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... . . 1 


Skilf j 





"'^'"^"■" "USEUM OF AMERICAN j 



Vzti O o-c 









Vol. XXL 



fiMsittWmtovt (Tracts 



Ardbbw Bbid & Co., Limited, Fbintinq Coubt Bdildinos, Akbnsidb Hill. 

LoKDON Orrioi: 13, Bistohiaf. B.C. 





List of Plates, Woodcuts, etc. vi&vii 

Contributions of Photographs, etc vii 

Errata.etc viii 

Annual Report for 1898 ix 

Treasurer's Balance Sheet xiii 

Curators' Report xv 

Donations to Museum during 1898 xvi 

Couucil and Officers for 1899 xvii 

Honorary Members xviii 

Ordinary Members xix 

Societies with which Publications are exchanged xxvii 

OvawUDes ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •■• ••• .,. ,,, iTTfiT 

Certificate of Registration xxxv 

L — Exhibition of Silver Plate of Newcastle Manufacture, in the 

Blackgate Museum, Newcastle, on May 19, 20, and 21, 1897 1 

II.— The Visits of Charles I. to Newcastle in 1633, 1639, and 1646-7, 
with some Notes of Contemporary History. By C. S. Terry, 

JXL*^^. .*• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• *•* OO 

III. — The Scottish Campaign in Northumberland and Durham between 

January and June, 1644. ByC. S.Terry 146 

IV.— The Siege of Newcastle by the Scots in 1644. By C. S. Terry ... 180 

V. — Northumbria in the Eighth Century. By the Rev. H. B. Savage, 
Hon. Canon of Durham, and Vicar of St. Hild's, South 
DmexCio ••• .*• •«. ... ••« ... •■• •>* jiov 

VI. — Obituary Notice of the Rev. E. H. Adamson, M.A., a Vice- 
president of the Society. By Richard Welford, V.P. ... 281 

VII. — The Caervoran Inscription in praise of the Syrian Goddess. By 

Thomas Hodgkin, D.C.L., F.S.A., V.P. 289 

VIII. — The Bastle House at Doddington, Northumberland. By W. H. 

IxHOWIcB} J7 •E/9.A.I ••• ••• ••• ••• cat ••• ••• ^«fD 

XUUv2. ••• •■• ••• tt« ••• »•• ••• at* ••• t*« vUm 



Fbontispiece — Silver Plate of Newcastle Manufacture belonging 

to Mr. J. R. Carr-Ellison 


L^Ponteland Communion Plate 

IL — Cup belonging to Mr. T. Taylor 

in. — Tankard belonging to do. 

rV. — Tankard belonging to Mr. F. M. Laing and Porringer to 

JxLjr* Xf \TiiVT ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •■• ••• 

V. — Monteith belonging to the Corporation of Morpeth 

VI. — Tankards belonging to Dr. L. W. Adamson 

VII.— Punchbowl belonging to Mr T. T. Dale 

VIII. — Two-handled Cup and Tea Pot belonging to Dr. Adamson .. 
Villa. — Cup belonging to the Skinners and Glovers of Alnwick... 

IX. — Kettles belonging to Mr. Carr-Ellison 

X. — Cup belonging to Dr. Embleton 

XI. — Bleeding Bowls belonging to Mr. Carr-Ellison 
XII. — Rose water Ewer belonging to Mr Taylor 
XIII. — Candlestick belonging to Miss AUgood 
XIV. — Two-handled Cup and Cover belonging to Mr. Taylor 

XV. — Coffee Pot belonging to Mr. Brodrick Dale 

XVI.— Portrait of the late Rev. E. H. Adamson, M.A.. V.P. 


facing 1 







Fac-simile op Autograph of 

Sib Lionel Maddison, Mayor of Newcastle. 

(Seep. 88 n, etneq.) 



Newcastle Town Marks for Silver 

Trimdon Communion Cup 

Bjton Communion Cup 

Sawley Communion Flagon 

Newcastle St. Nicholas's Communion Cup 

Ghollerton Communion Cup 

Durham St. Mary the Less Communion Cup . . . 

Sherbum Hospital Communion Cup 

Sunderland Communion Cup 

Halton Communion Cup 

Birtley (Northumberland) Communiou Cup ... 

Coat of Arms on Tankard 

• Bishop Butler CoflEee Pot ' 

Inscription from Caervoran to the Syrian Goddess 

Plans and Elevations of Doddington Bastle House, Northumberland 

Doddington Bast le about 1840 


294, 295 
... 301 


Thanks are given to the following : — 

Adamson^ Dr. L. W., for photographs and blocks facing pp. 40, 42. 

Allgood, Miss, for plate facing p. 67. 

Burman, Dr., for block of the Alnwick Skinners' cup facing p. 43. 

Carr-Ellison, Mr. J. R., for the photographs and blocks facing pp. 1, 46, 68. 

Dale, Mr. Brodrick, for photograph and block facing p. 74. 

Dale, Mr. T. T^ for photograph and block facing page 41. 

Davison, Mr. R., for photograph of the Alnwick Skinners' cup facing p. 43. 

Gow, Mr. T., for photograph and block of his cup facing p. 36. 

Knowles, Mr. W. H., for drawings of Doddington bastle, pp. 294, 295. 

Laing, Mr. F. M., for photograph and block of his tankard facing p. 36. 

Middleton, Mr. R. L., for photograph and block of Ponteland communion 

plate facing p. 28. 
Spence, Mr. C. J., for photograph of illustration facing p. 39, and drawing 

on p. 11. 
Taylor, Miss, for photographs for plates facing pp. 34, 35, 57, 60, 67, 69. 
Taylor, Mr. T., for blocks of illustrations facing pp. 34, 35. 60, and 69. 
Welford, Mr. R., loan of woodcut on p. vi. 


Frontispiece and plates I., VI., VIII., IX., and XVI., are from photographs 
by Mr. B. Ruddock ; VII. from a photograph by Jas. Downey & Sons; 
and XV. from a photograph by Mr. J. P. Gibson. 





Page 12, line 26, for ' Bafire,* read * Baf ire.' 
„ 21, nos. 46 and 51 are descriptions of the same piece. 
„ 27, no. 77, for ' rector,' read ' vicar.' 
„ 43, no. 156, for three stag^ heads ^ read three stags. ^i^' 

„ 48, no, 182, the tea pot here described is by Isaac Cookson, not by Thomas Sort 


„ 50, no. 201, the maker's mark should be rSi\y as in No. 195, not /@\. 

„ 54, no. 219, for * same as last,' read ' same as 216 and 217.' 
„ 82, line 20, for ' Gainsford ' read * Gainford.' 
98, line 9, delete * the.' 
95, line 32 ; page 102, line 7 ; page 104, lines 4, 26, and 37 ; and page 105, 

heading, for * Lesley,* read ' Leslie.' '^ 

109, line 27, and page 112, line 9, for * Sir John Lumsden/ read * Sir James ^ 

114, note 127, for * 1639,' read * 1640.' 
125, note 216, for *p. 45,' read * p. 127.' 
138, note 302, for « Calendar,' read ♦ Callendar.' 









Cibe ^otletg of MntitiuKvit^ 




The year's report of the council of the society is in one respect 
a melancholy one. No fewer than three of the vice-presidents, Messrs. 
LongstafFe, Philipson, and Adamson, have been removed by death 
during its course ; and now, just at its close, the name of the distin- 
guished nobleman who has for so many years been the patron of our 
society has also to be removed from our roll, the sixth Duke of 
Northumberland having been gathered to his fathera. Before this 
sad event occurred the council had decided to request Earl Percy to 
accept the office of president vacated by the resignation of the earl of 
Ravensworth and he had kindly allowed himself to be put in nomina- 
tion accordingly. Now we have to recommend that the present duke 
of Northumberland be elected patron and president thus combining 
the two offices in one. The society desires to express its sincere 
thanks to the retiring president, Lord Eavensworth, for the interest 
which he has often manifested in its proceedings, and regrets that the 
pressure of public duties of another kind has of late made it difficult 
and almost impossible for him to attend our meetings. 

This anniversary meeting — the 86th — is noteworthy owing to the 
circumstance that it is the fiftieth since the society first met within 
the walls of this ancient building. The occasion was celebrated by a 
public dinner presided over by the then duke of Northumberland, 
and now that we have reached the jubilee of our occupancy, the 
advisability of having either a dinner or some public ceremony in 
commemoration is well worth consideration. 

The series of silk banners for the great hall of the Castle has just 
been completed by the promise of the only remaining one — that of 



Roberfc de CliflFbrd. During the past year the banners of Radcliflfe 
and of Bertram of Bothal have been presenfced. Sir E. W. Blackett 
of Matfen, the successor in title of the Raymes family, the early 
owners of Aydon castle, has promised the banner of Robert de 
Raymes, but owing to the difficulty in deciding what were the arms 
of this family, delay has been occasioned. 

A short illustrated guide to the Keep and to the Black Gate and 
museum has been prepared by two of our members, Messrs. Holmes 
and Heslop. It is already in type and will, it is hoped, be ready for 
sale to the public, at a very small price, in the course of a few days. 
It will doubtless prove a boon to visitors to these buildings. 

By permission of the owner of the site, Mr. J. B. Clayton, and 
by the assistance of the subscribers to the Northumberland Excava- 
tion Fund, we have made during the past year a series of excavations 
in the Roman camp at Housesteads. The excavations, which have 
been conducted under the able superintendence of Mr. R. 0. Bosanquet, 
have produced very valuable results, and it is believed that the report, 
which will probably be issued in an early part of our Archaeologiay will 
be one of the most important contributions yet made to the history of 
Roman castrametation in Britain. Mr. J. P. Gibson, our colleague, 
is preparing a report on the excavations in the Roman station of 
Aesica^ and he has kindly consented to allow his fine photographs, both 
of Aesica and of Borcovicus^ to be reproduced to illustrate the reports. 

At Housesteads a most successful meeting of members of this 
society, of the Durham and Northumberland Archaeological Society 
and of the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, was 
held in August, when addresses were given by Mr. Bosanquet, Dr. 
Hodgkin, and others. 

Within the past few days the lighthouse at Tynemouth has been 
taken down. During the demolition a large number of moulded 
stones from the neighbouring priory have been discovered in the walls. 
With the exception of a double-cushion capital they are all of early 
thirteenth-century date, and nearly all bear the dog-tooth ornament. 
They are much weather-worn. Thanks to Mr. S. S. Carr's vigilance, 
the attention of our vice-president, Mr. H. A. Adamson, was drawn 
to them. He without delay placed himself in communication with 
the Trinity House of London, the owners of the lighthouse, who at 


once presented fche stones to the Corporation of Tynemouth. They 
will again be placed within the ruins of the priory church from which 
doubtless they were obtained in the beginning of this century when 
the lighthouse was built. 

The Dinsdale registers, with an index, title page, etc., have been 
completed and issued to members^ and the last part of those of 
Warkworth is nearly ready. Owing to the great expenditure during 
the past year, we recommend the society to suspend the printing of 
parish registers, at any rate for the present, after the indexes to those 
already in hand — Warkworth and Elsdon (to the end of the fourth 
volume) — ^have been printed. 

Two books by young authors which have been published in the 
course of the past year give satisfactory proof that antiquarian lore is 
not likely to lack enthusiastic students in the coming generation. 
Miss Daphne Rendel's little work on Newcastle [up'\on Tyney its 
Municipal Origin and Growth, gives a clear and well arranged account 
of the corporate life of our ancient city under the Plantagenets, 
Tudors, and Stuarts ; while An Amateur Antiqtcary, by Mr. R. H. 
Forster, a member of our society, reveals a genuine enthusiasm for 
the great remains of Roman antiquity in our county, and lights up 
the hard facts of antiquarian science by the vivid glow of poetic 

During the past year members have visited several places of 
interest, amongst them the castle of Raby and the church of Staindrop, 
where they had the benefit of the guidance of the Rev. J. F. Hodgson, 
the vicar of Witton, the principal authority on these buildings. He 
also pointed out the interesting features of Finchale priory, which was 
visited on another day. Very successful meetings were likewise held 
at Sherbum hospital, Pittington, and Houghton-le-8pring, and at 
Bamburgh castle. The master of Sherbum hospital (the Rev. H. A. 
Mitton) read a paper on the hospital, which is printed in our Proceed- 
ings. At Pittington and at Houghton the Rev. H. E. Savage, a 
member of the council, acted as guide. Mr. Mitton and the Rev. S. 
B. Guest- Williams (vicar of Pittington) most kindly entertained the 
members, as did our colleague. Dr. Hodgkin, on the occasion of our 
visit to Bamburgh. Our thanks are due to them and to others who 
kindly pointed out objects of interest at the different places visited. 


TREASURER'S REPORT, Deoembeb 31st, 1898. 

The number of members is now 853. During the year death has 
robbed us of nine (of whom two were life members), seven have 
resigned, and two have been struck off for non-payment. The number 
of new members from October, 1897, to October, 1898, has been thirty. 
The number of life members is now three. 

The total revenue for the year has been £529 7s. 7d., and the 
expenditure £618 12s. 6d., showing an expenditure over receipts of 
£89 4s. lid. a result, not altogether happy, which may be accounted 
for chiefly by four items, viz. : the expenditure upon the Archaeologia 
AeUana^ the contribution of £25 to the Excavation Fund, the purchase 
of the model of the Castle for £10, and the printing of part iii. of 
the general index costing £25 Os. 6d. The total cost of compiling 
and printing this index has amounted to £118 17s. 6d. 

There has been paid for the printing of the Archaeologia Aeliana 
this year £176 12s. 6d., but a portion of this was due upon last year's 
volume. If the expenditure for the two years be taken together, viz. : 
for 1897, £81 17s. 6d., and this year £176 12s. 6d., it gives an 
average for each year of £129 5s. Od. 

The sale of publications at the Castle has been £23 2s. Od., an 
increase of £7 4s. 3d. upon the previous year. 

The printing of the Proceedings and parish registers has cost 
£59 9s. Od. The council has decided to suspend the publication of 
the parish registers for the present for financial reasons. 

The illustrations have cost £54 Is. 8d., and the item of sundries 
amounts to £76 13s. lid. 

The Black Gate shows the heavy deficit of £24 8s. Id., the receipts 
having been £23 2s. Id. against an expenditure of £53 2s. 2d. The 
result is chiefly due to the expense of cleaning and painting. Fortunately 
the Castle has more than covered the loss, and the balance of the two 
buildings shows a surplus of £8 5s. 8d. 

Sheriton Holmes, Honorary Treasurer, 


Sheriton Holmes^ treasurer, in account with the Society of Antiqtuiries 

of Newcaatle-upon-Tyne. 

Statement of Receipts and Exfenditxtbe for the Yeab ending 

December 31st, 1898. 

Balaoce on January 1st, 1898 

Additional from the Account of 1897 ••. 
Members' Subscriptions 

J^wvJ»0 ••• •■• ••• «•• ••• 
^^CvoluV ■•• •«• ■•• ••• ••• 

Clack Gate 

Printing: Archaeologia Adiarui 

Proceedings and parish registers 
Creneral Index (part iii. ) 




Contribution to Excavation Fund 

Mr. Ventress for Model of the Castle . . . 

Secretary (clerical assistance) 

Balance in Bank 

Do. in Treasurer's hands 

Examined with the Vouchers and found correct, 
18th January J 1899, John M. Winter, Honorary Auditor. 



£ s. 


£ S. d. 

100 9 




371 14 

23 2 

27 11 6 

110 3 


73 3 9 

24 8 


63 2 2 

176 12 6 

59 9 

25 6 

54 1 3 

• • • 

74 11 11 




10 15 6 

10 9 

£629 18 


£629 18 9 

Capital Statement 

Invested m 2f per cent. Consols 

Dividends and interest to December Slat, 1898 


Water Rate 

Poor Rate 
Property Tax 
Repairs ... 

S)etatl9 Of BspenMtute. 

• ■ • • • I 

£ s. 



8. d. 

42 18 


9 10 10 


9 3 


9 3 


s. d. 

• • • 


7 6 

2 6 


3 1 

15 4 


10 6 



3 6 




3 9 


• at •• t 

t • • • • • 

••• ••• 

« « • « t • 

• • • • « • 

Black Gate— 
Water Rate ... 

xji no • • • ... 

Poor Rate 
Property Tax ... 
Repairs ... 

Shackle for Hoist 

Painting and Whitewashing. . . 

Books bought— 

Subscriptions to Societies— 

Surtees Society 

Harleian Society 

Do. Registers of Durham Cathedral Church 

Parish Register Society 

Durham and Northumberland Parish Register 

Calendar of State Papers 

Calendar of Patent Rolls (2 vols.) 

iTiquis. Pogt Mortem (I vol.) 

Catalogue of Ancient Deeds (2 vols. ) 

Border Papers, vol. ii 

£ 8. d 

20 16 

2 16 



1 16 11 

12 4 


... ... ib O U 


21 7 11 

£53 2 2 
£ s. d. £ 8. d. 

1 1 
1 1 

10 6 

1 1 

10 6 

3 15 

1 10 


1 10 

Oxford English Dictionary (6 pts. ) 

Somerset Archaeological Society Transactions (2 vols.) ... 

Imperial German Archaeological Institute Transactions... 

Catalogue of Roman Inscriptions in the Hunterian 
Museum, Glasgow 

Year-book of Societies 

MSS. Deeds, etc. 

The German Roman Wall 

The Reliqiiary and IllvMrated Archaeologist ... 1 

Th£ Antiquary {ioT ^ yeBXB) 1 2 




\,^DGC|u6 J^vOBB ••• ••• •■• ••■ ••• ••• ••• 

Registrar of Friendly Societies 

Plate Exhibition, 1897 

Property Tax ... ... ••• ••. *.* ••. ... 

Autotype Portrait of the Rev. W. Greenwell, and frame 

4 4 

8 6 
1 16 8 
6 1 





2 2 6 

2 10 

£2 7 11 6 

£ 8. d. 


1 1 
1 7 10 

4 8 

1 1 

Carried forward... 

4 4 6 


Sttndbibs {ContiMted)— 

Brought forward... 
Reid & Ck)., general printing and Bundries 
G. Nicholson, do. 

Secretary's petty disburBements 

Treasurer's do. 

Postage and Carriage of Arehaeologia Aeliana, etc. 
o uncLnes ••• ... ... ••• •«• ••• 







... 7 



... 29 



... 15 






... 15 





£74 11 11 


Six donations have been made to the muBenm dnring the past 
year ; two of these are of Eoman, one of medieval, and three of 
comparatively modem date. 

The interest in the objects of Roman date lies in the pecnliar 
localities in which they were severally discovered ; the small Constan- 
tine-type coin was found during excavations at St. Peter's church, 
Monkwearmouth, and the Eoman lamp in the old workings of 
a Spanish ironstone mine. It will be remembered that the Eoman 
water-wheel, already in our collection, was discovered in the interior 
workings of a similar Spanish mine. 

The chief feature of our acquisition has been in the addition to the 
number of the remarkable missiles of stone, now placed in the basement 
of the Keep. These have been either dredged from the river near the 
Tyne Bridge, or dug out in course of excavations on the Sandhill 
immediately below the Castle enclosure. They are chiefly of two 
dimensions, indicated by numerals on the surface, and are in almost 
every example carefully and accurately finished. The assumption is 
that they had been discharged at various times from the walls of the 
Old Castle, by means of a ballista, or by gravitation, and had buried 
themselves in the sand below in which they were discovered. Our 
collection now numbers more than thirty examples of these spherical 
stones, and the special interest attached to this large collection is best 
appreciated by examining them where they are now brought together. 
The basement-chamber of the Keep is now largely devoted to their 
storage and their appearance there re-furnishes the Castle with a stock 
of the actual munitions of war used by that important functionary the 
ballistier of ancient times. 




Jan. 26. From G. Aldeb Blumbb, M.D., Utica, U.S.A. : — A small Boman coin 
of the Constantine period, minted at Trier, found about 25 years 
ago during restorations at the church of St. Peter, Monkwearmouth, 
and handed to Dr. Blumer's father, one of the churchwardens at 
that period {Proceedings^ vol. viii. p. 110). 

April 27. From Mrs. Bagnall-Oakbley, Newland, Colef ord, Gloucestershire: — 
A Boman lamp of earthenware, found in an ironstone mine near 
Orviedo, Spain {Proceedings^ yo\, viii. p. 133). 
„ „ From the Corporation of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, per the Directors of 
the Newcastle Commercial Exchange : — Thirteen large balls of sand- 
stone, found in excavating below the outer north wall of the Exchange 
on the Sandhill, near the Watergate. These, with other three 
which are retained in the Exchange, were found lying embedded 
together in groups, apparently in pockets in the sand into which 
they had gravitated after being discharged from the battery of the 
Castle immediately above the place of their discovery (^Proceedings, 
vol. viii. p. 133). 

May 25. From Shbbiton Holmbs, treasurer :— Frame of wheel with cogs of 
wood, from a threshing machine at an old farm steading, just demol- 
ished, near the head of Highbury Avenue, West Jesmond (Proceed' 
ingSf vol. viii. with sketch, p. 142). 

June 29. From Walteb Beid, Wentworth Place, Newcastle : — Chemical 
balance in glass case, of early eighteenth-century date, formerly the 
property of the Goldsmiths' Company of Newcastle, and used by the 
Assay Master in the Newcastle Assay Office (Proceedings, vol. viii. 
p. 162). 

Oct. 26. From J. Cbawpobd Hodgson, F.S. A. :— An old horn lantern, in which 
plates of horn take the place of glass (Proceedings^ vol. viii. p. 240). 



patron an& president 












































1st march, 1899. 


Date of Election. 
1855 Jan. 3 

1883 June 27 
1883 June 27 
1883 June 27 
1883 June 27 
1886 June 30 
1886 June 30 
1886 June 30 
1886 June 30 
1888 Jan. 25 
1892 Jan. 27 

1892 May 25 
1896 Oct. 28 

J. J. Howard, LL.D., F.S.A., Mayfield, Orchard Road, Blackheath, 

Professor Emil Hiibner, LL.D., Ahornstrasse 4, Berlin. 
Professor Mommsen, Marchstrasse 8, Charlottenburg bei Berlin. 
Dr. Hans Hildebrand, Royal Antiquary of Sweden, Stockholm. 
Ernest Chantre, Lyons. 
Ellen King Ware (Mrs.), The Abbey, Carlisle. 
Gerrit Assis Hulsebos, Lit. Hum. Doct., &c., Utrecht, Holland. 
Professor Edwin Charles Clark, LL.D., F.S.A., &c., Cambridge. 
David Mackinlay, 6 Great Western Terrace, Glasgow. 
General Pitt- Rivers, F.S.A., Rushmore, Salisbury. 
Sir John Evans, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c., &c., Nash Mills, Hemel 

Professor Karl Zangemeister, Heidelberg. 
Professor Ad. de Ceuleneer, Rue de la Confr6rie 5, Ghent, Belgium. 

LIST OF MEMBERS. (Ist March, 1899.) 



The sign * indicates that the member has compounded for his subscription. 

t that the member is one of the Council. 

Date of Eleotion. 
1886 Mar. 25 

1883 Aug. 29 

1873 July 

1892 Aug. 31 
1885 Oct. 28 

1895 July 31 

1885 June 24 

1886 Jan. 27 
1898 Mar. 30 

1893 Sept. 27 
1885 Dec. 30 

1884 Jan. 30 

1892 Mar. 30 
1897 Nov. 24 

1896 July 29 

1894 Mar. 25 

1893 Feb. 22 

1891 July 29 

1894 July 25 

1892 April 27 

1874 Jan. 7 
1892 Mar. 30 
1888 Sept. 26 

1896 Dec. 23 
1892 Dec. 28 
1892 June 29 
1888 April 25 

1897 July 28 
1883 Dec. 27 

1898 July 27 
1883 Dec. 27 
1883 June 27 
1892 May 25 
1888 Sept. 26 
1894 Feb. 28 
1891 Dec. 23 

Adams, William Edwin, 32 Holly Avenue, Newcastle. 
fAdamson, Rev. Cutbbert Edward, Westoe, South Shields. 
fAdamson, Horatio Alfred, 29 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 

Adamson, Lawrence William, LL.D., 2 Eslington Road, Newcastle. 

Adie, George, 46 Bewick Road. Gateshead. 

Allan, Thomas, Blackett Street, Newcastle. 

Allgood, Anne Jane (Miss), Hermitage, Hexham. 

Allgood, Robert Lancelot, Titlington Hall, Alnwick. 

Allison, Thomas M., M.D., Picton Place, Newcastle. 

Archer, Mark, Farnacres, Gateshead. 

Armstrong, Lord, Cragside, Rothbury. 

Armstrong, Thomas John, 14 Hawthorn Terrace, Newcastle. 

Armstrong, William Irving, South Park, Hexham. 

Amison, William Drewitt, M.D., 2 Saville Place, Newcastle. 
fBaily, Rev. Johnson, Hon. Canon of Durham and Rector of Ryton. 
t Bates, Cadwallader John, M.A., Langley Castle, Langley-on-Tyne. 

Bates, Stuart Frederick, 20 Collingwood Street, Newcastle. 

Baumgartner, John Robert, 10 Eldon Square, Newcastle. 

Bell, J. E.. Wellwood, Saltwell, Gateshead. 

Bell, W. Heward, Seend, Melksham, Wiltshire. 

Bell, Thomas James, Cleadon Hall, near Sunderland. 
fBlair, Robert, F.S.A., South Shields. 

Blenkinsopp, Thomas, 3 High Swinburne Place, Newcastle. 

Blindell, William A., Wester Hall, Humshaugh. 

Blumer, G. Alder, M.D., Utica State Hospital, New York State, U.S.A. 

Bodleian Library, The, Oxford. 

Bolam, John, Bilton, Lesbury, R.S.O., Northumberland. 

Bolam, Robert G., Berwick-upon-Tweed. 

Boot, Rev. Alfred, St. George's Vicarage, Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Bosanquet, Charles B. P., Rock, Alnwick, Northumberland. 

Bosanquet, Robert Carr, 14 Upper Porchester Street, London, W. 

Boutflower, Rev. D. S., Vicarage, Monkwearmouth. 

Bowden, Thomas, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Bowes, John Bos worth, 18 Hawthorn Street, Newcastle. 

Boyd, George Fenwick, Moor House, Leamside, Durham. 

Boyd, William, North House, Long Benton. 

Braithwaite, John, 19 Lansdowne Terrace, Gosforth, Newcastle. 


Date of Election. 
1898 Mar. 30 

1891 Oct. 28 
1896 Nov. 26 

1892 Aug. 81 

1896 July 29 

1897 Nov. 24 
1860 Jan. 4 

1892 Feb. 24 
1891 Dec. 23 

1893 June 28 
1884 Sept. 24 
1897 Nov. 24 

1891 Sept. 30 

1889 April 24 
1888 Nov. 28 
1884 Dec. 30 

1897 Jan. 27 
1887 Nov. 30 

1886 April 29 

1892 Dec. 28 
1892 July 27 

1896 Oct. 28 

1884 Feb. 27 

1894 Jan. 31 

1887 Oct. 26 

1885 Nov. 26 
1896 Aug. 26 

1892 Feb. 24 

1895 Sept. 25 

1885 May 27 

1895 Nov. 27 

1896 Jan. 29 

1898 Aug. 27 
1883 Dec. 27 

1893 July 26 
1892 Aug. 31 

1886 Sept. 29 
1898 July 26 

1887 Jan. 26 

Bramble, William, New Benwell, Newcastle. 
Branford, William B., 90 Grey Street, Newcastle. 
Brass, John G^eo^ge, The Grove, Barnard Castle. 
Brewis, Parker, 82 Osborne Boad, Newcastle. 
Brock-Hollinshead, Mrs., Woodfoot House, Shap, Westmorland. 
Brooks, Miss Ellen, 14 Lovaine Place, Newcastle. 
Brown, Bev. Dixon, Unthank Hall, Haltwhistle. 
Brown, George T., 61 Fawcett Street, Sunderland. 
Brown, The Rev. William, Old Elvet, Durham. 
Browne,/Thomas Procter, Grey Street, Newcastle. 
Bruce, The Hon. Mr. Justice, Yewhurst, Bromley, Kent. 
Bryers, Thomas Edward, The Cottage, Whitburn, Sunderland. 
Burman, C. Clark, L.R.C.P.S. Ed., 12 Bondgate Without, 

Burnett, The Rev. W. R., Kelloe Vicarage, Coxhoe, Durham. 
Burton, William Spelman, 19 Claremont Park, Gateshead. 
Burton, S. B., Jesmond House, Highworth, Wilts. 
Butler, George Grey, Bwart Park, Wooler. 
Cackett, James Thoburn, 24 Grainger Street, Newcastle. 
Carlisle, The Earl of, Naworth Castle, Brampton. 
Carr, Frederick Ralph, Lympston, near Exeter. 
tCarr, Sidney Storey, 14 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 
Carr, Rev. T. W., Long Rede, Banning, Maidstone, Kent. 
Carr-EUison, H. G., Woodbine Cottage, Corbridge. 
Carr-EUison, J. R., Hedgeley, Alnwick, Northumberland. 
Carse, John Thomas, Amble, Acklington. 
Challoner, John Dixon, Mosley Street, Newcastle. 
Charleton, William L., Jacolines, Bridport, Dorset. 
Charlton, Henry, 1 Millfield Terrace, Gateshead. 
Charlton, Oswin J., B.A., LL.B., 36* Victoria Road, Kensington 

Palace, London, W. 
Chester, Mrs., Stamfordham, Newcastle. 
Chetham's Library, Hunt's Bank, Manchester (Walter T. Browne, 

Clapham, William, Park Villa, Darlington. 
Clayton, John Bertram, Chesters, Humshaugh, Northumberland. 
Clayton, Mrs. N. G., Lincoln Hill, Humshaugh. 
fClephan, Robert Coltman, Southdene Tower, Saltwell, Gateshead. 
Cooper, Robert Watson, 2 Sydenham Terrace, Newcastle. 
Corder, Herbert, 10 Kensington Terrace, Sunderland. 
Corder, Percy, 41 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 
Corder, Walter Shewell, 4 Rosella Place, North Shields. 
Cowen, Joseph, Stella Hall, Blaydon. 

LIST OF MEMBERS. (Isfc March, 1899.) 


Date of Election. 

1898 Feb. 23 

1892 Oct. 26 
1898 Nov. 30 

1888 Feb. 29 

1896 Feb. 26 

1897 Dec. 16 

1889 Aug. 28 
1888 Mar. 28 

1891 Nov. 18 
1844 about 

1887 Aug. 31 

1893 July 26 
1884 Mar. 26 

1893 Mar. 9 

1883 June 27 

1884 Aug. 27 
1884 July 2 

1898 Aug. 27 
1884 July 30 
1897 May 26 

1892 Nov. 30 
1884 Mar. 26 

1891 Aug. 31 

1888 June 27 
1886 May 26 

1883 Oct. 31 

1886 Aug. 28 
1865 Aug. 2 

1894 Nov. 28 

1884 Jan. 30 

1894 May 30 
1896 Aug. 26 

1887 Dec. 28 
1894 Oct. 31 

1894 Oct. 31 

1895 Jan. 30 

1892 April 27 
1892 Aug. 31 
1859 Dec. 7 
1883 Oct. 31 

Crawhall, Rev. T. E., Newton Hall Rectory, Stocksfield. 

Oresswell, G. G. Baker, Junior United Service Club, London, S.W. 

Cresswell, Lionel, Woodhall, Oalverley, Yorks. 
fCrossman, Sir William, K.C.M.G., Cheswick House, Beal. 

Cruddas, W. D., M.P., Haughton Castle, Humshaugh. 

CuUey, Francis John, 5 Northumberland Terrace, Tynemouth. 

CuUey, The Rev. Matthew, Tow Law, co. Durham. 

Darlington Public Library, Darlington. 

Deacon, Thomas John Fuller, 10 Claremont Place, Newcastle. 
fDees, Robert Richardson, Pilgrim Street, Newcastle. 
fDendy, Frederick Walter, Eldon House, Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Denison, Joseph, Sanderson Road, Newcastle. 

Dickinson, John, Park House, Sunderland. 

Dickinson, William Bowstead, Healey Hall, Riding Mill. 

Dixon, John Archbold, 5 Wellington Street, Gateshead. 

Dixon, Rev. Canon, Warkworth Vicarage, Northumberland. 

Dixon, David Dippie, Rothbury. 

Dodds, Edwin, Low Fell, Gateshead. 

Dotchin, J. A., 65 Grey Street, Newcastle. 

Drummond, Dr., Wyvestow House, South Shields. 

Drury, John C, Dene House, Tynemouth. 

Dunn, William Henry, 5 St. Nicholas's Buildings, Newcastle. 

Durham Cathedral Library. 

East, John Goethe, 26 Side, Newcastle. 
fEmbleton, Dennis, M.D., 19 Claremont Place, Newcastle. 

Emley, Fred., Ravenshill, Durham Road, Gateshead. 

Featherstonhaugh, Rev. Walker, Edmundbyers, Blackhill. 

Fen wick, George A., Bank, Newcastle. 

Fenwick, John George, Moorlands, Newcastle. 

Ferguson, John, Dene Croft, Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Ferguson, Richard Saul, F.S.A., Chancellor of Carlisle, Lowther 
Street, Carlisle. 

Forster, Fred. E., 32 Grainger Street, Newcastle. 

Forster, George Baker, M.A., Farnley, Corbridge, R.S.O. 

Forster, John, 26 Side, Newcastle. 

Forster, Robert Henry, Farnley, Corbridge, R.S.O. 

Forster, Thomas Emmerson, Farnley, Corbridge, R.S.O. 

Forster, William Charlton, 33 Westmorland Road, Newcastle. 

Francis, William, 20 ColHngwood Street, Newcastle. 

Gayner, Francis, King's College, Cambridge. 

Gibb, Dr., Westgate Street, Newcastle. 

fGibson, J. Pattison, Hexham. 

Gibson, Thomas George, Lesbury, R.S.O., Northumberland. 



Date of Election. 


1886 June 30 
1886 Oct. 27 
1896 Sept. 25 
1894 Aug. 29 

1886 Aug. 28 
1896 Dec. 23 
1883 Feb. 28 
1891 Oct. 28 
1845 June 3 

1883 Feb. 28 

1877 Dec, 5 

1891 Jan. 28 
1893 Mar. 8 
1883 Aug. 29 

1883 Aug. 29 

1887 Mar. 30 

1892 Aug. 31 

1884 Mar. 26 

1893 Aug. 30 
1898 July 29 

1889 Feb. 27 

1894 May 30 
1893 Aug. 30 

1886 April 28 
1884 Feb. 27 
1891 Oct. 28 
1883 Feb. 28 

1883 Feb. 28 

1888 April 25 

1865 Aug. 2 

1895 Jan. 30 

1890 Jan. 29 

1884 April 30 
1898 Aug. 27 

1887 Jan. 26 

1896 July 31 

1891 Oct. 28 

Glendinning, William, 4 Lovaine Place, Newcastle. 

Gooderham, Rev. A., Vicarage, Chillingham, Belford. 

Goodger, C. W. S., 20 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 

Gough, Rev. Edward John, Vicar and Hon. Canon of Newcastle. 

Gradon, J. G., Lynton House, Durham. 

Graham, John, Findon Cottage, Sacriston, Durham. 

Graham, Matthew Horner, 61 Osborne Road, Newcastle, 

Green, Robert Yeoman, 11 Lovaine Crescent, Newcastle. 

Greene, Charles R., North Seaton Hall, Newbiggin-by-the-Sea. 
tGreenwell, Rev. William, M.A., D,C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., Hon, 
F.S.A. Scot., Durham. 

Greenwell, His Honour Judge, Greenwell Ford, Lanchester, co. 

fGregory, John Vessey, 10 Framlington Place, Newcastle. 

Haggie, Robert Hood, Blythswood, Osborne Road, Newcastle. 

Hall, Edmund James, Dilston Castle, Corbridge. 

Hall, James, Tynemouth. 

Hall, John, Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Halliday, Thomas, Myrtle Cottage, Low Fell, Gateshead, 

Harrison, John Adolphus, Salt well ville. Low Fell, Gateshead. 

Harrison, Miss Winifred A., 9 Osborne Terrace, Newcastle. 

Hastings, Lord, Melton Constable, Norfolk. 

Haswell, F. R. N., Monkseaton, Whitley, R.S.O., Northumberland. 
*Haverfield, F. J., M.A., Christ Church, Oxford. 

Hedley, Edward Armorer, Windsor Crescent, Newcastle, 

Hedley, Ralph, 19 Bellegrove Terrace, Newcastle. 

Hedley, Robert Cecil, Cheviot, Corbridge. 

Henzell, Charles Wright, Tynemouth. 

Heslop, George Christopher, 8 Northumberland Terrace, Tynemouth. 
fHeslop, Richard Oliver, 12 Princes Buildings, Akenside Hill, 

Hicks, William Searle, Grainger Street, Newcastle. 

Hindmarsh, William Thomas, Alnbank, Alnwick. 

Hodges, Charles Clement, Hexham. 
fHodgkin, Thomas, D.C.L., F.S.A., Barmoor, Northumberland. 

Hodgkin, Thomas Edward, Bank, Newcastle. 
fHodgson, John Crawford, Warkworth. 

Hodgson, John George, Exchange Buildings, Quayside, Newcastle. 

Hodgson, T. Hesketh, Newby Grange, Carlisle. 

Hodgson^ William, Rockwood, Shinfield Road, near Reading. 

Hogg, John Robert, North Shields. 

Holmes, Ralph Sheriton, 8 Sanderson Road, Newcastle. 

LIST OF MEMBERS. (1st March, 1899.) 


Date of Election. 

1877 J^y 4 
1892 June 29 

1895 Dec. 18 

1896 April 29 

1896 July 29 
1888 July 25 
1894 May 30 

1897 Dec. 15 
1894 Feb. 28 

1886 May 26 

1883 Aug. 29 
1888 Feb. 28 

1884 Oct. 29 
1899 Feb. 22 

1896 Dec. 23 

1897 July 28 

1896 Sept. 20 
1894 Sept. 26 

1897 Jan. 27 

1885 April 29 

1887 June 29 

1894 July 25 

1896 Nov. 25 
1850 Nov. 6 

1888 June 27 

1884 Mar. 26 
1884 Aug. 27 
1891 May 27 

1895 Sept. 25 
1884 Mar. 26 

1898 Oct. 25 
1891 Mar. 25 
1888 Sept. 26 
1894 July 25 
1891 Jan. 28 

1897 Mar. 31 

1898 Mar. 30 

fHolmes, Sheriton, Moor View House, Newcastle. 

Hopper, Charles, Monkend, Croft, Darlington. 

Holdsworth, David Arundell,2 Rectory Terrace, Gosforth, Newcastle. 

Hoyle, William Aubone, Normount, Newcastle. 

Hudson, Robert, Hotspur Street, Tynemouth. 

Hulbert, Rev. E. C, Grange Clergy House, Jarrow. 

Hunter, Edward, North Eastern Bank, Elswick Road, Newcastle. 

Hunter, Thomas, Jesmond Road, Newcastle. 

Hutchinson, Edward, The Elms, Darlington. 

Ingledew, Alfred Edward, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 
flrving, George, West Fell, Corbridge. 

Johnson, Rev. Anthony, Healey Vicarage, Riding Mill. 

Johnson, Rev. John, Hutton Rudby Vicarage, Yarm. 

Joicey, Sir James, Bart., M.P., Longhirst, Morpeth, 
f Knowles, William Henry, 38 Grainger Street West, Newcastle. 

Lamb, Miss Elizabeth, Newton Cottage, Chathill, 

Lambert, Thomas, Town Hall, Gateshead. 

Laws, Dr. Cuthbert Umfreville, 1 St. George's Terrace, Newcastle. 

liCe, Rev. Percy, Birtley Vicarage, Wark, North Tynedale. 

Leeds Library, The, Commercial Street, Leeds. 

Lightfoot, Miss, 5 Saville Place, Newcastle. 

Liverpool Free Library (P. Cowell, Librarian). 

Lockhart, Henry F., Prospect House, Hexham. 

Long, Rev. H. F., Hon. Canon of Newcastle, The Glebe, Bamburgh. 

Longstaff, Dr. Geo. Blundell, Highlands, Putney Heath, London, S. W. 

Lynn, J. R. D., Blyth, Northumberland. 

Macarthy, George Eugene, 9 Dean Street, Newcastle. 

McDowell, Dr. T. W., East Cottingwood, Morpeth. 
fMackey, Matthew, Jun., 8 Milton Street, Shieldfield, Newcastle. 

Maling, Christopher Thompson, 14 Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Manchester Reference Library (C. W. Sutton, Librarian). 

Marley, Thomas William, Netherlaw, Darlington. 

Marshall, Frank, Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Martin, N. H., F.L.S., Ravenswood, Low Fell. Gateshead. 

Mather, Philip B., Bank Chambers, Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Maudlen, William, Gosforth, Newcastle. 

Mayo, William Swatling, Riding Mill, Northumberland. 

Meams, William, M.D., Bewick Road, Gateshead. 

Melbourne Free Library (c/o Melville, Mullen, and Slade, 
12 Ludgate Square, London, E.C.) 

Milbum, Joseph, Highfield, Marlborough, Wilts. 

Milbum, J. D., Guyzance, Acklington. 


Date of Election. 

1891 Aug. 26 
1896 Jan. 29 
1883 Mar. 28 
1883 May 30 
1883 Oct. 13 
1886 Dec. 29 
1896 Oct. 28 

1883 June 27 
1896 April 29 

1884 July 2 
1896 Feb. 27 
1898 May 25 

1883 Jan. 31 

1896 May 27 

1886 May 27 

1893 Feb. 22 

1892 Nov. 30 
1889 Aug. 28 

1897 Oct. 27 

1898 June 28 
1898 June 28 
1891 Feb. 18 

1894 Dec. 19 
1889 Aug. 28 
1896 Oct. 28 

1884 Dec. 30 
1898 Nov. 30 
1898 Jan. 26 

1893 Mar. 29 

1891 Feb. 18 

1884 Jan. 30 

1884 Sept. 24 


1888 Jan. 26 

1898 Feb. 23 


1896 Mar. 26 


1887 Aug. 31 

Mitcalfe, John Stanley, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 

Mitchell, Charles William, Jesmond Towers, Newcastle. 

Moore, Joseph Mason, Harton, South Shields. 

Morrow, T. R., The Cave, Fulford, York. 

Motum, Hill, Town Hall, Newcastle. 

Murray, William, M.D., 9 Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Neilson, Edward, Brandling Place, Newcastle. 

Nelson, Ralph, North Bondgate, Bishop Auckland. 

Newcastle, The Bishop of, Benwell Tower, Newcastle. 

Newcastle Public Library. 

Newton, Robert, Brookfield, Gosforth, Newcastle. 

New York Library (c/o Mr. B. F. Stevens, 4 Trafalgar Square, 
London, W.C). 

Nicholson, George, Barrington Street, South Shields. 

Nisbet, Robert S., 8 Grove Street, Newcastle. 

Norman, William, 23 Eldon Place, Newcastle. 

Northbourne, Lord, Betteshanger, Kent, 
f Northumberland, The Duke of, Alnwick Castle, Northumberland. 

Oliver, Prof. Thomas, M.D., 7 Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Ogle, Bart., R.N., Capt. Sir Henry A., United Service Club, Pall 
Mall, London. 

Ogle, Newton, 21 Charles Street, Berkeley Square, London. 

Ogle, Bertram Savile, Mill House, Steeple Aston, Oxon. 

Ord, John Robert, Haughton Hall, Darlington. 

Oswald, Joseph, 33 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Park, A. D., 11 Bigg Market, Newcastle. 

Parker, Miss Ethel, The Elms, Gosforth, Newcastle. 

Parkin, John S., 11 New Square, Lincoln's Inn, London, W.C. 

Patterson, Thomas, 165 Stratford Road, Newcastle. 

Peacock, Reginald, 47 West Sunniside, Sunderland. 

Pearson, Rev. Samuel, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 

Pease, John William, Pendower, Benwell, Newcastle. 

Pease, Howard, Bank, Newcastle. 

Peile, George, Greenwood, Shotley Bridge. 
fPhillips, Maberly,F.S.A., Pevensey, Bycullah Park, Enfield, London. 

Philipson, Greorge Hare, M.A., M.D., Eldon Square, Newcastle. 

Plummer, Arthur B., Prior's Terrace, Tynemouth. 

Porteus, Thomas, 3 Poplar Crescent, Gateshead. 

Proud, John, Bishop Auckland. 

Pybus, Rev. George, Grange Rectory, Jarrow. 

Pybus, Robert, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Ravensworth, The Earl of, Ravensworth Castle, Gateshead. 

Reavell, George, jun., Alnwick. 

LIST OF MEMBERS. (Ist March, 1899.) 


Dale of Slection 

1883 June 27 

1888 May 30 
1894 Feb. 28 

1897 April 28 
1883 Sept. 26 
1891 April 29 
1894 May 30 

1886 Nov. 24 
1894 Jan. 31 

1891 July 29 

1896 July 31 

1898 Jan. 26 

1892 Mar. 30 

1889 July 31 

1883 Jan. 31 

1884 July 30 

1894 Mar. 25 

1897 Sept. 29 

1893 April 26 

1892 Sept. 28 

1891 Dec. 23 

1887 Jan. 26 

1888 July 25 

1898 April 27 

1893 Nov. 29 

1891 Sept. 30 

1892 Aug. 31 
1886 Feb. 24 
1888 June 27 
1883 Feb. 28 

1891 July 29 

1888 Oct. 31 

1895 May 29 

1889 May 29 

1892 Oct. 26 
1898 Mar. 30 
1891 Nov. 18 

Bedpath, Bobert, 4 Bentinck Boad, Newcastle. 

Beed, The Bev. George, Killingworth, Newcastle. 

Beed, Thomas, King Street, South Shields. 

Beid, C. Leopold, Wardle Terrace, Newcastle. 

Beid, William Bruce, Cross House, Upper Claremont, Newcastle. 

Beynolds, Charles H., Millbrook, Walker. 

Beynolds, Bev. G. W., Bector of Elwick Hall, Castle Eden, B.S.O 

Bich, F. W., Eldon Square, Newcastle. 

Bichardson, Miss Alice M., Esplanade, Sunderland. 

Bichardson, Frank, South Ashfield, Newcastle. 

Bichardson, Mrs. Stansfleld, Thomholme, Sunderland. 

Bichardson, William, Bosehill, VVillington Quay. 

Bidden, Edward Francis, Cheesebum Grange, near Newcastle. 

Bidley, John Philipson, Bank House, Bothbury. 

Bidley, Bart., M.P., The Bight Hon. Sir M. W., Blagdon, Northum- 

Bobinson, Alfred J., 136 Brighton Grove, Newcastle. 

Bobinson, John, Delaval House, 20 Croft Avenue, Sunderland. 

Bobinson, William Harris, 20 Osborne Avenue, Newcastle. 

Bobson, John Stephenson, Sunnilaw, Claremont Gardens, Newcastle. 

Bobson, Lancelot, York House, West Hartlepool. 

Bogers, Bev. Percy, M.A., Simonbum Bectory, Humshaugh. 

Bunciman, Walter, jun., Ashleigh, Gosf orth, Newcastle. 

Butherford, Henry Taylor, Ayre's Terrace, South Preston, North 

Butherford, John V. W., Briarwood, Jesmond Boad, Newcastle. 

Byott, William Stace, 7 CoUingwood Street, Newcastle. 

Sanderson, Bichard Burden, Warren House, Belford. 

Sanderson, William John, Heathdale, Gosforth, Newcastle. 
fSavage, Bev. H. E., Hon. Canon of Durham and Vicar of St. Hild's, 
South Shields. 

Scott, John David, 4 Osborne Terrace, Newcastle. 

Scott, Owen Stanley, Bowes Museum, Barnard Castle. 

Scott, Walter, Grainger Street, Newcastle. 

Scott, Walter, Holly House, Sunderland. 

Sheppee, Lieutenant-Colonel, Birtley House, Birtley, co. Durham. 

Sidney, Marlow William, Blyth. 

Simpson, J. B., Bradley Hall, Wylam. 

Simpson, Bobert Anthony, East Street, South Shields. 

Sisson, Bichard William, 13 Grey Street, Newcastle. 

Skelly, George, Alnwick. 

Smith, George, Brinkburn, Gosforth, Newcastle. 

Smith, William, Gunnerton, Barrasford. 



Date of ElectioiL 

1893 Mar. 29 
1883 June 27 
1866 Jan. 3 
1883 Dec. 27 

1891 Jan. 28 

1883 Dec. 27 


1887 Mar. 30 

1898 No7. 30 

1897 Jan. 27 

1866 Dec. 6 

1895 Feb. 27 
1860 Jan. 6 

1892 April 27 

1884 Oct. 29 

1896 Nov. 25 

1896 Dec. 23 

1883 Jan. 31 

1898 April 27 

1888 Aug. 29 
1898 Dec. 21 
1892 June 29 
1891 Jan. 28 
1888 Feb. 29 
1888 Oct. 31 

1888 Nov. 28 

1894 Mar. 28 

1897 April 28 

1897 Mar. 31 
1897 Aug. 25 

1889 Oct. 30 
1896 July 29 
1894 May 30 

1884 Feb. 27 

Smith, William Arthur, 71 King Street, South Shields. 

South Shields Public Library. 
♦fSpence, Charles James, South Preston Lodge, North Shields. 

Spencer, J. W., Newbiggin Houses, Kenton. Newcastle. 

Steavenson, A. L., Holywell Hall, Durham. 

Steel, The Rev. James, D.D., Vicarage, Heworth. 

Steel, Thomas, 51 John Street, Sunderland. 

Stephens, Rev. Thomas, Horsley Vicarage, Otterburn, R.S.O. 
•fStevenson, Alexander Shannan, F.S.A. Scot., Oatlands Mere, 
Weybridge, Surrey. 

Straker, Joseph Henry, Howdon Dene, Corbridge. 

Strangeways, William Nicholas, Breffnl Villa, Eglinton Road, 
Donnybrook, Dublin. 

Strangeways, Rev. B. P., 14 Regent Terrace, Newcastle. 

Sunderland Public Library. 

Swan, Henry F., North Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Swinburne, Sir John, Bart., Capheaton, Northumberland. 

Taylor,» Rev. B. J., F.S.A., St. Cuthbert's, Durham. 

Taylor, Hugh, 57 Gracechurch Street, London. 

Taylor, Thomas, Chipchase Castle, Wark, North Tynedale. 

Taylor, Rev. William, Catholic Church, Whittingham, Alnwick. 

Temperley, Henry, LL.M., Lambton Road, Brandling Park, New- 

Temperley, Robert, M.A., 18 Grainger Street West, Newcastle. 

Tennant, James, Low Fell, Gateshead. 

Terry, C. S., King's College, Aberdeen. 

Thompson, Geo. H., Baileygate, Alnwick. 

Thompson, John, Cradock House, Cradock Street, Bishop Auckland. 

Thomson, James, jun., 22 Wentworth Place, Newcastle. 

Thome, Thomas, Blackett Street, Newcastle. 

Thorpe, R. Swarley, Devonshire Terrace, Newcastle. 

Todd, J. Stanley, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 
tTomlinson, William Weaver, 6 Bristol Terrace, Newcastle. 

Toovey, Alfred F., Ovington Cottage, Prudhoe. 

Toronto Public Library, c/o C. B. Cazenove & Sons, Agents, 
26 Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, London, W.C. 

Townsend, Brian, Snowsgreen House, Shotley Bridge. 

Trotter, Dr. James, Bedlington. 

Vick, R. W., Strathmore House, West Hartlepool. 
♦Ventress,' John, Wharncliffe Street, Newcastle. 

Vincent, William, 18 Oxford Street, Newcastle. 

Waddington, Thomas, Eslington Villa, Gateshead. 

1 Elected uriginally Jan. 31, 1876, resigned 1887. 
•i Elected originally Aug. 6, lb56. 


Date of Bleotion. 

1891 Mar. 25 

1896 Nov. 26 

1890 Aug. 27 
1896 Oct. 28 

1889 Mar. 27 
1896 Aug. 26 
1887 Mar. 30 

1892 Oct. 26 
1887 Jan. 26 

1895 May 29 
1879 Mar. 26 
1889 Nov. 27 
1898 Oct. 26 
188G June 30 

1892 Aug. 31 

1893 Aug. SO 

1896 May 27 

1891 Aug. 26 

1897 Sept. 29 

1885 May 27 

1898 May 25 
1891 Sept. 30 

1896 Feb. 26 
1898 Nov. 30 
1898 April 27 

1897 Oct. 27 

1886 Nov. 24 

1894 Oct. 31 

Walker, The Rev. John, Hon. Canon of Newcastle, Whalton 

Vicarage, Morpeth. 
Walker, John Duguid, Osborne Road, Newcastle. ' 

Wallace, Henry, Trench Hall, near Gateshead. 
Wallis, Arthur Bertram Ridley, B.C.L., 3 Gray's Inn Square, 

Watson- Armstrong, W. A., Cragside, Rothbury. 
Watson, Henry, West End, Haltwhistle. 
Watson, Joseph Henry, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 
Watson, Mrs. M. E., Bumopfield. 
Watson, Thomas Carrick, 21 Blackett Street, Newcastle. 
Weddell, George, 20 Grainger Street, Newcastle. 
•fWelford, Richard, Thornfield Villa, Gosforth, Newcastle. 
Wheler, E. G., Swansfield, Alnwick. 
White, R. S., 121 Osborne Road, Newcastle. 
Wilkinson, Auburn, M.D., 14 Front Street, Tynemouth. 
Wilkinson, The Rev. Ed., M.A., Whitworth Vicarage, Spennymoor. 
Wilkinson, William C, Dacre Street, Morpeth. 
Williams, Charles, Moot Hall, Newcastle. 
Williamson, Thomas, jun., Lovaine House, North Shields. 
Willyaras, H. J., Barndale Cottage, Alnwick. 
Wilson, John, Archbold House, Newcastle. 
Windle, Rev. H. C, St. Chad's, Bensham, Gateshead. 
Winter, John Martin, 17 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 
Wood, Herbert Maxwell, Baltic Chambers, John Street, Sunderland. 
Wood, C. W., Wellington Terrace, South Shields. 
Wooler, Edward, Danesmoor, Darlington. 
Worsdell, Wilson, Gateshead. 

Wright, Joseph, jun.. Museum, Barras Bridge^ Newcastle. 
Young, Hugh W., F.S.A. Scot., TortoUa, Nairn, N.B. 


Antiquaries of London, The Society of QAssutant Secretary^ W. H. St. John 
Hope, M.A.), Burlington House, London. 

Antiquaries of Scotland, The Society of (c/o Dr. J. Anderson), Museum, Edin- 

Boyal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, The, 20 Hanover 
Square, London, W. 

Boyal Irish Academy, Dublin. 

Boyal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, The (c/o Robert Cochrane), 7 St. 
Stephen's Green, Dublin. 

Boyal Society of Ireland, Dublin. 

Boyal Society of Northern Antiquaries of Copenhagen, The 

Royal Academy of History and Antiquities, Stockholm, Sweden. 

Boyal Society of Norway, The, Christiania, Norway. 

Aberdeen Ecclesiological Society, c/o F. C. Eeles, Munross, Stonehaven, N.B. 

Berwickshire Natur^sts' Club, The (c/o Geo. Bolam), Museum, Berwick. 


Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological Society, The (Secretary, The Rev. W. 

Bazeley, Matson Rectory, Gloucester). 
British Archaeological Association, The (Secretarieny W. de Gray Birch, F.S.A^ 

British Museum, and G. Patrick, 16 Red Lion Square, London, W.C.) 
Oambrian Antiquarian Society, The (c/o J. Romilly Allen, F.S.A., 28 Great 

Ormond Street, London, W.C^ 
Cambridge Antiquarian Society, The (Secretary, T. D. Atkinson, St. Mary's 

Passage, Cambridge). 
Canadian Institute of Toronto, The 
Clifton Antiquarian Club, The (c/o Alfred B. Hudd), 94 Pembroke Road, Clifton, 

Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society, The, 

TuUie House, Carlisle. 
Derbyshire Archaeological Society, The (Arthur Cox, Hon, Sec, Mill Hill, 

Heidelberg Historical and Philosophical Society, Heidelberg, Germany. 
Huguenot Society, The (c/o Reg. S. Faber, Secretary, 90 Regent's Park Road, 

London, N.W.) 
Kent Archaeological Society, Maidstone, Kent. 
Lancashire and Cheshire Historic Society, The (R. D. Radcliffe, M.A., Son, 

Secretary, Old Swan, Liverpool). 
Literary and Scientific Society, Christiania, Norway. 

London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, The, London Institution, Fins- 
bury Circus, London. 
Nassau Association for the Study of Archaeology and History, The (Verein fUr 

nassauische Alterthumskunde und Geschichte forschung), Wiesbaden, 

Numismatic Society of London, The (Secretaries, H. A. Grueber and B. V. Head), 

22 Albemarle Street, London, W. 
Peabody Museum, The Trustees of the, Harvard University, U.S. A. 
Powys-land Club, The (Secretary, T. Simpson Jones, M.A., Gungrog, Welshpool). 
Shropshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, The (Secretary, Francis 

Goyne), Shrewsbury. 
Smithsonian Institution, The, Washington, U.S.A. 
Soci^t^ d*Arch^ol6gie de Bruxelles, La, rue Ravenstein 11, Bruxelles. 
Soci^t^ d'Arch^logie de Namur, La, Belgium. 
Soci^t^ d'Emulation d' Abbeville, France. 
Somersetshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, The (c/o Curator, 

W. Bidgood), Castle, Taunton, Somersetshire. 
Surrey Archaeological Society, The (c/o Hon. Sec, Mill Stephenson) Castle Arch, 

Sussex Archaeological Society, The (Hon. Librarian and Curator), The Castle, 

Lewes, Sussex. 
Thuringian Historical and Archaeological Society, Jena, Germany. 
Trier Archaeological Society, The, Trier, Germany. 
Trier Stadtbibliothek (c/o Dr. KeufEer), Trier, Germany. 
Yorkshire Archaeological Society, The, 10 Park Street, Leeds. 

The Proceedi'ngs of the Society are also sent to the following : — 

Dr. Berlanga, Malaga, Spain. 

The Copyright OflSce, British Museum, London, W.C. 

The Rev. Dr. Cox, Holdenby Rectory, Northampton. 

W. J. Cripps, C.B., Sandgate, Kent, and Cirencester. 

Literary and Philosophical Society, Newcastle. 

Robert Mowat, Rue des Feuillantines 10, Paris. * 

The Bishop of Durham, Bishop Auckland. 

The Rev. J. F. Hodgson, Witton-le-Wear, R.S.O., co. Durham. 

T M. Fallow, Coatham, Redcar. 

Rev. Geo. Gunn (Sec. Berw. Nat. Club), Stichill Manse, Kelso, N.B. 


818T JANUARY, 1894. 

I. — This Society, under the style and title of ' The Sooibty Constitution 
OF Antiquaries op Newcastle-upon-Tyne,' shall consist o^^i^e society. 
of ordinary members and honorary members. The Society 
was established on the 6th day of February, 1813, when the 
purport of the institution was declared to be 'inquiry into 
antiquities in general, but especially into those of the North of 
England and of the counties of Northumberland, Cumberland, 
and Durham in particular/ 

II. — Candidates for election as ordinary members shall be Election of 
proposed in writing by three ordinary members at a general Members 
meeting, and be elected or rejected by the majority of votes of 
ordinary members at that meeting, unless a ballot shall be 
demanded by any member, which in that case shall take place 
at the next meeting, and at such ballot three-fourths of the 
votes shall be necessary in order to the candidate's election. 
The election of honorary members shall be conducted in like 

III. — The ordinary members shall continue to be members obligations 
so long as they shall conform to these statutes, and all future ^^ Members, 
statutes, rules, and ordinances, and shall pay an annual 
subscription of one guinea. The subscription shall be due on 
election, and afterwards annually in the month of January in 
every year. Any member who shall pay to the Society twelve 
guineas in addition to his current year's subscription shall be 



Officers of 
the Society. 

Election of 

discharged from all future payments. A member elected at or 
after the meeting in October shall be exempt from a further 
payment for the then next year, but shall not be entitled to the 
publications for the current year. If the subscription of any 
ordinary member shall have remained unpaid a whole year the 
Council may remove the name of such person from the list of 
members, and he shall thereupon cease to be a member, but 
shall remain Uable to pay the subscription in arrear, and he 
shall not be eligible for re-election until the same shall have 
been paid. 

IV. — The officers of the Society shall consist of a patron, a 
president, vice-presidents (not to exceed twelve in number), two 
secretaries, treasurer, twelve other members (who with the presi- 
dent, vice-presidents, secretaries, treasurer, and librarian shall 
constitute the Council), an editor, a librarian, two curators, and 
two auditors. These several officers shall be elected annually, 
except the patron, who shall be elected for life. 

V. — The election of officers shall be out of the class of 
ordinary members. Any ordinary member may nominate any 
ordinary member or members (subject to statute VI) (not 
exceeding the required number) to fill the respective offices. 
Every nomination must be signed by the person nominating, 
and sent to the Castle of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, addressed to 
the secretaries, who shall cause it to be immediately inserted on 
a sheet-list of nominations, which shall be exhibited in the 
library of the Castle, and notice shall forthwith be given to the 
person so nominated. Any person nominated may, by notice in 
writing, signify to the secretaries his refusal to serve, or if 
nominated to more than one office, may in like manner, signify 
for which office or offices he declines to stand, and every 
nomination so disclaimed shall be void. The list of nomina- 
tions shall be finally adjusted and closed ten days before the 
Annual Meeting, or before a Special Meeting to be held within 
one month thereafter. If the number of persons nominated for 
any office be the same as the number to be elected the person or 
persons nominated shall be deemed elected, and shall be so 


declared by the chairman at such Annual or Special Meeting. 
If the number of persons nominated for any office exceed the 
number to be elected then the officer or officers to be elected 
shall be elected from the persons nominated and from them 
only ; and for that purpose a printed copy of the list of nomina- 
tions and one voting paper only shall be furnished to each 
ordinary member with the notice convening the Annual or 
Special Meeting. If the number of persons nominated for any 
office be less than the number to be elected, or if there be no 
nomination, then the election to that office shall be from the 
ordinary members generally. Whether the election be from a 
list of nominations, or from the ordinary* members generally, 
each voter must deliver his voting paper in person, signed by 
him, at the Annual or Special Meeting. The chairman shall 
appoint scrutineers, and the scrutiny shall commence on the 
conclusion of the other business of the Annual or Special Meet- 
ing, or at such earlier time as the chairman may direct, if the 
other business shall not have terminated within one hour after 
the commencement of the Annual or Special Meeting. No 
voting paper shall be received after the commencement of the 

VI. — Those of the ' twelve other members ' (see statute IV) Members not 
of the Council who have not attended one-third of the meetings comicU ^^ 
of the Council during the preceding year, shall not be eligible 
for election for the then next year. 

VII. — A general meeting of the members of the Society shall Meetings of 
be held on the last Wednesday of every month, in the Castle of *^® Society. 
Newcastle-upon-Tyne. The meeting in January shall be the 
Annual Meeting, and shall be held at one o'clock in the after- 
noon, and the meeting in every other month shall be held at 
seven o'clock in the evening. But the Society or the Council 
may from time to time appoint any other place or day or hour 
for any of the meetings of the Society. The presence of seven 
ordinary members shall be necessary in order to constitute the 
Annual Meeting, and the presence of five ordinary members 
shall be necessary in order to constitute any other meeting. A 



Property of 
the Society. 

Special General Meeting may be convened by the Council if, 
and when, they may deem it expedient. 

VIII. — The ordinary members only shall be interested in the 
property of the Society. The interest of each member therein 
shall continue so long only as he shall remain a member, and 
the property shall never be sold or otherwise disposed of (except 
in the case of duplicates hereinafter mentioned) so long as there 
remain seven members ; but should the number of members be 
reduced below seven and so remain for twelve calendar months 
then next following, the Society shall be vpso facto dissolved, 
and after satisfaction of all its debts and liabilities the property 
of the Society shall be delivered unto and become the property 
of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne, if that Society be then in existence and willing to receive 
the same ; and should that Society not be in existence or not 
willing to receive the same, then the same shall be delivered to 
and become the property of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Citizens 
of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. No dividend, gift, division, or 
bonus in money shall be made unto or between any of the 

Beading of 

of Society. 

IX. — All papers shall be read in the order in which they are 
received by the Society. A paper may be read by the author, 
or by any other member of the Society whom he may desire to 
read it, or by either of the secretaries ; but any paper which is 
to be read by the secretaries shall be sent to them a week 
previous to its being laid before the Society. 

X. — The Council shall be entrusted with the duty and charge 
of selecting and illustrating papers for the publications of the 
Society (other than the Proceedings) \ and that no paper be 
printed at the Society's expense before it be read in whole or 
in part at a meeting; and that no paper which has been 
printed elsewhere be read at any meeting unless it be first 
submitted to the Council at a meeting of the Council, or 
printed in the Society's transactions except at the request of 
the Council. Two illustrated parts of the Archaeologia shall 


be issued to members in the months of January and June in 
each year, such parts to be in addition to the monthly issue 
of the Proceedings, and the annual report, list of members, etc. 

XI. — That the Society, at any ordinary meeting, shall have ^®'^?^^^ ^^ 
power to remove any member from the list of members. The 
voting to be by ballot, and to be determined by at least four- 
fifths of the members present and voting, provided, neverthe- 
less, that no such removal shall take place unless notice thereof 
shall have been given at the next preceding ordinary meeting. 

XII. — All donations to the Society shall be made through Donations to 
the Council, and a book shall be kept in which shall be regularly 
recorded their nature, the place and time of their discovery, and 
the donors' names. All duplicates of coins, books, and other Duplicates, 
objects, shall be at the disposal of the Council for the benefit of 
the Society. 

XIII. — Every ordinary member, not being in arrear of his Members 
annual subscriptions, shall be entitled to such publications of the publications. 
Society as may be printed for the year of his first subscription 
and thereafter if in print ; and he may purchase any of the 
previous publications of which copies remain, at such prices as 
shall be from time to time fixed by the Council. 

XIV. — Each member shall be entitled to the use of the The use of 

the librSiFv 

Society's library, subject to the condition (which applies to all 
privileges of membership) that his subscription for the current 
year be paid. Not more than three volumes at a time shall be 
taken out by any member. Books may be retained for a month, 
and if this time be exceeded, a fine of one shilling per week 
shall be payable for each volume retained beyond the time. All 
books must, for the purpose of examination, be returned to the 
library on the Wednesday preceding the Annual Meeting under 
a fine of 2s. 6d. ; and th^y shall remain in the library until after 
that meeting. Manuscripts, and works of special value, shall 
not circulate without the leave of the Council. The Council 
may mitigate or remit fines in particular cases. 


Repeal or XV. — These statutes, and any statutes which hereafter may 

Statutes^ ^ ^ made or passed, may be repealed or altered, and new, or 

altered statutes, may be made or passed at any Annual Meeting, 
provided notice of such repeal or alteration, and of the proposed 
new or altered statutes, be given in writing at the next preced- 
ing monthly meeting. 

Eavbnsworth, President, 

Rich. Welford, ^ ^, ,, , 
^ ^ ^ I Three Members 

J. P. Gibson, } -^, ^ ., 

-r^ .,«. r« \ of the CounaL 

Wm. W. Tomlinson, ; 

Thos. Hodgkin, 
BoBT. Blair, 



Newcastle, 27th April, 1898. 

Begister No. 706, Nbld., Sc. and Lit. 

It is hereby certified that this Society is entitled to the 
benefit of the Act 6 and 7 Vict., cap. 36, intituled : " An Act 
to exempt from County, Borough, Parochial, and other Local 
Bates, Lands and Buildings occupied by Scientific or Literary 

This 6th day of May, 1898. 

E. W. B. 

Copy sent to the Clerk of the Peace, 

E. W. B. 


NEWCASTLE, ON THE 19th, 20th, 21st DAYS OP 
MAY, 1897. 


The present exhibition is the first attempt to gather together the 
work of one local assay ofSce. It originated in a conversation among 
three or four members of the society, when it was suggested that such 
an exhibition would be of the greatest possible value, as illustrating the 
work of the silversmiths of Newcastle-upon-Tyne and the neighbour- 
hood from the earliest known date down to the end of the eighteenth 
century, which period was fixed as a limit beyond which it was not 
thought advisable to go. The suggestion was at once cordially 
approved by the society, a committee was appointed, and the present 
exhibition is the result of its labours. 

Before turning to the exhibition itself, it may be desirable to give 
a very brief sketch of the history of the Goldsmiths' Company of 

As early as 1423, in an act of Henry VI., Newcastle is named as 
one of those towns in which ' there shall be divers touches according 
to the ordinance of Mayors, Bailififs, or Governors of the said Towns.' 

In 1586 the goldsmiths were incorporated with the plumbers, 
glaziers, pewterers, and painters. It seems probable, however, that 
little or no plate was assayed in these early days, as no piece of church 
plate bearing the Newcastle hall mark has been found which bears an 
inscribed date earlier than 1664. From that date to the end of the 
century a good deal of church plate was made, but as no date letter 
was in use at the assay office, the dates of the various pieces can only 
be ascertained from inscriptions, or approximately from the makers' 
marks. Secular plate of this period is rare, but a few pieces are still 
to be found. The act of William III. in 1696, which raised the 
standard of silver plate, by not mentioning any of the provincial 
offices, deprived them of their right of assay. This was found to be 
a great hardship, and in 1700 an act was passed restoring to York, 
Exeter, Bristol, Chester, and Norwich, the right to exercise their 

roL. XXI. 1 


ancient privileges : for some reason Newcastle was not included, but 
in the following year an act was passed conferring upon it the same 
power which had been given to the other towns. 

It follows therefore that from 1697 to 1701, inclusive, no plate 
could legally be assayed in Newcastle, but it is certain that some of 
the silversmiths worked regardless of the law as pieces of plate that 
must have been made during that period are still in existence. From 
1702 a date letter was used and most of the plate of the eighteenth 
century can therefore be accurately dated. The earliest alphabet from 
1702 to 1720 was somewhat irregular, and it is probable that some of 
the letters were used for more than one year, but from 1721 the 
letters ran regularly, with the exception of the period 1761-1768 
inclusive, when for some unknown reason either the B of 1760 was 
retained, or no letter was used, the latter theory being the more 
probable. The Newcastle oflBce was in full work during the whole of 
the eighteenth century and assayed at one time about 12,500 ounces 
per annum. Its work grew gradually less during the present century, 
and it was finally closed in the year 1884. 

' Turning to the exhibition, and dealing first with church plate of 
the seventeenth century, it will be found that upwards of thirty 
pieces are exhibited. Many more are known to be in existence in the 
counties of Northumberland, Durham, Cumberland, and Westmor- 
land ; these will all be found noted either in the Proceedings of the 
society, or in Church Plate in the Diocese of Carlisle, 

The earliest piece, bearing the inscribed date of 1664, is a com- 
munion cup from Ryton, co. Durham, made by John Wilkinson. 
Prom Trimdon, in the same county, there is a wine glass shaped cup, 
which appears to be quite as old as that at Ryton, or possibly a little 
older, but as it was also made by John Wilkinson, who was admitted 
to his freedom in 1658, it cannot be of earlier date than that year. 
The best known worker of that period was William Ramsey, who 
was admitted to his freedom in 1656 and died in 1698. The earliest 
piece of his make having an inscribed date is a flagon from Sawley 
near Ripon, which bears date 1670. Good examples of his work 
come from Rose castle and other places. Other makers represented 
are John Dowthwayte, who made the flagons at St. Mary's, Gateshead, 
about 1672, and Eli Bilton whose mark is found on the Chollerton 


cup dated 1687. Two very fine flagons from All Saints, Newcastle, 
bear the, mark of Thomas Hewitson ; one of these at least must have 
been made daring the period in which no plate coold legally be 
assayed, as they are dated 1697 and 1698. 

Of ' Britannia standard,' good specimens come from Durham St. 
Mary-the-less, Stanhope, Castle Eden, Sherburn hospital, and other 
places. Prom 1721, when the old standard of plate was restored, 
down to the end of the century, a large quantity of church plate was 
assayed at Newcastle, and numerous specimens are exhibited, the prin- 
cipal makers being Isaac Oookson and John Langlands. 

Turning to secular plate, it must first be mentioned that few 
examples of the work of the seventeenth century remain, a most 
diligent search having resulted in the unearthing of some twenty 
pieces only. The oldest of these is probably the wine cup exhibited 
by Mr. T. Taylor, made by John Wilkinson about the same time 
as the Ryton cup which has been previously noted. Mr. W. Orde 
shows a tankard by the same maker of about the same date, or 
possibly a little later. The drapers' company of Durham sends an 
interesting cup made by John Dowthwayte about 1671, and also 
a tankard by Eli Bilton, c. 1696. 

The cordwainers' company of Newcastle exhibits a fine tankard 
by William Ramsey, c. 1686, and another of somewhat later date is 
sent by Mr. N. Cookson. Interesting specimens are contributed by 
the tailors', tanners', and skinners' guilds of Carlisle. Towards the 
end of the century many small porringers seem to have been made, 
and good specimens with the ordinary fluted ornamentation of that 
period are sent by Mr. Thomas Gow, Miss Reed, and Major 

Of Britannia standard there are fifteen examples, the most 
noteworthy of which is the magnificent Monteith bowl belonging to 
the corporation of Morpeth, made by Richard Hobbs in 1712. The 
cordwainers of Newcastle show a pair of tankards of the same year by 
Jonathan French, and the tailors' guild of Carlisle a very good small 
tumbler by John Younghusband, 1707; a sugar castor of 1719 by 
James Kirkup is lent by Mr. J. Carr-Ellison. Mention must also be 
made of a very fine bowl sent by Mr. T. T. Dale which was made in 
1719 by Robert Makepeace, a cover having been added in 1802 by 


John Langlands, jnnr. From 1721 a large number of pieces will be 
found contributed by the exhibitors already mentioned, and many 

Mr. L. W. Adamson shows a very good two-handled cup and cover 
by Thomas Partis, date 1721. This is the earliest example of a well- 
known form of cup which was largely made in Newcastle ; other good 
specimens are lent by Mr. Askew-Eobertson and Mr. Turner Farley, 
these were made by John Langlands in 1757. 

A very interesting exhibit is the punch ladle, date 1728, lent by 
Mr. C. J. Spence ; it was formerly the property of the corporation of 
Newcastle and was purchased at the mansion house sale in 1837. 
Three sauce boats from the same sale are shown by Mrs. Potter and 
Mrs. De Mey. It is deeply to be deplored that the art treasures of 
the corporation were thus scattered, as the few pieces reserved and 
still in their possession are very fine, but not a single specimen of 
Newcastle plate is to be found among them. 

A pair of candlesticks lent by Miss AUgood, which are two of a set of 
four in her possession, are the only ones that have been discovered after 
an exhaustive search : they bear no date letter but are stamped with the 
mark of John Langlands. It is probable that they were manufactured 
in Sheffield, and assayed in Newcastle on behalf of the member of the 
guild, whose mark they bear. A peculiar feature is the absence of 
cream jugs of the ordinary shape, and it is probable that the small 
sauce boats, of which there are several examples, were also used for 
cream. A very large number of tea and coffee pots appear to have 
been made in Newcastle, the designs are generally graceful and the 
work in many cases excellent. Taking it altogether, the work of the 
Newcastle silversmiths is of a very good description, and although 
few really fine pieces of plate are found the general standard is high. 

With respect to date letters, it is quite clear that they were not used 
in the Newcastle office prior to its re-establishment in 1702, as a large 
quantity of church plate belonging to the latter half of the seventeenth 
century has been brought to light, and in no single instance has a date 
letter been found ; on secular plate of the same period also no date 
letter appears. 

The act of 1702 which re-established the Newcastle office provided 
that, amongst other marks, a date letter should be used, and there is 


no doabt that this regulation was carried out at once, bat the first 
mention of a letter in the minute book of the company of goldsmiths 
is in 1712, when there is an entry that the letter for the year is M in 
old English character. It may here be mentioned that little informa- 
tion as to the character of the different alphabets can be obtained from 
the books of the company as the letters are not always given as they 
are found on plate. 

After 1712 the book is silent till 1717 when P is given as the letter 
for the year, followed by Q in 1718, D in 1719, and E in 1720 ; there 
are examples of the Q and D stamped on plate, and they are both of 
old English character, as are all the letters of the first cycle. 

It may be safely assumed that the first alphabet commenced with 
A in 1702. At St. Mary the less, Durham, a cup and paten with 
inscribed date 1702 bear this letter, which is somewhat of old English 
character, with a peculiar curl at the top and a star at one side, in a 

square shield *8L . A tankard of Britannia standard in the posses- 
sion of Mr. Taylor also bears this letter, and there are other examples 

At Stanhope church, Durham county, there are two cups with 

inscribed date 1704, which bear as date letter flo) which may be 

assigned to 1703. At Kirkandrews-upon-Esk, Cumberland, there is a 
paten, made by Eli Bilton, who died in 1712, with inscribed date 

1707, and date letter TSD \ which it may be assumed was that for 1705. 

There are several instances of pieces of plate bearing (sf) which 

must be assigned to some year between 1705 and 1712, probably to 
1707, but it is possible that it was in use for more than one year, as 
no other letter has yet been found which can be attributed to any other 
year until 1712. 

A good many pieces bearing the letter for 1712 (9^ are in exist- 
ence, and it is probable that this letter also was used for more than one 
year. Two or three specimens of Britannia standard have been found 

bearing C9) which may be ascribed to 1714 or 1716. The letters 
for 1717, 1718, 1719, and 1720 have been mentioned before. There 


appears to have been a good deal of irregularity in this cycle, and not 
much more information abont it can be looked for. 

In 1721 a fresh alphabet was commenced, which ran regularly 
from A to T, omitting J, and terminated in 1739. The letters are 
all given in the minute book, and are old English capitals with the 
exception of T, which is a plain Roman capital. All the letters are 
in circular shields, except those for 1738 and 1739, which are in 
plain angular shields. It is quite possible that some of these letters 
were used during two or more years in spite of the entry of a fresh 
letter each year in the minute book. As an example, a large 

quantity of plate is found bearing (jS^j for 1732, and not a single 

piece with (i^J for 1733, and there are also other instances. 

The third cycle began in 1740 and terminated in 1758 ; the letters 
run regularly as before, omitting J, and are Roman capitals enclosed 
in plain angular shields. They are all given in the minute book, 
except those for 1748 and 1758. Two pieces of plate bearing the 
letter I (in plain angular shield) for 1748 are known, one by Isaac 
Cookson and the other by James Kirkup, so the omission of that 
letter from the book is clearly accidental. 

With regard to 1758, however, the case is different, as there is a 
large quantity of plate bearing S for 1757, and not one piece 
has yet been found with the T for 1758. It is probable, therefore, 
that this S was used during both these years. This letter is 
slightly of old English character; it is the only one in this cycle 
with that peculiarity. 

The fourth alphabet began in 1759, and the first two letters are 
given in the minute book for 1759 and 1760, but after this there is 
no mention of a date letter till 1769 when C is given. No explana- 
tion of this break can be found in the books of the company, but it is 
probable that no letter was used during these eight years, as if the B 
had been in use for so long a period more pieces of plate bearing that 
letter would be found than have come to light. There is also a large 
quantity of plate of about that period bearing no date letter. 

From 1769 the letters run regularly on, and as U, W, X, Y, and 
Z are used in this alphabet it does not terminate till 1790. The 
letters for 1781, 1782, 1783, and 1784 are not mentioned in the 


minnte book, but there are examples of these letters on plate, so the 
omission is accidental. Script letters were used nntil ^ for 1772, 
and Roman capitals afterwards. A plain angular shield is found till 
1772, then one slightly shaped at the bottom till 1780, and from 
that date a square shield for the rest of the cycle. 

The fifth alphabet ran from 1791 to 1814. The letters are 
Roman capitals in square shields with the corners cut off. They run 
from A to Z, omitting J and V, and are all given in the minute book. 

The thanks of the committee are due to all those who so kindly 
lent their plate to the exhibition, and especially to the clergy and 
churchwardens who readily placed the plate, under their care, at the 
disposal of the society. 

The thanks of the committee are specially due also to Mr. Wilfrid 
Cripps, C.B., the author of Old English Plate, for the loan of the 
Newcastle town and makers' marks from that valuable work. 

Without the hearty co-operation of all, it would have been 
impossible to have got together so large and interesting a collection of 
local work. 

A list of the makers represented is appended, with the periods 
during which they worked. 


1. William Ramsey ... 

2. John Wilkinson ... 

3. John Dowthwayte 

4. BliBUton 

5. Abraham Hamer ,..c, 

6. Robert Shrive 

7. Thomas Hewitson 

8. John Bamsey 

9. Bichard Hobbs ... 

10. Jonathan French... 

11. John Yonnghnsband 

12. Francis Batty, junr. 

13. James Kirknp 

14. John Camaby 

16. Robert Makepeace 

16. John Ramsey junr. o. 

17. Thomas Partis ... 

18. William Dalton ... 

19. G^rge Bnlman ... 

20. Isaac Cookson 

21. Thomas Makepeace 

656 to 1698 
668 „c.l670 






694 „f?.1702 


720 ,,^.1734 

724 „ 1767 

725 „ 1743 
728 „ 1764 










729 „ 1738 



WilUam Partis ... 

1736 to 



William Beilby ... 

1739 „ 



Samuel Thompson 

1750 „ 



John Eirkup 

1753 „ 



Lang1ands&Goodrickl754 „ 



John Langlands ... 

1767 „ 



James Crawford ... 

1763 „ 




1771 „ 



James Hetherington 

1772 „ 



Hethenngton and 


1774 „ 



Stalker & Mitchison 

1774 „ 



Tianglands and 


1778 „ 



Pinkney and Scott 

1779 „ 



John Mitchison ... 

1784 „ 



Anthony Hedley ... 

1789 „ 



Christian Reid 

1791 „6 



Thomas Watson ... 

1793 „ 



John Langlands, junr 

.1795 „ 



John Robertson ... 

1796 „ 


* And onwards. 



The following are the town marks of Newcastle at the periods 
stated below them respectively : — 

c, 1670 to c, 1684. 

c, 1658 to e, 1670. 

e. 1684 to c, 1696. 

These two marks are found, e, 1696-1702. 


1702 to 1728. 

1728 to r. 1757. 

<?. 1757 to 1800. 


1. CUP c. 1658. 

The Vicar and Church- 

wardens of TVimdon, 

CO. Durham, 

Bowl with sloping sides, baluster 

stem and plain foot (see illnstra- 


Marks: ^^, ^ for John 

Wilkinson, and a single castle. 
There are four marks, but the 
fourth is illegible. 

Dimensions : 6^ inches high, 3^ 
inches diameter at mouth, 3| inches 
at foot, bowl 3 inches deep. 

2 AND 3. CUP, AND COVER used as a paten, c. 1664. 

The Rector and Churchwardens o/Ryton. 
The Cup has straight-sided bowl with slight lip and thick stem 
round which is a moulded band. The foot spreads from the band 
(see illustration on next page). 

CLASS I. — BOCLESIASTIOAL PLATE c. 1658 — e, 1670 

Marks: Lion passant to right twice, a single castle, and John 
Wilkinson's mark as before. 

Dimensions: 7^ inches high, 3| inches 
diameter at mouth, 4J inches at foot, bowl 
4^ inches deep. 

The Coyer has the same hall marks as 
the cup. It is 4J inches in diameter on 
a stem with foot 4^ inches in diameter. 
It stands yf inch high. 

Inscription: 1664 (nnder foot). 

From the Churchwardens' Minute Book. 

June 28th, 1756. An Account of the Com- 
munion Plate. Being all Silver, belonging to the 
Parish Church. 

Imprimis : One Cup and Cover bought as 
appeals by its being so Figured on the Cover 
1664. So said also in Laverickes Churchwardens 
Account.*? for that year which now weighs 13 ozs^ 
8 dwts. 

Item : Two Large Chalices or Flaggons with Covers given by Dr. Finney the 
year he died, & ornaments with Dr. Finney's Coat of Arms & Crest, and under- 
neath them this Inscription, viz. : Ex dono J. F. D. D. Reef de Riton. And 
underneath that 1727. 62 ozs. 10 dwts. 

Item : One Salver or Paten with a Foot to it bought new Anno 17 — . Before 
this there was a thin silver Plate on which the Bread was carried, which was 
cracked in Sundry Places & rendred unfit for use, which John Simpson Esq', at 
his own costs gott exchanged for This which is marked eccl. de By ton in com : 

The entry in the Churchwardens* Accounts for 1664 referred to above is : p* 
for a siluer bowle as appears by a note £3 9s. 8d. 

4 AND 6. CUP AND PATEN c. 1670. 

The Vicar and Churchivardens of Aspatria^ Gumlerland. 
The Cup lias cable monldings round edge of bottom of bowl, it has 
a flat open foot, and very short stem with a knop in centre. The bowl 
Ib a truncated cone with a slight lip. 

Marks : Maker's initials (M) for William Kamsey ; (S| twice ; 

and three castles in a plain shield. 

Weight : 6 oz. 9 dwts. 

Dimensions: 5 inches high, 3f inches diameter at mouth and foot, 
bowl 3f inches deep. 



The Paten is without a foot, is 6^ inches in diameter, with rim 
Ij inches wide, and weighs 3 oz. 12 dwts. The marks are the same 
as on the cup. 

The bowl has two bottoms, the outer one being a portion of a still more 
ancient vessel ; it has two cable mouldings round, one forms the 
edging to the base of the bowl and the other encircles the stem, the 
latter can only be seen when the cup is upturned. 

The terrier of 1749 signed by John Brisco, vicar, has * one silver chalice, 
one paten, weighing together near 12 ozs/ 

6. CUP c. 1670. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of Berwich-upon-Tweed. 
A large cup with usual band in centre of stem, plain foot. 
Maries : Three castles twice, and maker's mark ^, for William 

Dimensions : 9^ inches high, bowl 5 inches deep, 4:^ inches wide 
at mouth, 4| inches at foot. 

Inscription ; f ^ s ; and on a garter surrounding town arms 


Arms: A bear to left; in front a tree, surrounded by inscribed 
garter as above. At each side of the arms are branches of con- 
ventional foliage rather like ostrich plumes. 

1 FLAGON 1670. 

The Rector and Churchwardens of Sawley^ Yorkshire. 
A fine flagon, straight-sided, with wide spreading, moulded base, 
and lid with thumb piece (see illustration opposite). 

Marks : \^ for William Ramsey ; a five petalled rose in a square 

stamp twice (as in nos. 4 and 5) ; and three castles. 

Weight : 68 oz. 4 dwts. 

Dimensions: Height, llf inches; diameter at top, 6 inches; at 
foot, 9| inches. 

Inscriptions : On one side, * Tho. Davison, Esq^* Maior | 1670 ' 
above Newcastle arms, and on other side (in italic capitals), ^The 
gift of I Edward Norton Esq | M' Philip Launder | M' William Kay | 
& ye Rev Thos Kay | to y® chapel of Sawley | 1756.' 


Arm^! On one side, arms of Ne^Tcastle in mantling, with two sea- 
horses as suppotteTB ; and crest, a demi lion rampant (?), holding a 
St. George's banner over shoulder ; motto on riband below, vobtfeeb 


The risctor mggesta that the flagon was probably given to one of the 
Newcastle churches or goilds, aod that in trouhtous times, perhaps 
during the rising of 1746, it disappeared. Hon it came into the 
hands of the getitlemen who gave it to Sawley is a mystery. One of 
the donors, Ur. Norton, was owner of Sawle; hall. It is described in 
a terrier of 1777 as ' a large Silver Flaggin.' 


8 AND 9. TWO FLAGONS c. 1672. 

The Rector and Ghurchtvardens of Oateshmd. 

Marks : A lion passant to right twice ; (^ for John Douthwaite, 
and single castle. The marks are repeated on the lids. 

Inscription : On the side of one (in script), * The Guift of William 
Collinson | late of Gateshead deceased | To the Church of S* Maries 
in I Gateshead | 1672. and on the other *The Gift of Elizabeth 
Collinson in Me- | morie of her daughter Jane Wrangham | deceased, 
To the Church of 8^ Maries | in Gateside : 1672.' 

Arms : Of the donors, on a fesse, between a squirrel in chief and 
three axes in base, a crescent between two mullets ; crest a squirrel. 

10 AND 11. CUP AND PATEN c. 1672. 

The Rector and Churchwardens of Boldon. 

The Cup is straight-sided with slight lip, scroll band of leaves and 
tulip-like flowers | inch wide, 1 J inches below lip. 

Marks : Lion passant to right twice ; ID, with mullet below (as 
in nos. 8 and 9) for John Douthwaite ; and single castle. 

Dimensions : Height, 7^ inches ; diameter at mouth, 3f inches, and 
of foot, 3f inches. 

Inscription : (in script) ' William Hodge & William Todd, Church 
Wardens Anno: 1672.' 

Paten : — 

Marks : WR, for William Ramsey, twice ; and three castles twice. 

Dimensions : Diameter, 5f inches ; height, If inches ; diameter 
of foot, 2| inches ; rim, | inch wide. 

Inscription : On back of rim (in script), * M' Charles Bafire Rector 
of BouldoD W°* Hodg & George Brigs Church wardens, 1681.' 

12. PATEN c. 1675. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of St. John*s, Newcastle. 

Marks : ^ twice, for William Ramsey ; and ^ also twice. 
Weight: 11 oz. 2 dwts. 
Dimensions : 9^ inches in diameter. 
Inscription : * St. John's Church Plate.' 


13 AND 14. CUP AND PATEN c, 1681. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of Gorhridge. 

A plain bell-shaped Cup on thick stem, gradually curving in from 
bottom of bowl to a plain band, and then curving out to foot. It has 
no hall marks. 

Dimensions : 7yV iiiches, 3| inches diameter at mouth, 8f inches 
at base, bowi 4 J inches deep. 

The Paten is 7^ inches in diameter, and ^ inch deep. It has 
four haU marks, WR, for William Ramsey, twice, and three castles, 
also twice. 

16, 16, 17. CUP, FLAGON, and PATEN c, 1684. 

7'he Bishop of Carlisle. 
The Rose Castle plate. 

The Cup :— 

Marks : Four ; ^ twice, for William Ramsey, a five-petalled 
rose in a square stamp as in nos. 4 and 5, and three castles in a plain 
shield. ' The castles are small, resembling rectangular oblongs set on 
end.' — Carlisle. Plate, p. 51. • 

Weight : 12f oz. 

Dimensions : 9 inches high, 4^ inches diameter of bowl and foot. 

Inscription (under foot) : 1684. 

Arms: Of the see of Carlisle — a mitre charged with a cross, 
impaling those of bishop Smith — on a chevron, between three trefoils 
slipped, a crescent. 

The Paten is raised upon a foot ; it is also dated 1684. 

Marks : Same as on cup, but maker's mark occurs only once. 

Weight: 6f oz. 

Dimensions : 5| inches in diameter. 

The Flagon is without spout. It bears the same four hall marks 
as the cup, and has the same shield of arms engraved on the front. 
Underneath is the date 1684. The weight is 37| ozs. 

Smith became bishop in 1684. By his wiU he bequeathed * to my successors, 
Bishops of Carlisle, the Communion Plate (viz. the Flaggon, Chalice, and Patten), 
which I bought for the use of the Chappell here at Rose Castle.* The history 
of the plate is worth relating. When bishop Waldegrave became bishop in 1867, 
he found no communion vessels; subsequently, however, enquiry was made, 
when the foregoing vessels were found and restored, they having, on the death 
of bishop Percy, been packed up in mistake by the bishop's son, who recognised 
them from the arms. — Old Church Plate in the Diocete of Carlisle, p. 62. 



18. CUP c. 1685. 

ThB Vicar and Ghurchwardem of Brampton^ Cumberland. 
Marks : Three castles, in a shield of irregular outline, twice ; and 
WR tied for Wm. Bamsey. 

Weight: 10 oz. 9 dwts. 15 grs. 
Dimensions: 8| inches high. 

The churchwardens in 1703 reported * we have a good chalice.* 

19. OUP c. 1685. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of KirTcby Stephen j Westmorland. 

Marks : On the knop, an unusual position, three castles twice ; 
maker's mark for William Ramsey as in no. 12. There are four 
marks, but the fourth is obliterated. 

Dimensions : 8| inches high ; the stem being 4 inches long ; bowl 
and foot 4 inches in diameter. 

The terrier of 1749 specifies : *. . . Two silver Chalices weighing together 
twenty two ounces and one quarter without covers.* Carlisle Old 
Church Plate, p. 124. 

20-23. TWO CUPS, and TWO COVERS used as patens, c. 1685. 
Vicar and Churchwardens of St. Nicholas's 
Cathedral Church, Newcastle. 

The Cups are of the same shape, and 
have plain steins, with a knop in the centre. 
(See illustration.) 

Marks : Three on one cup : — Maker's 
initials, WR, for William Ramsey ; three 
castles, and animal's head couped [? a goat's 
head] ; four on the other : — WR with bird 
below twice, as in no. 12 ; and three castles 

Dimensions : Height, 9| inches ; dia- 
meter at mouth, 4^ inches ; at foot, 4 inches ; 
bowls, 5 inches deep. 

Weights: * 14*9 ' and * 13*16 ' respectively, 
scratched under foot. 

The Covers are 5 J inches diameter and 
1 inch high. Each is on a foot 2 inches 
diameter, and has a rim ^ inch wide. One 
is reeded under rim, the other is not. 

CLASS I. — ECCLESIASTICAL PLATE e. 1685 — c, 1687 


I t % 

J I L 


24 AND 26. TWO PATENS c. 1686. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of St Nicholas's, Newcastle. 
Marks : Three on each paten : maker's mark ^J for William 
Ramsey, twice ; three castles. The maker's mark is repeated on 
the foot. 

Dimensions : 9 inches diameter ; 2^ inches high ; open stands, 
4 inches diameter. 

Insaription : * For S°* Nicholas Church in Newcastle.' 

26. FLAGON c. 1686. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of St, Nicholas' s^ Newcastle. 

Straight-sided, with wide spreading, moulded base, and rounded 
lid with thumb piece. 

Marks: Four ; maker's 
mark WR as in no. 24, 
twice, for Wm. Ramsey, 
and three castles once. 

Dimensions : Height, 
11| inches, to top of lid, 
18^ inches ; diameter at 
mouth, 6f inches, at base, 
9^ inches. 

Inscription: (in script) 
^Nicholas Cole, Esq' Major | 


Arms: Three castles 
for Newcastle. 

27. . CUP c. 1687. 

T?ie Vicar and 


of ChoUerton. 

Straight-sided, wide 

bowled with slight lip, a 

large knop in centre of 

stem. (See illustration.) 

Marks : Four ; ^ for Eli Bilton twice ; and three castles in plain 

shield also twice. 


Dimensions: 1\ inches high; bowl, 8i inches deep; diameter 
of mouth, 3| inches, of foot, 3y|- inches. 

Inscription : (partly in script and partly in Roman letters) ' CboUir- 
ton Vicradge e a Vic'* ed:tn:ha:rr: Church Wardens, 1687.' 

Weight : 8 oz. 8 dwts. 

28 AND 29. CUP AND PATEN c. 1688. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of Hawick, 

The Cup is the usual type of William Ramsey's cups, and has the 
usual moulded band in centre of stem. 

Marks : Three castles twice, and ^} for William Ramsey twice. 

Dimensions : 8| inches high ; 3| inches diameter at mouth, 3f 
inches at foot ; bowl 4J inches deep. 

Inscription: On side (in script), *Deo & huic Ecclesiae de Howick 
Sacrum | Claras Piaeq : Virgines Dominas Domina | Elizabetha & 
Domina Magdalena Grey | ffiliae Philipi Grey Armigeri, quondam | 
hujus Manerij de Howick Domini, | Donarunt 1688.' 

Arms : In lozenge, gv, lion rampant within a bordure ar, for Grey. 

The Paten is on a stem with open foot. It is 5^ inches in dia- 
meter, \\ inches high, and foot 2 inches diameter. It has a moulded 
edge. The hall marks are the same as on the cup. 

Inscription: on back (in script), *Deo & Ecclesiae de Howick 

30, CUP c, 1690. The Rector and Churchwardens of Gainford, 

Moulded edge, a small moulded band round centre of stem, and a 

plain swelling foot. 

Marks : WR, for William Ramsey thrice ; no town mark. 
Dimensions : 8 inches high, bowl 4 deep, 3^ inches diameter . at 

mouth and foot. 

31 and 32. TWO FLAGONS 1697 and 1698. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of All Saints^ Newcastle, 
Of good design. Straight- sided, with wide spreading bases, having 
fine chased work at bottom of handle, and the figure of an angel for 
thumb piece. 

Marks: (T^3 1 for Thomas Hewitson, twice, and three castles, 
twice. The smaller flagon has the same hall marks, but a pellet 
instead of a mullet between maker's initials ff«1 . 

CLASS I. — ECCLBSIAStlCAL t»LAtE c. 1688 — 1702 


Weight : 68 oz. 6 dwts. and 60 oz. 7 dwts. respectively. 

Dimensions : 13 inches high (to top of lid, 15 inches) ; 6| inches 
diameter at mouth; 9^ inches at base ; and 11| inches high (to top of 
lid, 13^ inches) ; 5^ inches diameter at mouth, 7| inches at base, 

Inscriptions : (in script) on front of large flagon, * In usum 
Bcclesiae Omnium Sanctorum | Apud Novocastrenses, Lagenam Hanc 
Dono Dedit | Michael Mitford Mercator ; | In Testimonium Pietatis 
Brga Deum, | Et Patriam | An. Sal. mdcxoviii ;' and below, near 
bottom, ' Calix Benedictionis Oui Benedicimus ; | Nonne Oommuni- 
catio Sanguinis Christi est ?' On the smaller flagon, ' + Deo : M : 
et omnium Sanctorum + | Sacello, Dicat Confecratq. | H Atherton 

M : D. Dec. 25^^ | 1697.' 

The donor of the * lesser flagon,' as it is called in the inventory, was Dr. 
Henry Atherton, a Cornishman, a native of Truro, who settled in Newcastle as 
a physician and surgeon, and was appointed town's surgeon on the 17th August, 
1682. He seems to have had £40 a year. The register of burials of St. Nicholas, 
under date 22nd January, 1699-700, has * Mr. Henry Atherton, D^ of Phisick and 
Phisition of Newcastle-on-Tyne.'— Welford's Men of Mai% i. 128-130. 

The donor of the larger flagon, Michael Mitford, was a merchant. 

33 AND 34. CUP AND PATEN 1702. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of St. 
Mary the Less, Durham. 

The bowl of the Cup is straight-sided, 
spreading out to form a lip ; about one- 
third down the bowl there is a raised and 
moulded band. A large knop in middle 
of stem (see illustration). , , 

Marks : Five ; maker's mark, (J^, for 
Eli Bilton ; a lion's head erased ; three 
castles; the year letter •A, with curl at POBfittJ 
top and star at left side, for 1702, and 

Dimensions; Height^ 8| inches ; dia- 
meter at mouth 4^ inches, at foot 4 inches ; 
depth of bowl, 4| inches. 

Inscription : (in script) * Ecclesia 
Sanctffi MarisB Ballivi Austral. Dunelm: 
Ex dono I Cuthberti Bowes len. [/?w"] | 1702.' 


l,ecicna Jatf/rt lycayta 
SSaOTvi ^wtrai ^unetrn. 

CutliMt Jjorcu Je'n 


18 fiiblBltlON Ot NEWCASTLE i?LATE ! 

The Paten has the same hall marks as the cup, except * Fr.' as on 
no. 87, for Jonathan French, and the same inscription on the back, 
except Guberti. It is 2 inches high, and is 7^ inches in diameter. 

35 AND 36. TWO OUPS 1703. 

The Rector and Churchwardens of Stanhope, 

Bell-shaped, with monlded band round the bowl 2 inches below 
lip, similar to last cup. 

Maries : Five ; maker's mark for Eli Bilton as in no. 33, three 
castles, year letter B, for 1708, Britannia, and lion's head erased. 

Dimensions : Height, 9| inches ; diameter at mouth, 4^^ inches, 
of foot, 4 J inches ; bowl, 4| inches deep. 

Inscription : (in script) round bowl, above raised band : * Hunc 
Oalicem Ecc* de Stanhope Rev^^ in Xto Vir Gulielmus Hartwel 
S • T • P • in Memoriam « ' ; and below the band, * Sanguinis Xti 
proprio Sumptu fieformavit et Valore Adauxit. Anno Dni 1704 •.' 

37. FLAGON 1707. 

Ths Vicar and Churchwardens of St. Mary the LesSy Durham. 

Is straight-sided, with rounded lid and thumb-piece. 

Marks : Five ; including date letter Jf , for 1707, Britannia, lion's 
head erased, and (^) for Jonathan French. 

Dimensions: Height, 9^ inches, to top of lid, 11 inches; diameter 
at mouth, 4| inches, at base, 6^ inches. 

Inscription : Same as on cup, but ' Ecclesiae ' ' Balivi ' and ' Jan.' 

38. CUP 1707. The Vicar and Churchwardens of Esh. 
Wide mouthed with knop in centre of the stem. 

Marks: Five ; lion's head erased ; year letter Jf, for 1707; three 
castles ; Britannia ; and maker's mark, Fr. in oval punch, as in 87, for 
Jonathan French. 

Dimensions: Height, 6^ inches; diameter at mouth, 8J inches, 
at foot, 8i inches ; bowl 3^ inches deep. 

Inscription : (in script) * Donum | Curiae Oonsistorialis Dunelm' | 
Ad Oapella' de Esh | A.D. 1712,' on the bowl. 

39. CUP 1707. The Vicar and Churchwardens of Castle Eden. 
Slight lip and large knop in centre of stem. 

Marks : Five ; same as last. 



Dimensions : Height, 6i inches ; diameter at month and foot^ 4 
inches ; depth of bowl, 4^ inches. 

Inscription : sacred monogram irradiated and at each side of it (in 
script) *Ex dono Wv B., Arm'. 1707 | In majorem Dei Gloriam ac 
XTsvm I EcclaB parochialis de Castle Eden | in Com : Dnnelm.' 

The initials are doubtless those of William Bromley, to whom at the 
b^^inning of the eighteenth centary the Castle Eden estate belonged. The 
register informs us that the Bight Honble. William Bromley, Speaker of the 
House of Commons, Privy Councillor and Secretary of State, was in 1723 * sole 
prop' of the whole Lordship and Parish of Castle Eden.' 

40. PATEN 1712. The Master of Sherlum Hospital 

Moulded rim ; on foot open at the base. 

Maries: Five; year letter /|>, for 1712; Britannia; maker's 
mark, ^^, for John Yonnghosband ; three castles ; and lion's head 

Dimensions : Height, 2^ inches ; diameter, 5^ inches^ of open f oot^ 
2| inches. 

Inscription: I g M surrounded by 'Ex dono Anno 1712' (in 

4:1. FLAGON 1712. The Master of Sherlum Hospital 

Straightnsided, with rounded lid having thumb-piece ; without 
spout. It has a wide spreading base. 

Marks : Same as on paten, the lion's head 
erased and Britannia being repeated on lid. 

Dimensions: Height, 8 inches; to top of 
rounded lid, ^\ inches ; diameter at mouth, 4^ 
inches, at base, 5| inches. 

Inscription : Same on front as on paten. 

42 AND 43. CUP AND PATEN 1719. 

Mr. W. B, Beaumont. 
The Oup has a moulded edge. The stem has 
a moulded knop in the centre (see illustration). 

Marks: Five; maker's mark, (5a) for Francis 
Batty, the younger ; lion's head erased ; three 
castles; Britannia; year letter 2), for 1719. 


'SnvSisn Cape/St^ 


one Hard 


Dimensions: Height, 1\ inches ; diameter at mouth, 3 J inches, of 
foot, SJ inches ; bowl, 8 J inches deep. 

Inscription on bowl : (in script) * D.D.G.L. In usum Capellse de 
AUenheads, | in Comitatae \sic] Northumbriae et | Dioecese Eboraci 

The Paten has a moulded edge, and is on an open foot. 

Maries 2^ Same as on cup. 

Inscription : Same as on cup. 

Dimensions : Height, 2^ inches ; diameter, 6 J inches, of open foot, 

The chapel at AUenheads is a private one belonging to Mr. Beaumont. 

44. CUP 1719. The Rector and Churchwardens of Sunderland. 

Marks : Five ; maker's mark same as no. 37, for Jonathan French ; 
Britannia ; lion's head erased ; year letter 2), for 1719, and three 

Dimensions : Height, S^ inches ; diameter of mouth, 4 J inches, 
of foot, 3^ inches ; bowl, 4f inches deep. 

Inscription : I H S, in glory, on side. 

46 AND 46. CUP AND PATEN 1721. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of St. John's, Newcastle. 

The Cup has five hall marks, including maker's initial, jf 35, for 
Francis Batty the younger, lion passant to right, and year letter H, 
for 1721. 

Weight : 20 oz. 15 dwts. 

Dimensions : Height, 10 inches, 

Inscription: (in script) 'Ex dono Koberti Kymer Gen^'osi, qu 
obijt 24 die | Martij Anno Dom : 1722 ^tatis Su8b 32.' 

The Paten has the same marks, and inscription engraved round 
edge, but * Domini.' 

Weight : 19 oz. 12 dwts. 

Dimensions : 10 inches diameter. 

47 FLAGON 1721. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of St. John's, Newcastle. 
Marks : Same as on the cup. 
Dimensions : Height to top of lid, 13 inches. 
Weight: 60 oz. 10 dwts. 


48. PATEN 1721. The Vicar and Churchwardens of Wooler. 
Moulded edge. 

Maris : Five ; including maker's initials [^, for Francis Batty, 
the younger, lion to right in oblong shield, and year letter H, for 

Weight: Scratched on back, 17 oz. 8 dwts. 

Dimensions : 10^ inches diameter. 

Inscription : (in script) * The Gift of John Chesholm : Vicar of 
Wooler : 1722,' round centre. 

49. PATEN 1721. The Vicar and Churchwardms of Hexham. 
On foot. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's initial, jf 35, for Francis Batty 
the younger ; lion passant to right ; and year letter H, for 1721. 

Dimensions: Diameter, 8 inches ; height, 2 J inches ; and diameter 
of foot, 8 J inches. 

Inscription: 'Given to S. Andrew's Church in Hexham, by Mabel 
Hoorde, 1684.' 

This paten, though given to the church in 1684, appears to have 
been remade by Francis Batty, whose mark it bears, in 1721. 

50.. FLAGON 1721. The Vicar and Churchwardens of Hexham. 

Maries : Four ; same as on paten. 

Dimensions: 11 J inches high ; diameter, at mouth 5 J inches, at 
base 8 inches. 

Inscription: *Ex dono Johannis Aynsley Gent | Anno Dom. 

61. PATEN 1721. The Vicar and Churchwardens of Wooler. 

Has moulded edge. 

Maris: Five; maker's initials [^, for Francis Batty, the 
younger ; lion passant to right ; leopard's head crowned ; three castles ; 
and year letter S for 1721. 

Dimensions : lOy^ inches diameter. 

Weight: * 17 ozs. : 8 ' scratched on back. 

Inscription :. (in script) * The Gift of John Oheabolm ; Vicar of 
Wooler : 1722.' . 


62. CUP 1722. 

Rector and Churchwardens of St. Mart/^Sj Oateshead. 

Maris : Five ; including maker's initials [^g]» for John Camaby, 

and year letter J5 for 1722. 

' Inscription : (in script) ' Soli Deo Gloria.' 

63. BEAKER CUP 1723. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of St Andrew* s Auckland. 

Moulded top and bottom. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's initials J J, for Jonathan 
French, lion to rights and year letter C, for 1728. 

Dimensions : Height, 3f inches ; diameter at month, 3 inches, at 
base, 2| inches. 

Inscription : (in script) * The Gift of Mrs. Mary Cowdell to the 
New Chapel in Bishop Auckland | 1781. 

64. PATEN 1724. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of St. Nicholases Cathedral 

Churchy Newcastle, 
On foot. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark 5 C as in no. 52, for 
John Camaby, lion to right, and year letter 2), for 1724. 

Dimensions: 8 J inches diameter, 2| inches high, open foot 3 J 
inches diameter. 

Weight: 11-19 scratched on foot. 

66. CUP 1724. The Vicar and Churchwardens of Monk Hesledm. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, T P for Thomas Partis, 
lion to right, and year letter 2), for 1724. 

Dimensions : Height, 8 inches ; diameter at mouth, 4 inches, of 
foot,i 3J inches ; bowl 4 J inches deep. 

Inscription : engraved on front I H S, surrounded by rays, and 
*In Majorem Dei gloriam Poculum benedictionis cui benedicimus 
communis Sanguinis Christi Est ? \ D Haselden Monachorum | 1727.' 

66. CUP 1724. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of Bowness on Solway. 
Marks : Five ; including maker's initials f J5, for Francis Batty 
the younger, lion to right, and year letter H), for 1724. 

CLASS 1. — ^ECCLESIASTICAL PLATE 1722 — 1734 23 

Dimensions : Height, 8 inches ; diameter of bowl, 4 inches, of 
foot, 34 inches. 

The terriers of 1749 and 1777 are alike. * Imprimis. . . . Item, one Silver 
Chalice without a cover weighing about eleven ounces. . . .' — Old Church 
Plate in the Diocese of Carlisle, p. 56. 

67 AND 68. A PATE OP FLAGONS 1727. 

T?ie Rector and Churchwardens of Ryton, 

They are alike in every particular, hall marks, inscriptions, arms, 
and dimensions, and ai'e similar in shape to the flagons at Ponteland 
(see plate I.). 

Maries : Five ; including maker's initials, T P for Thomas Partis, 
lion to rights and date letter (5, for 1727. 

Dimensions : Height to top of lid, 12 inches ; diameter at mouth, 
3 inches, at base, 4 inches. 

Inscription : (in script) ' Ex dono IF* D D | Eect' de Eiton | 


Arms: Vert^ a cKevron between three eaglets or, crest a staff 
ragnly w, for Fynnby of Fynney, co. Stafford. 

This is the last year in which the lion is turned to right, 

69. CUP 1729. The Vicar and Churchwardens of Warden. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's initials (@), for Isaac Cookson, 
and year letter J, for 1729. 

Dimensions : Height, 8| inches ; diameter at mouth, 8| inches, of 
foot, 3f inches. 

Inscription: (in script) 'Warden, 1732.' 
This is the earliest piece of church plate bearing the mark of Isaac Cookson. 

60. PATEN 1732. 

Rector and Churchwardens of St. Martfs^ Oateshead. 

Marks : Four ; including date letter /|>, for 1732. There is no 
maker's mark. 

Inscription : ' 1732 ' in centre, and round it * « Soli Deo Honor et 

61 AND 62. TWO FLAGONS 1734. 

The Rector and Churchwardens of Bishopwearmouth, 
These flagons are bulb shaped like those at Ponteland (see plate I). 
Both are exactly the same. 



Marks : Five ; inclading maker's initials ^ffi in plain oblong, 
for Eobert Makepeace, and year letter ©, for 1784. 

Dimensions: Height, 11| inches, to top of knop on lid, 15^ 
inches ; diameter at month, 5 inches, at base, 4i inches. 

Inscriptions : (in script) ' The Gift of | M"^ Jane Gibson | to 
the Parish Ohnrch | of Bishop-Wearmouth | Anno 1726.' On side 
sacred monogram above a cross, and beneath, head with two nails 
through it saltire-ways, all within a glory. 

These flagons must have been bought some years after the bequest. 

63. CUP 1734. (See illustration). 

Rector and Churchwardens 
of Sunderland. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's 
mark T P for Thomas Partis, and year 
letter ©, for 1784. 

Dimensions : Height, 8 inches ; bowl, 
4f inches deep ; diameter at mouth, 4^ 
inches, at foot 8^ inches. 

Inscription: IHS (in glory), *The 
Gift of Jane Gibson to Sunderland 
Church, Ao 1726.' 

64. ALMS DISH 1784. 

The Rector a/nd Churchwardens 
of Sunderland. 
Vl\ inches in diameter. Has the same hall iharks as on the cups, 
and the same inscription round centre as on the cup. 

66. ALMS DISH 1784. 

The Rector and Churchwardens of Sunderland. 
Square with shaped comers, on four feet. 
Dimensions : Diameter, 16 inches ; height, 1^ inches. 
Marks : Five ; same as on cups. 
Inscription : Same as on cup. 




66. CUP 1789. The Vicar and Churchwardens of Halton. 
Moulded at lip and base. Moulded knop in centre of stem (see 


Maries: Five, including maker's 

mark, ^\ for Isaac Cookson, and year 

letter T for 1739. 

Dimensions : Height, 7|- inches ; 
diameter at mouth, 3xV inches, of foot, 
3^ inches ; depth of bowl, 3f inches. 

Inscription : halton chuech. 

In this year the mark of Isaac Cook- 
son is changed from Boman capitals to 
script letters, in terms of the Act of 
Parliament passed in 1739. 

67. FLAGON 1740. 

The Rector and Churchwardens of 

Bulb-shaped, similar to those at 
Ponteland (see plate I), with moulded 
band 8 inches from top, knop on lid, 
handle double curved, spout. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's 
mark, ^yf£] for Wm. Partis, and year letter A, for 1740. 

Dimensions: Height, 9| inches, to top of knop on lid 12 1 inches ; 
diameter, 3^ inches at mouth, 4^ inches at base. 

Inscription : (in script) ' Sum Dei | Et EcclesisB de Boldon 
Dunelm | 1740.' 


68-70. PATEN 1742, and TWO FLAGONS 1743. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of Hartlum^ 
The Paten has a shaped and moulded edge, and stands on three 
claw feet. 

Marks : Five ; including Isaac Cookson's mark as in no. 66, and 
year letter C for 1742. 

Dimensions : 9 inches in diameter, and 1^ inches high. 




The Flagons are bulb-shaped, moulded round lip, and have spout 
and double curved handles, no lid. Both are the same in every 

Marks : Five ; same as on paten, but year letter D for 1748. 

Inscription : (in script) under base of each, * Hartbum -:- 1748.' 

of (^/upcnace jj43 

71- CUP 1748. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens 
of Birtley^ Northumberland,- 

Moulded edge and base, and 
moulded knop round centre of stem. 
Made by Isaac Cookson. 

Marks: Five, same as on Hartburn 
flagons (nos. 69 and 70). 

Dimensions: Height, %^ inches; 
diameter of bowl, 8^ inches, of foot, 
8| inches ; depth of bowl, 3| inches. 

Weight : 9 oz. 4 dwts. 

Inscription: (in script) 'Birkley 
Chalice | Given by Mrs. Eeed | of 
Chipchase, 1748.' 

72. ALMS DISH 1745. 
Rector and Churchwardens of Boldon, 

Oval-shaped, made by William 

Marks : Five ; including letter F, 
for 1746, and maker's mark as on no. 67. 

Inscription : ' SACRVM christo et 
eccle^i^ de boldon dunelm, 1745,' round the edge. In the centre, 
the sacred monogram surmounted by a cross, and surrounded by a 
rayed nimbus. 

73. CUP 1749. Rector and Churchwardens of Whalton. 
Moulded lip and foot ; similar in shape to that at Birtley (no. 71) 

also made by Isaac Cookson. 

Marks : Five, same as on Birtley cup, but year letter K for 1749. 


Dimensions : Height, 8^ inches ; diameter at mouth and foot, 8^ 
inches ; depth of bowl, 4 inches. 

Inscription : (in script) * Whalton Chalice 1749 ' on side. 

74. PATEN 1749. The Vicar and Churchwardens of Castle Eden. 
Moulded edge and open foot. 

Marks : Pour, including year letter K for 1749, but no maker's 


Dimensions : Diameter, 8f inches ; height, 2f inches ; the open foot 
8^ inches diameter. 

Inscription: (in script) *The Gift of RowLAin) Burdon to the 
Parochial Ohappell of Oastle Eden, 1760.' 

75. PATEN 1750. The Rector and Churchwardens of Ei/ton. 
Marks : Five ; same as on Birtley cup, but year letter L for 1760. 
Dimensions : Diameter, 8 inches ; height, 3 inches ; on foot, 3f 

inches diameter. 

Inscription : (in script) ' Eccl. : de Ryton in Com. : Dunelm. 

Made by Isaac Cookson. 

76. ALMS DISH 1750. Vicar and Churchwardens of Eglingham. 
Plain edge. 

Marks : Same as on Eyton paten (no. 75). 
Dimensions : Diameter, 9 inches. 

Inscription: * Given to the Church of Eglingham by Lance*^ 
Allgood Esq' and M" Sarah Ogle of Eglingham 1751.' 

77. PATEN 1750. The Rector and Churchwardens of Eglingham. 
On foot. Bears the same hall marks as alms dish, and is 7^ inches 

in diameter and 2^ inches high. 

Inscription: 'Given to the Church of Eglingham by the Rev^ 
M' Charles Stoddart, Vicar, 1751.' 

Both alms dish and paten were made by Isaac Cookson. 

78. PATEN 1752. The Vicar and Churchwardens qf Berwick. 
Marks : Five, including maker's mark as on Birtley cup (no. 71), 

and year letter N, for 1752. 

Dimensions : Diameter, 7 inches, with rim j inch wide. 


Arms of Berwick in centre, with flowing mantling. 
Inscription above arms -0*0 

Made by Isaac Cookson. 

79. CUP AND COVER 1754. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of Ponteland. 

Repoiiss6 design round foot and cover. Ttie cover has a knop 
formed of three leaves (see plate la), 

Marks : Five ; including the mark of William Partis (in script), 
as before, and year letter P for 1754. 

Dimensions: Height, 8 J inches ; diameter, at mouth 4 inches, of 
foot 3 J inches ; depth of bowl, 4J inches. 

Inscription : ' ponteland 1755,' scratched under foot. 

The CovEE has one hall mark, a small lion passant. 

80 AND 81. A PAIR OF FLAGONS 1754. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of Ponteland. 
They are exactly alike, being bulb-shaped, and have same repouss6 
ornamentation as on cup (see plate K). 
Marks: Same as oq cup (no. 79). 

Dimensions : Height, 10^ inches, to top of lid 18 inches ; diameter 
at mouth 3^ inches, at base 5 inches. 

Inscription : On one, * pontelan 1755,' and on the other, ' ponte- 
land, 1755,' scratched on bottom. 

82. PATEN 1754. The Vicar and Churchwardens of Ponteland. 
Shaped and pierced border on feet (see plate Ic). 

Bears the same hall marks as the cup, and is 84 inches in diameter. 

83. PATEN 1757. The Vicar and Church warde ns of Long Bmton. 
Marks : Five ; including maker's initials, HK), for John Kirkup, 

and year letter (of slightly old English character) S, for 1757. 

Dimensions : 3 inches high ; 9 inches in diameter, on open foot 
4^ inches in diameter. 

Weight: '22 oz. 13 pwt.' scratched on foot. 

84. FLAGON 1757. The Vicar and Churchwardens of Long Benton. 
Marks : Five ; same as on paten (no. 83). 


Dimensions: Height, 11^ inches to top of lid; diameter at mouth, 
4^ inches, at base, 6^ inches. 

Weight: * 66 oz. 17 pwt.' scratched on base. 

Inscription: *The Gift of Geo. Colpitts Esq' | to Long Benton 
Church I 1763.' 

85 AND 86. CUP AND PATEN 1757. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of Blyth, Northumberland, 

The Cup has a deep bell-shaped bowl with slight lip, plain stem 
with small moulded knop, and plain moulded foot. 

Maris : Five ; including maker's mark, [i^| for John Langlands, 
and year letter S, for 1757. 

Dimensions : Height, 8^ inches ; diameter at mouth, 8| inches, 
of foot, 8| inches ; bowl, 4^ inches deep. 

Inscription (above arms) : * Blyth Chapel, 1762.* 

Arms : On bowl in a cartouche-shaped shield, gu,, on a chevron 
between three falcons arg., as many pellets, for Ridley, impaling, arg.^ 
three cocks' heads erased sa., combed and wattled gu., for White ; 
motto below, constans fidei. 

The Paten is a small plate with moulded rim. It bears the 
same hall marks as the cup, and the same inscription and motto in 
centre. It is 5^ inches in diameter. 

87-90. TWO CUPS and TWO PLATES 1769. 

T?ie Vicar and Churchwardens of Hexham. 
The Cups : 

Marks: Five; including maker's mark, as on no. 85, for John 
Langlands, and year letter S^ for 1759. 

Dimensions : 9 inches high; 8| inches diameter; bowl, 4^ inches deep. 

Inscription : ' Bequeath'd by Robert Andrews, Esq. | late of 
Hexham, to the Parish Church | of Hexham | A.D. 1764.' 

The Plates are 8 inches in diameter, and bear the same hall marks 
as the cups, and the same inscription. 

91. ALMS DISH 1769. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of Castle Eden. 
Saucer-shaped on low foot, with gadrooned edge. 
Marks: Five; including maker's mark, same as on no. 86, for 
John Langlands. 


Dimensions : 8 inches in diameter, 1^ inches high. 

Inscription : Round centre (in script), ' To do good and to distri- 
bute forget not, for with such Sacrifices God is pleased ;' and round 
back, ' The gift of R. Burden, Junr., to the Parochial Ohappell of St. 
James, at Castle Eden, Anno 1765.' 

93 AND 93. TWO PATENS c. 1760-9. 

Rector and Churchwardens of Sunderland. 

Marks : Four ; including maker's mark, r^ for John Langlands ; 
no year letter. 

Dimensions : 7| inches diameter ; 1^ inches high ; raised on foot 
2| inches diameter. 

Inscription : ' I H S,' irradiated in centre. 

94. CUP c. 1760-69. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of Widdrington, 

Bell-shaped, having band in centre of stem ; moulded edge. 

Marks : Four ; including maker's initials, [H<J for John Kirkup. 
No year letter. 

Dimensions : Height, 6^ inches ; diameter at mouth, 8^ inches ; of 
foot, 2| inches ; bowl, 3^ inches deep. 

Inscription : (in script) * J.A. | W.C on side. 

95. CUP c. 1760-69. Vicar and Churchwardens of Tweedmouth. 
Bell-shaped, with moulded edge ; a small raised band round centre 

of stem. 

Marks: Four ; including maker's initials, «/ S^ for John Barkup. 
No year letter. 

Dimensions : Height, 5| inches ; diameter at mouth, 3^ inches, 
of foot, 3 inches ; depth of bowl, 3f inches. 

96-99. TWO CUPS and TWO PLATES 1769. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of St. Ann*Sy Newcastle. 

The Cups have moulded edges ; each has a long stem with a small 
knop in the centre like the cap at Birtley (no. 71). 

Marks : Five ; including maker's initial, [igl for John Bjrkup, 
and year letter ^for 1769. 

CLASS I. — ECCLESIASTICAL PLATE c. 1760 — 1769 8 1 

Dimensions: Height, 8| inches diameter at mouth, of foot 4^ 
inches ; depth of bowl, 4^ inches. 

Weight: Of one, 16 oz. 6 dwt. ; of the other, 16 oz. 2 dwts. 

Inscription: *St. Ann's Chapel | The gift of Richard | Lord 
Bishop of Durham. | Sep' 2^ 1768. | Edw<* Mosley, Esq' | 9^apor* 
I Eich* Lacy, Esq' | ^^ZXXlV 

Arms : Of the bishopric, a cross flory between four lions rampant, 
impaling per bend sinister, ermine and ermines^ a lion rampant or [for 
Trevor], all surmounted by the coroneted mitre ; on side, gu, three 
castles arg.y with motto below for Newcastle. 

The two Plates (alms dishes) are ten-sided, with gadrooned edges. 

Dimensions : Each is lOf inches in diameter. 

Marks : Same as on cups, but no year letters. 

Weight: 20 oz. and 19 oz. 8 dwts. respectively. 

Li centre, same inscription and arms as on cups. 

100. FLAGON 1769. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of St Ann*Sy Newcastle. 
Straight-sided, with moulded edge, and domed lid with thumb- 
piece. The handle is double curved. Spreading base. 

Marks: Five; including maker's mark, as on no. 85, for John 
Langlands, and year letter <? for 1769. 

Dimensions : Height, 12^1- inches, to top of lid, 15 inches ; dia- 
meter at mouth, 5f inches, at base, 8f inches. 
Inscription and arms : Same as on cups. 

lOL FLAGON 1769. Rector and Churchwardens of Jarrow. 

Marks: Five ; including maker's mark, as on no. 85, for John 
Langlands ; and year letter ^for 1769. 

Dimensions : Height, 12 inches ; diameter at top, 4^ inches, at 
base, 7 inches. 

Inscription: (in script) *The Gift of | Eichard Walker to the Parish 
of Jarbow I Anno Domini | 1769, Joseph Dale, church warden.' 

By his will of 9th February, 1768, Richard Walker of Harton, yeoman, 
ordered 'his silver tankard and gill to be made into a flaggon and 
delivered to Jarrow Church, for the use of the communion table.* — Surtees, 
Durham^ ii. 73. 


102 AND 103. TWO 0UP8 c. 1778. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of B^tmk. 

Egg-shaped bowls, and long stems with cable monlding round 

Marks : Three ; including maker's mark, as on no. 85, for John 
Langlands ; no year letter. 

Dimensions : Height, 8 inches ; diameter at mouth, 8| inches, at 
foot, 8 J inches ; bowl, 4 inches deep. 

Inscription on side: 'Mathew Forster (1778), Esq., Mayor; J. 
Dods, A. Jameson, T. Hindmarch, F. Marshal, Church wardens.' 

Arms of Berwick. 

104. FLAGON 1784. 

Rector and Churchwardens of St Jfary^s, Gateshead. 
Marks: Five; including makers' mark, ^ for Pinkney & Scott, 

year letter S for 1784, and king's head incuse. 

Inscription : (in script) ' The Gift of | M" Ann Shaptoe | to the 
Church of St. Mary's | Gateshead | July 9th, 1785.' 

This is the first year of the king's head mark, which is in intaglio for the 
years 1784, 1785, and 1786. 

* Mrs. Ann Shaf toe was the wife of Robert Shaf toe, Esq., of Whitworth, M.P., 
for the County of Durham, 1766-1768. She was the daughter of Thomas 
Duncombe, Esq., of Duncombe Park.' — Surtees, Durham, iii. 295. 

10&-8. FOUR PLATES 1784. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of All Saints^ Newcastle. 

All have shaped and beaded edges, and are llf inches in diameter. 

Marks : Six ; including year letter S for 1784, king's head as in 

last, and makers' initials, f^ for Langlands & Robertson. 

Weights : 29 oz. 10 dwts., 30 oz., 31 oz., and 31 oz. 15 dwts. 


Inscription : * The Gift of | Mrs. Ann Shaftoe | To the | Chapelry 

of All Saints | Newcastle upon Tyne | 1785.' 
See note to last piece. 

109. WINE STRAINER 1785. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of All Saints^ Newcastle. 
Marks: Three — in two places — maker's initials, lion passant, 
and king's head as on plates. 

Dimensions: 6 J inches long and 3| inches in diameter. 
Inscription : Same as on plates. 

CLASS 1. — ECOLESIAStriCAL PLATE c. iflS — 1792 3^ 

110. ALMS DISH 1785. 

Vicar and Churchwardens of 8L JohrC%^ NewcasUe. 

Has beaded edge. 

Marks : Six ; including makers' initials as on no. Ill, for 
Pinkney & Scott ; year letter T for 1785. 

Dimensions : 12 inches in diameter. 

Weight : 80 oz. 3 dwts. 

Inscription : * The Gift of | Joseph Reay, Esq' | and | Margaret his 
Wife I To the Ohapel of St. John, | Newcastle upon Tyne, 3* Nov', 

111. ALMS DISH 1788. 

The Vicar and Churchwardens of All Saints^ Newcastle. 
Has beaded edge. 

Marks: Six; including makers' initials, j^ for Pinkney & Scott, 

king's head, and year letter X for 1788. 

Dimensions: 14 inches diameter, 2^ inches high. 
Weight: 52 oz. 15 dwts. 

In the churchwardens' accounts there occurs the entry: — * 17 Dec', 1746. To 
grave digger, for concealing the church plate, 5«/ This was owing, prob- 
ably, to the alarm caused by the rising of 1745. 

112 AND 113. CUP AND PATEN 1792. 

Vicar and Churchwardens of Doddington, 
The bowl of the Cup is egg-shaped ; three reeded lines round edge, 
stem with small reeded knop, six reeded lines round foot. 

Marks : Five ; including makers^ initials, f^ for Langlands & 

Robertson, king's head in oval punch mark, and year letter B for 1792. 

Dimensions : Height, 7 J inches ; diameter at mouth, 4| inches, of 
foot, 4x^ inches ; bowl, 4| inches deep. 

Inscription : (in script) * The Gift of | The Eev. Nath^ Ellison | to 
the Parish of | Doddington | 1793.' 

The Paten has a reeded edge, is 8 inches in diameter, and has a 
rim 1 inch wide. 

Marks : On back same as on cup, with leopard's head crowned in 

Inscription : In centre the same as on the cup. 

VOL. XXI. 6 


114 AND 116. TWO ALMS DISHES 1800. 

Vicar and Churchivardens of St John's Newcastle. 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, I • R for John Robertson, 
and year letter K for 1800. 

Dimmsions : 4^ inches in diameter ; 2 J inches high. 
Weight: 25 oz. 10 dwts. 

Inscription: 'Saint John's | Church | Newcastle | 4*^ Oct., 1800 | 
Thomas Fenton | Henry Sunderland | John Darnell | Matthew Brown | 
Church Wardens.' 


116. CUP c. 1664. Mr. T. Taylor of Ghipchase Castle. 
On baluster stem and round foot (see plate II). 

Marks : Four ; maker's mark, ^, for John Wilkinson, a single 
castle twice, and lion passant to right. 

Dimmsions : Height, 6| inches ; diameter, 8| inches. 

Weight : 8 oz. 5 dwts. 

Inscription : (upright script) ' Edmond Bacon | Consanguinius 

Crest: a boar statant^ engraved on side above inscription (see 
plate II). 

117. TANKARD c. 1664. Mr. WUliam Orde of Nunnyhirk. 
Plain, with straight sides, flat lid with thumb-piece. 

Marks : The mark of John Wilkinson and others as on last piece. 
Dimensions : Height, 6 inches ; diameter at mouth, 4| inches, 
at base, 5^ inches. 

118. TANKARD c. 1670. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Plain, straight-sided, with flat cover slightly domed, having 

thumb-piece a mermaid with two tails, on three ball feet ornamented 
with foliage (see plate III). 

Marks: Maker's mark, ^, for William Ramsey, and three castles, 
each once, and rose in square shield twice. Marks repeated on cover. 

Dimmsions : Height, 6 inches ; diameter at mouth, 4f inches, 
at base, 4^ inches ; girth, 15 inches. 

Weight: 28 oz. 5 dwts. 

(From a pholegriph by Uiis 

This pUle given by Mr. Taylor. 

{From a phctsgrapk by Wiss Tay: 

This pUle given by Mr. Taylor 

CLASS II. — SECULAR PLATE c. 1664 — c 1694 85 

Arms: . . , on a chevron between three mullets . . . , as many 
escallop shells ... for Blackett. 

119. WINE CUP c. 1671. The Drapers' Company of Durham. 
The bowl is a reversed truncated cone with slight lip, knop in centre 

of stem, and plain foot. 

Marks : Maker's mark, (WI, for John Douthwayte ; others almost 

Dimensions : Height, 6^ inches ; diameter at mouth, 3| inches, of 
foot, 2 inches ; depth of bowl, 4^ inches. 

120. TANKARD c. 1684. The Gordwainers' Company of Newcastle. 
Plain, slightly bulging near base, flat-topped lid with thumb- 

Maries : Four ; maker's mark, as in 1 18, for William Ramsey, twice, 
and a rose and three castles each once. 

Dimensions : Height, 7^ inches ; diameter at mouth, 5^ inches, at 
base, 6| inches. 

Inscription : * These two Canns belong to the Company of Oord 
Wainers, 31«* May, 1684.' 

121. SPOON c. 1686. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Has flat stem with cleft end. 

Marks : Three ; maker's mark, W R with crown above, for William 
Ramsey, twice, and three castles. 
Dimensions : Length, 7| inches. 
Weight: 1 oz. 14 dwts. 
Crest : A goafs head erased. 

122. PORRINGER c. 1690. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Engraved with birds and foliage in Chinese fashion. 

Marks : Four ; maker's mark, A H, for Abraham Hamer, and three 
castles, each twice. 

Dimensions : Height, 2| inches ; diameter, 3^ inches. 

Weight: 8 oz. 10 dwts. 

Inscription : (in script) 'The Gift of Thomas and Susannah Forster 
to I. F.' 

123. TANKARD c. 1694. The Drapers' Company of Durham. 
Plain, straight-sided, with moulded base, flat-topped lid with 



Marks .■ Include maker's mark, E B, tor EU Biltou. 
IHmemims : Se^ht, 6| inches ; diameter at month and base, 5| 

184. TANKARD c. 1696. Mr. Norman G. Coskxm of Oakwood. 

Plain, straight-sided, reeded top and base ; flat lid, with thnmb- 

Marks : Foar ; maker's mark, W R, in heart-shaped shield twioe, 
and three castles in shield of same shape twice. 

Dimensions .- Height, 6^ inches ; diameter at month, 4^ inches, 
at base, 4 j inches. 

126. RAT-TAIL SPOON c. 169e. 

Mr. L. W. Adamson of Eglinghan. 

Marks: Single castle, letter B, and W R tied, with crown above, 
for William Ramsey. 

Dimensions: Extreme length, 7j inches; bowl, 2J inches by 
If inches, 

126. TANKARD <:. 1696. Mr. F. M. Laing of Gorbridge. 

Straight-sided, Flat-topped lid projeoting over sides ; thumb- 
piece ; handle (plate IT). 

Marks: Three; the mark of W. 
Ramsey, as on last piece, twice, and 
three castles once. 

Dimensions : Height, 3J inches ; 
diameter at mouth, 3 inches, at base, 
3| inches. 

187. TANKARD e. 1696. 

Mrs. Mukaster of Benwell Park. 
Marks: Include that of W. Ram- 
sey ; others illegible. 

Arms: On side, [^Argmf] a fess 
vair, and in chief a unicorn passant between two mullets azure. 

128. PORRINGER c 1696. Mr. Thomas Gow of Camlo. 

Bell-shaped, raised band ornamented with scroll work j inch from 
top, spiral flntings next base (see plate IV). Two double-curved 
beaded handles. 

■*"*. All. Bol, xxi. To fact f. j6 

No. 126. 
This illustntioo given b; Mr. F. M. Laii 

No. 128. 
ation eiven by Mr. T. Goh 


Marks : Maker's maik, W B, for W. Bamsey, in heart-shaped shield, 
as no. 124, and three castles. 

Dimensions: Height, 4| inches; diameter at mouth, 4f inches. 
Inscription : On side, * K G I G 1700.' 

129. MUG c.1696. The Joiners' Guild of Alnwick. 
A raised band 1 inch from top. Spiral flutings moolded, sur- 
mounted by row of flours de lis round lower part ; moulded rim, base, 
and handle, similar to Mr. Gow's (see plate V). 

Marks : Four ; maker's mark, W E twice as in last, for W. Ramsey, 
and three castles twice. . 

Dimensions: Height, 8 inches ; diameter at mouth, 2^ inches, at 
base, 2^ inches. 

Inscription : 'This belongs to y^ Company of Joyners. Bought by 
Matthew Forster, Alderman, Anno 1698.' 

* The sum paid for the cup was about £2 148. Od.' 

130. POBBINGEB c.1696. Major Widdnngton of Newton. 
Two beaded scroll handles and corded band, the lower part spirally 

fluted, similar to Mr. Gow's cup (plate V). 

Marks : Include maker's mark, |^, for Eobert Shrive, and three 
castles in irregular shield. 

Dimensions : Height, 2| inches ; diameter at mouth, 4 inches. 

131. POBBINGEB c. 1696. The Tailors' Guild of Carlisle. 
Spiral flutings round lower part next base, a raised cable band 

1 inch from top, and beaded scroll handles. 

Marks : Four ; maker's mark, ^ twice, for Eli Bilton, and three 
castles twice. 

Dimensions : Height, 4^ inches ; diameter at mouth, 5 J inches. 

Inscription : * In gratitude to y® fraternity of merch*' Taylors in 
Carlisle, by Mrs. Katherine Eglisfield, 4 July, 1701.' 

132. POBBINGEB c. 1696. Miss Reed of Oldtown. 
Similar to last described. 

Marks : Same as last. 

Dimensions : Height, 2| inches ; diameter at mouth, 3| inches. 

138. POBBINGEB c. 1696. Mr. T. Taylor. 

Similar to Mr. Gow's porringer (see plate V). 
Marks : Four ; maker's mark, E B, for Eli Bilton, and three castles, 
each twice, as in no. 181. 


Dimensions : Height, 2| inches ; diameter, 4 inches. 

Weight: 5 oz. 

Inscription : On side, * A. R.' 

Date 1700, rudely scratched on bottom. 

134. SPOON 1696-1701. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Rat-tailed, with flat stem, probably made during the period in 

which no plate could legally be assayed in Newcastle. 

Marks : Two ; maker's mark almost illegible, but probably of W. 
Ramsey, junr., and three castles in heart-shaped shield. 

Dimensions : Length, 7| inches. 

Weight: 1 oz. 15 dwts. 

135. TANKARD c. 1700. The Tanners' Guild of Carlisle. 
Straight-sided, moulded top and base, with flat lid projecting all 

round, and thumb-piece ; from foot of handle is a long rat tail. 

Marks : Maker's mark, thrice on lid, I R in Roman capitals, with 
star between, and bow over them in dotted oval, for John Ramsey. 

Dimensions : Height, 7i inches ; diameter at mouth, 5 J inches, at 
base, 6 inches. 

Inscription : ' The Gift of the Right Reverend Thomas | Lord 
Bishop of Carlisle to the Guilds or | Fraternity of Tanners in the said 
City, 1701.' 

Arms : On front, partly obliterated. 

The donor of the tankard was Thomas Smith. 

136. MUG c. 1700. The Skinners' and Glovers' Guild of Carlisle. 
Straight-sided, with scroll handle, moulded top and base. A raised 

cable band f inches from top, spiral flutings round lower part. 

Marks : Four ; Britannia, lion's head erased, single castle in plain 
shield, and maker's mark, Bi , for Eli Bilton. 

Dimensions : Height, 3| inches ; diameter at mouth, 8 inches, at 
base, 8f inches. 

Inscription : On side, ' Gulielmus Gilpin, Armiger, 1701.' 

Probably made during the period in which plate could not be legally assayed 
in Newcastle. 

137. TANKARD 1702. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Plain, straight-sided, with domed cover, thumb-piece broken off ; 

reeded round base and on cover ; front of cover indented. 

CLASS 11.— SEClTLAtl PLAtB 1696-1712 89 

Marks : Five ; three castles, year letter A, for 1702, Britannia, 
lion's head erased, and maker's mark, [^, for John Ramsey. 
Marks on lid obliterated. 

Dimmsions : Height, 5^ inches ; girth, 12 J inches. 

Weight: 14 oz. 7 dwts. 

Initials : On handle, -p j 

138. TUMBLER 1707. The Tailors' Guild of Carlisle. 

Dimensions : Height, If inches; diameter at top, 3^ inches; at base, 
2i inches. 

Marks : Five ; three castles, lion's head erased, Britannia, year 

letter J, maker's mark, |^, for John Younghusband. 
Inscription : * E. T.' 

139. TANKARD 1712. The Cordwainers' Company of Newcastle. 
Has slightly bulging sides, moulded top and base, a raised band 

abont 4 inches from bottom, domed lid with thumb-piece, handle. 

Marks : Five ; Britannia, lion's head erased, three castles, year 
letter /ft, for 1712, and maker's mark ^r for Jonathan French. 

Dimensions : Height, 4^ inches ; to top of lid, 5( inches ; diameter 
at mouth, 3^ inches ; at base, 4 inches. 

Weight : 14 oz. 10 dwts. 

Inscription : (in script) * This Belongs to the Company of Cord- 

Arms of the Oordwainers* Company. 

140. TANKARD 1712. The Cordwainers' Company of Newcastle. 
Same shape as last tankard, and same hall marks, arms^ and in- 

Dimsnsions : Height, 5^ inches ; to top of lid, 7 J inches ; diameter 
at mouth, 4^ inches ; at base, 5^ inches. 
Weight : 23 oz. 4 dwt. 

141. MONTEITH 1712. The Corporation of Morpeth. 
This is a fine punch bowl. The body is fluted, and the base gad- 

rooned. On each side is an oval shield. There are two swing 
handles hanging from lions' mouths. The rim is escalloped and was 
formerly moveable, and was intended to hold the glasses or cups ; they 
were thus carried into the room (see plate V). 


Marks : Five ; maker's mark, HP), for Richard Hobbs, Britannia, 

three castles, lion's head erased, and year letter {H, for 1712. 

Dimensions: Height, 7| inches, and 12 inches. in diameter at 

Bee Arch, Ael. xiii. p. 207, for a fall description of this fine piece of plate. 

U2. TANKARD 1712. Mr. T. Taylor. 

Plain, straight-sided, originally had cover, but is now without one. 
Marks: Three castles, Britannia, lion's head erased, year letter 
{H in round shield, for 1712, maker's mark same as na 138, tor 
John Younghusband. Maker's mark repeated on handle. 
Dimensions: Height, 6| inches ; girth, 14 inches. 
Weight: 12 oz. lOdwts.. 
Initials : On handle, A * L. 
Arms: On front, Ermine^ 2 bars argent^ a mullet for difference. 

U3. TANKARD 1712. Mr. L. W. Adamson. 

Same shape as last (see plate Via). 

Marks : Four ; to right of handle, including ^r for Jonathan 
French as in no. 139. 

Dimensions : Height, 6 J inches ; diameter at base, 4| inches. 
Weight : 21 oz. 11 dwts. 

144. RAT-TAILED SPOON 1712. Mr. T. Tm^lor, 
Marks : Five ; Britannia, lion's head erased, year letter ffbj fw 

1712, three castles, maker's mark, (Sa), for Francis Batty, junr. 
Dimensions : Length, 8 inches. 
Weight : 1 oz. 18 dwts. 

Initials: m -kt 

145. RAT-TAILED SPOON 1716. Mr. T. Taylor. 

Marks : Same as last, except year letter ©, for 1716. 
Dimensions : Length, 8^ inches. 
Weight : 2 oz. 2 dwts. 

146. RAT-TAILED SPOON c. 1716. 

B»v. James Allgood of Ntmwick. 
Shield end. 

Marks : Same as last, but no year letter. 

CLASS U.—SBOULAR PLATE 1712—1719 41 


Miss Allgood of Hermitage ^ Hexham, 
Shield ends. 

Marks : Five ; maker's mark illegible ; year letter ©, for 1716. 

Dimensions : Length, 7^ inches. 

Weight : 1 oz. 9 dwts. 

149. TUMBLER 1718. Mr, T. Taylor. 

Maries : Five ; Britannia, lion's head erased, three castles in shield 
with, indented top, year letter (J^, for 1718, and maker's mark, 

Dimensions : Height, If inches ; diameter, 2 J inches. 
Weight : 1 oz. 8 dwts. 

Initials ' r -kr 

160. MUFFINEER 1719. Mr. J. R. Garr-Ellison of Hedgeley. 

Octagonal, top with star-shaped and fleur-de-lis perforations, 
arranged vertically (see frontispiece). 

Marks : Include maker's mark, ftyl, for James Kirkup, and year 
letter H) for 1719. 

Dimensions : 6 J inches high. 

Initials : On side, S€ 

151. PUNCH BOWL 1719 (and COVER 1802). 

Mr. T. Tinley Dale of Westoe. 
Plain bowl with moulded rim and foot, two ring handles issuing 
irom lions' heads, formerly loose but now fixed, the vessel with its 
later cover being now used as a soup tureen (see plate VII). 

Marks: Five; makers' mark, S^ probably for Robert Make- 
peace and F. Batty, junr., Britannia, three castles, year letter H), and 
lion's head erased. 

Dimensions : Height of bowl, ^i inches, to top of lid, 11 inches ; 
diameter of bowl, 11 inches, of foot, 7 inches. 

Inscriptions : ' The Gift of the Owners of the Rotterdam Merchant 
to I Capt. John Clerk, 1719.' Below it, a ship in full sail to right, 
followed by a long inscription giving the history of the bowl and its 
descent to the late Mr. J. Brodrick Dale. 



Arms: (1) Oules^ three frets in chief a swan in hose; crest: a 
heron ; for Dale. (2) Arg.^ two bars gules, in chief three escallops ; 
crest : a unicorn's head erased; for Mitcalfe. 

The Covbe, which was added in 1802, has an acorn knop. 

Marks : Six ; maker's mark, I L, for John Langlands, junr., lion 
passant, leopard's head, three castles, king's head, and year letter M, for 

152. RAT-TAILED SPOON 1719. Mr. T. Taylor, 

Maries : Same as last, including year letter H), for 1719. 
Dimensions : Length, 8i inches. 

Weight : 2 oz. 4 dwts. 


Initials : On handle, E *»* 0. 

153. TWO-HANDLED CUP 1721. 

The Joiners'* Company of Durham. 

Raised moulded band round bowl about 8 inches from top, two 
double curved handles. Similar in shape to no. 154, plate VIII. 

Marks : Five ; lion passant to right, leopard's head crowned, three 
castles, year letter a, for 1721, and maker's mark, (^), for Jonathan 

Dimensions : Height, 6| inches ; diameter of mouth, 6J inches, 
of foot, 4J inches. 

Inscriptions: *Poculum Charitatis, | Peace and Good Neighbour- 
hood,' above joiners' arms and crest ; below, ' Geo. Wheler, Enight, 
D.D., Prebendary of Durham, 1721.' 


Mr, L. W. Adamson. 

Marks : Five ; including T P, for Thomas Partis, and lion turned 
to right. 

Dimensions : Height, 5J inches, to top of lid, 8J inches ; diameter, 
5 inches. 

Weight: 21 oz. 11 dwts. (see plate VIII). 

155. TANKARD 1721. The Tanners' Company of Newcastle. 
Straight-sided, with moulded lip and base, raised and moulded 

band about two-thirds down, domed lid with thumb-piece a lion, 
double curved handle. 

a phMoiraplx by M'. N. Dtv/son of Aluu-icl:.) 

CLASS II.— SBOULAB PLATE 1719—1722 48 

Marks : Include mark 5 1R> for John Ramsey the younger. 
Dimensions : Height, 7 inches ; to top of lid, 8f inches ; diameter 
at mouth, 5^ inches, at base, 6| inches. 

156. WINE OUP c. 1721. 

The Skinners' and Glovers^ Ouild of Alnwick. 

On baluster stem, bowl slightly bell-shaped with moulded lip. 

Marks: Four; including maker's mark, (^^, for Jonathan 
French. Ko year letter. 

Dimensions : Height, 6| inches ; diameter of mouth, 4 inches, of 
base, 3| inches. 

Inscription: Along top, *6od save y® King. For the use of the 
Aldermen of the Skinners & Q-lovers in Alnwick. 20 Sep' 1725.' 

Arms: Of the Skinners' Company, impaling three stags' heads 
regardant Motto, * To God only be all glory.' 

157. FLAGON 1721. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Straight sided, with wide spreading moulded base, band around, 

domed cover with thumb-piece, and spout with shutter ; handle double 

Marks: Five — on flagon, lion passant to right, leopard's head 
crowned, three castles in shield with indented top, and a, for 1721 ; 
—on handle, 5 S^ for Jonathan French. Marks repeated on cover, 
but partly obliterated. 

Dimensions : Height, 8 J inches ; diameter at mouth, 3f , at base, 
6 J ; girth, 13 inches. 

Weight: 26 oz. 15 dwts. 

Crest : A pelican vulning herself. 

158. COFFEE POT 1722. Mr. J. R. Carr-Ellison. 
Straight-sided ; plain, with a little chasing round ju actio a of 

handle ; domed cover with knop ; ebony handle (see frontispiece). 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, 1R /ft, for Robert 

Dimensions: 10 J inches high; diameter at mouth, 3 inches, at 
moulded base, 5 inches. 

Weight : Scratched on bottom, 3 ®* : 3. 

Inscription : S4. SS. on side. 


159. PORRINGER 1724. Mr. Ohm. J. Spmce of North Skislds. 

Marks : Five ; inclading maker's mark, J J, for Jonathan 
French, and year letter, H), for 1724. 

160. RAT-TAILED «POON 1724. Mr. T. Taylor. 

Marks : Five ; same as last 
Dimensions : Length, 7| inches. 
Weight : 1 oz. 12 dwts. 
Initials : On handle, S ^ H. 

161. SALVER 1721-7. Mr. R. Weddell of Berwick. 
Circular, on three shell-shaped feet, having gadrooned edge 

with shell ornament at iatervals. In centre, a crest surrounded by 
an engraved pattern of scrolls and leaves. 

Marks : Four ; including maker's mark, T P for Thomas Partis, 
and lion to right. 

Crest : A horse'' s head bridled erased. 

162. TANKARD 1728. The Corporation of Carlisle. 
Straight-sided, with raised band about one inch from bottom, 

domed cover with thumb-piece, handle. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, I K, for James Kirkup, 
year letter f), for 1728. 

Dimensions : Height, 5| inches, to top of lid, 7 inches ; diameter 
at mouth, 4f inches, at base, 5| inches. 

Inscription : ' The Corporation Plate, Carlisle, 1730.' 

* This tankard was recently found in a silversmith's shop in London and 
purchased by the Corporation. How it got there is not known.' — Jewitt 
and St. John Hope, T/ie Corporation Plate, etc., vol. i. p. 108. 

163 AND 16t. TWO MUFFINEERS 1728. Miss Allgood. 

Plain, cylindrical shape ; one large, the other small. 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark I K, for James Kirkup 
and year letter f), for 1728. 

Dimensions : Height of one 5^, of other 8^ inches. 
Weight: 5 oz. 13 dwts. and 2 oz. 3 dwts. respectively. 

CLASS II.— BECULAB PLATE 1724 — 1728 46 

166. FOUR RAT-TAILED SPOONS c. 1728. Mrs. Mukaster. 
Marks: Five; including maker's mark, 1R HS^ for Robert 
Makepeace; year letter effaced. 

A castle is engraved on the end of all the spoons. They formerly belonged 
to the Mansion House, Newcastle, and were sold at the dispersal of the 
Mansion House plate. 

166. PUNCH LADLE 1728. Mr. G. J. Spence. 
Maries : Four ; including year letter f), for 1728. No maker's 


This fine ladle was also sold at the Newcastle Mansion House sale. 

167. PUNCH BOWL 1728. Mr. John Watson. 
Plain, with moulded rim and foot. 

Maries : Five ; including maker's mark, 5 J, for Jonathan 
French, and year letter f), for 1728. 

Dimensions : Height, 8| inches ; diameter at mouth, 12 inches, at 
foot, 6| inches. 

Inscription on side : the inn-keeper's plate, 1730. 

168. PORRINGER 1728. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Spiral fluting round lower portion, and cable moulding round 

upper portion. 

Maries : Five ; three castles ; year letter f), for 1728, lion passant, 
leopard's head crowned, and maker's mark, 5 Jf , for Jonathan French. 

Dimensions : Height, 4J inches; diameter at mouth, 4^ inches. 

Weight: 10 oz. 10 dwts. 

Initials : On bottom, T. 

169. SALVER 1728. Mr, T. Taylor. 
Square-shaped, with foliage and flowers in flat chasing. 

Maries : Five ; same as last, but maker's mark, I K, for James 


Dimensions : Diameter, 94 inches. 
Weight : 19 oz. 1 dwt. 

Initials: -^^jj 


170. TABLE SPOON 1728. Mr. T. Taylor. 

Marks : Five ; same as last, but maker's mark, ^^, for Isaac 
Cookson ; this is the first year in which he made plate. 
Dimmsims : Length, 8^ inches. 
Weight : 1 oz. 14 dwts. J 

Initials: j. . .pj 

171. SALVER 1729. Mr. J. R Garr-Ellism. 
Round, shaped and turned up sides with scalloped edge ; on 

four fiddle-head shaped feet (see frontispiece). 

Marks: Five; including maker's, G B, for George Bulman, and 
year letter 5, for 1729. 

Dimensions: 11^ inches diameter. If inches high. 

Initials on back, S4 SS. 

Arms : [(?r,] on tivo bars \_gu.'] six martlets^ three and threSy for 
Byne ; impaling. [ "] on a lend [ ] fimbriated or^ three mullets^ 

172. SALVER 1782. Gordwainers^ Company of Newcastle, 
Has shaped and moulded edge. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's initials, XE flB* for Thomas 
Makepeace, and year letter flB, for 1732. 

Dimensions : Diameter, 10^ inches. 

Inscription : (in script) * The old salver Exchang'd for This in y« 
Year 1736. Geo. Alder, Geo. Johnstone, Wardens.' 

173. TEA KETTLE AND STAND 1732. Mr. J. R. Carr-EUison. 
Globular, beautifully engraved round top with interlaced bands, 

having shells at intervals ; ebony handle and knop (see illustration 
plate IX. and frontispiece). 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark same as no. 170, and year 
letter /ID, for 1732. 

Dimensions : Height, 5^ inches, to top of knop, 6| inches ; 
diameter at mouth, 4 inches, at base, 3^ inches. 

Arms and crest of Byne, as in no. 171, on sides in renascence 
ornamentation and letters A B below. 

The STAND has three double curved shell feet. The marks are a 
lion and three castles. It is 4 inches high, and has A B on bottom. 

CLASS 11.— SBCtTLAR ^LATB 172d — 1732 47 

174. SALVEE 1782. Mr. W. Ords. 

Maries : Five ; same as last. 

176. TANKARD 1782. Mr. L. W. Adamson. 

Gadrooned round bottom and lid (see plate VI). 

MarTcs : Five ; including 6 B in oblong, for George Bulman, and 
year letter as before for 1782. 

Dimensions : Height, 8| inches ; diameter at base, 4| inches. 

176. MUG 1782. Mr. W. Orde. 
Slightly curved sides, moulded edge ; on moulded foot. 

Marks : Five, same as last, except 1R /|>, for Robert Makepeace. 

Dimensions : Height, 8| inches ; diameter at mouth, 2f inches, 
at base, 2| inches. 

Arms : In mantling, ar. on a bendpurp. three mulletSj in lozenge- 
shaped shield. 

177. SAUCE BOAT 1782. Rev. James Allgood. 
Oval, plain, with escalloped edge. 

Marks : Five ; including unknown maker's mark, I B in plain 
oblongy and year letter as last. 
Dimensions : Height, 2| inches. 
Weight: 9 oz. 17 dwts. 

ViS. PUNCH LADLE 1782. Major Widdnngton. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark I C, for Isaac Cookson, and 
year letter, /ID, for 1732. 

179. COFFEE POT 1782. Mr. Frank Snowball 
Marks : Five ; the same as last. 

180. COFFEE POT 1782. Mr. J. R. Garr-Ellison. 
Straight-sided, with moulded base ; ebony handle (see frontispiece). 
Marks : Five ; as in no. 178. 

Dimensions : Height, 5^ inches, to top of knop on lid, 7f inches ; 
diameter at mouth, 2^ inches, at base, 4 inches. 

Arms : In finely engraved mantling on one side : [ ] a cross 
fiory or^ for , impaling ar, a chevron vert between three 

bugU horns sable, for Forster ; and crest, a talbofs head erased (?) 
above a shield. 


181. HOT WATER JUG 1782. Mr. H. L. PatUnsm. 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark 6 B, for George Bnlman, 

and year letter as before for 1782. 

182. TEAPOT 1782. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Plain, circular, with a little flat chasing of parallel bands with 

scroll work between, broken at equal distances by four shells round top 
next lid. 

Marks : Five ; the same as no. 172. 

Dimensions : Height, without knob, 4 inches. 

Weight : 14 oz. 

Initials : I • T. 

183. TABLE SPOON 1782. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Marks : Five ; the same as no. 172. 

Dimensions : Length, SyV inches. 
Weight: 1 oz. 14 di^ts. 
Initials : On stem, * I. M.' 

184. TODDY LADLE 1732. Rev. E. J. Taylor. 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, and year letter as in no. 


Dimensions : Size of bowl, 2f inches. 

Inscription : ' A. W.,' the initials of a member of the Weatherley 

185. TANKARD 1786. Mr. J. Atkinson, 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark for Isaac Cookson as 

before, and year letter (Si, for 1786. 

186. COFFEE POT c. 1736. Mr. John Hall 
Bulb-shaped, beautifully chased, handle and bottom of spout 

chased, high lid with knop. 

Marks : Four; including maker's initials G B, for George Bulman. 
No year letter. 

Dimensions : Height, 7§ inches, to top of knop on lid 10|^ inches ; 
diameter at mouth, 8^ inches, at base, 4^ inches. 

Initials : In oval shield, on side, -r jg* 

CLASS II. — SBCTJLAR PLATE 1732—1788 4^ 

187. SALVBE 1786. Miss Allgood. 

Plain, with shaped border on three feet. 

Marks: Five; including maker's mark, ftV^l , for Wm. Partis, 
and year letter d^, for 1786; 

Dimensions : Diameter, 12 J inches. 
Weight : 82 oz., 6 dwts. 

188. MUG 1786. Mr. T. A. Rmd. 


Marks : Five ; including maker's initials, IR flB, for Robert Make- 
peace, and year letter d^, for 1786. 

Dimensions : Height 5f inches ; diameter at mouth, 8f inches. 
Weight: 16 oz. 5 dwts. 
Initials : On handle, I • : • H. 

189. TANKARD 1737. Mrs. Hodgson Huntl&y of Garham Hall 

Straight-sided, moulded at top, spreading base, handle, and domed 
lid with thumb-piece. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark for Isaac Oookson, as in 
no. 170, and year letter IR, for 1787 ; maker's mark repeated on 
handle, and lion on lid. • 

Dimensions : Height, 5 J inches ; to top of lid, 7 inches ; diameter 
at mouth, 4yV inches ; at base, 54 inches. 

Inscription : * Miseris succurrere disco.' 

Crest : A bird on a rock bearing a branch, for Hodgson. 

190. TANKARD 1787. Mr. Joseph A. Philipson. 

Bulging sides, with a moulded band, ebony double curved handle ; 
domed lid with thumb-piece. A spout has been added. 

Marks : Five ; same as last. 

Dimensions : Height, 6 inches, to top of lid, 7| inches ; diameter 
at mouth, 4 inches, at base, 4| inches. 

Inscription : (in script) * L W to G. E. P.' 

191. COFFEE POT 1788. Mr. James Dand. 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, as in no. 17.0, for Isaac 

Cookson, and year letter S, for 1738. 

TOL. XXI. 7 


192. COFFEE POT 1738. Major Widdringtm. 
Marks : Same marks as last, except that it bears an unknown 

makers' mark 0W probably for Beilby & Co. of Durham. 

193. GRAVY SPOON 1788. Mr. L. W. Adamson. 
Marks : Five ; as in last. 

Dimensions : Length, 12J inches ; bowl, 4 inches by 2^ inches. 

194. MUG 1739. The Weavers' Guild of Alnwick. 
Slightly bulb-shaped, on moulded base, double curved handle. 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, ^^, for Robert Make- 
peace, and year letter T, for 1739. 

Dimensions : Height, 3f inches ; diameter at mouth, 2^ inches ; at 
base, 2| inches. 

Inscription: *1751 | Free Weavers in Alnwick^ and weavers' 
arms, three leopards' heads each with shuttle in its mouth, and 
motto : * Weave truth with trust.' 

195. SALVER 1739. Mr. W. Orde. 
Marks: Five; marks as before, except maker's mark, ^j, for 

Isaac Cookson, being the first year of his mark in script. 

196. TANKARD 1739. Mr. J. W. Walker. 
Marks : Five ; same as before, but maker's mark ff ^j for George 


197. SALVER 1739. - Miss Ilderton. 

Marks : Same as no. 188. 

198. SAUCE BOAT 1739. Miss Thompson. 
Marks : Same marks as no. 188. 

199. MUG c. 1739. Mr. T. Tinley Dale. 
Double curved handle, moulded top and bottom ; and otherwise 

in shape, etc., like the Alnwick weavers' mug (no. 194). 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark for Isaac Cookson thrice, 
as in no. 195, lion passant and leopard's head crowned. Neither town 
nor year mark. 

Dimensions : Height, 4 inches ; diameter at mouth, 2f inches, at 
base, 2| inches. 

CLASS II.— SECULAR PLATE 1738 ~ c. 1740 5 1 

200. MUFFINEER c.1740. Mr, J. R. Garr-Ellison. 
Sound base and sides, top with designed bands having scroll work 

perforations, each band between two round lines ; acorn knop (see 

Marks : apparently two only, three castles and lion ; neither 
maker's mark nor date letter. 

Dimensions : 7f inches high. 

Orest : on side, a liovCs head erased, 

201. SALVEE 1740. Mrs. Mitchell, 
Marks : Include maker's mark, ^j, for Isaac Cookson ; other 

marks same as last. 

202. SALVER 1740. Mr. L, W. Adamson. 
On feet. 

Marks : Same as last. 

Dimensions : 9|^ inches in diameter. 

203. MUFFINEER c. 1740. Miss Eeed of Oldtovm, 
Marks : Four ; including maker's mark W ^, for William 

Partis. No year letter. 

204. COFFEE POT 1740. Mr, T. Taylor. 
Plain, with swelling sides ; curved ebony handle, acanthus leaf up 

spout, flat chasing round joinings of handle and spout, high lid with 
knop, on moulded foot. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark R M, for Robert Make- 
peace, and year letter A, for 1740. 

Dimensions : Height, 9^ inches. 

Weight : 30 oz. 12 dwts. 

Arms: On side in mantling, in which are eagles and lions and 
human mask . . . a/esse between three fieurs de Us. 
Crest : A lion rampant. 

205. SUGAR BASIN c. 1740. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Of plain circular shape, tapering to moulded foot, threaded and 

moulded edge. 

Marks : Three ; lion passant ; three castles in heart-shaped shield ; 
maker's mark, I K, for James Kirkup. No year letter. 


Dimensions : Height, 8 inches ; diameter, 4^ inches ; diameter <rf 
foot, 2| inches. 

Weight: 4 oz. 16 dwts. 

206. TABLE SPOON 1740. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, ff Si^ for George BaUnan, 

and year letter A, for 1740. 
Dimensions : 8 inches long. 
. Weight: 1 oz. 18 dwts. 

Initials : On stem, j -w-* 

207. TANKARD 1741. Mr. W. Orde. 
Bulb shaped, with moulded band round centre ; domed lid ; double 

curved handle ; moulded foot. 

Marks : Five ; same as last, but year letter B for 1741. 

Dimensions : 6^ inches high ; diameter at mouth, 4 inches, at base, 
4 J inches. 

Arms, on front, in mantling, az. (?), three fish haurient or^ with 
motto on riband, mitis et fobtih. 

208. CREAM JUG 1741. Mr. J. R. Carr-EUison. 
Ewer-shaped, with escalloped edge, on three feet ; curved handle. 
Marks : Five ; including year letter B for 1741. Maker's mark 


Dimensions : 8 inches high (see frontispiece). 

209. SUGAR BASKET 1741. Mr. J. ft. Garr-Ellison. 
Oval shaped ; sides of open scale pattern, pierced ; top edge 

engraved ; on four feet ; handle over on which flowers repouss^. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's, W ^, for William Partis, and 

year letter B for 1741. 

Dimensions : 2 J inches high (see frontispiece). 

210. COFFEE POT 1741. Mr. John Watson. 
Marks: Four; including year letter B, for 1741. No maker's 


CLASS II. — SEOULAB PLATE 1740 — 1742 53 

211 and 212. TWO TEA CADDIES 1741. Mr. T. Taylor. 

Pear shape with grooved sides, on moulded circular foot ; on cover 
of one the letter B, and on that of the other 6— doubtless for black 
and green tea — loose knopped cover. 

Maries: Four; including maker's mark as in no. 201, and year 
letter B, for 1741. 

Dimensions : Height, Q^ inches ; diameter of foot, 24 inches. 

Weight: Of both, 16 oz. 10 dwts. 

Crest: A sword impaling a winged heart. 

213. TWO-HANDLED CUP 1742. 

T^ie Blacksmiths' Company of Carlisle. 

Similar in shape to the Durham joiners' cup, having moulded 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark fpr Isaac Cookson as in 
no. 201, and year letter C, for 1742. 

Dimensions : Height, 6| inches ; diameter at mouth, 5 inches, at 
base, 3| inches. 

Inscription : ' The Gift of John Robinson | to the Company of 
Smiths I 1742.' 

214. SALVER 1742. Mr. 0. Riddell. 
Plain, with shaped border. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark for George Bulman as in 
no. 206, and year letter 0, for 1742. 

215. MUG 1742. Mr. Joseph A. Philipson. 
Similar in shape to other mugs made by Isaac Cookson, and 

described before. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, as in no. 201, for Isaac 
Cookson, and year letter 0, for 1742. 

Dimensions : Height, 8 J inches. 

216. SAUCE BOAT 1742. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Shaped edge, flat chasing on sides, on three escalloped feet, snake 

handle ; perhaps used as a cream jug. 

Marks: Five; including maker's mark, W. P. in monogram, for 
William Partis, and year letter C, for 1742. 


Dim&iisiom : Extreme length, 5^ iDches ; height, 2 inches. 
Weight : 6 oz. 6 dwts. 

317. SAUCE BOAT 1743. MiasAOgood. 

Similar in shape and decoration to last. 

Marks : Same as last, but year letter D, for 1748 ; maker's mark, 
uncertain, probably by William Partis. 

218. SALVER 1743. Mr. William Orde. 

Escalloped and moulded edge, with scroll work at intervals ; on 
three feet ; chased strap- work and flowers. 

Dimensions : Height, 2^ inches ; diameter, 14| inches. 

Marks: Five; including maker's mark, as no. 201, for Isaac 
Cookson, and year letter D, for 1743. 

Arms in mantling in centre ; az., three fish haurient ar, ; and 
crest, a stages head erased ppr.^ for Orde ; motto, tam mitis qyam 


219. SAUCE BOAT 1743. Mr. W. H. Ryott. 

Similar in shape and description to nos. 216 and 217. 
Marks : Same marks as last. 

220. MUa 1743. Dr. Hardcasth. 
Ordinary shape, with embossed sides. 

Marks : Five same as last. 

221. TANKARD 1744. The Butchers' Company of Gdrlisle. 

Slightly bulb-shaped, with moulded top and base, double curved 

Marks: Five; including maker's mark, as before, for Isaac 
Cookson, lion passant, leopard's head, and year letter E, for 1744. 

Dimensions : Height, 6 J inches ; diameter at mouth, 4^ inches. 

Inscription : ' The Company of Butchers at Carlisle, 1745.' 

222. MUFFINEER 1744. Mr. W, H. Knowles. 
Marks: Five; includiug maker's mark, ^ ^, for William 

Partis, and year letter E, for 1744. 

CfLASSII. — SECULAR PLATE 1743 — 1746 55 

223. SMALL SALVER c. 1745. Mr. J. E. Garr-EUison. 
Bound, haying shaped edge with shell ornament at equal distances ; 

on three claw feet. In centre, a crest in wreath, almost erased, around 
it flowers repousse (see frontispiece). 

Marks: Four ; including W ^, for William Partis, but apparently 
no year letter. 

Dimensions : 1^ inches high, 9 inches diameter. 


Mr. L, W. Adamson, 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark as in no. 222, for William 
Partis, and year letter Gr, for 1746. 
Dimensions: Length, 6^ inches. 
Weight: Of each, 1^ oz. 

These are from the Newcastle Mansion house sale. 

226. TANKARD 1745. Mr. T. Taylor. 

Straight-sided, with moulded band about two-thirds down, moulded 
base, plain domed cover with thumb-piece. 

Marks : Five ; on body of tankard, lion passant, three castles in 
heart-shaped shield, leopard's head crowned, and year letter F, for 
1745; and on handle, maker's mark, I E, for James Eirkup. 

Dimensions : Height, 7 inches ; diameter at mouth, 4 inches, at 
base, 5 inches ; girth, 12^ inches. 

Weight: 21 oz. 18 dwts. 

Initials : On handle, T J E. 

226. TANKARD 1746. Miss Reed. 

Somewhat bulb-shaped, slight moulded lip, moulded base, handle 
double curved.. 

Marks : Six ; including maker's mark, I E for James Kirkup, 
and year letters F and G, for 1745 and 1746. 

Dimensions : Height, 5^ inches ; diameter at mouth, 4 inches, at 
base, 4| inches. 

This tankard has two year letters, evidently the earlier one F, for 1745, has 
been used in error. 


227. COFFEE POT 1746. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Of very small size, chased with leaves and flowers in rep<ms8e work, 

on moulded foot ; straight chased spout, ebony handle ; acanthus leaf 
ornament on knopped lid. 

Marks : Five ; including «/ 6 for Isaac Cookson, and year letter 
a for 1746. 

Dimensions : Height, 4 inches, to top of knop, 5 inches ; diameter 
of mouth, 1| inches, at base, 2^ inches. 

228. SAUCE BOAT 1746. Mr. W. Orde. 
Finely chased, escalloped edge with repousse scrolls and leaves ; on 

three feet formed of lions masks and claws ; handle, a scaled dolphin- 
like fish, with head curved over ; mask under spout. 

Marks : Five ; same as last. 

Dimensions: Extreme length, 7^ inches ; height at spout, 8^ inches, 
at side, 3 inches ; diameter, 4 inches. 

229. SALT CELLAR 1747. Mr. W. Orde. 
Round shaped, on three feet, formed of lion's masks and claws, like 

no. 228 ; edges wavy and gadrooned. 

Marks : Five ; same as last, but year letter H, for 1747. 
Dimensions : Height, If inches ; diameter, 2^ inches. 

230. SOUP LADLE 1747. Mrs. Bowness. 
Marks : Five ; same as last. 

281. SPOON 1747. Mr. T. Taylor. 

Double drop at back of spoon, and sharp ridge down front of stem. 
Marks : Five ; including W ^, for William Dalton, and year 
letter H, for 1747. 

Dimensions : Length, 8 inches. 
Weight : 2 oz. 1 dwt. 

Initials : R ^ I. 

232. TANKARD 1748. Mr. C. Perkins. 

Marks : Five ; as no. 227, but year letter I, for 1748. 

238. RAT-TAILED SPOON 1748. Mr. L. W. Adamson. 

Marks : include I K, for James Kirkup. 

IFi'Km a Phdoe-afh by Hiss Taylor of Chipchasi Cailli) 

CLASS II. — SECULAR PLATE 1746 — 1750 67 

234- CUP 1749. Dr. Emlleton. 

Bell-shaped on foot, bowl decorated with repousse work of flowers 
(pinks, roses, tulips, etc.), above the inscription is a seated figure (see 
plate X). 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, R M, for Eobert Make- 
peace, and year letter K, for 1749. 

Dimensions : Height, 6 inches ; diameter at mouth, 4^ inches, of 
foot, 3J inches. 

Weight : 11^ oz. 

Inscription : On a panel on the side, * L. Svnderland, Esq', W. 
Ayksley, Esq., Stewards. Mr. R. Akenhead, jun'. Secretary, 1760.' 

This cup has evidently belonged to some guild or trading company. 

235. TANKARD 1750. Rev. J. Allgood. 
Small, plain, with domed cover. 

Marks: Five; including maker's mark, r^, for William Beilby 
of Durham, and year letter L, for 1750. 
Dimensions: Height, 5 J inches. 
Weight: 16 oz. 15 dwts. 

236. MUG 1750. The Weavers' Guild, Alnwick. 
Slightly curved sides, moulded lip and base, handle with double 


Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, R M, for Robert Make- 
peace, and year letter L, for 1750. 

Dimensions : Height, 3^ inches ; diameter at mouth and base, 2| 

Inscription: (in script) *The Weavers' [1751 below arms] in 

Arm^: Are in a curiously irregular shaped shield, three human 
heads with large open mouths gardanty having two rams' horns above. 

237. SAUCE BOAT 1750. Mr. T. T. Dale. 
Plain, with wavy edge, on three feet joined to body by shell- 
shaped ornament, scroll handle. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, as before, for Isaac Oook- 
8on, and year letter L, for 1750. 
Dimensions : 5f inches long. 

TOL. XXI. 8 


238 and 839. TWO SAUCE BOATS 1750. Miss Allgood. 

Plain, with wavy edge. 

Marks: Five; including maker's mark, as before, for William 
Partis, and year letter L, for 1750. 

Dimensions: Length, 6 J inches; height, 3 inches; diameter, 
8^ inches. 

Weight: 10 oz. 10 dwts. 

240 and 241. TWO BLEEDING BOWLS 1750. 

Mr. J. R. Garr-ElMson, 
Perforated strap-work handle, moulded edge and base (see frontis- 
piece and plate XI). 

Marks : Include maker's mark as in no. 195, for Isaac Cookson, 
and year letter L for 1750. 

Dimensians: Height, 2 J inches; diameter at mouth, 4f inches; 
length, including handles, 7^ inches. 

248. KETTLE and STAND 1751. Mr. J. R. Garr-ElUsm. 

Pear-shaped body, covered with repouss^ design of flowers and 
leaves intermixed with strap work ; ornamental shields on sides ; spout 
an eagle's head; handle formed of two mermaids; lid with pine- 
apple knop ; a fine example of florid Georgian chasing in high relief 
(see frontispiece and plate IX). 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, as in no. 195, for Isaac 
Cookson, and year letter M, for 1751. 

Dimensions : Height, 5^ inches, to top of knop, 8 inches ; diameter 
of base, 3 inches. 

Stand, on three shell feet, acanthus leaves round top, overhanging 
perforated rim. 

Marks : Same as on kettle. 

243. MUG 1751. Miss Reed of Oldtoum. 
Straight-sided, moulded top and base, handle with double curve. 
Marks : Five ; same as last. 

Dimensions : Height, 4f inches ; diameter at mouth, 3J inches ; at 
base, 4 inches. 

244. SAUCE BOAT 1751. Mrs. De Mey. 

Marks: Five; including maker's mark, as before, for William 

Partis, and year letter M, for 1751. 

Formerly belonged to the Corporation of Newcastle. 

CLASS II. — SECULAR PLATE 1750 — 1753 59 

346. MUG 1752. General Allgood. 

Plain, usual shape. 

Marks: Five ; including maker's mark, as in no. 231, for William 
Dalton, and year letter N, for 1752. 

246. COFFEE POT 1752. Mies Allgood. 
Bulb shaped, chased with flowers in repoussij and also with a 

church ; fir cone ornament on cover. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, R M, for Robert Make- 
peace, and year letter N, for 1752. 

Dimensions : Height, 10| inches. 

Weight: 88 oz. 

247. COFFEE POT 1753. Mr. J. Caldcleugh of Durham. 
Body plain, three-fourths of spout has a rose and leaf design, 

ebony handle, lid of plain scallop pattern with acorn finial. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, as before, for "William 
Partis, and year letter 0, for 1753. 

Dimensions : Height, 7^ inches, with cover, 9| inches ; diameter 
of foot, 4 inches. 

Weight : 27 oz. 

248. PORRING&R 1753. Mr. T. Taylor. 

Plain, bell-shaped, flat handles, with ridge down middle. 

Marks : Five ; three castles in heart-shaped shield, lion passant, 
leopard's head crowned, and maker's mark, R M, for Robert Make- 
peace, and year letter 0, for 1753. 

Dim^msions : Height, 3| inches ; diameter at mouth, 4^ inches ; 
at base, 2 inches. 

Weight : 4 oz. 6 dwts. 

249. SALVER 1753. Mr. J. R. Car^^-Ellison. 
Shaped with scroll edges ; on three feet (see frontispiece). 
Marks: Five, including maker's mark, as before, for Isaac 

Cookson, and year letter 0, for 1753. 

Dimensions : Diameter, 7 inches ; height, 1 inch. 

Initials : In centre, «5^ ^. 


260. SAUCE BOAT 1753. Mr. J. Calddeugh. 

Scalloped round edges, with three ornamental scallop shell feet. 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, as before, for Isaac Cook- 
son, and year letter 0, for 1753. 

Dimensions : 4 J inches long by 2J inches high. 
Weight : 3 J oz. 

Inscription : j^y 

261. SAUCE BOAT 1753. 

Mr, T. Hesketh Hodgson of Newhy Grange, 
Marks : Five ; same as last. 

262. TANKARD 1753. Mr. J, Kirsopp, 

Marks: Five; including maker's mark, as before, for William 
Partis, and year letter 0, for 1753. 

263. MUG 1753. Mr, Wm. Orde. 
Ordinary shape, with moulded foot and edge; handle double 


Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, c/ S^y for John Kirkup, 
and year letter for 1753. 

Dimensions : Height, 5 inches ; diameter at mouth, 3^ inches ; at 
base, 3f inches. 

264-7. FOUE SALT CELLARS 1754. Mr. J, R. Carr-Ellison. 
Bowl-shaped, on three shell feet (see frontispiece). 
Marks: Four; including maker's mark as in no. 195, for Isaac 
Cookson, and year letter P for 1754. 

Dimensions : Height, 1| inches ; diameter at mouth, 2| inches. 
Initials : On side, 64 ^. 

268. ROSE WATER EWER 1754. Mr. T. Taylor. 

Chased with flowers and foliage in relief, mask with spiral horns 

under spout, moulded band round centre, on moulded foot chased in 

similar manner ; terminal bust of bold design on double curved handle 

(see plate XII). 

(From a pholggiaph by Miss Tay, 

This plate given by M 

CLASS II. — SECULAR PLATE 1758 — 176^4 61 

Mcurka : Five ; including maker's mark for Isaac Cookson as 
before, and year letter P, for 1754. 

Dimensions : Height, 6 inches ; diameter from lip to handle, 7 
inches, of base, 3| inches. 

Weight : 12 oz. 6 dwts. 

259. KETTLE and STAND 1764. Mr. W. Orde. 
Kettle : Globular, chased with flowers and scrolls ; lid flat with 

acorn knop ; handle double curved. 

Marks : Include maker's mark, cf <9^, for John Kirkup, and year 
letter P for 1764. 

Dimensions: Diameter at mouth, 2^ inches, at widest part, 
7 inches, at base, 8^ inches 

Arms : On one side, az. a cross /lory or^ for : crest, 

a fox's head erased. 

Stand has strap work perforations round ; overhanging edge of 
repouss^ scrolls and wreaths of flowers ; on three curved shell feet. It 
is 4^ indies high. The marks are same as on kettle. 

260. POEEINGEE 1754. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Plain, bell -shaped, with flat reeded handles. 

Marks : Five ; including makers' marks ^ S6 | ^ S ior Lang- 
lands and Goodrick, and year letter P for 1754. 

Dimensions : Height, 3| inches ; diameter at mouth, 3| inches ; at 
base, 2| inches. 

Weight : 4 oz. 8 dwts. 

Inscription : (in script) ' The Gift ofT*B|I*C|A#Bto 
fi ♦ B, 1755.' 

261. TWO SAUCE BOATS 1754. Mrs. A. Potter. 
Plain, on three feet. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark E.M., for Robert Make- 
peace, and year letter P, for 1754. 

Formerly the property of the Corporation of Newcastle. 

262. SAUCE BOAT 1754. Mr. T. Hesketh Hodgson. 
Plain, on three shell-shaped feet. 

Mwrki: Five; including maker's mark for Isaac Cookson as 
before, and year letter P for 1764. 


Dvmensiom : Length, 6f inches ; width, 4 inches ; height, 2| 

Weight : 3 oz. 18 dwts. 

268- COFFEE POT 1755. Mr. J. Kirsopp. 

Marks : Five ; including makers' mark, for Langlands and Grood- 
rick as in no. 260, and year letter Q, for 1755. 

864. TEAPOT 1755. Mr. T. A. Eeid. 

Marks : Five ; same as last. 

266. PORRINGER 1755. Mr. T. Taylor. 

Bell-shaped, cable moulding round upper part, incised leaves 
at each side ; spiral flutings round lower part surrounded by similar 
leaves ; flat reeded handles. 

Marks : Five ; same as last. 

Dissensions : Height, 4^ inches ; diameter at mouth, 4 inches, at 
base, 2| inches. 

Weight : 6 oz. 13 dwts. 

266. SALVER 1755. Mr. W. Orde. 
Round, with moulded and scalloped edge ; on three scroll feet. 
Mark^ : Five ; same as last. 

Dimensions : Diameter, 7^ inches ; height, 1 inch. 

Arms : In centre, an oval shield, gu. (?) three fish haurient or. 

267. SALVER 1756. Mr. J. Kirsopp. 

Marks : Five ; as before, but year letter R, for 1756. 

268. SAUCE BOAT 1756. Mr. W. Orde. 
On three plain curved feet, handle double curved. 

Marks: Five ; including maker's mark for John Kirkup as 
in no. 259, but year letter R for 1756. 

Dimensions : Extreme length, 7 inches ; height at spouc, 3 inches. 

269. TWO-HANDLED CUP 1756. Mr. T. Taylor. 

Usual shape, with narrow moulded band round centre. 

Marks: Five; including maker's mark, ^ ^ with gem ring 
above, for John Langlands ; makers' marks on each handle for Lang- 
lands and Ooodrick as in no. 260, and year letter R, for 1756. 

CLASS II.— SECULAR PLATE 1756 — 1767 6S 

Dimensions : Height, 6| inches ; diameter at mouth, 4^ inches, 
at base, 3| inches. 
Weight: 18 oz. 
Initials : On handle, M B. 

This mark was used by John Langlands from the death of his partner, Good- 
rick, till May, 1757. The handles are marked with the partnership stamp. 

270. MARROW SPOON 1756. Mr. L. W. Adamson. 
Marks : Same as in no. 260, but year letter R, for 1766. 
Dimensions : Length, 9 inches. 

Weight : 2^ oz. 

271. BOTTLE STAND (?) 1757. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Saucer-shaped, with raised bottom, probably used for holding an 

ordinary hollow bottomed quart wine bottle. 

Marks: Five; including maker's mark, r^i, for John Langlands, 
and year letter S, for 1757. 

Dimensions: Height, Ij inches; diameter of top, 4J inches, of 
hollow base, 2f inches. 

Weight: 3 oz. 12 dwts. 

Initials : W M. 

This year letter is of a slightly ornamental character and often occurs on 
plate, and was probably used during the year 1758 also, as no piece of plate 
is known bearing the letter T for that year. 

272. TANKARD 1757. Mr. Sheriton Holmes. 
Straight-sided, moulded rim and base, band round, handle 

rounded outside, flat inside. 

Marks: Five; including maker^s mark, as last, for John Lang- 
lands, and year letter S, for 1757. 

Dimensions : Height, 6^ inches ; diameter at mouth, 4 inches, at 
base, 4| inches. 

273. TANKARD 1757. Mr. K E. Taylor. 
Bellied, with moulded band, handle double curved, domed lid with 


Ma/rks: Five, as before ; maker's mark on handle, for John Lang- 
lands ; leopard's head repeated on lid. 

Dimensions: Height, 6^ inches, to top of lid, 8| inches ; diameter 
of base, 4| inches. 


274. TANKARD 1757. Mr J. W. Pease o/Pmdower, Bmwell 
Marks : Same as last 

276. TANKAED 1757. 

Major Wtddringtoriy of NewUm-on-the-Moor. 
Maries : Same as no. 273. 

276. MUG 1757. Joiners^ Company of Durham. 
Bellied sides, similar to others previously described, handle double 


Marks : Pour ; including year letter oramented S, for 1757. No 
maker's mark. 

Dimensions : Height, 4 inches ; diameter at mouth, 2| inches, at 
base, 2| inches. 

Inscription : On side, * This belongs to the Company of Joiners | 

in DUBHAM.' 

277. TWO-HANDLED CUP 1757. Mr, T. Turner Farley. 
Plain, with moulded band. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark for John Lauglands, and 
year letter S, for 1757, as in no. 271. 

Dimensions : Height, 7| inches ; diameter at mouth, 5^ inches. 
Weight : 36 oz. 

278. TWO-HANDLED CUP 1757. Mr. L. W. Adamson. 
Similar to last but smaller, and marks the same. 

Dimensions : Height, 6J inches ; diameter, 4^ inches. 

279. TANKARD 1757. Joiners' Company of Durham. 
Straight-sided, domed lid with thumb-piece, handle. 

Marks: Five; same as last. Maker's mark repeated on handle ; 
lion repeated on lid. 

Dimensions : Height, 5| inches, to top of lid, 7^ inches ; diameter, 
at mouth, 4 inches, at base, 5^ inches. 

Arms : On front, on an egg-shaped shield, with left side hollowed 
out and mantling, the joiners' arms. 

Inscription : (in script) * This Tankard belongs to the Company of 
Joiners in Durham.' 


280. TWO-HANDLED CUP 1757. Mr. N&rman Cookson. 
Marks : Five ; including maker's and other marks, as last. 

281. TWO-HANDLED CUP 1757. 

Mr, Watson Askew-Rohertson of Ladyhirh. 
Plain, with moulded band. 
Marks : As on last cup. 

Dimensions : Height, 7^ inches ; diameter at mouth, 5^ inches, 
of foot, 4J inches. 

Weight : 48 oz. 15 dwts. 

282- COFFEE POT 1757. ' Miss Reed. 

Ewer shaped, embossed with flowers and leaves, flat handle, large 
embossed shell at junction of spout ; acorn knop on lid. 
Moflrks : Same as last. 
Dimensions : Height, 8 inches ; to top of knop on lid, 10^ inches. 

283. COFFEE POT 1757. Mr. L, W. Adamson. 

Marks : Same as no. 279. 

Dimensions : Height, 9^ inches ; diameter at base, 4 inches. 

281- COFFEE POT 1757. Major WiddririgUm. 

Ma/rks : As on last. 

285- TEA POT 1757. Mr. John EaU. 

Pear shaped, repotissi with leaves and flowers, flutings next 
moulded base. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark for John Langlands and 
year letter as before. 

286. SALVER 1757. Miss AUgood. 

Plain with shaped border, on three feet. 

Marks: Five ; including maker's mark for William Partis and year 
letter S, for 1757 as before. 

Dimensions : Diameter, 6| inches. 
Weight : 8 oz. 2 dwts. 



287-9. THREE SUGAR CASTERS 1757. Mrs. Hodgson BurUtey. 

All alike, body divided by a gadrooned band, lower part pear 
shaped, rim and base gadrooned, cover with spiral lines at intervals, 
between which are perforations ; on top an acorn-shaped knop. 

Marks : Five ; same as last. 

Dimensions: Of two, height, 7| inches, diameter of base, 2^ inches ; 
of the third, height, 9 inches, diameter of base, 2| inches. 

Grest on front : A beacon inflamed proper, for Compton. 

290. BOX 1757. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Of cylindrical form, domed lid with knop, two raised bands, 

fruit and flowers repousse on body and lid ; spreading and moulded 

Marks : Five ; including date letter S as before for 1757, and 

maker's mark, c/ ^, for John Kirkup. 

Dimensions : Height at top of lid, 4^ inches ; diameter at top. 
If inches, at base, 2f inches. 

Weight : 4 oz. 11 dwts. 

291. TANKARD 1759. Mr. F. M. Laing. 
Straight-sided, with raised and moulded band, moulded edge and 

base, domed lid with thumb-piece ; spout has been added. 

Marks : Five ; including «5^, for 1759, and maker's mark for John 
Langlands as before ; lion repeated on lid. 

292. BEAKER 1759. Mr, Normmi Cookson. 
Marks : Same as last. 

293. MUG 1759. Mr. A. Leather Cvlley. 

Marks : Same as last. 

294. MUG 1759. Mrs. Hodgson Huntley. 
Marks : Same afi last. 

Dimensions : Height, 4 J inches ; diameter at mouth, 2| inches, at 
base, 8| inches. 

Grest on front : A beacon inflamed proper ^ for Compton. 

295. MUG 1759. Mr. W. F. EM. 

Mwrks : Same as last. 

Nos. 300 and 301. 
IS plaie Eiven by Miss AUsood. 

GLASS II. — SECULAR PLATE 1757 — c. 1760 67 

296. MUG 1760. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Straight-sided, repcyaasi with flowers and foliage, moulded top and 

bottom ; double curved round handle. 

Marks : Five ; including year letter ^, for 1760, and maker's 

mark for John Langlands as before. 

Dimenaions : Height, 3| inches ; diameter at mouth, 2^ inches, 
at base, 3 inches. 

Weight : 5 oz. 17 dwts. 

297. SUGA.R CASTER 1760. Mr, T, Taylor. 
Octagonal-sided, narrow moulded band half way down. Moulded 

edge and base ; pierced top, surmounted by a button-shaped knop. 

Marks : Five ; same as last. 

Ditnensions : Height, 7^ inches ; diameter of mouth, 2 inches, at 
base, 2^ inches. 

Weight : 8 oz. 12 dwts. 

298. SPOON 1760. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Single drop, with chased shell on back of bowl. Stem with 

turned up end and sharp ridge down front. 

Marks : Five ; same as last but I K, for John Kirkup. 
Dimensions : Length, 8 inches. 
Weight : 1 oz 16 dwts. 

299. TANKARD c 1760. The Blacksmiths' Guild of Carlisle. 
Straight-sided, domed lid with thumb piece, handle. 

Marks : Two on lid ; lion passant and maker's mark, I L, for 
John Langlands. Probably other marks are on bottom, but it is 
plugged with wood. 

Dimensions: Height, 6 J inches; to top of lid, 7j inches; dia- 
meter at mouth, 4 inches, at base, 4^ inches. 

Inscription : ' The Gift of Humphrey Senhouse of Netherhall, Esq., 
one of the Aldermen of the City of Carlisle to the Fraternity of Smiths 
of the same City, 1760.' 

300 AND 301. TWO CANDLESTICKS c 1760. Miss Allgood. 
Plain, with slender baluster stem, on square foot with circular 
depression in it (see plate XIII). 


Marks : Four ; including maker's mark for John Langlands as 
before. No year letter. 

Dimensions : Height, 9 J inches. 
Weight of each : 19 oz. 10 dwts. 

302. TABLE SPOON c. 1760. Miss AUgood. 
Shell ornamentation on back of bowl. 

Marks : Four ; including (^, for Samuel Thompson. No year 

Dimensions : Length, 8 J inches. 

Weight : 1 oz. 10 dwts. 

303. ROSEWATER EWER 1760-9. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Divided into two parts by a raised moulded band ; upper part 

repouss'e with flowers and foliage, and mask under spout, a band 
of acanthus leaves round lower part, short plain stem and 
circular foot chased with sea monsters, cupids, etc. ; esealloped 
and moulded edge, with shell ornament at intervals ; handle formed 
of a female figure. 

Marks : Four ; including maker's mark for John Langlands as 
before. No year letter. 

Dimensions : Height in front, 9 inches ; extreme width from lip 
to handle, 8 inches ; diameter of foot, 4J inches. 

Weight : 88 oz. 10 dwts. 

In the period 1760-9 no year letter is given in the goldsmiths' books, and 
probably none was used. 

304. BEAKER c 1760-9. Mr. T. Tat/lor. 

Straight-sided slightly tapering to base, moulded top, decorated 
in style of queen Ann porringers with cable band ]J inches from 
top, and rows of three-lobed leaves incised above and below ; spiral 
flutings from half way down to within one inch of hollow bottom. 

Moflrks : Four ; including maker's mark for John Langlands as 
before. No year letter. 

Dimensions : Height, 7^ inches ; diameter at mouth, 4 inches, at 
base, 3| inches. 

Weight : 12 oz. 

[Fn«i fl Photograph by Miss TflylDr.) 

This plale given by Mr, T. Tiylor. 

CLARS IT. — SECULAK PLATE c.1760— 1772 69 

805. TANKARD 1769. Mr. F, M. Lamg. 

Straight-sided, with raised moulded band and moulded base; 
lid with thumb-piece ; spout has been added which has modern hall 
marks, including queen's head. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark for John Langlands as 
before ; lion repeated on lid, I L on handle, and year letter (?, for 


Uimensions : Height, 6 inches, to top of lid, 7^ inches ; diameter 
at mouth, 4| inches, at base, 5| inches. 

Tnficription : Under base, C W, 1769 ; crest and motto engraved 
on side. 

306. TWO-HANDLED CUP AND COVER 1769. Mr. 1\ Taylor. 
Same shape as Durham joiners' cup. Moulded top and base ; 

raised band round centre ; ornamented below band with plain and 
open ribs alternately, the latter filled in with diagonal strap work ; 
cover similarly ornamented ; round handles, double curved ; knop on 
lid (see plate XIV). 

Marks : Five ; same as last ; maker's mark repeated on rim of 

JDimermons : Height to top of knop on lid, 10^ inches ; diameter 
at mouth, 5^ inches, at base, 4 inches. 

Weight : 89 oz. 5 dwts. 

307. TWO-HANDLED COP 1770. Mr. J. Watson. 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, I • K, for John Kirkup, 

and year letter ®, for 1770. 

308. TANKARD 1772. Mrs. Mitchell 
Marks: Five; including maker's mark for John Langlands as 

before, and year letter ^, for 1772. 

309. SAUCE BOAT 1772. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Plain with wavy edge, on three plain feet, usual handle turning 

over bowl. 

Marks: Five ; including maker's mark, ^ , for James Crawford, 

and year letter ^, for 1772. 


Dimeimons: Height at spout, 2 J inches; from spout to handle, 
5^ inches. 

Weight: 3 oz. 6 dwts. 

InitiaU: On bottom I .A, on one side I K, on other side crest, 
a dove. 

310. JUG 1773. Mr. Joseph A. PhUipsan. 

Ewer shaped, with high knopped lid, spout and handle. 

Marks: Five; including maker's mark for John Langlands, as 
before, and year letter 6 for 1778. 

Dlmensiom: Height, without lid, 5^ inches; diameter at mouth, 
4f inches. 

3!l. TANKARD 1774. Mr.JohnHdU. 

Bulb-shaped, with moulded rim and base, no lid. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, I I, for John Jobson, and 
year letter H, for 1774. 

Dimensions: Height, 7 inches ; diameter at mouth, 4^ inches, at 
base, 4^ inches. 

Initials : c/«/^ tf on front. 

S12. TANKARD 1774. Mr, T. Taylor. 

Plain, straight-sided, with convex bottom and moulded edge, 
on four pomegranate feet, from each of which a four-leaved ornament 
rises ; cover slightly domed, with thumb-piece formed of two pome- 
granates ; on upper part of handle floral interlaced ornament in relief. 

Marki : Five ; including maker's mark for John Langlands as 
before, and year letter H, for 1774. 

Dimensions : Height, 7;^ inches ; diameter at mouth, 4| inches 
at base, 4^ inches. 

Weight : 30 oz. 

On front a modern monogram. 

313. TANKARD 1774. Dr. Hardcastle. 

Marks : Five ; same as last. 

314. TANKARD 1774. Miss Thompson. 
Marks : Five ; including makers' mark, I.H | H.B, for Hethering- 

ton and Edwards, and year letter H, for 1774. 

CLASS II. — 8BCULAE PLATE 1773 — 1774 


815. MUG 1774. 

Marks: Five; including makers* mark, W S | I.M, for Stalker 
and Mifcchifion, and year letter H, for 1774. 


The Bishop of Bwrliam, 

Both very graceful in shape, knopped lid, spout, straw-covered 

Marks : Five ; including 
maker's mark for John Lang- 
lands, as before, and year letter 
H, for 1774.. 

Dimensions : Height, 5| 
inches ; to top of knop on lid, 

7 inches. 

This is the so-called * Bishop 
Butler coffee pot,' but as it was not 
made until 1774, it could not have 
been the bishop's property. 

317. SUGAE CASTEE 1774. 

Mr. T. Taylor. 

Of usual form, with spiral 
fluting on lower half, and also 
smaller fluting round moulded 
top and foot ; top with hollow 
spiral lines at intervals, between 
them three sets of seven holes, 
and pierced scroll ornament alternately; surmounted by acorn-like knop. 

Marks : Five ; same as last. 

Dimensions : Height, 10 inches ; diameter of base, 8 inches ; girth 
round widest part, 12 inches. 

Weight: 11 oz. 7 dwts. 

Arms : Quarterly 1st and 4th barry of eight ar. and gulesy a cross 
fiory sa. for Gower ; 2nd and 8rd az. 8 laurel leaves or^ for Leveson. 
Supporters, 2 wolves az. collared and lined or. 

Crest : A wolf passant ar. collared and lined or. 

Motto : On a riband, ' Frangas non flectes.' 


318. TABLE SPOON 1774. Miss Thompson. 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark ^H), for J. Hetherington, 

and year letter H, for 1774. 

319. SOUP LADLE 1774. Dr. Burman of Alnwick. 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark c/ c/> for James Jobson, 

and year letter H, for 1774. 

InUMs: yj\ J 

320. TEA POT 1776. Mr. J. Wilson. 

Plain, oval-shaped, beaded top and bottom, straight spout, flat lid 
with knop, and handle. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark for John Langlands as 
before, and year letter K, for 1776. 

Initials : * A D W on side, * I A ' on bottom. 

821. GRAYY SPOON 1779. Mr. Sheriton Uohnes. 

Has cable-moulded handle. 

Marks : Five ; including makers' marks W S | I M, for Stalker 
and Mitchison, and year letter N, for 1779. 

Dimensions : Length, 11^ inches. 

Initials in monogram on end of handle, ^ B J S ' in circle with 
4 roses at equal distances. 

322. TABLE SPOON 1778. Mr. G. B. Blagdon of Durham. 
Marks : Including maker's mark, I^L for James Crawford, and 

year letter M, for 1778. 

323. TABLE SPOON 1779. Mr. 0. B. Blagdon. 
Marks : Same as last, but N for 1779. 

324. TANKARD 1780. Mrs. Wilson. 

Mofl'ks: Including makers' marks f^, for Langlands and Robert- 
son, and year letter 0, for 1780. 

CLASS II. — SECULAR PLATE 1774 — 1781 78 

325. MUG 1780. The Eev. K J. Taylor. 

Of plain design. 

Marks : Five ; including makers' mark for Langlands and 
Robertson as last, and year letter 0, for 1780. 

Dimensions : Height, 5 inches ; diameter of mouth, 2| inches ; of 
base, 3 J inches. 

Crest : A ram's head erased proper, and motto, * Sit sine labe.' 

Inscription : I W, for Ilderton Weatherley, vide Welford's Men of 

326. SUGAR CASTER 1780. Mr. T. Taylor. 

Similar to no. 817. 

Marks : Five ; including makers' mark for Langlands and Robert- 
son as in no. 824, and year letter for 1780. 
Arms : Same as on no. 817. 
Dimensions : About the same. 
Weight : 10 oz. 18 dwts. 

327. GRAVY SPOON 1780. Mr. L. W. Adamson. 
Marks : Five ; including makers' mark, [^ for Pinkney and 


Dimensions : Extreme length, llj inches ; bowl, 8f inches by 2^ 

328. TEA POT 1781. Bev. J. Allgood. 

Plain, oval-shaped, with beading round top and base, and also 
round lid ; straight spout. 

Marks : Five ; including makers' mark for Langlands and Robert- 
son as before, and year letter P, for 1781. 

Dimensions : Height, 4 inches. 

Weight : 14 oz. 15 dwts. 

329. TEA POT 1781. The Rev. E. H, Adamson. 

Oval, straight- sided, chased in low relief, flat lid, straight spout. 
Marks : Same as on last. 

Dimensions : Length, 5J inches ; breadth, 4| inches ; height, 4 
inches ; circumference, 14 inches ; height to lid, 4^ inches. 

VOL. TTl. 10 


330. SAUCE BOAT 1781. Mr. T. Hesketh Hodgson. 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, I.H for J. Hetherington, 

and year letter P, for 1781. 

Dimensions : Height at spout, 2f inches ; length from spout to 
handle, 5^ inches ; length of base, 8 inches. 

Weight: 3 oz. 1 dwt. 10 grs. 

331. TANKARD 1782. Mrs. L. W. PhUipson. 
Marks: Five ; including makers' mark for Langlands and Robert- 
son as before, and year letter Q, for 1782. 

332. TANKARD 1782. Mr. BUis of Hexkam. 
Usual shape, with spiral gadrooning round base and cover. 
Marks : Same as last. 

333. TWO-HANDLED CUP 1782. Mrs. E. Carr. 
Plain, with moulded band. 

Marks : Same as last. 

334. COFFEE POT 1782. Mr. F. M. Laing. 
Bulb shaped, gadrooned round mouth and base, spout fluted next 

body ; high knopped lid, gadrooned next knop and round edge. 

Marks : Five ; same as no. 824. 

Dimensions : Height, 8^ inches ; to top of knop, 12 inches ; dia- 
meter at mouth, 8^ inches, at base, 4^ inches. 

Weight : 25*0 scratched under base. 

Inscription: Under bottom, *A gift from the Owners of the 
Atalanta to Mrs. Cram 1783 April 3.' A ship engraved on side. 

335. COFFEE POT 1782. Miss Thompson. 
Marks : Same as no. 321. 

836. MUG 1782. Mr. H. L. PatHnson. 

Marks : Five ; including maker's mark W.S | I.M, for 6. Stalker 
and John Mitchison, and year letter Q, for 1782. 

337. COFFEE POT 1783. Mr. Brodrick Dale. 

Ewer-shaped, with high urn-shaped knopped lid ; spout fluted next 
body ; base gadrooned ; handle double curved (see plate XV). 

This pbte given by Mr. Bmdiick Dair 

CLASS II.-— OCULAR PLATB 1781 — cl784 75 

Marks : Five ; including makers' marks for Langlands and 
Robertson as in no. 324, and year letter R, for 1788. 

Dimensions : Height, without lid, 8 inches ; diameter at mouth, 
2| inches ; at base, 4 inches. 

Initials : On side, P.T.L. 

838. TEA POT 1783. Mr. W. Orde. 
Oval, with sides fluted vertically ; straight spout ; ebony knop and 

handle ; sides engraved with festoons of flowers. 

Marks : Five ; same as last. 

On one side : arms on shield in centre, three fish haurienty as 
before, and on other, letters ^ Jl m monogram. 

839. TWO TABLE SPOONS 1783. Mr. L. W. Adamsm. 
Marks : Five ; including that of Stalker & Mitchison as in no. 321. 
Dimensions : Length, 6 J inches. 

Weight : About 3| oz. 

340-1. TWO SAUCE BOATS 1784. Colonel Adamson. 

Marks : Five ; including makers' mark for Langlands and 
Robertson as before, and year letter S, for 1784. 

342. TANKARD c, 1784. Mrs. Hodgson Huntley. 

Marks : Four ; including makers' mark for Langlands and 
Robertson as before ; no year letter. 

348. MUG c. 1784. Mr, A. Leather GvUey. 

Marks : Four ; same as last. 

344. GRAVY SPOON c. 1784. Mrs. Hodgson Huntley. 
Marks : Four ; including makers' mark for Langlands and 

Robertson as before ; no leopard's head ; year letter illegible. 
Initials : On handle, J. H. 

345. TWO TABLE SPOONS c. 1784. Mr. L, W. Adamson. 
Marks : Five ; including king's head incuse, and makers' mark 

as before for Langlands and Robertson ; no year letter. 
Dimensions : Length, 8| inches. 
Weight : About 8^ oz. 


346. TWO DESSERT SPOONS c, 1784. Mr. L. W. Adamson. 
Marks ; Same as last. 

347. MUSTARD POT 178i. Mr. L. W. Adamson. 
Marks : Five ; including makers' mark as before for Langlands 

and Robertson. 

Dimensions : Height, 2 inches ; diameter, 2 inches. 

348. TANKARD 1785. Miss AUgood. 
Plain, straight-sided, with swelling base ; domed cover, and open- 
work thumb piece ; oblique gadroouing round cover and base. 

Marks : Six ; including makers' mark for Langlands and Robert- 
son as before, year letter T for 1785, and king's head incuse. 

Dimensions : Height, 9^ inches ; diameter at mouth, 4^ inches, at 
foot, 6 inches. 

Weight : 39 oz. 5 dwts. 

349. TANKARD 1785. Bev. T. E. CrawhaU. 

Usual shape. 

Marks : Six ; same as last. 

350. MUG 1785. Mr. Joseph A. PhUipson. 
Straight-sided, moulded top and bottom, covered with repousse 

work of later date. 

Marks : Six ; same as no. 324. 
Dimensions : Height, 3| inches. 

361-2. TWO SAUCE BOATS 1785. Miss AUgood. 

Boat-shaped, with handles at each end ; on oval foot ; beaded 
ornament round rim, handle and foot. 
Marks : Six ; same as no. 324. 

Dimensions : Length, 10^ inches ; height at centre, 4 inches* 
Weight of each : 12 oz. 13 dwts. 

363-4. TWO SAUCE BOATS 1785. Captain Bates. 

Plain, with wavy edges. 

Marks : Six ; including maker's mark for John Mitchison as 
before, and year letter T, for 1785. 

CLASS II.— SECULAR PLATE c. 1784 — 1790 77 

355. TANKARD 1786. Cordwainers* Company of DurJvam, 
Straight sided, with moulded band half way down, moulded lip 

and base ; no lid. 

Marks : Six ; including makers' mark for Langlands and Robert- 
son as before, year letter U, for 1786, and king's head incuse. 

Dimensions : Height, 7 inches ; diameter at mouth, 4| inches, at 
base, 5| inches. 

Inscription: ^This Tankard was Bought By the Company of Cord- 
wainers \ Stephen Lumley and John Sharp \ Wardens \ John Sanderson 
and William Judson \ Stewards. \ Johanne Patrick^ Aldermano. 

356. TEA CADDY 1788. Miss Reed, 
Oblong, with comers cut off ; knop ; letter B on side. 

Marks : Six ; including makers' mark for Langlands and Robert- 
son as before, year letter X, for 1788, and king's head in relief. 

367. SKEWER 1788. Mrs Hodgson Huntley. 

Marks : Six ; same as last. 

358. SKEWER 1789. Mr. T. T. Dale. 
Marks : ijiclude makers' mark for Langlands and Robertson as on 

no. 324, and year letter Y, for 1789. Diinensions: Length, 13 inches. 

359. SPOON c. 1787-90. * Mr. T. Taylor. 
Plain stem with end turned down. 

Marks : Five ; including makers' mark ||f| for Pinkney and Scott ; 
no year letter. Dimensions : Length, 9 inches. Weight : 2 oz. 2 dwts. 
Initial : B on stem. 

360-1. TWO SAUCE BOATS 1790. Mr.G.RiddellofFeltonPark. 
Oval-shaped, with handles at .each end. 

Marks : Six ; including makers' mark for Langlands and Robert- 
son as before, and year letter Z, for 1790. 

362. SAUCE BOAT c. 1790. R&o. T. E. Crawhall 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark as in no. 822 for James 

Crawford ; no year letter. 

363. TWO TABLE SPOONS 1790. Mr. L. W. Adamson. 
Marks : Six ; including maker's mark as in no. 322 for James 

Crawford. Dimensions : Length, 8| inches. Weight about 3^ oz. 


364. TWO THEEE-PEONaED FOEKS c. 1790. 

Mr, L, W. Adamson. 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark as before for John 

Dimensions : Length, 6 J inches. 

Weight : 1^ oz. 

Arms of Newcastle in shield. 

From Mansion house sale. 

365. TANKAED 1791. Mr. T. Taylor. 
Straight-sided, tapering slightly from base upwards ; flat cover 

with open thumb-piece ; spiral gadrooning round moulded base and 

Marks : Six ; including maker's mark for John Mitchison, as 
before, and year letter A for 1791. Maker's mark repeated on handle ; 
all marks repeated on inside of rim of cover. 

Dimensions : Height, 7 J inches ; diameter of mouth, 4 inches, 
of base, 5 inches. 

Weight : 29 oz. 6 dwts. 

366. CAKE BASKET 1791. Mr. J. R. Can^-Mison. 
Bowl shaped, with invected edge, small engraved pattern ; handle 

reeded ; reeded round base (see frontispiece). 

Marks: Six; including makers' marks as before for Langlands 
and Eobertson, and year letter A for 1791. 

Dimensions: 15 inches long, lOf inches across, 5^ inches high at 

Crest : A bull's head. 

367. TANKAED 1791. Mr. J. W. Pease. 
Usual shape. 

Marks : Six ; including makers' mark for Langlands and Eobert- 
son as before, and year letter A, for 1791. 


Mr. L. W. Adamson. 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark, T W in small oblong, for 
Thomas Watson ; no year letter. 

CLASS 11.— SECULAR PLATE c. 1790 — 1798 79 

Dimensions : Length, 9^ inches. 

Weight: IJ oz. 

Anns of Newcastle in shield on end. 

From the Mansion house sale. 

369. TEA POT AND STAND 1794. Mr. L, W. Adamson. 
Marks : Six ; including maker's mark for Langlands and Robert- 
son as before, and year letter D, for 1794. 

Dimensions : Height, 6 J inches, 7^ inches with stand ; width, 6^ 
inches by 4J inches (see plate VIII). 

370. MILK EWER 1794. Mr. J. Watsov. 
Marks : Six ; including makers' mark for Langlands and Robert- 
son as before, and year letter D, for 1794. 

371. TWO TEASPOONS c. 1795. Mr. L. W. Adamson, 
Marks : Five ; including maker's mark as in no. 368 for Thomas 

Watson ; no year letter. 

373. TWO-HANDLED CUP 1795. Mr, E, B. Bh^don, 

Egg-shaped, of classical design, with tall and slender handles. 
Marks : Six ; including maker's mark A • H with gem ring above, 
for Anthony Hedley, and year letter E, for 1795. 

373. SUGAR CASTER c. 1796. Miss Reed. 
Urn-shaped, square base, beaded round top and at widest part. 
Marks: Five; including makers' mark T W, for Thomas Watson. 
Dimensions : Height, 3^ inches ; diameter of base, 1| inches. 

374. TWO TABLE SPOONS 1797. Mr, L. W. Adamson, 
Marks: Six ; including G L, I W in quatrefoil, unknown makers' 

marks, and year letter 6, for 1797. 
Dimensions: Length, 64 inches. 
Weight: l^oz. 

376. COFFEE POT 1798. * R&o. T, E, CrawhaU. 

Marks: Six; including maker's mark I L in oval, for John 
Langlands the younger, and year letter H, for 1798. 


376. TEA POT and STAND 1798. Rev. T. E. Crawhall. 

Marks : 8ix ; same as last. 

377. CAKE BASKET 1798. Mr. 0. RiddeU. 
Marks : Six ; including maker's mark I E in oblong, for John 

Robertson, and year letter H, for 1798. 

378. TABLE SPOON 1798. Mr. L. W. Adamsm. 
Marks: Six; including maker's mark |cr], for Christian Reed, 

and year letter H, for 1798. 

379. TANKARD 1799. Mr. M. Powell. 
Usual shape with moulded band, moulded top and base, domed lid 

with thumb-piece. 

Marks : Six ; including maker's mark as before for John Lang- 
lands the younger, and year letter I, for 1799. 

Dimensions : Height, 6f inches, to top of lid, 8f inches ; diameter 
at mouth, 4 inches, at base, 4§ inches. 

Inscription : * To the memory of | George Maxwell, mason | who 
died September 14th, 1782 | William Charlton, Christopher Wilkie I 
Stewards, 1800.' 

380. TEA POT 1799. Mr. T, G. Gibson ofLeshiry. 
Marks : Six ; including maker's mark as before for John Robert- 
son, and year letter I, for 1799. 

381. CREAM EWER 1799. Tlie Rev. E. J. Taylor. 

Partly fluted, with shield. 

Marks : Six ; including maker's marks T. W., for Thomas 
Watson as before, and year letter I, for 1799. 

Dimensions : Height, 8| inches ; diameter at mouth, 2^ inches, at 
base, If inches. 

Crest: Out of a ducal coronet or, a dexter arm in armour, 
embowed, holding a sword. 

Inscription : I. T. [for Commander John Taylor, R.N.] ; on the 
other shield, G [Gow]. 

382. CREAM JUG c. 1799. 

Mr. George Nicholson of South Shields. 
Marks : Six ; same as last. 



38S. MUSTARD POT c, 1799. Mr. T. Heaheth Hodgson. 

Oval shaped, conical lid with knop. 

Marks : Four ; including maker's mark as before for John 
Robertson ; no year letter. 

Dimensions : 8 J inches high ; 2 J inches diameter. 
Weight : 3 oz. 6 dwts. 

384. WINE STRAINER 1799. Mr. Joseph A. PhUipson. 
Marks : Six ; including year mark I, for 1799 ; maker's mark 


385. PUNCH LADLE 1799. Mr. L. W Adamson. 
Marks : Six ; including maker's mark as in no. 368 for Thomas 


Dimensions : Length of handle, 12 inches, of bowl, 3f inches by 
2i^ inches inside. 

Inserted in centre of bowl is the third of a guinea of George III. 


Adamson, late Rev. B. H., 329 
Adamson, Lawrence W., 125, 143, 154, 

175, 193, 202, 224, 233, 270, 278, 283, 

327, .339, 345-7, 363, 364, 368, 369, 

371, 374, 378, 385 
Adamson, colonel, 340, 341 
Allgood. Miss, 147, 148, 163, 164, 187, 

217, 238, 239, 246, 286, 300-2, 348, 

351, 352 
Allgood, general, 245 
Allgood, Rev. James, 146, 177, 235, 328 
Alnwick — 

Joiners' guild, 129 

Skinners' and Glovers' guild, 156 

Weavers' guild, 194, 236 
Askew-Robertson, Watson, 281 
Aspatria, Cumberland, vicar, etc., of, 


Atkinson, J., 185 

Auckland St. Andrews, vicar, etc., of, 53 

Bates, captain, 353, 354 
Beaumont, W. B., 42, 43 
Berwick-upon-Tweed, vicar, etc., of, 

6, 78, 102, 103 
Birtley, Northumberland, vicar, etc., 

of, 71 


Bishopwearmouth, rector, etc., of, 61, 

Blagdon, G. B., 322, 323, 372 
Blyth, vicar, etc., of, 85, 86 
Boldon, rector, etc., of, 10, 11, 67, 72 
Bowness, Mrs., 230 
Bowness-on-Solway, vicar, etc., of, 56 
Brampton^ Cumberland, vicar, etc., of, 

Burman, Dr., 319 

Caldcleugh, J., 247, 250 
Carlisle — 

Bishop of, 16-17 

Corporation, 162 

Blacksmiths' company, 213, 299 

Butchers' company, 221 

Skinners' and Glovers' guild, 136 

Tailors' guild, 131, 138 

Tanners' guild, 136 
Carr-BUison, J. R., 150, 168, 171, 173, 

180, 200, 208, 209, 223, 240-2, 249, 

264-7, 366, 372 
Carr, Mrs. B., 833 

Castle Eden, vicar, etc., of, 39, 74, 91 ' 
Chollerton, vicar, etc., of, 27 
Cookson, Norman C, 124, 280, 292 



Corbridge, vicar, etc., of, 13, 14 
Crawhall, Rev. T. E., 349, 362, 876, 376 

Dale, Brodrick, 337 

Dale, T. Tinley, 161, 199, 237, 368 

Dand, James, 191 

De Mey, Mrs., 244 

Doddington, vicar, etc., of, 112, 113 

Durham — 
Bishop of, 316 
St. Mary-the-less, vicar, etc., of, 83, 

Cordwainers' company, 356 
Drapers' company, 119, 123 
Joiners' company, 163, 276, 279 

Bglingham, vicar, etc., of, 76, 77 
Bllis, Mr., 332 
Bmbleton, Dr., 234 
Esh, vicar, etc., of, 38 

Farley, T. Turner, 277 

Gainsford, rector, etc., of, 30 
Gateshead St. Mary, rector, etc., of, 8, 

9, 62, 60, 104 
Gibson, T. G., 380 
Gow, Thomas, 128 

Hall, John, 186, 285, 311 
Hall, W. F., 295 
Halton, vicar, etc., of, 66 
Hardcastle, Dr., 220, 813 
Hartbum, 68-70 

Hexham, vicar, etc., of, 49, 50, 87-90. 
Hodgson, T. Hesketh, 261, 262, 330, 383 
Hodgson-Huntley, Mrs., 189, 287-9, 

294, 342, 344, 357 
Holmes, Sheriton, 272, 321 
Howick, vicar, etc., of, 28, 29 

Ilderton, Miss, 197 

Jarrow, vicar, etc., of, 101 

Kirkby Stephen, Westmorland, vicar, 

etc., of, 19 
Kirsopp, J., 262, 263, 2t*7 
Knowles, W. H., 222 

Laing, F. M., 126, 291, 306, 334 
Leather-CuUey, A., 293, 343 
Long Benton, vicar, etc., of, 83, 84 

Mitchell, Mrs., 201, 308 
Monk Hesleden, vicar, etc., of, 56 
Morpeth Corporation, 141 
Mulcaster, Mrs., 127, 166 

All Saints', Vicar, etc., of. 31, 32, 
105-109, 111 

St. Ann's, vicar, etc^ of, 96-100 
St. John's, vicar, etc., of, 12, 46-47, 

110, 114, 115 
St. Nicholas's, vicar, etc., of, 20-26, 

Cordwainers' company, 120, 139,140, 

Tanners' company, 156 
Nicholson, Greorge, 382 

Orde, WiUiam, 117. 174, 176, 195, 207, 
218, 228, 229, 263, 269, 266, 268, 338 

Pattinson, H. L., 181, 336 

Pease, J. W., 274, 367 

Perkins, C, 232 

Philipson, Joseph A., 190, 216, 310, 

350, 384 
PhiUpson, Mrs. L. W., 331 
Ponteland, vicar, etc., of, 79-82 
Potter, Mrs. A., 261 
Powell, M., 379 

Reed, Miss, of Oldtown, 132, 203, 226, 

243, 282, 356, 373 
Reid, T. A., 188, 264 
Riddell, G., 214, 360, 361, 377 
Ryott, W. H., 219 
Ryton, rector, etc., of, 2, 3, 57, 68, 76 

Sawley, Yorkshire, rector, etc., of, 7 
Sherbum hospital, master of, 40, 41 
Snowball, Frank, 179 
Spence, Charles James, 159, 166 
Stanhope, rector, etc., of, 35, 36 
Sunderland, rector, etc., of, 44, 63-5, 

Taylor, Rev. B. J., 184, 325, 381 

Taylor, H. B., 273 

Taylor, T., 116, 118, 121, 122, 133, 134, 
137, 142, 144, 145, 149, 152, 157, 160, 
168-170, 182, 183, 204-206,211,212, 
216, 225, 227, 231, 248, 258, 260, 266, 
269, 271, 290, 296-8, 303, 304, 306, 
309, 312, 317, 326, 359, 365 

Thompson, Miss, 198, 314, 318, 335 

Trimdon, vicar, etc., of, 1 

Tweedmouth, vicar, etc., o^ 95 

Walker, J. W., 196 
Warden, vicar, etc., of, 59 
Watson< John, 167, 210, 307, 870 
Weddell, R., of Berwick, 161 
Whalton, rector, etc., of, 73 
Widdrington, vicar, etc., of, 94 
Widdrington, major, 130, 178, 192, 275, 

Wilson, J., 820 
Wilson, Mrs., 324 
Wooler, vicar, etc., of, 48, 51 


1633, 1639, 1641, 1646-47, WITH SOME NOTES ON 

By 0. S. Terry, M.A. 

[Read on the 27th April and the 25th May, 1898.] 

In 1633, Charles visited Newcastle on his way to Scotland for his 
coronation. The last royal progress towards the north had been in 
the year 1617 ;^ elaborate preparations were therefore necessary for 
Charles's reception. The justices of the several counties through which 
his journey would carry him were required to examine and report on 
the condition of the bridges and highways. As early as March 13th, 
the justices of Northumberland had imported to the council that a 
careful survey had been made, and that the roads and bridges would 
be in a sufficient state of repair by the time Charles arrived.^ On 

' The materials upon which this attempt to piece together the story of an 
obscare period of local history has been constructed have been provided, to some 
extent, by the collections of seventeenth -century pamphlets m the possession 
of this society and of the public library of this town, but chiefly from the 
invaluable * King's Pamphlets ' in the British Museum. The corporation records 
have yielded some items which had escaped the notice of Hornby, while certain 
minutes published by him have gained an additional meaning by corroboratory 
details from other sources. The accounts of St. Mary's, Gateshead, and of the 
Trinity house, have furnished a few details, as also the State Papers and the 
reports of the Historical Manuscripts Commission. I am further indebted to 
Mr. Richard Welford, M.A., and to Mr. C. J. Spence, for permission to consult 
their valuable collections of local literature. 

' Brand, Hi^t. of Newcagtle ; on this visit to Scotland the Scotch ship the 
* Vanguard * of * KincoUie * had been chartered to transport the royal buck- 
hounds from Harwich to Scotland. Cal, State Papers (Dom.), 1631-33, p. 690. 

* CaL State Papers (Dom.), 1631-33; 

Right honorable and other very good Lords : 
Uppon the receipt of yo : Lorships Pres dated at Whitehall the 16*** day of 
January, 1632, wee appointed a meeting that we mighte consulte together how 
to devide ourselves within our hon'ble devisions, accordinge to yo"" hon' comande ; 
for the speedy and present repaire of the bridges and highways. Att which 
meetinge we gave order for an exact survey and view of the bridges and wayes 
deficyent, and have nowe accordinge to our best iudgmente, taken speedy course 
for their present repaire. And wee doubt not but before his Ma**" shall come 
down, they wilbe sufficyently repay red, according to yo Lop* comande, which 
with all due obedience wee shall ever be readie to execute. 
And Boe we humbly take our leves, and shall always reste. 

Your Lordships, ready to be commanded. 

John Fenwick. 
John Deland. 
William Carnaby. 
Cuthbert Heron. 
Morpeth in Northumberland Jo : Barring, 

the IS*** of March, 1632. WUliam Widdrington. 

VOL. XXI. 11* 


March 19th, the justices of Durham made a similar report.* The 
accounts .of Gateshead parish church bear testimony to the manner in 
which the order of council was carried out in that town. 

1633. It. paid to William Bankes for laying 48 yeardes of new stone for 
repaires in the bottle banke, SI. 8s. 6d. 

It. pd. to workmen for makeing the streats even at the king's coming, 
18s. 4d. 

It. pd. to — for paueing the streat, 58. 7d. 

It. pd. for palling doune the middle stalles, Is. 8d. 

It. pd, to the piper for playing to the menders of the highwaies several 
Dales, 3s. id. 

About ten o'clock in the morning, on Monday, June 3rd, 
Charles left Durham and arrived at Newcastle in the evening, 
accompanied by the earls of Northumberland, Arundel, Pem- 
broke, Southampton, Holland, the marquis of Hamilton, Dr. 
Laud, and others.^ Sir William Selby's house was provided for 
his accommodation.^* Neither in Gateshead nor in Newcastle is 
there any record of Charles's reception beyond the usual minutes 
for the expenses of ringing the church bells.^ His coronation 
day had been celebrated on March 27th, in Newcastle, on which 

* Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1631-33 ; 

Right Honorable : — 
Uppon the receipte of yo: Lordshipps letters of the sixteenth of January 
last, wee his Ma*^®" Justices of the Peace of this Countye of Durham have mett 
together and taken care for all the high wayes and bridges lying in the high 
roade, and speciallye in the great high roade lying betwene the southern and 
northern partes, which (God willing) shall be in sufficyent repayre as soone as 
the season of the yeare shall permitt, and before the tyme of His Ma*y®* comeing 
into this Countye, and thus we humbly reste. 

Your Lorshipps to be commanded. 

Thomas Tempest. 

George Long. 

John Barnley. 

Francis James. 

Thomas Lydkett. 

Chr : Fulthorpe. 

Ferd: Morecrost. 

Hughe Wrighte. 

Jo: Richardson. 

Edward Wrighte. 

Thos Riddell. 

Jo : Robson. 

Jo : Cosin. 
Durham. March W^ 1632. 

* Bourne, Hist. vol. ii. p. 229, on authority of Bchard. *■ Cal, State Papers 
(Dom.) 1633-34; No. 36 i. 

* St. Mary's, Gateshead, Accounts : * Pd. to Ringing these severall Dales, 
98. 4d.' All Saints', Newcastle, Accounts : ' paid for ringing att the kings 
Mat*" his comeing to toune, 68.' 


occasion the loyal citizens had burnt tar-barrels to the value of eight 
shillings and two pence, while an extra payment of six shillings and 
two pence had been made to the mayor and aldermen *for a banquett.'^ 
It can only be inferred that the celebrations at the king's arrival on 
June 3rd were not less adequate. On June 4th, Charles dined with 
the mayor, Ralph Cole, and conferred the honour of knighthood upon 
him.* On June 5th, he made an expedition down the Tyne to 
Tynemouth,^ accompanied by the master and brethren of the Trinity 
house.^^ The records of that corporation contain a minute relating to 
this event : — ' Spent goinge to rowe the barge twice 4s. Spent at 
Robart Younges for vitalls and drinke when the king went doune to 
Sheeles 10s. for wherie hier that daye the king went downe, 2s. 6d.' 

The steersman of the royal barge on that day was Edward Bulmer, 
a member of the Trinity house, who used the opportunity to 
present to the king a petition or certificate, drawn up by the master 
and brethren. Before April 17th, 1634, Bulmer found it necessary 
to address a petition to Charles on his own behalf, setting forth 
that his action on June 5th, 1683, had brought him into serious 
trouble. Not only had he been fined in a suit against him to the 
amount of 500 marks, but he had also been unjustly accused of 
participation in a riot which had preceded the king's arrival in the 
town." On May 22nd, 1633, the Trinity house at Deptford had 

' * Paid for tarr barrells burnt on the SandhiU, the 27*** of March, being the 
day of his Ma**** entrance to the crown, 8s. 2d. Paid more for a banquett to 
M'. Maior and the aldermen on the Long Pentice on the same day, 68. 2d.' 
Corporation Records, under date April, 3633 (printed by Hornby). The Gates- 
head accounts have, * Item pd. to Ringing on Coronation day Is. 6d.' 

• Brand, op, cit. • Ibid, The Tynemouth Parish Register, under 

June 5, 1633, has ^ King Charles was at Tinmouth Castell.* It was not the 
last royal visit as stated in Arch. Ael, xix. p. 208. 

*• Welford, Bid, of Newcastle and Gateshead^ vol. iii. p. 311. 

" €al. of State Papers (Dom.), 1633-34 ; 
To the Kings Most Excellent Majestic. 

The humble peticion of Edward Bulmer, Maryner. Sheweth, 

That he beinge one of the Societie of the Trinitie house of Newcastle upon 
Tyne, and being Steersman of yo : Ma*'®* Barge, to carie yo : Ma"® and divers of 
the Nobilitie, downe the River of Tyne, he did then shewe unto yo*" Ma*'® and 
the Lords a Certificate from the whole Trinitie House, of the great abuse, con- 
cerning the said River, the Coppie wherof is herunto annexed, for which 
relation and not other cause that yo"" petitioner can imagine, the Maior and 
Aldermen havinge propertie in the Staithes and Kayes, whence the abuse 
ariseth, have taken for great and inveterate malice against yo*" petitioner, as 
that in his absence, in a suite at Yorke, followed by the Towne of Newcastle 
there, they procured him to be fined in 500 marks as being one of those who 
animated the boys to the late pulling down of a house and lime kiln there, 


written to secretary Coke to inform him of the action their corpor- 
ation at Newcastle proposed to take when Charles visited the town in 
June.^2 At the same time, the master and brethren of the Trinity 
house at Newcastle forwarded a certificate stating that the staiths or 
quays on the river were then in the possession of sir Robert Heath, 
sir Peter Riddell, Thomas Liddell, Ralph Cole, Arthur Alvey, the 
assigns of sir Robert Mansell, at the Glass house, and the mayor and 
corporation ; and that the rubbish shot from the quays was choking 
the river to the detriment of the river-channel.^^ On May 23rd, 1633, 

the evidence against yo: petitioner being only some lewd persons that the 
petitioner had before punished for some foule offences at Sea. And the petitioner 
in his answer expressed upon his othe he was inocent thereof, yet not soe 
satisfied,, they doe use other uniust persecucons againste him seekinge his 
undoinge for discoverie of the truth to yo"" Ma**® and the Lords. 

The p' misses considered, yo' petitioner most humbly beseetcheth yo' Ma"« to 
remitt the said f yne of 500 lilarks to yo : Ma"°, or to refer the same and the 
cause to the right honorable, the Lords Comissioners for the Admiraltie to doe 
therin as they uppon examinacon shall thinke fitt. 

And yo' petitioner as in duty bound will daylie praye for your Ma"®* long and 
hap pie Raigne. 


WhitehalU Aprill IT*** 1634. 
Wee desire M'Vice President and Secretary of the Council at Yorke (who we 
understand are now in London) to consider of this Petition, and to certify us 
(Commissioners for the Admiralty) the truthe thereof, and yf the proceedings in 
this cause against the petitioner and the ground and proofe upon which the 
sentence against him is laid. 

Frances Cottington 

Frances Windebank 

J. Coke 

»* CaU State Papers, under date May 22, 1633. 

"7ftwi.(Dom.), 1633-34; 

To the honourable Lords of his Ma"** most honourable privy Counsell. 

The humble advertisement and certificate of the Master and Societie of 
the Trinity house resideing in the towne of Newcastle upon Tyne. 

Wherein they humbly shew unto your honors that there are diverse Kayes 
and Staithes whereon the Ballast which the Shipps that come to Newcastle 
for coles are cast and laid and they are built below Newcastle Bridge towards 
the Sea Eastwards upon the land close adioyneing to the River of Tyne, for thatt 
at a full sea the water is almost equall height of the Kayes and Staithes. One 
of which Kayes and Staithes is in the possession of Sir Robert Hethe, knight, 
Chief Justice of the Comon Pleas att Westminster, an other in the possession of 
Sir Peter Riddell of Newcastel, knight, another in the possession of Thomas 
Liddell and Ralph Cole, Aldermen of the said Towne of Newcastel, an other in 
the possession of Arthur Alvey, gent : and one other in the possession of the 
servants or Assignes of Sir Robert Mansell, knight, who attend and are employed 
about the Glassehouse and the makinge of the glasse there, and one other in the 
possession of the Mayor and Aldermen. And wee doe further advertise your 
honours, that there hath, and daily doth fall such a quantity of the said ballist 
and rubbish from the said Kayes and Staithes into the said river of Tyne, that yf 
by your honors wisedom and authority there be not some speedy order taken that 
the said Staithes and Kays may be so suflicyently built and kept in goo<l 
reparations that noe quantitye of rubbish or ballist doe fall from anie of the 


Heath wrote to Coke to tell him that he had recently, at the 
suggestion of a kinsman at Durham, commenced building a new 
' ballast-shore ' at South Shields. To this, however, though at first it 
had given its consent, the town of Newcastle was showing some 
opposition. Sir Robert added, that though he had entered upon the 

said Kayes and Staithes, and the said Kayes and Staithes themselves from sink- 
ing and falling into the said river of Tyne, that in our indgments the said river 
of Tyne will in short time be so choked that noe shipp of anie more then 
ordinary burthen will be able to come upp to the Towne of Newcastell, as usually 
heretofore they have done, whereby his Ma"® will receive great damage in his 
Customes and yearely Revenues now received for sea coles. 

George Brrington. 
George Cooke. 
Thomas Lambe. 
Humphrey Clinett. 
Anthony Wilkinson. 
Thomas Stobes. 

May, 1633. 

The two following certificates also bear upon the matter : — 

Newcastle upon Tyne. 

To the right honourable our verie good Lords the lords of his Ma*'*" most 
honourable privie counsell. 

A certificate of the proceedinges of the Maior and Aldermen of the towne and 
Conntie of Newcastle uppon Tyne, his Ma"** Commissioners especially appointed 
for the Conservacie of the River of Tyne, from the Feast of St. Michael the 
Archangel 1632, until the Feast of Easter then next followinge, Which we the 
said Maior and Aldermen doe in all humilitie retome and certefie : 

Imprimis, We doe humbly certifie yo"" hon*" that since the laste certeficat made 
in this behalf to yC Lordships, sundry persons have bene presented unto us for 
severall offences don by them, to the hurt of the River, as well by M" of Shipps 
repaireing to this harbour for suffering their ballast to be cast forth of their 
shipps, without a sufficient stadge, and also by others in casting their ballast 
and other rubbish without any warrant accordinge as in such cases is granted 
for the safety of the said River. And likewyse against others for suffring their 
steithes and wharfes adioyning nere unto the said river to decay and ruinate. 
Against which persons wee have proceeded by imposing severall fynes on them, 
which they did undergoe, as the quality of their severall offences did require, for 
examples sake to others not to offend in the like or in any other kinde againste 
the said River. Wee have also caused the said offences to be amended. 

Item. Wee doe further certifie yo' hon" that one Clement Maxwell and Thomas 
Lieash hath been sundry times presented unto us for working a Quarry contrary to 
your bono" former orders, and suffering the rubbish thereof to fall into the River, 
which Quarry likewise was complained of by us before, and was ordered by yo"" 
hono** to be demolished. But the said Clement Maxwell and I'homas Leash 
(after they were thrice summoned) did appeare and then being comanded by 
us to lay downe their fynes for their said offences, they (not having their Fynes 
then about them) desired they might have liberty to appeare the next Courte day 
and bring in their fynes. Which condiscended unto, the said Maxwell and 
lieash, though it be many Court days since, and though often summoned to 
appeare before us and bring in their Fynes have neglected so to doe. 

Item. Wee doe further certefie your honors that John Wright, Keeper and 
overseer of a shoare at South sheeles belonging to Sir Robert Heath, Lord Chief 
Justice of the Common Pleas, and one Christopher Blackett keeper of a shoare 
lately belonginge to Mr. Henry Chapman deceased, have upon their severall 
shoars taken unlawfull ballast, the Walles of the said Shoares not being 
sufficyently built, to the great dammage of the River ; and contrary to expresse 
commande given them by ourselves. 


speculation with a view to making some provision for his second son, 
yet he admitted the interests of the river as paramount, and while he 
hoped that Charles would not interfere if the shore were found to be 
well built, he would be better pleased if Coke could persuade the king 

Item. Wee doe certifie yo' honors that we have sounded the Barr of this 
Porte, and we find that a sande lying on the South side of the River caUed the 
Hirde, is growne more to the north than formerly, it was so that the Barr is 
growne more narrow and of lesse water by a f oote then it hath bene within these 
three or foure yeares, which we conceive to be greatly occasioned by want of land 
floods and Ice which are the ordinary meanes to secure the River. And thus we 
certifie unto yo*" bono" our proceedings in this service since the last certificat 
and humbly rest and take our leaves with our utmost services, at yo' honors 

Your honors humbly to be commanded, 

Lionell Maddisoune, Maior. 
Peter Riddell. 
Henry Maddison. 
Thos. Lyddock. 
Alexander Davyson. 
Robert Bewick. 
John Claveringe. 
Robert Anderson. 
Ralph Cole. 

At Newcastle upon Tyne, the U*** day of May, 1633. 

To the right honourable, our very good Lords of his Ma"** most honourable 
Privie Counsell. 

A certificate of the Maior and Aldermen of the Toune and Countye of New- 
castle upon Tyne, his Ma"®* Commissioners especially appoyned for the Conservacie 
of the river of Tyne, from the Feast of Easter 1633 untill the Feast of St. Michael 
the Archangel, then next after which we the said Maior and Aldermen doe in all 
humilitie retoume and certifie. 

Imprimis we doe humblye certifie yo' honors that since the last certificat 
made in this behalf to your Lordships, sundry persons have beene presented unto 
us for severall offences done by them to the hurt of the river as well by M" of 
shippes repairing to this harbour, for suffering their ballast to be cast forth of 
their ships without a sufficient stage, and also by others offending by casting 
their ballast without any warrant at all according as usually in such cases is 
granted for the safety of the said river, and likewise against others for suffering 
their steithes and wharves adioyning neir unto the same river, to decay and 
ruinate, against which persons, we have provided by imposing severall fynes on. 
them which they did undergo as the qualitie of theire severall offences did re- 
quire, for preventing abuses to be done against the said river, and for examples 
sake to others not to offend in the like, or any other manner. And also have 
taken bonds of some others who have since our last certificat builded keayes 
within the river, that the same keayes shall not at any tyme hereafter be pre- 
iudiciall to the river. 

Wee do further certifie your honors that we did enforme this honorable bord 
of Clement Maxwell, Thomas Leash, John Wright and Christopher Blackett for 
sundry offences by them committed against your honorss orders, since which 
tyme the said Clement Maxwell and Thomas Leash have bene againe presented 
unto us, for working a quarry which was by your honors ordered to be demolished, 
and the said John Wright as keeper of Sir Robert Heaths, Lord Chief Justice of 
the Com'on Pleas, his shoare, and Christopher Blackett as keeper of a shoare now 
in the possession of one Arthur Alvey, have bene againe presented unto us, for 
taking unfitting ballast, contrary to your honors orders, to the hurt of the river. 


to determine the matter in council rather than at Newcastle.^* 
Charles's visit to Shields on June 5th, was clearly connected with this 
dispute. It lingered on, however, and was not adjusted until May 
27th, 1640.15 

Tet another local dispute claimed the king's attention. On June 
4th, a petition was presented by four burgesses, claiming to represent 
the views of about seven hundred of their fellow-townsmen on a 

And thus we certifie unto your honors our proceedings in this service since the 
last certificate, and doe humbly rest and take our leave with our utmost services 
at your honours commandes. 

Your honours humbly to be commanded, 

Lionel Maddisone, Maior. 

Peter Riddell. 

William Warmouth. 

Alexander Davyson. 

Robert Bewicke. 

Ralph Cole. 
From Newcastle upon Tyne, the nynth day of October, 1633. 

" Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1633-34; 

Sir Robert Heath, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas to Sec : Coke. 
Right Honorable. 

At the motion and by the incoragement of a kinsman of my name at Durham, 
I have undertaken the building of a ballast shore at the South Shields, neer the 
mouth of the River of Tyne. The Towne of Newcastell gave their consent, but 
have often quarreled with it. and by their poure in that place, and their pollicy, 
have given many impediments to the work, yo' bono'', amongst the rest of that 
hon*»** Board, have been often troubled with them on both sides. Now I hear 
that the Towne have a purpose to possesse the King at his being at Newcastle 
with the inconvenyency therof. Wher I nor any for me can be herd. 1 hope, not- 
withstandinge the many interruptions, the shore will be found well built, and if 
it be not gowi for the publike, and for the safety of Shippinge and for Naviga- 
tion, I will not desire it to be continued. If it be, I am assured of His Ma*^®"» 
goodness and Justice, that the Towne for any private endes of ther owne, or any 
of ther members shall not destroye it. My own interests, which 1 have intended 
for my second son is not a thing considerable. But the safety of your great 
sbippes trading to that port is of moment, and that I i*ather refer to those who 
better understand it, and who are bold by their humble lettres to yo : Honor to 
declare their opinions. 

My humble suite to yo' honor is, that if ther be any occasion you will be 
pleased soe farre only to interpose with his Ma**®, or any other, that the Cause 
may be hearde at the Board, accordinge to former address, and what soon shall 
be then determinei uppon hearing of all parties and the reasons I shall humblie 
and readily submitt unto, and if his Ma*'" would himself hear it, he is the best 
jndge. The Towne shall propose nothing that is reasonable for them for the 
government or trade which may not be provided for, and shall not readily be 
obeyed. I humbly begg yo : bono : pardon for this my boldness, I know not 
to whom to addresse myselfe in this case soe fitly as to yo : bono : whose care 
and trust for marine affaires, I have soe much experienced of, soe I humblye 

Your honours ever readye to be commanded, 

R. Heath. 

23 May, 1633. 

" Cal, State Papers (Dom.), 1640, pp. 191, 240. See also Welford, op. oit, 
▼ol, iii. 


matter which had already been referred to the council at York.^^ 
On June 11th, while at Berwick, Charles replied, confirming its 
relegation to the council.^^ The petitioners stated the following 
grievances : — (1) The refusal of the mayor and aldermen to hear the 
complaints of burgesses at the guild meetings and general assemblies ; 
(2) the sale of corporation offices to the benefit of the mayor for the 
time being ; (3) the discontinuance of the dinner heretofore given to 
the auditors of the chamberlain's accounts ; (4) the practice on the 
part of the mayor and aldermen of putting their own kinsmen on the 
common council ; (5) the licence to * un-freemen ' to trade within the 
liberties of the corporation ; and (6) the desirability of making some 
alteration in the number required to form a quorum on the town 
council.^® On August 28th, the Council at York reported^^ on the 
petition as follows : — 

" Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1633-34 ; 
June 4, 1633. 

Whereas it appeares to his Matie that a letter of Attornye dated the seaven- 
tenth daie of Aprill laste is granted to f ower Burgisses attisted under the handes 
of seaven hundred and more burgesses of the Towne of Newcastle upon Tyne, 
with power thereby to prosecute the petition and greavances delivered to His 
Ma*^®, which attumies mentioned in the said Tre of Attorney have and doe in- 
deavor to performe, and accordingly did on the three and twentieth daie of the 
foresaid moneth take jorney to London with purpose then to have delivered the 
petition and grievances now delivered, but findinge the tyme not fittinge in re- 
gard of his Ma''*^ journey to Scotland did forbeare to proceed then therein, and 
since the deliverie of the petition and grievances at Newcastle, have repayred to 
Barwicke for the obtaininge of his Ma""* Highnes gratious reference to the said 
petition, which his Highnes hath ben gratiously pleased to referr to the Vice 
President and Counsel! at Yorke, to whom they are presently to repaire, At the 
hearing whereof, of necessatie they must carry with them, from Newcastle to 
Yorke, being sixtie miles distant from Newcastle, a great number of Burgesses 
to proove the said grievances, and many of the said Burgesses are such as have 
not attested the said letter of Attorney, and yet necessarie witnesses. In con- 
sideration wherof being the charges past are great and the future like to be 
more, and that the Revenue of this said Towne is paid unto the Maior and Bur- 
gesses, and this being the complainte of the greatest number of the Burgesses, 
which they hope to proove just and true. 

They humblie praie that his Ma*'* will be gratiouslie pleased by his Highnes 
letter directed to the Maior, Aldermen and Common Councell of the same towne, 
thereby commandeing them to paie unto the said Attmeys soe appointed, sucbe 
reasonable charges as they have and shall disburse in the execution of this 
busines. All which the said Burgesses hopeth maye appeare to his Ma"® juste 
and reasonable beinge that the Maior and Aldermen have their charges expended 
in this busines out of the townes treasurie. 

" IHd, under date. 

>• IhU. 1633-34, under date June 11, 1633. See also Welford, Hint, of New- 
castle and Gateshead^ vol. iii. **'* Ihid. 


To Sir John Ooke, Knight. 
Right Honourable. 

It pleased His Majestie in Jane last to refer unto the Vice President and the 
rest in the Commission for this Government, the examination of certaine griev- 
ances then exhibited by the Burgesses and Com'ons of Newcastle, in which 
busjnes having now certified our opinions unto the Lords of His Ma**** privy 
Counsell (as by the reference we were required) because his Ma**®* pleasure in 
that behalfe was signified unto us by you, wee have made bolde to addresse our 
Certificate unto you, desyring that ytt maye receive a passage unto their Lord- 
shipps by your hand. And as well, for that we know you to be a principall 
member of that great Bodye, as also in our due respecte towards you, we have 
sent you herewithall a Coppye of ytt, assuring ourselves that your wi8ed<»ne 
will soe use it, that we shall receive noe preiudice by timelye acquaintinge you 
with what we have done. 

In the Cause depending here by Information, concerning the great Byott 
committed in that Towne, we can hitherto give you onelye this accompt, Thatt 
we are (as it becometh us) very heedfull of itt. And that itt is prosecuted with 
as much care and expedition as may bee, but by reason there are of late many 
delinquents discovered, who cannot as yet be brought in to answeare, the pro- 
ceedings in it are a little delayed and forborne, to the end the Court may goe on 
to hearing with them all tc^ther. 

Thus acknowledging ourselves much obliged unto you for your many noble 
favours towards us, wee will cease from troubling you any further att this tyme, 
and rest 

Yours in all due observance to serve you, 

Edward Osborne. 
Jo. Melton. 
W. Ellis. 
Att Yorke, this 16«» of September, 1633. 

Right Honourable. 
Whereas in June last, his Majestie was gratiouslie pleased to referr to the 
Vice President and this Councell, the examination of certaine grievances annexed 
to a Petition then exhibited to his Highness by the Burgesses and Commons or 
Comonaltye of the Towne of Newcastle upon Tyne, The copy of which Refer- 
ence, as also of the said Peticon and grievances annexed we do here withall 
present unto your Lordships. And forasmuch as wee are required by the said 
Beference, to certifye unto his Ma*** or his privy Councell, the truthe of the 
complayntes conteyned in the said grievances, and also our opinions howe the 
same may be redressed and the government settled for the continuance of due 
obedience and peace and for the prosperity of that Corporation, of which his 
Ma*** is pleased to have a most gratious and tender esteme. These are in all 
humblenes to certifye your LocdP* that wee have att severall tymes had before us 
as well divers Aldermen and other principall persons deputed in the behalfe of 
the Maior Aldermen and the rest of the Com'on Councell of the said Towne, 
as also a great number of Burgesses in the behalfe of themselves and the 
Teste of the Burgesses and Commons there, and having spent sundry dayes in the 
examinacon of witnesses produced by the Burgesses and Commons for the proof e 

VOL XXI. ^" 


of their complaintes and in the perusall of some bookes, devices and Charters 
and in hearing the answeares and defences of the said Maior and Aldermen. 
Upon examination of the complaintes exhibited, and full and deliberate hearing 
of all parties, It appeareth unto us as foUoweth : — 

Firste. Whereas in the firste article, complainte is made of the neglect of 
the Maior, Aldermen, and rest of the Com'on Councell in providing of Coles for 
the Com'on use of the Burgesses and Commons in certaine landes called the 
Towne Moore, and Gatesyde neare unto the said Towne of Newcastle, wher- 
unto it is confessed the said Maior, Aldermen, and rest of the Com'on Councell were 
obliged, in case Coles could be conveniently gotten within eyther of the said 
places. And it is further obiected that ther were some who would have 
undertaken to have gotten Coles within the foresaid Landes, for the use of the 
Burgesses and Com'ons, and ofEered to give good securitye to the Maior and 
Com'on Councell for the performance therof, but as the Com'ons alledge it 
would not be accepted, And whereas also in the same Article complainte is 
made that the Burgesses and Com'ons are not sufficyently furnished with water 
for their houses by reason that of late time, divers of the Aldermen and principall 
persons of the Towne have laid new pipes unto the conduits, or pantes which are 
to serve for the com'on use of the towne, by which they drawe awaye a great 
quantitye of water unto their owne dwellings so that there is not sufficyent 
left to serve the said Burgesses and Com'ons in such sort as they heretofore have 
had it. To the first it is answered that in the times complayned of there were 
not Coles enough to be gotten to supplye the said Burgesses and Com'ons within 
the said groundes, but that for the most parte of the said time there were some 
Coles from time to time, wrought for their use. And the Maior, Aldermen, and 
rest of the Com'on Councell doe deny that such as ofiEered to undertake to gett 
Coles, did ofiEer likewyse to give good security fiEor the performance of that they 
would undertake, but they further say that at this tyme there are Coles ready 
to be wrought in the Towne Moore which are confessed on all parts will 
sufficiently fumishe and supplye the said Burgesses and Com'ons for the time 
to come. And as touchinge the withdrawinge of the water from the com'on 
conduits or pantes by some Aldermen and others, it is answeared that before the 
exhibiting of the said petition there was an order made in Guild for the cutting 
of the said Pipes, and laying of them to the toppes of the conduits or pantes, soe 
that the Burgesses and Com'ons might be firste served and they onelye to take 
the overplus of water, And it is lykewise said in the behalfe of the said Maior, 
Aldermen and rest of the Com'on Councell that the Plummer did accordingly 
cutt all the said pipes, saving one pipe leading to the house of Sir William Selby, 
knighte, which was forborne to be cutt, in respecte his Ma*^® in his ioumey into 
Scotland was to lodge in that house, and some other pipes lykewise which could 
not be cutt and taken away because they were taken from the com'on pipes, 
passing throughe theire owne inheritance, but for all the other pipes complayned 
of, as also that of Sir Will™ Selbye, the Maior, Aldermen and rest of the Com'on 
Councell doe undertake that they shalbe taken awaye And the said Act of 
Guild observed, soe as the said Burgesses and Com'ons from thenceforth shall 
have noe cause to complayne in that behalfe. 

The denyall made by the Maior, Aldermen and rest of the Com'on Councell, 
that such as offered to undertake to get Coles for the use of the Com'ons, did 


likewyse offer to give securitye for the performance of there undertaking, And 
that the order in Guild for the cutting of the pipes complayned of was pat in 
execucion before the exhibiting of the said petition to his Ma***, is opposed and 
contradicted by divers witnesses produced on the behalfe of the said Burgesses and 
Com'ons, whose examination we are not by lawe inabled to take uppon othe or 
otherwyse than upon affirmation onlye, and therefor cannot herein ground any 
iudiciall opinion. And although it be manifest that in divers yeares before 
the exhibiting of this peticion to his Ma***, the Burgesses and Com'ons had not 
sufficient Coles provided for their fyreing, but howe for the the Maior, Aldermen 
and reste of the Com'on Councell shall be thought faultye herein, will reste 
uppon the aforesaid proofe, and therefore we can proceed noe further in it. 

Secondly. Whereas in the last Article, the Maior, Aldermen and reste of the 
Com'on Councell are charged with the suffering of unfreemen to trade and 
merchandize within the said corporation and libertyes therof, to the great 
preiudice of the poore freemen there, the said unfreemen being countenanced 
therein by some of the Magistrates, And it is further alledged by the said 
Burgesses and Commons, that wher sutes were commenced against divers of the 
said unfreemen, the plaintiffs were discountenanced in their actions by the 
Recorder, and sometimes their actions brought in the Town Clerkes name were 
disclaimed by the Towne Clerke, to the great discouragement of the poore free- 
men of the Towne. It is answered that the Recorder did never discountenance, 
nor the Towne Clerke disclaime anye action brought against the unfreemen, yf 
by lawe they might be legally proceeded in. And it is further alledged and 
confessed in the behalf of the sayd Maior, Aldermen and rest of the Com*on 
Councell, that the growth of trading by unfreemen within that Corporation 
doth tend very muche to the preiudice and discontent of the poore freemen of 
the same, and that if there could be any course conceived whereby the said 
Maior, Aldermen and rest of the Com'on Councell might be inabled to give 
redresse therein, they would most readily and chearfuUy doe it, for they cannot 
be advised howe by lawe they cann punish them for trading, or put them oute 
of the towne, without one of which this complaynte can never be remedyed. 

As touching the undueness and inequality of Elections, miiordering and ill 
disposall of the revenues of the Toune and all other particular complaintes com- 
prised in the said grievances, which are in our opinions anye way considerable, 
the said Maior, Aldermen and rest of the Com'on Councell doe iustifye them- 
selves, and affirme that they doe, and from time to time have done, all and 
every of them by vertue of Acts of Com'on Councell, (many of them subscribed 
by some of the nowe complaynants) and in vertue and by pursuance of their 
Charter and not otherwise. And whereas conceiving it to be very well con- 
duceing to the busynes wee had in hand, wee caused the Maior, Aldermen and 
rest of the Com'on Councell to bring hither their books of Accomptes of the 
said Toune, intending to have entred into a particular examinacon of the yearely 
revenues of the said toune, and the accompt made thereof for the seaven yeares 
now last past. And uppon sight of them fyndeing the yearely receiptes and 
revenue of the said towne to be great, and the disbursements leaving a very 
small remainder, yet it being not made appeare unto us, howe those remaynders 
were accomptd for in some of the books of the ensueing yeares accompts as 
they ought to have beene. It was answered by some in the behalfe of the Maior, 


Aldermen and reste of the Com'on Conncell, that ji they were not specif yed in 
the ensueing accompt, they were disposed of by acts of Oom'on Councell and 
that disposall warranted by their Charter. And this being thus answeared we 
held it needless to trouble ourselves with looking further into the particulars 
of theire accompts. And fyndeing the most part of the other particulars com- 
playned of wherein the Maior, Aldermen and rest of the Com'on Counsell doe 
iustifie their proceedings by Actes of Com'on Councell and by their Charter, to 
be warranted as is by them before alledged, we hold that, for soe much as is soe 
warranted the Burgesses and Com'ons ought to reste satisfied and wee con- 
cluded from any further inquisicon. Howbeit taking into consideration how 
much the peaceable and quiet government of that corporation dothe importe his 
Ma**®* service in respect of the great benefitt his Ma"® receiveth from thence by 
his customes and otherwise, and considering lykewise that the said Toune is now 
growne to be very populous and the f arr greater parte of the Com'ons consisting 
partly of Mariners and partly of Watermen, Colliers, Keelmen and other people 
of mean condition, who are apt to tume every pretence and color of grievance 
into uproare and seditious mutinye, we have endeavoared to fynde out the true 
cause and grounde of their complaintes and haveing in debating of this 
busynes had occasion to look into divers peticons and complayntes in preceding 
yeares exhibited to the Maior and Com*on Councell by the Burgesses and 
Com'ons, we. doe fynde that the pretences of all theire complaintes and 
grievances seeme to be grounded upon the inequalitye and undueness (as 
they alledge) of theire Elections as they are now setled by Charter, and the 
exceptions they seeme to take are these: 

1. — That the Election to be made by the first twenty four which are pre- 
sented by the Twelve Companyes, is not free but directorye, they beinge 
positivelye to chuse the then Maior and three Aldermen, if soe many Aldermen 
be present as att all times they are. 

2. — That the Election made by those Fower is not free but directorye like- 
wyse, for they are positively to chuse to be conioyned with themselves seaven 
Aldermen and one who hath bene SherifiEe, if they be present, and for want of 
such number to chuse such as have beene SherifEes of the said Toune, and for 
want of such to chuse the free burgesses, but there being present alwayes soe 
many Aldermen and Sheriffs as will make up that number none of the Commons 
are ever chosen to be of the twelve upon the first standing election, and uppon 
those, all the other Elections doe depend. 

Againe they alledge that the last twenty four which are yearely to be chosen 
out of the Com'on Burgesses and are to be added unto the Maior, Aldermen 
and Sheriffs to make up the Com'on Council, which Com'on Councell have the 
disposall of the reveneu and ordering of all busynes of the towne are unduely 
elected because some of these latter twenty fower, are chosen out of some of the 
Burgesses of the standing Election which (as they alledge) ought not to be, but 
that they should be chosen out of other free Burgesses. And indeed it was con- 
fessed by those who attended us in the behalfe of the Maior, Aldermen and 
rest of the Com'on Councell, that some of the Burgesses of the Twenty Four, of 
the standing Election are sometimes chosen to be of the latter Twenty Fower to 
make upp the Com'on Councell for the yeare f ollowinge. Now, if it please your 
Lordships, the pretences of all theire complaintes and grievances seeming (as we 


have said) to bee grounded uppon the exceptions which they seem to take 
againste the Elections, as they are now setled by their Charter, And it appear- 
ing unto us that the selfsame forme of Election nowe setled by theire Charter 
hath been confirmed by severall decrees and Charters, and continued ever since 
the Raigne of King Henry the eighth, it would be too high and unbecoming an 
undertaking for us to propounde any course for the alteration of it, yet never- 
theless wee have thought fitt in a paper annexed to this our Certificate to sett 
down (as plainly aswe'Cann,) the maner of the Elections contayned in the 
Charter nowe in being, to the ende that if your Lordships please you may con- 
sider both of it and of the exceptions made against it. 

All which our doings and proceedings herein wee submitt unto your Lord- 
ships grave wisedomes, and humbly taking our leaves doe rest. 

Ever ready to observe yo Lordships command. 
Yorke, thin 28**» of August, 1633. 

As to Charles's general entertainment by the town there is no 
record beyond the general statement in Eushworth,*^ that the 
citizens ' abundantly shewed their Duty and Affection in a generous 
entertainment to his Majesty.' On June 7th, Coke writes to 
Windebank to say that the king's train had set forward to Berwick 
that morning, and that Charles intended to stay in Newcastle until 
the following Saturday .^^ On the 9th, Coke writes from Berwick,^^ 
and Charles was there on the llth.22 On July Tth,^^ he had returned 
to London, but there is no record of his passage through Newcastle 
other than an entry in the All Saints' Accounts, * paid for ringing att 
his ma"«« return 4s. 2d.' ** 

Charles's next visit to Newcastle in 1639 took place under very 
different circumstances. Late in the autumn of 1638 a general 
Assembly of the Scottish church had met at Glasgow, had deposed 
the bishops, swept away Laud's innovations and restored the Presby- 
terian form of church ritual and government. In February, 1639, 
the Scottish army had been placed under the command of Alexander 
Lesley and was massing on the border near Berwick. These move- 
ments called Charles to the north. At the end of April he reached 
Durham,^^ and on Sunday, May 5th, heard a sermon from bishop 
Morton on the familiar text, ' Let every soul be subject to the higher 

*• Collections^ vol. ii. p. 178. Franckland, Aniials of James J. and Charles L 
p. 410. * Cal, State Papers (Dom.), 1653-34, under date. 

«» Hid. ^Ihid. « IhU. 

^* Balfour, Annales, vol. ii, p. 194, gives a full list of Charles's train upon this 

» Cal State Papers (Dom.), 1639, under date May 1. 


powers/ 26 Tj^g short but interesting diary of the earl of Rutland,^^ 
who was present throughout the expedition, states that at Durham, 
on May 1st, ' after prayers, was shewed the Kinge by the Lord 
Generall and Sir Jacob Astley a plott of Newcastell how the army 
should be quartered, and where the Kinge and his nobles were to 
lodge.' Of Charles's reception at Gateshead, on May Sth,^^ there is 
no record save the usual item for the expenses of the bell-ringers.^® 
In Newcastle the All Saints' accounts have a similar entry .^^ There 
is, however, an interesting proclamation by the mayor and sheriff on 
April 22nd relating to Charles's arrival : * Whereas his Majesty 
intends shortly, God willing, to be at this town, and it is very 
fitting and necessary that the streets should be clean and sweet, it is 
therefore ordered that every inhabitant shall make the front of his 
house and shop clean presently and so from time to time keep the 
same,' under penalty of a fine of six shillings and eightpence.^^ 

Sir Jacob Astley's despatches from Newcastle shew that con- 
siderable preparations had already been made in the town to meet 
the danger which threatened from Scotland. On February 7th, he 
writes to Windebank : — ' As concerning this place, which will be the 
centre of the war, here must be a train of artillery. I have sent for the 
brass pieces in the cellar at Tynemouth to be brought here, according 
to the Lords' order, being six shooting a bullet of six in the pound, 
and three of three in the pound, and have already bespoken timber 
and workmen to mount them on carriages. Here are already six iron 
pieces, shooting a bullet of nine in the pound. They are not so fit 
for the field, but can be used upon several occasions. ... I have 
sent to Capt. Legge, to send all these things specified in the inclosed 
note with all possible speed to Newcastle in a ship : 2,500 arms, as 
half pikes and half muskets, are to arm the men of the town for 
defence of the walls ; the rest are to furnish the adjacent counties. 

^ A Sermon Preached Before the Kings most Exeellent Majestic. Robert 
Barker, Newcastle, 1639. 

^ Hist. MSS. Com. 12th report, appendix, pt. iv. pp. 504-516. 

® Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1639, Coke to Windebank, May 9. Brand, op, 
cit, inaccurately gives May 6-17th as the extent of Charles's stay in Newcastle. 

^ ' Ringing the bells when his Majestic came to the towne, 2s.' Gateshead, 
St. Mary's accounts, under date 1639. 

^ Under date 1639, * for ringing the bells w" the king* maiestie came to the 
toune in his Northern expedition, 3s. 4d.' 

^^ Quoted in Welford, Bist. of Newcastle and Gateshead^ vol. iii. p. 367. 


Here is left a great proportion of arms in the store, as also some 11^- 
iast of powder. ... Sir John Fenwick writes to me, that about 
the next week, all the trained bands will be stated in Northumberland, 
and ready to be armed. The Bishop of Durham has ordered that all 
his tenants in Northumberland shall be armed, and put under the 
lieutenancy of Northumberland, and I hope they will number about 
100. They have all muskets and pikes, so as our bordering men must 
be so likewise, and think no more of bows, spears, jacks, and skull- 
caps.'^2 On February 13th, he writes : — ' The nine brass pieces came 
yesterday from Tynemouth, and I am agreeing with smiths and 
carpenters to have them mounted upon carriages fit for the field with 
all possible speed. We are still inquisitive after the faction of the 
Puritans, to dissolve their meetings.'^^ On the 19th, he informs 
Windebank, * twenty-one pieces will be ready to be mounted upon the 
walls within these three weeks, as also the nine pieces of brass 
ordnance for the field wiD be ready within a month. All the arms in 
store, about 1,500, will be sold in a short time to the adjacent 
counties. I have received 1,300 muskets, rests, and bandoliers, and 
complete arms for carbiniers with saddles, bits, and bridles from Capt. 
Legge, but there are no armours and pikes, therefore I pray the Lords 
to send hither 1,800 armours and pikes complete, 1,200 of which 
may be the worst arms that came out of Holland, because I shall 
leave them in store with the town, to arm their citizens upon 

occasion, but the rest should be very good arms Last 

Saturday night, many books were thrown here into houses and in the 
streets, and under cover of letters sent to citizens of this town. 
Many of them were also thrown upon the highways in Northumber- 
land Of the carriage of the mayor and aldermen of 

this town the Lords will receive an account from them. We 
assembled the preachers, and required them to preach obedience to 
the people, and find one Dr. Jenison something cool, but have 

not a staif suflBcient to question him To conclude, I 

pray you to present to the Lords how fit it were in these times, 
especially for the northern parts, that all owners of ships were com- 
manded to provide muskets and ammunition for so many men as they 
set forth in their ships, as likewise for every man besides his musket 

" Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1638-39, under date. " Ihid. 


a half pike, so that the ships trading to the Tjne and other places 
may be able to defend themselves and their ships, which, at low 
water lie upon the ground; sometimes two or 800 ships come into 
the river.' He recommends, further, that a force be stationed at 
Newbum. ' There is,' he adds * a common ford by this town, and it 
would be a great help if a bridge were formed by the many boats 
or keels used for transport of coals. Also, for a train of artillery, 
the place affords many horses, which they use in their coal mines, 
that upon a sudden occasion could be employed for his Majesty's 
service.''* On February 26th, the Council approves of the suggestion 
of a force at Newburn.'* On the 28th, Astley writes that the large 
daily supply of rye and malt to the town puts the thought of any 
want in the garrison beyond question.'^ On March 7th, there is an 
order for '100 snaphaunces formerly ordered' to be sent to Newcastle 
from Hull, and on the 8th, colonel Francis Trafford received orders 
from Charles to proceed to Newcastle to organise six regiments from 
the 600 dragoons furnished by *the tenants of our consort the 
Queen, of the Earl Marshal, the Lord Admiral, and other lords of 
lordships in that county.''^ De Bois, the engineer, was in the course 
of April ordered to Newcastle to supervise the fortifications,'® and in 
the same month a command was issued to the Lords Lieutenant to 
see that horses and carters were provided there by June 15.'^ 

Of Charles's entertainment in Newcastle, there are but fragmentary 
references in Rushworth^ and Nalson,^ to the effect that the 
hospitality offered to the king was magnificent, and that the spirit 
of the town was high against the Scots. The earl of Rutland's diary 
and the State Papers add a few details of the visit. On May 4th, the 
lord general reached Newcastle from Durham,*^* and on the 5ch, the 
Sunday before Charles's arrival, the royal proclamation to the Cove- 
nanters was read in St. Nicholas's in the presence of the lord general, 
the earls of Essex, Holland, and other commanders. Orders were 

^ Cal, State Papers (Dom.), 1638-39, under date. »' Ihid, 

*» Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1638-39. ^ Ihid, ^ CaU State Papers 
(Dom.), 1639. » Ihid, 

*® Rashwoith, op, cit, vol. iii. p. 921. 

** Nalson, Impartial Collection (1682), vol. i. p. 218. 

*'* Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1639, under date. 


issued for all to be in readiness to attend the king *and to take up 
their lodgings as he doth (i,e., will), in the fair fields sub dio,^^ 
On May 8th, * Sir William Saville past through the towne of Newcastell 
with his regiment al clad in redd coates, and the men were very much 
commended, but their armes indifiFerent.'^^ The lord general, writes 
Edward Norgate, rode before them 'gallantly mounted and vested a la 
Soldado, with his scarf and panache, with many brave attendants, who 
brought the foot to their first quarter a few miles hence.'^ On the 
same day there arrived 'a beggarly Scot, who kissed the king's hand ; at 
his back was a fiddle, wherein were letters pretended to be brought by 
this fellow with great secrecy, and danger of interception by the Cove- 
nanters, from a son of the marquis of Huntly .... but the 
day after came this young lord himself hither, and it was reported 
that the two came in one boat together ; that the fellow was sent 

before to get a reward The fiddler is here to our great 

comfort, and it is hoped he may get a doublet ; for he has already got 
an old pair of velvet sleeves, and breeches will accrue hereafter, but 

he treads tenderly, for his poor feet are defective Hence 

we must on Wednesday next, the king to his tents and those that 
have any, the rest be indued with patience instead of a rug-gown.'** 
On May 9th, proclamation was made in the town forbidding 
the export of butter, lest the army should be left without adequate 
supply.*^ On May 10th, the king reviewed three regiments of 
foot and a regiment of horse. Their colours were 'orringe tawny 
and white,' ' skye cullor and whyte,' and * greene and white.' Charles 
*sawe them all passe by his Court Gates at Newcastell' on their 
march towards Berwick.'*^ On the same date, the earl of Roxburgh 
was committed to the custody of the mayor, his son having joined the 
Covenanters.*® On May 11th John Marley writes to Hamilton : — 
' The Ipswich Puritans have so wrought with the ship men, that for 
six weeks I did not load one chaldron of coals, so that my staiths are 

so full that they are like to fire. I had one fire last year 

My wife remembers her service to you, and has sent you these small 

** Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1639, under date May 5. 

" HUt, MSS. Comm.^ twelfth report, appendix, pt. iv. pp. 510-612. 

<* Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1639. « Ibid. ^ Ibid. 

*' Hist, MSS. Comm. op, clt, 

*» Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1639, under date May 11, 1639. 

VOL. XXL 13 


toys, which she entreats you to accept. If her store had been better, 
she would have sent more, viz., one keg of sturgeon, 10 capons, two 
turkeys, six dried neats' tongues, and one haunekin of bacon.'*^ On 
May 12th, Edward Norgate writes : — * We have a printer here, and 
this day I made ready for the king's hand a proclamation for the 
importation (sic) of butter ; it is now printing, so are 400 of the 
former proclamations of pardon to the Scots.' He adds: — *To 
Morpeth is our first remove, thence to Alnwick and Belford, all poor, 

contemptible villages And here is no safe stay, where a 

pestilential fever reigns, and small-pox everywhere. .... This 
afternoon the king rode out to see the foot companies that came from 
COS. Oxford, Cambridge, Hertford, Warwick, and Huntingdon, about 
4,500 men ; I think Europe cannot show braver fellows in person or 
arms.'*® On the 12th also, the Scottish lion king-at-arms arrived 
in Newcastle, and was handed over to the sheriff for having failed to 
publish Charles's proclamation to the Covenanters at Edinburgh.*^ 
On May 14th, the earl of Rutland writes : — * It pleased the Kinge to 

discourse of the Covenanters The Kinge was pleased 

to say that ther was never a livinge in Scotland which was not worth 
above £80 nay £40 per annum.''^^ On the same date proclamation 
was made that if the Scots approached within ten miles of the border 
their action would be construed as an act of war.*^ For the 15th, 
the following minute occurs in the Trinity House Records : — * Pd. 
which was spent by the M"". and Brethren when we went to Sheelds 
about the Kings business, 15 May, 1639.' A further minute, in May, 
1639, *Pd. M'. Baker the Lawyer for drawinge a petition about the 
Trinity House business, 6s.,' suggests that, as in 1633, that cor- 
poration took the opportunity of the king's visit to approach him in 
its own and the river's interests. 

On May 16th, Charles summoned the lords present in Newcastle, 
and thanked them *for comminge so freely to serve him.'*^ A letter 
from Bevill Grenville,^^ dated from Newcastle on May 15th, adds a 

* Cal. state Papers (Dom), 1639, under date May 11. 1639. On May 11, a 
warrant to Sir William Uvedale was iBsued from the ' Court at Newcastle.' A 
list of the officers, troops, and their pay is in Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1625 49. 
p. 606. «» Ihid., for 1639. " IHd, 

" HH. MSS. Comm. op. cit. ** Cal, State Papers (Dom.), 1639. 

" Hist. MSS. Comvi. op. cit. 

» Thurloe, State Papers (1742), vol. i. p. 2. 


few particulars : — ' The town,' he writes, * is full with as many as it 

can hold, the rest billetted in the country about Our army is 

not yefc very stronge, nor such as will become the majestic of soe great 
a monarch to march with into a countrey where he is sure to meete 
blowes. But the king's houshold .... are of a body apart ... we 
consist of divers troopes of horse, but the most glorious in the world. 
.... There is a regiment of foote also appointed for the guard of 

the king's person We are not certain of our abode here in 

tnis place, but as soon as things can be ready, we shall march to 
Barwick, where we are threatened with bad entertainment in a very 
barren country.' Towards the army Northumberland contributed 250 
pikemen, 250 musketeers, 100 dragoons, and a subsidiary quota of 
282 musketeers and 125 pikemen. Newcastle was called upon for 250 
pikemen, 250 musketeers, and 350 dragoons,^^ and the earl of Newcastle 
furnished a troop of horse at his own expense.^' The Northumber- 
land, Cumberland, and Westmoreland contiogents were, however, not 
to 'march into the Field but upon special Direction.' ^^ On Thursday, 
May 23rd, Charles left the town for the ' abbey of Alnwick,' orders 
having been issued on the loth regulating the northern march of the 
army. On the 18th or i9th the artillery had set forward. The foot 
had followed on the 20th. On the 21st, the horse guards left the 
town ; and on the 22nd, the king's tents and household.^^ 

In the midst of these warlike preparations, Charles appears to have 
had leisure to examine into the condition of the Newcastle churches, 
and to see how far they conformed to the standard of 'decency and order' 
which Laud required. Both in St. Nicholas's and in All Saints' 
churches orders were given for the removal of the galleries which 
obstructed the view of the chancel and altar.^^ The All Saints' 
accounts record the expense of carrying out this injunction : ' To the 
Joiners for takeing doune the gallery over the Quire, by the Chancelo^ 

*• b'ranckland, Annals of James I, and diaries 7. p. 772, 

" Franckland, op. cit, p. 777. " IhU. p. 772. 

* Cal, State Papers^ 1639. In the new History of NorthvmherlaTid (ed. 
Bateson), vol. i. p. 400, is a reproduction of a rare engraving by Hollar. It 
presents ' The Severall Formes How King Charles his Armey enquartered in the 
feUds being past New Castle on the martch toward Scotland Anno Domini 1639.' 
From this plate it appears that Charles encamped at ' Booking feild moore' on 
the 2l8t ; at ' Hock moore' on the 22nd ; at Detchant on the 23rd ; at < (fossick 
moore ' on the 24th, proceeding on May 27th to * the Grand Leaguer.' 


spec, directions, 5s.' ^^ During his stay also, Charles conferred the 
honour of knighthood upon the major and Thomas Riddell.^^ He 
also addressed three letters to Hamilton in Scotland, one on May 8th, 
wishing him.* good luck' in his enterprise ; a second on May 17th, 
announcing his hope of being at the border in eight days' time ; a 
third on May 22nd, warning him of the rumoured strength of the 
Scots army under Lesley .^^ 

The visit of 1639 has another element of interest. It would 
appear that up to this time Newcastle had possessed no printing press. 
On April 20th, 1639, while the army was on its northward march, the 
earl of Arundel had written to the secretary of state : * His Majesty 
would have you with all expedition send down a printer with a press 
to set out his Majesty's daily commands for his court or army, and 
that to be done by more than ordinary diligence, tlie want being daily 
found so great. I conceive a waggon by land the surer way, to 
change horses as often as they will, by express warrant to take up 
teams daily.' In obedience to this urgent order, Robert Barker, one 
of the firm of king's printers, distinguished as the publishers of the 
* breeches' and 'wicked' bibles, was sent up to the north, preceded 
Charles's arrival in Newcastle, set up his press and issued as his first 
publication, at the king's command, bishop Morton's sermon preached 
at Durham on May 5th.^* His next considerable publication^^ was a 
pamphlet of twenty-seven pages, containing the proclamation which 
was made to the army on May 16th. The cover of this pamphlet 
bears the title, Lawes and Ordinances of Warre, For the Belter Govern- 
ment of His Maiesties Army Royally in the Present Expedition for the 
Northern parts and safety of the Kingdom, It forms an exceedingly 
minute and severe code, interesting as inculcating 'a severity of 

•* Memoirs of Ambrose Barnes , p. 327. •* Ibid, quoted. 

'* Rushworth, op, cit. vol. iii. p. 921. 

•* Kushworth, op. cit. vol. iii. pp. 926. 930. Further correspondence between 
Charles and Hamilton is in Hist. 31 SS. Comm. 11th report, app. pt. iv. pp. 
102-104, and in Burnet Memoirs of the Hamiltons, pp. 127-137. The Verney 
Papers (Camden Society) contain letters from sir Edmund Verney, dated from 
Newcastle between M ay 9-22 inclusive. They contain little beyond rumours of 
the approach of the Scots, and details of Sir Edmund's project for the regulation 
of hackney carriages. 

•* For the foregoing facts I am indebted to Mr. Richard Welford's pamphlet 
on Early Printing in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1896. 

** See Welford's pamphlet for other publications on which Barker was engaged. 

ROBERT barker's PUBLICATIONS, 1639. 103 

discipline, and an attention to moral and religious duties, which we 
have not been in the habit of connecting with the army of Charles 
I.'^^ In addition to clauses regulating the religious and moral ob- 
servances of the army, it contained such details as that 'Every soldier 
shall diligently observe and learn the distinct and different sounds of 
Drums, Fifes, and Trumpets,' and ' whosoever shall have taken or 
received from the enemie or Rebell, any lawful Spoiles or Prizes above 
the value of ten shillings shall . . . make the same known to the 
Lord Generall.' A record of such spoils was to be kept and they were 
to be sold by common auction in camp or garrison * and not else- 
where.' The military oath was subjoined to the pamphlet, in which 
each soldier was required to express his assent to the code * without 
any equivocation or mental reservation whatever.' ^^ 

Into the further progress of this elaborately planned expedition it 
is not permissible to enter here. As Lilly puts it bluntly in his 
Observations^ * I never heard so much as one louse killed by either 
arrny.'^® On June 24th, a vague and indefinite pacification was 
concluded at Berwick. Charles returned to Newcastle in September, 
on his way south towards London. It may be some indication of the 
town's disappointment at the fruitless result of the expedition, that 
the bell-ringers of St. Mary's, Gateshead, received exactly one-half 
of the amount paid them upon the king's arrival in May.^®* 

When Charles next visited Newcastle, in 1641, the town was in 
possession of the Scots. Much had happened in the interval. The 
dissolution of the Short Parliament in May, 1640, had been followed 
by the Scottish invasion of Northumberland. The battle of Newburn 
had been won on August 28th, 1640 ; on the 30th the Scots had 
been received into Newcastle, and were soon in almost complete 
possession of Northumberland and the bishopric pending a definite 
pacification. That, however, was delayed until August, 1641, Par- 
liament judiciously using the presence of their allies on English 
soil as the lever by which to force concessions from the king, Pre- 

•• Hodgson-Hinde, in Archaeologia Aeliana^ vol. vi. p. 226. 

"* Lawes and Ordinances of Warre^ pp. 15, 20, 26. 

• Printed in Maseres, Select Tracts (1815), vol. i. p. 158. 

••• * Ringing the bells when the Kinge came from Barwick, Is.* 


parations for the evacuation of Xewcastle and the north of England 
bad been for some time in progress before Charles's visit in August.®* 
Charles reached Newcastle on August 13thJ^ Of his reception 
at the hands of Lesley and the Scots a contemporary pamphlet ^^ 
gives a quaint and interesting account : * Generall Lasley being 
aduertised of the time of his Maiestes comming to New-castle, that 
he might as well appeare in his own art and luster as in his dutie and 
loialty to his Soueraigne (hauing first made his choyce of fitt ground) 
hee drew out his whole forces both horse and foot with the Artillerie 
and the better to expresse the souldiers salute and welcome of their 
King, hee rallied his men into two diuisions of equall number ranging 
them in great length with an equall distance betweene them of about 
eight score (yards) which rendred them the more conspicuous and 
with the brauer aspect to the beholders, through these the King was 
to passe, whither being come the Generall alighting from his horse 
(which was presently taken by two of his footmen) Hee prostrated 

*" * Setterday, loth May [1641] ane proclamation maid at the cross of Abirdein, 
forbidding transportatioun of any more victuall to our army at Newcastle, qahilk 
wes good newis to the countrie people .... hot the army wes weill servit, 
and send bak to Leith sum of these victuallis ' {Memorialls of the TnibleSy Spald- 
ing Club, vol. i. p. 44). On May 21, 1641, Parliament voted £300,000 to the 
Scots out of which they were to satisfy their debt to the counties from which 
they had drawn supplies since their occupation {Cal. St, Papers (Dom.), 1640-41). 
On June 19, Parliament voted in regard to the £300,000, that £100,000 should be 
paid at Michaelmas 1642, and the balance at Midsummer 1644 (Ibid.), By July 
3, therefore, Lesley was withdrawing his troops from the Bishopric towards 
Newcastle QCal. St, Papers (Dom.), 1641-43). By July 8th, the Scottish Com- 
missioners were on their way to Newcastle to superintend the evacuation of the 
town (Ibid,), On Aug. 9, the Scots admitting £33,888 as the amount levied from 
Newcastle, Northumberland, and Durham, the House of Commons ordered that 
the balance for their * brotherly as-jistance ' should be paid to them (Ibid,), On 
Aug. 22, Vane writes from Edinburgh, * The moneys are now come to Newcastle 
for disbanding the Scotch Army ' (Ibid."), 

^'^ Brand gives August 10th as the date. Charles, however, left London on that 
day, and was in Edinburgh on the 14th. The 13th was* therefore probably the 
date of his arrival in Newcastle. He apparently proceeded on his journey the 
same day, after dining with Lesley. * His Majestic . . . saw generall Leislies 
army lying at Newcastle. He receaved ane welcum of fyre wark. Lesly wel- 
cumt also his Majestic as becam him ; he intreatit him to dynner, with whome 
the King went. Thairef ter he had sum schort conferrens with Leslie, syne went 
to horss, where his Majestic had ane uther fyre wark voly, and therefra cam be 
post touardis Scotland' (Memo Halls of the Trubles, vol. ii. p. 61.). 

** His Maiesties Passing Through the Scots Armie, Printed in the yeare 
1641. Vane writes from Edinburgh on Aug. 22, *At Newcastle he [Charles] 
took a gracious view of the Scotch army, being drawn forth into a body to pre- 
sent themselves unto him, which they did in a posture full of obedience and zeal 
to his person' (^Cal, St, Papers (Dom.), 1641-43, p. 101). Thomas Wiseman 
writes on Aug. 26, to remark ' what gallant entertainment Leslie gave the King, 
as he passed by the Scottish army, at dinner, at Newcastle' (Ibid, p. 105). 


himself and service before the King upon his knees, his Majestie 

awhile talking to him and at his rising gave him his hand to kisse, 

and commanded his horse to be giuen him, whereon remounted, he 

ridd with the King through the Armie.' A description of the 

formation and equipment of the army follows : * In the first place 

stood Highlanders, commonly called Redshankes, with their plaides 

cast ouer their shoulders, hauing euery one his bowe and arrowes 

with a broad slycing sword by his side, these are so good markesmen 

that they will kill a deere in his speed, it being the chiefest part of 

their lining, selling their skins by great quantities and feeding on 

the flesh ; next were Musketeers interlac't with Pikes and here and 

there intermix't with those dangerous short gunnes inuented by 

that their famous engineer Sandy Hamilton, and were for the sudden 

execution of horse in case they should assaile them, then againe 

bowes muskets and pikes for a good distance on both sides, in the 

mid-way the Artillery was placed by Tiers, consisting of about 60 

pieces of Ordnance, the cannouiers standing in readines with fired 

linstockes in their handes, the horsemen were here placed on both 

sides, which served as wings or flankes of the whole Army and so 

forward in the same order, but disposed with so goodly a presence 

and posture, with such sutable equipage and militarie accomodations 

that they appeared ready to give or take battaile .... And 

as the King passed along they gave forth such true iyre as it is 

beleeued since the inuention of gunnes neuer better was seene or 

heard, they discharged wondrous swift but with as good a method 

and order as your skilfuUest Ringers observe with Bels, not suffering 

the noyse of the one to drowne the other, the King receiued such 

contentment that whereas his dinner was appointed and prouided at 

the Maior's of New-Castle, hee yet went and honoured Generall 

Lasley with his presence at dinner.' There can be little doubt that 

this reception was accorded Charles upon his entering into Gateshead. 

After the battle of Newburn, the Scots had their camp at 

* Reidheuche above Newcastle,'^^ and had immediately commenced the 

fortification of the south side of the town, which Conway had 

n^lected.^-'* These outworks were demolished immediately after 

" CaL State Papers (Dom.), 1641-13, under date Sept. 8, IfiU. 
'» Ibid. Newport to Windebank, Sept. 11, 1641. 


Charles had left the town ;^* the ammunition and military stores in 
the town were, however, left behind at Charles's solicitation J^ 

Of the king's further reception in Newcastle there is no record 
beyond the usual entries for bell-ringers' fees.^^ 

On August 21st he was followed by the Scots' army.^^ ' The Scots 
when they marched out of Newcastle, their Artillerie being mounted 
vpon their carriages, aduanced forth with the Cannoniers and other 
oflBcers thereto belonging and some troopes of horse, then most of the 
regiments of foot, after them prouision baggage and carriage, then 
followed the rest of the foot, and all the rest taking their leaves in a 
most brotherly and freindly manner, being gone some foure miles from 
the Toune their generall hauing directed them to march forwards he re- 
turned to Newcastle with some few of his officers, causing the Toll Bell 
to be rung up and downe the Toune proclaiming that if any of the 
Toune were not yet satisfied for anything due to them from Officers 
or souldiers, let them bring their Tickets and hee would pay them, 
which he did accordingly, to the great content of the Townes-men, 
and much applause of the Generall and his Annie, and after a 
solemne taking of his leave he followed the Armie, going all the way 
along with them in the Reare as they marched and not anything 
taken from any man in all that Tourney to their singular Commenda- 
tion and gayning the good esteetoe of all that passed by.'^® By 
August 25th the Scots were out of EnglandJ^ 

, " Ihid. under date Aug. 26, 1641. 

" Bourne, yoL ii. p. 231. CoiMnons Journals y Aug. 24, 1641. They took how- 
ever their surplus foc^ supplies. MemorialU of the Trubles^ vol. ii, p. 65. 

*• All Saints' Accounts, 1641 : ' fiEor ringing at the king's ma"«» going into 
Scotland (Aug.), 4s. 6d.' 

" Acts of tke Parliament of Scotland^ vol. v. p. 347. 

™ His Maiesties Passing , etc. Brit ones Distemper (Camd. Soc.) p. 35, says 
of this visit of 1641, *The king came that way, they being all drawin up in 
battell, and as he passed by, with a most humble submiesion they lay downe 
there armes, and followes him peaceablie to Scoteland, where they ware licensed 
to dissolue.' On Aug. 27th, Leslie dismissed his army on 'the lynkis of 
Leith,' to which place there came from Newcastle *diuers barkis with victuall, 
send for the armyes provision, and wes sauld bak asaine ' (^MemorialU of the 
Truhles, vol. ii. p. 66). On Aug. 28, Leslie had an interview with Charles at 
Edinburgh {Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1641-43, under date), and on Nov. 6, 
Charles * sittand in plain parliament put the croune of ane Earle upon his 
[Leslie] head' {Acts of Pt. of Scotland, vol. v) Writing on Aug. 22, from 
Edinburgh, Vane says that 300 or 400 of the Scottish cavalry *are to keep 
together about the town until the fully settling of the afiEairs of the state ' 
(Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1641-43). 

*• Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, ibid. 

The efiEect of the departure of the Scots from Newcastle in August, 1641, is 


On his way from Scotland in November Charles stopped at New- 
castle on th6 19th and 20th.^ Sidney Beere gives, in a letter 
on November 25th, the only detail of the king's visit : — ' At New- 
castle, Secretary Vane was commanded to deliver up his staff of 
Treasurer [of the Household], which was conferred at York upon 
Lord Saville.'«i 

A few words only of introduction are necessary to pretace the 
story of Charles's detention in Newcastle in 1646. In the same month 
which saw his return from Newcastle in 1641, Parliament had, under 
Pym's guidance, proceeded to formulate the Grand Eemonstrance. 
In August, 16i2, Cbtarles set up his standard at Nottingham, and in 
September, 1643, Parliament had entered into the Solemn League 
and Covenant with the Scots. Newcastle had fallen to them, on 
October 19, 1644, after a stubborn siege, and their army was before 
Newark when Charles, at the lowest point of his fortunes, threw 
himself into their hands. With their prize the Scots hurried north. 

On the day of their arrival at Durham, a certain captain Adam 
Shipperson fell in with David Buchanan, and enquired of him * why 

described in Exceeding True Nerves From Newcastle, May 17, London, Printed 
lor G. Horton, 1642. 

* And first touching their Distractions, Merchants are distracted for want of 
Traffique, they are in such a pittif ull rage, that they have sworne not to carry 
Coales for any man, they sweare, that since the Peace was concluded, Coales are 
fallen at least sixe pence a Bushell, which makes them curse Peace and fall 
together by the eares amongst themselves, likewise your Gunsmiths begin to 
bounce and breake with a powder, for since the. Army marcht away they have 
had nothing to doe but to make Key-Gunnes for which they curse peace likewise, 
and make the blacke Pots flue (jdo) one against the other, they are all to pieces 
on that side too. The Citizens wives that had decrepid Husbands, they are 

distracted for the losse of their loves honest Gentlemen Troopers 

Your Alewives and Tapsters likewise, are distracted to see their Ale soure for 
want of good fellowes, their Beere converted to Vineger, they likewise curse 
Peace till they are a dry ; drinke til they are mad, then let the rest about the 
Cellar, then run Tap run Tapster, all's gone, nothing left but the empty Hogs- 
head for the Brewer to make him a Helmet on to cover his Logger- head. 

The Baker that in the time of Warre made his bread of halfe wheate and half e 
sand, now cries out that his bread is dowe bak't, he sweares he had rather have 
stood in the Pillory then to have had Peace concluded, for now he makes his 
bread but two ounces to light in a two penny loafe, and then iiee made it foure 
ounces two light, yet now his bread lies on his hands, which makes him pray for 
warre or a deere yeare, and then the mealey mouth Rogue sweares he wiU make 
them pay for it.' 

There are two more paragraphs which are too coarse for publication. 

"•AH Saints' Accounts, 1641 : *ffor ringing the 19th and 20th Nov', at his 
Ma"<* return from Scotland 6s.* The Gateshead Parish Accounts record the 
following payments for 1641 : * Pd. the Bellman for ringing on the Coronation 
day 48. ; * * Pd. for ringing when his Ma**® came from Scotland Is. 6d.' 

" Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1641-43, under date Nov. 25, 1641. 




they brought the king in such haste with their whole army north- 
ward ?' Buchanan replied that ' the Parliament had abused the 
King in denying him liberty to come safe to London,' and that * the 
Scottish Army would protect the King against the Parliament and 
stand upon a defensive wiir against them.'^ Buchanan's opinion was 
neither official, nor was it entirely accurate, but it did very correctly 
represent the view which England was inclined to adopt in regard to 
the conduct of the Scots. Leven thought it necessary, therefore, to 
publish a vindication of his action. On May 13th, proclamation was 
made at Durham,^^ doubtless at the king's departure for Newcastle, 
commanding *all officers and souldiers under my .command to forbeare 
to have any dealing, or entertaine any correspondence, or have any 
company upon the march, or in any the quarters with any person 
whatsoever, formerly in service against the Parliament of England.' 
The proclamation of this order at Durham * did no little vex the 
Malignants,' but * blessed be God' adds the pamphlet from which 
these details are taken, * the Cockatrices were crushed in their shels !' 
Leven, also, ' made many f aire and full expressions (before hee left 
Durham) of the integrity of the kingdome of Scotland towards the 
Parliament of England,' and by order of the Scottish Estates 
'discharged all persons whatsoever, to seek or receive any Gift, 
Pension, or mark of honour from his Majestic, and appoynted, that 
no other desire be propounded to him, but to satisfie the joynt desire 
of both Kingdomes, insetling of Religion and peace.' ^ Charles, on 
his part, was already closely attended by the Scottish divines and had 
apparently held out hopes of sanctioning the Covenant on his 
arrival at Newcastle.^ 

Since the siege of Newcastle in 1644, Northumberland and New- 
castle had been in the hands of the Scots. Henry Ogle, writing to sir 
John Fenwick on May 20th, 1646,®® describes the county as in a 
pitiable state from their depredations. 'We have,' he writes, 'a 

"' Hist, M8S. Comm, thirteenth report, appendix, pt. i. p. 360, See also 
pt. iv. p. 400, for a letter from Henry Marten on this matter. 

*' A Declaration Published in the Scots Army, Proclaimed by Order from 
Generall Leven at Durham, May 13, 1646, London : Printed for Matthew^ 
Walbanck, May 21, 1646. 

** Ibid, ** Perfect Occurrences, for week ending May 22, 1646. 

■* Hist. MSS> Comm, thirteenth report, appendix, pt. i. p. 363 

Charles's entry into Newcastle in i646. 1 09 

regiment lately come in from Scotland They are very 

oppressing to our country, going up and down, burning towns, as the 
soldiers phrase it, receiving £3, £4, £5 and more, according to the 
bigness and littleness of the towns, and where they quarter at night, 
they demand, as I am told by a preacher, their own countryman, who is 
sorrowful for their demeanour, for a captain 12s., for a lieutenant 6s., 
ensign 4s., and for common soldiers 2d. a man, which they levy before 
their departure from their quarters. Their usual march is 5 or 6 miles 

a day, and not directly forwards neither The committee is 

about to write to the General to certify him . . . and hopes from 
hiTTi to get relief, else our county will be undone.' The following 
minutes from the Gateshead parish accounts tell the same story : — 
March 1645-46, ' Pd to captaine Grey a fine which the Oommitee did 
lay upon the Toune and for his and his mens charges when they came 
about the fine £11 15s. Od.' March 1645-6, 'Pd to the Skotts to 
redeame the great new gate which they had taken away and carried to 
their leager ; which gate did hang at the entring into the Toune fields 
Is. 2d.' June 1646, *Pd to men for assisting us to drive the Fell 
and watching the beastes when they were pinded (but James 
Towers of Newcastle procureing assistance of the Skotts came 
violently and tooke them away by force) his beastes being in nomber 
79, also ther was at that tyme 90 of another man's 9s. 3d.' 

Charles entered Newcastle about five o'clock in the afternoon of 
Wednesday, May 13th. Brand, quoting Boume,®^ states that *he 
was caressed with bonfires and ringing of bells, drums, and trumpets.' 
The statement is quite inaccurate. From Gateshead to his residence 
the road was lined, by order of sir John Lumsden, the governor, with 
musketeers and pikemen.®® Charles's immediate escort consisted of 
' 300 horse, or scarce so many.' ®^ An eye witness ^ gives the following 
interesting and minute account of the scene : — * Some that attended 
upon his Majestic rid before all bare. Then his Majestic marched 
with the Generall, and some other Scottish officers, divers of whom 
also that were neer the King, rid bare. There went none out of the 


Chap. 14. " Rushworth, Collectiotis, vol. ii. pt. iii. Lumsden's appoint- 
ment as governor had been ratified on March 6th, 1645 {Acts of Pt, of Scotland^ 
vol. vi. pt. L). See CaL State Papers (Dom.), 1645-47, under date April 11, 

* A Declaration Published in the Scots Army. ^ I hid. 


Toune of New-Castle to meet his Majestic, neither the Scottish Lords 
that were in the toune, nor the Deputy-Mayor thereof ; nor any 
other, either inhabitant or other. His Majestic was not received 
in triumph (as some would have had it to be done), nor did they in 
any solemne manner take notice of his Majestic. The King rid in a 
sad coloured plaine suite, and alighted at the General's quarters (now 
the Court). There were no guns discharged, neither by land, nor by 
water, by way of triumph. There was no acclamation by shooting with 
muskets, sounding of trumpets, or beating of drums, and yet there 
were both Kettle-drums, and trumpets good store in New-Castle ; yet 
were they so far from any publike way of triumph, that they did not 
sound or beat so much, as when one troop of Scottish Horse march 
into Newcastle.' Yet another eye-witness ^^ of Charles's entry describes 
it as being * In a very silent way, without bels ringing, or bagpipes 
playing, or Maior and Aldermen, not as at Doncaster.' A single 
shout only was raised as Charles entered the gates of the court, a 
demonstration which at once drew from Leven a proclamation for- 
bidding Charles's adherents to have access to him.^* Among those 
who entered the town with Charles, who were denied his presence by 
this order, were major Gilbert Errington of Denton and lieut.-colonel 
Carr.^' At the same time, his arrival, or that of the Scots, caused 
considerable alarm among the adherents of the English Parliament, 
and the commissioners of the excise at Newcastle and Shields had 
hurriedly fled.^ 

" The Kingdomes WeeUy Intelligencer, No. 150, for May 19-25, 1646. 

»- The WeeUy Aeeotint, No. 21, for May 13-20, 1646. 

These accounts of Charles's reception in Newcastle on May 13, are confirmed by 
the following :— * From Newcastle by Letters that came this day we are informed 
that the King is brought thither, neither Drum, nor Trumpet, nor guns, nor 
Bels, nor shoots of people once heard, but brought in far more like a prisoner 
then a King.' (The Kingdmies Weekly Intelligencer, No. 149.) The Scottish 
Dove, No. 134, states *all the while there was not so much as a gun shot 
off nor bell rung.' The WeeUy Accwmt, No. 21, quotes a letter from Newcastle, 

* there was not any extraordinary concourse of people, neither was there any 
noise, or sounding of Trumpet ; only when his Majesty arrived at the place that 
was prepared for Him, those that were held to affect the Parliament the best 
made a shout.' Montreuil in a dispatch to Mazarin of May 15-25, 1646, writes : 

* the Mayors of Durham and Newcastle were prevented from coming to receive 
his Majesty officially, as is the custom ; so that the Scots not only failed in 
paying the honours required of them, but they prevented other subjects from 
rendering those they owed to him.' (Scottish History Society Publ., vol. xxix. 
p. 195.) 

" The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 63, for May 14-21, 1646. 

•* Perfect Occurrences, for week ending May 22, 1646. 


Very particular precaution was taken both by Leven and the 
town's authorities to secure the king. His escort having withdrawn 
after his arrival at the court, he was left in charge of the mayor.**^ 
A guard of musketeers was mounted,^* and * inhabitants of trust * 
were appointed to act as sentries round the king's residence.^^ Leven 
also ordered ' that some of the ancient men of the Inhabitants of the 
Tonne should constantly sit at every passage to examine and take 
notice what persons came in or out,'^® and * Proclamation was made 
by beat of Drum and sound of Trumpet, That although His Majesty 
was come thither, All persons should yield obedience to the Ordinances 
of Parliament.' ^^ No Scotchman could enter the town without a 
pass from the Estates, nor any Englishman without the sanction of 
the Parliament, the English commissioners, or the deputy-mayor.*®^ 
Charles was in fact a prisoner. His letters to the queen on May 20th, 
28th, and June 3rd, express his indignation at this unlocked for 
treatment.^®* He seemed * melancholy, and is very gray with cares,'*^ 
and a careful observer of his appearance noted that ' The Haire of 
His Majesties Face is not shaven (as some have writ), but cut round 
both on the Chin, and upper Lipp also, His Lock is cut ofiP, and his 
head rounded.' ^^^ 

Tradition has always regarded Anderson Place, the *Newe House' 
of Speed's Map of 1610, as the residence of Charles in 1646-47. Brand 
mentions a room in it which, about 1789, bore the name of ' the 
king*s bed-chamber.'^^ Sykes, writing in 1833, speaks of a bed, 
which had been used by Charles, having been sold as lumber by * an 
incurious domestic' during Major Anderson's residence abroad.^^ 
Gray, in the Ghorographia of 1649, while he describes it as a * princely 
house,' *^ gives no hint of its association with Charles. Barnes*^* is 
equally uncommunicative. It would appear to have been the same 

•^ The Scottish Dave, No. 134, for May 13-20, 1646. 

•' The Moderate Intelligencer ^ No. 64, for May 21-28, 1646. 

" A Declaration Published in the Scots Army, 

" The Weekly Account, No. 21, for May 13-20, 1646. «• Ibid. 

*•" A Declaration Published in the Scots Army. 

*•* Charles I. in 1646 (Catnden Society). See also Ashburnham^s Narrative, 
vol. ii. p. 149, and Scot. Hist. Pub., vol. xxix. p. 195. 

'« Mercurius Civicus, No. 156, for May 14-21, 1646. 

"* Perfect Occurrences, for May 15-22, 1646. >*^ Vol. ii. 

»<* Local Records, vol. i. p. 100. *«« Chorographia (ed. 1813), p. 24. 

'•^ Memmrs of Ambrose Barnes (Sartees Society). 


house as that which Charles occupied in 1639, from the gates of 
which he reviewed the troops on their march towards Berwick.^^^ 
That it was not one of the houses iq St. John's parish is proved by 
the fact that the commissioners who were lodged there in January, 
1647, are described as being * a good distance from the Court.'^^ In 
the newsletters and pamphlets of 1646-47, it is specifically described 
as the house or residence of sir Francis Liddell,^^ and was assigned to 
Charles by order of Leven and the commissioners.^^^ It had, until 
recently, been the residence of the governor, sir John Lumsden, and 
his wife had to provide her self ' otherway,' when on May 6th, orders 
arrived to prepare it for Charles's reception. ^^^ Since it is also spoken 
of as being Leven's quarters,^^^ it jg ^lear that it was utilized as the 
official hostelry, as it were, for the high guests whom those stirring 
times called to Newcastle. One may venture the suggestion, that the 
putting of Anderson's mansion to that use dated from sir Francis 
Liddell's shrievalty in 1639; that he, as sheriff, was called upon to 
provide a house for that purpose, and that it still retained his name 
when in 1646 Charles occupied it. 

Of Charles's life at the court, and of the arrangements made for 
his comfort, very little information is forthcoming. His letters to his 
wife"^ are almost destitute of personal details; nor do sir Robert 
Murray's' 1^ letters yield much information on the matter. He was 

•"' Hid, M8S. Com. twelfth report, pt. iv. pp. 504-516. Lesley was occapying 
it, no doubt, in 1641 when Charles dined with him. In 1633 Charles had resided 
in Sir William Selby's house. 

'°* A Letter from Newcastle, London : J. Coe, 1647. 

>"The Scottish Dove, No. 136, for June 17-26, 1646, Charles ^keepes his 
Court at the House of Francis Liddell, Esquier.' The King^s Answer to the Com- 
missioners, London : J. Coe, 1647, ^ His Majesty quarters at Mr. Liddells house 
ia Pilgrim Street.* It is also described, in the Weekly Account, No. 20, for May 
6-13, 1646, as *one of the bravest houses in the Town.' The Moderate Intelli- 
gencer, No. 62, for May 7-14, 1616, calls it * Baronet Lidels house.* 

"» The Scottish Dove, No. 133, for May 6-13, 1646. 

"* The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 62, for May 7-14, 1646, where the house 
is spoken of as * formerly the residence of the governour, at present of his Lady.' 
The Weekly Account, Nos. 20 and 21, state that Charles had been expected in 
Newcastle since May 8th, and that ' great preparations * were being made for his 

"'^ A Declaration Published in the Scots . Army, etc., * the Court (viz. the 
generalls quarters where his Majestic still is).' 

"* Charles L in 1646, 

"* Hamilton Papers, 1638-50 (Camden Society). Montreuil's despatches (see 
note 136) are equally wanting in local atmosphere. Various letters to Charles I. 
in 1646 are in Hist. MSS, Comm. 11th Report, app. pt. iv. pp. 110-113, and in 
Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, pp. 273-313. 


allowed the attendance of * Noble and fidele gentlemen,' ^^^^ lord Lanark 
acted as his secretary,"^ and the earl of Dunfermline slept constantly 
in his bed-chamber ;^i^ Will Murray was in attendance upon him 
throughout the greater part of his residence."® A groom of the privy 
chamber, Tobias Peaker, is mentioned, as also a page of the back 
stairs, Levitt by name."^ His diet is described as * princely,' and 
consisted of ' 15 dishes of English diet every meale.'^^o j)j. Francis 
Crosse, in his examination on June 8th, 11646,^^^ however, put the 
king's expenditure at the moderate amount of £100 per month. The 
records of the corporation show that the town was at part of the 
expense of providing the king, and also Leven and Lumsden, with 
coals— a fact which possibly supports the suggestion that official 
connexion existed between the corporation and the house occupied by 

Under date November 30th, 1646, the following minute occurs 
in the corporation records : — ' M'. George Dawson Alderman made 
report to the Oom'on Counsell that he had been with Sir Thomas Ridd, 
Knt. about the Coles for his Matie And that the Answer of Sir Thomas 
was he could not afford them under 3d. the Bowie water measure 21 
bowles to the Chalder, the Maior and Burgesses are to paie three 
halfepence the Chalder (? Bowie) his Matie his Excellencie and the 
Govemour the other three (Phalfe) pence. His Matie, etc., are to 
have tenn Chi. everie weeke till further order.' The emendations 
suggested in this minute make it tally with the statement in the 
Memovrs of Ambrose Barms ^^^^ that the corporation were at half the 
expense of providing Charles, the governor, and the general with coals. 

A further minute in the corporation records is under date January 
16th, 1646-47 : — *Pd. for coals for his Matie the general and the 
governor from Sir Thomas Rlddells Pit, 33s. l\A' Hornby^^s adds 

"5 The Scottish Boce, No. 134, for May 13-20, 1646. 

"« lUd. No. 136, for June 17-25, 1646. 

"' Ibid,; the Moderate Intelligencer, No. 64, for May 21-28, 1646. 

"• Charles I. in 1646, under date Sept. 7, 1646. 

"• Peck, Desiderata dt/nosa, vol. ii. p. 368-370. 

»2«The Scottish Dove, No. 135, for May 20-28, 1646; ihid. No. 134, for 
May 13-20, 1646. Mercurius Ciricus, No. 155, for May 14-21, 1646. 

*^ Hist, MSS. Comm, thirteenth report, appendix, pt. i. p. 369. 

*** Snrtees Soc., vol. 50, p. 53 n. 

"' Extracts from the Mfinicipal Records (Richardson Reprints). 


a further minute under date March 30th, 1646-47 : — * Pd. Sir Thomas 
Eiddell for 32 fother Coals for his Matie, the General, and Governor 
at lO^d. a fother, 28s. 5d.' The only minute which appears to 
suggest that the corporation was at the expense of providing the 
king with other than coals occurs under the date August, 1647 : — 

* Pd. — Sherwood for one brase Pote for his Majie use, weighing 
25id. at lOd. p.d.' A later hand has added the words, * which was 

As to Charles's amusements, such leisure as was allowed him from 
his heavy correspondence, his constant interviews with various deputa- 
tions, the frequent, long-winded and often 7iolent sermons, appears to 
have been spent in golf, an occasional visit to Tynemouth, and some- 
times a game of chess. Ambrose Bames,^^* who is responsible for the 
statement that Charles received greater consideration in Newcastle 
than elsewhere, has also, so far, been the chief authority for the 
tradition which, at this early period, connects the game of golf with 
the town of Newcastle. There are, however, constant references'^ to 
Charles's predilection for golf during his detention in Newcastle, and 
one'^ which shows that golf, or at least a species of garden-golf, was 
played in the grounds of the court itself. Incidentally these 
authentic references raise an interesting point. The records of golf 
in Scotland go back to very much earlier times ; but in England, 
though a golf club was probably in existence at Blackheath soon 
after James I.'s accession,^^^ these authentic references to the game 
being played in Newcastle enable the town to claim one of the 
oldest golf records in England. 

The immediate result of Charles's arrival in the town was a large 
flocking of his adherents to Newcastle.^^s g^^^ ^^j. jj^^ coming he 

* sent private messages to all his old officers that were at Newarke ' to 
attend him.^^^ On May 16th Leven found it necessary to issue a 

*" Memoirs^ p. 54. 

^"^ Perfect Occurrences, for Oct. 16-23, 1646. A Contiwiation of Papergfrom 
tlie Scots Quarters, London, 1646. Papers from the Scots Quarters, London, 
1646. Mercurius Diutinus, for Dec. 29 to Jan. 6, 1646-47. A Letter from, 
Xewcastle. London : J. Coe, 1646-47. 

*" A Continuation of Papers, etc. Whitelock, Memorials, vol. ii. p. 82. 

^" Article on * Golf ' in Encyclopadia Britannioa. If not played earlier in 
Newcastle, golf was probably introduced by the Scots in 1639 or 1*644. 

'^ The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 64, for May 21-28, 1646. 

*" The Kinff domes Weekly Intelligencer , No. 150, for May 19-25, 1646. 


proclamation against * Papists and other evill aflfected persons repair- 
ing to this garrison.'^'^ The proclamation proved effectual, and a week 
later it was reported that there was ^ Not an English Malignant to be 
seen in Court, nor in the Town of Newcastle.'^^^ 

On the date of Leven's proclamation, and also on the Monday 
following, May 18th, an enquiry was conducted at Newcastle before 
Henry Dawson, deputy mayor (who had been confirmed in that office 
by a resolution of the House of Commons on March 81st, 1646),^** 
Leonard Carr, Thomas Ledgerd, and Thomas Bonner, regarding the 
escape of the king's f&ithful henchman, Jack Ashbumham.^'^ Ash- 
bnmham had incurred the wrath of the English Parliament for his 
share in planning Charles's escape from Oxford. Together with Dr. 
Michael Hudson, he had come to Newcastle with the king. It was 
feared, however, that the Scots would yield to the solicitations of 
the English Parliament and give him up. On the 16th, therefore, he 
effected his escape. Having accepted an invitation to dine with sir 
Henry GibW^ at Jarrow, Ashbumham and his host came out of 
the court gates about six or seven o'clock on the morning of that 
day.^^ They proceeded to John Dobson's shop, where Ashbumham 
endeavoured to purchase a * Mounteere ' cap. John Dobson could, 
however, not supply him, and instead he bought a * Monmouth' 
cap. From thence Ashburnham and Sir Henry went to the French 
envoy Montreuil's lodgings, and about an hour later ' returned down 
the street,' where they met Hudson, and shortly after left the town.^^^ 
Later in the morning, by Hudson's direction. Brown, a St. Ives inn- 
keeper, and John Pearson, a barber, both of them in Ashburnham's 
employ, took some horses across the bridge to the ' Crown ' inn at 

** The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 64. 

"* Ilnd» Merourius CiviouSy No. 167, for May 28-June 4, 1646. 

*■* Commons Journals, under date, * Resolved, etc., That this House doth ap- 
prove Mr. Henry Dawson, Alderman of the Town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, to be 
, Deputy-Mayor of the said Town, during the absence of Mr. Blakiston, a Member 
of this House, and now Mayor there.* 

'" The depositions of witnesses are in Peck, Desiderata Curiosa, vol. ii. lib. 
ix. See alsd Hudson and Crosse's depositions, made in June, in Hist, MSS, 
Comm. thirteenth report, appendix, pt. i. See also Ashburnham's Narrative, 

'•* The Kingdomes Weekly Intelligencer, No. 150. The Scottish Dove, No. 
135, for May 20-28, 1646. »"» Peck, op. cU, vol. ii. p. 360. 

'*• Ibid. The valuable correspondence of Montreuil or Montereul 1646-47 is 
in the Scottish History Society's Publications, vol. xxix. An excise had been 
laid on * Monmouth ' and other caps, on July 4, 1644 (A Collection of Acts, 1668.) 

TOL. XXL 16 


Gateshead, (possibly the house of William Watson, who is mentioned 
as a Gateshead vintner in 1639,^^^) with orders to stay there until his 
arrival. Hudson, however, while on the bridge making the best of 
his way to the * Crown' with a message to Ashbumham from Charles, 
was apprehended by Henry Dawson and taken to the latter's house 
a prisoner.^^ After dinner, Dawson and the aldermen waited upon 
Charles, who requested that Hudson might be sent to him at the 
court. The deputy mayor and his companions at first undertook to 
do so but, presumably after an examination of the various witnesses 
whose depositions are dated May 16th, it was agreed to send Hudson 
out of the town forthwith. On the following morning, Sunday, May 
17th, he was brought out by the captain of the guard, and sent on 
his way to London, where he arrived on June Ist.^^^ Ashbumham, 
some four days after leaving Newcastle, succeeded in obtaining a 
passage in a ship bound for Holland.^^ 

On the Sunday morning which saw Hudson's departure, Charles 
listened to the first of a long series of sermons of the same burden and 
advice. Mr. Douglas preached before him in his dining room at the 
court, ' and spake home to him, and advised him to dispose his spirit 
to peace and unity.'^^^ On the following Thursday, May 21st, * His 
Majesty attended by Lord Lothian, Lord Dunferling, Balmerino, 
and others, with 24 captains to wait upon him, went in a Barge to 
Shields, and dined with the Governour of Tinmouth-Castle, and came 
back by land.'^*^ He was treated with the barest ceremony, * the 
most solemnity of his entertainment, were three pieces of Ordnance 
fired at the Castle, and some fired by the Collier ships that rode in 
the Harbour both as his Majesty went and returned.'^*^ 

On Friday, May 29th, Charles addressed the first of that remark- 
able series of letters^^ to Alexander Henderson who, with sir Robert 

»" Cat, State Papers (Dom.), 1638-39, p. 486. 

**• Peck, op, eiL vol. ii. pp. 350-362. Hut. MSS. Comm,, p. 877'. 

*" Peck, op. cit. p. 361. 

**• Ibid. Hist. MSS. Coinm. p. 377. Ashbumham's Narrative. On May 25, 
1646, the House of Commons sanctioned the payment of £60 to the deputies of 
the sergeant at arms for the apprehension of Ashbumham and Hudson. 

»« The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 64. "^ Ibid. 

"» The Kingdomes Weekly Intelligencer, No. 153, for June 16-23, 1646. 

*" The Papers that Passed at Newcastle (1649). The letters are also printed 
in the appendix of Aiton^s Life and Times of Alexander Henderson (1836). 


Murray, had arrived in Newcastle on May 16th.i^ Into this well- 
known controversy it is not permissible to enter here. The cor- 
respondence proceeded leisurely from May 29 th to the middle of 
Jnly.i« As early as June signs of a breakdown in Henderson's 
health appeared.^^^ On August 3rd it is stated that he was too ill to 
continue his attendance upon Charles, and that Mr. Blair had taken 
his place as chaplain.^*® On or before August 10th Henderson left 
Newcastle by sea for Scotland.^*® Charles visited him on his 
departure, and the dying man ' wept to his Majesty, and desired him 
to hearken to councel.'^^ On August 19th, he died at Edinburgh.^^^^ 
Throughout June, while the Scots were pressing the covenant on 
Charles, they were also strengthening their hold on Newcastle and 
the north of England. Early in the month fresh regiments were 
on their way into England,^*^^ and Northumberland was * sadly 
suffering by horse and foot.'^^^ At about the same time a ship 
from Stockholm had arrived in the Tyne with anmiunition for 
the Scots.^^ John Dobson, the Newcastle haberdasher, in his 
evidence given on June Ist regarding Ashbumham^s escape,^** 
deposed that ' Since the king came to Newcastle he heard that a ship 
laden with ammunition and arms was brought to Newcastle from 

»*» The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 64. Sir Robert Murray's yaluable 
series of letters from Newcastle dated August 8, 1646, to January 24, 1647, are 
in the Hamilton Papers^ 1638-50 (Camden Society). Alton, p. 688, gives the 
date of Henderson^s arrival as May 15. 

**• Charles's letters are dated May 29, June 6, 22, July 3, 16 ; Henderson's on 
June 3, 17, July 2. ><^ Alton, p. 694. 

**• The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 74, for July 30- August 6, 1646. 

»• lUd. No. 75. >*» IHd. No. 77. "» Alton, p. 598. 

"* The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 65, for May 28- June 4, 1646. 

"* Ibid. No. 67. >** Ibid, Nos. 66 and 66. 

"* Hist, MSS. Comm., p. 366, op, cit. 

The Trinity House Pilotage Receipts (catalogue No, 201) give the following 
ships as entering the Tyne in 1646 : — 

April 25, 1646 The Whitlyon of Lubeck. 

The Margrett of Anser (?) 
The Seaman of Lubeck. 
The (?) of Lubeck. 
The John of Dantzig. 
The Jacob of Christiania. 
The John of Bargamie. 
The Peter of Bargamie. 
The (?) of Kirbadine (?) 
The PyUiran of Hamburg. 
The John of Lubecke. 
The Justice of Breene (?) 
























beyond seas ; and he saw some round shot, part of that ship's lading, 
carried into one of the public magazines upon the Bridge at New- 
castle.' The fortifications of the town were also being repaired, and 
on July 9th it was reported that its * defensive posture is as good as 
compleated, new wheeles for the sand-hill guns are perfected.'^^^ 
Charles was not without adherents, however, in Newcastle, for the 
deputy-mayor was contemplating, in the first week of the month, 
sending * one Price, with others of the same stamp ' to London.^^^ 
Lumsden, meanwhile, was winning golden opinions, carrying himself 
' very fairly and lovingly to the Tounsmen of Newcastle, and merits 
much honour.'^®® 

On or about the 15th of the month certain of the Scottish lords 
had an interview with Oharles.^*^^ With tears they besought him to 
accept the covenant. He retired to his bedchamber weeping, whither 
the deputation followed him with renewed supplications. On the 
26th, Leven and about one hundred Scottish officers presented him 
with a petition to the same efiPect,^^^ and on the following day 
there arrived a deputation of ministers from the Scottish assembly. ^*^ 
It consisted of Mr. Cant, Mr. Douglas, who had already preached 
before Charles on May 17th, Mr. Blair, already referred to as 
chaplain at the court, Mr. Andrew Fairfold, and others.^^^ On 
Sunday, July 5th, Mr. Andrew Cant preached before the king. His 
text was Psalm ix., verse 7, in close proximity to the previous verse, of 
which the preacher made use also, * thou enemy, destructions are 
come to a perpetual end ; and thou hast destroyed cities, their 
memorial is perished with them.' A specimen of Mr. Cant's oratory 
is fortunately recorded. Addressing the king personally he more 
than once declaimed, * Thou peece of Clay, where thou sittest, think 
of thy Death, Resurrection, Judgement, Eternity.' Allusion was also 
made to the many lives which the war had sacrificed in Scotland. 
The sermon closed, however, 'in a most compassionate way, with 

^ The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 71, for July 9-16, 1646. 

>" Ihid, No. 66, for June 4-11, 1646. ^»» Ihid, No. 67. 

** Ihid, ; Dugdale, Diary and Correspondence (1827), under date June 21, 
1646. Scottish History Soo, Publ., vol. xxix., p. 212. 

*" A Letter from Newcastle. London, 1646. The declaration of the Lord 
0»nerall, tJie Oenerall Officers and the rest of the Officers arhd Souldiers of the 
Seats ArmiCy New-Castle^ 27 June, 1646, Edinburgh, 1646. 

^ A Letter, etc. »" Ibid, 

ANDREW cant's SERMON. 119 

offer of mercy upon repentance.' Mr. Cant's auditors were moved to 
tears, and the king was observed to change countenance more than 
once as he listened to the preacher's vigorous onslaught.^^^ After the 
sermon Charles invited Mr. Cant, Mr. Blair, and the other Scottish 
divines to attend him to discuss * a case of conscience which he would 
put to them.'^^ 

The surrender of Oxford, on June 24th, brought a considerable 
number of Charles's adherents to Newcastle. On or about June 26th, 
sir Edward Walker and a colonel from Oxford arrived to give the 
king an account of the city's surrender. ^^^ During the first and 
second weeks of July, they were followed by many others ;^^^ indeed, 
from this period to the end of the king's stay, Newcastle and the 
surrounding district contained an increasingly large number of 
royalists. On July 6th, letters were received in Jiondon from the 
deputy-mayor, stating that he had prevented several of them from 
having access to the king, and the House of Commons approved 
his action.^^^ On the same date, Vincent Babington, the king's 
barber, was only granted a pass from London to Newcastle on the 
stipulation that he carried 'nothing prejudicial to the state.'^^® On 
July 20th, the resort of * Malignants' to Newcastle was again brought 
to the notice of Parliament, and on July 22nd, the House of Lords 
passed a resolution for restraining them from having access to 

The chief event of the month was the arrival of the com- 
missioners bearing the propositions from the English Parliament to 
Charles *for a safe and well grounded Peace.'^^^ They reached New- 

"• The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 71, for July 9-16, 1646. The Kingdomes 
Weekly Intelligencer, No. 157, for July 14-21, 1646. For Cant, see Scottish 
Antiquary for September, 1892, Jaffray's Diary, and Guthry's Memoirs, p. 136. 

**• The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 71. 

*•* A Letter from Newcastle, London, 1646. Ashburnham's Narrative, vol. 
ii., p. 163. 

*•• The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 71. Montreuil returned to Newcastle on 
July 9, having been away since May 28. (^Seot. Hist. Soc. Publ., vol. xxix., 
p. 217.) 

^ Whitelock, Memorials, vol. ii. p. 47. 

^•® Lords* Journals, under date July 6, 1646. 

»«• V^hitelock, ojr. cit, vol. ii. pp. 52, 53. 

"• They are printed by Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 309, in Thurloe, State Papers, 
vol ii. and in Commons Journals ; also in pamphlet form as The Propositions 


castle on the afternoon of Thursday, July 23rd/^i *a little before 
the Post came away.'^^^ They were received with no more ceremony 
than had been accorded to Charles in May/^^ and were acconunodated 
in the house which had been used by the Scottish commissioners 
in May and June,^^* doubtless in the same house in St. John's 
parish in which the English commissioners were lodged in January, 
1647.^'''* The corporation records contain the following minutes 
relating to the town's entertainment of them, under date August, 
1646 : — ' Pd. Thomas Errington which he disbursed when he was 
sent to meet the Commissioners, 3s.' * Pd. M'. George Dawson for a 
piep of Oanarrie Sack, £22 ; half a ton of French, £11 ; pd. for 
carriage 8s., for four gallons Rennish wine, 32s., which was sent as a 
present to the Right Honbl. the earell of Pembroke and the other 
Commissioners who were sent by the Plement with the Propositions 
to the King's Matie, £35.'i76 

Leven called on the commissioners soon after their arrival,^^^ and 
in the course of the evening they received notice from Charles that he 
would grant them an audience on the following afternoon.^^® He was 
already aware of the nature of the propositions. On July 17th, 
Hamilton had reached Newcastle, in the course of a violent thunder- 
storm, in advance of the English commissioners.^^® In the Memoirs 
of Ambrose Barnes,^^ a detail is preserved of the interview between 
Hamilton and the king : ' When he had just kissed the king's hand, 
his Majesty and he blushed at once, and as the Duke was retiring 

oftJie Lords and Commons for a safe and well grounded Peace, Sent to His 
Majestie at Newcastle. London : Printed for John Wright at the King's Head 
in the Old Bailey, 17 July, 1646. »" Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 319. 

»" The ScoUish Dove, No. 144, for July 22-31, 1646. 

>" The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 73, for July 23-30, 1646. "* Ibid. 

>'5 ♦ A fayre house in St. John's parrish,' A Letter from Newcastle, London: 
J. Cole, 1647. 

*" Hornby has printed this minute. I have supplied the word * piep.' which 
is almost obliterated in the original. The total also appears to be £35, and 
not £34. See Memoirs of Ambrose Barnes, p. 63. 

^^'' Whitelock, vol. ii. p. 54. »'" Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 319. 

»™ Guthry, Memoirs, p. 182. 

**" P. 53. Britanes Distemper, p. 197, describes this episode : ' In the werie 
moment when he tooke leaue of the kinge, a flash of lightening seimed to fill 
the wholl roume, efter which followed a terrible cract of thunder, the lyk 
wherof was newer heard of in the island ; for as it beganne there at that werie 
instant, so it spreid from thence to the south and north, owerall the ill, contin- 
owing without intermissione not onlie the rest of that day, but the wholle night, 
and the nixt day till tuelf accloak.' 


back, with a little confnsion, into the crowd that was in the room, the 
King asked if he was afraid to come near him, upon which they 
entered into a conversation together.' Argyle also, who arrived in 
Newcastle shortly after Hamilton, experienced a similar thunder- 
storm.^®^ About the same time, as appears from a letter^®^ written 
from Newcastle on July 24th, by *D.N.,' the full text of the 
propositions reached Newcastle in pamphlet form, no doubt the 
publication issued on July 17th, from the * King's head in the old 
Bailey.'^^ Charles was engaged in their consideration even before the 
visit of the commissioners and had almost entirely given up his golf .^^ 
On Friday, July 24th, about two o'clock in the afternoon, the 
commissioners, with their chaplain, Mr. Marshall, accompanied by 
Argyle and Loudoun, proceeded in their coaches to the court. They 
were received in ' a large Chamber of Presence,' and after their public 
reception followed the king into another room. Mr. Goodwin read 
the propositions, and Charles undertook to give his answer within the 
ten days allowed the commis^oners by Parliament for their mission.^®® 
On the same day the commissioners heard a sermon^®^ from Samuel 
Kem, a navy chaplain, whose ship was stationed at Tynemouth.^^ 
Charles heard a sermon from Marshall, the commissioners' chaplain, 
on the following Sunday, July 26th, and remembering, probably, his 
experience at the hands of Mr. Cant, sent for the preacher twice and 
thanked him for a discourse which was ' peaceable and not personal.'^^ 
After a series of interviews with the king on July 27th and 81st, and 
August 1st and 2nd,^®^ the commissioners left the town at the early 

"> Guthry, ibid, 

"' In The Kings Majesties Receiving the Propositions for Peace at Neio- 
castle, London : Jane Coe, 1646. *" See note 170 above. 

*** Papers of some Passages between the King and the Cmnmissioners, 
London, 1646. Montreuil and Belli^vre, who reached Newcastle on July 25, 
were closely engaged with Charles (^Scottish Dove, No. 145). 

*" Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 319. Copy of a Letter from Newcastle from the 
Commissioners about the Propositions for Peace. London, 1646. 

"" A Sermon Preached before the Commissioners of both Kingdovis the satne 
day they Delivered the Propositions to the Kings Majesty for a Safe and Well- 
grounded Peace, by Samuel Kem, Batchelour in Divinity. London, 1S46. 

"' See note 328. 

^^ Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 319. The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 76, for Aug. 
6-13, 1646. His text was Isaiah 32, verse 17. 

*•* Commons Journals, under date Aug. 12, 1646. The Moderate Intelligencer, 
No. 75. The Kings Answer to the Propositions for Peace. London, 1646. Copy 
of a Letter from Newcastle, etc. 


hour of five on Monday morning, August 8rd.^^ Leven, Lumsden, 
Argyle, Dunfermline, and the officers of the Newcastle garrison 
accompanied them as far as Durham, where Leven and Lumsden dined 
with them, and after dinner ' parted in love.'^®^ Their departure was 
followed, about August 17 th, by that of the Scottish nobility in the 
town.^^2 Henderson, too, had gone, and Charles enjoyed some 
leisure which was not disturbed until the arrival of the Scottish 
commissioners in September. 

Until that event, the record of Charles's experiences and of events 
in the town becomes somewhat obscure. On August 8th, sir Robert 
Murray^^^ speaks of the king as being in good spirits over a game of 
chess. Towards the end of the month, it was reported in London 
with some trepidation, that he was making overtures to certain of the 
nobility in the town and seeking to ingratiate himseK with the 
soldiery ,1^ who by now, even the king's guard, were in a ' ragged and 
naked condition.'^** The presence of so many of the * malignants ' in 
and about the town still gave cause for anxiety, and Leven had on 
August 3rd issued a further proclamation *with sound of drum' 
against them.^^ A curious episode occurred about the middle of the 
month. There had lately arrived from London, a pamphlet entitled 
TruiKs Discovery^ or a Black Cloud in the North, It was apparently a 
canard of the Independent party, and was at once condemned to 
be fixed to the gallows on the Sandhill for forty-eight hours, and 
finally to be placed within the covers of ' an old service book ' and 
burnt by the hangman's man. Over the condemned publication the 
following verse was written : — 

Read and behold this Pamphlet, see 
Themselves sold rigjit Devils to be. 
A lying spirit fit to divide, 
To sheith his sword in his mother's side. 

*** The Moderate InteUigenoer, No. 75. Copy of a Letter ^ etc. "* Ibid. 

**' Whitelock, vol. ii. p. 63. The Moderate Intelligencer^ No. 74, writes, * His 
Majesty speaks of leaving Newcastle/ and in No. 75, 'its talked his Majesty 
hath no mind to stay much longer at Newcastle.' 

»»» Hammon Papers, 1638-60, p. 107. 

*»* The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 77, for Aug. 20-27, 1646. 

"* The WeeUy Intelligencer, No. 162, for Aug. 18-26, 1646. 

^^ Whitelock, vol. ii. p. 67. The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 74, for July 30- 
Aug. 6, 1646, ' the town being exceedingly full of such, and great store about 
the town.' 


This legend, too, was attached : 'Independents untruths, Knavely 
hatchet in Hell, produced in London, whose end is the gallows.* 
Further, a proclamation, stated to be 'By order of the independents 
parliamentary convention at Newcastle,' was signed either humour- 
ously or in contempt by 

Thomas tinker and preacher there, 
Ralph Dog, preacher and prophet there, 
Jenkin Fidler, second speaker. 
Peggy Parker, chief musitian. 
Humfry Candlestick, clericus. 

The proclamation is stated to have been 'fixed by three conmion 
souldiers, and taken down by an officer of the excise.'^^^ 

On Wednesday, September 2nd, Charles paid a second visit to 
Tynemouth, accompanied by Belli^vre and others. He dined at the 
castle and was 'entertained there very gallantly' in 'the Great Roome, 
richly hung.'^^® After dinner several of the officers of the garrison 
were presented to Charles,'®* and he returned to Newcastle the same 
evening.^^ On the following day he * tooke a little recreation at 
goflFe,' ^^ but on Friday, September 4th, his brief holiday came to an 
end with the arrival of the commissioners from Scotland.^^ They 
'were received into the Toune with much gladnesse, by many who pray 
that they may prevaile with His Majestic,' says a Newcastle corres- 
pondent.^^ The corporation records, under date September, 1646 
(second week), contain the following minute, indicative of the town's 
hospitality : ' Pd. "William Archer for 8 great ketteles to carry wine to 
the Commissioners.' 

On Sunday, September 6th, while two of their ministers preached 
before the commissioners, ' His Majesty heard wholsom doctrine 
preached unto him, addresses of godly Ministers, to perswade him to 
harken to the requests of his kingdomes.'^^ On the 7th, probably, on 

*»» The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 76, for Aug. 13-20, 1646, which prints the 
above verbatim 'for the excellency of the stile of the prose and verse.* 

"■ Perfect Occurrences, for Sept. 4-11, 1646. Belli^vre, whose first despatch 
from Newcastle is dated July 30, was received there vrith some ceremony by the 
governor and officers at the town gate (^Scot. Hist, Soc. Pub. vol. xzix. p. 238). 
Also, * a fine residence * was provided for him in the town (Ibid, p. 231). He 
reached Newcastle on July 25 {Scottish Dove, No. 145, for July 29- Aug. 5, 1646). 

"• Perfect Occurrences, ibid, 

*" A Letter from Newcastle. London, 1646. *» Ibid. 

*• Ibid. MercuHui Civicus, No. 171, for Sept. 3-10, 1646. 

*•• A Letter from Nenoastle, *** Ibid, 

TOL. XXL 16 


which date Oharles complained to the qneen of having been ^ freshly 
and fiercely assaulted from Scotland,'^* on the 8th,*^ and on the 
9th,^^ the commissioners had audiences of the king. On the 10th, 
Blair, Douglas, Cant, and other ministers brought their influenoe 
to bear. Their arguments failed to move Charles, and at length the 
uncompromising Cant broke out, 'Sir, I wish I may not say to 
your Majesty, as the Prophet said to Amasiah, '^ Refuse not counsel 
lest God harden thy heart to destruction.' " ' You are no prophet,' 
replied Charles. * But yet,' said Cant, ' I may tell you what the Prophet 
said to the man in such a condition.' ^® After a further interview 
with the commissioners on the llth,^^ Charles gave his answer about 
the 15th.2^® It proved to be but of vague and indefinite character, 
and urged the desirability of his return to London. *^^ By the 21st, 
the Scottish deputation had left Newcastle,^" and by the end of the 
month most of the nobility there had proceeded to Edinburgh for the 
meeting of the Estates.*^^ Newcastle was called upon to receive no 
further deputations until January, 1647. 

Meanwhile, during September, certain events had taken place 
in the town which had aroused some considerable feeling. On 
September 11th, *Some reasons were offered to the Commons why 
there hath not been an Election at Newcastle, according to a writ 
formerly granted :*^* But upon debate thw^of it was Ordered to be 
referred to a Committee who were appointed to sit in the Star 
Chamber on Tuesday following.' ^^^ It is evident that there 
was some division in the town in regard to the matter, and it 

*" Charles L in 2646, under date. 

^** A Letter from Newcastle. Whitelock, vol. ii. p. 67. The Kingdomes 
Weekly Ifitelligencer, No. 165, for Sept. 8-16, 1646. 

^ Ibid, A Letter fr<yiti NewoaMle. 

*• The Copy of a Letter from Newcastle. London, 1646. A Letter from 
Newcastle. The Moderate Intelligencer^ No. 81, for Sept. 17-24, 1646. 

•" A Letter frmn Nemcastle. 

"0 Perfect Occurrences, under date Sept. 16, 1646. 

»» Whitelock, vol. ii. p. 69. "« Ibid, 

«» The Scottish Dove, No. 162, for Sept. 13-23, 1646. 

^" Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1646-47, under date Sept. 9, 1646, from which 
it appears that the writs were shortly to be sent down by John Blakiston. The 
request of Newcastle for a second member in the room of Sir Henry Anderson 
had been discussed in the Commons on Dec. 6, 1644, and ordered to stand over 
{Comm4>ns Journals, under date). 

*" Perfect Occurrences, under date Sept. 11, 1646. 


cnlminated in October in a deputation to London to indict the mayor 
for his opposition to this and other measnres.^^^ About the middle 
of the month ' divers of the unref ormed clergy ' are reported as having 
returned to Newcastle,^!^ while a letter from * E. A.,' dated New- 
castle, September 24th, says, * There are many malignants that lye 
between the Kings Lodgings at (sic) Gateside, and use much to that 
side of the Town about Pandon Gate ; some quarter in Eedhugh, and 
Fellin ; but they use not about the Towns of Walker, Wamson, and 
Willington.'^^® It was reported, too, with some misgivings, that 
Charles, either to gain adherents or to replenish his exchequer, was 
conferring honours at Newcastle. Among the recipients was a 
Matthew Whitfield of Whitfield, who obtained the honour of knight- 
hood at the hands of the king, but ' had no sooner received his honour 
but he away to his Inne, clapt his cloak-bag behinde him and 
away '^^^ without paying his fees. On October 1st, also, there is an 
order to the attorney or solicitor-general to make out the grant of 
a baronetcy to the Newcastle alderman, Mark Milbank, 'for his 
constant fidelity and affection.'*^ The dignity was however not 
conferred until after the Restoration.221 On Tuesday, September 
22nd, a general thanksgiving was held in Newcastle to celebrate the 
conclusion of the Oivil War. The day was observed ' by our Brethren 
and all the whole town,' says the Scottish Dove,^^ ' by ringing of Bells 
and Bonefires.' Charles, who was still conferring with Mr. Blair,^^ 
attended a sermon, apparently the public sermon, on the morning of 
that day.^* The corporation records contain a niinute,^^* under date 
October, 1646, recording the public rejoicing that was made : * Paid 
for tarbarles and setting them up, 28s. ; for wine, tobacco, and 
bisketts, lis. 5d. ; given to Mr. Mallards compinie, 10s. : at 
genneral thankesgiving the 22nd September, 1646, £8 lis. 5d.' 

"• The London Post, No. 1, for Dec. 14-2] , 1646, quoting a letter from * I. P.* 
of Oct. 24. See below, p. 45. 

«•' The Kingdomes Weekly Intelligencer, No. 166, for Sept. 15-22, 1646. 

"• Papers from the Scots Quarters. London, 1646. 

"» The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 81, for Sept. 17-24, 1646. 

"• Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1625-49, p. 699. 

'^ See genealogy in Surtees, Also, Welford, Men of Mark, "* No. 154, for 
Sept. 30-Oct. 8, 1646. 

"» Hamilton Papers, 1638-50, p. 114. 

'** The Weekly Account, for Sept. 30-Oct. 7, 1646. ** Printed in Hornby. 


Nevertheless, the comities of Northumberland and Durham still 
groaned under the Scottish occupation. On September 18th, the 
inhabitants of Cleveland drew up a letter setting forth their misery, 
and their example was followed on October 12th by the inhabitants 
of Stainton.22^ The Scots, meanwhile, were making preparations 
for the coming winter, provisions and forage were being laid in, and 
it was even rumoured that the starved condition of Northumberland 
and the bishopric might compel them to move their quarters 
further south,^^^ pending the conclusion of the financial arrangements 
which were then in progress between the two Parliaments. 

Throughout October there are but scattered references to Charles 
and Newcastle in the news-letters and pamphlets. About the 
beginning of the month MontreuO returned to the town,^® and, 
somewhat later, Charles had a visit from Davenant the poet.^^ On 
the 8th an incident is recorded in connexion with the king's 
favourite pastime. A Newcastle correspondent ^^^ writes on that date, 
* Here was a woman [distracted], seeing the King at Goffe (probably 
set on by some body), said that it was better for the King to be with 
his Parliament than to be there, and being bid to hould her peace, she 
said that shee would not, and if they loved the King as they should 
they would have tould him so before now.' Whether as the result 
of this experience or no, the same writer, on October 28th, reports, 
' The King seldome goes out to goffe,' though on ' The fast day (viz., 
Wednesday last), when we were at Church at humiliation, the worke 
of the day, there was playing at goffe at Court : which much sadded 
the harts of divers honest men.'^^^ During the month there was a 
recurrence of the plague in the town. It broke out in the first week, 

^^ Both petitions are printed in A Declaration Concerning the miserable 
Sufferings of the Countrie, London, 1646. 

*^ A Letter from His Majesties Quarters, London, 1646, which speaks of 
this rumour as * a great and heavy burden to the minds of many.* 

** The Kingdomes Weekly Intelligencer, No. 169, for Oct. 6-13, 1646. He 
writes from London on Sept. 26, and from Newcastle on Oct. 5. He had been 
absent from Newcastle since August 3. (Scot. Hist. Soc. Publ., vol. xxix.) 

'^ Papers from the Scots Quarters, The Moderate Intelligencer^ No. 84, for 
Oct. 8-15, 1646. See, also, Scot, Hist, See. Publ., vol. xxix., pp. 292, 314, also 
Ashbumham's Narrative, vol. ii., p. Ixv. **" * R. Y. Cleric ' in Papers from 
the Scots Quarters, 

•'* A Continuation of Papers from the Scotts Quarters, Iiondon, 1646. 
Whitelock, vol. ii. p. 82, 


l»'onght thither by a ship which reached the Tyne from London.^* 
By the 8th four houses in the town were iiifected,^^^ and a week later 
the sickness was increasing.^^^ While disease was rife in the town, 
dissensions arose anlong the civic authorities. Early in the month 
the council had proceeded to the election of the mayor for the year 
ensuing. A writer, who signs himself ' E. Y. Cleric,' remarks in a 
letter, dated October Sth,^^^ 'Our Major for this toune is chosen, 
which hath beene a troublesome work ; But Master Henry Dawson is 
Elected Major for the yeare ensuing, and confirmed in it . . . hee 

is a very honest man Master Henry Eawley (Bawling) 

is chosen Sheriffe.' In a letter dated October 28th,236 the same writer 
adds, 'This Toune of Newcastle have chosen M'. George Dawson, a 
very honest man, (Brother to the Major) to be an Alderman.' 

Yet another cause of dissension arose towards the end of the 
month. A news-sheet remarks : ' The Magistrates in this Town 
are endeavouring to bring the Castle (which hath beene formerly 
a priveledged place) under the freedome of the Town (which may 
be usefull to the safety of the Kiijgdom). I am sorry to see 
divisions in the Toune.'^^ea Before the 24th of the month, as 
appears from a letter ^^^ signed 'I. P.' from Newcastle on that date, 
Christopher Nicholson — the tradition in regard to whom, as having 
been entrusted with the charge of Charles, is mentioned by Mr. 
Welford in his Monuments and Tombstones of SL Nicholas^ ^^ — 
Edward Man, and Robert Ellison set out for London, summoned 
thither to give evidence in regard to complaints against the mayor. 
These complaints are stated as having their origin in his ' indeavour- 
ing the suppressing of our Petition for another Burgesse, and 
obstructing other Ordinances of Parliament here.'^^^ On the 26th, 

*'* Papers from the Scots Quarters, '•* Ibid, 

^Perfect Occ^irrences, for Oct. 16-23, 1646. The King domes Weekly 
Intelligencer, No. 170, for Oct. 13-20, 1646. 

*** Papers from the Scots Quarters, 

®* A Continuation of Papers from the Scotts Quarters, 

*^ Perfect Occurrences, for Oct. 16-23, 1646. See Brand, vol. i., p. 163. 

'" The London Post, No. 1, for Dec. 14-21. 

*^ P. 147. Nothing has appeared to confirm this tradition. The idea that 
Charles was, to some extent, in the care of the town*8 authorities, is however 
suggested in the Scottish Dove, No. 134. for May 13-20, 1646, in the statement 
that on May 13 the escort withdrew from the Court * leaving the charge to the 
Major.* *» The London Post, No. 1. 


John Blatdston, whose stipend of £200 as the borough bni^ess bad 

been voted on October 6th,^^ also left Newcastle for Londcm. 

From the terms in which he is complimented by ' R. Y. Cleric ' in his 

letter of October 28th, it is clear that the offending mayor was Henry 

Dawson ; that his election had been carried only with difficulty, in 

face of his attitude upon the additional burgess question and other 

matters ; and that Blakiston had used his influence to calm the 

troubled spirits of the corporation fathers. 'Blakiston, our honest 

ould Major,' says the letter, * hath done many good services in setling 

this place, which was carried on by him and others with much 

In November, an event of large interest, both in the history of the 
town and of Charles's connexion with it, was the arrival of Stephen 
Bdkley, the printer ; the commencement of a long association 
with Newcastle and G&teshead which lasted until after the Restora- 
tion.^*^ On November 11th a London news-sheet^*^ gives the following 
information :—' But the greatest news is, a Printer is come from 
York to Newcastle with his Presse and Letters, and is beginning to 
work upon the large Declarations : the Mayor sent to know wherefore 
he came thither ? he would give no answer the first time, having not 
consulted his pillow ; the next day, being sent for, he answered. The 
Govemour would give him answer, if he pleased to send to him. 
Whether it be the same Presse which was sent from London to 

York^*^ at the beginning of these troubles is not known 

By another Letter from Newcastle its certified that his Majesty sent 
for the Printer from York, and that his name is Buckley.' On 
the 16th there is further information regarding Bulkley^** : — ' His 
Majesty hath taken the Printer into his own Lodgings, that so he 

"• Corporation Records, Oct. 1646, * Pd. the right worshipful John Blakiston 
maior. which was ordered by the Common Councell the 5th October, 1646, he 
being a burgess of parliament for this corporation 2002.' 

'" A Continuatum of Papers^ etc. 

^* Welford, Early Printing in Nemcagtle-upon-Tyne (1895). 

«*» The Moderate Intelligencer , No. 88, for Nov. 6-12, 1646. 

''♦* Robert Barker set up his press at Newcastle in 1639, and at York in 1642. 
He had returned to London before 1646. It is feasible to suggest that Bulkley 
had been his workman or apprentice, and had continued his business in York 
when Barker returned to London. The last of Bulkley 's Newcastle and Gates- 
head publications is dated 1662. Shortly after that date he returned to York 
and there died. See Welford, Early Printing ^ etc. 

*« The Moderate Intelligenoer, No. 89, for Nov. 12-19, 1646. 


may act withont oontroU ; likewise to avoid any difference between 
the Town and the souldiery, that might arise about him or his 
actions.* Charles, at the same time, was busily engaged in preparing 
matter for Bulkley's press. 'The King,' says a news-letter,^^ 'is 
well, is studious, writs much, many sheets already written, conceived 
will be shortly printed ; the subject I know not.' A few days later 
Bulkley transferred himself into 'the next house to his Majesties 
lodgings, and hath a door into his Majesties chambers : He is 
printing, bnt hath not perfected anything as yet. His Majestie 
gave him ten pieces to quicken his pains and care.'^^^ His removal 
from Oharles's immediate protection encouraged an attempt to eject 
him from the town. ' The Stationers and shop-keepers ' regarded his 
establishment in the town as likely to be 'a damage to them.'^^ 
Accordingly, 'the Mayor and Aldermen of Newcastle moved the 
Govemour to have the Printer apprehended, he told them in that 
none should hinder themu'^^ A sergeant was, thereupon, sent for 
that purpose, ' but he (Bulkley) escaped and got into the Presence.'***^ 
After that futile attempt, Bulkley appears to have been unmolested. 
On the 28th, he was busily printing off his first Newcastle publication : 
' his Majesties Printer is printing the Answer or Letter sent to the 
Assembly by Mons. Diodate .... other things are to be 
printed.'^^ An account of this pamphlet was published by Mr. 
Welford in 1895 ;^' an interesting problem, however, arises in con- 
nexion with it. It drew forth vigorous denials of the attributed 
authorship, and a vehement answer in A Reply to a Letter Printed at 
Newcastle?^^ The vexed question of authorship was perhaps settled 
in a later pamphlet from Bulkley's press, entitled The Kings FosseS" 
sions turitten hy Eis Majesties own Handy which contains a certificate 
from one of the secretaries of the Assembly attesting that the work 
attributed to Dr. Diodate was an ' abominable forgery.' But what 
was Charles's share in it ? The ' forgery ' or hoax was Bulkley's first 
production. Charles had been busily preparing matter for Bulkley's 

«• The Scottish Dove, No. 161, for Nov. 18-25, 1646. 

«« The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 90, for Nov. 19-26, 1646. 

**• Perfect Occurrences, for Nov. 20-27, 1646. 

>*• The Moderate IntelUgericer, No. 90. **® Ibid. 

»' Ibid. No. 92, for Dec. 3-10, 1646. ^ Early Prvntirig, etc. 

»• Printed by J. C, London, 1646. 


press shortly before its publication, and admittedly annotated it when 
Bulldey again issued it in The Kings Possessions. It is, in fact, 
interesting to conjecture, but difficult to determine Charles's share in 
its publication. 

In the following month Bulldey issued two pamphlets, which so 
far do not appear to have been identified as his. Under the date 
December 21st, the Moderate Intelligencer^^ publishes the following 
information: — *The Petition of some Londoners hath had the honour 
to be printed at Newcastle by his Majesties direction, and his own 
Printer there. My Lord Lowdens speeches are also printed, with an 
Epistle by 6. A., but in the Title-Page at Edinbui^h.' This is con- 
firmed by Whitelock,*^^ ' Great use was made of a press to print the 
Lord Chancellor of Scotland's speeches, the London petition, and 
other things at Newcastle.' Whitelock states*^ that the printing of the 
speeches in London had already caused some feeling in Parliament. 
The London petition, an abstract of which appears, after the state- 
ment of its publication at Newcastle, in the Moderate Intelligencer^ 
No. 94, is among the King's Pamphlets (in broadside form, and with- 
out a regular title-page), in the British Museum.^*^ The lord chancellor's 

»• No. 94, for Dec. 17-24, 1646. 

"* Memorials, vol. ii. p. 97, uader date Dec. 23. "• Ihid, pp. 76, 80, 83. 

*" Its press mark is 190, g. 12 (83), and the text as follows : — 

To the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor, the Right Worshipfnll, the 
Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London, in Common Councell 

The Humble Petition of many well-affected Free-men, 
and Covenant ingaged Citizens of the City of London. 
Humbly sheweth. 

That the deep sence of our growing miseries and approaching dangers, hath 
even forced us to think npon, and apply our selves to such waies and means, as 
whereby we might probably and comfortably hope to obtain relief ; our Solemn 
Covenant ingageth us to persist constantly all the dayes of our lives against all 
opposition in the zealous pursuit of the blessed ends thereof, which chiefly are 
Religion, Laws, Liberties, and Union, It is to manifest how many desperate 
assaults are daily made upon these great concernments : We know no other 
means of remedy against these running mischiefs, then a diligent Application of 
our selves to the Honourable Houses of Parliament, in whom much of onr 
precious interests are concerned, and since all onr regular motions to Them are 
direct-ed through You, the Worthy Senators of this famous City (the experience 
of whose free and faithful! addresses to the Parliament, especially in that of our 
late most memorable Remonstrance, together with Your &vourable acceptation 
of our humble Petitions, we cannot but with all Joy and Thankfulness acknow- 
ledge.) We are greatly incouraged in confidence of Your continued faithfulnesse, 
to return again unto You. 

And most earnestly to beseech that the premises being duely weighed. You 
would be pleased to afford not onely Your acceptance of, but Concurrence wiUi, 

bulklby's publications. 181 

speeches in one pamphlet bear the title, Severall speeches Spoken by the 
Rt, Hon. The Earle of Loudoun?^ No date is assigned to the speech, 
but from internal evidence it was delivered during the visit of the 
English commissioners in July.^**® Charles's purpose in causing the 
speech to be printed in December is not quite clear, especially as 
Loudoun in it very plainly indicated the necessity for the king to yield 
to his Parliament. The speech had already been printed in London, 
in July, 1646,^ but the Edinburgh version does not exactly correspond 
with the London edition.^^ 

To complete, however, the record for November. On the 4th, 
there is an order for the public lighting of the streets : — * Lanthoms 
to be hung out in every ward in Newcastle. A common lanthom to 
be provided for each ward. The lanthoms to be lighted at 6 o'clock, 

these oar Humble Desires annexed, so far as shall seem good nnto Tour Wisdoms, 
and in Tour own, and our names to present them to the Honourable Houses, 
expressing all that zeal therein as is meet in matters of so high importance, 
wherein the honour of God, the Peace and Happinesse of these Kingdoms (in 
this and future Ages) are so eminently concerned. 
And Your Petitioners shall ever pray, &c. 

The Heads or our Humble Desires. 

1. That the Solemn League and Covenant may be imposed without exoepticHi 

upon all with a Penalty. 

2. That Religion may be settled, Heresie and Sohisme extirpated acco[r]ding 

to the Covenant ; That such may be supprest from publick Preaching 
a[s] have not duely been ordained : And that a competent maintenance 
for the Ministery may be provided. 

3. That the Subjects Liberty be preserved in their right of Elections of 

Members to serve in Parliament. 

4. That Committees (in regard of their exorbitant miscarriagee) may be 


5. That the Armies may be disbanded, and Taxes released. 

6. That dying Ireland may be speedily relieved. 

7. That the Union of the two Kingdoms may be maintained. 

8. That the Interest of both Kingdoms in the Person of the King may be 


9. That notorious Deli[n]quent8 may be brought to speedie Justice, and 

Publick Debts out of their Estates satisfied. 
10. That Protections may be taken off. 

«» Edinburgh, 1646. 

^ The speech begins * Your Majesty was pleased on Monday last, to caU the 
Lords of your Privy Council of Scotland, and the Committee to acquaint them 
with the Propositions, and told that before the delivery of your answer, you 
would make the same known to them.' Loudoun accompanied the Com- 
missioners on their first visit to Charles on July 24. The Monday spoken of 
might be either July 20 or 27, See also Maseres, Select Tracts, vol. i. p. 94. 

** The Lord ChaTicellor of Scotland, His Speech to the King in Newcastle, 
July, 1646. London, 1646. 

*' The opening sentence, for instance, reads : * Your Majesty was pleased on 
Monday last to call the Lords of your Councell and Committee.' Compare 
Note 259. 

TOL. XXI. ^7 


and to bum until the captain goes.'^es On the following day, the 
historic 5th, a minute in the Gateshead parish accounts occurs : — 
*Pd. for ringing the bells on Gunpowdder-treason day, 2s. 6d.' 
Throughout October and the first two weeks of November, the 
weather had been so boisterous that the usual trade with the Tyne 
ports had been seriously hampered, and the price of provisions had 
risen accordingly.^^^ By the 12th the storm had moderated. On 
that date 'E. N.' writes^^*: — * To-morrow . . . there will be neare 
800 saile of ships come out of this Eiver, most of them for London, 
with Coals, which hath been kept in by the Windes this 6 weekes at 

The storm had probably delayed an arrival for which some, 
at least, in Newcastle were anxiously looking. On the 21st, sir 
Robert Murray writes from Newcastle^^* : — ' The Prince of Orange 
hath sent hither a ship of 84 gunnes to do what the king commands. 
. . . . She stays here under pretence of being careened, but will 
be ready, as I take it, at all times for the King's pleasure.' The 
Dutch captain, upon his arrival, 'delivered some packets from the 
Prince of Orange to his Majesty, and hath treated with the French 
Embassadour, and the Earle of Dumfarlinge, Sir James Hamilton, 
Vantrumpe, and Mr. Murrey, and other Agents at Newcastle.'^^^ The 
delivery of these despatches took place probably on the 17th, for on the 
following day, ' the 18 of Novemb. Sir James Hambleton, Mr. Murray of 
the Bedchamber, with divers Scottish Gentlewomen, went to Tinmouth 
Castle in a Barge, who were saluted with three piece of ordnance 
from the Dutchman of war ; after there went the Captain to the 
Castle, whom the Govemour requited with three other pieces : after 
all of them came aboard the Captain, Sir Charles Floyd and some 
others meeting them ; and having drank severall healths, at end of 
each there went off severall guns : after the Captain came to New- 
castle with Mr. Murrey, the 19 the Captain was feasted by the 

^* Memoirs of Ambrose Barnes^ p. 53 n. 

*" A Continuation of a Journal of Passages. London, 1646. 

^ Perfect Occurrences, for Nov. 13-20, 1646. 

*"• Hamilton Papers, under date. Charles had written on September 10th to 
request that a ship might be sent to Newcastle, (Gardiner, History of the OhU 
War, vol. vi., p. 339.) 

^ Diutinus Britanicv>s, for Nov. 25-Dec. 2, 1646. 


Lord Dumferling and Mr. Murrey.'^^^ Another news-sheet^^® adds a 
detail regarding the 18th : — 'They feasted the Captaine at Tinmouth 
Castle, where they dranke healths to the King, and all his friends.' 

The arrival of the Dutch man-of;war was accompanied by that of 
a large number of the king's adherents to Newcastle and the 
surrounding district. They were estimated at about five thousand.^^^ 
Clearly the authorities suspected, and as it proved with reason, some 
plot on the king's behalf. On December 3rd, Leven and Lumsden 
issued a proclamation ^^^ against all who had borne arms against 
either Parliament, among whom were certain 'who reside in the 
King's Court.' 2^1 The captain of the Dutch ship was also examined ; 
caution was given to the governor of Tynemouth castle to be on his 
guard, and colonel Welden was ordered to arrest 'Master Ealph 
Pudsey a knowne and dangerous Papist.' 2^2 

On the Sunday following Leven's proclamation, December 6th, 
there preached before Charles, apparently in St. Nicholas's church, ' a 
Scotchman newly come from Scotland ; he was very violent in his 
sermon, and much displeased his Majesty.' ^73 Charles's resource in 
inducing the congregation to sing the 56th Psalm instead of the 
52nd, given out by the preacher, is a familiar story ,2*^* but a news- 
sheet ^^* adds that the congregation were so ' overweighted by the 
Novelty of this great Clerke' that 'it's said some did now sing 
who had not sung in many yeares.' The London Post^'^^ however, 
contradicts the story, adding that 'though the King did not sing in 
the Church, yet it made him laugh in his Chamber.' On the same 
day Charles's coachman, Hugh Brown, was buried in St. Andrew's 
church. The fact is recorded in the church registers : ^^^ ' Dec. 6, 1646, 
Hugh Brown, buried the 6 day, in the Church, the kings kouchman.' 

**^ The Moderate Intelligencer , No. 90, for Nov. 19-26, 1646. 

^ Diutinus Britanicus, for Nov. 25-Dec. 2, 1646. 

^ The Kingdmnes Weekly Intellige'ncer, No. 178, for Dec. 8-15, 1646. 

^° Whitelock, vol. ii. p. 92, The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 93, for Dec. 10- 
17, 1646. 271 rpjjg Kingdomes Weekly Intelligencer, Nq. 178. ^* lUd, 

2^^ The Moderate Intelligencer^ No. 93. Whitelock, vol. ii. p. 94. 

^* Ibid. The Kingdomes Weekly Intelligencer, No. 179, for Dec. 15-22, 
1646. Joyful Newes from the North, Dec. 28, 1646. London, which calls the 
preacher a * New Minister.' 

2^* The Kingdmnes Weekly Intelligencer, No. 179. 

"• No. 1, for Dec. 14-21, 1646, * There was of late no such sermon preached 
. . . nor was there any such Psalme.* 

^ Quoted in Bykes, Local Records, vol. i. p. 100, 


On the following Wednesday, December 9th, a Dunkirk man-of- 
war entered the river and others were expected.^^® The captain 
of the Dutch ship, as also of the Dunkirk ship,*^* would not 
allow any one to come on board without his express permission.^^ 
The royalists, in spite of Leven's proclamation, still continued in 
large numbers ' very high and bold.' The mayor had, on or before 
the 10th, arrested some of them,2«i though Pudsey had escaped.^^ 
On the 14th, a Newcastle letter gives the following details : — * The 
Cavaliers increase and resort more and more thither ; as if the late 
proclamation had rather been an invitation, then prohibition. There 
are many of especiall quality, both Captaines, Lieutenants, and 
Ensignes, lately taken into Tynmouth, and all in capacity of common 
souldiers, such is the peoples feares, that they think this to purport 
some new designe : They give out harsh speeches, as that those 
Northern parts, in particular, Tynmouth and Newcastle must once 
more be in their hands ; and, saith the Letter, is like to be if not 
timely prevented.'^®^ Another news-sheet*®* gives a more detailed 
account of the distribution of these * malignants ' ; * there are divers 
Malignants that quarter about Gateside, Eedhugh, Fellen, Nether- 
worth and Overworth, on the Southside ; some being gone over the 
Bridge to Lambton, and so to quarters further. On the Northside 
some are towards "Walker and Willington, and so towards Tynmouth, 
that way lie the great ones that came from Oxford. The Major of 
Newcastle .... had notice of some of the King's ould officers 
in St. Johns and about the King's Lodging, some about Stone Gate 
and other parts, that were in the Town, and uncivil!, some of them 
were sent for and apprehended, they made meanes to send to the King 
for relief e, but sent to Prison.' On the 14th, too, it was reported-^ 
that the Dutch ship had ' victualled himself, and is new trim'd or 
drest already ; he gives out he must stay five monetbs longer, unlesse 

^ Nereuvius DiutintM, for Dec. 16-23, 1646. Perfect Occurreiices^ for Dec. 
11-18, 1646. ^ Ibid, ^ Mercurius Diutinus, for Dec. 16-23, 1646. 

"* Perfect Occurrences, for Dec 11-18, 1646. 

^ The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 93. »» Ibid, 

»* Mercurius Divtinus, for Dec. 16-23, 1646. 

"^ The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 93. An entry in the Trinity house 
pilotage receipts, on December 10th, would appear to be connected with the 
resort of these foreign men-of-war and of the king's adherents : — * The hoope for 
guard of Binkhornes Land(ing?) Is. 6d.' 


called off by expresse order from his Admiral. There are five other 
ships expected there, men of war also, who are rig'd and appointed at 
the cost of Prince Rupert, with them certain Holland men of war are 
to joyn.' 

A letter from ' B. N.,' dated Newcastle, December 17th, suggests 
that the energetic action of the mayor towards the ' malignants ' was 
not unanimously approved by the council : ' There is much division in 
this Towne. The Mayor carries himself like an honest man ; Since the 
Malignants Committed, some envy him. And now Alderman Cogens, 
Mr. Michaelson, Mr. Elison (the 2 last Sheriffes), and Mr. Mar, the . 
Toune-Clarke, are coming to London, I could wish they would have 
had more wit, and looked to their owne businesses at home. I am 
sorry to see honest men fall out.' ^^^ 

While everything points towards a project of some kind for Charles's 
escape, measures were being taken elsewhere for the evacuation of 
Newcastle and the surrender of the king by the Scots. On December 
5th, an order had been made^^^ to send down £100,000 from London 
to York, in part payment of the £400,000 for which the Scots had 
agreed to compound their original claim upon the English Parlia- 
ment.^^ On the 20th, Charles had written to suggest his return to 
London,^^^ and on the 22nd, the House of Commons had voted his 
return to Holdenby.^^ That in Newcastle the Scots were looking 
eagerly for the completion of their financial bargaining with the 
English Parliament is clear from the fact that, about December 15th, 
Leven and Lumsden had asked the corporation to advance the sum 
of £2,000 to pay the soldiery.^^^ They offered the security of the 
customs, and repayment of the loan so soon as the money from the 
English Parliament arrived.^®^ The council met to consider the 
request, and deferred it until December 2Jst, when the loan appears 
to have been granted to the increased amount of £3,000, of which 

^ Perfect Occurrences^ for Dec. 18-25, 1646. 

"^ Whitelock, vol. ii. p. 90. 

*» Bushworth, vol. vi. pp. 323-6. See also Scot. Hist. Soc, Publ., vol. xxix. 
p. 259. 

"• Rushworth, IhiA. p. 393. The letter was printed by Bulkley, under the 
title, A Message from his Majestic ^ to the Speaker of the House of Peers, etc. 
It is reprinted in Collectanea Curiosa (1726). ^ Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 893. 

*•* The Moderate Intelligencer , No. 93. 

^ The London Post, No. 1, for Dec. 14-21, 1646. 


amount alderman Oosins advanced £1,200.^^^ The council, at that 
meeting, took the opportunity to discuss the financial burden which 
the king's visit had laid upon the town. On that date the following 
order occurs : — ' A particular of the Charges and disbursements which 
this Toune hath bin att in regard of the Garrison and also in regard 
of the Court since His Maties cominge hither and to be drawne upp 
by Mr. Wood of the Toune Chamber that it may be presented to Mr. 
Blakiston.' A further indication of the approaching evacuation of 
the town by the Scots is found in a report to Lenthall on December 
-28rd, that Leven had a quantity of military stores at Newcastle which 
he was willing to dispose of to the English Parliament.^®* 

Meanwhile, Charles's adherents were of opinion that the time was 
ripe for the termination of his residence in Newcastle, by methods 
very different from those which the two Parliaments were con- 
templating. On December 24th, the Scottish Estates drew up a series 
of instructions for their commissioners at Newcastle, in which they 
were bidden to inform the king that it was in vain for him to look for 
any help from Scotland against his English Parliament.^®^ On that same 
day, the first step towards Charles's escape was taken. There was in 
Murray's employ at the court, a groom of the privy chamber, Tobias 
Peaker, or * Master Toby ' as he is called in one of the weekly news- 
sheets.^ On the 24th, Peaker, at Murray's direction, brought the cap- 
tain of the Dutch ship from the * Peacock' inn on the quay to the court. 
Details were there arranged, and later in the day Peaker was told that 
he would be required to carry down £100 to the captain at the inn. 
A back-stairs page, named Levitt, received the money from Murray, 
but not succeeding in finding Peaker for whom he held it, he took it 
back to Murray's bedroom and hid it under the head of the bed. 
From its hiding place Peaker ultimately fetched it, and took it to the 
* Peacock ' where the captain received it, and returned to his ship then 
lying at Tynemouth. On that evening, Peaker was sent down to 
Tynemouth to enquire if the wind was fair for an attempt to leave the 
river, presumably on the following night, and in face of any opposition 

2w The London Post, No 1, for Dec. 14-21, 1646. The Moderate Intelligencer^ 
No. 93. 

*^ Hist. MSS. Comm. Report 13, appendix, pt. i. 

*»* Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. vi. pt. i. 

»» The Kingdovies Weekly Intelligencer, No. 183, for Jan. 12-19, 1647. 

mueray's plot for Charles's escape. 187 

which might come from the guDS of Tynemouth castle. The Dutch 
captain, though he expressed his preference for the day-tide on which 
to leave the river, said he was willing and ready to do what was re- 
quired of him. With that information, Peaker returned to Newcastle 
the following morning,^^^ December 25th. 

As to what took place at court on the evening of that eventful 
Christmas day, Peaker either was or affected to be ignorant. He 
could say no more than that Levitt had told him that Charles was 
up very late at night, but that the project, whatever it wbs, was 
abandoned owing to the wind not proving favourable.^^® The 
evidence available from other sources, if more detailed than Peaker's, 
is proportionately confusing. Skippon, who had ample evidence on 
which to base his conclusions, reported that Murray, who was at the 
bottom of the plot, had arranged for Charles to leave the court in 
disguise, make his way from the town by one of the sally ports, and 
once on board the Dutch ship, set sail for France or Hanover .^^^ In 
one news-sheet it is stated :^^ * Pandon gate was endeavoured to be 
opened, and the Sally Port adjoyning, a key was set fast and broken : 
Mr. William Murrey was very late at Court, that night, conuning 
downe the staires at so unusuall a time, though he gave the officer the 
word, yet he stayed him in the guard 3 hours untill the Governour 
sent for him.' In another news-sheet ^^^ it is stated : * Sandgate was 
opened, and one in grey cloathes going thither from the Kings 
Lodgings was looked on with suspition (it is not directly said it was the 
King) but he turned about, and went back to the Kings Lodgings, 
and up into his Majesties Chamber.' Prom these accounts it appears 
that on the 26th an attempt was made, either by some of the royalists 
in the town, or by some of the guards with whom Charles seems to 
have been ingratiating himself, to open Pandon Gate or Sandgate. 
Murray left the court at a late hour, in a grey suit, which in wintry 

^ Peaker's Deposition in Peck, Desiderata Cmnosa, vol. 11. pp. 368-70. 

»* Ihid. 

'-*•• The Kings Declaration at Newcastle. London, 1647. MontreuU specifically 
states that Charles confided only In Will Murray In regard to his projected 
escape. (Scot. Hist. Soc. Pub. vol. xxix. p. 402.) See note 311. 

*°® The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 96, for Dec. 31, 1646, to Jan. 7, 1647. 

*"' Perfect Occurrences^ for Jan. 1-8, 1647. Brand, op. cit. vol. ii. mentions it 
as a tradition in Newcastle that Charles attempted escape by the Lort bum, and 
had got as far as the grate ' that Is at present in the middle of the Side ' when he 
was apprehended. The story is most Improbable. The burn was little better 
than a sewer. 


weather would render him less noticeable, in order to reconnoitre, and 
on his return was apprehended and detained in the guard house; 
while Charles, after waiting some time for Murray's return, concluded 
that some accident had occurred and, in view of a possible surprise 
visit from Leven or the governor, prudently went to bed. Peaker's 
story of the wind not being favourable was either the official version 
which Levitt and the underlings of the court were asked to accept, or 
was the invention of Peaker himself as the easiest method of avoiding 
details which would have involved his master Murray and others. 

The fiasco of the 25th, however, by no means exhausted Murray's 
resources. On Monday, the 28th, so far as can be learnt, he and 
sir Robert Murray met at the * Angel ' inn. Peaker was sent for to join 
them there, and was informed that suspicion having fallen on the 
Dutch vessel, it was no longer safe to attempt an escape by its 
agency. He was, therefore, ordered to ride over to Hartlepool with a 
letter to the governor, lieut.-colonel Douglas, and to enquire what 
ships there were in that port, and the names of their masters.'^ On 
Thursday the 81st, Peaker started off on his new mission. He had 
proceeded no further than half a mile beyond Gateshead, when in his 
own words, he began to ponder Hhe consequents of that business,' and 
* not being willing to be accessory to an action which might prove so 
prejudicial to the kingdome,''^' he turned and rode back to Gateshead, 
left his horse at a smith's shop there, crossed the bridge, went direct 
to Henry Dawson, the mayor, and told him the whole business. 
Dawson at once sent for alderman Bonner, and to them Peaker 
delivered the letter with which Murray had entrusted him. It ran as 
follows : — * Noble Govemour, the bearer can acquaint you with a 
journey I am commanded to undertake ; here is neither ship nor wind 
fitting. I desire therefore to begin my voyage at Hartlepoole, if 
there be any accomodation where you are.' After consultation, it 
was agreed that Peaker should fulfil his mission to Hartlepool, and 
return with a report to the mayor. He, however, got no farther than 
Durham, where he heard that colonel Douglas had come in to some 
horse races near Newcastle—doubtless at Killingworth, the race- 

^'^ Peck, Desiderata Curiosa, ibid, L]eat.-col. Douglas, then major, had been 
appointed bj Calendar on the fall of Hartlepool on July 24, 1644 (Thurloe, State 
Papers^ vol. i. p. 41 ; Eist, MS8, Comm, pt. i. app. p. 181). 

»» Peck, ibid. 


course at which appears upon Hollar's map, 1654. Turning back, he 
once more presented himself before the mayor. In his absence, 
however, the latter had sent his brother, George Dawson, with 
alderman Bonner, to acquaint Leven with the facts communicated to 
them by Peaker, and on January Ist, Leven confronted Murray 
with the evidence in his possession. Murray, on the following day, 
accused Peaker, who had quietly resumed his duties at court, and was 
at the time in attendance in the presence chamber, of treachery, 
commanded him to return the letter entrusted to him, and to present 
himself again in an hour's time to hear the king's wishes. Peaker 
did so, and was told to go once more to the captain of the Dutch 
man-of-war to bid him obtain permission of the authorities to 
re-victual his ship, probably in order to have a pretext for bringing 
her from Tynemouth up the river. Peaker's courage, however, 
had evaporated. Leaving Murray, he once more called on the mayor, 
obtained his pass and rode to York, whither also George Dawson and 
alderman Bonner were about to proceed. There, on January 7th, he 
gave evidence regarding the plot before major-general Skippon.^^ 

Charles's treatment, in consequence of this plot on his behalf, 
became increasingly severe.^^^ On December 26th, order was given 
for a stricter guard about the court.^^^ The Scottish life-guards were 
detailed for this duty,^^^ and, on December 31st, four officers from 
each of the Scottish regiments were summoned to perform a similar 
office.^^® Charles was still allowed to go on the Shieldfield for golf, 
but not without Lumsden or Leven in attendance upon him.^®^ In 
the court itself, guards were placed even in Charles's apartments, and 

** Peck, Ibid. Montreuil informs Mazarin, on Jan. 1 0th, that * a barber whom 
"WiU Murray was employing in order to manage the kiog's escape ' had divulged the 
plot. Probably John Pearson, the barber who had aided Ashburnham's escape 
on May 16th, is referred to. Vincent Babington, Charles's barber, had licence 
to proceed to Newcastle on July 8th. Belli^vre, on Jan. 24th, clearly refers to 
Peaker: *All generally have been much dissatisfed with the intention it is 
reported the King of England has had to leave England, of which they say 
they are at present assur^ on the deposition of a valet of Sir Robert Moray, 
which, however, contains nothing precise, according to ... . those who 
have seen it.' — Scot, Hist. Soc. vol. xxix. pp. 407, 412. 

»» Whitelock, vol. ii. p. 100. 

** Sir Robert Murray, under date Dec. 27th, in Hamilton Papers. 
*' Mercurius D'mtimis, Dec. 29, 1646, to Jan. 6, 1647. 
»»» Ihid. ^ Ihid. 

VOL. .\XI. 18 


Guthry^i^ states that he suffered considerable annoyance from ' their 
continual smoaking by him.' At Tynemouth, three government ships, 
the ' Leopard ' (Captain Batten), the ' Constant Warwick ' (Captain 
Bilson), and the 'Greyhound' (Captain Copping), were stationed to 
watch the Dutch ship, and to prevent any further attempt to escape.^^^ 

In the midst of these exciting events, a curious circumstance is 
recorded by the Weekly Account, ^^'^ ' His Majesty was told that [_sic] 
a young woman at Morpeth, which gave out, that she was the 
Princesse which maried with the Prince of Orange, she was sent for 
to Newcastle, examined, and found a counterfeit ; yet she had some 
retinue. This trade she tooke up (as she said) to get mone;y, she was 
whipt and sent going.' 

Throughout January, 1647, the interest of both kingdoms was 
centred on Newcastle, and the arrival there of the money which was 
to take both Charles and the town out of the hands of the Scots. On 
December 16th, thirty-six carts containing £200,000 had set out 
under convoy from London.^^^ On January 3rd, the money reached 
York, *the waies being very bad, the monies overturned, the boxes 
dirty.'^^^ In spite of bad roads, 'H. M.' writes from York on 
January 4th,^^^ ' we got well to York with all the good gold and silver 
yesterday, after many a lang dayes march ; yet our foot are too blithe 
and merry, and leap in the Churchyard after all their marching so far 
in the durt.' Skippon, who had joined the convoy at Northamp- 

"** Memoirs, p. 185. Belli^vre writing from Newcastle to Brienne on Jan. 2nd, 
1647, says, * The Scots during the past three days have kept so strict watch in 
order to prevent the king from making his escape, and have so increased the 
guard they had formerly given him, that it may be said he is now a prisoner.' 
P. Belli^vre writing to the same on Jan. 17th, adds, that Charles's * guard has been 
doubled, both within his residence and without, and they go the rounds con- 
tinually; cavalry has also been brought to Newcastle to keep guard in the 
neighbourhood of the town.' — Scot. Hist. Soc. Pub. vol. xxix. pp. 385, 390. 

'" The London Post, No. 2, for Jan. 14-21, 1647. Montreuil writes to Mazarin 
on Jan. 10th, * the English Parliament keeps several warships at the mouth of this 
river, and one has even been brought up the river to watch the ship that has 
come from Holland to take the King away.' — Scot. Hist. Soc. Pub. vol. xxix. p. 
402. The Dutch Ship had evidently moved up the river from Tynemouth. 
Whitelock, vol. ii. p. Ill, under Feb. 1st, says the Dutch ship had left S^ewcastle. 
She was not there on Jan. 28th; * the Dutch ship rides still in Tinmouth water . . . 
two frigots of ours anchor very near her, Capt. Batten is in one of them.' — The 
Kings Answer, 

3'2 No. 64, for Dec. 23-30, 1646. 

'*'* Rushworth, vol. ri. p. 389. 

"♦ The Moderate Intelligencer, No. 97, for Jan. 17-24, 1647. 

"* Mercurius Diutinus^ for Jan. 6-13, 1647. 

ton,3^^ had, on December 11th, been appointed governor of Newcastle, 
Gateshead, and Tynemouth.^i^ The corporation of Newcastle took 
the earliest opportunity of greeting him, as appears from their minute 
dated Aug. 1647: *Pd. Mr. Tho. Bonner and Mr. Geo. Dawscm 
their charges which they were [at] in Riding to Yorke to acquaint 
Maio^ Generall Skippon with the affaires of this Towne at the Scots 
marching away, 10s.' A Mr. Murriton [? Murton] and captain 
Errington are also mentioned as having been sent to York by the 
town on a similar mission.^^^ Provisions for the garrison at Newcastle 
were being despatched from London by sea. On January 2nd, a 
resolution of the House of Commons orders, 'Whereas Captain 
Mallet, Master of the Ship called the Eagle, of Newcastle, hath con- 
tracted (with the Committee of Lords and Commons for the Army) 
for the transporting of 50,000 of Bisket (in bagges), 26,000 of Cheese, 
and 250 Ferkins of Butter from the Port of London to Newcastle, 
for the use of that Garrison ; It is therefore ordered. That the Lord 
Mayor of the City of London, doe issue out his Warrant for the 
transporting of the same to Newcastle accordingly. '^^^ 

At York the task of counting the money had commenced the 
morning after its arrival.32o By the 8th, barely £50,000 of it had 
been Hold,' and a week further was required to complete the 
busines8.^2i Arrangements in regard to the payment of the money to 
the Scots had already been made.^^^ Yivq days after the money had 
been told at York, £100,000 was to be paid over at Topcliffe, near 
Northallerton, when the Scots on their part were to give hostages 
for their withdrawal from their positions south of the Tyne within ten 

=*'" Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 389. 

"' Perfect Occurrences, for Dec. 18-25, 16-16. The Klngdomes Weekly 
Intelligencer, No. 178, for Dec. 8-15, J 646. Skippon retained the governorship of 
Bristol, and was granted £500 for the 'extraordinary charges' of his mission to 

"• The London Post, No. 3, for Jan. 21-28, 1647. This captain Errington is 
presumably the Thomas Errington who met the English commissioners on July 
23rd, 1646, on the corporation's behalf. Major Gilbert Errington of Denton 
rode bareheaded before Charles on his entry into Newcastle on May 13th, 1646. 
See the Moderate Intelligencer, No. 63, and p. 120 of this volume. 

**" Perfect Occurrences, for Jan. 1-8, 1647. 

*^ Mercurius Diutlnus, for Jan. 6-13, 1647. On Jan. 1st, 1647, the Scottish 
Estates gave order * To send such persones to York for telling of the 200,000*"' 
sterling q^'^ is comeing doune from the Parliament of England.' — Acts oftJie Pt. 
of Scotland^ vol. vi. pt. i. '** Mercurius Divtinus, ibid. 

^ See Rushworth, vol. vi. pp. 323-6. 


days. The receipt for this £100,000 is dated January 21st.323. The 
remainiog £100,000 was to be paid within six days after the 
English force entered Newcastle, and within one mile of the town ; 
the Scots meanwhile having evacuated it and Tynemouth, and the 
English, on their arrival, having given nine hostages ^^4 f^j. ^y^q 
payment of the second instalment. The receipt for this second 
£100,000 is dated February Srd.^ss Within ten days of that date the 
Scots were to evacuate England, and Carlisle and Berwick were to 
be put into the condition in which they had been before the Scottish 
occupation. The remaining £200,000 was to be discharged by 
'12 and 12 moneths.' ^26 

At Newcastle, commissioners from Scotland, entrusted with the 
duty of conducting their army's withdrawal and the surrender of the 
king, had arrived on January Tth.^^i Qj^ ^]^q l7th, Samuel Kem, 
chaplain on board the ' Leopard ' at Newcastle, preached at court.^'^^ 
The sermon ^^9 gave Charles considerable satisfaction. He conversed 
with Kem regarding it, and expressed a desire to hear him the 
following Sunday .^^^ On Saturday, the 23rd, the earl of Pembroke 
with the other English commissioners, who had left London on 
January 13th,^^^ and their chaplains, Carroll' and Marshall, arrived in 

^*' The receipt is in Peck, vol. ii. p. 570. 

•^* Among them was * Master Deilavell of Seaton Dellavel, he that marryed 
Gen. Levin's daughter.' — Mod. Intelligencer^ Ko. 94. 

'^ The receipt is in Peck, vol. ii. p. 371. 

'* The above details are in the Moderate Intelligencer^ No. 94, for Dec. 
17-24, 1646. See also P. Bellievre to Brienne, in Scot. Hist. Soc. Pub. vol. xxix. 
p. 353. 

^^ The Kings Declaration at Newcastle. London, 1647. The Moderate 
Intelligencer, No. 97, for Jan. 17-24, 1647, puts their arrival at seven o'clock p.m. 
on the 6th. 

'^ The Kings Answer to the Commissioners, London : J. Coe, 1647, which 
shows the 17th to have been the date of Kem's sermon, in that it was the 
Sunday before the Scots gave their farewell sermons. The Mercurius Dintinus, 
for Jan. 27-Feb. 3, 1647, states that Captain Batten's ship, the * Leopard,* was at 
Newcastle on Jan. 23rd, and saluted the English Commissioners. See note 311. 
In the Kings Answer, etc., Kem is called ' Capt. Keme chaplaine to the Vice- 
Admirall.' He is called * Major Keme ' in Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1645-47, p. 

*^ An Olive Branch Found after a Storme in the Northern Seas and Pre- 
sented in a Sermon at the Court in New Castle By Samibel Kem^ a little before 
His Majesties going to Holmhy. London, 1647. The text is Gen. 8, vv. 10, 11. and 
Hagg. 2. V. 9. 

"* The Kings Answer^ etc. CaL State Papers (Dom.), 1645-47, p. 518. 

'" Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 394. 


the town.332 < Qur journey,' writes one of the party,^^^ * was very long 
and the wayes exceedingly bad ; our Coaches soon tyred, our horses 

scarce able to hold out, and ourselves very weary we 

were welcomed with the Cannon from many shippes, and from some 
Forts of this Garrison about the workes.' They were accommodated 
in * a fayre house in St. Johns parrish, provided in the Commissioners 
quarters, where they are a good distance from the Court,' ^^^ and the 
mayor and townsmen showed themselves * exceeding ready and 
willing to accomodate them with Anything.'^^^ A corporation 
minute, dated August, 1647,^^^ bears this out : ' Pd. Mr. George 
Dawson for a butt of new sheries sack which was sent as a present 
by the towne to the Earll of Pembroke and commissioners of Parlia- 
ment, with carridge and excise, and | a tun of French wine also sent 
them, with carridge and excise, cost 21/. 8s. Od. ordered by common 
councell 19. February, 1646, to be paid in all 33^. Os. 3d.' The 
mayor, certain of the Scottish commissioners, and Lumsden received 
them on their arrival.^^*^ Leven was in attendance upon Charles at 
golf, and called upon them later at their lodgings.^^^ On the follow- 
ing day, Sunday, the i*4th, sermons were preached by Carroll and 
Marshall before the commissioners, and at court by a Scotchman 
and an Englishman, 'but his Majesty had as much dislike of the 
one, as approbation of the other.'^^^ In the evening an informal 
conference was held between the commissioners of both countries, 
' but (in regard of the day) nothing was done in a publick way, save 
onely the workes of the day.' ^^^ The conference was continued on 
the 25th, and on Tuesday, the 26th, at about 10 o'clock in the morn- 
ing, Pembroke and his fellow conmiissioners presented themselves at 

"^ A Letter from Newcastle. London, 1647. The Kings Answer^ etc. 

*** TJie Kings Answer, etc. 

'** A Letter from Newcastle, dated Jan. 26th, and signed * W. Sitrauk.* 

»» Ibid. »« Printed in Hornby. 

*" A Letter from Newcastle. 

**• Ibid, Merourhis Diutlnus, for Jan. 27-Feb. 3, 1647. 

**• A Letter from Newcastle. The Kings Answer, etc. Of Marshall, who had 
preached before Charles on July 26th (See p. 121), Heath's Chronicle, vol. i. p. 
157, states, *the King would not be troubled with his discourses, having such 
cause of offence at his prayers/ Carrol, too, like Marshall, was ' so inacceptable 
to the King that he would by no means admit either of them to preach before 
him.* — IMdi p. 127. The Mod. Intell., No. 100, says of them, 'with great 
difficulty he [Charles] agreed they say grace for him.' 

•** A Letter from Newcastle, 


court to acquaint Charles with their mission.'^^ On the 28th, after 
a further endeavour on that date to sound the Scottish commissioners, 
Charles, late in the evening, expressed his willingness to set out for 
Holdenby with the English commissioners on the Wednesday follow- 
ing.^^2 Meanwhile, the evacuation of Newcastle by the Scots was in 
progress. The first £100,000, paid at Topcliffe on the 21st, reached 
Newcastle on the 24th, ' and now,' writes a correspondent on the 28th, 
* is dividing amongst them, each one reaching out for his share.'^^^ 
The Scots had appointed their head-quarters at Morpeth, the roads had 
been prepared for their progress as far as Berwick, and a small force of 
five hundred only remained in Newcastle,^** when on Saturday, the 
30th, Skippon arrived.^*^ The Scots thereupon withdrew quietly, 
about three o'clock that afternoon — ' a friendly and brotherly parting,' 
as Leven had enjoined.^^^ Upon his arrival, the keys of the town 

^^ A letter from Newcastle, Mereurlus BintinnJt, for Jan 27-Feb. 3, J 647. 
Thurloe, State Papers, vol. i. p. 87. 

**- Thurloe, Uid, Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 398. The Mngs Atiswevj etc, 
prints a letter from Newcastle, dated Jan. 28th; * Sir, I was making up my Letter, 
it being almost night, to send it to the Post. But yet I am invited to adde a 
line or two of newes, which is this, That just now the Kings Majesty hath 
resolved that hee will go with the Commissioners to Homby, and hath appointed 
Wednesday next to ... set out from hence .... Wednesday night 
his Majesty intends (God willing) to be at Durham, which hath much revived 
us ; for this morning I feared you should not have had so good News.' 

"» Ibid. **' Ibid, 

'•5 Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 398. * On Saturday last the Scots . . . paraded 
all their cavalry through the centre of this town, and before the king's residence, 
and left it to the English garrison that arrived about two o'clock.* — Montreuil 
to Mazarin, Scot. Hist. Soc, vol. xxix. p. 444. 

^** Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1645-47, p. 517. Montreuil gives however a dif- 
ferent version : * the English officers had considerable trouble with blows and 
threats, to prevent the women of the town from following the Scottish troops 
and throwing stones at them while they were leaving it/ — Scot. Hist. Soc. Pub. 
vol. xxix. p. 445. Skippon took the Scots' sick in Newcastle under his care. 
Whitelock, vol. ii. p. 113. The Scots left behind them twenty guns which 
had formerly belonged to the earl of Newcastle. — A True Relation from the 
King. London, 1647. On Dec. 27th, 1646, the Scottish Estates had given instruc- 
tion to their commissioners at Newcastle, * Yow must provyde shippis to transport 
the provisions of victuall to Scotland. For whiche purpose yow ar warranted to 
give ordo"^ for pressing Scottis shippis. And if the wind serve not before the 
removeall of the garrisons from Newcastle or Tinmouth assurance most be given 
for their passage and safe convoy.' — Acts of the Parlt. of Scotland, vol. vi. pt. i. 
Of the Scots' departure A Letter from Newcastle states, * most of them goe 
very willingly ; especially those who are considerable, though indeed some are 
discontented, Gen. Leven carries himself most excellently in the managing 
thereof.' The Kings Answer, etc., gives a different account, * The Scotch officers 
behave themselves very inoffensively ... As for the common Souldiers, 
they have such warm quarter, that I believe they goe away very unwillingly, 
considering the season and the cold climate through which they march.' The 
Moderate Intelligencer, No. 100, gives the time of their departure as 3 p.m. 

Charles's departure for holdenby. 145 

were handed to Skippon by the mayor.^^^ Provision was made for 
his entertainment and that of his forces. The allowance for coals at 
four shillings the chaldron was continued to the incoming garrison.^^ 
The corporation records give further details in the following minutes, 
dated August, 1647: — Td. M*" Mayor what he disbursed by order 
of Common Oouncell the 15. Feb., 1646, beding and lening pewter and 
other nesessaries for Major Oennerall Skippon, Governor of Newcastle- 
upon-Tyne, his use, as per bill, 10/. 4s. 6d.'; * Pd. the Right Wor" M*^ 
Mayor, wich he disbursed by order of Common Counsell, the 15. Feb., 

1646, for the use of the English Annie after the Scots Armie went 
from thence at the request of Major Generall Skipon, 25/. 10s. 4d.'; 
' Pd. George Dawson for 3 hodgheads of French Wine, which was sent 
as a present from the Toune to Major Gennerall Skippon, togt with 
exsise and carridge ordered by Common Counsell the 15th Feb., 1646, 
10/. 2s. 4d.'349 

On February 3rd, Charles left Newcastle.^^^ Carriages and teams 
of horses had been requisitioned for his use,^^^ and Parliament had 
voted £3,000 for the expenses of bis journey to Holdenby.^^^ xjpon 
his departure, proclamation was made that none who had served in 
arms against Parliament should approach him.^^^ Accompanied by 
the commissioners, the nine gentlemen appointed by Parliament to 
attend him, and guarded by an escort of nine hundred horse,^*^^ he 
reached Durham at about two o'clock.**^^ On February 1 6th3*^^ a new 
chapter in his stormy history opens at Holdenby. 

"^ Whitelock, vol. ii. p. 112. Tynemouth Castle was surreDdered to Skippon's 
deputy at about six p.m. on Jan. 30th. — Atch. Ael. vol. xv. p. 220. On Keb. 26th, 

1647, the House of Commons ordered Hartlepool garrison to be * slighted,* — 
Surtees, Durham, vol. ii. p. 103. "* Whitelock, Ihid. p. 113. 

"• These minutes'are printed in Hornby, but with different totals. 

»*» Whitelock, vol. ii. p. 113. On Feb. 3rd, also, the second £100,000 was paid 
to the Scots. — Peck, op. cH.^ vol. ii. p. 371. Ambrose Barnes, then a Newcastle 
apprentice, acted as one of the tellers of the money upon its arrival in the town. 
He received a pair of gloves from Skippon for his services. — Life of Amhrose 
Barnes^ ed. Sir Cuthbert Sharp, p. 12. 

**' Mercuriiis Diutinus, for Jan. 27-Feb. 3, 1647, states ' there comes with 
the King to Holdenby, the 9 Commissioners, the 9 Gentlemen appointed by the 
Parliament to attend his Majesty, and the Convoy of Souldery, and the Country 
are summoned to send in Carriages, and Teames to goe along with them, for 
carriage of such things as his Majestj appoints to be brought along with him.* 
They proceeded by short marches ' to avoid such inconveniences as might 
possibly befall us in travelling late in the evening.' — The commissioners to the 
Earl of Newcastle, in Surtees, vol. iv. p. 10. 

^ Whitelock, iUd, ^ Ibid, under date Feb. 8th. 

»• Ibid. ^ Ibid. »*• Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 398. 




By C. S. Terry, M A. 

[Read on the 22nd February, 1899.] 

In September, 1643, the English Parliament had entered into 
the Solemn League and Covenant with Scotland. The alliance once 
more threatened Newcastle and the north of England, which, since 
the withdrawal of Leslie and his army in August, 1641, had been 
maintained in the interests of Charles by the efforts of the earl of 
Newcastle. Towards Newcastle the attention of Parliament had 
early been turned. On January 14th, 1642, a declaration ^ had 
passed both Houses, ' That no Shippe, Shippes, or Barques, shall from 
henceforewards, make any Voyage for the fetching of Coales, or Salt, 
from Newcastle^ Sunderland^ or Blijth^ or carrying of Come, or other 
Provision of Victuall, Vntill that Towne of Newcastle shall be freed of, 
and from the Forces there now raised, or mainteined against the Parlia- 
ment.' In the middle of July, under the title Newcastles Lamentation 
and Hulls Preservation^ a pamphlet was printed in London ^ giving 
an account of an attempt which had been made on the 16 th of the 

* This paper deals with the early portion of the campaign of 1644, the second 
invasion of England by the Scots in the course of the Civil War. The story of 
the latter portion of the campaign, the interest of which is largely centred 
in the siege of Newcastle, is followed in another paper in this volume. The 
anthor's object in this paper has been to follow the progress of the campaign, 
so far as is possible, in the news-letters and pamphlets which the Civil War 
called forth in such large numbers. The materials for the paper have been 
furnished largely from the sources acknowledged on page 83 of this volume. 
Some of them have been published by Richardson in his Reprints, None of 
them, so far as the author is aware, has been utilised to present a consecutive 
story of the stirring period with which they deal. 

* A Declaration, of the Lorda and Coinmons, 1642 (Richardson Reprints), 

* Printed by Order by G. Tomlinson, London, 1642. An earlier pamphlet, 
dated May 24th, 1642, entitled Horrible Newes from Yorh, Hull^ and Newcastle, 
states, ' There is a contention and Mutiny at Newcastle, it was supposed that 
his Maiesty would have taken that for his Fort, and some were resolved to 
assist his Maiesty, others the Parliament, which was the greatest part. And 
report hereof being made to the House of Commons, a Committee was appointed 
last Monday of this present moneth to sit, touching the differences between the 
Major, and Towncsmen of Newcastle, further Examination being taken therein.' 


month, by the earl of Newcastle, while Charles was still engaged at 
Hull, to place a force of five hundred men into the town. ' The 
Towne and colliers of New-Castle,' however, ' manfully resisted them, 
and made them Eetreat out of their Bulwarks and out of the Town ; 
and upon their resistance killed eleven of their men.' The earl, 
therefore, had retired to York in order to collect ' more strength to 
go against the Inhabitants of New-Castle.' 

By the following month, however, Newcastle and its authorities 
had definitely ranged themselves on the king's side. Upon the 19th 
of August, 1642, Nicholas Cole, the mayor, and the common council 
passed the following resolution : — ^ ' Upon due consideration had of 
his Majestys great and urgent occasions at this time for money, and 
for the duty and respect which they rightly owe to his Matie, It 
is thought fit by Mr. Mayor, the Aldermen, Mr. Sheriff and the rest 
of the Common Council, being the representative body of this 
Corporation that there shall be lent out of the revenues of this Towne 
the sum of 700Z of lawful English money, and it is so ordered hereby 
accordingly in demonstration of their due obedience.' With the 
closing days of the year, the queen's agents in Holland were busily 
furnishing from that quarter men and money for the support of the 
royal cause. In a letter from Kotterdam, dated 'December 16, 

1642, stilo novOy^ a correspondent speaks to the fact that the queen's 
agents ' labour here exceedingly in sending away Men, Money, Horse 
and Ammunition unto Newcastle. Upon thursday last [Dec. 12th] 
I was at the Hague and there saw Her Majestys Standard which was 
just then going away, to be sent to Newcastle.' Four hundred 
officers and old soldiers, four hundred horses, with a further con- 
tingent of one thousand, he adds, were to follow. And further, 
'It is very credibly reported here, that there is now sending away 
with all speed to Newcastle 160,000 pound sterling ... by way 
of loane raised by Papists in these parts ... for the Queene.' 

The preparations which were being made in the north were viewed 
with considerable alarm by the Parhament. In May of the next year, 

1643, the ' Antilope' was despatched on a cruise of observation along 

* Corporation Records. 

* A Cheat Discovery of the Queens Preparations in Holland^ 1642 (Richard- 
son Reprints). 



the north-eastern coast. The narrative of its voyage ® is of consider- 
able interest : — 

From Aboard His Maiesties Ship called the *Antilope/ In Holy Island 
Road, upon the coast of Northumberland, this 11. of June, 1643. 

May the 24. we came right before Tynemouth Barre, and with our Ship 
stood right in before the Castle, and within shot of it, to see if they would 
shoot at us, but they did not, neither did we at them, the wind then 
being faire, and West-North- West, we discovered two Ships coraming over 
the Barre, before they were aware of us, and when we were within ken 
of them, they could not go backe (being much amazed to see our Ships on 
such a suddaine) but checked into the Shoare, thinking to stand to their 
heeles, but we firing six pieces of Ordnance at them, made them submit, 
whereupon they bore up to us, and so wee made them lawfull Prize, upon 
examination wee found them to be of Lyn, and had carried Corne to 
Newcastle, for the reliefe of the Romish Rout, and Anti-Christian crew 
there, whereupon the Castle was presently in an uproare, wee observing 
the souldiers running too and againe, expecting still when they would shoot 
at us, but they did not ; being belike jealous of the lower-Townes men, whom 
they feared would have taken our Part, and doubtless they would have done 
so, had we proceeded on : we came then to an Anchor before the Bar, about 
sun-set, and that night we had a well-wisher who stole off in a boat, and gave 
us intelligence of a great Papist that lived about a mile north from the Castle, 
within half a mile off the shoare, the House I knew well, and the owner thereof, 
one M'. Cramlington of Newsham, who had made ready half e a dozen Horses 
and Men to goe to the Earle of Newcastles Army, whereupon I animated the 
Captaine to prevent his going, and likewise I undertook to be their guide, so 
about 12. a clocke at night, we armed foure score men, well provided, whome 
we landed on the shoare, and thence marcht up in order unto the House, and 
placing our Centinels, round about it, we repaired first to the Stable, thinking 
to make all sure there, but we found not onely all the Horses gon, but the 
Gentleman himselfe, the day before : after some small opposition, we entred 
the House, but found no Ammunition at all therein, whereupon our Souldiers 
plundered it, and so returned on Ship-board. The next morning we set saile 
for Barwick. 

After describing their doings at Berwick and Holy Island, the 
writer concludes, ' The next Newes you heare from me, will be about 
some service we expect to performe against Newcastle it selfe and 
then I will write to you more at large.' 

Meanwhile, the strict embargo laid by Parliament upon trade with 
Newcastle was beginning to cause considerable discontent and priva- 
tion. On June 5th, 1643, it was represented that 'the City of 
London and all the greatest part of this kingdom are like to suffer 

• A True Relation of Very Good Service Bone by the AntUope, London, 
July 4. Printed by Elizabeth Purslow, 1643. 


very deeply in the want of that Commodity [coals] .... and 
which is like to have very dangerous consequence in the influence 
which it may have upon the necessities of the meaner sort.'^ The veto 
of Parliament remained in force, however, until Newcastle had fallen 
in October of the following year. 

Beyond this regulation, so damaging to the commercial prosperity 
of the town, no steps had so far been taken for its reduction. Sir John 
Marley, its mayor and governor, had, however, it would appear, to 
guard against measures more insidious than overt attack. In 
December, 1643, the earl of Lanark *went to Newcastle, quhair he 
had sum dealling with Schir Johne Morall, govemour of Newcastle, 
to betray the town to cure Generall Leslie.' The Scottish writer adds 
inaccurately, possibly in order to explain Lanark's failure, 'This 
tresson is disco verit, he [Marley] is removit and wardit, and ane new 
govemour put in his place.'® Lanark's attempt to suborn Marley had 
followed hard upon the ratification of the alliance between Scotland 
and the English Parliament in the previous September. From that 
moment London and the Parliament awaited with eager confidence 
the fall of the royalist stronghold in the north. The news-sheets of 
January, 1644, are filled with optimistic and circumstantial state- 
ments that the Scots had already arrived before Newcastle, and that 
the town had surrendered. Dissensions between Marley and sir 
Thomas Glemham were reported with equal assurance.^ 

' An Ordinance with Severall Propositions, 1643 (Richardson Heprintg'), 
See also ia that collection a quaint pamphlet, Sea-cole^, Char-coale, and Small- 
Coale, or a Discourse concerning the Prohibition of trade with Newcastle^ 1643. 

• Meviorialls of the TiuUes in Scotland (Spalding Club), vol. ii. p. 299. 

• A Continuation of Certain Speclall and Remarkable Passages, No. 2, for 
January, 3-10, 1644, * From Newcastle the certaine intelligence is ; That a great 
difference hath lately arisen between Sir Thomas Glenham (appointed by the 
Earle of Newcastle to be Governor there) and Sir John Marlow now Major 
and Govemour of that Towne ; which controversie as is credibly reported, the 
Scots have sent letters, intimating thereby, they intend to be there shortly, and 
deside the difference betwene them, by which it is manifest, we shall not much 
longer waite in hopes for their comming to assist us, but enjoy our expectations.' 
The Parliament Scout, No. 29, for January 5-12, 1644, reports, ' The newes came 
flying this Wednesday [the 10th] at night, that the Scots were come as far as 
Newcastle almost, which though questioned by many, yet because its so much 
desired, and every mans expectations are upon their coming, we will now 
believe it, and be confident by this day sennight they will be at Newcastle, and 
so we may here fall to rigging up old and new ships to fetch coals, which by that 
time they get thither no doubt there will be coals ready to take in ; therefore 
let those that have wood, sell good pennyworths, lest they repent it.' The 
Scottish Dove, No. 13, for January 5-12, 1644, prematurely prints 'a full Rela- 


Accompanying these premature rumours of the arrival of the Scots 
and of the fate of the town, information reached London which would 
strengthen the hopes which the royalists had placed upon Newcastle's 
ability to sustain a siege. The Parliammt &m^^^^ reported: *We 
had newes also, that two ships were come to Newcastle from Denmarke, 
the one with twenty brasse pieces, store of Ammunition and powder, 
and that that ship compelled a ship laden with corne to go in with 
them.' The ships probably conveyed also Donald, lord Reay,^^ who 
remained to take part in the siege in October, 1644. The deposition 
of John Chamberlayne,i2 ^ mariner of King's Lynn, who was at 
Newcastle on January 25th, 1644, gives an interesting account of the 
preparedness of Newcastle to resist the attack to which common 
rumour asserted that the town had already succumbed. He states 
that sir Thomas Glemham was awaiting the arrival of the Scots in 
Northumberland, while Marley had in garrison at Newcastle no more 
than five hundred men, all of whom were townsmen. The 'High 
Castle ' was the only place in the town fortified. Within the last ten 
weeks, however, the garrison had received one hundred and fifty 

tion of the taking of Newcastle by the Scots in the following terms : * This 
Evening it is with much confidence affirmed that the Scots have taken New- 
castle : We had two dayes since newes that they were on Saturday [the 6th] 
morning before it. For my part, I believe it is true that it is taken, they say 
they presently yeelded, and that Sir Tho. Glemham quit the Towne, and is gon 
to Yorke.' The British Mercury or the Welsh Diurnal, No. 7, for January 6-13, 
1644, in a style reminiscent of Shakespeare's Fluellen, reports, 'Her heare of a 
certaine truth, that the prave Sea-cole Towne of Newcastle is taken by our 
brudders of Scotland, and that Sir Thomas Glemham hath quit the Towne, and 
is gone to Yorke ; but how, when, and in what manner it is taken, her shall at 
this time f orbeare to relate, till her has better information. But pelieve her, 'tis 
very true, for her heard a Fird [the Scottish Dove'] sing so in a printed paper 
on Friday last.' A Continuation of Certain SpeciaXl Passages^ No. 3, for 
January 10-17, 1644, even quotes as evidence information brought to London by 
a sea-captain, who declared that he was at Newcastle on January 10th when 
the Scots came before the town, * whereupon after very little respite the Towne 
was surrendered.' Occurrences of Certain Speciall and Remarkable Passages, 
No. 3, for January 12-19, 1644, offers a letter of the governor of Newcastle in 
proof that the * townesmen of Newcastle seemed so much to desire the Approach 
of the Scots, that hee could not expect, but that when they came before the 
towne, they would yeeld it up to them, whether he would or no.' Mercuriiis 
Civicus, No. 35, for January 18-25, 1644, states boldly, *wee have now certaine 
advertisement by one which came to Towne on Tuesday, Jan. 23. from the 
Towne of Newcastle, that the Scots came in thither on Wednesday was fortnight, 
there are in all ten compleat Regiments come into England, wherof seven of 
them are quartered in Newcastle.' 

»» No. -^9, for January 6-12, 1644. 

" Wishart, Memoirs of Montrose (ed. Murdoch and Simpson), p. 154 ii. 

'2 Portland MSS. (Hist. MSS. Comm. pt. I. app.) p. 167. 


barrels of gunpowder, as well as some small guns which had come 

over some eight days before in a Danish ship from Amsterdam. 

Five hundred muskets had also arrived in two cobles from Scarborough. 

A certain 'Browne Bushell' was in Newcastle, and had been there 

for six or seven weeks past. The 'Ipswich Sarah' was there also, 

lading with coal for Hamburg, whence she was to return with 

arms. There were also five men-of-war at Newcastle, and a ten-gun 

ship had lately run ashore at Coquet Island, but her guns had been 

secured and taken to Glemham at Alnwick. Two ships from Holland 

with arms and ammunition were daily expected. As to Glemham's 

forces, they were estimated at five thousand, but half of them were 

unarmed. In Newcastle, many were well-affected towards the Scots, 

and a great deal of coal was lying awaiting shipment on the staithes. 

The garrison, Chamberlayne reported, had recently destroyed a fort 

between the 'Uplight' at Shields and Newcastle, but there still 

remained the * Spanish work ' and the ' Lower Light Fort.' ^^ 

Meanwhile the Scots, whom their sanguine well-wishers in London 

regarded as already in possession of Newcastle, were but slowly making 

their advance across the Border. On January 20th, 1644, colonel 

Francis Anderson, stationed at Wooler, informed Glemham as 

follows : — ^^ 

Sir, — The Last night I had notice that Weltons Regiment " was quartered in 
Warke Barony, at Preston, Leermouth, Wark, and Mindrum, it was twelve of 
the Clock at night before the intelligence came to me, whereupon I imme- 
diately caused the guards to be strengthened and doubled, my Scoutes attending 
untill the morning for more perfect information, that I might advertise you of 
it ; it is now confirmed by one that was this morning amongst them, that there 
is six Colours of Horse, which were drawing out, and the Drums beating for the 
calling-out of some Companies of Foot, which also are come over, but the certain 
number of foot, I cannot as yet leame, but suppose them to be a part of the Lord 
Maitlands Regiment,** which lay at Calstreame [Coldstream-on-Tweed]. I shall 
endeavour to keep my Quarters hereabouts, untill I receive farther orders from 
you. I am now drawing my whole Regiment into Wooler, having heard for 
certain as I was now writing, that a great body of the Enemies Foot, and very 

" The Spanish fort at Tynemouth and the Low Light fort at North 
Shields were retained for the guarding of the river, 

" Copies of Letters from Sir Francis Anderson and Others (Richardson 

'* Colonel Michael Welden's regiment contained seven troops. Alexander 
Home was lieutenant-colonel. — Rush worth. Collections, vol. v. p. 604. 

*• The Midlothian regiment of ten companies ; col. lord Maitland ; lt.-col. 
Piscottie ; major John Hay. — Ibid. 


many Troopes of Horse advanced over Barwick Bridge yesterday, and were as 
farre as Haggeston [Haggerston] ; it is conceived they will forthwith march 
towards Belforde, for they are quartered on the English side ; yoa will please to 
take these things into a present consideration, and afford a present answer. 

The army which, under Leslie, was thus threatening Northumber- 
land, is given at 18,000 foot, 8,000 horse, and 500 or 600 dragoons.^^ 
It was ' Weill armit with feild pieces, swadden fedderis, and all ingynis 
of warr necessar.' ^® It consisted of the following regiments : ^® the 
Loudoun-Glasgow, under loid Loudoun, ten companies ; the Tweeddale, 
under the earl of Buccleuch, ten companies ; the Clydesdale, under sir 
Alexander Hamilton, general of the artillery, ten companies ; the 
Galloway, under colonel William Stewart, ten companies ; the Perth- 
shire, under lord Gask, ten companies ; the Angus, under lord Dud- 
hope, ten companies ; the East-Lothian, under sir Patrick Hepburn, 
laird of Wauchton, ten companies; the Stratheam, under lord 
Cowper, ten companies ; the Fife, under lord Dunfermline, ten 
companies ; the Kyle and Carrick, under the earl of Cassillis, ten 
companies ; the Nithsdale and Annandale, under Douglas of Kil- 
head ; the Mearns and Aberdeen, under the earl marshall, three 
companies ; the Linlithgow and Tweeddale, under the master of Tester, 
ten companies ; the ' Levyed ' regiment, under lord Sinclair ; the 
Stirlingshire, under lord Livingstone, ten companies ; the Merse, 
under sir David Home, ten companies ; the Midlothian, under lord 
Maitland, ten companies ; the Edinburgh, colonel James Kae, ten 
companies ; the Teviotdale, under the earl of Lothian, ten companies ; 
the ' Ministers ' regiment, under colonel Arthur Erskine, five com- 
panies. Fifty-two troops of horse, also, were commanded by Leven, 
David Leslie, the earl of Eglinton, lord Kircudbright, lord Dalhousie, 
lord Balcarres, Michael Welden, lord Gordon, and the marquis of 
Argyle. Colonel Eraser, lieutenant-colonel Crawford, and serjeant- 
major Monroe acted as * Dragooners.' 

Rushworth gives the following scale of pay to the various ranks 
in the army : — 

A Schedule of Allowance to be made to Officers and Souldiers, Horse and 
Foot, in the Scotuh Army, for their Entertainment in their March, or as they 
shall be Quartered in England^ not exceeding these Proportions and Rates here- 
under mentioned : — 

'* Rushworth, vol. v. p. 603. 

"* MemoriulU of the Truble^, vol. ii. p. 298. " Rushworth, ibid, p. 604. 





















































To a Master of Hoi'se^ daily 

To a Root-Master, or Captain of Horse, daily 

To a Lieutenant of Horse, daily 

To a Comet 

To each Corporal, Quarter-master, and Trumpeter ... 

To every Trooper for his own Dyet, daily 

To every Horse-Officer, or Trooper, for his Horse, of 

straw 6 sheeves, or a Stone of Hay 

And of Oats, the measure of three Gallons, English, at 
If the Country People have no Oats, they may 

have them at Magazine at Berwick, and 

shall have allowance for them. 

To a Lieutenant-Collonel of Foot, daily 

To a Major of Foot, daily 

The Captain 

The Lieutenant 

The Ensign 

The Quarter-master and Sarjeant, each 

T he Corporal and Drummers, each 

The Common Souldiers, daily a-piece 

To the Carriage-men the like Entertainment as 
to the Common Foot-Souldier ; and for 
the Carriage-Horse 3 pennyworth of Straw 
or Hay, and 2 penny-worth of Oats. 
The Dragooner is to have for himself 8d. a 
day, and for his Horse three pennyworth 
of Straw or Hay, and a groats-worth of 

The Officers of Dragoons are to have Entertainment at 
Discretion, not exceeding the Rates following : — 

The Lieutenant-Collonel, daily 

The Major, daily 

The Captain, daily 

The Lieutenant, daily 

The Ensign, daily 

The Serjeant, daily 

The Corporal and Drummers, each 

In regard to the Scottish ordnance, sir Alexander Hamilton 
appears to have invented a new type of gun * made purposely for this 
designe, above three quarters of a yard long, or some a yard, that will 
carry a twelve pound bullet, to doe great execution at a distance, and 
yet 80 framed that a horse may carry them.'^ Leven's heavy 

* The Scots March from Barwieke to Newcastle, London : Andrew Coe. 























ordnance was, however, sent by sea to Blyth to meet the army at 

The movements which sir Francis Anderson reported to Glemham 
at Alnwick on January 20th, presaged the commencement of the 
campaign. On the same day, Glemham received from Argyle and 
sir William Armyne, commissioners with the Scottish army, a copy of 
the Solemn League and Covenant and a long declaration upon it.^ 
Glemham replied to Argyle as follows : — ^^ 

My Lord, 

I have received by your Trumpeter a Letter from your Lordship and Sir 
William Armyne : It is long and of great concernment. And the other directed 
to Colonel Gray, who for the reason before mentioned, and for the reason that 
here are none but Officers, he cannot return you an Answer so suddenly by your 
Trumpeter. But I will send presently to the Gentlemen of the County to come 
hither, and then you shall receive my Answer, with the officers and theirs by 
themselves, by a Trumpeter of my own. 

Your Servant, 

Alnwick, Jan. 20. 1644. Tho. Glemham. 

In fulfilment of his promise, Glemham, on January 22nd, con- 
ferred with the gentlemen of the county .^^ In face of their numerical 
inferiority compared with the invading Scots, Glemham invited them 
to consider what should be done with the positions which they might 
be compelled to evacuate as Leven advanced, or whether it was 
advisable to oflPer any resistance at all, but to withdraw in the hope of 
being adequately reinforced. Upon the first point the opinion of the 
meeting was divided. Some of those present were in favour of laying 
the country waste in front of the Scots, others were disinclined to 
sanction so drastic a measure. Upon the hopelessness of any attempt 
to resist the Scots in their present numbers all were agreed.^^ 
Glemham, therefore, contented himself with securing the signatures 
of those present to a spirited answer criticising the statement 

^ A True Relation of the late Proceedinfjs of the Scottish Army (Richard- 
son Reprint ft). 

-2 Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1644, p. 31. The letter is dated *Barwick, the 
20th day of January, 164|, by the warrant and in the name of the Committees 
of Both Kingdoms!' — Copies of Letters from Sir Francis Anderson and Others 
in Richardson Reprints. The Memorialls of the Trubles, vol. ii. p. 306, says the 
letter was sent to Glemham, *now govemour of Newcastle, in the place of 
that deposit traittour, Schir Johne Morrall.' 

2» Rushworth, vol. v. p. 607. ** Ibid, 

25 The Srots Army advanced into England (Richardson Reprints). 


furniahed him by Argyle and Annyne of the motives which animated 
the Scots in their present invasion of English territory .^^ Unable to 
offer serious resistance to Leven, Glembam at once called in his 
forces, evacuated Alnwick and retired on Newcastle,^^ having first 
destroyed the bridge across the Aln at Alnwick.^^ 

With the way thus cleared, Baillie and his command moved from 
Kelso to Wooler on January 23rd, and on the following day Leven 
was at Adderston awaiting the arrival of the artillery.^® From there, 
on the day of Leven's arrival [January 24th], one who accompanied 
him sketched in a letter ^^ the future progress of the expedition. 
' We are confident,' he writes, ' our quarters shall be about the Town 
of Newcastle upon Saturday the 27. of this Instant ; which if they 
will not yeeld up, we have no purpose to stay there, unless it be to 
seize on the Block-Houses upon the River, that the Parliament ships 
may come in in safety (for there is no fear from the Castle).' The 
winter was exceedingly severe, and that part of the Scottish army which 
crossed at Kelso passed over the Tweed on ice.^^ Upon the arrival 
of the army at Abiwick, Argyle marched towards Coquet Island, and 
possessed himself of it after firing a single shot. He took prisoners 
seventy oflScers with their men, and captured seven pieces of 
ordnance, with their anmiunition, together with provisions suflBcient 
for one year which he found stored there.^^ Placing a garrison in 
the island, Argyle, presumably, joined the main body of the army at 

By January 28th, the Scots had reached Morpeth. Writing from 
York to prince Rupert on that date, the marquis of Newcastle 

*• The Meinorialls of the TrubleSy vol. ii. p. 307, gives the letter. It is signed 
by 'Jacob Munday, Robert Clavering, Thomas Glenhame, Robert Boswell, 
Bitchard Tempest, Edward Grey, Edward Polen, Charlis Bradlig, George 
Muschans, Frances Ker, Frances Carnegie, Thomas Tindaill, Ralp Millot, 
Frances Andersone, Alexr. Wndermill.' 

^ Scottish Dove, No. 17, for February 2-9, 1644, quoting a letter from 
Glemham, dated January 28th. 

* Mercurivs Britannious, No. 2, for January 31-February 6, 1644. 
" Rushworth, vol. v. p. 612. 

* The Soots Army advanced into England^ certified in a letter dated from 
Addarston, the 24. of January. From his Excellencies the Lord Generall Leslies 
Quarters. London, 1644. 

^ A True Relation of the late Proceedings of the Scottish Army (Richardson 

^ Ibid. A True Relation of the Scots taking of Cocket Island (Richardson 

VOL. XXI. -^ 


expressed his inability to cope with Leven. 'I know they tell you, 
sir,' he writes,^^ * that I have great force ; truly I cannot march five 
thousand foot, and the horse not well armed. The Scots advanced as 
far as Morpeth, and they are fourteen thousand as the report goes. 
Since I must have no help, I shall do the best I can with these.' 
Leven rested at Morpeth until February 1st, awaiting the arrival of 
the rearguard.^^ Glemham had designed to hinder their advance by 
destroying the bridge at Felton as he already had demolished that at 
Alnwick, * but the Masons and workmen which hee brought thither 
for that purpose, were so affrighted by reason of the exclamations and 
execrations of the Countrey women upon their knees, that while Sir 
Thomas went into a house to refresse himselfe they stole away, and 
before hee could get them to return, hee received an alarum from our 
Horse which made himselfe to flee away with all speed to Morpeth, 
where he stayed not long but marched to Newcastle.'^^ 

Leaving Morpeth on February 1st, Leven had intended to encamp 
within two miles of Newcastle on the following day. He halted, 
however, at Stannington on the 2nd, having been confronted by 
*some unexpected lets by reason of water and other impediments,* 
while the English and Scottish parliamentary commissioners remained 
at Morpeth to supervise the commissariat.^^ This unexpected delay 
proved most fortunate for the marquis of Newcastle. He was there- 
by enabled to throw himself and his forces into Newcastle on 
February 2nd,^^ a few hours, as it proved, before the arrival of the 
Scots. On the 13th, the marquis and general King despatched a 
letter to Charles informing him of their movements : — ^^ 

Receiving inteUigence of the Scots continuing their march, he [King] hasted 
to Newcastle in his own person some days before his forces could possibly get 
thither ; where truly he found the town in a very good posture, and that the 
Mayor, who had charge of it, had performed his part in your Majesty's service 
very faithfully ; and all the aldermen and best of the town well disposed for 
your service. And though our charge was very tedious, by reason of floods 
occasioned by the sudden thaw of the snow, yet I came thither the night before 
the Scots assaulted the town, which was done with such a fury as if the gates 
had been promised to be set open to them ; but they found it otherwise ; for the 

*^ Warburton, Memoirs of Prince Rupert^ vol. ii. p. 368. 

*• A Trne Relation of the late Proceedings of the Scottish Army. 

" Ihid » Ihid, 

" Ihid, ^ Life of WilUaw Duhc of Newcastle (cd. Firth), p. 347, 


truth is, the town soldiers gave them such an entertainment (few of our forces 
being then come into the town, and these extremely wearied in their march), as 
persuaded them to retire a mile from the town, where they have remained ever 
since quartered in strong bodies, and raising the whole country of North umber- 
land, which is totally lost. 

The marquis's timely arrival and the resistance he inspired caused 
considerable disappointment among the Scots. Sir William Armyne, 
in a letter to Lenthall from Morpeth,^^ announced Leven's arrival 
at Newcastle on February 3rd : ' The Marquess of Newcastle, whom 
they call the Kings General, came late into the town the night before, 
which was unknown to us, and upon the approach of some of our 
soldiers to a work of theirs without the town^ — where some few were 
slain — they within set on fire and burnt down all the streets and 
houses lying without the walls on the north side of the town, by which 
and the other circumstances we gather that they are resolved 
obstinately to hold it out to the last.' 

Upon the approach of the Scots, the marquis sent out a party of 
horse to reconnoitre. They returned and reported Leven to be at 
hand with '22,000 horse and foot, well armed and commanded.' ^^ 
Before the preliminary skirmish at the outwork, from which the Scots 
were repulsed,*^ Argyle and Armyne, ignorant of or neglecting the 
marquis's presence,*^ sent a trumpeter to the town with the following 
letter :— ^ 

To the liight worshipful the Major, Aldermen, and Common-Councill, 
and other the inhabitants of the Towne of Newcastle. 

Right Worshipf uU and loving Friends, 

Our appearance here in this posture, through mis-informations, and mis- 
understandings, may occasion strange thoughts in you. If we had opportunity 
of speaking together (which hereby we offer and desire) it is not impossible, 
that as we hold forth the same Ends, The preservation of Religion^ The Kings 
true Honour and Happinesse^ The puhliche Peace and Liberty of his Dominions; 
so we might agree upon the same way to promote them : If you yeeld to this 
Motion, you shall finde us ready to do our parts therein ; but if worse counsell 
take place with you, and all Parley be rejected, although thereby you will be 
unjust to your selves, yet we have reason to expect ye should be so just to us, as 

* Portland M8S. (Hist. MSS. Comm., pt. i. app.) p. 169. 

*" * A work that was not finished.' — Life of Duke of Newcastle^ p. 65. 

^* Ibid. ^"^ * They were beaten back with much loss.' — Ibid. 

*' * Seemed to take no notice of my Lord's being in it, for which afterwards 
be [Leven] excused himself.' — Ibid, 

** A True Relation of the late Proceedings of the Scottish Army. 


to acqnit us of the guilt of those manifold Inconyeniences and calamities that 

may be the fruits of those forceable wayes you will thereby constrain us to. We 

desire your present Answer. 

Subscribed the 3. of Febr. 164|. by the Warrant, and in the 

name of the Committees and Commissioners of both 

kingdoms, by us, 

Your friends, 


W. Abmyke. 

To this letter Marley and his colleagues returned a speedy answer.^* 

My Lord, 

We have received a Letter of such a nature, from you, that we cannot give 
you any Answer to it more then this. That His Majesties Generall being at 
this instant in the Towne, we conceive all the power of Government to be 
n him. And were he not here, you cannot sure conceive us so ill read in 
these Proceedings of yours, as to treat with you for your satisfaction in these 
Particulars you write of, nor by any Treaty to betray a trust reposed in us, 
or forfeit our Alegiance to His Majesty, for whose honour and preservation 
together with the Religion and Lawes of this Eingdome, we intend to hazard 
our Lives and Fortunes, and so we rest, 

Your Servants 

John Moeley. Major, 

Nicholas Cole. Thomas Lydell. 

Lionel Maddison. Alexander Davison. 

Mabk Milbanke. Fbangis Bowes. 

Fbancis Andbbson. Henbt Maddison. 

Ralph Cocke. Leonabd Cabe. 

RoBEBT Shaftob. Cuthb. Cabb, Vic. 

Ralph Gbey. John Emebson. 

Henby Rewoastlb. Chablbs Glabke.^ 
Subscribed by us, the 3. of Febr. 164|, 
in the names of the Common-Counsell 
and the rest of the inhabitants of the 
Towne of Newcastle. 

Of the delivery of Argyle's letter and of the town's reply to it, one 
who was present in Leven's camp gives the following account : — ^'^ 

The Army marched towards Newcastle, and about twelve aclock came before 
the town, and drew up very near it, horse and foot, and then before the 
engaging of any of our forces, we sent in a Letter .... by the Marquesse 
of Argyles Trumpeter. 

Upon the town's answer the writer makes the following observa- 
tions : — 

** A True Relation of the late Proceedings of the Scottish A.rmy. 
** For notes on these signatories see pp. 156-7 in this volume. \ 
^ A True Relation, etc. 


The firste, that this Towne of Newcastle have resigned themselves to my 
Lord of Newcastle, and extinguished their right to the Government, which 
will be a good president for us, if God see fit to deliver it into our hands. 
Secondly, the Malignity of the next expression (although hee was absent) which 
if their malice had not beene beyond their wit, they would have spared and 
rested in their former answer. And thirdly, they teach us a lesson, which wee 
shall leame in time, to avoid Treaty. And lastly, it is not improbable, That 
the Town of Newcastle hath a deep score to pay for their contempt of the 
Gospel, persecution of their Ministery, the pride, idlenesse, and fulnesse of 
bread, which reigned among them. But I remit them to their owne Master 
whose Judgements are unsearchable. 

Early in the afternoon, in the interval between the despatch of 
Argyle's trumpeter and the receipt of the town's answer,^^ the Scots 
delivered that attack upon the outlying fort in the Shieldfield already 
refeft'cd to in the marquis's despatch. The writer, whose caustic 
observations on the conduct of Marley and his colleagues have been 
quoted, gives an account*® of this incident : — 

Some of our men were drawn up to a stone-Bridge " a quarter of a mile from 
the town, at the entrance into the Shield-field, to beat out some men of theirs 
out of a little Sconce that lay near it,** and did it presently without losse ; but 
they retired to a sharper work near the Windmill,*' where the controversie was 
more hot, and our arguments not strong enough ; the great peeces ** being not 
come in regard of the uncertainty of the Sea by which they were to come. . . . 
In six houres assault or thereabouts, wee lost only fourteen men. The enemy 
having lost about seven or eight, fled to the Town, and we possessed the Fort, 
which is within half e- musket shot of the walls : After that they sent forth 
eight Troopes of Horse which the Generall-Major of the Horse charged with 
five, though they could not charge above three in breast together in respect of 
the Coale-Pits ; notwithstanding which the charge was so hard upon the enemy, 
that they presently retired into the Town, there was none killed on either side, 
only we took two prisoners, wherof one was Lievtenant, who cursed and railed 
for halfe an houre together. . . . They discharged many great Pieces from the 
Town towards night, but to little purpose. But in the evening they sacrificed 

Betwixt the Letter and the Answer.* — Ibid. ** Ibid, 

"* Over Pandon bum. 

*' The duchess of Newcastle does not mention this incident. See note 40, 
however, from which it may appear that this protecting outwork was unfinished, 
hence the retirement upon the larger Shieldfield fort. For the Shieldfield fort, 
see p. 212 in this volume. 

'* The windmill, a well-known landmark a few generations ago, stood near 
the Shieldfield fort, on the east bank of Pandon burn. 

*• ' Hee [Leven] had not then his murthering pieces ready.* — A Tnie Relation 
of tlie Ocots taking of Cocket Hand, 


all the Houses without the Wals which were very many (as they think) to his 
Majesties service, we heard the cry of the poor people, and it is like to be heard 

The attack upon the Shieldfield fort, which had commenced before 
the receipt of Marley's answer to Argyle's letter, continued until late 
in the evening. A letter written from Leven's quarters on February 
21st ^^ gives a few supplementary details. The letter states : — 

We came before the Town of Newcastle without any opposition, till we came 
before the Town, where the enemy had made up a Fort against us ; for gaining 
whereof, my Lord Generall sent forth a party of Musket tiers to storm the Bast 
side of it, and another party to storm the West : they went on with as much 
courage and resolution as ever any did to so great an attempt, discharging their 
Muskets very couragiously in the midst of the greatest disadvantage that could 
be, being in the open fields, almost fully in the view of their enemy ; the ^nemy 
being sheltred with Fortifications, and answering our Musket-shots with shots 
of Canon and Muskets. In which posture they continued till twelve of the 
clock at night, with the losse onely of Patric English, Captain-Lieutenant to the 
Lord Lindsay, and 9 common Souldiers. 

The result of the engagement on the afternoon of Saturday, 
February 3rd, was, therefore, to leave the Scots in possession of 
Shieldfield fort. Its abandonment was one of Marley's first measures 
when, in the following autumn, Leven again threatened the town. Its 
loss at this period, however, determined Marley to demolish the 
outlying houses on the east of the town at Sandgate,^^ as he had 
already destroyed the suburbs on the north. The conflagration thus 
caused continued * burning all that night, and Sunday and Monday all 
day.'^^ While Marley destroyed the suburbs, the Scottish troops 
near Sandgate, * about half a flight shot from the water, with the 
concurrence and advice of the Generall of the Artillery, seized upon 
two Ships and ten lighters.'^^ 

It is probable that Leven had not looked for much resist- 
ance. In 1640, his victory at Newburn had been followed by 
the flight of Conway and by the inmoiediate surrender of the town. 

** A Faithfull Relation of the late Occurrences and Proceedings of the 
Scottish Army before Newcastle (Richardson Reprints'), 

** Ibid, " Ibid. The Meinorialls of the Trubles, vol. ii. p. 369, states : — 

* The town of Newcastell brynt up the suburbis thairof, lest the enemy sould tak 
advantage thairof ; and, as wes reportit, oure army had gottin the worst anse or 
twyss, and so mony hurt that chirurgeanis wes send out of Edinbrugh to cure 

** A Faithfull Relation^ etc. 


Now, however, Marley and his fellow townsmen had declared 
their intention of devoting their lives and fortunes to the cause 
they had embraced. Nor did the marquis of Newcastle show 
any disposition to follow Conway's example. An assault of the 
town was impossible, however, without the heavy siege guns which 
the Scots had sent by sea to meet the army. Not until Tuesday, 
February 6th, did they reach Blyth Nook, from whence, on the next 
day, they were conveyed to the Scottish camp at Newcastle.^® Upon 
their arrival, the Scots, on Thursday, February 8th, extended their 
operations with the view of further surrounding the town, and of 
securing the coal-pits on the Gateshead side of the river. On that 
date, 'we sent forth a Party,' writes one*^^ serving under Leven, 
* which seized on some Boats and Liters, wherewith we intend to make 
a Bridge to morrow over the River, where all the Newcastle Ships 
continue still, being hindered to escape by seven of the Parliament 
ships,^® whereby a great part of the Horse and Foot, with some 
Ordnance, are to passe to the Bishopricke of Durham, and environ 
the Toan on all hands, and secure the Oole pits on the South.' 

Meanwhile, the efforts of the English were directed towards laying 
waste the country from whence the Scots drew their supplies. About 
February 11th, sir Thomas Riddell, in command at Tynemouth, sent 
out a party for that purpose, which fell in with a Scottish foraging 
party : — ' A Squadron of our Horse, about 15 men, with whom 
other 10 accidentally joyned, fell upon 100 Musketiers of the enemy 
sent from Tinmouth for that service, killed 14 or 15 of them, and 
took prisoners 50 ; whereof the General kept onely 2, and sent 48 
into Newcastle ; and the Marquesse sent back 7 or 8 of ours who 
were catched straggling. The Gentleman who gave this Defeat, is 
the Earl of Eglentons Major, his name is Montgomery.'^^ The 
marquis upon returning his prisoners thanked Leven for his courtesy, 
and expressed the hope that shortly he might be in a position to 
repay it.^^ 

*• A True Relation, etc. " Ihid, See, also, p. 178 of this volume. 

•• The messenger, who brought the news to London of Glemham's meeting 
with the Northumberland and Yorkshire gentry at Alnwick, reported that he 
saw at Newcastle seven ships loaded with goods for Holland, and that he had 
warned certain of the Parliament's commanders, who designed to intercept them 
with eleven ships. — The Scots March from Barwicke to Newcastle, 

^' A Faithfull Relation, etc. 

•* Newcastle to Charles, March 9th, 1644.— Cifl^Z. ^tate Papers (Dom.), 1644. 


While the Scots continued round Newcastle, the marquis wrote to 
Charles^^ to enlighten him on the critical position of affairs : — 

These enclosed will let your Majesty see that absolutely the seat of war will 
be in the north, a great army about Newark behind us, and the great Scotch 
army before us, and Sir Thomas Fairfax very strong for the West Riding of 
Yorkshire, as they say, and his father master of the East Riding : so we are 
belet, not able to encounter the Scots, and shall not be able to make our retreat 
for the army behind us. This is the greatest truth of the state of your Majesty's 
affairs, whatsoever any courtier says to the contrary. If your Majesty beat the 
Scots your game is absolutely won ; which can be no other way but by sending 
more forces, especially foot. 

The nature of the marquis's plans finds some explanation in 
. his ' Life,'^^ written by his wife : * The enemy being thus stopped,' 
she writes, ' before the town, thought fit to quarter near it, in that 
part of the country ; and so soon as my Lord's army was come up, 
he designed one night to have fallen into their quarter ; but by 
reason of some neglect of his orders in not giving timely notice to the 
party designed for it, it took not an effect answerable to his expecta- 
tion. In a word, there were three designs taken against the enemy, 
whereof if one had but hit, they would doubtless have been lost ; but 
there was so much treachery, juggling and falsehood in my Lord's 
own army, that it was impossible for him to be successful in his 
designs and undertakings. However, though it failed in the enemy's 
foot-quarters, which lay nearest the town,^^ yet it took good effect in 
their horse-quarters, which were more remote.' 

The Scottish cavalry were stationed along the valley of the Tyne 
as far west as Prudhoe and Corbridge. On February 19th they were 
attacked in both quarters, in accordance with that * design ' of the 
marquis, probably, of which his wife speaks. The incident at 
Corbridge is thus described : — ^^ 

2 Regiments of horse of the Scottish army, in which were 15 Troupes, under 
the command of the Lord Balgonie the Generalls son, and the Lord Kirk- 
cudbright*' lying at Corbridge two miles from Hexham, had an Alarme given 

"* Warburton, Memoirs of Prince Rupert^ vol. ii. p. 381. 
" ed. Firth, p. 65. 

•^ Probably at Els wick, where Leven had his quarters from August to 
October, 1644, and opposite the Redheugh, where he had camped in 1640. 

^ A Faithfull Relation, etc. 

<5^ The two regiments of horse stationed at Corbridge were Leven's (of which 
James Ballantyne was lieutenant-colonel, and sir Robert Adair, major ; eight 
companies), and Kirkcudbright's (lieutenant-colonel James Mercer, major .Alex- 
ander Cruke ; seven companies). 



them by 25 Troups of the Enemy, who [were] under the command of Sir Marma- 
doke Langdale and Colonel Fen wick, who had also waiting on them, three or 
400 Musquettiers, which the other Troups wanted: Both partees drew 
up betwixt 'Corbridge and Hexham j and Ballentyne Lievtenant Colonell to 
the Generalls Regiment, charged the enemy and made them give way with 
losse, and so the second time, and had taken above 100 prisoners, but not 
satisfied with that, gave a third charge, which drave them to their Musquettiers 
which were placed behind them, and being thus engaged with horse and foote, 
our Troups were disordered and had a very strait retreat through a gap, where 
some men were lost, but the enemy pursued not far, for they were, as I suppose, 
loath to engage beyond their foot notwithstanding their advantage. Our men 
wheeling in that disorder, were met by Colonell Robert Brandling, with ten 
Troups more, who crossed the water below Corbridge, and was to have fallen 
upon the Reere of our men, but it fell out to be the Front in their returne. 
Brandling forwardly rode out before his Troupes to exchange a Pistoll, and one 
Lievtenant Eliot rode up to him, and when they had discharged each at other, 
and were wheeling about to draw their swords. Brandlings horse stumbled, 
and the Lievtenant was so neere him as to pull him off his horse, which when 
his men perceived they retreated, which gave courage to our men to fall on, 
which they did, and drove them over the River againe, killed some, and forced 
others through the water so hastily, that there were some of them drowned, 
and thus was the day divided .... there were about 60 men killed upon 
the place. We have lost Major Agnew,*" Capt. Forbes, a Cornet .... We 
have taken Colonell Brandling, one Lievtenant, none else of note. We are 
upon moving. 

The marquis, in a despatch to Charles ^^ on March 9th, gave a 
somewhat different version of this fight at Corbridge, in which the 
victory was made to rest with Langdale. On the side of the 
Scots two hundred are mentioned as having been killed, captain 
Haddon^^ among them, and oncthundred and fifty as having been 
wounded or taken prisoners, among them Leven*s son, wounded in the 
shoulder, major Agnew, Archibald Mackie, and cornet Ker. Lang- 
dale had also captured two * horse colours ' and a * dragoon colour.' 
Clearly the engagement was of an indecisive nature. On the same 
day colonel Douglas crossed the river at Prudhoe, and attacked a 
* quarter ' of the Scots with such success that the enemy abandoned 
four other ' quarters ' in the neighbourhood.^^ 

But, with the scanty forces at his disposal, the marquis found it 
impossible to adequately defend the many river-fords between Hexham 

•' A major Agnew was attached to the Galloway regiment. 

* Cal, of State Papers (Dom.) 1644, under date. 

'" Possibly major Haddon of the Loudoun-Glasgow regiment. 

" Newcastle to Charles, March 9tb, 1644.— (7a/. State Papers (Dom.), 1644. 

roL. XXI. 


and Newburn. So soon as the Scots showed a disposition to advance 
into Durham, perforce he must leave them, as he expressed it, ' to 
their own wills.'^^ 

On the nineteenth day [February 22nd] after his first appear- 
ance before Newcastle, Leven, deeming it inadvisable to lock up his 
army in diflScult and lengthy siege operations, ordered the forward 
movement which the marquis had expressed himself as powerless to 
prevent. In his camp on the north side of the river Leven placed 
six regiments ; the Mearns and Aberdeen, the Strathearn, the 'Levyed' 
regiment, the Perthshire, the Merse, and the Nithsdale and Annan- 
dale, with some troops of horse under sir James Lumsden,^^ 
afterwards governor of Newcastle during Charles's last and longest 
visit to the town in 1646. With the rest of his forces Leven set 
forward on February 22nd. His march is described in some detail in 
a lengthy letter despatched from the Scottish quarters at Sunderland 
on March 12 th, 1644.^* 

Sir, It being resolved, as most conduceable to our affairs, that the Army 
should passe the river of Tyne, leaving behinde on the north side 6 Regiments, 
triz., the Earl of Marshals, Lord Coupers, Sinclars, Gasks, Wedderbume and 
Kelheads, and som Troops of Horse under the command of Gen. Major Sir 
James Lumsdail. 

Upon Thursday the 22. of February, we marched from our Quarters neer 
Newcastle to Hadden on the wall,'* some foure miles up the river ; and all that 
night lay in the fields, almost in the very same place where we quartered the 
night before our crossing Tyne at Newbume in the last Expedition:'* which 
passage the enemy had now fortified, not onely upon the river side, but above 
neer the top of the hill. • 

Upon the 23. day, we marched forward, and were quartered along the river 
side, from Ovinghame to Corbridge, about two miles distant from Hexam : 
Wpon the other side appeared some of the enemies Horse marching toward 
us ; but about midnight, their Regiments of Horse that were at Hexam 
marched thence/^ leaving behinde them Major Agnew (who had formerly been 
taken in the skirmish at Corbridge) for a safe-guard to the house of Colonel 
Fenwicke, who had used him courteously. The Lords providence was very 

'2 Newcastle to Charles, March 9th, l6U.—CaL State Papers (Dom.), 1644. 

^' The late Proceedings of the Scottish Army. 

'* Ibid. 

" Heddon-on-the-Wall. 

'« August 28th, 1640. 

'' Newcastle purposed to give the Scots battle, but finding them ' quartered 
on high hills close by the river Tyne,' in a difficult position, and aided by the 
bad weather, the marquis was ' necessitated to withdraw his forces, and retire 
into his own quarters.' — Life (ed. Firth), p. 67. 


observable, in vouchsafing two fair dayes upon ns in our march ; the day 
preceeding our march being very Snowie, and a terrible storm of Drift and 
Snow ensuing the day after. 

Upon Wednesday the 28. we passed Tyne, without any opposition, at three 
severall Foords, Ovinghame, Bydwell [By well], and Altringhame [Bltringham] 
betwixt these two (the Foot wading very deep) and that night quartered in villages 
neer the river. The Lords providence was as- observable in that nick of time we 
passed the river, which for eight dayes after had been impossible for us to have 
done, in respect of the swelling of the river by the melting of the Snow. When we 
had passed Tyne, we marched to the water of Darwen [Derwent river], where we 
found an impetuous flood, and still waxing so, that there was no possibility for 
our Foot to march over, but at a narrow Tree-bridge neer Ebchester ; where the 
half of our Foot marched over the Bridge by files, the other half stayed on the 
other side till the next day ; so that the whole army was necessitated to quarter 
all night in the fields.™ Upon Friday [March 1st] the rest of the Army came over, 
and we directed our march towards Sunderland, being the fittest place for 
receiving of Intelligence, and supplying our Army. The day was very cold, and 
in the afternoon came on a thick rainy mist, no th withstanding whereof, we came 
within a mile of Chester on the street. 

Upon Saturday, March 2. we passed Ware [the Wear] at the new Bridge neer 
Lumley ;*• the enemy shewing themselves in a body upon a hill toward 
Newcastle, about two miles distant from us. We quartered that night at 
Harrington ,and the villages adjacent, where we did rest all the Lords Day 
[March 3rd], and entered Sunderland upon Monday the 4. of March : All that 
day, and the day following, was spent in taking care to supply the Army with 
Provisions ;"" which we obtained with no small difficulty, being the enemies 
Countrey ; for so we may call it, the greatest part of the whole Oountrey being 
cither willingly or forcedly in Arms against the Parliament, and afford us no 
manner of supply, buJ; what they part with against their wills. 

So far the advance of the Scots had been unmolested. The 
marquis of Newcastle, however, strengthened by forces from Durham, 
and by twelve troops of horse from Yorkshbe under sir Charles 
Lucas, followed in pursuit of Leven.^^ On Wednesday, March 6th, 
at one o'clock, the marquis crossed the Wear at the * new bridge ' by 
which the Scots had passed four days before. Soon after, he came 
in sight of the enemy and drew up in battle order. The Scots, how- 

^* *0n the high moors.' — Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1644, under date March 9th. 
See Baillie, Letters, etc.. vol. ii. p. 152. " At ' the Newbridge.' Ihld. 

*• In CaL State Papers (Dom.), 1644, under date March 1st, is a minute of the 
Committee of Both Kingdoms that ' supply of victuals to the Scottish army is 
most pressing'; on March 8th, is a recommendation by the same that ships 
trading to Newcastle shall be approached as to conveying victuals to the 
Scots, to return with coals ; on the same date, the commissioners with the 
Scottish army are informed by the same, * We have sent you a quantity of butter 
and cheese in the 'Hopeful Reformation ' of London, Henry Blunt, master.' 

•• Rush worth, vol. v. p. 615. 


ever, though they did not risk an engagement, continued in sight 
for the rest of the day.^^ On the 7th, in 'exceeding snowy' 
weather, the Scots took up a strong position on Boldon hills. Here 
the marquis dared not attack them, but after further skirmishing 
on the 8th, moved his army southwards to Durham,^ leaving the 
Scots in undisturbed possession of Sunderland. 

These movements are described more graphically in the letter^ 
already quoted. 

Upon Wednesday, the enemies Forces of Dnrbam and Newcastle being 
joyned, and likewise strengthened by the accession of 12 Troops of Horse from 
York-shire, under the command of Sir Charles Lucas, being supposed to be 
about 14000 Horse and Foot, did shew themselves upon the top of a hill about 
three miles distant from Sunderland. Such of our Army as could be presentlie 
advertised, were drawn up within half a mile of them, and continued all that 
night (though it were very cold and snowing) in the fields. 

Upon Thursday the 7. the enemy drew up their Forces upon a height about 
two short miles from us ; but the snow fell in such aboundance, that nothing 
could be done till the middle of the day, that it was fair ; at which time we 
advanced towards them, and they marched Northwards, as is conceived to gain 
the winde. Both Armies were drawn up in Battell, the enemy having the 
advantage of the ground ; but we could not without very great disadvantage 
engage our Armie, in regard of the unpassable ditches and hedges betwixt us. 
Both Armies faced other till the setting of the Sun, at which time the enemy 
retreated, and we kept the ground till the next morning in a very cold night. 

Upon Friday the 8. in the morning, there was some little skirmishing betwixt 
some small parties of Horse, wherein the advantage that was, fell upon our side ; 
we took divers prisoners, by whom we understood that many of theirs were 
wounded. Our commanded Muskettiers and Horse advanced, and gained the 
ground where the enemy stood the day preceeding ; The enemy still retired, 
and, as appeared, with a purpose to retire altogether ; for they fired the neerest 
villages, and retired under the smoke thereof : Our commanded men advanced 
neerer the height, the enemy giving ground all the time : We had resolved to 
fall back upon their rere ; but there came suddenly a great storm of Snow, 
which continued for an hour, so that we could not see the enemy : and before 
we could discover them again, it began to snow again, and continued snowing 
till night : Which opportunity the enemy made use of, and marched away in 
great haste to Durham. We understand since from very good hands, that 
through the extremitie of the Weather these two nights (the enemy lay in the 
fields, and there hastned march to Durham) they have suffered great losse, 
many of their men and horse dying, but more run away : We hear they have 
lost of their Horse 800 besides the losse of their foot ; we sustained some losse, 
but blessed be God, no wayes considerable. 

■2 Newcastle to Charles, March 9th. — Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1644. 
^^- Ibid; Rush worth, ibid; Life of Newcastle (ed. Firth), p. 68. 


Th^ Late Proceedings of the Scottish Army. 


This day [March 12th] the Army is marching towards Durham, ready to do 
as occasion shall offer, leaving two Regiments at Sunderland for the securitie of 
that place. 

Our Army hath been in very great straits for want of victuall and provisions. 
The enemy hath wasted and spoyled all the Countrey, and driven all away 
before them. And five Barques sent from Scotland to us, with provisions are 
lost, three of them perished, and two of them were driven to Tyne by extremity 
of Weather, and seised on by the enemy ; so that sometimes the whole Army 
hath been ready to starve, having neither Meat nor Drink : We never have 
above twenty and four hours provissions for them. But these impediments and 
difficulties, or what may hereafter fall out, we are fully confident by Gods 
assistance, shall never abate in the least sort: Our constant resolutions and 
endeavours for promoting so good a Cause, as the Vindication of these 
Kingdoms, from Popery and Tyranny, and the establishment of a through 
Reformation of Religion, which will be the surest and firmest Foundation of a 
just and safe Peace ; a recompence for all our sufferings, and the best means of 
a more happy and neer conjunction of both Kingdoms. 

From our Quarters at Sunderland, 12. March. 1644. 

Setting out towards Durham on March 12th, the Scots reached that 
city on the following day, seeing no signs of the enemy on the march. 
Afraid, however, of leaving Sunderland, their sea-base, for the present 
unprotected, and experiencing difficulty in securing forage for their 
cavalry ,^^ they withdrew to Sunderland once more, and on the 
16th attacked the fort at South Shields. The story of the 
events from March 13th bo the 25th, is, however, told best in the 
words of the writer whose letter narrating the march of the Scots to 
Sunderland has been quoted. In a further letter, dated from Leven's 
quarters near Sunderland, he writes : — ^ 

Sir, Since my last of the 12. to my best observation and remembrance, the 
motions and successes of this Army have been these : 

On the 13. for the enlargement of our Quarters, and to straighten the Enemy, 
wee drew towards Durham, but after wee had tarried there so long as our horse 
provisions lasted, not being willing to remove further, till Sunderland, a place 
of so great consequence to us, were better fortified, we returned thither and 
quartered the Army on the North side the River of Ware f Wear] towards New- 
castle at the Sheilds ; in this march wee saw no Enemy. 

" Rushworth, whose story appears to be drawn from the ti*act containing the 
letter of March i2th printed in the text, and from that of the same writer in 
the tract referred to in note 86, explains Leven's withdrawal from Durham 
thus : — * being not able to get Horse-provisions, and unwilling to remove further 
till Sunderland were better Fortified, returned and quartered their Army on the 
Xorth-side the River Weare towards New-Castle at the Shields.' 

•• A True Relation of the Proceedings of the Scottish Army frmn the 12. of 
March instant to the 25. London. Printed for Robert Bostock and Samuel 
Gellibrand, dwelling in Pauls Church-yard, 1644. See BaiUie, Letters, ii. 154. 


On the 15. at night, a party was commanded out to assault the Fort upon 
the South side Tine!' over against Tinemouth Castle, which they did, but with 
no successe, though with little losse : after we had considered of this repulse two 
or three dayes, and fasted on the nineteenth, the Fort was againe assaulted by 
another party ; for the encouragement of which the Generall went with them in 
person, and on the 20. being Wednesday in the morning we tooke it with the 
loBse of nine men, the hurt of more : In it we found five Peeces of Iron 
Ordnance, seven Barrels of Powder, seventy Muskets ; the men escaped in the 
dark to the water-side, where boats received them, only the Lievtenant, and 
foure or five more were taken Prisoners ; This Fort was commanded by one 
Captaioe Chapman an inhabitant of the South-Shields. I went that day to see 
the Fort, my own judgment in such cases is nothing worth, but others thought 
it a difficult peece, and I con f esse I wondered much to see it taken on that 

The capture of the fort at South Shields is described with more 
detail in a pamphlet entitled The Taking of the Fort at South 
Shields,^ The writer, after stating that the attack on the fort on 
the 15th failed, owing to the men engaged upon it 'fearing too 
much the danger and difficulty,' proceeds to describe the successftil 
attack on March 2 0th. 

A party not so strong as the former, was sent to storme the Foit, there being 
no other way of taking it ; Col. Stewart, Col. Lyell, Leutenant Col. Bruce, and 
Lieutenant Col. lonston," with some inferiour Officers, led on the party, the 
Fort was very strong, the Qraffe without being esteemed 12 foot broad, and 11 
deepe, the work above ground three yards high, an<i within it five iron peece of 
Ordnance, some nine pound ball, some more, an hundred souldiers, seventy 
musquetiers, and thirty Pike-men : It was situated with great advantage, being 
defended on the one side by the Oi*dnance of Tinemouth Castle, and on the other 
by a Dunkirk Frigot with ten peece of Ordnance ; notwithstanding 140 of our 
souldiers, without any other Armes but their swords, carried bundles of straw 

■* This fort is not that which the marquis of Newcastle had constructed 
in 1642. In a letter from *a gentleman resident in Yorke, to his friend 
living in Lumbard street,' printed in Lamentable and Sad Nerres from the 
Northy printed at London, 1642, the statement occurs, that at Shields, 
the marquis being then at Newcastle, ' there are 300 men in worke making a 
Sconce to command all ships that come in, and go out.' — See Arch. Aeliana^ 
vol. XV. p. 218. Brand, History of J^ewcastle, quotes letters from Newcastle on 
June 22nd and 23rd, 1642, which state, 'they are casting up trenches as fast as 
may be : there is a fort making at the haven mouth that no ships can go in or 
out without their leave. The Earl of Newcastle is making forts at Sheels, one 
of each side.' Clifford's fort at North Shields was not built until 1672, when it 
was erected at the government's expense. Before that, at a little distance from 
it, there was ' a fort of baskets filled with sand and mortar, with a gun placed 
between each basket.' — Brand, ibid, p. 331. 

'^^ Richardson Reprints, It is a letter dated from Wetherby, April 20th, 1644. 

* From these names it appears that the Galloway [Stewart], Linlithgow and 
Tweeddalc [Johnston], and Stirlingshire [Bruce] regiments took part in the 



and sticks, wherewith they filled the ditch, set up the scaling ladders (wherof 
some did not reach the top of the Fort, the ditch not being well filled) and with 
their swords gave the first assault, then a party of Musquetiers, and after them 
a party of Pikes, all marching up till they entred the ditch, where they disputed 
the matter above an houre, in which time the Enemy discharged upon them 28 
shot of Canon, some with Musquet ball, others with cut lead and iron, beside 
many Musquet shot : Our soldiers did resolutely scale the ladders, and some 
entred at the gunports : the Defendants behaved themselves gallantly till it 
came to stroke of sword, and then they fled away by water in boates : sixteen of 
them were killed, a Lieutenant and five souldiers who stood cut to the last, were 
taken, and so we gained the Fort, with the peeces, and some barrels of powder, 
and their colours.*® , 

William Tunstall, writing to his father-in-law, sir Edward 
Radclyffe of Dilston, gives an account ^^ of this event from the 
standpoint of the losers : — 

Sir, Upon Wednesday gon a sennet,'* the Scotes set upon a litel fort at the 
Sheldes and was forsed backe, but the horse would not let the foute rune. Upon 
the place where they first asalted it there laye maney deade bodeyes. Upon the 
next, asalt, being the same daye, they brjught of there men, but with greate 
losse to them, Tinmouth Castle and the fort playing hotley upon them, and it 
was thought they lost towe hundred men that daye ; but theye gave it not over. 
See for the last Weddensdaye they set upon it againe, and gained the fort and 
five eyron peece of ordenance in it, our men fleying doune to a penisse in which 
it was reported that Sir John Pennington was in, but the penisse dischargeing 
same ordenance at the Scotes they retreated ; and it is said they lost 3 
houndred men at the takeing of it, and we losing but five men. 

Your son in la we to command, 

William Tonstall. 
Wicliffe, the 22th of March. 

On March 20th, the date on which the fort at South Shields had 
fallen, a slight engagement had also taken place at Chester-le-Street, 
in which thevictoiy had rested with the Scots. Lieutenant-colonel 
James Ballantyne, of the regiment of horse which had taken part in 
the engagement at Corbridge on February the 19th, 'understanding 
there was a troop of the Marquess's Horse Quartered at Chester-on- 
the-Street, came with a Party into the Town a private way, and 

•* The writer gives the losses of the Scots as seven killed, and a few hurt by 
stones and * cut iron,* or shrapnel. 

•• Quoted in Archaeologia Aeliana, vol. i. p. 213. 

•^ Tunstall refers to the first attack by the Scots on Friday the loth. He 
describes their repulse on that day as of a much more serious nature than 
appears in the Scottish accounts. 


wholly surprized them, and took the Guards last, and brought away 
40 Horse with their Arms.'*^ 

Their position at the mouth of the Tyne enabled the Scots both 
to cut off Newcastle from the sea, and also to replenish their own 
commissariat by the capture of in-coming ships. On March 22nd, 
* understanding there were some Ships laden with Coales and Salt in 
the River Tine about the Sheilds, we sent a party who with the help 
of some Keel-men and Sea-men drew the ships to this [the Durham] 
side, so that for the present they are under the power of this Anny/^ 

Already, therefore, the Scots were virtually masters of Northum- 
berland and of the north of Durham. Their possession of Sunderland 
kept open their sea-communication with Scotland and London, and they 
had secured a more or less effective hold upon the Tyne. On the side 
of the royalists but little effort had been made, so far, to contest the 
possession of these important positions with the invaders. Upon the 
14th of March, however, there appears to have been a slight engage- 
ment between the garrison in Newcastle and the regiments which 
Leven had left at Blswick in February .^'^ 

But though the royalists had so far been unable to withstand 
Leven in the field, they had so successfully laid waste the districts 
upon which the Scots depended for food and fodder that the require- 
ments of their commissariat were beginning to demand a change of 
quarters. Leven, it would appear,^^ was contemplating a march into 
the south of Durham and Yorkshire where forage might be more easily 
obtained, and where he would be more. closely in touch with the 
Parliament's commanders. It was imperative that such a junction of 
forces should be prevented; so the marquis of Newcastle, whom 
Montrose had joined at Durham on March ISih,^^ determined to risk 

"* Rushworth, vol. v. p. 616. The same details are in A True Belation, etc. 
The Taking of the Fort at South Shields adds that BaUantyne killed ten, took 
two captains of foot, and twenty horsemen, and that none of the Scots was 
killed or hurt. 

" A True Relation^ etc. ; The Taking of the Fort^ etc. 

•^ * Thair cam word to Abirdene of ane bloodie fight betwixt the Eingis mea 
at Newcastell, and oure army lying thair, vpone the 14th of Marcbe, qahair our 
men had the worst.' — MemoriaUs of the Trubles, vol. ii. p. 327. It is possible, 
however, that this may refer to the first attack at South Shields on Friday, 
March 15th. Baillie, op. cit.^ vol. ii. p. 155, states that 5,000 Scots were con- 
fronting Newcastle about May 17th, 1644. "* Rush worth, vol. v. p. 613. 

** Wishart, Montrose (ed. Murdoch and Simpson), p. 42. 


an engagement. On the 28rd, the marquis drew his forces out of 
Durham to Ohester-le-Street, and on the next day, Sunday the 24th, 
took up a position at Hilton, on the north side of the Wear; the 
Scots placing themselves between him and the sea, at Whitburn 
Lizards (on Oleadon Hill), to the east of Hilton.^® The battle, in 
which Montrose found the marquis somewhat 'slow,'^ can best be 
described in the language of those who were present at it. Writing 
from Sunderland on the 25th, while the issue was still doubtful, the 
author of the letter in A True Relation states : — 

On the 23. of this instant the Enemy drew up their Army from Durham 
and thereabout toward Chester, and on the 24. being the Lords day, drew up 
in the north side of Ware, at a place called Hilton, two miles and a halfe from 
Sunderland, the same distance as when they faced us before,**" only this is on the 
north side Ware, the other on the south ; we accordingly drew up on a hill east 
from them toward the sea. Our Cannon were at Sunderland our head quarter, 
but by the help of the Sea-men lying in the haven, wee conveyed one great 
peece over the water, who themselves drew itt up to the field where it was to be 
planted, the tide failed for carrying the rest at that time, som small field peeces 
wee had. After the Armies had faced each other most part of that day, toward 
five aclock the Cannon began to play, which they bestowed freely though to 
little purpose, and withall the commanded Foot fell to it to drive one another 
from their hedges, and continued shooting till eleven at night, in which time we 
gained some ground, some barrels of gun-powder, and ball and match ; wee 
lost few men, had more hurt and wounded, of whom no Officer of note hurt 
with danger but the Lievtenant Colonell of the Lord Lothians Regiment ; '•' 
what their losse was is yet uncertain to us, but we know they had more slaine, 
as wee finde being masters of their ground. 

This morning being the 25. they are faceing each other, but the ground 
they possesse inaccessible by us without great disadvantages in regard of the 
many hedges and ditches betwixt ; what the event of this meeting will be I do 
not know, nor will not guesse, hitherto hath the Lord helped us : our men are 
chearf uU, our hopes good. 

Sir James Lumsdaine came over to us***^ very opportunely with a brigade of 
three thousand of the forces wee had left in Northumberland the 23. of this 
instant,'**' which hee now commands in the field. 

The words given out on both parts were these, On ours The Lord of 
Ho«t9 is with us. On theirs, JV^ow or Never, 

Captain Lawson 4nd Captain Newton have taken a prize in the Tees laden 
with Cloth and Lead. 

"■ Bourne, Hist, of Newcastle, p. 233. "• Wishart, ibid. p. 42. 

'•• On Thursday, March the 7th. 

'•• Lieutenant-colonel Patrick Leslie of the Teviotdale. 

'•^ Lumsden had been left in command of the cavalry at Newcastle since 
Leven left the neighbourhood of the town on February 22nd. 

'»• February 22nd was the date. 




Another partisan of the Scots gives the following account^^ of the 
battle, the critical nature of which appears from the motto ' Now or 
Never' which the marquis adopted. On Sunday, March 24th, he 
writes, the enemy 

marched toward our quarters intending to have set upon us in Sermon time, 
and being a foggie day to have surprised us ; their approach being discovered, a 
great part of the Army was presently drawn together. The Enemy sent down 
from Bowden [Boldon] Hill where they were drawne up, some commanded 
Musquetiers to line the hedges betwixt them and us, and wee did the like, for 
the Armies could not joyn, the Field between us being so full of hedges and 
ditches ; our Dragoons beganne the , play, and then the Musquetiers in the 
hedges upon both sides, our bodies of Foot advancing at all Quarters to the 
hedges, the Enemies Cannon discharging upon them an houre and a halfe with 
very small hurt. This service continued very hot, till after twelve of the clock 
at night. Many Officers, who have been old Souldiers did affirm they had never 
seen so long and hot service in the night time ; there was divers killed on both 
sides, but the number of their slane did very farre exceed ours, as wee under- 
stood by the dead bodies we found the next day upon their ground, beside the 
seven Waggons drawght of dead and hurt men not able to walk, that the 
Constable of Bouden affirmed he saw carried away. The Enemy quit their 
ground, where they left much of their powder, match, and armes behinde them ; 
and retired to the Hill where the Body of the Army lay. 

On the royalist side, the following account^^^ pictures the battle 
naturally in somewhat brighter colours : — 

On Sunday last he [the marquis of Newcastle] got the Scots out to West 
Bedwick near Hilton Castle in the Bishopric of Durham where they sat fast 
upon Bedwick Hill: my Lord Marquis had often invited them to fight, with 
overtures of many advantageous opportunities, but could not possibly draw 
them out:"' on this hill four regiments of his Excellencys foot fell to work 
with six regiments of the rebels. The fight began about three in the afternoon 
and continued from that time till night, and continued more or less till next 
morning, the rebels all this time being upon their own Miekle Midding, and 
there they lay all night : next morning (being Monday) the Lord Marquis 
followed them till afternoon, and then they vanished instantlj' into their 
trenches and retirement in Sunderland.*'*' Then his Excellency (seeing no 
hope of getting them out) drew off towards his quarters, and they being 

»•* T?ie Taking of the Frnt at South Shields. 
"* Mercurius Aulicus^ for March 30th, 1644. 

^^ This statement is contrary to fact. Newcastle had been numerically the 
weaker. The Scots had passed to Sunderland almost without resistance. The 
marquis's sole effort to engage them had been on March 7th. 

**" If accurate, this was no more than a slight episode. The broad fact is 
clear that either Newcastle retired or was powerless to prevent the Scots from 
ndvancing south after the battle. 

LBVBN's advance upon DURHAM. 173 

sensible of so many provocations, came on his rear (which was 500 horse) with 
all the horse they had (for as yet they never looked the Lord Marquis in the 
face)> but the rear (with the loss of some thirty men killed and taken) presently 
faced about, being seconded by that valiant knight, Sir Charles Lucas^ with 
his brigade of horse, who fell on so gallantly that forced all their horse (which 
Is about 3,000) to hasten up the hill to their cannon, all the way doing sharp 
execution upon them so as their Lancers did lay plentifully upon the ground 
(many others being taken and brought away prisoners) their cannon all that 
while playing upon the Lord Marquis his horse with so little success as is not 
easily imagined. In both these fights [on the 24th and 25th] they that 
speak least reckon a full 1,000 Scots killed and taken which cost the Lord 
Marquis 240 of his common souldiers, scarce an officer beiog either killed or 
taken, though many of their leaders are certainly cut off. Their foot ran 
twice, and would not stand longer than their officers forced them on with 
the sword ; the Lord Marquis hath taken many of their arms, especially of 
their Scottish pistols. Next morning [Tuesday the 26th] his Excellency drew 
towards them again, faced them a long while, but they had too much of 
the two days before, and would by no means be entreated to show themselves.^"" 

It is difficult to reconcile this with the Scottish account of the 
battle. Its very discrepancies reveal the fact, however, that the 
engagement was a drawn one when, on Tuesday, March 26th, the 
marquis withdrew his forces to Durham. Five days later, on March 
31st, the Scots broke up their camp at Sunderland, followed him more 
leisurely, and on April 12 th, forced him to evacuate the city and to 
beat a further retreat southwards. John Somerville, writing^®^ to 
James Scot of 'Bonyntoun,' a letter dated from Middlethorp, near 
York, on May 1st, 1644:, gives the story of their march until Leven 
sat down to the siege of York. 

Upon the penult, of March the airmie marchit from the quarteris besyd 
Sunderland and went to the Bruntfield Murhoussis [Moorhouses], and vpoun 
the mom being the first of Apryll, the airmie marcheit from thair to Eisington 
[Easington] hill, and stayit thair till the eight of the said month j and from that 
we marcheit from that [sic.'] to the Quarintoun [Quarrington] Hills, vpoun the 
south syd of Durhame, within a myle or two of the toun ; and vpon the 10. day 
at 12. o'cloack at nicht^ Major Ballintyne with sum commandit men went out and 


Hilton fight was at best a drawn battle, though Newcastle failed in his 
endeavour to hold the Scots back from further advance. Lithgow, in his 
JiJxact and Experimental Relation, however, calls it * that laudable Victory.' 
Colpnel John Moore, writing from Lathom to the earl of Warwick, on April 
4th, 1644, says, * There came intelligence to us ye other day that there had 
been a great battel fought betwixt the Scots and ye E. of Newcastles forces 
w'^h continewed two dayes, but the Lord was pleased to give the victory to 
the Scotts.* — Hist. MS8. Comm. lOth report, app. pt. iv. p. 27. 

' " Hist. M88. Comm. 10th report, app. pt. i. p. 53. 


took 20. men and threttie hors, with pistollis and saiddillis, and on of the men 
was a capitane. And upon the 11. day thair came sum keillis yp the water 
of Wear from Sunderland to fetch Coillis, and the ennemie send out sum 
dragouneris and commandit musquitteires and tuik the men that was gairding 
the keillis, and slew of them and cutted the keillis ; and ypoun the 12. day, in 
the nicht, the Marquis of Newcastell with his airmie fled from Durhame ; and 
we get no intelligence till the 13. day att 3. acloak in the efternoon and then the 
airmie maircheit efter them with all the haist they micht ; bot they had ever 
geat a fair start, and we came to the Ferrie Hill [Ferryhill] that nicht ; and 
vpon the 14. day, being- Sunday, we marcheit verrie airlie befoir the soon rais, 
and the hors men folio wit in haist and cam to Derntoun [Darlington] befoir 7. 
acloak in the morning and sent out a pairtie of horse to persew thair reir. Our 
major commandit the pairtie ; he with his pairtie tuik fourtie men and many 
horses and slew many of their straggillars and gat tuo thousand merkis worth of 
silver plait, and mikill cheis, pork and bread, and we staylt thair till nicht and 
the haill airmie crosit Teis water that nicht and day, we marchit fra that to 
North allertoun : and the morn being the 16. day, we marchit fra that to 
Thormanbie [? Thornaby] and we get provision from the touns about and fra 
that we marchit to Borrow briggis [Boroughbridge] and the mom being the 18. 
day we marchit fra that to Wedderbie [Wetherby] and we mett with Sir Thomas 
Fairfax his trouppers and dragouneres : and vpoun the 22. day we marcheit 
within two myllis of York and my Lord Fairfax his foot came vp to the uther 
syd of the water foir against our ligar ; and in the nicht the haill trouppes that 
the Marquis of Newcastell had in York went out and fled and our troupes with, 
my Lord Fairfax his troupes followed and tuik 60 prisonars and many horses ; 
and they war so hard chaisit that they war forcit to tak the cuUouris from the 
standaris and ryd away with [them] and live the stafE behind them, and they ar 
to the King to Oxfuird : and we and Fairfax his forces are lying about the City 
of York and their haill foot is within, with 4. troupes of hors. Sir Marmaduke 
Longlie [Langdale] is fled and gon to the King with the haill hors that was in 
the Kingis northern airmie, and is myndit to bring Prince Ruppert and the haill 
forces that they can mak to rais the seidge at York. The souldieres that we tak 
off thairis sayes they gatt a mutchkin of beans an unce of buttar and a penny 
loaf evirrie ane of them per diem and thair is ane ordinance that evirrie ane 
within the citie of York sail haue bot ane maill per diem : for the Marquis of 
Newcastell and general King has causat search all the citie for provisions and 
takin all into the stoir hous and gives out to the people that is within the citie 
efter the manner foirsaid. 

The march of the Scots from Sunderland to York, from March 
3l8t to April 22nd, is described in other contemporary news-letters 
published for the information of the well-wishers of the Scots in London. 
The correspondent, whose letters have been already quoted, in 
connexion with the march of the Scots from Newcastle to their 
repulse of the marquis at the battle of Hilton, continues his story in a 
further letter dated April 14th, after the army's arrival at York, 


addressed to * Master Bowles.'^^^ Resuming his narrative from the 
events of March 25th, he proceeds : — 

The enemy upon his retreat from Hilton marched toward Durham ; where- 
upon the Scottish Army drew to Easington being the mid-way betwixt Hartle- 
poole and Durham, where we found reasonable good quarter for our horse, and 
resolved to abide thereabout till wee made the Enemy either fight or flie."' 
Those quarters we kept till April 8. when (after a Fast kept the day before 
by us through the Army :) we marched to a place called Quarrendon Hill, two 
miles from Durham. 

The Enemy seeing us draw so neare and his Souldiers decreasing upon the 
approach of danger, drew as many forces as could be spared out of Newcastle 
and Lumley Castle to uphold his strength of Foot ; but finding all would not 
doe, hee thought fit, (it is supposed upon intimation from Selby of the Victory 
there obtained by the Lord Fairfax which was the 11. of April :) On the 13. 
of April being Saturday, to remove his whole Force, and that in a great deale 
of haste, leaving his troublesome Provisions behind him. They directed their 
march Westward touards Bishops Awkland in and about which they lay that 
night. And on the next morning they marched towards Bernards Castle and 
Piercebrig, where it was supposed they would Quarter on the fourteenth. 

Generall Leven hath omitted no time in the pursuit, for upon the first 
notice without any respect to the ransacking their forsaken quarters, raysed his 
Leaguer from Quarrendon hill and marched on the Saturday [the 13th] to 
Ferry hill, and so forward on the Lords day to Darnton [Darlington], which is 
as farre South as the Enemy could reach by that time, only a little Eastward 
off him. And the resolution of the Army is, to be guided by the Enemy in their 
march, whom they intend to follow or rather march along with, either till they 
shall have advantage to fight with him, or shall meet with the Lord Fairfax to 
enclose him. If there be any truth in reports, Newcastle hath lost halfe his 
Army without fighting. 

The Enemy quitted Lumley Castle"^ upon the Friday night, April the 12. 
so that we have now free liberty to make use of all the Coales upon the River 
of Ware, and are in good hopes of those upon the River Tine very shortly when 
our Army is at leisure to demand Newcastle,"' whose garrison is almost 
exhausted."* Wee have a report that the enemy hath quitted Hartlepoole,"* 

"• Intelligence from the Scottish Army, Being the Extract of Letters, 
London : Printed for Robert Bostock and Samuel Gellibrand, dwelling in Pauls 
Church-yard, 1644. See Baillie, op. cit,^ ii. 168. 

"* The Taking of the Fort^ etc., explains that the Scots advanced to Easing- 
ton to ' intercept the Enemies provisions from Hartlepool,' which was still in 
the hands of the royalists. 

"* In obedience, no doubt, to the marquis's summons to the garrison here and 
at Newcastle to join him. 

"• This leisure did not arrive until after the fall of York on July 16tb. 
Leven and his army once more appeared before Newcastle on August 12th, and 
took the town by assault on October 19th, 1644. 

'" The six regiments left by Leven clearly invested the town straitly, though 
Lumsden and the cavalry were summoned to join Leven in the Bishopric. 

*" The town ultimately fell to Callendar on July 24th. See p. 182 of this 


but that is uncertaine. Generall Major Lumsdaine [Lumsden] is marching 
after the Army with two thousand men, and twenty load of Ammunition for 
supplies if need be. 

The passing of Leven into Yorkshire offered the opportunity of 
regaining the positions in Northumberland and the Bishopric which 
had been captured bj the Scots. Sunderland, the fort at South 
Shields, and Morpeth, which had received a Scottish garrison in the 
early days of the campaign, were the most important. Their recap- 
ture would not only undo the work accomplished by Leven since his 
arrival in England, but would also create a very timely diversion 
while the fate of York hung in the balance. The execution of this 
design fell to Montrose, in whose movements the interest of the war 
in Northumberland and the Bishopric throughout April and May 
chiefly centres. 

After the battle of Hilton, while Newcastle, on March 26th, had 
commenced his retreat upon York, Montrose, who had been present 
at that engagement, had made his way towards Scotland, entered it in 
the second week of April, and proceeded to Dumfries. His 
design had been to rally the royalists in Scotland, but finding it 
impossible to make headway he returned to Northumberland, where 
Leven's withdrawal offered him an opportunity of doing useful 
service for Charles.^^^ 

About the beginning of May, Montrose arrived at Newcastle and, 
about the 10th, he and lord Crawford, who was afterwards taken 
prisoner upon the fall of Newcastle in October, led an expedition 
against Morpeth. The castle was defended by captain James 
Somerville and captain John McCulloch, who succeeded in repulsing 
the first attack. Montrose sent for six guns from Newcastle, and sat 
down to the siege of the place. After nearly three weeks, during 
which the Scottish cavalry under colonel Michael Welden had 
endeavoured to relieve the castle, Morpeth fell on May 29th. In 
the course of the siege the garrison had lost one major, three 
captains, three lieutenants, four ensigns, one hundred and eighty 
soldiers, and had expended two hundred cannon shot.^^^ Shortly 

'" Wishart, Montrose (ed. Murdoch and Simpson), p. 46. 

"' Ibid.; Napier, Life of Montr ose, p. 25. The fight is referred to in 
Spalding, ii. 379, ' Thair was ane fight about Morpot, quhair divers of our 
Scottis foot soldlouris were overcum by the Banderis, strippit out of thair 


after his success at Morpeth, Montrose, acting with Marley in New- 
castle and with the governor of South Shields,^^® got into his hands 
the fort which the Scots had captured on March 20th. It was 
commanded by captain Thomas Rutherford of * Ranfertlie,' who 
treacherously surrendered the fort to the enemy ,^^^ in whose hands it 
apparently remained for but a short time. Some attempt was made 
about the same time to win over Sunderland. The plot was in all 
probability of the nature of that which had already secured the fort 
at South Shields. It was discovered by the seamen of the town, 
who placed themselves under arms, planted cannon in position, and 
with the help of colonel Charles Fairfax drove back Montrose, 
Musgrave, and others engaged in this attempt to Newcastle.^^ 

Five months had passed since the arrival of the Scots had 
been heralded in liondon with such confident assertion that New- 
castle had fallen or would shortly fall to them. But the capture 
of that town was seemingly no nearer now than then. Leven was 
before York. With Montrose at large in Northumberland, every day 
seemed to add to the difficulties which the assault of such a town as 
Newcastle would naturally entail. Writing from York on May 24th, 
1644, to the Committee of Estates at Edinburgh, lord Lindsay clearly 
pointed to that fact. *Wee in treat your lordships,' he wrote, 'to 

clothis and armes, and send hame naikit.' In the * Decreit of Foirfaltor ' 
against him, Montrose is indicted * For invading and intakeing of fe castle 
of morpeth .... For Joyneing himselfe w* coUonell clavering and his 
forces about the tyme of the invading of pe said castle of morpeth.* — AeU of 
Pfrrliament of Scot. vol. vi. pt. i. p. 316. 

"» Whitelock, Memorials, vol. i. p. 262. 

"• On June 17th, 1644, the Scottish Estates instruct Leven and the governor 
of Sunderland to suspend the execution of the sentence lately passed at 
Sunderland against captain Rutherford of Ranfertlie for surrendering the 
fort at South Shields. — Balfour, Annates^ vol. iii. p. 185. On June 21st, 1644, 
Leven wrote from York to Lauderdale, * In obedience to a letter from your 
lordships of the 14th instant. I have given order, that after a counsell of warr 
hath tryed Captaine Thomas Rutherford, who gave over the fore at South- 
Sheels, and hath cleered the proces, the same, with the said captaine, shall be 
sent to bee disposed off, as your lordships shall think good.' — Thurloe, State 
Papers^ vol. i. p. 37. In the * Decreit of Foirfaltor ' Montrose was further in- 
dicted for * assaulting of pe forte vpon the water of Tyne called the Soutsheills 
keiped and haldin for the tyme be the said capitan Thomas rutherfuird for the 
use and be the comand of pe comittie of pe estates of this kingdome and 
forceing the said capitan Thomas rutherfuird to yeild the said forte to the said 
colo" clavering.' — Acts, etc., ihid, p. 317. 

*^ Whitelock, Memorials, vol. i. p. 262. Parliament, on June 3rd, 1644, 
voted the Sunderland seamen £200 for their 'Affection and Fidelity.' — Commons 
Jmirnah, vol. iii. 


delay no tyme in sending of these forces into England ; for yf it had 
beene done in tyme, a few horsemen, with our foote forces there, 
and Collonel Weldens regiment, might have beene more than 
sufficient for the seccuring both these countyes opposeing the com- 
mission of array, and bringing the town of Newcastle to great straits, 
which we feare shall now become a work of greater difficulty to a 
stronger power.' ^^^ Baillie noticed the same fact : ' The delay of 
Callendars incoming so long' he writes,^^ 'has given time to the 
Marquis of Montrose to make havoc of the northern counties, which 
will make the siege of Newcastle the harder.' To the provision of 
men and money for that arduous undei^taking both England and 
Scotland, early in June, began to turn. Before the end of the month, 
Callendar had entered England with the supplementary forces which 
Lindsay had so earnestly requested. A month later, his forces were 
partially investing Newcastle, and he himself was anxiously awaiting 
the coming of the main army under Leven, whom the capture of 
York, on July 16th, at length freed for that service.^^^ 

'«* Thurloe, op. cit. vol. i. p. 35. »" Letters, vol. ii. p. 196. 

"• In regard to the events with which this paper deals, some further, but 
slight, information may be obtained from Baillie's Letters and Journals. In 
vol. ii. p. 179, in a letter dated May 9th, 1644, he expresses no doubt a very 
general feeling of disappointment at the want of definite success which so far had 
attended Leven's efforts : — * We trust God will arise, and doe somewhat by our 
Scotts armie. We are afflicted that after so long a tyme we have gotten no hitt 
of our enemie ; we hope God will put away that shame. Waller, Manchester, 
Fairfax, and all getts victories ; but Lesley, from whom all was expected, as yett 
has had his hands bound. God, we hope, will loose them, and send us matter of 
praise also.' Robert Douglas's Diary (see p. 185 of this volume) details the march 
of Leven in brief detail. Sir James Turner's Memoirs of His Own Life and Times^ 
1639-1649 (Edinburgh, 1839), adds some light to the narrative of the events 
which took place early in February, 1644, before Newcastle. He had 
come from Ireland to represent the position of the Scottish forces there, and 
finding that Leven had crossed the Border, followed and came up with him at 
Newcastle. * While I was here' [Newcastle], he writes (p. 30), ' I lookd upon 
the posture this armie of Scots (of which the Parliament so much boasted) were 
in. I found the bodies of the men iustie, well clothd and well moneyd, bot raw, 
untraind and undisciplind ; their officers for most part young and unex- 
perienced. They had divided themselves in severall bodies, and in severall 
quarters, everie one or any of which might with a resolute sally been easilie 
beate up, and then, in my opinion, the rest would have runne. There was 
sixe thousand men of Newcastles armie within the toune, and Lieut. Generall 
King, then Lord Eithen, with them. 1 admired then, nor could I wonder 
enough since, that he never endeavourd to give his countreymen a visite. He 
was a person of great honor; bot what he had savd of it at Vlotho 
in Germanic, where he had made shipwracke of much of it, he losd in 
England. The Scots maine care was, how to get over Tine, never careing to 
possesse themselves of a passe on that river for their retreate, so much did 
they trust to their owne valour and successe. While I was there, thev 
indeavourd one night [apparently ou February 8th] to bring boats from the 

SIR JAMES turner's MEMOIRS, 179 

glasse houses [on the river, a short distance to the east of the town], or 
above them, to the river, and so make a bridge. Bot fearing the Kings 
forces sould fall out upon them that were at worke, Argile and his committee 
sent over Colonel Steuart [of the Galloway regiment] with 1200 foot, to stand 
betweene the workmen and the toune. They had bot a little narrow bridge 
[over the Pandon burn, near the Shieldfield fort, which already was in Leven*s 
possession ; or possibly over the Ousebum further to the east near the glass- 
houses at Ousebum] to passe in their goeing and comeing, and if 2000 had fallen 
stoutlie out of the toune on them, they had killd and tane them evirie man, for 
retire they could not. Argile heareing this was my opinion, which was seconded 
by others, askd Deare Sandie [sir Alexander Hamilton], Sir James Lumsdaine 
[with whom Turner had served in 1632 in the service of Gustavus Adolphus 
of Sweden] and myselfe, what was best to be done. We were unanimous that 
false alarums sould be given about the whoU toune, to divert the enemie 
from sallieing too strong upon Steuart, for the tonnes utter guards of horse 
had certified them within of his approach. I was sent with this message to 
the Generall, whom I found goeing to supper. When I returnd, I was 
ashamd to relate the answere of that old Captaine ; which was, that he feard 
the brightnes of the night (for it was mooneshine) would discover the burning 
matches to those on the walls. I told him, the mooneshine was a prejudice 
to the designe, for it wold hinder the matches to be sene ; for the more lunts 
were scene, the better for a false alarme. However, the alarums were made in 
severall places, which were taken so hotlie where I was beside the workmen, 
that thogh I calld often to them, it was our owne people, yet some great 
persons, whom I will not name [Turner's prejudice regarding Leven is obvious 
throughout his Memoirs'] calld eagerlie for their horses, and when they were on 
them rode away. The work was left undone, because it was neep tide, and 
Steuart returnd safelie, to the great disgrace of these within. ... I have 
often made myselfe merrie with that nights worke, first to consider how the 
Committee of Estates, especiallie their president Argile, who was a good seaman, 
did not advert it was neep tide, before they attempts! the removeall of the boats : 
secondlie, how they adventurd to face a toune wherein there was sixe thousand 
horse and foot, with 1200 men, and no way for them to retreate : thirdlie, of 
Generall Levens impertinent ansuer to my message : fourthlie, to see men 
affrayd at their oune shadow, men runne away for ane allarme themselves had 
causd make ; and for a farce to the play, to heare my old Colonejl Steuart, when 
he was returnd to his quarters, vapour and bragge of the orderlie retreate he had 
made without loss of a man, when there was not so much as a foot boy pursuing 





SCOTS IN 1644. 

By C. S. Terry, M.A. 

[Read on the 28th September, 1898.] 

Upon their arrival in England in January, 1644, the Scots had 
made but an ineffectual demonstration against Newcastle. Not until 
June were preparations for the capture of the town seriously taken in 
hand. On June 8rd, sir Harry Vane was commissioned to proceed 
to the commissioners with the Scottish army to discuss with them 
the means by which Newcastle and the four northern counties 
might be 'rescued from the power of the enemy now master of 
the field there.'* On June 10th, the House of OoBMnons ordered 
that Thomas Day and William CuUen should have the public faith for 
the repayment of £355 18s. lid., paid to colonel Allen upon the 
ordinance for reducing Newcastle.^ On June 20th, the Committee 
of Both Kingdoms recommended that since Newcastle was not yet 
reduced, London might be much distressed for coal, and therefore that 
fresh Scottish forces should be brought into England.^ A week 
later [June 27th] the Committee wrote to the Scottish Parliament 
desiring their assistance.* 

The Scots on their part had already commenced their preparations. 
A supplementary army was being raised under the conmiand of lord 
Callendar. His commission, dated June 9th, was supplemented on 
June 10th, with definite instructions : — ' You shall .... be all 
meanes endevo' to reduce and secure fe Toune of newcastell castell 
of Tynemouth and all other places possessed by the enemy for jje use 
of fe king and parliament of England. And make such use of ]>e 
forces in the Bishopricke as may conduce most for these ends Bot 
with a speciall regaird for fe saifty of fe Toune of Sunderland.'* 
Again, on June 18th, the Scottish Parliament issued instructions to its 
commissioners who were proceeding to England :— * You shall procure 

* Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1644. ^ Commons Journals, vol. iii. 
» Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1644. * Ihid. 

* Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. vi. pt. i. 


there approbatione of o' sending the Erie of Callender with his forces 
in towardes Newcastell and move them to resolve one the solide wayes 
for inteiiieining these forces.' ^ 

It is clear, therefore, that Callendar's force was relied on, at least 
to commence the siege of Newcastle, while Leven and the main Scottish 
army were occupied in Yorkshire. His arrival was anxiously looked 
for. On June 20th, sir Harry Vane reported from York that Callendar 
was expected at *Blyth Neuke' on the 23rd.'' It was not, however, 
until the 25th that Oallendar commenced his march.® The strength 
of his force is variously estimated, but probably fell considerably short 
of ten thousand men.* 

Before applying himself to the reduction of Newcastle, Callendar 
found it necessary to strengthen or regain certain positions round 
Newcastle, which Montrose's activity in May had either wholly or 
partially detached from the Parliament. On his march through 
Northumberland, he re-captured Morpeth^^ which had fallen to 
Montrose on May 29th.^^ Crossing the Tyne at Newburn,^^ Callendar 
passed on to secure Sunderland. A plot for the betrayal of the town 
had recently been frustrated by the energy of the Sunderland 
seamen, who, with the aid of colonel Charles Fairfax, had beaten 
back Montrose, Musgrave, and others, into Newcastle.^^ For their 
* AflFection and Fidelity '^* the seamen of Sunderland had, on June 3rd, 
been voted £200. About the same time, sir John Marley in New- 
castle had intrigued with captain Rutherford, * of Ranfertlie,' for the 
surrender of the fort at South Shields, which the Scots had held since 
March 20 th.^*^ Montrose had successfully assaulted it,^^ but when 

* Ibid. The above instructions clearly controvert Guthry's statement, 
that Callendar was sent into England chiefly against Montrose, who had 
recently re- victualled Newcastle, and that instead of facing Montrose he sat 
down to the siege of Newcastle, 'a task wherewith he was well acquainted, 
having been bred mostly in the Holland war.' — Memoirs, p. 183. 

' Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1644. 

® Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1644. — Committee of Both Kingdoms to Essex, 
July 9th. 

* Rush worth. Collections , vol. v. p. 646, estimates them at 10,000. Lithgow, 
An Exact and Experimental Relation, gives them at 6,000 foot and 800 horse. 

'* Whitelock, Memorials, vol. i. p. 262. " Napier, lAfe of Montrose, p. 256. 

»* Lithgow. •» Whitelock, vol. i. pp. 262, 270. ** Commons Journals, vol. iii. 

*^ Balfour, Annales of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 186 ; Whitelock, vol. i. p. 262. 
' Delivered up by the Captain of that Fort, without a Stroke striking.' — Com,mons 
Journals, vol. iii. See page 177 in this volume. 

** Acts of the Parliament of Scotland^ vol. vi. pt. i. p. 317. 


Montrose retired before colonel Fairfax into Newcastle, it would 
appear to have been regained by the Scots, and Rutherford, its 
commander, had early in June been sentenced by a council of war 
for its betrayal.^^ 

Towards Sunderland, therefore, without halting before Newcastle, 
Callendar directed his march. On July 8th, he despatched a letter 
from *Birlington Leger' to the Scottish Estates, and three days 
later [July 11th] he wrote to inform them that he was marching upon 
Sunderland.^® On July 24th,i^ he summoned Hartlepool, and after 
negotiation, sir Edmund Carey and the garrison marched out about 
three o'clock on the following afternoon.^ Stockton surrendered on 
the same date.^i Major Douglas and six companies of foot were 
placed as a garrison in Hartlepool. Stockton was left in charge of a 
captain and one hundred and twenty men.^^ 

The way was now clear upon Newcastle. Single-handed, however, 
his forces already weakened by the garrisons which had been left in 
Hartlepool, Stockton, and, probably, Sunderland and Morpeth, the 
siege of Newcastle was far beyond the capacity of Callendar's conmiand. 
Opportunely, the capitulation of York, on July 16th,^3 made it 
possible for Leven to proceed north to his support. On July 22nd, 
Manchester at Ferrybridge reported that he and the Scots had 
already separated, and that the latter were at Leeds and Wakefield.^ 
On August 9th, the Committee of Both Kingdoms was able to report to 
Essex that the Scots were intending * the taking in of Newcastle.'^^ 
Indeed, on August 7th, they had broken up their camp about Leeds, 
and had marched north to Callendar's support.^^ 

*' Balfour, vol. iii. p. 185, gives an Order of the Scottish Estates, dated 
June 17th, to suspend the execution of the sentence lately passed on Rutherford 
at Sunderland. See p. 177 in this volume. 

'» Balfour, vol. iii. pp. 208, 219. 

*• Thurloe, State PaperSy vol. i. p. 41. — Despatch from Callendar to Lauderdale 
from 'Oseworthe Leager' [Usworth] dated July 31st. 

" Ihid. See, also, Sir James Turner's Memoirst^ p. 38. " Thurloe, ihid. 

^ Hist. MSS. Comm. pt. i. app. p. 181. — Armyne to Lenthall, froin Sunder- 
land, August Ist. Callendar was already in possession of Lumley castle. 
— Wishart, Memoirs of Montrose (ed. Murdoch and Simpson, 1893), p. xxi. 

2* Cal, State Papers (Dom.) 1644. — Leven, Manchester, and Fairfax from 
York, July 18th. 

2* lUd. » Ihid. 

*• Ihid. — Fairfax at York to Committee of Both Kingdoms, August 12th. 


On July 25th, sir Adam Hepburn and Thomas Hatcher wrote to 
the Committee of Both Kingdoms urging the necessity of more money 
^whereby that [Callendar's] army may be, enabled to prosecute 
that service while the summer lasts, they at present having neither 
money, clothes, nor means to subsist.' ^^ But without awaiting the 
arrival of Leven's forces, Callendar had already, on Saturday, July 
27th, possessed himself of Gateshead. Writing from his camp at 
Usworth on July Slst, he gives the following account of that 
engagement in a despatch to Lauderdale : — ^^ 

The report of the enemies intention to fall in upon Scotland, and the hopes 
I had of the generalls speedie march northward, made me command the generall 
major Ramsay, the lord Montgomerie with his regiment, and colonell Cambell 
with eight hundredth comanded men, to march in the night [from Usworth 
on the 26th] and seize upon Gaitsyde ; bot they were prevented by the appearing 
of the day, and the enemies drawing out both horse and foot to the windmylne 
[Windmill hill]. Upon the knowledge hereof, I marched with the armie 
within two myles of Newcastle, and gave orders for beating of the enemies in, 
which was done, so that before the soune sett they were verie neir the port at 
the bridge end, and at night made the port unusefull for the enemies falling out 
by barricadoeing of it, so that there is nothing without the port in Gaitsyde 
unpossessed by ws. Notwithstanding whereof if the generall resolve not to 
march hither, or that I be pressed by a powerf uU enemie, which I verie much 
doubt, I shall be necessitat to quitt it, and reteir to Sounderland.* The ingageing 
before the towne will hazard their forces, and divert the enemies from yow ; 
which I rayther choyse to doe, nor that they should fall in upon our countrie, 
or that any deanger com to it. The tyme of our skirmishing with the 
enemies upon Saturday thair was only on killed, who was of the Colledge of 
Justices troupe, named David Lindsay, who it seemes was goeing to the enemies, 
as appeares be an letter found upon him written to the earle of Crawford.'® 

Lithgow,^^ in his customary vigorous style, adds a detail or two 
regarding the events on the 27th : — ' My Lord Callendar, sending 
some horse and foote to clear the way for the Gatesyde, they were 

^ Higt. MSS. Comm. pt. i. app. p. 181. 

^* Thurloe, vol. i. p. 41. The letter is dated from ' Oseworthe Leaguer.' 

^ On July 30th, Lindsay and Fairfax at Ferrybridge reported to the 
Committee of Both Kingdoms that Callendar at Newcastle was menaced by the 
forces of Montrose, Goring and Clavering, and that instead of taking Newcastle 
he might have to retire on Sunderland or Hartlepool. ' Howbeit ' they add 'the 
reducing of Newcastle were a matter of small importance to the kingdom.' 
— Oaf. State Papers (Dom.), 1644. 

3* The earl of Crawford had recently arrived in Newcastle from Carlisle. 
— Napier, Life of Montrose, p. 258. He was among the prisoners taken in the 
town on October 19th. 

^ An Exact and Experiiiiental Relation, etc. 


rancountered with the enemye, at the tope of the wjnd mill hill, where 
being prevented by night, and the enemy stronger than they, they 
were constrained to tume back. Whereupon the next day the 
Lieutenant Generall himselfe, came up with the residue of his armye, 
and fiercelie facing the enemy, beat them from the hill, chased them 
downe the Gatesyde, and hushing them along the bridge, closed 
[them] within the towne.' 

On the following day, Sunday, July 28th, a further struggle took 
place for the possession of the bi*idge connecting Newcastle and 
Gateshead. Lithgow thus describes it : — ' The next day he [Callendar] 
begunne to dispute for the enjoying of the bridge, with the fiery 
service of Cannon and Musket, which indeed was manfully invaded, 
and as couragiously defended.' At length ' he gained the better haffe 
of the Bridge, and with much adoe fortified the same with earthen 
Rampiers, and Artilerie, which still so defensively continued, untill 
the Toune was taken in by Storme. This being regardfuUy done, he 
caused to erect five Batteries, along the Bankhead, and just opposite 
to the Town, from whence the Cannon did continually extreame good 
service, not onely against the walls and batteries, but also against 
particular places, and particular persons : Besides the frequent shooting 
of Pot-pieces, and other fireworkes of great importance, which daily 
annoyed the Inhabitants within Toune.' ^^ 

With the capture of Gateshead and the blocking up of Newcastle 
on the south, Callendar had done all that was possible until the main 
army under Leven arrived. There had already reached the mouth of 
the Tyne ten ships of the Parliament's fleet,^ to block up the town 
from that side. On August 1st, Leven had sent forward major- 
general Leslie with three regiments of horse and one of dragoons to 

" Sir W. Armyne in a despatch to Lenthall, dated Sunderland, August 1st, 
writes : ' Lord Calendar himself with all his forces marched towards Newcastle, 
and with a strong party of commanded men possessed themselves of Gateshead, 
and have made some works to stop up the passage of the bridge, and my Lord 
himself lies with the rest of his men on the top of the hill, not far from them/ 
— Hist, MSS, Comm, pt. i. app. p. 181. Whitelock, vol. i. p. 290, merely states 
that Callendar 'blocked up Newcastle on that [Gateshead] side.' The five 
batteries which Lithgow speaks of were no doubt on Windmill hill, and also 
to the east of the bridge, commanding the south wall of Newcastle from Close- 
gate to Sandgate. Their position was shifted somewhat on October 18th, the 
eve of the final assault. Lithcrow gives the names of the chief cannoneers of 
the five Gateshead batteries as William Hunter, James Scot, Robert Spense, 
William Wallace. 

'* Memorialls of the Trubles in Scotland (Spalding Club, 1840), vol. ii. p. 384. 

LEVBN'S arrival before NEWCASTLE. 185 

Callendar's assistance,^^ and Callendar had despatched Armyne and 
Robert Barwis to meet and concert measures with him at Leeds.^^ 
Callendar, in fact, was by no means satisfied with the measures that 
were being taken for his support. Writing to Loudoun on August 4th, 
from Usworth,^^ to inform him that David Leslie was expected with 
the horse at Durham the next day, he adds, ' I wishe your lordships 
comands had been as possitive for the speedie advancing of the foote 
heere, as it was for the horse ; for this worke being of great difficultie, 
a river divyding the armie without a bridge, the enemies being 
masters of all the boats and keills, the wncertain approache of an 
enemie,^^ and certaintie of the winter requyres thair present marching 
forward .... If this seige shall continewe, greater store of powder, 
ball, and matche, bothe for cannone and musquett, must be hade.''® 
On the 10th, however, Leven arrived at Bishop Auckland, and on the 
11th Callendar rode out to meet him.^^ On the 12th, the army moved 
forward to Gateshead and there remained while Leven, on the 
13th, paid visits of inspection to Sunderland and Hartlepool.^ On 
"Wednesday the 14th, the Scots crossed the Tyne at Newbum, and 
there halted, moving on to Elswick the following day.*^ 

Immediately upon their arrival, the Scots commenced siege 
operations against the town. Writing from Elswick on August 16th 
to the Committee of Estates at Edinburgb,^^ lord Crawford and 
Lindsay says : — ' Wee past the Tyne upon Wednesday last at 
Newburne, and have now besieged this city on all quarters. Wee 
shall carefully have an ey upon any forces from Cumberland or 

^ Rushworth, Collections, vol. v. p. 645. 

3* Hist, M88. Comm, pt. i. app. p. 181. ^ Thurloe, vol. i. 

" Sir Thomas Glemham, with about 3,000 horse, was in Cumberland. — Cal, of 
State Papers (^Bom,^ 1644, Fairfax to Comm. of Both Kingdoms, August 12th. 

" Armyne and the Scottish commissioners convened a meeting at Durham on 
August 5th, when the well-affected of the county received commissions from 
Fairfax. — Mist. MSS. Comm. pt. i. app. p. 182. 

" The Diary of Mr. Robert Douglas when with the Scottish Army in 
England^ 1 644. The Diary is published with the Memoirs of James Bn rns, Baillie 
of Glasgow (J. Stevenson, Edinburgh, 1833), and also in Historical Fragments 
relating to Scottish Affairs (1833). Guthry, Memoirs, p. 129, states that Douglas 
had been sent to the army in March, 1644, there being *a presumption that the 
Army was in danger to turn Malignant.* ^ Douglas, ihid. 

** Ibid. Douglas speaks of Elswick as ' the best quarters.' Leven and his 
staff were stationed there. Rushworth, vol. v. p. 645, however, states that 
Leven ' set down on the north-side of the Town.* 

^ Thurloe, vol. i. 


Westmerland, that may have any designe upon ws, or for releif of this 

town Wee have given order, that the postmasters betwixt 

this and Berwic make ready horses to ansswer any that shall be sent 
to your lordships, and have appointed a new stage from Morpeth and 
Kenton, from whence they are to come to the lord generalls quarters. 
Wee intreat your lordships to cause your acts against runawayes be 
effectually put to execution.' On the same date, from his quarters 
on the other side of the river, CaUendar despatched a letter to the 
Estates of a less hopeful tenour.*^ He and the chief officers of his 
command complained that his * part of the army since the cuming up 
of the lord generalls army, they being on the other syd of the river, 
hes not mutch bene takin notice of be thame,' and, further, that 
while a sum of £4,000 was being distributed among Leven's army, 
CaUendar and his forces were in great straits. An equally urgent 
appeal reached the Estates in a despatch from Crawford and Lindsay, 
dated Blswick, August 19th,^ in which he requested that 'ten 
thousand weight of poulder, with the like weight of leid, and double 
weight of matche, may be provided there and sent to Sunderland,' 
also ' considerable quantities of meall .... for without it wee have 
bot small hopes of any maintenance from these who are obliged to it.' 
The preliminary steps taken by the Scots towards the investing of 
the town are described in a despatch from CaUendar^ on August 21st, 
in which he states that Leven * quarters himself e at Elswick wpon 
the west end of the toune of Newcastle at the watersyde ; and that 
the east end thairof is assigned to me for my quarters, by and attour 
gatesyd, and the most part of the bridge, whairof I am in possession 
alreddie.' He proceeds : — 

Wpon Thursdaye the 15. of this instant I croced the water likewayes a little 
beneathe the toune at the glasse workes, takeing with me the lord Sinclaire and 
the earle of Marachells regiments,*" with some commanded men, whom I ludged 
that nicht (notwithstanding of many cannone shott from the towne and Sheil- 

*^ Thurloe, vol. i. It is also signed by Wauchope of Niddrie, Forrester, 
' Lou ch tour,' and John Ker. ** Ibid. 

*^ Ibid. CaUendar writes from 'Gatesend.* 

** The earl marshal commanded the Mearns and Aberdeen regiment which, 
on October 19th, took part in the assault on Pilgrim Street gate. Sinclair on 
that date was still with CaUendar. Both regiments had been left before New- 
castle on February 22nd. See p. 164 of this volume. 

callendar's operations at sandgate. 187 

field fort/* and musquett shott upon both syds) in the Sandgaitt, whair I am 
now bussied about the making of approaches towards the toune, and I have 
recovered many keeles and boats, as hes made a bridge over the water a little 
beneath the glasse houses.*" 

The seiging of this toune is much hindered for want of materialise as spaids^ 
shooles, mattockes, etc. And as the beleaguering of it will be great charges, so 
the souldiors are putt to extraordinare dewtie. And wee cannot gaitt so mutche 
money, as will be halfe monethes meanes to every officer, foure merks to every 
trouper, and a shilling to ilk souldier, for the comissaree heere hes it not. 
Whairfor seeing thair panes and labour is great, your lordships would be pleased 
to send up money heere for thair f arder encouragement, and give ane speciall 
comand and ordor to the thesaurer of the armie or his deputs, that thir forces 
may gaitt some satisfaction, and not to be distinguisched in that only from the 
armie [Leven's] ;* for it seemes they ar by paye and proviant, thoughe 
nothing short and inferiour in dewtie. 

The last meall, whiche was sent heere, was directed to Hartlepoole, which is 
now returned back to Sunderland for the wse of this armie, in respect of our 
necessitie and of the evilnesse of the victuall, whiche was heere ; yit seeing that 
is a place very fitt to be a magazine, your lordships wold take it to your 
consideration, and send victualls thair. 

This day [Aug. 21st] some peeces of batterie are sent over to the wther 
syde of the river ;*• and I have intercepted a letter yisterday, sent from Sir 
Thomas Gleinhame out of Cairleel to the major of Newcastell ; the coppye 
whairof your lordships shall resave heere inclosed. 

It appears, therefore, that within a week of Leven's arrival, 
Gallendar had made the extended position assigned to him, namely, 
Sandgate and the east side of the town in addition to Gateshead, 

*' Shieldfield fort stood on the east bank of Pandon bum. Its southern 
entrenchment is marked by the present Ridley viUas in New Bridge street. 
Thus it stood a trifle to the north of the line of the town wall at Carliol tower 
from which it was distant about 650 yards - a half-mnsket shot according to 
Lithgow. See Brand, frontispiece and the picture at vol. i. p. 17. See also p. 212 
of this volume. 

■•■ This bridge of boats would be considerably to the east of the Ouseburn, 
and out of sight of the besieged by reason of the bend of the river, and also 
of the rising ground between Pandon and Ouseburn. 

^ It is not difficult to detect here and in Callendar's previous despatch some 
feeling between his command and that of Leven. That such a feeling existed 
is further suggested by Lithgow's evident desire to give Gallendar due credit for 
his share in the siege, and by the conflicting statements as to which section of 
the army entered the town fiist on October 19th. From the Leslies of Leslie^ 
vol. i., it appears that some disagreement existed between them as to the 
relative seniority of the earldoms conferred on them by Charles in 1641. 

" At Sandgate. The position of the Scottish batteries is considered in detail 
hereafter in connexion with the final assault on October 19th. Lithgow states 
that Gallendar placed two batteries here, one to intercept the besieged from his 
mines. He adds that they succeeded in beating down ' the top, face, and 
upmost parts of the Carpenters tower,' probably immediately upon their being 
placed in position. 




effective. A bridge of boats below Ousebum connected the two 
portions of his command, and a battery was in position, probably on 
the high ground on which St. Ann's church stands, between Ousebum 
and Pandon. Mining operations had also been commenced at or near 
the Sandgate. That the fire from his Gateshead batteries proved 
very galling to the besieged appears from Whitelock's statement^^ that 
' most of the inhabitants of the lower town fled to the high town for 

Lithgow's account/^ which is unfortunately rather a rhapsody than 
a narrative, gives a few details of the preliminaries of the siege. From 
it we gather that Leven also constructed a bridge of boats. He does 
not definitely assign its position, but we may infer that it was near 
Leven's headquarters at Elswick, hidden from the sight of the besieged 
and out of cannon shot, in the bend of the river above the Redheugh. 
Nor is he more explicit as to the actual measures taken by Leven to 
make the siege of the town on his side effective. He states, however, 
that Leven enclosed 'the West and Northwest parts of the Town, 
they inclosed all that circuit, till they joyned with Lord Sinclairs 
Regiment; Sheefield Fort (belonging to the Town) only dividing 
them.' The Scottish soldiers were accommodated in *Houts composed 
of Turff, Clay, Straw, and Watles'; the officers in * circulating 
Pavillions, more ready to receive the blustring winde than the sinking 
raine.' In regard to Callendar's bridge of boats, he adds that it was 
*a pretty way below the Glasse house,' and was guarded by lord 
Kenmuir's*^ regiment at both ends, and also by 'three watrie guards 
of Keill boats, tyed with cable ropes,' and that it was used by the 
country people to bring in provisions for the army. 

It is unfortunate that but little can be learnt of the proceedings 
inside the town throughout the siege. Lithgow gives, however, a 
brief account of the measures taken by the besieged for their 
defence. 'The streets,' he writes, 'that were answerable to thair 
barrocaded Ports, [i.e, to which the gates gave entrance] and in 
frequent passages, were also casten up with defensive breastworks, and 

** MemorialSy vol. i. p. 294. *2 An Exact and Experimental Relatwn^ etc. 

" Lord Kenmuir, or Kenmure^ was appointed on the Committee of War for 
the stewardry of Kircudbright on July 24th, 1644. — Acts of Parliament of Scot- 
land, under date. His regiment is not assigned a position in the assault on 
October 19th. Tt was probably held in reserve, or confined exclusively to the 
guard of the bridge of boats. 


planted with Demi-culverines of irone :^ And above all other workes, 
the Towne Oastle itself was seriously enlarged, with diverse curious 
fortifications, besides breast works, Redoubts, and terreniat Demilunes ; 
and withall three distinctive Home- workes, two of which exteriourly 
are strongly pallosaded, and of great bounds.' The * (iJapstone of the 
battlements round about the Town' was *underpropd with little 
stones ' ready to fall on the besiegers should they attempt to scale the 
wall. The gaps in the battlements were filled with ' lime and stone,' 
narrow slits only being allowed to remain. All the gates were closed 
and barricaded, egress being allowed only by the small postern gates. 
The trench outside the walls had been deepened, and the outward 
surface of the walls themselves had been ' steeply lyned with clay-mixt 
earth ' to prevent the besiegers from climbing up. Certain structural 
alterations appear also to have been made in the walls, since in 
August, 1644, the Company of Barber Surgeons ordered an inspection 
to be made of Ralph Cock's house with a view to their occupation of 
it, their hall over Pandon gate having been taken down before the 
siege commenced.^* 

Immediately after his arrival, Leven summoned the town to 

His letter was as follows : — ^^ 

As it hath ever been our chiefest care to make our intentions (for the purity 
of Religion^ his Majesties happinesse^ and the setled peace of his Kingdomcs) 
pablike and manifest to the world, so we do now in a speciall manner desire to 
give satisfaction to this City in every thing, which may advance the weall 
thereof : That all scruples and misunderstandings may therefore the better be 
removed, and yonr City may reape the sweet fruits of peace, which other Cities 
under obedience of King and Parliament do quietly enjoy : We have thought 
good hereby to represent how fitting we conceive a meeting to be of some 
judicious persons from either side, that you may thereby know our high respects 
to his Majesties honour and great desire to shun all further effusion of blood, 
and preserve your City from the extremities of War. 
Elswick, Aug. 16. 1644. Leven. 

*• In Nye's Art of Gunnery (1648), chap. 34, he gives the following details 
of a demiculverin ; 4f inches diameter of bore, length 10 to 13 feet, weight 
3,000 lb., weight of powder for discharge 12 lb. 11 oz., weight of shot lOJ lbs. 
The point-blank range of such a gun was probably not over 400 yards, or 
extreme at 5° elevation 1,700 yards. See Greener, Science of Gunnery (1846), 
p. 57, and Lloyd and Hadcock, Artillery^ its Progress and Present Position, p. 21. 

** Archaeologia Aeliana, vol, xv. p. 233. 

" Commons Journals, vol. iii. under date August 21st, 1644. 

" The King domes Weekly Intelligencer, No. 69, for August 20-27, 1644. 


On August 17th, the town returned an answer, refusing to treat, 
in the following letter : — ^^ 

My Lord, — Wee have perused and well weighed your Letter, and must 
return this Answer, That whereas you desire to make manifest your intentions 
for the purity of Religion, his Majesties happinesse and peace of his Kingdomes, 
we wish it were so (and not rather pretences), and whereas you write in a 
speciall manner to give satisfaction of your desires of our weall and peace. Is it 
possible we should believe you in this, when We see you are the one and only 
disturbers of our welfare and peace ? But to remove all scruples and misunder- 
standings : We doe declare to you, and the whole world, that our love and 
obedience is so much to King and Parliament, that if you can shew us Com- 
mission from his Majesty and the Parliament, to undertake what you desire, 
wee shall most willingly condescend thereunto : but otherwise we neither dare, 
nor will meete, or treate in matters of so great importance, And besides, must 
needs thinke all your intentions and designes are but to delude ignorant 
people: And to conclude, if your high respects to his Majesties honour, the 
shunning of further effusion of blood, the preservation of Newcastle from ruine 
and extremity of War, be real, return home with your Army, live in peace, and 
let your neighbours enjoy the same : If not we know and trust, that God who 
is with us, is above all against us, and in this cofidence we shall ever remaine 

Your affectionate friends, if you please, 

Jo. Marlay. Nicholas Cole. Tho. Lyddell. 
Alex. Davison. Fran. Bowes. Ralph Cole. 

Ralph Cock. Leonard Carre. Rob. Shaptob. 

Newcastle, Aug. 17. 1644.* 

On the 2l8t, the Committee of Both Kingdoms resolved * That the 
answer of the Mayor and others of Newcastle to the summons be 
reported to the Commons.'*^ Mr. Pierpoint brought up the resolution 
to the Commons on the same day. Following this refusal to treat, 
the siege was pushed actively forward. Leven and Callendar were 
already in possession of such houses or suburbs as lay without Sand- 
gate, Closegate, Pilgrim street gate and Newgate, and an attempt 
on the part of the besieged to shake the Scots from their position on 
the bridge had been recently frustrated.^ The apparent imminence 
of a close investment was not without its effect upon those inside 
Newcastle who were half-hearted in the cause or fearful of the result 

" The Kingdomes Weekly Intelligencer, No. 69. This letter is given in The 
True Informer, No. 44, for August 17-24, 1644, and in other news-sheets, but in 
somewhat different language, and at shorter length. 

*• CaL State Papers (Dom.) 1644, under date August 21st. 

" The True Informer, No. 44, for August 17-24, 1644. 


of a siege. A news-sheet ^^ states: 'Sir Lionel Maddison, Master 
Clavering, and Master Henry Maddison, three of the Aldermen of the 
Town, have deserted the Town, and are got to Sunderland, being 
formerly compelled to subscribe an answer to the first summons 
when the Scots came in.' Leven had also enlisted the services of 
three thousand colliers, keelmen, and others, to help in the mining 
operations.^ On Saturday the 20th, these mining operations were 
sufficiently advanced in the neighbourhood of Closegate to tempt the 
besieged to make a sortie. Douglas^^ describes it : * The enemy fall 
on about 3 afternoon, near Clossgate, where Lyndsay^* and Metland^^ 
had the guard in the works, the souldiers fled ; there was taken 
Lieutenant Colonell — Sir James Maxuel, Major to E. Clidsdales 
r^ment,*^ ane ensigne, and some 9 or 10 common souldiers, some 2 
or 3 killed ; the officers were not there that day ; the bridge of keils^^ 
under the [sic] bridge was a making, and on the 21, 22/ 

On August 22nd, Leven sent a despatch to the Committee of 
Estates,*® which indicates that lack of money and provision were not 
the greatest of the difficulties which confronted the Scots. He 
reminded them of the necessity of ' sending to the army all such as 
have run awaie from there cullers, and are come home ; as also all 
such as have beine wanting of the numbers that were appointed to 
come away at first out of the severall shires of the kingdome.' On 

•» The XiTigdoTMs Weekly IrvteUigeneer, No. 69, for August 20-27, 1644. The 
two Maddisons signed the answer to Leven*s summons dated February 3rd, 1644 
(Printed in A True Relation of the Itate Proceedings of the Scottish Army'), 
Sir Lionel had come over to Parliament by July 10th, 1644. — Com/imms Journals, 
Henry Maddison became mayor of Newcastle for 1665-66. — Welford, Men of 
Mark, vol. iii. p. 129. Robert Clavering's signature is attached to the answer 
sent by Glemham to Argyle and Armyne from Alnwick on January 20th, 1644. 
— MemoriaZls of the Trubles in Scotland^ vol. ii. p. 306. He, too, had come over 
to Parliament by July 10th, 1644. — Commons Journals. 

" Whitelock, vol. i. p. 294. Bourne, History of Newcastle^ p. 233, says that 
they were Elswick and Ben well colliers employed under 'a false rebellious 
Scot' named John Osborne. ** Diary, 

•* Lord Crawford and Lindsay, whom Douglas's Diary shows to have returned 
from a short visit to Durham on the 19th. 

•* Lord Maitland, colonel of the Midlothian regiment. — Rushworth, vol. 
V. p. 604. This regiment is not mentioned in the final assault on October 
19th. It probably formed part of the reserve on that occasion. 

•• It is not clear whether sir James Maxwell is referred to as major of the 
Clydesdale regiment. He is not mentioned in Rushworth's list of Leven's 
regiments, where the major of the Clydesdale regiment is given as major 

•* At Elswick. Callendar's bridge at the glass houses was in course of con- 
struction on August 15th. *^ Thurloe, vol. i. 


the same day, the Scottish chancellor, lord Loudoun, arrived from 
Scotland to review the progress which the siege had made. Leven, 
accompanied by Douglas, rode out to meet him * beyond the 3 
mile bridge coming from Morpeth.' ^^ Siege operations were in active 
progress at the time of his arrival. 'The enemy,' says a con- 
temporary news-letter,^^ * from the Castle doth mightily annoy us with 
their great Artillery; but the Scots are casting up with incessant 
labour what works they can both by day and night to defend them- 
selves. In the mean while, our Pioners are as busie at worke under 
ground, as our Canons are playing above it. The endeavours on 
both sides are indefatigable, and in the thick clouds of smoke the 
thunder of the Canon perpetually disputing.' On the following 
Saturday, the 24th, Loudoun had an opportunity of witnessing a sortie 
of the besieged at Newgate on the north-west of the town. That 
fortification, together with the line of the western wall as far as 
Herber tower or Westgate, appears to have been under the particular 
charge of lieutenant-general Baillie. His battery was probably 
placed on the Leazes, and in the course of the siege it did considerable 
damage to the wall and to St. Andrew's church immediately fronting 
it.^^ In the final assault on October 19th, Newgate was breached by 
the artillery and not by mines, but at this period of the siege the 
Scots appear to have been mining the wall here as at Closegate and 
Sandgate. Their mines at Newgate were ^ within a stonecast of the 
wall,'^^ and Baillie, after entertaining Douglas at dinner, went with 
him on the afternoon of the 24th, to view the works. * A little after 
I came from the works,' writes Douglas, ' the enemy fell on, horse 
and foot, upon the works keeped be Cossil and Kilheads regiment ;^' 
the souldiers ran away. The reason was no officers were attending ; 
they were beaten in again, some two killed, as many wounded, as 
many taken, both the days of outfall.' The want of officers, to 
which Douglas had also impliedly attributed the reverse at Closegate 
on the 20th, presented a serious difficulty. Sinclair writes to the 

«s Douglas's Diary. ^^ The London Post, No. 3, for August 27th, 1644. 

" See p. 213 for a detailed account of the positions of the Scottish mines and 
batteries. '^ Douglas's Diary. 

'* Douglas, somewhat confusedly, speaks of this sortie as taking place *at 
the works at Pilgrim street called Newgate.' Newgate is clearly intended, 
though in the final assault on October 19th, the Kyle and Carrick regiment [col. 
lord Cassillis] and the Nithsdale and Annandale regiment [col. Douglas of 
Kilhead] were stationed at Pilgrim street gate. 


Commifctee of Estates from Elswick on September 18th,^^ * Wee find 
so great want of officers, that wee have resolved to fill the places of all 
such as have violat and transgrest thair forlosses/ 

On Sunday, the 26th, Loudoun heard a sermon from Douglas in 
Leven's quarters at Elswick ;^* his text [verses 6 and 6 from Psalm 
Ixiv.] : * They encourage themselves in an evil matter : they commune 
of laying snares privily ; they say, Who shall see them ? They search 
out iniquities ; they accomplish a diligent search : both the inward 
thought of every one of them, and the heart, is deep.' , The assuring 
verse which follows was not included in the text, nor was Craw- 
ford more hopeful of speedy success in a despatch to the Committee 
of Estates/® dated * haste, haste, post haste, Elswick, 27. August, 8 
a clock in the morning.' * For our present condition,' he writes * wee 
are useing our best diligence for advanceing of our designe against 
this toune, and ' he adds, suggesting difficulties of commissariat, ' shall 
dispose of our cavalrie as they may be most usefull for the good of the 
cause and that kingdome, and have meanes of subsistence for them- 
selves.' On the same day, Loudoun concluded his short visit to the 
camp and proceeded to Sunderland, where he took ship for London/^ 

On September 3rd, an entry in the Whickham register of burials,^® 
speaks to the vigilance of the Scottish sentries : ' A man that was shot 
bii the Scotish centres in the mcadowes, as he was comeing up the 
water in a boate.' On the same date [September 3rd] the besieging 
force was weakened by the departure to Scotland of Callendar and 
Lindsay, with three regiments of foot and one of horse. Montrose's 
progress called them away, though Callendar shortly after returned to 
the lines before Newcastle.'^® But on September 7th, Leven was able to 
announce that * we have now approached to the Grafts of this Town, 
ready to passe our Galleries, and in a fair way (by Gods blessing) to 
make a short end of the work.' ^ He therefore deemed the moment 
opportune to deliver a further summons On that date [September 
7th] the following letter was sent into the town : — ®^ 

" Thurloe, vol. i. ** Douglas's Diary. '• Thurloe, vol. i. 

" Douglas's Diary. ** Surtees, Durham^ vol. ii. p. 242. '• Douglas's Diary, 

'^ The Weekly Account, for September 11-18, 1644. 

"' A Particular Relation of the Taking of Newcastle. This tract prints most 
of the correspondence between Leven and the besieged, from September 7th 
to October 19th, as it was communicated to the commissioners of Scotland. 


The answers you have returned to the severall letters you formerly received 
from those now in the service of the King and Parliament, suflSciently manifest 
and declare to all the world, your evil dispositions and affections to their affaires, 
and your hands may one day rise against you in judgment, if you prevent it not. 
But that no honest ways, or lawfull means may be left unassayed for the good 
of the Town (if the Lord please to open the eyes of the inhabitants to see what 
is for his glory, and their own weale). We the Committees of both Kingdomes 
have thought fit once more to incite you for your own benefit to treat about 
that loTC and obedience which you seem to say in your last** to the Lord 
Gtenerall his Excellencie, you delare to all the world, you beare to King and 
Parliament ; to which triall and test we doe now the more earnestly incite you, 
to the end of the further effusion of Christian blood may be prevented, and a 
right understanding among those that seem to make profession at least as you 
doe of one and the same ends obtained. And because we have seen by ex- 
perience, you have heretofore trusted to rotten reeds and broken staves (and 
perad venture some amongst you may perswade with you to do so still)®* not 
trusting onely to your owne strength within, but also relying upon others with- 
out your walls who may fail you if you lean upon them^ and in your greatest 
confidence utterly deceive you ; and by that means bring you suddenly to mine. 
Consider sadly of your present condition, and though it should please Gk>d to 
give you his grace to doe as true hearted Englishmen, loyall and faithfull to 
the Crown of England, and the true Religion therein professed, ought to doe ; 
yet endeavour to acquit your selves like rationall men, which is the last advice 
in this kind you are like to receive from us your friends, if you hearken to our 

Signed in the name, and by the warrant of the Committee of both Kingdomes. 

Sic Subsdribitur Sikglabe. 
W. Abmyne. 

Dated Elswick, 7*** September, 1644. Directed to the Major, Aldermen, 
Common -counceU, and Burgesses of the Toun of Newcastle. 

Along with this letter there went an unofficial one of the same 
tenour from ' a well-wisher to the Toun of Newcastle.' Copies of it 
were thrown over the walls ' that thej might come into the hands of 
the inhabitants.'^ It read as follows : — 

I have been still silent, waiting when you should have taken some course 
for your owne happinesse, But now seeing your destruction even ripe, if 
not timously prevented, I could not but give you faire warning, and desire you 

« On August 17th. 

^ The Scots no doubt were well aware that sir John Marley by no means 
carried the whole town with him in his rigorous policy of resistance. The 
Parliavient Scout, No. 60, for August 8-15, 1644, describes the position within 
Newcastle : * the Souldiers are discontented within, the Govemour goes not out 
without a guard.' 

*** A Particular Relation^ etc. It is possible that this letter was oflScially 
inspired, and designed to communicate to those from whom Marley might with- 
hold it, the desire of the Scots to negotiate an accommodation. More probably 
it was the work of one of the Newcastle puritans, such as Maddison or Man, 
who were with the Scottish army. 


both Citizens, and Souldiers, for the preservation of your Towne, the safety of 
your Persons, Estates, and Families, to think upon some way of a speedy 
Accommodation, and no question you shall meet with a very favourable hearing. 
It is no more wisdome, nor Honour, but extreame madnesse, any longer to hold 
out, when the danger is present and certaine ; and when all your hopes of reliefe 
have now failed you.' 

To the first of these letters the following answer was returned ; — ®^ 

We have received your Letter, and seriously considered thereon, and if you 

can shew us any thing under His Majesties hand, that we should yeild up the 

Town unto you, we will obey it. But whereas you tell us we trust to broken 

Reeds, and rotten staves, we confidently say again and again, that the God on 

whom we relye, is our strength and the Rock of our Faith, wherein the strength 

of our walles doth consist is so firm, that we fear not your threats, your Canon, 

nor what can be invented against us; And desire you to consider this, and avoid 

effusion of bloud, from 

Your friends, if you take our advice 


Cabbe, etc. 
Signed by Warrant of His Majesties Charter. 

That the failure of Grlemham and others of the king's commanders 
in the north to attempt the relief of the town had caused disappoint- 
ment and even dismay is very probable, since that appears to have 
been the basis on which the Scots thought it opportune to propose an 
accommodation at this juncture. That there was within the town 
itself a considerable party which would have seized upon any reason- 
able oflFer of accommodation with the Scots, had it been submitted to 
their judgment, is clear from the treatment which Marley received 
upon the surrender of the town on October 19th. The party of 
resistance was, however, in the majority and this second ofPer of 
accommodation, like the first, was stoutly rejected. 

It was probably with some such idea as that which had prompted 
the letter to Marley that, on September 10th, both Leven and Sinclair 
wrote to the Committee of Estates,^ the former to assure them that 
there was but little danger to Scotland or Newcastle from Cailisle, 
and that his cavalry had scattered the enemy in Westmorland ; the 
latter to assure the Estates that * we shall lett no tyrae slip, bot rather 
double our diligence in our designes against this town.' On the 18th, 
again, Sinclair informs the Estates that David Leslie with ' his whole 
cavalrie' has been sent into Cumberland.®'' Any hope of relief for 
Newcastle from that side might with reason be regarded as closed. 

» The Weekly Account, for September 18-24, 1644. 
•• Thurloe, vol. i. " Ibid. 

VOL. JDO. 26 


The rejection by Marley of the accommodation suggested by the 
Scots was followed by a renewal of the attack upon the town. Upon 
the receipt of the town's answer,^ Baillie opened fire, from his 
batteries on the Leazes, upon St. Andrew's church and the wall in 
front of it. His battery succeeded, after three hours' assault, in 
* brashing ' down part of the wall near the church to ' within half a 
yard of the roote,'®® making an opening through which ten men 
could enter abreast.^ The breach was not however entered, for the 
besieged succeeded in repairing it with rubbish and timber under a 
canvas screen.^^ The tower of St. Andrew's also suflFered in this or 
some other assault. Brockett^^ mentions a tradition that a cannon-ball 
fired from its tower killed a Scottish minister as he was preaching -x) 
a ring of soldieiy on the Leazes. Meanwhile the Scots' store of powder 
and ball appears to have been running short. On September 9th,^' 
the Committee of Both Kingdoms recommended that two hundred 
ban'els of powder with matches and bullets be sent to Newcastle through 
Sunderland, and on the 14th,^ the Committee requested the Commons 
that ' 200 of the 400 [barrels] that are come this day from Kingston ' 
might be utilised for the purpose of replenishing the Scottish magazines. 
On the same day®^ a warrant for two hundred rounds of 24 lb., 12 lb., 
and 9 lb. ball to be despatched to Newcastle, was made out, and on 
September 16th,^ the Commons ordered the despatch of two hundred 
barrels of powder thither by way of Sunderland. 

On Saturday, September 21st, and again on the following 
Monday, the besieged appear to have made successful sorties. The 
information is derived from a royalist source,®^ and obviously over- 
states the success it chronicles : ^ As for that famous garrison at 
Newcastle, the hungry Scots have been so beaten by it, that the 
number before the Toune lookes so small as if none were there but 
Iwnest Scots, Their horse are all gone of into Scotland to secure 

** Lithgow, however, appears to place this about September 29th. Mackenzie. 
Hut. of Northumberland^ vol. i. p. 28, places it after Leven*s letter on Septem- 
ber 7th. * Lithgow. *" Mackenzie, vol. i. p. 28. 

" Ihid, The appearance of the wall immediately in front of the north 
porch of St. Andrew's church suggests that as the portion of the wall 'brashed ' 
by the Scots on this occasion. 

^^ Quoted in Memoirs of Ambrose Barnes (50 Surtees Society publ.), p. 339. 

" Cal. of State Papers (Dom.) 1644. •* Ibid. »• Ibid, '• Ibid. 

•' Mernurius AuliciiSy for 40th week, ending October 5th, 1644. 


their ample Patrimonies at home The Scots before New- 
castle are neither numerous nor couragious, being bravely tamed by 
that excellent blow which the Garrison bestowed upon them on 
Monday was seavenight and the Saturday before (Saint James day)^® 
at which two times the brave men of Newcastle slew and tooke above 
500 Scots,^^ killed a principal Commander (we remember not his 
Scottish name) and tooke 8 peices of Ordnance ; since when the 
Scots are withdrawn from Tinmouth Castle, which till then they 
blockt up.' 

On Monday the 28rd, a further event is recorded in a sermon 
preached by George Wishart^^ on the following Sunday — St. Michael 
and All Angels — ^in St. Nicholas's church. He had been recounting 
instances in the progress of the siege which suggested the ministry of 
angels in the behalf of the besieged : 'So/ he continued, *yet more 
recent amongst many notable experiences of that kind since the 
beginning of the siege, on Monday last, the day of the election of 
our Magistrate, when that thundering shot^®^ came between the sword- 
bearer and our chiefest Magistrates, who pulled them back, and made 
them halt the while ? Who interposed his shield to receive it, or his 
dagger to divert, and put it by ? Who did it ? Sure I am it was 
only God, and likelier no means than this same ministry of the 
angels, at His charge and command.' * So,' he continues, in reference 
probably to an event of the same day, * who took the aim, who gave 
the fire, to that our piece at West gate, whose breach was covered 
with their pieces, which caw'd [knocked] a crew of our enemies to 
the ground at once ? Surely he who directed the stone of David's 
sling against the brain pan of Goliath.'^^ 

" St. James's day is calendared^ however, on July 25th. 

" Obviously a gross exaggeration. 

"• Lecturer in St. Nicholas's church. This sermon is printed in Wishart's 
Memoirs of Montrose (Ed. Murdoch and Simpson, 1893), p. xxi. 

"' Probably from one of the Gateshead batteries, from which a good view of 
the civic procession to and from the Sandhill could be obtained. Wishart's 
sermon ended with a reference to sir John Mailey ' our thrice repeated Mayor 
and Govemour.' In answer to Marley's re-election the Lords Journals for 
October 9th, 1644, show that Henry Warmouth was appointed mayor of 
Newcastle by the Parliamentary party. The Commons Journals for October 
9th, 1644, approve Henry Warmouth as deputy-lieutenant for Newcastle. 

'"* Wisbart clearly confirms Mercurius Aulicus in some success having been 
gained by the garrison on September 23rd. 


On the following Saturday [September 28tli],^®3 the besieged had 
another fortunate deliverance. The garrison on that day discovered 
* the lowest Myne next to the river syde,' ^^ near Sandgate, and to pre- 
vent its being drowned Callendar gave orders that it should be fired. 
That very extensive mining operations were being conducted against 
that part of the wall is clear from Lithgow's supplementary statement, 
' The other three adjacent Mynes were not as yet ready.' The 
deliverance from the mine that was prematurely fired was not 
the only one for which the besieged had reason to be thankful : * Who 
amongst us,' said Wishart,^^^ in his sermon on the following day, * was 
so wise and vigilant as to foresee and so prevent that blow intended 
against us by blowing up of our own powder, whereby many of us 
had been miserably massacred, and the rest made an easy prey and 
spoil to our cruel enemies ? When a great part of the match was 
burnt, when the fire was come within a finger length of the powder, 
and we all sleeping secure, who was there so ready with water to 
quench that fire, to prevent that blow, and not only to preserve us, 
but that same powder, to work much vengeance upon our enemies ? 
Sure I am, God Himself was the Author of that deliverance, and 
if by the ministry of any second cause, surely none so likely as this 
of our text, that of some holy angel at His charge and command — 
And blessed be His name for it, for evermore.' ^^ 

So far, therefore, the besieged were giving a very excellent account 
of themselves. The despatches which left head-quarters at Elswick, 
though they make no reference to the many repulses which had 
befallen their army, speak equally to other difficulties against which 
the Scots had to contend. On September 18th, Sinclair ^^^ writes to 
the Committee of Estates, ' The thesaurer of this army is returned 
hither, but nather provisions nor money with him as yet ; and when 
wee shall begin to distribute the shoes among our sojours, such a 
number thereof shall be sent unto yow, as may be spared from this.' 
Callendar,^^® also, on the 24th, writes to the same authority to beg them 
to send more meal, and clearly chafing at the slowness of their pro- 
gress, adds that in his opinion they will best serve the interests of the 
kingdom by hurrying on the business against Newcastle. 

^°^ Lithgow assigns this event to about September 29th. *°* Lithgow, 
^^ Op. cit. ^'^ This may point to treachery within the town. 
»»7 Thurloe, vol. i. »«» Ibid. 


Save for their stout walls, the besieged were in but little better 
plight. Wishart's sermon on Sunday, September 29th, valuable as 
one of the few glimpses afforded us inside the town during the 
siege, is equally valuable as suggesting the patience, courage, and 
devotion which inspired the garrison in their heroic defence. 

Come I now, then [said Wishart] to my exhortation, and I shall deliver it 
in the yerj words of Joab to Abishai his brother, and to the Host of Israel, 
when they fought against the children of Ammon. ' Let as be of good courage 
and play the men, and behave ourselves valiantly, and God will do what seemeth 
him best ; * and let no man say * oh, our help is far from us,' for if our eyes were 
but opened we might perhaps see all the mountains about us full of those fiery 
chariots and horses, so that they were more that were for us, than all that ^are 
against us. I attest the consciences of you all when you look back again to the 
weeks and months of this siege which are already passed, and call to mind your 
own opinions and judgments ; what thought you that this handful of ours 
could not only have resisted that equally mighty and malicious enemy ; but 
also so often beaten, killed, and taken them in their very forts and works, in so 
far that our friends are stricken with admiration and joy, our enemies with 
amazement and fear, and ourselves more encouraged and strengthened than at 
first hours ?....! know that many of you would take it in a great huff and 
indignation if I should say that you were very cowards who would not hazard 
your own persons and limbs in so good a cause ; and what a miser art thou, 
who will give thy life, and will not give thy leaf of bread ; who will give thy 
person, and will not give thy purse in that same cause. If we had but hearts 
of men in us, the poorest of the town needed neither want meat nor clothes yet 
for a long time, even until the Lord should give us help from his holy place. 
Neither let any man say that I preach and press this doctrine much upon others, 
but am as backward from the practice of it as any else, saying I am like the 
Pharisee who laid heavy burdens upon other mens' shoulders, etc. Nay, I hope 
I am not so base. Mo8t of you know very well that I am a man who cannot 
brag, yet will I not complain much of my proverty, but as I am, I am ready 
to lay down at the feet of our rulers, as much spare clothes as will help to 
apparel, as much good plate as will help to maintain half-a-dozen of soldiers 
until we get what help the Lord shall send us ; neither shall I keep up a 
spoon or a blanket unbestowed, before any poor soldier or neighbour wants, 
but bestowed in the hands of our rulers, to be dispensed in an orderly way, 
and I take God to witness that if I had either spare corn or coin, it should all 
go that same way.*^ 

During the week which followed Wishart's sermon, the garrison 
obtained further encouragement. In the early morning of October 
Srd, they discovered and drowned two of the enemy's mines, and a 
third on October 4th, * whereat,' writes Lithgow,^^® *the enemy growing 
insolent, gave order for ringing of bells all night.' 

»• The passages quoted above foUow here. "• Ojp, cit. 


On the other hand, the news which reached London gave a 
uniformly optimistic account of the progress of the siege. ' The letters 
this week,' writes one news-letter,^^^ ' from the Leaguer before New- 
castle doe certifie, that the besiegers have plaid upon the Town with 
their Ordnance for divers dayes together, which have done such 
gallant execution, that they have battered many houses in the Town, 
and thorow want, and feare there do daily come from the Enemy 
(though with difficulty) many of the Inhabitants/ Another reports^" 
that the besieged garrison was put on half rations of food, and that 
many were dying of the *flux.' It further states that a fight had taken 
place over 'a fort on the North [? South] Shells,' which had been lost 
and won thrice in one day, the Scots eventually retaining it. Another 
news-lefcter ^^^ reports the capture by the Scots of ' one of the wharves 
belonging to the Towne, by which meanes they can straighten it more 
than before.' Yet another,' ^^* remarks, under date October 16th, that 
the cannon of the besieged had been dismounted by the besiegers' fire. 
An even more hopeless condition of the garrison was suggested in the 
report that it was ready to submit but for Marley's influence,^^^ and 
had even made ofifer of £80,000 to Leven to be allowed to march 
out, an offer which had been refused only because Leven would 
not include the Scottish lords in the town in the proposed accommo- 

The besieged were clearly, therefore, hard pressed. For two 
months the Scots had been preparing their mines and battering the 
walls. Their magazines had now been replenished by the stores 
despatched from London in September.^^^ Leven determined therefore 
to put all to the hazard of a general assault. 

On Monday, October 14th, he summoned the town for the third 
and last time. His letter was as follows : — ^^^ 

•" Weekly AccoutU for October 2-9, 1644. 
"« The Countrey Messenger, No. 2, for October 4-11, 1644. 
*** Mercurius Civicus, No. 73, for October 10-17, 1644. 
"» The Parliament Scout, No. 69, for October 10-17, 1644. 
"« The True Informer, No. 50, for October 12-19, 1644. 
"« The London Post, No. 10, for October 23rd, 1» 44. 
"» The True Informer, No. 50, for October x2-19, 1644. 
*** A Particular Relation, etc. 


To the Maior, Aldermen, and Common-Counsell of the Towne of 

We, Alexander, Earl of Leven, Lord Generall of the Scottish Armies, That it 
may be more manifest, and appeare to all men, how exceedingly we desire you 
to prevent those evils, which cannot be longer avoided ; Notwithstanding you 
have been formerly invited by our severall Letters in all faire manner, to think 
on those wayes, which might conduce most to your well-fare. Doe by these 
presents require, and Summon you, to give up and surrender the Towne of 
New-Castle to us, to be kept for the use of King and Parliament ; That Citizens 
and Souldiers may be safe, and the Towne being preserved from mine, may 
enjoy the fruits of set led Peace, whereof other Townes reduced to the same 
obedience, doe now liberally taste. You are likewise earnestly desired by no 
means to conceale"* this our last offer and warning from the Citizens, and 
Souldiers ; As you will be answerable to God and these whom it may concerne. 
If in these things you faile, you may then expect the extremities of warre. And 
wee prof esse our selves, and the Army under our conduct to be altogether free, 
and innocent of whatsoever bloodshed, and other Calamities may ensue through 
your obstinacy. Hereto we expect a present answer. 

Given under my hand at Blsweeke before New-Castle, 14. October, 1644. 


On the folio wing day, October 15th, Marley and twenty-nine of 
the Common Council delivered their answer. In it, as throughout 
the correspondence, we can but admire the resourceful manner in which 
the garrison sought to gain time, either in the hope of help from 
outside or, as Lithgow suggests, of being able to render ineflFective 
the two principal mines which the Scots were preparing for the final 

Their letter of the 15th was as follows : — 

My Lord, — Wee have received your Letter wherein you require and Summon 
us to give up and surrender the Towne, as you say, for the use of the King and 
Parliament : alleadging diverse reasons mixt with threats to move us thereunto, 
all which we have well weighed and considered, and as formerly, so now return 
this Answer, that wee declare to you and all the world, that we keep this Town 
for the use of his Majesty, and that wee have full Power and Authority from 
his Majesty so to doe ; and if either you, or any other can shew us better or 
later warrant from his Majesty, we will submit. And allthough wee neither 
dare, nor will acknowledge that disloyalty to our lawfuU King (which you call 
reducing to just obedience) is the way to preserve us from Ruine, and to enjoy 
the fruits of a setled Peace ; yet, that you and all the world may see we desire 
to shunne the effusion of Christian blood ; We desire you send us in writing 
upon what termes and conditions you wouldihave us deliver up the Towne, and 
then we shall return you a further Answer (which we hope will be satisfactory) 

"• This confirms the suggestion made above, note 84, that Marley was 
suspected by the Scots of misrepresenting their communications to him. 


and if this will not give you content, proceed and prosper as your cause 
requires, and let the blood that is, or shall be spilt, lye upon their soules and 
consciences that deserve it, and if we be the fault. Let this subscribed under 
our hands testify against us. 
Newcastle, Octob. 15. 1644. 

Id. Marley. Leonard Gabk. 

Nicholas Cole. Roboet Shapto. 

Thomas Liddlb. Iames Cole. 

Thomas Riddell. Mab. Milbanke. 

Richard Tempest. Cuth. Carbb. 

Alexandeb Davison. Edwabd Stotb. 

Francis Bones [Bowes]. Thomas Blbnkinsopb. 

Ralph Cole. Samuel Cockb. 

[Matthew] Matpin. Gabriel Robson. 

Thomas Maddison. James Habbop. 

Anthony Richabdson. Io. Blackburne. 

Hbnby Rowcastle. Iohn Robson. 

Thomas Clarke. Iames Armbtrange. 

Charles Clarke. * Anthony Younger. 

William Cooke. William Arghbald. 

To this letter, carefully phrased to convey the possibility of the 
town's surrender to reasonable terms, Leven returned an immediate 
answer : — ^^ 

Right Worshipfull, — Wee have received your Answer to our last, wherein as 
in all our former Letters, we conceive we have used no threats, but faire, and 
peaceable expressions, such as can be in differences of this nature ; But that 
our constant desire to shun the effusion of Christian blood, may more and more 
appeai'e to you and all the world. We doe againe'*^ desire, without further 
delay, that Hostages may be sent from either side, and judicious men appointed 
to treat, on such termes and conditions, as may put an happy end to the 
businesse, and to meet in such a place betwixt the Towne and the Camp, or 
within the Towne as shall bee thought fitting by you, hereto we expect your 
Answer, and remain your loving Friend. Leven. 

Elswiek, Octob. 15. 

Marley and his colleagues gave that evening to a consideration of 
Leven's letter, and on the following morning despatched a reply^^ in 
which they raised an objection designed to delay the actual nomina- 
tion of hostages for another twenty-four hours : — 

"" A Particular Melation,, etc. It is noticeable that while Leven's replies are 
prompt, those from the town are for the most part dated the day following the 
receipt of the letter to which they reply. 

^^ The previous occasion was on August 16th. 

*^ A Particular Relation, etc. 


My liord^ — We received your second letter, directed as the former, and upon 

good consideration we could have wisht (that according to our desires in our 

former leter) you would have sent in writ the conditions and termes you desire 

the Town upon, that we might altogether have considered and condescended to 

what had bin most fitting and convenient for us to grant, but since you like not 

that course, but desire hostages may be sent, and some appointed to meet and 

treat at a place convenient : We must acknowledge and confesse that we doe 

not hold that power in us to grant, as Major, Aldermen, and Common counsell, 

but solely to be in Master Major as he is Govemour of the military affaires, 

who we find very willing to condescend to any thing that may tend to the 

honour of His Majestic, the welfare of Newcastle, and the shunning effusion of 

blood; if you please to write unto him for that purpose, and so wishing a 

happy and honest peace in all his Majesties Dominions, we rest. 

Your loving friends.*^ 
Newcastle, 16. Octob. 1644. 

Leven promptly replied, accepting the proposed method of nego- 
tiation, but conveying a mild protest against the delaying tactics 
which Marley and his colleagues were somewhat obviously employing. 
His answer was as follows : — ^^ 

Right Worshipful!, — I conceived for your further exoneration it had been 
most fitting to write to your selves as Master Major, and the Aldermen and 
Gommon-counsell of the Town ; but now since I understand from themselves, that 
the power is solely in you, as Govemour of the Military affaires, I will apply my 
selfe to your owne way, and shall here repeat my former desires, that Hostages 
may be sent, and a place appointed without further delay, to meet and treat on 
such things as may most tend to the honour of His Majesty, and the welfare of 
Newcastle, being always most willing to shun the occasions of effusion of blood. 
Hereto we expect your answer to morrow before ten a clocke ; and that you will 
likewise make known to us the names and qualities of your Hostages, and such 
as you think fit to nominate to treat, and the place appointed for meeting, 
according as our Commissioners shall be in readinesse against the same time. 
Thus I remaine your loving friend, Lbvbn. 

Elsweek before Newcastle, Oct. 16. 

Marley received this letter late at night. The drummer who 
brought it was therefore kept within the town, while Marley sought 
out a further pretext for delay. In the morning the following answer 
was sent : — ^^s 

My Lord, — I received your letter so late, that I was forced to keepe your 
Drummer all night, and I am very glad to see that you and I aime both at one 
end, which is His Majesties honour, Newcastles welfare, and the avoyding 

**• The signatures are the same as to the letter of October 15th, with the 
omission of Matthew Matf en, Mark Milbank, Samuel Cock, James Harrop, John 
Bobson, James Armstrong, and with the addition of Samuel Goof [?Cock], 
William Robson, William Armstrong [? James Armstrange], John Harrigate, 
Will. Lerop. *^ A Particular Belation^ etc. *^ Ibid, 



effusion of blood, and I wish those that treat may be of the same mind; but 
whereas you desire me to name Hostages and men to treat ; I desire you to name 
yours, and I shall sute them as well as I can ; for you know there is no Noble- 
men with me, but two of your owne Countrymen,*" yet we have Knights and 
other men of good esteem ; I shall also desire that there may be but three 
appointed to treat, and each to bring but one man, and know that what guard 
you will send with your hostages, that I may send the like, the place of 
exchange, and that the treaty may be at Newcastle, and when I know your 
mind in these things, we shall appoint the time of meeting, and if we hold close 
and sincerely to those ends by you proposed, I doubt not but Gkxi will blesse our 
endeavours and see us at peace, and I hope in his good time, these distracted 
Kingdomes ; which that it may be, shall be the daily prayer of 

Your loving friend, 
Newcastle, 17. Oct. 1644. John Mablay. 

Leven replied on the same day,^^^ accepting Marley's suggestion : — 

Right Worshipful!, — I have received your letter, and that the businesse may 
the sooner be brought to a period, I have appointed Sir Adam Hepburne of 
Humby, the Treasurer of our Army, Sir David Hoom Colonell,** and John 
Rutherford,** with a Secretary, and each of them a servant to attend them, to 
treat with such persons as you shall be pleased to nominate within the Toun of 
Newcastle, and do not conceive any necessity of guards to be sent with the 
Hostages, except onely an officer, to receive them at the Green field, on the north 
side of the great sconse, betwixt it and our line ; *** and I shall herewith also 
desire that twelve of the clocke may be appointed the time of meeting; and 
that by this Drummer you may send hither a note of the names of such persons 
as you intend to appoint for hostages, to be exchanged at the time and place 
above mentioned ; an happy conclusion of the treaty is the desire of 

Your loving friend, 

Elsweek before Newcastle, Oct. 17.*" Leybn. 

In the course of that afternoon Marley replied : — ^^^ 

My Lord, — I Have received your letter, and doe approve of those men you 
name to treat, being all strangers to me ; and likewise that there is no necessity 
of a guard, onely one Officer to meet them at the place appointed ; but you desire 
that the meeting may be at twelve of the clock, and that 1 will send the names 
of those X intend to appoint as hostages, to be exchanged at the time and place 

*"The earl of Crawford, who on July 19th had been *forefaulted* at 
Edinburgh Cross (Guthry, Memoirs, p. 140), and lord Reay who had reached New- 
castle from Denmark in January, 1644, and remained to take part in the siege. 

127 j^ Particular Melation, etc. 

** Sir David Home, laird of Wedderbum, was colonel of the Merse regiment. 
— Rushworth, vol. v. p. 604. 

*2» Douglas in his Diary calls him * Provost of Jeddert.* 

*8o Probably a Scottish earthwork to protect the mining operations at Sand- 
gate. The Newcastle hostages left the town by that gate. 

"* The tract inaccurately prints * Oct. 18.* 

*«• J, Particular Relation^ etc. 


above mentioned^ which is impossible ; for I received your letter half an houre 
after twelve, and certainly you meane not twelve at night ; *'' but I will keepe 
promise, and to that purpose, this night I will send you the names of the 
hostages I intend to send to the place appointed and the time to be to morrow 
at nine of the clocke in the f orenoone ; as for those that are to treat, I intend to 
snpply the place of one my selfe, and shall send yon the names of the rest : and 
so wishing a happy end to these and all the troubles of His Majesties Dominions, 
I rest Your loving friend, 

Newcastle, 17. Octob. 1644. John Mablay. 

Presuming that Marley's answer was penned immediately upon the 
receipt of Leven's letter, further consideration would be required as to 
the individuals who should act with Marley as commissioners for the 
treaty, and also as to their attitude towards the terms that might be 
propounded on the part of the Scots. Later in the afternoon, therefore, 
Marley supplemented his first letter with the following : — ^^4 

My Lord, — According to promise I send you the names of the hostages, and 
of those appointed to treaty and shall keep the time and place mentioned in my 
former letter, and have set downe their names hereunder. I will say no more, 
but desire that during the time of the treaty, these courses may be holden which 
are accustomed in warre : and so I rest. 

Your loving friend, 
Newcastle, 17. John Mablay. 

Gentlemen appointed for the Treaty. Sir John Marlay, Knight, and 
Governour. Sir Nicholas Cole,*** Knight Baronet. Sir George 
Baker,'^ Knight : and a Secretary. Hostages. CoUonell Charles 
Brandling. ^^ Lieutenant Coll. Thomas Davieson.** Capt. Cuthbert 
Carr,** late Sheriffe of Newca. 

On the following morning, Friday, October 18th, at nine o'clock, 
the three hostages from Newcastle ' came out to the Sandgate,'^^ and 
the Scottish commissioners entered the Town.^*^ It is quite obvious 

*•• The * Maior,' writes Douglas (^Diary) * did shift all he could to put oflE tyme.' 

■** A Particular Relation^ etc. 

»M Ex-mayor of Newcastle. He succeeded in escaping after the faU of 
Newcastle. A letter of his dated April 22nd, 1645, Cal, State Papers (Dom.), 
shows that he was then in hiding in London. He was restored to his property 
and position at the Kestoration. — Welford, Men of Mark, vol. i. 

'" Recorder of Newcastle. On the fall of the town he was imprisoned in the 
Compter, Suffolk (Cmnmons Journal). He was restored to the freedom of 
Newcastle, on August 8th, 1660 (Brand, History of Nencagtle, vol. ii. p. 490), 
and died at Hull in 1667.— Welford, Men of Ma/rk, vol. i. p. 175. 

w Charles Brandling of Gateshead, who sold the Nun's moor to the Corpora- 
tion in 1660 (Brand, vol. i. p. 441). * Charles Lumbay' is the name given in 
Douglas's Diary as that of the first hostage. 

*■• Thomas Davison was mayor of Newcastle in 1669.^Brand, vol. ii. p. 492. 

*• In command at Newgate. 

«« A Particular Relation, etc. *^* Rushworth, vol. v. p. 647. 


that Marley and his fellow commissioners had no intention of seriously 
considering or debating any propositions which might be put to them, 
but used the opportunity to advance counter-propositions in order to 
still further prolong the truce. Writing on the following day, after 
Newcastle had fallen, Sir Adam Hepburn gave his account to the 
Scottish commissioners in London^^ of the meeting of the treaty 
commissioners on the morning of the 18th : — 

J should have gone into Newcastle on Thursday, but was put off till Friday 
by those obstinate Miscreants, especially the Mayor of that Town. Sir David 
Hume, John Rutherford, and I my self, went in on Friday at Nine in the 
Morning ; we had Commission from General Lesley and Committees [re- 
presenting both kingdoms with Leven's army], if we found real Dealings, to 
yield to honourable Conditions. The Mayor, Sir Nicholas Cole, and Sir George 
Baker, were treating with us ; they gave us big Words ; do what we could, they 
would not so much as come to speak of Conditions of rendring up the Town ; 
and after three or four Hours Debate, all that we could draw from them, was, 
that they would think upon our Propositions, and return them within three or 
four Days ; and that, when all Conditions were agreed upon, they would give 
Hostages to surrender in case Relief came not in twenty Days ; nor would they 
so much as write to the General their own Propositions. [Hepburn pro- 
ceeds "*] : — And because we who were commissionated from the Army, were 
limited to Friday at night, to conclude or give over Treaty, we desired them to 
write to the Generall, to know his minde concerning those delays, and we should 
either stay till his Excellencies Answer did come, or would carry it, and return 
if we had further Commission. They would not grant the favour to us, but 
told us. They would let us go, and they would write to the Generall to morrow 
[the 19th]. I went thus far with them, which was more then in Policie I 
should have done : yet so fain would I have effusion of blood shuned, that 
I told them in plain terms. That if they did write anything, it should be that 
night. They sent out a Letter that night, about eight of the clock, wherein 
they averred many untruths, and told, They would send out their Propositions 
on Munday next [the 21st]. It was late before many of us could be got 
together, to give Answer: Those who met, thought it fittest to return an 
Answer and to send such conditions as we would grant ; and to certifie them, 
That if they did not accept them, and send out Hostages for performance, the 
Generall would no more treat. 

Douglas,^^ in a short paragraph, summarises these proceedings : — 

Upon the 18. they entered to treat within the town, but nothing was done, 
he [Marley] shyfted all. After the dissolving of the treaty, the Generall set 
all to work against the town. Marley sent out to seek a delay till Monday, but 
that was not granted. Conditions were sent in, which are now in printe ; if 
they embraced, they to send out hostages the morn [of the 19th] before eight, or 
else we would goe on ; and in the meantime no cessation. 

"* Printed in Bourne, p. 233. 

"* A Letter from Neweastle in King's Pamphlets, British Museum. *** Diary. 


It was about mid-day, or somewhat later, that the Scottish com- 
missioners left the town. The report of their mission either forced 
Leven to the conviobion that Marley would not yield except to a 
successful assault, or at least that a demonstration against the town 
was likely to bring its authorities to their senses. In the course 
of the afternoon, as Douglas remarks, Leven ' set all to work 
against the town,' and among the preparations for assault, Callendar's 
Gateshead batteries were * carried about,' ^^ in other words, con- 
centrated on the south-east and south-west comers of the town, at 
Sandgate and Closegate. Scottish regiments supporting the batteries 
were also moved into position on the rising ground near the bum at 
Barras bridge, since Marley found it necessary to withdraw his men 
from Shieldfield fort.^^^ They, on their retiring, * despightf uUy burned 
their two Courts du guard to the ground,' ^^^ with the design of 
rendering the fort useless to the besiegers. 

The evident intention of the Scots to hold themselves in position 
to deliver an assault on the following morning had the effect which 
Leven had perhaps contemplated. At eight o'clock in the evening of 
the 18th he received the following letter from Marley and his fellow 
commissioners : — ^^® 

My Lord, — We have had some discourse this day with your Commissioners ; 
but you have bound them to have our answers to your demands in so short a 
time, as we could not give them that satisfaction as we would gladly ; con- 
sidering they demanded that which was not according to your Propositions ; 
namely, his Majesties honour, and the welfare of Newcastle. But we are so 
unwilling to see Christian blood shed, as that if you please to rest satisfied until 
Munday, we shall then, God willing, send you Propositions as we hope will give 
content. If this will not serve, we trust God will deliver us out of your hands, 
and so we rest. 

Your loving friends, 

John Marlay. 
Nicolas Colb. 
Newcastle, 18. Oct. 1644. G. Bakbb. 

This letter, the tract continues, was considered with * mature 
deliberation.' There was some difficulty in summoning the chief 
officers from their several positions,^*^ but the same night Leven 
despatched the following ariswer,^*^® with the articles of surrender 
attached : — 

»*» Lithgow. »« IhU. "' Ihid, »« A Particular Relation, etc. 

**• See Hepburn's letter above. *" A Particular Relation, etc. 


Bight Worshipf uU^ — I Beceived yonr Letter this night, at eight a clocke, 
wherein yon show that jon had some discourse with the Commissioners sent 
from this place, and alleages, they demanded that which was not according to 
my Propositions, namely, his Majesties honour, and the welfare of Newcastle, 
and promise to send Propositions on munday next ; as your assertion of the 
Commissioners demands is more then you can make good, that they were 
against either His Majesties honour or the welfere of the Towne of Newcastle : 
Sir, I admire how you are not ashamed still to continue in your delatory way, 
and draw on the guilt of innocent blood upon your head. You demanded a 
treaty, and Commissioners to be sent into Newcastle, which was accordingly 
granted, who expected that you should have proposed conditions and propo- 
sitions to them, whereby a happy and peaceable conclusion might have been 
made : and albeit you would neither propose to them nor suffer anything to be 
put in writing, yet they were content so f arre to open themselves to you, even in 
particulars that could have been demanded either for the Officers or Souldiers, 
Townesmen or Strangers, that no better conditions had been given to any Towne 
reduced to obedience of King and Parliament within England : This your deal- 
ing makes it too apparent, that what ever your pretences be, your intentions 
have not been reall ; yet such is my earnest desire and reall intention to shun 
the effusion of Christian blood, that I have caused to draw up such honorable 
conditions as you cannot in reason refuse, which I have herewith sent you ; 
whereunto if you agree, I desire that you send to my Lord Sinclair his quarters 
at Sandgate tomorrow, being the 19. of October at or before six*** a clocke in the 
morning four or five sufficient hostages for delivery of the Town upon these con- 
ditions by night, betwixt and munday 21. at two a clock in the aftemoone ; and 
if you f aill in sending out these hostages at the houre appointed, I shall take it 
as a ref usall, and give up all treaty ; and in the meane time no cessation [of 
hostilities] untill the hostages come out upon the conditions foresaid, whom we 
expect before, or at eight a clocke, or not at all, so I rest 

Your friend, 
Elsweek before Newcastle, Oct. 1 8. Levkn. 

With this letter went the conditions on which Leven was pre- 
pared to accept the surrender of the town, castle, and forts of New- 
castle.^*^* They were as follows : — 

1. — Officers and soldiers of the Garrison desiring to leave the town to 
have liberty to do so, with their arms, horses, and baggage, and to proceed to 
any place within forty**' miles of Newcastle not already beleagured, and to be 
accommodated with 'draughts in their march.' 

2. — The same conditions offered to ' all strangers, sojourners,' and residents 
who may desire to leave the town. 

3. — The sick and wounded in the town to have liberty to remain there 
until their recovery, when they will be allowed to leave the town on the 
above conditions. 

*** A misprint ; eight a.m. was the hour. 

*" These articles are printed in A Particular Relation, and also in Cal. State 
Papers (Dom.), 1644, under date October 18th. 

*** In the Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1644, under October 18th, sixty miles is 


4. — The citizens of the town to be protected from violence in their 
'persons, families, houses, and goods,' and to have the same liberty of trade 
and commerce enjoyed by other towns already reduced to the obedience of the 
King and Parliament. 

5. — The liberties and jurisdiction of the town to be * preserved inviolate 
conformably to their ancient charters.' 

6. — Citizens who desire to go to their country houses to have protection 
and safeguard on their journey. 

7. — No free billet to be granted upon any inhabitant without his consent. 

8. — The army not to enter the town to occupy it, but only a competent 
garrison to be placed in it. 

The terms offered by Leven, permitting the garrison, as they 
did, to march out with the honours of war, were both fair and 
reasonable. He had, however, stipulated that hostilities should be 
continued until eight o'clock on the morning of Saturday the 19th, 
when he looked for an acceptance of his proposals. At six o'clock in 
the morning of that day, his batteries, which had been placed in 
position the previous afternoon, opened fire on the town at four 
points ; Sandgate, Pilgrim street gate, Westgate, and ' benorth Why te 
Frier Tower.'^^* The cannonade lasted until eight o'clock, when the 
answer of the besieged was expected. Shortly, after, it reached Leven, 
and was as follows : — ^^^ 

My Lord, — Wee received your Letter, wherein you say, we cannot make good 
that your Commissioners demands are against either his Majesties honor, or the 
welfare of Newcastle ; we will give you but one reason amongst many ; 
Whether it be for his Majesties honour that the Toun of Newcastle should be 
rendred to any of another Nation ; nay more, if it be for the honour of the 
English Parliament : and that it is not for our welfare is so clear, needs no 
answer. And whereas you say, you wonder we are not ashamed to be so 
delatory, having demanded a Treaty ; We say, we wonder you can be so 
forgetfuU, knowing we have your Letter to show that the Treaty was your own 
Motion :**• but for Answer to the rest, and to your Articles ; We say, the delivery 
of Newcastle is not of so small moment, but if you intend as you say, time may 
well be given till munday for giving answer, for in case we should give consent 
to let you have this Towne, there is divers more Articles then you have set 
downe, both fit for us to demand and you to grant. Theiefore if you would 

*** Douglas's Diary. The position of these batteries is discussed on p. 213, 

*** A Particular Relation^ etc. 

**• So far as the present correspondence is concerned Marley and his colleagues 
were clearly the first to ask for terms in their letter of October 15th. A state- 
ment signed by Sinclair and Armyne, following Marley and Carr's letter of 
September 7th, which appears in The Weekly Account for September 18-24, 
1644, in which the Scots are said to * desire a Treaty,' bears out Marley and his 
colleagues' contention, however, that the suggestion of a treaty came first 
from Sie besiegers. 


shun effusion of bloodshed, as you prof esse, forbeare your acts of Hostility, 
untill we give you Answer upon Munday, wherein we will not faile ; otherwise 
we doubt not but God will require an account at your hands, and besides, will 
keepe and preserve us from your fury. So expecting your Answer. We rest 

Your friends, 

Jo. Mae LAY. 
NiCH. Cole. 
Newcastle, 19. Octo. 1644. G. Bakeb. 

No answer was, however, sent to this. * In stead of sending out 
Hostages,' writes Hepburn, continuing his narrative of the siege and its 
preliminaries,^**^ *or desiring a new Treaty, this morning [the 19th] 
they sent a bitter Invective-Letter, standing to their former Eesolu- 
tions.' He goes on to explain in part the reasons which made for an 
immediate assault : — * We had been so long expecting that these men 
within the Town should have pitied themselves, all our Batteries were 
ready ; so many of our Mynes as they had not found out or drowned, 
were in danger of their hourly finding out ;^^^ the Winter was drawing 
on, and our Souldiers were earnest to have some end of the businesse ; 
which made the G^nerall (after so many slightings) to begin this 
morning to make Breaches.' 

Eeceiving no answer, Marley despatched a letter to Sinclair,^^^ as 
Leven had directed, the tone of which is in marked contrast to the 
rest of the correspondence. It was as follows : — 

My Lord, — I Have received divers Letters and Warrants subscribed by the 
name of Leven, but of late can hear of none that have seen such a man ; besides^ 
there is strong report that he is dead : therefore to remove al scruples, I desire 
our Drummer may deliver one Letter to himself ; thus wishing you could think 
on some other coutse [sic] to compose the differences of these sad distracted 
Kingdomes, then by battering Newcastle, and annoying us who never wronged 
any of you ; for if you seriously consider, you will find that these courses will 
aggravate, and not moderate distempers : but I will referre all to your owne 
consciences, and rest Your friend, 

Newcastle, 19. October.*** John Mablat. 

This was delivered to Leven. 

"' A Letter from Newcastle, 

"® That this hope was partly the cause of Marley's desire to prolong the treaty 
negotiations is suggested by Lithgow, who states that Marley hoped to delay 
matters till the besieged ' had discovered our two chief e Mines, which indeed 
were very near the point.' He describes later ' the two most available Mynes ' 
as being at White Friar tower and Sandgate. *" A Particalar Relation, etc. 

**• The tract says this letter was sent ' while the Army was in action.' Rush- 
worth, vol. V. p. 650, however, says that the Scots interpreted it as a 'Jeer and 
Affront,' and opened fire from their batteries in consequence. 


Referring to this episode, one of the besiegers, * E. P.,'^^i writes from 
Benwell after the assault, on the evening of the 19th, Hhis morning 
the Major sent forth a Drummer with a letter, enjoyning him to 
deliver it with his own hand to General Leven, if there were such a 
man in the world ; for he did beleeve he was dead. The General 
returned him answer by the Messenger, hee hoped to doe him some 
service yet before he died.' 

It will render the narrative of the assault on October 19th more 
intelligible, if some description is first attempted of the general 
scheme of the Scottish attack, the disposition of their regiments, 
batteries and mines, together with some estimate of the relative 
strength of besiegera and besieged. 

Lithgow's description of Newcastle^^^ is sufficiently familiar to be 
passed by with no more than a reference. ' It standeth mainly,' he 
writes, ' upon the dwelling face of a continuing hill falling down steep 
to the bordering river, where one narrow street runneth along from 
Sandgate to Olossegate.' For the town's artificial defences, Lithgow 
expressed much admiration. ' The walls about the Town are both 
high and strong, built both without and within with saxo qmdrato ; 
and maynely fenced with dungeon Towres, interlarded also with 
Turrets, and alongst with them a large and defensive battlement, 
having eight sundry ports.' In a later passage he adds, * The walles 
here of Newcastle, are a great deale stronger than those of Torke, 
and not unlyke to the walles of Avineon [Avignon], but especially of 
Jerusalem.' But strong as the artificial defences of Newcastle were, 
its natural position was by no means of equal strength. Except to 
the north, it offered on all sides excellent positions for an enemy well 
supplied with artillery. On the east, the valley through which 
Pimdon burn ran into the Tyne rose to a considerable elevation on the 
ground dividing Pandon burn from Ouseburn, at a distance of about 
half a mUe from Sandgate and Carpenter tower. From the Comer 
tower the wall climbed along the western side of Pandon dene, till it 
reached its north-eastern corner at Carliol tower. This portion of 
the wall was certainly inaccessible to direct assault, and it appears to 
have suffered but little from the Scottish attack. Its position was still 

•" A True Relation of the Taking of Newcastle (King's Pamphlets). 
"^ In An Exact and Experi^nental Relation, 

VOL. XXI. 27 


further strengthened by the Shieldfield fort, which the besi^ed 
evacuated on the 18th. The fort stood about a quarter of a mile to 
the north-east of Carliol tower .^^' Lithgow gives a description of it :^^ 
' Vpon the Townes Northeast side, and a little without, there was a 
fortresse erected, called Sheiffield Fort, standing on a moderate 
height, and Champion-like commanding the fields ; the modell thus : 
It standeth squarely quadrangled, with a foure cornered Bastion at 
every angle, and all of them thus quadrat, they are composed of earth 
and watles ; having the Northeast side of one bulwarke pallosaded, 
the rest not, save along the top of the worke about, they had laid 
Masts of Ships to beat down the assailants with their tumbling force. 
At the entrie whereof there is a wooden drawbridge, and within it two 
Courts du giLardy^^^ the graflfe without is dry and of small importance, 
save onely that repugnancie of the Defendants within, which commonly 
consisted of three hundred men.' To the west of the fort, but still 
upon the east bank of the Pandon dene, stood a windmill.^^* Along 
the northern extent of the town's wall there was no convenient 
eminence as upon the east on which artillery might be placed. Im- 
mediately fronting Pilgrim street gate, however, at a distance of 
about one-third of a mile, the ground rose to its highest elevation 
towards Pandon burn and Barras bridge, where Sydenham terrace 
and Victoria terrace now stand. Yet another slight elevation ran up 
from Newgate and St. Andrew's church to the Leazes. Unlike the 
eastern stretch of the waU, the western was exposed and open to direct 
attack along its upper length, while the high ground at Elswick and 
Benwell exposed it equally in its lower reaches. But from the Nevil 
tower, at the point where the wall ran down the steep bank to 
Closegate, direct assault was diflBcult, though mining operations were 
comparatively easier here than elsewhere, the bank aiding the besiegers. 
Newcastle in 1644 may be then described as holding a position 
which oflfered but little encouragement to an army not eflfectively 
supplied with artillery and mining materials. On the east side it was 

"• See Brand, vol. i. frontis. ; also the picture of the eastern wall of the town 
from Shieldfield. See also Oliver's map of 1844. 

"' Op, cit. Brand, vol. i. p. 442 n., quoting the Warburton MSS., gives the 
dimensions of Shieldfield fort as 67 yards in length, 67 yards in breadth, and 
the bastion 20 yards each way. 

*•* Burnt by the besieged when they evacuated the fort on October 1 8th, Se^ 
above, p. 207. *" See references in note 163. 

TfiB t»OSITJON8 OJ* T?HE SCdtTlSH feA*TEBIliS. 21^ 

virtnal] J impregnable against direct assault. It was equally so on the 
west, from Nevil tower or Westgate to Olosegate, While Leven 
relied largely on his artillery and mining train, it was along those 
two lines of the wall that he relied on them almost exclusively. The 
mines that were fired were all in those two quarters. 

The Scottish batteries were four in number.^^^ They succeeded, 
however, in making no more than three breaches in the wall ; at 
Olosegate, Newgate, which Lithgow calls ' Black Bessies Tower,' and 
near Carliol tower .^^® Hence we may assign the following positions 
to the attacking batteries. 

The south-western battery would probably be placed on the rising 
ground above the present infirmary and cattle market. From such a 
position it would cover the walls from Westgate to Olosegate, and the 
mining operations at Westgate and White Friar tower. 

The Newgate or north-west batteries had been in position 
throughout the siege. Lieut.-general Baillie had 'brashed' the wall 
near St. Andrew's on September 7th, and on August 24th he had 
taken Douglas to see the works then in progress at Newgate. His 
battery would then appear to have been placed on the high ground 
on the Leazes, beyond Leazes terrace and St. James's terrace. 

The Pilgrim street or north-east battery would naturally be 
placed beyond the burn at Barras bridge. There it would command 
Pilgrim street gate and Oarllol tower at the distance of about one- 
third of a mile, and cover Shieldfield fort to the south-east of it at a 
distance of about half a mile. The placing of this battery in position 
would seem to have caused the evacuation of Shieldfield fort on the 

The Sandgate or south-east batteries were two in number,^^^ the 
second to protect the mining operations which appear to have been 
carried on more extensively here than at any point of the town's 
defences. Od; being placed in position, immediately after Leven's 
arrival, they had done considerable damage to the Sallyport or 

"' Lithgow. 

*** This statement, is confirmed by Lithgow, Douglas in his Diary ^ Hepburn 
in A Letter from Newcastle^ and Perfect Passages^ No. 2 for October 23-29, 
1644. The Taking of Newcastle states that the Scots entered by four breaches, 
but does not distinguish between those made by the artillery and mines. A 
True Belation of the Taking of Newcastle by the Scots by Storm (King's 
Pamphlets) says 'we made 3 Breaches in the walls with Cannon.' *'' Lithgow. 


Carpenter tower, and had received the fire of the Shieldfield fort.^^^ 
A position which appears to satisfy these conditions is found on the 
high ground separating Pandon dene and the Ousebum. The name 
' Battle Field' still found near Pottery bank,^^^ on the City road, may 
mark the position of CaUendar's battery at this quarter. Sandgate 
would lie about half a mile to the west, and the Sallyport and Shield- 
field fort at a somewhat less distance,^^^ Finally, CaUendar's batteries 
at Gateshead commanded the castle and the southern frontage of 

Leven's strength in artillery is not definitely stated. Upon enter- 
ing England in January, 1644, Jiis forces are described as being 
* Weill armit with feild pieces, swaden fedderis, and all ingynis of warr 
necessar.' ^^^a His great guns numbered one hundred and twenty,^^^ and 
the heavier of them reached Blyth by sea on February 6th.i^^ As to 
their calibre, they appear to have carried a new kind of twelve pounder, 
invented by sir Alexander Hamilton, * never before discovered, which 
were made purposely for this designe, above three quarters of a yard 


long, or some a yard, that will carry a twelve pound bullet, to doe 
great execution at a distance, and yet so framed that a horse may 
carry one of them.' ^^^ The warrant issued on September 14th,i^^ for 
two hundred rounds of 24 lb., 12 lb., and 9 lb. shot, implies 
that twenty-four pounders were the largest cannon which the Scots 
had before Newcastle. The extreme effective range of the heaviest 

*'" Lithgow. CaUendar's despatch of August 2l8t, in Thurloe, vol. i. 

^^ In the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries, Newcastle, vol. i. p. 140, 
is an account of certain earthworks at Pottery bank, which are there ascribed 
to the Roman period. It is possible that these may be rather connected with 
the Scottish siege works at that quarter. 

*^* It may be noted that the disposition of the Scottish batteries enabled them 
to cover practically the whole extent of the walls. The south- west battery- 
would cover the wall from Closegate to Westgate, an extent of 780 yards 10 feet, 
according to Brand's measurements ("vol. i.). The New^gate battery would 
cover from Herber tower to Newgate, 414 yards 1 foot. The Pilgrim street 
battery would command the northern line of the wall, 652 yards 3 feet. 
CaUendar's battery would cover from the Sallyport to Sandgate, 232 yards 1 foot. 
The stretch of the wall from Carliol tower to Corner tower, 495 yards, would 
probably escape much battering. 

*'** Memorialls of the Truhles in Scot land ^ vol. ii. p. 298. 

*'^ The Scots March from Barwiche to Newcastle, 

"* A True Relation, of the late Proceedings of the Scottish Army, 

^^^ The Scots March from Barwiche to Newcastle. 

»~ Cal State Papers (Dom.), 1644. 


Scottish artillery can hardly therefore have exceeded one thousand 
yards ; while the point-blank range of their heaviest guns — the 24 
pounders — would not exceed four hundred yards.^^^ The positions 
assigned above to the Scottish batteries would fall, therefore — ^at about 
seven or eight hundred yards average — conveniently within the 
effective range of the cannon they employed. 

The position of the mines laid by the Scots about the walls can 
also be determined with some certainty. Four mines had been pre- 
pared and were fired on the 19th/^^ two of them at about three o'clock 
in the afternoon, they being in danger from the countermines of the 
garrison,^^^ the other two some two hours later when the army was in 
readiness to storm the town.^^tf In the course of the siege, the besieged 
had succeeded in destroying seven or eight others.^^^ The four mines 
which breached the wall in preparation for the assault were at 
White Friar tower, ^^^ Westgate,^^^ and two at Sandgate,^^ Of these, 
Lithgow states that two mines at White Friar tower and Sandgate, 
being ' the most available,' were sprung at three o'clock. Of the two 
which were fired about five o'clock, therefore, one was placed at 
Westgate, and the other, which Lithgow states to have miscarried, 
was the second of the two mines which Hepburn places ' at Sand- 

It is not possible with any certainty to fix the precise point on the 
walls at which the mines did their work. The breach made at the White 
Friar tower was, however, observable in the wall just below it before 

*" See Greener, Science of Gunnery^ p. 57 ; Nye, Art of Gunnery (1648), chap. 
34 ; Lloyd and Hadcock, Artillery, Its Progress and Present Position ^ Article 
Artillery, in Encyclopaedia Britannica, A 24 pound shot was found in the wall 
between Pilgrim street gate and Carliol tower in 1802. — Richardson*s Reprint of 
A Letter from Newcastle, The discovery bears out the statement in Perfect 
Passages, that the battery opposed to Pilgrim street gate had * the great peeces 
of Cannon and Petars.' This statement, with the discovery of the 24 pound 
shot, supports the suggestion above, that 24 pounders were the heaviest guns the 
Scots possessed before Newcastle. The Scottish Dove, No. 45, for August 16-23, 
1644, however, says Callendar's Gateshead batteries threw * thirty pound Bullet.* 

"* This number is confirmed by Hepburn in A Letter from Newcastle, A 
Particular Relation, etc., Perfect Passages, No. 2, Lithgow, and A True Rela- 
tion, etc. *" A Particular Relation, etc. *^ IMd. '" Ihid, 

"'^ A Letter, etc. ; Perfect Passages, No. 2 ; Lithgow. *" Ibid, *" Ibid, 

** Lithgow definitely locates only the mines at White Friar tower and Sand- 
gate, but mentions two others. Perfect Passages states that mines were success- 
fully sprung at White Friar tower and Westgate. One mine Lithgow admits 
to have been successfully sprung at Sandgate. The fourth, or ineffectual mine, 
must therefore have been at Sandgate. Hepburn in A Letter states that the 
Scots *■ entred at two Mynes ' at that quarter. 

216 *tiLE StsaE 01* NEWOAStLB B7 TSE SOOTS i 

the wall was removed in 1840-42,^^ and Richardson supposes ^^^ 
that the Westgate mine exploded between the Durham and Herber 

The breaching accomplished by the artillery batteries was hardly 
so eflfective.^®* They opened the wall slightly to the north of Close- 
gate,^^ between Andrew tower and Newgate, between Pilgrim street 
gate and Carliol tower, and possibly at Sandgate.^*^ Since the 
mines also effected breaches to the south of White Friar tower, 
between the Herber and Durham towers, and at Sandgate, the wall 
was pierced at six different points, opening the way for the troops to 
deliver the final assault late in the afternoon. 

The four brigades of infantry had been under arms since the early 

morning, * drawne up, standing to their Armes, while the breaches 

were in readinesse, and the Mines sprung/^^^ Their officers, according 

to Lithgow, had already settled their positions in the assault with 

dice, the most coveted positions going, to those who threw the fewest 
' blacks.'i93 

The first brigade^^ was drawn up in three divisions to the rear of 
the Scottish batteries, extending from Westgate to the river at Close- 
gate. It^ first division included the Loudoun-Glasgow and Tweed- 
dale regiments, under their colonels, lords Loudoun and Buccleuch. It 
entered the town at Closegate through the breach made by the 
artillery. Its second division was formed from the Clydesdale^** and 

** Bicbard80il*B reprint of A Letter from Newcastle. *" Ihid. 

'" A mine was also discovered, some years since, between the Sallyport and 
Sandgate, during the constraction of the City road. 

**• Lithgow, and The Taking of Newcastle, both support this statement. 

*"* Lithgow says * low by Clossegate/ 

*^* A True Relation states that the artillery only effected three breaches. 
The Sandgate battery probably did no more than support the mining operations 
at that point. **^ A Particular Relation, etc. "* Op, cU, 

"* The contemporary accounts of the assault are, for the most part, hurried 
despatches sent off from the field within a few hours of the fall of the town. 
They give in some cases, however, the names of the commanders, and the names 
of those who fell at the different positions. Rushworth, vol. v. p. 604, gives a 
full list of the several regiments under Leven's command in January, 1644. 
From these data the account in the text has been constructed. The authorities 
for it are The Taking of Newcastle, A Letter from Newcastle^ Lithgow, 
Oallendar's despatches in Thurloe, vol. i., Perfect Passages^ No. 2, for October 
23-29, 1644, Rushworth, vol. v. p. 604, and the Acts of the Parliament of 
Scotland, vol. vi. pt. i. 

"* Lithgow, however, gives the Clydesdale a position at Westgate. They 
were stationed about Closegate on August 20th, as we learn &om Douglas's 


Edinburgh regiments, under their colonels, sir Alexander Hamilton, 
general of the artillery, and James Bae. It was placed in position to 
force the breach made by the mine below the White Friar tower. 
The third division of this brigade consisted of the Galloway and 
Perthshire^^ regiments, under their colonels, William Stewart and lord 
Gask, and had the fortifications at Westgate opposed to it. The 
second brigade was concentrated behind the works which the Scots 
had thrown up against the more formidable Newgate. It consisted 
of the Angus regiment, under lieutenant-general Baillie,^^^ who 
apparently commanded the brigade, the Stratheam regiment, under 
lord Cowper, the Fife regiment, under lord Dunfermline, the East- 
Lothian regiment, under sir Patrick Hepburn, laird of Wauchton, 
and a fifth regiment which cannot be identified.!^® This brigade was 
the most powerful of the four,^^^ a fact which speaks to the strength of 
the fortification to which it was opposed. 

The third brigade was also concentrated, awaiting the result of the 
artiUery practice of the battery engaging Pilgrim street gate and 
Carliol tewer. It was formed of the Kyle and Oarrick regiment, 
under lord Oassillis, the Nithsdale and Annandale regiment, under 
Douglas of Eilhead, the Mearns and Aberdeen regiment, under the 
earl marshal, the Linlithgow and Tweeddale regiment, under the 
master of Tester,^^^ and the Merse regiment, under sir David Home, 
laird of Wedderburn, one of the commissioners for the treaty on 
the 18th. 

^ Perfect Passages places the Galloway regiment only at Westgate, and does 
not mention Gask and the Perthshire. 

*" Lord Dudhope, who is given as colonel of this regiment in Rushworth, had 
died shortly after Marston Moor. — Douglas's Diary. That Baillie had taken the 
command is statfcuj^'^J Letter from Newcastle, 

"* A Letter from Newcastle places five regiments here, but gives the names 
of four only of the commanders. Perfect Passages also speaks of five regiments, 
but gives no clue to the fifth. It was probably one of those mentioned below 
as forming the reserve which entered at Westgate. 

*•• See p. 218 for the strength of the several brigades. 

-•' Perfect Passages does not mention Tester or his regiment. Lithgow states 
that a major Moffat and a lieut.-colonel Henderson were killed at Weaver 
[Carliol] tower. The latter does not appear in Rush worth's list. The former is 
there (vol. v. p. 604) given as attached not to the Linlithgow and Tweeddale, but 
to the Tweeddale regiment, which was engaged at Closegate. The Taking of 
Newcastle : or Newes from the Annies calls Henderson a * Reformeir.' He was, 
no doubt, the lieut.-colonel William fienderson mentioned on June 22nd, 1644, 
as pardoned for having joined Montrose in May. — Acts of the Parliament of 
Scotland^ vol. vi. pt. i. 


The fourth brigade, under Callendar's command at Sandgate, con- 
sisted of lord Sinclair's *Levyd' regiment and the Stirlingshire 
regiment, under lord Livingstone, both of which had been transferred 
to Callendar from Leven's original coramand.^®^ Attached to the 
Stirlingshire, also, were sir John Aytoun,^^ sir John Wauchope of 
Niddrie,2^3 and the master of Cranston,^®* who do not appear to have 
furnished independent regunents. 

Some information is available from which it is possible to form an 
approximately accurate estimate of the strength of this besieging 
force. The company strength of the 'four brigades is given in one 
news-letter,^^* as 40 to brigade I., 50 to brigade II., 30 * and odd ' to 
brigade III. and 15 to brigade IV.^^ Adding five companies to brigade 
III., we obtain 140 as the total number of companies, exclusive of the 
reserve, which took part in the assault. The total strength of Leven's 
foot in January, 1644, when he entered England, was 18,000,^^^ com- 
prising 200 companies.20^ The average strength of a company was 
therefore ninety men. Taking that as the strength of a company in 
October, Leven's attacking force would be 12,600 men, exclusive of the 
reserve, distributed as follows : — 1,800 men at Olosegate, 900 at White 
Friar tower, 900 at Westgate, 4,500 at Newgate, 3,150 at Pilgrim 
street gate, and 1,350 at Sandgate. 

*** They are given by Rushworth, vol. v. p. 604, as part of Leven's command 
in January, 1644. See note 46 above. 

^* Appointed a member of the committee of war for Berwick sheriffdom on 
July 24th, 1644. — Acts of Parliament of Scotland^ vol. vi. pt. i. 

**• Appointed July 19th, 1644, to accompany Callendar. — Acts of Parliament 
of Scotland^ vol. vi. pt. i. 

^ Appointed on the committee of war for Edinburgh sheriffdom on July 24th, 
1644. — Acts of Parliament of Scotland, vol. vi. pt. i. Perfect Passages, No. 2, 
clearly indicates that Aytoun and Niddrie were attached to the Stirlingshire. 
The wording is ambiguous in regard to Cranston. 

*®* Perfect Passages, No. 2. 

^ The three divisions of briejade I. are given as, 20 companies at Closegate, 
10 companies at White Friar tower, and 10 companies at Westgate. The 16 
companies assigned to brigade IV. represent the Stirlingshire (10 companies), 
and Sinclair's regiment (5 companies) only. Save possibly Cranston's, any 
regiments furnished to that position from Callendar's independent command 
appear to have been held in reserve. 

SO' Rushworth, vol. v. p. 603, gives him 18,000 foot, 3,000 horse, and 500 or 600 
dragoons. The Scots March from Barwicke to Newcastle gives the same numbers 
for horse and foot, but only 400 or 500 dragoons. 

^ Rushworth, ihid., does not mention the company strength of Sinclair's 
regiment, but Perfect Passages^ No. 2, states it at five, bringing up Rushworth's 
195 to a total of 200 companies under Leven's command iu January. 


Whitelock,^* however, puts Leven's eflFective forces in February, 
1644, at no more than 15,000, five-sixths of Eushworth's total, and 
it would be reasonable, allowing for inevitable shrinkage from death, 
desertion, and other causes, to put them at that number before 
Newcastle in October. On that calculation the strength of the 
several brigades would be 1,500 at Closegate, 750 at White Friar 
tower, 750 at Westgate, 3,750 at Newgate, 2,625 at Pilgrim street 
gate, 1,125 at Sandgate ; a total, exclusive of the reserve, of 
10,500.^1^ Accepting Whitelock's calculation, Leven held 4,500 men 
in reserve. The regiments of which the reserve was formed are 
nowhere stated, but included probably the Midlothian regiment, 
colonel lord Maitland; the Teviotdale regiment, colonel the earl of 
Lothian; and the Ministers' regiment.^^^ They were drawn up on 
the west of the town, and upon the carrying of the town by assault 
they entered at Westgate.^^^ 

To these regiments under Leven's command must be added 
OaUendar's contingent. It had numbered probably no more than 
6,000 foot when it entered England in July.^^^ Since then it had 
suffered considerable shrinkage from the garrisons which had been 
placed at Hartlepool, Stockton, and possibly elsewhere. Three 
r^ments, probably from those under his command, had been with- 
drawn to Scotland on September 3rd. We may, therefore, estimate 
OaUendar's command at about 3,000 men. There is no record of 
any of his regiments being concerned in the direct assault upon 
Sandgate, and presumably they were reserved for the support of 
the Gateshead batteries, for the guard of the bridge of boats under 
lord Kenmuir, or for a general reserve force on the east at Sandgate. 

The united forces of Oallendar and Leven, before which Newcastle 
fell, may be therefore estimated at about 18,000 men, exclusive of 
the batteries. To those numbers the besieged could oppose a mere 

"• Vol. ii. p. 76. 

"• Echard, Higtory of Englaiid (1718), vol. ii. p. 481, gives the Scots 10,000 
in the assault on October 19th. 

2" Rushworth, vol. v. p. 604. The Midlothian was certainly engaged, since 
lientenant-colonel Hay of that regiment is mentioned among those killed in 
the assault. — Douglas's Diary. ^* Perfect Passages, No. 2. 

"•Lithgow gives Callendar 6,000 foot and 800 horse. Rushworth, vol. v. 
p. 646, gives him 10,000. On that matter Lithgow is probably the more 

VOL. XXI 28 


handful. Lithgow,*^* who would hardly underestimate their strength, 
states that ' they were but eight hundred of the Traind Band, and 
some nine hundred besides, of Voluntiers, prest-men, Coliers, Keill- 
men, and poore trades-men ; with some few experimented Officers 
to overtop them,' There is but little record of the disposition of 
these troops in the defence of the walls. Bourne ^^* states, however, 
on the authority of the Milbank MSS., that Cuthbert Oarr was in 
command at Newgate, and that captain George Errington, lieutenant 
William Eobson, ensign Thomas Swan, and 180 men held Pilgrim 
street gate, where they lost not a single man, killed or wounded, 
though they made frequent sallies from it, and held it after the other 
gates had fallen to the Scots, refusing to surrender it or to believe 
that the town was taken, and shooting at their friends who called 
to them to surrender. Oarr, at Newgate, also fought until sur- 
rounded by overwhelming numbers.^^^ 

The chief fortification was naturally the castle, and to it Marley 
and his chief supporters retired when all was lost. Lithgow describes 
it as having been * seriously enlarged, with diverse curious fortifica- 
tions.' Bourne,^' -^ on the authority of the Milbank MSS., states that 
Marley made use of * the round Tower under the Moot- Hall, towards 
the Sand-Hill, called the Half-Moon, which was the old Castle of 
Monkchester,' and that he placed heavy guns on it facing the batteries 
which the Scots had in position at Gateshead. The castle itself was 
similarly equipped, and had been repaired by Marley. In August, 
1648, he had negotiated with the shipwrights for planking wherewith 
to strengthen it.^^^ 

*" Op, cit. In January, 1644, the ' High castle ' is stated as being the only 
place fortified in Newcastle, and that Marley had a garrison of only 500, ' aU 
of them townsmen.' — Hist. MSS. Comm. pt. i. app. p. 167. 

2" Bist. of NewcastUi p. 233 ; see also History of the Family of Carr, vol. ii. 

'■*'* Mackenzie, vol. i. p. 31. Hepburn in A Letter from Newcastle indicates 
the amount of resistance offered at the several quarters. At Closegate and at 
the White Friar tower he states merely that the Scots \ entred ' ; at Westgate 
' after hot dispute ' ,• at Newgate ' great dispute was made ' ; at Pilgrim street 
gate * not without dispute * ; at Sandgate he speaks of no special resistance. 

*" Op, cit. p. 233. See Proc. Soc. Antiq, Nenc. vol. viii. p. 134, regarding 
stone balls fired from the castle. 

2»« Archaeologia Aeliaim, vol. iv. p. 82. 1 he minute of August 21st, 1643, is 
in Brand, vol i. p. 159. An inquisition taken in 1620 showed that £809 15s. 
was necessary for the repair of the castle. One-third of the keep was in ruins, 
and a huge dunghill rested against it, which Marley removed in the course of 
his renovations. — Brand, vol. i. p. 159. 


Such, SO far as may be learnt, was the position of the besiegers 

and besieged upon the morning of October 19th. Of the assault 

there are several short contemporary accounts, chiefly from the side of 

the Scots. Such as can be collected are given here. Hepburn's 

account,2i» dated October 19th, and signed, *A, Humbie,' is as 

follows : — 

Winter was drawing on, and oar Sonldiers were earnest to have some end of 
the businesse ; which made the Generall (after so many plightings) to begin this 
morning to make Breaches : (whereof we had three, and four Mynes) the 
Breaches were made reasonable low before three of the clock at night : All our 
Mynes played very well : They within the Town continued still obstinate : My 
Lord Chancellors Regiment,'* and Backleughs,"* entred at a Breach at Close- 
Gate : The Generall of the Artillery his Regiment,*** and that of Edinburgh,**' 
entered at a Myne at the White [Friar] Tower : Colonel Stewart*** and Gasks 
Regiment*** entered at a Myne, after hot dispute beside West-Gate : this was 
one Quarter : Lieutenant-Generall Bayllie had another Quarter at New-Gate, with 
five Regiments, viz., his own (which was formerly Dudhops)*** Waughtons,*" 
Cowpers,*** Dumferlings,** and who entred by a Breach : Great dispute 
was made here, and some of our officers killed, whereof one Major Robert 
Hepburn*" cannot be enough lamented. Cassilis,*" Kelhead,*** Wedderbume,*** 
Marshall,'" and the Master of Testers,**' had a third Quarter,***, who entered by 
a Breach not without dispute. Lord Sincl^je,**' Aytoun, Niddery, the Master 
of Cranstoun,*** and the Lord Levingston,** had the fourth Quarter,*** who 
entered at two Mynes. They would have had more hot work, but the Resolu- 
tion of the officers and Souldiers made a quick dispatch. They within the Town 
made all the opposition they could, on the Walls, and in the Streets. Some 
houses are burnt: The Maior and some others are fled to the Casiile, and did 
presently beat a Parley, which the Generall would not hear, at that time, in 
respect they had been the instruments of so much bloodshed. 

^' In A Letter from Newcastle *** The Loudon-Glasgow, under lord Loudoun. 

*** The Tweeddale, under lord Buccleuch. 

**=-' The Clydesdale, under sir Alex. Hamilton. *** Under colonel James Rae. 

*^* Commanding the Galloway regiment. 

*** Lord G^ask, commanding the Perthshire. ** The Angus regiment. 

*** The East- Lothian, under sir Patrick Hepburn of Wauchton. 

**■ The Stratheam, under lord Cowper. 

*** The Fife, under lord Dunfermline. *" Of the East-Lothian regiment. 

*" The Kyle and Carrick, under lord Cassillis. 

*** The Nithsdale and Annandale, under Douglas of Kilhead. 

**• The Merse, under sir David Home. 

*** The Meams and Aberdeen, under the earl marshal. 

** The Linlithgow and Tweeddale. *" At Pilgrim street gate. 

**' Lord Sinclair's is described as a * Levyed ' regiment, by Rush worth. 

** Sir John Aytoun, sir John Wauchope of Niddrie, and the master of 
Cranston, aU of whom, save possibly the last, appear to have been attached to 
the Stirlingshire. See above, p. 218. 

*" The Stirlingshire, under lord Livingstone. **• At Sandgate. 


A somewhat more detailed account was drawn up and delivered 
to the Scottish commissioners in London on October 29th.*^ 

19. October, early in the morning, the Cannon began to play upon the wals 
from their severall Batteries, while eight a clocke, at which time the Hostages 
should have come out, or otherwise they were to expect the extremities of warre ; 
but since none came, the service continued from all the Batteries, and the 
Regiments were drawne up, standing to their armes, while the breaches were 
in readinesse, and the Mines sprung. About three a clocke in the afternoon, 
the enemy by their countermines had very neere approached some chambers 
where the powder was lodged for blowing up the walls, which being signified to 
his Excellency, he forthwith ordered, that fire should be given to these two 
mines endangered,^^ and thereafter to maintaine the breaches carefully, while 
the generall assault should be made from all quarters : a little after, the day 
failing, and the breaches being made, though not so large and passable as was 
needful for so desperate service ; the word was given and the signe made, to give 
fire to the rest of the mines,^* and for the Regiments to advance all at once 
towards the breaches, and those places of the wall which were opened by the 
mine ; but they met with no small opposition, and nothing was left undone by 
the enemy to repell the fury of the assault : They played very hotly and 
desperately from the Castle upon the breaches, and from the flanking-towers of 
the walls with scattered shot ; yet the Regiments advanced without any shrink- 
ing, though the Cannon played from many places upon their full open bodies, 
so that the difficile-accesse to the breaches, and the mighty advantages of their 
walls and workes within the Towne, made a considerable losse of Souldiers and 
OflScers of good quality ; yet notwithstanding all diflSculties and resistances, 
they acquit themselves as became a people that considered the importance of so 
high a cause, and minded nothing but the happinesse of both Kingdomes ; and 
after two houres very hot dispute upon the breaches, they found their first 
entry ^** at the mine sprung on the west side of the Towne, neere to Close-gate ; 
and after their entry, were furiously charged three severall times by the horse 
which were in Town, but the charge was gallantly sustained and the place 
maintained, while the reserve of that place came to assist r^** thereafter they 
marched for the relief of the rest of the breaches, and so the Souldiers gave 
over and forsook the wals, and the whole body almost of the Army entring, they 
became masters of the Town, which tasted off no lesse mercy and favour after 
the Victory, then they found valour in obtaining the same; for after their 
entry, the Souldiers did quite vanish, sheltring themselves in houses, the 
Inhabitants kept close their doors, the Regiments marched thorow the streets 
without any insolency or disorder, never ofl!ering once to rifle a house, or cut off 

2** In A Particular Relation, etc. 

*** At Sandgate and White Friar tower. See note above p. 216. 

"' At Westgate and Sandgate, about five o'clock in the afternoon. 

2** Callendar, according to Lithgow, entered first at Sandgate. Sir James 
Turner {^Memoirs, p. 38) also gives the first entry at Sandgate by a party of two 
hundred of Sinclair's regiment, led by himself. See p. 229 of this volume. A 
True Relation states that the Scots entered the several breaches 'all at once.' 

^ Perfect Passages, No. 2, states that the reserve entered at Westgate. 


either Citizen or Souldier ; they Were presently after their entry in peaceable 
possession of all the comers and streets, and on a sodaine^ all tumult, feare and 
noyse did cease. Upon the first entry, the Govemour, Lodovicke Lyndesay, 
sometime Earle of Crawfoord,'^ the Lord Maxwell, Doctor Wishart,"' a man of 
dangerous temper, who had seasoned the people both before, and the time of the 
siege with bitter Malignancy, Master Gray, and Alvay,^ and others of the 
perverse crew, authors of all the evils which might justly have fallen upon 
the Town, so exceedingly obstinate, according to the rule of warre, did all 
betake themselves to the Castle, whence they cast over a white flag, and beat a 
parle, but before notice could be taken thereof, all the service was neere done. 
The principall houses of the Towne were preserved from plundering by the 
Officers, the common Souldiers that night after they had long kept their armes 
without doing any wrong or violence, entred some houses of the meaner sort, 
not safe guarded, and did a little pillage, and take away the goods out of them, 
but lesse than ever people or Army did in the like case, which was the testimony 
of the most Malignants and Papists themselves, expressing in these very words, 
that no History can paralell where lesse cruelty and insolency, and more mercy 
were shewne in any Towne gained by storme, which ought to be no small matter 
of gloriation, when the enemies are strained to acknowledge, that the wayes and 
practice of those who have often declared the purity of their intentions, are 
now found out to be nothing different from their profession ; and indeed it were 
to be wished that the wel-affected in the Kingdom had as great feeling of the 
advantage given to the cause, and the good they received since the comming in 
of that Army to England, as the enemies to the peace and happinesse of both 
nations are sensible of the hurt done to them and their designes. 

An anonymous writer gives the following short account^ dated 
on the day following the assault : — ^^ 

After the using of all faire meanes, for reducing the Town of New- Castle 
unto the obedience of King and Parliament, and their obstinate refusall, of 
such conditions, as better could not have been expected by people in their case : 
Yesterday, being Satterday, the nineteenth of October, our Batteries began to 
play by the breake of day : and toward three a clocke in the afternoon, foure 
Breaches were made in the Wall, our Mines, one at Closegate, and three ^ at 
Sand-gate were sprung, and served exceeding well. Then did wee make an 
nniversall assault : The Breaches by the Mines gave the easiest entrie ; The 

^ He had, on July 19th, 1644, been 'forefaulted ' at Edinburgh Cross.— Guthry, 
Memoir/(, p. 140 ; Acts of Parliament of Scotland, pt. vi. vol. i. 

*•* Lecturer at St. Nicholas's and All Saints', Newcastle. Imprisoned at Edin- 
burgh after the siege, and obtained his release in 1646. See Welford, Men of 
Mark, vol. iii p. 660. 

*• Vicar of St. Nicholas's, died March I9th, 1649. See Welford, Meji of Mark, 
vol. i. p. 46. 

*• This account is in a broadside, entitled The Taking of Newcastle : or Newes 
from the Arm>ie, printed at Edinburgh, by James Lindesay, 1644. A copy of 
it is in the library of the Society of Antiquaries, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, bound 
up with A True Relation of the Proceedings of the Scottish Army, 

"• This does not tally with other accounts, from which it appears that two 
mines only were fired at Sandgate. 


Breaches by the Canon abode longer dispute, being of harder accesse : Before 
five a clocke all the Breaches were entred. The Major, Ministers, and our 
Countrey-men reteired to the Castle, where they hope to make their quarter, 
but it is not likely they can hold out long. 

In all the bote service (so farre as we know) we have not lost an hundredth 
men,^** some whereof are oflScers, viz,, Lieutenant CoUonell Hume ; ** and his 
Major Hepbume,*" and Lieveutenant CoUonell Henderson a Reformeir.*** 

Our people were so mercifull, though .they had received some losse, that they 
killed very few, af t^r they were entred : As for the other medlings of the 
Souldiers, what it was, wee know not, but sure they have laid their hands about 
them. Lodevicke Lindesay, some-time designed Earle of Crawford, and others, 
are entred into the Castle also, and the Lord Rayes^ taken by CoUonel Ray."* 
The Castle sounded a Parlie, but it was not accepted by our Generall. 
from Newcastle the twentie of October, 1644. 

A tract in the British Museum^^^ contains the following letters : — 

Sir, — You may with confidence impart the good newes of the taking of 
Newcastle, by assault, to all our friends, but little losse to us. It was stormed 
this day about two of the clock, in severall parts of the Town, and we were 
masters of it about four. 

To morrow the Generall makes his entry, to give God thanks for so great a 
blessing: Sir Jo. Marley, and divers others have betaken themselves to the 
Castle, and desired to surrender upon quarter, but his Excellencie would grant 
them none, unlesse they did wholly submit unto his mercy. 

The Plague is so hot in Tinmouth Castle, that divers of the Commanders 
there have left it, and we hope suddenly to be Masters of that place also, and 
then the ships may come freely for Coales. L. M.^ 

Gates head, 19. Octob., 1644. 

The second letter is as follows : — 

Sir, — In my last of the seventeenth, I gave you notice of the Towns 
inclination to a Parley, which being well accepted of by his Excellency 
Generall Lesley, the particulars of the Propositions being propounded, were 

^'^ See note below, p. 234, upon the Scottish death-roll. 

2*^^ Of the East- Lothian regiment, stationed at Newgate. 

'®' Of the East-Lothian regiment. Lithgow says that Home and Hepburn 
were killed at ' Black Bessies ' tower, a nickname for Newgate, no doubt. 

«" See note above, p. 217. 

^^ Donald lord Reay had in the sprinjr of 1644 come from Denmark to New- 
castle with arms for the king's service. — Wishart, Memoirs of Montrose, p. 164 n. 
Britanes Distemper (Spalding Club), p. 50, says * only Newcastle stood for the 
King, which the lord Crawford and the lord Rea, both Scottes men, defended 
valiantlie, whill generall Lesley besieged it.' Crawford appears to have come to 
Newcastle from Carlisle in July, 1644. — Napier's Montrose, p. 258. 

^ Colonel James Rae of the Edinburgh regiment, stationed at White Friar 
tower. ^ A True Relation of the Taking of Newcastle, London : Printed 

October 25th, 1644. 

2" Probably sir Lionel Maddison, who had fled to Sunderland at the com- 
mencement of the siege. 


rejected by them in the Town ; whereapon it occasioned on this present 
Saturday a violent Assault in seyerall places of the Towne at once, and in two 
houres : viz., from two to foure,'-" we became Masters of the Town ; the storme 
was violent for a time, but they within suffered much. 

The Scottish Souldiers entered the Breeches with much valour, whilest 
others of them got over the walls with scaleing Ladders, upon the sight 
whereof, they within threw down their Armes, and the principall of them fled 
into the Castle, and offer to surrender upon Quarter, which his Excellency refuses 
to give, unlesse they submit to his mercy : I hope now your London Wood- 
mongers will fall in the price of Coales. Tinmouth Castle is so visited with the 
Plague, that their chiefe Commanders are fled already : Now the Scottish 
Armie will be able to assist you in the South. 

Your very loving Friend, T. W. 

Sunderland, 19. Octob., 1644. 

The tract also contains a third letter signed by 'Ro. Co.,' from 
Benwell, October 19th. It contains no details of importance, but 
remarks, in regard to the effect of Newcastle's fall upon the supply of 
coal to the capital, ^ I hope you at London will not moume for it, 
especially now that winter comes on.' From Benwell there were also 
despatched two more letters.^^ The first gives a touch of colour to 
the scene : — 

This morning after our Batteries began to play, they jeared our men from 
the town, bidding them, Come on you cowardly rogues^ if you dare^ who before 
night were glad to sing another song, and crave quarter for their lives. We 
made 3 breaches in the walls with Cannon, and immediately after sprung foui 
mines ; all which took well:*** and thereupon entred them all at once. 

Our footmen are in the town, our horse keep guard without this night. 

It is late, and we but newly come from the service, so I must hasten to make 

an end. 

Your assured loving friend to serve you, R. F. 

Benwell, Ocob. 19. 1644. 

The second letter is of greater interest coming as it does from 
Edward Man, one of the Puritan party in Newcastle.^®^ ^g ^^n 
gauge the cleavage which the war and the principles underlying it had 
caused throughout England, in the spirit which allowed Man to 

^ It is noticeable that both these letters speak of the town being gained by 
four o'clock. Both writers would, no doubt, be in touch with Callendar's com- 
mand, and their statement may support Lithgow's contention that Callendar 
was the first to enter the town. 

*" In A True Relation of the Taking of Newoattle By the Seots by Stonn^ on 
the 19. of October, 1644. 

'^ See above, p. 215, for the accuracy of this statement. 

** See Welford, Men of Mark, vol. iii. 


contemplate, and indeed take part in, the destruction of his own 
town. His letter is as follows : — 

This day about two of the clock in the afternoone, the Lord (General 
commanded his men to fall on, where they had made breaches, and spmng 
mines, which they did very resolutely and gallantly^ God was with them, for 
they were never put to any retreate in any place, I saw them all the time, being 
with my L. generall, for the most part of the storm **• 

The Storme lasted two houres or thereabouts, it was very hott and managed 
bravely on both parts till the Towne was over mastered. 

I am happie God made me a spectator of the fall of those wicked men who 

were borne to ruinate so famous a towne, the Majors house or some other 

adjoyning are burning, yet my Lord General hath given order for the staying 

off the fire if possible. The Post stayeth, I may not enlarge, so with my love 

to your good Wife, and Henry Dawson his Wife and mistresse Fenwick. 

£}. M« 
From Benwell within a mile of New Castle, October 19. 1644. 

A contemporary news-sheet^^ gives the following interesting and 
comparatively detailed account of the strength and disposition of 
the Scottish forces at the several quarters. 

Generall Leven drew out 20 Companies of Foot, commanded by Col. 
Barklew,^* and Lievt. Col. Robert Home,** and Ser. Major John Haddon," who 
were placed against the Breach that was made at the Close-gate, and CoL 
lames Rae, Lievt. Col. Melve, and Major David Logan,^ were commanded by 
Sir Alexander Hambleton*® with ten Companies of Foot, were to storm upon the 
springing of a Mine under the white Tower. Also Col. William Stewart, 
Lievt. Col. Gorden, and Major Agnew,*'° were to storm upon the springing of a 
Mine at the West gate, where they were placed with 10 Companies of Foot. 
M. John Bailey, Lievtenant Generall of the Foot, with his one Lievteuant 
Coloneil Bonar,2^* the Lord Cooperj'^Hhe Earle of Dumferlin,«* and others'"', with 
60 Companies of Foot, quartered at Newgate ; the Barle of Cassilis,'-'" Lord 
Douglas of Kelhead,'^' Wedderbury,'"' and the Barle Marshall,'^ with 80 and odd 

*•' Man states that Marley had sent to Leven 'to render the parsons, from the 
new gate to the close gate.' 

^» Perfect Passages, No. 2, for October 23-29, 1644. 

^' Lord Buccleuch of the Tweeddale. 

*• Of the Loudoun-Glasgow. ^' Of the Loudoun-Glasgow. 

2" All of the Edinburgh. 

'* General of artillery, commanding the Clydesdale regiment. 

""^ All attached to the Galloway. The tract does not mention the Perthshire 
under lord Gask at this quarter. 

"* Of the Angus regiment. ^ Of the Stratheam. »» Of the Fife. 

*'* The East-Lothian regiment under sir Patrick Hepburn [Wauchton] and 
a fifth regiment were also at this quarter. 

'^^ Of the Kyle and Carrick. ^* Of the Nithsdale and Annandale. 

«" Sir David Home [Wedderbum] of the Merse. 

^ Of the Mearns and Aberdeen, 


Companies, were to endeavour with their great peeces of Canon and Petars to 
make breaches, and storme, and the Lord Sinclar with his leavied Regiment of 
5 Companies, the 10 Companies of Sterlingshire, under the Lord Levingston 
Ayton^ and Nidder,*® and the Master of Cranstoune,*** were to fall on upon the 
springing of some Mines ;"'* and accordingly at a fit time as was appointed ; they 
all plaid their parts gallantly ; the Glascowmen entred at a breach ;** and slew 
many marching into the town with great valour. A strong party within 
opposed Colonel Rae, who entred upon the springing of a Mine** with some 
losse, and many hurt, but the Westgate being opened, uppon entrance, the 
Scots Reare came up and drave the enemy from their Works ; the Galloway 
men also having sprung their Mine,''*^ made entrance through with some losse, 
and drave one part before them in the Town one way, as the other did the other 
part ;** and the 5 Regiments at New gate made a great breach ; and entred 
valiantly ; where Major Robert Hethbume was slaine, and 3 Captains : and 
divers others, Lievt. Col. William Home fought bravely as also Sir Patrick 
Hethbume as also Angus men, and the rest, whose valour was so great as never 
could be more exprest by men. 

Douglas's account ^^ is very terse : — 

Upon the 19 day, at 6 in the morning, our cannon began to shoot, to make 
l)reache8 in four parts of the town, one at Sandgate, a 2d at the east, benorth 
Whyte Frier Tour, a 3d at the West gate, a 4th at Pilgrim Street. They shot 
until 8 hours ; no word came but a shifting answer. 

Then they shot on till three afternoon ; all the souldiers were in readiness to 
enter about that time. We wrought a mine at Whyte Frier Tour, another on the 
east side at the Key,*** a 8d at the East Port,^* all the rest, 7 or 8, were drowned 
or found by the Industrie of those that were within. The mines were easy to 
enter, but the breaches were weel guarded, and hard to enter; they entered by 
the help of the mines, for they that entered the mines helped them that were at 
the breeches to come in : after two hours hard disput the town is taken. The 
Maior and Crawford, with Maxwel, and some ministers, as Wishart, Harvie, 
Scots men, Alvie, ane Englishman, fled to the castle. The Lord Eer was taken 
in the toun."" 

Lithgow's account need not here be quoted in full. It is interest- 
ing as giving some account of Callendar, whose share in the assault 
is barely mentioned by other eye-witnesses. He states that about 
three o'clock in the afternoon, *the two most available Mynes' 
were sprung, at White Friar tower and Sandgate. Two other mines 
were sprung, one of which miscarried. The artillery meanwhile 

^^ Sir John Aytoun. ^ Sir John Wauchope of Niddrie. 

** See note above, p. 218. »=* At Sandgate. ^» At Closegate. 

^ At Whits Friar tower. ^^ At Westgate. 

*• Callendar entering at Sandgate, says Lithgow, swept the town on that side. 
See note 296 below. *-•*' Diar^/, '^ At Sandgate. 

^* Also at Sandgate. ■••* Douglas probably means lord Reay. 

VOL. XXT. 29 


succeeded in making four breaches serviceable for entrance, one near 
"Weaver [Carliol] tower, where lieutenant-colonel Henderson, major 
MoflEat,^^^ and others were killed ; the second near * Black Bessies' tower 
[Newgate], where major Hepburn, captain Corbet, captain John 
Home,^^* and lieutenant-colonel Home^^^ were killed ; a third at West- 
gate, where captain John Hamilton, captain Thomas Hamilton, and 
others of the Clydesdale ^^ regiment were killed ; the fourth * low by 
Clossegate.' At Sandgate, captain Sinclair and others were killed. 
He remarks that clambering up the breaches was the most deadly 
work, as the besieged repelled the Scots with * hand gamads ; ' while 
entrance was most easy at the points where the mines had been sprung. 
Callendar — of whom Lithgow states that 'as he was the first lay 
downe before the Towne, so he was duely the first that entred it ' — 
entered at Sandgate and marched along the quay and Sandhill * with 
flying coUours and roaring Drummes.' Upon his entrance he 
despatched the Stirlingshire and Nithsdale and Annandale regiments, 
under lord Livingstone and Douglas of Kilhead, to clear the walls on the 
eastern side, while the ' western and northern Brigads ' were engaged 
in driving the enemy * to the choaking Market place,' where ' betweene 
Scylla and Charibdis ' they begged for quarter. Others ' sate downe 
by their fathers fire syde, as though they had caryed no armes.' At 
Closegate a house was set on fire,^^ and Callendar's orders alone pre- 
vented a like treatment to the whole town. An attempt was also 
made to destroy the shipping in the river, for captain Andrew 
Abernethy floated ' a Ballenger Boat . . . full of flaming fire to have 
burned the keye-lockt ships.' Marley on reaching the castle * pulled 

"* Thomas MofEat of the Tweeddale, is referred to in an Act in favour of his 
father, lieutenant-colonel Moffat, as * vmq^« Thomas Moffat Major to the erle of 
Buccleughes Regiment Beirand that it hathe pleased God to call for the said 
vmq^® Major Thomas Moffat as he wes in actual service at the intakeinge of 
Newcastle where he behaved himselfe so weill as he hes obteinit be approbatione 
of all his superior officeres Hes Died with regrat of all officeres pt wes witnes to 
his cariage and to the great Lose and greife of his parentes especiallie of his 
mother who vpown J)e report of his Death conceaved such heavie greife and 
Melancholic that shortlie pr eftir shoe depairted this Life.' — Acts of Parliament 
of Scotland, vol. vi. pt. i. p. 351. 

*^ Probably of the East-Lothian. ^^ William Home, of the East-Lothian. 

*■* Lithgow is not supported by other accounts in placing the Clydesdale at 
West gate. It was stationed at White l^Mar tower. 

•i95 The Scots on their entrance probably fired Marley 's house, or one which 
they took for his. Man's letter from Benwell speaks of Marley's house or one 
near it being on fire. See above, p. 226. 


down the red flag on the Castle tope, and set up the whyte flaor of 
peace/ while Callendar ' returned that same night to the Gatesyde.' 
Upon his departure the town was given up to plunder for twenty-four 
hours, even the oflScers ' investing themselves in the richest Malignants 
and papisted houses.' Lithgow, indeed comments severely on the 
behaviour of his countrymen : ' as they abused their Victorie in 
storming the Toune, with too much undeserved mercy, so they as 
unwisely and unprudently overreached themselves in plundering the 

■-*' The above contemporary accounts may be supplemented by the following : 
Rushwortb, vol. v. pp. 650-52^ says that the garrison had about 3 p.m. nearly 
come upon some of the Scottish mines. Leven ordered the firing of the mines 
endangered. The breaches that were made were * not so large and passable as 
was needed/ and two hours later, when the light was failing, the Scots entered 
the first breach* on the West-side of the Town, near to Close-gate.' Upon 
their eatrance they were met by three determined charges from the mounted 
troops in the town, and were in danger of being driven back, until the reserve at 
that post came to their assistance. Having gained Closegate, the body that 
entered there proceeded to the relief of the other positions on the wall. White- 
lock, vol. i. p. 318, states very shortly, 'Newcastle town, not agreeing to 
propositions of a Treaty, the Scots stormed and entered part of the town, and 
became masters of it; Sir John Merlay and others for the King, fled to the 
Castle, and offered to render it upon quarter; which was d'^nied, but they should 
render at mercy .... In that little compass of the castle were five hundred 
men, besides women and children .... The town though taken by onslaught, 
was not much ransacked, most of theni redeeming their goods from plunder 
npon reasonable satisfaction in moneys.' Echard, History of England, vol. li. 
p. 482, writes, 'all the Scotch Army [which he gives on p. 481, as 10,000] 
furiously set upon the Town, and having made three Breaches by their Batteries 
and Mines, after a tedious and bloody Storm, they at last mastered it ... . the 
surrendring proved of great importance to the City of London, where the poorer 
sort of People, for the two last years, had almost starved for want of Fewel ; 
Coals having risen to the Price of four Pounds a Chaldron.' Sir James Turner, 
Memoirs, p. 38, gives the following account of the assault on October 1 9th: 
* A little before harvest in this year 1644, Leven came with afl his armie and 
besi^ed Newcastle on the Northumberland side ; which was well enough defended 
eight or nine weeks by Sir Johne Morley, mayor of the toune ; bot at length he 
havinge foolishlie refused articles, which he might have made at his pleasure, 
the toune was taken by storme, with no great losse on our side, and with very 
little bloodshed of the royalists. My lord Sinclars regiment were the first that 
entered the toune, the first partie of them of two hundredth being led by my 
selfe, being very well seconded by my Lieutenant Colonell. One of my captains, 
Sinclare, foolishlie running contrar to my command straight to the market place, 
was ther killd. It was well for these of that side within the toune tlat we 
enterd so soone, for we gave very good quarter, my Lieutenant and I cleering the 
vail all along till the nixt port [Pilgrim street gate] ; there we tooke tuentie 
gentlemen on horseback, and 200 foot sojors, and so made easie way for my Lord 
Levistons, now B. of Lithgows brigade [in the various accounts of the assault 
given in the text, Livingstone's position and the Stirlingshire regiment com- 
manded by him is assigned to Sand gate], and Lieutenant Generall Baillies to 
enter [?at Pilgrim street gate], being before pitifullie beate oft ; neither did we 
kill one man within the walls. In the approaches our regiment lost very prettie 
men. bot in the storm onlie three. Immediatlie after the plunder of this toune, 
(whereof I had not one pennie worth) the armie is put in winter quarters.' 


Very few words are needed to piece together the story which the 
foregoing accounts tell. After eight o'clock in the morning, when it 
had become clear that Marley refused to surrender, the fire of all the 
batteries was directed upon the town, while the mines at White Friar 
tower, Westgate, and Sandgate were being hastily completed. Thus 
matters continued, the Scots regiments meanwhile being drawn up in 
readiness at the four quarters, until three o'clock in the afternoon. 
At about that hour, Leven was informed of the danger to which the 
mines at White Friar tower and Sandgate were exposed from the 
counter-mines of the besieged. He gave orders for them to be fired 
at once, and for the general assault, for which the troops had been 
patiently waiting, to follow. For two hours besieged and besi^ers 
were engaged in a hand-to-hand conflict on the walls until, at about 
five o'clock, two more mines were sprung at Westgate and Sandgate, 
opening the walls to the Scots at those quarters. Almost simul- 
taneously, their artillery effected a breach at Olosegate, and sweeping 
along the narrow streets, the eastern and western sections of the army 
made their way to the centre of the town. Westgate was thrown 
open, the reserve poured in, and the town was won, save fbr the castle, 
where Marley was already displaying a flag of truce. 

Th^t night the town was carefully secured, ' and the Guards care- 
fully appointed at the breaches, and by the water-side, to watch the 
escape of those who were within, and with so much losse and paines 
now caught in the snare.' ^^^ The next day, Sunday the 20th, Leven, 
Oallendar, Baillie, and the chief officers of the army entered the town 
and proceeded at once to St. Nicholas's church,^® to give ' thanks to 
God, that he was pleased, even according to the words, and wishes of 
their enemies, to prosper and blesse his People, according to the 
justness of their Cause.' ^^ Douglas preached ^^ from the text, *He 
maketh wars to cease unto the end of the earth ; he breaketh the 
bow, and cutteth the spear in sunder ; he barneth the chariot in the 
fire. Be still, and know that I am God : I will be exalted among 
the heathen, I will be exalted in the earth. The Lord of Hosts is 
with us ; the God of Jacob is our refuge.' 

While the Scots were thus celebrating their victory, Marley, hard 
by in the castle, was penning a submissive letter to Leven :— soi 

^ A Particular Relation, etc. '* Ihid. -* Ibid. 

^'^ Douglas's Diary. ** A Particular Relation, 


For his Ezcellencie, the Earl of Leven, Generall of the Scottish Army. 

My Lord, 

Although yon have the fortune of War against me (and that I might, 1 

confesse, have had honourable tearmes from your Excellencie). Yet I hope your 

Noblenes will not thinke worse of me, for doing my endeavours to keepe the 

Towne, and to discharge the trust reposed in me, having had strong reasons so to 

doe, as is known to many ; And now whereas I am compelled to betake my self 

to this Castle, I shall desire, that 1 and those with me, may have our liberty, and 

your License, to stay, or goe out of the Towne with your safe Passe, to his 

Majesties next Garrison, which is not beleagured, with our Horses, I'istolls and 

swords ; And to have 14. dales time to dispatch our Journey, so many as please 

to goe. And truly, my Lord, I am yet confident to receive so much favour from 

you, as that you will take such care of me, as that I shall receive no wrong from 

the ignoble spirits of the vulgar sort ; for I doubt no other. I must confesse, I 

cannot keep it long from you, yet I am resolved, rather then to be a spectacle of 

misery and disgrace to any, I will bequeath my soule to him that gave it. And 

then referre my Body to be a spectacle to your severity ; But upon these tearmes 

abovesaid, I will deliver it to you. And so intreating your Answer, I rest, 

Your Friend and Servant, 

John Mablbt. 
From the Castle in Newcastle, the 21. of Octob. 1614. 

Marley's terms were not accepted. Proclamation was, however, 
made^^^ ' That no Officer nor Souldier should presmne to troable nor 
plunder the house of any, under the paine of death. And that better 
obedience might be given thereto, and all occasions of Tumults, 
wrongs, and oppressions might the better be avoided. It was Ordered 
that no Officer, nor Souldier should stay in the Towne, without speciall 
order, but to retume to the Leaguer, and his former Quarters, And 
likewise for the further weal and ease of the Towne, the Quarters of 
the whole Army are enlarged, and none ordained to stay in Town, 
but the proper Garrison.' 

The immediate fulfilment of Leven's orders was prevented, how- 
ever, by a great storm, which swept away the two bridges of keel-boats, 
and compelled the army to come into the town for shelter from 
Sunday the 20th, to the following Wednesday.^^^ During its con- 
tinuance, on Tuesday the 22nd, Marley surrendered at discretion. 
He was * committed to his house by a strong guard, to defend him 
from the fury of the incensed people, for he is hated and abhorred of 
all, and he brought many Families to mine. The rest that were in 
the Castle, have likewise in constrained humility, submitted them- 

** A Particular Relation, -•* Lithgow. 


selves, and are rendred Prisoners.'*^ Marley, upon removal to his 
own house, was severely handled by the mob.'^ On the following day, 
he was taken from his house and confined to 'a Dungeon trance 
within the Oastle,' ^^ from whence, on October 29th, he was trans- 
ferred to the custody of ' Master [Michael ?] Welden,' sheriff of 
Northumberland, who 'had much a doe to keep him from being 
torne in pieces, by the inhabitants in the Towne, and by those 
common sort of people whom hee had forced to take up Armes.'^^ 

The fall of Newcastle was followed, within a few days, by the 
surrender of Tynemouth castle. The castle had in 1642 been repaired 
by three hundred men whom the earl of Newcastle had sent down for 
that purpose. Trenches had been du«r, and six guns had been sent 
from Newcastle.^^ The possession of the castle was of importance 
to the Scots as giving them complete command of the river, and its 
siege had been maintained concurrently with that of Newcastle. Its 
garrison had latterly been decimated by the plague.^* Sir William 
Armyne, writing to Vane, from Newcastle on the 27th,^^^ describes 
its surrender : ' The Governor of Tynemouth Oastle hath been willing 
to listen to propositions for its surrender, and Lord General Leven, 

'•* A Particular Relation,, etc. Lithgow says that sevens-two ' officers, 
logeniers, and prime Souldiers* surrendered in the castle. Whitelock, vol. i. 
p. 323, says that five hundred people were in the castle with Marley. They 
included Wishart, Alvey, lords Crawford and Maxwell, Harvie, and others 
(Douglas's Dmry), and Master Gray {A Particular Relation), Lord Beay was 
taken before he could escape thither. 

'"* Kushwortb, vol. v. p. 652, says that Marley was given *a strong guard to 
defend him from the outrages of the People.' Brand, vol. ii. p. 468, says that 
he was nearly torn in pieces by the angry mob. Brand, vol. i. p. 159, states 
inaccurately that Marley held the castle for eight days against Leven after 
October 19th. Douglas writes : * Upon the 22d they rendered on mercie ; the 
Maior is prisoner; Crauford, Beay, Maxwell, Perrie, Ogilvie were brought to 
Scotland.* ** Lithgow. 

^ The Kingdomes Weekly Intelligencer for October 29th -November 6th, 1644. 

^<* Arch. Ael,, vol. xv. p. 218. See also a letter on this in Brand, vol. ii. 
p. 115. 

'^ Arch, Ael., vol. xv. p. 219, quoting Perfect Occurrences, No. 11, for 
October 23rd, 1644, * The plague was very hot in Tinmouth Castle .... eight of 
them have died in one week .... one who came out of the Castle reporteth 
that about sixty were sick in the Castle of the plague when he left them. So 
that though we cannot reach them in that high hill, yet God can you see.' ' The 
infected men were put into Lodges in the Fields and the Chiefe Chirurgeon 
there dangerously sicke, who I hear is since dead.' — Sir W. Riddell, jun., to 
Glemham, ibid. p. 219. The plague made its way to Scotland. * The pest cam 
to Edinburgh with the victorie fra Newcastell.* — MemorialU of the TruhleSy 
vol ii. p. 425. Douglas (Diary) writes: *Upon the 4th [November] I came 
to Haddington, but got hardly lodging, because the pest was at Newcastle.* 

»»• CaL State Papers (Dom.), 1644. 


according to his nsual manner, was not backward to make trial what 
might be done in a fair way before coming to extremities, and went 
toward the castle himself ; and after it summoned, they entered into 
terms for rendering it up, which was performed late this evening 
[the 27th], and the Lord General hath soldiers in it so that our ships 
may, come freely in at their pleasure.' The articles of surrender 
concluded between Leven and sir Thomas Riddell, the governor, 
were as follows : — ^^^ 

1. — That every oflScer, soldier, gentleman and clergyman shall march out 
with bag and baggage, the officers with their arms ; and that such goods as 
properly belong to Ihem, but which they are unable to carry, shall be kept 
for them. 

2. — That the National Covenant shall not be enforced upon any officer, 
soldier, gentleman or clergyman. 

3. — ^That all who desire to stay in their own country shall have protection 
for their person and estates ; and that such as wish to go to his Majesty 
shall have free pass vnth safe convoy. 

4. — Oblivion for all things passed in the service shall be extended to all 
who shall stay at home in their own houses. 

6. — That Sir Thomas Riddell shall deliver up the Castle this day [the 
27th] with a complete list of the arms, ammunition, cannon, and furniture it 

6. — Provided always that those who stay at home and have protection of 
their person and estates shall be liable to all Ordinances of Parliament.*** 

The fall of Tynemouth castle virtually concluded the Civil War in 
the north and, with the capture of Newcastle, gave the Scots a hold 
upon Northumberland and Durham which they retained until February, 
1647. But in regard to the siege of Newcastle, certain questions oflPer 
themselves for consideration in order that the story of the siege and 
its results may be, so far as possible, exhaustive. These questions 
are— first, the mortality of the siege and the fortune of the town's 
chief defenders; secondly, the eflFect of the siege upon the town's 
commerce ; thirdly, the extent of the damage caused by the long 
cannonade ; and lastly, the measures that were taken for the govern- 
ment of the town and for the regulation of its coal industry. 

*» Ibid,, 1646-1647, under date October 26th, 1646. 

"* Lithgow says that sir Thomas Riddell surrendered * after a short parley,' 
and that the garrison * were glad to yeeld ' because of the plague. The schedule 
demanded by Leven showed the castle to be possessed of 29 guns, 50 barrels of 
powder, 500 muskets, and ball and match. — The Weekly Account, No. 62, for 
October Slst-November 6th, 1644. Arch, AeL, vol. xv. p. 220, gives the 
number of guns at 38. After the fall of Tynemouth, certain gentlemen of the 
garrison came into Newcastle with 'Master Errington.' — Kitigdomes Weekly 
IntelUgencer for October 29th-JSovember 6th, 1644. 


The losses sustained by the Scots in the course of the siege and in 
the final assault are very variously estimated. The author of the 
letter printed in The Tahinq of Newcastle^^^ states that in the course 
of the attack on October 19tb, the Scots 'have not lost an hundredth 
men.' Lithgow puts tbe total number at two hundred and ninety- 
nine, of whom thirty-eight were officers, besides seven or eight hundred 
wounded. Edward Man, in his letter,^^* puts the number at * not one 
hundred slaine ' in the assault. Douglas,^^'^ who states that not many 
died in the storming of the town, gives their number at ' about 100 
souldiers, and about 81 officers, of which two Oollonelis, Hay ^^^ and 
Henderson,*^^ Major Hepbum,^^® and Captain Hamilton,*^^ and 9 or 
ten more.' Newcastle was therefore won at relatively very small cost 
of life on the part of the besiegers. 

"' See above, p. 223. "* See above, p. 226. "* Diary, 

*•* Probably John Hay, given by Rnshworth as major of the Midlothian 
regiment, commanded by lord Maitland. As it is not mentioned in the assault 
on October 19th, it formed probably part of the reserve which entered at West- 
gate. Doaglas mentions Maitland as having the guard of the works at Olosegate 
on August 20th. ' "' See note above, p. 217. "• See note, p. 224. 

"• The following reference (^Acts of Parliamsnt of Scotland^ vol. vi. pt. i. 
under date January 27th. 1645), in favour of * Anna Wilsone, Relict of umq^* 
captane Johne Hamiltoune Beiring that hir husband being ane captane in the 
Regiment under the command of the Generall of the Artillerie was killed at 
tbe intakeing of Newcastle,' shows that Hamilton was attached to the Clydes- 
dale regiment at White Friar tower. A complete list of the Scottish officers 
who are mentioned as having lost their lives in the assault is as follows : — 

Name. Regiment. Stationed at 

Lt.-Col. Hay Midlothian (?) ... Reserve* 

Lt.-Col. Henderson ... (?) ... Carliol tower. 

Major Robert Hepburn East-Lothian Newgate. 

Captain John Hamilton Clydesdale White Friar tower (or West- 
gate, according to Lithgow). 
Lt.-Col. William Home East-Lothian... ... Newgate. 

Major Thomas Moffatt Tweeddale(orLinlith- Carliol tower. 

gow and Tweeddale) 
Captain Corbet ... (?) ... Newgate. 
Capt. John Home East-Lothian (?) ... Newgate. 
Capt. Thomas Hamilton Clydesdale White Friar tower (or West- 
gate, according to Lithgow) . 

Capt. Sinclair *A Levied Regiment* Sandgate. See p. 229 of this 

Among the burials in the Whickham registers is * Captane John Cunningame 
a Scot 22. October, 1644.' — Surtees, Durham, vol. ii. p. 242. Of the Scottish 
prisoners taken in the town, Lord Ogilvie was on October 26th ordered to be sent 
from Hull to London by sea. — Thurloe, State Papers^ vol. i. Gutbry, M&inoirgy 
p. 140, states that Ogilvie had fallen into Leven's hands, after having been 
sent into England by Montrose. He adds that Lords Crawford, Maxwell, 
Reay, Dr. Wishart, and also Ogilvie were sent to Edinburgh and imprisoned 
in the Tolbooth. Douglas's Diary has, * Upon the 22d [October] . . . Craw- 
ford, Reay, Maxwell, Perrie, Ogilvie, were brought to Scotland.' Sinclair, 
writing from Newcastle on October 26th. says, *Wee intend to send our Scotts 
prisoners from this towards Berwick to-morrow.' — Thurloe, vol. i. 


On the part of the besieged, there are few materials on which 
to foim any sound estimate of the loss of life caused by the siege. 
One account ^^o states that the Scots ' killed very few, after they were 
entered.' Another,^^^ however, asserts that the Scots killed five or six 
hundred of the townsmen, and imprisoned three or four hundred 

The news of Newcastle's fall was the occasion of the utmost 
rejoicing. On October 24th, the Committee of Both Kingdoms 
gave order ' that the several garrisons be advertised of the taking of 
Newcastle,' 323 and on the following day a circular was issued to 
them to that efPect.^^^ On the 25th, the House of Commons passed 
the following resolution, with which the Lords concurred: *The 
Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, having received 
certain Intelligence of God's gracious Providence, in delivering the 
Town of Newcastle in the Hands of our Brethren of Scotland, come 
in to our Assistance; do Order, That publick Thanks be given 
to God on our and their Behalf, by all the Ministers within the 
Cities of London and Westminster, and the Lines of Communication, 
on the Lord's Day next, for this great Blessing from the Lord of 
Hosts ; And the Lord Mayor of London is desired to take care, that 
timely Notice be given to the several Ministers of the several Parishes 
and Places aforesaid.' On the following day [October 26th], it was 
further ordered that the ofPertory collected on the day of thanksgiving 
should be devoted to the relief of those who were prisoners in the 

'^ The Taking of Newcastle^ etc. "^i Perfect Passages, No. 2. 

'" Sir Alexander Davison died of his wounds. His monument in St. Nicholas's 
church records that he *in hujus Novi Castri obsidione cum Scotorum rebellium 
exercitu irruenti magnanimiter confligens, novissimum spiritum (octogenarius 
fere) f ortiter efifudit/ Joseph Davison is also there commemorated, * Josephum 
centurionem cordatum (in hujus oppidi contra Scotos rebelles propugnatione 
strenu^ ad mortem usque dimicantem) hie justa tumiUatum.' Lithgow mentions 
that when the Scots broke into the town on the 19th, some of their soldiers 
entered a house in which a baptism feast was being held, as the thirty guests 
assembled were in the act of drinking to the confusion of the Scots. 'The latter 
rifled the house and stripped its inmates even of their clothes. Another who 
suffered in the assault was the wife of Edward Moore, daughter of Sir William 
Fenwicke : * She hersilf e for her loyalty to y® King was forst to flie from her 
owne house into y® Kings garrison of Newecastle, where after sume time a close 
sige it was taken by storme, where she sawe severell of her nere relations killed 
before her face, but by Gods providence got quarter yet lost all her pearsonall 
esteat to a great Value.' — Hist, MSS. Comm., lOth Report, app. pt. iv. p. 122. 
See also, Bateson, Hist, of Northumberland, vol. i. p. 145, and p. 229 of this 
volume. ««» Cal State Pajpers (Dom.), 1644. *^* Ihid,, 

VOL. XXI. 30 


hands of the rojaUsts.^'^ In addition to the thanksgiving on the 
27th, the fall of Newcastle was ordered to be specially remembered on 
the 30th, the day of public humiliation.'26 tj^^ capture of the town 
was celebrated with the liveliest feelings of satisfaction. Sir A. 
Johnstone and Mr. John Grew writing from Thatcham on October 
26th,537 declare * The News of the surrender of Newcastle came very 
seasonably unto us, as it much encouraged the soldiers, and so affected 
them that many of the regiinents went presently of their own accord to 
solemn prayer.' The Mercurius Britannicus^^'^ discovers yet another 
cause for thankfulness in the fall of the town : ' Did I not tell you 
that the Scots meant to send us coales this winter ? And now the 
fulfilling of this Prophecie cannot but be very comfortable this cold 
weather : Me thinkes I am warme with the very conceit of Newcastles 
being taken, though our London Wood-Merchants (perhaps) grow 
chill upon the busines, and begin to look cloiidy after this Northeme 
stormeJ^^^ Baillie sounds the same note in a letter to William Spang 
on October 25th,3^ * but above all, the news of Newcastle, in these two 
hours, has filled the city with extreme joy. The great God be blessed 
again and again for it. The people would have perished with cold 
without it.' 

On those, therefore, who had for so long maintained the defence of 
the town hard conditions were likely to be enforced. On October 
25th, a resolution passed the Commons ^^ that sir John Marley, sir 
Nicholas Cole, sir Thomas Riddell, jun., * are to expect no pardon.' 
On October SlBt,^^^ the Commons, in answer to enquiries from New- 
castle as to how Marley should be dealt with, replied that he had 
already been excepted from hope of pardon, and would be proceeded 
against 'according to the Course of War.' On November 19th,^^ 
twenty-eight of those who had been associated with the royalist 

'^ Commons Journals^ vol. iii. 

^'^ Hid. under date October 29tli. On November 5th, order was made that 
* Sir Thomas Widdrington do give Notice to the Preacher, to take Notice of 
the Surrender of Tynmouth Castle : And that he give Thanks therefore in St. 
Margaret's Church.* — Ibid. 

•^ Cal, State Papers (Dom.), 1644. *» No. 55 for October 21-28, 1644. 

"• Echard, vol. ii. p. 482, says that coal was sold in London at £4 the 
chaldron. On November 30th, 1646, coal was offered at Newcastle at 6s. 3d. the 
chaldron. — Corporation Records, 

^ Baillie, Letters and Journals^ vol. ii. p. 69. 

"* Commons Journals, vol. iii. under date, "* Xhid, '" Ibid, 


cause in Newcastle were ordered to be sent up to London in custody. 
Mr. John Blakiston^^ was entrusted with the communication of 
this order to Newcastle, as also with the vote of both Houses for the 
trial of Marley. On December Sth,^^^ a further order was issued 
disabling eight of those already dealt with, in the order of November 
19th, from holding office in the corporation of Newcastle, and on 
December 13th, fifteen of the original twenty-eight were ordered for 
committal to prison 'for levying actual War against the Parliament.'^se 

The efiect of these regulations was to completely destroy the 
royalist party in Newcastle. For sixteen years those whom the 
eccentric John Fenwicke, in his Christ Ruling in the Midst of His 
Enemies^ humorously described as 'the Newcastilian new dubd 
knights, '336a pass entirely out of the town's governing body. Their 
place was taken by the Bonners, Dawsons, Fenwicks — those in fact 
whom the House of* Commons, on December 5th, nominated to 
supervise the sequestration of the property of their enemies'. Yet, in 
the interval between their downfall in 1644 and the restoration of 
the monarchy in 1660, the majority of the fallen party succeeded in 
escaping the severest punishment to which their sturdy upholding of 
the royal cause might have exposed them. 

The extent to which the Newcastle royalists had been associated 
with the town's vigorous resistance can only be gauged by the 
share chey had in the correspondence which passed between the 
Scots and the besieged during the siege. The letters addressed from 
the town to Leven are dated February 3rd, August 17th, September 
7th, October 15th, October 16th. These are exclusive of the letters 
signed by Marley alone, or by the commissioners for the treaty on 
October 18th. The following table will indicate the extent to which 
those named in the various parliamentary orders had supported 
Marley, as also their treatment at the hands of Parliament, and their 
ultimate &te. 

'" M.P. for Newcastle in the Long Parliament. 

*" Commons Journals^ vol. iii. On the same date the Commons appointed 
John Blakiston, Henry Warmouth, Henry Dawson, John Cosins, Edward Man, 
Edward Wood, William Dawson, Ralph Fowler, George Dawson, George 
Fenwick, Thomas Ledgerd, Robert Ellison, Christopher Nicholson, and Thomas 
Bonner, to act as a committee for the sequestration of the property of the 
Newcastle delinquents. •" I hid 

Richardson BeprirUs. 










Imprisoned at. 

Ely Honae. 

Tlie Compter. 
London Houae. 
The Compter. 
The Compter. 

Winehealer House. 
Lambeth House. 

Lambeth Hniise. 
Pe£r HouU. """" 

Pel.r House. 
The Compter. 




' i 












SirJobnMarleyM.. . 
SirNieholaaOTlH^).. . 
tirThoD*aLiiidell(c) . 

Slr^i'eisnto'^riUn (/) '. 

SS;K2i„. :: ': 
SS.SS£:6, :: : 

Sir FisDcta Lli)dell(m| '. 

S^'K^I'"' ■■ " 
Y^derd Alvey (o) '.'. 
Dr.Wtabartfpf .. . 

HeS!^ Marie/ to '.'. '. 
HUlUuiiUarleyil:) .. 

^^iSS^d^,j'nn. (i) 









(a) Bsoapefl piobably from Imprtaonment and compounded his delinquency in 16S8. Bestjired 
the freedom of Nencastle, August Hth, 1060,— Brand, vol. il.p.tH. See Welfotil, Men of Mark, 
• •— ■ ■- thapeiks of a captain John Barley. 

ngleit^rf^lTm h'im to 

on April 

lirNicholaa paid over 

part of 



6cotB re 

8rd, lflia.~Weltord, op. cU. 

otbera. Glemhsm's answer to Argyle ai 

(d) Died March SOth, 16S0.— WclR.,. ., 

(e) He had aigned, with Robert Clavering 
myne on January Sfnd, 164 J. — Memorio^ qftht tnunrs <» ^nuiuina, 

</) Died or his wounds. Buried in SI. Mcbolas'a, October VSth, 
(a) Restored to fretdom of Newcaalle, Aiwuat 8th. leBO.— Brand, 
(h) The Act pardoning his delinquency is dsteil Hay Mad, ie49. 
|i) Compoanded hie delinquency, August, IMS. Restored to tn 

icy In April, 1B<6. 
, showing that he 



(m) In a letter of September 9th, 1646 (CaZ. State Papers (Dom.) 1646-47), John Blakiston 
writes to Vane: ' I acquainted your son [Sir Henry Vane] with some information about sir 
Francis Liddle's escape, which he will inform you of. The Committee of Durham calls him a 
moderate enemy, which it is conceived might have been otherwise expressed by them.' 

(to) Merchant. See Dendy's Merchant Adventurers (Surtees Society, vol. 93), p. 209. 

(o) Vicar of St. Nicholas's ; died March 19th, 1649. See Welford, op. dt. 

(p) Lecturer in St. Nicholas's. Imprisoned at Edinburgh ; released in 1616. See Welford, 
op. cit. 

(g) Restored to freedom of Newcastle, March 8th, 1660.— Brand, vol. ii. p. 490. 

(r) A William Robson, parish clerk of All Saints', was dismissed for his loyalty to the royal 
cause on November 20th, 1644, and restored in 1660. — Brand, vol. ii. p. 490. 

(s) Died in banishment 1652.— Welford, op. cit. 

(t) Merchant. See Dendy's Merchant Adventurers (Surtees Society, vol. 93), pp. 135, 155-191. 

(w) Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1645-47, gives, under date April ^th, 1646, a minute of the 
Committee of Both Kingdoms to remind the Commons to give order for the release of sir William 
Riddell, according to the articles of capitulation of Tynemouth castle. 

(v) Recorder of Newcastle. Restored to freedom of Newcastle, August 8th, 1660.— Brand, 
vol. ii. p. 490 ; died at Hull, 1667.— Welford, op. cit. vol. i. p. 176. 

Note.— 'i he authorities on which the above and following list of signatures are compiled are 
as follows :— For the letter of January 22nd, Memorialls of the Trubles in Scotland (Spalding 
Club), vol. ii. p. 307 ; for that of February 3rd, A True Relation of the Late Proceedings of the 
Scottish Army ; for that of August 17th, The Kingdomes Weekly Intelligencer, No. 69, for August 
20-27, 1644 ; for that of September 7th, The Weekly Account, for September J 8-24, 1644 ; for those of 
October 16th and 16th, A Particular Relation, etc. 

In addition to the chief delinquents, there were others whose share 
in the siege was either less active, or whose convictions were not 
strong enough to keep them faithful to the royal cause. None of 
these was included in the several parliamentary orders of November 
9th, December 5th, and December 13th, 1644. Their co-operation 
with Marley may be expressed as follows : — 


Signed Letter of— 






• • 

* • • 


• • 



• • 

• • 

• • 


ber 7th. 



Thomas Maddison (a) 
Anthony Richardson 
Thomas Clarke (b) . . 
Charles Clarke (c) . . 
William Cooke (a) . . 
Leonard Carr (e) 
Robert Shaftoe (/) .. 
Mark Milbank (gr) .. 
Edward Stote (/t) . . 
Samuel Cock (i) 
Gabriel Robson 
James Harrop ( j) . . 
John Blackburn 
John Robson {k) • . 
James Armstrong (Q 
Anthony Younger .. 
William Archbold .. 

— Matf en (m) 

John Harrigate (n) .. 
Sir Lionel Maddison (o) 
Sir Francis Anderson (p) . 
Henry Maddison (9) . . 
Ralph Gray (r) 
John Emerson {s) 
Charles Brandling U) 
Thomas Davisoh (u).. 
Robert Clavering (v) 






• • 


• • 


• • 


• • 

• • 


• • 


• ■ 

• • 

• • 

• • 

• • 

• • 

• • 

• • 


• • 

{a) See Welford, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 129. 

(6) Thomas Clarke, co-churchwarden of All Saints', with Henry Bowcastle of the preyioua 
list, in 1630. 


(c) Charles Clarke, a barber-Enrgeon, died August 2nd, 1M7.— Brand, vol. I. p. 113. 

(d) A William Cooke was master of the Trinity House in 1620.— Brand, vol ii. p. 337. 
(ej Deprived of his aldermanship iu 1667. See Welford, op. ctt. vol. i. p. 485. 

if) See genealogy in Surtees, Durham^ vol. iii. p. 296. 

{a) Received a baronetcy at the Restoration. See genealogy in Surtees, Durham. 

{h) Son of Richard Stote, merchant. Entered in the visitation of 1666 as captain of a foot- 
company in the service of Charles I. Died December, 1648. 

(i) A Samuel 'Coof signed the letter of October 16th. Possibly a misprint for 'Cock.* 
Probably a son of alderman Ralph Cock, mayor of Newcastle in 1634, of whose fifteen children, 
four (daughters) were known, from their wealth and attractions, as 'Cock's canny hinnies,' 
and were married to members of the great local families of Milbank, Carr, Davison, and Marley. 
See Welford, MonumenU of St. Nicholas's, Netuoastle, p. 78. ' Buried December 20th, 1668. Samuel 
Cock, Merchant.— ulU Saints Register. George Cock, in previous list, was probably another 

0") A ' Will Lerop' signs on October 16th. 

(A:) A ' Will Robson ' signs on October 16th. 

(0 A ' Will Armstrong ' signs on October 16th. 

(m) Matthew Matfen, merchant adventurer, died October Uth, 1607.— Brand, vol. i. p. 298. 
Welford, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 166, mentions a ' Weesy Matfin ' who kept ' the comer shop on the 

(71) Younger warden of the Trinity House, 1644. One Alie Harrigate was a pensioner of 
the Trinity House in 1644, at a monthly dole of 4s. 

(0) On July 10th, 1644, a letter was read in the House of Commons, from OUendar at 
' Blythesnooke,' stating that sir Lionel and alderman Clavering had come over to the Parlia- 
ment.— Commons Journals, under date. 

(p) Compounded his delinquency, July 13th, 1647. Bee Welford, op. oU. He signed on 
January 22nd, 1644, the answer to Armyne and Argyle. 

(q) The Kingdomes Wukly Intelligencer^ N o. 69, for August 20-27, 1644, announces his having 
gone to Sunderland and deserted Newcastle. See Welftrd, o/». cit. vol. iii. p. Ii9. 

(r) Two Ralph Grays were leading citizens of Kewcastie at this time. One was sherifT in 
1628, and died May FOth, 1666 ; the other, sheriff in 1667, mayor 1671, and died December. 1676. 

(8) Sheriff in 1639, mayor 1660.— Dendy, Merchant Adventurers, index. 

(0 Of Gateshead, who sold Nun's moor to the Corporation in 1660.— Brand, vol. i. p. 441. 
He signed 'the answer to Argyle and Armyne on January 22nd, 16 i4. 

{u) Mayor in 1669. Married one of Cock's ' canny hinnies.' 

(V) Signed the answer to Argyle and Armyne on January 82nd, 1644. See note o above. 

The efPect of the siege upon the town's commerce was, un- 
doubtedly, for a time ruinous. The coal trade and also the shipping 
trade which so closely depended on it were practically at a standstill. 
The following letters '^^^ from the Newcastle Ti-inity House, written 
shortly after the conclusion of the siege, very clearly indicate its 
efPect upon their business : — 

To the right worP" the maister wardens and Assistants of the Trinity 
House of Deptford strand theise present : 

After our hearty commendations remembered, wee thought good to 
acquaint you, conceminge the Tees lights and boyes, w®h we were late tennant 
to you for, and desire to be still, That we have gott sett a foote against (now 
since Trade begann) the dueties usually paid for the same, here hath bene (not 
unknowen to you) a longe discontinuance of Tradinge by sea ; w*^h hath much 
disinabled us in what our Corporation should have done, both concerning rent 
payments, the maintainance of ou' poore and paying of other necessarrie charges 
and offices belonging to the Corporation : Neuertheless it shalbe our care, 
wherein we shall not f aile (God willinge) to be accomptable, and give you real 
satisfaccon both for what we inioyed in the tyme of your lease, granted to us, as 
also since, whatsoeuer we have received or shall reciue, for the said Tees lights 
and boyes, for w^'h purpose we shall addresse some convenient messenger, with 
what convenient speed may be, to come up to you both to pform these thinges, 

^^ Trinity Souse M88. Records, 


and to treate conferr and agree (if yon please) concerning a new lease for a like 
tearme to come as formerly we have had, wherein we hoope you will deale 
courtously with us both in regarde of the great pressure and sufferings we have 
undergonn here, by reason of the Armies, besides lacke of trading, with the 
Nauigation this two yeares last past, w^h hath bene a lett of intercourse 
betwene you and us; all w®h we leave to your grave consideracons, comitting 
you to the Almighties ptcnon, rest 

Your very loueing f reindes 

Wm. Parker. 

Phinies Allen. 

ROBT. Bltthman. 
Trinity house in Newcastle, Baph ffell. 

this 28. November, 1644. 

The second letter to the same corporation is as follows : — 


After our harty comendations remembered, we pceiue by M' Thomas 
Dixon and M' Ralph ffell who wee desired to agree with you for a new lease of 
the Tees lights and boyes, that you, and they in our corporacons behalfe are 
agreed for seauen yeares to comence at ladie dale next paying 501 p. Ann. for the 
same, w*h wee hartilie thanck you for, in your respect to us before others though 
we assure you there is no pbibillitie of Trade like to what hath bene in yeares 
past for the collieries here are much wasted and neglected : Neuerthelesse we 
desire you wilbe pleased to* pform [?] the lease, and send it us by this bearer, 
M' Raphe ffell, and we shalbe careful (God willinge) to pfourme what on our 
pts is to be doun on that behalfe ; so for present comittinge you to the 
Almighties ptcnon, rest 

Tour worP" loueing f reindes 

Phinies Allen. 


William Parker. 
John Harrigattb. 
Trinity house in Newcastle, Thomas Aubone. 

16th ffebr. 1644. 

We desire your freindly acceptance by this bearer of a smale token of our 
loue, viz*, a bitt of salmon,*^ till further opportunitie vouchsafe to accomidate 
you with our wounted respect. 

To y® worP" Com***" Gouemors of y« Trinity-house of Deptford strand at the 
Trinity-house near Ratcliff Crosse these present. 

The statements made in these letters as to the stagnation of trade 
are fully confirmed by the record of ships cleared from the Tyne 
in 1644 :— ^8 

•* The pay book for February^ 1645, shows that the gift consisted of two 
salmon, costing 9s. Id. "^ Brand, vol. ii. p. 25 n. 

































• • • 






145 »" ... 



■ • t 







A comparison of the ships entering the Tyne in 1641 and 1644 is 
equally striking : — ^^^ 









The Trinity House receipt books, expressing its total monthly 
revenue, are equally significant. 


£ s. d. 



.. 10 17 6 



.. 5 18 11 



.. 18 9 4 

September^ ... 


11 8 

October »« ... 




June»*'» ,. 

... 8 5 

December^ ... 

£ s. 


2 15 


2 14 

3 18 




40 13 


The paucity of marriages in St. Nicholas's church may also be 
taken as some indication of the general stagnation of trade con- 
sequent on the siege. The register shows a total of eight marriages 

^ The result of the order of November 13th, 1644 (Commons Journals, 
Vi)l. iii.), rescinding the order of January 14th, 1642, by which trade with New- 
castle, Blyth, and Sunderland had been forbidden. ^ Brand, vol. ii. p. 38. 

^^ From May to November the revenue was chiefly derived by calling in loans 
from individuals, or by sums borrowed from William Parker, Thomas Stobbs, 
and John Johnson, to pay the monthly dole to the pensioners. 

*** After this month, no payments were received on behalf of primage and 
Trinity money until the following December. *" Whole sum borrowed. 

^ Whole sum borrowed from Thomas Stobbs and John Johnson. 

^ This sum includes £30 from Edward Lee, representing the Sunderland 
account, March 13th to November Ist, 1644; £3 10s. Od. from the Tees ; and 
£7 3s. Id. representing the first receipts on behalf of primage and Trinity 
money since June, 1644. 


only for 1644, as against thirty-eight in 1642. 'No marriage' is 
entered against the months, Febraary, March, June, July, August, 
September, and there are no entries in October, November, or 

The material damage to the town caused by the bombardment 
was unquestionably considerable. Of the losses incurred in that 
respect by private individuals there is little record. But few of 
the public buildings of the town appear to have escaped. Of the 
four churches, St. John's is the only one which, so far as evidence 
is forthcoming, escaped serious damage. St. Andrew's, close to 
the wall, and exposed to the direct fire of the battery on the Leazes, 
was practically unroofed. It is probable that the garrison had 
mounted cannon on its tower, for that portion of the building 
suflfered severely.^^^ The main structure of the building was so far 
destroyed as to be unfit for public worship. An entry in the church's 
register for 1645 '^ states, *Ther was no child bapt* in the parish for 
1 years tim after the towne was taken nor sarmon in this church 
for 1 years tim.' In 1652 an assessment was laid on the parish for 
the repair of the church, and in 1672 the common council was 
petitioned to aid the work of restoration.^^^ So late as 1708, an 
assessment of sixpence in the £ proving insuflBcient, the corpora- 
tion contributed £10 to the repair of the fabric.^*® In regard to St. 
Nicholas's, there is no evidence to support the tradition that Marley 
saved the steeple by exposing Scottish prisoners in it. An order for 
the repair of it in the corporation records ^*^ for September 4th, 1645, 
seems still further to belie the tradition. All Saints' church, 
exposed as it would be to the fire of Callendar's batteries at Sandgate, 
was considerably damaged. In 1651 and 1655 it underwent extensive 
restoration.^*^ When the Scots entered the town after the assault, 
it suffered with the other churches. At St. Nicholas's, a large image 
of Our Saviour upon the Cross, over George Oarr's monument, was 
defaced by them.^*^ The outlying churches, also, did not escape. 

*" Memoirs of Ambrose Barn^s^ p. 339. ^ In Brand, vol. i. p. 180. 

^ Ibid. »• Ibid, 

"* ' It is ordered, etc. That the Steeple of St. Nicholas Church be presently 
repaired. And that Mr. Maior, Mr. Wm. Dawson, alderman, and Mr. SherifEe, 
calling unto them William Gibson, be the overseers of the same.' 

** Brand, vol. i. p. 3^»0. "** Memoirs of Ambrose Barnes, p. 339. 




On June 11th, 1675, the parishioners of North and South Gosforth 
petitioned for contributions towards the restoration of their church.^^ 
The wall, the main fortification of the town, suffered naturally 
considerable damage. Ambrose Barnes, a youth at the time of the 
siege, describes it in after years as *an old decayed wall,'^^^ and 
adds that the town had been *fortifyed heretofore with a castle,' 
thereby suggesting that the castle had been reduced to the con- 
dition from which Marley had restored it. The mine sprung at the 
White Friar tower destroyed fiffcy-six or fifty-seven yards of the wall 
at that point, and a committee of the council was held on March 7tb, 
1648, to take its repair under consideration. ^^^ Yet another of the 
four mines ^^^ sprung on October 19th made a breach fifty-five yards in 
length, three yards thick, and six and a half yards in height, near the 
Pink tower. On September 20th, 1647, urged by colonel Lilburne, 
the common council ordered the repair of the wall generally, and 
especially at that quarter.^^^ On March 22nd, 1648, the council gave 
further order for the repair of Hhe peeres at the Close-Gate.' ^^^ The 
suburbs of the town at Newgate suffered destruction ^^^ also in the 

«" Brand, vol. i. p. 321. ^ Memoirs, p. 90. 

**** Under date, * Committee about the repayringe of the towne wall at.t the 
Friars, being 56 or 57 yards.' — Corporatwu Records, quoted by Brand, vol.i . p. 4. 

"^ Probably the Westgate mine. The damage done appears to be rather the 
effect of a mine than of artillery. 

*" ' Whereas At a Comon Counsell held the 12th day of August last It was 
thought fitt in regard, That the walls of this Towne were in great decay and in 
some places so ruinous that they were readie to fall downe and in regard 
That CoUonell Lilburne, the Governour of this Towne, had urged the present 
necessity of the repairing of the said walls, And especially a breach neere a 
place called the Pinke Tower, That an Agreement should be made with the 
masons of this Towne for the repairing of the same. And whereas there was 
an Agreement made betweene the maior and Burgesses of this Towne of the 
one ptie and Thomas Tayler, William Pattison, Cuthbert Maxwell, and Guthbert 
Thompson, free masons of this Towne, of the other ptie, in manner and forme 
followeing, vizt., That they the said Thomas Taylor, Willm Pattison, Cuthbert 
Maxwell, and Cuthbert Thompson, shall and will att or before the last day of 
October next ensueing the date of these prnts well and sufficiently take down, 
ridd and new build upp againe a breach in the lowne walls neere a place 
called the Pinck Tower, being in length 55 yards, about 3 yards tbicke, and 
about six yards and a halfe hieh. In consideracon whereof the said Maior 
and Burgesses are to pay unto the said Thomas Taylor, Wm. Pattison, Cuthbert 
Maxwell, and Cuthbert Thompson the some of ffower score and fifteene pounds 
of lawfuU money of England to be paid unto them weekly and every weekc 
according to their weekly bills of worke, untill they shall have received the 
aforesaid some of ninetie five pounds. It is this prnt day ordered by us, the 
Maior, Aldermen. M'". Sheriffe, and the rest of the Comon Counsell of this 
Towne, that the aforesaid Agreement of the Maior and Burgesses with the said 
Thomas Tayler, William Pattison, Cuthbert Maxwell, and Cuthbert Thompson, 
and all and every thing contained therein be ratified and confirmed. Hen. 
Dawson, Maior.' ^ Brand, vol. i. p. 7. *" Ibid, p. 422. 


course of the siege, probably at the hands of the garrison and of 
the Scots equally. Upon February 8rd, when the Scots first 
appeared, the garrison had set fire to the suburbs at Sandgate,^^^ 
and so late as June 17th, 1667, the condition of the wall was so 
unsatisfactory that the Council gave order for its repair, and that of 
its gates and drawbridges.^^ The Tyne bridge, situated between the 
castle and Callendar's batteries at Gateshead, also received considerable 
damage. On December 3rd, 1646, and on July 5th, 1647, mention 
occurs in the common council books of repairs done to it, and a later 
entry on March 28th, 1649, shows that timber from Ohopwell woods 
was used for the purpose.^ Of the private houses in the town two, 
at least, appear to have been singled out by the Scots. Upon their 
entry at Closegate they set fire to a house which was probably sir 
John Marley's,^ and in the course of the pillage which followed, or 

"" A-Faithfull Relation of the late Occurrences and Proceedings of the 
Scottish Army before Newcastle. In the Memorialls of the Truhles in Scot- 
land^ vol. ii. p. 319. it is stated that at that time [February, 1644], * The town 
of Newcastell brynt up the suburbis thairof, lest the enemy sould tak advantage 
thairof.' In February, also, A True delation of the late Proceedings of 
the Scottish Army, states, *they [the garrison] sacrificed all the Houses 
without the Wals, which were very many (as they think), to his Majesties 
service, we heard the cry of the poor people, and it is like to be heard higher.* 
In a letter of February, 1644 (Hist. MSS. Comm. pt. i. app. p. 169), it is stated 
that * they within set on fire and burnt down all the streets and houses lying 
without the walls on the north side of the town.' 

"* * The Comon Counsell haveing this day taken into consideracon great and 
emergent dangers w^h threaten the nation, and this Towne as a member, have 
ordered and be it hereby ordered that imediately the Townes Walls, Gates and 
Drawbridges be repaired and all rubbish or w* else thrown over the same that 
may be disadvantageous thereto be removed. And that Cannons and Carriadges 
be procured from the Townes Shipps and planted thereupon. And further 
takeing into consideracon the great necessity and want of powder here, for 
defence of the Towne in this time of danger have ordered that the Constables 
goe forthw*^ about the Towne, and retorn a List before Twelve a clock 
tomorrow to M' Maior of all such persons as have powder, ball or match, and 
w* quantity there is of it. And that the Custome House officers be requested 
to permitt none to be transported, and the Tollers commanded suffer none to 
goe out of the Gates w*^out License from the Maior, upon paine that if any 
shall endeavor secretly by stealth to convey any forth of the Towne w*^out 
License as aforesaid to give them notice That a seizure shall be made, and the 
same stopt till further order. And in respect moneys will be necessary for the 
doeing of the same ord', and above w* the Towne is able to disburse, that sub- 
scriptions be taken from such of the inhabitants as recide here wt. they are 
willing to lend for the comon security tow^ the defraying of this charge, to be 
repaid them back again forth of the Towns Revenue. Will. Blackett, Maior.* 

"* Brand, vol. i. p. 47. The entry for July 5th, 164 7» runs : 'The worke of the 
Bridge, both for the stone worke and the wood worke, to be viewed and the 
charge computed and report to be made the next Comon Counsell that the worke 
may be presently undertaken.' "* See ante^ p. 226. 



as the result of the previous bombardment, the vicarage was damaged 
to such an extent as to be practically uninhabitable. On September 
24;th, 1649, the common council made order to indemnify Dr. 
Jenison, the then vicar, for the dilapidation of his residence caused 
by the siege.^ Beyond the town wall and fortifications and the 
residence of the mayor and vicar, certain of the public buildings were 
either damaged by the bombardment or pillaged upon the entrance of 
the Scots. The town hutch was rifled, and many of the corporation 
papers and deeds were destroyed by them.^ The common seal of 
the corporation was lost at the same time.^^ Both the grammar 
school and its master. Amor Oxley, had their libraries destroyed, as 
appears from a clause in Oxley's will, dated 1669 — *the free school in 
Ne\^ castle lost its library when the town was stormed and plundered 
by the Scottish Army, and I then also lost my own library.' ^m 
Trinity House was also plundered after the assault,^ though fortu- 
nately its valuable records were preserved. They furnish interesting 
evidence of the damage done to the building by Callendar's batteries 
which overlooked it.^^® 

April, 1646. p<* for Carpentry worke doun aboute the house, 00. 03. 06. 
p** for nayles used aboute the worke, 00. 00. 08. 
pd for two deales, 00. 01. 06. 
Sept., 1645. p^ the plumber for castinge the gutter betweene the Chapelle 

and the vestrie finding lead soder and workmanshipp 

p<i the slater for slatinge the said roofe and findinge 

all slates lyme lathes brods [?] and workemanshippe, 

03. 10. 00. 
p<* for nayles for that worke and for a paire of bands for the 

new doore in the low courtaine, 00. 05. 06. 
p<* for a locke and three keyes for the ptition doore in the low 

courtaine, 00. 04. 04. 
p** for pullinge downe the Rubbish out of the Chappell vestrie, 

00. 00. 08. 

^ See note 379. *" Brand (quoting Bourne), vol. ii. p. 468 n. 

^ Corporation Records, April 9th, 1646 : * Whereas the Comon Scale of 
this Corporation is lost at the tyme of the storminge of the towne and that 
there is great and speciall occasion for the use of the said seale, it is therefore 
ordered by us, the Maior, Aldermen, Sheriffe, and the rest of the Comon Counsell, 
that Mr. Maior take care that forthwith a new seale to bee made in pportion and 
otherwise like unto the old one as near as can bee, and that same to bee done 
at the charge of this Corporation, and that said new Seale so made shall bee 
reputed and taken to bee the Comon Seale of this Corporation, and shall bee to 
all intelits and purposes as effectuall as the aforesaid old Seale heretofore hath 
beene. Henry Warmouth, Maior.* ** Memoirs of Ambrose Barnes, p. 342. 

^ Brand, vol. ii. p. 3^9. "• From the pay book. 


Oct., 1646. p^ for tenn deales formerly used about the house, 00. 07. 06. 
p** for a paire of barres for the little meeting roome w*hin the 

chappell cont. 26 pounds wyt, 00. 06. 03. 
p** for six booles of lyme for the house use, 00. 03. 00. 
p^ for a corsse of haire« 00. 01. 00. 

p"* a laborer makeing up the haire and lyme a daie, 00. 00. 08. 
p^ a plaisterer and a laborer two dales ^ plaisteringe beame 

fiUinge and seltringe up the barrs, 00. 05. 00. 
p^ for these workmens drinckes, 00. 01. 00. 
p** two women halfe a daie carringe away the rubbish w^'h 

came from the worke, 00. 00. 06. 
p* for 16 foote of New glasse and seaven foote of ould glasse 

new leaded, 00. 08. 05. 

So far, therefore, as there is record of the damage done by the 
siege to the town and its buildings, it is clear that it suffered con- 
siderably, and, further, that while the Scottish occupation lasted — 
until February, 1647 — but little was done to repair the damage. 

The fall of Newcastle was followed by the complete downfall of 
the party which had conducted the siege, and the triumphant installa- 
tion of the Puritans. 

As early as September 30th, 1644, the Commons had shown their 
desire to reward their adherents in the north, by the appointment of 
John Tenwick of Newcastle, 'a person well affected to the Parliament,' 
as master of Sherburn hospital in county Durham.^^ On October 
9th, Henry Warmouth had been appointed deputy-lieutenant of New- 
castle,^ and at the same time sir John Fenwicke, sir John Delaval, 
sir William Selby, William Fenwicke, Ealph Delaval, sir Thomas 
Widdrington, sir Robert Jackson, Michael Welden, and sir Arthur 
Haselrig had been nominated deputy-lieutenants for Northumberland.^ 
Within a few days of the fall of Newcastle, however, some difficulty 

^ Commons JournaU^ vol. ill. "^ Ihid, 

""^ In the Corporation Records, under June 9th, 1645, is the following 
entry: *It is ordered by the Maior, Aldermen, Sheriff e, and the rest of the 
Gomon Counsell of this Towne That the Ordinance of the Lords and Comons 
in this present Pliament assembled for the disablinge. disfranchisinge, and 
removeinge of Sir John Marley, Knt., from being Maior, Alderman, and 
freeman of this towne and for the restoreingeof Henry Warmouth, esq' to his 
place of Alderman, and for the makeinge him present maior of this Towne. And 
for the disablinge, disfranchisinge, and removeinge of divers psons and settinge 
others in their places be f airely entered in the Blacke book and Comon Counsell 
books, And that the ffees and charges of the said ordinance to be disbursed by 
John Blakiston, esq'.. Member of the house of Comons. and Burgesse for this 
Towns be repaid him out of the Towne Chamber uppon the receite of a noate 
of the fees and charges from him.' 


showed itself in regard to the future government and control of the 
town. Writing from Newcastle on October 25th,^* to the Committee 
of Estates, the Committee of Both Houses with the Scottish army 
reminded the former that the instructions of the English Parliament 
issued on July 20th, 1644, had provided that when Newcastle and 
Carlisle fell, they should be given up to the * persons and garrisons 
appointed by the two Houses to receive and defend them.' 

On October 26th,^^^ the Committee of Estates replied to this letter, 
and urged that the third article of the treaty between the two 
kingdoms, which was posterior to the instructions of July 20th, 
provided that the Scottish army should, when it had accomplished 
its work, be subject to such conditions as should be agreed upon 
between the two kingdoms. So soon, therefore, as the English 
Parliament or its Committee was in a position to communicate its 
advice to the Committee of Scotland regarding the governor and 
garrison of Newcastle, they would 'endeavour to answer the 
expectations of both Houses with all brotherly love and respect.' On 
the 27th,^^^ sir William Armyne and the other English commissioners 
at Newcastle wrote to Vane to represent the urgency of the position, 
' we earnestly desire the House will consider of how great concernment 
the settling of Newcastle is to all their affairs in these northern parts, 
and of what advantage the coal trade and customs are for the 
maintenance of their armies, if rightly managed, and whenever the 
Scots shall draw into the field, how this town may be preserved in 
peace, which is yet wholly malignant and cannot be suddenly reduced 
to the condition which is to be wished. Pardon our earnestness in 
this because the delaying of this business may prove prejudicial to you, 
the north is far from you, and things cannot every day be presented 

to you as in the south We daily expect some good ministers 

to be sent into these parts, of which there is a very great want.' 
Thus urged by their representatives in the north, the Commons, on 
October Slst,^^^ referred to a Committee of Lords and Commons 
* to consider what is fit to be done for the Settlement of the Affairs 
and Civil Government of Newcastle to the best Advantage of the 

3»* CaL state Papers (Dom.), 1644. *'^ Ibid, 

"*' Ibid, October 27th. ^" Commons Journals, 


It was not until December 6th that the Commons were in a posi- 
tion to issue their orders on that matter. On that date,^^ they passed 
resolutions appointing Dr. Jenison^^^ to the vicarage of Newcastle, 

*• Comirtons Journal, 

"• Jenison did not at once resume his duties. The Trinity House pay 
book for 1646 has the following minute : — * Given to D'. Jenison for a 
gratuitie when he preached in Trinity House Chapel, January 5th, when he 
administered the covenant 01. 10. 00.* The same corporation has a minute 
under March 17th, 1645:---*P^ for beer which was bestowed on Mr. Thring, 
schoolmaster, while he was writing the covenant in parchment, 00. 01. C6., p** 
for a skin of parchment 00. 00. 08.' 

The following entries occur in the Corporation Records regarding Dr. 
Jenison: — *At a Comon Counsell holden the 21st of July, 1646. Whereas 
this day a Ire from D^ Robert Jennison, dated at Danske [Dantzig] the 2"^ of 
June last, was read before the right wo" Henry Warmouth, Esq*"., Maior, the 
Aldermen, M*". Sheriffe, and the rest of the Comon Councell. And whereas the 
said D'. in his Ire is desirous to know what place either by Ordinance of Parlia- 
ment or by order of Comon Councell shall be thought fitt to be conferred 
uppon him the said D'., especially therein mentioninge that of All Hallowes 
and the weekely lecture as callinge it his Antient and truest right till by ioynt 
consent the said D^ relinquish the same in whole or in p*. Wee, the Maior, 
Aldermen, Sheriffe, and the rest of the Comon Councell takinge the said Ire 
into o*" serious consideracon, and well weighinge the great ingagement of this 
Towne to the said D^ for his great paines and meritt amongst us and the hard 
measure he suffered from the Enimies of the Gospell by his suspenson and 
banishment. And further consideringe that the Lords and Comons of this p'nt 
Parliam* uppon o"^ humble peticon amongst other thinges have, by their 
Ordinance dated the 26*** of May last, displaced and removed Yeldart Alvey, 
late Viccar of this Towne from the said Viccaridge for his notorious delinquency, 
and Ordayned the said IK. Robert Jenison to be vicar in his place, and stead, 
and to have receave and enioye to his owne use all proffitts and advantages to 
the said Vicaridge and lectureye belonginge, in as large and ample manner as 
the said M'. Alvey might or ought to have enioyed. All the aforesaid premisses 
considered Wee, the Maior, Aldermen, Sheriffe, and the rest of the Comon 
Councell do hereby Order that the said D"". Robert Jennison shall over and 
besides the said vicaridge be lecturer on the weeke day, and preach every 
Thursday in the fEorenoone at S'. Nicholas Church. And shall have paid forth 
of the Revenues of the said Towne the some of One hundred pounds p. anna, 
over and above all the proflStts and benefitts as viccar, to beginn uppon his 
arrivall here, and to be paid Quarterly, and the Comon Councell are further 
plessed to declare, that they will take into consideracon his charge in removeing 
hither, and recompense it. Henry Warmouth, Maior.* 

*An A-ct of Common Counsell made upon Monday the 24*** day of 
September, Ano. dmi. 1649. That whereas in the yeere 1645, by the great 
importunitie of the right wo". Maior, Henry Warmouth, Esq'., and Common 
Counsell of the Towne of Newcastle upon Tyne then beinge, Doctor Robert 
Jenison was with wife, children, and family both by their earnest Ire and by 
order of Common Counsell called home to Newcastle from Dantzigh, as also 
formerlie upon their humble petition p'sentcd in their names unto the Parlia- 
ment by M'. John Blakiston one of the Burgesses then for Newcastle by an 
Ordinance of both Houses dated May the 26*'' in the same yeere made for the 
regulatinge of affaires there nominated and appointed to be the Vicar thereof, 
in the place of M'. Geildard Alvie then quite displaced and removed by the 
same oi^inance, and so outed from the Vicarage. And whereas the Vicarage 
house was quite ruinated by the Scotts soone after the takinge of the Towne in 
the yeere 1644 as appears by severall surveies taken thereof in wrytinge and 
entered amonge the memorandums or books of the Towne, so that the said 
Doctor neither had nor could have att anytime any place for his dwell inge in 


in place of Yelderd Alvey,'^ and, in answer to the recommendation of 
their commissioners on October 27th, appointed Christopher liove 
and William Strother to proceed as ministers to Newcastle.^si As to 
the town's civil government,382 the Commons appointed Henry Wkr- 
mouth, mayor, and ordered ' that he shall be restored to be alderman 

the said house, beinge laid open in all pts of it from end to end, and from the 
ground to the roofe, yea in divers pts to the skie. And whereas the said Towne 
by pcuringe the vicarage to be conferred upon him as aforesaid pfessed their 
reall and good affeccon towards him, and intended his good and benefitt by the 
vicarage and no preiudice to him or his. And whereas the said Doctor, his 
heires, adm" or executo" may be sued for dilapedacons of the said vicarage 
house and made to answer dammages for the same, which cannot be done but 
with more expence than ever the said Doctor had prflStt by it, or is like to have, 
he beinge now old and infirme, by which meanes his wife and children may be 
utterlie ruinated in their estates, especiallie after his yearely income by his 
death shall f aile them, which is farr and ever was farr from o' intentions att 
first, or desirrs now, he havinge for 34 yeeres now (exceptinge the 7 yeeres time 
of his exclusion and banishment from the p^ace) diligentlie laboured amongst 
us, by preacbinge twice a week and for 19 yeeres and more of that time thrice 
a week att least. 

Now upon the gixDUnds and consideracons aforesaid, and w**» respect to him 
the said Doctor, and his after him. Wee, Thomas Bonner, Esq'., the now Maior, 
and Common Counsell of this o*" Towne and County of Newcastle in Common 
Councell assembled, do order and think fitt, covenant and agree for us and o' 
successors. That the Maior and Commonaltie of Newcastle upon Tyne, for them 
and their successo" shall and will save harmles the said D^ Robert Jennison, 
his heires, execute" andi adm" by and under the Common Scale of the Towne, 
from all the aforesaid dilipidacons and from all dammage and losse that shall 
or may insue thereby to him or any of them, and from all incumbrance and 
charge, which upon any p^'tence may be brought upon him or them, other than 
the aforesaid ordinance of Parliament requires att his or their hands. 

Tho. Bonner, Maior.' 

^ For Alvey, see Arch. Ael.^ new series, vol. i. p. 140, and for both Alvey 
and Jenison see Welford, Men of Mark. 

^ The following resolution occurs in the Corporation Records for May 
30th, 1645 :~* Whereas there hath byn a great defect and want of Able and 
Orthodox Ministers to supplie the severall charges of this Towne, both in 
respect of Lecturers and others to take the pastorall care and charge with*" the 
severall pshes. And whereas M*^ Cuthbert Sydenham and M' Wm. Durant were 
recomended unto this Corporacon for their le-irninge and integrity of life, wch 
uppon good and suffichent try all had of them, they have approved to this 
Corporacon. Therefore Wee, the Maior, Aldermen, SherifEe, and the rest of the 
Comon Counsell, do hereby order that the said M*" Sydenham and M"" Durant be 
appointed anJ established to be Lecturers in this Towne, And to have and 
receave out of the Chamber of this I'owne severall yearely pencons for the same. 
That is to sale, A pencon of One hundred pounds p. Anna to be paid unto the said 
M' Sydenham and a pencon of foure score pounds p. Anna to be paid to the said 
M*" Durant quarterly by even and equall porcons, their severall pencons to begin 
f 'om the 26ih day of March, 1645, And to continue so long as they and either of 
them contineu their faithf uU and religious discharge of their severall places in 
the exercisinge thereof att such tymes and places as the Comon Counsell shall 
think fitt to appoint. And wee do further order that a quarters payment, that 
is to say Midsumer Quarter next ensueing, be forthw*** paid to either of them, 
and Tenn pounds given to each of them for their charges in comlnge to this 
Towne. Henry Warmouth. Maior.' 

'^^"^ Commom Journals^ December 6th, 1641, 


of Newcastle.' John Blakiston was also appointed aldennan, Edward 
Wright, of Gray's Inn, was made recorder in place of sir George 
Baker, Robert Ellison was appointed sheriff, Henry Dawson, * custo- 
mer,' in place of Richard Wynne, George Fenwickj^^s ' customer,' in 
room of Mr. Mettam, and George Dawson, collector of customs. An 
application from Newcastle for the election of a new burgess in place 
of sir Henry Anderson was at the same time ordered to be taken into 
consideration ' on Monday next,'^ and the appointment of further 
aldermen was allowed to stand over. On December 9th,^ the comp- 
troller and customers at Newcastle were empowered to make a new 
* Seal for Oockets, and other things, belonging to the Custom-House of 
Newcastle,' and to make use of them as their predecessors had done 
or ought to have done. On December 11th, the Committee of Both 
Kingdoms^ made order that business relating to Hhe government of 
Newcastle ' should be taken on the following day, and as the result of 
apparently long deliberation, an ordinance ^^ for constituting the 
mayor, recorder, and other officers of the corporation was read a first 
and second time on March 22nd, 1645. The military command of 
the town was, however, left in the hands of the Scots. 

On April 10th, 1645,^ the Committee of Both Kingdoms agreed to 
take * the business of the Governor of Newcastle .... tomorrow at 
4 p.m.,' and on that day [April 11th], ordered ^89 ' That the commis- 
sion to be granted to Sir James Lumsden be drawn up and presented 
to this Committee.' Lumsden, who acted as governor until the Scots 
left Newcastle in February, 1647, had his official residence at Anderson 
place.39<> As the result of the triumph of the Puritan party in New- 
castle, other changes were made among those who held public positions 

"' ' Who hath suffered very much and been long Lanished from his house in 
the towne of Newcastle/ — Lords Journals, vol. vii. p. 43. 

*** This order does not appear to have been complied with. In Cal. Statfi 
Papers (Dom.), 1646-47, under date September 9th, 1645, it appears that the 
writs were shortly to be sent down by John Blakiston. On September 11th, 
1 647, a discussion was raised in the Commons on the failure of Newcastle to act 
on the writs. — Perfect Occurrences^ under date. About October 24th, 1647, 
a deputation left Newcastle for London to indict Henry Dawson, the mayor, for 
his opposition to the election. See ante, p. 127. 

*® Commons Journals, vol. iii. ^^ Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1644. 

'•^^ Commons Jo^irnals, vol. iv. *" Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1645-47. 

"* Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1645-1647. Lumsden 's appointment as governor 
of the * Towne and garieson ' was confirmed and ratified on March 5th and 16th, 
1645. — Acts of Parliament of Scotland, vol. vi. pt. i. 

"• See p. 112 in this volume. 

VOL. XXI. ^^ 


in the town. In May, 1 645, Thomas Turner, curate of St. Nicholas's, 
and John Clark, curate and lecturer at St. Andrew's, were ejected,^^ 
and on the 30th of the same month Amor Oxley,^ master of the 
grammar school, was displaced, together with, as appears probable, 
Edward Lumsden, his under-usher.^ 

In such manner the Puritan government of Newcastle was con- 
stituted. It signalised its accession to power by the following order, 
dated April 9th, 1645 :— 

Whereas att this p^sent tyme the pmittinge of Papists and their Familyes to 
inhabite in a garrison Towne may pve of dangerous consequence, and flEor 
asmuch as in that regard the Papists gen'ally inhabitinge this Towne have 
been heretofore p'emptorily ordered to departe the said towne and C )untie, and 
yet notwithstandinge the most of them have disobeyed the said Order, and doe 
still remaine amongst us. Itt is therefore ordered by us, the Maior, Aldermen 
and Sheriffe, and the rest of the Comon Counsell, That every of the Alder- 
men of this Corporation, their deputie or deputies doe therefore give it in charge 
to the Constable or Constables of their severall and respective Wards, that they 
give notice to all and every papist inhabitinge in their severall wards that he or 
she, them and every of them being papists, doe att or before Monday next, 
being the fourteenth day of this present month of A prill, depte out of the Town 
and Countie. And if any papist whatsoever shall after this summons and the 
tyme limited for their departure bee found to stay and abide within the said 
libertie, he or she whosoever stayinge and abidinge is to be proceeded against 
accordinge to the Laws of the Land. Henry Warmouth, Maior. 

On April 15th, 1645, the Puritan corporation conferred its free- 
dom upon sir William Armyne, Richard Barwics [or Barwis], and 
Eobert Fenwick, the English commissioners.^ 

There remain for consideration the measures that were taken for 
the appropriation and regulation of the coal trade, Newcastle's chief 
industry. If England welcomed the fall of Newcastle as the first step 
towards a plentiful aud cheaper supply of coals, the Scots, on their 
part, were thoroughly aware of both the political and material 
advantage which the control of the collieries would place in their 
hands in the event of difficulties with their English allies. 

On October 26th,395 Sinclair wrote to the Scottish Estates, ' As for 
the ordering of the coalls, customs, exise, sequestrations, and moneyes 
thereupon ariseing, wee intend, that it shall be done by a joynt com- 

** Memoirs of Amhrose Barnes^ p. 342. 

^"^ He was restored, April 27th, 1662, and was then paid £40 arrears due 
to him at the time of his ejection. — Brand, vol. i. p. 92. 

®* Memoirs of Barnes, p. 342. ^* Brand, vol. ii. p. 469. 

^ Thurloe, vol. i. 


mittee, and no otherwayes ; for the parliaments instructions to their 
commissioners of the 9th of March doeth expressly beare the same, 
howbeit they labour to putt another glosse upon them. For this 
purpose James Swords'^ presence here will be very necessary, and 
therefor desire wee your lordships to cause hasten him hither.' On 
November 6tb, sir Lionel Maddison, who had returned to Newcastle 
with the Scots, wrote to Vane^ the first of a series of interesting 
letters which throw considerable light on the critical position of the 
collieries and coal-owners. Eegarding the intention of the Scots to 
lay a tax upon coals for the payment of the army, he gives interesting 
statistics of the coal trade. 

The annual sale of coals at Newcastle, he states, was 180,000 
chaldrons, or 18,000 ' tens,' and at Sunderland 40,000 chaldrons, or 
4,000 ' tens.' The foreign trade amounted to 80,000 chaldrons, or 
8,000 * tens' annually. The duties upon each chaldron of coals 
amounted to seven shillings and sixpence if sold to English merchants 
for carriage in English bottoms, including tenpence for the old 
custom, five shillings imposition, and one shilling and eightpence 
further imposition. The duty on the chaldron, if sold to or carried 
by foreigners, amounted to nine shillings and twopence, which included 
the old custom and imposition, but with an increased further imposi- 
tion of three shillings and fourpence. There were, he adds, two 
hundred and twenty-two salt pans on the river, and in good times 
about one hundred and eighty or ninety of them would be working, 
consuming about 86,000 chaldrons of coal annually. At Sunderland 
also there were salt pans, consuming 8,000 chaldrons a year, which 
lately belonged to sir William Lambton, but were now out of repair. 
On the following day [November 7th], Maddison writes again to 
Vane :— 398 

The English Commissioners, and especially the Scotch, expect much out of 
the coals wrought and to be wrought, so that friends, except course be taken 
above, are like to suffer as well as others. I and others who conceive ourselves 
friends have petitioned for possession and enjoyment of our coals and collieries, 
submitting to all ordinances of Parliament, but can have no answer yet, but are 
treated withal upon some proposition put in, I know not for what good purpose, 
by Sir Nicholas Cole, who hath no continuing colliery, but a great stock upon 

*" He was a burgess of St. Andrews and appears to have acted as collector of 
customs for the Scots after the fall of Newcastle.— Guthry, Memoirs ^ p. 13.S. 

^ Cal. State Papers (Dom.), 1644. *» Ihid. 


his staith, which he got cheap when others had no means to do the like. His 
proposition is that if he may have 10s. a chaldron for the present he will let all 
the rest, that can be made upon them, go to the service,"* knowing that these being 
sold he needs not care much for afterwards, thinking thereby to please the Scots 
and clear himself for his deliriquencies, but you will shortly hear no small 
matters objected against him. Let him ingratiate himself now, and come off 
afterwards as well as he can. For the imposition on coal used for salt it will be 
too much to lay both upon them and the salt too, and if there be a necessity of 
imposition, the half methinks of what is aimed at were much, considering the 
value and necessary use of the commodities ; and if the trade elsewhere be not 
well balanced, both for coals and salt that shall be sold in England, we shall be 
draining soon of the trade, and those that have of late felt the sweat thereof, 
and are still desirous of the same, would lick their lips thereat. I should think 
an equal imposition on all commodities, by a consideration of the values pro- 
portionally, were most equal, and that those commodities most used by the poor 
should be most and soonest eased. Whatsoever is thought fit for home vent will, 
I think, be sufficient if added to the foreign vent, for if that be overburdened 
fewer will be transported from hence ; but elsewhere the more were vented at 
present, double and treble benefit would accrue for the present estate, for which 
I speak it, in that it matters not for us to whom wf? sell or where they be vented. 
The sale for many years cannot be like former years, because so many will 
hardly be wrought, and in that they cannot be afforded at so low rates as 
formerly, men will spend fewer as they find them dearer. Again, the troubles 
1 doubt have made fewer householders and less housekeeping ; but especially 
whilst the troubles last they cannot be dispersed nor carried to be sold in the 
country so far or so freely as they have been. Coals cannot now be afforded 
under 148. or 15s., paying the old 12*, and then consider what more shall be 
necessary to be added, which, whatever it will be, will be so much to be paid by 
the buyer and poor spender of the coal in England. 

P.S. — I pray God keep us from the sickness which is in divers houses in 
Sandgate and some few in this town, and many places in the country. Since 
Sir Nicholas Cole's propositions for bettering, nothing but selling by the chaldron 
will be hearkened unto. The speech is, and the Scots seem to make a question 
for all our ships in the river and for the keels as prizes or due to them without 
composition, the town being taken by surprise. Their wages being taken care 
for and the payment thereof, I hope care will be [taken] that no such claim 
be made, but order to the contrary. 

The diflSculbies of the position were felt by the Scots equally. On 
November 8th Sinclair writes to the Oomraittee of Estates : — ^^ 

And because wee find daylie so many difficulties occurring concerning the 
managing and ordering of this busines of the coale, which can nather be so well 
knowne nor determined, as by those who are upon the place ; we conceave it 
very necessar, that your lordships would desire the earle of Crawfurd, and such 
others of your number as yow shall think fitting, to repare hither for assisting of 
us here, our burden being very great, and our number few. 

^ i.e., be appropriated by Parliament for its own purposes. Sir Nicholas's 
proposal was ultimately adopted. *•• Thurloe, vol. i. 


While matters were in this unsettled condition at Newcastle, the 
English Parliament, on November 13Dh,*^i withdrew the prohibition 
of trade with the Tyne ports which had been imposed on January 
14th, 1643,^^ and immediately great activity was displayed in the coal 
industry.*^ At Newcastle, however, the position of the colliery owners 
was still under discussion. 

On November 14th, sir Lionel Maddison, in a further letter to 
Vane,^^ informed him that sir Nicholas Cole's proposal, *that friends 
should lend what they would give,' found most acceptance in the 
town. As to the disposal of collieries belonging to delinquents, he 
and his partners had offered in regard to the collieries in which they 
were interetted to * undertake for such shares as belonged to any 
delinquents in partnership with us.' He corrects the statement in 
his former letter [November 6th] regarding the custom on each 
chaldron. On coals for foreign export, tenpence, to English buyers, 
eightpence, was the custom. He thinks that the many impositions 
on coals will decrease the sale by many thousand chaldrons this year, 
and strongly urges an excise, or some other method whereby to raise 
a revenue and at the same time diminish the burden on coals. He 
again refers to the Scots having seized the ships in the river, of one 
of which, the * Sarah,' he was part owner. He wishes to know if, 
when Bristol was taken, prince Rupert acted as the Scots had done 
at Newcastle? 

In spite of Maddison's objections, sir Nicholas Cole's proposal 
was virtually adopted. On November 17th, an agreement was signed 
at Newcastle on behalf of both kingdoms by "William Bowe, to the 
following effect : — ^^ 

1. — Sir John Marley, sir Thomas Eiddell, sir Thomas Liddell, sir 
Alexander Davison, sir John Minns, and sir Francis Ander- 
son were declared to have forfeited their collieries and coals 
to the Parliament.^ 

*** CommoTis Journals^ vol. iii. ^^ See p. 146 in this volame. 

^ See p. 242 in this volume. *" CaU State Papers (Dom.), 1644. 

^ Bourne, p. 234. 

^ On November 26th, the earl of Northumberland, Ralph Maddison, Elobert 
Bewicke, Thomas Lawrance, Eliz. Grey, Ralph Fowler, and Robert Young were 
by resolution of the House of Commons restored to the possession of their 
collieries and of the coal on their staithes and stands. — Cominons JournalSy 
vol. iii. 


2. — Other colliery and coal owners than the above were to continue 
in possession as 'tenants and servants to the Parliament,' 
and were to be allowed to work their collieries on two 
conditions : — 

(a) They were to receive 10s. per chaldron of coals sold ; 

and the amount paid per chaldron in excess of 
that price was to be applied to the service of 
Parliament and the maintenance of the army. To 
the same object was to be applied any impost 
which might be put on each chaldron, as well as 
Hhe old Custom of Is. upon the Ohalder, formerly 
paid by the Owners to his Majesty,' the 8d. per 
chaldron for the town dues, and 3d. per chaldron 
for the garrison.^^ These arrangements were to 
hold good also for coals already wrought and lying 
at the staithes or at the pit head. 

(b) The price of coal per chaldron was fixed at 15s., to 

which 'the Asses of 4s'., and 'the ancient 12d. to 

the king* were to be added. Coals for export were 

to be sold at the same rate, with the custom duties 


On November 19th, the House of Commons resolved*^ that the 

commissioners of customs at Newcastle should settle the collection of 

customs there 'for the use of the Navy.' But save to the Parliament, 

to whose necessities not only the customs and taxes but also a large 

portion of the colliery owners' profits were to be diverted, these 

measures gave little satisfaction. On November 21st, sir Lionel 

Maddison writes to Vane : — ^^ 

For the country to subsist and maintain the army, except some speedy relief 
be, for any time, is impossible ; that they have done so much is hardly credible. 
Though the farmer discounts with the landlord for most of his rent by reason of 

^ Sir Nicholas Cole's payment to Baillie (see above, p. 238) was probably on 
account of the garrison dues. 

** On December 23rd, 1644, the committee at Goldsmith's hall recommended 
that the regulation of the coal trade at Newcastle should be in their hands, and 
that for the next four months they should pay the Scottish army in and round 
Newcastle £700 a month out of the coal, collieries, and duties on coal. — Hist. 
M88, Comm, pt. i. app. p. 198. ^ Commons Journals, vol. iii. 

'^^ Cat. State Papers (Dom.), 1644. 


charges lying upon the country, and some far surmounting their rents, [so] that 
the landlord hath little or nothing or less than nothing ; yet is the tenant like 
to run away too from the same, though some have been desired only to stay 
upon the ground and but keep fire in the houses that they fall not to ruin. The 
Heuses, I perceive, have the business now in consideration. I pray God timely 
remedy may be had, else both country and army will shortly be in a miserable 
case, for the country have advanced what they are able, and more than the 
country hath cannot be had. 

Again, on November 27th, he writes to the same : — ^^^ 

No money is to be had, little provision left, nothing but money will give 
content ; driving ofE what is remaining where money cannot be had is not only 
in part executed by the officers and soldiers, but generally threatened, and what 
the consequences thereof will be any man may judge . . . many are ready 
to run away and leave all. . . . Either in time consider us, or the Lord in 
mercy look upon us. 

Sir Lionel, however, as appears from a letter, apparently in 
February, 1645,*^^ had a careful eye upon his own interests : — 

If this treaty [Uxbridge] shall procure a happy and well grounded peace, 
the business I would call your attention to may pass in an act of oblivion, but 
if otherwise, I would not for any private benefit let it pass. It may haply 
prove a very considerable thing. It is a colliery near Sunderland-water, just 
over against Lambton, called Harraden, belonging in part to Thos. Wray, of 

Beamish, a grand Papist and delinquent, whom I hear has gone away I 

would not seem to look much after it, neither yet would I now, but that I 
perceive either Sir Wm. Langley, Mr. Lilbume, or Mr. Gray, or all have an aim 
at it. 

Nor in London does the fall of Newcastle appear to have pro- 
duced those results which had been looked for. ' In November, 1644, 
Whitelock writes : — ^ 

The city by a petition remember their forwardness in their persons and 
purses to serve the parliament, and desire a reimbursement of their moneys lent 
towards reducing of Newcastle, and that they might have coals at a reasonable 
price ; which was held fit by the commons, and put in a way to be done. 

In December, ninety chaldron of Newcastle coals were shipped 
for distribution among the London poor.*^* 

**' Cal, State Papers (Dom.), 1644. 

^* Ihid, The letter is among the documents of doubtful date at the end 
of the volume. ^' Vol. i. p. 339. 

*" CaU State Papers (Dom.), 1G44, under date December 4th. At Newcastle, 
in April, 1646, Whitelock says (vol. i. p. 422) ' the inhabitants were discontented 
at the imposition on coals.' 


By the spring of 1646, therefore, the problems which arose out of 
the siege and capture of Newcastle may be said to have been solved. 
The royalist party in the town had been completely crushed ; its 
Puritan rivals were installed in oflBce ; a Scottish governor and a 
Scottish garrison guarded the town, and the extensive revenue derived 
from its chief industry was being applied to the needs of the 
Parliament and its Scottish ally. Soon after the assault on October 
19th, the Scottish army withdrew from Newcastle into winter 
quarters at Darlington, Bishop Auckland, Durham, Chester-le-Street, 
Morpeth, and Hexham.*^' Leven returned to Scotland in the course 
of November,*^* leaving behind him a town partly in ruins, evidences 
of heroism, which later times have known better how to appreciate 
than those to whom, for the moment, his victory gave the control of 
the town and its fortunes. 

*" Lithgow. 

*" Douglas's Diary, * Ist of November, I came towards Scotland, the Ist day 
to Morpet with the General, and dyned, and from that to -A nick. Upon the 2d 
day T came to Berwick; and upon the 3d day (being the Sabbath) I taught 
there to the garrison upon Psalm 56, at the beginning. Upon the 4th I came to 
Haddington.' Sir Lionel Maddison'a letter of November 27th says that Leven 
was returning to Scotland on November 28th, and that sir Adam Hepburn had 
already returned there. 


On page 93 line 9, delete * the.' 

„ 95 „ 32, page 102 line 7, and page 104 lines 4, 2B, and 37, for 

* Lesley' read * Leslie.* 
„ 105, heading, for * Lesley * read * Leslie.' 
,. 109 line 27, and page 112 line 9, for * sir John Lumsden * read * sir 

James Lumsden.' 
„ 114 note 127, for * 1639 ' read * 1640.' 
„ 125 „ 216, for • p. 45 ' read » p. 127.' 

138 „ 302, for * Calendar' read * Callendar.' 




By the Rev. H. E. Savage, Hon. Canon of Durham and Vicar of 

St. Hild's, South Shields. 

[Read on the 27th day of July, 1898.] 

After the death of Bede in 735 a.d., or rather after the close of 
his Ecclesiastical History four years earlier, the history of North- 
umbria seems to suddenly become almost a blank for more than a 
century. The mantle of the great historian fell on no successor. 
There are, indeed, certain local contemporary annals, such as the 
* Continuation of Bede,' which carries on his 'recapitulation' or 
chronological summary^ to the year 766,^ and the similar record 
extending to 803, which together form the basis of the Historia de 
Eegibtcs Anglorum et Dacorum, ascribed to Symeon of Durham, and 
which have been largely used by him jn his Historia Ecclesiae 
Dunhelmensis? There is also, of course, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. 
But annals such as these are after all but mere skeleton outlines. 
Except where obviously later legends have been interpolated,^ they 
give little more than mere ' Fasti,' chiefly relating to the succession of 
the kings and the bishops, and (in a few cases) the principal abbats, of 
Northumbria. The character sketches and touches of personal or local 
interest, which add so much to the charm of Bede's narrative, are 
wholly wanting. The dry bones are not living pictures. 

* H. E., V. 24. 

* Printed in the editions of Bede at the end of the Ecclesiastical History. 
Moore's MS. in the Cambridge University Library (Kk. 6, 16) ends at the year 
734. As it is probably contemporary with Bede [See Hardy, Catalogue of M8S, 
relating to the Early Hutory of Great Britain, vol. i. pt. i. pp. 483-4], the notes 
so far were probably added by Bede himself. The subsequent entries down to 
766, which are found in three MSS., may probably be ascribed to Cuthbert, the 
devoted disciple of Bede, who wrote the account of his master's last hours, and 
who was abbat of Jarrow in 765 (see below p. 261). 

* Hinde, Preface to Symeon of Durham, Surtees Soc. vol. 51, pp. xv.-xviii. 
See also p. xix.: *The importance of the early annals embodied in the Historia 
de Gestis Begnm. Ai^glorum et Daeornm has been greatly underrated, in conse- 
quence of their having been looked upon as the production of an author of the 
twelfth century, instead of being, as they unquestionably are, the genuine 
records of the eighth and ninth ; as ancient and authentic as any of the materials 
which have been incorporated in the Saxon Chronicle for the sams period.' 

* e.g,f concerning the relics of Acca and of Alchmund, under the years 740 
and 781. 

VOL. XXI. 33 


And yet, outside these records there is material, and contemporary 
material available by which it is possible to realise vividly some of 
the actors in the events so barely noticed in the annals, and to 
catch glimpses of the conditions of their life, and of their manners 
and interests and surroundings, during a transition period of great 
unrest and constant trouble. It is to this material that I propose 
briefly to draw attention, for it has been strangely overlooked hitherto 
by local historians. I refer to the foreign correspondence of Anglo- 
Saxon churchmen, engaged either in missionary or in literary work 
on the continent, with their friends and acquaintances at home. 

The wandering, or rather travelling, instinct which is so marked a 
characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon race, was as strongly active in the 
eighth century as in any preceding or later age. Men (and women) 
were as eager as a Benedict Biscop or a Wilfrid had been before them 
to visit the famous cities of the continent of Western Europe, and 
above all Rome itself ; and their constant journeys to and fro afforded 
an opportunity of frequent communication between those who had 
settled in other lands and those who remained at home. Moreover, 
in addition to their service, special messengers were continually 
coming and going between the great leaders of missionary enterprise 
and the heads of the church at home. In this way a mass of 
correspondence of various kinds accumulated at all the chief centres ; 
and in many cases at least these letters were carefully preserved as 
memorials of the great men by whom or to whom they had been 
written. Such collections must no doubt have existed in the leading 
religious houses of Northumbria, as, e.g., Lindisfarne, Jarrow, York, 
Hexham, or Ripon, as is clear from the number of communications 
with them which are to be found in the Mainz records and in 
Alcuin's epistles. But in the incursions of the Danes, and possibly 
even more in the equally ruthless, if not worse, devastations of 
William of Normandy, they were utterly destroyed. We are now, 
therefore, thrown back on the fragments which have survived in the 
foreign collections. 

There is, however, one unfortunate circumstance about these, that 
they were obviously cherished rather as choice literary productions, 
according to the taste of that age, than as historical evidence, so that 
almost universally the dates have been eliminated, and not infre- 


quently even the names of the persons addressed.^ The absence of 
dates is often disappointing. Thus, there are two letters from Alcuin 
congratulating Ethelbald and Friduin respectively on their several 
elections to the abbacy of the twin monastery at Wearmouth and 
Jarrow,^ but there is nothing to indicate the order of their succession. 
But in not a few instances the dates can be readily enough supplied 
from the events alluded to ; and in these allusions there is often no 
little interest of various kinds to be found. Sometimes it happens 
that a bare statement of the annals is rendered in this way instinct 
with all the life of personal details. To take but two instances of 
this: — 

(i.) Under the year 764 the annals record that ' heavy snow, frost- 
bound, lay on the land almost from the beginning of the winter to 
the middle of the spring.'^ How terribly this severe cold affected 
the work of the monasteries appears from a letter of Cuthbert, abbat 
of Wearmouth and Jarrow, the pupil of Bede to whom we owe the 
touching account of his master's last hours, written to Lul, bishop 
of Mainz. Lul had written to him to ask for copies of some of 
Bede's works. Cuthbert in return sends the prose and verse lives 
of St. Cuthbert, and adds that he would have sent more if possible, and 
that indeed he and his boys had done their best; but that the bitter 
winter, with its cold and frost and storms, had so numbed the hands of 
the copyists that they could not write out any more.^ One is reminded 
of the naive remarks which occur at intervals in the Ecclesiastical 

* * Cum vero non propter rerum gestarum indagationem historiaeque cogni- 
tionem describi solerent, sed ut exempla fierent literarum componendarum aut 
ob admonitionum gravitatem, quae in eis passim continentur, plerumque librarii 
et nomina et temporum signa earum neglexerunt omiseruntque/ etc. — Diimmler, 
MonumeiUa Alcuiniana (edited after Jaffa's deatb, from the materials prepared 
by him, by Wattenbach and Diimmler), p. 132. 

* Epp. 272 and 273 in Monumenta Alcuiniana, The subsequent quotations 
from Alcuin are taken from this edition. 

^ * Anno dcclxiv. nix ingens gelu ligata omnibus retro saeculis incomparabilis, 
a principio hiemis pene usque ad medium veris terram oppressit.' — Sym. Dun. 
Hvttoria Regum. In the different copies of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle this 
severe frost is ascribed to the years 761 or 762. 

* * Nunc vero, quia rogasti aliquid de opusculis beati patris, cum meis pueris 
iuxta vires, quod potui, tuae dilectioni praeparavi: libellos de viro Dei Cudbercto, 
metro et prosa compositos, tuae voluntati direxi. Et, si plus potuissem, libenter 
voluissem. Quia presentia [?] preterit! hiemis multum horribiliter insulam 
nostrae gentis, in frigore et gelu et ventorum et imbrium procellis, diu lateqae 
depressit, ideoque scriptoris manns, ne in plurimorum libroram numerum 
perveniret, retardaretur.' — Monumenta Moguntina^ ed. Jaffd, ep. 134, p. 301. 


History of Ordericus Vitalis, about the pen dropping from his fingers 
through the winter cold, and the necessity of postponing his story 
till the return of spring.^ And yet in this same letter the good 
Cuthbert, in thanking Lul for the present he had sent him of an 
embroidered rug for his own use in the cold weather, says simply 
that he had with great joy devoted it for a covering for the altar 
in St. Paul's church as a thank-offering for his forty and six years 
in that monastery.!^ 

(ii.) In 793 a.d. the Danes attacked and ravaged Lindisfame, and 
scattered the monks whom they did not kill. But though the horrors 
of their attack are given with slightly more detail than usual in the 
annals,^^ nothing is said of the fate of the refugees. This disaster, 
however, afforded Alcuin, in his comfortable security at a distance, an 
opportunity of writing a whole batch of letters in the congenial role 
of a candid friend. Even amongst those which have been preserved 
there are two addressed to king Ethdred, two to bishop Higbald 
(besides a long and inopportune poemV^ one to Cudrad, one to the 
monks of Wearmouth and Jarrow, and one to Ethelhard, archbishop 
of Canterbury.^3 His theme is chiefly an unsympathetic moralizing 
on the prevalent sins which he assumes were directly visited with the 
judgment of heaven in the attack on Liudisfarne. He is eager in 
fact to ' improve the occasion.' Incidentally, however, the condition 
of matters at Liudisfarne appears here and there. At first the bishop 
and the remnant of the monks are urged to vigour and courage in 

• e.g,, lib. iV. ad fin. * Multa terrigenis imminent inforfcunia, quae si diligenter 
scriberentur omnia, ingentia replerent volumina. Nunc hiemali frigore rigens 
aliis occupationibus vacabo, praesentemque libellum hie terminare fatigatus 
decerno. Redeunte vero placidi veris sereno, ea quae minus plene disserui, sive 
quae restant in sequentibus replicabo : Deoque iuvante, casus guerrae pacisque 
nostratuum veraci stilo copiose dilucidabo.' — Hist. Nor^nan. Scriptores Ant, ed. 
Du Chesne, p. 546. 

" * Similiterque mihimet ipsi coopertorium variatum, ad tegendum scilicet 
propter frigus meum corpus misisti. Quod videlicet omnipotenti Deo et beato 
Paulo apostolo ad induendum altare, quod in eius ecclesia Deo consecratum est, 
cum magno gaudio dedi ; quia et ego sub eius protectione in hoc monasterio 
quadraginta et sex annos vixi.' — Man. Mog, p. 301. 

" * Veniunt ... ad Lindisfarnensem ecclesiam ; miserabili praedatione 
vastant cuncta, calcant sancta poUutis vestigiis, altaria suffodiunt, et omnia 
thesauraria sanctae ecclesiae rapiunt. Quosdam e fratribus interficiunt, non- 
nullos secum vinctos assumunt, perplurimos opprobriis vexatos nados projiciunt, 
aliquos in mare demergunt.' — bym. Dun., HM., 793. 

" Du Chesne's (' Quercetani ') ed., Pars, 1617, pp. 1711-1715. 

" Epp. 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28. 

Me DANfiS AO? tilNDtSEAllNfi. ^63 

defence of their sacred citadel, and are pointed to the example of 
Judas Maccabaeus ;^^ and Alcuin promises to ask king Charles, 'when 
he has subdued his enemies through the mercy of God, and returns 
home,' if anything can be done in the matter of ' the boys who have 
been carried off into captivity by the pagans.'^^ Cudrad the priest 
had evinced a special constancy of faith. Having escaped from the 
Danes, he seems to have resolved to devote himself to a stricter life 
according to rule, apparently as an anchorite ; and he sent a message 
to Alcuin by one Buitta asking for his advice. Alcuin replies very 
cautiously (not to say obscurely) ; and while he commends his resolu- 
tion he refers him to the counsel of the brotherhood, pointing out 
that he can observe his rule aa well in the community life as in a 
hermit's call, and that he has an opening before him for influencing 
the other members of the fraternity in favour of a more regular life.^^ 
It is clear then that the community, if scattered, was not broken up. 
There is no thought, even under the first pressure, of abandonment of 
the post. And in the later letters of this series it is apparent that 
the immediate danger has rapidly passed away, for Alcuin changes his 
tone, and loftily presses the bishop and the monks to place their 
reliance on spiritual weapons, and not on physical resistance.^^ 

But besides supplying a mere sketching in of details into the 
already known outlines of leading events, the letters of Boniface and 
Lul, and more especially of Alcuin (himself a Northumbrian both by 

" ' Sed modo, qui residui estis, state viriliter, pugnate f ortiter, def endite 
castra Dei. Mementote Judam Macbabeum, quia templum Dei purgavit et 
populum a servitute liberavit extranea.' — Ep. 24, p. 191. 

" * Cum domnus noster rex Karolus, bostibus per Dei misericordiam subditis, 
domum revertetur, nos Deo iuvante ad eum venire disponimus. Et si quid tunc 
vel de pueris, qui in captivitatem a paganis abducti sunt, vel de aliis quibusque 
necessitatibus vestris vestre sanctitati proficere possunius, diligenter ad effectum 
perducere curabimus.' — Ep. 24, pp. 192-S. 

" * Valde sanctorum locorum ingemesco vastationem; sed vestrae fidei laetificor 
constantia. Deique omnipotentis conlaudaris clementiam, qui tibi inter manus 
paganorum pepercit. Ideo firma fide in quo coepisti proposito permaneas; 
confidens in misericordia Dei, ut te suae pietatis conservet, ubicumque — fraterno 
consilio — te habitare velit Deus. Tamen — sive in loco habitationis singularis 
sive in fraterna cohorte— solitariam conversationem et secretas orationes et 
ieiuniorum propositum diligenter observa .... Visitantesque te fratres 
consolatione sancti Spiritus diligenter ammone exhortans eos,' etc. — Ep. 26, 
p. 196. 

^'' e.g, 'Fortior est defensio sanctorumque intercessione [?], qui apud vos 
requiescunt, quam sagittarum collectio, et morum emendatio quam armorum 
congregatio. Memento Ezechiam regem quantos hostes una prece prosternerit.'— • 
Ep. 25, p. 194. 

264 NOtlTfiriMBRiA IN THE BIGflTH CBNlfURt * 

birth and by training), afford invaluable information, which cannot be 
obtained elsewhere, as to the state of the religious houses and the 
general condition of life in the northern kingdom. 

I. — The Monasteries. 

In the century which intervened between the foundation (or 
refoundation) of the Northumbrian church by Aidan and the death of 
Bede a remarkable development had taken place in the i-eligious 
houses. At first they were essentially evangelistic centres, the prime 
object of which was to exert a missionary influence on their neighbour- 
hood, and to train a succession of popular teachers. The instruction 
given in them was mainly — perhaps entirely — subordinated to this 
purpose. The heroes of the monastic life whose fame was greatest, 
and whose personal recruiting power was most attractive, were those 
who were especially prominent for their energy in spreading the 
gospel, or for the rigour of their own asceticism — a form of practical 
preaching which was very effective in a rough age of loose moral 
restraint. But with Benedict Biscop a new era began. His 
enthusiasm for art and culture and literature, and the varied stores 
collected in his travels, not only furnished his two monasteries at 
Wearmouth and Jarrow with richer accessories than their predecessors, 
but in effect set the standard of a new type of religious house. The 
chief monasteries tended now to become more and more self-centred. 
The pursuit of literature became an end in itself ; the acknowledged 
leaders of thought and life were the great teachei's and writers ; art 
was developed and encouraged as a life work ; personal culture took 
its place side by side with missionary activity as an integral aspect of 
the ideal Christian life. To this stage of course belongs the career of 
Bede himself ; monuments of this period are still extant in such 
productions as the Codex Amiatinus^® and the Lindisfame Gospels. ^^ 

After Bede's death the scholastic centre of Northumbria was 
transferred from Jarrow to York, where the mantle of the great 
teacher fell successively on his old pupil Egbert, and after him on 



* Now in the Laurentian library at Florence. For the interesting story <.f 

identification of this Codex as one of Ceolfrid's three great Pandects of the 

new version (Bede, Hist. Abb., § 12), see the Church Quarterly Review for 
Jan., 1888. 

" Baine, Saint Cuthbert^ p. 34, n. 


Aelbert, Egbert's successor in the archbishopric.'® Alcuin, the pupil 
of both these masters, gives, in his poem De Sanctis Eboracmsis 
Ecclesiae,^^ some idea of the range of their learning. The subjects of 
Egbert's lectures included, besides the sacred scriptures and ecclesiasti- 
cal themes such as the calculation of Easter, grammar, rhetoric, law, 
Latin versification, astronomy, and natural history. It was Aelbert 
who amassed the extensive library which Alcuin, to whose care it was 
afterwards entrusted, partially catalogues in his verses;2'and its range 
is certainly a remarkable one: for apart from the grandiloquent 
reference to 'all Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and African literature,''^ which 
may mean anything or nothing, the authors definitely quoted by name 
are suflScient to prove its literary catholicity. Aristotle is the only 
Greek classic specifically referred to ; but the Latin classics are repre- 
sented by such names as Cicero, Virgil, Statins, Lucan, Pliny, etc., 
besides the later grammarians ; while there is a regular catena of both 
Greek and Latin fathers. The reverence paid to the great scholastic 
teachers is, moreover, emphasised by the election of Egbert and 
Aelbert successively to the archiepiscopal chair. 

But were Jarrow and York the only literary Northumbrian houses ? 
It is a curious fact that to these alone are addressed requests from 
abroad for books. Boniface writes to Egbert twice over for copies 
of Bede's works, and sends him a transcript of Gregory's Epistles ; he 
also asks Huetbercht, abbat of Jarrow, for some of Bede's writings.'* 
Similarly, Lul writes to Aelbert (under one of his aliases as Koaena'*), 
and to Cuthberfc of Jarrow, with a like request.'^ And at the end of 
the century Alcuin applies to Charles for permission to send some of 
his scholars to York for a supply of books ;'^ and in two of his letters 

«• VUa Alchuini, §§ 2, 4 (^Mon, Ale. pp. 9, 13). 

" 11. 1430-U52. « 11. 1535-16r.l. 

'* * Quidquid habet pro se Latio Romanus in orbe, 
Graecia vel quidquid transmisit clara Latinis, 
Hebraicus vel quod populus bibit imbre superno, 
Africa lucifluo vel quidquid lumine sparsit.' — 1636-9. 

" Mon, Mog, Bpp. 61, 100, 62 ; pp. 180, 250, 181. For Huetbercht see the 
references given in Arch, AeL, vol. x. p. 202. It is doubtful, however, whether 
the inscribed fragment of a cross there referred to really represents his name. 
See Arch. Ael., vol. xi. pp. 28-30. 

" Called Aethelberht in A.S. Chron. 8.a. 766 and 780. See Stubbs, Regiitrum 
Sacrum. Anglicanum^ p. 12. 

^ Mon. Mog. Epp. 122, 123; pp. 288, 289. ^ Ep. 78, p. 346, 


to the monks of Jarrow he refers to their library.*® But in the other 
letters which passed to or from the northern houses there is no 
reference at all to the transmission of books. 

Jarrow seems to have had, besides its literary activity, some fame 
for metal work as well. Boniface asks Huetbercht to send him a bell, 
if it be not too much trouble ;^ and at a later date Cuthbert mentions 
that he had sent to Lul by Hunvini, the priest, some six years before, 
twenty knives, and now forwards, amongst other presents with the 
books asked for, a bell 'such as he had at hand.' ^^ In return he asks 
Lul to engage for him a glass worker who could make glass vessels ; 
because he and his monks were ignorant of that art, and at a loss for 
it.^^ It is clear, therefore, that the result of Benedict Biscop's im- 
portation of Gallic glass workers for Wearmouth had not been as 
effective or as permanent as might have been anticipated from Bede's 
account, written a generation earlier.^^ 

So far as Bede's records show, the Northumbrian religious houses 
seem to have been on the whole well administered, and to have main- 
tained a fairly stiict discipline during the first century of their 
existence. There was, however, one instance of laxity which fore- 
shadowed the troubles of the following years : this was the case of 
Ebba's house at Coldingham, where amongst other irregularities the 
tendency to indulgence in extravagance of dress and in festal revelry 
had already made its appearance.^' In the Anglo-Saxon monasteries 

" Ep. 275, p. 846. * Quid vero librorum copia prodest, si non erunt legentes 
in eis et intelligentes eos ? ' etc. — Cf. ep. 27, p. 199. * Videte librorum thesaura.' 

" * Bt si vobis laboriosum non sit, ut cloccam unam nobis transmittatis, grande 
solacium peregrinationis nostrae transmittitis.' — Mon. Mog, ep. 62, p. 181. 

* * Sed et ante sex annos per Hunvini meum presbyterum . . . aliqua 
parva exenia, cultellos videlicet 20 et gunnam de pellibus lutrarum factam, taae 
fraternitati misi. . . . Duo vero pallia aubtilissimi operis, unum albi alter 
tincti coloris, cum libellis, et clocam, qualem ad manum habui, tuae pater- 
nitati mittere curavimus.' — Ihid. ep. 134, p. 301. 

" * Si aliquis homo in tua sit parrochia, qui vitrea vasa bene possit facere, cmn 
tempus adrideat, mibi mittere digneris. Aut si fortasse ultra fines est in 
potestate cuiusdam alterius sine tua parrochia, rogo, ut f raternitas tua illi suadeat, 
ut ad nos usque perveniat. Quia eiusdem artis ignari et inopes sumus/ — 
i*i<i. p. 301. 

^^ ' Misit legatarios Galliam, qui vitri factores, artifices videlicet Brittaniis 
eatenus incognitos, ad cancellandas ecclesiae porticuumque et caenaculorum eius 
fenestras adducerent. Factumque est, et venerunt : nee solum opus postulatum 
compleverunt, sed et Anglorum ex eo gentem huiusmodi artificium nosse ac 
discere fecerunt : artificium nimirum vel lampadis ecclesiae claustris vel vasorum 
multifariis usibus non ig^obiliter aptum.' — Hist. Ahb. § 5. 

" Bede, B.E. iv. 25. See Montalembert, The Monks of tlie West, ed, G-asquet, 
vol. iii. p. 334, vol. iv. p. 426, 


there was apparently no distinctive uniform garb, either for men ** or 
for women. In his life of St. Outhbert Bede mentions as a special 
memorial of his inflnenqe still existing among the monks at Lindis- 


tame that no one there wore any garment of varied or rich colour, 
but only clothing of natural wool ; ^^ while, earlier still, Aldhelm lashes 
in his turgid way the elaborate and fashionable attire affected by the 
religious in his time.^ The habit of dressing gaily by the religious 
is assailed again and again in the eighth century. It is touched upon 
in the nineteenth canon of the council of Clovesho, in 747 a.d.,'^ and 
it is not improbably in connexion with this council that Boniface 
writes to Outhbert, archbishop of Canterbury, ' we have forbidden the 
servants of Ood to use gorgeous dress or cloak or arms/ and later on in 
the same letter he dwells with considerable emphasis on this point.'^ 
So, too, Alcnin continually harps on the subject : to Higbald, bishop 
of Lindisfame, to the monks of Wearmouth and Jarrow, to the monks 
of York, to Ethelbald and Friduin, abbats of Wearmouth and Jarrow,^ 
and so on. 

This irregularity, indeed, was not confined to the northern houses, 
but prevailed throughout the country. Moreover, it was a national, 

** This may account in some measure for the great importance attached to 
the tonsure. 

* • Unde usque hodie in eodem monasterio exemplo eius observatur, ne quis 
▼arii aut preciosi colons habeat indumentum, sed ea maxime vestium specie sint 
content!, quam naturalis ovium lana ministrat/ — Vita S. Outh, xvi. 

" De laud, virg, Iviii. (p. 364, ed. Wharton, 1693). The passage is perhaps 
worth quoting as a specimen of his style: 'Puderet ferre quorundam frontosam 
elationis impudentiam et comptam stoliditatis insolentiam, quae in utroque 
sexu non solum sanctimonialium sub regimine coenobii conversantium, yerum- 
etiam ecclesiasticorum sub ditione pontificali in clero degentium contra 
canonum decreta et regularis vitae normam deprehenduntur usurpatae, ob id 
solum, nt cmstu interdicto, phalerataque venustate carnalis statura comatur, ac 
habitude corporea membratim ac particulatim perornetur. Nam cultus gemini 
sexus huiuscemodi constat, subucula bissina, sive hiacinthina, tunica coccinea 
capitium et manicae sericis clavate calliculae rubricatis pellibus ambiuntur, 
antiae frontis et temporum cicini calamistro crispantur, pulla capitis velamina 
candidis et coloratis mafortibus cedunt, quae yittarum nexibus adsutae talo 
tenus prolixius dependimt, ungues ritu falconum, accipitrum, seu certe ad Instar 
cayannarnm acunntur,' etc. 

" Spelman, Concilia, i. 250 ; Wilkins, i. 97. 

** ^ Interdiximus seryis Dei, ut pompato habitu yel sago yel armis utantur 
.... supervacuam et Deo odibilem yestimentorum superstitionem omni 
intentione prohibere stude. Quia ilia ornamenta yestium,* etc. — Mon, Mog, ep. 
70, pp. 202, 209. 

» Ep. 24, p. 192; 25, p. 193; 27, pp. 198, 200; 35, p. 251 ; 272, p. 840; 273, 
pp. 841, 842 ; 274, p. 844 ; 275, p. 846. CJf, 85, p. 368. 

VOL. XXI. 34 


not a peculiarly monastic, failing ; for after the attack on Lindisfame 
by the Danes in 793 a.d. Alcuin writes to king Ethelred severely 
about it : * What also of the extravagant use of garments beyond the 
requirements of human nature, beyond the custom of our prede- 
cessors ? This excess of princes is the impoverishment of the people. 
. . . Some labour under superabundance of clothing, while others 
perish with cold.'^ And in a curious letter to Ethelhard, archbishop 
of Canterbury, he urges that if he visits king Charles he should see to 
it that his retinue, and especially the clergy in it, be soberly and 
becomingly habited, as though extravagance of dress ^ere not 
customary on the continent.^! 

But luxury in dress was not the only failing in the teligious 
houses ; excess in eating and drinking also had penetrated the cloister 
from the court and from the outside world generally. According to 
Symeon of Durham's account, the members of Aidan's house at 
Lindisfame . had been restricted to milk or water for beverage ; but 
when king Ceolwnlf resigned his crown and turned monk, being unable 
to bear this restraint, he carried with him into the monastery the use 
of wine and beer, which thenceforward was generally permitted in that 
community .*2 Be this as it may, the fact remains that high living 
and drinking were unfortunately a definite danger in the monasteries 
in the eighth century. The council of Clovesho dealt with it ;^ and 
Boni&ce, in his letter to archbishop Cuthbert, in speaking of it, adds 
pathetically, ' This evil is a peculiarity of the heathen and of our 
nation. It is not practised by Pranks, Gauls, Lombards, Romans, or 

** ' Quid quoque inmoderatus vestimentorum usus ultra humane necessitatem 
nature, ultra antecessorum nostrorum consuetudinem ? Haec superfluitas 
principum paupertas est populi. . . . Alii inormitate vestium laborant, 
alii frigore pereunt.'— Ep. 22, p. 182. 

** ' Si vero ad domnum regem pervenias, ammone socios tuos, maximeque 
clericos, ut honorifice se observent in omni relegione sancta, in vestimentis et in 
ordine ecclesiastico. . . . Prohibe eos auro vel siricis uti vestimentis in 
conspectu domni regis; sed humili habitu incedant secundum consuetudinem 
servorum Dei.'— Bp. 171, p. 617. 

*'^ 'Hoc rege, iam monacho facto, efficiente, data est Lindisfamensis ecclesiae 
monachis licentia bibendi vinum vel cerevisiam : ante illud tempus non nisi lac 
vel aquam bibere solebant, secundum antiquam traditionem Sancti Aidani, 
primi eiusdem ecclesiae antistitis et monachi, qui cum illo de Scotia venientes, 
ibidem, donante rege Oswaldo, mansionem acceperant.' — Sym. Dun. Hut, 
Recapit. p. 68, 8.a. 854. The story is twiqe repeated verbatim by Roger de 
Hoveden, vol. i. (R.8.) pp. 8, 45. 

" Can. 21, Spelman, i. 250 ; Wilkins, i. 97. 


Greeks.'** Alcuin of course continually lashes the vice; but his 
virtuous indignation is somewhat discounted by his complaint to 
Joseph when he was detained in Northumbria in the year 790 : * Alas, 
alas, there is death in the pot, thou man of God ; for the wine is 
spent in our vessels, and the bitter ale rages in our bowels ' ; and he 
asks for one of the two casks (?) of the best clear wine promised him 
by the physician Winter to be forwarded to him ' if it be the best ! '** 
National instincts indeed ran strongly in the cloister. The 
restlessness of foreign travel found its outlet for monks not only in 
missionary enterprise, but also in pilgrimages to Rome, and in visits 
to countrymen abroad, as has been already noticed. And not only 
men, btt women also, were bent on these peregrinations. As early as 
712 A.D. Oswy's daughter Aelffled, abbess of Whitby, wrote to 
Addana, commending to her care a certain subordinate abbess who 
had long wished to make the pilgrimage to fiome, but who could not 
be spared earlier from her duties at home.*® So also, e.g., Eangyth 
and Heaburg (and Montalembert conjectures that they wrote from 
one of the houses on the northern coast — probably Hartlepool or 
Whitby*^) applied to Boniface for advice as to their wish to make the 
same journey.** To all such suggestions he replies very guardedly ; 
and indeed he had good reason for his caution, as he explains to arch- 
bishop Cutbbert, in the sad fate of many who had recklessly rushed 
abroad without adequate protection.*^ Hunting, too, was a diversion 
occasionally indulged in by monks. The servants of God are 
forbidden to practise hunting, or wandering in the woods with dogs, 
or to keep hawks and falcons.^^ Alcuin, in the quaint manner of a 

^ ' Hoc enim malum speciale est paganorum et nostrae gentis. Hoc nee 
Franci nee Galli nee Longobardi nee Roman! nee Graeci f aciunt.' — Mon, Mog, 
ep. 70, p. 210. 

** * Vae, Vae, more in olla, o homo Dei ; quia vinum defecit in sitharchis 
nostris et celia acerba furit in ventriculis nostris. . . . Uinter medicus mihi 
promisit duo carrata de vino optimo et claro. Quem rogavi, ut tibi redderet. 
Et si habeas et si optimum sit, mittantur Rufu ; ut ille mihi dirigat unum et 
aliud Brorda.'— Bp. 16, p. 171. 

* Mon. Mog. ep. 8, p. 49. *' Vol. iv. p. 443. 

* Mon, Mog. ep. 14, pp. 66-71. Their letter is quite pathetic, as they describe 
their lonely and harassed position, their yearning for sympathy, and their 
humble steadfastness in their loyalty to duty. 

* Mon. Mog. ep. 70, p. 208. 

" * Servis Dei venationes et silvaticas vagationes cum canibus, et ut accep- 
tores et walcones non habeant, prohibuimus.' — Ibid, p. 202 


true pedant, urges the monks of Wearmouth and Jarrow to pay closer 
attention to the training of the boys entrusted to their care ; to 
educate them for teachers, to keep them closely to the service of praise, 
and not to allow them to ^ dig out the holes of foxes or to track the 
flying hare.'®^ But after all, the picture presented of the inmates of 
the northern religious houses is only made the fuller of a kindly 
human interest by these allusions. Orave as were the occasional 
scandals in other parts of the land, no definite accusation of any 
serious moment is brought against any of the r^ular Northumbrian 
houses, except one charge only in the time of Osred, in which case 
they were the suflFerers, not the aggressors. The enactment of 
preventive regulations, as in the Penitential of archbishop Egbert, does 
not by any means imply a widespread delinquency, any more than any 
secular criminal code involves a prevalence of all offences dealt with in 
it ; and even the censorious Alcuin himself acknowledges to the 
monks of Wearmouth that everything that he saw when with them, 
both in their domestic arrangements and in their manner of Ufe, gave 
him the greatest satisfaction.^^ 

II. — The Couet. 

The court of the Northumbrian kingdom in the eighth century, 
except for the one interval of prosperity in the later years of 
Ceolwulf 's reign, and under the strong hand of Eadbert, presents an 
ignoble and pitiable spectacle of violence, vice, and intrigue. The 
story of shame opens at the very commencement of the century, when, 
two months after the death of Aldfrid at the close of the year 705, his 
son Osred,^^ at the age of eight, became king ; and though, happily 
for his kingdom, he was slain by his kinsmen** when he was only 
nineteen, such had been the profligacy of his youth that he was after- 
wards referred to by Boniface as one of the first two abominable 

° * Adsnescant pueri : laudibus adstare superni regis ; non valpium fodere 
cayemas, non leporam fugaces sequi cursus. Quam impium est, Chrlsti amit- 
tere obsequia et yulpium sequi vestigia. Discant pueri scripturas sacras; at 
aetate pedecta yeniente, alios docere possint/ etc. — Kp. 27, p. 200. 

" 'Quia omnia, quae apud yos yidebam, sive in habitationibus domorum siTe 
in conyersatione yitae regularis, yalde mihi placuerunt.' — Bp. 274, p. 843. 

*' Bddius, Vita 8. Wilfrid^ 67, alone mentions the usurper Eadwnlf, wbo 
held the throne for a few weeks after Aldf rid's death. He is not mentioned by 
Sym. Dun., or in the A.8, Chron, 

** Will. Malmesb., Qe«ta Begum, i. 53. 


reprobates, the other being his almost exact contemporary Ceolred, 
king of Mercia, who broke in upon the hitherto inviolate privileges 
of the rehgions houses, and basely seduced the consecrated nuns.'^'^ 
The monasteries had indeed fallen on evil days ; for Boni&ce 
inveighs against the infringement of monastic liberties, unheard of in 
former times and now unknown in the whole Christian world, except 
amongst the English nation, by which monks were impressed to labour 
on the royal works and buildings.*^* And further, Bede, in his epistle 
to Egbert, written shortly before his death, refers with dismay to the 
spurious monasteries which had lately been set up in the northern 
kingdom by members of the court, not as religious establishments, but 
as refuges for a licentious seclusion, or opportunities for the counter- 
feit personal aggrandisement of titular ' abbats ' who were no monks ^^ 
— a practice which had come into vogue in the evil days of Osred and 
his immediate successors, Coenred and Osric (both of whom met with 
violent deaths). After Osric a gleam of brighter times followed under 
OeolMTulf, the learned patron of literature, at whose request Bede 
wrote, and to whom he dedicated, his Ri»toria EcclesiasUca 

" * Privilegia ecclesiarum in regno Anglorum intemerata et inviolata perman- 
serant usque ad tempora Ceolredi regis Mercionum et Osredi regis Derorum et 
Bemidorum. Hi duo reges haec duo peccata maxima in provinciis Anglorum 
. . . . publice facienda monstraverunt. Et in istis peccatis commorantes, 
id est in stnpratione et adulterio nonnarum et fractura monasteriorum, iusto 
iudicio Dei damnati, de culmine regali huius vitae abiecti et inmatura et 
terribili morte praeventi . . . sunt .... Osredum spiritus luzoriae, 
fomicantem et per monasteria nonnarum sacratas virgines stuprautem et 
furentem, agitavit; usque quod ipse gloriosum regnum et iuvenilem vitam et 
ipsam Inxoriosam animam contemptibili et despecta morte perdidit.' — Mon, 
Mog» ep. 69, pp. 174, 176. The same charge was afterwards brought against 
Bthelbald, king of Mercia.— /&i</. p. 170. 

'* * De violenta quoque monachorum servitute operibus et aedificiis regalibus, 
quae in toto mundo christianorum non auditur facta nisi tantum in gente 
Anglorum . . . quod inauditum malum est praeteritis saeculis.' — Ihid. ep. 
70, p. 210. See also the complaint of Eangyth and Heaburga about the 
' servitium regis et reginae, episcopi et praefecti et potestatum et comitum.' — 
Ihid. ep. 14, p. 68. 

"^ * Sic per annos circiter triginta, hoc est, ex quo Aldf rid rex hnmanis rebus 
ablatus est, provincia nostra yesano illo errore dementata est, ut nuUus pene 
exinde praefectorum extiterit qui non huiusmodi sibi monasterium in diebus 
suae piaefecturae oomparaverit, suamque simal coniugem pari reatu nocivi 
mercatus astrinxerit: ac praevalente pessima consuetudine ministri quoque 
regis ac famuli idem facere sategerint . . . £t quidem tales repente, ut 
nosti, tonsuram pro suo libitu accipiunt, suo examine de laicis non monachi, sed 
abbates efficiuntur.' — § 7. Compare Boniface : ^ lUud autem, quod laicus homo, 
yel inperator yel rex aat aliquis praefectorum yel comltum, saeculari potestate 
fnltus, sibi per yiolentiam rapiat monasterium de potestate episcopi yel abbatis 
▼el abbatlssae, et incipiat ipse yice abbatis regere et habere sub se monachos,' 
etc. — Mon. Mog, ep. 70, p. 208. 


OenUs Anglorum. Even Symeon of Dnrham, however, the monk 
admirer of the monk king, is constrained to admit that the earlier 
years of his reign were marked by an overwhehning series of disasters 
— no doubt a heritage which he had received from his predecessors — 
bat after a time a stable peace was secared by his efforts ;^ and this 
was maintained, and more than maintained, after Ceolwnlfs retire- 
ment into the monastery of Lindisfame in 787, under his nephew 
Eadbert, who ruled the kingdom with vigour and wisdom for twenty- 
one years. His fame spread far and wide, and he even made a friendly 
alliance with Pepin, king of the Franks. He also eventually resigned 
his throne and entered the monastic life, in spite of a strong protest 
from the kings of the English, who went so far as to offer to surrender 
part of their own territory to be added to his kingdom if he would but 
consent to remain in office. He was a brother of archbishop Egbert, 
by whose side he was buried at York.^^ After Eadbert's cession of the 
throne the glory of the kingdom departed, and matters went steadily 
from bad to worse ; in less than forty years there were eight kinglets, 
six of whom were driven out by their subjects, two (one of them a 
former exiled monarch returned) met with violent deaths. Not one 
lived out his reign to the term of a natural death. Eadbert's son and 
successor, Osulf, was murdered by his own household within a year of 
his accession.^ Ethelwald, surnamed Moll, the next king, won some 
notoriety by his victory over Oswin near Melrose in 762, and in the 
same year he married Etheldryth at Catterick on November 1st. But 
three years later he ' lost ' his throne, apparently by a popular vote of 
the national assembly, at Winchanheale^^ (which Roger of Wendover 
identifies with Finchale), and passed the few remaining years of his 
life in exile. After his death his widow entered a nunnery, as appears 
from Alcuin's two letters addressed to her.^^ Alchred apparently 

*• * Cuius Ceolwlfi regni principia et processus multis redundavere rerum 
adversantium motibus, sed post arridente pace ac serenitate temporum/ etc. — 
Hist, Eccl. Dun, i. 13. 

^ *■ Cuius excellentiae fama ac operum virtutis longe lateque diffusa etiam ad 
regem Francorum Pipinum pervenit, propter quod ei amicitia iunctus malta 
ei ac diversa dona regalia transmisit . . . rogatus multum antea ne id 
Secret a regibus Anglorum, et partem regni sui eius regno adicere volentibus, 
dummodo retinens hoDorem suo in regno resideret. At ille omnibus divitiis et 
regnis servitutem Dei praetulit . . . sepultus est Eboraci in eadem portica 
qua et frater Ecgbertus.'— J^. ii. 3. 

«• Sym. Dun. H,R, 768. " lUd, 759, 762, 765 ; A.S. Chron. 761. 

*^ Epp. 50, 62, pp. 274, 297. 

ablpwold's reign. 273 

made some attempt to strengthen his position by seeking the alliance 
or support of the young king Charles when he became king of the 
Pranks on the death of his father, Pepin ; for he wrote to bishop Lul 
to ask for his good oflSces on behalf of his embassy .^^ No doubt he 
was actuated by the example of Eadbert's alliance with Pepin. What 
was the immediate result of this proposition is not recorded, but even 
if successful it proved of no avail ; for in 774 he was in his turn 
driven into exile * by the counsel and consent of all his subjects, and 
deserted by the royal family and the chiefs of the nation.' ^^ 

Ethelred, son of Moll, was also extruded within six years, by 
Aelfwold, who alone is characterised by Symepn of Durham as ' a 
pious and just king.' Symeon adds, ' as the next article will prove ; ' ^^ 
but he relates nothing under the next year about him, except the burn- 
ing of his extortionate justiciary ,^^ Beam at Seletun by two of the high- 
reeves^^ of Northumbria, Osbald and Ethelhard, which can scarcely 
be his proof. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, however, which Symeon had 
before him, mentions that the pall which Eanbald received from Rome 
in 780, the bare fact of which is narrated by Symeon, was obtained by 
Aelfwold, who apparently sent Alcuin to ask for it.^^ Aelfwold reigned 
for ten years, which is in itself an evidence of his acceptability to his 
subjects in such turbulent times. At length he was murdered by his 
patrician Sicgan at Scythlescester, near the Wall ; and his memory was 
cherished by the building of the church of St. Cuthbert and St. Oswald 
on the spot.^^ Osred, Alchred's son, obtained the throne, but within a 
year was seized by his chieftains, ' shorn '^® at York, and deprived of 

•* ' Nostris quoque, dilectissime f rater, legatjonibus ad dominum vestrum 
gloriosissimum regem Carl obsecramus consulendo subvcnias, nt pax et amicitia, 
quae omnibus eonveniunt, facias stabiliter inter nos confirmari/ — Mon, Mog, 
ep. 119, p. 285. 

" Sym. Dun. J7.12. 774. «* Hid. 11^. 

^ * Patricium.' — Sym. Dun. ' Huntingdon and Weniiover call Beam the 
king's justiciary.' — H. Hinde. 

^ * Duces.' — Sym. Dun. * High-reeves.* — A.S. Chron, 

** ' King Alfwold sent to Rome for a pall, and invested Eanbald as arch- 
bishop.' — A.S. Chron, But the Vita Alchuini sajs, §6: ' lussus igitur (Alcuinus) 
ab Eanbaldo archiepiscopo . . . ut sibi pallium impetraret ab apostolico, 
venit Romam.' 

" Sym. Dun. B,E. 788. 

*• * Oaredus autem rex dolo suorum principum circumventus et captus ac 
regno privatus, attonsus est in Eboraca civitate, et postea necessitate coactus 
exilium petit.'— JJi<f. 790. Cf, App. to Bede, H.U, v. 24. * Anno 731 Ceoluulf 
rex captus et adtonsus et remissus in regnum' (quoted by Sym. Dun. 782). 


his power, whereupon he fled to the Isle of Man.^ Two years later, 
trasting to the pledged support of certain chieft-ains, he returned 
secretly, but deserted by his forces he was taken and put to death ^' by 
his successor Ethelred, son of Moll, who had been recalled from exile. 
It was shortly after Ethelred's return that Alcuin arrived in YorkJ' 
According to the Vita Alchuini this journey was undertaken to obtain 
leave from his king and his bishop to accept Charles's invitation to 
settle permanently at his court J^ He did not at first find the king as 
well disposed towards him as he had hoped and could have wished ; 
but he assures abbat Adalhard that he had testified to him and others, 
and was striving his utmost to put down injustice I '^ Three years later, 
however, when he had attained his purpose, and returned to Prance, he 
writes two pompous letters to his * dearest lord, king Ethelred,' and to 
his ' most excellent son, king Ethelred/ on the occasion of the Danish 

With reference to this, Montalembert writes :— * After two obscure reigrns, 
Ceolwulf attempted in vain to struggle against the disorder and decadence of 
his conntry. He was vanquished, and made captive by enemies whose names 
are not recorded, and had to submit, as happened to more than one Merovingian 
prince, to receive the tonsure by compulsion, and was shut up in a convent. 
He escaped, however, regained the crown, and reigned for some time. . . . 
But after a reign of eight years, a regret, or an unconquerable desire, for that 
monastic life which had been formerly forced upon him against his will, seized 
him.* — Vol. iv. p. 275. On the other hand, Stevenson, in his translation of 
Symeon of Durham {Church Historians of England, vol. iii. pt. ii.), in these 
two cases translates attonsiLS by 'received the tonsure' and ^assumed the 
tonsure.' But the word seems to imply less than the one and more than the 
other assigns to it ; for it does not necessarily involve entrance into the monastic 
life, nor does it denote a willing acquiescence. Cf, Cone, Mogunt,, an. 813, c. 23: 
* De clericis vero hoc statuimus, ut hi qui inventi sunt sive in canonico sive in 
monachico ordine tonsurati sine eorum voluntate, si liberi sunt, ut ita per- 
maneant.* Ducange, vol. v., 1 174. 

"^ ' In Eufoniam insulam, quae Man vocatur.' — Sym. Dun. Hist. Ecel, 
Bun. ii. 4. ** Sym. Dun. H,R, 792. 

^' ' Nuper Aethelredus filius Aethelwaldi de carcere processit in solium et de 
miseria in magestatem. Cuius regni novitate detenti sumus.' — Ep. 16, p. 170. 

** ' Cui Albinus : Doniine mi rex . . . tuum est tantum, Two a ineo rege 
et ejfiscopo impetrare. Tandem igitur ratione victus, consensit ut iret.' — § 6. 
From a letter of Alcuin to Colcu it might seem that one object of his visit was 
to endeavour to restore peace betwfeen Charles and OfEa, king of Mercia (ef. 
*sunt qui dicunt, nos pro pace esse in illas partes mittendos.' — Ep. 14, p. 167) ; 
but it does not appear that he was actually engaged on this mission. There 
seems to be no evidence for the reason assigned in the Diet, Chr, Biog. (vol. i. 
p. 73 b) that * in 790 Alcuin returned to Northumbria, possibly with a view to 
the security of his property.' 

"^ * Caeterum cognoscas turbatas ex parte res me ofEendisse in patria nee 
invenisse animum novi regis qualem vel speravi vel volui. Tamen aliqoid 
fecimus ammonitionis illi ct aliis. Et hodie laboramus contra iniustitiam 
prout possumus, cam quibusdam potentibus.'— Ep. 16, p. 172, 


attack on Lindisfarae ; and in yet another letter, marked * private,' he 
subsequently addresses to him some homely counsels concerning his 
personal conduct.^^ 

In April, 796, Ethelred was murdered at Corbridge.^^ The news 
of his death, says Alcuin, writing to Offia, king of Mercia, was brought 
to Charles by some messengers of his who were returning from Scot- 
land, just as he was on the point of sending a consignment of gifts to 
Ethelred and to the Northumbrian bishops. Enraged at the treachery 
of the people, whom he indignantly described as perfidious and perverse, 
the murderer of its lords, and worse than the heathen, he designed to 
retaliate upon them, had not Alcuin (as he boasts) interceded for them.^® 
Osbald, the patrician, who had burnt Beam, was placed on the 
throne by some of the chieftains, but be was not recognised by the 
court generally, and after only twenty-seven days fled to Lindisfame, 
and on to the king of the Picts. Eardulf was recalled from exile and 
solemnly crowned at YorkJ^ His reign, after a stem repression of a 
revolt at Whalley in 798, continued until 806,^ and so outlasted the 
close of the eighth century. The later succession of Northumbrian 
kings is preserved in the Libellus de primo Saxonum advmtu^ printed 
in the Surtees Society's edition of Symeon of Durham ; so that 
William of Malmesbury's statement that ' after Ethelred no one durst 
ascend the throne,' is obviously incorrect. He adds, somewhat 
inconsistently, *each dreading the fate of his predecessor, and pre- 
ferring a life of safety in inglorious ease to a tottering reign in 
anxious suspense; for most of the Northumbrian kings had made 
their exit by a violent death, which was now become almost habitual. 
Thus being without a sovereign for thirty-three years, that province 

'• Bpp. 22, 23, 42 (*tibi soli litteras scribere curavi*). 

"" De prima Saxonum adventu, ap. Sym. Dan. (Surtees Soc.), p. 211. In 
the Hist. Regum^ ' Cobre.* 

" "Similiter et Aethilredo regi et ad suas episcopales sedes dona direxit. Sed, 
heu pro dolor, donis datis et epistolis in manns missorum, supervenit tristis 
legatio per missos, qui de Scotia per vos reversi sunt, de infidelitate gent is et 
nece eius. Qui, retracta donornm largitate, in tantum iratus est contra gentem 
— ut ait: "illam perfidam et perversam et homicidam dominorum suorum," 
peiorem earn paganis estimans — nt omnino, nisi ego intercessor essem pro ea, 
quicquid eis boni abstrahere potuisset et mali machinare. iam fecisset.* — Ep. 68, 
p. 290. 

'• Sym. Dun. H,R. 796. " Ihid. 798; A.S, Ckron. 798, 806. 




became an object of plunder and contempt to its neighbours.'®^ But 
the general picture of the condition of things is not inapt. 

Alcnin of conrse seized upon the tragedies of 796 as an oppor- 
tunity of letter writing. He sends his condolences to Btheldryth, 
Bthelred's mother ; he urges Ethelburga to press Ethelfled, the widow 
of Ethelred, to enter the monastic life; he advises the same course 
for Osbald, whom he dissuades from attacking his country, beseeching 
him to keep his letter and have it constantly read to him.®^ Whether 
at his instigation or not, Osbald did turn monk, soon became abbat, 
and died and was buried at York in 799.®^ Alcuin also sends his 
congratulations and counsels to Eardulf ; but at a later date he tells 
Osbert of Mercia that he has been disturbed by a report that Eardulf 
had repudiated his lawful wife and was living with another woman 
in open sin.^ This correspondence gives a curious insight into 
the close attention with which events at home were followed by 
Northumbrians abroad. 

III. — Popular Manners and Customs. 

Of the general manners and customs of the people at large there 
is disappointingly little to be learned from the epistolary correspond- 
ence of the eighth century, or indeed from any other source. And 
yet this is no matter for wonder ; for outside the chief foci of life 
and activity — the monasteries and their sedate occupations or sober 
commerce, and the court with its reckless profligacy, its military 
expeditions, and its autocratic rapacity — there can have been but 
little popular life. All men who were not actually slaves or serfs 
were attached either to the community of a religious house or to the 
retinue of some potentate; there was probably little or none of 
individual freedom of homely folk. It is remarkable how little of 
the real life of the people actually transpires even in the pages of 
Bede. Moreover, the writers of the period of whatever kind were all 
monastic. A stray king here and there, like Alchred of Northumbria 
or Cynewulf of Wessex,®^ might indite an occasional letter, but it was 
probably through the help of some kindly monk that it was penned. 

** Oesta Begumy i. § 73 (Stevenson's translation). 
«2 Epp. 62, 63 (?), 59, 66. " Sym. Dun. JIM. 799. 
«< Epp. 65, 79 (p. 350). " Mon, Mog. epp. 119, 138. 


Alcuin urges Osbald and Eardulf to have his letters constantly read 
to them, not to read them. 

There is, however, one fragment which affords some interesting 
information. Amongst the Alcuinian letters is preserved one from 
George, bishop of Ostia, to pope Hadrian I., giving an account of his 
embassy to England in 786.^ Two synods were held in his presence, 
one in Northambria and one in Mercia. The details of the latter are 
passed over in silence, but the canons passed at the former are 
enumerated, and the nineteenth, dealing with pagan rites still 
observed, is fully given.®^ These are: (i.) tattooing; (ii.) wearing 
clothes in heathen fashion (though in what this consisted does not 
appear) ; (iii.) the mutilation of horses by slitting their nostrils,^ 
fastening their ears together and making them deaf, and docking their 
tails; (iv.) casting lots to decide disputes; and (v.) eating horseflesh. 
The last of these customs was an anxiety to Boniface throughout his 
long missionary career. About the year 782 pope Gregory III. wrote to 
him, ' Meanwhile you have added that some eat the wild horse, while 

" Ep. 10, pp.155-162. See Sym. Dun. H.R, 786 ; A.S, Chron. 786. 

" See below. Appendix, p. 279. 

" The practice of slitting the nostrils of horses and asses is still in vogue in 
widely-separated districts of Asia, Africa, and even Europe. It seems to be 
based upon the idea that it improves the wind of the animal. Dr. Arthur Neve, 
of Srinagar, told me that some years ago he was travelling in Mesopotamia. He 
was riding a camel, but his guide was mounted on an ass. Owing to the want 
of water the ass twice fell from exhaustion. On the second occasion, the guide 
took out his knife and slit its nostrils. Dr. George Fleming, in The Wanton 
Midilation of Animals (1898), p. 7, suggests, as a further reason, *that It 
prevents neighing — a disqualification of much importance during war.* He 
refers to the prevalence of the custom ' in Persia, Mongolia, and even Northern 
Africa; and ponies with slit nostrils are often seen in the Himalayas and in 
Afghanistan. It was practised in Hungary not long ago.' Dr. J. Drummond, 
of South Shields, has kindly pointed out this reference. He also wrote to The 
Field in September, 1898, asking for instances of this practice. Two interesting 
letters appeared in answer : (i.) From * Indicus olim * on September 24 : * I have 
in Upper India seen many asses with their nostrils slit. The animals so treated 
generally belonged to washermen, village potters, etc., and were as a rule made 
to carry (for their size and strength) heavy back loads. I remember asking a 
native why this was done. He said that asses when labouring under heavy loads 
have their nostrils greatly dilated, and that therefore slitting them was supposed 
to give them relief by enlarging the orifices.' (ii.) From ' A.B.H.' on October 1 : 
• This I have often seen done with the ponies in China, which are sent down 
from the north to be sold to Europeans for racing ; the idea being (I fancy) to 
assist the breathing of the pony if he shows any weakness in that part.' Canon 
Maclean, in his Account of the Eastern Syrian Christians, p. 9, says : * The great 
feature of all Persian plains is the donkey, carrying the produce of the land from 
the villages to the towns, or from village to village. They all have their nostrils 
split; this is supposed to give them a better wind.' 


most of the people eat the tame horse. This jon must on no account 
allow henceforward, brother, but in whatever way you can, with the 
help of Christ, put a stop to it by all means ; and lay on them an 
appropriate penance. For it is a filthy and detestable custom.'^ 
Twenty years later pope Zachary included wild horses in the list 
of animals to be avoided for food; and a curious list it is: three 
birds, the jackdaw, the crow, and the stork, and three beasts, the 
beaver, the hare, and the wild horse, are specified. 'But,' he 
adds, *you are well skilled, most holy brother, in all the sacred 
Scriptures.* He therefore grounds his prohibition on the Levitical 
law, and its restrictions as to clean and unclean animals.^ But the 
papal ambassadors at the Northumbrian synod did not assign this 
reason, nor even the real objection of the association of the custom 
with the worship of Odin, but merely put it quite baldly, * Moreover, 
most of you eat horses, which no Christian in the East does; the 
which also do ye avoid.' It is a wonder if any self-respecting North- 
umbrian accepted such a prohibition ! 

The decrees of this synod (which seems to have been held at 
Corbridge)®^ were signed in order by Aelfwold the king, Tilberht 
bishop of Hexham (as bishop of the diocese), Eanbald archbishop of 
York, Higbald bishop of Lindisfeme, Ethelbert bishop of Whithorn, 
Aldulf bishop of Mayo, the commissaries of bishop Ethelwine, Sic^r 
the justiciary (who afterwards murdered Aelfwold), Alfrich and 

" * Inter ea agrestem caballum aliquantos adiunxisti comedere, plerosque et 
domesticum. Hoc neqaaquam fieri deinceps sanctissime sinas frater, sed, 
qulbns potueris Christo invante modis, per omnia conpesce; et dignam eis 
interdicito paenitentiam. Inmundum enim est atque exsecrabile/ — Mon, Mog, 
ep. 28, p. 93. 

" ' In primis de volatilibus, id est de graculis et corniculis atque ciconiis. 
Quae omnino cavendae sunt ab esu christianorum. Etiam et fibri atque 
lepores et equi silvatici multo amplius vitandi. Attamen, sanctissime frater, 
de omnibus scripturis sacris bene compertus es.* — Mon. Mog, ep. 80, p. 222. 
The names, however, are not taken from the lists in Lev. xi. and Deut. xiv. 

"' So Jaff^ conjectures from the presence of Aldulf, who was consecrated by 
Eanbald, Tilberht, and Higbald at Corbridge in 786, and was sent off with due 
honour to his western see, enriched with many gifts. — (Sym. Dun. H.R. 
786.) See his note, Mon, Ale, p. 160. The Diet, Chr, Biog, vol. ii. p. 644 b, 
describes the synod as 'probably that of Pincanhale.* The latter, however 
(which should be written Wincanhale or Winchala — see Hinde's note, Sym. Dun. 
H,R, p. 22), was held in the following year (Sym. Dun. H,R, 787). pro- 
bably in accordance with the third canon of the synod of Corbridge, de duobut 
conciliis quotannis agendis. The same article is also in error in stating that 
* the acts of the southern synod are to be found in the letter of George' ; it is 
those of the northern council which are given. 

THE SYNOD OF 786 A.D. 279 

Sigwulf the 'duces' (or high-reeves), Albert abbat of Ripon, and 
Erhart, an abbat. It is interesting to find Aldnlf present, who had just 
been consecrated at the monastery of Corbridge by Eanbald, Tilberht, 
and Higbald for Mayo, as it shows the strong link which still existed 
between the Northumbrian church and its offshoot at Mayo, founded 
more than a hundred years before by bishop Colman, after his dis- 
comfiture at the council of Whitby, and his subsequent troubles at 

Thus some scattered features of the life of Northumbria in the 
eighth century stand out from the past, showing a slow and inter- 
rupted but sure progress of disintegration which left the kingdom an 
easy prey for the Danes : a corrupt court, torn asunder by intrigues ; 
a distressed church, with no great champions to maintain her liberties ; 
a people, which in many points had hardly emerged from the rough 
barbarism of heathendom. And yet, through all the mists there 
shine again and again the bright examples of simple earnest men and 
pure self-denying women, who, by their steadfast faith and honest 
fulfilment of duty, did honour to their generation, and left a noble 
heritage to those that came after. The Northumbrian Anglo-Saxons 
were a strong race ; their misfortune was the want of strong leaders, 
both in the church and (more especially) in the state. 


Annexuimus : ut unus quisque fidelis christianus a catholicis viris 
exemplum accipiat ; et si quid ex ritu paganorum remansit, avellatur 
contemnatur abiciatur. 

Deus enim formavit hominem pulchrum in decore et specie ; pagani 
vero diabolico instinctu cicatrices teterrimas superinduxerunt, dicente 
Prudentio : 

tinxit et innocuum maculis sordentibus humum. 
Domino enim videtur facere ininriam, qui creaturam suam foedat et 
deturpat. Certe si pro Deo aliquis banc tincturae iniuriam sustineret, 

•'^ Bede, mE. iv. 4. 


magnam inde remunerationem acciperet. Sed quisquis ex superstibione 
gentilium id agit, non ei proficit ad salntem: sicat nee Judaeis 
circumcisio corporis sine credulitate cordis. 

Vestimenta etiam vestra more gentilium, quos Deo opitnlante 
patres vestri de orbe armis expulerunt, indnitis. Miranda res et 
nimis stnpenda, at, quorum vitam semper odistis, exempla imitemini. 

Equos etiam vestros tui'pi consuetudine detruncatis : nares finditis, 
aures copulatis verum etiam et surdas redditis, caudas amputatis ; et 
quia illos illaesos habere potestis, hoc nolentes, cunctis odibiles redditis. 

Audivimus etiam, quod, dum inter vos litigium versatur sortes 
more gentilium mittitis. Quod omnino sacrilegum istis temporibus 

Equos etiam plerique in vobis comedunt, quod nuUus christianornm 
in orientalibus facit. Quod etiam evitate. Contendite, ut omnia 
vestra honeste et secundum Dominum fiant. 

^^>«t«^ fi-t-t^ fcu^ 



By Richard Welford, V.P. 

[Read on the 80th November, 1898.] 

While we were considering at our August meeting the services of 
one departed vice-president, Mr. John Philipson, another of our 
honoured colleagues — our oldest member, the rev. Edward Hussey 
Adamson — ^was preparing for the summons which, sooner or later, 
comes to us all. A fortnight afterwards, on the 16th September, Mr. 
Adamson died, leaving us, out of twelve vice-presidents living eight 
years ago, but three surviving. 

Edward Hussey Adamson was the eldest son of John Adamson, of 
Newcastle, solicitor, a prominent and popular representative of the 
intellectual life that was lived upon Tyneside during the first half of 
the present century. A co-founder of this society, John Adamson, 
with the rev. John Hodgson and Dr. Charlton as colleagues, was for 
forty-two years our active and energetic secretary, and for some time 
our treasurer. He was a co-founder also of the Newcastle Typo- 
graphical Society, the Natural History Society of Northumberland, 
Durham, and Newcastle, and the Newcastle Law Society ; co-secretary 
for thirty years of the Newcastle Literary and Philosophical Society, 
and a famous Portuguese scholar, distinguished among his local con- 
temporaries by the knightly honours of the Order of Christ and of the 
Tower and Sword of Portugal. 

In sketches of two eminent vice-presidents, lost to us but lately, 
reference was made to the influence of parental example upon the 
development of literary taste in youth and the trend of literary 
aspiration in after life. Canon Raine and Mr. Longstaffe were the 
examples cited. To their honoured names may now be added that of 
our recently-departed colleague. He also, though avoiding for the 
most part the rugged roads of antiquarian discovery, plodded 
industriously along the by-paths of genealogical research, and thus, 
like them, * walked in the ways of his father.' ^ 

' Other sons of John Adamson were men of mark among us. William, the 
second son, a member of this society, followed his father's calling, became 
honorary major in the Northumberland militia, and wrote down the achieve- 


Born in Westgate street, Newcastle, on the 2nd of September, 
1817, Mr. Adamson received his preliminary education at the Royal 
Free Grammar School of his native town, under the head-mastership 
of the rev. G. F. W. Mortimer, M.A., afterwards D.D. and prebendary 
of St. Paul's. While there, in 1831, he carried off the gold medal 
given to the school by the corporation of Newcastle for a Latin poem. 
His composition, remarkable for a lad so young, was afterwards 
printed as one of the Typographical Society's tracts, with the title 
Imperii Caput et Rerum Fulcherrima Roma, From the Granmiar 
School he was sent to London to complete his preparatory studies, 
and from London he proceeded in due course to Oxford. On the 7th 
May, 1885, at the age of seventeen, he matriculated at University 
college in that city — ^a college founded by William of Durham for 
scholars bom in or near the northern palatinate, and for centuries 
practically a north-country institution. Having, however, been elected 
to a Crewe exhibition at Lincoln college he, in due course, migrated 
thither. Unfortunately, his scholastic career was somewhat hindered 
by an affection of the eyes, from which he suffered more or less all his 
life ; but, in spite of this drawback, he was able to secure a double 
third — classics and mathematics — in the honours list for 1889. 
Having in that year taken his bachelor's degree, he came north to 
study divinity at the newly-founded university of Durham, and pre- 
pare himself for holy orders. 

Ordained to the curacy of Wallsend on the 6th December, 1840, 
Mr. Adamson proceeded M.A. at Lincoln college in 1841, and the 
year following received the same degree, ad eundem, at Durham. 
Meanwhile he had taken up his freedom of Newcastle, by birthright, 
as the son of John Adamson, ' master and mariner' — ^a title inherited 
from a seafaring ancestor, Blythman Adamson, younger brother of 
the Trinity House in the early part of last century. 

ments of his corps in a little volume entitled Notices of the Services of the 27th 
Northwriberland Light Infantry Militia, Charles Murray, the third son, also a 
solicitor, was the author of Studies of Hirds, with fifty illustrations ; Another 
Book of Scraps, Principally H elating to Natural History, with thirty-six 
pictures of bird life ; Soine More IHustrations of Wild Birds, Showing their 
Natural Habits, with twenty-four drawings ; and one or two other brochures of 
a similar character. In the third generation we have our fellow-member, the 
rev. Cuthbert Edward Adamson (son of our deceased vice-president), who has 
contributed valuable papers to the society's publications; and lieut.-col. 
Charles Henry Ellison Adamson (son of Charles Murray), late commissioner in 
Central Burmah — ^an aident naturalist and the possessor of a unique collection 
of objects illustrating his special branch of study. 

REV. B. H. ADAMSON, A VlOB-l*RJJSn)B*rr. 26$ 

During his curacy at Wallsend proposals were made to him to 
take charge of a new ecclesiastical district at Windy Nook, in the 
parish of Heworth. Whereupon, preaching a farewell sermon, which 
was afterwards published with the title of The Parochial System, 
he resigned his charge on the north side of the Tyne, and transferred 
his services across the water. On the 25th August, 1842, the chapel 
of St. Alban, Heworth, was consecrated by bishop Maltby, and Mr. 
Adamson entered into his new sphere of action, although it was not 
until August 80th, 1843, that he was formally licensed to the living. 

Clerical duty in a newly-founded chapelry naturally absorbed most 
of the young clergyman's time and attention during the early part of 
his ministry. Sympathizing with those who desired more frequent 
opportunities for public worship, and imbued with a high sense of the 
responsibilities of his oflSce, he imposed upon himself duties which the 
majority of the clergy did not at that time consider necessary. Yet 
he found suflScient leisure in the beginning of the year 1846 to 
publish A Flea for the Church of Englandy and in September follow- 
ing to issue the first instalment of the work by which he is best 
known — his Scholae Novocastrensis Alumni Dedicated to William 
Burrell, esq., of Broom park, who had been one of the alumni, 
and printed by Moses Aaron Richardson, compiler of the Local 
Historian's Table Book, this little volume contained short biographies 
of thirty eminent men, who, like himself, had been educated at the 
Grammar School, beginning with John Lilburn, a turbulent hero of 
the Oommonwealth, and ending with sir Leonard Greenwell, a 
distinguished oflScer in the Peninsular war. The same month that 
gave birth to his biographies witnessed his marriage. On the 9th 
September, 1846, he was united to Anne, daughter of Matthew Potts, 
of a Bedlington family. The following year, under the inspiration of 
his wife, to whom the booklet is dedicated, he published Catechetical 
Exercises upon the Saints^ Bays of the English Church. 

Mr. Adamson's connection with our society commenced on the 
4th of April, 1843. Our records do not enable us to estimate the 
services which he rendered to the society during this mid-period of 
its existence. That he was a useful member, enjoying the confidence 
of his fellows, is suflBciently shown by the fact that in 1849, only six 
years after his admission, he was elected one of the council. The 



honour which such an appointment conferred may be judged when it 
is remembered that the other members of the council were John 
Clayton, sir Outhbert Sharp, John Oollingwood Bruce, William Sidney 
Gibson, John Fenwick, Thomas Bell, Moses Aaron Richardson, 
Robert Ormston, Henry Ingledew, William Kell, and R. R. Dees — 
most of them his seniors in years and in experience of antiquarian 

Towards the close of that same year, 1849, under the editorship 
of W. J. Thoms, secretary of the Camden Society, appeared the 
first number of a publication, known to all of us as a lordly treasure- 
house of antiquarian lore— that admirable weekly. Notes and Qiceries, 
It is a curious circumstance that, in the twenty-second issue of the 
new paper, George Bouchier Richardson, announcing that he was 
engaged upon The Life and Correspondence of Robt. Thomlinsony 
D.D.^ founder of the Library that bears his name, solicited in- 
formation concerning the doctor, his family and ancestry — ^a subject 
which Mr. Adamson himself was destined in after years to elucidate. 
But this by the way. In No. 48 of Notes and Queries^ issued August 
24th, 1850, Mr. Adamson's initials 'E. H. A.' make their first 
appearance, attached to a contribution on north-country folk lore.* 
Succeeding volumes contain many repetitions of these initials down to 
last year (August 14th, 1897), when they are appended to a column of 
biographical matter concerning John and George Smith, editors of the 
Cambridge edition of Bede. Thus, during forty-seven years, our 
friend helped to build up that wonderful collection of matters 
pertaining to the past which is comprised in the ninety-eight volumes 
of Notes and Qtieries. 

In the Oentleman*s Magazine, and in Willises Current Notes, 
Mr. Adamson wrote upon the subjects that lay nearest to his heart. 
Indeed, his pen was constantly employed, then and after, in preparing 
useful biographical notes for magazines and newspapers, many of 
which cannot now be traced. Such of them as can be recognised 
appear in the lists at the end of this paper. 

* * Baptismal Superstition.' In the north of England, when several children 
are brought to be baptized at the same time, great anxiety is shown by the 
people lest the girls should take the precedence of the boys ; in which case it is 
believed the latter, when arrived at man's estate, would be beardless. — B. H. A. 
Notes and Queries ^ 1st series, vol. ii. p. 197. 


Between the years 1850* and 1870 Mr. Adamson issued memoirs 
of two famous vicars of Newcastle — the rev. John March and 
Dr. Nathaniel Ellison — published biographical sketches of the 
rev. Hugh Salvin, the rev. William Smith of Melsonby, and of 
John Adamson, his &ther, and printed a sermon on the advan- 
tages of a parish church.* In the last-named year he brought out 
Additional Notices of Old Scholars of Qmm ElizaheiKs Orammar 
School^ Newcastle^ being a second part of the Scholae Novocastrensis 
Alumni. The dedication is to his old schoolmaster, the rev. Mr. 
Mortimer, and it is followed by thirty more biographies, belonging, 
some to the earlier period covered by the first issue, and the rest 
to scholars who had died in the interval. 

Although a fairly regular attender at our meetings, it was not 
until 1888 that Mr. Adamson contributed to our literature. Inspired 
by some biographical notes which had been sent to us by Mr. William 
Shand, he wrote Some Further Notices of Dr. Thomlinson^ the Founder 
of the Thomlinson IMrary^ a paper which was printed in due coi^rse in 
the tenth volume of our Archaeologia. Having thus whetted his 
pen, so to speak, in our interest, he gave us a most valuable memoir 
of Henry Bourne^ the Historian of Newcastle^ Skhout whom, considering 
that he lived doWn to nearly the middle of last century, singularly 
little was previously known. His next paper was An Attempt to trace 
the DeHavals from the time of the Norman Conquest to the Present Day^ 
which he followed up by a genial obituary notice of vice-president 
alderman Eichard Cail, and, in March last year, a charming sketch of 
sir Charles Brown, an old Newcastle Grammar School boy. It was 
shortly after he had contributed his paper on the Delavals — in 
January, 1887— that he was elected one of our vice-presidents in the 
place of sir Charles Edward Trevelyan. 

Other local organizations devoted to research with which Mr. 
Adamson identified himself were the Surtees Society, the Berwick- 

' On New Year's Day, 1864, he preached the university sermon at St. Mary's, 

* This sermon was issued, without author's name, shortly after its deliyery. 
A local clergyman purchased a copy, and having to preach the following Sunday 
at Mr. Adamson's church, thought it a most suitable discourse for the occasion. 
Vicar and congregation were naturally amused at hearing this familiar sermon 
preached by the clerical visitor as his own, and Mr. Adamson quietly commemor- 
ated the event by issuing a new edition, with the two dates of delivery on the 
title-page. (See list appended. No. 11.) 


shire Naturalists' Cflub, and the Architectural and Archaeological 
Society of Durham and Northumberland. He joined the Surtees 
Society in 1860, and at the instigation of his Mend canon Raine, the 
secretary, undertook the editorship of one of the society's volumes, to 
be entitled The Diaries^ or Biographical Notices of Archlishops 
Matthew and Neile^ and Lord Grewe^ Bishop of Durham, It is 
understood that he collected valuable material for this work, more 
particularly for that portion of it which related to lord Orewe. From 
a Crewe exhibitioner no less could have been expected. Yet for some 
reason or other the book never saw the light, although down to ] 895, 
the announcement of its intended publication appeared regularly in 
the society's reports. For the Berwickshire Naturalists' Club he 
wrote a memoir of his friend and clerical helper, the rev. Robert 
Hopper Williamson. In the Architectural and Archaeological Society 
he was, from 1889, one of the committee of management. 

Mr. Adamson's ecclesiastical aptitudes and activities do not 
properly come under review in this rapid sketch of his long and 
useful career. He was a member of the convocation of the University 
of Durham, and acted for some years as secretary, in Chester Deanery, 
of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, and these, so 
far as is known, were the only clerical honours that he accepted. 
Combining much originality of mind with strong individuality of 
character he was content to live among his own people ; and had few 
ambitions beyoud the sphere in which their interest and welfare met. 
They in turn regarded him with that trust and affection which years 
of devoted service invariably bring. On the 25th of August, 1892, 
they celebrated the consecration of his church and the jubilee of his 
ministry* by presenting him with his portrait and an illuminated 

The courtesy of our colleague, the rev. C. E. Adamson, presents 
us with the following list of publications which emanated from his 
father's pen during a prolonged and laborious life : — 

* The consecration of St. Alban's in 1842, and the celebration of the jubilee 
in 1892 are the subject of an interesting brochure written by Mrs. Plummer 
(wife of the former vicar of Heworth, the Bev. Matthew Plummer, by whom 
Mr. Adamson was presented to the living) under the title of A Bay's Pleasure 
nf Fifty Tears Ago } with its Sequel, Newcastle: Mawson, Swan, & Morgan, 


Books, Pamphlets, bto. 

1. 'Imperii Caput et Reram Pnlcherrlma Boma. Oarmen Latinum apnd 
Bcholam Novocastrensem aureo numismate donatum. Auctore E. H. A damson.' 

2. * The Parochial System. A Sermon.' Newcastle : M. A, Richardson, 44, 
Grey Street, 1844. 

3. * A Plea for the Church of England, our Dear and Holy Mother ; Being 
Extracts from the Writings of some of the most honoured of her Sons.' New- 
castle-upon-Tyne : M, A, Bichardson, 44, Grey Street, 1846, 

4. ' Scholae Novocastrensis Alumni ; Brief Notices of Eminent Men, 
Educated at Queen Elizabeth's Grammar School, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 
collected by Edward Hussey Adamson, M.A., of Lincoln College, Oxford; 
Perpetual Curate of S. Alban's, Heworth, in the Diocese of Durham.' New- 
castle-upon-Tyne : M. A. Bichardson, 44, Grey Street, 1846. Dedication *To 
William Burrell, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., of Broom Park, Northumberland, sometime 
Fellow of University College, Oxford.' 

6. 'Catechetical Exercises upon the Saints' Days of the English Church.' 
London : J. Bussell Smith, 4, Old Compton Street, Soho. NewcasLle-upon- 
upon-Tyne : M. A. Bichardson, 44, Grey Street, 1847. Dedication : * To Her 
who first suggested it, this little Catechism is most affectionately inscribed.' 

6. * Brief Memoir of the Bev, Hugh Salvin, B.A., sometime Vicar of Alston, 
Cumberland, Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Imprinted by G. Bouchier Bichardson, 
at the Sign of the Biver-God Tyne, Clayton Street West, Printer to the Society 
of Antiquaries and to the Typographical Society, Both of Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne.* 1852. 

7. *The Bev, William Smith of Melsonby.' Beprinted from the Gentle- 
inaiCi Magazine^ August, 1853. 

8. *A Former Vicar of Newcastle-upon-Tyne.' [Bev. John March.] n.d. 
(1853 ?). 

9. 'Memoir of Nathaniel Ellison, D.D., Vicar of Newcastle-upon-Tyne.' 
Newcastle-upon-Tyne : G. B. Bichardson, n.d. (1853?), 

10. * Obituary Notice of the Late John Adamson, Esq., K.C. and K.T.S. of 
Portugal, P.L.S., P.B.G.S.' Beprinted from the OentlemarCs Magazine for 
December, 1855. Newcastle-upon-Tyne : Thomas and James Pigg, Clayton 
Street, 1856. 

11. * The Parish Church : A Sermon Preached in the Diocese of Duiham, 
September, 1864, and October, 1865. Printed chiefly for Distribution in the 
Author's Parish.' Newcastle-upon-Tyne : Bobert Robinson, 38, Pilgrim Street, 

12. * Scholae Novocastrensis Alumni. Additional Notices of Old Scholars 
of Queen Elizabeth's Grammar School, Newcastle-upon-Tyne.' Newcastle- 
upon-Tyne : Stevenson and Dryden, 13, St. Nicholas's Church Yard, 1870. 
Dedication : * To the Bev. G. F. W. Mortimer, D.D., Prebendary of St. Paul's, 
sometime Head Master of Queen Elizabeth's Grammar School, Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne ; afterwards of the City of London School.' 


13. * Church Music : A Sermon Preached at Evensong, on Easter Day, 1868, 
on the Occasion of Inaugurating a Surpliced Choir. Printed chiefly for 
Distribution in the Author's Parish.' Newcastle-upon-Tyne : Robert Robinson, 
38. PUgrim Street, 1871. 

14. *The Three Creeds: A Sermon Preached in the Diocese of Durham, 
April and May, 1872.' Newcastle-upon-Tyne : Robert Robinson, 38, Pilgrim 
Street, 1872. 

15. *The Feast of Ingathering; A Sermon For Harvest Tide, 1878.' New- 
castle-upon-Tyne : R. Robinson, 38, Pilgrim Street. Dedication : * To the Rev. 
John Reed, M.A., Yicar of Newbum, and Lecturer of St. Nicholas's, Newcastle- 

Papbbs IX THE Archaeologia Aeliana: 

Vol. X. p. 80. Some Further Notices of Dr. Thomlinson, the Founder of the 
Thomlinson Library. 

Vol. xi. p. 147. Henry Bourne, the Historian of Newcastle. 

Vol. xii. p. 215. An Attempt to trace the Delavals from the time of the 
Norman Conquest to the Present Day. With an etching of Delaval Hall and 
two cuts by C. J. Spence. 

Vol, xix. p. 133. Sir Charles Brown. With Portrait. 

In the Proceedings op this Society. 
Vol. vi. p. 96. Obituary Notice of Alderman Richard Call. With Portrait. 

In thk Transactions of the Benviokshire Naturalists* Club. 
Vol. xiv. p. 167. Memoir of the Rev. R. H, Williamson, M.A. 

In the Gentleman^s Magazine, 

Memoirs of the Rev, Jonathan Walton, D. D. ; Rev. W. N. Darnell ; John 
Adamson, K.C. and K.T.S. ; Rev. J. B P. Dennis, B.A., F.B.G.S. ; Rev. Wm. 
Smith of Melsonby ; Raleigh Trevelyan ; Capt. West, R.N., and others. 

In the Newcastle Diocesan Magazine, 

Biographies of Local Worthies — Bichard Holdsworth, D.D. ; Thomas 
Jackson, D.D. ; Bishop Butler ; Nicholas Ridley, Bp. of London ; Isaac Basire, 
D.D. ; Rev. Hugh Moises, Headmaster of Newcastle Qrammar School, and others. 

In Vabious Magazines and Newspapers. 

Memoirs of Thomas Baker (the ' CoU. Jo. socius ejectus '), founder of 
the Baker Exhibition for Durham Scholars at St. John's College, Cambridge ; 
Rev. John CoUinson, M.A. ; Rev. Edward Moises ; Rev. Henry Wardell ; 
Rev. W. P. Philp ; Rev. Canon Humble ; Archdeacon Coxe ; Rev. John 
Besley, D.C.L. ; Canon Ornsby ; Rev. John Reed, B.A. ; Rev. F. R. Simpson, 
B.A., cum multis aliis. 




By Thos. HoDaKiN, D.C.L., F.S.A., a vice-presideiit and one of the 


[Read on the 80th November, 1898.] 

One of the best known of the inscriptions which have been found 
on the line of the Roman Wall is that which was discovered at 
Oaervoran (the Roman camp of Magna) in 1816, and which is now 
deposited in the museum of the Newcastle Society of Antiquaries. 
It is numbered 806 in the Lapidarium Septmtrionale : 759 in the 
British volume of the Corpus Inscripiionum Lattnarum (vol. vii.), and 
it is to the following purport : — 

Imminet Leoni Virgo caelesti situ 
Spioifera^ iiisti inventrix^ urbium conditrix^ 
Ex quis muneribus rwsse contigit deos. 
Ergo eadem mater divum, Pax, Virtus, Ceres, 
Dea Syria, lance vitam et iura pensitans. 
In caelo visum Syria sidus edidit 
Libyae colendum; inde cunoti didicimus. 
Ita intellexit numine inductus ttio 
Marcus Caecili^is Donatianus, militans 
Tribunus in praefecto dono principis. 

The inscription is evidently meant to be poetical, and consists of 
ten Iambic lines, unfortunately composed without much regard to the 
laws of metre. 

Literally translated it is as follows : — 

Over the lion hangs the Virgin in her heavenly sphere, 

Bearing an ear of corn, discoverer of justice, founder of cities, 

By which gifts we are accustomed to know the gods. 

Therefore the same is mother of the gods, Peace, Virtue, and Ceres, 

The Syrian Goddess weighing in her scales life and laws. 

Syria gave forth this constellation first seen in her sky, 

To be worshipped by Libya : thence have we all learned [her holiness]. 

Thus hath understood, led on by thy divinity, 

Marcus Caecilius Donatianus serving 

As tribune instead of prefect by the gift of the prince. 


This Htble poem, which we may call 'a Roman tribnue's con- 
feeaion of faith,' has often attracted the notice of commentators, bDt 
I do not think mnch light haa yet been thrown on its meaning. 

At firBt Bight the allnsion to a Heavenly Virgin, who is also a 
mother, m^ht natnrally lead the discoverers to think that they are 
dealing with a Christian monnment, bnt the references to Oeres and 
Oybele, mother of gods, would at once dispel snch a notion. The 


first two lines are evidently astronomical, and refer to the constellation 
Virgo with its bright and beautiful star, Spica Virginis^ next in 
place to Leo, among the signs of the Zodiac. 

But what does the tribune mean by saying that he identifies this 
divinity with the mother of the gods, with Peace, Virtue, and Ceres, 
that she is the inventress of laws, the founder of cities, and the being 
who weighs life and laws in equal scales (a possible allusion here to the 
constellation Libra on the other side of Virgo) ? Above all, what 
does he mean by saying that she is the Syrian goddess, and that her 
worship passed first from Syria to Africa ? 

I think that I have found the answer to this question, and that 
the inscription is virtually an apotheosis of Julia Domna, wife of the 
emperor Severus and mother of Geta. 

Consider, in the first place, what is likely to be the meaning of the 
reference to Libya or Africa. One Boman emperor and one only 
came from the province of Africa, namely, Septimius Severus. We 
learn from the Historia Augusta that he was early possessed by the 
idea that he would one day succeed to the empire, and wa« on the 
look out for all sorts of omens of his future greatness. 

After the death of his first wife, Marcia, he determined on a 
second marriage, and had the nativities of all eligible wives calcu- 
lated, being himself highly skilled in astrology, and when he heard 
that there was in Syria a certain female named Julia who had such a 
nativity that she was destined to be mated to a king, he sought her 
in marriage, and obtained her by the good offices of his friends. 
This is Julia Domna, the mother of Greta, and, as we are told, by a 
second and unlawful marriage the wife of her stepson Caracalla, 
Geta's murderer. Undoubtedly in the reigns of Severus and Caracalla 
her word was very powerful in the State, and an officer admitted 
' by the favour of the Prince,' to rule as Tribune with brevet rank of 
Prefect in the camp of Magna, might in those evil days of corruption 
and servility think to increase his credit with his imperial patroness 
by penning these lines of slavish adulation to this new Syrian goddess 
who had first cast her beams on the African Severus and through his 
devotion to her cause had become worshipped throughout the wide 
Boman Empire. 




Certain it is that never wag the influence of Syrian worship more 
powerfully felt at Eome than under the dynasty of Severus. It was 
then that the Boman world found itself with amazement the sub- 
missive slave of a dissolute Syrian youth, priest and namesake of 
Elagabalus, god of Emesa. It was then also, to quote a more 
beneficent result of Semitic influence on Rome, that the young and 
devout Severus Alexander raised in his private chapel an altar on 
which he paid his devotions to Abraham and Christ, side by side 
with the Hellenic Orpheus. 

Whatever may be thought of the precise value of my suggestion, 
it is certain that there never was a time when African and Syrian 
influences were so curiously brought into juxtaposition as during the 
reigns of Severus, his son, and his grandsons. 

External evidence, as far as it goes, entirely corresponds with the 
internal evidence which I have thus addufced. 

Hiibner in his note on this inscription says, *The letters are of 
the third century, thin and tall, but good. Bucheler says that it was 
not made before the age of the Antonines. But by the lettering it is 
more recent still and is to be ascribed to the time of Severus or his 

Upon the whole, then, I contend that the inscription is meant as 
a piece of flattery of the empress Julia Domna, and is either a sort of 
rude hymn to some goddess of her adoration, or (which I think 
more probable) an actual apothesis of the empress herself. 




By W. H. Knowlbs, F.S.A. 

[Read on the 80th November, 1898.] 

The village of Doddington is pleasantly situated on the east or 
right side of the river Till (which here flows in a northerly direction 
until it joins the Tweed below Norham), and is protected on the north 
and east by heather-clad hills. The view from the village in a south- 
westerly direction is extensive, and includes the high lands of Dod 
Law with its numerous camps, and in the farther distance the peaked 
heights of the Cheviot range. Seven miles to the north-west is the 
site of the battle of Flodden, which recalls the fact that it was in the 
district about Doddington and Wooler that the earl of Surrey, in the 
year 1518, assembled the English army before proceeding against the 
Scottish invaders encamped on Flodden field, which encounter resulted 
so disastrously for Scotland's king and nobility. 

Surrounded by the thatched cottages in which the Doddington 
lairds (of local fame) once dwelt, the bastle house or tower is a striking 
and prominent object. It was erected in 1584 by sir Thomas Grey of 
Ohillingham, the head of the important family, who have during many 
centuries possessed extensive estates in Northumberland, including 
Heton and the barony of Wark. They were allied to the chief nobility 
of Epgland, and frequently engaged in the service of their country. 

Sir Thomas Gray was the eldest son and heir to sir Ralph Gray. 
He married Katherine lady Nevill, daughter of Charles earl of West- 
morland, of whom apparently there was no issue, as on sir Thomas's 
death, 9th April, 1590, he was succeeded by his brother, sir Ralph 
Grey of Horton. 

The marriage was privately solemnized in a room in the manor 
house of Battersby, in Yorkshire, on the 7th day of November, 1585, 
* betwixt the houres of six and nyne of the clock in the fore noone 
. . . . by S' Thomas Middleton, clerke, curat of Morpeth.'^ It is 

* Deposit, and Eccles, Proc, (21 Surt. Soc. Publ.) p. 323. 

id4 ^HB BA8TL& HOtTSK It DODblNOf Olt. 

tSK fiASlLB aotSB IT DODtmraDOIt. 

296 tfifii 6A&TLB BOtBB kf DODDIIrGTOK. 

canons to observe an attempt to conceal the accomplished fact in 
a letter written by sir Thomas Grey on the 12th of May following 
to secretary sir Francis Walsingham, in which he announces his 
intended marriage with lady Eaterine Neville, one of the daughters 
of the late earl of Westmorland, and to request his favour and 
fdrtherance in the matter.* Whilst sir John Forster two days 
before had addressed secretary Walsingham informing him that ^I 
understand by Sir Thomas Gray that there is a contract of marriage 
between him and lady Eatherine Nevill, one of the daughters of 
the late Earl of Westmoreland, and I perceive that he has had 
such a good liking of her, and she of him, that they have made 
such a contract between themselves that they cannot go back again, 
but are man and wife before God. If the matter come in question 
befora Her majestic or the council, pray stand his friend ; he is as 
true and obedient a subject as any of his degree.* ^ 

Sir Thomas Grey was high sheriff of Northumberland in 1574, and 
his importance may be inferred from *The muster and vew of the 
freholders and tenauntes dwelleng within thesse East Marches of 
England for anyempst Scotland,' taken on the 10th March, 1679 [-80], 
where it is recorded that twenty-one villages were owned by him 
representing three hundred tenants, one hundred and twenty-nine 
horsed, including ^ Dodengtoun, a village of said Sir Thomas, with 
24 tenants, 10 horsed.'^ 

A side light is cast on the unsettled state of the country at the 
time in * Rules for the Defence of the Borders' in June, 1588 (?), 
where it is stated that Hhe fifte and laste places aceustomede of 
defence for soldiers to be in, nexte to Harbotle, is Woller, Newton, 
Pawston, and Downeham, all in the Easte Marches, which, with 
the helpe of Sir Thomas Grey and horsemen of Warcke, and other 

» CaL of State Papers (Dom.), addenda, 1580-1625, p. 177. " Ibid. p. 177. 

* Cal. of Border Papers, vol. i. p. 14. See also 

1684, Sept. 1-3. 253. Master of the East March. Taken by Lord Hunsdon, 
governor of Berwick, of all the horsemen and footmen between 16 and 60 in 
the East Marches, on Ist and 3rd September, 1584. Dodington town — horse 2, 
foot 16, with spear only, 22. — Cal, of Border Papers^ vol. L p. 153; and 

Sept. 30. 259. Muster of horse in East Marches. Doddington. — Robert 
Toinsont baeyleffe of Doodington, Thonuu Flike, John Walkere, William a 
Foorde, Edward Robinson, Henry Flike, Andrewe Jacson, William Browne^ 
William Stea/marde, Petter Shelle, John Steaward, Stephen Richardson, AleX' 
ander Nevelton, Richard Morton^ William Wilkenson, * one the keill,* Robert 
Shelle, George Wilkinson, William Wilkinson ' one the knowe/ George Car. — 
Cah of Border Papers, vol. i. p. 157. 


of that contrye, are able at all tymes in peace, with one or two 
bands of the garrison of Barwycke, to keepe in the Yonges, Tates, 
Pringells, and other the Tividalls, whensoever they begin to radge, 
and dryve them to forsake their own houses, and whole townes of 
bothe Yatehams, Heyhope, and Oheretrees, as not longe since yt 
hathe bene done with litle charges to her Majestic/'^ Appeals made 
to secretary sir Francis Walsingham in 1574 show that the Greys were 
closely associated with sir John Porster, warden of the middle marches. 
At that time Francis Dacre complains that Forster favours lord 
William Howard, who, in the presence of Forster, beset Dacre's house 
at Morpeth with one hundred and twenty men procured by Ealph 
brother to sir Thomas Grey.* Whilst in the same year lord Ogle, sir 
John Forster, sir Thomas Grey, and others complain that William 
Selby of Berwick set on Robert Olavering (sheriff), sir Cuthbert Ogle, 
etc., on their return from Newcastle, and killed Olavering, whose 
murderers are still at large.*^ Further, sir John Forster writing 
to secretary Walsingham * protests against information of extreme 
dealing towards sir Outhbert OoUingwood, and demands an enquiry.® 
In a postscript he says, * If you will write Sir Thomas Gray, whose 
sister [anne] your servant, Thomas OoUingwood [of Eslington] has 
married, I shall either discharge myself or take discredit.' Besides 
waging feuds against each other several of the gentry were * suspected 
to be infected with papistry and practisynge the advancement of 
their profession and favourably receyved of the Kynge [of Scotland], 
to the offence and griefe of many good men,' In this connexion 
in 1587 a * note of the gentry on the Borders ' recites * most of those 
in Northumberland are cruel oppressors of their tenants, and as a 
great number of the latter are Scots, if there were any need of 
service, there would be a great want of both horse and foot. The 
greater part of the gentry are papists or addicted to papistry, as Sir 
Outhbert OoUingwood, Sir Thomas Gray, and his brother, Ralph 
Gray, Oarr of Ford, Thos. Swineowe of Gosewick, Mr. Haggerstone 
of Haggerstone, and Mr. Phenicke of Wallington, a suspected priest. 
Outhbert Armourer knows and told Sir George Oarey how many of 
these entertained Brierton and other Jesuits. No one in the town 

» CaL of State Papers (Dom.), addenda, 1680-1625, p. 103. 
• JUd, p. 118, ' Ibid. p. 213, • Xhid, p. 268, 


or garrison of Berwick can be justly charged with being a papist, 
anabaptist or undutiful subject.'* These reports prove that ever at 
issue with each other there was little to distinguish between the 
gentry of the time. 

Erected in the year 1584, at a period when the arts during 
Elizabeth*s reign were being actively cultivated elsewhere in England, 
Doddington bastle-house is typical of the stormy life led on the 
borders, where raids, theft, and murder were of frequent occurrence, 
where the roads were well-nigh impassable, many of the castles in a 
state of ruin, and the country generally in a deplorable condition. 
Notwithstanding, the bastles of the period, whilst retaining certain 
defensive features, combined some improvements in their domestic 
arrangements, beyond the accommodation afforded in the limited area 
of a square pele. 

Only the portion of the structure tinted black on the plans is 
now in existence, the remainder, shown in outline on the drawings, 
unfortunately fell during a gale in December, 1896. The following 
description is based on notes taken before that event, and refers to 
the building when in its complete state. 

Except for the projection on the south side, in which is placed the 
entrance and staircase, the plan is an oblong, thi*ee stories high, and 
measures on the exterior fifty-seven feet from east to west, by twenty- 
five feet from north to south, and to the top of the parapet thirty-six 
feet. On the exterior (see elevations, fig. 1, p. 294) the ends of the 
parallelogram and the projecting staircase have gables with chamfered 
water tabling. An embattled parapet crowns the side walls, and the 
window openings are small and square-headed, chamfered on the 
exterior, and partly dressed to receive glass and partly for shutters. 
There is no base course, and only one chamfered set off at the west 
end. The ashlar to the staircase, to the angle quoins, and to the 
door and window dressings, is all of good large squared masonry. 
The walling stones, obtained from the neighbouring hills, have 
received little attention at the hands of the mason, and the walls 
are built up with an inner and an outer face, the core being filled 
in with rough material without adequate bonding stones. It is to 
this inferior workmanship that the tower owes its decay. 

' Cal of state Payers (Dom.), addenda, 1680-1626, p. 231, 


The entrance doorway is on the ease side of the staircase projection. 
{See plan, fig. 2, p. 295.) It has a four-centred arched head in one stone, 
and chamfered and rebated jambs and silL The door was secured by 
a draw bar, the opening for which is in the south jamb. A circular 
stone staircase eight feet six inches in diameter ascends to the roof 
level and conmiunicates with the various floors ; the treads are roughly 
dressed and rounded on the underside. To the right of the entrance 
is a square-headed door with rebated and hollow chamfered jambs. It 
gives access to the basement, which measures forty-nine feet six inches 
in length by fifteen feet in width, and before the interior portion of 
the wall shaded on the plan (fig. 2) was added, it was eighteen feet in 
width. This floor was lighted by at least three slits six inches wide ; 
other windows may be hidden from view by the buttresses on the 
north side. At the west end is a large fireplace with a segmental 
arched head formed of large stones, and in the north jamb of the 
fireplace is a small recess shown on the section (fig. 1). 

Ascending the staircase, which is lighted on the south side, we 
attain the first floor, an apartment forty-nine feet six inches in length 
by eighteen feet seven inches in width. The doorway has a four- 
oentred head worked in a single stone, and chamfered and rebated 
jambs and threshold. The fireplace with square jambs and head and 
a stone hearth and curb, is in the west gable. The room or rooms was 
lighted by seven small windows, four on the north and three on the 
Bouth side, all square-headed, and chamfered and rebated for wood 
shutters or window frames. In two cases, one on the north and one 
on the south side, the single light openings have given place at a 
later period to two light windows with chamfered stone dressings 
grooved for glass. Pieces of thin plaster yet remain on the walls and 
window jambs; it is stopped by the door dressings, which project 
Blightly for the purpose. This floor was no doubt subdivided, but 
all traces of partitions have now disappeared. The floor joists, eight 
inches square, are placed about two feet apart, and are covered with 
flooring boards nine inches wide. The junction of the wood floor 
and the wall plaster was formed by a thin sloping wood skirting. 

Ascending the staircase to the second floor, we enter (by a door 
with stone dressings similar to those already described) a room of the 
same size as that below, lighted by seven windows with stone dressings 

VOL. XX r. ^° 


chamfered and grooved for glass. The fireplace at the east end had 
double chamfered jambs, the outer chamfer being carried square across 
the head, and the inner one shaped as a four centred arch. A rough 
opening at the floor level in the west gable is probably the position of 
another fireplace. The height (twelve feet) of this floor, the fact that 
it possibly contained two fireplaces, and that the window openings are 
grooved for glass, suggests that it was occupied by the chief domestic 

Oontinuinj? up the staircase, the attic space arranged in the roof is 
reached. It was entered by a door in the centre of the south side, and 
opposite to it another door gave on to the north parapet. Twa 
dormers on the south side aflPorded access to the south parapet. There 
were windows in both the east and west gables. 

The main building, but not the staircase projection, had a parapet 
three feet high at the lowest point, and a gutter two feet wide formed 
of overlapping stones the width of the wall, arranged in courses to fall 
each way from a ridged centre to a lower stone which was dished out to 
convey the water to projecting spouts or gargoyles (see the section,, 
fig. 1). A stone in the north parapet bore the inscription: — ^® 

T . G . MILES 
FECIT A.D. 1584. 

The joists and roof timbers are chiefly of beechwood, repaired in a 
few places with oak and Scotch fir. The maximum of stone has been 
used, all the interior lintels of both doors and windows being of that 

The tower must have shown signs of weakness at an early period 
of its existence. It was strengthened at diflPerent times by huge 
buttresses against the north and south walls, and by adding to the 
thickness of the north basement wall (fig. 2). That this north wall 
was increased in thickness is evident from the fact that an original 
loop and later door opening which appear on the exterior do not show 
on the interior. 

*• This stone has been given by lord Tankerville to Mrs. Butler of Ewart 
park, where it now is. 

APPEAaiHCE ABOUT 1840. 301 

There is a paper on Doddington fall of local interest by the rev. Wm. 
Procter, jnn., in the Traruaetiotu ef tlte Berwiekahire NaturalUW Club, 
Tol, vi. p. 146, and a report on a visit in July, 1870, at p. Ill oE tbe eame 

Hr. J. C. Hodgson, F.8.A., has kindly given me the following notea: — 

'It [Doddington] ia remarkable for its largeness, the badness of its houses 
and low eitnation, and, perhaps, for the greatest quantities of geese of an; of its 
neighbooihood, and is distinguished from all the rest in tbe connty, except 
Branxton, for having the chapel covered with heather and straw. It stands 
at tbe distance of a goushot from tbe town, and has a very good bell. Here 
is one of the best and largest springs in tbe county, which sends out a current 
snfflcient to serve a mill.' — Mark, Surety of Northumberland, 1731. Hodgson 
Hinde, Inedited Ciratribution to the HUtory of Niyrthamherlani, p. 77. 

The names of streets in the village of DoddingtoQ are preserved in a 
conplct ; — 

' Sontbgate and Sandgat«, and ap the Cat Baw, 
The Tinkler's Street, and Bycgate Ha'.' 

When Will Allen, the piper, was on his deathbed he was admonished by his 
pions neighbours of the awfn! consequences of dying unprepared with all his 
sins upon his head. ' Pshaw,' quoth be, in a peevish manner, 'hand me my 
pipes, and I'll gie ye " Dorrington lads yet." ' — The Benham Tracti, edited by 
Dr. James Hardy, vol. i. pp. 13, 273. 

Is the following coaplet a fragment of verses set to an old Norttaambrian 
pipe tone entitled ' Dorrington lads yet 1 ' [Dorrington is an old pronunciation 
of Doddington.] 

' Dorrington lads is bonny, and Dorrington lads is canny ; 
And I'll hae a Dorrington lad, and fide a Dorrington coddy.' 

IfraKing b/ Iht laU Major 




Aberdeen, proclamation at cross of, 
forbidding transportation of vic- 
tuals to Scottish army at Newcastle, 

Acca and Alchmund, relics of, 259n 

Adalhard, abbot, 274 

Adamson, Blythman, brother of 
Newcastle Trinity house, 282 ; 
Charles Henry Ellison, 282?i; 
Charles Murray, 28271 ; rev. Cuth- 
bert E., 282?i ; rev. E. H., New- 
castle plate belonging to, 73 ; 
obituary notice of 281 ; son of John 
Adamson, 281 ; educated at New- 
castle grammar school, 282; at 
University college, Oxford, 282 ; 
mi^ated to Lincoln college, 282 ; 
ordained curate of Wallsend, 282 ; 
freeman of Newcastle, 282 ; ap- 
pointed to Windy Nook, 283 ; 
books written by, 283, 287; his 
marriage, 283 ; elected member of 
council of society, 284 ; Lawrence 
W. , Newcastle plate belonging to, 
4, 36, 40, 42, 47, 50, 51, 55, 56, 63, 
64, 65, 73, 75 bis, 76 bis, 77, 78 bis, 
79 ter, 80, 81; WilUam, 28l7i ; 
colonel, Newcastle plate belonging 
to 75 

Adolana, 269 

Adulf , bishop of Mayo, 278 ; conse- 
crated at Corbridge, 279 

Aelbert, archbishop of York, 265 ; 
amassed extensive library, 265 ; 
called Aethelberht in Saxon 
Chronicle, 265 

Aelffled, abbess of Whitby, and 
Oswy's daughter, 269 

Aelfwold, king of Northumbria, *a 
pious and just kin^,' 273 ; burning 
of his justiciary Seam, 273 ; paU 
obtained for Eanbald by, 273 ; 
murdered at Scythlescester, 273 

Aethelberht, Aelbert so called in 
Saxon Chronicles, 265 

Africa, Septimius Severus, a native 
of, 291 

Aidan, refoundation of Northumbrian 
church by, 264 

Akenhead, R., jun., 57 

Albert, abbot of Ripon, 279 

Alchred, king of Northumbria, sent 
embassy to Charles, king of France, 
273; wrote to bishop Lul, 273; 
driven into exile, 273 

Alcuin's epistles, 260 ; letters of, 261 
et seq. ; congratulating Ethelbald 
and Friduin, 261; concerning 
Danish attack, 262 ; to Etheldryth, 
272 ; sent to Rome to ask for pall 
for Eanbald, 273 ; returned to 
France, 274; pompous letters to 
king Ethelred, 274 ; sends his con- 
dolences to Etheldrvth, urges 
Ethelburga to press Ethelfled to 
enter monastic life, etc., 276 

Alder, George, warden of Newcastle 
cordwainers' company, 46 

Aldfrid, death of, 270; Osred sue- 
ceeded, 270 

Aldhelm, 267 

Alfrich, * high reeve,* 279 

Allen, Phineas, 241 

Allgood,Miss, Newcastle plate belong- 
ing to, 4, 41, 44, 49, 54, 58, 59, 
65, 67, 68, 76 bis; general, New- 
castle plate belonging to, 59 ; rev. 
James, Newcastle, pUte belonging 
to, 40, 47, 57, 73 ; Lancelot and 
another, donor of alms dish to 
Eglingham church, 27 

ALn, bridge across, destroyed by 
royalists, 155 

Alnwick, *a poor contemptible 
village,' 100; Matthew Forster, 
alderman of, 37; Charles I. left 
Newcastle for abbey of, 101 ; royal 
army under Glemham at, 154, 165 ; 
evacuation of, 165; bridge across 
Aln at, destroyed, 156 

Alnwick guilds, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 37, 43, 60, 67 

Alphabets, letters of, on Newcastle 
silver plate, 6 

Alvey [Alvay], Arthur, complaint 
concerning his ballast quay on 
Tyne, 86 and ?i ; Mr. * Geilderd,* 
vicar of Newcastle, 223 and n; 
* outed ' from the vicarage of New- 
castle, 249 n 



Andersou place, Newcastle, residenoe 
of Charles!., 1646-7, HI 

Anderson, sir Francis, collieries of, 
declared to be forfeited, 255; sir 
Henry, election of burgess for New- 
castle in place of, 251 ; Robert, 

Andrews, Robert, bequest of com- 
munion plate to Hexham church, 

Anelo-Saxon Chronicle, the, 259 ; 
churchmen, foreign correspondence 
of, overlooked by local historians, 

*Antilope,' despatched on a cruise 
along north-east coast, 148 

Antiquary f An Amateur , Forster's, xi 

Archbald, William, 202 

Argyle, arrival of, in Newcastle, 12 1 

Araiorer, Cuthbert, 297 

Armstrong, James, 202 

Armyne, sir William, freedom of 
Newcastle conferred on, 252; and 
other English commissioners letter 
to Vane respecting Newcastle after 
its surrender, 248 

Arundel, earl of, accompanied 
Charles I. on his visit to New- 
castle, 84 

Ashbumham, Jack, a follower of 
Charles I., aiccepted invitation to 
dine with sir Henry Gibb at 
Jarrow, 115; enquiry concerning 
escape from Newcastle, 115 

Askew- Robertson, Watson, Newcastle 
plate belonging to, 4, 65 

Ai^tria church, Cumberland, New- 
castle plate belonging to, 9 

Assay, risht of, provincial offices 
deprived of, 1 ; Newcastle date 
letters, 4 

Astley, sir Jacob, despatches from 
Newcastle, 96 

'Atalanta,' gift of coffee pot by 
owners of, 74 

Atherton, Dr. H. , a native of Truro, 
donor of smaller flagon to All 
Saints' church, Newcieistle, 17 ; 
entry of burial of, 17 

Atkinson, J., Newcastle plate be- 
longing to, 48 

Aubone, Thomas, 241 

Auckland St. Andrew's church, New- 
castle plate belonging to, 22 

Avignon, walls of Newcastle not 
unlike those of, 211 

Aynsley, John, donor of flagon to 
Hexham church, 21 ; William, 57 

Aytoun, sir John, 218, 22l7i 


Babington, Vincent, barber of Charles 
I., 119 

Baptismal SuperstitioUf 284}i 

Ba>con, Edmund, * consanguinius re- 
gis,' 34 

Baillie, lieutenant-general, 217 

Baker, sir George, recorder of New- 
castle, appointed a commissioner to 
treat with Scots, 205 ; imprisoned 
in compter, Suffolk, 20571 

Ballantine, lieutenant-colonel James, 

Banners for castle, ix. 

Barker, Robert, set up, in 1639, first 
printing press in Newcastle, 102 ; 
his publications, 103 ; his printing 
press in Newcastle, 128?^ 

Barnard Castle, royalist army at, 

Barnes, Ambrose, a Newcastle ap- 
prentice, l^5nhis; Memoirs, 11 In 

Bamley, John, 84w 

Barring, Jo., 83/1 

Barwis, Richard, freedom of New- 
castle conferred on, 252 

Bates, captain, Newcastle plate be- 
longing to, 76 

Batty, Francis, jimr., Newcastle 
goldsmith, 7; plate made by, 19, 
20, 21 ter, 22, 40 ter 

Beam, justiciary of Ethelred, king 
of Northumbria, burnt at *Seletun,' 

Beaumont, W. B., Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 19 

Beaver, the, not to be used for food, 

Bede, after death of, Northumber- 
land history a blank, 259 ; scholastic 
centre transferred to York, 264 ; 
his epistle to Egbert, 271 

Beilby, William, Newcastle gold- 
smith, 7 ; plate made by, 57 

Belf ord, * a poor contemptible village, ' 

Bell, Boniface asks Huetbercht to 
send him a, 266 

Belli^vre, 123 

Benedict Biscop, a new era began 
with, 264 

Berwick-upon-Tweed, arms of, 28, 32 ; 
Matthew Forster, mayor of, 32 ; 
king's train set out for, 95 ; Scottish 
army under Lesley massing at, 95 

Berwick-upon-lPweed church, New- 
castle plate belonging to, 10, 27, 32 

Bewick [Bewicke], Robert, 88w, 89w ; 
restored to possession of his col- 
lieries, etc , 255« 



BiltoD, Eli, Newcastle goldsmith, 2, 
7 ; plate made by, 16, 17, 18, 36, 
37 ter, 38 

Birtley church, Northumberland, 
Newcastle plate belonging to, 26 

Bishop Auckland, royalist army at, 
175 ; Leven and Callendar at, 185 ; 
Scots army in winter quarters at, 

Biahopwearmouth church, Newcastle 
plate belonging to, 23 

* Black Bessie's tower, Newcastle, 
Newgate probably so-called, 2247i 

Blackburn, Jo., 202 

Blackett, arms of, 35 ; Christopher, 
'keeper of a shoare' at South 
Shields, 87w ; William, mayor of 
Newcastle, 245?i 

Blackheath, golf played at, temp. 
James I., 114 

Blagdon, G. B., Newcastle plate be- 
longing to, 72 hisy 79 

Blair, Mr., chaplain to Charles I., 117 

Blakiston, Mr. John, 237 ; stipend of 
as borough burgess, r28 ; John, his 
fees as M.P. for Newcastle to be 
repaid * out of the towne chamber,' 
247/1 ; appointed alderman, 251 

Blenkinsop, Thomas, *J02 

Blvth church, Newcastle plate be- 
longing to, 29 

Blyth Nook, arrival of Scottish 
siege guns at, 161 ; lord Callendar 
expected at, 181 

Blythman, Robert, 241 

'!&>cking feild moore,' army of 
Charles I. quartered on, lOln 

Boldon church, Newcastle plate be- 
longing to, 12, 25, 26 

Boldon hill, strong position of Scots 
on, 166 

Boniface and Lul, letters of, as to 
state of religious houses in the 
north, 264 

Boniface wrote for copies of Bede's 
work, 265 ; asks Huetbercht for a 
bell, 266 

Bonner, Thomas, 115 ; alderman of 
Newcastle, 139; mayor of New- 
castle, 250 

Books thrown into highways of 
Northumberland, 97 

Barcovicvs (see Housesteads) 

Borders, Rules for the Defence of the, 

Bourne, History of Ifewca-stle, 84?i et 

Bowes, Cuthbert, donor of plate to 
St. Mary the Less church, Durham, 
17 ; Francis, 190, 202. 

Bowness, Mrs., Newcastle plate be- 
longing to, 56 

Bowness-on-Solway church, Cumber- 
land, Newcastle plate belonging to, 

Brampton church, Cumberland, New- 
castle plate belonging to, 14 

Brandling, coL Charles, of Gates- 
h^ad, hostage to Scots, 205; sold 
Nuns' moor to corporation of New- 
castle, 20571 

Brand's Newcastle, SZn et aeq, 

< Brass pieces ' in the cellar at Tyne- 
mouth, 96, 97 

Britannia standard silver, 3 

Bromley, William, speaker of House 
of Commons, privy councillor, etc., 
19 ; donor of cup to Castle £]den 
church, 19 

Brown, Hugh, coachman of Charles 
I., buried in St. Andrew's church, 
Newcastle, 133 

* Browne Bushell,* ship, 151 
Buccleuch, lord, 216, 221n 
Buchanan, David, 107 

Bulkley, Stephen, his printing press 
in Newcastle, 128 ; his first New- 
castle publication, 129 ; his publi- 
cations, 130 et seq, ; died at York, 

Bulman, George, Newcastle gold- 
smith, plate made by, 46, 47, 48 
6m, 50, 52 his 

Bulmer, Edward, mariner, petition of, 
to Charles I., 85;i 

Burdon, Rowland, donor of paten to 
Castle Eden church, 27 ; Rowland, 
jun., gift of alms dish to Castle 
Eden church, 30 

Burman, Dr. , Newcastle plate belong- 
ing to, 72 

* Butler, bishop, coffee pot,' 71 
Bywell ford, Scots crossed Tyne at, 

Butter, export of, from Newcastle, 

forbidden, 99 
Byne, arms of, on salver, 46. 


Caervoran inscription in praise of the 
Syrian goddess, 289 ; virtually an 
apotheosis of Julia Domna, 291 

Caldcleugh, J., Newcastle plate be- 
longing to, 59, 60 

God. State Papers {Dom.)^ 83?i et seq. 

Callendar, lord, Scottish army under, 
for siege of Newcastle, 180; re- 
captured Morpeth, 181 ; crossed 
Tyne at Newburn, 181; surrender 



to, of Hartlepool and Stockton, 182; 
in possession of Lumley castle, 
182n ; took Gateshead, 183 

Cant, Andrew, sermon of, before 
Charles!., 118 

Carey, Sir Gfeorge, 297 

Carlisle, arms of see of, 13; bishops 
Percy, Smith, and Waldegrave of, 
13 ; bishop of, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 13; gift of tankard to 
Carlisle tanners' company, 38 

Carlisle, Corporation of, Newcastle 
plate belonging to, 44; guilds of, 
Newcastle plate belonging to, 3, 37) 
38, 39, 53, 54, 67 

Carnaby, John, Newcastle goldsmith, 
7 ; plate made by, 22 bis ; William, 

Carr, captain, *late sheriff of New- 
castle, hostage to Scots, 205 ; 
lieut.-col., entered Newcastle with 
Charles L, 110; Mrs. E., New- 
castle plate belonging to, 74 ; 
Cuthbert, 202 ; in command at 
Newgate dmnns siege of Newcastle, 
220; Leonard, 115, 190, 202; 
Robert, 241 

Carr-Ellison, J. R., Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 3, 41, 43, 46 his, 47, 
61, 62, 55, 58 bis, 59, 60, 78 

Carroll and Marshall, chaplains to 
parliamentary commissioners at 
Newcastle, 142; sermons before 
Charles I. , 143 

Gary, sir Edmund, surrendered Hart- 
lepool to lord Callendar, 182 

Cassillis, lord, 217, 22l7i 

Casting lots in Saxen times to settle 
disputes, 277 

Castle Eden church, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 18, 27, 29 

Catterick, Ethelwald Moll married 
Etheldryth at, 272 

Ceolred, king of Mercia, * an abomin- 
able reprobate,' 271; seduced nuns, 


Ceolwulf introduced into monastery 
use of ale and beer, 268; the learned 
patron of literature, 271 ; Bede's 
Mist, Ecdes. Gent, Angl. dedicated 
to, 271; retirement of, to Lindis- 
fame, 272 

Ceres, reference to, on the Caervoran 
inscription, 290 

Chamberlayne, John, deposition of, 
relating to defence of Newcastle, 150 

Chapman, captain, an inhabitant of 
South Shields, in command of fort 
there, 168 ; Henry, a * shoare * at 
South Shields belonging to, 87» 

Charles, king of France, embassy of 
Alchred to, 273 

Charles I., visits of, to Newcastle, 83 ; 
contribution of Northumberland 
and Newcastle to army of, 101 ; 
ordered galleries in churches of 
St. Nicholas and All Saints, New- 
castle, to be removed, 101 ; 
knighted Thomas Riddell, 102; 
visit to Newcastle in 1639, 102; 
in 1641, 103 ; entry into Newcastle 
in 1646, 109; left in charge of 
mayor of Newcastle, 111; amuse- 
ments of, in Newcastle in 1646, 
114 ; visit to Shields and dined 
with the governor of Tynemouth 
castle, 116 ; * treated with barest 
ceremony,' 116; his letters to sir 
Alexander Henderson, 1 16 ; Scots 
pressing * Covenant ' on, 117 ; inter- 
view of Scottish lords with, 118; 
deputation of ministers to, 118 ; 
Andrew Cant's sermon before, 118 ; 
conferring honours at Newcastle, 
125 ; sermon before, 133 ; second 
visit of, to Tynemouth, 123 ; dined 
at castle, 123 ; commissioners from 
parliament to, at Newcastle, 119 ; 
interview between Hamilton and, 
120 ; sermon of parliament com- 
missioners' chaplain before, 121 ; 
arrangements for surrender of, by 
the Scots, 135 ; his return to 
Holdenby, 135 ; Murray's plot for 
escape of, 136 ; Henry Dawson, 
mayor, informed of plot to escape, 
138 ; severer treatment of, on 
accoimt of it, 138; * ransom,' of, 
how paid, 141, 142; Samuel Kem 
preached at court, 142 ; sermons of 
Carroll and Marshall before, 143 ; 
left Newcastle for Holdenby, 145 ; 
money lent to, by Newcastle, 147 

Cheshohn, John, vicar of Wooler, 
donor of paten to church, 21 

Chess played by Charles I. in New- 
castle, 114 

Chester-le-Street, success of Scots in 
engagement at, 169 ; Scottish army 
in winter quarters at, 268 

ChoUerton church, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 15 

Chopwell woods, timber obtained 
from, for repair of Tyne bridge, 

Chorographia, Win 

Clarke, Charles, 202; John, curate 
and lecturer at St. Andrew's, ejected 
by pskrliament, 252 ; Thomas, 202 
(see also Clerk) 



Clavering, mast^, alderman of New- 
castle, 191; John, SSn; Robert, 
sheriff of Northumberland, 297 ; 
killed, 297 

Clerk, captain John, gift of punch 
bowl to, 41 (see also Clark) 

Clinett, Humphrey, S7n 

Clothes, wearing of, in heathen 
fashion, 277 

Clovesho, council of, and extrava- 
gance in dressing, 267 

CcmJs, report of Privy Council to 
petition of burgesses concerning, 
etc., 92 ; no snip to make any 
voyage for fetchmg, etc., until 
Newcastle freed from forces, 146 

Coal trade, measures for regulation 
of, 252 ; Scots and, 253 ; letters of 
sir Lionel Maddison on the. 253 ; 
sale of coals in Newcastle, 253 

Cock, Ralph, 190 ; Samuel, 202 

Codex Amiatinus, the, 264 

Coldingham, Ebba's house at, 266 

Coldstream, Scots quartered at, temp 
Charles I., 151 

Cole, James, 202 ; Nicholas, 190, 202; 
mayor of Newcastle, 15, 147 ; sir 
Nicholas, 253 ; commissioner for 
treating with Scots for surrender 
of Newcastle, 205 

Cole, Ralph, 8S?i, 89;*, 190, 202; 
alderman of Newcastle (and an- 
other) complained concerning their 
ballast quay on Tyne, 86 and n 

Colliers enlisted by Leven for siege 
of Newcastle, 191 

Collieries of sir John Marley and 
others declared to be forfeited, 255 

CoUingwood, sir Cuthbert, 297 ; 
Thomas, of Eslington, a reputed 
papist, 297 

Collinson, William, and Elizabeth, 
gave communion plate to Gateshead 
church, 12 

Colman founded ofifshoot of North- 
umbrian church at Mayo, after his 
discomfiture at Whitby, 279 

Colpitts, George, donor of flagon to 
Longbenton church, 29 

Common seal of corporation of 
Newcastle lost *at tyme of the 
storminge,' 2467i 

Compton, crest of, 66 

* Constant Warwick,' a government 
ship at Tynemouth, 160 

Conway, flight of, and surrender of 
Newcastle, 160 

Cooke, George, 87w ; William, 202 

Cookson, Isaac, Newcastle goldsmith, 
3, 7 ; plate made by, 23, 25 his, 26 

his, ^ Us, 4A his, 47 bis, 48, 49 
ter, 60 his, 51 his, 53 his, 64 ter, 
56 ter, 57, 68 ter, 69, 60 ter, 61 
his; Norman, C, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 3, 36, 65, 66 

Coquet isluid, a lO-eun ship ashore 
at, 151 ; capture o^ by Scots, 156 

Corbridge, king Ethelred murdered 
at, 275 ; decrees of synod at, sig- 
natures to, 278 ; Adulf consecrated 
at, 279 ; Scottish cavalry at, 162 ; 
attacked by royalists and defeated, 

Corbridge church, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 13 

Cosin, Jo. , %^n ; alderman, visit to 
London, 135 ; amount advanced by, 
towards payment of Scots for sur- 
render of Charles I., 136 

Council, report of, for 1898, ix. ; list 
of, and officers for 1899, xvii 

Country meetings, xi. 

Covenant press^ by Scots on Charles 
I., 117 ; deputation to Charles L 
concerning, 118. 

Covenanters, son of earl of Roxburgh 
joined, 99 ; royal proclamation 
read in St. Nicholas's church, New- 
castle, 98 

Cowdell, Mrs. Mary, donor of cup to 
St. Andrew's Auckland church, 22 

Cowper, lord, 217, 22 1» 

Cram, Mrs., gift of cofifee pot to, 74 

Cranston, the master of, 218, 221n 

Crawford, earl of, 223 ; among 
prisoners taken at Newcastle, 183n ; 
James, Newcastle goldsmith, 7 ; 
plate made by, 69, 72 his, 77 his 

Crawhall, rev. T. E., Newcastle 
plate belonging to, 76, 77, 80 

Crosse, Dr., Francis, 113 

Crow not to be used for food, 278 

Cudrad, letter of Alcuin to, 262 

Cumberland, David Leslie with his 
whole cavalry sent into, 195 

Cunningame, burial of captain John, 
a Scot, entered in Whickham 
register, 234n 

Curators' report for 1893, xv. ; list 
of objects presented, xvi 

Cuthbert, abbot of Wearmouth and 
Jarrow, letter of, 261 ; sent knives 
to Lul, 266 ; asks hhn to engage 
glassworkers, 266 

Cuthbert, St., prose and verse lives 
of, sent to Lul, 261 

Cybele, reference to, in the Caervoran 
inscription, 290 




Dacre, Francis, 297 

Dale, arms of, on punch bowl, 42 ; 
Brodrick, Newcastle plate belong- 
ing to 74 ; T. Tinley, Newcastle 
plate belonging to, S, 41, 50, 57, 77 

Dalton, Wiluam, Newcastle gold- 
smith, 7 ; plate made by, 56, 59 

Dand, James, Newcastle plate belong- 
ing to, 49 

Danes attacked Lindisfame, 274 ; 
scattered monks, 262 ; letters of 
Alcuin concerning, 26? 

Darlington, Scottish army in winter 
quarters at, 258 

Date letter, Newcastle assay, first 
mention of, 5 

Davenant the poet, visit of, to Charles 
I. at Newcastle, 1.'6 

Davison, Alexander, 88n, 89?i, 191, 
202; sir Alexander, collieries of, 
declared to be forfeited, 255 ; died 
of his wounds at siege of New- 
castle and buried in St. Nicholas's 
church, 23571 ; Thomas, mayor of 
Newcastle, his name on Sawley 
flagon, 10 ; lieutenant - colonel 
Thomas, mayor of Newcastle, 
hostage to Scots, 205?i 

Dawson, Greorge, report to Newcastle 
council in 1646, 113; collector of 
customs, Newcastle, 251 ; Henry, 
deputy-mayor of Newcastle, 115 ; 
confirmed in office by House of 
Commons, 115 ; elected mayor of 
Newcastle, 127, 138 ; told of plot 
for escape of Charles I., 138; 
appointed * customer ' of Newcastle, 

De Bois, the engineer, ordered to 
Newcastle to supervise the fortifi- 
cations, 98 

Deland, John, SSn 

Delaval, sir John, appointed deputy- 
lieutenant of Northumberland by 
parliament, 247 ; Ralph, appointed 
deputy-lieutenant of Nortnuraber- 
land by parliament, 247 

De Mey, Mrs., Newcastle plate be- 
longing to, 4, 58 

Derwent river, Scots crossed, by a 
* narrow tree bridge ' at Ebchester, 

Detchant, army of Charles I. quar- 
tered in, 101 
*Diodate,'Dr., 129 

Dobson, John, Newcastle haber- 
dasher, 117 

Doddington bastle-house, 293; ele- 
vations and plans of, 294, 295 ; 

description of, 298 et seq. ; inscribed 
slab, 300 ; names of streets in, 301 ; 
view of, about 1840, 301 

Doddington church, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 33 

*Dorringtdn [Doddington] lads,' a 
Northumbrian pipe tune, 301 

Douglas of Kilhead, 217, 22l7i; Mr., 
preached before Charles I. in New- 
castle, 116; major, placed in com- 
mand at Hartlepool by the Scots, 

Douglas's account of taking of New- 
castle by Scots, 227 

Dowthwayte, John, Newcastle gold- 
smith, 7 ; maker of Gateshead 
flagon, 2; Durham drapers' com- 
pany's cup, 3 ; silver plate made 
by, 12 his, 35 

Drapers' company of Durham, silver 
cup belonging to, 3 

Dunfermline, earl of, 113, 217, 221n 

Dunkirk man of war in Tyne, 134 

Durant, Mr. William, appointed 
lecturer of Newcastle, 2507i 

Durham, report dated from, relating to 
repair of bridges in 1632-3, 84; 
Charles I. in, 84, 95; sermon by 
bishop Morton at, 95; tenants of 
bishop of, to be armed, 97; pro- 
clamation of Leven at, 108; dis- 
position of Scots to advance into, 
164; marquis of Newcastle's army 
moved to, 166; reached by Scots, 
167; Montrose at, 170; marquis of 
Newcastle withdrew to, after Hilton 
fight, 175; Scottish army in winter 
quarters at, 258; bishop of, New- 
castle plate belonging to, 71; St. 
Mary the Less churcn, Newcastle 
plate belonging to, 17, 18 ; guilds, 
Newcastle plate belonging to, 35 
his, 42, 64 his, 77 

Durham county, repair of bridges, 
etc., in, 8471 

Durham, Northumberland and, the 
Scottish campaign in, between 
January and June, 1644, 146 

Dutch ship in Tyne, 133 


Eadbert, king of Northumbria, 272; 

made alliance with Pepin, king of 

France, 272; resigned throne, 272; 

brother of archbishop Egbert, 272; 

buried at York, 272 
*■ Ekigle ' of Newcastle, ship, chartered 

for conveyance of provisions to 

Newcastle, 141 



E!anbald, archbishop of York, 278; 

pall obtained from Rome for, 273 
Eangyth and Heaburg, 263 
Eardulf recalled from exile and 

crowned at York, 275 
East marches, muster of the, in 

1579-80, 296 
Ebba's house at Coldingham, 266 
Ebchester, Scots crossed Derwent by 

* narrow tree bridge ' at, 165 
Echard's History of England, account 

of taking of Newcastle by Scots in, 

Edinburgh, plague in, 232?i; prisoners 

taken at capture of Newcastle, im- 
prisoned in tolbooth at, 234?/ 
Egbert, archbishop of York, old pupil 

of Bede, 264; penitential of, 270; 

Bede's epistle to, 271 ; Eadbert, king 

of Northumbria, brother of, 272; 

buried at York, 272 
Eglrngham church, Newcastle plate 

belonging to, 27 his. 
Eglisfield, Mrs. Katherine, donor of 

plate to Carlisle merchant tailors, 37 
Elections, complaint as to inequality 

of, in Newcastle, 93 
Ellis, Mr. , Newcastle plate belonging 

to, 74; W., 91 
Ellison, Mr., sheriflF of Newcastle, 

visit to London, 135; rev. Nathaniel, 

donor of cup, etc., to Doddington, 

33; Robert, 127; appointed sheriff 

of Newcastle, 251 
Elswick, Scots at, 185 
Eltringham ford, Scots crossed Tyne 

at, 165 
Embleton, Dr., Newcastle plate 

belonging to, 57 
England, one of earliest records of 

golf in, 1 14 
Erhart, abbot, 279 
Errington, George, 87«; captain 

Gteorge, held Filgrim street gate 

during siege of Newcastle, 220; 

Gilbert, major, of Denton, entered 

Newcastle with Charles I. , 1 10 ; rode 

bareheaded on entry of Charles I. 

into Newcastle, 141?i; Thomas, 141w 
Esh church, Newcastle plate belonging 

to, 18 
Ethelbald, abbot of Wearmouth, 

letter of Alcuin to, 261 
Ethelbert, bishop of Whithern, 278 
Etheldryth, king Eth6lwald Moll — 

married, 272; entered nunnery after 

his death, 272; letters of Alcuin 

to, 272 
Etbelhard, archbishop of Canterbury, 

letter of Alcuin to, concerning 

attack of Danes, 262 

Ethelred, king, son of Moll, king of 
Northumbria, 273 ; letters of Alcuin, 
262 ; pompous letters of Alcuin to, 
. respecting Danish attack on Lindis- 
fame, 274; murdered at Corbridge, 

Ethelwald Moll, victory over Oswin 
near Melrose, 272; married Ethel- 
dryth at Catterick, 272; *lost' his 
throne at Finohale, 272; died in 
exile, 272 ; his widow entered 
nunnery, 272 

Ewart park, inscribed slab from 
Doddington pele now at, 300» 

Exhibition of old Newcastle silver 
plate, 1 


Fairfold, Andrew, 118 

Farley, Turner, Newcastle silver 
plate belonging to, 4, 64 

Felling, ' malignants ' at, 134 

Fell, Ralph, 241 

Felton, bridge at, destroyed by 
royalists, 156 

Fenwick, Mr., of Wallington, a 
suspected priest, 297 ; George, 
appointed * customer ' of Newcastle, 
251 ; John, 837i ; sir John, 97, 108 ; 
appointed deputy-lieutenant of 
Northumberland by parliament, 
247 ; John, of Newcastle, appointed 
by parliament master of Sherbum 
hospital, 247 ; Robert, freedom of 
Newcastle conferred on, 252 ; 
William, appointed deputy-lieuten- 
ant of Northumberland by parlia- 
ment, 247 ; sir William, daughter 
of, suffered after capture of New- 
castle by Scots, 23571 

Finchale (see Winchanheale) 

Finney, Dr., donor of communion 
flagons to Ryton church, 9, 23 ; 
[Fynney] of Fynney, county Staf- 
ford, arms of, 23 

Food, animals, etc. , that were not to 
be used for food in eighth century, 

Foreign pilgrimages, 269 

Forster, arms of, on coffeepot, 47 ; 
sir John, 296 ; Matthew, alder- 
man of Alnwick, 37 ; Thomas and 
Susannah, 35 

Fowler, Ralph, restored to possession 
of his collieries, etc., 255n 

France, Pepin, king of 272 

French, Jonathan, Newcastle gold- 
smith, 3, 7 ; plate made by, 18 ter, 
20, 22, 39, 40, 42, 43 6w, 44 his, 
45 b%8 



Friduin, abbot of Jarrow, letter of 

Alcuin to, 26 
Fulthorpe, Christopher, 84?^ 


Gainford church, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 16 

Gask, lord, 217 

Gateshead, reception of Charles I. at, 
96 ; * malignants * at, 124 ; Skippon, 
appointed governor of, 141 ; taken 
by Scots, 183; * Crown' inn at, 
1 16 ; William Watson, a vintner of, 

Gateshead, St. Mary's church, 
accounts of, 83», 84 and n ; New- 
castle plate belonging to 2, 12, 22, 
23, 32 

George, bishop of Ostia, letter of, to 
pope Hadrian I., giving account of 
emDassy to EngljEUQd, 277 ; two 
synods held in his presence, 277 

Gibb, air Henry, of Jarrow, 116 

Gibson, Jane, donor of flagons to 
Bishopwearmouth and Sunderland 
churches, 24; T. G., Newcastle 
plate belonging to, 80 

Gilpin, WilUam, 38 

Glaisgow, general assembly of Scottish 
church in, in 1638, when bishops 
deposed, 95 

Glemham, sir Thomas, appointed 
governor of Newcastle, 149/1 

Goldsmiths' company of Newcastle, 

Golf, 124,' 126; in Scotland, 114; 
played by Charles I. in Newcastle, 
one of earliest records of game in 
England, 114 ; probably introduced 
by Scots in 1639 or 1644, 1147i 

'€k>ssick moore,' army of Charles L 
quartered on, lOln 

Gow, Thomas, Newcastle plate belong- 
ing to, 3, 36 

Gower, arms of, on sugar caster, 71 

* Grand Remonstrance,' the, 107 
Grey of Howick, arms of, 16 ; Eliza- 
beth and Magdalen, gave plate to 
Howick church, 16 ; [Gray] master, 
223 ; sir Thomas, son of sir Ralph, 
293 ; married Katherine, lady 
Nevill, at Battersby, Yorkshire, 
293 ; [Grey] Elizabeth, restored to 
possession of her collieries, etc., 

Gregory III., pope, 277 

* Greyhound,' a government ship at 

Tynemouth, 140 
Gunpowder treason day, ringing of 
bells in Newcastle for, 132 


Hadrian I., account to, of embassy of 
George, bishop of Ostia, to Britain, 

Haggerston, Mr., of Haggerston, a 
reputed papist, 297 

Hall-marks on Newcastle silver plate, 1 

Hall, John, Newcastle plate belong- 
ing to, 48, 65, 70; W. F., New- 
castle plate belonging to, 66 

Halton church, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 25 

Hamer, Abraham, Newcastle gold- 
smith, 7 ; plate made by, 35 

Hamilton Papers^ 112n 

Hamilton, sir Alexander, 217, 221w ; 
marquis of, accompanied Charles I. 
on visit to Newcastle, 84; inter- 
view between, and Charles I. at 
Newcastle, 120 

Hardcastle, Dr., Newcastle plate be- 
longing to, 43, 54, 70 

Hare not to be used for food, 278 

Harraden, colliery at, 257 

Harrigatte, John, 241 

Harrop, James, 202 

Hartbum church, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 25 

Hartlepool garrison to be * slighted,' 
145w ; surrender to lord Callendar, 
182 ; major Douglas placed in com- 
mand, 182 

Hartwel, rev. William, donor of 
cups to Stanhope church, 18 

Heath, sir Robert, owner of ballast 
quay at South Shields, complaints 
concerning, 86 and n, 87 and n 

Hedley, Anthony, Newcastle gold- 
smith, 7 ; plate made by, 79 

Henderson, Alexander , chaplain, letter 
of Charles I. to, 116 ; death of, at 
Edinburgh, 117 ; lieutenant-colonel, 
a Scottish officer killed at Weaver 
tower during siege of Newcastle, 

Henry VI., act of, relating to hall- 
marks on silver plate. 1 

Hepburn's, sir Adam, account of 
Newcaatle after fall, 206 ; sir 
Patrick, laird of Wauchton, 217, 
22l7i ; major, killed at siege of 
Newcastle, 224 and n 

Herd sand in Tyne ' is growne more 
to the north,' 88 

Heron, Cuthbert, 83» 

Heselrig, sir Arthur, appointed 
deputy-lieutenant of Northumber- 
land by parliament, 247 

Hetherington, James, Newcastle 
goldsmith, 7 ; plate made by^ 72, 74 




Hetherington and Edwards, New- 
castle goldsmiths, 7 ; plate made 
by, 70 

Hewitson, Thomas, Newcastle gold- 
smith, 3, 7 ; plate made by, 16 

Heworth, *malignant8' at Nether 
and Over, 134 

Hexham, Tilberht, bishop of, 278; 
Scottish army in winter quarters 
at, 258 

Hexham priory church, Newcastle 
plate belonging to, 21 bis, 29 

Higbald, bishop of Lindisfame, 278 ; 
letters and poem of Alcuin to, 262 

Hilton, marquis of Newcastle's posi- 
tion at, 171 ; fight at, 171 ; battle 
cries at, 171 ; a drawn battle, 173w 

Historical MSS. Commission, 967i, et 

Hobbs, Richard, Newcastle gold- 
smith, 3, 7 ; plate made by, 40 

Hodgkin, Dr. Thomas, * The Caervoran 
inscription in praise of the Syrian 
goddess,' 289 

Hodgson, of Carham, crest of, 49 ; T. 
Hesketh, Newcastle plate belong- 
ing to, 60, 61, 74, 81 

Hodgson-Huntley, Mrs., Newcastle 
plate belonging to, 49, 66 bis, 75 
bis, 77 

Holdenby, return of Charles I. to, 
135 ; Charles I. left Newcastle for, 

Holland, the earl of, accompanied 
Charles I. on visit to Newcastle, 84 

Holmes, Sheriton, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 63, 72 

Home, David, 221 n ; sir David, laird 
of Wedderbum, 217 (see also 

Honorary members, xviii. 

Hoorde, Mabel, donor of paten to 
Hexham, 21 (see also Orde) 

Horses, mutilation of, in Saxon 
times, 277 

Horseflesh, eating of, in Saxon times, 

277 ; pope Gregory III. and, 277 ; 
'a filthy and detestable custom,' 

278 ; pope Zachary and, 278 
Housesteads, excavations at, x. 
Howick church, Newcastle plate 

belonging to, 16 

Hudson, Dr. Michael, came to New- 
castle with Charles I., 115 

Huetbercht, 2657i ; fragment of cross 
with name of, on, 265*1 ; abbot of 
Jarrow, 265 

Hume, lieutenant-colonel, killed at 
siege of Newcastle, 224 (see also 

Hunting indulged in by monks, 269 

Huntley, son of marquis of, 99 
Hunvini, 265 


Ilderton, Miss, Newcastle plate be- 
longing to, 50 
Innkeepers' plate, the, 45. 
Ipswich puritans, the, 99 

* Ipswich Sarah,' ship, 151 

Isle of Man, Osred, king of North- 
umbria, fled to, 274 


Jackdaw not to be used for food, 278 

* Jacob ' of Christiania, ship, 117 
Jackson, sir Robert, appointed 

deputy-lieutenant of Northumber- 
land by parliament, 247 

James, Francis, 847i 

Jarrow, reference to library of monks 
at, 266 ; some fame for metal work, 
266 ; Friduin, abbot of, 261 ; Cuth- 
bert, abbot, 261 ; Newcastle plate 
belonging to church at, 31 

James L, golf played at Blackheath, 
temp., 114 

*Jenison, one Dr., something cool,' 
77 ; appointed to vicarage of New- 
castle by House of Conmions, 249 
and n ; called from Dantzig, 249n 

Jerusalem, walls of Newcastle *not 
unlike those of,' 211 

Jesuits, * entertainment ' of, 297 

Jobson, John, Newcastle goldsmith, 
7 ; plate made by, 70, 72 

* John of Bargamie,' ship, 117 

* John of Dantzig,' ship, \VJn 

* John ' of Lubeck, ship, \VJn 
Johnstone, George, warden of New- 
castle cordwainers' company, 46 

Judson, William, steward of Durham 
cordwainers' company, 77 

Julia Domna, wife of Severus, Caer- 
voran inscription to the Syrian 
goddess virtually an apotheosis of, 

* Justice of Breene,' ship, 117 


Kem, Samuel, army chaplain, sermon 
of, before parliamentary com- 
missioners in Newcastle, 121 ; 
chaplain on board of * Leopard,' 
preached at court of Charles I., 

Eillingworth, near Newcastle, horse 
races at, 138 

Kingdomes Weekly Intelligencer^ 110, 
et seq. 



Kirkandrews-upon-Esk, communion 

paten of chm*ch of, 5 
Kirkby Stephen church, Newcastle 

plate belonging to, 14 
Kirkup, James, Newcastle goldsmith, 

3, 7 ; plate made by, 41, 44 bis, 45 ; 

John, Newcastle goldsmith, 7 ; 

plate made by, 28, 30 ter, 60, 61, 

62, 66, 67, 69 
Kirsopp, J., Newcastle plate belong- 
ing to, 60, 62 bis 
Knives, sent to Lul by Hunvini, 266 
Klnowles, W. H., Newcastle plate 

belonging to, 54; on Doddington 

bastle-house, 293 
Koaena, an alias of Aelbert, 265 


L., G., and T. W., Newcastle plate 
made by, 79 

Laing, F. M., Newcastle plate belong- 
ing to, 36, 66, 69, 74 

Lambe, Thomas, 87w 

Lambton, sir William, salt pans at 
Sunderland belonging to, 253 

Lanark, lord, 113 ; earl of, went to 
Newcastle to see about its betrayal 
to general Leslie, 149 

Langlands, John, Newcastle gold- 
smith, 3, 7 ; plate made by, 29 ter, 
30, 31 biSf 32, 63 ter, et seq. ; John, 
jun., Newcastle goldsmith, 4, 7; 
plate made by, 79, 80 bis 

Langlands and Goodrick, Newcastle 
goldsmiths, 7 ; plate made by, 61 , 
62 ter, 63 

Langlands and Robertson, Newcastle 
goldsmiths, 7 ; plate made by, 32, 
33, 72, 73 ter, 74 et seq. , 75 et seq, 

Langley, sir William, 257 

Laud, archbishop, accompanied 
Charles I. on visit to Newcastle, 84 

Lawrance, Thomas, restored to pos- 
session of his collieries, etc. , 255?^ 

Leash, Thomas, S7n 

Leather-Culley, A., Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 66, 75 

Ledfferd, Thomas, 115 

Leeds, Scots at, 182 

Legg^t captain, 96 

'Leopard,' the, government ship at 
Tynemouth, 140 

Lesley, rumoured strength of Scottish 
army under, 102 

Leven, general, proclamation of, at 
Durham, 108; Ms proclamation 
against papists, 115; trumpeter 
sent by, into Newcastle to demand 
surrender, 158 ; before York, 177 ; 
captured York, 178, 182 ; at Bishop 

Auckland, 185 ; summoned New- 
castle, 189 ; bridge of keels con- 
structed by, 189 ; colliers enlisted 
by, 191 ; his reply to council's 
answer to surrender, 202 ; his 
strength in artillery not stated, 214; 
rumours of his death, 210; after 
Newcastle taken attended St. 
Nicholas's church to give thanks, 
2S0 ; his return to Scotland, 258 
Leveson, arms of, on sugar caster, 


Libya [Africa], Severus, a native of, 


Liddell, sir Francis, house of, in New- 
castle said to have been residence 
of Charles I. in 1646-47, 112; 
residence of governor of Newcastle, 
112 ; also Leven's headquarters, 
112; Thomas, alderman of New- 
castle (and another), complaint 
concerning their ballast quay on 
Tyne, 86 and n ; [Liddle] Thomas, 
190, 202 

Lilbume, Mr., 257 ; colonel, urged 
repair of Newcastle town wall, 244 

Lindisfarne, gospels, 264 ; Danes 
attacked, 262, 274 ; scattered 
monks, 262 ; Osbald, the patrician, 
fled to, 275 ; Higbald, bishop of, 
278 ; Ceolwulf 's retirement to, 272 

Lithgow's description of Newcastle, 
211 ; his account of taking of New- 
castle by Scots, 227 

Livingstone, lord, 221% 

London poor, Newcastle coal shipped 
for the, 257 

Long, George, 84/1 

Long Benton church, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 28 bis 

* Lord of Hosts is with us, the,' Scot- 

tish battle cry at Hilton fight, 171 
Loudoun, lord, 22l?i; the Scottish 

chancellor at Newcastle, 192 ; at 

Sunderland, 193; took ship to 

London from, 193 
Love, Christopher, and another, 

appointed ministers to proceed to 

Newcastle, 250 

* Lower Light Fort,' North Shields, 

Lul, bishop of Mainz, letter of Cuth- 

bert to, 261 ; knives sent "to, by 

Hunvini, 266 
Lumley castle, Callendar in possession 

of, 18271 
Lumley, Stephen, warden of Durham 

cordwainers' company, 77 
Lumsden, Edward, under usher of 

grammar school, displaced by 

parliament, 252 ; sir James ap- 



pointed governor of Newcastle, 

109, 251 and n 
Lyddock, Thomajs, 88n 
Lydkett, Thomas, 84?^ 
Lyndesay, Ludovick, governor of 

Newcastle, 223 


Maddison, Henry, 88n; master Henry, 
alderman of Newcastle, 191 ; Lionel, 
mayor of Newcastle, 88n, SOw ; sir 
Lionel, alderman of Newcastle, 191 ; 
letter of, concerning taking of 
Newcastle by Scots, 224 and n ; 
letters of, on coal trade, 253 ; 
Robert, restored to possession of 
his collieries, etc., 255n; Thomas, 

Mainz, records of, 260 ; Lul, bishop 
of, 261 

Maitland's regiment of Scots at Cold- 
stream, 151 

Makepeace, Robert, Newcastle gold- 
smith, 3, 7 ; plate made by, 24, 
43, 45, 47, 49, 50 ter, 51, 57 his ; 
Thomas, Newcastle goldsmith, 7 ; 
plate made by, 46, 48 his 

Makepeace and Batty, junr., 41 

* Maliffnants,' 134 ; resort of, to New- 
castle, 119 

Man, Edward, 127 ; letter of, con- 
cerning taking of Newcastle by 
Scots, 225 

Manners and customs in Northum- 
berland in eighth century, 276 

Mansell, sir Robert, complaint con- 
cerning his ballast quay on the 
Tyne, 86 and n 

Mar, Mr., town clerk of Newcastle, 
visit to London, 1 35 

Marcia, first wife of Septimius 
Severus, 291 

' Margrett of Anser,' ship, 117 

Marley, John, 99, 190,202; sir John, 
Lanark's attempt to suborn, 149 ; 
mayor and governor of Newcastle, 
149, 197w; knight and governor, 
commissioner for treating with Scots, 
205; letter of, to Smclair, 210; 
retired to castle, Newcastle, during 
siege, 220 ; submissive letter of, to 
Scots and surrender of Newcastle, 
231 ; * confined in a dungeon trance ' 
in castle, 232 ; collieries of, declared 
to be forfeited, 255 

Marley and his colleagues, reply of, 
to Leven's trumpeter as to sur- 
render of Newcastle, 158 

Marriages, paucity of, in Newcastle, 
after siege, 242 

Marshal], Mr., chaplain to parlia- 
mentary commissioners, 121; UarroU 
and, chaplains at Newcastle to 
parliamentary commissioners, 143 ; 
sermons before Charles I., 143 

Matfin, Matthew, 202 

Maxwell, lord, 223 ; Clement, 87w 

Mayo, strong link between northern 
church and, 279 ; founded by Col- 
man, 279 ; Adulf , bishop of, 278 

Melrose, victory of Ethelwald Moll 
over Oswin near, 272 

Melton, Jo., 01 

Members, honorary, xviii. ; ordinary, 

Mercurim Civicu8, llln e^ aeq, 

Michaelson, Mr., sherifif of Newcastle, 
visit to London, 135 

Milbanke, Mar., 202 

Minns, sir John, collieries of, declared 
to be forfeited, 256 

Mitcalfe, arms of, on punch bowl, 42 

Mitchell, Mrs., Newcastle plate be- 
longing to, 51, 52 

Mitchison, John, Newcastle gold- 
smith, 7 ; silver plate made by, 76, 
78 6m 

Mitford, Michael, donor of large 
flagon to All Saints* church, New- 
castle, 17 

Moderate Intelligencer, the, llOn, et 

Moffat, major, killed at Weaver 
tower during siege of Newcastle, 

Monasteries, spurious, 271 

Monastic dress, 267 ; tendency to 
extravagance in, 266 

Monk Hesleden church, Newcastle 
plate belonging to, 22 

' Monmouth ' cap, a, 115 

Monteith bowl belonging to corpora- 
tion of Morpeth, 3 

Montreuil returned to Newcastle, 126 

Montrose at Durham, 170 ; at New- 
castle, 176; in Northumberland, 
177 ; capture of Sunderland and 
Morpeth, and of fort at South 
Shields, 176 ; expedition against 
Morpeth, 176; South Shields fort 
taken, 177 ; attack on Sunderland 
repulsed, 177 

Moon, Edward, wife of, and daughter 
of sir W. Fen wick, suffered after 
capture of Newcastle, 235» 

Morecrost, Ferd., 84n 

Morpeth, *a poor contemptible 
village,* 100; letter dated from, 
83n ; headquarters of Scots at, 144 
reached by Scottish army, 155 
Montrose's expedition against, 176 



castle defended by James Somer- 
ville and another, 176 ; fall of, 176 ; 
recaptured by Scots, 181 ; Scottish 
army in winter quarters at, 258 ; 
•corporation of Newcastle, silver 
bowl belonging to, 3, 39 

Morton, bishop of Durham, sermon 
of, before ChiBurles I. , 95 

Mosley, Edward, mayor of New- 
castle, 31 

*Mounteere' cap, a, 115 

Mulcaster, Mrs., Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 36, 45 

Murray^ plot for escape of Charles I. 
from Newcastle, 137 ; sir Robert, 
117 ; his letters, 112 ; will, 113 

Mutilation of Animals, Fleming's, 


Newark, army of parliament before, 


'New bridge,' across Wear, Scots 
crossed, 165 ; crossed by marquis 
of Newcastle in pursuit, 165. 

Newbum, station of a force at, 98 ; 
battle of, 103 ; victory of Leven at, 

Newcastle, visits of Charles I. to, in 
1633, 1639, 1641, 1646-7, 83; sir 
Wm. Selby's house in, prepared for 
visit of Charles I., 84; complaint 
concerning ballast quay on Tyne, 
of mayor and aldermen of, 86 and 7i ; 
petition to council, of burgesses of » 
against mayor and aldermen, 90 
and 71 ; report of council concern- 
ing, 91 ; fortifications of, in 1639, 
97; De Bois the engineer deputed 
to supervise the fortifications of, 
98 ; hospitality to Charles I. in, 
* magnificent,' 98 ; earl of Roxburgh 
committed to custody of mayor of, 
99 ; export from, of butter, for- 
bidden, 99 ; sir Wm. Saville with 
his regiment passed through, 99 ; 
lords present in, summoned by 
Charles I., 100; *a pestilential 
fever reigns and small-pox every- 
where,' 100; contribution of, to 
army of Charles I., 101 ; no print- 
ing press in, up to 1639, 102 ; Robert 
Barker sent to north as king's 
printer, 102, 128^1 ; Stephen Bulke- 
ley's printing press, 129 ; in posses- 
sion of Scots on visit of Charles I. 
in 1641, 103 ; detention of Charles 
in, 107 ; Charles I. left in charge 
of mayor of. 111; the * Newe 
House (Anderson place), residence 

of Charles I. in 1646-7, 111 ; cor- 
poration of, and the king's coals in 
1646, 113; enquiry at, concerning 
escape of Jack Ashbumham, a 
follower of Charles I., 115; mag- 
azines on bridge, 118 ; fortifications 
repaired, 118 ; sermon of Andrew 
Cant before Charles I., 118; resort 
of ' malignant s,' 119 ; commissioners 
from parliament to Charles I. at, 1 19 ; 
extracts from corporation records, 
120, 123, 124 ; interview between 
Hamilton and Charles I. at, 120 ; 
arrival of Argyle at, 121 ; general 
thanksgiving day, 125 ; Davenant 
the poet at, 126 ; recurrence of 
plague in, 126 ; dissensions among 
authorities of, 127 ; public lighting 
of streets of, temp, Charles I., 131 ; 
ship sent to, by prince of Orange, 
132 ; surrender of, by Scots, 135 ; 
offer of Scots to sell military stores 
in, 136 ; portion of ransom of 
Charles I. paid near, 142 ; evacuated 
by Scots, 142 ; parliamentary com- 
missioners in, accommodated in a 
house in St. John's parish, 143 ; 
keys of, handed to general Skippon 
by mayor, 145 ; Clukrles I. left, for 
Holdenby, 145; and the royal 
cause, 147 ; money lent to Charles 
I. by corporation of, 147 ; marquis 
of Newcastle entered, 156 ; five 
men-of-war, etc., at, 151 ; Leven 's 
arrival at, 157 ; trumpeter sent to, 
by Leven, 157 ; reply of Marley, 
158 ; Scots attack on Shieldfield 
fort, 159 ; capture of, 160 ; demoli- 
tion of houses in Sandgate, 160 ; 
Montrose in, 176 ; siege of, by Scots, 
180 ; payment for ordnance for 
reduction of, 180; blocked by Scots 
and parliament fleet, 184; Callen- 
dar's operations at Sandgate, 187 ; 
Shieldfield fort, 187/1 ; summoned 
by Leven, 189; bridge of keels, 
188 ; refusal to parley, 191 ; Bar- 
ber Surgeons' hall over Pandon gate 
taken down, 189 ; Ralph Cock's 
house, taken by Barber Surgeons, 
189 ; wall mined near St. Andrew's 
church, and at Closegate and Sand- 
gate, 192 ; wall near St. Andrew's 
breached, 196; reverse at Closegate, 
192-3 ; summoned a second time to 
surrender, 194 ; again refused, 195 ; 
lord Loudoun, the Scottish chan- 
cellor, at, 192 ; sorties of besieged 
from, 192, 194, 196; sermon by 
George Wishart in St. Nicholas's 



church, 197, 199; Henry War- 
mouth, mayor and deputy-lieuten- 
ant of, I97ri ; summoned for third 
time, 200 ; answer of council, 201 ; 
Leven's reply, 202 ; proposition for 
a treaty, 203 ; commissioners nom- 
inated, 205 ; hostages to Scots, 205 ; 
meeting of commissioners, 207 ; 
letter of English commissioners, 
207 ; conditions of surrender offered 
to, by Scots, 208 ; garrison to march 
out with honours of war, 209 ; 
batteries of Scots asain opened 
fire, 209 ; letter of English com- 
missioners and of Maney, 210; 
Eositions of Scottish batteries, 213 ; 
lithgow's description of, 211, 227 ; 
walls of, * stronger than Yorke, '211; 
not unlike. those of Avignon and 
Jerusalem, 211 ; breach at White 
friar tower, 215 ; in other places, 
216 ; Scottish officers killed at 
Weaver tower, 217n ; besieged 
garrison of, on half rations, 200 ; 
hard pressed, 200 ; Charles Brand- 
ling of Gateshead sold Nun's moor 
to corporation of, 205w ; strength 
of Scottish army besieging, 218 ; 
Hepburn's account of assault of, 
221 ; Cuthbert Carr in command 
at Newgate, 220 ; Captain George 
Errington at Pilgrim street gate, 
220 ; Marley retired to castle, 226 ; 
the assault, 223 ; letters describing, 
224; entry of Scots into, 223; 
Home and Hepburn killed at 
* Black Bessie's ' tower [? Newgate], 
224 ; letter of sir Lionel Maddison 
concerning taking of Newcastle by 
Scots, 224 and n ; account of, in 
Echard's History of Englandy 229?i ; 
letter of Edward Man concerning 
same, 226 ; Douglas's account of, 
227 ; surrender of the castle, 231 ; 
bridge of keels swept away, 231 ; 
Leven, Callendar, and others, 
attended St. Nicholas's church to 
give thanks, 230 ; death roll of 
siege, 234 ; rejoicings, 235 ; royalist 
party is completely destroyed, 237 
removed from corporation, etc. , 237 
their fate, 237 ; list of them, 238-9 
letter from Trinity House, 240 
stagnation of trade, 240; paucity 
of marriages, 242 ; damage to 
public buildings, 243 ; town walls 
to be repaired, 244 : agreements 
for, 24471 ; libraries of grammar 
school and its master destroyed 
during siege, 246 ; Trinity House 
plundered, 246 ; common seal of 

corporation lost daring storming, 
24671 ; John Blakiston, M.P. for, 
his fees to be paid out of corporation 
moneys, 2477i ; * customers ' ap- 
pointed, 251 ; freedom of, conferred 
on sir William Armyne and others, 
252 ; Amor Oxley, master of gram- 
mar school, and Edward Lumsden, 
his under-usher, displaced by parlia- 
ment, 252; papists ordered to depart 
from, 252 ; measures taken by Scots 
for regulation of, 253 ; James 
Swords, collector of customs at, 
for Scots, 253 and n ; * sickness ' in 
Sandgate, 254; coal shipped for 
the iXndon poor, 257. 

Newcastle assay office re-established 
in 1702, 4 ; exhibition of silver 
plate of, 1 ; makers represented in, 
7 ; sketch of goldsmiths' company 
of, 1 ; hall-marks, 1 ; date letters, 
4, 7 ; town mark of castles, 8 

Newcastle mansion house plate, 45, 
68, 61, 78 

Newcastle castle, guide to, x 

Newcastle churches, damage to, 
during siege, 243 ; ministers at, 250 ; 
Mr. Durant and Mr. Sydenham 
appointed lecturers at, 25071 ; New- 
castle plate belonging to, 3, 12, 
14, 15 bisy 16, 20 hisy 22, 32 6w, 
33 hisy 34 

Newcastle, St. Nicholas's church, 
royal proclamation to covenanters 
read in, 98 ; Charles I. ordered 

falleries to be removed, 101 ; 
Ir. Alvey, vicar, 223 and n ; Dr. 
Jenison appointed to vicarage of, 

249 and n ; Mr. Yelderd Alvey 
having been * outed ' from it, 249 n, 

250 ; vicarage house * ruinated * by 
Scots, 249^ ; image of Our Saviour 
on cross in St. Nicholas's church 
destroyed by Scots, 243 ; Thomas 
Turner, curate, displaced, 252 ; St. 
Andrew's, John Clark, curate and 
lecturer, dismissed by parliament, 
252 ; damage to, 192, 196 ; Hugh 
Brown, coachman of Charles I. 
buried in, 133 ; All Saints' church, 
accounts of, 95 ; Charles I. ordered 
galleries to be removed, 101 ; ex- 
penses of, 101 

Newcastle guilds, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 3, 35, 39 6w, 42, 46 

Newcastle, mayors of : — William 
Blackett, 2457i ; Thomas Bonner, 
2507i ; Nicholas Cole, 15; sir Nicholas 
Cole, 205?i ; Henry Dawson [deputy 
mayor], temp. Charles I., 115; 
mayor, 127 ; Thomas Davison, 10 ; 



Lionel Maddison, SSn, S9n ; sir 
John Marley [and governor], 197 ; 
order for removal of sir John 
Marley from office of mayor and 
alderman, and appointment of 
Henry Warmouth to office of alder- 
man, 247/1 ; Edward Mosley, 31 ; 
Henry Warmouth, 250 

Newcastle, sheriffs, etc., of, 135; 
Robert Ellison, 250 ; Thomas Paise, 
15 ; master Henry Rawley, 127 

Newcastle, John Blakiston, alderman 
of, 250 ; borough burgess, 128 

Newcastle, recorders oi: sir George 
Baker, 205?i ; Edward Wright of 
Gray's Inn, in place of sir George 
Baker, 251 

Newcastle, Henry Warmouth ap- 
pointed deputy -lieutenant of, 247 

Newcastle, governors of : sir Thomas 
Glemham appointed, 149w ; Ludo- 
vick Lindsay, 223 ; sir James Lums- 
den, 109, 251 ; sir John Marley, 
149, 197 ; Skippon, 141 

Newcastle, George Dawson, collector 
of customs, 251 

Newcastle, John Dobson, haber- 
dasher of, 117 

Newcastiey Us Municipal Origin and 
Growth, xi. 

Nicholson, Christopher, 127 ; George, 
Newcastle plate belonging to, 80 

Norgate, Edward, letter of, 99, 100 

Northumberland, history a blank after 
death of Bede, 259; kinglets in, 
272; contribution of, to army of 
Charles L, 101 ; in hsknds of Scots, 
103 ; Scots army under Leven 
threatening, 153 ; Michael Welden, 
sheriff of, 232 

Northumberland and Durham between 
January and June, 1644, the Scot- 
tish campaign in, 146 

*Northumbria in the Eighth Century,' 
259; a scene of violence and m- 
trigue, 270 ; death of Aldfrid, and 
succession of Osred to, 270 ; synod 

in, 277. 

Northumberland, earl of, accompanied 
Charles I. on visit to Newcastle, 84 ; 
restored to possession of his col- 
lieries, etc, 255w ; seventh duke of, 
elected president, ix. 

Norton, Edward, of Sawley hall, 

Nottingham, standard of Charles I. 
set up at, 107 

*Now or never,* royalist war cry at 
Hilton fight, 171 

Nuns seduced by king Ceolred, 271 


Obituary notice of the rev. E. H. 
Adamson, V.P., 281 

Ogle, lord, 297; sir Cuthbert, 297; 
Mrs. Sarah, of Ej^lingham, and 
another, donors of alms dish to 
church there, 27 

Orange, prince of, 132 

Orde, arms of, on salvers, etc., 52, 
54, ; William, Newcastle plate be- 
longing to, 3, 34, 47 bis, 50, 52, 54, 
56 bis, 60, 61, 62 bis, 75 (see also 

Ordinary members, xix. 

Osbald the patrician placed on the 
throne of Northumbria, 275 ; fled 
to Lindisfarne, 275 

Osborne, Edward, 91 

Osred, succeeded to Northumbrian 
kingdom, 270 ; * an abominable 
reprobate,' 271 ; seized by his 
chieftains, * shorn' at York, and 
deprived of power, 273 ; fled to Isle 
of Man, 274 ; put to death, 274 

Osric, king of Northumbria, 271 

Osulf , king of Northumbria, murdered 
by his own household, 272 

Oswin, victory of Ethelwald Moll 
over, 272 

Ovingham, Scots crossed Tyne at ford 
of, 165 

Oxford, surrender of, temp. Charles I., 

Oxley, Amor, master of grammar 
school, his library destroyed during 
siege of Newcastle, 246 ; extract 
from his will, 246 ; and his under 
usher displaced by parliament from 
grammar school, 252 


Pagan customs in Northumbria in 
eighth century, 277 

Paise, Thomas, sheriff of Newcastle, 

Papists, Leven 's proclamation against, 
115 ; ordered to depart from New- 
castle, 252 ; in Northumberland, 

Parish registers, xi. 

Parker, William. 241 

Parliament and ' Solemn League and 
Covenant,' 146 ; commissioners of, 
to Charles I. at Newcastle, 119 ; 
appointments made by, after cap- 
ture of Newcastle, 247 

Partis, Thomas, Newcastle goldsmith, 
7 ; plate made by, 22, 23, 24 ter, 
42, 44 ; William, Newcastle gold- 
smith, 7 ; plate made by, 25, 26, 



28 ter, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54 his, 55 his^ 
58 his, 60, 65 

Patrick, John, alderman of Durham 
cordwainers' company, 77 

Pattinson, H. LI, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 74 

Peaker, Tobias, 113 ; groom of 
chamber to Charles I. , 136 

Pease, J. W. , Newcastle plate belong- 
ing to, 64, 78 

Pembroke, earl of, accompanied 
Charles I. on visit to Newcastle, 84 

Pepin, king of France, Eadbert, king 
of Nprthmnbiia, made treaty with, 

Percy, bishop of Carlisle, 13 

Perfect Occurrences, 1 \0n et seq. 

Perkins, C, Newcastle plate belong- 
ing to, 56 

Philipson, Joseph A., Newcastle 
plate belonging to 49, 53, 70, 76, 81 

Piersebridge, royalist army at, 175 

Pilgrimages, foreign, 269 

Piiiney and Scott, Newcastle cold- 
smiths, 7 ; plate made by, 32, 33 his, 


Plague in Newcastle, 254 ; recurrence 
of, 126 ; at Tynemouth castle, 224, 
232 and n ; at Edinburgh, 232n 

Plate, silver, of Newcastle make, 
exhibition of, 1 

Ponteland church, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 28 ter 

Popular manners and customs in 
eighth century, 277 

Potter, Mrs. A., Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 4, 61 

Powell, M., Newcastle plate belong- 
ing to, 80 

Prudhoe, Scottish cavalry at, 162; 
attacked by royalists and defeated, 

Publications, exchange of, xxvii 

Pudsey, master Ralph, *a knowne 
and dangerous papist,' order for 
arrest of, 133 ; a royalist, escape 
of, 134 

Puritans, meetings of, to be dissolved, 
97 ; of Ipswich, 99 ; corporation 
established in Newcastle, 251 

*Pylliran' of Hamburg, ship, 117?^ 


Quarrington hill, Scots march to, 
175 ; Leven's * leaguer ' from, raised, 


RadclyflFe, sir Edward of Dilston, 
letter of William Tunstall to, de- 
scribing capture of South Shields 
fort, 169 

Rae, colonel James, 22l7i 

Ramsey, John, Newcastle goldsmith, 
7 ; plate made by, 38 ; jun. 7 ; plate 
made by, 39; William, Newcastle 
goldsmith, 3, 7 ; plate made by, 2, 
9, 10 his, 12 bis, 13 bis, 14 ter, 15 
bis, 16 bis, 34, 35 bis, 36 ter, 37 ter; 
junr. 38, 43 

Ravensworth, earl of, resigned presi- 
dency, ix 

Rawley, master Henry, elected sheriff 
of Newcastle in 1646, 127 

Reay, Joseph, and Mary, his wife, 
donors of alms dish to St. John's 
church, Newcastle, 33 

Redheugh, Scottish camp at, 105; 
* malignants ' at, 134 

Reed, Miss, of Oldtown, Newcastle, 
plate belonging to, 3, 37, 51, 55, 
58, 65, 77, 79 

Reed, Mrs., of Chipchase, donor of 
cup to Birtley church. North Tyne, 

Registration of Society, certificate of, 

Reid, Christian, Newcastle goldsmith, 
7 ; plate made by, 80 ; T. A., 49, 62 

Richardson, Anthony, 202 

Riddell, G. , Newcastle plate belong- 
ing to, 53, 77, 80 ; sir Peter, of 
Newcastle, complaint concerning 
his ballast quay m Tyne, 86 and w, 
8871, 89w; Thomas, of Newcastle, 
84», 202; knighted by Charles I. 
102 ; sir Thomas, 1 13 ; in command 
at Tynemouth, 161 ; laid waste 
country, 161 ; governor of Tyne- 
mouth castle, its surrender by him 
to Scots, 233 ; collieries of, declared 
to be forfeited, 255 

Ridley, arms of, impaling White, 29 

Robertson, John, Newcastle gold- 
smith, 7; plate made by, 34, 80 bts, 81 

Robson, Gabriel, 202 ; John, 84n, 202 

Robinson, John, gift of cup to Car- 
lisle smiths' company, 53 

Rock moor, army of Charles I. 
quartered on, lOln 

Roman inscription in praise of the 
Syrian goddess, 289 * 

Rose castle communion plate, 2, 13 

Rotterdam merchants' gift of punch 
bowl to captain John Clerk, 41 

Rowcastle, Henry, 202 

Roxburgh, earl of, committed to 
custody of mayor of Newcastle, his 
son having joined covenanters, 99 

Royalists arrested by mayor of New- 
castle, 134 ; movements of army of, 
172 et seq. 



Kupert, prince, ships appointed at 
cost of, in Tyne, 135 

Rutherford, Thomas, of *Ranfertlie* 
commanded fort at South Shields 
on surrender to Montrose, 177 ; 
sentenced by council of war for 
surrender, 182; sentence on, sus- 
pended, 182» 

Rutland, earl of, diary of, 96 

Rymer, Robert, donor of plate to St. 
John's church, Newcastle, 20 

Ryott, W. H., Newcastle plate be- 
longing to, 54 

Ryton, communion cup of, earliest 
dated piece of Newcastle plate, 2, 
8 ; Newcastle plate belonging to, 8 
23, 27 


St. Andrews, James Swords, a bur- 
gess of, 253 

St. Oswald's, church to memory of 
Aelfwold at, 273 

Salt pans, 222 ; on river Tyne and 
others at Sunderland, 253 

Sanderson, John, steward of Durham 
cordwainers' company, 77 

Savage, rev. H. E., on *Northumbria 
in the Eighth Century,' 259 

Saville, lord, staff of treasurer of 
household conferred on, 107 ; sir 
* ^ illiam passed through Newcastle 
with his regiment, 99 

Sawley church, Yorkshire, Newcastle 
plate belonging to, 2, 10 

Scotland, golf in, 114 ; the earl 
marshal of, 217 

* Scot, a beggarly,' 99 

Scots, lyon king-at-arms of, handed 
over to sheriff for not publishing 
royal proclamation, 100; camp at 
Redheugh, 105 ; in possession of 
Northumberland and Newcastle, 
103 ; withdrawal of, from New- 
castle, 104 ; lords, interview of, 
with Charles I., 118 ; arrangements 
by, for evacuation of Newcastle 
and surrender of Charles I. , 135 ; 
amount received by, for surrender, 
135 ; offer to sell military stores in 
Newcastle, 136 ; headquarters of, 
at Newcastle, 144 ; division of 
Charles I.'s ransom amongst, 144; 
campaign of, in Northumberland and 
Durham between January and June, 
1644, 146; cross the Tweed into 
England, 151 ; army under Leven 
threatening Northumberland, 163 ; 
composition of forces, 153 ; scale of 
pay, 153 ; ordnance, 153 ; at 
Wooler, 155 ; capture Coquet 


island, 155 ; cavalry stationed 
along valley of Tyne, 162 ; attacked 
by royalists and defeated, 163 ; 
quarters at Sunderland, 164 ; 
crossed Tyne at different fords, 
165 ; Derwent by bridge at Eb- 
chester, 165; Wear at *New 
bridge,' 165 ; pursuit of, by marquis 
of Newcastle, 165 ; strong position 
on Boldon hill of, 166 ; reached 
Durham, 167 ; attacked fort at 
South Shields, 167, and took it, 
168 ; success of, in engagement at 
Chester-le-Street, 169; fight at 
Hilton, 172 ; march to Durham, 
173 ; to York, 175 ; ^rmy under 
lord Callendar, 180 ; annoyed by 
artillery from castle, Newcastle, 
192 ; batteries of, opened fire on 
Newcastle, 209 ; batteries and 
mines before Newcastle, 213, 215 ; 
infantry brigades, 217 ; positions 
of, 216; officers killed, 21 7w; army 
besieging Newcastle, strength of, 
218 ; entry of, into Newcastle after 
siege, 223 ; damage to Newcastle 
churches, etc , by, 243 ; crucifixion 
in St. Nicholas's church destroyed 
by, 243; North and South Gos- 
forth churches, 244 ; military com- 
mand of Newcastle left in hands of, 
by parliament, 251 ; army of, in win- 
ter quarters at Darlington, etc. , 258 

Scottish church, general assembly 
of, in Glasgow in 1638, when bishops 
deposed, 95 

Scottish Dove, the, \\\n et seq. 

* Seaman ' of Lubeck, ship, 117?i 

Selby, William, of Berwick, 297 ; 
sir William, appointed deputy - 
lieutenant of Northumberland by 
parliament, 247 

Seletun, Beam, justiciary of Ethelred, 
burnt at, 273 

Senhouse, Humphrey, of Netherhall. 
gift of tankard to Carlisle smiths' 
company, 67 

Sermon by George Wishart in St. 
Nicholas's church, Newcastle, 199 

Severus, Septimius, a native of 
Africa 291 

Shaftoe,' Robert, 190, 202; Robert, 
of Whit worth, 32 ; Mrs. Ann, his 
wife, donor of flagon to St. Mary's, 
Gateshead, 32 

Sharp, John, warden of Durham 
cordwainers' company, 77 

Sherbum hospital, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 19 his ; John Fenwick 
of Newcastle appointed by parlia- 
ment master of, 247 




Shields, Charles I. at, 116 ; destruc- 
tion of fort between the * uplight * 
at, and Newcastle, 151 

Shields, South, ballast quays at, 87 
and n ; petition of sir Robert Heath 
to privy council concerning, 89n ; 
fort at, attacked by Scots, 167 ; 
and taken, 168 ; in command of 
captain Chapman, 168 ; William 
Tunstairs account of capture, 169 ; 
capture of fort at, from Scots, left 
to Montrose, 176 ; Thomas Ruther- 
ford in command at, 177 ; captured, 
176 ; regained by Scots, 182 ; fort 
at, lost and won thrice in one day, 
200 ^ 

Ships trading to Tyne to be able to 
defend themselves, 98 ; names of, 
temp. Charles L, 117n 

Shipperson, captain Adam, 107 

Shrive, Robert, Newcastle gold- 
smith, 7 ; plate made by, 37 

Sicgan, patrician, Aelfwold murdered 
by, 273 ; the justiciary, 278 

Si^ulf, * high reeve,' 279 

Slitting noses of horses in Saxon 
times, 277 ; in modem times, 277m 

Silver plate, exhibition of Newcastle,! 

Skinners' company, arms of, on cup, 

Skippon, major-general, appointed 
governor of Newcastle, Gateshead, 
and Tynemouth, 141 ,: at York, 141 ; 
keys of Newcastle handed to, by 
mayor, 145 

Smallpox in Newcastle, 100 

Smith, bishop of Carlisle, arms of, 
13 ; bequest of communion plate, 
13 ; gitt of tankard to tanners' 
company of Carlisle, 38 

Snowball, Frank, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 47 

Societies exchanging publications, 

* Solemn League and Covenant,' the, 

107 ; parliament entered into, 146 
Somerville, James, and another. 

defended Morpeth castle against 

attack of Montrose, 176 
Southampton, earl of, accompanied 

Charles I. on his visit to Newcastle, 


* Spanish work,' North Shields, the, 

Spence, Charles James, Newcastle 

plate belonging to, 4, 44, 45 
Spurious monasteries, 271 
Stalker and Mitchison, Newcastle 

goldsmiths, 7; plate made by, 71, 

72, 74, 75 

Stanhope church, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 5, 18 

Statutes of society, xxix 

Stewart, colonel William, 217 

Stobes, Thomas, ^In 

Stockton surrendered to lord Callen- 
dar, 182 

Stoddart, rev. Charles, vicar of 
Eslingham, donor of paten, 27 

Stork not to be used for food, 278 

Stote, Edward, 202 

Strother, William, and another, ap- 
pointed ministers to proceed to 
Newcastle, '280 

Sunderland, lord, 57 

Sunderland, lord Loudoun at, 193; 
Scottish quarters at, 164 ; manoeu- 
vres around, 167 ; Montrose's 
attack on, repulsed, 177 ; salt pans 
at, lately belonging to sir William 
Lambton, 253 

Sunderland church, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 20, 24 ter, 30 

Swinhoe, Thomas, of Goswick, a 
reputed papist, 297 

Swords, James, burgess of St. 
Andrews, and collector of customs 
at Newcastle for Scots, 253 and n 

Sydenham, Mr. Cuthbert, appointed 
lecturer at Newcastle, 250?/. 

Symeon of Durham, works of, 259 

Synod of 786 a.d., 19th canon of, 279 

Syrian goddess, the Caervoran inscrip- 
tion in praise of the, 289 

*Sythlescester,' near the Wall, Aelf- 
wold murdered at, 273 


Tattooing in Saxon times, 277 
Taylor, rev. E. J.. Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 48, 73, 80; H. E., 
Newcastle plate belonging to, 63 ; 
commander John, R.N., 80 
Taylor, Thomas, Newcastle plate be- 
longing to, 34 his, 35 his, 37, 38 
his, 40 ter, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45 his, 46, 
48 his, 51 his, 52, 53 his, 55, 56 his, 
59, 60, 61, 62 his, 63, 66, 67 ter, 68 
6m, 69 his, 70, 71, 73, 77, 78 
Tempest, Richard, 202 ; Thomas, 84 
Terry, C. S., * The Visits of Charles I. 
to Newcastle in 1633, 1639. 1641, 
1646-7,' 83; * The Scottish Cam- 
paign in Northumberland and Bur- 
ham between January and June, 
1644,' 146; *The Siege of New- 
castle-upon-Tyne by the Scots in 
1644,' 180 
Thanksgiving day, general, in New- 
castle, temp, Charles I., 125 



Thompson, Miss, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 50, 70, 72, 74 ; Samuel, 
Newcastle goldsmith, 7 ; plate made 
by, 68 

'Three castles,' Newcastle town 
mark, 8 

Tilberht, bishop of Hexham, 278 

Tonsure, great importance attached 
to the, 267n 

Topcliffe, part of ransom of Charles 

• 1. paid over at, 141 

Treasurer's report for 1898, xii. ; 
balance sheet, xiii. 

Trevor, bishop, arms of, 31 

Trimdon church, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 8 

Trinity house of Newcastle, petition 
of, to privy council concerning 
ballast going into river, 86 and n ; 
plundered after siege, 246 ; records 
of, and siege, 246 

Truro, Cornwall, 17 

Turner, sir James, Memoirs, 178 ; 
account of assault of Newcastle in 
Memoirs, 22971 ; Thomas, curate 
of St. Nicholas, Newcastle, ejected 
by parliament, 252 

Tweed crossed by Scots into England, 

' 151 

Tweedmouth church, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 30 

Tyne river, 222 ; bar across mouth 
of, *growne more narrow and of 
lesse water,' 88 ; Herd sand in, 88 ; 
ships trading to, to be able to de- 
fend themselves, 98 ; petition to 
Charles I. concerning abuses on, 
8471 ; Dutch and French ships, etc. , 
in, 134-35 ; salt pans on, 253 

Tyne bridge received considerable 
damage during siege of Newcastle 
by Scots, 245 ; timber from Chop- 
well woods for its repair, 245 ; 
struggle for possession of, between 
Scots and royalists, 184 

Tyne ports, withdrawal by parlia- 
ment of prohibition of trade with, 

Tynemouth, 'malignants. great ones 
from Oxford,' at, 134 ; brass pieces 
in the cellar at, 96, 97 ; parish 
register, 857i ; Charles I. at, 857i ; 
occasional visits of Charles I. to, 
114; second visit of Charles I. to, 
123 ; Skippon appointed governor 
of, 141 ; evacuated by Scots, 142 ; 
sir Thomas Biddell in command at, 

Tynemouth castle, Charles I. dined 
with governor of, 116 ; plskgue at, 
224; surrender of, by sir Thomas 

Riddell, the governor, to Scots, 
232; garrison of, decimated by 
plague, 23271 
Tynemouth lighthouse, demolition of, 



* Unfreemen,' complaint of burgesses 

against licensing, 90, 93 
*UpUght,' North Shields, fort near, 

Usworth, Scottish camp at, 183 


Vane, secretary, commanded to de- 
liver up treasurer's staff, 107 ; sir 
Henry, and siege of Newcastle, 180. 

'Vanguard' of *Kincollie,' Scotch 
ship, 83?^ 

Vemey Papers, quoted, I027i 

Vice-presidents, deaths of, ix. 

Visits of Charles I. to Newcastle in 
1633, 1639, 1641, 1646-47, 83 


Waldegrave, bishop of Carlisle, 13 

Wakefield, Scots at, 182 

Walker, * malignants ' at, 134 

Walker, sir Edward, 119; J. W., 
Newcastle plate belonging to, 50 ; 
Richard of Harton, by his will, 
ordered his silver tankard and gill 
to be made into a flagon for Jarrow 
church, 31 

Wallsend, Rev. E. H. Adamson, 
curate at, 282 

Walsingham, sir Francis, 296 

Warden church, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 23 

Wark barony, Scots quartered in, 
temp, Charles I. , 151 

Warmouth, Henry, mayor and 
deputy-lieutenant of Newcastle, 
197w ; appointed deputy-lieutenant 
of Newcastle by parliament, 247 ; 
appointed alderman of Newcastle 
in place of sir John Marley, 2477i ; 
mayor, 2497i ; William, 897i 

Watson, John, Newcastle plate be- 
longing to, 45, 52, 69, 79 ; Thomas, 
Newcastle goldsmith, 7 ; plate made 
by, 79, 80, 81 ; William, a Gates- 
head vintner, 116 

Wauchope, sir John, of Niddrie, 218, 

Wearmouth, Ethelbald, abbot of, 
261 ; Cuthbert, abbot, 261 

Weatherley family, the, 48 ; Ilderton, 



Weavers' company, arms of, 50, 67 

Weddell, R., Newcastle plate belong- 
ing to, 44 

Welden, master Michael, sheriff of 
Northumberland, Marley after cap- 
ture of Newcastle surrendered to 
custody of, 232 ; appointed deputy- 
lieutenant of Northumberland by 
parliament, 247 

Welford, Richard, History of New- 
castle and Oa^esheadj 85» et seq, ; 
his obituary notice of the rev. E. 
H. Adamson, V.P. 

Welton's regiment of Scots in Wark 
barony temp. Charles I., 151 

Whalley, stern suppression of a revolt 
against king Eardulf at, 275 

Whalton church, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 26 

Wheler, rev. sir George, prebendary 
of Durham, gift of cup to Durham 
joiners' company, 42 

Whickham registers, entry concern- 
ing siege of Newcastle in, 193 ; 
captain James Cunninghame, a 
Scot, in, 23471 

Whitburn Lizards, the Scots position 
at, 171 

White, arms of, impaled by Ridley, 

Whitfield, Matthew, of Whitfield, 
got knighthood from Charles I., 

Whithern, Etbelbert, bishop of, 278 

* Whitlyon ' of Lubeck, ship, Win 

Widdrington, sir Thomas, appointed 
deputy-lieutenant of Northumber- 
land by parliament, 247 ; William, 
83?i ; major, N ewcastle plate be- 
longing to, 3, 37, 47, 50, 64, 65 

Widdrington church, Newcastle plate 
belonging to, 30 

Wilkinson, Anthony, 87« ; John, 
Newcastle goldsmith, 7 ; plate made 
by 2, 3, 8, 9, 34 his 

William III. , act of, concerning silver 
plate, 1 ; raised standard, 1 ; pro- 
vincial oflBces deprived of right of 
assay, 1 ; restored, 1 

Willington, Northumberland, * malig- 
nants ' at, 134 

Wilson, Mrs., Newcastle plate be- 
longing to, 72 

Winchanneale [Finchale], Ethelwald 
Moll ' lost ' throne at, 272 

Windy Nook, the rev. E. H. Adam- 
son appointed to take charge of 
new district at, 283 

Wishart, Dr. George, sermon in St. 
Nicholas's church, Newcastle, 197, 
199 ; * a man of dangerous temper,' 
2.?39i ; imprisoned at Edinburgh 
after siege of Newcastle, 223n 

Wooler, Scots at, 151, 155 

Wooler church, Newcastle plate be- 
longing to, 21 his 

Wray, Thomas, of Beamish, * a grand 
papist,' colliery at Harraden, near 
Sunderland, belonging to, 257 

Wright, Edward, of Gray's Inn, 
appointed recorder of Newcastle, 
251 ; Hugh, 84w ; John, * keeper 
and overseer of a shoare * at South 
Shields, 87n 


Yester, the master of, 217 

York, scholastic centre transferred 
to, after Bede's death, 264; arch- 
bishops of, 265 ; Osred, king of 
Northumbria, * shorn ' at, and de- 
prived of kingdom, 273; Alcuin 
arrived at, 274; Eardulf crowned 
king of Northumberland at, 275 ; 
Kanbald, bishop of, 278; general 
Skippon at, 141 ; meeting of council 
at, 91 ; Scots march to, 175 ; Leven 
before, 177 ; capitulation of, 178, 
182 ; walls of Newcastle * stronger 
than those of,' 211 

Young, Robert, restored to possession 
of his collieries, etc. , 255« 

Younger, Anthony, 202 

Younghusband, John, Newcastle 
goldsmith, plate made by, 3, 7, 
19, 39, 30, 40 


Zachary, pope, 278