keep the girls away from their
father's body. He said, **Keep away, girls. Keep away. You might
step in the blood of your father."

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**I do not know where I shall go, after I have eaten this Deer/'
said Chipmunk. **If I do not leave this place, I think I must kill
more.'* Thus spoke Chipmunk to himself. **I shall try my best to
leave this place."

Chipmunk's older brother searched for him. He travelled all
over the world, travelled to the edge of the world, looking for his
brother. His older brother said, while he searched for him, "I do
not know what has happened to my brother. I find him nowhere.*'
Meanwhile Chipmunk ate the deer. The other deer stood about
watching him. He ate and sang at the same time, while his brother
searched for him all over the world.

Chipmunk's older brother said, **My brother, my brother. I do
not know where he has gone.*' Thus he spoke as he travelled about
the world in search of Chipmunk. He travelled night and day with-
out food in search of his brother.

At last he arrived at the place where the Deer women had cap-
tured Chipmunk. His leg became entangled in some of the rope which
they had dropped when they tied Chipmunk. He knew what had
happened to his brother, when he found the rope. He cried and he
cried, when he discovered what had happened to his brother. **I
fear they killed my brother after they took him up there,'' he said.
He cried, he cried, and he cried. He did not know how to climb to
the sky, where his brother had been taken. While he cried, he said,
**I shall try to climb somehow. If I reach that place, I will put
the deer to sleep.

He went there in the night, crying all the way while he climbed.
He found his brother. He said, ** We are going home. We are going
home." When he spoke thus, he cried anew. Then Chipmunk cried,
when he saw his brother cry.

Chipmunk told his brother to cry no more, **For," he said, **I
am still safe." His older brother sang, while he put the deer to
sleep. *'We are going. We are going. Get ready," he said. He
brought a bow and arrows. Then he said to his younger brother,
**You get on one end of this arrow. We are going." Then he shot
two arrows. His brother hung to one and he hung to the other. The
arrows struck at their home. Thus he brought his brother back.

He continued to cry after he had brought his brother home. He
said to him, **You had better stay home. You had better stay home.
Never hunt again." Thus he spoke to his brother and it made his
brother cry. ** Don't ever go into the hills again." Thus he spoke

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to his younger brother, Chipmunk. ** Don't ever go into the hills
again. Do not go into the hills any more. They might catch you
again." Thus spoke the older brother to Chipmunk.

Chipmunk said, *'I was caught because of Salamander. AH of
this trouble is his fault. Salamander got me into this trouble. I
will have revenge upon him, when I reach home." He was crying,
as he walked toward his house. He sang also as he walked toward
his house. He said to himself, **When I enter my house, I shall build
afire."

Salamander lay beside the fire. Chipmunk said to him, **I shall
kill you. I shall throw you into the fire. You might just as well take
your last breath now." Thus he spoke to Salamander after he had
built the fire. He lifted him to throw him into the fire. He said to
Salamander, **You are the fellow who deceived me. You told me
that you saw large deer. You may just as well take your last breath
on this spot." Thus he spoke when he threw Salamander into the
fire. Thus he sang after he had thrown Salamander into the fire.

Chipmunk said, **I shall leave, leave this place. I shall stay here
no longer." Thus he spoke, when he left. **I shall never return to
this place. I am going, I am going to my home. I am going to my
home to eat that which I always eat." While he proceeded home-
ward, he sang about the food which he would eat in his home. **I
am going home, I am going home," he said, as he journeyed up the
mountains toward his home. Thus he sang, as he journeyed toward
his home. Thus he spoke, as he walked up the trail toward his
home. Thus he sang, as he went over the trail at night. He looked
for large deer as he went home in the night. He arrived at
home about sunrise, reaching the house where dwelt his brother and
his sister. He said to himself, **I have reached home. I am now
with my brother and sister. Now I am safe. I shall worry no more. ' '
He was glad to be home.

10. LIZAED AND FOX

Lizard said, **I am going to see the worms." **Do not come near
me. Do not come near me," said Worm. '*You do not smell
good, * ' Lizard said, when he saw Worm. * * Keep away from me. Keep
away from me. Do not come near me. Keep away from me. Keep
away from me. I do not want that grass after it is cooked. It does
not smell good." Worm was on the fire. **I did not like him after I

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324 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

had a good look at him," said Lizard. He said that from the top
of a big log. He did not like to drink water. He did not want to
drink water. Water did not smell good. **Keep away. Keep away,
Tarantula. That grass smells bloody,'' Lizard said. He spoke thus,
because he did not like grass.

Thus spoke Lizard when he sang about his food below. **I am
going below,*' said Lizard, **I go there to eat worms. Then I will
return and see where Fox is going to hunt. ' Thus sang Lizard from
the top of the log.

Lizard did not like seed. He did not like grass. Thus he sang
from the top of the log. When Tarantula brought him food, he said,
**Keep away from me. Keep away from me. I do not like grass. I
would rather eat worms below." Thus sang Lizard about his food
below.

Tarantula asked Lizard, **Why don't you like the food that I
eat?" Lizard replied, **It does not smell good to me. I am going.
I am going. The ground is damp below."

**Be sure to return," said Tarantula, **for Fox is going to hunt."
**I go below to eat worms," said Lizard, **I shall return." Thus
spoke Lizard when he was starving. **I am going below, then I will
return. There is no food for me here." Tarantula said, **You must
surely return, because Fox is preparing to hunt in the hills."

Fox was preparing to hunt. He said, * ' I wonder if Mountain Lion
is ready? Are all of you hunters ready? Mountain Quail may go
with us. Skunk may go with us. Coyote may go with us. Wolf may
go with us. We are going to hunt deer. Put Skunk on the lower side
of the hill. Dove may go with us. Hummingbird may go with us.
They may all run on the hill. Crow may go with us."

**I shall kill a large deer," said Mountain Lion, when Fox told
him that he might hunt. Mountain Lion continued, ** Confine Night
Hawk, for he is likely to steal from us, if we leave the camp. I am
going ahead. I know where the big deer stay. Do not take Night
Hawk with you, because he might take a whole deer in his mouth.
I shall kill a large deer for us. I shall kill no small deer," boasted
Mountain Lion. So spoke Mountain Lion, when he prepared to hunt
for the large deer. He said, * * I am going into the hills ahead of the
rest, to get a large deer for us."

Mountain Quail said, **I will break the neck of the large deer.
I will break the neck. I will break it, I will break it." Thus spoke
Mountain Quail before he started. He continued, **You people can-

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not enter the brush. I will enter the brush. I fear nothing. I do
not think that you people are brave enough to enter the brush. I
shall enter the brush between those large mountains. I shall break
his neck. I shall break his neck, when I meet him in the brush, when
I meet the large deer in the brush. I think that the rest of you are
not brave enough to enter the brush between those great mountains.
I am the one who always enters the brush." So spoke Mountain
Quail, while he travelled toward the brush between those great moun-
tains. '*I am going into that brush. I think you people are afraid
to enter that brush, for fear that you might meet a bear. ' ' So spoke
Mountain Quail.

Bald Eagle said, **I am going too. I shall kill a large deer also.
I do not think you people can find a large deer. I do not think you
can fan the large deer. I do not think you can fan the large deer.
When I fan him, I shall put him to sleep. Then I shall kill him. You
tried to get ahead of me by leaving me behind. You must think that
I am too old. I shall fan the big deer with my two wings, from both
sides of the hill. From both sides I will fan him with my two wings.
I am going. I am going to help you find the deer. I know where the
deer stay. I will find them before you do. I shall fan the large deer
with my two wings. When I see one I shall put him to sleep. I
shall fan him. I shall fan him.*' Thus spoke Bald Eagle, when he
prepared to hunt, when he told the Mountain Lion to prepare. Thus
he spoke. Thus he spoke. **I am going. You people stay on each
side of the creek and I will fan him with both wings from the middle. ' '

Wolf said, **I shall chase him until I run him down. I shall chase
the fawns, which sneak away from the big ones. If they escape from
you hunters, I will chase them." So spoke Wolf, as he prepared to
hunt with Mountain Lion. **I will run them over the hills. Just
watch me. I will collect the deer in one place. I will run from sun-
down until sunrise, so that you hunters can kill them while I sleep.
I will gather them in the night. Then when you start, send Skunk
to me. If they escape from you, awaken me and I will pursue them
until I capture them," said Wolf.

Coyote said, * * I shall be there when the deer run. I shall eat them,
while they run. There is no use of you hunters running, while I am
there. You know that I am a good runner. If the deer get away
from you, I shall chase them. I shall chase them. I shall chase them.
I shall chase them. I shall chase them whether the ground is rough
or smooth. I shall capture them just the same." So spoke Coyote

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326 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

before the party set out. **I will bite the leg of the deer while he
runs. The deer will have no chance to escape," said Coyote.

**I shall go with you, for I can find the deer in any place. I can
find them anywhere. I know how to find them. I shall look down
from the hills just before sunrise. I can find more deer than all of
3'^ou. I will eat nothing but deers' eyes,'' said Crow, for he was very
fond of them. **When we hunt, I shall find the deer for you. I
know how to find them. When we return, all that you need give me
are the deers' eyes. Perhaps you do not believe that I can find deer.
I can find the deer before sunrise or after suitdown. Eagle thinks
that he is the only one who can find deer. I shall go with you. I
shall find those deer for you. I excel Eagle in finding deer.'*

Fox prepared the men to hunt. He said, **We are going. Qet
ready. Get ready. Get ready. Mountain Quail. Get ready, Eagle.
Get ready, Coyote. Get ready, Wolf. Awaken Skunk, prepare him,
for he must walk on the side of the hill. Keep track of Night Hawk.
Keep him hidden, for he is likely to swallow a whole deer." So spoke
Fox, when he became the head chief and when he prepared his people
for the hunt. ** Gather Mountain Lion, Coyote, and Wolf on one side
of the hill in an open place. They are good hunters. "

Black Fox said, **I always go into the difficult places. I am
going, too. I am going into the middle of the brush, when we hunt.
I shall scent the deer from there. I shall enter the deep canyons and
look for their tracks." So spoke Black Fox. Mountain Lion warned
him, **You must be careful, when you enter the hills." **I fear noth-
ing," Black Fox retorted. **I will enter the thickest brush. I will
enter the brush and drive out the deer." So spoke Black Fox to
Fox. Fox said that he was ready to start whenever his men were.
**You must keep the big deer separate," he said to Black Fox. Black
Fox said, **I shall start ahead and enter the hills. When you are
ready, send Mountain Quail to awaken me. ' '

Skunk said, **Just watch me hunt. I am going out to kill deer.
I get them from both sides. After yoti have separated the large deer,
tell me where they are and I will eject my fluid upon them. I will
kill them all. I will make the fluid, which I eject upon them, very
strong. But I want someone to carry me, because I cannot walk fast.
I will have a load on me, anyway. I want to be sure to get a number
of deer with my fluid. From the north side, I will eject my fluid.
From the west side, I will eject. From the east side, I will eject.
From the south side, I will eject. After you have gathered the deer.

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cany me to the place where they are. I will take my son-in-law
with me. I will dance on the top of a small rock, singing my song. ' '

Dove said, **I shall eat seed before I go. I shall eat seed before I
go. I shall run. I shall run after I eat the seed. You people cannot
run. You stay in the brush. *' Thus spoke Dove to Chief Fox. **If
a deer escapes from you, I shall capture him,*' continued Dove. **If
you people eat the deer, I shall eat the seed. I shall help you to
obtain the deer.'' When Dove was ready, he said, *'Let us go. Let
Hummingbird come with me." Dove took Hummingbird with him,
when he went ahead of the rest of the part. He said to Humming-
bird, **Let us race. We will see who kills a deer first. Let us race.
Let us race. ' ' Hummingbird accepted the challenge.

Hummingbird said, **When I ran a race with Dove, I travelled
quite fast. We were just about even at the end. I will try to eat
the seeds that Dove eats. I will also eat flowers. I shall run another
race with him. I shall run a race with him to the end of the world.
I shall not go only to the middle of the world in my race with Dove.
I shall race him to the end of the world. When he and I race, it
is a tie. I shall run a race to the end of the world. If he ties me
again, then he and I will travel together for all time. If he ties me,
he and I will return and help Fox to kill the deer. He and I eat the
seeds and flowers. Let him try the flowers and I will try the seeds."

Fox said, **Tell Hummingbird not to get in the middle. Tell
him not to get in the middle. The men had better not travel too fast
at first, for they will have plenty of running after we enter the hills. ' '
So spoke Chief Fox, when he prepared his hunters. He said to Moun-
tain Lion and to Eagle, **Get ready. Take up certain stations, where
the deer come out." He told Wolf to take his station near a place
where the deer always come out. **Dove and Hummingbird are to
run first," he told Chief Mountain Lion. Chief Fox told his men
to get ready, when he prepared to hunt deer. **I see that all of you
are willing to hunt, ' ' he said.

Brown Wren said, ** Coyote and I shall race. I do not think that
Coyote can beat me running. When I come home, I will race with
California Jay. I will see how fast Jay can run. Jay and I will try
each other in a shooting contest, to see who is the better. Jay and I
will shoot at each other with arrows to see who can jump about the
quicker. If he excels me at jumping, then perhaps he can hit me.
I shall shoot four arrows and he will shoot four. I shall give him the
first shot. Then I will shoot at him. I do not know who will be next

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in the running of races. I fear that Jay will not get out of the
way in time, when I use my arrow."

California Jay said, **I do not think that you can hit me. You
can try and try. Thus I will sing, when I dodge your arrows. Thus
I will do, when I tire you. I do not believe that you can hit me. I
eat nothing but acorns. That is what makes me so lively. If I am
seated, when the deer come out of the brush, I am not going to arise.
I will kill the deer without arising. Thus I will handle the deer, when
they come out of the brush. Are you a good dodger ? Are you a good
dodger? You are going to fight me with the arrow," he said to Brown
Wren. '*I shall dodge you while I am seated. I shall dodge you
while I am seated. I do not think that you can hit me after I have
arranged my hair. You can try. You can try, but you will find
that I am a good dodger. ' '

Turkey Vulture said, **That is the way I shall do, when I put the
deer to sleep. Thus shall I do. Thus shall I do. I shall look for the
deer in the hills. Thus shall I do, when I hunt them in the brush.
You will find them, when the blood turns into a rainbow. Then you
will find them. I shall do my best. I shall do my best to be the first
to obtain a deer. If I find dead deer after you return home, I shall
eat them." Thus spoke Turkey Vulture. Thus he spoke, as they
journeyed into the hills and as he looked for dead animals in the
hills. He continued, **I find the dead animals from the high moun-
tains. When I see the blood, I shall come and tell you. When I look
for deer, I wheel in one place. When the sun rises, you will see
the blood turn into a rainbow. ' ' So spoke Turkey Vulture to Fox.

Turtle said, '*I will obtain water for the men when they are in
the hills. I will obtain water for them, when they hunt. I will obtain
water to wash the intestines. I will carry water for the hunters. I
always carry water. I do not have to hunt with the men." Thus
spoke Turtle, as he returned to the water. *'I shall get no deer. I
shall get no deer,' he said. Turtle always carried water for the
hunters. He always carried water. He knows how to carry water.
He sings all the while, that he carries water. All that he does is to
sing beside the water. He sings that he is to carry water.

Fox told his hunters to go and they all departed. All of the deer
passed by Fox. All of the deer passed by Fox. He paid no atten-
tion to them, but just watched them. The deer scattered. Each of
the other hunters obtained one. Most of the deer passed by Fox. He
just watched them until the last came. As the last one approached,

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he put his arrow in the bow and shot it. The arrow passed through
the deer and penetrated all of the deer that were in line. In four
gulches were four different deer that Fox killed. That many deer he
obtained with one arrow. The feat showed that Fox was a better
hunter than the others.

Then Skunk visited his son-in-law (Fox), while they skinned the
deer. He said to his son-in-law, * * May I ride on top of the pack, when
you carry itf Thus spoke Skunk to his son-in-law. His son-in-law
replied, **You will be too heavy on top of the deer. I have all that
I can carry without you." So said Fox to Skunk.

Skunk became angry. He said to his son-in-law, ** Don't say that
to me. If you don 't carry me, I will eject my fluid upon you. ' ' Fox
retorted, ** Don't say that to me. I will kill you. Don't eject your
fluid upon me. If you do, I will kill you. I will kill you with an
arrow." ** Don't say that," said Skunk. **I do not wish to die.
There is no one here to help me, if you shoot me with an arrow. ' '

Fox said to Skunk, ** Night Hawk has the largest deer in his mouth.
Hurry, help me skin this deer, or Night Hawk will get them all. Be-
fore we started I told you to leave Night Hawk home." Fox went
to prevent Night Hawk from eating the largest deer. Night Hawk
told Fox that he had nothing in his mouth. * * The only thing I have
in my mouth is something which belongs to my uncle. I have nothing
of yours in my mouth." So said Night Hawk, when Fox threatened
to kill him. Fox threatened to kill him, if he did not return the
deer. While Fox was talking to Night Hawk, Skunk skinned the
deer.

11. VALLEY QUAIL'S ADVENTUBES

**I am going to visit my father," said young Valley Quail, **I
am going up the mountain to visit my father. Give me my father's
* poison.' " His father's ** poison" consisted of yellow jackets and
other stinging insects, which he kept in a bag. **I am going up the
mountain," said young Quail.

He tried his father's poison. He said to himself, **I will try it and
discover how my father uses it." That is what young Quail said
when he saw the deer. He saw a large band of deer. Then he
opened his bag of yellowjackets. When he opened it, they flew to
the deer and killed them. He killed all of the deer in trying his
father's poison.

**No one will bother me," said young Quail. Then he went up
the mountains through the deep canyons and forests.

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He found Coyote. Coyote saw him and asked him what he carried
in the bag. He told Coyote that he carried his father's poison. Coy-
ote did not believe him and told young Quail that he was too small to
carry poison. * * I think you have something good to eat in that bag, ' '
said Coyote. Young Quail retorted, **No, I have nothing good to eat.
If I open this bag, you will die. I am taking this poison to my
father."

Coyote was not satisfied, but begged young Quail to open the bag.
Quail became angry and gave Coyote the bag, telling him to open
it and eat what he found within. When Coyote opened it, the j^ellow-
jackets flew out and stung him to death. Then young Quail called his
poison back into the bag. All of the yellowjackets entered the bag
at his request. He proceeded upon his way.

Next he met a bear. He said to himself, * * I do not know what I am
going to do with that bear. I do not think my poison will kill him.
I will try it, anyhow.'' So saying, he opened the bag. The yellow-
jackets flew to the bear, to a number of bears under the trees. The
yellowjackets killed all of the bears. Then young Quail recalled
them.

He did not know which way to go after the yellowjackets had
returned to the bag. He was very tired, but he said, **I will continue
on my way." Proceeding farther, he found a mountain lion in a
large tree. He did not know what to do when he saw the mountain
lion. He said, *' Mountain lion will eat me, I fear." Then he sat on
a rock. He feared to pass the tree in which the mountain lion sat.
He said to himself, **I think I shall not reach my father's place. I
fear this mountain lion will kill me. I do not know what to do. I
think that this animal in the tree is the one my father has always
warned me about. I think this is a mountain lion, the kind that
slaps people. I fear that I cannot kill him, but I will try." He
turned loose his yellowjackets. They killed the mountain lion. After
he had killed the mountain lion, he recalled his yellowjackets.

**That is the way I will do to anything that attempts to hurt me."
Then he proceeded upon his way. He found a spring between two
large rocks. Just as he stooped to drink he saw a mountain sheep.
He said to himself, ** Mountain sheep is all that my father eats. I
think that I will try to kill this one." Then he opened his bag.
The yellowjackets flew to the mountain sheep and stung him to death.
He went over to look at the mountain sheep after he had killed him.
The mountain sheep, being dead, was unable to attack him. Young
Quail called his yellowjackets into the bag and went on his way.

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After he had gone a distance, he found a rattlesnake. **I do not
know what I shall do with him/' said young Quail. **I think this is
rattlesnake, of which my father has told me. At any rate, I will
try to kill him." So saying he opened the bag and sent the yellow-
jackets to the rattlesnake. After they had killed the rattlesnake, he
called them back, called them back.

After his yellowjackets had re-entered the bag, he journeyed until
he came to the immense rattlesnake Hamaua. **I do not know what I
shall do now. Hamaua reaches almost a quarter of the distance to
my father's place. I fear he will kill me here. I do not know what
to do. I do not know what I shall do. I will try to kill him with
my father's poison. Then he released the yellowjackets. They killed
Hamaua. After he killed Hamaua, he said, **My father always takes
the skin of Hamaua. I think I will take it too. ' ' He skinned Hamaua.
After he had taken the skin, he called the yellowjackets back.

Then he continued up the mountain. He saw another mountain
sheep much larger than the one which he had already killed. **I
think I will kill that one. I think I will try to kill him. That is a
mountain sheep, for which my father always searches."

He next met a band of black bears. He became so frightened that
he climbed a tree. **I will try to kill them," he said, **but I fear that
I cannot." Then he opened his bag and released his yellowjackets.
They pursued the bears and made them run. Then they killed all
of the bears. After they had killed the bears, he called them back into
the bag and then continued up the mountain.

At last he arrived at his father's house. His father asked, **Who
brought yout" Young Quail replied, **I came alone. I felt lonely
below. I worried every day about you. ' '

His father asked him if he had not seen something coming up
the road. Young Quail replied, **I killed many things." His father
asked him if he had seen Hamaua. Then his father asked him if he
had skinned Hamaua. He told his father that he had. Young Quail
said, **You always told me to test those yellowjackets, when I came
to see you. I tried them and killed everything that I saw. I brought
this poison to you."

His father asked him what he proposed to do with the yellow-
jackets, asked him if he wanted them for himself. **If you want to
try my poison, you may do so," his father said. Young Quail then
proceeded up the mountain beyond his father's home. He found a
bear and killed it in the usual way. His father watched him. At first
his father said, **I do not know how he will do it." Then young Quail

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332 Vniveraity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

turned loose his yellowjaekets. His father laughed and asked him if
that was what he did as he came up the road. **Who taught youf
asked his father. **How do you recall the yellowjaekets f Young
Quail replied, **I recall them. Nobody taught me. I learned by my-
self. You did not teach me.''

Then his father stopped questioning him and told him that he
might do whatever he pleased. Young Quail replied, **I will return
tomorrow the same way that I came. I just came up to see how you
were faring, so that I might stop worrying about you." His father
said, **A11 right, you may return, but I would rather keep you here
with me. However, I suppose you like it better below. All right,
you may go tomorrow.'* Young Quail said, **But I will return to
see you. I will go back the same way. I shall arrive home sometime
if nothing happens to me on the way."

[The story-teller said that young Quail started from his camp on
the west side of the San Joaquin River and visited his father, who
lived high in the Sierra Nevada.]

STORIES BY WILLIAM FULLER

12. THE THEFT OF FIRE

Lizard saw the smoke. He said : * * Smoking below, smoking below,
smoking below, smoking below. My grandmother starts a fire to cook
acorns. It is very lonely."

Flute-player (Mouse) was sent down the mountains into the valley
to secure the fire. Flute-player departed, taking with him two flutes.
He finally arrived at the assembly house from which the smoke was
issuing. He found it crowded, but he was welcomed and the people
persuaded him to play. He played and he played.

Then they put a feather mat over the smoke hole at the top of the
house and shut the feathers in the door. They closed the door with
the feather dress. They told the doorkeeper to close the door tight.

Flute-man played continuously. The people fell asleep and snored.
Flute-player remained awake and played. Finally, he concluded that
all were fast asleep. He arose and took two coals from the fire, plac-
ing them in his flute. Then he put two coals in the second flute. He
proceeded to the door, cut loose the feathers, passed out, and started
homeward.

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1917] Gifford: MUvok Myths 333

The people awoke to find him gone and with him the fire. Hail
and Bain were sent in pursuit, for they were the two swiftest travellers
among the valley people. Hail went, but Flute-man heard Hail and
Rain coming, so he threw one of his flutes under a buckeye tree.
Rain asked him what he had done with the fire. ** You stole our fire,"
Rain said. Flute-player denied it. Then Rain returned home. The
placing of the flute, with the coals in it, under the buckeye tree
resulted in the fire always being in the buckeye.

When Rain started back, Flute-man took his fire from under the
buckeye and again proceeded homeward. He arrived at home safely
and brought the fire into the assembly house. He told the people that
Rain had taken one flute with coals in it. He said, '^Rain took one
flute from me. I have only one left.*'

The chief told Flute-player to build a fire, and the latter pro-
duced the coals from his remaining flute. A large fire was made.
It was then that people lost their language. Those close to the fire
talked correctly. The people at the north side of the assembly house
talked brokenly. Those at the south side talked altogether different;
so did those at the west side and at the east side. This was because
of the cold.

Coyote brought entrails and threw them on the fire, extinguishing
it. The people became angry and expelled Coyote, telling him to re-
main outside and to eat his food raw. That is why Coyote always
eats his meat uncooked.

13. BEAR AND THE FAWNS

** Sister-in-law, let us hunt grass,'' said Bear. **Let us go,'' said
Deer. After they had gone a distance. Bear said, **Let me louse your
head. Let me bite the lice." Bear bit Deer so that she died.

Deer had told her Fawns before she left that a bag hung in the
house. She told the Fawns: **If your aunt, Bear, harms me, bites
me, that bag will fall from where it hangs." The bag fell. Then
the Fawns saw their aunt returning. After she entered the house,
they started to search her basket. She said to them crossly, ** You are
always looking for something to eat. You are always hungry. Keep
away from that basket." They kept searching, however, and found
their mother's liver. They cried, ** Liver, liver."

Later the Fawns and the Bear Cubs played in a hole [sweat
house t], fanning smoke into each other's faces. First the Cubs
fanned the Fawns. **When we call, you must stop fanning," said

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334 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

the Fawns. After the Fawns had been smoked, they told the Cubs
to enter. The Fawns then fanned the Cubs in the hole. The smoke
became too dense and the Cubs called to the Fawns to cease. They
only fanned the harder until the Cubs were suffocated.

** Mother, mother, liver; mother, mother, liver; mother, mother,
liver,'* cried the Fawns. Their aunt, Bear, said, **What is the use of
talking about your mother. She is camping for the men." The
Fawns only cried the more, ** Mother, mother, liver.'* '*Stop saying
that, or I shall bite you," said Bear. **Your mother is still camping."

** Grandchildren, for whom are you searching?" said the Lizard.
The Fawns replied, ** Grandfather, we are hunting for our mother.
Grandfather, will you show us the door of your house t Our aunt
wants to kill its. Mother, mother, mother, mother. Grandfather, let
us in on the east side of your house, on the south side." Their grand-
father finally let them in.

Bear arrived at Lizard's house after the latter had taken in the
Fawns. She called, ** Nieces, where are yout I am looking for you.
Please let me in quickly. ' ' She tried to enter, asking repeatedly where
the door was located. They told her to go to the top of the house.
**The door is right on top of the house," they said.

Meanwhile they heated a stone in the fire. They said to Bear:
**Open your mouth wide and come down through the smoke hole."
As Bear entered with her mouth open, they shoved the red-hot stone
down her throat. She died in agony, being burned to death from
within.

14. YAYALI, THE GIANT

** Where are you, grandchild? Where are you, grandchild!
Where are you t Where are you ? Yes. Yes. I am lost. Where are
you t This way. Where are you, grandchild t Someone comes. Look
out. Get ready. Prepare yourself, for Yayali comes."

The people broke cones from the tops of the pine trees and bundled
these together. As Yayali started to climb the declivity where the
people had taken refuge, they set fire to the bundles of pine cones
and threw them into Yayali 's burden basket. They threw the burn-
ing cones into the basket. Yayali became so hot that he tumbled.
** Which way shall I fall?" he asked. They told him to fall to the
north.

[The Giant met his death near Columbia, Tuolumne County. The
informant has seen white rocks near Columbia, reputed to be the
bleached bones of the Giant.]

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1917] Gifford: Miwok Mytlia 335

ABSTRACTS

1. The Theft of Fire. Geese and others gather in an a88embl7 house in the
hiUs. Thej lack fire. Lizard discovers fire emerging from an assembly house in
the vallej. Flute-plajer (Mouse) goes to steal fire. He finds the entrances of
the assembl7 house guarded by Bear, Battlesnake, Mountain Ldon, and Eagle.
He enters through the smoke hole by cutting the feathers of Eaglets wing. He
fills with fire four flutes with which he escapes. On the homeward journey he is
pursued by Rain and Hail. Hail catches him, but Flute-player has concealed
his flutes in the water and denies having the fire. He is met by Coyote,
who has become impatient. After his arrival, Flute-player plays his flutes on
top of the asseml^y house, dropping coals through the smoke hole. Coyote
interrupts him before he finishes. Because of the interruption, some people
receive no fire. Those in the middle of the assembly house receive fire, cook their
food, and talk correctly. Those on the sides (distant tribes) receive none, eat
raw food, and talk differently.

2. Bear and the Fawns, Bear invites her sister-in-law, Deer, to gather clover.
They louse each other. Bear kills Deer by biting her neck, eats her, and takes
home the liver in a basket of clover, which she gives to Deer's two daughters.
The Fawns recognize the liver and decide to escape. They take with them their
mother's baskets, awls, and brushes, which they throw off the trail as they flee.
As Bear pursues, these objects whistle and decoy her from the trail. The
Fawns cross a river on the stretched leg of their grandfather. Daddy Longlegs.
When Bear crosses, he withdraws his leg and she falls in the river. The Fawns
reach the assembly house of Lizard, another grandfather, who shelters them
and heats two white stones. On Bear's arrival she is told to enter through the
smoke hole with her mouth open and eyes closed. Lizard then throws the hot
stones down her throat. After her death, he dresses her hide and cuts it. The
larger piece he gives to the older Fawn, the smaller piece to the younger. He
tells them to run and discover the sound they make. The smaller hide makes
the louder noise. When they run against a tree, the younger Fawn shatters it
more completely. Lizard send the Fawns above and they become Thunders.

3. Yayalif the Giant, The Giant enters the hills in search of human victims.
Chipmunk, imagining that his wife's brother approaches, answers the Giant's
calls. As he brings the Giant to his assembly house the latter kills him with a
stone from his burden basket. Chipmunk is eaten by the Giant, who marries
his widow. She hides Chipmunk's daughter in a pit, feeding her venison. The
woman pretends to eat the human flesh and pine nuts obtained by the Giant,
but in reality eats only venison and pine nuts obtained by Chipmunk. She gives
birth to two giants.

Chipmunk's brother dreams of him and visits him. He finds the doors of
Chipmunk's house blocked with boulders to prevent the escape of Chipmunk's
widow. Chipmunk's brother prepares to kill the Giant. He digs holes and
sharpens a manzanita stick. He sends his sister-in-law to her father. She takes
her daughter and a deer skin of crushed obsidian. The Giant returns and tries
to capture Chipmunk's brother, who escapes by jumping into his holes. He tells
the Giant that he will allow himself to be captured after the Giant dances. From
the roof he decapitates the Giant, whose head projects through the smoke hole
when he dances.

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336 University of California Publications in Am. ArcJi, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

The Giant's brothers, following a dream, visit their brother's house and
unknowingly eat his flesh which Chipmunk's brother has scattered about on trees
and rocks. The youngest Giant discovers his brother's head. Following dreams,
the Giants pursue Chipmunk's widow, who escapes repeatedly by throwing crushed
obsidian in their eyes. She reaches the house of Lizard, her father, who spits
on the house and turns it to stone. He calls upon the wind, the snow, the hail,
and the flood to destroy the Giant's brothers. They blow back the wind, melt
the snow by shouting, and stop the hail by shouting. The flood drowns them.

4. The Making of Arrows. Two brothers, Prairie Falcon and Dove, decide
to hunt, but lack weapons. They throw their grandmother into the water, taking
her tooth for a knife and pulling sinew from her limbs. They make a bow and
arrows. Their grandmother enters the water and becomes Beaver. The two
brothers have a contest, shooting twice to the east end of the world, and twice
to the west end. The arrows strike together. The brothers race to them, both
running at the same speed. The second time that they shoot west the arrows
strike in a bush, the root of which they eat while digging.

Their grandmother causes the water to drown Prairie Falcon. Dove rolls
about the country crying for his dead brother and bruising and cutting himself.
He meets Spark, whom he sends to visit the old woman, who is crushing bones.
A small bone flies forth which Spark seizes and places on an arrow. He shoots
it to Dove, who picks it up. The point transforms itself into Prairie Falcon,
who cries over his brother Dove's injuries. The various birds contribute one
feather apiece with which Dove is rehabilitated. The brothers travel about the
world visiting the rocks which bruised Dove. They fail to secure the return of
their grandmother, who remains in the river as Beaver. Thenceforth all people
make arrows.

5. Prairie Falcon* s Marriage. Chief Prairie Falcon marries Green Heron's
daughter, also Meadowlark. Chief Eagle takes Meadowlark. Prairie Falcon in
anger travels about the world. He threatens to kill his unfaithful wife if she
follows him, but changes his mind when his sister says that his wife will save
his life. Returning, he visits his sister, who tells her husband, Lizard, to restrain
his dogs, which are rattlesnakes and bears.

Prairie Falcon starts for the place where his father died. He wife follows.
He goes south. Upon his return he flnds that his wife has followed him, so he
sets out to overtake her. Together they visit his father. Owl. Lizard throws
flre, causing a conflagration. Prairie Falcon escapes by flight. His wife
escapes by pulling two hairs, which become a lake, in which she submerges her-
self. Aided by the winds, Prairie Falcon and wife pass through a hole which
closes and opens. At his father's village, he finds that Chief Mountain Sheep's
people wish to play games with him, the loser to forfeit his life. Chief Moun-
tain Sheep demands the loan of Prairie Falcon's wife and sends in exchange
another woman with whom Prairie Falcon declines to sleep. Prairie Falcon
objects to sending his wife to Mountain Sheep's house, and in vain offers a
string of beads in lieu of her.

Gopher aids Prairie Falcon by digging tunnels on Mountain Sheep's side of
the field. Following football games which Prairie Falcon wins, he shoots Moun-
tain ^eep.

He tells his sister that he killed the people at the other village. She tells
him not to speak thus in the presence of Lizard. Prairie Falcon is offended
and leaves home, going to his father-in-law. Green Heron, and remaining two
days. His father. Dove, and Coyote urge him to marry a girl with whom
he has been going.

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6. The Flood, Chiefs Prairie Falcon and Eagle and their people take refuge
upon a high mountain to escape a flood. Coyote is unable to go because he has
lost a leg. He escapes by clinging to a log. On the mountain dwells Battlesnake.
The waters rise higher, necessitating a second flight. Flicker carries Battlesnake,
who bites him. Battlesnake is dropped and drowns. The refugees find a piece
of dry land. The entire world is flooded. Prairie Falcon sends forth Dove to
discover if human beings survive. Later Prairie Falcon sends forth Dove and
Hummingbird to bring mud. He tells them not to eat seeds or suck flowers.

7. The Bepeopling of the World, Following the flood there are no human
beings. All have drowned. Chief Eagle asks Coyote to resurrect mankind.
Coyote does so by singing many days, following the advice of a skeleton which
appears in a dream.

8. The Search for the Deer. The deer hide themselves in various caves in
the mountains. The people starve. The hunters, Mountain Lion, Fox, Wild Cat,
Black Fox, and Crow, search in vain for deer. Crow does not return. Others
search for him. A second Crow, brother of Crow who fails to return, searches
for him and for the deer. From a mountain top he discovers the deer in a cave.
The people surround the cave and young Mountain Lion enters to start the
slaughter. He faints from the heat and his father. Chief Mountain Lion, rescues
him. AH deer escape. Some people die of starvation. None return home be-
cause weak with hunger. Chief Mountain Lion proceeds homeward alone. He
meets Skunk, who demands a ride on his back, agreeing to save the lives of some
of the people. The Chief gives him a ride. Skunk tells the Chief that he does
not care if all of the people die, so long as he rides across the river. The chief
pretends to stumble. Skunk falls into the river and drowns^ Across the river
the chief meets the first Crow descending a hill with deer. The remaining
people are saved.

9. Salamander and Chipmunk. Salamander tells Chipmunk that he failed to
obtain a big deer. Chipmunk sets out in search of his father. He meets two
Deer women, who capture him and take him to the sky. Their father throws
ropes to them with which to lash Chipmunk. Chipmunk refuses to eat seed.
He kills their father after fattening him by singing. Two of Chipmunk's
brothers. Brown Bird and Tuyipitina, search for him in vain. His older brother
climbs to the sky and rescues him. The two brothers escape by clinging to
arrows which strike at their home. At home Chipmunk builds a fire into which
he throws Salamander, whom he blames for his troubles.

10. Lizard and Fox, Lizard goes below to eat worms. Tarantula tells him
to be sure to return, as Fox is to hunt. Fox assembles the hunters. Each boasts
of his prowess and of what he intends to do in the deer himt. Mountain Lion,
Mountain Quail, Bald Eagle, Wolf, Coyote, Crow, Skunk, Dove, Hummingbird,
Brown Wren, California Jay, and Turkey Vulture participate in the hunt. Turtle
promises to carry water for the hunters. Fox orders that Night Hawk be left
home, for fear that he might swallow the largest deer whole. Baces between
Dove and Hummingbird and an arrow-dodging contest between Brown Wren
and Jay are discussed.

Each hunter obtains one deer. Fox waits until the last deer are passing.
With one arrow he kills four deer in four canyons. While they skin the deer,
Skunk visits his son-in-law, Fox, and asks that he be allowed to ride on top of
the pile which Fox is to carry. While Skunk and Fox threaten to shoot each
other with their fluid and arrows respectively. Night Hawk takes the largest deer
in his mouth. When accused of theft by Fox, Night Hawk denies it.

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11. Valley QuaU*8 Adventures, Young Valley Quail yisits his father in the
mountains. He carries in a bag his father 's ' ' poison, ' ' which consists of yellow-
jackets and other stinging insects. At his bidding the insects kill various animals.
Coyote insists that he has food in his bag. Quail allows Coyote to open it and
the insects sting him to death. Other creatures killed are deer, bears, mountain
lions, mountain sheep, rattlesnakes, an immense fabulous rattlesnake named
Hamaua, and black bears. Valley Quail 's father is surprised that his son arrives
safely. His son demonstrates his use of the poison. He plans to return on
the following day.

12. The Theft of Fire, A brief version of 1, also accounting for buckeye fire
drill.

13. Bear and the Fawns. A brief version of 2, plus suffocation of Bear Cubs.

14. Yayalif the Giant. A very brief version of 3, in which Giant is burned
to death.

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ETHNIC GROUPS
(Referred to in the text)

1. Mohave.

2. Luisefio.

3. Southern Tokuts, Tanebnani.

4. Southern Yokuts, Yaudanchi.

5. Kawaiisu.

6. Tlibatulabal.

7. Central Miwok.

8. Northern Paiute.

9. Washo.

10. Southeastern Wintun.

11. Eastern Porno.

12. Yuki.
18. Yurok.

14. Karok.

15. Hupa.

16. Wivot.

17. Chimariko.

18. Costanoan.

19. Salinan.

20. Chumash.

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY

Vol. 12, No. 9, pp. 339-396 May 28, 1917

CALIFORNIA KINSHIP SYSTEMS

A. L. KROEBER

CONTENTS

PAGE

Introductory 340

Mohave 340

General Features 347

Luisefio 348

General Features . ^ ~ 351

Yokuts 352

Relations of Miwok and Yokuts - ^ 356

Northern Paiute 358

Marriage — - — 361

Washo '• ~ 362

Relations to Northern Paiute 363

Relations to Other Systems 364

Tiibatulabal and Kawaiisu ~ 366

Shoshonean Systems 366

Wintun ~ - 368

General Features 369

Porno ^ - ^ - 370

General Features and Relations 371

Yuki ^ -. 372

General Features and Relations 373

General Features 375

Three-Step Relationship _ 376

Classification of the California Systems 378

Kinship and Type of Culture » — 380

Kinship and Social Institutions 382

Summary 385

Theoretical Considerations ^ 385

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340 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

INTRODUCTORY

The following systems of relationship designation were collected
at intervals during the last fifteen years, but mostly before 1908, in
the course of various field studies of the California Indians. They
are in most cases unsupported by genealogies or concrete records;
probably the majority of the lists are not wholly exhaustive; and in
a few instances the data may not be entirely correct. I have long
hesitated to publish this material. But it happens to represent all
ethnic provinces and parts of the state, except the northeastern corner,
and therefore permits of distributional inferences ; and it furnishes a
basis for the consideration of certain theoretical problems ; in addition
to which, information on kinship in California has become a need in
wider comparative studies. I therefore present the data, trusting
that they will be of service in spite of their imperfections.

MOHAVE

The Mohave system is an elaborate one. It contains a considerable
number of terms; and the principles according to which these are
applied are sometimes complex. N- or ny- denotes **my.'* A faint
initial h-, of the same meaning, has been omitted from most words not
beginning with n-.

Parent Class
N-akut-ky father of a male.
N-a*ai-k, father of a female.
N'tai-kf mother.

H-uma-i-chy man's son. Compare humarOf child.
Vuchif man's daughter.
Ith'aUf woman's son or daughter.

Iki-ch-ky man's stepfather; reciprocally, » man's stepson; also, father's mother's
brother, mother's mother's brother, and reciprocally a man's sister's child's

1 Reciprocity is logical or concepttial between terms that are complementary
in meaning; as, Mohave namoik, mother's younger sister, and inoik, woman's
older sister's child. Reciprocity is verbal only in Zufii nannay grandfather ami
grandson, because the complementary concept to grandfather is not grandsou
but man's grandchild. Reciprocity is conceptual and verbal in Yokuts t^uta^
mother's mother and woman's daughter's child. Reciprocity is conceptual and
approximates verbal completeness in Luiseno tu\ mother's mother, and tu'-Tmii.
woman's daughter's child, in which -mai is a diminutive. Terms which are
conceptually and verbally reciprocal may be designated as self-reciprocal.
Conceptual reciprocity without verbal identity is commonest between relatives
separated by one generation, most frequently in the uncle class, but also in the
parent and parent-in-law groups. Verbal reciprocity, identical or derivative,
is usual only between relatives that are of the same generation or separated by
two or more generations, especially those in the grandparent and brother-in-law

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child; also a man's younger brother's son's son and a woman's younger sister's
son's son; also a man's son's son's son, and father's father's father's father,
that is, great-great-grandson and great-great-grandfather reciprocal in the male
line. Iki-ch-h is a term used chiefly by males of males; it never denotes a
person of one's own generation; and it always implies remote kinship — a lineal
relative four generations distant, a collateral relative two generations away, or
a man one generation removed who is not a blood relative at all.

A man 's stepmother and a woman 's stepson are denoted by unyif whose full
range of meanings is given under terms of the parent-in-law class. What a
woman calls her step-parents, or what either a man or a woman calls a step-
daughter, I did not learn.

Brother Class

Inchien-k; older brother; older sister; father's younger brother; woman's
father's sister's son or mother's brother's son, that is, male cross-cousin of a
woman; man's father's father's father's younger brother's son's son's son,
that is, a man's male third cousin in the pure male line of descent, sprung from
the younger of two brothers; also, a man's son's son's son, that is, his great-
grandson in the male line. The last two meanings are evidently connected,
since third cousins are great-grandchildren of brothers.

Isvrich-kf younger brother; man',3 older brother's son (and daughter!); man's
male third cousin in the male line, sprung from the older of a pair of brothers;
father's father's father. In the last two senses isu-ich-k is reciprocal to
inchien-k.

Inya-ky younger sister; man's father's sister's daughter or mother's brother's
daughter, that is, female cross-cousin of a man, reciprocal to the corresponding
usage of inchien-k,

Oyavakiau-kf man's paternal half brother or half sister.

Tav*alyvi-kf man's maternal half brother or half sister.

If any separate terms for a woman's half brothers and sisters occur, they
have not been recorded.

Grandparent Class

N-apau-k, father's father.

N-akweu-k, mother's father.

N-akau-kf mother's mother; also her sister.

N-amau-kf father's mother; also her sister; also the father's father's sister.
If the last meaning is not an error, the generic meaning of n-amau-k is: female
relative of grandmother generation on the father's side. It might be inferred
that n-akweu-k analogously denoted males two generations older on the mother's
side; but the relationship of mother's mother's brother is expressed by iki-ch-k^
whose primary meaning seems to be step-father.

A*ava-kf son's child, and therefore reciprocal to n-apau-k and n-omau-k
jointly; also, a woman's father's brother's son; man's father's brother's son
or daughter; woman's brother's or sister's son's child.

classes, but occasionally between brothers and sisters also. The foregoing, at
least, are the tendencies in California, with exceptions occurring chiefly in the
extreme southern part of the state. On the whole, the distinction seems to be
adhered to in other regions also, but precisely to what degree remains to be
determined. Reciprocity that is verbal but not conceptual is very rare or
wanting in California. In general, therefore, it may be stated that reciprocity
is always conceptual in this area and frequently verbal also.

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Ah]co*o-tc, woman's daughter's child, reciprocal to n-dkau-k; also, woman's
mother's sister's son and man's mother's sister's son or daughter; woman's
sister's daughter's son; and, presumably, hj analogy with a'au-va-k, any child
of any nephew of a woman, though this wider meaning was not recorded.

Ahkyo-k, man's daughter's child, reciprocal of n-akweu-k. It is not certain
that this term is distinct from the last.

There is a curious change of generations implied in the primary or simplest
meanings of the terms used to denote relatives beyond the grandfather. Thus
in the pure male line:

Grandfather, n-apau-k, is father's father.

Great-grandfather, isu-ich-k, is younger brother.

Great-great-grandfather, iki-ch-k, is stepfather or grandfather's brother.

Uncle Class

N-avi-kf father's older brother; also, father's father's younger brother; also,
of two male second or fourth cousins related wholly in the male line, the de-
scendant of the younger brother calls the descendant of the older brother by
this term, reciprocally to it;et-A;/but as between third cousins the corresponding
terms are isu-ich-k and inchien-k.

The father's younger brother is called one's own older brother.

N-athi-k, mother's older sister.

N-amoi-k, mother's younger sister.

N-akwi-kf mother's brother.

N-api-k, father's sister.

Ivet-k, man's younger brother's child or woman's younger sister's child, and
thus reciprocal to n-avi-k and n-athi-k jointly; also, male second or fourth cousin
related wholly in the male line and descended from the older of two brothers —
reciprocal in this sense to n-avi-k.

A man 's older brother 's child is called isu-ich-k, * ' younger brother, ' ' recip-
rocal to inchien-k J older brother or father's younger brother.

Inoi-k, woman's older sister's child, reciprocal to n-amoi-k.

Evany-fCf man's sister's child, reciprocal to n-akwi-k.

Emarepi-kf woman's brother's child, reciprocal to n-api-k.

Parent-in-Law Class

Nya-halye*au-k, man's daughter's husband, wife's father; that is, self-
reciprocal term for father-in-law and son-in-law used by males only.

Unyi-k expresses all remaining relationships in this class, besides several
others. It denotes: woman's father-in-law; woman's son-in-law; mother-in-law;
daughter-in-law; husband's brother or sister; brother's wife; man's stepmother;
woman 's stepson.

Itmumavenya, said to mean ' ' who eats with you, ' ' is used in place of unyi-k
after the death of the connecting relative, at least in the cases, and they
constitute the majority, when this person was a male.

Brother-in-Law Class

Amily-k, wife's brother, man's sister's husband; that is, self -reciprocal term
used by brothers-in-law. This term is also used by men to denote the husband
of any collateral female relative.

Inya-huvi-kf wife's sister; woman's sister's husband. Self -reciprocal.

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The remaining four of the eight relationships in this class are expressed by
the blanket term unyi-k. The Mohave make the general statement that a man
calls any female relative by marriage unyi-Jc, and is so called by her. This is
nearly true: the only exception is inya-huvi-Jc.

All affinities by marriage are expressed by the foregoing four terms, whose

range, however, is very unequal, as a summarization reveals:

-, , ^, - (of his own generation amily-k;

Male connections of a man^ . ,, ^ ,. t ,

)or

another generation nya-halye^au-lc,
A woman 's husband and her sister call each other inya-hum-k.
All other male connection of a woman
All other female connections of a man
All female connections of a woman

.unyi-k,
Htishand and Wife

Ichu-ichf husband.
Nya-ha'dka-ch, wife.

Cousins

I obtained three terms for cousins:

Dhohumi-k, man's father's brother's son.

Chasumav-k, woman's mother's sister's daughter.

Chakava-kf man's father's sister's son or mother's brother's son; that is, a
self -reciprocal term between male first cross-cousins.

The Mohave terminology for cousins is as interesting as it is complex.
Besides the foregoing three specific terms, there are four others from the
brother and grandchild classes; but parent and uncle terms, which are found in
certain other Californian languages, and among a number of Eastern tribes, are
not employed. The following tabulation brings together all the data.

imale, dho
female, a

Children of Brothers
dhohumi-k;

Male calls s^ i » 7 i vu

— 1_ ^ *ava-kf son 's child.

Cmale, a*ava-k;

j female, not obtained; analogy suggests a'ava-k.

Children of Sisters
ds

male, ahko*o-k;

Cmale, ahko'o-k, daughter's child;
i female, ahko'o-k.

Female calls < ^ , ,

i female, chasumav-k.

Children of Brother Call Children of Sister

_- , „ (male, chakava-k;
Male calls ^^ , . ,

i female, %nya-k, younger sister.

_ , „ (male, \nchten-k.

Female calls K , .

i female, f

older brother;

Children of Sister Call Children of Brother

,, , „ (male, chakava-k;
Male calls ^'- , ,

J female, tnya-k,

^ , „ (male, inchien-k;
Female calls K . .
/female, f

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Briefly, the children of brothers call each other "son's child," except that
a special term is used when both are males; and the children of sisters call each
other ''daughter's child," except that another special term is used when both
are females. Gross-cousins of opposite sex denominate each other ''younger
sister" and "older brother," according to sex; the "younger" and "older"
seem quite fixed irrespective of the actual ages of the persons or the age or sex
of their parents; that is, a man's female cross-cousin is always his younger
sister, and a woman 's male cross-cousin is always designated as a brother older
than herself. Male cross-cousins denominate each other by a special term. For
female cross-cousins there is unfortunately no information. The basis of this
remarkable plan is that cross-cousins call each other brothers and sisters, parallel
cousins designate each other as grandchildren, and specific cousin terms are
restricted to the cases in which all the persons involved in the relationship are
of the same sex or in which the children of brother and sister are of the same sex.

The terminology used between remoter cousins is equally extraordinary.
This has been obtained only for the male descendants of two brothers.

Brothers Older Younger

I I

First cousins 1 2

I I

Second cousins 3 4

I , I'

Third cousins 5 6

I I

Fourth cousins 7 8

1 calls 2: dhohumi-k;

2 calls 1: dhohumi-k.

3 calls 4: ivet-ky man's younger brother's child;

4 calls 3: navikf father's older brother.

5 calls 6: inchien-k, father's younger brother;

6 calls 5: isu-ich-k, man's older brother's child.

7 calls 8: tret-fc, man's younger brother's child;

8 calls 7: navi-k, father's older brother.

Fifth cousins, it may be surmised, call each other like third cousins.

All these terms are conceptually reciprocal.

It will be noted that the actual age of any cousin is immaterial. The
terminology is fixed by the respective ages of the brothers from whom the
reckoning starts.

On this basis, and the assumption that uncle-nephew terminology is to be
employed, it seems natural that the allotment of names between second cousins
is on the plan that the descendant of the older brother is the "uncle"; but it
is surprising that between third cousins it is the descendant of the same older
brother who is reckoned the nephew.

The explanation may be in the fact that inchien-k means older brother as
well as father's younger brother, and that therefore I apply to my father's
brother (if he is the junior) the same term which he applies to my father.
Something of the idea inhering in this terminology appears to have been
extended along the descending line of cousins, with the result that whatever
my cousin of my own generation calls me, I call his father or my son calls him,

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for inchien-k or navi-Jc; whereas for isu-ich-k and ivet-k, my father calls him or I
call his son whatever he calls me. Thus:

y >o,

1 > y : inchien-k

5>6,

6 > 4 : inchien-k

4>3,

5 > 4 : navi-k

6>5,

5 > 8 : isu-ich-k

7>8,

6 > 7 : ivet-k

and, it may

be suspected,

2>3

: ivet-k as 3 > 4

9> 8

: navi-k as 8 > 7

Eeciprociiy

Eeciprocity is very strongly developed in the Mohave system. It
is manifest in practically every class of terms.

Self-reciprocal, that is, reciprocal both conceptually and verbally,
are iki-ch-k, with a wide variety of meanings, but all falling into pairs
that are exactly complementary; unyi-k, of which exactly the same
can be said; the three other terms for connections by marriage:
nya'halye'aU'k, amily-k, and inya-huvi-k; the three specific cousin
terms; and a'ava-k and ahko'o-k as used between cousins.

Conceptual reciprocity without verbal identity occurs in the terms
used between parents and children ; between grandparents and grand-
children; between all uncles or aunts and their nephews and nieces,
and between brother and sister terms as used by cross-cousins. The
only irregularity is that, in the grandparent class, a'ava-k, son's child,
is reciprocal to both n-apau-k and n-amau-k; and similarly in the
uncle class, ivet-k to n-avi-k and n-athi-k.

The only terms that are not reciprocal are the three for brothers
and sisters, when used in that fundamental and unextended sense;
and possibly those for half brothers and sisters.

A similar degree of reciprocal expression seems to pervade the
kinship system of the Papago of southern Arizona. Except for Yurok
and Wintun, all known systems in California are more or less recip-
rocal ; but none are so extreme in this respect as Mohave.

Relation to Clan System
The Mohave possess a clan system similar to that of several other
Yuman tribes. It is patrilinear, exogamic, and totemic, though its
totemism is veiled: the clans themselves have no names, but all the
women of one clan bear the same name, which carries a totemic
implication or connotation.

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346 University of California Publications in Am. Aro^i, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

I am unable to discern in the kinship terminology any definite
reflection of the division into exogamic units. The cousin nomen-
clature is an example. With unilateral descent, if the children of
brothers are of the same clan, the children of sisters must normally
be of different clans; yet the actual terminology is exactly parallel.
The children of brother and sister, again, must necessarily belong to
different clans; yet it is only these that cousins brother-sister names
are applied.

The frequency with which the sex of an intermediate relative is
denoted by Mohave terms may seem an indication of the unilateral
reckoning of descent in the clan system. But this is offset by the
instances in which collateral kindred are not merged in lineal, as is
often supposed to be the normal practice where exogamic groups
prevail.

The partrilinear reckoning of the Mohave, on the other hand, may
have led to their making certain distinctions among males that are
not made for females. Thus there are two words for father, only one
for mother; a man uses different words to denote his son and his
daughter, a woman only one. The primary meaning of the generic
term iki-ch-k seems to be stepfather, whereas the only word for step-
mother is unyi-k, whose fundamental denotation is a female affinity
or the affinity of a woman. The terms of the parent-in-law and
brother-in-law classes reveal a marked asymmetry in favor of males.
There are two words denoting the male affinities of males, and only
two to express the three times as numerous female affinities of females
and those between males and females.

The terms which my informant, who, although a man, was assisted
by several women, failed to mention are in every case those used by
women or applied to them: stepdaughter; woman's step-parent;
woman's half-brother or sister; woman's female cross-cousin; second
or remoter cousin, either female or descended wholly or partly from
females. Since all the parallel terms for males were usually volun-
teered, it appears that the Mohave think and express themselves first
in terms of male lineage.

There are only two cases of the finer distinction being drawn on
the female side. The daughter's son and her daughter are distin-
guished, the son's children classed together. There is a term for
mother's younger as well as mother's older sister, but the father's
younger brother is merged in one's own older brother, and the same
for the reciprocals.

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1917] Kroeher: Calif omia Kinship Systems 347

GENERAL FEATURES

Apart from the overwhelming inclination toward reciprocity, the
distinctive features of the Mohave kinship system are the following:

Relatives of the most diverse generations are denoted by the same
terms. This is not on the plan of many American systems that if I
call a relative, such as an uncle, by a certain name, I apply the same
name to his son, grandson, and so on ad infinitum, that is, to my
cousin, cousin once removed, and the latter 's descendants; or that the
word for grandfather is simply made to include the great-grand-
father. The principle or principles followed in Mohave remain rather
obscure; but the one point emerges with certainty, that the Mohave
are normally at pains to use terms of the most clearly discrete signifi-
cance as to generation, for their kin of adjacent generations. Thus
first cousins are called grandchildren, not uncles; the great-grand-
father is denominated younger brother ; and so forth. It would seem
that, the wider the leap, the more satisfactory the terminology; pos-
sibly because an element of confusion is thereby minimized. In fact,
it might almost be said that it is only in a technical and narrow sense
of the word that there is ignoring of generations.

As regards the distinction of collateral from lineal relatives, the
Mohave are unusually precise at several points. Parallel uncles and
aunts are not merged with the father and mother, nor nephews and
nieces with children. Three-fourths of all cousins are designated by
terms other than brother and sister.

Sex of the intermediate relative is specified in practically all words
into which this factor can enter: grandparents and grandchildren;
terms of the uncle and aunt class; cousins; and half brothers and
sisters. Some may see in this prevalence an influence of the clan
system. To me it seems rather associated with the tendency toward
reciprocity.

Expression of both the sex of the speaker and the sex of the relative
denoted tends to lead to a great multiplicity of terms if consistently
carried out in a reciprocating system, especially in the grandparent
and uncle terms. The Mohave solve the problem in the usual way:
they express one category in the terms applied to the younger rela-
tives, the other category in those for the older relatives. Both factors
are specified in the self-reciprocal terms of the stepfather, cousin,
parent-in-law, and brother-in-law classes, and in those used between
a father and his children; whereas the term for older brother-sister.

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348 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

the word unyi-k, and a few of the nephew-niece and grandchild desig-
nations— especially if their extended meanings be included — are wholly
indeterminate as to sex.

The distinction of absolute age within one and the same generation
follows an irregular course. It occurs between brothers and sisters;
is lacking for half brothers and sisters when these are specified as
such ; is made for parallel uncles and aunts and disregarded for cross
ones, and the same for their reciprocals; is wholly wanting among
first cousins; but always, though indirectly indicated, so far as the
evidence goes, for remoter cousins.

Affinities by marriage are never merged with blood kin. Iki-ch-k
would be an exception if the stepfather relationship were counted as
belonging to the former group.

From the point of view of development of terminology for the
several natural groups of kindred, salient features of the Mohave
system are the consolidation of designations for marriage connections
into a very few words, and the development of an elaborate nomen-
clature for cousins, including at least three specific terms in a total
of seven or eight employed for first cousins.

LUISENO

The Luiseno are of Shoshonean stock, but live in an entirely
different social environment in their southern California home from
the distantly allied Tiibatulabal and Kawaiisu of the Sierra Nevada,
whose kinship systems have been described by Mr. E. W. Gifford,*
and from the still more remote Northern Paiute treated of in the
present paper.

The Luiseno terms are not used in their absolute forms as here
given. In actual speech they occur only with possessive prefixes, such
as no-, **my.'' The ending -mat is a diminutive.

The system has been recorded independently and without dis-
crepancies of moment by the late P. S. Sparkman and myself. The
former's list of remote and extended applications of terms is some-
what fuller.

Parent Class

Na\ father.

YOy mother.

Ka-mai, son.

Shwa-maif daughter.

2 Present series, xii, 219-248, 1917.

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Brother Class
Posh, older brother.
Eesj older sister.
Petf younger brother.
Pit, younger sister.

Grandparent Class

Ka\ father's parent; also, brother of the father's father and sister of the
father's mother; also, woman's father-in-law, and, reciprocally, man's daughter-
in-law; also, woman's duughter-in-law; also, man's brother's son's wife and
woman's sister's son's wife, that is, parallel nephew's wife.3

Ka'-maiy reciprocal to ka* so far as this denotes persons of the grandparent
generation; that is, son's child, man's brother's son's child, woman's sister's
son's child.

Kwa, mother's father; mother's father's brother.

Kwa-maif reciprocal to kwa; that is, man's daughter's child, man's brother's
daughter's child.

Tu', mother's mother; mother's mother's sister.

Tu*-mai, reciprocal to tu* ; that is, woman's daughter's child, woman's sister's
daughter's child.

Piwi or piwaif great-grandfather or great-grandmother, apparently in any
lineage.

Piivi-maif reciprocally, any great-grandchild.

Sosa, great-great-grandparent or great-great-grandchild.

Yuto, a person removed one generation farther than the sosa.

Taula, one generation more distant than yuto, that is, great-great-great-great-
grandparent or child.

The terms for ancestors or descendants from three to six generations removed
are evidently convenient devices for expressing the lapse of generations, and
little else. They completely ignore the factor of lineage which is denoted in
the grandparent terms; are sexless; and, it may be surmised, are applied indis-
criminately to lineal and collateral kindred. It would be interesting to know
their etymologies.

KeJc, grandmother's brother; grandfather's sister; reciprocally, man's sister's
grandchild, woman's brother's grandchild; also, man's brother's or woman's
sister's child's spouse. Specific terms for kindred removed by three steps of
relationship — other than of the speaker's own generation or three generations
lineally removed from him — are rare the world over. This particular term is
so far unparalleled in California.

Uncle Class
KmUf kamu (nu-kmu, cham-kamu)^ father's older brother.
Kmu-maif kamu-mai, reciprocal, man's younger brother's child.
Mash, father's younger brother; also, stepfather.

Mai-maiy or me, reciprocal, man's older brother's child; also, man's stepchild.
Nosh, mother's older sister.

Nosh-mai or nos-mai, reciprocal, woman's younger sister's child.
Yos-mai (evidently from yo, mother), mother's younger sister; stepmother.
Kuli'mai, reciprocal, woman's older sister's child; woman's stepchild.
Tash, mother's brother.

3 Sic, in the data available, although this signification overlaps one of those
given for kek below, namely, parallel nephew-niece 's spouse.

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Mela (compare mai-mai, mc), reciprocal, man's sister's child.

Pa-mai, father's sister.

Ali-mai or ala-mai, reciprocal, woman's brother's child.

Parent-in-Law Class

Kwa pa-nay man's father-in-law; man's son-in-law. Self -reciprocal. The
literal meaning is "my daughter's child its father." The term therefore really
denotes the son-in-law, and its apparently absurd application to the father-in-
law must be due to a conventional extension under the influence of the tendency
toward reciprocity.

Tt* 'pa-na, man's mother-in-law; woman's son-in-law. Self -reciprocal. Liter-
ally, daughter's child's father. The secondary application is again to the older
person. An extended meaning is woman's sister's son-in-law.

A woman calls her father-in-law ka*, paternal grandparent. Possibly this
stands for "my child's father's parent." The father-in-law in turn, and the
mother-in-law also, apply the same term ka' to their daughter-in-law.

A woman calls her mother-in-law ka' shungal, "father's parent woman,"
or, "father-in-law woman." It is not certain that the qualifying shungal is
always added.

Na-hwaf parent of child-in-law (like Yokuts makshif Miwok maksi) . The term
is also said to be applied to children -in-law; and to "the nephew's" parent-in-
law. The latter meaning seems inconsistent with the prevailing Luiseno
principles of designating kindred.

Brother-in-Law Class

Tolma, woman's brother's wife or husband's sister; that is, a self -reciprocal
term between sisters-in-law. Exactly equivalent to Mohave inya-huvi-k. The
etymology may possibly be from to 'ma, wife.

Mespa-na, all other brother-in-law and sister-in-law relationships; that is,
woman 's brother-in-law and any immediate affinity of a man in his own generation.
There is no independent word mes in modern Luisefio. Me or mai-maif reciprocal
to mashf denoting a man 's older brother 's child, cannot be considered the source,
for me pana, * * my older brother 's child 's father, ' ' would only be a meaninglessly
roundabout way of saying "older brother." The derivation must therefore
be from mela,* man's sister's child. Melapana, man's sister's child's father,
would therefore denote a man's sister's husband. Evidently the phrase was
then used reciprocally for wife's brother; and finally extended to include the
other relationships which it denotes.

Husband and Wife
Kung, husband.

PewOf husband, literally, "partner" or "mate."
Shnga-kif wife, from shunga-l, woman.
To'm^f wife.

Akif co-wife. At least in address, however, "older sister" or "younger
sister" is usually substituted when the personal relation is amicable.

Cousins
Parallel cousins are brothers and sisters. Whether they are older or younger
depends upon the respective ages of their, parents, not of themselves.
Ukshum or yuksum, any cross-cousin.

* Perhaps the same stem me plus noun ending -la, -I; and mes for mesh in
composition (compare nosh and nos-mai), mesh being me plus another frequent
noun-ending -sh or -cha.

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1917] Kroeher: Calif omia Kinship Systems 351

GENERAL FEATURES

The Luiseno system closely parallels that of the Mohave. There
is the same dominant inclination toward exact reciprocity, made even
more striking by a greater prevalence of verbally reciprocal terms.
The tendency affects practically all the terms of the grandparent,
uncle, parent-in-law, and brother-in-law classes in both languages;
Mohave adds parents, and Luiseno cousins. Another fundamental
common feature is the limitation of terms to designate connections
by marriage. The Mohave plan is the use of a very few self -reciprocal
words of narrow range plus one term that covers all other aflSnities.
The Luiseno appear to employ no radical words at all for aflSnities
(the special term for woman's sister-in-law is very likely a derivation
from **wife''), except the somewhat generic nakwa, but help them-
selves out with circumlocutory phrases which are as purely descriptive
as the corresponding English ones ; or by boldly extending the meaning
of terms for blood kindred. The degree to which the various factors
entering into kinship are given expression by the two tribes is also
very nearly the same. And, finally, there are special resemblances,
as in the separation of parallel uncles and aunts into those older and
younger than the parent, whereas cross-uncles and aunts are not so
distinguished. The one important divergence is in the terminology
for cousins, in which the two systems follow radically different
methods.

Among special peculiarities of Luiseno is the employment of
literally self-contradictory phrases of transparent meaning for many
connections by marriage, as the obvious result of the reciprocal in-
fluence. This trait has some analogues in Northern Paiute, though
there it takes the form of a wrong implication of sex and the cause
appears to be mere simplifying assimilation. In both instances, how-
ever, it is purely descriptive terms that are logically misused. This
point is of considerable theoretical interest. If aflSnity terms which
on their face denote one thing, and that alone, are used in other
senses from merely psychological causes, such as tendencies toward
reciprocal or simplified expression, the presumption is that terms for
blood kindred are also sometimes radically altered from their original
meaning under the stimulus of similar causes without any accom-
panying change in form of marriage, kind of descent, or social insti-
tutions. The only difference is that transparent descriptive terms
allow us to prove without doubt that the extension or alteration of

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352 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

meaning has taken place in a particular case, whereas when we are
confronted with unanalyzable stem-words the same sort of evidence
can rarely be brought. But a very high probability must remain that
a certain proportion of even the most elementary and important terms
of relationship the world over have derived their present significance
from causes not connected with form of marriage or descent.

Other unusual traits of the Luiseiio system are the occurrence of
terms for lineal relatives three to six generations distant ; for the whole
class of cross-cousins as a unit; for a child-in-law *s parent; and for
collateral cross-relatives of the grandparent generation. All of these
evince a distinct feeling for specific relationships removed by three
steps of kinship, whereas most other Indians cover such remote re-
lationships by applications of terms for nearer kindred. Again we
face a feature of kinship designation that is the reflection of an
abstract idea.

In making the seniority of brother-sister cousins depend on the
parents' ages the Luiseiio follow a practice that is adhered to by a
number of American tribes but which in the present state of knowledge
is unique in California.

YOKUTS

The following system is that of the Yaudanchi tribe, belonging to
the Tule-Kaweah group of the Foothill division of the Yokuts." Terms
in parentheses are from the Yauelmani, who, though fairly near
neighbors of the Yaudanchi and in frequent association with them,
speak a dialect of the Valley division. Both tribes are from the
southern range of Yokuts territory and in contact with Shoshonean
tribes, such as the Tubatulabal and Kawaiisu. Yokuts systems have
been collected by Mr. Qifford from the Tachi, at about the center of
the area of the stock, and the Qashowu and Chukchansi in the north ;
but these are as yet unpublished.

Parent Class
Natetf father; vocative: opoyo. (Yauelmani, in reference, nopop.)
Nazhozhf mother; vocative: ishaya, (Yauelmani, in reference, no*om,)
The initial syllable in n- in these words appears to be a prefix, originally
meaning **my," which has become crystallized; while the stem of natet, nopop,
and nazhozh seems to have been reduplicated and then reduced.
Buchongy son; man's brother's son. {Butson.)

B Present series, ii, 240, 1907.

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1917] Kroeher: California Kiriship Systems 353

Ahid, daughter; but also child. A man's brother's daughter, and a woman's
sister 's child of either sex, are called ahi, which is of course from the same stem.
That there is no confusion in my notes appears from the objective cases of the
two words: ahda and ahia.

Brother Class

Nibech, older brother. {Nibech.)

Ne'esh, younger brother.

Na'at, older sister. (Na'at.)

No*otf younger sister. (No*ot.)

An old possessive prefix appears to have become incorporated in these words
also.

Hukozhy brother or sister of opposite sex from speaker, irrespective of age.
Self-reciprocal.

Grandfather Class
Enashf any grandfather; any grandchild of a man. (Enes,)
T*uta, mother's mother; woman's daughter's child. {Kamits, mother's mother;

ts*utsa, woman's daughter's child.)

Bap\ possibly pap«, father's mother; woman's son's child. (Bapa,)
Hitwaiu (t palatal), great-grandfather; man's great grandchild. This word

also means *' ghost"; but the reciprocal usage indicates that, whatever its

original meaning, it is also employed as a definite term of relationship.

MoJcoiotf great -grandmother; woman's great-grandchild. This term must be

derived from mokoi, whose present meaning is mother's sister.

Uncle Class

Eomoyish, father's brother. (Komoyis.)

Mokoi, mother's sister. {Mokoi.)

Agash or akash, mother's brother. (Akash.)

Guiha, father's sister. (Nusus.)

Chayahf man's sister's child: reciprocal of agash. {Tsayah.)

Napash, woman's brother's child; reciprocal of guiha. (Napas.)

Ahi, woman's sister's child: reciprocal of mokoi; also, a man's brother's
daughter. Except that a man calls his brother's son buchong, that is, son, ahi
therefore denotes all parallel nephews and nieces, and is reciprocal in meaning
to komoyish and mokoi together. Its connection with ahid, daughter, has already
been mentioned. (The Yauelmani equivalent is not entirely clear. It may be
butson, son or child in general.)

Father-in-Law Class
Nahamishf father-in-law. (Nahamis.)
Ontip, mother-in-law. {Ontip.)

Napatum, son-in-law; also, sister's husband. (Napatim.)
Onmid, daughter-in-law. {Onmil.)
Makshi, parent of child-in-law. Self-reciprocal.

Brother in-Law Class
Nip 'ex, wife's brother. {Nipi.)
Onpoi, husband's brother, wife's sister. (Onpoi.)

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354 University of California Publications in Am. Aroh, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

Itwap; brother's wife; also, husband's sister. (Yauelmani, itwap, with the
same meaning, except that a woman calls her brother's wife kitmnits,)

For sister's husband, see napatumy above.

Informants mentioned that one married an onpoi on the death of one 's spouse.
The two meanings of the term are not reciprocal, however. Itwap and napatum
are both reciprocal to onpoi^ and both denote other relationships as well.

Husband and Wife
Yiwin, wife, and yuwenich, husband, are both from the stem yiw, appearing
with the formative suffix -in as the verb *'to marry"; as, yewin-ji, "he married."
Yuwenich means **the marrier." Neither term seems to be used in address.
The Yauelmani are said to refer to the wife as moJci : compare Yaudanchi moJcoi,
mother's sister.

Death of Connecting Belative
The following terms for affinities by marriage are altered upon the death of
the connecting relative:

ontip becomes unitipi;
napatum becomes napitimi;
onmid becomes onimidi;
onpoi becomes unipiyi.
The alteration is by a process that has several analogues in Yokuts grammar.
A suffix -i is added which shifts the accent a syllable farther from the head of
the word and changes the vowels of all but the initial syllable. The idea of
severance of relationship is expressed in several neighboring Shoshonean lan-
guages ;8 but the means here described is peculiar to the genius of Yokuts.'^

Reciprocity

All five terms of the grandfather class are exactly self-reciprocal.
In the uncle class there is no trace of verbal reciprocity. The cross
uncle and aunt terms, however, each have a conceptual reciprocal.
The reciprocals for parallel uncle and aunt are the words for children,
or terms derived from them. In the parent-in-law and brother-in-law
classes there are no reciprocals, except for makshi, parent of a child-
in-law. A woman calls her husband's sister itwap and is so called by
her ; but the word is also used by a man for his brother's wife. More-
over, in Yauelmani, husband 's sister remains itwap, but the reciprocal
is kitwinits, if the recorded data are not confused. It is therefore
necessary to conclude that the Yokuts entertain little more feeling
than we for reciprocity in the brother-in-law class which is so favorable
for the expression of this idea.

That the word for great-grandfather means ** ghost,*' that is,
*'dead person," ensures that it was first applied to the aged relative

6 Present series, xn, 241, 1917.

7 Present series, n, 178, 201, 1907.

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1917] Kroeber: Calif omia Kinship Systems 355

and that its reciprocal meaning of great-grandchild is secondary.
This example renders it probable that the other reciprocal terms in
this class are also children's terms which their grandparents re-
bestowed on the little ones. The generic southern Yokuts term for
mother's mother and a woman's daughter's child is i'uta.^ In Yauel-
mani, however, the mother's mother is called kamits. But as the
presumably secondary reciprocal remains ts'utsa, it must be concluded
that the Yauelmani once used this term also with the meaning of
mother's mother which it possesses among the other Yokuts, and that
kamits was subsequently introduced. A change of social institutions
cannot be invoked as explanation, because no custom of marriage,
descent, or kin function can possibly be involved. Any condition of
Yokuts society that permitted the Yaudanchi Vutor-t'uta terminology
would be equally well served by the Yauelmani kamits-ts^utsa termin-
ology. The situation is simply that one tribe adheres to its original
usage of a single self-reciprocal word, while the other has come to
employ two terms that are exactly complementary. There is nothing
to prevent this process of enlargement of the series of terms, or the
contrary one of reduction, from having gone on indefinitely while the
accompanying society remained identical. It is entirely conceivable,
for instance, that the Yauelmani might in time have come to use not
only six but ten words in the grandparent class in place of the original
five; or that, on the other hand, they might have added verbal to
conceptual reciprocity in the words of the uncle group, and thereby
diminished their number from seven to four. The final outcome of
such a process would be a Yauelmani system of nomenclature thor-
oughly different at many points from its original form and from that
of allied peoples, without any change of social system and merely
through a change of psychological attitude as expressed in speech.

Much the same can be inferred from ahid and ahi, two terms
scarcely differentiated in sound and the first of wavering, the second
of asymmetric and therefore probably also fluctuating meaning.
Either the Yaudanchi once called their parallel nieces ** daughters"
outright, and later began to differentiate between these two kinds of
relatives by altering the term when applied to one of the two ; or they
once possessed a special term for parallel niece (or for a woman's
parallel nephew-niece) and later replaced this by the word for
daughter (or child), the old sense of distinctness of the niece from
the daughter however remaining sufficiently strong to prevent a

8 Compare Paleuyami djudja, present series, ii, 267, 268, 1907.

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356 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

wholly unmodified employment of the word *' daughter*' for the
relationship of niece. In the one event we are confronted by an
incipient dissimilation, in the other by an incomplete assimilation of
terms. If now we assume that the cause of this change was an
alteration in the social organization of the Yaudanchi, such as a drift
to or from the levirate, for instance, it follows either that this social
alteration was also halting and incomplete, which is likely to be
diflScult to corroborate by independent evidence in the case of a prim-
itive tribe, and therefore to remain a purely speculative opinion ; or,
if the change in social conditions was fulfilled, the change in nomen-
clature lagged behind and now reflects the social evolution only
brokenly.

RELATIONS OP MIWOK AND YOKUTS

The Central Miwok system has been presented and analyzed in
full by Mr. E. W. Gifford.® Its special peculiarities appear to be three.

First, there are five terms for three-step affinities by marriage —
pinuksa, kumatsa, moe, haiyeme, maksi — which denote such persons
as the wife's mother's brother, a woman's sister's son's wife, and the
husband's brother's wife. The word maksi has the same significance
as Yokuts makshi, and is interesting as a case of outright transfer of
a kinship term from one language to another. As it is one of a class
in Miwok, but so far as known stands alone in Yokuts, the latter people
are likely to have been the borrowers. It is, however, necessary to
bear in consideration that in as much as I did not ordinarily attempt
to secure terms of this type of rather remote and indirect relationship,
there is a possibility that they may actually occur in several of the
systems here presented from which they now appear to be lacking.

Second, the grandparent class is much reduced in Miwok. There
are only the three terms : grandfather, grandmother, grandchild. The
grandmother's brother is a grandfather, and so on.

Third, the system is rather asymmetrical. The father's brother
is a father, but there are two terms for the mother's sisters. There
is one reciprocal to father's sister, two to mother's brother. There
is one word denoting parents-in-law, two for children-in-law. Olo is
the brother's wife, irrespective of sex, but there are two reciprocals
for husband's brother and husband's sister.

»*' Miwok Moieties,'' present series, xii, 139-194, 1916.

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1917] Kroeher: California Kinship Systems 357

The differences from Yokuts are not serious. The Yokuts self-
reciprocal word for brother-sister of opposite sex is lacking. The
terms of the grandparent class differ in not being reciprocal at all in
Miwok, whereas in Yokuts they are self-reciprocal. The Yokuts great-
grandparent terms are not represented. Yokuts generally has con-
ceptually reciprocal terms for parallel as well as for cross relatives
of the uncle class ; Miwok merges these parallel relatives in the parent
class, except for the mother's sisters. Yokuts distinguishes and Miwok
combines the father-in-law and mother-in-law. Yokuts possesses four
terms and Miwok five in the brother-in-law class, and the allotment
to these of the eight logically possible relationships is mostly different,
]VIiwok proceeding on the principle that such terms are conceptually
reciprocal without being self -reciprocal, and that the sex of the spouse
is always denoted while that of the brother-sister is left indeterminate,
whereas the Yokuts classification is more random. The cousin termin-
ology, on which Mr. Gifford has full and interesting data, can unfor-
tunately not be compared on account of lack of Yokuts data.

Reciprocity is nearly equally developed in the two systems, the
Yokuts, however, favoring it rather for blood kin and the Miwok for
the less numerously recognized connections by marriage. Both systems
evince much less reciprocity than either Luiseno or Mohave.

The Miwok men marry their mother's brother's daughters, but
Mr. Gifford concludes very convincingly that the original form of
marriage is that of a man to his wife's brother's daughter, because
twelve Miwok kinship terms are in accord with this type of marriage
and none with cross-cousin marriage. Unfortunately it is not known
whether the southern Yokuts marry either of these relatives ; nor can
anything be predicted in the matter because the full significations for
most of the Yokuts terms corresponding to the twelve in question have
not been obtained.

Another matter that is of logical bearing on the Miwok and Yokuts
systems is an exogamic, patrilinear moiety organization. The northern
and central Yokuts possess this organization in a form much like that
of the Central Miwok. For the southern Yokuts, from whom the
kinship terms here presented were collected, its existence seems im-
probable. It is very doubtful, however, whether this organization
has seriously influenced kinship terminology. Of twenty-nine Miwok
terms used by a man, twelve refer to his own moiety, nine to the
opposite, and eight do not indicate moiety; for a woman, the corre-
sponding figures are fourteen, seven, and nine.

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For the sake of comparison, I abstract from Mr. Gifford's paper
the full set of designations for first cousins, arranged in the same
order as in my list for the Mohave, who are the only tribe here dealt
with for whom the corresponding data are available.^® It will be
seen that the two classifications are as unlike as they well could be,
and are clearly determined by very different principles.

Children of Brothers

(male, tachi, chale, older and younger brother;

/female, tete, kole, older and younger sister.

„ - „ (male, tachi, chale;
Female calls K , ^ ^ , ,
/female, tete, hole.

Children of Sisters

Male calls i"'*^^'*'^'**''''^^^'
) female, tete, kole.

Female calls Ir^'/^f^'M*'"
• /female, tete, kole.

Children of Brother Call Children of Sister
I, iipsa, man's a
tie, lupuha, mai
male, angsi, son;

Cmale, iipsa, man's sister's son;
/female, lupuha, man's sister's daughter.

Female calls <. , . j^ u^

(female, tune, daughter.

Male calls

Children of Sister Call Children of Brother
male, kaka, mother's brother;
female, anisii, mother's younger sister, stepmother.

Female calls K * .' ..

female, antsu

NORTHERN PAIUTE

This system was secured from Gilbert Natches, a Northern Paiute,
or, by Shoshone designation, Paviotso, of Pyramid Lake Reservation,
Nevada. The terms are presented in their stem forms, although they
are rarely if ever used without a possessive prefix or in composition.
After certain of these elements, such as i-, **my," initial k, t, p, change
to almost fricative g, d, b. The accent is invariably on the second
syllable ; except in hai'i, where it is borne by the diphthong, and in
dtsi. The vowels of syllables following the accent are unvoiced or
whispered. The character e does not carry the usual value of this

10 Except the Luiseno, whose terminology is according to a thoroughly dis-
similar but very simple principle, and the Northern Paiute, who use only brother-
sister terms.

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1917] Kroeher: Calif omia Kinship Systems 359

letter, but represents a mixed vowel occurring in all Shoshonean
languages and often written ii.

Parent Class
Na, father.
Pia, mother.
Tua, son.
Pade, daughter.

Brother Class

Pabi'i, older brother.

Wanga'a, younger brother.

Eama'a, older sister.

Peni'iy younger sister.

All first cousins are called brothers and sisters, whether cross or parallel.
Whether they are called older or younger depends on their actual age, not on
the ages of the respective parents.

Grandparent Class

Kenu'u, father's father; and, reciprocally, a man's son's child.

Togo* Of mother's father; and, reciprocally, a man's daughter's child.

Mu'a, mother's mother; and, reciprocally, a woman's daughter's child.

Hutsx\ father's mother; and, reciprocally, a woman's son's child.

Mebi 't was given as father 's father 's mother, and reciprocally as a woman 's
son 's son 's child. It probably has a wider meaning. It enters into composition
with other terms to denote certain connections by marriage. In these com-
pounds it appears to designate relationship less than three generations remote.

Uncle Class

HaiH, father's brother.

Pidu'Uf mother's sister; also mother's co-wife, even if not related in blood.

Atsi, mother's brother.

Pahwa, father's sister.

All these are used alike for the older and the younger brother or sister of
the parent. Each has an exact reciprocal, which is, however, entirely different
in sound.

Ema, man's brother's child, reciprocal of hai'i,

Mldo'o, woman's sister's child, reciprocal of pidu'u; also, child of a co-wife,
even if unrelated in blood.

Nanakwe, man's sister's child, reciprocal of atsi.

Mido*o, woman's brother's child, reciprocal of pahwa,

I suspect that mido*o, woman's sister's child, and mido'o, woman's brother's
child, are the same, especially since I recorded both as accented on the second
syllable, which is according to rule if the first vowel is short, whereas a long
initial syllable carries the accent. It is not unlikely that mido*o has been
extended from woman's sister's child to denote also her brother's child, re-
placing a former adatsi, which survives in composition in the name which a
woman applies to her brother's wife.

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Parent-in-Law Class

Yahi, father-in-law; mother-in-law.

Togo-nna, son-in-law. This word means literally ''father of the child of
the daughter of a man,'* and logically is therefore usable only by males; but
it is employed by women also, who have no other designation for a son-in-law.

Kenu-pia, daughter-in-law. Again a man's term used by women also: ''mother
of the child of the son of a man." The word is a true compound, kenu'-pia,
not kenu"upia\

Hebi-yani, literally ' * woman 's son 's son 's child 's father-in-law, ' * or " father 's
father's mother's father-in-law," was recorded with the meanings of father-
in-law's father, father-in-law's mother, and father-in-law's paternal grand-
mother. In the last instance the compound denotes one's wife's great -grand-
mother, whereas hebi itself denotes one's own great -grandmother. I infer that
hebi-yahi is applicable to a considerable range of affinities by marriage, its first
element denoting that the person denoted is two or three generations older, and
the second element having about the force of our "in-law"; much as we might
describe an old lady as our " great-grandmother-in-law. "

UcbiH togo-nna — an epithet of two words, not a compound — was given as
the reciprocal of hebi-yahi, specifically used by a woman for her son's son's
son-in-law — her great-grandson-in-law.

Brother-in-Law Class

Adatoi, wife's brother; man's sister's husband. Self -reciprocal. Also used
between men as a friendly term of address when no relationship exists.

Adatsi-piaf husband's sister; woman's brother's wife. Self -reciprocal. The
word means ' ' mother of the adatsi. ' ' If the term was first used for the brother 's
wife, adatsi must be an old name for a woman's brother's child. This inter-
pretation is supported by the fact that the actually employed designation for
a woman's brother's child is probably the same, and certainly nearly the same,
as for a woman's sister's child — a uniting of relationships not in accord with
the plan of the remainder of the Northern Paiute system. If, however, adatsi-pia
was first used for the husband 's sister, then adatsi must have meant husband 's
sister's child. In support of this interpretation is the similarity of adatsi —
probably composed of a stem ada and the diminutive suffix -tsi — to adatoi. This
word adatoi denotes a man's brother-in-law; but its former meaning may have
been wider; since my informant stated that sisters-in-law sometimes called each
other adatoi f jokingly he thought. If adatoi ever meant brother-in-law or sister-
in-law in general, its connection with adatsi could hardly be doubted: adatoi
being the brother-in-law, adatsi would be the "little brother-in-law," that is,
the brother-in-law's son, or a junior relative of the husband, such as his sister's
son; and the adatsi-pia, his mother, would in the latter case be the husband's
sister.

It is difficult to decide between these two explanations. Yet, whichever is
right, or if it be a third, the term adatsi-pia is descriptive and could originally
not have applied to both the persons to whom it is now applied; for there is no
group of relatives to whom two sisters-in-law can both be mothers. The term
therefore once belonged to one of these relationships and has been extended to
include the other, as it is now self -reciprocal, presumably through the operation
of the inclination toward reciprocity. If this tendency is strong enough to
cause a change of meaning of exactly descriptive terms until they become self-
contradictory, its potential influence must be great, and should suffice to bring
about even more considerable alterations of ordinary non-descriptive terms.

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1917] Kroeher: California Kinship Systems 361

whose scope is readily extensible by analogy or metaphor without the production
of a transparent logical clash.

NenaiH, husband's brother; woman's sister's husband.

Husa-na-piOf wife's sister; man's brother's wife. The latter must be the
original meaning, the former its extension — again etymologically inexact, unless
double marriage of brother and sister to sister and brother had been the rule.
HiLsa denoting a man's brother's child, the huza-na-pin is of course his brother's
wife.

NenaiH and huza-na-pia are mutually reciprocal, while the two other terms
of this class, adatoi and adatsi-piaf are each self-reciprocal. A different grouping
of the four meanings expressed by 7ienai 'i and huza-na-pia would have made these
also self -reciprocal. As it is undeniable that extensions or alterations of
meaning have taken place in this class of terms, it is reasonable to consider
why these changes did not operate in the direction of consistency, that is, of
uniform self -reciprocity. The reason seems to be that in such case nenaiH and
huza-na-pia would each have denoted both males and females. Under the
existing system of Northern Paiute, however, each of its four terms of this
class refers only to men or only to women, to wit; man's brother-in-law, woman's
sister-in-law, woman's brother-in-law, man's sister-in-law. Reciprocity must
from its very nature interfere with the consistency with which certain conceptual
factors entering into relationship (such as generation, sex of the speaker, and
sex of the relative) are expressed; and the reverse is equally true. In the
uncle and grandparent classes of Northern Paiute terms, where the reciprocity
is complete — although only logical in one case and verbal as well in the other —
the consistency of employment of the three conceptual factors or categories is
thoroughly violated. In the brother-in-law class, on the other hand, complete
uniformity of reciprocal expression is not attained, but every term is exact in
its denotation of sex of the person referred to as well as the sex of the speaker.

Husband and Wife

Kuma, husband.

Nodekwa, wife.

The terms of address were not recorded.

Woho, co-wife. A woman says i-woho', "my co-wife," in reference, but
addresses her as ^-bea'a, ''my friend," if they are not sisters. As an address,
%-woho is an insult. Na-wo'ho is used when a man's two wives are meant: na-
is a reciprocal prefix,

MARRIAGE

The Northern Paiute deny cross-cousin marriage, though ray
informant attributed it to the Shoshone on their east, who, he said,
will marry their paJiwa's daughter. This may, however, be only the
expression of an opinion of the loose morality of the latter pepole,
since Gilbert also mentioned that the Shoshone married their parallel
cousins, which is scarcely possible. The brother-sister terminology for
cross-cousins among the Paiute confirms their denial of the practice
by themselves.

Even first cousins once removed and second cousins cannot marry
among Gilbert's people. This is certain for parallel cousins; but

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unfortunately my records do not allow me to assert the same rule
positively for second cross-cousins, although I believe it applies.

First half cousins, on the other hand, can and do marry. I secured
an instance of the children of two half brothers marrying. Such
half cousins were common among the Northern Paiute as the result
of polygamous marriages by men. There seems to have been even
some encouragement of half cousin marriage, as favoring a peaceable
and permanent union; although if, as often happened, the half
brothers lived in remote localities, a marriage of their children was
likely to be terminated by the return of one of them to the old home
when ties of blood and association called.

Geography was otherwise a factor of importance in these matters,
on account of the varying degree of acquaintance which it imposed.
My informant's father and the latter 's half brother, who lived apart,
arranged a marriage between a son of the former and the daughter
of the latter. The girl was willing, but the young man, having pre-
viously visited at her home, had got to calling her ** sister, '^ and
refused to marry her on that ground. He had known her too long,
he said.

A man might marry a woman and her daughter — ^his stepdaughter,
of course. This is a common practice of most of the California Indians.

WASHO"

The stems of the Washo terms of relationship are used with pos-
sessive prefixes, such as di-, my, urn-, your, da-, his. A few words
replace di- by di-m-, la-, or 1-, urn- by mi-m- or m-.

Parent Class
Koif father.
La, mother.
MalolOy parents.
Nganif son.
Ngamu, daughter.
N gaming f child.

Brother Class
At% older brother.
Isa, older sister.
BeyUf younger brother.
Wits*uk, younger sister.

Cousins are older or younger brothers and sisters according to their own ages,
not those of their parents.

J 1 Present series, iv, 309, 1907.

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1917] Kroeher: CoXifomia Kinship Systems 363

Grandparent Class
BabOf father's father, man's son's child.
Elel, mother's father.
Elelif man's daughter's child.
Ama, father's mother, woman's son's child.
Gu, mother's mother.
Guyi, woman's daughter's child.

Uncle Class
Etishi, father's brother; reciprocal, masha.
Da, mother's brother; reciprocal, magu.
Ya, father's sister; reciprocal, shemuk,
Sha'sha, mother's sister.

Masha, man's brother's child; reciprocal, ettshi.
Magu, man's sister's child; reciprocal, da.
Shemuk, woman's brother's child; reciprocal, ya.

The term for woman's sister's child was not obtained with certainty. It
may be shemuk. See below.

Parent-in-Law Class
Ayuk, parent-in-law.
Bu-angali ("lives with"), son-in-law.
Eyesh, daughter-in-law.

Brother-in-Law Class

Vladut, man's sister's husband, wife's brother. Self -reciprocal.

Di-ngaming de'-eushi (**my child's father's brother"), husband's brother.

Di-magu da-koi ("my sister's child's father"), woman's sister's husband.
This phrase does not necessarily prove that magu is the term which a woman
applies to her sister's child: in Northern Paiute there are analogous cases of a
woman using a man's term in descriptive phrases of this type.

TH-mash da-la (' * my brother 's child 's mother ") , man 's brother 's wife. This
phrase was also obtained for wife's sister, but the latter meaning is in need of
corroboration.

Yangil, woman's brother's wife, husband's sister. Self -reciprocal.

Husband and Wife
Bu-meli, husband {meli, "to make a fire").
(M)laya, wife.
The vocative terms are not known.

Beciprocity
Beciprocity is consistently verbal and conceptual in the grandfather class,
and conceptual only in the uncle class; it is not expressed in terms for relatives
by marriage except in one brother-in-law and one sister-in-law term.

RELATIONS TO NORTHERN PAIUTE
The Washo and the Northern Paiute are the only tribes of those
here considered who live east of the Sierra Nevada. Both extend

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364 University of California Publications in Am. Ardh. and Ethn. [Vol. 12

from Nevada into eastern California. Their customs are little known,
but appear to be similar, though the languages are utterly distinct.
Their kinship systems are practically identical.

Parent class: father, mother, son, (laughter. Washo adds a derivative for
child and a term for parents.

Brother class: older and younger brother and sister.

Grandparent class: paternal and maternal grandfather and grandmother, each
used reciprocally in the same form, except that two Washo grandchild terms
add a suffix. Paiute has also a term for great -grandmother.

Uncle class: four terms for parallel and cross uncle and aunt, and four exact
conceptual reciprocals, which, however, bear no likeness in sound. In both languages
there is some doubt whether there is a distinct term for woman 's sister ^s child.

Cousins: all are denominated brothers or sisters, seniority depending on their
actual age.

Parent-in-law class: parent-in-law, son-in-law (a descriptive term), daughter-
in-law (descriptive in Paiute only).

Brother-in-law class: man's brother-in-law, self-reciprocal; woman's sister-
in-law, self-reciprocal (descriptive in Paiute only); man's brother's wife or
wife's sister (descriptive); husband's brother or woman's sister's husband,
denoted by a single non-descriptive word in Paiute and by two separate de-
scriptive terms in Washo.

The two systems could not well be more similar. Two alternative
interpretations are open. Either we must assume that Washo and
Northern Paiute institutions are identical and that institutions are
perfectly reflected in kinship terminology; or we must admit that
these two systems have attained their practical identity under the
partial or dominating influence of similar ways of thinking, that is,
that mental or linguistic causes have been operative.

RELATIONS TO OTHER SYSTEMS
The Washo are in contact with the Miwok ; and the Washo-Paiute
system is not very different from the Miwok- Yokuts one — certainly
much more similar to it than to either the Wintun or the Mohave-
Luiseno type of terminology. The greatest difference is in the cousin
nomenclature, which could not well be more diverse. The Miwok
terms of the grandparent class are also dissimilar: non-reciprocal
grandfather, grandmother, and grandchild versus a scheme of four
self -reciprocal terms each expressing the sex of the intermediate rela-
tive.^ ^ Miwok, however, seems exceptional in this point. The southern

12 It is a striking circumstance that the Miwok disregard this consideration,
although its observance would bring their nomenclature into closer consonance
with their social scheme of descent, whereas the Washo and Northern Paiute,
who are not known to possess moieties, discriminate according to the factor.
If terminology mirrors sociology, the Miwok should distinguish paternal grand-
parent and maternal grandparent instead of grandfather and grandmother.

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1917] Kroeher: Calif omia Kinship Systems 365

Yokuts, although geographically more distant than the Miwok, use
terms of the exact Washo-Paiute type.^^ The Miwok must therefore
be regarded as occupying a distinctly anomalous position in their
grandparent-grandchild terminology. This is borne out by the fact
that the Wintun, Pomo, and Yuki, who tend to merge grandchildren
in children or nephew-nieces, and therefore, like the Miwok, express
no reciprocity in this class, nevertheless generally distinguish paternal
from maternal grandparents. To the south, the Mohave and Luiseno
express both lineage and at least conceptual reciprocity ; and the same
seems to have been the practice of the Salintos and Chumash, so far
as the fragmentary evidence allows judgment. The divergence of
the Miwok system from that of the Washo and Northern Paiute at
this point is therefore not characteristic of type, but due to a Miwok
peculiarity.

At most other points Washo and Miwok correspond fairly, or
about as well as Miwok and southern Yokuts. The parent and brother
classes are substantially identical. The uncle class differs in that the
Miwok merge parallel relatives in parents, except for the mother's
sisters, among whom they distinguish seniority. This seems another
Miwok specialization, since Yokuts is more similar to Washo. The
parent-in-law class is similar in that the father-in-law and mother-in-
law class are merged and that there is no reciprocity. The brother-
in-law relatives are differently classified ; but the force of this diverg-
ence is weakened by the marked difference of Yokuts from both. The
Miwok terms for three-step connections by marriage, finally, are unrep-
resented in both Washo and Northern Paiute; but this class seems
again to present a Miwok individuality, being lacking, or practically
so, in all other Californian systems, as far as we know. Just so, the
descriptive terms of Washo and Northern Paiute are an evident
peculiarity, since they are found only among the Luiseno and not
among any nearer tribes in California.

On the whole, therefore, while Washo and Northern Paiute form
an exceedingly intimate group, they also have tolerable affiliations to
south central California. They are certainly at least as near and
probably nearer to Miwok- Yokuts than these are to Luiseno-Mohave.
On the other hand, Miwok evinces a number of specializations from
which southern Yokuts is free; the latter on the whole is therefore
more similar than Miwok to the Nevadan systems.

13 Except that there is only term for grandfather, though this remains self-
reciprocal.

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366 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

TUBATULABAL AND KAWAIISU

Mr. Qiflford has described^* the systems of these two Shoshonean
tribes of the southern Sierra Nevada, neighbors of the southern Yokuts.
They are similar to each other and in general type very close to
Northern Paiute. The chief diflferenees from the latter are the
following :

Kawaiisu has terms for great-grandfather, son, mother, and daughter —
diminutives from the stems for older and younger brother and sister. Tiiba-
tulabal has a word for great-grandparent apparently borrowed from the Kawaiisu
one for great-grandfather, and employs a diminutive thereof as a reciprocal.

Kawaiisu applies its terms for cross uncle and aunt only to the younger
brother or sister of the parent. The father's older brother is classed with the
father, the mother's older sister with the mother. The Tiibatulabal scheme is
like the Northern Paiute one.

Both languages, like adjacent Yokuts, alter the terms for connections by
marriage after the death of the intermediate relative. The means employed
are suffixes. In addition, Tiibatulabal possesses a special term hoki, used be-
tween grandparents and grandchildren after the death of the father or mother.

Both languages possess special terms applied only to the blood father and
the blood mother before the loss of any child.

Tiibatulabal expresses * * son ' ' and ' ' daughter " by a single word and * ' younger
brother" and "younger sister" by one.

The Kawaiisu terms of the brother-in-law class tally exactly with those of
Northern Paiute. The Tiibatulabal ones are doubtful. No one of Mr. Gifford 's
half dozen informants yielded them alike. Not one of the lists reduces to the
Kawaiisu scheme even when the number of terms is reduced from five to four
by counting two as a single one. Mr. Qifford suggests Yokuts influence on the
Tiibatulabal system on this point, and I have no doubt he is right. But I
have been equally unable to make the arrangement of any of his informants
fit the Yaudanchi or Yauelmani plan. There are only two conclusions that
suggest themselves. Either the Tiibatulabal system has broken down at this
point in the last sixty years under American and Mexican contact, or original
Shoshonean and subsequent Yokuts influences have mingled and reduced the
Tiibatulabal scheme to a transitional and inconsistent stage. Possibly the latter
condition existed first and caused an unusual lack of resistance under the effect
of our civilization.

SHOSHONEAN SYSTEMS

These systems collected by Mr. Qiflford, with two others recorded
by Dr. Sapir and included in full in the same study, and Luiseno and
Northern Paiute, make six that are available from the Shoshonean
family and allow a broader comparison than has been possible here-

" Present series, xii, 219-248, 1917.

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Kroeber: Cclifomia iinship Systems

367

tofore. I give first the words used to express several of the more
elementary relationships.

SHOSHONEAN STEMS OF SIMILAR MEANING

Northern

Uintah

Kaibdb

Paiute

Kawaiisu

Ute

Paiute

TUhatulahal LuiseHo

Father na

kugu, 1

muwu

*moa

moa

kumuy ana^

na'

Mother pia

mawii,

piyu'

^ pie

piya

iimii, abu*

Older sister hama'a

pachi

michi

patsi-

kuchi

kes

Father's father kenu'u

kuno

conu

aka

ka'*

Mother 's mother mu *a

kagu

kahu

utsu

tu'

Mother's father togo'o

togo

togu
shina-nchi'

toho»

agist

kwa

Mother's brother a-tsi

shinu

kali

tash

Father's sister pahwa

paha

pauwa

pa-mai

Parent-in-law yahi

yehe

yai-chi

wasu-mbis

(descriptive)'

Son-in-law (descrip-

mono

muna-chi

mona-tsi

wiini

(descriptive)

tive)

^ Blood parent before loss of any child.

* Younger brother of the mother.
*Any grandfather.

* Fathers' parent.

B A woman says ka', father's parent.

It is clear that the stems that are used to denote the same relation-
ship are very variable. The Kawaiisu, Uintah Ute, and Kaibab Paiute
idioms are all of the Ute-Chemehuevi division and very close to one
another. They may be said to differ only dialecticaily. Northern
Paiute belongs to the same Plateau branch of the family, but deserves
to be reckoned as a distinct language. Nearly half of its stems for
kindred are different. Tiibatulabal and Luiseiio are linguistically
somewhat remote from the others, but certainly no more than Greek
is from Latin or German from Slavic ; yet the majority of their stems
are new.

Analogous results appear when the procedure is reversed and the
meanings of identical stems are compared.

Tua, tuwUf toway tuwa means son in aU four of the Plateau dialects; tumu
is son or daughter in Tiibatulabal.

NamaH, nami is younger sister in Kawaiisu, Ute, and Kaibab Paiute; nalawi
is younger brother or sister in Tiibatulabal.

Shinu is mother's brother in Kawaiisu, shina-nchi mother's younger brother
in Ute, shina- male cousin in Kaibab.

Mawu is mother's older sister in Ute, mawii mother's older sister or mother
who has not lost a child in Kawaiisu, mangwuH- female cousin in Kaibab.

Piyu in Kawaiisu denotes only the mother who has not lost a child; in the
other three Plateau dialects the term pta, pie, piya means mother, without being
so limited.

Luiseno tu\ mother's mother, appears to correspond to Plateau togo'o, togo,
togu, toho, which always denotes the mother's father.

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368 University of California Puhlioations in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

Luiseno ka*, father's father or father's mother, seems to be from the stem
of Kawaiisu kagu, Vie kagu, Kaibab kahu, all of which denote the mother's
mother; while Luiseno kwa, mother's father, perhaps is the etymological equiv-
alent of Plateau kenu'u, kuno, konu, father's father. These correspondences are
not certain, and perhaps they should be interchanged; but if they hold either
way, there has been a specific alteration of meaning.

These two comparisons in conjunction make it clear that terms of
relationship have a history quite like that of all other words. They
alter in meaning, become obsolete, drop out of usage altogether, and
new stems, which originally had another significance, come to take
their places. If kinship terms are more conservative than most other
parts of a language's vocabulary, the difference is merely one of
degree. Whether they are more conservative is a subject neither for
reasoning nor for assumption, but a problem of fact to be established
by purely philological comparison. In short, kinship terms are an
integral part of the tongues in which they occur and are therefore
subject to linguistic influences like all other words. This being so,
they cannot be a perfect nor even a reliable mirror of institutions.

WINTUN

I secured an outline of the Southeastern Wintun system as used
in the vicinity of Colusa. It is so extraordinary that I include it
for comparative purposes, although Mr. Qifford subsequently obtained
fuller and better verified lists from several parts of the Southeastern
and Southwestern Wintun territory. It appears that I have missed
one or two terms ; but the skeleton of the system as here presented is
substantially correct.

Wintun terms are used with possessive affixes, but differ so much
for the first and second persons that it is desirable to give both forms.
In general, *'my'' is -chu, and **your'' is mat-.

Parent Class
tan-chUf ma-tan, father, father's brother.
na-kUf ma-niny mother, mother's sister.
techUf mat-mutle, son, daughter, man's brother's child, woman's sister's child.

Brother Class
lal)a-chUf mat-lahen, older brother.
otuU'ChUj mat-usun, older sister.
tlan-chu, ma-tlan, younger brother or sister.
The method of application of brother-sister terms to cousins was not learned.

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Grandparent and Uncle Class

apa-chu, mat-apan, mother's brother, mother's father, father's father, great-
grandfather.

ama-ku, mat-aman, father's si8ter,i5 mother's mother; presumably also great-
grandmother.

saJcan-chUf mat-sakan, father's mother.io

tai-chu, ma-tai, woman's brother's childis or man's sister's child, that is,
any cross nephew or niece; also, any grandchild; presumably also any great-
grandchild.

Father-in-Law Class
tes-ha or tes-win, ma-tes, parent-in-law or child-in-law. Tes-win, which seems
to contain the stem for *' person" (cf. Wintun, Patwin), is used only for the
son-in-law; tes-ha denotes the daughter-in-law and either parent-in-law. In the
second person the suffixes disappear and the terms are identical.

Brother-in-Law Class
tiran-chUf ma-tiran, sister's husband.
boksen-chUf mat-boksen, brother's wife.
nai-tleiif ma-tlen, spouse's brother or sister.

GENERAL FEATURES

The extreme condensation of this remarkable system would tend
to prevent any considerable reciprocity. In fact, there is none dis-
cernible, unless the two forms from the stem tes be looked upon as a
single self-reciprocating term.

The uncle class has been totally merged in the parent and grand-
parent classes. This may be a carrying further of the Miwok principle
by which the parallel uncle is called father. However, Miwok does
not merge cross-uncles with grandparents, nor cross-nephews with
grandchildren, whereas there is some inclination toward the classing
together of nephews and grandchildren among the Pomo and Yuki
who are near neighbors of the Wintun. The latter people seem there-
fore to have used the simplifying tactics peculiar to the systems on
both sides of themselves.

The Wintun also agree with the Miwok in naming only one grand-
father, but with the Pomo and Yuki in distinguishing the paternal
from the maternal grandmother, if there is no error about sakan-chu.

The Wintun brother-in-law terms correspond with the Miwok ones,
except that there is only a single equivalent to three of the latter:

IB Mr. Gifford's informants gave the term for older sister as denoting the
father 's sister, and for younger sister as denoting a woman 's brother 's child.

i« This term was not obtained by Mr. Giflford, whose informants included the
father's with the mother's mother under ama-ku. Sakan-chu must therefore be
considered doubtful.

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370 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

wokli, kolina, and apasti. Porno, however, is still more similar to
Miwok, the terms having the same signification throughout except
that there is a single term instead of kolina and apasti.

It therefore seems that there are certain tendencies of terminolog-
ical classification more or less common to the Miwok, Wintun, and
Pomo, and several in which they differ ; and that Wintun utilizes any
of these methods that aid reduction of nomenclature. The result is
a system even more compact that the English one, and as free from
reciprocity, but constructed on utterly different principles.

POMO"

Parent Class

E, father; Tiarikf my father; address: harika,

Te, mother; nik, mj mother; address: nika,

Ghawe-l-ipf son; any grandson; anl nephew except a man's sister's son. This
term seems connected with hawi, boy, and mt-p, he. Address: harika, as for
father.

Ghawe-l-etf daughter; any granddaughter; any niece except a man's sister's
daughter. Evidently connected with hawi, boy, and mi-t, she. Address: nika,
as for mother.

Esh, son or daughter, presumably also grandchild, nephew, or niece. A term
of endearment or ceremonial usage. In address: esha.

Brother Class
Mehy older brother; address: meha.
Deh, older sister; address: deha.
Duhats, younger brother or sister; address: duhatsa.

Grandfather Class

Madili, father 's father ; address, the same. This word denotes also the father 's
father's father. Among the Eastern Pomo south of Clear Lake, it includes the
father's older brother; but this is not so among the people on the north side of
the lake.

Mats, father's mother; address: matsa,

Gach, mother's father; also his brother and liis father. This inclusion of
the great-uncle (or aunt) and great-grandparent seems to apply to all Pomo
grandparent terms. In address, gacha.

Ghats, mother's mother; address: ghatsa.

There are no terms for grandchildren. The words chiefly employed are the
*'boy" or "child" derivatives used for son and daughter, it is said; but a
reciprocation by the grandparents to the grandchildren is not unknown. In
this case the reciprocity seems to be exact, i.e., madili denotes a man's son's
son or daughter, and so on.

17 Eastern dialect, of Clear Lake. See present series, xi, 320-346, 1911.

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1917 J Kroeber: Cnlifomia Kinship Systems 371

Uncle Class
Kehf father's brother, also stepfather; in address, keha. On the death of a

married man his brother generally married the widow. His step-children, however,

continued to call him keh, not hariJc, father. See madili, above.
Weh, father's sister; address: weha,

Tsets, mother's brother; address: tsetsa. The reciprocal is dah.
Tuts, mother's older sister; address: tutsa,
Sheh, mother's younger sister, stepmother; address: sheha,
Dah, man's sister's child, boy or girl; in address, daha. This is the reciprocal

of tsets. It is said to be the only term of nephew-niece type in Pomo, son or

daughter being used in all other cases.

Father-in-Law Class

Sha, father-in-law, mother-in-law.

Dimot, son-in-law. This word is said to denote one who supplies or gives
in return for favors, and can be used of a woman who visits her lover more or
less regularly.

Shomits, daughter-in-law.

On account of a species of the parent-in-law taboo, these three terms are
not used in address, but the plural demonstrative pronoun, hibek, "those" or
**they," is substituted. Or, at greater length, a father-in-law may be addressed
as butsigi hibek, *'old man those"; a mother-in-law as daghara hibek, *'old woman
those": a child-in-law as esh-bek, ''child those." Even in reference to the
relatives in question the plural hibek can be added. The brothers, fathers,
uncles, etc., of the parents-in-law are also addressed in this polite way; and
presumably the old people apply the form of deference to their children -in-law 's
brothers and sisters. If the spouse dies, the former parents and children-in-law
continue to address one another as if he or she were still living. If the marriage
is broken off, they revert to normal singular forms.

Brother-in-Law Class

God, sister's husband; also his brother, and, it seems, his sister. In address,
goda.

Mi, brother's wife; also her sister, and, it seems, her brother.

Ha, wife's brother or sister. Reciprocal to god.

Ghar, husband's brother or sister. Reciprocal to mi.

Brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law are addressed directly, without pluralizing
circumlocution.

Husband and Wife
Baili, husband; also kak, "man"; in address, butsigi, "old man."
Dat, wife; also da, "woman"; in address, daghara, "old woman."
Giashi is a vocative term of endearment used reciprocally by husband and wife.

GENERAL FEATURES AND RELATIONS

With the Pomo we encounter a reversion from the extreme re-
duction of the Wintun system. There is a marked tendency to class
juniors under as few designations as possible; and this suffices to
prevent any great development of reciprocity. Four terms, however,

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372 University of Calif omia Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

reappear for grandparents, and there are specific uncle-aunt desig-
nations ; so that in this point we are back at the general Calif ornian
practice common to Washo, Northern Paiute, Yokuts, and Tiibatu-
labal. The distinction of the mother's sisters according to age is too
widespread in the region to be regardable as a specific Miwok re-
semblance. The brother-in-law terms equal the Miwok ones, at least
in involved plan, and express conceptual reciprocity. The special
three-step terms of the Miwok are unrepresented, terms of two-step
relationship being extended to cover them, as apparently by most the
tribes of California. Conceptual reciprocity is found in the one word
of the nephew class ; and there is an incipient or obsolescent tendency
toward self-reciprocity in the grandparent group. In short, the Pomo
system shares some of the individualized traits of the Wintun and
Miwok plans, but in other respects is on a generic Californian basis.

YUKI

I failed to secure either a complete or a wholly consistent Yuki
system. Dr. S. A. Barrett, while on a visit to Bound Valley Reser-
vation, undertook to supply the deficiencies ; but his material proved
insufficient for entire clearness, and showed apparent contradictions
in the terms for the same classes of kindred in which I had encoun-
tered difficulties, namely, uncles, aunts, nephews, nieces, and grand-
children. I suspect a factor of classification to be involved here which
both our inquiries failed to reach. The data on these groups of
relatives must therefore be used with reserve.

Parent Class
K'un, father.
JBT'an, mother.
K'il-(i), son, daughter.

Brother Class
K*ich, older brother, older sister.
La'n, younger brother.
Mu*nj younger sister.

Uncle Class
KaiHf father's brother, stepfather.
Kikan, mother's older brother.
AiH, mother's younger brother.

Pa^chet and p*oyam were both obtained for father's sistei
Nai**t, mother's sister, probably older.

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Ka^shf mother's sister, probably younger; stepmother.

Difficulty and confusion were experienced in securing these terms from
informants. The possibility must be reckoned with that some of the terms
differ radically as they are used in reference or address; or that other factors
are involved.

ChaH-ka^j man's brother's child, woman's sister's child, that is, parallel
nephew or niece; or, as it might be defined, potential stepchild.

Ipima or ipimich-ka**, man's sister's child.

Kup was obtained with the same meaning; it may be a term of address only.

Omsa-ka^, woman's brother's child. Some informants add woman's sister's
child, and man's sister's daughter, but this seems unlikely.

Grandparent Class

Osh, father's father.

Pit, mother's father.

Pop, father's mother.

Titf mother's mother.

Asam-ap-kaf*f son 's child.

Asam-chaH-ka^ f am-chaH-ka^, daughter's child. Evidently from chaH-ka**,
parallel nephew-niece.

Informants were not wholly consistent as to the meaning of the two grand-
child terms.

Parent-in-Law Class
OH-am, parent-in-law.
Wit(-i), son-in-law.
Kim(-a)f daughter-in-law. Sut-am was obtained with the same meaning.

Brother-in-Law Class

La^ya^f wife's brother.

Chat, wife's sister, brother's wife.

Ta^shity husband's sister, husband's brother, sister's husband.

Chat and ta^shit are reciprocal; that is, any woman called chat says ta'^shit
to the man or woman so addressing her. The reciprocal of la^^ya^, however, is
also ta^shit.

These terms were obtained identically by Dr. Barrett and myself, and may
therefore be relied upon.

GENERAL FEATURES AND RELATIONS
In spite of the imperfection of the record, it can probably be
inferred that the Yuki system is once more of the generic Central
Califomian type. The resemblance of grandchild and nephew terms
indeed is evidence of some influence of the inclinations that have
shaped the Wintun system and in part that of the Porno. But the
terminology for uncles and aunts, that for grandparents, and an
apparently moderate degree of conceptually reciprocal expression —
self -reciprocal terms have not been found — ^indicate that the Yuki
system is sprung from the same basis as that which has originated the
systems of the Washo, Northern Paiute, and Yokuts.

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YUROK

All terms were obtained with one of the sufiixes ne- or n-, my, he-
or k', your, and we- or u-, his, her. There are also suffixes, especially
'Osh, which are not part of the stem. Most of the terms are verified
by information independently obtained by Dr. T. T. Waterman.

Father Class

Ne-pshets, u-pshits, father. The term of address is tot, but we-tot-osh, his
father, was also obtained. The difference between the two stems is not clear.
It is not one of sex of the speaker.

We-ts-eko or u-kok-osh, mother. In address: kok.

There are no words meaning son or daughter. N-oukshu is "my child,*'
ne-megwahshe * * my boy " or * ' son, ' ' ne-weryernerksh * * my girl ' ' or * ' daughter. ' '

Brother Class

Ne-mitS'Osh or ne-mit-oshf older brother.

Ne-pin-osh, older sister.

Kits-pe% older brother or sister. Probably from pe^Un, large.

Tseihkenif ne-eihk-eUy younger brother or sister. Tseihkeni means ** small. "

Tsits or chich, vocative, and ne-choch-osh, first person, were obtained by Dr.
Waterman as meaning younger brother or sister.

Nepa% brother, male cousin, or more distant male relative of a man.

Ne-weyitSf sister, female cousin, or more distant female relative of a man.

Ne-laif brother, male cousin, or more distant female relative of a woman.
Dr. Waterman gives an apparent contraction: let.

The first five of these terms, which refer to age, and the last four, which
express sex, overlap. The former have more or less exact equivalents in all
the Californian languages. The latter are of a much rarer tjrpe, but similar
terms recur among the neighboring Karok, so that a secondary development local
to northwestern California may be involved.

Grandparent Class

Ne-pits-osh, grandfather, as in English, that is, both the father's father and
the mother's father.

Ne-kuts-oshf grandmother.

Ne-k'ep-eUf grandchild. Also used for nephew and niece, in addition to the
terms specifically denoting these relationships.

Uncle Class

Ne-ts-im-osh, father's brother; mother's brother; that is, *' uncle" as in
English.

Ne-tul-oshf mother's sister; father's sister; that is, "aunt" as in English.

NC'k-tsum, brother's or sister's son, that is, "nephew" as in English.

Ner-ramets, brother's or sister's daughter, that is, "niece" as in English.

All four of these terms are also used for relatives of the cousin class, which see.

Ne-k*ep-eUf grandchild, is sometimes also employed for nephews and nieces.
I base this statement on concrete cases within my experience. Conversely, I
have had nepits-osh, grandfather, translated as mother's brother, and ne-tul-oshf

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aunt, as father's mother; but I have no cases to support these definitions and
they may be errors.

Cottsins
First cousins can apparently be designated by the four generic brother-sister
terms that lack age reference. My examples, however, yield the terms for
nephew, niece, and uncle, to which, presumably, the one for aunt must be added.
The principle determining which of two cousins is the * * uncle " or * ' aunt ' ' and
which the ** nephew" or "niece** is not altogether certain, but appears to be
absolute age. The selection of terms is not dependent on cross or parallel cousin-
ship.

Parent-in-Law Class

Ne-par-eu, father-in-law.

Ne-ts-iwin, mother-in-law.

Ne-tS'ne*uk-osh, son-in-law.

Ne-keptsum, daughter-in-law.

Ne-kwa, father-in-law or mother-in-law of one's son or daughter. Self-
reciprocal. Dr. Waterman 's informant makes this term include all connections
by marriage more remote than parents, children, brothers, and sisters-in-law.

Ne-ts-ker, any relative by marriage after death of the connecting member.

Brother-in-law Class

Ne-tei, wife's brother; man's sister's husband. Self -reciprocal: man's brother-
in-law.

Ni-ts-niUf husband's sister; woman's brother's wife; man's brother's wife;
wife's sister; in short, any sister-in-law.

Ni-ts-no^o, husband's brother; woman's sister's husband; that is, woman's
brother-in-law.

Changes for Death
Dr. Waterman reports the following terms for deceased relatives:
Ne-me-niHyun, **my dead grew-up-together, " deceased brother or sister.
Ne-me-tsameyotl, dead uncle.

Ne-me-k-t8um, or kotl n-oukshu, "dead my-child," deceased nephew.
Ne-me-pets-eu, dead grandfather.
Ne-me-ke-kts-eUf dead grandmother.

GENERAL FEATURES

The Yurok system stands quite apart from any other yet recorded
in California. The failure to distin^ish between grandparents,
grandchildren, uncles, aunts, nephews, and nieces according to their
male or female lineage seems extraordinary after acquaintance with
the kinship reckonings of the other Califomians. Civilized influences
can not be thought of in this connection, for if there is any tribe in
the state that preserved the substance of its old life intact until
recently it is the remote Yurok.

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Separation of relatives in the male and female line is so frequently
accompanied by a development of true reciprocal expression in Cali-
fornia, in the Great Basin region, and in the Southwest that the two
phenomena must be taken in connection. As might be anticipated,
the Yurok evince little feeling for reciprocity, not only in the kinship
classes just mentioned but in the other group which lends itself readily
to reciprocal formulation, the relatives by marriage. This is the more
remarkable because in the Oregon region, as instanced by the Takelma
and the Chinook, systems of California-Plateau-Southwestem type
seem again to prevail. It is necessary to look as far as the Coast
Salish, or the tribes of the eastern United States, before terminologies
of the general plan of the Yurok one are again encountered. As the
Yurok are Algonkin, the interesting problem is raised whether it is
possible that they have brought the outlines of an ancient system
with them from their presumable eastern source of origin, and suc-
ceeded in maintaining the same for an undoubtedly long period in
an entirely different cultural setting.

This query can be answered only after we know the kinship systems
of the tribes immediately adjacent to the Yurok : the fellow Algonkin
Wiyot; the Athabascan Hupa, Tolowa, and Chilula; and the Hokan
Karok. It may prove that we have to deal with a surviving and re-
invigorated importation; or, on the other hand, with a new local
development due to obscurer causes.

The two or perhaps three classes of brother-sister designations in
Yurok are very interesting, but more must be known concerning the
distribution of the phenomenon, as well as of the etymology of the
words in question, before a satisfactory interpretation is possible.

THREE-STEP RELATIONSHIP

Kindred removed by three steps of relationship, such as the great-
grandfather or brother-in-law's parent,^^ can of course be designated
in all languages, either by compounds, by more or less descriptive
additions, or by mere extension of meaning of the terms denoting
nearer kin. Some systems, however, contain specific designations for
certain three-step relations — like English ** cousin.'* Such terms
average two or three in number in the Californian systems, but their
frequency as well as their meanings vary greatly according to language.

i« I count the brother, sister, and wife as one step removed.

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1917] Kroeher: Cclifomia Kinship Systems 377

The commonest three-step term is the self-reciprocal one denoting
the parent of a child-in-law. This forms part of the Luiseno, Kawaiisu,
Tiibatulabal, Yokuts, Miwok, and Northern Paiute systems. These
are all found in southern and central California or Nevada. If the
gaps in our knowledge were filled, the distribution of terms with this
meaning would probably be found to be continuous. On the other
hand, there is an area in north central California in which specific
terms for the child-in-law 's parent have not been found. In this
area are the Wintun, Pomo, Yuki, and perhaps Washo. For some of
these information may be imperfect ; but, on the other hand, the area
may extend much farther northward. Mohave is also not known to
possess a term of this significance. This may be due to mere over-
sight in recording, or to proximity of the Mohave to the Pueblo
Indians, who do without. In the northwest, however, the relationship
is expressed in Yurok, though possibly the primary meaning of the
term is more general.

Great-grandparents and great-grandchildren are next most fre-
quently denoted. Again Mohave stands out from a central and
southern group, which consists of Luiseno, Kawaiisu, Tiibatulabal,
Yokuts, and Northern Paiute. The terminology in most of these is
obviously secondary : derivatives from words meaning brother or sister,
mother's sister, and ghost occur. Sex is sometimes denoted and some-
times not ; the number of terms varies from one to four. In Luiseno
there are terms for ancestors as far removed as the sixth generation.
Miwok, the three north central systems, and Yurok lack words of this
class, ancestors or descendants of the third generation being merged
in those of the second. Mohave uses outright brother terms.

Specific cousin terms are restricted to the extreme south. Luiseno
possesses one for cross-cousins, Mohave three or four narrowly limited
words for particular kinds of parallel and cross-cousins.

Luiseno is the only language known to have a term for grand-
mother's brother or grandfather's sister. Several other relationships
are included, but they are all three step.

Miwok, finally, has specialized in developing four terms to denote
kindred of relatives-in-law : haiyeme, kumatsa, moe, pinuksa.

The peculiar Miwok terms may possibly be connected with a type
of kin marriage that is best known among this group; though the
correlation remains to be established. The cousin, great-grandparent,
and child-in-law 's parent terms, on the other hand, fail quite clearly
to correlate in their distribution with any social practices. The last

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378 University of California Publications in Am. Arc^. and Ethn. [Vol. 12

might be thought to be associated with parent-in-law taboo ; but, while
still imperfectly known, the spread of this custom seems to run with-
out relevance to that of the term. It is therefore difficult to avoid
the conclusion that the occurrence of all these classes of terms is due
to a merely conceptual attitude — a habit of mind or manner of thought
which, originating among one people, was often gradually imitated by
others.

CLASSIFICATION OP THE CALIFORNIAN SYSTEMS

The twelve systems that have been analyzed fall spontaneously
into three classes. The first comprises the Mohave and Luiseno, both
in southern California. The second consists, in the present state of
knowledge, of Yurok alone. The third includes all the remainder,
from the Yuki in the west and north to the Northern Paiute in the
east and the Yokuts and Kawaiisu in the south. The geographical
distribution of these three types, which have been established solely
on the basis of what seems to be their inherent nature, coincides with
the distribution of types of native civilization generally accepted for
California; in other words, the three primary culture areas — ^the
Southern, the Northwestern, and the Central.

Within the central group of kinship systems a generic and a
specialized subtype are distinguishable. The former is represented
by Yokuts; by Northern Paiute and Washo, which must be treated
as a unit ; by Tubatulabal and Kawaiisu ; and probably by Yuki. No
two of these systems are alike, but their differences are particularities
of comparatively little moment as against their similar features. All
of them are peripheral in the territory in which they occur. As the
center of this tract is approached marked divergences begin to appear
on the one side among the Pomo and on the other with the Miwok,
until, in the heart of the area, among the southern Wintun, the
specializing tendencies reach their height.

The characteristics of the southern Californian type of kinship
are an enormous development of reciprocal expression, and a striking
reduction of the terms denoting connections by marriage. Perhaps
equally important intrinsically is the consistent recognition of the
factor of lineage, as expressed terminologically in the distinction of
cross and parallel relatives; but this is not an exclusive southern
peculiarity. All of these traits seem typical also of the systems of the

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1917] Kroeher: Calif omia Kinship Systems 379

Southwest, with which region southern California has many cultural
correspondences.

The central Californian type, in its generic and presumably
original form, is marked by consistent reciprocity within the grand-
parent and uncle classes of terms, but little at other points; by the
distinction of cross and parallel relatives throughout ; and by a fairly
elaborate development of nomenclature for connections by marriage,
parents-in-law, however, being denoted by a single term. This type
of system seems to extend with but little variation across the Great
Basin, whose Shoshonean inhabitants, it may be added, are culturally
somewhat affiliated with the central Californians.

The specialized southern Wintun subtype is characterized by an
extreme merging of relationships into one another, and a consequently
small number of terms. This tendency has completely wiped out two
of the three traits typical of the generic central form of system : the
reciprocity and the abundance of affinity designations. The third
feature, the consciousness of kind of lineage as expressed in difference
of terms for parallel and cross kindred, remains in vigor only in the
uncle class. Perhaps the salient trait of the system is the merging
of near lineal with near collateral relatives as a consequence of the
general reduction in terminology. The Miwok and Pomo follow the
Wintun scheme less radically, and add certain characteristics of their
own which must be looked upon as local individualizations.

The northwest Californian type, finally, if Yurok may be regarded
as indicative of such a one and is not merely representative of its
own particularity, disregards the distinction of cross and parallel
relatives and reveals virtually no impulse toward reciprocal expression.
The Yurok, to put it differently, come much nearer ourselves and the
majority of Plains Indians than do any central or south California
people in thinking in nearly every instance of the sex of the denoted
relative*® and only rarely of the sex of the intermediate one.^*^

There are some scattering data on several tribes not formally
treated here. In general, these indicate systems of the type prevailing
in the region of each tribe.

The available Costanoan data^* are in contradictory shape, but it

i» English, in 95 per cent of cases; Arapaho, Dakota, Pawnee, 90; Yurok, 85;
other Californians, 60 to 80.

20 English, 0 per cent; the three Plains tribes, 10 to 30; Yurok, 20 (wholly
among connections by marriage); Wintun, about the same; other Californians,
40 to 60.

21 Present series, xi, 437, 471, 1916.

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380 University of Calif omia Publications in Am, Aroh. and Ethn. [Vol. 12

is clear that there was some merging of nephews and grandsons and
probably of uncles and grandparents; in other words, a definite
aflSliation with the Wintun subtype.

Salinan, from whose two dialects thirty-four terms of relationship
have been preserved,*^ though very variously rendered, does not show
this trait. On the other hand, there is conceptual without verbal
reciprocity in the grandparent and uncle classes. Indications there-
fore point to Salinan belonging to the generic central type.

Chumash^^ is also central in character, with some leanings toward
the southern type, as manifested, for instance, in distinct words used
for '*son" by father and mother. The primary distinction among
grandparents appears to be on the basis of lineage, and among brothers
and sisters on the ground of seniority, the denotation of sex being
wanting or incidental. In the uncle class there are indications of
four terms for seniors and four for juniors, exactly reciprocal but
verbally distinct. The father-in-law and mother-in-law are denoted
by one word.

For the Northwest, there are scraps from three languages. Wiyot,
if the translations of its half dozen known terms may be trusted,^*
is of Yurok type. Hupa^*^ may have grandfather and grandmother
terms of English and Yurok type, but the uncle-aunt nomenclature
is likely to be generic Californian. Chimariko,^® finally, gives no
evidence of leaning to Yurok methods. Uncertain as these meager data
are, they hint that Yurok is representative of a specific California-
Algonkin rather than a Northwestern Californian type.

KINSHIP AND TYPE OF CULTURE
A theoretical inference emerges from the distributional coinci-
dence of types of kinship systems and types of culture in California.
The correspondence can scarcely be accidental and meaningless. The
type of culture must therefore be regarded as having helped to shape
the kinship system. Now, the three Californian cultures differ but
little in specific content. Nearly all the arts and ideas of one tribe
recur among all the others. An inspection of a balanced museum
collection from the various groups in the state invariably yields the
impression of great uniformity, except as to finer detail ; and reviews

22 Same, x, 169-172, 1912.

23 Same, ii, 42, 1904, and a few unpublished notes from Santa Barbara.

24 Same, ix, 407, 1911.

25 Same, in, 15, 1905.

26 Same, v, 352, 363-370, 1910.

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1917] Eroeber: California Kinship Systems 381

of the immaterial elements of civilization have always led to the same
conclusion. There are distinctive customs and practices: slavery and
plank houses in the northwest, masks and moieties in the central
region, sand paintings and emergence myths in the south ; but relative
to the totality of cultural facts such peculiarities are few.

What, then, constitutes the reality and the essence of the cultural
types prevailing in the three regions? Obviously, if it is not the
substance of culture, it is its form ; if not the discrete elements in any
important degree, then their organization. An art or a custom may
be practiced both in the south and in the northwest, but its emphasis
or weighting be quite diverse, its associations and therefore its sig-
nificance be thoroughly distinct. In short, the values of closely
similar material are notably different. This is true of course of all
cultural types as determined by history and ethnology and framed
in culture areas or cultural periods. But in a compact and restricted
territory such as California constitutes, the similarity of the civil-
izationai material has an opportunity to be so high as to reach sub-
stantial identity; and its formal and associational individualizations
become proportionally evident.

These organizations or values of cultural content are in their
nature general and relative as compared with the more discrete and
directly given cultural material. They are also more definitely
*' mental,'* more ** psychic." When therefore we find cultures as
wholes underlying kinship systems we must conclude that the latter
have each been considerably influenced by the associational complex
that we may denominate the ** psyche'' of its culture, that is, the
ways of thinking and feeling characteristic of the culture. In this
sense, then, we must recognize the influence, upon systems of kinship
designation, of factors that, for want of another term, may be called
psychological.

Exactly the same conclusions are reached from an examination
of the subtypes within the central Californian culture. The recog-
nition within this culture area of a generalized fringe, a more definitely
organized core, and a highly specialized nucleus in the region of the
southern Wintun, can be established for the ceremonial aspects of
religion, for instance, exactly as for kinship systems. The remoter
and mountain tribes are addicted only to uncorrelated and unspecial-
ized practices, which nevertheless must be accepted as representing the
basis of the religion of the entire area. Inside, within the great valley,
a definite ceremonial organization prevails; and this in turn appears

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382 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

to reach its greatest development, and to have received most of its
formative impulses, from the peoples near the center of this valley,
notably the southern Wintun. In the matter of religion, the dis-
tinctive achievement of the Wintun took the outward form of an
elaboration; as regards kinship system, of a simplification. But in
both the ritualistic elaboration and the terminological simplification
there is involved a stronger adherence to an ideal scheme, more con-
sequential carrying out of a consistent set of concepts, more order and
organization, in short, a more developed revelation of ** mental'' or
rather cultural activity. It would be absurd to posit the Wintun
esoteric religious society and its impersonations of gods as the deter-
mining cause of the abnormal Wintun system of kinship nomen-
clature. But it is undeniable that they are parallel manifestations
of the same manner or degree of ** psychic*' or civilizational operation
in culture.

KINSHIP AND SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS

On the other hand, there are but few clear indications of an
association, regional or otherwise, between types of kinship systems
and types of social institutions pure and simple, that is, practices
connected with marriage, descent, personal relations, and the like;
and equally few instances of particular traits of kinship nomenclature
according with specific institutions. Unfortunately, society is as yet
perhaps the least understood aspect of the native culture of California.
But we know something ; and practically all the available information
points in the direction of the conclusion just stated.

The Mohave and Luiseno systems have been seen to be similar.
Yet the Mohave are organized into clans, whereas among the Luiseno
there are only halting and somewhat doubtful approaches to clans,
according to the most recent information secured by Mr. E. W. Giflford.

In central California a system of hereditary moieties is found
among the interior Miwok, all the more northerly Yokuts, the western
Mono, and probably the Salinans; and again in parts of southern
California.^^ It may have prevailed among a few other tribes, but
its further extension can not have been very great. It is not known
to have existed among the Wintun, Pomo, Yuki, Washo, Northern
Paiute, or southerly Yokuts. The distribution both of types of kinship
systems and of special traits of kinship designation fails to agree with

27 According to information secured by Mr. E. W. Gifford and embodied in
a paper soon to appear from his pen in the present series of publications.

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1 917] Kroeher: Cdifomia Kinship Systems 383

t he distribution of these moieties. If there were any considerable
c ausal correlation, the Miwok should form a unit as against the Wintun,
t le Porno, the Washo, the southern Yokuts, and the other tribes of
clentral California; whereas it appears from the previous discussion
tpat the relations of these systems are quite otherwise.
/ In the northwest, it is difficult to recognize any specific social
factors that might be correlated with the peculiar system of this
region, or at least of the Yurok. There is extant for this area Dr.
Goddard's excellent monograph on the Hupa, and I have undergone
repeated association with the Yurok themselves, with the opportunity
of seeing much of their intimate life; yet I cannot name a single
strictly ** social'* aspect of their culture which is not closely similar
to the corresponding institutions of all the other Indians of the state,
with the lone exception of the fact that northwestern marriage is a
definite purchase and the wife true property. With the best endeavor
I cannot, however, devise a satisfying connection between this phe-
nomenon and the peculiarities of Yurok terminology for relatives.
It might be said that the purchase obliterates the personality of the
wife and merges her in the husband, so that the distinction of paternal
and maternal relatives follows as a consequence. But I cannot wholly
persuade myself that the Yurok mind works along this channel, even
in its deepest unconsciousness; and there is the contrary argument
that if the wife is a chattel and only the husband a person, the dis-
tinction between the mother and the father, and their respective
relatives, might be conceived of as being emphasized.

The parent-in-law taboo is in force over considerable parts of
central California : among the Yokuts, Miwok, Pomo, and presumably
Southern Wintun, of the groups here treated. It is not practiced
by the Yurok, Yuki, Tiibatulabal, Kawaiisu, Luiseno, or Mohave, and
probably not by the Paiute and Washo. The custom might be cor-
related with the Wintun subtype of kinship system; but the corre-
spondence does not seem very exact.

The taboo of the name of the dead, and of any allusion to them,
is universal in California, and the various tribes adhere to the ob-
servance with much the same scrupulousness and emotional intensity ;
yet devices for avoiding or altering the designations of affinities by
marriage after the decease of the person connecting them seem to vary
considerably. Of course such devices ensure only a formal compliance
with the taboo precept ; in substance they can be regarded as just as
potential for emphasizing the remembrance of the death. In fact.

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we cannot be sure that such is not their true subconscious functioili.
It would seem therefore that such terminological devices may proA e
to be the product of several interacting and perhaps conflicting cu I-
tural attitudes.

Where customary marriage of relatives prevails, it would see^ u
likely to have some influence on kinship systems. This seems to l^
the chief reason for the undoubted correspondences of terminolo^
and social practice in certain parts of Australia and Oceania ; exogamy,
descent, and marriage classes appearing to be involved, whereas a
theoretically or actually prescribed marriage to certain kindred is the
true shaping factor. With such marriage, definite and prescribed
personal or functional relations between non-marrying relatives may
be associated as a concurrent influence. In California, however, we
hear very little of specifically determined relations between kindred ;
and other than the universal levirate, and its reverse, marriage with
the wife's sister, the only form of marriage of kindred recorded is
the cross-cousin wedlock of the Miwok and some neighboring groups.
Mr. Gifford has shown very convincingly by analysis of circumstantial
evidence that Miwok cross-cousin marriage, which does not accord
with the Miwok designations of kindred, is a secondary result of the
marriage of a man to his wife's brother's daughter. This form of
marriage, and the marriage of the brother's widow or the wife's sister,
are reflected in Miwok nomenclature to the extent that a dozen kinship
terms are in thorough accord, in their full range of meanings, with
each of the practices. It is thus clear that certain forms of what
might be described as statutory marriage have helped to shape and
color kinship terms among the Miwok; and the same condition may
be expected to prevail among other tribes.

The marriage to the wife's brother's daughter I am disposed to
regard as a local modification, under the influence of the moiety
system, of the widespread Calif ornian custom of marrying the wife's
daughter. Where there are moieties, the wife's daughter must be
of the same exogamous division as her stepfather and therefore in-
eligible to him; the wife's cross-niece, that is, her brother's daughter,
is the nearest relative available to take her place. Over most of
California, accordingly, it is marriage to the wife's daughter, the
wife's sister, and the brother's widow that would have to be examined
as potential influences upon the kinship system. There are a number
of indications that this influence has been realized. Such, for instance,
is the designation of the mother's younger sister and the stepmother

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by a single word. On the whole, however, my material is so much
less complete than Mr. Gifford's Miwok data, especially in lacking
most of the remoter meanings of the recorded terms, that any intensive
examination of the degree of correlation on these points would be
prematurely unsatisfactory.

To return once more to general social structure, it is highly prob-
able that all differences in the formal organization of society are
superficial in California. Most tribes lack any such formal scheme;
and where it exists, as among the Miwok and the Mohave, it rests
lightly upon the whole cultural fabric. Its points of contact with
the civilizational complex are few, its impressions of the lightest.
This is shown by the fact that organizations like that of the Miwok
remained undiscovered for many years. On a reasonably wide view,
accordingly, society appears to be substantially the same in type in
all parts of California; in contrast with which condition, kinship
systems display a rather profound diversity.

SUMMAEY
In fine, types of kinship classification exhibit so close a distri-
butional correlation with types of culture as complex wholes, that it
must be concluded that these cultural wholes have been influential in
determining the fundamentals of kinship systems. The characteristics
of such culture wholes consist in associations or relations rather than
in content; and it is the formalizing or ** psychic" impulses implied
in these associations or relations that accordingly have largely shaped
kinship terminology. On the other hand, specific social structure on
the whole shows very little correlation with kinship classification in
California. At one or two points a specific element of culture content,
especially prescribed marriage between relatives, has unquestionably
affected kinship terminology at specific points, without, however, ap-
pearing to affect its fundamental plan consequentially.

THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS

Some years ago I tried to substantiate a conviction that the custo-
mary discrimination between **classificatory'' and ** descriptive'* kin-
ship systems was erroneous and misleading; that a truer and more
useful distinction between these two kinds of consanguineal termin-
ology could be found through a consideration of the differences of
method employed by various nations in handling certain groups of

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386 University of California Puhlioations in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

concepts, in short, through an analysis of psychological factors; and
that in general such psychological factors were chiefly determinative
of kinship designations.^®

This position has been reviewed and combatted by Dr. W. H. R.
Rivers in his admirable little book, Kinship and Social Organizatian,^^
devoted to the thesis that kinship nomenclature is shaped chiefly by
social institutions. Nearly every one who has subsequently discussed
the matter in print has wholly or largely endorsed the view of Dr.
Rivers.

I must admit that my essay is characterized by some over-state-
ments. I do not wish and have never wished to maintain so sweeping
and unqualified a proposition as that terms of relationship reflect
psychology wholly and sociology not at all. When it is the custom
among a people for a man to marry his mother's brother's daughter,
and also the custom for him td call his father-in-law his mother's
brother, it would be dogmatic and a waste of time to argue against
the very high probability of the two practices being connected.

In regard to what may be construed as a retraction, I will only
urge that the view which I was criticizing, and which Dr. Rivers has
come to rescue, had been practically unquestioned for nearly forty
years, and had attained considerable vogue even outside of specific
ethnological circles. It had also been held without any real exami-
nation of the validity of its involved assumptions. That in venturing
into opposition I was led — in one or two of several recapitulations
of my position — into an unnecessary curtness of expression, was there-
fore perhaps natural. What is more to the point, I believe it to be
a matter of little moment to the real issue.

The underlying aspects of this issue are touched upon in the last
paragraph of both Dr. Rivers' essay and mine. In this conclusion
I deplored the inclination of modern anthropology to **seek specific
causes for specific events," and maintained that ** causal explanations
of detached anthropological phenomena can be but rarely found in
other detached phenomena." Dr. Rivers, on the contrary, affirms
that kinship nomenclature presents a case **in which the principle of
determinism applies with a rigor and definiteness equal to that of any
of the exact sciences. " He avows as his chief object the demonstration
that the forms of kinship designation have been determined by social
conditions; and concludes that **only by attention to this aim [det^r-

28 Journ. Boy. Anthr. Inst., xxxix, 77-84, 1909.
2» London, Constable & Co., 1914.

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1917] Eroeber: Calif omia Kinship Systems 387

ministic proofs] throughout the whole field of social phenomena can
we hope to rid sociology of the reproach, so often heard, that it is not
a science ; only thus can we refute those who go still further and claim
that it can never be a science. * '

Dr. Rivers thus maintains and I deny that social science is a true
science. If I understand him correctly, he is interested in why things
are, I primarily in how they are. His steadfast motive is to explain
social phenomena, whereas I deliberately limit my purpose to char-
acterizing them. Without a recognition of this diversity of conception
of the aim, and therefore the method of ethnology, the essential re-
lation between the views held by Dr. Rivers and myself in regard to
the comparatively small question of kinship designations can not be
thoroughly and significantly apprehended.

Prom the one point of view, an intrinsic interest inheres in any
group of social phenomena as such. If they are analyzed, it is chiefly
that they may be more fully apperceived ; if they are synthesized with
others, it is because the phenomena themselves become more truly
known in proportion as their relations to the whole of civilization are
visible and realized.. T()^the_otheratlitude of investigation, phenomena
are only a starting point. This method seeks abstractions ; it deter-
mines causes and effects. However frequently it returns to actual
phenomena, it perpetually uses these only as a ladder by which to
mount to higher and wider generalizations. Dr. Rivers maintains
that a non-deterministic ethnology is not science. I do not consider
an ethnology which professes ability to explain much of culture to be
ethnology.

On .this general distinction of purpose hinge the differences of
opinion as to kinship terms. From Lewis H. Morgan to Dr. Rivers,
generic stages of social development or broad principles have been
sodght ; and kinship systems as a rule have been only pegs on which
to hang theories concerning such stages. Whatever value my paper
may or may not have had, it did not share this aim, and represents a
genuine attempt to understand kinship systems as kinship systems.
The concepts or categories with which the essay operates are not new.
All of them may be found distinguished, for instance, in the work of
Dr. Boas. But a systematic and comparative application of them led
to the recognition that the current divisions of systems into **classi-
ficatory'* and ** descriptive'' was misleading in that it did not refer
to the most essential features of our systems as contrasted with those
of so-called savages. I then attempted to show that a deeper classi-

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388 University of California Publioati<ms in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

fication, and therefore interpretation, could be based on an analysis
of the use to which the categories are put by various nations. Bight
or wrong, serviceable or not, this was at least an effort at construction,
and therefore the essential part of the essay, as appears from the fact
that three of the four propositions in the summary are devoted to
this interpretation. It is exceedingly significant that these proposi-
tions have been entirely ignored by Dr. Rivers, and by nearly every
one else who has been concerned with the subject ; whereas my fourth
proposition, which was essentially negative in that the primacy which
it awarded to psychological over social determinants assailed the cur-
rent method of utilizing kinship designations for social reconstructions
— this negative proposition aroused sufficient interest to cause Dr.
Rivers to devote considerable part of a book to it. I am confident
that if the main argument of my essay had been the unfolding of a
theory — t causal hypothesis — instead of an endeavor merely to realize
phenomena better and facilitate their being understood still more truly
in the future, it would not have been passed over in silence.

The particular form which ethnological th^wizing has most fre-
quently taken has been the foriuulation of scheme?^ of development of
institutions, with a special predilection for schemes of development
of those institutions that are concerned with marrii^ge and descent.
For the elaboration of such schemes, kinship terminologies are plaus-
ibly promising. And, on the other hand, if kinship terminology does
not consistently mirror the organization of society, an important
buttress for such theoretical reconstructions falls. It was logically
necessary for Dr. Rivers to write Kinship and Social Ort^anization
before writing the History of Melanesian Society, If the contention
that kinship systems are determined by psychological factors is only
partly correct, one of the most serviceable methods of reconstructing
former stages of society is eliminated. I can and do without prejudi<»e
avow sociological determinants beside ** psychological *'*° ones — for that

»o I regret the term ' * psychological, ' ' and should use another were it not
that its avoidance now might seem an evasion of the issue raised by me seven
years ago, and by some would certainly be construed as an admission that I had
shifted the basis of my contention. I do not mean, and have never meant, that
terms of relationship can be explained directly from the constitution of the
human mind. They are social or cultural phenomena as thoroughly and com-
pletely as institutions, beliefs, or industries are social phenomena, and I am in
absolute accord with Dr. Bivers' conviction that social phenomena can be
understood only through other social phenomena. In common with most anthro-
pologists, I hold any attempt to derive cultural facts directly from the nature
of human mentality to be illusory. Culture and all its parts are a content.
They are framed and limited indeed by mentality. But the endeavor to express
the nature of the content through the nature of the mechanism of mentality is
as vain as it would be to explain the quality of a substance in terms of its form.

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1917] Kroeber: (kdifomia Kinship Systems 389

matter, economic and religious ones also. Dr. Rivers cannot concede
** psychological" influences beside his sociological ones, because there-
with his supposed recording instrument or index becomes inaccurate.
He is establishing positive determinations of causality, or at least of
sequence, and cannot admit variable and undeterminable factors into
his calculations.

The real question regarding kinship designations therefore is not
the literal one of whether the terminology is wholly of psychological
or of institutional origin. Nor does it very seriously concern the
relative strength of each of these influences as a general proposition.
It would be as silly to quarrel about that as to argue whether there
are more flat or more round objects in the world. In such matters
each case must be considered separately and no principle is involved.
The true immediate issue is whether kinship terminologies are deter-
mined so thoroughly by institutions that they can be reliably used to
construct hypothetical schemes as to institutions, or whether their
determinants are so frequently non-institutional that they cannot be

or to approach an understanding of the sense of written words through a study
of the pen. When, therefore, I spoke and now speak of terms of relationship
as conditioned by ' ' psychological ' ' factors, I have in mind the sort of factors
to which a philologist might properly ascribe the presence of a grammatical dual
in a language. These factors would obviously be comparatively vague and
abstractable. In a sense they would be characterizable, like everything in
speech, as directly expressive of a manner of thought — not of course a spon-
taneous outgrowth of the pure human mind uninscribed by culture, but rather,
as it were, a more general and conditioning aspect of cultural content. Dr.
Rivers ^ views, on the other hand, I should compare — if I may without prejudice
use an unflatteringly crude comparison which nevertheless I believe to be true
in spirit — to the explanation of the grammatical dual in speech as due to the
prevalence of dualistic philosophy, or the institution of non-pluralistic marriage,
that is, monogamy. When I state that the use of identical terms for such
relatives as the father-in-law and grandfather, or the brother-in-law and brother
in some languages, is to be understood as * * due to ' ' the fact that these relation-
ships possess several categories of kinship in common, this abstract similarity
is obviously not the ultimate or whole cause, since this interpretation leaves
unexplained the fact that in most languages these relationships are denoted by
distinct terms. That one language employs certain categories of kinship classi-
fication and slights others, and another language employs and slights different
ones, is itself obviously a cultural or social phenomenon; but it is precisely
these varying tendencies of languages and nations toward the use of the cate-
gories that I denominate "psychological** factors. Perhaps "sociological**
would have been a better word, though probably liable to misinterpretation in
other ways. If Dr. Rivers or any one else can replace my "psychological**
with a less elusive term, I shall be sincerely grateful to him. Meanwhile I can
only continue to use the word, and trust that what is here said in regard to its
significance will be suflScient to prevent confusion, and to relieve me of the
suspicion of wishing to revert to the methods of mid-Victorian ethnologists. —
The words "social** and "sociological** are also capable of two constructions.
In the wider sense, of course, they are equivalent to "cultural** or "civil-
izational.** In the sense in which Dr. Rivers uses them, or I employ them in
discussing his views, their significance is much narrower, and they are sub-
stantially equivalent to ' ' institutional, ' ' with prime reference to marriage, laws
of descent, and personal functions.

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390 University of California Publications in Am, Aroh. and Ethn. [Vol. 12

utilized in such endeavors. And behind this lies the larger ultimate
question whether specific social phenomena of any kind can be assigned
as the sole specific causes or ** determining'' causes of other social
phenomena; or whether the nearest possible approach to ** explaining"'
phenomena such as kinship systems lies in tracing the features of the
involved ** psychic'' or cultural activities common to them and other
phenomena.

On the immediate problem, indications that influences other than
social institutions enter into kinship nomenclature have already been
presented in various parts of the descriptions and analyses of specific
California systems that constitute the first and larger portion of the
present paper. In the section devoted to a classification of these
systems, further instances of the frequent dominance of ** psycholog-
ical" over narrowly social determinants have been adduced, as well as
some evidence that the shaping influences are generic impulses rather
than specific phenomena, so that the ultimate question may also be
considered as answered.

The case seems therefore established on the basis of concrete data
which need not be recited; but it may be worth while to add some
broader considerations.

1. In the first place, the obvious fact that we approach kinship
systems through the terminologies in which they are expressed con-
stitutes them a part of speech, and it is therefore impossible to under-
stand how the serious claim can be advanced that they should be
withdrawn entirely from subjection to those psychological and lin-
guistic influences which shape all language. All words necessarily
classify according to certain principles which usually are not more
than half conscious. There is no conceivable reason why terms of
relationship should be an exception, and no evidence that they are.
When we find that one nation frequently introduces the idea of the
sex of the speaker into its kinship terminology and another nation
fails entirely to do so, it is obvious that their classifications have been
made according to a different conceptual principle ; or, to put it other-
wise, that the involved psychology'^ is different. Now it is of course
possible to meet this situation with the explanation that the psychology
itself indeed differs, but that it diverges exclusively under the influence
of social institutions. This attitude is certainly logically possible, but
I think it will be generally granted that it is such an extreme attitude

81 The word * * psychology * * is to be understood in the sense discussed in
note 30.

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1917] Kroeber: California Kinship Systems 391

that the probability of its universal or even general truth is slight, and
that the burden of proof is clearly upon those who hold this view.

We have in English the curious habit of designating an oyster or
a lobster as a ** shell fish/' The word **fish'' unquestionably calls
up a concept of a smooth, elongated, free-swimming water animal with
fins. The only conceivable reason why a flat and sessile mollusk with-
out any of the appendages of a fish, or a legged and crawling animal
of utterly different appearance, should be brought in terminology into
the class of fishes is the fact that they both live in the water and are
edible. Now these two qualities are only a small part of those which
attach to the generic concept that the word **fish" carries in English;
and yet the wide discrepancy has not prevented the inclusion of the
two other animals under the term. All speech is full of just such
examples, and no one dreams of explaining the multitudinous phe-
nomena of this kind by reference to social institutions, former phil-
osophies, or other formulated manifestations of non-linguistic life,
or of reconstructing the whole of a society from a vocabulary. Such
endeavors in ** linguistic palaeontology" have indeed been made; but
the general consensus is that while they undoubtedly contain some
truth, they are on the whole of little value because the interaction of
social and linguistic influences is too indeterminate, and each of these
sets of influences too variable, to allow of any positive conclusions
being attained except possibly now and then on special points.

If, for instance, it were argued that English classes the oyster and
lobster with fish, and that other languages, perhaps German and
Chinese, class them with turtles, because the English are an insular
nation that subsists on an abundance of sea food, whereas the Germans
and Chinese are essentially inland peoples, the explanation would
strike nearly every one as extremely far-fetched. In addition, the
conflicting contention could be set up that a maritime and fish-eating
people could be expected to be far more discriminating in their desig-
nation of sea animals than an interior people. It seems to me that
some of the explanations of kinship systems on the basis of social
custom are substantially of a type with this example.

2. It is extremely important to guard against subjective selection
of interpretation in a field of such delicate refinement as kinship
nomenclature. When among ourselves a minister of religion or a
socialist orator addresses his audience as ** brothers'* we say that the
speakers are indulging in metaphor. When we refer to our brother-in-
law as ** brother'' we are merely slovenly familiar or intimately in-

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392 Vnvversity of California Tublicationa in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

correct. On the other hand, when a so-called savage names his father's
brother ** father," we immediately tend to have recourse to the levirate
as explanation; when he designates his cousin as ** brother/' we think
of this as a survival of group marriage ; and when he calls the members
of his clan ** brothers," we are inclined to assert that in his nation the
family of blood kindred is entirely merged in clan organization. We
forget too often that uncivilized people are as likely as we to indulge
in figures of speech and in short-cuts of expression. They would be
very inhuman if they did not. But, of course, the more we can reduce
them to the level of machines, automatically operating according to a
few simple principles, the more convenient do they become as an
instrument with which to unravel theoretical speculations.

3. An influence that is wholly terminological, and therefore at once
** psychological" and linguistic, is the impulse toward reciprocal de-
notation or form of kinship terms. It is evident on wholly abstract
grounds that this must materially affect the systems into which it
enters. The moment a term implies sex and has an exact reciprocal,
it is clear that the reciprocal must express the sex of the speaker, and
not that of the relative, so that a variant principle is introduced ; or
else both terms must denote both categories, which means that the
number of distinct terms is duplicated or quadruplicated. The latter
is a result that most languages evidently shrink from, and the former
course is usually followed. In either case, however, there is a distinct
shaping of the system as a result of the reciprocating tendency.

When a Papago, whose system is thoroughly pervaded by reci-
procities, has words meaning ** older brother or sister" and ** younger
brother or sister," which are reciprocal, instead of our non-reciprocal
** brother" and ** sister," it is as clear that this part of his nomen-
clature reflects the ** psychological" tendency toward reciprocity, as
that terming the father-in-law '* mother's brother" reflects a social
institution when it is customary to marry a cross-cousin.

The use of descriptive phrases instead of radical words to denote
connections by marriage is again a ** psychological" trait. In French,
the son-in-law and daughter-in-law are denoted by distinctive stems,
the parents-in-law by circumlocutory ones analogous to those of Eng-
lish. German follows the English plan, except for retaining some
obsolescent radicals. The same tendency has become operative in all
three languages, but with varying degrees of completeness. This is
simply a philological phenomenon entirely parallel to the fact that
the plural of **ox" has remained **oxen" instead of becoming *'oxes."

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1917] Kroeher: California Kinship Systems 393

No one would dream of arguing that French, English, or German
marital customs must be different because the kinship terms in question
are formed on a different plan. And so when Luiseno and Northern
Paiute and Papago use circumlocutory expressions for many connec-
tions by marriage, and Mohave and Yokuts and Tiibatulabal and
Miwok do not, there is also a distinctive difference of system without
any reason for an assumption of a corresponding difference in social
organization.

This influence of reciprocity is particularly clear when circumlo-
cutions and reciprocal expression are combined. A Papago woman
calls her son-in-law moih-ok, that is, ok or father of her mo$. a woman's
daughter's child. The son-in-law calls her the same. There is no
form of marriage or social institution that will explain why an old
woman should be called the father of anybody's granddaughter, why
the man referring to her should speak of himself as a femaley and why
he should designate her the parent of his daughter's child when it is
her daughter that has the child and he himself is without grand-
children. It is clear that there is nothing at the bottom of this usage
but a strong tendency to call a connection what the connection calls
oneself, operating upon a stock of descriptive terms. There is no
inconvenience or confusion in speaking of one's mother-in-law as some-
body's father; for in doing so a man uses a woman's term; which
combination, by exclusion, exactly specifies the lady referred to. From
our literal point of view, the Papago is absurdly illogical in this matter.
But he is practical, since his procedure not only isolates the person
in question as thoroughly as ours but allows him to employ the reci-
procity to which he is accustomed and which satisfies a habitual psychic
need.

4. In most discussions of kinship systems the innermost kernel is
hardly touched upon. Relatives only one step removed are neglected
for those two and three steps distant. We hear much of the fact that
cousins are called brothers, but little of the entirely different methods
of distinguishing brothers. A great deal is made of the circumstance
that the father's brother is often merged in the father, terminologi-
cally, but very little attention is paid to whether parents are desig-
nated by four terms or by two or by one. The mother's brother's
daughter is far more important in most kinship discussions than the
sister. In short, the most fundamental and primary relationships are
disregarded because the remote ones lend themselves to readier cor-
relation with social institutions. Some nations have one word for

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394 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

older brother-sister and one for younger brother-sister; others one
word for brother-sister of the same sex as the speaker and one for
brother-sister of different sex ; and still others one word for male and
one for female brother-sister; in short, various peoples express re-
spectively only age, relative sex, and absolute sex in this class of kin-
ship; while still others express them in different degrees and combi-
nations. Surely if there is anything of consequence in kinship it is
these nearest of relationships, and diversity of terminological classi-
fication is as extreme for them as for any other group of kindred.
Yet because they do not lend themselves to theoretical reconstructions
of marriage systems, they have been passed over in almost complete
silence. Dr. Rivers is therefore more sanguine than accurate when
he states in the conclusion of his book that not only the general char-
acter but every detail of systems of relationship has been demon-
strated as determined by social conditions. The parts of systems that
correlate with social conditions have indeed been correlated by him ;
but those parts that do not correlate have for the most part not even
been considered.

5. Finally, it is not only theoretically conceivable but an actual
fact that terminology has at times influenced marriage institutions.
This is as it should be, for in the wider sense of the word terminology is
as much a social phenomenon as marriage, and an a priori denial that
any class of social phenomena is capable of affecting any other class
is certainly unjustifiable. In Roman Catholic nations, as Andrew
Lang has pointed out, the god-father does not marry the god-daughter.
Here there is no kinship at all ; but the mere name has resulted in a
taboo of wedlock. If civilized European people can take their meta-
phors so seriously as this, it is likely that rude heathens represented
as living in a world of symbolism have sometimes done so.

It may be suspected, for instance, that the Chinese prohibition of
marriage between persons of the same family name is due to a similar
secondary scrupulousness, instead of being a survival of an ancient
clan system, as it is customary to state. Of course what is wanted
in a situation like this one is not a conviction that this or that inter-
pretation is true, but a substantiated case made out by a sinologue
who commands knowledge of his subject as well as critical faculty.
Yet the instance is not without suggestiveness as it stands.

It is perfectly true that every one should expect customs to shape
names more frequently than names shape customs. Those who are
ready to recognize a variety of factors as entering into terminology

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1917] Kroeber: Calif arrUa Kinship Systems 395

can admit this disproportion cheerfully. But those who are bound
to schemes of rigorous and exclusive explanation through social insti-
tutions can not permit the introduction of even the rarer instances
of priority of terminology without fatally dulling the edge of their
working tool.

If the issue were primarily the narrower one of the preeminence
of so-called psychological and so-called social influences on kinship
systems, I should still lay more stress on the former influence, because,
after all, kinship systems are terminologies, terminologies are classi-
fications, and classifications are reflections of ** psychological'' pro-
cesses— just as I should expect religious phenomena to be influenced
chiefly by other religious phenomena and only in a lesser degree by
social, economic, or technical factors. I also construe the evidence as
actually bearing out this interpretation. Yet I am ready to concede
freely that ''social'* influences — and religious and economic ones —
have entered in some measure into kinship systems, at times to a
considerable degree even. (But back of this aspect of the problem
lies the basic issue : whether kinship terminology is determined rigidly
by specific social phenomena of only one kind, and can therefore be
utilized for constructive causal explanations of societies; or whether
all classes of social phenomena can and do interact on such termin-
ology, and the infinitely variable play of the variable factors forbids
any true determinations of causality of a sweeping character.) Two
irreconcilable methods of prosecuting ethnology- and history here con-
front each other. It is the magnitude of this conflict of ideals that
gives some dignity and perhaps consequence to the question of kinship
terminology, which otherwise would be but a technical if not a trivial
problem.J

I am aware that the causal and deterministic method has in its
favor the appearance of far greater productivity, and that it often
tempts with immediate profit. It can give the public the hard and
fast formulations and the definitely final reasons for which the public
hungers. It is also assured of a warmer recognition from scientists —
natural scientists — who, unable to follow each historical situation in
detail, tend nevertheless to see in this method a welcome extension of
their tried methods to new fields.

But I am convinced as I am of few things that this method as it
has been and is practiced in ethnology is vain; that its results are
illusory in proportion as they are plausible; and if ever cultural
phenomena are subject to causal and deterministic analysis, it will

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396 University of California Puhlioations in Am. Aroh. and Ethn. [Vol. 12

be in ways and with results utterly different from the methods and
conclusions in vogue today. It is from this conception that I have
approached the problem ; and ungratefully negative as the conclusions
may seem, I believe that the evidence bears them out.

Dr. Rivers has rendered service to ethnology paralleled by few
men. He has made valuable contributions to the critical methods of
recording material. He has amassed noteworthy data, and has boldly
and imaginatively attacked them without recourse to interpretation
by physical and organic factors, and steeled himself no less against
the more insidious temptation to explain culture in immediate terms
of spontaneous psychology. There are those who wish that he might
return to the path so brilliantly blazoned in the earlier Todas rather
than continue in that pursued in the History of Melanesian Society.
But all students of ethnology, those who differ as well as they who agree
with his arguments, must be grateful to him for the consistency of
his presentation, his courage, the directness with which he has met
problems, and the precision with which he has defined them. In the
present question the ultimate verdict must be left to others: I shall
be satisfied if I have helped to clear the issue to the same degree on
one side as Dr. Rivers has cleared it on the other.

Transmitted October 11, 1916.

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY

Vol. 12, No. 10, pp. 397-441, 8 text-flgures July 6, 1917

CEREMONIES OF THE POMO INDIANS

S. A. BARRETT

CONTENTS

PAGE

Introduction '. 397

Ceremonial organization 398

Officials 399

General Features of the Porno Oeremoniee 401

Invitations to Ceremonies 402

The Ghost or Devil Ceremony 403

Stephen Powers on the Ghost Dance 404

The Ghost Ceremony Proper ~ — 406

Fire Eating „ - 418

The Purification Rite _ 421

Summary of the Principal Features of the Ghost Ceremony 422

The Guksu Ceremony 423

The Scarifying Ceremony - ^ 425

Stephen Powers on the Guksu Ceremony 427

Completion of the Guksu Ceremony 429

Treatment of Disease ~... 430

Dances 431

Dances in which Men and Women Participated 433

Dances in which only Men performed 438

Dances in which only Women performed 439

Additional Dances 440

The Messiah Cult _ 440

Conclusion ^ 441

INTRODUCTION

It has been at least twenty years since the last of the Pomo cere-
monies was held in a truly aboriginal fashion. Elaborate ceremonies
of a more recently introduced ** Messiah" cult were held as late as
perhaps fifteen years ago, but these ** Messiah'* ceremonies contain
only a few features common to the indigenous tribal observances.

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398 University of California Publications in Am. Aroh. and Ethn, [Vol. 12

Dances are even yet to be seen in connection with some celebrations,
principally on the Fourth of July, but there now remains so little that
is really primitive about these that they are virtually worthless to
the student. Information obtained through direct observation is at
present, therefore, impossible, and we must depend for our knowledge
of Pomo ceremonies and ceremonial organization upon the statements
of the older men, and particularly those concerned with such matters
in former days. From such sources rather full information con-
cerning some of the ceremonies and dances is obtainable, but, under
the circumstances, it is impossible to secure exhaustive data concerning
all of them. In many instances informants recall only a few of the
details of a given ceremony or dance. Sometimes only its name is
remembered. Doubtless even the recollection of some ceremonies and
dances has been lost.

During a residence in the Pomo region from 1892 to 1904 the
existing vestiges of some of these Pomo ceremonies were observed
whenever possible, but no attempt at a systematic collection of data
on the subject was made until 1903 and 1904, when this work was
undertaken in conjunction with the collection of Pomo myths, as part
of the investigations of the Ethnological and Archaeological Survey
of California, maintained by the Department of Anthropology of the
University of California through the generosity of Mrs. Phoebe A.
Hearst. This information was obtained from informants of three
Pomo dialects — Northern, Central, and Eastern. Where a native term
is used in the following pages, therefore, the dialect is indicated by
N, C, or E, in parentheses directly after it. The phonetic system
employed is fully explained in '*The Ethno-Qeography of the Pomo
Indians.''^

CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION

The ceremonial organization of the Pomo was very loose. There
was no secret society of importance, as there was among the Maidu
and presumably among the neighboring Wintun, and no organized
priesthood vested with control over ceremonies. The ordinary chiefs,
however (or ** captains," as they are more often called), were promi-
nently concerned with all ceremonies, and there were other officials in
charge of particular rites. We may begin therefore by mentioning
the various officials in the order of their importance.

1 Present series, vi, pp. 51-54.

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1917] Barrett: Ceremonies of the Porno Indians 399

OFFICIALS

As has been elsewhere pointed out,* the social organization of the
Porno is based primarily upon blood relationship, the blood relatives
who resided in a definite village grouping themselves into a political
unit under the leadership of an hereditary * * captain. ' ' Usually several
of these consanguineal units comprise a village, and their captains
form its governing body. From among these the people elect a head
captain. Not even the head captain has absolute authority, nor has
any captain important judicial power, or power to inflict punishment.
In short, the function of the captain is primarily that of adviser to
the group. The special duties of the head captain in olden times were
to welcome and entertain visitors from other villages, and to meet in
council with the other captains concerning matters of general public
welfare, and to arrange for and preside over ceremonies.

What may be termed an honorary captainship was accorded any
man who, through his wealth or his prowess as a hunter, made him-
self very popular by providing large quantities of food and numerous
feasts for the people. A similar honorary office, that of female captain,
da' xalik (E), was based upon a woman's popularity, which depended
in turn on her good-heartedness and her fame as a cook. Neither of
these honorary offices, however, was hereditary. In spite of the am-
biguous nature of the office, incumbents were accorded great respect
at ceremonies and other public functions.

The other officials had duties almost, if not quite, exclusively con-
nected with ceremonies and had nothing directly to do with govern-
mental affairs. We may recognize the fire-tenders, the head singers,
the chorus singers, the dnimmers, and the masters of ceremonies. Such
offices were considered very honorable and were, as a rule, hereditary.
This was particularly true of the offices of fire-tender, head singer,
and drummer, in which the succession followed precisely the same
rules as did the chieftainship.

The fire-tenders, called me'dze (N) and la'imoc (E), were officials
of very great importance. Connected with each of the large, semi-
subterranean ** dance-houses'*'* there were two fire-tenders, who
saw to all matters concerning the fire and the preparation of the
dance-house except actually procuring the firewood. All the men

2*' The Ethno-Geography of the Porno and Neighboring Indians," present
series, vi, pp. 15-17.

8 An article by the present writer called ' * Porno Buildings, ' ' in the Holmes
Memorial Volume^ fully describes these structures, which were erected especially
for ceremonial purposes and which formed the religious centers of Pomo villages.

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400 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

participating in the ceremony were supposed to bring wood, which
they placed just outside the dance-house. One of the fire-tenders
then carried it up and dropped it through the smoke-hole, while the
other stacked it in ricks in the proper places within the house. As
remuneration for their labor, they received the beads which were
thrown at the dancers* by the people during the ceremony and which
were swept up when the dance-house was cleaned.

The head singer, called ke' kai tea (C) and ke'uya (E), was a man
of great importance in ceremonies, though he was very inconspicuous.
It was his duty to plan previously the proper sequence of the dances
and songs, and it was also his duty to start all songs and to carry the
air. The head singer had to possess a very good voice, and had to
make it his business to know the songs for the various ceremonies.
Now and then he was at a loss for the proper song for a particular
occasion. He was allowed to consult some other singer, or, upon
occasion, he might ask for suggestions from the audience. Any one
who knew a song which fitted the occasion might come to the head
singer and sing it for him in an undertone, until he caught it and
was ready to lead in the singing. As a rule he kept time with a split-
stick rattle, or a rattle made of cocoons.

The chorus or burden-singers, called skam (E), gave volume to
the music and marked time with their split-stick rattles, hai mitamitaka
(N). Their usual burden was **he, he, he, he, . . .'* sung in a heavy
monotone.

The dnimmers, called tsilo'gauk (E), tsilo'tca (C), and tsilo'
matutsi (E), were always two in number, and as a rule they took turns
in playing the large wooden drum which was set in the ground at the
rear of the dance-house, and which was beaten by the stamping of
the feet. The office of drummer was considered one of the most
important, and second only to that of fire-tender.

The master of ceremonies, called xabe'dima (E), xabe' gauk (E),
and he'lima (C), started and stopped all songs and dances by certain
signals. , The participants in the dance usually maintained certain
positions, but the master of ceremonies ran about from place to place
supervising the activities and giving directions as required. His

* The reason for the throwing of the beads is as follows: Pomo custom
prescribes a period of mourning lasting one year. If a dancer so far forgets
his sorrow as actively to participate in a ceremony of this kind before the
expiration of the prescribed mourning period after the death of a friend or
relative some atonement is required. It is customary under such circumstances
for some one in the audience to throw some loose shell-beads at the dancer, these
being evidently intended as an offering to the spirits and having nothing directly
to do with the dancer himself.

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1917] Barrett: Ceremonies of the Porno Indians 401

presence was absolutely necessary at all ceremonies, and without him
a dance could not proceed. He acted under the general direction of
the head captain, but that official himself never served as master of
ceremonies. Very rarely did the same individual serve as master of
ceremonies and head singer. While as a rule the drummers and the
singers wore no special dress for ceremonial occasions, the masters
of ceremonies were almost always painted and dressed according to
different requirements for each ceremony (see below). They were
usually among the dancers who impersonated supernatural beings.

GENERAL FEATURES OF POMO CEREMONIES

A ceremony always centered about the dance-house,' and lasted
four nights, or some multiple of four, beginning usually soon after
sunset. In the case of the ** ghost ceremony,'* which began at sunrise,
the preceding night was spent in performing other dances. Such
ceremonies were made up of a varying number of dances.

There was usually no prescribed sequence, but the ceremony took
the name of the dance which was its special feature, though this need
not necessarily open the ceremony. In a few instances it was recog-
nized that certain dances should be performed together.

A ceremony consisted of (1) an introductory procedure, accom-
panied by more or less ritual, such as the initiation of the children
through the gu'ksu ceremony (see below, p. 425) ; (2) a series of
dances; (3) a series of speeches by officials and men of importance
concerning the religious life or other matters of public interest; (4) a
final purification rite; and (5) various feasts, particularly one held in
the morning after the final night of the ceremony.

There were certain special ceremonies, such as the gu'ksu cere-
mony, in which a definite opening procedure was required, but after
this almost any desired dance might be held at any time, day or night,
throughout the duration of the ceremonial period. The procedure of
the final night of the ceremony was also usually fixed.

The principal ceremonies of the Pomo were :

The xahlu'igax xaikilgaiagiba* (the **ghost" or *'devir' ceremony).

The kallmatoto xaikilgaiaglba (the thunder ceremony).

The gu'ksu xaikilgaiaglba.

The da'ma xaikilgaiaglba.

5 For a description of this large semi-subterranean structure see "Pomo
Buildings, ' ' by the present author in the Holmes Anniversary Volume.
« These words are in the Eastern Pomo dialect.

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402 University of California Puhiioations in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

INVITATIONS TO CEREMONIES

The captains of the village discussed with other important men
the question of holding a ceremony, just as they discussed other
matters relating to the general public good. Having agreed upon the
date and other details, the head captain usually walked through the
village delivering an oration, as was customary upon occasions of
importance, in which he announced to the people the decision of their
captains. This oration might, however, be delivered as he stood before
the door of his own house or before the door of the dance-house.

Invitations were then sent to the people of other villages to attend
the ceremony. This was done by means of a special invitation
string. Wormwood or willow sticks about two inches in length were
tied, each separately, into a short string, the number of sticks being
equal, according to some, informants, to the number of days inter-
vening before the ceremony was to begin, usually not fewer than two
or more than eight. Other informants stated that this number was
equal to these intervening days plus the number of days during which
the ceremony was to be held. For instance, if a four-day ceremony
was to begin four days hence, these being the usual numbers in both
instances, eight sticks were tied into the invitation string. According
to another informant, if the number of sticks was from two to five,
the guests were invited for the first of two or more ceremonies. If
six or more sticks were present, they were to come for a later ceremony.
This latter, however, seems to be rather improbable. To one end of
the string was tied, as an ornament, a small section of forehead-band
made of yellow-hammer feathers. This string might be presented as
such, but frequently it was tied to the end of a wand about two feet
long. Its general name among the Central Pomo was haidel. Before
sending, it was called ha'icbu ; after it had been sent out, it was termed
ha'idakau.

A messenger took this string or wand to the captain of the village
invited and, if it was necessary for him to make a journey of any
considerable length, he broke off a stick for each day of his journey.
According to most informants, he simply delivered the string to the
head captain of the invited village and immediately returned home
with the message of acceptance from that village. According to one
informant, however, he remained as the guest of the head captain, and
himself broke a stick each day from the invitation string and finally
conducted the visitors to the ceremony.

As a rule, visitors arrived at least one day before the ceremony

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1917] Barrett: Ceremonies of the Porno Indians 403

began, but they never entered the village itself until the morning of
the first ceremonial day, making camp meanwhile at some convenient
spot within a short distance. The visitors collected a present of a
considerable number of shell beads, which was carried by their head
captain as he led them into the village. Some, at least, of the younger
men among the visitors attired themselves in their dance costumes
and danced into the village, usually following a little apart from the
rest of their people.

As soon as the visitors appeared in sight, a watchman, stationed
on the roof of the dance-house, gave notice to the head captain, who
was inside. He at once came out and, taking a position directly in
front of the dance-house, delivered a short oration inviting the visitors
to enter and making them welcome. As the visitors entered each
group was assigned to its particular position in the dance-house, and
all seated themselves with their head captain, captains, fire-tenders,
and other officials in front. When the head captain of the host village
finally entered the dance-house, which was not until after all the
visitors had taken their seats, he was called by the visiting head captain
to their position. The visiting head captain then made a short speech
of presentation and gave the beads to the host head captain, who
made, in return, a second and more lengthy speech of welcome. He
then took these beads to his own house, and they were later divided
among his people. A present of equal value was returned to the
visitors, either immediately or at some time before the close of the
ceremony.

This formality of welcome over, some dance might be held at once
or the guests and hosts might enjoy a general visit. If one of the
secret ceremonies was to be held, all the women and children and the
uninitiated men retired from the dance-house before it commenced.

THE GHOST OR DEVIL CEREMONY

This ceremony was perhaps the most important of the four-day
ceremonies of the Pomo. It was usually held in the spring and was
witnessed only by properly initiated men, never by women or children.
The uninitiated men, as well as the women and children, were much
afraid of these dancers and kept a very respectful distance when they
entered the village. This was due to the belief that to approach closely
would produce serious illness.

Such esoteric ceremonies are unusual among the Pomo, though

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404 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

they occur among other California tribes. As examples might be
mentioned the Hesi ceremony among the Wintun and Maidu, especially
among the Maidu, who have a definite secret society.

STEPHEN POWERS ON THE GHOST DANCE

The ghost dance of the Pomo has been attributed by Powera^ to
a secret society. In speaking of the subject of chastity among the
Pomo, he describes a ** devil-raising'' ceremony conducted by what he
terms a ** secret society'* which had several branches in the various
Pomo villages. His description of this ceremony is given from infor-
mation obtained by him from an old resident closely connected with
the Indians of the region in early days, and, while his assumptions and
deductions are in many respects incorrect, it is plainly a description
of the ghost dance.

After speaking of the ** secret society . . . whose simple purpose
is to conjure up infernal terrors and render each other assistance in
keeping their women in subjection," Powers says:^

Their meetings are held in an assembly -house erected especially for the
purpose, constructed of peeled pine-poles. It is painted red, black, and white
(wood color) on the inside in spiral stripes reaching from the apex to the ground.
Outside it is thatched and covered with earth. When they are assembled in it
there is a doorkeeper at the entrance who suffers no one to enter unless he is
a regular member, pledged to secrecy. Even Mr. Potter, though a man held in
high honor by them, was not allowed to enter, though they offered to initiate
him, if he desired. They do not scruple to avow to Americans who are well
acquainted with them, and in whose discretion they have confidence, that their
object is simply to "raise the devil," as they express it, with whom they
pretend to hold communication; and to carry on other demoniacal doings, accom-
panied by frightful whooping and yelling, in order to work on the imaginations
of the erring squaws, no whit more guilty than themselves.

Once in seven years these secret woman-tamers hold a grand devil-dance
(cha-du-el-keh), which is looked forward to by the women of the tribe with
fear and trembling as the scourging visit of the dreadful Yu-ku-ku-la (the
devil). As this society has its ramifications among the many Pomo tribes, this
great dance is held one septennium in one valley, another in another, and so on
through the circuit of the branch societies.

Every seven years, therefore, witnesses the construction of an immense
assembly -house which is used for this special occasion only. I have seen the
ruins of one which was reared in Potter Valley somewhere about the year 1860.
The pit, or cellar, which made a part of it was circular, sixty-three feet in
diameter and about six feet deep, and all the enormous mass of earth excavated
from it was gouged up with small, fire-hardened sticks and carried away in
baskets by both men and women, chiefiy men. It was about eighteen feet high

7 Contr. N. A. Ethn., in, 158-160, 1877.

8 Loc. cit.

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1917] Barrett: Ceremonies of the Porno Indians 405

in the center, and the roof was supported on five posts, one a center pole and
four others standing around it, equidistant from it and the perimeter of the pit.
Timbers from six to nine inches in diameter were laid from the edge of the pit
to the middle posts, and from these to the center pole. Over these were placed
grass and brush, and the whole was heavily covered with earth. Allowing four
square feet of space to each person, such a structure would contain upward of
seven hundred people. In their palmy days hundreds and even thousands of
Indians attended one of these grand dances.

When the dance is held, twenty or thirty men array themselves in harlequin
rig and barbaric paint and put vessels of pitch on their heads; then they secretly
go out into the surrounding mountains. These are to personify the devils. A
herald goes up to the top of the assembly-house and makes a speech to the
multitude. At a signal agreed upon in the evening the masqueraders come in
from the mountains, with the vessels of pitch flaming on their heads, and with
all the frightful accessories of noise, motion, and costume which the savage
mind can devise in representation of demons. The terrified women and children
flee for life, the men huddle them into a circle, and, on the principle of fighting
the devil with fire, they swing blazing firebrands in the air, yell, whoop, and
make frantic dashes at the marauding and bloodthirsty devils, so creating a
terrific spectacle, and striking great fear into the hearts of the assembled
hundreds of women, who are screaming and fainting and clinging to their
valorous protectors. Finally the devils succeed in getting into the assembly-
house, and the bravest of the men enter and hold a parley with them. As a
conclusion of the whole farce, the men summon courage, the devils are expelled
from the assembly-house, and with a prodigious row and racket of sham fighting
are chased away into the mountains.

After all these terrible doings have exercised their due effect upon the
wanton feminine mind, another stage of the proceedings is entered upon. A
rattlesnake was captured some days beforehand, its fangs were plucked out,
and it was handled, stroked, fed, and tamed, so that it could be displayed with
safety. The venerable, white-haired peace-chief now takes his station before
the multitude, within the great assembly-house, with the rattlesnake before him
as the visible incarnation of the dreadful Yukukula. Slowly and sonorously
he begins, speaking to them of morality and feminine obedience. Then warming
with his subject, and brandishing the horrid reptile in his hand full in the faces
and over the heads of his shuddering auditors, with solemn and awful voice he
warns them to beware, and threatens them with the dire wrath of Yukukula if
they do not live lives of chastity, industry, and obedience, until some of the
terrified squaws shriek aloud and fall swooning upon the ground.

Referring again to the ** devil dance,'' as practiced among the
Gualala, Powers says:®

In the midst of the ordinary dances there comes rushing upon the scene an
ugly apparition in the shape of a man, wearing a feather mantle on his back
reaching from the armpits down to the mid-thighs, zebra-painted on his breast
and legs with black stripee, bearskin shako on his head, and his arms stretched
out at full length along a staff passing behind his neck. Accoutered in this
harlequin rig, he dashes at the squaws, capering, dancing, whooping; and they
and the children flee for life, keeping several hundred yards between him and
themselves. If they are so unfortunate as to touch even his stick, aU their
children will perish out of hand.

9 Op. cit.f pp. 193-194.

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406 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

THE GHOST CEREMONY PROPER

The dancers were of two classes, the ordinary ghost-dancers, or
** devils,*' called xahluigak (E), and the ** ash-devils,'' or fire-eaters,
called no xahluigak (E). The former danced almost exclusively
during the day, and the latter at night, though these regulations were
not quite absolute. The ash-devils were always present at the ghost
ceremony and during the ghost dance proper they served, in a way,
as sergeants-at-arms and as clowns.

According to some informants, a new dance-house was especially
built for each ghost ceremony. Other informants did not particularly
mention this fact and it seems probable that in more recent times,
after the ceremonial procedure of the Pomo had become somewhat lax,
this rule was not observed, and the same dance-house may have been
used for more than one ghost ceremony, and for other ceremonies as
well.

In this ceremony the dancers impersonated the spirits of the dead,
as is indicated by the speech of the chief devil-dancer made just before
disrobing.^® The dance is said to have had its origin in mythical times
when the birds and mammals had hiiman attributes. The Pomo
account is as follows:

Hawk, the captain of a village, was killed by Vulture. After being absent
from the village for some time Hawk suddenly returned, came into the dance-
house, and sat down in front of the center pole, at its foot. A ceremony was
about to begin, and the people noticed nothing out of the ordinary about Hawk
and were perfectly wiUing to allow him to participate in the dancing. Meadow-
lark, however, noticed an odor about Hawk which showed that he had just
returned from the realm of the dead. With his characteristic garrulity, he
commenced to chatter about- the improprieties of mortals dancing with dead
people. Hawk was a chief and one of an important family and felt especially
offended at these reflections upon him and left at once, never again returning
to the village. According to one version of the myth, Meadowlark had, in those
days, a long tail like most other birds. His action upon this occasion, however,
so enraged the other members of the village that some one struck at him with
a fire poker which happened to be near at hand. Meadowlark was able to dodge
the blow, but the poker clipped off a large part of his tail. He has, therefore,
had only a stub of a tail since that day. The people then fell to discussing
what could be done to atone in some way for this insult to Hawk. A number
of men immediately went out into the woods and dressed themselves as the
devil-dancers now do, returning to the village to personate the spirits of the
departed. From this mythical source has descended the present-day ghost or
devil ceremony.

The ceremony was directly under the supervision of the chief
^'gulfsti doctor," and it was he who safeguarded the ghost-dance

10 See below, p. 414.

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paraphernalia during the long interval between ceremonies. The
ghost-dancers and the ash-devils were actually assisted in dressing by
the gu'ksu doctors.

The dress of the ghost-dancer proper was quite elaborate. Each
ghost-dancer repaired to some secluded place in the woods or brush,
preferably back in the hills about the village, where he dressed. This
going into seclusion to dress is called tstima'kabek in the Eastern
Pomo dialect. He first rubbed his body with chewed angelica root,
at the same time making a prayer for long life, good health, and
prosperity for himself, his fellow dancers, and the people of the village.
He also made a prayer to a certain supernatural being^^ to lend him
a striped skin. He next painted his body with white, red, and black
paints. A man might paint his body entirely one color. The upper
half of the body might be of one color, while the lower half was of
another. The same difference in color might obtain between the right
and the left sides, and bands and stripes might also be freely used.

Before finally finishing the painting of the face and arms, however,
the remainder of the attire was put on. This included, for the head,
(1) a head-net with which to confine the hair; (2) a down-filled head-
net; (3) a feather tuft on top of the head; (4) a yellow-hammer quill
forehead-band fastened at the top of the forehead, passing back
through the parted feather-tuft and hanging down the back; and (5)
a fillet of pepperwood leaves. The remainder of the costume consisted
of a short girdle of pepperwood branches worn about the waist and,
if desired, a similar adornment about the neck.

The ash-devils, or fire-eaters, dressed more simply. According to
some informants, they were entirely nude Except for a coat of blue
paint. According to others, their attire was somewhat more elaborate.
The face was painted red, black, or white, two colors never being used
together. The legs were painted white, then scratched with the finger-
nails so as to remove some of the paint and produce longitudinal
stripes. The hair was bound up with the usual head-net into which
a single black feather was inserted," or a feather tuft was attached
to it. As a screen or mask before the face, the dancer also wore a
fringe of green twigs further to disguise his identity. Otherwise he
was completely naked.

11 The exact identity of this supernatural being could not be determined from
informants.

12 According to one informant, two feathers instead of one were worn by
these dancers. These were placed so that they projected laterally from the
forehead.

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408 University of California Publications in Am, Aroh. and Ethn. [Vol. 12

When everything was in readiness in the village, the head captain

sent out a messenger to notify the dancers. When the latter were

ready to enter the village, a small fire was built in the hills to give

notice of the fact. They made their first entry just about daybreak

on the first day. A crier, who was always one of the captains or a

fire-tender detailed to this duty, took his position on the roof of the

dance-house just below the smoke-hole, where he gave the ghost call

**ye . . /' four times. At once answering calls were heard from the

ghost-dancers in their several locations, for they had scattered to a

number of different places, each man by himself, or in groups of

not more than two or three individuals. The ghost response was a

loud 'Svaiiwa'i,'' repeated four times. If the ghost-dancers were

sufficiently close together, this was given by their leader only. The

crier continued his calling until one or more of the dancers appeared

on the outskirts of the village. They came running in,^^ each carrying

in his hands two bunches of grass or twigs a foot or so in length,^*

behind which he at times pretended to hide. Each suddenly stopped

as he came in sight of the dance-house and stood for a moment with

outstretched arms. Thereupon the crier shouted, **o, 5, 5, o,'* after

which he delivered an invocation to the ghost-dancers, asking them to

come running into the village bringing health and happiness to the

people. This invocation was as follows:

napd' putsa'l giwa'le

village healthy run to

ma'yawala
girls

kale putsa'l
healthy

giwa'le
run to

xa'xalik
chiefs

putsa'l
healthy

giwa'le
run to

da'xalik
chieftainesses

putsa'l
healthy

giwa'le
run to

kawi'k
children

putsa'l
healthy

giwa'le
run to

Then, according to one informant, all the people who were assem-
bled in the dance-house shouted, while the drummer beat rapidly for
a minute or two. The head singers took their cocoon rattles and

i« One informant stated that each dancer was ablaze on his back, head, and
arms, and that smoke issued from his mouth. This accords with Power's state-
ments, quoted above.

1* According to one informant, some of these dancers carried stones, long
sticks, or even snakes with which to frighten the spectators. Note also Power's
reference to the use of the rattlesnake in the ghost dance, quoted above.

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intoned a song as they marched outside to meet the dancers. After
singing outside for a short time, they re-entered the dance-house.

The dancers then came running in, making a loud noise produced
by a voiced expulsion of breath through the relaxed but closed lips,
**bu . . /' and ran to a point about one hundred yards directly in
front of the dance-house door (see fig. 1). While the dancers were
running into the village, the singers sang the following song:

yohiya', yohiya', yohiya',
yohiya', yohiya', yohiya',
yohikoli kole, yohikoli kole.
(Bepeat indefinitely.)

\ /

\
\
\ \

\ \^ / ^

Fig. 1 Fig. 2

Fig. 1 — Paths of the ghost-dancers as they enter the village, and their cere-
monial course before the dance-house.

Fig. 2 — ^Positions taken and course traveled by ghost-dancers in approaching
dance-house.

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410 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

Meantime the crier and the dancers continued their respective cries.
The head ghost-dancer always dressed at a place north (i.e., in the
rear) of the dance-house, so that in entering the village he ran past
the dance-house to take up his position. Here he bowed very low, and
quickly dropped his arms with the bunches of grass above mentioned,
at the same time crying **we . . ." He then trotted perhaps twenty
feet in one direction, where he repeated this motion and cry, and then
to a point an equal distance in the opposite direction from his central
position, repeating the same motion and cry there. This he did four
times, finally stopping in the middle of the forty-foot line thus blocked
out, and directly in front of the dance-house door. The next dancer
to enter the village might come from any direction. He ran toward
the head dancer and crossed, if possible, in front of him, though if
necessary he passed behind him. In this case the head dancer turned
around so as to face the runner. The newcomer began to pass back
and forth along the line, making the motions and cries as above
described. He then took up his position at one side or the other of
the chief dancer. These dancers were at liberty to laugh, talk, and
play at will. Frequently they performed various comical antics, such
as pretending to be stung by wasps, aiid doctoring one another.

The crier continued his calls until finally the leader of the dancers
walked along a zigzag path to a position about one-quarter of the
distance between the line of dancers and the dance-house (see fig. 2).
Here he halted and cried **wui' ..." after which the crier at the
dance-house called all the initiated men of the village to assemble.

There was a fixed restriction against the presence of the uninitiated
in this assembly. One informant maintained that the ceremony, as
held in his locality (the coast of the Central Pomo area), required that
four posts be set up, each at a distance of several yards from the
dance-house, as is shown in figures 1 and 2, the imaginary lines from
post to post forming an inclosure for the dance-house and its imme-
diate vicinity, within which none but the initiated dared venture.

The singers and others officially concerned with the dance came
from within the dance-house and formed two lines, one on each side
of the outer door of the tunnel, as indicated by the small crosses in
figure 2. As the crier gave his call, the initiates answered with a cry
of *'ye . . ." after which they formed these two lines between which
the ghost-dancers must pass to enter the dance-house.

At the outer ends of these lines were two masters of ceremonies
who directed the ceremony from this point on to its close. They first

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chased each of the dancers^" as he came to enter the house, returning
each time to the heads of the two lines, there to await the arrival of
the next dancer. These masters of ceremonies were called xahlu'igak
kaldaiyati (E) or masa'n kaldaiyau (E), and were entirely nude except
for a head-net and a feather tuft on their heads.

The chief ghost-dancer entered the house backwards and started
towards the drum, passing, however, on the west or wrong side of the
fire. Before he had gone very far, he stopped and groped around

Fig. 3 — Course of each ghost-dancer entering dance-house.

with one foot, as if to find his way, and finally inquired which way he
should go. Ghost-dancers used the same words in speaking that ordi-
nary people did, except that they inverted their statements and re-
versed the meanings of words. In this case the spectators replied,
*' You must go on the west side,''^* meaning, of course, that the dancer
was expected actually to go down the east side of the dance-house.
He then reversed his direction, as is shown in figure 3, and circled
four times about the fire, finally passing to a position in front of the

15 Two or three dancers sometimes came together.
i«Mibax bol malidai (E).

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412 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

center pole. The spectators meanwhile constantly called out to each
dancer to pass down the **east" side of the house.

When the dancer entered through the tunnel, the spectators all
cried, **ye'-ye.'' He at first advanced very slowly backwards until
he reached the point at which he inquired his way. As soon as he
received this direction he sprang up and ran the prescribed four times
around the fire and finally reached the foot of the center pole, making
meanwhile the same** bti . . .*' noise which he had made upon entering
the village. He here awaited the arrival of the other dancers, who
went through the same succession of movements.

The chief ghost-dancer, upon arriving in front of the center pole,
said, **mamule"' (E), to which the spectators replied, **hehe' . . .*'
Then he made a short speech in a more or less archaic language. Its
purport was : * * I do not come to do any one harm, but rather to take
all sickness away and to make everybody strong.''

habadutkiya gahnu kudi' putsa'lwal gakba ga'kalik gaba da'kalik

good chiefs chieftainesses

gaba, ka'lnine gaba bekal sima bexba gahnu eama ihiwala

rich people

He next marked ofl?, according to one informant, two or three places
on the east side of the floor, saying that he and his followers would
dance there. This was contrary to the usual procedure in dances,
for the regular dancing area in front of the center pole was always
used. As a matter of fact, the ghost dance itself was actually per-
formed in the usual area also, but this indicating of another area, and
this announcement, are only other evidences that the spirits must
always do things differently from mortals. In fact, the whole dress
and conduct of these dancers, their reversal of terms of direction, their
groping their way, etc., typify the conduct of the spirits of the de-
parted, who find everyhing strange when they return to the realm of
mortals.

Throughout the entire ceremony, and especially during the time
that the ghost-dancers were entering, the spectators were obliged to
use great care not to obstruct their passage in any way, or otherwise
to interfere with them, else they were likely to be very roughly handled
by the dancers.

As the last ghost-dancer entered the tunnel leading into the dance-
house, the men in the two lines outside cried **yuhe"' four times, after
which they entered and took up their positions.

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The above described entry of the dancers was according to the
regular procedure. However, these dancers, especially the ash-devils,
were privileged to perform many comical antics, and it not infre-
quently happened that one or more of them would run up on to the
roof of the dance-house and dive through the smoke-hole. In fact,
this was one of the usual modes of deception practiced in this ceremony.
A special net, cko'Habiti kalehai (N), was stretched about two feet
below the smoke-hole to catch the dancer. A special post was set in
the ground beside this net for the dancer to slide down. He would
then go through the usual series of movements, running four times
around the fire. After this he usually took up a position at one of
the posts near the door, there to levy tribute upon the spectators.
This tribute might be in the form of firewood, tobacco, or other
commodities.

The music for this ceremony was provided by a drummer, two
chief singers, and a number of burden-singers. The ghost-dancers
sometimes sang a kind of burden of their own while dancing. This
was simply **h!, hi, hi, hi," etc., in a very high key. The chief singers
were provided with cocoon rattles. These and the drum were the
only instruments used. The dancers carried no whistles, although
these were ordinarily used by performers in other dances. The burden-
singers also used no split-stick rattles, but clapped their hands instead
in time to their singing.

After the performers had in this way entered the dance-house, the
chief ghost-dancer called to the singers to start. The drummer then
jumped upon the drum, crying **hutsaiya'hii'' (E).^^ With the first
cry of the drummer, the chief singers sounded their rattles. After
an interval of perhaps a minute, the drummer repeated his jump and
call. The song started and the dance began.

The song as given by one of the informants is as follows :

yohiya' yohiya', yohiya' yohiya',

kuli kule kule . . .

kulikulekule . . .

hutsaiya' hutsaiya'

hii . . .

(Repeat indefinitely.)

The two masters of ceremonies took up their respective positions
at A and C (fig. 3) and danced back and forth along the lines AB

17 This expression was said by informants to be untranslatable, simply an
expression used to start the song. This jumping upon the drum and calling by
the drummer were called ^ehe'sba (E).

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414 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

and CD. In starting the movement, they stood with hands out-
stretched and bent their bodies sidewise toward the drum as they
shouted *'hutsaiya'hn.'' They then ran rapidly sidewise to the op-
posite ends of their respective courses, where they repeated the same
bending, this time in the opposite direction. When they had gone
back and forth over these courses and had returned to their original
positions for the fourth time, they again shouted as at first. This
particular set of the dance was repeated four times, thus completing
this part. After any such part had ended, it occasionally happened
that one dancer would continue his steps just as though the music
were in full swing. Ultimately one of his fellow-dancers would strike
him lightly to call his attention to the fact that the dance was over,
and he also would stop.

Four such parts completed the first division of the dance. After
this the masters of ceremonies advanced toward the ghost-dancers,
motioning them back toward the center pole with the palms of their
hands turned outward and held in front of them, while they said
**hahyu', hahyu"* (repeated indefinitely).

The singers, masters of ceremonies, and the drummer then seated
themselves or stood a short distance away from the drum, and the
ghost-dancers proceeded with their ceremonial disrobing.

The chief ghost-dancer proceeded from the foot of the center pole
by a path, as is indicated in figure 4, leading around the center pole
and fire and back to the east side of the drum, which the ghost-dancers
term cuna'bilat (E), literally ** canoe worn out.*' Upon his arrival
at the drum the chief ghost-dancer made a speech in which he said
that he and his fellows * * had come from the hollow stems of the grass,
crawling like snakes," to visit the people.

katsa' mutd'lai waha badurkiu (E)
grass hollow travel like a snake

He told them that he had come for their good and with no evil
motives, that he had come to bring them good health and happiness,
not sickness and misfortune. With a cry of **me . . .*' he then
jumped across the drum to its west side. The spectators cried **mi'bax
bo'wowa'' (E), literally **go on your west side,*' indicating the west
side of the drum, according to the ghost-dancers' inverted method of
speech. In compliance with this instruction, the chief ghost-dancer
jumped across the drum, after which he sometimes felt around with
his foot as if in search of something. Thus he jumped back and

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forth four times across the drum. He had really been in search of
the drum all the time and had feigned his inability to find it. He
finally, however, jumped upon it and stamped rapidly for a minute
or so to indicate his satisfaction. Throughout this whole performance
the singers and others near the drum continually cried **ho . . .
ho . . ." etc. While standing on the drum, the chief ghost-dancer
faced toward the wall, thus bringing his back toward the fire. Fre-
quently he made some comic observation to those near by,^^ and from
time to time turned his head toward the right so as almost to face the
fire, the while he made the peculiar noise, **bu . . ." characteristic

Fig. 4 — Ghost-dancer's course in disrobing.

of this dance. Meanwhile he turned his head slowly, first to the right
and then to the left, until he had done this four times in each direction.
He next took the brush or grass, which he had throughout the
ceremony been carrying in his hands, first in his left hand and passed
it downward over the right side of his body until he had passed it
down and up four times. He then took it in his right hand and
passed it in the same manner over his left side. He next took part
of it again in each hand and passed both hands back and forth side-
wise over his legs while standing in a bent posture, until he had done
this also four times. The brush or grass was then placed upon the
ground.

18 Compare below, p. 419.

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416 University of California Puhlications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

He next took off the girdle of twigs about his waist and dropped it
to the ground, usually without ceremony, though if he chose he might
pass this through the same series of motions as the twigs carried in
his hand. He next took off his entire head-gear at once. This he held
in his left hand and passed from his right shoulder up over his head
four times, repeating the same motions with the right hand on the
left side. He then placed this with the other paraphernalia on the
ground.

He next left the drum and went directly back to the foot of the
center pole, where he rejoined the rest of the ghost-dancers. The
remaining dancers went, one by one, or in small groups, and performed
exactly the same ceremony as that just described. When all had
disrobed, each took his costume and retired to the woods or brush,
redressed himself, endeavoring to change his painting to one as dif-
ferent as possible from that which he wore before. Later the same
performance was repeated: the calling by the crier, entry of the
dancers, series of dances, and ceremonial disrobing.

On the first day this entire series of dances was repeated four
times in all — at about 5 a.m., 10 a.m., 2 p.m., and 5 p.m., respectively.
After the ceremonial disrobing at the end of the fourth series, the
ghost-dancers left their suits in the dance-house and repaired to the
river or lake to swim, after which they returned to the dance-house.
During the other three days of the ceremony they might appear any
desired number of times during the day.

The dancers were forbidden to eat or drink on any particular day
as long as the dance continued, but as soon as they had gone down to
swim this restriction was removed.

As a rule, fire-eating and fire-handling were only incidental to the
ghost dance proper. However, if occasion arose, the ghost-dancers
themselves might handle fire, though they could not eat it. This
privilege was especially reserved to the ash-devils, no' xahluigak (E).
In case something was done to offend the ghost-dancers, such as an
inadequate provision of wood or some inattention on the part of the
officials, they might attempt to show their displeasure by throwing
fire about the dance-house. It then became the duty of the two fire-
tenders to hold sticks of wood across the fire. This operated as a
taboo to the ghost-dancers, who were prevented from touching the fire.
If there were any of the ash-devils present, even though not regularly
participating in this particular ceremony, they at once brought their
special bird-shaped staffs, which served as their badges of authority,^"

19 See below, p. 418.

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1917] Barrett: Ceremonies of the Porno Indians 417

and gave them absolute control over the entire assemblage, including
even the head captain. This caused the fire-tenders to remove their
restriction, and the ghost-dancers were then privileged to do as they
wished as long as they were under the patronage of the ash-devils.

While serving, during the regular ghost dance, as messengers,
sergeants-at-arms, and collectors of fines, the ash-devils were called
katsa'tala (E), and were the special clowns who performed all manner
of antics in their endeavors to provoke an outward expression of mirth
from some unfortunate spectator. Should he so forget himself as to
laugh or even smile at the antics, one of these katsa'tala ran at him
with his wand and levied tribute in the form of a payment of beads
or some other commodity, or imposed a penalty requiring the oflFender
to bring wood or water for the dancers. Furthermore, if some one
of the dancers should see a spectator in possession of something desir-
able, he sent one of these katsa'tala with his wand to this spectator to
demand the desired article. The spectator must then bring it to the
foot of the center pole and deposit it for the dancers.

In order to provoke the spectators to mirth, these katsa'tala did
many odd things and made themselves as grotesque as possible. For
instance, one of them would prop his eyelids open with small wooden
pegs (an action called u'ibatak (E)), or he would hold his mouth
open and stretch it out of shape (an action called katsi'da batak (E) ),
or he would fill his cheeks very full and puflf them out with grass
(called kawe'ts kale (E) ) .

These ash-devils never actually danced in the ghost dance proper,
but accompanied the regular ghost-dancers when they appeared. The
intervals between dances were filled and greatly enlivened by their
antics, and it was during these intervals that they made good their
name by rolling in the ashes of the fire, and by sometimes throwing
live coals about, and ** eating*' them.

Prom time to time during the ** rests,*' or ceremonial pauses, one
of these katsa'tala would seize a cocoon rattle, run four times about
the fire and center pole, and throw the rattle at the chief singer, calling
upon him for a song. This must be at once forthcoming, and the
ghost dance itself was then resumed. If some one in the audience
wished to have the singing and dancing resumed, he threw a cocoon
rattle at one of the fire-tenders, who passed it to one of the katsa'tala,
who then ran about the fire and presented it to the chief singer as
just described.

Songs were sometimes sung independently and unaccompanied by

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418 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

dancing. This was especially the case in what may be termed singing
contests. Upon receiving the rattle, a singer was obliged at once to
sing some song. He then passed the rattle to another singer, who did
likewise. Thus each of the renowned singers was given an opportunity
to prove his merit. Each man's song was accompanied by a parade
of the performers, which carried the party, including the singer, four
times around the dancing area.

FIEE-EATING

Fire-eating was restricted, as above stated, to the ash-devils, and,
while sometimes practiced during intermissions in the regular ghost
dance, it was usually held as a separate ceremony in the evening and
was preceded by a short dance.

The dress of the ash-devils consisted of a coat of paint and a very
simple headdress.^® In addition, however, they carried special cere-
monial staffs called toabila't (E), kasa'usaua (E), and kasa'lsala (E).
To onft end of this ceremonial staff was fixed the head of a crane.
Grass was used to stuff the neck part, bits of abalone {Halioiis) shell
made the eyes, and bluejay feathers were made into a topknot. It
was permissible to use wands of slightly diiBferent forms, but all were
crooked in some way, and the crane-headed staff was the recognized
variety.

When this special ceremony commenced, the ash-devils became
supreme and took precedence over everybody. A guard was posted
at the foot of the side post to the east of the door, and no one was
permitted to leave the dance-house after the ceremony had begun
except upon payment of a certain sum of what was termed upon this
occasion **bead money" (cata'ne (E)). As a matter of fact, two or
three stems of rush, from four to six feet in length, were bound to-
gether and were given to the guard as payment. He took this
** money" and hung it on the wall near the drum, after having
danced a few quick steps upon the drum with it in his hands. These
rushes were legal tender during this ceremony; and if the dancers
asked a favor of any one else in the dance-house they paid him for
the service in this same legal tender. Their authority was especially
shown by their use of the crane-head wands, which no one else was
permitted to touch. They could be handled only after a long fast
involving complete abstinence from water and from meat or grease
in any form.

20 See below, p. 420.

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1917] Barrett: Ceremonies of the Porno Indians 419

As soon as the ash-devils entered the dance-house absolute silence
fell upon all. Except the ash-devils, no one, not excepting the head
captain, was permitted to speak during the ceremony. The rule was
that the ash-devils themselves must consult one another in low tones.

Immediately upon entering the dance-house the main group of
ash-devils took up a position at the foot of the center pole and, in
case some one of the spectators did not almost immediately start a song
for their dance, they might jump into the fire and begin to throw
brands and live coals about among the spectators. This drastic action
quickly called forth a protest, and some one volunteered to sing.

The actual dancing lasted for perhaps half an hour, after which
the ash-devils sat down and began to **eat fire,*' jump into it, and
perform other miraculous feats with it. They, to all appearances,
actually picked up live coals, which they called bu (E), and devoured
them, preferring the coals of manzanita wood, as these were the
strongest and hottest. This term bu is translated by the Pomo as
*' potatoes," a term applied to the many species of bulbs and corms
formerly an important part of their food supply. The word for coals
ismasi'k (E).

During the progress of the dancing a fire-tender had been pre-
paring the fire for the special benefit of the ash-devils, and had selected
a considerable quantity of live coals, which he had piled at one side
of the main fire. Suddenly one of the fire-dancers put his hand into
these coals and scattered them out over the dancing floor. Then he
pretended to be burned and danced about as if in pain. Finally,
however, he struck the center pole with his hand and evinced great
satisfaction, for to him the center pole was as cold water. During
this fire-eating ceremony many other feats were performed, such as
catching with the mouth a live coal which had been thrown into the
air, then running back to the drum and dancing upon it. The dancer
usually turned toward the audience, opened his mouth, and exhaled
his breath in such a way as to cause the coal to glow between his teeth
or farther back in his mouth. Such comical antics would in ordinary
life provoke an outburst of merriment, but the rules of the ceremony
absolutely forbade a sound of any kind, mirthful or otherwise, from
the audience, and if the rule were violated a fine was exacted.

During this ceremony, and apparently as an initiation of novices,
little boys were thrown by the ash-devils back and forth a number of
times through the blaze of a large fire.

Finally, after about half an hour of this eating and handling of

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University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

fire, the ash-devils formed at the drum and danced over a course such
as that shown in figure 5. This was repeated four times, and as each
dancer stepped upon the drum he danced a few short, quick steps, as
did the regular drummer in producing music for an ordinary dance.
Upon completing this cycle of four, the dancers reversed their direction
and traveled over the same course four times. They next passed over
the course represented in figure 6, stopping at the four points marked
I, where each dancer waved his wand, which he held with both hands,
above and in front of his head in such a manner as to describe with
it a semicircle, while the spectators cried **hee' . . .'*

Fig. 5 Fig. 6

Fig. 5 — Course in first part of final fire dance.

Fig. 6 — Course in second part of final fire dance.

The dancers then returned to the drum, removed their head-dresses
and nets, and danced back and forth four times along the line indicated
in figure 7. At the end of each journey along this line, the dancers
blew their breath forcibly through their lips and waved their hands
from their mouths. At the end of this cycle they sat down and became
ordinary persons^^ once more. The spectators were then permitted

21 According to the above information, which was obtained from an Eastern
Pomo informant, the fire-dancers evidently did not make an attempt to hide
their identity. However, a Central Pomo informant was very specific in his
statements that the dancers of his locality were more particular in this respect.

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Barrett: Ceremonies of the Porno Indians

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to do as they wished. They could resume their normal ways, including
smoking, which had been prohibited because the fire and everything
pertaining to it belonged exclusively to the fire-dancers during this
ceremony.

THE PUEIFICATION RITE

During the first three days and nights of the ghost ceremony, either
the ghost dance itself or some other dance associated with it might
be held. On the fourth night it was necessary that the entire night
be spent in dancing, and near dawn there occurred a purification rite

Fig. 7 — Course in third part of final fire dance.

accompanied by special songs. Every ceremonial object about the
dance-house, whether it had been used during the preceding days or
not, had to undergo this purification, and in case the owner of such a
ceremcmial object was not present, some near relative performed the
ceremony with it.

Just before sunrise each dancer, holding up his personal ceremonial
paraphernalia in his right hand, danced back and forth in tiine to the
songs. He danced four times looking toward each of the six cardinal
directions in the following order: east, north, west, south, up, down.

and instead of remaining in the dance-house after the ceremony they ran out
and returned to their respective places of seclusion, there to dress in daily attire
and return to the village.

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422 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

All the ceremonial objects were then hung up in the dance-house and
later stored away secretly by the chief Gu'ksu doctor.

The ceremony ended during the following forenoon with a grand
feast, which differed materially from other feasts held at times during
the ceremony, in that each separate class of individuals dined by
itself in the order of rank— captains, fire-tenders, singers, drummers,
masters of ceremonies, ash-devils, ghost-dancers, and spectators. The
food served to each class was, however, of the same kind and quality.

Certain restrictions were imposed upon the dancers after the cere-
mony was over. The regular ghost-dancers were not allowed to eat
meat for eight days. Those who wore the chaplet of twigs upon the
head were obliged to abstain from meat for four days. The Gu'ksu
doctor who assisted a dancer in dressing might ask him for some article,
such as a powerful poison. This had to be given the Gu'ksu and, in
that case, the dancer was forced to abstain from meat for eight days.
A dancer who wore certain kinds of feather ornaments abstained from
meat for a month. The chief Gu'ksu doctor, who knew all about the
ghost dance and who was called yo'mtabate (E), was compelled to
abstain from meat for several months. It was his duty to care for
the ceremonial paraphernalia between dances. This had to be care-
fully hidden away in some lonely spot where no one could find it except
this chief Gu'ksu doctor and his two or three assistants.

Whenever any one of these individuals ate meat or fish for the
first time after this period of restriction had expired he was enjoined
to say a short prayer over it.

SUMMARY OF THE PRINCIPAL FEATURES OF THE GHOST CEREMOXY

The following are the most characteristic features of the ghost or
devil ceremony :

1. The ceremony is supposed to have had its origin in mythical
times and to have been instituted as an atonement for an offense
against the dead.

2. It lasted four da>*s, ending with an all-night dance, and, on the
morning of the fifth day, a purification rite followed by a feast in
which each class of individuals dined by itself.

3. The participants were several ghost- or devil-dancers person-
ating the spirits of the departed and accompanied frequently, though
not always, by one or more ash-devils or ash-ghosts, who filled the
double office of clown and sergeant-at-arms, and who usually performed
their sjvcial fire dance and fire-eating ceremony.

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4. The oflScials particularly concerned with the ceremony were two
head singers, an indefinite number of burden-singers, a drummer, two
fire-tenders, and two masters of ceremonies. The village captains
retained their full authority in this ceremony except when the ash-
devils were performing.

5. The audience consisted of initiated men only, and silence was
the rule. Any exhibition of mirth was absolutely prohibited under
penalty.

6. The attire of the ghost-dancer consisted of several pieces of
headgear, supplemented in some cases by a chaplet of leaves, a girdle,
and sometimes a neck-ring of leaves. The body was otherwise nude
except for very elaborate painting in black, white, and red. The
dancers dressed secretly in the woods and came to the village carrying
bunches of grass or twigs in their hands, behind which they at times
pretended to hide.

7. The ash-devils wore only a simple head-dress and a coat of
paint*

8. The special crane-head shaped wand of the ash-devil gave him
absolute authority.

9. The dancers entered the village at the call of a crier stationed
on top of the dance-house, performed an elaborate ceremony in front
of the dance-house, and finally entered it backwards, groping their
way, using an inverted style of speech, and in every other manner
showing that the spirits of the departed were unaccustomed to the
ways of mortals.

10. The dancing was elaborate and was characterized by the occur-
rence of movements in cycles of four, followed by an elaborate cere-
monial disrobing at the drum, and then by swimming.

11. During the fire dance the ash-devils initiated novices.

12. The dancers were subject to certain restrictions for varying
periods of time following the ceremony.

THE GUKSU CEREMONY

Gu'ksti or ku'ksti, as he is called in the different Pomo dialects, was
a supernatural being living at the end of the world toward the south,
one of six supernatural beings living at the ends of the world in the
six cardinal directions. The term is also applied to a large mosquito-
like insect, called locally '^gallinipper.*'

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424 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

Toward the east lived Calnis, the only one of these deities who
was associated especially with GuTosu in the ceremonies of the Porno.

Toward the north lived Su'upadax (whirlwind).

Toward the west lived Xa'-matu'tsi (water-occupation). The con-
nection is here very readily seen when we know that the territory of
the Porno reached to the Pacific Ocean, and that this great body of
water formed an important element in certain phases of their myth-
ology. It was only toward the west that the world was supposed by
the Pomo to be bounded by water.

Above lived Kali'-matutsI (sky-occupation).

Below lived Ka'i-matu'tsi (earth-occupation).

Some of these terms really referred to groups of several deities
each. The deities of all six quarters were particularly concerned with
medicine practices. Healing was, however, especially the province of
the Qu'ksus, and the Pomo medicine-men, or ** doctors,'' made their
prayers particularly to them, although all the remaining deities of the
cardinal points were invoked.

Nothing very definite seems to be known concerning the places of
abode or manners of living of most of these deities. Each was sup-
posed to dwell, at his own **end of the world,'* in a sweat-house or
dance-house of one kind or another. Each was also supposed to be
distinctly malevolent at times and to be a man-killer unless properly
placated. Under the proper circumstances they were regarded as
benevolent, as was indicated by the prayers of the medicine-men
invoking the aid of these dieties in curing the sick.

Concerning the personal appearance of Qu'ksu and Ca'lnis, more
was known than of the others. Gu'ksu himself was said to be of about
normal human size and his most characteristic feature was a very
long, large, sharp, red nose. He was usually very good natured.
Calnis, on the other hand, while resembling Qu'ksu in most respects
except that of the abnormal nose, was at all times a testy individual,
and in the Gu'ksu ceremony his impersonator pursued people and
tripped them up.

Gu'ksu was impersonated by a number of dancers, while only a
single one represented Ca'lnis. Those personating Gu'ksu were dressed
as follows : They painted their entire bodies black, according to some
informants ; according to others, with horizontal red, white, and black
stripes. The feet were painted black and the under side of the chin
and the sides of the face were painted white. On their heads they
wore either a ** big-head" headdress (a very bulky type of feather

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bonnet) or a large feather tuft on top of the head, and a yellow-hammer
feather forehead-band. The large nose of Qu'ksu was represented
by one made of feathers and of such a size as completely to cover the
nose and mouth of the dancer. When painted red, this was said to
represent very well this characteristic of the deity as he existed in
the imagination of the Indians. The connection with the proboscis
of the gallinipper is especially apt. Each Gu'ksu-dancer carried a
cak5'ik (E), or staff, about two inches in diameter and from six to
eight feet in length, on the top of which was a feather tuft. The
Gti'ksu-dancer, being supposedly a supernatural being, never spoke.
The only sound made by him throughout this ceremony was produced
by his whistle.

The Ca'lnis-dancer was painted entirely black and carried a black
staif very much like that of the Qu'ksu, except that it was somewhat
shorter and bore no feathers. On his head he wore an ordinary
feather cape so drawn together that it formed an immense feather
topknot which normally fell in all directions over his head. This
was held in place by means of skewers passing through a headnet.
Another point in which these two dancers differed was that while the
Gti'ksu-dancer was provided with a double bone whistle the Ca'lnis-
dancer had none.

The Qu'ksu ceremony itself, called gu'ksu xaikilga (E), gaxa'gaxau
xaixilga (E), ktiksu haitcilau (C), and djaka'djakau (N), lasted for
six days, during the first and the last two of which there was cele-
brated the special ceremony called gaxa'gaxa (E), in which the
children of the village were scarified.

THE SCARIFYING CEREMONY

Two or three days before the time appointed for the scarifying
ceremony the men of the village went into the woods and cut a pole,
perhaps from thirty to forty feet in length, which they trimmed and
peeled preparatory to its erection. A hole a foot or two deep and
large enough to receive the pole was dug directly in front of, and a
short distance from, the dance-house.

On the morning of the first ceremonial day a considerable number
of men went out from the village dressed in a special ceremonial attire.
This consisted of a body-painting either of black stripes or spots (no
particular number being prescribed), and of a head decoration com-
posed of a headnet, a down headnet, two trembler plumes, a yellow-
hammer feather forehead-band, and a small feather tuft.

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426 University of California Puhlioations in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

They brought in the pole to the area directly in front of the dance-
house, and here the following ceremony was performed : To the upper
end of the pole a streamer was attached. The fastest runner among
the participants took the end of this streamer, and the other men,
arranged usually in the order of their ability as runners, grasped the
pole at different points down to its butt. Behind this line certain
women who participated formed a second line. The pole was then
carried, at the top speed of the runners, four times around in a contra-
clockwise direction, the pivotal point being the hole in which the pole
was to rest, and over which its base was held. As they ran the run-
ners swayed the pole up and down, and the women threw upon the
men handfuls of a small, parched, black seed called gehe' (E).

Upon the. completion of the fourth round some one of the runners
shouted loudly * * ha ... u ... " and at this signal all lifted the pole
vertically into place in the hole. The call was repeated as the pole
was about half way up. When in place, the pole was fixed by tramping
earth and stones about it.

Within a few minutes after the erection of the pole the Gu'ksu-
dancers appeared and stopped about two or three hundred yards away
from the dance-house. Some of the men had been attempting to climb
the pole, both men and women meanwhile throwing at them balls,
gala'l (E), of uncooked meal made of a certain grass seed.

As the Gu'ksti-dancers appeared in the distance the climbing
ceased, and the children who were to be initiated were collected about
the base of the pole. Boys who were to be thus initiated were called
yo'mta (E), while girls were called masa'nta (E). They ranged in
age from perhaps five to ten years. The dancers proceeded to the
foot of the pole, took the children in hand, and performed the following
ceremony, the object of which was to secure for the children good
health and to make them grow rapidly. The children were first made
to lie down upon the ground and were covered with blankets. Then,
under the supervision of the dancers, each child had two cuts made
with a broken shell across the small of its back and about an inch
apart. The cutting was done by the gaxa'xale (E), an old man
selected for the purpose by the people of the village on account of
his long life, good health, and particularly his good heartedness. This
was one of the most important phases of the initiation, and upon it
depended the effect upon the life of the child. The children were
in each case covered completely with the blanket and were not per-
mitted, under any consideration, to look up during this part of the

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ceremony. They might make any outcry they pleased, but if they
attempted to look up from the ground they were threatened and even
beaten with the staffs of the dancers. The cutting was done quite
deeply, so that blood was always drawn. The children were also
prohibited from looking up into a tree from under its branches until
after these scarifications had completely healed, else the tree would
bear no fruit.

The entire assemblage next entered the dance-house, the dancers
going directly to their positions in the rear without the preliminary
ceremony of entry which was required in most other ceremonies. The
children were made to lie on the floor and were again covered with
their blankets. The dancers then performed for their benefit, making
a greal deal of fun both of the children and of the scarification cere-
mony. They danced thus for a short time, then went on the west side
of the fire, where they turned their heads slowly to the left four times,
after which the people cried **ya . . .'* The dancers then ran out
and into the brush, where they took off and left their dancing para-
phernalia. This ceremonial leaving of the dance-house was supposed
to remove all illness from the village, the dancers taking it with them
as they went out. The spirits which they represented supposedly
returned at that time to their supernatural home at the south end of
the world.

Another feature of the initiation in the Gu'ksu ceremony is de-
scribed by a Central Pomo informant, who says that young men were
initiated by being ceremonially shot with the bow and arrow.

STEPHEN POWERS ON THE GUKSU CEREMONY

Powers describes what he terms a ** spear dance" among the Galli-
nomero (which evidently refers to this same ceremony), as follows :^^

First they all unite, men and squaws together, in a pleasant dance, accom-
panied by a chant, while a chorister keeps time by beating on his hand with a
split stick. In addition to their finest deerskin chemises and strings of beads,
the squaws wear large puffs of yellowhammers ' down over their eyes. The
men have mantles of buzzards', hawks', or eagles' tail-feathers, reaching from
the armpits down to the thighs, and circular headdresses of the same material,
besides their usual breech-clouts of rawhide, and are painted in front with
terrific splendor. They dance in two circles, the squaws in the outside one; the
men leaping up and down as usual, and the squaws simply swaying their bodies
and waving their handkerchiefs in a lackadaisical manner. Occasionally an
Indian will shoot away through the interior of the circle and caper like a

22 U. S. Dept. of Interior, Contr. N. A. Ethn., ni, 179-180, 1877.

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428 University of California Publications in Am. Aroh, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

harlequin for a considerable space of time, but he always returns to bis place
in front of his partner.

After this is over, the coward or clown is provided with a long, sharp stick,
and he and his prompter take their places in the ring ready for performances.
A woman as nearly nude as barbaric modesty will permit is placed in the center,
squatting on the ground. Then some Indian intones a chant, which he sings
alone, and the sport, such as it is, begins. At the bidding of the prompter, the
coward makes a furious sally in one direction, and with his spear stabs the
empty air. Then he dashes back in the opposite direction and slashes into the
air again. Next he runs some other way and stabs again. Now perhaps he
makes a feint to pierce the woman. Thus the prompter keeps him chasing
backward and forward, spearing the thin air toward every point of the compass,
or making passes at the woman, until nearly tired out, and the patience of the
American spectators is exhausted, and they begin to think the whole affair will
terminate in "mere dumb show.'* But finally, at a word from the prompter,
the spearman makes a tremendous run at the woman and stabs her in the
umbilicus. She falls over on the ground, quivering in every limb, and the blood
jets forth in a purple stream. The Indians all rush around her quickly and
hustle her away to another place, where they commence laying her out for the
funeral pyre, but huddle around her so thickly all the while that the Americans
cannot approach to see what is done. Thus they mystify matters and hold some
powwow over her for a considerable space of time, when she somewhow myste-
riously revives, recovers her feet, goes away to her wigwam, encircled by a
bevy of her companions, dons her robe, and appears in the circle as well as ever,
despite that terrible spear-thrust.

Men who have witnessed this performance tell me the first time they saw it
they would have taken their oaths that the woman was stabbed unto death, so
perfect was the illusion. Although this travesty of gladiatorial combat is intended
merely for amusement, yet all the Indians, these stoics of the woods, gaze upon
it with profound and passionless gravity. If they laugh at all it is only after
it is all over, and at the mystification of the Americans.

Referring to another phase of the same dance, as practiced in

another division of the Porno, Powers says :

Their fashion of the spear dance is different from the Gallinomero. The
man who is to be slain stands behind a screen of hazel boughs with his face
visible through an aperture; and the spearman, after the usual protracted
dashing about and making of feints, strikes him in the face through the hole
in the screen. He is then carried off, revives, etc.28

The novices who were thus shot were called tcoTrtcok (C) [plural
tco'ktcokau], and the person who did the shooting, at the direction
of the head captain, was called yo'mta (C). The informant did not
state just where the shooting was performed and was not explicit as
to its exact nature, but it appears probable that it occurred in the
dance-house. These novices were forbidden to eat fresh manzanita
berries and the flesh of the fawn, the gray squirrel, and the red-headed
woodpecker. After the shooting ceremony the novices were taken out
into the area directly in front of the dance-house, and here a ceremony

28 Op, cit., p. 194.

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1917] Barrett: Ceremonies of the Porno Indians 429

of healing was performed over them by the one who shot them. He
told them that they would have long life and health, and that a feast
would be held for them in the course of a few days.

COMPLETION OF THE GUKSU CEREMONY

The Gu'ksti-daneers appeared only once each day in this Gu'ksu
ceremony, though various other dances might be held during the day,
and it was only upon the first morning that the ceremony about the
pole and the scarification above described were held. The ceremony
lasted, all told, six days. The ceremonies of the first day have just
been described. Those of the following three days consisted of one
appearance of the QuTosus each day, accompanied by a simple dance.

On the morning of the fifth day, however, the children who under-
went the scarification on the first day were again assembled and driven
by the dancers as rapidly as possible about the village and out into
the valley. The children held one another's hands as they were driven,
making a continuous line. When they had become quite fatigued,
they were made to lie down and the dancers covered them with
branches. They remained here throughout the day and were again
driven about in the same manner just after sundown, being again
covered with branches, under which they stayed until morning. They
were then brought in by the dancers and made to perform a short
dance in a brush inclosure, called male (E), which was built just
outside the dance-house for this special purpose. After this, an old
man, probably the same who performed the scarification, sang over
the children. During this dance each child carried a small willow
twig, which he threw onto a pile at the end of the dance, after which
he was free to go his way, and the entire ceremony was ended. The
fire-tender bore these twigs away and deposited them at some distance
from the village.

A Gu'ksu-dancer appeared at other ceremonies, but only for the
purpose of removing sickness from the village. He was sometimes
called in, as were other dancers, but often he appeared unannounced.
He, however, always notified at least one individual, whose duty it
was to assist him and direct his movements. Apparently this indi-
vidual was not a particular ofScial, but might be any friend of the
Gu'ksu-dancer. The ceremony was a very short one. The Gu'ksu
ran rapidly in and passed in a contra-clockwise direction four times
around the fire. He then hurried to a position directly in front of the
center pole and here ran swiftly back and forth four times over a

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430 University of California Puhlioationa in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

short, straight course. He then ran around back of the center pole
and stopped on its west side. Here he turned his head slowly to the
left ; then ran a short distance toward the door, stopping and repeating
this motion, making in all four such stops. After this he ran swiftly
out through the tunnel and back to the woods, where he undressed
and returned as an ordinary civilian to the village. As he started to
run out of the tunnel, the people said, **ya . . . s . . . putsalkam"
(E), that is, **3/a . . . s . . . healthy make us.'' The prolonged **8"
was simply a hissing expulsion of breath, and as it was blown out in
this fashion any disease which might possibly have found lodgment
in the body of the individual was supposed to depart with it and to
be taken by Gu'ksu to his home in the south.

Before dressing, the Gu'ksu-dancers always chewed up and rubbed
unon their bodies the very sweet-scented seed of a certain species of
conifer, kawa'cap (E), growing plentifully in the region of Clear
Lake. A Gu'ksu-dancer was forbidden to eat meat or drink an3rthing
before the ceremony or before doctoring a patient, as described below.
The Qu'ksu-dancer might, however, eat vegetable foods and drink
water after the ceremonial swim, which always occurred directly after
his dance. He could not eat meat or greasy food of any kind for four
days after a ceremony.

TREATMENT OF DISEASE

In addition to their part in the scarifying ceremony just described,
the Gu'ksu-dancers formed a class of medicine-men, and were often
called in to minister to the sick. These ** doctors," when curing the
sick, dressed themselves in the costume of the regular Gu'ksu cere-
mony. As in the ceremony also, the Gu'ksu doctor had to be cere-
monially summoned, and he came in from the woods impersonating
the supernatural Gu'ksu. The latter was pictured, to all intents and
purposes, as coming from his home in the south to perform the
*' medicine" rite and carry away with him the disease from the sick
person. A special call was used in this case as follows: '*hy6 . . .
hyo' ..." repeated four times.

The Gu'ksu doctor never spoke and never sang over his patients,
but constantly blew a double bone whistle in a characteristic way, a
very short blast followed by a very long one. Upon reaching the
patient, who might be either in or out of doors, he ran around him
several times. He then inserted the point of his staff under the neck
of the patient and made motions four times as if prying upwards.

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He next inserted the staff under the shoulder and repeated this prying
motion four times. He did the same at the hips, and finally at the
knees.

He next tapped and pressed down with his staff; first upon the
forehead, then upon the chest, then upon the belly, and finally upon
the knees of the patient. After this he ran rapidly out of the village
and into the hills, where he stopped and turned his head toward the
left four times. He then disappeared and was supposed to have
returned to his supernatural abode in the south, carrying with him
the ailment of the patient.

While the above was the typical procedure of one of these doctors
in curing a patient, he had great latitude, and might, at his own
option, omit altogether certain of the above mentioned movements or
use others in their places. For instance, he might pry as above, or
he might press and pat the body of the patient. On the other hand,
he might simply pass his staff down over the body of the patient a
number of times, usually four or some multiple of four, or he might
omit the use of the staff entirely and ** doctor" with his whistle only,
in which case he bent over or knelt beside the patient and blew his
whistle over the various parts of his body, particularly those recognized
by the patient as the seats of pain.

DANCES
The dances either formed integral parts of the above ceremonies
or, as stated, might be incidental and entirely unrelated to them.
The word for dance is xe in the Eastern Pomo dialect, and ke in that
of the Central and Northern Pomo. The following is a list of the
Pomo dances :

gilak ke

kara'iya ke

hoho ke or ho'howa ke

sawe't ke

cokin ke

hi'we ke

dutuka ke

rdam ke

ya'ya ke

xo'ke

yoke

zahlu'igak ke

mated ke

gu'ksu ke

lehu'ye ke

ma/ta, ke

kali'matato ke

or kali'matautau ke

lo'le ke

iwike

mo'mimomi ke

gunu'la ze

to'to ke

he'lehela ke

taugu ke

da'ma ke

badju'ca ke

dja'ne ke

sita'iya ke

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432 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

In a large measure the various dances were very similar to one
another so far as the steps were concerned. The characteristic step
of the men was a rhythmic stamping of the feet, with the body held
in a half -crouching posture. Sometimes this dancing was done '*in
place," that is, without moving from one situation. As a rule, how-
ever, the dancer moved over a definite course in each dance. The
movement was varied slightly in accordance with the songs. Some
songs were very lively and the steps correspondingly rapid, while
others were much slower. AH were usually sung to the accompani-
ment of the large foot-drum, and split-stick, or cocoon rattle. Some-
times the dancers used single or double bone whistles.

The women usually danced in place, twisting the body about and
swaying slightly from side to side with little or no motion of the feet.
In some instances, however, they moved over a definite course as did
the men.

The dance paraphernalia of the men consisted of the following
articles :

1. The feather skirt.

2. The head-net, bolmaki (E).

3. The down -filled head-net, i'bolmaki (E).

4. The skewer, called kano (N, C, E), with which the feather headdresses,
tufts, etc., were pinned to the head-net.

5. The feather tuft, biterk (E), kaa'itcil (C).

6. The big-head headdress.

7. The yellow-hammer feather forehead-band, tso'lopa (N, C, E).

8. The trembler plume, kafa's (N, C, E).

9. Loose down, te (E), which was sometimes scattered about over the freshly
painted skin.

10. A fillet of pepperwood leaves, behe'pmarU (E).

11. A small green twig or a bunch of shredded tule, used in certain dances.
Any object of this kind carried in the hand while dancing was called kato'hle (£).

Certain of these objects were prescribed for certain dances. In
addition, various items of ordinary personal adornment were worn
which do not specifically belong to dance paraphernalia — ear plugs,
pendants, necklaces of beads, etc.

The dance paraphernalia of the women was the same as that of
the men, though, as a rule, the men dressed much more elaborately than
the women. The latter had, however, one special type of forehead-
band which they alone used. This was a fur band or roll provided
with a number of beaded, yellow-hammer quill bangles.

An important part of the attire for any dance was the painting,
which varied greatly and was usually carefully prescribed for each

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1917] Barrett: Ceremonies of the Porno Indians 433

dance. The body, or a large part of it, might be covered with one
solid color, and longitudinal or horizontal stripes of various widths
and also dots of various sizes might be used.

Black paint, masi'k (E) (literally, coals or charcoal), was most
easily obtainable and most freely used. It consisted of ordinary
charcoal from the fire. If a large surface was to be painted, the
charcoal was pulverized in the palms of the hands and rubbed on.
If lines were desired, this powder might be applied with the finger, or
a piece of charcoal might be used as a pencil. Also stripes were some-
times produced by scraping off part of the paint with the fingernails,
leaving the skin exposed along these lines. In case a sticky surface
was required, as, for instance, when down was to be later applied, the
paint was mixed with saliva.

White paint, wala'lac (E), made from a whitish or very light blue
earth, was also considerably used. It was applied as was the black
paint.

Red paint, ohmaV (E), was made by pulverizing cinnabar, which
was a rather rare mineral in the Pomo region and was much prized
and used very sparingly.

For purposes of presentation it is simplest to divide the dances into
three classes: (1) those danced by men and women together; (2) those
danced by men; (3) those danced by women. Fairly full information
was obtained about some of these dances, while in other cases barely
the names were remembered. The following dances come under the
first heading:

gi'lak

mated'

gunu'la

ho'ho

lehuye

da'ma

co'kin

kali'matoto

dja'ne

dutu'ka

iwi'

kara'iya

ya'ya

he'lehela

sawe't

DANCES IN WHICH MEN AND WOMEN PARTICIPATED

Gi'lak. — The Gi'lak dance differed from most other Pomo dances
in that it consisted of two performances: one used for opening and
closing proceedings ; the other, or main dance, coming in between.

The men painted with a single color (black, white, or red) all of
the face below the eyebrows, after which they scattered eagle-down
upon it. This gave the face a white, fluffy appearance. They painted
the chest and shoulders black. The legs were painted either all black

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434

University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

or all white. Then longitudinal stripes were scratched through the
paint with the fingernails. The arms were painted with three bands,
each four fingers in width; one about the middle of the upper arm,
one about the elbow, and one about the middle of the forearm.

Upon the top of the head each wore a feather tuft. This was
parted from front to rear, and the yellowhammer-feather forehead-
band, which was attached to the hair so as to hang dqwn to the eye-
brows, passed through the part in this and hung down the back to
about the hips. A feather skirt tied just under the arms, and entirely
covering the back, completed the costume, except for a few green twigs

Fig. 8 — Position of dancers in gi'lakke.

which were held in both hands directly in front of the face while the
dance was actually in progress. No whistle was used by these dancers.

The women painted the upper part of the body in the same way
as the men and wore a feather tuft and the regular woman's forehead-
band with bangles. They wore no feather skirt, but otherwise attired
themselves as did the men.

The men were divided into two groups at A, A (fig. 8) on both
sides of the rear of the dance-house, the women dancers being likewise
divided into two groups at F, F on each side of the drum.

When all was ready for the dance, the head singer started an air
and sang alone for several minutes. Then, at a given signal, the
burden-singers joined in with the chorus, all accompanying their

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1917] Barrett: Ceremonies of the Porno Indians 435

singing with split-stick rattles. This was the signal for the beginning
of the first or preliminary division of the dance. The men went to a
position about midway between the center pole and the drum, where
they formed a line BC, the women forming a group in the position G,
directly behind the line BC. Here was held the preliminary division
of the dance, called tehe'sbax (E), in which the participants danced
in place for a few minutes.

The men next moved to the position DE, passing on each side of
the center pole, the women following them to the position HI. They
thus formed two lines, facing the center pole. Here the principal
part of the dance was held. The chief singer again started the air,
being joined at the proper time by the burden-singers. Simultane-
ously with the latter, the master of ceremonies gave the signal for the
dancers to begin. During the dancing he repeated the proper dance
formula^^four times, finally saying, ** I, i' . . .'* and the dance stopped.
At the beginning of the dance, upon the signal from the master of
ceremonies, the dancers, both men and women, whirled around and
faced the fire, and as the dance stopped at the above signal they
whirled back again so as to face the center pole. The dancers moved
sidewise back and forth four times in all, along the lines DE and HI.
Standing in their original positions, they then performed for the
second time the movement first described, thus ending the dance.

This entire dance might be repeated as many times as desired, no
definite number being prescribed ; but when each set of three divisions,
as above stated, was finished, the dancers returned to A, A and F, P,
retracing as nearly as possible the courses which they had traversed
in coming from these two positions. After the last set of this dance,
they removed their dance costumes near the drum.

hffhoke, — The hoh'o or hoTiowa dance, which may be taken as a
type of many of those dances which follow, lasted from one-half to
three-quarters of an hour and could be danced at any time of year.
The men were dressed as follows: The lower part of the face (i.e.,
below a line running from just under the ear to a point just under
the nose) was painted black. A black band, about four fingers in
width, ran from each of the acromia to the sternum. Four similar
bands encircled each arm, two above and two below the elbow, while
four such bands were placed upon each leg. Upon the head each man
wore a feather tuft, a yellow-hammer feather forehead-band and a
pair of trembler plumes, and upon the back a feather skirt. Each
dancer carried a bone whistle also.

24 Any dance formula such as this was called hdku'mhwdkH (E).

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436 University of California Publioaiions in Am, Aroh. and Ethn, [Vol. 12

Each woman wore a feather tuft and the usual woman's forehead-
band. In each hand she carried a small bunch of shredded tule.
These bundles, called kato'hle (E), were made by tying together at
one end several stems, perhaps six or eight inches long, and then
shredding the loose ends with a basketry awl. This dance was a very
lively one and took its name, as did several others, from some of the
words of the song accompanying it. Part of the burden of this song
is a high-keyed **h6, ho, ho, ho . . ." very rapidly spoken by the
burden-singers in unison.

The music was provided by a head singer, several burden-singers,
and a drummer. Each of the singers used a split-stick rattle.

cffkin ke. — The co'kin dance was very similar, in many respects, to
the hoTioke. One informant said that the dress and painting were
exactly the same, except that the upper arm and thigh bore one painted
band each, instead of two as in the hdlid ke.

dutu'kake, — The same might be said of the dutuTsake (C), or
dutti'gaxe (E). The dress of the men was identical with that of the
hoTio-dancers. The men used no whistles. The women wore the
regular woman's forehead-band. From one to perhaps eight or ten
persons danced at once, and the dance had no stated duration. As
one informant expressed it, they simply danced until they were tired.

ya'ya ke, — Little could be learned concerning the ya'ya dance, ex-
cept that it was danced by both men and women, and that the painting
and attire were the same as for the ho'ho. The feather skirt was worn,
but no whistle was used.

y& ke. — The men decorated themselves for this dance as for the
ho'ho dance, except that there were three stripes around the arm
instead of four, and with the addition of some down scattered over
their heads and faces. Each woman had a narrow, black line running
down the chin and a similar line running out from each corner of the
mouth toward the ear. Otherwise her decorations consisted of a
feather tuft and a yellow-hammer feather forehead-band. A consid-
erable number of men and women sang, each keeping time with a split-
stick rattle.

mated' ke, — In the mated' dance the music was provided by one
man, who accompanied his song with a split-stick rattle. The dancers
painted themselves as in the yo' dance. Each wore a feather skirt.

Uhu'ye ke, — The lehti'ye dance was sometimes called the ka'tcaha.
The term lehti'ye is the correct one for this dance. In fact, the term
ka'tcaha has been applied to it only recently and was derived from the

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fact that whenever certain of the Porno men became intoxicated they
almost always sang the songs of this dance ; hence the name ** whiskey
dance," or ka'tcahake. If paint was employed it usually consisted
of a coat of black on the lower part of the face and three bands about
each arm and each leg. Other designs were used, however. Upon
the head the dancer wore a feather tuft, a yellow-hammer feather
forehead-band, and a very large trembler plume, worn erect at the
back of the head. Each man wore a feather skirt. The women painted
the lower part of the face and wore a feather tuft and a yellow-ham-
mer feather forehead-band.

kalimaiotoke, — The kali'matoto or kali'matatitau, the thunder
dance, was danced each morning and each evening during four suc-
cessive days. It could be danced at other times of the day in addition
if desired, and other dances might meanwhile be performed at any
time of the day except morning and evening. The men painted their
naked bodies with vertical stripes. Upon the face but one stripe
appeared, running from ear to ear and just below the nose. Upon
the head each man wore a down head-net, a feather tuft, and a pair
of trembler plumes. No yellow-hammer feather forehead-band, down,
or feather skirt was used. The women dressed very simply. They
wore the same stripe on the face as did the men, and upon the head a
head-net of down and a feather tuft. Both men and women had bone
whistles, and each man had a light staflF*^ four or five feet long, with
one or more cocoons attached as a rattle at its upper end.

%w%' ke, — In the iwi' (C) or Coyote dance the men were nude ex-
cept for a coat of white paint over the entire body. Upon the head
there was a feather tuft, parted from front to rear to permit the
passage of a large yellow-hammer feather forehead-band from the root
of the nose over the head and down the back. The women were simi-
larly painted and attired, except that each wore an ordinary skirt of
shredded tule or other material. Each dancer carried a small bunch
of green twigs in the hand, so held as to obscure the face as much as
possible. This perhaps typified the crafty and slinking nature of the
coyote. The music was provided by one singer, who used a cocoon
rattle.

gunvflaxe, — In the gunti'laxe (E) or Coyote dance the women
dressed as in the hoTio tiance. The men painted themselves as did
the performers in the ghost dance, and wore the parted feather tuft

29 The general term xe'dakoik (E), signifying anything held in the hand
while dancing, is applied to this staff.

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438 University of California Puhlicaiions in Am, Aroh, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

with the yellow-hammer feather forehead-band passing through the
part and down the back. They also wore feather skirts, and used
whistles.

he'lehela he. — The painting for this dance was the same as for the
hoTid. Each man wore upon his head a down head-net, a pair of
trembler plumes, and a yellowhammer-feather forehead-band. Each
had a bone whistle and a ke'cige. Neither whistles nor feather skirts
were used. Each woman wore a feather tuft and a down head-net.

A fairly high pole similar to the one employed in the initiation
rite of the Gu'ksti ceremony was erected in the area directly in front
of the dance-house. The participants gathered about its base and
each man attempted to climb it, while the women danced in a circle
about its base. The wife of the climber, and sometimes other women,
threw balls of ** pinole'' (grass-seed meal) at him as he ascended.

da'make, — Concerning the da'ma dance, little could be learned
save that it was connected with some sort of esoteric organization and
was very rarely danced. There was but one woman who was said to
know all the details of this dance, but the opportunity did not present
itself to interview her. She is now deceased.

dja'ne ke. — The dja'ne dance was always danced by two men and
four women, the men forming the middle of the line, two of the women
being at each end. They wore similar costumes, which were very
simple. All that could be learned concerning the details, however,
was that the mouth was painted black with a short line running out
from each comer, and that each dancer wore a feather skirt upon his
back and used a whistle.

kava'iya ke, — The kara'iya dance was danced by two men and two
women, and only once during any given ceremony. Men and women
dressed alike, except that the women wore the ordinary woman's skirt.
No paint was used. Upon the head was a feather tuft, a yellow-
hammer-feather forehead-band, two trembler plumes and some down.
Each dancer carried a bone whistle.

sawe't ke, — No details were learned concerning this dance.

DANCES IN WHICH ONLY MEN PERFORMED
There are known among the Pomo at least five dances in which the
performers were always men. They are the hi'we, the i'dam, and the
x5 or fire dance and the ghost and the GuTssu dances mentioned above.
hi we ke. — ^While this was danced by men only, women were privil-
eged to witness it. The dancers first painted the entire body black

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and then added many white spots irre^larly placed all over the body.
Each dancer carried a staflf six or seven feet long and similarly painted.
The face of the dancer was painted black, and each wore a large
feather tuft on his head. This was, however, not so large as that worn
by the Gti'ksu-dancer. The music for this dance was quite unusual
in that the drum was not used. The head singer also acted as master
of ceremonies. The dancers formed a straight line and danced in
place without any forward or lateral motion, and all joined in the
singing.

f'dam ke. — ^Little could be learned of the i'dam dance, except that
it was danced by men, with women participating in the singing. One
unique feature was that while it was in progress no one in the village
might keep water in his house. Also if any one ate meat during a
ceremony in which this dance was used he would become insane and
could be cured only through the ministrations of the chief dancer of
the i'dam. While no further evidence was obtained in substantiation,
these facts point to the existence of an esoteric society connected with
this dance. One informant maintained that the last man who knew
the details of this dance died some years ago.

xo ke. — The xo ke, or fire dance, was held at any desired time during
a ceremony. It usually followed the feast of welcome, as it may be
called, which was tendered the guests immediately after their arrival.
It required no special paraphernalia. In fact, it amounted to little
more than a regular sweat-bath, such as was t^en in the sudatory,^*
except that it was on a larger and more elaborate scale.

xahlu'igak ke. — See under Ghost Ceremony, above.

gu'ksu ke. — See under Gu'ksu Ceremony, above.

DANCES IN WHICH ONLY WOMEN PERFORMED
Two dances are still remembered which come under this heading.
They are the ma7a and the lo'le.

ma'ia ke. — One man acted as master of ceremonies and another
sang to the accompaniment of a cocoon rattle. The dancers painted
the cheeks and lower part of the face black and then scratched vertical
lines in the paint. The only headdress worn was the yellowhammer-
feather forehead-band. In each hand was held a small green branch.
The arms hung down, but with a flexure at the elbow which brought
these green sprigs directly in front of the dancer. The dancers
formed a line and danced back and forth sidewise over a short, straight

28 See the article on "Pomo Buildings,'* in the Holmes Anniversary Volume,
mentioned above.

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440 UniverHty of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

course. This is one of the very few dances which may yet be seen,
though in a modernized form, at Fourth of July celebrations.

Wle ke, — ^As before, a man acted as master of ceremonies and
another man sang, accompanying himself with the cocoon rattle. The
informant was not certain just what kind of costume was worn, but
knew that no paint was employed.

ADDITIONAL DANCES

The names of several other dances are remembered, but nothing
in regard to detail. These are mo'mimomi, ^o^o, ta'ugu, badju'ca, and
sita'iya. The last of these was said by one informant to make up,
along with the gl'lak and ho'ho and dutuTta dances, a special ceremony,
about which nothing further is known.

THE MESSIAH CULT

During the latter years of the nineteenth century a ** Messiah"
cult has been introduced among the Pomo by the Wintun of the
Sacramento Valley. In comparatively recent times the ** prophets"
of this cult acquired great importance and, while the cult flourished,
to a certain extent superseded the leaders of the old ceremonies. This
cult first appeared among the Pomo at Upper Lake, then at Sulphur
Bank, then at Long Valley, and finally in the Ukiah Valley. The
function of the prophet, or dreamer, as he is commonly styled by the
Indians, was to have dreams or waking visions concerning dances and
other matters in which the people were interested. The prophets
were supposed to receive through these visions direct revelations from
presiding spirits, and the people formerly gave much credit to their
teachings. They virtually formed a priesthood which replaced the
old ** captains" in the direction of all ceremonial matters.

One of the characteristic features of this cult was the painted
designs upon the interior of the dance-house. The last truly primitive
dance-house of this type in the Pomo region was photographed by the
author in 1901, 1902, and is described and illustrated elsewhere.^'

Another important feature was the erection before the dance-house
of a pole bearing banners and streamers decorated with the particular
designs which the priest had seen in his vision.

27* 'Pomo Buildings," Holmes Anniversary Volume,

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1917] Barrett: Ceremonies of the Porno Indians 441

CONCLUSION

Pomo ceremonies were in general quite simple and the ceremonial
life was characterized by an absence (1) of any fixed ceremonial season
or sequence of ceremonies, and (2) of any extensive priesthood or
secret order controlling ceremonial matters. Some of the ceremonial
perf ot-mances possessed certain esoteric features, such as initiation rites
and special restrictions on the part of the uninitiated.

We note the presence of a few fairly elaborate ceremonies and a
considerable number of dances, some of which were employed as in-
tegral parts of certain ceremonies, others as merely incidental to them.
These dances usually followed one another without any definite order
or relation, though in certain cases definite dances were prescribed as
parts of given ceremonies.

One ceremony has a definite mythological background, but this
has been lost elsewhere. No myths are told today to account for the
other performances.

In most of the dances an indefinite number of both men and women
might participate. In two dances the number of performers of each
sex was definitely prescribed. In five, only men might participate, and
two were strictly women's dances. In other words, there is patent
in Pomo ceremonies a rather thorough going democracy regarding the
positions of the sexes.

Transmitted September SI, 1916,

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UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN.

[BARRETT] PLATE 7

POMO BEAR DOCTOKH SUIT

MODKL IX PKABODY MTSKl'M

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY

Vol. 12, No. 1 1, pp. 443-465, plate 7 July 1 1, 1917

POMO BEAR DOCTORS

8. A. BARRETT

CONTENTS

PAGE

Introduction 443

Origin Account 445

Acquisition of Power 452

Aasistants 454

Hiding Places ~ 454

The Magic Suit ^ 456

Weapons and their Use 457

Rites Over the Suit 458

Communication between Bear Doctors ~. 461

Panther Doctors ^ 462

Oomparison with Yuki Beliefs ~~ 462

Comparison with Miwok Beliefs 463

Summary - 464

INTRODUCTION

One of the most concrete and persistent convictions of the Indians
of a large part of California is the belief in the existence of persons
of magic power able to turn themselves into grizzly bears. Such
shamans are called ''bear doctors" by the English-speaking Indians
and their American neighbors. The belief is obviously a locally colored
variant of the widespread were-wolf superstition, which is not yet
entirely foreign to the emotional life of civilized peoples. The Cali-
fornia Indians had worked out their form of this concept very defi-
nitely. Thus Dr. Kroeber says:^

1 A. L. Kroeber^ * * Religion of the Indians of California, ' ' present series, iv,
331, 1907.

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444 UnwerHiy of California Publications in Am. Aroh, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

A special class of shamans found to a greater or less extent among probably
all the Central tribes, though they are wanting both in the Northwest and the
South, are the so-called bear doctors, shamans who have received power from
grizzly bears, often by being taken into the abode of these animals — ^which
appear there in human form, — and who after their return to mankind possess
many of the qualities of the grizzly bear, especially his apparent invulnerability
to fatal attack. The bear shamans can not only assume the form of bears, as
they do in order to inflict vengeance on their enemies, but it is believed that
they can be killed an indefinite number of times when in this form and each
time return to life. In some regions, as among the Pomo and Yuki, the bear
shaman was not thought as elsewhere to actually become a bear, but to remain
a man who clothed himself in the skin of a bear to his complete disguisement,
and by his malevolence, rapidity, fierceness, and resistance to wounds to be
capable of inflicting greater injury than a true bear. Whether any bear shamans
actually attempted to disguise themselves in this way to accomplish their ends
is doubtful. It is certain -that all the members of some tribes believed it to be
in their power.

Pomo beliefs differ rather fundamentally from those here sum-
marized. In the first place, the Pomo appear to know nothing of the
magician acquiring his power from the bears themselves. Since they
ascribe no guardian spirit to him, he is scarcely a shaman in the strict
sense of the word. The current term ''doctor," misleading as it may
seem at first sight, may therefore be conveniently retained as free from
the erroneous connotation that ** shaman" would involve.

In the second place, the power of the doctor was thought to reside
wholly in his bearskin suit, or parts thereof, and apparently was
considered the result of an elaborate ceremony performed in its manu-
facture and subsequent donning. This distinctly ritualistic side of
the bear doctor's practices removes him still more clearly from the
class of the true shaman.

Thirdly, there is a detailed Pomo tradition of the origin of bear
doctors. This story is cast in the mold of a myth; in fact, its initial
portions may be taken from the current mythology of the tribe.
Other parts are, however, remarkably unmythical and matter of fact.
The resultant whole is therefore rather incongruous, and, in the form
recorded, may have been somewhat influenced by the speculations of
an individual. But the events which it describes agree so closely with
the beliefs which the Pomo at large entertain concerning the practices
of recent bear doctors that the question of the extent of the prevalence
of the myth among the group is of less importance than the insight
which the tale affords into the Pomo mind. Its many specific references
make it a suitable introduction to the presentation of the other data
secured.

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1917] Barrett: Porno Bear Doctors 445

These peculiarities render a comparison of Porno bear-doctor be-
liefs with those of other Calif ornian groups desirable, but the published
data from elsewhere are unfortunately too fragmentary to make such
a study profitable at present. It has only seemed feasible to append
some comparisons with Yuki and Miwok beliefs.

It may be added that the statements which constitute the body of
this paper are the statements of native informants cited as repre-
sentative of their convictions, and not as the opinions of the author.
The degree to which the reputed practices of bear doctors were actually
practiced is far from clear, as Dr. Kroeber has stated. Whether,
however, they rest mainly, partly, or not at all on reality, they furnish
interesting psychological material.

ORIGIN ACCOUNT

The following tradition was obtained in January, 1906, from an
old Eastern Pomo man and his wife. The husband stated that he
had himself been a bear doctor at one time in his life. In his later
years he became a noted practitioner of ordinary Indian ** medicine,"
and was much in demand as a *' sucking doctor.'' His old wife proved
a very valuable informant on Pomo mythology, and it was while
relating myths that the subject of bear doctors was mentioned and the
fact developed that her husband had practiced this craft when a
younger man. The incident led to a full discussion of the entire
matter with the couple, and resulted in the recording of the following
material. This was given by the Indians more as a personal favor
than for any other reason, and was communicated only after a pledge
that their story would not be spread about as long as the two were still
alive. Both are now deceased, as is also the interpreter who aided in
recording the material, so that there is no reason for longer with-
holding this information. Out of deference to the relatives of the
three, it seems best not to name them in these pages.

Besides the myth, these two old people furnished the greater part
of the descriptive information given in the remainder of this paper,
but additional data from other informants have been included. Unless
otherwise stated, the Pomo terms are in the Eastern dialect.

In the days before Indians were upon the earth, and when the birds and
mammals were human, there was a large village at dand xa,^ These people were

2 This is the site of an old Eastern Pomo village and is situated in the foot-
hills about two miles northeast of the town of Upper Lake. It is located on the
western slope of a hill and overlooks the lake.

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446 University of California Pttblioations in Am. Aroh. and Ethn. [Vol. 12

great hunters, pursuing their game with bows and arrows and spears. But
chiefly they set snares in every direction about the village.

They had caught many kinds of game, but finally found a large grizzly bear
in one of the snares. They saw that his carcass would furnish a great feast, but
they were confronted with the difficult problem of getting their prize to the
village. Each of the birds tried unsuccessfully to carry the bear, first on his
right shoulder and then on his left, in the following order: tsai (valley bluejay),
auaU (crow), llil (a species of hawk), tiyal (yellowhammer), karats (red-headed
woodpecker), sawalwal (mountain bluejay), bakaka (pileated woodpecker),
kahanasiksik (a large species of woodpecker), cagak ba blya (a species of hawk),
kiya (a species of hawk), siwa (mountain robin), tsitdtd (robin redbreast),
tcuma tsUya (grass bird), and tlnliaL

Finally a very small bird, tsina bitUt kaiya patsdTk,^ succeeded in carrying the
bear. He first tied its front and hind feet with a heavy milkweed-fiber rope in
such a manner as to enable him to sling the carcass over his shoulder with the
body resting upon his hip. No one else had thought of any such method. The
ingenuity of this bird, the smallest of them all, won success and enabled him
to walk away easily with the heavy load. The others laughed uproariously and
shouted their approval of the feat, immediately naming him burakal-ba-kidjon,^
literally grizzly-bear-you-carrier. Thus he carried the grizzly home to the village,
and Bluejay, the captain, cut it up and divided the meat among all the people.
As a reward for his service bUrakal-ba-kidjon was given the bearskin. This was
a very valuable present, worth many thousands of beads.^

With this skin in his possession, bUrakal-ba-kidjon thought a great deal about
the grizzly bear and became very envious of his powers of endurance, his
ferocity, and his cunning. He forthwith began to study how he might make
some use of the skin to acquire these powers. He needed an assistant, and
finally took his brother into his confidence. The two paid a visit to c6 dand, a
high mountain east of the village. They then went down a very rugged cafion
on the mountain-side and finally came to a precipice the bottom of which was
inaccessible except by way of a large standing tree, the upper branches of which
just touched its brink.

In a most secluded and sheltered spot at the foot of this precipice they dug
a cavern called yelimo, or bUrakal ySUmo, which they screened with boughs so
that it would be invisible even if a chance hunter came that way. They dug
an entrance about two feet in diameter into the side of the bank for a distance
of about six feet. This led slightly upward and into a good-sized chamber.
The mouth of this entrance was so arranged as to appear as natural as possible.
Some rocks were left to project and twigs were arranged to obscure it. As a
further precaution against detection the brothers always walked upon rocks in
order never to leave a footprint, in case any one became curious about their

s Identity unknown, and common Indian name not recorded.

4 This name in the Northern dialect is buta badm, and in the Central dialect
is bitaka yald djak, literally grizzly bear between the legs flew. The Northern
people say that the name of the bird previous to the accomplishment of this feat
was mdbaadmsd. In speaking of this bird one Northern informant stated that
when the first people were transformed into birds this man was wearing a very
larffe head-dress. This accounts for the fact that the bird now carries a large
topknot.

» In very early times it is said that a string of four hundred beads was worth
an amount about equal to two and one-half dollars. Later, after the introduction
of the pump-drill, this value dropped to one dollar. On the basis of modem
valuations of such skins, and under the higher rating of beads, this hide would
have been worth 12,000 beads.

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movements. They even went so far as to have the rocks at the foot of the
precipice, where they stepped from the branches of the tree, covered with leaves,
which they were careful to adjust so as to obliterate the slightest vestige of
their trail should any one succeed in tracking them to this point. In this cave
they began the manufacture of a ceremonial outfit.

They went out from the village daily,^ ostensibly to hunt, and they did, as a
matter of fact, kill deer and other game, which they brought back to the village;
but they never ate meat, nor did they have intercourse in any way with women.
When asked why he was thus restricting himself, hUrdkal-ha-lddjon evaded the
truth by saying that he expected to gamble, and that he had a very powerful
medicine which would yield him luck only with the most rigid observance of
certain restrictions.

When they began this work of preparing the outfits, they also provided a
large sack of beads with which to bribe to secrecy any one who might discover
them.

The two worked thus in the cavern four months.

When the outfit for hurdkal-ha-Mdjon was done, the latter emerged from the
cavern and ran around its entrance eight times each way, first in a contra-
clockwise and then in a clockwise direction. The two then prepared a level,
elliptical area, about twenty by fifteen feet, smoothed like a dancing floor,
where 'burakal-ha-ladjon might practice and become a proficient bear doctor.

Upon putting on the suit for the first time, the procedure was as follows:
While seated in the dancing area, hurakal-ha-ktdjon took the bearskin in both
hands and swung it over his right shoulder and then turned his head to the left.
This was repeated four times in all. He next adjusted the skin carefully over
a basketry head-frame and placed the latter securely upon his head. He next
inserted his arms and legs within the suit and laced it up tightly in front,
beginning at the lower part of the belly and lacing upward to the neck.

He then tried to rise and act like a bear. This he did four times, saying
*'ha" (strongly aspirated), and turning his head to the left after each trial.
He finally arose on all fours and shook himself after the fashion of a bear, some
of the hair falling out of the skin as he did so. He then jumped about and
started off in each of the four cardinal directions in the following order: south,
east, north, and west. Each time he ran only a short distance, returning to the
practice area for a new start. Finally, the fifth time he started off, he went
for about half a day *8 journey up the rugged mountains to the east. He found
that he could travel with great speed and perfect ease through thick brush and
up steep mountain-sides. In fact, he could move anywhere with as much ease
as though he were on a level, open valley.^ On this journey he hunted for soft,
sweet manzanita berries, finally returning to the practice ground after covering
a great distance, perhaps a hundred miles, in this half day.

He repeated this ceremonial dressing and the race into the mountains for
four days, returning each evening to the village and bringing the game he had

«In giving the account the informant stated that while making their cere-
monial attire the two worked entirely at night, as was always done by Indian
bear doctors later, and then only upon perfectly dark nights, when the moon was
not shining or when it was obscured by clouds. In case the moon suddenly
emerged from behind a cloud they immediately ceased their work. This was
made necessary by the fact that many hunters were abroad at night.

7 Another informant told of a marvelous journey said to have been made by
his grandmother while the family resided many years ago in Eight-mile Valley.
She went during one night to Healdsburg, Sebastopol, Bodega Bay, and Big
Eiver, thence returning to her home, covering in those few hours about two
hundred miles.

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448 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

killed. Finally, on the fifth day, he again put on his ceremonial dress and went
over to a creek, called taaidka, situated a considerable distance northeast of his
hiding place. Here he found a bear standing erect and eating manzanita berries.
The bear attempted to escape, but burakal-ba-kidjon gave chase and by virtue
of his supernatural power was able to tire and outdistance the bear, overtaking
him at length and killing him with an elk-horn dagger, which was part of his
outfit.

He returned and brought his brother, who tied the bear's legs together, as
had burakal-ba-kidjon when he won his name, and carried the carcass to the
village, burakal-ba-kidjon meantime returning to the secret cavern.

The brother skinned the bear and told the captain to call all the people into
the dance-house to receive their portions of the meat. On the following day a
great feast was celebrated, every one joining and providing a share of acorn
mush, pinole, bread, and other foods.

The two brothers then announced that they were again going out to hunt.
Instead, they really went to this secluded spot and made a second bear doctor's
suit. This one was for the brother, who underwent the same training as his
brother.

Finally the two brothers started out one day toward the north, going up to
a creek called guhiil bidame. Here they found a deer hunter coming down a
chamise ridge. They hid until the hunter came within about fifteen paces of
them. They then sprang out and attacked him, the elder of the two bear doctors
taking the lead. This hunter was followed at a distance of perhaps a quarter
of a mile by four others, and when he saw the bears he made a great outcry to
his comrades. After a short chase the bear doctors caught and killed him.
They tore his body to pieces, just as bears would do, took his bow and arrows,
and started off.

Meantime the other hunters, who were Wolves {ts^hmeii,)^ hid and escaped
the fate of their companion. After the bear doctors had departed, they gathered
up the bones and whatever else they could find of the remains of the dead
hunter and took them back to the village. The usual funeral and burning rites
were held, and the whole village was in special mourning on account of the fact
that the hunter had been killed by bears.

The bear doctors went back to their hiding place, disrobed, and returned to
the village as quickly as possible, arriving shortly after the four Wolves had
brought in the remains of their comrade. They ate their supper and retired
almost immediately, though they heard the people wailing in another part of
the village. Their own relatives, the Birds, were not wailing, for they were not
directly concerned, since the different groups of people lived in different parts
of the village and were quite distinct one from another. During the evening
the captain, Bluejay, came in and told the brothers the news of the hunter's
death, asking if they had heard anything of the manner of it. They replied:
**No; we know nothing of it. We went hunting, but saw nothing at all today.
We retired early and have heard nothing about it." Bluejay then said: **We
must make up a collection of beads and give it to the dead man's relatives, so
that they will not consider us unmindful of their sorrow and perhaps kill some
one among us." The bear doctors agreed to this and commended the captain
for his good counsel.

Accordingly, the next morning Bluejay addressed his people, saying: *' Make
a fire in the dance-house. Do not feel badly. Wake up early. That is what
we must expect. We must all die like the deer. After the fire is made in the
dance-house I will tell you what next to do. ' ' Every one gave the usual answer
of approval, ''O".

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After the usual sweating and cold plunge by the men, the captain again
spoke, calling their attention to the fate of their friend the day before and
asking that every one contribute beads to be given as a death offering to the
relatives of the deceased.^

Bluejay himself contributed about ten thousand beads, and others contrib-
uted various amounts, but the two bear doctors contributed about forty thousand
beads. This very act made the other people somewhat suspicious that these
two were concerned in some way with the death.

As was usual, under such circumstances, word was sent to the Wolf people
that the Birds would come over two days hence with their gift. The Wolf
captain accordingly told his people to go out and hunt, and to prepare a feast
for the Bird people for the occasion. On the appointed day the beads were
brought by the Bird people to the house in which the deceased hunter had
formerly lived, the usual ceremonial presentation of them to the mourners was
performed, and the return feast by the Wolves was spread near by.

The next morning the two brothers again left the village, saying that they
were going hunting. They went to their place of seclusion, donned their bear
suits and again started out as bears. By this time they had established regular
secret trails leading to their hiding place, and regular places on these trails
where they rested and ate. These trails led off in the four cardinal directions,
and when they put on their suits it was only necessary to say in what direction
they wished to go and what they wished to do, and the suits would bear them
thither by magic.

Upon this occasion they went eastward, and finally, in the late afternoon,
met Wildcat (dalom) carrying upon his back a very heavy load. They imme-
diately attacked and killed him, but did not cut him to pieces as they had Wolf.
It is a custom, even now, among bear doctors never to tear to pieces or cut up
the body of a victim who is known to have in his possession valuable property.
Hence they stabbed Wildcat only twice. When they looked into the burden
basket which he had been carrying they found a good supply of food and a
large number of beads of various kinds. They took only the bag of beads,
which one of them secreted inside his suit. Upon reaching their place of
seclusion they removed their suits and were soon back in the village. After
supper they again retired early.

Now Wildcat had started off early one morning to visit friends in another
village, saying that he would be absent only two nights. When at the end of
four days he had not returned his relatives became anxious about him, and his
brother and another man set out for the other village to ascertain whether he
had been there or if something had befallen him on the way. They found that
he had set out from the other village to return home on the day he had promised.
Then they tracked him and found his dead body. They made a stretcher® and
carried the body home.

They arrived at the village about mid-afternoon, and when about a half
mile off they commenced the death wail, thus notifying the village of their

8 The bringing of beads as a death offering from one village to another, or
from one political group of people to another, is called kal kubek, while such an
offering taken to the home of the family of the deceased by relatives in the
same village is called kal banek,

» This stretcher is called kaitssLk, and consists of two side poles with short
cross-pieces bound to them in such a manner as to resemble a ladder. It was
used in early times for carrying the wounded or the dead back to the village.
A corpse was bound to it by a binding of grapevine and the two ends of the
stretcher rested upon the shoulders of the bearers.

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450 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

coming. The people came running out to meet them, and the first to arrive
were the bear doctors, who immediately assisted in carrying the stretcher into
the village. Every one wailed for the departed, but the two bear doctors were
loudest in their lamentations. Also they contributed liberally, in fact, more
than all the other people together, when the death offering was made up.

For sometime thereafter the bear doctors did not go out, but finally they
did so, returning with four deer, which they gave to their captain to be divided
among the people for a feast. This the captain did, after the usual sweat-bath,
on the following morning.

The next day the two brothers left the village before daybreak, donned
their bear suits and journeyed southward to the Mount Kanaktai region. They
made the journey by way of the east shore of Clear Lake, Lower Lake, and on
down to near the present site of Middletown. Here they found a hunting party
setting deer snares.^o One of these men was driving the deer up out of the
canon toward the place where the snares had been set. He saw the bear doctors
and called out to his comrades: "Look out for yourselves; there are two bears
coming." The hunters were up on the open, brushy mountain-side. Two of
them ran down the hill to a tree, but the bear doctors reached it as soon as
they, and, as they started to ascend, attacked and killed the two, taking their
bows and arrows.

The other hunters then attacked the bear doctors, who fled northward,
pursued by the hunters, whom they outdistanced. The bear doctors became
tired and very thirsty, for they had drunk no water all day, so they ran up
Mount Kanaktai to a small pond just southwest of its summit.^i

The bear doctors first ran four times each way around the pond and then
disrobed completely, even taking off their bead armor. Leaving their entire
suits lying on the shore, they first swam and rested, and then hung their suits
on some small trees near by.

Shortly two men appeared, who approached close to them. The bear doctors
said: **0h, you have come; well, let us eat." The strangers came and seated
themselves beside the bear doctors. They then had a good meal of seed-meal
and meat.

The belts and strings of beads worn as armor inside the suit were piled up
on the shore near by, and when the meal was finished the bear doctors gave all
these beads to the two men, saying at the same time: *'You must never tell
any one, not even your brothers, mothers, or sisters, what you have seen and
what we are doing." They even told the two men who they were, where they
lived, and all about their activities. The men looked closely at the bear suits
hanging near by and then went their way. The bear doctors again put on
their suits and returned to their hiding place, disrobed, and traveled home in
the evening, retiring early as usual.

When the people heard of the killing of two more hunters by two bears,
they suspected the brothers, and formulated a plan to spy on them. All were
to go hunting and certain ones were to keep a close watch on these two, and
see just where they went and what they did. They also discovered that the

10 They were making a bice go; i.e., setting snares in the brush without
making a brush fence. The fence with snares is called blc3 icarf.

11 This pond, which is said to furnish the only water on this great mountain,
was called ka kapa, and is said to be one of a very few ponds apparently without
a spring, and called ka dabo, which are supposed to have been made in prehistoric
times by bears as resting places for themselves. This pond is nowadays almost
never visited by any one except hunters who have lost their way.

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skins of the two bears killed by the brothers were nowhere to be found in the
village.

The captain called all the men to go on a deer hunt, and all set off westward
about midday to build a deer fence and set snares around Tule Lake, for they
knew that many deer were feeding in the tule marsh there. Nothing unusual
happened that day, but after all had left the village early the next morning
some children who were playing about the village saw the two brothers burakal-
ba-Jctdjon, who had remained away from the hunt, giving illness as their excuse,
start off toward the east. Some of the children stealthily followed them, while
two others ran over to Tule Lake to warn the hunters. About midday the
hunters saw two bears coming toward them. Several of the best hunters hid
at an advantageous point in the very thick brush and tule, while the others
continued their shouting and beating the bush to drive the deer into the snares
in order that the bear doctors would not suspect the trap that had been set for
them. The hunters had agreed to act as though they did not know that the
bear doctors were near, but to shout if they were seen, **Two brother deer are
coming! '* thus giving the hidden hunters notice of the approach of the bears.
If deer only were seen, they were to shout, * * The deer are coming ! ' '

Finally, one of the hunters on the east side of the lake saw the bears and
shouted, '*Look out there; two brother deer are coming down the hill! '' There
were two trees standing some distance apart with a thick, brushy place on each
side. One hunter hid behind each tree. A third hunter stood very close to a
near-by opening in the deer fence and in plain sight of the bear doctors, who
immediately made after him. At each jump of the bear doctors the water in
their baskets rattled and made a great noise. The hunter was but a few feet
from these trees when the bears came close to him, so he dodged between the
trees and the bears followed.

Immediately the two hunters behind the trees attacked the bears from the
rear with their clubs and jerked the masks from their heads. The other hunters
came up armed with clubs, bows and arrows, and stones, and found the bear
doctors standing very shame-facedly before their captors.12

Every one shouted: '* These are the two we suspected; we have them now.'*
Some wanted to kill them immediately with clubs, others wanted to bum them
alive, but the captain restrained them and insisted upon first questioning the
bear doctors. They finally confessed to the murders, and took the hunters to
their hiding place. Here they exposed their entire secret and told all the
details of their work: how they dug the cavern, how they made the ceremonial
outfits, and how they killed people. The hunters then stripped the bear doctors
and took them, together with all their paraphernalia, and the property they
had stolen, back to the village, placed them in their own house, tied them
securely, and set fire to the house. Thus ended the bear doctors. That is how
the knowledge of this magic was acquired. It has been handed down to us
by the teaching of these secrets to novices by the older bear doctors ever since.is

12 This loss of magic power and their consequent capture was explained as a
supernatural penalty for their attempt to kill more than four victims in any
one year.

13 One informant ascribed the source of Pomo bear doctor knowledge to the
Lake Miwok, to the south. This opinion, of course, conflicts with the preceding
origin tale.

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452 University of California Publicationa in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

ACQUISITION OF POWER

Even as late as the closing years of the nineteenth century many
of the Porno were convinced that bear doctors were still active ; this
in spite of the fact that the whites had at that time long possessed
complete control of the entire region, and had succeeded, purposely
or otherwise, in suppressing most of the aboriginal practices of the
Indians. Evidently the belief was a deeply rooted one in the native
mind. On the other hand, since the nefariousness of the alleged
practices would cause them to be carefully concealed, there are now
some Pomo skeptics who maintain that bear doctors never existed.

Both men and women of middle or old age could become bear
doctors, the same name^* being applied to both. In fact, it is said
that women sometimes made very successful bear doctors; even a
woman so old and feeble that she could hardly walk would acquire
great powers of endurance and swiftness through this magic.

It is said that a bear doctor always learned from an old person
who was or had been one. The training for both men and women was
precisely the same and they were on a par in every way. A female
bear doctor could not operate during her menstrual period, but a
male bear doctor was similarly restricted by the menstrual periods of
both his wife and his female assistant or the other female members
of his household. He was even prohibited from going near his bear
hiding-place during his wife's menstruation. The periods of other
members of his household also restricted him."

No specific fee was paid for instruction in bear-doctoring, but the
instructor was given a large share, usually one-half, of the spoils
obtained by the new doctor in his murders. Also he could command
the assistance and protection of his pupil, who must stand ready, if
necessary, to lay down his life for his instructor. Each bear doctor
selected some friend to whom he willed his entire outfit and whom he
instructed fully in its use. Upon his death this proteg6 took possession
of the paraphernalia and the hiding place of his friend and used them
as he saw fit.

i*The bear doctor was known to the Pomo as gauk hUrakalf "human bear."
BUrakal specifically denotes the grizzly bear. The brown or cinnamon bear is
lima, but black individuals, which we reckon as of the same species, were called
dyO htlrakal, * * black grizzly bears, ' ' by the Pomo.

18 It would appear that restriction depended rather upon co-residence than
blood kinship. The extent to which the taboo might accordingly affect a bear
doctor's activities will be realized when we reflect that it was customary for
several related families to reside in one house, each family having its own door
and each two families a separate fire. In the center of the house was the
common baking pit.

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A bear doctor might *' catch" a man who was out in some lonely
spot, particularly a solitary hunter, take him to his hiding place, and
teach him his secrets.*® Particularly was this the case if the bear
doctor happened to be a man possessed of few friends, since it was
thought necessary for him to will his paraphernalia to some one.
Stories are told of specific instances in which persons have been thus
made captive and instructed. Thus:

An old she-bear caught a young hunter from a village in the Santa Rosa
Valley. She first jumped out upon him from her hiding place and frightened
him badly. She rolled him about on the ground and made as if to kill him.
Though greatly frightened, the boy made no outcry, but watched her closely.
Finally she sat astride him for quite a long time and the boy ceased to be
alarmed. She then led him away over the long journey to her hiding place on
a high, rocky peak east of Santa Rosa. On the way they heard, late in the
afternoon, the people down in the valley calling his name as they searched
everywhere for him.

Finally they arrived at the bear's cave in the rocks, where she had a bed
of moss and leaves just as a bear usually does in its den. In the early part of
the evening the boy became homesick and fearful of his fate and began to cry.
It was then that the bear doctor revealed herself. She removed her suit, showing
her human form, and said to him: **I did not catch you to kill you. I desire
only to show you how we become bear doctors and instruct you in our magic.
Only human beings live in this section of the mountains. In the morning I
shaU place my bearskin suit upon you and you shall practice bear-doctoring."
This did not, however, reassure and comfort the boy, and he continued to sob
and weep during the greater part of the night, despite the repeated assurances
of the bear doctor that she would not harm him, but was, on the other hand,
just like an elder sister to him and wished to teach him powerful magic. She
finally prepared a good meal for him and he forgot his fright and, temporarily,
his own people.

During the night she taught him her songs, and at daybreak began to instruct
him in the ritual of donning the suit. This, of course, required that he should
completely strip himself. At first he was much ashamed, but the bear doctor
told him that he must not be, any more than if he were only exposing his nose.

About midday, this part of the instruction being finished, she put her own
suit on him and gave him his first practice. She told him to first jump four
times along the ground and then jump up and try to catch a high limb of a
near-by tree, trying repeatedly until he could catch the limb. Then he would
be able to do anything that she could.

She then stepped back, looked him over, and smiled at him. This made him
conscious and he hung his head and did not move until she commanded him to
jump. At first he jumped only short distances, but he continued his practice
for four days, eajch day donning the suit with the elaborately regulated ritual,
and finding, each day, that he could jump a little farther and a little higher
than on the previous one. At last he succeeded in reaching the limb and in
jumping down at one jump and back to the starting point in four more.

His tutor rejoiced at his success, and said: ''Now you will succeed in every

i« Usually, however, a person caught in this way was used as a " head rest ' '
and servant, it is said, and received no instruction whatever.

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454 Vniveraity of California Publications in Am. Aroh, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

way and enjoy good luck, secure plenty of beads and other goods, be able to
travel far and possess great endurance."

She then gave him a complete outfit and told him that he would thereafter
procure an easy living and wealth if he would use it and observe the secret
rites she had taught him. She, herself, had acquired great quantities of property —
beads, food, and other commodities — which she stored in her hiding place.

A bear doctor was not permitted to kill more than four people in
one year, upon penalty of the loss of his magic power and consequent
capture upon his attempt to kill the fifth.

ASSISTANTS

A bear doctor must always be assisted by some one. He usually
hired some female relative who could be trusted to secrecy. She wove
for him the water baskets which formed part of his costume and cooked
for him the special food which he must eat while operating as a bear
doctor. She must observe the same restrictions as the bear doctor
himself, abstaining from meat or foods containing blood in any form,
and also from sexual intercourse. The evil consequences of a violation
of these restrictions did not befall her, but the bear doctor himself
was sure to be killed in combat or captured, which meant certain death
at the hands of an outraged populace.

This assistant was never the bear doctor's wife, but the wife, if he
had one, must remain abed in the morning until the sun was high and
the bear doctor was well on his way from his hiding place. She might
then rise and go about her daily routine as usual. If he had no wife,
his female assistant must observe this restriction for him.

In making a suit, it was necessary for a bear doctor to have an
assistant who not only helped in the actual construction of the suit
but also sang the long series of songs required during the ceremony
when the suit was first put on.

HIDING PLACES

Since custom prescribed that every person leaving a village told
where he was going and the purpose of his mission, it was difficult for
a bear doctor to get away, undetected, for the pursuit of his nefarious
practices. All his preparations must, therefore, be made in perfect
secrecy. Very frequently he gave as an excuse for his absence that
he intended to go in search of manzanita berries or hunting in some
distant locality, sometimes announcing a stay of several days. Since
he was forbidden to partake of food or water on the morning of the

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day he wore the bear costume, he usually ate and drank heartily the
night before, and repaired to his hiding place before daybreak. To
lend color to his excuses, he uusally brought home some game or berries.
As a rule these were not handled at all while wearing the bear suit,
although apparently it was believed that no penalty was attached to
doing so.

Whenever possible a bear doctor found some natural cave or se-
cluded spot in a deep cailon, or in the most rugged mountains. If
necessary, he dug a cavern, as related in the foregoing myth, taking
care to scatter the fresh earth about in such a manner that it would
not be detected. Such a place of seclusion was called yelimo, hurakal
yelimo, or kabe ga.

Near by a level ** practice'' ground, called clyoxegai, literally
**bear dance place,'' was prepared, where, the weather permitting, the
bear doctor performed the ceremonies connected with donning his suit.
In bad weather these rites were performed in the sheltered cavern.
This practice ground was simply a level place in the bottom of a canon
near the cavern. It was an elliptical clearing about twenty feet long
by ten to fifteen feet wide. No trail led to it, the bear doctor and his
assistant exercising the greatest care to obscure as much as possible
every evidence of their movements, not even a broken twig being left
about as a clue.

THE MAGIC SUIT

The suit of the bear doctor, called gawh was made as follows:
First, an openwork basket was woven of white oak twigs to fit the
head and with openings for eyes, nose, and mouth. Disks of abalone
shell with small openings to permit actual vision were fitted into the
eye openings in the basket. This basket served as a foundation over
which to place the skin of the bear's head. It was made so that it
exactly fitted the wearer's head and remained in place even when he
moved violently. The covering of this helmet, as also the outer cov-
ering for the rest of the body, was usually made of real grizzly bear
skin, though a net covered with soaproot fiber was sometimes used.
The skin of the bear's head was shaped, but not stuffed, so as to retain
its proper form, the eye-holes of the skin being made to fit the shell-
filled eye-holes in the basket. The remainder of the bearskin was
fitted exactly to the body, arms, and legs so as to perfectly hide every
part of the body and give the wearer the appearance of a grizzly.

When soaproot fiber was used in making the bear doctor's suit, a

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456 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

fine net was first woven and thickly covered with shredded soaproot
fiber {ap tsida) . This was woven entirely in one piece and so arranged
as to completely cover the wearer from head to foot, including the
basketry helmet just mentioned. It laced in front.

A low shoe, with the sole rounded and shaped somewhat like that
of a bear's foot, was worn. This shoe was made of woven basketry
held between two hoops and so arranged that the foot went between
the two sections, which were attached directly to the costume. It
was said that sometimes, also, similarly shaped shoes were placed upon
the hands. At other times nothing was worn on either hands or feet.

Before donning the suit an ** armor'' of shell beads was put on.
Pour belts covered the abdomen. Each was about six inches wide and
made of a different size and form of beads. One, called hmukl, covered
the umbilicus. The other three, which were placed one above the other,
completely covered the remainder of the abdomen, chest, and back up
to the armpits, and were called respectively kibukal, catanl kutsa, and
tadatada. The last protected the heart, and was made of very large,
discoidal beads. Ordinarily these bead belts were woven in the usual
way. Sometimes, however, one or more of the four was covered with-
out by a layer of woodpecker scalps. Strings of shell beads were
wound closely about the arms from wrist to shoulder and the legs were
similarly covered. All these beads served as a protection against
arrows in case the bear doctor was attacked by hunters.

A type of body armor, made of wooden rods and used in open
warfare, is said to have been sometimes used by bear doctors. This
conisted of two layers of rods obtained from the snowdrop bush
(bakol), each rod being about the size of a lead pencil. These were
bound together with string, one layer of rods being placed vertically
and the other horizontally, in such a manner as to make a very close
and effective armor.

Two globose, three-rod foundation baskets, called kutc tcadotcadoi,
and each about three inches in diameter, were half filled with water
and each encased tightly in a closely woven fabric made of milkweed
fiber cord, or in a casing of rawhide. One was then tied, inside the
bearskin suit, just under each jaw or under each armpit. In the soap-
root fiber suit, small pockets were woven on its inner surface for their
reception. The swashing of the water made a sound (pluk, pluk, pluk,
pluk) resembling that of the viscera of a bear as he moves along.
Sometimes, instead of these baskets, a slightly larger pair of plain-
twining were tied one at each side at the waist. The doctor never

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wore more than one pair at a time and never wore a single basket
alone. Canoe-form baskets ten or twelve inches long and with un-
usually small openings were sometimes carried in place of the small,
globose baskets above mentioned. They were sometimes filled with
water, as were the small baskets, and at other times were used as
receptacles for beads, berries, or other commodities.

Plate 7 (frontispiece) shows a Pomo bear doctor suit, in the Pea-
body Museum of Harvard University, reproduced by courtesy of Mr.
C. C. Willoughby. This is a model- While differing in some details
from the explanations received from informants, it confirms them in
substance.

V7EAP0NS AND THEIR USE

A bear doctor usually carried one and sometimes two elk-horn
daggers, called boo a, literally "elk horn.'' Such a dagger was from
six to ten inches in length and was made by pounding at its base and
breaking off the large end point of an elk antler and sharpening its
tip. It was rubbed on a grinding stone and smoothed throughout its
length and a hole was bored in its base through which a loop about
two feet long was passed for suspending it about the neck or from
the belt. This loop was always of string, as this is not affected by
dampness.

Obsidian or flint knives, called bat!, were sometimes used in addition
to or in place of the elk-horn dagger. The blade of such a knife was
made by first striking the larger flakes from it with a hammer stone
and then chipping its edges with an antler chipping tool. This blade
was set into a split oak handle and bound securely with string, but
was not pitched. Both of these were thrusting weapons.

Other weapons were sometimes used, even the stone pestle being
employed as a weapon.

Bear doctors often operated in pairs, and sometimes in greater
numbers. They frequently deployed so as to cover a considerable
area in their hunt, and had a method of intercommunication. If a
prospective victim was sighted at some distance, the bear doctor stood
erect on the top of the nearest ridge, with his back turned directly
toward him. This signal brought the other bear doctors into positions
to surround the victim. Informants maintain that in the actual attack
a bear doctor frequently stood unconcernedly, near the path of his
victim, and with his back toward him until he was quite near. He
then whirled and attacked suddenly. They stated that this was also
the method of attack of a real bear.

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458 University of California Puhlioations in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

It is said that the only way to overcome a bear doctor was to seize
his head or shoulders and jerk off his helmet. This completely re-
moved his magic power. The story is told that Kamachi, a very brave
and powerful man formerly living at the Yorkville Rancheria, mis-
took two real bears for bear doctors, attacked them in this manner,
and finally succeeded in killing them.

BITES OVER THE SUIT

When the suit was put on for the first time by the bear doctor, the
following elaborate ceremony was performed. The assistant took up
his position in the center of the practice ground, having on one side
of him four hundred counting sticks, each about the size of a lead
pencil, nicely arranged in even rows. Directly in front of him was
the entire bear doctor 's suit, except the beads and bead belts ; that is,
the basketry helmet, the bearskin garment, the two water baskets, the
dagger of elk antler, and the obsidian knife. These were the articles
which were strictly ceremonial, and which must never be handled by
women or children for the reason that they were the property of the
particular supernatural beings under whose patronage the bear doctor
operated and whose powers were invoked for his success, especially
by means of a long series of ritualistic songs sung by his assistant
during the ceremony of donning the suit, now to be described.

While the assistant sang the ritualistic songs, the bear doctor who
was to wear the suit danced up toward it four times each from each
of the four cardinal points in the following order : north, west, south,
and east. Each time the dancer advanced toward the suit, the singer
raised above his head one counter from the one side and as the dancer
receded placed it on his opposite side. Thus this portion of the
ceremony took sixteen counters. Having thus approached the suit
four times the sacred number four, the dancer picked up with his left
hand the basketry helmet and danced with it four times around the
practice ground, the singer keeping tally with the necessary four
sticks. He then danced four times up toward and back from the
place on the practice ground where he intended to temporarily place
this object, so using another four counters. Thus there were used in
all with this one object twenty-four counters.

He did precisely the same with each of the remaining five articles
of the suit. Thus one hundred and forty-four counters were trans-
ferred from the original group to the singers opposite side.

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He next took all six of these articles in both hands and performed
the same cycle of twenty-four dance movements that was employed
in handling each separately, so using one hundred and sixty-eight
counters up to this point.

He then repeated this entire cycle of one hundred and sixty-eight
dance movements in precisely the same order and manner as just de-
scribed, but using the right hand instead of the left, thus using three
hundred and thirty-six counters up to this point.

He next repeated all the foregoing movements exactly in reverse
order in every respect; taking up the articles in reverse order and
dancing toward the cardinal points in reverse order and using the
hands in reverse order, thus using six hundred and seventy-two coun-
ters up to this point.

He finally took the entire suit in both hands and went around the
practice ground four times in a clockwise direction and then four
times in a contra-clockwise direction, thus using in all six hundred
and eighty counters, indicative of that number of separate movements,
or rather one hundred and seventy distinct types of movements each
repeated four times.

Throughout this entire ceremony the assistant sang ritualistic songs
invoking, in the ascending order of their importance, the aid of the
particular supernatural beings under whose patronage the bear doctor
was supposed to be and with whom he came into direct contact.
According to one informant, these were, in order, brush-man, rock-
man, shade-man, spring-man, pond-man, mountain-man, and sun-man,
though a large number of others are also included.^^ In fact, it seems
probable that all the spirits of the Pomo world are supposed to be
directly concerned. The following were specifically mentioned by the
informants :

English

Eastern Dialect

Central Dialect

Mountain -man

dano gak

dano baiya

Water-man

xagak

ka baiya

Night-man

duwe gak

iwe baiya

Valley-man

gago gak

kako baiya

Brush-man

segak

see baiya

Bock-man

xabe gak

kabe baiya

Spring-man

gapagak

gapa baiya

Shade-man

ciyo gak

Fireman

xogak

ho baiya

17 Another informant gave as these chief spirits sun -man, mountain -man,
mnd-man, night-man, water-man, and valley-man, though not stating that they
were considered in this order.

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460

University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

English

Eastern Dialect

Central Dialect

Disease-man

gak kalal

ital baiya

Insanity-man

gak dagol

dakol baiya

guksu

kuksu

Whitled-leg widow

kama sill duket mlya

caku kattciu

Dream-man

maru

Wind-man

yaiki

ya tcatc

Pond-woman

dano kawd

Blind-man

ulbagd

uinasai

Sun-man

da tea

Sun-woman

da mata

Deer-man

bice gauk

pee tea

To all these he sang songs and made prayers the substance of which
usually was: **You know what I am doing. I am doing as you do
and using your ways. You must help me and give me good luck."

He sang to and invoked particularly Sun-man because he was an
all-seeing deity and knew everything that happened all over the earth,
and more particularly because as Sun-man rises with the sun each
morning he comes with his bow and arrow drawn and ready to shoot
on sight any wrongdoer. Unless, therefore, Sun-man was propitiated
and previously informed of the bear doctor's intentions, he was likely
to shoot him just as the sun appeared above the horizon. The sub-
stance of his prayer to Sun-man was : * * I am going to do as you do.
I shall kill people. You must give me good luck."

When the suit was finally put on there was a certain amount of
ceremonial procedure. The beads used as armor were first put on the
naked body. The arms and legs were closely wound, each with a
single long string of beads. The bear doctor then danced around the
practice ground four times in a clockwise direction and then four
times in a contra-clockwise direction. He next advanced toward and
receded from the suit four times each from the north, west, south, and
east. He then made four times a motion as if to pick up the suit, and
again four times the motion of putting the suit on, after which he
donned it and was completely ready for his journey, being endowed
with all the supernatural powers of the bear doctor.

Throughout the entire construction of the suit, and also through-
out the ceremony connected with putting it on, he turned his head
around toward the left after each separate action, such as lifting up
or putting down any article and after each dancing up and back
toward the suit, or running around the practice ground.

Each subsequent donning of the suit was quite simple. The bear

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doctor picked up each article separately and made a motion with it
four times toward the part of the body it was to cover, turning his
head four times to the left after each of these sets of four motions.
He then put on the suit and danced in a contra-clockwise direction
four times around the practice area or the interior of his cavern, as
the case might be, after which he was fully ready for his journey.

In case of inclement weather the bear doctor dressed in the shelter
of the cavern, but if the weather was fair this was always done on the
practice ground.

In undressing, on the other hand, the bear doctor performed no
ceremony at all, but simply took off his suit and carefully laid it away,
hanging up in the cavern the bearskin itself to keep it clean. It was
necessary that a bear doctor swim immediately upon removing his
suit. Still dressed in his bead armor, he went, therefore, to his swim-
ming place, removing the beads and piling them on the bank. This
was done so that if discovered he had immediately at hand a treasure
with which to buy secrecy. The penalty paid by an informer who
had been thus bribed was certain death at the hands of the bear doctor.
Upon emerging from the pool, he returned to his cavern, carefully
folded the belts and strings of beads and laid each away separately
until the suit was again needed.

COMMUNICATION BETWEEN BEAB DOCTORS

Informants state that the various bear doctors all over the country
knew each other. ^® Two or more of them often met by chance at
some spring or other secluded spot in the mountains, and at such
times discussed their activities. They might tell each other where
they expected to be next month, or what mountain they would use as
a hiding place and base of operations next year.

Each bear doctor acted independently and knew no restrictions of
any sort so far as his fellows were concerned, nor had he or his relatives
any immunity from the attacks of other bear doctors, for one bear
doctor might become enraged at another and cause his death or that
of some of his relatives.

The only persons who were immune from these attacks were the
captain of the village and his immediate family. He knew all the
bear doctors and received a share of their spoils in consideration for
his friendly protection.

18 So far as could be ascertained, they formed no organized society, and never
met as a body.

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462 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn, [Vol. 12

Any bear doctor or person who knew all the secrets of bear doc-
toring usually took his relatives, or, at any rate, certain of them, to
this hiding place and showed them enough of his secrets so that they
would lose their fear of bear doctors and not be frightened when they
heard of the death of some one through an attack by bears. Such
partially initiated persons always mourned the loss of the victim as
did the rest of the people, but were not, in reality, afraid of the bear
doctors.

PANTHER DOCTORS

While the bear doctor was the most important of magicians, there
were also mountain lion or panther doctors, who were also possessed
of considerable power. Very little was learned of this class of medicine
man save that the head part of their suits was made of the head and
neck of an actual panther skin drawn over a basket frame similar to
that used by the bear doctor. The remainder of the suit was made of
shredded soaproot fiber woven on to a fine net, which was said to
simulate quite well the skin of the panther.

The panther doctor wore no bead armor as did the bear doctor,
but wore a necklace of small and finely made shell beads around his
neck. He always carried a bag filled with valuable beads with which
to bribe to silence any one who might discover him. The bear doctor
used the beads comprising his armor for this purpose.

COMPARISON WITH YUKI BELIEFS

The ideas that the doctor is actually transformed into a bear, that
bear hair grows out through his skin, and that he comes to life after
having been killed — ideas found among certain California Indians** —
have not been discovered among the Pomo.

As might be expected, from the contiguity of the two groups and
their numerous cultural identities, the Pomo and Yuki^® bear doctors
are very similar. The Yuki, however, have certain beliefs that the
Pomo do not possess.

The Yuki bear doctor began by repeatedly dreaming of bears and
was taken out and instructed by actual bears, thus placing the bear
in the position of a true guardian spirit, and making the doctor a real

19 Kroeber, loc. cit,

20 This comparison is based on manuscript data of Dr. Kroeber concerning
the Yuki.

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shaman. Later he was thought to be instructed and to have his powers
developed by older shamans. The Porno have no such notions.

The Yuki bear doctor was not always an evildoer, but in some
measure an accepted benefcwjtor, particularly in curing bear bites and
in avenging wrongs to his community. His capacity thus was publicly
recognized — a fact that is further evidenced by his performance of
sleight-of-hand tricks. The Pomo bear doctor never performed any
cure, practiced his magic with the greatest secrecy and only for his
own satisfaction and aggrandizement, and had death awaiting him at
the hands of his own people if he was unfortunate enough to be
discovered.

The Yuki bear doctor carried a basket containing a stone which
rumbled in imitation of the bear's growl as the shaman shook his head.
Analogous to this was the Pomo bear doctor's set of water-filled baskets
which swashed like a real bear's viscera as he ran.

Both carried beads ; but the Yuki to secure appropriate burial if
killed, the Pomo as an armor and to bribe to secrecy him who might
discover him.

The mode of attack and the dismemberment of the victim were
quite similar in both tribes.

COMPAEISON V7ITH MIWOK BELIEFS

The Northern Sierra and Plains Miwok called bear doctors sulik
miiko. These shamans donned bearskins, but, like their Yuki col-
leagues, had bears as spirits and exhibited their powers publicly. Like
the Yokuts bear doctors, they were thought able to transform them-
selves bodily into bears.

The Miwok relate how a man was hunting in the chaparral south
of the Stanislaus when a bear appeared and asked what he was doing.
The Indian replied that he was seeking an arrow lost in a shot at a
red-headed woodpecker. The bear led him into its cave, kept and
taught him for four days, and sent him home with several bears as
guides. A white man, married to an Indian woman, instigated the
building of a dance-house to give the bear doctor an opportunity to
show his alleged powers. The latter accepted, came, walked into the
fire, pushed aside the fiaming brands and made himself a bed in the
coals, arose after a time unharmed, swam, and resumed his human
form.

The Miwok panther doctor was similarly met and instructed by a

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464 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 12

panther. He wore no skin and possessed no power of transformation.
He did, however, acquire the panther's ability to hunt, it was thought.
In extreme old age he revealed his experiences and then died at once.

It is clear that the Miwok panther doctor is merely a shaman who
has that animal as his personal guardian spirit, and that except for
his power of transformation and the character of his guardian, the
Miwok bear doctor does not essentially differ from an ordinary shaman.

It seems therefore that the institution of the bear doctor has
attained its most extreme form among the Pomo.

SUMMARY

1. The origin of bear doctors is assigned by the Pomo to the myth-
ical times before men existed, when birds and mammals possessed
human attributes. The first bear doctors arose from a relatively
insignificant incident, which led one of the smallest of the birds to
develop his magic powers.

2. These powers are believed to be now acquired through the
wearing of a special suit which endows its wearer with rapidity of
motion and great endurance, but which does not itself actually trans-
port him or perform any act.

3. The powers are received through elaborate ritualistic songs and
prayers to certain supernatural beings under whose patronage the
doctor operates. These songs are largely sung not by the doctor him-
self but by an assistant while the doctor performs an elaborate dance
with the various parts of the costume preparatory to actually putting
them on for the first time.

4. In addition to this constant assistant, the bear doctor must have
a female aide, who makes certain parts of his paraphernalia and cooks
his special food. He is subject to certain restrictions connected with
the menstrual periods of this female aide and his wife, and they, in
turn, are subject through him to certain other restrictions.

5. Although all-powerful under ordinary circumstances, a bear
doctor apparently loses all his magic power as soon as he is captured.

6. Bear doctors are all known one to another, but form no organ-
ized group or society. They are also usually known to the chief, to
whom they pay tribute and give guarantee of immunity from attack
in return for his connivance and protection.

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7. In exceptional cases the bear doctors are harmless, but in the
main their object is to kill and plunder, and they carry special weapons
for this purpose. They do not practice curative medicine in any form.

8. There are apparently other kinds of magicians similar to bear
doctors. One of these, the ** panther doctors,'' has been specifically
mentioned.

These statements reflect the opinions of the Pomo. Some of the
practices described by them could easily have had a basis in fact.
Whether and to what extent they were actually performed remains
to be ascertained.

Transmitted November SS, 1916.

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INDEX*

Titles of papers in this volume are printed in bold-faced type.

Achcacanhtin, 259.

Algonkin language groups, 73; Plains
Algonkin, 73; Yurok and Wiyot,
members of, 73.

Algonkin verb, principles of forma-
tion, 92; three interpretations of,
93, 94, 95; fundamental problem of,
96, 97.

Amador County Miwok Indians, 139,
140, 141.

Animal material found in shellmound
constituents, 5.

Arapaho Dialects, 71; vocabulary,
75. 86; phonetic correspondence
with other divisions of Arapaho
group, 80-82; vowels, 83, 84; con-
sonants, 84; vocalic and consonan-
tal changes, 84; word composition:
nouns compounded of two separate
words, 85, 86, nouns and verbs with
prefixes, 86, with suffixes, 87-90;
word-forming prefixes to verbs, 90-
104: confusion between suffix and
real verb stem, 90, 92; compound
verbs, 91; problem of verb analy-
sis, 92-97; prefixes, used as words,
or made into verbs, 97, as adverbs
or similar parts of speech, 99, used
denendently apparently verbal, 103,
adverbial (manner), 103, (space),
104. erammatical. 109; suffixes,
verb-forminfir, 105, intransitive, 105,
state of being, 106, causative, 107,
miscellaneous, 107, 108, grammat-
ical, 109, pronominal, 110, 111, con-
nective, 112; dubious applicability
of desismation 'Mnstrumentals,'*
112; list of transitive stems, 113-
115, of intransitive stems, 115-116,
modifications, 116; nouns: forma-
tion of plural, 117, 118; gender,
117; case, oblique, 118, possessive,
119, 120, vocative, 120; pronouns:
demonstrative, interrogative, per-
sonal, 120, possessive, 121; adverbs,
endings, 121, 122; numerals, 122,
123; texts, 123-130.

Arapaho Indians, 73; language group
of Algonkin family, 73; five divi-
sions: Arapaho proper, 73; Begging-
People, 74; Rock-People, 73, 74;
South People, 73, 74; Gros Ventre
of the Prairie, 74.

Arizona, Kaibab Paiute Indians in,
245.

Ash found in shellmound constituents,
4, 5, 21.

Ash-devils (fire-eaters), 406, 413, 416,
417; dress, 407, 418; ceremonial
staff, 418.

Atsina (Gros Ventre of the Prairie),
Arapaho tribe, 74. See Gros Ventre.

Aztecs, social organization, 250, mili-
tary purpose of, 269; kinship
groups, 252.

Bandolier, A. P., method of work,
250; summary of his view of Mex-
ican social organization, 273, 274,
276; list of his sources, 276-282.

Bandeller's Oontribntion to the Study
of Ancient Mexican Social Organ-
ization, 249.

Bankalachi tribe, Kern Biver Sho-
shoneans, 220.

Banks Islands, terms used in, for
cross-cousins, 187.

Barnacles found in shellmound con-
stituents, 4.

Barrett, S. A., 397, 443; cited on tot-
emism among the Miwok Indians,
139.

Barrio, 253.

Basawunena", 80.

Bear doctors, Pomo, 443; source of
material, 445; stoiy of their origin,
445-451; their power, 452, 453; of
both sexes, 452; "head rest,'' 453
footnote; duties of assistant, 454;
hiding places, 455 ; magic suit, 455-
457, rites over, 458-461, illustration
of, opp. 443; weapons, 457; method
of attack, 457; communication be-
tween, 461; beliefs compared with
Yuki, 462, with Miwok, 463; sum-
mary of description, 464.

Berdaches, 163.

Big Creek, 142, 161; list of marriages
at, 162; lines of descent, 165, 166;
transmittal of eponym, 166; status
of inhabitants in terms of relation-
ship, list, 175-178; cross-cousin mar-
riages at, 189.

Blackfoot Indians, 73.

Bradley, C. B., 195.

Bulbs, food for shellmound dwellers,
6.

♦ Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., Vol. 12.

467

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Index

Burden (chorus) singers, 399, 400, 434.

California. See Central California.
See also Northwestern California;
South Central California; Southern
California.

Oallfornia Kinship Systems, 339.

Oalifornia Place Names of Indian
Origin, 31; literature cited, 32, 33.

California Shellmounds, Composition
of, 1.

Californian Indian cultures, 380.

Calpixca, 272.

Calpullec, 260.

CalpulH, 253, 254, 255, 270.

Captain, 399.

Carquinez shellmound, 2, 3; molluscan
species, 24.

Castro shellmound, 2, 3; molluscan
species, 6, 24, 28.

Central California, kinship character-
istics, 379; system of hereditary
moieties, 382.

Central Sierra (Tuolumne) Miwok,
139; marriages, 161, lists of, 162-3,
cross-cousin, 162, 169, 185, 189-193;
levirate, 183, 185; lines of descent,
165; transmittal of eponym, 166;
moiety animals, 193-194.

Ceremonies of tlie Pomo Indians,
397; sources of information, 398;
officials, 399; dance-house, 401, 406;
name of ceremony, 401; analysis,
401; procedure of final night, 401;
principal ceremonies, 401; da'ma
zaikilgaiagiba, 401, 403; gu'ksd
401, 425; gu'ksu xaikilgaiaglba,
401; thunder, 401; xahlulgax
xaikOgaiagiba (ghost or devil),
401; invitations, 402; welcome to
visitors, 403; general characteris-
tics, 441. .See ^o Ghost ceremony;
Gu'ksu ceremony.

Ceremonies, moiety, 145.

Cerithidea calif omiea, shellmound con-
stituent, 6, 8.

Charcoal as shellmound constituent,
4, 5, 20.

Cherokee Indians, terms used for
cross-cousins, 187.

Cheyenne Indians, 73.

Chiefs, honorary, in clan organization
of ancient Mexico, 256; war, head,
264; election, 265, 266; duality of
office, 267, 274.

Chimariko Indians, kinship terms,
380.

Choctaw Indians, terms used for
cross-cousins, 187.

Chorus (burden) singers, 399, 400,
434.

Chukchansi Indians, social organiza-
tion, 40.

Chumash Indians, kinship data, 380.

Clam, shellmound constituent, 6, 7, 9,
10.

Clan organization of ancient Mexico,
252, 255, 275; governmental func-
tions, 256; clan council, 257; execu-
tive officers, 258; war-leader, 259;
civil officials, 260. See Calpulli.
See also Tribe.

Codrington, R. H., cited on terms for
cross-cousins, 187.

Co'kinke, 436.

Communal houses in ancient Mexico,
253.

Community ownership of land in
ancient Mexico, 253, 254, 275.

Composition of California Sliell-
monndSk 1.

Confederacv, Mexican, 273.

Costanoan Indians, kinship data, 379,
380.

Cox, Mrs. Lena, informant, 174.

Crab shell as shellmound constituent,
4.

Cree Indians, 73.

Creek Indians, terms used for cross-
cousins, 187.

Crier. 408.

Cross-cousin marriage, 185, 187, 189-
193, 384; Miwok classification of
cross-cousins, 187, 384; examples of,
at Big Creek, 189; antiquity, 190.

Crow Indians, terms used for cross-
cousins, 187.

Da'make, 438.

Dances, in connection with ceremonies,
list, 431, 433; paraphernalia, 432;
those for both men and women,
433-438, for men onljr, 438, for
women only, 439; additional, 440.
See also Ceremonies of the Porno
Indians.

Devil (ghost) ceremony, 401, 403, 404r-
423; principal features, 422.

Dixon, R. B., cited on the northern
Maidu, 45.

Dja'ne ke, 438.

Drummers, 399, 400, 414.

Dfitu'kake. 436.

jSlk Grove, cross-cousin marriages at,
190.

Ellis Landing shellmound, 2; cata-
logue numbers of samples, 3; per
cent of material passing through
fine screen, 6 ; different sizes of shell
fragments, 7; possibly a ceremonial
center, 11; volume and weight, 12,
13; population, 12; age, 13; moUos-
can species in, 24, 27; occurrence
of Phytia myosotis, 26.

Emeryville shellmound, 2: catalogue
numbers of samples, 3; fish remains
in, 5; volume and weight, 13; age,
13; molluscan species in, 24, 27.

468

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Index

Eureka sheUmound, 2, 3; eatalogne
numbers of samples, 3; moUusean
species in, 6.

Exogamy, among the Miwok Indians,

140, 141-2; two moieties: land,
water, 140, 141, 142; percentages,
141, 142; animals belonging to, 143;
influence of moiety on marriages,

141, 161, 187; informants, 141, 143.
Fire dance, 420, 421.

Fire-eaters (ash-devils), 406; dress,
407.

Fire-eating, 416, 418.

Fire-handling, 416.

Fire-tenders, 399, 408, 416, 419, 429.

Fish remains as shellmound constit-
uent, 4, 5, 17.

Fiske, J., cited on Mexican social or-
ganization, 250.

Food of shellmound dwellers, 5, 6, 14.

Fox dialect, verb elements, 92, 95, 96.

Fuller, William, informant, 283.

Gallinomero, spear dance (gu'ksu cere-
mony), 427.

Gashowu Indians, social organization,
140.

Ghost (devil) ceremony, 401, 403, 404-
423; origin, 406; invocation, 408;
uninitiated not allowed, 410; music
413; songs, 417; flre-eating, 418;
fire-dance, 420, 421; purification
rite, 421; summary of principal
features, 422.

Ghost-dancers (devils), 406-423; dress,
407, 410; diagrams of courses taken,
409, 411, 415.

Giflford, E. W., 1, 139, 219, 283; cited
on social organization in South
Central California, 219, 382, on
Miwok relationship terms, 224, 232,
242.

Gi'lak, Pomo dance, 433.

Greenbrae shellmound, 2; catalogue
numbers of samples, 3; samples
taken from one vertical place, 4;
molluscan species in, 24, 29; occur-
rence of Phyiia myosoiiSf 26.

Grooved stones in shellmounds, 5.

Gros Ventre of the Prairie, Araphao
tribe, 74; dialect, phonetic corre-
spondences with other Arapaho divi-
sions, 80-82; modifications of form,
131 ; effect of composition on mean-
ing, 131, 132; verbs, prefixes, suf-
fixes, 122; pronominal endings and
connectives: intransitive, 133; in-
transitive imperative, 133, transi-
tive, 134, transitive imperative,
134, negative conjugation, 134;
nouns: plural, 135, animateness or
inanimateness, 136, locative, 136,
possessive pronominal prefixes, 136;
pronouns, 136; numerals, 137; text,
137.

460

Gualala Indians, devil dance, 405.

Gu'ksu, healing deity, 424; personal
appearance, 424; impersonators of,
in ceremony, 424-5.

Gu'ksu ceremony, 423-431; dress of
dancers, 424, 425; duration of, 425-
429; scarifying ceremony, 425;
Stephen Powers cited on, 427.

Gu'ksu-dancers, medicine-men (doc-
tors), 406, 422, 429, 430.

Gu'ksu ke. See Gu'ksu ceremony.

Gunther Island shellmound, 2, 3 ; cata-
logue numbers of samples, 3; mol-
luscan species in, 6, 28.

Gunu'laxe, 437.

Half Moon Bay shellmound, 2; cata-
logue numbers of samples, 3; mol-
luscan species in, 6, 25, 28.

Ha»anaxawune'na», 73.

Head-singers, 399, 400, 408.

He'lehela ke, 438.

Hesi ceremony, 404.

Hetch-Hetchy Valley, scene of moiety
myth, 143.

Hi'we ke, 438.

HinanaVina", 73.

Ho'hoke, 435.

Holophrasis, possible rehabilitation
of, 91, 92.

Hopi Indians, personal names, 147.

Horn -shell, shellmound constituent,
6, 8.

Houeh, R. B., cited on shellmounds,
12 footnote.

Humboldt Bay shellmound, 2; mol-
luscan species in, 6, 25.

Hupa Indians, kinship terms, 380.

I'dam ke, 439.

Incorporation, rehabilitation of, 91.

Inflections of the Voice, On Plotting
the, 195.

Iwi'ke, 436.

Jackson, Amador County, 141.

Jamestown, 142, 163, 180, 190, 283.

Jesup, Mrs. M. K., acknowledgment,
72.

Jones, W., cited on Fox dialect, 92,
on Algonkin verb formation, 92, 94,
95.

Kaibab Paiute, kinship system com-
pared with Kawaiisu and Uintah
Ute, 244, 245, 248; list of kinship
terms, 245, 246; use of Ute terms
for spouse, 247.

Kali'matoto ke, 437.

Kara'iyake, 438.

Kawaiisu, and Tflbatulabal Kinship
Terms, 219.

Kawaiisu kinship system, compared
with Tubatulabal, 232; with other
Califomian systems, 243, with Kai-
bab Paiute and Uintah Ute, 244-
248; with Northern Paiute, 366;
with Shoshonean systems, 366;

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Index

member of Central California kin-
ship group, 378.

Kawaiisu kinship terms, 228; rela-
tionship, list of, 229-232; table of
analysis of terms, 233; parent re-
lationship, 234; children, 234; step-
relations, 234; nepotic relationship,
234; uncle and aunt, 235; marriage,
235, 236; brothers, sisters, first
cousins, 237; grandparents, grand-
children, 237; brothers-in-law, sis-
ters-in-law, 238; diminutive suf-
fixes, 238; identical reciprocal
terms, 240; lexical similarities be-
tween and Tiibatulabal terms, 241;
categorical comparisons, 241-243.

Kawaiisu tribe, location, 219; lack
of moiety organization, 219; lin-
guistic branch of Shoshonean fam-
ily, 220.

Kern River Indians, 224.

Kinship, in the Aztec tribe, 252, 253;
in the Chimariko and Chumash,
380; in the Costanoan, 379, 380;
Salinan, 380.

Kinship systems, California, 339;
three-step relationship, 376; three
classes, 378, 379, 380; of the Tuba-
tulabal and Kawaiisu groups, 219.
See also Luiseno ; Kawaiisu ; Miwok ;
Mohave; Northern Paiute; Pomo;
Shoshonean; Tiibatulabal; Yokuts;
Yuki; Yurok; Washo; Win tun.

Kinship and social institutions, 382;
Yurok social system, 383; taboos,
383; marriage, 384; influence of
culture types, 385; theoretical con-
siderations, 385-396.

Knights Ferry, 163.

Kroeber, A. L., 31, 71, 339; acknowl-
edgment, 140; cited on shellmound
population, 12; on Yokuts names,
146; on Mohave names, 147; on
Yokuts relationship terms, 173; on
Kern Biver Shoshoneans, 220, 245;
on systems of relationship, 170,
224, 232, 242, 244; on bear shamans,
443, 444.

Ku'ksu. See Gu'ksii.

Lands, community of ownership in
ancient Mexico, 253, 254, 275.

Lehu'yeke, 436.

Levirate among California Indians,
183, 185, 384.

Lo'le ke, 439, 440.

Lowie, R. H., cited on systems of re-
lationship, 188; on male descend-
ants in Siouan tribes, 188.

Luiseno kinship system, 348; terms
compared with those of other
tribes, 243, 244; classes, 348-350;
general features, 351; member of
Southern California kinship group,
378.

470

Macoma nasuta, shellmound constitu-
ent, 6, 7, 9.

Madera County, cross-cousin mar-
riage customs, 190.

Maidu tribe, bear ceremony, 145;
Hesi ceremony, 404.

Mariposa Miwok Indians, 139.

Mason, J. A., cited on ethnology of
Salinan Indians, 172; on totems
among Salinan Indians, 193.

Masters of ceremonies, 399, 400, 410,
413.

Mateo' ke, 436.

Ma'take, 439.

Melanesian types of marriage, par-
allel between, and North American
types, 187.

Merriam, C. H., cited with regard to
Miwok moieties, 139.

Messiah ceremonies, 397; cult, 397,
440.

Mexican Confederacy, 273.

Mexican, Ancient^ Social Organiza-
tlon, Bandelier's Oontribution to
tlie Study of, 249.

Mexico, ancient, clan organization,
252, 274; community ownership of
land, 253; position of king, 265, 266,
267, 274, 276; military purpose of
government organization, 269; ex-
action of tribute, 272; commerce,
273; totemism, 273; Bandelier's
views on social organization^ 273-
276. See Aztecs. See also Clan
organization; Phratry; Tribe.

Mexico City, 252.

Michelson, T., cited on languages of
Algonkin family, 73.

Minnitaree Indians, terms used for
cross-cousins, 187.

Miwok Indians, of the Sierra Nevada
of California, three dialectic groups;
Central Sierra (Tuolumne), North-
ern Sierra (Amador), Southern
Sierra (Mariposa), 139; locality,
139; which see.

Miwok kinship system, 232, 238.

Miwok Moieties, 139; exogamy, 141-
142; two divisions, land and water
moieties, 140, 142; percentages of
each, 142; connected through per-
sonal names. 142; animals of land,
and of water, moieties, 143; myth-
ical origin, 143; relation of moiety
to supernatural powers of shaman,
145; totemism, 142-145; ceremon-
ies: funeral, mourning, girls' pub-
erty, the ahana, 145; paints, 146;
personal names, 146-189; naming
of foreigners, 148; nicknames, 159;
objects implied in personal names,
160; marriages, 160-165; table of,
168; genealogies, 165-169; table of,
opp. 170; descent, 165, 166-168; in-

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fluence of moieties on, 165, 166;
terms of relationshiip, 170-181;
social customs affecting, 181-189;
types of marriage, 182; tabus, 182;
polygymy, 182, 184; levirate, 183;
absence of polyandry, 183; cross-
cousin marriage, 185, 189-193; list
of cross-cousins, 187; conclusions,
193—194.

Mlwok Myths, 283.

Moiety, hereditary, 382; ceremonies:
funeral, mourning, girls' puberty,
the ahana, 145. See also Miwok
moieties.

Moiety organization among Mono
and Yokuts Indians, 193; complex-
ity of, among Tachi Yokuts, 194;
lacking in Tiibatulabal and Ka-
waiisu groups, 219.

Mohave Indians, personal names, 147;
kinship system, 340; classes, 340-
345; reciprocity, 345; relation to
clan system, 345; general features,
347-348; member of Southern Cali-
fornia kinship group, 378; terms
compared with those of other tribes,
243.

Molluscan species in shellmounds:
clam, 6, 7; horn-shell, 6, 8; mussel,
6, 7; oyster, 6, 7; Phytia myoaotis,
8, 26; representative of species in
vicinity, 7; variation in abundance,
10, 24, 25, 27.

Mono Indians, dual social organiza-
tion, 140, 193; North Fork Sho-
shonean, classification of cousins
as brothers and sisters, 237.

Montezuma, palace, 271.

Morgan, L. H., cited on organization
of Aztec empire, 250, 276.

Mussel, shellmound constituent, 6, 7.

Mytilus califomianus, shellmound con-
stituent, 6, 7.
eduliSf shellmound constituent, 6,
7,9.

Na" wa^nahana», 81.

Nelson, N. C, cited on shellmounds,
2, 5, 9, 11, 12.

Net sinkers, 5.

Nomasu, narrator of moiety myth,
143.

North Fork, Madera County, Indians,
237.

Northern Sierra Miwok, 139; cross-
cousin marriages, 190.

Northwest California kinship char-
acteristics, ^79.

Ojibwa Indians, 73.

Omaha Indians, similarity to the
Miwok of certain terms of relation-
ship, 188.

On Plotting the Inflections of the
Voice, 195.

Ostrea luridOf shellmound constituent,
6,7.

virginiana, 8.

Oyster, shellmound constituent, 6, 7;
Atlantic coast variety introduced,
8.

Paiute, Northern, kinship system,
358; classes, 359-361; marriage,
361-362; relations to Washo kin-
ship system, 364; member of Cen-
tral California kinship group, 378.

Panther doctors, Pomo, 462; Miwok,
463.

Parcialidades, 253.

Pawnee Indians, terms used for cross-
cousins, 187.

Pentecost Island, New Hebrides, in-
stance of exogamic moieties, 140.

Phratry, in ancient Mexican social
organization, 261, 269, 274; descrip-
tion, 270; captains-general (com-
manders), 270; dress, 261; tecpan,
271; schoolhouse, 272; house of
darts, 272.

Phytia myosotiSf shellmound constit-
uent, 8, 9, 26.

Plains Algonkin tribes, 73.

Point Loma shellmound, 2, 3; cata-
logue numbers of samples, 3; per
cent of material passing through
fine screen, 6.

Polyandry, absence of, among Cen-
tral Sierra Miwok, 183.

Polygyny among Miwok Indians, 182,
184, 188, 191.

Polysynthesis, possible rehabilitation
of, 91, 92.

Pomo Bear Doctors, 443.

Pomo Indians, Ceremonies of the, 397.

Pomo Indians, kinship system, 370;
classes, 370-371; general features
and relations, 371-372; comparison
of terms, 243; social organization,
399; ceremonial organization, 399-
401.

Powers, S., cited on the ghost dance,
404, 405; on the spear dance, 427.

Presidio of San Francisco, shellmound,
molluscan species, 7.

Radin, P., cited on the clan organiza-
tion of Winnebago Indians, 148.

Raga Island, New Hebrides, instance
of exogamic moieties, 140.

Rivers, W. H. R., cited on exogamic
moieties, 140; on terminology used
for cross-cousins, 187; on kinship
and social organization, 386.

Rock found in shellmound constitu-
ents, 4, 5, 22.

Rousselot apparatus, used in securing
records of ** tones,'' 196.

Salinan Indians, moiety organization,
172, 193, 194; kinship data, 380.

471

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San Diego Bay, Point Loma skell-
mound on, 2.

San Francisco Bay, sbellmonnds in
vicinity of, 2, map foil. p. 29; cata-
logue numbers of samples, 3; mol-
luscan species, 7, 24; distribution
of Phytia myosotis in, 9, 26.

San Joaquin Valley, Indians, 194,
219.

San Mateo shellmound, 2; catalogue
numbers of samples, 3; per cent of
material passing through fine screen,
6; molluscan species in, 24, 28; oc-
currence of Phytia myosotis, 26.

San Mateo Point shellmound, 2; cata-
logue numbers of samples, 3; per
centage of rock, 6 ; molluscan species
in, 24.

San Rafael shellmound, 2; catalogue
numbers of samples, 3; samples
taken from one vertical plane, 4;
per cent of material passing through
fine screen, 6; molluscan species in,
24, 29; occurrence of Phytia myos-
otis, 26.

Sapir, E., cited on Yurok and Wiyot
lansruages, 73; on kinship terms of
Kaibab Paiute and Uintah Ute,
245, 248; acknowledgment, 220.

Sausalito shellmound, 2; catalogue
numbers of samples, 3; samples
taken from one vertical plane, 4;
rock in, 6; molluscan species in,
24, 27; occurrence of Phytia myos-
otis, 26.

Sawe'tke, 438.

Scarifying ceremony, 425; attire, 421.

Sea-urchin as shellmound constituent,
4.

Shell. See Molluscan species in shell-
mounds.

ShellmonndB, Oallfomia> Ck>mpo>ltioii
of, 1; purpose and method of in-
vestigation, 1-4; constituents, 4-7;
methods of segregating, 6; environ-
ment, 7-12; physiographic contin-
uity of, 7-9; variations in mollus-
can species, 9-11; age, 12-14. See
also names of shellmounds: Car-
quinez; Castro; Ellis Landing;
Emeryville; Eureka; Greenbrae;
Gunther Island; Half Moon Bay;
Humboldt Bay; Point Loma; San
Diego Bay; San Francisco; San
Mateo; San Mateo Point; San
Rafael; Sausalito; West Berkeley.

Shoshonean family, kinship systems,
366-368; linguistic branches, 220.

Sierra Nevada, Indians in, 219.

Snake-Woman, 267, 268.

Soulsbyville, 283.

South Central California, dual social
organization, 140.

Southern California kinship charac-
teristics, 378.

Southern Sierra Miwok, eross-couain
marriage, 190.

Taboos (tabus), speech, 182, 183, 190;
parent-in-law, 383; name of the
dead, 383.

Tachi Indians, social organization,
140.

Tachi Yokuts Indians, complexity of
moiety organization, 194.

Tecpan, 216.

Tecuhtli, 256.

Tegula funebralis, shellmound constit-
uent, 10.

Tehachapi Mountains, Indians in,
219.

Tejon Indians, 229 note 11.

Tenochtitlan. See Mexico City.

Texts illustrating Arapaho dialect,
123-130, illustrating Gros Ventre,
137.

Thompson, Mrs. Sophie, informant,
143, 174.

Thunder ceremony, 401.

Tlacatecuhtli, 265.

Tlalmilli, 254.

Tlatoani, 260, 262.

Tones, of the Siamese language, 196,
197; chart illustrating, opp. 212;
of the Chinese language, 198 foot-
note 4, 204; chart illustrating tones
of Pekingese, opp. 124.

Totemism, among Miwok Indians,
142-145; in ancient Mexican social
organization, 273.

Tribe, in ancient Mexico, 261, 274;
council, 262-264; head war chief,
264; Snake- Woman, 267, 268.

Tribute, in ancient Mexican social
organization, 272, 273.

Tttbatulabal and KawaiUn Kinship
Terms, 219.

Tubatulabal tribe, location, 219; lin-
guistic branch of Shoshonean fam-
ily, 220; kinship system, compared
with Northern Paiute, 366; with
Shoshonean systems, 366; kinship
terms, 220; relationship, 221-223;
local usages near Kemville, 224;
some uncertain usages, 224; table
of analysis of terms, 225; frag-
mentary genealogy table, 226, 227;
additional terms, 226, 228. See also
Kawaiisu tribe; Kawaiisu kinship
system; Kawaiisu kinship terms.

Tulare Lake, 194.

Tuolumne Miwok Indians, 139.

Turban shell, shellmound constituent,
10.

Uhle, M., cited on Emeryville shell-
mound, 13.

472

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Uintah Ute, 220; kinship system com-
pared to Eawaiisu, 245, 248; kin-
ship terms, 246, 247.

Utah, Kaibab and Uintah Ute In-
dians in, 244.

Ute-Chemehuevi, dialect, 220; spoken
by Kaibab Paiute and Kawaiisu,
245.

Vegetable food of shellmound dwel-
lers, 14.

Verb analysis, in Algonkin and Fox
languages, problem of, 92-97.

Vertebrate remains in shellmound
constituents, 4, 5.

Voice, On Plotting the Inflections of
tlie, 195.

Voth, H. R., cited on Hopi proper
names, 147.

Washo kinship system, 362; classes,
362; reciprocity, 363; relations to
that of the Northern Paiute, 363;
to other systems, 364; terms com-
pared with those of other tribes,
243.

Waterman, T. T., 249.

West Berkeley shellmound, 2; cata-
logue numbers of samples, 3; mol-
luscan species in, 24, 28; occurrence
of Phytia myosoiiSy 26.

Williams, Thomas, informant, 283.

Winnebago Indians, naming of for-
eigners, 148.

Win tun Indians, kinship system, 368;
classes, 368-369; general features,
369; Southern Wintun kinship type,
369; influence of culture type, 382;
Hesi ceremony, 404.

Wiyot Indians, kinship affiliation,
380; language Algonkin, 73.

Ya'ya ke, 436.

Yo' ke, 436.

Yo'mtabate, 406, 422.

Yokuts Indians, dual social organiza-
tion, 140, 193; agreement with
Miwok use of personal names, 146;
kinship system, 352; comparison
with the Miwok, 356-358; classes,
352-354; reciprocity, 354; member
of the Central California kinship
group, 378; terms compared with
those of other tribes, 243.

Yuki Indians, kinship system, 372;
classes, 372-373; general features
and relations, 373; member of Cen-
tral California kinship group, 378;
terms compared with those of other
tribes, 243.

Yurok Indians, language Algonkin,
73; kinship system, 374; classes,
374-375; general features, 375-
376; kinship group, 378, 380.

Xahlu'igak ke, 439.

Xoke, 439.

ERRATA

Page 34, line 14. For appelation read appellation.

Page 77, line 11. For lialects read dialects.

Page 181, footnote. For p. 81 read p. 189.

Page 182, line 13. For polygnqus read polygynous.

Page 188, line 12 from bottom. For polygnous read polygynous.

Page 276, second paragraph. Omit second line.

Page 346, line 7. Mead: different clans; yet it is only to these cousins that

brother-sister names
Page 346. line 7. For partrilinear read patrilinear.
Page 370, last line. For XI read IX.
Page 374, after line 19. Insert: Ne-lai-yewitf sister, female cousin, or more distant

female relative of a woman.

473

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> AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY

Vol; 12,-No. If, pp. 443-465, ptat#7 July J 1, 1917

; PECETVED

JUL ai IMT

PEABOPY MUSeUI

POMO BEAR DOCTORS

' BY -

S. A. BARRETT

ONIVERSITY O^ CALIFORKIA PRB8S
• BERKELEY

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