I. Stone representation of Kama Kay.i s head.
( By ktnd perwt *>->«, n of the Curv'tii, liijafnn Museum j
THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY
OF VIJAYANAGARA
BY
THE REV. HENRY HER AS. S.J.. M.A.
PROFfiSiOR^SF INDIAN HISTORY.
ST. XAVIER'S COLLEGE. BOMBAY
WITH A PREFACE BY
SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE.
C.B.. C. I. E. . F. B. *.. F. S. A.
HON. FELLOW. TRIN. HALL. CAM§
VOL. I
. G. PAUL. & CO. PUBLISHERS
MADRAS
1927
PEEFACE
FATHER H. HERAS, S. J.,-. Professor of Indian History,
St. Xavier's College, Bombay, has already distinguished
himself in promoting knowledge of the history of Central
and South India by two original papers in the Indian Anti-
quary on " The Conquest of the Fort of Asirgarh " and on
the " City of Jinji." He has now set himself to elucidate
the history of Vijayanagara in the time of its fourth and last
dynasty, that is, during the period 1542-1770 of the Christian
era — a period but lightly touched on in Mr. Sewell's well-
known history of Vijayanagara — A Forgotten Empire.
The period is, however, a very important one in the story
of Hinduism, and it covers also that of the rise of European
power in India — Portuguese, Dutch, Danish, French and
English — and of the struggles of the various European
nations for supremacy, ending in the final victory of the
English over all others. It was further a period of great
Jesuit activity and of the general spread of modern European
Christianity in South India. These considerations alone
attest the value of its exhaustive study and the interest it
cannot fail to arouse in all European students of the Indian
Empire.
It is, however, a period of great difficulty, owing to the
constant and varying struggle between Hindu Vijayanagara
and the Muhammadan powers of the Deccan on the one hand,
and on the other of never-ending local difficulties of fighting
caused by the Vijayanagara system of governing through
Viceroys, who were practically independent kings in their
restricted territories and appeared as such to visiting Euro-
peans, while the representatives of European powers took
sides and joined in the general melte. History thus appears
as an almost hopeless jumble of local struggle, and indeed it
VI PREFACE
requires no small research to put together the pieces of the
puzzle, so that the reader has before him an intelligible
account of the happenings at a period of Indian history of
the first importance to those who would understand the condi-
tions of to-day.
This great task Father Heras has undertaken, to my
mind in the manner in which it should be undertaken. He
goes into the causes which led to the conditions that brought
the last Vijayanagara Dynasty — the Aravidu — into existence,
and then writes up the history of it from original unpublished
documents, as well as from the books on the subject, and in
a long appendix he gives the unpublished documents them-
selves in their original languages. History cannot be more
fairly presented.
Such is the method of Father Heras in attacking his
subject and in this first volume we find that he commences
with an account of the reigns of the last rulers of the Third
Dynasty — the Tuluva — so as to show how the Aravidu family
stepped quietly into its place in the person of the Aravidu
minister, Rama Raya of Sadasiva Ray a, the last Emperor of
the Third Dynasty. He then gives an account of the
administration of Vijayanagara under Rama Raya, the main-
tenance of Hinduism, and the foreign policy, especially as
regards the Portuguese. As regards Rama Raya's clever and
tortuous dealings with the Muhammadan powers of the Dec-
can, a whole chapter is devoted to them.
Father Heras then harks back to South Indian History
to explain the early Telugu invasions of the Tamil country,
ending with the establishment of Visvanatha Nayaka as
Nayak (king) of Madura and the story of his successors —
introducing incidentally the doings of St. Francis Xavier and
other Jesuit leaders. This is followed by an account of the
Nayaks of Tanjore, Jinji and Ikeri (the very name of which
last once great city has since disappeared from the general
Indian maps), and of the Rajas of Mysore and other
PREFACE VM
Feudatory Chiefs, including the obscure and carious Queens
of Bhatkal and Ullal.
These minor considerations bring us back to the struggle
between the Tuluva Dynasty of Vijayanagara and the
Deccani Muhammadans, ending with their victory at the
battle of Raksas-Tagdi, the execution of RSma Raya and the
end of the Tuluva Dynasty. This brings the Aravidu
Tirumala, Rama Raya's brother, to the Vijayanagara throne
and the transfer of the capital to Penukonda, giving the
death blow to Portuguese commerce in India. His short
reign thereafter was necessarily a time of confusion and
trouble and constant struggles with the Muhammadans to the
North of him. He was succeeded by Sri Ranga I, who
kept the capital at Penukonda and fought back the Muham-
madans. Under these rulers three Viceroyalties were esta-
blished respectively over the Telugu, Kanarese and Tamil
countries, to the story of which Father Heras devotes two
chapters, with details of Portuguese interference with their
affairs.
History then deals with the affairs of Venkatapatideva
Raya (Venkata II), still at Penukonda, and with his strug-
gles with his feudatory chiefs, and also with the Muham-
madans and the Nayak of Madura, giving an account of that
feudatory dynasty. At this point comes in the story of
Father Roberto de Nobili and his unusual behaviour, of
which one is glad to have an orderly account.
Venkata II had further many dealings with the Nayaks
of Tanjore and Jinji, the Kanarese Viceroy, the Raja of
Mysore, the Nayak of Ikeri, and other chieftains, in which
the Portuguese, the Dutch and the Jesuits were mixed up.
Besides describing these Father Heras gives us an account
of the dealings of Venkata II directly with the Portuguese,
Dutch and English of the day, and a separate account of the
Jesuits at his Court,
Viil PREFACE
The volume then goes into minor, but yet important
matters such as those of painting at Venkata IPs court,
especially by Jesuit Fathers, his family affairs and literary
activity under the first Aravidu sovereigns. Finally the
volume winds up with a most valuable chapter on the strug-
gle of Sri Vaishnavism with other Hindu sects.
The above very brief retum€ of Father Heras's first
volume is sufficient to show what it covers and how the writer
has kept the many conflicting items of history apart, so that
they can be absorbed by the student without confusion of
mind.
R. C. TEMPLE
CONTENTS
PAGE
PREFACE ... ... ... V
LIST OF PLATES ... ••• ... xii
INTRODUCTION ••• ••• ... xiii
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION ••• XVU
CHAP.
I THE REIGN OF VENKATA I ... ... 1
II SADASIVA RAYA AND HIS REGENT
RAMA RAYA ... ... ... 13
III ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE ... 27
IV FOREIGN POLICY ... ... 54
V RAMA RAYA AND THE DECCANI MUHAM-
MADANS ... ... ... 73
VI EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS INTO THE
SOUTH ... ... ... 99
VII THE NAYAKS OF MADURA ... ... 181
VIII THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE, JINJI AND
IKERI, THE RAJAS OF MYSORE AND
OTHER FEUDATORY CHIEFS ... 172
IX THE BATTLE OF RAKSAS-TAGDI ... 194
X THE END OF THE TULUVA DYNASTY ... 218
XI THE SHORT REIGN OF TIRUMALA ... 248
XII THE EMPIRE UNDER SRI RANGA I ... 264
XIII THE TAMIL V1CEROYALTY ... ... 280
XIV THE KANARESE VICEROYALTY ... 290
XV VENKATAPATIDEVA RAYA II ... 800
XVI WARS WITH THE MUHAMMADANS ... 826
XVII THE NAYAKSHIP OF MADURA ... 841
X CONTENTS
PAGE
XVIII THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO
DE NOBILI ... • •• ... 363
XIX THE NAYAK3 OF TANJORE AND JINJI ... 397
XX THE END OF THE KANARESE VICEROY-
ALTY ... ... ... 411
XXI VENKATA II'S RELATIONS WITH THE
PORTUGUESE, DUTCH AND ENGLISH 428
XXII THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OF VEN-
KATA II ... ... ... 464
XXIII VENKATA II AND THE ART OF PAINTING. 486
XXIX FAMILY AFFAIRS, DEATH OF VENKATA
II ... ... ... 494
XXIV LITERARY ACTIVITY UNDER THE FIRST
ARAVIDU SOVEREIGNS... ... 513
XXVI THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN SRI VAISH-
NAVISM AND OTHER SECTS ... 532
APPENDIX A ... ... ... 555
APPENDIX B ... ... ... 567
APPENDIX C ... ... ... 581
APPENDIX D ... ... ... 639
LIST OF
PLATE
I STONE REPRESENTATION OF RAMA
RAYA'S HEAD Frontispiece
II THE EMPIRE OF VIJAYANAGARA UNDER
SADASIVA RAYA to face ... 54
HI RAMA RAYA OF VIJAYANAGARA „ ... 90
IV VISVANATHA NAYAKA OF MADURA „ ... 131
V BATTLE OF RAKSAS-TAGDI. THE HINDU
ARMY. FIRST ENGAGEMENT „ ... 206
VI BATTLE OF RAKSAS-TAGDI. THE DE-
FEAT OF THE HINDU ARMY ,, ... 211
VII BATTLE OF RAKSAS-TAGDI. THE EXE-
CUTION OF RAMA RAYA „ ... 214
VIII BATTLE OF RAKSAS-TAGDI. THE RE-
TREAT OF THE HINDU ARMY ,, ... 216
IX VIJAYANAGARA. HINDU-MUSLIM BATH ... 227
X TIRUMALA RAYA. UPPER T1RUPATI „ ... 248
XI VENKATAPATI DEVA RAYA II. UPPER
TIRUPATI „ ... 302
XII MAP OF INDIA OF SANSON D'ABBEVILLE,
1652 „... 313
XIII A PORTION OF THE WALLS OF THE OLD
FORT OF VELLORE „ ... 318
XIV THE EMPIRE OF VIJAYANAGARA UNDER
VENKATA II „ ... 334
li LIST OF PLATES
PAGE
XV MUTHU KRISHNAPPA NAYAKA AND
MUTHU VIRAPPA NAYAKA to face ••• 358
XVI FR. ROBERTO DE NOBILI, S. J., IN THE
COSTUME OF BRAHMAN SANNYASI ... 382
XVII INDIA AND BURMA ACCORDING TO THE
'CARTA MARINA1 OF 1516 BY M.
WALDSEEMULLER „ ... 488
INTRODUCTION
THE History of the Aravidu Dynasty of the Vijayanagara
Empire is the history of the Telugu domination over
the Tamil and Kanarese people. No doubt the whole of
Southern India was under the sway of Vijayanagara prior to
the 15th century. But the former rules of the Tamilians
had been either retained, as in the case of the Cholas of
Tanjore, or restored, as in the case of the Pandyas of Madura,
as feudatory kings under the powerful Telugu Empire. Now,
when the star — once so bright — of Vijayanagara was on the
wane, many of the old native rulers were replaced by
Telugu Chiefs, destined to become the founders of the royal
dynasties of the South after the setting of the imperial glory.
The same fate befell most of the rulers of the Kanarese
country, though there several of the old native chieftains sur-
vived.
To study the history of this dynasty without relating the
events that turned those Telugu Nayaks first into feudatory
kings and then into independent sovereigns, would be to
mutilate the history of the fourth dynasty of Vijayanagara*
Consequently we propose to deal with the whole history of
the South of India, excepting Malabar, from the second half
of the 16th century until the middle of the 18th, when the
last representative of the old feudatory chiefs of Vijaya-
nagara disappeared with the usurpation of Haidar Ali.
It is needless to insist on the importance of this period
in the general history of India. Between the dates just men-
tioned, the already flourishing Portuguese commerce in India
met its death-blow by the first appearance in the southern
seas of the Danish, Dutch, French and English traders.
Deccani Muhammadans, Marathas and Mughals successively
invaded the South, and shook to its very foundations the
XIV INTRODUCTION
venerable Empire of Vijayanagara. It was also during this
period that Vaishnavism was firmly established in the South
as a result of the onslaughts on Jainism and Saivism, after
the preaching of Ramanujacharya. Finally the successors
of St. Francis Xavier, who preached Christ's Gospel on the
Fishery Coast at the close of the third dynasty, were actively
spreading the Catholic Doctrine, at one time protected by the
very Emperors, Nayaks and other chiefs, at another persecut-
ed by them ; and one of these missionaries, Fr. R. de Nobili,
founded at this time the famous Madura Mission among the
high caste people, the effects of which it is impossible to pass
over in silence in a general history of the country.
As to the contents of this first volume, I must justify my
starting with the alternation of the reign of the two as
monarchs of the third Dynasty. The end of the Tuluva
Dynasty and the beginning of the Aravidu Dynasty are not
marked or separated by any great fight or tremendous coup
d9 etat that puts before our eyes the latter and announces the
extinction of the former. The Aravidu family, connected by
marriage with the reigning Tuluva Dynasty, became increas-
ingly powerful after the demise of Achyuta Deva Raya.
Hence we have selected this event for the beginning of our
narrative.
Thus we shall see the first appearance of the three repre-
sentatives of the Aravidu family in the political world of
Vijayanagara, and we shall be able to understand thoroughly
the causes of its rise to power, even before the total extinc-
tion of the preceding dynasty. For, the real founder of the
Aravidu Dynasty is certainly not Tirumala ; his brother
Rama Raya, some years previous to the so-called Talikota
disaster, had already paved for his family the path leading to
the throne, which he actually mounted with the unanimous
approval of the whole of the Empire.
Therefore this volume will contain the history of the
reigns of five Monarchs of the Empire of Vijayanagara.
INTRODUCTION XV
Venkata I, hitherto simply called Venkatadri, whose early
death provoked the seizing of the capital by Rama Raya and
his brothers ; Sadasiva Raya, who saw patiently the rising of
Rama Raya as well as his sudden fail in the national calamity
at Raksas-Tagdi ; Tirumala, who finally succeeded in esta-
blishing the Aravidu family on the throne of Vijayanagara ;
Ranga I, whose short reign witnessed the increased power
of the Muhammadans, who were constantly menacing the
northern frontier of the Empire; and finally, Venkata II f
known hitherto as Venkata I, the most illustrious sovereign
of this Dynasty, who checked the Muslim raids in the North,
subdued the turbulent Nayaks in the South, caused the Rajas
of Mysore to be firmly established in their realm, strengthen,
ed his power by an alliance with the Portuguese and fostered
literature and the fine arts throughout his vast dominions-
The civil war that followed his death hastened the decay of
the Empire.
BIBLIOGKAPHICAL INTRODUCTION
IN any historical work, the author, besides the sources
from which he has gathered his information, must have con-
suited many works either directly on the subject, or referring
to it in some way. Hence the two parts of this Introduction :
I. Contemporary Sources. 1 1. Literature.
I CONTEMPORARY SOURCES
Naturally the sources, in order to have the necessary
authority demanded by modern history, must be contem-
e>rary. This word however has a comprehensive meaning,
nder it those works or documents are also contained which,
although not strictly contemporary, bear nevertheless such a
stamp of antiquity and authority that they are unquestion-
ably accepted as historical sources. Such are also those works
which are based on ancient contemporary documents. In
fact if history is written as it should be, it is not always
possible to draw the line between sources and literature.
These sources may be unpublished or published . —
1. UNPUBLISHED SOURCES
A. From the Bharata Itihasa SansJwdhaka Mandala, Poona.
Poona Persian Poem (P.P.P.)
We have given this name to a manuscript Persian Poem
belonging to the collection of the Bharata Itihasa Sansho-
dhaka Mandala, Poona.
It is a volume measuring 8x4 inches, richly bound in
leather, with gilt patterns on the front cover; the binding
however is badly worn. It contains 49 loose leaves of thick
Daulatabadi paper sprinkled with gold, i.e., 98 pages numbered
with Sanskrit characters in pencil, beginning from the last
page of the Persian manuscript. These pages are much
damaged and worm-eaten. All bear the .stamp of the Mandala.
Between these and the cover both at the beginning and the
end there are four leaves of an inferior kind of paper, a little
whiter, containing some Persian writings which have no
connection with the subject of the poem. There are 12 full-
page coloured paintings, some of which are reproduced in
this volume by the kind permission of the Honorary Secre-
taries of the Mandala. Each painting is covered with modern
3
ixviii THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
white paper. On the first page of the volume there is the
seal of the Mughal Emperor Muhammad Shah. Its inscrip-
tion runs as follows : Muhammad Shah Padshah Ghazi — 1132
(A.H.) This seal is half obliterated as well as the following
lines in Persian written on the same page : Book of praise of
Hassan (sic), King of Deccan. With 14 pictures, 49 leaves and
4 pages unwritten. In the upper left corner there was another
seal now totally effaced, which might perhaps be the seal of
one of the Ahmadnagar Sultans. Moreover on the same
page two small square seals may be seen, bearing the fol-
lowing inscription : 1350 Puran Chand. Three other impres-
sions of this seal are found in one of the last blank pages of
the manuscript.
The poem begins on page 2 with an introduction headed
by a beautifully painted pattern ; in the middle of which, on
a golden field, we read the following common inscription : In
the name of God, the generous, the merciful. Besides this intro-
duction the poern contains 11 cantos, the last of which is
unfinished. The titles of these cantos are as follows : —
I. Praises of God.
II. Praises of the Prophet.
III. The Virtues of the Lord.
IV. The Beginning of the Reign of Hussain Nizam
Shah.
V. The Beauty and Nature of Humayun Shah.
VI. The Marriage of Hussain Nizam Shah and Huma-
yun Shah.
VII. The Durbar of Hussain Nizam Shah who admires
the Beauty of Humayun Shah.
VIII. Praise of love and lovers.
IX. Hussain Nizam Shah musters an army against the
infidels and marches on Bijanagar.
X. Hussain Shah's fight with Rama Raja, King of
Bijanagar and his victory.
XL Return of Hussain Shah, from the war with the
infidels and conquest of Bijanagar, to Ahmadnagar
and his passing from this abode of destruction to
the eternal abode.
The writing is done in very black Indian ink and with
extraordinarily beautiful penmanship. The verses are always
enclosed within a rectangular blank and gold border, which
leaves a margin of about an inch. The verses of the intro-
duction are underlined with gold ; occasionally there are some
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION XIX
verses written in the margin. The poem was suddenly inter-
rupted and left unfinished but the three last pages are already
bordered, waiting its completion.
The poem was, no doubt, written by a Court poet of
Hussain Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar, the history of whose
reign is the argument of the poem. Though begun perhaps
during his own reign, it was certainly continued during the
beginning of the reign of his son Murtaza Nizam Shah, while
his mother Bibi Konzah Humayun was governing on his
behalf for three years1. This is proved by the fact that
there is a full canto in honour of the Sultana. Such an extra-
ordinary piece of flattery would be unintelligible, unless writ-
ten while she was the ruler of the state. Now from the fact
that the last canto of the poem is abruptly cut short (so much
so that even the death of the Sultan — the account of which is
promised in the heading of the canto — is not narrated) we
may safely conclude that the work was suddenly interrupted
during the political upheaval caused by the Regent's impri-
sonment. The poem itself is of very little historical
importance ; the paintings are much more interesting.
This c py of the poem was, no doubt, intended for the
library of the Sultan himself, as the richness of its execution
clearly shows. When Ahmadnagar fell into the possession
of the Mughals, the manuscript went, either at once or some
years later — perhaps during the reign of Muhammad Shah
(1719 — 1748), whose seal appears on the first page — to Bur-
hampur, a place which at times was the capital of the Mughal
Deccan. There it was found in the possession of a private
person by the late Mr. Pandurang Narasinha Patvardhan of
Foona, who forwarded it to the Bharata Itihasa Sanshodhaka
Mandala.
I owe the English Translation of the three cantos of
this poem, published in Appendix A, to Mr. Mohamed Kazem
Nemazi, B. A., Professor of Persian in our College.
B. From the Aichivo da Secretaria Geral do Governo, Pangim.
Moncoes do Reino. These volumes measuring 10x6 inches
as a general rule contain letters both from the Kings of Por-
tugal to their Viceroys or Governors of Goa and from the
Viceroys and Governors to the Kings. Occasionally other
documents are found referring to the subjects mentioned in
those letters. The King's letters are always originals, with
1. Burhan~i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant.t L, p. 195-6 and 207 ; Ferishta—
Briggs, III, p. 250-3.
XX THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VJJAYANAGARA
the autograph signature of the monarch himself, and some-
times still bearing his royal seal. At times two or three copies
of the same letter, all signed by the King, may be found ; they
were sent in duplicate by different vessels in order to prevent
their being lost on such a long and perilous voyage. The
Viceroys' letters are always copies— first copies most likely —
made from the original before it was sent to Portugal.
A few of the Viceroys1 letters are merely drafts. In this
volume use has been made of letters belonging to seven dif-
ferent volumes ; they will be found in Appendix B. As a
general rule, only extracts referring to the subject of this
history are reproduced.
C. From the Archives of the Society of Jtsus
Much use has been made of the Jesuit documents to
illustrate the history of the Mughal Empire, specially during
the reign of Akbar. But they have been studied very little
by South Indian Scholars. Mr. G. H. Nelson, iu The Madura
Manual, and Prof. R. Sathyarintha Aiyar in his History of the
Nayaks of Madura, are the only authors who have used the
Southern Jesuit's letters in their works. But unfortunately
they knew these letters only through the work of Fr. Ber-
trand, La Mission dc Madure, in which these documents appear
in a French translation, which is far from accurate. Fortu-
nately through the kindness both of Very Rev. Fr. J.
Planchard, Superior of the Madura Mission, and of
Fr. J. Castets, iu charge of the Archives of the Mission, I
was allowed to see and copy a number of photographs of
Jesuit letters from Southern India, the originals of which are
preserved in Europe. These documents are of three different
kinds : —
(a) Litlerae Annuae. These are the official letters sent
annually from every Province or Mission to the General of
the Society of Jesus residing at Rome. While narrating the
state of the Mission they occasionally give precious informa-
tion about the civil conditions of the country. Sometimes
also, specially in later years, a detailed account of the civil
conditions of the country in which the missionaries are
working is given at the beginning of the letter.
(b) Private Letters. These are not official letters but
are those addressed either by the Provincial or by the
Missionary Fathers to the General of the Jesuits or to
other Fathers in Europe. All these letters, both official
and private, are originals. Of their historical value Mr.
Vincent Smith, A kbar, p. 6-7, speaks very highly.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION xxi
(c) The only other document which has been made use
of in the present volume is a protest sent to the King of Spain
and Portugal against the Jesuits of the South, and specially
against those working at Chandragiri. The document pho-
tographed is only a copy of the original memorial. It is
published at the end of Appendix C.
Space does not allow of a full description of all these
Jesuit documents. As mentioned above, I have only worked
upon their photographs, and no scale is given from which to
deduce their real size.
D. From the Archives of the Diocese of Mylapore
By the kindness of the Most Rev. Mgr. A. Teixeira,
Administrator Apostolic of the Mylapore Diocese, and of his
Secretary Very Rev. Fr. Carvalho, 1 was able to collect only
a fe;w documents from the Dncesan Archives. The oldest
of them seem to have been destroyed during the deprada-
tions of Haiclar Aii and Tipu Sultan. The two documents
published in Appendix, D are not of great importance. Both
are copies made in relatively modern times. Their size is
12 x 6 inches.
E. Other MSS
(a) Obras varias Manu-Scriftas : Que cowptchende todas
as quc constao do Index desde (sic) Toino 7" . A Volume 12x9
inch, containing copies of documents connected with For-
tuguese history, most likely from the originals in the Torre
do Tombo. Leaves are only numbered, not pages. The book
belongs to the Satara Museum of the late Rao Bahadur
D. B. Parasins, to whose memory I am highly indebted for
his extreme kindness.
(/;) The Very Rev. Fr. A. M. Tabard, M. A., late Pre-
sident of the Mythic Society, Bangalore, put into my hands
copies of some MSS. relating to the early history of Banga-
lore. These MSS. are preserved in the Royal Palace of
Mysore. One of them has no heading at all. The other is
entitled as follows : —
Memoir of Bangalore il/S. written in 1723, collected at
Bangalore in February 1807 and literally translated from the
original Maratha by Soobbarao, Brahmin.
(c) Use has also been made of the poem Sahityaratnakara
of the Maharaja Sarfoji's Saraswati Mahal Library, Tanjore,
It bears the No. 10*91.
il THE ARAVIDU DVNAStY OF VIJAYANAGARA
2- PUBLISHED SOURCES
A. Inscriptions
(a) Works
Tamil and Sanskrit Inscriptions, with some notes on
village antiquities collected chiefly in the South of the
Madras Presidency. By Jas« Burgess* c. i. E., LL. D.
with Translations by S. M. Natesa Sastri, Pandit. (4 vols.)
Madras, 18S6.
A collection of the Inscriptions on copper-plates and
stones in the Nellore District, made by Alan Butter-
worth* of the Indian Civil Service (Madras) and V« Venu-
ffopal Chetty, of the Indian Civil Service (Madras). (3 Vols.)
Madras, 1905.
Pali Sanskrit and old Canarese Inscriptions from the
Bombay Presidency and parts of the Madras Presidency and
Maisur. Arranged and explained by J. F« Fleet* M.R.A.S.
Prepared under the direction of James Burgess* F.R.G.S.,
M.R.A.S. London, 1878.
Copper -plate Inscriptions belonging to the Sri Sankara-
charya of the Kama- Koti-Pitha. Edited by T« A. Gopi-
natha Rao> M.A., Superintendent of Archaeology, Travan-
core State. Madras, 1916.
Archaeological Survey of India. New Imperial Series,
Vol. XXIX. South Indian Inscriptions (4 Vols.), Edited
and Translated by £• Hultzsch, PH. D , V. Venkayya, M.A.
and H- Krishna Sastri. B.A. Madras, 1890-1924.
Mysore Archaeological Series, Epigraphia Carnatica.
Vol. II. Inscriptions at Sravana Belgola (Revised Edition),
By Praktana vimarsa-vichak-thana, Rao Bahadur R. Nara-
simhachar, M.A., M.R.A.S. Bangalore, 1923.
A Topographical list of the Inscriptions of the Madras
Presidency (collected till 1915) with Notes and References,
By V- Rangacharya, M.A., L.T. (3 Vols.) Madras, 1919.
Monumental Remains of the Dutch East India Company
in the Presidency of Madras. By Alexr- Rea« Madras,
1897,
Mysore Archaeological Series. Epigraphia Carnatica,
By B« Lewis Rice> C.I.E., M.R.A.S. (12 Vols.) Bangalore,
1898-1905.
Lists of the Antiquarian Remains in the Presidency of
Madras, compiled under the orders of Government by
Robert SewelL (2 Vols ) Madras, 1882-1884
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION xxiii
University of Mysore. Annual Report of the Mysore
Archaeological Department for the years 1920, 1921, 1922,
1923 and 1924. Bangalore 1921-1925.
Catalogue of Copper-plate Grants in the Government
Museum. Madras, 1912.
Madras Epigraphical Report (The inscriptions of the
Report are usually mentioned as follows: 15 of 1905 ; 35 of
1898, etc.)
(b) Articles
Lionel D- Burnett Two Grants of Venkatapati I :
Saka 1503 and 1535. (Ep. Ind., XIII, p. 225-237).
A- C Burnell, The Villappakkam Copper- Plates. (Ind.
Ant.,11, p. 371).
J. F» Fleett Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions.
(Ind. Ant., IV-XX).
T. A Gopinatna Row* M.A., Soraikkavur Plates of
Virupaksha ; Saka-Samvat 1308. (Ep. Ind., VII, p. 298-306).
Dsrtavay-Agragharam Plates of Venkatapatidevamaharaya
I, Saka-Samvat 1508. (Ep. Ind., XII, p. 159 187).
Srirangam Plates of Mummadi Nayaka: Saka-Samvat
1280. (Ep. Ind , XIV, p. 83-96).
Vellangudi Platas of Venkatapati- Deva-Maharaya I ;
Saka-Samvat 1520. (Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 293-329).
Some Inscriptions of the later Pandyas or the Decline
of the Pandya Power. (Travancore Archaeological Series, I, p.
41-152).
T. A. Gopinatha Row and Rao Sahib T. Raghaviah,
Krishnapuram Plates of Sadasivaraya ; Saka-Samvat 1489.
(Ep. Ind., IX., p. 328-341).
T* A* Gopinatha Rao and T« P Kuppuswami Sastri*
The Arivilimangalam Plates of Srirangaraya II, Saka-
Samvat 1499. (£/>./«<*., XI I, , p. 340-358).
E« Hultzschi Hampe Inscription of Krishnaraya. (Ep.
Ind., I, p. 361-371).
Sholinghur Rock- Inscription of Parantaka. (Ep. Ind., IV,
p. 221-225).
Vilapaka Grant of Venkata I. Saka-Samvat 1523. (Ep.
Ind,., IV, p. 269-278).
Inscriptions on the Three Jaina Colossi of Southern
India. (Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 108-1)5).
Two Jaina Inscriptions at Irugappa. (Ep. Ind,, VII,
p. 115-116).
XXIV THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
A grant of Venkata II of 1636 A D. (Ind. Ant., XIII,
125432).
A grant of Ranga II, dated in 1644-5 A.D. (Ind. Ant.,
XIII, p. 153-160).
F- Kielhorn, UnaTianjeri Plates of Achyutaraya ;
Saka-Samvat 1443. (Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 147-158).
British Museum Plates of Sadasivaraya ; Saka-Samvat
1478. (Ep Ind., IV, p. 1.22).
C K- Krishnaraacharlu. The Penuguluru Grant of
Tirumala I ; Saka 1493. (Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 241—263).
H- Krishna Sastri, Kuniyur Plates of the Time of
Venkata II ; Saka-Samvat 1556. (Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 235-258).
Karkala Inscription of Bhairava II ; Saka Samvat 1508.
(Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 122-138).
H. Luders* Sravana-Belgola Inscription at Irugapa.
(Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 15-24).
M. Narayanaswami Ayyar, Madras Museum Plates
of Srigiribhupala ; Saka Samvat 1346. (Ep. Ind., VIII, p,
306-317).
V- Natesa Aiyar, Maredapally Grant of Sir Rangaraya
II, Saka 1497. (Ep. Ind., XI, p. 326-336).
Padmaneri Grant of Venkata I : Saka-Samvat 1205.
(Ep. Ind., XVI, p, 287-297).
E- C- RayanshaW) Translation of various Inscriptions
among the Ruins of Vijayanagar. (With Preliminary Observa-
tions, by H. H. Wilson Eng.) (Asiatic Researches, XX, p. 1-
40).
G« Yazdani, Inscriptions in Golkonda Fort. (Ep. Indo.
Moslem., 1913 14, p. 47-59).
Inscriptions in the Golkonda Tombs. (Ep. Indo -Moslem.,
1915-16, p. 19-42).
S* V* Venkateswara and S- V- Viswanathan, Be.
vinahalli grant of Sadasiva-Raya: Saka 1473. (Ep. Ind.,
XIV, p. 210-231).
Kadaladi Plates of Achy uta-Raya: Saka 1456. (Ep. Ind.
XIV, p. 310-323).
V- Venkayyai Alampundi Plate of Virupaksha ; Saka-
Samvat 1305. (Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 224-230).
Triplicane Inscription of Dantivar man. (Ep. Ind., VIII,
p. 290-2^6).
S.V- Viswanatha, The Kamuma Grant of Sadasiva-
Raya: Saka 1470. (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 341-353).
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION XXV
The Jambukesvaram Grant of Vijayaranga Chokkanatha
Nayaka ; Saka 1630. (Ep. /«/., XVI, p. 88-96).
B. Coins
(a) Works
The Heritage of India series : The Coins of India. By
C J, Brown, M. A. With Twelve plates. O. U. P., 1922.
The International Nunismata Orientalia. Coins of
Southern India. By Sir Walter Elliott K. c. s. i.f LL. D.
p. R. s. With Four Plates and Map. London, 1885.
The Dominions, Emblems and Coins of the South Indian
Dynasties. By Major R. p. Jackson, I. A. (Rtd.) London.
(b) Articles
E- Hultzsch, The Coins of the Kings of Vijayanagara*
{Ind. Ant., XX, p. 301-309).
South Indian Copper Coins. (Ind. Ant.9 XXI, p. 325).
T.M. Rangachari, B. A andT. Desikachari, B.A. B.L.,
Some Inedited Coins of the Kings of Vijayanagara. (Ind. Ant.,
XXIII, p, 24-26).
C. Letters
La Mission du Madure d'apres des Documents inSdits,
par le p. J. Bertrand de In Compagnie de Jesus, Missio-
naire du Madure. (4 vols.) Paris, 1S47-1S48. (This edition of
Jesuit Missionaries' letters is not critical.)
Documentos Remettidos d.i India ou Livrosdas MonsoSs
publicados de Ordem da classc de Sciencias Moraes, Politicas
e Bellas- Lettras da Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa e
sob a direccao de Raymundo Antonio de Bulhao Pato»
Socio da mesma academia. (4 vols.) Lisboa, 1880-1843.
The Life and Letters of St. Francis Xavier. By Henry
James Coleridge of the Society of Jesus. (2 vols.) 187^5.
Roport to The Secretary of State for India in Council
on the Portuguese Records relating to the East Indies con-
tained in the Archivo da Torre do Tombo, and the Public
Libraries at Lisbon and Evora by p. C* Danvers > Registrar
and Superientendent of Records, India Office. London 1892.
Letters Received by the East India Company from its
servants in the East. Transcribed from the 'Original Corres-
pondence' Series of the India Office Records. With an
4&5
THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Introduction by Frederick Charles Danver* (6 vols.)
London. 1896-1902.
Historia y anal Relacion De las cosas que hicieron
los Padres de la Compania de JESVS, Por las partes de
Orientey otras, en la propagacion del Santo Euangelior
Los anos passados de 607. y 608. Sacada, limada y com-
puesta de Portugues en Castellano por el Doctor Christo
val Svarez De Figveroa- Madrid, 1614.
Relacion Anval de las Cosas qve ban hecbo los Padres
de la Compania de lesus en la India Oriental y Japon, en
los anos de 600. y 601. y del progresso de la conuersion y
Cbristandad de aquellas partes. Sacada de las cartas
generales qve ban venido de alia, por el Padre Fernan
Guerrero de la Compania de IESVS, natural de Almodouar
de Portugal. Traduzida de Portvgves en Castellano for ej
Padre Antonio Colaso. Valladolid, 1604.
Rela^am Annal das covsas que fezeram os Padras da
Companbia de Jesvs nas partes da India Oriental, & em
alguas outras da conquista deste reyno no anno de 606. &
607. & do processo da conversao, & Christandade da-
quellas partes. Tirada das cartas dos mesmos padres que
de la vierao: Pelo padre Fernao Guerreiro da Companhia
de IESV, natural de Almodouar de Portugal. Lisbon, 1609.
De Opkomst van bet Nederlandsch Gezag in Oost-
Indie Verzamelnig Van Onuitgegeven Stukken iut bet Ond-
Koloniaal Arcbief. Uitgegeven en Bewerkt door Jhr. Mr.
J. K» J. de Jongue* (13 Volumes) s'Gravanbegue- Ams-
terdam, 1862-1888.
Subsidies para a Historia da India Portugueza Publi-
cados de ordem da classe de Sciencias Moraes, Politicas e
Bellas. Lettras da Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa e
sob a direcsao de Rodrigo Jose de Lima Felner- Lisboa,
1868.
Arcbivo Portuguez Oriental. (4 Vols.) Nova Goa, I860-
1861.
Litterae Indiarum nunc primum editae, Florentiae, 1887.
Nuovi avisi dell' Indie di Portogallo Ricevuti delle
Reverendi Padri della Compagnia di Giesu, tradotti della
lingua spagnuola nell' Italiana. Terza parte. Col privilegio
del Romano Pontefice et dell Illustrissimo Senato Veneto per
anni XX. Venetia, 1562.
Monumenta Xaveriana Ex Autograpbis vel Ex Anti-
quioribus Exemplis Collecta. Tomus Primus. Sanct*
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRO D
Francisci Xaverii Epistolas Aliague
quibus praemittitur ejus vita a P.
S. J. ex India Roma~n missa. Matriti, 1900.
D. Accounts of Travels
A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar
in the beginning of the sixteenth century, by Duarte Bar-
bosa> a Fortuities. Translated from an early Spanish
Manuscript in the Barcelona Library, with notes and a pre-
face, by The Hon. Henry E. J. Stanley, London, Itt65.
C Defremery and Dr- B R Sanguinetti- Voyages
d' Ibn Batoutah. Texte Arabe, accompagne d'une Traduction*
(5 Vols.) Paris 1893.
Early Travels in India. 1583—1619. Edited by William
Foster » C.I.E. Oxford, 1921.
Jornada do Arcebispo deGoa Dom Frey Aleixo de Menezes
Primaz da India Oriental, Religioso da Ordem de S. Agostinho.
Quando foy as serras do Malauar, & lugares em que morao
os antigos Christaos de S. Thome, & os tirou de muytos
erros & heregias em que estauao, & reduzio a nossa sancta
Fe Catholica, & obediencia da Sancta Igreja Romana, da
qual passaua de mil annos que estauao apartados. Recopilada
de diversos Tratados de pessoas de autondade, que a tudo
forao presentes. Por Frey Antonio de Gouuea Religioso
da mesma Ordem de Santo Agostinho, lente de Theologia, et
prior do Conuento de Goa. Coimbra, 1606.
Storia Dei Viaggiatori Italiani Nelle Indie Orientali
compilata da Angelo de Gubernatis- Con Estratti d' Alcune
Relazioni di Viaggio a Stampa e d' Alcuni Documenti Inediti.
Publicata in occasione del Congresso Geo-rafico di Parigi.
Livorno, Ib75.
The travels of Ihn Batuta ; translated from the abridged
Arabic Manuscript Copies, preserved in the Public Library of
Cambridge, with notes, illustrative of the History, Geography,
Botany, Antiquities, &c., occurring throughout the work. By
the Rev. Samuel Lee» B. D. London, 1829.
Chronica dos Reis de Bisnaga. Manuscript© inedito do
seculo XVI. ublicado for David Lopes Lisboa, 1897.
The Voyages and Travels of J. Albert de Mandelslo
A Gentleman belonging to the Embassy, sent by the Duke
of Holstein to the great Duke of Muscovy, and the king of
Persia into the East- Indies. London, 1669.
THE ARAVJDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGAKA
Storia do Mogor or Moghul India 1653.1708. By
Niccolao Manucci, Venetian. Translated with introduc-
tion and notes by William Irvine. (4 Vols.) London, 1907.
Voyages and travels into Brazil and the East Indies.
By Mo John Neuhoff. (London, 1744 ?)
Viaggio alle Indie Oriental! umiliato alia Santita di
N. S. Papa Pio Sesto Pontefice Massimo da Fra Paolinoda
S« Bartolomeoi Carmelitano Scalzo. Roma 1796.
Des Recherches Historiques and Geoqraphiques sur
lf Inde and la description du Cours da Gange and du Gagra,
avec une tres grande carte, par M. Anquetil du Perron-
(Description Historigue et Geografhique de I' I tide, IIf Berlin,
1736).
Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes Con-
tayning a History of the World in Sea Voyages and Lande
Travells by Englishmen and others. By Samuel Purchas>
B. D. (20 Vols.) Glasgow, 1905-1907.
The Travels of Monsieur de Thevenot into the Levant.
In three parts. Newly done out of the French, London
1637.
Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien, vervattende Een Naanken-
ridge en Uitvoerige Verhandelinge van Nederlands Mogen-
theyd In die Gewesten, Benevens Eene wydluf tige Beschry-
vinge der Moluccos, Amboina, Banda, Timor, en Solor, Java,
en alle de Eylanden onder dezelve Landbestieringen
behoorende ; het Nederlands Comptoir op Suratte, en de
Levens der Groote Mogols ; Als Ook Een Keurlyke Verhan-
deling van *t wezentlykste, dat men behoort te weten van
Choromandel, Pegu, Arracan, Bengale, Mocha, Persien,
Malacca, Sumatra, Ceylon, Malabarf Celebes of Macassar,
China, Japan, Tayouan of Formosa Tonkin, Cambodia,
Siam, Borneo, Bali, Kaap der Goede Hoop en van Mauritius
Door Francois Velentyn- (8 Vols.) Dordrecht Amster-
dam, 1724.
The Travels of Pietro della Valle in India. From the
old English Translation of 1664, by G. Havers. Edited, with
a Life of the Author, an Introduction and Notes, by Edward
Grey. London, 1892.
A Collection of Voyages undertaken by the Dutch East-
India Company, for the improvement of Trade and Naviga-
tion containing an account of several attempts to find out the
North-East passage and their discoveries in the East- Indies,
and the South Seas. Together with an Historical Introduc-
tion giving an account of the Rise, Establishment and
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION XXIX
Progress of that great body. Translated into English and
illustrated with several charts. London, 1703.
Notices of Madras and Cuddalore in the last century
from the Journals of the Earlier Missionaries. London, 1858.
E. Chronicles and Histories
Da Asia de Joao de Barros* Dos feitos, que os
Portuguezes fizeram no descubrimento, e conguista dos
mares, e terras do Oriente. Lisboa, 1777.
Dell1 Istoria della Compagnia di-Gesu. L'Asia. Descritta
dal P. Daniello Bartoli della medesima Compagnia. (8 Vols.)
Piacenza, 181b-18^1.
Annals of the Honorable East-India Company, from
their Establishment by the charter of Queen Elizabeth, 1600,
to the Union of the London and English East- India Com-
panics, 1707-8. By John Bruce. Esq., M,P. and F.R.S.
(3 Vols.) London, 1810.
Lendas da India for Caspar Correa publicadas de
ordem da classe de Sciencias Moraes, Politicas e Bellas
Letras da Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa e sob a,
direc^ao de Rodrigo Jose de Lima Felner. (4 Vols.) Lisboa,
1864.
Couto* (See Barros).
Commentaries do grande Afonso Dalboqucrquc
Capitao Geral que foi das Indias Orientaes em tempo do
muito poderoso Rey D. Manuel o Primeiro desde nome.
(4 vols.) Lisboa, 1774.
The History of India as told by its own Historians. The
Muhammadan Period. Edited from the posthumous papers
of the late Sir H- M- Elliot* K.C.B., by Professor John
Dowson, M.R.AS. (8 Vols.) London 1867-1877.
Asia Portuguesa de Manuel de Faria y Sousa*
Cavallero de la orden de Chisto, y de la Casa Real. (3 Vols.)
Lisboa, 1674-1675.
History of the Rise of the Mahomedan Power in India,
till the year A.D. 1612. Translated from the Original
Persian of Mohamed Kasim Ferishta* by John Briggs,
M.R.A.S., Lieutenant Colonel in the Madras Army. To
which is added an account of the Conquest, by the kings of
Hyderabad, of those parts of the Madras Provinces denomi-
nated The Ceded Districts and Northern Circars. With
copious notes. (4 Vols,) Calcutta 1908-1910.
XXX. THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
The Life of Dom John de Castro, The Fourth Vice- Roy
of India. Wherein are seen Portuguese's Voyages to the
East Indies; Their Discoveries and Conquests there ; The
form of Government, Commerce, and Discipline of Warr in
the East, and the Topography of all India and China. Con-
taining also a particular relation of the most famous siege of
Dio, With a Map to Illustrate it. By Jacinto Freire de
Andrada* written in Portuguese, And By Sr. Peter Wyche
Kt. Translated into English. London, 1664.
Historia de las Misiones de la Compania de Jesus en la
India Oriental, en la China y Japon desde 1540 hasta 1600 por
el P. Luis de Guzman de la misma Compania. Bilbao, 1891.
The Histoy of the Nizam Shahi Kings of Ahmadnagar.
Lt. Colonel T« W« Haig, c.s.i., C.M.G. (Burhan-i-Ma'asir
by «Ali ibn 'Aziz Allah Tabatabai.) (Ind. Ant., Vols.
XLIX— LII.)
De Rebus laponicis Indicis Peruvianis, Epistolae
recentiores a Joanne Hayoi scoto, Societatis Jesu, in
Librum unum coacervatae. Ant verpiae, 1605,
Fr. P, du Jarric's Thesaurus Rerum Indi carum. (4 Vols.)
Cologne, 1615.
Epitome Historiae Societatis Jesu, auctore Josepho
Juvencio* ejusdem Societatis Sacerdote. (4 Vols.) Gandavi,
1853.
Histoire des Decouvertes et Conquestes des Portugais
dans le Nouveau Monde, avec des Figures en tailledouce,
Par le R.P. Joseph Francois Laf itaui de la Compagnie
de Jesus. (2 Vols.) Paris, 1733.
Padre Joam de Lucena- Historia da vida do Padre
Francisco de Xavier, e do que fizerao na India os mais
Religiosos da Companhia de Jesu. Lisboa, 1600.
Joan* Petri Maffeii, Bergomatis, e Societae Jesv,
JJistoriarvm Indicarvm Libri XVI. Selectarvm, item, ex
India Epistolarvm Lilri IV. Accessit Ignatii Loiolae vita.
Coloniae Agripinae, 1590.
Delle Missioni de Padri della Compagnia de Giesr
Nella Provincia del Giappone, e particolarmente di quella di
Tumkino. Libri cinque, del P. Gio '• Filippo de Marini
della medesima Compagnia. Alia Santita di N. S. Alessaudro
PP. Settimo. Roma, 1663.
Mirza Ibrahim Zabiri Tarikhi Bijapur Mussammi
beh Basatin-us-Salatin [In Persian]. Hyderabad, 1st edition
(Lithographed).
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION XXXI
The Anguttara-Nikaya. Edited by the Rev. Richard
Morris, M.A., LL.D. (5 Vols.) London, 1885-1900.
Tractados Delas Drogas, y Medicinas de las Indias
Orientales, con sus Plantas debuxadas al biuo for Christoual
Acosta medico y cirujano que las vio ocularmente. En el
<iual se verifica mucho de lo que escreuio el Doctor Garcia
de Orta.-Burgos, 1578.
Scenes and characters from Indian History. As des-
cribed in the works of some old masters. Compiled and
edited with historical and explanatory notes by C» H* Payne-
Oxford 1925.
Vita Ignatii Loiolae et Rerum Societatis Jesu Historia
auctore Joanne Alphonso de Polanco ejustem Societati?
sacerdote. (6 vols.) Matriti, 1894-8, [Chronicon, s. j.]
Ethiopia Oriental por Fr. Joao dos Santos. (2 Vols.
Lisboa, 1891.
Orie'nte Conquistado a Jesus Christo pelos Padres da
Companhia de Jesus da Provincia de Goa...Ordenadapelo
P- Francisco de Souza Religioso da mesma Compahia
segunda Edi9ao por un Presbytero da Companhia de Jesus.
(2 Vols.) Bombaim, 1881.
Societas Jesu usque ad Sanguinis et Vitae profusionern
Militans in Europa, Africa, Asia et America contra Gentiles
...pro Deo, Fide, Ecclesia, Pietate. Sive Vita et Mors
eorum qui ex Societate Jesu in causa fidei, virtutis propug-
natae violenta morte toto orbe sublati sunt. Auctore R. Patre
MathiaTanner e Societate Jesu. Pragae, 1675.
Oriental Historical Manuscripts in the Tamil Language -
Translated ; With annotations. By William Taylor, Mis-
•sionary. In two volumes. Madras, 1^35.
Hpratii Tursellini e Societate Jesu De Vita S. Francisci
Xaverii, qui primus e Societate Jesu in Indiana et Japoniam
Evangelium invexit, Libri Sex, ab Auctore aucti &
recogniti. Juxta Editionem Antverpiensem anni MDCXCVI
quam emendatissime editi. Augustae Vindelicorum, 1797.
Conquista Temporal e Espiritual de Ceylao ordenada
pelo Padre Fernao de Queyroz, da Companhia de Jesus, da
Provincia de Goa. Com muytas outras proueytozas noticias
pertencentes A Disposisao, e Gouerno do Estado de India. Ein
Lisboa no ano... Colombo, 1916.
Ragvagli d' Alcvne Mission! Fatte Dalli Padri delta
Compagnia di Giesvu nell' Indie Oriental!, cioe nelle Provincie
di Goa, e Coccino, e nell' Africa in capo verde* Roma, 1615.
il THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OP VIJAYANAOARA
F. Tradition
(a) Works
The Wars of the Rajas, being the History of Ananta-
puram. Written in Teluguf in or about the years 1750-1810..
Translated into English, by Charles Philip Brown*
Madras, 1853.
Reports on Sanskrit manuscripts in Southern India* By
E- Hultzchs, PH. D. (3 vols.) Madras, 1895-1896.
Sources of Vijayanagar History, Selected and Edited for
the University, by S- Krishnaswami Aiyangar, M. A.
Madras, 1919.
The Mackenzie Collection. A Descriptive Catalogue of
the Oriental Manuscripts, and other articles illustratives of the
Literature, History, Statistics and Antiquities of the South of
India, collected by the late H H Wilton, Esq. (2nd Edi-
tion). Calcutta, 1828-Madras, 1882.
A catalogue Raisonnee of Oriental Manuscripts in the
Library of the (Late) College, Fort Saint George, now
in charge of the board of Examiners. By the Rev. William
Taylor* (2 vols.) Madras, 1857-1860.
A Catalogue Raisonnee of Oriental Manuscripts in the
Government Library. By the Rev. Willam Taylor- Vol. III.
Madras, 1862.
The Mahavansa, Part II. Containing Chapters XXXIX
to C. Translated from the original Pali into English, for the
Government of Ceylon, by L. C. Wijesinha Mudaliyar-
To which is prefixed the Translation of the First Part
(published in 1837). By George Tumour, c. c. s. Colombo
1909.
(b) Articles
K- Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijayanagar
[In Marathi] (Account of the Second Conference of the Bharata
Itihasa Sanshodhaka Mtndala, Poona, 1914).
T> , P?" S; Krishnaswami Aiyangar, M. A., PH. D., The
Bakhair of Rama Raja (Indian Historical Records Commission,
Proceedings of meetings, Vol. VII. Seventh Meeting held at
P*ona% January 1925. p. 54-63).
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION XXXlft
II LITERATURE
(a) Works
India Ancient and Modern Geographical, Historical and
Political, Social and Religious ; with a particular account of
the State and Prospects of Christianity, by David O« Allen,
D.D. Boston, 1856.
Historia de la Compania de Jesus en la Asistencia de
Espana por el P. Antonio Astrain> de la misma Com-
pania. (7 Vols.) Madrid, 1903-1925.
Vaishnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems*
By Sir R. Q. Bhandarkar- Strassburg, 1913.
Rise of the Christian Power in India. By Major B. D-
Basu, i. M. s. (5 Vols.) Calcutta, 1923.
Leon Besse* s. j. La Mission du Madure Historique de
ses Pangous. Trichinopoly, 1914. (This work contains many
extracts from the letters of the old Jesuit Missionaries).
The Life of St. Francis Xavier, of the Society of Jesus,
Apostle of the Indies, and of Japan. Written in French, by
Father Dominick Bohours, of the same Society. Translat-
ed into English by Mr. Dryden. London, 1688.
Madras District Gazetteers. Cuddapah. By C- F- Brae-
kenbury, i. c. s. Madras, 1915.
A. Brou- Saint Francois Xavier. Deuxifcme Edition.
(2 Vols.) Paris, 1912.
A Journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore,
Canara, and Malabar, performed under the order of The Most
Noble The Marquis of Wellesley, Governor General of India,
for the express purpose of investigating the state of Agricul-
ture, Arts, and Commerce ; the Religion, Manners and
Customs; the History Natural and Civil, and Antiquities,
in the Dominions of the Rajah of Mysore and the countries
acquired by the Honourable East India Company, in the late
and former wars, from Tippoo Sultaun By Francis Buch-
anan, M. D. (3 Vols.) London, 1807.
The Chronology of Modern India. For four hundred
years from the close of the fifteenth century A. D. 1499-
1894. By James Burgess, C.I.B., LL.D., Edinburgh, 1913.
Elements of South Indian Palaeography from the
fourth to the seventeenth century A.D. Being an Introduc-
tion to the study of ^outh Indian Inscriptions and
by A* C* Burnell* (2nd edition) London, 1878.
*XXiy TH^ ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Caland* Ontdekkingsgeschiedenis van den Veda.
Amsterdam, 1918.
Records of the Early History of the Tinnevelly Mission
of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge and the
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.
By the Right Rev. R. Caldwell, D.D., LL.D. Madras, 1881.
Descriptive and Historical Papers relating to the Seven
Pagodas on the Coromandel Coast. By William Chambers,
Esq.; J. Goldingham, Esq. ; Benjamin Guy Babington, Esq. ;
M.D., F R.S ; Rev. W. Matron, M. A. ; Lieutenant John Brad-
dock ; Rev. W. Taylor ; Sir Walter Elliot, K. c. s.i. ; Charles
<}ubbins, Esq. ; Edited by Captain M- N- Carr, Madras Staff
Corps. Madras, 1869.
Saint Francis Xavier's Indian Mission, by J. Castets>
s. J. Trichinopoly, 1923,
The Madura Mission, by J. Castets, s. j. Trichinopoly,
1924.
Historia das Relates Diplomaticas de Portugal no
Oriente for Const ancio Roque da Costa* Lisboa, 1895.
Archaeological Survey of India, Volume XXXVII, Im-
perial series. Bijapur and its Architectural Remains with
an Historical Outline of the ' Adil Shahi Dynabty. By
Henry Cousens, M.R.A.S. Bombay, 1916.
North Arcot District Manual compiled by Arthur F. Cox,
M.C.S. New Edition Revised by Harold A- Stuart, i. c.s.
(2 Vols.) Madras, 1895.
Missionswissenschaftliche Abhandlungen und Texte
Herausgegeben von Prof. Dr. J. Schmidlin, Minister i. W. 6.
Robert de Nobili, s. j. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der
Missionsmethode und der Indologie. Von P. Dr. Peter
Dahmen, s.j. Munster, 1924,
The Portuguese in India. Being a History of the Rise
and Decline of their Eastern Empire. By Frederick
Charles Danvers- (2 Vols.) London, 1894.
India in the Seventeenth Century As depicted by Euro-
pean Travellers. By J. N- Das Gupta* Calcutta, 1916.
St. Thomas, the Apostle in India. An investigation based
on the latest researches in connection with the time-honoured
tradition regarding the martyrdom of St. Thomas in Southern
India. Published by F. A* D' Cruz* K. s. G. Madras, 1922.
The Trichinopoly Rock and its Temples. By S* K* DevA-
4ikhamanii B. A. Madras, 1923.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION XXXV
Jean-Baptiste DessaL s- J* Ou a ete martyris6 Le Yen.
Antoine Criminal, Soc. Jes. Trichinopoly, 1905,
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Asia and Africa, compiled by the Rev. Alex* J«D. D' Orsey*
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late James Fergusson. Revised and edited with additions.
Indian architecture by James Burgess and Eastern
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Presidency from the Earliest Historical Times to the
Muhammadan Conquest of A. D. 1318. By J. p- Fleet
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An Historical and Archaeological Sketch of the City of
Goa, preceded by a short statistical account of the territory of
Goa. Written by the authorization of the Government, by
Jose Nicolau da Fonseca* Bombay, 1878.
Madras District Gazetteers. Anantapur. By W. Fran-
cis- l* c. s. Madras, 1905.
Madras District Gazetteers. Bellary. By W- Francis*
I.e. s. Madras, 1904.
Madras District Gazetteers. Madras. By W* Francis*
i. c. s. (2 Vols.) Madras, 1906.
Madras District Gazetteers. South Arcot. By W* Fran-
cis, x« c. s. Madras, 1906.
Selections from the Records of the Madras Government.
Dutch Records No. 13. The Dutch in Malabar being a
translation of selections Nos. 1 and 2 with introduction and
notes by A- Galletti, x. c. s., The Rev. A- J. Van der
Burg and The Rev.P. Groot S. S. J. Madras, 1911.
11 Indian Thought " Series No. I. The Tarkabhasa
or Exposition of Reasoning Translated into English by
Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Dr. Ganganatha Jha> M«A»»
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Garstin. M.C.S. Madras, 1878*
A History of the Deccan. By J. D. B- Gribble
(2 Vols.) London, 1895-1924.
XXXVI THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Ouvrage accompagn6 des cartes. Un Essai d' Empire
Fran9ais dans 1* Inde aux dix-huiti&me Siecle. Dupleix, d9
apres sa correspondance in6dite par Tibulle Hamount
Paris, 1881.
Madras District Gazetteers. Tanjore. By p. R.
Hemingway, i.c.s. Edited by W. Francis, i.c.s. (2 Vols.)
Madras, 1906.
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Hemingway* i.c.s. (2 Vols.) Madras, 1907.
Histoire G6n6rale des Missions Catholiques depuis le
XIII. siecle jusqu ' a nos jours, par M. le Baron Henrion»
(2vols.) Paris, 1^47.
La Dinastia Manchu en China. Historia de la Ultima.
Dinastia Imperial y en particular de sus relacionescon el
Cristianismo y la Civilizacion Eurcpea. Por el P. Enrique
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Trichinopoly, 1917.
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Nyaya and Vai9esika Systems. By Arthur Berriedale
Keith> D.C.D., D. LITT. Oxford, 1921.
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of Mysore Princes up to the Death of Tippoo Sultan, to which
have been added a few remarks on the administration of
Poorniah and of His Highness the present Maharaja. By
P- Krishna Row> Mysore Commission. Bangalore, 1868.
A little known chapter of Vijayanagar History. By
Dr. S* Krishnaswami Aiyangar. Madras, 1916.
Ancient India, by S- Krishnaswami Aiyangar* M.A.,
with an Introduction by Vincent A. Smith, M.A., i.c.s. Madras,
1911.
Some contributions of South India to Indian culture. By
S- Krishnaswami Aiyangar, M.A., PH. D. Calcutta, 1923.
South India and Her Muhammadan Invaders. By
S- Krishnaswami Aiyangar* M.A. Oxford, 1921.
The Yet- remembered Ruler of a Long. forgotten Empire,
Krishnadeva Raya of Vijayanagar, A. D. 1509 — 1530. By
S* Krishnaswami Aiyangar, M.A., M.R.A.S., F. R. HIST. s.
(Madras), 1917.
A Short History of the Tanjore Nayak Princes. By
T- S- Kuppuswami Sastri- [In Tamil.] Tanjore, 1903.
Malabar, by William Logan, M.C.S. (2 Vols.) Madras.
1«87. ' r
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION XXXvii
Hampi Ruins Described and Illustrated. By A- H. Long-
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Christianity in Travancore. By. G* F- Mackenzie*
Trivandrum, 1901.
Les Missions Chretiennes par W- M- Marshall-
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P. Massara, s. j. Del P. Antonio Criminali. Parma,
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History of Kerala. A History of Kerala, written in the
form of notes on Visscher's Letters from Malabar, by
K P. Padmanabha Menon, B.A., B.L., M.R.A.S. and edited
by Sahithyakusalan T. K. Krishna Menon, B.A. Vol. I.
Ernakulam, 1924.
The Introduction of Christianity into the Heart of
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J. L. Miranda, s. j. Trichinopoly, 1923.
The History of the Diocese of Mangalore. [By. Rev.
X Moore, s. J.] Mangalore, 1905.
Mangalore. A Historical Sketch. By George M«
Moraes- With a Preface by The Rev. H. Heras, sj., M.A.,
Mangalore, 1927.
Lectures on the science of language. By F« Max
Mullen M.A. New Edition. (2 Vols.) London, 1885.
The Travancore State Manual. By V- Nagam Aiya,
B. A., F. R. HIST. s. (3 vols.) Trivandrum, 1906.
The Founder of Bangalore or Magadi Kemps Gowda
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Mitras Lusitanas no Oriente, Catalogo dos Superiores
das Missoes do Norte e do Sul da India e das Dioceses de
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Historical Fragments of the Mogul Empire, of the
Morattoes, and of the English Concerns In Indostan;
from the year M. DC. LIX. Origin of the English Establish,
ment, and of the Company's Trade, at Broach and Surat ;
XXXVlii THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
and a general idea of the Government and people of Indostan.
By Robert Or me, Esq., P. A. s. To which is prefixed an
account of the life and writings of the author. London, 1805.
The History of the Popes from the close of the Middle
Ages drawn from the Secret Archives of the Vatican and other
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by Frederick Ignatius Autrobus and Ralph Francis Kerr
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Madras District Gazetteers. Tinnevelly. By H» R-
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The Church in Madras. Being the History of the
Ecclesiastical and Missionary Action of the East India Com-
pany in the Presidency of Madras in the Seventeenth and
Eighteenth Centuries. By The Rev. Frank Penny* LL. M.
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A General History of the Pudukkottai State, by
S- Radhakrishna Aiyar, B. A. Published under the autho-
rity of the Darbar Pudukkottai. (Pudukkottai), 1916.
Materials for the study of the Early History of the
Vaishnava Sect. By Hemchandra Raychaudhuri, M. A^
Calcutta, 1920.
Madras District Gazetteers. Salem. By p. C Richards,
i.c.s. (2 Vols.) Madras, 1918.
Mysore : A Gazetteer compiled for Government. Revised
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Mysore and Coorg From the Inscriptions Published for
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London, 1909.
History of British India under the Company and the
Crown. By p. £• Roberta* Oxford, 1921.
British Beginnings in Western India 1579-1657. An
account of the early days of the British Factory of Surat
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The Christian Puranna of Father Thomas Stephens of
the Society of Jesus. A Work of the 17th century Reproduced
from manuscript copies and edited with a Biographical note,
an Introduction, an English Synopsis of Contents and a
Vocabulary. By Joseph L- Saldanha, B.A. Mangalore, 1907.
Vita del Venerable P, Antonio Rubino da Strambino
della Compagnia di Gesu del Canonico Gio* Sarofflia Vic
Gen. Trento, 1894. *
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION XXXUC
History of the Nayaks of Madura. By R. Sathyanatha
Aiyan M.A», L.T., edited for the Madras University with
Introduction and Notes by S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar,. M.A.,.
HONY. PH. D. Oxford, 1924.
A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagara). A Contribution to
the History of India by Robert SewelL U.R.A.S., P.R.G.S*
London, 1900.
A History of Travancore from the Earliest Times. By
?• Shungoonny Menon. Dewan Peishcar of Travancore.
With many Illustrations. Madras, 1873.
Akbar, the Great Moghul. 1542-1605. By Vincent
A« Smith* c. r. E. Second edition. Oxford, 1919.
The Early History of India from 600 B. C. to the
Muhammadan Conquest including the Invasion of Alexander
the Great. By Vincent A- Smith* Fourth edition, revised
by S. M* Edwardes, c. s. i., c. v. o. Oxford, 1924.
The Oxford History of India from the Earliest Times to
the end of 1911. By Vincent A- Smith, c. i. E. Second
Edition, Revised and Continued to 1921. By S. M. Edwardes,
c. s. i , c. v. o. Oxford, 1923.
Tamil studies or Essays on the History of the Tamil
People, Language, Religion and Literature. By M« Srini-
vasa Aiyangar, M. A. First series. Madras, 1914.
The History of Gingee. C- S« Srinivasacbari, M. A*
Madras, (?).
Catholic Missions in Southern India to 1865. By Rev.
W- Strickland, s. j. and T. W. M. Marshall, Esq. London,
1865.
A Manual of the Tinnevelly District in the Presidency
of Madras. Compiled by A. J- Stuart M. c. s. Madras,
1879.
Historical Sketches of Ancient Dekhan,by K« V- Subrah-
manya Aiyer, B.A. With a foreword by Dr. Sir S. Subrah-
manya Iyer, K. c. i. E., LL. D. Madras, 1917.
A Short History of the Pandya Kingdom under the Naik
Rulers A..D. 1559-1736. (Illustrated). By N- R. Subra
mania Sarraa, Tamil Pandit. [In Tamil] Madura, 1919.
A History of Vijayanagar, the never to be forgotten
Empire. By Bangalore Suryanarain Row* *• A., it. R.
A. s. In two parts. Part I. Madras, 1905.
Castes aud Tribes of Southern India. By Edgar Thurs-
ton* c, i. B. Assisted by K. Rangachari, M. A, (7 Vols.^
Madras, 1909.
XL THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
The Ruling Chiefs, Nobles and Zamindars of India. By
A. Vadivelu- With an Introduction by Mr. V. P. Madhava
Rao, c. i. E. Vol. I. Madras, 1915.
Town Planning in Ancient Dekkan. By C P. Ven-
katarama Ayyar, M. A.,L. T. With an Introduction by
Professor Patrick Geddes, Madras, (?).
A Manual of the Pudukkottai State (Based on the unpub-
lished Manual of the late Mr. Venkat Raw) Issued under
the authority of the Darbar Pudukkottai. (Pudukkottai),
1921.
A Revised and Enlarged Account of the Bobbili Zemin-
dari, compiled by Maha-Rajah Saheb Meharban LDostan
Maha Rajah Srirao Sir Venkata Swetachalapati Ranga
Rao Bahadur* K. c. I.E., Maha- Rajah of Bobbili. Second
Edition. Madras, 1907.
A History of the Mahrattas, to which is prefixed, an
Historical Sketch of the Decan : containing a Short Account
of the Rise and Fall of the Mooslim Sovereignties prior to the
aera of Mahratta Independence. By Edward Scott War-
ing* London, 1810.
Early Jesuit Travellers in Central Asia. 1603-1721. By
C Wesselsi s, j. with map and illustrations. The Hague,
1924.
The History of India from the Earliest Ages. By J
Talboys Wheeler- Vol. IV. Part II. London, 1871.
The Rise of the Portuguese Power in India, 1497-
1550. By R. S. Whiteway, B.C.S. Westminster, 1899.
Historical Sketches of the South of India in an attempt to
trace the History of Mysoor ; From de Origin of the Hindoo
Government of that State, to the extinction of the Mohamme-
dan dynasty in 1799. Founded chiefly on Indian authorities
collected by the author while officiating for several years as
Political Resident at the court of Mysoor. By Colonel
Mark Wilk* (3 Vols.) London 1820.
O Gabinete Litterario das Fontainhas. Publicacao
Mensual. Vol. I. Nova Goa, 1846.
(b) Articles
Dr. Praphullacandra Basu, Art in Hindu Temple
(The Holkar College Magazine, XI, p. 21-28.
R. B- BranfilL G.T.S. Descriptive Remarks of the
Seven Pagodas. (The Madras Journal of Literature and Science.
1880, p. 82-232).
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION xll
Rfe*. J. Brucker, s.j., Malabar Rites. (The Catholic
Encyclopedia, IX, p. 558-562).
A* C* Burnelt PH. D., On Some Early References to
the Vedas by European Writers. (Ind. Ant., VIII, p. 98-110).
On the Colossal Jain Statue at Karkala, in the South
Kanara District (Ind. Ant., II, p. 353 354).
W« Caland* Roberto de Nobili and the Sanskrit Langu-
age and Literature. (Acta Orientalia, III, p. 38-51).
R F- Chilttholm. F- R- D., B. A., The old Palace of
Chandragiri. (Ind. Ant., XII* p. 295-296).
ReV- G» Dandoj* s. j., A Sannyasi from the West.
(The Light of the East, 1924-1925).
S« M- Edwardes, c. s. i.f c. v. o., A Manuscript
History of the Rulers of Jinji. (Ind. Ant.t LV, p. 1-3).
F- Ellis, Account of a Discovery of a modern imitation
of the Vedas with Remarks on the Genuine Works. (Asiatic
Researches, XIV, p. 1-59).
Rev- C- Gomez Rodeles, s. j., and Rev* S* Cardon,
s. j., Earliest Jesuit Printing in India. (Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, IX, p. 149-168).
J-D • B- Gribble, The Last years of an Empire. (The
Madras Christian College Magazine, XII, p. 274.294; 331-
347 ; 395 408).
Rev- H- Hera* s. j., M. A., The City of Jinji at the end
of the i6th century. (Ind. Ant., LIV, p. 41-43).
The Emperor Akbar and the Portuguese Settlements
revised through a contemporary document. (Indo Portuguese
Review, 1924, p. 19-22).
The Jesuit Influence at the Court of Vijayanagar. (Q»ar-
terly Journal of the Mythic Society, XIV, p. 130-140).
The Portuguese Alliance with the Muhammadan King-
doms of the Deccan. (Journal of the Bombay Brunch of the Roy si
Asiatic Society, I, N. S.t p. 122-125).
The Siege and Conquest of the Fort of Asirgarh by the
Emperor Akbar, (described by an eye-witness). (Ind. Ant.,
LIIIj p. 33-41).
The Statues of the Nayaks of Madura in the Pudu Man-
tapam. (Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society ,XV, p. 209-218).
Vfcnkatapatiraya I and the Portuguese, (Quarterly Journal
of the Mythic Society^ XIV, p. 312 317).
6
Xlii THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Rev- E- R- Hull, s. j., Was Robert de Nobili an Impos-
tor ? (East and Wot, III, p. 1223-1230).
E- Hultzach, PH. D., Karnata Grants. (Ind. Ant., XIII,
p. 125-132, 153-160).
Alex- H- Japp, A Jesuit Missionary in India. (East and
West, III, p. 977-992).
Prof- E- Kielhornt c. i. E., Selected Dates from the
Epigraphia Carnataca. (Ind. Ant., XXVI, p. 329-333).
C R. Krishnamacharlu, B.A., The Origin, Growth and
Decline of the Vijayanagara Empire. (Ind. Ant., LII, p. 9 12),
The Religion of the Vijayanagara House. (Ind. Ant.,
XLIV, p. 219-225).
H- Krishna Sastri, The Second Vijayanagara Dynasty
its Viceroys and Ministers. (Archaeological Survey of India,
Report for 190S 9, p. 164-201).
The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty ; its Viceroys and
Ministers. (Archaeological Survey of India, Report for 1911 2,
p. 177-197).
S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, M.A., PH. D., Mysore and
the Decline of the Vijayanagar Empire. (Quarterly Journal
of the Mythic Society, XIII, p. 621-627 ; 742-754).
C Egbert Kennet Notes on Early Printed Tamil
Books. (Ind. Ant., II, p. 180-181).
Notes on the Two Sects of the Vaishnavas in the Madras
Presidency. (Ind. Ant., Ill, p. 125-126).
Prof- F* Kielhor, C.I.E., A List of Inscriptions of
Southern India from about A. D. 500. (Ep. Ind., VII,
Appendix).
Rev. Fr« Kittel, On the Karnataka Vaishnava Dasas.
(Ind. Ant., II, p. 307-312).
Col- Mackenzie, Political Events in the Carnatic from
the Fall of Vijayanagara in 1564 to the Establishment of the
Moghul Government in 1687, on the Conquest of the Capitals
of Bijapoor and Golconda. (Journal of the Asiatic Society
of Bengal, XIII, p. 421-463 ; 578-609).
Ramaswaram Mudeliar, An Account of the Island and
Bridge of Sivasamudram in the Caveri River. (The Journal of
Literature and Science, I, p. 83-94).
V« Nagam Aiya, The Mantravadoms of Malabar. (The
Madras Christian College Magazine, X, p. 82-92 ; 158-166).
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION xliii
R* Narasimanchar. M.A., M.R.S.A., The Karnataka Coun-
try and Language. (Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society^
X, p. 248—258).
S- M- Natesa Sastri, The Origin of the Srivaishnavas
of Southern India. (Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 252-255).
S» Paramesvara Aivar. Travancore and Vijayanagar.
(The Madras Christian College Magazine, XII, p. 180-191;
244-25).
• N- Patwardhan, The Battle of Raksas-Tagdi. [In
Marathi] (The Bharata Itihasa Sanshodhaka Mandala Quarterly,
IV, p. 72-73).
• Puttaiya, B.A., A Note on the Mysore Throne.
(Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, XI, p, 261-266).
The Kempe Gowda Chiefs. (Quarterly Journal of the
Mythic Society, XIII, p. 723-741).
R. Raghava Iyen?ar> Senni Anabayan Kulottungan.
[In Tamil] (Sen Tamil, III, p. 298-302).
V. Rangacharii M.A., A History of the Naik Kingdom
of Madura. (Ind. Ant., XLIILXLVI).
The Life and Times of Sri-Vedanta-Desika. (Journal
of the Bombay Branch of the Roval Asiatic Society, XXIV,
p. 277-312).
The Successors of Raman uja and the Growth of Sectari-
anism among the Sri-Vaishnavas, 1138-1310. (Journalof the
Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, XXIV, p. 102-126).
Rev- A- R. Slater, Where Religions Meet— As Illus-
trated by the Sacred Places of lndia,.(Qnarterly Journal of the
Mythic Society, VIII, p. 293-309).
G- R. Subramiah Pantulu, Discursive Remarks on
the Augustan Age of Telugu Literature. (Ind. Ant., XXVII,
p. 2H-249 ; 275-279 ; 295-304 ; 322-335).
L D- Swamikannu Pillai, On Some New Dates of
Pandya Kings in the XHIth century A.D. (Ind. Ant.9 XLII,
p, 163-172).
Rev. M- Tbard. M.A., Sravana-Belgola. (Quarterly Jour-
nal of the Mythic Society, III, p. 12-31).
Dinshah Ardeshir Taleyarkan, The Legend of
Vellore.(/nrf. Ant. II, p. 172-175).
Rev- E- W« Thompson. Religion in the Mysore State,
(Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, I, p. 126-145).
xliv THE AfcAVIDU DYNASTY OF tIJAYANAGARA
Gurty Venkat Rao» Sources for the History of
Vijstyanagara, (Journal of Indian History > I, p. 249-264).
V«Venkayya» M. A., Ancient History of the Nellore
District. (Ind. Ant., XXXVI LXXXVI II.)
, M- X Walhousei The Two Kanara Colossi. (Ind. Ant.,
V, p. 36-39).
Chivalry in Lower India. (Ind. Ant., VII, p. 21-26.)
E« dc Wfcrreni Les Ruines de Vijayanagar. (Revue dcs
tiekx Mondes, Juillet-Aou, 1845, p. 148-176).
Horace Hay man Wilson* Historical Sketch of the
Kingdom of Pandya, Southern Peninsula of India. (Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, III,
p. 199-241).
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Kingdom of Pandya (The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
of Great Britain and Ireland, III, p. 387-390).
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Peninsula of India. (Madras Journal of Literature and Science ,
VI, p. 176 216).
H. Yulci Notes on Supara and " the Discovery of Sans-
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Zachafiae-ko8ten> The Discovery of the Veda
(Journal of Indian History, II, p. 127-157).
Account of the Province of Ramnad, Southern Penin-
sula of India. Compiled from the " Mackenzie Collection *',
and edited by the Secretary to the Royal Asiatic Society
(Journal of the Royal Asiatic Sochty of Great Britain and Ireland,
III, p. 165-186).
.— The author and the publishers regret to present this work
\6 the public without diacritical marks. Such marks were used through-
out the MS. but the printer of the body of 'the book was not able to
supply them. They request the readers, therefore, to be lenient in their
criticising this fault, which a second edition will, so they hope, not be
guilty of.
CHAPTER I
THE REIGN OF VENKATA I
SUMMARY.— 1. Vijayanagara at the death of Achyuta Raya.— 2.
Enthronement of Venkata I.— 3. Some notes on his reign and
person.— 4. Tyranny of the Regent Salakam Timma Raju. — 5.
Murder of the King and other members of his family. — 6. Usurpa-
tion by Salakam Timma Raju.— 7. Rama Raya's war against the
Regent. — 8. Rama Raya enters the capital.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.—!. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 2.
Ferishta, Bttrliar.-i-Ma'asir, Bnsatin-m-Salatin. 3. Couto, Correa.
4. Achyutarayabhyiulayiwi , Varadambika-Parinayam, Vasticharitramu,
Svarartielakalanidhi, Ramurajiyaimt, NarasabHprtUyatmt, Annals of
IJunde Anantapurnni .
THE splendour of the Vijayanagara Empire that character-
ised the reign of the famous monarch, Krishna Deva Raya,
and was happily maintained by his half-brother and successor
Achyuta Raya \ suffered a sudden, though brief, eclipse at
the;latter's demise 2. At this time, to quote an anonymous
contemporary author, the Sovereign of Vijayanagara " ruled
1. Although in a copperplate grant of the year 1556 Achyuta is
called the son of Krishna Deva Raya, Sewell, II, p. 4-5, there can be
no doubt that both were sons of Narasimha Raya, but by different
wives: Nagala was the mother of Krishna, and Obumbikadevi the
mother of Achyuta, as testified by both the Unamanjeri and the
Kaduladi plates of Achyuta, the British Museum plates, and the
Bevinahalli grant of Sadasiva, Ep. Intl., Ill, p. 148 ; XIV, p. 312 ; IV,
p. 3 ; XIV p. 230, and the Portuguese Chronicler Nuniz, Sewell,
p. 367.
2. No worse description of Achyuta's character stands recorded
than the one left by Nuniz : "The King Chytarao, after he ascended
the throne, gave himself over to vice and tyranny. He is a man of
very little honesty and, on account of this, the people and the
captains are much discontented with his evil life and inclinations;
for he has never done anything except those things that are desired
by his two brothers-in-law who are men very evilly disposed and
great Jews ". Sewell, p. 367. Sewell, pt 166 naturally agrees with his
4 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
over numberless people, and could raise an army* of a million
or a million and a half soldiers; so that all the neighbouring kings
and princes were his vassals, thus making him master of
untold wealth. There was in his army a great deal of elephantry
and cavalry ; for he was the owner of more than three thousand
elephants, and thirty or forty thousand of the best horses ever
seen in this country, because they came from both Arabia and
Persia "1. In addition, its rivers produced gold, while dia-
monds and other precious stones were found in its valleys.
Vijayanagara was until then the same city and the same Empire
that fired the admiration of the Persian Ambassador, Abdur-
Razzak some years previously, when he " saw a city exceed-
ingly large and populous and a king of great power and
dominion, whose kingdom extended from the borders of Saran-
dip to those of Kulbarga, and from Bengal to Malibar, a space
of more than 1,000 parasangs "2.
The last date of Achyuta available from lithic records is
A. D. I54I-42 (Saka 1463) 3. We may suppose that he died
towards the end of 1541, judging from some inscriptions of
Sadasiva relating to the middle of the following year 1542, as
chronicler. And even Krishna Sastri states that Nuniz's des-
criptions may not be altogether far from the truth (A. S. /.,
Report for 1908-9, p. 187). On the other hand we find in an
inscription of the Sundararajaperumal temple at Valarpuram that
Achyuta * took all countries*, (27 of 1911), and we know from two
epigraphical records of Kanchivaram of his brilliant campaign in
Travancore, from the King of which he received tribute, the acquisi-
tion of Tinnevelly ending with his marriage to the daughter of the
Pandya King, (49 and 50 of 1900). How then can the opinion of
Nuniz be reconciled with these military exploits ? From Sewell's
Forgotten Empire, p. 177-8, we learn that the Portuguese, who
were such good friends of Yijayanagara during the reign of Krishna
Deva Raya, turned into foes as soon as his successor ascended the
masnad. Is not Nuniz's condemnation of him a tacit apology for
the Portuguese enmity ?
1. M. H. S. /., Mon. Xav., I, Historia del principio & progresso de la
Campania de Jesus en las Indias Otientales diuidida en dos paries, pp. 61-62,
2. Elliot, History of India, IV, p, 105,
& 21 of 1900,
THE REIGN OF VEN1CATA I 3
well as from the events of the intervening period which we are
about to narrate. In the Vitthala temple of Vijayanagara, there
are two records mentioning King Achyuta Raya and
Chikkaraya, his heir J, viz., his son Komara Venkatadri alias
Chikka Udaiyar who, according to the Tamil poem Achyutaraya-
bhyudayamy had been anointed in Vijayanagara as his Crown
Prince while his father had been crowned Emperor after
Krishna Raya's demise -. The contemporary Sanskrit poem
Varadambika-Parinayam says that Venkatadri was installed
Yuvarajaby his father on "observing with satisfaction the
character and achievements of the Prince "\ Two epigraphi-
cal records of Kanchivaram relate that three years after the
beginning of the victorious campaign of Achyuta in the South,
this King, accompanied by his queen Varadadevi-Ammal and
Prince Kgmara Venkatadri, entered the city of Kanchivaram *.
Tirumalamba, the authoress of the Varadambtka-Parinayam^
ends her work, by praying god Venkatesa " to preserve her
patron Achyuta, his Queen Varadamba and the Prince
Venkatadri"-"'.
2. This prince Komara Venkatadri or Chinna Venkatadri,
whom we shall henceforth refer to as Venkata I, was
the one who succeeded his father Achyuta at the end of
1541 c. We know that his mother's name was Varadadevi-
1. 4 and 5 of 1904. The Varadambika-Parinayam describes the
youth of this son of Achyuta. Cf. IS. Krisbnaswami Aiyangar, Swims,
p. 170.
2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 158.
3. Ibid., p. 172.
4. M. E. R.,for 1899-900, paras 70-77.
5. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, 1. c.
6. The inscriptions that record the succession of Vonkata I are
to be seen in Ep. Ind., IV, p. 3 ; VII, p. 89 ; IX, p. 340, v. 27 ; XIV, p.
230 and 353 ; Ep. Cam., IV, Ng, 58 ; V, Hn, 7 ; IX, Cp, 186 ; Ind.
Ant., XIII, p. 154 ; Sewell, II, p. 12, 81 and 248. Much confusion
has been created as to the succession after Krishna Deva Raya's
death. Several authors state that his nephew, the child Sadasiva,
was appointed Sovereign, but his uncle Achyuta on coming from the
South took the, throne, which was not restored to Sadasiva until
4 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Ammal l or Varadambika 2 ; but we do not know exactly
the age of the new King, although we can positively state that
he was not yet of age, since his uncle Salakam Timma Raju,
brother-in-law of the late king :{, took over the regency of the
Empire 4. Corrua states that the heir of Achyuta was a child 5. .
The Regent was very ambitious and of weak intellect,
and at times absolutely irresponsible 6.
Achy uta's death. Cf. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection,"^ 88 ; Rice,
My sore i I, p. 353; Ravenshaw, Translation of Various Inscriptions
of Vijayanagarti , Asiatic Researches. XX, p. 12-3 ; Subramiah
Pantulu, Remarks on Telugn Literature, Ind. Ant., XXVII, p. 300.
Did this confusion arise from the short reign of Venkata I, so long
forgotten, or perhaps from the fact of the appointment made by
Krishna Dcva Uaya of his s:\-yenrs-old son Tirurnalayadeva
Maharayar as his Crown Trine" (139 of l«9(j; £/». Or//., IX, Ma, 6
and £2) who dying soon after, rt« Nuuiz wrralos, (Srwell, p. 359),
again left tho thron^ vacant? After carefully reading Nuni/, 1 am
more inclined to the latter vsrw.
1. Sewdl, I, p. 182.
2. Varudtunbikn-ParhMytun, S. Krishnaswami Aiyungar, Sounr*,
p. 170.
3. He was married to a s'st^r of Achyuta, according to Correa,
Lendas da India, IV, p. 276. The tiiisattn-us-Sahitin. p. 51, says ho
•was the son of the daughter of the Rai. I suppose that this Rai must
be Narasimha.
4. He is called Bhoj Tirmal Ray by Ferishta, III, p. 81, and
the Basatin-us-Salatin p. 51, and Uche Timma Rao by Couto, VI, p.
382. Sewell, p. 182, note 3, thinks that the uncle, that Correa speaks
of was Ranga, Sadasiva's father : we know the Regent's name from
the Telugu poem, to which we shall refer later.
it " Neste tempo aqueceo que morreo o Rey de Bisnega, de quo
nom fiqou hcrdeiro, somonte hum filho menino ". Correa, Lendas da
India, IV, p. 247.
6. Ferishta, III, p. 81, says that he was ' deemed almost an
idiot*, and Couto, 1. c., adds that 'he was mad as it is declared in his
very name, since Uche means mad in Canarese*. The three accounts
of Ferishta, Correa and Couto contain several palpable falsehoods,
but many details coincide in a marked degree with those wo know
from other sources; while the narrative of Ferishta, although
located some years earlier in his history, openly refers to facts which
happened at Achyuta's douiise. The Buriian-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant.,
THE REIGN OF VENKATA I $
It appears that, early during the ceremony of the coronation
of the King, something unusual happened regarding the rites *.
The nobles, and specially two Queens of Krishna Raya,
Chinna-devi and Tirumala-devi, wanted to have their Sovereign
free from any tutelage. Rama Raya and his brother Tirumala,
close relations to the imperial family, were to be the ministers in
charge of matters of government. But Salakam Timma Raju,
who had been treasurer of the court 2 and whose ambition did not
allow him to divide the government, earnestly opposed this
project a. Two parties were thereupon formed 4. But the Regent,
holding the supreme power, tried to confine in prison the two
brothers and those who were most opposed to his own
schemes5. They, however, on being made aware of his
intentions fled front Yijayana&ara, together with many other
nobles. Swim* <>f these started to assume ituk-pcnclence in their
own provinces '». Kama Raya and his t\\o brothers escaped
to Gutti, according to the Sviimniclakaliinidhi, and to Penu-
konda, as the Viisucharilrawu and the Annuls of llandc
Ananlapur'Un relate 7.
3. It is evident that these nobles rebelled against the
Regent but not against the young Emperor. All the con-
temporary inscriptions and grants highly extol the latter's
qualities: in a grant of his successor Sadasiva, King Venkata is
called ' the treasury of wisdom '* ; again he is called 'an abode
XLIX, p. 201-2, calls the Regent Ram Raj. This is another sign of
the great confusion of the Muhammad, in writers on this period of
Vijayanagara history.
1. It is asserted in the Vasucharitratmi.
2. Brown, The Wars of the Rajas, p. 3.
3. Annals of Hande Anantapuramy S. Krishnaswaini Aiyangar,
Sources p. 178. These facts are narrated as having happened at the
death of Krishna Dcva Raya ; but this is an evident mistake. Cf.
Correa, 1. c.
4. Correa, 1. c.
5. Annals of Ilxndc Anantapuram. 1. c., Svanwielakalanidhi*
S. Krishnuswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 190; Vtisucharitrumu, o.c.,
p. 216.
6. Corroa, 1. c.
7. 8. Krishnaswaini Aiyangar, 11. cc.
8. Ep. Cam., IX, Cp, 186.
6 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
of learning' in another grant of the same, dated 1561 li in the
same grant he is also mentioned as 'famous for valour*2;
and in the Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva he is said to be
' like the flower-arrowed Kama ' and ' to rule his kingdom
well 'a. In a copper-plate sasanam of Vijayanagara he .is
simply said to, have ' reigned gloriously ' 4, which sounds as
an empty boast, when said of a Monarch who died so
young. But judging from the grief of his subjects at the time
of his death we can conclude that he was an able and promis-
ing youth : he died soon ' owing to the ill-fortune of the people',
as we read in a grant of Sadasiva of 1545 r> ; or 'to the ill-
fortune of his subjects'6; or 'owing to the bad luck of his
subjects *7.
4. In the meanwhile Salakam Timma Raju was ruling the
Empire most tyrannically, spending foolishly such large quanti-
ties of money from the royal treasury that his subjects could
not stand him any longer s. Then the Queen Dowager,
Varadadevi-Ammal, begged Ibrahim Adil Shah I of Bijapur to
come to her rescue and to secure the kingdom for her son,
promising him immense riches in return for this favour !). The
Sultan set out for Vijayanagara; but on the road he was met
by emissaries of Salakam Timma, who made him lavish presents
as the price of his retreat 10. The Queen Mother was then
left alone in the hands of the ambitious minister, and it was
probabty this time that saw the most abominable crime
committed by Salakam Timma.
1. Ep. Cam., V, Hn, 7.
2. Ibid.
3. Ep. Ind., IX, p, 340, w. 28-30.
4. Sewcll, II, p. 12, 81.
5. Ep. Cam., IV, Ng, 58.
6. Ep. Cam., IX, Cp, 186
7. Krishnapuram plates of Sadusiva, Ep. Ind., I, p. 340, vv.
28-30.
8. Couto, 1. c.
9. " E por olle tomar osio trabalho Ihe pagaria toda sua
despeza, e Ihe daria ma is hum con to de pardaos d'ouro*" Correa, L c.
10. Correa, p. 247-8»
THE fcEIGN OF VENKATA 1 7
5. It is clear from original sources that Venkata I's reign
did not last very long : ' he soon died ' 1 t 'he died after a
short time'2, 'he soon went to the city of Indra'", he
4 before long ascended to Indra's abode '4 are the phrases
used to announce his demise. We do not know the exact date
of his end ; but since there is an inscription of Sadasiva corres-
ponding to July, 1542, we cannot suppose that the reign of
Venkata lasted more than half a year. About the kind of death
the unfortunate Sovereign met with, the statement of Correa gives
full details : Salakam Timma, in order to strengthen his posi-
tion and avoid any danger of civil or foreign war in favour of
his royal nephew, caused Venkata to be assassinated together
with two of his uncles and one of his cousins 5. The aim of
Salakam Timma was quite clear : to extinguish the whole of
the royal family, excepting his own person : one of his victims
was most likely Ranga, the father of Sadasiva and uncle of
Venkata ; Sadasiva himself was no doubt one of the intended
victims, but he fortunately escaped the violence of the blood-
thirsty Regent. Ferishta relates that Venkata was strangled
by his uncle c. Even a damaged inscription on the Garuda-manda-
pam of the Chennakesavasvamin temple at Markapur records
this family crime by stating that Timma * sinned against his
lord'?.
1. Sadasiva's grant, 1546, Ep. Cam., IV, Ng, 58.
2. British Museum plates of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind.. IV, p. 3.
3. Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., IX, p. 340, v. 30.
4. Sadasiva's grant, 1561, Ep. Cam., V, Hn, 7.
5. Correa, o.c., p. 276. The murder of Venkata I was already
known to Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 88 ; Krishna Sastri,
The Second Vijayanagara Dynasty, A.S.I., Report, 1908-9, p. 195, and
8 u bra mi ah Pantulu, Remarks on Telugit Literature, Ind. Ant.n
XXVII, p. 300. The two brothers of Achyuta were, according to
Correa, murdered in a fortress where they were imprisoned by
Achyuta. This fortress was Chandragiri, according to Nuniz. See
Sewell, p. 316.
6. Ferishta, III, p. 83.
7. 164 of 1905. The Burhan-i-Ma'astr, Ind. Ant., XLIX, p. 201,
does not speak of the murder of Venkata I. It only says that he was
imprisoned and then the Regent usurped the throne^
8 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
6. Salakam Timma, supposed to have no rivals at all, at
once seized the throne of Vijayanagara ; and although the death
of Venkata was 'much regretted', as we read in a copper-
plate sasanam of Sadasiva l, nevertheless the nobility of
the capital submitted as he was a member of the royal
family. But soon being unable to endure his tyranny
and oppression, they became disaffected and began to plot
against him 2. One of the cruelties which most alienated his
subjects' feelings is narrated by Correa : Salakam Timma, in
dread of the influence of the chief nobles, summoned them to
court, seized them treacherously as soon as they reached the
city, and caused their eyes to be put out. Some only of the first
arrivals were caught ; the rest went back in great anger to their
homes, and started to intrigue with their neighbours in order to
put an end to the unbearable tyranny '\
Ibrahim Adil Shah of Bijapur was one of those whose help
they sought for the moment. They urged him to depose Salakam
Timma, promising him their assistance and offering him the
crown of Vijayanagara if the country could be freed from that
dreadful tyrant l. But the usurper, obtaining intelligence of
their designs, also despatched an embassy with a sum of six
lakhs of huns and many precious gifts to the Bijapur Sultan,
soliciting him to march to his assistance, and promising in
return to acknowledge his suzerainty and to pay down another
sum of three lakhs of huns for every day's march his army
might make. Ibrahim Adil Shah, tempted by this offer, and
finally moved by the advice of the old general Asad Khan, left
his capital and arrived at Vijayanagara without opposition :
Timma himself went to fetch him and conducted him into the
city and seated him on the royal throne and ordered rejoicings
1. Sewell.II, 12, 81. "
2. Ferishta, I.e.
3. Correa, p. 276-7. This author says that only two of the
nobles were treacherously mutilated by the Regent.
4. Correa, p. 277. The Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., XLIX
p. 202, states that the Sultan of Bijapur proceeded' to Vijayaiiagara
of his own accord,
THE REIGN OF VENKATA I 9
for seven days. Some of the nobles acknowledged him as
Sovereign l : they were evidently the intimate friends of
Salakam.
7. But the majority of the Grandees of the kingdom joined
the three brothers Rama Ray a, Tirumala and Venkatadri to
work out the salvation of the country 2. These three great
chiefs, from the day on which they fled from the capital, had
seen that their army had grown after the capture of the forts of
Penukonda, Adavani (Adoni) n, Gutti, Gandikota and Kanda-
nol) Kurnul 4. Now Rama Raya and the confederate nobles
sent letters to Salakam Timma feigning the sincerest contrition
for their rebellion and assuring him of their future allegiance.
But, since the Muhammadans, who were introduced even into
the capital of the Empire, were its most dangerous enemies,
and since their stay in the country could have none but evil
consequences, they asked the usurper to order the Sultan of
Bijapur back to his own dominions. Timma being, after the
subjection of the nobility, no longer in need of the Mussulmans,
requested the Muhammadan army to return home after receiv-
ing fifty lakhs of huns, according to the conditions previously
settled upon. Moreover, magnificent presents were made to the
Sultan, among which Ferishta mentions twelve fine elephants
and some beautiful horses. Ibrahim Adil Shah had not yet
entered his dominions when Rama Raya and the confederates
hastened towards Vijayanagara in order to put Salakam to
death and thus to avenge the murder of his predecessor r».
1. Ferishta, III, p. 83; Correa, p. 278-9. Both accounts confirm
each other, though they do not agree in some details. The Burhan-
i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., XLIX, p. 202, does not mention the sum of
money sent by Salakam to Ibrahim Adil Shah. Moreover, it states
that the usurper fled from Vijayanagara on the approach of the
army of Bijapur, and even quotes a letter of Asad Khan to Salakam
Timma Raju inviting him to return to his capital.
2. Ferishta, I.e.
3. Vasucharitramu, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 21C;
Annals of Hande Anantapuram, I.e.
4. Ramarnjiyamu, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o.c., p. 181.
5. Ferishta, 111, p. 83-4 ; the Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 51-2, gives
the amount of 44 lakhs of huns as the sum given Ibrahim by Sala-
10 TttE ARAVIDU DYNASTY Of VlJAYANAGAfcA
Neither Ferishta nor Correa mention any battle between
Rama Raya and Salakam Timma; and the former even
seems to suppose that the bribes Rama Raya made
among the troops of Vijayanagara opened to him the
gates of the city l. But the Telugu poem Narasabu-
paliyamu says that the valiant general 'waged war and destroyed
the traitor Salakam Timma'2 ; and in the Ramarajiyamu we
read that he 'defeated the armies of Salakam'3; and the
Svaramelakalanidhi states that he ' conquered the traitors to the
kingdom'4; and the Annals of Hande Anantapuram record
that Rama Raya and Tirumala, along with Hande Hanumappa
Nayudu of Sonnalapuram, delivered the attack upon the forces
of Salakam. They were helped by addtional forces from
Kandnavol (Karnul) and Gadwal. The battle did not last long.
The Annals do not mention Rama Raya's bribes to the officers
of Salakam; but this inference may also be drawn from their
assertion that " his officers, thinking that he was only a shep-
herd who wanted to snatch away the kingdom as he was rich,
deserted in a body" r\ This desertion by the officers might
have been caused by Rama Raya's bribes. After this action
Rama Raya became the lord of the capital : the bribes that
Ferishta speaks of became very useful on this occasion.
Perhaps the final victory of the confederates was due to them.
Salakam Timma and his relatives did not leave the city to
defend their rights in a pitched battle, for the inscription of
Markapur mentioned above informs us that Rama Raya
kara Timma, on this occasion, but adds : u according to another
account not 44 but 80 lakhs of huns were given the Sultan/* The
Annals of Hande Anantapuram, I.e., say that the Sultan of Bijapur
remained at Vijayanagara until Rama Raya came with his army and
that Barid Shah, Nizam Shah and Qutb Shah were likewise helping
the usurper. This seems only intended to extol the valour of Rama
Raya who dared to fight against all these chiefs allied with the
usurper. Ferishta does not say a word about this alliance.
1. Ferishta, III, p. 84.
2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o.c., p. 224,
3. Ibid., p. 181.
4. Ibid., p. 190.
5. Ibid., p. 178,
THE REIGN OF VENKATA I ft
'subdued at Vidyanagari (Vijayanagara) Timma and
the whole of the Salakam family' '.
About his end, Couto only says that his subjects killed
him2, and the V asucharitramu and the Narasabupaliyamu
state respectively that * Rama finally killed'11 or 'destroyed
the traitor Salakam Timma'4. The same is recorded by Mirza
Ibrahim Zabiri r>. Finally, the Annals record that ' he was
killed in the fight' 6. But Ferishta, whom I trust more on
this occasion on account of the detailed account he gives, relates
these events as follows: "Bhol Tirmal Ray, finding he was betray-
ed, shut himself up in the palace, and, becoming mad from des-
pair, blinded all the royal elephants and horses, and cut off their
tails that they might be of no use to his enemy. All the dia-
monds, rubies, emeralds, and other precious stones and pearls,
which had been collected in the course of many ages, he
crushed to powder between heavy mill-stones, and scattered
them on the ground. He then fixed a sword-blade into a pillar
of his apartment, and ran his breast upon it with such force,
that it pierced through, and came out at his back ; thus putting
an end to his existence, just as the gates of the palace were
opened to his enemies" 7. Correa agrees with this Muham-
madan writer, and even says that before dying Salakam said
that he wanted to die as a king of Vijayanagara8.
8. When the Queens of Krishna Raya heard of these
happy events they ordered the nobles to hand over the city to
Rama Raya and Tirumala, and their order was accordingly
carried out D. Rama Raya was received in the imperial city
1. 164 of 1905. ~~ ~™
2. Couto, o.c,, p. 382.
3. S. Krishnaswami Aiyang.ir, o.c., p. 216.
4. Ibid., p. 224.
5 Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 52.
6. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 178.
7. Forishta, o.c., p. 84-5. Cf. Rico, Mysore, I, p. 354. The
above mentioned Telugu pooms, in order to eulogize the virtues and
might of Rama Raya, represent him as the destroyer of his rival.
This is a usual practice among poets.
8. " Eu moyro Rey de Bisnega". Couto, p. 282.
9. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o.c., p. 178. The mother of
Venkata I is not mentioned on this occasion. Was she also one of
the victims of Salakam Timma?
12 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
of Vijayanagara as the liberator of the country. " He saved the
Karnata (Vijayanagara) Empire from destruction by making
war on and destroying the traitor Salakaya Timma", sings
Bhattu Murti in his Narasabupaliyamu *. Probably on
account of this triumph over the tyrant Salakam he was there-
after called * the Protector of the Karnata kingdom' 2 or ' the
Protector of the fortunes of the Karnata kingdom* 3. And,
perhaps even from this time onwards his deeds were ' sung by
Vidyadhari women to the accompaniment of their lutes, which
they made resonant by striking with their nails', as we read in
the Mangalampad grant of Venkata II 4.
The subsequent attempts of Rama Raya to save the
Empire will be narrated in the following chapter.
1. Ibid., p. 225.
2. Kanuma grant of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 353, vv. 29-30.
3. Sadasiva's grants, 1561 and 1558, Ep. Cam., V, Hn, 7; IX,
Cp, 186.
4. Buttcrworth, I, p. 29, v. 17.
CHAPTER II
SADASIVA RAYA AND HIS REGENT RAMA RAYA
SUMMARY.— 1. The family of Sadasiva. — 2. His coronation as
Emperor of Vijayanagara.-- 3. The mythical and historical
ancestors of the Aravidu family. — 4. Rama Raya and his family.
5. The family of Tirumala and Venkatadri. — 6. Previous deeds
of Rama Raya.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.—I. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 2.
Fcrishta, Anonymous Chron;clcr of Golkonda. 3. Couto, Correa.
4. Travels of Caesar Frederick. 5. Vasucharitrumu, Kama Raya
Charitra, Svanwiclakalanidhi, Narasalwpaliyawu, Balablwgavatam,
Ramarajiytimu .
THE events recorded at the end of the preceding chapter
arc supposed to be merely the preliminary steps taken
by Rama Raya to save the country. The young Prince
Sadasiva had survived the bloody tragedy of the imperial
family in which Venkata I was the chief victim. So Rama
Raya's first care, after defeating Salakam Timma, was to instal
this last representative of the Tuluva family on the glorious
throne of his ancestors. Accordingly he marched from Vijaya-
nagara at the head of his army, sword in hand, to rescue
Prince Sadasiva hidden in the fortress of Gutti l.
The unfortunate Prince, who was about to be fetched by
Rama Raya to be anointed as Emperor of Vijayanagara, was
supposed to be the son of Krishna Deva Raya, according to
Couto 2; or the son of Achyuta Raya as given in an inscrip-
tion of Hassan :{. But we now knew of several inscriptions of
the time of Sadasiva that call him son of Ranga Raya orRanga
1. Svaramelakalanidhi, according to Mr. Krishna Sastri, The Third
Vijayanagara Dynasty, A. S. I., Report, K)ll-2, p. 178, note 2.
2. Couto, VI, p. 382.
3. UICQ, Mysore Inscriptions, p. 228, 129 ; Rice, Mysore, I, p 353 ; 104
of 1906 ; Fleet, Pali, Sanskrit and Old Canarase Inscriptions^. 28, pi. 246.
14 T&E ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VJJAYANAGARA
kshitindra and of Timmamba l. According to some Bhatkal
inscriptions 2, Ranga-kshitindra was a son of Isvara-Nara-
simha and brother of Krishna Deva Raya but by a different
mother. The founder of the third dynasty married three wives :
Tippajidevi, who was his Queen; Nagala, the mot her of Krishna
Deva Raya; and Obambika, the mother of Achyuta Raya a
and Ranga-kshitindra 4, and hence grand-mother of Sadasiva.
His father Ranga had probably been one of the victims of the
tyranny of Salakam Timma, as we have pointed out in the
preceding chapter. By the author of the Svaramelakalanidhi
Sadasiva is given at this time the appellation of ' helpless ' 5.
That seems to connote a tender age. Indeed a contemporary
anonymous chronicler of Golconda says that * the heir to the
throne was a child in arms' 6. Caesar Frederick only says
that he was ' very young' 7. The same is implied by the
probable fact- that he was not yet married at the time of his
coronation ; for there was no queen at his side, as we know
from a grant we shall quote a little further on. Hence what
seems to us quite reasonable, and not inconsistent with the
truth, is the statement of Couto who suys that Sadasiva at the
time of his installation was a little more than thirteen years
of age 8. Correa affirms that he was about sixteen !). Ac-
1. British Museum plates of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., IV, p. 3 ; Krishna -
purani plates of Sadasiva, .Ep. Ind., IX, p. 340, vv. 28-30 ; Bevinahalli
grant of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 230, vv. 28-30 ; Kanuma grant of
Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 353, vv. 29-30 ; Sadasiva's grant, 1546,
Ep. Cam., IV, Ng, 58 ; Sadasiva's grant, 1561. Ep. Cam., V, Hn, 7;
Sadasiva's grant, 1558, Ep. Cam., IX, Cp, 186 ; Copper-plate sasanam
of Sadasiva, Sewell, II, p. 12, 81.
2. Cf. Krishna Sastri, The Second Vijayanagaia Dynasty, A. S. /.,
Report, 1908-9, p. 193, note 8.
3. Achyuta 's grant, 1537, Sewell, I, p. 30, 207. -
4. British Museum plates of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., IV, p. 3. Cf.
Kieihorn, p. 89, 530.
5. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 190.
6. Ferishta, III, p. 381.
7. Purchas, His Pilgrims, X, p. 93.
8. Couto, 1. c., p. 382.
9. Correa, 1. c., p. 281-2.
SADASIVA RAYA AND HIS REGENT RAMA RAYA 1$
cording to this author, Sadasiva and his eldest brother were
living hidden 'towards the kingdom of Orissa ', probably in
the Telugu country. When they were found by Rama Raya's
diligence, the eldest brother was crowned as king of Vijaya-
nagara. This happened at the time of Salakam's usurpation.
But the new sovereign often was out of his mind on account of
an unknown disease. So, by the nobles' accord, and with his
consent, his youngest brother was raised up to the masnad.
This was Sadasiva, who, it seems, was crowned at Tirupati,
where he received a great deal of money, both from the nobility
and from the treasury of the temple for the war intended against
the usurper. The present given him by the Brahmins of Tirupati
was ' a hundred bulls loaded with gold pieces/ From thence
they advanced against Vijayanagara. It was then that
Sadasiva stopped at Gutti while Rama Raya and his army
advanced against Salakam.
2. On his return from Gutti, the coronation of Sadasiva
took place at Vijayanagara. Achyuta Raya was also crowned
twice, according to the Achyutarayabhyudayam : first at
Tirupati and then at Vijayanagara, just as Sadasiva had been l.
According to some inscriptions, Rama Raya alone installed him
on the- jewel throne and anointed him 2. The British Museum
plates of Sadasiva record that Rama Raya made the ministers
instal Sadasiva :{; but there is no doubt that both Rama-Haya
and the ministers participated in the ceremonies of the instal-
lation of the young King. This is stated in several grants of the
said Sadasiva 4. Now the first ministers were, no doubt,
Tirumala and Venkatadri, the brothers of Rama Raya, but
probably some others too are meant : the Bevinahalli grant of
1. Cf. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 158.
2. Bevinahalli grant of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 230, w. 28-30;
Ranga Ill's grant, 1644-5, Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 154; Copper-plate
sasanam of Sadasiva, Sewell, II, p. 12, 81 ; Svaramelakalanidhi, S.
Krisbswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 190.
3. British Museum plates of Sadasiva. Ep. Ind., IV, p. 3.
4. Kamnna grant of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 353, vv. 29-30 ;
Sadasiva's grant, 1546, Ep. Cam., IV, Ng, 58; Sadasiva's grant, 1561,
Ep. Cam, V, Hn, 7 j Sadasiva's grant, 1558, Ep. Cam., IX, Cp. 186.
16 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VTJAYANAGARA
Sadasiva gives the names of several of his ministers * ;
another, named Venkatesvararaja, is mentioned in an inscrip-
tion at Enamdala 2. In an inscription of the Bhairavesvara
temple at Mopur mention is also made of the Mah^mandalesva-
ra Timmayadeva Maharaju, son of Narasingayadeva Maharaja
and grandson of Avubhaladeva Maharaja of Nandyala 3.
Another grandson of the same by a different father, Chinna
Avubalesvaradeva Maharaju, is also called Mahamandaiesvara
in an inscription of Gandikota 4. Finally, Ramabhatlayya,
son of Bhutanatha Brahma-jyoyisalu, is also said to have
been a minister of Sadasiva 5.
The solemn act of the coronation and anointment of the
descendant of the great Isvara-Narasimha, nephew of the
most glorious Sovereign of Vijayanagara, Krishna Deva Raya,
was the occasion of much joy on the part of the inhabitants
of the capital ; " and the tears of joy ", says one of his
grants of 1558, "shed at the time of his coronation-ano-
inting flooded the earth so as to make her appear as the queen
who was anointed with him"0. Rama Raya seating Sadasiva
on the precious stone (the throne inlaid with precious stones),
holding an umbrella over his head7, * restored once more the
Empire of Vijayanagara to its ancient glory'8.
Virapratapa Kathari Saluva Vira-Sadasiva-rayadeva (for
that is his full imperial title as given in the inscriptions tt) was
recognised by everyone throughout his vast dominions as the
real Emperor of Vijayanagara. We have inscriptions from
every corner of the Empire which show that he was proclaimed
1. Ep. Ind.t XIV, p. 212-3. Cf. 348 of 1905.
2. 415, Ap. B of 1916.
3. 498 of 1906.
4. 485 of 1906.
5. 60 of 1915.
6. Ep. Cam., IX, Cp, 186.
7. Inscription on a stone called Vay in the temple of Madava-
swami at Vijayanagara, Ravenshaw, Translation of Various Inscriptions
Found among the tuins of Vijayanagara, Asiatic Researches, XX, p. 35.
8. Vasuchartiramu, 8. Xrishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 216,
9. 399 and 381 of 1904,
SADASIVA RAYA AND HIS REGENT RAMA RAYA 17
the Rajadhiraja of the whole of Hindustan south of the Tunga-
bhadra J. Some Rajas of the Karnatic however, who depend-
ed on the Emperors of Vijayanagara, did not pay homage to
the new Emperor at once; since Ferishta tells us that in the
year 1544 " the Karnatic was as yet by no means in a settled
state, many of the dependant Rajas being still in revolt" 2.
This is shown also by the birudas attributed to him in the same
inscriptions : Virapratapa Kathari Saluva Vira-Sadasiva Raya
Deva-Maharaya receives in them the following titles due only to
the Imperial Majesty: The great Emperor, the great King, the
glorious great King, the King of Kings, supreme Lord of Kings,
the supreme King, the famous, the valorous, the famous for
valour, the brave and puissant 3.
We do not know when the coronation of Sadasiva took
place ; but it must have been during the first half of the year
1542, since his earliest inscription hitherto known bears a date
corresponding to July 27, 1542 4.
3. Now after having seen the young Sadasiva crowned
and anointed by his Regent and chief minister Rama Raya,
whose object was to establish firmly among his subjects the
authority of the Aravidu family, it is worth while to give an
account of the latter's ancestors as well as of his brave deeds
before he reached the height of his power.
The family pedigree of Rama Raya may be found, with
very few discrepancies, in almost all the grants of the Soverigns
belonging to his family"'. This vamsavali invariably con-
1. Ever* the Malayalam country was one of the States from
which the Emperor of Vijayanagara received tribute ; but the Maha-
rajas of Kulam refused to pay it except when compelled by the
imperial armies, as we shall see further on.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 94,
3. Visvanath#'s inscription seven miles from Madura, Burgess, p.
108-9; Banasamkari Kanarese inscription of Sadasiva, Ind. Ant., X, p.
67; Kanarese inscription of Sadasiva, 1547-8, Ind. Ant., X, p. 65;
Sadasiva's grant, 1561, Ep. Catn., V, Hn, 7.
4. Ep. Cain., Ill, Sr, 42.
5. British Museum plates of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., IV, p. 3ff;
Krishnapurara plates of Sadasiva, Ibid., IX, p. 329 if; Bevinahall '
grant of Sadasiva, Ibid., XIV, p. 331 ; Kanuma grant of Sadasiva,
3
18 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
tains two sections : one mythical, the other historical. By the
former they claim to belong to the Lunar race, through Buddha,
Pururavas and several other Puranic heroes ; and this is the
reason why Venkata II in the Vilapaka grant professes to be
Atreyagotraja, a descendant from Atri, the Moon's father.
Nevertheless not all the names given in this section are mythic;
there are also some historical persons named among the Ara-
vidu family just to exalt its nobility, as it was also done by
the kings of the preceding dynasties. Such are Nanda, the
representative of the old Dynasty of Pataliputra overthrown by
the Maurya Chandragupta ; and Chalikya, through whom the
Aravidu Emperors boast connection with the Chalukyas; and
lastly Bijjalendra, who represents the Kalachuris.
The historical pedigree starts with Tata Pinnama, 'at whose
sight the enemies were frightened* and whose son Somideva
Ibid., p. 343 ; Sadasiva's grant, 1545, Ep. Cam., V, Mj., 60 ; Sadasiva's,
grant, 1561, Ibid., Hn, 7; Sadasiva's grant, 1558,/i/>. Cam.. IX, Op, 186 ;
Mamidipundi grant of Sadasiva, Butterworth, I, p. 98 ff; Kama
Raya's grant, 1554, M. A. D., 1923. p. 125 ff; Penuguluru grant of
Tirumala, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 254; Tirumala's grant, 1571, Ep. Cam., XII
Tm., 1; Marodappalli grant of Kanga I, Ep. Ind., XT, p. 327 ; Arivilr
mangalam plates of Kanga T, Ibid., XII, p. 356, Copper-plate inscri-
ption of Vrnkata II, 15.S9. .M. A. D., 1921, p. 31 ; Vilapaka grant of
Venkata II, Ep. hid., IV. p. 270 ff.;Dalaway Agraharam plates of
Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XfT, p. LW5; Venkata Il's grant, 1586, Ep. Ind.,
XIII, p. 225; Venkata il's grant, 1613, ibid., p. 231; Padmaneri
grant of Venkata II, Ep. Ir.d., XVI, p. 296; Vellangudi plates of
Venkata II, Ib;d., p. 209 ff; V< nkata Il's grant, 1587, Ep. Cam., VII,
Sh, 83; Venkata Il's grant, I5£9, Ep.Cnrn., XII, Ck, 39; Mangalampad
plates of Venkata II, Butt ci worth, I, p. 27-31 ; Kiiniyur plates of
Venkata III, Ep. I fid., Ill, p. 251-2; Karnata grant of Venkata III,
1636, Ind Ant., XIII, p. 123; Kondyata grtnt of Venkata III, Ind Ant.,
XIII, p. 129; Copper-plate grant of Venkata III, 1634, Bur-
gess, IV, p. 186 ff; M. E. /?., 1891, p. 6 ; Utsur grant of Ranga 111, But-
terworth, I, p. 46; Kallakursi grant of Ranga III, Ind.Ant.,XIII,p. 153.
Some information on the Aravidu family pedigree is also to be found
in the following poems : Vasu Raja Charitra, Wijson, The Mackenzie
Collection, p. 295; Rama Raja Charitra, Ibid., p. 269 ; Svaratnelakalanidhi,
8. Krishna swami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 190 ; Narasabupaliyamt, Ibid., p.
?34 ; Vasucharitramu, Ibid., p. 216 ; Balabhagavatam, Ibid., p. 204,
SADASIVA RAYA AND HIS REGENT RAMA HAYA " lQ
' captured seven forts during the course of a single day '; then
comes Raghavadeva, called brave and heroic, who was the
father of Pinnama, * the lord of Aravitipura', from whose time
we see the members of this family most closely connected
with State aftairs ; Araviti Bukka, his son, who married
Balambika, is described as 4 the establisher of the kingdom
of Saluva Narasimha', the founder of the second dynasty.
Bukka then was one of the generals and ministers of Narasimha,
who supported this usurper, when he put on his head the
crown of Virupaksha, in 1485-6 J. He could not have died
very early, since he is recorded to have been one of the generals
present at the enthronement of Krishna Deva Raya, in
January, 1510. Bukka's son Rama Raya, who espoused Lak-
kambika, is called 'a grtat warrioi' and 'ccnqueror over Sapada's
army'. Sapada i:> underpin d to be the Sultan of Golkoiif'a. The
Ranni Raja Chan Ira says expressly I hat by the aid of his
brother Venkatapati, and two chkfs of the same family,
Venkatadri and Tirumala, he subdued Gutti, Penukonda and
other places and defeated the King of Go-konca -. The
Maredapalli grant of Kan^a I records that Rama Raya
captured the forts of Avanagiri and Kandanavolu (Karnul) and
put to flight Kasappudaya. According to the poem mentioned
above he had five sons : Srirangu, Channa Venkatapati, Tinima
or Tirumala(\vho distinguished himself in the service of Krishna
Deva Raya), and lastly Venkatapati. Of these, the first, Sriranga
became the father of Rama Raya, the Regent of Sadasiva
Raya.
Sriranga, according to Rama Raya's gia:it, 1554, * defeated
many enemies '. We know from Ferishta that he was one of
the ministers of Krishna Deva Raya, and was succeeded in
this place by his son Rama Raya {. Accordingly in an
1. Cf. S, Krishnaswami Aiyaiigur. --I Little Knmvn Charier t*f
Vijaytinagartt History, p. 47.
2. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 270.
3. Ferishta, III, p. 81. He calls Rama Raya's father Timraj. In
two inscriptions of Penukonda, Rama Raya is called the son of
Tirumalaraja. 333 and 335 of 1901. Rice, Mysore, I, p. 353, agrees with
them. But we cannot doubt this point at i resent after the study of
20 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAVANAGARA
inscription at Karnul he is called Mahamandalesvara Rama-
raju Peda Sriranga-deva Maharaju J. Sriranga married Tiru-
malambika and had three sons by her: Rama, Tirumala and
Venkatadri. The Narasabupaliyamu gives him five sons: Kona,
Timma, Rama, Yeratimma and Venkata 2. We can admit
the existence of these five brothers; but the first two had
already disappeared from the stage before the other three
exerted any great influence in the governing of the state. We
shall proceed to describe the family and the deeds of these
three brothers.
4. Rama Raya, also called Kodanda Rama, was the eldest of
the three brothers. In the grants of Sadasiva, Rama is always
called Sadasiva's brother-in-law, the husband of his sister 3 ;
whilst in several poems and in an inscription of Venkata III as
well as in Ferishta, Couto and the Pasalw-its-Salathii we read
that Rama Raya's wife was a daughter of Krishna Deva Raya 4
and Queyroz even affirms that she was the only daughter
of this Emperor5. The Narapativijaya says that her
name was Tirumalambika G and the Annals of Handc Anan-
the records mentioned in note 5, p. 17. More startling is the opinion of
Burncll, Elements of South Indian Paleography, p. 55, not«, who calls the
father of Rama Raya, Virappa Nayak.
1. 156 of 1905.
2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Soutccs, p. 254.
3. British Museum plates of Sadasiva, Ep. ///</., IV, p. 3;
Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva, Ibid., IX, p. 340, vv. 28-30 ; Bevina-
halli grant of Sadasiva, Ibid., XIV, p. 230, vv. 28-30 ; Sadasiva's grant,
1545, Ep. Curn., IV, Ng, 58 ; Sadasiva's grant, 1561, Ep Cam., V, Hn,
7 ; Sadasiva's grant, 1558, Ibid., IX, Cp, 186 ; Sadasiva's grant, 1556-7,
Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 154.
4. Srvaramclakalanidhi, S. Krishnaswmi Aiyangar, Sources, p. 190;
Ramarajiyamu, Ibid, p. 184 ; Rama Raja Charitra, Wilson, The Mac-
kenzie Collection, p. 270 ; Venkata Ill's inscription, Ep. Cam., Ill, Nj,
198 ; Ferishta, III, p. 81 ; Couto, o. c., p. 382 ; Basatin-us-Salatin , p. 51.
Correa, o. c., IV, p. 282, says that the wifo of Rama Raya was a
sister of Krishna Deva Raya.
5. Queyroz, Conquista de Ceylao, p. 308.
6. Ind. Ant.t XXVII, p. 332. Sewell, II, p. 252, who gives the
game name, says that she w;>s the youngest daughter of Krishna
Raya.
SADASIVA RAYA AND HIS REGENT RAMA RAYA 21
tapuram state that her mother was Queen Tirumala Devi l.
We cannot reject these latter authorities, although the former
seem at first sight more weighty : one of them gives the name
of Rama Raya's wife, and their statement agrees with the title
4 Aliya ' (son-in-law) — a title often given to Rama Raya. We are
not allowed to suppose two different wives, one a daughter of
Krishna Raya, the other a sister of Sadasiva; because we know
the names of all the wives of Rama Raya and this distinction
is never made. We prefer the explanation given by Prof.
F. Kielhorn : " The two statements ", he says, " would in my
opinion be best reconciled by taking the word bhagini of the
present inscription to denote a cousin of Sadasiva, a daughter
of his paternal uncle Krishnaraya "-. This seems more
probable ; for it is known that, in the Kanarcsc country, words
denoting relationship are used loosely :{.
The RiUHariijiyinnu informs us that Rama Raya also mar-
ried Appalamba, the daughter of Peddanandi Raju of the
Jillella family, and Kondamma and Lakshmamma, the daugh-
ters of Timma of the Pochiraju family 4. As to Rama
Raya's sons, the Kondyata grant of Venkata III and the Kalla-
kursi grant of Ranga III state that " from the famous king
Rama Raya there sprang five sons, who were able to protect
the world, who followed the path of policy, and who longed to
grant the desires of the crowd of wise men " 5. These five
sons are also mentioned in the aforesaid Ramarajiyamu. The
first two are Krishnaraya or Krishnapa and Peda Timmaraja;
they were the sons of Tirumalamba c. Peda Timma became
a victorious general against the army of Nizam Shah, and was
probably the one whose grant is recorded in an inscription of
Boilavaram, Cuddapah District, under the name of ' Papa
Timmayyadeva Maharaja, son of Rama Raya Timma Raya ' 7
1. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 178.
2. Ep. Ind., IV, p. 4.
3. Of. Fleet, Kanarcsc Dynasties, p. 48, note 1.
4. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 184.
5. Ind. Ant., XV, p. 147.
6. They are also mentioned in the Narapativijayamu. Cf. Ind.
Ant.t XXVII, p. 332.
7. Sewell, I, p. 124 ; Rangacharya, I, p. 618, 492.
5J2 THE ARAVIDti DYKASlV OF VlJAYAfcAGARA
By his second wife Appalamba, Rama Raya had no sons.
The third, Kondamma, gave him two, Konda and Timma. Of
these Konda became governor of Anegundi and Timma held a
like office in the fortress of Raichur. I suppose that this
Timma was the one whose grant is also commemorated in
another inscription of Nidujuvvi, Cuddapah District, under the
name of 'Chinna Timmayadeva Maharaja, son of Rama Raya' l
Finally, by Lakshmamma Rama Raya begot Sriranga
Raya, the old Ranga IV, mentioned in an inscription of the
Nellore District under the title of Rama Raya Srirangarajayya-
deva Maharaja 2. We shall speak of him at greater length
in another volume when referring to the reign of one of his
sons, the future Venkata III 3.
Besides these five sons, Rama Raya had some daughters.
For the anonymous Muhammadan chronicler of the history of
Golkonda, a contemporary of these events, mentions two sons-
in-law of the great Minister of Sadasiva. One was Jotumraj,
the general deputed by his father-in-law to the conquest of
Dewurconda and Indraconda 4 ; and the other Buswunt Raj,
the governor of the forts of Nandyal and Kalgur (Karnul) 5.
5. The second brother of Rama Raya, Tirumala, called
also Timmaraya in an inscription at the Chandeswari
temple at Hampi c, married Vengalamba 7, the sister of
1. Sewell, o. c., p. 125.
2. Cf. Ind. Ant., XXXVIII, p. 94. The Rama Raja C/im/mgivos
only three sons of Kama Raya with different names : Peddvenkata,
Venkatapati and Rama or Kodanda Rama. Wilson, The Mackenzie
Collection, p. 270. Cf. Ravensbaw, Collection of Various Inscriptions , I.e.,
p. 19. According to the information given by the Raja of Anegundi
to Mr. Sewell, Rama Raya had only two sons, Krishna Raja and
Tirumala Raja. Sewell, II, p. 252.
3. The descendants of Rama Raya, as given in the Rama-
rajiyamu may be seen in the adjoining pedigree.
4. Ferishta, III, p. 408.
5. Ibid., p. 453.
6. M. A. />., 1900, p. 39. Ferishta, III, p. 135 and 242, as woll as
the anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, Ferishta, III, p. 397 and 418,
calUTirumala, Yeltumraj.
7. Arivilimangalam plates of Ranga I, Ep. Ind., XII, p. 342 ;
Venkata II's grant, 1589, Ep. Cam., XII, Ck, 39; Venkata Ill's
inscription, 1639, Ep. Cant., Ill, Nj, 198; Ramarajiyamu% 8.
Krishnawami AJyaogar, Sources, p. 213.
SAfcASIVA RAYA AND HIS REGENT RAMA RAYA 2J
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24 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Sadasiva 1 Was this so-called sister of Sadasiva also a cousin of
this monarch ? We do not dare to affirm it. We shall only say
that Tirumala had also married a daughter of Krishna Raya
by his Queen Chinna Devi 2. " As the four Vedas, Sama
and the others, were produced from the mouth of the Creator",
says the Utsur grant of Ranga III, " so four sons of immeasur-
able glory were born to Tirumala" 3. From another grant of
Ranga III, 1645, as well as from the Ramarajiyamu, we know
the names of these four sons. They were Raghunatha ;
Sriranga, the future Ranga I ; Rama Raya, and Venkata Deva
Raya 4. Moreover, we know one of his sons in-law,
Nagarajayyadeva Maharaya. He is mentioned by Sadasiva in
one of his inscriptions at Vontinitta, Cuddapah Distict r>.
We have very little information concerning the family of
the third brother Venkatadri. In the Ramarajiyamu he is stated
to have married two wives, Rangama and Krishnama, of whom
he begot two sons, Rangappa and Rama fi. In the Mangalampad
grant of Venkata II he is said * to have shone on earth
resembling Lakshmana in beauty* 7. Later on we shall speak
of his exploits as a great general.
Siddhiraju Timma Raju, a nephew of Rama Raya, in his
poem Paramayogi Vilasaw, informs us that his mother
Konamamba was the sister of the three brothers spoken of
1. On account of these marriages of Rama Raya and Tirumala
with ladies of the Tuluva Dynasty, the monarchs of the Aravidu
family considered themselves legitimate successors of the Tuiuva
Emperors.
2. Annals of Hande Anantapnram, 1. c.
3. Butterworth, I, p. 46, v. 21.
4. Ranga Ill's grant, 1645, Ep. Cam., X, Mb, 60 ; Ramarajiyamu
S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources p. 213-4. The anonymous chronicler
of Golkonda, Ferishta, III, p. 453, mentions one Nursing Raj, nephew
of Kama Raya. He was perhaps an unknown son of one of these
brothers.
5. 411 of 1911.
6. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 222.
7. Butterwprth, I, p. 30, v. 18. In the village of Maranapalli
there is an inscription, probably of his, in which be mentions Rama
Raya, Cf, Rangacharya, I, p. 5,
SAbASIVA RAYA AND HIS REGENT RAMA RAYA 4$
above l. Another sister of theirs is mentioned in the
Narasabupalyamu : her name was Lakkamamba ; she married
Oba Raja of the Pochiraju family and by him had a son
named Narasimha, who was the patron of this poem 2.
The anonymous chronicler of Golkonda gives a short
account of the life of Rama Raya before the latter entered the
service of the great Emperor, Krishna Deva Raya. We cannot
brush aside the authority of this writer, since he was a contem-
porary of the events he narrates and perhaps an eye-witness for
those events which occurred in the capital of Golkonda: "When
the late King (Sultan Kuli Qutb Shah) marched towards the
Vijayanagara territories", says he, " and reduced some districts
on the confines, he was unwilling to leave a Muhammad an detach-
ment there; he, therefore deputed Ramraj, a Hindu of noble fami-
ly, to be in charge of the districts while be himself returned to
Golkonda. Three years afterwards Ramraj was expelled by
some of Adil Shah's troops which, having been sent out on a
plundering expedition, had invaded and laid waste the estates
in question. Ramraj fled to the late Sultan Kuli Qutb Shah,
who, considering his flight a proof of his cowardice, ordered
him instantly to quit the court. Ramraj, thus disgraced, took
the route of Vijayanagara, and entered the service of Krishna
Raja, who shortly afterwards forming a high opinion of him,
gave him his daughter in marriage " ;f.
Couto states also that Rama Raya was a great general in
the army of Krishna Deva Raya and was actually ruling as
Governor in the province of the Badaguas and Teligas 4. He
means by this, no doubt, the Telugii country from which the
Badagas invaded the South of India 5. This piece of infor-
mation refers already to the reign of Achyuta, because Correa
says that when Rama Raya went to the Court at the time of
Achyuta's death, he had come from Paleacate (Pulicat) where
he was the 'great Lord* 6. Pulicat was probably at that time
1. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 211.
2. Ibid, p. 225.
3. Ferishta, III, p. 380.
4. Couto, VI, p. 382-3.
5. See Chapters VI and VII.
6. Correa, o. o., p.
26 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
the capital of his governorship. According to the Ramarajiyamu,
he had also been Kalyana Puravaradhisvara, ruler of the city
of Kalyani, probably Kalyandrug, in Anatapur District l.
Mr. Sewell is inclined to see in Rama Raya and Tirumala
those two relatives of King Achyuta to whom the whole
government of the Empire was so completely handed over, that
the King himself dared not do anything against their wishes :
"He (Achyuta) has never done anything", says Nuniz, " except
those things that are desired by his two brothers-in-law, who
are men very evilly disposed and great Jews " 2. This seems
quite probable; because Fr. Queyroz says that Krishna Deva
Raya in his last days put the reins of government into the
hands of his son-in-law Rama Raya and the military affairs into
those of his brother Tirumala. But before dying he ordered
Rama Raya to enthrone his brother Achyuta after his own
demise. He did so, and continued ruling the Empire under
Achyuta Deva Raya :{.
In another chapter we shall speak of Rama Raya's
campaign in the south. When taking possession of the
government of the state after the crowning of
Sadasiva, Rama Raya is called an * ornament of the
Kshatriyas' 4. His long career of unbroken successes had been
a preparation for the great task lying before him : he could
dare to take upon his shoulders the rule of that great Empire
which was menaced by internal and external foes. The success
of Rama Raya in this enterprise was temporary. Although
* he resembled Ramabhadra in appearance, and possessed
prosperity and majesty' :>, he was to die in battle after having
seen the defeat of his army by the irreconcilable enemies of his
country,
1. S. Krishna swa mi Aiyangar, Sources, p. 1H2.
2. Sewell, p. 3G7.
3. Queyroz, Co iquista dc Ccylao, p. 308-9.
4. Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva, Ep. //*/., IX, p. 340, VV.
23-30; Sadasiva's grant, 1561, Ep. Cam., V, Hn, 7.
5. Koadyata grant of Venkata III, Ind. Ant., XV, p, 148.
CHAPTER III
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE
SUMMARY.— -1. Rama Raya, Regent of the Empire.— 2. First stage of
his rule.— 3. Wise activity of the Regent and his two brothers.
4. Second stage: Sadasiva imprisoned. — 5. Rebellion of Tirumalu
and Venkatadri.— 6. Elevation of the members of the Aravidu
family.— 7. Preparation of the forthcoming stage.— 8. Third stage
The usurpation of Rama Raya. — 9. His rule as Emperor of
Vijayanagara. — 10. Conditions of the State Finance. — 11. Main-
tenance of Hindu cult. — 12. Religious offerings of the subjects.
13. Alms to the Brahmins. — 14. Jurisdiction affairs.— 15. Agri-
culture.— 16. The harbors.— 17. Other public affairs.— 18. State
of the capital.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.— 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. 2.
Ferishta, Anonymous Chronicler ofGolkonda. 3. Couto, Correa.
4. Travels of C. Frederick. 5. Chikkadmaraya Vnmsaiwli, Ratna-
ntjiyamiii Svaraniehilnilanidlu\ Pmpannamritani.
SADASIVA was on account of his age until to manage
the State affairs. Hence the anonymous chronicler ofGolkonda
states that * Rama Raya assumed the office of Protector*1.
The Muhammadan writer in announcing the assumption of
power by the Minister Rama Raya describes him as Regent of
the puppet Sadasiva. Accordingly all power was vested in
Rama Raya, as the Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali recorded some
years later 2. The only fact on which all the authors who
have written on Sadasiva's reign agree, is the supreme
power wielded by the fortunate Minister who was helped by
his two brothers. But the aforesaid chronicler of Golkonda
suggests at least two different stages in his period of govern-
ing. " Ramraj ", he states, " firsl assumed the office of Protec-
tor, and subsequently usurped the throne" y. Is this usur-
pation of the throne supported by other documents ? I have
1. Ferishta III, 381.
2. 8. Kriihnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302,
3. Ibid,
28 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
closely examined the inscriptions and grants ofSadasiva's reign,
and discern not two but three different stages in the Regency
of Rama Raya.
2. During the first stage Rama Raya is nothing but Re-
gent on behalf of his Sovereign ; even the influence ofSadasiva's
will over his Regent may occasionally be detected through some
of the earlier inscriptions. In one of 1546 we read that Sada-
siva ' gave orders to Rama Raya, saying '; and then Rama
Raya makes a grant according to the King's orders l. The
same is shown by another inscription of 1 547-8, at Podili, Nel-
lore District, in which Sadasiva is stated to rule Vijayanagara
" under the orders of Sriman Mahamandalesvara Aliyagama-
rama Rajayyadeva Maharajalungaru who bears the burden of
the kingdom" 2. Finally in 1549 by order of Sadasiva, Rama
Raya issued an edict for the barbers of Udayagiri 3.
The titles given to Rama Raya at this time are Maha-
mandalesvara, minister 4, 'agent of Sadasiva' 5 'agent for the
affairs of Sadasiva's kingdom* ° or at most 'ruler of the great
Karnata Kingdom' 7. No other trace of higher authority can
be gathered from the records of the first years of his governor-
ship.
In the meanwhile Sadasiva mostly resided at the capital.
This is frequently stated in the inscriptions K. In 1548 he
made the Kanuma grant, and in 1551 the Bevinahalli grant "in
the vicinity of the god Vitthalesvara, on the banks of the
Tungabhadra river" viz., at Vijayanagara9.
3. From the very beginning the wise activity of the Reg-
ent in conducting the State affairs surpassed all expectations. A
grant of Sadasiva in 1558 exalts the virtues of Rama Raya as
T. Ep. Cam., XI, Hk, 110.
2. Butterworth, III, p. 1195-7.
3. Rangacharya, II, p. 1051, 17.
4. 472 of 1906; 5 of 1900.
5. Ep. Cam., XII, Tp, 126; Rangacharya, II, p. 1073, 199.
6. Ep. Cam., VI, Tk., 13.
7. Sadasiva's grant, Ep. Cam., IV, Ng, 58.
8. Butterworth, II, p. 921-2.
9. Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 353, v. 43 ; p. 231, vv. 43-45.
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE $)
a ruler, ' possessed of valour, liberality and mercy* 1 ; more-
over he is said to be Versed in polities' 2, or 'well versed in
politics ' 3, 'skilled in politics ' 4 conversant with poli-
tics5, and to have ''studied politics'6. One of the prud-
ent steps he took in connection with the rule of the vast Empire
was the division of responsibility. Couto relates that he at once
secured the co-operation of his two brothers in the minister-
ship ; the administration of justice was assigned to Tirumala
while Venkatadri took over the supervision of the State finances5.
Several inscriptions justify the statement. Early in 1545,
according to an inscription of Hampi, the Mahamandalesvara
Tirumaiarayadeva Maharasu granted to some person the
village of Kotanahalli together with its hamlets6. In another
inscription at Hampi, bearing the same date, mention is made
of "Jangamayya, the Dalavay or general of Timmaraja, younger
brother of Rama Raya". 7,
As chief minister of the Regent, Tirumala was given the
most important province of the Empire to rule; this was Udaya-
giri, called 'the chief fortress under the royal throne of Vijaya-
nagara' H, owing its proximity to the Muhammadan
frontier. Formerly it had almost always been governed
by Princes of the Royal family, as Viceroys on
behalf of the Emperor. In 1543 Tirumala was governor
of Udayagiri9, and in 1551-2 we find him
fulfilling the M same office10; however, he did not stay at
Udayagiri, because in the same year 1551, according to an
inscription at Sangam, the governor of Udayagiri was
1. Ep. Cam., IX, Cp, 186.
2. Mangalampad grant of Vcnkata II, Buttorworth, I, p. 29, v. 15.
3. Dalavay Agraharam plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XII, p. 186,
vv. 13-40.
4. Ep. Cam., X, Mb, 60.
5. Kuniyur Plates of Venkata III, Ep, Ind., Ill, p. 252, v. 13.
6. Ep. Cam., XII, Ck, 39.
7. Couto, VI, p. 383.
8. M. A. ZX, 1920, p. 39.
9. Ibid.
10. Butterworth, ill, p. 542.
11. Ep. Ind., XVi, p. 242.
12. Butterworth, II, p. 867.
30 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Chiwakkaluri Bayacha Rajayya l, who ruled on behalf
of Tirumala. Was this the same Tirumala who was governor
of Udayagiri in 1535-6? 2. His appointment at that time
was not due to his brother, but either to Achyuta or to the
ministers of the latter.
In spite of the great power which the governorship of
Udayagiri naturally gave him, his subordination to Rama Raya
was at all times exemplary: an inscription of Kalamalla records
the remisssion of taxes on the barbers of this place by Tirumala
with the permission of Rama Raya :].
As to Venkatadri, the Ramarajiyamu mentions the town of
Kandanol, Karnul district, as the seat of his government 4.
Accordingly in 1547 he remitted the tax on the Brahmins in
the villages of Kanala, 4, Damagatla r> and Bannum «. These
places are all situated in Karnul district. This probably
was in the first stage of Rama's governorship, for we
find Venkatadri governing the Chola country during the
second stage.
Rama Raya, shortly after Sadasiva's coronation, showed
his prudence as well as his decision, in an event related by
Correa. Once when marching against the Sultan of Bijapur, a
number of captains and nobles, discontented with the Regent's
rule, proposed to him to abdicate, that they might proceed to a
new election. Rama Raya apparently agreed, and invited them
to return to Vijayanagara where the election was to be held.
Then he assembled them in the royal palace, which was secretly
defended by his relations and adherents. Once the rebel nobles
were inside, all the gates of the palace were shut ; the insurgent
nobles were then seized by the partisans of Rama Raya. Many
of the poor prisoners were slain ; others suffered the amputation
of their feet or the extraction of their eyes 5.
1. Rangacharya, n, p. 113, 477.
2. Ep. Cam., Ill, Sr, 95.
3. 380 of 1904.
4. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 222.
5. Rangacharya, II, p. 964, 532.
6. Ibid., p. 947, 395.
7. Ibid., p. 945, 385.
B, Correa, IV, p. 439,
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE $1
4. Some years later, probably as soon as the King was old
enough to assume the government of the Empire, Rama Raya
put him in prison l and thus a new era was inaugurated.
Frederick states that the three brothers were responsible for this,
but Couto blames Rama Raya alone. Couto's statement seems
to be more probable, for it explains the rebellion of Tirumala
and Venkatadri to which reference will be made later. Sada-
siva's prison was, according to Couto, a strongly fortified
tower with iron doors and surrounded by sentries ; neverthe-
less, his treatment while there was such as befitted a king 2.
Couto does not say where this tower was situated. Several
inscriptions of the time affirm that Sadasiva resided at Vijaya-
nagara. But this is not a satisfactory proof ; because even
supposing he was imprisoned at Penukonda, his subjects could
readily have been led to believe he was still at Vijayanagara.
Nevertheless we are inclined to think he remained in his capital
for the reason we shall now give, and on acccunt of the events
subsequent to the disaster at Raksas-Tagdi. All the records
say that Tirumala after the battle ran to Vijayanagara to fetch
King Sadasiva where he was ' kept prisoner', as Frederick
states, and then fled with him to their final refuge.
Anquetil du Perron says that this coup d'etat took place
somewhere between 1550 and 1552? and since he subsequently
states that Sadasiva remained in this prison thirteen years y
before the beginning of the third stage of Rama Raya's govern-
ment, we may suppose that the opening of the second stage was
1. Purcbas, His Pilgnms,~K, p. 93; Gubernatis, Storia, p. 289;
Anquetil du Perron, DCS Rccherches Historiques^ Description Historique,
II, p. 165.
2. "Ecomo era muito poderoso, e gran capitao metteo-se na
Corte, e lancou mano do Rey moco, e o metteo cm huma torre fortis-
sima, com grandes vigias, e portas de ferro, aonde o teve em quanto
vivco como huma estutua com o nome so de Rey ; mas com todas as
despezas, gastos, e apparatos que pudera ter, so fora, c estivera livre".
Couto, Vi, p. 383. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., after relating the impri-
sonment of the king, says : " C * est la conduite des Peschwahs de
Ponin, a 1* egard des descendants de Sev^aji renfennes a Satara, et d '
Holder All Khan onvers le Roi de Maissour ".
3. Anquetil du Perron, L c.
Jfc THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
in 1550, and lasted till 1562 or 1563. The unfortunate Sovereign
was shown to his subjects only once a year 1. This was the
only occasion for them to realize that there still was at Vijaya-
nagara a representative of the old Tuluva Dynasty seated on
the jewelled throne. But, as a matter of fact, Sadasiva was
only the nominal ruler. He was no more than a mere tool in
the hands of Rama Raya, who was practically the Emperor of
Vijayanagara.
During this second stage the inscriptions put the power of
Rama Raya on an equattty with that of Sadasiva. In 1551 a
private grant is made * for the merit of Sadasiva and Rama
Raya'2. Another inscription of Dasandoddi, dated 1554,
states that "Badme Maluka-Odeya granted one village which he
had been presented with by Sadasiva and Rama Raya " 3.
The Bevinahalli grant of Sadasiva (1551) gives both genealogies,
that of Sadasiva and that of Rama Raya, in detail 4. This
illustrates the importance of the powerful Regent. Three years
later, in 1554-5, Mangala Timmoja Kondojugaru, * having done
service to Rama Raya and having made a request to the king '
obtained a grant according to his petition r>. In 1557 the
same Mangala Timmoja made a grant to the god Bhire, in
order that* merit might accrue to Rama Raya' u.
5. But, although the power of the Emperor and that of
his Minister are on a level, the influence of Sadasiva is no
longer felt. The only rulers of the Vijayanagara Empire are
three members of the Aravidu family, Rama Raya and his two
brothers. * They ruled at their pleasure as they liked', says
Frederick 7. Nevertheless Tirumala and Venkatadri rebell-
ed against the authority of their brother at the beginning of
this stage, say about I551* presumably because they disliked
Rama Raya's treatment of his legitimate sovereign. No other
1. Frederick, Purchas, o. c., p. 93.
2. Ep. Cam., IV, Gu, 54.
3. M. A. D.t 1920, p. 39.
4. Ep. Ind., XI V, p. 210.
5. Butterworth, III, p. 1195-7.
6. Ep. Cam., Xl, Mk, 1.
7. Purchas, o. c., p. 93.
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 33
reason can be given for this disagreement between Rama Raya
and his brothers. Precisely one year before, in 1549-50, Tiru-
mala had requested and obtained from Sadasiva the Mamidi-
pundi grant ' : his gratefulness towards the sovereign was no
match for the audacity of his brother.
The fact is related by the anonymous chronicler of
Golkonda ; and although some authors consider his narrative
untrustworthy 2, we cannot but admit its truthfulness
considering the fact that in his own day several events connect-
ed with this rebellion occurred in the very capital of Golkonda.
I shall quote the whole passage of the Muhammadan writer
here.
" During the absence of Ramraj from his capital (to help
the Sultan of Bijapur against that of Ahmadnagar, as we shall
relate in one of the following chapters) his two brothers,
Timraj and Govindraj, (sic) who were placed in the government
of Adoni, taking advantage of his absence, not only usurped
the control of Adoni, but, collecting a force, compelled several
other districts to submit to their authority. Ramraj, on his
return to Vijayanagara, wrote in the first place letters to his
rebel brothers, which they treated with contempt, relying upon
their own strength ; and he, being unable to subdue them, was
induced to send ambassadors to the court of Golkonda to
solicit assistance. Ibrahim Qutb Shah immediately despatched
Qabul Khan, at the head of six thousand infantry, to join Ram-
raj. On reaching Vijayanagara, Ramraj ordered his own troops
into the field ; and having directed Sidraj Timapa, Nur Khan
and Bijly Khan, with their different corps, to join the subsidiary
forces, he ordered them to march against the rebels. The
insurgents, finding themselves unable to oppose the royalists,
took shelter in the strong fortress of Adoni, which was besieg-
ed for a period of six months ; when, being distressed for provi-
sions, the garrison sent petitions to the throne of Vijayanagara.
Ramraj pardoned his brothers, and recalled the forces to the
capital ; whence, after being handsomely rewarded, Qabul Khan
1. Butterworth, I, p. 102, v. 62.
2. Cf. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, A. S. /.,
Report, 1911-2, p. 178.
5
34 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
' Ain-ul-Mulk* " received permission to return to Golkonda, where
the King honoured him with the title of Ain-ul-Mulk ' " l.
The pardon so graciously granted by Rama Raya to his
brothers is inexplicable at first but after consideration it is
not unnatural. He wanted to strengthen his power as the
same writer points out — " by the reduction of many trouble-
some neighbours, and the elevation of his own adherents and
relatives " 2. On the first point we shall touch in the following
chapter ; but this is the place for examining some facts that
confirm the second point of the preceding statement.
6. In 1552 Tirumala is known to have ruled the Kochchar-
lakota-sima 3. Afterwards in 1558-9 a private grant was
made, while Sadasiva was ruling at Vijayanagara and Tirumala
ruling at Kondavidu'4. This kingdom h\d been granted to
him by Sadasiva, that is by Rama Raya in the name of Sada-
siva, as we are informed by Ranga, son of the same Tirumala in
one of his grants dated 1565-6 6. But probably Tirumala
never resided at Kondavidu. We frequently find him in Vijaya-
nagara ; for instance, an inscription at Munelii, Badvel Taluk,
shows that Tirumala in 1557-8 was in the capital ruling the
Empire on behalf of Sadasiva °. In a copper-plate grant of
the same year, Tirumala granted some privileges to Mahipati
Yerrammanayaka for faithful service done to the State and for
guarding the villages of Gutti, Tadpatri, Vellalura, Singanamala
and Siyyada 7. In 1552 he made a gift of ten villages to the
temple of Chennak-savaraya of Markapur, Karnul 8. This
shows beyond doubt that Tirumala took personal charge of the
Government of the State, whenever Rama Raya was absent for
war or on business. He had an agent at Gudur, of whom we
1. Ferishta, III, p. 397-8.
2. Ibid., p. 381.
3. 156 of 1905.
4. Butterworth, II, p. 952-5 ; Rangacharya, II, p. 786, 354.
5. Ibid., p. 946-50.
6. Brackenbury, Cuddapah Gazetteer, p. 37.
7. Catalogue of Copper-plate Grants in the Government Museum,
Madras, p. 53.
8. 156 of 1905,
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 3$
have two charitable edicts of the years 1555-6 l and 1559-60 » res-
pectively.
We know likewise that Venkatadri ruled the country
around Tiruvaiyar near Tanjore in 1559 3. A year or two before
the disaster of Talikota, he is stated to have been " ruling the
whole kingdom", and in this capacity to have conferred the
government of Barakura-rajya (Barkur) on Sadasivaraya-
Nayaka, the founder of the Ikkeri Nayaks *.
One of the relations of Rama Raya elevated by his power
was his cousin Vitthala 5. He was appointed Viceroy of Sadasiva
in the southern country and Ceylon 6. In another chapter we
shall speak at length of his activity in the territory of his Vice-
royalty. A nephew of Rama Raya, Kondaraja, was also exalt-
ed. He was the grand-son of Peda Kondaraja, the brother of
Rama Raya's father, Ranga 7. In an inscription of 1556 he is
called " Mahamandalesvara Komara Kondarajayyadeva maha-
arasu" 8. He is likewise mentioned in two inscriptions at
Badami 9. His influence at court is shown by the grant of Sada-
siva, recorded in the British Museum plates, for fostering ^the
cult of Vishnu. The grant had been requested by Kondaraja
from Rama Raya 10. In 1558, Sadasiva made another
grant on the application of Rama (Raya, Kondaraja
having again made the petition ll. Finally another inscrip-
tion of 1561 records a grant of Koneti Kondarajadeva to
the spiritual preceptor12. Jillela Rangapatirajayyadeva
Maharaja, related to the Aravidu family on his mother's side,
1. Butterworth, I, p. 458-60.
2,. Ibid., p. 456-8.
3. 256 of 1894.
4. H. Krishna Sastri, o. c.t p. 179.
5. M. E. R.t 1911, p. 86; 1912. p. 82 ff.
6. 129 of 1905.
7. British Museum plates of Sadasiva, Ep. hid., IV, p. 4, vv
125-40.
8. Ep. Cam., I, p. 19, 12.
9. Ind. Ant., X, p. 64.
10. Ep. Ind., IV, p. 2.
11. Ep. Cam., IX, Cp, 186.
12. AT. A. D.t Report, 1920, p. 39.
36 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
was also elevated by the powerful Regent. He 'was appointed
Mahamandalesvara and governor of Ramadurgam-sima, where
he had an agent called Amarinayani Vengala-Nayaningaru *.
A nephew of Tirumala, and probably also of Rama Raya,
is called in 1554, Mahamandalesvara Madraju Nagappadeva
Maharaju2. Moreover Rama Raya "was so generous",
according to Manucci, " that it is remarked in the chronicles
that he never refused any favour asked. He confirmed any
grant he made by a record on golden plates... The fame of this
Emperor's liberality spread far and wide, and many men of
different nations entered his service, principally foreigners" 3.
7. This elevation of relatives had in view not only the
strengthening of his present power but the preparation of the
final step he was contemplating. The beginning of the second
stage had been marked by a coup d' etat\ for such indeed was the
imprisonment of the sovereign. But for the beginning of the
third, no such strong action was necessary. The omission of
the annual presentation of the puppet Emperor, coupled with
rumours purposely spread by the agents of Rama Raya
about the supposed demise of the sovereign, were quite enough
for everybody to acknowledge Rama Raya as the new Emperor
of Vijayanagara, seeing that he was practically the sovereign,
and also the closest relative of Sadasiva, although belonging to
a different family.
There are several grants and inscriptions belonging to this
second stage, which prove that this final step was long contem-
plated: in 1551 in the Bevinahalli grant of Sadasiva, Rama
Raya is already given the title * King of Karnata ' 4. The
same is the case in another grant of Sadasiva of the year 1556-7 5
In 1554 Mangala Timmoju Kondojugaru calls himself a
feudatory of Rama Raya without mentioning Sadasiva at all 6.
In the same year Rama Raya himself made another
grant to some Brahmans in the same form as the old grants of
1. 445 of 1911.
2. 161 of 1905.
3. Manucci, Storia do Mogor, fll, p. 97.
4. Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 230, v. 30.
5. Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 154.
6. Rangacharya, II, p. 1098, 379.
ADMINSTRATIOtf OF THE EMPIRE #
the Emperors of Vijayanagara. In the beginning, it invokes
Ganesa and the Boar, the sportive incarnation of Vishnu.
Then it proceeds to trace Rama Raya's pedigree from Buddha
and the Pururavas, and speaks of the deeds of Rama Raya
and his brothers, without mentioning Sadasiva at all, and
says finally : "while having uprooted all the enemies, Rama
Raya ruled over the earth as famous as Baratha and
Bagiratha " l.
8. A rule of thirteen years had made the power of Rama
Raya in Vijayanagara sufficiently strong; rumours were probably
spread about that Sadasiva was dead. Then the ambitious Regent
took for himself the title of King. "After Sadasiva's death"; says
Anquetil du Perron, " Rama Raya was nominated King" 2.
It seems probable that a real ceremoney of enthronement took
place in the capital ; for C. Frederick expressly says that Rama
Raya * sate in the Royal throne, and was called the King'3.
Even Manucci, in 1688, called Rama Raya 'Emperor of
Narsinga* 4. And probably new Pagodas were at once struck
with his name. We do not know of any coin of Rama Raya
bearing such an early date but we are aware of coins struck
with his name on the eve of the battle af Raksas-Tagdi. The
famous Gandikota Pagoda gives the name of Rama Raya and
the date 1565, and has on the obverse a figure of Vishnu
standing under a canopy \
From this date, some time in 1563, the ceremony of
showing the Emperor to his subjects was discontinued. But the
three brothers used to go once a year to his prison-like palace
in order to do homage to him as their sovereign 6.
The epigraphical evidence on this point is more than suffi-
cient. A copper-plate record at Devarayadurgaof 1562-3 says that
Rama Raya reigned supreme at Vijayanagara 7. A private
grant of the same year mentions Rama Raya as 'ruling the
1. M.A.D.,IQ23> p. 125-7.
B. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c.
3. Frederick, 1. c.; Gubernatis, o. c., p. 290.
4. Manuoci, Storia do Mogor, III, p. 97.
5. Brown, The Coins of India, p. 64.
6. Couto, VI, p. 383.
7. £>. Cam., XII, Tm, 44.
38 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYAftAGARA
Empire', and does not mention Sadasiva 1. An inscription
in Krishnarajapet Taluk records a grant made 'while the
Rajadhiraja Raja-Paramesvara Vira-pratapa-Maharaya Rama-
Deva-Raya-aiyyangar was seated on the jewelled throne in
Penukonda' 2. There is still another inscription, dated 1565,
(the same year as the battle of Raksas-Tagdi) that gives Rama
Raya the same imperial titles and does not mention Sadasiva at
all ; it is a grant made " when the Master of Kuntala (Karnata),
lord of the throne of Vidyanagari (Vijayanagara), the Rajadhi-
raja Raja-paramesvara Virapratapa Vira Rama-Deva-Raya
maharaya, seated on the Jewell throne, was ruling the kingdom
of the world in peace and wisdom " y. Even in an inscrip-
tion of 1581, during the reign of Ranga I, Rama Raya is called
Rajadhiraja 4, and in another of Vcnkata HI, 1639, he is
recorded to have 'governed the whole world* 5. Along with
the lithic records, Anantacharya in his poem Prapannamritarn
calls Rama Raya 'Emperor of Vijayanagara who ruled after
Krishna Raya ' °.
Now, if the Hindus, who were under the Vijayanagara rule,
forgot Sadasiva, who was supposed to be dead, and mentioned
only Rama Raya as the Emperor of Vijayanagara, no wonder
if Ferishta says nothing of the former and always speaks of the
latter as the sovereign of the rival Empire 7. When detail-
ing the so-called battle of Talikota, we shall see how Ferishta
describes the riches of the throne of Rama Raya on the battle
field. The Burhan-i-Ma'asir speaks always of Rama Raya as the
Vijayanagara sovereign, but under the name of Sadasiva
1. Ibid., Tk. 44.
2. Ibid., IV, Kr, 79. 1 am sure that this inscription is spurious
because of the date, 1543, and of the mention of Penukonda as the
place where the Emperor was residing. The forgery must have been
committed during the reign of Ranga I or Venkata II. Nevertheless
even a forgery proves that Rama Raya was considered the real
Emperor of Vijayanagara.
3. Ep. Cam, VII, Ci, 62.
4. Ibid., IV. Kr, 15.
5. Ibid., Ill, Nj, 198.
6. 8. Krishna s wami Aiyangar, Sources^ p. 202.
7. Ferishta, III, p. 117, 118, 131, etc.
ADMINISTATION OF THE EMPIRE 39
Raya *. Faria y Sousa speaks of Cidoca (Sadasiva) King of
Canara (Vijayanagara), but in 1559 the only king of Vijaya-
nagara known to him is Rama Raya 2.
9. The following information, given us by his Minister and
favourite Ramayamatya Todaramalla in his Svaramelakalanidhi
probably refers to this time : "He had a palace called Ratna
Kuta", says he, "constructed by his minister Ramayamatya ;
and he was struck with admiration as it excelled even
Vaijayanta, the palace of the gods. The palace was surrounded
by extensive gardens adorned with statues, which contained
cool tanks abounding with swans" 3.
Rama Raya at this time handed over to his brothers all the
government affairs and devoted himself to music and literature.
"Seated within this Palace (Ratna Kuta)" says Ramayamatya,
"he spent his time in the midst of scholars versed in litera-
ture, music and other arts" 4. Accordingly, a grant of
Venkata II, 1589, informs us that Rama Raya took great plea-
sure in music on the vina and in singing 5. With these
years is probably associated the trip of Rama Raya with
his Guru Tatacharya, the son of Srinivasa, to the fortress
of Chandragiri, to spend some days in that sacred re-
tirement dedicated to the study of the Sastras 6. These
last years of Rama Raya spent in leisure, are also men-
tioned in the Memoirs of Manucci, one century later. "After
this division", says he, "he led a happy life, without attending
to government or taking any notice of what went on" 7.
Tirumaia was naturally in charge of the whole Government.
He was the supreme minister of Vijayanagara during the last
1. Only twice Rama Raya is called by his own name 'Rama
Raj ' in this work ; Ind. Ant.t L, p. 7, and p. 101. That Rama
Raya himself is meant by the name Sadasiva Raya is proved by this
fact, that Sadasiva Raya is said to have been beheaded after the
battle of Raksas-Tagdi.
2. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 189 and 327.
3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 190.
4. Ibid.
5. Ep. Cam., XIII, Cy, 39.
6. Prapannamrtam, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o.c., p. 202,
7. Manucci, Storia do Mogor, III, p. 99,
40 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
days preceding the battle of K aksas-Tagdi l. The titles
given him at this time are Mahamandalesvara Ramaraya-
Yaram-Tirumalarajayyadeva-Maharaja 2. The appointment
of Tirumala, as Premier of the Empire, left a vacancy in the
viceroyalty of Kondavidu ; and it was then probably that Rama
Raya, following his policy of elevating his relatives and friends,
appointed to this honour his favourite, the poet Ramayamatya,
thus enabling him to grant many agraharas to Brahmins 3.
At the poet's death, Siddhiraju Timma Raju, another nephew of
Rama Raya, was appointed in his place 4.
Tirumala combined the office of Minister with the
Governorship of Vellore and of the whole surrounding country 5.
We know an inscription of his, dated 1564, allowing Chinna-
Bomma Nayaka of Vellore to make gr .nts to the temple of that
place 6.
In the new order of government, Venkatadri was Comman-
der-in-Chief of the army 7. The success attending his
conduct as a General in the Vijayanagara army proved that the
choice had not fallen on the wrong man. The Vellangudi plates
of Venkata II recall that 'he was distinguished in the world as
a warrior' H, and in the Ramarajiyanm he is stated to have
been 'a veritable Arjuna on the battlefield* 9.
Now after having described the three stages of the govern-
ment of Rama Raya, we may turn to consider some of the
Government affairs.
10. It seems that during the reigns of Krishna Deva Raya
and Achyuta, the sources of revenue were finally fixed and
reduced to a regular form. The judicious system of accounts
and the management introduced were instrumental in gradually
improving the revenues without oppressing the subjects of the
1. M. E. R., 341, Ap. B, of 1816.
2. Anquetil du Perron, o.c., p. 165.
3. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o.c., p. 190.
4. Paramayogi Vilasam, S. Krishaswami Aiyangr.o. c., p. 211.
5. Hultzsch, South Indian Inscriptions, I, p. 69-75, Nos.43-8.
6. Ibid., p. 69.
7. Anquetil du Perron, I. c.
8. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 319, v. 19.
9 S, Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 222.
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 4!
Empire. Hence, the State finances were by no means impover-
ished when Rama Raya began ruling. The Nayaks and other
feudatory chiefs regularly sent to the court their annual
tribute, still realising that the Empire was strong enough to
obtain payment by force if necessary ; but many of these same
chiefs acted otherwise when they saw the Empire defeated in
the battle of Raksas-Tagdi.
II. One of the first and most important matters the
Government took in hand was the maintenance of the Hindu
cult. Sadasiva himself and his Minister Rama Raya were the
first in encouraging their subjects to foster the national
religion, as the lithic records and the copper-plate grants
of his reign prove. No doubt, several gifts recorded
in these monuments are presented by Sadasiva himself,
and not precisely by his Minister, even during the second
period of his reign, when he was in prison. " When Sadasiva
was seated in the jewelled throne ruling the kingdom of the
earth", we read in an inscription of 1557, "he, sending for a copy
of the stone sasana at the temple of the god Vitthala, set up in
the righteous administration of Aliya Rama Raya, found that
according to that sasana, Krishna Deva Maharaya in the year
1519 having granted the customs dues in certain villages,
and these not being sufficient te provide for the offerings,
which had fallen into abeyance, Sadasiva Ray a... made a grant
of taxes for the god Bhire." l
But the majority of these religious grants, although made
on behalf of Sadasiva, were probably ordered by Rama Raya.
We read for instance that the old temple of Bhairava in Nalla-
cheruvupalle was enlarged and beautified by Sadasiva in I5442;
that he exempted the god Gopalakrishna from tax3; that
he made a grant of a village to the temple of Markapur in
the very year of his accession 4 ; that 'the village of Pudur
was given to the god Sachchidananda 6, while three other villa-
1. Ep. Cam., XI, Mk, 1.
2. Sewell, I, p. 127.
3. Rangacharya, II, p. 915, 65.
4. Sewell, p. 86.
5. Rangacharya, I, p. 584, 93,
6
42 f HE ARAVDDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
ges, including Pulupatum in Pottapinadu and some land in
Vontimitta, were granted to the Kodandaramaswami temple of
the same place1, and a grant of many villages was made to
theKrishnapuram temples for the worship of Vishnu2. The
village of Kagallu, surnamed Timmasamudra, Hindupur
Taluk, was likewise given to the temple of Mallikar-
juna :{ ; and that of Kosanepalle, Jammalamadugu Taluk,
to the Chernuri-sima for the festival of Tiruvengalanatha 4 ;
and the one of Puliyangulam to the goddess of Srivilliputtur,
Ramnadr>; then the pagoda of Durga at Koduru was
allowed to levy contributions from the pilgrims towards the
annual festival of the deity6. Finally Aliya Rama Raya
granted the village of Gadigarelu to the gods Siddhesvara and
Bhojesvara 7 and made some grar ts for festivals 8. Of the
same Rama Raya is the following edict, by which he prov-
ides a good income in perpetuity for the festivals of Sri Ranga-
natha's temple : " The income which is derived from sundry
articles in|the villages situated in Udayagiri durgam, which
belong to us and were formerly attached to (the temple of) Sri
Raghunayakulu, should be utilised for always providing daily
offerings, worship with lights and miscellaneous offerings in
the temple. While speaking these pleasant words, we have
presented, on the auspicious occasion of a solar eclipse, with
libation of water and gift of gold, this endowment to the
accountant in the temple of the deity, to last as long as the sun
and moon endure" u.
12. The example of the throne was followed by the sub-
jects. During the reign of Sadasiva new temples were erected,
and others enlarged and richly adorned. Amarinayani Vengala-
1. 412 of 1911.
2. Ep. hid., IX, p. 341, vv. 67-9.
3. 84 of 1912.
4. 410 of 1904.
5. Rangacharya, II, p. 1181, 178-L.
6. Ibid., I, p. 574, 7. In the M. A. D. 79.20, p. 39, there ar« two
other religious grants of Sadasiva.
7. Rangacharia, II, p. 963, 520-521.
8. Ep. Cam., XII, Si, 31.
9« Butterwortb, III, p. 1363-5,
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 4$
Naraningaru, the agent of the Mahamandalesvara Jillella
Rangapatirajayyadeva-Maharaja, repaired the central shrine
and the sugnasi of the Viresvara temple of Rayachoti l ;
one Desantari Narasingadasa vastly improved the Parthasara-
thiswamin temple at Triplicane, Madras 2 ; Jangammya, dala-
way of Tirumala, erected a temple in I545a; Gutti
Tirumalarajayya erected a mantapam in the Chennakesava
pagoda at Mannur 4 ; Tima Ranga dedicated a building
called Ranga Mantapam or public resting place, with 25 parti-
tions, to the god Mahadeva Deva at Vijayanagara 5 ; Chinna
Aubalaraja erected a pagoda at Arakata-vemula Agraharam,
placed there the image of Gopala Krishna Deva, and granted
hamlets of the above agraharam and an allowence of 31^ pago-
das on the tax of the Gandikota Durgam, to the aforesaid god
Gopalakrishna Deva (i; Aubala-rajayya installed the metal
images in the villages of Veludurti, Cucldapah, and granted
twelve pagodas for offering food to Chennakesava Perumal 7;
Rachirajadeva Maharaja of the lunar race of the atriya-gotra,
setup an image of Sir Madanagopala, constructed a temple
and performed the consecration ceremony and made certain gifts
of land for providing sacred food and all means of enjoyment
to the deity s ; Jakkannaganda constructed several lamp-
posts for the service of the temple '•*.
Moreover, various villages and lands were given to different
temples by the feudatory chiefs or by private people : Chinna
Timmanayadu, son of Pemmasami Nayndu, granted the village
of Yenumalachmtala to the godTiruvengalanatha at Tadpatri 10 ;
1. 445 of 1911.
2. 239 of 1903 ; M. E. #„ 1904* P*ra. 25§
3. M. A. D., 1920, p. 39.
4. 605 of 1907.
5. Ravenshaw, Translation of Various Inscriptions^ Asiatic Rf.
searches, XX, p. 35.
6. Rangacharya, I, p. 617, 487.
7. Ibid., p. 616, 484.
8. Rangacharya, II, p. 1131, 604.
9. M. A. D., 1924, p. 83,
10. Rangacharya, I, p. 607, 397
44 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Nage Nayaka, son of Mahanayakacharya Ralakote Aravinda
Nayaka gave the village of Gottakunte to Bairaya-
gauda's son Tammayagauda, for the service of daily worship of
god Sriranganatha at Yaldur l ; one Gundurti Pap-
ay y a granted three village a to the gcddess in Velpuchcrla,
Cuddapah2; Nandyala Tirumayyadeva granted to the
god Chennakesava some land in Nandapadu 3 and
the village of Kodur 4 ; another of his subjects granted 30
kuntas of land for planting a nandavanam (flower garden) for
the god Tiruvengalanatha 5 ; Gangayya Raja and Chinna
Timmaraja, son of Aubalaraja, gave 30 puttis and 1 6 turns of
land to the gods and brahmins of the village of Vellala,
Proddatur6; Venkataya and his brr'.her Appayya disposed
of their land to the god Chennakesava in Vanipenta 7 ;
Chinna Timmaraja, son of Konda Raja, gave a village to the
god Ahobala Narasiuha*; Nagarajayya granted to the god
Raghunayaka of Vontimitta the village of Gangaperuru 9 ;
Tirumalarasu gave seme land to the god Varadaraja 10 ; the
Mahamandalesvara Chinna Avubalesvaradeva-Maharaju made
a gift of land to the temple of Raghunayakalu of Ghandikota u ;
to the same temple another gift was made by Nandyala
Timmayadeva Maharaju 12; the same chief built the village
of Potladurti, Cuddapah, and granted it to the god Chennakesa-
va 13 ; Vobalaraju, son of Nandyala Abubalaraju, gave the piece
of land to the Suamyanalhasvamin temple of Nandalur for the
1. M, A. D., J92J, p. 84-5.
2. Rangacharya, T, p. 606, 3^2.
3. Ibid., p. 612, 440.
4. Ibid., p. 612, 443.
5. Ibid., p. 649. 831.
6. Ibid., p. 629, 594.
7. Ibid., p. 628, 591.
8. Tfrd., p. 627, 581.
9. Ibid., p. 660, 914.
10. Ibid., p. 652, 853.
11. 485 of 1906.
12. 486 of 1906.
13. Rangacharya, I. p. 616, 480.
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 4$
god's ablution, out of his ' Nainkarum' 1 ; Papa Timmayya-
deva Maharaja granted a village to the Venugopalaswami
temple at Bollavaram 2 ; Immadi Basavanayadu gave 15
turns of dry field to the god Tripurantaka 3 ; lands were also
given to tbe cUir.cir.^' vcmen of Tiriivs^ram^iai for temple
service 4. Finally in a Kanarese took of the Mackenzie
Collection there are various copies of inscriptions of grant! of
land made in the reign of Sadasiva to the temple of Chinna
Kesava 5.
Many gifts in money are likewise recorded in the inscrip-
tions of Sadasiva's reign : a chief granted a tax to the Somesvara
temple at Peddamudiyam °; Vipravinodi Viramushti Virappa
granted the allowance he had been receiving from the village to
god Visvesvara 7 ; Vipravinodi Siddhayya granted the
allowance due from the agraharam Brahmins for the festival of
Chennakesava Perumal 8 ; Virupana Nayaka presented 50
varahas to the temple of Mallikarjuna-deva at Kambaduru 9 ;
the Viramushti people granted away their allowances in the
village to the god Visvesvara 10 ; the Vipravinodins made a
gift to the Chennakesava temple at Kalumalla u ; to thaSame
temple another gift was made by Rachiraju 12 ; the jugglers
granted the allowance of Valamore to the god Chennakesava13 ;
1. 605 of 1907.
2. Rangacharya, I, p. 618, 492.
3. Ibid., p. 617, 485.
4. Sowellf I, p. 207.
5. Chinna Kesava Swami Sasana Patra, Wilson, The Mackenzie
Collection, p. 344. We cannot cite hero all the gifts presented to the
temples during Sadasiva's reign : we wanted only to give a specimen
ot the offerings. More grants of land will be found in 27 of 1900; 61, 63,
78,81,82 of 1915; Rangacharya II, p. 976, 603; p. 766, 160; p. 977,
610-A and 610-F ; p. 853, 64 ; p. 1130, 599.
6. 349 of 1905.
7. Rangacharya 1, p. 601, 326.
8: Ibid., p. 601, 327.
9. 94 of 1913.
10. Rangackarya, I, p. 601, 325.
11. 379 of 1904.
12. 376 of 1904.
13. Rangaoharya, I p. 633, 632.
46 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
some Vipravinodins granted their local allowance of two villages
to the same god in Vanipenta 2 ; the Mahamandalesvara
Chinna Timmaraja Kondayadeva Maharaja made a gift of the
proceeds of certain taxes collected in the village of Jillala
to the temple of Virabhadradeva of the same village 2 .
Chinna Timma Raja and Kondaraja granted a tax to the deity
of Virabhadra pagoda at Idamadaka 3 ; Papatimmaraja
granted his own share of taxes of Bollavaram-petta, Cuddapah,
to the daily ceremony of the Gopinatha Urn pie of the same
village 4 ; the Vipravinodins gave away to the deity the
annual allowance they had been receiving from a village 5 ;
Rangapa Rajayyadeva made a grant to the god Sri Raghuna-
yakulu of Chadaluvada c ; the Vipravinodi Brahmins gave
away the annual fees they had been receiving from the
Brahmins of Chamalur to god Chennakesava 7.
13. The generosity of the King did not forget the Brah-
manic precept of giving alms to the Brahmins. In 1545 he made
a grant to some Brahmins 8 ; the village of Govinda-Vamapuram
was given by him to a Brahmin 9 ; two years later two other
villages were also given to several Brahmins 10. It seems he
had a special predilection for learned Brahmins. A grant of
the village of Kanuma to several learned Brahmins was
recorded in 1548 u; the Bevinahalli village was given to
1. Ibid., p. 628, 592.
2. 471 of 1906.
3. Rangacharya, 1 p. 620, 515.
4. Ibid., p. 618, 493.
5. Ibid., p. 606, 384.
6. Ibid., II, p. 786, 354.
7. Ibid., p. 589, 144. Other private grants to different gods in
the reign of Sadasiva may be found in Butterworth, II, p. 867-8 ; p.
868-70 ; p. 946-50 ; p. 952-5; III, p. 1175-8 ; Ep. Cam., Ill, TN, 108; Sr,
149 ; IV, Ch, 121 ; Ch, 202 ; Ng, 26 ; VII, HI, g ; XI, Hk, 113 ; X, Gd,
52 ; 72 and 58 of 1915 ; Rangacharya, II, p. 931, 254 ; p. 247, 396 ; p.
964, 531 ; p. 1113, 478.
8. Ep. Cam., IV, Ng, 58.
9. Rangacharya, I, p. 557, 347.
10. Catalogue of Copper-Plate Grants in the Government Museum^
Madras, p. 52. Cf. Rangacharya, II, p. 877, 5.
11. Ep. lnd.t XIV, p. 353, w. 43-57.
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 47
several Brahmins ' who are well versed in the Vedas ' l ;
from 1544 to 1546 three villages were granted in perpetuity
' with gift of gold and libation of water as an agrahara ' to
Chinna Koneti Tiruvengalanathayyagaru, a Brahmin of
Ongole, son of Srimad Tallapaka Tirumalayangaru, called in
two inscriptions 'the estabiisher of the path of the Vedas' 2,
and in a third one 'the estabiisher of the school of the Vedanta'3.
AH these grants were most probably made by Sadasiva
himself because all, excepting one, the date of which is quite
doubtful, belong to the first period of his reign. But none is
positively assigned to the other periods during the time of his
imprisonment. From this time we know only of a grant made
in 1554 by Rama Raya himself to some Brahmins 4.
We have found only a few private grants to the Brahmins
in Sadasiva's time. A not verv rich gift was made to some Brah-
mins of Krishnarajapet Taluk •"'; then a grant of 5 puttis and
13/itumsof land to the learned Brahmins of Pandilapalli 6 ;
lastly another grant for daily feeding three Brahmins 7 ; such
are the private donations to the Brahmins during this reign. On
the other hand, the Brahmins met on several occasions with
serious difficulties created specially by the Muhammadans not
only in the recently conquered towns but also in the old territory
of the south. In 1555 the Brahmins of Ahobilam granted some
lands to a local chief, probably in payment of their protection
against the Muhammadans H.
14. Various quarrels over jurisdiction arose between neigh-
bouring villages during this reign. In 1553 Rama Raju Konappa-
deva Maharaja, probably Sadasiva's Regent, settled a water
1. Ibid., p. 231, vv. 43-5 and p. 216.
2. Buterworth, III, p. 1131-2 ; II, p. 784, 343 ; p. 930-1.
3. Ibid., II, p. 783, 337 ; p. 921-2.
4. M. A. ZX, 1921, p. 125-7.
5. Ep. Cam., IV, Kr, 79.
6. Rangacharya, I, p. 615, 467.
7. Ep. Cam., VII, Sk, 55. Other grants may be seen in Ranga-
charya, II, p. 914, 51, p. 926, 212 ; p. 927, 227 ; p. 950, 421 ; p. 979, 629,
and p. 980, 633.
8. Sewell, I, p, 101.
48 THE ARAVTOU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
dispute between two villages of Anantapur District 1 ; in
1555 the village boundary stones were set up in Peddamalle-
palli in the same district, through the influence of Dasappa
Nayadu, no doubt to finish a dispute between this village and a
neighbouring one 2 ; for the same reason and about the same
time the limits between Vijaya Bukkarayapuram and Brahma-
napalli were measured and definitely established 3.
15. Agriculture was not greatly fostered during Sadasiva's
government. We know of a canal dug in the village of Pottapi;
but this was done through the generosity of Varadarasu and
Yeilamarasu who gave sixty kuntas of land for that purpose 4.
Another irrigation canal called Antaraugakalva was dug
in the same village by the munificence of Varadayya, a Matla
chief5. The only occasion in which the name of Sadasiva is
associated with any agricultural work is when in 1551 he made
a grant free of rent to the salt dealers of Molakalmuru Taluk
for the the removal of the saline earth 6.
16. No other subjects of Sadasiva got more inscriptions
about themselves than the barbers 7. The origin of this
predilection of the King and his Minister for the barbers was, it
seems, the skill of one of them named Manggala Timmoju
Kondajugaru or Kondoja of the town of Badavi 8. As
far as we know, he was the barber of Rama Ray a,
who was much pleased with his skill in shaving
the chin 9 ; the Minister introduced him to the Sove-
1. 327 of 1901.
2. Rangacharya, I, p. 29, 199.
3. Ibid., I, p. 602, 338.
4. Ibid., I. p. 653, 860.
5. 434 of 1911.
6. Ep. Cam., XI, Mk, 8 and 9.
7. The importance of the barbers in the religious life of the
Hindus in the south of India is so great that many rites and
ceremoies could not to performed without them. Correa, Lcndas da
India, IV, p. 301, who once attended the sacred fair of Tirupati, says
that every pilgrim to the Tirupati hill had to have his head shaved.
The barbers were sitting under some large trees and hiding them-
•elves behind the heaps of hair.
8. Sadasiva *s inscriptions at Badami, Ind. Ant., X, p. 65
9. H. Krishna Sastri, The Second Vijayanagara Dynasty ', A. S. /,,
1908-9, P, 198, note 5.
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE 49
reign himself1. This was the beginning of that series
of rewards bestowed upon him and all his fellow-workers.
Early in 1545 Rama Raya, already pleased with Kondoja's
work, remitted to him the caste tax, customs-dues and other
taxes payable by barbers 2; then Sadasiva's agent in Shimoga
District, following the example of the Regent, granted to the
same man the Chanagiri Barbers * tax 3. In 1554 Kondoja
* having done service to Rama Raya and having made a request
to the king, obtained a royal decree exempting the barbers from
taxes'4; in the following year he obtained the remission of
forced labour, birada, fixed rent and other taxes for himself and
his family throughout the four boundaries of the kingdom 5 ;
then, by order of Sadasiva, Rama Raya granted another gift
(illegible in the inscription) to the lucky barber 6. About the
same time an agent of Sadasiva at Gudur issued a charitable
edict to the same * to last as long as the sun and moon exist f ;
and in order to drive home th<j importance of the reward, ended
his donation with this warning : " Those who cause obstacles to
it, will incur the sin of killing a cow and a Brahmin " 7.
Timoja Kondoja was not the only favourite barber of Rama
Raya. A record from Hirekerur states that Rama Ra3^a was plea-
sed with the work done by the three barbers Timmoja, Hommoja
and Bharroja. Hence, he exempted them from all taxes 8.
Another inscription of Badami speaks again of Kondoja and
two other barbers, who are not easily identified with the two
mentioned above: "These three men Timmoja, Kondoja and
Bhadri having propitiated the King ", etc. 9.
The friendship of Rama Raya and Sadasiva with Kondoja
and the four other barbers was the cause of their benevolence
towards all the barbers of the Empire : An inscription of 1545
1. Butterworth, II, p. 664-6 ; Ep. Curn., XI, Mk, 6.
2. Ep. Cam., VI, Tk, 13.
3. Ibid., XII, Tp, 126.
4. Butterworth, II, p. 664-6.
5. Ep. Cam., XI, Mk, 6.
6. Ibid. XI, Mk, 11.
7. Butterworth, I, p. 420-2.
8. H. Krishna Sastri, I. c.
9. Ind. Ant., X, p. 65,
7
50 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
says that Rama Raya, being pleased with the barber Kondoja,
exempted the barbers of the country (Tumkur District) from
caste-tax, customs and all other imposts whatever l ; then, on
account of Timmoja, Hommoja and Bharroja, Rama Raya re-
quested Sadasiva to extend the privileges granted to them to
all the barbers throughout the kingdom 2, and, because of
Timmoja and the other two, Sadasiva alloted a tax as a manya,
grant to the barbers of the village of Ulabi 3. Subsequently
all the barbers of the Empire were the recipients of many
favours from the central Government. In 1546 Sadasiva states,
in an inscription in the Chitaldroog District, that he and Rama
Raya have " given up to the barbers tax, fixed rent, forced la-
bour, birada, customs, toll for watchmen ; these and other dues,
free of all imposts " 4.
Then Sadasiva himself remitted the tax on the barbers of
Utukur :', and Kama Raya granted the same favour to the
barbers of the Karnataka country 6, Gundlaunta 7, Nagama-
ladine 8, the three simas of Cuddapah 9, Ghandikotasima 10,
Tallamarapuram n, Utukur 12 and Battepadu rj.
The other Ministers and feudatory chiefs followed the
example Of the King and his Regent. Timmaraja, probably
Tirumala Raja, remitted the tax on the barbers in several
villages14: the Mahamandalesvara Tirumalayadeva Maharaja
1. Ep. Cam., XII, Tp, 126.
2. H. Krishna Sastri, 1. c.
3. Ind Ant., X, p. 65.
4. Ep. Cam., XI, Hk, 110.
5. Rangacharya, I, p. 657, 890.
6. 318 of 1905.
7. Rangacharya, I, p. 593, 184.
8. Ibid., p. 601, 322.
9. 399 of 1904.
10. 514 of 1906.
11. 472 of 1906.
12. Rangacharya, I, p. 651, 851. In Ep. Cam., XI, Hr, 29 mention
is made of another grant of Rama Raya to the barbers in 1544. cf
Rangacharya, II, p. 924, 192 ;p. 1073, 199.
13. Rangacharya, II, p. 1051, 17.
14. Rangachariar, I, p. 626, 568; II, p, 915, 69 ; p. 968, 563 ; p. 978,
612 ; p. 979, 624,
ADMINISTRATION OF TII£ EMPIRE 51
of Yeragudi exempted from taxes the barbers of Kalamalla * ;
Rama Raya Vitthalesvara, the cousin of Rama Raya, relieved of
certain taxes the barbers of Penukonda - ; Guruvaraja and
Chinna Singaraja 3 released from taxes the barbers
of Bommavaram 4, Obasamudram 5 and Pottappi ° ; Timma-
yadeva of Nandyala remitted the tax on the barbers of
the whole of Ghandikota-sima and three villages belonging to
the Indranatha temple 7, Pendlimarri H, Bondalakunta ^
Lingala 10 and Nallapalli n ; Nagarajaya Devamaharaja did
the same with the barbers of Jonnavaram l2, and Ramarajayya
Pinnaraju Garu with those of Chinna Mudiyam ];{, and even
a private man issued in 1847-8 a charitable edict for the barbers
of Podili ]4.
17. Nor were the barbers the only persons who received
such favours from the throne ; other people were also exempted
from payment of taxes or other tribute: Thus Rama Raya
exempted the Karnams of Nindujuvvi from their taxes r> and
Timmayyadeva of Nandyala remitted the tax on the jugglers of
Lingala 1G.
1. 381 of 1904.
2. 340 of 1901.
3. This chief is called otherwise in other inscriptions : Chinna-
•unga, Chinna Singarasu Choda Maharaju.
4. Rangacharya, I, p. 636, 658.
5. Ibid., p. 638, 677.
6. Ibid., p. 652, 858.
7. 318 of 1905.
8. Rangacharya, I, p. 581, 70.
9. Ibid., p. 588, 130.
10. Ibid., p. 612, 438.
11. Ibid., p. 602, 331.
12. Ibid., p. 660, 915.
13. Ibid., p. 589, 145.
14. Butterworth, III, p. 1195-7. Other grants to the barbers will
be seen in Rangacharya, I, p. 612, 438; II, p. 915, 69; p. 949, 421; p. 961,
499; p. 1098, 379; p. 1133, 616.
15. Rangacharya, I, 614, 458.
16. Ibid., p. 613, 450. Achyuta Raya had already given up the
marriage tax throughout his kingdom (1540), and other chiefs had done,
the same after his example. Ep Carn.% XI* Hk> 111*
52 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIAJYANAGARA
During the reign ofSadasiva in 1554 the outer petha ot
Bagur, Chitaldroog District, which was in ruins, was rebuilt and
name Krishnapura, after the name Ere Krishnappa Nayaka, the
founder of the Belur family. Special inducements were held out
to settlers in the new petha, such as freedom from taxation for
one year and confirmation of the exclusion of old claims if they
took possession l. We are not told what those claims were
about, but we venture to suppose that they were jurisdiction
quarrels with neighbouring villagers.
The weakness of the royal power and authority was the
immediate cause of the downfall of the Empire in the disastrous
battle of Raksas-Tagdi and of the subsequent calamities of
the Sovereigns of the fourth dynasty. But the glory of Vijaya-
nagara remained apparently as fresh and brilliant as ever
daring the whole reign of the puppet king, as the successful
campaigns we shall relate in the two following chapters will
show. An inscription in the Shimoga District on the eve of
the disaster of Raksas-Tagdi informs us that the Empire was
in extent ' One lakh and twenty six thousand provinces ' 2.
18. The capital was still the wonder of its visitors and
even more than before, on account of the new buildings erected
during Sadasiva's rule. We know, for instance, that a splendid
palace was constructed for Rama Ray a. Caesar Frederick,
who visited the city one year after the great battle that caused
its ruin, was impressed with the magnificence of the huge build-
ings and wide streets. His description deserves our attention
because it shows us what the city was like during the reign :
" The circuit of the City is foure and twentie miles about, and
within the wals are certaine Mountaines. The House stand
walled with earth, and plaine, all saving the three Palaces of
the three tyrant Brethren, and the Pagodes which are Idoll
houses : these are made with Lime and fine Marble. I have
scene many Kings Courts, and yet have I seeene none in great-
nesse like to this Bezeneger ". " The apparell that they use in
Bezeneger ", he continues, " is Velvet, Satten, Damaske, Scarlet,
or white Bumbast cloth, according to the estate of the person,
1. Ep. Cam., XI, Hk, 112.
& Ibid., VII, Ci, 62.
ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRfi $J
with long Hats on their heads, called Colae (kuilayi), made of
Velvet, Satten, Damaske, or Scarlet, girding themselves in stead
of girdles with some fine white Bumbast cloth : they have
breeches after the order of the Turkes : they weare on their feet
plaine high things called of them Aspergh, and at their eares
they have hanging great plentie of Gold " 2.
1. Purchae, His Pilgrims, X, p. 97-8.
3. Ibid., p. 99.
CHAPTER IV
FOREIGN POLICY
SUMMARY. — 1. Conquests of Sadasiva and Rama Raya.— -2. Their
campaigns in the Karnatik and Ceylon.— 3. Previous relations
between Vijayanagara and the Portuguese, specially during the
reign of Krishna Deva Raya.— 4. The Portuguese intend to
plunder the temple at Tirupati.— 5. The treaties of alliance
between Sadasiva and the Portuguese.— 6. Text of the treaty of
1547. — 7. Expedition of Rama Raya against Sao Thome, in 1558. —
8. Trading in Sao Thome. — 9. Trade between the cities of Goa
and Vijayanagara.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. — 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. —
Ferishta, Anonymous chronicler of Golkonda. — 3. Commentaries
do Grande Afonso Dalboquerque, Barros, Couto, Faria y Sousa. — 4.
Sousa, Oricnte Co nqnistado, Anonymous Life of St. Francis Xavier —
5. — Travels of C. Frederick. — 6. Arquivo da Torre do Tombo,
Lisbon, Tratados, I. — 7. Sivatattvaratnakara.
WHEN studying the relations of Sadasiva with foreign
nations, the flattery associated with the inscriptions and grants
of the old Hindu Sovereigns is noteworthy. In a Tamil
inscription at Madambakkam we are told that that Sadasiva
'took every country' ]. A grant dated 1546 goes so far as to
state that " he subdued all the enemies in Suragiri (Penukonda)
and brought the whole land from Setu to Himadri into subjection
to his commands" 2. But this eulogy is probably inspired by
the fact narated in the beginning of the second chapter, when the
young Prince was rescued by Rama Raya and placed on the
throne of Vijayanagara after the defeat and death of the
usurper Salakam Timma. The early date of the inscription
suggests this suspicion. That the Kamboja 3, Bhoja 4,
1. Rangacharya, I, p. 397, 685.
2. Ep. Cam., IV, Ng, 58.
3. One of the sixteen pre-Buddhist kingdoms in the North of
India, probably in the Punjab, mentioned in the Anguttara-Nikaya, I,
213.
4. Two Kings of Kaauj were called Bhoja, Mihira Bhoja (o. 840-
90 A. D.), and Bhoja II (c. 908-10 A. D.). In Malwa there was one
famous king of the Paramaras named Bhoja (1018-60 A. D.). More-
over, there was in the 4th and 5th centuries a tribe of Bhoja, in
&exar, whose sovereigns belonged to the Vakataka Dynasty.
_So
VIJAYANACARA
UNDER
SADASIVA RAYA
TILL THE BATTLE OF RAKSAS-TAGDI
J 542 -1565
jj8£_
;^c
1 ADONI
BELGAUM
:3 CHANDRAGIRI
:4 COCHIN
I b CULBARCA
6 CUTTI
M MAJLAPURA
MANAPADU
15 MANGALORE
14 MUDCAL
16 NCGAPATAM
16PULICAT
17 RAICHUR
18 RAMESWARAM
19 RAMNAO
20 SAO THOME
3 KANCHTVARAM 21 SERINGAPATAM
9 KOTTAR 22 SHQLAPUR
IOMADARASA 25 TALIKOTA
24TENKAS'
25 TINNLVELLY
26 TfRUPATI
27 TRICH1NOPOLY
28TUTICORIN
29 UDAYAGIRI
OVEDALAI
83^
II. Tlu* Knijnrc i>f Vijayanasjjara under Sadasiva Kaya.
54
FOREIGN POLICY 55
Kalinga l, Karahata 2 and other kings acted as servants for
his female apartments 3, is even a less trustworthy boast, more
akin to an exaggerated reproduction of the inscriptions of
Krishna Deva Raya and Achyuta Raya, who are represented as
being attended by the kings of Anga, Vanga and Kalinga 4.
It seems, however, that the king of Orissa, one of those con-
quered by Krishna Deva Ray a, acknowledged the sovereignty of
Sadasiva, as we may deduce from the grant of 1558 of Timma
Raja, described as son of the king of Orissa 5.
On the other hand, we cannot doubt that many neighbouring
Rajas and petty chiefs were brought under the control of
Sadasiva, since we have the authority of the Muhammadan
chronicler of Golkonda for stating that Rama Raya strengthened
his power by the reduction of many troublesome neighbours 6.
The supreme Minister is called, in an inscription of the time
of Venkata III, ' an ocean of valour ' 7, a praise that
appears confirmed in several grants either contemporary or of
latter date, which specify, to some extent, the heroic deeds
of the Regent. It is said in the Vellangudi Plates of Sadasiva
that Rama Raya 'destroyed his enemies who were a pest to the
world' 8 ; the Dalavay Agraharam plates of Venkata II state
that he had 'slain in battle his enemies, who were a scourge of
the earth' u; the Kuniyur plates of Venkata III affirm that
he ' killed in a battle all dangerous enemies in the world* 10 ;
and a grant of Ranga III, dated 1645, records that 'all his
1. The Chalukya kingdom of Rajahmundri.
2. I was unable to indentify this kingdom.
3. Ep. hid., IV, p. 3 ; Ep Cam., IV, Ng, 58 ; V, Hn, 7 ; IX, Cp, 18G.
4. About 1533 Luigi Roncinotto, in the account of his travels
through India, wrote that the Emperor of Narsinga, or Vijayanagara,
" had 200 kings under him". Gubernatis, Storia, p. 127.
5. Sewell, I, p. 75.
6. Ferishta, III, p. 381. Cf. Correa, IV. p. 438.
7. Ep. Cam., Ill, p. Nj, 198.
8. Ep. Ind.t XVI, p. 319, w. 17-8.
9. Ibid., XII, p. 186, vv. 13-40.
JO. Ep. /*/., Ill, p. 252, v. 14,
56 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
enemies, the thorns of the world, did the heroic Rama Rayaslay
in battle' *.
2. Who were these chiefs that were defeated and killed
by Rama Raya ? Ferishta relates that Rama Raya ' had reduced
all the Rajas of the Karnatik to his yoke* 2. The whole
Canara country south of Vijayanagara was the original
Karnatik of those days. The Sivatattvarainakara of Keladi
Basavabhupala confirms the statement of Ferishta in the
description of a campaign planned by Rama Raya in the
present Shimoga District. It says that the Regent sent
Sadasiva Nayaka, the influential chief of the Keladi family, to
subdue the barbarian Nayakas of Chandragutti ; the strong
hill-fort was successfully captured by Sadasiva and the Dasyu-
nayakas thereafter acknowledged the Emperor of Vijaya-
nagara 3. Accordingly, he is said in one of his inscriptions to be
ruling over Araga 4, the capital of one of the early
Viceroyalties of Vijayanagara, comprising some districts of
the present kingdom of Mysore and the Canara country
from Goa to Mangalore 4.
Rama Raya's expeditions into the kingdom of Travancore
will be dealt with in another chapter ; but we must here
observe that Sadasiva is called ' the conqueror of all countries
and Ceylon ' 6, and in another inscription he is said ' to have
looted Ceylon ' 7, which probably refers to the invasion of
Ceylon by Krishnappa Nayaka of Madura, as we shall narrate
later on. No other traces of this campaign of Sadasiva in
Ceylon have come to our knowledge ; but the anonymous
chronicler of Golkonda supposes that Ceylon was under the
1. Ep. Corn., X, Mb, 60. These phrases cannot be ascribed to
the Muhammadans exclusively, because Rama Raya was finally
killed in battle by them.
2. Ferishta, I.e., p. 125.
3. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 195.
4. M. A. D., 1923, P. 83.
5. Cf. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Mysore and the Decline of the
Vijayanagara Empire, Q.J. M. S., XIII, p. 621-2.
6. 129 of 1905.
7. 451 of 1905,
FOREIGN POLICY 57
sway of Vijayanagara, when, in narrating the battle of Raksas-
Tagdi, he says "that Rama Raya summoned all his dependants
from the banks of the Krishna as far as vthe Island of
Ceylon " '.
3. Of the relations between Rama Raya and the Portu-
guese we have quite authentic information. But for the better
understanding of their intercourse, it will be convenient to
narrate briefly the relations between Vijayanagara and the
Portuguese from the time of their first appearance on the
shores of India. To begin with, it seems that the origin of
these relations must be looked for as far back as about 1507,
when the first Portuguese Governor, Dom Francisco d* Almeida
made the acquaintance of Timoja. This Timoja was practically
and in effect the commandant of the Vijayanagara fleet entrust-
ed with the task of waging perpetual war with Goa; which city
had been captured some years before from the power of Vijaya-
nagara by Yusuf Adil Shah of Bijapur 2. When the
Bijapur Sultan died in 1510, Timoja persuaded Alfonso de
Albuquerque, the then Viceroy of the Portuguese possessions
in the East, to attack Goa, a former possession of the Hindu
Empire. In doing this, Timoja took advantage of the tender
age of the new Sultan Ismail Adil Shah 3. This enterprise
was completely successful; and Timoja, who was then called
the most faithful ally of Portugal1, helped Albuquerque by
land when the city was taken — so much so that the Sultan of
Bijapur despatched a messenger to Vijayanagara complaining
that Timoja had given his aid to the Portuguese fleet in the
capture of Goa 5.
Before the conquest of Goa, Albuquerque had sent a
1. Ferishta, 1. c., p. 413-4. When Luigi Barthema visited India,
in 1507, Ceylon, or at least some of its kings, acknowledged the
sovereignty of Vijayanagara. Gubernatis, o. c., p. 295. Faria y Asia
1'ortuguesa, c, p. 183, says that in 1517 the threo largest kingdoms of
Asia were Siam, China and Bisnaga.
2. Danvers, Report ,p. 4; Lafitau, Histoiredes Decouvertes, I, p. 213-4.
3. Furia y Sousa, I, p. 136.
4. Ibid., p. 136-40.
5. Commentaries do Grande Afonso Dalboquerque, IT, p. 100-11. Cf.
Danvers, The Portuguese, I, p. 193,
8
58 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Franciscan Friar named Frey Luiz to the court of Vijayanagara,
to get the Emperor's assistance in attacking the city of Calicut
by land whilst the Portuguese operated by sea, with a view to
avenging the violation of his promise by the Sovereign of
that place l. It appears also that Frey Luiz invited Krishna
Deva Raya to become a Christian and the Sovereign gave no
negative answer to the priest's request. In an anonymous
letter of a traveller written in Venice to ser Zuane di Santi,
dated November 10th, 1511, and kept in the Biblioteca
Magliabecchina of Florence, we read the following words : " It
seems that King Narsinga was very near becoming a Christian2."
Frey Luiz remained at Vijayanagara, and was finally
murdered there in 1511 by a Turk, it seems, by order of the
Sultan of Bijapur :t. Albuquerque gives this piece of news
to his Sovereign in a letter of April 1st, 1512, as follows : " At
Bisnagar (Vijayanagara) one Rume (Turk) murdered Frey
Luiz ; there is nothing extraordinary in this event " 4.
The result of this legation of Frey Luiz was an Embassy
from Vijayanagara that reached Goa in the following year
1511. Both the Commentaries and Faria y Sousa, that give this
information, do not mention the name of the ambassador nor the
nature of his business with the Viceroy. But we are sure
that this was the origin of the official friendship between the
two powers. In the anonymous letter mentioned above it is
stated that "the King of Narsinga (Vijayanagara) has sent
ambassadors in order to establish a perpetual friendship with
the King of Portugal ; on the other hand, this King has done
the same, for he also wished to establish this alliance " u.
Moreover Krishna Deva Raya proposed, no doubt, through
his ambassador to the Viceroy, his desire of getting horses
1. Dos Santos, Ethiopia Oriental, II, p. 283; Lafitau, o. c., I, p. 262-3
2. Gubernatis, Storia, p. 383-4.
3. Commentatios, III, p. 46.
4. From Alfonso de Albuquerque to Dom Manuel, Goa (?), April 1,
1512, Costa, Historia das Relacoes Diplomaticas, p. 32. Cf. Hera 8. Early
Relations Between Vijayanagara and Portugal. Q. J. M. S., XV, p. 67-9.
5. Commentaries, III, p. 41-2.
6. Gubernatis, Storia, p. 384.
FOREIGN POLICY 59
from Arabia and Ormuz, of which he was in much need for
his campaigns against the Muhammadans l. As a matter
of fact the second Ambassador sent by Albuquerque to
Vijayanagara, Caspar Chanoca by name, was charged to
inform Krishna Rayathat the Viceroy would willingly send him
all the horses available at Goa, rather than to the Sultan of
Bijapur -.
The success of this Embassy encouraged the lucky Emperor;
and in 1514 he sent another Legation, at the head of which,
was one Retelim Cherim (Cheti), Governor of Bracelor (Basrur)
who offered the Viceroy £20,000 for the exclusive right of buying
1,000 horses. The ambassador was kindly received by Pero Mas-
carenhas, Captain of the fortress, and an escort went specially
to meet him ; but Albuquerque courteously declined the offer
on the ground that such a privilege would destroy trade a.
In spite of this, Vijayanagar and Goa remained as friendly as
ever. For when in 1515, Krishna Deva Raya captured the
fortress of Rachol, among his soldiers there was also a detach-
ment of Portuguese soldiers under Christovao de Figueredo;
who rendered great assistance in the storming of the fort 4.
The Hindu Sovereign was so grateful to the Portuguese on
account of these events, that subsequently, perhaps in
1. Cf. Comincntarios, III, p. 46.
2. From A. de Albuquerque to Doni Manuel, Goa ('?), April
1,1512, Costa, Historiadas Rclacoes Diplomaticas, p. 33.
3. From A. dc Albuquerque to Dom Manuel, Canaiior, November
37, 1514, Costa, o. c. p. 51 ; Commentaries, IV, p. 139-41 ; Carias be Simao
Uotclho, Lima Felncr, Subsides^ p. 343
4. Faria y Sousa, I, p. 196; Barros, p. 438-43; Maffei, Historiarum
Indicamm, p. 320-1. I do not know why Mr. Sewell, p. 334-5 iden-
tifies Rachol with Raichur ; perhaps because of Ferishta, III, p. 49,
who represents the river Krishna as flowing in its neighbourhood.
But I rely more upon the Portuguese historians who placed this city
in the vicinity of Goa. Faria y Sousa, after relating the defeat of the
Bijapur Sultan, says: " Ruy de Mello, who was then at Goa, seeing
the Idalcao (Adil Khan) discouraged on account of that disaster and per-
haps distracted while thinking how to recover from it; and besides
knowing that many people were fighting and robbing the mainland
(la fcVrniJfrm^aroiuid: he s&zed it at the bead of two hundred and fifty
60 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANACAUA
the following year, he presented the Portuguese Viceroy
with the whole territory of Salsette as a free gift1. This
friendship between both powers still subsisted in the year 1526,
since Faria y Sousa affirms that Lope Vaz de Sampayo in that
year forgave a rcbji city because it belonged to the territory of
Vijayanagara 2.
4. But after the death of Krishna Raya, and when Sada-
siva became King, the old alliance was no longer respected, at
least by the Portuguese. Faria y Sousa narrates that in 1544 the
governor Martim Affonso de Sousa thought of sending a fleet
of 45 ships under 27 captains to the eastern coast to plunder
the temple of Tremele (Tirupati) 3, " that is in the kingdom
of Bisnaga (Vijayanagara) ", in which, it was said, heaps of
cavalry and eight hundred Kanarcse foot-soldiers " (1. c., p. 199).
This writer, whose work appeared a whole century after these events,
suppposcs Rachol located in an island, since he speaks of the ticrra
firme around. How could it be Raichur, in the centre of the Deccan ?
Moreover, we know that Krishna Deva Raya, probably in the follow-
ing year, gave the whole territory ef Salsette, which had belonged to
Bijapur just a little before, to the Portuguese for ever; and no other
conquest of Salsete is mentioned in the old chronicles but this.
Finally Anquetil du Poron, 1. c., p. 197, says clearly that Krishna
Raya conquered the fortress of Rachol, that is in the island of Salsctte
and refers to ' La Fitau, Conquete des Portngnes dans le Nouvfaus Monde,
I, p. 587, and Botero, Delia Relation?, I, p. 304-6. (Rome, 1595) '. Dur-
ing the Viceroy alty of Nuno da Cunhn, the Sultan of Bijapur sent two
expeditions to Salsette in order to recover Rachol, but both failed. Cf.
Doi Santos, Ethiopia Oriental, II, p. 2^7.
1. Correa, II, p. 658.
2. Faria y Sousa, I, p. 246.
3. Tirupati was known to the Portuguese under the name of
Tripati or Trepeti. Tremele, a corruption of Tirumala, sounds like
Trepeti; and although the distance of twelve leagues from St. Thome
given by Faria y Sousa is not suggestive, nevertheless the likeness
of the name and the celebrity of that temple in the whole of southern
India, inclines me to identify the place that Martim Affonso de
Sousa contemplated plundering with Tirupati. Even Thevenot
Travels, p. 92, wrote, in the second half of the 17th century
that "the famous Pagod of Trapety...is not far from Cape
Combry."
FOREIGN POLICY 61
gold and riches were stored. But the fleet did not achieve its
purpose.
The aim of this expedition was suddenly changed, and
some temples of the kingdom of Travancore were plundered
instead of that of Tremele. Correa says that the reason of this
change of plan was because the governor had been informed that
his purpose was known at Vijayanagara, and accordingly many
soldiers had assembled at Tirupati to resist the Portuguese
attack '.
5. Nevertheless two years later the friendship was renew-
ed by a treaty of February 26, 1546. The Emperor of Vijaya-
nagara swore eternal friendship to the King of Portugal,
confirmed the donation of the territories of Salsette and Bardez,
and promised that he would never wage war against those
Provinces -. And in the following year, Rama Raya on be-
half of Sadasiva dispatched to Goa another ambassador, who
was one of the most famous captains of his army, with a re-
markable train of nobles and servants to confirm specifically
this treaty of alliance. He went to Goa via Ancola (Ankola)
whence he was fetched by two sloops sent there from Goa \
The then Governor of Goa, Dom Joao dc Castro, caused
a great reception to be given to the ambassador. He was received
by the Governor in a big hall with great pomp; and after the
usual salutations, the ambassador gave the Governor the
credentials of his King along with some precious jewels as
royal presents. Nothing else was done that day, but on the
next they had a long talk. The ambassador told the Governer
that " the King, his Lord, was desirous of having perpetual
peace an1 friendship with the Governor ; and that they were
always ready to do everything for the Portuguese, provided it
was just and honest, because the Kings, his predecessors, had
1. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 135; Correa, IV, p. 300 and p. 324-8;
Maffei, Historiamm Indicarum, p. 548.
2. Archive da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon, Tratados, I, p. 116. Cf.
Danvera, Report, p. 50. To crown this treaty Garcia dc Sa, Governor
of Goa, concluded on August 22, 1548, another treaty with Ibrahim
Adil Shah of Bijapur, who renewed the agreement, by which the
teritories of Salsette and Bardez were to be the property of the King
of Portugal for ever. Cf. Danvers, Report* p. 51.
3. Correa, IV, p. 60J.
62 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OK ViJAYANAGARA
always fostered this mutual peace and friendship with the
former governors." The Governor replied that " he greatly
appreciated the King Sadasiva Raya's desire to be a friend of
the King of Portugal, his Lord. But as he, the Governor, was
just then about to leave for some of the fortresses of his
dominions, he would, in order to finish the business of the
legation as soon as possible, be much pleased to depute
the Veedor de Fazenda (Finance Member) and the Secretary,
to treat with the ambassador on the matters concerned, and to
come to a mutual agreement ; for he was very pleased to
give all pleasure to the King of Vijayanagara".
6. On the following days, the ambassador met the two
officers appointed by the Governor more than once, and the
result of these meetings was the following treaty : —
"Both parties, the King of Portugal and the King of
Vijayanagara, oblige themselves to be friends of friends, and
enemies of enemies, each of the other; and, when called on, to
help each the other with all his forces against all kings and
lords of India, Nizam Shah always excepted.
"The Governor of Goa will allow Arab and Persian horses
landed at Goa to be purchased by the King of Vijayanagara, none
being permitted to be sent to Bijapur nor to any of its parts ;
and the King of Vijayanagara will be bound to purchase all those
that were brought to his ports on quick and proper payment.
"The King of Vijayanagara will compel all merchants in his
kingdom trading with the coast, to send their goods through Onor
(Honavar) and Barcelor (Basrur) wherein the King of Portugal
will send factors who will purchase them all; and the Governors
of India will be forced to send the Portuguese merchants there
in order to buy them. On the same way, the King of Vijayana-
gara will forbid the exportation of iron and saltpetre into the
kingdom of Adil Shah from any port or town of his own ; ana
his merchants will be compelled to bring this merchandise to
the harbours of the kingdom of Vijayanagara, where they will
be quickly purchased by the Governors of India, not to cause
them loss. \
1. Sewell, p. 187, note, misunderstood tUi* term of tbe treaty,
which on the other band IB not given in full. '
FOREIGN POLICY 63
" All the cloths of the Kingdom of Vijayanagara will not be
brought over to the ports of Adil Shah, but either to Ancola or
to Onor (Honavar); and in the same way the Governors will
bind the Portuguese merchants to go there to purchase them,
and to exchange them for copper, coral, vermillion, mercury,
China silks and all other kinds of goods which come from the
Kingdon ; and he, the King of Vijayanagara, will order his
merchants to purchase them.
"The King of Vijayanagara will allow no Moorish
(Muhammadan) ship or fleet to stop in his ports; and if any
should come, he will capture them and hand them over to the
Governor of India, whosoever he may be.
14 Both parties agree to wage war with Adil Shah; and all
the territories taken from the latter shall belong to Vijaya-
nagara, except lands to the West of the Ghats, from Banda to
the Cintacora river, which lands did long ago belong to the
ownership and jurisdiction of Goa, and will remain attached for
ever to the crown of Portugal "
On September iQth, 1547, the Governor Dom Joao de
Castro, being now back at Goa, gave his signature and oath
to all the items of this treaty ; so too did the ambassador of
Sadasiva; then the treaty was published and announced
throughout the city with much rejoicing by a flourish of
trumpets. Dom Joao de Castro gave the ambassador a rich
present of several beautiful horses and precious cloths for his
Sovereign, and some other gifts for himself. Freirede Andrada
in his Life of Dom Joao de Castro says that the league was
intended by Rama Ray a to secure assistance from the Viceroy
against his neighbour the Sultan of Bijapur, who, " understand-
ing the Governor's resolution retired his inland garrisons, as
if avoiding the blow of the first invasion, endeavouring to weary
out the State with a sudden and incursive War " -. This state-
1. Botelho, O TombodoEstado da India, Lima Felner, Subsidies
p. 255-7 ; Couto, VI, p. 372 ; Faria y Sousa, II, p. 189. The treaty, or
rather a copy of it, is preserved in the Archive da Torre do Tombo,
Lisbon, Tratados, I, p. 118. Cf. Danvers, Report, 1. c.; Costa, Historic
das Relaeoes Diphmaticas, p. 102.
3, Freire de Andrada, The Life of Dom Joao de Castro, p. 226-7,
64 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
ment of Freire de Andrada is confirmed by a letter of Dom Joao
de Castro himself to King John III, dated December l6th 1546.
According to it the Vijayanagara Sovereign wanted an alliance
to wage actual war with Bijapur. Castro agreed to all the
terms proposed by the ambassador, but was not ready to com-
mence a compaign against the Sultan of Bijapur, with whom an
alliance had recently been made !.
Another legation of Vijayanagara to Goa in 1549 is men-
tioned by Faria y Sousa 2, but no details are given. It was
undoubtedly intended to revive the old friendship.
7. We have no more information about the intercourse
between the two nations until 1558, when a war suddenly broke
out, on Rama Raya marching with an army against the
Portuguese of St. Thome. A forged account of the discovery
of the remains of the Apostle St. Thomas in the neighbourhood
of the old Mailapura :<, was the cause of a Portuguese settle-
ment in the eastern coast of Vijayanagara, in the year 1522 4.
1. '* Ha 25. de Junho me mandou El rey de Bisnaga hum
Embaixador escreuendo-me muito apertadamente, que quizesemos
eu e elle fazer ha querra ao Ydalcao, e leuantar Micale (sic) Rey
dondome muntas (muitas) razoens pero (sic) iso. Eu me escuzei de ho
faser per caso das pazes que ora nouamente tinba feito come o
Ydalcao, e certos contra tos ; poreni lancei munto (muito) de suu
amizade, e Ihe ofreci a minha pera de da uolta que tornase da guerra
de Combaya nos tornassemos a escreuer t» uisitar pera entao tratar-
mos de muntas (muitas) cousas que pertenciao ha elle e a mjm.
Eu Ihe concedi alguas das cousas que me mandou requerer, e com
ellas e . minha resposta se tornou o embayxador nmy conteute "
Obras Varias Mann scriptas, fol. 42.
2. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 216.
3. Mandelslo, a traveller and a native of Holtstein, who visited
the Coromandel Coast is 1639, says that Mylupore was once the
capital of the kingdom of Narsinga. He was, no doubt, misinformed
by the Portuguese of the place who, believing in the existence of the
old King of Mailapura, a contemporary of St. Thomas, thought he
was one of the old kings of the Empire of Narsinga or Vijayanagara.
Mandelslo, Voyages and Travels, p. 94.
4. We cannot admit the authenticity of the account of the
finding of St. Thomas' Tomb by the Portuguese in 1517, as given by
Faria y Sousa I, p. 222-4, and by Fr, Francisco de Souza,
FOREIGN POLICY 65
It was an appreciable distance from Mailapura, known to the
Portuguese as Meliapor, to St. Thome, although we believe that
Faria y Sousa was wrong in stating that the distance between
Conqnistado, I, p. 152. It obviously presents aJl the elements of a forgery.
The inscription of the supposed tomb: "When Thomas founded that
temple, the King of Mailapura granted him the rights over the goods
which arrived at the city, that was ten per cent," evidently shows
the intention of the Portuguese merchants to reclaim those rights
given to one of their ancestors in the faith of Christ by the Sovereign
of the place. 2. The very find of the relics and their description
as white bones, next to a broken lance, may be regarded as the most
barefaced imposture, because there is no doubt that the holy remains
of the Apostle were removed to the city of Edessa, in Syria, before
the 6th century, as stated by St. Gregory de Tours in his book
DC Gloria Beatorum Afartyrum, a work revised in 590. Cf. Migne, PP.
LL.t LXXf, p. 733. Another account states that his stick was also
found next to the relics. Historia Chronologica, O Cabinet c Litierano
das Fontainhas, I, p. 13. 3. The fact that his relics were put into a
a China chest or into a silver box, according to others (Cf.
Historia Chronologic^^ 1. c.) and hidden next to the altar, but never
subsequently discovered, clearly shows that the forgery was care-
fully concocted to explain the fact of the empty tomb carved by
their care. 4. The account of thr martyrdom sounds like a pious
legend of the middle ages, as well as the story of King Perumul of
Ceylon going to adore our Lord in the manger at the request of the
Indian Sybil. 5. Finally, the painting of the Blessed Virgin Mary,
which is supposed to have boon brought over from Palestine by the
aforesaid King Perumal, is another unmistakable sign of the forgery
of this narrative.
When St. Francis Xavier passed through St. Thome, in 1545,
he was told that the body of the Apostle was kept in the place,
but from his own letter we may conclude that he did not believe it:
*' Ay en Santo Thomae mas de cien Portugueses casados : ui vna
iglesia mui deuota,y todos tienen quo esta alii el cuerpo del glorioso
Apostol ". (There are at St. Thome more than a hundred Portu-
guese all married; they have a very devout church and all think that
the body of the glorious Apostle is lying there). M. H. S.J., Mon. Xav.,
I, p. 387. The famous Dutch traveller Nieuhoff passed through St.
Thome in 1662, and while describing the city, he says: "Here yo see
9
66 THE ARAVTDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
the two cities was seven leagues l. Around the so-called tomb
of the Apostle, the Portuguese built a small city not independ-
ent but subject to the King of Vijayanagara ; " which Citie,
(St. Thome)", says Frederick, "although it be not very great,
yet in my judgement, it is the fairest in all that part of the
Indies "2
Although the reasons given by Fr. Sousa for the founding
of the city are two, vis., the devotion to the Apostle, and the
convenience of that locality for trading with the natives of the
east coast of the Vijayanagara Empire 3, nevertheless the
main purpose of the settlement was commerce, just as was that
of the other Portuguese settlements in India ; and, even in this,
they were not allowed to build any fort, as William Finch, a
also the famous church of St. Thomas : this Apostle, as the Portugueses
pretend, Icing buried here ". (Italics are mine). Nieuhoff, Voyages and
Travels, p. 198. Finally Mandelslo, who was at St. Thome during
the same century, heard from the Portuguese another legendary
account of the preaching of St. Thomas and his martyrdom at
St. Thome, which may be read in his Voyages and Travels, p. 94.
1. Faria y Sousa, I, p. 224.
2. Purchas, o. c., p. 109. In a letter of one Fr. Froes to Fr.
Quadros, both Jesuits, duted Goa, November, 1559 — one year after
Rama Raya's expedition — we read the following lines : " Os
enuiamos," says Froes, " las copias de ciertas prouisiones que un rey
antiguo de Bisnaga, gentil, suscribio en fauor de la casa del glorioso
Apostol S. Tomas sobre ciertos que alii dijo, las cuales copias
enuio aqui el P. Cipriano algunos meses antes de su muerte " Nuovi
avisi dell' Indie, f. 101 v. Were these pronisiones any grant of Rnma
Raya to St. Thomas' church made on this occasion? The fact is that
Manucci speaks of it some years later : " Up to this day ", said he in
1688, "the Portuguese preserve one of these plates for a gift to them,
by the said Ram Rajah, of the city of Sao Thome. " Storia do Mogor,
III, p. 97. Was this goldenplate grant of Sao Thome made by Rama
Raya when the Portuguese first settled in the place or after the ex-
pedition we are going to relate ? Or was it perhaps a forgery of the
Portuguese themselves ? The inscription on the memorial stone in
the church of Nossa Senhora da Luz, according to which it was built
by the Franciscan Friar, Fr. Pedro da Atougia in 1516, must be re-
jected as not authentic. Cf. Davison Love, Vestiges of old Madras,
I, p. 289-90.
3. Sousa, I, p. 153, 3G,
FOREIGN POLICY 67
traveller of the beginning of the l6th century, informs us *.
The town grew very rapidly ; St. Francis Xavier, in one of his
letters to the Jesuits of Europe dated Malaca, November 10th,
1545, says that in Sao Thome " there are more than one
hundred Portuguese, all married " 2.
Against this Portuguese town, in the vicinity of Mailapura,
marched Rama Raya in the year 1558, and the motive of this
ex|>edition was this. The Franciscan Friars, who from the
beginning were established at St. Thome and at Negapatam,
caused several Hindu temples to be desecrated and the idols
destroyed, building in their stead many Christian churches and
chapels. In the year 1542, they had built at Negapatam two
churches, one dedicated to St. Francis and the other to Nossa
Senhora da Saude, and about three thousand people had em-
braced the Catholic Faith :i. The Jesuits who came shortly
after, followed the example of the Franciscans. The Brahmins
naturally represented these facts to the Regent of the Empire,
who took no action against the Portuguese, because, no doubt,
of the necessity of their friendship to obtain horses for war pur-
poses 4. But, on this occasion a Portuguese fidalgo, a
traitor to his nation and faith, whose name is not given in the
Portuguese chronicles, invited Rama Raya to proceed against
the Portuguese town, the inhabitants of which were * most
rich ' he said, and from whom he would be able to get more
than two millions of gold pagodas. Rama Raya was in need of
money, on account both of the frequent wars with the Muham-
madans and of his imperial designs. This invitation he soon
accepted ; and after collecting an army of more than five
hundred thousand soldiers and a great deal of ammunition, set
out from Vijayanagara towards Sao Thome.
We fortunately have a short contemporary description of
the town and population of Sao Thome at the time of Rama
Raya's attempt. The anonymous author of the life of St.
1. Foster, Early Travels in India, p. 182.
2. M. H. S.J., Mon. Xav.,l, p. 387.
3. Historia Chronologica^ O Gabincte Littcrario das
p. 86.
4. The account of Sewell, p. 193-4, is not accurate.
Fontainhas
68 THE ARAV1DU DYNASTY Ol- VJJAYANAGAKA
Francis Xavier quoted above says that Sao Thome " is a very
rich and noble city, inhabited by Portuguese, who, being tired of
the hardships of military life, retired to that place, wherein they
found great convenience and opportunity for earning their life.
Thus the city was formed which, besides the wealth and food
that the land produces, is nicely fitted for trading and sending
its goods to any part of the world " l.
When the news of the approach of Rama Raya reached
the inhabitants of the city, Pero de Taide Inferno, a noble
merchant from Goa, who happened to be in Sao Thome at the
time, assembled ail the chief men of the town, and tried to
persuade them to resist Rama Raya and his army; an enterprise
he thought pretty easy as the enemies were short of cannon.
Moreover they had the additional advantage of the sea. But
most of the inhabitants of the town thought otherwise, because
the town being in the kingdom of Vijayanagara, they were not
allowed to offer resistance to their Governor and Regent of the
Empire ; and further, they were unable to stand a long siege.
This annoyed Pero de Taide, who at once left the city and made
for Goa in a ship that had just then come from Bengal.
Four of the principal inhabitants of the town were then
deputed to receive Rama Raya even before he reached the
place ; they were to welcome him and offer him a present valued
at about four thousand cruzados. The Regent was delighted with
this gift from the Portuguese. In the meanwhile the streets of
the city were decorated, and the windows and balconies festoon-
ed with rich-coloured cloth.
When Rama Raya came within sight of the cily he
encamped on a vast plain, and dispatched several of his captains
with orders to bring to his presence all the inhabitants of the
town, men and women, old and young, bond or free. When they
came they were entertained by his order in a separate place,
while other captains were sent to the city to search for all the
riches of the town ; these were brought over to him, all furniture
not excluded. Couto says that the value of the whole property of
the inhabitants of Sao Thome would not have reached the sum of
a hundred thousand pardaos. Rama Raya was furious on realiz-
1. M. H. S. /., Man. Xav., I. p. 59.
FOREIGN POLICY 69
log that he had been deceived by his friend, the Portuguese
fidalgo, and determined to inflict a severe punishment upon
him. But the shrewd fidalgo made good his escape from the
army. He was finally found in the town of Calcture, at a
distance of six leagues. Brought before the Regent, he
was put to death and trampled on by elephants.
Then Rama Raya decided to send the citizens back to the
town after exacting a tribute of a hundred thousand pagodas ;
half to be given at once, and the other half a year later. Fifty
thousand pagodas were paid down to him on the spot, and he
took with him five of the chief citizens as hostages for the other
half. Then, before leaving, he caused all the property to be
returned to their owners. A silver spoon was found missing.
Such diligent enquiries were made by his command, -that the
spoon was finally discovered and returned to its owner. This
episode is mentioned by the two chroniclers who relate the
history of this campaign '.
Rama Raya at once left for his capital. On reaching Vijaya-
nagara he released the five hostages and sent them back to Sao
Thome, in recognition of their services during the retreat. Such
was the end of the expedition, which would have been fatal to
the town of Sao Thome if the advice of Pero de Taide Inferno
had been followed -.
8. This was only a passing cloud brought on by the
cupidity of Rama Raya; for the intcrcoiibe between Vijaya-
nagara and Portugal continued in the following years as friendly
as ever. Caesar Frederick, who was an eye-witness of the trading
of the Portuguese in the city of Sao Thome at the end of
the reign of Sadasiva, says to this effect : " It is a marvellous
thing to them which have not scene the lading and unlading of
men and merchandize in Saint Tome as they doe : it is a place
1. With these details, given by both Couto and Faria y Sousa
the account of Fr. Quoyroz, ConqinsltJ dc Ccylao, does not agree.
According to it Rama Raya robbed the Catholic Cburch of St.
Thomas (p. 309) and even stole the very relics of the holy Apostle
(p. 310).
2. Couto, VII, p. 51-60 ; Faria y Sousa, II, p. 327-8 ; Lafitau
Histoirc des Decouvcrtcs, TI,p. 553-4.
70 THE ARAViDU DYNASTY OF VJJAYANAGAKA
so dangerous, that a man cannot be served with small Barkes,
neither can they doe their business with the Boates of the ships,
because they would be beaten in a thousand pieces, but they
make certain Barkes (of purpose) high which they call Masadie,
they be made of little boards ; one board being sowed to another
with small cordes, and in this order are they made. And when
they arc thus made, and the owners will embarke any thing in
them either men or goods, they lade them on land, and when
they are laden, the Barke-men thrust the Boatc with her lading
into the streame, and with great speed they make haste all that
they are able to row out against the huge waves of the Sea that
are on that shore untill that they carric them to the ships : and
in like manner they lade these Masadies at the ships with
merchandise and men. When they come ncerc the shore, the
Bark-men Icape out of the Bark into the Sea to keep the
Barke right thai shee cast not thwart the shore, and being
kept right, the Suffe of the Sea setteth her lading drie on land
without any hurt or danger, and sometimes there are some
of them that arc overthrowen, but there can bee no great
losse, bacausu they lade but a little at a time. All the
Merchandise they lade outwards, they emball it well with Oxe
hides, so that if it take wet, it can have no great harme" !.
The anonymous author of the life of St. Xavier quoted above
informs us that Sao Thome traded specially with the kingdoms
of Pegu and Bengal : with the first in gold and sealing-wax,
and with the second in eatables, particularly sugar. The
trade of Sao Thome was also famous throughout Portugal for
the beautiful cloths of different kinds coming from the
Coromandel Coast. In the month of September they used to
send to Malacca a ship laden with these coloured cloths, for
which they obtained yearly great quantities of money 2.
9. Trade continued to flourish between Goa and Vijaya-
nagara itself. In 1585, the Italian traveller Philippo Sasseti
sent from Goa to Giambatista Strozzi, at Firenze, the following
information on the Portuguese commerce between both cities
previous to the battle of Raksas-Tagdi. He says that before
1. Purchas, o. c., p. 109.
2. M. H. S.J., Mon. Xav., I, p. 59.
FOREIGN POLICY 71
that disaster, Vijayanagara "had such great traffic going
through its streets that it was beyond imagination,
and that there dwelt in it very rich people not as rich
as the people of our country but as Cresus and other
rich of days gone by. Large quantities of goods that came from
our possessions via Alexandria and Soria were then consumed,
and all the cloths and linen, which were made in such a large
quantity, could be disposed of there. The traffic was so great
that the road going from here (Goa) to that town was always as
crowded as the roads leading to a fair, and the profit was so
sure that the only trouble was to bring the goods there. Any-
thing that was carried there by the merchants after a fortnight
of walking, was sold there with a profit of 25 or 30 per cent.
Besides they came back with other merchandise, and what a
merchandise ! diamonds, rubies, pearls. In these things the
profit was even greater1. And finally the tax on the horses
that came from Persia to go to that kingdom yielded in this
town a hundred and twenty or a hundred and fifty thousand
ducats " ].
There were always Portuguese merchants at Vijayanagara.
Frederick says that they used *' to sleepe in the streets, or
under Porches, for the great heat which is there, and yet they
never had any harme in the night" ~. The same traveller
gives a list of the different kinds of cloths and other goods that
1. A letter of Simao Botelho, Veedor de Fazenda, to the King
of Portugal, dated Cochin, January 30th, 1552, confirms this informa-
tion of the Italian traveller; " O visorei", says he, '* detremina
mandur hum aluaro mendoz ourivez, que dizem que entende em
pedraria, que de la veo o annopassado, a bisnaga (Vijayanagara), aai
para vemder alguas joias das que se ouuerao em ceilao, por non serem
pera mandar a Rainha nosa senhora, segundo a todos qua pareceo, e
poderem ae vender por muito mais em bisnaga, por serem da laya que
eles muito costumao e ystimao, porque sao topazios e olhos de gato,
e tambem pera do dinheiro disto se averem alguns diamaes bons
pera vosa alteza: o aluaro mendez promete fazer nisto grandes
services, e pede que Ihe faca merce de feitor da pedraria ; la o devem
de conhecer se he ele para ysto ; e avendo laa de ir alguen, milhor he
portugues que estrangeiro, e comtudo ha d ir com ele bum bomem
bonrado, e de confianza, for scripvao. Cartas tl? Sitnao Bvtellio, Lima
Teiner, Subsidies, p. 39.
8, Purchas, o. c., p. 98.
72 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
were commonly sold at Vijayanagara by the Portuguese
merchants : " The Merchandize that went every yeere from Goa
to Bezeneger were Arabian Horses, Velvets, Damaskes, and
Sattens, Armesine of Portugal!, and pieces of China, Saffron
and Scarlets : and from Bezeneger they had in Turkie for their
commodities, Jewels, and Pagodies which be Ducats of gold." l
Of all these goods, the horses from Arabia and Persia were
the merchandise most profitable to Goa, as they were absolutely
necessary to the imperial army. Again the author of the life of
St. Xavier mentioned above, who was a contemporary of these
events, says that " this King (of Vijayanagara) is on friendly
terms with the state of His Highness (the King of Portugal) on
account of horses. For all the horses that are sent to his country
from Ormuz pass through Goa, and as both cities belong to His
Highness, he cannot get them if the Viceroy of India is not
pleased ; and this is the reason why all the Portuguese do
safely go from Sao Thome to Goa, that is, they cross one
hundred and fifty leagues, almost all of which belonging to
him1' 2.
1. Ibid., p. 99.
2. M. II. S.J.. Mon. Xtiv., T, p. 615.
CHAPTER V
RAMA RAYA AND THE DECCANI MUHAMMADANS
SUMMARY.— 1. Policy of Rama Raya with the Muhammadans of
the Deccan.— 2. First encounter of Venkatadri with Ibrahim
Adil Shah.— 3. Bijapur and Ahmadnagar against Vijayanagara
and Bidar.— 4. Successful campaign of Rama Raya against
Ahmadnagar.— 5. Bijapur attacked by Vijayanagara, Ahmad-
nagar and Golkonda.— 6. Capture of Kaliyani by Vijayanagara
from Bidar.— 7. Friendship between Rama Raya and Ibrahim
Qutb Shah. — 8. Last expedition, of Vijayanagara and Ahmadnagar
against Bijapur. — 9. First campaign of Vijayanagara and Bija-
pur against Ahmadnagar. — 10. Second campaign. Siege of
Ahmadnagar. Depredations of the Hindus in Muhammadan
territories. — 11. Rama Raya's intervention against the preten-
sions of Abdulla Adil Shah to the throne of Bijapur. — 12. End of
the friendship between Rama Raya and Ibrahim Qutb Shah. —
13. Rebellion of the Naigwaris against the Sultan of Golkonda
fostered by Rama Raya.— 14. Concerted plans of the Muham-
madans against Vijayanagara. Rama Raya's preparations.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.— 1. Ferishta, Anonymous Chronicler of
Golkonda, Bnrtmn-i-Ma'asir. — 2. Couto, Faria y Sousa, Souza. —
3. Rtnnarajiyamu, VasucharitramUi Annals af Handc Anantapuram.
THE policy of Rama Raya in his relations with the
Deccani Muhammadans was that of a shrewd diplomatist of
the modern type. He always tried to keep his opponents divi-
ded so as to weaken their power. To attain this, he used to
ally himself now with one, now with another sovereign, for the
purpose of waging war against the rest ; so that during the
twenty three years of his rule, he successively made war
against all the Sultans of the Deccan, and always returned
home victorious over the followers of the Prophet.
The Vasticharitramu states that "the Nizam (of Ahmad-
nagar), Kutupasahi (Kutb Shah of Golkonda) and the Sapada
(Adil Shah of Bijapur) fled to the forests before his march" '.
And in the Svarawelakalanidhi it is said that with his brothers*
1. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 216,
10
74 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
aid he 'conquered all Parasikas ', that is the Muhammadans *.
The British Museum plates of Sadasiva state that " the dust
raised by his armies appears like smoke that drives away those
gnats", viz., the Muhammadans 2. And probably also his
wars with the Mussulmans inspired the statement of the
Mangalampad grant of Venkata II that " Rama Raya had
slain in battle all his enemies" 3.
2. The struggle between Vijayanagara and the Muhamma-
dans started early in the reign of Sadasiva, almost on the very
day of his coronation. Ferishta -says that when Ibrahim Adil
Shah of Bijapur heard of the revolution that took place in
Vijayanagara to dethrone the usurper Salakam Timma Raju,
and of the subsequent election of Sadasiva as Emperor of
Vijayanagara, he thought it a good opportunity, and despatched
Asad Khan with the bulk of his army to reduce the important
fortress of Adoni. No sooner did this news come to Vijaya-
nagara, than Rama Raya likewise sent his brother Venkatadri
with a strong force to relieve the fort, which was on the point
of surrendering. On his approach Asad Khan raised the siege
and moved towards him. A sharp engagement ensued and the
Muhammadan general, finding that he was likely to have the
worst of the action by reason of the vast superiority of the
enemy, retreated in good order, followed by Venkatadri at a
distance of about twenty one miles. In the evening Asad Khan
encamped, and Venkatadri, with a view to obstructing furthei
retreat, halted likewise at a distance of about eight miles. On
the following day before sunrise, Asad Khan with four thousand
chosen horse surprised the camp of Venkatadri, whose self-
confidence had thrown him wholly off his guard against this
manoeuvre. The Muhammadans penetrated the Hindu tents
before the alarm was given. Venkatadri had scarcely time to
make his escape, and left his treasures, family and elephants in
the hands of the victors 4.
1. Ibid., p. 190.
2. Ep. /»<*., TV, p. 3.
3. Butterworth, I, p. 29, v. 16. Rama Raya's campaigns against the
Muhammadans are recorded in the Rama Raya Cheritra. Cf. Wilson,
The Mackenzie Collection, p. 268.
4. This defeat is perhaps the one referred to by Correa, IV, p. 440.
RAMA RAYA AND THE DECCAN1 MUHAMMADANS 75
At daybreak Venkatadri collected his scattered troops, and
drew them up as if to give battle; but seeing Asad Khan
prepared to maintain his advantage, and growing apprehensive
of the consequences to his wife and children, he declined battle,
and retiring some miles away, pitched his camp there. From
thence he wrote to Rama Raya, told him of his disaster and
requested reinforcements. The Regent at once sent supplies of
men and money, and gave out his intention of carrying on the
war. He privately informed his brother, at the same time, that
he had reason to think Ibrahin Adil Shah had not been induced
to besiege Adoni of his own accord ; but that he suspected the ze-
mindars of that quarter had urged him to make war, and that
many of Venkadri's officers were likewise secretly in the enemy's
interest ; therefore, he finally advised him to exercise prudence,
by making peace with the Mussulmans for the moment and
obtaining the release of his wife and family from Asad Khan.
In consequence of this advice, and having procured the
mediation and influence of Asad Khan himself by means of a
heavy bribe received for this purpose from his brother Rama
Raya, Venkatadri made overtures to Ibrahim Adil Shah for
peace. This was at once granted. The terms of peace were
settled to the satisfaction of both states. Ferishta does not
specify these terms. After this, Asad Khan joined his master,
the Sultan, and proceeded to Bijapur whilst Venkatadri retired
to Vijayanagra after the rescue of his family l.
3. But not long after he had reached the capital, Ibrahim
Adil Shah, invited by Burhan Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar, enter-
ed whole-heartedly into a confederacy with him against Bidar
and Vijayanagara. It was then agreed that the Ahmadnagar
Sultan should invade the country of Amir Barid Shah, and
leave the Sultan of Bijapur unmolested in any attack he might
choose to make on the territory of Vijayanagara. This scheme
was soon carried out. Burhan Nizam Shah attacked and car-
ried by storm the fort of Kandahar, whilst the Bidar Sultan, una-
ware of the secret treaty formed between Ahmadnagar and
Bijapur, left a strong garrison to defend Bidar and fled to his old
ally Ibrahim Adil Shah, by whom he was seized and kept
1. Ferishta, III, p. 85-7.
?6 THE ARAVtDU DYNASTY OF VIjAYANAGARA
prisoner. The Sultan of Bijapur then marched to the south to
accomplish the second part of the treaty. Ferishta says that he
succeeded in adding greatly to his territories by conquests from
the Hindu state of Vijayanagara 1 ; but we are sure there is
great exaggeration in this statement, because, for one thing,
we are not aware of any territorial loss to Vijayanagara about
this time and, secondly, because we find ^ Rama Raya engaged
in a war with Ahmadnagar, subsequent to these events.
4. Rama Raya perhaps suspected that the real
promoter of the war waged by Adil Shah was the Sultan
of Ahmadnagar. Hence he left Bijapur alone and, being resolv-
ed to establish division between these two allies, marched
against Burhan Nizam Shah. To reach his dominions, how-
evert he had to cross the states of Golkonda and Bidar ; so,
to be prepared for any emergency, the Regent divided his
army into three sections. Rama Raya took command of the
section sent to attack the Sultan of Golkonda ; his brother
Tirumala was at the head of the troops despatched against the
Sultan of Bidar ; and Hande Hanumappa Nayudu of Sonnala-
puram was sent with the rest of the army against Ahmad-
nagar '-. The actions in this war are recorded in the Hindu
poems: the capture of the city of Kaliyani, a pitched battle between
the Muhammadans and the Hindus, and the sack and destruc-
tion of the city of Ahmadnagar. The Vasucharitramu does not
give any information about the capture of Kaliyani, which
belonged to the Sultan of Ahmadnagar y; but the Annuls of
Hande Anantapuram give a short but precise account of the
battle. It seems that the three sections of the army were again
united that day, while the three Sultans had likewise joined their
forces. The battle resulted in a tremendous defeat for the
allies ; the three Sultans fled from the battle-field after seeing
the rout of their troops, while the Hindu army followed in
1. Ferishta, III, p. 387.
2. It is evident from the sources that we shall refer to that the
object of the campaign was the defeat of the Sultan Of Ahmadnagar,
the war against the other two Sultans being a necessary means to
reach Ahmadnagar state.
3. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 216.
RAMA RAYA AND THE DECCANI MUHAMMADANS 77
pursuit in the course of which Hande Hanumappa Nayudu
took Burhan Nizam Shah prisoner l. After such a disaster the
city of Ahmadnagar could not resist the might of the victorious
army. It was probably then that Rama Raya captured the
capital of the Nizam Sultans, razed it to the ground and sowed
castor seeds there, a fact recorded in the Ramarajiyamu 2. On
account of this victory, Rama Raya is given in the same poem
the title of 4 Destroyer of the fortifications of Ahmadnagar ' '*.
After this Burhan Nizam Shah, now in the hands of Rama
Raya, was forced to repudiate his alliance with Ibrahim Adil
Shah of Bijapur 4. This was the main object of the Regent
of Vijayanagara for the time being. As a result of this, Burhan
Nizam Shah was promptly set at liberty.
5. And he kept his promise to Rama Raya very faithfully;
because Ferishta informs us that at the end of 1543 or in the
beginning of 1544, that is shortly after these events, Burhan
Nizam Shah appointed Shah Tahir ambassador to the court
of Jamshid Qutb Shah of Golkonda, in order to make private
overtures to induce him to form a league with Rama Raya of
Vijayanagara against the state of Bijapur 5. The pretext given
by Nizam Shah was his desire to recover from Bijapur the five
districts he had been compelled to relinquish to Adil Shah,
probably in his previous alliance. The three princes agreed to
wage war against Bijapur: Rama Raya was to. attack the Bijapur
territories on the South, the Sultan of Golkonda on the East,
while Nizam Shah, with his own army and with troops of Ali
Barid and Kwaja Jahan, was to invade them on the North-
East. Shortly after he entered the Bijapur territory, laid
waste many districts, and on more than one occasion defeat-
ed the troops of Adil Shah. In the meanwhile the Golkonda
Sultan entered Bijapur on thj East, seized the whole district of
1. Annals of Handc Anantapuram, 1. c.
2. 8. Krisbnnswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 182. ^—^ /-^Q -
3. Ibid., p. 183. ^X^X^^J?^
4. Vasucharitramu, S. Krishnaswami A i y a ngaECTyfe»//'id i ff er^
from the opinion of Dr. S. Krishiiaswami AiyangaBf ^KcKthinks that*
the Ibharam mentioned in the poem is Ibra*" — A-*u en-^Vkv
Golkonda. li • I ^ • p
5. Ferishta, III. p. 230. \\GlX V? '
78 THE ARAV1DU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGAUA
Kakni, in which he built a strong fort, occupied the whole
country up to the walls of Gulburga, and laid siege to the
fortress of Etgir, near the city of Sagar. Finally Rama Raya
deputed his brother Venkatadri to reduce the fort of Raichur;
and he defeated the Sultan near the river Bhima, and
drove him from the field. This action is recorded in the
Narasabupuliyamu 1.
The kingdom of Bijapur, thus attacked simultaneously by
three powerful armies, was really at stake. Ibrahim Adil Shah
at once sent for his best counsellor, Asad Khan, who was in Bel-
gaum, and asked his advic j. This experienced general suspected
that the Sultan of Golkonda was the real enemy who had insti-
gated the others to hostility; and that if he could be removed, the
rest would be easy. He therefore advised that peace should be
concluded with him, by resigning the five districts dependent on
Sholapur — which had furnished the pretext for the war. At the
same time he recommended that separate overtures should be
made to Rama Raya, offering him presents to propitiate his
friendship. He stated finally that when free from the attacks of
these two enemies, Asad Khan would himself undertake the
chastisement of Qutb Shah, and promised that in a short time
he would recover all the places the Sultan of Golconda had
taken from Bijapur.
Ibrahim Adil Shah acted upon this advice, and peace was
concluded separately with Burhan Nizam Shah and Rama Raya.
Asad Khan then marched against Jamshid Qutb Shah, who was
finally defeated in a severe action under the walls of Golkonda.
Such was the end of the first campaign of the allies against
Bijapur 2.
But this peace did not last long. " Some time after this
campaign ", says Ferishta without recording the exact date,
" Burhan Nizam Shall was instigated by the same Rama Raya
to march for the purpose of reducing Gulbarga, and naturally
Ibrahim Adil Shah moved from Bijapur to oppose him. After
a campaign of several months, in which both armies lay inactive
for a long period in sight of each other, with the river Bhima
1. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 224.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 92-4.
RAMA RAYA AND THE DECCANI MUHAMMADANS 79
between them, the Nizam's army was totally routed with heavy
loss" '. Thus the purpose of the Machiavellian policy o.
Rama Raya was obtained : it was to weaken the Muhammadan
power by fostering wars among the Mussulman Sovereigns.
6. During the following years Vijayanagara was not en-
gaged in war with the Muslim powers of the Deccan. But
about the end of 1548 or the beginning of 1549, Burhan Nizam
Shah, as soon as he was made aware of the death of Asad Khan,
the great general and counsellor of the Sultan of Bijapur, des-
patched ambassadors to Rama Raya, inviting him to a con-
federacy with the purpose of making another attack on the Bija-
pur dominions. Rama Raya was much pleased with the proposal,
so dear to his heart, and accordingly presents and professions
of good will were interchanged between him and the Ahmadna-
gar ambassadors. News of this alliance came to the ears of
Ibrahim Adil Shah, who on that account treated the ambassa-
dors of Vijayanagara resident at his court with marked dis-
respect ; hence they quitted his capital with great indignation,
without even taking any leave 2. On arriving at Vijaya-
nagara, they told Rama Raya about the behaviour of Ibrahim
Adil Shah after the league between Vijayanagara and Ahmad-
nagar; and concluded by saying that had they not made their
escape, they would probably have been put to death. Rama
Raya, enraged at this affront, at once wrote to the Sultan of
Ahmadnagar that as AH Barid Shah of Bidar had preferred
the alliance of Ibrahim Adil Shah to his, it would be desirable to
take from him the fort of Kaliyani which had been recovered by
him after the campaign narrated above.
We have two different versions of the siege of this fortress :
the narrative of Ferishta and the minute account of the Hindu
poem Sivatattvaratnakara. But neither does Ferishta say a
word concerning the deeds of Rama Raya and the Hindus
1. Ferishta, III, p. 94-5.
2. This conduct of the Bijapur Sultan was a tacit reply to
the treatment given by Rama Raya to his own ambassador who
went to Vijayanagara for the tribute requested by Adil Shah,
Correa IV, p. 601, relates that the Muslim ambassador was stoned
to death by order of Kama Raya.
80 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
during this action, nor does the Hindu writer even mention the
part taken in the capture of the fort by the Sultan of Ahmad-
nagar *. From both accounts we shall presently draw
conclusions.
Both allies moved without delay towards Kaliyani. Burhan
Nizam Shah was at the head of his troops ; while Rama Raya,
being unable for the present to command his own army,
placed it under Sadasiva Nayaka, the Ikeri ruler. The Sultan
of Bijapur sent his army against the Hindus to oppose their
entry into his territory ; but Ibrahim Adif Shah's forces were
defeated and driven from the field by the valour of Sadasiva
Nayaka, who captured the valuable spoils of the enemy's
army. It seems that after this battle Rama Raya met his
troops, and under the two chiefs, the Vijayanagara army proceed-
ed towards Kaliyani
The allies met under the walls of this fortress and, having
surrounded it, effectually cut off all comunications from without.
Ibrahim AdilShah himself then marched to relieve it and, advan-
cing within sight of the allies, pitched his camp and entrenched
himself. The allies, unwilling to raise the siege, also fortified
their lines. The Bijapur Maratha horse were employed
to block the roads leading to the allies' camp and to
cut off their supplies ; and they were so successful that they
caused the greatest distress, through want of provisions to the
Vijayanagara and Ahmadnagar troops. A council of the nobles
of the allied armies was held at this stage. Some of them pro-
posed to raise the siege, and that they should retreat and make
peace ; while others recommended a sudden and vigorous attack
on the enemy. Ferishta mentions two Muhammadans who
supported this opinion, Shah Jafar and Qasim Beg ; and we are
sure that Sadasiva Nayaka was one of the Hindus who sided
with them — encouraged as he was by the victory he had obtained
1. It is very strange of Ferishta to say that Rama Raya was
invited to this war by Burhan Shah, and to record their mutual agree-
ment, and yet not speak at all of the Hindu chief while relating the
happenings of the campaign ; this shows Ferishta's hatred towards
the Hindus. After a eareful examination of both sources, it is
evident that these two different accounts need reconciling.
RAMA RAYA AND THE DECCANI MUHAMMADANS 8l
a few days earlier over the Bijapur army. The latter opinion
prevailed. The allies surprised at dawn the army of Ibrahim
Adil Shah. The Sultan himself, who was then in a warm bath,
had scarcely time to make his escape, and to fly towards Bir
and Parenda ; while his troops were so completely surprised
that they deserted their tents, baggage and artillery, all of which
fell into the hands of the victors.
At the same time an attack was made on the fortress, which
surrendered without much opposition. There is no doubt that
Sadasiva Nayaka greatly distinguished himself in this final
attack; but the achievements narrated by the author of the
Hindu poem evidently bear all the signs of a poetic episode in-
troduced to extol the figure of the old ancestor of the poet's
chief. 1. The capture of the city of Kaliyani by Rama Raya
is recorded, without of course mentioning the Sultan of Ahmad-
nagar, in the Padmaneri grant of Venkata II 2 ; and in the
Ramarajiynmu, the glorious Regent of the Vijayanagara Empire
is given the titles of ' capturer of the fort of Kaliyani' 3 and
1 ruler of the city of Kaliyani ' 4 ; from which we may conclude
that Rama Raya remained in possession of the captured
fortress.
7. In the following year, 1550, a sudden event took place
that influenced for several years the relations between Rama
Raya and the Deccani kingdoms. Jamshid Qutb Shah, the
Sultan of Golkonda, had been for two years in a failing .state
of health. On this account his temper grew worse, his dis-
position become morose, and he put many persons to death on
the most trivial charges. His cruelty excited the terror of his
subjects ; his two brothers, Haidar Khan and Ibrahim, fled to
Bidar, where Haidar Khan, the eldest, died shortly after.
It happened that not long after the demise of Haidar Khan,
somewhat before 1550, the Sultan of Bidar, Qasim Barid Shah,
was engaged in a war with the Sultans of Ahmadnagar and
1. Ferishta, III, p. 233-5 and 102-3. S. Krishnaswami Aiyan-
gar, Sources, p. 195.
2. Ep. In </., XVI, p. 293.
3. S. Krishnaswami A iyangar, o. c., p. 183,
4. hid., p. 182,
11
82 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Golkonda; and while in retreat before the advance of his
enemies, he took advantage of the situation of Prince Ibrahim,
but so far forgot the rights of hospitality as to attempt to seize
the elephants and private property belonging to that Prince.
The latter, discovering his intention, immediately left him,
retreated to Vijayanagara and claimed the friendship of Rama
Ray a.
When Ibrahim reached Vijayanagara he was accompanied
by Syud Hye, by an Abyssinian called Raihan, who bore the
title of Hamid Khan, by a Brahmin named Kanaji, and by a
few personal attendants. The Prince was received in Vijaya-
nagara according to his rank, and treated with the utmost
respect and attention. Rama Raya, whose power had at this
time considerably increased by reason of the imprisonment of
Sadasiva, realized at once that his friendship with the brother
oftheSuhan of Golkonda could be employed as a valuable
means for attaining his political aims. Hence he assigned
for the support of the Prince an estate, which was at that time
possessed by Ambar Khan the Abyssinian, an officer in Rama
Raya's pay. And this was precisely the cause of a singular
duel, in which Ibrahim showed what a skilful swordsman he was.
It would appear that Ambar Khan, much enraged at the
alienation of his estate, once met Prince Ibrahim in the streets
of Vijayanagara and charged him with depriving him of it.
Ibrahim replied that monarchs were at liberty to dispose of
their own property, and that Rama Raya had chosen to give
him the estate. The Prince proceeded on his way, whereupon
the Abyssinian called him a coward for refusing to dispute his
title with the sword. Ibrahim Qutb Shah warned him of his
imprudence ; but the Prince's coolness only added fury to the
anger of Ambar Khan, who proceeded to abuse him all the more.
At this the Prince dismounted and drew; the Abyssinian rushed
upon him ; but Ibrahim killed his antagonist. The latter's
brother, standing by, insisted on taking up the cause, and he
also fell a victim to his temerity. J.
1. The anonymous chronicler of Golkonda instances another duel
of Ibrahim Qutb Shah in the streets of Vijayanagara. Cf. Ferishta,
III, p. 382. Perhaps both facts are the same, although some of the
circumstances vary,
RAMA RAYA AND THE DECCANI MUIIAMMADANS 83
In the year 1550 Jamshid Qutb Shah died ; and the nobles of
the court elevated his son Subhan Kuli, a tender child J, to
the throne, under the regency of Saif Khan Ain-ul-Mulk, at the
request of his mother the Dowager-queen. The nobles however
were not pleased with the appointment of the Protector, a man
who had been exiled to Ahmadnagar by the late Sultan. They
finally became so obstreperous that Mustafa Khan, the
Prime Minister, immediately wrote to Ibrahim Qutb Shah
at Vijayanagara, inviting him to court. On receipt of this
letter his two friends in adversity, Syud Hye and Hamid
Khan, advised him to proceed instantly to the capital and
proclaim himself king. He also consulted his friend Rama
Raya, who not only acceded to Ibrahim's wishes, but even
offered to send his brother Venkataclri with ten thousand
cavalry and twenty thousand infantry to support him -.
Ferishta says that Syud Hye and Hamid Khan advised the
Prince to decline this large force, which might in his name
effect anything to favour the views of Rama Raya, even the
usurpation of Government, if it chose. But the Narasabupali-
yamu states openly that Rama Raya ' helped him (Qutb
Mulk, viz., Ibrahim Qutb Shah) to get back his lost kingdom* -.
Knowing the tendency of Ferishta, we are inclined to believe
that the Qutb Prince left Vijayanagara accompanied by Ven-
katadri's forces 4 ; during the journey he was advised by his
friends to dismiss the Hindu troops and he actually did so;
perhaps on reaching the town of Pangul, where he was met by
Mustafa Khan on whom he bestowed the office of Mir Jumla
1. Ferishta says ho was ten yours old, but according to the
anonymous chronicler he was seven.
2. We cannot admit the story of Ferishta who says that in the
beginning Rama Raya "would by no means consent to his quitting
his service to set up vague pretensions (as ho termed them) to the
throne of Golkonda." Such a statement disagrees with the character
and policy of Rama Raya and with the subsequent events.
2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 224.
4. The emphasis of Ferishta on this point is striking: "The Prince
Ibrahim, therefore, having left Vijayanagara without any Hindu auxili-
aries proceeded" etc. This emphasis strengthens my doubt as to his
veracity in the matter.
84 THE ARAV1DU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
and a dress of honour. Here he was shortly after joined by
Salabat Khan, with three thousand foreign cavalry and many
other officers who now deserted the infant King. On his arrival
at Golkonda, Ibrahim Qutb Shah was enthroned without oppo-
sition ; in consequence — says Ferishta — of the extreme i>opul-
arity of his minister Mustafa Khan l.
8. After the last campaign of Vi jayanagara and Ahmad-
nagar against Bijapur, apparently no peace was established ; for
as a matter of fact, by the end of the same year 1551 the Sultan
of Bijapur began to make preparations for retaking the fort of
Kaliyani. Burhan Nizam Shah, on receiving intimation of this
design, sent ambassadors to Rama Raya, who agreed to meet him
in the vicinity of Raichur in order to concert a plan of operations
for the ensuing year. Rama Raya accordingly moved with a
considerable force to that place, where it was resolved that the
forts of Raichur and Mudgal should be conquered for Rama
Raya, and that he should aid in reducing the city and depend-
encies of Sholapur and the town of Gulbarga. The allies took
Raichur; and on its failing into their hands, the garrison of Mud-
gal also surrendered without opposition. Then Rama Raya left
his younger brother Venkatadri with an army to assist Burhan
Nizam Shah, and returned to Vijayanagara. The Sultan of
Ahmadnagar, with Venkatadri's aid, captured Sholapur in a
short time, and having strengthened it returned to his capital.
Ferishta, in the history of the Sultans of Bijapur, makes no
mention of the purpose of the allies in conquering Gulbarga;
but in the history of the Sultans of Ahmadnagar he states that
Nizam Shah could not conquer the city, because he was
abandoned by his Hindu ally. Possibly some misunderstand-
ing arose between the Sultan and Venkatadri. The latter having
left for Vijayanagara, Nizam Shah could not accomplish his
desires, and as he died shortly after, his successor, Husain Ni-
zam Shah, Concluded peace with • Ibrahim Adil Shah of
Bijapur 2.
L Ferishta, III, p. 327-9 ; Anonymous chronicler, Ferishta
1. c., p. 380-3 and 392 ; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 4-5.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 104-5 and 235; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant.,
L.p.78.
RAMA RAYA AND THE DECCANI MUHAMMADANS 85
In one of these campaigns with Ahmadnagar, Rama
Raya captured the fortress of Turkal l. This was the
last expedition in which Rama Raya joined the Sultan
of Ahmadnagar against the Sultan of Bijapur. On account
of all these campaigns he is said, in the Narasabupaliyamu,
to have helped the Sultan of Ahmadnagar2; and
in the Ramarajiyamu, he is called ' the terror of the city
of Bijapur* 3. But we shall presently see the Regent of
Vijayanagara in close alliance with the Sultan of Bijapur
against the Sultan of Golkonda.
9. This happened in the year 1555, when the Sultan of Ah-
madnagar, Husain Nizam Shah, and the Sultan of Golkonda,
Ibrahim Qutb Shah, met in the vicinity of Gulbarga, and Kutb
Shah promised to aid the army of Ahmadnagar in capturing
that fort. "The fort of Gulbarga ", says Ali ibn Aziz,
" although built on the plain, is yet very strong, and is
surrounded by a deep and broad ditch full of water. It is so
constructed that the walls cannot be damaged by artillery, for
the ground at the top of the counterscarp of the ditch rises so
high that all shot fly above the walls ; while the depth of the
ditch a -id the fact that is always full of water prevent running.* '
The old Bahmani capital was accordingly besieged after a
while, but it resisted every effort of the allies for a whole month.
Then at last, after two breaches had been effected, an assault
was made in which, after the loss of many of the best officers
of the Ahmadnagar army, the allies were repulsed. " The fight-
ing before the fortress and in the breaches continued not only
throughout the day, but for a whole month more. At length the
garrison were reduced to great straits ; and having no more
strength to fight, sent a messenger to Adil Shah setting forth
their desperate circumstances." The Sultan of Bijapur, to whom
Gulbarga belonged, unable any longer to cope single-handed
with the united forces of the allies, sent an ambassador with
magnificent presents to Vijayanagara, to beg the aid of Rama
Raya, who immediately marched in person at the head of his
1. Ferishta, III, p. 135.
2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 224.
3. Ibid., p. 182.
86 THE ARAV1DU DYNASTY OF V1JAYANAGARA
army to the assistance of Ibrahim Adil Shah. On the way he
addressed the following letter to Ibrahim Qutb Shah, preserved
for us by the anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, who perhaps
saw the original in the archives of the court : —
" Be it known to Your Majesty, that it is now many years
since the two courts of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar have been in
constant state of warfare ; and that the balance of power bet-
ween them was so equal, that although every year each
of thes'j Sovereigns had been in the habit making a cam-
paign on the other's frontiers, yet no advantage accrued to
either. It now appears that Your Majesty (whose ancestors
never interfered in these disputes) has marched an army to
turn the scale in favour of Husein Nizam Shah without having
any cause of enmity against Ibrahim Adil Shah of Bijapur, who
has accordingly sought our alliance. As a friendship has long
subsisted between our court and Your Majesty, we have thought
fit to lay these arguments before you, to induce you to relin-
quish the offensive alliance which Your Majesty has formed ;
and by returning peaceably to your capital, show a friendly
disposition towards both parties, who will afterwards conclude
a peace, and put an end to this long protracted war."
Such was the letter of Rama Raya to his old friend and pro-
tege, Ibrahim Qutb Shah, who also received letters from Ibrahim
Adil Shah himself at the same time. "The letter and the
news of Sadasiva Raya's (Rama Raya's) approach," says the
BurJian-l-Ma'asir, "reached Ibrahim Qutb Shah at the same time."
Then he heard also that Tirumala, the brother of Rama Raya, with
a body of cavalry accompanied by some of the Bijapur officers,
was laying waste the Pangal district. Accordingly the above
mentioned work states that Ibrahim Qutb Shah at once violated
the solemn treaty with Husain Nizam Shah and left Gulbarga
for Telingana in the middle of the night. The news of his
flight was brought to Husain Nizam Shah in the morn ing... [who]
perceived that it would be unwise to tarry any longer and so
marched to Ahmadnagar" l.
1. Anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, Ferishta, III, p. 396-7 ;
Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 101-2. The account of the flight of
Ibrahim Qutb given in the work seems more reliable than the
RAMA RAYA AND THE DECCANI MUIIAMMADANS 87
After this, Rama Raya again helped the Sultan of Bijapur by
sending him his brother Venkatadri with a considerable force
to expel from the Bijapur territory Ain-ul-Mulk, who had
rebelled against the Sultan. This chief was thoroughly defeated
and, having fled to Ahmadnagar, was put to death by Husairi
Nizam Shah *.
10. Shortly after this meeting, in the year 1557, Ibrahim
Adil Shah died and was succeeded by his son AH AdilShah, then
a youth. The new monarch, intent on adding to his dominions
and repairing the losses sustained by his father, entered into
close alliance with Rama Raya. But it happened that Husain
Nizam Shah, suddenly taking advantage of the youthfuiness of
the Bijapur Sultan, invaded his dominions with a great force.
Ali Adil Shah, unable to defend himself, evacuated his capital
and, attended only by a small body-guard of one hundred
horse, proceeded in person to the court of Vijayanagara.
It is mentioned by Ferishta that about this time Rama
Raya had lost one of his sons ; and that the young Sultan of
Bijapur took the opportunity of offering him his condolence
in person, thus hoping to get immediate reinforcements to
oppose the victorious army of Ahmadnagar. Rama Raya
received him with the greatest respect. The Sultan " with the
kindest persuasion," says Ferishta, " prevailed upon him to
lay aside his mourning." The wife of Rama Raya, on this
occasion, adopted the Sultan as her son ; and at the end of
three days spent in an interchange of friendly professions and
presents, Rama Raya was induced to march with his whole
army, accompanied by Ali Adil Shah, towards Ahmadnagar tj.
They at once invaded the territory of Nizam Shah, "with
an army more numerous than the raindrops," says the Bitrhan-
narrativc of the Golkonda chronicler evidently concocted to please
the Sultan.
1. Ferishta, 1. c., p. 110-1.
2. Ferishta relates that Ali Adil Shah left Vijayanagara
alone and that Rama Raya did not attend him out of the city,
for which the Sultan of Bijapur was offended and treasured up the
affront in his mind. This is evidently a slandering statement of the
Muhammadan writer against the Hindu chief, whose subsequent
conduct cannot satisfactorily be explained if we grant the truth of
88 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
i-Ma'asir. They laid waste the invaded kingdom so thoroughly
that for miles not a vestige of population was left. Husain
Nizam Shah, declining any opposition in the field, retired to
Paithan ; and after some time, purchased peace by giving the
fort of Kaliyani to AH Adil Shah. Nevertheless Sadasiva
Nay aka, one of the chief officers of the army of Vijayanagara,
seems to have once been severely defeated by the Ahmadnagar
army.
Now the allies had no sooner retired from Ahmadnagar
than Husain Nizam Shah entered into an alliance with Ibrahim
Qutb Shah, and marched to retake the fort he had just surren-
dered. AH Adil Shah, on receiving intelligence of this league,
again despatched Kishwur Khan and Abu Turab to Vijayana-
gara to solicit aid from Rama Ray a, who marched at once
1 with a mighty army ' to join the Bijapur Sultan. Then the
two Sovereigns sent a letter to Ibrahim Qutb Shah, calling upon
him in pursuance of the late treaty to join them. Ibrahim Qutb
Shah, however unwilling to act against Husain Nizam Shah,
considered it politic not to incur the imputation of a breach of
treaty, and thus perhaps draw on himself the vengeance of the
allies. He accordingly joined them at the city of Gulbarga ;
when the whole army including Ali Barid Shah, the Bidar Sultan,
who had also joined the allies, marched to Ahmadnagar. The
Vijayanagara troops laid waste all the towns and villages on
their route. Husain Nizam Shah, unable to resist their united
forces left a strong garrison and plenty of provisions in his
capital and retired to Junar '. In the meantime, Ibrahim
Qutb Shah wrote to him privately, informing him of the politi-
cal necessity which had induced him to join the allies ; but at
the same time he assured him that he would endeavour to assist
him, and would do all in his power to induce his enemies to
this statement. The Narasabupaliyamu states that Rama Raya left
his kingdom to Adil Shah on his agreeing to pay him tribute.
This information probably refers to this occasion. Cf. S. Krishna-
swami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 224.
1. The anonymous chronicler of Golkonda says that Husain
retreated to Daulatabad. I prefer the authority of both Ferishtu
and Ali ibn Aziz, who wrote their works in Ahmadnagar itself,
RAMA RAYA AND THE DECCANI MUHAMMADANS 89
retreat and abandon the war. He also made the same com-
munications to the officer commanding the fort of Ahmadnagar,
advising him to make every possible resistance, and to hold out
till the last. The allies besieged the place with vigour for two
months. The garrison were beginning to lose their spirits,
when Ibrahim Qutb Shah with seasonable donations bought
over some of the principal nobles of Vijayanagara and induced
them to propose the return of the troops to their respective
capitals ; specially now that the rainy season was approaching
and they were very far from Vijayanagara. Rama Raya,
convinced of the truth of their remonstrances, consented to
retreat ; bat Ali Adil Shah, who knew that the besieged were
suffering from lack of provisions, had a conference with Rama
Raya, and begged him not to think of withdrawing till the
place fell. He promised to cede to him the district of Indgy if
he would only continue the siege for a month longer. Ferishta
states that the Sultan of Bijapur * suspected the causes of the
obstinacy of the besieged. ' Rama Raya consented. The siege
was prosecuted with redoubled vigour. Meanwhile Ibrahim
Qutb Shah permitted supplies for the garrison and a number of
artillery-men from Ahmadnagar to pass through his camp into
the fort. But the approaches of the allies were brought closer
to the walls, and the speedy reduction of the fort appeared so
certain that Ibrahim Qutb Shah was induced to try, if possible,
to avert that extreme evil. He accordingly deputed his minister
and commander-in-chief, Mustafa Khan, to wait on Rama Raya,
and to endeavour to persuade him to raise the siege ; if he did
not succed in this, he was to inform him that the Golkonda
troops had to return immediately to their capital. Mustafa
Khan in his conference with Rama Raya made use of every
argument he could devise in order to gain his end. He also
engaged secretly, on behalf of the king his master, to cede the
fort and district of Condapilli to Rama Raya, if the latter
would return to his capital. This last motive was perhaps the
most weighty. For Rama Raya immediately consented to
retreat, and sent a message to AH Adil Shah to that effect.
The three Kings then retired to their respective capitals !.
1. Ferishta, III, p. 117-22 ; Anonymous chronicler of Qolkonda,
Ferishta, 1. CM p, 402-5 ; Biirtian-i-Ma'usir, hut Ant., L, p. 104-f>, 141-2.
90 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
But, in the following year 1558, the Sultan of Ahmadnagar
deputed ^laulana Inayatullah toGolkondato effect a marriage-
allianc^ with the family of Qutb Shah. It was agreed that the
two Kings should meet the following year for that purpose
in the neighbourhood of Kaliyani ; and that after cele-
brating the proposed marriage, their armies should proceed to
recover that fortress from the hands of AH Adil Shah. Accor-
dingly, at the stated period Husain Nizam Shah and Ibrahim
Qutb Shah collected their respective forces, and met at Kaliyani,
where the former gave his eldest daughter Bibi Jamalli in
marriage to Ibrahim Qutb Shah ; and after one month employ-
ed in celebrating the nuptials, the Kings laid siege to Kaliyani.
AH Adil Shah upon hearing this proceeded to Vijayanagara,
and again solicited the aid of Rama Raya, who marched with
his army to his support. On the road he was joined by AH
Barid Shah of Bidar and Burhan Imad Shah of Berar, who had
been invited by him to enter the confederacy. In the meanwhile
the Sultans of Ahmadnagar and Golkonda had marched, with
seven hundred pieces of ordinance of different calibres and five
hundred elephants, to within twelve miles of Kaliyani. It
happened that they had scarcely encamped, when a violent
storm came on which blew down all the tents, the rain pouring
down in torrents ; cattle and heavy guns, in particular, were
rendered almost useless, for the latter were immoveable in the
heavy black clay on which the camp stood. At the same time,
on the approach of the allies, Ibrahim Qutb Shah received in-
timation that Rama Raya, taking advantage of his absence, had
sent his brother Venkatadri, accompanied by Jagdeo Rao and
Ain-ul-Mulk, at the head of fifteen thousand cavalry and thirty
thousand infantry, to invade his southern districts. On receipt
of this news Ibrahim Qutb Shah consulted Husain Nizam
Shah. It was resolved that they should raise the siege of
Kaliyani and return to their respective capitals l. Husain
Nizam Shah however deputed Qasim Beg and Maulana Inaya-
tullah to Rama Raya to sue for peace. This was granted on the
following conditions : —
1. Ferishta here relates another siege of Ahmadnagar, but as
the anonymous chronicler does not say a word about such a siege
KAMA RAYA AND THE DECCANI MUHAMMADANS QI
First, that he should cede the fortress of Kaltyani to AH
Adil Shah.
Secondly, that he should put to death Jahangir Khan,
the commander of the, auxiliary troops of Duria Imadul-
Mulk, who had been extremely active against the enemy.
Thirdly, that Husain Nizam Shah should submit to pay
Rama Ray a a visit and to receive a pan or aromatic leaf from
his hands in token of the superiority of the donor.
The Sultan of Ahmadnagar, to save his kingdom, accepted
the terms, and fulfilled the second article by employing a band
of assassins to put to death Jahangir Khan in his tent. "Thus,"
Ferishta says, " at the instigation of an infidel he murdered
one of the faithful, and verified the proverb, that 'there is no
faith in princes." Then he proceeded to the camp of Rama
Raya, who rose on his entering his tent and took him by the
hand. Husain Nizam Shah, who was very haughty, called for
a basin and ewer and washed his hands as if they had been
polluted by the touch of the Hindu Sovereign ; who, according
to Ferishta, on seeing that said in his own language : " If he
were not my guest, I would cut off his hands and hang them
round his neck"; and calling for water he also washed his
hands ; and such was the bad feeling which prevailed that a
tumult nearly occurred on the spot. The treaty of peace was
concluded by Qasim Beg and Maulana Inayatullah on the part
of Ahmadnagar and by Tirumala and Venkatadri on the part of
Vijayanagara.
Ferishta relates that during these two expeditions of the
Vijayanagara army through the territories of Ahmadnagar, the
religious feelings of the Muhammadans were much excited on
account of the damage done by the Hindu soldiers to their
mosques and sacred objects. " The infidels of Vijayanagara,"
during this second campaign, it may be a chronological mistake on
the part of that author. The treaty of peace, the terms of which,
as given by Ferishta, may be read somewhat lower down, must be
placed after the second campaign; because neither Ferishta nor the
chronicler of Golkonda speaks of any treaty at the end of the firat.
Moreover, such humiliating terms cannot be conceived at a time
when the allies* armies were retiring from Ahmadnagar, not having
captured this city.
92 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
says he, "who for many years had been wishing for such an
opportunity, left no cruelty unpractised. They insulted the
honour of the Mussulman women, destroyed the mosques, and
did not respect even the sacred Kuran. They committed the
most outrageous devastations: burning and razing the buildings,
putting up their horses in the mosques, and performing their
abominable idolatrous worship in the holy places" l.
II, At about the same time, the intervention of Vijayan-
agara put an end to a long family dispute that had annoyed
the Sultan of Bijapur. During the reign of Ibrahim Adil
Shah the Prince Abdullah 2, having effected his escape to
Goa from the harsh treatment of his brother, was induced, by
the advice of some of the nobility who attended htm, to pro-
claim himself Sultan of Bijapur. One of those nobles was
Asad Khan, the lord of the fortress of Belgaum, the most
powerful subject of Adil Shah :{. This chief entered into
correspondence with the Captain of Goa, Dom Garcia, who was
governing in the absence of Dom Martim Affonso de Souza,
then in the South. Asad Khan offered to give to the Portu-
guese the whole of the Konkan that belonged to him if Garcia
would dare to fetch Prince Abdullah who had retired to the
kingdom of Gujarat, and set him up against the power of
Ibrahim Adil Shah as the real Sultan of Bijapur. Dom
Garcia was much pleased with this proposal and at once sent
a lateen to Cambay, in which Abdullah with the whole of his
family reached Goa some time after. He was received as a
king, and entertained by the Captain in a magnificent house near
the Jesuit College of St. Paul. Dom Martim Affonso de Souza
reached Goa shortly after. Ibrahim Adil Shah at onco
1. Ferishta, III, p. 120-1, 239-43 and 331; Anonymous chronicler,
Fcrishta, 1. c., p. 406-7. The Burhan-i-Ma'asir does not say a word on
this treaty so humiliating to the Sultan of Ahmadnagar.
2. This Prince is always called by the Portuguese Meale or
Meale Khan, and they call him nephew of the Sultan. I prefer
Ferishta's authority in this case.
3. Ferishta states that the Sultans of Ahmadnagar and
Golkonda fostered the ambition of Prince Abdulla and invited
Asad Khan to join him.
RAMA RAYA AND THE DECCANI MUHAMMADANS 93
despatched ambassadors to him to renew the old friendship,
and to ask for the expulsion of his brother from Goa. But, at
the same time Asad Khan, too, sent his messengers to the
Governor and renewed his old offer. There was hot discussion
on this question in the Council of State. At last it was decided
not to join the cause of Abdullah, on account of the old
friendship with the reigaing Sultan. But Ibrahim was not
fully pleased. The presence of his brother at Goa was a
continuous menace to him : so he wished Abdullah to be
handed over to him ; but as this prince was a guest of the
Portuguese State the Governor promptly refused to do so.
Again the Sultan insisted, and asked that at least his brother
should be sent to some distant country where he could not
endanger the peace of his kingdom. The Governor then agreed
and Abdullah was sent to the fort of Cananor. It was then
that the Sultan of Bijapur, on August 22, 1546, declared thai
the territories of SalsL'tte and Bardez should be the property of
the King of Portugal for ever !. But Abdullah re-appeared
in Goa after a while ; aid although the Governor promised the
Sultan to send him in exile to Malaca, this was never
intended.
Some years after, while Dom Pedro Mascarenhas was the
Viceroy, Burhan Nizam Shah, the Sultan of Ahmaclnagar, pro-
posed to him to proclaim the unfortunate Prince at Goa Sultan
of Bijapur, and to win for him the fortress of Penda. Nizam
Shah was already meditating the ruin of his neighbour of
Bijapur. This idea appealed to the Viceroy; and he at once
ordered a majestic stage adorned with cloth of silk and gold, to
be put up in the square in front of his palace. There in the
presence of a great multitude of Portuguese and Goans and of
many nobles of Bijapur, his partizans>hc crowned with his own
hands Prince Abdullah Adil Shah Sultan of Bijapur. The new
King, as a mark of his thankfulness, resigned at once all his
rights over the territories of Salsettc and Bardez. After this
ceremony, the Viceroy despatched an army of three thousand
foot and two hundred horse to conquer the fort of Penda, which
was then in possession of the real Sultan. The cavalry was
1. Of. Ch. IV, No. 6.
94 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
sent first under the command of Gaspar de Mello, Captain of
Goa ; the rest of the army followed, led by the five captains :
Fernando Martins Freire, Martini Affonso de Miranda,
Dom Fernando de Monroy, Dom Antonio de Noronha and
Sebastiao de Sa. The garrison of that fortress was unable to
resist for long. Its surrender was communicated to the Viceroy
after some days. He went there accompanying Abdullah
Adil Shah with great ceremony. The new Sultan took posses-
sion of the fort, and set out at once to conquer the whole king-
dom ; leaving in the fort a detachment of six hundred men
under the command of Dom Antao de Noronha, while Mascare-
nhas returned to Goa where he died shortly after. Dom
Francisco Barreto succeeded him as Governor in 1555, and
continued the policy of his predecessor towards Abdullah.
The King of Portugal was much pleased on hearing this news,
as he wrote to that effect to the City of Goa in a letter dated
Lisbon, March 20th, 1557 l.
In the meanwhile Abdullah, aided by the Portuguese, was
advancing triumphantly-towards Bijapur ; so that even in this
city many of the nobles openly declared themselves partizans
of the new Sultan. Ibrahim Adil Shah had already died by this
time, and his son Ali Adil Shah again sent ambassadors to
Rama Raya begging his protection.
The Hindu chief sent him a body of fifteen thousand
soldiers, with whom Ali Adil Shah so completely defeated his
rival uncle that the latter had to flee and take refuge in the
kingdom of Ahmadnagar. But this Sultan of Ahmadnagar, who
had concluded a treaty of peace with Rama Raya and Ali Adil
Shah a little before, caused Abdullah to be imprisoned in the
hills of Brula. After the demise of Durban Nizam Shah,
Abdullah was given his freedom at the request of the Sultan of
Golkonda, and went back to Goa where he died. In 1611 a
grandson of his, who had become a Christian, was still living
in the same city 2.
1. Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, Fasc. I, p. 42.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 98-100 ; Couto, V, 11, 8; Faria y Sousa, II, p
251-2, 298 and 300 ; Sousa, Oricnte Conquistado, I, p.72-7 ; Maflfei, Histo-
riarum Indicarum,p.ttQ-3. Some years before Rama Ray ahad requested
RAMA RAYA AND THE DECCANI MUHAMMADANS Q5
12. The second campaign of Vijayanagara and Bijapur
against Ahmadnagar, which we have related just above, marks
also the end of the friendship between Rama Raya and
Ibrahim Qutb Shah of Golkonda. "Although at times they
had to espouse the cause of hostile powers", says Mr. G. Yaz-
dani, " yet, owing to their friendship and mutual regard, they
refrained from fighting against each other and effected a
reconciliation between the powers whom they joined" l.
But when Rama Raya despatched his brother Venkatadri
along with Jagdeo Rao and Ain-ul-Mulk to invade the southern
districts of Golkonda, the old friendship was considered broken
for ever. Ibrahim Qutb Shah after retiring from Kaliyani
deputed Mujahid Khan with a force to oppose them. An
action took place in the neighbourhood of Torkal which lasted
for several] days ; but it was not decisive. Rama Raya at the
same.time^sent Sida Raya Timapa, chief of Kandbir, with
fifty thousand horse, against Condapilly and Masulipatam ;
and his son-in-law, Jotumraj, with twenty thousand horse
against Dewurconda and Indraconda ; while his own forces
were employed in plundering the neighbourhood of Golkonda.
Several skirmishes took place near the gardens of the Sultan
and the village of Bijwara. Four months were occupied in
these operations, till Jagdeo Rao induced the Naigwaries of
Pangal, Rovilconda and Ganpura to deliver up those forts to
Rama Raya. At the same time Kasi Rao made over the keys
of Indraconda.
The southern territories of Golkonda were then ail
attacked by the allies of Rama Raya. The Raja of Kandbir
attacked Kondapalii ; the Setupati and Vidiadri from Raja-
the aid of the Portuguese Viceroy for defending the rights of Prince
Abdullah against the Sultan of Bijapur. Cf. Ch. IV, No. 5, note.
Lafitau, Histoire des Decouvertes, II, p. 532-3, says that the Emperor
of Vijayanagara requested by the Sultan of Bijapur offered a shelter
to Prince Abdullah and his nobles. Some of these were killed and
the Prince was retained as prisoner, though "traite avec la dignite
qui convenoit son rang."
1. Yazdani, Inscriptions in the Golkonda Tombs, Ep. lndo-Moslem^
1915-6, p. 23.
96 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
%
mundry attacked the fort of Ellore ; Chinnapa Naidu, Raja of
Venkatagiri, and his two sons Nayanappa and Timma distin-
guished themselves in capturing the fort of Gandikota. The
Sultan thus confined to his capital resolved to march out in
person and attack the confederates at Tarpalli ; when a
messenger most opportunely arrived from AH Barid Shah, one
of the confederates, proposing* that Ibrahim should send his
minister, Mustafa Khan, to camp, in order to negotiate for
peace. Mustafa Khan received secret instructions to conciliate
Jagdeo Rao, without whose good-will he despaired of obtaining
terms. Through his means Mustafa Khan held a conference
with Ali Adil Shah, and was accompanied by him to the tents
of Rama Ray a, who agreed with reluctance to retreat to
Vijayanagara, on condition of being allowed to retain the
forts of Ganpura and Pangal. The confederacy now broke up,
and the allies returned to their capitals !.
13. Ibrahim Qutb Shah then considered that his situation
during the last war had been very grave. For the garrisons of
all the forts in the kingdom were composed of Naigwaris ;
and when their chief Jagdeo Rao received the approval of Rama
Raya in his rebellion against Ibrahim, they all became disloyal.
The King resolved by degrees to reduce the power of the
Naigwaris. His first step in this matter was the execution of
Kasi Rao, one of their chiefs, who had been concerned in the
late rebellion. Suria Rao, the commandant ,of the Naigwaris
in the fort of Golkonda, discovering the Sultan's intention,
entered into a plot with the chiefs of the other garrisons. It
was resolved that, on a pre-arranged signal, when the King went
out to hunt in the country, they were to secure all the forts, and
Suria Rao was to seize the treasury of the capital and put all
the Muhammadans to the sword. This plot -was communicated
to Rama Raya, who undertook to send a force to aid in the
project.
Acordingly, when the hunting season came on, the
Sultan gave orders for his troops and camp to be pitched on
1. Anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, Ferishta, III, p. 407-9 .
Viilugutivjru Vamsavali, Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 274 Cf,
Vadivelu, The Ruling Chiefs, I, p. 490.
RAMA RAYA AND THE DECCANI MUHAMMADANS 97
the plain. After some days he left Golkonda, at about two
o'clock in the morning, to proceed to his camp and make his
first move out. As soon as he had quitted the fort, the gates
were closed, and the Naigwaris began to attack the Muslims.
Two of the latter made their escape and informed the King of
the circumstance. Ibrahim, on hearing this, gave orders to
return to the capital and to attack the fort with the troops that
were with him. The mutineers, at daylight, seeing the whole
of the army around the fort, appeared upon the ramparts. They
said they were willing to return to their duty if the King would
give up his minister, Mustafa Khan, whom they accused of
maltreating the Naigwaris of the out-garrisons ever since his
accession to power : they added they were afraid that the same
treatment might fall to their own lot. The King sent for Mustafa
Khan, and related to him the state of affairs brought on during
his administration. The minister replied that, if the Sultan
thought his death necessary for the good of the state, he was
ready to surrender himself into the hands of the mutineers.
Ibrahim then refused to accede to the demand of the Naigwaris,
who after some days, with Suria Rao at their head, were com-
pelled to give in. Every one of them was executed, as an exam-
ple to the disaffected Naigwaris in the other garrisons l.
14. All these expeditions and depredations of Rama Raya
against the Muhammad an kingdoms, although they occasion-
ally were temporary allies of his, finally caused every one of the
Deccani Sovereigns to join in a common alliance to put an end
to the unbearable arrogance of the Hindu Monarch. Such
was the origin of the confederacy of all the Muhammadans of
the Deccan against the Hindu Empire. The result was the so-
called battle of Talikota, a battle that had such a dire influence
on the future of Vijayanagara. We shall relate all these events
in one of the following chapters.
Rama Raya, however, was not blind in his arrogance. He
had long foreseen a future attack of the Muhammadan powers
on his capital. In order to repulse this danger, early in the first
year of the reign of Sadasiva he had constructed another
1. Ferishta, III, p, 409-11.
13
98 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
bastion in the walls of Vijayanagara under the superintendence
of Era Krishnappa Nayaka, the head of the Belur family, who
obtained the title of bearer of Sadasiva's betel-bag 1. More-
over he had fortified the hills of the northern frontier in the
Beilary and Cuddapah Districts, by erecting new forts and re-
pairing the old ones built in the time of Krishna Deva Raya 2.
But all these preparations proved useless before the terrible
onslaught of combined Muhammadan power.
1. M. A. D. 1920, p. 38.
2. Of. Gribble, Manual of Cuddapah, p. 87.
CHAPTER VI
EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS INTO THE SOUTH
SUMMARY.—1. Muhammadan conquest of Madura.— 2. Vira Ballala
Ill's war against tho Muhammadans.— 3. Foundation of Vijaya-
nagara. Rcconqucst of Madura by Kumara Campana. —
4. Restoration of the Pandyas. Expeditions of Harihara II. —
5. Lakkana and Madana instal the Pandya heirs on the Madura
throne. — 6. Campaign of Narasa Nayaka. — 7. Krishna Deva
Raya's conquests in the south. — 8. The King of Travancore in-
vades the Pandya country. — 9. Achyuta's expedition against
Travancore.^-10. Results of this campaign. — 11. The Paravas
of the Fishery Coast put themselves under Portuguese protection.
— 12. Nagama Nayaka and his son Visvanatha Nayaka. — 13. Vis-
vanatha's first Viceroyalty in Madura. — 14. Nagama Nayaka's
campaign against Vira Bokhara Chola. — 15. Visvanatha rein-
states Chandra Sekhara Pandya on the throne of Madura. —
16. Second Viceroyalty of Visvanatha in Madura.— 17. Visva-
natha Nayaka appointed King of Madura.
Contemporary Sources. — 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. — 2. Pandy-
an Chronicle ; Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula Charitra ; Mrtyunjaya MSS.;
Supplementary MSS. ; History of the Karnaiaka Governors ; The Royal
Line of the Kwnataka Princes ; Desct iption of the Karnataka Lords.
3. Amir Khusru, Tarikh-i-Alai ; Travels of Ibn Batuta. 4. St.
Francis Xavier's letters. — 5. Nuniz's Chronicle; Sousa, Oriente
Conquistado ; Du Jarric, Thesaurus ; Nieuhoff, Travels. — 6. Jai-
mini B karat amu ; Saluvabhyudayam ; Ramabhyudaya ; Achyutaraya-
bhyudayam ; Varadambika — Parinayam.
IN reviewing the history of the Telugu domination over
the South of India, the climax of which was reached during the
fourth Dynasty of Vijayanagara, it is now opportune to give a
.brief account of the early Telugu expeditions into the southern
dominions, which will enable us to understand bet^
quent military exploits of the Aravidu Emc
subordinate Telugu chiefs in those regions.
The city of Madura, which was the catiaLnhe
of the Pandyas several centuries before
100 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
fallen into the hands of the Muhammadans in the beginning of
the I4th century. In or about 1310, the Sultan of Delhi, Alau-d-
din Khilji, sent an expedition to the South under the command
of his Minister Malik Kafur, at the request of Sundara Pandya
who had been driven from his kingdom by his rival half brother
Vira Pandya l. When Malik Kafur arrived at the city of
Madura, he found it empty. Vira Pandya had abandoned it on
hearing of the approach of the Muslim army 2. It seems
however that Malik Kafur set out from Madura in pursuit, and
at last succeeded in capturing Vira ; for the Pandyan Chronicle
and the Supplementary MSS. say that Paracrama-Pandyon-
dever (Vira Pandya) was seized by the Muhammadans and
sent to Delhi 3. The Muhammadan historian says that after
some months, Malik Kafur accompanied by his army returned
to Delhi with all the plunder 4. But we are sure that part of
the military garrison remained in Madura; as the Pandyan
Chronicle states that three years after the conquest of Malik
Kafur, "all things were conducted in the Muhammadan manner;
men were in dread of showing themselves to each other ; ail
things were in strife and disorder". Subsequently several
Muhammadan governors are mentioned 5.
We may take it, however, that the native rulers of the
South, some years later, defeated the Muslim usurpers °. For
Ferishta informs us that in the year A. H. 727, corresponding
to our 1327, the Sultan of Delhi, Muhammad Tughlak, " sub-
dued the whole of the Karnatik both in length and breadth, even
to the shore of the sea of Oman ", that is the Indian Ocean 7.
But it seems that the Muhammadan general who led this
1. Amir Khusru, Tarikh-i Alai, Ellioit, III, p. 88.
2. Ibid., p. 91.
3. Pandyan Chronicle, Taylor, 0. //, MSS., I, p. 33 ; Supplcmnetary
MSS., Ibid, p. 203.
4. Elliot, 1. c.
5. Pandyan Chronile, 1. c.
6. Dr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, in his Introduction to R. Sathya-
natha Aiyar's History of the Nayaks of Madura, p. 5, mentions a '* tem-
porary turning out of the Muhammadan garrison by the Malabar
ruler, Bavi Varman Kulasekhara, in 1316. "
7. Ferishta, I, p. 413.
EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS INTO THE SOUTH 101
expedition into the south, knowing the difficulties of the Sultan
in the North, broke allegiance with the Sovereign and declared
himself independent Sultan of Ma'bar. Ibn Batuta only says
that " those parts (Ma'bar) were seized by theSherif, Jalal-ud-din
Hasan Shah " l. We are told that this happened when he killed
the lieutenants and agents of his sovereign, and struck gold and
silver coins bearing his own name 2. Now the earliest date of
the coins of Jalal-ud-din is 1335, while coins of Muhammad
Tughlak have been found in Madura bearing the dates of 1330,
1333 and 1334. We may conclude from these dates that the
rebellion of the Sherif of Madura took place at the end of 1334
or in 1335. Ibn Batuta, who was the brother-in-law of the first
Madura Sultan, states that Jalal-ud-din Hasan Shah reigned for
five years. Before his death he appointed one of his Amirs,
Alai-ud-din, as his successor, who was, however, soon after
accidently killed by an arrow during a sally. He was succeed-
ed by Qutb-ud-din, his brother's son; but he too was killed, in
consequence of his bad conduct. Then another Amir of Jalal-ud-
din was elected named Ghiath-ud-dm, who married a daughter
of the same Jalal-ud-din ;*.
2. The Muhammadan conquest of Madura naturally had
very bad consequences for the Hindu population. The Pandyan
Chronicle says that " the proper tutelary god of Madura went
into the Malayalam country. Then the wall of the temple, the
fourteen towers on it, and the streets inside were destroyed.
The shrine of the god, the small choultry and the great choultry
escaped" 4.
The old Pandya rulers, enfeebled by previous internal
disensions, were unable to resist the fanatical power of the
Muslims. But there was another Hindu Monarch in the South
who ventured to uproot the followers of the Prophet from the
soil ; and although he did not succeed himself, yet he paved the
1. Defremery, Voyages d' Ibn Batoutali, IV, p. 189.
2. Elliot, III, p. 618. There is one of theso coins in tho British
Museum.
3. Defremery, 1. c.
4. Pandyan Chtaniele, Taylor, 0. H. MSS., I, 35.
102 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
way for his successors, the Emperors of Vijayanagara, who
finally obtained a triumphant victory over the Muhammadans.
This monarch was the Hoysala King Vira Ballala III.
This sovereign, whose army amounted to one hundred and
twenty thousand men, had been at constant war against the
Muslims. In one of his campaigns he even reached the
southern point at Rameswaram. At the entrance of its bridge
he set up a pillar of victory. l.
Ibn Batuta speaks of one of the battles that took place at
Madura between Vira Ballala and Sultan Ghiath-ud-din in 1342.
This was the last battle fought by the brave Hoysala Monarch.
He says that Vira Ballala made an attack on the town of Cob-
ban2, which belonged to the Madura Sultan and was garrisoned
with six thousand soldiers. Having defeated them, he invested
the town. " This was reported to the Sultan ", says Ibn Batu-
ta, " and the town was nearly lost. He then marched out with
his forces amounting to seven thousand, every man of whom
took off his turban and hung it upon the neck of his horse,
signifying that they were bent upon death. They then made a
charge upon the infidel king, while his men were taking their
midday repose ; and routed them thoroughly. The greater
majority were killed ; not one escaping except the cavalry and
some of those who concealed themselves in the woods, escaping.
The Sultan (vis. King Vira Ballala) was taken prisoner,
his wealth seized, himself afterwards killed, and I saw his body
hanging against a wall in the town " ;{.
3. Such was the glorious end of Vira Ballala III. His
rival, the Madura Sultan, died shortly after and was succeeded
by his nephew Nasir-ud-din, whom Dr. S. Krishnaswami
Aiyangar makes responsible for the murder of Vira Ballala 4.
We know several coins of some of his successors, during whose
1. Ep. Cam., X, Mr, 82.
2. Lee. The Travels of Ibn Batuta, p. 193, roads Kiar Dr.
S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, South India, p. 238, says that Cobban may
be read Koppam, and identifies it with Kannanur-Koppam, a little
north to Srirangam.
3. Defremery, o. c., p. 195-8.
4 S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Smith India, p. 186.
EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS INTO THE SOUTH 103
time the Madura Sultanate became every day more and more
enfeebled. This period witnessed the separation of the south-
ern provinces from the old kingdom of Madura. Qn the
eastern coast particularly the extensive districts of Ramnad and
Marava had given up all allegiance both to the Pandyas and to
the Muhammadans l.
When the Hoysaia Empire became extinct, as a result of
this continuous fighting with the Muhammadans, five princes
feudatory to that family retired northwards. They wished
to oppose any Muslim invasion coming from the Deccan, in
order to isolate the Muhammadans of Madura. Thus " through
the influence of Vidyaranya, the Kingdom of Anaikhondi
(Vijayanagara) was established" 2. Prince Bukka, by the
foundation of Vijayanagara, became " an elevator of the
Hoysaia Empire" 3. This glorious event may be placed about
1340. The Vijayanagara Empire had inherited from the Hoysaia
Emperors the war traditions against the Madura Muhamma-
dans, and faithfully carried them on.
One of the founders, Bukka, sent his son Kumara Kampana
Odeyar towards the South in order to drive the Muhammadans
from Madura 4. We know from lithic records that this
prince 5 conquered Tondai-mandalam 6, took possession of
1. Wilson, Historical Sketch of the Kingdom of Pandyas, The Madras
Journal of Literature and Sciences, VI, p. 199.
2. Koyilolugu, Ep. Ind., VI, p. 323. Cf. S. Srikantaiya, The Hoysaia
Empire, Q.J. M. S., VIII, p. 74; S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar,S0w/// India,
p. 181 ; the same author in his Introduction to Satbyanatha Aiyar's
History of the Nayaks, p. 1 ; Krishnamacharlu, The Origin, Growth and
Decline of the Vijayanagara Empire, Ind. Ant., LI, p. 233 ; H. Krishna
Sastri. The Hoysalas in the Chola Country, A. S. L, 1909-10, p. 159.
3. M. E. R., 1918, sec. 47.
4. Sewell, p. 27, and, after him, Hemingway, Trichinopoly
Gazatteer, p. 48, say that Bukka conquered all the kingdoms of the
South : but Nuniz, whose authority Sewell refers to, only says that
14 he conquered many lands which, at the time of the destruction of
that kingdom, remained rebellious". Sewell, p. 300. Were these lands
the southern kingdoms? If so, perhaps these words of Nuniz also refer
to the conquest of Kampana.
5. Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, in his Introduction to Sathya-
natha Aiyar's History of the Nayaks, p. 3, says that the local chronic-
les of Madura assign him the task of 'door-keeper of the last great
Hoysaia King, Vira Ballala.'
6. Ep. Cam., Ill, Nj, 117 ; IV, Yl, 64, and Gu, 32. It seems that at
Kanchivaram and Tiruvannamalai there are inscriptions confirming
the same. Cf. Francis, South Arcot Gazetteer, p. 36,
104 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VJJAYANAGARA
the kingdom of Rajagambhira, (the Pandya kingdom) l, and
captured a portion of the Ramnad zamindari. This is stated
in two inscriptions of his in the old temple of Vishnu at Tirup-
pullani 2. The Kamparayacharitam, a historical poem written
by Ganga Devi, one of the wives of Prince Kampana, informs
us that, while proceeding to the South, he reduced the city
of Kanchivaram, after defeating the forces of the Tamilian King
Chanparaya and killing him in a duel. The poem likewise
states that, in the battle with the Muharamadans previous to
the capture of Madura, the Sultan ruling in the place was also
killed 3. The Pandyan Chronicle also gives a very interesting
account of the conquest of Madura and of subsequent events.
It says : " Kampanuduaver (Kampana Odeyar), a native of
Karnata, having conquered the Muhammadans,took possession
of the kingdom. He opened the Siva and Vishnu temples,
which had been locked up. He opened the god's temple at
Madura, and obtained a personal view of the god. Things were
found precisely as on the day when the temple was shut ; the
lamp that was lighted on that day, the sandal wood powder,
the garland of flowers, and the ornaments usually placed on
the morning of festival days, were now found to be exactly as
it is usual to find them in the evening of such festival
days 4. The general seeing this miracle was glad, struck his
eyes, and with great piety made the customary offerings ; he
gave many villages to the temple and many jewels, and estab-
lished ordinances for the regular perfomance of worship. " 5.
The Supplementary MSS. inform us that he removed the
covering of sandal paste from the images of the Siva and Vishnu
temples. Since the time of the Muhammadan invasion the
performance of pujas had been discontinued 6.
1. 18 of 1899. Of. Ep. Ind., VI, p. 324, and Ind. AoL* XX, p. 289.
2. Sewell, I, p. 301 and 302.
3. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 23-4; Ramabhyudaya,
Ibid., p. 32.
4. Evidently these facts are exaggerated by the chronicler.
5. Taylor, O. H. MSS., I, p. 35-7.
6. Ibid., p. 205,
EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS INTO THE SOUTH 105
The Hindu cult was likewise restored in Srirangam as a
result of Kampana's campaign. In the Prapannamrtam it is
related that when Gopanaraya, Prince Kampana's minister l
and Governor of Jinji, learnt of the progress of his master in
the Pandya country, he went to Tirupati, took with him the
idols of the god Ranganatha and of his two queens, which had
been sent there from Malabar and Mysore 2, and proceeded
to his own town of Jinji, where for a time he kept the idols in
a rock-cut temple at Singavaram. Staying at Jinji he obtained
information as to the strength of th^ Muhammadans, and at a
favourable moment set out for Srirangam with his army. The
Muslim forces were defeated by Gopana, who replaced the
three images in their shrine at Srirangam, after re-con stc-
rating the god and his two consents 3. Saluva Mangu, one
of the ancestors of Saluva Narasimha, the founder of the second
Dynasty, was also one of the generals who took part in this
expedition against the South. He was an intimate friend of
Prince Kampana 4.
As to the date of Kampana's expedition Dr. S. Krishna-
swami Aiyangar r> puts it prior to [358. Certainly, if the
date of the inscription referred to by the lear.ietl Professor, and
those of the above mentioned inscriptions at Ramnad are
correct, we must perforce assign that early date to the
military exploits of the son of Bukka 1. But since this is not
yet proved, we cannot explain how, if he and his successors
were Viceroys in Madura, the Muhammadan Sultans could
have struck money in the same capital. We have coins of the
last Sultan Ala-ud-din Sikandar Shah, dated A. H. 779, which
1. 250 of 1901.
2. An inscription on the Ranganatha temple at Tiruvasi states
that Gopanaraya himself recovered the linages of Ranganatha and his
consorts from the Muhammadans. 55 of 1892.
3. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 35-6. Cf. Ep. Ind., VI
p. 322-3.
4. Jaimini Bharata?n1 S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 29 ;
Saluvabhyudayam, Ibid., p. 30 and p. 90; Ramabhyudflva, Ibid., p. 32.
5. South India, p. 182.
14
106 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
corresponds to A. D. 1377 l. And since we know that
Kumara Kampana drove out of Madura the followers of the
prophet, we think it reasonable to assign this final date
for the completion of his conquest in the South 2.
After his conquests Prince Kumara fixed his residence at
Madura. He ruled all over the South as a semi-independent
Viceroy. We know from epigraphical records that " he was
pleased to conduct the rule of the earth on a permanent throne" :{.
His prime minister Somappa is mentioned in two ot his
inscriptions :il Melpadi 4 and at Achcharapakkam 5. He
was succeeded by his son Jammana Odeyar f\ called
sometimes Embana Udeiyar 7. or Ommana Udaiyar K. It
seems that his brother-in-law, Porkasa or Prakasa succeeded
him, and he ceased to reign in I4049. During this length of
time the Emperors of Vijayanagara always remained the
over-lords, as a Srirangam inscription of Harihara II, dated
1379 or 1399, evidently shows 10.
4. One of the most transcendental acts of Kumara
Kampana in the South was the restoration of the Pandya
monarchs. He made inquiries concerning persons of their
race and their respective rights. The result of these inquiries
was the coronation of Soma Sekhara Pandya as the Pandya
1. Brown, The Coins of India, p. 82.
2. Mr. Rangachari, The Life and Times of Sri-Vcdanta-Desika,
J.B.B.R.A.S., XXIV, p. 308, states that the whole conquest of
the South was over in 1365. The fact that the date assigned for the
restoration of the sacred images to Srirangam was 1371-2, according
to a local inscription, does not prove that the conquest was finished
at that time, since such a restoration could take place before the
final conquest of the whole country.
3. 18 of 1899.
4. Ibid.
5. 250 of 1901.
6. Hultszch,S0w/A Indian Inscriptions, T, 72.
7. Nelson, Madura Country, III, p. 82.
8. Ep. Ind., VI, p. 325. Cf. Pandyan Chronicle, Taylor, O. H.
MSS., I, p. 35 -7.
9. Nelson, 1. c., Sewell, II, p. 223,
10. 29 of 1890,
EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS INTO THE SOUTH 107
sovereign. The Supplementary MSS. mention fourteen of his
successors until the conquest of Visvanatha Nayaka J.
These Pandya chiefs were probably content to be depend-
ent on Vijayanagara. They maintained a modified subordinate
authority in at least a part of their dominions. But when the
dynasty founded by Kampana was tottering, they began to think
of independence, and actually, more than once, it seems, tried to
expel from their country the officials of the Emperors of
Vijayanagara. There is good evidence of a successful Pandya
inroad as far as Kanchivaram in 1469 fj. This explains the
subsequent military expeditions sent by the sovereigns of
Vijayanagara from time to time.
The Alampundi Plate of Virupaksha informs us that this
Prince, son of Harihara II, conquered the kingdoms of Tundira,
Chola and Pandya in the beginning of his father's reign and
brought the booty to him :{. And this same Prince in his
poem Narayanivilasam calls himself the governor of the
Karnata, Tundira, Chola and Pandya Mandalas, and even
claims to have set up a pillar of victory in the island of
Ceylon 4.
5. Two officers of the Empire were again governing in
Madura during the reign of Devaraya II. Their names were
Lakkana and Madana. The Pandyan Chronicle gives forty-
seven years as the period of their governorship. In this case,
the time of their rule lasted more than the reign of the afore-
said Emperor. We may take it, however, to be a mistake on
the part of the Chronicle ; since it is quite evident that the dates
and especially the figures given are inaccurate. Probably
Madana died before Lakkana or was deprived of his post
earlier, because the Chronicle says that Lakkana, " having
brought the children of a Pandya King by his (the King's)
concubine, one Abirami, a dancing girl of the Kali temple, he
crowned them, paid them homage, and delivered over the
1. Taylor, O. H. MSS., I, p. 205.
2. Cf. Hemingway, Trichinopoly Gazetteer, p. 49.
3. Ep. Ind., p. 53, v. 6.
4. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 53.
108 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF V1JAYANAGARA
kingdom to them, they being children of the Pandya ; and they
reigned". Madana is not mentioned at all on the occasion of
this ceremony, viz. the installation of the Pandya heirs on the
ancestral throne by a representative of Vijayanagara. This
perhaps means that their task in the South was either to subdue
the country which had rebelled against the Pandyas, or to put
an end to a family fight springing from a lack of legitimate
offspring; for the Pandyas finally enthroned by Lakkana were
the sons of a concubine. This fact would perhaps indicate
that, from this time, the legitimate descent of the Pandya
family was at an end. Some years later Achyuta Raya learnt
from Nagama Na\aka that Chandra Sekhara Pandya, the King
of Madura, who had been deposed by the Chola King, and whom
he had to re-instate, also was an illegitimate heir of the Pandya
kingdom 1. The Pandyas raised by Lakkaria to the throne
were, according to the Chronicle, Suntara-tora-mavili-vanathi-
rayer, Kaliyar-somanar, Anjatha-perumal and Muttara-satiru-
mali-mavili-vanathi-rayer 2.
6. The expedition led about a century later by Narasa
Nayaka, the founder of the third dynasty, was supposed to be
against a Pandya sovereign named Manabusha. This is based
on the Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva. Manabusha was
probably allied with a chief of Nadu-nadu, Sundarattoludaiyan
Mavalivanadarayan, who was in possession of the city of
Madura :i. Narasa Nayaka was then a great general of
the army of Vijayanagara. The Varahapuranam extols him as
the generalissimo of all the forces of the Empire, and in great
favour with king Saluva Narasimha 4. But his expedition
to the South was somewhat earlier, because the Pandya King
Manabusha, who must be identified with Arikesari Parakrama
1. Tanjavuri Andhra Kajula Charitra, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar,
Sources, p. 320.
2. Taylor, O. H. MSS., 1, p. 37.
3. Gopinatha Rao, Inscriptions of Litter Pandyas, T. A. 5'.,
I, p. 53.
4. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. o., p. 87-8.
EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS INTO THE SOUTH 109
Pandya bearing the surname of Manakavacha *, ruled till
about 1466. This date brings us up to the reign of either
Mallikarjuna or Virupaksha, during which this general's
glorious achievements in the South must be placed.
In the Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva, it is stated that
the Pandya king and his confederates of the South were forced
** to bear his commands (vh. Narasa Nayaka's) on their heads
as flowers on their crowns " 2. This clearly indicates a
victory on the part of the Vijayanagara general. But the
Achyuiarayabhyud.yam gives a full account of the campaign.
According to it, Narasa Na> aka captured the fort of
Manava (Manuva?) Durga from its Muhammadan ruler and
gave it back to him. Laying a bridge across the Kaveri,
he captured Srirangam and after defeating and killing the
Marava ruler, finally seized the city of Madura. Then in
another battle he defeated a chief called Konetiraja, who
opposed him with his elephant forces, :{.
It seems certain that there were many rebellious princes in
the South at or about this time. Thj Varadambika-Parinayam
gives a more minute account of the campaigns of Narasa, and
more than once mentions kings defeated by him. Marching
across the Tondat-mandalam Narasa approached the Chola
kingdom whose king had been opposing his troops and harassing
the country, then crossed to the South of the Kaveri and awaited
the arrival of the enemy who prepared to h'ght. But in the
iierce battle that ensued Narasa imprisoned the Chola chief and
took possession of his capital, probably Tanjore. Then the
Vijayanagara general entered the town of Madura and was pre-
sented by its sovereign with valuable articles. He proceeded to
Rameswaram across the sea. This means probably that the
Pandya King declared himself tributary to Vijayanagara, with-
1. Cf. Gopinatha Rao, o. c.t p. 52, and Ind. Ant., IX, p. 330.
Dr. S. Krisbiiaswami Aiyangar. in his Introduction to Sathyanatha
Aiyar's History of the Nayaks, p. 7, says that the expedition took place
in the period of the usurpation of Saluva Narasimha.
2. Ep. Ind., IX, p. 340, vv. 9-11.
3. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 108.
JIO THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
out opposing the army of Narasa. But before reaching Rames-
waram he had to defeat and kill the Marava ruler, according
to the other poem referred to above. Thence he proceeded
against Seringapatam. It was easily reduced, after construct-
ing a bridge across the Kaveri which was then in flood. The
Seringapatam ruler surrendered with all his relative's. Narasa
forgave him and restored his kingdom to him l.
These vicissitudes of the Vijayanagara power and the power
of the Pandyas over the kingdom of Madura are also mentioned
in the Pandyan Chronicle, which states that before Krishna Deva
Raya "the kings who ruled over the Mathurai-mandalam were
for a part of this period of the Pandya race. In some portion
of it, some of the afore-mentioned kings (of Vijayanagara)
expelled the Pandyas and ruled themselves. During all this "
adds the same chronicle, 4t twice they (the Pandyas) took refuge
in other villages " 2.
7. During the reign of Krishna Deva Raya we find a
great expedition of this King, probably into the Tamil country.
We say 'probably* because the town mentioned by Nuniz while
narrating this campaign has not been hitherto identified. He
narrates that, after having finished the war with the king of
Orissa, Krishna Raya "made ready a large army and prepared to
attack Catuir, which is the land of a lord who had been in revolt
for fifty years ; this land is on the Charamandel (Coromandel)
side. And he marched against it, and laid siege to one of the
principal cities where the lord of the land was ; and it is
called. ...(Unfortunately there is here a blank in the original)
and is surrounded with water".
"Now at the time when Crisnarao attacked this city, " con-
tinues Nuniz, " it was winter, for which cause the river that
surrounded it was so swollen, and carried down so much
water, that the king could do no hariti to the place. * And King
Crisnarao, seeing this, and seeing that time was passing away
without his attaining his desire, commanded his men to cut
many new channels in order to be able to attack that principal
1. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 170-1. Cf. Pandyan
Chronicle, Taylor, O. H. M 85., I, p. 37.
2. Pandyan Chronicle, Taylor, O. //. MSSn 1, p, 32.
EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS INTO THE SOUTH III
(river) which had opposed itself to the fulfilment of his wishes.
And this was done in a short time, since he had many
soldiers; and after the (new) water-courses were finished and
brought to where the water should go, he opened mouths in the
river, the water of which very soon flowed out so that the
bottom could be seen ; and it was left so shallow that it enabled
him to reach the walls of the city ; and the river was thus
diverted into fifty different bods. Inside the city were one
hundred thousand foot-soldiers and three thousand cavalry,
who defended themselves and fought very bravely ; but this
availed little to prevent Crisnarao from entering in a few days
and slaughtering all of them. He found large treasures in this
city, including a million and six hundred thousands pardaos in
ready money, besides jewels and horses, which were numerous,
and elephants. And after he had finished the capture of this
land Crisnarao divided it amongst many of his captains, giving
to each one what was necessary for him : and the chief who
lived in the city and who was lord of the land was taken
captive and carried to Bisnaga, where he died in the King's
prison " *.
The account of Nuniz is supplemented by a more recent but
not less trustworthy work. In the beginning of the IQth
century, Colonel William Macleod, acting Commissioner in
Arcot, requested a learned man of Jinji, named Narayen, to
v/rite a history of the Karnataka country. Narayen making
use ot the old traditions as well as of the available documents,
produced the Karnataka Rajakal Savistara Charitnun. Section
eight of this work is all devoted to the history of Jinji. There
he narratLS that during the reign of Krishna Deva Raya, the
Jinji country was divided among several petty chiefs who did
not acknowledge the authority of the emperors of Vijayanagara.
In order to reduce them, Krishna Raya sent a considerable
army into the Karnatik, which is said to have consisted of
100,000 men, under the command of four chiefs named Vaiyap-
pa Nayaker, Tubaki Krishnappa Nayaker, Vijaya Raghava
Nayaker and Venkatappa Nayaker. The army encamped near
X, Sewell, p. 320-2,
112 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Vellore. No battle or attack on the fort is there mentioned
but the submission of all the chiefs of the surroundings seems
to point to a victory of the imperial army. Narayen says that
the chief of Chittoor and other petty rulers of the Tondaman-
dalam country had an interview with Vaiyappa Nayaker, who
seems to have been the generalissimo. One of the chiefs
mentioned is Bomma Reddi of Calastri. On this occasion
Vaiyappa fixed their rate of tribute. From Vellore the imperial
army proceeded to Jinji. Hear another meeting was held-
with the chiefs of the Chola mandalam, and their tribute was
also settled. In the meantime, while in Jinji, he despatched
the subordinate generals towards the South to levy tribute on
the Pandya, Chola and Chera Kingdoms. They were respects
fully received by the rulers of these kingdoms, arid the tribute
was paid. Krishna Deva Raya derived three crores of rupees
from the eastern Karnataka. For the administration of these
newly acquired dominions, he divided the whole country into
three parts under three Viceroys. The first extended from
Nellore to the river Colerun ; this was placed under Tubaki
Krishnappa Nayaker, who fixed his capital at Jinji. The
second was the fertile country washed by the Kaveri river, and
was governed by Vijaya Raghava, who resided at Tanjore.
Finally the third was the whole country South of the said
Kaveri river, and this was assigned to Venkatappa Nayaker,
who eventually settled at Madura ].
1. Taylor, Catalogue Raisonncc, III, p. 39. Both expeditions, the
one of Nuniz and this of Narayen seem to refer to the same oveut,
for the aim of both was the same, viz. the subjection of the eastern
Karnatik. After both expeditions the country was divided among
the generals of Krishna Raya. Moreover Catuir may be a corruption
for Chittoor. Finally the first city that fell into the hands of the
imperialists seems to have been, according to Narayen, Vellore. Now
Sewell, p. 320, note, identifies the unnamed city captured by Krishna
Deva Raya in Nuniz's chronicle with this city of Vellore: "The
description of the town answers to Vellore in North Arcot, the fine
old fort at which place is surrounded with a deep moat. According to
tradition, this place was captured by Krishna Deva Raya from a
Reddi chief". An apparent objection to the identification of these
two campaigns may bo the fact that the expedition mentioned by
Nuniz was led by the same sovereign, who is not mentioned in
Narayen's account. But if we consider that the capture of Vellore
seems to have been omitted by the latter, we may also conclude that
the fact of Krishna Deva Raya not being mentioned cannot afford a
valid argument against our theory.
EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS INTO THE SOUTH II 3
Moreover Paes says that Krishna Raya " has five kings,
his subjects and vassals" J, and Nuniz gives a fuller informa-
tion ; " The kings who are subject are these," says he, " besides
this king of Bsngapor, namely the king of Gasopa (G *rsoppa)
and the king of Bacanor (Barkur) and the king of Calecu
(Calicut) and he of Batecala (Bhatkal) and these, when they
come to the court of Bisnaga, are not held in higher esteem
than any other captains, either by the king or by the other
nobles1' '•*.
No more information concerning the south is given
during the time of Krishna Deva Raya ; but from a fact
narrated in the beginning of the reign of Achyuta, we note
that a rebellion took place in the Tamil country at the end
of the reign of Krishna. This forced Achyuta to prepare a
new expedition into the south on the first day after his
coronation.
8. One of the subordinate governors of Krishna in the
South, named Sellapa, had revolted against him. He was
defeated by an imperial army, fled from his province, and took
refuge in the kingdom of Travancore. What province was
the one ruled by Sellapa is not quite clear ; but it seems
probable that Sellapa was the same ruler of the Chola kingdom
whom the Achyutaniyabhyud<iyam speaks of a little later on 3.
Travancore was supposed to be at this time tributary to
Vijayanagara, 4. Its king not only received *he fugitive
under his protection, but made an alliance with him. Both
invaded the Pandya kingdom, waged war against its ruler
and drove him from his ancestral dominions \
There had been occasional lights between Travancore
1. Sewell, p. 281. ~~~
2. Ibid., p. 374. Naturally Nuniz mentions only the king of
Kanara who was in the vicinity of the Portugucs? forts.
3. Canto VI, S. Krishnnswumi Aiyangar, Sutures, p. 159.
4. Faria y Sousa, I, p. 81, while relating the history of the
year 1506 says: " Aqui empitvu el do Travancore, a que llainamos
Grande, por ser mayor de los Malabares; y es sujeto al deNarsinga".
5. Achyutarayabhyudayamt canto IV, S. Krishna swumi Aiyangar
Sources, p. 158-9.
15
114 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
and the Pandyas from the beginning of the fifteenth century.
In the first half, Chera Udaya Marthanda Varma had
captured all the south-eastern possessions of Travancore
on the Tinnevelly side which, he said, had been taken from
his predecessors by the Pandya king. This Chera Udaya often
resided at Valliyur and Chera Maha Devi, in the newly
conquered territories1. The Balabhagavatam records the
campaign of another Raja of Travancore against the Pandya
kingdom in which he was aided by Chinna Timma, a Prince
of the Aravidu family who received the title of Tiruvadi
Rajyasthapanacharya 2. The monarch of Travancore who
received in his territory the insurgent Sell a pa and afterwards
invaded the Pandyan dominions, was Bhutala Sri Vira Udaya
Marthanda Varma (1494-1535) of the Tirupattur branch. He
had previously exacted tribute from Ceylon, and used to keep a
corps of three hundred female archers 3. With the aid of
Sellapa and taking advantage of the decease of the Emperor,
which Nuniz speaks of, 4 Marthanda Varma over ran a
large part of the Pandya country consisting practically of the
whole present district of Tinnevelly 5. The Tumbichchi
Nayaka Kumaralinga, (1502-1535), whose rebellion is recorded in
these years, probably joined the invaders against the neigh-
bouring Pandya G. This unfortunate ruler was Srivalla-
bhadeva, the son of f Ahavarama 7. He was unable to
challenge the allies and retreated without giving battle to the
enemy. No encounter is mentioned anywhere between these
1. Shungoonny Menon, A History of Travancore, p. 94
8. Paramcswara Aiyar, Travancore and Vijayanagar, C. C. A/., XXII,
p. 181.
2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 205.
3. Nagam Aiya, Travancore Manual, I, p. 297.
4. Sewell, p. 336.
5. Nagam Atya, o. c., p. 295.
6. Cf. Rangachuri, The History of the Naik Kingdom, Ind. Ant.
XLIII, p. 189.
7. Cf.Gopinatha Rao, Vcllangudi Plates, £/>. Ind., XVI, p. 303,
and Inscriptions of Later Pandyas, T.A. S., I, p. 55-6. Rangachuri, o.c.p.
190, thinks that the Pandya ruling at tins time was Srivallabha's
father Ahavarama.
EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS INTO THE SOUTH 115
parties. But he appealed at the same time to the Vijayanagara
Emperor for help.
When this news reached the capital, Krishna Deva Raya
was probably near the last days of his life, and consequently
nothing was said to him. But as soon as Achyuta Raya
arrived from Chandragiri and was crowned at Vijayanagara,
his minister informed him of the affairs of the Empire, and
reported to him the rebellion of Sellapa and the war of the
Travancore sovereign against the Pandya. Achyuta Raya
consequently resolved upon making war against Sellapa and
king Marthanda Varma, and ordered his brother-in-law,
the Mahamandalesvara Salakaraja Chinna Tirumalayyadeva-
Mahawja, 1 whom he appointed generalissimo, to be ready
with his army to march southwards after some days.
9. The King in person commanded the expedition. Achyuta
started from Vijayanagara after a while and went straight to
Chandragiri in a few days. "There he stationed his troops,"
says the Achyutarayabhyudayam, which gives a full account of
this campaign, " and went to Tirupati to worship the god at the
place. He presented to the god a pair of earrings, a padaka 2
and a jewelled crown, and stayed there for a few days.
He then went to Kalahasti, worshipped the god at the place
and gave him large grants. From there Achyuta proceeded
with his army to Kanchi. There the King weighed himself
against pearls, which were distributed in charity. While at
Kanchi, several forest-kings (or chiefs) waited upon him with
tribute and presents. Accompanied by them, he proceeded
farther south and went to Arunasaila (Tiruvannamalai). After
worshipping the god of the place, he entered the Chola country
and, after a few days march, reached Srirangam." Achyuta
Raya did not proceed further ; either lured to stay there by
the pious and lonely character of the place, or persuaded by the
generalissimo that in subduing and capturing such a misera-
ble rebel as Sellapa his presence was unnecessary. So the
poem mentioned above tells us that the Emperor remained at
1. 51 of 1912.
2. 'A jewelled medallion hung on the necklace and worn on the
breast*. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 159.
116 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Srirangam and his army went from there southwards under
the command of Salakaraja Chinna Tirumalayyadeva.
After passing the city of Madura, the imperial army encam-
ped on the banks of the Tamraparni. Thence Salaka Chinna
despatched one of his subordinate officers to march against the
confederates. The Travancore King with his army advanced
against him near the mountains. There a great battle was
fought. Having been defeated in this battle Marthanda
Varma, with the remnant of his troops, approached the gen-
eral, acknowledged his own defeat, and handed over to him
the fugitive Sellapa. He also made him presents of
elephants and horses. The general accepted these presents on
behalf of his Sovereign and, accompanied by the King of
Travancore, proceeded to Trivandrum, to worship the god of
the place. Hence in a few days he returned to Srirangam,
where the Emperor had stayed and was spending his time
in the company of poets and scholars. The general presented
to him the King of Travancore and the other prisoners, and
submitted to him a report of the expedition. Achyuta order-
ed Marthanda Varma, who had invaded the Pandya territories,
to be punished, and the Pandya King to rule over his ancestral
territories. Thence Achyuta returned to Vijayanagara,
marching along the Kaveri and passing through Seringa-
patam l.
10. The effects of this campaign greatly influenced the
future of the South of India in its relations with Vijayanagara.
The King of Travancore professed himself a tributary of the
Emperor of Vijayanagara. We suppose this to be the punish,
ment inflicted by Achyuta. We have this information from an
inscription of Bhutala Vira Rama Varma at Suchindram in
Travancore 2. As to the Pandya King, he remained very
grateful to Achyuta for restoring his old territory to him. An
inscription at Kanchivaram states that, after this campaign
the Emperor married a daughter of the Pandya King ;{.
1. Achyutarayabhyudayam, cantos V-X, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar,
o.c.,p. 159-60.
2. 64 of 1896.
3. 49 and 50 of 1900 ; M. E. /?., 1900, p. 27,
EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS INTO THE SOUTH 117
This shows the latter's gratitutde and his desire to cement
the friendship between the Emperor and himself. With
the aid of Vijayanagara, he "brought back the Pandya
kingdom to its pristine glory ". On account of that, in the
Pudukkottai Plates of Srivalabha and Varatungarama Pandya,
he is given the title of " Pandya-rajyasthapanacharya " that is
* establisher of the kingdom of Pandya ' 1.
But he is not the only person who bears this title. Achyuta
Raya himself is honoured with it in the Achyutarayabhyudayam -.
The Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva also give the same
title to the Nayaks of Madura :* ; most probably some of their
ancestors took part in this campaign of Achyuta. But as a
matter of fact, we know from other sources that Nagama
Nayaka, the father of the first Nayak of Madura, was one of
the generals in this campaign. It seems that he lived in
Kanchivaram, while holding the military command over the
Tondai-mandalam. He would therefore have been taken by
Achyuta when the latter went to Travancore. For Nagama was
naturally able to give first class advice, on account of his
familiarity with the Tamil people and their language 4.
Nagama's son Visvanatha was also probably in the imperial
army "'. Another in the army was probably the powerful
magnate called Nagappa 6.
The Pandyan Chronicle records that the Viceroy of Madura
at the time of the expedition of Achyuta was Aiyakarai Vai-
1. T. A. S.. I, p. 54.
2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 165.
3. Ep. Ind., IX, p. 341, vv. 46-57.
4. Cf. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 303, and T. A. S., I, p. 56.
5. Padmaneri grant of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 297, vv.
58.59 ; Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ibid., p. 320 ; M. E. /?., 113 of
1988 ; 1905-6, App. A, copper-plate 14; 1909, p. 119. The Tintppani-
malai says also that Visvanatha defeated Tiruvadi in battle and
compelled him to pay tribute. Cf. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 305. Gopinatha
Rao, Vellangudi Plates, o. c., p. 303, thinks that Visvanatha was not
in this campaign, but in some other later on, perhaps in that of
Vitthala.
6. M. E. R., 1900, p. 119.
Il8 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
yappa '. Very little is known of the Madura Viceroys previous
to Nagama Nayaka and Visvanatha. The Pandyan Chronicle
gives a list of six of them from the time of Narasa
Nayaka up to 1535 2, reproduced by N^son and Seweil 3;
the above mentioned Aiyakarai Vaiyappa appears ruling in
the last period before Visvanatha's first rule, from 1530 to 1535.
during which the expedition of Achyuta to Travancore took
place. All seem to be Telugus excepting one, Narasa Pillai, a
Tamilian, who ruled from 1515 to I5IQ. Pandit Subramania
Sarma gives another namews. Tirumal Nayaka as ruling in
Madura before the re-establishment of the Pandyas by
Visvanatha Nayaka 4.
II. About the same time, when Achyuta and his generals
were waging war with the sovereign of Travancore in favour of
the Pandya king, several events took place in the Fishery Coast
that occasioned many disagreeable encounters between the
Nayaks of Madura and the inhabitants of that coast. Many
influential Muhammadans had retreated there after their
expulsion from Madura. They had practically become the ulti-
mate owners of the pearl fisheries. Their tyranny over the poor
Paravas, who for a long time had been the sole masters, was
without limit. They would not allow the Paravas to fish
without their permission, and they claimed the monopoly in
dealing in pearls. The oppression of the Muhammadans had
excited even the quiet poor people of the coast, when in 1532 a
fight between a Parava and a Muslim occurred, from which the
former emerged badly^ wounded and with one of his ears torn.
That was an unbearable offence to the whole Parava caste;
who, after some days of secret plotting, suddenly attacked the
Muhammadan quarters of Tuticorin and killed a great number
of Muslims. The|rest had to commit themselves to their little
boats and fly from the city for their lives.
1. Pandyan Chronicle, Taylor, O. H. MSS., I. p. 137
2. Ibid.
3. Seweil, p. 385, note.
4. Subramania Sarma, A Short History of the Pandya Kingdom, p. 7,
EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS INTO THE SOUTH II<)
The revenge of the Muhammadans was terrible. They
collected an army, made an alliance with all the petty rulers of
the neighbourhood dependent on the Viceroy of Madura, and
together advanced against Tuticorin by land and sea. The
Nayaks of Bembar (Pedambur?) and Vaipar (Viranar ?), far from
joining this confederacy with the Muhammadans, even defended
the Paravas' territories. The poor Paravas of Tuticorin and its
vicinity were pitilessly massacred on this occasion. The
persecution lasted for some considerable time.
It happened that a Christian Malabarian named Joao da Cruz,
who had been in Portugal as an ambassador of the Zamorin of
Calicut, found himself on the Fishery Coast at this time. He
advised the Paravas that since they could not expect help from
the Viceroy of Madura, as the past events showed, they must
go to the Portuguese Captain of Cochin who would willingly
help them. Accordingly, fifteen of the most influential Paravas,
whom Fr. de Sousa calls F\ilcHg<itif, accompanied by da Cruz
proceeded to Cochin. The Captain of that place was then
Dr. Pero Vaz de Amaral, who received them in a very fatherly
way and promised to take up arms against the Muhammadans,
and to take the Paravas under the protection of the Portuguese
nation on condition of their all becoming Christians. To this
they gladly consented, and being instructed in the Christian
faith by Fr. Miguel Vaz, Vicar General of India, who was
then at Cochin, they were brp.U:J so.ns days after l.
1. Sousa, Orientc Conyuistado, I, p. 129-30 ; Du Jarric, Thesaurus >
1, p. 447-50; Juvencio, Epitome Historiac Societal is Jcsu, I, p. 489;
Maffei, Historiarum Indicant in, p. 538 ; Nieuhoff, Voyages
and Trawls, p. 225 and 246. Cf. Besse, Li Mission du Madurc, p. 370;
D'Sa, History of the Catholic Church in India* II, p. 31. I have read
in a recently published book the following : 4t The Paravas, the
fisher-folk along the coast, were being rapidly converted to Chris-
tianity, and such conversions were interpreted as involving a change
of allegiance of the inhabitants from tlieir Indian rulers to the King
of Portugal". No reference is there given to any historical source.
How far it is from tho truth, our mrrative, based on contemporary
sources shows. Nieuhoff,. o. c., p. 225 says: " To shew their grati-
tude, they (the Paravas) received baptism immediately." He adds
thu't 20,000 Paravas wore then baptized. The right of tho Portuguese
120 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGARA
In the meanwhile a fleet came from Goa, commanded by the
Governor-General, Dom Nuno da Cunha, who proceeded
personally to chastise the Muhammadans. About this St.
Francis Xavier wrote from Tuticorin to St. Ignatius ten years
later ; " When the Governor received this information, he
went personally with his fleet to chase the Moors (the Muham-
madans), and overtaking them, made a great slaughter. He
dispersed ail, and captured all their boats without exception,
and even those which they had taken from the Christians of
this country J. He gave back all these boats to the
Christians. To those who had none nor means to acquire
them, he handed over the boats captured from the Moors. It
was certainly a great victory, and of happy remembrance.
There are no Moors at all in that country at present" 2.
John Nieuhoff while relating in his Travels the events of
possession over the Fishery Coast proceeded from the fact that they
protected from the oppression of the Muhammadans the poor folk,
who were abandoned to their tyrants' hands by their rightful lord,
the Nayak of Madura. Even if we suppose that the Nayak could not
have defended the Paravas because1 he was at war with the
Travancore king or with any other rebel, the right of lordship
over the Paravas would still remain with the Portuguese. The
Paravas had been abandoned by the Nayak of Madura and had
willingly selected the Portuguese us their protectors and owners of
their country. How the latter accomplished their task may be
deduced from the following extract of a letter of a French Missionary
of the South, Fr. P. Martin, who on the 1st of July, 1700, wrote from
Caima Naiken Patty : "The freedom of trading with their neighbours,
that the Paravas enjoyed under the Portuguese, was the causo of
their being rich and powerful ; but since they had been deprived of
their protection, they have been again oppressed and reduced to
an extreme provcrty". Bertrand, La Mission dc Madure, IV, p.
34. In the same letter Fr. Martin relates that the Portuguese
protection was given on condition that they should become
Christians.
1. When the boats were taken there were no Christians ;
St. Francis Xavier means those who became Christians after the
event.
2. From St. Francis Xavier to St. Ignatius, at Rome, Tutu-
curia, October 28, 1542, in Af. a. S./., Mon. Xav.t I, p. 275.
EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS INTO THE SOUTH 121
the year 1533, says : "After all the Nayak of Madura, having
found means to get possession of this country, left the
Portuguese in full possession of their jurisdiction over the
Paravas and of the free exercise of their religion" 7. If
this is true, the Nayaks of Madura did not fulfil such
an agreement, as we shall see in the following chapter.
12. We have already mentioned Visvanatha Nayaka and
his father Nag a ma Nayaka, and now propose to deal with
them in the rest of this chapter and in the following one.
Nagama Nayaka, a descendant of the Kasyapa gotra 2,
was born at Kanchivaram 3. He had been Tosekhana
Adhikari, or officer of the treasury 4, and is said to have
founded a village on the hill at Tirukkachchur for the merit of
the king B. He was much in favour with the founder of the
Saluva dynasty, and was called, in two different inscriptions,
"the foremost of the servants of the Saluva King Narasimha
Ray a" 6. His birudas may be seen in the Krishnapuram
plates of Sadasiva 7. There is an inscription about him of
the time of Saluva Narasimha in one of the gopurams of the
temple at Virinjipuram. Another inscription at Chidambaram
seems to mention him also p.
The Kuniyur plates of Venkata III say that Visvanatha
was the fruit of the severe austerities and many virtues of
his father, granted by the god Visvesvara 9. We do not know
whether among these austerities we must account the
traditional pilgrimage of Nagama to Benares 10. The
Mrtyimjaya MSS., say that Visvanatha used to accompany
1. Nieuhoff, Voyages and Travels, p. 246.
2. Kuniyur plates of Venkata III, Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 254, v. 49 ;
Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 320.
3. Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva, Ep. //?</., IX, p. 330.
4. Tanjavuri Andhra Rajuta Charitra, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar,
Sources, p. 319.
5. 318 of 1909.
6. Ibid and 391 of 1912.
7. 48 of 1887.
8. 331 of 1913.
9. Ep. /**., III, p. 254, v. 49.
10. Mityiinjaya AfSS., Taylor, 0.//.A/SS., II, p. 105,
16
122 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
the King in his hunting excursions when he was sixteen years
of age, and relate, alon#withthe Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula Chart-
ira and the History of the Karnataka Governorf^hat once he des-
troyed a wild bison that was advancing upon Krishna Raya,
with a single stroke of his sword1. When already of age
he was deputed by that Emperor to march against several
princes of the north, who disputed their subjection as tributaries
to the Emperor. The Mrtyunjaya MSS. say that these kings
were the sovereigns of Anga, Vanga, Kalinga, Casmira and
Nepala, 2, which is nothing but an empty boast. They were
probably the Kings of Orissa and some petty Rajas of the
surroundings. Visvanatha " having successfully warred
against them", says the History of the Karnataka Governors,
"took them prisoners, appointed proper persons for the manage-
ment of the conquered countries, and returned triumpantly to
the Rayer, with the captives, elephants, camels, horses
and all the treasure belonging to them. The Rayer was so
well pleased with the bravery and success of Visvanatha, that
he forthwith honoured him with distinguished tokens of
approbation and favour, in bestowing on him all the banners
or trophies which belonged to the refractory tribu-
taries" 3.
13. On account of these military exploits of the young
1. Mrtyunjaya MSS. o. c., p. 107 ; Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula
Charitra, o. c. p. 321; History of the* Karnataka Governors,Tay\oT o. c., II,
p. 7. Sewell, p. 327, note 3, says that the Nayaks of Madura
"descended, so Barradas tells us, from the ' Page of the betel*
of the King of Vijayanagara"; but on p. 230 referred to by
Sewell, Fr. Barradas does not say anything of the kind. Prof.
Sathyanatha Aiyar, History of theZNayaks, p. 44, relying upon Bar-
radas's misgiven testimony, supposes that when Nuniz tells us that
the "page who served the king with betel, had fifteen thousand foot
and two hundred horse, but he had no elephants'* he is 'dealing with the
early career of Visvanatha. That may be so; but as far as the ancient
authorities show, we cannot accept such a statement. Hence we
are not able to affirm that he was present at the battle of
Rachol.
2. Taylor, O.H.MSS., II, p. 107,
3. Ibid., p. 9,
EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS IttfO THE SOUTH 12$
Visvanatha, he "was honoured on earth as the foremost of
of great heroes". This is stated on the Kuniyur plates of
Venkata III 1. These exploits were the beginning of his
illustrious career in the South as Viceroy of Vijayanagara and
founder of the Nayak Dynasty of Madura. The Madurailtala-
varalaru records three different periods of his viceroyalty 2.
According to the Pandyan Chronicle, Visvanatha's rule in
Madura lasted two years and four months :{. This must
be a reference to the first period of his governorship; the
copyist, after copying at length the first, probably forgot
the other two, and passed straight to the reign of Visvanatha's
successor. The other two periods must be counted within
the length of 26 years assigned to him by the History of the
Karnataka Governors 4 ; thus the second period will extend
from his appointment as Viceroy of Madura, after the
deposition of his father, to the demise of the old Pandya,
when he took royal rank. The third period will date from
this, ending with the accession of his son.
As to the first period of his rule, there is no doubt that
he was in charge of the government of Madura as early as
!535- This is borne out by an inscription of this year already
calling him 'Visvanatha Nayaka' 5. This inscription at
Tirupattur, Ramnad, records a gift of the village of Varaguna-
puttur for the merit of Visvanatha Nayakkar, son of Nagama
Nayakkar 6. It seems that there were at Madura at this
time, the Mavaii Vanada Rayar chieftains, who had been in
the country from the time of Kumara Kampana 7. The
Padmaneri grant of Venkata II, 8 and the Vellangudi plates
1. Ep. Ind., III, p. 254, v. 49.
2. Cited by Sathyanatha Aiyar, History of the Nityaks, p. 46.
3. Pandyan Chronicle, Taylor, o. c., I, p. 38.
4. Taylor o. c., II, p. 26.
5. 113 of 1908. Rangachari, History of the Naik Kingdom, Ind.
Ant., XL! II, p. 218, and S. Krishnaswumi Aiynngar, ,b>wr$, p. 18 put
also in this year the beginning of Visvanatha's rule.
6. 113 of 1908.
7. Of. Rangachari, 1. c., p. 219.
8. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 29V, W. 53-59.
124 t HE ARAV1DU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGAfcA
of the same monarch l inform us that Visvanatha defeated
their head Vanada Rayar, and that this was probably the
occasion when the newly appointed Viceroy expelled this
Vanada Rayar from Madura and its surroundings for alleged
plotting against the Empire.
We know nothing further of the first viceroyalty of
Visvanatha in the South, nor of the reason of his removal.
Probably his removal encouraged the Chola king in his
ambitious projects against the Pandya. This was the indirect
cause of the final return of Visvanatha to rule over the Ma-
dura kingdom ~.
14. The King of Tanjore was then Vira Sekhara Chola,
who was entertaining the ambitious project of extending his
territory and authority. He seized the opportunity of the
removal of Visvanatha from the city of Madura, to invade the
Pandya country ; and marching at the head of a formidable
army against its sovereign, Chandra Sekhara Pandya, defeated
him, thus establishing his rule over both the Chola and the
Pandya kingdoms. Having now been deprived of his kingdom
Chandra Sekhara effected his escape, together with his son,
and fled to Vijayanagara to inform the Emperor of his
distress 3.
1. Ibid., p. 320.
2. The fact that it has always been taken for granted, that
Visvanatha's rule was never interrupted, has created much confusion
and started many theories to explain his first appointment to the
viceroyalty and his war against Nagama Nayaka.
3. The sources of this and the following number are the
Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula Charilra, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar
Sources, p. 319-23; History of the Karnataka Governors, Taylor, O.H. AfSS..
II, p. 9-15, and several other documents to which we shall refer in the
course of our narrative. The Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula Charitra
mentions Krishna Deva Raya as the Emperor of Vijayanagara at
the time of this and the following wars, and Prof. Sathyaaatha
Aiyar follows this opinion inhis History ofthcXaydks^ p. 44-9 ; but I am
sure that the Emperor was then Achyuta Raya, and iiot merely in
the beginning of his reign. When tho latter ascended the throne th*
king of Travancorc bad just entered the Pandya country, taking
po'saossion of some of its forts and cities. No mention ie then made of
EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS INTO THE SOUTH 125
Achyuta, in great anger, summoned his general Nagama
Nayaka, and ordered him to muster an army and march to the
South, to chastise the refractory Chola and to reinstate the
Pandya on his throne. Accordingly Nagama Nayaka set out
against Vira Sekhara Chola, and defeated and killed him near
Tanjore. He then proceeded to Madura and -drove out the
garrison stationed there by the Chola l. Nagama Nayaka
then offered the kingdom to the dispossessed Pandya. But
the old Chandra Sekhara considered himself unable to rule
over so turbulent a province (for there was not perfect order
throughout the country, and several villages had not sent
their revenues regularly to the treasury). So he answered that,
since he had no legitimate son to succeed him as king, he
would be content if Nagama Nayaka should rule the kingdom
and give him an adequate allowance. Nagama closed with the
Pandya's proposal. But later on, finding the allowance too
Visvunatha,who must have been in Madura according to the Tanjavuri
Charitra\ and although it seems possible that Visvanatha was in that
expedition, some authors think that he did not take part in it at all.
Cf. p. 117, note 5. Even supposing this, how could Visvanatha
tolerate the incursions of the Travancore sovereign into the terri-
tories belonging to his jurisdiction? Moreover, after the execution
of Vira Sekhara Chola the Tanjore country was annexed to Madura ;
and Visvanatha was ruling for a time over the Chola and Pandya
countries till the appointment of Scvvappa as Nayak of Tanjore.
Nevertheless, if we suppose those events to have occurred in Krishna's
reign, after the extinction of the Chola dynasty, another Chola
appears in the reign of Achyuta invading the Madura country. Cf.
above, No. 11. All these difficulties disappear at once if we suppose
a mistake on the part of a copyist while writing, or a subsequent
wrong addition. The other sources do not give the name of the
emperor. As to the date of these events, it is evident that the war
of the Chola against the Paiidya took place after the removal of
Visvanatha , and that was after two years and four months of
administration ; hence we cannot suppose that the war of the Chola
wag prior to 1539. Therefore, the appointment of Visvanatha as
Viceroy of Madura in this second period toolf place at the end of
Achyuta'* reign.
1. This conqilcst of Madura is also mentioned by the Supple*
mettary MSS., Taylor, O.tf. MSB., I, p. 205.
126 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
meagre, he considered his agreement with Nagama as already
broken, and again fled to Vijayanagara and informed Achyuta
that Nagama Nayaka, instead of restoring him to his
throne, had usurped it himself. The Emperor at once despat
ched an imperial mandate reprimanding Nagama for his
conduct, and commanding him to restore the kingdom to the
Pandya. This order was entrusted to the Pandya himself,
who was thereupon dismissed.
In the meanwhile Nagama had established order in the
South, and brought under subjection many refractory places
which had not rendered submission to any ruler for a consi-
derable time. An inscription at Tittagudi, South Arcot, refers
to a dispute between two factions in that village which had
lasted for several years, and which had been finally settled by
the agent of Nagama Nayaka !. This valiant general, on
receiving the order, wrote back to his sovereign saying that
the Pandya, after he was re-installed had, till then, no hope of
bringing back all the parts of his kingdom under his control
Specially "five illegitimate sons of his grandfather who had
taken to themselves the title of Pancha Pandavas, and were
possessors of Kayattaitur with the neighbourhood, had given
him great trouble, and would continue to do so if he held
the kingdom" 2. Moreover, the Pandya was content to
wait till the whole province came under subjection, if he
would receive a pension as a maintenance. This pension had
already been handed over to him. Nagama added that
if the kingdom were once more given to the Pandya, the
Emperor would not be able to collect even the quit-rent
from the province. Finally Nagama stated that he himself
had spent, in addition to the money belonging to the
treasury, a large sum out of his own sources in order to
re-conquer that country :j.
1. 6 of 1903.
2. Genealogy of Ramabhadra Nayaka of Pcriyakulaw, Taylor,
Catalogue RaisQnnc, III, p. 376.
3. Gopinatha Eao, Vdlangudi Plates, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 3p4, says
that the tradition of Nagama Nay a ka's rebellion cannot be uphold;
attd Sathyanatha Aiyar, History oftlic Kayaks, p. 50, also tries to defend
EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS INTO THE SOUTH 127
On receiving this despatch Achyuta was thoroughly roused
to anger, and calling all his counsellors and generals together,
asked which of them would immediately march against Nagama
Nayaka and bring back to him that rebel's head. The whole
assembly heard this demand in silence. Thereupon Visvana-
tha Nayaka rose up and approaching the Emperor said :
" If you will give me leave, I will go and bring it
to you."
" What," replied the Emperor in great fury, "will you go
and join your father?"
But Visvanatha peacefully answered :
" As I eat your food, your service is my duty, and before
the service of my master, make light the duty to my father : as
you command I shall act, and in no other manner."
Accordingly after extolling Visvanatha's loyalty to his own
person, the Emperor gave him permission. Visvanatha
collected an army at once and set out for Madura with his
own contingent of two thousand horse and six thousand
infantry.
15. When he reached the territory of Madura he halted
in one of the districts; and from thence sent word to his father,
announcing that at the command of the Emperor he had come
with a great army to force him to obedience, should he refuse to
restore the territory to the Pandya. Both the Tanjavuri
Ctiaritra and the History of the Karnataka Governors here
describe Visvanatha's father as a real rebel, who waged war
with his own son and was defeated. We cannot admit this
story. It stands in evident contradiction with the previous
conduct of Nagama and with the subsequent events in the
court of Vijayanagara. This episode is evidently a concoc-
tion of the poet, thrust into this narrative for dramatic effect.
him. Really the conduct of Nagama, as related hitherto by the
TiiHjavuri Andhra Rajttla Charitra, cannot be called rebellion at all ; he
acted as the most faithful servant of the Emperor. If Achyuta sent
an army against him, it was due to a temporary access of fury stirred
by the strange and perhaps criminal accusations of the Pandya. But
the History of the Karnataka Governor^ describes Nagama as a real
rebel chief, making partisans among those who camp with htm,
128 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
I am sure that, after receiving his son's letter, Nagama Nayaka
proceeded to meet him; and that this meeting between father
and son was the solution of the misunderstanding between
Achyuta and his general.
Visvanatha then went to Madura, and by the special
command of Achyuta, reinstated the Pandya on his ancestral
throne. The old king was so overcome with joy at this event
that the Description of the Karnatdka Lords puts in his mouth
the following words addressed to Visvanatha :
" Your father once settled the difference between me and
the Chola by vanquishing him, and now you have overcome
your father on my behalf and have given me the kingdom ;
what fair return shall I make you ? As my family is diminish-
ed, and I have no heir, the Chola after my death will take
forcible possession of my kingdom. You therefore are my
adopted son, and to you I wish the kingdom to descend after
me." i.
After this he conducted him to the temple of Minakshi,
where, in the presence of the goddess, he had him invested by
the Pattar, or chief Brahmin, with the crown, dagger, sceptre,
seal and fish-umbrella, just as if the goddess herself had deli-
vered them to him. 2.
This ceremony over, Visvanatha, accompanied by his
father and Chandra Sekhara Pandya, returned to Vijayanagara.
The Emperor was much pleased with Nagama's submission;
and when the general related the series of events and the
whole of his transactions with the Pandya, Achyuta expressed
his anger at the latter, but was appeased by Visvanatha. Then
the Pandya himself, in the presence of the Emperor, said that,
even at that stage, he had no objection to give over his
kingdom to Visvanatha according to the agreement.
Some days later the Emperor summoned both the Pandya
and Visvanatha before him. He asked the Pandya whether, as
he had no heir to succeed him, he still adhered to the agree-
1. Accordingly the Tiruppani-malai states that Viivanatha
saved the Pandya. Cf. Ep. lnd.,XVI, p. 305.
2. Taylor, O. H. MSS., II* p. 109 ; The Royal Line of the Kama,
taka Princes* Ibid., p. 117,
EARLY TELUGU INVASIONS INTO THE SOUTH I2Q
ment by which he gave the kingdom over to Visvanatha.
Chandra Sekhara Pandya replied that he had absolutely no
objection to it ; whereupon the Emperor informed Visvanatha
that he would appoint him the Viceroy of the Pandya
country.
16. Visvanatha left Vijayanagara for Madura at the head
of a large army. On reaching the capital of his new
viceroyalty, he devoted himself earnestly to the task of
repairing the fort, by building eight gates and seventy-two
bastions J. He likewise built the fort of Trichinopoly, after
exchanging this place for Vallam, which was given to the
newly appointed Nayak of Tanjore. He built in this new
place a double-walled fort around the city and dug out an
extensive ditch in front ; then he erected dwelling houses inside
and caused a teppakulam, or sacred tank, to be dug. He built
a palace, had the jungle- wood on both sides of the river
Kaveri cleared away, laid out new fields for tillage, and engaged
new inhabitants to cultivate them -. He also ordered the
restoration of the temples of Minakshi and Sundaresvara,
adding new structures as enlargements to the old temples.
One of these improvements was to throw down the small
Pandya fort which surrounded the temple 3. Instead of this
he built " an extensive double-walled fort."
\In these enterprises he was considerably helped by
riyanatha Mudaliar, his prime minister, of whom we shall
speak at length further on, and by Kesavappa Nayaka, the
commander of his forces.
We cannot say how long the period of this second vice-
royalty of Visvanatha in Madura lasted ; we may only affirm
1. Description of the Karnataka Lords, Taylor, O.H.MSS., II, p.
111. This was really one of the first acts of Visvanatha on his
arrival at Madura; because from the account of Ramabhadra Nayaka
of Periyakulam it is evident that he lived for more than twenty
years after the erection of these bastions. Cf. Taylor, Catalogue
Raisonne, III, p. 376-8.
2. History of the Karnataka Governors, Ibid., p. 15-7.
3. Sewell, I, p. 293, says that " the sanctuary of the great
temple is attributed to Visvanatha Nayaka",
17
130 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
that it lasted but a few months. The Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula
Charitra says expressly that " as the Pandya was very old, he
lived for only a few months and died. Then Visvanatha be-
came the sole ruler of the Pandya and Choia kingdoms". The
other chronicles seem to agree with this statement. Therefore
it appears probable that when this event took place, Achyuta
was still reigning in Vijayanagara.
17. On the demise of Chandra Sekhara Pandya, the
Emperor summoned Visvanatha to the court in order to
appoint him King of the Madura country. A durbar was
probably held on this occasion; and it was then that Achyuta
solemnly before his court bestowed the Southern Kingdom
upon Visvanatha :
" All that country was, as you know," said the Sovereign,
" under your father's control : and now, as there is no heir to
the throne, through defect of posterity to the Pandya ; and
seeing that you, in a public emergency, killed the wild buffalo,
and by offering it to the Goddess Durga, prevented the
occurrence of public calamity ; moreover, as you conquered sev-
eral northern Rajas when they revolted and refused to pay
tribute, making their countries to become fully our own by
right of conquest ; and besides when your father disobeyed our
commands, you considered the right of your sovereign as
entitled to precedence over those of your father and brought
him here ; further, as you must remember, when we formerly
gave you a throne like our own, we promised you also a
kingdom. And since the Pandya adopted you, as his adopted
son, giving you the kingdom and the seals, the government
will be yours. Therefore now be the King of the Madura
country " l.
1. Taylor, O.H.MSS., II, p. 13 and 109.
CHAPTER VII
THE NAYAKS OF MADURA
SUMMARY — 1. Idea of the Nayakship of Madura.— -2. Erection of
the Palaiyams.— 3. War against the five Pandyas. — 4. Officers
of Visvanatha. 1 His minister Ariyanatha Mudaliyar. — 5. Rama
Itaya Vitthala appointed Viceroy of the South. His campaign of
1544 against Travancore. — 6. St. Francis Xavier stops the Telugu
army. — 7. Consequent friendship between St. Xavier and the
Travancore ruler. — 8. Peace between Travancore and Vijaya-
nagara. — 9. First expedition of Vitthala to the Fishery Coast. —
10. Vitthala's Viceroyalty in the Souta. Relations with Visva-
natha Nayaka.— 11. Campaign of 1549 against Coromandel.
Murder of Fr. Criminal!*. — 12. Campaigns of 1551 and 1552. — 13.
A combined attack with the Muhammadans of Calicut against
Punney Kayal in 1553. — 14. Conflict of Travancore and Vijaya-
nagara on the Fishery Coast. — 15. End of Vitthala's Viceroyalty
A criticism of it. — 16. An expedition of Visvanatha against
Punney Kayal in 1560.— 17. Accession of Krishnappa Nayaka I
and death of Visvanatha. A criticism of his reign. His rela-
tions with the Empire.— 18. Krishna ppa's wars against Turn-
bichchi Nayaka and the King of Kandi.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES— 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants.— 2. Tay-
lor's Telugu Manuscripts, Singliala dvipa ditha. — 3. Letters of St.
Francis Xavier, Select ae Indicarum Epistolac. — 4. Proccssus dc
Sunctitatc ct Virtutc S. Francisci Xavet //, Chronicon Societatis Jcsu, — 5,
Sousa, Oricntc Conquistado ; Bartoli, L' Asia ; Du Jarric, Tliesarus ;
Guzman, Historia de las Misioncs ; Tursellini, DC Vita Sti. Francisci
Xaverii ; Maffei, Historianun Indicantm Libri jtVL — 6. Couto,
Faria y Sousa.
THE foundation of the Nayak kingdom of Madura was
laid by the Emperor Achyuta Raya of Vijayanagara towards
the end of his reign, when Visvanatl% Nayak had become " the
master of the kingdom of Madura", as the Vellangudi plates of
Venkata II read l. Accordingly his full title was to be in time
1. Ep. /«</., XVI, p. 320. I do not know why the date 1558-9 is
assigned for tho foundation of the Nayak or somi -independent rule
in Madura. This theory invented by Nelson, The Madura Manual,
t& THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIjAYANAGARA
to come "Maharaja Mahnie Raja Sri Visvanatha Naayane
Ayelugaru". The Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva inform us
that his Queen was named Nagama l. His kingdom extended
from Urrattur and Valikondapuram in the North to Cape
Comorin in the South, and from Coimbatore, Erode and Dhara-
puram in the West to Remeswaram and the sea in the East 2.
It has been asserted that " the Nayak regime developed
first into a governorship which become hereditary, and then
into what was practically a hereditary monarchy " :{. This is
incorrect. Visvanatha was, after Chandra Sekhara Pandya's
death, appointed by Achyuta real King of Madura, subject to
the empire. This subjection practically consisted only in the
payment of an annual tribute of 30 to 45 laks of rupees 4. The
Pandya King himself had nominated him his successor, as he
had no legitimate offspring ; and Visvanatha himself wanted to
be considered as the rightful successor of the Pandyas. One of
his coins, in the Bangalore Museum, shows on the obverse a
sceptre between two fishes, the racial sign of the Pandyas, and
above them the Tamil legend, Pandiyan ; on the reverse it bears
the name Visvanatha, in Tamil-Granlha characters. 5.
2. One of the first acts of Visvanatha after taking posses-
sion of his new kingdom was to divide it into Palaiyams or
counties, for the better administration of the country and to
repay the faithful services of many of his officers who had help-
p. 87, and followed by Scwell and his successors, is perhaps concocted
to explain the appointment of Vitthala as Viceroy in the South in
1543-4. When the time of his governorship was over, then, they sup-
pose, Visvanatha's rule began. But the above mentioned chronicles
say that the Pandya died a few months after Visvanatha's expedition
against his father, and that Visvanatha was then appointed king. To
my mind the foundation of the Nayakship dates from the last year
of Achyuta Raya.
1. Ep. fnd., LX, p. 341, y^ 46-57.
2. Mrtyunjaya MSS., T^lor, OM.MSS., II, p. 117.
3. Ep. Ind.y XVI, p. 90.
4. From Fr. A. Vico to Fr. A. Laor&io, Madura, August 30,1611
Bertrand, La Mission dc Madurc, IT, p. 124.
5. Hultzsch, South Indian Copper Coins, Ind. Ant., XXI, p. 325
No. 16.
THE KAYAKS OF MADURA 133
ed him in his former campaigns. There is no doubt that this
was one of the first deeds of Visvanatha after his accession to
the throne ; because the History of the Karnataka Governors re-
cords that the reign of Visvanatha lasted twenty-six years after
this settlement *. The towns and the villages belonging to each
of these Palaiyams were specified from the beginning, in order
to avoid quarrels among their petty lords. These Palaiyams
were held in military tenure, and the Palaiyakaran, or Polegar
as he was afterwards called, was responsible for the defence of
each of the seventy-two bastions of the Madura fort : the very
title of Palaiyakaran shows the basis which the power of these
chieftains rested upon, because it means 'a holder of an armed
camp'. The Palaiyakarans were theoretically at the disposal ot
their sovereign 2.
Prof. Sathyanatha Aiyar seems to question the number of
Palaiyams created by Visvanatha n ; but the said History cate-
gorically states that Visvanatha *4 divided the whole of the
countries acquired into seventy -two Palaiyams".
Again the same History shortly after : " In case of attack
or siege, these seventy-two Palaiyakkarans were each one to
have charge of a particular bastion with a connected portion of
the wail, and to defend the same with his retainers against all
assaults1' 4. One of the Mackenzie MSS., translated and pub-
lished by Taylor, gives a List of the seventy-two Palaiyams ap-
pointed to guard the bastions of the Pandyan Capital, as they were
in the time of Tirumala Nayaka. They are divided into nine
sections, of which the first contains the kingdom of Malayalam
(Travancore), and the principalities of Ramnad, Sivaganga and
Pudukkottai. " These three last," says the list," are like adopt-
ed children of the Madura government". Then the second
section, without heading, contains the Palaiyams of Ayalur-
Naiaar, Tura,jyur-Rettiyar,'llluiipiir, 'Kulattur, and Kattalur ;
and thus, successively, the third section numbcfs* eight counties
attached to the Manapadu Taluk ; the fourth gives the names of
1. Taylor, O.H.MSS., II, p. 21.
2. Ibid.
3. Sathyanatha Aiyar, History of the Naynkst p. 58.
4. Taylor, U.
134 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
fourteen attached to the Dindigul Taluq ; the fifth has thirty
nine, the rulers of which were called Kamban Gudalur Rajas ;
the sixth contains one attached to Koyambutur ; then in the
seventh come two Paiaiyams attached to the Salem District ;
and finally two more, the Mannimai Palaiyam and the Raja
Palaiyam, each forming a separate section by itself J.
Although the system was not completely new, in asmuch
as we find some Palaiyakarans in the southern country before
the enthronement of Visvanatha-; nevertheless to him was
due its institution as a permanent and efficient body for the ad-
ministration of the country and for the defence of the capital,
to which they had to pay their tribute annually Moreover, the
fact that Tamil and Telugu chiefs were indiscriminately ap-
pointed Palaiyakarans, was supposed to foster the necessary
union for establishing a lasting peace between both the sub-
jects and their foreign rulers. This was by far the most impor-
tant political event of the time, in spite of the fact that it
fomented ambitions in these petty chiefs and weakened the
royal authority of Madura, of which they were too indepen-
dent from the very beginning. Had they been more system-
atically attached to, and dependent on, the central power,
Madura might have been saved from many of the troubles
caused by the Palaiyakarans.
3. The first of these troubles came soon after. In the coun-
try lying to the south there were five kings who had been
tributaries to the Pandya. These now joined together and
refused to pay tribute to the new foreign ruler at Madura. The
History of the Karnataka Governors* does not say who these
five kings were. The Mrtyunjaya MSS. call them merely "five
independent princes of the South, who acknowledged no earthly
superior" 4. But according to the Genealogical Narrtaivc of the
House of Appiya Nayak, the Palaiyakaran of Kannivady, (one
of the MSS. of the Mackenzie Collection), they were collateral
1. Taylor, o.c., II, p. 161-3.
2. Cf. ch. VI, No. 9.
3. Taylor, o. o., II, p. 17,
4. Ibid, p. 111.
THE NAYAKS OF MADURA 135
descendants of the ancient Pandya race l. Who, then, were
these five collateral descendants of the Pandya family? Mr.
Rangachari seems inclined to believe that this uprising
was headed by the Pandya of Tenkasi himself, Tirunelveli
Kulasekhara Perumal 2 ; the other four Pandyas being
four of his close relatives, who perhaps shared with him
the honor of royalty :{. But it seems to us more
probable that the chief of this rebellion was the brother
and predecessor of Tirunelveli Kulasekhara Perumal, named
Perumal Parakrama Pandyadeva, alias Kulasekharadeva. He
was crowned in Tenkasi in 1543, and his Singottai inscription
of three years later calls him " the unrivalled hero of the world,
the light of the Chaiidra-kula, the lord of the three worlds" 4.
These titles, so unusual in the inscription of the Pandyas of
those days, do certainly bespeak a man who refused to acknow-
ledge any earthly superior. In this case, the rebellion of
Perumal Parakrama Pandyadeva with his four partners in the
throne took place after the year 1546 ; and if we suppose that he
was the Pandya finally killed by Visvanatha, we must place
the war at about 1552, since his successor was crowned in 1553.
On receiving the news of this revolt, Visvanatha sent his
prime minister against the five Pandyas ; but this officer 'was
not strong enough to meet them', says the History of the Kar-
1. Ibid., p. 168. Subramania Sarma, Short Histor\ of the Panyya
Kingdom, p. 9, says that they wore sons of Chandra Sekbara Pandya
and Kamestri.
2. Rangachari, History of the Ntiik Kingdom, Ind Ant., XLIV, p.
37.
3. It seems that there were five Pandyas actually ruling
together from the most ancient times. The Mahavanso, ch 82, v. 23
speaks of the five fierce Tamil tyrants routed in open battle by
Vatta Gamani of Ceylon in about 200 B. C. Of. The Miihavanso
(Translation of L. C. Wijesinha), p. 229 ; Diwan Bahadur L, D. Swami-
kannu Pillai, New Dates on Pandya Kings, Ind. Ant., XLII, p. 166.
According to the last Pandya ruler of Madura all the Pandyas of
Tenkasi were illegitimate descendants of the former Pandyas. Cf.
Tanjavuri Andhra Rajnla Charitni, S. Krisbnaswami Aiyangar, Sources ,
p. 322.
4t r. A, S. I, p. 104,
136 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
natdka Governors l. The Pandyas were in the fortified town
of Kayatattur, and for some time successfully resisted the
Madura army. Ariyanatha and the Pal'aiyakarans who were
with him were defeated, and " they actually retreated in dis-
grace to Madura " -. Visvanatha himself then went in person
with the rest of the army to meet those insurgents. The war
was carried on for the space of six months, but the five Pandyas
could not be reduced : "a great many men on both sides fell ",
says the History of the Karnataka Governors, " and the
lamentations of the families of the deceased, alike in the camp
and the country around, being heard by Visvanatha Naicker,
he reflected within himself how many families were absorbed in
grief merely that he, a single person, might enjoy undisturbed
prosperity; and, in consequence, wrote a letter to tho five
opponents, which he sent by a herald; of which letter the
contents were the following: —
'You are five persons, and I am one : for our sakes so much
grief and lamentation is, caused. Let it not be thus; but, with-
drawing the two armies and restraining all attacks, let a stone
pillar be erected midway between both armies, and an agreement
be written and placed in it; then advance and meet me alone
in personal encounter; if I conquer you, than you must depart
with nothing more than the garments you wear ; relinquishing
your countries with all treasure and appurtenances to me; and
if I am conquered, than I give up to you, in like manner, my
country and all my possesions. Let a solemn vow to this effect
be made, and let the agreement be recorded in a copper-plate
and placed on the stone pillar; after which we will engage in
combat at its foot and decide the question between us".
The reply of the five Pandyas was as follows:—
"For you1, being one, to meet us five together, would
not be equitable ; but one from among us will come, and do
you come and meet him ".
The valiant Visvanatha did not want to be defeated by the
chivalry of his five opponents; accordingly the Madura
Sovereign answered to this effect : —
1. Taylor, O. H. AfSS., II, p. 17.
3. Genealogical Narrative of Appiya Nayak, Ibid., p. 108,
THE NAYAKS OF MADURA 137
" You, being five persons, are at the head of five countries,
which I, being one person, have come in order to subjugate to
myself alone ; and therefore it is quitefright that all five of you
should meet me at once/'
" They however would not consent ", adds the said History,
" but selecting the bravest of their number, clothed him in body
armour, and mounting him on horseback, being duly furnished
with a sword, they conducted him to the appointed arena of
combat".
The fight did not last long. When both Visvanatha and
the Pandya champion were ready, the former invited the Pandya
saying: —
"Do you strike first".
The Pandya did so, but Visvanatha parried the blow with
his sword. The Pandya then bade Visvanatha strike, but the
Madura ruler declined, and three times bade the other strike.
The Pandya champion did so. Then Visvanatha Nayaka,
addressing his rival, said : —
"Now, for the rest, take good care"
And he "struck the king, cutting him into two pieces,
falling to the ground", says the History.
The victory of Visvanatha over the Pandyas was
decisive 1. The four kings gave their countries to the
Madura Sovereign, according to the agreement, "and departed
as emigrants, or solitary wanderers into other lands" 2 As a
matter of fact, we hear no more about the institution of the
Five Pandyas as in former times ; so we may suppose that the
victory of Visvanatha marked the en 'I of it. Nevertheless,
the appointment of a member of the Pandya family as
subordinate king in Tinnevelly, was politically the best means
1. It is very strange that Wheeler, History of India, IV, pt. III.
p. 574, in the Hindu Annals compiled f torn the Mackenzie Manuscripts, after
saying that Visvanatha defeated and slew his Pandya opponent,
states : "After this Visvanatha died upon the field of battle, and a
monument was built to his memory1*. It cannot but be a misunder-
standing of the text, because the Mityunjaya MSS. state likewise that
Visvanatha "conquered the five independent Princes of the South,
who acknowledged r.o earthly superior". Taylor, O. H. AfSS., II, p.
111.
2. Taylor, o.c., p. 17-21.
18
138 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VI J AY AN AC AR A
to establish union between Tamilians and Telugus; and
accordingly we find several Pandyas ruling at Tenkasi after
this event. It was probably then that Tirunelveli Kulasekhara
Perumal, the younger brother of Perumal Parakrama Pandya-
deva, was crowned in 1553 "in the presence of the lord of the
Universe at Tenkasi" ]. He took on this occasion the title of
Vira-vei, a title suggestive of a subordinate rank 2, probably to
the king of Madura. His son Ativirarama Pandya Alagan,
who is mentioned together with Visvanatha in an inscription
of 1558 3, also took on his coronation day, in about 1564, the
name of Sivala-vel, 4 which has the same connotation. In their
incriptions there are no boasts like those of Perumal Parakrama
Pandyadeva, whose defeat had been a good lesson for the
Pandyas. Neither Vira-vei nor Sivala-vel thought any more
of rebellion and war, but devoted themselves to poetry and
literature. The former, according to the inscription of his
coronation, "feeling that flower garlands would all fade away,
put on a garland of verses in the venba metre sung in praise of
him by the poets" 5. Was this not a fruit of the experience of
his brother Perumal Parakrama, whose glory and pride faded
suddenly before the sword of Visvanatha Nayaka ?
4. In these and other affairs of administration Visvanatha
was aided, no doubt, by the agents he had throughout his
dominions. According to an inscription of 1550, one of these
agents, named Uddandar, remitted certain taxes due to the king,
for offering cakes daily to the God for the merit of Visvanatha 6.
According to another inscription at Kiranur (Madura)
Kalahastiyappa Mudaliyar, Visvanatha's minister, granted the
village of Kondarinji Karanur as a free gift to the Brahmins 7.
In the genealogy of Ramabhadra Nayaka of Periyakulam,
this chief is said to have exercised the office of fouzdar, or
1. Tenkasi inscription of his coronation, T.A. 5., I, p. 105.
2. Ibid., and p. 57.
3. 273 of 1908.
4. Tenkasi inscription of his coronation, IbidM p. 100.
5. T. A. S., 1, 105.
6. 609 of 1916,
THE NAYAKS OF MADURA 139
military chief and collector of revenue, during the time of
Visvanatha J.
His son, Krishnappa Nayaka, was also a great help to
Visvanatha in the government of his state. He is often mention-
ed in the inscriptions of his father's reign. This fact proves the
importance and influence of the Crown Prince at the court of
Madura. According to an inscription of 1546, in the kitchen of
the Bripadamba temple at Devikapuram, North Arcot, Surappa
Nayaka made a gift of ghee to the temple for Krishnappa's
merit2 ; in 1550 the latter is mentioned along with Chinna
Bomma Nayaka 3; in 1553 he granted a piece of land for
worship and for repairs in the Tyagarajasvamin temple at
Ambasamudram, Tinneveliy 4 ; in 1555, his agent Ekambara
Mudaliyar granted another piece of land for a flower garden of
a temple 5 ; and two gifts of land made by him in 1562 to some
temple are also recorded 6.
But the most efficient of his officers was his Dalavay and
Pradhani, Ariyanatha Mudaliyar, " his second in power",
according to the Mrtyunjaya MSS7. His Biographical
Notice, translated by Taylor, is full of marvellous accounts,
but contains nevertheless several facts that appear his-
torical. He came from the Kanjivaram district, accord-
ing to the Royal Line of the Karnataka Princes 8, and
was presented to the Emperor at Vijayanagara by Nagama
Nayaka; later on, he aided Visvanatha in his campaign against
his father11. The importance of Ariyanatha in Madura was so
^rcat, that an inscription of 1560 records the grant of twelve
villages by Visvanatha, "the pious son of Kotyam Nagama
Nayadu" and '* Mandaraputtaneri Ariya Nayaka Mudaliyar"10.
1. Raiigacharya, II, p. 1023, 265-E.
2. 391 of 191 2.
3. 417 of 1995.
4. 497 of 1916.
5. 530 of 1916.
6. 121 of 1894 ; 494 of 1916.
7. Taylor, O. //. MSS., II, p. 111.
8. Ibid,, p. 117.
9. Biographical Notice, Taylor, o. o., IJ4
Karnataka Lords, Ibid., p. 117.
10. Sewcll, II, p. 2, 10.
140 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
5* In the meanwhile several events had taken place in
the South. In the West, the king of Travancore had withheld
the tribute due to Vijayanagara; and in the East the Portuguese,
who had taken possession of the Fishery Coast to protect the
Paravas, were becoming more and more firmly established.
Visvanatha, in the first years of his reign, was engaged in the two-
fold task of regulating the administration of his kingdom and
subduing the rebellious chiefs of his dominions in the South.
Hence he was unable to meet those new emergencies. In
these circumstances Rama Raya thought it reasonable to send
an army from the imperial court under a valiant general to
defenc^ie interests of the Empire, which were then at stake.
Such was the origin and the purpose of the expedition of Rama
Raya Vitthala to the South *.
It was formerly supposed that Vitthala was the son of the
Regent Rama Raya himself 2; but it has been proved that he
was only his cousin 3, and the son of Ramaraja Timmaya 4.
It seems that before his appointment in the South, he had held
in Penukonda some kind of authority over that fort and city, in
view of the fact that he remitted certain taxes there 5. He
was also, according to Mr. Rangacharya, the one who exempted
the barbers from taxes in Namala Dinnah, Cuddapah 6 ; but in
the year 1543 he was appointed generalissimo of the army of
Vijayanagara to conduct a great expedition to the South,
1. Mr. Rangachari, Ind. Ant., XLIII, p. 231, supposes another inroad
of the Travancore king into the Pandya territory ; but he does not
notice that the inscription he points out as a proof of his statement
is dated 1546 and Vitthala 's expedition had taken place two years
before. Dr. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 17, states also
that the Travancore sovereign " had established himself so far suc-
cessfully in the South that he held Kayal on the Fishery Coast in his
possession and appointed a Viceroy'1, but he does not prove his
statement. I think sufficient reason for such an expedition the fact
that the tribute was not paid by Travancore.
2. Cf. for instance Nagam Aiya, The Travancore State, I, p. 229.
3. M.E.R., igily p. 86 ; 79/2, p. '82.
4. 250 of 1910.
5. 346 of 1901.
6. Rangacharya, I, p. 601, 322.
THE NAYAKS OF MADURA 141
having for its object a firm establishment of the authority of the
Empire in its most distant corners l.
The first country that Vitthaia invaded was Travancore.
Its king was :hen Bhutala Vira Sri Vira Kerala Varma, alias
Unni Kerala Varma, who had ascended the masnad a little
earlier 2. Visvanatha Nayaka offered Vitthaia every facility
for carrying jut his enterprise, possibly gave him some detach-
ments of hi i own army, and most probably himself joined
the Vijayanagara troops; because it is recorded in the
Tamil chronicles that Visvanatha subdued some chiefs of
Travancore and levied tribute from them in the name
of the Emperor of Vijayanagara :{. Fr. Bartoli and Fr. Sousa
also msntioi the Madura Nayak at the head of this expedi-
tion 4. Kris inappa, his son, was most likely in the expedi-
tion too; si ace he is described in the Krishnapuram plates
of Sadasiva as a man "who by his valour deprived the
insolent kin*, of the Tiruvadirajya (Travancore) of the seven
parts of his dngdom" 5. With Vitthaia also went to Travan-
core Prince Chinna Timma, his brother °, spoken of in the
Yadavabhyucaya Vyakhya, as having planted a pillar of victory
in token oi his conquests in Travancore, near the moun-
1. 146 01 1896 ; M.E.R., 1899-1900, para 78. Cf. Sewell, II,
p. 224.
2 Cf. S. Paramesvara Aiyar, Travancore and Vijayanagar,C.C.Mt,
XXII, p. 188 ; Nagam Aiya, The Travancore State, I, p. 297. St. Xavier
in his letters alls him Iniquitribirim (M.H.S.J., Mon. Xav., I, p. 314,337,
339, 343, 344, >45 and 349), a name that clearly sounds like a corrup.
tion of Unni £erala Varma. Mackenzie, Christianity in Travancore
p. 64, says In quitribirim " stands for Enakku Tamburan, meaning
Our Prince. Phis is vulgar Tamil ; but from the words of the Lord's
Prayer in Tamil, which Francis gives in one of his letters, it appears
that Francis ;poke the vulgar Tamil of his fisher converts on the
coast; and thi y, in their rude speech, would call the Maharaja Enakku
Tamburan."
3. 17 of 1912. Cf. Nagam Aiya, o. c,, p. 316.
4. Bartcii, DclV Istoria ddla Compagnia di Gcsu, LAsia, I, p. 128 ;
Souaa, Oricntc Conquistado, I, p. 142.
5. Ep. It <*., IX, p. 341, w. 46.57.
6. 250 of 1910.
142 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF ViJAYANAGARA
tains of Malaya (Malabar) *. He had been, it seems, governor
of Chandragiri -. An inscription of Sadasiva of 1542, at
Tindivanam, records the gift of a village for the merit of the
Mahamandalesvara Ramaraja Chinna Timmayyadeva Maha-
raya 3. Another inscription at Narasingapuram, Chingleput
District, refers to a remission of taxes by a certain Sa ikara
Nayaka Linganayaka, in 1545, for the merit of Chinna Timma-
yadeva Maharaja 4 ; this was done during the governorship
of his brother over the South. Sadasiva Nayak of Keladi was
likewise probably in this expedition ; in the Sivatattvaratnakara
he is said to have defeated the Keralas or people of the Mala-
yalam country and to have planted a pillar of victory o.i the
spot 5. An inscription of Tiruvidaimarudur also mentions a
Brahmin of this place named Tiruchchrrambala Bhattan, who
"joined Vitthala's army and continued to fight on his side from
Anantasayanam in the South to Mudugal (Mudgal) in the
North." After the war he was rewarded with two villages G.
After halting with his army at Madura, Vitthala set out
for Travancore in the beginning of July accompanied by all
these chiefs. Nagam Aiya says that St. Francis Xavier in one
of his letters states that the army of Vitthala entered the
territory of Travancore through the Aramboly (Aruvaymoli)
pass 7. I could not find this letter in the critical edition of
that missionary's letters. This, however, seems to b^ the
actual tradition in Travancore, that through that pass the army
of Vitthala invaded the country. Fr. Sousa only says thai they
came down through the mountains in the neighbourhood of
Cape Comorin, that divide Travancore from the Coromandel
Coast 8.
1. Rangaeharya, J, p. 402, 717.
2. 33 of 1905. Other records of Prince Chinua Timma will be
found in Bangacharya, II, p. 915, 60 a»d 70 ; p 976, 608.
3. 250 of 1910.
4. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 210.
5. Ibid., p. 195.
6. ^140 of 1895.
7. Nagam Aiya, o. c., p. 297.
8. Scfuza, o. c., p. 142. Fr. J. Mahc, S.J., Superior of St. Mary's
High School, Madura, writes to me as follows: "1 think Fr. Sou za means
THE NAYAKS OF MADURA 143
6. When news of this inroad reached Travancore, all the
people grew extremely frightened, and a great number of the
inhabitants of the villages of the South emigrated northwards
carr> ing with them all their belongings. " I went via the Cape
by land to visit these miserable Christians, who were coming,
persecuted and plundered by the Badagas", says St. Francis
Xavier, an eye-witness of these events ; "it was indeed pitiful to
see them ; some had nothing to eat ; others had become blind on
account of their age and hardships ; many were married men,
and their wives brought forth their children while en route, and
there were many other pitiful things ; had you seen them
you would, I am sure, have pitied them even more than my-
self. I ordered the poor people to assemble at Manapar
(Manapadu)" 1.
Unni Kerala Varma collected an army from all his
dominions and was ready to encounter his enemies. When they
were approaching the capital he was made aware of the fact
that the Telugu army was not only more numerous but also
more formidable than his own, on account of their cavalry and
equipment. According to Fr. Sousa, the Brahmin Chronicles
of Travancore relate that the King at this juncture called
Xavior to where he was and asked him for help, since the inde-
pendence of his kingdom was at stake. Perhaps the Sovereign
expected to make an alliance with the Portuguese through the
influence of St. Francis ; but the holy missionary, who was
engaged only in spiritual affairs, answered that the only help he
was able to offer him were his prayers, since he was a
missionary and not a soldier. No doubt, Xavier fulfilled his
promise. 2.
that same pass in the passage (of Nagam Aiya) you refer to. That is
the only way to Travancore on that side, with the way round by
Cape Comorin. Across the hills of Papanasam, near Ambasamudram,
there is a way which was probably in good use formerly, fop there is
there an old fort on the top of a high hill very visible from our property
close by." This was likely the way followed by the army of Vitthala
on this occasion. Cf. Ramanatha Ayyar, The Aruvavtnoli Pass or the
Open Gateway of Travancore J. I. //., IV. p. 19-20.
1. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Manapar, August 1st, 1544,
M.R.SJ., Mon. Xav., J, p. 330.
8. Souza, o. c., p. 142-3,
144 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
In the meanwhile, Vitthala's army was advancing trium-
phantly through the Travancore country, and before it the
panic-stricken villagers abandoned their homes to seek refuge
in the forests. But when the army was only two leagues North
of the village of Kottar \ the vanguard stopped suddenly,
unable to take another step further. The officers who were in
the rear ordered the soldiers to march on, and ther they learnt
the reason of that sudden halt. " A tall majestic man dressed
in black appeared in front of us", they said, " who reprimanded
us and ordered us to retire at once" 2. The oificers of the
army, and among them perhaps Visvanatha and Vitthala
themselves, could realize then that the fact was true; for Xavier
was still standing in front of the army, in gigan.ic form and
dignified countenance, 3 barring the way to the capital. Such
an order the valiant commander could not disobey, and accor-
dingly the troops were ordered to retreat. Thus wns Travancore
saved from the invasion of the Vijayanagara arm) through the
prayers and at the request of St. Francis Xavier 4.
1. Kottar, known to Ptolomy under the name of Kottiare
Metropolis, and a town of importance in the Chola per od, is a suburb
of Nagircoil at present. Fr. P. Martin in a letter to Fr. Le Gobi en,
dated Camia Naicken Patty, June 1,1700, records the tradition of fifty
six years later that pointed out Eotate (Kottar) as tbs place where
this event took place. Bertrand, La Mission de Madurc, III, p. 18.
2. These words are taken from the eldest testirionies of note
4, infra. Du Jarric, Thesaurus^ I, p. 148, who relates the fact (as also
does Fr. Souza), puts in the mouth of Xavier a short in/ective against
the troops, which sounds more like one of the speeches of L ivy's heroes
than words of the sainted missionary.
3. These details are given by Souza, o. c., p. 143.
4. This fact, however extraordinary, cannot be denied by
critical and impartial history. True, St. Xavier himself does not say a
word of it ; but this is his way in all his letters — never to mention
a case which may be interpreted as a miracle or as something mar-
vellous. But the authorities on whom our narration is based are too
numerous and too weighty not to be admitted by impartial historians.
We will enumerate them here : —
A. Processus de sanct(itate) et Virtu(e) S. Franchci Xaverii Paite
Prim(a) e second(a). Manuscript in the Archives of the Society of
THE NAYAKS OF MADURA 145
7. Tt seems that when Unni Kerala Varma was informed
by eye-witnesses of the retreat of the Vijayanagara troops at
the command of Xavier, he had already set out from his capital
Kalkulam, five leagues West of Kottar, and was ready with his
army to meet the enemy at any moment. When subsequently
the missionary reached the royal camp, the King himself
proceeded to receive him and embraced him most affection a-
trly ; and after having thanked him, addressed him as
follows :
" They call mo the Great King (Maharaja), but hereafter
they will always call you the Great Father. "
Jesus. This volnmo in folio contains the processes made in India on
the life and miracles of Xavier for his beatification and canoniza-
tion. The first part of the volume deals with processes made at
Goa, Cochin, Bassein and Malaca, in 1556 i,nd 1557, at the request of
the King of Portugal Joao III, by the local ecclesiastical authorities.
In the process of Cochin the witness, Francisco Mansilhas, a Lay
BrotV-r of tht» Society of Jesus, who had worked with Xavier both on
the Ooromandoi Coast and in Travancore, gave evidence of the fact as
narrated above. Considering that the process was held only twelve
years aft^r the event, his statement is of exceptional value. The
same is declared by Thomas de Gouvea in the second part of the
volume, which is a summary of the processes of Cochin, Tuticorin
and Kalkulam made in 1616 and 1637.
H. Souza, Orients Conquistado, I, p. 142-3. The authority of this
work has already been declared. See Bibliographical Introduction.
C. Du Jarric, Thesaurus Rcrum Indicanun, I, ]>. 148. See Biblio-
graph u 'a I Inlroduct to n .
D. Guxman, Historia dc las Misioncs, p. 31. See Bibliographical
Intro inction. Fr. Guzman gives a concise narration of the fact, but
suggests that the invading army was of Moors (Muhammadans).
F. Bohours, The Life of St. Francis Xavier, p. 145-8.
G. Bartoli, />//' Istoria della Campagnia di Gesu, L Asia, I, p. 128.
See Bibliographical Introduction.
H. Tursellini, DC Vita S. Franc isci Xavcrii, 1. II, c. XI, p. 109.
This is one of the earliest Jesuit authors, who wrote towards the end
of the 16th century ; the first edition was published in 1594 ; his work
is a compilation of the early traditions of the Society.
I. Lucena, Historia da vida do Padre Francisco de Xavier^ II, 17.
It also represents the early tradition of the Society of Jesus ; its
first edition appeared in 1600.
19
146 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Accordingly, the King issued a proclamation throughout
his kingdom commanding all his subjects to give that title to
the Father in the future, and also to obey him as if he were
J. Acosta, Renim c Societatc Jestt DC rebus Indicts Commentarius ,
p. 7.
K. Maffei, Vita dc S. Francisco Xave/io, 1. II, c. 2. Several other
modern authors have admitted this fact:—
L. Brou, Saint Francois Xavier, I, p. 256.
M. Coleridge, The Life and Letters of St. Francis Xavier, I, p. 214.
N. Mackenzie, Christianity in Travancore. p. 64, regards this fact
as a story : "The story that Francis Xavier went to meet the Madura
troops, crucifix in band, and that they retired before him, is told in
Oriente Conquistado, I, p. 143 ". Neither in Oriente Conquistado, uor in
any other of the above mentioned authorities mention is made of the
crucifix in Xavier's band. This is an invention of Mackenzie.
O. Nagam Aiya, The Trava ncore Slate, J,p. 298, says as follows:
"The Raja of Travancore was indebted to Xavier for deliverance
from danger; a panic having, it is said, boon produced in the ranks
of the Badagas by the sudden appearance of Xavier in front of their
bost, crucifix in band ; and thus the Badagas failed in their attempt
to conquer Travancore.." The detail of the crucifix must have been
taken from Mackenzie. The fact that no battle is mentioned in
the Hindu inscriptions and poems between the forces of Vitthala and
the Travancore army confirms also the extraordinary event narrated
above. It was a war without a formal battle.
P. D'Orsey, Portuguese Discoveries, p. 130. The author, though an
Anglican clergyman, says: UA band of mountaineers had poured down
upon the plains of Travancore, and were plundering the possessions.
The Rajah's force inferior in number, went out to meet tbe invaders;
but Xavier resolved, if possible, to save their lives by being himself
their cbampion. Raising the crucifix aloft, he rushed forward to meet
tbe advancing foe and exclaimed in a voice of thunder: "I forbid you
in the name of the living God, to pass further. Return to your
homes, and leave the land in peace." Astounded by this apparition
the superstitious multitute broke and fled. We give this story as it is
recorded. Though improbable it is not impossible; and there must
be some foundation for it, as the Rajah, grateful for this heroic deed
did all in bis power to further tbe interests of Xavier and his
mission".
Q. Astrain, Historia de la Campania de Jesus en la Asistcncia de
Espana, I, p, 469-70. See Bibliographical Introduction,
THE NAYAKS OF MADURA Itf
the person of the King himself1. Xavier does not mention
these honours given by the Maharaja. But the extraordinary
friendship between Unni Kerala Varma and Xavier which can
be gathered from his letters abundantly proclaims the King's
gratitude.
At the end of August, news was spread thai a Portuguese
had captured a servant of th^ King and brought him over to
Tuticorin. Xavier in his letter to Mansiihas dated September 2nd,
1544, evinces his interest in ascertaining the truth of this fact,
on account of his friendship with the King, who had just then
kindly entertained another Jesuit Missionary, Fr. Francisco
Coelho : and then he adds: "For God's sako write to the Captain
(of Tuticorin) on behalf of myself, saying that ] beg him most
earnestly not to order nor permit, in any way that any injury
be done to the Hindus who belong to the kingdom of the Great
King, since they arc such great friends of ours " <J. di the /th
of the same month he wrote again to Mansiihas : "(Fr. Coelho)
wrote to me besides that Iniquitrib.jriin was sending me an oil a
through three or four of his servants, who being somewhat fati-
gued, were taking some rest in Manapar; and that by these alias
he requested me to go there to meet him, since he wishes to speak
with me on certain poiats ol'groai interest to him. Something
else is written to me by Iniqintriberim, viz. that the Christians
residing within his kingdom arc quite safe, and he will always
R. S Paramoswara Aiyar, I. c., p. IM.
S. Mr. S. A. tlamanantha Ayyar in his learned article on The
Anivaymoli Pass, 1. c., p. IB, staics that the retreat of Viltuala's army
before Xavior"is porhaps reminiscent of a diplomatic mission, which
this friend of the Travancore King * Iniquitribirin' accomplished, and
which stayed the punishing hand of the imperial Viceroy from com-
mitting much slaughter and shedding much innocent blood. " We
cannot support this view. The details given by the sources are so
many and so characteristic that the account cannot be taken but
literally, though no miracle is to be supposed to explain the case.
1. Souza, OrtentcConquJstadoJ, p. 143 ; Du Jarric, Thesaurus, I, p.
148; Bartoli, DelV Istoria dclla Compagnia di Gestt, V Asia, I, p. 127.
2. From Xavier to Mansiihas, Manapadu, September 2nd, 1544,
M. H. S./., Mon. XovM I, p. 333.
148 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
protect them " l. It was not at all strange that Unni Kerala
Varma should want to speak with Xavier on certain points of
great interest to him, seeing that Xavier was the saviour of
his kingdom.
This friendship with the King was used by Xavier to
protect the poor people who had fled at the approach of the
army of Vijayanagara and taken refuge in the rocky islands
South of Cape Comorin. " I am going ", he says, " with twenty
boats of provisions to succour the Christians who are on the
rocks near the Cape of Comorin. They fled from the Badagas,
and are now dying of hunger and thirst " -
8. But the war was not over. A treaty had to be made
between Travancore and Vijayanagara. Unni Kerala Vanna was
the first to send an ambassador to Vitthala to open pourparlers
to establish peace firmly. Xavier took an active part in sending
this envoy to theTelugu general atTuticorin. *4 iniquitriberim"
says he in a letter of the I9th of August, "sends a Brahman along
with a captain to make peace with this people. 1 do not know
what they will do ; they are at present here, and will soon leave-
by sea " •'*. Again he wrote on the following day to Marisilhas :
"This Brahman now goes there with despatches for the Badagas
1. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Trichandur, September 7th, 1544,
ibid., p. 343.
2. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Virandapatanam, June 23rd, 1544,
Ibid., p. 327. Of. another letter from Xavier to the same of June 30tli,
1544, ibid., p. 328. The text of the first is as follows: "Ku m<» partopara o
Cabo de Comorim com vinte tones ou embarcacoens de muntimontoa
socorrer aquellos pobres christaos, que com medo dos badegas inficis,
seus inimigos so mcterao pelo mar, e estao dentro d'elle postos peias
pedras e penedos do Cabo ao sol, padecendo grandissima fomu e sede c
morrendo alguns com clla, que he para haver grandissima piedade."
Both Souza, o. c., p. 141, and Du Jarric, 1, p. 144, were mistaken in
placing this expedition of Xavier to the Christians of the* Comorin
Cape, after the invasion of the Fishery Coast; for it took place a
little after, about the end of July or begining of August. Aftrr
Souza and Du Jarric several authors have committed the HBIIK;
mistake. See for instance, Historia Chronologic a dos Prctado* c
Fundacoes Ecclesiaslicas , O Gabincte Litterario dos Fontainhas, I, p. 112.
3. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Manapadu, August 19th, 1544,
Ibid, p. 333.
THE NAYAKS OF MADURA 149
and for their King Betermemai (Vitthala) l. For God's sake
try to give him at once a boat to go to Tutycurim"2.
The making of this peace was by no means an easy task.
At that time the army of Vitthala had invaded the Coromandel
Coast, as we shall see later on ; and the Vijayanagara General
was busily engaged in subduing both the Portuguese and the
Paravas. Then the terms of Travancore were perhaps not easily
accepted by the powerful cousin of Rama Raya. This delay was
perhaps the cause of the alarming rumours spread through
Travancore in the month of September of the same year .
rumours that we lind echoed in one of Xavicr's letters: "They
say that Beterbemao (Vitthala) is going full speed by sea to
encounter king Iniquitribcrim (Unni Kerala Varma) and to
fight with him " 3.
Peace was also delayed through the demise of Unai Kerala
Varma, who must have died soon after the Vijayanagara in-
vasion ; for an inscription of his successor Bhutala Vira, of the
year 1547, is found at Suchindram 4. There is another in-
scription of his and of the same year in the Nelliappa temple at
Tinnevelly itself '\ Mr. Rangachari believes that this inscrip-
tion proves another inroad by Travancore into the old Pandya
territory *5; but it s-jems to us thai those inscriptions may mark
the date of the tinal peace between Travancore and Vijaya-
nagara. The King of Travancore on the occassion went perhaps
1. Such is the name given by Xavier to the Viceroy Vitthala,
and this is the only place in which he is called king by him ; in the
other five cases in which he speaks of him. he calls h;m a captain.
The spelling of the name is deffcrently given i - each case: Betebumar
(M. H. S./, Mon. Xav., i, p, 340), Betimunal (Jbid.), Betermeal (Ibid.,
p. 342), Boterbemao (Ibid., p. 344), Beterbemal (Ibid., p. 944)
besides the form given above.
2. From Xavier to MaiiSilhas, Manapadu, August 20th, 1544,
Ibid., p. 335.
3. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Manapadu, September 10th, 1544,
Ibid., p. 344.
4. Inscription in possession of Mr. Gopinatha Rao, Trivan-
drum. Cf. Ep. ind., XVI, p. 304.
5. 120 of 1894.
6. Jnd.Ant. XLD, p. 231.
t50 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
personally to Tinnevelly to sign the treaty. By this treaty the
district of Tinnevelly was ceded for ever to Vijayanagara, which
in return agreed not to molest Travancore. Finally the Tra-
vancore sovereign capitulated, and promised payment of an
annual tribute ; and moreover made arrangements for the cele-
bration, in the Vishnu shrine at Suchindram, of the day of
Rohini, the natal star of Vitthalesvara Maharayar J.
It was beyond doubt on this occasion that Rama Raya, the
powerful Regent of the Empire, gave the Tiruvanidesa to Vis-
vanatha as an amara-nayakam 3.
Such was the end of the war with Travancore. One of the
two objects Rama Raya had in sending Vitthala to the South
was already attained.
9. As to the other, it seems that the Fishery Coast was
invaded by the Badagas 4 even before the retreat of their
1. Inscription in possession of Mr. Gopinatha Rao of Trivan-
drum, 1. c.
2. 64 of 181)6.
3. 17 of 1912.
4. Badagas or Badugas is the name given by St. Xavier and
the old Jesuit writers to the soldiers either of Madura or of Vijaya-
nagara. This was another corruption of the name Vaduquer,
north cnor, given to the Telugus because they came from the North.
Nagam Aiya, The Travancore State, I, p. 297, says that St. Xavier in
one of his letters dated March, 1544, describes the Badagas as ' tax
gatherers ' and ' lawless marauders '. But I could not find such a
description among the letters of Xavier in their critical edition,
Af. H. S. /,. Man. Xav., 1. The anonymous author of the life of
St. Xavier, quoted above, after describing the city of Vijaya-
nagara, adds as follows: "These people, called Badagas, although
having the same complexion and qualities as ths rest of the people
of India, are stronger and more powerful in war ; because they are
rich people aud have much cavalry, and their behaviour is more
showy than that of the others. And they have all the cities and
villages surrounded with brick or stone walls, with bastions here and
there as in our fortresses." M. 11. S. /., Mon Xav., 1. p. 62. Fr. Du
Jarric, Thesaurus Rerum Indicarum, I. p. 144, describes the Badagas as
follows: They are "wild and cruel people, naturally fond of stealing,
coming from Bisnaga, foes of everybody, but specially of Christians."
This last note given by almost all the early Jesuit writers needs
THE NAYAKS OF MADURA 151
army from Travancore. St. Francis Xavier informs us in a
letter dated September 7th, 1544, that when he was at Trichen-
dur, Tinnevelly, in the beginning of Junejof that year, he heard
"of a rising in the country because the Portuguese had captured
a brother-in-law of Betermeal (Vitthala), and they (viz. the in-
surgents) wanted likewise to capture the Christians of the Cape
of Comorim " J, that is the Portuguese and; 'the Paravas who
were under them.
The latter, after returning from Cochin in I532»2 nad
received some slight instruction in the Christians faith and were
baptized by Fr. Michael Vaz, Vicar General of India, and by
several other priests who had come from Cochin 3. Then
the Portuguese established themselves in Manapadu, Punnei
Kayal, Tuticorin and Vambar, and took over the civil and
some explanation, since it might be misunderstood. The Telugu
soldiers and their generals had nothing against the Christians as
Christians. Both the Nayaks of Madura and the Emperors of
Vijayanag.ira tolerated and received respectfully into 'their capitals
the Jesuit missionaries. The Telugu armies that invaded the Fishery
Coast were so often sent against the Christians, hecause the latter
hail put themselves under the protection of the Portuguese, and
these had taken possessions of the Coast that belonged to Vijaya-
nagara. Now Madura wanted to retain as her dominion that rich
shore. The motive of this first invasion was a little different, as
related above. These Badagas must not be confused with the agri-
cultural caste of the Nilgiris, also called Badagas. Cf. Thurston,
Castes and Tribes of Southern India, I, p. 62-124.
1. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Trichendtir, September 7th, 1544,
1. c. Xavier calls Christians of the Comorin Cape all the Christians of
both Travancore and Coromaudel.
2. Cf. Ch. VI, No. 9,
3. Souza, o. c.t I, p. 130. Dr. S. KriShnaswami Aiyangar, in
his Introduction to Satyanatha Aiyar's History of the Nayaks, p. 13,
supposes that St. Xavier converted the Paravas. Again the same is
supposed in p. 123, note 43. t have been told that the Paravas
themselves maintain they were converted by Xavier. Cf. Castets,
St. Ftancis Xavier's Indian Mission, p. 7-12; Miranda, The Intro-
duction of Christianity into the Heart of India,p. 6. But it is historically
evident that the majority of the Paravas were Christians from 1533
or 1534, when St. Xavier was not yet in India. Xavier went there
152 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
criminal jurisdiction of the whole of the coast. Their principal
settlement was Punnei Kayal *.
On the 3rd of August, Xavier was sure that the army of
Vitthala would overrun the Fishery Coast : " I sent one Father
there", he writes from Manapaclu to Mansilhas, " in order that
the boats might be thrown into the sea in time and the people
might embark when the occasion should offer itself ; for I feel
sure that they will attack and capture these your Christians" 2.
The first news of the invasion of the army of Vitthala reached
Xavier'sears on August iQth, while at Manapadu. At the
end of a letter written on that date he says: "I am given a letter
of Guarim just now, in which he informs me that the Christians
have fled to the forest, since the Badagas have robbed them of
their property, stabbed two men, one a Christian and the other
a Hindu" 3. But most of the Paravas, embarking on their miser-
able boats, sought refuge in thi* small islands that face the
Comorin Cape, leaving their country to the fury of their enemies.
Those islands were inaccessible to the Madura soldiers on
account of the fr-qnent sa-id-banks separated by canals known
only by the fishers of the coast. But this was certainly not an
ideal place for the unfortunate refugees, from the lack of good
drinkable water and of trees and vegetables of all kinds 4. St.
Xavier, in another letter of September 5th, tells us that Punnei
precisely to accomplish their instruction in the faith. In one of his
letters, dated Tuticorin, October 28th, 1542, he says : " We are going
through the villages of the Christians, who became Christians about
eight years ago. There are no Portuguese in these places, because
the soil is not fertile at all and very poor. When arriving at any of
these villages, I baptized all the children who are not yet baptized ;
so I have baptized a great multitude of infants, quid inter dextram
and sinistram inters it ignorant es." M. H. S.J., Man. Xav.. I. p. 273. The
last remarks of Xavier show that the adults were already baptized
at the time of his arrival.
1. Cf. Tinnevelty Manual, p. 43.
2. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Manapadu, August 3rd, 1544,
Ibid., p. 331. Cf. p. 332.
3. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Manapadu, August 19th, 1544,
Ibid., I, p. 333.
4. Souza, 1. c. ; Du Jarric, 1. c.
THE NAYAKS OF MADURA 153
Kayal was one of the cities attacked by the Badagas, while
the house and boat of the Portuguese captain of the place
were set on fire; and that the aforesaid captain fled to the
islands with the rest of the inhabitants of the coast l. Tuticorin
was also swept away by the Badagas 2 and was probably made
the temporary residence of Vitthala, since the ambassador of
Unni Kerala Varma was sent there 3. In the two above-
mentioned letters Xavier orders Mansilhas, who was instruct-
ing the Paravas in the North of the coast, to make a collection
among the rich people of those places, to succour the poor
Christians of the islands who were dying of hunger and
thirst ; he particularly urges him to carry there many casks
full of water ; the more, he says, the better. He was at Punney
Kayal on August 21, and he wrote from there to Mansilhas
that "the Badagas had left the place for Cabecate" 4.
We are not aware how long the army of Vitthala stayed
on the Coromandel Coast; both Souza and Du Jarric say it
remained there quite a long time, though it never reached the
villages of the North 5. We suppose that one of the reasons
why Vitthala retreated was the recovery of his brother-in-law,
which took place, no doubt, before he returned to Madura.
10. After these two compaigns in Travancore and in
Coromandel, Vitthala remained in the South for a period of
about twelve years, until 1558, as Viceroy of the southern
country G. According to an inscription at Koiladi, he ** was
granted the whole country", vis. the South, by Sadasiva 7. We
know of one of his inscriptions at this time in the old temple of
Perumal at Madura itself, in which he is called Rama Raya
1. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Alendal, September 5th, 1544,
Ibid., p. 341.
2. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Alendal, September 5th, 1544,
Ibid., p. 340.
3. Cf. above No. 8.
4. From Xavier to Mansilhas, Punnei Kayal, August 21st, 1544,
Ibid., p. 337,
5. Souza, 1. c. ; Du Jarric, 1. c.
6. 129 of 1905 ; A/. E. tf ., /Spp./ooo, para 78. Cf. Sewell, II, p. 224.
7. 273 of 1901,
20
154 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Vittaladeva Maharaya \ His authority was acknowledged in
the whole Madura kingdom as far as Coimbatore and the
South of Salem District ; for we know that the old Kongudesa
was under his sway '-, and he is said to have levied tribute
even from Ceylon a.
The epigraphical records acquaint us with two of the
officers of Vitthala during his governorship of the South. One
was Ramappa Nayak, his agent at Kalakadu, in 1552 4 ; and
the other was Timmapa Nayaka, son of Basavana Nayaka.
This Basavana Nayaka, made three grants to the Kudal Aiagar
temple at Madura for the merit of Vitthala 5. In fact Basa-
vana himself is, in an inscription at Tirukkurungudi, Tinne-
velly, said to have been an officer of Vitthala c.
The relations between Visvanatha Nayak and the Viceroy
Vitthala must have been those of cordial friendship and mutual
understanding ; but pending the discovery of new inscriptions
this question remains without a satisfactory solution. Dr.
Krishnaswami Aiyangar supposes that Visvanatha and his son
Krishnappa Nayaka were subordin? ^ to Vitthala 7; perhaps
his statement is based on an inscription of 1550, in which Vis-
vanatha is called the agent of the Mahamandalesvara Rama
Raya Vitthalayadeva Maharaja, for whose merit he presents a
gift of a devadana hold of land 8. But this only proves the
friendly relations between the two chiefs.
The sphere of action of Vitthala was quite different from
that of Visvanatha. The latter, as a ruler, had to administer his
kingdom, and occasionally to subdue the rebel Palaiyakarans
or other chiefs under his authority. But the aim of Vitthala
was to re-conquer Travancore and Coromandel for the
1. Sewell, I, p. 292.
2. 5 and 27 of 1906.
3. 129 of 1905; M.E.R., 1905, p. 60. The date 1536 is evidently
wrong.
4. 428 of 1916 ; 129 of 1905.
5. 557, 558 and 559 of 1911.
6. Rangacharya, III, p. 1472, 287.
7. Sathyanatha Aiyar, History of the Nayaks, p. 14.
8. 599 of 1916. In the inscription 721 of 1915 Visvanatha i«
again called the agent of Vitthala,
tttE NAVAKS OF MADURA 155
Empire. There was no need of subordination to each other.
Each could fulfill his aims independently. Nevertheless Vis-
vanatha helped Vitthala in his expedition against Travancore,
as well as in some of the expeditions against Coromandel. The
relations between Vitthala and Visvanatha may be compared to
those between the Agent of the Governor General and the Raja
of one of the native tributary States in India now-a-days.
And perhaps not to interfere in the matters of Visvanatha's
Government, Vitthala spent a great deal of time during his
viceroy alty in the city of Trichinopoly 3. An inscription
of 1545 at Ratnagiri, Trichinopoly, records that under the
orders of Ramaraja Vitthalaraja, Timma, his younger brother,
made a grant to the god on the said hill Ratnagiri -. Another
of 1544 at Tiruvidaimarudur, Tanjore, refers to a gift of two
villages to the Mahalingasvamin temple by Vitthala :t.
Again in 1546 he made another gift to the Ranganatha
temple of Koviladi, Tanjore 4. The action of the Viceroy
over the the South was only opposed, as far as we know, by
a young chief of the Chola country named Solaga, who became
later on notorious for his cruelties :>.
II. During the time of his governorship Vitthala led
several attacks against the Portuguese and their proteges the
Paravas on the Coromandel Coast. These expeditions have
not been narrated hitherto by any author of Indian History.
We now propose to fill up this gap with the information given
in the old Jesuit chronicles and Portuguese histories c.
1. 273 of 1901.
2. 191 of 1914.
3. 140 of 1895.
4. 273 of 1901.
5. Raghunathabhyudayam, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources,
p. 286. Dr. S. Krisknaswami Aiyangar, 1. c., note, doubts the identity
of the Viceroy Vitthala Raja opposed by Solaga mid the nephew
of Rama Raya. Fr. Du Jarric, Thesaurus, I, p. 647, says that Solaga
was eighty years old in 1597 ; hence he was thirty in 1547 during the
viceroyalty of Vitthala over the South.
6. The sources consulted for the narration of the following
raid of 1549 are these : Souza, Orientc Conquistado, I, p. 163-5; Du
Jarrio, Thesaurtts, I, p. 451-5; Juvencio, Epitome Historiae Soc\ Jcsii, I, p.
156 TrtE AkAVlDU t)YNAStY OF VlJAYANAGAfcA
The Portuguese possessions on the Coromandel Coast ex-
tended as far as Rameswaram; and between one and two leagues
away from this famous town, in the village of Vedaiai 1 on
the frontier of the kingdom of Marava, they built a mud fort in
which there was always a small garrison under a captain.
Correa informs us that the Governor of Cochin went to inspect
the fortress of Beadala, (Vedaiai) near the sand-banks of Chilao
(Ceylon) 2.
In the year 1549 there was at Vedaiai a garrison of forty
soldiers under the command of one Joao Fernandes Correa
whose rapacity provoked an attack from the Badagas. He dug
a trench close to his fort barring the path of the numerous
Hindu pilgrims to the temple at Rameswaram, perhaps the
most celebrated in the whole of southern India. Thus the pil-
grims had to pay toll to the Portuguese; in consequence of which
the alms received by the Brahmans of the temple at Rames-
waram went on dwindling day by day. Accordingly the
Brahmans, who were as covetous as the Portuguese captain,
appealed to Madura, probably through the Setupati of Ramnad
who was in charge of the causeway leading to Rameswaram ;
and the result was the Badaga invasion.
We have no knowledge as to whether Vitthala came over
again to attack this fort ; but we do know that six thousand
soldiers appeared suddenly before Vadalai n, among whom
were some Muhammadans who easily made alliance with the
Telugus against their former slaves. The Portuguese captain,
seeing that it would be impossible to resist so large a force
with such ammunition as he had, retreated towards the sea and
145-6 ; Anonymous Life of St. Francis Xavier, M. H. S.J., Mon. Xav., I, p.
137-8 ; Chromcon Societatis Jestt, M. H. S. /., I, p. 470 ; Nieremberg,
Varones Ilustres de la Compania de Jesus, II, p. 137-8. Other documents
will also be cited in the course of our narrative.
1. Bedala or Beadala say the Jesuit Chroniclers. About the
location of Vedaiai see Dessal, Ou a etc martyrise Ic Vcn. Antoinc Cri-
minal Soc. Jesu.
2. Correa, IV, 6, p. 324.
3. Fr. Alphonso Oypriani wrote from Sao Thome, December 3rd,
1549, that there were only 15 Portuguese in Vedaiai against five or
six hundred Badagas: Sclectac Indiarum Epistolae* p. 98.
Tttfi NAYAtfS OF MADURA 157
with his garrison sought refuge in the islands of the coast. A
great number of Paravas did the same, but their small boats
could not receive the whole population.
Fr. Antonio Criminali, an Italian Jesuit, who had been
appointed Superior of the missions among the Paravas of the
Fishery Coast on St. Xavier's departure to Japan in May of the
same year, was then in Rameswaram, instructing in the faith
some Paravas who had been baptized shortly before l. On
hearing that the Badagas were appaoaching Vedalai, he fled
there to protect his Christians. He transported many in
their frail craft. ; He was invited to do the same ; but refused
to do so until every one of his flock had left the village. From
the landing place he walked to the small chapel of St. Vincent
where many of the Christians had taken refuge : but before
reaching it he encountered two detachments of Telugu soldiers,
who however did not molest him. Then a third detachment
arrived; and one of the solders in the rear, a Muhammadan on
horse-back, pierced his left side with a lance. The father fell
down, but getting up after a while walked again towards the
chapel. There he met some other soldiers who finally be-
headed him and, raising his head on the top of a spike, placed
it afterwards as a sign of their valour over the door of the
chapel 2. Some Paravas were also murdered on this
1. Souza, Du Jarric and others do not mention the name of
this place; but the following authorities record that it was Bamanacor
or Rameswaram: Annual letter of the Goa Mission announcing the
murder of Fr. Criminali, dated Goa, June 19th, 1549, LUterac Indianun
mine primum editac (Florentiae, 1877), XXIV, para 15; Letter from the
Bishop of Goa to the Queen of Portugal, Goa, October 25th, 1549,
Massara, Del P. Antonio Criminali (Parma 1899); Letter from Fr. A.
Gomez, Rector of the Jesuit College at Goa to the King of Portugal,
Selectac Indiarum Epistolac, XXII, p. 102; Chronicon S.J., M.H.S.J., I, p,
470 . Maffei, Histotiarum fndicarum, p. 627; Tanner, Societas Jcsu usque
adSanguinis, p. 212-4.
2. The Dutch traveller Nieuhoff, Voyages and Ttavcls, p. 245,
relates likewise the tragic death of this missionary. He says that
the head and garments of Criminali were at last triumphantly carried
by the soldiers to their temple at Trichendur. Fr. Criminali is sup-
posed to be the protomartyr of the Society of Jesus. Certainly he
I5& THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGARA
occasion, and others reduced to captivity. The chapel as
well as the fort was razed to the ground, and the trench dug by
the captain was filled up. The Jesuit chronicles conclude their
account by saying that the soldiers went finally to Rameswaram
to pay a visit to the temple. Probably on account of this
and other similar expeditions, we read in the History of the
Karnataka Governors that Vis van at ha protected the pilgrims
who used to go to Rameswaram l.
12. But two years later, at the end of 1551, peace on the
Fishery Coast was again disturbed by thu soldiers of Vitthala.
They captured a young Portuguese Jesuit Father named Paolo
de Valle ; but the Paravas, appearing suddenly in the Tclugu
camp after some days, succeeded in rescuing him. This valiant
action of the Christians provoked another incursion of the
Badagas. On reaching the sea-shore, they saw only the rafts of
the Paravas at a distance carrying with them the Portuguese
Jesuit, who died soon after as a result of the hardships of his
captivity ~.
At this time, however, it appears evident that quite a
good number of villages of the Fishery Coast, if not
all, had promised to pay an annual tribute to the Nayak of
Madura to obtain freedom from future molestation by occasio-
nal incursions 3. This tribute consisted in the catch of
died for the sake of the Christians, but it seems that the reason of
his murder was not hatred of the Christian faith. These expeditions
of the Badagas had a political reason ; and beyond doubt his mur-
derers supposed that he was one of the paranguis or Portuguese,
against whom they were waging war. These remarks are not cal-
culated to detract in any way from the virtue of Criminali. St.
Xavier, writing to St. Ignatius from Cochin, on January 14th, 1549,
described him as follows : '* Antonio Criminali is now in Comorin
with six others belonging to the Society. He is a holy man indeed,
believe me, and just born to be the apostle of this country. I beg
you to send here many like him, of whom you have plenty there, I
am sure ". M. H. S. /., Mon. Xav., I, p. 482-3.
1. Taylor, 0. H. MSSn II, p. 15.
2. Souza, Oriente Conquistado, I, p. 174; Du Jarric, I, p. 459.
3. Souza, o. c., p. 175.
THE NAYAKS OF MADURA I5Q
one day's fishing, which, according to Couto, would amount to
about ten thousand pardaos '.
Now it happend in the year 1552 that one of the nobles
of the kingdom of Travancore, with a strong detachment of
soldiers, invaded several villages of the South of Coromandel
near Cape Comorim, pillaging the poor villages and capturing
some of them. The rest of the inhabitants, who were all
Christians, appealed to the Nayak of Madura, their protector ;
this was naturally an inducement to Visvanatha, who accord-
ingly, proceeded at once with his army against the villages
belonging to the Malayalam noble, entered them by surprise and
ravaged them. On hearing this the Travancore Maharaja
became furious ; and since he could not oppose the forces of
Madura, joined forces with Vitthala and overpowered the poor
Christians of the villages who had appealed to Visvanatha.
'The combined army arrived in the silence of the night, and a
great slaughter of people took place before dawn ; one of the
victims was a Portuguese Missionary, Luis Mendez, a Lay
Brother of the Society 2.
13. But Vitthala was not satisfied with this apparent
submission of the villages of Coromandel ; the Portuguese were
still the lords of the pearl fisheries and were practically in
possession of the whole country. His object was to crush
them completely. And since on former occasions they had always
escaped by sea, he made an alliance with a Muhammadan
pirate named Irapali (...Ali), a subject of the Zamorim of Cali-
cut ; so that now, while the Muhammadans attacked the Coast
by sea, Visvanatha Nayak with the Telugu troops would
attack the Portuguese b^ land 3. The place for launching
the assault was Punney Kayal, the capital of the Portuguese
settlements of the Fishery Coast, with a garrison of 50
soldiers 4 under captain Manoel Rodrigues Coutinho.
1. Couto, VII, p. 249.
2. Souza, o. c., p. 175 ; Du Jarric, o. c., p. 459.
3. No mention is made here of Vitthala. I am inclined to believe
that the apellation ' Vichuva, Capitao dos Badagas' must refer to
Visvanatha Nayaka, because this chief is called Vizuva Naiche by
Fr Bartoli,Z)p//, Istoria della Compagnia di Gesu, L' Asia, VII, p. 161. Of.
infra No. 16.
4. Seventy, according to Couto and Faria y Souza,
160 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Accordingly at the end of June of the year 1553, the
Muslim fleet took up a position in front of the Coromandel
Coast ; it was composed of some galleons and forty sloops. A
small village called Mugel, formed just a year before, was the
first to be attacked ; twenty fishing boats and many Paravas
were captured. From there they went straight to Punny Kayal;
and on the first of May five hundred Muhammadan soldiers
landed on the shore but were valiantly repulsed by the fifty
soldiers of the place. The standard-bearer, one Antonio
Franco de Gusmao, attacked the standard-bearer of the
Muhammadans, an Abyssinian soldier, and after capturing
his standard killed him on the spot. On seeing the defeat
of his detachment the Muslim chief who was on board his
galleon came with reinforcements. But the Portuguese
soldiers considered themselves unable to resist the horde of
Muhammadan combatants who numbered fifteen hundredf
Almost all the Portuguese retreated. But Manoel Rodriguez
Coutinho, their captain, left alone with seventeen of his men,
stood where he was till he was convinced by his men that he ought
to retreat to the town, where behind the brick walls of the fort
they could better resist the attack of the enemies. They did
so ; but on reaching the town, were all captured by the soldiers
of Vitthala, while the Muhammadans took possession of the
town itself together with the fort. Irapali issued a proclama-
tion to all the inhabitants of the CoromandeJ Coast announcing
the end of the Portuguese rule, and inviting all to become the
disciples of the Prophet unless they prefered to feel the edge
of the Muhammadan sword.
When this news reached Cochin, the Portuguese of that
settlement resolved to avenge the offence to the Christian
name and the national honour. Gil Fernandez de Carvalho
offered to lead the forces against the Muslims. He was given
a huge galliot, three lighters and one sloop. After three days,
with one hundred and seventy men, they left Cochin and
arrived before Punney Kayal where the Muhammadan fleet
was lying a little to the north at Calecare. They went there,
but could not cross the sand-bank at the mouth of the
harbour owing to an unfavourable wind ; one of the lighters,
however, commanded by Lourenco Coelho, attempted to cross
THE NAYAKS OF MADURA l6l
and ran aground. As soon as the Muhammadans who were
anchored between the sand-bank and the shore saw this, they
surrounded the boat and a great fight ensued. This lasted
the whole day, the Portuguese being determined not to
surrender to the enemy ; by evening all of them had been
slaughtered, and many of the Muhammadans had likewise
perished, among them Irapali himself.
This unfortunate action took place within sight of the
Portuguese Commander, who could not go to Lourenco Coelho's
assistance on account of the wind. Accordingly he retreated
to a small neighbouring island, where he found another
Portuguese boat going to Negapatam Nvhich made up for the
loss of the first. Then an envoy of a Marava chieftain reached
the place, and promised Gil Fernandez to attack the Muham-
madans at Calecare while the Portuguese attacked them by
4a. After a few days the wind changed ; and on the fifteenth
of May in the morning the two fleets met before Calecare.
The Muslim forces outnumbered the Portuguese, but by
evening all the Muhammadan galliots had been captured by
the valiant Portuguese. Not a few of the followers of the
late Irapali escaped by swimming ; but the Marava chief, who
was on the lookout, slaughtered many while the Portuguese
took the rest.
After this glorious victory Gil Fernandez at once
opened pourparlers with Vitthala for the rescue of Captain
Coutinho, his wife and children, the fifty soldiers of the
garrison and the Jesuit Father Enrique Enriquez, who
happened to be at Punney Kayal at the time of the
combined invasion of Vitthala and Irapali. A hundred
thousand fanams were demanded as a ransom for Captain
Coutinho and his family. Gil Fernandez found himself
unable to accede to this ; so he sent a secret message
(through a Muhammadan of great influence who was a very
good friend of the Portuguese) to Rama Ray a at Vijayanagara
asking for the favour of the captive's liberty. An order
finally came to Vitthala to hand over the captives to
Gil Fernandez. This was done in Tuticorin ; Vitthala however
demanded from Captain Continho the sum of a thousand
162 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
pardaos, which were partly given by the Christians of the
Coast i.
14. It was probably after this expedition that the whole
of the Fishery Coast agreed to pay the small tribute of the
catch of a day's fishing to the Nayak of Madura ; for we do
not read of any other inroad of Vitthala on the Coast of
Coromandel. On the other hand we know that in the year
1558 Vitthala led another attack into the kingdom of Travan
core ; probably because its King, who was still Rama Varma,
had again refused to pay his annual tribute.
The Vijayanagara general invaded the Travancore territory
with an army of six thousand soldiers. The Travancore
sovereign was not able to oppose this force, since his own army
consisted at most of a thousand soldiers. Rama Varma des-
patched an envoy to Fr. F. Perez, a Portuguese Jesuit, who was
the Superior of the Travancore missions and resided at Calcif-
lam (Kalkulam), begging him to pray much to God for the suc-
cess of his army. Fr. Perez promised to do so, and sent him a
standard in the centre of which the name of Jesus was painted;
at the same time he recommended that the ensign bearing this
standard should precede the army, and that while engaging in
battle all should fervently invoke the name of Jesus. This was
done, and the Telugu soldiers, on hearing the roar, retreated
panic-striken and were pursued by the Malayalams who slaugh-
tered many of them 2.
Fr. Souza says that this standard was afterwards kept
in the Royal Treasury, and at the end of his narrative
makes the following remark : " I do not say anything else
1. Sousa, o. c., p. 177-80 ; Du Jarric, o. c., 459-60 ; Con to,
VI, pt. 2, p. 456-65 ; Faria y Sousa, II, p. 270-1 ; Maffei, Historiarum
Indicarum.p. 719; Bartoli, Dell' htoriadella Compagnia di Gesu> L'Asia,
VII, p. 143-6; Lafitau, Histoiredes Decouvertes, II, p. 522-4.
2. This fact may be explained naturally. Fr. Sousa supposes
it to be a miracle. Fr. H. Hosten, 3. J.t St. Joseph's College, North
Point, Darjeeling, who travelled through Trvancore in 1924, informs
me that this banner cannot be found in the Maharaja's treasury,
but the Syro -Christians of Travancore keep the tradition of this
victory won under the banner of the name of Jesus to this day.
THE NAVAKS OF MADURA 163
on this Kingdom, because I have found nothing else in
the MSS" l.
15. Was Vitthala killed in this retreat of his army from
Travancore ? We are not aware of it ; we only know that no
other mention of Rama Raya's cousin is made either in the
Hindu inscriptions or in the western chronicles. Anyhow this
year, 1558, marks the end of his governorship in the South2.
Vitthala's aim was only partly attained. The defeat of his
army in Travancore was practically equivalent to the complete
independence of this kingdom. As to the Fishery Coast, the
Portuguese remained there as powerful as ever; the only point
conceded was the annual tribute of the catch of a day's fishing
to the Madura Nayak, but the Paravas did not acknow-
ledge any lords other than the Portuguese ; if they paid
such tribute to Madura it was only in order to get rid of the
incursions of the Telugus on to their own shores. Caesar
Frederick, who passed through the Fishery Coast in about 1567,
says that "the Fishermen are all Christians of the Countrey ;
and who so will may go to fishing, paying a certain dutie to the
King of Portugall, and the Churches of the Friers of Saint Paul
(Jesuits) which are in that Coast" a. The Vijayanagara
General had therefore not yet succeeded in gaining supreme
power.
Although the success of the expedition of Vitthala
was not so great, still apparently on account of this campaign
Rama Raya is flattered in the Ramarajiyamu, with the title of
'Planter of Pillars of victory at Cape Comorin and on the
banks of the Bhima' 4.
16. The end of the viceroyalty of Vittala was not the end
of their troubles for the Paravas of the Fishery Coast; because
in the vear 1560 Visvanatha, the Nayak of Madura, again in-
vaded the country, demanding the catch of two days' fishing
1. Souza, o. c., p. 188.
2. According to Souza, o. c., p. 193, Vichuva (Vitbhala) was
still in the South in 1560. But his account on this occasion is not
trustworthy, as contradictory to other Portuguese sources.
3. Purchas, X, p. 105.
4. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 182,
164 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGAfcA
as the tribute due to him. The vanguard of his army, headed
by a Deccani captain named Melrao, reached Punney Kayal
some day in the month of August, early in the morning.
They set fire to all the houses they could. But it happened
that at the time there was in Punney Kayal a strong detachment
of soldiers, who had come to the Fishery Coast some days before
under the command of Dom Duarte de Menezes, a Portuguese
noble. On learning the cause of the revolt, Dom Duarte imme-
diately proceeded with his forty soldiers to encounter Melrao and
his army. The fight was long and indecisive. Meanwhile the
whole population was able to take refuge in the mud fort which
overlooked the river. Manoel Rodrigues Coutinho, who was
still the captain of the fort, set out to drive the enemies out of
the town. They were on the point of succeeding in this enter-
prise. For Dom Duarte de Menezes had vailiantly killed Melrao
and had put to flight the rest of his enemies. But just then
the main body of the army commanded by Visvanatha
Nayaka himself appeared on the scene l.
Neither Menezes nor Coutinho were able to resist the
enemy, and so started a slow retreat towards the fort, which was
reached by Coutinho after he was wounded. Then at high-tide
all the women and children were embarked on several sloops
that came up the river near which the fort was built. Finally,
as the fort was very weak and the enemies very numerous, it
was decided to surrender it ; accordingly all the men boarded a
sloop and Coutinho surrendered the fort before he embarked.
But the tide being on the ebb, so that no ships could sail away,
all were captured by Visvanatha after a stout resistance. There-
upon the whole town was sacked and destroyed.
A fortnight of captivity followed. When this was over
Coutinho proposed to the Madura Nayak to pay a thousand
fanams as every one's ransom. Visvanatha agreed, and accord-
ingly all were set free, excepting the Jesuit Missionary Fr. Joao
de Mesquita, who was retained as hostage, while Coutinho was
to visit Tuticorin to collect the price of their liberty. In the
meantime, an opportunity for escape offering itself, Fr. Mes-
1. Couto and Faria y Sousa call him Bisminaique.
THE KAYAKS OF MADUHA 165
quita took advantage of it and finally reached Tuticorin safe
and sound 1.
We hear no more of Visvanatha's expeditions against the
Paravas and the Portuguese of the Coromandel Coast. From
this we may conclude that Coutinho finally paid the price agreed
upon, and that perhaps even the Paravas consented to pay him
the catch of two days' fishing, as demanded. Moreover at the
end of the same year the Portuguese Viceroy, Dom Constantino
de Braganca, built a fortress on the opposite island of Manar,
to which the inhabitants of Punney Kayal were transferred, in
order to secure them against the incursions of Visvanatha
Nayaka 2. The Madura ruler vainly tried to impede the
realization of the Viceroy's scheme. a. In 1597, Fr. Nicolao
Pimenta visited this new settlement : " We passed that Cape
(of Rameswaram)", he writes to Fr. General C. Aquaviva, "and
came to Talemanare at the entrance of the He Manare, and
having visited the Churches in the Island, passed the River and
went by land to the Pearle-fishing " 4. At the end of the
century the fortress built in Manar was in a ruinous state. It
was restored and fortified again through the diligence of the
Jesuits working among the Christian Paravas of the Fishery
Coast 5. The Dutch traveller John Nieuhoff, who passed through
Manar in 1662, says that " this city as well as its castle call'd
Ragu acknowledge the Portuguese for its founders, the castle
being built for their better security against the attempts of the
Naik or Nayk, lord of the circumjacent country " 6.
17. This was perhaps the last campaign of this valiant
general. The MrtyunjayaMSS. inform us that during his life-time
he caused his son Kumara Krishnappa Nayaka to be anointed 7.
1. Couto, VII, p. 249-55; Faria y Sousa, II, p. 343-4; Bartoli,
DelV Istotia della Compagniade Ge*u, L' Asia, VII, p. 160-2, 164-5.
2. Faria y Sousa, I, p. 348.
3. Queyroz, Conquista de Ceylao, p. 318.
4. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 207.
5. From King Philip III to the Viceroy, Lisbon, January
22nd, 1601, Ap. B, No. XX.
6. Nieuhoff, Voyages and Travels, p. 199.
7. Taylor, O.H. MSS., II, p. 117. Of. 121 of 1894.
166 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OK VIjAYANAGARA
The latter's wife was Lakshmamma, l or Lakshmyambika *.
We do not know exactly the date of this memorable event in
the history of Madura which marks the end of the reign of the
Nayak founder. Mr. Rangachari places the accession of
Kumara Krishnappa in 1562 3; but according to Prof. Sathya-
natha Aiyar the date nth of Tai, Rudhirodgari corresponds
approximately to the 25th of January, 1564 4. Anyhow it
seems quite certain that Visvanatha's demise occurred
shortly after the coronation of his son ; so much so that there
are suspicions that the anointing of Krishnappa took place
at the death bed of his father. Hence we are inclined to believe
that Visvanatha's renunciation occurred in 1563, since the
first inscription we know of the reign of Krishnappa corresponds
also to this date 5.
The founder of the Nayak Dynasty of Madura proved a
valiant warrior and a skilful administrator. The Palaiyaka-
ran system was developed by him in the South. This system,
though somewhat defective as fomenting ambitions and weaken-
ing the central power, was nevertheless a definite progressive
step towards the modern federation of states. In this respect
Visvanatha Nayaka's administrative system was far in advance
of his age. In his rule he was energetic and practical; he is called
" the best skilled in putting down disputes": in his presence
Timmappa Nayaka, the King's agent, settled some disputes
between the two parties of the inhabitants of Kondakai 6,
Knowing that agriculture is one of the best sources of
wealth, Visvanatha fostered it with great interest by the
creation of extensive water-courses which he ordered to be
1. Dalavay Agraharam plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XII, p.
187, vv. 67-79.
2. Padmaneri grant of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 297, vv.
60-61; Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ibid., p. 320, w. 53-98.
3. Ind. Ant., XLV, p. 81.
4. Sathyanatha Aiyar, History oftheNayaks, p. 68.
5. 17 of 1912. Sewell, II, p. 201, thinks that Visvanatha died
in December, 1563.
6. Burgess, p. 108-9 ; Rangacharya, II, p, 1177, 166.
THE NAYAKS OF MADURA 167
opened in Madura \ in Trichinopoly 2, and in Tinnevelly 3 ;
and in this way the rivers communicated with the fields.
Thus he fertilized extensive districts 4 and laid out new
fields for tillage and brought new inhabitants to cultivate them 5.
His interest in the progress of agriculture is also shown
by the fact that he once dispatched his minister Ariyanatha to
inspect the agricultural improvements of the District of Tinne-
velly °. The progress in agriculture increased the number
of inhabitants ; hence many new villages were built by Visva-
natha's order in these three districts, while the old ones were
repaired and beautified 7.
Hinduism was also fostered by "the pious son of Kotyam
Nagama Nayadu", as he is called in a grant of 1560 8.
Visvanatha was a very staunch Hindu who carried from
Vijayanagara to Madura the statue of the goddess Durga, and
as soon as he reached his capital, restored and enlarged its
temple. The History of the Karnataka Governors informs us
that he also built the temple of Srirangam 9 ; but since we
know that Srirangam already existed before the conquest of
Visvanatha 10, this must have reference to the enlargements
carried out by his order. As a matter of fact, the Srirangaw-
Koyil-olugu records that Visvanatha made to the god Ranganatha
gifts of several golden vessels, costly ornaments and pieces of
land to the extent of three lakhs of pons ll. The Tiruppani-
malai also mentions several of his gifts to the god Sundaresvara
of Madura 12. Moreover he erected many new t emples in
1. History of the Karnataka Governors, Taylor, O. H. A/SS., II,
p. 15.
2. Ibid., p. 17.
3. Ibid., p. 21.
4. Ibid., p. 15.
5. Ibid., p. 17.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid., p. 15, 17, and 21.
8. Sewell, II, p. 2, 10.
9. Taylor, o. c., p. 17.
10. Of. Ch. VI, No. 3.
11. Of. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 305.
12. Ibid,
168 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VtfAYANAGARA
Tinnevelly l and in other parts of his dominions, and along
with them the usual mandapams and connected places 2.
Similarly in many parts of his dominions he built agraharams
or Brahman streets 3. * . ,
We know also of a grant made by him for the religious
service of a mosque : in 1560 he gave a plot of land in the
Ramnad District to Mullamakudam Mullaperoja (Mullha
Pheroz ?) for the maintenance and lighting of a mosque for
the use of fakirs 4.
As to Visvanatha's attitude towards the Empire, he was
always as faithful a subject of the Vijayanagara Emperor, as
when he went to wage war against his father. In 1535, during
his first viceroyalty, he is called an officer of Achyuta 5 ; and
though already a king, he calls himself 'the agent of Sadasiva' 6.
In 1558 he is called also ' the agent of Ramarajadeva
Maharaja'7. In 1560 he makes a gift of taxes on looms
for the merit of the same Aliya Ramarajayyan 8. In 1561 an
inscription records a gift of his son Krishnappa Nayaka to
the Tinnevelly temple and mentions the same Rama Raya 9.
From all these inscriptions and grants we know that Visva-
natha's relations with the Empire were those of a faithful
tributary king to his overlord.
The fact that Visvanatha struck coins in his own name 10
does not prove that he ever broke allegiance with the
Emperor ; since all the provincial rulers of the Empire had
independent coinage, as it is testified by Frederick in his travels
1. History of the Karnataka Governors, Taylor, o.c., p. 21.
2. Ibid., p. 17.
3. Ibid., p. 15, 17, and 21.
4. Catalogue of Copper-Plate Grants in the Government Museum,
Madras, p. 28.
5 113 of 1908 ; M.E.R., /pop, p. 119.
6. Burgcs, p. 108-9.
7. 385 of 1916.
8. 622 of 1915.
9. 28 of 1894.
10. Of. Hultzsch, South Indian Copper Coins, Ind, Ant., XXI,
p. 325, Nos 14-16.
THE NAYAKS OF MADURA 169
through South India l. Nor is it to be supposed that the
development of the Palaiyam administrative system was
intended to create a new empire in the South which would
rival one day the empire of the North. Such ambitious
intentions were far from Visvanatha's mind. We must admit,
however, that Visvanatha's system of government paved the
way for the future rebellions of some of his successors, and was
responsible for the treason of Tirumala Nayaka.
18. The first trouble proceeding from this system arose
shortly after Visvanatha's death in the beginning of Krishna-
ppa's reign. One of the Palaiyakarans, a certain Tumbichchi
Nayaka, an old man of great influence (as is shown by his
being mentioned along with the Emperor Achy ut a in aa inscrip-
tion of Ramnad 2), rebelled against the Madura Nayak,
captured several towns for himself and built a fort which he
called Parambai-kudi (Paramakudi). Krishnappa Nayaka
could not at this juncture make use of the services of his
minister and general Ariyanatha, who had gone northwards to
assist the Empire against the Muhammadans 3. But with
great speed he himself marched against the rebel, overthrew
him in battle, took possession of the whole of his country, and
put Tumbichchi to death. Then two of the sons of the rebel
chief appeared before Krishnappa, and kneeling down at his
feet implored his clemency : the Nayak gave them the fort
of Paramakudi together with the adjoining pettah, and some
villages around which constituted a small Palaiyam, and
appropriated to himself the whole of Tumbichchi's territory4.
Not long after this Krishnappa was obliged to wage
another war in Ceylon against the King of Kandy, probably
to exact the tribute he refused to pay to the Empire 5. The
1. Purchas, X, p. 99.
2. 398 of 1907.
3. Cf. Ch. IX, No. 3.
4. History of the Karnataka Governors, Taylor, o. c., p. 23 ;
Singhala dwipa Raja Ratha, Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 278 ;
this work erroneously calls Tumbi Nayaka king of Ceylon.
5. This was the real cause of the war, not the bitter words
of the king of Kandy against Krishnappa on the occasion of Tumbi-
170 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAVANAGARA
Singhala dvipa Catha states that the Madura Nayak along with
fifty-two of his Palaiyakaraus embarked for Ceylon at Navapa-
shana and landed at Manar. Before invading the Kandy
territory Krishnappa sent a conciliatory message to the King
demanding his tribute. But Jayawira the Sinhalese Sovereign
rejected it, and despatched an army of forty thousand men
under four ministers and eight governors to oppose the invaders.
The two armies met at Puttalam, where the army of Kandy was
defeated and routed by the general Chinna Kesava Nayaka
with twenty thousand men. Among the prisoners there were
two ministers, five chieftains and other influential people of
Ceylon. The poem says that these captives in vain urged
their King to yield. But the Kandy sovereign, collecting an
army of sixty thousand Sinhalese and ten thousand Kaffirs
(Portuguese?), marched against the Madura King. In the
bloody struggle that ensued eight thousand Kaffirs and about
as many Sinhalese were slaughtered, while the King of Kandy
himself lost his life in the engagement. His corpse was taken
with due honours to his capital 1.
Krishnappa Nayaka could not remain long in Ceylon,
since the administration of his kingdom required his presence
in the capital. The poem upon which we base our account says
that he remained in Kandy only three days. He treated the
family of the deceased King with great kindness and sent them
to Aurangam, the old capital of Ceylon ; and, after appointing
his brother-in-law, Vijaya Gopala Nayaka, his Viceroy in
Ceylon, returned to Madura 2. This appointment was
doubtless only temporary, as we do not hear of any subsequent
viceroyalty. Vijaya Gopala's purpose was to arrange the
chchi's execution. Visvanatha Nayaka had also waged war in
Ceylon. Dora Joao de Castro, Governor of Goa, writing to King Joao
III on the 6th of December, 1546, mentions this war made by the
Madure, viz. de Nayak of Madura, then Visvanatha Nayaka, against
the King of Conde (Kandy). Castro sent forty soldiers to protect the
latter against the incursions of the Nayak. Obras Vatias Manu
scriptas, fol. 113. I could not find any other trace of this war.
1. No mention is made of this defeat in the Ceylon chronicles.
The numbers of combatants are, no doubt, exaggerated,
2. Taylor, Catalogue Rai$on*e, III p. 183-6,
THE KAYAKS of MADURA i;t
administration of the country and to procure the regular pay-
ment of the ^tribute.
This conquesj of Ceylon was probably the last important
event of the South during the reign of Sadasiva. His inscription
of 1564, in which he records having plundered Ceylon, refers
probably to the expedition of Krishnappa Nayaka l. In the
Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, he is said to have "acquired
the overlordship of the South" 2, a title which he deserved on
account of these two successful wars.
1. 451 of 1905. Cf.Ch.IV,No.2.
2. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 320, w. 53—98.
CHAPTER VIII
THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE, JINJI AND IKERI,
THE RAJAS OF MYSORE AND OTHER FEUDATORY CHIEFS
SUMMARY.— 1. Foundation of the Nayakship of Tanjore.~2. Sevvappa
Nayaka's reign.-— 3. Foundation of the Nayakship of Jinji.— 4.
Foundation of the Nay akship'of Keladi-Ikeri.— 5. Sadasiva Nayaka
and his successors.— 6. The Rajas of Mysore.— 7. Kempe Gowda I
of Yelahanka. Foundation of Bangalore.— 8. The chiefs of
Bellur and Chitaldroog. — 9. The kingdom of Honavar annexed to
that of Bhatkal. —10. Treaty between the Portuguese and the
Queen of Bhatkal.— 11. Bukkadevi, Queen of Ullal, and the
Portuguese. Erection of a Portuguese fort at Mangalore. Other
petty states in Karnataka.— 12. The Rajas of Udiripikonda,
Venkatagiri and Vellore.— 13. Other minor chiefs.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES — 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants.— 2.
Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula Charitta, Rukmini-parinaya, Sahithyarathna-
karakaviyam> Jaimini Bharatamu, Keladi Ray a Paditti, Sivattat-
varatnakura, Keladi Arasu Vamsavali, Valugutivaru Vamsavali. — 3.
Tratados (Archive da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon^. — 4. Faria y Sousa ,
Barros. — 5. C. Frederick.
IT is not yet known for certain when the Chola kingdom
of Tanjore first came under the subjection of Vijayanagara. It
seems that Prince Kumara Kampana Odeyar conquered the
Tanjore territories when sent against the Muhammadans of
Madura by Bukka I1. Since that time the Choi a Princes were
supposed to be under the sway of the Telugu Emperors in the
same way as the Pandyas of Madura. On the southern wall
of the big temple of Tanjore there is an inscription of Deva
Raya II, of the year 1455 2, and in two other temples of the
same city, viz. that of the Alagesuvara Pillaiyar, in the southern
fortification, and that of the god Rajagopal in the North
Street, are to be seen two inscriptions of Achyuta Raya cor-
responding to the years 1532 and 1539 respectively 3.
1. Cf. Ch. VI, No. 3.
2. Hultzsch, South Indian Inscriptions, II, p. 118.
3. Kuppuswami Sastri, A Short History of the Tanjore Nayak
Princes^ p. I.
THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE JINJI ANt> iKfcRl 1%
It is precisely this Prince to whom the foundation of the
N ay akship of Tan jore is attributed. According to the Tanja-
vuri Andhra Rajula Charitra, the Chola country was ruled by
Visvanatha Nayaka from Madura as a subordinate of the Empe-
ror of Vijayanagara; but on the occasion of the wedding of Mur-
timambai (the younger sister of his wife Tirumalamba) with
Sevvappa, Achyuta appointed the latter sole Viceroy over the
Chola country, which was given him as the stridhana, or dowry
of his bride l. The date of this important event is not yet
ascertained : the first inscription of his that we know of is on a
stone pillar in the Samusaru mosque, near the Tanjore Railway
Station ; it corresponds to the year 1549 2. But this was not
the first year of the reign of Sevvappa Nayaka, for Achyuta
Ray a had probably died at the end of 1541. Now, we know
from the Tanjavun Andhra Rajula Charitra that Tanjore was
governed by Visvanatha Nayaka of Madura, even after the
death of Chandra Sekhara Pandya when the former had already
been appointed King of the southern throne y (and this could
not but have happened at the end of Achyuta's reign 4). Hence
we must assign the same year 1541 as the probable date for the
foundation of the Tanjore Nayakship.
According to the epic Rukmini-parinaya, the parents of
Sevvappa Nayaka were the sudra Timma or Trimmapa
Nayaka and Vayyamba 5 or Bayyambika °. It seems that
Sevvappa's father and grandfather and other elders of his
family were generals under the kings of Vijayanagara 7, and
that he himself had been a valiant general; for the z\)\o.Sahithya-
rathnakarakaviyam states that he became master of Tanjore by
his own prowess 8, /. c. by his prowesss he won Achyuta's
sister-in-law, and with her the kingdom of Tanjore as her dowry.
1. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 323 ; Taylor, Catalogue
Raisonne, HI, p. 176.
2. Cf. Kuppuswami Sastri, o. c., p. 4.
3. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, I.e.
4. Cf. Ch. VII, No. 1.
5. Riikmini-parinaya, III, 34. Cf. Ep. Ind.t XII, p. 343, note 3.
6. Raghunathabhyudayam, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p.
284-5.
7. Cf. Kuppuswami Sastri, o. c., p. 3.
8. Ibid.
1?4 THE AfcAVlDU DYNASTY OF VljAYANACAftA
2. We know very little of the reign of Sevvappa Nayaka,
who was equally subject to Vijayanagara with Visvanatha
Nayaka of Madura. His works of public utility are about the
only things regarding which we have any information. He
built for instance a big tank ontside the Tanjore fort which was
destined to feed the Sivaganga tank inside it, in order to supply
the inhabitants of the capital with water l. The name it
bears to the present day reminds the one of its builder : it is
called Sevvappaneri. The new Sivaganga fort of Tanjore was
also built by him 2. Besides he enlarged and beautified many
temples throughout his dominions. The Tanjavuri An dhra Rajula
Charitra records that Sevvappa built many towers, mantapas
and prakaras (compounds) to the temples of Tiruvannamalai
and Vrddhachalam 3. The Sahithyarathnakarakaviyam mentions
a big tank dug by him outside the temple of Tiruvannamalai
as well as the eleven-storeyed gopura of the same temple 4. A
strange fact is that in 1549 he granted a piece of land for the
maintenance of fakirs. This is recorded in the inscription of the
aforesaid Samusaru Mosque at Tanjore 5.
The relations of Sevvappa with the Portuguese were very
friendly. Several Portuguese merchants had in the beginning
of his reign, or perhaps even earlier, settled in a small village
on the coast near Tanjore called Nagapatam. To quote from
the anonymous life of St. Xavier, "they were greatly favoured
by the lord of that country who is a very powerful Captain
of the king of Bisnaga" 6. Encouraged by this show
of favour, more and more Portuguese established them-
selves there as years went on. They built several
1. Sahithyarathnakarakaviyam, canto III, v. 3 (Raja Sarfoji's
Library, Tanjore, No. 10291) ; Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula Charitra, S.
Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 323.
2. Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula Charitra, 1. c.
3. Ibid.
4. Sahithyarathnakarakaviyam, canto III, v. 6.
5. Kuppuswami Sastri, o.c., p. 4.
6. M . H. S. L, Mon. Xav., I, p. 59. This powerful lord can be no
other than Sevvappa Nayaka, who was the contemporary of St.
Xavier.
THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE JINJI AND IKERI 1/5
good houses, and the former village was converted into
'half a city1. There was no Portuguese authority in the
town, since it was supposed that it belonged to the Tanjore
Nayak; but every three years the Portuguese Viceroy, or
Governor, used to send a captain to administer justice among
his subjects. Negapatam became after a few years a very rich
and noble city !. It contained two churches, one dedicated to
St. Francis of Assisi and the other to Our Lady of Health
(Nossa Senhora da Saude) 2. Caesar Frederick who visited
Negapatam in 1567 calls it " a very great Citie, and very
populous of Portugals and Christians of the Country and part
Gentile " 3.
Sevvappa's reign lasted a considerable time ; we shall again
speak of him when dealing with the reign of Ranga I.
3. We do not possess very good information about the
foundation of the Nayakship of Jinji. According to the above
mentioned work of Narayan, the Karnataka Rajakal Savistara
Charitram, the first Raja of that place was Ananta Kon, who
about 1200 A. D. became the founder of the Shepherd Dynasty.
At the end of the I4th century an army of Vijayanagara defeated
the Raja of Jinji, named Kobiiingam, and took possession of
the country around 4. This expedition must be the one of
Kumara Kampana; because during Kampana's campaign in the
South we find his general Gopanaraya at Jinji as governor of the
country. 5. He appears to have had jurisdiction over the South
as far as Chidambaram, for according to the Guruparampara
Sri Vedanta Desika, taking advantage of aa internal commo-
tion in Chidambaram, compelled Gopanaraya of Jinji to re-place
there the image of Govinda Raja 6. Later on, probably at
Gopanaraya's death, the Jinji country was delivered to Narasinga
1. Ibid.
2. O Gabinete Literario das Foutainhas, 1, p. 86. It is recorded that
in the very first years of the Portuguese occupation of Nega-
patam, about three hundred Hindus were baptized.
3. Purchas, X, p. 108.
4. Taylor, Catalogue Raisonnee, III, p. 39.
5. Cf. Ch. VI, No. 3.
6. Cf. Rangacharya, I, p. 132, 64,
1/6 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Udiyar to be held as a fief: he accepted it with the promise to
send an annual tribute to the emperor !. Then we find Vala
Krishnappa Nayakkan mentioned as Raja of Senji (Jinji) ; his
son Vala Venkatapati Nayakkan in 1464, during the reign of
Rama Deva Maharaya (?), drew up a document recorded in an
inscription at Jinji 2. According to Prof. Srinivasachari this
Vala Venkatapati probably was the one who persecuted the
Jains of the neighbourhood in 1478 3. Nevertheless, Jinji
was subsequently lost to Vijayanagara; for the Jaimini Bharata-
mu informs us that Saluva Narasimha conquered Jinji during
his campaign in the South 4.
Leaving aside the conquest of the whole of the Tamil
country during the reign of Krishna Deva Raya, which has
been previously narrated 5, we shall mention here Tubaki
Krishnappa Nayaka, who seems to have started the line of the
Nayaks of Jinji, dependent on the Vijayanagara sovereigns,
just after that conquest. His rule lasted till 1521. Many
buildings of the Jinji fortress are attributed to him, such as the
fortifications at the top of Rajagiri, the granary in the lower
fort and the Kalyana Mahal. The enclosure of the present
fortress, with the impressive bastioned wall and ditch, enclosing
the three mountains, seems also to have been his work. He
founded many pcttahs around the primitive town c. He
was, it seems, succeeded by one Achyuta Vijaya Ramabhadra
Nayaka, who ruled over Jinji during the reign of Achyuta Raya.
In a ruined temple at Chandragiri, near the palace, an inscription
of this monarch records a gift by Achyutaraya Nayaka,
governor of Jinji 7.
As to the reign of Sadasiva, an inscription on the South
wall of the central shrine in the Venkataramaswamin temple at
1. Taylor, 1. c.
2. Sewell, II, p. 9 ; Rangacharya, I, p 172, 359.
3. Srinivasachari, The History of Gingee, p, 7-8.
4. S. Krishnaswarai Aiyangar, Sources, p. 86.
5. Of. Ch. VI, No. 7.
6. The Mackenzie MSS., I, p. 353 (Madras Oriental MSS.
Library)
7. 244 of 1904,
THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE J1NJI AND IKERI 177
Jinji mentions the name of the Nayak of Jinji at this time,
without stating whether he was a relation of the governor
Achyuta or not. This inscription records a gift of land made by
King Sadasiva, and another gift made by Surappa Nayaka, for
the merit of Sadasiva, who is entitled Vira Pratapa Maharaya.
Both these gifts were made in I5501. The drama Bhavana-
purushottama by the famous poet Ratnakheta Srinivasa Dikshita
gives some information about this Surappa, at whose court the
poet lived. Surappa's father had been Pota Bhupala who had
married Vengalamba, and by her got Surappa Nayaka besides
two other sons, Divakara Nayaka and Bhairava Nayaka 2.
4. We pass now from the East to the West of the Empire,
viz. to the old Karnataka country 3; and the most important
subordinate state we find there at this time is that of Keladi,
afterwards called of Ikeri. There are diverse opinions concern-
ing the origin of its Nayaks 4. Their ancestors, according
to the Keladi Raya Paditti, their family chronicle, had originally
been hereditary gowdas or chiefs of five or six villages in the
neighbourhood of Keladi 5. We know from the Sivatattvarat-
nakara that a person named Basava or Basavappa, according to
the Keladi Arasu Vamsavali, a husbandman c of the
Sudra caste 7, married a woman of the same name, and that by
her he had four sons. After the death of Basava and the first
two children, his widow gave birth to two posthumous sons who
were named Chauda and Bhadra. On one occasion, when Chauda
1. 240 of 1904. There is another inscription at Jambai, South
Arcot, probably belonging to the same chief: 104 of 1906.
2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 272, note.
3. The present word Kanara is but a corruption of the word
Karnataka, made by the Portuguese. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 189, says :
" This kingdom of Charnataca (or Canara which is a corrupted form
made to shorten the name) had no Sovereign till the year 1200; "
and speaking shortly after of the city of Visajanagar (sic) he says
that Visnaga is likewise a corruption of it. Of. V. B. Alur, The
Karnatak and its Place in Indian History, Q. J. M. S., IX, p. 33.
4. Cf. Bice, Mysore, II, p. 431.
5. Buchanan, A Journey from Madras, II, p. 379.
6. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 333.
7. Sewell, II, p. 177.
23
1/8 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
was ploughing his land, his ploughshare is said to have struck
considerable buried treasure. With it he managed to become
the headman of the village, and as such, he collected a small
company of soldiers. The then king of the country, who was
probably Krishna Deva Raya 1I on hearing of this, sent for
Chauda. Krishna Deva Raya was much pleased to hear his
story ; and knowing the personal character of the Keladi man,
appointed him governer of Pulla-desa with the title of Keladi
Chaudappa Nayaka. Chaudappa had two sons, Sadasiva and
Bhadra 2. He died sojn after ; but not before he had appointed
Sadasiva his successor.
Sadasiva proved a very fine governor. The poem says that
" the people were happy under him." On hearing of his
achievements Rama Raya, the Regent of Vijayanagara, called
him to the court in order to employ him in the wars against
the Muhammadans. Rama Raya was at the time engaged in some
business that required his presence in the capital ; so he put
Sadasiva at the head of his army, which, in alliance with the
Sultan of Ahmadnagar, was to attack the Bijapur fort at Kaliyani.
We have already narrated the achievements of Sadasiva during
this campaign 3. He was also despatched against some
-rebellious chiefs of the Karnatak 4. He overran this country
as far as Kasargod, and captured the forts of Barakura, Man-
galura a id Chandragutti G. Perhaps it was on account of these
1. I suppose that this is the reason of the confusion existing
even in the contemporary sources about the creator of the Nayakship
of Keladi -Ikeri. The Keladi Raya Pad'titti affirms that its institutor
w? 8 Krishna Deva Raya (Buchanan, I.e.) and the Keladi Arasu Vam-
savali says that it was Achyuta Raya (Wilson, I.e.). But the real
royal Nayakship of Keladi was not founded till the time of Chau-
da's son, Sadasiva Nayaka, who was appointed by Emperor
Sadasiva.
2. It seems that the first of these two brothers took the name
of Sadasiva, as Sadasiva Raya favoured him so much. The Keladi
Arasu Vamsavali for instance, calls him Chaurapa. Of. Wilson, The
Mackenzie Collection, p. 333.
3. Cf.Ch. V,No.6.
4. Cf.Ch. IV, No. 2.
5. Of. Rice, Mysore, I, p. 433.
\
f Hfc NAYAKS OF TANJORE jlNJI AND IKI&I I7§
campaigns that one of the titles of the Nayaks of Ikeri was
Kote Kolahala, disturber of forts l. Sadasiva was also sent
against the Sultan of Bidar. Him he captured (along with
seven constituents of his royalty) and brought as a present to
Rama Raya, who gave him the title of Satrusaptangaharana,
captor of the seven constituents of royalty of his enemies.
Further, he joined an expedition against Travancore 2, and
conducted another against two chiefs named Yadava and
Murari in the country of Jalihalu, whom he defeated and brought
as prisoners to his sovereign. The Emperor gave him
the title of Yadavamu-rari Kotikolahala 3. And it was pro-
bably then that his dominions were enlarged by the grateful
sovereign, who thus caused the foundation of a Nayakship
similar to those of Madura, Tanjore and Jinji, although the
title had already been given to his father by Krishna Deva
Raya.
5. After this series of campaigns, Sadasiva Nayaka
retired to his capital. An inscription of 1554 records that
Sadasiva Nayaka purchased a piece of land for the Brahmans 4.
But soon a new expedition was led by him against the
governor of Bankapurat named Madarasa, who had consider-
ably enlarged his dominions and was regarded as a menace.
Madarasa was captured and led as prisoner to the Emperor f\
Then Sadasiva erected several forts in the strategic points of
his dominions, to provide against any eventuality : to wit,
the forts of Keladi °, Beakul 7 and Chandragiri, South
Kanara 8. He also built the temple of Isvara at Ikeri 9.
Upon him, later, was conferred the governorship of Barakura-
rajya by Venkatadri, who was then * ruling the whole
kingdom' 10.
1. Cf. Rice, Mysore and Coorg^ p. 156.
2. Cf. Ch. VII, No. 5.
3. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 194-6.
4. Rangacbarya, II, p. 850, 21.
5. Sivatattvatatnakara, Krishnaswami Aiydngar, o. c., p. 196.
6. Buchanan, A Journey from Madras, II, p. 381.
7. Ibid., p. 213.
8. Ibid.; Sewell, I, p. 25«.
9. Buchanan, o. c., p. 380.
10. 168 of 1901 ; M.E.R., 1911-12, p. 179. It was at this period
when the whole government was on the shoulders of Timmala and
Venkatadri. Cf. Ch. Ill, No. 9.
ISO THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OK VlJAYANAGARA
After this turbulent and successful career Sadasiva
Nayaka, being too old to govern, bestowed upon his brother
Bhadrappa Nayaka the title of Immadi Sadasiva Nayaka and
anointed him governor in his stead. Then Sadasiva " retired
to the forests in the evening of his life," says the Sivatattvarat-
nakara l. Sewell puts the end of Sadasiva's reign in the year
I5/62; but this date is obviously wrong, since his second
successor was deposed by Rama Raya. We may say however
that this event took place during the last years of Rama Raya,
some time after 1 560 ; because the reign of Bhadrappa Nayaka
did not last long : the aforesaid poem says only that he " ruled
for some time" 3. He is said to have transferred the
capital from Keladi to Ikert 4. Before his death he nomina-
ted the elder son of Sadasiva Nayaka, Dodda Sankanna
Nayaka, as his successor, and the younger Chikka Sankanna
Nayaka, as the heir-apparent r>. There had been to Sadasiva
by different mothers G.
Dodda Sankanna Nayaka's rule was, it seems, of short
duration. AH we know of him is that he was deposed by
Rama Raya for putting a Jangama priest to death.
Rama Raya then made the former's brother, Chikka
Sankanna, Nayak of Keladi in his stead 7. It appears that
Dodda Sankanna set out on a pilgrimage to the holy places of
India from Rameswaram to the Himalayas, and lived in
retirement for the rest of his days 8. An inscription of
badasiva Raya, bearing a wrong date, mentions Ramaraja
Nayaka, grandson of Sadasiva Raya Nayak of Keladi 9.
This Ramaraya Nayaka must have been a son of one of these
two brothers.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
p. 333.
8.
9.
S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, 1. c.
Sewell, II, p. 177.
3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, 1. c.
Rice, Mysore, II, p. 431.
Sivatattvaratnakaia, 1. c.
Ibid., p. 194.
Keladi Arasu Vamsavali, Wilson, The
Rice, Mysore, II, p. 433.
131 of 1901.
Mackenzie Collection,
THE NAYAKS O? TANJORE JlNJI AND IKERI l8l
6. The Keladi Nayaks of Ikeri were not the only rulers
of the Karnataka country which were tributary to the power of
Vijayanagara. Many petty states were formed or were then
being formed. Of these we shall also give a brief account. The
one that in due course became most important was the state of
Mysore.
This country had come under the sway of Vijayanagara
during the reign of Krishha Djgva Raya. This monarch had
crushed a refractory chief of those surroundings, the Ganga
Raja of Ummatur, and had captured the strong fort of
Sivasamudram and the city of Seringapatam. After this all the
country had submitted to him l. The origin of the Rajas
of Mysoie is traceable to a legendary source. A grant
of Kanthirava, of 1657, gives the genealogy of his fatniiy from
Vishnu through Brahma, Atri, Indu, Buddha, Pururava and
other heroes down to the historic founders of the family settled
in the Karnataka country 2.
These were two young Kshatriyas of the tribe of
Yadava, Krishna's tribe, named Vijaya and Krishna, who,
according to tradition, had left Dvaraka in Gujarat to esta-
blish themselves in the South 3. Their enterprise in rescuing
the daughter of the Wodeyar of Hadana from the hands of
the chief of Carugalli seems more a poetical figment than a
historical fact. The truth is that Vijaya was fortunate enough
to attain the chieftainship of one or two towns that proved to
be the basis of the future aggrandizement of the family. We
have no knowledge of the date of Vijaya's arrival in the
South *.
Nothing is definitely known of his descendants prior to
the l6th century when Chama Raja is mentioned as succeed-
1. Madras Journal, XIV, p. 39.
2. £/». Car«., IV, Ch, 92.
3. Wilks, History ofMaysw,!, p. 31 ; Rice, Mysore, I, p. 361.
4. P. Krishna Row, A Brief History of Mysoie, p. 4. Rice,
Mysore, I, p. 362, says that he ruled from 1399 to 1423. About the
first settlement in the South of the Mysore ruling family, there is
no agreement between Wilks and the Palace History. Cf. 8. Krishna
swami Aiyangar, Ancient India, p. 275-6.
I&2 f Hfc AfcAVlDtf DYNASTY OF VljAYAKAGA&A
ing in or about 1507 l. Another Chama Raja 2 is said to
have built in 1524 a fort at Puragary, which was thereafter
called Mahish Asur, commonly pronounced Mahishasur and
now contracted into Mysore. Since that time the chiefs of
this family used tot reside there 3.
We hear of no intercourse between them and the court of
Vijayanagara at all. This means that these petty chiefs
rendered at the time the submission due to the imperial power.
In these days there was no viceroy of Vijayanagara at Seringa-
patam: the whole country was directy subject to the Emperor.
We know of a gift of land belonging to Seringapatam made by
Rama Raya, to whom it had been granted by Sadasiva in 1550.
No viceroy or agent of either Sadasiva or Rama Raya is
mentioned in this document 4.
7. More powerful than the Raja of Mysore at this time
was the Prabhu of Yeiahanka. The family of these chiefs had
come to the Karnataka country from Alur, a village near
Kanchivaram, and settled down at Avati in the vicinity of
Devanahalli,2S miles North-East of the present Bangalore. One
member of this family, in 1418, established himself at Yeia-
hanka, 9 miles North of the same city, and began to style
himself Yeiahanka Nadu Prabhut Lord of the Yeiahanka
country 5. This title was kept up by his successors.
They ruled as vassals of the Vijayanagara Emperor paying
tribute to him as long as their power lasted.
The most famous amoag the Yeiahanka Lords was
Kempe Gowda I, son of Kempanacheya Gowda according .to
an inscription near his statue in the Sivaganga temple. He
commenced his rule in 1513. He had been favoured by Krishna
Deva Raya, from whom he received the villages of Ballapura,
Devanahalli and Hoskote 6. But his successful career began
1. P. Krishna Row, 1. c.
2. Of. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 332.
3. Wilks, o.c., p. 34.
4. Ep. Cam., Ill, My, 50.
5 This chief seems to have, been called Jaya Gowda. Cf.
Narasimiah, The Founder of Bangalore, p. 11.
6. M.A.D., 1922, p. 15.
THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE JINJI AND IKERI 183
during the reign of Achyuta Deva Ray a in 1537, when Kempe
Gowda founded Bangalore in the place of the old village of
Sivanasamudram by erecting a mud fort l. The Emperor
appreciated the enterprise of the Yelahanka chief, summoned
him to his court, and granted him the enjoyment of twelve
hoblies or groups of villages, yielding a revenue of 30,000
pagodas. On returning to his estate he beautified the new
city and made it his capital. He built in it the Vishnu and
several other temples, and endowed them with grants of
villages, lands and agraharas for their perpetual worship.
Nor were these the only temples erected by him in his
dominions. The inscription running near his statue in the
Sivaganga temple describes him as a very pious man :
"Kempaya Gowda, son of Kempanacheya Gowda of Bengaluru,
who is always making obeisance to the feet of the god Ganga-
dharaswami". Accordingly many of the temples round about
Bangalore claim to ha\re been erected by our hero. The Lak-
shmamma's remple at Koramangala, the Somes vara Channi-
garayaswami temples at Halsur, and the Gavi Gangadharesvara
temple at Gavipur, as well as the Kempambudhi tank near it,
along with the rest of the village and its large lake, are some
of the works due to the piety and munificence of Kempe Gowda.
He also enlarged and beautified the shrines of the sacred
hill of Sivaganga where his statue is shown to this day.
Such increase of power made him covet indepedence, and
was also the cause of his disgrace with the Emperor. His
ambitious purpose was shown when he exceeded the powers
of a feudal chief by establishing a mint without permission of
the Vijayanagara sovereign, where he coined the Bhire
Deva pagodas. This happened probably at the beginning of
the reign of Sadasiva Ray a, when several chiefs of the
Karnataka country rebelled against the central power, as
stated by Ferishta 2. Rumours of Kempe Gowda's proceed-
ings reached the court, and he is said to have been sent for by
Rama Ray a ; but it seems more probable that he was defeated
1. The new town was called Bengaluru after a hamlet of
this name in the surroundings. Cf. Narasimiah, o.c., p. 13.
*. Cf.Ch,IV,No. 2. ^
184 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYAfcAGARA
and captured by a general of Vijayanagara, perhaps by
Sadasiva Nayaka of Ikeri, who, at about the same time,
conducted an expedition against some rebel chiefs of Shimoga.
The fact is that Kempe Gowda on reaching Vijayanagara was
cast into prison at Anegundi, on the other side of the Tun-
gabhadra ; and that his territory was confiscated and added to
that of Jagadeva Raya.
After remaining in confinement for five years, Kempe
Gowda was released in or about 1563 through the influence of
his friends ; and after the payment of a heavy fine his posses-
sions were restored to him. After he had returned from the
metropolis, he abolished the family custom of amputating the
two ring-fingers of the marriageable females of his household,
because he considered it incompatible with his dignity as
Prabhu of the country. He lived five years more after his
release, and died in 1569, one year after Tirumala's accession
to the throne of Vijayanagara l.
8. Bellur was another of the petty states of Karnataka.
Its chief at this time was Era Krishnappa Nayaka, who
appears to have been enfeoffed by Krishna Deva Ray a in 15242.
He was the son of Baippa Nayaka and Kondamma 3.
The great influence he enjoyed at the court of Vijayanagara is
proved by epigraphical records : when Sadasiva remitted the
taxes to the barbers in 1546, Rama Raya at once informed
Era Krishnappa Nayaka of the execution of the King's order 4.
He enjoyed the dignity of 'bearer of Sadasiva's betel-bag' 5.
He is given the titles of 'Sindhu Govinda, champion over
adulterers, terrible with his white ensign, boon lord of Maniha-
gapura* °, a place not yet identified 7. Finally, when in
1. The best account of the Lords of Yelahanka is the one of
Mr. B. Puttaiya, The Kempe Gowda Chiefs, published in the Q.J. M. S.,
XIII, p. 724ff.; it is a compilation of the information given by both
tradition and documents hitherto available.
& Of. Eplnd., XI, p. 329.
3. Ep. Cam., XI, Dg, 18 and 39.
4. Ibid., Hk, 110.
5. Ibid., Dg, 18 and 39 ; M. A. D., 1920, p. 38.
6. Ep Cam., XI, Dg, 18 and 39.
7. Ep. Cam., V, p. XXXIII. In 1535-6 these titles were given
to Tirumalaraya of Tjflayagiri. Of. Ep. Cam., Ill, Sr. 95,
THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE JINJI AND IKERI l8$
1554 the outer petha of Bagur was rebuilt by Sadasiva's
order, it was named Krishnapura, after Era Krishnappa
Nayaka l. Both Sadasiva and Krishnappa Nayaka are
mentioned together in an inscription at Hassan -.
We know but little of his achievements. A Kanaresu ins-
cription of 1543 in a temple at Badami refers to the construction
of a bastion by Era Krishnappa Nayaka, under the superinten-
dence of Kondaraja :{. In 1561 he made for the merit of his
parents a grant of the Kadaji village in the Bilichodu-sima for
ghee, the chatra and other necessary offerings to the god
Harihara, with exemption from customs-duts, watch and other
privileges 4. From one of the Kanarese books of the Macken-
zie Collection we know that one of his daughters was named
Venkatama 5. x
We are not aware of the date of Krishnappa Nayaka's
death. We know only that in 15/6-7 the head of the family was
his son Venkatadri Nayaka fi.
The chief of Chitaldroog was another of the petty Rajas
of Karnataka. During the reign of Krishna Deva Raya,
Timmana Nayaka, a Telugu from the neighbourhood of
Tirupati, visited Vijayanagara and was invited to join the expe-
dition against the Deccani Mussulmans. When the campaign
was over he was rewarded with many honours- At a later
period, however, he incurred the royal displeasure and was
imprisoned at Vijayanagara where he died. His son Obana
Nayaka was appointed Nayak of Chitaldroog during the reign
of Sadasiva 7.
9. From the Portuguese chronicles we know of other
feudatory chiefs of Vijayanagara in the Karnatik, near the
coast of the Arabian sea. The earliest relations of the
Portuguese with these chiefs began with the King of Onor
1. Ep. Cam., XI, Hk, 112.
2. Kielhorn, Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 90, 533.
3. Ind. Ant., X, p. 64 ; M. A. D., 1920, p. 38. Cf. Ch. ITI, No. 6.
4. Ep. Cam., XI, Dg, 18 and 39.
5. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 345.
6. Ep. Cam., IV, Yd, 59.
7. Rice, Mysore, II, p. 501-2,
24
186 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VJJAYANAGARA
(Honore), the present Honavar !. We do not know his
name, but have information that in 1506, when the first
Viceroy Dom Francisco d' Almeida was in Anjediv?, on the
coast of Kanara, the King of Onor sent ambassadors to him
in order to seek his friendship. Later, however, Dom Fran-
cisco went from Anjediva to Qnor and not being well received,
burnt the town and a number of ships which he found there.
The Indians defended the ships valiantly, and during the
encounter the Viceroy was wounded by an arrow. The city
nevertheless was captured ; and its governor named Timoja,
an influential person who owned many of the burnt ships,
in an interview with Dom Franciso, excused the King for
what had happened and offered vassalage to Portugal on his
behalf 2. Affonso d' Albuquerque, in a letter written in 1512,
writes to King Dom Manoel that "the King of Onor gives him
a tribute of more than one thousand pardaos. Nevertheless",
says Albuquerque, " he aids the Sabayo (the Sultan of Bijapur)
against us and has always his ambassador at the latter's
court" :{.
This kingdom was aiterwards annexed to that of Bhatkal
either during the reign of Sadasiva or a little earlier ; for
when Caesar Frederick passed through Onor in 1567, this city
was "in the kingdom of the Queen of Bartacella", (Batecala
or Baticala, Bhatkal.) The same traveller says that " there is
no trade there, but onely a charge with the Captaine and
companie hee keepeth there "4.
10. The kingdom of Bhatkal was visited by the Portu-
1. In this and other similar cases we keep to the denomination
of King applied to the petty chiefs of Kanara. Pietro della Valle,
II, p. 216, speaking in 1623 of Venkatappa Nayaka, King of Ikeri,
says : " Who in my judgment, should rather be called a Regulus
or Royolet, although the Portugals and Indians give him the honour
of a Royal title, being he hath in effect neither State, Court, nor
appearance, befitting a true king."
2. Barros, II, 267-83 ; Faria y Sousa, I, p. 77-8; Dos Santos,
Ethiopia Oriental, II, p. 282.
3. From Affonso d' Albuquerque to Dom Manoel, Goa, April 1st,
1512, Costa, Historia das Relacocs Diplomaticas, p. 32.
4. Purchas, X, p. 101,
THE NAYAtfS OF TANjORE JINJI AND IKEfcl l8/
guese early in 1502. Vasco de Gama, on passing by the city
of Bhatkal, gave orders to land at that famous port, and
noticing that the natives were making attempts to prevent
the landing of his soldiers, took the offensive. On learning
this, the King of Bhatkal despatched some Muhammadans to
offer his submission. The Portuguese accepted it on condi-
tion that the Turks should not be allowed to trade there, that
no trade in pepper should be carried on at that port, and that
vessels should not be permitted to sail from thence to Cali-
cut. The King accepted these terms, and offered an annual
tribute of 1,000 loads of common rice for the Portuguese
soldiers, and of 500 loads of superior rice for the officers ;
excusing himself at the same time for not giving more, as
he was only a tenant of the Emperor of Vijayanagara to
whom the country belonged '. The Italian traveller Corsali,
while visiting the place in 1517, wrote likewise to Giuliano
and Lorenzo de' Medici that " the king of Narsinga was the
lord of it (Bhatkal)" a.
The tribute promised to Vasco de Gama was faithfully
paid, it seems till about 1540. The sovereign of Bhatkal at
that time was a valiant woman whose name is not given.
Her predecessor, perhaps her husband, had died at Vijayanagara
sometime before :J. She defied the Portuguese power by with-
holding the customary tribute of rice, and by giving shelter
in her dominions to some pirates who were infesting
that sea and disturbing the Portuguese trade.
That was the reason why the first act of Martini Aflbnso de
Sousa, after he assumed the reins of government in 1543, was
to raise a force of >2,ooo men, with which he proceeded in a
fleet of seventy ships to chastise the haughty Queen of Bhatkal.
On reaching the port, Martini Affonso demanded the tribute
and the surrender of the pirates' vessels. The Queen made
several excuses ; but the Governor landed at once with a con-
tingent of 1,200 men, which he divided into two battalions,
putting Fernao de Sousa e Tavora at the head of one, and him-
1. Danvers, The Portuguese in India, I, p. 81-2.
2. Gubernatis, Storia dei Viaggiatori, p. 117.
3. Correa, IV, p. 252.
188 THE ARAVlDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGAfcA
self taking command of the other. At the same time he
ordered 20 vessels of light draught to sail up the river to attack
the city by sea. Tlie governor marched with his force through
a palm-grove. Here he was met by a body of the enemy who,
notwithstanding theit gallant opposition, were driven to the
gates of the city. The Portuguese entered the town in pursuit,
and the struggle that ensued in its streets lasted for many
hours. It seems that the Queen herself went personally to her
soldiers and encouraged them to defend her rights. But by
night the Portuguese were in the possession of the city.
The next morning the Portuguese soldiers, whilst plunder-
ing the town, disagreed among themselves as to the division of
the spoil, „ and tumult reigned supreme. The enemy who had
retired to ^m^ighbo tiring hill perceived the commotion, and fell
upon them in such numbers that they fled in disorder, and took
to their ships in such panic that several were drowned. The gov-
ernor, incensed with fury, ordered a fresh attack to be made the
next day. The city was burnt and the country laid waste ; so
much havoc was caused throughout the land by this final action
of Martim Affonso de Sousa that the Queen, no longer able to
resist, submitted and made peace under the terms proposed by
the Portuguese Governor l.
This treaty was finally signed on September l/th, 1548,
during the reign of Sadasiva, when .Garcia de Sa was Governor
of Goa. According to the treaty the Queen undertook to pay
the annual tribute previously promised, as well as all arrears.
She likewise promised not to permit pirates' ships to leave her
territory ; and in case of her failure to restrain them, she made
herself responsible for any damage they might cause to the
Portuguese.
II. Another feudatory state of Vijayanagara in the Kar-
nataka country was that of Ullal. In 1530 the Portuguese
under the command of Nuno da Cunha had crossed the river of
1. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 117-20; Correa, IV, p. 257-62; Dos
Santos, Ethiopia Oriental, II, p. 289.
2. Archive da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon, Tratadas, I, p. 130. Of.
Danvers, Repot t, p. 51. See the text of this treaty in Botelho, 0
Tombo do Estado da India, Lima Felner, Subsidies, p. 242-3.
THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE JlNJI AND 1KERI 189
Mangalorc, which flowed through the Ullal territory, and des-
troyed the stockade and the fortified positions with the purpose
of punishing a rich merchant of that place, who was in league
with the King of Calicut against them l. This time the war
was not supposed to be against the Queen of Oiaia (Ullal). She
either paid tribute to Portugal then, or was bound to do so
shortly after ; for in the year 1556 Dom Alvaro de Silveyra
was sent at the head of several vessels against the Queen for
refusing to pay the ordinary tribute. The city of Mangalore
was plundered on this occasion and a gorgeous Hindu temple
destroyed. The Queen then accepted the terms of the Portu-
guese captain.
Nevertheless ten years^ after, either the same Queen, or her
successor, again refused payment of all tribute. The name of this
Queen, according to the Portuguese chroniclers, was Bucadevi
Chantar (Bukka Devi Chautar). Pietro della Valle, who met
this Queen in the course of his travels through India, corrupts
her name even a little more : according to him she was named
Abag-devi-Ciantru :{. The Viceroy Dom Antao de Noronha,
with a fleet of seven galleys, two galliots and five smaller ves-
sels, carrying in all about 3,000 fighting men, proceeded to
Mangalore, determined to erect a fort there, and bring about the
submission of the Queen.
The fleet anchored in the bay where both the cities, Manga-
lore and Ullal, are situated. The Viceroy then landed his men
in six battalions on January 4th, 1567. But that night, while
the Portuguese, quite unconscious of danger, were supping in
their camp, the enemy sallied forth in a body of 500 men, fol-
lowed by another of 1,500, and fell on them so suddenly that
for a time they were helpless and thrown into great disorder.
Dom Francisco de Mascarenhas, one of the generals, who held
an advance post, received the brunt of the attack ; and though
he fought well, he lost several men. He was finally relieved by
Dom Luiz de Almeida and the enemy were driven off.
The next day the Portuguese assaulted the city, and after
1. Faria y Sousa, I, p. 283-4.
2. Ibid., II, p. 301-2.
3. Della Valle, II, p. 311.
igb THE ARAvmu DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
they had forced their way into it, set it on fire and cut down its
grove of palm-trees. The Queen fled to the mountain. Of the
Hindus 500 were slain, and of the Portuguese troops about
forty. The Viceroy then laid the foundations of the fort, giving
it the name of Sao Sebastiao, because the first stone was laid on
that Saint's day and in commemoration of the then reigning
King of Portugal. By the middle of March the fortress, with a
church and other buildings, was completed. The Viceroy gave
the command of the fort to his brother-in-law, Antao Pereira ;
and having left there a garrison of 300 men, and ammunition
for six months, returned toGoa. Later on, during the govern-
ment of Dom Luiz de Atayde, Bukka Devi sued for peace ;
which she purchased at the cost of an additional tribute, and a
payment of ready cash 1.
Frederick, who passed through Mangalore a few months
after this attack, states that " there is very small trade, but
only for a little rice " 2.
In the neighbourhood of Barcelor (Basrur), the old Barace
of Ptolomey, near the mouth of the Kundapur river, there was
another chief, called by the Portguese King of Cambolim
(Gangolly), subject to Vijayanagara 3. Frederic mentions also
the Queen of Gargopam (Gersoppa), near Honavar, as
"tributary to the King of Bczenegar (Vijayanagara)." The city
of Ancola belonged to her 4. In 1540 the King of Gersoppa
most likely that Queen's predecessor, had acknowledged the
suzerainty of the King of Portugal, to whom he promised to
pay a thousand sackfuls of rice every year 5.
12. Turning now to the centre of the Empire, we find in
the North the petty state of Udiripikonda. Its first Raja seems
to have been Timma Nayadu. From an inscription in the
Pennahobalam temple at Udiripikonda we know that he was
1. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 435-8; Dos Santos, o.c., II, p. 292 ;
Lafitau, Histoiredcs Decottvcrtcs, II, p. 597-9.
2. Purchas, X, p. 101.
3. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 469 and 474.
4. Purchas, X, p. 99.
5. Botelho, O Tombo do Estado da India, Lima Felner, Sub-
sidies, p. 257*8 ; Costa, Historiadas Rclacoes Diplomatica^ p. 92.
THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE JINJI AND IKERI IQI
living in 1556. He seems to have done much to improve the
fortifications of his capital. Perhaps, he had been appointed
Raja by Krishna DevaRaya after a campaign, as a reward for
his services during the war. His son Narasa Nayadu enlarged
the fort by building a new bastion, surrounded the village with a
mud wall, and built for himself a palace in the village and ano-
ther on the top of the hill. The Udiripikonda family reached
during his reign the climax of its prosperity. He was succeeded
by his son Vemala Nayadu, in whose time the disaster of
Raksas-Tagdi took place1.
In the North-East corner of the Empire there was another
petty state, that of Venkatagiri. The Valugoti family of its
Rajas was at this time subject to Vijayanagara. One of them,
Pedakondappa Nayadu, as well as his brother, Gene Nayadu,
with the latter's two sons, Nayanappa and Timma, distinguished
themselves against the Mussulmans in the reigns of Krishna
Raya, Achyuta Raya and Sadasiva 2. In the Virabhadresvara
temple in the village of Macherla,Guntur District, there is an in-
scription of 1 554 recording a gift of the village of Lingapura
to the temples of Viresvara and Ishtakamesvara, at the
said village of Macherla, by the Queen of Komara Timma-
Nayaningaru of the Recharla-gotra and Velugoti family, who
acknowledged the suzerainty of Virapratapa Sadasivaraya
Maharaya n.
Turning now southwards, we come to the present North
Arcot, and here we find the Rajas of Vellore. The ruling
family was one of the most influential in the whole of the
Empire, and one of its members was destined to create a great
deal of trouble in the reign of Venkata II 4. The chief
1. Francis, Anantapur Gazetteer, p. 165. The information ie
taken from one of the Mackenzie MSS.
2. Valugutivant Vamsavali, Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p.
274. The Bobbili Zemindari was at this time depending on the Ven-
katagiri Raja. Cf. Maha Rajah Sri Rao Sir Venkata Swetachalapati,
A Revised and Enlarged Account of the Bobbili Zemindari, p. 13-7.
3. 584 of 1909.
4. Cf. Ch. XV, No. 11.
IQ2 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
contemporary of Sadasiva was Chinna Bomma Nayaka, whose
earliest known inscription is dated 1549 l. We do not know
at what time his father Chinna Virappa Nayaka died 2. He
was very likely ruling some time along with one of his brothers;
for an inscription of Sadasiva of the year 1550 mentions
Kumara Krishnappa Nayaka and Chinna Bomma Nayaka,
as the chiefs of Vellore 3. His influence at the court of
Vijayanagara is beyond question. The grant of the village of
Arambaritti to Jvarakandesvara, the Lord of Vellore, made by
Rama Raya at the request of Chinma Bomma, proves it
conclusively 4. He was still ruling after the battle of
Raksas-Tagdi, because on February 5th, 1567 5 he obtained
three grants from the Mahamandalesvara Tirumala who was
then the governor of the Empire on behalf of Sadasiva 6 : we
know from these inscriptions that Bomma Nayaka's
jurisdiction extended over the villages of Arapakkam, Ariyur
and Sadupperi, all in the vicinity of Vellore. From other in-
scriptions of the time of Ranga I, we learn that he exercised
jurisdiction also over Sattuvachcheri, Samanginellur and
Perumai 7. During the reign of V^nkata II we shall deal
at length with his son Lingappa Nayaka : after those events
Vellore became the capital of the Empire.
13. The names of many other chiefs of petty states may
be found on going through the inscriptions of the reign of
Sadasiva; the greatest number is in Cuddapah District. An
inscription of Cuddapah itself records that a feudatery of
Sadasiva erected a stone mandapam and planted a garden near
it8. Another states that Ellappa Nayaka, a feudatory of
Sadasiva, granted to the god some land in the village of
Chintakommadinne ». Ramarajayya Pimmaraju Garu, a
1. Hultsch, South Indian Inscriptions, I, p. 84, 57.
2. Vilapaka grant of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., IV, p. 271.
3. 417 of 1905.
4. 39 of 1887.
5. Of. Ind. Ant., XXIII, p. 132.
6. 37, 38 and 44 of 1887.
7. Hultzsch, South Indian Inscriptions, I, p. 73-5, 47-9,
8. Rangacharya, I, p. 578, 33.
9. Ibid., p. 577, 22.
THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE JINJI AND IKERI 193
feudatory of Sadasiva, exempted the barbers of the village of
Chinna Mudiyam from taxes 19 The Mahamandalesvara
Maharaya of Yeragudi remitted taxes on barbers at Kalamalla,
with the permission of Rama Raya 2. One Narayana, son
of Tirumala Raja of Bhojanapullah, gave two turns and six
mundas of lane} to Brahmans for the maintenance of the
watershed 3. Finally Nandyal Aubalaraja, son of Maha-
mandalesvara Singarayadeva Maharaja 4, feudatory of Sa-
dasiva, granted some land to the god Tiruvengalanatha 5;
and again gave half a kunda of dry field in Cuddapah to the
deity 6. It seems that he was succeeded by his grandson
NandyalaT4mmayyadeva Maharaju, who claims to be the grand-
son of Nandyala Avubalaraja when making a gift of a village
to the temple of Ragunathadeva on the Gandikota-durga 7.
He also, as feudatory of Sadasiva, built the village of Pot-
ladurti and gave it to the god Chennakesava 8, granted some
lands to the gods and Brahmans of the village of Nellala °, gave
the god Chennakesava of Kodur some lands in Nandapadu 10
and Kodur itself u, granted the rent of a village for
meeting the expense of ceremonial 12, gave the dues of the
village of Koppulu to learned men 13 and remitted the tax on
the barbers of Bondalakunta u, Lingala lf), Nallapalli 16,
and Gandikota-sima 17.
1. Ibid., p. 589, 145.
2. 381 of 1904.
3. Rangacharya, I, p. 587, 129.
4. 106 of 1905.
5. Rangacharya, I, p. 578, 36.
6. Ibid., p. 578, 38.
7. 486 of 1906.
8. Rangacharya, I, p. 616, 480.
9. Ibid., p. G29, 594.
10. Ibid., p. 612, 440.
11. Ibid., p. 612,444.
12. Ibid., p. 574, 8.
13. Ibid., p. 580, 60.
14. Idid., p. 588, 136.
15. Ibid., p. 613, 450.
16. Ibid., p. 602, 331.
17. 318 of 1905. Some relations to these chiefs are mentioned in
81 of 1915 and Rangacharya, II. p. 964, 534-537,
35
CHAPTER IX
THE BATTLE OF RAKSAS-TAGDI
SUMMARY.—-!. Project of a league of the Deccani Muhammadans
against Vijayanagara.— ^2. Reconciliation between the Sultans of
Bijapur and Ahmadnagar. The Sultans of Golkonda and Bidar
join the alliance. — 3. Rama Raya's preparations against the Mu-
hammadans.— 4. Description of the two armies. — 5. Advance
positions near the river Krishna. — 6. Order of battle in the two
camps. — 7. First action : Venkatadri's attack against Ali Adil
Shah, and Tirumala's against the Sultans of Golkonda and
Bidar. — 8. Second action : Engagement between Rama Ray a
and Husain Nizam Shah. Muhammadan retreat.— 9. Third action :
The last effort of the Muhammadans. Treachery of two Muslim
captains of Rama Raya.— 10. Capture and execution of the Hindu
ruler. — 11. Flight of the Hindu army. — 12. Plunder of the
Hindu camp.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.— 1. Ferishta, Anonymous chronicler of
Golkonda, Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Basatin-us-Salatin. — 2. Hindu inscrip-
tions and grants. — 3. Mrtyunjaya MSS., Maratha and Kanarese
accounts of the battle. — 4. Poona Persian Poem, Ramarajiyamu,
Chikadevaraya Vamsavali, Jangama Kalainyana. — 5. Couto,Faria y
Sousa. — 6. C.Frederick, Anquetil du Perron.
IN one of the preceding chapters we said that the arro-
gance of Rama Raya was responsible for the Muhammadan
alliance which culminated in the battle of Raksas-Tagdi. They
disliked Rama Raya for interfering in the Muslim kingdoms:
especially in the last campaigns their pride had been insulted,
their religious feelings despised and their independence
threatened by the Hindu Monarch \ The natural consequence
of this was the Muhammadan league.
1. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 268, says that "the Hindu
records state that on going to an audience of the Raja, the envoy of
Ibrahim Adil Shah passed on his way some swine intended to be given to
menials of the court. As he expressed his abhorrence of this unclean
animal to the Raja, the latter treated his aversion withridicule,^and
THfc BATTLE OF &A£sAS-f AGt)l 195
According to both Couto and Ali ibn Aziz, it was the Sultan
of Ahmadnagar who promoted this alliance among the Deccani
kingdoms, spurred on by his hatred towards Rama Raya, who
had often laid waste the territories of his realm l. But Ferishta
says clearly that "Ali Adil Shah resolved to curb his insolence
(Rama Raya's) and reduce his power by a league of the faithful
against him". The first idea, then, of such an alliance came
from the Sultan of Bijapur, and was confirmed by the opinion
of his courtiers ; for having discused this point in an assembly
of his counsellors, two of them, Kishwar Khan Lary and Shah
Aboo Turab Shirazy, represented "that the King's desire to
humble the pride of the Raya of Bijanagar was undoubtedly
meritorious and highly politic, but could never be effected unless
by the union of all the Muhammadan kings of the Deccan, as
the revenues of Ramraj, collected from sixty seaports and
numerous flourishing cities and districts, amounted to an
immense sum, which enabled*4iim to maintain a force, against
asked him how ho could hold them as unclean when he fed upon
fowls, which picked out grains from tho ordure of swine. He took
an opportunity of showing Siira the fact. The insult roused Ibrahim
Adil Shah to arms." Wilson is mistaken at least in referring to
Ibrahim Adil Shah as the Sultan of Bijapur who was present at the
so-called battle of Talikota. It was his son Ali Adil Shah.
1. Couto, VIII, p. 28-9; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 143. It
seems however that Husain Nizam Shah was the most prominent in
the battlefield among the four Sultans. Naturally the P.P.P. does
not mention any other Sultan; according to the poet, the army of
Ahmadnagar alone fought against and defeated Rama Raya. See Ap.
A. A Marathi MS. of the Mackenzie collection refers to the pretext
for commencing this campaign against Vijayanagara, as follows :
" While Rama Rayalu was ruling, a Mahomedan Fakir came (to Ane-
gundi) and bathed in a sacred pool; and being taken while doing so,
was carried before the ruler, at whose command the Fakir himself,
and two others of his class, were beaten and allowed to escape barely
with life. They went to Delhi (a word often loosely used for
Mohamedan) and represented that if Vijayanagara were not taken,
the Delhi ruler was no Mussulman. In consequence of this incident
preparations were made to go against Vijayanagara, which was
captured." Taylor, Catalogue Raisonnc, III, p. 691-2,
1Q6 T&E ARAViDU DYfcASTY OF V1JAVANAGARA
which no single king of the Mussulmans could hope to contend
with the smallest prospect of success".
2. Accordingly, by the Sultan's command, Kishwar Khan
took the necessary measures to effect a general league. The
first step was to send an envoy to Golkonda to sound Ibrahim
Qutb Shah, and to propose to him, if found prudent, the afore-
said plan. The Golkonda Sultan at once fell in with the views
of Ali Adil Shah, and even offered to bring together Ali Adil
Shah and Husain Nizam Shah, who were in perpetual
disagreement on the question of the possession of the fort of
Sholapur l. With this view he deputed Mustafa Khan, one of
the ablest nobles of his court, to the courts of Ahmadnagar and
Bijapur, with the object of effecting a reconciliation between
Husain Nizam Shah and Ali Adil Shah and forming some family
connection between them if possible, in order to perpetuate the
alliance 2.
On reaching Ahmadnagar Mustafa reminded its Sultan
"that during the times of the Bahmani princes the whole strength
of the Mussulman powers was united under one king, which
maintained the balance against the force of the Raya of
Bijanagar ; that now, though the Mussulman dominion
was divided, yet policy required that all the princes of the
faithful should unite in restraining the increasing power of
their common enemy. He observed that the authority of the
Raya of Bijanagar, who had reduced all the Rajas of the
Karnatic to his yoke, required to be checked ; and that his
influence should be removed from the countries of Islam, in
order that the people of their several dominions, who should be
considered as being committed by the Almighty to their care,
might repose in safety from the oppressions of unbelievers,
and their mosques and holy places no longer be subject to
pollution from infidels" 3.
1. Ferishta, III, p. 123-4.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 123, says that Mustafa Khan was directed
first to Bijapur, but I here prefer the authority of the anonymous
chronicler of Golkonda, Ferishta, 1. c., p. 413. Moreover, no satis-
factory reason is forthcoming for his journey first to Bijapur, since
from Bijapur the first idea of the league went out to Golkonda.
3. Ferishta, 1. c., p. 124-5 ; Burhan-i-Ma'osir, Iitd. Ant., L, p. 143-4,
THE feATTLE OP fcAKSAS-TAGDI ig}
The mission of Mustafa Khan proved eminently successful.
Husain Nizam Shah was moved by his reasons; and shortly after-
wards plans were laid for the reconciliation between both Sultans.
Husain Nizam Shah was to give his daughter Chand Bibi in
marriage to Ali Adil Shah, and with her the fort of Sholapur
as her dowry. In return, the Sultan of Bijapur was to give
his sister Falah Bibi Hadya Sultana to Nizam Shah's eldest
son, Prince Shahzada Murtaza, afterwards Murtaza Nizam
Shah 1. Couto adds here that Husain Nizam Shah gave Ibrahim
Qutb Shah another of his daughters as wife 2. These family
unions were only a sanction of the league calculated to reduce
the power of Rama Raya; for this purpose it was resolved to
march against him at the earliest practicable moment.
Mustafa Khan then went to Bijapur, accompanied by
Mowlana Inayatuliah, the ambassador of Nizam Shah. There
the political treaties and marriage agreements were drawn up
and naturally confirmed by the most solemn oaths. The
marriages were celebrated with great pomp, and nuptial
rejoicings were held in both the cites of Bijapur and Ahmad-
nagar 3.
Were the other two Deccani Sultans invited to join this lea-
gue? Faria y Sousa speaks only of the three above-mentioned Sul-
tans, Nizamaluco (Nizam Shan), Idalxa (Adil Shah),and Gutubixa
(Qutb Shah) 4. The same only are mentioned by the Burhan-i-
Ma'asir*. But Ferishta, although he does not mention the
1. Ferishta, 1. c., p. 125 ; Anonymous chronicler of Golkonda
Ferishta, 1. c., p. 413; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 144; Couto, VIII,
p. 89. Gribble, A History of the Deccan, I, p. 192, incorrectly speaks of
the bride of Prince Murtaza as the daughter of Adil Shah. Both
Muhammadan historians say that she was his sister.
2. Couto, 1. c.
3. Ferishta, 1, c., p. 125-6; Couto, 1. c.
4. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 432.
5. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 144. The Marat ha account
of the battle gives six names of sovereigns allied against the Hindus
on this occasion. The first mentioned is Akbarshah Padsha. Cf.
Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijayanagara, Account of the Second
Conference of the Bharata Itihasa Sanshodhaka Mandala, Poona, 1914,
p. 170,
I9§ THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VtJAYTANAGARA
Sultan of Bidar when relating the making of peace and al-
liance, nevertheless goes on to say that AH Barid Shah was
making active preparations for the campaign against Rama
Raya, as the other three Sultans were doing l. Frederick also
mentions four, vis. Dialcan (Adil Khan), Zamaiuc (Nizam
Shah), Cotamaluc (Qutb Shah), and Viridy (Barid Shah)2.
Anquetil du Perron states likewise that " Bisnagar was
plundered by the four kings of the Deccan and the
Concan" 3. But Couto says that the Izamaluco (Nizam Shah)
invited four other kings to join the alliance, vis. Idalxa (Adil
Shah), Hebrahe (Burhad Imad Shah, of Berar?), Cotubixa,
(Qutb Shah) and Verido (Barid Shah) 4. According to this
authority all the Deccani Sultans were united to this holy
campaign against the infidels. Yet the Basatin-us-Salatin says
that the Sultan of Berar did not join the other Sultans on
account of his hatred for Husain Nizam Shah 5.
3. Rama Raya soon heard of the intentions of the Muham-
madan Sovereigns, and lost no time in making preparations to
oppose their united forces °. The anonymous chronicler of
Golkonda informs us that Rama Raya on this occasion
summoned "all his dependents and Rajas from the banks of
the Krishna as far as the island of Ceylon" 7. One of the
Princes summoned was the Nayak of Madura, Kumara
Krishnappa Nayaka. This prince, who had shortly before
succeeded his father Visvanatha 8, did not proceed himself in
person to the North to aid the Empire, for his kingdom was not
yet entirely subdued. But he sent his prime Minister and great
1. Ferishta, III, p. 126 and 246.
2. Purchas, X, p. 92.
3. Anquetil du Perron, DCS Rcscrchcs Historiqncs, 1. c., p. 166.
Queyroz, Conquista dc Ccylao, p. 309, metions also four, but instead
of the Sultan of Bidar he puts hero Melique, the petty lord of Dabul
in the Konkan.
4. Couto, VIII, p. 88.
5. Basatin-us-Salatini p. 95.
6. Couto, VIII, p. 19.
7. Ferisbta, III, p. 413.
8. Cf. Ch. VII, No. 17.
THE BATTLE OF RAKSAS-TAGI>I IQQ
general Ariyanatha Mudaliyar with a large force l. One of the
chiefs who accompanied Ariyanatha to the North for the de-
fence ot the Empire was Basavaraja, as we know from the Puduk-
kottai plates of Srivallabha and Varatungarama Pandya 2.
While he was thus preparing for the attack, Rama Raya
was the recipient of an embassy from Ali Adil Shah of Bijapur
demanding restitution of Etgir, Bagrakot, Raichur and Mudgal,
which had at different times been wrested by the Vijayanagara
sovereigns from their neighbours of Bijapur. This was
supposed to afford Adil Shah a pretext for breaking with Rama
Raya, who "as was expected," says Ferishta, "expelled the
ambassador with disgrace from his court; and the united
sovereigns made this circumstance a plea for hastening on their
preparations to crush the common enemy of Islam" r{.
4. Both the anonymous chronicler of Golkonda and the
Burhan-i-Ma 'asir state that the four Sultans finally met at the
fort of Sholapur 4; but the statement of Ferishta locating the
place of their meeting in the plains of Bijapur seems more
probable 5. Such is also the view of Mirza Ibrahim Zabiri, who
affirms that the Sultans marching towards Bijapur finally
encamped in the vicinity of Talikota, where they were generous-
ly entertained by Ibrahim Adil Shah9. On December
1. Mrtyunjaya MSS., Taylor, O.H. MSS., II, p. 115. Prof. Satya-
natha Aiyar, History of the Nayaks, p. 68, thinks that Ariyanatha
arrived at Vijayanagara a little late.
2. T. A. 5., I, p. 84 ,vv. 161-164.
3. Ferishta, III, p. 126. The Maratha account introduces Ali
Adil Shah protesting against the war with Vijayanagara; the other
Sultans sent him the following message: "Please allow us passage
through your territory. You should also join us with your army."
Ali Adil Shah, duly honouring the envoy, replied as follows : "As I
call myself a friend of Ham Raj, I am sorry I cannot help you." Cf.
Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijayanagar, Account of the Second Con-
ference of the B. I. S.M., Poona, 1914, p. 170. Afterwards however the
Sultan of Bijapur appears by the side of the other Sultans against
his old friend.
4. Ferishta, III, p. 413; Burhan-i-Ma' asir, Ind. Ant., L. p. 144.
5. Ferishta, III, p. 126.
6. Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 96.
200 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
26th, 1564, they started for the South. The Portuguese authors
record that the allied army contained fifty thousand horse and
three thousand foot l. The anonymous chronicler mentions
several of the Muslim generals in charge of the detachments of
this army; Mustafa Khan from Golkonda; Mowlana Inayatullah
from Ahmadnagar, and Kishwar Khan from Bijapur 2. Rifat
Khan was also in the army of Golkonda; he had been summoned
from the South where he boasted of having reduced part of the
country 3. Of these Mustafa Khan, whose real name was
Kamal-ud-din Husain (Mustafa Khan being only a title), was as
excellent a general as he was a shrewd politician and diploma-
tist, and was one of the foremost warriors of the Muslim world
of those days. The beautiful Tughra inscription over the
Makki gate of Golkonda still displays the titles bestowed upon
him by the Sultan in token of the royal satisfaction and as a
reward for his services to the state4. Moreover, according to
the Mrtyunjaya MSS. several Maratha detachments had joined
the Muhammadan army 5. This seems certain; for shortly
after we find a body of six thousand Maratha cavalry in the
army of Bijapur 6. The anonymous chronicler mentions six of
the officers of this Mahratta cavalry : Yeswunt Row, Bhoj Mul
Naig, Dew Naig, Buswunt Row, Viswas Row and Koli Row 7.
On the other hand the Hindu army, according to Ferishta,
consisted of seventy thousand horse and ninety thousand in-
fantry 8, but the anonymous chronicler gives higher figures,
viz. one hundred thousand horse and three hundred thousand
infantry 9 ; and both Couto and Faria y Sousa, while agreeing
1. Couto, VIII, p. 89 ; Faria y Souaa, II, p. 432. The P.P.P. says
that " on account of the Arabian horses and of the intoxicated
elephants, the desert and the fields became black". Ap. A.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 414.
3. Ibid., p. 421.
4. Yazdani, Inscriptions in Golkonda Fort, Ep. Ind. MosL, 1913-14,
p. 48-9.
5. Taylor, O.H. MSS., II, p. 15.
6. Ferishta, III, p. 418.
7. Ibid., p. 433.
8. Ibid., p. 247.
9. Ibid., p. 413.
THE BATTLE OF RAKSAS-TAGDI 201
as to the number of horse, state that the footsoldiers were more
than six hundred thousand l. Rama Raya and his two
brothers were at the head of this formidable, army. The so-
called Emperor of Vijayanagara was then a very old man :
according to Ferishta he was seventy2; the Burhan-i-Ma'asir
says he was eighty 3 ; but the Portuguese authors, who seem
more reliable on this point, on account of their frequent inter-
course with the court of Vijayanagara, state that he was in the
96th year of his age 4.
1. Couto, VIII, p. 89 ; Faria y Sousa, II, p. 432.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 129.
3. Buthart-i-Ma'asir, Ind, Ant., L, p. 146.
4. Couto, III, p. 90; Faria y Sousa, 1. c.; Sewell, p. 203, agrees.
The Maratha account gives interesting details of the proceedings of
Rama Raya on the eve of his departure from the capital. " He then
went to his own harem, spent some time with Sathyabhamabai, the
chief Queen, and presented many rich jewels to her. Then he went
to another of his wives whose name was Devachintamani Trivegal.
Her company gave him great pleasure and he made presents to her.
Then he came to the drawing room of his third wife, Mana Mohini
Nijaswarapi. She tried to please him in different ways. He ordered
sundry fruits from his orchards and presented them to his wives.
(There is here a list of 20 different kinds of fruits). Then he visited
the chamber of his mother Chandrasala. She waved many jewels
over his head that evil may be warded off. He then explained to her
the state of affairs, how the four kings had made a common cause in
attacking him and how the temples, alms-distributing houses, and
the existence of the Brahmans was threatened. He therefore intima-
ted to her the plan of repulsing and punishing the enemy. He then
fell at her feet and asked for her leave. She did not like the idea
and said: "We have not hurt the Muhammadans, but even then
they are all coming united. It would be better to negotiate with
them ". He, not approving of her advice, went away. Whereupon
she consented in order to please* him. Afterwards he took rest during
the night in his chambers. There he dreamt that somebody was
depriving him of his ear- jewel and his throne and that he was being
pulled down. At once he caused all the astrologers and fortune-
tellers of long standing to be summoned and related his dream to
them. They consoled him by saying that the enemy would be war-
ded off, and that he would be long-lived and rule over his kingdom.
He then presented them with costly cloths as well as coco-nuts. He
also distributed 5,000 buns among the Brahmans", Chandorkar, The
Destruction of Vijayanagara, 1. c., p. 171-2.
202 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
5. Rama Raya soon sent his brother Tirumala with twen-
ty thousand cavalry, five hundred elephants and one hundred
thousand foot to occupy the right bank of the Krishna, and
defend all the passages of the river. He also sent his second
brother Venkatadri with another equally large army. He him-
self next followed by slow marches with the rest of the forces of
his dominions l. According to the Maratha account " horses,
elephants, camels, stores, cattle, drink-shops, hunting materials,
treasure houses and corn stores all these were also brought to
the neighbourhood of the royal camp. Every man in Vijaya-
nagara (every one having his own horse) was ordered to join the
army" 2.
The Muhammadan armies, having passed the town of
Talikota, which wrongly gave its name to the battle 3, were
laying waste the Vijayanagara territory to the North of
the Krishna 4. Tirumala and Venkatadri had encamped on the
South bank of this river, where they had constructed field
fortifications and strenghtened them by cannon and rockets 5.
The allies on reaching the Krishna, found that the only
known ford was already occupied by the Hindu army, and des-
patched scouts to explore the river, hoping to find another
fordable passage for their troops ; it was not long before they
1. Ferishta, III, p. 127. Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 96-7, compares
Rama Raya's army to a locust cloud, and states that the total number
of his soldi era were one. lakh of horse and five lakhs of foot -soldiers.
There is a slight difference in these numbers as given in the Burhan-
i'Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 144: Venkatadri's army : 20,000 horse, 1,000
elephants and 100,000 foot. Eltamraj's (Tirumala's) army; 12,000
horse, 1,000 elephants and 200,000 foot.
2. Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijayanagara^ 1. c., p. 172.
3. Talikota is twenty five miles North of the Krishna. This is
the reason which inclined me to change the appellation of this battle.
History must he accurate even in these minor details.
4. Couto, VIII, p. 89. Both the Burhan-i-Ma'asirt Int. Ant., L, p.
144, and the Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 97, describe the battle as having
taken place on the banks of the Krishna. Only Ferishta, III, p. 246,
says that the allies had crossed the Krishna and the fight occurred
near the river Hukery, twelve miles South of the Krishna.
5. Ferishta, 1. c., p. 127. There was no fort there, as Sewell, p.
211, supposes,
THE BATTLE OF RAKSAS-tAGfcl 20$
fully ascertained that the only safe ford was just in front of the
Hindus.
"On obtaining this information", says Ferishta, "the
allies held a council, when it was determined that they should
march to another part of the river, as if with the intention to
cross; in hopes that the enemy might be induced to quit his posi-
tion and follow, thus enabling the Muhammadans to return
suddenly, and throw part of the army across at the desired ford
without interruption. Agreeably to this plan the army of
Islam moved on the next morning, and continued to march for
three days successively ; which completely deceived the enemy,
who quitted all his posts, and manoeuvred along the opposite
side of the river. The allies on the third night suddenly
struck their camp, and moved with such rapidity that, during
the next day, they gained the ford which the enemy had
deserted and crossed the river without opposition". Husain
Nizam Shah was among the first to cross the river. On the
next day the vanguards of both armies met some miles South
of the Krishna ', in the neighbourhood of the two villages of
Raksasji and Tagdiji, the names of which combined give the
word Raksas-Tagdi 2.
1. Ferishta, III, p. 127-8 ; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 145 ;
Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 97-8. Sewell, p. 199, note 2, says that this place
was probably " the plains about the little village of Bayapur or
Bhogapur on the road leading directly from Ingaligi to Mudkal."
Ferishta, III, p. 247, while narrating the history of the Sultans of
Ahmadnagar, says : " The kings of the Deccan made overtures to
him (Rama Raya), promising the restitution of the districts they had
taken from him on the march, in order to obtain peace ; conceiving
themselves unequal to cope with his formidable army. Ramraj how-
ever refused to listen to any accomodation." This statement seems
inconsistent with the whole account of the battle and its preparations,
and with his own narrative. It is evidently intended to extol the
Muslim bravery in winning such an unequal engagement.
2. Fatwardan, The Battle of Raksas-Tagdi, The Bliarata Itihasa
Sanshodhaka Mandala Quarterly, IV, p. 72. Raksas-Tagdi is mentioned
both in a Kanarese, and in the Maratha account. Of. Chandorkar,
The Destruction of Vijayanagara, 1. c., p. 176; S. Krishnaswamy Aiyan-
gar, TheBakhair of Ram Raj. Indian Historical Records Commission,
Poona Session, p. 57.
204 THE A&AVIDU DYNASTV OF VIJAYAtfAGARA
6. In the meanwhile, Rama Raya had joined his army
and despatched to the vanguard a body of Rachebidas (of the
Rachevadu race) * under a captain of their own, to reconnoitre
the surroundings 2 ; and these were probably the force met by
the Muslim vanguard. According to the Maratha account
there was a fierce exchange of arrows from both sides; and both
parties suffered heavily, but the Muhammadan vanguard was
forced to retreat 3. Rama Raya was having his dinner when
news suddenly came that the enemy was approaching and was
almost within sight ; and that between the vanguards of both
armies an engagement had taken place 4. The Hindu chief,
41 though somewhat astonished at their activity", remarks Fe-
rishta, " was by no means dismayed" 5, but mounting a horse
with juvenile agility he put his troops in battle array 6. He
entrusted his right wing to his brother Tirumala, and his left
wing to his younger brother Venkatadri, while he himself com-
manded the centre. Two thousand elephants, trained and
armed, and one thousand pieces of ordnance were placed at
different intervals of his line 7. The Muhammadan writer
says that the infantry of Vijayanagara used to go into battle
1. They belonged to the Northern Oircars, in the present
Nellore District, and were very brave and fearless soldiers.
& Couto, VIII, p. 90. These captains, according to the
Maratha account, were named Bisalaya Naik, Trivengallappa Naik
and Kartik Virappa Naik. Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijaya-
nagaray 1. c., p. 176.
3. Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijayanagara^ \. c., p. 177.
4. Couto, 1. c. This engagement is probably the one spoken of
in the Burhan-i-Ma'asir, 1. c., 146, when it is stated there that " Ikhas
Khan first charged the enemy with his Khurasan! horse and slew
large number of the infidels.*'
5. Ferishta,IIIf p.lZS.TheButhan-i-Ma'asir, I.e., with evident
fatuity, says just the contrary: "When Sadasiva Raya (Rama Raya)
heard of the passage of the river by the Muslims, which seemed to be
A presage of their success, he was much perturbed and alarmed.'*
7. Couto, 1. c.
8. Ferishta, I.e. The Burhan-i-Ma'asir> 1. CM p. 193, supposes
that Venkatadri was commanding the right wing and Tirumala the
l«ft one.
THE fiATtLE OF RAKSAS-TAGttt 20§
"quite naked, and had their bodies anointed with oil, to prevent
their being easily seized" l.
The allies likewise drew up their army in order of battle.
AH Adil Shafh took over the command of the right wing to
oppose Venkatadri ; the left was entrusted to Ibrahim Qutb
Shah and Ali Barid Shah, in front of Tirumala's wing, while
the centre was led by Husain Nizam Shah. Each of these three
divisions erected twelve standards, in honour of the twelve
Imams, before proceeding to the attack. Ikhas Khan, an
officer of Ahmadnagar, was posted with a force of mounted
Khurasani archers in advance of the centre. The gun-carriages,
fastened together by strong chains and ropes, were drawn up
in front of the line pf Husain Nizam Shah ; there were alto-
gether six hundred pieces of ordnance of different calibre,
placed in three lines of two hundred each. In the first line were
the heavy guns, the smaller were in the second, while tKe third
line consisted of swivels ; the whole was commanded by Chalabi
Rumi Khan, distinguished officer from Asia Minor, who had
served in Europe. The elephants were placed at intervals in
the main line of battle, their tusks being armed with sharp
sword blades 2.
Before the battle, Tirumala and Venkatadri tried to
persuade their aged brother Rama Ray a to leave the superin-
tendence of the army to them. His advanced years made his
position precarious in battle. But Rama Raya could not be
induced to change his mind ; and with the valour of a man of
thirty, he despatched them back to their respective wings 3.
It was probably on this occasion that he addressed his brothers
and generals and " encouraged them to make a resolute stand
against the Muslims, saying that he had attained the age of
1. Ferishta, III, p. 137. The description given by Paes of the
Vijayanagara soldiers refers to the great parade before the King.
Their dress was as magnificent on that occasion as it was scanty on
entering a battle. Cf. Sewell, p. 275-9. The paintings of the P.P.P.
reproduced here represent the foot-soldiers killed during the battle
covered only with a short loin cloth.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 128 and 247-8 ; Burhan-i-Maasir, Ind. Ant.,
L, p. 146 and 193.
3. Couto, VIII, p. 90,
206 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGAHA
eighty years (?) without having disgraced himself, and that he
did not wish to be disgraced by cowardice at the end of his life.
He said that anybody who was overcome by fear was free to
depart while there was yet time, and to save his life. The
Raya's brothers and their 30,000 horsemen swore that they
would fight to the death" *. Then Rama Raya mounted a
litter of state, called sing'hasun, in spite of the entreaties of his
officers, who felt that he would be much safer on horseback.
" But", said he, " there is no occasion for taking precautions
against children, who would certainly fly on the first charge ;
this is not war" 2.
7. It was noon 3 when the two armies advanced and
soon joined battle 4. The left wing of the Hindu army, under
the command of Venkatadri, was the first to attack its opponent
the Sultan of Bijapur 5. Venkatadri had always been a help-
mate to his brother Rama Raya on the battlefield, ' verily as
Lakshmana was to the epic hero Rama', as the Kondyata
grant of Venkata III says 6. He was ' a great hero* accord-
ing to the Kallakursi grant of Ranga III 7, and ' a veritable
1. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Antn L, p. 146.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 128-9 ; Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 99. According
to the Burlian-i-Ma asir. I.e., p. 145, Rama Raya and his brothers on
approaching the Muslim army " were terrified and decided not to
fight on that day, but to make the most of their last day of dominion
and power. They therefore withdrew from the field, and Husain
Nizam Shah and the other two Sultans took advantage of their
unwillingness to fight, to allow the armies of Islam time for repose,
and rested that night in anticipation of the morrow's battle1*. The
P.P.P., says also that "when that infidel (Rama Raya) heard that
the army (of Ahmadnagar) was approaching, the world became dark
to his eyes1*. Ap. A. This conduct of Rama Raya is not consistent
with the narrative of Ferishta and other authorities. This passage
is an evident concoction of the author in order to represent the
Vijayanagara ruler as a cowardly warrior.
3. Ferishta, III, p. 128 ; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, 1. c., p. 146.
4. Ferishta, HI, p. 120.
5. Oouto, VIII, p. 91 ; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, 1. CM p. 193.
6. Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 129.
7. Ibid., p. 157.
V. Pattle of Kaksas-Tagdi. The Hindu Army. First engagement.
Kama Raya in upper right corner. (P.P.P.)
( By kind permission of the Hony. Sfretunet, Bharata iHhavi ^anthoUuki Man.iala, Poona.)
THE BATTLE OF RAICSAS-TAGDI 20?
Arjuna in the battlefield ' according to the Ramarajiyamu l.
This great general was the first to attack the Mussulman force.
'The infidels," Ferishta remarks, "began the attack with vast
flights of rockets and rapid discharges of artillery1' 2. Yen-
katadri had under his command two hundred thousand infantry,
twenty five thousand cavalry and five hundred elephants 3 ;
and with this force he fought valiantly, inflicting great loss on
his enemies. The Ramarajiyamu records that Venkatadri "in
a pitched battle dealt destruction to the combined troops of the
Nizam, Adil Khan and Qutb Shah, and drove away all the
three chiefs from the field"4. The second part of
the sentence sounds like a poetical exaggeration, but points,
nevertheless, to the success of Venkatadri's army over that
of Adil Shah 5. The Burhan-i-Ma'asir agrees with this
when affirming that AH Adil Shah ' left the position allotted
to him ' 6.
After Venkatadri had opened the attack, the action be-
come general 6. On the right wing of the Hindu army,
Tirumala, at the head of twenty thousand horse, two hundred
thousand infantry and five hundred elephants, was likewise
successfully opposing the combined armies of the Sultans of
Golkonda and Bidar 7. Both he and hi°> eldest son, Ragunate
Raje (Raghunatha), distinguished themselves by their heroic
conduct and mercilessly slew hundreds of Muhammadans 8.
The Burhan-i-Ma'asir openly declares that "the left of the allies
under Ibrahim Qutb Shah was beaten back" 9. Raghunatha
had previously defeated the armies of Nizam Shah near the
1. Cf. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty,
1. c., p. 119.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 129.
3. Ibid., p. 247.
4. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 222.
5. The Narasabupaliyamu speaks also of the military achieve.
ments of Venkatadri in a pitched battle against Adil Si
Bijapur poem refers to this battle, it is quite certain^ '
was driven from the field. Cf. S. Krishnaswami
p. 224.
6. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, 1. c., p. 193.
7. Ferishta, If I, p. 129.
8. Ibid., p. 247. According to the
Tirumala was defeated by the Sultan of
9. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, I.e., p. 193.
208 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
river Krishna and had driven them to the North of the river *.
But as Couto records both father and son had at last to
retire from the battle field for both were dangerously wounded 2.
The Portuguese chronicler does not say what these wounds
were, but C. Frederick informs us that " Timaragio fled in the
battle having lost one of his eyes" 3. Raghunatha's injuries
are not recorded anywhere, but since no mention of him is
found afterwards, and it is known that he was not alive at the
time of his father's death, we may suppose that he died as
the result of the injuries received in this battle.
8. When the news of this event reached Rama Raya's
ears, the valiant chief, realizing that the issue was much
beyond his expectations, was incensed with fury; and
in order to encourage his troops he remounted his
horse, and shouting several times ' Gorida ! Gorida I '
(Garuda! Garuda!) 4, with his men charged the allied
army. The wings commanded by the Sultans of Bijapur,
Golkonda and Bidar, soon broke before the indomitable fury of
the old Hindu King and his Rachevadu soldiers. Then the
Hindu army charged straight to the centre of the allied army,
which was led by the Sultan of Ahmadnagar with ten thousand
horse under his command. But the attack of Rama Raya was
so unexpected and effective that the Nizam's army retreated
about half a league, with the loss of more than two thousand
of its men. Here the Rachevadu soldiers proved the bravery
of their race ; for seeing their Sovereign engaged with the
enemy they dismounted in great haste ; and rushing to his
defence slew many Muhammadans.
1. Vasttcharitramu, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 216.
This action must have occurred before the battle of Raksas-Tagdi,
because Vijayanagara never recovered the territories to the North of
the river
2. Couto, VIII, p. 91.
3. Purchas, X, p. 93.
4. " Que he o seu idolo das batalhas, como nos o fazemos ao
apostolo Santiago." Couto, VIII, p. 91. According to the Maratha
account this horse was called Amritanidhan. Chandorkar, The
Destruction of Vijayanagara, 1. c., p. 172. The exaggerated account of tfce
THE BATTLE OF RAKSAS-TAGDI 20Q
But the field was not yet clear of the enemy l. Adil Shah
returned to battle, with his soldiers, to check the advance of
Rama Raya. In the meanwhile the Sultan of Ahmadnagar
collected his dispersed forces, and was back again on the battle-
field before the engagement between Rama Raya and Adil
Shah was over 2. Then several detachments of the Hindu
army were sent against the Nizam's troops. In the first lines
of the latter's army there were now two thousand Iragi and
Khurasani archers under Ikhlas Khan, drawn up to conceal
the artillery that lay behind in charge of Rumi Khan. " These
kept up a heavy discharge on the enemy (the Hindus) as they
approached, and fell back as the Hindus advanced, till they
were close to the heavy battery, which opened upon them with
such effect that they retreated in confusion with dreadful loss" 3.
" In fact," says Ali ibn Aziz, " Ikhlas Khan and Rumi
Khan were the heroes of the day" 4.
" At this phase of the fight," continues the Burhan-i-
Ma'asir, " Husain Nizam Shah ordered the camp followers
to set up his pavilion in front of the enemy. The pavilion was
the king's great tent of state, and it was the custom of the
Sultans of the Deccan, whenever they ordered this pavilion to
be set up on the field of battle, to stand thdr ground without
P.P.P. is full of oriental imagery and worth copying: "On account of
the noise the beasts of the desert took to flight. When they were
arrayed for the battle, even the devil fled away from their excessive
clamour. The two clouds (of soldiers) began shouting and the two seas
of fir§ came into tumult. And such was their shouting that on account
of its dread the devil became mad. The trampling of the horsemen
broke the ribs of the bullock (that supports the earth). The black
cloud started shouting and the shining of the fish (that supports the
bullock) reached the sky. The clamour was such that it reached the
sky and even deafened the ears of the angels.'* Ap. A.
1. This retreat of the Sultan of Ahmadnagar is, of course,
omitted in the Burhan-i-Maasir; but it is also recorded in the Maratha
account. Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijayanagara, 1. c., p. 180.
2. Couto, VIII, p. 91-2. -
3. Ferishta, III, p. 248 ; Burhan-i-Ma'asir> 1. c., p. 193 ; Couto,
VIII, p. 92.
4. Burhan-i-Ma'usir, 1. c,
37 .
210 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
quitting the saddle until victory declared for them. The
erection of this pavilion at this stage was not without danger
to the king's honour" l.
This was probably too much for the old Hindu ruler, who
now dismounted and sat similarly "on a rich throne set with
jewels, under a canopy of crimson velvet, embroidered with gold
and adorned with fringes of pearls". But not to discourage his
troops with his weakness, he ordered his treasurer to give some
money to them, and "to place heaps of money around him that
he might confer rewards on such of his soldiers as merited the
distinction ; rich ornaments of gold and jewels were also placed
before him for'the same purpose". The Hindus, inspired by
this generosity, recovered from the panic produced by the dis-
charge of the Nizam's artillery, and charged the right and left
wings of the allies "with such vigour that they were thrown
into temporary disorder ; and Ali Adil Shah and Ibrahim
Qutb Shah began to despair of victory, and even to prepare
for retreat" 2. This account of Ferishta, who also states that
" the two flanks had already fallen back" 3, agrees not only
with the Burhan-i-Ma'asir, which says that " the defeat of the
Muslims appeared inevitable" 4, and with the Hindu chroni-
cles, which say that two divisions of the Muslim army had been
defeated 5, but also with Faria y Sousa, who writes that " Rama
Raya almost defeated his enemies" 6. The Basatin-us-Salatin
relates this tremendous havoc in the Muslim army as follows :
" The Muslim slain were piled in heaps over heaps, and autumn
seemed to have come over the Muslim army. The infidels showed
their superiority and valour" 7.
1. Ibid. ; Basatin-us-Salatin > p. 101. According to this autho-
rity, Husain Nizam Shah had in the camp several of his wives and
concubines ; at this point he placed eunuchs next to every one of
them, with the special command of killing them should the battle
1 take a bad turn.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 129.
3. Ibid., p. 248.
4. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, 1. c.
5. Of. Taylor, O.H.MSS., II, p. 142
6. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 432.
7. Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 101.
VI Battle of Kaksas-Tagdi. The Defeat of the Hindu Army.
(P.P.P.)
By kind pet mission of the Hony. Secretaries, Khamta Itthasa Sanshodhaka Maniala, Poona )
THE BATTLE OF ftAKSAS-TAGDf 21 !
9. Husain Nizam Shah, however, remained firm in the
centre l. The commander of the artillery, Chalabi Rumi
Khan, had provided bags of copper money to lead off with, should
the enemy close ; and these proved so destructive, that upwards
of five thousand Hindus were left dead close to the muzzles of
the guns before they retreated". The confusion of the Vijaya-
nagara army then grew enormous : Kishwar Khan Lary, an
officer of Bijapur attached to the centre of the Muslim host,
charged with five thousand cavalry and routed the centre of
the Hindu line 2.
And then, at the height of all the confusion, there was a
movement in the Hindu army that decided the fate of the day.
Two Muhammadan generals who served under Rama Raya,
taking advantage of the confusion caused by the last charge of
Kishwar Khan Lary, turned their backs on their lord, and went
over with their troops to the cause of Islam. This treason,
recorded neither by Ferishta nor by AH ibn Aziz, explains
quite satisfactorily the sudden change of fortune at the end of
the battle. We are made aware of it by C. Frederick, who
heard the account of the whole action one year later when he
passed through Vijayanagara : "These foure Kings," says he,
"were not able to overcome this Citie and the King of Bezene-
ger, but by treason. This King of Bezeneger was a Gentile,
and had, amongst all other of his Captaines, two which were
notable, and they were Moores (Muhammadans): and these two
Captaines had either of them in charge threescore and ten or
fourescore thousand men. These two Captaines, being of one
Religion with the foure kings which were Moores (Muham-
madans), wrought meanes with them to betray their owne king
into their hands. The King of Bezeneger esteemed not the
force of the foure kings his enemies, but went out of his Citie
to wage battell with them in the fields ; and when the Armies
were joyned, the battell lasted but a while, not the space of
foure houres ; because the two traiterous Captaines, in the
chiefest of the fight, with their companies turned their faces
against their King and made disorder in his Armie, that as as-
1. Ferishta, III, p. m
2. Ibid., p. 248.
2l2 THE ARAVIDU BYtfASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
tonied they set themselves to flight" !. Anquetil du Perron re-
cords likewise that "the king, abandoned during the battle by
two Muhammadan chiefs, perished" 2.
Who were these two Mussulman generals who so
treacherously deserted the Vijayanagara army ? Their names
are found nowhere, but I suspect that one of them was that
Ain-ul-Mulk whom Rama Raya used to call his brother »,
and at whose request Sadasiva granted the village of
Bevinahalii to the Brahmans 4. He seems to have come from
a family of traitors. His father, mentioned also in the aforesaid
grant as 'the chief Ainana Malukka,' was beheaded for treason
at Bijapurin 1553, during the reign of Ibrahim Adil Shah r> ;
and it was perhaps then that his son "offended Ibrahim Adil
Shah, left his service and entered that of Ramraj" 6. As a
matter of fact we find one Ain-ul-Mulk in the army of the
Sultan of Bijapur in the subsequent wars with the Sultan of
Ahmadnagar 7.
10. The desertion of these generals threw the division of
Rama Raya into chaotic confusion 8, in the course of which he
himself was wounded 9. On seeing this, the old Sovereign
again mounted his state litter to retreat from the battlefield ; but
the bearers, panic-stricken at the approach of a furious elephant
of the Ahmadnagar army, ran away, abandoning their Monarch
1. Purchas, X, pp. 92-3. According to the Maratha account the
final cause of the defeat was the surprise of the Hindu camp by the
Sultans of Golkonda and Bijapur. Chandorkar, The Destruction of
Vijayanagara^ 1. c., p. 181.
2. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 166. This treason, not mentioned
by Sewell, is recently recorded by Krishnamacharlu, The Origin, Growth
and Decline of the Vijayanagara Empire, Ind. Ant., LII, p. 11.
3. Anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, Ferishta, III, p. 381.
4. Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 231, w. 64-68.
5. Cf. Cousens, Bijapur^ p. 53, and Ch. V, No. 9.
6. Ferishta, 1. c.
7. Ibid., p. 133; Anonymous chronicler, Ibid., pp. 419, 427, etc.
8. Ferishta, p. 129. "The soldiers refused to obey the orders of
their generals and ran away in all directions". Basatin-us-Salatin,
p. 103.
9. Basatin-us-Salatin, 1. c. ; Couto, VIII, p. 92.
THE BATTLE OF fcAtfSAS-TAGDl $1$
in the middle of that tremendous turmoil *. Rama Raya then
attempted to make his escape on foot ; but just when he was dis-
mounting from the litter he was overtaken by the elephant, who
seized him with his trunk 2. The venerable prisoner was then
conducted to Chalabi Rumi Khan 3, who just was going to kill
him when one Dalpat Rai, a Brahman general of the Hindu
army, cried out : "Do not kill him, but carry him alive before
Divan Barid ; for he is Sadasiva Raya (Rama Raya)"4.
Rumi Khan on hearing this brought the prisoner into the
presence of Husain Nizam Shah 5. Ferishta, Ali ibn Aziz
and the P. P. P. say that the Ahmadnagar Sultan ordered his
head to be instantly cut off ° ; but Couto relates that Husain
Nizam Shah beheaded him with his own hand exclaiming:
"Now I am avenged on thee ! Let God do what he will to
me I"7
1. Ferishta, III p. 129.
2. Ibid., p. 249. The Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 193,
relates that the capture of Rama Raya took place when he was
riding on horseback.
3. Ferishta, III, p. 130. According to the Basatin-us-Salatin, p.
103, Rumi Khan himself was riding the elepha it that seized Rama
Raya.
4. Burhan-t-Ma'asir, 1. c. ; Basatin-us-Salatin, 1. c.
5. Ferishta, III, p. 130 ; Basatin-us-Salatin, 1. c. The Burhan-i-
Maasir> 1. c., pp. 193-4, says also as follows: "They therefore straitly
bound the chief of hell and carried him before Husain Nizam Shah".
6. Ferishta, III, p. 249; Burhan-i-Ma'asir> 1. c., p. 194; P.P. P.,
Ap. A.
7. Couto, I.e. The Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 103, depicts here an
incredible scene : "Nizam Shah was much pleased with the capture
of Rama Raya, caused him to sit down before him and asked him :
* How are you?' and 'How do you feel?' Rama Raya could not
speak, but pointed out to his own head saying : ' This was destined *.
On this point Akini Hasan Beg of Dabris, who was a favourite of
Nizam Shah and the confidant of his Court, hastily came forward and
told him that this was not the time for talking, saying: 'Send him imme-
diately to the gallows of retribution (kill him), otherwise Adil Shah
who claims to be his son, will causa great disturbances and will snatch
Ram Raj from your hands'. Accordingly Ram Raj's head was
severed from his body".
214 THE A&AVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGA&A
"His mischievous head", says AH ibn Aziz, "was then
severed from his foul body and was cast beneath the hoofs of
the king's horse" *. Moreover the P. P. P. relates that Rama
Raya's head was stuffed with straw 2.
Husain Nizam Shah then caused Rama Raya's head "to be
placed on the point of a long spear, that his death might be
thus announced to the enemy" a.
The death of Rama Raya on the battlefield is also recorded
in the Hindu contemporary sources. A grant of his brother
Tirumala, 1568, says that when Sadasiva "was governing the
kingdom of the world, the Mahamandalesvara Aliya Rama
Rajayya Deva-Maha-Arasu having, by the action of kings,
suddenly set," (died), etc. 4 In another similar grant of
Tirumaia it is said that Rama Raya, "owing to the action of
the kings of the Turukas (Turks, i. e. Muhammadans), having
set" (died), etc. 5 The Pudukkottai plates of Srivallabha and
1. Burhan-i-McCasir, 1. c.
2. P. P. P.,Ap. A.
3. Ferishta, III, p. 130. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, 1. c. Briggs, Ferishta,
1. c., note * says that "the real head (of Rama Raya), annually covered
with oil and red pigment, has been exhibited to the pious Muham-
madans of Ahmadnagar on the anniversary of the battle, for the
last two hundred and fifty four years, by the descendants of the
executioner, in whose hands it has remained till the present
period ". This was written in 1829. Since then no remains in
Ahmadnagar of such a head can be traced. The Maratha
account states that Rama Raya's head was sent to Benares.
Chandorkar, o. c., p. 181. In the Museum of Bijapur there is
a stone representation of Rama Raya's head. M. J. Bird, On the
Ruined City of Bijapur, J. B. B. R. A. S., I, p. 376, says as follows:
"The only other thing that formerly attracted notice at the citadel
was the stone representation of Rama Raya's head. It was on the
right of the gate at entering; but having been removed from there by
• the Raja of Sattara, was lately thrown into the ditch". As a matter
of fact it seems to have been thrown into the Taj Bauri; for when it
was subsequently cleaned out this head was discovered in the mud at
the bottom. Cf. Cousens, Bijapur, p. 9, note 2. The sculpture is photo-
graphically reproduced in the frontispiece ot this volume.
4. Ep.Carn.t'Xl, Hk. 7.
5. Ep.Carn., XI, Hk. 6.
VJI. Battle of Kaksas-Tagdi. The execution of Rama Raya.
(P.P. P.)
( By kind permission of the Hony. Secretaries, Bharata Itihasa SanshoJhaka Mandala, Poona.)
THE BATTLE OF RAKSAS-TAGDI 215
Varatungarama Pandya say that "in Vidyanagari the famous
Rama Raya was killed by his enemies" 1. The Chikkadeva-
raya Vamsavali states that "in one of his invasions against the
Yavana kingdoms of the North he lost his life" 2. Rama
Raya's deatlT is also mentioned in the Krishna Raya Rajya
aleda vivara*. Finally his defeat and death are given in the
Jangama Kalajmyana in a prophetic strain by Sarvajna, a
Jangama priest, and his son, staunch devotees of Siva 4.
II. When news of the capture of Rama Raya reached
AH Adil Shah, this affectionate Sultan, who sometimes called
Rama Raya his father, proceeded to where Husain Nizam
Shah was, in order to save the life of the old Monarch ; but be-
fore he reached the spot his old friend had been beheaded, to
the great sorrow of the Bijapur Sultan 5.
The noble head of Rama Raya was soon raised on the top
of a pike, according to the Nizam's orders'; and this was the
cause of the flight of the Hindu army. "The Hindus", says
Ferishta, "according to custom, when they saw their chief
destroyed, fled in the utmost disorder from the field" 6
towards Vijayanagara 7. They were pursued by the
Muhammadans. " Husain Nizam Shah," says AH ibn Aziz,
"pursued the fugitives ; and so many were put to the sword that
1. T.A.S., I, p. 84, w. 161-164.
2. S. Krishnaswami Ayangar, Sources, p. 302.
3. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 345.
4. Ibid., p. 272.
5. Couto, VIII, p. 92; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, 1. c., p. 194. One of the
paintings of the P. P. P., reproduced here, shows the Sultan of Bijapur
Begging for Kama Raya's life before Husain Nizam Shah. All Adil
Shah is there represented as far too advanced in years. The Hindu
accounts say generally that Kama Raya was beheaded by Adil Shah,
and speak of him as having performed a meritorious action in saving
Rama Raya from the disgrace of captivity. Of. Taylor, O. H. MSS.
II, p. 142. See for instance Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijayanagara,
1. c., p. 181.
6. Femhta, III, p. 130; Basatiiws-Salatin, p. 104. Maratha
account, Chandorkar, o. c., p. 181.
7. Ferishta, III, p. 249 ; Maratha account, Chandorkar, 1. o,, p.
181.
216 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
the plain was strewn with their accursed bodies " l. " The
river", according to Ferishta, " was dyed red with their blood.
It is computed by the best authorities ", he continues, "that
above one hundred thousand infidels were slain during the
action and in the pursuit " 2.
What was the fate of Venkatadri, the youngest brother of
the deceased Raya ? Frederick says that both Venkatadri and
his brother died 3, and Couto * and Anquetil du Perron 5
agree with the Italian traveller. But Fjrishta definitely asserts
that Venkatadri "escaped from the battle to a distant fortress"6.
The Ramarajiyamu seems to confirm this, while stating that
"the combined armies of Nizam (Nizam Shah), Yedulakhana
(Adil Shah) and Kutupusahu (Qutb Shah) altogether gave up
the hope of capturing him " 7. Finally, the Krishnapuram
plates of Sadasiva, dated at least two years after the Raksas-
Tagdi disaster, speak of Venkatadri as still alive ; they say that
he shone on earth as a hero and a conqueror 8. Probably the fact
that he retired to that distant fortress was the cause of the
belief that he was daad. Which fortress this was, it is difficult to
say : Chandragiri, near Tirupati, would have offered him a safe
refuge ; it is distant, indeed, from the Mussalman realms, and
considered as one of the strongholds of the Empire ; Krishna
Deva Raya had imprisoned there his three brothers and his
nephew, as soon as he was enthroned, according to Nuniz °.
12. The victorious Muhammadans did not pursue the
Hindus up to the walls of Vijayanagara. Their bloodthirsty
pursuit perhaps extended over same leagues, but then they
1. Rurhan-i-Ma'asir, 1. c., p. 194.
2. Ibid., p. 130; Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 105. The anonymous
chronicler agrees, Ibid., p. 414; but the Burhan-i-Ma'asir, I.e., says that
the number of the slain was nine thousand.
2. Purchas, X, p. 93.
4. Couto, VIII, p. 91.
5. Anquetil du Perron, I.e., p. 166. Accordingly Sewell, p. 180,
seems to suppose that Venkatadri died also at Raksas-Tagdi.
6. Ferishta, III, p. 131.
7. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty^ I.e.
8. Ep. Ind., IX, pp. 330.
9. Sewell, p, 315-6,
216
VIII. Battle of Raksas-Tagdi. The retreat of the Hindu Army.
Tirumala Raya in upper left corner. (P.P.P.)
( By kind permission of the Hony. Secretaries, Bharata Itihasa Sanshodhaka Mandate, Poona.)
t THE BATTLE OF RAKSAS-TAG TI 217
returned to the battlefield and halted some time over there.
Couto says they halted only three days l, but the anonymous
chronicler, who is more reliable, expressly states that "the allied
armies halted for ten days on the field of action" 2, and Ali ibn
Aziz agrees to his statement 3.
All the riches of the Hindu camp fell into the hands of the
Muslims. "The victors," says the Burhan-i-Ma'asir9 "captured
jewels, ornaments, furniture, camels, tents, camp equipage,
drums, standards, maidservants, menservants, and arms and
armour of all sorts in such quantity that the whole army was
enriched "4. "The plunder was so great," adds Ferishta, "that
every private man in the allied army became rich in gold, jewels,
tents, arms, horses and slaves, the kings permitting every
person to retain what he acquired, reserving the elephants only
for their own use'* 5. The Maratha account states that the
treasures Rama Raya had brought to the battlefield were valued
at 12,357,411 huns 6. Among all these jewels the Muhamma-
dan writer mentions only "necklaces which had been brought
into the treasury (of Ahmadnagar) from the plunder of Ramraj,
composed of valuable rubies, emeralds and pearls". These
necklaces became later on the cause of one of the mad
excesses of Murtaza Nizam Shah 7.
This tremendous disaster to the army of Vijayanagara
took place* on January 25th, 1565 ».
1. Couto, VIII, p. 92.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 414.
3. Burhan-i-Maasir, 1. c., p. 194. According to the Basatin-us-
Salatin, p. 105, the Sultans lived for 20 days in the battlefield.
4. Ibid.
5. Ferishta, III, p. 130; Basatin-us-Salatin^ p. 104. "The army
became rich in wealth and jewels/' P. P. P., Ap. A.
6. Chandorkar, The Destruction of Vijayanagara^ 1. c., p. 172.
7. Ibid., pp. 264-5.
8. Ibid., p. 414. The date given by the anonymous chronicler
seems the most reliable. Ferishta does not give the exact date. The
one assigned by the Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ind. Ant., L, p. 146, corresponds
to January 7.
CHAPTER X
THE END OF THE TULUVA DYNASTY
SUMMARY. 1. Influence of the battle of Raksas-Tagdi on the history
of the South of India.— 2. A criticism of Rama Raya and his rule.
— 3. Tirumala succeeds Rama Raya as Regent of the Empire. —
4. The Vijayanagara court flies up country. — 5. Triumphal en-
try of the Muslim Sultans into the city of Vijayanagara. — 6.
The sack of the city. — 7. Departure of the Muhammadans. — 8.
Return of Tirumala and the court. — 9. The imperial palace at
this time. — 10. Intercourse between Tirumala and Ibrahim Qutb
Shah of Golkonda. — 11. Sadasiva under the Regency of Tirumala.
—12. Tirumala transfers the capital of the Empire to Penukonda.
—13. Previous history of this place. — 14. Further information
about the city of Vijayanagara. — 15. The abandonment of
Vijayanagara deals a death blow to Portuguese commerce in
India. — 16. Muhammadan conquests in the North of the Empire.
— 17. Internal state of the Empire. — 18. The Krishnapuram
grant at Srirangam.— 19. Murder of Sadasiva.— 20. An estimate
of his reign.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants.—
2. Ferishta, Anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, Burhan-i-
Ma'asir, Basatin-us-Salatin. — 3. Couto, Corrca, Faria y Sousa. —
4. Frederick, Anquetil du Perron. — 5. Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali,
Poona Persian Poem.
THE battle of Raksas-Tagdi is the milestone that sepa-
rates the era of Hindu splendour in the South of India from
the age of Muhammadan expansion. Impartial history acknow-
ledges its influence centuries after, since it paved the way for
the Maratha cavalry of Sivaji and his successors, fostered the
ambitious ideals of Aurangzeb and his Nawabs, and attracted
the ambitious Haidar Ali to overthrow the old Hindu dynasty
of Mysore. The glorious Empire of Vijayanagara, faithful
trustee- of the inheritance of the ^Hoysalas for two centuries
and a half, was now seriously menaced by its secular opponents,
the Muslim powers of central India. Perhaps this action would
mark the end of its existence, but for a new family of fresh and
THE END OF THE TtJLUVA DYNASTY 2I<)
vigorous blood, that succeeded in saving the imperial crown
from the midst of that turmoil of death. The Empire of Vijaya-
nagara thus lasted another century. Such was the destiny of
the Aravidu family.
Nevertheless, Vijayanagara never wholly recovered from
that tremendous blow ; the foundations of this marvellous
Empire, which was the wonder of both merchants and travellers,
were deeply shaken, and its star never rose again to the zenith
of its sky. " The Kingdom of Vijayanagara," wrote Ferishta
at the close of that century, " since this battle has never reco-
vered its ancient splendour" l. The victory meant for the
Muhammadans the immediate recovery of all the districts which
had been taken from Ibrahim Qutb Shah by the efforts of the
deceased Rama Raya, as the anonymous chronicler of Golkonda
informs us 2. Accordingly the P. P. P. states that " with the
falling of the head ot the infidel (Rama Raya). you may say the
day of resurrection appeared " 3. The Deccani Sultans
were elated at their good fortune. Hence farmans with
accounts of this important victory were sent at once to their
several dominions and to the neighbouring states 4. Ali ibn
Aziz says that these letters "were sent to all parts of the
world" 5.
2. The death of Rama Raya, as it had been welcomed
with great joy and exultation by the allied Sultans, so was, no
doubt, a great and irremediable loss to the Hindu Empire. The
chief of the Aravidu family had saved the Empire from the
chaos created by Salakam Timma Raju and maintained the
lustre which had belonged to it during the time of Krishna
Deva Raya and Achyuta Raya. That chiefs indisputable
qualities as a statesman, combined with his victorious cam-
paigns as a warrior, place him among the great Hindu rulers
of India. His reputation is indeed clouded by his usurpation of
the throne and by the imprisonment of Sadasiva. But perhaps
1. Ferishta, III, p. 131.
& Ibid., p. 415.
3. P.P.P.,Ap.A.
4. Ferishta, III, p. 130.
5. Burhan-i-Ma'asir, Ep. Ind., L, p. 194.
220 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
even this fact was due more to the incapability of the young
puppet sovereign than to his own ambition. From this point of
view, his usurpation provides a special sidelight of self-sacrifice
for the welfare of the country and the salvation of the Empire.
As a matter of fact, the inscriptions and grants of that time
have nothing but praise for Rama Ray a and his government.
"While having uprooted all the enemies," we read in a grant
of 1554, "Rama Raya ruled over the earth, as famous as Bharata
and Bagiratha"1. "This heroic Rama Raya," the Kuniyur plates
of Venkata III state, "resembled by his great fame Bharata,
Manu, Bagiratha and other kings" 2. He is said, in the Vellangudi
plates of Venkata II, to have "ruled the earth with justice
after having destroyed his enemies" 3 ; in the Krishnapuram
plates of Sadasiva, to have been "endowed with valour,
nobility and kindness" 4 ; and in one of his grants of 1561 he is
" noted for valour, generosity and mercy" r>. His generosity
towards his subjects seems to have become proverbial :
Manucci extolled it a csntury later 6, and the aforesaid Vellan-
gudi plates of Venkata II affirm that "he surpassed even the
wishing tree of the gods in his gifts" 7.
The Burhan-i-Ma'asir gives an interesting account of the
power of Rama Raya just before the battle in which he met
his end. It runs as follows : "Sadasiva Raya (Rama Kaya) was
distinguished above all the kings of Vijayanagara for the
strength of his army and for his power, and was puffed up with
pride owing to the extent of his dominions. It possessed the
whole of the kingdom of Vijayanagara with its sixty sea-ports.
Its length was near 600 leagues and its revenue 120,000,009
huns ; and that accursed infidel had reigned over this kingdom
for a long time" 8.
1. M. A. D., 1923, PP. 125-7.
2. Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 252, v. 13.
3. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 319, vv. 17-18.
4. Ep. Ind; IX, p. 340, w. 28-30.
5. Ep. Cam., V, Hn, 7.
6. Of. Ch. Ill, No. 6.
7. Ep. 7m*., XVI, p. 319, vv. 17-18.
8. Burhan-4-Ma'asii , Ind. Ant.t L, p. 143. Perishta, III, pp.
133-4, also speaks of the 60 sea-ports of the Vijayanagara Empire.
THE END OF THE TULUVA DYNASTY 221
3. Five sons were born to Rama Raya by his four
wives 1 ; but none of them was destined to succeed his
father in the difficult task of ruling over the Empire.
Tirumala, Rama Raya's brother, who had been his
prime minister during the last stage of the latter's life, was
naturally the one man able to take over that responsibility, and
he actually did so. Whether he was appointed by the King, or
whether it was the result of circumstances and more in the nature
of a self-nomination, we do not know ; but from the Krishna-
puram plates of Sadasiva 2 and from the two Tirumala's
grants of Holalkcre, mentioned in the preceding chapter,
we know that Tirumala succeeded his brother in the regency of
the Empire :{. Moreover, in another inscription of Sadasiva,
Gutti Tirumalayyadeva Maharaja, of the Aravidu family, is
stated to have been the prime minister of the King 4. The
Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali records, too, that after the death of
Rama Raya " his younger brother, Yera Timma Raja, then
made himself ruler " 5. If we are to believe this statement,
Tirumala appointed himself the Regent of the Empire.
4. What were his first steps on this rough road to save the
Empire from a Muhammadan invasion ? It seems that when the
first news of the d feat and execution of Rama Raya reached
Vijayanagara, nobt dy thought of anything else but of hurrying
to escape either certain death or ignoble slavery. Tirumala with
his relatives, his wives and those of his brothers aad sons, the
ministers and joules JL tne Em. ire, the generals a .d soldiers
together with th, ir Emperor Sadasiva, who then for the first
time appeared in public after six years of rigorous imA rison-
ment 6, left the city of Vijayanagara a few hours later 7. A
1. Of. Oh. 11, No. 4.
2. Of. a little further on No. 18.
3. Cf. p. 214, notes 4 and 5.
4. 412 of 1911.
5. S. Kr.shnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302.
6. A circumstance only given in Frederick, Purchas, X, p. 93.
7. The Maratha account says that " the mother and the
wives of Rajbhuwar (Rama Raya), as soon as they came to know this
untoward incident (the defeat and execution of the Hindu chief), set
fire to the palace. " Chandorkar, 1. c., p. 181. If this is true, the palace
referred to must he the zenana, since the palace of the King was seen
and described one year later by C. Frederick. Cf. No. 9.
222 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
great convoy followed them : one thousand five hundred and
fifty elephants laden with treasure in gold, diamonds and
precious stones, coins of the Empire, and other things of this
kind, valued altogether at more than a hundred millions sterling.
They also carried away the famous jewelled throne of the kings ,
celebrated and mentioned in the inscriptions in every corner of
the Empire l.
According to modern authors this convoy, as well as the
noble retinue which preceded it, made for the fort of Penukonda 2 ;
but nothing of the kind is said in the original contemporary
sources. Ferishta does not speak of this retreat ; Frederick
only remarks that they " fled away " 3 ; Faria y Sousa mentions
no destination at all ; Couto alone gives a hint, so long for-
gotten, which is the real solution of this problem. " They," says
he, " with all this outfit left for the interior, and stored every-
thing in the palace of Tremil ; for it was very well fortified on an
impregnable mountain, at ten days' distance from Bisnaga" 4.
Now, where was this palace of Tremil ? We cannot offer a
satisfactory answer, but it seems to us that the circumstances
mentioned by the Portuguese author, — viz. that it was a fortified
up-country place, standing on the top of an impregnable
mountain and ten days distant from Vijayanagara, and that its
name was Tremil, — cannot be applied to any other spot but to
the temple on the Tirumala hill at Tirupati 5. Its shrine of
1. Couto, VIII, pp. 92-3 ; Faria y Sousa, II, pp. 433-4.
2. Cf. for instance Scwell, p. 206 ; Rice, Mysore and Coorg, p. 120.
3. Purchas, 1. c.
4. Couto, VIII, p. 93.
5. The Jesuits who lived at the court of Venkata II called the
temple of Perumal, at Tirupati, the temple of Perumal or Primal.
See Ap. C, No. VIII. Is not this a corruption similar to that of
Couto ? Even Wilks, History of Mysore, I, p. 42, writes Tremul instead
of Tirumala. Cf. Ch. IV, No. 4 and note 3 of p. 60. But the best proof is
given by Correa, IV, p. 282, who evidently speaking of Tirupati says
that *' the temple of Tremelle, that is the chief and richest house of
the whole Kingdom of Bisncga (Vijayanagara), is in the port of
Paleacate (Pulicat)." (So the Portuguese believed). Dos Santos,
Etkipia Oriental, II, p. 304, likewise calls Tremel, this famous Hindu
temple : " Um pagode tern estes gentios da India, a que ohaznan o
THE END OF THE TULUVA DYNASTY 223
Sri Venkatesvara Perumal, surrounded by three stone walls on
the top of the holy hill Tirumala, 2,500 feet high, might easily
be called by the Portuguese writer the impregnable palace of
Tremil. Moreover, Correa states that the sovereigns of Vijaya-
nagara had a house or palace at Tiru^ati1, and Sadasiva
himself in the beginning of his reign used to go to the sacred
fair held there 2. On the other hand we recognize that its
distance from Vijayanagara does not agree with the ten days'
journey given by Couto ; but for a man who never travelled
through the country, one or two days more does not make much
difference. Indeed it would not be at all strange that the first
monarch of the Aravidu Dynasty took shelter for a while, in
those days of distress, in the same country where his successors
settled finally : first at Chandragiri, just at the foot of the Tiru-
mala hill, and then at Vellore.
5. After the departure of the Emperor and the nobility
from the capital, no garrison remained wit bin its walls to defend
it against any attack. And Couto says that then the Bedues "who
are jungle people " pounced down on the helpless city, and in
six different attacks looted all its houses, carrying away number-
less precious things left by the nobles in their hasty flight 3.
pagode de Tremel, mui nomeado, assim pcla muita riqueza, e thesouro,
que dizem ter, como por ser casa de muita romagem dos gentios, en
que se acham ordinariamente cada dia infinites, que ali vem de
diversas partes e reinos, e muito mas no dia" da festa do dito pagode".
According to this, Sadasiva retired to where he had been first crowned.
Cf. Ch. II, No. 1.
1. Correa, IV, p. 300.
2. Ibid., pp. 302-3.
3. Couto, 1. c. Couto does not say that the Bedues entered
Vijayanagara on the day following the departure of the Emperor,
nor that their six attacks all occured on the same day. I cannot
trace where Sewell, p. 207, takes this information from. Were not
these Bedues the Bergies whom Ferishta III, p. 141, speaks of as
people living around Vijayanagara ? Their chief at the end of this
century was Handistan Nayaka, of whom we shall again speak when
discussing the reign of Venkata II. Most of them were finally put to
death by the Sultan of Bijapur. Ibid., p. 142.
224 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
But this calamity was nothing in comparison with the one
which befell the unfortunate city some days after.
The four Muhammadan Sultans of the Deccan \ after
the ten days' rest on the battlefield, proceeded towards Vijaya-
nagara with all their troops. Ferishta relates that they halted
in the city of Anegundi on the other side of the Tungabhadra
river, while their advanced armies penetrated to Vijayanagara
itself 2. This was done, no doubt, to prepare the great triumph,
described by Frederick, of the four Kings on their entry into
the capital of their enemy 3. From Anegundi they crossed
the river by the bridge built some years previously by Rama
Raya, the piers of which can still be seen in the centre of the
river. As soon as they reached Vijayanagara, the temple of Ach-
yuta Raya stood before them with its high entrance gopuram,
at the end of the so-called dancing girls1 street ; but turning
to the right, and passing in front of the temple of Kodanda
Rama, they followed the way paved with large granite slabs
that ru'is by the river side, until they reached the end of
the broad bazaar of Ham i, just at thu foot of the tremendous
mo.iolyth.c Nandi that watches siL .lly ov.r the first steps
kadi ig to the top of the abru, t ridge 0,1 th. left. Here the
state procession was probably arranged firs'; the soldiers, then
the captains ; the prisoners next, and fii all\ the four Suitans
riding on elephants or on horseback; a. id .1 is not even im, ro-
bable that the head of Rama Raya was carried aloft before the
Kings, on the top of a long spear, and shown to the terrified
inhabitants of that desolate city. The gorgeous cavalcade,
probably did not reach the Pampapati temple; but turning to
the left, started the ascent of the rocky hill crowned by the two
small shrines where the colossal statues of Ganesa were once
worshipped. After a while they entered the enclosure of
Krishna's temple, a fine specimen of the architectural work of
Krishna Deva Raya : the road turns then to the right ; and on
reaching the plains the victorious sovereigns of the Deccan
passed before the shrine containing the huge monolythic statue
1. Frederick, Purckas, X, p. 92.
2. Ferishta, HI, p. 131.
3. Frederick, 1. c.
THE END OF THE TULUVA DYNASTY 225
of the god Narasimha, which was mutilated by their soldiers
shortly after. Subsequently, they entered the citadel, where the
Sultans took up their residence either in the enclosure of the ro-
yal palace or in the Danayak's enclosure; the zenana enclosure
was also probably reserved for their wives.
6. The Mussulman sovereigns spent six months at Vijaya-
nagara l. During this time their troops were occupied in
plundering the city and its surroundings. "The efforts of the
conquerors," says the anonymous chronicler, "were directed
to the plunder of the country and of the city" a ; and Frederick
states that they were " searching under houses and in all places
for money and other things that were hidden" 3. The booty
was enormous. Couto and Faria y Sousa state that AH Adil
Shah got from the spoil a diamond as large as a hen's egg,
and this was affixed to the base of the plume on the headdress
of his favourite horse ; he also got another diamond not so large
but very uncommon, besides a multitude of jewels and precious
things 4.
Was this sack so destructive as it has been supposed ? I
regret to say that Mr. Sewell, whom we may rightly call the
pioneer historian of Vijayanagara, has completely misdescribed
the state of Vijayanagara as caused by the Muhammadans
during those six months 5. More than three centuries have
1. Anonymous chronicler, Ferishta, III, p. 415; Basatin-us-Salatin,
p. 106; Frederick, Purchas, X, p. 93; Couto, VIII, p. 93. Faria y Sousa
II, p. 432, says that they were at Vijayanagara five months only.
The Burhan-i-Maasir, I.e., p. 194, states that they remained at Vijaya-
nagara four months only.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 414. Cf. Ibid., p. 131.
3. Purchas, X, p. 93.
4. Couto, VIII, p. 93; Faria y Souza, II, p. 433. Probably several
pearls and precious stones the Sultan of Bijapur got from the sack of
Vijayanagar were finally presented to the Mughal Emperor Jahangir,
after the peace concluded between the Deccan and Prince Khurram
in 1617. Cf. Memoirs of Jahangir, I, p. 399-401.
5. Sewell, p. 207, says : "They slaughtered the people without
mercy ; broke down the temples and palaces ; and wreaked such
savage vengeance on the abode of the kings that, with the exception
of a few great stone-built temples and walls, nothing now remains but
a heap of ruins to mark the spot where once the stately buildings
stood." (Italics are mine). How can it be supposed that the destruc-
tion we see at present is the effect of the plunder of the Muham-
madans only ?
39
226 ^ THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
elapsed since those memorable days, and time is as sure a
destroyer as man. His statement is perhaps founded on the
Muhammadan authors, who seem to give a picture of a most
tremendous havoc. Ferishta says: "They plundered, rased the
chief buildings to the ground and committed every species of
excess" *. The anonymous chronicler states that "the conquer-
ors were directed to the destruction of the stone buildings" 2,
and Ali ibn Aziz relates that during their stay they were busy
"destroying the temples and dwellings of the idolaters and
utterly laying waste all the buildings of the country" 8.
I do not doubt that many a temple was desecrated in those days,
that many idols were partially broken or completely destroyed, or
that several shrines were, perhaps, razed to the ground by the
fanatical iconoclasts ; but I cannot admit Ferishta's saying, that
the chief buildings were razed to the ground, for the simple
reason that the chief buildings of the capital of the old Hindu
Empire may be partly seen even now. The huge imposing base-
ments both in the royal enclosure and in the zenana ; the partly
destroyed gopurams of the Vitthalaswami, Krishna and Achyuta
Temples, of which only the brick-work has partially disappeared;
the beautiful well-kept gopuram of the Pampapati temple
at Hampi, one of the first the invaders saw on their coming
from Anegundi ; even the two small shrines of Ganesa between
the Hampi temple and the one of Krishna, of which not a stone
has crumbled down after three centuries, are manifest proof
of the exaggeration in Ferishta's statement. His religious
prejudice against the idols and the temples of the unbelievers
made him suppose things done in the imperial city of which its
invaders were never guilty.
I feel sure that almost all the idols worshipped at Vijaya-
nagara were destroyed during those days, because they are not,
as a general rule, discoverable in the ruined temples. The huge
Narasimha was mutilated, no doubt, at the time, since it is not
in the power of centuries to cut off such big limbs as that idol's.
Two images, nevertheless, inexplicably escaped the general des-
1. Fertahta, III, p. 131.*
& IbicL, p. 414.
3. Burha*-i-Ma'asir, I.e., p. 194.
E
B'
k
B
i
THE END t)F THE TULOVA DYNASTY 22?
truction ; they are the above mentioned statues of Ganesa. As
to the temples, the crumbling of the brick-work ctf the gopurams,
the falling in of the ceiling slabs and the consequent shaking of
the whole building, are things that require no help from any
iconoclast invader. Time does it more quietly and more easily
than any human agency can.
Moreover we must admit that several edifices of the city
were destroyed by the invaders, partly while searching for
treasures and partly by order of Husain Nizam Shah, who set
on fire a number of houses, according to the information given
by Mirza Ibrahim Zabiri l. As a matter of fact we have
often found traces of a conflagration while going through the
ruins.
Besides, the poor inhabitants of the city, who had taken
refuge in the valleys of the surroundings, were diligently searched
for by the Muslim soldiers ; and when found, tortured till
something was exacted from them 2.
7. Anyhow the Mussulman sovereigns did not intend to
destroy Vijayanagara. Their long six months' stay within its
walls seems to demonstrate their purpose of retaining the city
for themselves. Another fact, which has never been pointed
out hitherto, tells the same story : their construction of new
buildings in the old Hindu capital. There are still at Vijaya-
nagara five or six buildings (such as the bath on the east side of
the royal enclosure, the so-called elephants' stable, the lotus-
palace in the zenana, the small building at the opposite corner
of the same enclosure, the tower house in one of the corners of
the Danayak's enclosure and the octogonal pavilion on the road
to Hampi), that do not belong to the old Vijayanagara style, but
to a new school that marvellously combines both Hindu and
Muslim styles, the latter predominating. Moreover, the ancient
Hindu structures of Vijayanagara were built without mortar :
the basements of the royal enclosure, the walls of both the city
and the different enclosures and the ruins of the temples show
their mortarless construction. But for building the edifices in
question mortar was used, and such mortar as has gloriously
1. Basatin-us-Salatin, p. 106.
3. Ibid., p. 107.
228 THE ARAVlDU DYNASTY OF VtjAYANACAKA
'defied the destructive inclemency of the weather for three
centuries and a half. Now, speaking of the buildings of Bijapur,
and specially of the flat ceiling of the famous Ibrahim Rauza,
Mr. H. Cousens, in his monumental work on Bijapur, says r
" The whole secret of the durability of the masonry of those
days is the great strength and tenacity of the mortar " l. Such
was the secret of the masons of Bijapur. For these reasons I
am inclined to believe that the buildings mentioned above were
the work of the Deccani Sultans during their sojourn in the
capital of the Hindu Empire. My opinion is confirmed by the
following words we read in the Basatin-us-Salatin : "After this
(the battle) they (the Sultans) devoted their attention to Vijaya-
nagara and raised mighty and lofty buildings " 2.
Yet six months after their triumphal arrival, that is, at the
end of July or at the beginning of August of the same year
1565, they, with their respective armies, left Vijayanagara.
" They departed to their own kingdom," Frederick relates, " be-
cause they were not able to maintaine such a kingdom as that
was, so farre distant from their owne Countrie" 3. But
before leaving, they received an embassy which ought to have
been for them the cause of immense joy : " Venkatadri," says
Ferishta, " who escaped from the battle to a distant fortress,
sent humble entreaties to the kings, to whom he agreed to
restore all the places which his brother had wrested from them" 4.
By whose authority did Venkatadri make such an overture ?
No doubt by Tirumala's. If the distant fortress to which Ven-
katadri escaped was Chandragiri, as we have supposed ; and if
the palace of Tremil, where Tirumala and Sadasiva took refuge
after the battle, is in upper Tirupati, as we have pointed out as
probable in the beginning of this chapter, both brothers could
have communicated with each other on important state matters;
and Venkatadri could have opened these pourparlers with the
Muhammadan sovereigns, as generalissimo of the Vijayanagara
. army on behalf of hi$ brother, the new Regent of the Empire.
1. Coupons,- B(/<#«r, p. 72.
2. Basatm-us-Salati», p. 105.
3. Purchas, X, p. 94.
4. Ferishta, III, p. 131.
THE END OF THE TULUVA DYNASTY 12$
Misunderstandings among the four Sultans and among their
respective generals, that had probably arisen during these six
months, hastened their departure. Both the Golkonda chroni-
cler and AH ibn Aziz, as well as Mirza Ibrahim Zabiri, refer
quite clearly to this disagreement among them l ; and the wars
that ensued soo:i after, and of which we shall speak a little
further down, confirm our supposition. Nevertheless, no public
manifestation of this mutual enmity was then given. They went
together as far as Raich ur, where they "took leave of each other
and returned to their respective dominions" 2. The anony-
mous chronicler informs us that before leaving Vijayanagara,
the four Sultans deputed three of their generals, Mustafa Khan,
Mauiana Inayatullah and Kishwar Khan " to attack Mudkai
(Mudgal) and Raichur, which places were easily reduced " 3.
8. Vijayanagara was thus abandoned by its own con-
querors ; and soon after, its natural lord again entered its gates.
Tirumala " returned to Vijayanagara after the departure of the
Dekanese," says Anquetil du Perron 4. Mr. Sewell seems to
attach little importance to the Regent's return ; but to my mind
it is one of the outstanding events of those days. It signifies
that after the battle of Raksas-Tagdi the ruler of Vijayanagara
did not despair of restoring the Empire to its ancient grandeur ;
to maintain the capital next to the boundaries of their enemies
showed the indomitable courage that could still challenge the
Deccani Muhammadans, with the sure hope of crushing them
as in former days : for Vijayanagara was the City of Victory !
No inscription at Vijayanagara records this second stay of
Tirumala within its walls after the battle of Raksas-Tagdi 5.
But fortunately we have an account by an eye-witness of
this return of Tirumala to Vijayanagara after the departure
of the Muhammadans. C. Frederick, who had seen it with his
1. Ferishta, III, pp. 414-5; Burhan-i-Ma'asir, I.e., p. 194; Basatin-us-
Salatin, pp. 109-10. Cf. Scott Waring, History of
2. Ferishta, III, p. 131.
3. Ibid., p. 414. Cf. Butlian-i-Maasir, I.e., p.
4 Anquetil du Perron, I.e., p. 166.
5. Cf. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third
l.oM p. 181, note.
230 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OP VIjAYANAGARA
own eyes, describes the royal palace as invested with no less
splendour than before the Muslim invasion ; and he relates an
episode relating to Tirumala, which is quite characteristic of
that ruler. It is worth while to quote it in his own words : —
" When the kings were departed from Bezeneger, this
Temiragio returned to the Citie, and then beganne fi|r to re-
populate it ; and sent word to Goa to the Merchants, if they had
any Horses, to bring them to him, and he would pay well for
them ; and for this cause the aforesaid two Merchants, that I
went in companie withail, carried those Horses that they had
to Bezeneger. Also this Tyrant made an order or law, that if
any Merchant had any of the Horses that were taken in the
aforesaid battell (of Raksas-Tagdi) or warres, although they were
of his owne marke, that he would give as much for them as they
would : and beside he gave generall safe conduct to all that
should _ bring them. When by this meanes hee saw that there
were great store of Horses brought thither unto him, he gave the
Merchants faire words, until such time as he saw they could
bring no more. Then hee licenced the Merchants to depart,
without giving them any thing for their Horses; which when the
poore men saw, they were desperate, and as it were mad with
sorrow and griefe" l.
This episode clearly shows the determination of Tirumala
to continue the war with the Muhammadans. For which pur-
pose he was in need of horses and money ; that was why, after
obtaining the horses, he refused to make any payment to the
poor merchants. This fact discredits Tirumala's character in
the light of impartial history ; a ruler who oppresses his foreign
benefactors in order to carry out his designs is not a ruler but
a tyrant.
9. Frederick goes on to say that he " rested in Bezeneger
seven months " 2. His description of the imperial palace
again proves that the Muhammadans did not raze to the ground
1. Purchas, X, p. 94. This fact is also narrated by Sew ell, p.
209, but as having occurred in Penukonda. No doubt it took place
at Vijayanagara. Frederick says that he went there with the
merchants.
2. Ibid.
THE END OF THE TULUVA DYNASTY 23!
every chief building in the city, as stated by Ferishta. " I have
seehe many Kings Courts, " says he, " and yet have I seene
none in great nesse like to this of Bezeneger ; I say for the order
of his Palace, for it hath nine Gates or Ports. First when you
goe into the place where the King did lodge, there are five great
ports or gates : these are kept with Captaines and Souldiers :
then within these there are foure lesser gates, which are kept
with Porters. Without the first Gate there is a little porch,
where there is a Captaine with five and twentie Souldiers, that
keepeth watch and ward night and day ; and within that another
with the like guard, where thorow they come to a very faire
Court ; and at the end of that Court there is another porch as
the first, with the like guard, and within that another Court.
And in this wise are the first five Gates guarded and kept with
those Captaines : and then the lessor Gates within are kept with
a guard of Porters : which gates stand open the greatest part of
the night, because the costume of the Gentiles is to doe bisinesse
and make their feasts in the night, rather then by day " 1.
10. The return of Tirumala to Vijayanagara, and his
attempt to repopulate this city, must have coincided with the
attack of Bijapur against Ahmadnagar, in which even the Sultan
of Golkonda took some part. Husain Nizam Shah had died
shortly after his retreat from the Hindu capital ; and his son
Murtaza Nizam Shah, although young, became very unpopular
on account of his excesses ; so that before the end of the same
year 1565, or perhaps in the beginning of 1566, Kishwur Khan
wrote privately to the Sultan of Bijapur, inviting him to attack
Ahmadnagar where there was, he said, a strong party in his
favour. Such was the origin of this war in which Golkonda and
Birar supported the Sultan of Ahmadnagar 2. This was an
ideal opportunity to enable the energetic Regent of Vijayana-
gara to carry out his plan.
And such was the luck of Tirumala that, shortly after, he
himself was invited to interfere again, like his brother Rama
Raya, in the destiny of their opponents. For Murtaza Nizam
Shah, in order to be revenged on AH Adil Shah, "sent an
1. Purohas, X, pp. 97-8.
2, Anonymous chronicler, Ferishta, I [I, pp. 416*8,
2j2 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VJJAYANAGARA
envoy to Golkonda, " says the anonymous chronicler, " inviting
Ibrahim Qutb Shah to form an alliance against the king of
Bijapur : while at the same time an envoy had been previously
despatched for the same purpose to Ahmadnagar by the king
of Golkonda, proposing that they should march to the river
Krishna, when Yeltumraj (Tirumala), the brother of the late
Ramraj, might be invited to join with his forces, when they
could all proceed to the reduction of Bijapur. After reaching
the Krishna, the kings of Golkonda and Ahmadnagar wrote to
Yeltumraj, requesting him to become a member of the confe-
deracy".
This was an excellent chance for Tirumala to recover the
countries taken by AH Adil Shah from Rama Raya, which he
expected would be restored by the allies to Vijayanagara ; he
also seized this opportunity to enfeeble his enemies by fostering
war among them, following the Machiavellian policy of his late
brother. But at the same time he received another despatch
from the Queen Dowager of Ahmadnagar, Khunzah Humayun,
who was ruling over the kingdom during the minority of her
son, demanding from him the sum of two lakhs of huns for aid
to be given him by the allies against the encroachments of the
Sultan of Bijapur. Tirumala, very much astonished at the
Queen's demand, sent a message to the Golkonda Sultan
informing him of the circumstance. Ibrahim Qutb Shah
promptly deputed a person to Ahmadnagar to express to the
Queen his surprise at this unexpected demand, remarking that
" it appeared very impolitic, in the present posture of affairs, to
make demands of money on Yeltumraj, instead of conciliating
one who was a useful ally at the head of ten thousand men, and
who had reason to bear great enmity towards the powerful state
which they were on the point of attacking". Khunzah Huma-
yun, instead of acting on this advice, persisted in her demand,
and even accompanied it with threats. Tirumala could not
tolerate this ; accordingly, he not only refused to pay the money,
but set out from his capital against the allies, Ibrahim Qutb
Shah did not expect such an unfavourable turn of events ; and
fearing the power of the Hindu army, dispatched an envoy to
Tirumala, advising him to retreat to his country, and promising
THE END OF THE TULUVA DYNASTY 233
that his own troops would also move simultaneously. On the
following day, both armies struck camp and retreated to their
own countries l.
II. It seems quite certain that Sadasivadid not come back
to Vijayanagara with the Regent of the Empire ; the contem-
porary sources do not give any information on this point, and
from their silence we may deduce that he probably remained in
the palace of Tremil, Upper Tirupati, or that perhaps he was
transferred to the neighbouring fortress of Chandragiri. Frede-
rick merely says that Tirumala " had in prison the lawful
king" 2. This statement is confirmed by the Ckikkadevaraya
Vamsavali, which states that Tirumala governed " setting aside
the nominal sovereign Sadasiva" :i. We know from these
testimonies that Sadasiva's imprisonment did not end at the
death of Rama Raya. Tirumala, who had probably formerly
rebelled against his brother on hearing of his sovereign's
imprisonment, now followed the same policy himself.
Chandragiri was a splendid prison for a king ; and since the
only place where we find Sadasiva hereafter is Srirangam, where
he made the Krishnapuram grant, we may reasonably suppose
that he never went back to the North of his Empire. Venkatadri
who was probably at Chandragiri, might have been his
jailor ; or perhaps this office was filled by the third son of
Tirumala, Venkata, the future Venkata II, who seems to have
governed a portion of the Empire during the reign of Sadasiva 4,
and during the reigns of his father and of his brother Ranga I,
had been their viceroy at Chandragiri, and was at this time,
according to an inscription of Markapur, of 1467, already one of
1. Ferishta, III, pp. 418-20. The chronicler says that Tirumala
marched to Penukonda ; he seems to ignore the fact that tho Regent
was at Vijyanagara at this time, as we know from the sources men-
tioned above. This campaign of the Golkonda Sultan against the
Sultan of Bijapur is mentioned, too, in the Telugu poem Tapatisam-
varanam. Cf. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyang.'ir, Sources, p. 238 ; and hinted
at in the Basatin-us-Salatin, pp. 113-4.
2. Purchas, X, p. 97.
3. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302.
4. M.E.R., 1905-6, para 49,
30
234 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
the ministers of the Empire1. In the year 1567 he made a
grant to the Puranist Parankusan Lakshmanaiya a. Another
of his gifts is recorded in an inscription of 1568 8.
Tirumala therefore was the sole ruler of the Empire. We
know of several grants made in his own name without any
mention of Sadasiva at all; such was the one given in 1567, as
recorded in an inscription close to Siva's temple at Kanda-
kuru, Cuddapah 4. One year later he granted Holalkere as an
amara-magam to the great KamagettiKasturiMedakeri Nayaka5.
In another similar inscription of the same place, the donee
is called Maha-nayakacharya ; and it is further stated that he
made over the village to his brother-in-law, Gulliyapa Nayaka,
as an umballi 6. In the same year he made two grants to the
temple of Vishnu at Khairuwale 7. Then the fort villages
granted to Jvarakandesvara "the lord of Vellore", at the request
of Chinna Bomma Nayaka, were the gift of Tirumala alone 8.
Occasionlly, however, some grants of Sadasiva are found
among the inscriptions of those days; one, for instance, of the
year 1567 comes from Ahobilam, Karnul 9. Sometimes both
the sovereign and the Regent are mentioned in the inscrip-
tions, showing the subordinate office of Tirumala: for example,
during the reign of Sadasiva, Tirumala, under his orders, made
a charitable grant to the barbers of Battepadu, Udayagiri, and
exempted them from taxes 10 ; the Krishnapuram plates, of
which we shall speak a little further on, are another instance
of the same. But we know two inscriptions in which Sadasiva
and Tirumala are placed on the same level. The one states that
1. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, l.o.? p.
187.
2. 163 of 1905.
3. 240 of 1897.
4. Sewell, I, p. 132.
5. Ep. Car*., XI, Hk, 7.
6. Ibid., 6.
7. Sewell,I,p.93.
8. Of. Ch. VIII, No. 12.
9. Sewell, I, p. 101.
10, Butterworth, I, pp. 217-8,
THE END OF THE TtTLUVA DYNASTY 23$
during the reign of Sadasiva, by his command and by order of
Tirumala Rajaya, a private person gives a grant to a god for
cars and festivals 1 ; the other is a Telugu copper plate of
Komarunipalli, Cuddapah, which records that in the reign of
Sadasiva and Gutti Tirumalayya, the fourteen villagers of
Utukuru district gave to Lakkanayadu lands and fees at three
panams for a marriage in these villages 2. In 1569 one
Chinnapanayaningaru declares himself subject to Tirumala,
while no mention of Sadasiva is made 3. Nevertheless, it seems
that the Regent never took imperial titles until after Sadasiva's
death *.
12. But Tirumala's stay at Vijayanagara did not last very
long. Anquetil du Perron states that " not long after he trans-
ferred his court to Panegorde " (Penukonda) 5 ; and the
Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali records that " after a short time he
changed his capital from Vijayanagara to Penukonda " c. But
Frederick gives the date of this important event : " In the year
of our Lord God 1567, for the ill successe that the people of
Bezeneger had., the King with his Court went to dwell in a
Castle eight dayes journey up in the land from Bezeneger, called
Penegonde " (Penukonda) 7. We must say here that the
transfer of the capital to Penukonda could not have taken place
in the beginning of this year 1567, because this traveller went
to Vijayanagara in the same year 8, and spent six months in
that city 9, without witnessing the departure of Tirumala, of
which he was made aware later on. Now if we suppose that
1. Ep. Cam., X, Gd. 52. ~ "
2. Rangacharya, I, pp. 580, 58.
3. 166 of 1905.
4. Cf. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, I.e.,
p. 180.
5. Anquetil du Perron, I.e., p. 166.
€. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302.
7. Purchas, X, p. 97. Not in Saka 1493, immediately after his
usurpation of the throne, as H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara
Dynasty, p. 181, says; the inscriptions and grants are not the only
sources of information.
8. Purohas, X, p. 92.
9. Ibid., p. 94.
236 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGARA
his return to the city after the departure of the Muhammadans
occurred at the end of 1565 or the beginning of 1566, (since the
enemy had left either in July or August) we must admit that
Tirumala spent about two years at Vijayanagara.
What was the motive of his final departure ? Frederick
seems to attribute it to another war with the Muhammadans l ;
and the Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali says clearly that he changed
his capital "on account of the constant attacks of the Muham-
madans" 2, which naturally baffled all attempts on the part
of the Regent to repopulate the city.
Now, we know from Ferishta that about that time, AliAdii
Shah of Bijapur led his army against the Hindus of Vijayana-
gara and Anegundi. The Hindu chief then applied for relief to
Khunzah Humayun, the Regent of Ahmadnagar, who herself
marched at the head of an army, accompanied by her son,
against the dominions of Bijapur. Ali Adil Shah was compelled
by this sudden attack to retreat from Aaegundi to defend his
own country 3. The Muhammadan writer does not mention
any action between the two armies. But we feel sure that some
fighting ensued; and it was probably in the course of this war
that Tirumala's minister, Chennappa Nayadu, defeated the
Muslim general Rambikesaru Khanu (Kishwar Khan ?), as is
recorded in an inscription at Penukonda 4.
Nevertheless, this war showed the Hindus that life in the
capital was insecure on account of the proximity of the
Muhammadan possessions; the few inhabitants who had come
back to repopulate the city retired to a more secure place;
and Tirumala was obliged to abandon the old • capital
for good. This however betrayed a certain faintness of heart
on the part of the Regent of the Empire. He had returned to
Vijayanagara, after the retreatof the Muhammadans, as an enter-
prising hero and worthy successor of Krishna Deva Raya and
of his brother Rama Raya ; but now, giving up possession of the
old capital in favour of Penukonda was equivalent to retiring
1. bf. Gubernatis, Storia, p. 290.
2. 8. Krishna swam i Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302.
3. Ferishta, III, pp. 131-2 and 251.
4. 341 of 1901.
THE END OP THE TULUVA DYNASTY 237
from the front line to the second post of the Empire, and at
the same time to abandoning all hope of victory over his ene-
mies. Vijay anagara was giving up its offensive lines, and retreat-
ing to a position of defence.
13. The new capital of the Empire of Vijayanagara deserves
some notice here. Penukonda was a hill fort, three thousand
feet high, in the South of the present Anantapur District ;
" eight dayes journey up in the land from Bezeneger (Vijaya-
nagar)", in the words of Frederick. The town is situated at the
foot of a hill which gives its name to the place : Penukonda
means ' big hill '.
Kriyasakti Wadeyar, an ancestor of the Rajas of Beilur,
is said to be the founder of the fort of Penukonda l ; but its
main fortifications were built or enlarged during the reign of
Bukka I. According to an inscription of 1354 on the eastern side
of the northern gate of the fort, Bukka entrusted the province
of Penukonda to his son Vira Virupana Udaiyar, by his wife
Janema Devi ; and during the rule of this Virupana over
Penukonda, the fort was enlarged and fortified by his minister
Anantarasa Odeyaru 2. Subsequently, when Narasa Nayaka
deposed the last representative of the Saluva dj-nasty, Immadi
Narasimha, the unfortunate young prince was first confined
and then, according to Nuniz, murdered in Penukonda by the
usurper 3. This was one of the favourite towns of Krishna
Deva Ray a, who, according to tradition, made it his resi-
dence for some time 4. We read in an ancient inscription that
Penukonda is a god-built city and that no man could possibly
boast of taking its surrounding fortifications 5.
1. Kriyasakti Wadeyar, Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 345.
2. 339 of 1901.
3. Sewell, p. 308.
4. Of. Francis, Anantapur Gazetteer, p. 191. In an inscription of
1543, Rama Raya is said to be ruling the Empire of the world in
Penukonda. Ep. Cain., IV, Kr, 79. This is probably a spurious ins-
cription, since it represents Rama R *ya with imperial titles, " seated
on the jewelled throne ," which was unusual in the first days of
Sadasiva's reign.
5. 341 of 1901,
238 THE ARAV1DU &Y44ASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Such was the place selected by Tirumala for the capital of
the Empire. The Muhammadans were not likely to shake again
the throne of the Telugu Empire as long as it was lodged within
such a fortress, especially after the Regent himself had repaired
its fortifications, under the direction of Chennappa Nayadu !.
Penukonda was to be, according to him, a worthy successor of the
old capital, the second City of Victory. And it seems probable that
it was called at this time Vij ay anagar a- Penukonda, because
the History of the Karnataka Governors begins as follows:
" Vizianagaram-Penu-Kondaipatnam was for many years the
capital of the Rayer " 2.
14. The transfer of the capital to Penukonda was the cguse
of the abandonment and destruction of Vijayanagara. Two
inscriptions of Tirumala, of the following year 1568, describe
the city as * destroyed and in ruins ' 3. We cannot believe
that the buildings of the city were in a ruinous state only a
year after the departure of the court ; the above mentioned
inscriptions refer, no doubt, to the moral body of the citizens,
to the Civitas, not to its buildings. Anquetil du Perron expressly
says that " the town of Bisnagar, being abandoned, became the
dwelling of wild beasts " 4. And Frederick in his memoirs
wrote : "The Citie of Bezfeneger is not altogether destroyed, yet
the houses stand still, but emptie, and there is dwelling in them
nothing, as is reported, but Tygres and other wild beasts <' 5.
Orme records that at the end of the l6th century, " the city of
Bisnagar was part of the dominion of the Mahomedan
king of Viziapore (Bijapur) " 6. Accordingly when Filippo
Sassetti passed through Vijayanagara in 1584-5, he found a
Muhammadan Governor there, as a letter of his, dated Goa,
November 9th, 1585, relates 7. But at the close of the century
1. 3K6ofl901.
2. Taylor, O. H. MSB., II, p. 3.
3. Ep. Cam., XI, Hk, 6 and 7.
4. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 166.
5. Purchas, X, p. 97.
6. Orme, Historical Fragments, p. 61.
7. Gubernatis, Storia dei Viaggiatori, p. 202.
THE END OF THE TULUVA DYNASTY 2^9
Ferishta wrote : "The city itself is now totally in ruins
and uninhabited" l.
The information of the Muhammadan writer, however, is
not up-to-date : because a servant of the East India Company
passed through Vijayanagara in that year and found inhabi-
tants there : hence the city was not yet totally destroyed. A
letter of Peter Floris to Mr. Tho. Aldworth at Surat, dated
Misiopatam (Masulipatam), June l/th, 1614, gives this infor-
mation : " Yesterday arrived here a fellow who caileth his name
John, saying, he come sent from you with letters from Sir
Thomas Smith our Governor, brought by land; and that he hath
been but thirty three days from you, or the next day that you
did send your letter per this peon ; and coming to Barampur
(Burhampur) in company of a certain English merchant John
Bednall, and one Thomas Lock with one Frenchman whom he
did leave at Barampur ; and this John coming from Barampur
(Burhampur) towards Bagnagar (Bisnagar) was robbed by the
way, by his own report, of a camel, a horse, six fine clothes, a
hundred pagodas in money and other apparel. So coming to
Coulas, he did send back two servants for Barampur and one
for Surat ; but he himself came to Bagnagar, where he did meet
with a certain gentile, being a goldsmith, an old acquaintance
of mine, who did take him into his house and did write me of
it what is passed with this John ". And a little later he adds :
" Because he tells me that the English merchants from Baram-
pur will be here within this ten or twelve days, I have been
content to write Attnrachan and Malicktosuer in Bagnagar in
his behalf, to see if they can get his stolen goods again, " etc. 2.
It is quite evident from this letter that at the beginning of
the l/th century there were still some inhabitants at Vijaya-
nagara. And in the middle of the same century Timma or
Tirumaia, a nephew of Ranga III, by his brother Venkatapati,
built there the lofty eastern gopuram of the temple of
Virupaksha 8.
1. Ferishta, III, p. 131.
2. Letters Received by the E. /. C., II, pp. 60-1.
3. Ramarajiyamu, 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 311,
240 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
15. Nevertheless, the ancient populous capital of the
Empire had become a small village, showing only in its temples
and palaces the past grandeur which was crumbling away
little by little. Its decay was the first death-blow to Portuguese
commerce in India : " From that time onwards", says Couto,
" the inhabitants of Goa have been on the decline " l. And
Filippo Sassetti, in the above quoted letter, says also that the
traffic between the two cities had completely perished, and
gives the following instance to illustrate the great loss that
this entailed to Portuguese commerce : "The revenue of the tax
on the horses that came from Persia for Vijayanagara was
from a hundred and twenty thousand to a hundred and fifty
thousand ducats ; and the present revenue does not reach even
six thousand " 2.
For the King of Portugal, this news was naturally most
disappointing ; for precisely on February 27th, 1568, a few months
after the departure of Tirumula from Vijayanagara, he wrote
from Lisboa to Dom Luiz de Taide (d'Ataide) as follows : " If
the merchandise that comes from Cananor, Cochin and other
places, to be sold in Narsinga (Vijayanagara), passes through
Goa, the revenue derived from the tariff duties on them will be
a great service to me " 3. The Portuguese sovereign was
never to see the finances of his " state of India " increased by
the commerce with Vijayanagara ; the Portuguese trade in that
city had perished for ever.
16. The departure of the Court from Vijayanagara to
Penukonda naturally encouraged the secular covetousness
of the Sultans of Bijapur and Golkonda ; that confession of the
weakness of the Hindu government was a tacit invitation to
them to seize the territories North of the Empire. Accordingly
Ali Adil Shah, in the year 1568, captured the fortress of Adoni,
which " was fortified with eleven walls, one within another, so
that it appeared impossible to reduce it by force " 4. It was
1. Couto, VIII, pp. 93-4.
2. Gubernatis, o. c., p. 202. See Ap. B, No. VI.
3. Archivo Portuguez Oriental, III, p. 14.
4. Ferishta, III, pp. 134-5,
THE END OF THE TULUVA DYNASTY 241
then that Malik Rahiman Khan was appointed first Mussulman
governor of Adoni l.
But the campaign most calamitous for the Hindu Empire
was the one led by Rifat Khan, the Golkonda general, in the
North-East corner of the Empire, which wrenched for ever that
province from the central power. The anonymous chronicler of
Golkonda gives a detailed account of this expedition, which is
sometimes rendered somewhat obscure by his lack of geogra-
phical knowledge.
This general had before the battle of Raksas-Tagdi re-
duced part of the country surrounding Rajamundri and, after
the rupture of relations between Tirurnala and Ibrahim Qutb
Shah, was sent again to that province to accomplish its reduc-
tion. But before capturing the city of Rajamundri he had to take
the two forts of Pentapur and Rajpundi which were in the
possession of a chief called by Ferishta Setupati. The first was
taken by storm without much opposition ; and Setupati and his
family made their escape through the woods to the fortress of
Rajpundi. After some days the Muhammad an s followed them
thither ; whereupon Setupati fled to Rajamundri and took refuge
in the Court of Vidiadri (sic), the Raja of that place. After the
capture of Rajpundi Rifat Khan invested Rajamundri. After a
siege of four months his artillery began to produce some effect
on the walls, and made a breach of nearly fifty paces in one of
the curtains. At this stage the Raja surrendered the fort on
condition "that Vidiadri and Setupati, with their families, should
be permitted, after, evacuating the fort, to proceed whither-
soever they chose without molestation ". Accordingly Vidiadri
proceeded to Krishnacota and Setupati to Vijayanagara, and
the campaign was over by the end of 1567 2.
In the following year Rifat Khan was directed to conquer
the old kingdom of Orissa, which was under Vijayanagara from
the time of Krishna Deva Raya ; and this was likewise success-
fully accomplished not very long after. Vijayanagara had lost
that country for ever 3.
1. Of. Sewell, I, p. 108L
V2. Ferishta, III, p, 421-3,
3. Ibid., p. 423-6,
31
242 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
17. What was the interior state of the Empire in the
meanwhile ? Both Couto and Faria y Sousa relate that after the
battle of Raksas-Tagdi the whole territory of Vijayanagara was
divided among the sons and nephews of Rama Raya l ; and
several modern authors have blindly followed their statements 2.
But we know from epigraphical records that there was at that
time no such break up of the empire: the members of the
Aravidu family remained as united as ever. That explains
why the anonymous author of the life of St. Xavier, who
wrote his book a little later, writes to this effect, after narrating
the battle of Raksas-Tagdi : " Nevertheless the king of this
country was not so much knocked down, for he is still very rich
and powerful ; and he possesses a large state, and has quite a
good number of elephants and great cavalry and infantry " 3.
In particular, Ferishta supposes that Venkatadri had rebelled
against his brother and taken over the reigns of government 4 ;
but this is inconsistent with the fact that he is highly praised in
the Krishnapuram grant, in language which would never have
been used in speaking of a rebel. His stay at Chandragiri, which
we think very probable, would by no means mean a break in the
allegiance between the two brothers 5. The Penuguluru grant
of Tirumala, who was already at that time king at Penukonda,
states expressly that he was "respected by his younger
brothers " «*
Nor can the following extract of the same writer be under-
stood in a general sense : " The country has been seized by the
tributary chiefs, each of whom hath assumed an independent
power in his own district " 7. Of which Sewell's opinion is
1. Couto, VIII, p. 93 ; Faria y Sousa, II, p. 433.
2. " Different members of the family settled in Penukonda,
Chandragiri, Vellore, and some returned to Anegundi ". Wilson, The
Mackenzie Collection^ p. 269. " Two members of the Vijayanagara
family established themselves, the one at Penukonda and the other at
Vijayanagar ". Gribble, Cuddapah Manual, p. 88.
3. M. H. S. /., Man. Xav.t I, p. 62.
4. Ferishta, III, p. 131.
5. Of. Taylor, 0. H. AfSS., II, p. 142.
6. Ep. Ind.t XVI, p. 257, w. 44-62.
7. Ferishta, III, p. 131,
THE END OF THE TULUVA DYNASTV 243
nothing else but a replica : "The nobles", says he, ''began to
throw off their allegiance, and one after another to proclaim Iheir
independence. The country was in a state of anarchy" *.
Ferishta spoke probably of the feudatory chiefs of the North of
the Empire, adjoining the Muhammadan possessions ; but his
statement cannot refer to the states of the South, which we
know from the Krishnapuram plates to have been on friendly
terms with the imperial power.
It seems, indeed, that several petty chiefs and governors
of the North of the Empire, either through fear of the Muham-
^madans, or on account of their own ambition, proclaimed them-
selves independent in their cities or fortresses. We know of
several of these defections in the North from the same Ferishta.
The governor of the fortress of Adoni, one of the main officers
of the late Rama Raya, was one of them 2 ; Velappa Raya,
another of Rama Raya's attendants, likewise assumed
independence at Bankapur, Dharwar, and even compelled the
Rajas of Jerreh, Chundraguti and Karur to become his tributa-
ries 3 ; Trukal too was soon lost to the Empire : it had
fallen into the hands of Venkutti Yesu Ray (Venkatayasu
Raya) an officer of the Bijapur government, who retained it
for himself, throwing off his allegiance with the Sultan 4.
Perhaps the only one who withdrew his allegiance in the
South was the chief of Kalasa-Karkala, South Kanara ; although
it appears probable that he already enjoyed some sort of
independence, ever since the time of the overthrow of the
Saluva family 5.
18. Precisely in the year 1568, the Emperor Sadasiva
made a tour through the South of his Empire and received the
IT Sewell, p. 2()£ ~~"
2. Ferishta, III, p. 134.
3. Ibid., p. 136.
4. Ibid., p. 135.
5. H. Krishna Sastri, Karkala Inscription of Bhairava II, Ind.
Ant., VIII, p. 127. Burgess, Chronology, p. 21, says that in 1565 Vira
Chama Raya Wodeyar, of Mysore, set upas an independent Sovereign.
No trace of such rebellion may be found in the original sources. We
hope to show further on that the -independence of Mysore com-
menced sefre'ral years later.
244 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
homage of many feudatery chiefs, and of Krishnappa Nayaka,
the ruler of Madura among them. The reason for this
journey might have been to make an imperialistic propaganda,
by showing to his subjects the person of the Emperor,
imprisoned so many years ago. The Krishnapuram plates of
Sadasiva show him to us "on the banks of the sacred river
Kaveri, .in the presence of the god Ranganatha" *. Here
Tirumala, at the request of Krishnapapati (Krishnappa Nayaka
of Madura), himself respectfully begged Sadasiva Rayatomake
a gift of the village of Krishnapuram and nine other neighbour-
ing villages to the god Venkatesa. Sadasiva, who is called
here 'the respected of the learned man', surrounded by his
staunch friends, the priests, the followers of the imperial
retinue, all kinds of learned men, and finally the ambassadors
of his feudatory chiefs, who had come to acknowledge him on
behalf of their respective lords, joyously granted the aforesaid
village with gold and pouring of water 2.
The information afforded by this grant is of more than
passing interest. To see Sadasiva Raya three years after
the battle of Raksas-Tagdi surrolmded by the ambassadors
of his subordinate chiefs of the South, acknowledged by the
powerful Nayak of Madura, requested to do a favour by the
very Regent Tirumala, is a scene very different from the dark
pictures drawn by some authors. The Empire was not yet split
up3.
19. This was, however, one of the latest grants of
Sadasiva. There is another of his inscriptions belonging to the
same year, in Tinnevelly district 4, and another of the
following year 1569, in Coimbatore 5, and besides two other
inscriptions of the year 1570, one in Madura °, and another
1. Ep. Ind., IX, p. 340, vv. 44-45.
2. Ibid., p. 341, vv. 70-96 and 102-4.
3. Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao and Rao Sahib T. Raghaviah
seem to suppose "that Sadasiyaraya ended his days in Srirangam".
Ibid., p. 330. There is no reasonable ground for such an opinion.
4. 64 of 1908.
5. 15 of 1910. • .
6/103 of 1922. ' ^ '•""•"
THE END OF THE TULUVA DYNASTY 24$
in ,Nellqre l, recording facts which occurred during the
reign of Sadasiva. But at this time the unfortunate Sovereign
had already met his end, as we shall see in the following
chapter: the news of his death, however, had not reached the
distant corners of the Empire.
What sort of death did Sadasiva meet with after his twenty-
eight years' rule ? "Tirumala", says Mr. Sewell, "murdered his
Sovereign Sadasiva and seized the throne for himself \
Messrs. Venkayya and H. Krishna Sastri seem to admit the
culpability of Tirumala in Sadasiva's death 3.
It seems, indeed, beyond doubt that Tirumala is more or
less responsible for this murder ; but whether he committed it
himself is not so clear. According to Frederick, " the sonne
of this Temiragio had put to death the lawful King which he
had in prison" 4. But Anquetil du Perron states that "His
(Tirumala's) son murdered the son of the ancient King of
Bisnagar, who had been imprisoned as well as his father" 5.
From these two extracts it seems quite evident that the
one who committed that murder was not Tirumala, but one of
his sons; there is no contemporary authority that attributes
such a crime to Tirumala. Nevertheless, the common
juridical test 'cui bono* points to him at least an accomplice
and abettor. Whether the murdered man was the king himself
or his son is not so evident. As a matter of fact it seems that
Sadasiva had a son named Vitthala Raya, who made a grant to
a temple as recorded in a copperplate of Tirukarangudi, Tinne-
velly 6. The fact is that the two above-mentioned authorities
have not the same value : Frederick was probably still in
India, when this abominable crime was perpetrated ; while
Anquetil du Perron travelled through the country one century
1. Butterworth, II, p. 868-70.
2. Sewell, p. 212.
3. Venkayya, Ancient History of the Nellore District, Ind.
Ant., XXXVIII, p. 94 ; H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara
Dynasty, 1. c., p. 179.
4. Purchas, X, p. 97.
5. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p.-16B.
6. Sewell, 1,-p. 315.
246 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
later. Frederick's authority seems therefore more reliable.
Hence we may venture on the assertion that Sadasiva Raya was
murdered by one of the sons of Tirumala l.
It is not an easy task to decide precisely which of the sons of
Tirumala was the author of this regicide. Of his four sons we
know that the eldest, Raghunatha, preceded his father to
the grave; and since we hear nothing further of him after the
battle of Raksas-Tagdi, in which he was dangerously wounded,
it is reasonable to suppose him dead at this time. The other
three, Ranga, Rama and Venkata were still living. If Sadasiva
was kept prisoner in the fortress of Chandragiri, Venkata
being his jailor, we must conclude that the future Venkatapati-
raya II, the most glorious monarch of the Aravidu Dynasty,
was responsible for the death of the last representative of the
Tuluva family. Anquetil du Perron .seems to confirm our
supposition ; since he, speaking of Venkata II, says that " he
caused Sadasiva's son to be murdered " 2 and " had
dethroned the lawful king of Bisnagar " y.
20. The Mamidipundi grant of Sadasiva says that he was
" the best of the Kings " 4 ; and in an inscription in the
Madavaswami temple at Vijayanagara he is called "the fortunate,
the great king of kings, Paramesvara, happy, famous
and heroic " 5. We cannot but smile at such brazen
flattery, after having so carefully surveyed the whole of his
reign. Though we must really admit that we do not
sufficiently know Sadasiva as a king, because he had always
1. What was the fate of Sadasiva's son is not known.
Perhaps, he died before his father's assassination, perhaps he was
imprisoned for life, perhaps he was only a natural son, since we hear
no word at all of the Queen of Sadasiva. According to the Satsam-
pradayamuktavali Sadasiva had a daughter, who, having become
possessed, was exorcised by the trustee of the Ahobala temple and
agent of Rama Raya, Parankusa Van-Saihagopa-Jiyamgaru. Of.
Rangacharla, II, p. 971, 579.
£. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 166.
3. Ibid.,cf.Ch.XV,No.5.
4. Butterworth, I, p. 104, v. 70.
5. Raveushaw, Translation of Various InstriptfrHS, 1. c., p. 35.
THE END OF THE TULUVA DYNASTY 247
been merely one in name ; still a nominal king is by no means
entitled to the appellation of " the best of kings". As far as we
can judge, he was not born to.be a king at all, though Correa
says he was " a sensible man and a great warrior " l. A real
king, a heroic sovereign, he would even in his youth have
found countless opportunities to break the bars of his prison
and escape from his unlawful jailors. Sadasiva was unable to
do so, and history can pass no better judgment on him that he
happened to be a king of the type of those who closed the
Merovingian dynasty of France.
1. Correa, p. 282.
CHAPTER XI
THE SHORT REIGN OF TIRUMALA
SUMMARY.— 1. Accession of Tirumala to the throne of Vijaya-
nagara. — 2. Dynastic propaganda through the Empire, revised
through contemporary inscriptions and grants. — 3. Rebellions
of feudatory chiefs and Rajas against the Emperor. — 4. Erection
of the three Viceroyalties of the Telugu, Kanarese and Tamil
countries. — 5. Muhammadan conquests in the North. — 6. Action
of Tirumala against the invaders. — 7. Sriranga appointed
Yuvaraja. Death of the Emperor. — 8. Tirumala's piety and
wisdom.— 9. Final criticism of the first Sovereign of the
Aravidu Dynasty.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.— 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants.— 2.
Apocryphal prophecy of the Mackenzie Collection.— 3.
Ferishta. — 4. Anonymous life of St. Francis Xavier. — 5. Frederick,
Anquetil du Perron. — 6. Ramarajiyamu Vasucharitramu, Chikka-
devaraya Vamsavali.
THE assassination of Sadasiva Raya naturally led to the
accession of the Regent as Emperor of Vijyanagara. When
this event took place, Tirumala was a venerable old man : his
eldest brother Rama Raya was ninety-six at the time of his
death, 1565. Now if we allow only a ten years' difference between
them, Tirumala must have been close on ninety when the
last representative of the Tuluva family was murdered four
years later.
According to an apocryphal prophecy contained in one of
the MSS. of the Mackenzie Collection, Tirumala's coronation
took place in Penukonda l. " At the coronation of this moon
among kings", we read in the Kuniyur plates of
Venkata III, " foremost among the famous, this earth, being
sprinkled with floods of water poured out at donations, occupied
the place of queen" 2 ; while in two grants of Venkata II and in
one of the same Tirumala, 1571, it is said that "at his anointing
the earth was also so anointed as to appear as his crowned
1. Taylor, O. H. AISSL/H, p. 98.
3. Ep. Ind.> m, p. 252, v. 16,
THE SHORT REIGN OF TTRUMALA 249
Queen" 1 ; and in a grant of Ranga III, 1645, it is recorded that
"the streams poured forth with gifts made by this most famous
of kings at the time of his anointing to the throne, caused the
earth to appear as if she also was so anointed" 2.
It appears certain from these extracts that the Queen was
not present at the ceremony of coronation, being probably
still in the palace of Tremil, as a place safer from the
Muhammadan incursions. Both the Tumkur and Budihala
copperplates say that Tirumala's Queen was named Channa-
devi or Channamadevi 3; but many other grants give the name
of Vengalamba or Vengalambika, as the one belonging to the
wife of Tirumala 4. Probably Vengalambika had been Tiru-
mala's first wife, since she is declared to be the mother of his
four sons 5 ; but it is not improbable that he should have lost
her by his ninetieth year ; on that supposition, Channamadevi
ivas the second wife who sat beside him on the throne of Vijaya-
1. Tirumala's grant, 1571, Ep. Cam. XII, Ck, 39; Mangalampad
grant of Venkata II, Butterworth, I, p. 30, v. 20; Venkata II's grant,
1589, Ep. Cam., XII, Tra, 1.
2. Ep. Cam.) X, Mb, 60, For this ceremony the old jewelled
throne of Vijayanagara was no doubt used. It had been carried
to~ the palace of Tremil, and from there, probably on this occasion,
was brought over to Penukonda to be used at the enthronement of
the first king of the Aravidu dynasty. When later on the court was
transferred to the Tamil country by Venkata II, the jewelled throne
was probably transferred again to the East; anyhow it went back to
Fenukonda after more than half a century, because all the successors
of Ranga III, so far known, were at Ghanagiri (Penukonda), as the
inscriptions often record.
3. Tumkur copper-plates, Ep. Cam., XII, Tm, 1; Budihala copper-
plates, Cf. H. Krishna Sastri, A. S. /., Report, 1911-12, p. 180, note 8.
4. Maredapalli grant of Ranga I, Ep. Ind.< XI, p. 328 : ArivilU
mangalam plates of Ranga I, Ep. Ind., XII, p^ 357, v. 19 ; Dalavay
Agraharam plates of Venkata II, Ep. /«/., XII, p. 186, v. 23 ; Vilapaka
grant Of Venkata II, Ep. Ittd.t IV, p. 270, w. 20-2 ; Venkata IPs
grant, 1587, Ep. Cam. VII, Sh, 83; Venkata II's grant, 1589, Ep.
Cam., XII, Ck, 39; Venkata Ill's grant, 1639, Ep. Cant., Ill, Nj,
198; Ramarajiyamu, 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 213. Cf.
Gopinatha Rao, Copper-plate Inscriptions of the Karnakoti Pitha, p. 82.
5. Ramarajiyamtt, Ibid., p. 213 : Vasucharitramu, Ibid., p. 2)6.
32
2§0 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
nagara. A Teiugu poem of Bhattu Murti, a poet at his court,
speaks of Tirumala and his Queen sitting together, and
compares them to the god Siva, and Tirumala himself to
Sukracharya, the preceptor of the Asuras. The propriety of
this comparison lies in the fact that " Siva is described in one
of his forms as half man and half woman, and as having three
eyes, the ordinary two and * the eye of wisdom '. When
Tirumala and his wife sat side by side they had only three eyes
between them (Tirumala having lost one in the battle of Raksas-
Tagdi). Sukracharya, the preceptor of the demons, is said to
have only one eye, the other having been blinded by the god
Vishnu when he took the form of a dwarf. Both Siva and
Sukracharya are considered by Sanskrit writers to be omniscient,
and are termed Sarvagna (all-knowing)" l. The flattery of the
poet is as delicate as it is acute.
* Now, when did the coronation of Tirumala take place ?
We have said in the preceding chapter that the inscriptions
belonging to the year 1570, but recording facts that occurred in
Sadasiva's time, were carved in the reign of Tirumala ; because
the year 1569 must be assigned as the year of Tirumala's
accession, and of the foundation of the new dynasty. There is in
Udayagiri an inscription of 1569, " while Tirumala seated on
the diamond throne was ruling the kingdom of Vijayanagara" 2.
The above mentioned apocryphal prophecy, which was
probably written in 1630, also places the beginning of
Tirumala's reign in 1569; but it must have been very near the
end of the year, since the same document gives Tirumala only
eleven months' rule and lays down the commencement of his
son's rei^n in I5723.
2. From this time onwards the inscriptions of Tirumala
show him with imperial titles, as successor of the old Emperors
of Vijayanagara. In 1571 he is stated to be " ruling the earth"
with the title of Maharajadhiraja 4. In 1571 he is called
Virapratapa Tirumalayadeva Maharaya 5. In the same
1, Ibid., p. 221-2.
2, Butterworth, III, p. 1328-9.
3, Taylor, O.K. MSS., II, p. 98.
4, Bp. Cam., XII, Mi, 10,
5, 497 of 1905.
THE SHORT REIGN OF TIRUMALA 2$1
year a stone inscription from the Shimoga district calls him
" the glorious king of kings, the great lord of kings, ruling the
whole kingdom from his throne at Pehugundi (Penukonda)
which belongs to Hampi-Hastinavati (Vijayanagara) " 1. The
Tumkur plates of the same date give him imperial titles as
used by the old Emperors of Vijayanagara 2. Finally in his
Penuguluru grant, made in the same year, he is described "seated
on his throne ruling the whole kingdom extending from the
Sethu (Rameswaram) to the Sumeru, and from the hill of sunrise
in the East to the end of the western mountain, eclipsing in
fame and righteousness even Nriga, Nala, Nahusha and such
others on earth" 3.
His being anointed *to the peerless and matchless
sovereignty' is often mentioned as being that of the lawful
founder of the dynasty, not only in his grants 4, but even in
those of his successors Ranga I 5, Venkata II 6, Venkata
III 7, and Ranga III ».
Accordingly, the pedigree of the Aravidu family and its
connection with some of the ancient and most famous dynas-
ties of India, whether true or forged, were propagated in those
days throughout the length and breadth of the Empire, with a
view to establishing the new Aravidu family firmly on the
throne. Thus in the Madanagopalasvamin temple at Madura,
Tirumala's pedigree is found engraved on thirteen stones 'J.
Then in an inscription of Gurzala, Krishna District, he is called
' the most excellent in the family of Satyasraya and the gem of
1. Ep. Cam.. VIII, Sb, 55.
2. Ibid., XII, Tm, 1.
3. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 256, v. 43.
4. Tirumala 's grant, 1571 , Ep. Cam., XII, Tm, 1.
5. Arivilimangalam plates of Ranga I, Ep. Ind., XIT, p. 357,
v. l6.
6. Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 319, v. 20 ;
Mangalampad grant of Venkata II, Butterworth. I, p. 30, v. 19 ;
Venkata II's grants, 1587 and 1589, Ep. Cam., VII, Sb, 83 and XII,
Ck,39.
7. Kuniyur plates of Venkata III, Ep. Ind.t III, p. 252, v. 15 ;
Venkata Ill's grant, 1639, Ep. Cam., Ill, Nj, 198.
8. Ranga Ill's grant, 1645, Ep. Cam., X, Mb, 60.
9. 510 of 1907.
252 THE ARAVJDU DYNASTY OP VlJAYANAGARA
the Chalukyas ' l. And in the above mentioned Penuguluru
grant he is said to be 'the foremost of the Chola family'2.
3. This propaganda in favour of his family's rights to the
imperial throne would appear to suggest that his authority was
in danger ; and we find indeed that a good number of his
subjects did not acknowledge him in the beginning of his rule
— not on account of his ancestors, who had been several times
connected with the previous dynasties, but because of the mur-
der of Sadasiva.
The author of the anonymous life of St. Xavier quoted
above, who finished his work during the reign of Tirumala 8,
writes to this effect : " There were several wars over the
question of the succession to the throne ; for there was no more
issue of the royal family, and various nobles and leading chiefs
of the kingdom did not acknowledge the one who is ruling at
present " 4. This fact is also recorded in a letter of Tirumala 5
to Velappa Raya of Bankapur, kept by Ferishta. The
King complains that " most of the dependents of the house
of Bijanagar (Vijayanagara) had become rebels from their
duty" 6. But Frederick, who was travelling through the Empire
at the time, gives us more details. While describing 'the
place where they get Diamants ', ' sixe dayes journey from
Bezeneger (Vijayanagara) ' he states that " it is many yeeres
agone since they got any there, for the troubles that have been
in that kingdome. The first cause of this trouble was, because
the sonne of this Temaragio had put to death the lawful
king,... for which cause the Barons and Noblemen in that
kingdome would not acknowledge him to be their king, and by
this meanes there are many kings, and great division
1. Sewell, I, p. 58.
2. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 257, vv. 44-62.
3. Of. M. H. S. /., Man, Xav., I, p. XXIII-XXIV,
4. Ibid., p. 62.
5. Ferishta says Venkatadri, but this is an evident mistake.
The one who was at Penukonda at this time was Tirumala. Anyhow
the letter we are going to quote here would prove the same if written
by Venkatadri.
6. Ferishta, III, p. 136.
THE SHORT REIGN OF TlfcUMALA 2$3
in that kingdom " *. • Again, Anquetil du Perron, after the
account of the regicide, adds: "Many troubles sprang from
these revolutions : the nobles refused to acknowledge the new
king" 2.
This was certainly a very difficult position for the new
sovereign in his ninetieth year. On the one hand there was
the Muhummadan menace on the northern frontier; on the other
he suddenly saw many of the feudatory chiefs of the Empire re-
belling against his authority. We do not know who these
rebels were ; but we may assume that the Nayaks of Madura
and Tanjore did not make any movement, because their first
rebellion is mentioned as having taken place during the reign
of Venkata II. It seems quite certain that the King set out with-
out delay to subdue these disloyal chiefs, and actually received
the homage of several of them. One of his grants of 1571
records that " he subdued and made his own the eighty-four
durgas; he curbed the pride of Avahalu Raja, and showed
his skill in conquering the Utkala king (Orissa), the chief
gem in the garland, Araviti-pura, the Suratrapa of Urigola
(Warangal) " 3.
These were probably some of the rebel chiefs reduced by
Tirumala to his obedience ; but they were not all, for according
to the apocryphal prophecy of the Mackenzie Collection, from
the year 1 569 on wards, ' the country will be in great confusion
then for five years ' 4. From this we conclude that the re-
bellion lasted until the first years of the reign of Ranga I, and
was perhaps one of the causes of Tirumala's abdication.
4. One of its immediate results was beyond doubt the
inauguration of a new system of government, which proved
efficient for some years. Such was the division of the whole
Empire into three viceroyalties to be distributed among the
sons of the sovereign.
The Arivilimangalam plates f) and the Maredapalli grant °
1. Purchas, X, p. 97.
2. Anquetil du Perron, I.e., p. 166.
3. Ep. Cam., XII, Tm, I..
4. Taylor, i.e.
5. Ep. Ind.t XII, p. 357, v. 19.
6. Ibid., XI, p. 328.
2$4 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VtjAYANAGARA
mention only one son of Tirumala, Ranga ; the Vellangudi *
and the Dalavay Agraharam plates * and the Vilapaka grant 8
give two names, Ranga and Venkata, as corresponding to two
sons of Tirumala ; three are to be found in the Chikkadevaraya
, Vamsavali*but the Kuniyur plates of Venkata III 5 and a grant
of Ranga III, 1645 6, along with the Vasucharitramu 7 and the
Ramarajiyamu 8 mention four-Raghunatha, Ranga, Rama and
Venkata. The eldest died probably after the battle of Raksas-
Tagdi, and this is the reason why no reference to him is made
in many of the preceding documents; while Rama was also over-
looked in several of them, because he never ascended the masnad.
Ranga and Venkata were the future Ranga I and Venkata II.
At this time Raghunatha was already dead. Hence the
whole Empire was divided into three viceroyalties, and each of
them placed under one of the three surviving brothers. The divi-
sion was made on a racial basis, and followed the different
peoples that occupied the territory of the Empire : the Telugu
viceroyalty in the North, the Kanarese viceroyalty in the West,
and the Tamil viceroyalty in the East and South 9.
"Sri Ranga Raya was the Viceroy of the whple Teiugu
country with his capital at Penukonda", says the Chikkadevaraya
1. Ibid., XVI, p. 300.
2. Ibid., XII, p. 186, vv. 23 and 27.
3. Ibid., IV, p. 270, vv. 20-22.
4. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302.
5. Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 252, v. 18.
6. Ep. Cam., X, Mb, 60.
7. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 216.
8. Ibid., p. 213.
9. None of the contemporary sources say that Tirumala appoint-
ed his four sons to the several governorships of the kingdom, as it has
often been asserted. Raghunatha is not mentioned at this time, from
which we conclude he was dead. Even in Richards, Salem Gazetteer,
p. 67, we read that "the Empire, about this time, was divided into six
vicef oyalties : 1. Andhra ; 2. Earnata ; 3. Madura r 4. Chandra-
gin ; 5. Jinji ; 6. Tanjore". Here the three great Nayakships of
Madura, Tanjore and Jinji have been mixed up with the three
oeroyalties created by Tirumala.
THE SHORT REIGN OF TIRUMALA 255
Vamsavali l. The establishment of his capital at Penukonda
took place later, when he was appointed Yuvaraja ; but the
capital of his viceroyalty seems to., have been Udayagiri, in
the heart of the Telugu country. "Making Udayagiri his
residence," we read in the Dalavay Agraharam plates of
Venkata II, "he conquered Kondavidu, Vinikondapura and
other forts, and began to rule at Penukonda" 2. The same is
recorded in the Maredapalli grant of Ranga 1 3, in the
Vellangudi plates 4 and the Padmaneri grant of Venkata II 5,
and another grant of the same monarch of the year 1589 6.
Another of the same Ranga, of 1576, says that when he
was at Udayagiri he conquered the 'inaccessible fortress of
Kondavidu, Vinukonda, etc. ; and that he was, at the time of
the inscription, residing with all the insignia of royalty at
Penukonda 7. It is quite evident from these grants that
Ranga's rule at Udayagiri was previous to his rule at
Penukonda. At this time and after the conquest of Kondavidu,
he is also called governor of this place, when in that
capacity he granted a village to a local temple 8.
"The next brother, Rama", says the Vasucharitramu,
"was governing in peace the whole country from the Kaveri to
the Sea (Arabian Sea), with his capital at the island town of
Seringapatam " 9. The country under Rama is specified in
greater detail in the Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali. " His brother
Rama Ray a ruled the whole Kanarese country from his capital
Seringapatam ". 10 During the reign of Sadasiva, immediately
1. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302.
2. Ep. Ind.> XII, p. 186, v. 23-26.
3. Ep. Ind., XI, p. 328, v. 31.
4. Ep. Ind.t XVI, p. 319, vv. 28-30.
5. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 297, vv. 24-25.
6. Ep. Cam., XII, Of. 39. Ck, Ep. Cam., VII, Sh, 83.
7. 23 of 1911. One year previous to this grant, in 1576,
Kondavidu had been granted by the .si me Ranga to a Brahman.
Catalogue of the Copper-plate Grants in the Government Museum, Madras,
p. 53.
8. Sewell, II, p. 188.
9. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 217,
10. Ibid., p. 302,
256 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VJJAYANAGARA
before the battle of Raksas-Tagdi, Rama Raya seems to have
been governor of the fortress of Penukonda \ and about that
time he made a gift of the village of Kolagala to a certain Rama-
raja Nayaka 3. He is said to have previously defeated the
Nizam Shah 3 ; but his rule at Seringapatam has been noted
as weak 4. The times however were not favourable to the
Kanarese Viceroy. I feel sure that many of the petty chieftains
of the Kanarese country were in revolt against Tirumala and the
new dynasty ; several rebellions occurred there, too, after the
accession of Sadasiva r>, Rama's task was not at all easy, and
his life was not to last lon#. During the time of his viceroyal-
ty, he constructed the math of Satyabhodarayalasvami at
Penukonda, as recorded in a Kanarese inscription in the same
place 6. By his wife Narasingama 7 he had two sons,
Tirumala and Sri Ranga 8, whose great influence in the history
of the Aravidu family will be traced in due course.
The Tamil country was under the third brother Venkata.
" The last of the four brothers, Venkatapati", says the Vasu-
charitramu, "was governing as Viceroy the kingdom of
Chandragiri, having under his authority many feudatory
princes " 9. Who several of these princes were, is mentioned in
the Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali : "Venkatapati, the third brother,
was the Viceroy of the Tundira (Jinji), Chola (Tanjore) and
Pandya (Madura) countries with his capital at Chandragiri " 10.
We have no special information about his rule as Viceroy ;
his authority was above that of the three powerful Nayaks of
Madura, Tanjore and Jinji, and was similar to that of Prince
1. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, 1. c,
p. 183.
2. 15 of 1010.
3. Ramarajiyamu, 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 213.
4. Of. Richards, Salem Gazetteer, p. 67.
5. Of. Oh. IV, No. 2.
6. Sewell,I,p.l20.
7. Ramarajiyamu, 1. c.
8. Kuniyur plates of Venkata III, Ep. Ind. , III, p. 253, v. 21 ;
Ranga Ill's grant, 1645, Ep. Cam., X, Mb, 60 ; Ramarajiyamu, 1. c.
9. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 217,
10. Ibid., p. 302.
THE SHORT REIGN OF TIRUMALA 2$7
Vitthala, the cousin of Rama Raya, during the time of his
viceroyalty in the South.
This new administrative arrangement, inaugurated by
Tirumala, was intended to meet the then urgent necessities of
the Empire. The monarch, leaving the affairs of government
in the hands of his sons, could devote himself to checking the
advance of the Muhammadans on the northern frontier. The
division being naturally made according to the three great
different races of the Empire, a greater administrative success
in each part could reasonably be expected ; and the Viceroys
being of the royal blood, and in this case sons of the Sovereign
himself, the fear of rebellion was reduced, since they were bound
to be very loyal to the Emperor their father. The only fear was
that these viceroyalties being hereditary, the future viceroys,
though related to the Emperor, would not feel that love which is
natural between close relations, and the consequences would
prove fatal to the Empire. But this apprehension was never
realised, since the viceroyalties ceased to exist after half a
century.
5. The Muhammadans, indeed, continued seriously to
menace the northern territories. After the battle of Raksas-
Tagdi, Tirumala had delivered the territory from an invasion of
Ali Adil Shah, by soliciting the aid of the Queen Mother of
Ahmadnagar, Bibi Khunzah Humayun, who by marching an
army into the Bijapur dominions had forced Ali Adil Shah to
retreat from Vijayanagara l. But in the year 1569, the same
Ali Adil Shah and Murtaza Nizam Shah met on the borders of
their kingdoms, and came to a mutual agreement to extend
their conquests in such different directions as not to interfere
with each other : the Sultan of Ahmadnagar should be allowed
to occupy Berar, and the sovereign of Bijapur should be per-
mitted " to conquer as much of the dependencies of Bijanagar
(Vijayanagara) as he thought proper, without any interference
on the part of Murtaza Nizam Shah " 2.
This agreement was fatal to the Hindu Empire. Ali Adil
Shah set out at once to invest the fortress of Turkal, then in
1. Of. Ch. X, No. 12.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 135,
33
258 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
possession of Venkatayasu Raya, who surrendered after seven
months of strenuous defence. Then the Sultan proceeded to
reduce Dharwar, "one of the strongest of the forts in the
Karnatik, and at that time in possession of one of the officers
of the late Ramraj, who, though he paid annually a small tribute
to Yeltumraj (Tirumala), had now acquired great power." The
fortress, however, took six months to subdue. Then Ali Adil
Shah turned his arms to Bankapur. Its Raja, Velappa Raya, who
rebelled against Vijayanagara after the Raksas-Tagdi disaster ',
"shut himself up in the fort, and detached his son, with a
thousand horse and ten thousand foot, to occupy the woods and
passes, in order to harass the enemy as opportunity offered, and
to endeavour to cut off his resources". At the same time, he
sent a message to Tirumala asking for help. But the Emperor's
answer carried unutterable despair to his heart ; for Tirumala
replied that " by his wickedness and evil example most of the
dependents on his house had become rebels, and departed from
their duty, so that it was with difficulty he could support hiroselt
at Periukonda and Chandragiri, the only places which the kings
of Islam had left him. He advised him therefore, if money or
jewels could purchase terms from the Muhammadans, to
procure them on any conditions ; but if he should find
this impossible, he recommended him by all means to
induce the neighbouring Rajas to espouse his cause, and to
prevail on them to join his son with their followers, in
order to harass the Mussulmans by cutting off their supplies
and making frequent night attacks. He promised, moreover,
to issue orders to all his vassals to assist him, though
he could not rely on their obedience". Accordingly, Velappa
Raya prevailed on some chiefs to join his son ; and they acted
with such vigour " that grain became scarce in the king's
camp", says Ferishta, "which was molested every night by
bands of robbers and assassins, who did much execution...
They entered the tents at night, and without mercy stabbed the
soldiers while sleeping. Every night numbers were killed by
them in this treacherous manner: and so great a dread and
discontent prevailed among the troops, that they were near
1. Of, Ch. X, No. 17.
THE SHORT REIGN OF T1RUMALA 259
forcing the king to raise the siege"; but the tactics of Mustafa
Khan freed the camp of these night marauders, and then
confidence was restored among the Muslim soldiers. The
siege, however, lingered on for one year and three months.
Velappa Raya surrendered at last after the demise of his son,
on condition of being allowed to depart with his family and
effects 1. When this fort fell, Ranga I was already Emperor.
6. What was the action of Tirumala against the invaders
of his Empire ? We have read somewhere that teritoriaiiy he
left it at the time of his death just as it was before the battle of
Raksas-Tagdi ; but we have not anywhere discovered any
source of information so optimistic about his reign. His great
military prowess is extolled in many of the grants of his
succesors 2 ; he is called ' the king of the powerful arm ' 3
who ' defeated his enemies ' 4, ' conquered ' or * subdued hostile
kings in battle ' 5 and 'scorched hostile kings with the fire of
his valour ' 6.
The V asucharitramu relates that Tirumala destroyed the
forces of the Muhammadans sent against him under the
command of a certain Khana (Khan). Incidentally the poem
says that Tirumala " verily bestowed upon the hills of1 Pena-
gonda(Penukonda) the girisabhava (the state of being the best of
hills), by spreading thereon the skins of mad elephants and the
skulls (of slaughtered soldiers)" 7. This was probably the
1. Ferishta, III, p. 135-9. This campaign against Bankapur is
also mentioned by the anonymous chronicler of Golkonda, Ibid.,
p. 432.
2. Penuguluru grant of Tirumala, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 256, vv.
44-62; Arivilimangalam plates of Ranga I, Ep. Ind., XII, p. 357, v 16 ;
Mangalampad grant of Venkata II, Butterworth, I, p 30, v. 19 ;
Kuniyur plates of Venkata III, Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 252, v. 15.
3. Penuguluru grant of Tirumala, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 257, vv.
44-62.
4. Arivilimangalam plates of Ranga I, Ep. Ind., XII, p. 357,
v. 16; Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 319, v. 20.
5. Kuniyur plates of Venkata III, Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 254, v. 15 ;
Mangalampad grant of Venkata II, Butterworth, I, p. 30. v. 19.
6. Penuguluru grant of Tirumala, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 257, w.
44-62.
7. Of. H.Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, Ire.
p. 181.
260 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAtiARA
occasion when Tirumala's minister, Chennappa Nayadu,
distinguished himself by defeating the Muhammadans near
Penukonda, as is recorded in a local inscription \
7. It is generally asserted that Tirumala retired from the
Karnata throne in favour of his son Ranga. But I cannot
support this statement with any contemporary authority. The
Vasucharitramu only says that "Sri Ranga was nominated
Yuvaraja by Tirumala Raya and was looking after the
affairs of the whole Empire*'2. His appointment as heir-
apparent does not imply his father's renunciation of the
throne; nor is this implied by the second fact, which was
probably contemporary with the first, viz. that he was looking
after the affairs of the whole Empire. Tirumala no doubt
felt that he was too old to rule so turbulent a country, and
therefore appointed his eldest living son his heir-apparent and
associated him in the government ; it was then that Ranga
' began to rule at Penukonda' 3.
This occurred probably at the end of 1571; but in the begin-
ing of 1572 Tirumala, who was then ninety-two, passed away,
according to the apocryphal prophecy in the Mackenzie Collec-
tion 4.
8. The grants of his successors extol the virtues of the ' ex-
cellent' Tirumala, as he is called in the Kuniyur plates of Ven-
kata III 5. The Penuguluru grant pronounces him "an ocean
of praiseworthy qualities, the prosperous abode of unrestrained
charities"6, "illustrious, distinguished for his prudence, the
gifts from whose hands excelled even those of the tree
of Indra, and who was a fountain of good qualities" 7.
He is said "to rule the whole earth with great glory
and unequalled renown, like Hari (Vishnu) among the
1. 341 of 1901.
2. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar,. Sources, p. 217.
3. Dalavay Agraharam plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind.t XII,
186, w. 23-26.
4. Taylor, 1. c.
5. Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 252, v. 73.
6. Ibid., XVI, p. 257, w. 44-52.
7. Ibid., w. 177-178.
\
THE SHORT REIGN OF TIRUMALA 26l
Trimurti" l, or " to protect the earth like Vishnu among
the Trimurti " 2.
Two qualities among the rest are selected for special
praise: his piety and his wisdom. As to the first, the Penuguluru
grant says that he is ' a repository of nectar-like devotion to
Hari (Vishnu)* 3. "This king," the Vellangudi plates of
Venkata II inform us, "performed frequently all the danas
mentioned in the agamas, such as the kanaka-tuba-purusha and
the upadanas in the temple of Kanchi, Sriranga, etc., and at
the sacred tirthas " 4. He built temples and bathing-places
for pilgrims at Kanchi, Srirangam, Seshachala, Kanakshaba,
Ahobaladri and other places r>. In 1569, while * seated on the
diamond throne ' and ' ruling the Kingdom of Vijayanagara,
he made a grant to the god Anjaneya ' at Udayagiri 6. In the
following year another was made "with pleasure and libations
of gold and water, as a sarva-manya, to Brahmans, of several
sakkas, names, gotras and sutras, of the rich village named
Penuguluru, with the two other villages, Yalanimapadu-Chenna-
palli and Konduru-Chennapalli, beautiful with gardens " 7.
His wisdom is likewise acknowledged and highly praised
by his successors : he is called 'wise7 8 and 'learned' 9 ; and
even in a Sadasiva's grant of 1558 he is said to be as
1. Arivilimangalam plates of Ranga I, Ep. Ind., XII, p. 357
v. 16 ; Mangalampad grant of Venkata II, Butterworth I, p. 30, v. 19;
Kuniyur plates of Venkata III, Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 252, v. 15.
2. Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XVI, p 317,
v. 20.
3. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 245.
4. Ibid., p. 319, v. 27.
5. Tirumala's grant Ep. Cam., XII, Tm, 1; Venkata II's grant,
1587, Ep. Cam., VII, Sh, 83; Venkata II's grant, 1589, Ep. Cam., XII,
Ck, 39.
6. Butterworth, III, p. 1328.
7. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 257, w. 44-52.
8. Arivilimangalam plates of Ranga, I, Ep. Ind. XII, p. 357, v.
16 ; Mangalampad grant of Venkata II, Butterworth, J, p. 30. v. 19»*
Kuniynr plates of Venkata III, Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 252, v. 15.
9. Ranga Ill's grant, 1645, Ep. Cam., X, Mb, 60.
362 THE ABAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
* learned as Bhoja Raja ' *. He was ' highly esteemed by
wise kings ' 2. He sedulously patronised wise people
and endeavoured to propagate wisdom among his subjects.
In order to commemorate the first death anniversary of his
father, he granted the village of Jillellamuduku to a wise
man, called Srinivasacharya 3. Then, when he made the
Penuguluru grant to Brahmans, the entire village was divided
into 128 vrittis and given to Brahmans who were highly learned
in the sastras and were masters in the Vedanta : one of the
vrittis was granted for the study of the Rig- Veda and another
for that of the Yajur-Veda 4. At the end of this volume we
shall mention his literary exploits; we shall here only quote some
words of the Penuguluru grant rnenioned already, which gives a
beautiful description of the pious and wise Tirumala, "being
surrounded by pious and loving priests and attendants, and by
various wise men who follow the ways laid down in the Vedas
and are highly educated" 5. Such was the company with which
Tirumala loved to surround himself ; the great warrior never
lost sight of the claims of piety and the value of high
education.
9. We cannot doubt that Tirumala had the most excellent
qualities which must adorn a ruler ; since he proved it when a
minister during the reign of Sadasiva, and specially after the
usurpation of his brother, when he was in charge of all state
matters. He marvellously cc-operated with Rama Raya for the
welfare of the Empire, and the success they attained was due
to the efficiency of both ; the glory of the Empire of Krishna
Deva Raya still illuminated the combined rule of Rama Raya
and Tirumala. But after the disaster of Raksas-Tagdi, and
specially during his short rule as Emperor, he was too old to
maintain the Empire in its pristine glory. The Muhammadan
attacks on the northern frontier and the rebellions of the
1. Ep. Cam., IX, Op, 186.
2. Penuguluru grant of Tirumala, Ep. /«</., XVI, p. 257, w.
42-62.
3. Rangacharaya, I, p. 639, 678.
4. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 245.
5. Ibid., p. 257, vv. 44-62.
THE SHORT REIGN OF TIRUMALA 263
feudatory chiefs throughout the whole of the Empire were too
much for the old Sovereign. He then thought of dividing his
task among his sons, by creating the three Viceroyalties of
Udayagiri, Seringapatam and Chandragiri ; and as even that
was not enough, he associated his eldest son in the
government to share with him the conduct of state affairs.
The weakness he showed in translating the court and capital
from Vijayanagara to Penukonda became clearer and clearer
every year. The Muhammadans were continuously advancing
and even reached the walls of Penukonda. Nor were the domestic
revolts yet brought under at the time of his demise. Tirumala
was not at all a successful monarch.
His usurpation of the throne may be easily justified. A.
pageant king like Sadasiva was a grave danger to the Empire
at such a turbulent time ; and if any relics of imperial power
were to be saved, the removal of Sadasiva was a political
necessity. Neverthless political necessity never justified a
murder ; if Tirumala is responsible for the assassination of
Sadasiva Raya, the first monarch of the Aravidu dynasty of
Vijayanagara will always beiblamed for having sprinkled the
steps of his throne with the blood of his predecessor.
CHAPTER XII
THE EMPIRE UNDER SRI RANGA I
SUMMARY. — 1. Enthronement of Ranga I. Retains his capital at Penu-
konda.— 2. His officers. Subdues the rebellious chiefs. — 3. Muham-
madan invasion of Kanara. — 4. First attack of Bijapur against
Penukonda. Alliance between Vijayanagara and Golkonda. — 5.
Second attack on Penukonda. Ranga imprisoned by his
enemies. — 6. Third attack. Jagadeva Raya. — 7. The Sultan of
Golkonda invades Ahobilam. — 8. The province of Udayagiri
captured by the Golkonda troops. — 9. Further Muhammadan
inroads. — 10. Ranga I's religious conduct. — 11. His death. A
criticism.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. — 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants.
2. Ferishta, Anonymous chronicler of Golkonda. — 3. Ramaraji-
yamit, Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali, Annals of Handc Anantapuranii
Charuchandrodayatti, Yayaticharitramu, Lakshimivilasam.
SRIMAD Rajadhiraja Rajaparamesvara Sri Vira Pratapa Sri
Rangarayadeva Maharayalu 1 naturally succeeded his father
Tirumala at the beginning of 1572. * Ranga was installed in
the kingdom of Penukonda ', we read in the Utsur grant of
Ranga III2; and in the Kuniyur plates of Venkata III we
find that he ' was crowned to the kingdom of Penugonda ' *.
As to the actual ceremonies of his coronation, a grant of
Venkata II, 1587, informs us that he was * anointed by his
chief Brahmans' 4 ; but the Mangalampad grant of the same
records that he ' was installed according to the rules by the
best of the Brahmans ' 5. Both grants mention the sovereign's
munificence on this occasion; and the Vellangudi plates of
Venkata II even state that ' by the gifts made by this King at
1. Such is the full imperial title given him in the inscriptions.
Cf. Rangacharya, II, p. 1098, 374.
2. Butterworth, I, p. 46, v. 23.
3. Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 252. v. 19.
4. Ep. Cam., VII, Sh, 83.
5. Butterworth, I, p. 30, v. 22.
THE EMPIRE UNDER SRI RANGA I . 265
the time of his coronation poverty was completely wiped out for
good men" 1. His queens were Tirumala Devi and
Krishnamba 2.
The statement has been made that Ranga transferred the
capital of the Empire to Chandragiri 3. This is not founded
on any contemporary source. The Vellangudi plates of Venkata
II say that ' he made Penugonda his capital ' 4 ; and the
Kondyata grant of Venkata III calls him the 'king of
Penagonda ' 5. Moreover, we know of inscriptions of all the
years of his reign, excepting two. They clearly state that he
was ruling over the Empire from the hilly town of Anantapur.
In 1572 certain inhabitants of Mannur, Cuddapah, gave away
their annual fee from the village to the god Chennakesava, in
the reign of Srirangaraya of Penukonda 6; an inscription of
1573 says that that he 'was ruling at Penukonda' 7; his
Maredapalli grant was made in 1574 ' in the presence of the god
Ramachandra (in Penukonda)' 8, and it states that he was
residing at Penukonda 9 ; again, another inscription of 1574
records that he was 'ruling at Penukonda'10; three in-
scriptions of 1575 speak of him as still ' seated in Penukonda ' u ;
another of 1576 again commemorates the fact of his
'ruling at Penukonda' 12; in 1577-8 he makes the
1. Ep. /»</., XVI, p. 319, vv. 28-30.
2. Venkata JI's grant, 1589, Ep. Carn., XII, Ck, 39. Tirumala
Devi is called Timmamba in the Ramarajiyamu, S. Krishnaswami
Aiyangar Sources, p. 213 ; and Sewell, II, p. 252, calls the second wife
Katamba.
3. Brackenbury, Cuddapah Gazetteer, p. 37 ; Francis, Anantapur
Gazetteer, p 21.
4. Ep. Jnd.t XVI, p. 319, vv. 23-30.
5. Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 126.
6. Rangacharya, I, p. 643, 783.
7. Ep. Cam., XII, Ck, 39.
8. Ep. Ind., XI p. 328.
9. Ibid., v. 31.
10. 70 of 1915.
11. Butterworth, III, p. 1259-61 ; Rangacbarya, II, p. 1143, 688 ;
Catalogue of the Copper-Plate Grants in the Government Museum^
Madras, p. 53.
12. 23 of 1911,
34
266 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Arivilimangalam grant 'in the presence of the god
Ramachandra of Perunkondapura (Penukonda) ' l ; again,
he is said to be 'ruling over Penukonda' in 1578^; and in
1579 he is ' ruling the kingdom of the earth at Penukonda ' 8 ;
this is also said of 1579-80, 4; in 1582 he is 'seated on the
diamond throne at the city of Penugonda'6; in 1582-3 he is
said still to be ' ruling at Penukonda ' 6, and finally he is
called ' Sri Ranga of Penukonda ' and ' ruling at Penukonda'
both in 1584 7 and in 1585 8, the last year ofTus reign.
No inscription has hitherto been discovered stating that
Ranga ruled at Chandragiri. What is more puzzling is an
inscription of Podili, Nellore District, that records a grant of a
village by a private person ' while Ranga was ruling at Vijaya-
nagara ', in 1575-6 9. We feel sure that the capital of the
Empire was never removed again to the imperial city on the
Tungabhadra. Two inscriptions of these same years, mentioned
above record his domicile at Penukonda. He may have visited
the ancient capital of his predecessors in the course of one of
his expeditions against the Muhammadans, but this would not
imply his ' ruling at Vijayanagara '; probably, the traditional
capital was here mentioned out of the regard which the kings
still cherished for that city.
2. Penukonda was therefore the town where Ranga I
' ruled in splendour with all insignia of royalty ', to quote the
Vellangudi plates of Venkata II 10. Pemmasani Pedda Timma-
raja seems to have been his minister ", or at least one of his
1. Bp. Ind., XII, p. 341.
2. Sewell, I, p. 100.
3. Butterworth, II, p. 657-9 ; Rangacharya, II p, 1098, 374; Af. A.
D., Report, 1923, p. 44.
4. Butterworth, II, p. 657-9.
5. Rengacliarya, II, p. 1115, 491.
6. Butterworth, II, p. 892-4.
7. Rangacharya, I, p. 153, 193 ; 70 of 1915.
8. Ibid., p. 622, 534.
9. Butterworth, III, p. 1185-6.
10. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 319, w. 28-30.
11. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty,
1. Q>, P. 185.
THE EMPIRE UNDER SRl RANGA 1 267
ministers, because in an inscription of 1581 Ranga mentions
Megoti Timma Nayadu as his agent and minister l. Another
who seems to have been in charge of the matters of government
is Timmaya Mantri ; for the author of the Charuchandrodayam,
his cousin, says that he " was the right hand of the Emperor
Sri Ranga Raya and was presented by him with elephants,
horses, palanquins and umbrellas"2. His dalavay, or com-
mander-in-chief, was one Obala in 1572 3 ; but nine years later,
in 1581, Venkatappa Nayadu occupied this post «. Rayasam
Venkatapati was also one of his officers : in his poem Lakshmi-
vilasam he informs us that he got the name of Rayasam after
his office in the court, which was despatch-writer, and he was
the manager of the Secretariat of the Empire. He was much
loved by the Emperor, who presented him with a village and
gold jewels 5.
Mr. H. Krishna Sastri suspects that the whole of the West
coast and its petty rulers had asserted their independence in
the beginning of Ranga's reign G. He is probably right, because
it is certain, in view of the above-quoted apocryphal prophecy
in the Mackenzie collection, that the great disturbances and
rebellions following the murder of Sadasiva lasted five years,
viz. one year of Tirumala's reign and the first four years of
the reign of Ranga. This was a trying task for the new
sovereign to cope with ; but it seems, he finally subdued the
rebels. It is probably in this connection that his Maredapalli
grant and Arivilimangalam plates inform us that he ' destroyed
or reduced the Chaurasi-durga (the eighty-four hill forts) ' 7 ;
the Arivilimangalam plates say moreover that he ' put to
shame Avahaluraya ' 8, while the Maredapalli grant extols
him ' as the vanquisher of Avahaluraya and the king of
Utkala ' ».
1. 178 of 1913.
2. &. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 241.
3. Rangacharya, II, p. 979, 630.
4. 178 of 1913.
5. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 230.
6. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, 1. c. and note 3.
7. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 357, v. 20; XI, p. 328, v. 35.
8. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 357, w. 21-26.
9. Ep. Ind^ XI, p. 328, vv. 37-38,
268 THE ARAV1DU DYNASTY OK VIJAVANAGARA
Moreover the rebellions were not all confined to the West.
Trouble also arose in the South of the peninsula. The country
of Marava and its neighbours the Kallar tribes, had broken
allegiance with the Empire; but Ranga, according to an inscrip-
tion of Tindivanam, "subdued the insolent Kallar and Maravar
(tribes), inhabiting Kongu and Malai-nadu, and their treasures
he distributed (among the poor)" \
3. In the meanwhile the Muhammadans had not yet
ceased attacking the northern frontier. In the year 1575, to
safeguard his new possessions, AH Adil Shah rebuilt the
ancient fortress of Chandragutti, Shimoga District, which was
built upon a lofty hill 2. While here, he was invited by Shankar
Nayak, probably one of those petty chiefs of Kanara who had
rebelled against the new dynasty of Vijayanagara, to make a
tour through his own country. " Ali Adil Shah ", says Ferishta,
«' accepting the offer, left his army at Chandarguti, and with
Mustafa Khan and four or five thousand men proceeded to the
fortress of Karur (Kadur)." This place is situated in a mountain-
eous country full of forests, and so difficult of access that most of
the passes allow only one horseman to enter at a time. The king,
disliking the appearance of the country, returned to Chandar-
guti, leaving all his possessions to the Nayak; but Mustafa Khan
tried to make a virtue of his master's necessity, by telling the
Nayak that it was with difficulty he had dissuaded him from
reducing it ; therefore, if he consulted his own safety, he would
submit and pay tribute and induce the surrounding rayas to do
the same. Shankar Nayak, by these representations, prevailed on
Siva Nayak of Jerreh, the Rani of Barcelor (Basrur) and several
other chiefs, to pay their respects to the Sultan, to whom they
presented offerings of considerable value, and agreed to pay
annual tribute. On the day on which these chiefs received
their state robes from the Sultan, women's robes were prepared
for Har Devi, Bhar Devi, the Rani of Barcelor and another Rani.
But these they declined accepting, saying that, though women
in sex, they held their dominions by the power of masculine
minds ; upon which the Sultan presented them with men's robes
1. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, 1. c., p. 183-4.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 139.
THE EMPIRE UNDER SRl RANGA I 269
and applauded their high spirit. After this the Sultan of Bija-
pur appointed a Brahman to superintend the revenue of the
newly-acquired country, answering more or less to the modern
districts of Shimoga and Kadur. l. *
4. Ranga could not render assistance to his rebel chiefs of
the Kanara country against the Muhammadans. As a matter of
fact, it seems that just at this time he was proceeding towards
Chandragiri ' in the course of a royal tour ' 2. AH Adil Shah,
after his short campaign in the Kanara country, again joined the
troops of Mustafa Khan and advanced towards Penu-
konda 3. When Sri Ranga learnt this he rapidly returned
to his capital 4, but found himself unequal to the forces of
Bijapur ; so, perhaps even before he reached Penukonda, he
despatched an envoy with magnificent presents to Ibrahim
Qutb Shah of Golkonda, demanding his aid against Adil Shah.
The Golkonda Sultan "readily agreed to the overtures of Sri
Ranga Raya," says the anonymous chronicler of Golkonda,
" promising him to oppose AH Adil Shah, and to prevent him
from making further aggression. Accordingly he detached his
general, Shah Muhammad Anju, wkh a light force, to skirmish
and plunder the borders of Adil Shah's dominions, while he
prepared to move to the South in support of Sri Ranga Raya.
On the Bijanagar frontier he was joined by Shah Muhammad
Anju, after he had sacked the towns and laid waste the enemy's
country, agreeably to his instructions. He was shortly after^-
wards met by Sri Ranga Raya ; and their junction induced AH
Adil Shah to raise the siege of Bijanagar (vis. its capital Penu-
konda) 5 and to return to Bijapur " °.
1. Ibid., p. 140-1.
2. Annals of Hande Anantapuram, 8. Krishnasvvami Aiyangar,
Sources, p. 231.
3. Ferishta, III, p. 141. Ferishta's following account of the
attack of Penukonda is evidently out of place. I shall prove in due
course that facts narrated here by the Muhammadan writer could
not have taken place except during the reign of Venkata II.
4. Annals of Hande Anantapuram, 1. c.
5. The removal of the capital from Vijayanagara to Penu-
konda seems to be completely ignored by the anonymous chronicler.
6. Ferishta, III, p. 435.
THE ARAVIDU 0YNASTY OF VljAYANAGARA
Such is the account of th£ retreat of All Adil Shah as
given by the Mussulman writer ; but the Annals of Hande
Anantapuram provide us with some other details. Ranga had
also summoned Hande Malakappa Nayadu, the governor of
Bukkasamudram, and ' with the assistance of his troops fought
with the Muhammadan invaders and routed them ' l. This
seems to imply that a battle was fought between the two armies;
and it was probably then that ' Ranga's war-drums were heard
in the town of Vijapura (Bijapur) ', as we read in the Narapati-
vijayamu 2.
After this combined action the relations beween Golkonda
and Vijayanagara apparently became still more friendly. It
was perhaps then that Fak-1 Khan went with a large army as
an envoy of the Sultan of Golkonda to the court of Ranga and
took the latter to his sovereign's capital, where a treaty of
alliance was concluded between the two monarchs :J.
5. But not long after, probably in the following year 1576,
the Sultan of Bijapur reappeared in the territories of Vijaya-
nagara with a large army. Ranga set out from Penukonda to
check this expedition. When the two armies met, a great battle
ensued, in the course of which the Emperor Ranga unfortu-
nately fell a prisoner into the hands of Ali Adil Shah ; this
mishap turned the tide against the Hindu army, which was
beaten and routed by the enemy. The immediate result of this
^ictory was the possession of the territories to the North of
Penukonda, which never went back into the hands of the Vijaya-
nagara Emperors. " On hearing about this defeat of Sri Ranga,*'
continues the author of the Annals of Hande Anantapuram,
" Hande Malakappa Nayadu, thinking that the Muhammadan
fortunes were destined to rise and his master's to wane, trans-
ferred his allegiance to them and behaved obediently in their
service. So they showed great favour to him, and bestowed
upon him the lands formerly granted to him by the Vijaya-
nagara sovereigns : Bukkapatnam in the Elamanchi country,
1. 8. • Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, 1. c. Of. Brown, The
Wars of the Rajas, p. 6.
2. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, 1. c., p. 183, note 3.
3. Yayaticharitram, 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 236.
THE EMPIRE UNDER SRI RANGA I 2/1
and Anantasagaram along with the hamlets under them, with
the title of Padishah Vazir " l. This misfortune of Ranga
justified a strange title given him two years before : in a grant
of 1574, this sovereign is called ' Establisher of the kingdom x>f
the Mussulmans ' z.
More fortunate still was another chief who also fought in
this battle against the Muhammadans. Sal Nayakahad, after the
battle of Raksas-Tagdi, become the leader of a band of free-
booters, and succeeded in capturing Kandikere and Shettikere.
Incidentally, he joined Ranga at Penukonda with a force, on
condition of his conquests being confirmed. After the defeat
of the Hindu army and the capture of their Emperor, he
escaped to his own country with such plunder as he could
secure, including, it is said, twelve elephants. Chiknayakanhalli
was founded a while after, made the seat of his government and
named after his brother ; then Honnavalli, Turuvekere and
Nonavinkere were added to his possessions. Such was the origin
of the Hagalvadi chiefs, whose territory was finally annexed to
Mysore by Chikkadeva Ray a :t.
6. Ranga I, probably, soon won his liberty by a heavy ran-
som ; because the inscriptions of the following year 1577 show
him * ruling at Penukonda * 4. But the attack on Penukonda
was renewed that very year ; unquestionably Ali Adil Shah was
bent on destroying the new capital of the Empire, as he had
helped in the destruction of the old. We are not aware whether
Adil Shah was present at the siege of the fortress; the Satya-
parinayam mentions only four generals of his army. Jagadeva
Raya, the Sudra chief of Baramahal, was at the moment in
charge of the defence of the city ; he was closely related to the
1. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 231-2. Of. Brown
The Wars of the Rajas, p. 6.
2. Seweil, II, p. 185.
3. Rice, Mysore, II, p. 165.
4. Cf. above No. 1. Nevertheless there is an inscription of this
year in the Nellore district, in which Ranga appears as * ruling at
Chandragiri '. Butterworth, I, p. 399, note. Was his capture perhaps
concealed by saying that he was ruling at Chandragiri, where his
brother Venkata was perhaps governing the Empire on his behalf?
2/2 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Emperor by his marriage with one of the latter's daughters l.
The attack was more than once valiantly repulsed by this hero.
One general, Sujata Khan, was slain in one of the actions; another,
Chitta Khan, was captured ; and the other two, Murtija Khan
and Naru Khan, being successively defeated, the Bijapur army
was forced to raise the siege 2.
The Emperor rewarded Jagadeva Raya's services liberally.
He gave him a large district which extended from Baramahal
in the East to the western Ghats in the West. He fixed his
capital at Channapatna, which his descendants held till 1630,
when it was captured after a long siege by the Raja of Mysore 3.
Perhaps Koneru Raya also distinguished himself on this
occasion ; because an inscription of 1579 records the fact that
the Emperor Ranga gave two villages to him for services
rendered in a bloody battle, and exempted them from all
taxes 4.
7. In the meanwhile the Sultan of Golkonda, Ibrahim
Qutb Shah, had broken the alliance made lately with Ranga ;
and having joined the Hande chief Malakappa Nayadu, who, as
we have already noted, had been a traitor to the Empire, invaded
and occupied the Ahobalam district. A local inscription
dated 1584-5, from which we get this information, adds that
the religious teacher, Sri Van Sathagopa Swami, then went to
the Emperor Ranga ; and "reporting to him the sad condition of
the temple of Ahobalam and the surrounding country, request-
ed him to recover the district from the Muhammadans and to
restore the temples to their ancient glory. Thereupon the Emperor
Sri Ranga Raya himself prepared to lead an army into the
district in person and to drive out the enemy. But the High
Priest said that he need not lead the expedition in person,
1. Rice, Mysore and Coorg, p. 164, says that Jagadeva 's daughter
was married to Ranga, but he himself in his further work, Mysore,
I, p. 356 and 357, affirms that lie was the king's son-in-law. Sewell,
I, p. 194 and II, p. 251, agrees.
2. 3. Krishnaswsmi Aiyangar, Sources, p. 229.
3. Rice, Mysore, I, p. 22, This author, as well as Sewell, II, p.
251, assigned the year 1577 as corresponding to the date of this
third siege of Penukonda.
4. • M. A. A, Report, 1923, p. 44. •
THE EMPIRE UNDER SRI RANGA I 273
but might entrust it to his subordinates, Kondaraju
Venkataraju and Kondaraju Tirumalaraju who were
designated by the god of Ahobaiam in a dream, as the fittest
persons to lead the attack and to restore the temples. The Em-
peror was struck with this ; and having presented the chiefs with
jewels and titles, ordered them to march against the enemy.
Then the chiefs started with their army along with the priest ;
and having defeated the Hande chiefs and the other allies of
Ibrahim, made vast additions to the temples and bestowed on the
temples more than their former prosperity " \ This action
is probably the one referred to in the Lakshmivilasam, which
states that Ranga I " defeated the large armies of Qutb Shah
and captured his royal inisgnia " 2. And again the Narapati-
vijayamu says that ' his sword split the bodies of the Golkonda
warriors' 3.
8. Soon, at the end of 1579 or beginning of 1580, the
Golkonda troops entered the province of Udayagiri situated at
the North-East of the Empire 4. After crossing the Krishna
they easily captured the forts of Inaconda, Cacherlacota and
Cammum (Cumbum) ; but the fortress of Kandbir was not so
easily taken. "Here Haidar-ul-Mulk", says the anonymous
chronicler, "was informed that Kandi Timana, Mudna Chinna
and Kasturi Ranga had collected a force of thirty thousand
men, and were on the'point of marching to attack him. He there-
fore deferred the siege of Kandbir and moved to meet them.
The Hindu infantry poured in upon the king's troops on
all sides from the woods; but they only rushed on to
their own destruction. The Muhammadans gained a com-
plete victory, and pursued the enemy to the fort of Guram,
which surrendered". The fort of Belamkonda and all
the minor forts of the neighbourhood fell also into the
hands of the Muhammadans ; and thereafter Haidar-ul-Mulk
proceeded to Kandbir. "A long time was expended in
1. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 233.4. Of. 70 of 1915.
2. Ibid., p. 230.
3. Lives of Telu&t fleets, p. 356. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third
Vijayattagara Dynasty, 1. o., p. 183, note.
4. Sewell, I, p. 137, has an inscription of a local chief of this
province acknowledging Ranga I as his-sovereign in the year 1579.
35
274 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
attempting to reduce this strong fortress without effect ; and
Haidar-ul-Mulk found it necessary to apply for reinforcements
toGolkonda, on which Ibrahim Qutb Shah appointed Syad
Shah Tacki, known by the appellation of Amir Shah Mir, with
a considerable detachment of Mughals and Persians, to proceed
and to take the command from Haidar-ul-Mulk of all the forces
South of the Krishna. On his arrival at Kandbir, Shah Mir
made many attempts to carry the place by escalade, but invari-
ably failed, till at length he resolved, whatever might be the loss
sustained, to drag his guns up the hill to within a moderate
distance of the walls. By this means part of one face was
battered down, and an attack made one morning both at the
breach and on the South gateway. The Hindus were prepared
to receive the storming parties and fought desperately ; but
they were driven back, though not without heavy loss on the
part of the assailants. The fort was eventually taken through
the exertions of the elephants, who forced open one side of the
gate. The Muhammadans then rushing in took the place ; and
Kapury Timraj, son-in-law of the celebrated Ramraj of Bija-
nagar, fell into the hands of the victors " '.
The Aminabad inscription of Amin Mulk gives further
information concerning this campaign. Besides the successive
capture ot the fortresses of Vinukonda, Bellamkonda, Tangeda
and Kondavidu, it specifies the taking of the fort of Udayagiri
which was defended by Venkata Raju — probably the brother of
Ranga and his successor to be — who was driven back to the
South 2. It seems that one of the leaders of this expedition
was a Maratha Brahman called Raya Rao, who was in the
service of the Qutb Shah monarch ; he was the one who attacked
Kondavidu, the governor of which place was assailed with
bribes and surrendered in 1580 3.
It was probably at this time that Vemala Nayadu, second
Raja of Udiripikotida, was defeated and sent away to Goikonda
to serve the Sultan 4.
1. Ferishta, III, p. 436-8.
2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 230-40.
3. Sewell, II, p., 188, who gives his information as taken from
Telugu chronicles on Kondavidu.
4. Francis, Anantapur Gazetteer, p. 165, Information gleaijed from
the Mackenzie MSB,
THE EMPIRE UNDER SRI RANGA 1 2/5
Thus one of the provinces of the Empire that constituted
the greatest part of the Telugu country, fell into the possession
of the Golkonda Sultan, and was lost for ever to Vijayanagara.
Nevertheless, even under the domination of the Muhammadans,
inscriptions were carved, specially in the southern taluks,
acknowledging the suzerainty of the Vijayanagara Emperors.
Naturally the Telugu folk preferred the rule of the Telugu
sovereigns to the blood-thirsty sway of the followers of Islam \
9. These were the last conquests of Ibrahim Qutb Shah.
In the year 1580 Ali Adil Shah of Bijapur was assassinated 2 ;
and in the same year Ibrahim Qutb Shah passed away and was
succeeded by his son Muhammad Kuli Qutb Shah. This
monarch attempted to conquer the fortress of Naldrug, but
without any success. He was even deserted by one of his
generals, Ali Khan Lur, who with his army and with the
assistance of Mikar Tima, the son-in-law of Ranga Raya,
wished to recover some of the fortresses of the province of
Udayagiri for the Emperor of Vijayanagara. But his campaign
was a most dismal failure. The anonymous chronicler says
that Ranga I ' refused them his countenance or support ' 3.
The new Sultan of Bijapur, Ibrahim Adil Shah II, being a
mere child, was under the regency of the Dowager Queen, the
famous Chand Bibi ; but she was soon confined by the minister
Dilawar Khan, and this intriguer assumed the reins
of government. " The first act of his power ", says
Ferishta, "after he found himself secure, was to detach Balil
Khan with an army to collect the arrears of tribute from the
Rays of Malabar (Kanara). Balil Khan, after being joined by
Arsappa Naik, Ray of Jerreh, marched against the fort of
Shankar Naik, Ray of Carur, who refused to pay the tribute.
One night during the siege, while visiting the batteries, Balil
Khan had the misfortune to be taken prisoner by a body of
the enemy, and was carried into the fort, where he was confin-
ecj in heavy chains. His troops, missing their chief, raised the
siege and dispersed to various quarters. Balil Khan, after
L Of. Butterworth, II, p. 892.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 142. Of. Ind. Ant., XVII, p. 221.
3. Ibid., Ill, p. 447-9.
-276 THE ARAVIDU bYNASTY OF VIJ A ^ ANAGAKA
some time, by promises of great rewards, prevailed on his
keepers and a seller of grass to assist in his escape ; and he
was carried out by the latter upon his shoulders, concealed in a
bundle of forage. When he had gained a convenient spot he
contrived to strike off his chains, and hastened with all expedi-
tion towards the Bijapur frontiers. Arriving in safety he
procured a horse and proceeded to Bankapur, from whence he
informed Diiawar Khan of his escape and requested to be
supplied with another army to take revenge on Shank ar Naik.
But the Regent declined for the present to make any further
attempts in that quarter " l.
This was the last attack of the Muhammadans on the
possessions of Vijayanagara during the reign of Sri Ranga I.
The result was not very satisfactory to him. " Most of the
petty Rajas of Bijanagar (Vijayanagara)", says the anonymous
chronicler, "had now bent their necks to the Muhammadan
yoke " 2. Of course, the Muhammadan writer speaks only of
the Rajas of the North of the Empire, who were near the
frontier of the Deccani states.
10. These military operations did not in any way
interfere with the piety of the Emperor; for he was
a staunch devotee of Vishnu, as we shall see in one
of the following chapters. An Inscription of 1572, just a little
- before he ascended the throne, in the Gopinatha temple of
Srirangarayapuram, Guntur, records a gift of land to Ganga-
deva Rameswara for worship by Prince Sri Ranga, son of
Tirumala 3. We know besides several other religious grants
made by Ranga during his reign, in 1575-6 4, 1578 5 and
1585 6. In 1573 his agent in Nellore made arrangements for
a religious festival 7 ; in 1581 the Dalavay Venkatappa Nayadu,
under orders of Negoti Timma Nayadu, the minister of the king,
1. Ibid., p. 157-8.
2. Ibid., Ill, p. 453.
3. Rangacharya, I, p. 762, 130— B.
4. Butterworth, III, p. 1185-6 and 1259-61.
5. Ep. Cam., IV, Ch, 23.
6. Sewell, I, p. 92.
1. Butterworth, III, p. 822-33.
THE EMPIRE UNDER Sfcl RANGA 1 2/7
remitted several taxes due on the land owned at Bukkasagaram
and Anantapuram by the temple of Chavudesvari T.
The inscriptions also record that some new temples and
shrines were consecrated during Ranga's reign. In 1577 the
image of Chennakesavaraya was set up in the village of Mogal-
luru, and a gift of land was made to the temple *. In 1580 the
temple of Kesavasvami of Penukonda was solemnly dedicated a.
Finally, a record from Tindivanam fixes the voluntary
contributions to be paid by the principal inhabitants, "by the
merchants whose business extended over the fifty-six countries
and the eighteen districts", and by others who gathered together
on each Wednesday-market held at Gidangil. These contri-
butions were supposed to be needed to carry out repairs in the
Tindisuramudaiya-Nayinar temple at Tindivanam 4.
II. Ranga's latest inscription corresponds to the year
1584-5 f). In Ahobiiam, Karnul, there is an inscription by a local
chief in the reign of Sri Ranga of Vijayanagara at Penukonda,
dated 1584°. Another inscription by the same chief, of the folio w-
ingyear 1585, mentions the name of Venkatapati of Vijayanagara
as ruling in Penukonda 7. Hence the inscription of Srimush-
nam, of the year 1586, stating that Ranga was still ruling in
Penukonda, must be an evident mistake 8. Ranga must have
died in about the first half of the year 1585, and, as the Chikka-
devaraya Vanisavali informs us, ' without issue ' 9, viz. without
male offspring ; for the anonymous chronicler of Golkonda
mentions a son-in-law of his, named Mikar Tima 10, and
Jagadeva Raya of Chennapatna probably married another
daughter of the King n.
1. 178 of 1913. ~ ~~~~
2. Rangaoharya, II, p. 1143, 688.
3. Sewell, II, p. 120.
4. Cf. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, 1. c.,
p. 184.
5. 237 of 1903.
6. Sewell, I, p. 101.
7. Ibid.
8. 262 of 1916.
9. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302.
10. Ferishta.TII, p. 448.
11. Of. above No. 6.
2?8 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGARA
Ranga I, who, according to the Kuniyur plates of Venkata
III, ' was renowned in the eight regions ' and ' had crossed the
milk-ocean of policy ' 1, seems to have been the kindest and
most obliging sovereign that had ever sat on the jewelled throne
of Vijayanagara. He ' was a parijala to dependants ', says the
Utsur gr&nt of Ranga III 2 ; this is more clear in the Manga-
lampad grant of Venkata II, which states that he was ' the
bestower of wealth on dependants ' 3. According to an inscrip-
tion at Nagalapuram, Ranga granted several privileges to the
five artisan communities 4.
The public aspect of his life, as defender of the interests of
the Empire, is not as bright as his private one. It is striking,
indeed, to read in the Ramarajiyamu that Ranga "resuscitated
the glory of the Karnata Empire which had waned" 5. This
poetical flattery is nothing but an echo of the laudatory expres-
sions which we find applied to him in certain inscriptions. In
one at Elvanasur he is called ' the conqueror of all countries' 6 ;
and in another at Tindivanam he is said to have ' received
tribute from all countries and from Ham (Ceylon) ' 7. In his
own grants we also read some characteristically empty boasts,
as the two following : in the Arivilimangalam plates he says
that he has ' been praised by the kings of the Kamboja, Bhoja,
Kalinga and Karahata countries' 8 ; and in the Maredapalli grant
he calls himself 'the suzerain of the Rat£as and Magadhas'9.
And even several years later the Kallakursi grant of Ranga III
1. Ep.'Ind., Ill, p. 253, v. 19.
2. Butterworth I, p. 46, v. 22. Parijata is a mythical tree of tho
Hindu Paradise.
3. Ibid., p. 30. v.28.
4. 620 of 1904. These five classes of artificers are also mention-
ed in another inscription of the year 1573, that records the remission
of the taxes payable by them by the chief of the Budihal country,
Sripati Raja Vallabha Rajayya Deva Maharasu. Ep. Cam., XII, Ck, 8.
5. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 213.
6. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, 1. c., p.
183.
7. Ibidi
8. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 343.
9. Ep. Ind., XI, p. 328.
THE EMPIRE UNDER SRI RANGA I 279
states that he was * Honoured by the kings of the Bhojas and
Magadhas ' *. More inexplicable still is an inscription of
Kanchivaram, dated 1574, which gives him the titles of 'esta-
blisher of the kingdom of the Mussulmans and destroyer
of the Gajapatis ' 2. We cannot fathom the real meaning of
this most original piece of flattery.
Now, if we consider dispassionately the reign of Sri Ranga I,
we" cannot but say that it is one of the most fatal periods in
the history of Vijayanagara. The Mussulmans were not checked
at all in their conquests within the boundaries of the Empire;
in their depredatory expeditions they thrice reached the walls
of Penukonda, and on one of these occasions even Ranga himself
fell a prisoner into their hands. The territory to the North of
Penukonda was already in the possession of Bijapur, and the
Sultan of Golkonda had likewise taken possession of the
province of Udayagiri ; the only territory that was recovered
by Vijayanagara was the country round Ahobilam in the
Karnul district. We do not deny Ranga's good qualities and
military prowess ; we even admit that he perhaps deserved the
appellation of ' long-armed brave king ', found in a grant of
Venkata III 3, and borne out by the very fact of his
imprisonment. But ill-luck dogged his footsteps. In managing
his home affairs he was, it seems, more fortunate ; but even
here the subjugation of the rebel chiefs was only apparent, as
the desertions to the Muhammad an s prove. Even some of the
rebellions that broke out during the reign of Venkata II were
nothing but later manifestations of the same antipathy towards
the new dynasty which had been created by the bloody event
that had opened to its members the door to the throne.
1. Ind.Ant., XIII, p. 153.
2. Sewell, I, p. 185.
3. Venkata Ill's grant, 1639, Ep. Cant., Ill, Nj, 198.
CHAPTER XIII
THE TAMIL VICEROYALTY
SUMMARY. — 1. Venkata, the brother of Ranga II, Viceroy of the
Tamil country. — 2. Death of Krishnappa Nayaka of Madura.
An estimate of his life. — 3. Accession of Virappa Nayaka.
Rebellion of the Palaiyakaran of Mavalipuram — 4. His relations
with the Pandyas and with Ranga I. First war between Madura
and Vijayanagara. — 5. Behaviour of Sevvappa Nayaka of Tan-
jore towards the! Empire. — 6. Beginning of the reign of Achyu-
tappa Nayaka. — 7. Some information about Jinji. — 8. Ohinna
Bomma Nayaka of Vellore and Ranga I. — 9. Other chiefs.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. — 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. — 2.
History of the Karncdoka Governors, Mrtyunjaya AfSS. — 3. Tanjavuri
Andhra Rajula Charitra, Sahityaratnakara, Rukmini-parinaya, Bhava-
napurushottama.
BEFORE commencing the history of the successor of Sri
Ranga I we shall give, in this and in the following chapter, an
account of the two viceroyalties into which the whole Empire
was divided after the death of Tirumala. We do not know
whether, after Ranga was raised to the throne, he still kept the
government of the Telugu viceroyalty, or whether a new viceroy
was appointed. But we are rather inclined to believe that that
territory was attached to the Tamil viceroyalty, both being
under the governorship of Venkata, the youngest brother of
Ranga. The above-mentioned Aminabad inscription relates
that when the troops of Golkonda took possession of the fortress
of Udayagiri, Venkata Raju was driven from the place *. If
this Venkata is the brother of Ranga, as seems probable, his
being found at Udayagiri would confirm our opinion.
Anyhow Venkata continued to rule over the Tamil
country, his capital being Chandragiri. An inscription in the
ancient temple of Triplicane tells us that during the reign
of Ranga, Tirumala Nayaningaru, the general of Venkata
of Chandragiri, made a gift of the villages of Sembiyam
1 8. KrishnaswamLAiyangar, Sources^ p. 239-40.
THE TAMIL VICEROYALTY 28l
and Nidambaram and a garden to the aforesaid temple '.
Gobburi Tirumalal Nayakkar was no doubt another
general of his army. In the year 1579 he gave a piece
of land at Kunrattur to the temple of Talasayana Perumal
at Kadalmallai in return for the services of the King's brother
Venkatapatideva Maharaya 2. It seems that during the time
of his viceroyalty Venkata led a military expedition to Ceylon.
Ranga I claims to have levied tribute from Ceylon 3. But we
are sure that he was too busy with the Muhammadans to spare
the time to force the Ceylon sovereign to pay the tribute due
to him. Now Venkata also boasts of having conquered Ceylon 5,
and since we do not know of any Ceylon campaign during
the time of his reign, we may reasonably conclude that any such
conquest took place only during his brother's lifetime.
2. The most important state subordinate to the
viceroyaity of Venkata was Madura. Only a few months
after the demise of Tirumala, the King of Madura, Kumara
Krishnappa Nayaka also died. The date given for this event by
the Mrtyunjaya MSS. corresponds to December 3rd, 1572 «. He
had been a capable ruler and a worthy successor of his father.
His successful campaigns against Tumbichchi and the Raja
of Kandi proved him also a valiant and resolute warrior. He
thus checked for the rest of his reign the evil ambitions of the
other Palaiyakarans. The Krishnapuram plates ofSadasiva
speak very highly of his qualities as well as of his deeds.
Krishnappa Nayaka, according to them, was a King "of
sacred fame, the ocean of mercy, who was the jewel of
the family of Kasyapa...who was always studying the art
of protecting others ; who was a wise man ; whose mind was
purified with truthfulness ; who shone by his desire to do
good actions ; who possessed great wealth ; who was endowed
with the virtues of a wise man ; whose policy was like that of
1. 237 of 1903.
2. 255 of 1909.
3. M. E. R. 1904-5, para 35.
4. Ibid., /9Q5-6, para 49.
5. Taylor, O. H. MSS., II, p. 119. Of. Sathyanatha Aiyar,
History of the Nayaks, p. 76,
282 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Man u;... on whom much wealth was conferred by (the god)
Visvanatha, who was pleased with his devotion9* l. The
Kuniyur plates of Venkata III eulogize him, more than half a
century after, stating that he was a ruler "who was renowned
in the world, who seized the diadems of hostile kings in
conformity with his name (vis. who was a worthy namesake
of the ancient Krishna), who governed the inhabitants of the
earth with justice, whose disposition resembled that of Kubera,
the lord of wealth" 2.
Krishnappa Nayaka had founded two towns : one to the
West of Tinnevelly named Kadaiyam-Krishnapuram, and
another to the East of Palamcotta called Krishnapuram after
his own name. To this he seems to have devoted greater
attention ; for he built there a Saiva temple, a Vaishnava
temple and many agraharas : he dug out a teppakulam and
furnished the town with ail customary appurtenances3. The
Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva give some more details ; by
his care " was built a temple at Krishnapura", they say, "which
was encircled by a wall of the shape of the pranava and
surmounted a broad and lofty tower. It has a large ranga-
mandapa raised on a series of beautiful stone pillars and
adorned with rows of spouts. He built a car like the Mandara
mountain, and also broad roads round the temple, for the
propitiation of the god Vishnu set up there " 4. Then in 1563
he made a gift of six villages and some lands to the
same temple of Vishnu, (venerated there under the name of
Tiruvengalanatha), ' for the merit of his father ' G. Two years
earlier he had presented a piece of land to the Nelliyappar
temple at Tinnevelly 6.
He seems to have continued his father's policy towards the
Pandyas, as the title Pandydkulasthapanacharya, given him in
1. Ep. /*£, IX, p. 341, w. 46-57.
2. Ibid., Ill, p. 254, v.50.
3. History of the Karnataka Governors .Taylor, O. H.MSS.% II, p.
23.
4. Ep. Ind., IX, 1. c.
5. 17 of 1912 ; M. E. R., 1912, p. 76.
6. 121 of 1894.
THE TAMIL VICEROY ALTY 283
the Krishoapuram plates1, shows. His relations with the
Emperor Sadasiva were those of loyalty, as the aforesaid plates
prove : in them he is said ' to know the truth about duty ' 3 ;
and his influence at the court of Vijayanagara is seen in every
verse of their text. Then a damaged record of Sadasiva, belong-
ing to the year 1568, also mentions Krishnappa Nayaka3 ; and
another inscription by the same King, of the year 1571, records a
gift for the merit of the son of Visvanatha and others 4.
3. Krishnappa was succeeded by his two sons Visvanatha
and Virappa, according to the Pandyan Chronicle 5. But the
former is never mentioned either in the inscriptions or in the
History of the Karnataka Governors ; from which we suspect that
he died shortly after and that Virappa Nayaka remained the
sole ruler «. He is called Vira-Bhupati in the Vellangudi plates
of Venkatall 7. His queen was Tirumalambika 8. An inscrip-
tion at Goripalaiyam, Madura, on a pillar set up within the
Muhammadan Masjid, declares that a considerable quantity of
land was presented to the Mussulmans by Kuna Pandya, and
that the grant was confirmed by Virappa Nayaka in 1573 9.
This is probably the earliest lithic mention of this King.
It was probably not long after his accession that
Virappa had the opportunity of giving a proof of his resolute
1. Ep. Ind., IX, 1. c.
2. Ibid.
3. 64 of 1908.
4. 403 of 1912.
5. Taylor, O. H. AfSS., I, p. 33. The succession of both brothers
is also confirmed by the statues of the Nayaks in the Tirumala's
choultry at Madura. The third statue is that of Periya Krishnappa
Nayaka, another name of Virappa, it seems. Cf. Nelson, p. 105. The
inscription of the fourth statue, as much damaged, cannot be read: I
suppose this statue represents Visvanatha. Of. Heras, The Statues of
the Nayaks of Madura, Q. J. M. S., XV, p. 212.
6. Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ep. /»</., XVI, p. 320 ;
Padmaneri grant of Venkata II, Ibid., p. 297, w. 62-64.
7. Ibid.
8. Padmaneri grant of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 297, vv. 65-66 ;
Vellangudi plates of the same, Ibid., p. 320.
9. 77 of 1905 ; Sewell, I, p. 292.
284 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF V1JAYANAGARA
character; "The king of Mavalipuram," says the History of the
Kamataka Governors, "came with hostile intent, placed a
fortified camp before Manamathurai and Kalaiyarcovil, and
conquered some places in the Pandya country.1' This king of
Mavalipuram was one of the Palaiyakarans belonging to the
family of Mavali-Vanadarayar, of whose ancestors at the begin-
ning of the sixteenth century we know several inscriptions l.
The action of the Nayaka was swift and decisive: he at once set
out from his capital, defeated the chief, conquered his kingdom,
and annexed it to his own possessions -. That was a good
lesson for the rest of his subordinates.
His rule over Madura was also distinguished by the build-
ings he constructed, some of which still proclaim his munifi-
cence. The southern walls of the Trichinopoly fort, as well as
the fortress of Aruppakkottai, Ramnad, were built by him 3.
But his chief work was the mandapa, erected in front of
the shrine of Sundaresvara, the presiding deity of the famous
temple at Madura, which is supported on beautiful * pillars
of rare workmanship ' 4. It was completed in 1583 &.
1. 109, 113, and 121 of 1903 ; 585 and 187 of 1902. Taylor,
O. H. MSS.i II, p. 143-4, is inclined to believe that the chief of Mavali-
puram was the king of Mahavalipuram or Seven Pagodas.
2. History of the Kamataka Governors, Taylor, O. H. MSS., II, p. 25.
One of the Palaiyakarans of Madura at this time was Kumara
Ettappa Nayacker who had founded the city of Ettayapuram about
1567, shortly after the disaster of Baksas-Tagdi. In one of the wars
of the Nayaks of Madura, Kumara Ettappa helped the Madura Nayak;
but he was treacherously killed during the war. The Nayak, who was
probably Virappa Nayak, out of regard for the deceased chief,
conferred Ealugumalai on his family and granted the title of Aiyan to
his successor. Ketchila Ettappa Nayacker Aiyan, Kumara Ettappa's
successor, was a great warrior and an intrepid rider. He defeated the
Setupati of Ramnad and captured from him some insignia of royalty
and two state horses. Madhava Rao, The Ruling Chiefs, I, p. 597.
3. Ibid. Of. Rangachary, The History of the Naik Kingdom, Ind.,
Ant., XLV, p. 91, note 30. ^~
4. Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ep. /»</., XVI, p. 320 ;
Dalavay Agraharam plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XII, p. 187, w
67-79; Padmaneri grant of Venkata II. Ep. Int., XVI* *>. 288.
5. Rangacharya, o. c., lud Ant., XLV, p. 91.
THE TAMIL VICEROVALTY 285
This was not the only act of devotion towards that temple.
He also presented the goddess Minakshi with a kavacha or man-
tle ' made of gold and set with rare gems/ He also made the
sixteen Mahadanas, beginning with hemasva l.
4. His relations with the Pandyas continued on the same
good terms as during his father's life. The copper-plates of Sri
valiabha and Varatungarama Pandya record the gift of the
village of Pudukkottai by a certain Tirumala Nayaka, with the
approval of Virappa a.
His subjection to the Vijayanagara overlords is clearly
shown in the epigraphical records in the first years of his reign.
In 1577, 'during the reign of Sri Ranga Raya/ Virappa Nayaka
made a gift of land for the merit of his father Krishnappa
Nayaka to a temple of Krishnapuram, as stated in a local ins-
cription ;j. In the following year Virappa Nayaka, who calls
himself 'an agent to the King/ made a gift of land to a temple
in Sermadevi for conducting certain festivals 4. And in the
year 1579, a record of Ranga in the Appar temple of Sermadevi,
Tinnevelly, mentions Visvanatha Krishnappa Virappa Nayaka
as his feudatory 5.
But somewhat before 1583 a war broke out between the
Nayak and Venkata of Chandragiri, the Viceroy of Vijaya-
nagara. What was the cause of this rupture of relations ?
The success of Virappa against the Mavalipuram chief perhaps
excited his ambition, and he consequently refused to pay his
tribute to the Emperor. This was invariably the cause of all
the following wars between Madura and Vijayanagara. Nor
do we groundlessiy attribute the same cause to the first of these
wars e. We are made aware of it by the Pudukkottai plates
1. Ibid., and Padmaneri grant of Venkata II, Ep. Ind., XVI, p.
297, vv. 62-64. About his acts of devotion, sec Ep. Ind., XIII, p. 161.
2. T. A. S., I, p. 61-88.
3. 16 of 1912; Sewell, I, p. 310.
4. 663 of 1915.
5. 187 of 1895.
6. The tribute paid by Madura to Vijayanagara was, according
to Barraclas, 600,000 pagodas ; Sewell, p. 230. Fr. A. Vico writing to
Fr. A. Laerzie from Madura, August 30, 1611, states that the annual
tribute was of six to ten million francs ; Bertrand, La Mission de
Madure,Il, p. 124. Queyroz, Conquistade Ceylao, p. 308, says: "O
Naique de Madura le paga sinco centos pr. ano."
286 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
of Srivallabha and Varatungarama Pandya. They speak only
of the final battle between the two armies : Venkataraja him*
self was at the head of his 'huge army', one of his officers being
Basavaraja, a Telugu chieftain who had also been present at
the battle of Raksas-Tagdi l. Achyutaraya, the Tanjore
Nayak, had also joined Venkata against Virappa. The army
of Madura was commanded by Tirmularaja, who, in the same
plates, is called the right hand of Virappa. He "employed in
his wars against his enemies iron guns which he charged with
leaden shots." This Pandya document states that Tirumularaja
killed Basavaraja in the battle of Vallaprakara, and defeated
Venkata's army. "The armies of Viraraja", it says, "were
destroyed, but that of Achy utaraja fled away. Tirumalalraja
collected all the horses from the battlefield" 2. We may admit
the first fact, but the defeat of Venkata's troops is a figment of
imagination. How can we explain the fact that Virappa Nayak a
himself acknowledges the authority of the Vijayanagara Em-
peror in the beginning of the reign of the same Venkata, a few
years later ? These plates are all a panegyric of Tirumalairaja,
at whose request the Pandya sovereigns made the grant of
Pudukkottai. We are sure that Venkata obtained a victory
over his enemies on this occasion. This implies also the pay-
ment of the tribute due.
5. Passing from Madura to Tanjore, we find again in the
old Choi a capital the venerable person of Sevvappa still ruling
over his kingdom, and making extensive grants to many
temples during the considerable period of his peaceful
rule 3.
Sevvappa Nayaka's attitude towards the Empire seems to
have been that of a faithful vassal. There is an inscription in
1. Cf.Ch. IX, No. 3.
2. T. A. 5., I, p. 84, w. 61-67 and 161-164. If the date of these
plates is correct, and there is no ground hitherto for reasonable
doubt, we must place this battle during the time of Venkata's
viceroyalty in Chandragiri. It is very strange that Prof. Sathya-
natha Aiyar, o. c., does not mention this rebellion of Virappa
Nayaka at all.
>. S^^JT&yavuri Andhra Rajula Charitra, S. Krisboaswami Aiyangar,
Sources, p. 323.
THE TAMIL VICEROY ALTY ^ 287
the Vallalgopuram in the Arunachalesvara temple at Tiru-
vannamalai, in which the names of both the Emperor and the
Nayak's son are to be seen together. It deals with the remission
of certain taxes in the villages belonging to the temple. This
was done by order of Achyutappa Nayaka, Sadasiva still reign-
ing l. Again, in the year 1566, one year after the battle of
Raksas-Tagdi, and during the reign of his father,
Achyutappa Nayaka made a gift of the village of Tiruvesh-
kalam to several shrines of the Tirumalasthanam, for the merit
of Tirumaia Raya, then the Regent of the Empire *. Finally
one year later, an inscription of Sadasiva at Tiruvannamalai
records the remission of taxes in the villages belonging to the
temple by order of Achyutappa Nayaka 3. This policy of
Sevvappa continued unchanged during the reign of Ranga. In
1574, at the request of Sevvappa Nayaka, Ranga I granted the
village of Arivilimangalam to the Madhva guru, Vijayindra
Tirtha. The grant had been made by Prince Achyuta, but now
the formal sanction from the Vijayanagara Emperor was ob-
tained 4.
6. Further, these inscriptions show that during the last
years of Sevvappa's rule, his son Achyuta took a prominent
part in the government of the state. He was actually made
Yuvaraya some time before the death of his father 6, most
probably before 1 577; because there is an inscription of this
year in which Achyuta appears as actually ruling over the
whole kingdom. Sevvappa's last inscription is of the year 1572-
73 ; it refers to the son of Timmappa Nayakkar of the chaturtha
gotra '. Achyutappa's first inscription is dated 1577; it is
found in the southern outer wall of the second gopura of the
temple of Brahathesavaraswami in Tanjore, and records that
Achyutappa Nayaka gave some land on perpetual free tenure
to goldsmiths \
1. 567 of 1902.
2. 259 of 1913.
3. 567 of 1902.
4. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 357, w. 27-44. Of. Catalogue of Copper-Plate
Grants in the Government Museum Madras, p. 53-4.
5. Sahityaratnakara^ canto III, v. 14.
6. 497 of 1907.
7. 22 of 1897. Cf. Kuppuswami Sastri, A Short History, p. 5,
288 THE ARAV1DU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
His Queen was named Murtyamba l, and his minister «
and general was the famous Govinda Dikshita 2,
a very learned Kannada Brahman, of whom we shall
speak at length when dealing with the literature of this
period. The Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula Charitra says that
Achyutappa ' ruled the kingdom in peace and prosperity for a
considerable period ' s. During his time, the anicut across the
Kaveri was repaired and flights of steps at various places
along its course were put up, as for example at Mayavaram,
Kumbhakonam, Tiruvidaimarudur, etc. 4. We shall speak
again of Achyutappa when we come to the reign of Venkata II.
7. Going northwards, Jinji offers us no better information
at this period than during the reign of Sadasiva. According to
the drama Bhavanapurushottama, Surappa Nayaka was still
ruling at Jinji during the reign of Ranga. He seems to have
helped the Emperor of Vijayanagara, either Triumala or
Ranga I, to repulse one of the Muhammadan invasions ; for
which he is given the title of *the flrm establisher of the throne
of Karnata'. He founded the villages of Surasamudra, Peta-
samudra and Vengalambapura, calling them after himself, his
father and his mother respectively 5. Such is the slight
information we get about Jinji at this time.
8. During the time of Ranga, the chief of Vellore was
still Chinna Bomma Nayaka, of whom we have previously
spoken ". We find him mentioned several times by the
Emperor himself: one of the latter's inscriptions records the
gift of the village of Perumai, North Arcot, by Krishnappa
Nayaka, his feudatory, at the request of Chinna Bomma
Nayaka to the Jvarakandesvara shrine at Vellore 7. Two
other inscriptions mention the donation of the villages of
1. Raghunathabhyudayatn , S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources,
285.
2. Ibid., p. 323.
3. Ibid.
4. Rukmini-parinaya. Of. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 343.
5. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Soifrccs, p. 272, note.
6. Of. Ch. VIII, No 12.
7. 43 of 1887,
THE TAMIL VICEROY ALTY 289
Sattuvachcheri and Sampanginailur under the same terms \
Chinna Bomma Nayaka is again mentioned in a Tamil inscrip-
tion of Ranga I of 1578 at Devikapuram, North Arcot *.
In 1582 he was still living, since an inscription of his at
Ada i pal am records that Appaiya Dikshita constructed the
temple of Kalakanthesvara ".
Some other members of this family are occasionally men-
tioned in the lithic records of those years. An inscription of
Ranga, of 1578, at Devikapuram registers a gift made to the
temple for the merit of Agastyappa Nayaka of Vellore 4.
Another of the same, of the year 1583, at Tindivanam, South
Arcot, records that Virappa Nayaka, son of Pappau Nayaka of
Vellore, who was apparently the governor of Padaividurajya,
ordered that toll should be levied according to a fixed scale on
all the articles brought into the market at Gidangil on
Wednesdays, and that the proceeds should be spent on the
repairs of the Tintrinisvara temple 5.
9. Some other chiefs of the Tamil country are occasionally
mentioned in the inscriptions of those years: first one Vaiyappa
Krishnappa Kondama Nayaka, who built the wall round the
Srimushnam temple 6 ; then one Achyutappa Nayaka, son of
Bayyappa Nayaka, who established a shrine for the goddess in
the temple of Adivarsha Perumai of Srimushnam, besides
making several other gifts to the same temple 7 ; finally one
Kanchi Paparaju, who gave some land to the Reddis at Kotta-
palli in 1585 in the reign of Sri Ranga Ray a of Penukonda *.
1. 41 and 42 of 1887.
2. 399 of 1912.
3. 395 of 1911.
4. 399 of 1912.
5. 30 of 1905.
6. M.E.R., /9/6, para 73.
7. Ibid.
8. Rangacharya, I, p 622, 534.
37
CHAPTER XIV
THE KANARESE VICEROYALTY
SUMMARY. — 1. Government of Rama, Viceroy of Seringapatam. Rama
is succeeded by his sons Tirumala and Ranga. — 2. The Nayaks
of Ikeri. — 3. Chamraj Wodeyar and Raja Wodeyar of Mysore. —
4, Dealings between the Queen of Gersoppa and the Portuguese
as to the possession of Honavar. — 5. War between the King of
Tolar and the Portuguese. Capture of Basrur. — 6. The Portu-
guese defeat the Nayak of Sanguicer. — 7. Dom Luiz d'Ataide
settles some differences between the Queen of Ullal and the King
of Bangher. — 8. The Nayaks of Bellur. — 9. Other chiefs.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. — 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. —
2. Faria y Sousa.— 3. Ramarajiyamu, Ckikkadevaraya Vamsavali,
Keladi Arasu Vanisavali, Stvatattvaratnakara.
WHEN Ranga I ascended the throne, the Kanarese vice-
royalty was under Rama, the third son of Tirumala. It has been
said that his rule at Seringapatam was weak, and that on
account of this the local chieftains rebelled *. Now we have
previously spoken of the rebellion of several chiefs of the Kanara
country, who refused to acknowledge the authority of the
Aravidu family, the head of which did not spare bloodshed in
order to ascend the throne. This, not the weak rule of the
Viceroy, was the origin of the rebellion. Nevertheless if his
government was really weak (though of this we have no esta-
blished proofs) we may naturally suppose that this was the
ultimate cause of the rebellion. The Ramarajiyamu only tells us
that Rama ' defeated the troops of the Nizam Shah ' *. Whether
this victory was obtained during his viceroyalty or pre-
viously to that time, we are not in a position to ascertain. The
.KuAiytir plates of Venkata III praising Rama's generosity state
that his ' deeds put to shame the celestial trees ' 8.
: '- One of his agents was named Dantikanti Lingappana,
• who in the year 1577 repaired the bund across f the stream
1. Richards, Salem Gazetteer, p. 67,
2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 213.
3. Eft Int., Ill, p. 353, v. 21.
THE KANARESE VICEROVALTY 2gi
Bhogavati, on the West side of the Mallikarjuna temple on the
top of a hill near Srisailam, Karnul l. We know from this
inscription that Rama was still living in the year 1577 ; but his
death must have occurred shortly after, because the
Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali states that 4 Rama Raya died after
a short time ' and soon after Tirumala's death 2.
Rama had married Narasingama and had by her two sons,
Tirumaia and Sri Ranga, who must have been quite young at
the time of their father's death ; for when the throne was vacant
some years later after the demise of their uncle Ranga I, they
were still considered too young to rule the Empire, as we shall
see later on. On this occasion both brothers jointly succeeded
their father in the viceroy alty ; but probably on account of
their tender age, its administration was left in the hands of
their Dalavay, Remati Venkatayya 3.
2. No reliable information is extant concerning the
Nayaks of Ikeri during this period. Sewell says that the reign
of the second son of Sadasiva Nayaka, Chikka Sankana
Nayaka, lasted till 1603, in which year he retired from govern-
ment 4; and it seems that the Keladi Arasu Vamsavali
of the Mackenzie collection agrees with this statement 5. He is
mentioned in an inscription of Ranga, of 1570 °. According
to the Sivataltvaratnakara, he once defeated and routed the
Bijapur general, Majjhula Khan, who had attacked him with
a number of horses and elephants. He likewise vanquished
Bhaira Devi, Queen of Gerasappi (Gersoppa) and other chiefs
in its neighbourhood, getting much wealth from them 7. No
more information is hitherto available about the Keladi Nayaks
before the accession of Venkatapati, of whom we shall
1. 43 of 1915.
2. 8. Krishnaswami Aivangar, o.c., p. 202.
3. Ramarajiyantu, Ibid., p. 213 ; Kuniyur plat
Ep. Ind. HI, P. 253, v. 21 ; Vilapaka grant of
XIII, p. 126. Cf. Ap. C, No. 5.
4. Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali, Ibid., p.
5. Sewell, II, p. 177.
6. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p,
7. 170 of 1901.
292 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
speak when dealing with the reign of his namesake the
Emperor.
3. As to the neighbouring state of Mysore, nothing worthy
of mention occurred until 1571. In this year Heri Chamraj
succeeded to the government of the state. He was probably
one of those princes of Kanara who did not pay homage to the
new dynasty on account of the murder of Sadasiva. It is stated
that he evaded payment of his tribute to the Viceroy of
Seringapatam, and obtained permission to erect works, ostensi-
bly for the purpose of keeping away wild hogs from destroying
crops ; but no sooner were the works erected, than they were
converted into barriers against the collectors of the royal tribute,
who were ignominiously expelled from Mysore. These measures
rendered him obnoxious to Rama at Seringapatam, and led to
an attempt to seize his person while performing his devotion in
the temple of Ranga, at the very court of the Viceroy ; but as
the Raja was previously warned, the attempt failed.
Emboldened by his successful resistance, he continued with
impunity to withhold all payment of tribute.
Heri Chamraj Wodeyar died childless in 1576, after a reign
of five years, and was succeeded by a cousin of the elder
branch of the family, named Bettad Wodeyar, son of Dodda
Cham a Raja Wodeyar1. The new Mysore Raja had no
capacity for government. He was brave, but wild, thoughtless
and imprudent. Accordingly in the short space of two years
he had thrown the finance into such disorder, that the elders
of the family thought it necessary to depose him and to install
his younger brother Raja Wodeyar 2 ; but the latter declined
the appointment on the ground that the financial state of the
country was in too hopless a state for him to try to mend it.
The treasury was empty ; the total arrears of tribute due to the
viceroy of Seringapatam amounted to 5,000 pagodas. But his
way was smoothed by a contribution from the members of
the royal family, and thus he started his rule in 1578 8.
1. Ep. Cam., Ill, Sr, 157, and TN, 116.
2. He in supposed by S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Ancient India,
p. 280 and p. 286, to be his cousin.
3. Of. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 279..
THE KANARESE VICEROY ALTY 293
Raja Wodeyar, who may be taken to be the real founder of
the dynasty of Mysore, began gradually to subdue all the lesser
chiefs in his neighbourhood. Once the chief of Carugalli, a
relation of the family, attempted to seize Mysore by surprise,
and accordingly appeared suddenly before it ; but he was
thoroughly defeated by the action of Bettad Wodeyar, and
his estate subsequently annexed to Mysore. Shortly after, in
passing to the court of Seringapatam accompanied by his usual
retinue and band, he met the petty chief of Kambala going to
court, also attended by music. The Mysore chief inquired
whose retinue it was, and on ascertaining it, ordered his own
music to stop. On his arrival at Seringapatam he was asked
why he had not come to the court with his usual state. And it
is said that he answered : —
" Music is no distinction, if my inferiors are also allowed
to use it ".
On hearing this insinuation, the Raja of Kambala, incensed
with fury, made some outrageous remarks.
" Let us meet ", replied Raja Wodeyar, " and determine
the superiority, and with it the right to the music."
In vain did the viceroy try to appease them. The next day
Raja Wodeyar marched against Kambala, defeated its chief and
captured the place.
These annexations formed from the first a part of the policy
of the dynasty of Mysore, and continued to the time of Chikka-
deva Raya. We shall see the same Raja Wodeyar, during the
reign of Venkata II, taking possession of the very capital of the
viceroyalty, Seringapatam. The aim of Raja Wodeyar was
obvious: to became the supreme lord of the Kanara country *.
4. The Portuguese chronicles supply us with abundant
information about several petty chiefs of the Kanara coast,
some of whose sea-ports were gradually taken by the successors
of Albuquerque. Several of these petty rulers had, as we have
seen during the reign of Sadasiva, been compelled to consent,
against their will, to pay an annual tribute to the viceroy of
Goa. One of these was the Queen of Guarcopa (Gersoppa),
named Bhaira Devi *, who a little after, by the instigation of
1. W\\*.*, History of Mysore, I, p. 35-8.
2. Sivatattvaratttakara, 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 339.
294 THE ARAV1DU DYNAST* OP VIJAYANAGARA
some of the rulers of Malabar, refused to pay the promised tri-
bute 1. In order to chastise such contumacious conduct the
Viceroy, Dom Luiz de At aide, sailed thither in November, 1569,
with a fleet of more than 130 ships and about three thousand
Portuguese and Indians. Having entered the river Onor, which
flowed through the possessions of the sovereign of Gersoppa, he
succeeded in landing 2,300 men ; but not without opposition
on the part of the enemy. The city of Onor (Honavar) was
by nature very strong; for it was built on the top of a
rocky hill near the sea-shore, and was well fortified. The
Queen was there herself with five hundred soldiers and several
pieces of ordnance and ammunition. The Portuguese, notwith-
standing, commenced to ascend the hill in the face of a shower
of bullets ; and as soon as they reached the summit, the enemy
along with their Queen deserted the city and retired inland.
Onor, which contained much wealth and many fine buildings,
was first plundered and afterwards reduced to ashes. The fort
was then attacked, and after four days' bombardment, the
garrison surrendered upon condition of being allowed to march
out without arms. The Portuguese then occupied the fort, and
Mass was said there on St. Catherine's day, November 25th.
Jorge de Moura with 400 men was left in command *.
At the end of the same year, the Queen of Gersoppa mani-
fested her desire to come to terms with the Viceroy * ; but in
the meanwhile she was secretly making preparations to carry
on war against the invader of her possessions. On receiving
this information, Captain Luiz de Mello burnt many of her
towns and laid waste the country around 4. Nevertheless the
Viceroy was not without anxiety about Honavar, as the enemy
had endeavoured to annihilate the Portuguese, and to effect by
treachery what they had failed to do by force. The Queen or
her generals bribed some Kanarese, who were there in the
service of the Portuguese, to poison them with the fruit of
the Stramonium, which " has the effect ", says Faria y Sousa,
" when eaten, of making men forget all things, and of rendering
1. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 472.
2. Ibid., p. 474-5.
3. Ibid., p. 480.
4. Ibid., p. 481.
THE KANARESE VICEROYALTY 295
them insensible even to their wounds ". The treachery was
discovered, and the conspirators hanged over the walls as a
warning to those who had bribed them. That was the cause of
open hostility ; but at about the same time a galley and three
other small vessels with some picked troops entered the port of
Honavar to relieve the fortress l.
It happened after a while, in the beginning of March, 1570,
that Ali Adil Shah of Bijapur prevailed upon the Queen of
Gersoppa to declare war against Honavar. He was then attacking
Goa in alliance with the Zamorin of Calicut, and thus wanted to
weaken the Viceroy's forces by division 2. She collected an
army of 3,000 men which, in conjunction with 2,000 soldiers of
the Bijapur Sultan, invested Honavar. News of this further
attack reached the Viceroy in July, 1570. He immediately des-
patched Antonio Fernandes de Chale with command of two
galleys and eight other vessels, and such troops as the vessels
could accommodate. In five days Antonio Fernandes reached
Honavar, and having joined the commander of the place, Jorge
de Moura, fell upon the besiegers, driving them back with great
loss. The latter fled in panic, and nearly all their cannon fell
into the hands of the Portuguese 3. As subsequent to thi
action no other mention of this Queen is made in the Portuguese
chronicles, we must take it to imply her subjection to them 4.
1. IbidM p. 481-2.
2. Ibid., p. 500.
3. Ibid., p. 511-2
4. In the narrative of Archbishop Menezes* travels there is
an account of an idol-procession annually celebrated in this city
of Gersoppa. "Faz se hua grande procissam, & acode a ella muita
gente de todas as partes do Canara : na qual uay hum Pagode (idol)
metido em certas charolas ricamente lauradas, o qual se poem em
bu carro niuyto concertado, em q. uao seruindo algus Bramenes, &
offerecendolhe offertas. Diante do carro uao muitas bailadeiras
cantando, as quaes todas .sao molhcres publicas, q ganhao em suas
deshonestidades pera o Pagode (idol), and das rendas delle se
Bostentao, viuendo em casas ao redor delle, como en casa publica,
& destas andao senipre aco;\uihudos ps Pagodes (idols) grandes da
India q tern rendas, & sao como seruidoras suas...O carro te huas
pontas agudas que cortao como naualhas, e em quanta a procissam
uay andando acodem muitos que ve offerecer suas vidas ao Pagode
(idol), & depois de se asentarem de joelhos, & fazerem sua
reuerencia muy profunda se lancao no ohao de fronte do carro, &
assim uay passando por cima delles, & os vay espedacando, aos
quaes elles te por sanctos, como nos aos martyres". Gouvea,
lorttada do Arcebispo de Goa, p. 126, back.
296 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
5. For a similar refusal to pay the tribute, Dom Luiz de
Ataide, after attacking Honavar at the end of 1569, despatched
a fleet of thirteen sail under the command of Pero da Silva e
Menezes to wage war against the chief of Tolar. The Viceroy
was anxious, it seems, to seize the fort of Barcelor (Basrur),
which belonged to that King. Accordingly the first place to be
attacked was this fortress. Basrur rivalled Honavar in natural
strength and position; but the Viceroy had made arrangements
with the commander whereby he was to betray it to him. Ac-
cordingly the commander of Basrur delivered up the fort to Pero
da Silva at night ; and the Portuguese rushing into the town
slaughtered and captured more than 200 of its inhabitants. But
the ruler of Tolar, informed of this treacherous surrender, ad-
vanced the same night, accompained by the neighbouring King
of Cambolim (Gangolly). They were easily repulsed, since their
joint force consisted only of 1,500 men ; but they reappeared on
the following night reinforced by 5,000 more soldiers. After a
hot engagement, in which both parties suffered heavy losses, the
Portuguese came to the conclusion that the fortress was unten-
able; so they quitted it with the honours of war, taking with them
twenty cannon and a great quantity of ammunition and
arms
i
But the Viceroy wanted the fortress at all costs, and after
some months proceeded himself to take possession of it. The
landing was very difficult, indeed, as the Portuguese were
opposed by a force of 11,000 men ; but after some hard fighting
the Portuguese captured some of the outworks. This so dis-
mayed the defenders that those in the fort abandoned it into the
hands of the invaders. The two rulers of Tolar and Gangolly
mentioned above, joined forces again and made another attack
by a very dark night. But the commander of the fort, Pero
Lopes Rebello, with 400 men, was ready to receive them.
Within a short time the Hindu army lost 300 men ; and the
two rulers, despairing of success, concluded a treaty of peace
by which they bound themselves to pay a greater tribute than
before. The Viceroy held, before leaving, an interview with
those rulers as well as with the Queen of Gangolly ; after which
1. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 469-70,
THE KANARESE VTCEROVALTY 297
they parted on terms of great friendship. Then the Portuguese
constructed a new fortress in a more convenient place between
the city and the mouth of the river, which was finished within
two months. Antonio Botelho was appointed its commander l.
The building of this fortress roused the inhabitants
of the neighbourhood against the Portuguese. In 1571 an
army 0f six thousand Hindus appeared suddenly before
its walls. Ruy Goncaives da Camara, the commander, having
sent to the Viceroy for assistance, made preparations
for a regular defence. Five ships came immediately to his relief;
and then twelve others followed under the command of
Dom Jorge de Menezes, who on arriving at Basrur found all
was safe, thanks to the timely arrival of the first five ships 2.
Nothing worth relating about Basrur is found in the years
that followed. But we shall return to Basrur and Gangolly
in the next volume.
6. In the neighbourhood of Honavar stood the fortress
of Sanguicer, which had belonged to the Queen of Gersoppa.
But one of her captains had seized the fortress for himself and
styled himself the Nayak of Sanguicer. He fortified the place
and defied the power of the Portuguese, protecting the pirates
who infested the coast, and doing great damage to the
Portuguese trade. To put an end to his insolence, Dom Giles
Yanez Mascarenhas was sent there in the year 1584, with orders
to destroy the fort. Dom Giles carried with him a fleet of
fourteen sail and 300 men from Goa; but his own vessel ran
aground between the reeks and would not float again. He was
immediately attacked by the enemy from the shore. The rest of
his force could not send him assistance. He was unable to re-
treat and was massacred there with all his men. The expedi-
tion thereupon retreated \
But Dom Duarte de Menezes, who had been recently
appointed Viceroy, at once decided to avenge the death of Dom
Giles ; and having in the meantime received an ambassador
from Adil Khan, entered into negotiations with him for that pur-
pose. He also wanted to put down the piracy that existed along
1. Ibid., p. 476-7 ; Dos Santos, Ethiopia Oriental, II, p. 293.
2. Faria y Sousa, II, p. 564-5.
3. Ibid., Ill, p. 8.
38
2Q8 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
the coast of Kanara. It was agreed that Rosti Khan, the Governor
of Ponda, should assist with 40,000 men by land, whilst Dom
Jeronimo de Mascarenhas should attack the Nayak by sea. The
attack was so well combined and carried out that the Kayak's
forces were entirely routed. The Nayak fled to the woods for
safety. Thence he sent an envoy to implore mercy, and promis-
ed to submit to any conditions provided he were restored to his
power and his territories spared. Arrangements to this effect
were accordingly concluded, and the invading armies then
retired *.
7. Things were not yet settled at Mangalore. The
Portuguese fortress stood between the possessions of the Queen
of Ullal on the South and those of the ruler of Bangher on the
North. Between these two there existed an ancient discord
which was very prejudicial to Portuguese trade. Dom Luiz de
Ataide went himself to Mangaiore in 1569 to settle these dis-
putes ; his reception was better than he had anticipated. After
an interview with these two rulers their differences appeared
completely settled *. Very likely it was then that in order to
establish peace more firmly between the two states, the Queen
of Ullal married the King of Bangher, 4 more for honour's sake
than anything else,' says the traveller Pietro della Valle, who
personally knew the Queen Bukka Devi Chautar 3. Of this
capricious union, which was the cause of many a romantic
adventure, we shall speak later on.
8. In Bellur, Krishnappa Nayaka was still the head of the
Balam family in the beginning of Ranga's reign. In an inscrip-
tion of 1578 he acknowledges king Ranga as ruling sovereign 4.
But not long afterwards he was succeeded by his son. A Bellur
Kanarese inscription of Sri Ranga I, of July of the same year,
records a grant by Krishnappa Nayaka's son, Venkatadri
Nayaka 5. This Venkatadri or Venkatappa, in an inscription
of 15/6, is called the champion of adulterers, ft.
iT Ibid., Ill, p. 22-3. ~~
2. Ibid., II, p. 479.
3. Delia Valle, II, p. 313.
4. Rice, Mysore Inscriptions, p. 220.
5. Kielhorn, Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 90, 536.
6. £/». Cam., IV, Yd, 59.
THE KANARESE VICEROVALTV 2Q9
9» The inscriptions mention several others of the minor
chiefs of the Kanarese country. In the village of Hattiyangudi,
South Kanara, four grants by an Udaiyar chief, between 1570
and 1576 are recorded l. In 1573 the chief of the Budihal
country, Sripati Raja Vallabha Rajayya Deva Maharasu, who
acknowledged Ranga I, remitted taxes payable to the five
classes of artificers ~. Finally a grant of a Nandyal chief in the
reign of Sri Ranga Raya of Penukonda is recorded in the year
I584J*. __
1. Rangacharya, II, p. 851, 42-45.
2. Ep. Cam., XII, Ck, 8.
3. Sewell, I, p. 102.
CHAPTER XV
VENKATAPATIDEVA RAVA II
SUMMARY. — 1. Election and coronation of Venkata II. — B. Transfer
of the seat of Government to Penukonda. — 3. A note on Venkata's
Guru Tatacharya. — 4. Officers of Government. Administration of
the Empire. — 5. Renewal of rebellion among the feudatory chiefs.
— 6. Re-transfer of the capital to Chandragiri. Previous history
of this place. — 7. Venkata II at Chandragiri. — 8. The nobles of
Venkata's court. — 9. Account of Tirupati. — 10. .Devotion of
Venkata to this temple. — 11. Rebellion of Lingama Nayaka of
Vcllore. Venkata takes possession of this city. — 12. Triumphal
return to Chandragiri. — 13. Transfer of the capital from Chandra-
giri to Vellore. — 14. Feudatory chiefs. — 15. Donations to the
temples. — 16. Irrigation works.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.—!. Hindu inscriptions and grants.-— 2.
Jesuit letters. — 3. Du Jarric, Guerreiro — 4. Anquetil du
Perron. — 5. Ferishta. — 6. Ramarajiyamv, Prapannamrtatn, Raghu-
nalhabyudfiyam, Bahulasvacharitram, Charuchandrodayam, Valugati-
varu Vamsavali* Venkatesvara Afahatmya, Venkata Giri Mahatmyam,
Venkatesvara Prabandha Saila Mahiina, Chandrabhanu Charitram.
" AFTER Sri Rauga Raya had reached the region of Vishnu, his
brother Venkatapatideva Raya, born of the same mother,
ascended the; throne and ruled the earth with justice ".
Thus the Vellangudi plates ! announce the inaugura-
rion of the reign of Tirumala's fourth son, Sri mat
1. Ep. Int.* XVI., p. 319, vv. 31-35. Cf. Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali
8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302. N evert hi ess there is
ground for doubting that this succession was immediate. An inscription
of the Mallikarjuna temple at Sri sail ^m, Karnul, records a fact
' In the reign of the Vijayanagara king Virapratapa Ramarajayya-
deva Maharaya, son of Vira Tirumalayyadeva Maharaya '. 43 of 1915.
This was no doubt the third son of Tirumala, who had been
Viceroy of Seringapatam. Moreover a Kumbakonam grant of
Venkata II, 1590, mentions one of his brothers, Tirumala Deva Raya
or Srideva Raya (a wrong name) and states that * he reigned
for a short time*. Sewell, II, p. 3. Was this brother the same
Rama ? Then the Jesuit letter, which we shall quote latter on, says
the following :— "After the demise of this Prince's father, viz. Rama,
the kingdom was given, by the unanimous vote of all the classes, to
the brother of the deceased, that is to the one who is ruling at
VENKATAPAT1DEVA fcAYA II $01
Rajadhiraja Paramesvara Sri Vira Pratapa Sri Vira Venkata-
patideva Maharaja. This, his full imperial title, is given in an
inscription at Atmakur, Nellore l.
It would appear that Venkata's nephews, the Princes
Tirumala and Ranga, who were governing Seringapatam, had
a better established right to succeed their uncle Ranga I, being
the sons of the third brother, the late Viceroy Rama ; but a
Jesuit letter of the year 1602, speaking of the Viceroy
Tirumala of Seringapatam, says: — "After the demise of this
Prince's father, the kingdom was given by the unanimous vote
of all the classes to the brother of the deceased, that is, the
one who is ruling at present, rejecting the rights of the
deceased's children, who on account of their age, were
not able to rule over a kingdom" 2. According to this
testimony the election of Venkata was made by the consensus
of the Brahmans, nobles and warriors of the Empire, as implied
by the expression 'the unanimous vote of all the classes'.
Venkata was then " anointed, according to the 'prescribed
rules, by the spiritual preceptor of his gotra, the famous
Tatacharya, who was the ornament of the wise, just as Rama
was anointed by Vasishtha " y. On this occasion, the new
king "poured forth gold from his hand like rain from a cloud"4.
present", etc. According to this testimony the election of Venkata
followed, not the death of Ranga I, but that of Rama. Finally,
according to the information supplied to Mr, Sewell by the then
Raja of Anegundi, the brother whose rule was placed between Ranga
and Venkata, (called also by him Tirumaladcva or Sridova),
' reigned for a short time '. Cf. Sewell, II, p. 252, note 4. We hope
new discoveries will throw light on this point.
1. Butterworth, I, p. 264.
2. Litterae Annuae of Goa, written by Fr. N. Pimenta, Goa
December 21, 1602. See Ap. C, No. V.
3. Dalavay Agraharam plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind.^ XII, p.
186, vv. 27-39.
4. Venkta's II grant, 1587, Ep. Catn., VII, Sh, 83; Venkata II's
grant, 1589, Ep. Cam., XII, Ck, 39. The following grants also describe
Venkata's coronation : Mangalampad grant of Venkata II, Butter-
worth, I, p. 31, v. 24 ; Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ep. /«</., XVI,
p. 319, vv. 31-35 ; Padmaneri grant of Venkata II, Ibid, p. 297. v. 29 ;
Kondyata grant of Venkata III, Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 127.
302 THE ARAVJDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGARA
" When thus ", continue the Dalavay Agraharam plates, .
" Venkatapatideva Raya assumed the sovereignty, Adisesha
and other supporters of the earth were relieved of their burden ;
and consequently, they having assumed the shape of Vrishasaila
(viz. the Tirumala hills at Tirupati), are ever praying Venkata-
chalapati to grant a long reign to him " *. This transparent
flattery of one of his grants shows that Venkata II was to be a
worthy successor of Krishna Deva Raya and Rama Raya. He
is called in another inscription, "the fruition of the religious
merit of previous births of Sri Vengaiamba " 2. Fr. N. Pimenta,
in one of his letters, mentions the pompous and incredible
titles which were conferred upon him by his subjects : " The
Husband of Subvast (that is) of good Fortune, God of great
Provinces, King of the greatest Kings, and God of Kings, Lord
of all Horse-forces, Master of those which know not how to
Speake, Emperour of three Emperours, Conquerour of ail which
he seeth, and Keeper of all which he hath overcome ; Dreadfull
to the eight Coasts of the World, the Vanquisher of Mahumet-
an Armies, Ruler of all Provinces which he hath taken, Taker
of the Spoiles and Riches of Ceilan ; which farre exceedeth the
most valiant men, which cut off the head of the Invincible
Viravalalan ; Lord of the East, South, North, West, and of the
sea ; Hunter of Elephants ; which liveth and glorieth in
virtue Militarie. Which titles of Honour," adds Fr. Pimenta,
"enjoyeth the most Warlike Vencatapadin Ragiv Devamagan
Ragel, which now reigneth and governeth this World" 3.
Two of this grants lay special stress on his extreme beauty.
"His cheeks", they say, "resembled the moon ; he rivalled pr
eclipsed the god of love in beauty" 4. Fr. Du Jarric seems to
agree when he writes: "The King is quite handsome, although a
little dark ; his eyes are big ; he is of a medium size, but his
limbs are in good proportion ; he dresses quite nicely, and shows
1. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 186, vv. 27-39.
2. Mangalampad grant of Venkata IItButterworthf I, p. 31, v.23.
3. Furchas, X, p. 209-10. Of. Du Jarric, Thesaurus, I, p. 653.
4. Dalavay Agraharam plates of Venkata II, Ep. fnd., XII, p.
187, w. 27-39 ; Mangalampad grant of Venkata II, Butterworth, I,
p. 33. v. 36.
VENKATAPATIDEVA RAVA If JOJ
always a special regard for royal majesty mingled with a
charming plainness of manner " 1. VenkataV statue at
Tirupati confirms both descriptions : his big round eyes are
specially remarkable.
2. Venkata was at Chandragiri when his election took
place. So naturally the ceremony of his coronation was per-
formed there. This point is quite evident from the study of
contemperory sources. Du Jarric says : — " A few years ago he
was crowned, according to his predecessors' custom, at
Chandegri (Chandragiri)" 2. Anquetil du Perron states likewise
that " he was crowned according to custom at Sehandegri,
where he used to have his court (when Viceroy of the Tamil
country)" 8.
But not long after he removed his court to Penukonda, the
capital of his two predecessors, whence he might rule over the
Empire. " When the throne of Bijanagar", says the anonymous
chronicler of Golkonda; "devolved on Venkatapati, it appears
that that prince... removed his seat of Government to the fort of
Pjenukonda " 4. Accordingly his grant of the year 1587 states
that he * established his throne in Suragiri (Penukonda) ' 5. This
fact must have occurred in 1585, for in two inscriptions of this
year Venkata already appears as 'ruling in Penukonda' 6 ; and
in 1589 he is shown 'seated on the throne of the Empire in
Suragiri (Penukonda) ' \ How long this period of rule from
Penukonda lasted is not yet ascertained, because the cause of
Venkata's retreat to Chandragiri is misplaced by Ferishta ;
hence its date cannot be realized. Sewell points to the year
1592 as the date of Venkata's return to the Tamil country 8.
As a matter of fact, Venkata appears as ' ruling on the jewelled
throne at Penukonda ' in several inscriptions of the years
1. Du Jarric, I, p. 662.
2. Du Jarric, I, p. 655.
3. Anquetil du Perron, 1. CM p. 166.
4. Ferishta, III, p. 454.
5. Ep. Cam., VII, 8ht 83.
6. 71 of 1915.
7. Ep. Cam., XII, Ok, 39.
8. Sewell, I, p. 150.
J04 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
1593 *, 1599 2t 1603 8, 1605 4, 1608 6, 1609 ' 1610 \ and
1612 8. We know for certain that during several of these
years. Venkata was actually ruling from Chandragiri ; this
would mean that either his subjects were not aware of the
change of the capital, or the old capital of Tirumala and Ranga
was mentioned out of respect, as Vijayanagara itself is sometimes
occasionally mentioned.
3. While speaking of the coronation of Venkata, we have-
seen that the pattabhisheka ceremony had been performed by
his family guru, Tatacharya or Tatayarya. We shall now give
some particulars of this man who exercised so much influence
on the rule of Venkata, and of whom we shall have occasion
to speak frequently in the course of this volume. He was,
according to the Prapannamrtam, a descendant of the maternal
uncle of the great reformer Ramanuja ; and two of his
ancestors had been the cause of the conversion of the Emperor
Virupaksha to Vaishnavism 9. He was the son of Pancha-
mata-bhajanam Tatacharya, according to the same poem 10 ;
but a copper-plate grant of 1590 in the Government
Museum, Madras, states that he was 'grand-son of Etur-
Tatayia, and son of Srinaivasa ' n. He is styled 'the ornament
of the wise ' 12. He is mentioned in an inscription of Ranga I,
along with the temple officer of Tiruppukkuli 13. Again, the
Prapannamrtam informs us that Venkata ' became a disciple
1. 377 of 1904.
2. Sewell, I, p. 134.
3. 236 of 1903; Sewell, I, p. 101.
4. 235 of 1903.
5. Ranga chary a, I, p. 622, 535.
6. 67 of 1915.
7. 184 of 1913.
8. Ep. Cam., II, TN, 62; XII, Si, 84; Butterworth, III, p.
1284-6.
9. Of. Ch. XXVI, No. 6.
10. Of. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 162 and p. 347.
11. Catalogue of Copper-Plate Grants in the Government Museum,
Madras, p 54.
12. Mangalampad grant of Venkata II, 1. c. ; Butterworth, I, p.
31, v. 24.
13. t09, A p.C. of 1916,
VENKATAPATIDEVA RAYA II J05
of the Srivaishnava teacher Lakshmikumara Tatacharya' l,
this being his full name. Moreover, in the same poem we read
that the King "entrusted the whole kingdom to his preceptor ;
and he himself led a life of retirement doing service to him,
like Kulasekhara of old" 2. The second part of this
statement is absolutely false. Venkata II was certainly not an
idle sovereign : he actually ruled (as we shall see further
on) except during the last years of his life, when disabled by
age and sickness he made over the cares of Government to one
of his wives and her brother. Nay, we have further grounds
for doubting even the veracity of the first part of the same
statement. The whole passage sounds merely like a poetical
exaggeration of a real fact. According to the above-mentioned
copper-plate grant in the Madras Museum, Venkata, on
December 2/th, 1590, made the gift of a village (which he named
Venkatapura) to the Srivaishnava teacher Tataya ; the village
was situated in the Konadu district which formed a subdivision
of Uttukkadu Kottam 3. Moreover, an inscription of the year
1600- 1 at Tirunirmalai, Chingleput, shows that he was supervis-
ing several Vaishnava temples 4; he was also the manager of
the temple at Tiruppukkuli r>, and the supervisor of the
Vaishnava temples at Kanchivaram c ; we know of an agent
of his named Punyakoti-Aiyan T. According to tradition, Tata-
chary a was so famous for his virtues and talents that he was
believed to have been born from the spirit of Vishnu 8.
But Fr. B. Coutinho, one of the Jesuits at Venkata's
court, who personally knew Se Tatachare, as he calls the famous
guru, testifies in one of his letters that ' he is unworthy of
his post because of his vices'. It seems that he was specially
1. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 251.
3. Ibid.
3. Catalogue of Copper-Mate Grants, 1. c.
4. 565 of 1912. He is again mentioned in the inscription 564
of 1912.
5. 208, Ap. C of 1916.
6. M.E.R., /p/3, para 62.
7. 174, Ap. C. of 1916.
8. ~Cf. Subramiah Pantulu, Discursive Remarks, Ind. Ant., XXVII,
p. 327.
39
306 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
lacking in continence, as " he had many wives at home ", says
Fr. Coutinho, "and is one of those who swallow camels and shy
at mosquitoes " l. According to Fr. Coutinho, Tatacharya
was a hypocrite of the Tartuffe type, who duped the people
with scrupulous practice of infinite petty unsubstantial
ceremonies, and forgot the essentials of the natural law. 1 can-
not reject the testimony of such an eye-witness, who mentions
the fact of the guru's many wives and who was not likely to
derive any advantage from calumniating the King's preceptor in
one of his letters to his Superiors in Europe.
4. Along with Tatacharya, the names of several ministers
of Venkata have reached us, mainly through the contemporary
poems. A Sidhout inscription of 1605 states that the chief
Matla Ananta ' was like the right-hand of the Emperor of
Karnata (Vijayanagara) ' 2 ; he was no doubt one of
Venkata's chief officers, as is shown by this appellation and his
achievements, which will be narrated further on. Tarigoppula
Mallana, in his Chandrabhanu Charitram, says that his elder
brother Tarigoppula Datta Mantri "was a minister of the
Emperor Venkatapati Raya, son of Tirumala Raya All the
members of the Emperor's court used to extol him for his
patronage and helpfulness to them on various occasions " 3.
Another one, Tammaya Mantri, who, according to the Charu
chandrodayam, had been the right hand of Sri Ranga, ' was also
the minister of the Emperor Venkatapati Raya ' 4. From
1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November
llth, 1607. See Ap. C, No. XVIII. This passage was published in
Relacam Annal, of the years 1606 and 1607 (Lisbon, 1609), but without
mentioning the name of Tatacharya ; he is only described as the
"high priest at whose feet the same king prostrates himself, and
whose yearly revenue surpasses two hundred cruzades" (p. 106).
Before being acquainted with the original of Coutinho's letter, I
published a translation of the account of Relacam Annal in the
Q.J. M. S., XIV, p. 134-7, under the title The Jesuit Influence in the Court
of Vijayanagara ; and in a note I already pointed out that the high
priest referred to ought to be Tatacharya.
2. 8. Krishnaswmi Aiyangar, Sources, p. 248.
3. Ibid., p. 247.
4. Ibid., p. 241.
VENKATAPAT1DEVA RAYA II JftJ
literature we gather likewise that Pemmasani Pedda-Timmaraja,
who had also been a minister of Ranga I, continued to hold
the same office under Venkata II '. The chief military
officer of this Emperor was Gubburi Obarajaya 2, who
may perhaps be identified with Obaraja, the brother-in-law of
Venkata, as mentioned in Barrada's account 3, or his father-in-
law, as stated both in the Ramarajiyamu 4 and in the Jesuit
records 5.
Now the Empire, although deprived of some of the northern
provinces which had fallen into the hands of the Muhammadans,
was yet possessed of vast territory. Fr. Du Jarric describes
the Empire of Venkata as follows: "The kingdom of Bisnagar,"
says he, " contains the greatest part of India that lies to the
south of river Ganges (sic). For besides the western kingdoms
of Malabar, that depend upon it, as formerly the kingdom of
Goa, there are several others towards the North, as Onor
(Honavar) Battikala, (Bhatkal) and so on, that acknowledge
the imperial authority. It has on the East two hundred leagues
of coast along the gulf of Bengal, viz. from cape Comorin to
the kingdom of Orixa (Orissa) ; and this length comprises the
Coast of Coromandel and Meliapor or San Thome 6.
The viceroy of Seringapatam and the Nayaks and feuda-
tory chiefs were a great help to the Emperor in the administra-
tion of such an extensive Empire. But the country which was
immediately subject to him was, it seems, divided into different
administrative units. A grant of 1596 of the temple authorities
of Kanchivaram .gives a clue to this supposition ; it states that
this city is situated in the Chandragiri portion of the Tondai-
mandalam province of the country of Soramandalam 7.
According to this inscription, the smallest administrative unit
was the so-called portion or district, which, if we must judge
from the distance between Chandragiri and Kanchivaram, was
1. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty,
1. c., p. 185.
2. Ibid., p. 188-9.
3. Sewell, p. 223.
4. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. o., p. 243.
5. Du Jarric, I, p. 654. Of. Ch. XXIV, No. 3,
6. Ibid., p. 652.
7. Sewefl; I, p. 179.
308 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTV OF V1JAYANAGARA
not very small ; the next higher and larger administrative unit
was the province, and the highest, the so-called country. We
venture to say that during the time of the Tamil Viceroyalty
two countries probably composed it, the Chola and the Pandya
countries.
Venkata was indeed a very powerful monarch l. Accord-
ing to Du Jarfic, " the neighbouring kings call him Emperor
and king of kings, as he is the most potent of all the kings" 2.
Accordingly at the end of his reign he was called by Raja
Wodeyar of Mysore ' Master of the four Oceans ' 3.
5. Nevertheless from the beginning of his reign, the new
Emperor had to face great difficulties within his own dominions.
There were among the petty chiefs fresh outbreaks of rebellion
against Venkata, who was supposed to be the murderor of the
late Emperor Sadasiva. "Before 1595," says Anquetil du Perron,
' the Naiques of Tanjore, Madurei and Gingi (Jinji) gave up all
allegiance, as they did not want to acknowledge as their sove-
reign one who had dethroned the legitimate King of Bisnagar" 4.
We shall speak later of the rebellion of these three power-
ful Nayaks ; but we feel sure that, encouraged by their example,
and even perhaps before them, many petty chiefs rebelled against
Venkata. This is more than a mere supposition, because in
the contemporary sources we find abundant evidence of
the internal troubles during those years. Venkata is called in
the Mangalampad grant ' the crusher of the pride of Avaha-
luraya ' B, and ' the hero who punished kings who break their
word* c. The Dalavay Agraharam plates, after speaking of
his campaigns against the Muhammadans, style him "the only
excellent conqueror of the Chaurasidurga, (who) terrified
the hearts of the hostile kings in the eight quarters,... (who) was a
destroyer of his enemies,... (who) was broad-armed like Adisesha,
(who) was a bear to the earth, via. the provincial chiefs,... a
1. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 169.
2. Du Jarric, I, p. 653.
3. Ep. Cam., Ill, TN, 116.
4. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 166.
5. Butterworth, I, p. 32, 27.
6. Ibid., p. 33, v. 36.
VENKATAPAT1DEVA RAYA U JOQ
Ramabadra in battle" l. These general remarks are a clear
reference to the action of Venkata against the provincial chiefs
of his Empire who 'broke their word' of faithfulness and
allegiance to the imperial power. But there are also other
and more pronounced testimonies.
Venkata is said in the Ramarajiyamu to have ' defeated
some enemies at Nandela ' 2. Those enemies must have
been the army of the chief Krishnama of Nandyai, into
whose mind the faithful Matla Ananta ' instilled fear ',
according to the expression of the Sidhout inscription 3.
This means that this Anantaraja, one of Venkata's ministers,
defeated on behalf of the Emperor, or even in conjuction with
him, the Nandyla chief who had revolted against his
sovereign. Matla Ananta's campaigns are likewise a recapitu-
lation of these provincial revolts : " he killed on the battlefield
,the chief Ravelia Velikonda Venkatadri," we read in the same
inscription ; "he was the conqueror in the batte of Jambula-
mandaka (Jammalamadugu) and reduced the fort of Cuttack.
He defeated the chief Kondaraju Venkatadri and captured from
him the town of Chennur " 4.
Along with the Emperor and Matla Ananta his right hand,
the minister Tammaya Mantri, * compelled recalcitrant chiefs
to go to him (the Emperor) and accept his suzerainty ', as it is
stated in the Charuchandrodayam 5. The Mahanayakacharya
Harwati, son of Immadi Rangappa Nayaka, is also called a
"subduer of chiefs who break their word ' c. He must have
aided his sovereign in subduing these rebellions. The same
was done by Velugoti Yachama Nayadu and his relative
Singama Nayadu, who in the year 1601 defeated Maharaja
and Devalpupa Nayadu at Utramaltur, according to the
Valugutivaru Vamsavali 7. Velugoti 's campaigns are also
1. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 186, w. 27-39.
2. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 243.
3. Ibid., p* 248.
4. Ibid., Of. M.E.R., 1915-16, para 19; 1916, para 75.
5. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 241.
6. Ep. Cam., XII, Si, 84.
7. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 274. Cf. Carr, Papers
Relating to the Seven Pagodas, p. 115, note c,
JlO THE ARAV1DU DYNASTY OF VtJAYANAGARA
narrated in the Bahulasvacharitram. After defeating the Chief
Davalu Papa at Uttaramalluru, he marched as far as Tirumala
(Tirupati), defeated the mountain chiefs there and captured Chen-
galpat (Chingleput). Outside the fort of Palembukota (Palem-
kota, South Arcot), he fought the chief Yatiraju and defeated
him *. Finally Ragunatha, the heir-apparent of Tanjore, who
had helped Venkata against the Muhammadans at Penukonda 2,
also lent his aid to the Emperor for the supression of these
rebellions. The Ragunathabhyudayam says that he waged war
with the Murasas, a people in the North of North Arcot and the
adjacent portions of the neighbouring districts. " Having
defeated all these enemies", says the poem, " he brought all the
territory and the fortresses of Karnata once more under the
Emperor Venkatadeva Raya. After this victory the Emperor
Venkatadeva Raya in public court acknowledged the great
assistance of Raghunatha, and said that he was able to destroy
his enemies only with the assistance of Raghunatha. He also
honoured him with presents of horses and jewellery" 3.
It appears that the rebellion spread ail over the Empire and
lasted several years. But the stout-hearted sovereign at last
put it down, and was acknowledged by all his feudatories. This
is the reason why he is said in some of his grants to have
' conquered the throne of Karnata by the strength of his arm ' 4,
vis. though he was rightly crowned and anointed, his throne
was hardly his as long as the revolts all over the Empire lasted.
It was by the strength of his arm that he established it as firmly
as he did. We read in Anquetil du Perron that Venkata " ex-
perinced how wrong was his elevation to the throne, but at la§t
the Naiques were bound to submit to the tribute " 5.
6. In or about 1592, on the occasion of the attack of
Penukonda by the Sultan of Bijapur, which will be narrated
in the next chapter, Venkata went back to Chandragiri and
1. 8. Kriahnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 305.
2. Cf.Ch.XVI,Nos. land 2.
3. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 285-6.
4. Vilapaka grant of Venkata II, Ep. /IK?., IV, p. 270 ; Dalavay
Agraoarain plates of Veukata II, Ibid., XII, p. 187, w. 27-39.
5. Anquetil du Perron, L OM p. 166.
VENKATAPATIDBVA RAYA U 311
established there the capital of the Empire l. This action
betrayed the weaker side of Venkata's character. He had
hitherto strenuously fought against the hereditary enemies
of the Empire ; but now he felt perhaps the first signs of
premature old age. Nevertheless we suppose that the main
reason for this change was not the Muhammadan incursions,
but a sort of home-sickness for the city where he had ruled
many years as governor and viceroy of the Tamil country.
Chandragiri was like a second birthplace to him ; and thither
he retired, when a premature old age began to weigh upon
him, and rest became necessary.
Chandragiri had in ancient times been the stronghold of
the Yadavas. One of its rulers, Toya-Yadava, entertained
Ramanuja when fleeing from the Choia country 2. According
to a palm-leaf book, once in the possession of one of the
village officers, the founder of the town was the Yadava
King Immadi Narasimha, who lived about A. D. 1000 3.
According to local tradition, the Chandragiri fort had been
built or at least enlarged by the Vijayanagara Emperor
Narasimha Saluva, who made it the store-house of his trea-
sures 4. As a matter of fact the Portuguese used often to
call it Narsinga, after the name of this sovereign. Since
Krishna Deva Raya is occasionally called 'Raja of Chandragiri',
it is likely that he either conquered or improved this fort, or even
that he lived in it at times 5. In that case the great Mahal, still
standing at the foot of rocky hill crowned by the fortress, may
have been built by that great Emperor ; while to his brother
and successor, Achyuta Raya, is attributed the smaller Ladies'
Mahal 6. The same Achyuta makes mention, in the copper-
1. Of. Af.£.#M 19/6, para 75; S. Krishna Sastri, The Third
Vijayanagara Dynasty, 1. c., p. 185.
2. Taylor, 0. H. MSS., II, p. 85.
3. Sewell, I, p. 150.
4. Cf. Qarstin, South Arcot Manual, p. 3 ; Caldwell, History of
Tinnevelly, p. 48.
5. Sewell, I, p. 139.
6. Ibid., p. 150. For a description of these buildings see Chi§.
holm, The Old Palace of Chandragiri Jnd. Ant., XII, p. 295.6.
313 THE ARAV1DU DYNASTY OF VJJAirANAQAfcA
^fe'V^
'
' i«
plates of July I3th, 1532, of the 'kingdom of Chandragiri' l ; and
in another inscription of 1540 at Pushpagiri mention is like-
wise made of the general Timmarasayya, son of Somarasayya
of Chandragiri \
7. This was the palace which was for so many years the
residence of Venkata, when Viceroy of the Tamil country. It
was now to be the royal palace of the Emperor of Vijayanagara.
A modern memorial stone over its central entrance, inscribed
by a hand who had no knowledge of the more extensive sove-
reignty of Venkatapati Raya, records that the building was the
' Palace of the Rajas of Chandragiri ' 3.
The earliest reference to Venkata as 'ruling from Chandra-
giri' is dated 1602 4 ; but Fr. N. Pimenta, in the account of
his tour through the South of India, made in 1597, says in
speaking of Venkata that * Hee now resideth in Chandragiri ' 5 ;
and Fr. Du Jarric, in the course of his account of the
arrival of the Jesuits in 1601, says that ' Chandegiri is the resi-
dence of the King ' ° ; the same fact is recorded in two ins-
criptions of 1603 7, one of 1625 8 and another of 1608 9.
Now there is an inscription of 1587, in which Venkata
appears 'in the residence of Hampe-Hastinavathi (Vijaya-
nagara), ruling the kingdom in peace and wisdom ' 10 ; then
another of 1602-3, which shows him * seated on the diamond
1. Catalogue of Copper-Plate Grants in the Government Museum,
Madras, p. 51-2.
2. 302 of 1903.
3. Orme, Historical Fragments, p. 227, says : " It still re-
mains to know whether the king of Chandergherri, to whom the
Jesuits went in 1599, was a descendant of Timiragio, or of the
rightful king of Bisnagar, murdered by Tirairagio's son ; but we be-
lieve of Timiragio."
4. Brakenbury, Cuddapah Gazetteer, p. 37.
5. Fr. Pimenta's letter, Purchas, X, p. 210.
6. Du Jarric, I, p. 654.
7. Bangacharya, I, p. 576, 16.
8. Siddhout' inscription, 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources,.
p. 248,
9. Bangacharya, I, p. 653, 863.
10. Ep. Car*., VI, Cm, 79.
V3NKATAPATIDBVA RAYA II 313
throne at Vijayanagara... ruling the kingdom of the earth' *;
and even it wo more, of 1613 2 and 1614 3, in which he is simply
said to be * ruling at Vijayanagara '. It is obvious to us
that ; Chandragiri received also at this time the appellation of
Vijayanagara, as Penukonda was likewise formerly called 4.
In the map of India by Sr. Sanson d' Abbeville, published in
the year 1652, Chandragiri is marked as ' Bisnagar or
Chandragiri * 5. Moreover a traveller from Holstein named
Mandelslo, who visited the Coromandel coast in 1639, says that
the king ' resides sometimes at Bisnagar, sometimes at
Narasinga' «. This must bs respectively understood of
Vellore, which was then the capital of the Empire, and of
Chandragiri, which was also called Narsinga, as already stated.
This information is of great importance to us, because it seems
to prove that the capital of the Empire was always called
Vijayanagara, whether it was Hampi-Anegundi, or Penukonda,
or Chandragiri, as at this time, or as some years after, Vellore.
8. At Chandragiri not a small coterie of nobles had
naturally gathered round the Emperor. Fr. A.Laerzio, Provincial
of the Jesuit Province of Malabar, who visited Venkata's court in
1603, writing to Fr. J. Alvarez at Rome in the following year,
says : " Those nobles are very rich and powerful ; some have a
revenue of five hundred thousand cruzadjs, some of six hundred
thousand, and some of four hundred thousand"7. Fr. Du
Jarric gives interesting information about one of the social ins-
titutions of the nobility at Chandragiri, corresponding more or
le$s to our modern gymnasium. " The house fitted for this ",
he says, " has a yard in the centre, the pavement of which is
covered with a layer of lime so smooth that it looks like a
minor ; there is a walk around it, spread over with red sand, on
which they rest as on a soft bed. One who would' wrestle
1. Butterworth, I, p. 269-7T
2. 452 of 1916.
3. Ep. Car*., Ill, Sr, 157.
4. Of. Ch. X, No. 13.
5. See plate XII.
6. Mandelslo, Voyages and Trawls, p. 94.
7. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr, J. Alvarez, Cochin, January 18th,
1604, Ap. C, No. X.
40
314 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
strips himself. Then several strong and brawny youths called
geitas9 who are ready beforehand, rub the nobleman ; then they
box, jump, fence and take other kinds of exercise with him, in
order to strengthen him; and this they do until perspiration flows
freely. Then the geitas cover the whole of the nobleman's body
with sand, and massage him, and move his arms and legs in
every direction as if they would disjoint his bones. Finally the
nobleman is brushed, annointed and washed with warm water ;
and when dry, dresses himself. Noblemen take this kind of
exercise almost every day before dinner, in order to be fit and
healthy ; thus men as old as seventy years look only thirty " f.
Such is the description of the exercises taken in the
gymnasium of Chandragiri, into which Fr. Simon de Sa, Rector
of the College of St. Thome, was once admitted as a spectator.
9. After this re-transfer of Venkata's capital to Chandrgiri,
his extraordinary devotion to the god Venkatesa at Tirupati
was naturally revived, perhaps with greater zeal and ardour.
The excellence of the rock of Tirupati, which we have several
times spoken of, is sung in the Venkatesvara Prabandha Baila
Mahima. The temple is stated to be near the famous mythic
mount Meru, where the gods hold their assembly 2. According
to the legend, Vishnu himself once became incarnated here 8.
If we are to believe the Vaishnava literature, Tirupati, dedicated
at its foundation to Vishnu, became later on a temple of Siva
till the time of Raman ujacharya the reformer, who once more
converted it into a Vaishnava shrine. To effect this he is said
to have agreed with the Saiva priests of the temple to leave in
it at night a conch and a discus, which are the insignia of
Vishnu, and a trident and a small drum which are those of
Siva ; the temple was then closed ; and on its being re-opened, it
was found that the image had assumed the two first symbols.
Accordingly Vishnu's cult was restored 4. The great temple
was built by one of the Yadava Princes in or about A. D. 1048.
1. Du Jarric, I p. 684-5.
2. Wilson, Catalogue Raisonnee, p. 589.
3. Venkata Girt Mahatmyam, Ibid., p. 588.
4. Venkatesvara Mahatmyam, Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p.
S54-5,
VENKATAPATIDEVA RAY A II 315
Vishnu is worshipped there under five forms. Sri Venkatachala
Pati, Malayapa or Utsavabari, Srinivas, Koiavu Bari and
Venkata Toravar *.
"The city of Tripeti (Tirupati)", says one of the Jesuit
letters, " is very large and beautiful; and on account of a temple
much venerated and dedicated to their Pirmal (Perumal), is for
these heathens what Rome is to us. Crowds of people from the
whole of the East flock here with gifts and offerings to pay a
visit to this temple" 2. The pilgrims, says another letter of
Fr. Simon de Sa, "purge their sinnes by washing their bodies
and shaving their heads and beards. The Idoll is in a cold hill
compassed with fertile valleys abounding with fruits, none dare
touch. There are plenty of Apes, which are so tame that they
will take meate out of ones hand. The people take them for a
Nation of gods which held familiaritie with Perimal. They
worship Perimal in many figures, of a Man, an Oxe, Horse, Lion
Hog, Ducke, Cocke" ».
10. The vicinity of Chandragiri to Tirupati fostered the
special devotion of the Emperor for that holy place. Several
of his inscriptions and grants of those years are more or less
connected with Tirupati and the god Venkatesvara. On
August l8th, 1598, Venkata, while at Tirupati, made a grant of
a village to several Brahmans and re-named it Tirumalamba-
puram *. In the same year he made the Padmaneri grant in
the presence of the god Venkatesa whom he invokes in the
beginning of the grant 5 ; the same is seen in the Dala-
vay Agraharam Plates 6. Then a Tamil inscription around
the Varadaraja shrine in the first prakara of the Srinivasa
temple at Tirupati, dated 1606, records a grant by Venkata-
pati Ray a to provide for offerings of rice to the god. 7. Again
1. Ibid.
2. Litterae Anmtae of the Province of Malabar, 1602, Ap. C, No.
VIII.
3. From Fr. Simon de Sa, Mylapore, November 20th. 1598,
Purohas, X, p. 219.
4. Catalogue of Copper-Plate Grants in the Government Museum,
Madras, p. 54.
5. Ep. /*</., XVI, p. 297, vv. 46-48, and p. 296, vv. 1-3.
6. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 187, vv. 41-66, and p. 185, vv. 1-3.
7. Afu4./>., Z&Q* P- 39,
Jl6 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF V1JAYANAGARA
«
in 1601-2 he made the Vilapaka grant in the presence of the
god Venkatesa, at Tirupati *.
The principal ceremony performed at Tirupati is at the
time of the Durga Puja, about October. Fr. Coutinho, who
happened to be there at this time, gives the following account of
what he had seen : " At the Feast of Perimals marriage was
such concourse of people, that that dayes offering amounted to
two hundred thousand Ducats, the King, Queene and Courtiers
being present. The Idol! was carried in a great triumphall
Chariot drawne by ten thousand men, about midnight, a mile
and a half. The Feast of Kowes was solemnized a moneth before,
and all the wayes filled with them : for they hold Perimai to
have beene the sonne of a Kow " 2. Purchas does not give
the full narrative of Coutinho, preserved in a letter of Fr.
N. Pimenta : " The carr was drawn by ten thousand people,"
says he, " the King himself being one of the first. It was begun
at the close of the day ; but at midnight it started to rain and
then the king retired ; but the rest remained hard at their work
till the carr was carried back to the place where it was taken
from, two hundred and fifty feet in distance" 3.
II. In the year 1603, while Venkata was residing at
Chandragiri, the rebellion of the Nayak of Vellore took place.
We have frequently spoken of the chiefs ol Vellore, who had
always remained faithful feudatories to the Vijayanagara
Emperors. Chinna Bomma Nayaka was still living in the
beginning of Venkata's reign ; for in a Sanskrit verse by an
unknown author he is called ' Viceroy of Velur, during the
reign of Venkatapati Ray a ' 4. The same authority describes
the ceremony of bathing in gold, which Chinna Bomma Nayaka
performed in order to do honour to the scholarship of Appaya
Dikshita. He is said to have with his own hands poured the
gold coins out of the vessel 5. Dr. S. Krishnaswami
Aiyangar thinks that this Nayak was not Chinna Bomma
1. Ep. Ind., IV, p. 270.
2. Purchas, X, p. 222.
3. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Goa, 1602, written by Fr. N.
Pimenta, Goa, De6ember 21st 1602, Ap. C, No. V.
4. 8. Krisbnaswanri Aiyangar, Sources, p. 251.
5. Ibid.
VBNKATAPATIDEVA RAYA II Ji;
himself, but his son and successor Lingama. This Lingama
was the one who in 1601-2 obtained from Venkata II the
Vilapaka gratit : "With a libation of water (poured) over gold,
the glorious King Vira Venkatapati Maharaya joyfully
granted (the village of Vilapaka), sanctioning the request of
the glorious Prince Linga, who was the renowned son of
Prince Bomma of Veluru ; who was the victorious grandson of
prince Virapa Nayaka ; who was ever devoted to the shrine of
Vira at Sri Nellaturu ; who resembled the sun (in conferring
prosperity) on the lotus group, the hearts of scholars ; who terri-
fied the mind of prince Ballalaraya ; who was engaged in esta-
blishing Mahadevas (lingas of Siva) and Mahidevas (Brah-
mans); who was the foremost of those who assert the priority of
Siva ; whose pride were the works (relating to) Siva ; who was
full of splendour ; who, as the moon from the ocean, (rose)
from the renowned Anakula gotra" !.
Not long after the concession of this grant, Lingama
Nayaka rebelled against his Emperer * ; we know not why.
Was he one of those who refused to acknowledge Venkata on
account of the murder of Sadasiva? From the Jesuit letter,
which is the best source hitherto known for the history of this
event, and from which we shall quote extracts as we go on,
it seems clear that Lingama wished to form a small principality
independant both of his immediate lord, the Nayak of Jinji, and
of the Emperor himself. He was bold enough to defy both
rulers, trusting no less to his immense wealth than to the strong
fortifications which rendered Vellore all but impregnable.
Venkata, without any delay, despatched in the month of
October, 1603, his Adelaraya (Dalavay) or commander-in-chief
to storm the capital of the rebel chief. Who was then the
Dalavay of his army ? In the first part of this Jesuit letter there
is no reference whatever to the proper name of this general ^
1. Ep. Ind., IV, p. 271. Lingama Nayaka had probably a brother
called Nangama Nayaka, one of whose gifts is recorded in an
inscription of 1602 in Malayappatu, North Arcot. 70 of 1887.
2. Anquetil du Perron, I.e., p. 170, assigns the year 1609 as the
date of Linga's rebellion and destruction. Our sources written in
1606 says that the siege, of the fort took, place two months before
January, 1604.
318 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OP VIJAYANAGARA
but we are informed by the Bahulasvacharitramu that Chenna,
of the Kalahasti family, defeated Linga of Velur on the plains of
Munnali (Minnal?) and captured the fortress of Vellore 'with
its high fortifications and deep moat ' l. We may conclude
from this that Chenna Nayaka was the commander-in-chief of
the army sent against Lingama Nayaka. Once he started on his
march there, the Dalavay pretended to have lost his way on the
first day, with the first object of marching so fast throughout the
night as to reach Vellore unexpectedly before dawn. Unfortu-
nately his plan fell through ; for only his vanguard reached the
neighbourhood of Vellore at the desired hour, early in the
morning ; but the bulk of his army lagged behind, and did not
arrive till later, when the garrison of the town was ready to
repel the attack. Accordingly showers of bullets were poured
on Chenna and his soldiers just as he was preparing to storm the
city, and he was finally forced to retreat. But with indomitable
courage he invested the fortress, in spite of the rainy season which
had already burst. The siege lasted two months. Then two officers
of Chenna's army, who were on friendly terms with Lingama
Nayaka, and even perhaps his relations (so suggests the Jesuit
letter) were admitted into the fort to present their compliments to
the chief. On returning to their camp, Linga, who seems to have
been very kind and polite, accompanied his visitors a little way
out of the gates of the fort. That was too golden an oppor-
tunity for the soldiers of Vijayanagara. Lingama was made
prisoner and brought to Chenna's camp.
The siege nevertheless dragged on. Neither the sons of
Lingama nor his generals were willing to surrender the fort, in
spite of the imprisonment of their chief ; while he, on seeing
that all chances of escape were cut off, offered twenty laks to
the Dalavay if he could abandon the siege of Vellore ; of these
twenty laks fifteen would.be given in gold coins and the other
five in pearls and other precious stones. But the commander-
in-chief at once wrote to Venkata summoning him to come
forthwith to Vellore, " saying that now was the time to fill the
royal coffers and to extend his sway by the annexation of this
most fortified town." The Emperor set out at once on January 9th,
1. 8. Krishnagwami Aiyaugar, Sources, p. 305.
VENKATAPATIDPVA RAYA H 319
1614, with an enormous army, besides a train of camp-followers
and elephants, and hastened towards Veliore, Linga prostrated
himself at Venkata's feet as soon as the Emperor reached the
camp. In the meantime his sons kept up a continuous fire,
and tried their atmost to prevent Venkata from entering the
town. But at last Vellore fell, and Venkata with his Queen
took lodging "in the marble palace of Lingama Nayaka,
adorned with gold and precious stones " l.
12. Venkata remained at Veliore till the following month
of May. Then, " after having extorted from Lingama Naichen
a large number of precious stones and pearls," he " took him
prisoner to grace his own triumph from the fortress of Velur
to Chandegri " 2. Fr. B. Coutinho, who was himself an eye-
witness of this magnificent state procession, wrote an account
of it in the aforesaid Jesuit letter which we shall quote here :
" On May 27 ", he writes, " four hours after sunrise (vis. at
about ten o'clock in the morning) this procession entered the
town. The road through the middle of the city by which he
had to pass was decorated with a big arch in the centre, and
.with very many carpets and hangings made of green boughs.
But what added more dignity to the king was the fact that a
large number of attendants in groups of three, dressed in
gorgeous uniforms, were stationed at different intervals by the
roadside ; there were besides military bands with brass instru-
ments and others with the vina and other classical instruments ;
these were followed by many other insignia, and finally by the
royal standard itself, in which a golden lion and a golden fish
were painted, thus showing Venkata's soverignity over land
and ssa. This made the opening of the procession. Many
1. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C,
No. XXII. The account does not say that one of the Jesuits accom-
panied Venkata's army on this occasion. Nevertheless this seems
likely as the Jesuits were on good terms of friendship with the
Emperor ; moreover the detailed narrative of this campaign seems
to be that of an eye-witness. Orme, Historical Fragments, p. 228-9,
also mentions the siege and conquest of Vellore by Venkata. Cf.
Henrion, Histoire Generate des Missions, p. 187. Fr. Pimenta says
only that Fr. F. Ricio went there after a while.
2. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C,
No. XXII.
320 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
horsemen came next among whom tfhere was Obraias himself
(Oba Ray a) the King's father-in-law, and* with him many other
grandees adorned with gold ornaments and precious stones ; at
the end the King himself, accompanied by Connanaiche
(Chenna Nayaka) riding a beautiful elephant, the body and the
head of which were painted yellow and adorned with feathers
and silk drapery l : the silk pillow on which the King sat
was embroidered with gold thread, and he was himself covered
with pearls and precious stones Being thus triumphantly
carried, he was looking graciously on the crowd below... and
having finally reached his palace, sat on the golden throne,
where he received a present from the Adelaraya, the governor
of the city, as it is customary. Then all the nobles presented
their homage and left. We also (says Fr. Coutinho,) went
there, and Fr. Francis Ricio offered the King a gilt drinking-cup
of glass which he had kept for this occasion" 2.
13. It is. not on record whether Vellore was once more res-
tored to Linga ; but from the fact that he is no longer mentioned
in the contemporary documents, we may reasonably conclude
that Vellore was thereafter retained under the Emperor's imme-
diate authority according to the advice of his Dalavay. Moreover,
two years later, about the middle of 1606, Venkata established
his court in the old city of Vellore I{, an event recorded
also in the Ramarajiyamu 4. But he used to reside at
times at Chandragiri 5, and that is the reason why both
cities are by the Jesuit Missionaries called ' royal ' 6.
The fort of Vellore, according to local tradition, was built
1. The fact that Chenna rode on this occasion at Venkata's
side goes again to bear out the supposition that he was the command*
er-in-chief of the victorious army.
2. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar quoted above.
3. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome,
November 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIII.
4. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 243.
5. Cf. above No. 7.
6. No other change of capital of the Emperors of Vijayanagara is
so far known, though some authors state that it was finally
established at Chingleput. Cf. Rice, Mysore and Coorg, p, 120 ; Francis,
South Arcot Gazetteer, p. 36, etc.
VENKATAPATIDEVA RAYA U 321
by one Bommi Reddi, or Naidu, a native of Bhadrachalam1,
and converted by Narasimha of Vijayanagara into a place of
residence 2.
According to an inscription of Chinna Bomma Nayaka of
1582 at Adaipalam, the Vellore temple was constructed
by Appaiya Dikshita 3, but since we know that this temple
existed earlier we must understand that Appaiya Dikshita's
work was some enlargement of the same. The pavement
round the building was laid by China Bomma Nayaka
himself in 1549, for the merit of Macha Nayaka of Vellore 4.
In 1702 Fr. Maudit said that * the fortress of Vellore was
one of the strongest throughout the whole of the country V
As a matter of fact this fort is perhaps the most beautiful
specimen of military architecture in southern India, and
fortunately it is still in a very good state of preserva-
tion.
14. We have already mentioned several feudatory chiefs
of the time of Venkata, but to those we must add several other
known through different sources. An inscription of Venkata
of 1592 records the grant of a house for the location of a matha
to Ananda Namasivaya Pandaram by Periya Err am a Nayakof
Punnarrur 6. Venkatapati Nayaningaru, the grandson of
Velugoti Pedda Kondama Nayadu, and son of Kummara
Timma Nayadu, declares himself feudatory of Venkatapati
Raya in an inscription of l6l27; in another of the same
year he is said to be ' an Arjuna in war ' 8. In an-
other of 1616, Narakampi Nayaningaru, likewise a feudatory
1. Cox, North Arcot Manual, II, p 418.
2. Garstin, South Arcot Manual, p. 3 ; Caldwell, History of Tinnevelly
p. 48.
3. 395 of 1911.
4. 60 of 1887. At Torudur, Tanjore, there is an inscription re-
cording a gift of land to this temple in 1596. Sewell, I, p. 272.
5. From Fr. Maudit to Fr. Le Gobien, Caruvepondi, Janu-
ary 1st, 1702, Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, p. 310.
6. 61 of 1887.
7. Rangacharya, II, p. 1053, 36.
8. Butterworth, I, p. 246.
41
322 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARAr
of Sadasiva, gave the hereditary privilege of worship in the
temple of Kona Vallabharaya to one Kandagada Guruvayya1.
The Venkatagiri Raja Pedda Yachama Nayadu, known as
Yacha Surudu, got the Permadi country as a gift from Venkata
II, and proved his loyalty to him in the following civil
war 2. Yachama Nayaka, one of the feudatories of Venkata, of
whom we have previously spoken, was, it seems, amongst the
most powerful chiefs of the Empire, the Bahulasvacharitram
speaks of him as having received presents of elephants and
horses from Nizam Shah, Adil Shah and Qutb Shah. He
was highly esteemed by the people of the cities of Cuttack,
Delfc Agra, Ahmadnagar, Mahur, Shiraj, Kalamba, Manduva,
Makkha, Bedandakota (Bidar), Hukumi and Mahishmati 3.
Finally, the Jesuit records mention another chief, named by
them Paparagiu (Papa Raya), identified, according to Dr.
S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, with the chief Davalu Papa who
was defeated by Velugoti Yachama Nayadu at Uttaramaluru 4.
Fr. Simon de Sa, writing from Mylapor on November 20th,
1598, says that this chief " in one house kept three hundred
Brachmans, and gave hospitalitie to the Pilgrims which went
on, or came from Tripeti 5 ". Fr. Du Jarric, who calls him ' a
powerful chief, mentions the same fact ° and says more-
over that " he placed his dwelling on the top of a very high
mountain, encompassed by shady forests. The town was built
all over the slopes of this mountain from the valley to the
top 7 ".
15. Venkata II appears to have been as generous as his
predecessors to the temples and Brahmans for the maintenance
of the Hindu cult. Being still Viceroy of the Tamil
country, on June 24th, 1577, he made a gift of four villages
1. Rangachaya, II, p. 1049, 1.
2. Madhava Eao, The Ruling Chiefs, p. 490.
3. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 305-6.
4. Ibid., p. 305, note. Cf. above No. 5.
5. Purchas, X., p. 219.
6. Du Jarric, I, p. 657.
7. Ibid., p. 675. I cannot verify which city is referred to by
Pu Jarric ;it must be between Mylapore and Tirupati.
VENKATAPATIDEVA RAYA II 323
to the temple of Chidambaresvara and Sivakamastmdari-
Ammai to provide offerings and sacred morning baths for the
merit of Kondama Nayaka l. In 1588 he made a gift of 300
pan to provide 20 rice offerings to the god Chidambaresvara at
Chidambaram, to be distributed among the begging devotees *.
In 1593, for the merit of the above mentioned Kondama Navaka,
he declared that the four districts and the five villages and all
others whose possession had been enjoyed by the temple of
Chidambaresvara from early times, were now made tax-free.
In 1603 he imposed a tax on the weavers of Tindivanam, the
proceeds of which were to go to the local temple 4. In 1604
he gave the village of Vengalambapuram to a number of Brah-
mans coming from several places 5. The year 1607 witnessed
a grant of Venkatta to the god Narasinga 6. Lastly, in 1608
the Emperor regulated the festivals and the daily services in
the temple at Alagiyasingar at Narasimhapuram 7.
We also know of several gifts of the feudatory chiefs and
other influential persons during Venkata's reign. In 1589 Ma-
dagani Basavareddi Kumarudu remitted the tax on the lands
of the gods Mallikarjuna and Virabhadra at Vipanagandla
(Karnul) 8. In 1592 Krishnappa Nayaka granted to the god
Ramanujakuta two villages in the Gangaikonda-sima9. In 1593
Naga Reddi and other jugglers gave away the allowance which
they had received for the bamboo play to the god Agastyesvara
of Chadipirala 10. In the same year Gangadhara Cholamaha-
raya granted land to the deities at Palagiri ". Rayanamantri
Bhaskarayya gave the god Chennakesava a fee of one kasu for
1. 334 of 1913.
2. 385 of 1913.
3. 369 of 1913.
4. 31 of 1905.
5. Rangaoharya, I, p. 461, 1146.
6. £AC0r*.,V,Bl,145.
7. 243 of 1910.
8. Rangaoharya, II, p. 961, 500.
9. Ibid., I, p. 153, 191-B.
10. Ibid., p. 610, 424.
11. Ibid., p. 615, 465.
324 THE ARAVJDU DYNASTY OF VJJAYANAGARA
every bullock-load of salt, twokasus for one of cotton and % kasu
for other goods in the Gandikota district *. In the same year
an iron lamp was set up in the Mallikarjuna temple at Srisailam,
Karnul, for the merit of Mudiyappa Nayaka, by a certain
Chikaiya, son of a carpenter of Henjera 2. In 1605, Chandra
Sekhara Vodeyar made a grant to the family god and his
dancing girls 8. In 1609, a gift of seven gold-gilt pinnacles
for the big gopura of the Vira-Narasimha temple at Diguva
Tirupati, Karnul, and of two fly-whisks and an umbrella of
white silk with a gilt kalasa over it: was made by some
merchants of Aravidu, for the merit of 150 headmen of their
community 4. In the same year, a certain Kala -Yaiyyappa
built a temple for Agaresva Udaiyar at Poiichchaiar, Madras,
endowing it with a piece of land for the merit of the king
Venkatapatiraya 5. In 1614 Gangappa Nayaka, the governor
of Srigiri-mandala, son of Venkatadri and grandson of Ganga,
made a present of four villages in the Dupati-sima, Karnul, to
the Chennakesa temple 6. During this reign Matla Tiru-
vengala, the son of Anantaraja, built the gopura of the Govinda-
raja Perumal temple at Tirupati 7.
16. Some agricultural improvements were effected during
Venkata's reign, but none by himself. All are due to the
enterprise of chiefs and of private persons. Venkatapati
Nayaningaru, his feudatory, deserves special mention for his
efforts to encourage irrigation8. In 1612 the grandson of
Velogoti Pedda Kondama Nayadu, and son of Kumara Timma
Nayadu, sent for Rudrappa, the ruler of Kulluru, Nellore, and
asked him to construct the eastern weir of the Kullur tank,
which he did °. It is further recorded that a certain Nayinappa
1. Ibid., p. 620, 512.
2. 32 of 1?15.
3. Ep. Cam., IV, Oh, 23.
4. 67 of 1915.
5. 516 of 1913.
& 286 of 1905.
7.
8.
9, Rangacbarya, II, p. 1Q53, 36.
VENKATAPATIDEVA RAYA II 32$
Nayaka, son of Krishnappa Nayaka, improved certain land in
South Arcot by constructing a tank near it and digging wells l.
Finally, one Polusani dug a well in the village of Sowadari-
dinne, Karnul, in 1603 *.
1. 388 of 1912.
2. Rangacharya, II, p. 918, 111. Wo know of the existence of
a guild of merchants in the city of Aravidu during Venkata's reign.
The merchants who formed this guild were devotees of Vasavakan-
yaka, followers of Bhaskaracharya and supposed to be the progeny of
the celestial cow, born of its ears. 67 of 1915.
CHAPTER XVI
WARS WITH THE MUHAMMADANS
SUMMARY.— l.Venkata starts an offensive campaign against Goikonda
immediately after his coronation. — 2. Great victory of Venkata
over Muhammad Kuli Qutb Shah.— 3. Beginning of Venkata's
campaign in the Telugu country. — 4. The jagirdars of the Telugu
country rehel against Goikonda. — 5. Victory of the Raja of
Kasimkota over Amin-ul-Mulk. — 6. Second invasion of Kand-
bir.— 7. Result of Venkata's campaign in the Telugu country. —
8. Siege of Penukonda by the Sultan of Bijapur.— 9. Embassy of
the Mughal Emperor Akbar to Venkata II. — 10. Further projects
of Akbar on Vijayanagara.— 11. Ibrahim Adil Shah II of Bijapur
sends an embassy to Venkata II.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. — 1. Ferishta, Anonymous chronicler of
Goikonda. — 2. Jesuit letters. — 3. Du Jarric, Guerreiro. — 4. Hindu
inscriptions and grants. — 5. Ramarajiyamu, Raghnnathabhyudayam.
A GRANT of Emperor Venkata, dated 1589, says expli-
cftly that his campaigns against the Muhammadans were
started * immediately after ' his coronation l. Accordingly
the anonymous chronicler says that Venkata, in the beginning
of his reign, ' made some incursions and invasions into the
Goikonda dominions ' 2. This policy marked the opening
of a new era in the long-standing struggle between Vijaya-
nagara and the Muhammadans. Since the battle of Raksas-
Tagdi, Tirumala, and after him Ranga I, had been satisfied
with defending themselves against the followers of the Prophet.
Ranga had only dared to expel the Muslims from Ahobalam
and its surroundings 3. But it seems that Venkata II, inaugu-
rated his rule as Emperor of Vijayanagara with an offensive
campaign which was successfully carried on some years
later.
1. Ep. Cam., XII, Ck, 39.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 454.
3. Of. Oh. XII, No. 7.
WARS WITH THE MUHAMMADANS 327
The Sultan of Golkonda, Muhammad Kuli Qutb Shah,
nvaded the Vijayanagara territory, with the object of driving
Venkata out of his dominions. He marched towards Penu-
konda "where he arrived without opposition," says the aforesaid
chronicler, "and immediately commenced the siege". Venkata,
who was at Penukonda, shortly afterwards deputed his minister
Gobraj Tima (Govinda Raja Timma) and his general Pavia
Chitti (Papaya Chetti) as Ambassadors to the Golkonda Sultan,
" who, upon their making due submission, agreed to an
armistice preparatory to negotiating terms of peace". The
shrewd Sovereign decided to take advantage of this so-called
armistice to prepare himself for a long defence. "The Hindus ",
the anonymous chronicler continues, "taking advantage of the
absence of the Muhammadans from the vicinity of the fort,
supplied themselves in three days with provisions for a siege ;
and on the fourth the famous Jagdew Row (Jagadeva Raya),
accompanied by Gulrang Setti, Manupraj and Papia Samywar,
at the head of thirty thousand musketteers, threw themselves
into the fort " \ It is most likely that at this juncture
Venkata requested Achyuta Nayaka of Tanjore to send the
prince Raghunatha to his assistance. At his father's behest
" Raghunatha started on the expedition followed by hundreds
of tributary chiefs", says the Raghunathdbhyudayam. He
reached Penukonda in a few days 2. When the King discovered
these proceedings ", continues the Golkonda chronicler, " he
renewed the siege ; but his forces made little impression. The
rains were now approaching, provisions also were scarce in the
camp; and aware that the inundation of the Krishna
river would cut off all communication with the Golkonda
territory, the King deemed it advisable to raise the
siege " 3. Thus does the Muhammadan writer conceal the
humiliating defeat which was on this occasion inflicted by
Venkata upon the army of Golkonda.
2. Reference is found to tiiis action in different sources ;
1. Ferishta, 1. c.
2. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 285.
3. Ferishta, 1. c.
328 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
and we cannot question their veracity, specially when we
consider the account of the following victorious campaign of
Venkata in the Udayagiri country, given by the same Muham-
madan author. The above-mentioned Raghunathabhyudayamy
relating only Raghunatha's exploits, states that " many of the
enemies of the emperor fled from Penukonda when they learnt
of the arrival of Raghunatha with troops (a common poetical
topic), while a few mounted horsemen opposed him. But they
were easily defeated by the valiant Raghunatha, and were scat-
tered as the Rakshasas were by Rama"1. This was only a
partial victory obtained by one of the wings of the great army of
Venkata. The Sidhout inscription of Ananta Raja also records
that this chief 'displayed his heroism in humiliating the
Muhammaddan Pachisa (Padischa) in the battle of Penukonda ' 2.
After careful consideration of all the sources, it seems that
the Golkonda army, after having been repelled by the garrison
of Penukonda, retreated north wardfe pursued by the Hindus.
" Venkatapati Raya", says the Ramarajiyamu, "collected his
army and drove the son of Ibharam (Ibrahim Qutb Shah, viz.
Muhammad Kuli Qutb Shah) who had invaded his territory, as
far as Golkonda. He chased his army back and defeated it on
the banks of the Pennar. The water of the river was crimson
with the blood of the Muhammadan soldiers killed in the
battle " s. This battle was no doubt a remarkable event in the
history of the Hindu Empire ; for almost all the grants of
Venkata make mention of it. The Vilapaka grant and the
Dalavay Agraharam plates, besides two other grants, state that
the Muhammadan ruler was " forcibly deprived of troops, of
horses and elephants, weapons, white umbrella, parasols, etc., at
the head of a battle by the excellent soldiers of the army of this
powerful (king)" 4. The Vilapaka grant records moreover
1. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, I.e.
2. M.E.R., 19/6, p. 148, para 78.
. 3. Ibid., p. 243.
4. Vilapaka grant, Ep. Ind., IV, p. 270 ; Dalavay Agraharam
plates, Ep. Ind., XII, p. 186, w. 27-39; Grant of 1587, Ep. Cam., VII,
8h, 83 ; Grant of 1589, Ep Cam., XII, Ck, 39,
WARS WITH THE MUHAMMADANS 329
that the son of Malikibharama (Malik Ibrahim), Mahamanda-
sahu (Muhammad Shah), reached his house in despair, reduced
in lustre, ' and ' thus daily, ' it ends ironically, ' makes his name
significant (or famous) * 1. It appears that there was more
than one battle, because the Vellangudi plates say that
Mahamandasahu was " defeated repeatedly by the army of this
King, and used daily to return dejected from 'the battlefield after
being deprived of his elephants, horses, arms and umbrella " 2.
The defeat of the Golkonda Sultan is again mentioned in both
the Padmaneri grant 8, and the Mangalampad grant of the
Hindu Emperor 4.
3. The anoymous chronicler of Golkonda says that " the
Muhammadan troops having been required to join the grand
army against Penuconda, had left the district of Kandbir wholly
unprotected ". This was a magnificent chance for Venkata to
recover part of the territory lost in the last war. It seems that
even before the final defeat of Muhammad Shah, Venkata des-
patched a force to assist Kowlanada, the Raja of Udgerrydurg
(Udayagiri), ordering him to plunder and lay waste all the
-territory as far as Kandir and the Krishna ; and that the Raja
sent his son-in-law, Wurias Ray, to carry this project into
effect. After he had fought with the Muhammadans several
times he was finally defeated by Afzul Khan and Ajda Khan,
with the loss of three thousand men killed, wounded and taken
prisoners, and all his camp-equipage *'.
In the meantime Venkata mustered an army of one hun-
dred thousand men, the leaders of which were Yeltumraj,
Gulang Setti and Manupraj, and set out to recover Gandikota
from the hands of Sanjur Khan. Here the Hindus were daily
harassed by sallies from the garrison ; but they persevered in the
siege till they heard that Murtaza Khan, with the main army of
the Muhammadans, had captured the city of Karpa and destroy-
ed its famous temples. Venkata, on being told of this/detached
Yeltumraj and Manupraj with ten thousand cavalry to attack
1. Vilapaka grant, 1. c. ; grants of 1587 and 1589, 11. cc.
2. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 319 w. 31-35.
3. Ibid., p. 297, v. 31.
4. Butterworth,I,p. 31, v. 36
43
330 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VTJAYANAGARA
Murtaza Khan, and probably followed them shortly after with
the rest of his army \
As soon as the Sultan of Golkonda heard of this course of
events, he despatched a force of five thousand horse under the
command of Rustom Khan to reinfore Murtaza Khan. " Mean-
while", says the chronicler, "Murtaza Khan continued to defend
himself for three whole months against the Hindus, whose
numbers increased to such an extent that the Muhammadans
found it impossible ^to give the battle, but confined their
operations to plundering and cutting off supplies ". Rustom
Khan on arriving assumed command of all the troops, accor-
ding to the Sultan's instructions. "On the day after his arrival",
continues the Muhammadan writer, " he crossed a river in front
of him, and imprudently encamped on a black clayey soil where
the rain had fallen, but did not proceed to attack the
Hindus. The enemy, having ascertained that a reinforce-
ment had arrived, delayed also to engage the Muhammadans.
At this time, whether to amuse their own soldiers, or for
some other reason which is immaterial, the Hindus dressed
up a red bullock 2 with gilded horns, and having painted it
with many different colours, and fastened bells to its legs and
neck, drove it towards the Muhammadans. Rustom Khan,
who happened to be in front of the army and alone, became
alarmed at the strange appearance of the animal. He galloped
off to the rear in dismay, and caused a panic among his own
troops 8. The Hindus, observing confusion in the lines of the
Muhammadans, took advantage of it to surround them with
their musketeers, and galled them on all sides. The Muham-
madan cavalry, which consituted the strength of their army,
1. Here the obronicle we are quoting Bays that * after a severe
action the Hindus were defeated and compelled to seek safety in
flight. How can this be true when the same writer records imme-
diately after the brilliant siege of tbe town by the Hindus, the
distress of the Muhammadans, who required help, from Golkonda,
and the latters's final defeat ?
2. Biggs thinks that the Pola festival is meant here.
3. Such cowardice could not be believed of such a general if the
case was not narrated by the Muhammadan chronicler, Rustom
Khan wait according to the chronicler, a notorious boaster.
WARS WITH TtiE MUHAMMADANS 33!
unable to charge through the heavy black soil, were shot one by
one, and might have been annihilated, but '.for Murtaza Khan,
who, collecting a small party, forced his way through the
enemy's ranks, and thus covered the retreat of many of the
Mahammadans ; but all the camp-equipage was taken and a
heavy loss sustained". The defeat of the Muhammadans on
this occasion seems to have been very severe : the chronicler
adds at the end of his narrative: " Rustom Khan was disgraced
on his return to Haidarabad, by being dressed in female attire;
after which he was banished from the kingdom" *.
4. At this time Amin-ul-Mulk, the Minister of the Sultan
of Golkonda, sent officers to collect the taxes due to the
Government by the different jagirdars. But those of the
Telugu country were in hopes of throwing off the Muhammadan
yoke with the help of the brave and fortunate new sovereign of
Vijayanagara. Moreover the anonymous chronicler says that
* this demand had been so long deferred, that the jagirdars
refused to pay the taxes demanded, and even invited the
Vijayanagara sovereign to join them in opposing Muham-
mad Kuli's forces. As a proof of their intentions, they
plundered the country belonging to Goikonda in the neighbour-
hood of Kandbir. These jagirdars were not all Hindus : both
the Golkonda chronicler and the Aminabad inscription mention
four out of these chiefs who rebelled against the Sultan ; and of
them, two were Muhammadans and two Hindus. The names
given by the chronicler are the following: Alam Khan Pathan,
Khan Khanan, Sabaji Maratha and Balla Row, which corres-
pond to these given by the inscription : Alamakhanundu
Khanakhana, Sabaji and Ballerayandu. This inscription states
that there were other chiefs who joined the revolt.
When the dis-affection of these jagirdars was reported to the
court by Etibar Khan, Amin-ul-Mulk himself volunteered to
lead a force against the rebels, and after a while set out from
Haidarabad at the head of ten thousand horse. On1 his arrival
near Kandbir he was met by Kowlananda, the Raja of
Udayagiri, who on account of his recent intercourse with
1. Ferishta, III, p. 455-9.
33* . f HB ARAVIDU DYJtfASfY OP VjJAYANAGAfcA
Venkata, was believed to be the instigator of the rebellion.
Accordingly the Muslim general seized the Hindu chief and
ordered him to be hanged. This prompt measure alarmed
the insurgents. They had an army of seven thousand cav-
alry and ten thousand infantry and were strongly posted in
the fortress of Ardinga; but now they shrank from
an encounter with the army of Amin-ul-Mulk, and retreat-
ed to join the army of Venkata. The Golkonda general
pursued them, but did nothing more than devastate and
occupy their estates. 'Sence the Aminabad inscription states
that Amin Malka crossed the river Krishna with a large
Golkonda army, and drove away the enemies before him 'as
darkness before the rising sun*. On returning to Kandbir
Amin-ul-Mulk seized, a number of Naigwaries who had been
the allies of the rebels and ordered about 200 of them to be
executed. Nevertheless in spite of this drastic measure, the
Muslim general was not able to put down the rebellion ; and after
his retreat to Haidarabad, no other authority was acknowleged
in the Telugu country but that of Venkata, who was still with
his army in the South.
5. One instance of this was afforded shortly after by the
conduct of MakundRaj,theRajaofKasimkotta. After having
received the robe of instalment from the hands of Muhammad
Kuli himself in Golkonda, this young prince attempted to seize
the person of Birlas Khan, the Sultan's representative in the
country. "Such outrages,; says the Golkonda chronicler,
" called for the immediate interference of the King ; particularly
as the Raja, confiding in the valour of his troops and his native
woods and mountains for protection, had not sent the annual
tribute to the court ".
Accordingly, Muhammad Kuli sent his general Mir Zain-
ul-Abidin with a force to proceed against the Raja. " Upon his
arrival near Kasimkotta the general deputed a person to Makund
Raj, requiring of him to pay the arrears of tribute, and to
promise greater punctuality in its future payment ; but as they
were too few to enforce their demand, Mir Zain-ul-Abidin wrote
1. Ferishta, III, p. 460-1 ; Aminabad inscription of Amin-ul-
MuBc, 8. Krishnaawami Aiyangar, Sources^ p. 340,
WARS Wr» THE MCHAMMADANS $tf
to court for reinforcements. The King immediately directed the
Amir Jumla, Amin-ul-Mulk, to join the former detachment
with more troops, and to assume the principal command. Amir
Jumla was accompained by Shankar Raj, the nephew of the
late Bhaybalandar (the father of the young Raja). Makund
Raj, alarmed at the serious preparations made to attack him,
wrote to the neighbouring Rajas for assistance, as well as to
Venkatapati, Raja of Vijayanagar, to induce him to take advan-
tage of the moment and to detach a force to Kandbir, while he
with thirty thousand infantry and three thousand cavalry en-
gaged the King's army in the neighbourhood of Rajmundri".
After a hard-fought battle, in which Shankar Raj was killed, the
Muhammadans were defeated with the loss of several brave
officers and men. The Raja on reaching Kasimkotta "put to
death Birlas Khan and Ghuzunfur Beg, together with several
other Muhammadans whom he inveigled into his presence" '.
6. In the meantime Venkatapati Raja, on the invitation
of the Raja of Kasimkotta, again invaded the district of Kandbir.
The Sultan of Golkonda, who was then defending the city of
Ahmadnagar against the army of Prince Murad, Akbar's son,
was informed of the intentions of the Vijayanagar a Emperor.
So he directed his army under Adil Khan Bungy or Bangush,
accompanied by two hundred elephants and many guns, to
oppose him. Adil Khan went straight to Kandbir with his
cavalry, but was obliged to remain there sometime waiting for
his guns. Venkata with his army of two hundred thousand
horse and infantry and one thousand elephants, was still advan-
1 Ferishta, III, p. 464-5. The Muhammadan writer says that
the Golkonda forces were 'nearly defeated* ; that the Muhammadans
lost several brave officers and men', and that the Raja on reaching
his city 'put to death Birlas Khan*, etc. Nevertheless, he attributes
this victory to the same Muslim army. The imposture is evident. To
save the honour of the Muhammadans after describing their defeat,
he proclaims an imaginary great victory obtained by them over the
Hindus. If the young Raja did not succeed in seizing Birlas Khan,
the Sultan's representative, when there was not in the country such
a formidable army of Golkonda, it is impossible to suppose that he
could put him to death on this occasion in the face of so large an army
commanded by the Amir Jumla, especially after his own army had
been entirely routed by the army of Golkonda.
ARAVlDU DYNASTY OT?
cing ; but "finding that the King's troops had arrived, and that
the army was very formidable, he thought it prudent to send
ambassadors with rich presents to the King of Golkonda. The
ambassadors had directions to proffer his excuse, by saying that
the object for which he had left his capital and come towards
Kandbirwas merely to see the lake Cammum (Cumbum?).
Orders were accordingly issued to Adil Khan Bungy to refrain
from invading his territories, but to remain with the army at
Kandbir as a corps of observation" !.
Such is the incredible account given by the anonymous
chronicler of Golkonda, in his anxiety to conceal the defeat of
the Golkonda troops. Is it not strange that Venkata, with the
whole of his army of two hundred thousand foot and horse and
one thousand elephants, dared not give battle to the Muslim
general, with an army accompained only by two hundred
elephants, and an artillery lagging behind him ? As a matter of
fact the Muhammadan army that opposed Venkata was not at
all formidable. The story of the ambassadors sent by the
Vijayanagara Emperor and of his desire to see the lake
Cammum is still more obviously the writer's concoction.
7. This becomes more than evident if we consider the
version given in the Ramarajiyamu and the further history of
the Telugu country during Venkata's reign. Both accounts
show clearly the final success of the Hindu sovereign in the
North-eastern corner of the ancient Empire. The Ramarajiyamu,
for instance, shows us the Sultan of Golkonda ' as a suppliant
seeking terms of peace* and settling finally with Venkata
4 that the Krishna should thence forward form the boundary
between their respective territories ' 2.
Nothing could have been more pleasing to the Hindu ruler.
It meant the recovery of all the lost territories and the re-esta-
blishment of the old limits between Vijayanagara and Gol-
konda 8. Hence the Vellangudi plates state that ' just as Rama
1. Ferishta, III, p. 466-8.
2. S. Krishnaswamy Aiyangar, Sources, p. 243
3. The Vilapaka grant, Ep. Ind., IV, p. 270, and the Mangalam-
pad grant, Butterworth, I, p. 32, v. 28, state that Venkata defeated
the king of Oddiya or Orissa. Probably the Sultan of Golkonda is
meant in this passage. -
I 1 BARCEUOR
\2 BELCAUM
.') BHATKAL
j } DEVANAPAT
A H ON AVAR
C KANCHlvAR
H KRISHNA PATAM
y MADARASA
IUMAILAPURA
NAM it MANCALORE
I'i MASULIPATAM
I5PALKONDA
I4PULICAT
15 SAO THOME
16 SIDHOUT
J7TENKASI
18TINNEVELLY
19 TlRUPATI
ZO TRICHINOPOLY
TUTIOORIN
li UDAYACIRI
X3VIJAYANACARA
334
XIV. Tlio Empire of Yijayanagara under Vcnkata 11
WARS WITH THE MUHAMMADANS 335
conquered the Rakshasas, this King defeated the Yavanas
(Muhammadans) ' l. And the Dalavay Agraharam plates say
that ' he was ruling the earth triumphantly after destroying the
demons, the Yavanas'2. Venkata's victories over the
Muslim forces are again mentioned in other grants of his and
those of his successors a.
Accordingly, numerous inscriptions of the following years
acknowledge Venkata as the sovereign of the Telugu country.
In 1586-7 while ,the first campaign was going on, two inscrip-
tions proclaim Venkata the ruler of Udayagiri4. A similar
inscription dated I6I2 is found in Rapur, Nellore5. In 1514,
the chief Marakampi Nayaningaru, in Nellore, declares himself
feudatory of Venkata 6. At the end of his reign, a village in
Udayagiri which had been bestowed before by his father Tiru-
mala was again granted by him to some one T, and there are
besides two inscriptions of 1616, that mention Venkata as the
ruling sovereign 8.
A certain Sriman Mahamandalesvara Muddayoadeva
Maharaja, son of Kondadeva Maharaja, seems to have been the
governor of the Telugu country under Venkata and acknow-
ledged the latter's suzerainty 9. In 1602 he presented the
village of Nandirayi, Nellore, to Sri Chennakesavaraya of
Palnaru, for providing light, refreshments, incense, etc. 10. But
according to an inscription 1613-4 at Kandukur, it seems that
the Muhammadans retained their sovereignty over the northern
part of the district u.
T ~~Ep.Tnd., XVI, p. 319, vv 31-35. ~~
2. Ibid., XII, p. 186, w. 27-39.
3. Padmaneri grant, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 297, v. 29; Kondyata
grant of Venkata III, Ind. Ant., JXIII, p. 127, grant of 1587, Ep. Cam,
VII,Sh,83; grant of 1589, Ibid., XII, Ck, 39. Orme, Historical Frag-
ments* p. 229. says that one of Venkata's title was this : ' Mahometa
ttorum exercituum debtllator.
4. Butterworth, III, 1365-7 and 1637-9.
5. Ibid., p. 1284-6.
6. Rangaoharya, II, p. 1049.
7. Butterworth, III, p. 1359-60.
8. Rangaoharya, II, p. 1049, 1 and p. 1079. 263.
9. Butterworth, I, p. 269-71.
10. Rangacharya, II, p. 1056, 54.
U. Butterworth, I, p. 485,
336 THE ARAV1DU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
8. No other wars between Golkonda and Vijayanagara
are recorded in the Muhammadan histories. But in the mean-
time the Sultan of Bijapur, Ibrahim Adil Shah II, had sent
several expeditions against the Kanarese country, as we shall
relate in one of the following chapters. As a consequence of
these incursions an alliance was made between Venkata and
Burhan Nizam Shan of Ahmadnagar against Bijapur. Then
Ibrahim Adil Shah again marched his army towards the South
and laid siege to Penukonda 1. According to Du Jarric,
Venkata in this war against the Sultan of Bijapur, opposed his
enemy with an army of seven hundred thousand infantry and
forty thousand cavalry, besides five hundred elephants 2.
Ferishta relates that on the approach of the Sultan, Venkata
entrusted the command of the place as well as of his army to
one of his nobles and ' retired with his treasures and effects to
the fortress of Chandragiri '. The Muhammadan writer does
not tell us who this noble was, but we feel sure that he was no
other than Mantla Ananta, called at that time ' the right- hand
of the Emperor of Karnata '. The Sidhout inscription referring
to him says that ' in the battle of Penukonda he destroyed the
pride of the Muhammadan Padishah'3. This piece of
information very likely refers to this action.
Ibrahim besieged the city investing it closely for three
months. He was, it seems, determined to remain there, until he
could either take it by storm or compel the besieged general to
surrender. Ferishta relates that at the end of these three
months ' the garrison were nearly submitting for want of provi-
1. Ferishta, III, p. 141, evidently misplaces this event, as we
have previously pointed out. The ruler of Penukonda, Venkatadri,
giving the command of the place to one of his] nobles and retiring to
Ohandragiri, is a fact which cannot be placed in 1576-7, during the
reign of Ranga I, precisely when this sovereign was made prisoner, or
when his capital was so brilliantly defended by Jagadevaraya. Cf.
Ch. XII, Nos. 5 and 6. The misplacement of a page of the MS. may
explain this inoongruenoe. Mr. H. Krishna Saatri, The Third Vijaya-
nagara Dynasty, 1. o. p. 185, and Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, before
us, have acknowledged the anomalous occurrence.
2. Du Jarric, I, p. 653.
3. 8, Kriahnaswami Aiyangar, Sources^ p. $49,
WARS WITH THE MUHAMMADANS 337
sions.' On this point, if we are to rely upon this writer's
authority, Venkata "bribed Handiatum Naik, the chief of the
Bergies, with twenty-four laks of rupees and five elephants, to
desert with his followers from the King and harass his camp".
Accordingly, Handiatum deserted the army of the Sultan, who
was consequently compelled to retreat to his own kingdom,
" leaving Mustafa Khan to protect the frontiers" l.
9. Towards the beginning of the l/th century Vijaya-
nagara was free from the Muhammadan attacks. The Jesuit
letters are silent about the wars between Venkata and the
Sultans of the Deccan, during the remainder of the former's
reign. A great danger for those sovereigns was then rising in
the North. In 1593, after the complete subjugation of the
northern provinces, the Mughal Emperor Akbar had despatch-
ed an army under the command of Prince Murad and Khan
Khanan, to start the conquest of the Deccan. They be-
sieged the city of Ahmadnagar, which was bravely defended
by the gallant Regent Chand Bibi. Ahmadnagar, however,
fell into the hands of Sultan Daniyal, Akbar's third son, seven
years later in 1600 2.
At the same time Akbar, while still before the walls of
Asirgarh, sent an embassy to the Emperor of Vijayanagara 3.
The account of this embassy has never been published
hitherto. The letter of Fr. B.Coutinho which gives this informa-
• 1. Ferishta, III, p. 141. It was probably not long after this event
that Abdul Wahab was deputed by the Bijapur Sultan, with a
powerful army to take the fort of Karnul. He invested the town,
which was then governed by the last of its Hindu rulers, Gopala
Raja, a grandson of Rama Raya, the Regent of Sadasiva. This cbief
stoutly defended the town, which was strongly fortified. He was
assisted, it is said, by a force sent by his relation the Emperor
Venkata. Gopala Raja, however, was eventually forced to yield ; and
he is said to have fled from the town through the northern gateway
of the fort, still known as 'Gopal Darwaza '. Gopala 's palace, even in
its present ruinous state, shows to this day its ancient beauty and
richness. Cf. M. E. R., /P/5-/6, p. 44, para 26.
2. Cf . Smith, Akbar, p. 266-72.
3. Francois Valentyn, Oud en Nieuw Oost-lndien, IV, p. 214,
says that Akbar "captured several cities of the kingdom of
Narsinga (called otherwise Bisnagar and Vidjia Nagaar)". I am
sure that Valentyn's information was not good on this occasion.
He also says that Akbar reached Goa and Calicoet (Calicut), which
is certainly false.
43
338 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
tion is dated Chandragiri, August, 1600, and seems to have
been written during the stay of the ambassador at the court.
Fr. Coutinho does not give the name of the ambassador, but
only states that ' he is a prudent and experienced man '. On
reaching Chandragiri, since there was no building fitted for
receiving such visitors, the official who was responsible for
the entertainment of the ambassadors and their introduction to
the King, asked the Jesuit Fathers to lodge him in their own
house for two days. " We gave him a suitable place," says
Fr. Coutinho, "where he is staying for a month. It is he who
informed us of what our Fathers had done at Achebar's
{ Akbar's) court". The reason why the ambassador of Chandra-
giri stayed so long was that Venkata did not receive him in
audience till he had waited twenty days, " as he (Venkata) had
been warned by his councilors ", says the aforesaid Jesuit, " not
to trust Achebar; because, if those three Muhammadan kings
of Abdenegan or Melique ( Ahmadnagar), Dialcan (Bijapur)
and Mussalepatan (Golkonda) were to submit to him, he would
easily also bring the Bisanagara Empire under his sway. On
hearing this, the King, they say, replied that his kingdom was in
the hands of God, and that ' if He wishes to deprive me, he said,
of my Empire, who will be able to stop Him ? So much is
certain, however, I shall never kiss the feet of a Muhammadan ;
should he come over here, war is sure to follow' ".
At last Akbar's envoy was received by Venkata. He
presented the Emperor with four horses and other gifts on
behalf of his sovereign, but Venkata returned them to the
ambassador ; the sums of money he had brought as a present
were also handed back to him by Venkata's order ' to defray
his expenses'. Fr. Coutinho says nothing of the political
affairs discussed by the Hindu sovereign and the Muhammadan
ambassador ; he only states that the latter was loud in his
praises regarding the Jesuits at his Lord's court, who held
them in great honour *. " The King in his reply, " continues
Coutinho, " said that he, too, was quite pleased with us. More-
1. The Jesuits who were then at Akbar's court were those of
the third expedition, viz. Fr. Jerome Xavier, Fr. Manoel Pinheiro and
Bro, Bento de Goes,
WARS WITH TUB MUHAMMADANS $39
over, he added that he would give us a church, house and
whatsoever we needed " l.
10. The suspicions aroused among the nobles at the court
of Venkata were very well grounded. Fr. Jerome Xavier who
was in Akbar's retinue when he was about to besiege the fort of
Asirgarh in the kingdom of Kandesh, writes that " the purpose
of this journey was to conquer Goa and the Malabar and the
whole kingdom of Bisnaga (Vijayanagara) after having taken
the Deccan kingdoms " 2. And one of the secret purposes of
the embassy to the court of Venkata was probably to examine
the efficiency of his army and the strength of his fortresses, in
order to en able Akbar to plan his intended campaign in the South.
Fr. Xavier informs us that this was Akbar's method of ascer-
taining the enemy's strength. " And for this purpose, (vis. for
conquering Goa), he very often sends some one of his courtiers
to Goa with the title of ambassador. But it is understood
that he is really a spy, sent in order to see either what the
Portuguese are doing or what they are able to do ; and he does
this at the time of the arrival of the ships from Portugal, in
order to estimate how much wealth and how many people have
come " a. The same kind of espionage was probably now
employed in the court of Venkata. Hence Fr. Coutinho rightly
suspected that the formidable army, headed by excellent
generals which Venkata had assembled round him, was for no
other purpose than " for driving back the army of Akbar, and
garrisoning the northern cities and fortresses against the Mughal
invasion " 4.
After a while the fortress of Asirgarh too fell into Akbar's
hands. 5. That event added fresh encouragement to the old
1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July
17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V. Of. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 168.
2. Guerrero Cric), Relation Anual en los anosde 600 y 601, p. 17 ;
Du Jarric, III, p. 43.
3. Guerrero (sic), o. c., p. 2944. Of. Heras, The Emperor Ak
and the Portuguese Settlements, Indo-Portugucse Review, 1924, p. 20.
4. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, Jul&l
17th, 1600, Ap. Ct No. V.
5. Of. Haras, The Siege and Conquest of the Fort of Asirgarli,
1*
340 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Emperor's imperial ambition, which would not be satisfied until
he had the whole of India under his feet ; and accordingly four
years later another embassy was despatched to Venkata's
court, to get fresh information of the Hindu ruler's position.
The annual letter of the Province of Malabar, of the years
1604 — 1606, informs us that the Jesuit Provincial could only be
received by Venkata after some days, because there were at
that time at Chandragiri several embassies waiting for the
King's audience ; and one of these legations was that of the
Mughal Emperor *. Death suddenly cut short the warlike
projects of Akbar in the following year.
II. Another embassy that the Jesuit Provincial found at
Chandragiri in 1604 was one from Ibrahim Adil Shah II of
Bijapur 2. No other information is given about this legation ;
it means however that the two sovereigns, though formerly
irreconcilable foes, became friends in face of the common
enemy. And probably even Bijapur went to the length of
inviting Vijayanagara to form a defensive alliance against the
ambitious schemes of the Mughal Emperor, as she herself had
been invited by the Portuguese Viceroy, with further instructions,
to seek the co-operation of the other Deccani Sultans a. Such an
alliance served no useful purpose ; forty years later we see both
Bijapur and Golkonda taking possession of the territories and
fortresses of Vijayanagara ; and subsequently the great-grand-
son of Akbar, Aurangzeb, also appears on the stage sweeping
away the relics of those two Muslim thrones and obliterating
the ruins of the Hindu Empire.
1. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap.
C, No. XXII.
2. Ibid.
3. Heras, The Portuguese Alliance with the Muhatnmadan Kingdoms
of the Deccan, B. B. R. A.S., I (N.S.), p. 125.
CHAPTER XVII
THE NAYAKSHIP OF MADURA
SUMMARY. — 1. Behaviour of Virappa Nayaka towards Venkata II. —
2. Virappa's death. 3. Short reign of Visvappa Nayaka. — 4
Accession of Krishnappa Nayaka II. Death of Ariyanatha
Mudaliyar. — 5. Krishnappa's piety. His war with Travancore
and relations with the Pandyas. — 6. His rebellion against
Vijayanagara. —7. Death of Krishnappa Nayaka II. Short reign
of Kasturi Rangappa Nayaka. — 8. Accesion of Muttu Krishnappa
Nayaka. His action in the Fishery Coast. — 9 Establishment of
the Dynasty of the Setupatis at Ramnad. — 10. The reign of
Tirumalai Udaiyan Setupati. — 11. Friendly relations between
Muttu Krishnappa and Venkata II. — 12. His successor Muttu
Virappa Nayaka. — 13. War between Madura and Vijayanagara.-
14. War between Madura and Tanjorc.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. — 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. — 2.
Pandy an Chronicle, Supplementary MSS., Mrtyunjaya MSS., History of
t}ie Karnataka Governors, Chronicle of the Acts of the Setupatis. — 3.
Jesuit letters. — 4. Moncoes do Reino (Pangim Archives). — 5. Du
Jarric. — 6. Anquetil du Perron. — 7. Chikkadcvaraya Vamsavali.
THE southern throne was still in possession of the grandson
of Visvanatha, Virappa Nayaka. After the defeat sustained
by his forces in the battle of Vallaprakara at the hands of
Venkata, while Viceroy of the Tamil country *, Virappa
rendered unwilling submission to the Emperor of Vijayanagara,
as several inscriptions of the first years of Venkata's reign
prove. In 1586, Virappa requested and obtained from
Venkata the Dalavay Agraharam plates, by which the
village Ganga Varappatti with other villages around were
given to a number of Brahmans. The plates say that Virappa
was then ' living gloriously * 2. An inscription of 1588 of Ven-
kata himself at Pirammalai, Tiruppattur, Ramnad, shows that
his sovereignty was at that time acknowledged in the Madura
1. Of. Oh. XIII, No. 4.
2. Ep. Ind., XII, p. 187, vv. 41-66 and 67-79.
342 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGAfcA
country 1. Another inscription of the same year, at Erode,
records a grant of Virappa, as Venkata's subordinate 2. In
!59oVenkata, while at Kumbakonam, granted some villages
in the Tinnevelly district to a Vaishnava shrine under the
management of a certain Krishna Das 3 ; this also shows that
his jurisdiction over the Madura country was unquestioned.
Then in 1592 the Emperor made another grant to a temple at
Tirukkurungudi, also in the Tinnevelly district 4. But suddenly
such acknowledgements of Venkata's suzerainty over the South
are no more found. What is the cause of this interruption ?
Prof. Sathyanatha Aiyar says that there is no doubt about
Virappa's loyalty to Venkata 5. But we are sure that on this
occasion the former's rebellion, recorded in the Chikkadevaraya
Vamsavali, took place. Anquetil du Perron says that before the
year 1595, the Madura Nayaka refused to pay due homage to
the Emperor of Vijayanagara on the ground that the latter had
murdered his legitimate sovereign c. This cannot be under-
stood to refer to Virappa's first rebellion which took place about
1583. For then Venkata was merely Viceroy of the Tamil
country ; moreover both sources, the French traveller and the
Hindu poem, state that at the time of this rebellion of the
Madura Nayak, Venkata was already seated on the jewelled
throne of Vijayanagara.
Again, Anquetil du Perron informs us that the first
manifestation of this rebellion was the refusal to pay the
tribute 7. At once " Venkatapati Raya declared war against
Virappa Nayaka of Madura", says the Chikkadevaraya Vamsa-
valtj " and laid siege to the fort of Madura with a large
army" 8. The subseqent details given by this poem are not at all
1. Sewell, I, p. 297 ; Rangacharya, II, p. 1189, 223.
2. 13 of 1891.
3. Sewell, II, p. 3.
4. Ibid., I, p. 315.
5. Sathyanatha Aiyar, History of the Nayaks, p. 81.
6. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 166. This rebellion or the follow-
ing one of Krishnappa II is mentioned in the Litterae Annuae of the
Province of Malabar, 1606-1607, Ap. C, No. XXVI.
7. Ibid.
8. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 302-3.
THE NAYAKSHIP OF MADDRA 343
trustworthy J. But Anquetil du Perron records the forcible
submission of the Nayak before 1595 2, which means a second
defeat of Virappa by the imperial army.
2. In the beginning of September of the same year, 1595
Virappa Nayaka died after a reign of 22 years and several
months3. His last known inscription, dated 1594, records
the building of the temple of Kadirinaga Perumal and of a tank
by his agent 4. During his reign a mandapa was constructed
in the Sundaresvara temple at Madura in 1582 r>; and he is
said to have " levied tribute from every country " 6. His right-
hand man in Government affairs, according to the Pudukkottai
plates of Srivallabha and Varatungarama Pandya, was Tiru-
malairaja 7. This chiefs grandfather was Rama Nayaka, and
his father Timma Nayaka. He was the chief of Chintalapalli,
and a great devotee of the god Sri Ranganatha of Srirangam ;
he was brave in war, generous, just and courteous 8. We have
1. Accorrding to this poem, " Virappa Nayaka managed to bribe
the several generals df the Emperor's army. Tirumala Raya, the
Emperor's nephew, was also one of those who accepted the bribe and,
without continuing the siege of Madura, retired to the capital of his
own viceroyalty to Seringapatam". Dr. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar,
Sources, p. 19 and p. 248, note; and Mr. Richards, Salem Gazetteer,
p. 67, admit this account without further discussion. Of. Sathyanatba
My &r, History of the Nayaks, p. 17; p. 81, note 17, and p. 99, note 9, where
Dr. Krishnaswami gives a similar account of the course of events.
This account is quite inconsistent with the information given by
Anqutil du Perron, viz. the submission of the Nayak, confirmed by
tbe inscriptions of his successor Xrishnappa II, early in 1595. Nei-
ther can we believe that Prince Tirumala was one of the generals of
the army ; for he would have been too young then for such a task.
The whole passage seems to be a poet's concoction for justifying Raja
Wodeyar's capture of Seringapatam. "Hearing of these events",
continues the poem, " the Mysore chief Raja Wodeyar resolved to
drive the traitor Tirumala Raya from his Viceroyalty". 1. c. Now the
poet speaks of this capture of Seringapatam as immediately following
Tirumala's supposed treason in Madura. Fourteen years separate
these two events.
2. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c.
3. Mrtyunjaya MSS., Taylor, O.H.MSS., II, p. 119. Of. Sathyanatha
Aiyar, History of the IXayaks, p. 83.
4. 470 of 1907.
5. 35 of 1908.
6. 470 of 1907.
7. T.AS., I, p. 61-2.
8. Ibid., p. 84, w, 61-67.
344 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
seen him opposing Venkata's army at Vallaprakara. His
activity in the government of Madura was probably due to the
old age of Ariyanatha Mudaiiyar.
Virappa continued his predecessor's policy with the
Pandyas. About 1583, his officer Tirumalairaja obtained from
Srivallabha and Varatungarama Pandya the grant of the village
of Pudukkottai for a number of Brahmans *. The whole text
of the grant shows a most intimate friendship between the
Madura Nayak and the representatives of the old rulers of the
Pandya country.
3. Periya Virappa Nayaka " had three sons, who were
named respecively Visvappa Naicher, Kumara Krishnappa
Naicher, and Kasturi Rangappa Naicher. Among these,
Visvappa Naicher was crowned " 2. Thus does the History of
the Karnataka Governors announce the succession to the throne
of Madura after the death of Virappa Nayaka. We can no longer
entertain any doubt about the existence of this intermediate
king between Virappa and Krishnappa II. The Supplementary
MSS. also mention Visiappa or Visvappa as having ruled after
the death of his father, and as having been succeeded by his
younger brother, Kumara Krishnappa 3. His statue under the
name of Visvama Nayaka may also be seen, though misplaced,
among the statues of the Nayaks, in the famous Tirumala's Pudu
Mandapa at Madura4. The aforesaid History states that 'his
brother Kumara Krishnappa Naicher was second to him in
power '. This does not mean that both brothers were Kings, as
Mr. Rangachari assumes fl. Only one, Visvappa, is said to
have been crowned ; while Krishnappa was, during the life of
his brother, only Chinna Dorai, 'associated in the government*.
1. Ibid., p. 84, vv. 68-77.
2. Taylor, O. H. MSS., II, p. 25.
3. Ibid., I, p. 205. In one of Mrtyunjaya MSS., Ibid., II, p. 260,
Visvappa is called the younger brother of Krishnappa II.
4. The inscription over the fourth of these statues is damaged
and illegible ; but it cannot be other than the name of Visvanatha,
Periya Krishnappa's brother. Cf, Heras, The Statues of the Nayaks of
Madura, Q.J. M. S., XV, p. 212.
5. Rangacbari, History of the Naik Kingdom,, Ind. Ant, XLV, p.
81.
THE NAYAKSHIP OF MADURA 345
Visvappa Nayaka's reign must have been short. The Tamil
chronicles mentioned above do not give any date ; but since
Krishnappa is mentioned in the future inscriptions we may
conclude that Visvappa's reign had ended. In an inscription
of l696Kumara Krishnappa appears as ruling over Madura 1 ;
and in a copper-plate grant of 1597 the same Kumar a Krishnappa
is styled ' the Pandya King ' 2.
4. "After this", says the History of the Karnataka
Governors^ "the crown devolved on Kumara Krishnappa
Naicher, and Kasturi Rangappa Naicher was his second in
power" 3. Kasturi was then only 'associated in the Govern-
ment/ The most notable event that occurred during the reign
of Krishnappa II was the death of his minister, Ariyanatha
Mudaliyar. While Krishnappa was ruling, Ariyanatha is said,
in the Mrtyunjaya MSS., to have 'delivered up both seal-rings
to his lord and obtained the world of Siva (/. <?. died) ' 4. The
date given by this chronicle corresponds to April IQth, I $88,
which is clearly wrong, as the same MSS. place his demise in
the reign of Kumara Krishnappa II. Prof. Sathyanatha Aiyar
gives the year 1600 as an approximate date for Ariyanatha's
end 5.
We read in the Mrtyunjaya MSS. that Ariyanatha Mudali-
yar "held the united offices of minister and generalissimo during
four reigns, or thirty-eight years and nine months" 6. I feel
sure that the power and efficiency of Ariyanatha in the Govern-
ment of Madura have been hitherto exaggerated. Mr. Ranga-
chari describes him as the real sovereign of the southern
country T. Such a mistake comes probably from Ariyanatha's
account in the Mrtyunjaya MSS. That document is a
1. 404 of 1907. ~~
2. Sewell, II, p. 19.
3. Taylor, O. H. MSS., II, p. 25. Kumara Krishnappa's statue is
placed in Tirumala's choultrie before the one of Visvappa, under the
name of Lingama Nayaka, which seems to be another name of
Kumara Krishnappa. Of. Nelson, p. 107.
4. Ibid., p. 119.
5. Sathyanatha Aiyar, History of the Nayaks, p. 86.
6. Taylor, o. c., II, p. 119.
7. Rangachari, o. c., Ind. Ant., XLV, p. 91.
44
346 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
panegyric on this minister very far from the truth, as we have
already remarked a little above. The story of his appointment
as Emperor of Vijayanagara by the dying sovereign Rama Raya
on the battlefield of Raksas-Tagdi, and of the subsequent
undertakings of Ariyanatha, is evidently false. Such a document
is not at all trustworthy when praising its hero, specially as
there is absolutely no evidence of his dominating influence.
Moreover the silence of the inscriptions about him, specially in
the reign of Virappa Nayaka (who is described by Mr. Ranga-
chari as a puppet in the minister's hands) is worth considering
while writing the history of Madura. I am however far
from denying ^he general influence of Ariyanatha throughout
the Pandya country as the prime minister of four successive
Nayaks. His architectonic works are still an enduring proof of
his efficiency in his post. The Mrtyunjaya AfSS., say that
he 'constructed thousand-pillared choultries in Madura,
Tinnevelly and other places ' *. His equestrian statue at the
entrance of the thousand-pillared mandapa of the famous temple
at Madura is the most evident proof of Ariyanatha's power,
under the first Nayak of Madura.
5. Krishnappa Nayaka II is said, in the Vellangudi
plates of Venkata II, to have been a very pious monarch : "He
gave to the god Rangapati a kavacha studded with precious
stones, a similarly bejewelled ushnisha, yellow silk garments,
neck-laces, crown, earrings, waist-zones, and presented him
further with villages and gardens, and made arrangements for
the celebration of car festivals and the daily services. He set
up a number of lights in the presence of the god Sundara
Nayaka; made arrangements for bathing the image of the god in
milk and for the car festival... He performed the ceremony of
weighing himself against gold... he founded agraharas for
Brahmans and protected them ; he paid the Brahmans enough
money to enable them thereby to redeem their lands situated in
the countries of other kings, which were mortgaged for the pur-
poses of paying taxes" 2.
Fr. Pimenta, who knew him person ally, gives another proof
1. Taylor, o.c., II, p. 111.
8, Ef. Ind., XVI, p. 320,
THE NAYAKSH1P OF MADURA 347
of his piety. " Hee daily sits in judgment," says he, "a Bramene
standing by, which ever and anone whinet out the name of the
I doll Aranganassa (Ranganatha) ; and when one is weary
another succeedeth and continueth that exclamation, though
hee sits six houres " !.
In the same Vellangudi plates, and again in the Padmaneri
grant of Venkata II, he is called ' the conqueror or taker of
the army of Panchar Tiruvadi ' 2- Fr. Pimenta, the Jesuit
Visitor who, in the year 1596, passed through Travancore,
relates that the king of Travancore had "certified to us that
the king of Madura was coming against him with seventy
thousand armed men and many elephants " \ Three years
later, in 1599, when the Archbishop ofGoa, Frey Aleixo de
Menezes, was in Malabar, he. could not meet the king of
Travancore, who " was at the frontier of his kingdom, defending
it against the attacks of the Nayque of Madura (the Madura
Nayak)"4. The same account states a little later that this
war was made towards the South of the Travancore kingdom 5.
We do not know the result of this war, which was probably
due to the refusal of the Travancore king to pay the
tribute ; but we deduce that the Madura Nayak was victorious,
from the fact that Fr. Barradas, writing from Cochin on
December 1 2th, 1616, says that the king of Travancore is under
the Nayak of Madura 6.
The relations between the Pandyas and the ruling family
of Madura continued most friendly. The Pandya prince
Abhirama Ativirarama, had a chief named Ayyakarappa, son
of Peddappa and grandson of Nagama Nayaka, who bore the
title of Kanchipuradhisa, being probably a nephew of Visvanatha
Nayaka. At his request the aforesaid Pandya granted two
1. From Fr. N. Pimonta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 219.
2. Vellangudi plates of Venkata II, Ej>. Ind., XVI, p. 320;
Padmaneri grant,of Venkata II, Ibid., p. 227, vv. 67-77.
3. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p.
206. Cf. Du Jarric, I, p. 627.
4. Gouvea, lornada do Arcebispo dc Goa, p. 37.
5. Ibid., p. 95 back.
6. Sewell, p. 230.
348 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
villages, Muvaraikondram and Sattaleri, naming them Ped-
dappanayaksamudram, to sixty-nine Brahmans, on October
2nd, 1593 i. Some years later the same Pandya, at the request
of Ramakrishnappa Nayaka who was ' sitting on the lion throne
of Vailabha Narendra, ' granted the village oi Nadikkudi, under
the name of Ativiraramapura, to a number of Brahmans -.
Ativirarama acknowledged the sovereignty of Venkata II, as
an inscription of the year 1595, recording a grant of a piece of
land to three private persons, proves 3.
6. In the beginning of his reign Krishnappa II appears as
faithful feudatory of Venkata II. In 1597 Venkatapati, at the
request of Krishnappa Nayaka, who is styled ' King Krishna,
the Pandya King ', issued a grant of the two villages Marudan-
gudi and Karupuram in the Madura district to several
1. Catalogue of Copper-Plate Grants in the Government Museum,
Madras, p. 33.
2. Dalavay Agrabaram plates of Ativirarama Pandya, T. A. S.,
I, p. 134 ; Sewell, II, p. 31.
3. 615 of 1915. The above-mentioned account of the travels of
Archbishop Menezes through Malabar gives some interesting details
about this Pandya King and his dealings with the Christians. He is
called by Fr.Gouvea Punhati Perumal, but must be identified with Ati-
virarama, the then ruling Pandya, because of the following words of
the same author : "Oqual Rey foy antigamente senhor do Pande
(Pandya), mas co guerras que teue com o Naique de Manduree, veyo
a estas serras, & na falda dellas comprou muitas serras (terras?) ao
Rcy de Tecacutes (?) aonde agora mora, posto que inda Ihe obedecem
algus pouos no Pande". It happened at this time that a tribe called
of the Mallcas, who were under his dominion, wished to become
Christians. They requested an olla from the Pandya King, securing
them from molestation on account of their conversion. The olla was
duly obtained through the influence of an old Christian who ' was
the chairman of his council '. This olla caused great excitement
among the courtiers and Brahmans of the Pandya sovereign. They
told him thai the neighbouring kings were ready to wage war with
him, if the olla were not cancelled ;and the king of Turugure (a palai-
yakaran) would also cause damage to the Pandya King's territory, by
diverting the course of a river that was the source of much fertility
to it. The mother of the Pandya sovereign was the first to try this
olla revoked; but the King always replied that (he would never revoke
THE NAYAKSHIP OF MADURA 349
Vaishnava Brahmans ». In 1598 Krishnappa obtained from
Venkata, who is acknowledged the paramount sovereign and
original donor, the village of Padmaneri, surnamed Tirumalam-
bapuram, for a number of Brahmans, most of whom were well
versed in the Vedas -. In this grant of Venkata, Kumar a
Krishnappa is called ' Lord of the southern Ocean ' 3. In the
same year the Emperor, again at the request of Krishnappa,
granted as an agrahara to a large number of Brahmans and
Brahman ladies, the village of Vellangudi with five others
around it 4. But in the year 1599 Krishnappa II again with-
held the payment of tribute ; and Venkata himself had to march
against him. " Hee (Venkata) ", says Fr Pimenta, "was now
embroiled in warre with the Naichus of Madure " 5.
Fr. Du Jarric gives some more information about this war.
From his narrative, it is certain that Venkata himself took
the supreme command of his army against the Nayak of Madura.
Probably one of his generals was Matta Ananta, who is said in
the Sidhout inscription of 1605 to have 'led the campaign
against the king of Madura'6. Krishnappa, seeing himself
unable to fight against the imperial army, agreed to an un-
what he had once promised to Archbishop Menezes '. As a matter of
fact, some subjects of the Pandya King, called Mouros (Muhammadans)
by Qouvea, proceeded to the court of the king of the Tecankutes
(sic), and finally succeeded in inducing this chief to threaten Punhati
Perumal. A letter of the former against Pcrumal is mentioned by
Gouvea, but no action between them is recorded. Most likely the
Pandya sovereign apologized, and the false accusations of his subjects
were unmasked. Gouvea relates that the Christian church of the
Malleas was finally completed in spite of great difficulties. Gouvea,
lornada do Arccbispo de Goa, p. 82 back.
1. Sewell, II, p. 19 ; Rangacharya, II, p. 1002, 91.
2. Ep. fnd., XVI, p. 288-9, and p. 297, vv. 45-57.
3. Ibid., p. 297, vv. 67-77.
4. Ibid., p. 320.1, and p. 302.
5 From Fr.N. Pimenta, tp Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 210.
6. Af. E. R.t 1916, para 75. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p.
248*9, translates this passage as follows : " He protected the flying
armies of the Madura chief from destruction/* This version is incon-
sistent with the loyalty of this chief.
350 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
conditional submission to Venkata. He was on this occasion
made to pay something more than the usual annual tribute, viz.
twelve millions of gold coins ; for to the ordinary tribute was
added a war indemnity J.
7. After a short reign, Krishnappa Nayaka II died between
May and June of 1601, according to the Mrtyunjaya MSS.Z.
Muhammad Sharif Hanafi, who was at this time travelling
through southern India, informs us that a few days after his
arrival at Madura, "the ruler died and went to the lowest hell.
This chief, " he continues, " had 700 wives, and they all threw
themselves at the same time into the fire " 8. An ins-
cription of 1600 at Sermadevi seems to be the last one of his
reign ; it mentions Murti Settiyar, an agent of Krishnappa
Nayaka 4. He had been seriously ill in the beginning of his
reign, about the end of 1597. After his recovery he retired to a
country house, in a delightful place far from the crowds of the
city, ostensibly for the sake of health 5. But Fr. Pimenta,
who passed through Madura a little after Krishnappa's retire-
ment, gives another reason : " The Naichus of Madure is very
superstitious, and resigned his Palace to his Idol Chichanada
upon the authority of a Priest who said the Idol by night
had bidden him tell the King that he or I must dwell in this
house " e.
Krishnappa II had a son ; but according to the Pandyan
Chronicle he had died before his father \ There was also a
1. Du Jarric, I, p. 685-6.
2. Taylor, O. //. MSS., II, p. 119. Cf. Sathyanatha Aiyar, o. c., p.
87.
- 3. Majalisu-s Salatin, Elliot, VII, p. 139. The author does not
give the date of his visit to Madura. Anyhow wo know that the work
was compiled in his old age in 1628. Now in his journey to Madura ho
was accompanied by his father. Hence he could not be then more
than 35 years of age. Now supposing that lie was about 60 when his
book was compiled, he was about 33 when Krishnappa Nayaka II died.
We therefore conclude that this Krishnappa Nayaka was the ruler
referred to by Sharif Hanafi.
4. 717 of 1916.
5. Da Jarric, I, p. 649.
6. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 219.
7. Taylor, o. c., I, p. 38.
THE NAYAKSHIP OF MADURA s 351
son of the eldest brother, Visvappa } ; but since he was a
child 2, or perhaps, a young man, his uncle * Kasturi Rangappa
Naicher was crowned ' :{. Thus docs the History of the Kar-
nataka Governors announce the successor to the throne of
Madura after the death of Krishnappa II. Both the Pandyan
Chronicle 4 and the Supplementary MSS., support this 5; and no
confirmation was needed from Kasturi's statue, which stands in
Tirumala's choultrie at Madura immediately before the one of
Mutu Krishnappa.
We cannot say how long Kasturi's reign lasted. Both
the Supplementary MSS., fi and the History of the Karnataka
Governors 1 affirm that he reigned seven years ; but then
there would be no room for Muttu Krishnappa, his nephew,
who died in 1608. Hence we prefer to admit the authority
of the Pandyan Chronicle, which also gives more details
about his end. According to it "Kasturi Rangappa, after
having been crowned, died eight days after wards... on the
opposite bank (of the river Vygai), wheie he was residing" 8.
8. After Kasturi's death Muttu Krishnappa Nayaka, son
of Visvappa Nayaka, ascended the Pandya throne 9. One of
the first things intended by the new King of Madura in
1603-4 was to oppress with new taxes the Paravas of the
Fishery Coast. During the reign of Krishnappa Nayaka II
these poor Christians had been tyranically treated by two
1. Mrtyunjaya MSS., Taylor, o.c., II, p. 260; Kuniyur plates of Ven-
kata III, Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 239. The Pandyan Chronicle does not state
whose son he was. The History of the Karnataka Governors \ Taylor, o.c.,
II, p. 25, and the Supplementary MSS., Ibid., 1, p. 206, make him son of
Krishnappa Nayaka II. The first opinion seems however the most
founded.
2. Supplementary MSS., Taylor, o.c., I, p. 206 ; History of the Karna-
taka Governors, Ibid., II, p. 25.
3. History of the Karnataka Governors, 1. c.
4. Taylor, o. c., I, p. 38.
5. Ibid., p. 206.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid., II, p. 25.
8. Ibid., I, p. 38.
9. Pandyan Chronicle, Ibid., History of the Karnataka Governors,
Ibid., II, p. 26; Supplementary MSS., Ibid., I, p. 206,
352 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Palaiyakarans of the neighbourhood. One is styled in th
Jesuit sources 'King of Tuticurin1. The Paravas of the
neighbourhood also used to pay him an annual tribute. But
when this chief demanded from the poor folk of Tuticorin a
heavier sum, the latter refused to pay it. The petty king could
not brook such a flagrant breach of obedience. He marched
his army against Tuticorin, entered it by surprise, sacked the
whole town, robbed the College of the Jesuits and destroyed
the altars and images of their Church. The Father who was
then in the College, and whose name is not given, was captured
by the soldiers of the so-called king and carried to their
capital, where he was kept in captivity till a ransom of four
thousand cruzados was paid by the Paravas. Now these
much-vexed people demanded from the Palaiyakaran some
sort of amends for the injuries done both to them and
to the Catholic Church. But the chief was rather inclined
not to trouble himself as far as this satisfaction was concerned.
On seeing this the Paravas of Tuticorin abandoned their city,
and proceeded in a body to the little island called 'of the Kings/
a league from the sea-shore, where they settled. Later on
fortifications were built round the island, by the license of the
Viceroy Ayres de Saldanha l. Naturally the escape of
the Paravas from the continent was not a welcome news to the
covetous Nayak of Madura. But another event, that followed
soon after still more infuriated the Madura sovereign.
The Palaiyakaran of Vigiabadi (Vijayapati), named Ariya
Perumal, was likewise heavily oppressing the Paravas that
inhabited the tract between Cape Comorin and Manapadu.
Once he besieged the village of Obari and took all its
inhabitants prisoners to his capital. The Paravas could
not stand such a humiliation. They secretly resolved
to attack Vijayapati by night, in order to take revenge
on the extortions of their tyrants. Early in October, 1602,
the chiefs and promoters of the expedition, with 300 young
men well equipped, (who were not yet cognizant of the
purpose of the enterprise), embarked at Manapadu on six
1. Guexreiro, Relacam Annal...no ano de 606. 6- 607, p. 607. Of.
Besse, La Mission du Madure, p. 409-10,
THE NAYAKSHIP OF MADURA 353
boats. A tremendous storm dispersed the boats before
they reached their destination, and at the break of day only
two of them had arrived at the shores of Vijayapati. The
garrison of the town was sleeping. Ariya Perumal himself and
his nobles, who had held a festivity till the small hours in the
morning, were also in a sound sleep. The brave Paravas crossed
the ditch and entered the town without opposition and
pitilessly slew ail they came accross. On hearing of the
attack Ariya Perumal left his palace and hid himself in one of
the houses of the town. There he was finally found. It seems
he begged to be brought alive as a prisoner to the presence of
the missionary at Manapadu ; but his request was not granted,
and he was barbarously slain. His head was cut off and brought
to Manapadu as a glorious trophy of that campaign. The
Jesuit letter which affords this information states that not even
one of the Parava heroes was wounded on that occasion l.
Muttu Krishnappa Nayaka could not leave such a crime
unpunished. An extraordinary heavy tribute of 200,000
cruzados was exacted from the poor Paravas the same year. To
obtain it he despatched a body of 5.0OO infantry with a number
of cavalry and elephantry, under a captain. This detachment
went straight to Tuticorin, which had been abandoned some
months before. The captain then sent for one of the Jesuits who
were in the island called of the kings. The Jesuit actually came,
but replied that the Paravas could not pay such a large sum of
money. On hearing this the captain gave orders that one of
the neighbouring villages should be attacked. They did so, but
at the same time the Portuguese captain of the island of Manar,
who was then in the island of the kings with two galliots full
of soldiers, proceeded with them to the sea-shore of Tuticorin
and began an attack on the Hindu temple built near the city.
All the priests and devotees of that shrine then ran to the Telugu
captain begging for mercy, lest their temple should be destroy-
ed. Shortly after pourparleurs were opened between the Jesuit
missionery and the captain of the Nayak, which ended
in the latter's retreat to Madura with his soldiers 2.
1. Besse, o. c., 404-7.
2. Ibid., p. 407-8. The Jesuit letters mentioned two other
45
354 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
These facts show how strange was the situation of these
poor folks of the Fishery Coast. Oppressed with taxes and
depredations by their natural lords, they had to be protected
by a foreign people, whose sovereign in Europe took great in-
terest in their welfare. When that monarch was informed of this
new exaction, he wrote to his Viceroy as follows : "Manoel de
Cunha, father of the Christians of the Fishery Coast, I re-
commend you to help those Christians as much as possible, and
to employ all possible means to hinder the said Naique from
making such extortions any more" l.
This information, referring to the control of the Nayak of
Madura over the Fishery Coast, is confirmed both by the fact
that Muttu Krishnappa's son, jjrtuttu Virappa, made a gift of
land to the Bhagavati temple at Cape Comorin in 1606 2, and
by Fr.A. Laerzio's letter of November 20th, 1609, describing the
Paravas as tributaries of the Madura Nayak and the latter as
the ally of the Portuguese 3.
9. Muttu Krishnappa is said to have been the founder of the
Setupatis of Ramnad in the Marava country.. According to the
Pandyamandala Cholamandala Tondamandala Rajakalthe Marava
people were originally a colony of fishermen from Ceylon, who
settled at Rameswaram as well as on the opposite coast 4. In
the early times, when the Chakravartins flourished, seven persons
from among the inhabitants of the Ramnad coa^t were
irruptions of the Badagas into the Fishery Coast, in 1603 and 1604.
Cf. Besse, o. c,, p. 409-10 and 411. A new vexation of Muttu Krish-
nappa Nayaka is recorded in the Jesuit letters of 1607, on the ccasion
of the shipwreck of a Portuguese boat near the island of the kings.
Cf. Guerreiro, o. c.,p. 109-10; Besse, o. CM p. 412-5.
1. From King Phillip III to the Viceroy Marti m Affonso de
Castro, Lisbon, February 26th, 1605, Ap. B, No. VIII.
2. Cf. Nagam Aiya, The Travancore State, I, p. 302.
3. Bertrand, La Mission du Mature, II, p. 2. Cf. Guerreiro,
o. c., p. 107-8.
4. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 207. The poem adds that
they were settled there by Rama after the conquest of Lanka, to
guard the temple and protect the pilgrims; this cannot be admitted
by history until proved.
THE NAYAKSHIP OF MADURA $5$
appointed to be its guardians !. They had been under
the Pandya kings ; but at the time of the Muhammadan
invasion they attained their independence 2, and several
famous princes had since ruled over the Marava nation.
Udaiyan Setupati in 1434 built the outer surrounding walls of
the western gopuras of the Rameswaram temple ; and about
1540 Tirumalai Setupati erected the southern half of the second
prakara of the same temple, finished by his son Raghunatha
Tirumalai Setupati \ Their main task was to watch over
the causeway leading to Rameswaram and to protect the
pilgrims. But after the conquest of the South by Visvanatha
Nayaka the Setupatis had lost their old authority, and
were mingled with the other palaiyakarans of the South. Muttu
Krishnappa gave that house a considerable strip of land in the
Marava country ; and this is the reason why he is considered
the founder of that dynasty. This is how it happened.
The History of the Karnataka Governors relates that the
chief guru of Muttu Krishnappa, who was invested with the
title of Kartarkal or lord, went once on a pilgrimage to
Rameswaram. Udiyan Sethopathi (Udaiyan Setupati), a
descendant of the old Setupatis 4, whose task was to pro-
tect the pilgrims going to Rameswaram, was then living in
the village of Pugalur. " He escorted the chief guru safely to
Ramiseram (Rameswaram), without allowing him to suffer any
insult or molestation on the way ; and in like manner he also
safely conducted him back again to Madura. Being greatly
pleased with this attention, the chief guru introduced him as
a skilful guide and safeguard on the road to Sethu". Con-
sequently the chief was then presented by the Nayak with a
number of villages, along with an honorary robe and various
ornaments. On returning to Pugalur he built a fort there ; and
1. Chronicle of the Acts of the Setupatis, Taylor, 0. H. A/55., II, Ap.,
p. 49.
2. Cf. Ch. VI, No. 3.
3. Burgess, p. 57. Cf. Sewell, II, p. 227.
4. His father, or perhaps one of his relations, was one
Muthuviraja Raghunatha Setupati, who in 1604 settled a dispute bet-
ween two parties in the Ramnad country. 11 of 1911; Burgess,
p. 62-3. Cf. Rangacharya, II, p. 1170,105.
356 THE ARAV1DU DYNASTY OP VIJAYANAGARA
assembling some forces, subdued all the turbulent country around
and reduced them to his own sovereignty. He collected a con-
siderable sum of money from taxes levied upon the newly-
subdued people, and brought it over to the Madura Nayak.
Muttu Krishnappa was greatly pleased with such activity, and
accordingly " gave him an unrestricted grant to subdue addi-
tional people ; instructed him to see to the forest-lands, which
yielded no revenue, that these be cleared and cultivated ; and
wrote letters to the people commanding their submission to his
Viceroy." Udaiyan Sethupati went back to his country, and
without delay took possession of a greater tract of land,
and divided the revenue into two parts, of which he kept
one for himself and sent the other to the Madura king.
Then Muttu Krishnappa sent for him and invested him
with the title of Setupati, or chief of Setu, " bestowing on him
elephants and horses, with vestments and ornaments ; and also
gave him some banners or ensigns of dignity ; and in Madura
had him consecrated to his viceroyalty, by the sprinkling of the
water of the Ganges " l. This ceremony took place, accor-
ding to the Chronicle of the Acts of the Setupatis, in A. D. 1606 2.
10. The History of the Karnataka Governors tells us that
"Udiyan Sethopathi built a mud fort at Ramanathapuram
(Ramnad), and ruled after the fashion of a king" 3. And "the
other six persons, who were also guardians, were included in
his government and, together with all the inhabitants, yielded
their consent " 4.
One of the first measures of the new Raja of Ramnad, as
he is called in some inscriptions, was to make a gift of five
villages to the temple of Ramanatha and Parvatavardhani at
Rameswaram for worship and offerings, on November 20th,
1606 5. Then in a copper-plate, dated July 8th, 1607, Dalavay
Setupati Kattadeva records another gift of eight villages near
1. Taylor, o. c., II, p. 27-9.
2. Ibid., Ap., p. 49.
3. Ibid., p. 29.
4. Ibid., ApM p. 49.
5. Catalogue of Copper-Plate Grants in the Government Museum,
Madras, p. 37.
THE NAYAKSHIP OF MADURA 357
Pamban to the same temple for the regular performance of the
puja and of offerings \ Some days after, on the I7th of the
same month, he gave a plot of land in the island of Rameswaram
to a servant of the Ramanathaswami's temple 2. Then in the
year 1607, he made a gift of lands to the people ' of the five
countries' who served as priests and cooks in the Rameswaram
temple *. These grants prove the care of the newly-
appointed Setupati for the performance of the Hindu rites on
that famous spot, of which he had been nominated the guardian.
An inscription of his of the following year 1608 at Rames-
waram gives the list of his titles, which will appear again in
some grants of his successors. Tirumalai Udaiyan Setupati is
there styled " the lord of the city of Tevai ; the responsible
agent for the protection of the Setu embankment ; the responsi-
ble agent for the charities of Ramanathaswami, who is actively
engaged in worshipping Siva; the chief of all other kings ; the
destroyer of the army of the Ariyaraya, who cuts into a thou-
sand pieces and three thousand pieces those failing in the
correctness of their language ; who conquers all the country
that he sees and never gives back a country once conquered ;
the punisher of Muvaraya, the lord of the valorous and the
fertile country, the protector of the Brahmans studying the
Vedas ; who has put down the pride and prosperity of the valor-
ous and inimical Yavana kings " 4.
During his time, in 1608 according to an inscription at
Ramesvaram, the temple of Ramalingesvara was built 5 ; and
it was at this time too that the sage Ramanatha, as other
inscriptions testify, repaired the main temple at Ramesvaram 6
and constructed the Kotitirtha mandapa in the same temple 7.
1. Ibid., p. 37 ; Sewell, II, p. 50 ; Burgess, p. 60-8.
2. Catalogue, p. 38. Cf. Burgess, p. 75-8.
3. Burgess, p. 65-6; Rangacharya, II, p. 1170, 110.
4. Sewell, II, p. 6, Burgess, p. 65-66.
5. 102 of 1903.
6. Burgess, p, 59 ; Rangacharya, II, p. 1168, 78.
7. 100 of 1900. The same Ramanatha had built in 1598 the Adal-
mandapa in front of the central shrine of the Ramalingesvara temple
at Ramesvaram. 99 of 1903.
358 THE ARAVlbU DYtfASTV OF VIJAYANAGARA
II. The relations between Muttu Krishnappa and the
Emperor seem to have been of mutual friendship and under-
standing. A. grant of Venkata II of the year 1601, to the
Bhasyakata shrine in the Madanagopal temple of Madura,
proves these relations to have been such from the beginning of
his reign *. Then an inscription of 1606 at Villapuram, outside
the dominions of Madura, records a gift of a garden as a
reward to Muttu Krishnappa Nayaka 2. Finally a coin which
probably belongs to Muttu Krishnappa, is a proof , of the same.
It bears on the obverse a standing figure of Vishnu with a fish
the symbol of the Pandya kingdom — on his right; and on the
reverse this inscription : 'Venkatapa ' :*.
Moreover in September, 1604, Venkata II received in
audience a special envoy of the Nayak of Madura, as a Jesuit
letter of the year 1906 tells us «. And in 1608, the last year of
Muttu Krishnappa's reign, another of his embassies reached
Venkata's court. Fr. Coutinho, who was himself present at the
public audience, gives in one of his letters a detailed account
of the ceremony: " A very few days ago", he wrote on October
Ilth, 1608, "the Naiques of Tangier and Madura sent their
tribute consisting of 500 thousand cruzados and many sorts of
presents to the King. In order to receive these (things), (the
King) dressed himself as on the days of great celebration,
with many ornaments of gold and precious stones. The one
he bore on his chest was valued at a hundred thousand
cruzados. We were present at this ceremony by a special
privilege and permission of the King" 5.
1. 35 of 1908.
2. 326 of 1917.
3. Hultzsch, Coins of the Kings of Vijayanagam^ Ind. Ant.,
XX, p. 308, No. 37. Of. Ind. Ant., XLV, p. 104, and Brown, The Coins
of India, p. 64.
4. Litterac Annuae of tbc Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C,
No XII.
5. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Velloro, October
lltb, 1608. Ap. C,No. XXIII. It may be seen from this how groundless
is tbe statement of Sewell, p. 220 : "The Nayaks of Madura and
Tanjore became independent in 1602."
THE NAYAKSHIP OF NADURA 359
12. Muttu Krishnappa must have died either at the end
of this year or in the beginning of the following year 1609 ; for
there is an inscription of the first half of this year recording a
gift of money to celebrate certain festivals for the merit of
Muttu Virappa Nayaka, his successor l. This was the
eldest of the three sons of Muttu Krishnappa ; the other
two, according to the History of the Karnatdka Governors,
were named Tirumali Naicker (who was destined to become
famous in the history of southern India) and Kumara Muttu-
Naicher *. Of these three Muttu Virappa succeeded his
father 3.
Following the wise policy of his father, the new Madura
ruler continued on good terms with Venkata II during the
first years of his reign. An inscription in Madura belonging to
the year 1609 records that Venkatapatidevaraya, at the request
of Muttu Virappa Nayaka, made a gift of the village of
Nagenalluru, surnamed Mudduviramahipalasamudra, on the
northern bank of the Kaveri river, to Brahmans. The Nayak
divided the village into 82 shares and distributed them to
several learned Brahmans on November 1 3th 4.
13. But suddenly these mutual relations appear to have
been broken. No more inscriptions are found showing the
names of the Emperor and his Nayak together; the latter
does not acknowledge his overlord any more. Early in 1610 a
gift of land of his to the temple at Ambasamudram, Tinnevelly5,
1. 87 of 1905.
2. Taylor, o.c., II, p. 29. 1 do not know why Prof. Sathyanathu
Aiyar, History of the Nayaks, p. 97, does not accept the existence of this
third son of Muttu Krishnappa. The Mrtyunjaya MSS., Taylor, II,
p. 260, and the Supplementary MSS., Ibid., I, p. 206, do not mention him
because they only give the list of the Madura kings. The same must
be said of the Kuniyur plates of Venkata III. Ep. Ind., III, p. 239.
Silence in this case is not a good proof, when other sources mention
Muttu Krishnappa's third son.
3. Supplementary MSS., Taylor, I, p. 206 ; Mrtyunjaya MSS., Ibid.,"
p. 260; History of the Kamataka Governors, Ibid., II, p. 29.
4. 9, Ap. A of 1906 ; Catalogue of Copper-Plate Grants in the Govern-
ment Museum, Madras, p. 55 ; Rangacharya, II, p. 1003, 95.
5. 122 of 1907.
360 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
and an exemption from taxes of the Mudaliyar servants
of the Sokkanatasvami temple at Madura1 are both recorded,
without mentioning Venkata. The same policy is followed in
the inscriptions of the following years. In 1612 a gift was
made in Tinnevelly for the merit of Muttu Virappa Nayakkar * ;
in 1613 an inscription in honour of the same Muttu Virappa
was carved in the greatest gopura of the Perumal temple
at Madura 3 ; in neither of these does the name of the Emperor
of Vijayanagara appear.
Fr. A. Proenza, writing from Trichinopoly to Fr. General,
G. Nickel, in 1659, said: "Tirumala Nayaka, who rules now,
walking in the footsteps of his father resolved to free himself 4.
We have seen that Tirumala's father always remained
loyal to the Emperor. Beyond doubt Proenza took Tirumala's
predecessor as his father; and this means, that Muttu Virappa
Nayaka also 'resolved to free himself. Fr. Vico, writing from
Madura in 1611, says that the Nayak was not punctual in pay-
ing the tribute ; often would he postpone the payment ;
sometimes he even refused it with insolence. "In that case",
continues the Jesuit, "the Bisnagar (the Emperor) comes or
sends one of his generals at the head of a hundred men, to
make them pay ail the arrears with interest" 5.
One of these rebellions took place in the beginning of
1610. Very likely Venkata did not lead the army which
marched against the rebel Nayak. At this time he is described
by both the Jesuit and the Portuguese sources as a very old, and
a valetudinarian. Matla Ananta or Venkatapati Nayaningaru
might have held the supreme command : the latter, in an inscrip-
tion of 1612-3, is 'called the conqueror of the territory called Pan-
chapandya' i.e. the kingdom of Madura 6. The result of this
1. Burgess, p. 109-10. ^
2. 123 of 1907.
3. Sewell, I, p. 293.
4. From Fr. A. Proenza to Fr. G. Nickel, Trichinopoly, 1659,
Bertrand, La Mission du Madure, III, p. 42.
5. From Fr.A. Vico to Fr. A. Laerzio, Madura, August 30th,
1911, Bertrand, o. c., II, p, 124.
6. Butterworth, I, p. 246.
THE NAYAKSHIP OF MADURA 36!
fight was the same as on the previous occasions: Muttu Virappa
was defeated by the army of Venkata, and compelled to pay a
heavier tribute, summing up the arrears and the war indemnity.
Fr. Roberto de Nobili, writing from Madura on December I2th,
.1610, to Fr. Laerzio, says as follows : "A certain notable
Pandara said to one of my Christians these last days that the
coming of the King of Bisnaga was the destruction of the
Naiche, just as my stay in this country was the destruction of the
Pandaras" !. The saying referred to in this letter proves
evidently both that the war was over at the end of the same
year, and that its result was satisfactory to the Vijayanagara
Emperor. The same is meant by Fr. Vico's letter, which says
that the poor people had to pay for the fault of the prince : "ail
the country is laid waste and people are plundered or
massacred" 2.
After this war, the control of Venkata over Madura appears
again through the inscriptions of the following years. There is
one dated l6ll on a rock in the Matribhutesvara temple at
Trichinopoly, which records a gift of Venkata for the merit of
Virappa Nayaka 3. Then another inscription of Venkata of
1613 registers that a certain Venkatadari Bhattar set up at
Vellangudi, in the country directly ruled by Muttu Virappa,
the images of Krishna and Kamesvari and granted land for
their worship 4.
14. Shortly after the war with Venkata, Muttu Virappa was
engaged in another war. Fr. Laerzio, writing from Cochin on
December 25th, I6ll, says that he was going on his usual visit
to all the houses of his Province. On the 22nd of September
he was in the College at St. Thome ; but he was prevented from
proceeding to Madura on account of the war between the
Nayak of Madura and the Nayak of Negapatam 5. It was
1. From Fr. R. de Nobili to Fr. A. Laerzio, Madura, December
12th, 1610, Ap. C, No XXXI.
2. From Fr. A. Vico to Fr. A. Laerzio, Madura, August, 1611,
Bertrand, La Mission du Madure, II, p. 124.
3. 134 of 1905.
4. 452 of 1916.
5. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, Decembe
25th, 1611; Ap.C, No. XXXIII. Cf. Bertrand, La Mission du Afadure,
II, p. 108.
46
362 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
usual among the Jesuits to call Nayak of Negapatam the Nayak
of Tanjore '. Nothing is hitherto known either about the
cause or the result of this war between Madura and Tanjore. Did it
break out because the Tanjore Nayak had given his aid to the
Emperor the year before, while going to subdue the rebel Muttu
Virappa ? We shall see that this feud between the two houses,
that came to a head and burst in Venkata's reign, continued
unabated till the extinction of one of them ; and that very soon,
just after the death of the Emperor, the Madura and Tanjore
Nayaks again came to blows.
1. Du Jarric I, p. 633.
CHAPTER XVIII
THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILI
SUMMARY. — 1. The fruitless mission of Fr. G. Fernandez at Madura.
—2. Fr. Roberto de Nobili in Italy, Goa and Cochin.— 3. De Nobili
at Madura. Investigation of the causes of the failure of this
mission. — 4. De Nobili's new plan approved by his superiors.
— 5. He presents himself as a 'Roman Brahman.' — 6. His ordinary
life. — 7. His mastery of Sanskrit, Tamil and Telugu. — 8. His
mode of dealing with visitors. — 9. Albert, the first convert. — 10. De
Nobili dresses as a sannyasi. — 11. Other conversions. Good spirit
of the new Christians. — 12. De Nobili's method of preaching. The
fourth Veda.— 13. A number of extraordinary events confirm the
Christian Faith. — 14. Relations between de Nobili and the Palaiya-
karans. De Nobili's dealings with Srivallabha Pandya. — 15. Frs.
Leytao and Vico at Madura. — 16. Criticism of de Nobili's mission.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.— 1. Jesuit letters.— 2. Du Jarric,Guerreiro,
Figueroa. — 3. Moncocs do Rcino (Pangim Archives). — 4. Juvencio.
ONE of the most important events in the history of southern
India during the reign of Venkata II is the establishment of the
mission of the Jesuit Fr. Roberto De Nobili l. The brief ac-
count of it which we give here is an attempt to do justice to
that bold but holy undertaking of this famous Jesuit, so differ-
ently judged both by his contemporaries and by subsequent
historians and controversialists.
In the year 1596 Fr. Gonzalo Fernandez arrived at Madura
from the Fishery Coast. Here he settled down in order to look after
the spiritual welfare of the Christian Paravas of Coromandel,
who occasionally went to the capital on business a. Fr. Guerreiro,
relying on the missionaries' letters, says that Fr. Fernandez
stayed at Madura to negotiate with the Nayak about the affairs
of the missionaries on the Fishery Coast 3. What these 'affairs'
1. Hence both Mr. Rangachari, History of the Naik Kingdom, Ind.
Ant., XLV, p. 107-8, 116-9, etc., and Prof. Sathyanatha Aiyar, History
of the NayakSj p. 93-5 ; 106-8, speak at length of this missionary
enterprise.
2. Besse, La Mission du Madure, p. 199.
3. Guerreiro, Rclacam Annal...no anno de 606. & 607., p. 112.
364 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYAKAGARA
were is not stated in this work ; but we feel sure that the
frequent irruptions of the Nayak's soldiers into the villages of
the Paravas proved the necessity of such an agent at the court
of Madura. Kumara Krishnappa Nayaka II, the then ruler of
Madura, received the missionary amicably and granted him
permission to build a church in his capital. Accordingly
Fernandez erected a church, not so magnificent as the Hindu
temple, says Du Jarric, but yet beautiful and pious 1.
Madura was a new field to work in. The faith of Jesus
Christ had never been preached in the old Pandya capital, and
the zealous missionary did not lose his golden opportunity. He
spoke about Christ and his holy religion in his conversations
with the people of the town 2. Frequent religious disputations
were held at his house between the missionary and the
Brahmans, who were often attracted thither both by the Father's
benevolence and by their natural curiosity. Moreover the
Jesuit established a dispensary and hospital, where everything
was administered free to Christians and Hindus alike 3.
It has been often said that Fernandez's labours bore no
fruit, a statement which is not founded on contemporary
Jesuit authorities. The only information about this parti-
cular point is found in Guerreiro, who says that 'the
Badagas (Telugus) greatly admired the holiness of the
Father and specially his chastity'; but he also states that
1 in the conversion of Hindus he did very little ' «. This
means, no doubt, that some conversions to Christianity
were made, but the success was by no means encouraging. For
a time Fr. Nicolao Levanto was sent there in order to study
Tamil 5. But he was soon sent to St. Thome, and Fernandez
once more remained alone.
Muttu Krishnappa Nayaka followed the policy of his uncle
in his dealings with the Father, and the bonds of friendship bet-
1. Du Jarric, I, p. 649. Of. D'Sa, History of the Catholic Church,
II, p. 31.
2. Guerreiro, 1. c.
3. Du Jarric, I, p. 649-50.
4. Guerreiro, 1. c.
5. Du Jarric, I, p. 650.
THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBlLI 365
ween the two were as close as ever. The King of Portugal in a
letter to his Viceroy dated February 26th, 1605, says that he is
aware " that the Naique (the Nayak of Madura) made his
salutations to a religious of the Society (of Jesus), who was
conducting some business there1'1. Great friendship must
have existed between Muttu Krishnappa and Fernandez, if the
knowledge of it reached the ears of even the King of Portugal.
2. Such was the position of the mission of Madura when
Fr. Roberto de Nobili was sent there in 1606.
The new missionary had been born at Montepulciano,
Italy, in September, 1577 2» of a very noble family, related
to Popes Julius III and Marcellus II and to the Cardinals
Sforza and Bellarmino *. Another of his illustrious relatives
did perhaps greatly influence Roberto's career. This was his
uncle and namesake, Cardinal Roberto de Nobili, who died some
years before Roberto's birth, at the early age of 18 years 4.
" Roberto de Nobili", says Pastor, " was a Cardinal upon whom
the representatives of the Catholic reform party could rest their
greatest hopes. Highiy gifted from an intellectual point of view —
he is said to have spoken Latin and Greek at ten years of age —
he distinguished himself still more by his great piety. Like
Aloysius of Gonzaga, whom he particularly resembles, he was
scrupulously pure of heart. He could never do enough in his
ascetic exercises ; he fasted strictl}r, slept on a board, wore a
hair-shirt, assisted at Mass every day, listened frequently to
sermons, and often received Holy Communion, and from
motives of humility would not allow his portrait to be painted.
The dignity of the Cardinalate, which he had received from Ju-
lius III, was only used to assist the needy. He repeatedly
thought of renouncing this dignity and of retiring into a
1. From King Philip III to the Viceroy Martim Affonso de
Castro, Lisbon, February 26th, 1605, Ap. B, No. VIII.
2. Brucker, Malabar Riles, The Catholic Encyclopedia, IX, p. 558,
says Roberto de Nobili was born in Rome. I prefer the authority of
Dahmen, Roberto de Nobili, S./., p, 1.
3. Juvencio, Epitome Historiae S./., IV, p. 74-5. Guerreiro, 1. c.,
says that he was a nephew of Card. Sforza. Card. Bellarmino was his
father's uncle. Cf. Dahmen, 1. c.
4. Dahmen, o. c., p. 2, note 1.
366 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
religious order ; but his confessor, the Jesuit Polanco, dissuaded
him from this step. Assisted by him he died after a painful
illness, with the most perfect resignation to the Divine Will, on
January l8th, 1559. Men like Charles Borromeo, Beilarmino
and Baronius venerated as a saint this Cardinal, who was so
early called away to a better life " l.
The pious nephew, moved perhaps by the example of his
uncle, in order to avoid any probability of his elevation to high
eccleciastical dignity, joined the Society of Jesus in 1597 at
Nocera, in the I9th year of his age. The famous historian of
the Society, Fr. Nicolao Orlandini, was his novice master 2.
Four years later, though not yet a priest, he requested his
superiors to send him to the missions of India 3. In
1604 his wishes were fulfilled. He reached Goa in September,
1605, and was despatched shortly after to the College of Cochin,
where he finished his studies in Theology 4. One of his letters
to the General, written at Cochin, shows both the state of the
missions of southern India on those days, and his enthusiasm
to undertake missionary life in the interior of the peninsula.
It runs as follows : " It is but too true that till now our Fathers
have hardly tried to get into touch with the people of the in-
terior. With the exception of a few towns owned by the
Portuguese and a few stretches on both coasts depending on
them, where they had minor settlements, all that immense land
of India, where the power of the King of Portugal never
possessed any sort of influence, and where consequently one
cannot expect any help from that power for the promotion of
the missions, continues to grovel in the darkness of idolatry.
Thus the way to the conversion of India is closed ; and of our
best missionaries all are content to employ themselves in the
Colleges of Cochin and in the four residences we have along
the coast, and close their eyes to the innumerable multitude of
souls living in those wide-spread lands of India. Only a few try
to penetrate into the interior " &.
1. Pastor, History of the Popes, XIII, p. 176-7.
2. Dahmen, o. c., p. 2.
3. Ibid., note 4.
4. Ibid., p. 3-5.
5. Castets, The Madura Mission, p. 25. The last allusion of de
Nobili is most likely to those who were at the court of Venkata II.
THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILI 367
3. Finally in 1606 Father de Nobili himself ventured into
'those wide-spread lands.' In the middle of this year Fr. A.
Laerzio, the Provincial of the Malabar Province, when going to
pay his annual visit to the missionaries, took Fr. de Nobili
along and left him at Madura. The same Provincial, in a letter
written towards the close of the following year, says : "One year
and a half elapsed since we sent Fr. Roberto de Nobili to the
residence of Madura in order to learn the language of that country
to perfection" l. And in another Jesuit letter of the same
year, 1606, we read again: "In November last Fr. Provincial,
passing through that residence (of Madura), left Fr. Roberto de
Nobili there to help Fr. Goncalo frz (Fernandez), and to learn the
more correct language of the court ; and also to relieve the
Father who, being old and sickly, required a successor " 2. De
Nobili was then 29 years old.
We find the first impressions of de Nobili after his arrival
at Madura in a letter dated December 3rd, 1607, to his god-
father the Marquese D. Gregorio Boncompagno : " This," says
he, " is the chief city of the kingdom. It is thickly populated
by men that are indeed rich and brave in war, but who have as
yet no knowledge of the true God. They are addicted to a very
wicked idol-worship ; and our Fathers who work here find them-
selves confronted with such insuperable opposition that after
twelve years they have not made a single convert, except three
or four sick persons who were baptised shortly before death.
Yet our Fathers, who have been at work so long here, are men
of outstanding virtue and true ability " 3. De Nobili, in another
letter to his cousin the Comtessa de Santa Flore, compares the
idolatry of Madura to the idolatry of the old city of Rome :
" I am now ", he writes, " in a famous city of this country called
Madura, crowded with wicked idols, as was formerly the famous
city of Rome " 4.
.1 FromFr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November
20thf 1607, Ap. C, No. XX.
2. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1606-1607, Ibid.,
No. XXVI.
3. D ah men, o. c., p. 4.
4. Ibid., p. 12, note 1,
368 THE ARAVroU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Naturally de Nobili investigated the causes of the failure
of Fr. Fernandez, and finally discovered them. " There might,
of course, be other explanations", says Fr. Dandoy here. " But
one seems to have suggested itself at once to the clear and keen
mind of the princely Tuscan missionary. There is an old
proverb about the Rome to whicTi de Nobili compared Madura:
'Si Romae vivis Romano vivito more\ (when thou art in
Rome, do as the Romans do). In other words; one must adopt
the customs and ways of the country one lives in. Nobili realis-
ed that one of the mistakes of his zealous brethren was that they
not only failed to observe Indian customs, but by their example
at least taught their converts not to respect them " '.
One of the missionaries residing at the court of Venkata II,
Fr. Antonio Rubino, after studying the causes of the lack of
conversions, arrived independently at the same conclusions al-
most at the same time. In one of his letters to Fr. C. Aquaviva,
he wrote: " It is astonishing how well barred is the entrance of
this kingdom against the Holy Faith. This comes from the
aversion and implacable hatred they have (towards us), based on
the impression that we are the priests of the Portuguese, who
eat beef and drink wine... We keep ourselves away from all
these things, in this kingdom. Yet our black dress is quite
enough to rouse such opposition and abhorrence ; we are there-
fore looked upon by them as a pestilence. And to them it is
quite enough, as said before, that they know us to be the priests
of the Portuguese. It is necessary, in order to obtain different
results, to dress oneself, to eat, and to keep other social customs,
just as they do, in quantum fieri potest (as much as possible). I
often wrote this to Fr. Provincial. He wishes to send me,
dressed according to their fashion, to a city of this kingdom
where I am unknown " 2.
This was neither the only, nor the main cause of such an
aversion towards the Catholic priests. On account of a fatal
misunderstanding the Paravas and their missionaries were call-
ed Pranguis; and the missionaries themselves, unaware of ^the
1. Va,nAoy,ASannyasifromtheWest, The Light of the East. July,
1924, p. 6.
2. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. CLAquaviva, Vellore, September
30th, 1609, Ap. 0, No. XXVII.
THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILI 369
real meaning of this word, had accepted it, and even called the
Catholic Religion, ' the Religion of the Pranguis9. Christianity
had been wrongly identified with Pranguism l. De Nobili, after
a careful study of the meaning which the people attached to this
word, realized the great mistake of his predecessors. "The word
Prangui", he wrote some years later in his Apology, " does not,
in the mind of this people, signify either Portuguese, or Euro-
pean, or Christian ; for they do not exactly know either the one
or the other. It means a vile class of people, despicable to a
degree not far removed from the beasts — people without virtue
and modesty, given to drink, feeding on unclean meat and even
human flesh, incapable of science, divinity or religion. The
Hindus ", he continues, "have seldom met men of the illustrious
Portuguese nation... The men who come here (from the Portu-
guese possessions) may be reduced to two classes. They are
either men who, being born in India, have no Portuguese blood
in them whatsoever, yet think that, when they have learnt by
heart four Portuguese words and have dressed themselves like
the Portuguese, they have changed their race and have become
Portuguese ; these we call Topazes 2, and the Indians call them
Pranguis ; hence it is clear that it is not only white men whom
they call Pranguis, but anyone who, whatever his colour,
dresses as a Portuguese. Or they are men who were born
Jews, but* came to some agreement with the Portuguese, and
travel on business. These also the people of Madura call
Pranguis without any qualification. Now anyone who has to
deal with them knows the nobility, the reliability and the
cleanliness of these two classes ! No wonder then that the
Pranguis are held most vile" 3.
4. The careful consideration of all thesj prejudices led to
the natural conclusion that the mode of living of missionaries
1. The word Prangui is borrowed by the Hindus from the
Muhammadans to designate denationalised people. This word, in
Sanskrit Phitanguin and in Persian Prangui, was the name 151 ven by
the Muslims first to the Franks, and then to all the Europeans in
general. The special meaning attached to it in southern India,, in Fr.
de Nobili's days, was quite different.
2. One who uses two languages. Cf. Ceylon Antiquary, VIII, p. 210.
3. Dahmen, o. c., p. 6 aud note 1; Bertrand, La Mission du
Madure, II, p. 151.
47
3/0 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
had to be changed in order to attract the Hindus to the Gospel
of Jesus Christ. Blessed John de Britto, in a letter of 1683,
wrote to this effect: "Fr. Roberto de Nobili, of revered
memory, that great servant of God and that model of mission-
aries, having acquired a most complete knowledge of all these
prejudices, and being persuaded with St. Ambrose that * primus
discendi ardor nobilitas est magistrf l, made himself all things
to all men that he might win them all to Jesus Christ " 2.
But before taking any step in carrying out his new plan,
he consulted his superiors about the matter. The Provincial
Laerzio thoroughly approved of de Nobili 's plan, and men-
tioned his approval in a letter to Fr. General, written in 1609 3.
His ecclesiastical superior, Mgr. Francisco Ros, Archbishop
of Cranganor, and a Jesuit, says : " Before adopting this manner
of life, Fr. Roberto first consulted me, who am the pastor of
that church. When we had decided between ourselves on a
plan to be adopted, the Father gradually carried it out, whilst I
decided to continue to be, in a certain fashion, his fellow-worker,
and to assist him in so holy an enterprise. I first read books
on Hindu idolatry, the subtlest that exist ; next I sought the ad-
vice of the best theologians of the Malabar Province, of the
Goan Inquisitor and of the Most Illustrious Primate, Dr. Frey
Alexis Menezes, now Primate of Braga and Governor of Por-
tugal ; and on finding that their views agreed with what I had
gathered from long experience of those parts of India, I gave
my full sanction to the method followed by Fr. Roberto in the
formation of his Christians. We declare in particular that the
thread worn by the Brahmans, and the kudumt or tuft of hair
which caste Indians grow on their heads, the sandal paste and
other social customs, were not marks of a religious sect, but
only distinctions of nobility, caste or family, and that the con-
verts might keep them without any scruple " 4.
1. The eminence of the master excites the first desire to learn
from him.
2. Litterae Annuae of the Madura Mission, 1683, Castets, The
Madura Mission, p. 24.
3. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Ap. C, No. XXVIII.
4. From Mgr. F. Bos to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November 19th,
1613, Castets, o.c., p. 29-30.
THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILI 371
5. With such a full and encouraging approval from the
Archbishop, de Nobili separated himself from his confrere Fer-
nandez, and started his new mode of life, in 1607, a year after
his arrival at Madura. Let us hear again the Provincial Laer-
zio, in one of his letters to Fr. C. Aquaviva. "God in his
mercy", he writes, "has at last heard the prayers we addressed to
Him long ago and crowned our hitherto fruitless efforts with
success. A new field is open to our apostolic zeal ; and every-
thing makes us hope that it will be fertile in the labour, merit
and fruit of salvation, to the greater glory of God. I mean to
speak to Your Paternity about the Madura Mission, by whose
beginning such brilliant hopes have been raised. Fr. Roberto
de Nobili was moved by the deplorable blindness of those people,
who are buried in the darkness of death, and was filled with the
great thought that Jesus Christ had come down for the salva-
tion of all men, and must everywhere triumph over the devil,
destroy his empire and wrench all his slaves from him. So
after discovering the true cause of their obstinacy, he resolved
to bring an efficacious cure to such an evil. After the example
of St. Paul, who made himself all to all, and specially after that
of the Eternal Word, who made himself man in order that men
might be saved, Fr. Roberto said to himself: I too will make
myself an Indian to save the Indians.
" With my approval, and with the authorization of His
Grace the Archbishop of Cranganore, he presented himself
to the Brahmans, protesting that he was neither a Prangui
nor a Portuguese, but a Roman Rajah l, i. e. a man of
high nobility; and a sannyasi, that is, a penitent who has
forsaken the world and all its enjoyments. The life to
which he has bound himself by such a profession is very hard
and very difficult ; but there is nothing that does not become
1. Such is the statement of Laerzio, followed by Fr. Castets, o.c
p. 24, note 2. It is however contradicted by both Mgr. Ros and
Blessed Britto, as we shall see later on. Moreover Fr. Juvencio, who
based his work on the accounts sent annually to Rome, says
expressly that de Nobili declared himself a Brahman, and adds:
" Id quod vere predicare poterat, quippe qui e nobilissima inter
Italicas gente ortus". Juvencio, Epitome, IV, p. 74. The same
372 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
easy to a man animated with a true desire to make Jesus
Christ known and to gain souls to Him.
" From that moment, Fr. de Nobili admitted none but
Brahmans into his service. Rice, milk, herbs and water, taken
once a day, constituted his only food.
" He also thought it necessary to separate himself from Fr.
Gonzalo Fernandez and having built for himself a house and a
chapel, on a site given him by a pagan of high position in the
Brahman quarter, he made it his own special home " l.
Guerreiro's account states that the house was given him by the
Governor of Madura 2.
Blessed John de Britto, writing on de Nobili 's change of life,
says that he adapted himself strictly to the Brahmanical man-
ner of life, "used only Brahmans as servants, and gave himself
out as a Roman Brahman Sannyasi, or in other words, a
religious sage from Rome. Conformably to the social usages
of the country, he avoided all public intercourse either with
Europeans or with Pariahs " 3.
Moreover Mgr. Ros, while speaking of this strange evolu-
tion, says that 'he transformed himself into a Brahman
Fr. Laerzio, in another letter written one year later, November
20th, 1609, states that Fr. de Nobili put on the thread of five strings,
because the Brahmans wear one made of three threads (Italics mine).
Of. Ap. C. No. XXVIII. Moreover all the sources affirm that de Nobili's
new house was placed in the Brahman quarters. Guerreiro, I.e., not
acquainted with Indian things and customs says that he presented
himself * como Brahmene or Rayo '. In one of the contemporary
letters there is an anecdote which might perhaps create some confu-
sion. Once the Nayak Hermecatti (Erumei Chetti) sent soldiers to
arrest one of de Nobili's disciples. At the official's request the mission-
ary answered : *If His Lordship wants my head, let him cut it off; but
let him not expect from me a deed unworthy of my rank '. At these
words one of the soldiers, who was a rajah by caste, was heard to
murmur with some pride : ' Here is a true rajah. I know his caste
from the way he behaves '. • Bertrand, o.c., II, p. 94. Is Bertrand
reliable here ? I was unable to see the original of this letter.
1. From Fr. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aqua viva, December 30th, 1608,
Castets, o. c., p. 26-7.
2. Guerreiro, o. c., p. 112.
3. Litterae Anttuae of the Madura Mission, 1683, Castets, o.c., p. 24.
THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILI J/3
philosopher ' 1. Accordingly he was called thereafter Tattva-
bodhaka Swami, the Philosophical Doctor.
6. De Nobiii himself, in a letter to Cardinal Bellarmino,
dated Madura, December 1st, 1607, describes confidentially his
ordinary life in his new settlement. " I now dwell ", he says,
"in a mud-house covered with straw, which is to me more
useful and gives me more satisfaction than a rich palace. I hold
it to be most certain that there is no consolation comparable to
that enjoyed by one living in this voluntary sort of exile for the
love of God, and toiling much for His sake. Nevertheless at
times the labour I have undertaken becomes wearisome to me ;
and when the thought rushes on me, that I shall have to
continue amidst such toil and fatigue all my lifelong, I begin to
be apprehensive that I shall not be able to persevere to the end.
But when I turn my thought from this to heaven, I am reminded
of what Your Excellency used to say, explaining those words of
King David: ' Qui posuit fines tuos pace m '. I feel that my fear
has vanished, and I am consoled at the thought that, since such
peace and repose await us in the end, a longing for rest here on
earth is simply unreasonable.
" My way of living is as follows : I remain continually shut
up in my little mud-house. Thereto, every day, after I have
said Mass and commended myself to the Lord, I give free
admittance to whoever likes to speak to or to discuss with me.
The time left to me, which is very short, I spend in writing, in
the language of the country, the refutation of some of the false
doctrines upheld by various leaders of thought among these
people. As I am thus obliged to keep continually to my house,
or rather to my single little room ; and as the food I eat is not
very substantial, since neither meat nor fish nor eggs ever so
much as pass my door, I am always sickly; and few are the days
in which I do not feel some pain either in the stomach or in the
head. My food consists of a small quantity of rice, of which
there is abundance in this country, and some herbs or fruits.
This manner of diet I must observe ; because if these people did
not see me following this penitential kind of life, they would not
1. From Mgr. F. Ros to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Ibid, p. 29.
374 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
consider me fit to teach them the heavenly way. For so are
their doctors wont to live, and some of them even follow a har-
der and austerer kind of life. There are those in fact who do
not even touch rice. Now if Your Excellency reflects that here
the use of bread is unknown, and that as to wine, I use it only
for Mass, Your Excellency may gather how little a man has to
feed upon if he abstains from rice. As for me, I do not venture
so far ; because what I already do, namely abstaining from flesh
and fish and eggs, suffices in order that those people may con-
descend to consider me as a true teacher of religion. At this
very moment I am suffering from such a strong fit of asthma
that I can scarcely breathe ; and so I finish my letter bit by bit
as I can " *.
This food was prepared by a Brahman cook ; and he never
dared any more to take food prepared by a non-Brahman ser-
vant 2. He had one daily meal only, and that at four o'clock
in the afternoon, according to the custom of the sannyasis 3.
7. For the rest of the day he was extremely busy with the
study of the languages of the country. Shortly after his arrival
in Cochin he had taken up the study of Tamil. In his letter to
Prince Boncompagno, quoted above, he says : " As soon as I
came here I began to learn the language which, on account of
its rich vocabulary and its syntax, is difficult. But God helped
me, so that after six months I could hold conversation and
preach without an interpreter " 4. Two years later he wrote
again that * he finds it more difficult to speak Italian or Portu-
guese than Malabar (Tamil) ' 5. Writing to Card. Bellarmino,
he says ' ' I find their language very fine, very copious and very
elegant ' «. About the same time, Fr. Laerzio wrote to Fr.
1. From Fr. R. de Nobili to Card. R. Bellarmino, Madura, Decem-
ber 1st, 1607, Castets, o. c., p. 32-4.
2. Guerreiro, o. c., p. 112.
3. Figueroa, Historia y Anal Ralacion. Los anos passados de 607
y 605, p. 134-5.
4. From Fr. R. do Nobili to Prince Boncompagno, Madura,
December 3rd, 1607. Dahmen, o. c., p. 4.
5. From the same toFr. Fabius de Fabiis, Madura, October 8th,
1609, Ibid., p. 14.
6. From Fr. R. de Nobili to Card. R. Bellarmino, Madura
December 1st, 1607, Castets, o.c., p. 33.
THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILI 375
General : " Fr. Roberto charms every one by his conversations,,
the purity of his High Tamil, and the stories and passages from
Indian authors that he quotes from memory l ".
He now began to apply himself to Telugu and Sanskrit.
No European had previously studied the latter language *.
His teacher was a learned Brahman from Madura. In a
letter dated April 22nd, 1609, Fr. de Nobiii expresses to his
Provincial his gratitude to that learned man. " I cannot ex-
press, " he says, " all the obligation I am under to this excellent
Brahman. Besides the knowledge of Sanskrit and Telugu, I
owe him a knowledge still more precious : that of the most
sacred mysteries of the Vedam. It is considered a crime for a
Brahman to write down the Vedam ; they only learn it by heart
at the cost of incrediable fatigue, and it takes them ten or
twelve consecutive years. My teacher has overcome his
scruples on this point, which is a shining proof of his faith.
He writes down ail the laws for me ; but this must be done
quite secretly ; if the Brahmans came to know of it, the least
punishment inflicted on him would be the plucking out of his
eyes. We spurn the danger because of the utmost necessity
of this means : for on the knowledge of these secrets depends
the conversion of the gentiles " ;{. His assiduity in study was
so great that Fr. Vico, one of his companions later on, affirms
that de Nobiii used to study whilst the barber was shaving
him 4.
In an account of the year 1608 we read as follows : " He
has started to learn the Gueredan (Gradonic or Sanskrit) now,
1. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, December
30th, 1608, Ibid., p. 27. " Sabe ya la lengua Talmul' (Tamil), mas cor-
tesana, y pronunciala tan biem que no da ventja a los Bra manes
mas entendidos. Lee y escrive ya la misma lengua, y tiene passados
muchos libros de BUS historias y decorados muchos pasos de su ley, y
versos de los mas famosos Poetas de que ellos hacen mucho caso *'.
Figueroa, o. c., p. 135.
2. Of. Max Muller, The Science of Language, I, p. 143.
3. From Fr. E. de Nobiii to Fr. A. Laerzio, Madura, April 22nd,
1609, Bertrand, o. c., Ill, p. 49.
4. Bertrand, o. c., II, p. 104.
376 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
and he reads it and speaks it moderately well" J. Two years
later, in a letter dated December 8th, 1610, Laerzio reports that
' Father Roberto possesses the language, understands it per-
fectly, and speaks it with ease ' *. Finally in 1613, Mgr. Ros
is able to affirm that de Nobili has " learned three very difficult
languages, investigated to their very depths the secrets of the
sacred mysteries of the heathen and mastered them fully". And
somewhat later on, the Archbishop expresses his admiration
for the marvellous knowledge acquired by de Nobili in such a
short time : " I have conversed with Fr. Roberto ", says he,
" about the languages and manners of these people, and I was
so much impressed by his knowledge, that I, who may, how-
ever, be said to know something of those languages, am ready
to swear, every time I am asked to do it, that this Father cannot
have acquired the knowledge he possesses through natural
means, any more than he can, without the special help of God,
lead the austere life he leads" 3.
8. Admiring crowds gathered round the Philosophical
Doctor, and curiosity led the men of Madura to see and hear
him. Visitors flocked to the small hut to inquire where the
new sannyasi came from, what was his caste, his doctrine, his
manner of life and his purpose. But de Nobili, knowing the
customs of the Indian ascetics, at the beginning did not stir
out, and received visitors only with great reserve. When people
came to see him, his disciple told them that the sannyasi was
engaged in contemplation, or engrossed in meditation upon the
divine law 4.
1. Figueroa, o. cv p. 135.
2. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, December 8th,
1610, Bertrand, o. c.f II, p. 88.
3. From Mgr. F. Ros to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November
19th, 1613, Castets, o. c., p. 29. "Suspiciebant (Brahmanee) majorem in
modum, tantam in homine Europaeo veraaculi sermon is facultatem,
non secus ac si media in Madura et aula fuisset educatus ;
eruditionem vero in nulla doctrinae Indicae parte rudem." Juvoncio,
Epitome, IV, p. 75. " We feel deep admiration for his (Nobili's) learn-
ing and knowledge of Sanskrit, for not only the Sanskrit literature
was known to him, but also the Veda, at least one of the Sakhas, the
Tajurveda of the Taittiriyas". Caland, Roberto de Nobili and the Sanskrit
Language, Ada Orientalia, III, p. 51.
4. Guerreiro, o. c., p. 113,
THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILI 377
When admiration and curiosity were at fever-height he re-
ceived the visitors, but not before they had come twice or thrice.
" They tell the porter that they wished to speak with the Ayer
(that means the lord)," says Figueroa. *'Then after much wait-
ing, as it is there customory, they are admitted to his presence
to talk with him. They find him sitting on a dais covered with
a red carpet-like cloth ; another red carpet is lying before him,
and next to this there is a mat. Those who come, even the most
noble and principal courtiers, bow reverently before him, rais-
ing up their hands over their heads and then bringing them
down in profound obeisance. Those who desire to become his
disciples bow thrice in this style, and finally prostrate them-
selves for a while " *.
Guerreiro affirms that even Muttu Virappa Nayaka was
desirous of hearing the new European sannyasi, and manifested
his wish several times to his courtiers ; but one of them, who
probably knew de Nobili, replied that ' the Father was so chaste,
that he never went out of his house to avoid seeing women ' 2.
As a matter of fact, de Nobili spent more than one year in
that holy solitude, without having been seen in the streets even
for a moment 3. When, after a while, he began to go occa-
sionally to his country-house for some rest, he went in a
palanquin preceded by two criers to clear his way. Some years
afterwards, however, all this show was dropped : he presented
himself as a mere spiritual guru, proceeding simply on foot,
with a long staff bearing his insignia and two Brahman
disciples accompanying him 4. All these ceremonies and
honours were far from being dear to the heart of the humble
missionary, who had joined the Society of Jesus in order to
avoid them ; but in his Apology he says that a Hindu pandaram
had given him the following good advice : " If you desire your
own salvation only, you should retire to a desert, where you can
live stark naked. But if, as you tell me, you have at heart the
salvation of the people of this land, you must surround yourself
1. Figueroa, o. c , p. 135.
2. Guerreiro, o. c., p. 113.
3. Ibid.
4. From Mgr. F. Ros to Fr. Aqua viva, Cochin, November 19th,
1613, Castets, o. c., p. 38.
48
378 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
with splendour : the spiritual man must be like a corpse who
wears with equal indifference silk robes and linen rags, riches
and poverty, honours and ignominy " J.
De Nobili's purpose was successfully attained. Fr. B. Cou-
tinho, in a letter of 1608, speaks " of the great fruit obtained in
Madura by Fr. Roberto, and of the great edification he gives by
devoting himself to the service of God in a sort of disguise " 2.
And Mgr. Ros is still more explicit in the following passage of
the letter quoted above: "He (de Nobili) has attracted the
hearts of haughty Brahmans, in such a way that not only do
they come to see him, and hear from his lips the word of God
with incredible admiration, but they go so far, — a wonder which
no one could have expected, — as to kiss the ground he has
trodden on and to embrace the faith that he preaches. Acknow-
ledging their errors, they openly declare : ' Never has a man
spoken as he does ' " 3.
Q. The immediate fruit of this admiration and veneration
was a large crop of souls. The first Brahman who became a
Christian was a teacher in the school founded at Madura by the
Jesuits 4. He was a very learned and proud young man, who had
despised the Fathers and their doctrine. Fr. de Nobili gave
him a Tamil Catechism written by Fr. G. Fernandez, to be
translated into Telugu. The reading of this book excited much
curiosity in the teacher's mind. On the occasion of an eclipse
of the sun, that took place on February 25th, 1608, Fr. de Nobili
refuted several of his ideas and superstitions. That was their
first religious talk. After that the teacher was a frequent visitor
at de Nobili's house, and became his constant disciple.
Guerreiro gives the matter and order of some of these discus-
sions: "They first spoke about the plurality of gods. The
Father showed him its absurdity based on the argument of the
divine perfection ? For it is evident that if God were to have
partners of his divinity inferior to Him, they would not be
1. Bertrand, o. c., II, p. 167.
fc. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, October
llth, 1608, Ap. C., No. XXIII.
3. From Mgr. F. Ros to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November 19th,
1613, Castets, o. c., p. 29.
4. Of. Oh. XXV, No. 13.
THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBEfcTO DE NOBlLl 37$
gods ; if they were equal, none of them would be god,
since each would be wanting in the perfections the others
had. The teacher easily agreed to this reasoning. Then
they discussed whether God had created this world out of
nothing. On this point the pagans hold the same error as our
ancient philosophers did, viz. that it is impossible to create
something out of nothing. De Nobili refuted this as follows : —
" Everything that exists has its existence either because it
has it from itself or because it has received it from another.
Your Paju (Pasu) exists ; now, this existence is given him by
God or it comes from himself.
" The Hindu replied that it had not been given by God.
" Hence it comes from himself ", added the Father.
" It seems so," answered the Hindu.
" Therefore, (replied de Nobili), this your Paju (Pasu) is
God, and possesses an infinite being, and this being is not limited
by anybody ". On hearing this the Hindu remained silent : no
answer could be given to the conclusion. Then, in order to
convince him thoroughly, the Father proved the same with
another more evident argument from the omnipotence of God. If
God could not create something out of nothing, he was not
mightier than the earth, which produces the trees out of their
seeds ; nor than the water, which aided by the sun and other
circumstances produces fishes and other imperfect animals l.
He would then be like a carpenter, who from a tree makes an
image, but he cannot make it without the tree. De Nobili told
him at the same time that God, in order to be infinitely power-
ful, cannot lack any power; but He would certainly lack
power if He would need Paju (Pasu) in order to create any-
thing. Hence either He was not Almighty or He was not in
need of Paju (Pasu). The Hindu remained satisfied after hear-
ing this reasoning.
"On another occasion, another important dispute took
place about the transmigration of souls, an ancient dream of
Pythagoras. The reason given by the Hindu was founded on
the variety of men : some are kings, others are slaves ; some are
1. This idea was founded on the ancient philosophical theory of
spontaneous generation, which is now thoroughly exploded.
380 THE ARAV1DU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Brahmans, others Pariahs. While explaining his theory the
Hindu spoke as a true Pythagorean would have done, since he
maintained that the soul was not the form of the body, but was
(he said) inside the body as the bird is inside the cage and the
chicken inside the egg. It was not very difficult to show him
the fallacy of this opinion.
"You know very well,'1 said the Father, "that when the
bird is inside the cage, the cage does not grow ; unlike the body,
that having the soul inside, grows up to its perfect height.
Moreover you cannot deny that the bird out of the cage can
beget another bird, and yet you will never state that the soul
separated from the body could have sons. Moreover the
soul is not in the body in the same way as the bird is in the
cage.
" Then the Hindu asked de Nobili : 'How did it stay in the
body?'
" The Father answered that the soul dwelt in the body as
the form and the life of that body, and both together made one
thing, called man. The Father proved this by the human
operations of eating, walking and running ; for these operations
cannot be done by the body alone without the soul, but by both
together. And for the same reason neither the body alone,
nor the soul alone, but both together forming one single thing,
make up what is called a man. Hence, it would not be in
accordance with justice that any of them separately should be
either punished or rewarded for the bad or the good deeds of the
man,; both together must be either punished or rewarded, since
both together have done bad or good things. Then the mission-
ary explained to him how a man dying in a state of sin, that is,
in infinite malice, has to be punished with an infinite punish-
ment. But to be a hundred years in the body of a dog was not
an infinite punishment ; therefore a place was necessary where,
after passing away from this life, the sinner could be punished for
ever without ever entering another body. As to the variety of
men, from which the transmigration of souls was inferred,
the Father replied that the potter from the same mud moulds a
jar for the king's table and a basin for washing one's feet ; in
the same way God according to his will creates one to be a
THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE KOBILI 3&I
king and another to be a slave ; and nobody can reasonably
complain by asking : 4 Why was I made so ?'
" This disputation lasted a long time. It was started at two
o'clock in the afternoon and was not over before eight o'clock
in the evening. From this, however, as well as from the prece-
ding ones and from others that followed, in which the mysteries
of our holy faith were declared to him, this Hindu was so satis-
fied and so enlightened, that he soon asked for Holy Baptism,
which was finally administered to him after having been care-
fully instructed for twenty days ; and he was named Albert.
" The Baptism of this fortunate teacher was the beginning
of many others, that were subsequently administered to those
who were coming to know the most sweet name of Jesus and
his holy law. For after a while he baptised another noble
youth whom he called Alexis Naique (Nayaka) ; and two
more Badagas (Telugus), and a brother of the teacher Albert,
and four or five more nobles, among them a very learned Cap-
tain. All this was done with great rejoicing; but secretly, in
order that it might not reach the Naique's (Nayak's) ears till an
occasion for the Father to pay a visit to him presented it-
self "i.
10. But all these conversions could not be made as
secretly and silently as de Nobili desired. For Albert had for-
merly been a disciple of a Pandara, who at once noticed his
pupil's desertion. De Nobili was afraid of this Pandara because
of his influence at court ; but the man himself, moved by curio-
sity, once went, exhorted by his disciples, to the house of de
Nobili. The missionary received him as kindly as he could ;
and after they were seated, a religious discussion at once began
De Nobili declared to him the tenets of the religion of Christ,
and so clearly, that the Pandara openly confessed before his
disciples that ' Chhokkanatha (the god worshipped at Madura)
and the ashes they put on their forehead were all sham, and that
only the things taught by our holy faith seemed to him true '.
On leaving the house, the Pandara told his pupils that those
1. Guerreiro, o. c, p. 113-5. The final refutation of the trans-
migration of souls is also mentioned in Juvencio, Epitome, IV, p. 75-6,
and Marini, Dellc Missioni, p. 119.
382 THE ARAVIDU bYNASTY OF V1JAYANAGARA
who embraced de Nobili's doctrine were worthy of much praise;
and that he himself would help the missionary in his enterprise
to the best of his ability. And his first advice to him was of
great importance indeed.
It has been often said that, when de Nobili moved to the
Brahman quarters, he also changed his black soutane for the
dress of a Brahman sannyasL This is not accurate. Up to this
time, viz., towards the middle of 1608, de Nobili wore the black
soutane, as contemporary sources clearly show. It was at the
advice of this Pandara that he changed his mind once more,
and changed his habit too, for that of a sannyasL " He advised
him to leave aside the dress of the Portuguese, which was hated
by the Badagas (Telugus), and to put on the garments used in
that country by the gurus and learned people who profess to
teach the divine law ". De Nobili objected that this dress was
too showy and, therefore inconsistent with his vow of poverty ;
but the Pandara solemnly replied : —
"Father, if you want to attain salvation yourself alone, you
may dress as you like ; but if you want to teach others the way
to salvation, to be the guru of these people, to preach the
spiritual law and to have many disciples, you must live accord-
ing to the customs of this country, as much as you can " l.
De Nobili followed the advice of the Pandara, and on this
occasion he took to the dress of the sannyasis 2. This dress is
described in one of the letters of Fr. Laerzio as " a long robe of
yellowish cloth, with a sort of rochet of the same colour thrown
over the shoulders, a cap in the form of a turban on his head,
and wooden slippers fixed on supports two inches high and
fastened to each foot by a peg passing between the toes ". "To
this", Fr. Laerzio continues, " he adds a string, the distinctive
sign of the Brahmans and of the Raju caste ; but instead of the
three threads of which it is generally made, he uses five, three
gold and two silver ones, and a cross is suspended in the middle.
The three gold threads, as he explains, represent the Holy
Trinity, and the two silver ones the body and the soul of the
adorable Humanity of Our Lord ; while the cross in the middle
1. Guerreiroj o. c., p. 115-6.
2. Juvencio, Epitome, IV, p. 76.
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THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILI 383
represents the Passion and Death of the Saviour " l. Figueroa,
after having described de Nobili's costume in accordance with
the preceding extract, adds the following consideration to the
explanation of the string of five threads: "Thus with this
string he publicly announces in that country the mysteries of
the Most Holy Trinity of the Incarnation and of the Redemp-
tion " 2. Later on de Nobili ascertained that a solitary ascetic
need not wear the thread, and thenceforth he discarded it 3.
II. The number of conversions was gradually increasing.
At the end of September, 1608, he baptised four prominent men
of Madura — Dadamurti, the owner of the agrahara where
Fr. de Nobili lived; Chritinada, a craftsman of great repute
with the Nayak and the nobles of the court ; Golor, brother of
the chief porter of the Nayak's palace ; and a fourth, whose
name is not given. At the feast of St. Thomas the Apostle,
December 2lst, nine others were also baptised 4.
Jn the following year, one of the most illustrious converts
was de Nobili's own teacher of Sanskrit and Telugu. When
their friendship began, the proud guru nursed fond hopes of
converting the Christian sannyasi to Hinduism ; but the result
turned out to be quite other than he had foreseen or even
hoped for. On June 7th, 1609 de Nobili announces this event,
showing in his words the joy of his heart and his thankfulness
to God: "Today", says he, "the feast of the Holy Ghost, I
have baptised my beloved teacher : I cannot sufficiently express
his joy, mine, and that of all the Christians. He has received
the name of God-given. I trust he will do much for the
conversion of the Gentiles, for he is a young man well known
throughout Madura for his nobility, his cleverness, his erudition,
and his profound knowledge of the sacred laws ; and, what I
esteem most, he has ever led a pure and regular life " 5.
number of conversions cannot be ascertained with
1. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, December
30th, 1608, Castets, o. c., p 27. Of. Ap. 0. No. XXVIII.
2. Figueroa, o. c., p. 134.
3. Bertrand, o. c., II, p. 110.
4. From Fr. R. de Nobili to Fr. A. Laerzio, December 24th, 1608,
Figueroa, o. c., p. 141.
5. Bertrand, o. c., II, p. 37.
384 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
precision. Fr. Besse, after an examination of de Nobiii 's
letters, records their number at 71 for this first period of his
work, from 1607 to 1614 }. The letters of de Nobiii and his
companions often commemorate the virtues practised by these
Christians, that recall to our mind those of the first Christians
of Rome. Alexis Nayak is mentioned as an example of humi-
lity and Christian perfection 2. His brother Vihuuada
(Vihuvada) Nayaka preferred to be dismissed from the retinue
of Kasturi Nayaka, a cousin of Muttu Virappa Nayaka, rather
than mark his forehead with the sacred ashes as in former
days 8. Another called Calistri(P) is shown as busy spreading
the Christian faith among his old friends and always desirous
of the palm of martyrdom 4. The craftsman we have
mentioned above was offered great quantities of money to
induce him to make several statues of idols ; but he always
refused them, preferring a life of poverty to contributing any
more to the splendour of that cult 5. Fr. Buccerio, a com-
panion of Fr. Fernandez, by whom he was later on influenced
against Fr. de Nobiii, wrote a brilliant apology for the converts
of de Nobiii. " I observed in that Christian community ", says
he, " two other things well worthy of the highest praise, and
exceedingly rare in India, among those who wish to become
Christians. I may speak from experience, for during my long
apostolate the Lord sent me many to be instructed and baptised.
Those who thus present themselves generally come to us either
because of the interest they find in joining Christians of their
caste, or because of the difficulties they experience in remaining
pagans or Muhammadans, or because they hope to secure some
temporal advantage, or for other interested motives. For these
reasons they are often he cause of great difficulties to us. What
can we give them ? How are we to clothe or protect them ? At the
same time we must give them much instruction in order to teach
them to purify their intention, and to make them understand
that in our religion alone can they find salvation. But, on the
1. Of. Dahmen, o. c., p. 77.
2. Figueroa, o. CM p. 147.
3. Ibid., p. 145.
4. Ibid., p. 142.
5. Ibid., p. 143.
THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILI 385
other hand I observe that, in Fr. Roberto's community, those
new Christians have come with no other end in view than their
salvation; also after having attended, during several months,
the instructions of the Aiyer (de Nobili) and understood that
our religion is the only true one, they asked to be baptised and
to be made Christians, solely to please God and to save their
soul. The Aiyer has never to give anything to his Christians ;
it is rather they who, on the day of their baptism, are wont to
present the Aiyer with some little offerings for the use of his
church, or for other similar purposes. We, on the contrary, are
all our lifelong beset with cares and anxieties to find out how
we may help our Christians, who are continually begging. Some
of them have even come all the distance from Cape Comorin to
this city, in order to approach me for some help. The second
thing which I always tried, though in vain, to make both
Christians and Pagans understand, is that our religion is no
more the religion of the Portuguese than of any other nation ;
and that by becoming a Christian an Indian does not lose his
honour or his caste, but rather keep all the honour he had, and
adds to it the much greater glory of becoming an adopted son of
God. But it is useless for us to speak to them in this way ; we
fail entirely to persuade them ; for those who come to us
are invariably regarded by Christians and Pagans as joining
the caste of the Pranguis or Portuguese, or of that of
the Paravas, according to the nature of the converts ; and
the Pagans look down upon us in the matter of caste,
as being below everything. In consequence respectable
Pagans, or even the Christians of St. Thomas, refuse to admit
those converts into their houses or to their churches.
Fr. Roberto has obtained totally different results. Hence,
though both Christians and Pagans well know that the law he
preaches is the same as that of the Portuguese (as is proved by
the crosses and other pious objects which those Chrtstians wear
in place of the image of their gods), the Christians (of de Nobili)
have the satisfaction of being assured that the Father is not a
Prangui ; and the Pagans, who have the same conviction, are
appealed and have no difficulties in dealing with the Christians
in all social or civil matters" *.
1. Oastets, o. c., p. 35-6.
49
386 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
12. After having seen the relatively great success obtained
by Fr. de Nobiii, it may be of interest to know what his way of
preaching was. He explains this in one of his letters : "The
advice given in the Exodus", says he, " ' Do not speak against
the gods', applies even to pagan divinities ; not that these
divinities are not despicable, but because speaking against them,
instead of doing good, prevents the conversion of souls. When
we wish to drive darkness out of a room, we do not waste our
time creating a great stir and trying to expel it with brooms ;
we light a taper, and darkness vanishes by itself. Reach the
pagan heart by winning its esteem and affection, and then bring
in the taper of truth, and all the darkness of idolatry will vanish
without trouble " l.
In another letter he explains more particularly the dif-
ferent articles of faith which formed the subjects of his
conversations with his visitors : "To those who come to me,"
says he, "I teach that there is only one God in three persons,
whose attributes arj infinite; who created tha world, man and
all beings ; who in order to save men assumed a human nature,
body and soul, in the womb of an ever-chaste virgin ; that this
incarnate God, true God and true man, is called Jesus Christ — a
name that means Saviour, full of grace and heavenly gifts ; that
free from all stains, He atoned for all the sins of men and
saved them. The holy spiritual law which contains these
truths is the Law I preach. It requires of none that he should
give up his caste, or that he should join another caste, or do any-
thing that is contrary to the honour of his caste. God is
witness to me that the holy spiritual law is for all castes. As
the great Nayak is the lord of these lands, so that all the
inhabitants, Brahmans or Rajas, are obliged to obey him in all
1. Bc«rtrand, o. c., II, p. 265. Accordingly in his works, of which
we shall speak at length in the following volume, he never directly
attacks paganism. Of. Miranda, The Introduction of Christianity into
the Heart of India, p. 23. Figueroa, o.c., p. 64, however affirms that "he
had read many books of their stories. And these stories are to him
of great help in order to refute them and to prove that there are not
many gods, but only one who has no body". Anyhow, this refutation
of the tenets of Hinduism always followed the exposition of the
Christian Doctrine.
tHE MISSION OF FATHER fcOBERtO DE NOBILI 387
temporal concerns ; so the true God is the legitimate Lord of
all men, so that all conditions and castes should live according
to His spiritual law. This is the law I preach, and which other
saints and sannyasis have preached in this land before. If
anyone were to say that this law is proper to pariahs and
Pranguis, he should commit a great sin; for since God is the lord
of all the castes, his law must be obeyed by them a# ; and no
caste is so high that it is not further raised by obedience to
that law. As the sun spreads its very pure light on ail castes
and all objects in this world, without losing thereby anything
of its admirable purity ; and as its light, instead of soiling the
Brahmans, honours them ; so the true God, the spiritual
Sun, spreads over all men the gift of his holy law, the true
spiritual light'' *.
Now the way of conveying all these new ideas to the mind
and heart of his audience was purely Indian : even in his way
of teaching he accomodated himself to the customs of
the country. Fr. Laerzio says in one of his letters : " Fr.
Roberto charms every one by a great number of verses of his
own composition, which he partly sings and partly recites
with exquisite delicacy and distinction " 2. Fr. Castets, com-
menting on this passage, says : " The practice here described
by Fr. Latrzio was then the approved method of preaching
or teaching moral or religious truths. It is not unknown even
now. The orator begins by singing a pithy stanza expressed
in more or less enigmatic and very concise language. This is
followed by a rather lengthy gloss in which the explanation
of the text is interspersed with quotations, stories, allusions,
according to the wealth of learning and fluency of the exponent.
When one considers that Fr. de Nobili was able to go successfully
through such a performance before a most fastidious and fault-
finding audience, and even to astonish his hearers by the
elegance of his diction and the wealth of his literary knowledge,
1. Bertrand, 1. c.
2. From Fr. A.^Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, December
30th, 1608, Castets, 6. c., p. 27. " Sabe tambien muchas canciones y las
canta con tan buena voz y gracia, que le oyen todos con admiracion y
gusto " Figueroa, o. c., p. 135.
388 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
after scarcely a year's study of the language, we must conclude
that the Father must have been not only a man of wonderful
ability, but a true prodigy" ^
Finally, another unexpected circumstance drew to Fr. de
Nobili the attention of his audience. " What helps me very
much in the conversion of these people ", says he in a letter of
Decembert84th, 1608, " is the fact I discovered, that they had
originally four Vedas; three which the Brahmans still teach, viz.
ofVesmu (Vishnu), Brama (Brahma) and Rutru (Siva), and
a fourth, wholly spiritual, by which salvation was to be attained.
They say, however, that this fourth Veda is lost, and there is
no man wise and good enough to recover it. And the wisest
of their men state likewise that the most secret books affirm
it to be impossible to attain salvation by any of the
other three laws. Hence many think that there is no salvation
at all, and others suppose that there is nothing beyond this life.
From this I take occasion to show them that they are in a fatal
error from which, as they themselves confess, none of their
three Vedas can save them. I prove this to them with the very
sayings of their books. These people have a deep yearning
for eternal life ; hence they are much inclined to do penance
and to give alms, and to be very faithful to their idols. So I
profit by this disposition to tell them that if they wish
to be saved, they ought to listen to me ; that I have come
from a far-off country simply to save them , by teaching them
that spiritual law which (as their Brahmans avow) has been
lost— thus following the example of the Apostle who preached
to the Athenians the Unknown God. I tell them that if they
wish to apprehend this fourth law, they ought to declare them-
selves my disciples. Their conversion becomes then very easy.
For when they resolve to become my disciples, they easily
receive from me the doctrine I preach to them ; and thus their
will being inclined in my favour, they gladly come to hear
my explanations" 2.
1. Castets, o.c., p. 27-8.
2. Figueroa, o. c., p. 147. Of. Bertrand, o. c., II, p. 21. About the
discovery of the Veda, which Fr. de Nobili speaks of, see Yule, Notes
on Supara and the " Discovery of Sanskrit ", Ind. Ant., II, p. 96 ; Burnett,
THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILI 389
This original way of insinuating himself into the hearts of
the Hindus is acknowledged by Max Muller as a wonderful
token of the prudence and knowledge of Fr. de Nobili. "The
very idea," he says, "that he came, as he said, to preach a new or
a fourth Veda which had been lost, shows how well he knew
the strong and weak points of the theological system which he
came to conquer" l.
13 In this enterprise Fr. de Nobili was evidently aided
by God himself. Mgr. Ros says that "God confirmed his (de
Nobili's) testimony by prodigies and the gifts of the Holy
On borne Early References to the Vedas by European Writers, Ibid., VIII,
p. 98; Caland, Ontdekkingsgeschiedents van den Veda (Amsterdam, 1918);
Zachariae-Hosten, The Discovery of the Veda, Journal of Indian History,
II, p. 127-57. In the 18th century, a MS. containing a new Veda, the
Ezur-Veda was found in the Mission Library of Pondichery. The most
respectable native Christians of the place held the opinion, founded
on no authority, that the book was written by Fr. Roberto de Nobili.
Nevertheless, Mr. Ellis, Account of the Discovery of a Modern Imitation of
the Vedas, Asiatic Researches, XIV, p. 32, wisely says. " There can be no
doubt that he (de Nobili) was fully qualified to be the author of those
writings. If this should be the fact, considering the high character
he bears among all acquainted with his name and the nature of his
known works, I am inclined to attribute to him the composition
only, not the forgery, of pseudo Vedas". Max Muller, Lectures on the
Science of Language, I, p. 174, note 70, categorically says: "The Ezur-
Veda is not the work of Robert de Nobili. It was probably written
by one of his converts. There is no evidence for ascribing the work
to Robert, and it is not mentioned in the list of his works". In spite
of the statements of these learned scholars, D'Orsey, Portuguese Dis-
coveries, p. 256, boldly affirms that " Pere Robert applied his great
skill to the production of a forgery in Sanskrit on an old bit of
parchment. Wifcen questioned as to the genuineness of this certifi-
cate, he solemnly swore before the council of Brahmans at Madura
that the document was authentic ; and that he, like all Jesuits, was
descended from their Indian Divinity 1 Nor was this all. He forged
a new Veda, which was so well executed that, for nearly two
centuries, it imposed itself upon the natives themselves". There
cannot be more historical errors in so few lines. Then and Dr. Alex
H. Japp, A Jesuit Missionary in India, East and West, III, p. 977-92,
repeats this unfounded accusation ; but he was thoroughly refuted by
Fr. Ernest R. Hull, Was Robert de Nobili an Impostor f Ibid., p 1223-38.
There cannot be any doubt about the authorship of the Ezur-Veda.
A French Jesuit, named Calmette, wrote it one century later. As
Prof. Caland, o. c., p. 33, shows, the spelling of the Sanskrit words
and proper names points to Bengal and Orissa and not to the Tamil
country where de Nobili ordinarily lived. Of. Caland, Robert de Nobili
and the Sanskrit Language, Ada Orientalia, III, p. 50.
1. Max Muller, Lectures on the Science of Language, I, p. 174-5.
390 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Ghost" }. Impartial history cannot but acknowledge the
preternatural character of a number of cases related in the
contemporary letters, either of Fr. de Nobiii himself, or of his
companions.
In 1607 a new Christian compelled the devil to leave the
body of his wife, not yet a Christian, by making the sign of the
cross over her forehead *. The same happened to a Muham-
madan in July, 1608; for when Albert, de Nobili's first convert,
made the sign of the cross, the devil exclaimed : "You owe my
departure to the weapon given by this man". "Whose weapon
is this?", questioned the Muhammadan. "The weapon of the
Almighty God, who created both of us", replied the devil, and
disappeared for ever :{. In August of the same year one of the
disciples of de Nobiii, not yet a Christian, was lying very
sick, together with his three children ; de Nobiii on
being apprised of the case, sent Alexis, carrying the Gospel and
holy water. By these two spiritual remedies the four patients
were suddenly cured 4. Another catechumen was sick unto
death, as a result of an attack of apoplexy, on October 23rd,
1608 ; de Nobiii went there himself and baptised his disciple, and
the latter got up at once in good health 5. At about the same time,
another man possessed by the devil was presented to Albert.
This Christian, before making the sign of the cross over the
sick, asked the devil what kind of man was Father Roberto, and
whether the things taught by him were true. The devil replied
that Fr. de Nobiii was a man of great authority, and that all the
things he taught were perfectly true. Again Albert asked the
devil about the progress and success of Fr. de Nobili's enter-
prise. The devil answered that the missionary would obtain
1. From Mgr. F. Bos to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November 19th,
1613, Castets, o. c., p. 29. "Foy tambem o Senior seruido de con-
firm ar ostes nouos Christaos com alguas obras marauilhosas, que os
animam muyto a se consolarem com a fee que tern recebido, &
perseuerarem nella". Guerreiro, o. c., p. 116.
2. Guerreiro, o. c., p. 116-7.
3. Figueroa, o. c., p. 139.
4. Ibid., p. 139-40.
5. Ibid., p. 140*1. See another similar case in p. 137-8.
THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILI 3QI
very little fruit in the beginning, but, three years later his
mission would be extraordinarily developed l.
14. All these events were naturally spoken about at the
court of Madura and even in the country around, and Fr. de
Nobili's fame and deeds were on the lips of everyone : " The
fame about me at Madura and through the country ", he wrote
on December 24th, 1608, " is that a new Mori (a spiritual ascetic
and teacher) has come to destroy the idols. Hence they speak
of me in very different ways " 2. This was the cause of the
friendship between de Nobili and a number of nobles and Palai-
yakarans of the kingdom of Madura.
In a letter to Laerzio, dated October 25th, 1608, de Nobili
says : " A chief Raya, about seventy years old, often came to
the door of my house, and spoke to one of my neighbours, beg-
ging to be announced to one of my servants, for he was already
old and the hour of his death was near. Then he begged my
servant to be introduced to me in order to become my disciple,
since many said in this city that I was teaching the road to
salvation. I allowed him to come in, and he prostrated himself
at my feet and prayed to be taught the law of salvation. I
spoke at length to this old man, who was very clever and sensi-
ble ; he promised to come regularly to my preaching, and to
bring to me several other Rayas who were under him " 3.
On one occasion, one of the four Governors of Muttu
Virappa Nayaka, in the city of Madura, went to pay a visit to
the Father. A brother of his, who had been governing one of
the palaiyams, had died childless shortly before, and had been
succeeded by him. De Nobili asked him where his brother, once
noble and rich, was ; and concluded his interrogatory by saying
that as he had not known the law of salvation, he was, on
account of this ignorance, in hell. De Nobili spoke with such
fervour on this point that his visitor burst into tears, and pro-
mised to come back to hear more of his teaching 4.
At the same time de Nobili wrote a letter to the Palaiya-
1. Ibid., p. 139.
2. Ibid., p. 145.
3. Ibid., p. 140.
4. Ibid., p. 137,
392 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
karan of Daraporan (Dharapuram), in which he said that there
was no salvation for those who ignored God and the divine law*
and offered to put him on the right way to salvation. The chiefs
answer is as follows : —
" I Chavarcovardin (Chakravartin), the slave of Your Lord-
ship, wrote this, while bowing and looking at the feet of Your
Lordship. I am ready to serve you at any time, according to
the command of Your Lordship. With great rejoicing I re-
ceived your letter, by which you announced you would come
soon to teach me the divine secret. This was the main purport
of your letter. But our land is now troubled with many wars.
As soon as these matters are settled, I shall send a message to
the holy feet of Your Lordship ; and then, Lord, please come
to us. Do not be sorry that I beg you to delay your coming
a little, on account of the deadly dissensions in this country. I
cannot discover what good luck it was that brought
Your Lordship here. I shall let you know of everything " l.
Friendly relations were also started in 1608 between de
Nobili and the then Pandya King ofTenkasi, Srivallabha, the
brother and successor of Ativirarama 2. The missionary wrote
Srivallabha a letter inviting him * to hear of the things referring
to his salvation '. The messenger sent by de Nobili, who,must
have been one of his disciples, was kindly entertained by the
King. They spoke about God and the new doctrine preached by
the Western sannyasi. Srivallabha showed his desire to see and
hear Fr. de Nobili. Accordingly he replied that when he should
go to Madura to pay a visit to the Nayak, he would see the
Father and receive his instruction. Srivallabha went there on
August 1st, and at once sent one of his Brahmans to the house
of de Nobili, to visit the Father on his behalf; this envoy told
1. Ibid., p. 136-7.
2. Of. T. A. S., 1, p. 57-8. The details given in the Jesuit source
about this Monarch, who is still called ' Rey de Madure ', King of
Madura, leave no doubt that he is the nominal Pandya King. u Era
este Rey antigamente muy poderoso, mas al presente el JNayque le ha
vsurpado muchas tierras. Tiene buen entendimento, y en su confor-
midad desea saluarse, assi ay grandes esperancas de su conuersion ".
Figueroa, o. c., p. 137.
THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO DE NOBILI 393
de Nobili that His Lordship would come later on, to speak With
him about his salvation. Unfortunately the Pandya fell sick
during his stay at Madura, and he had not yet recovered when
the letter that gives this news was written *. We could not
find any further details about this interesting subject.
Two years later, on December 24th, 1610, Fr. Vico wrote to
Fr. Laerzio from Madura itself: "Two months ago a petty
King, feudatory to the great Naique (Nayak), by name Utappa
Naique, came to us. He was a man of very good nature, and
desirous of finding the way to heaven. This man on reaching
the chamber of the Aiyer prostrated himself, his face touching
the ground ; nor did he stand up till requested by the Father
twice or thrice. He spoke with the Father about the misery of
this life, and about the certainty of death. Finally, he earnestly
begged the Father to come to his own country, as he was much
interested in being instructed in our doctrine " 2.
15. The hard life and heavy work of the Christian sannyasi
was too much for his enfeebled health. At the end of 1608 he
wrote to the Provincial : " I cannot stand so much work alone.
Hence I am in need of a companion. He must be a very
fervent man, desirous of suffering for Christ's sake. For the
families of those who are already baptised are very numerous,
and there are other catechumens with their families. Many
other nobles and rich Hindus come over every day. Rest is
unknown to me day or night. I am afraid I shall not be able to
bear up with so much toil " 3.
Shortly before, de Nobili had sent two of his new Christians
to Cochin and Angamale, where they received the Sacrament of
Confirmation at the hands of Mgr. Ros 4. The presence of
those new Christians excited great enthusiasm among the
Jesuits at Cochin ; many offered themselves to the Provincial to
share in the fatigues of de Nobiii 5. Fr. Laerzio selected for
1. Figueroa, 1. c.
2. From Fr. A. Vico to Fr. A. Laerzio, Madura, December 24th
1610, Ap. C, No XXXI.
3. Figueroa, o. c., p. 144.
4. Ibid., p. 159-60.
5. Ibid., p. 161.
50
394 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
this task Fr. Manoel Leytao, a Portuguese, who was then Master
of Novices at Cochin *. He left this town on the 1 5th of
August, 1609, in the garb of a sannyasi, and reached Madura
on the 26th of the same month 2. From there he wrote an
interesting letter to Fr. Laerzio, of which the following lines are
an extract : " After some time spent in holy conversation ",
says he, " Fr. Roberto told me it was meal-time. His disciples
came to prepare the table. It was soon ready : a plantain leaf
placed on the floor served as table, table cloth, dish and plates.
I sat down close to the leaf, on which a Brahman placed the
food. I began to eat ; but in spite of my great hunger, I felt
such abhorrence for this new kind of food, and also perhaps for
the new way of taking it — with the fingers — that I had to force
myself to swallow the morsels. This abhorrence lasted for
several days. I begin however to get a little used to it ; for
every feeling must give way to the love of God, and to the
desire I have to serve Him in this land" 3.
He however could not stay long. His health broke down, and
he was recalled to Cochin at the beginning of the following year,
and was replaced in the month, of September, 1610, by
Fr. Antonio Vico, lecturer in Theology *, of whom we shall
speak at length in the following volume.
16. This would be according to chronology the proper
place to relate the beginning of the persecutions against Fr. de
Nobili, which commenced towards the close of this period ; but
we think it advisable to leave the narrative of them for the
following volume, where we shall be able to give an uninterrupt-
ed account of those sad events.
Before closing this chapter, however, it may be considered
the task of the impartial historian to give a criticism of de
Nobili's method of introducing Christianity into the heart of
Hinduism. He had certainly many enemies among his own
contemporaries ; but they were swayed in their campaign against
the missionary by evil passions, which induced them even to
1. Juvencio, Epitome, IV, p. 121.
2. Figueroa, o. c., p. 161-2.
3. Bertrand, o. c., II, p. 53-4.
4. Besse, o. c., p. 200.
THE MISSION OF FATHER ROBERTO t>E NOBILI 395
calumniate the Christian sannyasi. Many Protestants have
condemned Fr. de Nobili's system l. It is a pity to see several of
those old accusations, now exploded, innocently reproduced in
modern Catholic books. But impartial historians cannot but
praise the work accomplished and the method so successfully
employed by the illustrious Italian missionary.
Fr. Juvencio, the famous historian of the Society of Jesus,
recognised in Fr. Roberto de Nobili a man who had been destin-
ed by God to begin the Madura Mission 2. This statement is
merely an echo of the eulogy of de Nobili, written in 1613, by
Mgr. Ros. to the General of the Society of Jesus : "The Madura
Mission", says he, "which is within my diocese, is a very
spiritual one but very trying, and in all respects worthy
of perfect men and true sons of the Society, entirely devoted to
God, without any human satisfaction and with a perpetual
mortification of the flesh. 1 am convinced that it has been
commenced by divine inspiration, in order to open the way to the
conversion of the whole of the Malabar (Southern India). At last,
after numerous prayers, penances, tears, and holy sacrifices,
God Our Lord opened the eyes of the Zelotes of the Holy
Church ; and they considered that the proper work of the Society
was to do what St. Paul had done; 'I have made myself all to
all*. Thus the good Fr. Roberto de Nobili went by a special
inspiration of the Holy Ghost, into the great city of
Madura" 3.
The method followed by Fr. de Nobiii was the only one
which ever met with success among the high castes of India.
His way of preaching Christ's Gospel to Indians was the result
of his deep knowledge of the religion, customs and literature
of the priestly caste. His broad ideas made him clearly distin-
guish between religious and social customs, between superstition
and good manners, between faith and nationality; and through
a thousand difficulties and numberless hardships success crown-
ed his enterprise.
1. Cf. D'Orsey, o. c., p. 257, and Japp, o. c., p. 991.
2. Juvencio, Epitome, IV, p. 66.
3. From Mgr. F. Ros to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November
19th,1613, Castets, o. c., p. 28.
396 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
His splendid work and the encouraging results he and his
companions obtained, reached the ears of Philip III of Spain,
then also sovereign of Portugal. This pious monarch, whose zeal
for the propagation of the Christian faith is well known, wrote
to them an encouraging letter, the original of which we could
not anywhere trace. But the Archives of the Portuguese
Government at Pangim still preserve a copy of the reply of
the Viceroy to his sovereign. Dom Jeronymo d' Azevedo
wrote in 1613 to this effect : " The letter Your Majesty sent will
be given to those (Jesuits) of Madure whom I thanked on your
Majestey's behalf for their good conduct in propagating
Christianity. They are religious who well deserve it, because
they do their work with the utmost care and assiduity" l.
1. From the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d'Atevedo to Philip III,
1613, Ap. B, No. XII.
CHAPTER XIX
THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE AND JINJI
SUMMARY.— 1. Continuation of the reign of Achyutappa Nayaka of
Tanjore. His behaviour towards Venkata II. — 2. Abdication
and death of Achyutappa Nayaka. — 3. Ragunatha Nayaka
murders his eldest brother. — 4. His suspicious relations with
Vijayanagara. — 5. Krishnappa Nayaka of Jinji and his uncle.
— 6. Early revolt of Krishnappa against Veniata II. — 7. Krish-
nappa Nayaka and Fr. N. Pimenta. Description of Jinji. — 8.
Foundation of the city of Krishnapatam. — 9. Great power of the
Nayak of Jinji. His feudatories. — 10. Rebellion of Krishnappa
against Venkata II. His madnsss. — 11. Victory of Venkata
over Krishnappa in 1608. — 12. Krishnappa Nayaka and the Dutch.
The fort of Devanapatnam.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. — 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. — 2.
Jesuit letters. — 3. Du Jarric. — 4. Anquetil du Perron. — 5. Jon-
gue's Dutch documents. — 6. Sahithyaratnakara. Ragunathabhyudayam,
Ushaparinayam. — 7. Velugutivaru Vamsavali.
DURING the first half of the reign of Venkata II, the ruler of
Tanjore was still Achyutappa Nayaka. The Sahityaratna-
kara relates that during his time the Dutch, who were
then starting their trading career in the East, appeared
before Negapatam and attempted to land in order to found
a trading factory ; but they were valiantly repulsed and
driven away by Achyutappa 1.
Negapatam had been lent by his father to the Portuguese,
and their number had been constantly on the increase *.
Fr. Pimenta, who passed through it in 1597, tells us that " many
Portugals dwell there and many winter there, which come from
the Coast of China, Bengala, Pegu and Malaca." 8 Achyutappa
Nayaka invited Fr. Pimenta to establish a Jesuit house with a
Church at Negapatam ; while another one was already started
1. Sahithyaratnakara^ canto VI, v. 68.
2. Cf. Ch. VIII, No. 2.
3. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 207.
Cf. Du Jarric, I, p. 632.
398 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
at Tranquembar !. And while Fr. Pimenta was in the town, the
inhabitants actually purchased ' a place for five hundred
Duckets, for a new Residence of ours ' says the same
Fr. Pimenta 2. Fr. du Jarric gives a slightly fuller description
of this place. He says that it was "by the river side havingthe sea
to the West and was fitted for the functions of the Society".
Fr. Pimenta sent two priests there 3.
As to his relations with Venkata II, Achyutappa Nayaka is
mentioned with the title of Mahamandalesvara, in a much
damaged and dateless record on a stone in the Kankudutta
Vinayaka temple at Kavalkudaru 4. An inscription of 1596-7,
by the same Venkata in North Arcot, records a gift of money by
Achyutappa Nayakar Aiyan for the merit of Dikshitar Aiyan 6.
Formerly Achyutappa had sent his son Raghunatha to help
the Emperor in the siege of Penukonda *5.
But Anquetil du Perron gives us a piece of information not
consistent with the above. He says that before the year 1595,
both the Nayaks of Madura arid Tanjore had rebelled against
Venkata7. We really doubt the accuracy of Anquetil in this
passage; forthe inscription of Venkata mentioned above is
dated only a year later. It is possible, however, that the
rebellion took place some years later, and was misplaced by
Anquetil, confusing it with an earlier rising of the Nayak
of Madura. As a matter of fact, oi:e of Fr. Coutinho's
letters from the court of Venkata seems to allude to an insurgent
attitude on the part of Achyutappa ; for he affirms that "the
rumour was that the King (Venkata) would warre upon the
Naichus of Tangaor, called Astapanaicus (Achyutappa
1. Ibid., Cf. Du Jarric, T, p. 633.
2. Ibid.
3. Du Jarric, I, p. 633. A letter of Philip III to the Viceroy dated
Lisbon, December 10th, 1607, mentions some riots occurred among
the Portuguese of Negapatani; it seems that tho leaders of the rioters
were two brothers named Mello, Bulhao Pato, Documentos, I, p. 146.
4. 298 of 1911.
5. 710 of 1904.
6. Cf. Oh. XVI, Nos. 1 and 2.
7. Anquetil du Perron, I.e., p. 166.
THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE AND JINJI 399
Nayaka) " '. This letter, published by Purchas, has been
extremely mutilated. The original gives more valuable infor-
mation. Coutinho says that Venkata "has a large army with
many good generals in order to re-conquer Kanchivaram ; which
city, along with all the country around, surrendered to Astapa-
naichus (Achyutappa Naj^aka), the king of Tangier " 2. We
deduce from this passage that the cause of the trouble was not
precisely refusal to pay the tribute, but the city of Kanchivaram;
though what the fact was that created this enmity is not clear.
Moreover we know from the same letter that the war never
broke out : " II is quite certain ", continues Coutinho, " that the
King does not think of that expedition anymore " 3. Venkata's
designs were checked by th'3 death of Achyutappa Nayaka *.
And since this took place in 1600, this quarrel between the
Emperor and the Nayaka must have occurred in 1598-9.
2. According to the Sahithyaratnakara, Achyutappa Naya-
ka, on account of old age, resigned the crown in favour of his son
Raghunatha Nayaka, and retired to Srirangam, where he spent
the rest of his life. Consequently Raghunatha was crowned
according to the ancient rites, Govinda Dikshita performing the
ceremony 5. Up to this time we have relied upon the authority of
Govinda Dikshita's son, Yagnanarayana Dikshita; who, how-
ever, to give some dramatic interest to his poem, placed the
renunciation of Achyutappa after the outbreak of the civil war,
and the death of Verikata II. Nothing could be farther from
the truth. Anquetil du Perron said that Achyutappa " had
resigned and given up the government affairs some years
before 1600 " 6. But Fr. Pimenta, when passing through
Tanjore in 1597, wrote that Achyutappa " has lately renounced
the world and prepared himself for death " 7. Fr. du Jarric
1. From Fr. B. Coutinho, Purchas, X, p. 222.
2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri,
July 17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid., Purchas, I.e.
5. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 273.
6. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 168.
7. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 219.
400 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
agrees with him l. Hence there can be no longer any doubt
about the date of Achyutappa's renunciation : the year 1597
witnessed the coronation of Raghunatha and his father's
pilgrimage to Srirangam. The Raghunathabhyudayam agrees
with Pimenta and Anquetil du Perron ; according to this poem,
Raghunatha was crowned King long before the civil war and
the war with Ceylon 2.
Both Pimenta and du Jarric relate that, when Achyutappa
retired to Srirangam, he was faithfully " accompanied in that
devotion by his seventy wives, all which were to be burned in
the same fire with his carkasse. Hee had bestowed five thousand
pieces of gold in sweet woods against that day"8. Anquetil
du Perron states that Achyutappa's death took place about
1600 4. And Fr. Coutinho, writing from Chandragiri on
July I7th, 1600, reports : " This (Achyutappa Nayaka) died
lately. His corpse, along with 370 wives still alive, was burnt in
a big fire of sandal-wood " 6.
Achyutappa is praised by the son of Govinda Dikshita for
his long and beneficient rule, for the destruction of his enemies,
and for his liberal patronage of learned men °. He gave many
villages in free tenure to the temple at Srirangam, offered a
costly diamond-throne to the god Ranganatha, with a rich
necklace, crown, and leg jewels, all set with diamonds. He had
many agraharams built in his name, and lodged many Brahmans
in them. He performed many pujas and other religious services
in various temples, such as those of Chidambaram, Tirupati,
1. Du Jarric, I, p. 648.
2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 286-7.
3. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, 1. c. Cf.
Du Jarric, 1. c.
4. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c.
5. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July
17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V. This passage had been translated by
Purohas, X, p. 222, as follows : " His three hundred Concubines
being burned with him to honour his Exequies, willingly leaping into
the flames ".
6. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 273.
THE NAYAKSXOF TANJORE AND JINJI 401
Kalahasti etc. l. According to the Raghunathabhyudayam, the
beautiful golden tower over the shrine of Srirangam was one of
his gifts to the god. This poem also records many presents
made by him to the god Siva, who was worshipped at Rames-
waram, and the restoration and reconstruction of many holy
bathing ghats of this place which were then in ruins 2.
3. Govinda Dikshita implies that Raghunatha was the
eldest son of Achyutappa Nayaka ; but Anquetil du Perron
tells us that the eldest son of Achyutappa had been imprisoned
by order of his father 3, and this information is confirmed by
Fr. Coutinho, in his letter of July 1 7th, 1600, to Fr. Pimenta 4.
No reason for such an imprisonment is given ; what is clear is
the extreme predilection of Achyutappa for Raghunatha.
" When Raghunatha grew up ", says Ramabhadramba in her
poem, " his great qualities pleased his father very much. He
had several Princesses of the Pandya and of other kingdoms
married to him. Achyutappa made Raghunatha Yuvaraja"5.
The same poem, when describing the return of Raghunatha
from Penukonda after defeating the Muslim hordes, who were
menacing the capital of Venkata II, gives an instance of his
special fondness. When Achyuta heard that his son Raghunatha
was returning after accomplishing his mission with the Emperor
of Karnata, he proceeded some distance from his capital to meet
him, and gave him a fitting reception 6. Sivappa Nayaka, his
grand-father, also had an extraordinary predilection for his grand-
son Raghunatha. If we are to believe Govinda Dikshita: "When
he and many other famous scholars were once sitting in the court
of Chevva (Siva), Raghunatha was brought before them, a small
child. Seeing the child Chevva in great delight said : " This
child will become great and rule the whole kingdom, and we
1. Kuppuswami Sastri, A Short History, p. 6-7. Cf. 8. Krishna,
swami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 270.
2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 285.
3. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 168.
4. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July
17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
5. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 285.
6. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 386,
51
402 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
shall become famous on his account " l. This singular
love for Raghunatha naturally excluded the eldest son from
the succession to the throne ; and this was perhaps the reason
of the latter's imprisonment.
On many occasions such predilections have been the origin
of unspeakable family tragedies, as it was in the present case.
The crime that ensued was carefully concealed by both the court
poets, Yagnanarayana Dikshita and Ramabhadramba, who
did not mention even the existence of such a brother. After
Raghunatha's accession to the throne his brother remained
under custody ; and either because of a natural fear proceeding
from the fact that his own right to the crown was less founded
than that of his brother, or owing perhaps to a court cons-
spiracy in which his own brother was implicated, Raghunatha
murdered his elder brother ; this crime is testified to by both
Anquetil du Perron and Fr. Coutinho 2. As Fr. Coutinho
speaks of both events in the same letter, dated July, 1600,
this fratricide must have been committed in the beginning of
Raghunatha's reign, perhaps immediately after the death of
his father.
4. Raghunatha's relations with Venkata II are a little
suspicious. There is no doubt that in 1604 the latter received
an envoy, probably with the tribute, from the Nayak of
Tanjore 3. Nevertheless it seems that, before 1606, Tanjore
had withdrawn the payment of tribute 4. In 1608, at the end
of September or at the beginning of October, Tanjore again
sent his tribute to Venkata, according to a letter of Fr. Coutinho,
referred to in the preceding chapter 6. About 1610, however,
Tanjore was not on friendly terms with Vijayanagara. At about
this time Venkata besieged the city of St. Thome ; the Portu-
guese were aided by Ragunatha, who received for this service a
letter from the Spanish sovereign (who was then also the King
1. Sahitya Sudha, 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 267.
2. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c. ; Letter of Fr. Coutinho mentioned
above. *
3. Litterae Anmae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C,
No. XXII.
4. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1606-1607, Ibid.,
No. XXVI.
5. Of. Ch. XVII, No. 11.
THE KAYAKS OF TANJORE AND JlNJI 40J
of Portugal) thanking him for his aid l. This is a proof that
Raghunatha's policy towards the Empire was very suspicious.
After Venkata's death however he became as we shall see, the
most enthusiastic supporter of the heir appointed by Venkata
on his death-bed.
5. When Venkata II ascended the throne of Vijayanagara,
the Nayak of Jinji was probably Krishnappa N ay aka 2, called
Vencapatir by Anquetil du Perron 9. We do not know what
kind of relations existed between him and Surappa Nayaka,
who has been spoken of in the preceding chapters 4. Anquetii
du Perron says that Krishnappa Nayaka succeeded his father 5.
Who was then his predecessor? We cannot give a satisfactory
answer to this question. Mr. Rangachari calls Krishnappa
Nayaka, Varadappa Nayak (1580-1620), and states that he was
the son of his predecessor Venkatappa (1570-1580) ; without
however, mentioning the source of his information 6.
We know nevertheless that after the death of his father,
Krishnappa Nayaka, who must have been then a young man, was
imprisoned by his uncle in the same fortress of Jinji. But " by
helpe of his friends", says Fr. Pimenta, "he forced (his uncle)
to become in the same place (prison) his unwilling successour,
having put out his eyes" \ Anquetil du Perron, who records
the same fact, adds that Krishnappa was freed by his own
subjects 8.
6. Krishnappa was probably one of the chiefs who revolt-
ed against Venkata II in the beginning of the latter's reign ;
for, we see him imprisoned by Venkata, early during the siege
of Penukonda by the Golkonda forces 9. On the occasion of his
rebellion, the Emperor sent against him an army under the
command of one Venkata, an elder brother of the Kalahasti
L Of. Ch. XXI No. 13.
2. Raghunathabhyudayam, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources
p. 286. '
3. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 169.
4. Of. Oh. VIII, No. 3 and Ch. XIII, No. 7.
5. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c.
6. Ind. Ant., XLV, p. 92.
7. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. 0. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 218.
8. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c.
, 9. Of. Ch. XVI, No. 1.
404 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
chief Ankabhupala. Venkata marched against Krishnappa and
defeated him l. It seems that Krishnappa fell into the hands
of the victorious generals, for he was afterwards kept 'in the
Emperor's prison ' 2. Such is the expression used by Rama-
bhadramba in her Raghunathdbhyudayam ; it has been supposed,
however, that this Emperor's prison was in the capital itself,
Penukonda 3. During the time of his confinement the Jinji
territory seems to have been ruled by Venkata, the general who
had defeated the Nayak; because the same Ushaparinayam,
that gives us the information about his victory, says that after
this event Venkata ' constructed in his territory (viz. Krishna-
ppa's) a large tank, and named it Chennasagaram after his
father" 4. This seems to imply a long stay in the Jinji country.
It happened afterwards that Raghunatha Nayaka, after the
defeat of the Golkonda forces, asked the Emperor Venkata for
the release of Krishnappa, which was granted through the
Tanjore Crown-Prince. "The lord of Tundira (Jinji) then pro-
strated himself with his Queen before Raghunatha, and showed
his gratitude by giving Raghunatha his daughter in marriage" 5.
7. Some years after Krishnappa's return to Jinji, Fr.
Nicolas Pimenta, a Jesuit traveller often mentioned in this work,
made his acquaintance while making his visitation of the Jesuit
missions in the South of India; from him we fortunately possess
a valuable account of his dealings with the Nayak and of the
very city and fortress of Jinji.
Their first meeting took place in the city of Chidambaram
in 1597. Pimenta arrived there on his way to St. Thome, where
Krishnappa Nayaka happened to be at the time. " The Naichus
of Gingi", says Pimenta himself, " was come thither, in whose
Dominion it standeth. He commanded that we should be
brought to his Presence. Before us two hundred Brachmanes
went in a ranke to sprinkle the house with Holy water, and to
prevent Sorcerie against the King, which they use to doe every
L Ushaparinayam, 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 308.
2. 3. Kriahnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 286.
3. Of. Ibid., p. 272, note.
4. Ibid., p. 308.
5. Raghunathabhyudayam, Ibid., p. 286.
THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE AND JINJI 405
day that the King first entreth into any house. We found him
lying on a silken Carpet leaning qn two Cushions, in a long
silken Garment, a great Chaine hanging from his necke, distin-
guished with many Pearles and Gemmes, all over his brest, his
long haire tyed with a knot on the crowne, adorned with
Pearles; some Princes and Brachmanes attended him. He
entertained us kindly, and marvelled much that wee chewed
not the leaves of Betele which were offered us, and dismissed us
with gifts of precious Clothes wrought with Gold, desiring a
Priest of us for his new Citie which hee was building" *.
They met again after some days at Jinji itself. Fr Pimenta's
narrative is worth reading ; it shows the greatness and wealth of
this famous city, called at that time by the Europeans the
Troy of the East; it shows as well some of the customs and
ceremonies performed in the court of Krishnappa Nayaka.
"Wee went thence to Gingi," writes Pimenta, "the greatest
Citie we have scene in India, and bigger than any in Portugal!,
Lisbon excepted. In the midst therefore is a Castle like a
Citie, high walled with great hewen stone and encompassed
with a ditch full of water : in the middle of it is a Rocke framed
into Bulwarkes and Turrets, and made impregnable. The
Naicus showed us his golden stuffe, amongst which were
two great Pots carried on their shoulders full of water for the
King to drinke...The Naicus appointed our lodging in the
Tower, but the heat forced us to the Grove (though consecrated
to an Idoll) . .
"The next day the inner part of the Castle was shewed us,
having no entrance but by the Gates which are perpetually
guarded. In the Court the younger sort were exercised in
Tilts. Wee saw much Ordnance, Powder, and Shot ; a
spring also of cleare water... He (theNayak) was guarded home-
ward with a thousand armed men : in the Streete were
ranked three hundred Elephants as it were fitted to the
warre. At the Porch one entertained him with an Oration in
his praise, a thing usuall in their solemne pompes.
Christapanaichus (Krishnappa Nayaka), (that is his name)
1. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 208.
Of. Du Jarric, I, p. 634.
406 THE ARAVlDU DYNASTY OF VljAYANAGARA
shewed us another day his store of Jewels, and gave us leave
in his new Citie" J.
8. This new city referred to by Pimenta was then under
construction. It was named Christapatama, i.e. Krishnapatam,
after the name of the Nayak, its founder 2. "It is located",
says du Jarric, "in tha country called Arungor near the mouth
of the river Vellar" J. In order to foster the new foundation,
Krishnappa allowed every body to select his own building-site ;
and a piece of land was assigned to everybody in the outskirts
of the city for agricultural purposes. Consequently many
buildings were under construction when the visitor went
there 4. To superintend the building of this town, Krishnappa
had appointed one of the nobles of his kingdom called Cholgana
(Solaga), of whom we shall speak a little further on 8.
Krishnappa Nayaka earnestly asked Fr. Pimenta to build
a church in this new city, and to erect a residence for a priest,
he himself giving a good endowment : " two hundred pieces of
gold being assigned to the Priest thereof," says Pimenta,
"his Letters Patents written in the Tamulan and Badagan
Languages " fi. This grant was made in the presence of all
the grandees and nobles of the court 7. Accordingly
Fr. Pimenta called Fr. Alexander Levi, ' a man of renowned
holiness and of great knowledge of the vernacular', from
Travancore, and left him at Krishnapatam to superintend the
construction of the new church 8.
1. From the same to the same, Purclias, X, p. 217-8. Cf. Du
Jarric, I, p. 640-2. See Heras, The City ofjinji at the End of the I6th
Century, Ind. Ant., LIV, p. 41-2, where this extract of Pimenta's
letter is illustrated and commented upon.
2. Du Jarric, 1. c.
3. Ibid., p. 646. It forms the pressnt Hindu quarter of Porto
Novo.
4. Ibid., p. 646-7.
5. Ibid., p. 642.
6. Froxn Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purohas, X, p.
218. " ' '- -
7. Du Jarric,.!, p. 642-3.
8. Ibid,, p. 647. It is very strange to see Krishnappa Nayaka
favouring so much the Portuguese Jesuits, whose nation was
THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE AND JINJI 407
9. One of the Jesuit Letters of 1606 states that from
among the three Nayaks of Madura, Tanjore and Jinji, he of
Jinji was the most powerful, and accordingly he had divided his
dominions among other smaller Nayaks. One of these smaller
Nayaks, subjects to Krishnappa Nayaka, was, according to the
same letter, Lingama Nayaka of Vellore *. Fr. Pimenta
mentions two other feudatories of Krishnappa, 'the Princes of
Trividin (Tiruvadi) and Salavaccha (?) ' 2. The above mentioned
Solaga was also one of the chiefs of the highest rank 3. He ap-
pears both in the Sdhityaratndkara of Yagnanarayana Dikshita
and in the Raghhnathabhyudayam of Ramabhadramba 4. During
Fr. Pimenta's stay at Jinji, Solaga's son, a boy of fourteen,
' accompanied by many nobles and old men ', reached the
capital to ask Krishnappa to name him after himself; with the
further request of a grant of a golden chair and several pieces
of land. He became a close friend of the Jesuits ; so close that
when the Nayak allowed the Fathers to depart he commended
them to the care of Solaga's son, who accompanied them safely
to the castle of his father r>.
The latter was living in a small fort at the mouth of the
river Colerun. " He had seene his eighties, and was a man of
great authority among his subjects, feared by everybody " 6.
" Colgana (Solaga), a great man, received us with great kind-
nesse", says Fr. Pimenta himself. " Hee is old and severe, and
hath caused Crocodiles to bee put in his River for his securitie,
charging them not to hurt his owne people. They nevertheless
killed a man; whereupon I knowe not by what arts hee tooke two
of them which were the malefactors, and put chaines about
reputed as polluted by the orthodox Hindus. Du Jarric, I, p. 635,
affirms that the Nayak used to say that * he had formerly seen
other Portuguese priests, but none was alike to these.'
1. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap.
C, No. XXII.
2. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, !
3. Du Jarric, I, p. 642.
4. We shall speak of him again in the beginijjfd|jj£e'?ollowing
volume.
5. Du Jarric, I, p. 643.
6. Ibid,, p, 647.
408 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
their neckes, and cast them into a miry place, there to bee stoned
by the people, and to die of famine. One of these we
saw" i.
This description of the person and character of Solaga
marvellously agrees with the account given of him in the
Raghunathabhyudayam : "He had occupied an island near the
sea, and was giving great trouble to the surrounding country.
He used to carry away women from the neighbouring country,
and was giving the people no peace" 2.
10. Such were some of the tributaries of the powerful
Krishnappa Nayaka of Jinji. Holding such a power as he did,
it is not strange that his old ideas of independence should again
rise in his mind. The fact is that in 1600 the nobles and
courtiers of Venkata II were earnestly urging him * to capture
the town of Jinji ', as Fr. Coutinho informs us in one of his
letters 3. Anquetil du Perron says that Venkata had plenty
of reasons for waging war against the Nayak of Jinji, in 1600 4 ;
but nowhere are these reasons found. One was, very
likely, the refusal of the annual tribute as pointed out by the
same Anquetil.
And then all of a sudden it happened that Krishnappa
Nayaka became demented. "Krishnappa Naiken, the Sovereign
of Jinji", says Anquetil du Perron, "became insane, as a result
of a poison which was administered to him" 5. This was
indeed the first rumour of this affair ; but soon it was clear
that his madness was feigned, as we read in Fr. Coutinho's letter
mentioned above. " Christapanaicus (Krishnappa Nayaka)",
says he, " being poisoned, got mad, although the fraud
is now patent: the King feigned to be out of his
head in order to please four of the grandees of his
kingdom, who were afterwards killed by his order". This
apparent insanity saved Krishnappa Nayaka from the war
1. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 218.
Of. Du Jarric, I, p. 647-8.
2. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 286.
3. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri,
July 17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
4. Anquetil du Perron, I.e., p. 166
5. Ibid., p. 169.
THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE AND JINJI 409
which Venkata and his nobles were ready to make upon him.
" They persuaded the King (Venkata) to invest this city (Jinji)",
says Coutinho, " but he, though having right to do so,... replied
that it would be a most cruel thing to go to war with a feudatory
while he was insane" l.
Four years later, in 1604, Krishnappa sent an embassy to
Venkata, as the Jesuit letters inform us 2 ; but war burst out at
last towards the end of 1607, ending with great dishonour to
the Nayak.
II. On this occasion Venkata, not being able to stand the
tardiness of the Nayak in paying his tribute, ' despatched his
captains to conquer the lands of the Naique of Ginga (Jinji) ',
says Fr.Coutinho in another letter. One of these captains,
and perhaps the commander-in-chief, was Velugoti Yachama
Nayadu; for the Velugutivaru Vamsavali says that in the course
of Venkata's reign he captured Chengi (Jinji) a. "While the
imperial army was approaching the fortress, God wanted to
punish the Naique who was within, " continues Coutinho. "Had
he remained in the fortress, nobody would have defeated him,
for it is impregnable; but he, too arrogant, went out to meet the
army of the King (Venkata). Then his own captains, despair-
ing, deserted him ; and the said Naique fell prisoner into the
hands of his enemies. And he," adds Coutinho, "distributed his
earrings and other jewels he bore on his chest among his
opponents, in order to induce them not to kill him ". Such
was the great victory won on New Year's $ay, 1608.
News of the happy event reached Vellore at midnight. The
Emperor set out for Jinji next morning with a large retinue of
courtiers and relations, "The imprisoned Naique prostrated
himself at his feet, and through the Queen and her brothers,
agreed to paying him a sum of 600,000 cruzados, and to handing
over to the Queen the fortress of Ganaripatao, which lay close
by. After this, the King retired again to Vellur, and the Naique
1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July
17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V. Of. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 166.
2. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C,
No. XXII.
3. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 274.
52
410 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
of Ginga (Jinji), moved by his loss of money and elephants,
marched towards Cirangan (Srirangam), one of his temples,
saying that he did not want to govern any more, and so on.
But the two Naiques of Madura and Tangier, who are his
friends, presented him with many gifts and caused him to
return to his State, where he is now " 1.
12. Precisely at the end of this year, an embassy from the
Dutch traders arrived at Krishnappa's court, requesting his
permission to establish themselves at Devanapatnam, near the
present European Club,' Cuddalore. A Jesuit letter informs us
that the Nayak " received these (the Dutch) very hospitably,
and allowed them to build a citadel at the post where they
landed" 2. The Nayak 's olla, in which this first concession to
the Dutch was made, is dated November 30th, 1608 3.
The letter quoted above relates that the Dutch, after
obtaining this document, * had very diligently begun to build
the citadel ' 4. In one of the following chapters we shall
see the consequences that followed the construction of this fort,
which was finally destroyed by order of Emperor Venkata.
1. From Fr. B. Coutinho toFr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, October llth,
1608, Ap. C, No. XXIII. See Ap. C, No. XXV, where Fr. Laerzio
alludes probably to this war in his letter to Fr. C. Aquaviva, dated
Cochin, December 30th, 1608.
2. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1609, Ap. C,No.
XXX.
3. " Copy of the Caull of the King of Gingier. — Jacob de Bitter,
Captain, representing Admiral Pieter Willemsen Verhoeven : We
promise to protect the Dutchmen who will settle in Tegenampatna, to
allow them to build a town, to refuse entrance in it to the Portuguese,
to whom we shall remain hostile. On the other hand, we Dutch-
men promise to bring all kinds of goods, to traffic with all traders,
on the condition that they will pay us four for every hundred of all
the merchandise we shall bring there, excepting the rice which is
used at home, for which they will not pay. Moreover we shall pay four
for every hundred of the merchandise that we shall carry away from
there. Those who have paid once will not pay again. We promise
and take the oath to keep all these faithfully, Amen. On the 30th of
November of the year 1608 in the large town of Gingier/' De Jongue,
III, p. 281-2.
4. Litterae Annuae mentioned in note 2,
CHAPTER XX
THE END OF THE KANARESE VICEROYALTY
SUMMARY. — 1. Vindication of Viceroy Tirumala. His rule. — 2.
Tirumala and the Jesuits. — 3. Conquests of Raja Wodeyar of
Mysore. His relations with the Viceroy. — 4. Muhammad an
invasion of the Kanarese country. — 5. Second inroad of Man-
- jun Khan. Conquest of Mysore. — 6. The Viceroy Tirumala
leaves Seringapatam. — 7. Occupation of Seringapatam by Raja
Wodeyar. His relations with Venkata II. — 8. The Nayaks of
Ikeri. — 9. The Queen of Ullal and her fortress against
Mangalore. — 10. Kempe Gowda II of Yelahanka. — 11. The
chiefs of Chitaldroog and Bellur. — 12. Portuguese interests
in Kanara.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. — 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants. — 2*
Jesuit letters. — 3. Moncocs do Reino (Pangim Archives). — 4.
Ferishta. — 5. Guerreiro. — 6. Anquetil du Perron, Travels of
Pietro della Valle. — 7. Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali, Annals of the
Mysore Royal Family, Sivatattvaratnakara.
THE concocted story of the Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali, about
how Prince Tirumala was bribed by the Nayak of Madura in
the beginning of Venkata's reign, and then retreated to
Seringapatam in a rebellious attitude against his uncle, has
found its way into several modern works. The character of
the Kanarese Viceroy has thus come to be associated with the
specially repulsive ideas of rebellion and treachery, totally at
variance with the historical personality of the unfortunate
nephew of Venkatapatiraya. Can it be possible that the
energetic and warlike Emperor would have waited fourteen
years till he saw his supposed rebellious nephew expelled from
the capital of his viceroyalty ? On the other hand, no word on
this supposed attitude of Tirumala is found either in Anquetil
du Perron, who merely remarks that he was residing at
Seringapatam 1 ; or in the Jesuit letters, which testify, however,
that Venkata had a natural predilection for Tirumala's younger
1. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 167.
412 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGARA
brother, Ranga \ Moreover we know two of Tirumala's
inscriptions of the year 1585, in the Mysore district, in which
he is styled Mahamandaleswara 2, — a title which suggests a
subordinate rank under the Emperor. His rule as Viceroy of
the Kanarese country could not be stigmatized as either weak
or fictitious ; for in 1609-10, just on the eve of his departure
from Seringapatam, the Kaiasa-Karkala chief, Bhayirarasa
Vodeya, (son of Vira Bhayirarasa Vodeya, who did not acknow-
ledge the suzerainty of Vijayanagara), is said in one of his
inscriptions to rule as feudatory of Venkata II 8. Fr. Coutinho
says in one of his letters that Tirumala ' is liked by more as
well as more powerful chieftains ' than his brother Ranga 4.
Now, the above mentioned inscription of the Kaiasa-Karkala
chief proves that, instead of taking advantage of this friendship
and respect of the subordinate chiefs for rebelling against his
uncle, he obtained the acknowledgment of his sovereignty at
least from one who did not pay homage to his predecessors since
the time of the battle of Raksas-Tagdi 5.
Very little information about his internal administration
has reached us. In 1598 he remitted the customs-dues on
the village of Akalankajayya ; and when Bachihalli-Pamappa
Nayaka heard of this, this chief too granted a similar exemp-
tion to the village of Vijayapura 6. In 1607 he made a
grant for the service of the god 7. Again, in 1610 he made
another grant to Holinahala Linganna of the Seringampattana
matha 8 ; and another inscription of the same year seems to
mention one of his dependants named Ramanujayya, who is
styled 'the establisher of the path of the Vedas, follower of both
Vedanta' ».
1. Of. Oh. XXIV, No. 6.
2. Ej>. Cam., Ill, Sr, 39 and 40.
3. Ibid., Mb, 63. Of. H. Krishna Sastri, Karkala Inscription of
Bhairava II, Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 127.
4. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri,
July 17th, 1600, Ap. C. No. V.
5. Of. Oh. X, No. 17.
6. Ep. Cam., IV, Gu, 52.
7. Ibid., Hs, 36.
8. Ibid., Oh, 194.
9. Ibid., Gu, 40.
THE END OF THE KANARESE VlCfiROYAtTY 4lJ
2. Tirumala's character is fully described in the letters of
the Jesuits who were living at this time at the court of Venkata.
He was determined that at least one of the Fathers should
reside at Seringapatam, and erect a church for the Christians
of his country l. On July l/th, T600, Fr. Coutinho wrote to
Fr. Pimenta : "Trimaragius, the eldest son of the King's brother,
heir of his kingdom, urges us again and again inviting us to
his court. He sent us a letter which I am going to copy here: —
"Trimanus, Mahanda Lispara, Ramarragius Trimarragius,
Lord great prince, sends this letter to the Fathers. I shall
rejoice very much when I shall hear that you are coming to
this town of mine ; I shall give you then a good piece of land in
this city to build a house and church ; moreover five hundred-
fold pagodes yearly. Besides, I shall receive you with great
honour and generosity. So I swear by Lord Zanganatam
(Ranganatam) and by the feet of my father Ramaraja. You
will learn the rest from my ambassador. Come at once, and do
not make me wait" 2.
This seems to have been Tirumala's first invitation to the
Jesuits to come to his court. Later in the same year two of
the Fathers w^nt through Seringapatam in the company of
Venkata's ambassadors to the Viceroy of Goa, as will be related
in the following chapter. On this occasion Tirumala
constantly urged the Fathers ' that one of them would stay
with him on returning ' 3. But they did not gratify his wish ;
partly because of the want of missionaries, and partly on
account of the antipathy of Venkata II towards his nephew,
the Viceroy. In 1606 Tirumala sent once more a message to
the Fathers residing at the imperial court, and addressed them
the following letter : —
"In the year Subaratut, in the 10th month, on the loth day
after full moon. Letter of Trimalaraju, Ramaraju's son, the
greatest Prince, Raju among Rajus, sent to the Fathers at
1. Guerrero (sic), Relation Anual...en los anos de 60O y 601, p. 137.
Of. Heras, The Jesuit Influence, QJ.M.S., XJV, p. 133-4.
2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri,
July 17th, 1600 Ap. C, No. V.
3. Ibid.
414 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGAHA
Ciandagrini (Chandragiri). I received your letter you sent me
through your Raju, and I kept it over my heart. All your
presents are also in my possession. I was very glad to know
that you have spoken in my interest with the King and
the Princes of the kingdom, about my journey to the court. You
told me, when passing through here on your way to Goa, that
you would soon come back for good. I am astonished you are
not yet here. Come soon ; do not hesitate. My envoy will toil
you the rest " *.
This second letter of Tirumala is a most valuable document
for determining the relations between him and his uncle. He
was desirous to go to the court; a strange disposition of mind to
be expected from a rebellious feudatory, as he is commonly
depicted. To attain this object he used the Jesuit influence at
the court of his uncle. The Jesuits spoke to Venkata about
Tirumala's coming ; but apparently the Emperor disliked the
proposal, or at least was loth to give his approval to it 2.
In 1608 the Jesuits had not yet gone to Seringapatam. An-
other letter of Fr. Coutinho, written in this year, says that "Tiru-
maiarayu, the Prince, is continously writing ollas to us from
Cirangapatao (Seringapatam), where he resides, calling us (to
his court) and showing by writing the same friendship he
showed personally to us while going to Goa, along with the
ambassadors of the King " 3.
Tirumala's wishes were never granted. The year 1610 wit-
nessed the end of his viceroyalty ; and several years passed
before the opening of the Jesuit mission in Mysore.
3. One of the influential chiefs of the Kanarese country at
the beginning of Venkata's reign was, beyond doubt, Raja
1. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C,
No. XXII.
2. Can this agree with the following words condemnatory of
the conduct of Tirumala towards his uncle : "This coolness (of
Tirumala towards Venkata) led directly to the taking of Seringapatam
by Raja Wodeyar of Mysore. " Richards, Salem Gazetteer, p. 67. We
shall see later on that the capture of Seringapatam was due precisely
to the coolness of Venkata towards Tirumala. Cf. No 6 tntra.
3. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, October
llth, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXIII.
THE END OF THE KANARESE VICEROYALTY 415
Wodeyar of Mysore. We have seen elsewhere how at the end
of Ranga's reign, he began the policy of annexing petty States
to his own. As Madura was in the Tamilian, so too he wanted
to become supreme lord of the Kanara country ; and yet always,
it seems, under the sovereignty of the Vijayanagara Emperor.
With this aspiration he continued now to absorb systematically
the territories of the neighbouring chiefs. According to Wilk's
list the territories seized by the Raja of Mysore in the
beginning of Venkata's reign were the following : In 1545, he
conquered from one Tima Raja, Rang Sammudir containing
twelve villages. In 1590 he captured Kembala by assault. In
1505 Narmalli and Karugalli were taken from one of his
relations. In 1600 Arrakerra, the primitive jagir of Jagadeva
Raya, was likewise annexed ; and in 1606 he took Sosilla and
Bannur from the Raja of Talakkad, and Canniambaddi from
Dudeia Prabhu l.
Such accession of power naturally aroused the suspicions of
theSeringapatam Viceroy. That was perhaps the reason why he
besieged the town of Kesara, which depended on the Wodeyar.
But the Mysore forces defeated the army -of the Viceroy, one
elephant being among the plunder. "But Raj Wadeyar", says
Wilks, "sagely reflecting, as the manuscript states, that he
could maintain thirty soldiers at the same expense as one
elephant, sent the animal as a peace offering to the Viceroy.
The next year," continues Wilks, "we find him received with
particular favour at the court ; and immediately afterwards, not
only refusing to pay his tribute on pretence of some damage
done to his plantations by the people of the Viceroy, but
receiving a further grant of land to compensate for the
injury" 2.
The Government of Seringapatam was unwillingly yielding
to the powerful chief ; and an attempt on his life was made, but
without success. "The opportunity", says Wilks, "was expected
to be obtained by the mission of an officer of the court,
attended as usual by a large but select retinue, for security
after the perpetration of the murder, and ostensibly charged
1. Wilks, History of Mysore, I, p. 44.
2. Ibid., p. 38.
416 THE ARAVID3U DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
with a secret and confidential message from the Viceroy. The
Raja, unsuspicious of treachery, without hesitation ordered all
attendants to withdraw ; but a more vigilant observer took the
precaution of concealing himself behind one of the pillars of
the hall of audience ; and on perceiving the officer to grasp his
dagger, instantly inflicted on the assasssin the fate intended
for the Raja" \
4. The Viceroy, however, was not the only one who was
scheming to seize the newly-acquired territories of Raja
Wodeyar. A new foe had sprung up in the person of the Sultan
of Bijapur. Early in 1587, while Venkata was waging war with
Golkonda, Ibrahim Adil Shah II despatched one of his generals,
Balil Khan, with twelve thousand horse, "*$fc collect the
arrears of tribute from the Rays of Malabar (Kanara) ;
and in case they refused payment, to reduce their forts" 2.
He was in Kanara for one year, during which * he nearly
brought affairs in that quarter to a final adjustment ' 3. But
he was suddenly recalled to the court to join the Sultan's
army against Ahmadnagar. When he received his order "he
was just on the point of receiving a large sum as part of the
arrears of tribute, which would have been lost to the treasury
had he immediately made public his orders of recall ; and the
troops would also have met with great difficulties ", as he
himself confessed in the presence of the Sultan, according to
Ferishta 4. Finally he retreated to Bijapur with several Rajas
of the Kanarese country, who "accompanied him to pay their
compliments to the King " 5. These chiefs were afterwards
honoured by Ibrahim Adil Shah with precious robes °. One
chief was, according to Ferishta, the son of Arsappa Nayaka 7.
Another was named, as the Portuguese sources tell us,
Sam Carnao Botto (?) We have been unable to identify this
person, whose territory was near the fort of Basrur. When
1. Ibid., p. 39.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 161.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid., p, 162.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid., p. 163.
7. Ibid.
THE END OF THE CANARESE VICEROYALTY 417
the Portuguese sovereign was informed by his Viceroy of the
intention of this chief to relinquish his dominions 'to Bijapur,
he sent his instructions as follows : "As regards the business
of SamCarnao Botto, which is of great importance, as is clear
from the way it goes on, I recommend to be very careful, and
to consent by no means that those fortresses be handed over
to Idalxa (Adil Shah), using every possible endeavour to this
end" l. But shortly atter tidings were sent to the King of
the actual surrender of these forts to Bijapur: "Again
the same governor informs me that, on account of the
entrusting of the fortresses to Idalxa by Sao Carnao Botto the
fortress of Barcelor (Basrur) is in a great distress" 2.
5. Nevertheless this subjection of the North Kanara
petty rulers to the sway of Bijapur was due only to the force of
the latter's arms ; for from the time of Balii Khan's retreat in
1588 up to the year 1593 all of them * had neglected to pay their
tribute*. Ibrahim Adil Shah resolved this year to humble
these chiefs. "For this purpose", says Ferishta, "he despatched
Manjun Khan with a considerable army. This general on
arriving at Bakapur halted, and summoned all the Rays to
meet him with their tributes; promising protection to those who
obeyed, but threatening the refractory with vengeance. Most
of them prepared to comply with his demands! and intended
coming in a body to visit him ; but as Ganga Naik, who
was one of the principal Rays of Malabar (Kanara), and
had eight or ten thousand horse and foot in his pay, went
first to pay his respects, the rest jealous of his power,
and suspecting that he had gone to form soms plan against
them with Manjun Khan, broke off their engagements and
withdrew to the mountains. Manjun Khan, not thinking it
prudent to follow them into an unknown country, marched
with Ganga Naik against Jerreh which belonged to Arsappa
Naik; who with his allies, to the number of twenty thousand
men, endeavoured to interrupt the siege. For three days bloody
1. From King Philip II to the Viceroy Mathias de Albu-
querque, Lisbon, January 12th, 1591, Ap. B, No. I.
2. From the same to the same, Lisbon, January 12th, 1591, Ap.
B, No. II.
53
418 THE A RAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
skirmishes were maintained by the Bijapur troops, who could
not make use of their cavalry owing to the nature of the ground,
so that their success was frequently doubtful. But at length the
good fortune of the king prevailed", says the Muhammadan
writer; "and Arsappa, seeing further resistance vain, consented
to pay tribute, and made a present of two fine elephants to
Manjun Khan, with many curious and valuable effects for the
King".
Manjun Khan, accompanied by Ganga Nayak and Arsappa
Nayak, who now joined the invader, then proceeded southwards
and besieged the city of Mysore *. The siege lasted three
months ; but the city was finally reduced, twenty five elephants
being taken among the booty. It is a pity that we have no
further details concerning the surrender of Raja Wodeyar's
capital, about which the Hindu sources maintain a discreet
silence.
Mysore however did not remain long in the possession of
the Muhammadans ; for Manjun Khan was again recalled at
Bijapur in the same year to assist the Sultan's troops against
his brother who had rebelled at Belgaum 2. After his retreat
the Kanarese Rajas again withdrew their allegiance to Bijapur,
as is implied in Ferishta's statement: "The Hindus of
Malabar, (Kanara) seizing the opportunity, invaded the districts
of Bankapur" 3. These Hindus who invaded the districts of
Bankapur must have been a detachment sent there by Venkata
II himself, according to the treaty enacted just then between
him and the Sultan of Ahmadnagar against the Sultan of
Bijapur 4. Naturally the presence of the imperial army in
North Kanara suggests the freedom of the petty Rajas of
Kanara from Muslim slavery.
The risingof Ibrahim Adii Shah's brother at Belgaum proved
on this occasion the salvation of Kanara. The rapid conquests
made by Manjun Khan were the beginning of the successful
1. Ferishta says here that Mysore belonged to Venkatadri
Naik, /. e., the Ikeri Nayak. This is a palpable mistake, copied by
Burgess, Chronology, p. 56.
2. Ferishta, III, p. 175-6.
3. Ibid., p. 180.
4. IbidM p. 286,
THE EN& OF THE KANAfcESS VlCEftOYALTY
campaign which would have marked the end of the Hindu power
in this country. This was likewise the opinion of the Portuguese
of those days, who were close to the scene of that
tragedy, and interested enough in the revenue coming from
Kanara to fill up the empty state-coffers. We know of
this feeling of the Portuguese through a letter of their King
written in 1596. He wrote to the Viceroy as follows : "(Mathias
de Albuquerque) also writes to me that the Idalcao (Adil Khan)
had sent some captains to fight against the Kings #nd Lords of
Canara, at the request of the Queen of Baticalla (Bhatkal); he
says likewise that two fortresses would have been taken by
them in Gatty, had not the rising of the brother of the said
Idalcao compelled him to recall the captains" l.
6. Soon after the expulsion of the Muhammadans from
the Kanarese country, an event took place in the capital of its
Viceroyalty which completely upset the political balance in the
West of the Empire. We refer to the occupation of Seringapatam
by Raja Wodeyar of Mysore.
The Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali says that Raja Wodeyar, on
hearing of the defection of Tirumala in the siege of Madura,
"resolved to drive the traitor Tirumala Raya from his
Viceroyalty, and sent his spies to test the^feeling among
Tirumala Raya's feudatories" 2. But we have rejected this
passage as a concoction of the poet inconsistent with other
proved historical facts, and as clearly evincing the author's
biassed purpose, viz. to extol the founder of the dynasty. But
this is not the only story forged around this event. "The
acquisition of Seringapatam in 1610", says Wilks, "is related
in different manuscripts with a diversity of statement, which
seems only to prove a mysterious intricacy of intrigue beyond
the reach of contemporaries to unravel. The pervailing tale
states that the Viceroy Tremul Raj, being afflicted with raj-
para or royal boil (the disorder most fatal to opulent and
luxurious Indians) retired to the holy temple of Talc aud (Talak-
kad), with the view of being cured by the interposition of the
1. From King Philip II to the Viceroy Mathias de Albu-
querque, Lisbon, February 8th, 1596, Ap. b, No. V.
2. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 303.
420 THE AfcAVtDil DYtfAStY Otf VIJAYAtfAGAfcA
idol, or of breathing his last before the sacred shrine ; and that
previously to his departure, he had selected Raj Wodeyar of
Mysore for the confidential trust of administerirfg the govern-
ment in his absence ; and in the event of his death, of trans-
ferring it to his kinsman and heir the Wodeyar of Ammatur"1.
Wilks wisely rejects this tale, and we reject both as contra-
dictory to each other.
It is, however, worth while noticing that according to
Wilks the only thing proved is ' a mysterious intricacy of
intrigue beyond the reach of contemporaries to unravel '.
This intrigue was probably the one referred to in the MS. of
Naggar Putia, which according to the same Wilks, "even
details the names of the persons, probably of his own court, who
had combined (as it is stated, with the permission of
Vencatapetti Rayil who then reigned at Chandergherri) to
compel him to retire"2. Now it was Venkata's interest, as
we have declared elsewhere, to disgrace Tirumala before his
subjects, by showing him as incapable of defending Seringapatam
against his opponent Raja Wodeyar ; and he did so thoroughly
attain his aim, that even now, three centuries after, the prevalent
opinion is against the last Viceroy of Seringapatam 3.
Yielding to the advice of his courtiers and secretly
admonished by Venkata, Tirumala quietly retired to Talak-
kad 4. According to the Annals of the Mysore Royal Family r,
the Viceroy retired from Seringapatam with his two wives
Alamelamma and Rangamma 5. The Palace History gives
1. Wilks, History of Mysore, I, p. 41-2. See another story from
a Mackenzie MS. in Rangachari, History of the 'Naik Kingdom, Ind.
<4«/.,XLV, p. 134, note 65.
2. Ibid., p. 43.
3. Of. Heras, Venkatapatiraya I and the Portuguese, Q.J.M.S., XIV,
p. 314.
4. 8. Krishnaswsmi Aiyangar, Sources, p. 19, and Ancient
India, p. 282-3, affirms that the retreat of Tirumala took place during
a siege of Seringapatam by Raja Wodeyar. Really the Congu Desa
Rajakal Kyfeyut speaks of a seige and storming of Seringapatam at
this time. Taylor, Catalogue Ratsonnee, III, p. 33.
5. Puttaiya, A Note on the Mysore Throne, Q.J.M.S., XI, p. 263.
There are incongruencies in this passage of the Annals, such as the
ENt> OF TrfE
ane name only, viz. Alamelumanga l, and seems to sup-
pose that before reaching her husband, who went ahead, she
met her end ; Raja Wodeyar being most probably responsi-
ble for her death 2. Frs. S. de Sa and B. Coutinho, while
going to Goa with Venkata's embassy, met the father-in-
law of Tirumala, viz. the father of one of these two ladies 8 .
But he seems to have had no sons, since the Kuniyur plates of
Venkata III, speaking of the two nephews of his namesake
Venkata II, say : ' Of these two, Srirangaraya begot sons ' 4.
BothWilks and Rice state that Tirumala died soon afterwards5.
But there is a grant from Gundlupet Taluk which seems
to indicate that he was still living in 1614, and probably
with the authority of Viceroy, though-very much reduced ; he is
called in it "the Mahamandalesvara Rama Raja Tirumala
Rajayya ", and is said to have made to Vengadeyya-Bhatta,
'establisher of the path of the^Vedas', a grant of the village of
Yereyur, rent free 6.
7. After the retreat of Tirumala to Talakkad, Raja
Wodeyar occupied Seringapatam, apparently with the consent
of the Emperor Venkata, as will be proved by the latter's
further grants 7. Most likely on this occasion the Mysore
Raja sat on the throne of the Viceroys of Seringapatam left
vacant by the retreat of Tirumala 8.
appointment of Sri Ranga Raya, the son of Tirumala, as ruler at
Seringapatam, the seven kings governing there till 1610, etc.
Nevertheless there is no reason for rejecting the names of the two
wives of Tirumala.
1. Of. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Ancient India, p. 284.
2. Ibid., p. 285
3. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, October llth,
1608, Ap.C, No. XXIII.
4. Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 253, v, 22. Several authors as Wilks, History
of Mysore, I, p. 42;Sewell, II, p. 252 ; and Rice, I, p. 364, call Tirumala
an aged man ; we have proved elsewhere that he could not be more
than forty on this occasion. Cf. Heras, Venkatapatiraya I and the Portu-
guese, 1. c.
5. Wilks, O.CM p. 43 ; Rice, o.c., p. 364.
6. Ep. Cam. IV, Gu, 13,
7. This was already noticed by Rice, Mysore and Coorg, p. 122,
and Richards, Salem Gazetter, p. 67.
8. Puttaiya, A Note on the Mysore throne, Q.J.M.S., XI, p. 262-3.
This seems to be the old throne of the Mysore dynasty which is
sacredly kept in the Royal Palace as a holy relic of the past.
424 THE AfcAVfDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANACxARA
We cannot with comfidence join in the chorus of the
authors who look upon this event as the first act of the dis-
memberment of the Empire l. Raja Wodeyar always acknow-
ledged the sovereignty of Venkata II, as may be seen from
an inscription of 1604, recording a grant made by him,
when Venkatapati Raya was seated on the jewelled throne 2 ;
also from another of 1612, which commemorates another of
his grants to Siva, after acknowledging Venkata as his
paramount lord R. In the same year 1612, another event took
place that proves Raja Wodeyar's subjection to the Emperor of
Vijayanagara : it is a charter confirming the acquisition of
Seringapatam, obtained by Raja Wodeyar from Venkata II.
This document is not yet available, but is referred to in an ins-
cription of Cham a Raja Wodeyar of 1622 : "On a certain day",
says the incription, " when this Chama Raj Odeyar of Maisur
was engaged in conversation on good stories of works of merit,
it came into his mind that he would establish an agrahara. And
on inquiry, finding that formerly in the Saka year 1534 (A. D.
1612), when Venkatapatideva Maharaya being in Ghanagiri
(Penukonda), ruling the kingdom of the world, he had granted
to Raj Odeyar, a King of his own line, Ummatur and Se-
ringapatana, as an hereditary estate, Raja Odeyar had then
sent a petition saying he wished to establish an agrahara, and
that Venkatapati Raya had expressed his strong approval and
granted a copper s as an a" 4.
This ratification of the capture of Seringapatam and the
concession of the village of Bevinahalli to Raja Wodeyar by
Venkata are recorded in two inscriptions of the former belonging
to the years 1614 and 1615; both prove likewise the loyalty of
the Raja to Venkata till the end of the latter's reign, for they
mention him as the supreme sovereign. The first mentions a
grant of Raja Wodeyar "for the god Chaluvaraya and 28
1. Of. Rice, Mysore, I, p. 356 ; Rice, Mysore and Coorg, p. 122 ;
Sewell, p. 220; H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty ,
A.S.I., I9U-I2. p. 196.
2. Ep. Cam., IV, Ch, 62.
3. Ibid., 135.
4. Ep. Cam., Ill, TN, 62.
THE END OP THE KANARESE VICEROY ALTY 423
Brahmans belonging to Seringapatam, which Venkatapati Raya,
has assigned to him as an umbali " 1 ; the second records
another grant made by the same "for the god Ramachandra of
Vahnipura of the village of Bevinahalli belonging to Bannur,
which he had received from Venkatapatideva Maharaya as an
hereditary permanent estate" 2.
8. The Mysore chief was not alone in his desire to obtain
supremacy in Kanara. The Ikeri Nayak, Chikka Sankanna
Nayaka, was successfully administering his kingdom. It was he
who gave the first impulse to expansion, which was followed by
his successor Venkatappa.* A letter of the King of Portugal
to the Viceroy Conde de Vidigueira informs us of the ambitious
projects of Chikka Sankanna. It runs as follows : " You say
that the Queen of Baticala (Bhatkal) has not paid the tribute
due for many years, and that she is now in great distress on
account of one Naique (Chikka Sankanna Nayaka) formerly a
subject of the king of Narsingua (Vijayanagara) but now risen
to power, and who gives clear proofs of his ambition to become
the paramount lord over all those neighouring kings" 3.
Chikka Sankanna constructed a beautiful new town at Ikeri
with a magnificent palace, which was provided with a handsome
theatre. At the village of Sangala he had a big tank built and
a garden laid out, which contained all kinds of trees and
creepers 4.
Although he had a son called Siddhappa Nayaka, in his old
age he appointed his elder brother's son, Venkatappa Nayaka,
his successor, and nominated the latter's younger brother, Rama
Raja, Yuvaraja 5. This fact must be placed before, or in the
1. Ibid., Sr, 157.
2. Ibid., TN, 116. According to Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar,
Ancient India, p. 281, the * grants ' of Venkata II to Raja Wodeyar
* appear to have been conquests rather than grants '.
• 3. From King Philip II to the Viceroy Conde de Vidigueira,
Lisbon, November 21st, 1598, Archivo Portuguez Oriental, III, pt. 2nd,
p. 916.
4. Sivatattvaratnakara, 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 339.
5. Ibid., p. 338-9. Mr. Sewell, II, p. 177, says that Siddhappa
Nayaka succeeded his father Sankanna, but reigned only one year
(1603-4).
424 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
4irst half of 1592 ; for there is an inscription of September 30th,
1592, in which Venkatappa appears asNayaka of Ikeri making
a grant for the services of a mat ha \
The new ruler was to be the most illustrious of the princes
of Ikeri, and was destined to become for time the rival of Mysore
in his wars of conquest; but since most of his achievements as' a
successful conqueror belong to the period subsequent to the
death of Venkata II, we shall refer to them all in the following
volume. Mr. Seweli qualifies him as a 'weak ruler* 2, a state-
ment that appears entirely false ; for he was a valiant and
enterprising general as well as a shrewd politician. It has also
been said that he threw off his dependence on the Vijayanagara
Emperor3, though no reliable proof of this has been yet afford-
ed. As a matter of fact, we have convincing proofs of his
loyalty to Venkata II in the aforesaid inscription of 1592 and in
another of 1614, at Udipi, South Kanara, in which mention is
made of the grant of the village of Huvinakere by Venkatappa
Nayak of Keladi to the local Krishnamatha 4 . In both, the
Ikeri chief acknowledges Venkata II as his sovereign.
9. One of Venkatappa's royal neighbours was Bukka Devi
Chautar, Queen of Ullal, of whom we have already spoken in a
preceding chapter. After the settlement of the differences
between her and the King of Bangher, recorded during the reign
of Ranga I, it seems that she constructed a fortress in Ullal to
oppose the one built by the Portuguese at Mangalore, but was
compelled by the Portuguese Viceroy to destroy it probably in
fulfilment of one of the terms of the treaty of peace. The
King of Portugal wrote to the Viceroy on February l8th,
I595> approving of this treaty with the Queen of Ullal 6.
But on the 26th of the same month, probably after getting
fuller information, his Majesty wrote to his representative in
India as follows : "I approve of the peace made with the Queen
1. M. A. D.t 1923, p. 106-7.
2. Seweli, II, p. 177.
3. Rice, Mysore, II, p. 431.
4. 110 of 1901.
5. From King Philipp II to the Viceroy Mathias de Albu-
querque, Lisbon, February 18th, 1595, Archrvo Portuguez Oriental.
Ill, p. 478,
THE END OF THE KANARESE VICEROY ALTY 42$
of Ollala (Ullal) after forcing her to pull down the fortress that
she had constructed and retained with such great loss of
reputation to that State (of Portuguese India) ; but I am inform-
ed now that the aforesaid fortress of Ollala has not been
demolished as completely as it ought to have been, and that the
foundations are still remaining, in such a way that in a very
few days and with very little work it may be put up again ; I
recommend you to see that the foundations are totally
destroyed" *.
Accordingly the Viceroy sent to Ullal Dom Jeronymo
d'Azevedo, who razed the fortress to the ground, as another
letter of the King informs us 2. In the same letter we are told that
the Queen was waging war against the King of the Serra (?) at
about 1597. The King of Portugal "had written to the King of
Banguel (Bangher) charging him to settle such differences ; and
praying him that he would by no means join the aforesaid King
of the Serra against the Queen " 3. This final recommendation
of the Portuguese sovereign makes it seem probable that the
King of Bangher had formerly rendered some aid to the King of
the Serra against the sovereign of Ullal. This was customary in
the court of Portugal ; it recommended people not to do in
future that which it knew was already being done. Anyhow
this incident was probably the cause of the definite break of
relations between the two neighbouring chiefs.
The Italian traveller Pietro della Valle informs us about
the relations between these two sovereigns and the subsequent
events resulting from this break of intercourse; "yet, though
they were Husband and Wife," says he, "they liv'd not together,
but apart, each in their own lands : on the confines whereof,
either upon Rivers, where they caus'd Tents to be erected over
boats, or in other places of delight, they came to see and
converse with one another ; the King of Banguel wanting not
1. From the same to the same, Lisbon, February 26th, 1595,
Ibid., p. 503.
2. From the same to the Viceroy Dom Francisco de Gama,
Conde de Vidigueira, Lisbon, February 5th, 1597, Ibid., Ill, pt. 2nd,
p. 667.
3. Ibid.
54
426 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
other Wives and Women who accompany'd him wherever he
went. Tis reported that this Queen had the Children, which
she hath, by this King of Banguel, if they were not by some
other secret and more intimate Lover ; for, they say, she wants
not such " *.
10. During this period, in the petty state of Yelahanka,
we find Immadi Kempe Gowda II; but we cannot admit
that he was the immediate successor of Kempe Gowda, with-
out at the sarne time admitting that his reign lasted 89 years ;
and specially when there are documents to support the pro-
bability of another chief between th?t wo Kempe Gowdas 2.
He improved the Somesvara temple at Ulsur and, calling
from Belur a famous sculptor named Jakanachary, ordered
him to carve on its walls the episode of the marriage of Parvati
and Siva. " The carvings," says Mr. B. Puttaiya, "consist of
numerous sculptures and figures of Gods and Goddesses who
attend the marriage, including Brahma and Vishnu and the
thirty-three crores of Davathas or inhabitants of the celestial
world. The details of the assemblage at the ceremony are all
carved in stone with a wealth of elegance, ornament, and realism,
so that one is astonished at the wonderful skill displayed in
carving such intricating details on hard stone" 3.
It is said that Kempe Gowda II died in 1658. Hence we
shall speak of him again later.
11. Very little is known about the other states of Kanara
during Venkata IPs reign. The year 1602 seems to have
witnessed the death of Obana Nayaka ; who, being appointed by
Sadasiva chief of Chitaldroog, had acquired considerable
importance during the reign of Tirumala and Ranga. He was
now succeeded by his son Kasturi Rangappa Nayaka, during
whose reign the possession of Mayakonda, Sente Bennur,
Holalkere, Anaji Jagalur and other places was contested in
1. Delia Valle, II, p. 313. Fr. Coutinho in one of his letters says
that Tornagoda, the Governor of Olala, Jnvites us (to go there)*.
From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July 17th,
1600, Ap. Cf No, V. Thia must be a governor on behalf of Bukka Devi.
S. Cf. Puttaiya, The Kempe Gowda Chiefs, CJ.M.5., XIII, p. 729,
and Ep. Corn., IX, An, 47.
3. Puttaiya, o. c., p. 730,
THE END OF THE KANARESE VICEROY ALTY 427
several battles with the Basvapatna chief. But they remained
attached to the Chitaldroog territory. His governorship lasted
until 1653 ; and in the long tenure of his office he had consider-
ably extended his territories l.
In Bellur we find a grand-son of Era Krishnappa Nayaka
and son of Venkatadri. An inscription of 1587* which
acknowledges the suzerainty of Venkata II 'ruling the kingdom
in peace and wisdom ', records that Krishnappa Nayaka,
grand-son of Era Krishnappa and son of Venkatappa Nayaka,
made a grant for watchmen from money obtained from the
temple endowments 2. *
12. No other conquests by the Portuguese took place in
Kanara during this period ; but the King of Portugal as well as
his Viceroy at Goa were carefully watching the fortunes of this
country. We have seen the interest the Portuguese sovereign
took in the affair of the fortresses of Sao Carnao Botto.
Portuguese trade received its greatest supplies from Kanara.
"Accordingly (Manoel de Sousa) writes to me/' says Philip II,
"that the greatest quantity of pepper that comes by these fleets
is taken from Kanara, and according to him it will be increased
every year ; a thing which will be of great value for the loading
of our ships. He says, moreover, that he was trying to satisfy
the kings of the coast as much as he could because of this
pepper, the majority of which comes from the lands of Sao
Carnao Botto 3."
This was the reason of the intercourse between the
Portuguese and the chiefs of the Kanara country ; for trading
purposes also, several Portuguese forts were built on the coast,
as we have narrated during the reign of Sadasiva. In the
begining of Venkata's reign, these fortresses were repaired and
furnished with sufficient ammunition, according to an order of
the Portuguese sovereign to the Viceroy dated February l8th,
1595 4-
1. Bice, Mysore, II, p. 502.
2. Ep. Cam., VI, Cm. 79.
3. From King Philipp II to the Viceroy Mathias de
Albuquerque, Lisbon, January 12tb, 1591, Ap. B, No I.
4. From the same to the same, Lisbon, February 18th, 1595, Ap.
B, No. IV.
CHAPTER XXI
VENKATA II'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE,
DUTCH AND ENGLISH
SUMMARY. — 1. St. Thome under Venkata II. — 2. Contemporary
description of the town. — 3. Formation of the Portuguese,
Dutch and English Trading Companies.— 4. Spain against Eng-
land and the Netherlands. — 5. Embassy of Venkata II to the
Viceroy Ayres de Saldanha. — 6. Embassy of Ayres de Saldanba
to Venkata II. — 7. Differences and riots at St. Thome. — 8.
Erection of the Diocese of Sao Thome de Meliapor. — 9. Destruc-
tion of the city of Madras and fortress of Mylapore. — 10. Great
distress of the Portuguese in India in 1608. — 11. Venkata II
causes the Dutch to be expelled from Devanapatnam. — 12.
Correspondence between Venkata II and Philip III of Spain. — 13.
Siege of St. Thome by Venkata II. — 14. Decision to fortify
St. Thome and necessity of a Governor. — 15. The Dutch obtain
Pulicat from Venkata II. — 16, First attempt of the English
to settle at Pulicat. — 17. Embassy of Venkata II to the
English at Mas uli pa tain. Their second voyage to Pulicat. — 18.
Portuguese designs against Pulicat.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES. — 1. Moncoes do Rcino (Pangim Archives).
— 2. Jesuit letters. — 3. Travels of Gasparo Balbi and Ludovico de
Barthema, Anquetil du Perron. — 4. Du Jarric, Guerreiro,
Queyroz. — 5. Documents concerning the Mylapore Diocese. — 6.
Letters of the E. I. C.
THE history of the dealings between Venkata II and the Portu-
guese chiefly centres round St. Thome and Pulicat ; and in the
meantime, Dutch and English traders appear in the southern
seas, boldly challenging the Portuguese monopoly and trying to
make friends with the local rulers.
The city of St. Thome, from its position within the territory
of Vijayanagara, paid at this time an almost nominal tribute to
the Emperor: it consisted of a quarter percent of the merchan-
dise imported by sea *. Nevertheless, its administration was
1. From King Philipp III to the Viceroy Don Jeronymo d'Azeve-
do, March 7th, 1613, Ap. B, No. XIII.
VEKKATA n's RELATIONS WirH THE po&TUGtJESE 42$
immediately under the authority of fhe Nayak of Tanjore l ;
and accordingly it paid an additional tribute to him, at least
from the year 1600 2. It was the Nayak of Tanjore who
appointed the governor or adigar of St. Thome ; the Jesuit
annual letter of 1604-1606 tells us that in 1600 the Tanjore
Nayak nominated to this place one Puiey or Pillai, a noble
of Kanchivaram. 3.
This governor did not reside at St. Thome, but at the
ancient city of Myiapore. "The Portuguese", says the Jesuit
annual letter of 1606-1607, "have a captain or ouvidor, to
govern and administer justice. In another separate town, but
in its vicinity, there is a captain of the King (of Vijayanagara),
who collects the taxes and governs the Hindus" 4. Myiapore
is the same city that Gasparo Balbi speaks of in the account of
his travels through India in 1582 : "Without the Citie of Saint
Thomas is another Citie invironed with walls, made of earth,
and inhabited with Gentiles Souldiers, whose Chieftaine is
called Adicario (adigar), who hath power to execute justice" 5.
Apparently Myiapore was then fortified and garrisoned by
the Emperor of Vijayanagara ; hence it receives the appellation
of a fortress in several Jesuit letters of those years 6. All
these letters distinguish between this fortress and a Hindu
town which was a little farther away. We have suggested
elsewhere that this Hindu town might be the one called
Madarasa, next to which the Fort St. George was constructed
several years after by the English traders, who called it Black
1. Du Jarric, I, p. 638. Of. Hay, De Rebus laponicis, p. 740.
2. Litterae Annu<te of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C,
No. XXII.
3. Ibid.
4. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1606-1607, Ap. C,
No. XXVI.
5. Purohas, X, p. 148.
6. From Fr. M. Roiz to Fr. J. Alvarez, St Thome, November 1st,
1606, Ap. C, No. XII ; From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St.
Thome, November 4th, 1606, Ibid., No. XIII; From the same to the same
same date, Ibid., No. XIV ; Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar,
1606-1607, Ibid., No XXVI.
ARAVtDt? DYNASTY O? VIJAYAKAGARA
Town, as inhabited by coloured people l. The Bevinahalli
grant of Sadasiva Raya mentions both Mailapura and Madarasa
as connected with the father of one of the Brahmans favoured
with the grant 2.
2. The above mentioned Gasparo Balbi has an interesting
description of St. Thome which deserves to be quoted in full.
It runs as follows : "The Front is towards the West, very
strong by reason of the Blockehouses, which are upon the Port,
along towards the sea. This port is so low that elephants cannot
enter in at it, for the horses enter with not a little trouble.
There are three Churches : one very fair, of Saint Thomas,
which is well served with Priests, the chiefe of them is a Vicar
(for so they call him) who was sent thither by the Archbishop
of Goa. There is another of Saint Francis, very well served
with Capuchins and another of Saint John the Baptist, where
the Fathers of Saint Paul of the Companie of Jesus are in
continual! prayer ; to build this they had not so many transomes
as were sufficient, when miraculously a great piece of timber was
cast up by the Sea, which seemed to be made by the line and
measure of that Church. I was here when this piece of timber
was cast up ; for one day going to Masse to the Church of our
Lady, I saw great concourse of people running to the Sea-side,
and I went also to see what was the matter, and saw this piece
of timber cast upon the shoare. Then the Church of St.
John the Baptist was finished, but because they wanted
transomes to make the roofs they covered it with straw. The
foresaid Fathers of Saint Paul have another Church in the
Citie dedicated to our Lady, where they baptise the Gentiles,
and exhort and instruct them in matters of Faith 3.
There is another Church called of Our Lady of Light,
which (is) served by Saint Thomas his Priests... Saint Thomas
1. Cf. Heras, Venkatapatiraya I and the Portuguese, QJ. M. S., XIV,
p. 316, note 9.
2. Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 215. Several of the Brahmans ' names in the
list of this granVare connected with the territory. Cf. Ibid., p. 216.
3. The congregation of this Church consisted of five thousand
recently made Christians, in 1606-7. Cf. Guerreiro, Relacam Annal...
no ano de 606. & 60?., p. 105.
VENKATA II'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 43!
is as faire a Citie as I saw any in that Countrie, and the houses
joyne one to the other, so to be able to succour one another " *.
Such was the city of St. Thome in the beginingof Venkata's
reign. At about the same time several events took place in
Europe, which were to influence much the future history of
Vijayanagara.
3. Up to the year 1587, the monopoly of Portuguese
commerce had rested with the Government ; but in this year the
whole trade was handed over to a newly established company
called ' Companhia Portugueza das Indias Orientaes ', a definite
step towards the * Comercial Company', * Companhia do Comer-
do ', which was created in 1630 2. This new organization
was intended to meet the fresh needs which were beginning to
face Portuguese trade in the eastern seas.
A little earlier, on April 8th, 1583, the Dutchman John Huig-
hen Van Linschoten had sailed from Lisbon to the East Indies ;
and after visiting the Portuguese colonies and some other places
inland, returned home and published the account of his travels
ten years later. Linschoten's account excited the enthusiasm
of his fellow countrymen, who had shortly before thrown off the
Spanish yoke. One chapter of his narrative in particular, "of
the Spices, Drugs, Plants, and Stuffes for Physicians and
Apothecaries, ordinarily used in India, and of their growing " 3,
had the effect of launching several trading companies in the
Netherlands, which sent about fifteen expeditions to the East
between 1595 and 1601 4. On March 20th, 1602, the various
Companies of the Flemish States, became united under the
name of lDe Algemeene Geoctroyeerde Oest-Indische Compagnte' 6.
During the next year the new United Company sent out a great
expedition of thirteen ships to the East Indies under Steven van
der Hagen, and in the instructions furnished to him made
special mention of the piece-goods trade of Pulicat and Masuli-
1. Purchas, X, p. 147-8.
2. Danvers, Report, p. 12.
3. Purchas, X, p. 310.
4. Galletti, The Dutch in Malabar, p. 6. See A Collection of Voyages
Undertaken by the Dutch East India Company, Introduction.
5. Galletti, Lc.
432 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
patamon the East coast 1. But neither of these places was to
house the first Dutch factory on the eastern coast. We have
seen elsewhere that in 1608-9, through the benevolence of the
Nayak of Jinji, the Dutch were building a factory in Devana-
patnam 2. We shall speak later of the transactions between
the Emperor Venkata, the Nayak of Jinji and the Portuguese
which resulted from the building of this fort.
But the Dutch were not then the only rivals of the Por-
tuguese in the Eastern seas. Early in 1527, Robert Thome,
a merchant of Bristol, had addressed a memorandum to
King Henry VIII of England advising the opening of
a route to India by the North-West 3. But the attempts
made through this route proved a failure. Subsequently,
from 1580 to 1584, several letters were received in London,
spurring the merchants of the place once more to try a
new route to India: such letters had been written by the
Jesuit Father Thomas Stephens, the first Englishman who set
foot in India. In one of them, dated October 24th, 1583, he
describes several kinds of fruits and other productions of
Salsette and Goa 4. Such a description was a tacit invitation
to the enterprising British traders. Accordingly, after an
unsuccessful attempt of Sir Robert Dudley in 1596, a large
1. Ibid.
2. Of. Ch. XIX, No. 12.
3. Of. Basu, Rise of the Christian Power, I, p. 16.
4. "We have here a tree oftener seen than the elm or the
vine, called the Palm on account of its likeness to it, or perhaps
because it is really so, if you admit that Palm is a generic word and
consists of two species. It gives oil, liquor (vinum), toddy (lac),
syrup (mel), sugar and vinegar. Coir rope is also made from it to
tie with, and its branches are used to protect huts from rain. It
gives fruit all the year round, which are rather nuts than dates,
resembling a man's head. When the, exterior rind has been removed,
they equal the size of two fists. Inside the fruit contains water like
beer and good to quench one's thirst. It is so plentiful that, after
drinking from one fruit, you would not look for another. In the
interior of the nut is a kernal lining it all over like a covering and
forming a prized article of food. The shell furnishes the blacksmiths
with charcal. Those that live near the sea not only load their boats
with the tree, but also utilise it for making ropt* and sails. You will
find hardly any piece of writing except on its leaves. Those that live
on land invariably make use of them to shelter themselves from rain",
etc. Saldanha, The Christian Purana, p. XXIII-XXXVIII.
VENKATA H'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 433
number of English merchants formed themselves into an
association and subscribed upwards of £ 30,000 in support
of the undertaking. A Charter of Incorporation was granted
by Queen Elizabeth to George, Earl of Cumberland, and two
hundred and fifteen Knights, aldermen and merchants, under
the name of ' The Governor and Company of Merchants of London
trading into the East Indies \ The first expedition of this
Company, under Captain Lancaster, sailed from Wollwhich, on
February I3th, 1601, but it did not reach India. In 1604 a second
attempt was made under the command of Henry Middleton but
with no better results. Finally a third expedition was sent, and
Captain Hawkins its commander, landed at Surat, proceeding
thence to the court of the Mughal Emperor. New voyages to
the East Indies were subsequently made almost every year l.
4. These Dutch and English activities were by no means
propitious to the prospects of the Portuguese in the East. Since
1584, the relations between Spain and England had become
daily more and more strained in the European seas. Moreover
in 1566 the Netherlands had rebelled against the Spanish
sovereign. And Portugal, now united to the Spanish crown,
was destined to taste in India the bitter fruits of this disagree-
ment between her conqueror and these two enterprising nations 2.
True, a treaty of peace between Spain and England had been
made in 1604, one of the articles of which, the Qth, provided
that the English were not to go to India, nor carry on commerce
in any part of it s. But the British traders went on acting
as though there were no such treaty. Precisely at this time
John Mildenhall was in the court of Akbar, deputed by Queen
Elizabeth, and trying to persuade the Mughal Emperor to
allow the British to trade in his dominions on the same
terms as those enjoyed by the Portuguese. Moreover he asked
1. Cf. Letters Received by the East India Company, I, p. XV-XLI ;
Das Gupta, India in the Seventeenth Century, p. 26-67 ; Roberts, History of
British India, p. 21-22 ; Hawkins, Voyages, p. 379-419.
2. Danvers, Report, p. 15-7.
3. Torre do Tombo, Livros das Moncoes, Livro 32, fol. 72; Livro 33,
fol. 72. Cf. Danvers, o. c., p. 29.
55
434 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Akbar not to take offence if the English captured Portu-
guese vessels or ports on his coasts \ They however endea-
voured to avoid open hostilities with the Portuguese, while
they competed with them for the Eastern trade 2. Early
in 1604 Fr. A. Laerzio wrote that there were in the gulf of
Bengal "many Dutch and British ships, our enemies, who had
captured some Portuguese vessels " 8.
5. But at this time the influence of the Portuguese in
southern India had reached its zenith, through their ancient
friendship with the Emperor of Vijayanagara. Early in 1600,
when the Superior of the Province of Malabar, Fr. A Laerzio,
passed through Chandragiri and was received in audience by
Venkata, the sovereign ordered all the courtiers to leave the
hall and remained alone with the Fathers ; then taking the
Provincial apart, he told him he wanted to send his ambassadors
to the new Viceroy of Goa "in order to renew and strengthen
the old friendship with the Portuguese". Now he wished that
Fr. Simao de Sa, who was then Rector of the College of St.
Thome, should accompany them ; hence he begged Fr. Laerzio
to give him permission to do so. "Then the Provincial replied
that when the news of the landing of the Viceroy should arrive,
he would consider the cause. But the King urged again
(saying): —
"And when this news comes nobody will be here to give
this permission to the Rector (Fr. de Sa). We must make our
decision now ; afterwards we shall not be able to do so."
" Then Fr. Provincial gave his permission according to the
wishes of the King, who betraying his joy (in his countenance),
told Fr. Rector in a loud voice: —
" You have already permission to go to Goa along with my
ambassadors" 4.
The new Viceroy Ayres de Saldanha landed in Goa in the
1. Cf. Smith, Akbar, p.
2. Danvers, o. o., p. 21.
3. From Fr. -A. Laeraio to Fr. 0. Aquaviva, Cochin, January
15th, 1604, Ap. C, No. IX.
4. Litterat Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C,
VENltATA Il's RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 43§
same year 1600 ; and, according to a letter of Fr. Pimento dated
December 2lst, 1602, shortly after his arrivafwrote to the Enijperor
Venkata " announcing by this letter his landing in India, thank-
ing him for the benevolence with which he treats the members
of our Society" l. This news probably reached Venkata's
court early in 1601 ; and it was then that Venkata sent to Goa
his legation briefly mentioned by Anquetil du Perron f.
The ambassadors, along with Fr. de Sa and another Father,
left Venkata's court in the same year 1601. Fr. Ricio, who remain-
ed at Chandragiri, wrote on October 20th, of the same year : "The
King wishes to be in close friendship with the Portuguese, and
sends his ambassadors to the Viceroy along with two of
our Fathers, who are Fr.Simao de Sa and Fr. BelchiorCoutinho,
and presents (the Viceroy) with two rings thatcost five thousand
pagodes, along with a message showing his desire to be the
brother in arms (ally) of the King of Portugal" 3. This extract
shows clearly Venkata's purpose in sending such an embassy
to the Poruguese Viceroy; it was to establish firmly a defensive
alliance with Portugal, probably against the Mughal Emperor
Akbar, whose designs were at least suspected at Venkata's
court 4.
In a letter of December 2lst, 1602, Fr. Pimenta, who was
still at Goa when the two Jesuits reached the city with the
ambassadors, writes: "I could write a long account of this
legation, as well as of the earnest entreaties of the Prince
(Tirumala), whose country (Seringapatam) they had to pass
through, that one of the Fathers should stay with him on his
return" 5. Unfortunately Pimenta did not set down this
account at length; he only says that the embassy passed
through Seringapatam ; hence it would proceed to Mangalore,
and from Mangalore would perhaps reach Goa by sea.
1. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Goa, written by Fr.
N. Pimenta, Goa, December 21st, 1602, Ap.C, No. V.
2. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 168.
3. From Fr. F. Eicio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, October
20th, 1601, Ap.C, No. L
4. Of. Ch. XVI, Nos. 9 and 10.
5. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Goa, referred to in note 1.
43$ THE ARAV1DU DYNASTY OP VIJAYANAGARA
The success of this embassy seems to have been extraordi-
nary. In another Jesuit letter of I<k>2 we read ; " The
ambassadors, after having left Goa full of gifts and honours
from the Viceroy, went by land to Chandegri (Chandragiri),
where in the presence of the King and of the nobles of his court
they extolled all our things and the honours and favours they
had received from the Viceroy and our Fathers in Goa; this was
highly esteemed by the King, who showed himself hereafter
more inclined to our interests" 1. Even Philip III congratulat-
ed the Viceroy on the success of this legation ; he wrote to him
from Valladolid on December 23rd, 1604 : " I was very glad to
know that the ambassadors of this king (of Vijayanagara) were
gallantly entertained and heard by you, as you wrote to me that
you did" \
6. The Viceroy naturally returned this courtesy with an em-
bassy of his own, the account of which is also found in one of the
Jesuit letters that runs as follows : "The ambassador was receiv-
ed by the King ( Venkata) with great respect and splendour, as on
his arrival at Chandegri (Chandragiri) one of the chiefs of the
Royal Council, accompanied by elephants, camels, horses, kettle-
drummers and other signs of joy and meriment, went out to
fetch him and lodge him in the best palaces and houses of that
city. The King was at that time at Tripeti (Tirupati), two
leagues from Chandegri. The King determined to receive our
ambassador in this city, for which he sent his favourite with
great show and reverence to bring him there. The King was
outside a very great court ; not dressed in rich clothes, because it
is not customary, but covered with precious stones, armlets and
strings of pearls from his feet to the crown of his head : he wore
among others two jewels of great beauty, one of which was an
emerald surrounded by big pearls and brilliant diamonds, and
the other a ruby of high price and extraordinary greatness. The
ambassador knelt down, but the King ordered him to get up
and sit down. He (the King) joyfully received the letter and
1. Litterae Anmiae of the Province of Malabar, 1602, Ap. C, No.
VIII.
2. From -King Philip III to the Vioeroy Ayres de Saldanha,
Valladolid, December 23rd, 1604, Ap. B, No. VII*
VErfKAf A II'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 437
the gift of the Viceroy, and spoke of the friendly relations he
wished to have with the Portuguese, and of other things concern-
ing the welfare of the State. Then he sent back the ambassa-
dor loaded with honours and presents" 1.
Thus the old alliance which Venkata's predecessors had
made with the Portuguese was renewed *. " It had been
almost forgotten at the time ", says the above-quoted letter 3.
Venkata himself in a letter to Fr. Pimenta, who was then at
Goa, wrote as follows : " My old love for the Portuguese was
sufficiently proved at Goa. I have determined to send a ring
with other gifts to the Viceroy ; my interpreter Condogor will
be charged with handing them over to him. Kindly inform
the Viceroy about my purpose, in order that the old friendship
may be renewed " 4.
7. In the meantime in the city of St. Thome there were
continuous differences between the Portuguese themselves, and
even sometimes between them and the neighbouring Hindus.
This uneasy state of affairs is indicated in a letter of the Viceroy
Dom Jeronymo d' Azevedo to his sovereign, in the year 1613 :
" The inhabitants of the city of Meliapor (vis. Sao Thome de
Meliapor) were accustomed to live in the most absolute freedom.
Justice has no other meaning than the one those citizens, and
specially those who are reputed as powerful, are pleased to
give it. For since that land belongs to the King of Bisnaga
(Vijayanagara), and there is no garrison nor authority to be
respected, such and many other troubles take place there every
day " s.
Venkata was aware of these dissensions, and felt how hard
the task of the governor or adigar of that city must be. The one
appointed in 1599 was, it seems, a man without the experience
1. Liiterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1602, Ap. C, No.
VIII.
2. Of. Ch. IV, No. 5.
3. SeeAp. C, No. VIII.
4. Liiterae Annuae of the Province of Goa, written by Fr. N.
Pimenta, Goa, December 21st, 1602, Ap. C, No. V.
5. From the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d' Azevedo to King
Philip III, 1613, Ap. Bf No. XVII.
438 THE ASAvibtt SVKAStV OF
of years or of affairs ; hence Venkata wrote to Fr. Simao de Sa
to look carefully after the welfare of the city, and also ordered
his adigar to take no serious steps without previously consulting
the Jesuits '. As a matter of fact, one of the Jesuit letters of
1600 relates that some differences between the governor and the
Portuguese were settled through the deligence of Fr. de Sa and
Fr. Manoel de Veiga ?.
Nevertheless, the riots in the city of St. Thome continued in
the following years. " When I reached this country on
September 3rd, 1606", writes Fr. M. Roiz from St. Thome itself,
" 1 found the Portuguese quarrelling and fighting among them-
selves, as they were doing two or three years ago" 3. And
another letter, recounting the affairs of the same year 1606, states:
"This city of Sao Thome is for the best divided into factions
and there are often terrible fights, as in times of civil war. No
remedy can be found for that, since it is situated in the country
of the Hindu King, and far from the capital ; and neither the
judicature nor the captain is so provided with military force as
to arrest and punish the criminals. Great troubles however have
been checked by our (fathers). One Friday during Lent the
preacher spoke so fervently and zealously against hatred and
strife that the chief of one of those factions, who was hearing
the sermon together with other people carrying arms and
muskets, was so deeply moved that he determined to change his
life at once and to become a friend of his foe ; as he did in the
Mother Church of St. Thomas the Apostle, where he made
amends for the damage and loss he had caused and went to
confession with signs of contrition and amendment. At
present there is no hatred nor strife " 4.
8. In order to put an end to these continual disturbances,
it seems that the appointment of a Bishop for Sao Thome was
1. Du Jarric, I, p. 682.
2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N . Pimenta, Chandragiri, July
17th, 1600, Ap.C, No. V.
3. From Fr. M. Roiz to Fr. J. Alvarez, St. Thome, November
1st, 1606, Ap. C, No. XII.
4. Litterae Aniwae of the Province of Malabar, 1606-1607, Ap.
C, No, XXVI.
VENKATA II'S RELATIONS WITH T&E PORTUGUESE 439
proposed, as is clear from a letter of the Viceroy Dom
Jeronymo d' Azevedo to the King written in 1613. In this
letter the Viceroy states that experience has shown that the
citizens of Sao Thome have not improved after the appointment
of a Bishop there l. On the other hand, the Bishop of Cochin
was unable to make his pastoral visit through the whole of his
diocese on account of its extent 2. Hence Philip III of Spain,
moved by these two reasons, requested His Holiness Paul V,
to erect a new Bishopric in Sao Thome 3. His Majesty's peti-
tion was presented to the Pope by Cardinal Eduardo Farnesse 4.
Paul V finally erected the Church of St. Thomas at Mailapur
(Mylapore) as the Cathedral of the new Bishopric on January 9thr
1606 ; and on the same day appointed the Augustinian Friar Fr.
Sebastiao de Sao Pedro as its first Bishop, according to the
King's request 5. The new Dirxrese embraced the whole Coast
of Coromandei and the kingdoms of Bengal, Orissa and
Pegu 6.
The new Bishop reached St. Thome late in 1608. " The
new Bishop sent by Holiness and His Majesty ". writes Fr.
Coutinho, " has reached St. Thome. And our Fr. Rector enter-
tained him very kindly in our own house, where he resided ; and
when he went through the streets on foot, he was received with
great pageant, dancing, garlands, triumphal arches, etc. He is
our sincere friend " 7,
1. From the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo <T Azevedo to King, Goa,
December, 1613, Ap. B, No. XIV. It seems that Dom Jeronymo
even proposed to abolish the Bishopric of St. Thome, for on March
2nd, 1615, Philip HI wrote to him as follows : "Na mesma carta me pro-
pondes que os bispados da China y Meliapor se devem tornar a unir
aos de Malaca e Cochim e por quanto os inconvenientes que
aportaes nao me parecerem hastantes para alterar o que, tao pouco ha,
tenho ordenado, hei por hem que assy se continue**. Bulhao Pa to,
Documentos, III, p. 284.
2. Noticia deste Bispado de Mailapur, Ap. D, No. II.
3. Ibid. Cf. Mitras IMS it anas, p. 95.
4. Copia do mats essential da bulla da ereccao do Bispo de S. Thome,
Ap. D, No. I.
5. Noticia deste Bispado de Mailapur, 1. c.
6. Copia do mats esencial, 1. c.
7. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, October
Uth, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXIII.
440 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
9. Precisely in the very year of the establishment of the
Diocese of Mylapore, an event took place in St. Thome which
enraged Venkata II against the Portuguese. The occasion was
a fight the Portuguese had with the Hindus, owing to the death
of a Portuguese gentleman married at St. Thome, who was
stabbed by the Hindus at night in their own city (probably
Madras). He had gone fully armed to it in search of a girl,
who either had run away from him or had been stolen from his
house by a soldier of the adigar *. A fight having ensued
there, many Hindus joined this soldier, and the Portuguese was
killed and a brother of his wounded. News reached St. Thome
at once. "Our men ", says Fr. Coutinho, "rioted and wanted
to set out during night to attack the fort. The captain
stopped them till next day, when at dawn they went well
armed to the captain's house ; and the counsels of the young
men prevailed over those of the Priests and the old people of
the city". The captain, moreover, was forced by the relatives
of the deceased to take revenge. At last, gathering together a
strong force of armed people, he marched against the Hindu
town (Madras), by storming and sacking it and slaying a number
of people ; and as the adigar had taken shelter in a fortress
close to St. Thome (Mylapore) the Portuguese set the fort on
fire.
News of this rising was reported to Venkata by the same
adigar. But his letter "related the events falsely", says the same
Coutinho, " and the Queen, who has paramount power all over
the country at present, excited the King against the Portuguese
on account of this affair ; so that, after the aforesaid letters (of
the adigar) were read in the presence of the whole tourt, the
sovereign... became so furious that, though usually as meek as a
lamb, on that occasion he looked like a lion, and said several
times that he would destroy even the foundations of our city ; to
do which he appointed some captains, declaring that he did not
want friendship with the Portuguese any more, and that he
would call the Dutch, and so on." One of the things he said,
according to another Jesuit letter, was that " if the adigar
1. The sources we use for the narrative of this fact are not
concurrent on this point.
VENKATA II'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 44!
had committed anyoffence, they (the Portuguese) ought to have
represented it to him and he would have punished him". " His
courtiers said", continues Countmho, "that they had never
seen him so much excited as on this occasion ".
"The inhabitants of St. Thome", says another letter,
14 fearing that the King might send an army to besiege them,
deputed Fr. Rector, Nicolas Levanto, to go to the King and
appease him with reasons and presents. The King on hearing
of his arrival sent him a message inviting him, in case he had
come to talk on the Fathers' business; but if he had come to
talk on the affairs of Maleapor (Mylapore) he would not listen,
seeing that they had offered him such a great affront ; nor would
he receive their presents ". Nevertheless Venkata gradually
relented ; and being ' naturally meek and benevolent ', after two
months he sent for Fr. Levanto, who was received by the Sove-
reign with signs of great affection. Then the Rector of the
college of St. Thome offered to the King all the presents he was
carrying on behalf of the Portuguese, and obtained everything
he had asked for, " even to remove that adigar or captain of the
fort, placing in his stead another one according to the wishes of
the Portuguese ". Such was the end of that unpleasant incident,
which might easily have been the ruin of the city of St.
Thome '.
1. From Fr. M. Roiz to Fr. J. Alvarez, St. Thome, November 1st,
1606, Ap. C, No XII ; From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St.
Thome, November 4th, 1606, Ibid., No. XIII ; From the same to the
same, same date, Ibid., No. KIV; From the same to Fr. J. Alvarez,
Vellore, November llth, 1607, Ibid., No. XVIII ; Utterae Annuaeofthe
Province of Malabar, 1606-1607, Ibid., No. XXVI. Two years later
Venkata received in his court at Vellore a Portuguese merchant
dealing in emeralds. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore,
October llth, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXIII; Guerreiro, Relacam Annal
no anno de 606. <§• 607., p. 105. It is worth while to compare this
account based on impartial contemporary documents with the follow-
ing extract from Whiteway, The Rise of the Portuguese Power, p. 28 :
"When St. Thome was held to ransom f&r the intolerant acts of some
Jesuits and Franciscans, the Raja of Vijayanagara kept such faith
with the Portuguese that, as one of them says, such humanity and
justice are not to be fund among Christiana ".
56
442 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
10. It was their very good fortune not to lose for ever the
friendship of the powerful monarch of Vijayanagara, in those
days of great trials and dangers for the Portuguese in India ;
their cause was in great distress, and the success of their enter-
prises was then first thwarted by the enemies who finally ruined
their once flourishing State.
Fr. Alberto Laerzio, an Italian and hence an impartial wit-
ness, in a letter to Fr. J. Alvarez dated Cochin, November 20th,
1608, says that the causes of these troubles were two : the mal-
administration of Archbishop Menezes, who was then act-
ing as Governor General since the death of Dom Martim
Affonso de Castro l, and the increasing power of the Dutch
and the English traders ; " the Dutch ships", he says, " are
cruising in these eastern seas, checked by nobody " 2. At
the same time the English had taken possession of Masuli-
patam ; and Philip III, in a letter dated December 10th, 1607,
recommends his Viceroy to do his best with Venkata in order
to obtain their expulsion from the place 3. At the end of
the same year, the new Viceroy Conde da Feira was eagerly
expected at Goa ; but the Dutch were interested in impeding his
arrival. He had left Lisbon with a fleet of fourteen ships, one
of which, says Fr. Laerzio in the above mentioned letter, "parted
from the Viceroy and reached Mozambique in the month of
August ; and finding there thirteen Dutch ships that had be-
sieged our fortress, was conquered by them after one day's
hard fight ". The Dutch were then informed that the Viceroy
was coming behind ; hence they raised the siege and went to
Goa, where they anchored off the mouth of the river. "During
1. In 1606 the Archbishop Governor sent the gift of a hone to
Venkata II. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome,
November 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIV.
2. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. J. Alvarez, Cochin, November
20th, 1608. Ap. C, No. XXIV.
3. From Philip III to the Viceroy Martin Affonso de Castro,
Lisbon, December 10th, 1607, Bulhao Pato, Documents, I, p. 146. An*
other letter of the same sovereign, dated Lisbon, February 21st, 1610,
speaks of the same expulsion of the English traders from Masulu-
patao (Masulipatam). Ibid., p. 359.
VEKKATA II'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 443
our stay there ", continues Laerzio, " news reached us that a
ship, Oliveira by name, belonging to the Viceroy's party, had
also arrived and was six miles away on the North and even
within sight : our ships went there from Goa, threw all money
and goods overboard and, before the arrival of the Dutch, had
set the ship on fire and reduced the whole of it to ashes, that
the enemy might have nothing of it. " Of the other twelve
ships with the Viceroy no news whatsoever is heard ", so Laerzio
says at the end l. As a matter of fact Conde da Feira never
saw the shores of India : he died on the way.
II. At the end of the year 1608 the Dutch obtained from
Krishnappa Nayaka of Jinji permission to build a fort in
Devanapatnam, as we have stated in one of the preceding
chapters 2. It seems that in the place selected by them there
was formerly an old fort 3. They soon started to construct
their own. But according to a letter of Venkata to Philip III
of Spain, which we shall quote later on, no sooner did the
Emperor hear of the construction of this fort, than he sent an
envoy to the Nayak of Jinji, ordering the expulsion of the
Dutch from his territory. It seems that Krishnappa Nayaka
did not obey his sovereign's order; for in the following year
1609, Fr. Nicolas Levanto was deputed by the Bishop and the
Municipality of St. Thome to obtain from Venkata the expul-
sion of the Dutch from Devanapatnam. Levanto went to
Venkata's court and easily obtained from him a new order for
the Nayak of Jinji, to whom he personally presented it. He
was also well received by Krishnappa. Matters however were
seriously discussed ; " the nut was a hard one to crack ", says
the Jesuit letter we are transcribing here, " because of the
large profit he was hoping to get from the new guests ; hence
he (Krishnappa) told the Father to hope for the best, but at
the same time delayed giving him a definite reply ". Venkata
in the meantime suspected the cause of this delay, and accord-
ingly issued a third letter of his own accord, in which he
scolded the Nayak for his disobedience, and ordered him again
1. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. J. Alvarez, Cochin, November 20th,
1608, Ap. C, No. XXIV.
E. Of. Ch. XIX, No. 12.
3. Rea, Monumental Remains, p. 13,
444 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGARA
"to do according to the demand of the Father, and expel from
his territory the foes of the Portuguese, who are better friends
than the Dutch ".
As soon as Krishnappa received this letter he sent for
Fr. Levanto ; and after assuring him that he was ready to obey
the Emperor's order, gave him letters for the Bishop, the
Captain and the Municipality of St. Thome. In these letters he
announced his final resolution that the fort already in construe-
tion should be delivered to the Portuguse. Fr. Levanto him-
self went there, by the Nayak's express command, to witness
the expulsion of the Dutch. " The foundations and the walls of
the citadel had already been built on all sides to some height.
There was a huge amount of lime and a good supply of bricks,
for the fort was going to be of brickwork. One of our priests
remained there " *.
Great was the success of the Portuguese on this occasion,
thanks to the benevolence of Venkata ; and equally great was
the disappointment of the Dutch. But they did not relinguish
all hopes ; for once more before Venkata's death they demanded
from Krishnappa Nayaka permission to settle in Devanapatnam
and Porto Novo, the new city founded by Krishnappa 2, but
this time without success 3. Probably it is on account of these
constant refusals on his part to allow the Dutch to settle in his
territory, that Krishnappa is said in a letter of the Portuguese
Viceroy, Dom Francisco da Gama, dated November 28th, 1634,
to be " very fond of the Portuguese " 4.
12. This friendship of Venkata with the Portuguese was
confirmed in the same year on receipt of a letter from Philip
III, King of Spain and Portugal, in which His Catholic Majesty
thanked the Vijayanagara Emperor for his royal protection of
the Missionaries of the Society of Jesus. The text of this letter
1. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1609, Ap. G, No.
XXX. Gf. Figueroa, Historia y Anal Relation... Los anos passados fa
2. Cf. Oh. XIX, No. 8.
8. Memorial against the Jesuits of Vijayanagara, Ap, C, No.
XXXVII. '
i. This letter will be published in Vol. II.
VENKATA Il'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 44$
runs as follows, according to a copy we have found in the
Pangtm Archives : —
" Very Noble King of Bisnaga (Vijyanagara).
" I, Dom Phelippe, etc., make you aware that I have come
to know the good hospitality you have extended to the Reli-
gious of the Society who dwell in your kingdom, and the favour
and assistance you have bestowed on them, as to things con-
cerning Christianity; for which I deemed that it was my duty to
thank you, as I do by this letter of mine, and to inform you of
the good will with which I shall be pleased, for the sake of all
this, to oblige you in all your things.
"And thus I command my Viceroy to carry it out in
whatsoever way you may want from him. And I expect from
your nobility that you will keep up this your excellent treatment
of the said Religious, so that I may ever feel more and more
indebted to you, the Very Noble King of Bisnaga.
" May Our Lord enlighten you with the light of His grace,
and with the same keep you under His protection.
" Written in Madrid, January 27th, 1607 " *•
This letter from such a powerful sovereign deeply affected
the old Emperor of Vijayanagara. From the latter's answer we
deduce that the Viceroy of Goa also wrote proposing to him on
behalf of his sovereign an alliance against the Muharamadans,
with special reference to the Mughal Emperor. This was
precisely Venkata's desire. Witness his answer to Philip III
as follows : —
" Letter of the King of the Kings, Great Lord, Great Knight,
King Vencatapati, very great King, to the most powerful Lord
of sea and land, Dom PheJipe, King of Portugal, etc.
" I received Your Majesty's letter and I enjoyed its read-
ing very much. Your Majesty spoke of two things in it :
the first was about the Fathers of the Society of Jesus, who are
1. Ap. B, No. X. In a letter of King Phelippe to his Viceroy
dated December 10th, of the same year, the Spanish sovereign refers
to this letter to Venkata II : " Pelo que me escrevestes do bom
procedimento del-rey de Bisnaga e favores que faz em suas terras
aos padres da oompanhia, mandei escrever as gracas d'isso nas naus
que cste anno foram **. Bulhao Pato, Documentos, I, p. 146.
446 THE AfcAVIDU DYNASTY OF VtjAYANAGAftA
living at my court, and Your Majesty's joy on hearing
how I was myself honouring and entertaining them. The
second was about Your Majesty's Viceroy at Goa, viz. that Your
Majesty had already written to him, ordering him to help
me when the welfare of my kingdom should require it. I
was very glad to know both things, because, as far as the
Fathers are concerned, they, in these eleven years they have
spent at my court, have always been good, religious, very
chaste, prudent, learned people and preachers of their own faith;
and I shall treat them in the way Your Majesty desires
and they are worthy of. As regards the Viceroy, I am always
ready to help him with the whole of my army and power, when
necessary, against our old common enemies the Moors
(Muhammadans).
" I learned how the Dutch, rebel subjects of Your Majesty
came to Girola (Jinji), to talk with the Nayque (Nayak), and
they requested from him the harbour of TauanaPatan (Devana-
patnam), where they were already building a fortress. I sent
at once a messenger of mine with some letters for the Nayque ;
and later on Fr. Nicolas Levanto, Rector of the College of St.
Thome of the Society of Jesus, at my request went there taking
with him letters of mine on the same object. And I saw that
the Nayque forbade the building of a fortress by the* m, and
expelled them from my possessions, since they, being; rebels
against Your Majesty, so they are also to my person.
"The old friendship which existed between the Kings my
ancestors, and the Kings of Portugal, from the time of Narsip.$a
(Narasimha), must continue at present between Your Majesty
and myself, and I beg Your Majesty to write me at once when-
ever necessary.
" From my Kingdom,
" Venkataja, King " ».
The Spanish monarch was naturally extremely glad to
receive Venkata's letter, and to know his attitude towards the
Dutch traders at Devanapatnam. Simultaneously he addressed
a number of letters to several Princes of the East against his
1. Figucroa, Historia y Anal Relation Los ottos passados de
60? y 608, p. 113-4.
VENKATA II'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 447
rebel subjects of the Netherlands, copies of which are to be found
in the Government Archives at Pangim *. King Phelippe was
made aware of the conduct of Venkata II towards the Dutch by
a letter of Archbishop Menezes, as one of the former's letters to
his Viceroy testifies. Even before he had received this letter of
Venkata, he had again written to the old Emperor thanking
him for his loyal friendship 2.
13. This friendship between Venkata and the Portuguese
seems to have come to an abrupt end in 1611, when the former
besieged the city of St. Thome. The Viceroy, Dom Jeronymo
d'Azevedo, in a letter to his sovereign dated 1613, (month not
given), says that the origin of this war 'was due to the absence of
the Jesuits ' from Venkata's court 8. They had been removed
from it shortly before4. A Jesuit letter ofl6ll gives a full
account of this unfortunate affair. »
" Its cause ", says the letter, " was greed of money ; for the
old King dotes sometimes, and on such occasions those who
1. See one of these letters to the king of Cananor in A p. B, No.
IX. In 1613, the Spanish monarch ordered his Viceroy to thank the
Kings of Calicut and Cananor for the expulsion of the Dutch from
their ports. Ap. B, No. XVI. In the same year he gave a detailed
account of the Dutch and British ships, which had left Europe for the
East. Ap. B, No. XVI. In the volume Moncoes do Ret no, No. 6, (la. pte.)
in the Arqtiivo da Secretaria Geral do G over no < Pangim, there are several
documents on this subject. A letter to the King of Cochin, dated
Madrid, January 17th, 1607 (fol. 117), another to the King of Melinde,
Lisbon, December 22nd, 1606 (fol. 120), another to the Prince of Carnate
(sic), Lisbon, December 23rd, 1606 (fol. 123), another to the King of
Porqua, Lisbon, December 22nd, 1606. A letter of the same sovereign to
his Viceroy dated January 16th, 1607, laying down their attitude
towards the petty chiefs of Canara runs as follows u E porque o
estado das cosas most ram ser necessario conservar a estes reys em
paz e amisade, vos encommendo trateis com que assi se faca lembrando-
Ihe a elles que nao tenhara commercio nem amisade com os icbeldes de
Hollanda, por serem aleuantados. " Bulhao Pato, Documentos, I, p. 73.
2. "E porque o dito arcebispo governadar me escreve na
mesma conformidade e o bem que o dito rey se tern avido em nao
consentir que os hollandezes sejam recebidos em nenhum porto seu,
Ihe mandei escreuer a cartaque'vae nestas vias. " Lisbon, December
10th, 1607, Bulhao Pato, Documentos, I, p. 146.
3. AP.B.NO. xii.
4, Cf, Oh. XXII, No. 11,
448 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
govern the kingdom do as they please. Once they demanded
from the citizens of St. Thome an enormous amount of money.
They (the Portuguese) refused (to pay) such an extraordinary ex-
action ; then they were attacked (by the King's soldiers), and
defended themselves ; both parties fought courageously ; many of
the enemies and some Portuguese were killed " *. In the city,
which was not yet fortified 2, the besiegers resisted for several
months, according to a letter of Fr. Laerzio s. Fr. Queyroz,
who supposes that Venkata himself was commanding the
beleaguering army, relates that in the course of the siege, his
Queen brought forth a child whose legitimacy was doubtful 4 ;
this seems to indicate that the siege lasted about nine months.
The same author records that the army of Venkata contained
two hundred and twenty thousand soldiers, who were finally re-
pulsed with heavy losses by the Portuguese under the command
of Manoel de Frias, Captain of St. Thome 5. From a letter of
Philip III to his Viceroy, dated March 6th, 1613, it appears that
the Bishop Fr. Sebastiao de Sao Pedro had a large share in the
hardships of the siege, the success of which was partly due to
him: '" I highly appreciate the person and the services of the
Bishop n, says His Majesty, " and his conduct during the
siege"6. And on February 20th, 1614, the King writes again
to his Viceroy as follows : "The Bishop of Meliapor (Mylapore)
wrote to me describing his action in my royal service during
the siege of that city " 7. The same letter speaks of the aid
given to the Portuguese by Raghunatha Nayaka of Tanjore :
1. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1611, Ap. C, No.
£XXV.
2. From King Philip III to the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d1
Azevedo, Lisbon, March 7th, 1613, Ap. B, No. XIII.
3. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cbchin, November
25th, 1611, Ap. C, No. XXXII.
4. Queyroz, Conquista de Ceylao, p. 309.
5. Ibid.
6. Philip Ill's letter mentioned in note 2, Ap. B, No. XIII.
7. From Philip III to the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo cT Azevedo,
Lisbon, February 20th, 1614, Ap. B, No. XL Fr. Sebastiao de Sao Pedro
is also said to have defended St. Tbome and Sadras against tbe
Dutch. Of, Noticia deste Bispado de Mailapur, Ap. D, No. II.
VENKATA Il'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 449
" And since I have also been told of the good conduct of the
Nayak of Tanjaor (Tanjore) in my service during the
aforesaid siege, I am sending by this mail a letter
thanking him, entrusting you with the charge of forwarding it
to him " l. Unfortunately neither this letter nor a copy of it
has hitherto reached our hands ; we know only that it was sent
to the Bishop of Mylapore, by whom it had to be dispatched to
Tanjore : " The letter of Your Majesty to the Nayak of Tanjaor
(Tanjore) ", says the Viceroy in his answer to the King, " is
being sent to the Bishop (of Mylapore), who will hand it over to
him " \
Finally the Bishop and the Captain of St. Thome deputed
Fr. Antonio Rubino, and two of the chief men of the city to pro-
pose terms of peace to Venkata. " But since they did not bring
the sum demanded, they were seized and cast into prison. We
are still ignorant of what will be the end of this affair " *. So
does a Jesuit letter, written at the close of 1511, end its narrative
of this war. At any rate we know that Fr. Rubino and his com-
panions remained in prison for two months, and were eventually
released on the Portuguese promising to pay 401 pagodas ; half
to be paid at once and the other half by instalments during the
following six months. Rubino's return to St. Thome was a
solemn triumph : he was received and acclaimed as the liberator
of the country 4.
14. The siege of St. Thome by the army of Venkata II
clearly showed the imperative necessity of fortifying the city.
No walls had surrounded the settlement till then ; it was really a
tour de force to resist the attack of the imperial army for several
months, without walls, bastions or ditches. In a letter of Philip
III of March 7th, 1613, we read: "The same Viceroy wrote to me
that the inhabitants of the city of St. Thome were demanding
aid and permission, not only for fortifying themselves,
1. Ibid.
2. From the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d1 Azevedo to Philip III.
January 21st, 1613, Ap. B, No. XIII.
3. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1611, Ap. C, No.
XXXV.
4. Of. Saroglia, Vita del Venerabile /> Antonio Rubino, p. 30.
57
4SO THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
but also for incorporating their city into the jurisdiction of that
State (of Portuguese India), and establishing a custom-house
and a tax-collector to gather the * one fourth per cent ', which
is now paid to the King of Bisnaga (Vijayangara), for my
treasury " l. The second item which the King speaks of
shows the disaffection the inhabitants of St. Thome felt towards
Venkata. It had been the natural result of his recent siege
of their own city. This was the first indication of their
desire to be independent of the sway of the Vijayanagara
Sovereign. Great discussions ensued on this point after the death
of Venkata, which will be narrated in the following volume. As
to the first point of the King's letter, his decision to fortify St.
Thome was not carried out until after Venkata had passed
away ; his letter did not reach India before that event. This
may be seen from the answer of the Viceroy 2.
There was still another problem about St. Thome, which
required prompt solution. The Viceroy, in a letter of 1613,
after relating the differences and brawls between the citizens of
St. Thome, adds : "For this reason I wish to appoint a hidalgo
of authority as captain of that city, and at the head
of a garrison able to wage war " 3. Dom Jeronymo d'
Azevedo, when writing these words, had no doubt in mind the
recent war with Venkata. At the end of the same year he
again urged his sovereign to nominate a respectable hidalgo
for that task, " because, owing to the want of such a respect-
able person there, many riots take place and the citizens are
divided and fighting among themselves ; and specially (he is
necessary) to be there ready to check the Dutch if they intend
to settle again on that coast " 4. The Bishop himself also
wrote to the Viceroy requesting the appointment of a person
1. From Philip III to the Viceroy Dom Jeronomo d' Azevedo,
Lisbon, March 7th, 1613, Ap. B, No. XIII.
2. Ibid.
3. From the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d1 Azevedo to Philip III
1613, Ap. B, No. XVII.
4. From the same to the same, Goa, December 26th, 1613, Ap.
B, No. XV,
VfiNKATA II*S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 45l
for that post !. To put an end to such troubles, Dom Jeronymo
d'Azevedo wrote to the King on December 3Ist, 1614, that per-
haps he would himself proceed to St. Thome 2. But his pro-
ject was not carried out.
In the meantime, he wished to appoint Dom Bernardo de
Noronha, Captain of St. Thome ; for he wrote to the King to
this effect on December 26th, 1613. On the matter being proposed
to his councillors, Dom Bernardo was elected and "thus I
declared to him ", says Dom Jeronymo, " that I would give him
as much (money) as I could take from the State, with the same
regulations as the Captain of Ormuz has, and the authority
over that city and the whole of that coast, which is ordinarily
given to the Captain-Generals of the fleet ". But in spite of the
earnest entreaties of the Viceroy, of the Archbishop and of
other nobles such as Dom Luiz da Gama, Dom Bernardo de
Noronha refused the appointment 3. The Viceroy, however,
still hoped to send Dom Bernardo to St. Thome ; but at the end
of the following year he received two letters from his sovereign,
in which Philip III disapproved of such an appointment.
" Hence " says the Viceroy, " I did not think of it any more" 4.
Nothing further touching this matter is found during the life of
Venkata IL
15. The fear of the Portuguese that the Dutch, after their
expulsion from Devanapatnam, would renew their attempt to
establish a factory on the eastern coast, was not groundless. In
1605-6, one of their ships went to Pulicat, and after that the
1. From the same to the same, llhas, December 31st, 1614, Ap.
B, No. XVIII.
2. Ibid.
3. From the same to the same, Go a, December 26th, 1613, Ibid.,
No. XV.
4. From the same to the same, as in note 1 of page 450. Dom
Bernardo de Noronha was finally appointed Captain General of
Malabar in the following year, according to a letter of the Viceroy to
the King, dated December 18th, 1615. Archive da Secretaria Geral do,
GovernOj Pangim, Moncoes do Reino, No 12, Ano de 1614, fol. 191). He
seems to have died shortly after, according to another letter of the
Viceroy (Ibid., fol. 254).
452 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VtjAYANAGARA
place was selected by them for their future settlement. " A
Dutch ship," says Fr. Coutinho in a letter of 1606, "went there
(Pulicat) twice ; and they (the natives of the place) wanted to
receive them and were inviting them to land, with the purpose
of introducing them to the King ; but they (the Dutch) suspected"
that we would object (to their landing) here ; and we have ob-
tained olas from the black King (Venkata), in Velur (Vellore),
in which they are absolutely forbidden to allow them (the
Dutch) to land in any case " l.
The place selected by the Dutch traders in the Chingleput
District, 25 miles North of Madras, was admirably suited
to their commercial purposes 2. Being situated on the
southern extremity of an island which separates the sea from
the Pulicat Lake, it had been a trading port before the Dutch
knew the route to India and the eastern seas. Ludovico de
Barthema, who travelled through India from 1505 to 1507, des-
cribes Paleachate as a " place of immence trade " 8, which, it
seems, was conducted by the natives mainly with the Straits
Settlements 4. The Portuguese had been at Pulicat several
times after their first settlement in India 5. Pulicat was to
become the chief settlement of the Dutch East India Company
on the coast of Coromandel, and a continual thorn in the side
of the Portuguese, who in the possession of that spot by the
Dutch foresaw the ruin of their own trade.
The shrewd traders of the Netherlands were aware that
their main enemies at the court of Venkata were the Jesuits. So
when they heard shortly after that the Jesuits had left that
place for good (as will be narrated in the following chapter) they
took this opportunity to press their demands on the King ; who
1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome,
November 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIII.
2. In a letter of Jacques 1'Hermite to the Chambers of
XVII dated Bantam, November 10th, 1610, we read the following,
words : " For the present, these places (Devanapatnam and Pulicat)
remain m good hands and will be in the future the most important of
the shore, especially Paleacata." De Jongue, De Opkomst, III. p. 541.
3. Gubernatis, Storia, p. 133.
4. Burgess, South Indian Palaeography, p. 193.
5. Correa, IV, p. 324.
VENKATA n's RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 453
being now old and weak and shorn of Jesuit support, finally
consented. According to a letter of Dom Jeronymo d* Azevedo
to Philip III, of 1613, this concession to the Dutch would never
have been made, had the Jesuits been then at Venkata's court J.
This event took place at the end of 1606. But the agree-
ment was not signed until the month of April of the following
year. This document, translated from the Dutch, runs as
follows ;
" Agreement made by the Captain Arent Maertsz, in the
name and by the power of the Most Honourable States-General
and of His Excellency the Prince Mauritius de Nassau on one
side ; and the celebrated high-born King Vinkata Pati Raya
Alou King of the country Carnatica, Sinwasena, Pati and other
districts on the other side, and that for ever, on the 24th of
April of the year 1610.
" First, His Princelikc Excellency will build for his subjects
at Palleacatten a place, a stone house, to keep all kinds of war
ammunitions, powder, lead, bullets, anchors, ropes, sais and all
kinds of other merchandise to save it from fire, robbers and all
kinds of accidents.
" Furthermore, we Dutchmen and men from Zeeland and
those who traffic here in the name of the General Company shall
be obliged to pay two in every hundred of goods and merchan-
dise which shall be brought on land or taken away from there ;
it being well understood that what has been paid once has not
to be paid a second time ; moreover, rice and other necessities
for the house have not to be paid for.
" The King may not allow the Portuguese to live and to
trade in Paleacatte, but on the contrary has to prevent it.
" No one on either side will be allowed to introduce any
question and argument or disputation about religion.
" If any one, on account of some mischief, is induced to run
to the King or into the country, the King will be obliged to hand
him over to our nation.
" Moreover, all persons (as) merchants can traffic with us,
1. From the Viceroy Don Jeronymo <T Azevedo to Philip III,
16 13, Ap. B, No. XII.
454 THE ARAVfDtf DVNASTV O? VljAYAtfAGARA
sell or buy goods and merchandise, so that no one can prevent
it.
" All painters and weavers who should make some agree-
ment with our nation and make or paint cloth or sell linen here,
will receive the payment according to the agreement. More-
over, the King will not be able to allow any European nation to
trade here, other than those who have the permission of His
Princelike Excellency.
" On our side, we on behalf of this General Company pro-
mise to the King that whatsoever goods, guns, war-ammunition
or other such things of our countries he desires we shall be
obliged to bring here on the first occasion ; the King will pay
for these things the price they cost in our countries.
" When we stop with our ships in the harbour of Pallea-
catta, we shall not be allowed to do any harm or to arrest any
boat.
" All the boats that sail from here to other places with a
passport of our captain will not receive harm from our nation.
"All the»e points of the contract I, Vinkata Pati Raya Alou ,
King over these countries of Carnatica, Sinvakena, Pati
and more principaulities, promise to keep them now and for
ever, and 1 swear it by my God Peramal (Perumal).
" I, contractor of the General East Indian Company, pro-
mise not to break the same, otherwise let God interfere.
" Under this there was printed in black the seal of the King,
and near it written : That is the seal of the King, printed by His
Majesty himself, for greater security ; the King has moreover
printed his hand on a piece of linen, which they call the hand
of Sandal, and signed. " Arent Maertss (sic).99 l.
Fortune was proving adverse to the Portuguese. Some
1. De Jongue, De Opkomst, III, p. 348-9. This was the caul
referred to by Peter Williamson Floris, when, one year later, he pass-
ed through Pulicat: ** John Van Wersicke the Dutch President on
the coast of Choromandel, showed us a caul from the King of
Narsinga, Wencapati, Raja, wherein was granted that, it should not
be lawful for any that came out of Europe to trade there, but such as
brought Prince Maurice his Patent ". Purchas, His Pilgrimes, III,
p. 320,
VENKATA II'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 455
years after, in 1630, the Portuguese Viceroy wrote to his sove-
reign the following words, suggested most likely by this conces-
sion of Venkata to the Dutch : " From the time that our Euro-
pean enemies began to come to India, it seems that all the
Indian Kings have broken their faith and allegiance which was
due to this Government " l.
16. The lucky adventurers started without any delay
to build their factory at Pulicat. When two years later
the English Captain Hippon sailed up the eastern Coast
of India, looking for a place to establish a factory as well,
the Dutch were firmly settled at Puiicat. It is worth while to
quote Hippon's words to the East India Company. His ship
had met a Portuguese boat of St. Thome with two Portuguese
merchants from that town, who informed the Englishmen "that
the Dutch had settled a factory in Pellacata (Pulicat), where-
upon ", continues the English account, " we resolved to make
for that place, to see if anything might be done at the place
aforesaid for the profit of the Company although neither of us
had ever been at this place. In the evening, passing by St.
Thome we did see 13 on 14 aseletows, or small barques, riding
in the road ; about some two leagues (further) we came unto an
anchor because we would be sure not to pass by Pellacata. The
next morning we setting sail, and in the afternoon we came into
the road of Peilacata, and there then came 2 boats aboard, the
one sent from the Hollanders with a Dutchman therein, from
whom we did learn some particulars concerning the country
there about, the other boat was sent from the Shabunder to bid
us welcome, and then we gave them to understand that we were
English and not Dutch. And for the first we desired to have a
cowl of the Shabunder to send persons aland, for to make a
contract with him, and to have further conference together, all
which they promised us we should have, and so they departed
from the ship. The next day in the morning being the JOth
ditto so came again aboard us the people of Shabunder, bring-
ing with them a cowl, according as we desired, whereupon we
resolved to send our skiff aland, with Mr. Peter Floris and Mr.
Robt. Brown for to speak with the Shabunder, and to learn
X, This letter will be published in Vol. if
*456 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VJJAYANAGARA
out what might be done there for the Company's behoof, and
then on our first entrance, we were in present danger, and were
not able, by any means, to avoid it, for being in the breach of
the bar our skiff was turned upside down, and we (by the great
mercy of God) were all preserved so that nothing was lost save
only of some particular as some apparel and rapiers and such
like and so having had this misfortune we came aland, where
the Shabunder attended our coming upon the strand, who was
very sorrowful for our mischance, showing unto us all the
friendship that he could. And so we embarked and went up the
river towards the town where he had provided us of a house,
which was but a poor one, but yet it was so good as that place
did afford. In the evening we sent a boat aboard with news of
all that was passed by us, and withal that Mr. Lucas Antheunis
and Thomas Essington should come aland for to consider
together what was best to be4one in this business, and further
we found that the Hollanders did bear a hard hand against us,
for to hinder us from trading in this place. The day following
after that Mr. Lucas Atheunis and Thomas Essington were
come aland, then we went unto the Shabunder for to speak with
him and when we were set then came ihither Jan Van Wesick
(John Van Wersick), who is President of the Dutch Company
upon the coast of Coromandel, and after some compliments used
by both sides, he showed us a cowl of the king, wherein, under
other articles there was one which made mention that he did
forbid ail nations which should come out of Europe without
(permission) of the Dutch Company of East India l (unfor-
tunately there are here some gaps which make the account
unintelligible); whereupon we fell into some hard words one
with the other. At last the Shabunder came between us and
gave both parties contentment with words and referred us until
the coming of Conda Ma who is governess of this place 2.
And this Conda Maa was gone into the country, and would
1. Of. No. 15 and note 1 of p. 454.
2. Floris says : " We answered we tnd Commission from his
Majestic of England and would therefore doe what we could. Hence
(the Dutch Preside it) arose high words, which the Shabunde calmed,
telling of the Governesse her coming thither within three days'*.
Purchas, His Pilgrimes, III, p. 330,
VENKATA II'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 457
return again within 3 or 4 days, and in the meantime we must
have patience. The 1 5th ditto the aforesaid governess came
into the town and also that Mr. Brown was fallen very sick
again, so that we have expressly sent for Captain Hippon, that
he should come aland, for to have his opinion upon all occasions
that might happen, that nothing might be overslipped which
might redound unto the benefit of the Company. After that the
governess was come into the town we had prepared a very good
present for to have presented her withal ; then she refused to
give us audience, and sent us word that she had nothing to say
unto us, also that this place was given unto the Hollanders by
the mere gift of the King, and if we would go unto the King, to
desire some other place, she was thereunto very well contented.
Which message made us much amazed, yet notwithstanding we
did use our best endeavours to come to have speech with her,
but could not be effected, whereupon we fell into counsel with
ourselves whether it was best to go unto the King, who was but
50 leagues from thence and to see what with him might be pro-
cured in these affairs ; and after that we had well debated the
matter between us, and considering that we had not people
sufficient to settle a Factory, and having not time enough,
fearing lest we should lose our monsoon, and that we should be
at great charges in going to visit the King, so that we have
resolved to depart from hence, (here again there are several
words torn away). If the Company are resolved to enlarge their
trade, we cannot find that this place will be so available that it
will be worth any extraordinary charges seeing that at Masul-
patam (Masulipatam) and at Pettapoly (Petapoli) will be
sufficient to bring us more cloths that your Worships shall
possibly find vent for, and so far that your Worships will be
desirous to have this place or any other place near about it, then
it will be needful that your Worship should procure letters from
his Majesty, and with a fair present unto the King of Narsinga,
Vencapati Rajah (Venkatapati Ray a), and then to see if you
can procure any sea town for a place of residence, which will
not be done without great trouble and extraordinary charges,
your Worships may do herein as you shall think good. We do
not think good with the ship called the Globeto proceed further
58
458 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
here in considering that Muselpatam and Pettapoly is more
than sufficient for us to finish our pretended voyage, the which
serve your Worships for advice " l. It is very interesting to
see the difficulties the British merchants met with on their first
attempt to establish factories in a country which was subdued
by them after two centuries.
I/. Needless to say, the idea of a settlement at Pulicat
was not abandoned by the enterprising British traders. They
returned to the newly established factory at Masulipatam, and
shortly after they were glad to receive a quite unexpected visit.
Venkata II had heard of the voyage of the English merchants
to Pulicat, and had therefore sent an envoy to them at Masuli-
patam, with proposals for opening trade with them 2. Floris's
account gives many details about this Embassy of King Venkata
to the English traders: — "I returned to Masulipatam", says
he, "where I found three persons which said that they were
sent with Letters from Objama Queene of Paleacatte, Jaga Raja
Governour thereabout and of Saint Thomee, Apa Condaja
(Kondaja) secretarie of the Great King Wencatadraia 3,
wherein they sent me word that if I would come thither, they
would grant me a place right over against the Fort of Palea-
catte, with all such Priviledges as we should desire, and other
great promises besides. But I considering how I and the James
had beene entertayned there could beleeve but little : yet at last
we agreed that one of them should stay with me, and the rest
should depart with one of my folkes, who should carrie the
letters to the aforesaid persons, as also to the king; wherein I
repeated the bad entertainment which we had at Paleacatte.
And if now it pleased him that we should come into his Coun-
try, then to send us his Caul or safe Conduct, to which we
might trust.
1. From Captain Hippon and the merchants of the seventh
voyage to theE.I.C., August, 1611 (?), Letters received by the EJ.C., I,
p. 133-5.
2. Rea, Monumental Remains, p. 6.
3. Floris says that there were three persons in this Embassy
and then speaks of two only. The third perhaps was one Tima
(Tirumala) Raja mentioned with the other two a little later.
VENKATA 11*3 RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 459
" The nine and twentieth of July, arrived foure persons as
Embassadors, with my man Wengali, from the great king of
Narsinga of Velur, bringing me a Caul with his Abestiam (which
is a white Cloth where his owne hand is printed in Sandall or
Saffron) as also one from the Queene of Paleacatte, and divers
Letters from Jaga Raja, Tima Raja, Apocondaia and others.
The Kings Letter was written upon a leafe of gold, wherein he
excused the former fault done to us in Paleacatte, desiring that
now we would come into his Country, and chuse a place to our
best liking, and that there we should build a house or Castle
according to our owne liking, with other priviledges. He gave
me a Towne of about foure hundred pound of yearely revenue,
with promise to doe more at my coming thither. The Hollanders
had wrought much against it, but their words were not now in
such force ; the Inhabitants grieving to see every yeare English
ships passe by without any profit to them, and therefore filling
the king with complaints, and procuring these friendly offers.
I kept them with mee, allowing their daily charges till the ship
be come into the Road, then to consider further. My man
Wengali had beene in person before the King, and spoken with
him, the King laying his hand on his head, and presenting him
with a Tesseriffe" !. Floris seems to have been inclined
to proceed to Venkata's court. But when on the 25th of October
he heard of the King's death, he was somewhat disheartened on
account of the expected troubles. " I dispatched likewise the
Embassadors of Velur," says he, "in respect of the troubles there,
and my short stay denying fit opportunity : yet I left Letters
with them for the first English ships, with my best advice " *.
Independently of this attempt another English expedition
called at Pulicat in the beginning of 1614, to start trading with
the natives there. Two boats, ' The Glebe ' and 'James ', went
there, but for the second time met with an unwilling reception :
"Arriving at the road of Pollicat (Pulicat)", says the commander
John Gourney to the East India Company, " we had soon after
two several troops of messengers from the Shabunder to wel-
come us, and to show us that if we came to trade we should not
1. Purchas, His Pilgrimes, III, p. 336-7.
2L Ibid., p. 341.
460 THE ARAVIDU DYtfAStY OR VlJAYANAGAfcA
want any favours needful and that his desire was to seen us'
ashore ; this agreeing with our own desire, I went ashore taking
Thomas Brokedon with me and being entered into the town
understood that the Shabunder was gone forth to the town. So
we turning directly towards a large castle the Dutch have there
built were at our coming into it entertained with kind shows by
Warner Van Berghen, alias Captain Drinkwater, Captain there
and Rector of all the factories upon that coast, being then
accompanied with Captain Samuel King, English born, and
there we also found with them sundry of the principals of the
town prepared to declare unto us (as they presently did) that
their king had given by his cowl or firman the privilege of the
whole trade of that town to the Hollanders, without whose
leave we English nor other strangers might intermeddle, and
the said Van Berghen added that it was not in his power to
give leave. These speeches having heard and knowing that
Mr. Floris had been in the like manner put off, conceive that
the King of Velour (Vellore, i.e. Venkata II) must be dealt
withal with the King's Majesty's letters, which no doubt at any
time will prevail. But the king being within the land at war,
few factors of us and our two principal ports to be furnished
being Musulpatam (Masulipatam) and Pettapoly (Petapoli), we
having that night following received very kind entertainment of
the Dutch, we prepared in the morning to embark, at which
time the parties aforesaid returned to parley again and, making
the same conclusion as before, they added that we ought to pay
anchorage. Our answer was that we knew it to be their hearty
desire that we should stay and trade with them, if we could have
sufferance from the Hollander, but now we could neither accept
of liberty nor stay to trade, neither would we give them
anchorage. Whereat without more ado they gave us betel to
chew, as their manner of courtesy is, and bade us farewell,
desiring us to be good to Gentiles, if we met them at sea " *.
We do not know of other attempts of the first English traders
to establish a commercial settlement at Pulicat. At this time
the Portuguese had already started their campaign against the
Dutch settlement.
1. From John Gourney to the E. I. C., Pa tan i, July 28th, 1614,
Letters Received by the E./.C., II, p. 83-4.
VENJtATA Il'S RfiLAflOtfS WITH THE t*OfcTUGt)ES£ 46!
18. The most intrepid adventurer who carried into execution
the capture of Pulicat from the Dutch was the Bishop of Sao
Thome de Meliapor, Frey Seliastiao de Sao Pedro. His Majesty
the King of Spain addressed the Viceroy regarding the intrepid
Bishop's adventure in the following terms! "They wrote to me
about the efforts of the Bishop of Meliapore to destroy the
factory of the Dutch at Paleacate " 1. The erection of a fort in
the neighbourhood of Pulicat whence the Portuguese could
batter the walls of the Dutch fortification was a premeditated
plan of the Bishop, which had already been proposed to the
Viceroy 2. We have not come across any further details about
this scheme. The fact is that the Dutch factory was actually
captured by the Portuguese. We are made aware of this by
the King of Spain in a letter dated January 3 1st, 1614. The
King himself was informed of it by the Viceroy in a previous
mail 3. Considering the length of time occupied in a journey
from India to the metropolis in those days of difficult naviga-
tion, we can place this event in the beginning of 1613, or per-
haps at the end of 1612. The King's message records the valiant
deeds done by the Captain and inhabitants of St. Thome 4 ; but to
the Bishop of Mylapore was supposed to be the hero of the
day on account of his intrepidity and boldness. In a letter
from the Spanish monarch dated 1614, mention is made of the
Bishop of Meliapor " in capturing the fort the Dutch had at
Paleacate " 5. In another letter of 1615, the King of Spain
mentions again the capture of thev Dutch fortress at Pulicat by
this Prelate 6. He commanded a force of 130 Portuguese who
took the fort by surprise setting on fire the buildings of the
Dutch traders. The latter defended their properties very
1. From Philip III to the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d' Azevedo,
Lisbon, February 28th, 1613, Bulhao Pato, Documentos, I, p. 314.
2. Ibid.
3. From the same to the same, Lisbon, January 31st, 1614, Bu-
lhao Pato, o. c., Ill, p. 31.
4. Ibid.
5. From the same to the same, Lisbon, February 20th, 1614, Ap.
B, No. XI.
» 6. From the same to the same, Lisbon, March 5th, 1615, Bulhao
Pato, o. c.f III, p. 302.
462 THE AfcAVlDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYAtf AGAKA
valiantly, till many of them were slain by the invaders. The
booty captured by the Portuguese seems to have been consi-
derable l.
With the expulsion of the Dutch from Pulicat the fortress
was razed to the ground *. The Portuguese however were
not destined to enjoy their success for long. For in the begin-
ning of 1614 Pulicat had again fallen into the hands of the
Dutch. Jn his letter dated February 6th, 1615, the King of
Spain tells us that after the Dutch fortress was levelled to the
ground, two Dutch ships weighed anchor at Pulicat harbour
to negotiate with King Venkata to re-establish themselves
there, and for this purpose had made munificent gifts to the
monarch. Through the influence of the latter's brother-in-law,
who openly favoured them, they obtained permission from the
monarch to build a new fortress. They lost no time. They set
about work at once. The new fortress was erected on a
different spot which commanded greater facility for defence
than the former. ."It was further' fortified", says Philip III, "by
the erection of several bastions round the walls and the picketing
of artillery and soldiers " n. This was the fort which was
called later on Castel Geldria" 4.
This dealt a death blow to Portuguese commercial enterprise.
Dutch commerce got the ascendancy again ; it flourished now
just as it did prior to the expulsion of the Dutch from Pulicat.
The Dutch macLi a roaring trade with the famous Pulicat cloth
and amassed enormous profits 5. This excited the jealousy
of the Spanish sovereign who ordered his Viceroy to try the
re-capture of Pulicat, a thing which at this time appeared easy
and would not brook delay — for delay meant that the Portuguese
would have to encounter a formidable enemy after the lapse of
even a few years. " By all means", says the King, "cause
this second fortress built by the Dutch at Paleacate to be
1. Ragvagli d' Alcvne Missioni, p. 151.
2. ifrom the same to the same, Lisbon, February 6th, 1615, Ibid.,
p. 190.
3. Ibid., p. 189.
4. Mandelslo, Voyages and Travels, p. 94.
5. TTrom Philip III to the Viceroy Dom Jeromymo d'Azevedo,
Lisbon, February 6th, 1615, Bulhao Pato, o. c., p. 190.
VENKATA II'S RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 463
destroyed, for attaining which you may accept the overtures
made by Bishop Frey Sebastiao de Sao Pedro" *. The
Bishop's desire was none other than to sieze again the Dutch
factory as he had done previously. All he needed to give effect
to his plan was some money and a number of soldiers, "Let
this be done as soon as possible ", adds the King.
" Do not allow the Dutch to fortify it (the fortress) more, for if
they do so, their expulsion from there will be extremely difficult" 2.
In fact the Bishop himself had also urged the Viceroy to
send a governor to St. Thome who could take charge, among
other things, of the capture of " the fortress the Dutch have
made at Paleacate" 3. The Viceroy's purpose was obvious.
One of the reasons why he had wished to send Dom Bernardo
de Noronha as captain of St. Thome was that "he might be able
to attack Paleacate" 4. The re-capture of Pulicat was beyond
doubt the fervent wish of Dom Jeronymo d'Azevedo. In one of
his letters he says: "I trust in God that the fortress of Paleacate
will be soon captured by the fleet I have decided to send
there " *.
The re-capture of Pulicat was never effected. Nothing
was heard of any second attempt being made by the
warrior-like Bishop. To all intents the cause of this apparent
stagnation was most likely due to the death of Venkata II.
During the disturbances that followed this event, the Portu-
guese at St. Thome had to prepare themselves for further
eventualities, the recounting of which shall be the scope of
the second volume. When things had settled, circumstances
had changed; and the Portuguese realised that to attempt
alone the re-capture of Pulicat would be folly. Hence
they could not carry out their adventurous plan: to do so
they had first to gain the Vijayanagara Emperor to their cause.
1. Ibid.
1. From the same to the same. Lisbon, Mar<
p. 302.
2. From the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo
Goa, December 31st, 1614, Ap. B, No. XVII
3. From the same to the same. Goa
No, XV.
4. From the same to the same, 161
B, No. XVII,
CHAPTER XXII
THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OF VENKATA II
SUMMARY — 1. First idea of establishing a mission at Chandragiri.
Frs. de Sa and Ricio proceed to the Court.— 2. Their relations
with Venkata and his father-in-law. — 3. Frs. Veiga and Ricio
settle at Chandragiri. Their house.— 4. The income given them
by the Emperor, and its withdrawal in 1603.— 5. Venkata's
good-will towards the Fathers. His letter to Fr. Pimenta. —
6. Fr. Veiga leaves the court. New missionaries. Their
interviews with Venkata. — 7. Fr. Laerzio, Provincial of the
Province of Malabar, pays a visit to Venkata at Vellore. His
impressions. — 8. Venkata's opposition to the Jesuits. They
leave the court. Their further settlement at Vellore.— 9. The
Jesuits build a church next to. Venkata's palace. The King
defends them against Tatacharya. — 10. Sundry events from
1608 to 1611.— 11. Withdrawal of the Jesuits from Venkata's
court. The end of the mission.— 12. Practical fruits of the
Jesuit mission at Chandragiri and Vellore.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.— 1. Jesuit Letters. — 2. Moncoes do Reino
(Pangim Archives).— 3. QQ Jarric, Guerreiro.
WE have hitherto made frequent mention of the Jesuits at
Venkata's court, while narrating events of which they had
been eye-witnesses and in which they had at times even active-
ly participated. We shall now collect all the available infor-
mation about their influence at Venkata's court, and the way
they acquired it ; it will help us to appreciate the character of
this monarch, and the whole history of the South of India.
In 1597, Fr. Nicolas Pimenta, as Visitor on behalf of the
General of the Society of Jesus, visited all the Jesuit houses and
missions in the South of India. While he was at St. Thome,
he recommended the Fathers of that College to try all
possible means to establish a mission at the capital of the
Emperor of Vijayanagara, then at Chandragiri. It was
suggested by Fr. Pimenta that a Father should go there to
present his respect to the sovereign, from whom he might
THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OF VENKATA II 465
obtain sanction to establish a house in his capital. All the
Fathers approved of the idea. Accordingly " I appointed Fr.
Simon (de)Sa, Rector of the Colledge of Saint Thomas," says
Fr. Pimenta himself, "to begin a Mission thither as soone as
hee could " *. Fr. de Sa at once got in touch with a Christian
merchant, a native of Chandragiri, who was then living at St.
Thome ; this person wrote about the matter to one of his rela-
tions, a servent of Oba Ray a, the Emperor's father-in-law, to
whom he praised the wisdom and holiness of the Jesuits of St.
Thome so highly that Oba Raya became anxious to make their
acquaintance. Accordingly the latter wrote to the Fathers,
inviting them to proceed to Chativerum (Kanchivaram), where
he used to reside in a fortress of some importance 2. Fr. de Sa^
replied that he would go after the monsoon was over. In the
meantime Oba Raya, having been called to Chandragiri by the
Emperor invited the Rector of St. Thome to proceed to that
court, where he expected to be for a long period. Accordingly
on October 10th, 1598, Fr. de Sa together with Fr. Francesco
Ricio left St. Thome for the capital of the Empire. A nephew
of Oba Raya, a boy aged 13, came forward to meet and salute
the Fathers with a considerable retinue of elephants and horses.
When a league away from Chandragiri they sent a message to
Oba Raya, who next morning despatched a general accom-
panied by many nobles and soldiers riding either elephants or
horses to receive and usher them into the city. A great recep-
tion was given them in Oba Raya's palace ^ they handed bver
their presents to that chief, who offered them in their first
interview any town they desired to stay in and build a church ;
moreover, he promised to defray the expenses of the missiona-
ries who stayed in the town. He also presented them with rich
silk cloths and inquired eagerly about the King of Portugal and
his Viceroy in India ; and after some days he personally
introduced the Fathers into the presence of Venkata II.
1. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, December, 1597,
Pachas, X, p. 210 ; Du Jarrio, I, p. 638 and 654. Of. Ap. C, No. I.
2. Fr. Ricio says that ' Hoburaja wrote two ollas to the
Fathers*. From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri,
October 20th, 1610, Ap. C, No. I.
59
466 HE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
2. On the day appointed they were kindly received by the
Emperor. " The sovereign ", says du Jarric, " was sitting in a
narrow vestibule, built for himself alone, that was to be reached
by several stairs. He was seated on a mat and leaning against
a pillow. Next to the King, just at the edge of the mat, the crown
prince was also seated ; he was a young man of white com-
plexion and handsome face. On the other side of the King,
opposite the Prince, Obo (Oba Ray a) and his brother were seat-
ed too. The King was dressed in yellow... After the usual
salutations the Fathers stood before him, as the other nobles
did, excepting those mentioned ; they were so near the throne
that some times they touched the border of the King's dress.
' The Monarch said that he had enjoyed our coming (here du
Jarric probably quotes a letter of de Sa) as much as the world
enjoys the rising of the sun ; hence he will send us away full of
honours and gifts ; he knew of us from the things related by
Obo (Oba Raya)'. They, having thanked him, offered him some
presents which were kindly accepted : there was among these
presents a golden glass heart-shaped jewel brought over from
Portugal ; the King asked what it was for; was it perhaps some-
thing eatable. They answered that it was nothing else but a
symbol of the human heart made with silver and gold, which
they offered him as a sign of their sincere love, their loyalty and
thankfulness towards His Majesty. Then he thanked them in
his mother tongue saying: —
" Maha Santo Seam" that is, I am extremely glad.
"Then he also gave some gifts to the Fathers : four pieces of
silk cloth to Fr. Rector and two to Fr. Francis Ricio." After
this a long talk ensued in which Venkata asked about the life
they led ; and after having heard their account, addressing his
nobles he said : —
" They are like our sannyasis ; but these moreover are
Gurupi (/. e. learned Priests)".
The audience had been long enough ; at the end, after a
detailed explanation of the Sacraments of Baptism and Penance,
that washed away the sins from our soul very much better than
the Brahmanical ablutions, which clean only the body but not
the soul, Venkata asked the Brahmans, who were present :—
THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OP VENtfATA ll 467
" What do you think of it ?"
And they, struck with admiration, exclaimed :
" Suami, Suami n (Lord, Lord).
Finally Oba Raya told the Fathers that the King had
determined to give them two villages, for their expenses and for
the construction of the temple ; and then a golden palankin,
which is only permitted to the grandees and gurupis. Finally
he allowed them to build as many temples as they wished
throughout his dominions. Before their departure the King
granted another audience to them ; in which, at his request, they
declared many of the tenets of the Christian faith, and were
granted permission to build a church in Chandragiri itself.
After this they returned to St. Thome J. It was at this time
that Venkata's friendship with the Jesuits began. 2.
3, On reaching St. Thome, Fr. de Sa wrote to Fr. Pimenta,
then at Goa, about the success of the expedition, and demanded
more priests for opening the new mission. Many Fathers and
Brothers offered themselves to the Visitor who was desirous of
commencing that holy enterprise. Pimenta however selected, from
amongst those who were either in Goa or in St. Thome, six
Fathers, namely Manoelde Veiga who was to be the Superior,
Gaspar Estevao, Francesco Ricio, Joao da Costa, Peiro Euticio
and Belchior Coutinho 3. No mention is found in further
documents of three of the above mentioned Fathers, viz. Estevao,
Costa and Euticio ; perhaps they never reached St. Thome.
The first to arrive at this^own was Fr. Veiga who, accom-
panied by Fr. Ricio, left for Chandragiri on August J2th, 1599,
reaching the capital four days later. "Thus", says Fr. Ricio,
" we went to Oburaja (Oba Raya), who after having paid us
the highest respects, introduced us to the King. He welcomed
our arrival. Oburaja, on behalf of the King, gave us a very
good place for building a little church and house ; we also cons-
tructed a wall around ; we put up in the church tv/o images:
1. Du Jarric, I, p. 654-77; Orme, Historical Fragments, p. 61. Of.
Ap. C, No. I.
2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome, Novem-
ber 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIII.
3. Du Jarric, I, p. 677-8.
468 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
one of our Saviour and one of our Lady. Very many heathens
go continuously to this church, and they make bows, and
prostrate themselves before the images, and ask for some
temporal rewards ; many have already come to thank (God) for
those they have received. We preach to them about the
mysteries of our faith, and convince them of their error, since
the things they believe in are nothing else but evident lies and
sins ; nobody knows what to answer and all remain in great
confusion, though reverencing the tenets of our faith. We have
often declared the tenets of our faith to;the King himself,
showing him several pictures he liked very much to see; and
he, though possessing such a clear intellect, does the same ",
viz. does not know what to answer *. Another letter of Ricio's
states that they were allowed by the King " to build a Church,
erect Crosses, and convert men ; insomuch that fifty families
were to give place and depart from the ground thereto assigned
us " 2. Fr. Coutinho, who arrived at Chandragiri some months
after, describes their house and compound as follows : " Our
little house has large premises exposed to a healthy breeze;
they are good enough for building up a church and residence,
and far from the crowded streets of the town. In the meantime,
we have constructed a small church on the spot, large enough
for the present, until we shall have money enough for building
a larger one " 3.
4. The income of the villages which Venkata had promis-
ed to the Jesuits at his court, was, according to a Jesuit letter of
1602, " never settled, because of the chief governor and some
grandees of that -court, who claimed that the revenue of the
villages belonged to them. Hence the King," continues the
• MS., " gave them yearly a thousand pagodas out of the tribute
* paid by one of the Naiques (Nayaks) who are his subjects,
1. From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, October
20th, 1601, Ap. C, No. JI. Of. Du. Jarric, I, p. 685-90. Du Jarric, I, p. 689,
says that the spot where the Fathers built the church was given
them by the Queen, daughter of Oba Raya.
2. Purchas, X, p. 221.
3. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri,
July 17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OF VENlCATA II 469
until some lands should be vacant, from which the maintenance
of the Fathers could be taken without objection. For this
purpose he issued the necessary olios ; and one of our Fathers
went to Cangeuaram (Kanchivaram) to see the Polle (an officer
of the imperial treasury), through whom such a rent had to be
received. He was entertained and honoured by this Polle, who
gave him as great proofs of his love as any of those princes
who are friends of the Society would have done in Europe.
When he was aware of the coming of the Father, he used to
send him every day a messenger with congratulatory letters,
that were, he said, like daily salvoes to cheer him. He promised
to pay diligently the first part of the rent in the following
January, that is one fourth of the whole ; and, as a matter of
fact, he has already given us five hundred pardaos" !.
In connection with this story of their revenue the Jesuit
sources narrate a case not known hitherto, and one which
undoubtedly reflects on the integrity of the nobles of Venkata's
court. " The case was striking in this ", says Guerreiro, " that it
should happen to the chief Governor of the Empire, who so
earnestly opposed the grant ordered by the King from the
revenue of those villages for the ministers of the Church. It was
just he who was accused before the King of having robbed the
royal rents and treasure ; he was disgracefully deprived of his
functions and dignity. And when asked by the King for one
of his rings that had cost fifty thousand pagodas, he denied the
charge and swore on his parents he had never taken the ring.
By many witnesses he was declared guilty of the theft of the
ring and of three hundred thousand pagodas ; so he is now
imprisoned. The new Governor, his successor, is a very good
friend of the Fathers" 2.
Thus the Fathers enjoyed from that time an annual income
of one thousand gold pieces 3. This constituted the main
source of the revenue of the College at St. Thome, and on it
1. Utterae Annuae of Eastern India, 1601, Ap. 0, No. VI.
2. Guerrero (sic). Relation Anual...en los anos de 600 y 6QI,
p. 137.
3. From Fr. F. Bicio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, Sep-
tember l<Hh, 1603, Ap. C, No. VII.
470 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VlJAYANAGAfcA
the Chandragiri mission depended \ The rest of the College
revenue was paid by the adigar of Mylapore, who was himself
a very good friend of the Jesuits : he gave them annually three
hundred gold pieces out of the tribute the inhabitants of St.
Thome paid to the Nayak of Tanjore 2. But from the year
1603 this yearly income, so kindly made over to the Fathers
by order of Venkata, ceased, as we gather from a letter
of Fr. M. Roiz written in 1606 3, and from another of
Fr. A. Rubino, of 1609 4. The reason of this change may be
gathered from a letter of the Viceroy of Goa, Dom Jeronymo d*
Azevedo ; who, writing to Philip III said that the lands that had
yielded the income had been destroyed 5. And it seems that
no other source of revenue was assigned by Venkata for the
maintenance of the Fathers in the following years.
5. We learn from a Jesuit letter of 1600 that " in the
mission of Bisnaga (Vijayanagara) there are three priests and
one Lay Brother" B. These four Jesuits were Frs. Veiga and
Ricio, who had arrived at Chandragiri in the previous year, and
Fr. Belchior Coutinho and the English Lay Brother, Alexander
Frey, a painter, who reached the court in 1600. Another letter
says that the three Fathers and Bro. Alexander, did excellent
pioneer work, " a great deal for the improvement of the
Bisnagara (Vijayanagara) mission. The King", adds the letter,
" is very well disposed towards them" 7.
This good will of Venkata towards the Fathers is recorded in
1. From Fr. M. de Veiga to Fr. J. Alvarez, Cochin, December
10th, 1601, Ap.C, No. III.
2. Litterae Anrtuae-of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap.
C, No XXII.
3. From Fr. M. Roiz to Fr. J. Alvarez, St. Thome, November
1st, 1606, Ap. C, No XII.
4. From Fr. A. Bubino to Fr. C. Aquviva, Vellore, September
30th, 1609, Ibid., No. XXVII.
5. From Philip III to his Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d' Azevedo,
Lisbon, February 20th, 1614, Ap. B, No. XI.
6. Litterae Antiuae of the Province of Goa, 1600, Ap. C, No. II.
7. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Goa, written by Fr.
N. Pimenta, December 21st, 1602, Ibid., No. V.
THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OF VENKATA II /
all the letters in our possession, dated the same year. "The King
is kind to the priests", we read in one, " and granted them many
favours" \ "He received us with special kindness and love",
says another 2. Venkata's regard for the Fathers grew when
he learned from the Mughal ambassador in what high esteem
they were held by Akbar. 8. On one occasion, Coutinho
relates, "as the King was taking a walk in this neighbourhood a
few days ago, he asked his attendants where our house was.
When we knew that the King was coming, we proceeded to the
door to receive him respectfully. The attendants of the King
were exclaiming: —
" Pareco Parangolu ", that is, let His Highness see the
Portuguese Priests.
" He (the King) talked to us affably and cheerfully" «.
Another testimony of his esteem for the Fathers was the
letter he wrote to Fr. Pimenta that year. Purchas published
only the first part of it 5. But we were fortunate enough to
unearth its original kept in the Jesuit Archives. It runs as
follows : —
" The King of kings, the great Lord, the Knight of knights,
Vencapati (sic), King atter God, sends the following letter to
Fr. Nicolao Pimenta who is at Goa. I was filled with joy on
receipt of your letter during a personal interview with Fr.
Manoel de Veiga, Superior of the Fathers who reside here. I gave
them permission to erect a church and house in my own town
of Chandegri. I have allotted the revenue of the village called
Elamur, which is in the vicinity of St. Thome, for the expenses
of the Fathers, and I shall confer not only on these but also on
their successors extraordinary privileges and endowments.
Moreover I have allowed them complete freedom to preach the
1. Litterae Anttuae of the Province of Goa, 1600, Ibid., No. II.
8. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July
17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
3. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Goa, 1600, Ap. C, No. II.
Of. Ibid., Ne. V.
4. From Fr. B. Coutiiiho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July
17th, 1600 Ap. C, No. V.
5. Purchas, X, p. 221.
472 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
law of God, so that anyone who wishes may become a
Christian, without being deprived of his previous position. My
old love for the Portuguese is by now well known in Go£. The
fathers themselves will write to you about the honours they
have received from my hands. I have resolved to send the
Viceroy a ring and some other presents, which I shall charge
my interpreter Condoquor to deliver. I wish Your Paternity
to inform the Viceroy of this, so that our old friendly relations
may be renewed. Fr. Manoel de Veiga will inform you about the
new occurrences. I have myself nothing else to say." '.
6. The year 1600 witnessed a great loss to the recently
founded mission of Chandragiri. Fr. Manoel de Veiga, who
is justly called its founder *, was called to St. Thome and
appointed Visitor of the Jesuit houses of the South 3, with a
view to separating them from the Province of Goa. We find
him accordingly in 1601 visiting the Jesuit stations on the
Fishery Coast 4, and after a while, in the month of December,
at Cochin 5. It seems that Fr. Veiga's opinion was not
favourable to the separation of the Vice-Province of Malabar 6.
Nevertheless, without his concurrence, it was effected shortly
after; and Fr. Veiga was then appointed Provincial of the
Province of Goa 7.
After his departure three Jesuits remained at Chandragiri:
Fr. B. Coutinho, who was appointed Superior, Fr. F. Ricio and
the Lay Brother Alexander Frey 8. Fr. Ricio, writing in the
year 1603, gives the following information regarding their relations
with Venkata : " When we converse with him he not only shows
us marks of great friendship, but also lends a very willing ear
1. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Goa, written by Fr. N.
Pimenta, Goa, December 21st, 1602, Ap. C, No. V.
2. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Goa, 1601, written by Fr.
N. Pimenta, January, 1602, Ap. C. No. IV.
3. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July
17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
4. Guerrero (sic) Relation AnuaL..en los anos de 6OO y 607, p. 108.
5. See Ap. C, No. III.
6. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, January
12th, 1605, Ap. C, No. XL
7. Ibid.
8. From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri. October
20tb, 1601, Ap. C, No. I.
THE JESl'ITS AT THE COURT OF VENKATA II 4/3
to the exposition of our doctrine, especially when the topic
under discussion is Jesus Our Saviour, and the Blessed Virgin.
And after he has heard us, he approves of, and repeats our
sayings to others. The same willingness is shown to us by
very many others, distinguished both by birth and learning. On
hearing our exposition they are filled with joy, and acknowledge
that there is only one faith and one God (a point we lay stress
on in all our arguments.) But though in every doctrine which
we propound they show great joy, their happiness when we
enumerate and explain the ten commandments of the divine law
is so great, that it is easier for one to imagine it than for me to
describe it to you in a letter. They confess that this law is
divine and very sound, and that theirs is teeming with error ;
and for this very reason they very often come to us and attend
our church and willingly hear the divine precepts and all that
pertains to the salvation of our souls with great reverence and
devotion. And not only those who dwell in this imperial city
flock to our church, but also a large number from many
different towns of this kingdom ; and on reaching it they
prostrate themselves on the bare floor, and with sincerest
humility beg assistance from God in their needs " l.
7. Such was the life of the Jesuits at the court of Venkata
II while he ruled at Chandragiri. After his conquest of Veilore
in the beginning of 1604, and during his short stay at that place,
Fr. Ricio went there to pay him his respects 2 ; and shortly
after Fr. Alberto Laerzio, the Superior of the Vice-Province
of Malabar, who had visited him at Chandragiri in the pre-
ceding year,3 also went to Veilore to do homage to him.
Venkata, on hearing of his coming, gave orders to prepare and
adorn a house next to the palace for him and his companion.
" As soon as they arrived ", says a Jesuit letter, " several nobles
paid a visit to them, and congratulated them on their arrival
1. From Fr. F. Bioio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, Septem-
ber 10th, 1803, Ap. C, No. VII.
2. LUterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C,
No. XXII.
3. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, January 15th,
1604, Ap. C, No. IX.
60
474 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
on behalf of the king. Then Ramana, the son of the King's
sister, a very good friend of ours, also sent to the Fathers some
nobles of his household, through whom he presented to the
Fathers some good dishes of his own table, as he had previously
done to Fathers Nicolao Levanto and Francesco Ricio. Father
Provincial answered that he and his companions would like to
cook their food themselves at home ; then the prince sent them
a large number of wethers and hens, besides butter, rice, and
other uncooked eatables ; moreover, a while after, he again sent
them a wild boar brought by his brother from a hunting expedi-
tion ; finally he came himself, and gave the Fathers many
proofs of his sincere friendship and esteem ".
" On the same day ", continues the same letter, " the King
sent a message to Fr. Provincial, to know when he would like
to visit him. The Father replied he was expecting an elephant
he had left resting a little at Kanchivaram. When the beast
reached Vellore the Provincial sent word to the sovereign. The
latter despatched his private secretary, who is also a very good
friend of the Fathers, with a large retinue to fetch the Fathers.
They reached the entrance of the palace in a coach. The King
came down to the entrance-lobby to receive Fr. Provincial, as
well as to see the elephant, the hound and the other presents.
Then he took the Father to the audience-hall and ordered him to
sit down next to the royal throne, the grandees of the kingdom
standing round. When the Provincial Basked for permission to
leave, he did not grant it ; for to dismiss him on the first
meeting would be offensive to the dignity of both." As a
matter of fact, Fr. Laerzio prolonged his stay at Vellore
some days and was finally dismissed with great honours
and tokens of sincere attachment J.
Shortly after this visit Venkata wrote to the General of the
Society of Jesus, then Fr. Claudio Aquaviva. Two years later,
in 1607, Fr. Coutinho points out that the King was awaiting the
answer 2. We suppose it came in due course, but no further
1. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap.
C, No. XXII.
2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, Novem-
ber 5th, 1607, Ap. 0, No. XV.
THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OF VEKKAf A II 475
mention of this letter has been found. In the meantime the
nobles of the court and kingdom still showed respect and admi-
ration for ^he Fathers. " All of them are very good friends of
the Fathers", says Laerzio, " very polite and kind. ..and many
request us to build churches and houses in their towns, and also
offer rent for the Father's maintenance" l.
In the month of July, 1606, Fr. Francesco Ricio passed
away 2 ; he was the first missionary to die in the Vijayanagara
mission. Fortunately his successor came out in the same
year. This was another Italian, Fr. Antonio Rubino. Fr. Ricio
himself had, when writing to Fr. General in 1603, asked for Fr.
Rubino for this mission a. He was a great mathematician and
a profound theologian ; moreover he was a very good preacher
and a virtuous priest 4. He reached Chandragiri in the begin-
ning of 1606 ; and from there he wrote to Fr. Genneral of
the Society of Jesus in the following year as follows : " Last
year I wrote to Your Paternity an account of this mission in
the kingdom of Bisnaga, in which I am now by Your Paternity's
command with great consolation on my part. I hope in our
Lord that I shall end the rest of my life, which will not last very
long, in this mission '' 5.
8. But shortly after his arrival a great storm burst over
the heads of the missionaries. It was then that the conflict
between the inhabitants of St. Thome and the soldiers of the
adigar took place, ending with the partial destruction of
Madras and Mylapore, as we have related in one of the preced-
ing chapters 6. When news of the disaster reached Venkata's
1. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. J. Alvarez, Cochin, January
8th,1604,ApC,No.X.
2. Fr. Ricio's death is announced in a letter of Fr. Coutinho,
dated November 4th, 1606, preserved in the Archives of the Society*
3. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri,
September 10th, 1603, Ap. C, No. VII.
4. From Fr. B. Countinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome,
November 4th, 1606, Ap. C, NTo. XIII ; From the same to the same,
same date, Ibid., No. XIV.
5. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri,
November 8th, 1607, Ibid., No. XVII.
6. Cf. Ch. XXI, No. 9.
476 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGAfcA
gars, inflamed with anger he exclaimed among other things
that ' he did not want the Fathers in his kingdom any more ' l.
For this reason, the Provincial did not proceed to Venkata's
court on his annual visit, and the Fathers were recalled to St.
Thome to see their Superior there ; Laerzio ordered them not to
go back to Venkata's court till peace had been restored 2.
Towards the close of 1606, as related above, peace
was finally made, and in the first days of January,
1607, the missionaries were back at their posts in
the mission of Vijayanagara : Fr. Rubino at Chandragiri,
and Fr. Coutinho with the Lay Brother, Bartolomeo Fon-
tebona, at the new residence of Vellore 3 where the capital
of the Empire had just been transferred. " In the month
of January", says Fr. Coutinho, " we came over here, Bro.
Bartolomeo Fontebona and myself. Among other things that we
offered to the King was a pot full of cakes, one out of a (Jozen
pots we had received in the college on the feast of Jesus
(January 1st). This pot was a work of fine art, showing a pelican
with its young ones around. I told him at the time (when pre-
senting this pot) that the people of St. Thome were like dead
because His Highness had been unfavourable to them ; but in
the course of time, when he had showed from the bottom of his
heart his love towards them, they, as his children, had returned
to life, as it had happened to that bird, etc. He was very glad
to hear this, for they are men who like comparisons". In the
same letter, Coutinho relates that Fr. Rubino also went to Vel-
lore to pay a visit to the King. He brought him as a present a
nice map of the world with Telugu inscriptions ; the principal
kingdoms and the four elements and the twelve skies were des-
cribed there ; the King enjoyed very much seeing and reading
all these things; he questioned Rubino about some difficult
problems of mathematics, and the missionary showed himself to
1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome, Novem-
ber 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIV.
2. From Fr. M. Roiz to Fr. J. Alvarez, St. Thome. November
1st, 1606 Ap. C, No. XII.
3. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, Novem-
ber 7th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XV. Cf. Ibid., No. XIII.
THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OF VENKATA II 4/7
be an excellent mathematician 1. Rubino himself adds that
on this occasion he also gave the King a treatise on astronomy,
" and the King caused it to be read before him and in the
presence of all the learned men of his court. These people were
greatly astonished at the difference that lies between our
science and theirs" 2.
9. Venkata gave the Jesuits at Vellore a site next to his
own palace to build a house and church. " The King", says
Coutinho, " gave us a house and church within the first enclo-
sure of the fortress ; and I put up the Holy Cross over the gate.
It is situated in a beautiful street running from North to South
and leaning against the walls of the palace. The Church is visit-
ed by many of the King's relations, who are our friends and
neighbours; they enjoy our conversations about God" 3. This
proves that, after that temporary storm of hatred against the
Portuguese, the love of Venkata for the Jesuits was renewed
once more " He (Venkata) " says Fontebona, " shows us as
much love as we can desire" 4. And in another letter he says :
" It is surprising to see how he loves us" 5. Fr. Antonio
1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November
llth, 1607, Ap. C, No. XVIII.
2. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aqua viva, Chandragiri, Novem-
ber 8th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XVII.
3. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome,
November 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIII; From the same to the same,
same date, Ibid., No. XIV. When I visited the place in January, 1924,
as soon as I entered the fort, I noticed through the green trees a small
white cross over the facade of a church towering above all the other
edifices. I remembered at once the above quoted passage of Coutinho.
Then I realized that the aforesaid church was built next to the walls
of the Mahal still standing and in the street running from North to
South. The coincidence was amazing. I could not however get
more information about that church, as there was no priest then at
the parish house. I wrote lately to a Catholic Priest of Vellore, Rev.
J. Trideau, and I was informed by him that, according to local tradi-
tion, there is no recollection of a Catholic Church inside the fort
I realized then that the church I had seen must be the Anglican
Church, but nevertheless the spot where it is built seems to be the
same as that of the ancient church of the Jesuits at Venkata's
court. Cf. Penny, The Church in Madras, I, p. 624-9.
4. From Bro. B. Fontebona to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, Novem-
ber 7th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XVI.
5. From the same to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November llth,
1607, Ap. C, No. XIX.
4/8 THE ARAVlDU DYNASTY OP VIJAYANAGARA
Vico, writing from Cochin at about the same time, informs us
that " the King of Bisnaga is daily growing fonder of the
things of God" \ while Fontebona says elsewhere that
Venkata " likes to talk about our things, and specially about
our holy faith " 2.
One of these talks with Venkata about the Christian tenets
is related in a letter of Fr. Coutinho : " The other day ", he says,
" we were talking about the things of God ; and His Majesty
heard at length the explanation of the ten commandments.
When in explaining the first we said that there was only one
God and that the others were false gods, idolfc (Devils), the King
did not say anything. The Brahmans, however, asked him
what was the use of hearing such things ; to which the King
replied that it was a very good thing and so worthy of notice.
He was also pleased to see the album of holy pictures which
the Brother showed him, drawing his attention especially to
the ones by Fr. Nadal a. He saw thsm one by one and at
the same time inquired minutely about their meaning ; in so
doing he was very glad to know of these high mysteries. But
the King's religious preceptor (vis. Tatacharya) wished to con-
vince us of the falsehood of the passion (of Jesus Christ). He
was one of those whom St. Paul represents to us as saying that
our doctrine was folly ; he tried to convince him of the stories
of their false gods, who are so unworthy of divinity ; but we
declared to him how perfect was the love of Jesus Christ, who
came to the world for our salvation. The King heard everything
in silence, and was by no means angry when at what we said
against his idols and temples" 4. The same letter records
that once, when the King was praising the Fathers for ' being
1. From Fr. A. Vico to Fr. P. A. Spinelli, Cochin, December 9th,
1607, Ap. C, No. XXJ.
2. From Bro. B. Fontebona to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November
llth, 1607, Ap. C, No. XIX.
3. For the history of these pictures, see Heraa, La Dinastia
Manchu en China, I, p. 412-4, and The Jesuit Influence in the Court of
Vijayanagara, Q. /. AT. 5., XIV, p. 136, n. 26.
4 From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November
llth, 1607, Ap. C, No. XVIII.
THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OF VENKATA II 4/9
Saniaces (sannyasis), and religious and chaste people ', "Tata-
charya happened to be present, and being an enemy of the
Fathers, replied to the King's remark: —
If they are religious, why do they eat meat ?"
11 Although they eat meat " the king answered, " they are
chaste and have no wives*1 1.
TO. Venkata's affection for the Fathers continued during
the following year, 1608 2. This year Fr. Laerzio again paid a
visit to the Fathers of both the residences of Vijayanagara:
Coutinho and Fontebona were residing at Veliore, where they
built a fine crib in the Church for Christmas ; while there was
Fr. Rubino alone at Chandragiri, ' where he works a great deal
for the service of God ', says Coutinho 3.
In 1609 we find Fr. Coutinho no longer at Veliore, and Fr.
Rubino has taken his place, though also in charge of the Chris-
tians of Chandragiri 4. We suspect that Coutinho was recalled
to St. Thomas, as his health had broken down. He died in 1610,
and then Rubino was appointed Superior of the mission. Fr.
Antonio Diaz was then sent there and the Provincial expected
to appoint two additional Fathers for this mission 6. Fr.
Coutinho's death was a great loss to it : he was a man " of great
virtue and of excellent intellect", Fr. Ricio wrote in 1601 6.
He was a bosom friend of Venkata. As a matter of fact
after the death of Coutinho the King became colder and colder
in his relations with the Fathers. At the end of 1609, Fr.
Rubino wrote to Fr. General : " The King is not as good a
1. Ibid.
2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, October
llth, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXII ; From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva,
Cochin, December 30th, 1601, Ap. C, No. XXV.
3. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, October llth, 1608,
Ap. C, No. XXII.
4. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, September
30th, Ap. C, No, XXVII.
5. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November
25th, 1611, Ap. C. No. XXXI.
6. From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, October
20th, 1601, Ap. C, No. I.
480 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANA&ARA
friend of ours as he was before. The cause of it are those
accursed Brahmans, who are the chief foes of our Holy Faith ;
the King is more than a slave before them"1. Another Jesuit
letter of 1600 shows what kind of slavery the King was subjected
to : "The King is not allowed to talk to anybody", we read there,
"before he has seen the face of two Brahmans " 2.
In the month of June, 1611, we find Rubino in Colombo.
He had preached on Fridays in Lent ; his preaching pleased
everybody and was fruitful. The reason for his going there
was that Venkata had requested him to accompany the ambas-
sadors whom he was sending to the Portuguese Governor of
Ceylon, and whom he had deputed to sell several elephants
to the Portuguese 3.
II. By the end of the same year, 1611, no Jesuit houses were
found any more either at Vellore or at Chandragiri. What was
the cause of their withdrawal from Venkata's court ?
Some years before, a document full of slanders against all
the Jesuits of the South, but especially against those who where
at Venkata's court, had been presented to Philip III. The
accusations may be reduced to the following four heads: I.
The Jesuits residing at Venkata's court have no interest
at all in the conversion of infidels, and only preach
according to the will of the Brahmans and other Hindu
ascetics. 2. All their efforts are reduced to making money and
to accumulating enormous amounts of money in order to
increase their income ; and to attain this purpose they always
do whatever the King likes. 3. Bro. Fontebona is busy
painting indecent pictures to please the sovereign ; and 4. They
1. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, September
30th;*1609, Ap. C, No. XXVII.
2. From Fr. B. Coiitinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, July 17th, 1600, Ap.
0, No. V.
3. From FT. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November
25th, 1611 , Ap. C, No. XXXI. This is the last time we hear of Rubino
in oonneotion with Vijayanagara. In 1613 he became Rector of the
College at St. Thome, as recorded in a letter of 1615, which will be
published in Vol. II. Rubino died martyr in Japan on March 17th,
1643.
THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OF VENKATA II 48!
forged letters of the King of Spain to Venkata and of Venkata
to the King of Spain, and bribed the ministers of the former to
obtain the royal seal l.
No doubt, these charges created great resentment in the
suspicious character of Philip III. On March 9th, 1610, he wrote
about them to his Viceroy Ruy Lourenco de Tavora to this
effect : " From the note I am sending you herewith, you may
see the things which were communicated to me about the
conduct of the Jesuits who reside in the Empire of Bisnaga ;
hence I recommend to you, first, to request from their Superior
the immediate withdrawal of these Religious (from that Empire)
to any other house of their Order ; they may be, if necessary,
replaced by others of good conduct, whose efforts must be only
devoted to the conversion of the gentiles. Then you will
secretly inquire from impartial persons about the accusations
as contained in the said note " *. No person can defend this
strange and imprudent order of the Spanish King. He ought
first to have ordered an inquiry, and then to proceeded to the
expulsion of the guilty, if any. The Provincial of the Malabar
Province, to avoid any suspicion of covetousness on their part,
on receiving the Viceroys's order promptly withdrew his sub-
ordinates from Venkata's court : " As soon as their Superiors
were aware of what Your Majesty wrote about them, they
caused them to be removed at once to their own province ",
wrote Dom Jeronymo d'Azevedo to his sovereign, in 1613 8.
No other Fathers were sent there.
1. Memorial against the Jesuits, A p. C, No. XXXVIII.
1. " Por hum papel que ira com esta vereis o que se diz do
propedimento dos religiosos da companhia que residem no reino de
Bis^aga, e parecemme remettervolo e encomendarvos, como faco, que
trateis com o • superior daquella religiao que recolha logo estes reli-
giosos a algua outra casa da sua prdem. e sendo necessario enviar
alii outros, o faca, encolhendo para isso pessoas de satisfaccao e que
attendant somente a conversao dos gentios d'aquelle reino ; e que do
mais que contem o dito papel tomeis informacao em todo o segredo
por pessoas sem suspeita". From Philip III to the Viceroy Ruy Lour-
enco de Tavora, Lisbon, March 9th, 1610, Bulhao Pato, Documentos,
I, p. 372. Cf. another letter from the same King to the Viceroy Dom
Jeronymo d'Azevedo, Lisbon, February 28th, 1610, Ibid., II, p. 184.
3. From the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d'Azevedo to Philip HI,
1613, Ap. B, No. XII.
61
482 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
This removal of the Jesuits from the court of Vijayanagara
caused a great deal of harm to the Portuguese influence in
India. According to the Viceroy, the settlement of the Dutch
at Pulicat as well as Venkata's war against St. Thome were due
to this fact *. "Consequently", the Viceroy adds, " I have to
say that it is not only absolutely necessary to have them (the
Jesuits) at Chandegri (Chandragiri) close to the King, who loves
them, but even in Paleacate (Pulicat), after the capture of this
fortress from the Dutch... and in other places of that coast " 2.
The Viceroy's wishes were never fulfilled. Venkata died soon
after ; the turbulent period that followed was not conducive
to the re-establishment of the suspended mission ; but Fr.
Rubino in a letter dated from St. Thome, November 29th, 1617,
says that there were hopes that the mission of Vellore would be
renewed after the end of the civil war *. Nevertheless, as far
as we know, there were no more Jesuits permanently residing
either at Vellore or at Chandragiri during the supremacy of the
Emperors of Vijayanagara.
12. What was the real character of the Jesuit mission at
the court of Venkata ? Their stay first at Chandragiri and then
at Vellore was not prompted by a desire for temporal advanta-
ges. Though they sometimes inclined Venkata in favour of
the Portuguese, this was not the main purpose of their mission.
Dom Jeronymo d* Azevedo, in the above quoted letter, spoke of
them only from this political point of view. But Fr. Pimenta had
ordered the establishment of this mission " in order to preach
here the doctrine of Jesus Christ ", as Ricio says in one of his
letters 4 ; du Jarric says likewise that Pimenta's purpose was
1. Of. Ch. XXI, Nos. 13 and 15.
2. From the same letter of the Viceroy to Philip III. These
extracts of the Viceroy's letter to his sovereign do not agree at all
with the accusations of Danvers, The Portuguese in India, II, p.
XXXII, and of Rangachari, History of the Nayak Kingdom, Ind. Ant.,
XLV, p. 181.
3. This letter will be published in Vol. II.
4. Prom Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. O. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, October
1601, Ap, C, No, I. Of. Du Jarric, I, p. 638.
THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OF VENKATA II 483
" to make known the Christian faith in the kingdom of Bis-
nagar (Vijayanagara) " l.
The importance of this enterprise is frequently emphasised
in the Jesuit letters of those days : " There are in this kingdom
such extensive regions and populous cities ", Ricio again wrote
in 1603, " that if God calls them to the faith (as we hope), num-
berless labourers will be needed for working in this vineyard" 2.
Again, in January, 1604, the Provincial Laerzio informed
Fr. General that " the Residence of Chandragiri in the kingdom
of Bisnagar (Vijayanagara) was an enterprise of great impor-
tance. We expect many conversions there. If but one of those
chiefs wishes to be baptised, the rest, it seems, will follow his
example" 3. Laerzio repeats the same in 1605 4. Such were the
hopes of the Jesuits of those days that the King of Spain, Philip
III, evinced much interest in the affairs of this mission, not
precisely for political motives, but on account of his zeal for the
propagation of the faith. Accordingly on December 23rd, 1604,
he wrote to his Viceroy: " I expect you will inform me about the
results obtained by those (Jesuits) who reside next to the King
of Bisnaga (Vijayanagara)" G.
The first conversion is recorded by Ricio in a letter of l6oi;
not perhaps a real conversion, since Ricio says that the person
baptised was a child (menino), 6, who might have died soon
after. As a matter of fact Laerzio says in 1604 that " no con-
versions were made till now" 7. In 1606, Fr. Roiz wrote from
1. Du Jarric, I, p. 654.
2. From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, Septem-
ber 10th, 1603, Ap. C, No. VII.
3. From Fr. A. Laeroio to Fr. J. Alvarez, Cochin, January
18th, 1604, Ap. C, No. X.
4. From the same to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, January 12th,
1605, Ap. C, No. XI.
5. From Philip III to his Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d* Azevedo,
Valladolid, December 23rd, 1604, Ap. B, No. VII.
6. From Fr. F. Rioio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, October
29tb, 1601, Ap. C, No. I.
7. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. J. Alvarez, Cochin, January
18th, 1604, Ap. C, No. X.
484 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
St. Thome that in Chandragiri the Fathers had baptised six
persons who were their servants ; at the same time he says that
" there is no hope of more conversions, because these negroes
(sic) are very obstinate in their diabolic doctrines, about which
I have before written to Your Reverence ; they certainly ac-
knowledge that our doctrine is good, but they say that theirs is
also good and that they can obtain salvation by professing it.
Hence they want to keep it, since it is according to their own
customs and received from their ancestors " l. At the end of
the same year, 1606, Coutinho announces that besides the six
Christians of Chandragiri, there are five morex in Vellore *. In
1607, Laerzio informs Fr. General that Fr. Rubino has made
some Christians in Chandragiri 3. But Fr. Rubino himself
writes that the persons converted were only four ; there were be-
sides eight others who were then being instructed. "We are work-
ing as much as possible to propagate our holy faith", he says, "but
janua clausa est (the gate is shut), and great grace of God is
required to open it ; we must incessantly knock at it again till
it be opened. Our knocking however from outside will be
nothing, if God does not from the inside knock with his divine
inspirations, as we hope He will do " 4. In the following year,
1608, the few Christians of Chandragiri were persecuted by the
governor of the town 5, while Coutinho baptised an old man
at Vellore ». *
No more conversions are mentioned in the letters of those
missionaries. " It is a matter of great sorrow to see the door
1. From Fr. M. Roiz to Fr. J. Alvarez, St. Thome, November
1st, 1606, Ap. C, No. XII.
2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St, Thome,
November 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIII.
3. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November
20th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XX.
4. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri,
November 8th, 1607. Ap. C, No. XVII.
5. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, December
30tb, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXV.
6. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, October
llth, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXIL
THE JESUITS AT THE COURT OP VENKATA II 485
so closed to the Gospel ", writes Rubino in 1609 l* And
Laerzio himself says in I6II : We shall try every possible
means to get the expected harvest from this mission; this (fruit)
was very much diminished this year" *. With this good hope
the Vijayanagara mission met witM its end ; that very year, as
has been related, the Jesuits were withdrawn from their posts 8.
1. From Fr. A. Rubino to Fr. O. Aquaviva, Vellore, September
30th, 1609, Ap. C, No. XXVII.
2. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November
25th, 1611, Ap. C,.No. XXXI.
3. It has been supposed that the Jesuits were also established in
the very city of Vijayanagara during the time of its splendour, or
perhaps during Sadasiva's reign. Cf. Slater, Where Religions Meet,
Q.J. Af, S.t VIII, p 307-8. We are sure that no Jesuit was ever estab-
lished in the city near the Tunghabadra ; nor do we even know of
any other missionary settled there. The only information we have
is that in the year 1542 Fr. Antonio Patrao or Petronio, a Franciscan
Friar, converted 1300 Hindus in the kingdom of Vijayanagara (not
In the City) and built a church dedicated to St. Anthony, which was
afterwards converted into a monastery. The place where this missio-
nary obtained this harvest is not given. Cf. Historia Chronologica, O
Gabinete Litterario das Fontainhas, I, p. 86.
CHAPTER XXIII
VENKATA JI AND THE ART OF PAINTING
SUMMARY. — 1. Indian painters at Venkata's court.— 2. Venkata's
interest in the art of painting shown in his first audience to
the Jesuits.— 3. Bro. Alexander Frey, painter to the Emperor.—
4. Bro. Bartolomeo Fontebona called for the mission of Vijaya-
nagara.— 5. His introduction to Venkata. His paintings.— 6.
Venkata's kindness to Fontebona. —7. The Provincial of Malabar
wishes to promote Fontebona to the Priesthood. — 8. Fontebona's
removal from the Court. His death in Bengal.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.—!. Jesuit letters.— 2. Du Jarric.
VENKATA ll'S predilection for the art of painting deserves
a special chapter on his relations with the painters at his
court.
Unfortunately we know nothing about the Indian painters
employed in his capital ; their very existence is only known to
us through a European source. Fr. du Jarric states that there
were several native painters at Chandragiri ; but these artists
could not have approached the standard of the European paint-
ings presented to the King by the Jesuits l.
About the two European painters who resided for some
years at Chandragiri and at Vellore, our store of information is
considerable. Hence we are able to trace the course of
Venkata's relations with them. Incidentally the subject will
serve to give to our readers a hitherto unknown aspect of the
character of that monarch.
2. In the course of the first audience given by Venkata to
Frs. de Sa and Ricio, the sovereign asked them about the King
of Portugal. They happened to have with them several small
portraits of Dom Sebastiao and his predecessors and showed
them to the King. Venkata was amazed at seeing them. He
scrutinised them carefully and passed them on for examination
to the attendant nobles. They too were astonished at the per-
1. Du Jarric, I, p. 669.
VENKATA II AND THE ART OF PAINTING 487
faction of these European paintings. Then Venkata inquired
of his visitors whether there was at St. Thome a good painter.
The Fathers replied that there was indeed one ; and as a proof
of their statement, offered to the sovereign another painting
recently done at St. Thome. It represented the Gospel parable
of the rich Epulon and the beggar Lazarus. Venkata asked for
the explanation of this subject, which was courteously given in
Telugu by Fr. Ricio. His explanation, according to du Jarric,
resolved itself into a sermon on hell ; Ricio was prepared with
the subject-matter before leaving St. Thome ; but now he^was
so carried away with his declamation that his pronunciation
was often faulty, and occasionally made the nobles laugh l.
At the farewell audience some days later, Venkata ques-
tioned the Fathers once more about the painter they had at St.
Thome 2. From these facts de Sa and Ricio reasonably inferred
that it would be of great importance for the future mission to
have such a painter in the residence which was to be establish-
ed at Chandragiri, and the idea was most likely communicated
to Fr. Pimenta.
3. This painter was the Jesuit Lay Brother Alexander
Frey. We know nothing more about him except that he was
an Englishman, as the letters of those days often record \
In spite of the King's wishes, Bro. Alexander, as he is
commonly called, was not among the Jesuits who reached
Chandragiri in 1599. But in the following year we find him
installed at Venkata's court. A Jesuit letter of 1600 gives some
interesting information about his work at the imperial palace.
It runs as follows : " Bro. Alexander showed to the King one
of his paintings that represents the three Magi adoring our
Saviour recently born and put in the manger. He offered be-
sides to the sovereign another painting, showing the Blessed
Virgin with Her ChUd in her arms. The King bowed before it
and placed it in one of the rooms of his palace. The Brother
is now painting another one of Christ's descent into hell. He
1. Ibid., p. 665.
». Ibid., p. 670.
3. From Fr. F. Eioio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, October
90th, 1601, Ap. C, No. I.
488 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
(the King) is eagerly waiting for it, because out of many pictures
previously shown he selected this and the preceding one to be
reproduced. He talks quite unreservedly with the Brother. It
happened once that the King was looking on while the Brother
was painting; the latter happened to say that some of the
colours required for his work were some times lacking ; then
the sovereign returned to his apartment, and came out bringing
in his own hands a hundred gold pieces, which he gave to the
Brother, in order to get all the necessary things " J.
Fr. Ricio informs us that at the end of 1601, Bro. Alexander
was still working at Chandragiri, and was a great favourite with
the King. In the same letter, he asks the General of the Society
permission to give a beautiful painting to Venkata on the
General's behalf 2.
No further mention of Bro. Alexander Frey is discoverable
in the Jesuit letters from Chandragiri. He probably left the
court in 1602. We cannot assign any reason for his departure,
though some years later we find his name among the missio-
naries of Malabar.
4. No doubt Frey's departure from Chandragiri was a
blow to the recently founded mission. This enterprise
required the support of the powerful sovereign ; and the
presence of a painter among the missionaries was con-
ducive to this support. Hence the Provincial Fr. Laerzio,
who, probably before leaving Italy, had made the acquaintance
of an Italian Lay Brother, also a good painter, wrote to Fr.
General in 1603, requesting a man of his type for the mission of
Vijayanagara8 ; and repeated his petition in the following year 4.
This Lay Brother's name was Bartolomeo Fontebona or
Fontebuone. Owing to his artistic talent he became one of the
most intimate friends of Venkata. It would seem that Fr.
1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July
17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
2. From Fr. F. Eioio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, October
20th, 1611, Ap. C, No. I.
3. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. J. Alvarez, Cochin, January
18th, 1604, Ap. C, No. X.
4. Ibid.
VENKATA II AND THE ART OF PAINTING 489
General sent him to India immediately upon the first petition of
Laerzio ; for Laerzio himself, in January of the year 1605, wrote
to Aquaviva that Fontebona had already been in Goa for two
years 1 ; but that the Provincial of Goa, Fr. Manoel de Veiga,
had retained him in that city, in order to paint the new church
of the Professed House 2. Five years later, in 1607, Fontebona
wrote from Vellore: " I have been told that a Flemish Lay
Brother, himself a very good painter, was coming (to India); I
was very glad, indeed, for he will be able to finish the painting
of the new church of the Professed House, started by me" 3.
The Provincial of Malabar wrote again to the General in
1605, pressing for the services of Fontebona in the Vijayanagara
mission: " We are very much in need of Bro. Bartolomeo, the
painter, for this Christendom", he said ; "but Fr. Provincial
(of Goa) will not allow him to leave Goa, if Your Paternity
do not order him to do so. When in Rome I asked Your
Paternity for this Brother for this Christendom ; he has already
been at Goa for two years ; I should think that they must be
quite satisfied " 4.
Most likely the General sent his order to the Provincial of
Goa, in accordance with Laerzio's wishes ; because at the end
of 1606, Fontebona was already at St. Thome waiting for an
opportunity to go to Venkata's court. He happened to arrive
there when the Jesuits had retired from the capital of the Empire,
owing to the sudden storm occasioned by the fight of the in-
habitants of St. Thome with the soldiers of the adigar. Hence
Fr. Coutinho, in November, 1606, wrote from St. Thome that
" Bro. Bartolomeo Fontebuone is here painting while waiting
for a chance to proceed to the court with us ; for we hope the
1. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, January
12th, 1605, Ap. C, No. XI.
2. This was the house and the church of the Bom Jesus, which
had been started in 1589. Of. Fonseca, Sketch ofth* City of Goa, p.279-80.
3. From Bro. B. Fontebona to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, Novem-
ber 7th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XVI ; From the same to Fr. J. Alvarez,
Vellore/ November llth, 1607, Ibid., No. XIX.
4. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, January
12th, 1605, Ap. C, No. XI.
490 THE ARAVroU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
King will renew our previous relations ; for this purpose he was
sent to us by our Father (General)" l.
5. Finally, in January, 1607, the Fathers were allowed to
return to Chandragiri, and even to establish a new residence at
Vellore, the recently created capital. Fontebona was naturally
sent there to be in readiness for the King's orders 2. He was
introduced to Venkata by Fr. Coutinho, who thus describes the
audience held on this occasion : " I introduced the Brother (to
the King), saying that he had come from far away, by order of
our Fr. General, 'in order to paint before His Highness. He
praised this highly, and asked the Brother at once whether he
had at that time a good painting to show to him. The Brother
had nothing else but the two portraits of our Blessed Fathers
(Ignatius and Francis Xavier). The King on seeing them was
astonished and could not persuade himself that the Brother
had painted them. I told him I had witnessed his work. Hence
he (the King) asked him (Fontebona) to paint others like them in
his presence. He replied that he would, and began at once by his
order to sketch them on a big panel. The King was surprised
to see how quickly the Brother worked. In fact the painting was
finished in an hour and a half. He retouched the face of Bl.
Father Ignatius. The King on seeing that was greatly astonish-
ed ; and going back to his lodging, sent him according to his
custom a rich golden cloth. He went on with his painting, while
we took the opportunity to relate to him the main facts
and the miracles and virtues of Bl. Father Ignatius and of Bl.
Father Francis (Xavier). The King was much pleased on hear-
ing those things. He (Fontebona) painted also his (the King's)
own portrait. He (the King) is a very grave man: on this occa-
sion however he changed the place where he was sitting and
moved to another which was selected by the Brother. He re-
mained there until the portrait was completed. Furthermore, to
please the King he painted a panel of the Bl. Virgin, Our Lady,
1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome, Novem-
ber 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIII.
2. IMterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1606-1607, Ap. 0,
No. XXVI,
VENKATA n AND THE ART OF PAINTING 401
with the child Jesus in her arms and the holy child, the Baptist,
at her side, and St. Joseph in the rear, copying it from a small
picture. The panel was finished to perfection ; and the King
ordered it to be hung in a prominent place in the room of the
assembly, opposite his royal throne, where he reads with his
learned Brahmans. These asked the King why that painting
made by the Christians was there, and so on. The King
replied: —
1 This carpet on which I am sitting, and you also, came
from their country. If we are nevertheless sitting on it, why
cannot that painting be there? Did not this velvet cap you have
on your head come from their country too ? ' Such discussions
were repeated several times" l.
By the same letter of Fr. Coutinho we are made aware that
Fontebona showed to the King several books and albums of
pictures, one of them being that of Fr. Nadal. This especially
was liked very much by the King 2. Then Venkata told the
Brother that he was greatly pleased to see him painting those
small pictures. Accordingly Fontebona spent a good length of
time in this work, and ' has been praised very highly by the
King ' 3. The Provincial Laerzio confirms this news, while
stating that ' Fontebona is loved by the King and by all ' 4.
Fontebona himself at the same time reports: " I am at Vel-
lore at present... My daily occupation consists in painting seve-
ral, things in the palace and in the King's presence. His
Majesty is as much pleased by watching me paint painting, as I
am pleased by gratifying him " c.
6. As a result of this continual work, Fontebona fell sick
at the end of the same year, 1607. On the occasion of this sick-
ness, Venkata's love towards the Brother was openly shown.
1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November
llth, 1607, Ap. 0, No. XVIII.
2. Of. Ch. XXII, No. 9.
3. Letter mentioned in note 1.
4. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, November
20th, 1607, Ap. C, No. XX.
5. From Bro. B. Fontebona to Fr. J. Alvarez, Veliore, November
llth, 1607, Ap. C, No. XIX.
4$2 THE ARAVlDU DYNASTY OP VJJAYANAGARA
Fontebona himself gives an interesting account of his relations
with the monarch at this time. His letter runs as follows: " I
once heard, while sick, that the King was going to leave the
palace (for a walk). I went to the palace gate in order to greet
him while passing. When he went out I presented myself to
him and offered him a crystal cup full of rose water. He stop-
ped and received the cup with his own hands, saying at the same
time how sorry he was to see me so lean and pale from my sick-
ness. On the following day my sickness grew worse ; it was
necessary to go to St. Thome to recover. I have been there for
almost two months. The King on learning that I could not get
rid of my disease sent a message through the Queen, instruct-
ing me in the way I could be cured. I came back to Vellore
after my recovery, and began to paint a panel of Our Lady.
"He (the King) offered me many gifts, but since the Pro-
vincial forbade us to receive money, we declined his offerings ;
this made a great impression on him, so much so that he said
to his courtiers that we had never asked for anything. I have
also painted several small pictures, specially one of Our Saviour.
I once showed to him a painting of Our Lady which I had made
presentation to one of our Fathers. He was greatly surprised
at the sight of it and took it to his apartments to show it to the
Queen ; the picture never came back to my hands. Later on
we were given to understand that the King had preserved it in
a box where he keeps the jewellery, very well covered ; we were
told moreover that he used to open this box and look at the
picture every day " l.
Fontebona continued his work in the presence of Venkata,
who was every day more pleased with the skill of the Italian
Jesuit. Fr. Rubino wrote of the latter in the year 1609, that
' he was still often busy painting before the King ', and later
on the same writer adds that Venkata 'had given the Brother
two hundred gold coins (scudi) for buying colours ' 2.
1. From Bro. B. Fontebona to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, Novem-
ber llth, 1607, Ap. C, No. XIX ; From the same to Fr. C. Aquaviva,
Vellore, November 7th, 1607, Ibid., No. XVI.
2. From Fr, A. Rubino to Fr. 0. Aquaviva, Vellore, September
30th, 1609, Ap. C, No. XXVII.
VENKATA II AND THE ART OF PAINTING 4$J
7. So great was the help given to the mission by the
humble painter, who knew how to keep alive the good-will of
V'enkata towards the Fathers, that the Provincial Fr. Laerzio,
contrary to the custom of the Society of Jesus, thought seriously
of promoting him to the sacred priesthood. This^.would have
given Font ebon a a better opportunity to worK for the pro-
pagation of the faith.
Laerzio in a letter to Fr. General dated November 20th,
1607, after paying tribute to Fontebona's virtue, example and
goodness, adds : *' It seems to me that he would help us still
more in that kingdom if he were a priest; he knows Latin
pretty well. It is true that he never manifested to me $ny wish
in any way, nor did other persons speak to me about this. Pro-
bably he never thought of this ; it is only an idea growing upon
me for some years past, that as a priest, he would be of
more profit to the service of God. In case my idea is approved
of by Your Paternity, kindly send me your permission. I feel
sure it will be for the glory of God and for the greater profit of
the souls of that kingdom" *.
8. Apparently the General's permission never came.
Fontebona was removed from Venkata's court with the rest of
the missionaries at the end of 1611, when the missions of
Chandragiri and Vellore were definitely abandoned.
The Superior of Malabar, Fr. Laerzio, after realizing that
Bro. Fontebona's work would not be required any more at the
court of Vijayanagara, as hopes of re-establishing the mission
were groundless, sent him in the company of Frs. Stefano
Cacella and Joao Cabral on an expedition to Tibet, that
was to start from Bengal. They left Cochin on April 30th, 1626.
Having set out on their journey from Hugli, on one of the
branches of the Ganges, Fontebona (who was then fifty) was
sent back to Hugli from Siripur on account of the difficulties of
the enterprise. He fell ill shortly after his arrival, and died
there on December 26th, 1626. 2.
1. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. 0. Aquaviva, Cochin, November
20th, 1607, Ap. 0, No. XX.
2. Wessels, Early Jesuit Travellers, p. 121-2.
CHAPTER XXIV
FAMILY AFFAIRS. DEATH OF VENKATA II
SUMMARY. — 1. The wives of Venkata II. — 2. The King gives a garden
party to his wives. — 3. Oba Raya's influence at Venkata's court.
—4. Great power of Queen Pedohamamba.— 5. Story of the putative
son of Venkata. — 6. Relations between the King and his two
nephews Tirumala and Ranga. — 7. Venkata's last illness. Appoint-
ment of Ranga as his successor. — 8. Death of Venkata II. — 9.
Venkata judged by his contemporaries. — 10. Final criticism of
this sovereign.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.—!. Hindu inscriptions and grants.— 2.
Jesuit letters.— 3. Letters to the E. I. C.— 4. Du Jarric, Guer-
reiro, Queyroz.— 5. Anquetil du Perron, Floris. — 6. Ramarajiyamu.
VENKATA IPs family life was far from pleasant, and the
private affairs of his relations hastened the downfall of the
Empire itself. This chapter is a narrative of those unfortunate
events which precipitated the civil war related in the following
volume.
Considerable discussion has arisen concerning the wives
of Venkata II, because the contemporary sources agree neither
as to their number or their names. Our own opinion is that
such differences spring from the obvious fact that these con-
temporary sources give the number of Venkata's wives at the
time of their composition, and could by no means
give the names of all the wives of this monarch. In the light
of this fact there is really no discrepancy among the different
documents ; and indeed there is a perfect agreement between
the indigenous and the foreign sources.
According to one of Venkata's grants of 1586 he had
four wives : Venkatamba, Raghavamba, Pedobamamba . and
Pinavobamamba l. But in the Dalavay Agraharam plates,
which were issued the same year, the name of Pinavobamamba
is replaced by that of Krishnamba 2. This would mean that
1. Ep. Ind., XIII, p. 231, note 7.
2. Ibid., XII, p. 186, w. 27-39.
FAMILY AFFAIRS. DEATH OF VENKATA II 495
Pinavobamamba had died the same year, and that a new wife
called Krishnamba filled her place l. These four names, viz.
Venkatamba, Raghavamba, Pedobamamba and Krishnamba
are again mentioned both in the Vellangudi plates 2 and in the
Padmaneri grant of the same Venkata II s, both issued in 1598.
But in 1601 the Vilapaka grant mentions five wives : the four
just spoken of, plus Kondambika 4, thus showing that between
1598 and 1601 Venkata married another wife named Kondam-
bika. Raghavamba however did not live long. The Ramaraji-
yamu, which seems to have been written towards the close of
Venkata's reign, gives only four names: Venkatamma,
(Venkatamba), Obamma (Pedobamamba), Krishnamma (Krish-
namba), and Kondamma (Kondambika) 5. The same four names
are repeated in a grant of 1633 6. One of them however must
have died early ; for when the death of Venkata occurred at the
end of the following year, 1614, only three wives committed
sati, according to both Fr. Barradas and Floris, who
will be quoted later on. We cannot ascertain which of these four
consorts of Venkata died previous to his death ; but we may
affirm that the question lies between Krishnamba and Kondam-
bika. This we shall discuss while narrating Venkata's demise.
According to this explanation Venkata had altogether six
wives. Of them Obamma or Pedobamamba was the daughter of
Jillella Ranga Raja ; Krishnamma or Krishnamba was the
daughter of Jillella Krishna Raju; and Kondamma or Kondam-
1. There are, however, two grants of Venkata inconsistent with
this opinion: one is of 1587, Ep. Cam., VII, Sh, 83 ; the other of 1589,
Ibid., XII, Ck, 39. In both documents the names of Venkata's Queens
are the following: Venkatamba, Raghavamba. Ped-Obaraamba, and
Pin-Obamamba. Is this simply a mistake on the part of the engraver,
or perhaps Krishnamba and Pin-Obamamba (Pinavobamamba) are two
different names of the same person? In the latter supposition
Venkata's wives would have been in all only five in number.
2. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 319, vv. 31-35.
3. Ibid., p. 297, v. 30.
4. Ibid., IV, p. 270.
5. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 243,
6. Ep.Ind., XIII, p. 231.
496 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
mbika was the daughter of Gobburi Oba *. This Gobburi Oba or
Oba Raya had, moreover, another daughter who was married to
Venkata. We are inclined to believe that she was Raghavamba.
This information conies from the Jesuit sources of 1598-9,
when the first Jesuits visited Venkata's court : "The King", says
du Jarric, "had married two of his (Oba Raya's) daughters" 2 ;
and the same author says later on that Oba Raya had "two
daughters married to the King " 8. Now we know the names of
the fathers of the other three of Venkata's wives at that time.
Raghavamba's father is unknown to us. It is true that the first
mention of Kondambika is found in )6oi ; but she might have
been married to Venkata a little earlier. Thus the explanation
holds good that when the Jesuits first visited Venkta's court
two of Venkata's wives were daughters of Oba Raya.
The Ramarajiyamu makes no reference to the family of
Venkatamba. She is the only one whose father is not mentioned.
Hence she must be the one spoken of by Fr. Barradas as the
daughter of Jaga Raya, by the name of Bayamma, 4 ' as any
lady could be called Bayamma in Telugu ', to quote Dr. S.
Krishnaswami Aiyangar 6. She appears to have been the first
Queen, as she is always mentioned first, and may be identified
with the one said by Barradas to be ' of the same age as the
King ' «
2. Fr. du Jarric, relying invariably on the contemporary
Jesuit letters, gives interesting details of a feast prepared by
Venkata for his Queens in 1698.
" One of those days (during the Jesuits' first stay at
Chandragiri) the King invited the Queens to a garden outside the
city to enjoy themselves there. ..The retinue which accompanied
them proceeded as follows : in the van there was a good cavalry
detachment headed by a captain, who was a Muhammadan,
surrounded by four or five knights ; there were several silk
1. Ramarajiyamu, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 243.
2. Du Jarric, I, p. 654.
3. Ibid., p. 674.
4. Sewell, p. 223.
5. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 20.
6. Sewell, p. 224,
FAMILY AFFAIRS. DEATH OF VENKATA tt 497
standards in this company ; after this there came a flute and a
vinaband ; the players rode several camels ; many foot soldiers
were also to be seen. Then the Delenais (Dalavays), or chief
captains followed ; they proceeded on foot and were fully
armed ; in their rear walked one of the royal elephants, over
whicji the imperial standard was carried : there were several
court nobles around. Next, a huge iron gong was carried by
four porters, and four soldiers were continuously striking it ' ;
the King himself then advanced on a gold sedan-chair, with
many courtiers and servants around, who carried four very
handsome umbrellas ; then the royal insignia were to be seen
on the top of picks ; the hairy tail of a white wild cow, which is
very much appreciated in the East ; a big representation of a
fish and another of a lion and finally another standard. After
this there came the chief Delevay (Dalavay) of the kingdom,
and at last the Prince (Ranga) with the King's wives,
accompanied by very many women carried in silver and gold
sedan-chairs, with great pomp; the Queens were carried in
shinning gold litters, covered with rich golden drapery adorn-
ed with precious stones ; next to every litter two umbrelas
were carried to keep off the glare of the sun ; there were besides
many handmaids, moving their fans to and fro on each side of
their mistresses. Such was the order of his state procession
when the King 'went to the garden in the suburbs of the city
to spend a holiday. He came back on the same day after sun-
set ; so many torches illuminated his way that it seemed day
in spite of the hour " 2.
3. Up to the year 1606 the influence exerted by Oba Raya
and his family at the court of Venkata may be seen both from
the Hindu inscriptions and from the Jesuit sources. An inscrip-
tion of Venkata at Narasingapuram mentions Gobburi Oba
Raya and the gifts of sixty-five gold pieces called Venkataraya-
varahans. Oba Raya seems to have regulated the festivals
1. This gong was ' longitudine duorum doliorum *, according to du
Jarric. I cannot estimate its size, since the name doliorum means ^
quite a different thing in Latin. It is possibly a mistake.
2. Du Jarric, I, p. 673-4.
63
498 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
and daily services in the temple of Alagiyasingar at Kuvam
Tyagasamudranallur J. In another inscription at Kuvam,
Chingleput, he is styled Mahamandalesvara Gobburi Oba-
rajayyadeva Maharaja, and is said to have provided for special
worship in the Margaly month, in the temple of Tiruvirkoles-
vara 2. Another inscription of 1547 mentions the gift of 120
varahas by Narasammangaru, 'wife of the Mahamandalesvara
Gobburi Obayadeva Maharaja of the Kasyapa gotra, for provid-
ing offerings to the god Ahobalesvara during his installation
ceremonies in the vasantamandapa which he had constructed
on the North side of the temple at Diguva Tirupati 8.
That this chief was the father-in-law of Venkata II is
recorded in the Ramarajiyamu 4, in the Jesuit letters 5 and in
du Jarric 6. Now Fr. Barradas speaks of one Obo Raya (sic)
brother-in-law of Venkata 7. Is this statement inconsistent
with the above mentioned sources ? Not necessarily. Oba
Raya had at least two sons, as we shall soon see ; one of them
might easily have been called Oba Raya after his father. The
custom of a son being named after his father was not unsual
in those days. An inscription of 1557 at Lower Ahobalam,
mentions one Obalraju, son of another Obalraju of the Pochi-
raju family 8.
As to the sons of Oba Raya, Fr. du Jarric informs us that
two of them paid a visit to the Jesuits shortly after the latter's
first arrival at Chandragiri ; they went there accompained by
much cavalry. "The Fathers received them with great kind-
ness and showed them several paintings. They liked them so
much that they asked to be allowed to take them home to show
1. 243 of 1910.
2. 3*2 of 1909.
3. 63 of 1915.
4. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 243.
5. From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri,
October 20th, 1601, Ap. C, No. I ; Litterae Annuae of the Province of
Malabar, Ap. C, No. XXII.
6. Du Jarric, I, p. 654 and 674.
7. Sewell, p. 223.
8. 69 of 1915. Of. No. 5, infra.
FAMILY AFFAIRS. BEATH OF VENICATA n 490
them to their wives. They also saw a hydrographical map
showing the great Oceans and their gulfs and bays and the in-
numerable islands ail over the world. It was for them a matter
of pleasure and instruction as well " \ At about the same
time one of Oba Raya's sons, different apparently from the two
just mentioned, was received among the gurupus. The same
author relates the ceremony as follows : "The boy was brought
over to the temple and placed over the capital of a pillar. His
father with his hands clasped before his chest bowed before him;
the same ceremony was performed by the rest of those present.
Then the boy was invested as gurupu, seated on a golden
sedan-chair and carried around the city surrounded by number,
less people " 2.
Oba Raya's influence at Venkata's court is thus recorded
by du Jarric : " He (Oba Raya) was one of the highest
nobles in the whole kingdom and his authority before the
King was very great " 3- While journeying from St. Thome
to Chandragiri, Frs. deSa and Ricio were given a free passport
over any road and river merely by showing the letters patent
of this Oba Raya. " A refusal of any officer would have been
equivalent to signing his death sentence ; such was Oba Raya's
power," says du Jarric 4. When the same Fathers were received
by Venkata they found Oba Raya seated on the same mat as the
King and Prince Ranga5. This favour at Venkata's court was
resented in some quarters. Naturally Oba's power was envied
by the Dalavay or chief minister ; du Jarric describes them as
enemies 6. Now as both enjoyed such great power, they were
no doubt the central figures round whom all the courtiers
assembled. Thus they became the heads of the parties at
Venkata's court.
4. For many years Oba Raya's favour and party remained
1. Du Jarric, I, p. 689.
2. Ibid., p. 673.
3. "Ille e.mazimis regni prooeribus erat, ot permagnae apud
regem autoritatis ". Ibid., p. 654.
4. Ibid., p. 658.
5. Of. Ch. XXII, No. 2.
6. * Du Jarric, I, p. 680.
500 THE ARAVIDU t>YtfAStV OF VljAYANAGAfcA
triumphant ; but after the first two years of the Jesuit's stay at
Chandragiri, Oba Raya's name is no longer mentioned in Jesuit
sources. The cause of this change of fortune was perhaps the
death of Raghavamba, which must have taken place at this
time : she was probably the favourite wife of the sovereign, and
for that reason Oba Raya, her father, had acquired such great
power in the Empire and such considerable influence at the
court.
Kondambika, however, did not replace her sister
Raghavamba in Venkata's affection. The new favourite
Queen, who is sometimes simply called ' the Queen ', is often
mentioned in the Jesuit letters from 1606 onwards. In
November of this year Fr. Coutinho wrotejthat * the Queen/
owing to our sins, has the supreme power in this country ', and
describes Venkata's total subservience to this consort of his as
follows: " He (Venkata) shows such great subjection to the
black Queen that she governs, every thing. He would rather
break the bonds of friendship with everbody than thwart her
wishes. She was the cause of our estrangement from the King
and will continue hostile till she receives from St. Thome the
money and presents she expects, as a satisfaction for their
deeds " l. In another letter of Fr. Coutinho of the same date
it is recorded that the complaints of the inhabitants of Mylapore
against the Portuguese of St. Thome were sent to Venkata
through the Queen 2. In November of the following year,
Fontebona received, during his illness at St. Thome 3, a pre-
scription from the same sovereign, but it did not reach his own
hands before passing through those of the Queen 4. In January
1608, after the serious defeat suffered by Krishnappa Nayaka
of Jinji, terms of peace between Venkata and this chief were
arranged through the influence of the Queen, who received on
1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. O. Aquaviva, St. Thome,
November 4th, 1606, Ap. 0, No. XIV.
2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to , Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome
November 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIII.
3. From Bro. B. Fontebona to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November
llth, 1607, Ap.C, No. XX.
4. Cf. Ch. XXIII, No. 6.
FAMILY AFFAIRS. afiAxii otf VENKATA il $di
this occasion the fortress of Canaripatan l. In 1611, a letter of
Fr. Laerzio sheds more light on the power of this Queen at
court: " The King ", says he, " has handed over the government
to one of his wives and a brother of hers. These two are by
no means friendly towards the Fathers, and even less friendly
to the Portuguese " 2. This shows that the favour of this Queen
was shared by her brother. The influence of this man, indeed,
makes itself felt at the court of Venkata at the same time as
that of his sister. Fr. Coutinho, in the letter quoted above of
November, 1606, relates that when the Archbishop-Governor
of Goa, Fr. Alexio de Menezes, sent a horse to Venkata, the
Queen's brother had obtained it from the King even before it
had reached the capital 3. Philip III, writing to Dom Jeronymo
d'Azevedo, on January 3lst, 1614, recommends to him "to be
on good terms with the brother-in-law-of the King of Bisna-
ga (Vijayanagara) " 4. Another letter of Fr. Coutinho, of
1608, shows that several other relatives of this Queen were
elevated to power by her ; when speaking of her favour at
the court, he says that 'everybody is complaining of her
relatives ' 8.
The Jesuits never mentioned the name of this woman ; but
fortunately two other European sources give us a clue to
it. For in August, 1611, the English Captain, Anthony Hippon,
writing to the East India Company on the result of his
expedition to Pulicat 6, simply said : Pellacata (Pulicat) do
belong unto the Queen and is given unto her for a dowry by the
King, and so she at her own pleasure sets a governor or
1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. 0. Aquaviva, Vellore. October,
llth, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXIII. Of. Ch. XVIIT, No. 11.
2. From Fr. Laerzio to Fr. Aquaviva, Cochin, November 25th,
1611, Ap. C, No. XXXII.
3. From Fr. B. €outinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, St. Thome,
November 4th, 1606, Ap. C, No. XIV.
4. From Philip III to the Viceroy Dom Joronymo d'Azevedo,
Lisbon, January 31st, 1634, Bulhao Pato, Document os, III, p. 31.
5. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, October
Uth, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXII.
& Of. Ch. XXI, No. 16.
502 THE AfcAVffiU &YHASTY OF VIjAYAKAGAftA
governess as she pleaseth" l. The Queen referred to by
Captain Hippon seems no doubt the same as that spoken of by
the Jesuits in their letters : she is called ' the Queen ' who 'at
her own pleasure ' manages the Government affairs. But the
Dutch traveller Floris, the other European authority, gives us
the name of this Queen to whom Pulicat belonged. He says
that the Queen of Pulicat was Obiama 2. She must then be
the same as the person called Obamma by the Ramarajiyamu and
Pedobamamba in Venkata's grants. Consequently the daughter
of Jiilella Ranga Raja obtained supreme power in the govern-
ment of Vijayanagara after the death of Raghavamba, Oba
Raya's daughter.
5. None of these six wives gave a successor to Venkata.
Naturally the first wife, Venkatamba, was the most assiduous in
trying to secure the succession. Hence when she saw that there
were no hopes of a legitimate heir, she managed to deceive the
King by passing off on him a son, who was neither hers nor
his. The story of this event is narrated in detail by Barradas:
"A Brahman woman of the household of the Queen's father ",
says he, " knowing how strong was the Queen's desire to have a
son, and seeing that God had not granted her one, told her that
she herself was pregnant for a month ; and she advised her to tell
the King, and to publish it abroad, that she (the Queen) had
been pregnant for a month, and to feign to be in that state, and
said that after she (the Brahman woman) had been delivered she
would secretly send the child to the palace by some confidant,
upon which the Queen could announce that this boy was her
own son. The advice seemed good to the Queen, and she
pretended that she was pregnant ; and no sooner was the
Brahman woman delivered of a son than she sent it to the
palace, and the news was spread abroad that Queen Bayama
(Venkatamba) had brought forth a son. The King, knowing
1. From Captain Anthony Hippon to the, E. I. C., August,
1611, Letters Received by the E. /. C, I, p. 134. As a matter of fact
when Hippon was at Pulicat the governorship was in the hands of a
Woman.
2. Purohas, His Pilgrimes* III, p. 336. Floris gives two different
spellings : Objama and obyama.
FAMILY AFFAIRS. DEATH OF VENKATA II $03
all this, yet for the love he bore the Queen, and so that the
matter should not come to light, dissembled and made feasts,
giving the name'Chica Raya' to the boy, which is the n.ame
always given to the heir to the throne " l.
Barradas does not give the date of this boy's birth. Accor-
ding to Queyroz it took place in 1611, during the siege of
St. Thome by Venkata 2; but this date is not consistent with
the fact that the boy was married at fourteen years of age,
during Venkata's life-time, as Barradas narrates 3. This should
take us back to- 1600 at the least, when we remember that
Venkata died in 1614. But we have reason to believe that his
birth actually took place some years earlier than 1600, since
the Jesuit letters (excepting this one of Barradas, ,
written during the civil war after Venkata's death), never
mentioned such a boy. This silence may mean that the memory
of this boy's birth was not fresh when the Jesuits reached
Venkata's court in 1599. Consequently, we have sufficient
reason to locate this event in the first years of Venkata's
reign, most likely when the capital was still at Penukonda.
Venkata's conduct towards this putative son of his was
most strange, Though he bestowed upon him after his birth
the title of Chikka Raya, "yet", says Barradas, "he (Venkata)
never treated him as a son, but on the contrary kept him
always shut up in the palace of Chandigri (Chandragiri) ; nor
ever allowed him to go out of it without his especial permis-
sion, which indeed he never granted except when in company of
the Queen. Withal", continues Barradas, " the boy arriving at
the age of fourteen years, he married him to a niece of his,
doing him much honour so as to satisfy Obo Raya, his brother-
in-law" 4.
This suspicious conduct of Venkata towards this boy
naturally roused, no doubt, many suspicions among the nobles
and the royal relatives. This explains Fr. Coutinho's
information that Venkata had 'many nephews who claimed the
1. Se well, p. 223.
£r Queyroz, Conquista de Ceylao, p. 309.
3. Sewell, 1. c.
4. Ibid.
504 THE ARAVDDU DYNASTY OF VJJAYANAGARA
right of succession* l. And King Philip III of Spain was
informed before 1610 that there were three candidates to the
crown of Venkata 2. Hence even the supposed mother
of the boy, Queen Venkatamba, "realized that her son would
not be acknowledged as a king (by the nobles)", to quote Fr.
Queyroz, "and persuaded him (Venkata) to resign the king-
dom in favour of his nephew Chica Raj, son of Rama
Raju" 3.
6. We know of the existence of three nephews of Venkata.
One was called Ramana. He was the son of one of the
sisters of the King, and was living at court, at least in 1604-
1606 4. The other two were the sons of Rama, the Viceroy
of Seringapatam, of whom we have often spoken before. Queen
Venkatamba ceased to champion the cause of the boy,
apparently in 1599. In this year, according to Anquetil du
Perron, " Venkata's nephew, Chima Ragion (Ranga,) was the
heir-apparent to the crown", in spite of the more grounded
rights of his elder brother Tirumala 5. Ranga therefore was
the Prince who, in the same year, was sitting on the same mat
as Venkata, when the Jesuit Fathers were received at his court6.
And du Jarric relates that after this audience with the King,
the Jesuits received several visits of the grandees ; and among
these visitors one was " a nephew of the king, called Chimaragu
(Ranga), who is the first after the King and his heir" 7. "He
was a very handsome and prudent man", says Queyroz 8.
Nevertheless at this time Ranga was not yet appointed
Chikka Raya or crown prince. Anquetil du Perron tells us
1. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November
llth, 1607, Ap. C, No. XVIII.
2. From Philip III to the Viceroy Ruy Lourenco de Tavora,
Lisbon, February 21st, 1610, Bulhao Pato, Document os, I, p. 359.
3. Queyroz, o.c., p. 309.
4. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap.
0, No XXII.
5. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 167.
6. Du Jarrio, I, p. 688. Of. Oh. XXII, No. 2.
7* Ibid., p. 689.
8. Queyroz, 1. c.
FAMILY AFFAIRS. DEATH OF VENKATA II 50$
that the trouble about the succession began in 1600, and was
caused by the two brothers Tirumala and Ranga 1. Most likely
both had partisans at court. But the chief cause of this trouble
was the King himself. Fr. Coutinho, in his letter of the 1 7th
July of same year, 1600, says : " Although the King prefers the
younger brother (Ranga) who is being brought up in his very
palace, nevertheless people say the elder one (Tirumala) will
be the King, because he is liked by more numerous and power-
ful chiefs" 2. Ranga then had only the King's predilec-
tion in his favour ; while the right of birth and the esteem of
the subjects were on the side of Tirumala.
As a mater of fact, Fr. Countinho in the same
letter calls Tirumala ' the heir of this kingdom ' 8.
Again Tirumala is called ' the crown prince ' by Fr.
Guerreiro in 1604 *; and Fr. Coutinho once more calls
him * the Prince ', in a letter of 1608 6, although in the same
letter he states that Venkata *does not want either to name or to
hear anybody talk of Tirumala ' 6. Such was the hatred of the
sovereign for the elder of his two nephews. Thereupon prince
Tirumala retired from Seringapatam, as already narrated,
according to the wishes of Venkata himself.
Tirumala, being thus disgraced in the eyes of the nobles on
account of his shameful retreat from Seringapatam, was no
longer supported by the nobility against the designs of Ven-
kata. It was most probably then that Ranga was publicly
adopted by his uncle, and became consequently the heir-appa-
rent, according to the Ramarajiyamu 7.
1. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 170.
2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July
17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
3. Ibid.
4. Guerrero (sic), Relation Anual...en los anos de 600 y 607, p. 137
5. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, October
llth, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXIII.
6. Ibid.
7. 8. Krishimswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 213-4. It is very
strange that Hioe, Mysore and Coorg, p. 122, calls Rama Deva the
grandson of Venkata, naturally supposing that Ranga II was his son.
64
506 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
7. In the meantime Venkata II was getting too old to rule
over turbulent feudatory chiefs such as the Nayak of Vellore ;
especially when family intrigues were contributing to the work
of subverting the kingdom. In a letter of 1607 Fr. Coutinho tells
us that 4 the King is very old and is apparently at the end. of
his life ' l. Laerzio in 1608 also says that Venkata is very old 2,
and again makes the same statement in 1611 ». Another
Jesuit letter of 1611 states that " the King is too old and dotes
at times ; hence those who govern the kingdom do always what
they like"4. In 1610 Philip III of Spain wrote to Ruy
Lourenco de Tavora : " I have been informed that the King of
Bisnaga (Vijayanagara) is very old"5. Three years later,
the same Viceroy, Ruy Lourenco de Tavora, wrote to Philip
III that Venkata " is so old that every body expects his death
at any moment, and naturally dissensions will ensue " 6.
His death however did not occur till the end of the follow-
ing year. Venkata, when his end drew near, renewed the ap-
pointment of prince Ranga as his successor. This scene is
marvellously described by Fr. Barradas, as follows : —
" Three days before his death, the King, putting aside* as
Perhaps this pedigree is founded on the adoption of Ranga by his
uncle. We think however that this mistake of Rice is based on a
grant of Venkata III, 1639, according to which Rama Deva is the
grandson of Venkata II. Of. Ep. Cam., Ill, Nj, 198. Mr. S. V. Visva-
natha also seems to believe that Tirumala and Ranga, the sons of
Rama of Seringapatam, were sons of Venkata II. Viswanatha, The
Jambukesvaram Grant, Ep. Ind.t XVI, p. 91.
1. Prom Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November
llth, 1607, Ap. 0, No. XVIII.
2. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Cochin, December
30th, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXV.
3. From the same to the same, Cochin, November 25th, 1611, Ap.
0, No. XXXII.
4. Litterae Annuae of Province of Malabar, 1611, Ap. C, No.
XXXV.
5. From Philip III to the Viceroy Buy Lourenoo de Tavora,
Lisbon, February 21st, 1610, Bulhao Pato, Documentor, I, p. 359.
6. From Philip III to the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d* Azevedo,
Lisbon, March 7th, 1613, Ap. B, No. XIII.
FAMILY AFFAIRS. bEATtt Off VENKATA ll §07
I say, this putative son, called for his nephew Chica Raya
(Ranga), in presence of several of the nobles of the kingdom,
and extended towards him his right hand on which was the ring
of state, and put it close to him, so that he should take it and
should become his successor in the kingdom. With this the
nephew, bursting into tears, begged the King to give it to whom
he would, and that for himself he did not desire to be king, and
he bent low, weeping at the feet of the old man. The King made
a sign to those around him that they should raise the prince up,
and they did so ; and they then placed him on the King's right
hand, and the King extended his own hand so that he might
take the ring. But the prince lifted his hands above his head,
as if he already had divined how much ill fortune the ring
would bring him, and begged the King to pardon him if he
wished not to take it. The old man then took the ring and held
it on the point of his finger, offering it the second time to Chica
Raya, who by the advice of the captains present took it, and
placed it on his head and then on his finger, shedding many
tears. Then the King sent for his robe, valued at 200,000
cruzados, the great diamond which was in his ear, and was
worth more than 600,000 cruzados, his earrings, valued at
more than 200,000, and his great pearls, which are of the highest
price. All these royal insignia he gave to his nephew Chica
Raya as being his successor, and as such he was at once
proclaimed" l.
8. Barradas says that Venkata died six days after the pro-
clamation of Ranga. But there is nothing in his narrative to
show the exact date of his death. We may however aproxi-
mately calculate it with the aid of other sources referring to
this event.
The Viceroy of Goa, Dom Jeronymo d' Azevedo, first an-
nounced the death of Venkata II to his sovereign on December
3lst, 1614 2; but the traveller Floris heard of it whilst at
1. Sewell, p. 223-4.
2. From the Viceroy Dom Jeronymo d* Azevedo to Philip III,
Ilhas, December 31st, 1614, Ap. B, No. XVII. Again on January 21st,
1615, the same news is communicated to the King by Dom Jeronymo.
Of. Ap. B, No. XIII.
5o8 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGA&A
Masulipatam on October 25th, 1614 : "On the five and twentieth
(of October)," says he, "came newes of the death of Wencata-
drapa" '. Anquetil du Perron says that news of Venkata's end
was received on October 28th, but he does not say where such in-
formation was received 2. Consequently we may safely affirm
that Venkata II died about the middle of October, 1614. He
died most likely in his palace of Veliore, where he resided.
John Gourney, a servant of the East India Company, in a letter
of July l8th, 1614, calls him 'the King of Vellour' 3. Floris also,
while speaking of his death, refers to him as 'King of Velur' 4.
According to Barradas he was then sixty-seven years old 6.
" His body ", continues Barradas, " was burned in his
own garden with sweet-scented woods, sandal, aloes, and
such like ; and immediately afterwards three Queens burned
themselves, one of whom was of the same age as the
King, and the other two aged thirty-five years. They
showed great courage. They went forth richly dressed with
many jewels and gold ornaments and precious stones, and
arriving at the funeral pyre they divided these, giving some to
their relatives, some to the Brahmans to offer prayers for
them, and throwing some to be scrambled for by the people.
Then they took leave of all, mounted on to a lofty place, and
threw themselves into the middle of tfie fire, which was very
great. Thus they passed into eternity" 6. Floris confirms the
whole of this account, and adds that one of the three wives burned
with Venkata's corpse was 'Obyama, (Pedobamamba), Queene
of Paleacatte (Pulicat)' 7.
9. Venkata IPs character was exceedingly attractive, if
we are to believe his contemporaries. Du Jarric says that he
1. Purohas, His Pilgrimes, III, p. 338.
2. Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 168.
3. From John Gourney to the E. I. C., Patania, July 28th, 1614,
Letters Received by the E. L C., II, p. 83.
4. Purohas, 1. o.
5. 8eweltp.224.
6. Ibid.
7. Purchas, l.o.
FAMILY AFFAIRS. DEATH Otf VfiNtfATA It §0$
was a 'most affectionate King' l. Coutinho testifies that
'his character was sweet and meek' 2. Laerzio mentions
' his natural goodness and great qualities ' 8 ; Fontebona states
that he was ' a lord of great authority, prudence and under-
standing, as much as any European' 4. Finally his
Mangalampad grant records that he was ' indifferent to other
men's wives ' 5.
These great personal qualities made him an exceptionally
great monarch. All the Hindu sources of his time or posterior
to his death unanimously praise him as one of the greatest
sovereigns of the Vijaynagara Empire, ' a great and pious
sovereign', as recorded in the Prapannamrtam 6. According
to the Kuniyur plates of Venkata III ' the wise glorious
Venkatapatidevaraya ruled the earth, illumining the ten regions
by (his) fame ' 7. The Utsur grant of Ranga III calls him
' brilliant in polity ' 8. Another grant of Venkata III styles
Venkata a King 'of brilliant policy, his fame illumining the ten
cardinal points ' °. A grant of Krishnappa Nayaka of Madura
records that Venkata ruled 'in wisdom* 10, and the Vellangudi
plates of Venkata himself state that 'he ruled the earth with
justice ', and that, ' as Rama governed the world, he ruled the
Dearth' n. The Dalavay Agraharam plates (of the same Ven-
kata) describe him as a good, ruler both in peace and in war :
"He was a wishing tree to the poor", they say, "he was like the
1. Du Jarric, I, p. 665.
2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July
17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
3. Froin Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. C. Aqua viva, Cochin, December
30th, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXV.
4. From Br. B. Fontebona to Fr. J. Alvarez, Vellore, November
llth, 1607, Ap. C, No. XIX.
5. Butterworth, I, p. 33, v. 37.
6. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 251.
7. Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 252, v. 20.
8. Butterworth, I, p. 46, v. 23.
9. £/>.C<zr».,XrMb, 60.
10. Ibid., VI, Cm, 79.
11. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 319, w. 31-35.
StO fttE ARAVIDO DYNASTY O?
central gem of the necklace (which is) the city of Aravidu...; he
was the best of (the) kings, the foremost of the kings of the race
of Atri,...a munificent giver like Kubera....was broad-armed like
Kubera, , . a Ramabhadra in battle " \ The Mangalampad
grant describes the liberality of this monarch even more poeti-
cally. It runs: " Behaving like a grand-father to friends and
foes, intent on giving refuge to enemies who bowed to him, his
splendour was eulogized by all men " 2, Venkata's generosity
was one of his outstanding features; as Fr. Coutinho icmarks,
' he was very liberal ' 3.
As regards the territory ruled over by Venkata exaggerations
too obviously poetic to be misleading are found in these and
similar sources. According to the Vellangudi plates 'he
ruled the earth irom the Himalayas to Setu' 4 ; or 'he defeated
his enemies from the bridge (Rameswaram) to the Himalayas ',
according to the Mangalampad grant 5. If we are to believe
the Vilapaka grant, the whole, of InAia was under him 6 ; and
consequently, he boasts of having had as vassals the Rattas,
the Magadas, the Kambojas, the Bhojas, the Kalingas ; and the
Kings of these countries ' were his doorkeepars ' and
4 used to praise him '. Such are the extravagant expressions
of the contemporary grants 7; these boastful phrases are
copied from the old grants of Venkata's predecessors. Truth*
is stated once in the Vilapaka grant, where Venkata is said to
have 'ruled over the country of Karnata ' *.
10. Impartial history however must admit that Venkata-
pati Raya II was by far the most illustrious, and beyond doubt
1. Ibid., XII, p. 186-7., w. 27-39.
2. Butterworth, I, p. 32, v. 27.
3. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, Ootober
llth, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXII.
4. Bp. Ind.t XVI, p. 300.
5. Butterworth, I, p. 34, v. 40.
6. /**.4if*.,II,p.371.
7. Vilapaka grant, Ep. /«/., IV, p. 270; Vellangudi plates, Ibid.,
XVI, p. 319, v. 31; Mangalampad grant, Butterworth, I, p. 34, v. 39 ;
Koadyata grant of Venkata III, Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 125.
8. Ep. Ind., IV, p. 270.
FAMILY AFFAIRS. DEATH OF VENKATA II 511
the most powerful King of the Aravidu dynasty. He checked
with an iron hand the adventurous expeditions of the Golkonda
Sultan, and recovered extensive territories which had been lost
in the reigns of both his father and his brother Ranga. Bijapur,
agitated with internal dissensions, and the Portuguese Viceroy,
mistrusting the friendship with Akbar, formed an alliance with
Venkata against the imperialistic plans of that Mughal so-
vereign. Both events imply great success in foreign policy.
As to the internal welfare of the country, the twenty-nine
years of Venkata's reign 1 were years of prosperity and com-
parative peace. Certainly he had to subdue many chiefs, not only
in the beginning of his reign but even in his last years, but it
was necessary to proceed in this matter without hesitation : had
he done otherwise, the Empire would have come to an end fifty
years earlier. Venkata's action in these sad affairs was
always crowned with the greatest success. The country imme-
diately subject to him is described by the Jesuits passing
through or living at his court, as prosperous and well adminis-
tered, except during the last years of his reign, when he took very
little direct part in the government. His broadmindedness is evi-
dent both in his admission of the Jesuits to his court, and in his
friendly diplomatic relations with foreign nations. The privileges
enjoyed by the citizens of St. Thome and Negapatam and the
concession made to the Dutch of the port of Pulicat were the
best measures for fostering industry and commerce in the
country. They may be considered as the preliminary steps
towards the concession of a spot near the city of Madarasa to
the English traders by one of his successors, Ranga III.
Moreover Venkata was a great patron of literature, as we
shall see in the following chapter. Fine arts were likewise
fostered by him, a fact which gives an aesthetic side-light on
his interesting character.
Three flaws however stand out conspicuously in the long
and glorious life of Venkata. The first is the part he took in
the extinction of the Tuluva dynasty. There is now little
doubt, that the murder of Sadasiva was committed by him. The
1. The Pandyan Chronicle erroneously assigns 39 years to the
reign of Venkata II. See Taylor, 0, H. AfS5.t I9 p. 3&
512 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
imprisonment of this unfortunate sovereign by Rama Raya
might be in some way justified, but his assassination cannot be
vindicated by either private rivalry or public policy.
The second blot in his public character is his retirement
from government during the last years of his life. The rule of
his favourite wife and her relatives was fatal to the Empire, if
we are to believe the Jesuit letters. The discontent of the nobles
sprang from this uxorious helplessness, as is recorded by these
same witnesses ; it most likely prepared the ground for the out-
break of the civil war that followed the death of the sovereign.
But the greatest defect of Venkata as ruler of the Empire
of Vijayanagara was his predilection for his second nephew
Ranga. The love which actuated the Emperor when he appoint-
ed Ranga his successor in spite of the latter's protestations, was
no doubt the immediate cause of the subsequent civil war. Its
purpose was indeed to place the putative son of Venkata on the
throne ; but most likely Jaga Raya would not then have found
supporters among the nobles for his enterprise in favour of
his so-called grandson. Venkata alienated the good will of many
grandees and feudatory chiefs of the Empire by the repudiation
of Tirumala. This prince was loved by more and stronger
chieftains, as stated in the Jesuit letters ; and when they saw
Tirumala displaced by his younger brother, they naturally
showed their disgust of the appointment made by Venkata by
joining the rival party. Barradas himself, after recounting
Venkata's death-bed appointment of Ranga, adds : " While
some rejoiced, others were displeased" *. That was the first
cry of rebellion against the newly appointed Emperor, Ranga II.
It is for this reason that Floris says that, after receiving the
news of the death of Venkata, " great troubles are feared ; the
Hollanders are afraid of their Castle now built in Palecatte" a.
The subsequent civil war Was evidently a foregone conclusion.
Venkata II ought no doubt to be credited with the temporary
restoration of the old glory of Vijayanagara ; but as the uncon-
scious cause of the civil war that followed his demise, he must
be said to have weakened the imperial authority and hastened
the ruin of the Empire. .
1 Sewell, p. 224.
2. According to Sewell, II, p. 251,
CHAPTER XXV
LITERARY ACTIVITY UNDER TKE FIRST ARAVIDU
SOVEREIGNS
SUMMARY. — 1. General remarks on Southern Indian Literature dur-
ing this period. — 2. Sadasiva and Rama Ray a, as patrons of
literature. — 3. Ramarajabuehana Bhattu Murti and his works.—-
4. Learned people that gathered round Tirumala and Ranga I. —
5. Venkata II the greatest patron of literature of the Aravidu
Dynasty. — 6. Philosophers patronized by Venkata II. — 7. Poets
and grammarians favoured by the same monarch. — 8. Learned
people at the court of Tanjore. — 9. Other contemporary writers
throughout the Empire. — 10. The 'grant ' poets of the Aravidu
family.— 11. The University of Madura.— 12. Course of Philosophy
at the Madura University: a criticism. — 13. Minor schools
founded by the Jesuits. — 14. Progress of the Jesuits in the study
of Southern Indian languages. — 15. First printed works in
Tamil. — 16. Extinction of the Nandinagari alphabet.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.— 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants.— 2.
Raghavendravijaya, Lakshmivilasam, Charuchandrodayam, Chandra-
bhanu Charitram.—§. Jesuit letters.— 4. Du Jarric.
IT is not our purpose here to write the history of the
Literature in Southern India during the period covered by this
volume. Our aim is merely to give an outline of the literary
activity under the first monarchs of the Aravidu Dynasty,
showing especially their relations with the poets, philosophers
and other writers that flourished round the royal throne as well
as under several of the feudatory chiefs of the Empire. Learn-
ing was liberally encouraged under the regime of the Aravidu
Dynasty, and consequently was highly developed under the kind-
ly shade of royal patronage. According to Prof. Julien Venson,
this period is marked out from the others by the publication of
the prolific Vaishnava literature. As Mr. M. Srinivasa Aiyangar
calls the time extending from 1450 to 1850 the Modern
Period of Literature, the different authors and works we
propose to enumerate fall under this denomination. During
this Modern Period, " the works produced were not confined to
65
514 • THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
any one subject or department of literature," says Mr. Srinivasa
Aiyangar. " They embraced Hindu theology, philosophy, ethics,
traditions and grammar. Islamism and Christianity also added
their contributions to the Tamil literature of this period" \ The
majority of the works however were written in Telugu ; another
proof of the dominating power of the Telugu race and language.
2. Literary patronage did not belong exclusively to the
Aravidu Dynasty. Several of the preceding sovereigns of
Vijayanagara were declared patrons of the literary activity
of their subjects ; and Sadasiva, the last representative of the
Tuluva family, favoured several learned people during the first
stage of his Regent's rule. In 1545 the young Emperor granted
two villages, one to Srimat Talapaka Tirumalayagaru, called
'the establisher of the two schools of the Vedanta'*; and
another to Tiruvengalanatha, styled ' the establisher of the
path of the Vedas ' 3. Again in 1549-50 Sadasiva granted
the village of Mamidipundi to Acharayya, a learned Brahman,
who is said to be ' a lion to the elephants, which are his
controversialists ' 4.
Sadasiva's Regent, the powerful Rama Raya, was also a
patron of learned men, more especially of poets, and was, per-
phaps, even a poet himself. The British Museum plates of
Sadasiva state that Rama Raya is ' a King Bhoja in exercising
imperial sway over the sentiments of poetry ' 6. One of the
prot&ggs of Rama Raya was the great sage Ramanuja, to
whom the grant recorded in the British Museum plates was
made by Sadasiva at the request of Rama Raya *. His guru,
Tatacharya, who lived with them for some time at Chandragiri 7,
wrote a work entitled Panchamatabhanjanam *. The Madhva
1. M. Srinivasa Aiyangar, Tamil Studies, p. 224.
«. Rangacharya, II, p. 783, 337.
3. Ibid. p. 784, 343.
4. Butterworth, I, p. 100, w. 45*49.
.5. Bp. Ind., IV, p. 4.
6. Ibid., p. 2.
7. Of. Ofa. Ill, No. 9.
8. Gopinatha Rao, The ArivUima*falam Plates, Ef. Ind., XII,
p. 347,
UTBftARY ACTIVITY §lj"
teacher Vijayindra, the successor of Surendra, was also pa-
tronized by Sadasiva's Regent; he was, well versed in several
arts and wrote works on various religious subjects. Rama Raya
honoured him with ' jewel baths ' and presented him with
several villages l. Shashta Parankusa of the Ahobala tnatha,
was also prominent among Rama Raya's attendants; he
wrote a number of works, such as the Siddhantamanidipam,
Panchakaladipika, Prapattiprayoga, and Nrisimhastava 2. This
Vaishnava teacher was for a time the agent of Rama Raya 3.
But the highest literary authority of the court of Rama Raya
was the poet Bhattu Murti, who received the title of Rama-
rajabushana, ' the ornament of the court of Rama Raya.'
3. There has been much controversy about the identity of
this person. Some maintain that he is not actually one person,
but that the name discloses two different poets, one called
Bhattu Murti and the other Ramarajabushana. The Vasu-
charitramu is mentioned as the work of the former, and the
Narasabhupaliyamu assigned to the latter. There can however be
no doubt about their identity ; the commentators of the Vasu-
charitramu, who flourished shortly after him, say that he wrote
the Narasabhupaliyamu to illustrate the figures of speech used
in his former work, the Vasucharitramu. He appears to have
been born at Battupalii during the reign of Krishna Deva
Raya, though he did not begin to write before 1560. He acquired
such fame in the six years that Rama Raya's life was still to
last, that in so short a period he earned the most flattering title
of ' the ornament of his court '. His great works however were
written after his patron's death. He continued to be the court-
poet during the reign of Tirumala, to whom his great work,
the Vasucharitramu, is dedicated. This poem reproduces the
story of Vasu, King of Pratishtana, who fell in love with
Girikanyaka, supposed to be the daughter of the mountain
Kolahala. She had been found by Vasu in the forest while
hunting. The work is full of poetical exaggerations ; but it was
1. Raghavendravijaya, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources,
p. 252.
2. Rangaoharya, II, p. 971.
3. 65 of 1915.
5l6 THE ARAVtDU DYNASTY OF
nevertheless much admired by its contemporaries, and even
became a model for later poets. As a matter of fact, the descrip-
tions of nature are excellent and the diction of the poem undent-
ably good.
His second work, the Narasabhupalivamu> is dedicated to
Narasaraya, a nephew of Rama Raya and Tirumala. This work
is a Telugu translation of the Sanskrit Prataparudriya. The ex-
amples and the portion dealing with the drama were omitted,
and substituted by other examples prepared by the poet himself.
Another work ot his, the Harischandra-Nalopakhyana, was com-
posed in his ripe old age, probably during the reign of
Venkata II *.
4. We have already mentioned Tirumala as a patron of
Battu Murti. He was indeed a lover of learning. It would
seem he was a poet himself; this the title of Bhoja, given him
in the Krishnapuram plates, would imply a. He enjoyed the
company of poets; once Tirumala asked those who were
assembled at his court to compose verses describing him,
' charging them at the same time to be true to nature and not
to exaggerate '. It was then that Battu Murti cpmpared the
one-eyed King with Vishnu 8. He flattered Tirumala, though
at the same time he was true to nature *.
Tirumala has been supposed to be the author of the com-
mentary entitled Srutiranjani on the Git a Govinda ; but one of
the copies possessed by the Maharaja Sarfoji's Saraswati Mahal
Library, Tanjore, professes to have been composed by
Lakshmanasuri, a worshipper of Dakshinamurti and a younger
brother of Kondubhatta of Cherukuru. Dr. Hultzsch seems to
believe that this was the actual author of the commentary, and
Tirumala his patron *. Lakshmanasuri, called also Raraa-
nandasrama and Lakshmidhara, was a sannyasi pupil of
1. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 295; 8. Krishnaswami
Aiyangar, Sources, p. 221; Subramiah Pantulu, Discursive Remarks,
/frf.4«/., XXVII, p. 332-5.
2. Ep. Ind., IX, p. 338, v. 92.
3. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 221.
4. Cf. Oh. XI, No. 1. -
5. Hultzsch, Reports on Sanskrit AfSS., Ill, p. VIII.
ACTIVITY 51?
Krishnasrama, whose family came from Cherukuru on the
Krishna river. He is the author of the Anargharaghava and the
Prakrit grammar Shadbashachandrika, based on the grammars
of Trivikrama, Hemachandra and Bhamaja l.
Together with his two eldest brothers, Venkatadri is said
in the Kallakursi grant to have been patron of poets like King
Bhoja 2. He patronized Tallapaka Tiruvengalanatha, the
author of the Paramayogivilasamu. The Svaramelakalanidki
of Ramamatya was written by Rama Raya's order at the
instance of Venkatadri 3.
Ranga I also was a patron of poets. His court poet was
Rayasam Venkatapati, an officer of his court, who wrote the
Telugu poem Lakshmivilasam 4. Another of his ministers,
named Rayasa Ahobala, wrote a Sanskrit drama entitled
Kuvalaya Vilasa 5 ; while Bhattakalanka wrote the Sara-traya
at the request of the same King 6.
5. But the great patron of literature among the first mo-
narchs of the Aravidu family was Venkata II. He himself was
considered one of the wisest men of his kingdom. We read in
the Dalavay Agraharam plates that ' he was comparable to the
ocean in the profundity of his learning ' 7 ; and in the Man-
galampad grant he is said to be * a very moon to the lotuses,
which are scholars * 8. Accordingly Fr. Ricio tells us in one
of his letters that " the King has disputations on God, Philo-
sophy, and Mathemetics with the teachers or philosophers
almost every day". Sanskrit was the medium in these disputa-
tions. Hence Ricio says that though they were present several
1. Ibid., p. VIII-IX.
2. Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 157.
3. H. Krishna Sastri, The Third Vijayanagara Dynasty, 1. c.,
p. 179.
4. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 230.
5. Ibid., note.
6. R. Narasimachar, The Karnataka Country, Q.J.M.S., X,
p, 256.
7. Ep. /*£, XII, p. 186, w. 27-39.
8. Butterworth, I, p. 36, v. 59.
Sift TttE AfcAVtt>U DVKAStY OP VtjAVANAGARA
times they could not join in the debate, since they understood
nothing >.
Again the Mangalampad grant says that Venkata was
4 devoted to the protection of the learned ' 2. An inscription
of 1612 at Kommaddi, Cuddapah, records a grant of Venkata
II to the learned people of Vuputur 3. In 1602-3 the same
King granted the village of Mangalampad to Sri Rangaraja, son
of Jagganatharaya, 4 the foremost of the students of the- Yajus
Sakha ', a descendant of the cook of the great Raman ujacharya.
This cook had himself been famous for his learning in all the
scriptures 4. The Vilapaka grant was also made to a learned
man of Urputur, named Tiruvengalanatharaya ; he is said to be
1 conversant with the eighteen Puranas ' 6.
6. Naturally a great number of scholars always crowded
the outer halls of the imperial palace, first at Chandragri, and
then at Vellore. One of the philosophers favoured by Venkata
was the Madhava teacher Sudhindra. He had travelled over the
country refuting the teachings of the other religious sects. He
defeated ail his opponents at the court of Venkata, and was
presented by the sovereign with the conch and other emblems
of victory. He lived at the town of Kumbhakonam, and was
also honoured by Raghunatha of Tanjore with the ceremony of
bathing in gold c.
A contemporary of Venkata also was the great guru
Ananda Namasivaya Pandaram, a disciple of the great Chi-
dambaram guru, Guhainamasivaya. Hfc was the author of
Par ainar ahasyamalai, Chidambara venba, Annamalai venba and
other works 7. An inscription of 1592 at Virinjipuram,
North Arcot, states that Periya Errama Naik of Punnarrur
1. From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, Septem-
ber 10th, 1603, Ap. C, No. VII.
2. Buttcrworth, I, p. 31, v. 23.
3. Rangacharya, C, p. 612, 448.
4. Buttterworth, I, p. 34-6.
5. Ep. Ind., IV, p. 270, vv. 47-8.
6. Raghavettdravijaya, 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources,
p. 252.
7. Rangacharya, I, p. 105.
LITERARY ACTIVITY 519
granted a house for the establishment of a ntatha to this Ananda
Namasivaya Pandaram J. His work seems to have been to
supervise the offerings to be distributed among the Saiva men-
dicants in the Nataraja temple at Chidambaram *.
But the great philospher of Venkata's court was his own
guru Tatacharya, called, as previously noted, 'the ornament
of the wise f 8. The philosophical work he wrote was entitled
Sattvikabrahmavidyavilasa. He composed also a legendary
account of a shrine of Vishnu as Panduranga, who is supposed
to have sanctified by his presence in this form the town of
Pandharpur, on the/left bank of the Bhima ; this work is named
Panduranzamahatmya 4. We have previously spoken of this
man and shall return to him in the following chapter, when re-
viewing the progress of Vaishnavism during the reign of
Venkata II.
7. Among the poets of his court we must mention Chen-
namaraju, who was patronized by the genaral Pemmasani
Timma. Once the poet carried from the Emperor to his patron
the various insignia of his position. Out of these Pemmasani
Timma presented the poet with the white turban, the white
chauks, the palankin, and Talichankattu 5.
Another poet of fame was Tenali Ramalinga. He was
first introduced to the court of Krishna Deva Raya, and was
still one of the court poets during the reign of Venkata II. In
order to please this sovereign he became a Vaishnava in his old
days, and then changed his name to Tenali Ramakrishna. His
Lingapurana was written in the early years of his life. He was
born, it seems, in the village of Tenali in the Krishna district ;
and he studied Telugu so earnestly from his boyhood that he
1. 61 of 1887.
2. 349 of 1913.
3. Dalavay Agraharam plates of Venkata II, Ep. /*</., XII, p.
186, v. 27-39.
4. Subramiah Pantulu, Discursive Remarks^ Ind. Ant., XXVII, p.
327.
5. Charuchandrodayani, S. Krishnaswarai Aiyangar, Sources,
p. 842,
$20 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANASARA
became a perfect master of this language. His wit and humour
are praised even today by students of Telugu literature *.
1. Subramiah Pantulu, o. c., p. 324-6. This author relates the
the following humorous anecdote of the life of this poet : " He was of
a humorous character and loved to play practical jokes. The guru
Tatacharya was a very orthodox man, and was in the habit of visit-
ing a cow-stall every morning as soon as he rose from bed, being
taken to the place blind-folded in order to view the cow's excrement
as the first object seen during the day, thinking it to be a very meri-
torious act. His habit was to keep his eyes shut and laying hold of a
cow's tail to wait till she evacuated when he opened his eyes to be-
hold the excrement. One morning Ramakrishna got up early, and
removing the cow from the stall, stood in its place stark naked. The
guru came as usual, and instead of the cow's tail he found a man.
His rage knew no bounds, and running up to the King, he laid a com-
plaint against Ramakrishna. The King became exceedingly angry
and ordered the poet to be forthwith executed. The executioners
carried him to a plain and buried him in the earth as far as the neck
leaving only his head above ground, agreeable to the sentence passed
on him. They left him thus, intending to return with a certain num-
ber of elephants to trample him to death. It so chanced that a hump-
backed washerman was passing by, and asked the poet how he came
to be in such a predicament. 'My good friend', said he, 'I was born
a hump-back like yourself, and having long suffered the scorn of ill-
mannered individuals, I applied to a sage who had great knowledge
of the occult sciences, and begged of him to relieve me from my
misfortune. He informed me that if I should consent to be buried
up to my neck in this identical spot, I should be entirely cured of
my deformity. In pursuance of his directions, I got some of my
friends to bury me here, and as I really believe that I am cured al-
ready, I shall be very thankful to you if you will verify my statement*.
The washerman did as the poet requested and to his utter amazement
found him a well-made man ; and as he was a credulous fellow, he
believed in all that the poet had said. 'As one good deed deserve*
another', said the washerman to the poet, ' I now atik you to bury
me in this place that I may be cured of my bodily deformity
as you have been*. Ramakrishna with a grave countenance buried
the poor washerman up to the neck, and after the lapse of an hour
went to the King to inform him that by the personal interposition of
a god, he had been restored to life. The executioners in the interim
had executed the washerman, and were making their report to the
King that they had killed the poet according to the royal commands.
The whole court were consequently astonished to see Ramakrishna,
and as the King really believed that the poet had been killed and
restored to life by some god, he promised to forgive him the first
hundred crimes that he should commit in future ', ;
LITERARY ACTIVITY Sil
The famous general of Venkata Matla Atlanta, was another
of his favourite poets. The Sidhout inscription records that he
is the author of the well-known Telugu poem Kakusthavijayam.
He also composed several other works, which were highly
praised by scholars l.
Tarigoppula Datta Mahtri, another of Venkata's officers,
was a patron of poets. His brother Tarigoppula Mallana was
one of the court-poets ; he gives this information about Datta
Mantri in the Chandrdbhanu Charitram 2.
Ayaiu Bhaseara was likewise another of his court poets.
Once he was asked by the King to produce some poem. This
request he complied with by translating from the Hala Kanada
language into Telugu, the work of a man named Retta. This
work, entitled Retta Matam, is a most heterogeneous medley of
different topics, as much related to one author as the rain is to
the science of divination, the devils to the sun, moon and planets
and the rainbow to the familiar spirits 3.
We must not omit the names of two grammarians who
lived at Venkata's court. One of them was Erramadhavarya, who
wrote a grammatical work called Tripadadyotini and was one of
the pandits of this sovereign 4. The other was Battalanka,
the author of a work entitled Sdbdanusasana 6.
8. The example of the Emperors of Vijayanagara in pro-
tecting learned people was followed by many of their feudatory
chiefs. From Sevvappa Nayaka, the founder of the dynasty, all
the Nayaks of Tanjore were most prominent as patrons of
philosophers and poets. Sevvappa's greatest protege" seems to
have been the famous Madhva acharya Vijayaindra Tirtha.
He was the disciple, first of Vyasaraya Tirtha of the Vyasaraya
matha, and then of Surendra Tirtha of the Sumatindra matha,
from whom he received the robes of sannyasi, and whom he
succeeded as the thirteenth guru and swami of the ntatha. He
1. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 248 ; M~A.D. 79/5.79/6,
p. 42, No. 19. Of. M. E. #., 79/6, p. 148.
2. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 247.
3. Taylor, Catalogue gaisonnte, III, p. 169-70.
4. Hultzsoh, Reports on Sanskrit MSS.t £p. VIIL
5. Narasimaehar, The Ktmataka Country, Q. J. M* &, X, p. 256.
66
522 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VffAYANAGARA
spent the last days of his life at Kumbhakonam. He earnestly
defended the Madhva philosophy against the accusations of
Apaiya Dikshita. He also wrote many commentaries on all the
important Madhva works. His main books are the following :
The Chakra-Mimansa, the Chandrikodahrita»Nyaya-Vivaranaf
Nyayamrita-Vyakhya, and the Appayyakapola-chepetika *. In
1576 Sewapa Nayaka of Tanjore requested and obtained .from
Ranga I the village of Arivilimangalam as a grant to Vijayindra
Tirtha. In the grant Vijayindra is said to be ' like a peacock
roaming about the garden called the school of Madhvacharya ';
he is said moreover to be 'a bee delighting in the scent, the
inner meaning, of the flowers called the Sastras ' 2.
Vadiraja Tirtha was the co-student of Vijayindra Tirtha
under Vyasaraya Tirtha. Vadiraja was also a great controver-
sialist and commentator of the Madhva works. The account of his
many pilgrimages is embodied in his Tirtha-prabandha. 3.
Sevvappa's son and successor, Achyutappa Nayaka, was
likewise a patron of learning. In 1595 he made a gift of money
for the merit of Appaiya Dikshita 4. This was a good scholar
of his court. But the most famous philosopher of his time was
his minister Govinda Dikshita. He composed a long epic poem
called HarivaMsasaracharitram, in three cantos. There exists a
commentary on it written by Appaiya Dikshita. Govinda
Dikshita also wrote a musical work entitled Sangithasuthanithi.
By order of Achyutappa Nayaka, at the instance of his minis-
ter, the Tiruvaiyarru Puranam was translated from Sanskrit
into Tamil 5.
9. Surappa Nayaka of Jinji was the patron of the famous
poet Srinivasa Dikshita, on whom was bestowed the title of
Ratnakheta Dikshita, on account of his excellent poetry. He
wrote 18 dramas, the most famous among them being the
Bhavanapurushottama. Besides he composed 60 epics, such as
1. Gopinatha Rao, The Arwilimangalam Plates, Ep Ind., XII, p.
344-6.
2. Ep. Ind.t XII, p. 357, vv. 27-44.
3. Gopinatha Rao, o. o., p. 346. ^
4. 710 of 1904.
5. Kuppuiwami Sartri, A Short History, p. 7 and 10,
LITERARY ACTIVITY 5*3
lteSathakandavijayamu> several works on rhetoric, and many
commentaries l.
We have already mentioned Appaiya Dikshita as a prot&gg
of Sevvappa Nayaka Tanjore. He was a Tamil Brahman, who
has left more than a hundred works 3. He was also patronized
by the Emperor Venkata II at whose instance he wrote a work
on Alankata, called Kuvalyananda 3. But this famous Saiva-
Advaita philosopher enjoyed the special favour of Chinna
Bomma Nayaka of Vellore. In the colophon of his Sivadtiyama*
nidipika he mentions Chinna Bomma as his patron 4. This
chief performed the ceremony of bathing in gold to honour the
scholarship of Appaiya Dikshita. He is said to have with his
own hands poured the gold coins out of the vessel 6. An ins-
cription of Chinna Bomma, of 1582, in North Arcot, records that
this scholar constructed the Kalakantheswara temple at Adaipa-
lam6.
In the petty state of Gandikota we find another poet
named Pingali Surana. He was one of the poets of Nandyala
Krishnaraja, to whom the work Kalapurnodayamu is dedicated.
Krishnaraja's successor, Nandyala Timmaya, who as an inscrip-
tion of 1544 shows 7, was likewise a patron of learned men,
also patronized this poet, the author of the Raghavapandaviya,
the Garudapurana and several other works. Mr. Subramiah
Pantulu thinks that Pingali Surana 'is by far the best of
mediaeval poets ' 8.
In the state of Ikeri we must mention Sankanna Nayaka,
who composed several literary works » ; and Vadiraja, a man
1. Ibid., p. 11-fc -
2. B^bramiah Pantulu, Discursive Remarks > Ittd. Ant., JCXVU,
p. 3*6.
3. 8. Krishoatfwami Aiyangar, Sources^ p. 250. Cf. Bp. /*£, IV*
p. Ttl.
4. Hultzsoh, Reports on Sanskrit MSS., II, p. XH-XIII.
5. 8. Krishnatfwmi Aiyangar, o.<30 p. 251*.
6. 395 of 1911.
7. Rangaoharya, I, p. 580, 60.
8. Subramiah Pantulu, Discursive Remarks, Ind. Ant*
Shdartvaratitakaita> 8. BjrirfhnhBwsmi AfyHngar, 0. dn p. 839.
$24 THE ARAV1DU DYNASTY ptf VIjAYANAGAfcA
of great erudition and author of several works; one of his
pupils is mentioned in a grant of Venkatappa Nayaka of Ikeri
in the year 1614 l.
The Viceroy Tirumala of Seringapat am was also a patron
of learning. From an inscription of 1610 we may deduce that
Ramanujayya, called ' the establisher of the path of the Vedas,
follower of both Vedanta ', was one of his officers f. In 1614
the same Tirumala made a grant of a village to Vengadeyya
Bhatta, styled also an ' establisher of the path of the Vedas ' 3.
Prince Chinna Timmayadeva, the brother of Rama Raya
Vitthala, must also be mentioned among the patrons of litera-
ture during this period. In 1544 he granted twelve puttis of
land in the village of Tirumalapuram to its learned Brahmans 4.
In the same, year he gave the village of Annavaram to the
poet Anantaraja 5. He was also the patron of Dosuri Koneru-
kavi, the author of the Balabhagavatamu 6.
10. Besides all the poets hitherto mentioned as living
around the Emperors of Vijayanagara, there was a family of
poets who always accompanied them, first from Vijayanagara
to Penukonda, and later on from Punukonda to Chandragiri
and V ellore. We refer to the composers of the imperial grants;
which task seems to have been hereditary in a family. The
British Museum plates of Sadasiva were composed by one
Sabhapati \ the same who had formerly composed the
Unamanjeri grant of Achyuta Raya 8. But another grant of
the same sovereign, of the year 1558* is written by Sabhapati's
son, Svayambhu ». The P^nuguluru grant 10 and the
Tumkur plates of Tirumala u were also written by
. 1. 110 of 1901.
*. Bp. Cam o IV, Gu, 40.
3. Ibid., 13.
4. Bang&obarya, II* p, 915, 67.
5. Ibid., p. 916, 63.
6. Ibid., I, p. 402; 11,3.915.
7. £A/«£,IV,p.i
8. Ibid., Ill, p. 151.
fy J>. Cor*, IX, Op, 1*6.
10. Ep. Indn XVI, p. 257, v, 177-178.
UTERARY Acrtvirv $3$
Svayambhu, who is said to be the son of Sabhapatl The same
Svayambhu was the composer of the Arivilimangalam plates l
and the Naredapalli grant of Ranga I 3. This Svayambhu
had probably no sons, because almost all the grants of Venkata
II were composed by a certain Krishnakavi, who seems to be
a nephew of Svayambhu, for he professes to be the son of
Kamakoti and grandson of Sabhapati. He is the author of the
Daiavay Agraharam plates 3, of the Vellangudi plates *, of
the Padmaneri grant 5, and of two grants of 1586 6 and of
1589 \ The Vilapaka grant of the same monarch is written
by a brother of Krishnakavi, named Rama 8. We know of
only two grants of this sovereign composed by a person who
seems not to belong to the family of Sabhabati ; these are the
Mangalampad grant 9 and a grant of 1613 10. The author
of both is called Chidambarakavi, the nephew of Sivasurya-
kavi.
II. We have not spoken of the literary activity in the city
of Madura, which was nevertheless a centre of learning in the
South of India. The famous Sangams always attracted hun-
dreds of students to the old city of the Pandyas. Fr. de Nobili,
an impartial eye-witness, in a letter of 1610, says that there were
then in Madura more than ten thousand students. There was
not, it seems, a body of professors, corresponding to the staff
of our Colleges and Universities; but the students selected the
teacher they liked, and under him they wejre trained to pass their
final examination before the Sangam. Fr. de Nobili only says
that those ten thousand students ' go to different professors '.
The same missionary informs us that Venkata II and the
1. Bp. Ind., XII, p. 357, v. 65.
2. Ibid., XI, p. 329.
3. Ibid, XII, p. 187, v. 200.
4. IbidnXVl,p.329.
5. Ibid., p. 297, w. 162-1*3.
?. M. A. A, 1921, p. 31.
8. Bp. Ind., IV, p. 272.
9. Butterworth, I, p. 36, v, 60.
ia £/>. /m/n XIII, p, 231.
536 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY O#
Nayak of Madura, probably Muttu Krishnappa, had in order
to foster stiidy "royally endowed several Colleges for the
raaintainance of professors and students while they are study*
ing ; they are there supplied with victuals, clothes and every
thing they are in need of ".
The Madura teachers lectured on Philosophy and Theolo-
gy. The philosophical lectures fell into four groups, correspon-
ding to the four-fold division of this science : Argumentation,
Knowledge, Evidence and Faith, In their Theological lectures
the teachers explained the Vedanta, discussing the nature
and attributes of God, starting from his unity. Fr. de Nobili
gives the full programme of the philosophical studies followed
in his days at Madura.
12. Part first is on evidence, and deals with invocation or
adoration, i. e. whether there be any God to be invoked at the
beginning of the work. It contains these three sections : —
1st. Certitude.
a. Perfect certitude (Karana).
b. Certitude of things which come into existence by
generation or production.
c. The formal aspect of certitude.
2nd. The various species of objective reality, or objects that
cause certitude,
a Local union ot-contiguity.
b. Various kinds of union :— substantial, accidental and
another which is not seen as not existing physi-
cally.
c. Predicate and subject through negation (Vipdksa).
d. The object of sight.
3rd. The unity and indivisibility of human will, as able to
co-ordinate the various perceptions refcetvW from
the senses.
a. The brightness of gold (as an instance).
b, Deflective act through which man kncfws and under-
. stands himself.
Part second is on knowledge, and deals with the following
fctar
UTERARY ACTIVITY 527
1st. Meant of acquiring knowledge (Pramanas).
a. Terms of syllogism. (Probans).
b. The conclusion (Paramarsa).
c. Induction.
d. Fallacies (Hetvabhasas : viz. Asiddha, Viruddha, Anai-
kantika, Prdkaranasama and Kalatyayapadistd).
e. Causes of fallacy.
/. Its refutation.
2nd. Process of knowledge.
a. Subject (Paksa).
b. Discursive act.
c. Causative signs.
*/. Every kind of sophism.
3rd. Relation (Vyapti).
a. On conjunction or relation subsisting between things
that are separable or not intimate (Samyoga).
b. On privation.
r. On the effect as proceeding from its cause.
d. Conjunction in general (Samyoga and Samavava).
e. Final certitude or consequence.
4th. Casuistry.
a. Cause. (Karana).
b. Proof by self-evidence.
c. Certitude from similarities (Upamana)
d. The multiplicity of causes (Samavay, material or
constituent cause ; Asamavayi, not constituent
cause; Nimitta, efficient cause).
e. The natural power and strength of the cause.
/. The additional power of the cause by superaddition.
5th. Vicious states of mind (Aprama)
a. Error. (Bhrama)
b. Doubt (Samsaya)
c. The variation of supposition ( Tarka).
d. False conclusion from true antecedents.
e. The god Ruden (Ruthru) (as an instance]
Part third is on authority, and speaks oj^
subjects: —
1st. Oral testimony.
a. Adequation of words to thoughts
b. Common or universal consent,
538 THE ARAVJDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
2nd. Truth.
a. The union of affections in relation to truth.
b. Desire of truth.
c. Corruption of the sounds.
d. Corruption of the whole world, vis. can the whole
world be deceived as to a truth ?
e. The excellency of the form of Verifying truth.
/ Whether what is not actually, could be affirmed.
3rd. Falsehood.
a. Novelty of opinion.
b. Annihilation.
c. Personal imposture, vis. lie.
d. How must the sign be.
Such was the programme of philosophy followed in Madura
in the beginning of the I7th century according to Fr. de Nobili. It
was according to him a profound philosophy, but very different
from scholastic philosophy l. The course is properly a course
of Logic, a kind of Tarkabhasa or science of reasoning, though
much confused with psychological and metaphysical notions.
This kind of Logic evidently belongs to the Syncretist school
consequent upon the attempts of Sivaditya to amalgamate the
earlier systems. The influence of the Tarkabhasa of Kesava
Misra is quite evident, as well as that of the works of Annam
Bhatta, who was at this time probably living ?.
13. There was moreover at Madura a small school
commenced by Fr. Fernandes. It was supposed to be a primary
school for Hindus. A Brahman, who finally became a Christian,
was teaching the boys how to read and to write. Fr. Pimenta,
when passing through Madura, distributed some prizes among
the best pupils of the school 3. Another similar school was
erected in St. Thome at the same time by the same Fr. Pimenta.
"A Seminarie was erected at Meliapor (Mylapor)", he says, "of
the chiefe Children of the Badagades (Telugus), by the almes of
Devout men, and a Schoole of the Malabars adjoyned, in which
1. From Fr. B. de Nobili to Fr. A. Laerzio, Madura, November
2nd, 1610, Ap. C, No. XXXI. Cf. Ganganatha Jha, The Tarkabhasa.
2. See Keith, Indian logic, ;p. 3641.
3. Du Jarric, I, p. 650,
LITERARY ACTIVITY 529
is taught the Tongue of Tamul (or vulgar) and the Badagan
(Telugu) used by the Courtiers" }. In 1567 Fr. H. Henrique?
began a school of Tamil at Punnei Kayal for the young Goans
who were sent there as catechists. Fr. Henriquez himself was
teacher and a convert Brahman, named Luiz, was his assistant2.
At the very court of Chandragiri the Jesuits started another
school of this type. It was supposed to be a school for the sons
of the Telugu nobles who were living at the court. There was
in it a Hindu teacher under the direction of the missionaries,
who besides defrayed the expenses of the institution 3. This
school and that of Madura are mentioned again in another
Jesuit letter of the following year 1607 4 ; and we suppose
they continued in the following years. The Chandragiri school
was perhaps transferred to Vellore when the capital was
established there, and finally closed at the time of the final
departure of the Jesuits.
These were the first attempts of the Jesuits in the South of
India to found the institutions of learning which were to have a
marvellous development centuries after.
14. The Jesuits had, moreover, earnestly studied the lan-
guages of the country; and some of them, as we have already
seen in the case of Fr. de Nobili at Madura, mastered them to
the general admiration of scholars. Among those who were
working at the court of Venkata there were also some who be-
came very proficient in speaking the vernaculars. " In this
country of (around) Sao Thome," wrote Fr. Ricio in 1601, "two
languages are spoken ; one is the language of the country, the
same that is spoken on the Fishery Coast and which was the
first I learned ; the other is the language of the Badaguas
(Telugu) ; and since they are alike, I made quick progress in it ;
so much so that I was soon able to write a grammar of the same
language as well as a summary of the Christian doctrine together
1. From Fr. N. Piraenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 210.
Of. Du Jarric, I, p. 638.
2. Bosse, La Mission du Maditrc, p. 393.
3. Littcrae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap» C,
No. XXII.
4. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1606-1607, Ibid.,
No. XXVII.
67
530 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
with many mysteries of the life of Christ, all written in their
own language " l. This summary of the Christian Faith was a
translation of the one used in Konkani for the neophytes of the
peninsula of Salsette, South of Goa, as Fr. Coutinho writes in a
letter of the previous year a.
It seems, indeed, that Fr. Ricio spoke Telugu to perfection;
a Jesuit letter of the year 1606 says that he was a good Telugu
scholar 3. Nevertheless he did not venture to learn Sanskrit
because of his age, as Fr. Laerzio wrote in 1604 4. In the same
letter we read that Fr. Coutinho had begun to learn Telugu.
In another letter Fr. Ricio himself informs us that Coutinho
is making progress in the study of Telugu 5. He finally be-
came master of it, as is evident from his protractedly sojourn at
the court where he had to transact business for the King.
15. A special feature introduced by the Jesuit missionaries
of the Empire of Vijayanagara in the literary activity of India,
was the casting of Tamilian characters ; and consequently the
printing of the first books in Tamil. According to Fra Paolino
de San Bartoiomeo, the first to cast Tamilian characters was the
Jesuit Lay Brother Giovanni (Joao) Gonsalves. The same travel-
ler affirms that the first book was printed in the year 1577. It
was a summary of the Christian doctrine 6. Fra Paolino does
not name the author of this book ; but it seems quite probable
to us that Fr. Henrique Henriquez, a zealous Jesuit on the
Fishery Coast, and a contemporary of St. Francis Xavier, was
1. From Fr. F. Kicio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, October
20th, 1601, Ap.C, No. I.
2. From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. 0. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, July
17th, 1600, Ibid., No. V.
3. Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ibid., -
No. XXII.
4. From Fr. A. Laerzio to Fr. J. Alvarez, Cochin, January 18tht
1604, Ibid., No. X.
5. From Fr. F. Ricio to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Chandragiri, October
20tb, 1601, Ibid., No. I.
6. Fra Paolino de San Bartoiomeo, Viaggio, p. 44. Cf. C. E. K.
Notes on Early-Printed Tamil Books, Ind. Ant., II, p. 180. Cf. Hou-
pert, The Madura Mission Manual, p. 171. Bro. Gorsalves was a
Spaniard. Cf. Souza, Qriente Conqyistado, II, p. 67,
LITERARY ACTIVITY 531
at least its translator. Fr. du Jarric states that Henriquez wrote
many books in the language of Malabar, in lingua Maldbarica,
viz. in Tamil f. Now we know for certain that one of these
books was a translation of a Christian Doctrine written in Portu-
guese by Fr. Marcos Jorge. Sartorius, while in Tranquebar,
saw a copy of this book printed in 1679 2. This must be a later
edition, for Fr. Henriquez had died by that time. Both editiors
of this little book were printed at Cochin in the Jesuit College
of the Madre de Deus 3. Fra Paolino says, moreover, that a new
Tamil book appeared in 1578. It was entitled Flos Sanctorum,
from which title we may assume that it contained the lives of
some Saints 4. This work seems to have been printed at
Punnei Kayal with Tamil type cast by Fr. Joao de Faria B.
Fr. De Souza, speaking of these early printings adds : — " Those
countries were marvelling at the new invention, and pagans as
well as Christians tried to obtain these printed books and
prized them highly " 6.
16. Finally we must mention that the old South Indian
Nandinagari alphabet disappeared during this period. Its latest
examples are dated 1600. It was the favourite alphabet of the
Madhva sect from the I4th century onwards, especially for
writing on palm-leaves. The disciples of this sect were numer-
ous in the Tamil country : Kanchivaram, Kumbhakonam, Tan-
jore and their surroundings. The characters had been former-
ly employed exclusively for writing on paper, but were latterly
also used for writing on palm -leaves. Later on, after the
Maratha conquest of Tanjore, the modern Nagari character
was also introduced in the South 7.
1. Du Jarric,!, p. 627.
2. Notices of Madras and Cuddalore p. 106. The title of this
Christian Doctrine, as given by Sartorius, runs as follows: Doctrina
Chnstam> a maneira de Dialogo feita em Portugal pelloP. Marcos Jorge,
da Companhia de Jesu : Tresladada im lingua Malavar ou Tamul, pello
P. Anrique Antiques da mesma Companhia. Em Cochin* no Collegia da
Madre de Deus, a os quartoze de Novembro, deAnmrde MDLXXIX.
3. Fra Paolino de San Bartolomeo, 1. c.
4. Ibid.
5. Of. Gomez Bodeles-Cardou, Eatly Jesuit Printing in India,
J. A. S. B.t IX, p. 164.
6. Soufca, Oticute Conquistado, II, p. 67.
7. Burnell, Elements of South Indian Palaeography, p. 56,
CHAPTER XXVI
THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN SRI VAJSHNAVISM AND OTHER SECTS
SUMMARY.— 1. Brahmanism, Saivism and Vaishnavism.— 2. Early
life of Bamanuja. Persecution of the Chola King.— 3. Ramanuja
in the Yadava kingdom and at Seringapatam. — i. Schism of
Vaifihnavism after the death of Bamanuja. — 5. Bukkaraya I
settles the differences between Jamas and Vaishuavas. Jain in-
fluence at the court of Vijayanagara. — 6. Conversion of Emperor
Virupaksha to Vaishnavism. Religious conduct of Krishna Deva
Raya and Achyuta Raya. — 7. Relations of Sadasiva Raya with
Vaishnavism.— 8. Devotion of Rama Raya and his ancestors to
Vishnu. — 9. Tirumala and Ranga I patrons of Vaishnavism.— 10.
Venkata II the greatest Vaishnava Emperor of Vijayanagara. —
11. Vaishnavism professed by feudatory phiefs. Conversion of the
royal house of Mysore. — 12. Several manifestions of Saivisni.
— 13. Influence of the Jains in Kanara.— 14. Eclectic and
tolerent religious character of Venkata and of some of his chiefs.
— 15. Religious controversies between Saivas and Vaishnava s.
— 16. Krishnappa Nayaka of Jinji restores the temple of Govinda
Raja at Chidambarm. Suicide of the Saiva priests.
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.— 1. Hindu inscriptions and grants.— 2. Jain
inscriptions in Mysore.— 3. Bhashyakara C/icritra, Vcnkatesvara
Mahatmya, Kulotunga Cholan Ula, Tim Narayana Puram, Prapanna-
mrtatn, Varadambika Parinayam. — 4. Jesuit Letters. — 5. Du Jarric
—6. Delia Valle.
THE supreme god worshipped in India for a time during
the pre-Buddhist period seems to have been Brahma. Even the
Buddhistic scriptures give Brahma preference over the other
deities of the Hindu Parnassus l. But later on another god,
Siva, unexpectedly usurped his place of supremacy. The Saiva
system seems to have been introduced in the peninsula from
1. Of. Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism, Saivism, p. 3. Hence the presid-
ing deity of the pre-Buddhistic Hindu temple is Brahma. Of. Pra-
phullachandra Basu, Art in Hindu T&nple, Tfie Holkar College Magazine,
XI, 22.
Sfcl VAlSHNAVISM AND OTriER SECTS $3$
abroad. According to a legend, the first place in which it was
practised was Benares. This was due to the efforts of King
Divodasa *. Siva's cult was later on fostered through the preach-
ing of Sankaracharya. Nevertheless the superiority of Siva was
not to remain long undisputed. A new rival arose in the per-
son of the god Vishnu. Vaishnavism was propagated early dur-
ing the Scythian and Gupta periods 2 and finally with unusual
vigour in the Ilth century. The struggle that naturally ensued
between the two deities and their respective adherents during
this first peroid of the Aravidu dynasty will be the subject of
this chapter. But we shall begin with a brief account of the
Vaishnava movement, in order to make clear the position and
the activity of the Aravidu Emperors in this religious conflict.
2. The founder and propagator of Sri Vaishnavism in the
later period was Ramanujacharya 3. According to tradition,
he was born in Sri Permattur, near Madras 4, in 1016-7 a
and studied at Kanchivaram. Thence he retired to Srirangam
where he perfected his system and wrote his religious works 6.
1. Taylor, Catalogue Raisonncc, II, p. III-IV. This author main-
tains that this system had its origin in Egypt ; according to him
Siva's bull is nothing but a replica of the bull Apis of the ancient
Pharaohs. The worship of the bull passed afterwards from Egypt to
Palestine, in tho time of the great national schism of Jeroboam
(1000 B. C.); from Palestine it migrated to Mesopotamia and finally
found its way to Benares in 700 or 800.
2. Rayachaudhuri, Materials for the Study of the Early History of
tJic Vaishnava Sect, p. 98-177.
3. Nevertheless in the works of Seven Pagodas (Mahavalipuram),
executed by Pallava Princes, there are " mixtures of emblems, wea-
pons and figures belonging to both the Saiya and Vaisbnava phases
of Hindu Faith". Of. Branfill, Descriptive Remarks on the Seven Pagodas,
The Madras Journal of Literature and Science, 1880, p. 126.
4. Perhaps, on account of this, tho Sri Permattur temple is
traditionally supposed to be the first Vaishnava temple in Southern
India. Cf. Taylor, Catalogue Raisonnee, I, p. LXVI.
5. Cf. Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism, Saivism, p. 51.
6. According to the account of the aiyangars, tho fact that
marked the , starting point of the religious career of tho new
teacher is narrated as follows: "One day, it is said, the
534 TttE ARAVlDU DYNASTY Of VljAYANAGAfeA
His chief work is his commentary on the Bhagvat Gita, entitled
Gita Bhasyam l. The Upanishada Vacya Vivaram, by Sri Ranga
Ramanuja, if it is not written by the same teacher, is an exposi-
tion of the same system. " The system of Ramanuja is shown
to be consistent with the Vedas and their supplements. This
book opposes the advaita notion of the non-reality of the visible
world ; it maintains that it is real "2. On account of his subtle
doctrine and his holy life, Ramanuja was called later on in a
decree of Bukka I of Vijayanagara, ' the king of the kings of
ascetics ' 3. He is also termed Bhashyakara, from his explana-
tions of the Vedas 4.
During his stay at Srirangam he made many disciples.
One of the most prominent of them was Tiruvarangattamuda-
nar, the hereditary trustee of the Ranganatha temple 5. But
Ramanuja could not live there long. The Chola ruler Kari-
kala, probably the younger brother of Rejendra and father of
Kalottunga. who was then Viceroy at Uraiyur 6, himself a
Sankaraoharya -wanted to take an oil batb. The pupils used
to serve their master in turn, and that day it was Ramanuja's.
Ho was rubbing the oil over the bald head of the Sankara-
charya, and another student was taking lessons by his side.
A stanza was read in which the face of Vishnu was re-
presented to be as red as the lotus. The Sankaracharya at once ex-
claimed that it was a luptopama, or defective comparison, as there
were objects surpassing the lotus in their redness, which might have
been used for the simile. As an example, ho indicated the buttocks
of the monkey. Ramanuja, who was a firm believer in Vishnu, cried
out. Tears from his eyes dropped on the thighs of the Sankaraoha-
rya, aad pierced them like molten lead. At once he ordered Rama*
nujacharya to leave the f/wf/w, and he accordingly went. And now
being a ha tor of Siva and a special worshipper of Vishnu he started
the new religion". Natesa Sastri, The Origin of the Srivaishnavas, Ind.
Ant., XVI, p. 252. The author explodes this legend.
1. Taylor, Catologtte Raisonnec, II, p. 45.
2. Ibid., p. 216.
3. Ep. Cam., II, No. 344. %
4. Bhashyakara Cheritrd, Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 214*
5. See Gapinatha Rao, Srirangam Plates, Bp. Ind., XIV, p. 85.
6. Of. 8. Krisbnaswami Aiyangar, Ancient India, p. 332-3.
SRI VAISHNAVISM AND OTHER SECTS 535
staunch Saiva, could not tolerate any longer the spreading of
the new sect. According to the Sri Vaishnava chronicles, " it
was pointed out to this King that converting the common
people by force was not in itself capable of augmenting
the numbers to the Saiva faith ; and if such a great leader
as Ramanuja were to be made to subscribe to the Saiva faith,
his followers would join that sect in a body. Ramanuja was
summonded before the King; Kurattalvan (Ramanuja's first
disciple), apprehending danger to his master, assumed the
garb of a sannyasi, proceeded to the royal court and repre-
sented himself as the famous Vaishnava Acharya. The King
then compelled him to sign a declaration that no god was supe-
rior to Siva. Kurattalvan boldly contradicted him by telling
him that larger than Siva was Drona (words which also mean
two different measures, of which the latter was the bigger) thus
playing upon the double meaning of the words Siva and Drona.
The King, enraged at the behaviour of Kurattalvan, ordered
both his eyes to be put out immediately, and the order was
forthwith carried out. So throughout the remaining part of his
life he lived a blind man " *.
3. Ramanuja himself had to fly from the Chola kingdom,
and took shelter in Chandragiri, the stronghold of the Yadava
Kings, whose capital was at Narayanvaram. Toya Yadava was
then the ruling sovereign. He charitably entertained the
exiled guru and declared himself the patron of his disciples
and his doctrine 2. Under his patronage Ramanuja visited
different holy places, and took from the Saivas several temples
and shrines which he dedicated to the worship of different forms
of Vishnu. He also founded the temple of Terunarayaria at
Terunjurayanapur. One of the temples that he took from the
Saivas was the famous one at Tirupati •*. The Venkatesvara
Mahatmya narrates that, to effect this, Ramanuja agreed with
1. Ep. 7iKf.,XIV,p.85.
fc. Taylor, O. H. MSS., II, p. 85.
3. Bhashyakara Cheritta, Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection,
p. 214-5. Naturally the Vaishnava literature claims that all these
holy places had formerly been Vaishnava temples. Hence they say
Ramanuja recovered them from the Saivas,
538 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
the Saiva priests of the temple to leave in the temple at night
a conch and a discus, which were the insignia of Vishnu, and
beside them a trident and a small drum, which were the insignia
of Siva. The temple was subsequently closed for the night; and on
being re-opened next morning it was found that the image had
assumed the conch and the discus. Since then Tirupati has been
one of the most famous Vaishnava temples in the whole of
India l.
From there Ramanuja proceeded to Mysore. It seems that
the prevailing religious faith in the old Karnataka country was
Jainism. According to an inscription on the summit of Indra-
giri at Sravana-Belgola, the Jains came to Mysore in an
immigration from Ujjayini (Ujjain), under the leader Bhadra
Bahu, in order to escape a dreaful famine2. The colossal
monolithic statue of the Jain Saint Bhujabalin, that crowns
the rocky hill, is a dumb witness to the preaching of Rama-
nuja ; for it was erected between 977 and 984 A. D. by Cha-
mundaraja, the minister of the two Ganga Kings, Narasimha
II and Rachamalla II 3. Many conversions were also effected
1. Wilson, o. CM p. 254. Cf. Ch. XV, No. 9. The conversion of
Tirupati from a Saiva to a Vaishnava temple by Ramanuja has lately
aroused much controversy. Cf. 8. Krishuaswami Aiyangar, Ancient India,
p. 215-8. The Vaishnava chronicles are not impartial authorities.
We really believe that the fact took place, through a fraud most
probably, though formerly only Siva had been worshipped there.
Naturally Ramanuja declared that he had re-started the previous
cult given there to Vishnu, in order to give solid ground to his
desire of establishing the Vaishnava religion there. An enormous
amount of literature has been written on Tirupati. See, for instance,
Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 254-5, 349; Taylor, Catalogue
Raisonnct, I, p. 587, 588, 589, etc.
2. Ind Ant., Ill, p. 153-4 The inscription may also be seen in
Q.J. M. 5., Ill, p. 27*8. Jain tradition avers that the Maurya Emperor
Chandragupta, after resigning his crown, was one of those who ac-
companied Bhadra Bahu tcrthe South. Cf. Smith, Early History of
India, p. 154; Tabard, Sravana-Belgola, Q.J. M. S., Ill, p. 12; F. Deaville
Walker, Ancient Jain Shrines, Wonders of the Past, III, p. 1034.
3. Hultzsch, Inscriptions on the Three Jaina Colossi, Bp. Ind., VU,
p. 108. Tabard, o. c. p. 12-31. The statue is 57 feet high. Chamunda-
raja was not the founder of the present Jain religious settlement, as
Rice, Mysore, I, p. 461, says,
SRI VAISHNAVISM AND OTHER SECTS 537
by his exhortations and disputes in the Karnataka country.
One of the converts seems to have been King Vitthala Deva
(1104-1141) l. The Sri Rangha Mahatmya, that seems to
refer to this period, states that Ramanuja " with his disciples
visited the 108 Tripetis (Tirupatis or temples to Tirumal), and
disputed with opponents. He taught the Vaishnava creed
with great success, visited many places, and at length returned
to Seringapatam " 3.
Ramanuja returned from Mysore on the death of
Kulottunga I, which seems to have occurred in Iil83. The
Kulotunga Cholan Ula relates that, during Ramanuja's second
stay in the Chola country, Kulottunga II (1123-1146), 'a hater
of the god Vishnu ', removed the Govinda Raja temple at
Chidambaram from the premises of thejjreat Siva temple, and
ordered the statue of Vishnu to be thrown into the ocean, ' his
original shrine '. Then Ramanuja and his disciples either
brought back the same idol or made a new one, and enshrined
it in a new temple at Tirupati, with a formal and solemn con-
secration ceremony 4.
4. After the death of the reformer, his disciples continued
his work. Besides the above mentioned Kurattalvan, the one who
worked most for this cause was perhaps the famous Sri Vedanta
Desika 5. The Tiru Narayana Puram mentions a Vaishnava
Aluvar, named Yempramanar, who also made many conver-
sions to his sect in the kingdom of Mysore °.
Things however were not going too well. Soon after the
death of Ramanuja, there arose a schism in his sect. Were the
Sanskirit or the vernacular works to be the chief object of study
for the Sri Vaishnavas ? This question naturally gave origin to
1. Bhandarkar. o. c., p. 52.
2. Taylor, Catalogue Raisonnee, I, p. 589.
3. 3. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Ancient India, p. 219.
4. Cf. Brahma Sri R. Raghava Aiyangar, Chelli Kulotungal
Anapayan, Sen Tamil VIII, p, 301 -2 ; Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection,
p. 299.
5. Cf. Rangachari, The Life and Times of Sri Vedanta Desika,
B. B. tf . A. S^ XXIV, p. 277-312.
6. Taylor, Catalogue Raisonnee, I, p. 510-1.
68
538 THE ARAVIDU DVNASTV OP VlJAYANAGARA
two different schools. For some time the Sanskrit school pre-
vailed, during which period Vaishnavism was almost restricted
to erudite people. But finally the vernacular school came out
victorious in the contest. Those were the palmy days of Sri
Vaishnavism, when its doctrines were easily spread among all
classes of people 1.
5. Naturally the propagation of the new creed was the
cause of differences between its adherents and the members of
other religious denominations. One of these religious disputes,
apparently in Mysore, was appeased by Bukka Ray a I of
Vijayanagara in 1368. "Dispute having arisen between the
Jainas and the Bhaktas (Vaishnavas) ", says the royal decree,
" the blessed people (the Jainas) having made petition to Bukka
Raya about the justice done by the Bhaktas, the King
taking the hand of the Jainas and placing it in the hand of the
Sri Vaishnavas (here 48 representatives of the Sri Vaishnavas
are mentioned, who come from different places, even from
Tirupati, Kanchivaram and Srirangam), and declaring at the
same time that there was no difference between the Vaishnavas
and the Jainas, decreed as follows : —
This Jaina darsana is, as before, entitled to the five great
musical instruments and the kalasa (or vase). If loss or ad-
vancement should be caused to the Jaina darsana through the
bhaktas, the Vishnavas will kindly deem it as loss of advance-
ment caused to their (own darsana). The Sri Vaishnavas will
to this effect kindly set up a sasana in all the bastis of the
kingdom. For as long as the sun and the moon endure, the
Vaishnava creed will continue to protect the Jaina darsana.
The Vaishnavas and the Jainas are one : they must not be view-
ed as different. Tatayya of Tirumula (Tirupati) by consent of
the blessed people (the Jainas) of the whole kingdom, will, out of
the money levied at the rate of one anna a year for every house
according to the door from the Jainas throughout the whole
kingdom for the bodyguard to be appointed by Vaishnavas at
the holy place Belugula (Sravana-Belgola), appoint twenty ser-
1. Of. Rangachari, The Successors of Ramamija, B> B. R. A. S,,
XXIV, p. 186-8.
SRI VAISHNAVISM AN£> OTHER SECTS 53$
vants as bodyguard for the god, and with the remainder of the
money have the dilapidated Jinalayas (the Jaina temples) white-
washed. In this manner, for as long as the sun and moon last,
will they without failure pay every year and acquire fame and
rtaerit. He who transgresses this rule shall be a traitor to the
kings, a traitor to the sangha and the samudaya. If an ascetic or
chief of a village destroys this charity, he shall incur the sin
of having slaughtered a tawny cow and a Brahman on the
banks of the Ganges" 1.
In this document preference seems to be given to the Jainas,
although Bukka was not a Jain himself. It shows, however, how
the King was influenced by Jainism. We know indeed from
other lithic records that one of the ministers of Bukka was a
fervent Jain : his name was Baichappa. He is mentioned in an
inscription at Sravana-Belgola =. According to an inscription
of 1385 in Vijayanagara itself the same Baichappa and his son
Irugappa, himself a Jain also, were ministers of Bukka's suc-
cessor, Harihara II 3. Another inscription of 1387-8, in a
Jain temple near Kanchivaram, records some donations of this
Irugappa, mentioned as son of Vaichaya (Tamil form for Bai-
chappa), General of Vijayanagara and follower of the Jain
religion 4. Irugappa 's two sons, named Baichappa and
Irugappa, are also mentioned in another inscription of 1422, at
Sravana-Belgola, as Jain Generals of Vijayanagara 6 during
the reign of Vira Vijaya. His successor, Deva Raya II, was also
much inclined to Jainism, as is shown in an inscription of this
King, of the year 1426, in Vijayanagara itself «. Probably
there was built during this period the Jain temple, the ruins of
which, on the slopes of the rockey hill that protects the Pampa-
pathi temple of Hampi, are one of the most interesting features
of the glorious capital.
1. Bp. Cam., IX, Ma, 18. Cf. Ibid., II, No. 344.
2. Ep. Cam., II, SB, 253. Cf. Luders, Sravana-Belgola Inscription
ofkugapa, Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 17.
3. Hultzscb, South Indian Inscriptions, I, p. 161.
4. £>./**., VII, p. 115-6.
5. Ibid., VIII, p. 22.
6. Hultzsoh, o. o.9 p. 162,
540 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
& In spite of this Jain influence, the Vijayynagara
sovereigns remained faithful to the cult of Siva till they became
disciples of Sri Vaishnavism towards the close of the I5th
century.
Their family god was then Virupaksha, the name under
which Siva was worshiped in the celebrated temple of their
capital. But at that time it happened that two brothers from
Ettur, named Nrsimhacharya and Srirangacharya arrived at
Vijayanagara. They were learned Vaishnava gurus, and easily
persuaded Virupaksha, the then Emperor of the great Hindu
Empire, that there was no other god higher than Vishnu !.
Accordingly the sovereign foreswore Saivism and became a
1. The Prapannamrtam, which affords this information, gives
the following legendary account of Virupaksha 's conversion to Sri
Vaishnavism : " Nrsimbacharya and his younger brother, as they enter-
ed the city during night, mistook this haunted palace for the King's
residence and entered it, R a may ana in hand. At their approach the
ghosts remained quiet ; and they were admitted into the palace. Enter-
ing the palace they found the ghosts holding court with king, council
and attendants. On their approach all the ghosts bowed to them and
showed them the respect due to scholarship; and the ghost -mini star
inquired who they were, and for what purpose they had come there-
They narrated their whole story, on which the king directed thoin to
come secretly every night and read to them tho Ramayana; forwrhich
he promised to pay them at the rate of one nishka every day. Thi«
they did for some time. When they came to tho end of tho Rama-
yana, Nrsimhacharya and the brother directed them to make due
preparation for the celebration of the coronation of&arua,as is
usually the practice even now. On the day of the reading of the
coronation portion of the Ramayana, tho brothers were presented
with many thousands of gold coins and precious stones. After the
reading was over, the ghosts narrated to the brothers their story
as follows : ' We are all related to Virupaksha, the present
sovereign of the country, and have been foully murdered
by him in our sleep. This horrible death has forced us to
haunt the palace. It was on our account that Virupaksha left this
palace and built another, seeking to got rid of us by vows and chari-
ties. But all that was of no avail. You two holy people by coming
here every night and reading to us the Ramayana have ridded us of
our sine, and wo now go to the heaven of Santanika'. They took
SRI VAISHNAVISM AND OTHER SECTS $4!
fervent Vaishnava. On this occasion the majority of his sub-
jects also became followers of Vaishnavistn *.
Virupaksha's successors were also faithful devotees of
Vishnu, without however excluding the devotion to Siva, the
old protector god of the Empire. Krishna Deva Raya wor-
shipped Vishnu, Siva and also Vithoba (an incarnation of
Vishnu known only in Maharashtra) to whom he erected a
temple in Vijayanagara 2. Achyuta Raya made in 1534
a gift of land with a house in the presence of Vitthalesvara
and on the banks of the Tungabhadra river, to each of the
two Vaishnava Brahmans who recited a puranam in the
same temple 'J. Then the same sovereign is said to have had
a son by the favour of the god of Tirupati ; hence the child is
called Venkatadri ». But the greatest achievement of Achyuta
so far as the propagation of Vaishnavism is concerned, was
loavc of the two brothers thus, and went to heaven. The palace be-
came rid of the ghosts and the whole neighbourhood, to its great
relief, was rid of the nightly disturbance. They reported the matter
to Virupaksha, and Virupaksha, on learning after inquiry what had
taken place, summoned the two brothers before him. He inquired
who they were and why had gone to the haunted palaoe. They
told him that they belonged to the village Ettur, and were the
descendants of the famous Srisailapurna whom the god Venkatcsvara
called ' grand father', and who explained the Ramayana in twenty,
four different ways to Ramanuja. They then gave a full account
of their going to the haunted palace and of what had transpired
there. On hearing the whole story, King Virupaksha felt great
reverence for the Ramayana, the god Rama and the preceptor
Nrsimha. The King was soon admitted into the Vaishnava faith by
him, for before that time he was a Vira Saiva". S. Krishnaswami
Aiyangar, Swires, p. 71-3.
1. Prapannatnrtam, I.e., p. 73. The poem says that all the subjects
of Virupaksha became Vaishnavas. This is evidently a poetical
exaggeration.
2. Of. Krishnamacharlu, The Religion of the Vijayanagara House,
Ind. Ant., XLIV, p. 222.
3. 240 of 1910.
4. Varadambika-Parinayain, 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources,
p. 172. Of. Ch. I, No. 2.
54* THE ARAVIDO DYNASTY Of VIJAYANAGARA
the foundation of the Nayakship of Madura. The Pandyas of
those days had remained faithful Saivas, as the Tenkasi inscrip-
tions of Arikesari Parakraitta Pandya prove 1. The Telugu
chiefs sent from Vijayanagara to the South were almost always
Vaishnavas. The final settlement of Vishvanatha and his suc-
cessors as rulers of the Pandya kingdom naturally marked the
commencement of a flourishing period of Vaishnavism in the
southern dominions.
7. Sadasiva, the last representative of the Tuluva family,
was also a fervent worshipper of Vishnu. In 1556, he granted
31 villages to the great sage, Ramanuja, L <?., to the sect fountded
by him — as Dr. Kielhorn understands — to enable the devotees to
carry on the regular worship of Vishnu with incense, lights,
oblations of food, flowers, dancing, singing, music, etc. 2. In
1568. at the request of Krishnappa Nayaka of Madura, he grant-
ed the villages ol Krishnapuram to the temple of Tiruvenkata-
natha, at the same place, to keep up the cult of the god Vishnu
" who shone in this place under the name of Tiruvenkatanatha,
by means of burning incense, by lights, and by the offering of
good food, cakes, etc., by means of offerings of several kinds of
flowers, by illumination with many lights, by means of dancing,
singing and music, with umbrellas, chauris on days both ordi-
nary and special, for the car festival at the beginning of each
year for the floating festival during the hot season and for the
yatrotsava 3. For Sadasiva, to die is ' to attain the Vishnava
seat ', as may be seen in a grant of his of the year 1558 4. In
his inscriptions several Vaishnava teachers are mentioned
"on different occasions : Vallabhacharya, whose eloquent pane-
gyrics as a Vaishnave guru are described in an inscription of
1544 at Govada, Guntur 6; the sannyasi Emberumanaru
Jiyyangaru, mentioned in another inscription of 1559 at
Markapur, Karnul 6 ; and finally Parankusa Van-Sathagopa
1. r. A. S., I, p. 93 and 98.
9. British Museum plates of Sadasiva, Ep. Ind., IV, p. 5-10.
3; Ep. /*£, IX, p. 341, vv. 67-69.
4. Ep. Cam., IX, Op, 186.
5. Eangacharya, I, p. 841, 825.
6. 158 of 1905.
SRI VAISHNAVISM AND OTHBR SECTS 543
Jiyysmgaru, spoken of in three inscriptions of Lower Ahobalam,
Karnul, of 1555 l, 1560 'and 1564 3. Another inscription at
the same place, of the year 1567, mentions a gift from a chief,
consisting of some offerings to be distributed among twelve
Sri Vaishnava mendicants 4.
Nevertheless, Sadasiva was not so staunch a devotee of
Vishnu as to despise • the other gods or to force people to join
his own sect. He sometimes invokes Siva, Vishnu and Ganesa
in the beginning of his grants 5. Krishnappa Nayaka of
Madura, his feudatory, built a temple to Siva in his new city
of Krishnapuram e. The most characteristic feature of this
tolerance is the fact that the Yelahanka Prabhu, Kempe Gowda
I, on returning to his dominions from his captivity at Anegundi,
adopted the worship of Siva, instead of the cult of Bhire
Devar, his family god. He thought, in changing his devotion,
that it made no difference, as Bhire Devar was the son of
Siva ; his offerings and prayers however remained in the same
family. His broad and tolerant spirit is moreover shown in
the fact that he built a temple to Vishnu at Bangalore 7.
8. Sadasiva's Regent, Rama Raya, was a no less fervent
worshipper of Vishnu than his master. The Aravidu family
appears to have worshipped Vishnu from ancient times. The
names of the majority of its chiefs are names of Vishnu or of
his avatar^s. Moreover several of those chiefs are mentioned
as staunch Vaishnavas: such are Rajanarenclra, called ' a de-
votee of Vishnu1 ; Vira Hemmaliraya, stated to be * a -devotee
of Murari (Vishnu) ', and Ramaraja (the grand father of the
founders of the Aravidu dynasty) who 'was poisoned by his
1. 65 of 1915.
2. 75 of 1915.
3. 73 of 1915.
4. 69 of 1915.
5. See for instance British Museum Plates Of 3adasiva, Ep. Ind.,
IV, p. IS,
6. Taylor, 0. H. MSS., II, p. 23. Of. Oh. XIII, No. 2.
7 Puttaiya, The K*mp< Go*** Chitfs, Q.J. M. 6., XIJ1, p. 728.
Of. Bice, Mysore, It, p. 21.
{44 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
relatives, but by the grace of Vishnu, whose devotee he was,
suffered no harm " *.
The most important act of Rama Raya in connection
with Sri Vaishnavism is the restoration of the idol of Govinda-
raja to the temple of Chidambaram. The Prapannamrtam,
relates that there was at that time a Vaishnava scholar named
Mahacharya who lived in the sacred town of Ghatikachala
(Shoiighur). He had defeated all the Saiva scholars of Chitra-
kuta (Chidambaram) among whom was the celebrated Appaya .
Dikshita. After this victory he grew desirous of re-establishing
the worship of Govindaraja in the temple of Chidambaram,
abolished since the time of the Chola King, Krimikantha
(Kulottunga II) 2. Rama Raya seems to have been then at
Chandragiri with his teacher Tatacharya. Mahacharya went
there, and with the assistance of the Emperor and his guru,
succeeded in restoring Govindaraja's idol to its old place at
Chidambaram 3.
It has been said by modern Saivas that the tremendous
defeat of Raksas-Tagdi was the punishment inflicted by
Virupaksha on the house of Vijayanagara for going over
from his cult to the cult of Vishnu. We already find this
idea in an old work of the Mackenzie Collection entitled
Jangama Kalajnyana in which the defeat and death of Rama
Raya are given in a prophetic strain by Sarvajna, a Jangama
priest, and his son Virupana, staunch devotees of Siva 4.
9. The immediate successors of Rama Raya, however, did
not abjure the cult of Vishnu. On the other hand,^ it seems their
devotion even increased. Tirumala is called in his Penuguluru
grant ' a repository of nectar-like devotion to Hari (Vishnu) ' 5.
According to the colophon of his supposed commentary on the
1. Dalavay Agrabaiam plates of Venkata II, Ep. Ind.t XII, p,
186, w, 5.6 and 9-12.
2. Of. above No. 3.
3. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 202. Cf. 8. Krishnaswami
My tuigaT, Ancient India, p. 320.
4. Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection,?. 272.
5. Ep. I*d., XVI, p, 245.
SRI VAISHNAVISM AND OTHER SECTS $45
Gita Govinda his favourite deity was Rama A. In 1568 he made
two grants to a Vaishnava temple at Khairuwalla, Karnul *. In
the same year he made another grant to another Vaishnava
temple in the village of Gundala 3. The so-called 'three
Swami pagoda \ introduced by Tirumala, displays three figures,
the central one standing, and the other two seated ; they are
said to be either Lakshmana with, Rama andSita, or Venka-
tesvara with his two wives 4. In either case this coin proves
Tirumala's Vaishnava devotion. With Tirumala also a new
Vaishnava feature appears in the royal grants. Till the battle
of Raksas-Tagdi the grants of the Emperors of Vijayanagara,
even after their converson to Sri Vaishnavism, were as a
general rule made in the presence of Virupaksha ; but after the
establishment of Tirumala at Penukonda, his grants were made
in the presence of Ramachandra in the temple of its fort 5.
His devotion to Vishnu, nevertheless, was not that of a
fanatic who despises all other deities. His grants after the
usual ' prostration to the blessed Ganadhipati ' start with an
invocation to Siva, Vishnu and Ganapati 6. One rritti of the
Penuguluru grant was by his order given to the local shrines of
Vishnu and Hara (Siva) 7. Tirumala moreover, in an inscrip-
^on of 1571, mentions the Saiva teacher, Anantasivacharya, his
pupil Ponnambala Dharmasivacharya, and the latter's pupil
Immadi Dharmasivacharya g. Another Saiva teacher is
mentioned in another of Tirumala's inscriptions dated 1577;
this guru is named Santabhiksha vritti Ayyavaru, and seems to
have been a man of great influence in Karnul 9.
During Tirumala's reign we hear of two Vaishnava temples
1. Ibid.
2. Sewell, I,p.93.
3. Rangacharya, III, p. 909, 10.
4. Brown, The Coins of India, p. 64.
5. See for instance the Penuguluru grant, Bp. Ind., XVI, p. 256,
w. 44-62.
6. See the same grant, Ibid., p. 254, vv. 1-3.
7. IbidM p. 245.
8. 497 of 1905.
9. 43 of 1915,
6*
546 THB ARAVIDU DYNASTY OP VIJAYANACARA
which were improved through the munificence of the devotees.
One was 'the temple of Bhaktapala Venugopala Krishna at
Holalakere, which had passed through different vicisssitudes
referred to in the inscription. The idol had been set up by one
Janamejaya ; but, owing perhaps to difficult circumstances,
the god was buried in the earth by a certain Vishnuvardha
Raya, till it was restored to its old shrine by Krishna Deva
Raya. Rama Raya, it seems, enlarged or beautified the temple,
which after the wars with the Muhammadans was dilapidated
and ruined. Then in 1568 Kamageti Kasturi Medakeri
Nayaka set up the ruined god, and repaired the temple with the
aid of the Brahmans of the place l. Some years later Sri Van
Sathagopa Swami established the idols of the Vaishnava
Ahars at the temple of Purushtamam (Jaganath) f.
Ranga I followed the example of his father in his devotion
to Vishnu. He is said in the Maredapalli grant ' to have borne
in his heart Sarngadhara, i.e., his god Vihnu' 3; and in the
Arivilimangalam plates he is called 'worshipper of Vishnu' 4.
Nevertheless Ranga, as much of an eclectic as Tirumala, invok-
ed Siva, Vishnu and Ganesha at the beginning of his grants *.
During his time the Hande chiefs of Anantapur, who were
bigoted Saivites, co-operated with Ibrahim Shah of Golkonda in
the sack of the temple of Ahobalam *.
10. Ranga's successor, Venkata II, was the great
Vaishnava Emperor of the dynasty. His fervent devotion to
Vishnu was the cause of a great change introduced in the
grants issued by him. During the third dynasty, and even
during the reigns of Tirumala and Ranga of the Aravidu
family, the Emperors had commenced the practice of invoking
Vishnu together with Siva at the beginning of their grants,
1. Ep. Com., IX, Ht, 7.
2. Ahobalam inscription, 8. Kriahnaiwami Aiyangar, Sources,
p. 233.
3. £/>./»</., XI, p. 323, Y. 35.
4. Ibid., XII, p. 357, T. 20.
5. See for instance the Maredapalli grant, Ep. /*£, XI, p. 327,
YV. 1-3, and the Arivilimangalam plates, Ibid., XII, p. 356, w. 14.
6. S. Kriihnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 233*4.
SRI VAZSHNAVISM AND OTHER SECTS $47
but ttill they used to sign the same grants with the solitary
word ' Sri Virupaksha ', the name of the guardian god of the
old Empire. " The Vijayanagara throne", says Mr. Krishna*
macharlu in this connection, " was still believed to be under
the blessed guardianship of the wings of Virupaksha " l.
According to the Prapannamrtam the Emperor Virupaksha
after his conversion " gave up the use of the old seal with the
sign manual Virupaksha on it, and adopted a new one on
which was inscribed the name 'Sri Rama'" 3. But his
successors had resumed the old seal of Virupaksha. Venkata II
broke this tradition for ever: Virupaksha was no longer the
protector of the Empire ; Vishnu had taken his place.
Accordingly all the grants of Venkata bear the following
signature: 'Sri Venkatesa' 3, one of the forms of Vishnu
worshipped at Tirupati. The very beginning of his grants,
moreover, shows more signs of the Vaishnava faith than the
former grants. The Padmaneri grant, for instance, starts with
an invocation to Venkatesa, the feet of Rama Vishvaksena
and the Moon 4. In the Vellangudi plates the invocation is
addressed to Rama's feet, Vishvaksena and Vishnu *. The
beginning of the Mangalampad grant is as follows: " I seek
refuge in that pair of substances (Rama's feet), by virtue of
whose touch a stone became the gem of women and which is
deserving of worship by the gods " e. Besides, almost all his
grants are made in the presence of Venkatesa at Tirupati.
We have still several other instances of Venkata's devotion
1. Krishna macharlu, The Religion of the Vijayanagara House, Ind.
Ant., XLIV, p. 221.
2. 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 73. We have not seen
any grant of Virupakeha with the colophon mentioning Sri Rama.
His ordinary signature was, it seems, Sri Harihara. Of. his
Alampundi plate, Ep. Ind., Ill p. 229, and Sornikavur plates, Ibid., VIII,
p. 305.
3. See for instance the Vellangudi plates, Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 329,
and the Pandmaneri grant, Ibid., p. 297, v. 159.
4. Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 296.
5. Ibid., p. 318.
6. Butterworth, I, p.S6,v. 1,
548 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OP VIJAYANAGARA
to Vishnu. In 1590 he made a grant to a Vaishnava shrine
under the management of one Krishna Das l. In 1597, at the
request of Krishnappa'.Nayaka of Madura, he granted two
villages in the Madura district to several Vaishnava Brahmans f.
On another occasion the King made arrangements for
celebrating a festival in the temple of Alagiyarama Perumal 8.
Venkata's gold coin, called Venkatapati pagoda, shows on the
obverse Vishnu standing under an arch, while the reverse bears
this Nagari legend : Sri Venkatesvaraya ft amah, adoration to
the blessed Venkatesvara 4. Another coin of Venkata shows
the figure of Hauuman advancing to the right, with the same
legend on the reverse 5.
II. Vaishnavism was also openly professed outside the
royal palace. Venkata's nephew Tirumala^the Seringapatam
Viceroy, starts one of his decrees with the suggestive words :
'Obeisance to Ramanuja' 6. The poet Matla Ananta in the
prologue of his works invokes the blessings of the god of
Tirupati, and in the colophon to the same work calls himself
disciple of the Vaishnava teacher Tirumala Tolappa Acharya "'.
In 1609 a gift of -seven! gold-gilt >pinnacles for the big
gopura of the'Vira Narasimha .temple'at'Diguva Tirupati, and
of two fly-whisks and an umbrella of white silk with a gill
kalasa over it, was made 'by some merchants of Aravidu *.
But the most ^interesting event in connection with the
propagation of Vaishnavism, is the icon version to this sect of
the royal house of Mysore. We do not know for certain when
this conversion took pi ace;] we are only aware that the early Rajas
1. Ranghacharya, III. p. 1497, 457.
2. Ibid., II, p. 1002, 9L
3. 385:ofl905.
4. Hultzsch,~-77i* Coins of the' Kings of Vijayanagara* Ind. Ant.,
XX, p. 308. Of. Brown, The Coins of India, p. 64.
5. Rangachari, Some Inedite Coins of the Kings of Vijayanagara ,
Iwl. Ant.t»X.X.Ill, p, 26.
6. Ep. Cam., IV, Gu, 40.
7. Gf. Krishnamacharlu, The Penuguluru Grant Ep. Ind., XVI,
p. £46.
8. 67 of 1915.
SRI VAISHNAVISM ANt> OTHER SECTS $49
of Mysore were devotees of Siva, and that shortly after this
period they appear as worshippers of Vishnu l. "But many
circumstances afford room to conjecture ", says Wilks, " that it
was about this time (after Raja Wodeyar took possession of
Seringapatam) that they adopted the insignia and ceremonies
of the sect of Vishnu" 3.
12. The whole Empire however was not Vaishnava.
Several feudatory chiefs still adhered to their old family sect.
One instance is that of the Nayaks of Vellore, who with
their families remained faithful to Siva. Lingama Nayaka,
the last known member of this dynasty, is said in the Vilapaka
grant ofVenkata II to 'be engaged in establishing lingas of
Siva ' ; 'his prize ", says tJie same grant, " was the works
relating to Siva' a. Another family very faithful to Siva
was that of the Nayaks of Ikeri. Among their titles there are
two that refer to their devotion : they are called ' establishes of
the pure Vaidika Advaita doctrine ' and 'devoted to the faith in
Siva and the guru ' *. In their zeal they seem to have
converted many of the Jains to th^ Saiva creed 5. We know
likewise of a grant of 1592 for the services of a matha, issued
by Keladi Venkatappa Nayaka, son of Sadasiva Nayaka II and
grandson of Sadasiva Raya Nayaka ; the grantor is called in the
grant 'feudatory of Venkatapatiraya, devoted to Siva and
gurus' 6. The chiefs of Uilal were likewise devotees of Siva ;
Pietro delia Valb says that the family god of the Queen he met
during his travels was Putia Somnata7.
There exist moreover several other grants of petty chiefs
announcing their liberality to the temples and to the mendi-
1. Of. Thompson, Religion in the Mysore State, Q.J. M. SM I, p. 135.
2. Wilks, History of Mysore, I, p. 43. Cf. Krishna Row, A Bruf
History of Mysore, p. 10 ; Rice, Mysore, I, p. 364.
3. Ep. In*., IV, p. 271.
4. Rice, Mysore and Coorg, p. 157.
5. Cf. Burnell, On the Colossal Jain Statue at Karkala, Ind. Ant*,
II, p. 353 ; Wilson, The Mackenzie Collection, p. 62.
6. Afu4 J>., 1923, p. 106-7.
7. Delia Valla, II, p. 341.
556 ' THE AJtAVl&TJ DYNAST* OF VlJAYANAGARA
cants of Siva. In 1612 Nanja Raja Odeyar made some offerings
to Siva l. In 1593 Immadi Rama Raja Nayaka, son of the
chief of Hadinand-sima, Devappa Gowda, made also a grant
to Siva, recorded in a stone charter he gave to Channa
Basavaraja Deva, disciple of Sivaratreya Deva *. In 1588
Vaiyappa Krishnappa Nayaka ordered 30 rice offerings to be
distributed among Saiva mendicants 8. ^
13. Furthermore the Jains were still powerful in the
Kanarese Viceroyalty. The gigantic statue of the Jain Saint,
Bhujabalin, set up at Enura (Venur) in 1603-4 is a clear proof
of this. It was erected by the chief Timmaraya of the family
ofChamunda, the younger brother of Pandya, son of Queen
Pandyaka and nephew and son-in-law of Rayakuvara. He is
said to have made the image at the request of the Jain priest
Charukirti, who was the pontiff of Belgula (Sravana-Belgola).
On the opposite side of the colossus there is another inscription,
according to which Timmaraya belonged to the lunar race and
was ruling over the kingdom of Punjalike 4.
There are still other instances of the widespread influence
of the Jains in the Kanarese country during the reign of
Venkata II. In 1591 a Kanarese Prince named Kinniga
Bhupala made a grant for the purpose of maintaining a Jain
temple6. In 1 $86 the Karkala chief Bhairavall built a Jain
temple on the Chikkabetta hill at Karkala, set up the images
of the three Tirthankaras, Ara, Malii, and Munisuvrata on each
of the four faces of the temple, and consecrated at the same
time the images of the 24 Tirthankaras and those of the Jains
together with those of Brahma and Padmavati. This temple,
built at the advice of the Jaina teacher Lalitakirti, was called
the temple 4 of the three jewels ' 8. Its chaturmukhabasti
indeed shows down to this day three nude statues of the
1. Ibid., 30.
2. Ep.Cam., IV, Oh, 135.
3. 339 of 1913.
4. Ep. Ind., VII, p. 113-4. Of. Ind. Ant* V, p. 37.
5. Sewell, II, p. 14.
6. Karkala inscription of Bhairtv* II, Ep. /»&, VIII, * 1*44.
SRI VA1SHNAVISM AND OTHER SECTS 551
Tirtbankaras strongly resembling each other, carved in black
stone, and surrounded by many other idols also naked.
14. This variety of sects, within the limits of the Empire
shows the eclectic character of the Emperors of Vijayanagara,
so inconsistent with the exclusive spirit of orthodox Vaishna-
vism l. The two most prominent representatives of this
characteristic eclecticism of the Vijayanagara House are
Krishna Deva Raya and Venkata II. The latter was really a
fervent dovotee of Vishnu, but he also favoured the cult of
Siva when occasion arose. In 1588, for instance, he gave 20
offerings to be distributed among the Saiva mendicants in ttye
Bhisesvara temple at Chidambaram *. Similarly there is a plate
of his of the year 1596 proceeding from Cuddalore, bearing a
large number of mythological figures of both the Saiva and
Vaishnava sects ; such are for instance Ganesa, the lingara,
Hanuman, Narasimha, etc. 3.
The most striking specimen of this eclecticism is given in
au edict issued some years before the accession of Venkaia in
JS6l, by Krishnappa Nayaka, the feudatory chief of the North
Kanara, when speaking of some differences between Saivas and
Vaishnavas. It runs as follows: " Obeisance to Ganadhipati.
May it be fortunate. Praise of Sainbhu. There being some who
say that besides Hari (Vishnu) there is no god in the world
and some who say that besides Hara (siva) there is no god in
the world ; to remove those doubts of mankind, they assumed
with affection in Kudalur the glorious double form of Harihara:
may he protect us.
"Beit so. To the chief lord of all worlds, the chief god
and supreme lord of the gods, destroyer of the contradictory
statements of Saivas, Vaishnavas and others, the bestower of a
boon on Markkandeya, the single incarnation of Hari and
Hara, tearer asunder of the pride of Guhasura, his two lotus
feet placed on the chest of Guhasura, worshipped by the three
worlds of heaven, earth and hell, bestower of their desires on
the faithful, granting the gift of being without fear to the
1. Of. Raychauduri, o. o., p. 116.
2. 349 of 1913.
3. 8ew*U,Hvp.9;; Baagaofaarya, I, p. 151
$52 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OP ViJAYANAGARA
dwellers in the auspicious forest Guharanya, residing on the
eastern bank of the Tungabhadra, boon-lord of Manigapura, the
god Harihara " *.
15. In spite of this eclecticism and toleration, we cannot
doubt but that the reign of Venkata II marked a period of
proselytism towards the spreading of Vaishnavism. The
Prapannamrtam tells us that, "when Venkata became a disciple
of Tatacharya, a large number of the subjects became Vaishna-
vas" 2. Tatacharya indeed was an ardent Vaishnava
missionary, and under the patronage of Venkata contributed
largely to the progress of his creed.
This proselytism produced warm disputes at the court itself
of this sovereign among the Saiva and Vaishnava teachers.
One of these controversies took place between Tatacharya
and the court poet Appaya Dikshita. This scholar was a very
fervent Saiva. He chanted four verses in honour of Siva
wherever he went, and by his zeal and preaching reconverted
many Vaishnavas to their former faith in Siva. In the religi-
ous disputation with Tatacharya, Appaya Dikshita was
victorious. Hence the royal guru cherished a mortal hatred
against him and even, they say, actually plotted to put an end
to his rival's life 3.
Another of these religious controversies took place in
Kumbhakonam between the Vaishnava philosopher Vijayindra
Tirtha and a famous Vira Saiva guru of that matha. The
condition under which it was held was that if the Saiva guru
succeeded Vijayindra Tirtha would join his matha ; but if the
latter triumphed, the Saiva guru would make over his matha
with all its belongings to his opponents. The discussion lasted
eleven days, at the end of which term the Saiva guru declared
himself vanquished. ConsequentlJ^Vijayindra Tirtha entered
into possession of the matha at Kumbhakonam *.
I. Ep. Cant., XI, Dg, 18. The edict evidently speaks of the
temple at Harihara * on the eastern bank of the Tungabhadra*.
. 2. 8. Krishaaswami Aiyangar, Sources, pi 251.
3. Subramiah Pantulu, Discursive Remarks, ltd. Ant., XXVII,
p. 326.
4. Gopinatba Rao, Anwlima^alam Plaits, £$ Ind., XII, p. 346,
SRI VAISHNAVtSM AND OTHER SECTS 555
Vijayindra Tirtha had also several discussions with
Appaya Dikshita. When the latter wrote some works con*
denming the Madhva philosophy, Vijayindra Tirtha wrote
several works against him refuting the Saiva arguments 1.
This antagonism between the two sects which existed in
some quarters of the Empire and specially in the Tamil
country, finds expression in a poem existing in the old library
of Fort St. George. This work deals with the marriage of a
Brahman's daughter with the god Ranganathaswami of Sri-
rangam,but incidentally refers to the sectarian disputes between
Saivas and Vaishnavas in the South of the Empire 8.
16. A notable instance of this struggle between the two
sects is the lamentable event that took place at Chidambaram
in the year 1597, while Krishnappa Nayaka of Jinji, himself a
staunch Vaishnava, was there superintending the improvements
which he had ordered at the temple of Govinda Raja within
the great Saiva temple. Fr. N. Pimenta, who passed through
Chidambaram at this time, narrates in one of his letters that
on this occasion a great controversy arose as to *' whether it
were lawful to place the Signe of Perimal in the Temple
at Cidambaran. Some refused, others by their Legats im-
portunatly urged, and the Naichus of Gingi Decreed to
erect it in the temple ". These last words of Pimenta indicate
that, after the restoration of the idol to the temple by Rama
Raya, it had again been removed and its shrine probably
destroyed. In order to re-instal it with due honour, Krishnappa
Nayaka ordered the old shrine to be repaired, and even
perhaps enlarged.
This was the cause of the whole trouble. " The Priests of
the Temple which were the Treasurers ", continues Pimenta,
"(were) withstanding, and threatening if it were done, to cast
down themselves from the top. The Brachmanes of the
Temple, sware to doe the like after they buried the former,
which yet after better advice they performed not ". But Krish-
nappa Nayaka was unmoved by any such threat ; the recon-
1. Ibid.
£. Taylor, Catalogue Raisonnee, I, p. 646.
70
554 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OP VIJAYANAGARA
struction of the shrine was carried on without hesitation.
Whereupon the priests, climbing one of the high gopurams of
the temple, started to cast themselves down while the Nayak was
in the temple. "About twentie had perished in that precipitation
on that day of our departure", says Pimenta ; " whereat the
Naichus angrie, caused his Gunners to shoot at the rest, which
killed two of them, the rest wandring in uncertaine places. A
Woman also was so hote in this zealous quarrel that shee cut her
owne throat ". Naturally Krishnappa Nayaka accomplished his
purpose in spite of this opposition *.
This brings us to a point in the history of Vaishnavism
and Saivism, where we see the opposition between them at
fever-heat. But the struggle between the two sects was
practically over at the end of Venkata IPs reign. Although the
sect of Siva still counted many adherents, Vaishnavism had won
the victory.
1. From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p.
208-9. Cf. Du Jarric, I, p. 637; Anquetil du Perron, 1. c., p. 169.
Printed by 3. Ganesan,
at the Current Thought Press, Triplicane, Madras.
APPENDIX A
THREE CANTOS OF A PERSIAN POEM IN PRAISE OF
HUSAIN NIZAM SHAH OF AHMADNAGAR
(P. P. P.)
656 THE ARAVlbU DVNASfY Otf VljAYAfcAGAftA
v»
L ^>J ^ lO^..' •
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APPENDIX A * 557
HUSAIN SHAH ORGANISES AN ARMY WITH THE INTENTION
OF WAGING WAR AGAINST THE INFIDEL, AND HIS
MARCH TOWARDS BIJANAGAR
1 & 2. Husain Shah, that brave king, before whom the
lion is like the fox, is the chief of the exalted and
mighty men; because on him men and genii
bestow ' Afareen's (i.*. Bravo !)
3. Lord of the sword, the throne, and the crown ; as
resplendent as the sun ; with honour and diginity.
4 & 5. With his pomp and grandeur and wisdom, with
his awfulness and strength and bravery, none
existed and never came into this world. World-
possessor and victorious; with honour and respect.
6. He had such a sword and such a powerful arm,
that on account of him there was a tumult and
uproar in the world.
7 & 8. In heart he cherished no other desire, and his
inclinations were bent towards no other direction,
but to fight against the infidel Rao of Bijanagar
and subdue sedition and wickedness.
9. Because many Moslems had suffered oppression at
the hands of the wicked infidel.
10. He always asked of the kindness of God only to
make him successful in the battle.
11. In short, without delay, he marched towards the
kingdom of Bijanagar in order to fight.
12. He arrayed his army with the intention of
fighting, in a manner that none had mustered
army.
558 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
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APPENDIX A
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HUSAIN SHAH'S WAR AGAINST RAM RAJ, THE KING OF
BIJANAGAR, AND HIS VICTORY
1. Early morning when the bird stretched its wings,
the brain of the sphere (*. e. sky) became void of
pictures (i. e. stars).
2. The cock shouted to the black demon (i. e. the
night) ; the clamour of the drums began roaring.
3. When the infidel came to know that the army had
approached, the world appeared dark to the eyes
of the infidel.
4. He gathered an army (equipped) with arrow and
sword. . Its burning flash reached the clouds.
5. On account of the tramplings of the steel-shod
animals, even the earth shook to its foundation.
6. On account of the excessive shouts that came
from the ambush, the sky dropped down to the
earth.
7. From the resurrection-like clamouring of noise,
the beasts of the desert took to flight.
8. When their musical instrument was tuned for
war, (or when their weapons were ready for
battle) the devil ran away on 'account of their
shouts.
9. Two clouds from two sides began clamouring ;
and two seas of fire came to ebullition.
10* From both the armies arose 'such a tumultuous
noise that the horror of it made the brain of the
devil mad.
11. When the .armies stood facing each other, the
hero came forward from both the sides.
12. The black cloud began to roar (the reference is to
the army clad in iron). From the fish (in the sea)
the flash of the sword reached the sky .
13. On account of the galloping which pressed the
foot on the ground, the bones of the limbs of the
THE ARAVIDtl DYNASTY OF VlJAYAKACiARA
bullock got crushed. (The reference is to the belief
that the earth stands on the back of the bullock
that stands on the back of the fish which is in
the sea).
14. The weapon-shattering arrow, coming and going
successively, pierced through the limbs of steel-
devouring lions (warriors).
15. The twangs of the arm-breaking bows made
unconscious many a man.
16. The rows of bulky elephants as dreadful as war,
entered the army like mountains.
17. Eye-lashes, like spear, eyes cornelian-like;
from trunk to tail immersed in iron.
18. From the many rows of stout elephants, the earth
became indigo coloured on account of their tramp-
lings.
19. The clamour of the two armies passed through
the sphere in such a way that the angel became
deaf.
20. But the number of persons killed was greater on
the side of the infidels ; and the heart of Infidelity
was more injured than Islam.
21 & 22. Husain Shah, that monarch of the world, whom
the fierce lion feared, decorated the market of
battle, (and) stirred the flowing water.
23. As a sword-belt, an Indian sword like water ; in
lustre greater than the fountain of the sun.
24. A helmet of Indian steel on his head, so lustrous
that (even) jewel was envying it.
25. Seated on horseback, like a mountain ; happy
spiritual and cheerful.
26. When he caught hold of the sword of malice,
there came about defeat in the market of the
infidel.
27. The disgraceful infidel lost his heart as the heart
of wax from the furnace.
APPENDIX A 563
28. Success became the guide of Husain Shah. The
captives asked for refuge.
29. When the enemies were involved in comtempt,
the brave infidels showed humility.
30. With the blow of the spear the head of the
infidel Ram Raj fell to the ground, and (also)
his crown.
31. On account of the falling of the infidel (struck)
with a sharp below ; you may say, appeared
resurrection.
32. With a single sign that the king made, his head
was cut and stuffed with straw.
33. From the slain over slain of valiant men, the road
was blocked to the wayfarer.
34. On account of (the excessive) booty which they
brought to the king ; the wealth could not be lod-
ged in the plain.
35. When the Shah saw that precious and weighty
commodity, like the sea, (he saw) a desert full of
treasure.
36. Because of the success over the infidels and
the plunder of treasure, he became joyful,
and remained at ease from travelling and dis-
tress.
37. For the sake of warning he glanced at those slain
Apparently he laughed, (but) wept in-wardly.
38. " Saying: — Why is it necessary to kill so many
creatures in this strife with sword and arrow ?
39. " If I attribute the fault to them, it is unlawful.
If I regard the crime on my part, that also is a
mistake.
40. " It is in the nature of the sphere to cast down
head ; it is not possible to draw the head from
destiny.
41. " Who knows with what blood of heart this heap
of dust is mixed."
THE ARAVIDU D^NA^TY OF1 VIJAVANAGAfcA
42. " Oh cupbearer ! intoxicate me with wine ; (and)
when you have given me wine, place in my hand
sweets."
43. (Give me) "From that wine with which I may
gladden my heart ; (and) in hell make it a tale
(preventive) against fire. "
APPENDIX A
565
^f&&'+ • * -7
X
566 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
HUSAIN SHAH'S RETURN FROM THE WAR AGAINST THE
INFIDEL AND THE CONQUEST OF BIJANAGAR TO
AHMADNAGAR. AND HIS DEPARTURE FROM THE
ABODE OF DESTRUCTION TO THE ABODE OF
ETERNITY
1. The relater of the Dari (language) story so versified
the narration : —
2. " When fortune became the mate of the king, he
laughed like pomegranate-dower, and blossomed
like the rose."
3. " He opened the door of treasure to those desirous
of wealth. The soldiers became rich on account
of money and jewels."
4. " With treasure he rendered rich the brave and
valiant, (so much so) that the army was distressed
by carrying wealth."
5. " He ordered* the drums to be beaten, and they
marched to their native place."
6. "They (officers) played, Proceed! Proceed!
(March) one the golden flute, (and) fixed thepavil.
lion on the back of the Pleiades."
7. " The king struck the drum and drove the army
and caused the top of his banner to reach the sky."
8. " Successful and victorious, he departed, having
cut the head of the Rao of Bijanagar."
9. "(He marched) towards his own country and
place of rest which was the capital — Ahmad-
nagar."
10. " Husain Shah, that victorious Shah, elevated his
head to the higher sphere."
11. c< He sat on his special horse, galloping on his
dancing steed."
12. " The army from every quarter moved in caval-
cade, to an extent that no one knows its number, "
APPENDIX B
DOCUMENTS FROM THE GOVERNMENT ARCHIVES
OF PORTUGUESE INDIA
(Atquivo da Secretaria Geral do Govtrno, Pangim).
688 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF V1JAYANAGARA
I
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF KING PHILIP II TO THE
VICEROY MATIAS DE ALBUQUERQUE
(Lisbon, January 12th, 1591).
E assi me escreue (Manoel de Souza) que no Canara se
fez a maior parte da pimenta que ueo nestas naos, e que
entende que ao diante se fara cada vez maes que sera de
muito effeito pera o auiamente da carga de cada anno, e que
trabalhaua por ter contentes os Reis daquella costa por
respeito da pimenta que dao de que a maior parte he das
terras de Sao carnao botto o qual tratara auia poucos dias
com o IdalxA pera Ihe entreguar alguas f ortalezas suas o que
nao queriao consentir os Reis uezinhos, e que seria Isto de
muito dano asi pera a pimenta como pera as f ortallezas que
tenho naquella costa e que por esse respeito o mandara
auisar per suas cartas que nao tratasse de se sogeitar sendo
liure e que posto que Ihe nao respondera hia temporisando
com elle. E porque o comercio da pimenta daquella costa he
de tanta Importancia como sabeis, e tella certa pera a cargua
das naos volla encomendo muy encarecidamente. E sobre a
materia de Sam Carnao botto que he de tanta considerasao
como se deixa bem entender pello discurso della vos enco-
mendo tenhaes nella muita vigilan9ia e que em nenhu modo
consintaes entreguarensse aquellas f ortallezas ao Idalx&
procurando de Iho estrouar por to das vias que puder ser
tendo nisso tal modo que com se fazer este effeito nao se
mouao nouos descontentamentos com o Idalxd,
Monroes do Reino, No. 3, Ano de 1585 ate 1598,fol. 406.
II
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF KING PHILIP II TO THE
VICEROY MATIAS DE ALBUQUERQUE
(Lisbon, January 12th, 1591)
Tambem me escreue o ditto g°r (Manoel de Souza) que
pella entregua que o Sao carnao botto faz ao Idalxa de suas
f ortallezas fica a de Barcellor com maior sobro9o por estar
daneficada, e quasi de todo arruinada, pello que mandara
Inuernar nella Joao de Valladares de Soutomayor com
quarenta soldados e atenha mandadado uer por officiaes pera
se repairar, posto que nao detreminaua fazer muita obra
nella por nao estar em sittio pera 1930, E porque assi como
B
nao conuem fazerensse nouas f ortallezas nesse estado he
necessario acudirsse as que estao feitas, pello credito e
reputa9ao delle, e se preuenir o que poderia a contecer nao
estando defiensaueis vos encomendo q. com esta de Barcellor
tenhaes a contta que conuem e pede a vezinhanza que hora
diz q. tern.
Monroes do Reino, No. 3, Ano de 1585 afe 1598, fol. 408.
Ill
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF KING PHILIP II TO THE
VICEROY MATIASDE ALBUQUERQUE
(Lisbon, January 18th, 1595.)
E tambem diz que El Rey de Canan(or) nao he poderoso
para impedir que nao sayao olandeses de seus portos posto
que entende que os consinte pella parte que tern das prezas
que fazem, e que por esta causa e por dar pouca pimenta
Ihes pos por condi9ao nos cartazes que Ihes con9edeo q saindo
alguns cassairos de seus portos Ihe nao ualheriao e ficariao
de preza os nauios que os leuassem, e que dom fernando de
meneses Capitao daquella fortalleza trataua co Cunhi copra
mouro principal naquelle Reino sobre da valgua pimenta o
que tenho por de meu serui9O como sempre o sera todo o
bom modo de se auer maes pimenta.
Monroes do Reino, No. 3, Ano de 1585 afe 1598, fol. 408.
IV
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF KING PHILIP II TO THE
VICEROY MATIAS DE ALBUQUER QUE
(Lisbon, February 18th, 1595.)
E tiue contentamimto de mi dizerdes qui por achardis as
f ortallezas do canara faltas de m undoes e fracas as mandaris
prouer e fortificar. E Vos encomindo qui assy o fa9ais
sempre com elas.
Monroes do Reino, No. 3, Ano de 1585 ate 1 598, fol. 532.
V
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF KING PHILIP II TO THE
VICEROY MATIASDE ALBUQUERQUE
(Lisbon, February 8th, 1596.)
Tambem me dis (Matias de Albuquerque) que mandou
o Idalcao algus capitaes seus sobre os Reis Esnores do
Canarii a jnstancia da Rainha de Baticalla, e que tomarao
duas fort"* no Gatty se o allevantamento de hirmao do ditg
THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGABA
Idacao o nao obrigara aos mandar chamar no que o dito
Visorrey fez o q* Ihe pare9eo qf Cutnpria a meu serui^o, e
Vos encomendo que com a informa9ao deste caso procedais
tambem nelle como conuem, e assy no qf toca a morte Del
Rey da Serra a que diz q' sucedeo hu jrmao.
Monroes de Reino, No. 4, Ano de 1595 te 1598, folt 631.
VI
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF KING PHILIP II TO THE
VICEROY MATIAS DE ALBUQUERQUE
(Lisbon, January 2nd, 1596.)
Indo de algus anos a esta pte em muita deminusao a
rendados d*0'* dos cauallos que uem de Ormuz mandei dar
licensa peraque se pudisem trazer ao Canara, Cochim e
outras p*", e que sea demandasem os direitos.
Monroes do Reino, No. 4, Ano de 1595 te 1598, fol. 673.
VII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF KING PHILIP III TO
THE VICEROY AYRES DE SALDANHA
(Valladolid, December 23rd, 1604).
Do fruto que tiuerem feito osque residem com el Rey de
Bisnaga, spero q'me auiseis e folge(y) d' auerem sido bem
agasalhades e respondidos de Vos os Embaixadores deste Rey
como m(e es)creueis q' fizestes.
Monroes do Reino, No. 9, Ano de 1604, fol 1.
VIII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF KING PHILIP III TO TH E
VICEROY MARTIM AFONSO DE CASTRO
(Lisbon, February 26th, 1605.)
Diz (Ayres de Saldanha) que os Christaos da costa da
pescaria teueram o anno passado alguas vexasoes do Naique
de Madure com tributes nouos. E dos cortisias que fez a
hum religioso da companhia sobre que ficaua com algus
Requerimentos nesa cidade Manoel da Cunha Paj dos
Christas da costa da Pescaria, emcomendouos fauoregaes
* " direytos," in another copy of the same letter, fol. 720*
APPENDIX B 571
a Christandade em tudo o que f oi posiuel e procureis por todos
os meos que o dito Naique cesse di fazer semelhantes
extorcoes.
Monroes do Reino, No. 6 (2a pte) 1, Ano de 1605 te 7607,
fol. 19.
IX
A LETTER OF KING PHILIP III TO THE KING OF CANANOR
(Lisbon, December 23rd, 1606.)
Copia da carta q uay nestas uias p el Rey de Cananor.
Muito nobre Rey de Cananor eu Dotn felippc ettz Vos faco
saber que por carta do meuViso Rey f uy inf ormado que nessas
partes andauao Roubando algus leuantados dos estados
de flandes que sam sogeitos a minha coroa e indo ter
ao porto de uossas terras offerecemdouos sua amisade e peu-
rando uosso fauor e ajuda para poderem carregar suas naos
nao soo as nao consentistes mas acodistes com gente a
socorrer a minha f ortalesa q'tudo he conf orme a uossa nobreza
e lealdade, nem fora comueny ente a ella dar entrada a
Piratas e a leuantados da obediencia de seu Rey e snor
natural, e nesta boa comRespondencia espero pcedais sem-
pre de que terey disso comtentamento. e vos emcomendo
q'maodeis aduirtir em todos os portos de uossas terras os nao
consintao nelles mem Ihe dem carga para suas naos e delles
nao sejao paros a Roubar de manra que por falta de aduirten-
cia nossa nao su9eda o contr0 p que Receberey disso muito
disprastr e ao meu Viso Rey escreuo ordene q minhas Armadas
se emcontrem com os ditos Rebeldes para Ihe darem o castigo
que merecem, e o mesmo Ihe mando f aga aos que nessas p"
Ihe darem fauor e Recolherem em seus portos e ho auiso q' en
tudo o que uos cumprir desse estado procure daruos satisfacao
comforme ha muita q'de uos tenho muito Nobre Rey de Cana-
nor Nosso Snor uos alumie em sua graca e Com ella uos aja.
semp" em sua guarda, escrita em Lx* a 23 de Dezbr° de
606.
Mangoes do Reino, No. 6 (lapte), Ano de 1600 te 1603, fol.
116.
X
A LETTER OF KING PHILIP III TO VENKATA II
(Madrid, January 27th, 1607.)
Copia da carta q' uay nestas uias p* el Rey de Bisnaga.
Muite Nobre Rey de bisnagd.
THE ARAVJDU IXYNASfY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Eu Dom Phelippe, etc*. Vos faco saber q eu tenho
eateadidoo bom acolhim* q emuos achao os Religiosos da
Comp*. £ o f auor e ajuda q'lhes dais nas cousas da Christan-
da,de de q me Pare^eo uos deuia dar (como f a$o por esta minha
carta) as diuidas gramas, e significaruos a boa Vontade com
q por este Respeito f olguarey de uos comprazer todo o Possiuel
em uosas couzas, £ assy mdo . ao meu Viso Rej desse estado
q o fa$a no q-nos delle Cumprir £ espero de Vossa nobreza
q* continuareis este bom procedim*0. com os ditos Religiosos
de Man", cada vez me d(eu)ria Eu hauer por mais
obriguado delle muito nobre Rey de bisnaga nosso S°r. uos
alumie com Sua gra^a e com ella aja uossa pessoa em sua
guarda.
Escrita em Madrid, a 27. de Jan™ de 607.
Monroes do Reino, (No. 6 1a pte), Ano de 1600 te 1603,
fol. 124.
XI
A LETTER OF KING PHILIP III TO THE VICEROY
DOM JERONYMO D'AZEVEDO
(Lisbon, February, 20th, 1614.)
Dom Jeronimo dazeuedo Viso Rey da India amigo. Eu
£1 Rey Vos inuio muito saudar. O Bispo de Meliapor me
escreueo representando os seruisos que me tern f eito no cerco
que se pos aquella cidade E enfortificar e na tomada do forte
que os olandeses tinha em Paleacate, E em outras cousas, e
que por se nao pagar o q' tenho aplicado a fabrica daquela
sei na vi(o) ordenados (o)s Sa^erdotes e ministros que nella
serue e se destruire as terras que o Rey de bisnagti daua para
sua sustenta9ao paga
Per ser informado q a cazada my4 da mesma cidade de
Meliapor e a muitos annos q' anda mal gouernada aplican-
candose o dr°. dos depozitos a os uzos pas pessoas que nella
sirue......
Escrita em Lis' a xx de fro de 1614 O bispo Dom
Pc^dro.
Monroes do Rcino, No. 12, Ano de 161 4, fol. 143.
XII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF THE VICEROY DOM
JERONYMO. D'AZEVEDO TO KING PHILIP III
(1613)
Resposta da Carta que tratta dos P**. da Comp*. que
residem no Reino de Bisnagi.
APPENDIX B 578
Primeyo. Estes Relligiosos que estauao em Bisnaga, -e
residiao em Chandegri, onde o Key assiste ; tanto que sens
Supperiores souberao de qf V. Mage. sobre elles escreueo os
fizerao logo recolher para a sua Prouincia, que f oi perda pa.
muitas couzas do serui9O de V. Mag4, e disto em particular
resultou ter£ oje os Holandeses fortz*. em Paleacate, e a
guerra q per ordem daq1*. Rey se fez a Meliapor com m °.
danno daquella cidade, e cada dia, e cada dia succederao
outros incomuenientes. Polio q ey q nao so he necess"\ resi-
direm em Chandegri junto a pessoa do Rey, que fazdelleca-
bedal, mas tambem em Paleacate tomandoseaquella fortz*. aos
Holandeses (como eu confio em Deus, q hade ser breue mte. co
a armada, q ally dettremino enuiar) e em outros portos da-
quella costa, porq' em todos ser& sempre a sua assistencia, e
bons officios, q co prudencia sabem f azer de muito effeito contra
quaes quer intentos destes Rebeldes, e porq' toda aquella
gente deppende de interesse pare9eme, q nao so* conuem, qe se
Ihes proueja a estos Relligiosos o necessro. p* sua susten-
ta9ao, mas algua cousa maes, qe possa dar, e q co isto se 'con-
sequirao p seu meyo muitas q de outra man" obrigariao a
se faser6 grandes gastos para as Remedear. E assy por isto,
como porq' quando eu estaua em Ceilao Ihes ficaua Vesinho, e
sey q procediao exemplarmte. Polio q a informa9ao q. foi
dada a V. Mag", deuia progeder de emulasao (cousa muy
ordin" entre Eccle^idsticos) ou de outro algu particular
respto. E principalmtc. por entender, q essa he aten9ao de
V. Mag . ando trattando co o seu Prouincial, que os torne a
enuiar ally. Aos de Madure se dani a ordin"1 q V. Mage
manda E eu Ihes dey de parte de V. Mag8, as gra9as do bom
procedimento, q" tern nas materias da Christandade, q elles
mere9em muy bem, porq se empregao neste ministerio co todo
cuidado e applica9ao.
Monroes do Reino, No. 12, Ano de 1614, fol. 26.
XIII
A LETTER OF KING PHILIP III TO THE VICEROY
DOM JERONYMO D'AZEVEDO AND THE
LATTER'S REPLY
(Lisbon, March 7th, 7613.)
Dom Jeronimo dazeuedo Viso Rey da India amigo Eta
El Rey uos enuio muito saudar. Por cartas do Viso Rey Ruiz
Lco. detau". e do Bispo de Meliapor entendi o apeftado
9ferco que a gente dEl Rey de Bisnaga poz aqla 9idade, e qu5o
necessario he f ortificarse, assi e por se(r) de tanta importaneia
574 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
para a nauega9ao, e comercio dos m1*'. della, e principal,
mente por estar aly o corpo do bema(ue)nturado Sao
Thomfc, pello que hey por bem que a a 9idade se fortefique, e
de con9eder para sua fortificagao hua viagem de Choromandel
diante de todos os prouidos, como uereis pella prouisao que
mandei pass(ar) e se uos enuiara com esta, e vos encomendo
que p(ara) o bom effeito, e cumprimento della dels todo o
f auor e ajuda necessrla. e para a obra da dita fortefica9ao
se fazer co toda a breuidade, despendendose n(ell)a odr°.
procedido da dita viagem para se acabar a obra da dita
fortefica9ao uos deuia ordenar (q o) Bispo procurasseis por
persuadir aos Marado(r)es (della) que pozessem sobresy
para ella odrK dehum p ( ) em suas f z*". como ha nas
mais cidades em q. de(uem) uir facilmente por ser para sua
defensao, nao o ( ) por bem de que por ahora se tratasse
de a carregar com este nouo dereito por respeito das perdas
que padecer(em) no 9erco, e co esta considera9ao uos hey
por encarre(gado) tratar deste negO9io quando enterderdes
q (sea) paraisso milhor occassiao, e hauendo algu alu( )
com que possais ajudar a dita obra, o fa9ais, com tamto que
nao seiao viagems, ne cousa com que se prejudique aos
prouidos, ne de minha f z\ pello estado em que ella ella para
isso esta como sabeis.
O mesmo Viso Rey me escreueo tambe como os Mora-
dores da ditta 9idade de sao Thome de Meliapor Ihe pediao
ajudas e fauor, nao so para se forteficar, mas para se incor-
porar na jurisdi9ao desse estado, e se por alfandega, e
arrecador para minha fz\ os quatro por 9ento que se
pagao de drto\ na praya a El Rey de Bisnaga, o qual
hi tao uelho qe se espera por boras sua morte, e que aja co
ella discen9o6s, e occasiao, de se poder6 senhorear aquellas
terras, o q* se me representou ser de muita considera9ao
pello trabalhaso estado em q esse Esta em muitas cousas a
que ha que acudir e estar 9erto o mal q o tomarsi aquelle
Rey, ou os q Ihe suceder, com que nao somtc% sera mui
difficultoso conseguir o qe se propoS (ainda q" se meta muito
cabedal) mas se arriscara a q co essa occasiao dem os portos
qe te naquella costa aos Olandeses q os deseiao muito, e que
tendo os elles seajintem hus e outros, e deitem dally meus
vassalos, pello q me pareceo deueruos remeter esta materia,
e encomendaruos (como faco) que sopostas todas estas diffi-
cultades pondo tudo em conselho facais nella o qe se assen-
tar, e uirdes que mais conuem ao serui9O de Deos e meu, e
seguranta daquella 9idade auisandome particularm^ do qe
se asentado e fizerdes.
APPENDIX B 575
E porque eu tenho muita satisfagao da pessoa e seruigos
do dito Bispo, e do bem que progedeo no dito gerco, E elle se
me queixa que se Ihe nao pagao seus ordenados Vos
encomendo que co muita Preuidade Ihe fagais pagar todo o
que delles Ihe fer deuido, e que os que for uensendo se Ihe
pagem com pontualidade, e que encarregueis a algus criados
seus q elle
E porque tambem fui auizado do bem q o Naique de
Tanjaor se ouue em meu seruico na occasiao do dito gerco
Ihe mando agradecer por minha carta que se uos enuiard,
com esta para Ihe enuiardes como uereis da copia della.
Escrita 6 Lis& a sete de Margo de 1613 Rey.
* (Cap. 1 ° ). Tanto que Recebi esta carta de V. Mag*
vendo a merce que por ella faz a gidade de Meliapor, para sua
forteficagao de hua viagem de Choromandel p* Malaca passei
logo patente della para a fazer a pessoa qe o Bispo e gidade
nomeasse, e assi Ihe passei prouisao pra co o procedido della
se correr na forma q V. Mage por este cap0 manda...
(Cap. 2°.) Este Rey de Bisnaga he falecido, e como
naquella cidade de Meliapor nao ha presidio n6 forga para
venger os contrastes q recresere queremdose tratar de q neste
capit0 se apporta me paregeo q nao era tempo de de fer nesto
nouidade.
(Cap. 3 ° .) ( ) amtc mil xe q v- Mag"" faz o Bispo Ihe
passei prouisao e procurarei q comeffeito se Ihe pague...
(Cap. 4 ° .) A carta de Vossa Magde para o Naique de
Tanjaor se mandao ao Bispo para elle Ihe enuiar. Guarde
Deus a Cat*, pessoa de V. Mg«. como a Christandade ha
mister deste galeao todos os Santos a 21 de Janro de 1615.
Monroes do Reino, No. 12, Ano de 1614, fols. 143-144.
XIV
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF THE VICEROY DOM
JERONYMO D'AZEVEDO TO KING PHILIP III
(Goa> December 24th, 1613.)
E os de Meliapor e particular q sao todos muy liures,
e nao bem acostumados, e a experiencia te mostrado qe nao
se milhorarao nenhua cousa por hauer alij Bispo, n§ hera
necessro.
Monroes do Reino, No. 12, Ano de 1614,foL 51.
* This is the draught of the Viceroy' answer written in
the margin of the same folio.
576 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYAMAGARA
XV
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF THE VICEROY DOM
JERONYMO D'AZEVEDO TO THE KING PHILIP III
(Goa, December 26th, 1613.)
A cidade de Meliapor desejei muito prouer de hu pre-
sidio, e dar Ihe p cabeca hu fidalgo de authoridade porque de
faltar aly semelhante pessoa a q se tenha respeito, hey q
resultao as desordens, q nella se commet6 e estar co a diuisao
e discordia dos moradores maes arriscada, e em particular
para acudir dally a impedir o q os Olandeses intentarg de
nouo naquella Costa e trattar de lar^ar os q estao em
Palleacate; communiquey a matteria 6 conselho, e pare9eo q
era hu& das maes importantes, q de preserve auia para bem
do estado, trattouse taobetn da pessoa, e polios mais Vottos
sahio q fosse dom Bernardo de Noronha, e assy Ihe mandey
declarar e q Ihe daria tudo o q se pudesse tirar do estado co
o mesmo ordenado q* tern o capitao de Ormuz, e os poderes
naquella cidade e em toda aquella costa q? se comsedem aos
Capitaos mores das armadas, E por maes officios, q com ele
se fezerao da minha parte, pello Ar^ebispo e por Dom Luis
dagama E ultimanv*. pello Secret'0, do estado como Ministro de
V. Magc. dizendolhe q1 como as maos chegassem Ihe enuiaria
gente co q e podesse dar em Paleacate, E em sua companhia
levaria logo todo o q pudesse tirasse daqui, resolueose co
tudo em o nao fazer, e posto que entendi q era este caso
digno de se fazer hu& grande demonstracao sobre, deixey
todavia de o fazer p nao acabar de se desacreditar o seruiso.
...V. Mag3 o mandara fazer e tudo como o uuer qc
le maes seu seruico
...Goa a 26 de Dezro de 1613.
Monroes do Reino, No. 12, Ano de 1614, fol. 51.
XVI
AN EXTRiACT OF A LETTER OF THE VICEROY DOM
JERONYMO D' AZEVEDO TO KING PHILIP III
(1613.)
Reposta a la Carta, q tratta dos Reis Vesinhos
Ao Samori e Rey de Cananor se derao as gra$as como
V. Mag* manda do bom procedimento q tiuerao na occasiao
dos olandeses q vierao a esta costa, e assy se f az sempre nas
semelhantes, q se offerees.
Monroes do Reino, No. 12, Ano de 1614, fol. 21.
AfPfiNDtX B 57?
XVII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF THE VICEROY DOM
JERONYMO D'AZEVEDO TO KING PHILIP III
(1613.)
A cidade de Meliapor he pouoada de gente, q estaua
custumada a Viuer co toda liberdade, onde a Justi9a nao tern
mais lugar de fzer sen off °.q o que os mesmos moradores Ihe
querS dar, e emparticular os qc sao poderosos, porq como
aquella terra he do Rey de Bisnaga, e nao ha aly presidio, nS
poder de q* se temao cada dia succede estas, e outras rauitas
desordens sem se podere remediar, e posto q 6 principal
respeito, porq desejo por naquella cidade hu fidalgo de
authoridade pa seruir de capitao della e ter hua guarnic.ao
competente p\ as cousas da guerra,qe se offere?er5 e fortalesa
de Palleacatte, q aly tem, todavia considero tambem a neces-
sidade que ha aly de Semelhantes pessoas, co poder p*. ^nfrear
aquelles moradoses, e os faser Viuer em temor, sobediencia
das Justi9as e em quanto isto nao ha nenhua cousa montao
deuassas, e eu fico aduertide da q V. Mag0, manda, qe se tire
de Ant*. Pereyra de Sousa cujo procedimento he tao
conhecido, qc se° eu podera haner as maior poucas prouas
mais se Ihe ouuerao de buscar.
Monroes do Reino, No. 12, Ano de 1614, fol. 30.
XVIII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF THE VICEROY DOM
JERONYMO D1 AZEVEDO TO KING PHILIP III
(December 31st, 1614.)
Por o Bispo de Meliapor me faztr instancia todo este
jmuerno passado sobre se emuiar a quella cidade hu fidago
de qualidade a que se tiuesse respeito e algua gente de guerra
com q obrigasse aos detr* a Iho terem e para o q comprisse
para sua defensao e o mais q se offere9esse tocante a f ortz*
q os olandeses tem feito em Paliacate e em particular para
compor e aquietar os bandos q aly ha entre os moradores
daquella terra qe sao de qualidade q" se pode mto. temer q esta
seja a principal occaziao para seella perder ; Tinha assent ado
de enviar aly dom Bernardo den1*, o qual s§ embargo de nao
hauer aseitado o anno passado fazer esta Jornada a aseitaria
agora, e somente esperaua q as naos chegasse para da jenta
dellas Ihe dar ate 9ento e sincoenta homls, porem como V.
Mag"*, em hua das cartas q me escreue nao aproua que se
&78 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGA&A
enuie para residir aly semelhante pessoa dezisti do negocio,
ne elle podera jd. ter effeito se nao em f erro. q° Vem por as
naos hauere tardado, quererrf, Deus qe desta minha Jornada
resulte ficar isto do Norte nos termos q conuS porq'com isso
me disporei logo a trattar das cousas daquellas partes, e por
Ventura q passe em possoa a ellas.
O Rey de BisnagA he morto e se mouerao co isso grandes
dis9encoes sobre a suc^essao daquelle Reino, e hu q elle
deixou nomeado nao se satis fizerao os grandes, e o matarao,
e estao as cousas nesta confuzao, e tempo era este q* se
estiuer(a) aly hua pessoa de confian?a co algua gente fora
fasel Ian9ar mao de algua cousa naquelles contornos.
Desta parajen dos Ilheos queimados ao ultimo de Dezro.
de 1614.
D ledojmo dazeuedo.
Monroes do Reino, No. 12, Ano de 1614, fols. 165-166.
XIX
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF THE VICEROY DOM
JERONYMO D'AZEVEDO TO KING PHILIP III
(January Mh, 1616).
V Mgdc. tern con9edido aestacidade de Meliapor duas
viagens de Choromadel para se f orteficar as quas antepus as q
V, Mgde. te con9edido para o estado, com o procedido dellas
se podeni dar principio a obra e faser parte della e conforme
ao q isto luzir mandara V. Mgde. emtao trattar da mais mer9e
q for justo q para a dita fortefica9ao mande faser.
Monroes do Reino, No. 12, Ano de 1614, fol. 218.
XX
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF KING PHILIP III TO
THE VICEROY AYRES de SALDANHA
(Lisbon, January 22nd, 1601.)
E assy dizem que pela fortaleza de Manar estar muito
desbaratada, os Religiosses da Companhia que Ressidem
naquelas partes persuadirao aos Christaos da pescaria,
dessem algua ayuda a sua custa para o Repairo. E comcerto
da dita fortaleza, E que Vierao em dar a metade do custo
que se fezesse para o que logo depossitarao dous mil pardaos,
e que ate gora (se) nao tinha ordenado nhua coussa nella,
emcomendouos, deis ordem, como se fa9a esta obra. E que
APPENDIX B
aeya de maneira que fique aquela fortaleza defensauel, para
os a. Adentes que Ihe sebre Vieratn pois estes Christaos da
pescaria querem contribujr com a metade da dep. a desta
obra.
Monroes de Rtino, No. 8, Ano de 1601 te' 1602, fol. 79.
XXI
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF THE VICEROY DOM
JERONYMO D'AZEVEDO TO KING PHILlt? Ill
(1613).
Os auizes q V. Magd" me escreve que teve de naos
olandezas e Ingresas q seaprestauao para passar a estas
partes, e depodere ser ja partidas alguas, me nao fez nenhua
nouidade, perq isto mesmo espero q sejacada anno em qto se
nao cortarg as raizes que c& tern lansado esta gente.
De nenhua destas naos olandezas ha nouas ategora e o
Bispo de Meliapor me escreuee q nao auia aportado por la
nenhua embarcasao sua, sendo assi q os olandeses q residem
en Paleacate estauao co muito cuidado aguardandoas ; e
posto quo uendo eu q nenhua das naos do Reino chegou ca...
Monroes de Reine, No. 12, Ano de 1612, fol. 31.
APPENDIX C
DOCUMENTS FROM THE PRIVATE ARCHIVES OF THE
SOCIETY OF JESUS
582 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OP VIJAY AN \OARA
I
, AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. FRANCESCO RICIO
TO Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAVIVA
(Chandragiri, October 20th, 1601.)
Nesta terra de Sao Thome ha duas man™ de lingoas, da
terra hua como da pescaria q eu tinha prendido, a outra dos
badaguas ; p isso comensei a prender a lingoa dos badagua's,
e p ter semelhansa hua co outra facilm" entrei nella, e luogo
fez hua arte da mesma lingoa tudo isso parece q foi providen-
cia de dispor q veo a Sao Thome o p . Visitador Nicolas
Pimenta pa . visitar os p." encomendou mto q se buscasse
modo de ter entf ada nesta corte de bisnaga p' , poder nestes
reynos manifestar a ley de Christo Nosso Snor, & sendo
reitor o p* . Simao de Saa p meu de hu criado sobro del Rey
q se chama oburaja entramos nesta corte p. q. hoburaja es-
creveos duas ollas aos p" q (fosse) co elle q Ihe faria m.1"
honras E assi ho p. Simao de Saa e eu por seu companheiro
viemos a esta cidade de Chandrigirim a (ter) co elle o qual
nos fes mu* honras e nos levou a el rey o qual tabe nos fes ho
mesmo e nos deu Iisen9a q nos podessemos fazer igregia e
cazas nesta sua cidade despois d'isto fomos a Sao Thome e
escrevemos a Goa ao p" . Visitador o q passamos co el Rey,
o qual mandou logo o p' Manoel da Veigua ordenando que
fosse eu em sua cop/ e viessemos neste Chandrigrim a fazer
igregia E assi vimmos prater90 oburajo o qual depois de nos
ter feito mu.u honra nos apresentou a el Rey o qual folguo co
nossa vinda o burajo p vontade del rej nos deu hu logar m."
bo e grande p/ fazer Igregia pequena e cazas e sereamonos
ao Redor, na Igregia possemos duas images hua do Salvador
outra do nossa snora na qual Igregia ve continuam." muito
concurso de gentilidade fazendo m.to reverencia deitando se p
terra diantes das images, pedindolhe merces teporaes e muitos
delles vierao a dar gra9as p os favores q alcangarao demos os
misterios de nossa fee convencedooos q vao errados e p. q. as
cousas q elle crS sao mentiros manifestos e pecados nenhu
delles sabe q hao de responder se nao ficar confuses e honrar
as cousas de nossa ley taobS ao mesmo rey p meio das das
images q Ihe mostramos co as quais elle muito fol-
guo declaramos m.tM vezes as cousas da nossa ley o qual
paser de m*° endimiento taobe faz o mesmo, mas co tudo
isso n§ elle n5 nenhu destes gentes tS agora se baptizou
tira(n)do \hu menino, esperemos em Ds q hos luminara no
entendimento e dara for9a na vontade p. deixar os seus erros
APPENDIX C 883
e abrasar a verdade q Ihe temos declarada p* ayudar esta
gente taobe eu trabalhei e tirei hua doutriaa crista e m*0* mis-
terios da vida de Christo na mesma lingoa delles o q (servira)
tnuito quando o nosso snor Ihes abrira os olhos agora temos
grandes esperan^as de suas conversoes, pq. el rey que(r) ter
mu amizade co os Portugueses o qual manda seus embaxa-
dores ao Visorej co dous pet nossos s. o p Simao de Saa e o
p* Belchior Gout.0 mandando dous aneis q custarao sinco mil
paguodes e levao recado q quer ser irmao em armas do Rej
de Portugal. Nesta residencia de Chandrigrim estamos tres
companheiros, s. o p. belchior Coutinho q he de mtm vertude
& de grande ingenho.e vaj m10 p diante na lingoa badagua,
outro o Irmao Alexander frey de na9ao Ingrez po ser pintor
e muito aceito al rey. o terceiro sou eu minimo de todos isso
he o que me oferece escrever a V. P. de mi desta gente E p.
q. el rej e esta gente sao mto afei9oados as images Roguo a
V. P. nos f a?a caridade de mandar p* esta Igregia hua
imagem do Salvador tranfigurado q olha p todoas as partes q
he seu orago co as figuras q estiverao na tranfiguragao e sj
V. R. nos ouuver de fazer esta caridade seja de la manho de
hu home e rogo V. P. que mande en seu nome algua pintura
boa e f ermosa a el rej a qual daremos en nome de V. P. peco
taobe a V. P. que mande p* mim o liuro das images do
P. Nadal asi p* minha consolagao espiritual como taobe p\
mostrar a esta gente a qual folgua muito de ver images resta
somente deitarme aos pees de V. P. a sua s* ben9ao como
taobe faze os dous companheiros de Chandrigrim 20 de
outubro de 1601.
FRANCISCO RICIO.
II
AN EXTRACT OF THE 'LITTERAE ANNUAE' OF THE
PROVINCE OF GOA, 1600
(1601).
Na missao de Bisnaga residem 3. P. e hu Irmao
El Rey he ppicio aos P. e Ihes fas merces e m*** mais fizera,
e de mais dura se dos seus fora obedecido. Dos Embaixa-
dores do Gram Mogor o mto cazo que seu Rey f azia sos nossos
P" o q aiudou nao pouco pa autorizar naquella Corte nossas
couzas.
584 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
ill
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. MANOEL DE VEIGA,
PROVINCIAL OF MALABAR, TO Fr. JOAO ALVAREZ
(Cochin, December 10th, 1601).
S. Thome tera 500 cruzados de renda, a maior parte Ihe
deu o rei gentio da terra, e tern alguas casas q Ihe rendem.
IV
AN EXTRACT OF THE 'LITTERAE ANNUAE' OF THE
PROVINCE OF GOA, 1601
(Goa, December 21st, 1601).
At Cioromandelis oram, a Negapatano, vsq ad Bisnago-
ram, obiuit P. Emmanuel Veiga, qui iam Residentiam incho-
auit Chandegrini quae urbs nunc Bisnagorani regni sedesest.
Goae ad XII Calend. Jauuarij...l602
V. P. films in Dno
NlCOLAUS PlMENTA.
V
AN EXTRACT OF THE ' LITTERAE ANNUAE ' OF THE
PROVINCE OF GOA, 1602
(Goa, December 21st9 1602).
Bisnagoranam Missionem magnopere promouerant P
Emmanuel de Veiga, Melchior Coutinius, Franciscus Ricius,
et Frater Alexander natione Anglus. Regem habent ualde
beneuolum, id quod ex litteris, quas ad me scripsit, V. Pat.
cognoscet, has, ut ex lingua Canarana traducte sunt, hie
ascribam.
Rex Regum, Doimnus magnus, Eques Equitum, Ven-
catipati ; post Deum Rex, Patri Visitatori, qui Goae est,
Nicolao Pimentae hanc epistolam mittit. — istis litteris, quas
V. R. ad me scripsit, colloquente mecutn P. Emmanuele de
Veiga Superiore patrum qui in his partibus commorantur,
vehementer laetatus sum ac facultein dedi Ecclesiam, et
domum extruendi in urbe mea Chandegrino. Pagum etiam
quS uocant Elamur prope ab oppido S. Thomae contuli in
Patrum expensas, atq turn istos, turn etiam alios qui eis
APPENDIX C
successerint, honoribus anpliwimis et praemiis decorabo
Concessi praeterea atnplam facultaten wi™ n • j?ralx>-
vt uolens quisq Christian" £ neV £™£ P'aed'ca°di
pristine quicquam detrahair ' Meu/ ^P f > de h°nore
antiquus jam ^tis Goae innotu lusitan°s
deuSi ipsiscribent, Annulurn*'
regi mittere decreui, quae n~rrirof •
ren'da tradam . Id V. P-e
occurrit. Hue usq Re. Reliquaell pau nihil
eis utinii dai ad ' eX htteris
P. Melchioris Coutinii, datis ad a
1600, in quibus scribit quae sequunti * ' Au§ustl anno
Postquam P. Emmanuel de Ve, Q j . ,
Thomae profectus uisitationem accepitVT f°PPldum Sancti
sentia hie sumus. P. franciscus Rks £antum m prae-
addiscendae operam damus. DoctrinaLpv - ^?° "n§uae
propter Neophytos Salsetanos composita Vtnristianam quae
nonnulla in linguam Badeganam uertimus'-' °OS ?!c et a^a
tabelam a se pictam regi monstrauit, ubi inf . ^lexander
Saluatorem recens natum, quo pacto tre ;^Pfctura naec
praesepio adorarunt. Aliam tabellam ob?,1 iac^ntem in
B. Virginis effigies puerum in ulnis tenentis 1.'^ p lnerat
rabundus in palatio loco celebri collocauit. ?. x Uene«
pingere incepit de descensu Christi ad inferos, lam.
tarn Regi ostendit, is serio exoptat dum perficiatui31 mcnoa-
autem nonnuilis imaginibus impressis, Rex hanc t°ns*ratis
tribus Magis pingi uoluit. Faxit Deus ut harum ir m ^e
aspectus, turn doctrina, ei ueri -notitiam aperiat a?1 cum
Cum fratre familiariter agit, ac forte cum pingenti aanc*°*
dicentem audiret pigmenta deesse, quibus colorem f * s.e
indueeret, illico cubiculum ingrediens ipse sua manu, ePr*s
aureos protulit, quibus, quae opus essent coement... ^u
His erroribus Brachmanes multa adiiciunt nefa.
superstitionis plena, maxime ea quae de Perimale pass
feruntur. non itamulto.ante Tripitini, quae ciuitas ab hb
urbe per tria millia passum distat anniuersarii nuptiarun
Perimalis dies festi agebantur. hue tanta perigrinorum
turba confluxit, ut delita donaria ducentis aureoruri millibus
censeretur. Crines tonsi, eorum qui hos pacto Se omnium
peccatorum ueniam consequi arbitrantur, multu afferunt
emolument! iis, qui continentis elephantes funes faciunt, quos
aiunt his capillis factos esse fortissimos. illuc Rex cum
Reginis et ciuit" uniuersa se contulit uno relicto Dalattaio at
palatii et urbis custodiam. Omnis ilia solemnitas in hoc
THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
uno consistit. Simulacru ingenti curru sublime uehitur.
Currum decem hominu millia trahunt, ipse Rege cum primis
adnitente. Caeptu est opus primo noctis crepusculo : media
nocte pluuia Regem abegit, reliquis in labore perseuerantibus,
donee uehiculum, ad mille et quingentos passus abductum,
ad lucum unde f uerat delatum, restitueretur.
In nouilunio, quod proxime praecessit, festum quddam
fuit vaccarum. Perimalem quippe de uacca ortum perhi-
bent,. Videre erat in urbe, et in regia omnia uaccis plena,
quas passim obuias habebamus, ut mirum uideret, in homi-
nes rationis compotes, tarn turpes errores cadere potuisse ;
liceat cert£ aliquid dare education!, et consuetudini, unu
illud ualde ineptum atq absurdum, Regi non licere quemquam
mane alloqui, nisi prius duorum Brachmanu uultu cons-
pexerit. Quod si Deus ilium et reliquos incolas sua luce
illustrauerit baud drbic eos, in bonos Christianos euasuros
crediderim. ac eadem constantia diuinis praeceptis obtempe-
raturos, qua nunc Daemones et inania simulacra uenerantur.
Viseret me Regis, magistris falsis, ita per omnia more geren-
tis, ut stata ieiunia, quae bis recurrunt in mense, tarn accu-
rate obseruet, ut ne unu quide praetermittat.
Singular! beneuolentia, et amore nos complect itur. Ac
nuper natis inter LusitafcOs et Dalauaium discordiis in ciui-
tate S. Thomae, cui Dalauaius praeest quaecumq ab eo
postulauim', libenter coneessit. Itaq opera et industria P.
Emmanuelis de Veiga et P. Rectoris S. Thomae conciliata
inter omnes pax, et discordiae sublatae. Quin et Dalauaius
suam domu petentes benign£, et humaniter nos accepit,
comiter introduxit, et donationem annum trece torum aureo-
rum a suo Antecessore factam, ratam, ac firmam
babuit. Aedes possidet Dalauaius, quae pulchritudine, et
hortorum cultu, et ornatu fontium, et aquarum scatentiu
artificiis, alias huius urbis facile superant. Rex per hos dies
haec loca pertransiens, quaesiuit a suis, ubi esset nostra
domus. Nos audito Regem uenisse, pro portis uenerabundi
obuiam incessimus. qui Regem comitabantur acclamabant
Paroco parangolu, id est uideat uestra celsitudo Patres Lusi-
tanos, ille de nobis festinum et affabilem exhibuit. Deus
Optimus Max. eius animum ac populi uniuersi, ad ueri Dei
cultum a uitae prauitate conuertat.
Ad eum Rex Mogolorum Achebar legatum cum quatuor
equis et aliis muneribus misit, quae cum sui Regis nomine
obtulisset, is rursus omnia legato donauit ; et alia insuper
munera cum pecuniis, quas item dari iussit in expensas.
Aedes nondum habet qua propter is qui, qui id muneris habet,
APPENDIX C 587
ut legates suscipiat, et in regis conspectu sistat, nos rogauit
ut domi nostrae non amplius biduo homing admitteremus.
Locum dedimus idoneum, in quo mense iam comoratur,
homo est prudens, et experiens. Ex eo cognouimus, quid
agerent Patres nostri, quiapud Achebarem sunt. In colloquio
quod cum Rege habebat honorific^ multa de nobis praedicauit
nostrosq apud dominu suum praecipuo in honore, ac pretio
haberi affirmauit. Respondit Rex se eodem prorsus animo
erga nos affici, quin et Ecclesiam, aedes, et alia omnia
daturu. Regi dicunt eo consilio munera Achebaris legato
donasee, eumq non ante uigessimum diem ad colloquium
admisisisse, quod a ducibus monebatur, ne Achebari fideret.
Si enim tres illos Reges Mahometanos, Abdeneganu, siue
Meliquum, Dialcanu, et Mussalepatanu sub iugum mitterit,
dicebant facile fore ut Regnum Bisnaganum in potestate
redigat. Ad haec Regem dixisse aiut regnum in manu Dei
est, me (inquit) si uolet priuare imperio, quis eum prohibebit ?
Ego uero Mahometan! pedes no osculabor. Si uenerit certum
est praelio decertare. Alii alias causas afFerunt.
Coeterum ille delectum habet fortissimorum ducum, per
causam Cangiuarani recuperandi, quae ciuitas cum omni
ditione adiacente Astapanaico Tangiorano Dynastae parebat.
is nuper satis concessit, corpus demortui in rogo ex sandali
ligno extructo, una trecentae et septuagintae uxores uiuae
concrematae sunt. Huius films natu minor, maiorem, quern
pater antea custodiae tradiderat, interfecit. Ac iam constat
Regem nihil de hac expeditione cogitare. Neq uero de alia,
ad quam, eum proceres magnopere hortabantur Gingiam
urbem vt capiat. Christapanaicus enim, is qui V. R. illuc
iter habente tarn humaniter accepit, ueneno infectus insanit,
quamqua sunt patuisse iam dolos, atq Dynastam vt f ucum
faceret quatuor regni sui magnatibus, quos postea occidit, se
mente captum finxisse, Hanc urbem suaserunt Regi, ut
armis impeteret, ille quamqua jure fortasse posse, tamen ut
est leni et miti ingenio, respondit, efferatae crudelitatis esse.
stipendiarium suum insania laborantem armis insectare.
Quare pf obabiliore coniectura ducor, vt credam, hunc ducum
et proceru conuentum eo tendere, ut de Achebare repellendo,
deq urbibus praesidio occupandis consulint. Equidem
non incredibile existimauerim haec omnia Dei nutu ad
optabiliorem finem contigisse, ut nimirum hac occasione
Sanctae fidei notitia ad plures perueniat, atq non solum in
hac urbe, uerum etiam ubiq gentium catholicae ueritatis
praeconibus locus pateat, quoniam uti antea ad V. R. scripsi
Tornogoda Olalae Praefectus de integro nos inuitat. Et
Trimarragius Regis Bisnagorani fratris filius, natu maximus,
588 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
hujus regni haeres, multis precibus £ nobis contendit vt ad se
ueniamus. Scit enim V. R. cum huius Principis pater 5
uita excederet, ad hunc, qui nunc regnant, def uncti fratrem,
omnium ordinu consensu imperium esse delatum, praeteritis
demortui filiis, qui tune temporis, per aetatem non poterant
regni gubernacula adire. Et quanquam Rex fratrjs filiutn
natu minors quern in palatio educat, maiore studio prosequi-
tur, uulgo tamen affirmant maiore natu regnaturum, qui
plures et potentiores Dynastas fautores habeat. hie in ciuitate
sua Cirangapatan6 commoratur, qui abhinc quadraginta, aut
quinquaginta leucas, ac tantudS a nostro Mangalore distat,
inde ad nos litteras mi sit, quaru hoe est exemplum.
Trimanus, Mahamanda Lispara, Ramarragius Trimarra-
gius, Dominus magnus Princeps, hanc epistolam ad Patres
mittit. Vehementer gaudebo ubi uos ad hanc meam ciuitatem
uenire intelligam. Venientibus aream dabo, aedibus, et
Ecclesiae in hac urbe condendis accomodatam, insuper quin-
gentos tagodios aureos in annuos redditus. Singular* etiam
honore et monificentia uos complectar. Ita iuro per Dominum
Zanganatam, et per pedes patris mei Ramaragii. Coatera ex
legato meo cognoscetis, statim uenite et nolite moram trahere.
Domuncula nostra aream habet latam, ac uento salubri
peruiam, ad Ecclesiam et aedes construendas accomodatam,
et turbis popularibus minime obnoxiam*
Interea loci Ecclesiam paruam extruximas satis pro
tempore accomodatam, quoad amplioris aedificandae facultas
suppetat. Haec P. Melchior Coutinius.
Jucundior etiam uniuersis, et maiore laetitia et applausu
referta Bisnagensis Regis legatio fuit, cui causa dedit nos-
trorum Patrum ad Chandegrinum profectio, et in urbe regia
domicilium erectum. Ea sane legatio, quam uel Regis uicini
potentia, uel ipsa uicinitas, uel antiqua cum lusitanis amicitia,
uel (quod caput est). facultas recens data euangelii promul-
gandi egregie commendabat, multis nominibus uniuersae
ciuitati grata fuit. Scripserat ei Prorex, et per literas de suo
in Indiam appulsu certiorem faciens, gratias agerat quod
nostrae Societatis homines tarn singular! humanit* fuisset
complex us. Qua de cause Rex honorificam legationem
decreuit, ac duos legates uiros primarios ad Proregem misit,
quibus duos 6 nostris Patribus Simonem Sa et Melchiorem
Coutinium comites adiungi uoluit, reliquis duobus secum in
Ecclesia Chiandegrinensi retentis. Possem multa scribere
de huius legationis principle, progressu et fine, ac de precibus
assiduis, quibus Princeps, per cuius terras iter habebant,
APEPNDIX C 580
uefaementer contendebat ut e duobus Patribus alter in reditu
cum ipso maneret. Verum hoc consulto praetero, ut unu
illud, quod singularem omnibus nobis laetitiam, et admira-
tionS attulit, attingam. Legati enim, et ipsi ethnici, tanti
nostras Ecclesias, tanti Christianorum sacra aestimarunt, ut
eorum altaribus uenerabundi procumberet, ingenue fatentes
ueru Deum a Christianis coli ; haec opinio de nostris rebus,
et omnium fere est, et quotidie crescit. Nee minori fuit
admirationi Christianorum pietas, turn in supplicationibus,
quas ad Templum S. Pauli sextis feriis quadragesimalibus
quotannis fieri animaduertebant, turn uel maxime in ilia
frequenti baptizandorum pompa, cum catechumenos pro
ualuis ejusdem nostri templi stantes, ac solemni supplicatione
ad sacrum fontem deductos cernerent. Haec enim omnia ut
commode uiderunt, data est opera ut iuxta nostrum Collegium
oportuno loco diuersarentur. Illi igitur ad patriam reuersi,
mira quaedam de Christianis institutis, ac moribus coram
Rege ac populo praedicant ; atq hoc pacto paulatim nominis
Christiani bonus odor, eorum sensus peruadit, et de ueri Dsi
cultu melius in dies sentiunt. Vtinam maneat haec opinio et
existimatio, et earn, quam de falsis suoerstitionibus mente
comprehenderunt, penitus comuellat, et labefactet.
Goae ad xii Caled. Januarii, hos ect ut in superiore
epistola, die sacro S. Thomae Apostolo. Indiae Patrono.
anno a partu Virginis 1602.
V. P. filius in Dao.
NlCOLAUS PlMENTA.
VI
AN EXTRACT OF THE 'LITTERAE ANNUAE1 OF
EASTERN INDIA, 1601.
(1602.)
El Rey de Bisnaga uay mostrando cada dia os fauores,
amisade e beneuolencia q tern aos nossos fasendolhe muitas
honrras. E como quer q a renda q pera sua sustentacam os
annos passados opontou has aldeas nao teue efeito, por se
atrauesar no negocio o Regidor Mayor, e algums dos grandes
da quella Cort q nellas pertendiam seus intereces, nos
quebrou El Rey mil pagodes de renda cada anno nas parias
q hum dos Naiques seus sogeitos Ihe paga, atte q se offeresa
algua boa ocasiam de terras escusas em q a comedia dos nos-
sos sem encontro as possa permanecer : pera de colorar esta
renda deu suas olas com as quaes indo hum nosso a Ganger
uaram ter com o Polle por cuja mam esta paga ha de corre-
590 THE ARAVIDU bYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
foy delle recebido com muitas honrras, e mostras de
amor, e como se fora hu dos Principes Europenses,
amigos de Compa. Sabendo q uinha o P* Ihe mandaua cada
dia ao caminho hua ola de comprimentos, q seruiam como
elle disia de Bombardadas hua apos outra pera festeiar o P*
pormeteo q em tudo as compreria, e q no Janeiro seguinte,
faria logo a primeira Candaia q he o q° quartel da paga,
como na realidade fes § montou quinhentos pardaos.
VII
A LETTER OF Fr. FRANCESCO RICIO TO Fr. CLAUDIO
AQUAVIVA
(Chandragiri, September 10tht 1603.)
Anno 1602 quatuor litteras plenas charitatis and amor is
in Christo a Paternitate tua accepi : quibus non solum uehe-
menter gauisus sum, sed etiam in hac amplissima missione
omnes uitae meae annos consumere et finire (nisi aliud mihi
impositum f uerit) constitui. Est enim missio haec tarn ampla
ut uix litteris explicari possit ; sunt enim in hoc Regno tot
regiones, et insignes ciuitates, ut si Deus (ut speramus) eos
ad fidem uocauerit innumeri operari ad excolendam uineam
necesse fuerint. Dixi spem esse Magnam, quia Rex hujus
Regni, eo nos prosequitur amore ut singulis annis mille
auereorum numorum dare jusserit Cum loquimur cum illo,
et ostendit erga nos signa grandis amoris et libenter nostram
doctrinam audit, presertim cum loquimur de Tesv, saluatore,
et de Beata Virgine. Auditaque aliis singnihcans, approbat.
Sic etiam cum plures hujus Regni, et sanguine et doctrina
preclari, cum audiut res nostras gaudio replentur, et appro,
bant unam esse legem anum Deum, ut nos omnibus explica-
mus, et licet in omni doctrina, quatn docemus magnam acci-
piant laetitiam, presertim cum decem praecepta legis diuinae
explicamus, est tarn magna laetitia eorum, ut uix litteris
explicari possit : cognoscut n. legem hanc esse diuinam, ac
optimam, et suam plena erroribus, ac de causa saepissime
ueniunt ad nos, et ad nostram Ecclesiam, et audiunt letanter
praecepta diuitia et omnia quae ad animarum salutem perti-
nent, maxima pietate, ac deuotione ; ueniut ad Ecclesiam
nostram non solum ii qui morantr. in hac Regia Ciuitate, sed
etiam ex mult is partibus hujus Regni, et prostratis
in terra maxima animi sumissione suis in necessita
tibus a Deo auxilia poscut, deusque optimus maximus
APPENDIX C 591
eorum fidem intuSs saepe miracula faciens iis auxiliari
dignatus est. Miracula et alia cum in litteris annuis
scribantur ad paternitatem tuam breuitatis causa scri-
bere omitto. Cum haec uinea sit amplissima et maximi
fructus nostri laboris sperentur, ad hanc uineam exco-
lendam proprios operarios, ut mittat Paternitatem tuam
uehemSter rogamus, et quia sunt plures linguae ad discendae
operari debent esse magni ingenii et adolescentes quia aliter
consequi minime possunt est enim quaedam lingua in qua
doctrina eorum est scripta et legis fundamenta ; et fere
singulis diebus Rex et ejus magistri seu Philosophi intense
disputant de Deo, Philosophia et et mathematica et alii
astantes fere nihil intelligunt, quia licet siatur lingua hujus
Regni est alia lingua tanquam mater Indiae linguarum quae
uocatr sanscratam ubi sunt quinque libri in quibus tractatur
de eorum diis et de historiis et fabulis in quibus modis apa-
ruerunt, ut aiunt dii hominibus. Sut atiam quatuor leges, et
sex scienciae, et hunc librum at linguam paucissimi sciunt,
Ego licet didiceri Duas linguas s. Badaguesem, et Tamutesem,
quia sexaginta annos natus, hanc consequi minime possum
hac de causa cum uidemus Regeni disputare de Deo, Phi-
losophia et Mathematica nihil possumus loqui, quia nihil
intelligimus, sed si Paternitas tua inter alios operarios quos
hue erut missurii Antonium Rubinum fratrem nostrum qui
Goa moratur hue nenire juserit, quia iste, ut dicut, est magni
ingenii et ualde Doctus, in mathematica, magna erit spes, ut
Rex et alii cognoscant, suos errores, et conuertantur, et ne
ab aliis qui Goa moratr., operari hue uenientes, impediatr.,
ad ViceProuincialem si eos misserit, erit maxime expediens,
sic etiam, ut solbantur multae difficultates haec V. Prouincia
si Prouincia fuerit constituta, erit (ut mihi uidetur) maxime
expediens: dico hoc quia VProuincialem uideo esse magni
amimi ad missiones faciendas Prouincialem uero tarn difficile
ad dondos operarios ut ex sexaginta operariis quos Pater
Albertus adduxit sex tantum illi sunt dati, et ejus VProuin-
cia est tarn ampla ut uix litteris possit Est (haec) missio
walde magna operarii uero pauci Et sut multi qui petut
Patres et quia caremus istis dari non possut, ut mittat ergo
rogamus Paternitatem tuam non solum ad ViceProuinciam
multos Patres sed etiam ad hanc V. Prouinciam destinatos
et jubeat ne ab aliis ne hue ueniat impediatr. Haec sunt quae
hoc anno mihi uisa sut Paternitati tuae scribenda de lingua
uero in litteris annuis scribentur uale iterum uale meque
indignum seruum Paternitatis tuae flexum Paterna tua
benedictione benedicat, uehementer rogo datum anno 1603*
die decimo septembris.
THE ARAVlt>U DYNASTY OP VIJAYANAGAfcA
VIII
AN EXTRACT OF THE 'LITTERAB ANNUAE' OF THE
PROVINCE OF MALABAR, 1602.
(1603.)
Emtre os Proueitos q desta missao se seguirao nao foi
pequeno afei£oar tanto hu Rei tao poderozo aos Portuguezes
que p renouar a amizada q seus ante passados antiguamte fiz-
erao, mas ja estaua quazi de todo esquegida, mandase ao
Vizo Rei seus embaixadores com os nosos p- com hua mui
onrroza Embaixada como ja cuido q a anno passado se
escreueo. despedidos os Embaixadores de goa com fauores, e
honrras do Vizo Rei f orao p terra a Chandegri, aonde diante
do Rei, e mais snors de sua corta apregoarao as grandezas
das nosas couzas, e os fauores q do Vizo Rei e p em goa
tinhao Recebido, o qoal seu Rei m10 estimou, e mostrouse da
hi pa diante m10 mais afei9oados a nosas couzas, Em Res-
posta desta Embaixada Ihe mandou outra ao Vizo Rey, O
embaixador foi Recebido do Bisnaga com m10 omrras e
aparato p q chegando a chandegri o saio receber hu dos
principae's do comselhoreal com Ellef antes, camellos, cauallo*?,
ataballes, e mais sinaes de allegria e festa, e apozentou nos
melhores passos, e cazas daqla Sidade. Estaua neste tempo
o Rei em Trepetti duas legoas de chandegri he esta Sidade de
Tripetti mui grd e formoza e como outra Roma p* esta gen-
tilidade p cauza de hu pagode mui venerado q nella esta
dedicado ao seu Pirmal q parece responder a Satanas, aqui
comcorre de todo este oriente gente Innumerauel q vem com
grandes deuacoes e ofertas a vizitar este Pagode. nesta
cidade quis o Rey Receber o noso Embaixador mandandoo
busquar com m10 aparato, e magestade p lo seu Intimo pri-
uado, e estaua o Rei no Enterior de hu pateo granissimo, nao
co Ricos vestidos, D q os nao costumao : mas cheio de pedra-
ria manilhas, e Ramaes de perorolas do pe ate a caveza, em
q emtrauao duas Joias de notauel fermuzura, hua esmeralda
sirquada de grandes perollas, e finos diamantes, outra hu
Rubi, de mto presso, e notauel grandeza, chegou o Embaixa-
dor por o Joelho no chao, o Rei o fes alleuantar e asentar
Recebeo a carta e o presente do Vizo Rei com mostras de
mu allegria, e tratpu da amizade e comunica?ao q com os
Portuguezes desejaua ter, e outras couzas perten^entes ao bS
do Estado, e depois depedio o Embaixador cheo de onrras,
e nieces, e aos p* mostrou m10 melhor agazall^do e affeisao
qro* o Snor p estes meios dispor aqula segiia gentillidade
p* Receber o lumfe da fee.
APPENDIX C 598
IX
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO
LAERZIO TO Fr. CTAUDIO AQUA VIVA
(Cochin, January, 15th, 1602).
Quanto as Resideocias de Bengala, e Pegu mandarey
tambe Visitar p algu Pre como V. P. ordena ; Posto que eu
este anno passado tinha determinado de as Visitar em pessoa,
e chegar atte Malaca, mas porque depois vierao novas, q por
aquelle mar auia muitas naos de Olandezes, e Ingrezes,
nossos imigos, e tinhao tomadas algnas Naos dos nossos Por-
tuguezes da India, e nao parecia estaua este ano a passajS
segura, fuy for^ado deixar a Visita, e de sao Thome depois
de Visitar a Residencia de BisnagA, tornar a este Collegio,
como fiz no mes de Nouebro passado, auendo ja seis mezes,
que partira delle, que tanto tempo he neces0 pera Visitar as
Costas de Trauancor, da Pescaria, Manar, Negapatao, o
Collegio de sao Thome, e a Residencia de Bisnaga, em Chan,
degry, a qual de sao Thome nao dista mais que dous dias, e
meo de caminho p terra, e mto siguro.
de. Cochim, 15. de Jan. de 1604.
+
ALBERTO LAERTIO.
X
AN EX TRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO LAERZIO
TO Fr. JOAO ALVAREZ
(Cochin, January, /8th, 1604.)
A Residencia de Chandegry no Reino de Bisnaga he
empresa de grade importancia, promete de si muito, e se pode
esperar grande conversao ; nao esta o neg° em mais que em
comen^ar algum sor de aquelles a se bautizar que logo o
seguirao os outros. Sao aquelles senhores muy grandes e
ricos, bus tern quinhentos mil cruzados de renda, outros seis
centos mil, outros quatro centos mil, e destes a muitos, e
todos sao muito amigos dos Pres., muito corteses, affaveis e
de muito bom entendimento ; e muitos delles nos pedem que
fazem igreias e casas em suas cidades, offrecendo a renda
pera sustentasao dos Pres, mas ategora nao aceitamos, nem
se fez ainda conversao porque nao ouue ate gora Pres que se
applicassem de proposito, a aprender suas lingoas, que sao
duas, hua a comua que se falla e vulgar, a outra como latim
em q estao escritas as seitas e fabulas dos seus deoses, e sem
&92 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGA&A
VIII
AN EXTRACT OF THE 'LITTERAE ANNUAE' OF THE
PROVINCE OF MALABAR, 1602.
(1603.)
Emtre os Proueitos q desta missao se seguirao nao foi
pequeno afeigoar tanto hu Rei tao poderozo aos Portuguezes
que p renouar a amizada q seus ante passados antiguam" fiz-
erao, mas ja estaua quazi de todo esque^ida, mandase ao
Vizo Rei seus embaixadores com os nosos p- com hua mui
onrroza Embaixada como ja cuido q a anno passado se
escreueo. despedidos os Embaixadores de goa com fauores, e
honrras do Vizo Rei foraop terra aChandegri, aonde diante
do Rei, e mais snors de sua corta apregoarao as grander as
das nosas couzas, e os fauores q do Vizo Rei e p em goa
tinhao Recebido, o qoal seu Rei m10 estimou, e mostrouse da
hi p* diante mto mais afei^oados a nosas couzas, Em Res-
posta desta Embaixada Ihe mandou outra ao Vizo Rey, O
embaixador foi Recebido do Bisnaga com m** omrras e
aparato p q chegando a chandegri o saio receber hu dos
principals do comselho real com Ellefantes, camellos, cauallos,
ataballes, e mais sinaes de allegria e festa, e apozentou nos
melhores passes, e cazas daqla Sidade. Estaua neste tempo
o Rei em Trepetti duas legoas de chandegri he esta Sidade de
Tripetti mui grd e formoza e como outra Roma p» esta gen-
tilidade p cauza de hu pagode mui venerado q nella esta
dedicado ao seu Pirmal q parece responder a Satanas, aqui
comcorre de todo este oriente gente Innumerauel q vem com
grandes deuacoes e ofertas a vizitar este Pagode. nesta
cidade quis o Rey Receber o noso Embaixador mandandoo
busquar com m" aparato, e magestade p lo seu Intimo pri-
uado, e estaua o Rei no Enterior de hu pateo granissimo, nao
co Ricos vestidos, D q osnao costumao: mas cheio depedra-
ria manilhas, e Ramaes de perorolas do pe ate a caveza, em
q emtrauao duas Joias de notauel fermuzura, hua esmeralda
sirquada de grandes perollas, e finos diamantes, outra hu
Rubi, de m*° presso, e notauel grandeza, chegou o Embaixa-
dor por o Joelho no chao, o Rei o fes alleuantar e asentar
Recebeo a carta e o presente do Vizo Rei com mostras de
mu allegria, e tratpu da amizade e comunica?ao q com os
Portuguezes desejaua ter, e outras couzas pertem9entes ao bS
do Estado, e depois depedio o Embaixador cheo de onrras,
e merges, e aos p* mostrou mto melhor agazall$ldo e affei9ao
qro* o Snor p estes meios dispor aqula segiia gentillidade
pa Receber o lum^ da fee.
APPENDIX C 598
IX
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO
LAERZIO TO Fr. CTAUDIO AQUAVIVA
(Cochin, January, 15th, 1602).
Quanto as Resideocias de Bengala, e Pegu mandarey
tambe Visitar p algu Pr6 como V. P. ordena ; Posto que eu
este anno passado tinha determinado de as Visitar em pessoa,
e chegar atte Malaca, mas porque depois vierao novas, q por
aquelle mar auia muitas naos de Olandezes, e Ingrezes,
nossos imigos, e tinhao tomadas algnas Naos dos nossos Por-
tuguezes da India, e nao parecia estaua este ano a passaje"
segura, fuy for^ado deixar a Visita, e de sao Thome depois
de Visitar a Residencia de BisnagA, tornar a este Collegio,
como fiz no mes de Nouebro passado, auendo ja seis mezes,
que partira delle, que tanto tempo he neces0 pera Visitar as
Costas de Trauancor, da Pescaria, Manar, Negapatao, o
Collegio de sao Thome, e a Residencia de BisnagA, em Chan,
degry, a qaal de sao Thome nao dista mais que dous dias, e
meo de caminho p terra, e mto siguro.
de. Cochim. 15. de Jan. de 1604.
+
ALBERTO LAERTIO.
AN EX TRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO LAERZIO
TO Fr. JOAO ALVAREZ
(Cochin, January, /8th, 1604.)
A Residencia de Chandegry no Reino de Bisnaga he
empresa de grade importancia, promete de si muito, e se pode
esperar grande conversao ; nao esta o neg° em mais que em
comen^ar algum sor de aquelles a se bautizar que logo o
seguirao os outros. Sao aquelles senhores muy grandes e
ricos, hus tern quinhentos mil cruzados de renda, outros seis
centos mil, outros quatro centos mil, e destes a muitos, e
todos sao muito amigos dos Pres., muito corteses, affaveis e
de muito bom entendimento ; e muitos delles DOS pedem que
fazem igreias e casas em suas cidades, ofifrecendo a renda
pera sustenta^ao dos Pres, mas ategora nao aceitamos, nem
se fez ainda conversao porque nao ouue ate gora Pres que se
applicassem de proposito, a aprender suas lingoas, que sao
duas, hua a comua que se falla e vulgar, a outra como latim
em q estao escritas as seitas e fabulas dos seus deoses, e sem
594 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
haver quS saiba estas lingoas pouco se pode esperar, poi nao
he Ds de fazar milagros, mas o p* francisco Ricio aprende
a vulgar was a velho e nao se atreve aprender a segunda, o
Pe Belchior Coutinho tinha comengado aprender a primeira
lingoa...Tambem importa o Irmao Bertholameu Pintor pera
esta Viceprovincia ia o anno passado o escrevey a V. R.
Cochim 18 de Janeiro de 1604 +
ALBERTO LAERZIO.
XI
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO LAERZIO TO
Fr. CLADIO AQUAVIVA
(Cochin, January 12th, 1605).
Tenho este anno Visitado outra uez toda esta V. Pro-
uincia ate sao Thome com mu consolagao minha, polio bom
procedimento, e augmento que achey nos nossos todos e nas
Christandades que temos a nossa conta, seja o Sor muito
louuado, e se o P* Manoel da Veiga Prouincial de Goa, nao
fora tao contrario a esta V. Prouincia, por se ter feita esta
separagao contra o seu parecer, e traga, e querer tudo pera a
sua Prouincia de Goa e nos acudira com alguas ajudas, mais
de sogeites, aptos assy pera estes nossos estudos, como pera
estas impresas, particularmente p* as de Bisnag& que he de
muy grande importancia, e esperan^as ; Nao duuido que
estivera esta V. Prouia em tudo muito mais adiante, e o
negoc.eo da Conuersao com muito mais augmento. A
necesside que temos do Irmao Bertolameu Pintor pera estas
xptandades hfc muy grande, mas o Pc Proual o nao largara
de Goa, se V. P. Ihe nao mandar espressamente nolo de ; sem
hauer lugar a replica, nem a epiqueja, e afora que eu em
Roma pedy a V. P. este Irmao so pera se occupar nestas
Christandades, parece que se deue contentar a Prouincia de
Goa com hauer ja dous anos que 14 est&.
Cochym. 12. de Janro. de 1605. +
ALBERTO LAERZIO.
XII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Ft. MANOEL ROIZ
TO Fr. JOAO ALVARES.
(S*. Thome, November 1st, 1606.)
Quando vim para esta terra, q foi aos 3 de Setembro de
1606. a achei de brigas emtre os Portugueses, q ha dous, ou
3. annos q durao ; tambem ha poucos mezes q brigarao os
APPENDIX C 606
mesmos Portugueses, q aqui tnorao com os gemtios q estao
fora da nossa cidade, porq matando elles ha a hum Portugues
aqui cazado, os Portugueses tomando disso grande paxao
sayrao fora da cidade, e derao na pouoasao dos gentios, q
estaua perto, Roubando tudo, e tambem em hua forataleza do
Key gentio, q he o Key de Bisnaga, a qual esta iunto da nossa
cidade, e Ihe poserao a fogo, com q o Key, q esta daqui a 18.
ou 20. legoas, ficou mto sentido, e se mostrou arrufado ainda
com os nossos padres, sen Ihe querer mais falar ate agora :
mas esperamos q o tempo cure tudo, e q fa9amos boms
concertos com o Key, com q fiquemos em paz. quanto as
missoes deste Reino de Bisnaga, digo q coforme a infor-
masao, q tenho tornado dos padres q la andarao ate agora, q
sao os padres Belchior Coutinho e Simao de Saa, ha mto pou-
cas esperan^as de conversao, por estarem estes negros muito
obstinados naquelle diabolico fundam10 q ia ha escreui a V. R.
porq aindaq Reconhecem a nossa lei por boa, dizem q tambe
a sua he boa, e q nella se poden saluar e q nella querem
Viuer, pois he conforme aos seus costumes, e de seus ante,
passados exct. em Chandregri ha 6 christaos, q os padres all
fizerao, gente pobriss* de q os mesmos padres se seruiao ;
agora ao presente estao limitados pera continuare com estas
missoes os p. Belchior Coutinho, e Ant°. Rubino, e o irtnao
Bertolameu fontebona, q he pintor, pore todos estao ainda
neste Collegio, e vierao de la os dous p~. por accasiao do p*.
Prouiucial Alberto Laercio, q uisitou este Collegio neste mez
de Setembro, mas nao foi visitar as missoes, ne el Rey de
Bisnagi, por estar o mesmo Rey exasperado polio q aseima
disse ; e nem os padres irao atee se nao f ezerem os concertos,
posto q tambem ha outro impedim". a hirao, q he nao auer
que gastar, porq el Rey de Bisnag& ha 3. annos q nao Ihes
paga a ordinaria, q costumaua darlhe os annos passados, e
tern ja os padres das missoes mtM. diuidas
Deste Collegio da pouoacao de S. Thome oie prim0, de
Nouembro de 1606.
Seruo em X. +
MANGEL Ron.
XIII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. BELCHIOR COUTINHO
TO Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAVI VA
(St. Thome, November, 4th 1066.)
O p . An10. Rubino q esteue huns dias en Velur e veo
p* qua doerite. O Ir. Bertolameo fonte buone q esta aqui
p
THE ARAVIDU DYKASf t t>F VIJAYANAGARA
pintando e experando coniungao p* q se o Rei tornar a com.
unicasSo q dantes co nosco tinha va tambem la assistir pois
p este fim nosso p nos concedeo o p^. Ant rubino e o Ir.
feertolameo marauillosos soieitos, esta mais o p" Joao fe* q
tern cuidado da Igreia da Madredepi e o p. P. mexia que
corre co a fabrica da Igreia noua da Sera, e ha procurator
do Colleg0. Vinha taobem pa ir uisitar ao Rei mas nao
podeser polio q logo cortarei, leuoa taobem o p' co sigo o
p. simao de Saa q a todos nos deixou saudosos p q= fors aqui
R"". e principiara a amizade co este Rei, esta missao de Bis-
naga. Estaua o pe. ao presente no porto de Baleacate sete
legoas daqui p* a parte de norte, e alii co gr***. encontros de
inimigos gentios e mouros traladado principio aqlla residen-
cia, ateq nnaltn* achou o pe. pr*1. q couinha tirar Ihe o p% p
nao se fazer alii o frutu esperado, e pollas mtM. iniurias feitas
aos xpaos, e ao pe. q ultimamte retiuerao hum dia com preja e
aos xpaos, e nunca Ihe derao sustentacao mais q ao principio
e assim determine o pe. pual. nao Ihe dar pe. nenhum ate satis-
fazerem as iniurias e comprirem as condicoes prometidas : e
pode ser q taobem se Ihes procure algun castigo, pq sao tao
inimigos q ia por duas ueses indo p estA a nao Olandeza alii
a queriao receber e os cornetiao p\ desembarcarem e os meter-
em co o Rei ; mas aretiaraose q daqui Iho impedissem, e
taobem en Velur co o Rei negoceamos ollas p q p nenhum
caso Ihe consent issem o sairem en terra, fi se entao a nao a
Mucule patao e alii Jeixou seus feitores e se partio p* as
partes de malaqua, na moncao en q daqui forao em Setembro
os nauios p* pegu e malaqua, queira Ds q Ihe nao fosse algum
cair nas nos.
Agora f uimos aqui pa cedo uoltar para terra adentro, P«.
An*, rubino p*. Chamdregui, q hehu P'. de mto. ser ex9ellente
mathematico etheologo mto. bo pregador mto. uirtuozo...eu he
dir p\ Velur, onde este anno o Rei tornou a por sua Corte, e
(eu) fui tambe la por ordS q pa isto tinha, e ( ) q o
Rei nos deu dentro da 1*. 9erca de f ortaleza hu casa e Igreja e
aruorei a Sa •*- Sobre a porta, he isto nu(a f ormo)sa rua que
uai de norte a Sul entestar co as paredes do pa9O. onde a
Igreja he uisitada de mto* .parentes do Rei amigos euezinhos
nossos q folgao de ouuir as cousas de Deus. Temos alii
sinco xpaos ( ) dos onze q auia em Chandregui. co elles
me consolo no meo dos desgostos e offensas qual foi este anno
a guerra q o Rei teue co os portuguezes moradores desta
terra : e a occasiao foi q e iunho passado so9edeo matare aqui
os (gentios) de noite a hu portuguez honrado a qual sg ordo
foi a buscar hua mo9a q Ihe tinha leuado de casa hu soldadS
do adigar ou gorvernador gentio resistio o soldado, ac oderao
APPENDIX C 497
de sua f ortaleza outros m10". 5 sou fauor, alan^earao ao portu-
gueze matarao. e f erirao hu seu cainhado. £ isto ue a noua a
cide amutinaose os homSs, tratao de logo de noite dar na f ort-
aleza, dis §os o capitao ate amanhe^er en atnanhe9endo aiun-
taose a do capitao, insists q saiao sobre elles, repugnao
os velhos da cide. daolhe os P". conselho q sobrestejao ate
auizar ao Rei q Ihes ode dar satisfacao. nao estao de acorde
a isto, pualece os man^ebos, sale co o capitao q mande ( ),
poese todos em armas, saie fora da cide. queimao a pouoasao
e f ortaleza dos gentios, sen do ia o seu adigar de noite acol-
hido tornaose a recolher a Cide. Vao as queixas do adigar a
Rainha faz elle mil lastimas ao Rei, elle saie fora poe se e
sua corte ( )
De. S. Thome 4. de nouembro de 606.
BELCH.0' COUTINHO.
XIV
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. BELCHIOR COUTINHO TO
Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAVIVA
(S^. Thome, November 4th, 1606.)
O Rei ai (ir) pera Velur co sua corte nos deu ml\ bom
Sitio dentro na pr\ cerca da fortaleza onde por nao adar
como o anno atras mendigando por casas imprestadas fis
casas, e Igreia e aruorey a S. + sobre a Porta na frontaira
dua f ormosa Rua q uay dinante a Sul p* enestar co as paredes
do Pa90 e asy a Igreia he uisitada de m**. do Rei, amigos, e
uisinhos nossos e t&mos ali sinco daqles onsexpaos q tin-
hamos em Chandregui co os q' me consolei no meio da
perturbacao q digo q o Diabo aleuatou a occasiao foi de hua
brega que c& os Portuguezes tiuerao co os Gentios originada
da morte de hu Portugues ao q de noite alancearao os Gen-
tios, aqui fora da Cidade perto de sua fortaleza, e ueio a
noua a Cidade amotinarao se os homes queriao ir de noite
dar na fortalesa detuue os o capitao ate o dia seguinte en
amanhecido puseraose een armas foraose a porta do Capitao
e preualecerao mais os conselhos dos macebos q dos Pe>. e
ancioes de Cid mandou o Capitao tocar o sino sairao
todos queimarao a pouoacao e fortaleza dos Gentios mandou
logo o dtto lugar o seu gouernador suas olas ou Cartas ao
Rei mui falsas e a Rainha a qual por nossos peccados t^
agora o Senhorio desta tr . ella sobre isto f es mil lastimas ao
566 THE ARAVIDU t>Y&AStY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Rei i o qual saio fora pos se e sua Corte lerao se estas cartas,
nao quiso o Rei ouuir a do P* Ror. q hia 5 defesa da Cidade
ficou tao embrauecido q de cordeiro q era na condicao ficou
feito hu leao dizendo mil roncas q auia asolar e destruir esta
tr\ nomeou capitaes p*. este effeito disse q nao queria mais
amisade co P". ne Portugueses, nS ter PCi. em seu reino e q
auia de chamar os Olandezes etti. De modo q disserao os
seus q nuca o uirao tao agastado S toda sua uida como neste
caso, e assi ne quis falar co nosco ne ler nossas cartas, ne
deste Pouo, ne* ouuir nenhuas resoes da parte dos Portu-
gueses posto q por nosso respeito ate agora desistio de madar
exercito sebre esta tr\ ja se trata de concerto querera Ds. q
seia como for p". seu diuino seruiso. Co a uinda do P,
Prou*1. nos aiutamos aqui co a occasiao de uer ao Pc. como
p*. co nossa ausesa p\ algu tpo significaremos ao Rei q'° se
sentio o q fes ao padre Nicolao Leuato Reitor q entao era
em n|o querer ouuilo por espa£O de dous meses q ali esteue
ne tomar o presente q leuaua § nome desta tr*., se fora polio
Rei ia isto estiuera asabado mas he tao sogeito a negra
Rainha. a qle tudo gouerna, q por Ihe nao dar disgosto
quebrara co todo o mudo, e ella quis q nao teuessemos
entrada ao Rei como dates ate c& de S. Thome Ihe nao dare
os intereses de dr°. e presentes q ella espera em satisfacao do
q fizerao. O P% Prouincial escreueo ( ) ao Rei
dandolhe disculpa de o nao ir este anno uisitar, e fis bem o
Pe. Prouincial em nao hir q se ariscaua a nao Ihe falar. tambe
o Pe. Nicolao Leuato Ihe escreueo de como esta aqui hu
Caualo q o Arcebpo. Gouernador mada q leue o P«. a S. A.
e comoequer q o Irmao desta Rainha ha te ia pedido ao Rei
este Caualo p\ (si) fes co elle q escreuesse ao P. Prou*1. e a o
P. Leuato q fosse co o Caualo, e assi i& escreueo duas
Cartas sobre isto deixou o P". Prou"1. ordS 5 f osee o Pe. como
ca a tr*. se concertasse co o Rei, Querera Ds. q seia luogo, e
etretato temos pessoas de recado em velur e Chandrigui,
p\ onde ha de ir o Pe. Ant°. Rubino emp*. velur, e se o Rei
tornar a comunicacao q date tinha co nosco ir& tambS o
Irmao Bertholameu f uente buena pague N. Sr. a charidade
de mandar p*. ca a taes sogeitos o Pe. Rubino tao excellente
mathematico e theologo, e o Irmao tao excellente Pintor
ambos cheos de m*"* uertudes e perf eicoes, as mais cousas,
deixo & q da Carta annua ter4 V. P. noticia de todas, e assy
acabo pedindo a ben9ao de V. P. naqual e nos s * . Sacrif^ios
de V. P. |>eeo ser encomendado. De S. Thome 4. de nouem-
bro de 666.
BELCH", CQUTNHO.
APPENDIX C 509
XV
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. BELCHIOR COUTINHO TO
Fr. CLAUDIO AQUA VIVA
(Vettore, November 5th,. 1607.)
Passandas as festas de Natal e JESVS, nos tornamos p*.
a missao, o P% An10. Rubino pera a de Chandegri ; e o irmao
Berthalemeo fonte bona e eu para esta de Velur onde agora
este Rei te Sua Corte (Fr. Coutinho relates here the
different signs of the royal friendship as they are already
related in the preceding letters.) Agora faz 2. annos escreueo
El Rei a V. P. nestas naos esperamos a reposta p*. Ihe apsen-
tar, pode ser q a traga o P*. Prouincial q detremina passar en
o fevereiro
De Velur 5. de nouembro de 607.
Minimo e xto. de V. P. BELCH". COUTINHO.
XVI
A LETTER OF Bro, BARTOLOMEO FONTEBONA TO
Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAVIVA
(Vtlhre, November, 7th 1607.)
Pax xpi
Nao quis deixar de dar nouas de minha saude a V. P. e
como estamos nesta Corte com m*. minha consola^ao vendo
este Rei q nos mostra tanto amor q.*° se pode desejar. Nao
mando a V. P. nouas desta Residencia pq o pe Belcer. Cout°.
com o qual estou juntamente scube q tinha escrito na Carta
anoa tudo meudamte como V. Pt vera, eu me ccupo cada dia
pintando algua couza diante do mesmo Rei o qual gosta
tanto de uer que nao pode ser mais, e tenho Ihe fe*°. alguas
images hu painel dua nossa Senra donde sobre a mesma
Image passaraosse m*" praticas Como o pe Belcor. Cout° tera
escrito, e fasendo mto oferecim*0'. de dadiuas nao quisemos
nunca aceitar nada pq o p" proul nas proibio que nao toma-
ssemos dr°. donde ficou tao espantado disendo pubricamente
diante de todos os grandes que hu oficial tarn grandg
nuca Ihe pedimos nada mas disse depois pubric
me queria faser homrras, e dise que Mandou fj
de manilhas douro Com pedrarias p* me da
me dara no fim dua lamina q actualmente est|
sua presensa, e tamb5 Ihe tenho fto alguas
600 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY O* VlJAYANAGAfcA
mto bam acabadasem particular hua du Saluador, e outra
dua N. Snor^ o qual estimou mto e disemme q o tern m10 bem
guards da, e cada dia esta olhando por ellas m** tempo,
aquelle mesmo Sor, e Snpra Ihe queira abrir os olhos do
cora£ao p* que lo adore, e lo reuerecie Como o merec£. dis-
eraome como este anno vinha hu Irmao pintor mto bom eu
folguei m*° porque veyo a mto bom tempo p* acabar a casa
professa de goa q eu tinha comecada, e acabada a quarta
parte e se se acabar sera hua das fermosas Igrejas que se poca
ver. as cousas da India uao sempre pior em pior, e nao faltao
perseguicoes mto grande Deos seja aquelle que ponha a mao
nas suas obras porque os homSs do mundo parece que la
querS mais apaguar q manter. Encomendo m*° a V. P. o meu
Irmao e que Ihe fa$a f aser algu bom lauor porque sei q la de
faser tarn bem quanto qualquer outro q estejao em Roma,
nao serei mais comprido encomSdado me mto a V. P. e nos
seus sanctos sacrif °' e deuotas oracoes m10 me encomedo Etc de
Velur oss sete de Novenbro 1607.
f° e seruo em xpo de V. P.
+
I BERTALOMEO FONTE BONA.
XVII
A LETTER OF Fr. ANTONIO RUBINO TO
Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAVIVA
(Chandragiri, November, 8th, 1607.)
M'*, Rdo. in Chro Pre nro
Pax Chro.
L' ano passato scrissi a V. P., e li diedi noua di esta
missione dil regno di Bisnag& nella quale mi ritrouo p ordine
di V. P. com molta consolat*. dell* anima mia, sperado nel
Signore di finire i miei pochi ani, che mi restano di uita in
qsta missione, s' i miei molti peccati no me 1' impedirano.
Doppo che sto in qsto Chadregui, che sono gia. 10. mesi,
battelai quatro, il primo de quali fc uin figliuolo di 12 ani, il
qual* ha prese tat' odio a quest' Idoli, che fa ( ) e
conf onde tutti qsti letterati, e mi da moltiss' cosola- A detto
sto catechizando. 8. p batteiarli questo natale col fiume
diuino, e cosi andaremo facSdo a poco a pocoquello che po-
tremo, aiutati della diuina gratia, e spero che doppo i pochi,
uerrano molti. Jome ne sto solo in qsto Chadregu II P. Belchor
^outigno et il frllo Pittore Bartholomeo fontebona, se ne
APPENDIX C 601
stano in Vellur doueal presente st& il Re, se bene jia di
camino p qsto Chadregui. faciamo quello, che potiamo p
dilattare nra sata fede, sed janua clausa est, et e necessMnolta
gratia di Dio p poterl' aperire, il nosrro officio sari
bettere, e no cessare di battere insin' a todo isto
sv apra ; ma poco ualera il nostro battere esteriore, se Dio
Benedetto no batte interiormete co le sue diuine inpsirati,
como speriamo nella sua diuina miser icordia, che far a. Jo
hefatto un mappa molto grade in lingua badaga co una
longua dichiarat'. nella stessa loro lingua ditte. le parti, proui-
cie, regni, e citta pricipali di tt°. il mudo e lo diede al Re, il
quale resto stupito. feci ache un breue tratato del numero,
monumgti, distaze, e grossezze de cieli. e lo diedi pur anche
all* istesso Re, il quale lo uolse udir' a legere co molta
attet*. in preseza di tt«. i suoi letterati, i quali restorono co la
bocca aperta uedSdo la grade differeza che n* £ tra la nra
dottrina, e la loro, e la uerita della nra, e la falsitfc de la loro.
e cosi pian piano andaremo facedo uarie cose co la gratia
diuina p alletarli piu in isto modo alle cose di nra sata fede.
Piaccia alSignore illuminarli gl'intelletti accio che si saluino,
tutti No m* occurre pa detto, se no dimadar humil* la sua
sata beneditf. Di Chadregui citta del regno di. Bisnaga alii 8.
di nouSbro 1607.
D. VP
Indigniss8. figlio in Chro
ANT°. RUBINO.
XVIII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. BELCHIOR
COUTINHO TO Fr, JOAO ALVAREZ
(Velkve, November 71th, 7607.)
Causarao m*0. sentimto. as nouas q o anno passado escre-
uimos das dezauen9as q ouve antre este Rei e a cidc de sao
Thome, da paixao q tomara polla queima de sua fortaleza, e
polio conseguinte de nossa estada na mesma tr«. ate auer com-
odid . pera tornarmos esta. Mudouse esta tempestade em
bonaca, pq depois q soubemos estar aplacado segundo
nostra em mandar hu nouo adigar e gouernador a Sao Thome,
tirando dali aquelle q com a morte do portugues fora causa
das inquietacoes passadas, viemos emtao p ca em Janeiro o
Irmao Bertolameu fontebona e eu, entre as mais cousas que
demos de presente al Rei, asertou de uir hua Bacia de bollo
tie doce q tinha I do ao Coleg0 ma f^eta de JESVf hera obra
602 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
engenhosa hu pilicano, e os f°*. entao the disse eu na lingoa
que ate antao os moradores de Sao Thome estauao como
mortos por nao terS por si a gra$a de S.A. Depois q Como
pai mostrara do peito ( ) q Ihes, tornarao Como f °*.
a uiuer a semelhansa dequella aue eti. festejou isto pq sao
homes de Comparacoes. Apresentei o Irmao disendolhe como
vieia de longe mandado por N. P. gerao p* pintar a uista de
S. A. estitnou isto mto. pedio logo ao Irmao q Ihe mostrasse
algua Cousa de sua mao, nao tinha por emtao mais q os 2
retratos de nossos BB. PP. quando el Rei os uios, ficou pas-
mado, nao pode crer q o Irmao os fizera, a que Ihe eu disse
ser testemunho : perguntou se a sua uista poderia faser ou-
tros Como aquelles : respondeo que sim posse 5 efeito. nu
painel grande por sua orde os foi debuxando gostando o
Rei de uer a ligereza com que o Irmao o fasia quando
foi a pintura em obra de hora e m\ Repatou o Rosto do B. P.
Ignacio, ficou pasmado el Rei e indose pa dentro Ihe mandou
logo hu Rico pano dourado ao modo de suas honrras custu-
madas. foi cotinuado com a pintura, e com esta ocasiao Ihe
fomos disendo as principals cousas e maraiulhas, e uirtudes do
B. P. ignacio i do B. P. fr- os quais folgaua m*. de ouuir e
ficara os sus conhecidos nesta Corte este dous S1"., queirao
ser intersessores p*. sua conuersao fez tambe o seu retratoe
com ser elle e si mto graue todauia pera este efeito se mudou
do seu lugar e pos no q hera mais conf orme p o irmao o ir
Retratando — Depois tambe" a sua uista, e peticao fes hu
painel de VirgS N. Senora com seu Diuino P°. nos peitos e da
outra parte o s*. menino Bap*, e detraso sto. Josept comforme
a estampa q tinha uista, ficou o painel perfeitiss0 e esta posto
nu alto de fronte do lugar onde cada dia el Rei fala com os
seus, ou le com os bramenes letrados, os quais Ihe quisera
diser que p* que era estar ali aquelle painel f*°. polios xpaos.
eti. a o q Respondeo o Rei, esta alcatifa em que eu estou
asentado, e uos tambem, nao ueola das tr". delles pois porque
se estamos nela nao pode estar ali aquelle painel ; esse veludo
de uos tendes na Cabeca essa Culaya q he a seu modo Gal-
teiras nao ueo tambe de sua tr'. ? m*0'. outros passos ouue
semelhantes em que mostrou o amor q nos tern. Como foi
hu em que estando falando com o Se tatachare q emtre elles
he como Sumo Sacerdote diante de quern o Rei estira por
tr. postoque que he indigno Deste officio por seus vicios. foi
o Re, louuando os p". de sere" Saniaces ; religiosos e castos a
o que o tatachare como ministro do Diabo Respondeo se os
pi* . sao Religiosos porque resao comS carne ? ainda q comg
carne, disse o Rei, todauia sao castos, e nao tern molheres.
Resposta que se a elle quisesem tomar por si, Ihe quadraua
APPENDIX C 608
mto. bem, porque tern m** em caza; e he daquelles que engoli-
ao o camello em xotando os mosquitos — outro dia se oferesceo
larga pratica de cousas de Ds q el Rei f oi ouuindo m*°. de
uagar os 10. Mandam10*. e a explicacao delles, disendo o noso
lingoa tratando do pro. Como so auia hu Ds verd™. ; e todos os
mais herao Diabos, calouse El Rei nada Disse. porS os bra-
menes Ihe diziao p. que era ouuir isto ? ao que Respondeo
que hera couza boa e era bemouuila — tambem se alegrou m1*.
de uer os liuros de Images q o Irmao Ihe mostrou specialm^.o
do p* nadal uendo hua $ hua todas as folhas perguntando
meudam*. o q hera, e folguando de ouuir tao altos mist0',
e pque o seu mestre brarnene quis embicar nos da
paixao sendo hu daquelles a q S, Paulo dizia que
parecia stultitia o nosso lingoa o foi conuencendo com
hist", de seus falsos tao indignos de Diuinid". e Ihe de.
claramos como aquelo era extremo de amor o que Deus
humanado chegou por nas saluar. £ Rei ouuia
tudo e calauasse, nao se tornado de ouuir falar mal de seos
idolhos e pagodes. Deus os alumle e todos p que se salue — a
o presente a sua petisao Ihe uai o Irmao pintando em lami-
nas. E sao infinites os louuores q tern deto do Irmao. —
Deixo outras couzas e cazos particulares que aqui acontece-
rao, porque por extenso o puzemos nos apontamentos q aqui
forao p carta annua — Em Chandrigri esta o p'. Ant°. Rubino
fazendo mto. seruico a Deos, o P*. e o Irmao ca Ambos m*0. uir-
tuosos continuam". me emfundS tern o p€. Baptizado algus
e uay seguindo o selho e f eruor do bom pe. Fr°° . Ricio q
Deos te Ca ueo o pe Antonio Rubino e uisitar a El Rei
dandolhe de presente hu mapa escrito en letras Badegas e
ali hua descripcao por extenso dos Reinos principaes, e dos 4
elementos, e dos doze Ceos q folgou mto. de ouvir ler, e pre-
guntou m1". couzas curiosas de mathematica o que o P* Res-
pondeo excelentem*"., Estes dias teria o p*. que fazer com o
cometa q apareceo g outubro p aparte do ponente mouendose
ad motum primi mobilis, aja Deos misericordia de nos, e
deste Reino q esta perdendo da uida del Rei ja mtc velho, e
con mto> sobrinhos q pretends soceder...
De Velur 11. de nouembro de 607. De. V. R. indigno em
Christo filho.
BBLCH". COUTINHO,
604 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
XIX
A LETTER OF Bro. BARTOLOMEO FONTEBONA TO
Fr. JOAO ALVARES.
(Velon, November 11,1607).
Pax xpi.
Queria escreuer a V R alguas nouas deste Key de bisnaga
mas como sube que o p* Belcor Cout°. tinha escrito a V R, e
dado relasao de tudo nao tocarei nisto senao dando nouas
demim, e de minha saude A Deos louuores, estou ao presente
neste Velur jontamente com o pe Belchior Cout°. ocupandome
em pintar alguas cousas cada dia no pa^o diante do Rei oqual
mostra tanto gosto em uer me pintar qto. q eu tenho desejo de
Ihe dar gosto porque he hu Sor de grande respeito, prudencia,
intendimento Como qualquer eoropeo, E mostranos tanto
amor que he espanto. Muito curioso de praticar de nossas
cousas, e imparticular de Nossa sancta fe Como V R sabera
nas carta anoas q o pe la mada Desta Residencia, e Nos tern
tanto amor, e respeito, e nos homrra que os seus vassalhos
espantao, Como f oi em particular hu dia estando eu doente
soubi q o Rei auia de sair fora do pa9O fui a uisitar antes q
saisse, e saido pera fora me opresentei diante dandolhe de
minha mao hu vidrianto Cheyo de Agoa Rosada parou, e
tomou o vidro na mao & comecou a praticar Comigo disendo
Como eu estaua mto. magro e amarilho e ou nas palauras
mostrando sentimento de minha doenca. O dia segumte
indo correguandome mais a doen£a fuime nec°. ir p* Sao
Thome p* me curar aonde estiue quasi dous meses, e a doenca
hera do fasti(go) mto. grande Sobindo o Rei que eu nao mi-
Ihoraua nada mandoume hu regimento como me auia de curar,
e soubimos tambS q uiyo por uia da Rainha. Depois de
sanar tornei pa este Velur comecei a pintar hu painei dua
N, Snora donde sobre a mesma Image pasaraose mu' praticas
Como o pe. Bhor Cout°. tera escrito, e fasendpme mto\ ofere-
cim"". de dadiuas mas como o proul nos proibio q nao tomas-
semos dr°. nao quisemos aceitar, donde ficou tarn espantado
que pubricam* disia parate os seus grad". q nunca Ihe pedimos
nada e sindo q esta gente he tarn inclinado a pedir q he cousa
pasmosa. tambem tenho feito ao Rei alguas pinturas em
laminas em particular du Saluadr : e N. Snora que tinho
p. p* mim p* dar algum padre leuamos Ihe a mostrar folgou
nA de uer e leuou p* dentro a mostrar a Rainha, e nunca mas
tornou, soubemos depois q o tinha guardado mim Caixao.
donde tern as suas joyas mto bem cubertas e cada dia o tiraua
APPENDIX C 606
fora olhando m* tempo por ellas queira aquelle mesmo Snor
e Senora que tudo pode, abrirlhe os olhos do cora^ao p* qoe
Iho reuerencie e adore como o merecS. a o presente disem q
o Rei fas faser Duas manilhas douro com pedrerias p* me dar
q he aos seus modos faser grande honrras dar manilhas,
joy as Culares o outras cousas semelhantes. estou agora
fasendolhe outra lamina diante delle que me pidio q Ihe
fisesse porque me queria uer pintar cousas pequenas, por isto
pe^o a V R q me mande algum pinceis daquelles pequeninos
q sejao m*° bos. Diseraome q uinha hu irmao pintor framSgo
mto bom com oqual folguei porque hira acabando a Igreja
Noua de Caza professa q eu tinha comecada que si se acabar
a de ser hua das bellas Igrejas q se pocja uer mas duuido que
se acabara tarn depressa por que a obra he tao grande que
nao podera acabar hu so em quinza anos. nao mos faltao
enfad0 nV". e perseseguicoes. Deos seja aquelle que ponha a
mao na sua obra porque os homes do mudo parece que la
quere mais apagar q manter nao me estenderei mais Nisto
porque o sabera mais meudam". Encomedo mwa VR o
meu Irmao, e o ajude fazerlhe dar algua obra boa pq sei q o
sabera fazer perfeitam" como qquer outros. nao se ofrece
mais Destas partes. Rogo mto a VR. que me encomende a o
p* Joseph de fano, e a todos os pe e Irmaos e emparticular a
o Irmao Juliano pasagnano a la su deuota oraciom. nos
sanctos sacrif0', e deuotas oracoes de De V R m*° me encome-
do. de Velur aos onse de Nouebro de 1607.
Minimo Seruo em xpo de V R
+
I BARTOLOMBO FONTS BONA
XX
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO LAERZIO
TO Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAVIVIA.
(Cochin, November 20th, 1607).
Nas Residencias de Bisnagd, se uay contimuando co a
couersao, q o bo P . Fr*0. Ricio tinha comesado, e o p.
Antonio Rubino em Chandrigry te ja feito algus xpaos de
nouo, como elle escreuera a V.P. E pera o p. Belchor Cou-
tinho fallar, e tratar as cousas de nossa s \ ffe co el Rey, foy
grande meo o Ir. Pintor Fontebona, q he a el Rey e a todos
muy aceito, e uiue la co m u. edifica9ao e exemplo, e merece p
sua mu. bondade tudo. A my pareciame poderia ajudar na
608 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
qlles Reynos muito mais se fosse jutam*. Sacerdote, elle
sabe latim q basta : verdade he q nuca elle me f allou nisto n5
directe nS indirecte, n3 nhua outra pessoa p elle, nS exerguey
nolle q disto tiuesse imagin^ao nhua ; mas eu som*'. cuidey
nisto ha ja algus anos, p me parecer fara co isto mto. mais
servigo a Nosso Sory e na Prouia cuido nao auera disto nhum
escandalo nos outros los coad jut ores, p estar elle na qlles
terras ta separado dos outros, e co ta differente ministerio, e
nao sebere por uentura em q estado seja recebido na Com*. Se
a V.P. parece be mandar esta Iicen9a, pera my tenho sera
pera gloria de Nosso Sor, e mayor b£ dqllas almas.
Al P. Roberto Nobili mandamos p*. a Residencia de
Madure agora faz ano e meo, pera se perfecoar na lingoa
dqllas partes, e prouarmos se se podia dar algu principio a
algua conuersao na qlles Reynos...
Cochim, 20. de Nouebro de 607.
D. V, P.
Inutil filho e Stt°. em Chro
+
ALBERTO LABRCIO
XXI
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ANTONIO V1CO TO
Fr. PIETRO ANT. SPINELLI.
(Cochin, December 9th, 1607)
II Re di Bisnaga ogni giorno piu s'affectio na alle cose
di Dio, et da licenza a nri che si deuidono i altre citta del
suo Regno... di Cocci li 9 di xmbro. 1607.
D. V. R. Serui idigni i Cho.
ANT. Vico.
XXII
'LITTERAE ANNUAE* OF THF PROVINCE OF MALABAR,
1604-1606.
(1607).
Ex his (Nayaks of Madura, Tanjore andjinji) Gingensis
qui proxime regiam ditionem attingit, regnum in alios
minores Naiches sub-diviserat Horum unus cui Lingama-
naiche nomen est, paucarum urbium dominus, adeo divitiis
pollebat ac viribus, ut Gingensis ac Bisnagrensis impetum
APPENDIX C 607
sustinere se posse ratus, fisus Volurensis arcis munitionibus,
diu neutri parere voluerit.
Itaque Rex Bisnagrensis Adelaraio suo (is est dux ex-
ercitus maximus) dederat in mandatis ut rediens in hyberna
Ciandegirinum, Volurutn inopinatam aggrederetur. Ade-
larayus non procul ab ea urbe cum exercitu her habens,
prima nocte aberrase se ab itinire simulans, cum tatam
noctem maxima ceientate praecurisset, non potuit tamen
ante lucem Velurum ita cum omni exercitu opprimere, ut
detectis portis exclusus et globorum ferreorum imbre e
tormentis exploso, moenibus amotus non sit. Dous menses,
ruente imbribus coelo, sine ulla spe urbis potiundae, Velurum
obsedit. Cum ecce tibi qua dam die duobus adelarai militum
praefectis qui Lingamanaiche amicitia, nescio etiam an
sanguine conjunct! erant, Velurum ad colloquium ingressis,
in reditu Linguamanaiche urbanitatis ergo, amicos extra
portas deducens, ab adelarai militibus capitur, atque in castra
vinctus adducitur, ibique amicis custodiendus traditur. Qui
ubi evadendi spem sibi praereptam vidit, astu atque cuni-
culis rem aggreditur. Adelaraium oneratum promissis ut
liberet obsidione Velurum hortatur, viginti leches post
discessum se daturum pollicitur, quindecim auri, et quinque
gemmarum et margaritarum, (continet autem Lechis pagodes
centum millia, qui sunt nummi aurei nostrates centum
quinquaginta millia). Adelaraius Lingamanaichis dolos
odoratus, litteras ad regem mitti quibus eum Velurum
evocabat, nunc esse tempus, aiens, at regium erarium adim-
plendi, et suae ditionis fines addita urbe munitissima por-
rigendi. His litteris Rex, qui antea ad exterrendo Naiches
Ciandagrino fuerat ; regressus cum infinita prope militum,
aliorumque hominum multitudine, magnoque elephantorum
numero, Velurum versus castra movit, quinto idus Januarias
anni 1604 January 9th. Eo ubi pervenit, militum ducumque
acclamationibus ac militari plausu exceptus, Lingamanaichem
qui se ad pedes regis abjecerat, bene sperare jussit, turn
Lingamanaichis filiis qui tormentorum explosionibus Regem
ab ingressu arcis arcebant, ut arma ponerent, imperavit.
Tune Rex cum Regina urbem ingressi in regia Laingamana-
ichis e marmore, auro, gemmisque distincta, opere Corinthio,
commorati sunt. Totus que in eo rex positus erat ut viginti
Leches, quos promiserat Lingamanaichis exprimeret, Sub
idem tempus, ineunte scilicet Februario, P. Franciscus
Ricius Regem ut inviseret ageretque cum eo quaedam
negotia, ad Regem Velurum se contulit, a quo perhonorifice
exceptus, atque per quatuor menses retentus est ; diutiusque
608 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
remansisset nisi quodam Regis simulate Chandagrinum
regressu deceptus praecurrisset.
Non multo post tempore P. Belchior Coutinho, recuper-
andae valetudinis gratia, quam amiserat, S. Thoma venit
ibique mansit usque ad mensem Augustum ; quo tempore
P. Provincialis eo Regem Bisnagrensem Patresque tarn
S. Thomae quam Ciandragiri visurus appulerat. S. Thomae
P. Provincialis paululum commoratus, quinto idus septem-
bris exornatus muneribus quae Regi daturus attulerat ,
videlicet, Elephantus quern dono a Rege Jaffnapatano
acceperat, cane venatitio, aliisque munusculis, Patri-bus
Rectore, Belchiore Coutinho, et Emmanuele Fonseca
comitantibus Velurum iter aggreditur, atque ex itinere, Puley
veterem Patrum Collegii S. Thomae amicum ut viseret,
Canjiverano transire decreverat. Hie est qui Superioribus
annis P. Francisco Martino nostri Collegii Rectore, cum a
Rege Tangiaorio oppido S. Thomae fuisset praefectus, captus
Nostrorum praesertim Rectoris consuetudine, ejusque sancti-
tatem admiratus, ex Regiis vectigalibus que cives S. Thomae
Tangiaorio solvebant, quotannis trecenos nummos aureos
quibus nunc victitent Patres, in annos singulos Patribus
regio nomine donaverat.
Hie, P. Provincialis iter subodoratus, certis locis qua
Pater erat transiturus ut eum omni apparatu exciperent, sibi
conjunctissimos quosque disposuerat. Prima itaque die cum
Patres pervenissent Conducturum a Puley sororis filiis per-
honorifice excipiuntur. Altero die pervenerunt Canjiveranum,
que arx est munitissima Tanjaorii, magnificentissimi fane
celebritate longe lateque maxime inclyta ; quam arcem et
alios amplius centum pagos Puley supra 40 annos administrat.
Qui P. Provinciali aliquot leucas e sua familia virum nobilis-
simum obviam miserat, officii causa, et ut ad se spe eorum
adventus exhilaratus deduceret ; turn ipse sub nocte duobus
militum milibus circumseptum, totidem ad arcis custodiam
relictis, egressus est extra portas in planitiem satis amplam
ibique duarum horarum spatium substitit, missis identidem
exploratoribus qui scirent ac de Patrum itinere eum certiorem
facerent, ac funalibus (nox enim iter habentes oppreseram
Ubi pervenere, Pule senio facieque venerabilis, majoriqt).
dignus imperio e suorum agmine procedens, taedariue
funaliumque luminibus noctem superantibus, in P. Provum-
alis aliorumque complexus humanissimus ruit, iis benevncio
tiae argument is quae quivis Europaeus a sui amantmsilo
christ ianae Reipublicae principe, posset opt are.
APPENDIX C 609
Post mutua salutationis officia, Patres domum suam
amplam atque magnificam deduxit, in ejusque parte accomo-
datiori, quam aulaeis tapetibusque constriverat atque
ornaverat, collocavit. Ibi tres dies Patres subsistere coegit,
quibus ea suae erga Patres Societatis propensae voluntatis
ajgumenta dedit, ut plura aut majora ab alio Societatis
studiossissimo expectare non possis.
Canjiverano Patribus Vellurum contendentibus, Rex
qui de adventu fuerat certior factus, cujusdam pagi viri
nobilissimi domum qui in arce Vellurensi, juxta domos regias
habitabat jussit ornari, in quam deducti Patres, illico a Regia
familia visitantur, eorum salutem ab eis nomine regio
sciscitatura. Turn Ramana sororis regiae filius, nostrorura
studiosissimus, per aulicos ac familiares suos Patres invisit,
eisque cibaria opipare de sua mensa, uti Patribus Nicolao
Levanti atque Francisco Ricio antea fecerat, missurum se
dicit. Cui cum respondisset P. Provincialis Patribus comiti-
busque suis domi velle se cibos parare, turn ille verveces atque
gallinas in magna copia, necnon batyrum et orizam aliaque
cibaria, nondum parata, et paulo post aprum quern ejus
frater ex venatione attulerat, misit ad nostros ; turn ipse
venit, e isque benevolentiae significationes exhibuit ut eorum
familiaritate diutissime usus videretur.
Altero die Rex suos P. Provincialem misit viserent, ab
eoque sciscitarentur quando ad eum ingredi vellet. Quibus
respondit Pater se elephantem qui Conjiverani, ut paulum
quiesceret substiterat, expectare, qui ubi pervenit Pater
significavit Regi, qui Optimatem qui illi est a secretis, Pa-
trum amicissimum, cum magno comitatu misit, accitum
quocum Patres ex hedris vecti venerunt ad valvas regiae.
Descendit Rex in atrium ad excipiendum P. Provincialem,
atque una ut videret elephantem canemque venaticum et
alia quae attulerat. Turn secum deduxit in aulam sedemque
in sella regia Pattern, sui Regni principibus stantibus in
peristromati, apud se sedere jussit, a quo P. Provincialis
petit ut alios etiam Patres sedere juberet, quod et fecit.
Accepit hie P. Provincialem humanissime, maximis verae
benevolentiae argument is. Cumque Pater abeundi facul-
tatem, eo quod tempus Coccinum redeundi ad accipiendas
litteras ex Lusitania advenerat, peteret, nunquam sivit,
addens nee Rgem Bisnagrensem nee Societatis Provin-
cialem Praepositum decere, eum in primo statim congressu
demittere. Ad haec habere se dicebat quiddam magni
moment ii tractandum, quod in praesentia tractari non pote-
rat. Itaque illi perendiae condicit. Coadita die adf uit Pater,
610 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OP VIJAYANAGARA
sed tanta in Regem moles negotiorum irruit audiendi, nam-
que fuere legati Mogorenses, Idalcani, Gingenses, Tanjaoren-
ses, ac Madurenses, aliaque tot negotia gravissima super*
venerunt, ut non nisi sub noctem intempestam potuerit
Patres audire, quos ubi hilare excepit, remotis arbitris,
P. Provinciali ad aurem per interpretem significavit se ad
novum Proregem Indiae, qui eo tempore sperabatur, mittere
vele legates, renovandae firmandaeque cum Lusitanis
amicitiae causa, sed eos sine P. Rectore ab se nolle dimit-
tere, itaque se etiam atque etiam rogare ut P. Rectori eundi
cum suis legatis facultatem in scriptis relinqueret. Cui P.
Provincialis respondit cum Proregis adventus certi nuntii
venissent, turn se ea de re concilium capturum. Subdidit Rex:
post istos nuntios, quis hie erit qui Rectori det facultatem
eundi ? Nunc necessarium capiendi consilium tempus esse,
postea neutri integrum fore. Tune Pater Regis postulata
concessit, quibus ille laetus Patri Rectori voce ut omnes
audirent : Goam, inquit, cum legatis eundi facultatem habes,
atque ita P. Provincialem officiis muneribusque cumulatum
dimisit,
Hinc profecti Patres, relicto apud Regem Veluri,
P. Belchiore Coutinho, venerunt Ciandegrinum, ubi
P. Franciscum Ricium senio meritisque venerabilem, Bada-
garum linguae morum, ac religionum peritissimum, in ex-
colendis Neophytis, ethnicorum sectis evertendis, XBM reli-
gione propaganda, occupatum invenerunt
Illud etiam ad rem Xnam plurimum facit, nobilium
puerorum schola Badagarum litteras sub ethnico praeceptore,
nostris sumptibus nostrorumque moderamine discentium.
Decet praesertim varias canciunculas, Jesu et Mariae laudes
continentes, quibus teneri aetati sensim sine sensu X" pietas
instillatur ...
Nunc Vellurum cogor reverti atque inde Regem
P. Coutinho Chandegrinum deducer. Fuit Pater Veluri,
Patrum Xnorumque causas agens, regemque omnibus
officiis delinitum ahabens, a mense septembri usque ad
Maium ; quo tempore Rex cum a Lingamanaichi magnum
gemmarum ac margaritarum numerum expressisset, eum
arce Veltirensi spoliatum Ciandegrinum duxit in triumpho,
de quo ipsius P. Coutinho ad Patrem Provincialem libet
attexere :
" Perrexi tandem (quod Dei benignitas fait) in-
colutnis Chandegrinum, quamvis ut in maximis calori-
bus fessus via, sed itineris molestiam comitum infinita
611
multitude levabat ; quorum aliqui, ut omittam pedites
innumerabiles, essedae, alii equis et bobus, alii ele-
phantibus bini yel terni vehebantur. Me quamvis uno
die Rex praecessisset, turn eum antequam urbem ingrederetur,
consecutus sum, nee enim ingredi voluerat, antequam Tripiti
in celeberrimo fano, uti ante decessum voverat voti religione
se solveret. Sexto itaque Calendas Junias * quatuor post
ortum solis horis, hac pompa in urbem invectus est. Viam
?ua, per urbem mediam, erat transiturus, aulaeis ac festa
ronde visendam, arcus etiam in magno servii variis coloris
vestiti terni certo inter spatio dispositi plurimum ornabant
Regem, praeter instrumenta bellica, tarn ex aere cavo, quam
tympana et classica. et praeter alia signa quamplurima,
regium vexillum in quo ex auro leo et piscis depicti significant
eum terra marique dominari Praeibant equites multi, ipseque
Obraias, Regis socerus, aliique regni proceres auro
gemmisque pellucidi. Ipse Rex una cum Connanaichi
elephante pulcherrimo, croco toto corpore et capite,
feoribusque ornato quern oloserico et culcita serica auro
intertesta in qua ipse sedebat, gemmis ac margaritis contectus
vehebatur. Non usus est corona regia quam habet maximi
ponderis et pretii. Quidam ideo eum non uti ea corona
dictitant, quod alii Reges statim ac capiti earn imposuerunt,
morte immatura sublati sunt ; alii ideo earn neque ad similes
trimphos adhiberi autumant, quod nonnisi recuperatis regnis
quae a superioribus regibus Mauri detraxerunt earn in
triumpho Regem Bisnagrensem ferre mereatur. Cum ita in
triumpho veheretur, hilares oculos benevolentiae indices,
circumquaque in subjectam conjiciens multitudinem, forte
nos vidit pompam spectantes, nobisque arridens, turn ad
Cinnanaichem conversus, nosque ostendens, nescio quid cum
eo est collocutus. Credo equidem Regem aspectu P. Fran-
cisci exhilaratum, quern jamJiu videre cupiebat. Nos
praetereumtem usque ad Rcgiam secuti, iterum eum ex
elephante descendemtem vidimus. Hie Rex in aura sella ab
Adelaraio urbis praefecto, ut mos est munus accepit. Turn
alii proceres Regem venerati discedebant. Nos etiam
accessimus et quidem P. Franciscus Ricius ei cyathum e
vitro inauratam quern ad id servaverat, obtulit, atque ita
domum revertimus." Haec P. Belch ior Coutinho.
Patres ad Bisnagrensem Principem uti superioribus
annis praescriptum est, inopia mittendorum, nondum iverunt.
Instat turn quotidie importunis litteris nee ullum finem facit
* May 27th.
THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIjfAYANAGAftA
evocandi, et Provincialis, cum esset Ciandigirini ei Patres se
propediem missurum promisit, sed nondum stetit promissis,
quia quos mittat cum maxime cupiat, non habet. Unas
ipsius Principisad Patres Chan dagirinenses litter as opponam,
et hanc residentiatn absolvam,
" Anno Subaratutii, mense decimo, decimo post plenilu-
nium die, Litterae Trimalaragi, Ramaragi filii, maximi
principiis, ragi inter ragios, datae ad Patres Ciandagrini.
Accepi vestras litteras quas mihi per vestrum Tagium
misistis, easque abscondi in praecordis. Accepi etiam munera
omnia ; gavisus sum vos de meo istuc adventu apud regem
et principes regni studiose agisse. Vos cum hac Goam iter
haberetis, dixixtis vos hue ad commorandum propediem
ventures. Miror nondum venisse. Veniant, oro, ne morentur.
Cetera meus legatus ore ad os loquetur."
XXIII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. BELCHIOR COUT1NHO
TO Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAVIVA
(Vtllove, October 11th, 1608.)
Pax Christi.
O anno passado escreui a V. P. as nouas destas partes,
mas como quera q as naos forao de Goa, e nehua de Cochin,
pode ser q as cartas ficariao em Cochim pera onde as enca-
minhe, e q este anno uao. Nestas darei nouas do mais q
este anno acaes9eo, e encaminhoas p\ Goa por terra, pera
q nao £093 da ficare como as outras. Estamos de saude
Deus seia louuado, aqui en Velur o irmao Bertolameo fonte
boa e eu, e em Chandregri o Pe. Ant°. Rubino, onde faz
m*0. serui90 a Deus ( ) E posto q algus delles se des-
garrarao por uarios seruos dos mesmos gentios, todauia ao
menos flea sempre aqlle cazal de ( ) he nomeado
q sempre se mostrou alegre firme e perseverante ne fee, ( )
ven serue. Ca en Velur temos tambe outra familia daqllas
em Chan(dregri) bautizadas, e pcuro o q. posso de os
mouer o q sabem ( ) q ( )rao e continuar
alegria, etc. De nouo este anno bautizei hu uelh(o) dia de
N*. S™. da assum9ao, he de 100. annos, e dizg q nao adorava
os idolos (mas) hu so Deus q Ihe demos a conhecer como fez
S*> Paulo aos areopagitas. E po(r quern) dantes sospiraua
m**. polio bautismo, ao dia q tinhamos con9ertado ( )
APPENDIX C
613
e assim o bautizei, sendo padrinho hum mercader portuguez
q ueo aqui uender esmareldas a este R(ei)...
As mais nouas deste Reino sao q o Rei este anno
passado em ianeiro abalou daqui e foi a Ginga q esta daqui
2 dias de caminho e ( ) f oi q tendo ido seus capi-
taes diante a conquistar as terras do Naique de Ginga porq
tardaua na paga do tributo e indose acercando a fortaleza,
quis Deus castigar aqlle Naique q nella estaua como hu
epicuro e brutal nao tendo menos q mil molheres dentro no
pa$o ; e sese deixara estar na fortaleza, ningue podera co elle
porq he quasi inexpugnauel ; 9eguro a paixao sahio fora
contra os capitaes do Rei, e os seus co medo o desenpararao
e foi ( ) ficando o ditto Naique catiuo, a que* dando
as orelheiras, a que as (joyas) do peito porq. o nao matasse-
foi a uictoria dia de IESV *como depois dissemos ao mesmo
Rei ; e a meia noite veo ca a noua roando, ( ) El Rei
e foi a Ginga, o Naique catiuo se Ihe deitou aos pees, e por
meo da Rainha, e seus irmaos se concertou a Ihe pagar 60
( ) mil cruzados, e pa. a- Rainha iargar a fortaleza de
Cauaripa(tao) aqui perto ; e co isto se recolheo outra uez o
Rei ca p*. Vel(ur) e o Naique de Ginga sentido da perda de
sua renta e de seus elephantes ( ) foise como da $ere
perigrino a Ciranga hu seu pagode dizendo q nao queria
mais do mando etc. mas os 2 Naiqu(es) seus amigos o de
Madure e Tangier Ihe derao m1". dadiuas e fizerao q tornasse
pa. seu estado o qual possue. — Este (anno) ueo o P. Prou*1.
da costa da pescaria a uisitar esta, e ( ) a S. Thome
onde o Pe. a todos nos consolou...T(ambe) ueo a S. Thome o
nouo Bispo mandado por S. Sde. e por S. (Mde.) E o P . R"'.
Ihe fez mto. gazalhado e nossa caza na qual (esteue), e dalli
por onde do Pe. foi leuado a pee co mta. (honrra) e festas de
dan9as, folias, disos, por arcos, etc. — Corre (sua) amizadeco
nosco. Todas estas materias deixo p*. os P*. q (naqllas)
partes reside. E torno a estas e q estamos. Poucos (dias
ha) q os Naiques de Tangior e Madure mandarao ao Rei seu
tri(buto) de 500. mil cruzados em*. uariede. de psentes de
( )-p\ receber isto se poz de f esta todo S si cheo
de (ouro) e pedraria. e no aroia q tinha no peito de q.
( ) ual 100 m(il) cruzados, assistimos a este acto, por
priuilegio e Iicen9a do Rei ; (o qual) sempre se mostra amigo,
posto q ha mto. q nao se nos paga a (renta) nos te ordenado,
p. a qual agora Ihe pedimos os ( )tos en olas, queirao
( ) outra paga q os Naiques Ihe hao de f azer. queria Deus
q decess( Jpois o P% R° . (q se e nao outropoderia
* January 1st ,
614 THB ARAV1DCJ DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
dazela) estes annos ( ) sua iudustria e mu. charid'.—
tambe o irmao esta disgostozo p(orque) o Rei nao differe a
pintura, e telhe pmetido m*". cousas de ( ) e monil-
has, etc. £ tudo sahio mintirozo como o he estados ; es( )
assim q dantes era tao liberal quando menos p\ Chandregn
( ) posto a privazou a Rainha ase feito tao esca9eo
ou este o fica co ( ) q todo mundo se queixa deste
parentes seus, e soldados, etc,-nf ) chamar p\ c£ n5
ouvir f alar a Trimalarayu o Principe, o qual de(sde Ciran) —
gapatao onde esta, setnpre nos escreue olas e nos chama e
mostra por escrito (a) mestna amizade q £ presen9a mostrou
quando nos agazalhou in(do) p . Goa co os embaixadores
deste Rei. E a mesma nos mostrou co seu sogro e ( )
q he a caza q ha de montar m*°. no tpo de seu gouerno. Fize-
mos este anno as festas do natal co hu Undo psepio...
De Madure tera V. P. nouas daqlla missao, naqual nao
ha q notar mais q o grande fto co q o P. Ruberto e tanta
adifica9ao se entrega alii ao service de Deus disfa^ado etc.
q no mais he como ca, e ne tanto ainda, pois he gente
peior...
De Velur 11. de outubro de 608.
De V. P. Minimo f°. em Christo
BELCH'. COUT°.
XXIV
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO
LAERCIO TO Fr. JOAO ALVAREZ
(Cochin, November 20, 1608.)
Pax Chri.
Quatorze naos partirao na fim de Marzo passado de
Lisboa pera estas partes co o Visorei o Conde da Feria, co
m*0*. mil soldados, q se chegarao todas estas naos e gente,
fora o remedio da India, e alevatara este estado cabe^a, q
esta quasi todo per dido co estes anos do gouerno do Arce-
bispo frade ; e co tantas naos Olandesas quatas estes anos
andao passeando p estes mares do Oriente, se auer quo Ihe ua*
& mao, co ellas f azere qto. querg em tudo ; Mas parece q
Ds. nao foi seruido disto, pq. hu galeao dos 14 appartadose
do Visorei chegou a Mocambique S Agosto, onde achando
huas treze naos olandezas, q tinha posto de cerco a nossa
ortaleza, depois de pelejar hu dia f pi (Jella^ tornado ; polio
APPENDIX C 615
qual sabendo os olandezes q vinha o Visorei atras, leuatarao
o cerco ; (postq nelle Ihes f oi m*°. mal, e murrerao m*0". s8
faser nhum mal a Foztaleza p os nossos se defender^, e pele-
jarS ualerozam".) e se uierao p. Goa, puse na barra ; onde
estando, ouue nouas q hua nao nossa p nome nao Oliueira da
Comp'. do Visorei tinha tabs chegado, e estaua seis legoas
p. o Norte a uista da terra, forao de Goa nauios, tirarao o
dinh.° e todo o fato de cima, e antes q os olandezes chegasse
a ella, os nossos Ihe puserao o fogo, e ardeo toda, p.
os imigos se nao aproueitare della ; Das outras dose naos co o
Visorei at£ oje se nao sabe noua nhua, q he cousa q a todos
nos magoa, na parece podera ja uir se nao £ Mayo, p tere* j&
come9ado os Leuates q durao estes seis mezes ; Nao parece
isto se nao castigo de Ds, q ainda se nao acabou, pq na
verdade nesta vinda do Visorei co este socorro estaua o
remedio de todo este estado ; seja o Sor p/ sepre louado...
Cochin 20. de Nouebro 608.
+
ALBERTO LAERCIO.
XXV
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO
LAERCIO TO Fr. CLAUDIO AQUA VIVA
(Cochin, December 30th, 1608.)
As Residencias de BisnagA, onde estao os dous P.
Belchior Coutt. , e Antonio Rubino E o irmao Bertolameu
fontebona muy aceitos a El Key, e a toda aquella Corte ;
tern feito algus Christaos, mas nao tantos como desejaua-
mos, e ainda estes este ano co a perseguisao de hu Gouer-
nador de Chandrigry tiuerao bem de trabalhos, e el Rey como
he muito velho, postoq* tem muita bondade natural, e partes
grandes com tudo, nao acode ; as guerras e inquietacoes q9
este ano teue, tambem adjudarao a isto ...
Cochin. 30. de Dezembrp de 608.
D. V. P.
Inutil f.° em x.»
•f
ALBERTO LABRCJQ.
616 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
XXVI
•LITTERAE ANNUAE1 OF THE PROVINCE OF MALABAR,
1606—1607.
(1608.)
He Madure cabe9a dos estados do Naique ; oqual posto-
que nao tenha tit0, de Rei, se nao de capitao que isso quer
diser Naique seu poder he muito grande, i tern reis tribu-
taries sendo o ele tambem ao emperador de Bisnagar cuio
capitao antes era, e seleuantou com os estados que
gouernaua; quando o emperador em hua rota perdio o im.
perio, E tornando depois recuperar parte delle, este de
Madure, e os dous de Tanjaor e de Ginja Ihe derao obedi-
encia, e pagao parcas em sinal de Vassalagem : porem sao
absolutos, e mui poderosos, porque cada qual te tresentos
elephantes depeleia, a fora a gente de cauallo a pee...
O nouembro passado de 606 passando po aquella resi-
dencia o P*. provincial deixou nella o pe. Ruberto Nobilli
por companhr0. do padre Goncalo frz assi pera aprender a
lingoa da corte mais pollida, como porque a cansada velhice,
e as doengas do padre pediao Socessor...
Custumao os padres assi nesta residencia como em
Chandeguerim aser escola de ler e escreuer em Badaga com
mestre gentio posto por nossa mao pera que se uao aflei9O-
ando os animos tenros dos mininos aos padres e os cousas de
Deos...
Pertencem ao Collegio de S. Thome sete da Comp*...ha
mto\ annos que esta Cidade anda reuolta com bandas a modo
de guerra ciuil : sem te Ihe poder dar remedio algum por
estar em tr". de Rei gentio e longe da corte, e a iusti?a e
capitao nao ter poder d'armas pera prender, e castigar os
malfeitores ; com tudo muitos males se atalharao por meio
dos nossos, hua sesta fr*. de quaresma tratou o p". pregador
com tanto espirito, e zello sobre os odios, e brigas que o
principal de hum dos bandos que ouuio a prega9ao, e tinha
vindo com muita gente dearmas, e espinguardas, se abrandou
de maneira que logo determinou deixaro odio, e pretendeo
amisade com seo contrario como fes na Igreia Matris do
Apto. de S. Thome restituindo cada hum todas as perdas e
danos q tinha f eito, e conf essandose com mostras de arre-
pendimento, e etnenda, ao presente nao ha odios, nein
brigas...
APPENDIX c
Estil & cidado de S. Thome nas tr . del Rei de Bisnaga,
e posto q os Portugueses tern capitao, e ouuidor que os
gouernem, e administrem a iusti9a; em outra pouoa9ao
apartado e vecinha esta hum capitao do Rei que arecada os
direitos, e gouerna os gentios ; hum Portugues hua noite f oi
co armas a sua pouoa9ao p\ buscar hua mo9a que Ihe tinha
fugido, e armandose la hua brigafoi morto. Os paretespedi-
rao vingan9a ao capitao, o qual aiuntando muita gente
d'armas f oi dar na fort*, del Rei, e porque o Adigar se acolheo,
Ihe pos o fogo, destruindo mta. parte da povoa9ao, e matando
algua gente mesquinha, chegou a fama deste aleuantam*0. a
el rei ; o qual sentio muito a fronta que Ihe fiserao em Ihe
queimarem sua fort', allegando se o Adigar tinha culpa Ihe
fisessem queixume que elle o castigaria. Os moradores de S.
Thome areceando que o Rei mandase exercito p\ Ihe por
cerco ; pediraoiao P. Reitor Nicolao Leuanto que fosse ter
com El Rei pa. com resoes, e presentes o aplacar ; sabendo o
Rei da sua vinda Ihe mandou diser q se queria tratar cousas
dos p". que leuaria muito gosto em Ihe fallar ; porem tratar
dos negocios de Maleapor, nao era resao tendo Ihe feito tao
graude afronta ne menos auia de recebir seus presentes, com
tudo pouco a pouco se foi abrandando, e como de sua
naturesa he manso, e benigno ; mandou depois chamar o pa.
e com mostras de muito amor o recebeo e concedea tudo o
que pedia, tirando aquelle Adigar ou capitao da fort", e pondo
outro a uontade dos Portugueses...
Em Velur reside o padre Belchior Cout°...
Em Janr°. de 607 foi mandado o Irmao Bertolameu
Fonte Bona.
XXVII
A LETTER OF Fr. ANTONIO RUBINO TO Fr, CLAUDIO
AQUAVIVA
(Vellore, September 30th, 1609.)
Mto R*° in Chro Pre nro
Pax Chri
Gl' ani passati a scrissi a VP. il stato di qsta missione
del Regno di Bisnaga, do( ) mi ritrouo co gradiss*. mia
consolaf. se bene Pessere la porta si chiusa al Euangello,
causa non picolo dolore. Al presete io interne co il ' f rllo
Bartholomeo fontebuona, che molte uolte pinge auati il Re
ho curad * ambe due qste residenze di Vellur, e Chandregui
o cosi sto un poco in un luogo, et un poco nell ' altro :
6i8 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY Qfr VIJAYANA6AfeA
causa pche no tiamo dui Padri in qste due residenze, i p no
tiuere co che sostStar li, pche sono gia 6. anif o piu, ch'il Re
no ei paga ne ei da un quatrino, se bene i giorne passati
diede 11 Re al frllo la ualuta di cento scudi d'oro p coprare
colori. Adetto dice, che li fara pagare mille scudi ma Dio
sa quello, che sera, pche di loro si po dire p(ro)ssimai che
raSdaces filii hnutn, e qui no dice bugia fra loro no & haomo.
II stato della Christianita in qsto Regno e 1'istenso che degi '
ani passatti, p che no battelai, se no un figliolhino d ' eta di
4. ani, che racolhi in casa co ( J de suoi parSti ; e quelli
pochi Christiani, ch ' abbiamo, che sono 15, dano si mal
odore di se, ch ' io mi risolhi, a no uolhere battellare ( )
s'il Sigfl. no li chiama co particulare upcaf., p che alch».
defecerunt altri auati mi si mostrano Christiani, in sua casa
uiuono como Gentili. No si po credere quato chiusa sta la
porta in qsto Regno alia sata fede, e tutto cio nasse dall '
auuers . et odio grade che ei portano, p sapere che siumo
sacerdoti delli portughesi, i qquali mangano carne di uacca
beuono uinho ( ) se bene noi in
qsto regno abstinemus ab iis, co tutto cio basta isto nro
uestito nero p che gli fughino et abhorrischino, come la peste,
e basta come diceno il sappere che suozne Sacerdoti del]
Portoghesi. Per far alche frutto he neesss0. p uestire
mangare e nelle cose politiche trattare como lore in quatu
fieri potest e qsto, sempre dissi al P. Prou1*. il quale ha
animo di madarmi p isto Regno uestito al modo loro, a un
luogo oue no seja conesciuto, m'il no hauere ( ) ha
ipeditti qesto disegno II mutare uestiti in qeste residenze
( f ) fe supefluo p che ja siamo conesciuti e fora co mto
poco frutto cosi fc £ necess0. andar in parte oue no siame
conosciuti, in qsto si gran regno no maca no. V P. ordene
quello, che li parera piu espediente, che stado del modo, che
stiamo, mais faremos cosa di mometo. 11 Re gia no ci
mostra 1 ' afetto che ci mostraua gli ani passati a psuasione
di quest maladetti Bramani, che sono inimici capitali della
nra sata fede, de qual il Re & piu che schiauo. Le cose
particular! di qsto Regno, e di qsta missione, scrissi al
P*. Prou1*, credo che lui informara VP. p qsto io le scriuo
finisco co dimadarli humilte la sua sata beneditt*. pregadole
che si f aci raccomadare nelli ss»» Sacrificii et orat* della
Compagnia. Nelli ss*« Sacrificii di VP. mto mi raccomado
Di Vellur citta del Regno di Bisnaga li 30. di SettSbre
del 1609.
p. V. P. MiaimoFigliuolo nel Sig"<
ANT°. RUBJNO.
APPENDIX C 610
XXVIII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO LAERZIO TO
Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAVIVA
(Cochin, November 20th, 1609.)
Delia Missione, et Residenza di Madurfe.
Accio messo si possa intender quello, che Dio N. S. si &
degnato di oprar per spatio di qsti tre anni in qsta missioni
di Madurfe, dal mesi di Nouembre dell9 anno di 606, nel qualeil
P. Rubto. Nobili f u mandate a quella residenza, sino a qsto
present! di 609., he uoluto far qsta informatione, et perche
sia piu chiara, repetivo prima in breue, quello che gia si
scrisse a V. P. nelle due annue passate ; dipoi andarfc
aeguitado quelv che nell9 anno psenti fc succeduto.
La citta di Madurfe, che sta lontana "da qsta di cochino
cinquantana leghe per la terra dentro, restando nel mezzo le
alte montagne, chi si chiamano il Gatte, £ Metropoli delli
stati, et terre del Naiche, il quail' fe molto gran* signore di
molte terre, uassalli, et ricchezze, et fe come uno de i gran*
Duchi de europa et ancor che non tenga titolo de Rfc, ma
solamente di capitano, che tanto ual qsta parola Naiche,
tutta uia tiene molti Re tributarii, com il di Trauancor, di
Manamadurfc, di Tengange et altri, essendo egli ancor a
tributario del Ke di Bisnaga, del quale & capitano, et si
ribello con li stati che governaua nel tempo, che il Rfe di
Bisnaga in una rotta per$i 1' imperio, et tornado dipoi a
ricuperar parte di quello, questo Naiche di madurfe, et li due
di Tangiaor, et di Gingia gli resero obedienza, com pagargli
tributo in segno di vassallaggio ; ma tuttauia restarono sig-
nori assoluti, molto potenti, et di gran* forze, perche ciascun'
di loro mette in campo 300. elefanti di guerra f uera della
molta gent' a pie, et a cauallo.
Per causa de negotii de i Paraua com questo Naiche,
che fe signor della costa di Pescaria, son gia 17 anni che si
fondo qsta residenza com casa, et chiesa assai buona, per dar*
ancora con questo pretesto la prima luce dell' euangelio ai
Badaga, i quali ben che restarono marauigliati della santita
del Padre, et particularm u. della sua castita, non dimeno
fuorono sempre disprezzando la legge che predicaua, come
legge bassa, et uile, tenendo essi in questo concetto i Paraua
et nostri Padri che la stanno per esser' Potughesi, li quali
sono da loro stimati per la piu uile et bassa genti del mondo.
Vero 6 che si marauigliano, et stupescono del soa ammo* et
THE ARAVIfcU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
ualore, et dell' atti heroichi, et gloriosi che hanno fatto, et
fanno in guerra, i quali si come fanno per fama, cossi
esperimentassero nelle sue terre, il che per star molto dentro
la terra non puo essere, formerano altro concetto de Portu-
ghesi. Si marauigliano ancora delle sua richezze, liberalita,
apparato, etgentilezza nel uestire. La onde intendo che la
causa di formar aglino tal opinioni di Portughesi, fu il
uederli beuer uino, et mangiar uacca, et lasciarsi toccare, et
portare in lettica da i Paria che fc tra di loro, genti abietta, et
uilissima, la qual superstitione & in qsta gente inuiolabil',
che una gente nobile non tocchi, ne tratti con altra men
nobili; di manera che un Brameni si lasciara piu tosto
morir di fame, che mangiar cosa f atta, o datagli per mano di
alcuno, che non sia Brameni. Et per esser li gentili di
Madurfc venuti in questo concetto si basso del Padre che li
dimoraua, in 14. anni di tempo non gli fu possibile far ne
un solo xpiano in una citta si grade, et populosa come &
Madure, che diceuano che f acendosi xpiani perdevano la casta,
et nobilta, et che si faceuano franghi, che cosi chiamano
li Portughesi, et resteuano per sempre disonorati, et infami.
( )trattar, con quei gentili, et nuoui xpiani, et del lore
feruor, et molta capacita, che non mi parece ragione impedir
il frutto, che chiaramte. mostraua lo Spirito Sto. uoler oprar* in
qlla gentilita, et cosi gli concessi piena licenza si Sdare alia
scoperta, et di dar il battes0 ; a tutti qlli, chefussero chiamati
da Dio, senza timore di qllo che potrebbe auenire sperado
nelP aiuto, et fauor Diu0:, gia che Dio N. S. 1' haveua scielto
por qlla impsa. Et pche penso, che riceveranno piacere di
saper il modo del suo uestire, magiare, et trattar co quei
gentili, lo discriuero qui breuemente.
II uestito del P. Rubto. fc una ueste longa sino alle piedi,
qual chiamano Cabaia, di color bianco ue o il giallo : sopra
di qsta un' come roscetto di tela piu fina del| medesmo colo',
et sopra il roscetto un' panno, o eosto, e delP istesso color
della cabaia ; qual gle ua gettato per le spalle : in testa tiene
un' panno di tela fina bianco a modo di berretta rotonda : a
trauerso al collo un' cordone di cinque fili, tre di oro. et
due di fil bianco, con una croce, chi gli viene a dar nel petto.
Et cio fece il Padre per qsta causa, perche si come i Brameni,
i quai sono i loro maestri m qsta guisa portano un cordone
di tre fili, il quaP ancore che sia principalm*" : segno della
sua stirpe, fe ancora in alcuna parte segno della legge che
insegnano, cosi ancora uole il padre portar segno della sua
legge spirituale, la qual fa professione di insegnar come
APPENDIX C 621
publico maestro conforme al costuome della terra ; perche li
tre fill d' oro in un' cordone significant} tre Persone diuine,
et un sol* Dio, glf altri dui fili bianchi, il corpo, et P anima
santiss*. di xpo. N. S*, et la crocefe chiaro segno, di passione,
et morte dell' iste(so.) Di maniera che in qsto cordone pro-
fessa li misterii della della santiss*: Trinita, Incarn««:, et
Redentione, Quanto al uitto il suo magiare, che fe una sol
uolta il giorno alle 22. o 23. hore, fc riso, legumi, herbe, latti,
et per nessun caso ha da magiar carne, oui, ne pesce, perche i
Gurus Saniassi, che professano castita, guardano qsta
legge nel suo magiar inuiolabilm*., ne per nesuna necessity o
infirmita per grave che sia despSsano in carne, che qsti
gentili si burlano di quei chedicono, che si puo consomar la
castita mangiado carne. L' habitatione del Padre, fe in una
strada doue habitano la gente nobile ; et per acgitar' maggior
credito, non esci f uora di casa, ne pmette che altri lo ueggia,
ne che gli parli qualsi uogliapsona, ne inqualsi uoglia tempo,
ma dipoi, di ir la 2 o tre uolte et pregar il suo interprete, che
lo lasci parlar con I1 Aier, che fc lf istesso che Signore, et
finalmte: dipoi di si uendere molto caro, conforme all' uzaza
delpaesi, etper maggior riputatione, essendo eglino introdutti
a parlar col Padre lo trouano che sta sedendo in un' loco
alquanto eminSte, coperto con un panno rosso, e del color
del vestito, auanti del quale sta distesso in terra un' altro
panno rosso, et piu auanti una stoia di paglia fin a, Tutti
qlli che entrano, etiandio li piu nobili, et principali della
corte, gli f anno riverSza alsado le mani giunte sopra la testa,
et dipoi abassadole con una profonda inclinatione, et quei
che uogliono esser suoi discepoli fono 1' istessa ceremonia tre
uolte, et dipoi si postrano in terra, et si tornano a star' in
piedi. Impero il Padre la lingua Tamul piu polita et cosi
ben la pronutia che gli piu periti Brameni nella lingua non
gli leuano uantaggio. Sa legere, et scriuere nell' istessa
lingua, et gia ha letto molti libri delle sue historic, et
mandato a memoria le cose principali della sua legge, et
molti uersi de i loro piu famosi, et rominati poeti, de quali
essi fanno gran' conto. Impero ancora molte cansonette, le
quali canta con tanta ( ) et gratia, che causa a cias-
chedun' qhe 1' ascolta, ugual admiratione, et piacere. Va
adesso studiado il guesedano, che e il latino de Brameni, et
gia legge, et parla ragioneuolmte:. Piglia comanem**: occasione
delle loro historic, p li confodere, et prouar che no posspno
esser molti Dei, ma un' solo, il quale fe spirito, et non tien'
corpo. gli ragiona a cosa della breuita della uita, della
certezza della morte, delle pene dell* inferno, come f ece
particularm ': a uno de 4.° gouernatori del Naiche, il qual
638 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OP VIJAYANAGARA
succesce nello stato al suo frello magior, che pochi di auan
ti era morto, etfu quel che dono al Padre il piano per fabri*
car la nuoua casa, doue adesso dimora. Fu qsto signer
gentile a uisitar il Padre p 1' amicitia che co lui teneua, et fu
mezano, accio il suo frello gli desce quel piano. II Padre
comincio il ragionam10, con gli domadar che era fatto del
suo frello tanto nobili, et ricco, et da tutti stirnato, et
honorato, il quale per non hauer conosciuto la legge, et uia
della salute, staua gia penado nell* inferno, et gli parlo di
questa materia, con tanto feruor, et sp(iritu,) che il
giouan0. non potendo r g mesce il sentimento, et uolendo
ritener le lagrime, prompe in un9 singulto, c(on) tanta copi^
di lagrime, che tutta la sua gente resto stupita, et marauig-
liata, et tnaggiorm*; il P. Rub0, ueggendo (la) compuntionet
et sentimento in un' petto gentilesco ; et la fede, et credito
che daua alle cose, che gli diceua. Si parti il gioua(ne)
desideroso di udir' altre molte le prediche del Padre, et
pigliare il sentiero della salute, et promissi di farli dipoi di
concludere alcuni negotii de importanza, perche va cercado
settanta mila scuti per dar al Naiche per 1' inuestitura dell
statoidel suo f rgllo, al quale il Naiche accrebbe altre terre, et
ua essSdo ogni giorno piu fauorito del Naiche, p esser gia
uani di belle parti, et anco di tante forze, che alza con li
mani ( ) molto grande, et a fin di non le perdere tiene
una sola moglera, il che li fara il negotio della sua conuer-
sione molto piu ageuole.
Procuro ancora il Padre, che arriuase la notitia del*
euang0 : alle signori di altre terre, et a qsto effetto mando il
suo interprete, per nome Giorgio, a un' signore di Bara-
posano, che fe una Prouincia lontana do Madure* ( ) per
la te(rra) dentro, al quale scrissi una lettera in che gli
diceua, che quei solam": saluar'si possono, iquali cognoscono
il vero Dio U(iuo) et esseruano la sua santa legge, et come
egli staua apparegliarro per gli mostrat la uia che guida a la
salute eterna. La resposta del gentile. La risppsta del
gentile migle si entendera per la copia della medesima sua
lettera, che cosi dice. Fissado gP occhi per qlla parte
doue stanno li piedi de V. S. il suo schiauo Ciaruavioualem
facSdo riuerenza sriue, Ja tutto qllo che V. (S,) comanda sto
pronto per seruirla sempre. He receuuto una sua ton grade
piacere, et f esta, in che me scriueua che des(i)deraua venir
nelle raie terre, per m' insegnare il diuino secreto, at qsto fu
il principal negotio che V. S. mi scrisse ; ma per si ritrouar
al presenti qsta terra con molte guerre, non pool' esser* ; ma
come si acquite suhito mandare (a) nuoua alii satniti pi«4i 4o
APPENDIX C 028
V. S., eiall1 hora sia ella seruita di venire. Signor non
riceua la sua uolunta alcun disgusto, per gli dir, che tardi un
poco in uenire, per star la terra in guerre, et morte. Jo non
so per qual ( ) sorte sia accaduto, uoler V. S. venir
qua : di tutto il successo gli mandaro de poi ragguglo con
lettera.
Nella stessa forma mando una ill P. Rub10, al Re di Nana
madura per inuitarlo, et ueder si uolesse udir le cose
pertenecenti a sua salu(atione) come haueua auanti mos«
trato. Lf inter prete fu dal Re molto ben riceuuto, et tratto
con lui delle cose di Dio, mostrand(o) gran* desiderio de
ueder, et udir il Padre. In risposta della Ira disse, che
haueua da uenir a M adurfe per uisitare il Naiche, et all' hora
comxnodam": trattarebbe col Padre ; et cosi lo fece, perche
uenne il primo di Agosto, et tratto con i(l) Padre per
mezano, et lo mando a uisitare per un sue Bramene con
rnolti compimenti, et segni di amicitia mostrad(o) ogni di
Maggior desiderio di egli stesso ir* a parlar col Padre sopra
il negotio di sua salute ; ma per causa di una infirmita che
gli sopravenne si no a hora non 1'ha potute fare. Era qsto.
Re anticam": molto potSte, ma hora il Naiche gli preso molto
terre. £ di buon ingegno, et molto desidera de si saluare. il
che da grade speraze della sua conversione.
Fra gli xpiani che il Padre fece, uni si chiama Alessio
Hatebe, come habbiamo gia ditto. Soleua la madre* di qsto
giouan(e) et suoi pareti en certo tempo far* alcune offerte
all* Idoli ; et essSdo gia uenuto il tpo vennroe i Brameni a
dima(n)darle, ma come la mdre gia staua piu affettionata
alle cose di Dio, che del Dem° : gli mando in buona o mal*
h(ora) et non gli diede cosa lacuna, del che non solam : i
Brameni si lamentarono, ma ancora aminaciarono, che
n( ) piglie ubbero buona uendetta, et non passarono
molti giorni, che senti la donna darli un gran* colpo nell coll(o)
senza ueder alcuna persona, et subito si ammalo si grauem*:
che la tenniano per mprta, et gia non parlaua, ne(nj faceua
alcun1 mouim*0 : II figiolo magiore, che ancora era gentile,
corsi con molta fretta a chie derai medio al Padre, il qual gli
mando il suo reliquiario per Alessio xpiano, et ponendolo
sopra il petto dell' infirma subit(o) torno en si, et lomado,che
cosa era quella, che 1* haueua touata ; et finalm" ; ricebe per-
fetta sanita dando gratie al Signore, che la libero dalla
poteata del Dem° : , et perche ancora 1* anima restasse libera,
determine di far(si) xpiana, et a desso va imparado il cathe*
cftugmo, Ne fu mioore il mommto : che fece qsto miracolo
nol figliomaggiore, perche subito comincio a impara la dot*
624 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
trina; et il giorno dell1 Assutione della B. Vergine, si bath(eo,
et) ua auanti con molto feruore, udindo messa ogni
giorno, et recitando due o tre rosarii, il che so potra uedere
jdal caso seguenti, auanti del qual' contero un altro, cbe prima
occorsi. Andaua questo giouane in mala converstione con
una donna, dalla qual decideraua la madre di staccarlo, et
non potSdo per nesun' modo, fece uoto alia Vergina Maria,
della qual gia haueua alcuna notitia, che gl' infioreria la sua
cappella con rose, si il figho lasciasse qlla mala occasione.
Fatto il uoto di tal maniera si moto il cuore del giouane, che
gia mai non puose udir nominar qlla donna, il che rigognos-
cendo la madre per beneficio della Madonna, mando le rose
alia chiesa, et gli fu qsto grande motiue per si conuertire. II
caso doque del giouanne, che poco fa diceua, f u qsto.
Alle 23 : di Settebre, giorne consecrate a un' Idolo, per
nome Anada, cosumaua Casturu Naiche. fc qsti un Signor
principal, in corte del qual staua il giouane del qual parliamo,
et si chiama Visuada, digiunar, et pigliar un cordone di seta
da i Brameni, il qual tutto 1* anno portaua legato al braccio,
sin1 che gli desseri un1 altro. Fu Visuada al Palazzo conf or-
me all' oblige che teneua, et gli domadarono gli Brameni si
digiunaua, al che rispose che no, ma essi gli feceuano forza
dicedo, gia che Casturu digiuna, et fc deuoto de Visnu, uoi
ancora lo douete essere ; ancorche cento di uoi altri mi pre-
dichino, non mi faranno gia mai far cosa contra il douersi: al
Naiche nelle cose che toccano al corpo gli seruiro io di molto
buona uoglia, ma nelle cose che apartengone all' anima, non e
egli mio signore ; ei si mi comada cose alcuna contra qlla
non P ho da far ber niun' caso. Dissero all' hora i Brameni
al Naiche, che non era ragione, che Visuada stesse in sua
casa, ne uedesse mai la sua faccia, perche rinegaua gli Dei
dicedo di piu ( ), che era molto graue peccato i mirar
nella faccia di Visuada, al che eghi rispose, anzi a mi parce
che fe grande peccato i mirar nella uostra, che di certo hauete
d' andar' a casa del Dem° : ; ignorano che non sapete niente.
Occorsero molte altre particolarita, nelle quali si prouo la
constanza di qsto giouane, et principalmente coi nom uoler
riceuere in neuna maniera il nuouo cordon di Visnu, che
Casturu gli daua ; anzi dicSdogli il Naiche che era di qllo
dell' anno passato, rispose che P haueua fatto in pezzi. et git-
tato per terra.
II mese di Giuglio di 608. stado nel principio della notte
un' Mahomettano con altra gente, tra quali fcra il xpiano
chiamato Alberto, apparece al ditto mahomattano il Dem* : in
figura humana, et il timer, con che resto is pant a do ton'
APPENDIX C 625
mostro qual qual fusse la uisione, et dicendole al christiano
che iui staua, egli li fece nella fronte il segno della
S" : croce, il che fatto il Dem" : con molta colera gli
disse, con esta arma che ti diede quell* huomo ti;ua bie, d'
alra maniera io pigliaua hora vendetta di se domandogli
il Mahomettano, di chi era quell' arma ; al che rispose il
Dem° : che era arma di Dio onnipotente, dal qual era state
creato, et il Mahomatt0 : et egli medesimo, et cio ditto dis-
parece.
Nell' istesse tempo entro il Dem° : in un gentile in pseza
di molti, et arriuado la Alberto, in cui tutti riconosceuano
poter contra il Dem° : lo pregauano che gli fecesse alcune in-
terrogation!. La prima cosa che gli domando fu si qllo che
il P, Rub»: insegnaua era uerita, et si era uero maestro. Ris.
pose il Dem°: che il Padre era huomo di grande autorita et
che qllo che insegnaua tutto era uverita. Demado di piu il
xpiano si qllo che il Padre hauU cominciato anfaria uanti al
che rispose, che nel principio farebbe poco ma che dipoi di
tre anni farebbe molto, et che 1' impsa che haueua comincia-
(to) anderebbe in grande autnento del che tutti retarono
marauigliati, et bem puol' essere, che il padre de la mentiyra
dicesse il uero del progresso di qsta missione, come p
f orza lo disse della uerita, et bonta della dottrina del Padre.
In Agosto de 608. uenne un' gentile per si catechizare di
bel giuditio, et tal si mostro subito nelle cose della nra santa
Fede dandogli tanto credito, che non, che non uolse mai piu
por cenice nella fronte, ne conxentir che tre figlioli suoi se
la ponessero, facedo grand' instanza al Padre che lo batti-
zasse subito. Ma il Padre per far proua della sua costanza
gli prolango il tempo. Continuo il gentile con le prediche del
Padre, della quali si seruiua poi per dispntar con li gentili.
Cadde qsto huomo infermo, et con i .figli insieme, et ume
aicuni dicono entro il Dem' : nel maggior di loro ; et uengdo
i Brameni con cenice per far le sue superstitioni, li butto il
buon catecumeno f uora di casa et mando achiedere alcun*
reimedio al Padre, dicedogli che qsto era muentione del
Dem° : ma che egli staua de(ter)minato, di piu tosto morir,
che far cosa che fusse ( ) alia legge del uero Dio. II
Padre mando la Aless(o) con 1' acqua benedetta, ei con 1'
euag°: di S. Jiou* : scritto, con la qual medicina se gli fu la
febre, et restaron(o) tutti sani, et certificati della uerit&
della nra Su. Fede.
In una Ira, che il P. Rub0, mi scrisse alii 25. d'Ottobredi
608, diceua. Un Raggiu molto nobile, il quale mostra essere
di 40. anni, uenne molte notto alia porta della mia casa con
628 THE ARAVIDXJ DYNASTY OP VIJAVANAGARA
grande sentimento, et parlado con il patron di quel piano,
gli disse, che gia era uechio, et cho la sua morte era uicina ;
p cio lo pgaua con grande instanza che lo uolesse far parlar
con il mio interprete, accio 1' introducesse a parlar meco per
poter esser mio discepo(lo) e sSdo che moiti gli diceuano in
qsta citta, che io msegnaua la legge dell* eterna salute.
Finalm": io lo fe-entrar et egli gittandosse alii miei piedi con
molta deuotione mi scoperse li suoi desiderii, iqual i erano di
essere incamin(ato) per il uero sentero della salute. Parlai
con questo uechio molto tempo parendome di buon' ingegno,
et pruden(za) et la conclusione f u, che udisse il Cathechismo,
et promisse, de cosi lo farebbe, et insieme procurerebbe che
molti (al)tri Rgiu, che stanno sotto di lui fussero suoi
discepoli.
Un altro Balala maestro con extraordinario feruor mi
venne a pregare che lo insegnasse. Credo che senza dubbio
n(on) hauerebbe V. R. potuto ritener le lagrime, ueggendo
con quanta deuotione qsto gentile le spargeua, quando stado
prostrate aali mei piedi caldatn10: mi pregauache lo saluasse.
Al psSte ua udindo il catechismo, et forma buon conce(tto)
delle cose di Dio N. S.
Hora daro conto di qual che soccesse a Badamurti signor
di qsto piano, nel qual io habito, il qual' gia era catecume-
n(o). Alii 23. d'Ottobre di 6(H.doppo pranso pesse in tuttola
parola. Fui io a sua casa, et lo ritrouai che staua in agon(ia)
de morte. Subito lo battizai, et di li a poco tempo si Teuo in
piedi, et abraciando li miei piedi con molte de(uo)tione disse,
che a Dio, et a me devea la uita. Et aggiunse cne stauano
iui alcuni huomini, che serian(o) Demonii, de quali uno lo
uoleua stragolare, et non gli lasciatia formar parola, un* altro
gli rompeua le gamb(e) un9 altro gli dioeua che la finisse
presto per lo poter leuar uia. Staua il pouerello in qsto traua-
glo, et contras(te) quando io giunse ; ma con la uirtu del
S w legno, che gli posi al collo, et dell' acqua benedetta, sub-
ito li Demon(ii) f uggirono. Resto egli molto debole, et
fiacco, con la gola tanto indebolita, che non poteua dir parola,
et facSd(o) mi di cio cenno gli feci il segno della su croce
sopra la gola, et subit ocomincio parlar, et 10 gli dissi (che)
gia 1* haueua battizato, al che ripose, che molto ben lo sapeua,
et che qlla era la sua uolonta. Torno hier' lf altr(i) di nuouo
a star male, f ui a dir messa p lui, et quado la cominciaua mi
dissero, che staua spirado, et finindo io la messa mi diedero
nuoua, che gia staua bene, come bora sta senza f ebre, et hoggi
venne a udir messa. Ha posta nelle mie mani tutta la sua
f amiglia, accio li dia il s10 battesimo, nella qual stanno piu di
At>&PNbix c 627
uen(te) persone. Egli & huomo di tanto credito, et stima,
che speriamo p suo mezo si conuertino molti a Dio N. S.t
Sino aq la del P. Rub0 Dipoi della quale mi scrisse dell'
altre, dandomi ragguaglio di qllo che Dio N. S. f u oprando,
et pche p le sue ist( ) si intedera piu chiara, et dis-
tintam*: il tutto, li porro q disteram': nella maniera che
stanno.
Copia di una Lettera del P. Ruberto Nobili al P. Prou1";
del Malauare de 24. di Decebre 1608.
Sono obligato a dar sempre conto a V. R. di qllo che
Dio N. S. uao prado in qsta nuoua missione. Gia scrissi,
come dipoi (la) partita di V. R. di qsta citta nel fin di set-
tembre haueua battizato quatro persone ; cio £ Badamurti
che fe il signor di qsto piano, doue sta la mia casa, al quali
trio diede la sanita miracolosam*': Christinada, che fe un,
maestro statuario , che faceua Idoli, et altri lauori,
molto eccelle(nte) nella sua arte, et dal Naiche, et
da tutti i signori di Madu(rei) molto stimato. II 3°: fu
il nro giouane Golor fr£llo del portinaio maggior del Naiche.
II 4° : iu un huomo nobile che V. R. non lo conosce, per non
I1 hauer uisto nel tempo, che quiui stette. Adesso nel giorno
delP Apto S. Tomaso battizai noue; cioe li tre frelli di
Badamurti, et due suoi figlioli. II Calistu che uenne a udir
una pdica del Catechismo, quado qui staua V. R., il quale
mostraua molto feruore, et con lui battezai* il padre, et due
suoi figlioli, un' picciole di cinque, o 6. anni ; et un' altro
maggiore. II Calistu, et suo padre, essedo ancora gentili erano
molto deuoti dell1 Idoli, et sue ceremonie, et tanto che
dicendo Calistu, a suo padre, che haueua parlato un esso
meco, et che io insegnaua una legge spiritual, la qual gli
parecia la uera ; dissegli il uecchio, che non sapeua cosa
alcuna, et che egli parlerebbe con esso meco, et mi conuin-
cerebbe, et mi farebbw ( ). Venne il buon uechio
accompagnato dal suo figliolo, et ancorche nel proncipio
uolse argumetare, et disputare, resto non ( ) cosi
appagato delle ragioni, che io gli diedi della legge di Dio,
che mi apporto grandissima consolatione il ueder qnto con-
corre Dio N. S. con qsta gente. et cosi fu continuado egli
con il suo figliolo in udir le prediche con tanto feruor, et
formarino si buon concetto delle cose di Dio, che mi obli-
garono a non gli differir il S* : batfesimo. II uecchio essSdo
getile teneua una casa solamu : palbergar' li pellegrini, nella
qual teneua un Padara, accio lesse acqua a tutti li pasag.
gieri...
628 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
XXIX
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO LAER2IO
TO Fr. CLAUDIO A QUA VIVA
(Cochin, December 16th, 1610.)
No Collegio de S. Thom6 em Meliapor foy estes anos
Reitor o P. Nicolao Leuato co satisfasao, e era may accepto
a qlle Prelado, q se mostra nosso amigo ; e a el rey de Bis-
nag& e a toda aqlla corte ; e teue sempre muy bom cuidado
de conseruar aqllas Residecias de Vellur, e Chandrigri; Agora
o P. Visit" . fez Reitor da qlle Collegio ao P. Simao de Sa,
o qual nhum talento te p- isso, e bem o (te demos)tado.
Entendo hade padecer mto. a qlle Collegio e tudo, e na dis-
ciplina religiosa, e ainda na amizade co a Bpo, por nao
gostar do modo do Pre, q nao he p*. isso, e por este
respeito no ano passado Ihe tiramos o cuidado da casa de
Negapatao...
Cochim. 6. de Decebro de 610.
D.V.P.
Minimo f ° e Chro
ABLERTO LAERCIO
XXX
AN EXTRACT OF THE 'LITTERAE ANNUAE1 OF THE
PROVINCE OF MALABAR, 1609
(1610.)
Quod ad D. Thomae Collegium spectat scimus Reve-
rendissimum Meliaporensem ducemque et Senatum Civitatis a
Patre Collegii Rectore, quern apud Regem Bisnagarum gratio-
sumesse sciunt, multis precibus contendisse,ut eundemRegem
adiret, et ab eo impetraret litteras ad Ginianum Dynastam,
quibus ageretur de Oladensibus ex sua dictione rejiciendis :
illos enim amice exceperat, et portum quo appellerent, locum-
que in quo arcem aedificarent, illis concesserat : qui qui-
dem minime segnes arcem extruere jam incipiebant. Quae
res si processisset, grade certo malum Lusitanis et Xnis.
omnibus pervenire potuisset. Non potuit Pater nee debuit
tarn officiosum laborem recusare. Regem adit, litteras im-
petrat, eas ad ipsummet Dynastam def ert ; benigne atque
APPENDIX C
honorifice ab eo excipitur ; de postulatis serio cum ipso agit ;
res difficilis videbatur, propter non modicum lucrum quod ex
novorum hospitum commercio ille se percepturum sperabat,
prohinde Patrem bene sperare jubendo, responsionem diffe-
rebat. Interim Rex cum videret Patrem diutius in ea quasi
legatione itnmorari, causam morae suspicatus, suopte ingenio
impulsus alias litteras, non sine increpatione ingeminat,
Dynastae imperat ut Patris postulata faciat, et omnino
Lusitanorum hostem a se repellat ; si portum quern illis
dederat frequentari vellet, eum traderet Lusitanis, quos
utiliores amicos quam Olandenses esset habiturus, His ille
acceptis litteris, Patrem accersit, velle se dicit Regis volun-
tati satisfacere, quaeque postulabantur concedere. Illico ad
Episcopum, ducem et Senatum D. Thomae dat litteras; ad
quos etiam cum patre legates mittit, ut cum illis de adeunda
Portus illius possessione ac frequentatione agant : condi-
tionem apponit ut Pater Rector cum Lusitanis ad ejus
portus traditionem revertatur. Ita fit. Designatur qui
futurus sit dux inceptae ab Olandesibus arcis, illis alio
amandatis. Qui ducem comitarentur milites conscripti sunt ;
dona que ad Dynastam deferrentur praeparata. Denique res
solemmiter acta est. Jacta erant arcis fundamenta et parietes
ad aliquatulam undequaque altitudinem excreverant. Erat
ingens calcis, laterumque copia ; nam ex lateribus arcem
extruebant. Unus illis sacerdos ex Nostris remansit, quae
una est ex Residentiisquibus in principio diximus auctamhoc
anno fuisse Proviciam. Locus Tavanapatnam appellatur,
unde copiousum Deo volente f ructum speramus.
XXXI
SOME EXTRACTS OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO
LAERZIO TO Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAV1VA
(Cochin, 8th, 1611.)
(A quotation from a Letter of Fr. Roberto de
Nobili, dated Madura, December, 12th, 7610.)
Iddio p sua misericordia u& ogni giorno agiuntando
noue pecorelle al suo ovile, distrugendo il culto del Demonio
como diceua un Pandara d'autorita ad un xpano, che la
uenuta del Re di Bisaag& a Madure era distruttione del
Naiche, et 11 star mio in questa terra era destruttioue do
Pandarj
680 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGAfcA
(A quotation from another Utter of Fr. de Nobili
dated Madura, November 22nd, 1610.)
In questa Citta di Madure ha Molti Studj ne quali uanno
piu di dieci mile studentj Bramanj, diuisi p uarij maestrj
a chi ducenti, et a chi trecenti, et p megliore studiare, et
darse in tutto alle scientia, II Re di Bisnaga, et II Naiche
della Citta hanno f ondatj uarij collegij con molte buone
rendite, p sustentam(eto) dei Maestrj et studentj mentre
studiano ; ne* (solo) del uitto m& anco de uestire pse, et loro
case se cho mentre studiano ; no anno hanno altre pensiero che
le sue biuo, ma in tutto il necessario son prouedutj dalle
rendite di Collegij. Quel che legone et Insegnano sono cose
molto uarie, p che hanno molte dottrine. Primieram". fanno
alcunne questionj proemialj, como de Argumgtatione, de
Scientia, de £uida. et fide, et copia queste quatro cose se
stende la lore filosofia, percio che in quaesto mede-
simo trattamo piu diffusamete dividndo la filisofia che esti
chiamano, chinta manj, che uol dire agiuntamete, o coc
( ) de pensieri et arg«> intra Capi, nel P°. e de Euidentia
et qui riducono questo questionj., Ds Inuocatione seu Adora-
tione Vtrum sit initio operis aliquis Deus inuocandus,. De
Certitudine, De bona sev pfecta certitudine , De Certitudine
qua habemus p generations productione de nouo De
formalitate certitudinis. De speciebus Objector , De
Vnione locali, seu p contiguitate*, et De Vnionibus diuersis,
Id est formal!, accidental!, et alia quada qua no percipio,
quia no est ex substs et natura. De Praedicato et
Subjecto p negatione; De objecto uisibili seu visus.
De indiuisibilitate uolutatis. De Splendore Auri. De
Actus reflexione quo quisq se cognoscit, et intelligit.
Queste sono le questionj che nel P°. Capo de Euid* . trat-
tano, hi alcune altre ma p la strettella del tepo no le posso p
se( )anu. uedero. Nel 2° Capo che 6 de Scientia trattano le
sequenti questioni. De Signis Illationis. De Sequella tatu,
De Inductione. De fallentia. De Semine fallentiae seu de
modo impugnandi fallentia. De subiecto, De discursu. De
Signo causatiuo. De omnimoda fallentia. De Ceniunctione
secudu quid. De Priuatione. De effectu D causa. De omni-
moda coniunctione. De VltK Certitudine seu consequentia,
De causa, De euidentj probatione. De certitudine a Simili.
De errore. De dubitatione. De Variatione suppositions. Ex
uero Antecedente de falsa conclusione. De Deo Ruden. De
Multiplictate causar. De Naturali sri, et virtute, de sup
addita de nouo Virtute Nel 3°. capo che 6 de Auctoritate seu
auditu, trattano queste questioni cio 6 De Correspondent
Verbor De ConueniStia in Communj* De Vnione affect ionis.
APPENDIX C 681
De Desiderio. De Corruptione Sonj. De Corruptione totius
mudi. De Merito Legis. Quod no est utru possit affirmarj*
De Nouitate. De Annihilatione. De Propria impositione, et
Deniq, quo modo debeat esse signu. Queste sono le question j
du una dottrina sola che loro insegnano, la qle finiscono in
4. e 5. anni. Di piu hanno altre cinque molto piu diffuse altre
la Scienta che chiamano Vedadam oue trattano de Deo, et
eius Vnitate...
(Another quotation of a letter of Fr. Antonio Vico companion
of Fr. de Nobili, relating the fruit of the latter' s life and preach-
ing. Fr. Vico's letter is dated Madura, December 24th, 1610.
It runs as follows:)
Haura gi& due mesi che uenne qui un Regolo tributario
del Naiche grande p Nome Vttapa Naiche di buonissima
natura et desideroso di saluarse ; Questo in arriuando all
aposento dell' Aier si prostro con la faccia in terra ne se leuo
dali insinche due, e tre uolte il Padre no gli lo dicesse.
Ragiono depoi col Padre dalle miserie di Questa uita, et
certeza della morte, et nel fine prego con molta in stanza il
Padre uolese venire alle sue terre, p che in ogni modo
uoleua riceuere la sua dottrina...
XXXII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO LAERZIO
TO Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAVIVA
(Cochin, November 25th, 1611.)
A missao de Bisnagrf, tern a sua conta o P. Ant ° . Rubino
depois da morte do bom P*. Belchior Coutinho, e agora Ihe
dey por comp°. o P. Ant". Diaz. Esperamos uenha cA o P.
Visitad0'. p4 Ihe aplicaremos outros dous P" . e buscaremos
todos os modos p& se colher desta missao o fruito q* se de-
seja, o qual este anno foy mto . menos, por el Rey for ja muito
velho, e doente, e ter intregue ogouerno & hua das molheres,
e a seu Irmao della, os quaes nuca se mostrarao amigos dos
Pr5s. e mto. menos dos Portugueses, a mas agora fizerao
guerra a Cidade de Meliapor tendoa de cerco algus meses, de
modo q' foy necess'0. recolherSse os nossos P". e mo9os ao
Coll0, de S. Thom6 at6 se faserem os concertos e as amizades.
§uando foy uisitar Ceilao em Junho passado achey o P. Ant°
ubino em Columbo, onde pgara as sestas feiras de Coresma
co mu. satisfa^ao da quella Cidade, onde tinha ydo ^ requeri.
mento do seu Rey de BisnagA (que Ihe nao puderao negar)
co seus embaixadores, q elk mandou ao GouenT, D. Jero*
682 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
nimo p& Ihe uender algus elefantes, como o P. Leuanto in-
formara & V. P., mas como nada se affeituou, o P. nao tinha
ja aly que fazer, e torney leuar comigo at6 S. Thome, onde o
deixey no mez de Agosto, pera q tato q el Rey concluisse os
concertos e amizades co a Cidade, q se esperaua seria cedo,
se tornasse a Vellur co o P. Ant°. Diaz continuar a sua
missao...
Cochy. 25. de Nouembro 1611.
D. V. P.
Ind°. f° em x«.
ALBERTO LAERZIO.
XXXIII
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO LAERZIO
TO Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAVIVA
(Cochin, November 25th, 1611.)
A, cerca do q escreuerao da compra dos Elef ates del Rey
de BisnagA mostrey o capitolo da carta de V. P. ao P.
Leuanto, q est& agora aqui descacando neste Collegio ; e elle
respondent, e enformara de tudo o q nisso o ue ; Pore
nhua cousa ovue nisso menos decente, mas antes tudo se fez
co muita edificasao, e sao meos muy neces0'. e q a Comp*
custao pouco, pera estes Reys gentios se affeisoare a nossas
couzas, e permitire co facilidade, q em suas terras se pregue
a ley de Ds...
Cochinx 25. de Nouembro, de 611
D. V. P.
Ind. f. em x.
ALBERTO LAERZIO.
XXXIV
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ALBERTO LAERZIO
TO Fr. CLAUDIO AQUAVIVA
(Cochin, November 25th, 1611.)
Questo anno andando a uisitare la Prouincia el mese di
Maggio9arrivando sino a Meliapor che h6 longfc daquesta Citta
ducente leghe, e raccogliendomj en aquesto Collegio a 22.
APPENDIX C
de 7br6 non potei passar per Madurej, e consolarme con aquel-
li Pdrij e cristianj , come haueua determinate, impedito
dalla guerra che haueua frd il Naiche di Madure, et il di
Nagapatano...
di Cocino a 25 di 9bre 1611.
D. V. P.
Ind°. P. in x°
ALBERTO LAERZIO.
XXXV
AN EXTRACT OF THE LITTERAE ANNUAE OF THE
PROVINCE OF MALABAR, 1611
(1612.)
Velluranae et Chandragirinensis Residentiae vacant in
praesentiarum. Quo enim tempore Patres in Collegio con-
venerant ut spiritual renovarent, et mutuis colloquis se ad
divinum servitium magis accenderent, Badagae bellum Lusi-
tanis intulerunt, et D. Thomae urbem obsidione premere
coeperunt, Causa fuit cupiditas pecuniarum. Dum enim
Rex jam nimium senex stupet, qui regnum administrant
quidquid libet licere sibi arbitrantur. Regis nomine ingen-
tem pecuniarum summam a D. Thomae civibus postulavere ;
recusarunt illi tarn insolitam exactionem ; recusantes armis
aggrediuntur. Illi contra armis se defendunt, in armis sunt
utrique, illi urbem oppugnant ut earn depraedentur, isti
propugnant ut suas res tueantur, Hostium jam per-
multi, ex Lusitanis etiam nonnulli sunt occisi. P. Rubinus
Ri. Episcopi et Magistratum rogatu cum duobus civibus ad
tyrannum missus est ut de pace ageret. Sed quia postulatas
pecunias secum non deportarunt, comprehensi sunt et in
vinculis tenentur. Quern finern res habitura sit ignoramus.
XXXVI
AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER OF Fr. ANTONIO RUBINO
TO Fr. JOAO ALVARES
(St. Thome, November 29tk> 1617.)
Ouue por be a Sata obed*. depois de 4. anos de tirarme a
carrega q tinha deste Coll0, do q diu particulares gra9as ao
Senhor. As guerras deste Reino de Bisnaga uao tornado bom
THE ARAVIDU blTNASfV OF VlJAYANAGAftA
termo, porq o menino legitimo successor da coroa uai cada
dia mais alcasado maiores uictorias, e os messes passados
cortou a cabeca a Jagaraiu sea cotrario. aleuatouse g seu
lugar hu Ir. seu por nome Etiraiu, mas no pode resistir ao
poder de menino por onde se crfe, q £ breue sara coroado, e a
nossa missao se tornara a renouar...
De S. Thome os 29. de 9bro de 1617.
D. V. R.
Minimo Seruo e o Senhor.
ANT% RUBINO.
XXXVII.
MEMORIAL AGAINST THE JESUITS OF VIJAYANAGARA,
AND SPECIALLY AGAINST THOSE OF CHANDRAGIRI
Que em Chandegri Corte D'Elrey de Bisnaga reside
hum religioso da Comp* e dous em Velur, que he outro lugar
onde este Rey custuma estar ma. p*. do tempo, que nestas
duas ptM. nao ha couuersao, nem Christaos, mais que tres ou
quatro 010909, que seruem a estes religiosos, e que o fim
principal que tern nq1**. duas terras hfc acquirir rendas pera sy
como ya tern em Meliapor mais de cinco mil pardaos cada
anno sendo os religiosos que aly residem tres sacerdotes, e
dous yrmaos ; que servem mais estes religiosos na Corte
daquella Rey de atrauessarem tudo quanto ha atfc as pelles
pera as betas, e canas de palanquins, que atfe nestas meude-
zas poem estanque. Que seruem em lugar de prega9ao
euangelica de andar falando a Vontade dos Bramenes, e
Jogues, que sam os Sacerdotes, e penitentes entre aquelles
gentios. E de por seu tneo acquirirem o que pretendem,
porque todos os religiosos da cornp*. que andao por aqu. costa,
aprendem a len^pa nao pera pregare a ley Euangelica (que o
nao f azetn) se nao pera por este meo, com mais segredo se
comunicarem com aquelles gentios, e acquirirem rendas para
sy, e nao pera pregarS a f £, E conuerterem almas porque o
nao fazem e se S Magestade tern outra informasao he eriada,
que tem chegado a tanto dasaford da ley Christam, que em
Velur, onde ncaua, El Rey de Bisnaga, tem hum Irmao
Italiano que se chama Fuente buena, o qual hfe pintor de
profissam e se ocupa em pintar ao Rey gentio suas molheres
nuas abra^adas com elle em tanques de agoa, e em actos
deshonestos, pintalle mais os seus idolos fazendo retratos
desta calidade somente por enganare ao Rey, elhe ganharS a
vontade com estas pinturas pera que Ihes d6 rendas como
APPENDIX C 685
faz sem resp". algum a Christandade, e a salua92o das
almas, mais que a seus interesses particulares, Qufc isto he o
q fazem na Corte, e terras d'El Rey de Bisnaga, nas q1".
residem ha onze annos, e que atfe o prezente nam tern conuer-
tido a f6 hua alma, nS pregarao a ley Euangelica em suas
terras, mas acquirirao m". renda pera sy, a fora o que inter,
essao em seus tratos, e mercancias.
Que em Meliapor tern feito poucos xpaos os que h& se
conuertem por meo da comunicasao, e familiaridade do
serui^o dos Portugueses, e que nao he necessario pregarlhes
pera que se conuertao, porque com f acilidade o fazem, e os
mais dos que ally h& conuertidos por pregasao os conuerte-
rao os Frades de S. Francisco que ha m10*. annos residem
naquella cidade.
Hua das igreias de xpaos da terra, que nos arrebaldes da
dita cidade est& encomendada aos Religiosos da Comp\ h6 a
da Madre de Deos na qual com auer Bispo, e Pastor, e elles
seus Vigairos nao querem q Esteia debayxo de iurisdisao do
dito Bispo mais que pera pagar ordenados, e por ella de tudo
e no mais, quere que os xpaos seyao izentos do dito Bispo e
do seu Vigairo geral, e que nao visite, mas que chrisme. E
assy h& de dar conta a Deos destas ouelhas, e os religiosos ao
de seruerse delas e trosqueallas, e pera isto nao ha de ser
Prelado, de sorte que por nao se entendere seus intentos que
todos uao ordenados a interesse nao querem que ninguem
entenda com causa, que estfc ye a sua conta. E esta f oi a
causa principal de o Bispo de Cochim os Ian9ar fora de Costa
de Pescaria.
Em m1" partes desta Costa auiao xpaos que estauao a
conta destes religiosos desimpararao os mais dSlles por os
senhores da terra Ihe nao darem mu. renda e os nao deyxareip
f oi o de Tauanapatao, e outro o de porto nouo, que sam os
que de nouo pedem os Hollandeses ao Naique de Giga E
com isto ham dado estes Religiosos grandes occasioes de escan*
dalos, e de hauerem deyxado a fe catholica muytos rezem
baptizados por Ihe f altarem os mynistros da conuersao, e que
Ihes dissS o pasto spiital das almas neste estado se achou
auelle B'pado. E foi necessario ao Bispo Valerse dos seus
erigos, e com elles prouer logo os postos que os Religiosos
da Cornp". desempararao,
Estes Religiosos tratam somente de seu interesse f ugindo
as occasioes de trabalhos, e Martyrio, f undaose em acquirir
tudo quanto podem, e entao enganao a S. Mag4*, escreuendo
que fern conuersao na Corte d' El Rey de Bisnaga e Nar*
686 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
singa, e fazem que sua Magde. he escreua cartas de agra-
decimto. por dar boa colheita a estes Religiosos em suas
terras, e fauorecelhos no ministerio da conuersao, e entao
tresladao a carta de S. Magde. em suas ollas, e lingoa da terra
como querem acrecentando Ihe e diminuindo oque faz a seu
proposito e dao a El Rey a olla «m sua lingoa e a carta de S.
Mag*0- e a dos Visoreys ficalhes no escritorio, e assy met em
ao Rey na cabe$a mil torres de Vento ; e da mesma maneyra
escreuen a S. Mag*6, o que conuem a seu proposito e firmao a
carta com a chapa do Rey porque por bum real que dem ao
seu criado que tern a chapa, e firma d' El Rey lha deyxara
abrir trinta uezes quanto mais assynar cartas em tudo o que
se diz se fala a uerdade a S. Magde. porque he obriga^ao de o
desenganar, e ^a seus minystros, das mentiras, e embusda
yndia pedindo se Ihe com toda a ynstancia mande acodir a
estes religiosos com reforma?ao muy estreita, e mande que
se recolhao as cidades, e lugares pouoados de Portugueses,
porque affrontao com seu modo de negO£ear o nome
xpao.
Do que passa na Costa da Pescaria se podera saber por
Via do Bispo de Cochin, q anda conquistando estes Religio-
sos ha dous annos, e o que fazem na China polla do Bispo
de Macao e o mais se diz dos outros. O Bispo de Meliapor
sofre qto pode porque nao ay a dar en tender a estes xpos rezem
baptisados, e a os infieis, que h& diuisao na igra. de Deos por
estes Religiosos buscao com suas conservatorias occasioes
cada dia de noua schysma e tern posto todo aquelle estado
ate a China em grande balango.
Deue S. Mag6, supplicar ao sto. P. mande reuogar todos
os Breues, e Bullas, que as Religioes mendicantes, e os da
Compa. tern pera tomarem Conseruadores, e que elles e suas
causas fiquem sogeitas aos ordinarios nos termos do dto. corn-
mum, porque se assy se nao fizer se h& de perder a Christan-
dade da yindia, e hao de crecer muy depressa mais schysmas,
que em Hollanda, e em InglaterraS. Magde. porque he deue
man dar acodir a reformat estes Religiosos, e prouer neste seu
modo de proceder se nao ser Ihe ha necessario mto. cedo
mandar a yndia cabedal pera conquistar os Religiosos da
Camp*, e nao se sabe se bastara porq tern mais dr% que S.
Mag*, e nele estribao.
Tambem se lembra a S. Mag3*, que conuem mto. a seu
serui9o e tanto como nao auer olandeses na yndia mandar
que de Cochim ate Maluco em toda a Costa, e terra firme
pao aya Religiosos da Cornp*. estrangeiros e os que ouuer
APPENDIX C
637
seyam Portugueses, Castelhanos, e Gallegos, e nenhua outra
na^ao pque nao conuS ao servigo de Deos, e de S. Mag"0,
auer esta gente por aquellas ptei . e terras, se he seruido que
se nao p(erez)ca aqu. Christandade e o estado da yndia.
Dos mais Religiosos nao ha queixa de que se auize a S.
Mag*, mais q de serem todos m*. pobres e que fazem o que
deue som*. se descuidao em aprender a lingoa da terra, porS
se ouuer de ser pR . se aproueitarem della como os da Comp*.
milhor serd, que a nao saibao.
Antonio Viles decima.
APPENDIX D
DOCUMENTS FROM THE ARCHIVES OF THE
R. C. DIOCESE OF MYLAPORE (MADRAS.)
640 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
I
NOTICIA DESTE BISPADO DE MAILAPUR.
Nao podendo o Snr Bispo de Cochim D. Fr. Andres &
visitar por si todo o seu Bispado por ser muito extenso re-
quereo a seu soberano sobre este ponto. Este era entao o
Snr D. Filipe 3. Rey de Hespanha e de Portugal postulou ao
Papa Paulo 5. erecgao do Bispado de Mailapur desmembrando-
o do de Cochim. O Papa conhecendo a justi9a da postula-
£ao no dia9 de Janr° de 1606 erigio a Igreja de S. Thome de
Mailapur em Cathedral em ms° . dia creou para Bispo da
ms*. a D. Fr. Sebastiao de S. Pedro da Ordem dos Eremitas
de S. Ag°. porque o d° — Snr. Rey assim Iho pedia. Tudo isto
e mais consta da Acta Congregationis Consistorialis habitae
die 9 Januarii an. 1605 coram Paulo 5. cuja copia authentica
se conserva nesta Camara Ecclesiastica.
Paceficamt". o Snr D. Fr. Sebastiao de S. Pedro depois
desta dismembracao tomou posse e governou este Bispado
(en tpo bem critico para os dominios de Portugal por estarem
debaixo do captiveiro de Hespanha ; neste tropelle se mos-
trou Portuguez, pois conquistando os Hollandezes, que se
rebelarao contra Hespanha, muitos dominios Portuguezes
na India por serem entao sugeitos a Hespanha, nao conqui-
starao Sadras, e S. Thome, porque o d. S. Bispo a sua custa
fez tropas, e as defendeo dos Hollandezes. Deixo o mais que
posso dizer deste Snr. Bispo q pela Religiao e pelo seu Rey
obrou.
Roll bearing the following heading : " Correspondtncias
e vequerimentos dos Capuchinhos a Madrasta e questao sobre o fundo
da Egrtja Etc : desde o anno de 1794 ate 1821 e resumiaos no
Cathalogo geral pelos segnites N°\..." No. 5109.
II
COPIA DO MAIS ESENCIAL DA BULLA DA ERECCAO DO
BISPO DE S. THOME
Determinacao da Audiencia do SSm°, Pe. Papa Paulo
5. ; e seos Emminentissimos Cardeaes no dia 9 de Janr°.
1606 : pela qual separa da Diocese de Cochim, toda a Costa
de Coromandel, (Nota : — nesta se inclue Madras) Reynos de
Bengalla, Oriza, e Pegu erigindosse em Cathedral a Igreja
de S. Thome de Maylapur a Instancia do Rey de Portugal.
APPENDIX C 641
Hoje o Sm*. em Christo P«., e Snr nosso Paulo por
Divina Providencia Papa 5. na Sua Audiencia Secreta, como
he costume, attendendo a representa9ao, do Eminentissimo
Eduardo Cardeal Fernesse por parte do Serenissimo Rey
Catholico de Portugal, e dos Algarves Philipe 2. conheceo
ser mot. interessate instituir huma Igreja Cathedral, e Dio-
cese na Costa Maritima de Coromandel na India Oriental,
Rdynos de Bengalla, Orisa, e Pegu & o mesmo Sm°. P*.
com pio affecto, e concelho dos Eminentissimos Cardeaes de
Apostolica authoridade annuindo benignamente & humilde
supplica do supraditto Rey de Portugal, e pa. gloria do
Omnipotente Deos, e da Gloriosissima Sempre Virgem
Maria, e do Benaventurado Apostolo S. Thome, a pa a
Gloria de toda a Igreja Triunfante, e exaltasao de Ffcf na
lembranca de q o Corpo do Apostolo S. Thome se depositou
na Cidade de Maylapur, instituio com a invocagao do Apos-
tolo S. Thome em Cathedral a Igreja da mesma Cidade de
Maylapur . . . S. Santidade perpetuamente concedeo, e asi-
nou, como tambem ap sobred0. Rey concedeo o Direito de
Padroado de ditta Diocese, e aos seos futures succes-
sores, como Administradores da Ordem de Christo no espiri-
tual, e temporal com poder de apresentar a Sua Santidade, e
aos Romanos Pontifices Seos Successores pessoas idoneas
para a Dignidade Episcopal, e Governo da Diocese de S.
Thome de Maylapur . . .
Dada em Roma nas Casas da Costumada Residenciado
Sm°. Pe. Paulo 5. do Anno do Senhor 1606 aos 9 dias do
mes de Janeiro do pr°. anno do Seo Pontificado.
Roll bearing the following heading : " Car fas e correspon-
d end as officiaes do Sr Arcebispo D* Amorim Pessoa com o Vigario
Geval de Mtliapor P". B. F. Awavante solve a administvacao
dessa diocesa e algumas correspondencias dos P°". capucinhos da
Madrasta sobre jurisdiccao etc ; de 1813-a 1866 e resumidos em
Cathalogo geval do N-3738-a 3799 F. D " ; No. 8749.
INDEX
Abag-devi-Ciantru, 189.
Abbeville (Sr. Sanson D'), 313,
Abdenegan. See Ahmadnagar.
Abdullah, Prince of Bijapur, 73, 92
n., 92 n. 3, 93, 94, 95 n.
Abdul Wahab, 337 n. 1.
Abdur Razzak, 2.
Abhirama Ativirarama Pandya,
347.
Abirami, 107.
Abu Turab, 88.
Abyssinian, 82, 160.
Acharayya, 514.
Achcharapakkam, 106.
Achebar. See Akbar.
Achyuta Deva Raya, XIV, 1, 1 n.
1, 1 n. 2, 2, 2 n, 3, 3 n. 1, 3 n.
6, 4, 4 n., 4 n. 3, 4 n. 6, 7 n. 5,
13,14,15, 25,26, 30, 40, 51 n..
16, 55, 99, 108, 113, 115, 116, 117,
118, 124 n. 3, 125, 125 n., 126,
127, 127 n., 128, J30, J31, 131
n. 1, 132, 168, 169, 17?, 173, 177,
183, 191, 219, 224, 226, 311, 524,
532, 541.
Achyutappa Nayaka of Tan jo re,
280, 286, 287, 288, 289, 327, 391,
393, 400, 401, 416, 522, 527.
Achyutappa Nayakar Aiyan, 398.
Achyutarayabhyudayam, 3, 15,
117.
Adaipalam, 289, 321, 523.
Adavani. See Adoni.
Adelraya, 317, 320.
Adicario, 429.
Adil Khan. See Adil Shah.
Adil Khan Bungy, 334.
Adil Shah, 25, 59 n. 4, 62, 63, 73,
76, 79 n. 2, 85. 188 n , 197, 198,
207, 207 n. 5, 209, 213 n. 7, 297,
322, 334, 338, 417, 419.
Adishesha, 302, 308.
Adivarsha Perumal temple, 289.
Adoni, 9, 33, 74, 75, 240, 241 ;
fortress of, 243.
Afzul Khan, 329.
Agaresva Udaiyar, 324.
Agastyappa Nayaka of Vellore,
289.
Agastyesvara of Chadipirala, 323.
Agra, 322.
Ahavarama, 114 n. 7.
Ahmadnagar, XVIII, XIX, 73, 75.
76, 77, 79, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86, 87,
88, 88 n. 1, 89, 90, 90 n. 1, 91,
91 n. 1, 92 n. 1, 92 n. 3, 93, 94,
95, 194, 195 n. 1, 196. 197, 214.
214 n. 3, 217, 231, 232, 236, 257,
322, 336, 337, 338, 416 ; army of,
206 n. 2, 212 ; Queen Mother of,
257 ; Muhammadans of, 214, 214
n. 3; Sultans of, XVIII. 33, 203 n..
208, 209, 209 n. 1, 212, 213, 257,
418.
Ahobala Narasimha, 42.
Ahobala Rayasa, 517.
Ahobaladri, 261.
Ahobalam, 273, 546.
Ahobalam (Lower), 498, 543.
Ahobalam temple, 246 n 1, 272,
326, 515.
Ahobalesvara, 498.
Ahobilam, 47, 234 264, 277, 279.
Ainana Malukka. See Ain-ul-Mulk.
Ain-ul-Mulk, 34, 87, 90, 95, 212.
Aiyakarai Vaiyappa, 117, 118.
Aiyangars, 533 n.
Aiyer. See Nobili.
Ajda Khan, 329.
Akalankajayya, 412.
Akbar, XX, 197 n. 5, 326, 337, 338.
338 n., 339, 340, 433, 434, 445,
471, 511.
Akbar, by Mr. V. A. Smith, XX.
A kirn Hasan Beg, 213 n. 7.
Alageiuvara Pillaiyar, 172.
Alagiyarama Perumal, 548.
Alagiyasingar, 323, 498.
Alai-ud-din, 101.
Alamakhanundu, 331.
Alamelamma, 420.
Alamelumanga, 421.
Alam Khan Pathan, 331.
Alampundi plate of Virupakaha,
107, 547 n. 2.
Alankata, 523,
Ala-ud-din Khilji, 100.
Ala-ud-din Sikandar Shah, 105,
644 TliE ARAVIDU DYNAST* OF VIJAYANACJARA
Albert.de NobiU's disciple, 363
381, 390.
Albuquerque (Affonso De), 53, 57,
58, 59, 186; Commentaries de,
58.
Albuquerque (Mathias de), 419.
Aldworth (Mr. Tho.>, 239.
Alexandria, 71.
Alexis Nayaka, 381, 384, 390.
Ali Adi) Sbah I of Bijapur, 87, 87
n. 2. 88,90,91,94, 96, 194,195,
197, 199, 205, 210, 215, 215 n. 5,
225, 231, 232, 236, 240, 257, 258,
268, 269, 270, 271, 275, 295.
Ali Barid, 77, 79, 88, 90, 96, 198,
205.
Ali ibn Aziz, 85, 88 n. 1, 119, 195.
209, 211, 213, 214, 215, 217, 226,
229.
Ali Kban Lur, 275.
Aliya Ramarajaygan. See Rama
Raya.
Almeida (Viceroy Dom Francisco
d'), 57, 186.
Almeida (Dom Luiz de), 1£9.
Aloysius of Gonzaga (St.), 365
Alvarez (Fr. J), 313, 442.
Alur, 182.
Amarinayani Vengala-N a y a n i n-
garu, 36, 42-43,
Ambar Khan, 82.
Ambasamudram, 139, 143 n., 359.
Ambrose (St.). 370.
Aminabad inscription, 274, 280,
331, 322 n. 1.
Amin Malka. See Amin-ul-Mulk.
Amin-ul-Mulk, 274, 326, 331, 332,
332 n. 1, 333, 333 n. 1.
Amir Barid Shah of Bidar, 75.
Amritanidhan, 208 n. 4.
Amir Jumla. See Amin-ul-Mulk.
Amir Shah Mir, 274.
Anai Kantika 527.
Anaikhondi, 103.
Anaji Jagalur, 426.
Anakula, 317.
Ananda Namasivaya Pandaram,
321, 518, 519.
Ananta Kon, 175.
AnantaRaja, 327.
Anantacharya, 38.
Anantapur District, 26, 48, 237,
265, 546.
Anantapuram, 277.
Anantaraja, 309. 324. 524.
Ananttrangakalva, 48.
Anantarasa Odeiyaru, 237.
Anangharagava, 517.
Anantasayanam, 142, 271.
Anantassivacharya, 545.
Ancola. See Ankola.
Andrade (Freire de), 63, 64.
Anegundi, 22, 184, 224, 226, 236,
242 n. 2, 543; Raja of, 22 n. 2,
301 n.
Anga, 55, 122.
Angamale, 393 •
Anglican, 146 n.
Anjaneya, 261.
Anjatha-perumal, 108.
Anjediva Island, 186.
Ankola, 61, 63, 190.
Annamalai Venba, 518.
Annam Bhatla, 528.
Annavaram, 524.
Anriquez. See Henriquez.
Apa Kondaja, 458, 459.
Apocondaia. See Apa Kondaja.
Appaiya Dikshita, 289, 316, 321,
522, 523, 532, 544, 553.
Appalamba, 21, 22, 23,
Appaya, 44.
Appayakapola Cbepetika, 522.
Aprama, 527.
Aquaviva (Fr. Claudio), 165, 371,
474, 489.
Ara, Jain Tirthankara, 550.
Arab horses, 62, 72, 200 n. 1.
Arabia, 2, 59, 72.
Arabian sea, 185, 255.
Araga, 56.
Arakata-vemula Agraharam, 43.
Arambarithi, 192,
Aramboly. See Aruvaymoli.
Aranganasa. See Ranganatha.
Aravidu Dynasty, VJ, VII, XIII,
XIV, XV, 13, 17, 18, 24 n. 1, 27,
32, 35, 99, 114, 219, 221, 223,
242, 246, 248, 251, 263, 290, 324,
325 n., 510, 511, 513, 514, 517,
533, 543, 546, 548.
Araviti Bukka. 19-
Araviti-pura, 19, 253.
Arcot, 111; North, 112 n. 1, 139.
191, 288, 289 n. 1, 317, 398, 518.
523; South, 126, 325.
Ardinga, 332.
Arikesari Parakrama Pandya, 108-
109, 542.
Arivilimangalam plates of Ranga
I, 253, 266, 267, 278, 525.
Ariviiimangalam village, 287, 522,
INDEX
645
Ariya Nayaka Mudaliar, 139.
Ariyanatha Mudaliyar, 129, 131,
136, 139, 167, 169, 199, 199 n. 1,
341, 344, 345, 346, 357.
Ariya Perumal, 352, 353.
Arjuna, 40, 207, 321.
Armesine, 72.
Arrakerra, 415.
Arsappa Nayaka, 275, 417, 418.
Arunasila, 115.
Aruppukkottai, 284.
Aruvaymoli Pass, 142*
Asad Khan, 8, 9n. 1, 74, 75, 78, 79,
92,92fn. 3,93.
Asamavayi, 527.
Asia, 57 n. 1.
Asiddha, 527.
Asirgarh, V. 337, 339.
Astapanaichus. See Achyutappa
Nayaka.
Atayde (Don Luiz de), 190, 240,
290, 294, 296, 298, 388.
Ativirarama Pandya, 138, 392.
Ativiraramapura, 348.
Atmakur, 301.
Atougia (Fr. Pedro da), 66 n. 2.
Atri, 18r 510.
Attmachan, 239.
Aubalaraja, 44.
Aubalarajayya, 43.
Aurangam, 170.
Aurangzeb, 218, 340.
Avahaluraya, 253, 267, 308.
Avanangiri, 19.
Avati, 182.
Avubhaladeva Maharaja of Nan-
dyala, 16.
Ayalu Bhaseara, 521.
Ayyakarappa, 347.
Ayyavaru, 545.
Ayalur-Nainar, (Palaiyamsof), 133.
Azevedo (Dom Jeronyomod'), 396,
425, 437, 439, 447, 449, 450, 451,
453, 463, 470, 472, 481, 482, 501,
507.
Bacanor, 113.
Bachihalli-Pamappa Nayaka, 41 2.
Badagas (Telugus), 25. 143, 146 n.t
148, 150, 152, 153, 156, 157, 158,
158 n. 2, 364, 381, 382, 528, 529.
Badaguas. See Badagas*
Badaxni, 35, 48, 49, 185.
Badavi. See Badami.
Badxne Maluka-Odeya, 32.
Bagiratha, 37, 220.
Bagnagar. See Vijayanagara.
Bagrakot, 199.
Bagur, 52, 185.
Bahulasvacharitram, 310, 318.
322.
Baichappa, 539.
Baippa Nayaka, 184.
Bairayaganda, 44.
Bakapur. See Bankapur.
Balabhagavatamu, 524.
Balam family, 298.
Balambika, 19.
Balbi (Gasparo), 428, 429, 430.
Balil Khan, 275,416,417.
Ballala III (Vira), 99, 102,103 n, 5.
Ballahraya, 317.
Ballapura, 182.
Balla Row, 331.
Ballerayandu, 331.
Bahmani capital, 85.
Banda, 63.
Bangalore, XXI, 172, 183, 543.
Bangalore Museum, 132.
Bangher, 298, 425, 426; King of,
290, 298, 414.
Banguel. See Bangher.
Bankapur, 179, 252, 258, 259, n. 1,
276, 417, 418.
Bankapura. See Bankapur.
Bannum, 30, 415, 423.
Baptist (Saint John the), 430.
Barace, 190,
Baratha, 37, 220.
Barakura-Rajia. See Barkur.
Baramahal, 272 ; Sudra Chief of,
271.
Barampur, See Burhampur.
Barcelor. See Basrur.
Bardez, 61, 61 n. 2, 93.
BaridShah, 10 n
Barkur, 35, 113, 178, 179.
Bar ma. See Brahma.
Baronius, 366.
Barradas (Fr. Manoel de), 3, 7.
122, 347, 495, 496, 498, 502, 503,
506, 507, 508, 512.
Barretto (Dom Francisco), 94.
Bartacella. See Bhptkal.
Barthema (Luigi), 57 n. 1, 428, 452.
Bartoli (Fr. N,), 141,
Bartoloaeo (Fra Paolino de Sao),
530.
Basatin-ut-Salatin, 20, 194, 198,
210, 228, 233 n. 1.
Basava or Basavappa, 177,
846 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Basavabhupala, 56.
Basavana Nayaka, 154.
Basavaraja, 199, 286.
Basrur, 59, 62, 190, 268, 290, 296,
297, 416; Rani of, 268.
Bassein, 145 n.
Basvapatna cheif, 427.
Batecala. See Bhatkal.
Baticala. See Bhatkal.
Battalanka, 521.
Battepadu, 50, 234.
Battikala. See Bhatkal.
Battupalli, 515.
Bayamma (Queen). See Venkat-
amba.
Bayapur, 203 n. I.
Bayyambika, See Venkatamba.
Bayyappa Nayaka, 289.
Beadala. See Vedalai.
Beakul, 179.
Bedandakota, 322.
Bednall (John), 239.
Bedues, 223.
Belgaum, 78, 92, 418.
Belgola. See Sravana-Belgola.
Belgula. See Sravana-Belgola.
Bellamkonda, 273, 274.
Bellary District, 98.
Bellarmino (Cardinal Roberto),
365, 366, 373, 374.
Bellur, 98, 172, 237, 298, 411, 426;
family of, 52, 237, 290.
Belugula. See Sravano-Belgola.
Bembar. See Pedambur.
Benares, 121, 214 n. 3, 533, 533 n.
1,
Bengal, 2, 68, 70, 389, 397, 434,
439 ; gulf of, 307.
Bengala. See Bengal.
Bengapor, 113.
Bengalura. See Bangalore.
Berghen (Warner Van), 460.
Berar, 54 n. 4, 90, 198, 257.
Bergies, 337.
Bertrand (Fr.), XX.
Besse (Fr.), 384.
Betebumar, See Vitthala (Rama
Ray a).
Betebumao, See Vitthala (Rama
Raya),
Beterbemal. See Vitthala (Rama
Raya).
Betermeal, See Vitthala (Rama
Raya).
Betermemal. See Vitthala (Rama
Beternumal. See Vitthala (Rama
Raya).
Betimunal. See Vitthala (Rama
Raya).
Bettad Wodeyar, 292.
Bevinahalli grant of Sadasiva, 1 n.
1, 15, 28, 32, 36, 46, 212, 422,
423, 430.
Bezeneger. See Viiayanagara,
Bhadra, 177.
Bhadra Bahu, 536.
Bhadrachalam, 321.
Bhadrappa Nayaka, 180.
Bhadri, 49.
Bhagvat Gitat 534.
Bhagvati temple, 354.
Bhaira Devi, of Gersoppa, 129,
293,
Bhairava Nayaka, 177.
Bhairava II, 550.
Bhairava temple, 14
Bhairavesvara temple, 16.
Bhaktapala Venugopala Krishna-
temple, 546.
Bhaktas (Vaishnavas), 538.
Bhamaja, 517.
Bhar Devi, 268.
Bharata Itihasa Sanshodhaka
Mandala, Poona, XVIII, XIX,
197 n. 5.
Bharroja, 49, 50.
Bhaskaracharya, 325 n. 2.
Bhashyakara, 534.
Bhasyakata, 358,
Bhatkal, 14, 113, 172, 186, 307 ;
Queen of, VII, 186, 187, 419, 423,
Bhattakalanka, 517.
Bhattu Murti, 12, 250, 513, 515,
516.
Bhavanapurushottama. 288, 522,
Bhaybalandar, 333.
Bhayirarasa Vodeya, 419.
Bhima, 78, 163, 519,
Bhire, 32, 41.
Bhire Deva pagodas, 183,
Bhire Devan, 543.
Bhisesvara, 551.
Bhogapur, 203 n. 1.
Bhogavati, 291,
' Bhog Mul Naig, 200.
Bhoj Tirmal Ray, 4 nv 4. See
Salakam Timma Raju«
Bhoja Raja 54, 54 n. 4, 262, 278,
514, 516, 517.
Bhoja (Mihira) of Kanauj, 54n.4k
Bhoja Paramaraof Malwa* 54 », 4,
INDEX
647
Bhoja tribe in Berar, 54 n. 4.
Bhoja II of Kan an j, 54 n. 4.
Bhojanapullah, 193.
Bbojas, 279, 510.
Bhojesvara, 42.
Bhol Tirmal Ray, 11. See Salakam
Timma Raju.
Bhujabalin, 536, 550.
Bhupati iVira>, 283.
Bbutala Sri Vira Udaya Martbanda
Varma. 114.
Bhutala Vira, 149.
Bhutala Vira Rama Varma, 116,
Bbutanatha Brahma- jyoyi sal u, 16.
Bibi Konzab Humayun. See
Konzab Humayun.
Bidar, 73, 75, 76, 79. 81, 88, 90,
194, 198, 208, 322 ; Sultans of,
207.
Bijanagar. See Vijayanagara.
Bijapur. 6, 8r 8 n. 4, 9 n. 1, 10 n.,
57, 59, 60 n., 61 n. 2, 62,
64, 73, 74, 75, 76 n. 2, 77,
78,79.81,84,85,86, 87, 87 n. 2,
88, 92, 93, 94, 95, 95 n., 194,
197, 199, 200, 211,212, 228, 231,
232, 233 n. 1 , 236, 238, 257,
264, 269, 270, 272, 275, 276, 279,
291, 326, 336, 340,417, 418, 511;
Museum of, 214 n. 3 ; Sultans of,
30, 33, 57, 58, 59, 59 n. 4, 60
n,,63, 186, 206 n. 1, 207 n. 5,
k07 n. 8, 208, 212, 215, 215 n.
5, 240, 269, 270, 310, 336, 337
n. 1. 416, 418.
Bhjjalendra, 18.
Bijly Khan, 33.
Bijwara, 95.
Bilichodu-sima, 185.
Bir, 81.
Birar, 231.
Birlas Kban, 332, 333, 333 n. 1,
Bisalaja Naick, 204 n. 2.
Bisnaga. See Vijayanagara.
Bisnagar. See Vijayanagara.
Bisnega. See Vijayanagara,
Bitter (Captain Jacob de), 410
n. 3.
Black Town, 429-430.
Bollavaram, 21, 45.
Bollavaram-petta, 46.
Bomma of Vellore, 317.
Bomma Reddi, 112.
Bomma varam, 51.
pommi Reddi, 321*
Bondalakunta, 51, 193.
Boncompagno (Marquese D. Gre-
gorio), 367.
Boncompagno (Prince), 374.
Borromeo (St. Charles), 366.
Botelho (Antonio), 297.
Botelho (Simao), 71 n. 1.
Bracelor. See Basrur
Braga (Primate of), 370.
Braganca (Dom Constantino de),
165.
Brahathesavaraswami temple, 287.
Brahma, 388, 426, 527, 532, 532
n, 1, 550.
Brahmans, 27, 30, 36, 40, 44, 45,
46, 47, 49, 67, 82, 128, 138, 142,
148, 212, 261, 274, 301, 315,
322, 323, 348, 349,357, 359, 364,
370, 377, 378, 380, 384, 386, 387,
388, 389, 392, 394, 400, 423, 430,
479, 480, 491, 553, 546.
Brahman chronicles, 143.
Brahman ism, 532.
Brahmanapalli , 48.
Briggs, 330 n. 2.
Bripadamba temple, 139.
Bristol, 432.
British Museum, 101 n. 2.
British Museum plates of Sadasiva,
1 n. 1, 15, 35, 74, 514, 526.
British ships, 434.
British traders, 432, 433, 458.
Britto (Bl. John de), 270, 371 n. 1.
Brokedon (Thomas), 460.
Brown (Mr. Robert), 455, 457.
Brula, 94.
Buccerio (Fr, M.) 284.
Buddha, 18, 37.
Buddhist (Pre-) temple), 532 n, i.
Buddhist kingdoms, 54 n. 3.
Budihal, 278, 299.
Budihala copper-plates, 249.
Bukka or Bukkaraya I of Vijaya*
nayara, 105, 172, 237, 532, 534,
538, 539.
Bukka, Prince of Vijayanagara,
103, 103 n. 4.
Bukkadevi Chautar of Ullal, 172,
189, 190, 298, 424.
Bukka patnam, 270.
Bukkasagaram, 277.
Bukkasamudram, 270.
Bunkpur, 243.
Burgess (Mr. James), 243 n. 3.
Purhad Imad Shah of Berar, 198.
648 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Bnrhampur, XIX, 239,
Burhan-i-Ma'asir, 38, 194, 195
n. l, 197, 199, 209, 210,220.
Burhan Imad Shah of Berar, 90.
Burhan Nizam Shah of Ahmad-
nagar, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 80
n. 1, 84, 93, 94, 336.
Burnell (Mr. A. C.), 888.
Buswunt Raj , 22.
Buswunt Row, 200.
Butterworth (Mr. A,), 334 n. 3,
313 n. 1, 335 n. 4.
Cabecate, 153.
Cabral (Fr Joao), 493.
Cacella (Fr. Stefano), 493.
Cacherlacota, 273.
Caima NaickenPatty, 120, 144 n. 1.
Caland (Prof.), 389.
Calastri, 112.
Calculam, See Kalkulam.
Qalecare, 160, 161.
Calecu. See Calicut.
Caleture. 69.
Calicoet. See Calicut.
Calicut, 58, 113, 119, 159, 187,
337 n. 3; King of, 189 ; Muham-
madans of, 131.
Calistri (? , 384
Calmette, 389.
Camara, (Ruy Goncalvesda), 297.
Cambay, 64 n. 1, 92.
Cambaya. See C* mbay.
Cambolim. See Gangolly.
Cammum. See Cumbum.
Cananor, 93, 240.
Canara, 39, 56.
Canaripatao, 501.
Canniambaddi, 415.
Capuchins, 430.
Carugalli, 181 ; Chief of, 293.
Carvalho, (Gil Fernandez de), 160.
Carvalho, (Fr. F.),XXI.
Carur, (Ray of), 275.
Casmira. See Kashmir.
Castets, (Fr.J.), XX, 371 n. 1, 387.
Castro (Dom Joao de), 61, 63, 64.
Catuir, 110 n. 1, 112.
Ceylon, 35, 54, 56, 57, 57 n. 1, 57
n. 4, 65, 107, 114,154, 156, 169,
170, 198, 278, 281, 354, 4CO, 480.
Chadaluvada, 46.
Chadipirala, 323.
Qhakrp-Mimanta, $22.
Chakravartins, 354, 302.
Chalabi Rumi Khan, 205, 211, 213.
Chale, (Antonio Fernandes de),
295.
Chalikya, 18.
Chalukya kingdom, 55 n. 1.
Chalukyas, 18, 252.
Chaluvaraya, 422.
Chama Raja Wodeyar of Mysore,
181, 290, 422.
Cbamalur, 46.
Chamunda, 550.
Chamundaraja, 536.
Chanagiri, 49.
Chanda, 177, 178 n. 1.
Chand Bibi, 197, 275, 337.
Chandegri. See. Chandragiri.
Chandergherri. See, Chandragiri.
Chandeswari temple, 22.
Chandigri. See Chandragiri.
Chandrabhanu Charitraw, 306,
521.
Chandragiri, XXI, 7 n. 5, 39, 115,
142, 176, 179, 216, 223, 228,
233, 242, 246, 256, 258, 263,
265, 266, 269, 271, 280, 285,
300, 303, 304, 307,311, 313,
314, 315, 316, 319, 320, 336, 336
n. 1, 338, 340, 414, 420, 434,
435, 438, 465, 467, 468, 470.
471, 472, 473, 475, 476,479,
480, 482, 483, 484, 486, 487,
488, 490, 493, 496, 498, 499, 500,
503, 514, 518, 529, 535, 544.
Cbandragupta Maurya, 18, 536
n. 2.
Chandragutti, 56, 178, 268.
Chandra Kula, 135.
Cbanda SekharaPandya of Madura,
99, 108, 124, 125, 128, 129, 130.
132, 135 n., 173.
Chendra Sekhara Vodeyar, 334.
Chandrikodabrita-Nyaya-Vivarara,
522.
Chandrasata, 201 n. 4.
Chanoca (Caspar), 59.
Channa Basavaraja Deva, 550.
Channadevi or Channamadevi,
249.
Cbanna Venkatapadi, 19.
Chanparaya, 104.
Charamaodel. See. Coromandel.
Charnataca, See Karnataka.
Charuohandrodayam, 267, 306f
INDEX
Charukirti, 550.
Cbaurasi-durga, 267, 308.
Chavarcovardin. See Chakravar-
tins
Chavudesvari, 277.
Chenna, 318 n. 1. 320
Chennakesava, 46, 193, 265, 323.
324.
Chennakesava pagoda, 43.
Chennakesava Perumal, 43.
Chennakesava temple, 44, 45.
Chennakesavaraya, 277, 335.
Chennakesavasvamin temple, 7,34,
Chennamaraju, 519.
Cbenna Nayaka, 318, 320,
Chennapa Nay ad u, 236, 260.
Chennapatna, 272, 277.
Chennasagaram, 404.
Chennur, 309.
Chengi. See Jinji.
Chera, 112
Chera M aha Devi, 114.
Chera Udaya Marthanda Varma
of Travancore, 114.
Chernuri si ma, 42.
Cherukuru, 516, 517.
Chevva. See Siva
Chhokkanatha, 350, 381.
Chica Raj. See Chikka Raya.
Chichanada. See Chhokkanatha.
Chidamnarakavi, 525,
Chidambaram, 121, 323, 400,
404, 518, 519, 532, 537, 544,
551, 553.
Chidambara venba, 518.
Chidambaresvara, 323
Cbikadevaraya, 194
Chikkabeta, 550.
Chikkadeva Raya, 271, 293.
Chikkadevaraya Vamsavali, 27,
215, 221, 223, 235, 236. 254, 277,
291, 291 D., 342, 411, 419.
Chikka Sankanna Nayaka, 180,
291, 423.
Chikkaiya, 324.
Chikkaraya, 3
Chikka Raya(Fangall), 503,504,
507.
Chikka Udaiyar, 3.
Chiknayakanhalli, 271.
Chilao. See Ceylon
Chima Ragion (Ranga), 504.
China, 57 n. 4, 65 n.f 72, 397 n. 1,
439; silks of, 63.
Chingleput District, 142, 305, 310
n. 3, 320, 320 n. 6, 452, 498.
Chinna Aubalaraja, 43.
Chinna Avubalesvara deva Maha-
raju, 16, 44.
Chinna Bom ma Nayaka of Vel-
io re, 40, 139, 192, 234, 280, 288,
289, 316, 321, 523.
Chinna Devi, wife of Krishna
Deva Raya, 5, 24.
Chinna Dorai, 344.
Chinna Kesava, 45.
Chinna Kesava Nayaka, 170.
Chinna Koneti Tiruvengalanathay-
yagam, 47.
Chinna Mudiam, 51, 193.
Chinnapa Naidu, 96.
Chinnapanayangaru, 235.
Chinna Singaraja, 51 n. 3.
Chinna Singarasu Choda Maha-
raju See Chinna Singaraja,
Chinnasunga. See Chinna Singa-
raja.
Chinna Timmarajayadeva Maha-
raja, 44, 46, 114, 141, 142 n. 2,
524.
Chinna Timmaraja Kondayadeva
Maharaja, 46.
Chinna Timmanayadu, 43.
Chinna Venkata, 23.
Chinna Venkatadri, 3. See Venka-
ta I.
Chinna Virappa Nayaka, 192.
Chintakommadine, 192.
Chintalapalli, 343.
Cbitaldroog District, 50, 52, 122,
185, 411, 426, 427.
Chitaldroog Nayak, 185.
Chitra Kuta (Chidambaram), 544.
Chittoor, 112, 112 n.
Chivvakkaluri Bayacha Rajayya,
30.
Chola (country, kings, kingdom
etc.), XVIII, 30, 107, 108, 109,
112, 113, 115, 124, 125, 125 n.,
125 n. 1, 128, 130, 144 n. 1,
155, 172, 252, 256, 286, 308, 354,
532, 544.
Cholgana. See So.
Christapatanrj
Christianity.^
396, 514. J
Christian c
531 n.
Christian]
tf&O THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Christians, 67, 94, 99, 119, 120,
120 n., 120 n. 1, 143, 148, 150
n. 1, 151, 152, 348,351,364,369,
378, 383, 384, 390.
Christian Sannyasi, 393, 395.
Chritinada, 383.
Chundraguti (Raja of), 243.
Ciandagrini. See Cbaodragiri.
Cidoca. See Sadasiva Raya.
Cintacora rive r, 63.
Cipriano (Fr ), 66 n. 2.
Cirangan. See Sri ran gam.
Cirangapatao See Serin gapatan.
Cobban, 102, 102 n. 2.
Coachin. See Cochin,
Cochim. See Cochin.
Cochin, 71 n. 1, 119, 143 n., 151,
156, 158 n, 2, 160, 240, 313 n.
7, 347, 361, 366, 374, 387, 390,
393, 394, 434 n. 3, 439, 439 n.
1, 442, 472, 493, 531, 531 n. 2.
Coelho (Francisco), 147.
Coelho (Lourenco), 160, 161.
Coimbatore. 132, 154, 244.
Colerun, 112, 407.
Colombo, 480.
Comorin (Cape), 60 n. 3, 132, 142,
143 n,, 148, 151, 152, 158 n. 2,
159, 163, 307, 352, 354, 385.
Comory. See. Comorin.
Company of Jesus. See Society of
Jesus.
Compagnie (De Algemenc Geoctro
yerde Oest-Indische), 4.U.
Companhia do Comercio, 431.
Companhia Portugueza das Indias
Orientaes, 431.
Conda Ma, 456, 457.
Condapilli, 89, 95.
Condogor, 437, 472.
Condoquor. See Condogor.
Concan. See Konkan.
Congu Desa Rajakal Kyfeyut,
420 n. 4.
Connanaiche, 320.
Coromandel Coast, 64 n. 3, 70,
110,131,142,145 n.,149, 153,
154, 155, 156, 159, 160, 162, 165,
307, 363, 439, 456.
Correa (Caspar), 4, 4 n. 4, 4 n. 6,
7, 7 n. 5, 8, 10, 11, 14, 25, 30, 61,
156, 223, 247,
Correa (Joao Fernandas), 156.
Corsali, 187.
Costa (Fr. Joao da), 467.
Cotamaluc. See Qutb Shah.
Cotubixa. See Qutb Shah.
Coulas, 239.
Cousens (Mr. H.), 228 .
Coutinho (Fr Belchior), 305, 306,
316, 319, 320, 337, 338, 358, 378,
398, 399, 400, 401, 402, 408, 409,
412, 413, 414,421, 435, 440, 441,
452, 467, 470, 471, 472, 474,
476, 477, 478, 479, 484, 489, 490,
491, 500, 501, 503, 505, 509, 510,
530.
Coutinho (Captain Manoel Rodri-
gues), 159, 160, 161, 164, 165.
Couto (Diogo), 4 n. 6, 11, 13, 14,
20, 25, 29, 31, 68, 69 n. 1, 117,
122, 123, 125, 140, 159, 194, 195,
197, 198, 200, 213, 216, 242, 370
Cresus, 71.
Criminali (Fr. Antonio), 131, 157,
158 n. 2.
Crisnarao.See Krishna Deva Raya.
Cruz (Joao da), 119.
Cuddalore .410, 531 n. 2, 551.
Cudpapah District, 21, 22. 24, 43,
44, 46, 50, 98, 140, 192, 234, 235,
265, 580.
Cumberland, 433.
Cumbum Lake, 273, 334.
Cunha (Dom Nuno da), 60 n.,
120, 188.
Cunha (Manoel de), 354.
Cuttack, 309, 322.
Cypriani (Fr. Alphonso), 156 n. 3.
Dabris, 213 n. 7,
Dabul, 198 n. 3.
Dadamurti, 383.
Dahmen (Fr.), 365, 369,
Dakshinamurti, 516.
Dalavay, 139, 317, 318, 320, 497,
499.
Dalavay Agraharam Plates of
Venkata II, 55, 254, 260, 302,
308, 315, 328, 335, 341, 494, 509,
517,528.
Dalavay Setupati Kattadeva, 356.
Dalpat Ray, 213.
Damagatla, 30.
Danayak, 225, 227.
Dandoy (Fr.G,), 318.
Danish traders, V, XIII.
Daniyal (Prince), 337.
INDEX
651
Dantikanti Lingappana, 290.
Danvers, 482 n.
Daraporan. See Dharapuram.
Dasandoddi, 32.
Dasappa Nayadu, 48.
Dasyunayakas, 56.
Daulatabad, 88 n. 1.
Daulatabadi paper, XVII.
Davalu Papa, 322.
David (King), 373.
Deccan, V, XVIIJ, 60 n., 97, 224 ;
Kings of, 203 n. 1 ; kingdoms, of
339.
Deccani Muhammadans, VII.X1II,
73, 81, 97, 185, 276.
Deccani Sultans, 209, 219, 346.
Dekanese, 229.
Deleuai. See Dalavay.
Delevay. See Dalavay,
Delhi, 100. 195 n. 1, 322.
Desantari Narasingadeva, 43.
DevachintamaniTrivegal, 201 n. 4,
Devalpupa Nayadu, 309, 310.
Devanahalli, 182,
Devanapatnam, 397, 410, 428, 432,
443, 444, 451.
Devappa Gowda, 530.
Devaraya II of Vijayanagara, 107,
172, 539.
Devarayadurga, 37.
Devathas, 426.
Devikapuram, 139, 289.
Dewurconda, 22, 95.
Dew Naig, 200.
Dharwar, 243, 258.
Dharapuram, 392.
Dialcan. See Adil Shah.
Diaz (Fr. Antonio), 479.
Diguva Tlrupadi, 324, 498, 548.
Dikshitar Aiyam, 398.
Dilawar Khan, 275, 276.
Dindigul Taluq, 134.
Divan Barid, 213.
Divakara Nayaka, 177.
Divodasa (King), 533.
Dodda Chama Raja Wodeyar of
Mysore, 292.
Dodda Sankanna Nayaka, 180.
D'Orsey (Rev ), 389,
Dosuri Koueru-kavi, 524.
Drinkwater (Captain), 460.
Drona, 535.
Dudeia Prabnu, 413,
Dudley (Sir Robert)(l432,
Dnpatisima, 324,
Darg*,:13Q, 167.
Durga pagoda, 42.
Durga Puja. 316.
Duria Imadul Mulk, 91.
Dutch East India Company, 452,
Dutch traders, V, VII, XIII, 65 n.
4,397,410, 410 n. 3, 428, 432,
433, 434, 440, 442, 446,447, 450.
452, 453, 455, 459, 461, 462,463,
482, 511.
East India Company, 239, 455, 459,
501, 502 n. 1,508.
East Indies, 431, 433.
Edessa, 65 n. 4.
Egypt, 553 n.
Ekambara Mudaliar, 139.
Elamanchi, 270.
Elamur, 471.
Elizabeth (Queen), 433.
Ellappa Nayaka, 192.
Ellis (Mr.), 389.
Ellore, 96.
Elvanasur, 278.
Embana Udeiyar, 106.
Enaku Tamburao, 141 n. 2.
Enamdala, 16,
England, 433.
English (merchants, traders, ves-
sels), V, VII, XIII, 239, 428.
429, 433, 434, 455, 459, 511.
Enura. SeeVenur.
Era Krishnappa Nayaka, 52, 96.
184, 185, 427.
Erode, 132, 342.
Erramadhavarya, 521 /
Essington (Thomas), 456,
Estevao (Fr. Caspar), 467,
Etgir, 78, 199.
Etibar Khan, 331.
Ettayapuram, 284 n. 2
Ettur, 540. 541 n.
Ettur Tataiya, 304.
Emberumanaru, 542.
Europe, XX, 67.
Europeans, V. 369, 433, 501, 502,
509.
European Club, Cuddalore, 410,
European power V,
Euticio (Fr. Petro), 467.
Ezur-Veda, 389 n.
Fak-1-Khan. 270.
Falah Bibi Hadya Sultana, 197,
THE ARAV1DU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Faria (Fr, Joao do), 531.
Faria y Sousa (Manuel de),39, 58,
59 n. 4, 60, 60 n. 3, 64, 65, 69 n.
1. 113 n. 4, 197, 200, 210, 222,
225, 242, 294.
Farnese (Cardinal Eduardo), 439.
Feira (Conde da), 442, 443.
Ferishta, 4 n , 6, 7, 9, 10, 10 n.,
11, 17, 19, 20, 38, 56, 59 n. 4,
74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 80 n. 1,
83,84,87,88 n. 2, 90 n. 1, 91,
91 n, 92 n. 2, 100, 183, 194,
195, 197, 198 n. 1, 199, 200, 210,
211, 213, 215, 216, 217, 219, 220,
224, 226, 228, 231, 236, 239, 242,
243, 252, 258, 268, 275, 303, 331
n. 1, 332 n. 1, 333 n. 1, 334 n.
1, 336, 416, 417, 418.
Fernandez (Gil), 161.
Fernandez (Fr. Goncalo), 363, 364,
365, 367, 368, 371, 378, 389, 52«
Figueredo (Christovao de), 59.
Figueroa, 377, 383, 337.
Finch (William), 66.
Firenze, 70*
Fishery Coast, XIV, 99, 118, 119,
120 n., 131, 148 n. 2, 150, 152, 157,
157 n., 158, 159, 162, 163, 164,
354, 363, 472, 529, 530.
Flemish States, 431.
Florence, 58.
Floris (Peter Williamson), 239, 454
n., 455, 456 n. 2, 458, 459, 460,
495, 503, 502 n. 2, 507, 508, 512.
Flos Sanctorum, 531.
Fontebona (Bro. Bartolomeo , 476,
477,478, 479,480,1488,489,490,
491, 492, 493, 500, 509.
France, 247.
Francis, 141 n 2.
Francis of AssissU St.), 175.
Francis (Church of Saint), 430.
Franciscans, 66 n. 2, 67, 441 n. 1.
Fraoko, 369.
Frederick (Caesar), 14, 31, 32, 37,
52, 66, 69, 71, 163, 168, 175, 186,
, 190, 194, 198, 211, 216, 222, 224,
" 225. 228, 229, 230, 233, 235, 236,
237, 238, 245, 246, 252-
Freire (Fernando Martins), 94.
French traders, V, XIII.
Frey (Bro. Alexander), 470, 472,
487, 488.
Frias(Manoelde), 448.
Friers of St, Paul (Churches of
the), 163.
Froes (Fr.), 66 n. 2.
Gadigarelu, 42.
Gadwal, 10.
Gaga Raja, 181.
Gajapatis, 279.
Gama (Dom Francisco da) , 444.
Gama(Vascode),187.
Ganadhipati, 545, 557.
Ganapati, 545.
Ganaripatao, 409.
Gandala, 545.
Gandikota, 9, 16, 96, 324, 329, 513.
Gandikota-durga, 43, 193.
Gandikota-pagoda, 37.
Gandikota-sima, 193.
Ganesa, 37, 224, 226, 227, 543, 546,
551.
Gangadeva Ramesvara, 276.
Ganga Devi, 104.
Gaogadhara Cholamaharaya, 323. •
Gangaikonda sima, 323.
Ganga Nayak, 417, 418.
Ganga Kings, 536.
Gangaperuru, 44.
Gangappa Nayaka, 324,
Ganga Varapatti, 341.
Gangayya Raja, 44.
Ganges, 356, 539.
Gangolly, 190, 296, 297.
Ganpura, 95, 96.
Garcia (Dom), 92.
Garuda, 7, 208.
Gartidapurana, 523.
Gasopa. See Gersoppa.
Gatty, 419.
Gavipur, 183.
Geldria (Castle), 462.
Gene Nayadu, 191.
George, 433.
Gersoppa, 113; Queen of, 190, 290,
293, 297.
Ghandikota,44.
Ghandikota- sima, 50, 51.
Ghanagiri (Penukonda), 422.
Ghati Kachala (Sholighur), 544.
Ghats, 63.
Ghiath-ud-din, 101, 102.
Ghuzunpur Beg, 333.
Gidangil, 277, 289-
Gingi. See Jinji.
Gingier. See Jinji.
Girikanyaka, 515*
Girola. See Jinji.
Gita Bhasyam. 534,
Gita Govinda, 516, 545.
Giuliano df Medici, 187,
INDEX
Globeto, 457.
Goa, 54, 56, 57. 58, 59, 59 n. 4, 61,
61 n. 2, 62, 63, 64,^66 n, 2, 68,
70,71,72,92,93, 94, 120, 190,
230, 238, 240. 297, 316 n. 3, 337
n. 3, 339, 366, 414,421, 432, 434,
435 D. 1, 436, 437, 439 n. 1, 439
n. 4, 467, 472, 489, 530 ; Arch-
bishop of, 430; Governor of,
XIX, 188 ; Kingdom of, 307 ; Pro-
vince of, 316 n. 3 ; Viceroy of,
XIX, 413,427, 445, 446.
Goans, 93.
GobburiObarajayyadeva Maharaja,
307, 496, 497, 498.
Gobburi Zimmalal Nayakkar, 281.
Goes (Bro. Bento de), 338 n. 1.
Gobraj Timma, 327.
Golkonda, 14, 19, 22, 22 n. 6, 24
n 4, 25, 27, 33, 34, 55, 56, 73, 76,
77, 77 n. 4, 78, 81, 82, 82 n. 2,
83 n 2,84,85,86,87 n., 88 n.
1, 89, 90, 91 n., 92 n. 3,
94, 95, 96, 97, 194, 197 n. 1, 198,
199, 200, 218, 219, 229, 231, 232,
259 n. 1, 264, 269, 270, 274, 275,
277, 279, 280, 303, 326, 327, 328,
329, 330 n. 1, 331, 331 n. 1,
332, 334, 336, 340, 416, 546;
Sultans of, 207, 208, 212 n. 1,
233 n. 1, 240, 269, 270, 272, 273,
327, 329, 331, 334, 334 n. 3, 511.
Color, 383.
Gonsalves (Giovanni) , 530.
Gopal Darwaza, 337 n. 1.
Gopalakrishna Deva, 41, 43.
Gopala haja, 337 n. 1.
Gopanaraya, 105, 105 n. 2.
Gopinatha, 276.
Gopinatha Rao, (T. A.), 117 n. 5,
126 n. 3, 244 n. 3.
Gopinatha temple, 46.
Goripalaiyam, 283.
Gottakunte, 44.
Gourney (John), 459, 508
Gouvea (Frey Antonio de), 348 n. 3,
Gouvea (Thomas de), 145 n.
Govada, 542.
Govinda Dikshita, 40, 288, 399, 400,
522,
Govindaraj, 33. See Venkatadri.
Govinda Raja, 532, 537, 544, 553.
Govinda Raja Perumal, 324.
Govinda Vamapuram, 46,
Greek, 365.
Guarcopa, See Gersoppa.
Guarim, 152.
Gndur, 34, 49.
Guerrero. See Guerreiro.
Guerreiro, (Fr, Ferdinando), 339
n. 2, 364, 372, 377, 378, 428, 469,
505.
Gubaranya, 552.
Guhasura, 551.
Gujarat, 92.
Gulang Setti, 329.
Gulbarga, 2, 78, 84, 85, 88.
Gullyapa Nayaka, 234.
Gulrang Setti, 327.
Gundlaunta, 50.
Gundlupet Taluk, 421.
Gundur District, 191.
Gundurti Papayya, 44.
Gundurti Tirumalarajayya. S*«
Tirumala Raya, of Vi jayanagara.
Guntur, 276, 542.
Gupta, 533.
Guram, 273.
Guruvaraja, 51.
Gurzala, 251.
Gusmao (Antonio Franco de), 160.
Gutti, 5, 9, 13, 15, 19. 34.
Guzman (Fr. Luis de), 145 n.
Hagen (Steven van der), 431,
Hakery river, 202 n. 4.
Haidar- ul-mulk, 273, 274.
Haidar Khan, 81.
Haidar Ali, XIII, XXI, 31 n, 2,
218.
Haider Ali Khan. See Haidar Ali.
Haidarabad, 251, 331, 332.
Hale Kanada, 299 541.
Hamid Khan, 82, 83.
Hampi, 22, 29, 227, 251, 312,
Hampi Hastinavati. See Hampi and
Vijayanagara.
Hande, 273, 543.
Hande Anantapuram (Annals o/),
5, 10, 10 n., 11, 20, 270.
Hande Hanumappa Nayudu, 10,
76,77,270.
Handiatum Naik, 337.
Hanuman, 548, 557.
Kara. 545, 551, 557, See Siva.
Har Devi, 268,
Han, 260, 261, 544, 551. Setf
Vishnu .
Harihara (God), 185, 551, 547 n. 4,
552. .
» THB ARAVIJDU DYJKASTY OP VIJAYANAGARA
Hariharall of Vijayanagara, 99,
106, 107, 539.
Harischandra Malopakhyana, 516.
Harivamsasaracharitratn, 522.
Harwati, 309.
Hassan, 13, 185.
Hassan. See Hussain Nizam Shah.
Hattiyangudi, 299.
Hawkins (Captain), 433.
Hebrahe. See Burhad Imad Shah.
Hemachandra, 517.
Hemingway, (Mr.), 103 n. 4.
Henjera, 324.
Henriqnez (Fr. Henrique), 262,
529, 531.
Henry VIII of England, 432,
Heri Chamraj, 292.
Himadri, 54.
Himalayas, 180, 510.
Hindu army, 206, 207, 208, 209,
213, 215.
Hindu camp, 212, 212 n, 1.
Hindu chronicles, 220.
Hindu cult, 27, 41.
Hindu Empire, 57, 219.
Hindu government, 240.
Hinduism, V, VI, 383, 386, 394.
Hindu King, 59, 208, 210, 219, 340,
Hindu Parnassus, 532.
Hindus, 38, 67, 73, 74, 76, 79, 80,
80 n. 1, 81,83, 83 n. 4, 87 n. 2,
91, 94, 97, 101, 105, 146 n., 152,
190, 203, 210, 211, 216, 236, 273,
274, 322, 327, 328, 357, 364, 369,
379, 380, 381, 389, 419, 437, 438,
440, 497, 509, 514, 528, 529, 532
n. 1.
Hindupur Taluk, 42.
Hindu Sects, VIII.
Hindustan, 17.
Hippon (Captain Anthony), 455,
457, 458, 501, 502.
Hirekerur, 49.
Holalkere, 221, 234, 426, 546.
Holland, 457, 459, 460.
Hollanders. See Dutch.
Holinahala Linganna, 412.
Hommoja, 49, 50.
Honavar, 62, 63, 172, 185, 186,
186 n.. 190,290,294, 297,307;
King of, 185, 186.
Honnavalli, 271.
Honore. See Honavar.
Hotkote, 182.
Hoysaias, 102, 103, 103 n, 5, 218.
Hugli,493,
Hnkumi, 322.
Hultzsch (Dr,), 516.
Hull (Fr. E.), 389 n.
Humayun Shah. See Konzah
Humayun.
Hunmaliraja (Vira), 543,
Hussain Nizam Shah of Ahmad-
nagar, XVIII, XIX, 84. 85, 86,
87, 88, 88 n. 1, 90, 91, 194, 195
n. 1, 196, 197, 198,203, 205, 206
H. 2, 207, 208, 209, 210 n, 1, 211,
213,213 n. 5, 214, 214 n. 5, 215,
216, 227, 231.
Huvinakere, 424.
Ibharam. See Ibrahim Qutb Shah,
Ibrahim Adil Shah I of Bijapur,
6, 8, 9,9n. 1, 9n. 5, 61 n, 2, 73,
74, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 84, 86,
87, 92, 94, 95, 194 n. 1, 199, 212,
Ibrahim Adil Shah II of Bijapur,
275, 326. 336, 340, 416, 417, 418.
Ibrahim Qutb Shah of Golkonda,
33, 73,77 n. 4, 82,82 n. 1, 83, 83
n. 4, 84, 85, 86, 86 n. 1, 88, 89, 90,
93, 96, 97, 197, 205, 207, 210, 211,
218. 219, 232, 241, 269, 272, 273,
274, 275, 328, 329, 336, 546,
Ibrahim Rauza, 228.
IbnBatuta, 101, 102.
Idalcao. See Adil Shah.
Idalxa. See Adil Shah.
Idamadaka, 46.
Ignatius (St.), 120, 158 n. 2.
Ikeri, 80, 177, 180, 423, 523, 524,
549; Nayaks of, VI, VII, 35,
181, 290, 291, 410, 411, 423, 424.
Ikhlas Khan, 204 n. 4, 209.
lluppur, 133.
I mans, 205.
Immadi Basavanayadu, 45.
Immadi Dharmasivachary, 545.
Immadi Kempe Gowda II of Yela-
hanka, 426.
Immadi Narasimha, 237.
Immadi Rama Raja Nayaka, 550.
Immadi Rangappa Nayaka, 309.
Immadi Sadasiva Nayaka, 180.
Inanconda. 273.
India, V, VII, XIII, 25, 54 n. 3, 55
n. 4, 57, 60 n. 3, 62, 63, 66, 66 n.
?, 99, 116, 119, 218, 240, 321,
340, 350, 366, 433, 434, 435, 442,
525, 530, 532, ' 570 ; Central, IV,
INDEX
665
218 ; South of, V, XIII, 218, 935;
State of, 240.
Indian, 100.
Indian Antiquary. V.
Indian Empire, V.
Indian History (South), VI.
Indian Maps, VI.
Indian rulers, 119 n. 1.
Indian scholars, XX.
Indies, 66.
Indra, 7, 260.
Indraconda, 22, 90.
Indragiri, 536.
Indranatha temple, 51.
Ingaligi, 203 n. I.
Inquisition of Goa. 370.
Iragi archers, 209,
Irapali (-All), 159, 160, 164.
Irugappa, 539.
Ishtakamesvara, 191.
Islam, 206 n. 2, 211, 258, 275,
278, 514.
Islamism. See Islam.
Ismail Adil Shah of Bijapur, 57.
Isvara Narasimba Raya, 14, 16.
Italians, 70, 71 n. 1, 187, 216, 374,
395.
Italy, 365.
Izamaluco. See Nizam Shah.
Jagadeva, 272 n. 1.
Jagadeva Raya, 90, 95, 96, 184,
264, 271, 272, 277, 327, 336 n, 1,
415.
Jaga Raya, 458. 459, 496, 512.
Jagdeo Rao. See Jagadeva Raya.
Jagdew Row. See Jagadeva Raya.
Jagganatharaya, 518.
Jahangir Khan, 91.
Jains, 532, 538, 539, 540, 549, 550.
"amism, XIV, 536, 539,
akanachary, 426.
akkanaganada, 43.
alal-ud-din Hasan Shah, 101.
[alihalu, 179.
ambai, 177 n.
ambulaxnandaka. See Jammalama-
dugu.
Jatnmalamadugu Taluk, 42, 309.
Jammana Odeyar, 106.
Jamshid Qutb Shah of Golkonda,
77, 78, 81, 83.
Janakamma, 23.
Janamejaya, 546.
Janema Devi, 237.
Jangama, 180, 544.
Jangama Kalainyana, 215, 544,
angama priest, 215.
angamayya, 29, 43.
apan, 157.
app (Dr. Alex H.), 389 n.
[arric (Fr. du), 144 n. 2, 148 n. 2,
153, 302, 303, 307, 308, 312, 313,
314 n. 1, 322, 336, 336 n. 2, 339
n. 2, 349, 364. 398, 399, 400, 406,
428, 466, 482, 486, 487, 496, 497
n. 1, 498, 499, 504, 503 n., 531.
Jaya Gowda, 182 n.
Jerreh, 417 ; Rajas of, 243.
Jesuits, VI. VII, VIII, XXI. 66 n.
2, 67, 92, 145 n. 2, 147, 150 n. 1,
151 n., 158, 162, 319, 322, 338 n.,
340, 352, 353, 358, 360, 361, 370,
378, 389, 393, 414, 436, 438, 440,
441 n. 1, 447, 449, 452, 453, 464,
465, 467, 469, 470, 471, 472, 473.
474, 475, 476, 477, 478, 479, 480,
481, 482, 483, 484, 485, 486, 487,
488, 489, 490, 492, 493, 496, 497,
498, SCO, 501, 502, 503, 506, 511,
513, 529, 530, 531.
Jesuit letters, XX, XXI, 315, 367,
410, 411, 413,428, 512.
Jusuits influence, V, 414.
Jesuit mission, 414.
Jesuit province of Malabar, 313.
Jesus Christ, 65 n. 4, 145 n., 162,
309, 364, 370, 381, 386, 530 ;
Gospel of, XIV,
Jeswunt Row, 200.
Jillala, 46.
Jillella family. 21.
Jillella Krishna Raju, 495.
Jillelamuduku, 262.
Jillella Rangapatirajayyadeva
Maharaja, 35, 43.
Jillella Ranga Raja, 495, 546.
Jinalayas, 539.
Jinji, V, 105, 111, 112, 172, 280.
288, 317, 397, 403, 408, 409 410,
410 n. 3, 432, 446, 500, 522, 532,
533,553; Nayaks of, VI, VII.
177, 317, 403, 404, 407, 409, 432.
Jiyyangaru, 542.
John III of Portugal, 64. 145 n.
John, 239.
John (Church of St.), 430.
Jonnavaram, 51.
Jorge (Fr. Marcos), 531.
Jotumraj, 22, 95.
666
THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Julius III, 365.
Junar, 88.
Juvencio (Fr.),363f 371, 371 n,f 381,
395.
Jvarakandesvara, 192, 234.
Jvarkandesvara shrine, 288.
Kadalmallai, 281.
Kadaladi plates of Achyuta Raya,
1 n. 1.
Kadaiyam-Krishnapuran, 282.
Kadaji, 185.
Kadirinaga Perumal, 343.
Kadur District, 268, 269.
Kagallu, 42.
Kakni, 78.
KakustHavijayam, 521.
Kalachuris, 18.
Kalahasti, 115, 318,401,403.
Kalahastiyappa Mudaliar, 138.
Kalaiyarcovil, 284.
Kalakadu, 154.
Kalakantheswara temple, 289, 523.
Kalamalla, 30, 45, 51, 193.
Kalamba, 322.
Kalapurnodayamu. 523.
Kalasa-Karkala. See Karkala.
Kalgur. See Karnul.
Kali, 107.
Kalinga, 55. 122, 278.
Kalingas, 510.
Kaliyani, 26, 73, 76 79, 80, 81, 84,
88,90,91,95,178.
Kaliyar-Somanar, 108
Kalkulam, 17 n. 1, 145, 162.
Kallakursi grant of Ranga HI, 21,
206, 278, 517.
Kallar tribes, 268.
Kalyan Mahal, 176.
Kalyandrug, 26.
Kama, 6
Kauagetti Kasturi Medakeri Naya-
ka, 334, 546.
Kamal-ud-din Hussain, 200.
Kamakoti, 525.
Kambaduru. 45.
Kambala (Chief of), 293.
Kamban Gudalur Rajas, 134.
Kamboja, 54, 278.
Kambojas, 510.
Kamestri, 135 n. 1.
Kameswari, 361.
Kampana Odeyar. See Kumara
Kampaoa Odeyar,
Kampanuduaver, See Kumara Kam
pana Odeyar.
Kanaji, 82.
Kanakshaba, 261.
Kanalla, 30.
Kanara, 113 n 2, 177 n.3., 186, 264,
268 269, 275, 290, 292, 293, 298,
411, 415, 419, 423, 426, 427, 532;
(North), 417 551; (South), 179,
299.
Kanarese books, 45, 185.
Kanarese country, XIII. 21, 336,
411, 412, 414 ; Rajas of the, 416.
Kanarese inscription. 299. See
Hale Kannada.
Kanarese Rajas, 418.
Kanarese soldiers, 60 n.
Kanarese Viceroy, 411.
Kanarese Viceroyalty, VII, 248,
290, 411-427, 550,
Kanauj, 54 n. 4.
Kanchi, 115. 261. Sec Katchivaram.
Kanchi Paparaju, 289.
Kanchivaram, 2 n.,3 103 n 6, 104,
107, 116. 117, 121 n. 3, 182, 279,
306, 307, 399. 429, 465, 469, 474,
531,533,538,539.
Kandagada Guruvayya, 322.
Kandahar, 75.
Kandakuru, 234,
Kandanavolu. See Karnul.
Kandanol. See Karnul.
Kandhir, 95, 273, 274, 326, 329. 331,
333, 334 ; Raja of, 95.
Kandi. 169, 281; Xings of, 131,
281.
Kandikere, 271.
Kandir, 329.
Kandi Timana, 273.
Kandnavol. See Karnul,
Kandukur, 335.
Kanjivaram District, 139.
Kankadutta Vinayak temple, 398.
Kannanur Koppam, 102 n. 2.
Kanthirava, 181.
Kanuma grant of Sadasiva Raya,
28, 46.
Kapury Timraj, 274 .
Karahata, 55, 278.
Karikala Chola of Tanjore, 534.
Karkala, 243, 412, 550.
Karnams of Nindujuwi, 51.
Karnata, 12, 28. 36, 104, 107, 260.
278, 288, 310, 336. 510 ; Ettper-
or of, 336, 401,
INDEX
657
Karnataka country, 50, 111, 112,
158, 172, 177, 177n.,177n. 3, 185,
188, 355, 536, 537.
Karnataka Lords (Description of
the), 128.
Karnataka Governors (History
of), 122, 123, 127, 127 n, 133,
167, 238, 345, 351.
Karnataka Princes (Royal Line
of the), 139.
Karnaticor Karnatik, 17, 54, 56,
100 111, 112 n. 1, 185,258.
Karnul District. 9, 10, 19, 20. 22.
30. 34, 234. 277, 279, 291, 300 n..
324, 337 n. 1, 542, 545.
Karpa, 329.
Kartarkal, 355.
Kartik Virappa Naik, 204 n. 2.
Karugalli, 415.
Karupuram, 348.
Karur, 268 ; Raja of, 243.
Kasappudaya, 19.
Kasargod, 178.
Kashmir, 122.
Kasimkota, 332, 333 ; Raja of, 326,
332.
Kasi Rav, 95. 96,
Kasturi Ranga, 273.
Kasturi Rangappa Nayaka of
Madura, 341, 344, 345, 351. 284,
426.
Kasyappa gotra, 121 n. 2, 281, 498,
Kattalur, 133.
Kavalkudaru, 398.
Kaveri river, 109, 110, 112, 116,
129, 244, 255, 288, 359.
Kayal, 140 n. 1.
Kayattaitur, 126.
Kayatattur. 136.
Keladi, 56, 142, 177, 179, 180.
Keladi Arasu Vamsavali, 177*
178 n., 291.
Keladi Chandappa Nayaka, 178.
Keladi-lkeri, 172, 168. See Ikeri.
Kelady family, 56, 291.
Keladi Raya Paditti. 177.
Keladi Venkatappa Nayaka, 549.
Kembala, 415.
Kempambudhi, 183.
Kempanacheya Gowda, 182, 183.
Kempaya Gowda, 183.
Kempe Gowda I of Yelahanka,
172, 182,183,185,543.
Kempe Gowda II of Yelahanka
411, 426.
Kempe Gowda chiefs, 184, 4:26.
Keralas, 142.
Kesara, 415.
Kesava Misra, 528,
Kesavappa Nayaka, 129.
Kesavaswami, 277.
Ketchila Ettapa Nay acker Aiyan,
284 n. 2.
Khairuvale, 234, 545.
Khana (Khan), 259,
Khandesh, 339.
Khanakhana. See Khan Khanan.
KhanKbanan. 331,337.
Khurasani archers, 204.
Khurasani army, 204 n. 4.
Kielborn (Prof. F.), 21, 542.
King (Captain Samuel), 460.
Kinniga Bhupala, 550.
Kiranur, 138.
Kishwar Khan Lary. 88, 195,211,
229, 231. 236.
Kobilingam, 175.
Kochcharlakota-sima, 34.
Kodanda, 224.
Kodanda Rama, 22 n. 2.
Kodanda Rama. See Rama Raya,
Kodandaramaswami temple, 42.
Kodur, 44, J93.
Koduru, 42,
Koiladi, 153.
Kolagala, 256.
Kolahala, 515.
Kolavu Bari, 315.
Koli Row, 200.
Komara Timma Nayaningaru
(Queen of), 191.
Komara Venkatadri. See Venkata
I.
Komarunipalli. 235.
Komaddi, 518.
Kona, 20.
Konamamba, 24.
Kona Vallabharaya, 322.
Konda, 22. 23.
Kondadeva Maharaja, 335.
Kondakai, 166.
Kondambika, 495, 49$, 500.
Kondama Nayaka, 323.
Kondamma, 21, 22, 184.
Kondapalli, 95.
Kondaraja, 35, 44, 46, 165.
Kondaraju Tirumalaraju, 273.
Kondaraju Venkatadri, 309.
Kondaraju Venkataraju, 273.
Kondarinji Karanur, 138.
Kondavidu, 31, 40, 255, 274.
Kondoja, 48, 49, 50,
656 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Kondubhatta, 516.
Konduru-Chennapalli, 261.
Kondyata grant of Venkata III, 21,
206, 265, 335.
Koneru Raya, 272.
Kooeti Kondarajadeva, See Kon-
daraja -
Konetiraja, 109.
Kongu, 268.
Kongudesa, 154.
Konkan, 92, 198.
Konkani, 530.
KonzahHumayun (Bibi), XVIII,
XIX, 232, 236, 257.
Koppam, 102 n, 2.
Koppulu 193.
Koramangala, 183.
Kosanepalle, 42.
Kotanahalli, 29.
Rotate. See Kottar.
Kote Kolahala, 179.
Kotitirtha, 357.
Kottapalli, 289.
Kottar, 144, 144 n, 1,145.
Kottiare Metropolis, 144 n. 1.
Kotyam Nagama Nayadu, 167.
Koviladi, 155.
Kowlananda, 329 331.
Koyatnbutur, 134.
Krimikantha (Kulottunga II), 5.44
Krishna (Sri), 224, 226, 282, 361.
Krishna District, 251.
Krishna river, 57, 59 n. 4, 194, 198,
202, 202 n. 3, 202 n. 4, 203, 208,
232, 273, 274, 327, 329, 332, 334,
517.
Krishnacota 241.
Krishna Das, 342, 548.
Krishna Deva Raya, 1, 1 n. 1, 2 n.
3, 3 n. 6, 4 n. 5, 5 n. 3, 11, 13,
14, 16, 19, 20, 20 n. 6, 21, 22 n.
2, 24, 25, 26, 38, 40, 41, 54, 55,
58. 59, 60, 60 n. 1, 98, 99, 110,
111,112, 112 n. 1, 113,115, I22t
124 n, 3, 125 n., 176, 178, 181,
185, 191, 215, 216, 219, 224, 2*6,
241,262,302,311,515,519,532,
541, 546, 551.
Ktishnakavi, 525.
Krishoama of Nandyal, 309.
Krishnaxna, wife of Venkatadri, 24.
Krishoamacharlu (Mr. C, Rj, 547,
Krishnamatba, 424.
Krishnamba, 265, 494, 495,
Krishnapa, 21, 23, .
Krishnapapati, 244. See Krish-
nappa Nayaka I of Madura.
Krishnappa Nayaka, 323.
Krishnappa Nayaka, 325,
Krishnappa Nayaka of Bellur, 298 ,
555.
Krishnappa Nayaka of Jinji, 288,
397, 403, 406, 408, 409, 410, 443,
444, 500, 532, 555, 554.
Krishnappa Nayaka I of Madura,
56, 131, 139, 154, 165, 166, 168,
169, 198, 244, 280, 281, 282, 283,
285, 509, 542, 543, 548,
Krishnappa Nayaka II of Madura,
341, 343 n. 1, 344, 344 n. 3, 345,
346, 348, 349, 350, 351, 364.
Krishnapatam, 397, 406.
Krishnapura, 52, 185, 282.
Krishnapuram, 282, 285, 542, 543.
Krishnpuram temples, 42.
Krishnapuram plates of Sadasiva
Raya, 6, 101, 109, 117, 121, 132,
141, 216, 218, 220, 221, 233, 234,
242, 243, 244, 281, 516.
Krishnarajapet Taluk, 38, 47..
Krishnaraya, 21.
Krishna Sastri (Mr. H.), 2 n., 235
n. 7, 243 n. 5, 24 5, 267, 336 n. 1.
Krishnasarma, 517;
Krishnaswami Aiyangar (Dr. S,), 77
n. 4, 100 n. 6, 102, 102 n. 2, 103
n. 5, 105, 109 n. 1, 140 n. 1, 154
316, 322, 343, 420, 423 n. 2, 496*
Kriyasakti Wodeyar, 237.
Kshatriyas, 26.
Kuber, 282, 510.
Kudal Alagar, 154.
Kudalur, 551.
Kulam. See Kalkulam.
Kulashekharadeva, 135.
Kulattur, 135.
Kulbarga. See Gulbarga.
Kuli Qutb Shah. See Qutb Shah.
Kullurtank, 324.
Kulluru, 324.
Kulottunga Chola I of Tanjore.
534, 537.
Kulottunga Chola II of Tanjore,
Kulottunga Cholan ula, 537.
Kulngumalai, 284 n. 2.
Kumara Ettappa Nayacker, 284 n.2,
KumaraKampana Odeyar, 99, 103,
103 n. 4, 104, 105, 106, 107, 123,
172,
INDEX
660
Kumara Krishnappa Nayaka. See
Krishnappa Nayaka I and II of
Madura.
Kumar a Krishnappa Nayaka of
Vellore, 192.
Kumara Muttu Naicher of Madura.
359,
Kumara Timma Nayadu. 321, 324.
Kumbbakonam, 289, 300, 342, 518,
522. 531, 552,
Kuna Pandya. 283.
Kundapur, 190.
Kuniyur plates of Venkata III, 55,
121, 123. 220, 248, 254, 260, 264,
278, 282, 290, 421, 509.
Kunrattur, 281.
Kuntala, 38.
Kurau, 92.
Kurattalvan, 535, 537.
Kutapusahi. See Qutb Shah.
, Kutupusahi. See Qutb Sbab.
Kutupusabu. See Qutb Sbab.
Kuvalaya Vilasa, 517.
Kuvalyananda, 523.
Kuvam Tyagasamudranallur, 498.
Kwajajahan, 77.
Laerzio (Fr. Alberto), 313, 313 n.
7, 354, 361, 367, 370. 371, 374,
382, 387, 391. 393, 394, 434, 434
n. 3, 442, 443. 448, 473, 474, 475,
476, 479, 483, 484. 485, 488, 489,
491, 493, 501, 506, 509, 530.
Lakkana, 99, 107, 108.
Lakkamamba, 25.
Lakkambika, 19.
Lakkanayadn, 235.
Laksbmana, 545.
Laksbamamma, 22, 23, 166.
Lakshmana, 24, 206,
Laksbmanasuri, 516.
Laksbmidhara, 516.
Lakshmivilasatn 267, 273, 517.
Laksbmikumara Tatacbarya. See
Tatacbarya.
Lakshmyambika, 166.
Lalitakirti, 550.
Lancaster (Captain), 433.
Lock (Thomas), 239.
London, 432, 433.
Latin, 365, 497 n. 1.
Le Gotten (Fr,), 144 n. 1.
Letao (Fr. Manoel), 363, 394.
Levanto (Fr. Nicolas), 364, 441,
443, 444, 446, 474.
3
Levi (Fr. Alexander), 406.
Light (our Lady of), 430.
Lingala. 51, 193.
Liugama Nayaka of Vellore, 300.
317, 317 n. 1, 318, 319, 326, 407.
549.
Lingappa Nayaker. 192.
Lingapura, 191.
Lingapurana. 519.
Linscboten (Jobn Huigben Van),
Lisbon, 94, 240.
Literature (Southern Indian), 513.
Livy, 144 n. 2.
Lucas (Antbeunis), 456.
Luiz. 529.
Luiz (Frey). 58.
Lunar race, 18.
Luz (Nossa Senbora da), 66 n. 2.
Ma* abar, See Malabar.
Macha Nayaka of Vellore, 321.
Macherla, 191.
Mackenzie MSS. 135, 141 n. 2,
146 n, 195 n. 1, 167, 420 n. 1.
Mackenzie Collection, 45. 185, 242
n. 2, 253, 260. 291, 544.
Macleod (Col. William). 111.
Madagani Basavareddi Kumarndu,
323.
Madana, 107, 108.
Madanagopal, 358.
Madanagopalaswamin, 251.
Madarasa, 179, 429, 430, 511, See
Madras.
Madavaswami, 246.
Madraju Nagappadeva Maharaju,
Madras, 43, 304. 315 n. 4. 324,
440, 475. 531 n. 2.
Madbva, 514, 518, 521, 522, 531.
577,
Madhvacharya, 522.
Madbva Guru, 287.
Madre de Deus, 531, 531 n. 2.
Madura. VI, XIII, 56, 99. 100,
101, 102, 103, 103 n. 5, 106, 108.
109, 110, 116, 118, 121, 123.
125, 125 n., 127, 128, 129, 130,
131, 132, 133, 134. 135 n. 3, 136.
137, 138, 139, 141, 142, 142 n, 8,
146 n., 150 D. 1. 151 n., 152, 153,
154. 155, 159, 163. 165, 166, 167.
170, 198, 244, 251, 280, 281, 283,
284, 285.285 n. 6, 286, 309, 343,
460 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OP VIJAYANAGARA
343 n, 1, 345, 346, 347, 348, 350,
353, 3*4, 355, 356, 358, 359, 360,
361, 365, 367, 368, 378,383, 389,
392.. 393, 394, 395, 396, 410, 411,
415, 509, 525, 526, 528, 542, 543,
548; History of the Nayaks of
XX; Nayaks of. VI, 117, 118,
120 n., 121, 151 n., 158, 162, 163,
253, 342, 344, 345, 35?, 354, 365,
392,398.411,-Nayakshipof, 341;
Sultan of, 103 ; University of,
513; Viceroys of, 117, 118. 119.
Madura Manual (The), XX.
Madura Mission. XIV, XX.
Maduraittalavaralaru, 123.
Madure (La Mission du.) XX.
Maertsz Urcnt). 45 *, 454.
Magadbas, 278, 279, 510.
Magiabecchina (Biblioteca), 58.
Mabadans, 285.
Mabadeva Deva, 43.
Mabalingasvamin, 155.
Mabamandasabu. Sec Mubatn
Kuli Qutb Shah.
Mahavanso, 153 n. 3.
Mahavalipuram, 284 n. 1.
Mabe (Fr. ].), 142 n. 8.
Mahidevas, 317.
Mabipati Yerrammanayaka, 34.
MahishAsur, 182.
Mabismati, 322.
Mahmud Sbab, 329.
Mabur, 322.
Mailapnra. 64, 64 n. 3, 65. 65 n. 4,
67, 430, 439. See Mylapore.
Maissour. See Mysore.
Majjhula Kban, 291.
Makkhm, 322.
Makkigati, 200.
Makund Raj, 332.
Malabar, XIIT, 2, 100 n. 6, 101,
105, 142, 275, 319 n. 1 , 319 n. 2,
313, 315 n. 2, 320 n. 2, 339, 347,
395, 434, 434 n. 4, 436 n. 1,437
n. 1, 438 a. 3 441 n. 1, 472,473,
488, 489; Kingdom of, 307;
Jesuit Province of, 315 n. 2,
319 n. 1, 319 n, 2, 320 n. 2, 340,
367, 370.
Malabar (Kanara), 416, 417. 418.
Malabarica (Lingua), 531.
Malabars, 528.
Malaca. 67. 70, 93, 145 n., 397. 439
n. 1.
Malai-nadu, 268.
Mafcw, 531 n, 2,
Malayalam country 17 n, 1, 101,
133,142,159.
Malayalams, 162.
Malayapa, 315.
Malay appatu, 317 n. 1.
Maleapor See Mylapore.
Malikibharama. See Ibrahim Qutb
Sbab.
Malicktosuer, 239.
Malik Kafur, 100.
Malik Ibrahim, See Ibrahim Qutb
Shah.
Malik Rahiman Khan, 241,
Malli, 550.
Mallikarjuna of Vijayanagara, 109.
323, 324.
Mallikarjuna-deva, 45.
Mallikarjuna temple, 42,291,300
n.
Malwa, 54 n. 4.
Mamidipundi grant of Sadasiva
Raya, 33, 246, 514.
Manabusba, 108.
Manakavacha, 109.
ManaMobini Nijaswarapi, 201 n. 4.
Manal, 170.
Manamatburai, 284.
Manapadu. 143, 151, 152, 352, 353.
Manapar. See Manapadu.
Manar, 165, 353.
Maonare. See Manar.
Manava Durga, 109.
Mandanagopala, 43.
Macdelslo (John Albert, de), 64 n.
3,66n.
Manduva, 3221.
Mandara mountain, 282.
Maogalampad grant of Venkata II,
12, 24, 74, 259 n. 2, 261 n. 1, 264,
278, 308, 329, 334 n. 3, 509, 510,
517, 518. 525, 547.
Man gala Timmoja Kondojugaru,
32, 36, 48. See Kondoja.
Mangalore, 56, 189, 190, 298, 411,
424, 435.
Mangalura, 178. See Mangalore,
Mangn (Saluva), 105.
Manigapura, 552.
Manimai Palaiyam, 134.
Mamnagapura, 184.
Manjun Khan, 411, 417, 418.
Manoel (Dom) of Portugal, 186.
Mansilhas (Bro. Francisco), 145,
147, J4«, 152, 153.
Manila Ananta. See Matla Anante.
Manu, 220, 282.
661
Maoucti (Niccolas). 36, 37, 39, 220.
Manupraj, 327, 329.
Marakampi Nayaningarn, 335.
Maranapalli. 24 n. 7.
Maratha account, 214 n. 3.
Marathas, XIII, 80. 531.
Marava, 103, 109, 110, 156, 268,
354, 355; Chieftains of, 161.
Marcellus II, 365.
Maredapalli grant of Ranga 1, 19,
253, 265, 267, 278, 546.
Margaly, 498.
Markkandeya, 551.
Markapur, 7, 10. 34, 41, 233, 542.
Marini (Fr. Philippe), 381 n.
Marthanda Varma of Travancore,
115, 116.
Martin (Fr. P.), 120 n., 144 n. 1.
Marudangudi, 348.
Mary (BL Virgin), 65 n. 4.
Mascarenhas (Dom Francisco de),
189.
Mascarenhas (Dom Giles Yanez),
297.
Mascarenhas (Dom Jeronimo),
298.
Mascarenhas (Dom Pedro), 93, 94.
Mascarenhas (Captain Pero), 59.
Masulipatam, 95, 239. 428. 431,
432, 442, 457, 458, 460, 508.
Matburai-mandalam, 110.
Matribhatesvara, 361.
Matla Ananta, 306, 309, 336, 349.
360. 548.
Matla chief, 48.
Matla Tiruvengala, 324.
Maudit. (Fr.), 321.
Maulana Inayatullah, 90. 91, 197,
229.
Maurice (Prince), 454 n.
Mavalipuram, 284. 285.
Mavali Vanada Rayar Chieftains,
123, 284.
Mayakonda, 426
Mayavaram, 288.
Mcale Khan, 92 n. 2. See Abdullah
Adil Shah.
Medici (Giuliano d'), 187.
Medici (Lorend'), 02 187.
Megoti Timma Nayadu, 267.
Meliapor. See Mylapore.
Mello (Caspar de), 94.
Hello (Lois de), 394, 398 n. 3.
Mello (Ray de), 59 n. 4.
Melpadi, 106.
Melrao, 164.
Mendez (Luis), 159.
Menezes (Archbishop Dom Fray
Aleixo de), 295 n., 347, 348, 370,
442, 447. 501.
Menezes (Dom Duarte de), 164,
297.
Menezes (Dom Jorge da), 294.
Merovingian kings, 247.
Mern (Mount) 314.
Mesopotamia, 533 n.
Mesquita (Fr. Joao de), 164.
Micale, 64 n. 1. See Abdullah
Adil Shah.
Middleton (Henry). 433.
Mihira Bhoja, 54 n. 4.
Mildenhall (John), 433.
Mikar Tima, 275, 277.
Milyunjaya, 137 n. 1.
Minakshi (Sri). 123. 285; temple of,
128, 129.
Minnal, 318.
Miranda (Martin Affonso de), 94.
Mir Jumla. 83.
Mirza Ibrahim Zabiri, 11, 199,
227. 229.
Mir Zain-ul-Abidin, 332.
Mogalluru, 277.
Molakolmuru Taluk. 48.
Monroy (Dom Fernando de), 94.
Montepulciano, 365.
Moores. See Moors.
Moors. See Muhammadans*
Mopur, 16.
Moura (Jorge de), 294.
Mrtrunjaya MSS., 121, 122. 134,
139, 165, 194, 199 n. 1, 200, 281.
345. 346, 350.
Mudalivar. 360.
Muddayyadeva Maharaja. 335.
Muddaviramahipalasamudra, 359.
Mudgal. 84. 142. 199. 203, 229,
Mudiyappa Nayaka, 324.
Mudkal. See Mudgal.
Mudua Cbinna, 273.
Mudugal. See Mudgal.
Mugel, 160.
Mughal Deccan, XIX.
Mughal Emperor. See Akbar.
Mughal Empire, XX.
Mughals, XIII, 274, 433.
Muhammadans. VII, XV, 9, 47,56
n. 1.59, 67, 74, 75.76, 79,79 n.
2, 89 n, 2, 91, 92, 96, 97, 98, 99.
100, 101, 102, 103 , 104, 105, 105
n. 2, 106 n. 6, 109, 118, 1 19, 120,
120 n., 145 n. 1, 187, 191, 206,
d62 THE ARAVIDO DYNASTY o£ VIJAYANAGARA
210, 211, 212, 215, 216, 218, 236,
238, 243, 248, 273, 274, 275, 276,
279, 281, 283, 326, 327, 328, 369,
384, 390, 391, 418, 419,445, 446,
496. 546.
Mubammadan chronicler of Gol-
konda, 22, 55.
Muhammad an frontier, 29.
Muhammadan governor, 238.
Muhammadan invasion, 221, 411.
Muhammadan possessions, 236.
Mubammadan powers, V.
Muhanmadans of Madura, 172.
Muhammadan Sultans, 224.
Muhammad Kuli Qutb Shah, 275,
326, 327, 329, 331, 332.
Muhammad Shah, Mughal Em-
peror, XVIII, XIX.
Muhammad Sharif Hanafi, 350.
Muhammad Tuglak, 100, 101.
Mujahid Khan, 95.
Mullamakudam Mullaperoja, 168.
Muller (Max), 389.
Mulha Pheroz, 168.
Munelli, 34.
Munisuvrata, 550.
Munnali, 318.
Murad (Prince), 337.
Murari, 179, 543.
Mu rasas, 310.
Murtaza Kban, 329.
Murtaza Nizam Shah of Ahmad-
nagar, XIX, 217, 231, 252.
Murtimambal, 173.
Murti Settiyar, 350.
Murtiza Khan, 272.
Murtyamba, 288.
Muselpatam. See Masulipatam.
Muslims. See Muhammadans.
Mussalapatan :Golkonda), 338. See
Masulipatam.
Mussulmans. See Muhammadans.
Mussulman realms, 216.
Mustafa Khan. 83, 84, 89, 96, 97,
197, 200, 229, 259. 268, 269, 337.
Muttara-satfru-mali mavili-v a n a-
thi-rayer, 108.
Muttu Krishnappa Nayaka of
Madura, 341, 351, 353, 354
355, 356, 358, 359, 364, 365.
526.
Muttu Virappa Nayaka of Madura,
341, 354, 359, 360, 361, 377, 384.
391.
Muvaraya, 357,
Muvaraikondram, 348.
Mylapore, 64 n. 3, 65, 307, 315 n.
3, 322, 429, 437, 439, 439 n. 1,
440, 441. 470, 475, 500, 528;
Bishop of, 448, 449, 461 ; Dio-
cese of, XXI, 428.
Mysore. 31 n. 2, 56, 105, 172, 218,
271, 292, 414, 415, 418, 423, 424,
532,536, 537, 538, 548, 549;
conquest of, 411; Rajas of, VI,
XV, 272,415, 421 ; Royal Palace
of, XXF.
Mysore District, 412.
Mysore Royal Family (Annals of
the). 420.
Mythic Society, Bangalore, XXI.
Nadal (Fr. A.), 478, 491,
Nadu-nadu, 108.
Nagala, 1 n. 1, 14.
Nagam Aiya. 142, 143 n., 150 n.
Nagama, Sadasiva Raya's Guru.
152.
Nagama Nayadu. 139.
Nagama Nayaka, 99, 108, 117, 118,
121, 123 n. 6, 124 n. 2,125, 126,
126 n. 1, 126 n. 3, 127, 127 n.,
128, 139, 313 n. 1, 347.
Nagamaladine, 50.
Nagapatam See Negapatam.
Nagappa, 117.
Naga Reddi, 323.
Nagari, 531.
Nagarajayya, 44.
Nagarajayyadeya Maharaya, 24,
Nagenalluru, 359.
Nage Nayaka, 44.
Naggar Putia, 420.
Nagircoil, 144 n. 1.
Nagiri legend, 548.
Nahusha, 251.
Naidu, 321.
Naigwaris, 73, 95, 96, 97, 332.
Nala, 251.
Naldrug, 275.
Nallacheruvupalle, 41.
Nallapalli, 51, 193.
Namala Dinnah, 140.
Nanda, 18.
Nandalur, 44.
Nandapadu, 44, 193.
Nandela, 309.
Nandi, 224.
Nadikkudi, 348.
Nandinagari, 513, 531.
INDEX
Nandirayi, 335.
Nandyala, 16, 22, 51, 299.
Nandyala Abubalaraju 44, 193,
Nandyala Krishnaraya, 523.
Nandyala Tirumayyadeva Mara-
raju, 44, 193, 523.
Nanja Raja Odeyar. 550.
Narapativijaya, 20.
NarapatMjayamu, 21 n. 6, 270,
273.
Narakampi Nayaningaru, 321.
Narasa Nayaka, 99, 108, 109, 110,
118, 191, 237.
Narasa Filial, 118.
Narasaraya, 516.
Narasabup.iliyamu, 10, 11, 12,
20, 25, 515, 516.
Narasammangaru, 498
Narasimha, 25.
Narasimha (Vira), 324. 548.
Narasimha Raya (Saluva) of
Vijayanagara, 1 n. 1, 4 n. 3, 19,
105, 108, 109 n. 1, 121, 225, 226,
311, 321, 551.
Narasimha II, of the Ganga
Dynasty. 536.
Narasimhapuratn, 323.
Narasimiah, 182 n.
Narasinga, 313. See Vijayanagara.
Narasinga, (God). 323.
Narasinga Udiyar, 175-176.
Narasingama, 23, 256, 291.
Narasingapuram, 142, 497.
Narasingayadeva Maharaya, 16.
Narayana, 193.
Narayanvaram, 535.
Naraven, 111, 112, 112 n.
Naredapalli, 528.
Narmalli, 415.
Narsinga, 37, 55 n 4, 58, 64 n.
3, 113 n. 4, 187, 2«10, 337 n. 3,
423, 454 n., 457, 459. See Kara-
simha Raya, and Vijayanagara.
Narsingua. See Narsinga.
Naru Khan, 272
Nassau (Mauritius de), 453.
Nasir ud-din, 102.
Nataraja, 519.
Navapashana, 170.
Nayak Dynasty of Madura, 123.
Nayanappa, 96.
Nayaningaru, 324.
Nayinappa Nayaka, 324.
Negalapuram, 278.
Negapatam, 67,161,474,397, 398
n, 3, 571,
Negapatam Nayak, 361. See Tan-
jore Nayak.
Negoti Timma Nayadn, 276.
Nellala 193.
Nellaturu. 317.
Neiliappa, 149.
Nelliyappar temple, 282.
Nellore District, 22, 28.112, 245,
266, 271, 276, 301, 335.
Nelson, (Mr. G. H.), XX, 118,
131 n, 1.
Nemazi (Mr. Mohamed Kazem),
XIX.
Nepala, 122 n. 2.
Netherlands, 431. 433, 447, 452.
Nickel (Fr Goswin), 360,
Nidambaram, 281.
Nidujuvvi, 22.
Nieuhoff (John), 65 n. 4, 66 n.,
119 n. 1, 120. 152 n. 2, 165.
Nilgiris, 151 n.
Nizam Shah, 10 n., 21, 62. 93. 197,
198, 207, 209, 210, 213 n. 7, 215,
216, 256, 322.
Nizamaluco, See Nizam Shah.
Nizam Sultans, 77.
Nobili (Cardinal Roberto de), 365.
Nobili (Fr. Roberto de>,VII. XIV,
363, 365, 367, 368, 369, 370, 376.
377, 378, 379, 380, 382, 383, 384,
385, 386, 387, 388. 389, 390, 391,
392, 393,394, 395, 525, 526, 528,
529.
Nocera, 366.
Noronha (Dom Antao de), 94, 189,
390.
Noronha (Dom Bernardo de), 451,
463.
Nriga, 251.
Nrsimhacharya, 540 n. 1.
Nrisimhastava, 515.
Nuniz, Portuguese Chronicler, 1
n. 1, 1 n. 2, 2 n., 4 n., 7 n. 5, 26,
103 n. 4, 110, 111, 112 n. 1. 113,
113 n, 2, 114, 122 n., 215, 237.
Nur Khan, 33.
Nursing Raj, 24 n. 3.
Nyayamrita Vyakhya. 522
Obala, 267.
Obalraju, 498.
Obambika or Obambikadevi, 1 n.
1,14.
Obamma. 23, 502, See Pedoba-
mamba,
664 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OP VI J A YANAHARA
Obana Nayaka, 185, 426.
Oba Raja, 25, 307, 320, 465, 466,
467, 496, 497, 498, 500, 503, 508,
Obari, 352.
Obasamudram, 51.
Obiama, 458. 502, 502 n. 2. See
Pedobamamba.
Objama. See Obiama.
Obo Raya, See Oba Raja,
Obraias. See Oba Raja.
Obyama. See Obiama.
Oddiya. See Orissa.
Olala. See Ulial,
Oman, 100
Ommana Udaiyar, 106.
Ongole. 47.
Onor. See Honavar.
Orissa, 15, 55, 110, 122, 241, 253,
307, 334 n. 3, 389, 439.
Orixa. See Orissa.
Oriandini (Fr. N.), 366.
Orme (Robert), 238, 319 n. 1.
Ormuz, 59, 72 ; Captain of, 451.
Padaividurajya, 289.
Padmaneri grant of Venkata II,
81, 123, 255, 283 n, 8, 315, 329
n. 3, 335 n. 3, 345, 347, 495, 525,
547, 547 n. 3, 550.
Paes, Portuguese Chronicler, 113.
Faithan 88.
Paju iPasu), 379.
Paksa, 527.
Palagiri, 323.
Palaiyakarans. 133. 134, 136, 154,
166, 169,280, 281, 284, 352, 363.
391, 392.
Palaiyams, 131, 132, 133, 134.
Palamcotta, 282.
Pateacate. See Pulicat.
Paleacatte. See Pa Heat.
Palecatte. See. Pulicat.
Falembakotta. See Palemkota.
Palemkota, 310.
Palestine, 65 n. 4, 533 n.
Pallava Princes, 533 n.
Palieacatten. See Pulicat.
Palnaru, 335.
Pamba, 357.
Pampapati temple, 224, 226, 539.
Panchakaladipika, 515.
Panchamata-bhajanam Tatacharya,
304.
Panohamatabhanjanam, 514.
Paachapandya, 360. See Madura.
Panchar Tirnvadi, 347.
Pandavaa (Pancha), 126,
Pandaras, 361, 381, 382.
Pandilapalli, 47.
Pandharpur, 519.
Panduranga, 519.
Pandurangamahatmya, 519.
Pandya, 256. See Madura kingdom .
Pandya Capital, 364. See Madura.
Pandya country, 129,284, 346, 354.
See Madura kingdom.
Pandyaka (Queen), 550.
Pandya kingdom, 117, 130, 358.
See Madura kingdom.
Pandyakulashtapana charya,
282.
Pandyamandala. See Pandya coun-
try.
Pandiyan, 132.
Pandyan Chronicle, 107, 114,
117, 118, 123, 350, 351, 511 n. 1.
Pandya race, 135.
Pandya - rajyasthapamacharya,
117.
Pandyas. of Madura, XIII, 2 n.,
99, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107,
108, 109, 110, 112, 113, 114, 114
n, 7, 116, 117, 118, 123, 124, 124
n. 3, 125, 125 n., 126, 127, 128,
130, 131, 132, 134, 135 n. 3,
137. 138. 149, 152, 172, 280, 282,
285, 308, 341, 344, 347, 355, 392,
393, 525, 54?, 550.
Panegorde. See Penukonda,
Pan gal District, 86.
Pangal fort, 95, 96.
Pangul, 83.
Pangim Archives, XIX, 396, 428,
445, 447.
Paolino de Sao Bartolomeo (Fr.),
530, 531.
Papanasam, 143 n.
Paparagiu (Papa Raya), 322.
Papa Timmayyadeva Maharaja.
21,45.
Papatimmaraja. 46.
Papia Samywar, 327,
Pappan Nayaka, 289.
Paracrama-Pandyondever, 100.
Paramarahasyamalai, 518.
Paramaras, 54 n. 4.
Paramarsa, 527,
Paramayogi V Has am, 24.
Paramayogi Vilasamu, 517.
Paramesvara, 246,
Paramesvara Aiyar, 141 n. 2,
INDEX
665
Parankusan Lakshmanaiya, 234.
Parankusan Van-Sfitbagopa-Ji-
yamgaru, 246 n. 1. 542, 543.
Parasikas, 74.
Parasnis (Rao Bahadur D. B.),
XXI.
Parava caste, 1 18.
Paravas of the Fishery Coast, 99,
118, 119, 119 n. I, 120 n., 121,
HO, 149, 151, 152, 153,155, 157,
158, 160, 163, 165, 351, 352, 353,
363, 368, 385.
Pariahs, 280, 372.
Parthasarathiswamin tempi*, 43.
Parvatavardhani, 356.
Parvati, 426.
Pastor (Count L.), 365,
Patalipntra, 18.
Paten gat is, 119.
Patrao (Fr. Antonio), 485 n.
Pattar, 128.
Patwardhan (Mr Pan du rang
Narasingha), XIX.
Paul V, 439.
Paul (St.) 92, 371,430.
Paul (Fathers of St.) See Society
of Jesus.
Pavia Chetti (Papaya Chetti), 327.
Pedakondappa Nay ad u, 191.
Peda Kondaraja, 35.
Pedambur, 119-
Peda Timmaraja, 21.
Peddamallepalli. 48.
Peddamudiyam, 45.
Peddandi Raju, 21.
Peddappa, 347.
Peddappanayaksamndram, 548.
Pedda Timma, 23,
Pedda Venkata, 23.
Pedda Yachama Nayadu. 322.
Peddvenkata, 22 n. 2.
Pedobamamba, 494, 495, 502.
Pegu, 70, 397, 439.
Pehugundi, See Pennkonda.
Pellacata. See Pulicat.
Pemmasami Nayadu, 43.
Pemmasani Pedda Timmaraja 266,
307.
Pemmasani Timma, 519,
Penagonda. See Penukonda
Penda. 93.
Pendlimarri, 51.
Penegonde. See Penukonda.
Pennahobalam, 190.
Pennar, 328.
Pentapur, 241,
Penuguluru grant of Tirnmala
Raya, 242, 251, 259 n. 2. 260,
261, 262. 524. 344, 545.
Penoconda. See Penukonda ,
Penugonda. See Penukonda.
Penukonda, VII. 5, 9, 19, 19 n. 3,
31,38,38 n. 2, 40, 51,54, 140,
218. 222, 233 n. 1, 235,236, 237,
237 n. 4, 238, 240, 242.242 n. 2,
248, 251, 258, 259, 260, 263, 264,
265, 266, 269, 270, 271, 273 n. 3,
277,279, 289, 300, 303, 310. 313,
326. 327, 328, 329, 336, 336 n, 1,
398, 503, 524, 545.
Pereira (Antao), 190.
Perez (Fr. F.), 162.
Perimal. See Perumal.
Periya Errama Nayaka of Pun-
narrur. 321, 518.
Periya Krishnappa Nayaka of
Madura. 283 n. 5, 344 n. 4.
Peryakulara, 129 n. 1, 138.
Periya Virappa Nayaka of
Madura, See Virappa Nayaka.
Permadi. 322.
Permattur (Sri), 533.
Perron (Anquetil du), 31. 37, 60
n., 177, 194. 198. 212, 216, 229,
235, 238, 245, 246, 253, 303, 308,
310, 317 n. 2, 339 n. 1. 342, 343
n. 1, 398, 399, 400, 402, 403,
408. 428, 435, 504, 508.
Persia, 2, 71, 72, 240.
Persian horses, 62.
Persians, 274.
Perumai, 192, 288.
Perumal (God), 153, 315. 316. 360.
553,
Perumal of Ceylon, 65 n.
Perumal Parakrama Pandyadeva
of Madura, 135, 138.
Perunkondapura. See Penukonda,
Peschwahs See Peshwas.
Peshwas, 31 n. 2.
Petasamudra, 288.
Pettapoly, 457, 458, 460.
Pharaohs, 533 n
Phelippe (Don), See Philip III.
Philip III of Spain and Portugal,
396, 428, 436, 436 n, 2, 437 n 5,
439, 439 n. 1, 442,443. 444,
445, 447, 448, 449, 451, 453. 470,
480, 481, 483, 501, 504, 506.
Pillai, 429.
Pimenta (Fr. Nicolao), 165, 302,
312, 316, 316 n. 3, 319 & 1, 33*
666 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
n. 1, 346, 347, 349, 350, 397, 398,
399, 401, 403, 404, 406, 413, 435,
437, 437 n. 4, 438 n 2, 464, 465,
467, 471, 482, 487, 528, 553, 554.
Pinavobamamba, 494, 495.
Pingali Surana, 523.
Pinheiro (Fr. Manoel), 338 n. 1.
Pinnama, 19
Pirammalai, 341.
Pirmal, Sec Peramal.
Piruppattur, 341.
Planchard (Fr. J.), XX.
Pochiraju family, 21, 25, 498.
Podili, 28, 51, 266.
Pola festival, 330 n. 2.
Polanco (Fr. J.), 366.
Polichchalar, 324.
Polegar, See Palaiyakarans.
Polusani, 324.
Fonda, 298.
Pondichery, 389.
Ponin, See Poona.
Ponnmbala. Dharmasivacharya,
545.
Poona. XVII, XIX, 31 n. 1,94 2,
197 n. 5.
Porkasa, 1C6.
Porto Novo. 444.
Portugal, 57, 58, 61, 61 n. 2, 62,
63, 69, 70, 71 n. 1, 72, 93, 94,
119, 189. 396, 433, 438, 466, 480;
King of, XX, XXI, 119 n. 1,
145 n., 163, 240, 365, 366, 423,
424, 465 ; Kings of. XIX.
Portuguese, V. VI, VII, XV, 2 n,
54, 57, 58, 59, 60, 60 n., 60 n. 3,
61, 64, 64 n. 3, 65 n. 5, 66, 66 n ,
67, 68, 69, 71, 72,92, 92 n, 2,
93, 94, 95 n., 99. 113 n. 2,
119 n. 1, 120 n., 143, 147, 149.
151, 152 n., 155, 158, 163, 165,
172, 185, 186, 188, 190 218, 222,
223, 360, 366, 368, 382, 402, 410
n. 3, 419, 424, 433, 434, 435,
438, 439, 440. 441, 442, 454. 455,
460, 461, 462, 472, 477,480,
482500,501,511.531.
Portuguese Captain. 119.
Portuguese commerce, VII, XIII,
240.
Portuguese chronicles, 185, 293,
Portuguese fleet, 57.
Portuguese Governor, 57, 188.
Portuguese Government (Archives
of the), 396.
Portuguese historians, 59 n. 4,
Portuguese India (State of). 425.
Portuguese interests, 411.
Portuguese merchants, 62, 63.
Portuguese nation, 119.
Portuguese possessions, 57.
Portuguese soldiers, 59, 188.
Portuguese sources, 416.
Portuguese trade, 240.
Portuguese Viceroy, 60, 340, 424.
See Goa (Viceroy of).
Pota Bhupala, 177.
Potladurti 44. 193.
Pottappi, 48, 51.
Poltapinadu, 42.
P. P P. (Poona Persian Poem),
200 n. 1, 209 n , 213, 214. 219.
Pradhani, 139.
Prakasa, 106.
Prakrit, 517.
Pranguis, 368. 369, 385, 337. See
Portuguese.
Prapannamrtan, 38, 532, 540 n.,
544, 547.
Prapattiprayoga, 515.
Prataparudriya, 516.
Pratishtana, 515.
Proddatur, 44.
Proenza (Fr. A.), 360.
Protestants, 395.
Ptolomy, 144 n. 1, 190.
Pudukkottai. 117, 133, 199, 214.
285, 286, 343. 344.
Pudukkotai plates of Srivallabha
and Varatungarama Pandya,
285-286.
Pudur, 41.
Pugalur, 355.
Pulapatum, 42.
Puley or Pillai, 429.
Pulicat, 25, 428, 431, 451, 452,
453, 454 n., 455, 458, 459, 460,
461, 462, 463, 482, 501, 502. 502
n. 1, 511, 512; Queen of, 459.
Puliyangulam, 42.
Pulla-desa, 178.
Punhati Perumal, 348 n. 3.
Punjab, 54 n. 3.
Punjalike, 550.
Punnarrur, 321, 518.
PunneyKayal, 131, 151, 152, 153.
159, 160, 161, 164, 165,531.
Puntakoti-Aiyan, 305.
Pur anas, 518.
Puranic heroes, 18.
Purushtamam temple, 546.
Purchas, (Samuel), 399, 471.
INDEX
Pnruravfts, 18, 37.
Pushpagiri, 312.
Patia Somnata, 549.
Puttaiya (Mr, B.), 184 n. I, 426.
Puttalam, 170.
Pythagoras, 379.
§abul Khan, 33.
aadros (Fr.), 66 n. 2.
euasim Barid Shah of Bidar, 81.
uasim Beg, 80, 90. 91.
Queyroz (Fr. F.), 20, 26, 69 n. 1,
428, 448, 503, 504.
Qutb-ud-din, 101.
Qutb Shah, 10 n., 25, 73. 78, 90.
198, 216, 273. 274, 322.
Rachebidas, 204, 208.
Rachevadu soldiers. See Rachebi-
das.
Rachirajadeva Maharaja, 43.
Rachiraju, 45.
Rachol, 59, 59 n. 4, 60 n., 122 n.
Raja Palaiyam, 134.
Raghavamba, 494, 495, 496, 500,
502.
Raghavapandaviya, 523.
Raghavadeva, 19.
Raghaviah (Rao Sahib T.), 244 n.3.
Raghunathabhyudayam, 310, 327,
328. 400, 401, 404, 408.
Raghunathadeva, 193,
Raghunatha Nayaka of Tanjore,
310, 327, 328, 397, 398, 399, 400,
401, 402, 404, 448, 518.
Raghunatha, son ofTirumala Raya,
24, 207, 208, 246, 254.
Raghunatha Tirumalai Setupati
of Ramoad, 355.
Ragunate Raje. See Raghunatha,
son of Tirumala Raya.
Raghunayaka, 44.
Raghunayakalu, 42, 44, 46.
Raichur, 22, 59 n. 4, 60 a, 78, 84,
199, 229.
Raihan, 82.
Rajagambhira, 104.
Rajagiri, 176.
Rajagopal, 172.
Rajahmundri, 55'n, 1, 95-96, 241,
333.
Rajanarendra, 543.
Raja Odeyar, 422.
Rajendra, 534.
Rajpandi fortress, 241.
Raksasji. 203.
Raksas-Tagdi (battle of), VII, XV.
31, 37, 39 n. 1,40.41. 52, 57, 70.
191, 192, 203 n. 2, 208 n. 1, 216.
216 n. 5, 218, 229, 230, 241, 242,
244, 246, 250. 257, 258. 259. 262,
271, 284 n. 2, 286, 287, 326. 346,
544, 545.
Rakshasas, 328.
Ralakote Aravinda Nayaka, 44.
Rama, grandson of Rama Raya,
23, 24.
Rama (kavi), 525.
Rama (Sri). 301, 328, 334, 545, 547,
547 n. 2.
Ramabhadra. 26, 309, 510,
Ramabhadramba, 401, 402.
Ramabhadra Nayaka of Peryya-
kulam, 129 n. 1. 138.
Ramabhatlaya, 16.
Rama Deva, 505 n. 7, 506 n.
Rama chandra, 265, 545.
Ramachandra, of Perunkondapura,
266.
Ramadurgam-sima, 36.
Ramakrishna, 520 n. 1.
Ramkrishnappa Nayaka, 348.
Ramalingeswara temple, 357.
Ramamatya, 517.
Ramana, nephew of Venkata II,
474, 504.
Ramanandasrama, 516.
Ramanatha temple, 356, 357.
Ramanathaswami temple, 357.
Rama Nayak, 343.
Ramanuja, XIV. 304. 311, 314,
412, 514, 518, 524, 532, 533, 534.
535, 536, 537, 541 n., 542, 548.
Ramanujacharya. See Ramanuja.
Ramanujakuta, 323.
Ramaraja, ancestor of the Aravidu
family, 543.
Rama Raja Charita, 19.
Ramaraja Chinna Timmayyadeva
Maharaya. See Rama Raya,
Rama Raja. See Rama Raya.
Rama Raja Timmaya. See Rama
Raya.
Rama Raja, Viceroy of Seringa-
patam, 24, 246, 254, 290. 291,
300 n. 1, 413, 504, 506 n.
Rama Raja, Yuvaraja of Ikeri, 223.
Rama Rajayya Deva Maha-Arasu.
See Rama Raya.
Ramarajayya Pinnaraju Gam, 51,
668 TRB ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJA7ANAGARA
Ramarajiyamu, 10. 21, 22 n. 3, 24,
26, 30, 40, 163, 194, 207, 216,
254, 278, 290, 291, 307, 309. 320,
326, 328, 334, 495, 496, 502.
Ram* Raja. See Rama Raja, Vice-
roy of Seringapatam,
Rama Raya. Bnkka's son, IP.
Rama Raya of Vijayanagara, VI,
VII, XIV, 1, 5, 5 n., 9, 10, 10 n,
11, 11 n. 7. 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 19,
19 n. 3, 20, 21, 22, 22 n. 2, 22 n.
3. 23. 24, 24 a. 1, 24 n. 4, 24 n.
7, 25. 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32,
33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 38 n. 2,
39, 39 n. 1,40, 41, 42, 47, 48,
49. 50, 50 n. 12, 51, 52, 54, 55,
56, 56 n. 1, 57, 61, 63, 64, 66 n.
2, 67, 68, 69, 69 n. 1, 73, 74, 75,
76, 77, 78, 79, 79 n. 2. 80, 80 n.
1, 81, 82. 83. 83 n. 2. 84. 85. 86.
87, 87 n. 2, 88 n., 89, 91,
94, 94 n. 2, 95, 96, 97, 140,
142, 149, 150. 161, 163, 168, 178.
180. 182. 192, 193, 194, 195, 195
n. 1, 197, 198, 199, 199 n. 3, 201,
202, 202 n. 1, 204, 205, 2C6, 206
n. 2. 208, 209,210, 211, 212, 213,
213 n. 2, 213 n. 3. 213 n. 7, 214,
214 n. 3, 215, 215 n. 5, 217, 218.
219, 220, 221. 224, 231, 232,233.
236, 237 n. 4, 242, 243, 246 n. 1,
248, 255, 257, 258, 262, 274, 291,
302, 337 n. 1, 346, 512, 513, 514,
515, 516, 517, 543, 544, 546.
Rama Rayallu. See Rama Raya.
Ramaraya Nayaka, 180, 256.
Rama Varma, 162.
Rama Vishvaksena, 547.
Ramayamatya, 40.
Ratnayatut, 541 n.
Rameswaram, 102, 109, 110, 132,
156, 158, 180, 354, 355, 337, 401.
Ramiseram. Se« Rameswaram.
Ramappa Nayak, 154.
Ramayamatya Todannalla, 39.
Rambikesaru Khaxra (Kishwar
Khan?), 236.
Rang Sammudir, 415.
Rancinotto (Luigi), 55 n. 4.
Ranga, father of Rama Raya, 35.
Ranga, father of Sadasiva Raya,
4n. 4,7, 13-14.
Ranga I of Vijayanagara, VII,
XV. 19, 19 a. 3, 23, 34, 38 n. 2.
175, 233, 246, 254, 256, 259, 260,
264.365, 266,267, 268, 269, 270,
271, 272, 272 n. 1, 274, 273, 276,
277, 278, 279, 280, 285, 287, 288,
289, 290, 291, 298. 299. 300. 301,
304, 306, 307. 326, 336 n* 1, 412.
415, 421 n.,424. 426,499.505.
506, 506 n., 507.511,512.513,
517, 518, 522, 525, 532, 546.
Ranga II of Vijayanagara, 280,
505 n. 7.
Ranga III of Vijayanagara, 21,
22,55,206,239, 249,278, 509,
511.
Ranga IV (old)* Sec Ranga III.
Ranga Kshitindra, See Ranga
Raya, father of Sadasiva Raya.
Ranga (Prince Sri;, 276, 497, 499,
504.
Ranga Mantapam, 43,
Ranga temple, 292,
Rangachari (Mr. V.), 106 n. 2,
114 n. 7. 140, 142 n. 2, 149, 166,
246 n. 1, 262, 267, 289 n., 335
n. 9, 344, 345, 363, 403. 420
n. 1, 482 n.
Rangacharya. See Rangachari.
Ranganatha (God), 42, 105, 105
n. 2. 155, 167, 244, 343, 347.
Rangama, 24, 420.
Ranganatha, 42.
Ranganatbaswamin, 553.
Rangappa, 24.
Rangappa Rajayyadeva, 46.
Rangapati, 246.
Rangha Mahatmya (Sri). 537.
Rapur. 335.
Ratnagiri, 158.
Ratna Kuta, 39.
Ratnakheta Srinivasa Dikshita,
177.
Rattas, 178, 510.
Ravelia Velikonda Venkatadri,
309.
Ravi Varman Kulasekhara of
Travancore, 100 n. 6,
Rayachoti, 43.
Rayakuvara, 550.
Rayasam, 267*
Rayaeam Venkatapati, 517.
Rayanamantri Bhaskarayya,*323.
Raya Rao. 274.
Rebello (Pero Lopes), 296,
Recnerla-gotra, 191.
Reddi chief, 112 n. 1.
Reddis, 289.
Remati (Venkatayya), 291..
Retelim Cherin (Cbttti), 59.
INDEX
ttettaMattam. 521.
Rioe (Mr. L.), 272 a, 1. 421. 505 n.
7. 606 n.,
Richards (Mr.), 343 0. 1.
Rldo (Pr. Francesco), 319 n. 1, 320,
439, 435 n. 3. 465, 466, 467, 468,
470, 472, 473. 474, 475, 479, 482.
483, 486, 487, 488. 499, 517. 529.
530.
Rif it Khan, 241.
Rig-Veda, 262.
Rohioi, 150.
Roiz (Fr. M.), 438, 438 n, 3, 441,
n 1, 470, 483,
Rovilconda, 95.
Rome, XX, 313, 315, 367, 368, 371.
n. 1.
Roman Brahman. See Nobili.
Ros (Mgr. Francisco), Archbishop
of Cranganor. 370, 372, 378,
389, 390. 393, 395.
Rosti Khan, 298.
Rubino (Fr. Antonio). 368, 449,
470, 475, 476, 477, 479, 480, 482.
484, 485, 492.
Ruden. See Rudra.
Rudhirodgari, 166.
Rudra. See Siva.
Rndrappa, 324.
Rukmini Parinaya, 173.
Rumes. See Turks.
Rnmi Khan, 204, 213, 213 n. 3.
Rustom Khan, 330.
Rutru, See Siva,
Sa (Garcia de), 61 n. 2, 188.
Sa (Sebastiao de), 94.
Sa (Fr. Simao). 314, 315. 315 n.
3,322,421,434, 435. 438.465,
466, 467, 484, 487, 499.
Sabaji Maratba, 331.
Sabayo, 186. See Adil Shah.
Sabdanusasana, 521.
Sabhapati, 524, 525.
Sachchidananda, 41.
Sadasiva Raya of Vijayanagara,
VI. XV, 2, 3 n. 6, 4 n. 4, 5, 6, 7,8,
13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22,
24, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35,
36,37,38,39, 39 n, 1, 41, 42,
45, 45 ft. 5. 46, 47, 48, 49, 50,
52, 54. 55, 60. 61, 62 63, 69,
74, 82, 86, 97, 98, 108, 109, 117,
121 n. 7. 132, 141, 142, 153, 168,
171, 176, 177, 182, 185, 116, 188.
191, 192, 193, 212, 213, 214, 216.
218, 219, 220, 221. 223, 228, 233,
234, 235, 237 n. 4, 243,244, 245.
246, 247, 248, 250, 261, 262. 263,
267, 281, 283. 287, 288. 292, 308.
317, 322, 337 n. 1. 426, 427, 430.
485 n. 3, 511. 513, 514. 515, 424,
532, 542, 543 ; Regent of. 67.
68, 69, 76, 77, 221, 276, 337 n. I.
Sadasiva Raya, 204 n. 5, See Rama
Raya of Vijayanagara.
Sadasiva or Sadasivaraya Nayaka
Of Ikeri, 35, 56, 80, 81, 88, 142,
172, 180, 187, 291.
Sadupperi, 192,
Sagar, 78.
Sahastiao (Dom), of Portugal, 486.
Sahityaratnakara. 397, 399, 407.
Saif Khan Ain-ul mulk, S3.
Saiva, 314, 519, 532, 535, 536, 542,
544, 550, 551, 552, 553.
Saiva- Advaita, 523.
Saiva temple. 282-
Saivism, XIV, 532, 540, 554.
Saivites, 546.
SalabatKhan, 84.
Salakaraja Chinna Tirumalayya-
deva Maharaja. 115, 116.
Salakam Tim ma Rajn, 1, 4, 4 n. 4,
5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 9 n, 1, 9 n. 5, 10.
11, 11 n. 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 5* , 74.
219.
Saldanha (Viceroy Ayresde), 352.
428, 432, 434, 436 n. 2.
Salem District, 134, 154.
Sal Nayaka, 271.
Salsette. 60, 60 n., 61, 61 o. 2, 93,
432, 530.
Saluva Dynasty, 121. 237, 243.
Saluva Narasimha. SeeNarasimha
Raya.
Sama, 24.
Samanguinellur, 192.
Sambhu. 551.
Sam Carnao Botto (?), 416, 417,
427.
Sampanginallur, 289.
Samusam mosque, 173.
Sangala, 423,
Sangam. 29.
Sangams, 525.
Sangithasuthamthi, 522.
Sanguicer (Nayak of). 290, 297«
Sanjur Khan, 329.
Sankanna Nayaka, 123.
Sankartcharya, 533, 534 n.
6<?0 THE ARAVIDU DYNASf Y OF VIJAYANAGARA
Sankara Nayaka Ltnganayaka, 142.
Sanskrit, 369, 375, 383. 516, 517,
522, 530.
Santabiksha, 545.
Santa Flore (Comtessa de), 367,
Santanika, 540 n. 1.
Santi (serZuane di), 58.
Sao Carnao Botto. See Sam
Carnao Botto.
Sao Pedro (Frey Sebastiao de),
Bishop of Mylapore, 439, 448,
461, 463.
Sao Thome de Meliapore, 54, 66
o. 2, 67, 68, 69, 70, 307, 428,
439. See St. Thome.
Sapada, 19. 73. See Qutb Shah.
Sarandip, 2.
Sarangadhara, 546.
Sara-traya, 517.
Saraswati Mahal Library, Tan jore,
XXI, 516.
Sarfoji (Maharaja) of Tan jore,
XXI, 516.
Sartorius, 531, 531 n, 2.
Sarvagna, 250.
Sarvajina, 215.
Sarvajna, 544.
Sassetti (Philippe), 70, 238, 240.
Sastras, 39, 522.
Satara, 31 n. 2; Raja of, 214 n. 3.
Satara Museum, XXI.
Sathakandavijayatnu, 523.
Sathyabbamabai, 201 n. 4.
Sathyanatha Aiyar (Prof.), XX,
100 n. 6, 103 n. 5, 109 n. 1. 122
n., 124 n. 3, 126 n. 3, 133, 166,
199 n. 1, 342, 342 n. 5, 345, 363.
Satrusaptangaharana, 179.
Satsawpradayamuktavali, 246 n.
1.
Sattaleri, 348.
Sattuvachcheri, 192, 289.
Sattvikabrahtnavidyavilasa, 519.
Satyabbodarayalasvami, 256.
Satyaparinayam, 271.
Satyasraya family, 251.
Saude (Nossa Senhora da), 67.
Schandegri. See Chandragiri.
Scythian, 533.
Sebastiao (Sao), 190.
Sellappa, 113, 114, 115, 116.
Sembiyam, 280.
Sente Bennur, 426.
Seringapatam, 110, 116, 181, 255,
263, 290, 292, 301, 343 n. 1, 411,
412, 413, 414, 419, 420, 421, 422,
423, 435, 504, 508, 524, 532, 537.
548, 549; Viceroy of, 300, 411.
412, 413, 414, 415, 416, 417, 418.
419, 420, 421.
Seringapattana mat ha, 412.
Sermadevi, 285, 350.
Serra, 425.
Seshachala, 261.
Sethu. See Setu.
Setu (Rameswaram), 54, 251, 355,
356, 357, 510.
Setupatis of Ramanad, 95, 156,
241, 284 n, 2, 341, 354, 356,
357.
Sevaji. See Sivaji.
Seven Pagodas, 284 n. 1, 533 n, 3.
Sevvappa Nayaka of Tan jore, 125
n., 172, 173, 174, 280, 286, 521,
522, 523.
Sevvappaneri, 174,
Sewell (Mr. Robert),V, 1 n.,2 2n ,
22 n. 2, 26, 59 n. 4. 62 n. 1, 103
n. 4, 112 n. 1. 118, 122 n., 225,
229. 242, 245, 272 n., 1, 272
n. 3, 291,301 n,, 303,424.
Sforza (Cardinal), 365.
Shabunder. 455, 456. 459, 460.
Shadbashachandrika , 517.
Shah Aboo Turab Shirazy, 195.
Shah Jafar, 80.
Shah Mir, 274.
Shah Muhammad Anju, 269.
ShahTahir, 77.
Shahzada Murtaza, 197.
Shankar Nayak, 268, 276.
Shankar Raj, 333,
Shashta Parankusa, 515.
Shepherd Dynasty of Jinji, 175.
Shettikere, 271.
Shimoga District, 49, 52, 56, 251,
268, 269.
Shinajt, 218.
Shiraj, 322.
Sholapur, 78, 84, 197, 199.
Shrideva Raya, 300 n. 1, 301.
Shrinaivasa, 304.
Shrinivasachari. (Prof. C.S,), 176.
Shrinivasa Dikshita, 522,
Siam, 57 n. 1.
Sida Raya Timapa, 95.
Siddhantamanidipam, 515.
Siddhappa Nayaka, 423.
Siddhesvara, 42.
Siddhiraja Timma Raju, 24, 40.
Siddhout inscription, 306, 309,
328, 336, 349, 521.
INDEX
Sidraj Timapa, 33.
Silva e Menezes (Pero), 296.
Silveyra (Dom Alvaro), 189.
Sindhu Govinda, 184.
Singama Nayadu, 309.
Singanamala, 34.
Singarayadeva, 193.
Singavaram, 105.
Singala dvipa Catha. 170.
Sinhalese, 170.
Singottai inscription. 135.
Sirimgam. See Sri ran gam.
Siripur, 493.
Sita, 545.
Siva, -40, 104, 215, 234, 250, 314,
317, 357, 388. 401, 422, 426, 527,
532, 533, 534 n<4 535, 540, 541,
543, 544, 545, 546, 549, 550, 551,
554.
Sivaditya, 528.
Sivadityamanidipika, 523.
Sivaganga, 133, 174, 182, 183.
Sivajt, 31 n. 2, ri8.
Sivakamasundari-Ammai, 323.
Sivala-vel, 138.
Siva Nayak of Jerreh, 268.
Sivaratreya Deva, 550.
Sivasamudram, 181.
Sivasuryakavi, 525.
Sivatattvaratnakara, 56,142, 291.
Siyyada, 34
Smith (Mr. Vincent A.), XX.
Smith (Sir Thomas), 239.
Society of Jesus, 145 n , 157 n. 2,
365, 377, 395, 430. 444, 445;
Archives of, XX ; General of,
XX.
Solaga. 155, 406, 408.
Somappa, 106.
Soma Sekhara Pandya of Madura,
106.
Somarasayya of Chandragiri, 312.
Somesvara, 426.
Somesvara Channigarayaswami
temples, 183.
Somesvara temple, 45.
Somideva, 18.
Sonnalapuram, 10, 76.
Sokkanatasvami, 360,
Soramanadalam, 307.
Soria, 71.
Sornikavur, 547 n. 2.
Sosilla, 415.
Sousa (Dom Martim Affonso de),
60, 60 n. 3, 92, 187, 188.
Sousa e Tavora (Fernao de)f 187,
Sousa (Manoel de), 427.
Souza (Fr. Francisco), 64 n. 4, 66,
119,141, 142, 142 n 8, 143,144
n. 2, 144 n. 3, 153, 162. 531.
Sowadaridinne, 325.
Spain, 433, 439; King of, XXI,
461, 462.
Spanish crown, 433.
Sravana-Belgola. 536. 538, 539,
550.
Srigiri-mandala, 32*.
Srimad Tallapaka Tirumalayan-
garu, 47, 514.
Srimushnam, 277, 289.
Srinivas, 315.
Srinivasa, 39.
Srinivasa Aiyangar, (Mr, M ), 513.
514,
Srinivasacharya, 262,
Srinivasa temple, 315.
Sri ran ga. See Ranga I.
Sriranga. See Srirangam.
Sriranga, father of Rama Raya of
Vijayanagara, 19. 20,
Srirangacharya, 540.
Srirangam, 40, 102 n. 2, 105, 106,
106 n. 2, 109, 116, 167, 218, 233,
243. 261, 399, 400, 410, 533, 534,
538, 553.
Srirangam-Koyil olugu, 167,
Sriranganatha 44.
Sriranga Raya, 22.
Snrangaraya. See Ranga I and
Ranga II.
Srirangayapuram. 276.
Srisailnm, 291, 300 n.. 324,
Srisailapurna, 541 n.
Srivallabha Pandya of Madura.
114, 114 n. 7, 117, 199, 218, 285.
286, 343, 344. 363. 392,
Srivengallappa Naik, 204 n. 2.
Srivilliputtur, 42.
Srutiranjani. 516.
Stephens (Fr. Thomas), 432.
Straits Settlements. 452.
Strozzi (Giambatista), 70.
St. George (Fort), 429, 553.
St. Mary's High School. Madura,
142 n. 8.
St . Thome, 60 n. 3, 64, 65. 65 n 4,
96 n , 67, 69, 314, 320 n. 3, 364,
402, 404, 428 429, 430, 431, 437,
381, 438 n. 3, 439, 439 n. 1, 440.
441, 441 n. 1. 447, 448, 449, 450,
451, 455, 458, 461, 463, 464, 465.
467, 470, 471, 472, 473, 476, 482,
THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
484, 487. 489, 492, 499. 500, 503,
511,528,529; College of, 314,
361, 465, 469, 480 n, 3; Siege of,
428. See Sao Thome.
SttMflyftnfM^ftftvfrTnfa temple, 44,
Subhan Kuli, 83.
Subramania Sarma (Pandit), 118.
Subramiah Pantulu (Mr.), 520 n. 1,
523.
Suchindram, 116, 149. 150.
Sudhindra, 518,
Sujata Khan, 272.
Snkracharya, 250.
Snmatindra mifoft, 521.
Sumeru, 251.
Sundara Nayaka, 346.
Snndara Pandya of Madura, 100.
Sundararajaperumal temple, 2 o.
Suntara-tora-mavili-vanathi-rayer,
108.
Sundarattolndaiyan Mavalivanda-
rayan, 108.
Sundareswara temple, 129,
284, 343.
Supplementary MSS., 351.
Suragiri (Penukonda). 54, 303.
Surappa Nayaka, 139, 177, 288,403,
522.
Surasamudra, 288.
Surat, 239, 433.
Suratrapa, 253.
Surendra Tirtha, 515, 521.
Snria Rao, 96, 97.
Svaramelakalanidhi, 5, 10, 14,
39, 517.
Svayambhu, 524, 525.
Swami pagoda (Three), 545.
Syad Shah Tacki. 274.
Sybil (Indian), 65 n.
Syncretiat School of Hindu Philo-
sophy, 528.
Syria, 65 n. 4.
Syud Hye, 82, 83.
Tabard (Fr. AM.), XXI.
Tadpatri, 34, 43,
Tagdiji, 203,
Tatde Inferno (Pero de), 68, 69.
Taj Bauri, 214 n. 3,
Kalakkad, 419, 420, 421 ; Raja of,
Talasaytna Perumal, 28,1.
, Talcaud, See Talakkad.
Talemanare, 165.
i Talichankattu, 519.
Talikota, XIV, 35. 38, 97, 194 0. 1,
199. 202.
Tallamarapuram, 50.
Tallapaka Tiruvengalanatha, 517.
Tammayagaoda, 44.
Tammaya Mantri, 306, 309*
Tamil and Tamiltans, XIII, 104,
110, 113, 118, 138,248,280, 303,
315, 322, 342, 364, 374,389,415,
513, 522, 523,529, 530, 531, 531
n. 2, 533.
Tamil Catechism, 378.
Tamil chiefs, 134.
Tamil country, XIII.
Tamil Grantha, 132.
Tamil inscription, 54.
Tamil legend, 132.
Tamil people, 117.
Tamil tyrants, 135 n. 3.
Tamil Viceroyalty, VII, 308.
Tamraparni, 116.
Tangeda, 274.
Tangior. See Tanjore.
Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula
Charitra, 122, 124 n. 3, 125 n ,
127, 127 n., 130, 173.
Tanjore, XIII, XXI, 35, 109, 124,
125, 125 n., 129, 155, 172, 173,
280, 286, 287, 327, 341, 397, 399,
410, 429, 513, 516, 518, 521, 522,
531 ; Nayaks of, VI, VII 358,
361, 398, 402, 429, 449, 468, 470.
Tapatisatnvaranam, 233 n. 1.
Tarigoppula Mallana, 306, 521.
Tarigoppuln Datta Mantri, 306,
521.
Tarkabhasa, 528.
Tarpalli, 96.
Tartuffe, 306.
Tatachare. See Tatacharya.
Tatacharya (Guru). 39, 300, 301.
304, 305, 306, 478, 479. 514, 519,
520 n. 1, 544, 552.
Tataya. See Tatacharya.
Tatayarya. Sec Tatacharya,
Tatta Pinnama, 18.
Tattavabodhaka Swami, 373
Tavana Patan (Devanapatnam),
446.
Tavora (Ruy Lourenco de), 481,
506.
Tegenampatna, 410 n, 3. See
Devanapatnam.
Teixcira (Pr. A.), XXI.
Teligas. 25. See Teluguf.
. Telinganm, 86,
INDEX
Tehign and Telugtw, 99, 118, 134,
138, 150, 151 n., 157, 158. 162.
163. 185, 235, 275. 280, 326, 331,
332, 334, 335, 375. 378, 383. 496,
514, 516, 517, 519, 520, 529, 530,
542.
Telagu army, 131, 143.
Telngn country. 15, 25, 248.
Telugu Emperors. 172.
Telugu Empire, XIII, 238.
Telagu general, 148.
Telugu invasion in the Tamil
country, VI.
Telugu Nayaks. XIII. See Madura
and Taojore (Nayaks of).
Telugu poem, 233 n. 1.
Telugn Viceroyalty, VII.
Temaragio. See Tirumala Raya*
Temiragio. See Tirumala Raya.
Tenali, 519.
Tenali Ramakrishna, 519.
Tenali Ramalinga, 519.
Tenkasi, 135 n. 3, 138, 392, 542;
Pandya of, 135.
Terunarayanapur, 535,
Terunarayaria, 535.
Tevai, 357.
Theology (Catholic), 366.
Thevenot (Mons. de), 60 n. 3,
Thomas (St.), the Apostle, 64, 64
n. 3, 64 n. 4, 65 n. 4, 66 n , 69
n. 1, 383, 385. 430,438. 439,
479 ; City of, 429.
Thome (Robert), 432.
Tibet. 493.
Timaragio. See Tirumala Raya.
Tima Raja, chief of the Mysore
territoyy. 415.
Tima Raja, noble of Vijayanagara,
453 n. 3, 459.
Timma, brother of Rama Raya,
20.
Timma, brother of Viceroy Vit-
thala, 155.
Timma.of the Pochiraju family, 21.
Timma, son of Rama Raya* gover-
nor of Raichur, 22.
Timma, son of the Raja of
Venkatagiri, 96,
Timma or Tirumala, nephew of
Ranga III, 239.
Timma or Tirumala, uncle of
Rama Raya, 19.
Tima Ranga, 43.
Timmamba. See Tirumala Devi,
wife of Ranga I,
Timmamba. mother of Sodativa
Raya, 14.
Timmana Nayaka, ancestor of .the
Chitaldroog Nayaks, 185.
Timma Nayadu, 190.
Timma Nayaka. father of Tim-
malai Raja,{a Madura officer, 343.
Timma or Trimmapa, father of
Sevvappa Nayaka of Tanjore,
173.
Timma Pochama, 23.
Timmappa Nayaka, agent of
Visvanatha Nayaka of Madura,
166.
Timmappa Nayaka, Officer of
Viceroy Vitthala, 154.
Timmappa Nayakkar, of the
Chalurtha gotra, 287.
Timmaraja. See Tirumala Raya.
Timma Raja, son of the King of
Orissa, 55.
Timmarasayya, 312.
Timmaraya, chief of Punjalike,
550.
Timmaraya. See Tirumala Raya*
Timmasamudra, 42.
Timmayadeva Maharaja of Nand-
yala, 16. 51.
Timmaya Mantri, 267.
Timmoja, barber, 49, 50.
Timoja. Commandant of the Vija-
yanagara fleet, 57.
Timoja, governor of Honavar,
186.
Timoja Kondoja. See Kondoja,
Timraj. See Tirumala Raya,
Timraj. See Ranga I.
Xindisuramudaiya-Nayinar, 277.
Tindivanam, 142, 268, 277, 278,
289, 323*
Tinnevelly, 2 n., 114. 134, 137.
149, 150, 154, 157, 167, 168, 244.
282, 285, 342, 346, 359, 360.
Tintrinisvara temple. 289.
Tippajidevi, 14,
Tipu Sultan. XXI.
Tirthankaras, 550, 551.
Tirthaprabhanda, 522.
Tiruchchrrambala Bhattan. 142.
Tirukkachchur, 121.
Tirukkurungudi, 154, 245, 342,
Tirumala (Hill of); 222, 223, 302.
See Tirupati.
Tirumaladava Raya, supposed
brother of Venkata II, 300 n, 1.
301 a.
674 THE ARAVIDU DYNASTY OP VIJAYANAOARA
Tiramala Devi, mother of Rama
Raya's wife, 21.
Tirumala Devi, wife of Rang* I,
265, 265 n. 2.
Tirumala-devi, Queen of Krishna
Deva Raya, 5.
Tirumalai. See Tirapati.
Tirumalairaja, officer of Madura
Kayaks, 343, 344.
Tiramalai Udaiyar Setapati of
Ramnad, 341, 355, 357.
Tirumalamba, an authoress, 3.
Tinunalamba, daughter-in-law of
Rama Raya, 23.
Tirumalamba, wife of Achyuta
Deva Raya, 173.
Tirumalamba, wife of Rama Raya,
21.
Tirumalambapuram, 315, 345.
Tirumalambika, mother of Rama
Raya, 20.
Tirumalambika, wife of Rama
Raya, 20, 23.
Tirnmalambika, wife of Virappa
Nayaka of Madura, 283.
Tirumala Nayaka, 285. See Tiru-
malairaja,
Tirumala Nayaka, governor of
Madura, 118.
Tirumala Nayaka of Madura, 133,
169, 359, 380; Choulthe of. 283
n. 5, 351.
Tirumala Nayaningaru, 280.
Tirnmalapuram, 524.
Tirumala Tolappa Acharya, 548.
Tirnmalaraja. See Sriranga.
Tirumala Raja, Viceroy of Seringa-
pa tarn, 290, 291, 301, 343 n. 1,
411, 413, 414, 414 n. 2, 419, 420,
421. 435, 504, 505, 506 n., 512,
524, 548.
Tirnmalarasu, 44.
Tirumala Raya of Vijayanagara,
VII, XIV, XV, 5, 9, 10, 11, 13,
15, 20, 22, 22 n. 2, 22 n. 6, 24,
24n.l,26,27,29t31,32,33,34,
36, 39, 40, 43, 50, 76, 86, 91, 179
n., 184, 192, 193, 194, 202, 202
n. 1, 204, 204 n. 8, 205, 207, 207
n. 8, 208, 214, 218,221, 228, 229,
326, 230, 231, 232, 233, 233 n. 1,
234, 235, 236, 238, 241, 242,
244, 245, 246, 248, 249, 250, 252,
257, 258, 259, 260, 262, 263, 264,
267, 276, 280, 281, 287, 288, 291,
900, 300 n. 1, 304, 306, 326, 335,
340, 343 n. 1, 412, 419, 426, 513,
515, 516, 532, 544, 545.
Tirumalayadeva Maharaja of Yera-
hudi, 50.
Tirumalayadeva Maharayar, son of
Krishna Deva Raya, 4 n. 4.
Tirumalayadeva of Udayagiri, 30,
184 n. 7.
Tirumali Naicker. See Tirumala
Nayaka of Madura.
Tiru Narayana Pur am, 537,
Tirunelveli Kulasekhara Perumal
of Madura, 135, 138.
Tirunirmalai, 305.
Tirupati, 15, 54, 60, 60 n. 3, 61,
105, 114, 185, 216, 222, 223, 228,
233, 249, 300, 302, 303, 310. 314,
315, 316. 400, 430, 535, 536, 537,
538, 541, 547, 548.
Tirupattur. 114, 123.
Tiruppauimalai, 117 n. 5, 167.
Tiruppukkuli, 304, 305:
Tlrupullani, 104.
Tiruvadi, 117 n. 5.
Tiruvadidesa, 150.
Tiruvadi Rajyasthapanacharya.114.
Tiruvaiyam Puranam, 522.
Tiruvaiyar, 35.
Tiruvannamalai.45,103 n. 6, 115,
174, 287.
Tiruvadirajya (Travancore) , 141.
Tiruvarangattaamdinar, 534.
Tiruvasi, 105 n. 2.
Tiruvengalanatha, 42, 43, 44, 193,
282, 514, 518.
Tiruvenkatanttha, 542.
Tiruveshkalam, 287.
Tiruviraimarudur, 142, 155, 288,
Tiruviskolesvara temple, 498.
Tittagudi, 126.
Tolar (Chief of), 296.
Tombo (Torre do) , XXI,
Topazes, 369.
Tondaimandala, 103, 109, 112, 117,
307, 354.
Torkal, 95.
Tosekhana Adhikari, 121.
Tours (St. Gregory de), 65 n.
Toya Yadava, 311, 535.
Tranquembar, 398, 531.
Trapety, See Tirupati.
Travancore, 2 n., 56, 61, 99, 113,
113 n. 4, 114, 115, 116, 117,
124 n. 3, 125 n., 131, 140, 141,
142, 143, 143 n,, 144, 145, 146,
INDEX
147 n., 14S, 14*. , 150, 153, 154,
155. 159. 162, 163, 170, 341. 347;
King of, 120 a., 131, 159.
Tremele. SeeTirnpati.
Tremil. See Tirupati*.
Tremul Raj. See Tirnmala Raja,
Viceroy of Seringapatam.
Trepeti. See TirnpatL
Trichendnr. 151. 157 a. 2.
Trichinopoly. 155, 167, 284, 360,
361; fort of. 129.
Tridean (Fr. J.). 477 n. 3.
Trimaragius. See Tirnmala Raja,
Viceroy of Seringapatam.
Trimurti, 261.
Tripadadyotinit 521.
Tripati. See Tirupati.
Tripoli. See Tirupati.
Triplicate, 43. 280.
Tripurantaka, 45.
Trivandrum, 116.
Trivikrama, 517.
Troy of the East, 405. See Jinji.
Tru£al,243.
Tubaki Krishnappa Nayaker, 111.
112.
Tuluva Dynasty, VI. VII, XIV,
13. 24 n. 1. 32. 218. 246. 248,
511,514, 542.
Tumbichchi Nayaka Kumaralinga,
114. 131. 169.
Tumkur copper-plates of Timmala
Raya, 249* 524.
Tumkur District, 50.
Tundira (Jinji). 107, 256; Lord
of, 404.
Tnngabhadra. 17, 28, 224. 266.
485 n. 3, 532. 541.
Turaiyur-Rettiyar, 133.
Tnrkal, 83. 257.
Tnrks,58. 187, 214,
Turkte, 72.
Tnrsellini (Fr. F.), 145 n.
Tnrukas, See Turks.
Turuvekere, 271.
Tuscan missionary, See Nobili.
Tntteorin, 118, 119, 120, 145 n.,
147, 149, 151, 152 n., 153, 161,
165, 352, 353.
Titicurin. See Tuticorin.
Tutocnrin. See Tnticorin.
Tyagarajasvamin temple, 139.
Uthe Tlmma Rao, See SaJakam
TimmaRaju.
5
Udaiyar chief, 299.
Udaiyan Setapatt of Ramnad, 355,
356.
Udayagiri, 28. 29. 184 n., 234, 251.
261, 263, 264, 273, 274, 275, 279.
280, 328, 329, 331, 335; Raj&of.
329, 331. 335.
Udayagiri durgam, 42.
Udaygiri. See Udayagiri.
Uddandar. 138.
Udgerrydarg. See Udayagiri.
Udipi. 424.
Udiripikonda, 172, 190, 191. 274.
Udiyan Sethopatti. See Udaiyan
Setupati.
Ujjain, 536.
Ulabi. 50.
UUal, 172. 188, 189. 424.425. 549;
Queen of, VII. 190, 290, 298,
411.
Ulsnr, 426.
Ummatnr. 181,422.
Unamanjeri plates of Achyuta
Deva Raya. 1 n. 1, 524.
United Company (Dutch), 431.
Unni Kerala Varma of Travancore,
141, 143, 145. 147, 148, 149* 153.
Upamana, 527.
Upanishada Vaoya Vivaram.
534.
Uraiyur, 534.
Urigola. 253.
Urputur. 518.
Urrattur, 132.
Uthaparinayam, 404.
Utakur. 50.
Utappa Naique. 393.
Utkala King. 253. 267.
Utramallur, 309, 310. 322.
Utsabavari, 315.
Utsnr grant of Ranga III, 24, 264.
278, 509.
Uttaramallurn. See Utramallur.
Uttnkkadn Kottam, 305.
Utukur, 235.
Vadiraja,523.
Vadiraja Tirtha, 522.
Vaduquer. See Badagas.
Vahnipua, 423.
Vaidika Advaita, M9.
Vaijayanta, 39.
VaiparNayaka.SeeViranarNaymks,
Vaishnava Acharya, 535.
Vaiahnava Brahmans, 349.
*676 THE ARAV1DU DYNASTY OF VIJAYANAGARA
Vaishoavas, 314, 513, 515, 519, 533,
535, 536, 537, 538, 542, 543, 544,
545, 546, 547, 548, 549, 553.
Vaishnava temple*, 282, 305.
Vaisbnavism VIII, XIV, 304, 519,
532, 533, 538. 540, 541, 544, 545,
551, 552 554.
Vaiyappa Krishnappa Nayaka, 550.
Vaiyappa Krishnappa Kondama
Nayaka, t89.
Vaiyappa Nayaker, 111, 112.
Vaiyappa (Kaia), 324.
Vakataka Dynasty, 54 n 4.
Vala Krishnappa, 176.
Valamore, 45.
Valarpuram, 2 n.
Valentyn, (Francois), 337 n. 3.
Valikondapuram, 132.
Vallabhacharya, 542.
Vallabha Narendra, 348.
Vallabha RajayyaDeva Maharasu,
278. 299.
Valladolid, 436, 436 n. 2,
Vallalgopnram, 287.
Vallam, 129.
Vallaprakara, 286, 341, 344.
Valle(Fr. Paolo de), 158.
Valle(Pietrodella), 189, 278, 425,
549.
Valliyur, 114.
Vambar, 151.
Vanda Rayar, 124.
Vanga, 55, 122.
Vanipenta, 44, 46.
Van Sathagopa Swami, 272, 546.
Varadadevi Ammal, 3, 6.
Varadambika, 4.
Varadambika-Parinayam, 3, 3.
n. 1.
Varadappa Nayak, 403.
Varadaraja, 44,315.
Varadarasu, 48.
Varadayya, 48.
Varagunaputtur, 123.
Varatnngarama Pandya of Madura,
117, 199, 215, 285, 286, 343, 344.
Vas (Fr. Miguel), 119.
Vasavakanyaka. 325 n. 2.
Vasishta, 301,
Vasu, 515.
Vasucharitramu, 5, 5 n. 1, 11,
73, 254, 259, 260, 515.
VattaGamani of Ceylon, 135 n. 3.
Vayyamba, 173.
Vaz de Amaral (Dr. Pero), 119.
Vaz de Sampayo (Lope), 60.
Vedalai, 156, 157.
Vedam. See Vedas.
Vedanta. 47, 262. 412, 514, 524,
526.
Vedanta Desika (Sri), 175, 537.
Vedas, 24, 47, 262, 349, 357. 375,
388, 389, 412, 421,514.524. 534.
Vedas written by European writers
389.
Veiga(Fr. Manoelde), 438, 467,
470, 471, 472, 489.
Velappa Raya, 243, 252, 258, 259.
Vellangudi plates of Venkata II,
40. 55, 123, 131, 471, 220, 229,
254, 259 n., 261, 261 n. 2, 264,
265, 266, 283, 300,334, 346, 347,
361, 495, 509, 510, 525, 547. 547
n. 3.
Vellala, 44.
Vellore, 40, 112, 112 n. 1, 172,
192, 223, 234, 242, 280, 288,289,
300, 313, 316, 317, 318, 319. 319
n. 1, 320, 321, 409, 441 n. 1, 439
n. 7, 452, 473, 474, 476, 477.
479, 480, 482, 484, 486, 489, 490i
491, 492, 493, 506, 508, 518. 523,
524, 529, 549 ; Raja of, 191, 192,
508, Nayak of, 316; Viceroy of,
316.
Vellour. See Vellore.
Vellulara, 34.
Vellur. See Vellore.
Velpucherla, 44.
Veludurti, 43.
Velugoti, 191, 309.
Velugoti Pedda Kondama Nayadu1
321, 324.
Velugoti Yachama Nayadu, 309,
322, 409.
Velugutivaru Vamiavali, 309,
409.
Velur. See Vellore.
Velum . See Vellore.
Vemala Nayadu, 191, 274.
Vencapati. See Venkata II.
Vencapatir. See Venkata II.
Vencatapadin Ragiv Devamagac
Ragel. See Venkata II.
Vengadeyya-Bhatta, 421, 524.
Vengalamba (Sri), 302.
Vengalamba, mother of Surappa
Nayaka of Jinji, 177.
Vengalamba orVengalambika, wife
of Tirumala Raya, 22, 249.
Veogalambapuram, 283, 323.
INDEX
677
Venice, 58.
Venkata, 20. See Venkatadri
brother of Rama Raya.
Venkata I of Vijayanagara, XV,
1-12, 13. 541.
Venkata II of Vijayanagara, VII,
VIII, XV, 18, 38, 39, 55, 74, 81,
123, 131, 171, 190, 191, 220, 233,
246, 248, 251, 256, 258, 265, 266.
269, 271, 274, 277, 278, 279, 280,
281, 283, 285, 286, 23*, 291, 293,
300, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306,
307, 308. 309, 310, 311, 312, 313,
314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 319
n, 1. 320, 320 n. 1, 321, 322, 323,
324. 325 n. 2. 326, 327, 328, 329,
332, 333, 334, 334 n. 3, 335, 336,
337, 338. 339, 340, 341, 342. 344,
348, 349, 358, 359, 360, 361, 363,
368, 397, 398, 399, 401, 402, 403,
404, 408, 409, 410, 411, 412, 413,
414, 415, 416, 418, 420,421, 422,
423, 424, 426, 427, 428, 431, 432,
434, 435, 436, 437, 438, 440, 441,
441 n. 1, 442, 443, 444, 445, 446,
447, 448, 449, 450, 451, 452, 453,
454, 455, 457, 458, 459, 460, 462,
463, 464, 465, 466, 467, 468, 469,
470, 471, 472, 473, 474, 475,476,
477, 478, 479, 480, 481, 482, 486,
487, 488, 489, 490, 491, 492,493,
494, 495, 496, 498, 499, 500, 501,
502, 503, 504, 505, 506, 506 n.,
507, 508, 509, 510, 511, 511 n. 1,
512, 513, 516, 517, 518, 519, 521,
523, 525, 529, 532, 546, 547,548,
549, 551, 552, 554.
Venkata III of Vijayanagara, 20, 21 ,
23. 38, 55, 121, 123 n. 1, 206,
220, 248, 251, 265, 279, 282, 290,
421, 506 n., 509.
Venkatachalapati (Sri), 302, 315.
Venkatadari Bhattar, 361.
Venkata Deva Raya. Sec Venkata
II.
Venkatadri. See Venkata I.
Venkatadri, ancestor of the Ara-
vidu family, 19.
Venkatadri, brother of Rama
Raya, 9, 13, 15, 20, 24, 27, 29,
30, 31, 35, 40, 73, 74, 75, 78, 83,
84,87,90, 91, 95, 179, 179 n.,
194, 202, 202 n. 1, 204, 204 n. 8,
205, 206, 207, 207 n. 5, 216, 216
n. 5, 228, 233, 242. 336 n. 1, 517.
Venkatadri, father of Gangappa
Nayaka, 324.
Venkatadri or Venkatmppa of
Bellur. See Venkatappa Nayaka
of Bellur.
Venkatagiri, 96, 172, 191 ; Raja of.
322.
Venkata GiriMahatmya, 314 n. 3.
Venkatamba, wife of Venkata II.
494, 495, 496, 502, 504.
Venkata ma, daughter of Krish-
nappa Nayaka of Velio re, 185.
Venkatapati, brother of Ranga
III, 239.
Venkatapati. Deva Maharaja. See
Venkata II.
Venkatapati Deva Maharaya
(Vira). See Venkata II.
Venkatapati Deva Raya. See Ven-
kata II.
Venkatapati, grand uncle of Rama
Raya, 19.
Venkatapati Nayaningaru, 321,
360.
Venkatapati pagoda, 548.
Venkatapati Raya. See Venkata II.
Venkatapati (Rayasam), officer of
Ranga I, 267.
Venkatapati, son of Rama Raya,
22 n. 2.
Venkatapati, uncle of Rama Raya,
19.
Venkatappa Nayadu (Dalavay),
276.
Venkatappa Nayaka of Bellur, 185,
298, 427.
Venkatappa Nayaka of Ikeri, 423,
424, 524.
Venkatappa Nayaka of Jinji, 403.
Venkatappa Nayaker, general of
Vijayanagara, 111, 112.
Venkataramaswami temple, 176.
Venkataraja. See Venkata II.
Venkataraya-varahans, 497.
Venkata Toravar, 315.
Venkataya, 44.
Venkata yasu Raya, 258.
Venkatesa (God), 3, 244, 314, 315,
316, 547.
Venkatesvara, 315, 541 n., 545,
548.
Venkatesvara Mahatmyamt 314
n. 4., 535.
THB ARAVIDU DYNASf* OF VlJAtANAfiARA
Venkatesvara Peruaal, 223.
?«fifc*Je***r0 Prabandha Btila
Mahima. 314,
Veakatesvaraja, 16.
VetAatesvaraya Namah, $48.
Veakayya, 245.
Venkuttt Yesu Ray (Veakatayasu
Ray a), officer of Bijapur, 243.
Veason (Prof. Juliea), 513.
Veangopalaswami temple, 45.
Veaar, 550.
Varhoevent Admiral PieterWillem-
sea), 410 n 3.
Verido. See Barid Shah.
Vesmu. See Vishnu.
Vice (Fr. Antonio). 360, 361, 363,
375, 393, 394, 418.
Vidiadri, 95, 241.
Vidigueira ( Viceroy Conde de), 423.
Vidjia Nagar, 337 n. 3.
Vidyadhari women, 12.
Vidyanagari. See Vijayanagara.
Vidyaranya, 103.
Vihuvada Nayaka. 384.
Vijaya, 181.
Vija
Jjaya Bukkarayapuram, 48.
Vijaya Copal Nayak, 170. - *,.
Vijayanagara (Army, City .Empire,
Emperors, etc. of), V, VI, VII.
XIII, XIV. XV, 1. 2, 2 n., 3.
4n. 5.. 5, 6,8, 8 n. 4,9, 9 n. 1,
10, 11, 12, 15, 16. 17, 17 n. 1,
25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34,
36, 37, 38, 38 n. 2, 39, 40, 43,
52, 54t 55 n. 4. 56, 57, 57 n. 1.
58, 59, 59 n. 1, 60, 61, 62, 63.
64,64n. l,64n. 3, 66, 66 n. 2.
67,68,69, 70,71,71 n. 1, 72,
74, 75, 76, 77. 79, 79 n. 2, 81,
82, 82 a. 1,83, 84,87, 87 n. 2,
88, 89, 90, 91. 92, 95, 95 n.. 96.
97, 98, 99, 102, 103, 106, 107,
108, 109. 110, 111, 113, 115. 116,
117, 123, 124, 124 n. 3, 126, 127.
128. 129, 130, 131, 139, 140, 141,
144, 145, 14$, 149, 150, 150 n. 1,
151, 161, 162, 167, 172, 173, 174.
177 a., 182, 185, 187, 188. 190,
191, 192, 194, 195 a. 1, 197 n. 5,
198, 199, 201, 202, 204,205 a. 1,
206 a. 2, 208 a. I, 211, 212, 215,
216, 217, 218, 919, 220, 222,223,
224, 225, 226, 227, 22S, 229, 230,
231, 232, 235, 235, 236, 237, 238,
239. 240, 241, 245, 246,248,249,
257, 258, 261, 263, 164, 266, 266,
269, 270, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278,
279, 280, 283,, 285, 285 n. 6, 286,
288, 300 a. 1, 304, 307, 308, 313,
316, 31S, 320 n. 3, 321*326, 327,
331, 333, 334, 336, 337, 337 a. 3,
339, 340, 341, 346, 360, 361.
380, 397, 402, 403, 412, 415, 422,
424, 428, 429, 431, 434, 436, 437,
441 a. 1, 442, 444, 445, 450, 463,
464. 470, 475, 476, 478, 479, 480
a, 3.J81, 482, 483,485,489,
493, 5OT, 502, 506, 509. 512. 514,
521 , 524, 530. 532, 539, 540. 541,
542, 544, 545, 547.
Vijayanagara-Penukonda, 238.
Vijayapati, 312. 353,
Vijayapura, 412.
Vijaya Raghava Nayaker, 111, 112.
Vijayiadra, 515.
Vijayindra Tirtha. 287, 521, 522,
552. 553.
Vilapaka grant of Venkata II, 18,
254, 316, 317, 328,334 n. 3,495.
510, 518, 525.
Villapnram, 358.
Vincent (St.), 157.
Vinikondapnra. See Vinukonda,
Vinukoada, 255, 274.
Vipanagandla, 323.
Vjpravinodi Brahmans, 46.
Vipravinodins, 45, 46.
Vipiavinodi Siddhayya, 45.
Vjpravinodi Viramushti Virappa,
Vira,' 100.
Virabhadra, 323.
Virabhadradeva, 46.
Virabhadra pagoda, 46.
Virabbadresvara, 191.
Vira Bhayirarasa Vodeya, 412.
Vira Chama Raya Vodeyar of
Mysore. 243 n. 5.
Viramushti people, 45.
Viranar Nayaka, 119.
Virappa Nayaka of Madura, 20 a..
280, 283. 285, 286, 236 a. 2, 289.
317, 341, 342, 344, 344 a, 3,
346. 361.
Vira Pandya, 100.
Virapratapa Sadasivaraya Maha-
raya. See SadatJva Raya,
Vira Saiva. See Satva.
Vira Sekaara Chola of Tan jo re,
99, 124, 125, 125 a,
Viravalalan. 302,
Vira-vel, 138.
-ttott
VtaVijayt, 139.
Vira Virupaaa Udafyar, 2)7.
Viresvara temple. 43, 191.
Vfrinjipnjam, 121. 518.
VirupakAa (Sri). 540, 543, 547.
•Yiropaksha of Vijayanagara, 19,
107. 109, 304, 532, 340, 541, 547,
547 n. 2.
Virupaksha temple, 239.
Vimpanna, 544.
Vimpana Nayaka, 45.
Vishnu, 33, 37, 42, 104. 150, 234,
261, 276, 282, 300, 314, 315. 358,
388. 426, 516, 519, 532, 533, 534
n., 536, 537, 340, 541, 542, 543,
544, 546, 547, 548, 549, 551.
Vishnuvardba Raya, 546.
Visnaga. See Vijayaoagara.
Visvanatha (Mr. S. V.j, 506 n.
Visvanatha Nayaka of Madura. VI.
99, 107, 117, 117 n, 5. 118 n., 121,
122, 122 n. 1, 123, 123 n. 2. 123
n,3. 124, 155 n., 127, 128. 129, 129
n.3, 130, 131, 131n.l,132. 135,
136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 144,
150, 154, 155, 158, 159, 163, 164,
165. 166. 167, 168, 169, 173, 198,
J882. 283, 344 n. 4, 347, 333, 342.
Visvappa Nayaka of Madura, 341.
344, 345, 351.
Visvas Row, 200,
Visvesvara temple, 45, 121 n. 9.
Vitthala Deva, king in the Kar-
nataka country, 537.
Vitthala (Rama Raya), 33, 51, 117
n. 5, 131, 131 n. 1, 140, 141, 142.
143 n, 144, 146 n., 147 n., 148,
149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155,
156,157,160.161,162,163,245,
257, 524. 541.
Vittbalaswami, 226.
Vitthala temple, 3, 41.
Vitthalesvara temple, 28, 541.
Vitthalesvara Maharayar, 150. See
Vitthala (Rama Raya).
Vizianagaram-Penu-K o n d a I p a t*
nam, 238.
Viriapore. Set Bijapur.
Vobalarajn, 44.
Vontimitta, 24, 42, 44.
Vrddhacbalam, 174.
Vritbaaaida, 302:
Vyaaaraya Tirtha, 521. 522.
W
S& Venkata H.
454 n. 1,
.), 131 n. I.
,..
Wilks (CokmelMark), 181 n.. 413.
419, 420. 421. 549.
WJfeon (Mr. Horace, H.), 194 n, I.
Wodeyar of Ammatur, 420.
Wodeyar of Hadana, 181.
Wodeyar (Raja) of Mysore 290,
308, 343 n. 1, 411. 414 n. 2, 415.
W * <
Wollwhich, 433.
Wurias Ray, 329.
Xavfcr (Fr. Jerome), 338. 338 n, 1.
Xavier (St. Francis), VI, XIV. 65
n. 4, 67. 68, 70, 72, 140, 120 n,
1.131, 142, 142 n. 2, 143. 144.
J£D;2,144n.4. 145. 146 a.,
147. 148, 149, 149 n. 1, 150 n. I.
•«v. «* W3, 157,
Yachama Nayaka, 322.
Yacha Snrudn. 322
Yadava kingdom, 532.
Ya^vas, 179, 311, 314, 535.
Yadavabhyudaya Vyakka. 141 .
Yadavamu-rari Kotikolahala. I7g.
' *•
Y«d«ii(Mr.C),95,aooa.4.
.
Yed«lakhaa«. SM
183,
THE ARAViDtf DYHAST Y 0*
Yempramanar, 537. Vusuf Adi) §h*h, 57*
Yenumalachintala, 43.
Yeragudi, 51, 193.
Yen Timma Raja. S*Q Tirumala Zamaluc. See Niram SBah.
Raya of Vijayanagara. Zamorin of Calicut, 119, 159, 295.
Ytreynr. 421. Zanganatam, See Ranganata.
681
GOBBHJBHDA
Page
Line
For
Read
33
4
Mamidipudi
Mamidipundi
50
7
manya,
manya —
54
36
Kaauj
Kanauj
75
10
Ibrahin
Ibrahim
102
23
in the woods
in the woods
escaping
188
30
Portuguese
Portuguese*
328
note 3
Ibid., p. 243
S. Krishna-
swami Aiyan-
gar, Source*
p. 243.
481
line 18
and then to
and then pro-
proceeded
ceeded.
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