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^Mullaneoiut Srtuts 




Ardbbw Retv. Sohs II Co., Pbihtbbs ahd Publibbbu. 


Harvard College Library 
Feb. 1, 1912 
Qif-fc of 
Oharles JackBon 

Of BoBtOK? 






V & vi. 

• « • • • • VIX* 

... iz, xi &xliii. 
XTi, xTiii & xmii. 

• • • 

xxviii, xxix & I. 
XXX & xl. 

• •• ••• XII* 

List of Plates, Woodcuts, etc 

Contributions of Plates 

Annual Reports, 1889, 1890, and 1891 

Treasurer's Balance Sheets 

Statutes of the Society 

Officers for 1890, 1891, and 1892 

Honorary Members 

Ordinary Members 

Societies with which Transactions are exchanged ... 

I. — Norton. By W. H. D. Longstaffe, Vice-President (Illustrated) 1 

II.— On Married and Hereditary Priests. By W. H. D. Longstaflfe 1 4 

III. — On Quarter Sessions Orders relating to the Plague in the 
County of Durham in 1665. By Henry Barnes, M.D., 

^ •-^•0*J3l« •«• ••« ••• ••• •»» ««* «t* ^O 

IV. — Notes on the Discovery of British Burials on the Simonside 
Hills, Parish of Rothbury, in Upper Coquetdale, North- 
umberland. By D. D. Dixon (Plates') 23 

V. — The Pre-Historic Camps of Northumberland : Burgh Hill 

Camp. By R. C. Hedley (Plate) 33 

VI. — Brass Tablet at Barnard Castle and the Rev. John Rogers. 

By Maberly Phillips 37 

VII. — ^A Possible Meaning for Pre-Historic Cup-Marked Stones. 

By G. Rome Hall, M.B., M.S 43 

VIII. — A Pre-historic Burial at the Sneep, North Tynedale. By 

R. C. Hedley (Plate) 49 

IX. — ^Notes on the Tarret Bum Skeleton. By Dr. R. Laing ... 61 

X. — Suggestions for a New County History of Northumberland. 

By Thomas Hodgkin, D.C.L., F.S.A., Secretary (Map) ... 54 

XI.— The Old Coquetdale Volunteers. By D. D. Dixon 64 

XII. — Notes on some Brasses in the Counties of Northumberland 

and Durham. By J. G. Waller, F.S.A. (Plates) 76 

XIII. — Obituary Notices of Deceased Members : — 

1.— John Clayton, F.S.A., one of the Vice-Presidents, by Dr. 

Bruce, F.S.A., Vice-President (Portrait) 90 

2. — CJharles Roach Smith, F.S.A., Honorary Member, by Dr. 

Bruce (Portrait) 95 

3. — Robert Spence, by Thomas Hodgkin 101 

4. — William Aldam 101 

XIV.— The Vitality of Seeds found in the Wrappings of Egyptian 

Mummies. By John Philipson, Vice-President 102 

XV.— The Delaval Papers. By John Robinson (Illustrated) ... 125 



XVL— Old Goqaetdale] CnstomBi: Salmon Poaching. By D. D. 

X/lJLUu ••• ••• ••• ••• !•• ••• ••• ••• *%' 

XVII. — ^An Account of the Piesbyterian Meeting-house at Branton. 

By J. 0. Hodgson ... ... ... ... ... ... 153 

XVIII. — Discovery of Roman Bronze Vessels at Prestwick Oarr, etc. 
By Thomas Hodgkin, D.O.L., F.S.A., Secretary (Plates 
and illustrations) 159 

Christopher Hunter^s Copy of Boume*s Histoiy of New- 
castle. By J. R. Boyle, F.S.A. 167 

Appendix of documents 175 

A Bronze Grave Chalice from Hexham Prioiy Church. 

By Wilfrid Cripps, C.B., F.8.A. (Plate) 192 

By C. C. Hodges 193 

The Hospital of St. Mary the Virgin, Newcastle. By W. H. 

Knowles, F.R.I.B.A. (Plates) 194 

Appendix of documents. By C. J. Bates 202 

■Memorial Brass in ConisclifEe Church 207 

Memoranda Relating to the King's Meadows. By Sheriton 

Holmes (Map) 208 

The Conyers Falchion. By C. C. Hodges (Plates) 214 

•Tynemouth Castle: The Eve of the Commonwealth. By 

Horatio A. Adamson 218 

An Altar at Binchester to the Matres Ollototas, By F. 

Haverfield, F.S.A. (Plate) ... 226 

The Incorporated Company of Barber-Surgeons and Wax 
and Tallow Chandlers of Newcastle upon Tyne. By 
Dennis Embleton, M.D. (Plate, etc.) 228 

On a Norwegian Staff Calendar belonging to the Society. 
Communicated to the Society by H. F. Morland Simpson, 
M.A., F.S.A. Scot. (Plate) 270 

On some Medieval Carved Chests. By Charles Clement 
Hodges (Plates, etc.) 296 

Four Memorial Brasses in the County of Durham. By J. R. 
iK)yie ^xiave^ ••• ... ... ... .•• ••■ .,, oil 

The Mother Goddesses. By F. Haverfield, M.A., F.S.A. 

(Illustrations) 314 

Researches into the Family Relationships of the Rev. Robert 

Thomlinson, D.D. By William Shand 340 

Obituary Notice of the Rev. J. C. Bruce, LL.D., D.C.L., 
F.S.A., F.S.A. Scot., etc., a Vice-President of the Society. 
By Thomas Hodgkin (Portrait) 364 

Roman Vessels of Bronze 370 
















... 871 




V Norton Chmch, co. Dorham, from the S.W ... I facmg 1 

. Norton Church (about 1823) from the S.E II „ 2 

. Ancient British dm, Simonside Hills, Bothbury Ill „ 28 

Ancient British Urn and Cup-marked Stone, Simonside Hills IV „ 30 

Plan of Burgh Hill British Camp, near Bothbury V „ 34 

Ancient British Urns from the Tarret Bum, North Tjne, etc. VI „ 60 

. Map of Northumberland VII „ 54 

' Ogle Brass, Hexham Priory Church VIII „ 76 

' Thornton Brass, All Saints, Newcastle IX „ 78 

Athol Brass, from St. Andrew's Church, Newcastle IXa „ 80 

. Barnes Brass, St. Andrew's Auckland Church X „ 80 

. Brass in Billingham Church XI „ 82 

. Brasses in Hartlepool and Haughton-le-Skeme Churches ... XIa „ 84 

. Brasses in Sedgefield Church XII ji: Xlla „ 88 

. Portrait of the late John Clayton, F.S.A., eta XUb „ 90 

, Portrait of the late C. Roach Smith, F.S.A., etc XIII „ 96 

, Boman Bronze Vessels discovered on the site of Prestwick 

Carr, near Newcastle XIV „ 169 

. Map of Prestwick Carr and district around XV „ 160 

Hexham Grave Chalice XVI „ 192 

. Plan of Site of Virgin Mary Hospital, Newcastle, and details XVIa „ 196 

- The Royal Grammar School, Newcastle, during demolition ... XVIJ „ 198 

West End of V.M. Hospital, Piscina, Sedilia, etc XVII „ 198 

Sepulchral Remains from the same Hospital XVIII „ 200 

Map of King's Meadows Island in Tyne near Newcastle, in 

1782 and 1882 XIX „ 208 

' The Conyers Falchion XX „ 214 

Pommel, etc, of the same on a larger scale XXI & XXII „ 216 

Boman Altar to the Matres Ollototae at Binchester XXIII „ 226 

Two of the Halls of the Barber-Surgeons of Newcastle ... XXIV. „ 4k^ :-L ^ ^ 

. A Norwegian Staff Calendar belonging to the Society ... XXV „ 270 

Memorial brass, Chester le Street Church XXVa „ 311 

- Carved Oak Chest in Alnwick Church ' XXVI „ 303 

„ „ in Wath Church, near Ripon XXVII „ 299 

„ „ in Brancepeth Church XXVIII „ 304 

Chest formerly belonging to bishop Richard de Bury of 

Durham (1833-1845) XXIX „ 296 

Portrait of the late Dr. Bruce XXX „ 364 










Doorhead Inscription, Hepple Woodhouses pele xlii 

Triangular-headed Window, Norton Church 3 

Tower Arches, Norton Church ... 6 

Image found at Hartlepool 8 

Mark of Maker of do. 8 

Coats of Anns, Norton Church 8 

Early Cross, Colpitts's Farm, Norton 13 

JVi£?*iOTife of Signature of * H. Newcastle ' 133 

the Earl of Chesterfield 184 

Samuel Foote, the Actor 136 

Mrs. Astley • 139 

Roman Silver Vessel with Christian Monogram from River Tyne, near 

C/orondgc ... ... ... ••• ... ... ... ... ... X6X 

Roman Inscribed Saucepan of Silver from Backworth 162 

Bronze Vessel from the Tyne, near Blaydon 163 

Inscribed Vessel of Bronze from Tyne, near South Shields ... 164 

Enamelled Vessel of Bronze from Cambo, Northumberland . . . 165 
Bottom of a Bronze Patella from the Guards Camp, near Bolton, 

Northumberland 165 

Bronze Saucepan from the Wanny Crags, Northumberland ... 165 

Inscribed Handle from South Shields 166 

Saucepan of Bronze from Pompeii 166 

Faedmile of Title-page of Civil War Tract relating to * Tinmouth-Castle ' 221 

Signature of John Brand, the historian 228 

Signature of Sir William Creagh, Mayor of Newcastle, 

Ambrose Barnes, and others ... 229 

Arms of Barber-Surgeons and Wax and Tallow Chandlers of Newcastle... 269 

Carved Chest, Peterborough Cathedral 306 

„ „ St. Michaers Church, Coventry 808 

Ancient Chest, Orleton Church 309 

Roman Altar from Ben well 316 

Roman Sculpture, Bewcastle 323 

Representations of the Deae Matres, Housesteads, Netherby, Carlisle, 

South Shields 323,324,325,330 

Roman Inscription to the Jfii^r^ Pflrrfl^, Carlisle 327 

Roman Altar, Skinbumess 330 

'EiomekniDScriptioTis to the Mat reg Campest res 331 

Roman Silver Ring, Backworth 331 

Roman Altars, Halton and Procolitia 332 

Roman Silver Ring, Chesters 332 





Roman Sculptures from HonsesteadB 

Roman Altar, etc., HonsesteacU 

Roman Altars, Caerroran, Djkesfield, and Bowneas 

Deae Jdatres, Ctjiiele 

Roman Altars, Hisingham, Gloster HiU, and Carlisle 
The Deae Mat res, Netherby and High Rochester ... 
Roman Inscription, Old Carlisle 


... 333 
... 334 
... 336 
336, 337 
... 337 
, . . 838 


Lord Armstrong : donation of plates III. and IV. 

Mrs. Bruce : donation of photogravure of the late Rev. Dr. Bruce, V.P., plate 

XXX. (facing p. 364). 
The Publisher of The Builder: permission to use plates IX. and XXVIII., and 

loan of block, p. 308. 
The late John Clayton, V.P. : donation of plate VI. 
N. Q. Clayton : donation of etching of the late J. Clayton, by C. O. Murray, 

plate JJlh, 
Mrs. N. G. Clayton : donation of plate VIII. 

D. Embleton, M.D. : blocks, pp. 228, 229, 230, 269, and plate XXIV. 
Miss Embleton : drawing from Corbridge's Plan of Newcastle, plate XXIV. 
W. G. Footitt : permission to use plate XXVIII. 
R. C. Hedley : drawings of British Camps, Plate V. 
C. C. Hodges: photographs for plates XVL, XX., XXL, XXII., XXVII. and 

Sheriton Holmes : drawings for plates XV and XIX, 

Proprietors of the Illvstrated London News: loan of woodcut (Plate XIII). 
J. T. Irving : drawing of chests, pp. 306 and 309. 
W. H. Knowles : drawings for plates XVIa, XVII. and XVIII. 
Reid, Sons & Co. : loan of woodcut, p. xzvii. 
Royal Archaeological Institute : loan of woodcuts illustrating Mr. Longstaffe*s 

paper on Norton Church. 
H. F. Morland Simpson : drawing for plate XXV. 



Page 67, line 27, for * J. W. Hodgson' read *J. G. Hodgson.' 
Page 164, M. R. Mowat reads the second word on the patera from the Tyne 
ANBZTLOMABO. See Proc, y. p. 186. 



Zfit ^octets of ^ntitiunxiti 




The Council of the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 
in presenting their seventy-seventh report, have to congratulate the 
society on the prosperity which continues to mark its course, and on 
the evident signs of a sustained and increased interest in archaeological 
science in the counties of Northumberland and Durham. The number 
of members of the society is now if91, 21 being honorary and 270 
ordinary, and of these a very considerable portion are regular attenders 
of its meetings. Many valuable papers have been read before the 
society during the course of the past year, several of which have given 
rise to interesting discussions. The chief works of archaeological 
exploration during 1889 have been those undertaken by Lord Arm- 
strong at Cartington Castle, and by Sir Wm. Crossman at Holy Island, 
in both cases under the direction of Mr. Hodges. We are glad to say 
that both the gentlemen who have furnished the necessary funds and 
the architect who has superintended the work, are members of the 
Newcastle Society of Antiquaries. At Cartington Castle, a paved 
court-yard to the north of the castle, previously unknown, has been 
cleared out. In this court is a well with a beautifully formed ashlar 
lining and a raised kerb, as well as a stone trough for watering horses. 
At Holy Island (where the excavations have been proceeding for 
several years) the considerable area of the outer court was cleared last 
year. Though the buildings surrounding it do not possess any architec- 
tural beauty, they are of great interest, and bring before us in a very 
striking manner the domestic, and even the agricultural economy of 
the monastery of Lindisfarne. There have also been some excavations 




of sepulchral mounds on the slopes of Simonside at the expence of Lord 
Armstrong, and under the direction of Mr. Dixon, of which an in- 
teresting account has been rendered to the society. 

The subject of the preservation of Ancient Monuments is one 
which should occupy the attention of every local Society of Anti- 
quaries. As is well-known, an Act of Parliament has been passed, an 
inspector has been appointed, and certain ancient monuments have 
been scheduled, but the sum of money annually voted for the inspector's 
expences is so small that, without energetic co-operation on the part of 
local archaeologists, there is a danger of the Act becoming almost 
inoperative. In this connection, we may mention that the inspector. 
Gen. Pitt Rivers, was present in Newcastle last September, during the 
visit of the British Association, and paid an interesting but unofficial 
visit to the camp at Chesters. No part of the Roman Wall and its 
camps has yet been scheduled as a ' National Monument.' 

During the past year the society has lost by death Mr. William 
Dodd, for maiiy years its faithful and courteous treasurer. He will 
further be remembered as the compiler of the Index to Brand's Hislory 
of NeivcaatUj and the useful but tedious work of preparing an index to 
the Archaeologia was also undertaken by him. 

The Council think that the efficiency of their body might be 
increased by a change in the rules which should provide for the yearly 
retirement of a small number of members who have been least diligent 
in their attendance during the past year. In oi-der to prevent their 
thus losing the valuable assistance of some of their eldest members, 
whose health does not allow of frequent attendance during the winter 
months, the Council suggest a further alteration of the rules, so as to 
admit of an increase in the number of vice-presidents. 

Lastly, they wish to bring before the society the consideration of 
the important question of the preparation of a new and complete 
County History of Northumberland. The magntim ojom of the Rev. 
John Hodgson, a work which has been called by a competent authority 
* the ideal County History ', has long been quoted in book catalogues at 
a price which is practically prohibitive to all but very wealthy book- 
buyers. And even Hodgson's History, with all its excellence, embraces 
not much more than half of the county, and is, of course, in some 
points rendered obsolete by the additions to our knowledge that have 

FOE 1889. xi 

been made during the last half century. The valuable stores collected 
by the venerable historian for the completion of his work would, we 
have reason to believe, be kindly placed by his descendants at the 
disposal of the society ; but we think in the circumstances no mere 
publication of these ' M^moires pour servir ' would meet the necessities 
of the case. What is now required is an entirely new history based 
upon Hodgson, and naming in its title-page its obligations to that 
monumental work. It can only be the result of combined labour, and 
for such co-operation the present roU of our members offers almost 
unequalled advantages. We have still among us the venerable historian 
of the Roman Wall, and the author of the History of Darlington 
would, we doubt not, lend us his counsel. Many others of our younger 
members, whose names we will not attempt to enumerate, could, we 
are persuaded, lend most valuable assistance, and in this way we might 
hope to produce a new County History, which should maintain the high 
position taken half a century ago by the vicar of Hartbum's History 
of Northumberland. 


The year 1890 has been one of melancholy interest to the society 
of Antiquaries of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, since two of our oldest and 
most valued members have in the course of it been removed from us 
by death. By the decease of Mr. John Clayton, at the venerable 
age of 98, not only has our society lost its oldest vice-president, but 
the science of archaeology, especially the archaeology of Roman 
Britain, has lost one of its most persevering and successful votaries. 
Mr. Charles Roach Smith, whose death we have also to deplore, was, 
by birth and residence, connected with the South of England, but he 
took a keen interest in all antiquarian discoveries in our county, and 
we have reason to believe that he prized his honorary membership in 
our society. 

Reverting to the subject of the lamented death of Mr. Clayton, we 
may mention that his successor, Mr. N. G. Clayton, is about to build 
a museum at Chesters, in which the abundant Roman remains there 
collected will be more satisfactorily housed than has hitherto been the 
case, and a full catalogue of the contents of the museum is in course 
of preparation. We have no doubt that the loving care which for 


more than half a century has been extended to the great camps and the 
line of the Wall on the Clayton property will be continued by the 
present owner. 

We regret that we have no great antiquarian discoveries to record 
in connection with 1890. In the spring of the year there was a con- 
siderable find of Roman bronze vessels at Prestwick Carr. Photographs 
of these vessels and a report of the circumstances in which they were 
discovered will appear in a future part of the Archaeologia. Some addi- 
tional interest is imparted to this discovery by the fact that Prestwick 
Carr was, till within the memory of the present generation, covered 
by a lake which is believed to have been there all through the Middle 
Ages, and probably also during the Roman occupation of Britain. 

The society is indebted to the curators for much successful effort 
to improve the condition of the Museum, to increase its educational 
value. The interesting and satisfactory report of those gentlemen is 
printed at the end hereof ; and we would especially direct attention 
to their request for help towards making the Museum a depository 
of such articles of furniture and implements of domestic industry as 
have now been rendered obsolete by the progress of manufacturing art. 

Tour curators report that satisfactory accessions have been made 
to the Museum during the past year, aU of which have been duly 
entered and labelled. The following is a list of these additions : — 

Jan- 29. From James Hall, Tynemouth — 

Two hammer picks and a spike nail, which were found 
in the San Thiago Mines, at Casa Bianca, Alentejo, 
Portugal, belonging to Mr. Wall. These tools were 
discovered in the ancient workings of the Romans 
{Proc. vol. iv. p. 193). 

Feb. 12. From W. 6. Laws, City Engineer, Newcastle — 

A large stone ball, brought up by the grab at Newcastle 
Quay, from a depth of 35 to 86 feet below low water 
spring tides, on the 4th January, 1890. The ball 
was found about 20 feet in front of an old quay wall, 
of the date of which there is no record, and about 
10 feet behind the present line of quay front, 210 
feet east of the 60 ton crane (ibid, p. 201). 

Feb. 26. From D. D. Dixon, Rothbury— 

A square tobacco box of brass, about 2| inches long by 
2 inches wide, dated 1789. Found at RydiiU, near 
Rothbury {ibid. p. 205). 

FOE 1890. xiii 

Mar. 28. From C. L. Bell, Woolsington — 

A muinmy hand, brought from Mexico about twenty 
years ago by Lady Walsham (whose husband was 
Secretary of Legation), and presented by her to the 
late Captain Bell {ibid, p. 209). 
From Mrs. Dodd, Newcastle — 
The knife and shears formerly belonging to the late 
Emerson Charnley, the Newcastle bookseller, and 
latterly to the late Mr. Dodd. 
From Thomas Blandford, Corbridge — 
A riding pillion (ibid, p. 209). 

July 80. From J. Chapman, Bales House, Corbridge — 

A large plaster cast of a restoration of the common seal 
of the burgesses of Corbridge. 
From Chas. L. Bell, Woolsington — 
Eight bronze vessels of Roman date, being a portion of 
a find of twelve vessels turned up in ploughing on the 
site of Prestwick Carr (ibid. p. 253). 
Prom Signora Montiroli — 
Coloured drawings by the late Signer Montiroli, showing 
a supposed restoration of the Arch of Tiberius in 
Rome {ibid, p. 258). 

Aug. 80. From Henry Thompson, Newcastle — 

(i.) Two constables' staves, inscribed ' St. Giles.' 
(ii.) A pair of handcuflfe, formerly, with the above, belong- 
ing to the parish of St. Giles, Durham. 
From J. Gibson, Old Castle — 
Two Roman first brass coins, found in the excavations 
made in pulling down the Back Row, Newcastle. One 
of the coins is apparently a coin of Commodus. 
From R Y. Green (by desire of his sister, the late A. J. 
Green) — 
Two old tables for the use of the society. One of these, 
in mahogany, is a multum in parvo table. 
From the Rev. Canon Trotter, late of Alnwick — 
A large collection of rubbings from brasses made by him. 
(S^ Proc. vol. iv. page 260.) 

Sept. 24. From Jos. Elliot, Hightown, Haltwhistle (per Dr. Em- 

bleton) — 
A circular bronze object, found near Chesterholm {ibid, 
page 269, figure 2). 
From J. N. Wilson, Tynemouth (per C. W. Henzell) — 
A silver pipe-stopper, found near Tynemouth Castle with 
coins of Charles I. (since missing), at a depth of 16 
feet below the surface {ibid. p. 269, fig. 8). 

Oct. 29. From J. T. Southern, Newcastle — 

Stone celt, from Canada {ibid, p. 276, fig. 1). 


Oct. 29. From Walter C. Corder, North Shields — 

(i.) A Saxon cinerary um, 5 inches high, found by the 
donor in a field called ' the king's burying place,' 
near Castle Rising, Norfolk ; also a hroiize fibula, 
much fused (ibid. p. 276, fig. 2). 
(ii.) Fn^ments of Roman pottery, from the site of the 
Roman Station, Wallsend. 
From Rev. W. Featherstonhaugh, Edmundbyers — 
A clay pipe stopple, having the orifice moulded on a reed, 
found at Edmundbyers. 
From Capt. J. R. Carr-Ellison — 
A cross of sandstone, found near Chew Green, at the 
head of the River Coquet {ibid, p. 277). 
From Miss Kaygill, as residuary legatee to the late Mrs. 
Mountain, of Newcastle — 
(i.) A collection of casts in sulphur from medieval seals, 
(ii.) Miscellaneous plaster casts (ibid. p. 278). 

Nov. 26. From T. Halliday — 

Earthenware vessels discovered by Captain Tung, of the 
Imperial Chinese Navy, on the site of an ancient 
pottery in Corea. 
From John Common, Harbottle (per D. D. Dixon) — 
(i.) Light holder, or cresset, used for salmon fishing in 

Upper Coquet, date 1800 to 1815. 
(ii.) Salmon leister, of same date. 
From D. D. Dixon, Rothbury — 

(i.) Salmon leister from Upper Coquetdale, found at 

Windyhaugh, 1860. 
(ii.) Salmon cleek, from Rothbury. 
(iii.) Salmon gaff, from Rothbury. 

(The above implements illustrate Mr. Dixon's 
paper on * Salmon Poaching in Upper Coquetdale.' 
See post.) 
From Tyrie & Graham, Rcdheugh, Gateshead — 

Medieval grave cover, found near the Stephenson monu- 
ment, Newcastle, near the site of the chapel of St. 
Mary the Vii^in. (See paper by Mr. Knowles, j[?(?s^.) 
From Jonathan J. WHiSON, West Boldon — 
(i.) Half-crown of William and Mary, 1689. 
(ii.) Small, thick halfpenny of George I., 1718. 

Dec. 17. From Ain)REW Oliver — 

Photo-lithographs of rubbings from brasses. 
From Rev. W. B. East, Matfen — 
MS. catalogue of inscriptions on gravestones in church- 
yard of St. Andrew's, Newcastle. 

A special stand has been provided for the valuable collection of 
Saxon stones in the possession of the society. 

FOB 1890. XV 

By inBtraction of the Oooncil your cnralorB arranged for a tem- 
porary attendant at the Castle during the fortnight's summer holiday 
of the warden, Mr. J. Gibson, and they themselves visited the Castle 
and Black Gate daily during his absence. Your curatora record the 
valuable co-operation which has been rendered them by Mr. Qibeon, 
and they Biggest the continuance of an annual holiday. 

The services of Mrs. Cutter, attendant at the Black Gate, have been 
in every way satisfactory. 

Your curators suggest the desirability of increasing the attractions 
of the Uuseum. Many domestic and other articles, which have, or 
are about to, become obsolete, are found to excite the greatest interest 
amoi^ a large class of visitors. The spinning wheel, the tinder-box, 
the linlr, and the man-trap are instances of items which greatly help 
to popularise the collection. It is thought that many articles of this 
class might be added were an appeal specially made for donations. 





Balance from previous year — 
In hands of Treasurer ... 
Do. Secretary ... 

Archaeologia Aeliana 



v«aBwie ... ..• .*• ••• 

Black Gate 


Bucks' Views sold 


Secretary (Clerical Assistance) 


Balance in Bank 

Do. Treasurer's hands 


I 7 lOJ 
8 4 

Expenditure. Beoeipts. 
£ 8 d. £ s. d. 



81 16 










93 15 




20 15 





* ■ • • 


28 14 
16 1 






.. £133 1 5 
12 9 7 

276 3 

145 11 

< Abouaeologia Abliaka'— 

Andrew Reid, Sons k Co., for Printing 
Index to Volume XIII 


Nicholson, for Printing ... 


Grigg, Engraving 

Downey & Son, Photographs 

Direct Photo. Engraving Co 

Cooper, Photos, and Engraving 

Photograph of the Ilkley Stone 

Utting, Electros 

Waterlow & Sons, Blocks 

Akerman, Photo-Lithographs of Rothbary Camps 

Rommler k Jonas, for Collotypes 

Waterlow & Sons, Blocks 

Ready, for Casts of Seals 

Archaeological Institute, Electros 


Waters, for Binding 

Bums & Gates, for Payne's Records 

G. Bell & Sons, Book on Sundials 

Griffin & Co., Year Book of Societies 

Asher & Co., Antike»Denkmdler, &c 

Catalogue, Cotton Library 

Thome, for Corporation Accounts, Bell Collection . 

Bull & Auvache, Church of Our Fathers 

Nightl ngale, Dorset Chu rch Plate 

Douglas & Foulis, Domestic Architecture of Scotland 

Stahlfichmidt's Church Bells of Surrey 
Books Sold 

£517 5 5 £617 5 6 












14 2 

4 9 4 
1 12 6 
1 1 

6 74 

1 2 5 
4 10 
1 17 6 
2 4 

£19 6 114 


















28 14 3 

£16 19 3 £28 14 3 



DECEMBER 31, 1889. 

Gastlk — 

Gas, Coals, Firewood, Carriage, occ. 
Dotchin, for Broom 



Watson, for Plumbing Work 


Gibson, Salary 


Black Gate— 
Water, one year 

Fire Insurance 
Moor, for Repairing Locks, &c, 
Harris, for Repairs to Building 

Rent, half-year 

Carrying Coal 


Collections at Black Gate 


Cash Book 

Harleian Society Subscription 
Hardy & Co., for Frames 

Potts, for Table 

Bainbridge & Co., Matting 
Halliday, Gas Stove 
Postage, Carriage, Cartage, &ic. 
Surtees Society Subscription 
Sundries paid to Secretary 
Reporting at Two Meetings 

Secretary's Expences to London 

Expences of I^inchester Meeting 

Do. York Meeting 

Do. Haughton-le-Skeme 

Dotchin, Sundries 

Moses & Co., Serge 

Subscription, Thornton Brass Cleaning 

Cheque Book 

Carver & Co., Carriage of Papers from Seaton Sluice 

Ormerod & Son, Casting Bell Inscriptions 

Income Tax 

Lambert, for Printing Bucks' Views 

Postage and Sundries 

Treasurer's (Mr. Dodd) Percentage on Collection of 

Subscriptions, 6 per cent, on £276 28. Od 

Nicholson, General Printing 

Bucks* Views So£d 

£ 8. d. 

4 4 3 


7 6 

2 6 

8 3 

2 6 


£ s. d. 

93 15 

£70 6 9 £93 15 

2 3 8 
20 16 


5 5 

1 14 
4 7 7 














1 1 

1 7 





2 3 

6 6 


1 1 

5 6 



3 10 


2 1 







1 1 



2 10 





14 7 


4 18 


18 15 

15 8 



• • • • < 



















Balance on Jan. 1, 1891 

• • • 



Members* Sabscriptions 

• « • 



Books Sold— 

At the Castle 



Thompson, G. H., for Arch^ieologia Aeliana 

Reavell, Geo., Jan., for Proceedings 

Boyd, Miss, for Archaeologia Aeliana 
Forster ... 










Asher k Co.. for Archaeologm Aeliana 




Balance from the Longstaffe Portrait Fund 
Haynes, H. W., for Account of Roman Wall Pit- 




yivmagc ... ... ... ... ... ... 

Allgood, Miss, for Bn4ihs^ Views of Northnmherland 
jt^ Durham 




Lady Carlisle, for do. 

Chancellor Ferguson, for Lapidarium Septentrionale 
Forster, for Archa^ologia Aeliana 






Calvert, Rev. T., for do 

• • • 







Castle Receipts— 




• ■ • 



Pharmaceutical Societv, for Admissions 

• • • 



Accountants' do. for do. 

« • • 






Black Gate Receipts— 

Collections 20 10 3 

Carried forwani ... £581 2 10 




Books Bought— 

£ 8. 

d. £ s. d. 

Beavis & Stewart — Lost Toums of the Tfumher 



Modern Method of Illustrating Books ... 



Gomme's Local iThstittitions 



First Newcastle Directory 



Murray's Dictionary, parts 4 and 6 


Gomme's Village Community 



Asher & Co.— German Arch. Inst. Publications 

6 10 


Downing — Foster^B Durham Visitations ... 



Page — Hull Quarterly and East Riding Portfolio 

1 1 

Griffin & Co,— The year Book of SocietieJt ... 

• • • 



Reader— Raven's Bells of Camhridoeshire ... 

• • • 



Jackson — Heraldry of York Mimter, by the Dean 

of York 

• • • 

2 2 

.Thome — North's Church BelU of Leict'strrshire 

• • • 


Do. Church Bells of Butlandshirv 

• ■ • 


Thorp — North's Church Bells of Northamptonshire 



Elliot & Stock — Ferguson's Cumberland ... 

• • > 



Brown & Brown — Hunter's copy of Bourne's History 

of Newcastle 

6 12 

Hitchman — Leland's 7j;/»^mry 

5 5 

Collectanea Archacologica 

1 10. 

Camden's Britannia 



Do. do, (another edition) 


Sothem&Co.— EUacombe's Bells of the Church 

1 10 

North's Church Bells of Lincolnshire 

1 18 

Scott's Antiquarian Gleanings 

Waters, for Mounting the Corbridge Idap ... 

■ • • 

1 5 

■ • • 


'. — 

— 36 1 11 

Castle Expenditure— 


OSlwllCB ... ... ... ... ... ... 

67 10 


^-■••^ ••• ••• ••• ••• •■• ••■ 



Land Tax 

1 9 

*^wlXl/ •■■ ••• ••• ■•, •■« ••« 




3 7 


Income Tax 



Coal, Wood, and Sundries 

2 10 


Aepairs ... ... ... ... ... ... 

2 11 


Cost of laying in Water Pipes 

4 6 


A^ 9 1 

Black Gate Expenditubb— 

oo A 1 

baianes ... ... ... ... ... ,,, 

• *• 

22 16 

WW a>Lcr^ ... ... .«» ,,, ... ... 

• • • 


^'^•■*» ... ... ..• ... ... •«. 

• • • 

1 13 

*M3U.b ... ... ,,, ,,, ... ,,, 

■ • ■ 


Repairs ... ., ... ... 

• • • 

6 8 



• • ■ 

3 18 

^oai, ttC* ... ... ... ... .,, ... 

• • • 

2 10 



39 1 7 

^^ •1*7 X f 

Carried forward 

£158 5 7 




Broaght forwartl 

• • • • • ft 

£ 8. d. 
... 581 2 10 


Capital account 

Invested in the Post Office Savings Bank 

Invested in the Purchase of £24 2i per cent. Consols 

Exaviined with the Boohi and found correct^ 


January 2Uf, 1891. 












£28 10 




Brought forward 
Museum — 
• Remoyal of the Rye Hill Stone 

* Abchaeologia Aeliaka* — 

Reid, for Printing 

Pboceedikgs — 

Nicholson, for Printing 

Typo Etching Co. 
^xKcrmau «.. ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 

Rommler & Jonas 

J. P. Gibson (photographs) 

Direct Photo. Engraving Co 

Meisenbach Co. 

Sprague & Co. ... 

Fleming (Photographer) 

Bacon (Photographer) 


Nicholson, for General Printing 

Reid, for do. 

Waters, for Binding 

Subscription to Harleian Society 

Mawson, Swan, & Morgan, Sundries 

Do. do. Gauging Roman Vessels 

Gibson, for Postage 
Walker for Brass Rubbing 
Treasurer for Postage ... 

Cheque Book 

Journ^l^ Advertisement 

Cards for Library Catalogue, and Curators. 

Secretary, for Postages, &c 

Do. for Index, Proceedings 

Secretary's Allowance for Clerical Assistance . 

1 JO 

9 5 

24 8 6 

4 2 

6 16 8 

1 18 3 

7 16 
.8 3 6 
1 1 

27 15 




4 15 

1 1 

1 19 




6 6 



S 4 








9 18 


3 3 

£ s. d. 
158 5 7 

77 3 
33 8 6 

56 3 1 

68 19 7 


146 15 10 

£581 2 10 

xxii treasurer's report for 1890. 

Fob the Year ending Deo. SI, 1890. 

The accounts show a balance for the year, income over expenditure, 
of £11 148. lOd. The amount received having been £446 Is. lOd.; 
and the amount expended £434 7s. 

The receipts and expenditure upon the Castle and Black Gate 
show almost identical results with the year 1889. 
The surplus on the Castle in 

1890 being £20 17 11 and in 1889 £22 8 3 

The deficit on the Black Gate 

in 1890 being 18 11 4 and in 1889 18 12 9 

Credit balance, 1889 ... £2 6 7 1890 £8 15 6 

The receipts from members' subscriptions show £5 4s. less than 
the previous year, but the arrears collected in 1889 would more than 
wipe out the difference. 

The printing of the Archmologia has cost £29 more than the 
previous year, and the Proceedings £26 less. There is an additional 
expenditure on Illustrations of £37; and £10 more under the head 
of sundries. About £5 more has been received from the sale of 
publications, and £19 more expended in the purchase of books. 

The capital arising from the compounding of annual subscriptions 
and from entrance fees has been invested in the Post OflSce Savings 
Bank and in 2 1 per cent. Consols. 

The credit balance on revenue account is £146 16 10 

And on capital account 28 10 6 

Total balance £176 6 4 

Sheriton Holmes, 

Hon, Treasurer, 


THE 28th JANUARY, 1891. 

I. — This Society, under the style and title of * The Society Constitution 
OF Antiquaries op Newcastle-upon-Tyne,' shall consist of ^ ^ ^ ^' 
ordinary members and honorary members. 

II. — Candidates for election as ordinary members shall be Election of 
proposed m writing by three ordinary members at a general 
meeting, and be elected or rejected by the majority of votes of 
ordinary members at that meeting, unless a ballot shall be 
demanded by any member, which in that case shall take place 
at the next meeting, and at such ballot three-fourths of the 
votes shall be necessary in order to the candidate's election. 
The election of honorary members shall be conducted in like 

III. — The ordinary members shall continue to be members Obligations 
so long as they shall conform to these statutes, and all future 
statutes, rules, and ordinances, and shall pay an annual 
subscription of one guinea. The subscription shall be due on 
election, and afterwards annually in the month of January in 
every year. Any member who shall pay to the Society twelve 
guineas in addition to his current yeafs subscription shall be 
discharged from all future payments. A member elected at or 
after the meeting in October shall be exempt from a inrther « 
payment for the then next year, but shall not be entitled to the 
publications for the current year. If the subscription of any 
ordinary member shall have remained unpaid a whole year the 
Council may remove the name of such person from the list of 
members, and he shall thereupon cease to be a member, but 
shall remain liable to pay the subscription in arrear, and he 
shall not be eligible for re-election until the same shall have 
been paid. 



Officers of 
the Society. 

Election of 

IV. — The officers of the Society shall consist of a patron, a 
president, vice-presidents (not to exceed twelve in number), a 
treasurer, two secretaries, twelve other members ^^who, with the 
president, vice-presidents, treasurer, and secretaries, shall con- 
stitute the Council), an editor, a librarian, two curators, and* 
two auditors. These several officers shall be elected annually, 
except the patron, who shall be elected for life. 

V. — The election of officers shall be out of the class of 
ordinary members. Any ordinary member may nominate any 
ordinary member or members (subject to statute VI) (not 
exceeding the required number) to fill the respective offices. 
Every nomination must be signed by the person nominating, 
and sent to the Castle of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, addressed to 
the secretaries, who shall cause it to be immediately inserted on 
a sheet-list of nominations, which shall be exhibited in the 
library of the Castle, and notice shall forthwith be given to the 
person so nominated. Any person nominated may, by notice in 
writing, signify to the secretaries his refusal to serve, or if 
nominated to more than one office, may in like manner, signify 
for which office or offices he declines to stand ; and every 
nomination so disclaimed shall be void. The list of nomina- 
tions shall be finally adjusted and closed ten days before the 
Annual Meeting, or before a Special Meeting to be held within 
one month thereafter. If the number of persons nominated for 
any office be the same as the number to be elected the person or 
persons nominated shall be deemed elected, and shall be so 
declared by the chairman at such Annual or Special Meeting. 
If the number of persons nominated for any office exceed the 
number to be elected then the officer or officers to be elected 
shall be elected from the persons nominated and from them 
only ; and for that purpose a printed copy of the list of nomina- 
tions and one voting paper only shall be furnished to each 
ordinary member with the notice convening the Annual or 
Special Meeting. If the number of persons nominated for any 
office be less than the number to be elected, or if there be no 
nomination, then the election to that office shall be from the 
ordinary members generally. Whether the election be from a 


list of nominatioDS, or from the ordinary members generally, 
each voter most deliver his voting paper in person, signed by 
him, at the Annual or ^)ecial Meeting. The chairman shall 
appoint scrutineers, and the scrutiny shall commence on the 
conclusion of the other business of the Annual or Special Meet- 
ing, or at such earUer time as the chairman may direct, if the 
other business shall not have terminated within one hour after 
the commencement of the Annual or Special Meeting. No 
voting paper shall be received after the commencement of the , 


VI. — ^Those of the * twelve other members' (see statute Members not 
IV), of the Council who have not attended one-third of the CouncU. ^^ 
meetings of the Council during the preceding year, shall not be 
eligible for election for the then next year. 

VII. — ^A general meeting of the members of the Society shall Meetings of 
be held on the last Wednesday of every month, in the Castle of 
Newcastle-upon-Tyne. The meeting in January shall be the 
Annual Meeting, and shall be held at one o'clock in the after- 
noon, and the meeting in each other month shall be held at 
seven o'clock in the evening. But the Society or the Council 
may from time to time appoint any other place or day or hour 
for any of the meetings of the Society. The presence of seven 
ordinary members shall be necessary in order to constitute the 
Annual Meeting, and the presence of five ordinary members 
shall be necessary in order to constitute any other meeting. A 
Special General Meeting may be convened by the Council if, 
and when, they may deem it expedient. 

VIII. — The ordinary membera only shall be interested in the Property of 

the Society. 

property of the Society. The interest of each member therein 
shall continue so long only as he shall remain a member, and 
the property shall never be sold or otherwise disposed of (except 
in the case of duplicates hereinafter mentioned) so long as there 
remain seven members ; but should the number of members be 
reduced below seven and so remain for twelve calendar months 
then next following, the Society shall be ipso facto dissolved, 
and afteAsatisfaction of all its debts and liabilities the property 

VOL. XV. " 



Reading of 

of Society. 

Removal of 

Donations to 
the Society. 


Members en- 
titled to pub- 

of the Society shall be delivered unto and become the property 
of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne, if that Society be then in existence and willing to receive 
the same ; and should that Society not be in existence and 
willing to receive the same, then the same shall be delivered to 
and become the property of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Citizens, 
of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 

IX.— -All papers shall be read in the order in which they are 
received by the Society. A paper may be read by the author, 
or by any other member of the Society whom he may desire to 
read it, or by either of the secretaries ; but any paper which is 
to be read by the secretaries shall be sent to them a week 
previous to its being laid before the Society. 

X. — The Council shall be entrusted with the duty and charge 
of selecting and illustrating papers for the publications of the 
Society (other than the Proceedings), 

XL — ^That the Society, at any ordinary meeting, shall have 
power to remove any member from the list of members. The 
voting to be by ballot and to be determined by at least four- 
fifths of the members present and voting, provided, neveitheless, 
that no such removal shall take place unless notice thereof shall 
have been given at the next preceding ordinary meeting. 

XIL — All donations to the Society shall be presented through 
the Council, and a book shall be kept in which shall be 
regularly recorded their nature, the place and time of their 
discovery, and the donors' names. All dupUcates of coins, 
books, and other objects, shall be at the disposal of the Council 
for the benefit of the Society. 

XIIL — Every ordinary member, not being in arrear of his 
annual subscription, shall be entitled to such publications of the 
Society as may be printed for the year of his first subscription 
and thereafter if in print ; and he may purchase any of the 
previous publications of which copies i*emain, at such prices as 
shall be from time to time fixed by the Council. 

XT?. — Each member shall be entitled to Uie use of the TheoMoi 
8001^7*8 library, subject to the condition (which applies to all ' "T- 
priril^eB of membership) that his enbactiption for the cnrrent 
year be paid. Not more than three volumes at a time shall be 
taken out by any member. Books may be retained for a month, 
and if this time be exceeded, a fine of one shilling per week 
shall be payable for each volume retained beyond the time. All 
books mnet, for the purpose of examination, be returned to the 
libraiy on the Wednesday preceding the Annual Meeting under 
a fine of 28. 6d.; and they shall remain in the library tmtil after 
that meeting. Manuscripts, and works of special valne, shall 
not circulate without the leave of the Conncil. The Council 
may mitigate or remit fines in particular cases. 

XV. — These statntes, and any statntes which hereafter may Bopeal or 
be made or passed, may be repealed or altered, and new, or |tatut^." " 
altered statutes, may be made or passed at any Annual _ Meet- 
ing, provided notice of such repeal or alteration, and of the 
proposed new or altered statutes, be given in writing at the next 
preceding monthly meeting. 








JOHN CLAYTON, P.S.A. (Deceased.) 






























































» » 


His Excellency John Sigismund von Mosting, Copen- 
hagen ... ... ... ... ... ... 8 Feb.^ 1840 

Sir Charles Newton, M.A b Sept, 1841 

Ferdinand Denis, Keeper of the Library of St. Gen6- 

vifeve, at Paris 8 Feb,, 1851 

Sir Charles Anderson, Bart., Lea Hall, Gainsborough „ 
Daniel Wilson, LL.D., Principal of the University of 
■1. oronuO ... ••• .*• ... ••• ••• 

Aqnilla Smith, M.D., Dublin lA April, lS5b 

The Duca di Brolo 5 April, 1866 

•Professor Emil Hiibner, LL.D., Ahomstrasse 4, Berlin 27 June, 1888 

Professor Mommsen, Berlin „ „ 

•Professor George Stephens, Copenhagen 

Dr. Hans Hildebrand, Royal Antiquary of Sweden, 

•A. W. Franks, Keeper of British Antiquities in the 

British Museum „ „ 

Ernest Chantre, Lyons „ „ 

•A. von Cohausen, Wiesbaden SI Dec,, 1888 

•Ellen King Ware (Mrs.), The Abbey, Carlisle ... 30 June, 1886 

•Gterrit Assis Hulsebos, Lit. Hum. Doct., &c., Utrecht, 

xiouLauu ... ••■ ... . .% ... ... „ ^. 

•Edwin Charles Clark, LL.D., F.S.A., &c., Cambridge „ „ 

•David Mackinlay, 6 Great Western Terrace, Glasgow „ „ 

•Pitt-Rivers, General, Rushmore, Salisbury 25 Jan., 1888 

»» 9» 

?» »» 

In addition to the Honorary Members whose names are marked 
with an asterisk, the Proceedings of the Society are sent to the 
following: — 

Dr. Berlanga, Malaga, Spain. 

The British Museum, London. 

The Cambridge Antiquarian Society. 

Prof. Ad. de Ceuleneer, Rue de la Li6ve 9, Ghent, Belgium. 

The Rev. Dr. Cox, Barton-le-Street Rectory, Malton. 

W. J. Cripps, Sandgate, Kent, and Cirencester. 

Dr. J. Evans, Pres. S. A., Nash Mills, Kernel Hempstead. 

J. Hardy, Sec. Berw. Nat. Club, Oldcambus, Cockbumspath, N.B. 

Literary and Philosophical Society, Newcastle. 

Robert Mowat, Rue aes Feuillantines 10, Paris. 

The Rev. Henry Whitehead, Lanercost Priory, Carlisle. 

T. M. Fallow, Coatham, Redcar. 



Elbctbd prior to 1888. 

Adamson, Rev. Edward Hussey, Felling, Gateshead. 

AdamsoD, William, CuUercoats. 

Adamson, Horatio A., North Shields. 

Brace, Rev. John CoUingwood, LL.D., D.C.L., F.S.A., Newcastle. 

Brown, Ralph, Newcastle. 

Brooks, John Crosse, 14 Lovaine Place, Newcastle. 

Booth, John, Shotley Bridge. 

Brown, Rev. Dixon, Unthank Hall, Haltwlustle. 

Blair, Robert, F.S.A., South Shields. 

Boyd, Miss Julia, (Jainford, Darlington. 

Barnes, John Wheeldon, F.S.A., Durham. 

Browne, Sir Benjamin Chapman, Westacres, Benwell, Newcastle. 

Bates, Cadwallader John, M.A., Heddon Banks, Wylam. 

Barkus, Benjamin, M.D., 50 Jesmond Road, Newcastle. 

Cail, Richard, Beaconsfield, Low Fell, Gateshead. 

Calvert, Rev. Thomas, 15 Albany Villas, Hove, Brighton. 

Carr, Rev. Henry Byne, Whickham, R.S.O. 

Coppin, John, Bingfield House, Corbridge. 

Carr, W. J., Printing Court Buildings, Newcastle. 

Carr, Rev. T. W., Banning Rectory, Maidstone, Kent. 

Dees, Robert Richardson, Newcastle. 

Elliott, George, 47 Rosedale Terrace, Newcastle. 

Edwards, Harry Smith, Byethom, Corbridge. 

Fenwick, Geoi^e A., Newcastle. 

Fenwick, John George, Moorlands, Newcastle. 

Gibb, Dr., Westgate Street, Newcastle. 

Glendenning, William, 89 Jesmond Road, Newcastle. 

Greenwell, Rev. William, M.A., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., Hon. F.S.A. 
Scot., Durham. 

Gregory, John Vessey, 10 Framlington Place, Newcastle. 

Gibson, Thomas George, Newcastle. 

Hall, Rev. George Rome, F.S.A., Birtley Vicarage, Wark-on-Tyne. 

Hodgkin, Thomas, D.C.L., F.S.A., Benwelldene, Newcastle. 

Hoyle, William Aubone, Normount, Newcastle. 


Hooppell, Eev. Robert Eli, M.A., LL.D., D.C.L., F.B.A.S., Byera 

Green, Spennymoor. 
Holmes, Sheriton, Moor View House, Newcastle. 
Hunter, J. J., Whickham, R.S.O. 
Hodges, Charles Clement, Sele House, Hexham. 
Hopper, John, Grey Street, Newcastle. 
Haythornthwaite, Eev. Edward, Vicar of Felling, Gateshead. 
Johnson, Robert James, Minster Court, York. 
Johnson, Rev. Anthony, Healey Vicarage, Riding Mill. 
Longstaffe, William Hilton Dyer, 8 Catherine Terrace, Gateshead. 
McDowell, Dr., T. W., ITie Asylum, Morpeth. 
Martin, N. H., F.L.S., Mosley Street, Newcastle. 
Northboume, Lord, Betteshanger, Kent. 

Northumberland, The Duke of, Alnwick Castle, Northumberland. 
Nelson, Thomas, 9 Windsor Terrace, Newcastle. 
Oswald, Septimus, Newcastle. 
Philipson, John, Victoria Square, Newcastle. 
Proud, John, Bishop Auckland. 
Pickering, William, Ballingworth, Newcastle. 
Philipson, (Jeorge Hare, M.A., M.D., Eldon Square, Newcastle. 
Pease, John William, Pendower, Beuwell, Newcastle. 
Pybus, Robert, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 
Raine, Rev. Canon, York. 

Ravensworth, The Earl of, Ravensworth Castle, Gateshead. 
Ridley, Sir M. W., Bart., M.P., Blagdon, Northumberland. 
Riddell, Sir Walter B., Bai-t., 65 Eaton Place, London, S.W. 
Rogers, Rev. Percy, M.A., Rector of Simonbum, Humshaugh-on-Tyne. 
Robinson, William Harris, 20 Osborne Avenue, Newcastle. 
Redmayne, R. Norman, 27 Grey Street, Newcastle. 
Swithinbank, George E., The Hawthorns, Caterham Valley, SmTey. 
*Spence, Charles James, South Preston Lodge, North Shields. 
Swinburne, Sir John, Bart., M.P., Capheaton, Northumberland. 
Stevenson, Alexander Shannan, F.S.A. Scot., Tynemouth. 
Swan, Henry F., Beaufront Castle, Hexham, Northumberland. 
Strangeways, William Nicholas, Lea Hurst, Newbould Lane, Sheffield. 
Stephens, Rev. Thomas, Horsley Vicarage, Otterbum, R.S.O. 

• Compounded for subscript ioDs. 


Steavenson, A. L., Holliwell Hall, Durham. 
Taylor, Hugh, 57 Gracechurch Street, London. 
Thompson, Henry, St. Nicholas's Chambers, Newcastle. 
Woodman, William, East Riding, Morpeth. 
Welford, Richard, Thomfield Villa, Gosforth, Newcastle. 

Elected in 1883. 

Adamson, Rev. Outhbert E., Westoe, South Shields. 

Boyle, John Roberts, F.S.A., Low Fell, Gateshead. 

Bowden, Thomas, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Bosanquet, Charles B. P., Rock, Alnwick, Northumberland. 

Boutflower, Rev. D. S., Newbottle Vicarage, Fence Houses. 

Brown, J. W., 24 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 

Clephan, Robert Coltman, Southdene Tower, Saltwell, Gateshead. 

Dixon, John A., 14 West Street, Gateshead. 

Franklin, The Rev. Canon R. J., St. Mary's Cathedral, Newcastle. 

Green well, Francis John, 120 Ryehill, Newcastle. 

Green, Robert Yeoman, 11 Lovaine Crescent, Newcastle 

Heslop, Richard Oliver, 12 Princes Buildings, Akenside Hill, Newcastle. 

Hicks, William Searle, Grainger Street, Newcastle. 

Hume, G^o. H., M.D., Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Hall, John, Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Hall, James, Tynemouth. 

Joicey, James, M.P., Longhirst, Morpeth. 

Johnson, Rev. John, Hutton Rudby Vicarage, Yarm. 

Lloyd, The Rev. Arthur T., D.D., Vicar of Newcastle. 

Morton, Henry Thomas, Fenton, Wooler. 

Moore, Joseph Mason, Harton, South Shields. 

Morrow, T. R., 2 St. Andrew's Villas, Watford, Herts. 

Mackey, Matthew, Lily Avenue, West Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Mason, Rev. H. B., NinebanksVicarage, West AIlendale,Northumberland. 

Motum, Hill, Town Hall, Newcastle. 

Nicholson, George, Barrington Street, South Shields. 

Newcastle, The Bishop of, Benwell Tower, Newcastle. 

Nelson, Ralph, North Bondgate, Bishop Auckland. 

Ormond, Richard, 3 Bellegrove Terrace, Newcastle. 

VOL. XV. ^ 


Robinson, Alfred J., 90 Ryehill, Newcastle. 

Redpath, Robert, Linden Terrace, Newcastle. 

Rogereon, John, Croxdale Hall, Durham. 

Reid, William Bruce, Cross House, Upper Clai-emont, Newcastle. 

Robson, Arnold H., Esplanade, Sunderland. 

Sheppee, Lieutenant-Colonel, Picktree House, Chester-le-Street. 

South Shields Public Library (Thomas Pyke, Librarian). 

Spencer, J. W., Millfield, Newbum-on-Tyne. 

Steel, Thomas, 51 John Street, Sunderland. 

Tennent, James, Low Fell, Gateshead. 

Usher, Robert Thomas J., Orchard House, Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Young, J. R., 20 Windsor Terrace, Newcastle. 

Elected in 1884. 

Armstrong, T. J., 14 Hawthorn Terrace, Newcastle. 

Briggs, Miss, Hylton Castle, Sunderland. 

Bruce, 6ainsford» Q.C., M.P., 2 Harcourt Buildings, Temple, London. 

Burton, S. B., Ridley ViUas, Newcastle. 

Dickenson, Isaac G., Portland House, Jesmond Road, Newcastle. 

Dickinson, John, Park House, Sunderland. 

Dunn, William H., 5 St. Nicholas's Buildings, Gateshead. 

Dixon, David Dippie, Rothbury. 

Dixon, Rev. Canon, Vicar of Warkworth. 

Dotchin, J. A., 65 Grey Street, Newcastle. 

Emley, Fred., Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Ellison, J. R. Carr-, Hedgeley, Alnwick, Northumberland. 

Ferguson, Richard S., F.S.A., Chancellor of Carlisle, Lowther Street, 


Gibson, J. Pattison, Hexham. 

Goddard, F. R., St. Nicholas's Chambers, Newcastle. 

Henzell, Charles William, Tynemouth. 

Harrison, Miss Winifred A., ) „ , t^ r« u j rru. 

' 'J. Howdon Dene, Corbndge-on-Tyne. 

Harrison, Miss Grace, ) 

Hodgson, J. G., Windsor Terrace, Newcastle. 

Kirkley, James, South Shields. 

Knowles, W. H., Victoria Buildings, Grainger Street West, Newcastle. 

Marshall, Frank, 32, Gi*ainger Street, Newcastle. 


Mackey, Matthew, 8 Milton Street, Shieldfield, Newcastle. 

Maling, Christopher Thompson, Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Newcastle Public Library (W. J. Haggerston, Librarian). 

Peile, George, Greenwood, Shotley Bridge. 

Parkin, J. S., New Square, Lincoln's Inn, London, W.C. 

Phillips, Maberly, 12 Grafton Road, Whitley, Newcastle. 

Robinson, John, 7 Choppington Street, Newcastle. 

Swaby, Rev. Dr. W. P., Vicar of St. Mark's, Millfield, Sunderland. 

Schaeffer, Anton Georg, 4 Benton Terrace, Newcastle. 

Taylor, Rev. W., Catholic Church, Whittingham, Alnwick. 

Tweddell, George, Grainger Ville, Newcastle. 

Waddington, Thomas, Eslington Villa, Gateshead. 

Elected in 1885. 


Adams, W. E., 82 Holly Avenue, Newcastle. 

Adie, (Jeorge, 2 Button Terrace, Newcastle. 

Allgood, Anne Jane (Miss), Hermitage, Hexham. 

Armstrong, Lord, Cragside, Rothbury. 

Bum, John Henry, Jun., Beaconsfield, Cullercoats. 

Carlisle, the Earl of, Naworth Castle, Brampton. 

Charlton, W. L., Reenes, Bellingham, North Tyne. 

Chetham's Library, Hunt's Bank, Manchester (Walter T. Browne, 

Farrow, Rev. John Ellis, Pelling-on-Tyne. 
Liverpool Free Library (P. Cowell, Librarian). 
Lynn, J. R. D., Eslington House, Jesmond Road, Newcastle. 
Nonnan, William, 29 Clayton Street East, Newcastle. 
Stephenson, Thomas, 8 Framlington Place, Newcastle. 
Wilson, John, Archbold House, Newcastle. 

Elected in 1886. 

Allgood, Robert Lancelot, Nunwick, Humshaugh-on-Tyne. 
Corder, Percy, Modey Street, Newcastle. 
Embleton, Dennis, M.D., 19 Claremont Place, Newcastle. 
Featherstonhaugh, Rev. Walker, Edmundbyers, Blackhill. 
Gooderham, Rev. A., 6 Granville Road, Newcastle. 
Goodger, C. W. S., 20 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 


Graham, John, Pindon Cottage, Sacriston, Durham. 

Hedlej, Robert Cecil, Cheviott, Corbridge. 

Huddart, Rev. G. A. W., LL.D., Kirklington Rectory, Bedale. 

Irving, George, 1 Portland Terrace, West Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Lilburn, Charles, 170 High Street West, Sunderland. 

Murray, William, M.D., 84 Clayton Street West, Newcastle. 

Reid, Andrew, Akenside Hill, Newcastle. 

Rich, F. W., Eldon Square, Newcastle. 

Richmond, Rev. Henry James, Sherbum Vicarage, co. Durham. 

Scott, Walter, Grainger Street, Newcastle. 

Wilkinson, Auburn, M.D., Holly House, Tynemouth. 

Wright, Joseph, Jun., Museum, Barras Bridge, Newcastle. 

Elected in 1887. 

Cackett, James Thobum, 24 Grainger Street, Newcastle. 

Challoner, John Dixon, 56 Dean Street, Newcastle. 

Charlton, William Oswald, Hesleyside, Bellingham. 

Cowen, Joseph, Stella Hall, Blaydon. 

Dendy, Frederick Walter, Newcastle. 

Evans, Joseph John Ogilvie, 1 Orchard Gardens, Teignmouth. 

Forster, John, 26 Side, Newcastle. 

Halliday, Thomas, Myrtle Cottage, Low Fell, Gateshead. 

Hodgson, William, Elmcroft, Darlington. 

Lockhart, Henry F., Hexham. 

Medd, Rev. Augustus Octavius, Rector of Rothbury. 

Reavell, George, Jun., Alnwick. 

Richmond, Rev. George Edward, Vicarage, Wylam. 

Riddell, Francis Henry, Cheesebum Grange, near Newcastle. 

Ryott, William S., CoUingwood Street, Newcastle. 

Straker, Joseph Henry, Stagshaw House, Corbridge. 

Tarver, J. V., Eskdale Tower, Eskdale Terrace, Newcastle. 

Walker, Charles, Clifton Road, Newcastle. 

Watson, Joseph Henry, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 

Watson, Thomas Carrick, 21 Blackett Street, Newcastle. 

ordinary mbmbbrs of the society. xxxvll 

Elected in 1888. 

Blindell, Wm. A., Wester Hall, Humshaugh-on-Tjme. 

Bolam, R. 6., Berwick-upon-Tweed. 

Boyd, George Fenwick, Whitley, Newcastle. 

Burton, W. S., 9 Normanby Terrace, Gateshead. 

Charlewood, H. C, 2 Bentinck Terrace, Newcastle. 

Cowen, J. A., Blaydon Burn, Newcastle. 

Grossman, Sir William, K.C.M.G., M.P., Oheswick House, Beal. 

East, John Goethe, 26 Side, Newcastle. 

Grace, Herbert Wylam, Hallgarth Hall, Winlaton. 

Hindmarsh, William Thomas, Alnbank, Alnwick. 

Hoyle, Percy S., Collingwood Street, Newcastle. 

Hunter, Ed., 8 Wentworth Place, Newcastle. 

Losh, J., 269 Westgate Road, Newcastle. 

Macarthy, George Eugene, Ashfield House, Elswick Road, Newcastle. 

Mayo, William Swatling, Riding Mill-on-Tyne. 

Plummer, Arthur, 2 Eslington Terrace, Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Reed, The Rev. George, Ridley, Bardon Mill. 

Richardson, R. Morris, 80 Pern Avenue, Newcastle. 

Sanderson, Richard B., Warren House, Belford. 

Scott, Walter, Holly House, Sunderland. 

Shewbrooks, Edward, 23 Eslington Terrace, Newcastle. 

Simpson, J. B., Hedgefield House, Blaydon-on-Tyne. 

Slater, The Rev. Henry, The Glebe, Riding Mill-on-Tyne. 

The Edward Pease Public Library, Darlington (T. H. Everett, 

Thompson, (Jeo. H., Bailiffgate, Alnwick. 
Thorpe, R. Swarley, Devonshire Terrace, Newcastle. 
Todd, J. Stanley, 39 Dockwray Square, North Shields. 
Tomlinson, W. W., Victoria Villas, Whitley, Newcastle. 

Elected in 1889. 

Armstrong- Watson, W. A., Cragside, Rothbury. 
Bell, Charles L., Woolsington, Newcastle. 
Burnet, The Rev. W. R., Vicar of Kelloe, Coxhoe, Durham. 
Oulley, The Rev. M., Coupland Castle, and Amble, Northumberland. 
Harvey, W. J., Heathell, Melbourne Grove, Champion Hill, London, 


'Haverfield, F. J., Lancing College, Shoreham, Sussex. 

Oliver, Prof. Thomas, M.D., 12 Eldon Square, Newcastle. 

Park, A. D., Bigg Market, Newcastle. 

Ridley, John Philipson, Rothbury. 

Sisson, R. W., 52 Westgate Road, Newcastle. 

Vick, R. W., Strathmore House, West Hartlepool. 

Wheler, E. 6., Swansfield, Alnwick. 

Elected in 1890. 

Clayton, Nathaniel George, Chesters, Humshaugh-on-Tyne. 

Forster, William, Houghton Hall, Carlisle. 

Hodgson, John Crawford, Low Buston, Lesbury. 

Laing, Dr., Blyth. 

Taylor, J. W., 88 Westgate Road, Newcastle. 

Wallace, Henry, Trench Hall, near (Jateshead. 

Elected in 1891. 

Jan. 28. The Melbourne Public Library (c/o Edward A. Pethericki 

33 Paternoster Row, London, B.C.) 

Allan, Thomas, Blackett Street, Newcastle. 

Steel, The Rev. James, Vicarage, Heworth. 

Haggle, Robert Hood, Blythswood, Osborne Road, Newcastle. 

Thome, Thomas, Blackett Street, Newcastle. 
Feb. 18. Ord, John R., Haughton Hall, Darlington. 

Pease, Howard, Enfield Lodge, Newcastle. 

Rome, George Robert, 14 Eldon Place, Newcastle. 
Mar. 25. Dick, John, Newcastle upon Tyne. 

Henzell, Richard William, 1 6 Campbell Street, Newcastle. 

Maadlen, William, Gosforth, Newcastle. 

Nisbett, Edward, 13 The Crescent, Gateshead. 

Walker, The Rev. John, Whalton Vicarage, Morpeth. 

• Compounded for subscriptions. 


Apr. 29. Reynoldfl, Charles H., Millbrook, Walker. 
May 27. Atkinson, Eev. J. C, D.O.L., Danby Parsonage, Grosmont, 

Dale, John Brodrick, Cleadon Meadows, Sunderland. 

Sutton, Charles W., Chief Librarian, Public Free Library, 
King Street, Manchester. 
July 29. Bell, John E., The Cedars, Osborne Road, Newcastle. 

Bond, William Bownas, Blackett Street, Newcastle. 
•Brown, A. H., Callaly Castle, Whittingham, R.S.O. 

Mulcaster, Henry, Bishopside, Cattqn Road, Allendale. 

Richardson, Frank, South Ashfield, Newcastle. 

Sydney, Martin William, Blyth. 
Aug. 26. Mitcalfe, John Stanley, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 

Reid, George, Leazes House, Newcastle. 

Williamson, Thomas, jun., Widdrington Terrace, North 
Sept. 80. Bateson, Edward, 24 Grey Street, Newcastle. 

Burman, C. Clark, L.R.C.P.S. Ed., 12 Bondgate Without, 

Newby, J. E., Binchester Hall, Bishop Auckland. 

Scott, John David, Osborne Terrace, Newcastle. 

Winter, John Martin, 17 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 
Oct. 28. Branford, William E., 90 Grey Street, Newcastle. 

Carr, R. Storer, Riding Mill. 

Donald, Colin Dunlop, 172 St. Vincent Street, Glasgow. 

Greene, Charles R., Hill Croft, Low Pell, Gateshead. 

Heslop, George Christopher, 185 Park Road, Newcastle. 

Holmes, Ralph Sheriton, Moor View House, Newcastle. 

Humble, Stephen John, Ravens wood. Low Fell, Gateshead. 
Nov. 18. Deacon, Thomas John Fuller, 10 Claremont Place, Newcastle. 

Smith, William, Gunnerton, Wark-on-Tyne. 
Dec. 28. Braithwaite, John, Greenfield Terrace, Gosforth, Newcastle. 

Brown, The Rev. William, Old Elvet, Durham. 

Rutherford, John V. W., Eldon Square, Newcastle. 

* Compounded for snbscrlptionB. 


xl oedinaby membebs of the society. 

Elected in 1892. 

Jan. 27. Carr, Prank Joseph, The Willows, Walker. 

Simpson, H. F. Morland, M.A., Fettes College, Edinburgh. 

Sutherland, Charles James, M.D., Frederick Street, South 
Feb. 24. Brown, George F., 17 Fawcett Street, Sunderland. 

Charlton, Oswin J., Oaius College, Cambridge. 
Mar. 30. Armstrong, William Irving, South Park, Hexham. 

Blenkinsopp, Thomas, 8 High Swinburne Place, Newcastle. 

Campbell, John McLeod, Scotswood House, Scotswood. 

Pattison, John, Colbeck Terrace, Tynemouth. 

Riddell, Edward Francis, Cheeseburn Grange, Newcastle. 
Apr. 27. Bell, Thomas James, Old Hall, Cleadon, Sunderland. 

Dickinson, George, Dawson Place, Allendale Town. 

Francis, William, 20 Collingwood Street, Newcastle. 

Taylor, Thomas, Chipchase Castle, Wark-on-Tyne. 
May 25. Bowes, John Bosworth, 18 Hawthorn Street, Newcastle. 

Coates, Henry Buckton, Barras Bridge, Newcastle. 
June 29. Bolam, John, Bllton, Northumberland. 

Hopper, Charles, Monkend, Croft, Darlington. 

Jones, Rev. W. M. O'Brady, St. Luke's Vicarage, Wallsend. 

Rees, John, 5 Jesmond High Terrace, Newcastle. 

Ridley, Thomas Dawson, Willimoteswick, Coatham, Redcar. 

Thomson, James, jun., Elswick Ordnance Works, Newcastle. 
July 27. Carse, J. T., Amble, Northumberland. 

Hassell, Clement, 13 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 


(Continued from pace xxx.) 

Jan. 3. Howard, J. J., L.L.D., F.S.A., Hon. Treasurer, Harleian 
Jan. 27. Evans, Sir John, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., President 
of the Numismatic Society, &c., Nash Mills, Hemel 
May 25. Zangemeister, Professor Earl, Heidelberg. 




Antiquaries of London, The Society of, Burlington House, London 

(^Assistant Secretary^ W. H. St. John Hope, M.A.) 
Antiquaries of Scotland, The Society of (Dr. J. Anderson, Museum, 

Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, The 

(Hellier Gosselin, Secrefaryy Oxford Mansion, Oxford Street, 

London, W.C.) 
Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, The (Robert Cochrane, c/o 

University Press, Trinity College, Dublin). 
Royal Irish Academy, The 

Royal Society of Northern Antiquities of Copenhagen, The 
Royal University of Norway, The. Christiania. 
Berwickshire Naturalists' Club, The {Secretary and EdiioTy James 

Hardy, LL.D., Oldcambus, Cockburnspath). 
Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological Society, The (The Rev. W. 

Bazeley, Matson Rectory, Gloucester). 
British Archaeological Association, The {Secretaries^ W. de Gray Birch, 

F.S.A., British Museum, and E. P. Loftus Brock, F.S.A., 36 

Great Russell Street, liondon, W.C.) 
Cambridge Antiquarian Society, The 
Canadian Institute of Toronto, The 
Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society, 

The {President and Editor^ Chancellor Ferguson, F.S. A., Lowther 

Street, CarUsle). 
Derbyshire Archaeological Society, The {Editor, The Rev. Dr. Cox, 

F.S.A., Barton-le-Street Rectory, Malton, Torks.) 
Folk Lore Society, The (J. J. Foster, 36 Alma Square, St. John's 

Wood, London, S.W., Eon. Sec,) 
Lancashire and Cheshire Historic Society, The {Hon. Secretary and 

Editor, R. D. Radcliffe, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., Darley, Old Swan, 

London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, The 
Manx Society. The 


Nassaa Association for the Study of Archaeology and History, The 

(Verein fur nassauische Alterthumskunde und Geschichte 

Numismatic Society of London, The, 4 St. Martin's Place, Trafalgar 

Square, London (Secretaries, H. A. Grueber and B. V. Head). 
Peabody Museum, The Trustees of the, Harvard University, U.S.A. 
Powys-land Club, The {Editor, Morris C. Jones, F.S.A., Gungrog Hall, 

Shropshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, The (iSwre/^ry, 

Francis Goyne, Shrewsbury). 
Smithsonian Institution, The, Washington, U.S.A. 
Soci6t^ d'Arch^logie de Bruxelles, La (rue des Palais 68, Bruxelles). 
Somersetshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, The 

{Gurator, William Bidgood, Taunton Castle). 
Surrey Archaeological Society, The (Secretary^ Mill Stephenson, 8 

Danes Inn, Strand, London, W.C.). 
Sussex Archaeological Society, The (Eon. Librarian and Curator, C. 

T. Phillips, The Castle, Lewes). 
Thuringian Historical and Archaeological Society, The (Der Verein 

fiir Thiiringische Geschichte und Alterthumskunde) Jena ( Pro- 
fessor Dr. D. Schftfer, Jena). 
Trier Archaeological Society, The, Trier, Germany. 
Wiltshire Archaeological Society, The 
Yorkshire Topographical and Archaeological Association, The (Hon. 

Secretary, G. W. Tomlinson, Wood Field, Huddersfield). 


InaorlpUon abore doonraj of pale ftl Hepple Woodhomea, near Rotbbury. 




€tt Sbotitt^ of Mntitiumt^ 




The year 1891 has not been marked by many important events in the 
history of the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle upon Tyne, although 
the number of the members has increased, and the interest of the 
meetings has been well maintained. 

It will probably be hereafter remembered chiefly as the year in 
which, the first volume of the work on Ths Border Holds of North- 
umberland, by one of the vice-presidents, Mr. Cadwallader J. Bates, 
reached completion. We are convinced that this survey of the 
medieval fortresses of our county will— to use an expression which 
has lately been worn somewhat threadbare — be regarded as an 'epoch- 
making ' work. No previous enquirer has devoted anything like so 
much time or labour to the subject as Mr. Bates, and his determina- 
tion to take as little as possible on trust from previous historians, 
and to verify everything for himself, must inevitably cause his book 
to take high rank as a historical authority. 

In the month of August the Royal Archaeological Institute held 
its yearly meeting at Edinbui^h, this being, we believe, the second 
time that it had crossed the border. Several members attended 
the meeting, and much enjoyed the well-planned and instructive 
excursions which, as usual, formed its chief feature. Perhaps the 
most interesting of these was that which had for its object the 
remains, important though scanty, of the Wall of Antoninus Pius, 



from Forth to Clyde. The Glasgow Archaeological Society has been 
for the last two years engaged in a series of systematic excavations 
of this great work, which has thrown much light on the mode of 
its construction. One of the foremost in this band of enqnirers, Mr. 
G. Neilson, has recently visited oar own mural barrier, and in a 
little essay, entitled Per Lineam Valli^ has suggested a new theory 
of the purpose of the VaUum^ which is at any rate worthy of serious 
consideration. It is, of course, impossible here to summarize his 
arguments, however briefly ; but it may be stated that while he agrees 
with Hodgson and Bruce in looking upon the VaUum and Murus 
as nearly contemporaneous erections, he differs from them as to the 
quarter from which the assailants of the Vallum were looked for. 
They hold that it was intended as a rampart against a southern foe ; 
he believes that Vallum and Murus alike were intended in the first 
instance to guard against barbarians from the north. In answer to 
the question why two such lines of defence should be constructed, 
he makes the ingenious suggestion that the Vallum was a provisional, 
perhaps hasty, work, intended to guard the quarries wherein the 
Roman legionaries or the natives whom they employed in the task 
were hewing out the stones with which the ultimate line of defence, 
the MumSy was to be built. When this was finished he suggests that 
the VaUum was then turned into a defence against the south. 

It is no business of this society to pronounce either for or against 
this cleverly argued proposition, but it may be said that any careful 
and scholarly attempt (such as this) to explain the perplexing pheno- 
mena of the Roman works between Tyne and Solway is welcomed. 

The society has to record this year (1891) three very successftil 
country meetings, one at Norham, Vlodden, etc ; a second at Brink- 
bum priory; and the last at Oallaly castle. We congratulate the 
archaeologists of Northumberland on the presence in the county of 
so noteworthy a collection of antiquities as that which is now housed 
at the residence of Major A. H. Browne at Oallaly. 

Your curators regret that the additions to the society's museum 
have been few in number in the past year. The following list com- 
prizes all the items received : — 



Feb. 25. From P. C. Tbottbe, West Wylam— 

A large stone axe-hammer, found by him at West Wylam {Proc, 
▼oL ▼. p. 10). 
From Mr. C. G. HoDGBS, Hexham— 
The mouth and handle of a green-glazed yessel of medieval pottery, 
found at York (ibid. p. 10). 
From Mr. William Angus, Westgate Road, Newcastle— 
A bronze bowl, found in an excavation behind his premises in West- 
gate, Newcastle {ihid, p. 10). 
From the Committbb op the Ck>-0PBBATIVE Wholesale 
SooiBTT, Limited, Newcastle- 
Four iron cannon balls, found in the excavation made for the 
society*8 new premises in Thornton Street, Newcastle, in 1885. 
They are cast to fit calibres of 10 inches, 8} inches, and two 
6 inches, respectively {ibid, p. 10). 

May 27. From Alderman Gail— 

A blunderbuss, with brass barrel, as carried by the guard of a mail 
coach (ibid» p. 84). 
From Mrs. Natlob, Tynemouth — 
A mahogany pitch-pipe, from St. Bees Ghurch, Gumberland (ibid, 
p. 84). 
From Mr. BoBEBT G. Glephan— 
Goins brought by the donor from Egypt in 1890. Seven third brass 
of Gonstantine the Great, Gonstantine XL, and Grispus. Fourteen 
brass coins of Ptolemies, Probus, Diocletian, and Maximian 
(ibid, p. 84). 

July 29. From Mr. Geo. W. S. Bbeweb, Hetton Downs, Fence Houses— 
A knife-box lid, xviij. century work (ibid, p. 74). 
From Bfr. James Thompson, Shawdon, Alnwick— 
(1.) Two wrought-iron " bake-sticks.'* 
(ii.) A toasting branks. 

(ill.) A large iron three-pronged fork, found on the garden wall of a 
cottage at Lorbottle (ibid. p. 74). 

Aug. 26. From Messrs. Dinning k, Gooke, Newcastle— 

A metal casting from Shortflatt Tower, being the back of a fire grate, 
showing a decorative design composed of the royal arms, with 
flenrs de lis, the initials B.H., and the date 1631 (ibid, p. 74). 

Sept. 30. From the Bev. W. Feathebstonhaugh, Edmundbyers— 
Two '* jack-necks" or ridge-tiles of sandstone (ibid p. 97). 
From Mr. Bobebt G. Glephan— 

(i.) Photograph of Boman remains, Leicester. 
(ii.) A pair of steel candle-snuffers (ibid. p. 98). 


The conditions nnder which the contents of the society's collection 
are exhibited at the Black Oate musenm are unfavourable for the 
proper classification and arrangement of the various objects. In the 
absence of sufficient light and of convenient space it is impossible to 
arrange the museum so as to do justice to the valuable character of 
its contents, to render it fully available to the student of archaeology, 
and to make it popularly attractive. To these causes may be largely 
ascribed the very few and casual visits paid to the Black Gate museum ; 
for, whilst the visitors to the Norman keep continually increase in 
number, few are disposed to turn aside*to visit the museimi itself. 

Tour curators have to recognize the valuable services of Mr. J. 
Gibson, the custodian of the keep, to whose interest and vigilance in 
the aJQBiirs of the society they are indebted. They also report the 
satisfitctory services of Mrs. Outler, the attendant at the Black Gate. 

It is again desirable to urge the members of the society to assist 
in obtaining increased donations for the museum. The acquisitions of 
private collectors are of mere personal interest and are liable to dis- 
persal and loss. The museum of the society is of invaluable public 
service, and affords an absolutely safe and permanent resting place for 
relics of our past history. This consideration should lead to a largely 
increased bestowal of the more valuable remains of antiquity now 
practicaUy lying hid and lost to the community. 

The auditors thus reported : — 

We have examined the books and vouchers of the society, and 
find the same correct. The books are kept in a most careful and 
precise manner, and contain a record of cash received and paid by 
the treasurer, members' subscriptions, sale of publications, and the 
admission fees at the Castle and Black Gate. 

Last year your auditors suggested that the accounts of your 
society were incomplete without a stock account of the various publi- 
cations issued and held by your society, and your auditors regret 
that this suggestion has not been acted upon, especially as your 
librarian recently made out a statement of the publications on hand. 

Your auditors take this opportunity of stating that to their mind 
no audit of the society will be complete that does not include a stock 
account of the publications, and also a report from your librarian 
upon the valuable books in the library of your society. 


The treasurer then read his report for the year ending December 

3l8t, 1891, as follows:— 

The income for the past year has been £532 4s., of which £297 
has been from members' subscriptions, and £59 from the sale of quarto 
parts of the Archaeologia Aeliana containing Mr* Bates's valuable 
papers upon The Border Holds of Northumberland, 

The expenditure has been £501 18s. 5d., which leaves a balance 
of £80 10s. 7d. in favour of the society. 

The returns for the Oastle and Black Gate are more fiftvourable 
than the previous year, the receipts from these sources having been 
£184 16s. 9d., and the expenditure £106 Is. 5d., thus leaving a credit 
balance of £28 15s. 4d. for the year against £2 6s. 7d. for the year 

The cost of printing the Archaeologia Aeliana is considerably in 
advance of last year. This arises in a great measure from the expence 
incurred in the printing of The Border Holds. But it scarcely 
admits of doubt that this and any further cost under this head will 
be much more than recouped to the society by the sale of the work 
when it is published in a separate form. The printing of the Pro- 
ceedings has cost £11 more than last year, and there are slight increases 
under the heads of illustrations and sundries. £14 less has been 
expended in the purchase of books, and the sale of the sociecy's publi- 
cations has been £100 against £50 for the preceding year, of which 
£59 is due to the sale of the quarto volume of The Border Holds. 

The balance brought forward from 1891 on revenue account is 
£177 6s. 4^., and the capital account* shows a balance of £48 16s. 
2d., of which £42 18s. 5d. is invested in 2| percent. Consols through 
the Post OflBce Savings Bank. 

The list of ordinary members shows an increase of 81 for the year. 
The number at the commencement of 1891 having been 252, and at 
the commencement of this year 288. There were 45 new members 
enrolled during the year, but there have been losses from deaths and 
resignations of 8 and 6 respectively. There are at present three life 
members, one of whom has compounded during the year. 

* Compositions for subscriptions. 




£ 'b. d. £ 8. d. 

Balance from the previous year 146 15 10 

Mbmbbbs* Subscriptions 297 

Books Sold at thb Castlb 41 9 

14 quarto copies of yoI. i. of Border Holds # £4 48. each 58 16 

99 16 9 

Castle Reoeipts 109 15 

Black Gate Receipts 25 1 9 

R. C. Clephan in repayment for plan of Eamak temple 10 6 

£678 19 10 

Books Bought, etc.— Ct» 

Foster's Northumberland Vtsitatums 

Atkinson's Moorland Parish 

BAYen^s Bells of Svffolh 

Tear Book of Societies 

Transactions of the Imperial German Archaeological 

xnsubUve •«■ ■•• ■■• ..■ ••• ... 

Bphemeris Bpigraphica^ toI. 8, part 1 

English Qoldsmiths 

Evans's Stone Implements 

Archaeclogia Aefiana, part Si 

De Gray Birch's CartuL Sawonioumy parts 26-27 ... 
Turner's Domestic Architecture of the Middle Ages 

Journal of the Brit. Arch, Assoc,, voL 22 

Rope's Lepers in EnglaT^ 

Sit "Bi, BvLTton's Book of the SuHtrd 

Map of Bourne's History of Newcastle (the original 

coppery ••• «•• ••• *•• .•• ••. ••. 
Books, binding ... 

Castle Expekditube— 
Wages of attendant 
ttenv ••* ••• 
TV a vef • . • . . • 
\7ao.*. ••• ... 


Screen for warder's room 

Carpet, etc., for do. 

Coal, candles, and sundries 

Black Gate Ezpenditubb— 
Wages of attendant 
Water ... ... 

>^i««i ... ... 



Sundries, Coal, &c. 

Cairied forward 128 8 9} 

£ 8. 



8. d. 

1 1 








5 10 




1 6 

1 10 



2 14 




1 4 

2 10 

8 3 



7 4 








4 5 

1 4 






20 16 



1 6 


2 16 

1 13 


1 12 


2 6 



Brought forward 
Areh4iedlogia AeUana — 

Beid k, Co., for printing 

Nicholson, for printing 


Downej for photographs 
Spragne 3c Co. 
Mawson 3c Co. 

Hodges, photographs 

Sampson 3c Co. ... 

ucigana ... ... ... ... 

Direct Photo-Bngraving Co. ... 

B5mmler 3c Jonas 


Meisenbach Co 

• •• 

« • • 

• • • 

• •• 

• • • 

• • • 


Nicholson, for general printing 

Beid, for do. do. ... ... ... 

X \X9V«UCW ••• ••• ••• ••• ■•• ••• ••• 

Snbemption to Harleian Society ••• 

„ to Sortees (Society, 1890-1891 

AdyertiiBement in Ckroniele 

oneQTie uook ... ••• .*• ••• ••• .•• 

BemoTal of old fireplace back to Castle 

Beporter, notes of MS. documents in Hunter*B copy 

of Boume*s NewecutU 

Lee, for lime-light lantern to illustrate Mr. Gibson^s 

lecture on the Boman Wall 

Commission on Scotch cheque 

Secretary's expences 

Secretary's allowance for clerical assistance 

Balance in the Bank ... ... 

„ in the Treasurer's hands 

£ s. 














4 15 




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20 3 


22 17 

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1 2 






12 8 


23 6 


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177 6 4) 

£678 19 10 


account ot Capital* 

Jan. 1. — luTested in 2} per cent. Consols ... 
Balance in Post Office Savings Bank 
5.— Dividend on 2) per cent. Stock 



£ 8. 


42 18 






£43 16 




































By W. H. D. Longstappb, Vice-President. 

[Read in Norton church on the 28rd September, 1889.] 

The lower portion of the tower of this churchy along with its 
transepts, constitutes a very important piece of evidence in the history 
of northern architecture. As far as I am aware they are almost, if 
not quite, anique as far as the diocese of Durham is concerned. It is 
touching to consider how these venerable works of the later Saxon 
period survived all surrounding changes down to our own century, 
making a picturesque and interesting break in the church between 
the varying chancel and nave. 

It is satis&ctory when documentary light can be thrown on stones 
and mortar, however clearly their style may date them. The first 
mention of Norton is in the fine manuscript known as the Durham 
Book oflAfe, which lay on the high altar of the Cathedral for the recep- 
tion of the names of benefactors : ' Here giveth Northman Earl unto 
Saint Cuthbe)*t Ediscum [Escombe, where there is a Saxon chapel] and 
all that thereunto serveth and one-fourth of an acre at Foregenne. And 
I, Ulfcytel, Osulf's son, give Northtun by metes, and with men, unto 
Saint Cuthbert, and all that thereunto serveth, with sac and with 
soken, and any one who this perverts, may be ashired from God's deed 
and from all sanctuary.' 

Now, Escombe had previously belonged to the church of Durham, 
and had with other townships been lent or leased by bishop Aldhun 
and the whole congregation of Saint Cuthbert to three earls, of whom 
Northman the restorer of it was one. Bishop Aldhun died in 1018, 
and if we allow about ten years for Northman's possession we shall 
approximate the time when he restored Escombe, and Ulfcytel, by his 
gift of Norton, sundered it from Hartness, of which Billingham was a 



A shire, in the north of England, perhaps all over England, was 
any assemblage of places ashired, or cut oflF, or boundered out from 
the adjacent county, Every county was a shire, though every shire was 
not a county. In after times we find the mills of Nortonshire in one 
record to correspond with those of Norton, Stockton, and Hartburn 
in another. We may therefore conclude that Ulfcytel's metes, sac, 
and soken, comprehended the whole of the ancient parish of Norton, 
except, perhaps, Blakeston. Stockton parish is of modern Parlia- 
mentary origin, and Noiton church is the mother church. 

The Saxon buildings in the north of England are, as a rule, of 
the quaint but artistic and well-wrought style of Saints Wilfrid and 
Benedict Biscop, such as we have in churches at Jarrow and Monk- 
wearmouth, or of the succeeding type known to us by towers at 
Ovingham, Monkwearmouth, Corbridge, and Billingham. A later 
and coarser style is principally known by southern examples, one of 
the most important of them being the tower of Deerhurst church, to 
which, on the evidence of an inscribed stone, we may safely give the 
date of 1056. 

In the Deerhurst tower we find triangular-headed windows, more 
ornamented than is usual. At Norton we find such windows, without 
ornament, above the arches opening from the tower into the transept 
and chancel. I infer that a church was built soon after Ulfcytel's 
grant, or, in other words, soon after 1030, some 859 years ago. How 
the north transept of so early a date (the Blakeston porch) became 
attached to the manor of Blakeston, and when the south transept (Pity 
porch) received an effigy of Our Lady, I never expect to know. But, 
in the language of the inscription over the remains of Shakspeare, 
' Blest be the man that spares these stones.* 

We do not at present see the south transept quite as Edward 
Blore saw it. We must thank him for drawing Norton church, and 
for personally engraving Surtees's pretty plate of 1823, of which a 
reproduction is given in the opposite plate. We gather from it and 
from Hogg's lithograph, the hiding of the quoins by buttresses and 
tampering with the window. Pity porch greatly resembled Blakeston 
porch which has been more fortunate than itself. The walls in pro- 
portion are high, like those of Saxon and early Norman buildings 
generally. The roofs are low, and according to Hutchinson's more 



1 1 


homely engraviog, bad been covered by some sort of tiliDg, which bad 
disappeared between 1785 and 1823, The corner quoin-stones are 
massive and sin^lar, the other masonry being of small stones. The 
extent of the Saxon tover is shown in Blore's plate, his drawing 
having been made before the rongh-castiDg took pla<:e. The weird 
quoins distii^ished it, and above it, as at present, rose the Perpen- 
dicular and thinner saperstmctnre which gives dignity to the whole. 
Neither the window of Pity porch as eogi-aved nor the late window of 
Blakeston porch seem to represent the original lights which were 
perhaps much smaller. That of Pity porch appeal's to have been 
sarmounted by some strip work, probably Saxon. 

Only the arches of the transepts 
remain in their original rude state. A 
tiiangnlar-headed window exists above 
each of them, and also above the re- 
modelled opening into the chancel. 
The next story of the tower is lighted 
by mere slits, some of Ihem being veiy 
near to the angles of the building. 
Then the ancient tower ends, the 
change of masonry being detected, 
even when the rough-cast existed, by 
a sUght hitch in the outline. 

A portion of a Saxon cross was 
worked into the west end of the nave 
and is now in the porch, and another 
pcalptured stone, of which the date is 
in dispute, was built into the modern 

part of the sonth transept, and is, I beheve, still to be seen. It 
resembles the central portion of a stone found at Wearmouth, and the 
drawings of schoolboys with compasses on their slates. 

As to the reasons for a cruciform Saxon chnrch at Norton we 
have no information, but the plan is foojid elsewhere at an early 
period, and I decline to express any opinion that it originally 
betokened any cathedral, monastic, or collegiate status. 

In 1073 or 1074 some Mercian monks arrived in the north who 
placed a new roof on WeaiTuouth dmrch, and had a large gift of land 


from the bishop to enable them to restore the monastic buildings and 
rebuild the church at Jarrow. Very interesting remains of their early 
Norman work remain there. In 1083 they were removed to Durham, 
and in 1093 the foundation stone of Durham cathedral was laid. The 
style is Norman, rather more advanced than one would expect. 

To make room for them at Durham, the old congregation of St. 
Cnthbert was ejected from church and home. It consisted of secular 
priests, married, and transmitting their benefices to their heirs. This 
constitution was by no means peculiar to Durham, and against its violent 
destruction the old secular clergy struggled as bravely as copyholders 
and leaseholders have struggled against ecclesiastical usurpation in 
recent years. For 150 years at least, they kept their ground elsewhere 
against the innovations directed against them. But in Durham they 
were removed to the churches of Darlington, Auckland, and Norton, 
under what conditions we know not ; and they and their children were 
ignored at Darlington before the time when bishop Pudsey built the 
beautiful church there, with the intention of restoring in it the old 
order of secular canons of Durham. It is a curious subject of enquiry 
whether bishop Pudsey the father of Henry de Pudsey by Lady Adelidis 
de Percy meant married or single canons As contradictory matters of 
fact Henry Pudsey inherited Percy in Normandy, and the subsequent 
prebendaries of Darlington were bachelors. 

Although the old gifts to St. Cuthbert were enjoyed by the bishop 
and congregation, bishop William de St. Carileph, sole Ecclesiastical 
Commissioner of his day for his own diocese, aflfe(jted, during the post- 
Conquest period, to set apart estates which were asserted to belong 
respectively to the bishop and the cathedral body. His acts were the 
prelude to a long struggle between his successors and the corporation 
aggregate. An early dispute arose as to Blakeston. Bishop Flambard 
professed to restore it to the convent on a deathbed repentance, but 
as a matter of fact it remained beneficially with his relations and their 
grantees at a quit rent.. 

Flambard was connected with Norton in another and a curious 
way. He obtained from Henry I. the grant of a market there on 
Sunday, and the pond was, and perhaps may be still, called Cross Dyke. 
Plainly he had no faith in any palatine rights in Norton as to markets. 

Wc have no further mention of the place until the great episcopal 


survey of bishop Pudsey in Henry II.'s time, called Boldon Bake. 
We there find Norton or Northton (the name is spelled both ways), 
and the other townships in Nortonshire forming part of the Boldon 
system of tenure which is only found along the east coast of Durham. 
The old service of comage, a money payment in respect of cattle, was 
however excepted, for want of pasture. This does not mean that the 
tenants had no cattle, for they rendered certain cows for the bishop's 
support, but, apparently, that they did not possess rights in common 
pastures belonging to him. The bishop's hall at Stockton is mentioned, 
and this is interesting in connection with Norton church, because 
the fragments lately existing of Htockton manor-house, conserved in 
the last remaining portion of that bouse — castle as it has latterly been 
called — ^were of the same date as the nave of Norton church. The 
work, which included the nutmeg ornament looked like that common 
in the north from about 1170 to 1195, good bold Transitional Norman, 
fast floating into the Pointed style. I am happy to say that, in spile 
of the Stocktonians, some other fragments of their 'castle' exist, and, 
further, that from certain remains in my possession I am enabled to 
state that the Norton aisles also exhibited the Transitional volute in 
common with the nave. On one of the piers this volute is presented, 
as you will observe, in a striking and attractive form. The old Saxon 
nave had, probably, no aisles. The new aiTangement occasioned the 
breaking of a small archway from the south aisle into Pity porch and 
a window in the east side of that transept. As the rude Saxon arches 
of the tower would form a curious vista from the handsome nave, they 
were thoroughly altered, and furnished with mouldings corresponding 
with those of the pointed arches in the nave, but were left in their 
circular form. A new font, strongly resembling those of Billingham 
and Stainton, was provided. The remains of it are now in the 
churchyard on the south side of the church. 

The rebuilding of the chancel came next. As the tooth and nail- 
head ornaments found in it occur in north country architecture from 
the first to the last of the Early English style, it is not very easy 
to assign an exact date during the thirteenth century to it. One is 
pleased to find that the builders, intentionally or negligently, left 
indications of the Saxon chancel which was 'narrower than the 
present one. 

The church was now collegiate, for in 1238 archbiehop Gray 
appointed master H. I>evon to a prebend in it which belonged to 
William GantanB, on the presentation of king Henry III., the see of 
Durham being vacant. Judging from the unpleasant effect of the 
restored east end of Eaeicgton church (which also has a robust 
Transitional nave) in such an approximation to the style of Henry 
III.'s time as temp. Victoria can make, I do not think chat we 
need regret the subsequent disappearance of the lancet lights which 
at this time were made the termination of the chancel. The single 
aedile^ is an unusual feature, so unnsual that at one time I had a 

mi^iving that it was a doorway transferred from the ontside during 
the subsequent reparations of the Peipendicular period. Its freedom 
from weathering was opposed to that theory, and all doubt on the 
subject has been removed by the existence of a similar object in the 
Early English style at the 8axon chapel on Dover castle hill. 

Both the nave and the chancel had high pitched roofs, and 
these with some sort of pyramid or spire of wood and lead, which 
doubtless surmounted the old low Sajon tower, must, with the inter- 
section of the high^ walls and low pitched roofs of the venerable 


Saxon transepts, have presented a picturesque effect, hardly equal, 
however, to that of the edifice in its later state. A judgment, of 
course, must not be formed from the high-pitched unbattlemented 
roofe of deal and horizontal rows of Welsh slate, which now disfigure 
tjie country. A really good roof of high, but not too high, pitch, 
when covered with lead having bold vertical ribs, and furnished with 
a pierced parapet or battlement is not an unpleasing object, though 
it is only adapted to towers built in accordance. Speaking generally, 
I must say that Perpendicular towers were admirably designed or 
adapted whether the adjoining roofs were high or low. The architects 
of the Early English period could not, in the infancy of the Pointed 
style, reach perfection. Still, their achievements at Norton were, in 
all likelihood, very good ; and let ns bless them and their snccessors 
of the fifteenth century for leaving us the transept walls with their 
original heights and roofs, however different those heights and roofs 
may have been from the notions of the thirteenth century. 

The arrangement by which the Saxon triangular-headed windows 
opened into the interior of the church would probably be utilized 
in some way for purposes of ritnal. The tradition used to be that 
the rood-loft had been, where the old organ gallery lately was, above 
the tower arch. This certainly was the case at Jarrow, where the early 
Norman arches are very low ; and it is curious to find even the lofty 
church at Darlington provided with a second tier of arches in the 
central tower opening to the interior of the church. 

There are no works at Norton of the Decorated style prevalent in 
the fourteenth century, except a noble effigy, removed from Blakeston 
porch. Mr. Raymond, the curate in whose time it was removed to the 
east end of the church, had heard that it had not always lain under 
the arch leading into Blakeston porch, close to the base of a parclose 
screen where we remember it being, but had been brought from some 
other part of the church. I am inclined to think that this notion 
had arisen from some removal of it in the porch itself, possibly when 
the gallery stairs were erected. Both Hutchinson (1794) and Surtees 
speak of it as somewhere in the porch, and in accordance with its 
position there is the clumsy insertion on the shield of the quartered 
coat which vested in the Blakeston family during the sixteenth century. 
That the effigy, whether originally within the porch or not, was believed 

hj the uncritical Blakeston, who inlierited the quarteringB from bis 

mother Bowee, and eold the estate in 1615, or by the DaviaonB, later 

owners, to have been one of the Blakeetons of Blakeaton, must, I auppoee, 

be accepted. It is rery similar to the effigy in Bedale 

cbmvh, of the great Brian fitz-Alan wbo died in ISOl, 

and it is particulariy interesting trom the circumstance 

that it presents tbe artist's mark, an ^^ 

I and three links or annulets inter- (^OS) 

laced. Ontbebaaeof acontemporaiy 

image found at Hartlepool, probably by the same 

John Chain or John I«ock, are fonr links interlaced. 

There are two original coats of arms behind the canopy, one 

apparently that of John Lythegrenes, a great man in bishop Bek's 

time, and a trustee for him in bis purchase 

of Evenwood, or of Ralph de Langton, of 

Wynyard ; the other that of tbe barons 

Bek, wbo were lords of Redmarshall, or of 

the Falthorps, lords of Orindon, or of the 

Garrows, lords of what is now Beaton 

Garew. The de Parks did not finally part 

with the manor of Blakeston nntil 1349. They were a thriftless lot, 

and might go to the expense of such a fine monument, in which case 

these small shields only refer to allied families ; bat I am more inclined 

to suppose that the effigy is that of some greater person, one very 

intimately connected with the funilj of Bek. 

From whatever canae, whether rot in tbe ends of timbers, or short- 
comings in acoustics or comfort, high-pitched roofs became unfashion- 
able, and mostly disappeared all over. The Early English fabric itself 
of the chancel of Norton also fell into decay. The eight prebendaries 
who had the great tithes, and whose sacramental attire and tassetled 
tippet may be studied at Billingham, and unaacramental vestments 
at West Tanfield, on tbe respective brasses at these places, scandalously 
neglected to uphold this chancel. In 1410 cardinal Langley ordered 
them to repair it, but in vain, or to no permanent parpose, for eighty- 
six years afterwards, in 1496, bishop Fox had to sequester their incomes 
for tbe purpose of rebuilding it,assignii^as a reason that 'the canons, 
prebendaries of the same chnrch, had permitted the chancel of tbe 


said ooll^'ate church, which had been decently and richly constructed 
ibr the praise and worship of Grod, to fall into ruin and desolation, as 
well in the roof, main walls, and windows, as in divers other respects.' 

The extensive Perpendicular alterations in the chancel are evidently 
of that period. Nature, ^slowly true, has lain her colours on' them. 
The work is of a quiet and not undignified character, and it 
harmonizes admirably with the reverend remains alongside. The 
nave also received a flat roof during the Perpendicular period, and the 
tower was heightened by a superstructure of thinner masonry than the 
walls beneath, the surplus thickness of the latter serving as a support 
for the great beams of the bell frames. These alterations most likely 
preceded those of the chancel. The octagonal churchyard cross rising 
from a square base also looked like a Perpendicular shaft. It lay on the 
wall of the churchyard until the recent enlargement of the burial ground. 

These old countrified churches, in their present state, are useful 
studies, and it is difScult to over-estimate their value in creating and 
keeping on foot local veneration and sentiment, such important hand- 
maids to religion. Little remains to be said of later changes in the 
chnrch, and the tale is not the most cheering. 

The sweeping away at the Reformation of the prebends which 
were held by pluralists, which must, one would think firom the treatment 
of the chancel, have been mere sinecures, did not mend matters. In 
1579, soon after the lay rectory commenced, the chancel was again in 
decay, though, judging from present appearances, there can hardly 
have been any decay of main walls or timbers. 

We have, I believe, no pre-Reformation evidences on the Tees, 
such as we have on the Tyne, of the ancient modes of appropriation 
of seats according to good morals. But, after the Reformation, in 
1635, the archdeacon allotted the seats in the church of Norton, and 
the parishioners were to be placed * in decent manner according to 
their ranks d^ees and qualities.' The vicar and churchwardens 
place Mr. Davison of Blakiston ' in the seat next unto the chancel on 
the north side where he useth to sit, and for his servants and tenants 
to sit in the north-porch, which is called by the name of Blaixton- 
porch. As for men servants which cannot read, we appoint them for 
to sit in the south porch, called by the name of Pettie-porch. And as 
for women servants, for to be placed to kneel down in the middle ally, 
near the font.' 


When Hutchinson's third volume was published in 1794, all the 
windows in the nave had become ' flat-topped.* An early lithograph 
' drawn by John Hogg, printed by Hullmandel,' shows them in that 
ugly plight. Its real interest for us is in exhibiting the west side 
of Pity porch with the same archaic characteristics as the other parts 
of the transepts. How we dwell upon the most miserable evidences 
of destroyed portions of the holy and beautiful temples of our Others 
which we, after the destruction, cannot recall ! For their age made 
them beautiful, and their beauty made them holy. They were works 
of men ^cunning' (as our authorised version has it) according to 
dieir lights, and Nature had been 'slowly true' to them, as she is to 

In spite of any compromise in 1635, made during archbishop 
Laud's sway (when the law and the practice of the Church of England 
never as yet resuscitated by Low Church, or High Church, or Broad 
Church, were fading away, and the black gown, insisted upon by Laud, 
was irretrievably accepted in such benefices as would afPbrd one, until, in 
our own time, by a curious poetical retribution, it became the shibboleth 
of his enemies), in spite of any intermediate attempts at 'redistribution 
of seats ' (as politicians say), the inevitable crisis came. Landowners 
were no longer little sovereigns, delighting in the happiness of their 
sub-feudatories. They now affected to treat their native land as 
mere material for speculation. The doctrine that a landowner in 
increasing his income must provide church accommodation for the 
contributors to it, had become an obsolete one. Norton church had 
been built for, and, in the ordinary course of events, by a certain 
number of persons, whose dwellings, each surrounded by the residue 
of its toft, and its pretty croft behind, can only be realized by a 
visit to certain villages in the counties boundering that called 
Durham. Statutes had been enacted, but, in spite of Acts of 
Parliament, both tofts and crofts were sacrificed to the crowding 
of increased population. Some of them, most of them, were built 
upon. The owners, whether of the tofts and crofts, or of the adjacent 
lands which ought to have been parcelled out into more of them, 
had no right to complain if a seat calculated to hold some five people 
would not hold fifty. Their predecessors in title could only have 
subscribed for an edifice adapted for the five. 


The crisis at Norton occurred, or was hindered, in 1823, when the 
following changes in the fabric took place. The aisles were extended 
to a line flush with the ends of the transepts. A medieval architect 
would, under the circumstances, very likely, have taken a similar 
course, or he might have converted one of the aisles into a second nave, 
or given double aisles as in the glorious church of Kendal, or have 
lengthened the nave. But his workmen would have carved the mul- 
lions and the foliation of the windows by their eye, and not by rule 
and compass. And the result would have been irregularities, such as 
we find in the leaves of a tree, and in anything produced by God or 
photographed, and not drawn by man. It is, of coarse, as impossible 
to reproduce medieval work as to produce a MS. which could pass 
for a genuine holograph of Shakespeare, or as it is for us to reproduce 
the handwriting of our ancestors, even of those nearest to ourselves. 
None of us can reproduce that of a father, grandfather, or great 
grandfather. And, in 1828, such reproductions were quite as hope- 
less as they are now. Moreover, the scone used seems to have been 
very ill-adapted to receive Nature's slow colouring. 

In addition to this enlargement, galleries were resorted to, and, 
one way and another, extra accommodation (much more than sufficient 
ten years afterwards, as I most certainly remember) was obtained. 
Some 350 sittings were to be free and unappropriated for ever, 
meaning, I suppose, whether the parish contained 3, 300, 3,000, or 
3,000,000 inhabitants. The rights of the persons for whom the church 
was erected were respected in a way, but they must have been badly 
advised when they accepted the substitution for their ancient usages. 
Pews seem to have been set out with regard to properties, but informj 
I believe, they were set out to persons. The individual might sell his 
house and retain the pew, according to the arrangement. He might 
leave the parish and lock up his pew. And what was the unlucky 
purchaser to do if he wished to go to a church on Sunday ? Well, he 
might go into the iree seats intended for the 3, 300, 3,000, or 
3,000,000 people as of right ; but if he were of the nervous tribe to 
which the same chair in the same place, the same bed in the same 
room, the same room or the same house was of consequence, he would 
be in evil plight. 


At the alteration of 1823 the old font was tamed out, and a new 
basin placed in the sedile. 

Into more recent changes it is hardly worth while entering at 
large. The objectionable substitution for one of bishop Fox's windows 
in the chancel was, I believe, made in 1853. A font (modem) has 
again been placed at the west end of the church. 

As to other ritualistic arrangements, I have been in most of the 
churches of the county, and I think I may safely say that in none of 
them have I observed either rubric or canon observed by High, or 
Low, or Broad Church during any hour, day, or year of my existence. 
I therefore pass over such subjects, having already said elsewhere as 
much upon them as I care to say on such unimportant matters. 

No critical works on Durham churches have been produced, but it 
is singular that illustrations of Norton should be absent from such 
works on Durham as we have, Hutchinson's and Surtees's excepted. 

In conclusion, I would venture to express my utter abhorrence of 
doctrines which would compel us either to investigate and conserve 
titles derived from the Ancient Britons, or to resort to modern com- 
munism as we now see it ecclesiastically exemplified in its worst 
phase. Surely there must be some honest man in this England, if we 
would but make up our mind to revert to it. * The glory of children 
are their fathers,' but, * Boast not the virtues of your ancestors; they 
are their possessions, none of pours.' Ancient rights, institutions, and 
memorials must be conserved until they have lost all their use. It 
will be very long indeed before a gray church has lost its use. 

The above paper must have been written some years ago, but I 
need only add a postscript. As to the supposed piscina found, I can 
offer no opinion, not having seen it, or a photograph of it. There is 
one interesting circumstance which must not be overlooked. Built 
into the east side of the south porch you will observe the remnant of a 
female efSgy, wanting the head, in very low relief, discovered during 
the alteration of the church in 1875-6. It is remarkable that like as 
the male efSgy is almost identical with that of Brian Fitz-Alan, so 
this female effigy at Norton is almost identical with that of Lady 
Fitz-Alan at Bedale, as if the widows had some favourite sculptor as 
their spouses had had. 


It will have been observed Chat even in SazoQ timee Norton was 
nnderstood to be the town north of some other tun. The importanoe 
of Stockton as a tidal outlet mnst have been perceived at an early 
period, and yet I am by no means certain that it was the South-town 
or Sntton allnded to. Its chape) of St. Thomas has a late dedication, 
and there is a remarkable hitch in the centre of Norton, as if two vills 
had met and, in their respective progresses, one southward, the other 
northward, had intention^y or clamBily preserved a sort of bound. 
At the sign of the ' Highland Lad' (whoever he might be) the western 
side of the village retreats and the eastern one oomes forward. 

The woodcnta used in illustrating this paper ha?e been kindly lent by the 
Boyal Archaeological Institate. They appeared or^nally in the Areh. Journal, 
There was a beaatifal little Perpendicalar bees of wood in the Tower, but it has 
disappeared daring the divers troubles of this charcb. 

OawH. OoLnm's Pakh, Hobton, 



By W. H. D. Lon(>staffe, Vice-President. 

[Read on the 30th October, 1889.] 

Many years ago I ventared to place in the Archaeologia Aeliana 
(vol. iv. [n.s.] p. 11) a paper entitled *The Hereditary Sacerdotage 
of Hexham.' It was confessedly of a very local nature, and may well 
be supplemented. 

So far as the north is concerned, I may draw more prominent 
attention than I did at the time to chapter 45 of Symeon's History 
of the Church of Durham, The subject is a married priest with a 
church not far from Durham, to which a large assembly came early in 
the morning to hold some law pleadings, prior to which they wished 
mass to be said. According to custom the priest put a portion of the 
Lord's Body into the chalice, and it and the wine were sorely changed. 
I need not enter into details. The story is pre-Gonquestal, and was 
vouched by the presbyter and his son. 

What has brought the subject again before me is the fifty-sixth 
volume of the publications of the Surtees Society, Archbishop Oray*8 
Register, edited by canon Raine, in which is seen how hardly clerical 
matrimony expired in Yorkshire. I shall pick out the items presently, 
but before doing so would, as to this subject generally, refer to the 
Church History of Lamb's * dear, fine, silly old angel ' Fuller. His 
book III. cent. xii. gives a most graphic account of the opposition 
both in the north and the south to Anselm's Constitutions. It is 
with the north that we have to do at present. Plain it is, however, 
St. Peter's example, rather than that of St. Paul, was rife over the 
kingdom, and was not confined to the lands connected with lona. 

In reverting to the subject of hereditary sacerdotage, I may quote 
from Raine secundus in his preface to Archbishop Ora\fs Register: — 
' Clerical celibacy in the North seems to have been the exception for a 
long while afi;er the Norman Conquest. This may be traced in many 
ways. Aldune, bishop of Durham, had a daughter, Ec^ida, who 
actually received as a dowry three of the manors belonging to the see. 
Ranulf Flambard, another bishop of the same diocese, had a son 
bearing his name who became archdeacon of Durham. Geoffrey 


Bafog, his saccessor, had a daughter. A fourth, Hugh de Pniset, had 
a wife, Adeh'za de Percy. And so it was at York. Thomas, the 
second Norman archbishop, nephew of Thomas the first, was a son of 
Sampson, who became bishop of Worcester. Thurstan was a son of a 
prebendary of St. Paul's ; and there is a person towards the end of the 
12th century who witnesses several charters as Willelmus filim Archi- 
episcapi, who probably had archbishop Roger for his sire. With such 
examples among the rulers of the church, we may expect to find a 
similar laxity, to say the least, among the clergy beneath them. The 
old canons of Durham, who were displaced by William of St. Carileph, 
were all married men, as Symeon affirms. So were the reformed 
canons of York. In a remarkable letter which Gerard of York wrote 
to his brother archbishop, Anselm of Canterbury, he complains bitterly 
of the officers of ihis cathedral because they would not give up their 
wives. This is printed in a very rare volume of letters on clerical 
celibacy, published at London in 1569.' 

Now the York evideuce is this. As late as 1221, more than a 
century after the time of Anselm, pope Honorias III. wrote to arch- 
bishop Gray desiring him to remove far from their livings the married 
clergy and all who had succeeded their others in their churches. 
Similar letters were sent in 1222 to the bishops of Lincoln and 
Worcester. Gray's Register for the exact period is lost. We find, 
in 1225, one rector escaping by stating that his &ther was farmer 
of the church and not rector. In 1227 we have a son deposed, but 
the tithes of a chapelry in the parish given to him for his support 
during his life, to which in 1229 the tithes of two places seem to have 
been added, unless they were covered by the former grant. The suc- 
cessor himself was a removed rector. In 1 226, on the representation of a 
clergyman that his father's marriage was a lawful one, the pope suspended 
his ejectment until another suitable living was provided for him. This 
was accomplished in 1228, but it was not until 1229 that his old 
living was filled up, and then the words 'salva pensione' are added. 
Raine remarks that there seems to have been a doubt as to the validity 
of title of the new incumbents of such livings. The inheritance, be it 
remarked, rather than the validity of marriages, seems to have becfn 
principally aimed at. With regard to validity, the marriage of Hugh 
Poiset, better known as bishop Pudsey, with Adelidis de Perci, oon- 


ferred on their son Henry the caput baroniae in Normandy^ Perd 
itself. It may be that Hagh^ as treasurer of York, was not necessarily 
a priest in his earlier days. Called nephew and cousin by kings of 
England, his marriage with even a Percy was not nncomplimentary to 
the lady. Another instance of a stranger being admitted and the son 
opposing occurs, and here again certain tithes were settled as provision. 

Upon the whole it would appear that, while the system of inherit- 
ance was doomed, the change was carried out with some tenderness on 
the part of both pope and archbishop. The entries are certainly of an 
extraordinarily late date. Fuller brings the stifPhess of the Norfolk 
priests down to the time of bishop Herbert Losinga, who died in 
1119, observing that he ^ needed not to be so fierce and furious against 
them, if remembring his own extraction, being the son of an abbot. 
These married priests traversed their cause with Scripture and Reason, 
and desired but justice to be done unto them. But Justice made 
more use of her sword then of her ballance in this case, not weighing 
their arguments, but peremptorily and powerfully enjoyning them to 
forgo their wives, notwithstanding that there were in England, at this 
time, many married priests, signal for sanctity and abilities. Amongst 
the many eminent married priests, flourishing for learning and piety, 
one Ealphegus was now living, or but newly dead. His residence was 
at Plymouth in Devonshire. Mr. Oambden saith he was enuUtus et 
conjugatuSy but the word cmjugatus is by the Index Expurgatorius 
commanded to be deleted. — Bishops, archbishops, and cardinal, all of 
them almost tired out with the stubbornness of the recusant dergie ; 
the King at last took his turn to reduce them. William Corbel, 
Archbishop of Canterbury, [who died in 1136] willingly resigned the 
work into the King's hand, hoping he would use some exemplary 
severity against them ; but all ended in a money matter ; the King 
taking a fine of married priests . . who bought that which was their 
own before.' Fuller's marginal date, 1126, seems to be probable, and 
thus between this turmoil in the time of Henry I. and that during 
Gray's prelacy in the reign of Henry III. a inll century elapsed, a 
troublous one, during which it would seem that the old parsons had 

Not being at all versed in patristic lore, I am unable to opine 
when the non-matrimonial notion obtruded itself into church discip- 


line. Doctrine it conld not afTect. In Sir Harris Nicolas's very 
asefnl Chronological List of Councils, we gather that in a.d. 889 the 
children of Marcellns, bishop of Apamea, were forbidden to revenge 
his death. This was at a conncil at Antioch, where the disciples had 
first been called Christians. Three councils, held in 485, 495, and 
499 were in favour of the marriage of priests and monks. It must, 
however, be observed that the first of these councils was held at 
Seleucia, in Persia, and that a second council was held there in the 
same year 485, wherein the decision of the previous council was con- 
demned. But Seleucia was represented in the confirming council of 
495, and that of 499 was of Persia. Of the doings in a great number 
of other councils I am ignorant. They dealt with discipline and 
marriages generally. Of the real Christianization of England we know 
little. Oolman from lona, as to the Easter question, quoted St. John 
the Evangelist in vain against St. Peter, whose keys the Northumbrian 
king was afraid to iace. 




Communicated to the Society by Henry Barnes, M.D., F.R.S.E., 
of Carlisle, through R. S. Ferguson, F.S.A., Chancellor of 
Carlisle, on the 18th December, 1889. 

The subject of the local prevalence of the plague is one of great 
interest. In the course of an investigation into the local visitations 
of the disease in Cumberland and Westmorland I have found some 
original notices of orders emanating from the justices assembled in 
Quarter Sessions for the county of Durham, which, I think, may be 
acceptable to your society. By 1® Jac. I., c. 31 {vide Statutes of the 
Realniy vol. iv., p. 1060), entitled 'An Acte for the charitable 
Reliefe and orderinge of psons infected with the Plague/ powers were 
given to mayors and justices of the peace not merely to assess the 
inhabitants for the relief of infected persons, but infected persons were 
compelled by force to keep within their houses, and any one who 
' shall contrarie to such Gomandment wilfuUie and contemptuously 
goe abroade, and shall converse in oompanie, havinge any infectious 
sore upon hym uncured, that then such person and persons shalbe 
taken deemed and adjudged as a Felon, and to suffer Paines of Death 
as in case of Felonie.' Powers were also given by the said Act to 
appoint searchers, watchmen, examiners, keepers and buriers. in 
Quarter Seeeions from Queen Elizabeth to Queen AnnOy by A. H. A. 
Hamilton, published in 1878, some references will be found to orders 
made at Quarter Sessions by the justices. At p. 90 it is stated * If 
the country was tolerably free from the scourge of war during the 
reign of James I. it was by no means exempt from pestilence and 
&mine. Many applications were made on account of towns and 
villages. At the beginning of the reign there was an outbreak in 
Exeter and various parts of the country. In 1624-5 there was a 
terrible outbreak at Exeter, and the city was left almost destitute of 
inhabitants. The county justices held*their sessions at Crediton, 


and ordered that any persons who went into Exeter or any other in- 
fected place, or into the company of any person coming from such places, 
shonid be shut np in their houses for the space of one month.' At 
p. 106 it is reported that plague was prevalent at Plymouth and 
other towns in Devonshire ; strict watches were appointed at the 
entrance of towns and on bridges, power being given to guards to 
shoot infected persons, if they intruded themselves into any company. 
Any one entertaining infected persons, their houses were to be shut 
up forthwith. In the Dean and Chapter library at Carlisle there is a 
volume of pamphlets (Tracts, vol. viii., s. ii., 22) containing much 
interesting information bearing upon the difiusion of the plague. 
Bound up with the pamphlets are a number of proclamations and 
orders, and at the end of the volume are three sheets containing 
orders of Quarter Sessions at Durham. The Chapter have kindly 
allowed me to copy them and make any use of them I think fit. The 
notices are numbered 7> 8, and 9, but I think these numbers are 
merely instructions to the binder, as antecedent numbers are attached 
to sheets of printed proclamations and orders bound np in the same 
volume. I have numbered the notices 1, 2, and 8 in the order in 
which they have been placed in the book. The other orders and 
proclamations have no local reference. The title page of one of 
the pamphlets (No. 5) has a written note upon it which seems to 
mean that the tract had been prepared for Dr. Thomas Smyth. The 
title of the tract is A Brief TreatisB of the Nature^ GauseSy Signes, 
Preservation from^ and Cure of the Peetilence. Collected by W. Kemp, 
Mr. of Arts. After the author's name is written * For Dr. Thomas 
Smyth.' Bishop Smith was one of the founders of the Dean and 
Chapter Library at Carlisle. He was a prebend in Durham Cathedral 
at the date mentioned in the notices. The signatures on the second 
and third of the series of papers appear to be original signatures. I 
am indebted to chancellor Ferguson, F.S.A., of Carlisle, for identi- 
fying some of the names of those who sign the papers. He informs 
me that John Sudbury was dean of Durham ; Isaac Basire, archdeacon 
of Northumberland; Denis Granville, archdeacon of Durham, afterwards 
dean ; and Joseph Naylor was canon of the second stall at Durham 
(see Willis's Diocese of Durham and Diocese of Durham in S.P.C.K. 
series, p. 281 and 285). All the justices except the mayor appear 


to have been ecclesiastics. The orders and regulations are such as 
appear to be contemplated by the Act quoted at the beginning of the 
paper, and I hope may be of interest to the members of the Society. 

(No. 1.) 

In plena Sessione pacis tent' apud Danelm* p. com' Dunelm' duodecimo die 
Julii Anno R. R. Carol! s'odi nunc Angl* kc xvij<* 
fforasmuch as this Go't doth take notice of je g^reat increase of je plagae in 
& about ye Gitty of London & Suburbs thereof & y* approaching thereof 
in seT'all places nigh this County ye Infeccon whereof if not timely & 
carefully pVented may be of dangerous consequence to sev'all places in the 
County Therefore yt all due k Circumspect care may be used for ye Avoiding 
of ye same The Ut Wo'" his Ma^~ Justices att this gen'all Q'tr Sessions of ye 
peace assembled doe thinke fitt k soe ord' yt all 3c ev'y p'son k p'sons in ye 
sey'all port townes k other townes k places in this County doe punctually k 
carefully observe ye ord's hereund' menconed 

flSrst That noe Shipp from London or Yarmouth yt shall come to any port 
towne w^in this County be suffered to Land men or goods out of their 
Shipps nor any p'sons p'mitted to goe aboard such Vessell, till ye 
Quarentine be p'formed. 
2^^y That such Shipps as shall come to any port haven or other place w^in 
this County to receive Coales may have ye Coales cast unto them by ye 
Eeelmen from ye Keeles not suffering either p'son or goods to passe out 
of ye said Shippes. 
3^ That ye Burg's of such townes be ord'ed to set sufficient watches of 

able men to see ye same duely putt in execucon both day k night 
i*^ That Watches be alsoe appointed att Stockton, Yarum, Darlington, 
Bheriebriggs (7 Pierse bridge), Bem'dcastle, & Neesham carefully to p'vent 
any trauellers from London to be lodged or i*eceived into any ye sd places 
5t^i7 That if any p'sons trauelling from either of ye sd places doe either 
forcibly or by stealth come into any ye places abovemenconed or any 
other p't of ye County yt ye watches doe secure them in safe hold k give 
notice thereof to ye next Justice of Peace to receive ord's how to dispose 
of them, 
gthiy That all Keep's of Inues or Alehouses doe give notice for ye next watch 
appointed for this Service of what Trauellers or Strangers come to any of 
their houses to examine them from whence they come, 
jthiy 'p}]^^ If Qi^y jQ ^[fi places cannot maintain a constant watch early k late 
yt ord' be taken for ye p'ts adjacent to contribute their assistance for 
gen'all p'servacon 
gthiy 1*1^^ ^qqIj Justice of Peace residing neare any of ye said places doe take 

p'ticular care yt these ord's be duely observed 
And all k eu'^y p'son & p'sons are hereby required to see yt these ord's be 
observed upon paine & penalty to be inflicted upon them by Law. 


(No. 2.) 
Danelm* Whereas wee have received c'talne informacon that the towne of 
Sunderland by the Sea in this coantie is dangerously infected with the 
Plague and that divers p'sons Inhabitants there doe come from thence to 
the towne of & other places within this Countie and that 

severall p*8ons of the said towne and other places adjacent doe goe to 
Sunderland aforesaid to the great hazard of the further spreadinge of the 
said Infeccon for the due and tymely p'vencon whereof we his Ma**** 
Justices of the peace within the Countie aforesaid whose names are 
hereunder written do hereby in his Ma^** name straitely charge and 
require all and every the householders and Inhabitants whomesoever 
within the said town'^P of & p'cincts thereof by themselves or 

other able men in their steads (well armed) doe in their courses keepe and 
hold sufficient Watch and Ward by day and night with such competent 
number of men as or any two or 

more of them shall from tyme to tyme approve of, order or direct The 
said Watch and Ward to be soe kept in all publiq' passages and places 
convenient within the said p*cinct8, And that the p'son and p*sons soe 
from tyme to tyme appointed to keepe such Watch shall not depart off the 
said service or dutye till hee and they be releived by others appointed for 
that purpose And that all p'sons conc'ned doe observe such rules and 
direccons as are herewith sent or shall at any tyme hereafter be directed 
by any two of his Ma"** Justices within this Countie And wee doe hereby 
further require all Constables and other his Ma"** officers whatsoever that 
they Sl every of them doe from tyme to tyme see to the due and strict 
observance of this warrant & all other the ord'^B and direccons aforesaid 
and this shall be their, sufficient warrant in that behalte wherein they 
may not fayle upon the utmost paynes and pMlls that may be inflicted 
upon them by Law Given at Durham under o' hands and scales the 
xvii"* day of July Anno B. R. Caroli nunc Anglie etc s'odi decimo 
septimo 1666 Jo. Sudbuby 

To all Sl every Constables Job : Naylob 

& other his Ma"*^ Isaac Babibe 

officers k ministers Denis Gbenvile 

k, others whome it may concerne Jon. Stokeld Maior 

(No. 3.) 
Obdebb and Instruccons to be observed for the keeping of due watch and 
ward within and about the city of Durham as also in Klvet Crosgate 
Fframwelgate the two Balyes and Gilligate 
First That noe person whatsoever Inhabiting or comeing from the towne of 
Sunderland or other places suspected to be infected with the Plague be 
permitted to come into the Citie Suburburbs (sic) or other places above- 


2^^ That if anj person shall adventure to goe from the said Citie suburbs or 
other places aforesaid to the said towne of Sunderland such person shall 
not be admitted to retome backe to any of the said places And if hee doe 
retome backe his house to be shut upp. 

3^ That the said watchmen doe examine all strangers comeing from anj 
place to the said Citie and suburbs to hinder them from entering in to 
the same unles they bring sufficient Testimonial! from whence they come 
And that the place be free from Infeection. 

4tbij That the said Watch doe take care that noe sturdy or wandring begger 
be admitted to come in to the said Citie & suburbs but be wholly kept 
out from soe doing And if any wandring begger be now in any of the 
said places that the said watch with the assistance of the Constables there 
cause such beggers forthwith to depart from thence to repare to the places 
of their last settlement or otherwise to be punished according to law. 

5tiiij That noe Inkeeper Alehousekeeper or Victualler doe receive into their 
houses any traneller whatsoever unles such Inkeeper Alehousekeeper or 
Victualler shall be admitted so to doe by one of his Ma^^ Justices for this 

Gihijr i}^t all the Inhabitants keepe their severall dwellinghouses stables and 
all other places about there dwellinghouses clean and sweet and their 
fronts swept and cleansed from all filth and other noysom rubbish & 
Bxcreements And the Constables to enter into the severall houses and 
places to see this performed. 

7**^ That the Maior for the Citie of Durham take care for to see the bridges 
and streets within the said City cleansed and that noe Butchers be suffered 
to kill any meat in the streete or in there shopps but upon their backsides 
and that noe Tallow Chanlers doe rend or melt any tallow in any place 
within the said Citie 

gtuy That ye ffreehold's and other able men of every towne doe take care yt 
some two off them doe goe about ev'y night in ye night time to see yt 
watch be duely kept And where they find any default to make complt 
thereof to ye next Justice of Peace to ye end ye offender may be punished 

9i»«iy That the Constables of every p^ish towne doe send to eV^y towneshipp 
w***in ye p*ish a copy of these ord's as alsoe a coppy of ye want hereunto 

Jo. Sttdbitbt 
Jos: Naylob 
Isaac Basibe 
Denis Gbenvilb 



By D. D. Dixon. 

[Bead on the 27th November, 1889.] 

Thb valley of Upper Coquetdale, Northumberland, is remarkably rich 
in pre-historic remains. Traces of its early occapants are seen in the 
camps and earthworks, the hut circles and burial mounds, which are 
found thickly scattered over the wide stretches of moorland, and 
capping the ridges of the hills on both sides of the river Coquet, 
between Bothbury and Alwinton. These remains have not been 
passed by unnoticed. Some years ago they attracted the attention 
of one of our members, canon Oreenwell, an eminent authority on 
the subject, who then made a series of successful excavations in the 
parishes of Alwinton and Bothbury, all of which are duly recorded.^ 
During the early part of June, 1889y a workman employed on lord 
Armstrong's estate at Great Tosson brought to me a package care- 
fully wrapped up in his red pocket handkerchief; on opening out the 
package I was agreeably surprised to find that it contained fragments 
of a British cinerary urn, which had been discovered on the hill that 
afternoon whilst he and his companion were trenching the ground 
for the purpose of planting trees. He infoimed me that on attempting 
to dig into a mound they came upon a large slab of the local freestone, 
and having — like most countrymen — an idea there was something 
valuable or wonderful to be found underneath they proceeded to 
dig a trench right through ihe centre of the mound, when un- 
fortunately the spade of one of them struck the urn and broke it. 
However, they had ihe good sense to know that their discoveiy was 
of some interest, so carefully gathering up the broken urn and its 
scattered contents they brought it to me. I inmiediately sent the 
fragments to lord Armstrong with an account of how and where they 
had been found, at the same time asking his lordship's permission to 
instruct the workmen to be somewhat careful when excavating any 
more of the numerous mounds with which that part of the hill where 

' BritUh Barrows, Green well and Rolleston, pp. 91, 422, 428, 476, 477. 


they were then working is thickly stadded. Lord Armstrong at onoe 
took a kindly interest in the matter, and on Whit Tuesday — accom- 
panied by his agent, Mr. W. Bertram, and myself — proceeded to 
Simonside, and marked several moands which were thought likely 
to contain burials. At the same time his lordship placed at our 
disposal a gang of intelligent workmen, whose interest in the pro- 
ceedings well fitted them for the work, and in whose watchfulness 
and care in dealing with the contents of the various mounds we 
had the greatest confidence. 

Most of the burials were found on the * Spital hill,* whose relative 
position to the British camp on the adjacent hill, * Tosson burgh,* is 
inlly explained by Mr. Hedley.* Therefore I shall only endeavour 
to describe the sites of the bunals, their character and contents, 
and the circumstances attending their excavation. The * Spital hill * 
is one of the northern outliers of the Simonside range, about two 
miles south-west from Bothbury, and rises to the south of Great 
']>)6Son in three distinct shoulders or ridges, the summit of each 
ridge being a level plateau of some acres in extent, heather-clad, 
like the whole of the Eyloe range of hills, and bestrewn with slabs 
and boulders of rough sandstone, a formation known amongst geologists 
as ' Simonside grits.' The lower ridge is between the 700 and 800 feet 
contour lines on the Ordnance map, the second lidge between the 800 
and 900, while the third or highest is between the 900 and 1,000 
feet lines. On the summit stands a large and conspicuous pile of 
stones commonly known as ' Willie's cairn.' About a mile south- 
wards from this cairn are the rugged peaks of Simonside proper, 
rising some 1,400 feet above the level of the sea, a well known 
landmark throughout the whole county of Northumberland. 

No. 1.— Burial aftbr Crbmation. 
This — ^the accidental discovery of the burial already referred to — 
occurred on the second ridge or plateau between the 800 and 900 
contour lines. The cairn containing the burial was 20 feet in 
diameter, 3 feet high, formed of earth and stones overgrown with 
heather, and devoid of any particular method in the arrangement of 
the stones, several of which were very large. At or near the centre, 

• * Notes on Burj?h Hill Camp/ by Mr. R. C. Hedley, a paper read at the 
meeting of the Society on the 27th November, 188)^, for which seepoit. 


in a cavity, not a properly stone-lined cist, a little below the natural 
surface of the ground, a small cinerary urn was discovered standing 
upright, protected by a circle of stones set on edge around it, with a 
larger slab placed on the top. A considerable quantity of calcined 
stones and charcoal were also found in the cairn on the same level as 
the interment. The urn contained burnt bones, but it was unfor- 
tunately so much broken by the spade of one of the workmen that it 
was scarcely possible to piece the fragments together. There was 
only one burial in this cairn. 

No. 2. — Burial by Inhumation. 

About 200 yards west of burial No. 1, on the north-western verge 
of the same ridge, there is a large cairn or mound of an irregular 
form, composed of an admixture of earth and stones. On its south- 
western margin, at a depth of 8 feet from the surface of the mound, 
the excavators struck upon a large slab of freestone, measuring 
4 feet 8 inches by 1 foot 10 inches. Beneath this slab was found 
a perfect and well-shaped cist or stone-lined grave, which lay nearly 
due E. and W., and was formed of four clean level side stones. In 
length, the south side measured 8 feet 4 inches, and the north side 
8 feet 2 inches ; in width, 1 foot 10 inches at the west end, aiad 
2 feet 1 inch at the east end, and was 20 inches deep. The cist was 
dear of any intrusive sand or soil, and on a level bed of the native 
peat earth lay the remains of a body on its left side, the head in the 
north-west comer of the cist. After removing the skeleton, the soil 
forming the floor of the grave was taken carefully out and put through 
a sieve, but neither flint, sherd, nor any other relic was found associated 
with this burial. We did not disturb this mound further, but it has 
every appearance of containing more burials. 

The following description of the remains found in this cist has 
been kindly furnished me by Dr. Barrow of Rothbury : — 

The remains consist of the right half of skull with portion of the 
left side ; entire articulation of both sides at base ; a hole at the 
side of skull, perhaps due to a- blow on the head, which may have 
been the cause of death. Piece of right upper jaw containing 
five teeth, viz.: — three molars and two bi-cuspids, also a portion 
of left lower jaw containing one molar tooth ; teeth all in good 

VOL. XV. ^ 


state of preservation. Bight collar bone, portion of right scapula 
or shoulder blade, upper half of right humerus, lower portion of 
left humerus. Nine vertebrae, more or less entire. Four pieces of 
ribs, top and bottom ribs almost entire. Pelvis nearly entire, in 
three pieces, viz., main pait of sacrum, entire left pelvic bone, and 
large part of right pelvic bone. Entire right femur, 16 inches long. 
Bight tibia or shin bone, 13^ inches long. Portion of left femur and 
left tibia, also portions of shafts of small bones of legs and arms. 
The remains are those of a male adult, probably between 25 and 40 
years of age, about 5 feet 2 inches or 5 feet 4 inches in height.' 

The skull is distinctly brachy-cephalic or round-headed, belonging 
to a race who are generally supposed to have supplanted the older 
dolieho-cephalic or long-headed race of people in Britain.^ 

No. 8. — Probable Burial by Inhumation. 

On the first or lower ridge, between the 700 and 800 feet contour 
lines, 300 yards south-west from burial No. 2, beneath a mound of 
small dimensions, a cist was found of an irregular shape formed of 
five slabs of very unequal sizes. The cist lay N.N.E. and S.W. by 
W., measured 3 feet 6 inches extreme length, 20 inches in width, and 
18 inches deep. Nothing whatever was found in this cist, probably 
it had contained a burial by inhumation, but owing to its defective 
architecture, if I may so term it, allowing the free admission of air, 
the body deposited therein would quickly moulder away. There was 
only one burial in this mound. 

No. 4. — Burial by Inhumation. 

This cist, the smallest of the series, being only 15 inches square 
and 18 inches deep, was found beneath a scarcely perceptible mound 
of earth and stones, situated about 100 yards N.E. from the circular 
enclosures known as the *Aad Stells,' called in the 'order of the 
marches made by Lord Wharton, in 1549 ' * the Stell-ende.' The 
cist contained only a small fragment of bone, but quite sufficient to 
prove that a burial had taken place. This mound contained only one 

• As regards the aj?e of these mounds, see Canon Greenweirs remarks, Pro- 
recdingg iv. p. 178. 


No. 5. — Burials after Creication. 

In a moimd situated on the north-eastern border of the upper 
ridge, between the 900 and 1,000 feet contour lines, were found 
the fragments of two small urns, probably of the food vessel type, 
accompanying a deposit of charcoal and bones. The mus were 
unfortunately so much decayed that they went to pieces immediately 
on being handled. Neither cists nor cinerary urn were found in this 

No. 6. — Burial by Inhumation. 

About 100 yards west of burial No. 5, on the same ridge, and 
about 200 yards east from ' Willie's Cairn,' underneath a mound of 
earth and stones, a cist of unusual shape was discovered^ empty. The 
peculiarity of its form, as well as an uncommon arrangement of seven 
thin slabs of stone, each 2^ inches thick, placed along the edges, and 
across the comers of the cist below the cover^ as if to give the cover 
a perfectly level bed, is worthy of attention. The direction of the 
cist is N.W. and S.E. The space available lengthwise to contain the 
body of a person would be about 8 feet 6 inches, although the full 
length from the extreme point to the base is 4 feet 4 inches. The 
width at the base is 20} inches, and the depth 17 inches. The 
slab cover measured 3 feet 9 inches by 2 feet 8 inches, and 3 
inches thick. 

No. 7. — Burials after Cremation and by Inhumation. 

About 120 yards south from * Willie's Oaim,' between the 900 and 
1,000 feet contour lines, a larger cairn than any of the preceding was 
opened. It was composed of stone and a small admixture of earth, 
measured 26 feet in diameter, about 6 feet in height, and contained 
three burials, viz., two cists and a cinerary urn, besides two 
smaller urns. The central cist, which doubtless contained the pri- 
mary burial, lay E. and W., was 3 feet long and 2 feet deep beneath 
the natural surface of the ground, rudely lined with stones, and had 
three covering slabs, but contained no burial remains ; but in the 
second cist, which was 5 feet S.S.W. from the central one, having a 
direction S.W. and N.E., and measuring 3 feet 3 inches long, 20 inches 
wide, 19 inches deep, with two covering slabs^ there was found a large 


deposit of calcined bones and ashes, evidently tbe remains of several 
burnt bodies in a fragmentary condition, placed in the cist after cre- 
mation. Judging from the reddened appearance of the closely 
snrrounding stones and soil, it is probable that the bodies were burnt 
on the site of the burial. There were no flints nor implements of any 
kind found amongst the contents ot this cist. In the same cairn, at 
a distance of 4 feet east of the central cist, the cinerary urn (plate III.) 
was found standing on the natural surface of the ground, placed in an 
inverted position on a flat stone yet in situ. This stone showed no 
traces of having been through fire ; therefore in this case the body or 
bodies had not been burnt on the place of interment, but the contents 
of the urn showed that the funeral pyre had been on a spot not far off, 
the bones and ashes within the urn being mixed with the native peat 
soil and pieces of local sandstone. Eighteen inches south of this 
cinerary urn a smaller urn was found, and about 3 feet S.E. of the 
central cist a second was found. Both were standing upright, and 
on the same level as the larger one, and both were evidently of the 
ordinary food vessel type. One only has been preserved (plate IV., 
fig. 1), which measures 5^ inches high, 5 inches diameter at top, and 5^ 
inches diameter at widest part. It exhibits no attempt at ornamenta- 
tion, but has had two handles on the rim ; portion of one handle, or ear, 
yet remains. A few weeks after its exhumation, the cinerary urn (plate 
III.) was emptied of its contents in the presence of lord Armstrong and 
party at Cragside, when a flint implement, which may be a knife, was 
found near the top. The flint is 3 inches long and 1^ inches wide. One 
side is very neatly flaked ; the other side is flat, just as the piece has 
been split off the block or core. Further down, near th^ centre of 
the urn, which was quite full of burnt bones, pieces of sandstone and ^ 
peat soil, were found several sherds of pottery, probably of another 
urn, all of which had apparently been gathered up in a promiscuous 
manner and thrust into the urn. The urn bears the usual character- 
istic scorings of the British sepulchral urn. The overhanging rim, 
2^ inches deep, is ornamented with alternate series of vertical and 
horizontal lines ; below the rim, for a space of 3 inches, the urn 
is covered with a zigzag pattern. It is generally thought that these 
ornamentations have been done with a twisted tliong, and the spiral 
marks in each line have every appearance of such a process. A 

'KCfl.lEOLOal.l .IliLI.IN.I. fOI. Xr. Taftir 

Ar:'';ir.HT Britis[i Ub.[i from S(MOiJciDE Hjlls, Rotiibury 

<i. III.' MiiM'iiiii iif Il»' SiK'ii'li, llii- Kilt i,r l^rit All ■■!:?.. 


notched stick has also been, a theory advanced by others, which, too, 
seems feasible. The more scanty ornamentation of the lower portion 
of the nm has probably been done with a pointed piece of wood or 
bone. It is quite evident that oar British ancestors had regard to the 
due proportions and graceful outline of their cinerary urns. Canon 
Oreenwelly at pages 66 and 67 of his British Barrows^ respecting the 
size of sepulchrd urns, says : — ' The cinerary urns, those vessels 
which contain a deposit of burnt bones, are of different sizes, and 
vary to some extent in shape. They range in height from 5 or 6 
inches to about 3 feet, the breadth at the widest part being usually 
about the same as the height.' This urn, as well as the smaller one, 
is quite in accordance with that rule. It measures exactly 12 inches 
in diameter at the widest part, and its height when first removed from 
its original position in the cairn was 12 inches; diameter at the top, 
9^ inches. 


At the bottom of a slope, 15 yards on the right hand side of an 
old hill road leading out of Coquetdale by way of Chesterhope, 
and the ' neck of Simonside,' thence over the fells into Redewater, 
between the 900 feet and 1,000 feet contour lines, two-thirds of a 
mile S.W. of a large rock called ^ Little Church,' there is a stone cairn 
of goodly dimensions. On the north side of the cairn stands a large 
block of freestone, as if to mark the spot more surely. Beneath the 
centre of the cairn a cist was discovered, 3 feet long, 19 inches wide, 
and 18 inches deep, having a direction S.E. and N.W., nothing was 
found in this cist, but at a distance of 12 feet S.W. from this central cist, 
almost on the margin of the cairn, a small rudely formed chamber 
18 inches square was discovered which contained portion of a skull, 
and a few fragments of bone which bear clear traces of cremation. 

No. 9. — Cairn on Eavenshbugh. 

On the summit of a ridge on Ravensheugh, one of the loftiest of 
the Simonside range, at an elevation of about 1,300 feet stands a huge 
cairn of stones, 53 feet by 40 feet in diameter, situated near the edge 
of the hill 269 yards N.E. from a large stone called * The Main Stone,' 
and about one mile N.E. from a spot known as * The Jabel Trews.' 
This cairn which forms quite a little hump in the outline of the hill, 


easi] J seen firom any part of the highway between Bothbury and 
Hepple, was thought to contain a burial, therefore Mr. W. Bertram, 
the Rev. Brice Smith of Bothbury, and myself, with a gang of four 
workmen, cUmbed the hill one hot afternoon in August last, when 
after three hours' hard digging we found the cairn fruitless. 

No. 10. — Pbobable Burial by Ikhumation. 

Having been informed by Mr. Geo. Tumbull, the farmer at Great 
Tosson, that there was a very large cairn on the northern slopes of 
Bavensheugh, just below 'Kate and Geordy^ (two standing stones 
known by these names), we, under his guidance, proceeded to the spot, 
where we found the cairn, an enormous pile of stones, in a recess in 
the hillside (at an elevation of about 1,000 feet), situated on a knoll 
or projecting ridge, having a steep declivity in iront and at the east 
side, with the hill rising behind and on the west side. The cairn 
measured 27 feet from E. to W., and 80 feet from N. to S. The four 
men, after digging at this cairn for a day and a half, when at a depth 
of 10 feet from the surface or apex of the mound, came upon a very 
rudely built cist formed of four rough slabs of freestone, and a cover 
of irregular shape and colossal proportions. The cist was lying N.W. 
by S.E., and was found in the S.E. quarter o^ the cairn, but the super- 
incumbent weight of stones had completely thrust the side stones 
forming the cist, which were standing on the natural surface of the 
ground, out of their original position. The cist was entirely filled up 
with sand and bracken roots, which Mr. Hedley and myself removed 
most carefully and examined most minutely, but found nothing. 
The base of the cairn consisted of a number of large rock boulders, 
such as would be readily found on the hillside close at hand. 
These were placed in a somewhat systematic manner around the 
base, and formed the first layer or foundation. Near to the centre 
of the cairn a pit-marked stone was found (plate lY., fig. 2). My 
own opinion is that the hollow markings on this stone are distinctly 
artificial (although there was a difference of opinion amongst the 
excavators on that point). They are very similar to the markings 
on the rocks at Lordenshaw's camp, two miles distant. On the 
possible meaning of such stones found in burial cairns and barrows, 
I shall again quote canon Greenwell, who, in reference to a barrow 

AKCIIJEOLOGI.I AELIAN.I, y(JI.. XK 7i> f^i /.. jO. 



excavated in the North Riding of Yorkshire, says: — 'A remarkable 
feature in this barrow was the very large number of stones (more 
than twenty) of various sizes, from 5 inches to 18 inches square, 
and of different and irregular shapes, on which pit or cup-markings 
had been formed. These hollows were both circular and oval, and 
differed in size from 1 inch in diameter to 3 inches, and their depth 

was about 2 inches * He then goes on to say : — ' It is not 

easy to attribute any special purpose to these 8tx)nes or to their mark- 
ings On the whole I prefer to regard them as symbolic 

representations : though as to what their significancy may be I confess 

myself unable to offer anything more than conjecture Tlie 

tan symbol of Egypt, the pine-cone of Assyria, the triangular-shaped 
stone of India, the cross of Christianity, outward expressions of that 
which has been in ahnost every religion its most sacred belief, may 
well have been, however different in form, yet the same in essence with 
these mysterious pits and circles.' — British Barraws, pp. 842, 348. 

Several eminent authorities on barrows and their contents aver 
that when a cist is found empty in the centre of a cairn, under circum- 
stances such as I have related, there has been no burial, and ' these 
empty barrows have been spoken of as cenotaphs, monuments raised to 
commemorate but not to contain the dead.' I myself scarcely think it 
likely that so much care would be taken in the formation of a cist to 
be simply covered up without containing a burial.* At all events, 
whether cenotaph or burial mound, the site of this more than ordinary 
caum has for pleasantness of situation been well chosen. Standing as 
it does in a sheltered rocky defile, under the shadow of the lofty crags 
of Ravensheugh, the peaceful valley of Chesterhope stretching along 
the foot of the hill close in front, with Chesterhopebum winding its 
way by Wolfershiel and the Twizel around the base of the Bargh hill, 
while beyond is the rippling Coquet, and in the distant north are seen 
the round-topped hills of the Cheviots. 

* * Speaking of burials he would like to mention a word or two upon the 
question of cenotaphs. Up to the time he published Britvth Barrows^ he 
came to the conclusion that there were no such things as cenotaphs, but he 
had since altered his opinion. He opened a barrow last year in the East 
Riding of Yorkshire, the largest in that part of the country, and whilst finding 
bones of animals in good preservation, there were no signs of a body having 
occupied the grave. The grave had never been disturl^ from the time the 
mound was erected.' — Canon Green well's address in Proceedings iv. p. 174. 


In conclusion I have a very pleasing duty to perform, and it is 
this : Lord Armstrong, besides placing at our service a number of 
his workmen, whenever we required them, in carrying out the recent 
explorations, has also, with that readiness to assist in the furtherance 
of all pursuits of an intellectual or scientific nature, which has ever 
been a characteristic of his lordship, decided to present these British 
remains, fragmentary though they be, to the Newcastle Society of Anti- 
quaries to be placed in their Black Gate Museum. Therefore on 
behalf of lord Armstrong I have much pleasure in asking your accept- 
ance of these Northumbrian pre-historic remains. 



Burgh Htll Camp ; by R. C. Hbdley. 

[Read on the 27th November, 1889.] 

The Burgh (pronounced * Bruff ') hill is a quarter of a mile west from 
Great Tosson near Rothbury. Its verdure makes the hill a laud-mark 
on account of the contrast its colour affords to that, of the surrounding 
heather and gray rocks. The hilP itself is steep on its north side, and 
midway on the slope is a terrace. On the west and east sides the slope 
of the hill is gradual^ on the south side it is severed by a narrow and 
shallow ravine from a rocky and heath-covered plateau extending to 
Spital hill, on which is the burial ground described by Mr. Dixon.^ 

The Burgh hill camp occupies the summit of the hill. It is roughly 
oval, lying N.W. and S.E. by N.E. and S.W., and is 848 feet by 
168 feet, and contains 1*07 acres. The rampart has been thrown up 
partly from the inside of the camp and partly from the outside. In 
places it almost appears to have a ditch both inside and outside.^ The 
rampart on the north side is now very ruinous, and seems never to 
have been of large size. The natural strength of this side would 
render much artificial protection unnecessary. From the south-east 
comer the defences round the south and south-west sides consist of a 
rampart and ditch, both much altered by time and cultivation. In its 
highest part the rampart is now nine feet high from the bottom of the 
ditch. The defences would in all probability be further strengthened 
by a stockade on the top of the rampart, and the description of a 
Maori pah, given in the subjoined note, may serve as an illustration 
of a British camp when completed.' 

' Continaed from the Archaeologia Aeliana, vol. xiii. p. 233. 

* This hill is freestone, mt basaltic as described in the Archaeologia Aeliana^ 
voL xiii. p. 227. 

« See p. 24. 

* * Dr. Wilson also {Prehistoric Annals, vol. i. p. 324J follows Sir iC C. Hoare 
in considering the position of the ditch as being a marK distinguishing military 
from religions works in North America. But Catlin expressly tells us that, in 
the Bdandan village which he describes, the ditch was on the inner side of the 
embankment, and the warriors were thus sheltered while they shot their arrows 
through the stockade.' —Lubbock's Prehistoric Timesy p. 20i). 

' 'The villages of the New Zealanders are all fortified. They chose the 
strongest natural situatipns, and fortified them with palisades about ten feet 
high. The weaker sides are also defended by a double ditch, the innermost of 



There appears to have been an entrance to the camp on the east 
side, as the ditch ends abruptly there. Another entrance is at the 
west end, and a third seems to have existed near the centre of the 
south side. 

In the narrow ravine to the south of the camp, there is a rampart, 
or what seems to be one, raised in the centre of the depression, and 
with an opening through it opposite to what was probably the south 
gateway. This mound or rampart extends along the entire south face 
of the camp, disappearing opposite its west end, but continued for 
150 yards east of the camp; here, however, it may be natural, as it is 
diflScult to recognize in this and other hollows to the east of the camp 
anything artificial. A ditch, however, which runs across the slope of 
the hill from north to south, and about 100 yards east of the camp, is 
probably a portion of the defences, and this ditch may have led to 
Mackenize estimating the area of Burgh hill camp as seven acres one 
rood and ten poles.* This ditch cannot be traced in accordance with 
the lines of the plan given by Mackenzie. He says his sketch is from 
a drawing,' and there can be less hesitation in rejecting his area 
of the camp, on account of the manifest inaccuracy of the sketch,^ and 
the fact that he claims to point out the ' British * roads in all their 
ramifications.^ It must be admited, however, that the ditches and 
mounds to the east of the camp, and on the face of the hill, eighty 
yards south of it, are very puzzling, and but for their absolute want of 
connection and continuity might well claim to be artificial ; some of 
them have probably been formed by the traffic to and from the camp, 

which has a bank and an additional palisade. The stakes are driven obliquelj 
into the ground, so that they project over the ditch, which from the bottom to 
the top or crown of the bank is four and twenty feet. Close within the inner- 
most palisade is a stage twenty feet high, forty feet long, and six feet broad ; 
it is supported by strong posts, and is intended as a station for those who 
defend the place, from which they may annoy the assailants by darts and stones, 
heaps of which lay ready for use. Another stage of the same kind commands 
the steep avenue from the back, and stands also within the palisade.* — Captain 
Cook's Ftrgt Voyage, p. 843. 

'There is little doubt that most of the encircling walls of the fortified 
enclosures were surmounted by some sort of stockade, the remains of which 
have been occasionally noticed.' — *The Mound Builders,' Nadaillac's Pre- 
hiitoric Ainerica, p. 98. 

• View of Northumberland^ vol. iL p. 80. 

^ The plans given in Mackenzie's View of Northumherland^ vol. ii. pp. 48 and 
77, of Harehaugh hill and Hetchester camps, are utterly absurd, and Dear not 
the slightest pretence to accuracy. 

• n^w of Northwnherland, vol. ii. pp. 21 and 22. 







•^ '^ iTth i Mnw 












and by the flow of drainage water. The ditch across the slope east of 
the camp disappears at the base of the hill to the north, and no farther 
trace of it is met with round the north side. A stockade, however, on 
the edge of the lower terrace at the place would form a good defence, 
and in connection with the natural steepness of the second descent 
was possibly considered sufficient for what would correspond to the 
barmekyn of later times.* 

I have described Burgh hill camp somewhat minutely, on account 
of its interest as an early place of defence, and as being very possibly 
the stronghold of the people whose burial ground, near Spital hill, has 
been extensively excavated by lord Armstrong, under the superintend- 
ence of Mr. Dixon, who has given a description of the burials there. 
Three hundred yards south-east from Burgh hill camp are two circular 
spaces surrounded by a mound about two feet high, and respectively 
twenty-three and seventeen yards in diameter. They are described by 
Mackenzie as druidical circles,^^ but are almost beyond a doubt the 
ruins of sheep stells.^^ 

An important discovery of bronze swords with rings for attaching 
them to a belt was made in 1868, near Tosson, and will be found 
described in the Trcmsactions of the Berwickshire Naturalists^ Club, 
vol. viii. p. 176." 

Eight British camps and villages may be counted from the 
ramparts at Burgh hill and within a radius of four miles. They 
are: — Witches Neuk, Harehaugh hill, Hetchester, Oaistron, West 
hills, Old Rothbury, Lordenshaws, and Garleigh. 

It is very remarkable that we should find so many ancient British 
strongholds grouped together within such a narrow compass, and in 
such wild and inaccessible situations as do not appear suitable to a 

' 'They (the Britons) fortified their towns with a fosse and rampart to 
secure themselves and their cattle from an enemj/ and when captured, 
'magnus numerus pecoris* was found within them.— Caesar*8 De Bella Gallieo, 
Ub, viii. 1 7, and 7. 9. 

•• Vim of NoHhvmherUvnd, vol. ii. p. 21. 

" * A watch to be kept at stell ende with two men nightly, of the inhabitors of 
Mykle Tosson ; setters and searchers William Qallin and John Sharperowe.* 
Older of the night watch of the Borders, 1546. — Nicolson's Legei Marohiarum, 
p. 277. 

The stell ende is probably represented by these circular mounds. 

*' For an account of the examination of burials in the district around Tosson, 
prior to lord Armstrong's investigations, see Greenwell's BritUh Barrows^ p. 480 
et seq. Beads of jet have been found with interments here, and several burials 
have occurred which undoubtedly belong to post-Boman times. 


community certainly possessed of flocks and herds, and almost as 
certainly practising some system of agricnltnre, though it may have 
been a rude one. We have the authority of Caesar and Tacitus for 
stating that the Britons possessed domestic horses and cattle, and also 
a particular breed of dogs which was much esteemed, and we have seen 
the probable provision for the protection of flocks and herds made at 
Lordenshaws, Old Rothbury, and elsewhere, in a primitive barmekyn 
formed by the outer rampart. Hand corn-mills or querns are often 
found in camps and with burials. 

This remarkable grouping of camps in such situations and areas, is 
a feature which requires to be considered by the light of more extended 
observation than we yet possess. It may form one of the most in- 
teresting problems in connection with the present subject. 




By Mabbrly Phillips. 

[Read on the 25th July, 1888.] 

Seeing that the members of this Society pnrpose visiting Barnard 
Castle in the course of a few days, I have hastily collated a few notes 
that I had by me regarding a brass tablet that may be found npon 
the wall in the tower of the ancient church at Bamu*d Castle, a rub- 
bing of which now lies upon the table. 

It records the death of Jonathan Rogers, the vicar's infant son, 
on November 8th, 1650, followed by a verse ; another death is 
recorded, August 80th, 1652, followed by another verse. 

Bernard Oastlb. 
Jonathan Rogers filivs primogbnitvs Iohis 


AnO xTi 1660 Nov 8 
Hee peep*d in to the World, where hee conld see 
Nought but confasion, Sinne and misery. 
Thence scaped into his Sau'ors armes thus hee 
Gott Heauen for fonrteene dayes mortality 
loHN Rogers pilivs 2^^^ I.R. et G.R. Obiit 

AnO xTI 1652 AVO 30 
Bles*d Sonle Thy name did mind of Gods grace 
Thoa wast his gift whose lone shewed vs thy fac** 
Bat hee that gane did take in 7*° moneths space 
Thou fonnd*st in Fathers armes a resting place. 

The quaint lines of the inscription tells all that can be told of the 
lives of the subjects of this tablet, but a few remarks regarding the 
author of these verses, who was the vicar of Barnard Castle from 1645 
to 1660, may not prove without interest. But first let us see how it 
was that John Rogers came into these parts. 

The spiritual state of the people of Barnard Castle appears to have 
caused much uneasiness in the early part of the seventeenth century 
to those interested in their well-being. 

John Knox the great Scottish reformer married Margery, daughter 
of sir Robert Bowes of Streatlam, and in the Bowes family so well 
did he plead the Puritan cause that the lady Isabella, second wife of sir 


William Bowes, took it up most warmly. Upon the death of her 
husbaDd at their seat at Walton, not far from Chesterfield, in 1611, 
she sent her domestic chaplain Mr. Dike with the body to have it 
buried with his ancestors in the church at Barnard Castle. On his 
return she asked him, owing to the terrible state of the district, to 
take up his residence amongst them, but he replied that he dare not 
venture among so rude and surly a people, and recommended the bold 
Richard Bothwell, who from his zeal had gained the title of ^fhe 
Apostle of the North,* 

Bold was he indeed, for when the lady Bowes expressed some fear 
at his undertaking to go to so lawless a people, he said, ' If I thought 
not to meet the devil there, I would never come there, he and I have 
been at odds in other places and I hope we shall not agree there'; and 
another time when bishop Neile sent to arrest him, 'he bade his 
messenger go tell their lord if he had anything to say to him he would 
meet him on Barnard Castle Bridge (which parteth the shires), and if 
he could pull him over to him, let him take him.' 

Such then was the state of affairs, when a few years afterwards, in 
1645, we read that the Parliament sent four godly divines into the 
county: three went to Durham, and the fourth, the rev. John Rogers, 
settled at Barnard Castle. 

John Rogers was bom, April 25th, 1610. He was a student at 
Wadham College, Oxford ; his first cure was at Leigh in Kent ; he 
afterwards removed to Barnard Castle. 

He was the son of the rev. John Rogers, who, in 1587, became 
vicar of Chalcombe, in Northamptonshire, and firom the compilations 
of bishop Eennet, now in the British Museum, there is every reason to 
believe that he was the direct descendant of the rev. John Rogers, who, 
in 1555, suffered martyrdom, the anniversary of the day being always 
observed in a becoming manner by the members of the Rogers family. 
Calamy's report of Rogers is that he was a man most highly esteemed, 
and showed great energy in carrying on his Master's work. * He at once 
got out a list of the number of souls in his parish, which were 2.000. 
He took an exact account who were educated and who ignorant, who 
fit or unfit for the Lord's table. The ignorant he conversed much with, 
gave them good books to read, and catechised and instructed them. 
He took great care of the poor children that they might be brought 


up Dsefally. He was also a zealous observer of the Lord's day, and 
opposed the driving of cattle through the town to neighbouring fairs 
on that day. He was much given to hospitality. It was the custom 
in the north after a ftineral to have an "arval" or dinner when 
he would speak suitably to those assembled, so much so that 
malignant people refused to go when they knew he would be present 
because they said they would be sure to find Rogers preaching.' 

Baby Castle at that time belonged to sir Harry Vane, and Mr. 
Rogers was a welcome visitor there. Both father and son used to 
come to hear him preach, and when afterwards young sir Harry was 
in prison awaiting his execution Mr. Rogers attended him. It was 
no uncommon thing for Cromwell's soldiers to assert their right to 
preach in the church of any town they were at, and we find that on 
one occasion an officer of note sent to Mr. Rogers demanding the use 
of his pulpit, Rogers asked who gave the officer authority to preach 
and whether he had a commission from God, 'for he was well aware 
Uiat the ministerial power and office was very distinct from the 
military, and therefore, though the soldiers kept the town, he resolved 
to guard the pulpit' 

Within bow shot of the church at Barnard Castle stood and still 
stands (though in a different county) the manor house of Startforth, 
where lived Mr. Thomas Barnes. A few years after Rogers came to 
the north he married Grace one of the daughters of the said Thomas 
Barnes, and it is by this marriage that Mr. Rogers would have 
intimate connections with Newcastle, for his wife's brother Ambrose,^ 
became the celebrated puritan alderman of Newcastle, the manascript 
of whose life and times, now in the possession of the Literary and 
Philosophical Society, gives us many particulars regarding Mr. Rogers. 

Testimony is not wanting to show that Mr. Rogers wandered from 
home upon ministerial duties. The Darlington church books of April 
18th, 1650, say: *When Mr. Rogers and Mr. March preached, their 
charges and their company at dinner, 4s.' And in 1659 an entry of 
' Is. for a pint of sack when Mr. Rogers preached ' shows us that he 
was there again. We have evidence, too, of his being at Giggleswick 
'when a Quaker was seized with a spirit of revelation and came to the 

' Life of Amhroge BarMt, by W. H. D. Longstaffe (50 Surtees Soc.). 


church, doffed of his clothing, with a lighted candle in his hand, to 
mightily reprehend that conjuror, Mr. Lister the vicar. Bat when he 
found that Mr. Lister was not preaching but one Rogers, the Quaker 
began to think it was a lying spirit that had advised him to go.' 

Upon the restoration of king Charles the Second, in 1660, those 
ministers who had been appointed by the Parliamentary party had to 
resign their livings, and amongst them was John Rogers. He was 
immediately presented by lord Wharton to the living of Croglin, in 
Oumberland, a quiet village lying under the shadow of the Alston hills. 

I visited Oroglin a few years ago but no trace of the old vicar could 
be found. The register was so decayed that although the present 
vicar kindly tried to decipher it nothing could be made out. The old 
church had been 'restored' by a modem edifice. I was then under 
the impression that Rogers finished his days at Croglin, so tried to 
find some stone to his memory. 

The sojourn of John Rogers at Croglin was short, for two years 
afi^er his appointment the Act of Uniformity was passed, and as he 
could not comply with its mandates he again had to vacate his living. 

It would appear that he soon made his way back to the village of 
his wife's friends, Startforth, and running the risk of penal laws 
preached whenever occasion ofiered. 

When, in 1672, king Charles granted his licences to tender con- 
sciences, Rogers took advantage of the concession. I have caused 
search to be made in the domestic entry book of Charles the Second's 
time, and find on May 13th, 1672, John Rogers, of Lartington, York- 
shire (about two miles from Bamu*d Castle), took out a licence to be a 
Congregational preacher or teacher, and that on August 12th of the 
same year he got a licence for preaching to be allowed in the houses of 
Robert Nicholson and John Middleton in Darlington. And that on 
September 5th a licence was granted for preaching in the house of 
John Rogers at Lartington. We may presume that at some other 
time his application must have been refused as we find another entry, 
' Not approved — John Rogers, Presbyterian, Lartington, Yorkshire.' 

We are also told that he sowed the seeds of Nonconformity at 
Stockton and Durham, and that when the licences were withdrawn 'he 
preached in his own house one Lord's day and the other in Teesdale 
or Weardale, among those who wrought in the mines.' 


In 1677, after many years' suflTering Mrs. Rogers died, and on 
November 28th, 1680, John Rogers closed his eventfnl life at Start- 
forth, whither we presume he mast have again moved. 

The old church where he had formerly been minister received his 
mortal remains; his funeral, sermon was preached by the rev. J. 

Mr. Brockell seems to have had his difficulties regarding the Act 
compelling burial in woollen, as an entry in the register just prior to 
that of the burial of Mr. Rogers testifies. 'Memorandum — That 
Ambrose Eastgate was buried in the churchyard of Barnard Castle, 
the first day of August, 1678, and that none of his relations brought 
or showed me within eight days that he was not put in wrapt or 
wound up in any shirt or sheet or anything whatsoever that is made 
of any material but sheeps' wool. — Witness my hand, J. Brockell, 

Of the children of Mr. and Mrs. Rogers, beyond those named on 
the tablet, the register records Mary, bom August 15th, 1653, died 
February 2l8t, 1656. Jane, born June 30th, 1660, and baptised July 
8th, 1660; her death is not recorded, but I presume this is the 
daughter whose life was published under the name of the 'Virgin 

The books of the Merchant Adventurers of Newcastle reveal the 
existence of a son Joseph, who in May, 1670, when his father was 
living at Lartington, was apprenticed to Mr. Peter Sanderson. But 
in the margin of the enrolment is written 'Mortuus,' leaving us to 
infer that he died before his term was completed. 

There is one son, of whom we have a fuller account, Timothy, bom 
May 24th, 1658. His early education was under his father's care. 
In due time he entered one of the universities of North Britain where 
he took his degree of M.A. He became a Nonconformist minister of 
some note. It is believed that his first settlement was at Cross Street, 
London, but he is most widely known as colleague with the rev. John 
Showers, of London, and as a companion of the celebrated Thomas 
Bradbury, who for some time was a minister in Newcastle. He lived 
to about 70 years of age, and died in 1729. 

His grandson was the rev. John Rogers of Poole, in Dorsetshire, 
and the granddaughter of the Dorsetshire clergyman was the wife of 

VOL. XV. ^ 


Robert Long of Clapham Park, Surrey, at whose academy the early 
days of the writer of this paper were spent, and from whose life, 
written by her husband, many particulars given in this paper are 

A very remarkable story regarding Mr. Rogers is given in many 
histories of the county, but it is too long to repeat here in full. 

It is stated that during the time when the laws were in force 
against private preaching, Mr. Rogers was holding service near the 
residence of sir Richard Cradock, who sent spies to the meeting, had 
Mr. Rogers cited before him, found him guilty, and committed him to 
prison, but that upon the intervention of a little girl, sir Richard's 
granddaughter, his committal was subsequently cancelled. 

Many years after Mr. Timothy Rogers was relating the story at the 
house of a Mrs. Tooley, in London, when much to the astonishment 
of those present, the lady exclaimed * I was that little girl.' 

The Cradocks were a powerful family in the district, one branch 
resided at Oainford hall and another at Richmond, in Yorkshire. 
Locally Gainford hall is reputed to be the place where the incident 
happened, but at the time we refer to sir Joseph Cradock, J.P., lived at 
Richmond; many amusing accounts of cases tried before him may be 
found in the records from York castle.^ 

Certainly Mr. Tobie Cradock who lived at Gkiinford hall, 1670, was 
a bitter royalist, as a letter dated April 1 Ith of that year to bishop 
Cosens shows. 

He entrusts the bishop to * Faile not to gett John Harrison of 
Scarbro' put in the Act of Attainder,' adding 'there will come to your 
lordship by it about £3,000.' But the bishop replies that as to the 
wild letter of Mr. Tobie Cradock it would be a very diflScult matter 
to get an Act of Parliament for any man's attainder that hath 
been pardoned, and especially if he have been dead seven years. The 
letters are printed in full in vol. iii. of our publications. 

We often have to regret the destruction of these old tablets. In this 
instance let us be thankful that, through all the changes and 
restorations the ancient church of Barnard Castle has undergone, this 
mural tablet has yet been spared to speak to the memory of John 

* Depositions from York Castle (40 Surtees Soc.). 



By G. Rome Hall, M.B., M.S. 

[Read on the 80th November, 1887.] 

The constant occurrence of these stones in places where human 
remains have been laid to their last rest, points to their having some 
definite meaning in the funereal rites. 

To quote the Rev. Wm. Greenwell, F.S.A. {British Barrows, p. 
843), they suggest "the notion that they are, or may have been, 
figures, after a very rude and conventional manner, of some object 
embodying an idea that involved the deepest and most esoteric 
principle of the religion held by these people." In other words, the 
primitive people who used these markings meant them to be the out- 
ward and visible sign or symbol of something relating to the spiritual 
future of their departed. This is, of course, assuming that they 
believed iaa fiiture state of existence, and I believe it will not be hard 
to prove that they did so believe. I think no human race is known, 
however ignorant and debased, that does not hold that belief 

Primitive races, who live most of their lives in the open air, and 
who see the constant changes in the face of nature, on earth, in sky 
and sea, some of which changes are terrible, awe-inspiring, and grand, 
but the majority beautiful, get imbued with the idea that there exists 
an unseen and mysterious world around them. Probably the longing 
that exists in almost all human hearts for immortality, and also the 
remnants of some of the first traditions of the human race, cause such 
races to take for granted the existence of an immortal essence that is 
set fi*ee by the dissolution of the body. Up to a certain point, the 
more ignorant the individual the more firmly is this idea implanted. 
It is only when men are aggregated together, so that they have no 
time or opportunity to be impressed and schooled by thought-giving 
changes in the aspect of nature, that they loose the idea of this unseen 
world, and of the future state of existence that comes almost as a 
corollary to that idea. Races to whom there had been no revelation 


would draw their religious ideas from, firstly, any traditions they 
might have preserved ; and secondly, and chiefly, from the ordinary 
phenomena of nature.' 

That this is true is shown by the many points of resemblance in 
the mythologies of the principal divisions of that family of the human 
race to which these early Celts belonged, to whom the pre-historic 
burial mounds containing the mysterious cup-marked stones are 

In the Greek, Brahminicfd, Norse or Scandinavian, and Druidical 
religions there are many similar points of belief and worship, especially 
if we make allowance for the different phases of thought that would 
be developed as different sections of the Aryan race entered upon new 
methods and habits of life, caused by fresh skies and climates. 

I say Druidical religion instead of Celtic religion, as it is uncertain 
whether the Druidical order was developed from the Celtic race alone, 
and obtained all or part of their knowledge firom the East, or whether 
they were immigrants from the East, and ascended to the position 
they held by virtue of their knowledge. In the first place, these 
religions each have a number of major deities, which are evidently 
corresponding, although invested with different attributes, according 
to the different temperaments of their worshippers. 

In all the above religions, except to some extent the Norse, we 
have an infinite number of minor deities presiding over the hills, 
groves, and streams, and also over the various passions of men, and 
over the various phases of nature. The Norsemen, instead, peopled 
the aspects of nature chiefly with &ys and goblins. 

Another feature is that of their belief in a future world, into which 
the spirit passes at death, into the Annwyn of the Celts, the Hades of 
the Greeks, the Valhalla of the Norse, the Swarga of the E[indoos.^ 

Another common feature is that of snake worship, but that has 
not occurred merely among those of the Aryan stock, but also in those 
as &r removed from them as Mexican and African tribes. This 
would seem to show a common souixje for this worship, possibly from 
some tradition connected with the fall of our common parents. The 

' Professor Max MiUler is one of the principal exponents of this idea. 

' Swarga or Swerga, the abode of Judra, is described as the most splendid 
and glorious abode that the human mind can conceive. — Cf, Perciyars Land 
of the Vedas, p. 160. 


son was deified in the Grecian, Norse, and Brahminical religions; 
and the Teutonic, or northern, and Hindoo, and Singalese races name 
the first day of the week in his honour. But when we compare the 
mythologies of the Celtic and Hindoo races, which are the most 
emotional of the four races named before this, and on account of that 
the more easily impressed by the phenomena of nature, we find the 
likeness greatest. 

Both races believed in the transmigration of souls, with the inten- 
tion, as Oaesar mentions concerning the Druids of Gaul, that men 
should be encouraged to lead a good life, since the number and 
character of the phases of existence after death, before they attained 
to a place among the gods, would depend on that life.' 

The orders of Druids and Brahmins attained to positions of almost 
absolute power by virtue of their knowledge and education. 

We find that both races practised human sacrifice for great 
purposes, and a kind of Sutteeism was probably practised among the 
earliest of the Celtic races {British Barrows^ p. 120). 

In some places in the East we find remains that are su^estive of 
the places in which the Druids worshipped in the West. The follow- 
ing quotation refers to a Buddhist temple and its surroundings in the 
district of Hambantota in the south-east of Ceylon : — ' The traveller, 
as he approaches the Great Dagoba, sees group after group of upright 
granite blocks, ranged in lines, and recalling, at the first glance, the 
Dmidical remains met with in Western Europe.'* 

So far I have merely tried to show that these early Celtic races, 
who inscribed these cup-marked stones, believed in immortality, and 
therefore attached a meaning to these stones, probably connected with 
the future of their dead. That they were most probably Celtic is 
shown by the remains of skeletons found in burial places where these 
stones occurred, and that they were primitive or early is shown by the 
contents, or rather absence of contents of then* tombs. 

As has been computed by others,* their arrival in Britain was 
probably several centuries before the Christian era. We have also 

* De Bella OalUco, Lib. VL cap. 14, 'hoc maxime ad virtntem excitari 
putant/ ft seq, 

* Of, Xvsa Tata'kaydy a Buddhistic legend, translated by Thomas Steele, 
Ceylon Civil Service, p. 236. 

* Cf, Feigusson's Mude Stone MonumenUj chap. ii. p. 42. 


seen that the Drnidical reli^on resembled that of the first Aryan 
inhabitants of India more than that of the Greeks; and that appears 
to me to be proof that these races obtained their religious ideas from 
a common source, and that the Druids were not indebted to the 
Greeks for all their ideas and knowledge. This would do away with 
the argument that the first Celtic immigrants did not hold the same 
religious fundamental ideas as did their descendants in Caesar's time. 
We know what the religion of the Greeks had developed to about 
500 B.O., and we also know the condition of the Brahminical religion 
then, which was just about the time that Buddha, ' the enlightened,' 
lived and taught. So we may suppose that even several centuries 
before the Christian era this first branch of the pioneer race of the 
Aryan stock, called by some the Goidels,* believed in immortality, and 
attached a specific meaning to these marks. For reasons I shall after- 
wards give, I think it is probable that the custom of using these 
stones at the funereal rites started before reaching Britain, under 
brighter and less cloudy skies, and the original meaning may even 
have been forgotten or altered before they arrived here. 

We are now in a position to enquire what might the meaning be 
that was attached to these stones ? We know that a primitive race 
takes its religious ideas from natural phenomena and from objects of 
nature. The sun and moon in all ages have been worshipped by such 
races, but I do not know that these are regarded as symbolic of any- 
thing connected with the future life. But to a nation of shepherds, 
as was the early Aryan race, and also to a nation of hunters, there is 
another feature in nature that was always present, and would be the 
cause of deep thought and wonder, namely, the aspect and expanse of 
the heavens, especially to a race that would have to watch their flocks 
by night. To us, who live under roofe, and under more or less leaden 
skies the greater part of our life, the profundity of the heavenly 
expanse is not a common sight or thought. 

Now, the^e markings are mostly cup-shaped or hemispherical. 
Although there are variations of shape we may take the hemispherical 
hollow as typical, and may account for the variations as being either 
unfinished or purposely made so to show some variation from the 

* The Gaelic in Ireland, the Isle of Man, and the Highlands of Scotland. 
See Celtic Britain, by Prof. J. Rhys, M.A., chapter i. p. 3, etptusim. 


original meaning. On a clear, cloudless day, with perhaps a slight 
heat-haze on the horizon, the appearance of the sky is that of a vast 
dome, perfectly hollow and regular. The appearance is the same, 
under similar conditions at night, if even it be not intensified, 
especially if there be a new moon low down on the horizon. 

That this was the conception that the ancients had, we have 
proof in the Ptolemaic theory of the heavens, that was taught in the 
Egyptian schools in the second century a.d., and although a more 
correct view had been propounded before, notably by Pythagoras, we 
may well suppose that it was the original idea. 

The Ptolemaic theory was, and is what illiterate and unthinking 
people may still hold, that the earth was the centre of the universe, 
above and around which were the heavens; which had a definite 
and, as it were, a solid boundary, which revolved daily round the 
earth. In this boundary or shell were fixed the heavenly bodies. 

Our expressions even now often show the idea of hoUowness, as, 
the * profundity' and 'depth' of the heavens, the former word 
having in itself the idea of anything cut, or dug, or hollowed out. 

We have further proofe in the words icotXos and coeltcs. Also 
probably in the Teutonic word himmel^^ probably connected with 
hemmely a word used in northern England and southern Scotland to 
denote an oblong or sometimes a circular, dome-shaped roof to be met 
with in many ferm-yards on the Anglo-Scottish borders. We also have 
proof that another idea came into existence — the idea of a heaven 
beyond that definite visible boundary which they thought was existing. 
It is seen in such phrases as * the windows of heaven,' * the gate of 
heaven,' * the heavens opened.' ® 

It was into this unseen world that the ancients considered that the 
spirits of their departed ultimately would arrive, and the modern idea 
is not dissimilar, although we have juster conceptions of the universe. 
If we consider what sUght and rude means a primitive race would have 
of representing their ideas, it will not seem very far-fetched reasoning to 
say that these hollows ivere symbolic of the expanse of the heavens and 
the unseen world beyond, where they consider their tribeman's spirit 
will ultimately be, and where they hope it will be well with him. 

' The Teutonic word hemmeln means to surround, enclose, or encompass, 
Eng, to hem in. * Himmel ' would therefore mean * that which covers in or 
surrounds the earth.* 

* These phrases are taken from the Bible, and are still in use. 


That the ancients had a glimmering of another world superior to 
and mightier than their religions taught is shown by the facts of 
the altar that the Athenians erected to the Unknown God ; that 
Brahma, the chief of the Hindoo deities, was himself created by a 
Greater Creator ; and perhaps also by the &ct that the Druids con- 
sidered that their deities were too high and mighty to be worshipped 
except under the expanse of the heavens. 

In the same way as we place floral or other crosses on the graves 
and memorial stones of our departed, in the hope and with the mean- 
ing that they may participate in the future that belongs to true 
followers of the religion of which those symbols are the highest 
emblems; so these partially civilised races of ancient Britain may 
have fashioned these hollows in the stones of their burial places to 
symbolise the unseen world, and to express the hope that the souls 
of their departed might now or tiltimately attain to that heaven or 
haven, which even in their rude mythology, as in that of the Hindoos, 
was a haven of rest and comfort, and, therefore, desirable and wished 




By R. 0. Hbdlby. 

[Read on the 27th November, 1889.] 

Thb discovery of this burial, which possesses many features of interest, 
was made by the wearing away of the east side of a small hill of sand 
and drift gravel by the Tarret Bum, which flows past its base. It is 
fortunate that it occurred on the property of Mr. J. R. D. Lynn, and 
that a knowledge of the find came immediately before the notice of 
Mr. W. L. Charlton, both of whom took steps to preserve the i*emains 
discovered in the cist. 

The burial was by inhumation in a cist,' lying north-west and 
south-east, formed by four side stones and a cover of unwrought 
sandstone. The cist was three feet nine inches long, two feet eleven 
inches wide at the west end, one foot eleven inches at the east end, 
and one foot nine inches deep. It was placed in an excavation of 
the gravel, at a depth of four feet beneath the surface. No additional 
material had been placed over the sites of the burial.^ 

Within the cist, and placed upon the ordinary material of the hill, 
was the skeleton of a female laid in a contracted position on the right 
side, with the head to the north-west. Behind the shoulder was a 
^drinking cup' lying on its side with the mouth to the east, and 
inmiediately in front of it seven flints, showing more or less signs of 
having been shaped by flaking. 

Burial in a contracted or sitting position seems to have been the 
rule amongst races in a primitive state.^ Out of 801 burials by 
inhumation Oanon Greenwell found the body extended in four 

* Cists are frequently found in burial mounds in North America^ burials by 
cremation seem there, as in Britain, to have been contemporaneous with those 
by inhumation. Nadaillac's Pre-hutorie America, pp. 114, 115, 117, and 121. 
Gist burial was common throughout Britain, also in Greece and Rome, Green- 
well's BrUish Barrows, p. 458, «^ *wJ p. 18 f.n. p. 19 f jl 

Greenwell in Berw, Nat. i\eld Club Trans, vol. iv. p. 390, and in the ArcK 
Jour, YoL zzii. p. 249 f .n. 258 In. 

' Canon Greenwell refers burials without attendant mounds to the later 
pre-Koman period. — Travis, of the Bemo, Nat, Field Club, voL v. 304 f.n. 

■ Lubbock's Pre-historio Times, pp. 346, 409, 369, 424, etc. Stephen's Flint 
Chips, p. 411, ft sub, 

▼OL. XV. ^ 


instances.^ Burial in an extended position seems to have been tbe 
rule during the iron age. In twenty-four cases recorded by Mr. 
Bateman in which the body was extended, fourteen had iron imple- 
ments associated with them,* five had bronze, and only two had 
stone. Sir B. 0. Hoare records thirteen cases in which the body was 
extended, and of these seven had iron associated with them, two 
bronze, and one stone ; whereas * only in two cases of association 
with iron was the body found in a contracted position. 

The skeleton was placed on its right side, with the head to the 
west, thus feeing the sun, which seems to have been the usual position, 
though many exceptions are found. The hands were placed at the 
knee. The drinking cup was behind the shoulder, and lay on its side. 
Everything which the cist contained lay upon and not in the sand. 

Of the seven chipped flints found, two are of the class known as 
scrapers, and one is almost identical with that figured by Dr. Evans,^ 
found near Bridlington. The others appear to be waste flakes. Large 
quantities of flint chips are sometimes found with interments.^ In 
later times the casting of shards and flints upon a grave is mentioned 
by Shakespeare and quoted by Canon Greenwell,* who points out 
that it is a possible persistence of a custom fix)m pre-hlstoric times. 

Mr. Bateman ^^ records 297 interments, 100 of which were destitute 
of implements ; Sir B. C. Hoare^^ records 267, 184 of which had no 
implements; and Canon Oreenwell,^^ out of 879 burials which he 
examined, found only 94 had any deposit with the body. 

The Drinkino Cup^" 

is made of well-tempered day, without admixture of sand or crushed 
stones; it is slightly stained with iron from infiltrated water, and 


* British Barrows, p. 20. 

* Bateman^B Vestiges, etc, Kud Ten Tears' Diggings in Celtic and Saxon Oraoe 

* Ancient WUtshire, quoted in Pre-historic Times, p. 132. 
^ Stone Implements, F. 119. 

* Brit, Bar. pp. 11, 11 n. and 166; Borac Ihrales, p. 76. 
» BrU. Bar. p. 12. . ^q, ^^^^^ ,^^^ doubtful ; 

And, but that great command o'eisways the order, 
She should in ground unsanctified have lodg*d 
TiU the last trumpet ; for charitable prayers, 
Shards, flints, and pebbles, should be thrown on her.* 

— Hamlet, Act V, Scene I. 

"* Ten Tears^ Diggings, " Ancient Wiltshire, " British Barrows. 

" See middle um on opposite plate for a representation of this. 



[■s I 



bears evidence of nneqaal firing. The height of the onp is 7^ inches, 
diameter at the top 5| inches, at the neck 1| inch, below the top the 
diameter is 4| inches, from the neck it swells convezly for 2^ inches to 
a diameter of 5} inches, and contracts convezly to the base, which is 
S^ inches in diameter. Beginning at the top the ornamentation is 
first a belt of lattice pattern, three-eighths of an inch wide, made 
with a slightly convex-edged, dentated implement, five-eighths of an 
inch wide. Next is an nnomamented band, one inch wide. Below 
this a repetition of No. 1 ; next a plain band, a quarter of an inch 
wide, between two narrow, indented lines, one-eighth of an inch apart, 
formed by an implement slightly dentate. Next is a plain band 
between indented lines, and a band of lattice pattern as before. This 
last series of ornament is repeated at the greatest diameter of the 
cap, and again midway between this and the base. The thickness of 
material varies from a quarter to three-eighths of an inch, its shape 
is graceful, and thickness well graduated. The cup contained a small 
portion of black coloured stufP. 


Bt Db. R. Laing. 

Mbasubbments of 



Extreme length 

• ■ • • 


Fronto-inial length 

• • • ■ 


Bxtreme breadth, approximately 

■ •• • 


Vertical height 

• • • • 


Abflolnte height 

• •• • 


Basi-cranlal axis 

• •• •< 


Circumference, approximately 

• • « •! 

.. 20-0 

Frontal arc 

• • • •< 


Parietal arc ••• >•• 

• • • • « 


Occipital arc 

■ • • •< 


Minimum frontal width 

• • • •i 


Maximum frontal width 

• • • •i 



Mbasubbmemts of Fagb. 
Length of face — ' naso-alveolar * line 

* Basio-snbnasal ' line 

Basio-alveolar line 

Height of orbit ... ... ... ... ... 

Width of orbit ... •«. ... ••• .«• 

Length of nose ... ... ••• •.. ... 

Width of nose ... ... ... * 

Lower jaw, interangular diameter 

depth at symphysis 

width of ramus, at level of grinding snr- 

face of molars... 

Length-breadth index — * cephalic index * 

Antero-posterior „ 

Facial angle to nasal spine 

Facial angle to alveolar border 













The Tarret Born skeleton, of which many of the bones and the 
skull are present in a more or less perfect condition, is that of a female 
of weak muscular development, who, judging from the length of the 
femur, must have been about five feet m stature. The skull is small, 
but well filled, brachy-cephalic by contour in the lateral and occipital 
normas, and sub-brachy-cephalic by measurement. When viewed in 
the vertical and basilar normas it presents an asymmetrical outline 
through flattening of the right occipital region, which is correlated 
with a tilting forward of the right half of the calvaria and upper 
maxillae, probably due to one-sided carriage in infancy. That part of 
the skull, including portions of the right occipital, temporal, and 
parietal bones, which rested upon the floor of the cist, is absent. 
Obliteration of the sutures had commenced. The posterier parietal 
region is vertical. When laid horizontally, with the molar teeth of 
the upper jaw downwards, the skull rests posteriorly upon the con- 
ceptacula cerebelli, which are convex and prominent, the inion or 
protuberance being small, and to the left of the mesial line. The 
mastoid processes are small, and project inwards. The parietals are 
short, with the tubers well back, the greatest breadth of skull being 
inter-parietal near the posterior-superior angle of the squama of the 
temporal. The greatest height of skuU is at the coronal suture. The 
forehead is slightly sloping, the superciliary ridges well arched, wiUi 


moderate frontal cells, and a slight depression down the glabella. The 
nasal bones are compressed laterally, the opening pyriform and malars 
flat. The maxillae are slightly prognathous, the teeth projecting 
forwards, and the Pterygoids sloping. The lower jaw, which is small, 
has a prominent non-bifid mentum, the lower border and angles 
smooth and straight, the coronoid processes at right angles, and not 
reaching above the lower border of the zygoma when the jaws are 
closed. The teeth are small, regular, and perfect, the wisdom teeth 
fully out, and meeting when the jaws are properly closed, but scarcely 
at all worn. The other molars and the premolars are only slightly worn, 
whilst the incisors and canines are much worn down ; in this respect 
the two kinds of teeth are sharply differentiated from each other, and 
rather suggestive of use in the mastication of a carnivorous diet. The 
mental foramen is in a line with the last premolar tooth (bicuspid). 

The bones of the extremities are extremely slender, and marked 
with weak muscular ridges. The femur in the upper part is flattened 
from behind forwards, the shaft twisted upon itself to an angle of 45 
degrees, curved in its length with the concavity directed backwards 
and inwards, and correlated with a rudimentary development of the 
spiral line and inner lip of the linea aspera, the whole being suggest- 
ive of a knock-kneed and in-toed condition amounting to ricketty 

deformity. in. 

Length of femur ... ... ... ... ... 16*5 


Length of tibia ... ... ... ... ... ... 13*2 

Antero-posterior diameter 0*91 

Transyerse diameter 0*69 

Latitudinal index 0*75 

As the mean latitudinal index of English tibiie is '78, there are no 
indications of ^ Platycnemism ' in the tibise of this skeleton. The 
proximal epiphyses are fiilly ossified, and the probable age ot the 
individual would be from 26 to 28 years. 

The skull is essentially Celtic in its characteristics, and though the 
bones of the skeleton are wanting in the usual signs of the masculine 
muscular development of Celtic women, yet this can with probability 
be attributed to constitutional weakness and the evident deformity of 
the individual, which would preclude her from engaging to any extent 
in manual labour and other active exercises. 



By Thomas Hodgkin, D.C.L., &c. 

[Read on the 28th May, 1890.] 

Before entering upon the consideration of the best mode of com- 
piling a history of the Ooonty of Northumberland, it will be well 
briefly to resume what has been already done in that direction by the 
Rev. John Hodgson, and the manner of his writing. 

Hodgson's plan, as set forth on the cover of the OenthmarCs 
Magazine in 1819, was to build his great history in three compart- 
ments. The part which was to be first published, but which was to be 
last in the completed work, was to contain the chief documents bear- 
ing on the history of the county^ to be in fact a collection of what the 
French call ' M^moires pour servir.' The toil of editing and collating 
these various documents was to be preliminary to that of the composi- 
tion of the second part of the history in which the various parishes of 
Northumberland were to be described seriatim^ and a large amount of 
family history, illustrating the collected documents, and vouched for 
by them, was to be interwoven with the description of the churches 
and other monuments of antiquity remaining in each parish. 

Lastly, the materials thus collected were to be drawn together into 
one general history of the whole county, taking a broad view of the 
political, social, and economic changes which had taken place in 
Northumberland fix>m the earliest times to our own day. This part, 
last of aU in execution, the result of the matured judgment of the 
historian acting upon the materials which he had collected by a life's 
labour, was to have been the first part and the first volume of the 

It was a grand and a truly scientific conception which Mr. 
Hodgson formed of the duties of a county historian, and if he had 
possessed uninterrupted leisure and the power of finely commanding 
the labour of others, to lighten the mechanical drudgery of his task, 
it might possibly have been realised. As it was, the country clergy- 
man, able to give only a portion of his time to the work, and obliged 
to send * every line and letter, from notes to indices, to press in his 




I ^^^X^-'' 



own writing/ died with a sad consoionsneas that he had ' lived to write 
scaroe a third of what he had contemplated.' ' I have sketched oat,' 
he says, ' an extensive plan, and feel myself daily more able to fill up 
and finish its details, bnt want other hands to fiU in the ontlines. 
There is an immense loss of time in researches, whereas if each clergy- 
man would send me extracts from his parish registers, respecting all 
families that have been eminent in the connty or by connection with 
it, and all &milies allow me a free use of their papers for genealogical 
purposes and the history of their own or other families that have 
lived upon their estates, or even allow me at home the use of the 
abstract of their deeds, I might progress in my work with reasonable 

Let ns now then snm up what part of Hodgson's great design 
was actually accomplished. The first part, the general history of the 
county, remained, as &r as he was concerned, unwritten. Of the 
second part, three volumes appeared containing the history of twenty- 
two parishes, and some dependent chapelries, and this most valuable 
work constitutes for the ordinary reader Hodgson's History of North- 
umberland. The accompanying map will show what proportion the 
described portion bears to the whole county. I have not calculated 
the acreage, but I imagine that the parishes described by Hodgson 
cover about a third of the county ; and this agrees with his own 
expression, quoted above, that he had written scarce a third of what 
he contemplated. 

What he has written completes the 'History of che Morpeth 
Deanery, a district which extends throughout the heart of the county 
from the border of Scotland, or Carter Fell, to the German Ocean, 
and comprises nearly the whole of Morpeth Ward, and considerable 
portions of Castle, Goquetdale, and Tindale Wards.' It also includes 
six parishes and one extra-parochial district in the south-west corner 
of Northumberland forming part of Oorbridge Deanery. One of 
these is the large and important parish of Alston, which does not 
belong to Northumberland. It is important to remember this, since 
in this way Hodgson's book, though in many ways less, is also some- 
thing more than a history of the whole county. The last volume of 
the second part, which contains these south-western parishes, also 
contains a very full and valuable treatise (occupying about 180 


closely-printed pages) concerning the Roman Wall. We may per- 
haps look on this treatise as containing the marrow of what Hodgson 
would have had to say about the Roman occnpation of North Britain 
had he lived to write the first part of his history. 

The third part, consisting of three volnmes of ' M^moires pour 
servir,' is the only one which the author seems to have looked upon 
as complete. There can be doubt as to the value of much of the 
material here collected; but probably it would now be generally 
admitted, on the one hand, that the labour and cost of publishing 
documents of this kind should not be left to fall upon an individual 
of some somewhat slender means, but should be undertaken by a 
society ; and on the other hand, that when published they should be 
issued to a special body of subscribers, who are prepared to receive 
them sympathetically, and should not be included in an ordinary 
county history. 

In order to complete our survey of what has been done it remains 
to mention that the Society of Antiquaries in 1858 published a 
volume by the late John Hodgson Hinde, which was intended to fill 
the place of the never-written yfr«^ part of Hodgson's history.^ Mr. 
Hodgson Hinde was a most able and competent scholar, and though 
his volume lacks a certain personal element which interests us in 
Hodgson's work, it is an exceedingly useful contribution towards the 
general history of Northumberland. For the Saxon and Danish 
period I venture to think it is almost all that we could desire ; some- 
what less adequate perhaps for the Norman and Plantagenet period, 
and surely far too slight in its notice of the Tudor and Stuart periods, 
which are dismissed in sixty-eight pages, while the Brunswick period 
is scarcely noticed at all. 

There are some other works besides Hodgson's which should be 
noticed here, as they do in some measure supply that which he has 
left undone. The History of North Durham, by the late James 
Raine, the friend and biographer of Hodgson, deals with the history 
of the parishes of Norham and Islandshire, as well as Bedlington (in 
which last he traverses the same ground as Hodgson). Tate's History 
of Alnwick, in two volumes, octavo, Ridpath's Border History, and 

* The chapter on the Roman Wall in this volame was contributed by Dr. 


WilBon'B Churches of Lindisfame^ all farnish valuable contributions to 
the history of onr county. 

After this slight survey of what has been already done for the 
history of Northumberland, we may ask ourselves what is the best 
course for us now to pursue in order to put within the reach of the 
people of Northumberland some accurate account of the past history 
of their land. At present prices a complete copy of Hodgson's history 
costs £40, and is practically beyond the reach of all but the very 
wealthiest of our fellow-citizens ; nor is it easy to procure a copy even 
at that price. If we can do nothing else, I should strongly advocate 
the reissue of the second part of Hodgson's history, with Hodgson 
Hinde's first part, in an octavo form. I have no doubt that this 
could be published at £1 a volume (£4 in all) so as to leave the 
publishers a reasonable profit. Or if it were thought more desirable, 
subscriptions could be invited, and on a sufficient number of sub- 
scribers' names being procured, the work might be undertaken by the 
Newcastle Society of Antiquaries. 

Moreover, it is well known that Mr. Hodgson left behind him a 
large number of M8S. relating to the unfinished portion of his history. 
These materials are adibirably arranged, and indices of the most 
elaborate kind show how each document, and each newspaper cutting, 
illustrates the history of every parish. In handling these volumes, 
and mentally calculating the number of hours of labour that must 
have gone to the production of each of them, the beholder's heart 
sinks within him, and he no longer wonders that the venerable 
historian's strength gave way before he had been able to complete his 
gigantic labour. His descendant, Mr. J. W. Hodgson, has generously 
offered to allow these collections to be made use of by the Society. 
If the course above hinted at be pursued, probably one or two 
supplementary volumes might be published, consisting of the more 
generally interesting part of the Hodgson manuscripts. 

But, after all, we shall thus still be left only in possession of a 
fragmentary and imperfect history of our north country; and the 
capital of it — which, as it will be observed, is not dealt with by 
Hodgson's history — will be left undescribed in the county history, 
though Bourne, Brand, Mackenzie, Longstaffe, Welford, and Boyle, 
make our deficiencies in this respect much more tolerable. 



What 1 feel (and I believe many others sympathise with me) is that 
the true way of honouring Hodgson's memory is to set about the 
completion of his great work. This cannot be done now, I venture 
to think, by any one man, however learned and zealous. The field of 
research has widened since Hodgson's day, and a greater variety of 
information will be required by the larger class of readers to whom we 
shall have to minister. Besides, the labour of collection of so large a 
mass of materials as is required for the history of a great county is 
enough for at least one lifetime, and the collector finds that his 
writing-time is over just when he ought to be giving the result of his 
long labours to the public. The disappointment arising from this 
inexorable limitation of the human powers did something to break 
the heart of that one arduous toiler, and I fear the same result would 
await any successor who should try to take up the unfinished task. 

But 'many hands make light work,' and the result which is 
unachievable by one, or even two, may easily and delightfully be 
accomplished by many. As examples of successful literary co-operation 
I would point to the Encychpaedia Bniannic<t and Smith's Dictionaries 
of CUissiml and Erclesiasfiral Biography, works which are almost in- 
dispensable to the student, and which, whatever may be their defects, 
are, upon the whole, accurate and consistent, and present a sufficient 
unity of style notwithstanding the multiplicity of their authorship.* 

Now, if a person were appointed editor, with plenary powers to 
obtain from all our Northumbrian archaeologists the best that they 
could contribute towards the production of a work that should rank 
high amongst the county histories of England — I admit that the 
hypothesis is a bold one — how should such a literary autocrat assign 
the work to his fellow-labourers ? 

I think he would do wisely to keep up Hodgson's division of his 
work as far as Part I. and II. are concerned, whiJe leaving Part III., if 
undertaken at ail, to be dealt with by some special organisation such 
as the Surtees Society. 

To Part I. he might assign two vohimes, which should deal with 
the general history of Northumberland. 

' The Dictionary of British Biography^ now in course of publication under 
the editorship of Mr. Leslie Stephen, seems likely to be another successful 
monument of literary co-operation. 


The first chapter (which might saitably be assigned to Professor 
Lebour or Mr. Topley) should deal briefly, and in a popnlar manner, 
with the geology of the county. Avoiding technical terms as much 
as possible, the writer brings before us, in graphic language, the suc- 
cessive upheavals and depressions of the land's surface, the formation 
of the coal-beds, the streams of glowing basalt that flowed across the 
county from Thirlwall to Bamborough, the operation of the glaciers 
that rounded the cones of the Cheviots, the changes wrought by the 
Tyne on its way from Cross Fell to the sea. 

In the next chapter Canon Greenwell and the Rev. G. Rome Hall 
describe pre-historic Northumberland by the light of the knowledge 
which they have gained in their excavations upon our moors. They 
reproduce the life of the people who dwelt in the hut circles, and 
tell us all that can be reasonably conjectured as to the heroes whose 
doubled-up skeletons or whose calcined ashes we find on Gunnerton 
or Simonside. 

We thus come to the period of the Roman occupation, for which 
Dr. Bruce, recognising (as I have always heard him recognise) his 
obligations to Horsley and Hodgson, will be our undisputed authority. 
if I might venture to offer a contribution of my own, it would be a 
chapter on Roman camps and Roman armies, in which I would 
try to popularise the information contained on both subjects in the 
treatises of Hyginus and Vegetius. Some closer acquaintance with 
the works of these two authors would, I think, be found useful by 
future excavators of our Roman camps. 

Of the Saxon period I must confess that I am too ignorant to be 
able to make any useful suggestion. The chapters on this subject in 
Hodgson Hinde's volume look like good work. If the Rev. 6. F. 
Browne of Trinity College, Cambridge, or Mr. J. Romilly Allen, would 
undertake this part of the work, we should have confidence in its 
being satisfactorily performed. 

I must make a similar confession of ignorance as to the period of 
the Norman and Plantagenet kings; but here, I think, we ought at 
once to utilise, if we may, the special knowledge of the castles of 
Northumberland, which, as we all know, has been acquired by our 
member, Mr. Cadwallader J. Bates. To a considerable extent, it may 
be said, the history of Northumberland from the eleventh to the 


fifteenth ceutnry is the history of its castles, and a carefol summary of 
these, compared with one another, and traced through their various 
fortunes from glory to decay, will save a good deal of repetition when 
we come to the parochial history in the second parb. 

Possibly it might be found wise to deal in a similar manner with 
the churches of Northumberland, if one of our northern ecclesiologists 
would give us a paper on the church architecture of the county, 
illustrating his conclusions by copious examples and the free use of 

We shall want a short bright chapter on the Border forays 
between Northumberland and the two Scottish counties of Berwick 
and Roxburgh. Sir Walter Scott has accustomed us to look at these 
centuries of fray from the Scottish point of view. Let some one 
versed in the ballad literature of our county show us how they looked 
from the point of view not of Scotts and Eerrs but of Forsters and 
Fenwicks. The chapter devoted to this period need not be historically 
exhaustive, but must be beyond everything vivid and interesting, 
. with something of the Homeric stir and movement — something of the 
Teutonic ' gaudia certaminis ' in its pages. 

Mr. Woodman has a large collection of documents illustrating the 
legal history of the Northumbrian border, which some years ago were 
carefully studied by E^ofessor Creighton, who extracted from them an 
interesting article read before the Archaeological Institute at its New- 
castle meeting. It might perhaps still be possible to induce the 
Professor to contribute a chapter on this subject. 

Ooming down to a later period I admit that great condensation 
will be necessary in order to keep the work in moderate compass ; but 
I think that we must at least have one chapter on Northumberland 
and the Reformation, one on Northumberland and the Oivil War, and 
one on the two Jacobite rebellions. Probably also it will be neces- 
sary to devote a short chapter to the painful subject of the so-called 
* Popish recusants.' 

Lastly, some notice must be taken, however impossible it may be 
to go into details, of the history of coal-mining in Northumberland, 
and of the great industrial changes which have transformed large 
districts of the county during the last hundred years from desolate 
moorlands into hives of busy industry. In this connection the 


remarkable pei-Honality of the Northumbrian pitman whose invention 
of the locomotive has changed the face of the world and altered the 
earrents of human history must be at least alluded to. 

My conviction is that this chapter may be most tersely written by 
some one of our great captains of industry, who is thoroughly 
acquainted with all the details of the subject, but who will confine 
himself to its general outlines. No one is so able to write a short 
book on a large subject as one who could fill a folio upon it. It is 
the man with recently-acquired second-hand information who cannot 
resist the temptation to tell all he knows. 

Some self-restraint would have to be practised by all the con- 
tributors, but I do not see why all the subjects to which I have 
referred might not be adequately treated of in two octavo volumes of 
six or seven hundred pages each. 

We will now then pass to the detailed local history which corre- 
sponds to the 8ec4)nd part of Hodgson's work. Here, I am inclined to 
think, that we shall do well to follow Hodgson's example, and tell the 
story by parishes. 

The township makes, it seems to me, too small a unit, and the 
union — a modern agglomeration, and one hallDwed by no higher 
association than poor rates — too large a one. We shall have, more- 
over, the great advantage, in thus building on Hodgson's lines, of 
being able to use more of his material. At the same time I would 
venture to suggest that we need not, like Hodgson, group our parishes 
according to the ecclesiastical system into deaneries, but shall do 
better to follow the great natural divisions of the country, especially 
as indicated by the rivers. 

How many volumes we must allot to this part of the work will be 
a question for careful consideration. Remembering that Hodgson in 
three quarto volumes (perhaps we should rather say in two and a half, 
deducting half a volume for Alston and the Roman Wall) has barely 
covered a third of the ground, I do not think we can hope to accom- 
plish our work in less than six, and in that calculation I purposely take 
no account of Newcastle. In order to efPect this compression we shall 
have to sacrifice some of the family history which is so minutely dwelt 
upon by Hodgson. In some instances results will have to be stated 
without explaining the processes by which they were arrived at, and 


Bometimes the purport of several paragraphs may have to be stated in 
a genealogical table. It may be hoped that in this way sufficient space 
may be obtained for the introduction of other matter which should 
not be absent from a county history, pieces of folk-lore, anecdotes 
illustrating the customs of the rural population, dialectic peculiarities, 
even, perhaps, some information on points of natural history. This 
kind of narrative of the social habits of the people has been admirably 
given by Mr. D. D. Dixon of Rothbury ih some of his papers on 
Coquetdale. If he could only impart his gift of vivid character- 
painting to all our contributors, our county history, even in eight 
volumes, need not fear a scarcity of readers. 

While deprecating a too minute enumeration of all the devolutions 
of landed property throughout the county I quite recognise that in 
many cases the history of the county will be best illustrated by the 
history of some of its representative families. Not only the great family 
of Percy, whose name is inseparably connected with that of the county 
as a whole, but others, such as the Greys, the Charltons, the Riddells, 
the Fenwicks, the Forsters, the Liddells, the Blacketts, the Trevelyans, 
and many more whose names will at once occur to the mind of the 
antiquary, should have their story told in its broad outlines — without 
attempting to trace minutely the devolution of every iield in their 
estates — because in telling that story the history of the parishes in 
which they bore sway will virtually have been told. 

As for the apportionment of the space to the different districts, 
that would be a matter for careful deliberation, but my own impression 
is that it would divide itself in some such fashion as this : — 

Ist vol.— The Valleys of the Tweed and Till, Holy Island and 

2nd vol. — Coquetdale and Alnwick. 

8rd vol. — The Wansbeek, Morpeth, and Blyth. 

4th vol. — Redesdale, North Tynedale, and South Tynedale. 

5th vol. — Tyneside (excluding Hexham and Newcastle). 

6th vol.— Allendale, Hexham, and the Valley of the Derwent. 

With Newcastle, I purposely do not concern myself. It would 

perhaps require two volumes ; but it will be sure to take care of itself. 

If the rest of Northumberland can be provided for, Newcastle may be 

trusted to get its own history written, if for no other reason, because 


the demand for such a book among the 150,000 inhabitants of our 
city would always be sufficient to justify a bookseller in undertaking 
its publication if the suitable historian were found. 

For our fellow-labourers in the county portion of the work, we 
should have I think to be largely dependent on the county clergy, 
among whom there are already several earnest antiquaries. It will 
be understood that for the parishes already described by Hodgson, 
we shall use as much as possible his material, and that for the others 
we confine ourselves largely to his model. 

At this early stage of the discussion I fear we cannot say much as 
to the price at which the book could be brought out. It seems to be 
the general opinion that the book should be in quarto form; and, 
perhaps, each volume might be divided into two parts in order to 
make the book of a handier size. I think, if there is anything like a 
satis&ctory response to our appeal for subscriptions, we should be able 
to issue each of these parts at a guinea. But. of course, the larger 
the number of subscribers the better value we shall be able to give for 
the money subscribed. 

I do not suppose that a county history produced in the way I 
have suggested will be perfect. There is sure to be some inequality 
between the different portions of it. With all the care that may be 
exercised there will doubtless be some inaccuracies — perhaps some 
discordant statements. But still I think we may in this way obtain 
a county history and a good one, though not the ideally perfect one. 
For the perfect county history which some of my friends sigh for, I 
fear that we may have to wait till about the year 2000, by which time 
the coal-measures may be exhausted, and all the descendants of the 
present inhabitants of Northumbria may be settled in Britain beyond 
the seas. I plead for a book which shall be of some use to men now 
living, which shall enable the clerk upon his bicycle-tour, the farmer 
living by the Roman Wall, or the peasant under the shadow of the old 
Border peel, to take an intelligent interest in the study of archaeology, 
and learning what has been already discussed, to observe more, both for 
himself and for us. And with the greatest respect for the advocates 
of further delay and of the previous accumulation of further stores of 
archaeological material, I venture to remind them of the old but 
true proverb, ' The best is the enemy of the good.' 



By D. D. Dixon. 
[Read on the 26tlx Pebruary, 1890.] 

Your kind and patient attention to my former papers has encouraged 
me again to lay before you a homely description of old village life in 
Upper Coquetdale. To some of pur members, perhaps, my notes may 
not be of a sufficiently antiquarian nature; still, 1 think that any 
account of the manners and customs of our ancestors ought to be of 
interest to such a society as ours. Along with the dryer details bear- 
ing upon the subject, I shall give the more amusing side of the 
question by introducing what might be termed the folk-lore of the Old 
Volunteers, consisting of tales — which were at one time current in the 
district — relating to the deeds of various local characters connected 
with the volunteer movement in Upper Coquetdale during the great 
French war at the beginning of the present century. When, in 1793, 
the Revolutionary party in France declared war against England, not- 
withstanding the extreme party division in Parliament and the de- 
pressed state of the country, large sums of money were raised and 
great preparations made to meet the enemy. But it was in 1804, 
when Napoleon Bonaparte^s ambitious scheme of the invasion of Eng- 
land became known, that that intense thrill of patriotism went through 
the length and breadth of England such as there had not been since 
the days of the Spanish Armada, bringing forth that characteristic 
trait in an Englishman which, it is said, we inherit from our Saxon 
forefathers — that strong, strong love of our fatherland, our hearths, 
and our homes. It was this feeling which gave so great an impetus 
to the volunteer movement of the early part of the present century, 
and in no county was this feeling more enthusiastic than in our own 
county of Northumberland; and here I wish to say, that although I 
shall relate some ludicrous tales at the expence of our volunteer grand- 
fathers, I do not wish for a single moment to hold them up to ridicule, 
or to under-rate the value and moral effect of the volunteer movement 
either of the past or the present. 

In our rural inland district — the valleys of the Aln and Upper 


Coqaetdale — ^there were (besides the Northumberland Militia) three 
volunteer companies, viz., the Coquetdale Bangers, the Cheviot 
Legion, and the Percy Tenantry Volunteers. 

The Ooquetdalb Rangers 

were a troop of volunteer cavalry, composed mostly of yeomen and 
well-to-do farmers living in the parishes of Whittingham, Alnham, 
Alwinton, and Rothbury. In 1805 it consisted of 55 effectives, com- 
manded and ofiScered by Captain Thomas Selby of Biddleston, Lieut. 
John Mills of Glanton Pyke, and William Wilson of Hepple (comet). 
In 1819 it was commanded by Captain Adam Atkinson of Lorbottle, 
and in 1821 the troop mustered 183 effectives under the command of 
Captain John Collingwood Tarleton of Collingwood House, Captain 
Henry Collingwood of Unthank, Captain William Lynn Smart of 
Trewhitt House, Walter Forster Eer of East Bolton (lieutenant), 
Oeoi^ Hughes Pringle (lieutenant), John Orde (cornet), William 
Tewart (comet), and William F. Bowe (surgeon).^ William Davy of 
Bothbury acted as bugler to the troop for nineteen years. The usual 
place of drill at Rothbury was Howey's Haugh, on that part where 
the races are now held. The Rangers' uniform consisted of a red coat, 
white trousers, and a large scarlet cloak for use in stormy weather; 
and, if I remember aright, the headpiece was a brass helmet with a 
black horse-tail plume. Their arms were carbine and sword. Some 
twenty years ago I saw an old Rothbury man (Tom Bum) march 
down the village of Rothbury wearing his scarlet cloak, his last relic 
of the Rangers. The sword carried by William Wilson of Hepple, 
while he was for some time a comet in the troop, and also the sword 
he carried afterwards as a lieutenant, are now in the possession of Mr. 
George Wilson of Alnwick. On his leaving the troop in 1814, he was 
presented with a silver cup, also in Mr. Wilson's hands, bearing the 

following inscription: — 

'Presented to Lieut. William Wilson by the officers, non-commissioned 
officers,- and privates of the Coquetdale Rangers, as a smaU token of their esteem, 
and grateful acknowledgment of his long service in the corps. 1814.' 

The only other memento I have of the Rangers is a smaU one — a 

> For names of officers and other interesting matter I am much indebted to 
Major Adamson's valuable book entitled Notices of the Services of the 27th 
Northumberland Light Infantry Militia, compiled and edited by William 
Adamson, Sen. Capt. and Honorary Major. 1877. 

VOL. XV. ^ 


button. This button was given to me the other day by Mr. George 

Rennison, a mason at Thropton, a man of keen antiquarian tastes. It 

was taken from the coat of Major Atkinson of Lorbottle, and bears 

the legend, ' Coquetdale Yeomanry Cav.' The following notice of this 

troop is found in the Newcastle Courant of April 26, 1806: — 

*The Coquetdale Rangers, commanded by Gapt. Selbj, were inspected at 
GlantoQ on the 22nd inst. by Lieut. -Colonel Rawdon, who expressed his entire 
approbation of their discipline and soldier-like appearance. The troop have 
just received new clothing, &c., and have unanimously determined to continue 
their services so long as Government may deem them useful to their country.' 

I am told by one of our old residents that the troop was disbanded in 
1822, when the niembers mustered at Lorbottle House and gave in 
their arms to Major Atkinson. 

It is curious to notice that, whilst the regulars are admired and in 
some cases idolised by the populace, our volunteers and the militia 
have at all times been bantered and teased with no end of satirical 
squibs and rhymes. In my native village (Whittingham) we had two 
or three old Coquetdale Rangers. One, whose name was George Vint, 
a most respectable old man — distantly related to the Minto family — 
often got us village lads to stand in a row, and, according to his 
fashion, put us through our driA. His great annual performance, 
however, took place at the Eslington rent dinner, when, for the amuse- 
ment of the company, he would get astride a chair, and with a stick 
go through all the cavalry cuts and guards, occasionally giving the 
luckless wight nearest to him a good sound whack over the head. The 
only time Trooper Vint drew blood was when he accidentally shot 
himself in the leg with his own carbine. The decent old man was 
often annoyed by the village lads shouting after him the following 

doggrel lines: — 

Reed back'd bummeller, 

Cock taird tummeller, 

Fire-side soldier, 

Dama gan to war. 

Thb Percy Tbnaittry Volunteers, 

raised in 1798 at the sole expence of His Grace the Duke of Northum- 
berland, was composed of horse and foot, and numbered 1,500 strong. 
Rothbury was the headquarters of No. 8 Company, consisting of 70 
rank and file, commanded and officered by Captain Thomas Storer of 



the Manor House, Lient. Thomas Redhead of the Rye Hill, and Lieat. 
John Donkin of Great Tosson. Oaptain Storer lived in a large white 
hoose at the head of the Malting Yard, on the sonth side of the village 
of Rothbury, midway between the church and the County Hotel. The 
captain occasionally put his company through its drill in front of his 
own house, and it is said that some of the men could never learn to 
know the difference between their left leg and their right. This, in 
company drill, was rather inconvenient; therefore the gallant captain 
ordered this awkward squad to appear at drill with a straw rope tied 
round their left leg, until they could distinguish which was which. 
Nevertheless a full muster of the Percy Tenantry Volunteers, in their 
invisible green uniform, armed with rifle and bayonet, presented an 
imposing sight. 

. A Newcastle paper of 1805, commenting upon the Percy Tenantry 
Volunteers, said : — 

'It is only doing justice to the Duke of Northumberland to instanoe his great 
patriotism at the present eventful crisis. His grace has raised amongst his 
tenantry a corps of 1,511 men, consisting of a body of Horse Artillery, com- 
manded by a captain, six troops of cavalry, and seventeen companies of infantry, 
the whole clothed, appointed, paid, and maintained by himself. The Govern- 
ment have only found arms and accoutrements.* 

The following is a copy of the muster roll of the Rothbury Com- 
pany, from 1803 to 1806, kindly furnished by Lord Percy from the 
papers of the Regiment, kept at Alnwick Oastle . — 

Thomas Storer, Oapt. 

• • • 


James Anderson 

• • • 

• •• 


Thos. Beadhead, Ist Lt. 

• ■ fl 


Thomas Arkle 

• ■ • 

• • • 


John Donkin, 2nd Lt. 

• ■ • 


Wm. Bolam, Sergt. 

• • • 


Waiiam Bell, 2nd Lt. 

■ • • 


Thomas Buttiment 

• • • 


William Crow, 1st Lt. 

fl «• 


Bartholomew Bnttiment... 


Robert Anderson ... 

• • • 


Robert Black 

• ' • 

■ •• 


Ralph Armstrong... 

• • • 


George Baddle 

• •• 

• •• 


Ord Armstrong ... 

• •• 


William Bnddle 

• •• 

• • • 


John Aynsley 



John Bolman 

•« • 

• «• 


James Arthur 

• •• 


Thomas Bom 

• «• 

• •• 


William Arkle ... 

» • • 


William Black 

• •• 

• • • 


Thomas Arkle 



WUliam Beldon 

• •• 

■ • • 


David Amory 

• • • 


Robert Glennel 

• • • 

• • • 


Francis Amory ... 

• •• 


George Can- 

• • • 

• • • 


Thomas Amory ... 

• •• 


Robert Cowans 

• •• 



James Amory 

• • • 


James Cairns 

■ • • 

• • • 


Wm. Aynsley, Sergt. 

• • ■ 


Robert Dunn 

• • • 

• • • 




William Dixon, sen. 
Bobert Dunn 
Bdwazd Doree 
Matthew Dixon ... 
William Dixon, jon. 
Robert Davy 
George Douglas ... 
Thomas Daglish ... 
John Douglas 
Thomas Dores 
James Dooglas ... 
Bobert Blliott ... 
Ninian Elliott, Corp. 
Daniel Blliott 
Thomas Blsdon ... 
William BlUott ... 
George Fergoson ... 
William Frater ... 
Bobert Frater 
Mark Forster 
Matthew Ferguson 
John Graham 
Bobert Hindhaugh 
William Handiside 
John Hownam 
William Hudson .. 
William Hall 
James Hall 
Bdwaid Handyside 
Robert Heelop 
Alexander Heslop 
Robert Hope 
John Johnson 
William Jeffery ... 
Thomas Jobson ... 
Bobert Leighton ... 
Daniel Leighton ... 
Thoe. Mather, Corpl. 
John Mather 
William Milbum ... 
William Mather ... 
Thomas Nixon 
Thomas Pape, Sergt. 
Bdward Pyle 













































Benjamin Perry 
Robert Reed 
John Reed ... 
John Richardson 
Robert Robson 
Bdward Robson 
John Readhead 
Bdward Riddle 
Thomas Robison 
Adam Richardson 
George Ramsay 
Thomas Ramsay' 
William Ramsay 
Ralph Robison 
John Riddle 
Ralph Robison 
John Robson 
John Ramsay 
John Robison 
Robert Readhead 
Walter Riddle 
Andrew Robson 
Robert Stewart 
Robert Smith 
William Soulsby, Oorp. 
John Soulsby 
Gideon Spearman 
John Storey 
George Scott 
Etobert Storer 
Thos. J. Sproat, bugle 
John Selby ... 
Charles Scott 
George Selby 
John Telford 
Matthew Thompson 
William Thompson 
Robert Taylor 
Edward Todd 
Robert Weir 
John Wintrip 
Andrew Wallace 
William Wilson 













































It contains, it will be observed, several old, well-known Rothbury 
names, whose descendants, bearing the same names, yet fill the places 
of their fore-elders in the village life of Rothbnry. Such names as 
Donkin, Aynsley, Soulsby, Arkle, Dores, Elsdon, Leighton, Thompson^ 
Carr, Frater, Davy, and Cowans. The Percy Volunteers were spread 
over the whole connty of Northumberland. 

It may be of interest to know the names of the various companies 
and their officers : — 


Alnwlok Company Gapt. Thoa. Bell. 

Chatton ^. Capt. Adam Atkinson. 

Gnizance and Thirston Lieut. Thomas Tate. 

Lesbuiy Gapt. W. John Hay. 

Longhoughton Thomas Buston. 

Newham Gapt. Arthur Marshall. 

Bothbory Gapt. Thomas Storer. 

Shilbottle Gapt. Latham Blacker. 

Warkworth Lieat. Thomas Chrisp. 

Barrasford, No. 1 Gapt Guthbert Nicholson. 

Barrasf ord, No. 2 Gapt. Thomas Thompson. 

Lemington Gapt. Joseph Lamb. 

Newbum, No. 1 Gapt Henry Gramlington. 

Newbnm, No. 2 Lient Ghris. Blackett 

Pnidhoe, No. 1 Gapt. John Dobson. 

The Cheviot Legion, 

consisting of both cavalry and infantry, belonged more to the neigh- 
bourhood of Glanton and the valley of the Breamish and the Till. In 
1803 it numbered 124 effectives, and was commanded by Lieut.-Gol. 
Horace St. Paul of Ewart, near Wooler. Thos. Selby, jun., of Biddle- 
stone, was one of the captains. After the loyal muster this troop made 
at Glanton on the night of the false alarm, it received the name of the 
Royal Cheviot Legion. The Newcastle Gourant of Sept. 6th, 1806, 
contains a notice as follows : — 

* The Boyal Gheviot Legion, commanded by Col. St. Paul, has unanimously 
continued its services under the reduced aUowances. The corps had its last field 
day this week until the completion of the harvest.* 

Wooler was the head-quarters of the Cheviot Legion. The only item 
I diall tell you of one of its characters is this, that the drummer's 
name was Peter Borthwiok, and whenever the Wooler people heard 


the sound of Peter's drum, they would say, * Here comes Peter Borth- 
wick wi' his muckle drum.' An old woman, who lived in the same 
neighbourhood, generally finished up her story of the French war by 
saying : * Wor Wull was at the "Water o' Battleoo.' 


The False Alarm. 

Although doubts have frequently been expressed whether Napoleon 
really intended to invade England in 1804, it is now a well-known 
fact that our forefathers had every reason to fear such a calamity. 
At that period the name of Bonaparte was the dread of the whole of 
Europe, and it has since become known in history that a hundred 
thousand men were in camp at Boulogne, provided with a fleet of flat- 
bottomed boats to convey them across the Channel, whilst Napoleon 
himself felt so certain of victory as to have had a commemorative 
medal prepared with a boastful inscription, declaring it to have been 
struck in conquered England. On the obverse of the medal is a 
finely-cut bust of Napoleon (the head bound with a laurel wreath) en- 
circled by the legend 'Napoleon Emp. et Roi.' On the reverse is a 
spirited design of Hercules conquering Antaeus, the features of the 
Hercules being modelled after the Napoleonic type. The inscription 
on the reverse is 'Descente en Angleterre,* cut in large capitals, while 
smaller characters beneath are the words 'Frappe a Londres en 1804.' 
It was only by the death of one of Napoleon's generals that the cam- 
paign was delayed. Meanwhile 800,000 volunteers had risen in 
England; and, from John o' Groat's House to Land's End, every 
county had its contingent of armed men, its rank and file of citizen 
soldiers, ready to meet the coming attack. 

Although the recital of the false alarm may be to us at the present 
day the source of much amusement, to our grandfathers and our 
grandmothers it was a dread reality, and the cause of the greatest fear 
and consternation throughout the counties of Berwick and Northum- 
berland. Many of my notes on the fiJse alarm were told me, 
years ago, by an aged relative of my own who had good cause to 
recollect the incident, having experienced in no smaU degree the 
terror and alarm of that eventful night. She was then a girl of some 
fifteen years of age, living at Easington, near Belford, not far from 
the coast, and in full view of the fiaming beacon on Bos Castle. She 


often told the story how the whole household at Easington sat in 
readiness dnring the long hours of that fearful night, with horses 
harnessed and carts ready to convey them all to the Cheviot Hills for 
safety, whilst the silver and other valuables were buried in the 

As the circumstances connected with my relation's residence at 
Easington are rather interesting, I might be pardoned if I shortly 
digress to relate them. In the last decade of the 18th century, her 
&ther, my great grandfather, David Dippie, joined the Aberdeen 
Fencibles, in which regiment he became ensign, and, during the Irish 
rebellion of 1798, he was with the Fencibles at the battle of Vinegar 
Hill. I have the pistol which was his companion. He afterwards 
joined the 98th Regiment as quarter-master and went out with it to 
America, leaving his daughter in charge of her aunt, the wife of a 
Captain Scott, in the merchant service. This Captain Scott was in 
command of one of the transport ships in which the remnant of Sir 
John Moore's army embarked after its unfortunate retreat at Corunna 
in 1809. As far as can be ascertained, the facts of the Mae alarm 
were as follows: — On the night of Tuesday, the 81st of January, 1804, 
the inhabitants of Berwickshire and Northumberland were thrown 
into a state of gi'eat consternation by the lighting of the beacons, and 
the cry of alarm that the French had landed, an event which at that 
time was the great dread of the English nation. On the night in 
question one of the watchmen had either mistaken a distant light for 
that of another beacon, or, as many people thought at the time, the 
first beacon was fired by order of the Government to test the loyalty 
of the volunteers. Be that as it may, the three counties — Durham, 
Northumberland, and Berwick — were thoroughly alarmed, and the 
whole of the volunteers arose in arms. It was late in the evening 
of that memorable Tuesday, when the inhabitants of the valleys of 
the Breamish and the Aln were startled by the lurid glare of the 
beacon fire on Ros Castle, a lofty hill in Chillingham Park, which was 
speedily responded to by the beacons in Alndale and Coquetdale. I 
hope diortly to obtain a complete list of the beacons in Northumber- 
land at that period, but as yet I have only been able to identify two 
hills — viz., Bos Castle and Ryle Hill, near Whittingham. As soon as 
the alarm spread, the various volunteers began to muster each at their 


own local rendezvons, armed and ready to march to Glanton, the 
centre of mobilisation for the district. At Rothbnry the Ooqnetdale 
Bangers assembled to the bugle call of William Davy; whilst to the 
notes of Bngler Thomas Sproat, the rank and file of the Percy tenantry 
formed in front of Captain Storer's house, and proceeded in all haste 
towards Glanton. 

Traditions of the sad and sorrowful partings of husband and wife, 
of iather and children, linger amongst several of oar older Goquetdale 
families even to this day. One old farmer died at the Newtown, near 
Rothbnry, a few years ago, who, as a little boy, could remember his 
father standing at the door of the old farmhouse at Whitton, armed and 
mounted, ready to go and fight the French, and his weeping mother 
Ufling him up to give his &ther the last kiss ere he rode off to join 
the troop at Bothbury. But Tommy Bedhead, the Netherton miller, 
who was drying oats on the high kiln took a more practical view of 
the case. When he heard the sound of the bugle, he shouted to his 
wife — * Come here, Mary, and kill thur yetts, and grind thum, and if 
the French dis land at the mill we'll let thum see she's not toom.' 

A story is also told of a gallant trooper in the ranks of the Both- 
bury Company of the Coquetdale Bangers, who, although living at a 
farm-place a few miles distant from Bothbury, never on any occasion 
omitted attending the weekly drill on Bothbury Haugh, whether 
it was real military aixlour or whether it was the love of good com- 
pany at the 'Three Half Moons* after drill that was the primary 
cause of such regular attendance on the part of this yeoman trooper I 
am not prepared to say ; but this I can tell you, his wife noted these 
things in her mind. On the night of the alarm, this worthy yeoman 
was in bed sound asleep when the shrill blast of the bugle at his very 
door suddenly awoke him. He jumped up, and, looking out of the 
window, enquired what was the matter. 'The French is landed,' was 
the reply. 'No ! no T said the newly-awakened Banger, 'it cannot be 
true; there must be some mistake.* But the bugler blew another 
blast, and hastened on to raise the next man. The wife of the trooper 
then addressed her spouse as follows : — ' Aye/ she said^ 'ye were always 
ready eneuf to gan te the drills at Botbury just to get a boose. So 
now that the French hes landed, get your claes on an' be off wi' ye.' 
Aroused by the spirited words of his Spartan wife, he mounted his 


charger and hastened to join his comrades at Bothbnry. The troop 
proceeded to Glanton to await orders; and early the next day news 
airived that the alarm was nnfoonded — the French had not landed. 
Therefore the remainder of the day was spent at Glanton in that 
sociable and jovial manner for which onr yeoman ancestors of that 
period were rather famous. Late in the afternoon three of our Ooqnet- 
dale troopers were returning from Glanton home by Bimside Moor, 
and when near Debden they espied a man called Jimmy MoFarlane, 
a besOm maker, whereupon these three hearties proposed to make 
Jimmy believe they were the French, and take him prisoner. So, 
putting spurs to their horses, they galloped across the moor with 
drawn swords towards Jimmy ; but the besom maker was more than 
a match for the valiant Bangers, as they approached him, he sud- 
denly turned his back to the foe^ stooped down, and, looking through 
his legs, ran backwards towards them, shouting at the |)itch of his 
voice. The horses, unaccustomed to such an extraordinary spectacle, 
reared and plunged, and would, on no account, face the chfurge of 
Jimmy McFarlane. The cavalry were, therefore, fain to retreat, at 
which Jimmy shouted triumphantly after them, ^Hey ! three bonny 
sodgers, canna tak' a busem maker ! ' 

Many of the county squires had their servants told off each to 
certain posts in the event of an invasion. For instance, Mr. Clennell 
of Harbottle had men set apart to drive the wives and bairns of his 
dependents to the hills in carts; others to drive the cattle; whilst 
others were armed in a promiscuous manner with guns, pistols, and 
swords, to act as an escort. Once a week these men were paraded on 
the lawn in front of Harbottle Castle^ when the squire called over their 
names, and each man had to detail his duty. The name of one man 
has been handed down to us, which shows how the drill was conducted. 
When the squire called out *John Lunn,' the answer was * Sword 
and Gun.' The alarm was given at Harbottle by a man galloping 
madly up the village shouting, 'Fly to the mountains! fly to the 

One or two short anecdotes relating to the behaviour of some of 
our old Goquetdale Volunteers at the false alarm shall conclude this 
paper ; but before relating these anecdotes I shall give the following 
extract from the vestry books of Bothbury Parish Church, which 

VOL. XV. ^ 


throws a gloomy sidelight into the condition of the poorer classes, and 
affords ns, amid all the seeming fnn and frolic of our ancestors, a 
graver and a sadder glimpse into the state of onr mral population 
during that memorable period : — 

*Dec. 22, 1800. At a meeting of the rector, churchwardens, and four and 
twenty, holden this day, it was agreed, in consequence of the extraordinary high 
price of aU the necessary articles of Life, to allow seventeen guineas out of 
Bector Thomlinson*s fund for the purchase of proyisions for the use of the poor. 

Signed, Obo. Watson, Rector.* 

In the account of the expenditure of this sum occurs the following : — 
'5 cwt. of rice at 5^. a pound ; by cartage and shipping of rice to 
Alemouth, 8s. 8d. ; postage of two letters concerning the rice, Is. 6d/ 
On the back of this vestry book is written the following : — *This book 
was bought of Mr. William Chamley of Newcastle for £2 ISs. 
April 6th, 1776/ 

George Atkinson, yeoman, of Alnham, was 'fothering' when he 
saw the beacon fire on Byle Hill, so he buckled on his armour, 
mounted his charger, and made for Oaisley Moor, the rallying point 
of the west countrymen. At Netherton there was great excitement. 
Tom Nevison, Captain Smart's servant man, better known as ^'Phe 
King o' the Causey,* scoured round the outlying oistrict and gathered 
all the stragglers in. Amusing excuses were said to have been given 
by several who did not care about going. For instance, Tom Bolam 
had *a pain iv his breest,' but three glasses of whisky at the ' Fighting 
Cocks' at Netherton soon cured him, and then he was open to fight 
* Bonnie ' or any other man — so said his neighbours. Willie 
Middlemas was seized with a violent pain, which nervous people are 
liable to have during a heavy thunderstorm ; but no sooner did it 
become known that the alarm was false than Willie at once mounted 
and joined the troop in time for dinner at Collingwood House. Jack 
Dixon's horse wanted shoeing, and whilst that was being done the 
news came that it was a false alarm, nevertheless he boldly mount-ed 
his charger, and was also with the troop at dinner time, where there 
was plenty of good cheer, and, as it was wickedly reported, the 
troopers felt so much relieved that they really had not to fight the 
French that they partook largely of the eatables and drinkables set 
before them and very soon their spirits rose beyond all bounds. Jack 


Dixon, the Noodle, as he was called, became so elated that when he 
mounted he knew not right from left, and, therefore, took the wrong 
road home, and went by Alnham instead of Yetlington. Old Geordie 
Buddie of ' Yeldom ' was standing at his garden gate when he heard in 
the distance the sound of a charger coming by Hogspethford. 
Presently the trooper rode up and saluted Geordie. who looking some- 
what curiously at the Ranger, said, ' An' what wad thou de. Jack, if 
the French was comin'?' 'De,' exclaimed Jack, *aal sune let ye see 
what aa wad de,' and saying this he drew his sword and with one 
bound leapt off his horse right into the garden amongst the winter 
cabbages, at the same time shouting in a commanding tone of voice, 
' Give point against infantry,' * Give point against cavalry.' Singling 
out a nice big cabbage he made a ferocious cut at it, saying, * If that 
had been a Frenchman, that's what aa wad hae dune tiv him.' In 
this manner he laid about him until the whole of poor old Greordie 
Buddie's cabbages were cut into mince meat, and then, pufSng and 
blowing with the exertion, he boastingly exclaimed, ' Aave lettin' ye 
see what aa can de.' * Yes,' Geordie observed, very quietly, * yor a 
brave soldier. Jack, you'll sune be an officer.' 



By J. G. Waller, P.S.A. 

[Read on the 26th February, 1890.] 

Before I give a separate description of each brass under its locality, 
some general remarks may be necessary. The monumental brass does 
not appear before the thirteenth century, and it ceases to be generally 
used at the end of the seventeenth. In England it appears mostly in 
places of commerce, and amongst the old seats of woollen manufacture 
in the eastern counties, as well as in those western counties, Oxford- 
shire and Gloucestershire, where there was a similar development. 
But brasses are found in a more or less degree throughout the country. 
As I shall have to describe the fine Flemish brass at Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne, it is desirable to mark wherein this type differs from those of 
English execution and design. The former is in general large, and 
consists of a series of plates rivetted together and forming an un- 
broken oblong surface; the latter, on the contrary, have both figures 
and canopies cut to the outline. But it would be erroneous to suppose 
that this was at all times followed, as a very fine Flemish example of 
a priest at Wensley, in Yorkshire, is cut to its outline; and we have 
some English examples, though not of large size, of the former type. 
The real distinction is in the mode of execution: the treatment of 
features, drapery, «tc., and the use of a tool resembling a chisel, called 
a scorper. The design was full of elaborate detail: canopies rich in 
tabernacle work, with figures of saints, apostles, prophets, and almost 
universally the soul of the deceased as in Abraham's bosom, attended 
by angels censing and playing upon musical instruments; sometimes, 
also, the soul in a winding sheet borne by angels. This elaborate work 
is never seen in an EngUsh brass. On the other hand, if we take a 
series of brasses of English design which belong to the first half of the 
fifteenth century, we may defy competition for grace either of design 
or execution. The brass of the prior of Lewes, at Cowfold, Sussex, 
may be appealed to as a type, and several by this hand are found 
within the period alluded to. No example, however, of this school can 


be foand io the series about to be described; but one which belongs 
to the fii'st years of the fourteenth century may be looked upon as a 

One point in the history of English brasses is too often passed over, 
which is the illustration they afford of the development of our language, 
and also of a certain religious feeling. French, the language of the 
aristocracy, disappears at the end of the fourteenth century; then we 
have Latin formulae to the middle of the fifteenth century, when the 
mother tongue begins to be seen ; and it is curious that the word 
' gentleman * is first found about this time, even when the rest of the 
inscription may be in liatin. But it is in the sixteenth century, about 
the end of the reign of Elizabeth, that a religious development is seen 
— a Puritan element — which is often much marked in the succeeding 
reign ; the shadow cast before of coming events. I refer you to the 
memorials of Bunny at Ryton, Dorothy, wife of Robert Parkinson, 
Haughton-le-Skerne, and Jane Bell, Hartlepool, as showing something 
of this feeling. 

But previously to this time, viz., the closing half of the fifteenth 
century, there was a phase which, as it is illustrated in one of the 
ensuing examples, cannot be passed over. It is figures in shrouds — 
skeletons and the like — a levelling thought which firet crops up in the 
fourteenth century, shown in rude snatches of poetry and in the deco- 
rations of our churches, in which skeleton kings meet living ones in 
the chase, and warn them that * such as we are now, so will you be.' 
That this reflected somewhat of the spirit of the times there cannot 
be a doubt, the uprisings of the serf both in France and England, and 
the bloody repression, must have left traces behind; and that this was 
shown in the popular teaching is seen in the caustic satire of the 
Dance of Death, which often decorated the cloisters of cathedral 
churches, and which may be called the last page of the Book of the 
Laity, and the final expression of the Middle Ages. 


Hexham. — Inscription and three escutcheons of arms : — 

${e facet JBiohtttufi iDfle ilV (Eletie Bertm filfe Z 
VlobectC berttn milltifi qui obUt Jti tiCgClta omnfu 
fcor' SL"" Utif 9^''(l€€€''x'' tulufi ale ppfcfet' li0 ame S 


The inBcription is at the foot of a lar^e slab in the south aisle of the 
chancel. In the centre of the slab is the matrix of a brass represent- 
ing a female, her head resting on a coshion : all under a crocketted 
canopy. In the angles of the stone there have been four shields. Of 
these three still remain. The shields are the same repeated, viz.: — 
Argenty a fesse between three crescents gviea, for Ogle, quartering, 
or, an orle azure^ for Bebtbam.^ 

All Saints' Church, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. — Brass of 
Roger Thornton and Agnes, his wife^. 1429. The figure of Roger 
is in ordinary civilian costume: a tunic with full hanging sleeves 
(pokys), which are like bags, but fasten closely about the wrist. It 
has a stiffly plaited collar high around the neck, fastened with buttons 
in front, and has a girdle about the waist from which is dependent an 
anelace, somewhat longer than usual, with ornamented scabbard. The 
hilt is not visible (only slight indications of it are shown), the sleeve 
of left arm concealing it. The tunic, as usual, flows to the feet, 
where a talbot dog is knawing a bone, which is not uncommon with 
some brasses of the Flemish manufacture. The head has flowing 
locks on either side, and rests upon an embroidered cushion held by 
two angels. It is not easy to describe the lady^s dress, but it consists 
of a tunic flowing to the feet, confined at the waist by a girdle, having 
open hanging sleeves, plaited upon the chest, and buttoned about the 
neck. Over all is an ample mantle, and it seems to have an upright 
stiff collar the wings of which are seen projecting on each side of her 
veil. Her head-dress is curious. There is an inner covering, veil- 
Uke in form, over which is the veil proper, which seems to have pro- 
jecting horns or pads from which it hangs down in the usual manner. 
There is a cushion for the head similarly arranged to that previously 
described. So much for the figures; now for the rich tabernacle work 
of the canopy under which the figures stand. 

This arranges it precisely as in so many other instances of the 
Flemish brass; in &ct a kind of stock subject is seen everywhere. 
There is first the soul of the deceased in a winding sheet sustained by 
angels. On each side of this group, in a separate niche on the right, 
is a figure holding a scroll, most likely representing one of the old law; 
on the left, one reading from a book of the Gospels; each flanked 

* See plate VIII., facing p. 76. ' See opposite plate (IX.). 


by figures of angels; above which, in a higher niche, is a venerable 
fignre nimbed, seated, holding in his lap the soul. On each side angels 
with tapers. It is Abraham's bosom, a symbol of Paradise, sarroonded 
by figures of angels in niches, which represent celestial harmony, 
according to a very ancient belief in the Christian church that the 
souls of the just were conveyed to the realms of bliss accompanied by 
angelic musio. This pretty idea, which crops out in several of the 
legends of the saints^ may be traced to still earlier sources; but one 
must not forget the beautiful passage in Hamlet, Act Y., last scene, 
wherein Horatio says — * Oood night, sweet prince, and flights of angels 
sing thee to your rest.' It is one of the many instances of Shakes- 
peare's power of introducing and embodying thought that had come 
down f)*om early Christian times through the Middle Ages. 

The three shafts which sustain the canopy have seven niches or 
tabernacles in each. Beginning on the right of the male figure is an 
angel, beneath which are the following apostles as known by their 
emblems:— St. Peter, with book and key; St. John the Evangelist, 
with chalice, dragon issuing from it; St. Thomas, with book and lance; 
St. Matthew^ with hatchet and book; St. Bartholomew, with book and 
knife. The last is obscure, it may be St. Jude. 

On the left side of the lady, at the top, the figure of an angel as 
before; then St. Paul, with sword and book. It is remarkable that he 
often appears as one of the twelve. St. James the greater, with bourdon 
and scrip or purse; next, a young figure with book; then St. James the 
less with club; St. Andrew, with his peculiar cross; St. Philip holding 
cross and book; St. Matthias, with a pole axe. The introduction of 
St. Paul naturally displaces one of the twelve in this case, St. Symon. 
The central shaft commences with a figure of the Yii^n Mary, 
crowned, and holding the Child; then that of John the Baptist, with 
cross and banner, holding the Lamb; then St. Katharine, crowned, 
holding sword and broken wheel; St. John the Evangelist, again, with 
chalice, etc.; St. Margaret, with palm branch. The two last female 
saints were popular everywhere, and their legends were very frequently 
illustrated on the walls of our churches. The next is a youthful male 
figure holding two books; and it is difficult to assign this, as books 
are such common emblems. The last is St. Lawrence, in deacon's 
habit, and holding a gridiron, the symbol of his martyrdom. 


The arrangement over the head of the lady is similar to that 
already described over that of the husband. At the feet of the figures 
are ranged fourteen smaller figures, seven males in one niche, seven 
females in another, the formal character of which is the worst part of 
the design. The inscription is on a marginal fillet enclosing the 
whole, having the symbols of the evangelists at the comers, begin- 
ning at the right side with the eagle oi' St. John, left side angel of 
St. Matthew, at base on the right the lion of St. Mark, on the left the 
bull of St. Luke. There are four escutcheons of arms, viz.: — At top 
centre, a chevron, in base an annulet impaling a chevron, a chief 
dancett6, which are repeated at centre base; on right centre, a chevron, 
in base annulet, for Thornton; on left centre, a chevron, a chief 
dancett^. The inscription begins over the head of the lady thus: — 

^ life • facet • domfceUa • i agnejS • qtioDam • bjDor • roegeri • 
ttiorntoti • que - obiit m . bfgelfa • Caticte • batrftie • anno • 
i^omini - m • cccc • xi i propicietur - DeujS • amen ^ fife • laeet • 
trogentjS • t||orn jton • mcator • nouf • caCtrf • Cupetr • tinam • qui • 
obnt • anno • Dni • mfUeCfmo • eeec xx - Ix (Ct • Hi - Dfe • 
fanbarff | 

The termination was not completed, and it is to be renlarked the 
'cujus anima' is omitted. No capitals are used, and the name Roger 
is spelt in two diflTerent ways. It often happens, in Flemish brasses 
in England, that mistakes are made which show that they were exe- 
cuted abroad, and not by workmen sent over fiom Flanders. This, 
however interesting, is an inferior work to that of Topcliflfe, York- 
shire, and many other of the Flemish brasses in this country. 

St. Andrew's Newcastle-upon-Tyne. — Bemains of brass 
of Aymer de Athol, now in the Black Gate Museum, of date about 
1400, consisting merely of the feet resting upon a lioness, which is 
not at all common. The feet have sharply pointed soiierets, and the 
spurs are short and rowelled. 

County of Durham. 

St. Andrew's Auckland.— l. A boldly and well executed 
figure of a priest, head partly gone. He wears a cassock with closely 
fitting sleeves^ with cufb buttoned about the wrists. Over this is a 
































short surplice, with long loose sleeves; an almuce, with hood and long 
pendants; and over all a mantle or cloak, which is remarkable for its 
being gathered about the shoulders — a by no means usual form. The 
date is about 1400. It is not the habit in which the rector or vicar 
is generally represented, but that given to the master of a chantry, 
or one having academical honours, etc. 

2. A small oblong plate, of very remarkable and unique design.' 
In the centre is a plain cross of Greek form, across the angles of which 
is a flowering plant in saltire; above is a rose irradiated in middle of 
a scroll on which is — 


The rose is derived from the arms of Barnes, as granted 18th Elizabeth, 
viz.: — Azure, on a bend argent between two estoiles (?r, a boy front- 
&ced holding in both hands the tongue of a bear statant sable 
estoiled of the last, a chief of the second charged with three roses 
gules radiated as the third. At base another scroU, on which is — 

-^ O • FBIDBSMCmDA • VALB — ^ 

Beneath this scroll is a mediaeval convention for clouds, of the middle 
of the fifteenth century. On each side of the horizontal arms of the 
cross, on a scroll, is — 

8 APBIL.— AN • DNI • 1681. 

An inscription encloses the whole thus: — 


When the church was restored in 1881 by Mr. Blomfield, it was 

found that this brass was nearly half an inch thick, and let into the 

centre of a matrix of a very pretty cross flory with a figure within it, 

which, I should think, was for a priest. There were two coats of arms, 

and the inscription went around in an enclosing fillet. Supposing 

this slab to be m situ, one can hardly approve of it being used a 

second time, especially for the wife of a palatine bishop of Durham. 

In Baine's Auckland Castle, p. 72, is an excerpt from the bishop's 

accounts, 1583, which tells of a payment ' to the gouldsmythe at Yorke 

for a plate to sett over Mrs. Barnes, 82'' ' This is interesting, and 

accounts for the very pretty design, as the artist and goldsmith were 

often one, and it is a pity we have not here his name. In the church 

' See plate X., facing p. 80. 



of Great Berkhampstead, Herts, is a palimpsest brass having on one 
side an elaborately executed inscription to Thomas Hnmfrej, a gold- 
smith of London, early sixteenth eentnry. The initial letter has a 
very excellently designed figure of St. Jerome as a cardinal, with the 
lion of his legend, finely and minutely executed. Richard Barnes 
was the second Protestant bishop of Durham. 

St. Helen's Auckland. — Figure of a gentleman in long tunic 
edged with fur, with his hair cropped around by the ears, pointed 
shoes, and wearing a rosary. Upper part of the figure of his lady gone 
to the waist. Beneath him six sons, and beneath her [ ] daughters.^ 
Inscription lost. About the middle of the fifteenth century (1460-70). 

Billingham, Durham — l. Figure of a priest, head lost.' He is 

vested in the garments due to a dignitary, as a canon, often seen in 

masters of colleges, &c., viz., a surplice, flowing to the feet, with long 

full sleeves, through which appear the sleeves of the cassock. He 

wears the almucium or aumess, a tippet made of the fur of the grey 

squirrel, having a Mnge of pendant tails and long lappels with tails, 

possibly having a leaden weight to keep them down. There are many 

variations of this costume. The inscription, in three lines, a good 

deal worn, runs thus: — 

1)ic iacet bns IRoberf Srerlev jmp prebenbariuB flue porconatins i ecclia 
pocbiaU te Norton ac vicwcV ecclie pocbfatto te belindbm Minelm' (foC aui 
obfft .... ^ie ... B° Mii m°cccc<»lCTr > • • cni' ale ppicietnt teue amen. 

2. The following deviates in some details from established forms: — 

Orate pro aia 2)ni 5obS flecebm capllf ac 
IDfcadJ anbnx iftius ecclie qui obijt in tfetto 
Sci flicbolal £pi Bnno Mti mfllmo CCCC*" 
lv¥^ Cuius anime ppicietur bene Bmen 

It conmiemorates John Neceham, both chaplain and vicar, an associa- 
tion not often met with. ' Quondam istius ecclesiae ' usually follows 
the name, and the mode of abbreviation of ^capellani' is out of the 
common form. The evangelistic symbols are those of the lion of St. 
Mark and the bull or calf of St. Luke. The scrolls are unusually twisted. 
8. Surtees (Dur., iii., p. 146) describes a brass to the memory of 
Percival Lambton de Bellases, of which there is now no trace in the 

* The remainder of the brass is hidden by a pew, so that the number of 
daughters cannot be seen. 

* See opposite plate (XL). 

AtchMOlocIi Adiuu, ml. iv^ to dec p*(e 81. 



church, unless the following brass, now very much worn, has been 

misread by him and his predecessor Hutchinson : — 

bic jacet willm' [?] t>^ton [?] ybellafta 
i^oma at obfit . . . bfe menr AafJ Bnno 
Dni ACCCC . . . Cut' aie . . . b0 Bme 

Brancepeth Church. — l. Demi-figure of a priest in academ- 
ical costume, with hood, cape, etc.; the inscription, much de&ced, as 
follows: — 

mt facet Efcu0 9Drajc ClfcujS in btroq; fure Bacularf 
quoba Eector I fCti' eccUe q' obfit bfe natalf0 bef . . . 
€€€'' . . . proptcfet' be' 

All parts, however, are very much worn, and much of the inscription is 
indistinct. There are the four symbols of the evangelists, but they can 
scarcely have belonged to this memorial. 

2. Figure of a knight in armour about the end of the fourteenth 
or beginning of the fifteenth century. It ia much worn and was badly 
executed. He wears a sharply pointed bascinet with camail, having a 
fringe at its base; a breastplate with taoes, beneath which is a hawberk 
of mail, the lower part of which appears; a baldric across the loins 
attaches sword and dagger; the knee pieces, or genouilli^res, are sharply 
ridged, and the soUerets very long and pointed; a lion is at the feet. 
It is one of those figures which mark a transitional period to the more 
complete use of plate superseding mail. 

Gainford — l. Inscription, fifteenth century: — 

^ere l^et^ 3|o^n ^tebenCoti aientfi Sllufi fc 
9^'ffaret Spjs topff' tofiojS CaulpiS Jlfix fiabe m'cp 


f>lc lacetJQQlillm6 pcgg qui auib'm TKIlfllmd obfit nifii*' bfe mcV flovebr' B' 
bni Aillio CCCC*" IsisvJ £t ltaterina_ vior cine auobm fllfa 
XTbome JSraftenberi^ UtmiQCxi aue auibm Ikaterfna oblft wpo"" bfe 
Osct 5uUJ B' bni Aillio CCCC' Hisvi auor' aiabs ppicieT beu0 Bme 

8. Inscription in excised letters, with some capitals of Lombardic 
type, probably early in fifteenth century, very boldly cut: — 

mt facet SumatujS Eoger' IStprfehp uocftatu0 
^emplf p'latujS erat fCtfu^ fntftulatu0 
iDret quffq; beo mentor ut Cft efu0 mfCerenbo 
Ctfmftia tetgenbo p'cat ubfq; reo 


'Templi prelatus' is a very unusual term; I never saw it before. It, I 
presume, means rector. 

Greatham Hospital Chapei.— l. Inscription in excised 
lettera, ground finely cross-hatched: — 

^cate pro aiabits flicbolal bnlme ^hW 'Relent 
et TSauimi Btttelbe clericoti?_ anonba buiu0 botpltalto 
madittroc ac^parentu min^atotn tnoi? benetactoni at[«*] 
03 omi tt^elu ^etuctoc Quop aUbs ppclet beu0 Btnefl 

This inscription is remarkable for the way in which letters are run 
together, as be, day pa, dispensing with one stroke for brevity, which 
is by no means common in the Gothic letter, but appears in the Soman 
letter in the seventeenth century inscriptions. The terminal ' Amen ' 
is to be noted for the N being in form a capital letter. 

2. Inscription on a fillet round a slab, in Lombardic characters: — 

0VST08 : DOM' i IST1V8 • OBATB | • PBO : BO • . 

Fourteenth century {drca 1851). It is not very common to find a 
priest described as a teacher of the sacred pages, though it oocasion- 
aUy occurs. William de Middiltoun was custos or master of the 

Hartlepool Church. — Figure of a lady in large hat, ruff, 
farthingale; a scroll from mouth, with casta fides victbix. In- 
scription as beneath, with arms on a lozenge preceding: — Ovies two 
bars gemel argmty a chief of the second charged with a martlet of the 
first for difference, for Thobnhill (see Proceedings^ vol. iii., p. 9). 

Take Bell, who depted thIs ltfb the • vi • 


OF Lavebance Thobkell of DablIngton Gbnt k 


wbM vevtnctf if tbou wilt bcbolfte 

pernfc tbis tabel banginoe bve 
wbicb wttl tbc fame to tbe vnfolb ^"^^ *^'" 

bv bet 000b Cvfe Icame tbon to bie. 


Haughton-le-Skerne, — A curious figure of a lady holding in 
either ann a babe in swaddling clothes. She wears the French hood, 
rufT, and farthingale open in front displaying an embroidered skirt 
This inscription follows : — 


Wife of Bobbbt Pabkinson of Whessbt Gbntlbman 
depabtbd this life the nintenth of ivlte 1592 and 
lyeth bvbyed neabe this place with hib twoe 
Twines Bighabd Pabkinson and Mabmadvkb Pabkinson 



An escutcheon of arms: — OuUa on a chevron between three ostrich 

feathers argent three torteaux, a label of three points, Pabkinson 

impaling gvles two helmets in chief proper, in base a garb or, 

Gholheley. The motto, et vita bt mobie, beneath on a scroll. 

Also the following: — 

Hebe lyeth she whose bibth whose life whose end 
Doe all in one hib happy state commend 
HiB bibthe was wobshipfvll of gentle blood 
Hib vebtvovs life still pbaised fob doing good 
Hib godly death a hbavenly life haith gained 
Which neveb cann by death ob sinn be staned. 

Houghton-le-Spring. — Figure of a lady kneeling; hands 

conjoined in prayer; a veil flowing over her shoulders. She wears an 

over dress open in front, with slashed sleeves terminating at elbow. 

Figures of eight sons and three daughters are behind her. An 

escutcheon of arms at one comer, viz.: — Argent a chevron guleSy 

between three fleur-de-lis azurey for Bellasis, impaling, two bars, in 

chief . . . , and the following inscription beneath in Boman letters : — 
Hebe vndbb bestith the bodye of mabgeby 
Belassis wife to biohabd Belassis of hentknol 
who had vnto him • viii • sonnes and 4 davghteb8 
then she beoominge widows so oontinved 
the best of heb lyfe the space of • 68 • yeabes be 
stowing heb whole tyme only in* hospitalitie 
and belbife of the poobe amd beinge of the 
Age of - Lxxxx • deceased the . zz • of avgvst 1587. 

It is remarkable that the inscription frequently combines two and 

three letters together, not uncommon at this time, but rarely seen 

as in this example. 


Norton. — Surtees {Dur, iii. 157) gives a brass inscribed: — 

1)ic jacet 5ob'e0 JSuKton cuj : a'fe p'picfetut DeuB 
Smen« Snno Dni ACCCCli^ 

He says it was formerly within the altar rails, bat ^ now removed.' 

Ryton Church Chancel — ^Within the altar-rails on the north 

wall are the following five small brass plates, formerly on the portion 

of the north wall removed for the arch of the organ-chamber: — 

Fbano* the third sonkb of Riohabd Bvnnt of Newland neebb 
Wakbfbild Bsqvieb, & OF Bridget Rbstwovld of t> Vagh in 


Riohabd Bvnny: was indvctbd into this psonaob of Ryton 
A<> 1678 Sept • 13 • and had five children, Elizabeth the 



1 am i say in loy that lasts 

And nbyeb shall decay, 
i was : bvt then i did bvt dbeame 

My pleasvbes webe bvt paine. 
My ioyes webe shobt & mixt w^h gbbif 

Adew then life so vainb 

2. Painted and not incised, on an escatcheon, mantled gu. and 
arg.j with a helmet and the crest a goat's head erased sa, horned ovy 
a gemel ring of the second pendent from the sinister horn, Quarterly 
of nine : — 1. Bunny : Arg.^ a chevron between three goats' heads 
erased sa, 2. Hasildbn: Ou.^ a cross flory or, on a chief 02. three 
buckles of the second. 3. Restwold: Per saltire erm. and gu, 4. 
Rbst\vold: Arg.y three bendlets sa, 5. Db la Vache: Ou,, three 
lions rampant arg, crowned or. 6. /&., three lions rampant arg. 7. 


BoiviLB : Ou,y a fess or between three saltires arg. 8. Boivilb : 
Bendy of ten arg, and gu. 9. Arg.^ three boars' heads couped between 
two cotises embattled aa. — impaling Woetlby : Arg.^ on a bend 
between six martlets gu. three bezants. 

3. The Bunny shield of nine qaarterings, painted, with the same 
crest differenced by a mullet or^ and the motto montb dbssvs. In- 
cised on the brass below: — 

Henry lAnna.) lohn y« 

y® fone of fonne of 

Francis Bonny and 
lane his wyfe. 

• • • 

we were and shal be. 
Borne Ian: zj Bom lul. xj. 

Ano 1585 • died AP 1582 died 

Sept • 25 • A<> 1588 • Oct 14 168 

4. The Bunny shield of nine quarterings, etc., painted, with no 
mark of cadency. 

5. — Francis Bvnny bobke Mat the 8th A© 1643 


MADE Archdeacon of Northvmberland 
Ao 1573 Oct* y» 20 & the xith op Sbpt: A© 
1678 made Bector of Btton; having bvbiei> 

HASTENETH to heaven after them & TRIVM 

phing for hope of imortalitie saith thvs 

My baree now having wonnb y» haven 

i fears no stormy seas 
God IS MY hope, my home is heaven 

My life is happy ease 
This hope this home this life most sweet 

Who sob will seeke to winnb 


The sower roots of sinne • 
Obijt 16 die April! . 1617. 

Sedgef ield. — l. Small figure of a lady kneeling, 11 inches long.* 
She is habited in a loosely fitting dress, girt at the waist, but the close 

« See plate XII., facing p. 88. 


fitting sleeves probably belong to an under skirt. Over all is a mantle 
richly folded, gathered ap partly by the left arm, the hands being, as 
usual, conjoined in prayer, not quite in centre but a little to the right. 
She wears both a veil and a wimple. It is rudely engraved^ but 
the character of the whole points to an early date, not later than 
the beginning of the fourteenth centuiy. Thus it must be compared 
with the earliest of our brasses, viz., that of Jone de Cobham, Cobham, 
Kent, 1300, and Margaret Camoys, Trotton, Sussex. If anything 
might be wanting to confirm this early date, it is found in the shape 
of the two coats of arms which accompany the figure, viz., on the 
dexter side, gyronny of 12 or and [ ] ; on the sinister or, a chevron 
between 8 leaves slipped [ ]. 

Rude as this brass is, it has some unique features, and it is remark- 
able that the fiice is so much better executed than the rest, for by it 
you identify its date ; such conventional treatment is universal at the 
end of the thirteenth and b^inning of the fourteenth century, in 
paintings, miniatures, incised slabs, and brasses. It is a valuable 
addition to our knowledge. 

2. An inscription surmounted by a helmet, with a crest consisting 
of three trefoils bound by a torse of early form and mantling^ : — 

!^(c facet tDfUmsf ^oton • quf • obiitj xW Hfe feeptebr' 
jatino.lim.ilBUlmo.CCCC^-jrtti^cui' afe ppfcietur He^ ame^e 

I know of no other instance of a crest alone with inscription. 
8. Inscription: — 

®tate rimi p iiabs tboe di^R bulc ecclie tingnlMB 
bntcof tf obljt iv^i ^c menr ^anuadj So do< AlUtno 
CCCC (rilfjto et bartm berbotell armldl a< obljt t^jto Me 
Vanuatu S^^of Alllmo OCCa (sifffj auors aia'bs 
pplcfetur omp0 deuB Smen 3 

4. Two figures of skeletons in shrouds, one of which is probably 
a female, as sex is shown by mammae, and the winding sheet covers 
over the central portion of the body, the other being exposed. This 
hideous fashion began in the fifteenth century. 

^ See opposite plate (XII.}. 

AKbKBlagii Adku, nL ir^ to bet ptfe O. 


FIGURE OF A LADY, cirtu, 1300-10. 





Sherburn Hospital Chapel. — On altar step: — 

HE DiED iN iVLY 1677. 

Among ruins of Sockburn Church :— 

1 .— 1>ic iacet ^obei Coni^cxB OsilCB dni de toftbum aul obljt nonodecimo 
ble tebruarlj Bo b<o Ao CCC nonoderimo quarto cur ale ppecier beu' ametu 

The characters of this inscription are somewhat abnormal. The 
contraction of *domini' is peculiar, and the last word but two, 
* propecietur,' substitutes e for first i. 

2.— bic jacet 'Robert ConisctB artnid bttd be toftbur qui obijt t^fcetlmo 

qulttto bie aptiU0 U b<o A^'CCCC^ ttlcetftno ilj^ Cut' aie ppecief beu' amen 

3.— bIc 5acet glabella not 'Robertl Concet0 attnid que obijt none ble 
Sprilfd S** b<o A"* CCCC* tricedmo lij^ Cul' aie ppecief beu0 amen* 
Both these last have the same peculiarities as previously noted. 

4.— Aarioria bona motum ptobitate decora 8 
Ailitid ac tponlii Coni2et0 5acet tumulata 
Bccletia coluit tanctam (imul et peramauit 
Sepiu0 botpicio bebile0 capien0 recreauit 
i^t nati cura bnm timeant tuit bttiu0 8 
Aarcij menfi0 etat teitabecima luce cuiu0 
Bnno milleno quater C Septuageno 8 
Aottua carne manet aie spu0 requie bet 

This inscription records a Margery Conyers, spouse of the knight 
Conyers, who died on the 16th March, 1470. 





1.— John Clayton, P.S.A., one of the Vice-Presidents; by the 
Rev. Dr. Bruce [read on the 80th July, 1890.] 

Since our last meeting our oldest, and I think I may truly say, our 
most influential member, has passed away. It becomes us to put upon 
the records of the Society our profound regret at the circumstance, 
and our high estimation of his character and the services he has 
rendered to antiquafian science. I doubt not that you will heartily 
agree to this. 

In making this proposal to you I need not dwell upon the 
services which he rendered to the town of Newcastle and the North 
of England generally. These were very great, but they have been 
already detailed in the newspapers of the day. 

I enjoyed his friendship for nearly half a century, and now that 
he has been removed, a cloud has come over my existence. He 
allowed me to approach him whenever I needed his help, and 
that help was always freely given, notwithstanding the number 
and the onerous nature of his own public engagements. When 
passing my book upon the Roman Wall through the press, 
I submitted the proof sheets to him, and they always received 
his careful attention. In my numerous journeys along the 
Wall I always found a home at Chesters. He was essentially 
a kind man, and I have heard of noble deeds of generosity 
performed by him of which the outside world knows nothing. As 
showing the character of his demeanour towards others, I may perhaps 
be allowed to make a few extracts from a letter which I had from a 
youthful relative the other day. He says: — * I am indeed grieved at 
the news received this morning concerning the death of Mr. Clayton. 
I have been hoping week after week to go to Chesters to see him, but 
have not been able, and now, alas ! I shall never see him again. It 
was alwajrs a great treat to me to go to Chesters, and I thoroughly 
enjoyed my little chats with Mr. Clayton, for he always acted the part 
of a thorough gentleman, and although my powers of conversation are 
very poor, yet he always seemed pleased to see me, and made me feel 
quite at home. I feel very sad at losing Mr. Clayton, for not only was 

v^^ ^*^^^2r 


he yonr Mend, but I have learned to look apon him as mj friend also, 
for he has always been wishful to help me on in mj profession, and 
has given me enjoyment times without number by the side of the 
grand old river, the North Tyne.' 

Mr. Clayton was not a sportsman, but he did indulge in one form 
of rural recreation. He was fond of the calm and thoughtful sport 
which Izaac Walton so strongly commends, and the river at Chesters 
afforded him abundant means of indulging in it. I remember one 
little incident which he related to me respecting his earliest endeav- 
ours in this direction. He had been fishing, whilst yet a boy, in the 
North Tyne, with such appUances as boys can readily procure for 
themselves — a long stick, a bit of twine, a crooked pin, and worms. 
Becoming thirsty, he went to a cottage which then stood between the 
house and the river, to get a drink of water. He left his rod with 
the worm on the hook outside the house. A hen unfortunately 
swallowed the worm, and of course the hook also. The woman of the 
cottage manifested her displeasure for the probable loss of her fowl in 
a way that he never forgot. 

I have said Mr. Clayton was not a sportsman. Occasionally, how- 
ever, meeting in his rambles on the moors with friends armed with 
guns, he was sometimes tempted to try his skill, but without doing 
much damage to the feathered tribes. Once, however, he shot a 
black-cock, and it feU appropriately upon the Wall. For a moment 
he rejoiced in his success, but presently remembering that he had not 
a licence to shoot, the thought occurred to him, what an extremely un- 
pleasant thing it would be if he the Town Clerk of Newcastle should 
be prosecuted for shooting without a licence. Next day he repaired 
to Newcastle, and procured the necessary document, of which, however, 
it may be supposed he made little use. 

One of Mr. Clayton's recreations was the study of the classics. At 
the Uppingham Grammar School he had obtained an extensive ac- 
quaintance with the best writers of Greece and Some. To the School 
Magazine which is now produced by the pupils of that establishment, 
he was recently asked to communicate some reminiscences of his 
schoolday life. This he did in a • letter dated so late as July, 
1889. From it I learn that amongst the Greek authors which he read 
were Homer, Theocritus, Thucydides, and Herodotus. In Latin 


besides Cicero and Terence, he read nearly the whole of Horace and 
Virgil and a great part of Ovid*s Metamorphoses and Epistles. But 
what sarprises me most as to his school occnpations is that^ not content 
with reading the classics in school, he studied them in his play hours. 
In a letter which he wrote to his father, in 1808, he says:-:-* My 
leisure hours (which are principally on saint days, id est whole 
holidays) I partly employ in reading Sallust, as we do not read it at 
all in school. I have already finished the Bellum Catalinarium, and 
am beginning the JvgwtMne War^ which I hope to finish before 
the Christmas holidays.* A youth muse be exceedingly fond of the 
classics who would persevere in reading Sallust in his play hours. 

In further illustration of his love for the classics, I may state that 
after he had entered upon the cares of business in Newcastle^ finding 
his youngest sister had a desire to acquire the Latin language he 
became her instructor. The only time that he could spare for this 
work was at a very early hour in the morning, and this he cordially 
dedicated to it. Not only was Mr. Clayton a thorough classical scholar, 
but he was a most loving brother. He has sometimes told me how much 
he bewailed the loss of that sister, who was cut ofT at an early age. 

I now proceed to speak of our departed friend as an antiquary. 
Some may think that I should have done this sooner. Perhaps they 
are right ; but I am glad of an opportunity of showing that antiquaries 
do not simply haunt the tombs of the dead, but that they are equally 
alive to the keenest and kindliest sympathies of those among whom 
their lot is cast. 

During the greater part of his public life Mr. Clayton was an active 
member of the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle, presiding over its 
meetings and contributing to its Transactions. He was also a Fellow 
of the Society of Antiquaries of London. The first paper which he 
read to our Society bears the date of November 6th, 1848. It gives 
an account of the excavation which revealed the fine series of chambers 
near the east rampart of the station of Cilumum. The first para- 
graph of that paper will be read with special interest now, revealing, 
as it does, the modesty of the man. ' Understanding,' he says, Hhat 
a statement of the results of a recent excavation within the Roman 
Station of Cilumum is desired by your Society, I will endeavour to 
supply such a statement, begging, however, that it may be received as 
that of a very unlearned antiquary.' 


His next paper describes the mile-castle at Cawfields, which he 
had previonslj exhumed. The excavation of this mile-castle was a 
most important event. Previous to this there was not a single cos- 
Ullum along the line of the Wall which was not covered with debris. 
We conseqaently conld not understand their structure. I am inclined 
to think that even Horsley, who wrote more than a century ago, was 
not thoroughly acquainted with them, for he does not mention the 
important hct which Mr. Clayton's excavation revealed, that the mile- 
castles were provided with a wide gateway opening northward. This 
circumstance throws an entirely new light upon the purpose served by 
the Wall, showing that it was not a mere fence to exclude the Cale- 
donians, but was a line of military works for the better managing 
their assaults upon them. 

His next paper describes the mile-castle west of Housesteads, 
which is the finest upon the Wall and is full of interest, but which, 
before it received the attentions of his excavators, was a blank page. 
Need I add, that in these two mile-castles were found fragments of 
the inscriptions bearing the names of Hadrian and his legate, Aulus 
Platorius Nepos —inscriptions which bear strongly upon the question, 
• Who was the builder of the Wall ? ' 

Before Mr. Clayton began his operations, the turrets of the Wall 
were completely excluded from view. Now, with how much interest 
the traveller along the barrier examines the turrets on Black Carts 
&rm and at East Brunton, the former of which is described by Mr. 
Clayton himself, in the seventh volume of the Archaeologia Adiana, 
(new series). 

The uncovering of the Roman bridge on the North Tyne, which 
was formerly covered with a plantation, was an event of the greatest 
importance in the annals of archaeology. No other structure in 
Britain so strikingly displays the skill and the power of our teachers 
in the Roman era. 

The laying bare of the walls and gates and streets of the ' Tadmor 
of Britain,' the station of Borcovicus, the excavation of the gates 
and forum of Cilomum, together with the finding of the bronze 
tablet conferring the freedom of Rome upon certain troops serving in 
Britain, were events of which any one might be proud. 

All antiquai'ies must be grateful to Mr. Clayton for securing that 


colleotion of coinB which were fonnd in their bronze parse, in the 
township of Thorngrafton, in thQ vicinity of the station of Borcovicus 
— a GoUection^which has so corioos a history^ and which is not uncon- 
nected with the mnral controversy. 

And then, what shall we say of the varied contents of the well 
outside the western rampart of Procolitia — its numerous altars and 
sculptures, its vases and beads and ornaments, and its thousands of 
coins; all of which are so well described by Mr. Clayton in the eighth 
volume of the Archaeohgia ? These discoveries may almost be said to 
have formed a new era in antiquarian research. Mr. Clayton con- 
tinued his mural investigations to the close qf his life, though the loss 
of his eyesight must have greatly interfered with the enjoyment of the 
discoveries which his excavations revealed. His communications to 
our Transactions were continued to a late period. In the ninth 
volume of the Archaeologia Adiana, he gave us an important paper 
upon some inscribed stones (two of them mile-stones) found near 
Cawfields; in the tenth volume he gives an account of some unusually 
large and important altars to Mars Thingsus — altars which have 
excited a good deal of attention abroad; in the eleventh volume we 
have a paper of his on an altar to Fortuna Conservatrix; and in the 
thirteenth, which is the last complete volume which the Society has 
published, we have a paper by him, giving us some interesting details 
in the life of our great Newcastle hero, Lord CoUingwood. 

Mr. Clayton was not one of the founders of the Newcastle Society 
of Antiquaries (his father was one of its first members), but he joined 
it early, and has formed as it were a connecting link between the 
honoured men who, in 1818, brought it into being, and we who at this 
late day carry on its work. I am struck with the kind way in which 
he speaks of his seniors. In one of his papers, after quoting a passage 
from Mr. Hodgson, the historian, he says : — ' There are amongst us 
those who cherish a pleasing recollection of the amiable author, and 
who delight to dwell on the memory of his gentle nature, his simple 
manners, and the enthusiasm of his character, which sometimes 
inspired the use of language, which the cold in blood are disposed to 
regard as extravagant.' 

I feel sure that there are many among us who, so long as they 
Uve, will cherish the memory of our departed friend, and wilt transmit 


to their saocessors the sense which we entertain of his great abilities, 
his true gentlemanly feeling, his kindness, and the valae of his labours 
in elncidating the history of the land we love — the land of onr nativity. 
I onght not to add another word ; but I think I may say that I 
donbt not bat that his successor will follow in his footsteps. One 
thing I know he intends to do, and that is to take steps by which all 
the altars, the carved stones, the vases, and the various interesting 
relics which have been collected by the late Mr. Clayton during his 
long continued investigation of the Wall, and which are now deposited 
in various places in the house and in the grounds, may be brought 
together in one place, arranged in proper order, and rendered easily 
accessible to the student who has leave to visit the station of 
Cilumum. This, at least, is one step in the right direction. 

2. — Charles Roach Smith, P.S.A., Honorary Member; by Dr. 
Bruce [read on the 27th August, 1890]. 

It was my sad and solemn duty at the last meeting of our Society 
to call your attention to the loss we had sustained in the removal by 
death of our aged and much valued Mend Mr. Clayton. At that 
time I had by me a letter from another valued friend and honorary 
associate, Mr. Charles Roach Smith, which I had intended to read on 
the occasion, but which in the excitement of the moment I neglected 
to do. I now produce it. It runs thus: — 

Tbmplb Plage, Stbood, July 16th, 1890. 
Mt Dbab Friend, 

At present all I can say is that I should wish it recorded that but for 
my serious illness I should attend Mr. Clayton's funeral. 

Tears ago I proposed that a medal should be struck of him. lliis I hope 
will be one of the honours paid to his memory. Vol. 8 of my Retro9peetion» has 
much about him. Shall I live to complete it 7 

Bver yours sincerely, C. ROaoh Smith. 

On Saturday, the 2nd of Angust, shortly after noon, Mr. Boach 
Smith departed this life. He was, it is believed, about 84 or 85 years 
of age. His loss to the antiquarian world and those who had the 
pleasure of personally knowing him is very great. 

Mr. Roach Smith was bom at Landguard, near Shanklin, in the 
Isle of Wight. 

His school-days being passed he was sent to Chichester and 


apprenticed to a chemist there. Along with other books, his master 
happened to have a copy of Pinkerton on Coins and Medals. This he 
read to relieve him of the tedium of his life, for he did not like his 
profession. One day while waiting for change in a shop he noticed 
in the till across the counter what he fancied must be a £oman coin. 
He was right; it was a second brass coin of the elder Faustina. 
Unlooked-for good fortune soon followed (he tells us in his 
Retrospections) and placed in his hands a considerable number of 
Roman denarii. The discovery of a Roman altar in his neighbour- 
hood and a visit to the Roman villa at Bignor fostered his antiquarian 
tastes, and prepared him for the important work he was to do in his 
maturer years. 

In due time ho found it desirable to commence business on his own 
account. He migrated to London and secured premises in Lothbury 
at the back of the Bank of England. In this crowded neighbourhood 
he succeeded well in business. At this time extensive excavations 
were being carried on for improvements in the city. By this means 
large tracts of Roman remains were discovered. These attracted our 
friend's attention^ and he resolved to study and understand them. 
As the city authorities at that time cared nothing for the antiquarian 
remains which were discovered Mr. Roach Smith was able to add many 
of them to his own collection. These in time became so important 
that he was induced to write a paper upon them for the Society of 
Antiquaries. The sequel of this was his being elected a Fellow of the 
Society ' by one of the largest majorities ever known in a ballot of the 

Meanwhile the excavations in the city were proceeding eastward 
and ramifying in all directions. The piling and the foundations of 
old London Bridge were being removed and the river deepened by the 
process called ballast-heaving. This (he tells us) opened a little mine 
of Roman art; coins, bronze statuettes of the most exquisite work- 
manship, a fine bronze head of a statue of Hadrian, and other objects 
were found. These were not neglected by Mr. Roach Smith. Perfect 
success (he says) attended his business, so that he could afford to 
be liberal in prosecuting his researches. 

Now adversity overtook him. The houses in Lothbury were 
wanted for city improvements and he was turned out of his shop. 
Unfriendly influences prevented him procuring another in that 


Abch. Abl., vol. IV., tofaeep. 06. 

CsAULBs Roach Shitb, F.S.A. 

(Fiam (ha /UwcraMl i4iuii?it Jftn, by prnmiBlou of Uu pnbUihan.l 


vicinity, and he was obliged to transfer his business to Liverpool 
Street, a comparatively dull and quiet neighbourhood. Here he 
enjoyed one advantage: he had ample space in which to display 
the objects in his museum. For long this museum had been an 
object of attraction, and was visited by inquiring students and 
antiqumes of distinction. By this means he tells us he formed many 
friendships. When I began to pay attention to Roman antiquities 
I foand a visit to Liverpool Street to be a great advantage. In his 
Retrospections he writes, *Mr. John Brodribb Bergne brought me and 
Dr. J. CoUingwood Bruce together, and the great Roman Wall and its 
wonderful teachings.* In the North of England the Romans were 
always subject to the incursions of their enemies, and hence the 
strengthening of their positions, not the adornment of their dwellings, 
was the chief object to be aimed at. In the south they enjoyed 
perfect security, and hence could indulge in all the luxuries of 
advanced civilization. In Mr. Roach Smith's museum, and through 
his kindly instructions, I was able to obtain much valuable inform- 
ation which was of use to me in my northern studies. 

After a time his business in Liverpool Street dwindled away, and 
he resolved to relinquish it and to retire into the country. Temple 
Place, in the outskirts of Strood, in Kent, became his residence. Here 
he had an excellent garden which employed his leisure. In cultivating 
it he manifested great skill, producing the finest grapes in the open 
air, and other fruits of great excellence. Here, however, he had his 
troubles, the neighbouring stream occasionally flooding his garden. 

Before leaving London he found it necessary to dispose of his 
museum. He would only part with it on condition that it was kept 
entire, as its usefulness would otherwise be greatly diminished. The 
late Lord Londesborough, an antiquary of repute, and who was one of 
his personal friends, sent him a cheque for £3,000, but as he could 
not undertake to preserve the collection entire, the sum was returned. 
The museum was eventually transferred to the British Museum for 
the sum of £2,000, where it now remains in its integrity. 

During the active part of his life Mr. Roach Smith visited various 
parts of England, studying their antiquities, and in many cases 
originating and superintending excavations which were needful for 
their display. He visited France several times, and he was successfiil 
in more than one instance in drawing the attention of the authorities 

VOL. XV. ^ 


to the value and importance of the Roman remains in their neigh- 
bourhood. Occasionally he visited us in this district. In his Retro- 
spections he has this sentence, 'Mr. John Bell, of Gkkteshead, was my 
oldest correspondent in the north ; but after the Chester congress I 
visited Dr. Bruce, and by him was introduced to Mr. John Clayton, 
and the Roman Wall, and thus had the great advantage of studying 
this noble monument of Roman power from sea to sea.* His last visit 
to these parts was in July of last year, when he met us at our monthly 
meeting here, and afterwards went to Chesters. 

One of the most important actions of his life was the part he took 
in the origination of the British Archaeological Association. This 
Association, through some misunderstanding, gave rise in a very 
short space of time to the Royal Archaeological Institute; and, owing 
to the springing up of these two active antiquarian societies, numerous 
other county institutions have been formed. The Association dates 
&om the year 1848, and all the rest are subsequent to it; so 
that our Newcastle Society, which sprang into being in 1818, can 
look down upon them all with patronizing approval. 

Mr. Roach Smith was the author and the editor of several import- 
ant works. The earliest and the chief of these is the Collectanea 
Antiqtuiy containing etchings and notices of ancient remains, illustra- 
tive of the habits, customs, and history of past ages. He lived to 
issue seven volumes of this work. One object which he had in view 
in the preparation of it was to show how necessary it was that papers 
descriptive of antiquarian objects should be well illustrated, and that 
the needful illustrations did not require to be elaborate. In the 
preface to the first volume he says — * For purposes of science it is not 
necessary that sketches should be elaborately prepared and artistically 
finished. Truth and fidelity to the objects portrayed are indispen- 
sable; but these requisites may be ensured by a little care and 
attention ; and it is better that engravings be given, even rudely, and 
in the slightest outline, if supplied liberally, than that they should be 
limited in number for the sake of elaborate execution.' He thought 
also that some of our existing publications were governed by councils 
' interested only in one subject, who would be tempted to undervalue 
the labours of their colleagues who worked in a diflFerent field.* The 
Collectanea Antigua certainly abounds with information upon every 
antiquarian subject^ and is most abundantly illustrated. 


Several volnmes in 4to, abnndantly illustrated, came from his pen ; 
these were Hie Antiquities of Eichborough, Reculver, and Lymne; 
Illustrations of Roman London ; Reports of Excavations on Sites of 
Roman Castra at Pevensey andLymne, He published in 8vo Notes on 
the Antiquities of Treves^ Mayence^ Wiesbaden, Niederbieber, Bonn, 
and Cologne; and A Catalogue of Ids Museum of London Antiquities. 

Mr. fioach Smith was an ardent admirer of Shakespeare, and 
he published two small works having reference to our great poet — 
The Rural Life of Shakespeare as illustrated by his Works; and 
Shakespeare : his Birthplace^ etc, 

Mr. Boach Smith edited two books of great importance. One of 
these was the Inventorium Sepulchrale, which is an account of a very 
important collection of Saxon antiquities dug up in the county of 
Kent by the Rev. Bryan Fausset, between the years 1767 and 1778. 
As Saxon antiquities are very rare, this book is of great value. 
The collection, after being declined by the British Museum, was 
purchased by Mr. Mayer, of Liverpool. The other book is one which 
bears the date of 1889. It is A Dictionary of Roman Coins, com- 
menced by the late Seth William Stevenson, F.S.A., revised in part 
by 0. Roach Smith, F.S.A., and completed by Frederick W. 
Madden, M.R.A.S. When I state that it is illustrated by seven hun- 
dred engravings on wood, chiefly executed by the late F. W. Fairholt, 
F.S.A., its value may be easily conceived. 

His latest work was Retrospections, Social ami Archasological, Of 
this two volumes have been pubUshed, and a third was far advanced at 
press when the pen fell from his hand. The book, as its title implies, 
consists of pleasant reminiscences of his personal history and travels, 
and kindly notices of the friends he had found in life's journey. 
Amongst other things he describes his various visits to the Roman 
Wall. I will make only one extract from the work ; it occurs in the 
first volume :— *My visit [to the Wall] with Mr. Fairholt, engaged by 
Dr. Bruce to make sketches for his Roman Wall, was a bright holiday. 
He was not a little surprized in finding upon the breakfast table of the 
hotel at Newcastle, where we stayed the night after our arrival, a free 
pass for the railway from Newcastle to Carlisle during our stay, so 
long as that might be. I at once recognized the benign influence of 
my friend at Chesters. These visits brought me into personal acquaint- 
ance with Mr. John Fenwick, Dr. Charlton, Mr. Hylton Longstafie, 


Mr. Hodgson Hinde, Mr. Kell, Mr. Brockett, Mr. Adamson, Mr. John 
Bell, Mr. Matthew Clayton, and other emiuent men, conspicuous 
where so many are eminent; for in art, science, and literature, New- 
castle can show a splendid array of worthies. Of all whom I have 
named, Mr. LongstaflTe is the only survivor. From the ardour with 
which he walked with me and Mr. Robert Blair from the Chesters to 
Prooolitia, a few years since, and from his apparent good health, I 
hope he may be long spared to us.' 

Mr. Roach Smith suffered from an illness extending over a period 
of nine or ten months, but it was not until six days before his death 
that he was confined to his bed. Some time ago the archaeologists of 
England, headed, I believe, by Dr. John Evans, president of the 
Society of Antiquaries of London, conceived the idea of having a 
medal struck in his honour bearing his likeness. So heartily was the 
measure entered into that after paying for the medal a hundred pounds 
of the subscriptions remained. In consequence of our friend's 
advancing illness, the presentation of the medal and the accumulated 
funds had to be done in private. I can conceive how much he would 
be cheered by the thoughtfulness and liberality of his admirers. 

Mr. Roach Smith was a kind man. He took an especial interest in 
the young men of Strood and Rochester, and spared no pains to 
promote their interests. The Chatham and Rochester Observer 
newspaper, in noticing Mr. Roach Smith's death, has these remarks, 
and with them I will conclude my observations: — 'Probably few, 
if any, possessed such a disinterested and charitable nature as did 
the gentleman whose death we have to deplore. Throughout his 
long and useful life he 'was ever ready with hand and pui-se to render 
assistance to a poorer brother. In fact, nobody could tell the amount 
of good he did in this way, and as many of those who were recipients 
are now numbered with their fathers, the true extent of Mr. Roach 
Smith's disinterestedness and charitable feelings will never be 
known. This is as he would have wished, for he loved to do good 
by stealth.' 

In losing Mr. Roach Smith many of us have lost an esteemed 
friend, and the antiquarian world has lost an invaluable labourer. 
His departure, following so soon after that of our chieftain, Mr. 
Clayton, clouds us with sorrow. 


8.— EoBBRT Spencb ; by Thos. Hodgkin, LL.D., &c. [read on the 

27th August, 1890]. 

We regret that we have to record the death of one of our oldest 
members, Mr. Robert Spence, of Rosella Pkee, North Shields, who 
died on the 9th of August, 1890, in the 78rd year of his age. 

Mr. Spence entered very early on a business life, having at the 
age of fourteen commenced his duties as a clerk in the banking house 
of Chapman & Spence, in which his father was a partner. Till about six 
months before his death, with a tew intervals caused by broken health, 
he continued his business career as a banker, in connection first with the 
Union Joint Stock Bank, and afterwards with the private firm of 
Hodgkin, Bamett, Pease, & Spence, of which he was cue of the founders. 

The assiduity with which throughout life he attended to his 
duties as a man of business made his attainments as an archaeologist 
and numismatist the more remarkable. From boyhood he was an 
enthusiastic collector. Books, autographs, coins, medals, engravings, 
tracts of the Commonwealth period, illuminated MS8., were all bought 
by him with much judgment, but also with boldness. 

By study and experience he became an expert, especially in biblio- 
graphy and numismatics, though as he never wrote on either of these 
subjects the knowledge thus acquired necessarily dies with him. 

He became a member of the Society of Antiquaries in the year 
1864. Owing to his delicate health he never attended a meeting of 
the Society, but he took a deep interest in its transactions. 

Mr. Spence leaves one son surviving him, who is a member of 
the Council of the Society and a Curator of its Museum. 

4. — ^William Aldam. 

The following short notice is from the Times of the 29th July, 
1890 :— ' News has been received of the death of Mr. William Aldam, 
of Frickley Hall, Doncaster, which occurred at Healey, his Northum- 
brian residence, on Sunday, the 27th July, 1890. The deceased was 
returned as M.P. for Leeds in 1840 in the Liberal interest. He was 
chairman of the West Riding bench of magistrates and of the 
Finance Committee of the West Riding County Council, and was 
chairman of the Aire and Calder Navigation Company.' He became 
a member of the Society in 1888. 



By John Philepbon. 

[Read on the 8l8b October, 1888.] 

At the monthly meeting of our Society on September 28th, 1887, some 
conversation which passed between the chairman and the late Oaptain 
Robinson came near reviving the far-famed controversy respecting 
the germinating possibilities of mummy wheat, in the same manner 
that it had been renewed by Professor Judd at the Geological Society, 
early in the summer of 1886. 

I confess to a more than ordinary interest in the subject, as I 
was aware of some instances of reputed mummy wheat having been 
successftdly grown in our own locality, but as I am not one of those 
who venerate the story simply because it is old, I set to work to 
collect such evidence as might explain two problems that presented 
themselves, viz.: — Ist, Would seeds retain their germinating powers 
during a period of two thousand or three thousand years ? and 2nd, 
have plants ever been raised from such seeds ? 

The whole matter turns upon the character of the seeds which 
have been discovered in the folds of mummy wrappings. I have 
ample proof that plants have been raised from such seeds not only 
in the south of England, but in this neighbourhood, and it only 
remains for the spurious or genuine nature of these seeds to be 
decided to set the matter at rest. It is, of course, impossible to 
obtain absolute proof in such a matter, but there are those who have 
not hesitated to assert that the Arab with his characteristic cunning 
has placed modern seeds within the folds of the mummy cloths. 
Nothing is easier than to make a declaration of this kind. Crafty 
though he may be, the Arab would not take this trouble until he 
knew that there was something to gain by it — ue,y until he had heard 
of the finding of geuuine seeds and the interest evoked by their dis- 
covery. There were, however, three cases in which the receptacles — 
two sarcophagi and a vase^-could not possibly have been tampered 
with, and the knowledge of these instances encouraged me to follow 


up the subject, with the result that I am able to lay before you what 
I consider sufficient evidence to prove that what is known as mummy 
wheat has been raised from seeds more than two thousand years old. 

Experiments without end have been made to show for what length 
of time seeds will retain their vitality ; but the trials made under the 
auspices of the British Association by the late Mr. Strickland, Pro- 
fessor flenslow, Dr. Lindley, and Dr. Daubeny, were so extensive 
and were conducted with such care that they overshadow in import- 
ance all experiments of a like nature, and will in the future, as I have 
no doubt they have in the past, be regarded as conclusive by the 
majority of people. 

I find, however, that there are authorities who are extremely 
reluctant to accept as final the evidence furnished by these trials, as 
so many instances are on record to prove that seeds will retain their 
vitality for very much longer periods than would appear to be the 
case from the British Association's experiments, which commenced 
in 1884, and lasted more than twenty years. In saying so I do not 
refer to seeds which may have retained their vitality for thousands of 
years, but to cases where they have undoubtedly done so for more 
than a century. 

The British Association's experiments extended to 71 natural 
fitmilies and 288 genera, including nearly all the kinds of vegetables 
cultivated for culinary and other, domestic^ purposes. One hundred 
seeds of each kind were generaUy sown. If any of these germinated, 
a smaller number of the same were experimented upon again after a 
lapse of five years and so on, as long as any came up. In this way 
it was found that the greater number of species had lost their vitality 
altogether after being kept ten years. It was, however, ascertained 
that no less than 84 species, or about one-seventh of the whole 
number retained their vitality after ten years, 20 species, or about 
one-fourth, after twenty years, but that the only species that reached 
twenty-five, twenty-six, or twenty-seven years belonged to the natural 
families leguminaceae, malvaceae, and liliaceae. 

Having in view what is known of vegetable physiology we cannot 
suppose that the vitality and germinative powers of the seeds of 
phanerogamic plants can be indefinite. A seed, like an egg, is a 
living organism, even when it seems to be immovable and inert. As 


a living organism it breathes, that is to say, it wears itself ont. The 
first condition of life is the first condition of death. If a seed breathe 
for an indefinite period without at the same time being able to feed 
itself, it will die, burnt up, but it is certain that when the adjuncts 
are such as to induce the immovable and inert condition, then the 
seed may preserve its vitality during a certain period. This period is 
very variable for different plants, and often variable for the same 
plants, according to circumstances. 

The conditions under which the seeds of mummy wheat have b^n 
found are in the highest degree favourable to the preservation of the 
dormant state, a perfectly hermetical exclusion from the action of the 
oxygen of the air and from moisture, in a climate the aridity of which 
is well known, must have conduced to the preservation of the vital 
powers of seeds, which, though having the life-germ very close to the 
surface and but thinly protected, are known to yield an extremely 
hardy plant, whose vitality is not easily destroyed. 

My friend Sefior Batalha Reis has reminded me that one of the 
most celebrated of French horticulturists says he does not believe in 
the possibility of the germination of grains of wheat kept for two 
thousand years, but he at the same time notes without contestation 
the fact of the preservation of germinative powers of seeds for upwards 
of a century. There is an interesting relation between the duration 
of the germinating power in seeds and the quantity of matter which 
water can extract fi*om them by simple prolonged immersion. 

Darwin found that the vitality of seeds would resist for a consider- 
able time immersion in salt water, and he arrived at the conclusion 
that carried in the less swift currents of the ocean they would remain 
unchanged while travelling 1,600 kilometres. Absence of moisture in 
seeds renders them insensible to heat and cold, consequently they can 
be trans[)orted without accident to climates where the plants that 
produced them would immediately perish. It is stated that a portion 
of the oats eaten by a horse have germinated on the dunghill ; and 
Darwin tells us that three spoonfuls of mud taken from a pond pro- 
duced after six months' cultivation at least 537 plants. There is also 
the ^t that the duration of life in the seed may be shortened or 
lengthened by the presence of certain substances. 

Professor Yogler of Munich demonstrated how certain things 


stopped the germination; prnssic acid retards it in a notable way, 
while a solution of potash has hastened the germination of seeds. 
Professor Vogler made to germinate very old seeds, which were con- 
sidered dead, by treating them with camphor water. All experience 
goes to show the futility of such experiments as those made by the 
British Association. The results most ever be uncertain and un- 

Professor Brady informs me that there is nothing remarkable in 
the statement that plants will resist the action of water heated to 140 
degrees F. He has often taken animals and plants of quite high 
organization living, and multiplying in the engine ponds of collieries 
in this district, where he has measured more than 100 degrees, and he 
has no doubt that at times the heat will be considerably greater than 

We have all heard of the Celtic tombs, near Bergerac in France, 
and of the seeds discovered under the head of a skeleton buried there 
twenty centuries ago. There had been placed in a cavity, cemented 
and covered by a block, a small quantity of seeds, which, sown with 
particular care, germinated and yielded heliotrope, trefoil, and blue 

Canon Qreenwell does not entertain the belief that com taken from 
the tombs has ever germinated, and has drawn my attention to the 
case where it was proved to be modern com that had been palmed off 
by the Arabs as old. Canon Greenwell has only once found any seed 
in the graves of Ancient Britons. In this instance, some seeds, 
apparently juniper hemes, had been buried with a child, and they 
were certainly beyond the power of germinating. On the other hand, 
my correspondent instances well-known cases of some seeds retaining 
their reproductive nature during long periods of concealment. One 
of the most wonderful is that of white clover. Whenever a piece of 
moorland with ling is broken up, especially when lime is used, a 
splendid crop of white clover is the result, and in some cases, where 
very old grass land has been ploughed out, the land has, in the next 
year, been covered with wild mustard. 

Canon Greenweirs experience is somewhat similar to that of the 
well-known Dorset antiquary and philologist, the Rev. Wm. Barnes, 
B.D., who records the fact of raspberry seeds having been taken from 

VOL XV. ^ 


the contents of the colon of a man boried in a cist of the fiomano- 
British period. He says, however, that some of these seeds were 
planted in a pot at eqaal distances and at marked spots, and placed 
nnder the care of a German gardener who knew nothing of the seeds 
or of the object of the experiment. In a few weeks four of the 
marked spots yielded yoang plants, of which one died; bnt the others 
throve and bore leaves, if not fruit. 

A similar, if not the same, case was investigated in 1852; and Dr. 
Lankester informed the British Association in t*he following year that, 
although doubt had been cast upon the case, there seemed no reason 
to doubt that the seeds thus buried for centuries had germinated. Dr. 
Royle was present when the original mass of matter from the stomach 
of the dead person was brought to Dr. Lindley in London, and when 
the raspberry seeds were discovered in it, and he had no doubt of the 
correctness of the conclusion that the seeds which had been swallowed 
and buried had germinated after the lapse of centuries. The offspring 
of these seeds is now to be seen in the gardens of the Horticultural 

Mr. C. Corder of Chirton informs me of a case where a large 
wood, no doubt a part of the primeval forest of the country, was 
stubbed, and the next year the land was covered with wild oats, al- 
though it had never been known to grow anything but timber and 
underwood previously. The seeds are believed by Mr. Corder to have 
lain in the ground since our first parents sowed their wild oats. 

In this locality we have many homely examples of the vitality of 
seeds. One is the small, fir-like plant — one of the equisetums — about 
2 inches high, which grows so thickly on some railway embankments. 
Mr. J. Robinson has drawn my attention to one instance of a newly 
constructed railway between Seaton Delaval Colliery and New Delaval 
Colliery, where the first mile was almost entirely constructed of small 
coals or coal dust which was thickly overgrown with this plant, 
while on the other section, which was constructed from the stones and 
ashes from the burnt stone heap8,lno such plant sprang up, and for years 
no vegetation whatever was seen. Mr. Bobinson, though favourable to 
the theory, admits that it is impossible to prove that the seeds have 
lain in the Coal measures from the early days when the vegetable sub- 
stances were changed into mineral. We have another admirable 


illustration in the rank weed coltsfoot, the first and often the only 
sign of vitality on groand that has perhaps never been disturbed. 
A correspondent of mine says, if we observe a cntting 50 or 100 feet 
deep, the first thing seen is coltsfoot. Where has it been ? Why 
did it not die and go to decay ? 

Another well-known instance is recalled. After the old Royal 
Exchange of London was burnt, the remains of a still older building 
were found beneath. These were removed, and when the long-buried 
earth was turned over charlock sprang up. Perhaps Dr. Bruce or some 
other gentleman present knows what building previously occupied the 
site, and may enable us to form an opinion as to how long the buried 
seeds had retained their vitality. 

Mr. B. Or. Bolam of Berwick has informed me that many years ago 
a &rmer in the neighbourhood of Alnwick, on ploughing up the site 
of an old camp, turned Dp a quantity of oats, which soon produced a 
large crop, and for years afterwards these were known as Boman oats, 
from the supposition that the camp was a Boman one. Mr. James 
Hardy, the Secretary to the Berwickshire Naturalists* Club, also refers 
to this and other similar incidents. That the vitality of seeds is 
marked by the greatest irregularity cannot be denied. Delicate fern 
spores, though easily wafted about by currents of air, are endowed 
with an extraordinary power of endurance, which accounts for their 
wide geographical distribution. Numerous cases of their isolated 
appearance at Eew and other places which I could quote are a sufficient 
proof of their vitality. 

The remains of no less than fifty-nine species of flowering plants 
from mummy wrappings in Egypt have been identified. The flowers 
have been wonderfully preserved— ^ven the delicate violet colour of 
the larkspur and the scarlet of the poppy, the chlorophyll in the 
leaves, and the sugar in the raisins, remaining. On the other hand, I 
learn from my friend Professor Simmonds that Mons. Velmorin of the 
firm of Velmorin, Andrieux & Co., the most eminent seedsmen of the 
world, has made experiments in the propagation of wheat seeds, and 
has never succeeded in growing a single seed that was older than ten 
years. His father made very careful trials with mummy wheat, and 
found that not one grain gi'ew when sowed in earth previously heated 


BO as to kill any seeds that might by chance be mixed with it. He 
was led to that precaution by remarking that in all reports of previous 
trials where those mummy seeds were reported to have grown, the 
plants developed from them were identical with some variety usually 
grown in the country where the trials took place. From this he 
inferred that not the mummy seed grew, but some native wheat of 
which the seed was accidentally buried in the earth. 

I may here hazard a remark upon what seems to me to be a strik- 
ing peculiarity, to use no stronger term, in this and several other 
cases of a like nature. It has generally been a wheat seed that has 
been accidentally buried in the soil. Other seeds have not put in an 
appearance. Once it was maize that sprang up, but in the other 
cases I have come across the offending seed has invariably been wheat. 
The coincidences are remarkable. So far as I have been able to dis- 
cover, suspicion as to the genuineness of the seeds was first aroused 
when some seeds, taken from a mummy case in Egypt, and supposed 
to be grains of wheat, were submitted to examination and determined 
to belong to the species of maize, an American plant, said to be 
unknown to the ancient Egyptians. This necessitated the belief that 
the subjects of the Pharaoahs were engaged in commerce with 
America three thousand years ago, but it is curious that this 
maize differed from the common maize in having a much narrower 
seed and a highly developed calyx. 

I have endeavoured to show that although seeds are not easily 
preserved in a living state for a great number of years, there are what 
Professor Henslow calls * remarkable exceptions ' where they have lain 
unharmed for centuries. Egyptian monuments admirably fulfil the 
conditions necessary to preservation as in a sarcophagus, or hermetic- 
ally sealed vase, they would be protected from the air and from 
variations of temperature or humidity. 

T now propose to deal with some cases which in my opinion, prove 
that such exceptions have occurred more than once with seeds taken 
from mummy wrappings, and by persons in this country These 
seeds have yielded what has long been known as ^ mummy wheat ' a 
plant having a compound spike, a distinguishing characteristic 
by which it is readily known, but which is not altogether permanent, 


ears averaging seven inches in length and from fifteen to twenty on 
each root. Of the several cases I intend to quote, cases that have 
occnrred in this and other parts of England, I shall relj principally 
npon three instances. In the local cases the mammy wrappings from 
which the seeds were taken may possibly have been tampered with ; 
there is no proof either one way or the other, but I shall show con- 
clnsively that wheat plants entirely different from all known cultivated 
kinds have been raised in our own county from such seed. However, 
in the cases of Mr. M. P. Tupper, of Mr. Strutt, and of Mr. McGregor 
there can be no doubt. In the former the links in the chain are 
complete. Daubeny could find no fault with the evidence, and the 
care which Mr. Tupper exercised in the planting and propagation of 
the seeds removes the matter from the i-egion of suspicion. I give as 
briefly as possible the story as related by Dr. Masters, the editor of the 
Oardmers^ Ghronirle, who with much kindness and consideration has 
given me all the assistance in his power. The history of this wheat 
was given by Mr. Martin Farquahar Tupper, a most exact and con- 
scientious man, in the Times of September, 1840, and to that gentle- 
man we are indebted for the additional &cts which we are now able 
to communicate. This by the way appeared in the Oardeneri' Chronicle 
in 1843. 

Sir (Jardiner Wilkinson, when in the Thebai'd, opened an ancient 
tomb, which had probably remained unvisited by man during the 
greater part of three thousand years, and from some alabaster 
sepulchral vases therein took with his own hands a quantity of wheat 
and barley that had been there preserved. Portions of this grain Sir 
G. Wilkinson had given to Mr. Pettigrew, who presented Mr. Tupper 
with twelve grains of the venerable harvest. Mr. Tupper says: " I 
ordered four garden pots of well-sifted loam, and not content with my 
gardener's care in silting, I emptied each ()ot successively into an open 
newspaper and put the earth back again, morsel by morsel, with my 
own fingers. It is next to impossible that any other seed should have 
been there. On the 7th of March, 1840, 1 planted my grains, three 
in each pot, at the angles of an equilateral triangle, so as to be sure of 
the spots where the sprouts would probably come up by way of 
additional security against any chance seed unseen lurking in the soil. 
Of the twelve, one only genninated, the blade first becoming visible on 


April 22nd, the remaining eleven after long patience I picked ont 
again ; and fonnd in every instance that they were rotting in the earth, 
being eaten away by a number of minute white worms. My interest- 
ing plant of wheat remained in the atmosphere of my osnal sitting 
room until change of place and air seemed necessary for its health, 
when 1 had it carefully transplanted to the open flower bed where it 
has prospered ever since. The first ear began to develop on the 5th of 
July; a second ear afterwards made its appearance, and both assumed a 
character somewhat different from all our known varieties. Their small 
size and weakness may in one light be regarded as collateral evidence 
of so great an age, for assuredly the energies of life would be but 
sluggish afler having slept so long ; however, the season of the sowing — 
spring instead of autumn — will iumish another sufficient caase. The 
two ears on separate stalks were respectively two and a half and three 
inches long, the former being much blighted, and the stalk about three 
feet in height. ' If, and I see no reason to disbelieve it,^ says Tnpper, 
' if this plant of wheat be indeed the product of a grain preserved since 
the time of the Pharaohs, we modems may, within a little year, eat 
bread made of com which Joseph might have reasonably thought to 
store in his granaries, and almost literally snatch a meal from the 
kneading troughs of departing Israel.' 

Here we have no link missing in the chain of evidence. Sir 
Gardiner Wilkinson himself opened the tomb, and with his own hands 
emptied the alabaster vase ; of its contents he gave a portion to Mr. 
Pettigrew, who gave it to Mr. Tupper, who himself sowed it, watched 
it, and reared it. What better proof can we require ? Unless it be 
alleged that the grains, after all, may have been changed somewhere 
on the road between the Thebaid and Mr. Tupper's garden. But 
upon this point Mr. Tupper expressly says, in a passage we have not 
quoted, that the grains which he sowed were brown and shrank, which 
is a just description of some that we, too, have seen from Sir Gardiner 
Wilkinson, but which would not apply to any modem wheat. They 
looked, indeed, as if they had been scorched. 

There are other proofs less direct, but equally conclusive, as to the 
antiquity of the seed sown by Mr. Tupper ; but I think it unnecessary 
to dwell longer upon this marvellous example further than to say that 
as Professor Henslow expressed some doubt as to the genuineness of 


the seeds experimented upon by Mr. Tapper, I asked my friend Miss 
Jackson of Guildford to make inquiry of Mr. Tupper*s daughter, Mrs. 
Clayton Adams, who writes to me stating that she has spoken to her 
father on the subject, and, although an invalid, he is much interested 
in hearing mention made again of his mummy wheat, and that both 
he and Sir Gardiner believed the seed to be genuine. Miss Jackson*s 
nncle. Dr. Napper, also writes to say that he remembers the first 
planting and propagation of the wheat at Albury. The second case 
which I regard as incontestable, is that of Mr. Joseph Sbrutt, who in 
1839 showed at an exhibition in Derby, held upon the premises of the 
Mechanics' Institute, a very fine Egyptian mummy, which he after- 
wards left at the Derby Museum. Through the courteous co-operation 
of the Hon. Frederick Strutt, son of the late Lord Helper, I have been 
in communication with some members of the family upon the subject, 
and they have favoured me with some information respecting this 
incident that has not yet been published. Mr. Douglas Fox, a brother 
of Sir Oharles Fox, and a well-known medical man in Derby, of which 
place he was twice mayor, unrolled Mr. Stintt's mummy, and took 
some wheat seeds out of its hands. These he gave to Mrs. Jedediah 
Strutt, who did not plant them at once, but kept them a few days. 
She first planted some in the pleasure grounds at Green Hall, and 
from the proceeds she planted a small plot in the paddock. 

In 1843 a second exhibition was held in Derby, in the Athenaeum 
Buildings, for the benefit of the town and county museum, and Mrs. 
Jedediah Strutt here showed the growing wheat, the entry in the 
catalogue reading thus: *820. Wheat grown from grains recently 
found in the coffin of an Egyptian mummy.' I have in my possession 
the written statement of Mrs. Norton, sister-in-law to Mr. Douglas 
Fox, certifying to the truth of the story. I have, moreover, a letter 
from Mr. George Bailey, a member of the council of the Derby Anti- 
quarian Society, stating that he saw wheat which had been propagated 
from the produce of the original seeds growing in the garden of Mr. 
Webster of Derby. This case is as well authenticated as Mr. Tupper's, 
and in some volumes of Jfotes and Queries I have been glad to find 
confirmatory evidence. It was discussed in that periodical, and some 
correspondents who had seen the same wheat growing described it as 
having bearded ears, and more than one ear upon each stalk. 


The third case is that of the Duke of Sutherland, who brought a 
sarcophagus in his own yacht from Egypt, and as it was not opened 
until reaching this country, it is difficult to understand how there can 
have been any deception in this particular instance. Mr. J. Macgregor 
of Bldckheath, known as * Rob Roy,' writes thus to Dr. Bruce : * The 
Duke of Sutherland asked some friends to see the sarcophagus, and I was 
one of them. It was closely examined, and seemed quite unbroken. 
When we took oflf the heavy lid we found much com in the folds of 
the dress. I was living then in the Temple, where I resided twenty 
years. The Temple gardener carefully sowed some of the seed, and 
watered it, and some weeks afterwards it sent up a shoot, which is 
now in my house. I will gladly show them if you come here after 
good notice.' 

The mummy presented to the Literary and Philosophical Society 
by the late Mr. John Bowes Wright, and which is now in our Natural 
History Museum, was unwrapped on March 8th, 1830, in the presence 
of Drs. Baird, Greenhow, Fife, and Messrs. Bruce, Hall, Wailes, and 
othei*s, and seeds were found in the cerement. Some of these seeds 
were taken by the late Mr. Jno. Hall, corn merchant, to Jno. Cross- 
ling, gardener to Mr. Thos. RiddeU of Felton Park. Under his care 
they grew well to a certain point, each stalk bearing several heads — 
but they never ripened. Mrs. Hall, who now resides at Brandling 
Park, visited Felton Park with her husband for the purpose of seeing 
the wheat, and I havb her written certificate to this effect, as also that 
of her daughter (Miss Eastwood Hall), respecting matters told her by 
her father in relation to this wheat. Mr. Crossling, who was one of 
the most successful gardeners of his time, occasionally contributed to 
the press papers on horticultural subjects, but he appears to have 
published nothing on this event. His son, Mr. Ralph Crossling of the 
Penarth Nurseries, says the plants resembled in many ways the bearded 
many-headed wheat that can at present be procured in the East. Mr. 
Gifford Riddell of Felton Park, the son of Mr. T. Riddell, writes to 
inform me that his father always referred to this event with the live- 
liest interest, and looked upon the seeds as being perfectly genuine ; 
and Mr. Robert Don kin of Rothbury says he knows that the late Mr. 
Crossling planted the seeds, and often heard him relate that they 
grew ; and more than this, Mr. Donkin had invitations to visit Felton 
Park to see the plants. 


I may now explain that my interest in this snbject arose from the 
fact that in my youth — about 1846 or 1847, 1 believe — accompanied 
by my mother, I visited Mr« and Miss Archbold at Fenham Gardens, 
and that the growing of mummy wheat was one of the topics of con- 
versation. Miss Archbold presented me with a head of com, which 
has happily been preserved in a cabinet at home, and which I now 
submit ; and I would for a moment direct attention to the striking 
resemblance borne by this ear to those shown in a drawing which 
depicts wheat grown by R. Enoch of Stow-on-the-Wold from grains 
brought from Thebes by a member of the family of Sir Wm. Symonds, 
and which wheat was described in the Illustrated London News of 
September 22nd, 1849. The knowledge of Mr. Archbold's experiments 
led me to put myself in communication with Mr. Matthew Henderson, 
who acted as gardener to Mr. Archbold fifty years ago, and remained 
in the service of the iiEimily until they all died. Mr. Henderson says 
that his master grew some wheat which had been got from an Egyptian 
mummy. The plants were three or four feet high, and had drooping 
heads with long awns hke barley, and had two or three smaller heads 
growing out of the larger. The chaff was downy, and held the wet, 
so that it was unsuitable for this climate. The wheat was certainly 
different from any other that Mr. Henderson had seen before or since. 
Miss Wailes of this town writes to tell me that, about 1832, when she 
resided in Westgate Road, her brother, the late Mr. Geo. Wailes, 
assisted at the unwrapping of the mummy given by Mr. Wright. He 
showed her some com seeds which were taken from the hands of the 
mummy. These were sown in a pot, and placed in the greenhouse, 
where they grew to a considerable height, but did not ripen. 

The mummy presented by Mr. Thomas Ooates, Haydon Bridge, 
October, 1821, is still unopened, and is preserved in our Museum in a 
glass case, and I look forward to the day when it may be opened, and 
yield further proof of genuine seed being found in the wrappings. 
The inscription on the case was translated by the late Mr. John 
Bmce, and is to be found, tc^ether with a plate, in the Newcastle Maga- 
zme, No. 26, vol. iii. Mr. John Bruce also gave Mrs. Bruce, the wife 
of Dr. Bruce, our venerable Vice-President, a piece of the cerement 
which he saw taken off the mummy, and this, together with some ears 
of com raised from mummy seed, and presented to Mrs. Bmce about 
the same time, I have the pleasure to place upon the table. 

VOL XV. * ^ 


In the autumn of 1859 the late Mr. Wm. Wailes of Saltwell 
handed to his gardener, John Cant, now at St. Andrew's Cemetery, 
some mummy-wheat seeds, which he had obtained from a friend, 
and which were said to be more than two thousand years old. The 
gardener sowed them in a flower pot and placed it under glass. 
Every seed vegetated, became strong and healthy looking, and in 
the following year the plants were placed in a sheltered spot in the 
garden, where they grew well and produced a number of large ears, 
requiring the assistance of sticks to protect them from the wind. 
When the power of the sun declined the plants assumed an unhealthy 
appearance, and not a single ear came to maturity, causing Mr. 
Wailes to conclude that our climate was unsuitable to their pro- 

Considering the character and attainments of the men who inter- 
ested themselves in the local experiments, it is difficult to believe 
that the seeds can have been other than genuine. Messrs. William 
and George Wailes were botanists of some note, and were in constant 
correspondence with Professor Sedgwick and men of kindred tastes. 
Mr. HaQ was a gentleman of the highest character. He saw the 
mummy unwrapped, and took the seeds out himself ; and his widow 
states that Mr. Hall got a portion of the cloth as well as the seeds, 
which he saw planted and raised as already described. 

Mr. Gordon Douglas of Thames Ditton informs me that in the 
year 1848 his father obtained some mummy wheat from a friend. 
It was planted in the garden, grew, and ripened, and for a number 
of years the produce was sown. In 1878 Mr. Gordon Douglas him- 
self planted some mummy-peas, which came up, and he still continues 
to sow them. Four years ago, Mr. Douglas was given some mummy- 
wheat when in Egypt, and was also successful in propagating it. 
Mr. Douglas regards the whole three cases as above doubt or suspicion, 
and particularly the last^ as in this instance the seed was given to 
him by a high Egyptian official. 

I have another and, if I may so term it, a more modern instance 
to bring under your notice, and although, as was once remarked by 
the President of the Brighton Natural History Society, Englishmen 
are apt to take affirmations emanating from the other side of the 
Atlantic cum gram sdliSy there is little doubt about the genuineness 


of the case I am about to qnote. A few years ago some extraordinary 
archaeological discoveries were made in the far Western States and 
new territories of America. In the town of Payson, Utah territory, 
several ancient mounds were discovered, and in one of them was 
found a large skeleton whose framework measured six feet six 
inches ; together with the skeleton were a huge iron weapon, a 
large stone pipe, etc. The floor of the mound was covered 
with a species of hard cement, to all appearance part of the 
solid rock which was found to be but the corner of a box similarly 
constructed in which were found about three pounds of wheat kernels, 
most of which dissolved when brought into contact with the light and 
air. A few of the kernels in the centre of the heap looked bright 
and retained their freshness on being exposed. These were carefully 
preserved and planted, and I have in my possession a letter from Mr. 
Amasa Potter, the farmer who planted them, and has continued to 
grow the produce, a specimen of which I have the pleasure to 
exhibit. He can give numerous references to many of his neigh- 
bours who saw and handled the wheat, witnessed the planting, 
growth, and the ingathering of the bulk irom which the sample on 
the table is a portion. It has been sent to me by my iriend Mr. 
Dennet of Brighton, author of a paper on *The (termination of 
Wheat.' Mr. Potter says that scientific men in the United States 
have been unable to find any wheat exactly resembling it, and he 
adds that the &cts have never been doubted by those travellers who 
have visited the scene of the discoveries. 

My attention was drawn to the Graphic of September 12th, 1874, 
by Mr. T. Waddington. It gave an account of what has since been 
known as the Andersonian mummy-pea, and related how about three 
years previously General Anderson, who was staying at the Government 
House Hotel, Guernsey, presented Mr. John Gardner, the proprietor, 
with three peas from a number he had collected in Egypt, and supposed 
to be two or three thousand yeara old. The following year Mr. Gardner 
had them sown, and was successful in rearing two plants, and the year 
after was still more fortunate. In 1874, he had a large patch, some 
of the plants were seven feet high, the stems being of an unusually large 
size, with flowers of a beautiful pink and white colour. The stalk of 
the Egyptian pea is peculiar. Near the ground it is attenuated, but 


at the smnmit it is several sizes thicker, so that it appears a necessity 
to support it, and the more so as the pods are clustered together at 
the head of the plant instead of being like the ordinary peas, dis- 
tributed along the stalk. Mr. Waddington has kindly forwarded me 
a few of the peas raised from this plant. 

My friend Dr. Embleton has received mummy peas from two 
different sources, one lot from Alderman Hamond and a number from 
some friends in the south of England. Alderman Hamond says that 
there is no pea equal to them in size, flavour, and colour when boiled, 
and that they grow to a height of twelve feet and have very thick 
stalks. I have little hesitation in ascribing both supplies to one 
source, viz., the Island of Onemsey, where the Andersonian peas were 
originaUy grown. 

It is not my intention to further multiply the number of instances 
where it is claimed that wheat and peas have been grown from genuine 
mummy seeds. There are many others on record both in England 
and on the Continent ; but I will merely mention that at a sitting of 
the French Academy of Science in 1849, Mons. Ouenin Maneville 
submitted several stalks of wheat more than six feet high, which were 
grown from five grains found in an old Egyptian tomb. When sown 
the first ear yielded, it is asserted, 1,200 for one. 

Again, Mrs. Backhouse of Sunderland has some wheat that was 
grown from munmiy seeds by her late husband; and, although she 
cannot prove it, the family never had any doubt whatever as to its 
genuineness. Curiously enough, they tried to grow some of the fresh 
seed they got, but the second generation quite I'efused to germinate. 
At Ushaw College^ too, some forty years ago, there was a field of 
mummy wheat that had been raised from a few seeds. The Very Rev. 
Monsigneur Witham has told me that he remembers it ; and the Rev. 
Dr. Gillow of St. Cuthbert's College writes to me saying that he 
cannot remember where the seed was found, or by whom it was first 
sown, but he knows that the produce was called mummy wheat, and it 
is also remembered by Mr. Balfour, the florist, who takes an interest 
in this subject, and through whose kindness I am able to show the 
Andersonian pea plant on the table. 

I have now placed before the meeting the evidence which by some 
considerable labour I have collected, and to the best of my ability in- 


vestigated. It may be argued that the agreement, although strong, 
does not amount to a demonstration, and I admit that there is a 
strong array of opinion against me, but it is opinion only; and 
although men may agree, they may be agreed in error. However, I do 
not hesitate to quote the opinions of eminent men upon this subject, 
and I have therefore added to this paper a synopsis of the views of 
several eminent scientists with whom I have recently been in commu- 

In conclusion, I wish to express my warm appreciation of the 
kindness of the many professors and learned gentlemen who have, in 
several instances at a considerable sacrifice of time, given me the 
results of their experience, and I am indebted to Mr. McDonald of the 
Newcastle Ghnmicley and Mr. Dawson of the Newcastle Journal^ for 
references to several leading authorities. I also wish to thank my 
friend Mr. Foggett, who has rendered me valuable assistance in the 
preparation and arrangement of this paper, which, although far from 
perfect, may be useful in encouraging further investigation. 


In August, 1888, when the cylinders were being sunk for the 
foundations of the Co-operative Wholesale Society's flour mill at 
Dunston, some hazel nuts were found at a depth of nearly 30 feet below 
the bed of the river, among what is shown on the plan of the strata 
as 'sand and water.' No particular attention was paid to them 
at the time, and a bucketful was emptied on to the heap. 

In the spring of 1889, Mr. Armstrong, the clerk of the works, 
found that one of the nuts had sprouted. It was planted in a pot, and 
was taken care of by Mr. Bailey, the Secretary of the Co-operative 
Wholesale Society, who has also preserved a number of the nuts. That 
gentleman transferred the plant to Mr. Henry Wallace of Trench 
Hall, in whose possession it is at the present time — August, 1890. 
The gardener at Ravensworth placed it in another pot, and it is now 
over a foot high. It appears to be a common hazel, like those of the 
present day, but the leaves are larger. Mr. Wallace thinks this may 
be owing to the good treatment it has received. Mr. Garbutt of 
Dunston Lodge is also familiar with the whole of the incidents. In 


addition to the information respecting this extraordinary case, Mr. 
Wallace has broaght to my knowledge two instances of prolonged 
vitality quite as interesting as some I have cited above. 

One of the grass parks at Ravensworth was known to have been 
in old or permanent grass for 80 years at least. The grass was not 
doing well, so it was decided to plough it out and sow it with oats, 
but the oats were completely smothered with wild mustard. There 
were not six inches of the 10 acres free from the plant. The mustard 
seed must have been buried in the ground when the land was last 
ploughed, and must have been there for certainly 80 years. 

On Lord Bavensworth^s Eslington estate there is a large forest of 
old Scotch firs on Thrunton Crags. Those trees must have been 150 
years old, and at one place the tops nearly touched, so that the sun- 
light was excluded and the ground below the trees was quite bare. 
About 20 years ago a large number of the firs were cut down, 
letting in the light and air, and in the following year that part where 
the timber had been thinned was covered with young birch seedlings. 
There were no birch trees near to seed, and Mr. Wallace's opinion, 
with which no one can disagree, is that the birch seeds had lain in 
the land from the time when the young Scotch firs had been planted. 

I am pleased to be able to record these cases of local interest, 
which are vouched for on Mr. Wallace's authority. — J. P. 



Dr. Oeorg Sohneinfurth^ Cairo, — This eminent botanist informs me that 
seeds from Egyptian mammies are always unable to germinate, as their chemical 
composition has ctianged, and that there is no reasonable inducement to believe 
in the possibility of germination. 

Dr. Schweinf urth says that all the examples of raising grain from such seeds 
are due to mystifications partly by the Arabs, who prepare mammies specially 
for travellers. He has analyzed many seeds and grains taken from Egyptian 
remains, bat never esteemed them worthy of an experiment in the garden. Dr. 
Schweinfurth classes the tradition of mummy wheat in the same category as 
crocodiles* tears. 

Prof, BabingtoHj Cambridge, — Has no belief in the germination of any grain 
really placed in a mammy by the ancient Egyptians. He has seen grain really 


80 placed, and it was so impregnated with bitumen, or something of that kind, 
that there was no chance of vitality remaining. Nevertheless, it was sown, bat 
without result. If any person who has given sufficient attention to the subject, 
and taken the utmost possible care that no mistake can have happened, produces 
the grain, he (Professor Babington) may be led to reconsider the question. 

Praf, Tanner, Queen' t College, Birmingham, — In his prize essay on 'The 
Mechanical Construction of the Soil favourable for the growth of Seed,' printed 
in the Journal of the Royal Agricultural Society of F/ngland, Vol. 21, part 1, 
1860, page 47, says :— 'The conditions which control the growth of seeds are the 
presence of air, moisture, and warmth, and, to produce healthy germination, all 
are required in definite proportions. When seed is protected from these agencies 
it will retain its powers of growth for long periods of time. Thus wheat pre- 
served in Egyptian mummies between three thousand and four thousand years 
has, after that lapse of time, germinated, and produced a large increase. The 
preservation of the power of growth is entirely dependent upon the seed being 
kept from these agencies, which would excite its vital energy.* 

9i/r Chas, //yell, — In his Principles of Qeology, 9th edition, page 587, thus 
writes : — * The fruits, seeds, and other portions of twenty different plants, and, 
amongst them, the common wheat, was procured by Delille from closed vessels 
in the sepulchres of the kings. The grains of wheat not only retained their 
form, but also their colour, and no difference could be detected between this 
wheat and what now grows in the East and elsewhere.' In a note to this passage 
he says :— ' I by no means wish to express an opinion that seeds cannot retain 
their vitality after an entombment of three thousand years ; but, one of my 
botanical friends who entertained a philosophic doubt on this subject being de- 
sirous of ascertaining the truth of three or four alleged instances of the germina- 
tion of 'mummy wheat,' discovered, on communicating with several Egyptian 
travellers, that they had procured the grains in question, not directly from the 
catacombs, but from the Arabs, who are always ready to supply strangers with 
an article now very frequently in demand. The presence of an occasional grain 
of Indian com or maize, in several of the parcels of grain shown to my friend 
as coming from the catacombs, confirmed his scepticism.' 

M, Bifaud. — A recent and laborious investigator of the antiquities and na* 
tural history of Egypt, brought to Europe a large collection of various seeds, 
bulbs, and other parts of plants which he had found in the catacombs, and all 
of these were deprived of any vegetating power. 

Geo. Murray, British Museum, — At the request of Professor Bower, Mr. 
Murray has kindly communicated to me his views on the subject. He remarks 
that, without doubt, the assertions respecting the germination of mummy seeds 
have been made in good faith, but they have never been made by a competent 
experimenter. An experiment of this kind must be carried out with as much 
care as the cultivation of bacteria. 

1. It must be ascertained beyond all doubt that the material to be experi* 
mented with is absolutely genuine. 


2. That its caltiration be carried oat beyond all risk of contamination either 
from seeds already present in the soil, or from seeds subsequently planted therein.* 

3. The experiment most, therefore* be made in closed cases, and with soil 
which has been boiled, or raised to a temperature known to be fatal to all seeds. 
Then only may the mummy seeds be planted. 

4. The experimenter must be a man qualified by previous botanical research. 
At present, Mr. Murray is as much prepared to believe in the reanimation of 

the Ichthyosaurus as in the vitality of mummy seeds. 

Prof, Bentley, — In a letter to my friend, Mr. Alfred Wright (of Messrs. Brady 
& Martin's) says so for as I know, as stated in my Manual, there are no well 
authenticated mstanoei of wheat taken from Egyptian mnmmiee, whieh ha/ee 
been untampered with, germinating, 

I have heard nothing since to alter the opinion thus expressed. Tou will 
notice that I say untampered with, I do not dispute the statement of* such men 
as Pettigrew, and doubtless, Wailes, as to wheat grains having germinated after 
being taken from mummies, but in such cases I cannot but believe that such 
grains were introduced accidentally, or otherwise, at some subsequent period, 
and do not, therefore, correspond in age to the mummies. 

Thos, Oibbi ^ Co,^ Seedsmen to Her Mqjeetg, — Have generally stated that 
they side with the views held by the British Association in 1842 and 1867, feeling 
convinced that all vitality must be destroyed in seeds that have lain thousands 
of years undisturbed. 

Sir Samuel Bakery the ditting^tiehed Afriean Traveller and Bwplorer, — 
During many years has made enquiries in Egypt respecting the germination of 
seeds taken from mummy coflins, and has found that grains of ordinary modem 
wheat are purposely mixed with wheat taken from the pots in the tombs. Sir 
Samuel says : — * There is no curiosity that Arabs will not supply according to 
the credulous demand. Of course, there are certain seeds which retain their 
vitality for an extraordinary period, although the actual time has never been' 
satisfactorily proved. My experience does not lead me to think that seed will 
retain its vitality if hermetically sealed, and I have found that the common 
practice of English seedsmen of packing seeds in soldered tins for shipment to 
foreign countries will destroy many varieties.* 

Sir J. D. Hooker, — In his Primer of Botany implies that this vitality, 
which has been often stated, and believed in by many, is devoid of all 

Drummond ^ Son, — The well-known seedsmen of Stirling, say that while 
the question has been complicated by the introduction of so-called mummy 
wheat,. mummy peas, etc., which were, undoubtedly spurious, although cul- 
tivated under those names by a considerable number of growers, there is every 
reason to believe that seeds have preserved their vitality for a period quite equal 
to that of the Egyptian mummies, and they know of no reason why they should 
jiot do so associated with them. They instance a case where experiments have 
recently been made with seeds found under a natural deposit of mud more than 


twenty feet thick, and on which buildings have been sabeeqaently erected. 
Some of these seeds germinated, and their age was, ondoabtedlj, many centuries. 

Prof, Carruth^ri, NatwraX Hiitory Musettm, Stmih Kentington, — Has no 
hesitation in saying that all the stories of grains taken from mummy cases 
which were as old as the mammies, having germinated, are without foundation. 

From his own experiments, and the experiments of others, he says there can 
be no doubt that the seeds of wheat lose their power of germination after being 
kept eight or ten years. All grains examined by him in the British Museum 
have been in a state utterly incapable of germination. Having investigated two 
cases of supposed germination, he found them untrustworthy. One was the case 
of Mr. John McGregor, * Roy Boy * who germinated two plants of oati from a 
mummy, a grain unknown in Ancient Egypt. 

Thos, Hogg, Hope Park, Coldstream, — Informs me that a friend of his 
succeeded to a very old established business in the seed trade, and found in a 
drawer belonging to the old firm a small sample packet of red clover seed, dated 
about one hundred years back. 

The seeds were so discoloured from age that it had little, if any resemblance 
to clover seed, and, for amusement, he sowed some, and, to his astonishment, it 
grew perfectly well. It had lain where the air could not reach it, otherwise its 
vitality would have been destroyed. 

Dr, Surteety Stamfordham, — Writes that he had stowed away some cabbage 
seed and forgotten it for thirty years, but, upon finding it, he sowed it, and 
raised some very good cabbages. 

Prof. Sersekslf N&weaHle, — Who made some experiments with an ear of 
mununy wheat given to him by his father, Sir J. Herschel, Bart, was unsuccess- 
ful in reviving it, and considers that true mummy wheat really taken out of 
mummy wrappings will not germinate, and that cases of the opposite must 
have occurred with spurious specimens of the kind only. 

W, J, Ca/rr, Eboheiter Hall, — Has kindly put in writing for me an account 
of the germination of his Greek poppy, from which the following is an extract : 
— * Some five or six years ago, I heard that a yellow flower, resembling a poppy, 
had been found growing on land from whence some heaps of mineral matter 
had been removed a short time before. This took place in a district called the 
Lanrium, in Attica, four or five mUes from Gape Sunium, and some forty miles 
from Athens ; the lead and silver mines of the Laurium were worked by the 
ancient Greeks. One of the Greek historians mentions, I think, that they were 
worked in the time of Pericles, and that the Greek navy, doubtless the Athenian 
navy, was kept up by the produce of these mines. The great extent of the 
underground workings, and the enormous quantities of refuse left in heaps on 
the surface show that the mines must have been in operation for very many 
years, possibly for centuries. In recent times, it has been discovered that these 
heaps, some consisting of slag or scoria from the ancient furnaces, and others of 
the rejected portion of the ore, still contained sufficient lead and silver to 

VOL. XV ^ 


make it worth while to smelt them in the improved furnaces of to-day. 
A company has z\ow heen working up the ancient heaps for some years, and 
it was after the removal of one of them that the yellow poppy appeared. It is 
impossihle to say how long the heap had lain undisturbed, but the probability is 
that it had been untouched for two thousand years or more, as there is no record 
of the mines having been worked since the time of the ancients. The flower was 
quite unknown in the district, and I believe in any part of Greece, until the 
removal of the heap allowed it to reappear. I procured some of the seed for 
Mr. Norman Cookson, who succeeded in getting it to grow and flower. Seed 
was also sent to the curator of the Botanical Gardens at Birmingham.* 

Prof. Oliver, JEem, — Has never himself attempted to grow mummy wheat, 
and points out that in all the alleged cases of germination there has been some 
flaw in the evidence. 

Bev. Dr, Tristramf Sir James Hooker, and Professor Ihrster, Cambridge, — 
Canon Tristram has conferred with these two gentlemen, two of the first 
botanists of the age, and they agree that there is no proof whatever of such 
prolonged vitality of seeds, and that it is contrary to all experience. Canon 
Tristram has known Arabs, in Egypt, offer blackened grains to travellers as 
mummy wheat. 

P. Barr, Covent Oarden, — Received some mummy seeds from the late 
Captain Robinson, when he returned from Egypt. These were sowed by his 
man, at Tooting, and he reports that not one seed vegetated, but rotted. 

Professor Balfour, — Does not believe in the germination of seeds which 
have been taken from a mummy that has not been tampered with. 

Miss Bdwards, of the Egypt BkBploratvm Fwnd, — Can testify that the late 
Erasmus Wilson planted a pea found in a munmiy case (or among food 
offerings), and that it grew to an extraordinary height up and along the 
verandah of his house at Westgate-on-Sea. He sent Mr. Edwards a few leaves 
on a tendril from it, in a letter, and he called it his magic beanstalk, because of 
its rapid growth. 

J, Backhouse^ the Nurseries, York. — Is quite of opinion that certain seeds, 
under suitable conditions, are possessed of extraordinarily long continued 
vitality, and thinks it is not improbable that, in some cases, seeds from 
unwrapped mummies would germinate. 

Professor Wright, Trinity College, Dublin, — Says 'while some well authenti- 
cated instances exist as to the vitality of seeds after a long preservation, yet I 
have not been able to satisfy myself as to the truth of the phenomenon of 
growth in mummy wheat or peas. As to the pea brought to your friend, Mr. 
Barr, surely there is no evidence, in the strict sense of the word, of its antiquity. 
While, of course, the many failures to grow mummy wheat do not settle the 
question, yet, in the absence of even one well scientifically authenticated fact 
of such having germinated when contemporaneous with a pre-Christian mummy, 
I am inclined to be sceptical as to such ; a scepticism, of course, to alter into a 
belief when the contrary is proved.* 


A, L, Sawfrpf the weVrkmown Ckemiit, — ^Writing respecting the specimen of 
mnmmy wheat in the Musenm of the Pharmacetitical Society at Blooznsbnry 
Square, which was presented by his grandfather, the late John Savory, a 
former president of the society, says : 'Not only was he (the late John Savory) 
mnch interested in antiquities himself, but he was also very intimate with a 
gentleman of the name of Pettigrew, an antiquary of some considerable note, 
and an authority on mummies. From what I can learn it may be fairly assumed 
that the seed is perfectly genuine.' 

W, Flindert Petrie, the originator of the Egyptian Exhibition in London. — 
Has with great courtesy, sent me a quantity of ancient seeds found by himself, 
but he has not tried any experiments with them, as it would be useless, the 
wheat having been stored by ants, and the germs having been eaten away. Bir. 
Petrie has not found any seeds on his mummies, nor are there any amulets or 
scarabs on mummies of the Ptolemaic and Roman age. An Egyptian friend of 
Mr. Robert Clephan's has written to say that the pyramid wherein Mr. Petrie 
believes the body of Amenhat III. to repose, is built of crude bricks, double 
the dimensions of ordinary bricks ; and, as the Ancient Egyptians could not 
make bricks without straw, one may find wheat and barley in the bricks at the 
present day. 

T, Nichle Nichols, Britieh Museum. — In his bibliographical studies relating to 
Ancient Egypt, has met with many works and papers on the subject of the 
germination of mummy seeds, and refers to No. 1 for 1859, No. 6 for 1861, and 
No. 6 for 1861, of the Bulletin de Vlnetitut ^yptien, a collection of valuable 
papers on Egypt, published at Alexandria, Marseilles, and Caiix). 

Notes and Queries. — References to the subject are to be found in the Ist 
series. Vol. V. pp. 417, 638, 695, and Vol. VL pp. 66, 613 ; in the 6th series. Vol. 
II. pp. 306, 416, 462 ; Vol. HI. pp. 135, 168, 212. 278 ; and Vol. IV. p. 173. 

Baron Voght, in an article on the ' Depth at which Seeds should be deposited 
in the Soil* (Gardener and Practical Florist, 1844, page 603) says that, if seeds 
be placed by accident or design at such a depth in the earth as to be out of the 
influence of the air, and though they may be- surrounded by the requisite degrees 
of heat and moisture, tbey will, nevertheless, remain dormant. Seeds will 
germinate in the air if moist, but will remain uninjured and unaltered so long 
as the air is perfectly dry. 

Xemp — Annals of Natural History ^ Vol. XIII. page 89. — In Mcintosh's Booh 
of the Garden, Vol. II. p. 312, * Vitality of Seeds,' we find Kemp quoted on the 
discovery of seeds of plants, which, upon vegetating, were found to be those of 
Polygonum Convolvulus, Rumex Acetosella, and a species of Atriplex. The 
seeds were found in the bottom of a sandpit twenty-five feet deep, about a 
quarter of a mile west of Melrose, and were embeded amongst decayed vegetable 
fibres, resting on a stratum of fine sandy clay eight inches thick. Under this 
stratum was a mass of gravel, on a mound of the boulder formation, ninety feet 
in thickness, and which Mr. Kemp supposes was formed by the action of 


Mr. Kemp*8 theory is that the river Tweed, now at some distanoe, and fifty 
or sixty feet above the level of the sand qaarry, had anciently ran in this 
direction, or that there had been a large lake ; and, adds Mr. Kemp, in estimating? 
the probable antiqnity of the seeds, when we reflect on the time necessary to 
have worn down the barrier of trap rook, and to have drained so large a lake, 
which mast have "stood at its highest level whilst the thin layers of sand were 
deposited over the bed with the vegetable remains, the antiquity of these seeds 
is traly astonishing, and it is most wonderful that they should have retained 
their vitality. 

The Andersonxan Pea. — In the coarse of the late explorations in the ancient 
ruins of Egypt, Gen. Anderson, a traveller, found enclosed in a sarcophagus, 
besides a mummy, a few dry peas, which must have been at least three thousand 
years old. These he preserved carefully, and on his return to Oreat Britain, 
planted in the rich soil of the island of Guernsey. The seeds germinated, and 
the plants soon appeared, from which, at maturity, sufficient peas were gathered 
to plant a large tract of ground the following season. Some of the plants thus 
raised have attained a height of over six feet, and have been laden with blossoms 
of exquisite odour, and of a delicate rose tint. The peculiar feature of the 
growth is the stem, which is small near the root, but increases greatly in sise as 
it ascends, requiring a support to sustain it npright. The pods, instead of being 
distributed around all parts of the stem as in the ordinary plant, are grouped 
about the upper extremity. The vegetable, it is said, belongs to the ordinary 
garden variety ; but, from its presenting the very distinctive differences above 
noted, seems worthy of close botanical examination. The peas are of a remark- 
ably fine flavour, excelling in delicacy those of the choicest known varieties. — 
Indian Agriculturist, 1876. 

[NOTE."-The foregoing paper on 'Mummy Wheat' has been printed at the 
expense of Dr. Bruce, F.8.A., Vice-President.] 



By John Robinson. 
[Read on the 27th June, 1888.] 

Dr. Charlton in his interesting lecture on * Society in Northumber- 
land in the Seventeenth Century/ which he delivered about fouiteen 
years ago, made mention of the thousands of letters, etc., belonging to 
the Delaval family which were preserved at Ford Castle. Among 
them were letters from nearly all the principal families of the North 
of England, as well as from the leading men of letters of the last 
century. Ever since the delivery of Dr. Charlton's lecture local 
historians have longed for an opportunity to inspect the collection 
at Ford. Yet during all those years there has been a vast pile of 
letters, despatches, and old records, lying in a roofless warehouse, not a 
dozen miles from where we are now assembled. Some few of these 
have been saved, but hundreds of valuable papers have been reduced 
to a decomposed mass of pulp through the winters' snows and summers' 
rains of more than fifty years, falling upon them, for the oldest in- 
habitant can only remember the roof being on the building ; and it is 
only by a portion of the roof having fallen upon the old papers that 
some of those you now see before you have been preserved. Yet, 
decayed, stained, and almost unreadable, as most of the papers 
taken out of the ' old granary ' are, their fate has been better than 
that of those which we are given to understand were in a fairly good 
state of preservation ; for about twenty years ago, when the Hartley 
Bottle Works, or the Royal Northumbrian Bottle Works, were closed, 
and the plant sold, orders were given by one of the old managers that 
all the old ledgers, letters, and papers stored in the ^ old granary ' had 
to be taken into his garden close by, and burnt. The order was car- 
ried out, and for a whole week the fire was fed from the accumulated 
account books, letters, despatches, and royal signatures which had 
passed through the hands of the Delaval family for a period of at least 
six or seven centuries. The historical interest of these burnt papers 
can only be estimated by the value of those which have been saved, 
which include the blackened parchment, but &irly preserved, with 
the great seal of Henry VII. attached, a privy seal and letter of 


James T., antographs of Queen Anne, the ill-fated Earl of Derwent- 
water, etc., etc. One can almoet wish that the building itself might 
now be destroyed, were it not that from the stone steps which lead up 
to it John Wesley preached to the Hartley colliers. 

By the courtesy of Mr. Lumsden, agent to Louisa, Marchioness of 
Waterford^ I have been allowed to inspect and collect what I thought 
would be of any interest. I began my labour of love among a vast 
collection of ledgers, etc., removed from the Hartley offices, which are 
now used as a mission room, with the object of compiling and tabu- 
lating the wages paid to the various trades and labouring work carried 
on in Seaton Sluice one hundred years ago ; but as I turned over ledger 
after ledger, and countless piles of vouchers belonging to the Hartley 
collieries, I began to pick up packets of private letters of the Delavals, 
Irish State papera, and Admiralty despatches to Captain Delaval, with 
innumerable receipts for legacies and annuities paid to almost every 
family in Northumberland of any importance, together with the cost 
of cattle, etc., bought at Hexham and Morpeth in the year 1698, and 
the marketing receipts for the daily articles used in castle and cot 
from time immemorial. My original idea was put aside for the time, 
and I hope my time has not been spent in vain, when you look over 
the papers exhibited, which contain the signatures of &milies whose 
names ' are as familiar as household words ' in Northumberland, but 
whose families, like the original owners of these papers, are now known 
only in name. Here you have the signatures of Fenwick, Ogle, Mit- 
ford, Ord, Lilbum, Bowes, Gray, Milbank, Brandling, Charlton, 
Beid, and Forster, and scores of others whose names are interwoven 
in Border history. 

In the Admiralty despatches you will find names which will live 
as long as England's naval glory is part of history. The name of the 
ill-judged Admiral Byng often appears. 

Among the letters perhaps the most interesting are those of Lord 
Chesterfield. His position as a man of letters, combined with the 
important offices which he then held, gives additional interest to his 
letters, as he was at the time Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. 

Next in importance to Lord Chesterfield's letters come those of 
Samuel Foote, the great actor and dramatist, whose letters are charac- 
teristic of the wit and man of the world. 


One of the most frequent and charming of correspondents with the 

family is a Miss Hammond (afterwards the wife of Dr. Waldgrave); 

her letters are chatty, and full of complimentary passages as to the 

health and happiness of her friends ; and she is only one of two who 

in all their writing makes a quotation from the poets ; she finds in 

Pope a couplet which expresses her wish : — 

' May day increase on day, and year on year, 
Without a sigh, a trouble, or a tear.* 

The numerous family letters are a most interesting portion of 
the collection; through them we get a glimpse of the home life. 
There is every proof that while the Delavals were gay and 
passionately fond of amusements, yet their home Ufe was affectionate 
and tender. These letters also demonstrate that the members of the 
family were held in the highest regard by the best famiUes in the 
kingdom ; and whether it be at Doddington, in Lincolnshire, or at 
Seaton Delaval, they were always full of company. The following 
letter may be taken as a fair specimen of those passing between the 
brothers and sisters : — 

* Mt Dbab Sisteb, — I know not why I have been so long in answering a letter 
that gave me so much pleasure as that I received last from you, perhaps it is 
because when we know that our friends are well and happy we are not so 
anxious about them as when they labour under any uneasiness, I had a con- 
firmation of your good health from Ned who sayd you was very well when he 
had the pleasure of seeing you, may you long continue so. do not follow my 
example in lasiness, but let me hear very soon from you, pray direct your 
letters to me not in a cover for my Brother it was some time before I had your 
last he is so often out he has been these ten days makeing visits in that part of 
Northumberland where Qeorge Delaval lives. Lady Isabella sets out to day for 
London my Lady Coddrington and Miss Harcourt are here .they intend staying 
a week longer, my Lady Coddrington desires her compliments to you if they 
go poet they intend paying you a little visit in their way, yesterday sennight 
we were all of us at Newcastle Assembly there was a great deal of good 
company, it was the day of the mayors Feast, Bidley is mayor, my Lady Blacket 
was there and made many inquires after you. my Lord Bavensworth dined 
here the other day. we never pitched the Tent by the sea side it was placed in 
the great oval in the garden, all the warm weather, where we drank tea every 
afternoon I imagin you have heard that Mr. Baley is dead. Mrs. Symons 
says he left ten thousand pounds he died of a fever, it is surpriseing to know 
what great cures has been done by Dr. James powder here a very sad fever 
has gone round the country, all who have taken it have recovered I beleive I 


told you that Sr John Long is qaite well, and seven more at Hartley that have 
taken the Powders are cured of very sad f evers» after they had been light headed 
some days, do you intend going to London this year. I am sorry your Turnips 
have not turned out so well as they should have done but it has been a veiy 
bad season they tell me that up the country a few miles the com is all standing 
about this place they have had a fine harvest breakfast is ready I tell you 
so to shew how industrious I am to write so early in the morning the good 
wishes of all here attend on you my Brother and my little namesake she must 
look vastly pretty with her little Teeth Adieu B. Astlby.' 

Beaton Oc*^ ye 16 

The powders of Dr. James would appear to have been a favonrite 
medicine of Mrs. Astley, for in another letter (Sep^^ ye 14) she 
writes: — 

* Long Jack is quite well [it may be remembered that Long Jack was the 
favourite groom who carried the letters to and from the North Tyne in the days 
of '45]; this is a most surpriseing medicin and what no body ought to be 
with out.' 

And then follows a piece of gossip which is dear to most ladies, 
and gentlemen too : — 

* Miss Laake's match is quite off Mrs. Symons says there was an empty purse 
on both sides poor Girl I wish she had better luck.' 

Again on April ye 14th she writes (she never gives the year) : — 

' it is allmost incredible what a croud of people was at Newcastle waiting 
to see the Duchess [' Hamelton' struck out] she according to her usual goodness 
to the publick contrived to stand a few minutes on the steps at the Inn but 
when the Duke came out he was much offended that the people should dare to 
lift there eyes to so devine a beauty and protested if he had had a pistol he 
would have fired a mong them when he was in his Chais he bad the postilion 
drive on the more he drove over the better, you see how Jealously he gards so 
great a treasure.' 

These old family letters confirm the popular stories about the 
amusements at Seaton Delaval. Tradition has given the famous 
seat of the Delavals in Northumberland a good character for its 
entertainments and amusements ; but in the letters before us we 
have direct proof that tradition has not fallen far short of the actual 
truth. In February, 1753, George Delaval, writing from Mortlake 
to his brother Thomas, says : — 

* It was in the Daily Advertizer that upwards of four Thousand Gentlemen 
and Ladies had been assembled at Beaton Delaval to see the Bope Dancers.' 


And Mrs. Astley writes *on Dec^' ye 16 ': — 

* Bob has undertaken to entertain us with a Pantomin intertainment of his 
own composeing, these Christmas holydays he has, taken in all most all the 
people in the house as perfonners I fancy it will be a very curious sight/ 

In the same letter she continnes : — 

* Bob has performed his Pantomine entertainment before a great number of 
the country folk, who shewed there approbation by great fits of laughter.' 

Foote wrote from London on March 13th : — 

* there is no news but what the papers will bring you, but we have long 
& pompous accounts of the Tilts, toumements, Gamblings [?] k Bullbaitings at 
Beaton your Uncle Price says that Mr. Pelham has bird the two danceing 
Bears to transmitt to your Brother by way of keeping him In the Country till 
the Parliament is up, & Chitty swears that the Coliers at Billinsgate imploy 
all their Leizure hours in flinging of Somersets.' 

The State lotteries offered frequent matter for correspondence 
between the brothers and sisters. In one of her letters Mrs. Astley 
writes : — 

* I wounder why you think that you shall have the Ten thousand pounds 
I intend to have it my self and look very sharp into the news papers every post 
for it, tho upon second thoughts you may have one of them and I the other.* 

In another letter without date she says : — 

*my Brother Ned bids me tell you that he * * * is convinced that 
you or he must have the ten thousand pounds-every one for them selves, 
we hope not, my Father has promised Bob one which you may imagin is no 
small pleasure to him Mrs. Charlton is gone home we saw her very often 
while she was in this part of the country she looks in high beauty, this year 
Tinemouth and Collorooats were much in fashion not a room empty my Lady 
Ravensworth and my Lady Clavering were a month at Collorcoats batheing 
my Lady Clavering and Sr Thomas dined here the other day they asked 
much after you my Lady Swinbum and Miss Swinbum are gone to live at 
York, I must leave of it is Chappie Sunday tho I am in a very scribbleing 
humour we shall have a very thin congregation to day for it is the first Sunday 
that Divine service has been performed in Mr. Bidleys Chappie at Blithe and 
curiosity will carry most of the people thither.' 

On the 16th December she writes : — 

'poor me, all my golden hopes are come to nothing, for my Ticket that was 
to have been Ten thousand pounds, is come up a Blank. I hope to hear that you 
have had better luck.' 



I am afraid I have dwelt too long apon the purely family letters 
of the coUection. My excuse must be that they give us pleasant 
pictures of society in the north well two hundred years ago. 

The collection is, however, rich in documents of a more national 
interest, and of even wider range than our own nation. There are 
numerous Spanish (one of which says the king fevours the giving up 
of Gibraltar) Portuguese and Dutch despatches, relating to the 
sixteenth or seventeenth century ; the petition of the first English 
settlers in Carolina, America, who complain of being robbed of the 
land and agricultural implements the Government had given them ; 

* The Petition of the French Protestants taken in the Dutch Ships ; ' 

* The names of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in the Parliament 
holden at Dublin, the 17th of July, 1634, as they were delivered in 
by the King of Armes * ; and numerous documents of general and 
local importance. In the collection there was material for numerous 
essays on national and local history, as well as trade and commerce. 
I regret that I am not equal to the task of ftdly bringing before you 
the great interest and value of such a collection of papers which 
embrace a period in this nation's life when the patriotism of English- 
men was put to a severe test, and which was a most glorious page in 
the nation's history. If one of the objects of the Society, the study 
and preservation of documents of importance, had been in the least 
furthered by the discovery of these important papers I am thankful 
to have taken a small share in it. 


Items of Expenditure. 

Augnst 16 1691 — Paid my Brother Howard for a Horse 

March 11 1694 — Paid for 2 Sheap 

May 10 169S— Bought 3 Cowes at Hexham 

„ 4 Cowes at Morpeth 

Ocobe S 1720 — Paid Mr. Joseph Greene for a Clock set ap at 

BaTington ... 

July IS 1728— Paid for the Fools Coat 

172| — Butter, S poundes at 6d. a pound 

M —144 Eggs at 4 a penny 





























August 6 1737~Paid John Davison. Tailor for making the Pos- 

tillin a pair of britches and a day's work at 

Seaton House 00 

8 ,, — Paid Jacob Atkinson to complement the High 

ShiriS 00 

», „ 'Paid Jacob Atkinson for bis Expenses Do. 00 

16 „ —Paid Th«* Dobsons expenses at Blyth when 

buying Timber for the Chapel 00 

}, —Paid Bdmun Ceilings for two firrits 00 

17 „ — Paid for 3 Pecks of boans for pins for Slating the 

Chapel 00 

—Paid for six hogsheads for latts to the Capel ... 00 
— M A cooper for strikin of the hoops and ends 

out of Do. 00 

Ocob' 14 „ — Paid Anthony Far lam and Th<»" Armstrong for 

Slating Seaton Chepell 08 

Feby 24 1738— Paid for a Lamb Skin to bind the Chapel Comon 

prarebooke 00 

Ocobr 21 „ — Beced of Francis Blake Delavall Bq two pounds 

five shillings in full for a clock sett up in the 

kitchen at Seaton Delavall by Wm Joseph 

U'Teen ••• .•• ... ... ••• ..« a^ 

June 8 1740 — Paid for a pound of Scotch SnufE 00 

13 Nouemb : A«. : R»» : R»» : Caroli 9° : A°q : D^: 1633. etc 
Receyued j* day & yeare first aboue-written by me Tobye Bowes of ^ 
Herrington w^in ye Conntye Palatine of Durham Gent, at the handes 
of M" Barbara Lauall of Seaton de Lauall w*i*in the Countye of 
Northumberland, Widdowe, The just and Intire summe of Twentye 
k, ffine poundes due vnto me The sayd Tobye Bowes, ffor one halfe 
yeares rent of that Annuitye, or Rent-charge uf ffiftye poundes p*Annu\ 
Granted mto my wife Eatherine Bowes by her late fiEather S' Ralfe 
de Lauall of Seaton de Lauall af oresayd k^ deceased To be jssueing 
out of ye Manner, & Landes of Harteley within ye sayd Countye of 
Northumberland, Accrewed at y* f easte of St. Martine ye Bp In winter 
last paste before ye date hereof: And payable to me by y*' sayd 
Barbara as being Committee of ye bodye k Landes of Ralfe de 
Lauall Esq his Ma*^* Wardes pprietour of the sayd Manner Sc Landes 
out of wch the sayd Annuity or Rent-charge is to be Issuing as 
af oresayd I say receyued as is aboue* written 

Wittenesse hereof my hand & Scale The day tc yeare abouesayd 

ToBi£- Bowes 

02 06 



















02 00 



[The signature is followed by seal on which is the crest of a ram's head erased.] 



21 ; 

Sexto die Julij. Anno Beg°* Reg** Oaroli duo decimo Annoq. Domini 1636. 

Beceiued the day and yeare first abouewritten by me Elizabeth Grey^ 
of Morpith one of the daughters of 8' Edward Grey of Morpith Castle 
E* deceased, Att the hands of m" Barbara De Laual of Seaton De Laual 
within the County of Northu'b*land Widow, The iust and entire 
sume of Twenty one pounds and fiue shillings curant English money, 
due ynto me the said Elizabeth Grey for one half e yeares rent of that 
Annuity or rent charge oflE Fifty pounds p annu* granted by S' Raiphe 
Delaual of Seaton De Laual aforesd k* deceased to his daughter 
Katherine De Laual by his Last Will and Testament in writing bearing 
date the tenth day of January in the yeare of Christ 1623, to be 
issuing f oorth of theLordshi* of Hartley and Sea fishings there within the 
foresaid County, for the Tearme of Ten yeares next after his death 
The which Annuity of Fiffty pounds, parcell thereof being Fowerty 
Two pounds Ten shillings, p. anu' is now invested in me by vertue of a 
Conveyance of the same bearing date the first of December in the 
Eleuenth yeare of the king anno 1636, made vnto me by Tobye Bowes 
of Offerton in the county of Durha', Gent\ and the aforesaid 
Katherine his now wife, for the tearme of fiue Teares next after the 
date of the said Conveyance, as by relation to the same more fully 
doth appeare. Now I the said Elizabeth Grey doe hereby acknowledge 
to haue receiued as abouesd the said sume of Twenty one pounds, fiue 
shillings for a full halfe yeares re*t of the said Annuity, which did 
accrew vnto me at the Feast of Penticost Last past before the date 
hereof, and is payable vnto me by the foresaid Barbara De Laual as 
being Committee of the body and Lands of Raiphe Delaual Esq* his 
Maiest*. Ward proprietary and owner of the said Lands and Sea- 
fishings out of w®** the said Annuity or rentcharge is to be issuing 
as aforesaid I say receiued in full discharge of all payments due by 
reason hereof vnto the abouesaid day and yeare the sume of 

Witnesse hereof my hand and seale the yeare first abouewritten 

Elizabeth Grat. 

Witnesse at the signing & sealing 


f d 
o :0 

S', Wellbeck Nov : y« 2 : /82 [1682] 

I receued yours of ye last of Oct: this day and I giue you many 
thankes for it as a most frendly letter as a f rend can write. I doe wonder ye 
Romanist will appeere in publick places, I am a frend to many of y™, but I 
shall never be of their Religeon. Since you mention 'M^ Howard I acquant you 
vpon my Lord of Carliles wishing it I have writ to my Lord Halifax to dedie 


he may be this yeare Shiriff, and y* next yeare I aasore my self e he will haue ye 
Conntrey Eeeing [7] indeed I am ^robled he has it not this yeare. My Daughter 
Albemarle haueing violent fitts of ye Mother trobles me exceedingly God 
keepe yon and yonr Family in health, I am ever, 

Your most faithf all servant. 

8', London July ye 28* 1746. 

Mr. Liddel showed me yonr letter by the last post to him, and gave me 
the inclos'd abstract of the Laws of Ireland concerning foreign Protestants &c. 
It was the more wellcome as I had been some time thinking of the methods of 
inviting a Number of French Protestants to settle in Ireland. That an increase 
of people, though without shoes and stockings, if they have but legs and arms, 
is a great advantage to any Nation that is not already overstocked, which is by 
no means the case of Ireland at present ; I take to be an uncontroverted pro- 
position; And that such an increase by protestants would be particularly 
advantageous to Ireland, considering the great number of Papists there; is 
I think as plain a proposition as the former. From these two principles the 
conclusion is plain, that such an increase of Protestants, should be got if 
possible. Now I will tell yon that it is very possible ; and the only difficulty 
is with regard to the manner of receiving and establishing *em. I have a 
proposal by me from a great Number of French Protestants in the Cevennes 
and the Vivarais, who, from long indulgence and connivance during the 
Administration of Cardinal Fleury, grew I believe a little too flippant in the 
publick exercise of their Beligion, met in great numbers, sung Psalms aloud, 
and have brought a kind of a persecution upon themselves. Of these who by the 
way are a hardy laborious kind of people, I can have what Numbers I please, 
in Ireland, upon assuring 'em of a proper establishment and provision there. 
Many of *em I believe are very poor, some would bring means along with 'em, 
but in short at the worst all would bring themselves, which I take to be Riches. 
I find the Laws in Ireland as they now stand are favourable to 'om ; but that 
alone you are sensible is not sufficient ground for any body to invite numbers 
or for numbers to come upon. A settlemeiit, and the Nature of that settlement 
must first be shown 'em. It is impossible for me at this distance to point out 
to my self or others any method to be pursued ; Nor would I at present if I 
could. Lord Lieutenants are suspected Persons, their proposals have fcennm 
in Camu^ and the answer to any schemes that should take their rise from 
them, tho, singly mean't for the Publick good, would be, Tiin^ DanoM et dona 
ferentei, I have therefore given no answer to my Protestant Undertaker, but 


that I woald consider of it in Ireland, and then let him know, what could, or 
coald not be done. A Spirit of party in Queen Anue's time defeated all the 
advantages that would have arisen to the Publiclr from the Establishment of the 
Palatines here. The same absurd Spirit repeaVd the Act of (General Naturaliza- 
tion soon after, and it now costs a foreigner above a hundred pounds to be 
naturalized. Moreover most minds are form*d rather to see, the little local 
and partial inconvenieneys, than the great general good of an extensive plan. 
Some of these motives or possibly all of 'em, may render a proposal of this 
Nature, not only impracticable, but unpopular in Ireland, especially coming 
from me ; in either of which cases I have done with it. I leave it in your hands 
at present, and I think I can't leave it in abler, to make what use yon will or can 
of this Idea. If it is generally lik'd in Ireland and call'd for, I am not only 
ready to cooperate but contribute, and the people shall be forth coming. If 
not, I shall rest content with my good intentions for that kingdom, which surely 
wants, and in my opinion might make, great improvements, getting people from 
abroad, and keeping their own money at home, would be two very considerable 
ones, and are both in their own . power. I heartily wish my Administration 
might be an ^ra of some National benefit ; whoever can suggest any, will be 
Wellcome, whoever can bring it to bear will be still wellcqmer, to 

Tour faithf ull friend and servant 

[Endorsed: Lord Lieut^ 23 
July, 1745, R 29th.] 

When I tell you that I like your letter about the Hypanians very much, I 
can also assure you that M'. Pelham and M'. Winington (to both whom I 
shewd it) are equally pleasd with it Principibus placuisse viris non ultima 
laus est. 

The very surprizing changes that have happend cant be wrote (with truth) 
but I must wait till I see you to give you a perfect idea of the most impudent 
undertaking carried into execution with an incredible rapidity, maintaind for 
some few hours, by the good will of one Dedeved ^ almsd Person and then 
crushd by the weight of Ability Property & Honesty. Our two Great Departed 
Statesmen seiz'd on power with no more prospect of maintaining it or foundation 
to support it, than King Phys and King Ush in the Rehearsal Alas they were 
not able to form a Cabinet Councill. Judge of the rest — Nor coud they find 
even People of Quality to accent of the greatest posts in the kingdom from their 
hands. Courtiers woud not take money from them & Citizens woud not 
lend it them. White staffs and 5 P cent went a begging. Every body but them- 
selves wonder'd what They intended Which they Themselves could not tell *em. 


However at last (or at first which you will) they ordered L^ Winchelsea to 
take the Admiralty and overeachd L<* Carlisle into being Privy seaL The First 
of these orderd his Commission to be immediatly made out with blanks to be 
left for the names of his Brethren but upon his Sending to M''. Phillipson whom 
He had before brought to that board to come back thither with him His Lord- 
ship had the misfortune to meet with a refusal, Sc before he coud think of 
another Person to supply that vacancy his own Employment became vacant. 
Harder and more ridiculous was the Fate of L*^ Carlisle. He was bid to go to 
S^ James's on the Wednesday morning to recieve the Seal, k being a Regular 
Man be came exactly at twelve o'clock and there he waited till near two. His 
Friend L<^ Bath went into the Closet to prepare his way but the reception he met 
with there discompos'd him so much that he forgot L^ Carlisle who was waiting 
in the outward room and went down the back stairs At last L*^ Carlisle was 
releasd from his long attendance by M' Winingtons coming out of the Closet 
who said he had the kings- orders to fetch back his old Servants to him. His 
Lordship upon this retird from Court and when he came home he had the 
pleasure to find a letter upon his table from the Sagacious Bishop of Lincoln 
directed to the Earl of Carlisle L*^ Privy Seal This, with the rejoycings of his 
Servants and the congratulations of his Lady & family made his Lo^ have no 
great stomach to his dinner and I fancy did not much conduce to his passing a 
merry evening. 

L^ Bath retir'd immediatly to his lodging at Richmond to think over at 
leisure his late conduct and took My Lady with him to sooth his melanchoUy 
and alleviate his disappointment He threatend loudly that he woud give 
the world an exact account of the whole proceeding of these transactions in a 
pamphlet Nay he went so far as to tell L^ Harrington that it shoud be such 
a one as shoud set the whole nation in a flame, but the flame has ended in smoke. 
Thife is a story goes about that one of his footmen meeting some other persons 
footman the other footman said, I hear Jack your Lord was near getting 
a good place and would have had it o||ily Nobody woud give him a Character. 
He has been seen but little since his fall & as there is nothing People dont 
think him capable of doing so nothing He does surprizes them, and as 
Granville is thought to be an Enterprizing Imprudent man, He is only thought 
to have done a bold imprudent thing, & the other is no more hurt by it, than 
Chartres woud be if He were, alive and catchd once more cheating at play. 
They blame one another but certainly Granville has got off better than Bath. 
L** Winchelsea to the surprize of every body was to have had (as I have told 
you) the admiralty again but that enigma was solv*d by its being soon known 
that as soon as your session of Parliament was over he was to have gone to 
Ireland. L** Oholmondeley by being at Chester, was luckily kept out of the 
Scrape for he was intended by Granville to have been Secretary of state, & 
tis said a Messenger went down to fetch him up to take the seals, L** Sandys 
was to have had the board of trade in L'* Monson's place & the Duke of Rutland 


was to haye been Master of the horse, Willes bad a mind to be Ohancelloar 
but was afEraid k did not see light enongh, The Court was a strange place 
Nobody condoVd with those that went out and nobody rejojc'd with those that 
came in. 

I have now but just room to tell you that what yon wrote about was disposed 
of the day M' Pelham resignd the Seals, the Man dyd just then & he made 
use of the opportunity and put in M' Yelverton So I have said nothing about it 
nor shall not till you desire me again, I wish yon was on this side of the Water 
for my sake as well as yours Adieu Yiye memor noetri. 6^ March 1746/6 

Dear Sir 

After one day spent with I^rd (George Manners at Ancastre, and 
another with your Uncle at Wasingly we have this Evening reachd the Metro- 
polis L'* George goes for Newmarket on Monday returns at the end of the 
meeting & purposes to send M'^ Delaval & you a Letter of invitation to his 
House, tho this step may not be strictly consistent to the usual forms of pro- 
vincial politeness, yet as they are people of quality, k, upon the whole a good 
rural acquaintance, I would advise yon to relax [f] a little in ceremonials 

This Town is as empty as your Aunt Prices Head, & as my invention is rather 
disturbd by the rocking of the Chaise de Poete, accept this only as a scrawl, in 
a little time you shall receive a Letter 

from yrs most sincerely 

Tour Brother desires his best affections to you k your Fireside my services 
attend Mrs Delaval, k my Love Mrs Gash 
Saturday Sep* SO"* [1752?] 

[Endorsed : To John Delaval Esqr at Doddington near Lincoln 
From F Delaval] 

I am sorry Dear M*^ Delaval should suppose he wants a subject to interest 
and entertain me, whilst he has it in his power to communicate his own happi- 
ness k that of his Family, to the latter you have this Morning a collateral 
addition by the birth of a Son to Miss BoacK 

The Theatres have each producd a Pantomime That of Covent (harden is 


the Sorcerer revived with a new peice of Machenery, that is elegantly designd, 
k happily executed, the subject is a Fountain. 

The Genii of Drury Lane has some pretty contrivances, but the Inspector 
complains of its being barren of Incidents, defective in the plan, k improbable 
in the Denouement, We have had no new comedys but one given by M' Wey- 
mondsel, k his Lady. Jo Child is gone to France, The frail foir one tumd out 


of Doors, and a suit for a divorce commencd Francises Tragedy calld Con- 
stantin is to be acted at Covent Garden, a Comedy calld the Gamester is soon to 
be playd at Drury Lane, I am writing the English Man at Paris for Macklyns 
benefit, the Attorney General is to be made a Peer, the Solicitor Attorney, Sc 
York Solicitor General This is all the News I have now to offer & indeed all 
that I have to say except that I am most sincerely yours 

Pal Mai, Jany 17»*» Sam^ Foote 

I beg my Complements to every Branch of the Stock at Seaton' 
[Endorsed: *To John Delaval Esq' at Seaton Delaval Near Newcastle North- 
umberland ; ' and sealed with a seal bearing the arms : argent a chevron sable 
between three birds, with crest, a cock's head erased.] 

In the North, what dye do in the' North ? when you are wanted in the West 
on the 2\}^ instant appears a Farce of your Hble Servants, which without the 
powerful aid of such Freinds as M*" Delaval will I fear encounter a most disas- 
trous Destiny 

I suppose this Post will bring you the Brothers you will find some good 
writeing, but as a play tis a heavy, uninteresting, bad conducted, ill judgd story 

The Recorder of your Town of Newcastle has lately occasiond a small 
inflammation at Court, about four months since He dind with L'* Ravensworth, 
k takeing up a newspaper which mentlond the Bishop of Glouscester as the 
Bishop of Chichcsters successor in the Prince of Wals's family, declard that 
was the second great officer about the prince whom he had formerly known to 
drink treasonable Healths Andrew Stone being the other 

L** Ravensworth made a Report of this to the Cabinet Council, which the 
two delinquents with the Solicitor General, he being equaly culpable, were 
orderd to attend, sundry examinations were had, of what nature has not trans- 
pird, the result of all is that the subsequent loyal Attachment of these Gentle- 
men, should obliterate the stain of their former principles k the prosecution be 
branded with the ignominious titles of groundless, trifling, and vexatious* 

you must expect the Wits to be arch, but I dont know how to take your 
calling me one^ in your last, as I know in what light you men of Bussness 
regard that Character, but I give you leave to think of me as you please in 
every other respect provided you do me Justice in one Article, that I am A: ever 
be Dear M"" Delavals most obligd & obed* Serv* 

London Mar IS*"* Sami* Foote 

I suppose your Brother is on the Board, I beg my complements to M" Delaval 
with a thousand wishes for a happy hour. 

I am to thank Dear M*" Delaval for his last favour which I own a little 
dissapointed me, haveing flattcrd myself with the hopes of seeing you in 
Town with vour Brother 

*See next paragraph of this letter at page 129. 
NoTB.— For ' Prom ' in line 27 of the preceding page, read ' Free.* 

VOL. XV. ^ 


The Englishman at Paris has been better receivd than I expected. Oarrick, 
&c all the Deliciae [7] of the Theatre say kinder things of it than modesty will 
permit me to repeat, upon the whole it was damnably acted, Macklyn miserably 
imperfect, in the words, & in the character ,(oh stain to Comedy) you might 
have seen what I meant an English Buck by the power of dulness instantaneously 
transformd into an Irish Chairman 

Miss Roach accompany'd by some frippery French woman occupyd to the 
no small scandal of the whole House the Princes Box whilst the Dutchess of 
Bedford &c &c were obligd to take up with seats upon the Stage The Peice 
will be printed the 25*'' instant which I will inclose to you 

I set out for foreign Parts the first of May, & shall petition for the continu- 
ance of our correspondence, I dont know whether I shall arrive time enough in 
France to put up a few Masses for the propitious Delivery of M"' Dclaval, but 
let me be where I will I shall not fail to pronounce for her a Juno Lucina fer 
opem, & I dont know but that may do as well as an Ave Maria. 

I congratulate you on the fertility of M" Ashly [«i<?] as every additional 

Blessing to your Family cant but give pleasure to 

Yr most obligd & obed^ Serv* 
Pal Mai Apr 5*»» Saml Foote 

London Nov"*' 26"» 1751 

♦ ♦ * • * I wish Madam I could entertain you with any 

news or diversions that are going forward in this gay place, but I have never 

been out but upon business, & nothing so much talkt of as y" Lottery^ I wish 

I could give you joy of a good prise, tho their is many good prises come up 

y" Tickets are now £16 14s. ♦ * * * ♦ I hear Lady Isabella 

Dclaval is much delighted with her journey into y® North & says it is a charming 

place Si every thing very agreable their. « » • * -^n jjaily I 

find is coming to Live at Stilton. 

I am Madam Your Most Obdn* & Most Humble Serv' 

S Hammond 
PS. every body here is in mourning for y" Prince of Orange 

Lincoln Feb y*^ Z^ / 1753 

***** A letter from you always gives me great pleasure 
k particularly your last that acquaintd me your self & charming Miss Delaval 
perform'd your journey well. I know you was much divert'd when miss happened 
to think of Ham when a church was m vciw. ♦ ♦ ♦ • » 

Nothing is talkt of here so much as Ld Scarborough's fine dress & his Ladys, 
there has been an Asembly above Hill & all y*^ gentlemen & Ladys in y° Country 
came to Complement them, her Cloaths if possible was I am told finer than those 
she had on below hill, she had Diamonds all down her stays & a necklace almost 
covcrd her neck her Earings very fine y*' two Midle drops she said Cost J5120 9c 


£50 without j^ hoop that is ronnd them, for they are set transparent : & their 
whole Coat of arms adorns her Hair a pelican is y** Crest & that has a yery Large 
diamond in its month, all her Diamonds Cost £10,000. her fortune was 
£30,000. S' George SaviU gave her ten £10000 k twenty she had before, the 
particulars of my L^ Dress I know not. his Estate is 9000 a year £14,000 in 
mony. & he is offerd £60,000 for y« wood k, that may now be Cut off y* Estate & 
for want of it y« Estate is worse, y* Entertainment at his House is very grand 
k. Cannot be relate'd properly but by those that have seen but Rome few par- 
ticulars I shall mention, they had a great deal of Company last week & at y" 
first Course their was 82 dishes serv'd in Silver & y® plates spoons Salts Candle- 
sticks k knifes y** same y" second Course there was 46 dishes and all upon Gilt 
plate every thing Salts spoons & knifes & y* Six Silver Candlesticks remove'd k 
12 gilt brought on. 24 gilt branches round y* room lighted, y* dsert was 
Extreamly fine k y* glass cut particularly so & y* China very fine, their was a 
Foun[tain] of Orange k Hony water upon y* table, play*d all y* time & as y« water 
fell it appeared as if it froze, k every thing was manag'd with great order. 

I am Madam 
Your Most obligd k Most Humble Serv^ 

S Hammond 

[Endorsed : To M" Delaval at Dodington near Lincoln turn at Grantham] 

I send this my Dear Sister to tell you that we are all safe and well you will 

think this a strange way of writeing but I was afiEraid you might be alarmed by 

some paragraff in a news paper, one Wednesday at four a clock in the after noon 

a fire broke out in the kitchen Chimney which consumed all those rooms in the 

wing where we lived but was fortunately put out with out hurting the other 

end most mr Astley linnin and mine are burnt, what good providence that it 

did not happen in the night 

y^ affectionately 

[? Wednesday, May 6th, 1762.] 

[Sealed with a seal bearing arms of Astley impaling Delaval.] 

[Endorsed and sealed same as last.] 

Seaton Delaval may y" 22 

my Dear Sister you desire an account of the damage the fire has done and 

how it happened, about twelve years ago a man undertook to prevent the 

kitchin Chimney from smokeing he pared away the wall at the back of the 

Chimney till he came to one of the beams of the dressing room above, and was 

so great a villain as never to mention it. it is very surpriseing how it escaped so 

long without being burnt had providence sufferd it to break out in the night 

how ^reat had been the mischief it was first seen by my maid when she went 


up after dinner she call'd out for help my Father who was in the passage 
immeiiatelj went up and saw the lire breaking out no biger than a candle at 
the top of the cealing. he allarmed the the [sic] workmen, and in less than a 
quarter ot an hour near four hundred people were gather'd together, they by 
pulling down and throwing great quantitys water saved the kitchin and all 
beyond it. the rooms where we lived and those under them are entirely 
demolished I mean the inside the walls are not much damaged, the fire burnt 
with such swiftness that it was impossible to save any of our linnin or indeed 
hardly any thing that was in those two room next the kitchin. my Father has 
set the workmen to repare the building as fast as they can. I should have sent 
jou this account last post but I was not very able to write as I have been so 
unlucky as to misscarry I am at present very well as are all the family who 
desire to be remembered to you and my Brother. 

1 am yours affectionately 


is my Brother Delaval and Ned with you if they are tell them that our best 
wishes attend them pray let me hear from you very soon 

[Endorsed same as last and sealed with seal bearing head of an old man.] 

my Dear Sister we arrived here safe and well on wednessday you see I have 

kept my word in writeing to you as soon as I could there is no merit in it 

because I take great pleasure in writeing to but much more in hearing from you 

therefore pray let it be very soon, as we were at breakfast at Northallerton the 

two gentlemen arrived you see how far short were of their intention of reaching 

Beaton the same day they left Dodington they travelled with us the rest of the 

way. my mother desires you will ask Bet ty where the Tea spoons are that used 

to l)c with the ('hina they are in the inventory she did not take them into her 

closit she desires you would be so good as to take care of them, mrs Charlton 

is at Collorcoats Bathing they tell me it is much the fashion this year that 

there is a great deal of company there and at Tynemouth. this place is in high 

beauty if you should be tempted to see it dont leave the little girl behind you 

what ever you do change of air will do her as much good as you. you know it 

allvvays agreed very much with you. I liave had a letter from Tommey he is 

very well, you will not fail sending wonl to my mother what Spinxton says to 

you. and tell her exactly how you are the sincei-e good Welshes of all here 

attend you and my Brother 

I am yours most affectionately 

Rh: Astley 
Seat on Delaval July y*" 19 

[Endorsed same as last, and sealed with seal of a man (a clown?) running.] 
my Dear Sister I cannot help writeing to you this post tho I writ so lately to 

tell you what joy your letter gave me by leting me know that you are better. 

that you may continue to mend is I am shure the sincere wish of every body 


here. I am quite of Spinxtons opinion in thinking that moderate exercise and 
thin diet is the best thing for yon, nor can I think that Scarborough would be 
of any service in your case, I hope you take the air in the coach every day it is 
much better than walking even when you are very able, 1 wish you had some- 
body to stay with you it would not be so much confinement to my Brother tho 
I dare say he thinks it none and I know he is the best nurse in the world, I 
fancy you may have miss Hammond as long as you will and I am shure she will 
do what she can to entertain and take care of you, you know that she is a very 
good natured girl, pray did mr Hurtons friend recover that took Dr Jame's 
medicin, I have intended to ask you every time I writ, poor Long Jack is so ill 
of a fever that they think he cannot live my mother sent him some of D*^ James 
medicin but whether they gave it him in a proper manner I can't tell but I am 
aJSraid it will not have the proper effect poor S"" John— the vanities of this life 
are all over with him. while he was well he appeard every Sunday at church 
in his fine cloaths and long wig and sword, the first time the country people ran 
out of there seats to make room for so fine a gentleman, but yon may imagin 
what a laugh ensued when they found out the Jay in borrowed plumes. * * 
* * * I am Just now told that long Jack has had a good night and is 
in a fare way of doing well what a fine thing D** James Powder is. 

my mother says that you must leave Puter and all other necessary's of that 
sort in your house I think you are in the right to let it if you do not propose 
going to London this year, all here desire their compliments to you and my 
Brother, pray let me hear from you very soon. 

I am most Affectionately yours 

Seaton Delaval Sunday morning 

[Endorsed same as last, and sealed with head of old man.] 

***** one piece of news you sent me has given me great 
concern, could it have been no ways prevented, the world will judg my Brother 
John master in his own house therefore I fear it will hurt you both *tis a sad 
thing, tis only in ones own house that such things can do effectual harm, 
pardon me if 1 have said too much, it proceeds from that anxiety which I ever 
feel for what concerns your wellf are. I have not yet told it and believe I can 
not because it will make every body so unhappy, I had flattered my self that 
that persons eyes were opened and that It could not even happen again, no body 
has greater influence than you two make use of it to the uttermost to convince 
them of the certain ruin that must attend 

I am very sorry to hear that poor mrs Hammond is so ill great cures have 

been done by EM" James powders here, it is great pitty she cannot be prevailed 

on to take them • ♦ • ♦ • 

I am, yours : 



[Endorsed same as last, and sealed with arms of Astlej impaling Delaval.] 

my Dear Sister I deceived the favour of my Brother Johns letter. I am sorry 

to hear that you are not better than when we left you I hope in your next to 

have a better account, the not hearing from you of so long a time gave va great 

uneasiness pray lei me have a letter by the return of the post miss Hammond 

will write to me if she is with you I would not give you or my Brother that 

trouble I hope miss Hammond will stay some time with you it is much better 

for you than being alone I told my mother about your goods going to Downing 

Street she says that you are eztreamly wellcome to set them in any of the 

rooms but that when she comes to Town she cannot answer for their safety as 

there is no room where they can be locked up in. the rooms being then all 

inhabited she would there fore advise you to save a place in your own house to 

lock them up in. we do not imagin your house will let the worse for it and it 

will be a great expence to move them we spent last week at Newcastle there 

were the same company as usual only my Lady Blacket was wanting they are 

at Scarborough every body enquired after you and were sorry you was not 

among them do not forget to make some body write to me immediately all 

hear join with mr Astley and me in good wishes to you and my Brother 

I am yrs 


[Endorsed same as last, but seal a figure of a man running.] 
you know my Dear Sister (because you know how well I love you) what 
pleasure your last letter gave me * « « ♦ * ^y Father has 
had a letter from mr Bosanquet to ask leave for my Brother Tom to take a 
Journey with him into Saxoney to improve his knoledge in Trade, mrs Feild- 
ing desires her compliments to you we dined with her the other day in her 
grotto S' Walter Blacket dined here last monday my Lady Blacket intended 
comeing with him but was prevented by the head ach they are just come from 
Scarborough we have very bad weather here « • » » • jjjy 
Brother Frank is gone to shoot at Warkworth I am affraid he will not retume 
time enough to free this letter if he does I will make him set his hand to it the 
good wishes of all here wait on you and my Brother 

I am yours most affectionately 


Scaton Delaval Sep**' ye 14 

[Endorsed same as last, and franked F. Delaval.] 

upon my word my Dear Sister you are a little saucy to complain of my long 
silence when you were so long in answering my last letter or had you for got 
when you began to write that you owed me one. • » ♦ * • 

my Brother Delaval is here tho I believe you will see him before you receive 
this my Lady Coddrington is at London we had a letter from her last night she 
was gone from us before I had your letter I fancy the reason why she did not 

MRS. astlky's lktters. 143 

make you a visit as she intended was her fear of going off the made roads she la 
a very great coward they were six days going to Town in a post chase. Heskith 
is married to miss Cooper they keep six greys have taken a house in Pall mall 

and live at a great rate I hear that you are going to make Dodington very fine 

* « * « « 

yours most affectionately 

Seaton Delaval No: y* 16 

[Endorsed same as last, and sealed with arms of Astley impaling Delaval.] 

my Dear Sister, — I am sorry to hear that you still continue to complain of 

pains, in your joints, 'tho I hope, that as you are so well every other way, a 

little time will wear away that too. I have asked my mother about your little 

Girls wearing shoes, and stocking, she says that If you can prevent her walking 

for some time longer, it will be better, because she should not wear shoes and 

stockings, till she has short coats, and the weather is to cold to chainge her 

dress, you express a kind concern for my health, I am quite well. Ned and 

Bobs Tickets are both Blanks, what success have you had ? » * ♦ • 


. R Astley. 

Writing from "Castle Howard Aug*. S*" 1721," Sir John Vanbrugh says:— 
" Here's the house full of company, which I like better when it's emptye, so am 
going to morrow to Lumley Castle, and Delavals, which will take up a fortnight. 
I shall then return to York." And on the 26th of the same month, from York : — 
" Cou*d you see how busy I have been ever since I writ to you last, you won VI 
easily forgive my being so long before I did it again. I retum'd but last night 
from the north (for here you must know we are in the south) where I have been 
near this three weeks finding a vast deal to do, both at Delavals and Lumley 
Castle. Since it is not easy, to go there of t«n, I resolv'd to do all the service I 
cou*d while I was there now. The Admiral [Delaval] is very gallant in his 
operations, not being disposal to starve the design at all, so that he is like to 
have a very fine dwelling for himself now, and his nephew &c hereafter. Lumley 
Castle is a noble thing, and well deserves the favours Lord Lumley designs to 
bestow upon it : In order to which, I stayed then near a week, to form a general 
design for the whole, which consists in altering the house both for state, beauty 
and convenience, and making the courts gardens and offices suitable to it; all 
which I believe may be done, for a sum, that can never ly very heavy upon the 
fomily. If I had had good weather in this expedition. I shouM have been well 
enough divertetl in it ; there being many more valluable and agreeable things 
' and places to be seen, than in the tame sneaking south of England." (^Athemeum^ 
No. 3,280, Sept. 6, 1890, p. 322.) 



By D. D. Dixon, of Rothbury. 
[Read on the 26th November, 18 90. J 

The paper I am now going to read to you is, perhaps, not 
exactly an antiquarian paper in the true sense of the word, and I 
am probably running some risk of being called to order by the more 
learned members of the Society for bringing forward time after time 
these simple papers on Coquetdale ; nevertheless, for your amusement, 
if not for your profit, I intend during the coming winter to read a 
series of three such papers, viz., * Notes on the Jacobite Movement 
in Upper Coquetdale,' also an account of two old Coquetdale Customs ; 
' Foot Ball Play,' and * Salmon Poaching,' not that these two customs 
are peculiar to our district alone, but because they are found to have 
been observed so thoroughly in the spirit of olden times amongst the 
inhabitants of Upper Coquetdale up to a very recent date. My notes on 
our Foot Ball Customs treat only of the old style of playing of Foot 
Ball Fights, rather than Foot Ball Matches. Whilst of Salmon 
Poaching (the subject of to-night's paper) my notes are both ' Ancient 
and Modem,' as I need scarcely tell you that this very ancient custom 
of salmon poaching is not yet numbered amongst our obsolete customs, 
nor, indeed — so far as Upper Coquetdale is concerned — has it any 
appearance of becoming so. It is in hilly districts, and in remote 
valleys, such as Coquetdale, Redewater, and North Tyne, where we find 
that old traditions, old faiths, old families, and old customs, cling the 
longest. To me it is a matter. of regret that, in this utilitarian age of 
ours, many of those old country customs are fast dying out. It is only 
from the lips of some aged villager, here and there throughout the 
county, that any account at all can be got of several interesting customs 
now entirely obsolete. For instance — The May Pole — The Kim Sup- 
per — Candle Creel — Riding for the Kail — Hogmanay — Barring out — 
and Gizorting are nearly all of them memories of the past. 

It is rather a doubtful compliment to myself and to my fellow 
villagers, but there exists a 13th centuiy record which, notwithstanding 


the extreme severity of the forest laws, clearly shows the poaching 
proclivities of our ancestors. About a century after the coming of the 
Normans the manor of Cartington, which lies on the northern limits 
of the ancient Forest of Rothbury, was held by Ralph fitz Main, on 
a tenure of Forest Sergeanty, and in the Pipe Rolls from 1158 to 
1198 numerous records are found of accounts rendered to the sheriff 
of the County by Ralph fitz Main for fines and amerciaments, collected 
by him in his capacity as King's Forester in Northumberland. In the 
Pipe Rolls for the year 1285, the 19th of Henry III., under the head 
of " Amerciaments of the Forest," John fitz Robert, lord of Rothbury, 
is fined 40 marks for the transgressions of the men of Rothbury. The 
vassals of fitz Robert had been poaching in the King's Forest of 
Rothbury, for which offence their lord had to pay the fine, whilst the 
villains themselves would be severely punished and put in prison. 
Again, in 1252, the 37th of Henry III. we find that Richard, the 
rector of Rothbury, was amerced the sum of £10, also for poaching in 
the King's Forest. The rolls of the next year tell us that this poacher 
ecclesiastic paid the fine, in full, to William Heyron, sheriff of the 
county, and got his discharge. We cannot be surprised, therefore, 
that the love of sport, the love of poaching game or salmon, continues 
to be so predominant a characteristic amongst the sons of Coquet, 
when we learn from those early records such as I have just quoted that 
the self same spirit ran so strong in the veins of our forefathers some 
six hundred years ago, a vestige, no doubt, of the free bom spirit of the 
sturdy Saxon. 

In Hodgson's History of Northumberland y part ill. vol. iii., at 
page XXX of the preface, there occurs the following note on the Pipe 
Rolls, alluding to the reign of Henry III., which says : — * The 
King's Forests in these times seem to have been as much plun- 
dered by noble poachers, as the preserves are now by a less dignified 
description of game stealers. Bagsmen all. But the baron then poked 
a deer ; now, the poor wretch, that a natural passion for hunting con- 
verts into a poacher, bags a wild fowl or a hare.' 

The fish in the river Coquet appear to have been of much more 
value to the lords of the soil in early times than they are now, owing 
to the scarcity of fresh meat during certain seasons of the year. Fish 
and pigeons would probably form chief items of diet. Hence we find 

VOL. XV. ^ 


a culver-house in connection with nearly every ancient manor.* In 
those days only the squire and the parson were allowed to have dove 
cots. When king John in 1205 granted Jbhe manor of Rothbury to 
Robert fitz Roger, baron of Warkworth, vierc and mere were included 
amongst the rights and privileges of the new owner. Mere the right 
of market, mere the right of fishing in the Coquet, or rather the owner- 
ship of the fish. The monks of Brinkburn also had liberty from the 
baron of Mitford to have fish out of the river Coquet as much as they 

Salmon poaching is no new thing in Upper Coquetdale, as early as 
1269, to prevent the destruction of salmon when coming up the river 
to spawn, two conservators were appointed for the river Coquet, near 
Rothbury. These were Adam Gallon, Tirwhiie in/erioris, and John de 
Kestern, both of whom were men of importance in the district. Adam 
dwelt in his strong tower at Low Trewhitt, and John, the owner of 
Caistron, was a great benefactor to the monks of Newminster. The 
law then ran thus : — ' Any fisher, miller, or other man convicted, his 
lord to give the king a mark for each offence, the fisher, miller, or other 
person to go to prison. Nets found to be burnt.' (25th June, 1269, 
before Gilbert de Preston, justice itinerant.) 

The following curious entry relative to salmon poaching is found 
in the Stanton Court Rolls, quoted by Hodgson in part ii. vol. ii. 
page iii., the 18th Charles XL, 1678 : — 'Henry Henderson, for keep- 
ing a junket (a basket for catching fish), and taking the smelt at 
spring time of the year, was presented and amerced 16s. 4d.,' and 
' Henry Hamling for killing salmon at kepper time ' was fined 6s. 8d. 
These entries show that salmon frequented the river Font at that time. 

The term 'kipper,' or 'kepper,' frequently occure in the parish 
church records of Rothbury, where we see entered time after time fines 
for salmon poaching. These fines were appropriated by the church- 
wardens and overseers, and wisely utilized by being placed to the 
credit of the poor rate account in the vestry books. We there read — 
'April 2nd, 1724. An account of ye fines due to ye poor for kipper- 

1 ** Had not the religious house of Tynemouth ItB Columba Cotes (CuUercoats) ? 
Were not similar pigeonries common on the coast all the way to the Borders ? 
Stockton had its ' Doocote,' giving name to ' Dovecote ' Street, and deter- 
mining the portions of the thoroughfare.'' — The late J. Glephan's Note in his 
copy of the Arch. Aeliana, vol. iv., 133. CuUercoats =sCulvercote8. — Ed 


killing, 218/ At Felton, within a very recent date the inhabitants spoke 
of going a-kippering— which meant salmon spearing. We therefore see 
that the love of salmon poaching has descended from generation to 
generation ; whilst of the survival to onr own day of this exciting sport 
we have abundant proof, in spite of 'the laws and regulations of the 
River Coquet Conservancy Board. A few details of local fishing 
expeditions gathered at various times from old poachers and water 
bailifiiB may be of some interest to the members. 

Forty or fifty years ago the ordinary method of poaching salmon 
in the river Coquet at Rothbury was with lights and leister, or with 
the gaff or cleek when the poacher went single-handed. The net, 
which is a much quieter and more deadly instrument, was first used 
at Rothbury some thirty-five years ago, being made by old Tommy 
Redhead, of Whitton (Redhead is one of the oldest families in the 
parish of Rothbury). A Coquet salmon leister usually had five prongs 
about seven inches long, placed one and a half or two inches apart, with 
a housel six inches long, and a handle or shaft about five or six feet 
long. Occasionally the ends of the prongs were armed with two 
barbs (locally called w^ekera.) Country people also speak of the weekers 
of the mouth, the comers of the mouth. ' A leister,' says Brockett, 
* is a prong or trident used in spearing salmon by torchlight.' 

It requires some dexterity and a considerable amount of practice to 
use the salmon leister in a proper manner, to transfix the fish without 
damaging it. Henderson, in his delightful book. My Life as an 
Angler^ gives his experience in salmon spearing :~ * Now steady ! ' 
said his friend Charles, when he bad seen his fish at the bottom of the 
river, * turn the leister so that the prongs may cross his back ; glide 
it slowly down till it is about a foot from him, and then strike. Pin 
him firmly to the ground, and if you do not hold him firm he will 
wriggle off.' This advice (says Mr. Henderson) I carefully followed, 
and succeeded in pinning the fish tight upon the ground ; but the 
thrill which tingled through my arms from the poor writhing creature 
was very painful. I felt quite sick, and, for the first time in my 
angUng career, felt something of the self-reproach of a murderer. 

The lights used on these noctunial fishing exploits at Rothbiuy 
were composed of canvas thoroughly steeped in tar, this was made 
up into small bundles or faggots, and carried aloft on a two- 


pronged fork, having an extra long iron housel specially made for the 
purpose, to prevent the flaming tar from brnming the wooden shank, 
A good light carrier was a great acquisition to a fishing party ; it 
required a person with a considerable amount of coolness and decision 
for that office. This instrument, as well as the leister, could be used 
as a weapon— offensive or defensive, according to circumstance. An 
inveterate old salmon poacher, with a mischievous twinkle in his eye, 
naively remarked to me the other day, ' That a dad alang the side i' 
the heed, wi a bleezing tarry light, wis mair than ony witter baillie 
wid stand.' 

A gaff is simply a large hook, a cleek is a large hook with a barb 
or wicker ; these were carried in the pocket, and when required could 
easily be fastened to the end of a walking stick. This method of poach- 
ing had one advantage, the fisher could go aJone. 

One dark November night about 8 o'clock, a few years ago, I 
was returning home from the country, when, walking along the 
highway, a few miles from Rothbury, I heard, but could not see, that 
someone was approaching ; suddenly, with a bang and a rattle, some- 
thing was thrown into the roadside ditch, then I saw a form looming 
through the darkness. According to the fashion of us country folk I 
shouted, * it's a dark night,' immediately the well-known voice of a 
countryman (who lived close by) replied, * oh ! that's ye Mr. Dixon, 
aa' thought ye war somebody else ; wait a bit, or aa' git thor 
things oot the dykeside.' Thereupon, after grappling about in the 
dark, he produced a lantern, a salmon gaff, and a poke ; shoulder- 


ing these implements of the chase, we went chatting along the road 
together, until we came to a small bum — a tributary of the Coquet 
— the spot where ray poaching friend was *gan te try for a fish;' 
here I left him, as I did not care to be mixed up in a poaching 

No doubt most of you will be aware that the fish caught 
in the river CcKjuet are not the real salmon, but are conamonly 
known as Bull Trout. They are the Salmo eriox, and not the ScUmo 
snlar of the Tyne or the Tweed. Brockett thus describes the fish : 
* Bull Trout, a large fine species of fish peculiar to Northumberland, 
and much esteemed. The larger kind of salmon trouts taken in the 
Coquet, are in the Newcastle market called buU trouta,^ but these fish 


are larger than salmon tronts in the head, which is a part generally 
admired for its smallness. 

' Billhope braes for bucks and raes, 

And Carit hangh for swine, 

And Tarras for the good bull trout^ 

If he be ta*en in time.* 

(Old Rhyme,) 

The last line refers to the proper season when the fish should be taken. 
In September or October a Coquet bull trout fresh run from the sea 
is very prime indeed ; but during November, December, and January, 
when with every flood the fish come up the river to spawn, they are 
certainly not so good. Yet hundreds of them are taken out of the 
river between Felton and the head of Coquet, particularly during the 
early part of November, and dried by the country people for winter 
use. After the fish have spawned they are filthy— in fact, *they are 
neither fish nor fiesh nor good red herring.' 

Apart from the actual sport of catching fish by torch-light, which 
is both exciting and full of amusing incident, there is about the whole 
proceeding a spice of adventure in the risk of being caught, most con- 
genial to the natives of Upper Coquetdale, who seem even yet to possess 
somewhat of the lawless and daring spirit of their border ancestors. 

The poachers generally fished in parties of ten or twelve men each, 
who, at the commencement of the season, mutually banded themselves 
together — fishing tc^ether, dividing the spoil equally, and who, when 
attacked by the water bailiif s, stuck to, and fought for one another 
to the bitter end. When the river was in ' fettle,' with plenty of fish 
running at the 'Thrum,' the members of a party quietly arranged 
during the day at whose house they would meet at night. Accordingly, 
at 6 o'clock or 7 o'clock, they assembled at the place of rendezvous 
armed with leisters, each also brought a poke in which to carry* 
the fish, whilst to prevent the bailiffs from identifying them, every man 
was so thoroughly disguised that, as one of these ci*af ty old poachers 
told me the other day — ' Mony a time the yen didn't knaa the tother.' 
Some had their faces black and their eyes white, others these colours 
reversed, a third, with a yellow face, had, perhaps, i-ed eyes and a red 
chin, and so on. All wore the oldest and the duddiest of clothes they 
could procure ; their head-dress was often a battered long hat, or a 


woman^s straw bonnet, the latter was the fayoorite head gear, as the 
protecting front of the old-fashioned coal-scnttle bonnet shaded the 
eyes from the flare of the tarry rope lights. An amusing story is told 
of an old weaver, who, from all accounts, did not spend much time in 
the performance of his daily toilet. There were going to be some fishers 
on the water, and he was to be one of the party, so, on asking his wife — 
* Nanny, how shud aa' guise me'sell the night ? ' She replied — ' Aa'l 
tell ye what, John, just wesh yor fyce, an am sure nebody'll ken ye.' 

One of these fishing parties having met at the rendezvous at the time 
appointed, proceeded in a body to the riverside, and as each man knew 
every foot of the river, and the favourite haunts of the fish, there was 
little diflBculty in selecting the spot at which to begin their operations. 
One of the party was generally stationed to keep a look out for the 
water .bailiff, of whose approach he gave the alarm by a preconcerted 
signal. The light carrier took up his position in mid-stream and 
waded slowly up the river, closely followed by the . others, who with 
their leisters struck the fish, which by the blaze of the tarry lights 
were quite easily discerned lying on their redd in the streams (that is 
the spot where they were depositing their spawn). As the salmon were 
leistered they were thrown out of the water and lay on the banks to be 
afterwards gathered up, put into sacks, and carried home. The sacks 
wei-e emptied on the floor of a joiner's or blacksmith's shop, or an 
empty house. At Rothbury, the shop of old Alek Watson, the black- 
smith, at the foot of the town, or Jimmie Smith, the weaver's, up 
Providence Lane, was often used for this purpose. The doors and 
windows having been securely fastened, the spoil was divided in a very 
primitive fashion. Suppose the party numbered ten persons, the fish 
were divided into ten heaps, and one of the men went out of the room 
whilst another took a leister shank, touched a heap of fish, and asked 
his partner outside to name an owner for the particular heap ; this was 
repeated until every heap was allotted, one to each of the ten membera 
of the party. The next day the fish were sold at 6d. each (regardless 
of size) to muggers and travelling tinkers, who during the season gave 
up their ordinary vocation of selling besoms and crockery ware and 
hawked the fish throughout the country. 

At that time very great numbers of these bull trout were in this 
manner taken out of the Coquet every season, between the months of 


November and January. On one occasion a fishing party had no less than 
700 fish laid out on the Goosehaugh— a level green sward on the north 
side of the river midway between Eothbury Bridge and the ' Thrum.' 
On remarking to the old poacher who told me this, that fish must have 
been very plentiful then — ' Aye,' he said, ' there was a hunder gat up ^ 
the witter then for one now, an' its a greet shem ther stoppd.' 

This very much resembles the lamentation of an old Ooquet angler 
recorded by Stephen Oliver, the younger, in his Rambles in yarthum- 
berland. ' Talk o' fishen',' says he, * there's no sic fishen' in Coquet 
now as when I was a lad. It was nowse then but to fling in an' pull 
oot by tweeses an' threeses, if ye had sae money heuks on, but now a 
body may keep threshin' at the watter aa' day atween Hallysteun and 
Weldon, an' hardly catch three dozen, an' money a time not that. 
Aboot fifty years syne I mind o' seein' trouts that thick o' the Thrum, 
below Rothbury, that if ye had stucken the end o' yor gad into the 
watter amang them it wad amaist hae studden upreet.' 

Although our Rothbury salmon poachers obstinately resisted any 
interference on the part of the water bailiffs, yet I have never heard of 
serious personal injury having been inflicted on either side. No doubt, 
as became true borderers, the water bailiffs and salmon poachers alike, 
enjoyed the fun and excitement of a hand-to-hand scuffle in the dark • 
in fact, I have been told by the men themselves that they would, many 
a time, rather have seen the bailiff come in their way, than not. 

One November night, some years ago, the most expert salmon 
cleeker amongst our Rothbury poachers was fishing alone with a cleek 
and gaff at the ' Thrum.' Sitting on the rock close to the water's edge, 
he was pulling out fish after fish, when suddenly the hght from a 
bull's-eye lantern shone down upon him. But the owner of the bull's-eye 
being uncertain how many of the enemy might be sitting in ambush 
round the comer of the rock, and the rock being in rather 
close proximity to fifteen feet of water, he decided not to attack the 
poachers single-handed. Therefore, for a considerable length of time 
he paced backwards and forwards on the road above, thinking thus to 
tire the fishers out. The solitary salmon cleeker meanwhile went on 
pulling out his fish ; but after sitting mitil he was cold and stiff in 
the limbs, he thought to himself that either the water bailiff or himself 
would hsve to shift his camp. Being provided with a pocketful of 



stones, the fisherman watched his opportunity, and the next time the 
bnirs-eye was turned On him, he, with a steady hand and a true aim, 
threw with all his might, what he termed, a *• gae canny sized staen,* 
hitting the bailiff bdow the belt, straight on the bull's eye, smashing the 
glass, and extinguishing the light, thereby causing the guardian of the 
fish to beat a hasty retreat unhurt leaving the salmon poacher to himself, 
who quietly gathered up his fish and went home. Next day the poacher 
was highly amused to hear from the village gossip that ' ten or a dozen 
men had set on the witter baillie at the * Thrum ' last night an* varry 
near killed him.' On another occasion, many years ago, a large party 
when fishing with lights and leisters at the Scottish Ford, 300 yards 
below Rothbury Bridge, was attacked by a body of water bailiffs. 
The alarm was immediately given, and all rushed to the rescue, the 
light carrier, as usual, charging with his blazing tarry light. One sly dog 
of a poacher, under cover of the darkness, mounted a heap of newly 
broken stones, from this coign of vantage he hurled volley after volley 
of the sharp cornered road metal amongst the watchers, and was elated 
to find from the frequent exclamations of pain that lus shots were 
taking effect in the ranks of the enemy. This was confirmed next day 
when the faces of the watchers were seen to be covered by large patches 
of sticking plaster. At last the attacking party fled with cries of help 
and murder. By this time the villagers had heard the fray, immediately 
'the * hot trod ' was raised, and all ran to help the poachers. One old 
amazon (the mother of one of the poachers) hastened down to Coquet- 
side armed with a big stick, when, meeting several of the bailiffs flying 
from their foes as fast as ever they could, and shouting for help, she 
managed to give one of them a good sound whack over the head, at 
the same time exclaiming, * Aye aa'l help ye ye scoonderells.' 

On the principle of setting a thief to catch a thief, very often the 
water-watchers, or bailiffs, had themselves been most determined 
poachers. Therefore, occasionally the old passion for ilUcit sport 
overcame their scruples of allegiance. A well known character who 
resided within the ancient barony of Hepple some fifty years ago, after 
having served a long term at salmon poaching, in which art he was a 
great proficient, became in turn a salmon watcher. Lying in wait one 
night, he espied lights on the water ; a band of poachers from the 
quaint old village of Holystone were leistering salmon in the Coquet 


near to Hepple Wood Houses. Being novices at the work, they were 
striking very few fish. The * baillie/ disgusted at their want of skill in 
his favourite pursuit, could restrain himself no longer, but joined his 
quondam companions, saying, ' Yor sic fishers as aa' never saw. Lend 
me a leister, an' aa'll sune show ye how to spear salmon.' Snatching 
at the same time a leister from one of the men, he stalked into the 
stream, and in a short time leistered as many salmon as they could 
carry. Throwing down the leister, he then left them, allowing the 
*Halysteun' poachers to carry off their fish unmolested, and highly 
pleased at the generous exploit of the water-watcher. 



By J. C. Hodgson, of Low Buston. 
[Read on the 25th March, 1891.] 

In the valley of the Breamish at Branton, an old manor of the 
CoUingwoods, one of the oldest Presbyterian congregations in 
Northumberland has its * meeting house ' or chapel. 

During the Commonwealth the parishes around were all minis- 
tered to by zealous and learned Puritan clergy, who, before their 
ejection on St. Bartholomew's Day in 1662, had sown the seeds of 
Puritanism amongst the scattered population. From Eglingham was 
ejected Mr. John Pringle, and from Ingram Mr. Jas. Aird.* The 
predecessor of the latter at Ingram was the famous Mr. Luke Ogle, 
M.A., a member of the Eglingham family, and the Commonwealth 
vicar of Berwick, where he died in 1696 at the age of 66 years. Of 
him Calamy says that 'he was a Man of great Learning ; and par- 
ticularly well skilled in Ecclesiastical History: he was a laborious, 
judicious and affectionate preacher, and a wise and prudent person 
for government.' 

By the Toleration Act of 1689, the worship of those who accepted 
the doctrines of the Church of England, but who dissented from its 

■ Mr. James Aird, rector of Ingram, ejected in 1662 ; afterwards conformed in 
Scotland. — Oalamy's Account. 

VOL. XV. '^ 


rites or form of government, was permitted to be held in buildings 
for which the owners or occnpiers had sought and obtained the licence 
of the justices in Quarter Sessions. 

The Sessions Records contain the following notices of houses 
licensed in this neighbourhood : — 

1700: Christmas Sessions : The house of Alex. Brown of Doxford 

was licensed. 

. Robt. Story of Lorbottle ) 

T-A1 n«fr>K^,. a^o«:.^«« i Thos : Tindle of Chatton / ^ 

1/01 : Uctober ^Sessions : 1 t u t> jji rvr ^u i. l were 

\ Timothy Pundion of Beanley ) 
1710 : The house of Timothy Punshon at Glanton was rpgintered. 
1712: The house of Andrew Cregh^ at Ilderton was licensed, 

his signature being witnessed by Timothy Punshon. 
1714-15 : Robert Ogle's house at Eglingham was licensed. 
1716-17 : Mark Bell's house at Wooperton was licensed. 

After migrating from house to house and from hamlet to hamlet, 
the people seem to have formed a congregation under the ministry of 
Timothy Punshon^ at Branton. He was of an ancient Newcastle 

* The name of John Chrisp of Revelej appears with those of Thos. Chrisp 
of Gallow-law [near Beanley], yeoman, Alexander Brown of Doxford, and 
William Brown of Bolton, as parties to a bond dated in 1706. One of 
the first entries in the Branton register of baptisms is that of Mary, daughter of 
George Chrisp of Gallow-law, 27th Jan., 1725. They were probably ancestors 
of the family of Chrisp of Prendwick and Hawkhill. 

■ Andrew Crea of Ilderton was father (or grandfather) to John Cree of Low 
Barton, who was fother to the late Dr. Joshua Cree of Whittingham, the father of 
Mrs. Blythe, wife of rev. Jas. Blythe of Greenville, the present venerable 
minister of Branton. 

^ The KiUingworth Panshons were also copyholders of Uarsdon in the Manor 
of Tynemouth. In 1673 the name of John Punshon of KiUingworth appears in 
the court rolls. In 1702, Timothy Punshon of Beanley was admitted to 4 
'farms/ in Earsdon, in the room of John Punshon of Newcastle, chirurgeon. In 
April, 1702, Sarah Punshon, of KiUingworth, widow, made her will, by which 
she devised all her lands in KiUingworth to her dearly loved 8on Timothy 
Punshon, except that house known as Ralph Killingworth's house, which, with 
a pecuniary legacy, she devised to her daughter Sarah Punshon. No other 
children are mentioned. Timothy Punshon's wif e was Margaret Salkeld of Alnwick, 
to whose famUy there is a tombstone in the chancel of Alnwick church, which 
also bears (without date) a Latin inscription to the memory of Timothy Pun- 
shon of KiUingworth. The registers repair the defect, for they teU us under 
date of Dec. 29, 1716, that * Mr. Punshon, late minister of Branton,' was buried. 
Mrs. Punshon was probably Margaret (b. 11th May, 1674), daughter of Nathaniel 
Salkeld of Bondgate Hall, Alnwick. The Salkelds were Nonconformists. She 
survived her husband, and occurs in church book for refusing to pay church sess. 
and in 1729, Margaret Punshon of Alnwick, widow, and Timothy Punshon of same 
place, merchant, appear as parties to a bond. The Will of Timothy Punshon 


family, which owned and yet owns lands at Killingworth in the 
parish of Long Benton. Many of them would seem to have been 
barber chirorgeons in Newcastle. 

The Branton Register of Baptisms, the only one kept, begins 1st 
Jannary, 1725; in that year and in following years the entries are 
most numerous. The meeting house of the congregation was probably 
a bam or other building adapted to the purpose and lent or let to 
them by the proprietor, who at that time was Joseph Brown, a son of 
William Brown' of Ewart, who about 1712 purchased Branton from 
the Oollingwoods for £2,600. Joseph Brown voted for Branton in 
17^ {Poll Book), and dying soon after, was succeeded by his brother, 
Alexander Brown of Doxford. The latter was evidently a zealous 
Puritan, whose house at Doxford, as we have seen, was licensed by 
the justices in 1700. In addition to the meeting house, he seems to 
have allowed the minister of Branton a house in the *town' or 
hamlet, and in 1780 he gave further proof of his liberality and good- 
will to nonconformity by transferring both house and meeting house 
to trustees for the use of the congr^ation in the following manner. 

On the dOth July, 1730, what may be termed the foundation 

of KUlingworth Preacher of the Gospel was proved at Durham in 1717 : he 
leaves portions to his sons, Nathaniel, Timothy, Edward, Jonathafi, John and 
Nicholas and to his daughter Sarah. To Timothv he devises his freehold estate 
at Alnwick with the ' Golden Acres ' and * Little Cowper-hill.* He mentions his 
farm at * Walsend/ and his copy hold estate at * Munckseaton ;* his books are to be 
reserved * for such of my sons as have a mind to study Divinity and give up them- 
selves to serve God in ye Ministry." He mentions his mother-in-law Mrs. Balkeld 
and Mr. Nathaniel Cox of North Shields, husband of his sister Sarah. The eldest 
son, Nathaniel Pnnshon, was buried in the chancel at Alnwick in June, 1 730. He 
left deecenduits, some of whom continued in Alnwick down to 1811, when his 
granddaughter (?) Sarah Punshon, was laid beside him. The will of his next 
brother is dated 7th January, 1737, and in it he is described as Timothy Punshon 
of Newcastle, gentleman. He states that the estate of his late brother, 
Nathaniel Punshon at Killingworth, is owing to him £450 for debts and legacies 
he had discharged. He devises his copyhold at Earsdon to his brothers John 
and Nicholas, whom he makes residuary legatees; a legacy of £100 is to be paid 
to his sister, Sarah Widdrington. Sarah Punshon, sister to Nathaniel and 
Timothy Punshon, was, in 1720, married at Warkworth to 'Robt. Withrington' 
of Hauxley. In the registers she is described as of Alnwick. She thus b^ame 
ancestress to the present family of Widdrington of Hauxley, though not to 
John Widdrington of 'The Old Bank,' whose history is so exhaustively given by 
late James Clephan, Areh, Ael. vol.X.p. 140. It was probably in consequence 
of this marriage that Bondgate Hall, Alnwick, in 1710, the residence of the 
Salkelds, became the residence of Robt. Widdrington, and of his son, 
Nathaniel Widdrington, only passing out of the handjB of the family in 1807, 
when part of the estate was sold at the termination of the great Chancery suit. 

* A notioe of the Brown family may be found in the Proceedingt of the Bet' 
wichshire Nat Club, Vol. VIII., p. 244. 


charter or endowment of Branton meeting was executed by Alexander 
Brown (described as of Hebburn) who granted to Thomas Willis of 
Branton — the minister — to John Hadkin* of Glanton, gent., John 
Hopper^ of Glanton, gent., Joseph Mills^ of Glanton, gent., and 
Henry Haggerston of Bewick Folly, gent., a messuage at Branton, 
then used as a meeting house for Protestant dissenters with free 
liberty for the setting up of the horses of the congregation during 
divine service in all stables and byres belonging to the said Alexander 
Brown or his tenants, at Branton, liberty to cast flaggs to repair the 
meeting house, a site for a stable, and other privileges, for 999 
years, at a yearly rent of ten shillings and ninepence. Also a house 
at Branton then occupied by the minister, Thomas Willis, with a small 
stable adjoining, horse gi'ass in the out-field, cows grass in the in- 
field, liberty to cast flaggs for repairs, to cast turves, and to hoe whins 
for fuel, with other privileges, to hold for 16 years at a peppercorn 
rent, and then for 8*^5 years at a yearly rent of £2 lOs., together for 
99 years. The deed also makes provision for the election of new 
trustees by the congregation with the assent of the minister, at the 
death of a trustee, or upon a trustee withdrawing himself for six 
months from service at Branton. There is also a provision in the 
eventuality of dissenting meeting houses being no longer tolerated by 
the law or suppressed. 

In 1746, John Hadkin, Jos. Mills, and Heniy Haggerston being 
dead, the surviving trustees, Thos. Willis and John Hopper, appointed 
to the vacancies John Mills of Glanton, gent., George Anderson* of 
Glanton, gent., and Thos. Castles of Eslington. In 1756, the trustees 
were the rev. James Buckham [minister], Henry Ogle of Eglingham,esq., 
John Hopper of Edlingham Newtown, gentleman, John Mills of 
Glanton Pike, gentleman, Edward Anderson of Glanton, gent., and 
Jas. Reaveley of Old Bewick, gent. The congregation would seem to 

» 1722 : John Atkin (? Hadkin) of Glanton voted for Glanton. 1774 : Richard 
Hadkin of Glanton voted for Glanton. — Poll Book. The Hadkins were an- 
cestors of the wife of sir George Bn)ce, and owned lands lying between Glanton 
and Greenville, now called Hopper's Hill. 

' 1722 : John Hopper of Glanton voted for Glanton. — Poll Book, 

® 1722 : Jos. Mills, and Wm. Mills, both of Glanton, voted for Glanton. 
— Poll Book. The Mills family owned Glanton Pike, which was carried 
to the CoUingwoods by the intermarriage of Margaret Mills with Henry Colling- 
wood of Lilburn. 

• 1748: George Anderson of Glanton voted for Glanton. — Poll Book, 1774: 
Edward Anderson of Glanton voted for Glanton. — Poll Book. 



have increased, and the old chapel had become * strait ' for them. A 
plot of freehold ground was therefore pnrchased of Nicholas Brown,^^ 
then of Bolton, son and heir of Alex. Brown the founder. ,The plot 
contained 368 square yards {i,e,^ 23 yards by 16 yards), and was 
situate on the * Back Riggs * near the old chapel. The tenants of the 
farm held the ground on lease, and were compensated for any loss by 
the award of an arbitrator. The new meeting house was completed 
before 1764. 

As might have been foreseen, the stable right given in the grant 
of 1730 seems to have caused friction and led to disputes. The trustees 
sought counsel's opinion on this and other matters. The opinion 
dated 2nd December, 1766, was very adverse to their privileges. 
Counsel advised that they might indeed convert the old meeting 
house into *cote houses,' but that the grant of 1730 gave the stable 
right, etc., for the use of the people resorting to a certain messuage 
fJien used as a meeting house, the people resorting to the new meeting 
house therefore had no right to it or to the other privileges. 

In August, 1786, an appointment recited that Hopper, Anderson, 
and Castles were dead, that John Mills had withdrawn himself from 
the meeting, but joined with Mr. Somerville the minister, for the 
purpose of appointing new trustees. They were: — Matthew Brauxton 
of Learchild; Henry Coxon of How balk, farmer; Thomas Ancram of 
Bewick Folly, farmer; James Aitchison of Crawley, farmer; and John 
Ord of Brauton, farmer. They, in 1795, agreed with the rev. Nicholas 
Brown, the then owner of Branton, to surrender and quit-claim to him 
the old meeting house with its stable right, granted to them in 1730 
for 999 years; and he, on his part, released them from the payment of 
ten shillings and ninepence a year rent. This — to the proprietor — 
very important agreement was wiitten and executed on the back of 
the skin containing the original grant. 

The chapel, erected between 1756 and 1764, had again become too 
small, and must have been taken down wholly or partially, for the 
present building bears the date of 1781. 

The manse, much enlarged and improved by the rev. Xewton 
Blythe, was occupied by the minister tor the time being (at the yearly 

" The rev. Nicholas Brown, D.D., in 1756 of Bolton, in 1795 of Rochester, 
in the county of Kent, was grandfather to major Brown, now of Doxford. 


rent of £2 lOs.) nntil the expiration of the 99 years' lease in 1829. 
It is now converted into a farm-hoase, and occupied by Mr. W. 

The ministers whose names are recorded are :— 

5. Tte rev. — Scott. 

6. The rev. Jas. SomerviUe.^* 

1. Mr. Timothy Punshon.^^ 

2. Mr. Thos. Willis.^* 

3. The rev. Alex. Blackie.^' 

4. The rev. Jas. Buckham.'* 

7. The rev. Newton Blythe.^* 

8. The rev. Jas. Blythe." 

» Buried at^nwick, 29th^Deoember, 1716. 

" Minister when meeting hoose was granted to trustees in 1730. 

" Mr. Blackie, in 1758, received a call from the Presbyterian congregation at 
Stockton, which charge he retained for 81 years. — Dryedale's History of Pros- 
bifterianUm, p. 551. 

'* Mr. Bnckham was party to deeds of 1756 and 1774. 

'* Mr. SomervilIe*s settlement was opposed by a considerable minority of 
the congregation who severed themselves and founded the Glanton meeting. 
He was party to the deeds of 1786 and 1795, and was dead bv 1809. 

'*The rev. John Blythe, probably a native of Scotland, had a charge at 
Thomey bum, a now extinct congregation near Eirkley. Whilst residing there he 
enjoyed 'the friendship of the polished and learned Dr. Newton Ogle, dean of 
Wmchester, whose beautiful ode to the river Blyth is printed by Hodgson in his 
History tf Northumberland. On a son being ix>m to him at Kirkley, he gave 
him the names of Newton Ogle Blythe. The latter graduated at Gla^w 
University, and in 1796 entered his ministerial work as pastor of Maling's Rig 
meeting house at Sunderland, and there his son James was bom. He came to 
Branton in 1809 at the death of Mr. Somerville, and for many years received a 
number of boys into his house. His school attained considerable fame in the 
county. For his congregation he began a Sunday school in 1816, and died in 
1853. The rev. John Blythe removed from Kirkley to Blyth, and there died. 

'^ The rev. Jas. Blythe, the present minister at Branton, was, in 1885, 
ordained coadjutor to his father, and succeeded him in the pastorate. For 36 
years he held the office of clerk to the Presbytery, and in 1861 was Moderator 
of Synod. 

4RCnA£0L0GI.1 AEUAHA, »V A'f. 

Roman Vessels of Bronze, 

fnaJ at Fnil-aiek H'thi, NonhmhrlniJ, S«lj, I 




By Thomas Hodgkin, LL.D., F.S.A., Sborbtary. 

[Read on the 30th Jalj, 1890.] 

The piece of waste land called Frestwick Carr was well-known k 
generation ago by all naturalists and sportsmen. It is about two 
square miles in extent, and lies between Ponteland and the little 
hamlet of Dinnington. It forms a long, bent trough towards which 
the surrounding country slopes gently both on the north and south. 
There are traces of an extensive forest having formerly overspread 
the whole of this tract of land, but for some centuries it has been 
chiefly known as a district which, except in the height of summer 
or in any dry winter, was generally under water, and there were 
several parts in it which were always fiiU of water. 

Such was Frestwick Carr forty years ago; the favourite haunt 
and breeding place of various sorts of wild-fowl, and with a diversified 
flora and fauna which, as before said, made it a favourite place of 
pilgrimage for the naturalists of Northumberland. But the great 
draining operations which were successfully carried out here between 
18.50 and 1860 have changed all this, and which, doubtless, increas- 
ing the rent rolls of the neighbouring proprietors have taken away 
that which gave Frestwick Carr its special interest, and turned it 
from a picturesque, unprofitable waste into two square miles of 
common-place Northumbrian corn-land. 

Having heard a rumour that some ancient bronze vessels had 
been discovered in the neighbourhood of Fonteland, I drove over on 
the 7th of June, 1890, to Woolsington to enquire if anything had been 
heard of the discovery there. The news had not yet reached the 
inmates of Woolsington Hall, but Mr. Bell kindly offered to accom- 
pany me in my quest. We followed several false scents, but at 
length got hold of a clue which led us to the farmhouse of Frestwick 
Whins, which fortunately for our purpose is situated on Mr. Bell's 
property. We saw some of the bronze vessels and had a full con- 
versation with William Shotton, the farm-labourer who discovered 
them. Since then the whole find has been collected by Mr. Bell 


from the varioas cottages amoDg which they had been scattered, 
and by his desire they are exhibited to the Newcastle Society of 
Antiquaries this evening. ^ 

The vessels are as follows : — 

1. — A large bronze cauldron, now worn extremely thin, and in a 
very tattered condition, measuring 27 inches one way and 24 inches 
the other. This seems to have served as a kind of envelope for at 
anv rate some of the other vessels. j 

2. — A circular vessel much broken and apparently patched. 
10 inches in diameter ; depth 7 inches. Three concentric circles on 
the bottom. 

3 and 4. — Two bowls, 10 and 10^ inches in diameter. No 
circles on the bottom. 

5. — A circular basin measuring 15 inches in diameter and 6^ 
inches in depth. 

6. — A beautiful dish, 12 inches in diameter, with one handle 
attached to side, and concentric rings at the bottom, both inside and out. 

7, 8, 9, 11, and 12. — Saucepans, varying in size from one to two 
quarts ; three with handles complete, the other two handles broken. 
All with concentric circles at the bottom. 

10. — A bowl with chased border. Five concentric rings at the 
bottom, and a curious patch on one side. 

18. — A massive ring-like object, 6 inches across, which was, 
perhaps, a handle ; probably it belongs to the cauldron (1). 

The vessels were found by Shotton while ploughing in the field 
called Middle Carr, about 850 yards north of the farmhouse of 
Prestwick Whins. The place is. shown on the map herewith, and 
near the Uttle pond of water formerly known as * Link Pool ' (Plate 
XV). There is no doubt that the field in question once formed 
part of Prestwick Carr. 

W. Shotton is clear on the point that the vessels were not found 
all together, but m two lots about 10 or 12 yards apart, but he can- 
not particularize further as to which vessels formed part of each lot. 

Mr. Bell retains at Woolsington Hall the four vessels to which his 
name is attached, but has presented the remainder to the Society of 
Antiquaries of Newcastle. 








The following are notes of other diacoveries of amilar Bilver and 
bronze Tessels in the conntiee of Nortbamberland and Dorbam : — 


1. — A silver vesael (now loet)' was found on the west side of the 
Tyne below Gorbridge bridge in the summer of 1736. The cnp was 
foimerly in the possession of Sir Edward Blackett, bart. It weighed 
20 ounces, was nearly i 
inches high, and had a 
diameter of 8^ inches. 
There is an accoant of 
it in the minntee of the 
Society of Antiquaries 
of London, dated Octo* 
her 28th, 1736, with 
some sketches. From 
these sketches the 
appended illustrations 
have been prepared. 
2.— In 1747, a 
. nomber of silver ves- 
aeb similar in shape 

to that exhnmed at ^ ^ 

Backworth (see No. 3), " li 

together with coins, was \ 

discovered at Gaphea- \ 

ton, within half a mile ^v 

of the house of Sir ^'^ 

John Swinbnme, bart. «• 

The vessels that were saved are now in the British Mnseam. Many 
more were secreted and melted by the workmen. The handles of 
file vessels are decorated, in low rehef, with mythological figures. 
Fall descriptions of them, by Mr. A. W. Franks, C.B., may be seen 
at page 843 of the Lapidanum Septentrionah, where there is also a 
lithographic plate of the objects. 

> Xopid. BepL, Ho. 6S3. 


3. — Found Dear Backworth (?), now io the British Maseiim. 'An 
elegant silver Tcssel resembling a sancepan ... In the vessel were 
fbnnd iive gold rings, one silver ring, two gold chains with ornaments 
iittached to them, a gold bracelet, a pair of sUver gilt fibulae, three 
silver spoons — two oval and one circular — and about 280 Roman 
denarii, and two large brass coins of Antoninus Pins. The discovery 
was made in 1812, and the objects were sold Bometime afler they were 
found, to Mr. Watson, a Newcastle silversmilh.' The silver dish has 
'an elaborately carved handle inscribed to the mothers by Fabius 
Du bit at lis.'* 

4. — VVallis (North. II. 152)* gives an account of a silver cup dis- 
covered near Byweli, in 1760, which had on its rim the inscrii^ion: — 


It was sold to Mr. Langlands, a Newcastle goldsmith, for fifteen 
shillings, but was claimed by William Fenwick, esq., as lord of the 
manor, in whose possession it was for some time. It is now lost. 


I. — On the 9th September, 1886, Dr. Bruce, vice-president, pre- 
sented to the Society a bowl found about three years previously in the 
bed of the river Tyne opposite Blaydon Burn. It was found, bottom 

' Lapid. Scjii. No. 535. > Sec also ia;/W. Sept. No. 631. 


np, at a depth of about 7 feet. The vessel has been hammered into 
bowl shape, and has a plain rim abont 2 inches wide rivetted to it. 
Its width is I. foot 4^ inches inside measnrement, and its depth 6i 
inches; its thickness aboab -f, 
inch, and weight 7 lbs. The 
' illnstrations show the vessel.* 

2. — On the 26th February, 
1891, a bowl-shaped canldron of 
light oolonied bronze,' formed 
out of a thin sheet of metal, 
was found in Westgate Street, 
Newcastle, and presented to the 
Society by Mr. Angns of that 
town. The dimensions of it are 
14^ inches diameter, 4 inches 
high, with a rim ) inch wide. 
It is similar in shape to the 
vessel found near Blaydon bum 
(see ant* No. 1). 

.S. — A saucer-shaped bronze votive patera of the Roman period, 
found at low water mark in the Tyne, near the Herd Sand, Sonth 
Shields. Round a central boas inside is the inscription : — 


The handle is missing, but the shield-like place where it was attached 
is plainly to be seen. It is 6 inches in diameter and 1^ inches high. 
The vessel 'is apparently of the end of the first or beginning of the 
serond century, and may have belonged to one of the soldiers of 
Vespasian, Trajan, or Hadrian. It is not against possibility that a 
temple of Apollo Anextios was situated on the banks of the Tyne. . . . 
The i^ll names of the dominua, whose slave Alaro — Vii^il's namesake 
— was, cannot be guessed at with certainty. They may have been — 
U(arcnB) A(ntoniu8) Sab(inns), or something like, for instance, 
H(arcns) A(eliuB) 8ab(eUua). The second name of the god Apollo, 

' Free. Boc. AtUi^. Sme. vol. U. pp. 279 and 801. ' Ibid, vol, t, p. 10, 


mpared with GranntiB and Uaponus, is evidently of 

• Proe. Sod. Antiq. Ntnc. vol. iii. pp. 173 and 174. 


4, — In the Black Oate Maaeiim there ia a bronze ewer (prasfiri- 
eubm), 8 inches high, deposited there bj the Biver Tyne OommiB- 
sionen. It was dredged ont of the Tyne a few years ago. 

5. — Plonghed 
np in a field at 
Harwood, near 
Cambo, a bronze 
bowl-shaped ves- 
sel, the ornament 
ronnd it filled in 
with bine ena- 

6. — Fonnd daring some excavations in ' The Guards,' near Bolton 
chapel. The bottom of a bronze patella. lb was exhibited in ihe 
Mnsenm of the Boyal Archaeological Institate daring their meeting 
at Edinbargh in 1856, and ia deecribed in the catalogae (page 61) as 
*the bottom of a bronze skillet formed 
with concentric circles in high relief. 
It was fonnd in a large camp called 
Ths Ovardt, near the river Aln at Bolton, 
and was presented to the Antiqnariee 
of Newcastle by Sir David Smith.' The 
object is shown in the annexed illus- 
tration (kindly lent by the Berwickshire 
Nstnraliste' Club)." It is now in the 
Black Gate Museum. 

7. — Found near the Wanny Crags, a little above Kiaii^ham 
{ffabilaneum), by the Bev. Thomas Stephens of Horsley vicarage (in 

I Aral. Atl. (O.a), IT., p. 108. ' See their TratuaeOotu, X., p. 809. 


whose poeseasion it now is), a Baucep&n. 'It lay,' tiie Suder writes,' 
'a sraaU portion only exposed to view, in the bed of a runner which 
risee at the foot of the cn^ towards the north.' . . . The vessel is of 
bronze, and similar in shape to that found near Backworth,'* 

S. — The handle of a small bronze vessel bearing the inscription 
VTBBE I PELix, was fotind in the Roman station at Sonlb Shields a 
few years ago." This shews it full size. 

9. — Tho handle of a skillet, simiUr in shape to the vessels found 
at Prestwick Whins, has been disoovered in the Roman station at 
Chesters {Cilamum). It is now in the Museum at Ohesters. 

10. — From Pompeii; now in Alnwick Castle Museum. Diameter, 
6 inches. Dr. Bmce informs us" that some veesels like it ' have 
recently (1879) been fonnd in the vicinity of Belsay, Northumberland.' 
He also refers to the similar patellae found at Castle Howard, which 
are now in the York Mnsenm. 

■ Proe. See. Antiq. JV«rc. vol. ii. p. C3. 

'• Lapid. Sept. No. £25. 

" See ArcA. Ael. X. p. 280. 

" Catalogue of Aatig. at Alnwiek Otitic, No. 726, p. 131. 

hunter's copy of bourne's NEWCASTLE. 167 



By J. R. Boyle, F.S.A. 

[Read on the 17th December, 1890.] 

The county of Durham has been most fortunate in the number and 
character of its historians. Probably no English county has been 
more favoured. The long catena begins with Bede, who, whatever 
rival claims may be put forward on behalf of Monkton or any other 
place to the honour of his birth, was certainly a native of the county 
of Durham, and spent his whole life within its boundaries. Four 
hundred years after Bede came Symeon, monk and precentor, who, 
though probably not born within the county, w«s associated during 
the greater part of his life with the church of Durham. Bede lived 
sufficiently near the time of the planting of Christianity in these 
northern counties to have reliable information of the events which 
characterized that great work. Symeon, doubtless helped by materials 
which we do not possess, bridges over the period from Bede's day to 
his own. He was succeeded by an unknown continuator, who brings 
down the history of the church of Durham from the death of William 
de St. Carileph to the close of the struggle between William de St. 
Barbara and William Cumin. Contemporary with this latter writer was 
Reginald, another Durham monk, whose lives of Saints Cuthbert and 
Godric contain very many allusions to the history of his own time 
which are of the utmost value. Then come the chroniclers, usually 
known as the Scriptores Tres, Geoftey de Coldingham, Robert de 
Graystanes, and William de Chambre, whose writings bring down 
the unbroken thread of Durham's history from the death of William 
de St. Barbara to the deprivation of Cuthbert Tunstall. But the 
series of historians does not end here. Another historical work, and 
a most priceless one, belongs to the sixteenth century. I allude to 
the well-known Rites of Durham^ a record such as no other English 
church possesses, and whereof the author's name, unfortunately, is 
in'ecoverably lost. The writers whom I have enumerated are allin 
print, and their works are accessible to us. This, however, is not the 


case with those whom I must next mention. The reason unquestion- 
ably is that the later writers have not been historians in the true sense 
of the word. They have been antiquaries and collectors of the 
materials of history. Much of their coUections has been utilized by 
Hutchinson, Surtees, and the Surtees Society's editors, but a far 
greater mass of material yet remains unwrought. 

Christopher Hunter, with whom we are now more immediately 
concerned, is one of a group of Durham antiquaries who lived in the 
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Chronologically, the first of 
these was Christopher Mickleton, to whom Davis of Eidwelly dedicated 
the editio princeps of the Rites of Durham. He died in 1698 at the 
age of 56. Contemporary with Mickleton was John Spearman, Under 
Sheriff of the county for 25 years, and Registrar of the Court of 
Chancery for 40 years. It was his son Gilbert who, in 1729, printed 
the now rare Enquiry into the Antient and Present state of the County 
Palatine of Durham, Spearman died in 1703 at the age of 59. Both 
Mickleton and Spearman were buried in the Cathedral yard at Dur- 
ham. Their MSS., numbering about one hundred volumes, remained 
till the present century in the hands of Spearman's descendants, but 
were ultimately purchased by bishop Barrington, and deposited by 
him in bishop Cosin's library. 

In 1677, the Rev. Thomas Rud, son of a vicar of Stockton of the 
same name, came to Durham to occupy the position of Head Master 
of the Grammar School there. Two years later he accepted the 
mastership of the Newcastle Grammar School. In 1710 he returned 
to Durham to his former position in the school, and was also appointed 
Librarian to the Dean and Chapter. Other promotions followed. In 
1711 he was presented to the vicarage of St. Oswald, and in 1725 to 
that of Northallerton. In 1728 he became a prebendary of Ripon, 
and in 1729 was collated to the rectory of Washington. Here he died 
in 1782. Rud was one of the greatest of the Durham antiquaries. 
He wrote little, but that little is as metal of the most precious quality. 
In the year of Rud's death Thomas Bedford printed the edition of 
Symeon's History of the Church of Durham^ which has ever been, and 
will long continue to be, the favourite edition of this book amongst 
Durham antiquaries. It is printed from the one MS. of Symeon 
whidh must ever be regarded as oontaim'ng the most authentic text. 

bourne's history of NEWCASTLE. 169 

This MS. was doubtless transcribed by a Durham monk from 
Symeon's autograph, immediately after Symeon had completed his 
work. It contains many erasures, which, there are strong grounds 
for believing, were made by Symeon himself. This very MS. at one 
time belonged to the church of Durham, for it is mentioned amongst 
other booths in an inventory of the books in the chancery of the 
convent of Durham, made in 1421. The book afterwards found its 
way — though how no one knows — ^into the hands of bishop Oosin, 
and is now the great treasure of his library. In 1722 Rud wrote a 
Latin ' Disquisition concerning the true author of this history of the 
church of Durham, which by some is attributed to Symeon of Durham, 
and by others to Turgot.' The original MS. of this dissertation, in 
Bud's own exquisitely beautiful hand, is prefixed to the Durham MS. 
of Symeon. Before Bedford's time Symeon had only been printed in 
a not very accurate text in Twysden's Decern Scrtptores, and to that 
edition a dissertation by John Selden was prefixed, contending that 
not Symeon but Turgot, the prior, was author of the history. Rud's 
essay is a reply to Selden. A more perfectly conclusive reply was 
never written. It is a very masterpiece of clear statement and logical 
reasoning. It is a gem of calm, irresistible argument. Bedford 
prints it as an introduction to his edition, and describes it as oma- 
menium praedpuum of his volume. Rud's own copy of Bedford's 
Symeon, but for the preservation of which we should not have known 
that he lived to see this worthy edition of a book he loved so well, is, 
I believe, in the hands of the Rev. James Raine, of York. Besides 
his criticism of Selden, Rud compiled two catalogues, one of the M8S. 
in the Cathedral Library of Durham, and one of the MSS. in bishop 
Cosin's library. The first of these was printed in a sumptuous folio 
by the Dean and Chapter in 1825. The second is -included in the 
seventh volume of the Surtees Society's publications. Both afibrd 
evidence of a kind of antiquarian learning on Rud's part which we 
should scarcely have expected — I allude to his ability to determine the 
date of a MS. by the character of its handwriting. To do this at the 
present time is not difficult ; but scholarship of this kind must, in 
Rnd's day, have been excessively rare, and in him is all the more 
remarkable when we ascertain the invariable accuracy of his decisions. 
Christopher Hunter was one of Rud's friends. He was the son 



of Thomas Hnnter of Medomsley, and was born in 1675. He was 
educated at the Kepier School, Honghton-le-Spring. In or about 
1692 he entered St. John's College, Cambridge. In 1698 he was 
admitted B.M., and then settled at Stockton as a physician. He had 
a faculty from Dr. John Brookbank, spiritual chanceUor of Durham, 
to practise physic throughout the whole diocese of Durham.. In 1702 
he married Elizabeth, one of the daughters and co-heiresses of John 
Elrington of Aspershields, Northumberland. After a few years he 
removed to Durham, where, in the interests of antiquity^ he greatly 
neglected his professional practice. He was an assiduous collector, 
and rendered invaluable assistance to contemporary antiquaries. 
Horsley and Gordon acknowledge their indebtedness to him. He 
furnished materials to Wilkins's Concilia, and Bourne, the historian 
of Newcastle, was assisted by him to a very great extent. Into actual 
authorship he only ventured twice. In 1733 he published Durham 
Cathedral^ as it was before the DissoltUion of the Monastery y containing 
an account of the Rites, Customs, and Ceremonies used therein, together 
with the histories painted in the windows, and an appendix of various 
antiquities, collected from several manuscripts, Durham, printed by J. 
Ross for Mrs. Waghom, 1733. Of this book, the earliest of Durham 
imprints, a large edition seems to have been struck ofP, and unsold 
copies were issued some years afterwards as a second edition, of which, 
however, only the title page was new. Both editions are not un- 
frequently met with. In 1736 Hunter published An Illustration of 
Mr. Daniel NeaVs History of the Puritans, in the article of Peter Smart, 
A.M., Prebendary of Durham, prosecuted for preaching a VUe Sermon, 
in the Cathedral there, July 27, 1628. From Original Papers, with 
Remarks. Dwrham, PHnted by J. Ross, MDGCXXXVL This book 
is excessively rare. In 1743 Hunter issued proposals for the publica- 
tion of a history of the diocese of Durham: At the present time, wh^ 
proposals for the publication of such works seem to be in demand, at 
least in this district, it may be worth while to reproduce Hunter's 

prospectus :— Durham : April 16, 1743. 


For Printing by Subscription 

Antiquitates Parochiales Dioces. Dunelmen. 

hucusq ; ineditse, quae 

Ex Archivis Eoclesiss Gathedr. Dunelm. 

bourne's history of NEWCASTLE. 171 

Bt Rotulifl Canoellarife ibidem ut et Consistorio Collegit, 

Atq: in Ordinem digessit 

Chris: Hunter, M.D. 

Additis singulis Ecdesiis Rectorum, Vicariornm, and Oapellanorum Nominibus, 

quotquofc reperiri potuenmt. 


The Work will consist of Two Volumes, in Quarto, printed upon a useful and 
durable Paper, at One Guinea and an Half, whereof half a Guinea to be paid at 
Subscribing, another at delivery of the First Volume, and the third at delivery 
of the Second Volume. 

After a competent Number of Subscriptions the Book shall be put to the 
Press, and the First Volume be finished in four or five months, and the Second 
in the same space of time. 

The time of beginning to print the first volume shall be publickly advertiE*d. 

Few more Copies will be Printed than what are Subscribed for. 

Subscriptions are taken in at London by Mess. Enaptons in Ludgate Street; 
Mess. Pembertons in Fleet Street; and Mr. Baker in Russell Street, Covent 
Garden : at Durham by Mr. Richardson and Alderman Aisley; and at Newcastle 
upon Tyne by Mr. Bryson ; any of whose Receipts shall be obligatory. 

The ' competent number of Sabficriptions ' does not appear to have 
been forthcoming, and the work was not carried forward. 

In 1757 Hunter retired from Durham to TJnthank in the parish of 
Shotley. Here he died on 13th July in the same year, at the age of 
82. He was buried in Shotley Ohurch. His epitaph described him 
as * a learned and judicious antiquary and physician.' An interesting 
account of him in Nichols's Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century 
(Vol. VIII., pp. 282-285), concludes with the following paragraphs : — 

* Though, by his father's bounty and his wife's fortune, Dr. Hunter 
was possessed of a sufficiency, his remarkable moderation in respect of 
fees, and contempt of riches, joined to a want of economy, greatly 
impaired his fortune. His wife, to whom he had been married fifty- 
four years, survived him ; as did Thomas his eldest son. John, the 
youngest son, and Ann, the only daughter, died long before him. 

' The Doctor was in his person slender and well-made, about the 
middle size, very temperate in his diet, and drinking only water at 
his meals, to the use of which he restrained himself after a fall from 
his horse, in consequence of free drinking while at college, about 1708 
or 1709, by which he received so violent a shock as greatly endangered 
his life, and for a long time afiFected his intellect. To supply the dis- 
use of fermented liquors he had recourse to coffee, of which he would 
drink frequently twenty-four common cups in a day. To the immo- 


derate use of this liquor were probably owing the short fits, like 
epileptic ones, to which he was subject, which went off in two or three 
minutes, and left him as well as ever. Till within a few years of his 
death, he was able to walk eight or ten miles together. 

' He was well skilled in books and medals ; and much the greatest 
part of his large and valuable library was sold, in 1748, to John 
Richardson, bookseller, of Durham, for about £350. His medals and 
MSS., consisting of many volumes and collections for a history of the 
county, written in a very fair and curious hand, were purchased by 
the Dean and Chapter for £40, and deposited in their library.'^ 

Hunter's MSS. in the Chapter Library number 142 volumes, 
amongst which is the MS. (probably the author's autograph) of 
Reginald's Life of St. CnthherL Only some 14 of these volumes are 
in Hunter's handwriting, but many others consist of collections of 
original letters and papers, of the greatest possible interest, put 
together and indexed by him. 

The interesting and valuable copy of Bourne's History ofNewcmtUy 
recently acquired by this Society, was sold by Dr. Hunter long before 
his death. It is mentioned by Mr. Brand in the preface to his history 
in the following terms : — * Dr. Hunter of Durham, often mentioned 
with respect by the learnedMr. Horsley, in his Britannia Romana, 
transcribed a great number of records relating to Newcastle upon 
Tyne, from the archives of the church of Durham (as I gather from 
Randall's MSS.), and sold a copy of Bourne's history aforesaid, with 
these transcripts interleaved, to Mr. Akenhetid, bookseller at Newcastle, 
for five guineas, in 1740. This collection was the groundwork of Mr. 
Akenhead's engaging in the design to publish an History of Newcastle, 
for which he gave out proposals, not long after the above purchase. 
This intended work was, however, never published, nor could I by any 
means procure a sight of the interleaved copy of Bourne's history ; 
but I have every reason to think that I found transcripts of the same 
records in Randall's MSS. Mr. Akenhead's proposals for printing by 
Subscription a History of Newcastle upon Tyne in two volumes in 
quarto, were published in the Newcastle Jownal some time in the 
year 1750'. 

' On the wall of the ruined church of Shotley there is a mural tablet to the 
memory of Dr. Hunter, but siugular to say there is no record of his burial in 
the Registers. 

bourne's history op NEWCASTLE. 178 

The advertisement referred to by Brand occurs in the Newcastle 
Journal of Pebrnary 17, 1760, and is repeated in several subsequent 
issues. It is of sufficient interest to be reproduced here : — 

PROPOSALS, /^r Printing by Subscription, 




Compiled from Early and Authbntick Records, and 
ill uft rated with Notes and Obfervations. 


AN impartial Account of the iirft Inhabitants of 
the Cuontry farrounding the Place now called Nxwcastlx, 


their Cuftomt, Manners, Way of fighting, their Religion, Government, 6fr. 

to the firft Invafion by the Romans under Julius Cafar, 

IL Particulars of the Invafion, and of the Settlement of the Romans \ 

wherein the Situation and original Name belonging to their Fortification in 

this Town is difcovered $ with the various Progrefs of the Romans^ to the 

Recovery of this Countiy by the Britons, previous to the Saxon Invafion. 

III. Affairs of the &ijrMM. 

IV. Ori.gin of the Scots^ with the Particulars of their Settlement among 

V. Northumbrians embrace Chriftianity. The firft Biihop confecrated.— • 

Churches built. State of Religion. 

VL Continuation of the Hiftory, from Monkiih Hiftorians and an- 
cient Manufcripts, to the Conqueft. 

VII. Particular Hiftory of Nxwcastlx, including its difierent 

Government from Time to Time. ^Enlargement of its Boundaries, 

Churches, Hofpiuls, and other noted Buildings.—: — Grants and Charters 

firom the Crown.— Particulars of the River. Firft Coals wrought, 

and to whom belonging; Duties thereon. Remarkable Importations 

and Exportadons. With fuch other Particulars as belong to Hiftory^ 
faithfiiUy recorded in their Time and Place, and continued to the prefent. 


I. n^ HIS Work will be contained in two Volumes in ^^uarto, and 

X printed on a fine Paper, and fair Letter. 

II. Thi Price to Subfcribers is One Guinea; Haifa Guinea to be paid at 
the Time of fubfcribing, and the Remainder on the Delivery of the two 
Volumes, neatly bound. 

III. The firft Volume is defigned to be delivered in December next, with 
the Lift of Subfcribers prefixed. 

rV SUBSCRIPTIONS are uken in by R. Akxnhsad, Jum, at 

the Globe, at the Bridge-end. 

(9r Gentlemen who chufe to have this Work in Sheets, may be 
fupplied at Sixteen Shillings. 

174 hunter's copy of bourne's NEWCASTLE. 

It is a cnrioos thing that so important a MS. should disappear 
entirely for a hundred years. After Brand's mention of the book, I 
have failed to discover a single reference to it. The way in which it 
has now come to light is somewhat mysterious. It is brought to a 
firm of second-hand booksellers and offered to them for five shillings 
less than the sum for which Hunter sold it to Akenhead a hundred 
and fifty years ago. They declined to effect a purchase, and it was 
only because of an incidental reference to this circumstance that I 
induced them to reopen the negotiations, with the result that it was 
offered to and purchased by this Society. 

Brand expresses the conviction that he had found transcripts of 
the records contained in Hunter's Bourne in Randall's MSS., and 
consoles himself with this conviction for having failed to acquire a 
sight of the Hunter volume. It was a fallacious conviction. Randall 
was Hunter's contemporary and friend. They made very similar 
collections. They were equally industrious, and, I feel bound to say, 
equally and most wonderfully accurate in making transcripts. Both 
had the same object in view — the publication of a history of the diocese 
of Durham. Both failed to carry out this project. Bandall's MSS. 
(fourteen volumes in number), togethei* with those of his friend George 
Allan (eighteen in number), were sold by the younger (Jeorge Allan to 
the Dean and Chapter of Durham for £120, and now securely repose on 
the same shelves with those of Dr. Hunter. When the Chapter made 
this purchase they were under the impression that they were acquiring 
the whole of Randall's MSS., and there can be no question that the 
whole of them were, or ought to have been, in Allan's possession, and 
included in the purchase, for they had been bequeathed to his father 
by Randall himself. But after the death of Sir Cuthbert Sharpe his 
MSS. also were offered to the Dean and Chapter, and were purchased 
by them. Amongst them were no fewer than eleven volumes of 
Randall MSS. How they ever came into Sharpe's hands will, perhaps, 
always remain a mystery, but many items in his collections must have 
been acquired mysteriously. 

But it was a mistake on Brand's part to imagine that he found in 
Randall all he might have found in Hunter. Comparatively few of 
the documents in the interleaved Bourne are to be found anywhere in 
Randall. Indeed as we turn over Hunter's pages, making the most 


cursory inspection, we see hov much not only Brand, but all later 
Newcastle antiquaries, might have learned from them. They contain 
transcripts of over 250 documents, very few indeed of which have ever 
been printed in any form. There is evidence that one document has 
been removed from the volume, and is lost. The commencement of 
another is wanting, but as it is the transcript of a will, the enrol- 
ment of which still exists at Durham, this lacuna can be filled up. 

List op Documents in Manuscript in the Hunter Volume. 

1. — Writ of Bishop Skirlaw to his justices to hold inquisition concerning the 

loss of a ship belonging to Newcastle at Seaton and Hartlepool. The 

ship had been robbed of goods to the value of £1,000. 9th Oct., 1395. 

vi X vii. 
2. — ^Writ of the same justices to the sheriff of Sadberg to summon 24 jurors of 

Hartlepool to inquisition to be held Thursday before the feast of 8t. 

Martin (1 1th Nov.) at Hartlepool, vi x vii. 
8. — Similar writ to summon 24 jurors of the county of Sadberg and 18 of the 

town of Hartlepool to inquisition to be held at Seaton, Wednesday after 

the feast of All Saints (1st Nov.). vi x viL 
4. — Writ of the same justices to sheriff of Sadberg to bring certain persons, 

therein named, before them in custody at the inquisition to be held at 

Hartlepool, vi x vii. 
5. — Return of inquisition held at Hartlepool, Thursday before the feast of St. 

Martin, 1396. The nature of the goods and merchandise which had been 

stolen is specified, vi x vii. 
6. — Similar return of inquisition held at Seaton Carewe, Wednesday after feast 

of All Saints, 1395. vi x vii. 
6^. — Writ of scire facias in the same matter, issued by the bishop, 10th Dec., 

1396. vixvii. 
7. — Letter from Henry Bourne to Christopher Hunter, 22nd Dec, 1731. vi x vii. 
8. — ^Writ addressed by Richard II. to Bishop Skirlaw, to distrain the lands in the 

county of Durham of Robert Oliver of Newcastle, who had died indebted 

to William de Blmeden and others, as executors of the will of Elmeden's 

father, in the sum of £20, 8th Nov., 1393. viii x ix. 
9. — The Bishop's writ to the sheriff of Durham to the same effect, 26th May, 

1394. viii x ix. 
10. — Return of inquisition held at Durham in consequence of the two preceding 

writs, 18th June, 1394. viii x ix. 
11. — Indulgence of 40 days granted by Bishop Langley to persons contributing 

to the redemption of Simon Chaudy of Newcastle, who had been taken 

captive by the French, 8th March, 1410. E Registro Langley. xii x I. 

176 hunter's copy of bourne's NEWCASTLE. 

12. — nispeneation granted by Bishop I^angley to Thomas Hibbum, son of Robert 
Hibbum of Newcastle, merchant, and Isabella Strothir, widow of William 
Strothir, to marry, 1417. E Registro Langley, p. 95. xii x 1. 

13. — Sentence JBSued by Bishop Langley against certain thieves who had robbed 
the house of Richard Olytherow of Newcastle of certain goods, which are 
enumerated, 7th April, 1426. K Registro Langley. xii x 1. 

14.— Extract from will of Oswald Frier, of Newcastle, Tailor, 2nd July, 1591. 

15. — Indenture between Robert DaveU, archdeacon of Northumberland, and 
Roland Hardynge, prior of the Black Friars of Newcastle, for the per- 
formance of certain sernces in the church of the Black Friars, 9th Oct., 
1537. Ex Original!. 20 x 21. 

16.~Approbation by the Ck)n8istory Court of Durham of Oswald Chaitor as 
chaplain of the chapel of St. John, Newcastle, 10th Nov., 1582. From 
Act Book of the Consistory, No. 6. 24 x 25. 

17. — Mandate to the official and sequestrator of the Bishop in Northumberland 
to receive the purgation of William Medcalf e of Morpeth, who is impri- 
soned on a charge of theft, and to hear, in the chapel of St. John of 
Newcastle, the evidence of such as object to such purgation, 19th March, 
1419. E Registro Langley, p. 269. 24 x 25. 

18.— The will of George Gray, curate of St. John's, Newcastle, 4th Feb., 1579. 
26 X 27. 

19. — Letters testimonial that Robert Ogle and Margaret Melner of Newcastle, 
who had been guilty of incontinence, had confessed their crime, and 
submitted to correction, 14th Feb., 1565. 26 x 27. 

20. — Citation to attend a visitation of the Hospital of the Westspitall, Newcastle, 
to be held in the church of the said Hospital, 16th February, 1416, 
2nd Feb., 1416. E Registro Langley, p. 91. 80 x 81. 

21. — Commission to the rectors of Ryton and Whickham and others to have 
custody of goods and writings of said Hospital, pending the said visita- 
tion, 2nd Feb., 1416. 30 x 81. 

22. — Commission to John Hovingham and others to hold the said visitation, 12th 
Feb., 1416. 30x31. 

23. — Submission of the brethren of the Hospital of the B. Mary and St. John the 
Evangelist, of Newcastle, to the Bishop of Durham, 26th Oct., 1412. B 
Registro Langley, p. 92. 30 x 31. 

24. — Sentence of excomoiunication against certain unknown persons who had 
stolen goods from the Hospital of Westspitall of Newcastle, and had cut 
down trees belonging to the said Hospital, at St. Mary Sheles and 
Chesterholm, 5th Jan., 1428. E. Registro Langley. 80 x 31. 

25. — Collation of William Earlell to mastership of the Hospital of Westspitall 
Newcastle, 1st Oct., 1413. 30 x 31. 

26. — Resignation of said mastership, by the said William Earlell. 30 x 81. 


27. — Reception of the said resignation by the Bishop of Durham, 20th Feb., 

1416. 80x81. 

28. — Collation of John Fitshenrj to mastership of the said Hospital, 28th Oct, 

1417. B Registro Langley, p. 97. 30 x 31. 

29.— Grant by Milo de Qoiccunstal [Whittonstall] to the Hospital of St. Mary 
of W^gate in Newcastle, lands, etc., in Whittonstall, Langelandes, 
Holmedwes, Standandestan, Ebbescestre, Spinam, Landere, Flat, Crakes, 
Westriding, Ulohom, West Tebrakes, Hevedland in Lann Riding, and 
Ladde Walle. Ez archiv. Bcc Cath. Donelm. 80 x 81. 

80. — Milo de Quicconstall grants to Cuy, son of Lord Bernard de Areynes all 
his land in Whittonstall, with the service of Thomas son of Arkill de 
Neuton, except the lands which he had given to the Hospital of 6t, Mary 
of Newcastle. Ihid, 30x31. 
' 81.— William de Norton and the brethren of the West ^ospital of Newcastle 
grant to William de Menevil all their lands in Whittonstall, dated Sun- 
day before the feast of the Translation of St. Thomas the Martyr (7th 
July), 1368. ' And because our seal is unknown to many persons, we 
have procured the common seal of the town of Newcastle aforesaid to 
be affixed to these presents, in faith and testimony of the premises.* Ex 
archiv. ibid. 80 x 81. 

82. — ^The same master and brethren quit-claim their right in the said lands to 
the said William Menevill. Same date. Ex archiv. ibid, 80 x 81. 

88. — Hugh de Bailliol grants to B. de Areines lands in Whittonstall. Ex archiv. 
ibid. 30x31. 

84. — Commission of Richard II. to Roger de Fnlthorp and others to hold inqui- 
sition as to the complaint of Thomas Menneville, who declares that John 
Vans and many other persons had entered his premises at Whittonstall 
and Fayrhile and carried off horses and cattle to the value of £200, had 
insulted, struck and wounded his servants, etc., 10th Dea, 1884. Ex 
archiv. Ouj. 30x81. 

85. — Writ of the same King adding three other persons to the same commission, 
2l8t August, 1385. Ex archiv. ibid. 80 x 81. 

86. — Confirmation by Bishop Hatfield of the election of Robert de Morton as 
prior of the hospital of St. Mary in Westgate, Newcastle, 13th August, 
1369. E Reg. Hatfield, p. 66. 82 x 88. 

87. — Instrument authorizing the induction of Roland Swinbome to the incum- 
bency of the Hospital of the B. Mary of West Spitill, Newcastle, 29th 
Nov., 1528. 82 x 33. 

38.— Presentation of Robert Davell to the same incumbency, 29th August, 1531. 
E Reg. Tnnstall, p. 6. 32 x 83. 

39. — Institution of John Raymes to the mastership of the said Hospital, 25th 
April, 1558. B Reg. Tunstall, p. 50. 32 x 33. 

40. — Institution of Richard Master to the mastership of the said Hospital, 19th 
January, 1664. E Reg. Pilkington, p. 5. 82 x 83. 


178 hunter's copy of bourne's NEWCASTLE. 

41. — Resignation bj Roland Swynborn, master of the Hospital of the B. Mary 
the Virgin, of the said mastership, exhibited before William Blythman, 
public notary, in his house within the parish of St. Nicholas, Newcastle, 
in a street called the Cloce, 29th Angast, 1681. B Reg. Tunstall, p. 6. 

42. — Deprivation by the Ck)nsistory Court of Durham of John Raymes of the 
mastership of the said Hospital, 29th May, 1679. Lib. Actor. Consist. 
Dunelm., No. 6. 32 x 33. 

48. — Institution of Anthony Garforthe to the said mastership, 9th October, 1679. 
32 X 33. 

44. — Mandate issued to the vicar of St. Nicholas to cite the Mayor and four 
aldermen of Newcastle to appear before the Bishop at Auckland 27th 
August, 1662 [in an enquiry respecting the Hospital of St. Mary the 
Virgin, Newcastle], 16th August, 1662. 32 x 38. 

46. — Mandate addressed to all rectors, vicars, etc., to cite John Raymes, master 
of the said Hospital, to appear before the Bishop at Auckland 17th Sept., 
1662, 16th August, 1662. 82 x 33. 

46. — ^The said John Raymes makes John Fayrley and three others his proctors, 
10th October, 1 662. 32 x 33. 

47. — Allegations exhibited by Thomas Knighton, one of Raymes*s proctors, on 
his behalf. 32x83. 

48. — Commission addressed to Robert Swift to examine witnesses and other evi- 
dences in the same cause, Oct., 1667. 82 x 33. 

49. — The charges against Raymes. 32 x 33. 

60. — The finding of the Commissioners in this cause, 24th Nov., 1667. 82 x 33. 

61. — ^Note as to parentage and family of Amor Oxley. 34 x 36. 

62. — Indenture by which Alan de Fergham, son of William de Fergham, de- 
mises to Elizabeth, widow of John de Lamlee of Newcastle a messuage 
in Baillyegate between the land of John de Stanhopp on the west and 
that of Lawrence de Acton on the east, and extending from the Via Regia 
before to the land which William de Deseburgh holds behind. Taesday 
before the feast of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist (24th June), 1373. 
36 X 37. 

63. — Licence granted by Bishop Hatfield to the pri6r and convent of the Black- 
friars in Newcastle to celebrate masses, etc., in the church of St. Nicholas 
and its dependent chapels, 27th March, 1380. E R^. Hatfield, p. 172. 
38 X 39. 

64.— Licence granted by Bishop Hatfield to the parishioners of the chapel of St. 
Andrew, Newcastle, to build in the cemetery of their church, 12th Jan., 
1376. E Reg. Hatfield, p. 119. 40 x 41. 

66. — Commission issued by Bishop Hatfield to restore John Careaway, parishioner 
of St. Andrew's, Newcastle, to his parochial privileges, 16th April, 1378. 
S Reg. Hatfield, p. 136. 40 x 41. 

56.~WU1 of Peter Dalton of Newcastle, 28th Nov., 1466. 44 x 46. 


57. — Sabscription of John Weld on being admitted to the coracj of St. Andrew's, 
Newcastle, 20th Sept., 1669. 46 x 47. 

68. — Peter, son of Hawysia de Pert, Matilda, and Wincey, sisters of the same 
Hawysia, quit claim to the nuns of St. Bartholomew of Newcastle a 
messnage in Newcastle which they had recovered from John the Miller, 
and Emma his wife. Executed in the court of Newcastle on the feast 
of St. Michael, 12S3. 48 x 49. 

59. — Letter to Bishop Langley from the nuns of Neceham, informing him that 
they have elected Margaret de Danby, nun of the house or priory of the 
nuns of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, to be their prioress, 29th Nov., 1428. 
B Reg. Langley, p. 147. 48 x 49. 

60. — Letter from Bishop Langley to the nuns of St. Bartholomew of Newcastle 
in reference to the above appointment. Auckland, 2nd Dec., 1428. 
48 x 49. 

61. — Letter in English from Dionysia Aslakby, prioress of the nuns of Newcastle, 
to the Bishop of Durham, announcing the consent of her chapter to the 
above appointment. Newcastle, 4th Dec., 1428. 48 x 49. 

62. — Memorandum that on the 15th day of December, 1428, in a certain chamber 
within the house of the Austin Friars of Newcastle, the said Dionysia 
Aslakby appeared before the Bishop of Durham and confirmed the fore- 
going appointment. 48 x 49. 

63. — Commission from Bishop fiatfield to Alan de Shutlyng, vicar general, and 
William de Farnham, his official, to visit the house of uuns of St. 
Bartholomew of Newcastle. Auckland, Srd Jan., 1365. B Beg. Hatfield, 
p. 46. 48 X 49. 

64. — Bishop Hatfield commits the custody of the house and nuns of St. 
Bartholomew of Newcastle, on account of their miserable state, to Hugh 
de Amecliff , chaplain in the church of the blessed Nicholas of Newcastle. 
Auckland, 18th April, 1366. Ibid, p. 47. 48 x 49. 

65. — A commission addressed by Bishop Hatfield to Hugh de Amcliff against 
Amiscia de Belford, the intruded prioress of the nuns of St. Bartholomew 
of Newcastle, for intrusion, dilapidation, incontinence, etc Auckland, 
10th June, 1367. 48 x 49. 

66. — Memorandum, that Thomas Stubbs was instructed to receive ithe oath of 
the said Hugh in this matter. And further memorandum that the said 
Hugh was instructed to admonish the said Amiscia to permit Bmma del 
Hill and Joan de Famelye nuns of the said house to return to their 
house. 48 x 49. 

67. — Bishop Langley directs the prioress and nuns of St. Bartholomew of New- 
castle to receive Idonia de Staunford as a sister. London, 4th 
November, 1377. B Reg. Hatfield, p. 127. 50 x 51. 

68.— Commission from Bishop Hatfield to Philip Bishop of Lechlin, his suffragan, 
to compel the nuns of Newcastle to receive the said Idonia. 50 x 51. 

180 hunter's copy op bourne's NEWCASTLE. 

69.— Bishop Hatfield grants licenae to Bfargaret York, nan and recluse In the 
monastery of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, that she may elect a confessor. 
Auckland, 24th March, 1877. 50 x 51. 

70, — Bxtract from the will of Henry Anderson of Newcastle, 1606, directing the 
sale of the nunnery of St. Bartholomew. 50. 

71. — Commission from Bishop Langley to receive the resignation of Catherine de 
Langton, prioress of the nunnery of St. Bartholomew of Newcastle. 
Gateshead, SOth Aug. 1413. E Reg. Langley, p. 63. 50 x 51. 

72. — Bishop Pudsey confirms the gift which Toce, son of Toce, made of the land 
which he had in the borough of Durham to the nuns of Newcastle ; also 
the land which Alan, brother of the same Toce, sold to them. 50 x 51. 

73. — The resignation of Catherine de Langton, prioress of the nuns of St. 
Bartholomew of Newcastle, SOth August, 1413. B Reg. Langley, p. 65. 

74. — Christiana, prioress of St. Bartholomew of Newcastle, and the convent of 
the same place, demise to Gilbert de Haliwelle 20 acres of land in the 
vill of Haliwelle, with two tofts and houses pertaining thereto, for the 
term of 20 years. Rent 128. 6d. a year, of which 8/- pertains to the con- 
vent and 4/6 *< ad lumen Mari»," 1233. 50 x 51. 

75. — Joan Baxter, prioress of the nuns of St. Bartholomew of Newcastle, and the 
convent of the same place, grant to Thomas Lockwood, merchant of 
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, a parcel of waste land in Gateshead, and one croft 
pertaining to the same parcel of land. Rent, 6b. 8d. 20th August, 1486. 

76. — Christiana, at one time wife of William de Chester, in her widowhood, quit 
claims to Alan de Hilton, chaplain, a messuage called Lysterhall, with 
its appurtenances in Melemerketgate, in the town of Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne, in length from the king's highway before to the Puddyng Chere 
behind, and in breadth, between the tenement, at one time held by Richard 
Richemond, on the south, and the tenement of Robert Bullok, on the 
north ; and another messuage, which at one time belonged to Adam 
Tredfioure in Irenmerketgat, in the said town of Newcastle, opposite the 
west end of the church of the blessed Nicholas, and between the tenement 
formerly belonging to Robert de Lyn on the one side, and the tenement 
which formerly belonged to Sir Hugh de Carlele, but now to Roger de 
Thornton on the other side, and a yearly rent of 20s. from a certain 
messuage in which Alan Scherman dwells, in Clathmerketgit. 24th June, 
1414. Ex archiv. Ecc. Cath. Dunelm. 52 x 53. 

77. — Edward 8rd prohibits Bishop Hatfield from admitting any person to the 
church of South Gk)88eforth, on account of the contention between him- 
self and the Bishop and Prior of Carlisle as to the advowson of that 
church, 10th June, 1877. E Reg. Hatfield, p. 123. 56 x 57. 

78. — Bishop Hatfield prohibits the admission of John de Bellerby to the church 
of South Gosseforth. 20th June, 1377. 56 x 57. 


79.— Richard the Second presents John de Bellerby to the church of South 
Gosseforth. 16th July, 1377. B Reg. Hatfield, p. 121. 66 x 67. 

80.— Bishop Hatfield directs inquisition to be made as to the right of patronage 
of the church of South Gosseforth. 28th July, 1377. E Reg. Hatfield, 
p. 122. 66 X 57. 

81. — ^Another comxnission to the same effect. 2nd August, 1377. B Reg. Hatfield, 
p. 124. 56 X 57. 

82. — Bishop Langley grants Indulgence of 40 days to all who shall contribute to 
the fabric, lights, books, chalices, vestments or other ornaments of the 
church of St. Nicholas of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 29th April, 1485. E Reg. 
Langley, p. 219. 66 x 67. 

83. — Bishop Langley issues a commission to the Ticar of the parish church of St. 
Nicholas of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and to the chaplains of the parish 
chapels dependent on the same to hold general enquiry as to the short- 
comings and excesses of the people of Newcastle, and to take steps to 
correct the same. Auckland, 23rd October, 1436. B Reg. Langley, p. 235. 
56 X 57. 

84. — The Bishop*s official against the wardens, etc., of the churches of North and 
South Gosseforth, in reference to defects and dilapidations. 1607. 66 x 57. 

86. — Bishop Hatfield enjoins the vicar of the parish church of St. Nicholas of 
Newcastle, and John, the Presbyter of the same church, to hold enquiry, 
etc., as to the proceedings of the chaplains of the chapels of the town, 
and of the prioress and nuns of St. Bartholomew. Auckland, 18th 
December, 1376. B Reg. Hatfield, p. 119. 66 x 67. 

86. — John the Presbyter of the parish church of St. Nicholas of Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne certifies to the Bishop that his mandate shall be obeyed. 56 x 67. 

87. — Bishop Hatfield issues a commission to compel the parishioners of St. 
Nicholas of Newcastle to re-imburse his suffragan, the Bishop of Lechlin, 
for his costs and labour incurred in the reconciliation of the said Church. 
Durham, 8th Jan., 1478. B Reg. Hatfield, p. 162. 66 x 67. 

88. — Bishop Bury acknowledges the receipt of £10 from the prior of Carlisle, in 
payment of a yearly pension due to him from the church of St. Nicholas 
of Newcastle. 20th Feb., 1343. B Reg. Bury. 68 x 69. 

89. — Bishop Langley issues a mandate to John Bryg, Vicar of Corbridge, and his 
sequestrator, to cite the Vicar of the Church St. Nicholas of Newcastle 
and all presbyters and ministers of the said church and its dependent 
chapels and chantries, and four parishioners of the said church, and of 
each of its chapels, to appear before him or his commissioners in the 
Church of St. Nicholas, on the 14th Sept, 1416, to answer complaints, 
etc. Stockton, 6th Sept, 1416. E Reg. Langley, p. 73. 58 x 69. 

90. — Bishop Langley issues a commission to John Huntman, dean of the 
Collegiate Church of Lanchester, and others, to hold a visitation of the 
church and chapels of Newcastle, and the hospital of Weste Spitell, on 
the 14th Sept, 1415. Stockton, 7th Sept, 1415. 58 x 69. 

182 hunter's C30PY OF BOUENB'S NEWCASTLE. 

91.— Monition from John Hnntman and others to William Karlel, master or 
keeper of the hospital of West Spitell, that he, within a month, should 
return to the said hospital and reside there, discharging the duties of his 
office, 14th Sept., 1415. 68 x 59. 

92. — Institution of William Gierke to the chantry of St. John the Baptist and 
St. John the Apostle and Evangelist in the church of St. Nicholas, New- 
castle, 20th March, 1540. E Beg. Tunstall, p. 30. 58 x 59. 

98. — Dispensation to Peter Angrym to retain the chantry at the altar of St. 
Catherine in the Church of St. Nicholas. Auckland, 27th August, 1878. 
E Beg. Hatfield, p. 168. 68 x 69. 

94. — Commission issued against Bichard de Stanhop, late Mayor of Newcastle 
and others who have removed the said Peter Aogrym from his chantry, 
and have intruded John de Eland in his place. London, 17th October, 
1879. 58x69. 

95. — Extract from the will of William Esington, of Newcastle, 1416. 60 x 61. 

96. — Note of the will of Boger Nicholson, alderman and merchant of Newcastle. 
1590. 60x61. 

97. — Collation of John Botour to the chantry of St. Thomas the Martyr in 
St. Nicholas's Church, 3rd June, 1376. E Beg. Hatfield, p. 79. 60 x 61. 

98. — Sentence of the Consistory Court of Durham against John Sotheme for 
assaulting Christopher Morpethe in St. Nicholas* Church. 29th Nov., 
1677. 60x61. 

99. — Inquisition pogt mortem of Margaret Bonner, late wife of William Bonner, 
of Newcastle. 3rd Dec., 1596. 60 x 61. 

100.— George Carr, Bobert Wood, David Mann, John Borrodonne, and John 
Dawecote, chaplains, aldermen, stewards, or proctors of the guild of 
Corpus Christi, in the church of St. Nicholas, in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 
make Thomas Arthur, a brother of the said guild, their attorney in a 
suit against William Patonne, alias William Hiltonne, for the recovery of 
the sum of i£35. 62 x 63. 

101. — William Bobinson and Qeorge Champnay, burgesses of Newcastle, present 
Henry Castle to the vicarage of Chatton, the advowson of which had been 
granted to them pro hoc vice by the Abbot and Convent of the blessed 
Mary of Alnwick. 62 x 63. 

102. — Monition issued by Bishop Langley against certain violators of the rights 
and possessions of chantries in Newcastle. Stockton, 20th May, 1428. 
E Beg. Langley, p. 141. 62 x 63. 

103. — Benunciation by William Boston (Prior of the house of Carmelites of 
Newcastle) of his erroneous opinions against the offering of candles on 
the feast of the purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary. E Beg. Langley, 
p. 111. 64x65. 

104. — Bishop Hatfield grants license to John Bulkham and Joan, his wife, of 
Newcastle, to have divine offices celebrated within the oratory in their 
dwelling house. Auckland, 7th Jan., 1376. E B^. Hatfield, p. 117. 64 x 65. 


106. — Submission of William Boston on the question of offering candles, etc. 
7th Feb., 1424. E Reg. Langley, p. 119. 64 x 66. 

106. — Confession made by Alice Swan, wife of Robert Swan, in St. Nicholases 
Church, Newcastle, of having been accustomed " by ye space of certen 
years to cast or toume ye Riddle and Sheares." 64 x 66. 

107. — Extract from a printed book relative to William Fitz William. 68 x 69. 

108. — Will of Thomas Hearon, of Newcastle, merchant, 6th August, 1682. 

109. — Will of John Atchison, of Newcastle, cutler, 30th September, 1545. 70 x 71. 

110. — Letter addressed to Bishop Langley, requesting that the secular arm may 
be raised against John Ram, Vicar of Newcastle, for his many contumacies, 
etc., 16th Oct., 1421. E Reg. Langley, p. 111. 70 x 71. 

111. — License granted to William Ogle, Presbyter, on account of his grave in- 
firmity, that he may have masses celebrated in his chamber within the 
churchyard of St. Nicholas of Newcastle. 24th Sept., 1410. B Reg. 
Langley, p. 86. 72 x 73. 

112, — Resignation by John Magbrey of the vicarage of St. Nicholas of Newcastle, 
8th Apr., 1586. 72 x 73. 

118. — Institution of Richard Howldsworth to the vicarage of St. Nicholas of 
Newcastle. 10th Aug., 1686. 72 x 73. 

114. — Monition against William Fell, Yicar of St. Nicholas, Newcastle, for non- 
residence. 8th October, 1499. E Reg. Fox, p. 28. 72 x 73. 

116. — Institution of Henry Aglionbye to the vicarage of St. Nicholas, Newcastle. 
16th Nov., 1543. B Reg. Tunstall, p. 33. 72 x 78. 

116. — Institution of William Purye to the vicarage of St. Nicholas, Newcastle. 
•26th July, 1 649. lUd. p. 41. 72 x 73. 

117. — Institution of John Magbrey to the vicarage of St. Nicholas, Newcastle. 
1668. B Reg. Pilkington, p. 111. 72 x 73. 

118. — Commission to proceed against Matthew de Bolton, Vicar of Newcastle, 
for non-residence. 3rd April, 1363. E Reg. Hatfield, p. 13. 72 x 73. 

119.— Commission from Bishop Hatfield to his Vicar General, in reference to 
exchange of livings between John Pulhore, rector of Whickham, and 
Matthew Bolton, Vicar of Newcastle. 28th Dec., 1362. B Reg. Hatfield, 
p. 28. 72 X 73. 

120.— Presentation of Matthew Bolton to the church of St. Nicholas, Newcastle. 
29th August, 1874. Reg. Hatfield, p. 78. 72 x 73. 

121. — Institution of the same Matthew Bolton to the said vicarage. 31 st Aug., 
1374. B Reg. Hatfield, p. 78. 72 x 73. 

122. — Presentation, in exchange, of William Glyn to the vicarage of St. Nicholas, 
Newcastle. 3l8t Dec. 1418. B Reg. Langley, p. 103. 72 x 73. 

123. — Mandate for the induction of John Herynge into the vicarage of St. 
Nicholas, Newcastle. 72 x 73. 

124. — License to John Heryn to resign the vicarage of St. Nicholas, Newcastle. 
3rd Sept., 1641. E Reg. Tunstall, p. 30. 72 x 73. 


126. — BesignatioD of the vicarage of St. Nicholas, Newcastle, by John Herynge. 
72 X 73. 

126.--License to Yeldard Alvey to preach in Newcastle. 17th Aug., 1622. 74 x 76. 

127. — Institution of Thomas de Penreth to the free chapel of Jesmuth. 16th 
Dec., 1364« E Reg. Hatfield, p. 36. 82 x 83. 

128. — A declaration by Bishop Hatfield, dated 4th Feb., 1379, in reference to the 
usurpation of the chapel of Jesmuth, in which he recites the institution 
of William de Heghynton to the chapel on the 12th June, 1361, with a 
further declaration, dated 9th April, 1380. E Beg. Hatfield, p. 169. 
82 X 83. 

129. — Thomas Haidinge, of Newcastle, merchant, grants to John Brandlinge, of 
Newcastle, merchant, a messuage in the parish of All Saints, between 
the tenement recently in the hands of John Riddesdaille, merchant^ on 
the south side, and a certain venell called Paynter-hnghe, on the north, 
and extending from the King's highway on the west, to the tenement of 
William Boyd on the east. 1506. 88 x 89. 

130. — Thomas Hardinge quit claims to John Brandling, a messuage with its 
implements in the parish of All Saints (as described before). 88 x 89. 

131. — Renunciation of heresies by Roger Dichaunte, of Newcastle, merchant^ 
14th Nov., 1631. E Reg. Tunstall, p. 8. 88 x 89. 

132. — State of ye lectures in ye several churches in Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 88 x 89. 

138. — Presentation of John York to the chantry of St. Thomas the Martyr in the 
church of All Saints, 17th Apr., 1414. E Reg. Langley, p. 68. 92 x 98. 

134. — Commission to enquire concerning the right of patronage of the said 
chantry, 12th May, 1414. 92 x 93. 

136. — Admission of John Brydlynton to the chantry of St. Thomas the Martyr 
in the church of All Saints. 3l8t July, 1430. B Reg. Langley, p. 171. 
92 X 93. 

186. — John Carlell having by indenture, dated 20th Aug., 1479, granted to John 
Patson all that great tenement with dovecote and garden, in Pilgrem 
Strete, reserving an annual rent, now grants that rent to Elizabeth, his 
mother, for the term of her life. 28th Aug., 1479. 92 x 93. 

137. — Robert Maners, chaplain of the chantry at the altar of the blessed Mary 
the Virgin in the church of All Saints, grants to Christopher Brigham, of 
Newcastle, merchant, all that messuage and dovecote with its appurte- 
nances in vico peregrinorumy etc. 9th Apr., 1618. 92 x 93. 

138. — John Pateson quit claims to Christopher Brigham, of Newcastle, mer- 
chant, that tenement, dovecote, and garden between the tenement 
of the said Christopher on the north part and the land recently 
held by John Carlill on the south part, and extending from the King's 
Highway on the west to the rivulet called Ayrekbum on the east. 18th 
July, 1618. 92x9.S. 

139.— Subscription by Leonard Shafto, on being admitted to the curacy of All 
Saints'. 108x109. 


140. — Subscription by Nethatilel EUisoD, on being admitted lecturer of All 
Saints*. 19th Mar., 1686. 108 x 109. 

141. — Sir John Lomley grants the presentation to the first vacancy in the 
chapel of St. Catherine, on the Sandhill, to Robert Ayton and Bobert 
Halyman. 6th Feb., 1632. B Reg. Tnnstall, p. 40. 124 x 126, 

142. — The inscription formerly on the Guildhall. 124 x 126. 

143. — Indulgence granted by Bishop Hatfield to all parties contributing to the 
improvement, repair, and maintenance of the bridge of Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne. 8th Nov.. 1476. K Beg. Hatfield, p. 114. 128 x 129. 

144. — Memorandum that Bishop Langley granted letters of indulgence for the 
repair, etc., of the bridge of Tyne. 11th Aug., 1429. 128 x 129. 

146. — Extract from an inquisitionpo^^ mortem relative to lands in Whickham be- 
longing to the chantry in the chapel of St.Thomas on Tyne bridge. 1 30 x ] 3 1 . 

146. — A commission granted to John de Insula, prior of the brethren of the order 
of St. Austin in the town of Newcastle, to heap confessions. Oateshead, 
16th Aug., 1363. E Beg. Hatfield, p. 16. 13& 137. 

147. — Memorandum that commission to hear confessions from the parishioners 
of Hautwisill, Simondbume, Belincham, JCUesden, Tynemuta and New- 
castle, was granted to Bichard de Tynemuta of the order of St. Austin 
of Newcastle. 12th March, 1366. B Beg. Hatfield, p. 47. 136 x 137. 

148. — Indulgence to persons contributing to the house of St. Michael of WalknoU. 
Stockton, Ist Aug., 1436. B Beg. Langley, 231. 138 x 139. 

149. — Grant of privileges by the brethren of WalknoU to Bobert Clayton and 
Anna his wife, 1438. 138 x 139. 

160. — License granted to William de Acton to celebrate divine offices in the chapel 
within the hospital of the Holy Trinity. Auckland, 13th March, 1360. 
B Beg. Hatfield, p. 40. 142 x 143. 

151.— Note of the will of William Copland. Aug. 2l8t, 1684. 142 x 143. 

162. — Indulgence granted by Bishop Langley to all who should contribute to the 
redemption of certain sailors of Newcastle who had been taken captive 
and were retained in captivity in the town of St. Malowes. 14th July, 
1430. E Beg. Langley, p. 170. 144 x 145. 

153. — Indulgence granted by Bishop Langley for the deliverance of Bobert Pain 
of Newcastle, taken captive by the Scots. 14th Feb., 1432. B Beg. Lang- 
ley, p. 200. 144x146. 

154. — Indulgence granted to benefactors of the hospital of the blessed Mary Mag- 
delene in Newcastle. 28th Dec., 1376. B Beg. Hatfield, p. 116. 160 x 151. 

156. — Extracts from records of quo warranto in the treasury, relative to the 
County of Northumberland. (In the handwriting of Christopher 
Mickleton.) 156x157. 

166. — The record relative to the fisheries of the Tyne taken on the oath of the an- 
cients of Haliwerk Folc. B Beg. ILDec.etCap. Dunelm.p. 178. 156x157 

167.— Inquisition concerning fisheries in the Tyne pertaining to the Bishops of 
Durham, in the time of Bishop Bichard de Bury. 166 x 157. 

VOL. XV ^ 

186 HUNTBE's copy of bourne's NBWCA8TLB. 

158. — A series of docnments from the ohartolaries of the Prior and Convent of 
Durham relating to disputes between the Prior and the Mayor and 
Burgesses of Newcastle. The first portion is headed: * Responsiones 
Prions Dunelm. ad Querelas Majoris et Burgensium villae Novi Castri 
super Tjnam.* The second portion is headed : '* Instructiones ostendendae 
de consilio dominorum Episcopi et Prions Dunelm. adversus Querelas 
Majoris et (Dommunitatis Villae Novi Castri, de quibus superius fit mentio, 
ac etiam aliqualis responsio sub correctione oonsilii maturioris/ This 
portion has the following sub-headings : — (a) De aquis S. Cuthberti in 
Tyna. (ft) Responsio ad inquisitionem coram jtlsticiariis. (e') Pro applica- 
tione navium apud Suth Sheles cum rebus propriis Prions, (d) Inquisi- 
tio capta per Simonem Essh vioecomitem Dunelm. super injuriis illatis 
per homines Villae Novi Castri. (0) Pro ndificatione villae de South 
Sheles. (/) Pro piscariis in aquis de Tyne ex ntraque parte. (^) Pro 
pistoribus et braciatoribus. (A) Pro wrecoo maris. (») Carta confirma- 
tionis Regis Ricardi Secundi. Chartulary JII. penes D and C. Durham. 
* In fronte* Ubri 168 x 169. 

169. — Charter of Henry VI. to the Burgesses of Newcastle, exempting them from 
the precepts or mandates of constables, marshals, or admirals of Eng- 
land, or keepers of the marches. 168 x 169. 

160. — ^An agreement between the Prior and Convent of Durham and the Mayor 
and Burgesses of Newcastle, in reference to the right of the Prior's 
tenants at South Shields, to fish, etc. 7th Mar., 1362. Chartulary II, 
p. 71. 168x169. 

161. — ^The finding of an inquisition taken at Gateshead Friday next before the 
feast of Pentecost, 1321, relative to fisheries in Gateshead, gardens in 
Gateshead, etc. From ancient rental of the Bishops of Durham in the 
custody of the auditor, p. 136. 169. 

162.— Order of council relative to the water of Tyne. 14th Feb. 1616. 160 x 161. 

163. — Inquisition pagt-mortem of Nicholas Tempest, of Stella. 12th Sept., 1626. 

164. — Monition addressed to John Haynyng, Vicar of Newbum, that he shall 
expel Catherine Ueppell, with whom he has been living in adultery, from 
his house, etc. 16th Dec., 1410. E Reg. Langley, p. 38. 164 x 166. 

166. — Mandate to the curate of Newbum, requiring him to make public declara- 
tion that the living was vacant. 26th April, 1673. 164 x 166. 

166. — Mandate for the sequestration of the vicarage of Newbum, for the non- 
residence of the vicar. 4th Mar., 1674. 164 x 166. 

167. — Memorandum of license granted to Thomas de Hexham, parishioner of 
Gateshead, to have divine offices celebrated in the oratory, within his 
manor of Demecroke. 9th Feb., 1379. 166 x 167. 

168. — Indulgence to Joan Hedelham, widow, of Gateshead, for the redemption 
from captivity of her son, John Richardson. 23rd Feb., 1481. E Re^. 
Langley, 186. 166 x 167. 


I6i».~0ollation of William Bell to the rectory of Gateshead. 17th Dec., 1667 

E B^. Tonstall, p. 60. 166 x 167. 
170. — Collation of Lawrence Doddisworthe to the rectory of Gateshead. 19th 

July, 1664. 166 x 167. 
171.— Collation of William Hodgeson to the rectory of Gateshead. 6th Oct., 1671. 

172. — Letter (original) from Thomas Potts to John Spearman, referring to a 

complaint against certain inhabitants of Gateshead for keeping a dung- 
hill. 166x167. 
173.— Will of Robert Claxstone, Master of the Hospital of St. Edmund the king, 

in Gateshead. 10th May, 1678. 166 x 167. 
174. — Inquisition post-mortem of Sibilla Gategang. 166 x 167. 
176. — Presentation of John Lythom to the chantry of St. John the Apostle and 

John the Baptist, in the parish church of Gat.eshead. 23rd Jan., 1431. 

E Reg. Langley, p. 184. 168 x 169. 
176. — Ck)mmission to inquire concerning the right of patronage of the same 

chantry. 24th Jan., 1431. 168 x 169. 
177.— Finding of the jury in the said inquisition. 80th Jan., 1431. 168 x 169. 
178. — Presentation of Robert Galile to the chantry of St. Giles, in Gateshead 

church. 27th Sept., 1632. B Reg. Tunstall, p. 9. 168 x 169. 
179. — Institution of the said Robert Galile to the said chantry. 28th Sept., 1682. 

180.— Institution of William Frende to the chantry of the Virgin in Gateshead 

church. 10th Mar., 1644. B Reg. Tunstall, p. 36. 168 x 169. 
181.— List of the rectors of Gateshead, from 1322 to 1733. 168 x 169. 
182. — Bishop Famham grants to God and blessed Edmund the Conteeaov *and 

to the four chaplains in the chapel which we have built at Gateshead, in 

honour of the same,* the viU of Ulkistan, etc, and the old lordship of 

Gateshead. E Reg. of the Prior and Ck)nvent, IL, p. 7. 168 x 169. 
183. — Admission of John Hunton to the chantry of the Virgin in Gateshead 

church. 29th Apr., 1430. B Resr. Langley, p. 167. 168 x 169. 
184. — Confirmation by Bishop Hatfield of a grant by the commonalty of Gates- 
head, which is recited, of the custody of the chantry of the Virgin in 

Gateshead church to Thomas Marchal 18th Feb., 1379. B Reg. Hatfield, 

p. 170. 168 X 169. 
186. — Acknowledgment, signed by William Forster, of the receipt from John 

Spearman of a lease granted by John Ladler, rector of Gateshead, of 

certain lands and coal mines belonging to King James's Hospital Aug. 

23rd, 1681. 168x169. 
186. — The custody or mastership of the Chapel of Sts. Edmund and Cuthbert, 

confessors, in Gateshead, granted to John Walkyngton. 8th Feb., 1409. 

E Reg. Langley, p. 31. 170 x 171 . 
187.— Subscription of Peter Smart on being admitted to the mastership of King 

James's Hospital, Gateshead. 2nd Mar., 1612. 170 x 171. 

188 hunter's copy of boubnb's nbwoastlb. 

188. — Subscription of Thomas Hook, on being admitted to the mastership of King 

Jameses Hospital, Gateshead. 2nd Aug., 1618. 170 x 171. 
189. — Sequestration of the fruits of the Hospital of Sts. Edmund and Cuthbert, 

confessors, of Gateshead, and of the goodd of John Walkyngton, Master 

or keeper of the said Hospital. 11th May, 1431. B R^. Langlej, p. 179. 

170 X 171. 
190. — Another copy of the will of Robert Clazstone. 170 x 171. 
191. — Bishop Skirlaw constitutes Reginald Porter Keeper of the Hospital of St. 

Edmund the king in Gateshead. 3rd Dec, 1403. (?) B Reg. Ill, P. et 

Con. Durham, p. 13. 170 x 171, 
192. — Recognizance of William Bower, of Gateshead, and John Bower, chaplain 

to the Bishop of Durham, in the sum of £20. 8th July, 1391. 

193. — Inquisition held on Wednesday after the feast of St. Michael the Apostle, 

1431, of the lands and tenements of William Gategang, of Gateshead. 

194. — ^Agreement in a dispute between John Brown, parson, of Gateshead, and 

William Thomlyngson and William Inskip, farmers of the Bishop's coal 

mines, within the township of Ckiteshead, in reference to the payment of 

tithe from the said mines. 10th Oct., 1639. B Reg. Tunstall, p. nit. 

195. — Admission of John Huchonson to the chantry of the Holy Trinity, within 

the chapel of St. Edmund of Gateshead. 9th Mar., 1643. B Beg. TunstAll 

p. 38. 170x171. 
196. — Portion of the iuquiBition post mortem of William de Redhngh relative to 

land in Gateshead. 170 x 171. 
197. — Inquisition post mortem of Richard Hodgson of lands, etc., in Gateshead. 

3rd Nov., 1606. 170x171. 
198. — Ck>llation of Robert Claxton to the Hospital of St. Edmund of Gateshead. 

16th Aug., 1652. E Reg. Tunstall, p. 48. 170 x 171. 
199. — Institution of John Woodfall to the Hospital of St. Edmund the King, 

Gateshead. 6th May, 1679. 170 x 171. 
200. — Institution of Clement Colmore to the Hospital of St. Edmund the King 

Gateshead. 4th June, 1687. 170 x 171. 
201. — Collation of John Heyworth to the custody of the Chapel of Sts. Edmund 

and Cuthbert, confessors, Gateshead. 26th June, I486. E Reg. Langley, 

231. 170x171. 
202. — A monition against certain violators of the goods of the Chapel or Hospital 

of Sts. Edmund and Cuthbert, the confessors, Gateshead. 1st. Dec, 

1436. E Reg. Langley, p. 237. 170x171. 
208.— Bishop Pudsey's charter to the burgesses of Gateshead. 170 x 171. 
204.— Charter granted by Bishop I^angley for the pavement of the roads in the 

borough of Gateshead. 23rd Sept., 1423. 172 x 173. 
206.— List of the bailiffs of Gateshead, from 1332 to 1363. 172 x 173. 


206. — Richard, son and heir of Roger Kerrok and Alice Kerrok, his mother, grant 
to John de Mallnm certain land in Gateshead, between the Eing^s 
highway, in the street of St. Helen, and the lordship of the Bishop of 
Durham, and the land formerly held by Odelyna de Birteley, and the 
land of Isabella de Coquina. 172 x 173. 

207. — John de Malum, burgess of Gateshead, demises to Richard ShoUe two 
selions of land in the field of Gateshead. 172 x 173. 

208. — William Camaldi, burgess of Gateshead, grants to Brithmer, the smith, 
burgess of Gateshead, all his land in Gateshead. 172 x 173. 

209. — Roger de Tykehill grants to Brichmer, the locsmy th, certain land in Gates- 
head. 172x173. 

210. — Benedict, le Suteler, Matilda his wife, and Peter their son and heir, grant 
to John de Malum, burgess of Gateshead, certain land in the street of 
St. Helen in Gateshead. 172 x 173. 

211. — Matilda de Urpath grants to Roger de Tykhill certain land in Gateshead. 
172 X 173. 

212. — Allen de Schutlyngdon, master of the Hospital of Sherbum, and the 
brethren and sisters of the same Hospital, demise to William the miller, 
burgess of Gateshead, a messuage in Gateshead, and land in Gateshead, 
for 40 years. 1366. 172x173. 

213. — Gilbert, son and heir of John de Mallom, grants to Adam Gunter, and 
Isolda his wife, land in Gateshead. 1313. 172 x 173. 

21 3|. — William de Bovinton, and Tsoda his wife, demise to Brittemes the smith 
certain land in Gateshead. 1275. 172 x 173. 

211. — Gilbert de Malum constitutes Richard de Colton his attorney to deliver 
seisin of lands and tenements in Gateshead to the Master, Brethren, and 
sisters of the Hospital of Sherbum. 1324. 172 x 173. 

215. — James Gategang of Gateshead grants to William Thoceson and Christiana 
his wife, a burgage in Gateshead in the street of ' Saynt Mary Char.' 
1309. 172x173. 

216. — William Gorlewald grants to John, 'son of William de Horton of Gates- 
head, land in Gateshead. 172 x 173. 

217. — Enrolment of an indenture between Alan de Newarke, master of the 
Hospital of Sherborne, and the brethren of the same Hospital, on the one 
part, and John Botterell, on the other, by which the said Alan and his 
brethren, demise to the said John, a toft with a garden in Gateshead 
(incomplete). 172 x 173. 

218. — Inquisition de non sana memoria of Arthur Bell of Cozhoe. 17th Jan., 1573. 

219. — Monition against certain persons who have violated the liberties of St. 
Cuthbert, by forcibly compelling certain fishermen of South Shields to 
bring their vessels and fish to Newcastle. 21st Feb., 1352. E Reg. Hat- 
field, p. 11. 172x173. 

220. — Undertaking (original) by Thomas Burdon to the sheriff and under-sheriff 

190 HUNTEB'S OOPY of B0UBN£*S nbwoastle. 

of Dorham to pay all daes which may arise from the wreck of a yeasel 

near South Shields. 27th May, 1676. 178 x 179. 
221. — Extract from the chronicle of Nicholas Trivet, relative to the submission 

of John Baliol, to Edward I. 188 x 189. 
222. — Mandate addressed by Edward I. to the Mayor and BailifEs of Newcastle- 

upon-Tyne, that they shall permit no one to leave the port of Newcastle 

by sea, without the king's license. Slst Jan., 1296. 190 x 191. 
223. — Exemplification of precept, addressed by Edward TIL to Bishop Hatfield, 

relative to the revenues of the lands, etc., of Richard de Gallowhay, 

mayor of Newcastle, and of the Bishop^s response. 196 x 197. 
224. — License granted to William de Langton, Mayor of Newcastle, to have 

masses and other divine offices celebrated in the oratory, or other suitable 

place within his house in Newcastle. 9th Jan., 1 409. E Reg. Langley, 

p. 30. 208 X 209. 
225. — Memoranda that on the same day similar licenses were granted to William 

Eslugton, burgess of Newcastle, and John Eyre, presbyter of Newcastle. 

208 X 209. 
226. — Commission addressed by Henry Y. to Roger Thornton and William 

Chaunceller, to levy subsidies in Newcastle. 6th July, 1421. 208 x 209. 
227. — Pardon of outlawry, granted to Lawrence Acton. 20th April, 1485. 

228. — Letters testimonial granted to Robert Bertram, merchant of Newcastle. 

1528. 222x223. 
229. — ^Various short extracts, relative to Newcastle and Gateshead. (Of no 

moment.) 222 x 223. 
230. — Affidavit relative to the wreck of a vessel bound from Norway to Holland, 

and which was forced to sail into the harbour at Newcastle, where the 

fittings of the ship were deposited in Bertram Anderson's house. 6th 

June, 1856. 226 x 227. 
231. — Commission, issued by Queen Elizabeth to Henry Wicliff and two others, 

to enquire concerning the sale by Sir John Swinboume of certain coals 

at a place called Eyoo field, within the bishopric of Durham, during the 

late vacancy of the see. 226 x 227. 
232.— (Imperfect.) Will of — Cooke. 30th Oct. 1569. 226 x 227. 
233.— A codicil to the said will. 226 x 227. 
234.— Will of Richard Hodshone, alderman of Newcastle. 1st Mar., 1581. 

226 X 227. 
285. — Peter de Eeysere, of Bruge, in Flanders, appoints Cornelius Brandling, 

William Silbe (Selby), and Ralph Cocus (Cock) his procters to act on 

his behalf in receiving money due to him in England. 31 st Deo., 1576. 

24 X App. I. 
236. — Memorandum of the excommunication, by Archdeacon Basire, of Mr. 

Thomas Thompson, **a schismatical minister" who carried on ** a trade 

clandestine marriages.'* 1668. 246 x Appendix L 


237.— Appropriation of a moiety of the church of Whittingham to the prior and 
convent of Carlisle. 29th July, 1307. 246 x App. I. 

288. — Thomas Ryddall of Newcastle, merchant, grants to Edward Swynbome of 
the said town, merchant, and others, a tenement in Oloth Market, between 
the tenement of the Abbot and Convent of Newminster on the south, and 
the tenement of the Prior and Convent of Tynemouth on the northi 
7th Apr., 1627. At end. 

239. — Receipt by Thomas Riddell and Edward Swynbome from Leonard Mus- 
grave, collector of the castoms and subsidies in the port of Newcastle, 
of i£20. At end. 

240.— Thomas Elwick ; Isabella, his wife, sister of John Carlill ; Henry Carlill, 
son of the said John ; John Saunderson, and Mary, his wife, one of the 
daughters of the said John, appoint Thomas Ryddell their proctor. 
At end. 

241. — Gilbert Myddelton sells his moiety of a ship called " Le May Flower,'* of 
Newcastle, to Thomas Ryddell. At end. 

242. — Orders conferred by Bishop Fox in 1496, 1499, and 1601 on various persons, 
on titles in the monastic houses of Newcastle. At end. 

243. — Extracts from Jjeland's CoUectania, relative to Newcastle. At end. 

244. — ^Various extracts from the records of the Consistory Court of Durham, 
relative to a cause of fornication between Thomas Liddell, of the parish 
of St. Nicholas, Newcastle, and Margaret Atkinson, 1591. At end. 

246. — ^Indenture between John Shaldford, merchant, and Joan, his wife, daughter 
and heir of Robert Watson, deceased, on the one part, and John Keyser, 
of the same town, on the other part, setting forth that whereas Chris- 
topher Thinkyld and Joan, his wife, and Christopher Thinkyld, son 
and heir- apparent of the aforesaid Christopher, had demised to the afore- 
said Robert Watson, four tenements on the Overdean Bridge, testifies 
that the said John Shaldford and Joan, his wife, demised to the aforesaid 
John Keyser one of the aforesaid four tenements. At end. 

246. — Elizabeth Baxter, widow of Robert Baxter, quit claims to Thomas Baxter 
and John Green, executors of the will of the said Robert, all actions, real 
and personal suits, etc., etc. At end. 

247. — Elizabeth Ambrose, within the full court of the town of Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne, within the four benches, appears the 10th day of April, 1524, and 
declares that whatever shall occur hereafter relative to John Ambrose, her 
husband, she will not attempt to revoke or contradict her present act. 
At end. 

248. — John Blaiston and George Davell, merchants, of Newcastle, make Roger 
Dychamunte (sic) their proctor. At end. 

249. — Ralph Booth, of Newcastle, merchant, enfeoffes JohnTrollope, of Thomeley, 
and others, of all messuages, lands, tenements, rents, reversions, services, 
and other hereditaments in Ufferton and Myckley, in trust for himself 
and Dorothy Blaikiston, and the longer lived of the two. At end. 




By Wilfred Cripps, C.B. 

[Read on the 29th April, 1891.] 

The chalice found in the stone coffin of a priest at Hexham priory 
church must certainly be one of th^ most ancient vessels of its class 
that has yet been discovered. Many of these are now known, but 
none seem to be earlier than the twelfth century, from which time 
they range down to the chalice found in the coffin of archbishop W. 
de Melton, buried at York minster in 1340. 

The most ancient appear to be two of those at Chichester, which 
were discovered in the tombs assigned to bishops Seffiride and Hilary, 
both prelates of the twelfth century, but these are soon followed by 
the fine chalice brought to light only last year at Canterbury, from the 
tomb attributed by the best authorities to archbishop Hubert Walter, 
who died in 1205. 

The characteristics of these three are shared by those which are 
supposed to be of the same period, and have been long preserved at 
York minster, with the cup we have already mentioned as pertaining 
to archbishop Melton. The dates of these are only to be guessed 
from the fashion of the vessels ; they all have the round foot, with 
the knop or usual plain projection in the middle of the stem, and have 
the slight lip, which disappears soon afterwards, for it is not found 
upon any chalices which are known to belong to the second half of the 
thirteenth century. 

The Hexham chalice is of an earlier type; it is of a rude and Roman- 
esque character, and its more highly arched foot and almost globe-shaped 
stem quite distinguish it from the chalices of even the twelfth century. 

It more reminds us, but in feeling and general character rather than 
in detail, of the noble cup preserved in the Mauritius church at 
Miinster. This is attributed by the learned Dr. Liibke to the eleventh 
century, it having been found in the tomb of bishop Frederick of 
Miinster, who died in 1084. This, too, is of brass, like the Hexham 
vessel, though the latter is mentioned as having been strongly gilt. 
Many of these chalices are of base metal, but not all; chalices of silver 
being often found in the coffins of prelates and priests of great dis- 
tinction ; and ancient wills occasionally contain the wish of the testator 


that his massing chalice, which would almost Decessarily have beei> of 
silver, should be buried with him. 

Much that is interesting about coffin chalices has been given in 
the Archaeological Journal^ vol. iii., in an article from the pen of the 
late Mr. Albert Way.i 

Dbsoription of the Chalice ; by Charles Clement Hodges. 

The chalice measures 2^ inches in height : t^he diameter of the 
bowl is 2-^ inches, and that of the foot 2^ inches. It weighs 3*285 
ounces troy. It is made of bronze, and is composed of four pieces. 
The bowl, the foot,. the stem, and a band of bead ornament where the 
bowl joins the stem. The metal has been beaten with a hammer to 
the required form, and some concentric annular markings seem to 
indicate that it has been finished in a lathe. The stem is formed by 
bending a piece of flat bronze in the form of a convex ring, as the 
joint is quite distinct. Into the two ends of this ring the bowl and 
foot are respectively fastened, by 'brazing' probably. The small 
beaded band is used to cover the junction of the stem and the bowl. 
The foot has a flat ' lip,' and the chalice has now a Hip ' forward, 
but whether this is intentional or due to subsequent damage it is 
difficult to say. The thickness of the metal is nowhere as much as 
one-sixteenth of an inch, and the whole has been heavily gilded. The 
gilding is most perfect under the foot, a portion of the surface which 
would naturally be subject to the least wear. 

The chalice is said to have been found in the transept of the 
church in 1860, but the exact locality is not known. It was most 
probably in the southern portion of the transept, the site of which, in 
the days of the pre-Conquest church, was devoted to a cemetery for 
the clergy, and it may have been in the grave of some notable ecclesi- 
astic that the chalice was discovered. It is difficult to even guess 
who could have been its owner. Its date cannot be as early as the 
time of the last bishop of Hagustald, nor very much later than the 
death of the first prior of the Augustinian house. May it have 
belonged to one of those hereditary priests of the chmch of Hexham 
who intervened between the decline of the ancient see and the foun- 
dation of the priory by archbishop Thomas II. in 1118 ? 

' Cripp, Old English Plate^ 4th ed. ; and Archaeological Journal^ vol. xliii, 
may also be consulted with advantage. 





By W. H. Knowlbs, P.R.I.B.A. 

[Read on the 26th November, 1890.] 

The accounts of our local historiaiiB regarding the foundation of this 
ancient house are confused and contradictory. It is, I think, clear 
that we owe its institution to Aselack, who recites, in the charter of 
foundation, his benefactions in the following terms : — 

' I, Aselack of Killinghowe, have founded the hospital of St. Mary 
the Virgin with a chapel, on my land in Newcastle upon Tyne, and 
there I have placed two friars regulars and one chaplain to serve God 
and the poor, and I myself have granted it to God and the blessed 
Mary^ and to the bretheren of the same hospital there serving God, to 
shelter the poor, and needy priests and^pilgrims on their way, for the 
salvation of the soul of my father, of my mother, and all mf kindred, 
and for the salvs^ion of the souls of all the benefactors of the 

Bishop Pudsey granted and confirmed to the brethren of the 
hospital of Newcastle all the lands and tenures which had been 
reasonably given to them, or which in future with the pleasure of 
God they might be able to acquire.* Henry II., also, in a charter 
executed at Durham, which is evidently contemporary with that of 
the bishop, grants and confirms to God and to the church of St. Mary, 
and to the hospital of Newcastle, and to the brethren there serving 
God, lands and tenures in the same terms as those of the bishop's 

During the reign of Henry II. the hospital was appropriated in 

' See also Arch, Ael. vli, p. 208. 

' Bourne's Eittory of Newciutle, p. 80. 

• Brand, voL 1, p. 68. 


some unrecorded way to the nunnery of St. Bartholomew, and the 
king grants a later charter to the nuns, in which he confirms to 
them ' all the gifts which had reasonably been made to them : namely, 
the church of St. Bartholomew and the hospital of St. Mary.' 

In the year 1290 Hhe bretheren of this hospital, in their petition 
to the king in parliament, setting forth, that the new town-wall of 
Newcastle had been built through the middle of their court-yard, 
leaving the greater part of their edifices on the outside thereof, 
obtained a patent for making a postern gate of communication to this 

Various other royal charters of confirmation are recorded by Brand, 
as are also many benefactions of land and other properties, condi- 
tionally that the fraternity should pray for the souls of the donors and 
for those of their ancestors, and, in addition, in 1257, in the case 
of Julian, daughter of Agnes Blanch, that she should be supplied 
with a lodging whenever she visited Newcastle.* 

It appears, also, ^ that Greofirey, son of (jerald of Whickham, and 
grandfather of Robert of Whickham, had given to this hospital, in 
pure and perpetual alms, a pound of pepper and a pound of cinnamon, 
payable out of his land at Whickham, on St. Cuthbert's day, in 
September, in every year ; and that the above Robert confirmed this 
donation, and charged it upon a capital messuage in that village for 

'King Edward the Third, for the relief of St. Mary's Hospital, the 
possessions of which had been destroyed by various inroads of the 
Scots, granted a licence, dated at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, August 2d, 
1834, to the fraternity of that house, to acquire lands, tenements, and 
rents to the yearly value of an hundred shillings, notwithstanding the 
statute of mortmain.'^ 

A bequest of two fothers of lead, to the reparation of this hospital, 
occurs in the will of Roger Thornton, dated a.d. 1429, one of New- 
castle's greatest benefactors, and of whom Leland in his lUnerart^ 
speaks as ' the great riche Marchante of Newcaatelle in Edtoarde the 4. 

Dayes, TMs Roger Thornton was the richest 

Marchaunt that ever was dwelling in NewcastelleJ 

About the end of the 14th century the possessions of the hospital 

* Brand, p. 71. • Bourne, p. 81. ' Brand, yoL 1, p. 72. ■ Vol. 6, p. 144. 


were large, and were dispersed over the coiinties of Northnmberland 
and Durham.^ 

In 1585 the revenues were valued at £26 188. 4d. 

In 1599 the mastership of the Hospital and Grammar School seem 
to have been combined, and the school, previously conducted in a 
building at the north-east corner of St. Nicholas's churchyard, con- 
tinued at the West Spittle. 

On May 27th, 1611, the original charter, grants, and letters 
patent concerning the foundation, having been lost, the Hospital was 
founded anew by charter of James I., and decreed to consist of a 
master, who should, at least, be a Master of Arts, and of six unmarried 
poor old men. 

The patronage seems to have been a disputed point. The bishop 
of Durham had elected the prior on various occasions, for, * upon the 
death of WilUam de Burnham, which happened August 9th, 1412, 

' An iiiTentory made A.D. 1444, although appearing in both Bourae and 
Brand wUl bear repetition here : — 

Three Chalioea gUded with Gold, one intire Vejtment of Bloody Velvet, 
woven about with Golden Fringe^ with one Cap^ one Cafule^ three AlbM^ for the 
Principal FeftwaU, 

Also one Cap of Cloth of Gold of red Colour, wrought with Golden Images, 
with one Cafule^ three Albs. 

Item^ One Capj of a Black Colour, woven with Dragons and Birds in Gold. 

Item, One Single Vejtment wrought in with Peacocks, with a Corporal 
belonging to the same. 

Iteviy Another Single Vejlment for the Priest, only of White, bordered about 
with Rofes, and with a Corporal belonging to it. 

IteWj another Single Vejtment for the Presbyter of a Bloody Colour, with a 
Corporal belonging to the same. 

Item, another Vejtment for the Presbyter of Cloth of Gold. 

Itenh^ another Vejtment of Cloth of Gold interwoven with Leopards and Birds. 

Item, One Hood or Cap^ one Cajule^ one Alb^ with a Stole. 

Item, One Single Vejtment, for one Priejt in the hands of John Mtzberry, the 
present Master. 

Item, One Single Vejtment for the Priest of St. Nicholas, 

Item, One Bood, 

Item, A Cover of Bloody Velvet for a Sepulchre. 
' Item, Two Cajules, the middle Part of the Cajule of white Colour. 

Also one Hood of a red Colour for an Ornament to the AUao' of St. Nicholas, 

Also Two Linen Cloaths of a red Colour for the Side Ornament of the AUar, 

Also One Frontale of Sathan of a Bloody Colour, woven with golden Images 
for the Altar. 

Item^ One Qy^drigejpmal Vale of Linen Cloth of white Colour, with a red 
Cross below in the same. 

Item, One Table set apart as an Ornament for the Linen of the Altar. 

Item, One Table gilded, with the Image of the blessed Virgin Mary, 

Item, Two Tables with the Pax, one of them gilded and befet with precious 
stones, &c. — Bourne, pp. 82, 33. 


William Karlell, and Robert Lekynfeld, the then only surviving 
regolar bretheren of this hospital, transferred their right to elect a 
new master, to Thomas Langley, then bishop of Durham.' 

But on Nov. 29th, 1528, Roland Swinburne, A.M., was inducted 
to the mastership of this hospital, to which he had been presented by 
Edward Swinbum, mayor, and the commonality of Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne, the true patrons thereof .*^^ 

This contested question was settled January 26th, 1582, when, on 
an exemplification of a record of common pleas, it was adjudged to 
pertain to the town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and not to the king. 

Whatever may have been its original constitution, the fraternity is 
frequently in the reign of Edward the third, styled * The Prior and 
bretheren/ and bishop Langley, in a citation (1416), * the keeper or 
master, the canons, bretheren and sisters, presbyters and ministers of 
this house, and other persons dwelling in the said hospital.' 

The great frequency of town's meetings within the hospital is very 
peculiar. It is, for instance, recorded that ^ a full guild of the town 
of Newcastle-upon-Tyne was held at the hospital of St. Mary, in 
Westgate, on the Friday before Valentine day, 1843, when several 
articles were sealed under the common seal of the Corporation of that 
place, and afterwards received the royal confirmation,' and the election 
of mayor and oiiicers of the town took place in the hospital from a 
very early period till within living memory. 

In the year 1844, the only remaining portions of this hospital, 
then used as a grammar school, were swept away. We can only, there- 

" The following entries are from the Corporation Accounts, as printed in 
M. A. Richardson's Impriwtt and Reprints^ vol. lii., Historical, pp. 29, 30, October, 
1693 :— 

Paide for gease to the Spittle on Micklemas Monedaie last, att the lection, 
geWnge att djnner, 36«. %d, 

Paide for peres to Mr. Majore and his bretheren att the lection, lOt, 

Paide for earbes and rashes which strawde the chapel ie, 28, 

Paide for wine spent by Mr. Roger Rawe, maiore, and the auditors, one 
Micklemas Moundaie momynge, 12«. 

Paide for aile to the West Spittle when Mr. Maior and other officers tooke 
their othes, l^d, 

Paide for a glass for Mr. Maior to drinke in, 4^. 

Paid for 2 band ropes, one to the common bell, and a nother to the 8 a'clocke 
bell, 8#. id, a piece, — 6*. 8rf. 

P. 37, October, 1594 : — Paide to Thomas Dalton, for two table napkins which 
was loste in the West Spittle at dynner, at 28, Sd. 

P. 41, October, 1595 : — Paide for gease for the West Spittle one Micklemas 
Mundaie laste, and for other chcare provided by George Baker, 40»* 


fore, recall the extent and appearance of the building by reference to 
plans, engravings, drawings, and the structural fragments preserved in 
our Castle and elsewhere. 

The various plans of Oorbridge, Hut4)on, Beilbj, etc., show at 
the West Spittle the position of the chapel (fortunately also indicated 
on the Ordnance map of 1862, and shown to occupy the site of the 
present Stephenson's monument), together with domestic buildings to 
the south, parallel with and at right angles to the nave, and co- 
inciding with the west front. 

In Brand's engraving, which is dated 1787, we have a view of the 
south side, showing the nave arcade, three bays of which are built up, 
and having three light square-headed Elizabethan windows, whilst the 
fourth or west bay is hidden by a projecting porch of two storeys. 
Corbels to support the timbers of the aisle roofe are indicated, and 
on the left a range of domestic buildings is shown, occupying the 
position of the west side of a quadrangle, the east side of which is 
enclosed by a high wall, joining the chapel in a Une with the east wall 
of the nave. Above the wall appears the parapet of the chancel. 

In the etching of T. M. Richardson, sen., we have a view of some 
picturesque houses abutting on Westgate Street, including the pillar 
of the entrance gate, which is still standing, at the corner of the 
building known as the ^ Express Inn.' Between the pillars a view of 
the north side of the third and fourth bays of the nave is obtained,, the 
latter bay having a small porch in front. 

In the lithograph, after a drawing by John Storey made in 1844, 
we have the best indication of the appearance of the chapel. The view 
is from the S.E. and shows an aislcless chancel with an exceedingly 
beautiful five-light window with flowing tracery. This window is in 
the east gable, which is of low pitch, with flanking buttresses having 
double offsets. On the south side of the chancel are two Decorated 
windows, flUed with wooden sashes. Between them is a group of 
openings enclosed by the drip course of a gabled roof belonging to a 
building which previously stood at right angles. The parapet com- 
prises a moulded coping with chamfered oversailing course below. Of 
the nave, the same features are to be seen as in Brand, with the 
addition of a short buttress on the east side of the east wall to 
withstand the thrust of the south nave arcade after the removal of 
the previous chancel. 

Z 10 V i 

J J ! * 

o 5 s, -1 

5 " J! I 






Mr. Bowell, of Blackett street, possesses a water-colour drawing 
of the interior, made by John Storey, during its demolition. This 
drawing confirms and adds to our information. 

Among the rough pencil sketches in the Society's possession, by Q . B. 
Eichardson, John Storey, and Ewbank, a south-west view of 
the nave is given, showing a large built-up opening on the west gable 
and flat buttresses of early character. 

A sketch of the south jamb of the chancel arch supplies evidence that 
the Decorated chancel shown in Storey's drawing supplanted an earlier 
and wider chancel, the south wall of the Decorated chancel with over- 
sailing courses, fitting the early English chancel arch of greater width, 
very awkwardly. A Decorated window in the chancel, and an 
Elizabethan one in the nave, are shown, together with an aumbry 
below the latter. 

The fragment of the so-called 'bracket,' with three clustered 
shafts, by John Storey, and the drawing of a so-called * springer from 
the next arch of nave on the- south side of chancel,' by Richardson, 
are doubtless of the respond, being of the same period as the nave 

Sketches of the triple sedilia and of a piscina are among this mis- 
cellaneous collection of sketches. 

Of the structural remains those of the stone octagonal shaft, with 
capital and base, including springing stones of arcade arches, which I 
have drawn to scale, are the most valuable. There are two of these 
now standing in the garden of the late John Dobson. They are of excel- 
lent character. The mouldings with nail-head ornament indicate the 
date of the work as about a.d. 1200. 

Two triangular-shaped stones which filled the spandrils imme- 
diately above the piers at the springing of the arcade arches are now 
in the Castle. I give a drawing of one of them. It is of good 
floreated design enclosing a sunk trefoil, ornamented with the nail 

Of sepulchral remains found on the site of St. Mary's, the Society 
now possesses one stone cofBn, and six grave covers, inclusive of that 
recently discovered. 

The cofBn is in a sin{?le block of stone the sides of whi(th taper. 
It is hollowed for the reception of the corpse, with a cavity at the 


upper end for the head, and may date between the 12th and 15th 

The decoration of the whole of the grave covers is merely by 
incised lines. I have given the dimensions on the drawings, and, 
taking the earliest examples first will briefly describe them. 

No. I., late 12th centuiy — ^in two pieces. The stem of the cross 
passes up the centre of the cover, springing from a trefoiled mound 
and terminating in a plain Latin cross enclosed in a circle. There is 
a sword on the sinister side, denoting a man, and a trade symbol, 
apparently a slaying or fleshing knife, on the dexter side. 

No. II., late 13th centuiy. This is only a fragment of a cover of 
a priest's grave. The symbols are the chalice, paten, and wafer. The 
two former are often met with, but the latter, in conjunction with 
them, is unusual. 

No. III., 14th century. This is the grave cover discovered 
in September of this year, and is &r superior to any of the others. It 
was found lying face upwards, about three feet below the surface, at 
the point shown on the plan near Stephenson's monument, and conse- 
quently occupied a position within the walls of the chapel of St. 
Mary the Virgin. A skeleton was found immediately below the 
cover, indicating that the grave had never been disturbed. 
Portions of other skeletons were found in dose proximity. Of 
the decoration, the mound of double steps is particularly good, 
and is very uncommon. The stem of the cross rises from it, and, like 
the arms, has floreated terminations. The arms also bifurcate and I'e- 
tum in semicircles, finishing with a triplet of vine leaves beautifully 
composed. The emblem on the dexter side appears to resemble most 
a pastoral staff. There can be no doubt that in the position in 
which this grave cover was found it served the purpose of a 
grave stone for the second time. The face of the stone has been 

" Mr. John Ventress, in a note to the Newcastle Guardian^ May 16th, 1862, 
says, ^On Wednesday, whilst some workmen employed by the Whittle Dean 
Water Company were excavating in the Spital, on the site of Mary Magdalen's 
Hospital [Virgin Mary Hospital], they came to a stone coffin, about three feet 
from the surface, laid upon two stone sleepers about five inches square. • * ♦ 
In addition to human bones, a copper coin [Scotch Bodle] was found inside. 
* * * A monumental slab was near it, which had probably been laid down 
in the pavement of the building [the fragment No. VI. on drawings]. The 
coffin is now deposited in the Antiquarian Museum at the Castle.* 

Archaeologia Aeliana Vol XV 


Xi T. nra VfiO. KB-, I3"WS<, 

IffiwflBl qf S T<laiy * l)iAiB 


roughly tooled over, especially on the part occupied by the 
symbol, plainly with the object of obliterating it. The attempt to 
do this had been abandoned before it was perfectly accomplished. 
The stone is in fact a palimpsest.*^ 

No. IV., 14th century. Imperfect, rectangular in shape, but 
possessing a particularly fine base. The shaft springs from a beautiful 
ogee arch enclosing a cinque-foiled space. The arms bifurcate, and 
have jlmr de lis terminations. The lines throughout are pure and 
good. The scissors on the dexter side intimate that the deceased 
was a female. 

No. V. — Oirca 1400. In two fragments. Stepped mound, and 
shaft (with chalice on sinister side) supporting cross patonce. It is 
probably the grave cover of a priest. 

No. VI. — After 1400. Without cross, having at the top a shield of 

late Perpendicular character, with bend between two castles with 

triple turrets. A sword on the dexter side. The deceased was a male. 

Although few in number these covers show a pleasing variety in 


Neither in the illustrations nor in the stone fragments remaining 
do we see work of the period of the foundation of this hospital. It 
may be that the chancel superseded by the Decorated one belonged 
to that date. 

The chapel as we find it depicted in drawings and engravings, and 
illustrated by existing remains, was of two dates, a nave built about 
1200, and a chancel (narrower than its predecessor) built about 1340. 
The chancel possessed a beautiftd five-light east window, set in a low 
gable, with flanking buttress. In the south wall were two windows, 
and in the north wall three, all having flat arches of characteristic 
Newcastle form. There was a parapet at the eaves, and the indication 
of a vestry or other building on the south side. In the interior, triple 
sedilia of earlier date existed on the south side. The position of the 
early piscina cannot be ascertained. The nave had north and south 
aisles and was four bays in length. The arcade was carried by 
octagonal shafts, with moulded capitals and bases, and with square 

" The Society's thanks are due to Messrs. Tyrie & Graham, the contractors, 
who readily consented to present it to the Society, notwithstanding the opinion 
of one of their workmen who considered whilst the stone was in HtUj ' that it 
was a thunorin* big styen 'at wad myek twa gran' steps, if he'd oney had a darrick 
to get it oot I ' 

VOL. XV. 2 


chamfered plinths. The arches were of two chamfered orders with 
richly carved spandrils, as previously mentioned. The arch of the east 
bay sprang from a respond of three clustered shafts, with moulded 
capitals under octagonal abaci. The chancel arch was of the same 
period, and was of three chamfered orders with hood moulding. There 
was no clerestory, the roofof the nave being continued in an unbroken 
pitch over the aisles. The west end (see Richardson's small drawing) 
had flat buttresses at both angles. The large built-up opening does 
not supply details for comment. 

The above descriptions are suflBcient to indicate the loss we have 
sustained in the removal of this particularly good example of medieval 
work. It possessed details unequalled by any of our old Newcastle 
churches, which are unusually destitute of fine design and detail. 

The Rev. Anchor Thompson, the master of the Hospital, has sapplied the 
copies of the documents in his possession from which the following have been 
printed. Mr. C. J. Bates has collated them with the originals. 
I. — H. Dei gratia Dunelmensis episcopQs. Omnibus hominibos totins episcopatus 
80 i dericis et laicis • Francis et Anglis salutem. Sciatis nos concessisse et 
presenti carta confirmasse • fratribus de Hospitali de Novo castello ■ omnes 
terras et tenuras que eis rationabiliter date sint • vel quae in futuro dec 
iuvante poterunt adipisci. Quare volumus et precipimus qood predicti fratres 
de prescripto hospital! habeant et teneant omnes terras snas et tenuras • 
et elemosinas • pacifice * quiete et integre cum omnibns libertatibns et 
liberis coosuetudinibus ct quietantiis suis • sicut carte sue quas inde habent 
testantur. Testibus Willclmo Archidiacono • Simone camerario • Magistro 
Ricardo de Coldingham • Magistro Willelmo Blesen. Willelmo Alio Archie- 
piscopi • Willelmo de Houed. Ricardo capellano de Novo castello • Magistro 
Waltero capellano Episcopi - Magistro Hamone • Willelmo elemosinario • et 
aliis pluribus. 

II. — Sciant omnes presentes ct futuri quod ego Adam de Neusum concessi et 
presenti carta mea confirmavi dco et bcate Marie et fratribus hospitalis sanct^ 
Marie de Novo Castro in Westgate totam terram quam ipsi tenent in villa de 
Neusum cum omnibus pertinenciis suis in liberam puram et perpetuam elemosi- 
nam. Et sciendum quod ego remisi eis et quietum clamavi reddltnm tredecim 
denariorum quos ipsi solebant reddere mihi annuatim pro firma predicte terre 
pro salute anime mee et uxoris mee Eve et antecessorum et heredum meoram. 
Hiis testibus Waltero Qrafard • Bicardo de Hereford Willelmo de Stikelawe. 
Johaune Maudut • Rogero de Haliwell • iSimone de Walt^den • Petro Scotto 
et multis aliis. 


III. — Omnibus sancte matris ecclesie filiis • tarn futnris quam presentibns - 
Oerardus procurator ho^italis dei et sancte marie Virginia de Novo Castello apnd 
Westgateet • fratres eiusdem loci sal ntem. Sciatisnosdedisseetconcessisse • et 
hac carta nostra confirmasse • Udardo filio Ricardi de pjlegrimestrete et here- 
dibus eius illam terram quam Johannes pelliparius dedit predicto hospital! et 
fratribus einsdem domusin pnram et perpetoam elemosinam'habendam et tenen- 
dam de prenominato hospitali et nobis ille et heredes eius Reddendo annuatim 
prenominato hospitali v^ sol • scilicet ij sol • et dimidium ad pascha • et ij sol et 
dimid. ad f estum sancti Michaelis sicut pro hoc tenemento dedit nobis predictus 
Udardus In Gersuma ij taleta. Hiis Testibus Hugone clerico • Roberto Brieni • 
Petro Brieni • Nichol. Scot. Daniele • Malgero clerico • Willelmo filio Rogeri • 
Hugone Haconis • Reginaldo filio leswyni • Simone filio uchtredi • Elia filio 
thoraldi • Gnntero • et Multis Aliis. 

IV. — Sciant omnes filii sancte matris ecclesie tam presentes quam futuri quod 
ego Gerardus procurator hospitalis dei et sancte marie virginis de novo castello et 
fratres eiusdem loci dimissimus et concessimus perpetue Roberto cappellano de 
Bingefeldthune et cui a&«ignare voluerit: duas acras terre et toftum quas Gode- 
fridus dominus de Bingefeld dedit deo et predicto hospitali sancte marie in 
liberam et pnram et perpetnam elemosinam pro anima sua • et pro animabus 
predecessorum suorum • habendas et tenendas de nobis adeo libere etquiete sicut 
predictus godefridus liberius et quietius dedit eas deo et predicto hospitali • 
Reddendo annuatim prsefato hospitali • zii d. videlicet ad pentecosten, vi d. et ad 
festum sancti Martini vi d. Hiis testibus Radulfo cappellano • Toma cappellano 
de hospitali - Jurdano cappellano sancti iohannis • Hugone clerico - Johanne 
de Vilers • Malgero clerico • Johanne filio eius • Daniele • Ricardo de ardeme • 
Willelmo fratre eius et multis aliis. 

V. — Omnibus hoc scriptnm visuris vel audituris Robertus filius Galfridi de 
quicham salutem in domino • Sciatis quod cum Willelmus filius Gerardi de 
quicham avus mens dedisset et concessisset pro salute anime sue et antecessorum 
et Buccessorum suorum • deo et magistro et fratribus Hospitalis beate marie del 
Westgat in Novo Castro super Tynam unam libram piperis et unam libram 
cynimi in puram et perpetuam elemosinam percipiendas singulis annis in f esto 
sancti Outhberti in Beptembr. de omnibus terris suis in quicham • Ego Robertus 
dictas concessionem et donationem ratas habens et gratas eas inperpetuum pro 
me et heredibus meis predictis magistro et fratribus inperpetuum confirmo per 
presentes • quare volo et concede quod magister et fratres et eorum successores 
predioti hospitalis habeant et percipiant predictas duas libras piperis et cynimi 
de me et heredibus meis in capitali mesuagio meo in quicham in festo sancti 
Outhberti prsedicto inperpetuum • In cuius rei testimonium presenti scripto 
sigillum meum apposui * Hiis testibus domino Johanne Marmeduck • Willelmo de 
flameakres • Alexandre de Trifford * Gilberto Gategang et Johanne fratre eius • 
Johanne de Birteley • Johanne de Kyblesworth • Thoma de Yel'ton Willelmo 
de Redhow • Gilberto filio eius et multis aliis. 


VL — Ricardos del gra. Danelm. Bpas. omnibus ad quos presentes litere pervenerint 
salatem in domina Noveritis nos inspexisse cartam bone memorie domini H. 
dadum Diinelm. Episcopi predecessoris nostri in bee verba H. dei gratia &c 
kc &c. Nos igitor concessionem et confirmationem predictas ratas habentes 
eas anctoritate pontificali ex certa scientia confirmamus. In cuius rei testi- 
monium sigillum nostrum presentibus est appensum. Dat. apud (^atesheyed 
octavo die mensis Januarii Anno domini millesimo Trescentesimo Tricesimo 
Quinto £t consecrationis nostre seoundo. [8 Jan., 1336.] 

VIL — Universis ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit Johanna que f nit uxor 
Nicbolai de Ellirker de Novo Castro super Tynam salnteni in domino sempiter- 
nam • Noveritis me in mea viduitate et ligitima potestate • remisisse reeigpiasse * 
relaxasse • et omnino imperpetuum quietumclamasse • magistro et fratribus 
hospitalis beate marie virginis de predicta villa Novi Castri in le Westegate 
totum ius et clamium quod uncquam habui vel habeo sen ego aut heredes mei 
imposterum quoquo modo habere poterimus in omnibus terris et tenementis cum 
pertinenciis quse me contingebant nomine dotis post mortem predict! Nicbolai 
nuper viri mei in predicta villa Novi Castri et que iidem magister et f ratres habu- 
erunt ex dono et concessione eiusdem Nicbolai infra villam Novi Castri predictam. 
Ita videlicet quod nee ego Johanna • nee aliquis nomine meo in predictis terris 
et tenementis cum pertinenciis sen redditibus aliquid iuris vel clamii occasione 
predicta versus predictos magistrum et fratres aut eornm successores • decetero 
exigere seu venditare potero quocunque iure vel titulo in futurum sed ab omni 
iure et exactione amodo sim exclusa imperpetuum. In cuius rei testimonium 
presenti scripto sigillum meum apposui. Hiis testibus Ricardo de Galoway tunc 
maiore dicte ville Novi Castri • Willelmo de Acton • JohanneWodeman • Thoma 
fflemyng • Roberto de Penreth ballivis eiusdem ville. Dat. apud villam Novi 
Castri predictam die Jovis proxima ante festum sancti Petri in Cathedra • 
Anno domini millesimo Tricentesimo quatragesimo tercio. [19 Feb., 1344.] 

VIIL — Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Gilbertus Paulmer dedi ooncessi et hac 
presenti carta mea confirmavi magistro et fratribus hospitalis beate marie 
virginis del Westgate de Novo Castro super Tynam unnm mesuagium et decem 
acras terre cum pertinenciis in villa et territoria de Newebiggynge super moram 
que habui ex dono et concessione Ricardi Paulmer avunculi mei habendas et 
tenendas predictis magistro et fratribus et eorum sucoessoribus libere quiete 
integre bene et in pace imperpetuum. Bt ego Gilbertus et Heredes mei pre- 
dictum mesuagium et decem acras terre predictas cum omnibus suis pertinenoiis 
predicto magistro fratribus et eorum sucoessoribus contra omne^ gentes • Waran- 
tizabimus et defendemus imperpetuum. In cuius rei testimonium presenti carte 
mee sigillum meum apposui. Hiis testibus Roberto de Raymes tunc vicecomite 
Northumbrie • Roberto de ffenwyk • Johanne de Devielesdon • Johanne de 
Whitchestre • Ricardo Scot Gilberto Scot et aliis Dat. apud Newbyggynge 
super moram die Sabbati proxima post festum sancti Yalentini Anno regni 
Regis Edwardi tercii a oonquestu vicesimo secundo et Anno Domini millesimo 
cVc° xl° vij^ [16 Feb., 1348.] 


Anno 41 E.3 : pais 2, m 11. 
IX. — Rex omnibus ad qnoe etc salutem. Sciatis quod cum nuper concesserimus • 
Gt licenciam dederimus • pro nobis et heredibus nostris quantum in nobis f uit * 
Jobanui filio et heredi Alani Pulhore • de Novo Castro super Tjnam • quod ipse 
centum solidat. redditus cum pertin • exeuntes de tribus mesuagiis que fuerunt 
eiusdem Alani in dicta villa Nov! Castri que tenentur de nobis in burgagium per 
servicium sex denariorum per annum pro omni servicio sicut per inquisicionem 
inde f actam et in Cancellaria nostra retomatam est compertum cui quidem Alano 
prius licenciam dedimus easdem centum solidat. redditus dandi et assignandi 
cuidam capellano divina pro animabus ipsius Alani et aliorum in dicta licencia 
cfmtentorum • et omnium fidelium def unctorum in ecclesia omnium Sanctorum 
dicte ville Novi Castri singulis diebus celebraturo ad prosecutionem predicti 
Johannis nobis suggerentis dictum Alanum patrem suum dum vixit licenciam 
nostram prsedictam complere non potuisse dare posset et assignare cuidam capel- 
lano divina pro anima ipsius Johannis et aliis animabus predictis singulis diebus 
celebraturo imperpetuum prout io diversis Uteris nostris patentibus inde con- 
fectis plenius continetur ac iam ex parte Willelmi de Norton magistri hospitalis 
beate Marie in le Westgate in dicta villa de Novo Castro et fratrum eiusdem 
hospitalis nobis sit supplicatum ut cum predictus Johannes yirtute licencie 
nostre predicte sibi inde facte dictas centum solidat. redditus predictis 
magistro et fratribus ad inveniendum unum capellanum divina in ecclesia dicti 
hospitalis pro animabus predictis celebraturum dedlBset et assignasset et idem 
Magister pretextu donacionis et assignacionis predictarum de dictis centum 
solidatis redditus diu seisitus f uisset quousqne dicta mesuagia ita debilia pro de- 
fectu tenendum devenemnt quod redditus predictus de eisdem levari non potuit 
per quod predictus Johannes videns debilitatem dictorum mesuagiorum nolen- 
sque cantariam predictam si aliquo modo manuteneri posset deficere per cai*tam 
suam loco predictar. centum solid, redditus dedit et assignavit prefatis magistro 
et fratribus dicta tria mesuagia per ipsos reparanda et manutenenda pro susten- 
tacione cantarie supradicte in forma predicta • Sicque predicti magister et 
f ratres eadem tria mesuagia cum pertin. hactenus tenuerunt et teneant in presenti 
licencia nostra super hoc non optenta velimus transgressum et forisfacturam si 
que fuerint in premissis graciose perdonare - Nos ad premissa consideracionem 
habentes ac volentes proinde et pro decem libris quas predictus magister nobis 
sol vet eisdem magistro et fratribus graciam f acere specialem perdonavimus omnes 
transgressus et forisfacturam predictas ct quicquid ad nos pertinet in hac parte 
volentes et concedentes pro nobis et heredibus nostris predictis magistro et 
fratribus quod ipsi predicta tria mesuagia cum pertinenciis in recompensacionem 
dictarum centum solidatarum redditus annuaril habeant et teneant sibi et 
successoribus suis ad inveniendum capellanum predictum divina pro animabus 
predictis in ecclesia hospitalis predicti celebraturum sicut predictum est • Sine 
occasione vel impedimento nostri vel heredum nostrorum Justiciariorum Escae- 
torum Vicecomitum aut aliorum Ballivorum sen Ministrorum nostrorum quorum- 
cumque imperpetuum • Statuto de terris et tenementis ad manum mortuam 


non ponendiB edito non obstante • Balvis nobis et hercdibos nostris et aliis 
capitalibus dominis feodi illius serviclis inde debitis et consuetis In cuius etc. 
Teste R apud Westmonasterium quarto die Novembris. [4 Nov., 1367.] 

Per ipsum Regem et consilium. 

Annexed is the following letter : — 

M' Stockdale M' Robson p p ^^^^^ -i 

I see 3 rolles concerning 

Hospitall of Rt Marje in Newcastle, amongst which I thought this the most 

materiall for that busines y^ may peruse it and see the purporte and meaning 

theirof whether it be for your purpose or noe The paynes he tooke was quicke 

and ready at hand upon zij d. for his paymt. and ij s. vi d. for his paines in 

coppying of this for y'^ to peruse you may have them all yf y^ will yf y^ thinke 

this to be to any purpose for the coppie onely, but yf it seem to do yo'^ any 

gode and to have approbacon upon record yt will cost xx s. to have the m*" of 

the office his hand to the same This is alle for this t3rme wishing you a happie 

ioumey and a safe reture. 

Your faithf ull and loving freind 

Bryan Shaspe 
Tower this ii day of Aug* 1623 

The Hospital copy of the above document, which is in the Record Office, 
Patent Roll of 41 Ed. III. part 2, m. 11., was therefore made in the reign of 
James I. 

X. — A Qrant from Robert de Mordon Master and his 'confratres^ 

to John de Beverlaye of land in Newcastle * in vico omnium sanctorum * for a 
yearly rent of 4* . . . uni parti huius scripti indentati . . . sigill. com. dci hosp. 
apposuimus . . testibus Johc del Ghambre tunc maiore ville N.O . . and others. 
Dated Newcastle, 10 Feb. 1371. 

XI. — Grant fr. ' William de Bumham prior ac magr h. BMV in Le West gate in v. 
N.C. et eiusdem loci Confratres* 

* Johi Why te Draper et burgensi * of < mesuagium nrm cum tribus schoppis 
in fronte eiusdem mesuagii iacens ante magnam portam castri in dcta v. N.C* 
at a rent of 37/* argent! 

T. Roberto de Chirden tunc maiore d. v. N.C, Roberto Gabifore tunc vie. 
Dat apud d. v. N.C. in domo nra capitulari in festo purificacionis B.M.V 
A.D. 1401 

XII. — Grant from John Colman to Richd. de Dalton of ' Duo tenementa insimul 
iacentia in villa N.C. s. T. in vico vocato Alhalowgate ex parte boriali ecclie 
omnium scorum ex parte orlentali cimiterii ejusdem ecclie per suas antiquas 
metas et bundas quorum unum est columbare et tenetur de Westspitell pro 
quatuor solidis de feod* firma* et aliud tentum nunc est vastatum et tenet de 
dicto Westspitell pro duodecim denariis. . . In cui' rei testimon' huic present! 


carte mee sigillam menm apposai et sigillam officii maioratus d. v. N.C. pre- 
sentibus apponi procnravi. T. Roberto de Hibbam tunc maiore Willehno de 
Midelton tunc vicecomite d. v. N.C A.D. 1416. 

Xin. — Grant from Robertus Davell Master (no brethren) to Thomas Heppell of a 
tenement in Denton Chare : — * Habendam et tenendum , . . . . de capitalibus 
dominis feodi illius pro servitia inde debita et de iure consueta in perpetuum. 
Reddendo inde aunuatim mihi praefato et successoribus meis novem solidos. 
legalis monete anglie. ... In cuius rei testimonium huic presenti scripto 
meo sigillum meum apposui. Dat. 1° Jan. anno regni regis Henrici octavi 
ncesimo quinto.* A.D. 1534. 


This brass, omitted from Mr. Waller's list^ as its exact where- 
abouts oonid not be made out, was for many years in bishop Cosin's 
library at Durham. How it got there is not known. Three or four 
years ago it was taken thence by the Rev. J. T. Fowler, with the con- 
sent of the trustees, back to Coniscliffe church, where it was fastened 
down, in Mr. Fowler's presence, in its proper matrix, as was evident 
from the exact fit of mai'gin and pin-holes. The following is the 
reading of it : — 

S>utt .p ata Wiillm BertDp0 quoiitim baUut tie CoafcUTf 
q« obii't Herimo Hie ipobeftr' a^ Hai 9^^ b^jcfjc^ Ira limcaU0 • 6. 

A brass in Brancepeth church was in the same way removed from 
its matrix many years ago, and was by accident fortunately discovered 
by a collector who was searching for objects of antiquarian interest 
amongst the old shops in Wardour street. He at once bought and 
replaced his find in the church, where it now is ; and long may it 
remain ! It is the second brass described under Brancepeth, in Mr. 
Waller's * Some Memorial Brasses in the Counties of Northumberland 
and Durham.' ^ 

So again a shield of great interest was found a few years ago in 
Durham by Mr. Fowler, and restored to its matrix in a stone at 
Staindrop church. 

» See pages 76-82. * Page 83. 




By Sheriton Holmes. 

(Read on the 25th Febrnary, 1891.) 

Until the year 1884 there existed in the river Tjrne, about a mile 
and a half above Newcastle bridge, a group of islands. The largest 
of these was known as the King's Meadows, the other two being 
termed the Annie and the Little Annie islands. 

The King's Meadows island had a length of sixteen hundred yards 
by an extreme breadth of one hundred and sixty yards, was grassed 
on its surface, and had upon it a public house, the 'Countess of 
Coventry,' a favourite resort of boating men. 

The other two islands were merely banks composed of silts and 
sands, and covered with water grass and reeds. 

In the course of their operations the Tyne Improvement Com- 
missioners dredged away the whole of these islands, the material 
being taken out to sea for deposit. As this work progressed, certain 
things were brought to light, of which I made notes at the time, 
and, as these notes may be interesting hereafter, I have thought 
them worth being placed on record. 

The references to the King's Meadows in local history, which I have 
been able to find, are few in number and comparatively recent in date. 

The Whickham burial registers shew that during the siege of 
Newcastle the Scots had sentries on the Meadows, as there is an entry 
in the first volume, under 1644, to the following efiect: — 'A man 
that was fhot bij the fcotifh Centres in the meadowes, as he was 
Comcing vp the water in a boate 3d daij of September.' 

Brand records that in Gray's MSS. there is a note stating that 
the King's Meadows belonged to the castle. I have been unable to 
find this paragraph in Gray's notes on the margins of his Ghoro- 
(jrafMa^ unless it be taken as being the sense of the following on' 
the flyleaf opposite p. 24 : — 

■ In the Gateshead Public Library. 


Firstly, a double line of stakes commenced at the then foreshore of 
the island on its southern side, which curving inwards and forming a 
sharpish -pointed oval, returned down the centre of the island as though 
they had formed a protection to the upper portion of a smaller island. 

These stakes were all of oak, in good and sound condition, forming 
continuous parallel lines four feet apart. The stakes were from six to 
eight inches square, with well-cut tenoned heads five inches square for 
a depth of eight inches. On these would be placed mortised cross 
heads, for the purpose of tying the two lines of stakes together trans- 
versely. The inner faces of these stakes had been planked with oak 
planking about one and a half to two inches thick, and the interspace 
filled in with river-washed stone. 

As the tops of these stakes must have been many feet below high 
tide mark, they could only have formed a protection to the foot of a 
sloped bank, and not have been in the nature of a quay. 

A second line of double stakes, somewhat similar to the former, 
oonmienced near the same place and ran in almost a direct line up the 
centre of the island to near where formerly there was a building. In 
all probability they continued much fart^her, but beyond this point 
the surface had not then been disturbed, and I was unable to trace 
their further course. 

These stakes were not all of oak, and some of them were much 
decayed, nor had they been nearly so accurately tenoned as the 
former ones, and the filling in between had been done with quarry 

It seemed as though the land had grown up stream from the high 
end of the small island, and that this line of protection had been to 
guard the southern side of a much larger area of land. Later still the 
land had further increased on the south side until the former staked 
line had become buried in the island about midway in its breadth. 

The first described line of protection, hemming in, as it appeared 
to have done, the head of a smaller island, would I think be of con- 
siderably earlier date than the latter one. 

At the time when this alone existed two keels had become impaled 
on the stakes of its northern face, and an old patched-up square-stemed 
vessel had found her last resting place on the island foreshore a little 
to the east of them. The impalement of these keels bears out rather 


clearly the description of the stranded keel described by Mr. Mitchell, 
as previously quoted. 

The most westerly keel had settled down on the piles in the 
direction of their conrsC) or about east and west, the other one athwart 
it. The former was a well-built boat, forty-three feet long by seven- 
teen feet six inches breadth of beam, and had been constructed 
throughout of heart of oak, oak trenaUed and iron-fastened in her 
main timbers. The iron was much eaten away by rust ; her timbers 
(planking included) were perfectly sound and quite black. 

The second keel, about twenty yards to the eastward, was some- 
what smaller. This was also built of oak, but the timber was partially 
decayed, probably owing to the sapwood not having been removed, 
which must have been done in the case of her companion. 

The square-stemed vessel had been built of soft wood, and was in 
a condition of utter decay. She had from time to time been much 
patched up, so that it seems probable she had been beached there for 
abandonment purposes, or it may be had holed herself on her anchor 
and not been worth the cost of re-floating; for an anchor was found 
underneath her, one fluke of which had pierced her bottom. 

This anchor, through the watchfulness of our custodian, Mr. 
Gibson, is now in the guard room of the Castle. 

All these vessels, though formerly on the northern foreshore of the 
small island, were latterly deep buried in the heart of the land as it 
existed prior to the dredging operations, the island being at this point 
one hundred yards across on the grassed sur&ce and the vessels about 
midway in its breadth. 

A short way below the King's Meadows a very fine red deer antler 
was dredged up, which has been exhibited by me in the Black Gate 
museum, and is now before you, together with the foot-marked brick 
and the pipes. 

Of the early history of the keels of Tyne and Wear but little seems 
to have been recorded, unless we adopt the theory advanced that they 
were of similar build — in fact, true descendants — of the 'Ooel' in 
which, according to Verstegan, the Saxons came over to invade this 
country. The rig of the keel, however, has changed completely 
within the memory of some yet living from the square to the sprit- 
sail, and within my recollection the mode of propulsion has also 


changed, for in the earlier days when the bed of the river was shallow 
panting poles (ov, as the keelmen termed them, ' pooies') were used to 
posh the boat along, and afterwards when the river had been deepened, 
sailing had to be resorted to. This might possibly be the reason for 
the change of rig, as with the sprit-sail the vessel would come much 
nearer into the wind, and the sheet being fleeting would aid it in the 
short tacks across the river in head winds. 

Owing to the improved modem method of shipping coal by spouts 
the keel has lost its vocation and become well nigh obsolete, so that 
the rising generation may have to resort to drawings and description 
to realise what it was like. 

Although apparently a flat-decked, broad-beamed, dumsy-looking 
craft, yet the keel was constructed on fine sailing lines, and in a brisk 
wind could hold her own with any river craft afloat 

' Weel may the keel row' is now a song of the past. 

Bt Chablbs Clement Hodoes. 

This remarkable weapon is in an excellent state of preservation, and 
is one of the finest, as it is one of the earliest, examples of this class 
of sword remaining in the country. 

The occurrence of the three lions of the Plantagenet kings^ on 
one side of the pommel indicates that the date cannot be earlier than 
the time of Henry II., and as the character of the ornament is that of 
the type in use at the close of the twelfth centary, there can be little 
doubt that this falchion is of the time of Hugh Pudsey, the tenth 
bishop of Durham, and was therefore made before 1195. 

The falchion is a broadsword with one cutting edge, and has an 
Eastern origin. It is supposed to have been introduced into England 
about the time of the first Crusade.^ It was not in common use, and 
but few examples have been preserved to the present time. 

' The falchion was exhibited by Sir E. W. Blackett, at a meeting of the 
Society, on the 29th April, 1891. See Proc, V. pp. 26-28 and 42-44. 

' The earlier Plantagenets wore, guleit, two lions pasaant gnardant in pale^ 
or, Henry XL added a third lion to the shield. 

• 1096 AJ). 

archaeologia aeliana, vm. xy. 

C C. He^ti. PIm. 

The Conyebs Falchion. 


The Oonyers sword is composed of four parts: the blade; the 
guard, the hilt, and the pommel. The blade fits into the under side 
of the guard against a * shoulder,' and is then reduced lo forma tang, 
which passes through the wooden handle and also through the pommel, 
and is seen rivetted over to hold the various portions together. The 
blade measures two feet five and one-eighth inches from the point to 
the guard. As the point shows considerable signs of wear, it may 
have been originally quite an inch longer. Its width is now, at the 
widest part, four and a quarter inches, and its thickness at the guard 
a quarter of an inch. At a distance of about one inch from the back 
is an incised groove, from which the thickness of the blade is gradually 
reduced to the cutting edge. The thicker portion between the groove 
and the edge has a slight hollow on both sides to lighten the blade. 
The backs of the blades of such swords, and indeed those of other 
types, were so formed to give a more obtuse angle to the section of 
the blade than if the two sides had been made in straight lines from 
the edge to the back, and at the same time greater strength is obtained. 
The back of the blade presents a nearly straight line, having only a 
slight 'camber' at the centre. The cutting edge, on the contrary, 
presents a waving outline, and the general appearance of the blade 
indicates that it has been frequently ground and cleaned. It has 
also been subjected to some rough usage, as there is a iracture near 
the point, right through its thickness, two inches long and one inch 
from the edge, which must have been caused by a heavy blow. 

The guard is of bronze, and is six inches and five-eighths in length, 
three quarters of an inch in width at the centre, and one inch at the 
points. In thickness it varies from a quarter of an inch at the points 
to three quarters of an inch where it embraces the blade. It is orna- 
mented on both sides with an engraved pattern consisting of dragons, 
which are exceedingly well drawn, and have their tails represented as 
waving scrolls, each bend having a large veined leaf, and terminating 
in volutic curves bearing leaves, which closely resemble the type first 
adopted in architecture and ornament about 1180, and continued in a 
more or less modified form up to the middle of the thirteenth century. 
This leaf is generally considered to be a conventional form of the 
beautiful foliage of the water avens or herb benet {Gmm urbanum)* 

* Browne's HUtory of the Metropolitan Church of St, Peters York, p. 22. 


One wing of each dragon Ib skilfally disposed so as to fill the spaces 
formed by the pointed tips of the gaard, the upper side coTered with 
a guill(^e pattern between incised lines. The handle is a piece of 
oak, and has the appearance of antiquity^ though it is probably not 
the original one, and the rivetting of the tang into the pommel has a 
modem look as though at some time a new handle had been added, 
and the tang must in consequence have been somewhat shortened. 

The pommel, also of bronze, is circular in form, one and three 
quarter inches in diameter, and nearly an inch in thickness. At the 
edges this thickness is reduced to half an inch by a hollow bevel, which 
is ornamented with a scroll of similar character on both sides, and 
having its sweeps filled vdth foliage resembling that on the guard. The 
chief interest of the falchion is centred in the pommel ; for it bears a 
shield on either side, the form of which is obtained in the one case by 
an incised line, and in the other by the marginal termination of the 
field. One shield bears the arms of the Plantagenet kings, three lions 
in pale; and in order that these arms might appear correctly blazoned 
on the pommel, the field was removed by catting out the metal and 
filling the hollows so formed, they being left rough for the purpose, 
with red enamel, thus representing the gules field, while the polished 
bronze would show the lions as gold. In the same manner the tinc- 
turing on the other shield was correctly shown ; but in this case the 
order of procedure had to be reversed, as the field was gold. The 
charge was consequently deeply engraved, and the hollows filled with 
black enamel. The arms therefore may be heraldicaUy read, w, an 
eagle displayed sahle? I leave it to the heralds and genealogists to 
decide to what family or individual they belonged. 

The Society is greatly indebted to Sir Edward W. Blackett, Bart., 
who most kindly allowed the writer of these notes to have the falchion 
for the purpose of examination and for taking the photographs which 
are here reproduced. The size of the page did not admit of the 
falchion being shown full size in the detail photographs ; but as all 
the views are taken direct, a scale can be arrived at with the aid of 
the dimensions given. 

* A similar local instance of heraldic tincturing by means of metals and 
enamels is to be found in the shields of the Ogle brass at Hexham. See The 
Abbey of St. Andrew, Hexham, plate d4, p. 62. 


The Conyebs Falchioh, 


The Conyers Falchion. 


The manov of Sockburn* formed a portion of the large tract of 
land granted by the Danish king of Northumbria, Gnthred, to the 
congregation of St. Oathbert at the time of their settling at Ghester- 
le-Street in 888. In the time of bishop Flambard the manor was 
granted, with others, to Boger de Conyers, which grant was subse- 
quently confirmed by deed by king Henry II. and the prior and 
convent of Durham. It was never held by the Conyers femily in capite 
of the king, and it never formed part of the Wapentake of Sadberge ; 
nor was it a part of the great South Dm*ham fees of the Bruces or 

The manor was held under the bishops of Durham by the then 
Oonyers presenting this falchion to the bishop on his first entering 
his diocese. The tenure is distinctly described, and the falchion 
mentioned, in the Inquisition held on the death of Sir John Oonyers 
in 1896: 'Tenuit manerium de Socburne per servicium demon- 
strandi Episcopo unam fawchon, ita quod postea Dom. Episoopus 
illud viderit restituat ostendenti, pro omnibus aliis servidis.' 

Note. — In Paul Lacroiz's ArU of the Middle Ages (p. 126) is an iUnstration 
of the so-called sword of Charlemagne in the Imperial Treasnry of Vienna. The 
hilt closely resembles that of the Conyers Falchion. The guard is straight and 
ornamented with a diaper pattern ; the handle appears to be of bronze or ivory, 
and it is enriched with diagonal bands of ornament. The pommel is circolar in 
form, and the side shown in the illustration bears a spread eagle. In date it is 
probably veiy nearly contemporary with the Conyers Falchion. 

' I am entirely indebted to the Bev. J. B. Boyle, F.SA., for these historical 

voi*. XV, k fi 




By Horatio A. Adamson. 

[Read on the 29th July, 1891.] 

In laying before the members of the society, a letter from Sir 
Arthur Hesilrige, goTemor of Tynemouth Castle, to the Honorable 
Committee of Lords and Commons at Derby House, concerning the 
revolt of Col. Henry Lilburn, the deputy governor of Tynemouth 
Castle, and the re-capture of the Castle, I think it is desirable that I 
should advert to some of the principal events connected with the 
history of the Castle during the disturbed period which preceded the 
Commonwealth. It is not my wish to entrench in any way on the 
able work, the Border Holds of Northumberland^ on which Mr. 
Cadwallader J. Bates is engaged, and in which the account of Tyne- 
mouth Castle will appear. 

Tynemouth Castle, from its lofty position at the mouth of the 
Tyne, commanded the entrance to the river, and it was therefore 
important to the parties, who were unhappily engaged in the great 
internecine strife, to hold possession of it. 

In 1642 the Castle was put in a posture of defence by the earl 
of Newcastle, then governor of the town of Newcastle. He furnished 
three hundred soldiers with arms from that place and sent them down, 
also six great guns. Trenches were cast up and a fort was made at 
the mouth of the Haven (see Brand, vol. 2, p. 115). He also con- 
structed forts at North and South Shields. 

On the 16th July in the same year the Lords and Commons peti- 
tioned King Charles the first to remove all preparations and action 
of *Warr particularly the forces from about Hull, from Newcastle, 
Tynmouth, and all other places,' to which the king made answer that 
^when he salbe assured that the same necessities and pretenssofpubUc 
good which took Hull from him may not put a garrison into Newcastle 


to keep the same against him he will remove his from thence, and 
from Tynmouthy till when the example of Hull will not be out of his 
memory' {Vide Memorials of the Trubles in Scotland and Migland^ 
1624-45, by John Spalding, pp. 162 and 165, vol. 2). 

On the 15th April, 1643, Mrs. Barbara Delaval of Seaton Delaval, 
widow, paid Sir Thomas Riddell, junr., governor of Tynemouth 
Castle, £100 for His Majesties present service for the maintenance of 
the garrisons of Tinmouth and Sheeles, for which she is to be protected 
in her person, goodes and estate (the receipt is among the Delaval 
papers in the possessiqn of Mr. John Robinson). 

On the 15th of March, 1644, when the Scots besieged the fort at 
South Shields, Tinmouth Castle and the fort played hotly upon them 
and it was thought they lost two hundred men that day. On the 
following Wednesday the fort was taken (Wm. Tunstall to his father- 
in-law Sir Edward Badclyffe of Dilston, Archaeologia Aeliana, N. S., 
vol. 1, p. 213). 

On the 23rd Oct., 1644, letters were received stating that, *the 
plague was very hot in Tinmouth Castle, the garrison of the enemy 
which commands the Tyne, that stops the river to Newcastle, and that 
eight of them have died in one week and that one who came out of the 
Castle reporteth that about sixty were sick in the Castle of the plague 
when he left them. So that though we cannot reach them in that 
high hill, yet God can you see, and indeed it is very wonderful 
to observe how wonderfully God hath wrought for us in these 
troubles, without and beyond the help of man' (Per/. Occurrences^ 
No. 11). 

The oflBcers of the Parliamentary army were wonderfully quick in 
discerning the hand of God in every misfortune which befell the 
Royalist party. 

In a letter sent from Sir Thomas Riddle, junior, to Thomas 
Glenham, Governor of Carlisle, which was intercepted, it is also 
mentioned that * the plague had broken out within the Castle, eight 
men were dead and sixty more infected, who were put into Lodges in 
the Fields and the Chief Chirurgeon there dangerously sicke, who I 
hear is since dead, so it is conceived most of the rest that are in the 
Castle will run away because of the infection.' 


On the 27th October, 1644, the Castle, after having been besieged 
for sometime, was surrendered to the Scotch army under (General 
Lesley, earl of Leven ; and on the 4th November a letter was received 
stating the Castle had been surrendered upon accord, and in it were 
thirty-eight pieces of ordnance, fifty barrels of powder, five hundred 
muskets, a great number of pikes, store of shot and other provisions. 

The governor and soldiers had liberty to mansh away with such bag 
and baggage as properly bel<mged to them and liberty to go to their 
own dwellings and receive protection, submitting to the ordinances of 
parliament {Perf. Diur, No. 67). The 5th November following was a 
day of public thanksgiving for the quadruple objects of Gunpowder 
Plot, the victory of Newbury, the taking of Newcastle, its Castle, and 
that of Tynemouth, and for the yielding up of Liverpool. It was very 
solemnly kept throughout London and Westminster, sermons were 
preached forenoon and afternoon in most of the churches, there was 
ringing of bells, and shooting of ordnance at all the forts round 
London, and at night bonfires were lighted (Perf, Diur.). In the 
early piurt of 1646 there was a garrison of the Scotch army in the 
Castle, and about 6 o^clock at night on 80th January, 1647, the Scots 
•fairly and quietly' delivered up the Castle to the deputy of Major 
General Skippon the newly appointed governor. The pay as governor 
was fixed at 7s., and 8s. as captain (Journals of the House of Commons, 
vol. 6). 

In 1648 Sir Arthur Hesilrige was governor of the Castle, and 
Col. Henry Lilbum was his deputy. On the 25th April in that year 
there was an order of the Commons for the sum of £5,000 to be forth- 
with raised, to be employed for repairing and fortifying the towers of 
Newcastle and Tynemouth Castle (Brand). 

In August of that year Lilbum revolted, and the circumstances 
attending the revolt and subsequent taking of the Castle by Sir Arthur 
Hesilrige, are fully detailed in the following letter printed in the 
month of the revolt. 

The letter is in the form of a rare quarto tract, printed in 1648, 
and consists of eight pages, first the title, then a blank page, next five 
pages of text, concluding with a blank page. The title page is here 
reproduced : — 



Sir Arthur Fiefilriges 


To the Honorable Committee of 

ords & Commons 


T) E%_'B%HOV S E, 

^ Concerning the Revolt and Recovery of 



In which Action, 

Lieutenant Col; L i l b u rn CGovernor 

of the Caftle) was flain, with divers. 

Seamen dnd othefls.* 

14 Augafti, 1^48. 

ORdered ty the ^ommons ajfemhled in Parliament, 7%at 
thu Letter hforthmth printed and pui/lified. 

H: Eifyngc, Qcr. Pari. D. Com. 

London , Printed for Ed^^d Hnfidnd ^ Printer Co the 
Honorable Houfe of Commons, jlngnfi 1 5 . 1648. 

J^^ V- 3 


For the Right Honorable, 
The Committee of Lords and Com- 
mons at Dtrby Houfe. 

My Lords and GttitUmen 

S Have Cent this Exprefe to your Lotdfliips, not being 
b willing that you fhould fooner hear of the Revolt 
p of Tin mouth- Caitlc, then of the recovery. Yefter- 
iP day between two and three of the clock in the 
% Afternoon Lieut: Coi: Lilburn being Deputy- 
Governor of that Caftle, commanded moll of the 
Officers upon feveral Services out of the Caftle, and then armed 
and fet at liberty the prifoners, and plucked up the Drawbridge, 
and told the Soldiers, That he would piftol every Soldier that 
would not be for himfeif and King Charh ; whereupon many 
ran over the Works, and a very honcft and faithful Corporal 
refufing to deliver up his Arms to him upon thofe terms, he 
thiuft him through the body, and killed him; and immediately 
he dot off feveral pieces of Ordnance, declaring that he kept 
the Caftle for King Charity and Tent to the Sheels and other 
adjacent Towns, and made proclamation for all that loved him 
and King Charts^ to come to the Caftle for his afsillance, and 
many Seamen and others came in to him immediately: So foon 
as I heard the fad news of his trayterous Revolt, I com- 
manded a very confiderable body of Foot to be drawn out of the 
Regiments in this Garifon, under the command of Lieutenant 
Colonel Afhjieldy and fent alfo one hundred Dragoons with them ; 
I fent alfo many ladders down by water, and gave Orders to ftorm 
the Caftle that night whatfocver hapned. Between one and two 
of the Clock this morning they drew near to the Caftle, Lieutenant 
Colonel Li/iurn fired four pieces of Ordnance upon them as they 
came up, Major Cobbet led on the Forlornhope, they took no notice 
at all of the Canon, but when they came within twenty yards of 
the Works, bringing their ladders with them, they gave a great 
fhout and fell on ; the works are exceeding high, and though their 
ladders were long, they could not eafily get up, the Enemy ftill as 
they mounted, with pikes and Gunners ladles pufhed them down, 
Ibme ftorming at the Gun holes, the Enemy were forced to come 
lb high upon the works, that our Soldiers underneath fliot them 
into the bellies, and killed divers of them, but at laft ours mounted 
the works, recovered the caftle, and killed many Sea-men and 
others, and amongft the number that was flain, they found Lieut: 
Col: Lilburn. I fliall give your Lordfliips this account for my 
felf, He was Governor of that Caftle before I had command of it ; 


He hath been in the Parliaments fervice fince the beginning of the 
wars, and under my command near feven years fince j He was 
ever very adlive and faithful for the Parliament, and known to be 
a valiant man ; He did not give the leaft fufpition of being a traytor 
to the Parliament, till the day of his Revolt : It was not for me to 
have put out fuch a man from his place, unlefs there had appeared 
fome juft grounds for it, and I hope your Lordfhips will fo appre- 
hend it : 1 blefs God it is now in the Parliaments power, and by 
Gods afsiftance I hope I (hall fo keep it ; the goodnefs of God 
was fuch to us, we loft not one man, we have onely three wounded. 
I am 

My Lords and Gentlemen, 

Your feithful Servant, 

Arthur Hejtlrige. 


The Oastle was taken on the 11th of AuguBt. The letter detailing 
the capture was laid before the Honorable Committee of the Lords 
and Commons at Derby House on the 14th August, and it was ordered 
that it should be forthwith printed and published, and it was accord- 
ingly printed for Edward Husband, printer to the House of Commons, 
the following day. The letter was printed and published separately, 
and does not appear to have formed part of the series of papers 
published at the time. 

When Gibson wrote his History of the Monastery of TynemotUh he 
had not seen the letter which I have read, as at page 128 of vol. 2 he 
says: — *The deputy governor was decapitated, and his head was bar- 
barously set up on a pole, but it does not appear whether he was slain 
in combat or was the victim of a rebel's lawless vengeance.* The 
letter clearly shows that Lilbum was slain during the engagement, 
and not after it. That he was afterwards decapitated and his head 
placed over the Castle is established, as in the Calendar of State 
Papers for August, 1660, there is a petition of Ann Talbot, late 
widow of Lieut. Colonel Henry Lilbum, for the mediation with the 
Queen (Mother) on her behalf for a lease of 166 acres of Holdenby 
Park, which she was admitted by her enemies to purchase, being 


ruined by the seizure of £2,500 firom her husband, who, as governor 
of Tynemouth Casde, was killed, and his head set upon the Oastle. 
The Queen's Commissioners refused her petition. 

The letter from Sir Arthur Hesilrige is not in the publications 
issued by the Newcastle-upon-Tyne Typographical Society, nor is it 
among Richardson's Reprints of Rare Tracts, nor with the Civil War 
tracts in the Castle library. A summary of it is contained in the 
second volume of Brand's History of NewcastUy at page 117, and it is 
mentioned in Bushworth's Historical Collections (1618 to 1648). 

To give some idea of the disturbed state of the parish of Tyne- 
mouth, I may mention that the ancient burial ground is within the 
Castle walls. The register of burials stops on the 80th November, 
1643, and there are no entries of any burials until May, 1646, which 
are continued until October, 1647, when they again cease, and are not 
resumed until June, 1649. It is probable burials took place at the 
' Spittle,' where in olden times the hospital of St. Leonard stood. It 
was annexed to the priory of Tynemouth. In the parish records, 
under date 1645, is the following entry: — *It is ordered that the 
burialls shalbe in the place appointed for burying, paying the Minister 
his dues, and if any other ground be broken at Spittle to pay to John ' 
Cramlington for every Buriall out of f ordinary place 6* viz: the 
Church Yard.' In the register of marriages we find the same dis- 
turbed state of things. The registers cease in August, 1644, and are 
not resumed unti^ May, 1646, and are continued until November, 
1648. Shortly before the entries cease an important marriage is • 
recorded. It is that of Ralph Gardner of Chkton, the author of 
EnglancCs Grievance Discovered. On the 9th September, 1648, he was 
married to Catherine Reed of Chirton. Her family was interested in 
the salt trade. 

The Castle remained in the hands of £he Parliamentary party and 
the Commonwealth until the restoration of Charles the second, when 
Sir Arthur Hesilrige delivered it up to General Monk on condition of 
having his life and estate preserved. In 1661 the oflSce of captain 
and commander-in-chief of the castle was conferred on the **Earl of 
Northumberland and the Lord Percie his sonne." 



By F. Hayebfibli), M.A., F.8.A. 

I am indebted to Dr. Hooppell for phobographs, and to Mr. Blair 
for an excellent sqneeze of this inscription. The reading is, I think, 
beyond dispute : — 


Or, Englishing it roaghly, ' To Japiter and the Matres oUototae or 
transmarine, erected bj Pomponins Donatas, beneficiarins of the 
governor, for the safety of himself and his family.^ * 

On one side of the albar are a prefericvlum and a patera, on tiie 
other a cultur and a secespita. 

The hemficiarivs is a military o£5ciaI often mentioned on inscrip- 
tions. Beneficiarii were nominated, as their title suggests, by the 
highest officers, UgaUy procurators, tribunes, prasfecUf etc., and em- 
ployed by them on special services of various kinds. In this case, 
Pomponius Donatus was attached to a governor of the province, 
•who was of consular rank. It is possible that he was employed, 
like other beneficiarii constdarium elsewhere, as commander of the 
small garrison at Binchester; but this is conjecture. (See fdrth^, 
Ephemeris Epigr. iv. pp. 879, 529 ; Archaeol. Journal^ xlvii. p. 241.) 

The exact significance of ollototae appears to be doubtful. The 
deae matres were three goddesses, worshipped, as it seems, originally in 
Gkiul or Germany, whence soldiers carried the cult to other provinces, 
notably to Britain. Dr. Max Ihm has collected a long list of native 
names attached in various inscriptions to the bare Latin deae matres^ 
and these names appear to a great extent to be derived from places. 
Dr. Hooppell {Times, May 22, 1891^) suggests, rather doubtfully, a 
similar origin for the name ollototae^ of which no other instance 

* See alao Proc, Y. pp. 86*39« ' Ibid. p. 36. 



appears to be known. He points out that an ala Vettonum apparently 
garrisoned Binchester, that the Yettones lived in Spain, near Salamanca, 
and that there is a small village now called Olot in North-East Spain. 
He has since informed me that Professor Rhys accepts this view ; but 
I cannot help thinking that I prefer Dr. Hooppell^s donbts. Olot, as 
he himself says, is nowhere near the district of the Yettones ; it is, 
indeed, more than 400 miles from it The name, farther, is modem ; 
we do not even know if the place existed in Roman days, still less 
what name it bore. Again, though it is not improbable — I cannot 
regard it as proved — that an ala Vettonum, or part of one, was per- 
manently in garrison at Binchester, it does not in the least follow 
that there were any Spaniards in its ranks. The anxiliary aloe and 
cohartes which bear territorial names were not regularly filled up by ter- 
ritorial recruiting (Hermss, xix. p. 210), and, though the epigraphical 
material is not yet sufficient to throw complete light on the matter, it 
is necessary to be carefid about arguments based upon the territorial 
names of auxiliary troops. In any case, the hmeficiarii were selected 
from the legions, not from the auxiliaries, so that every man in the 
ala might have been a Spaniard, and yet no conclusion could be 
drawn as to the dedicator here. There is, however, a ftirther reason 
which seems to me quite decisive against any territorial etymology 
for ollototas. The inscription reads matres oUototae sive transmarinae^ 
and it is dear that ollototae must be regarded as the equivalent of 
transmarine^: one is the barbarian, the other the Latin name for 
the same idea or two similar ideas. It follows that ollototae must be a 
Keltic or Teutonic — by preference a Keltic — word denoting some- 
thing like * over-sea,^ and Mr. Whitley Stokes, one of the first of 
living Keltic scholars, has supplied me with an etymology which I 
think his authority will suffice to render tolerably certain. The word 
is, he thinks, connected with the modem Welsh alUvdy * belonging to 
another (all) country (/wd),' which in early Keltic would have been 
aUo'tdtO'8. The appearance of o for a in the first syllable of ollototae 
may be explained as in Adnomatos (G.I.L. iii. 8819) for AdnamaiuSj 
and in other instances quoted by Holder {Altkeltiecher SprachschaiZy 
columns 8, 44). Another derivation has since been given by Grien- 
berger {Westdeutsches Korreepondemblatt, 1891, col. 204). He 
derives the first half of the word from a Keltic stem, meaning *• all,' 

ASCE. AEL. Vol. XV. Ptale XXIII. 




Bt Dennis Eicblbton, M.D. 

[Read on the 25th Feb., 25th March, and 29th April, 1891.] 

Thb books of this compaDj, in the enstody of the Society of Anti- 
quaries of Newcastle, are four MSS. volumes, viz.:— 

No. 1. A thick minute book, much dilapidated in the binding. 
It commences at one end at folio 3 — ^folios 1 and 2 are wanting — and 
the minutes extend fh)m 1616 to 1686. The book has been turned, 
and entries begun at the other end^ at page 1, in 1618, with a form 
of oath for the brethren and another for the stewards. Its entries are 
continued also to 1686. 

Anterior to this book there was once another, mentioned in this 
book as Hheolde book;' this is wanting, so that the records of the 
company from its foundation in 1442 to 1616 are lost. The 'olde 
book' was probably that mentioned by Bourne in his History y and 
from whidi he had taken his extracts. 

No. 2 contains minutes from 1686 to 1778, preceded by lists of 
votes recorded at the elections of auditors and stewards. Affixed to 
the inside of the back of it is a mandate for the election of a member 
of the Company to take part in the election of Mayor, signed by Sir 
Wm. Creagfa and others. This mandate, with facBmUea of the signa- 
tures, follows : — 

.J^. J^\f *^/«f ^7^#W.*^-^:^2^*^i^^^^*^, ^ ^<fi^n^44£^ 

* Newcastle upon Tyne 

By vertue of the Authority and power Giuen vs by his p'lent 
Maj*^ Charter Granted to this Corporacon Wee doe Nominate Robert 
Hetlopp & John Read being members of y' Company or Socdety [^] 


as fitt perfons to ferae as Electon for y Company or Soccietj the 
Enfneing yeare And therefore thefe are to will and Reqnire j^ with 
All Convenient Speed to fummuns the fenerall members of y' Com- 
pany or Society and in orderly manner proceed to £lect and^Choofe 
one of the two perfons abone named to be an Elector for the yeare 
Enfneing and on Tnefdcty next att two of the Clook in the afternoons 
att the Gnildhall of this Towne to retnm & Ggaify to vb the name'of 
the perlbn y" & y company fhall foe Elect And herein fayle not 
Ginen vnder oar hands this 21th day of September Anno Dni 1688. 




' To the wardens or 
Stewards of the Company 
or Society of 
Barbers Chimrgions 
with Chandlers ' 

l^h:^^ „ 



No. 8. Of this only forty-nine pages have been used for orders 
from May 20, 1619, to October 10, 1721, copied from the older books. 

No. 4 is the 'Book of Inrollment' of Freemen, admitted from 
October 81, 1728, to June 17, 1889. 

The Incorporated Company of Barber-Surgeons, together with 
Wax and Tallow Chandlers, was formed on October the 10th, 1442, 
and their head meeting day was appointed to be held yearly on IVinity 
Monday.^ It is still held on that day. The Mayor and Sheriff in 
1442 were Thomas Wardell and William Fry. 

*The ancient ordinary of this society, dated October 10, 1442, 
enjoined that they should go together in procession on Corpus Christi 
Day, in a livery, and afterwards play the *' Baptizing of Christ" at 
their own expence. Every man to be at the procession when his hour 
is assigned him, at the Newgate, on pain of forfeiting a pound of wax; 
to go also wibh their pageant, when it shall be played in a livery, on 
the like pain ; that no alien born should be taken apprentice, or allowed 
to work within the town, or without, under a penalty of twenty shil- 
lings ; that the society should uphold the light of St. John Baptist, in 

* Boarne's History of Newcastle^ sec. iv.p. 187; and Brandos HUtory, vol. iL 
p. 341. 


St. Nicholases Ohurch, as long as thej were of ability; that no barber, 
apprentice, nor servant^ should shave on a Sanday, neither within the 
town nor without, by a mile's space.' These paragraphs are from ' the 
olde book/ which is now lost. 

The following condensed account of the Barber-Surgeons' Company 
is taken from their book of minutes which I have marked No 1. 
During the time covered by this book the number of the brethren 
varied much; tliey seldom all met together. Vn June 16th, 1617, 
eighteen members assembled, and the stewards for this year for 
* Barbur Oirurgions, Tallow Chandlers and Waxe ' were John Ord 
and John Hudspeth. 

Their ordinary meetings were held at various times, and monthly, 
and in different places ; but their head meeting day was invariably on 
Trinity Monday, when they elected two stewards or wardens for the 
next year, and also one brother to go to llie Spittle, to assist on 
Michaelmas Monday at the election of the mayor, sheriff, etc., of 
the town. 

The brethren of the company or society were tradesmen — barber- 
surgeons or chandlers in the old days, but for many years past in the 
present century tiiey have been surgeons, barber-surgeons, chandlers 
either by patrimony or by servitude, chemists and druggists, solicitors, 
and different other persons, all of whom were of necessity freemen of 
the town. Many of the old-time members carried on the combined 
trades of barber-surgeons and of chandlers, but were compelled not to 
practise both in the same shop. Their apprentices were sons of New- 
castle tradesmen, or of well-to-do persons in the surrounding counties, 
of gentlemen, of clergy, and even a baronet. Sir William Blackett, 
were members. The apprentices were boarded in the houses of those 
to whom they were bound. Their indentures were for seven years, 
and no second apprentice could be taken until the former had served 
six years, under a penalty of thirty shillings ; the six years were in 
time reduced to five years. There were refractory spirits among them, 
as is and has been tiie case everywhere among apprentices. Occasion- 
ally one dared to marry against * the ordinarie,' and he had to bear 
the pain and penalty of forty shillings. If he became a fistther another 
like penalty was imposed on him. The widows of brothers who died 
took the place of the defunct uisavis the apprentices. 


The brethren made their own rules or ordinaries^ and thus by 
'them the stewards oontrolled the body. The ffystem of fines was 
somewhat rigid, but tempered at times by remission or relaxation — a 
system that, whilst it kept order, added materially to the treasury, 
which does not appear to have been at any time replete. 

All sorts of offences and peccadilloes were taken notice of, and 
brethren guilty of them fined, and though the fines were generally 
paid, and sometimes by iustahnents, they were now and then resisted 
even so strenuously that the stewards for the company wene compelled 
' to wage law * against the reiractory before ^ Mr. Maire,' the Sheriff, 
the Common Council, or the magistrates, to recover their due. 

Besides the above ^ordinaries' for fining delinquent apprentices, 
there were fines for trimming — that is, shaving and hair-cutting— on 
the Sabbath day, or, in other terms, after twelve o'clock on Saturday 
night ; for taking a cure out of a brother's hand ; for swearing at the 
meetings, by God, by troth or soul, before the company ; for speaking 
unbrotherly, provoking, or indecent words to one another, or in defiance 
of the stewards of the company ; for taking apprentices wrongly or 
against the ordinary ; for not attending the funeral, or not assisting 
in carrying the body of a deceased brother or sister, after having been 
duly warned by the stewards and appointed thereto— a refusal to 
relieve the carriers is recorded. There are various other offences for 
which fines were incurred and exacted. In the case of the fine for 
trimming on the Sabbath, if the accusation was pleaded guilty to the 
fine was two shillings ; if denied, but afterwards proved against the 
offender, the fibae was twenty shillings. 

The shops of the barbers would have hanging in front or over the 
door the distinguishing brass basin, and the well-known pole adorned 
with and encircled by the usual ribbons symbob'cal of the iden^tical 
ones used in bleeding from the extremities. 

Inside, the combe, brushes, curling tongs, basins, soaps, perfumes, 
bottles of worms and other curiosities, such as ill-shaped fishes, 
tortoises, snakes, etc. 

They met apparently in turn at each others houses, and also 
in the Hall over the Pandon Gate. Their hall was taken down for 
defensive reasons before the Scottish invasion, and so the company 
had to meet at the houses of the brethren even during plague times. 

Pliti lUUV. 


(f>(n> Corbridge'i Pla% of NeuxattU.') 



when they also occasionally met in All Saints' or in St. Nicholas's 
church. • 

During the siege in 1644 they must have fered badly, as during a 
part of that eventful time of twenty-two weeks they did not meet, or, 
at least, made few entries in their minute book ; nor yet is there any 
note of the plague, except two or three times it is called ' the sickness,' 
or of other medical disease or surgical case. 

In August, 1644, the company felt the want of a convenient place 
to meet in. They detected many abuses in their body, such as brethren 
taking too many apprentices, and their parting the money collected by 
way of fines, so that they never could raise a competent sum of money 
either to purchase a place to meet in or 'to wage law' against those 
who trenched on their calling. They then resolved and ordered that 
the fines should be allowed to accumulate, and the sum to be invested 
with some trustworthy man or men among them, who was to give 
security for its repayment when wanted. They cast about, and the 
stewards and others were ordered to go and inspect a certain house 
belonging to Mr. Ralph Cock, in Silver Street. They went and re- 
ported, and the house was apparently bought and the deeds drawn 
out. Then we lose all trace of the house and deeds. 

Next we find that they petitioned the Common Council for a site 
and stone wherewith to build a house for themselves. Their petition 
was granted of a site in the Manors or King's Manor, and then came 
the usual difficulty, to raise the money. The wealthier brethren sub- 
scribed, a cess was laid upon all the brethren, gentlemen advanced 
sums on interest; by degrees the hall arose, it was paid for by instal- 
ments as the work went on, and with it two gardens or closes were 
laid out for herbs and flowers ; after a time a small house and a 
gardener were added. The gardens, which were walled in, were let 
out annually to the brethren. 

This hall lasted for about eighty years when a new lease of the 
ground was granted in 1780 to the Company, by the Corporation, for 
sixty years, and a new hall more stately than its predecessor was 
built. There the members of the company again carried on their 
anatomical pursuits. 

In 1834 the hall was let for £40 a year to the Newcastle School 
of Medicine and Surgery. In 1850-51 it was demolished to make way 

VOL. XV i> D 


for the North-Eastem Bailwt^, and a new one was built by the Bail- 
way Company for the brethren, at the top of Victoria Street, and is 
still extant; bnt we have to learn yet what has been the fate of 
the Company of Barber-Surgeons together with Wax and Tallow 

The company in the old days must have been somewhat rough ; 
but they were loyal and charitable. They always at the head meeting 
day gave to the poor, though that was not much. They gave a sum 
of money to the Mayor, to assist in the preparation of the town for 
the siege in 1644. 

The extracts following are from Minute Book No. 1 of the Com- 
pany, the first page begins thus : — 

A. Goppie of the originaU 

of the Comon Coonfell of this T . . . 
The humble petioon of the apprenticeB of the . . . 

and mifteries of TaUowe Cnandlers and 

Chirurgions w***in the faid Towne of Newcaffcle 

Hamblie Shewe to yo' worJ*" That whereas by the Laudable Cnilomes of 
the faid Towne it is not lawf all for anie pfson or pfons to exercise anie 
miTterie or trade w^in the faid Towne except he be a free man of the faid 
Towne, And that before he can be a free man of the faid Towne he ought 
to feme as an apprentice for the faid f reedome diueiie yeares ; In Confidor- 
aeon whereof Mailers who take prentices doe receaue w^ their apprentices 
great fomes of money w^ the frendes and parentes of the faid apprentices 
are willinge to geve in regart of the benefit that maie arife to the faid 
apprentices by the faid freedome. 

Now fo it is maie it pleafe yo' wor*^ that Thomas Archbold and Leonard 
ffeatherfton, flewarts of the faid companies of wax Chandlers and Tallowe 
Channdlers and Barber Chirur out of a Covetous and greedie difpodtion, for 
a fmall fome of money haue rerie latelie made one Thomas Wittam a 
f orriner, and one whoe never ferved as an apprentice in the towne, free of 
the faid companie of wax Chandlers and Tallowe Channdlers, thereby 
what in them lieth makeing the faid Thomas Wittam to exercize the faid 
trade and .... open fhop w^in this Towne for the fale of his wares in as 
.... manner as freemen doth, kc 

In tender Confideracon whereof and becaufe this inorderlie and .... courfe 
tendeth to the hurt of the faid Corporacon and vndoeinge of the apprentices, itnd 
all other apprentices w^in the faid Towne who haue geven great lomes of money 
and do indure (manie tymes) ext . . . feirice divcrfe yeares for this freedome, 
Maie it pleafe j(f . . . the laid ftewarts before you to fhewe caufe whie they 
haue broken the cu(tome, and allfo to take fuch order by yo' wifdome and pro- 
vidence the like contempt maie not be comitted againe ; and to prohibit the faid 
Wittam to exercize the faid trades or anie of tiiem w^in the laid Towne And 
the faid apprentices fhall aocordinge to their bounden dutie praie aU happines 
to yo' worp': 

M' Wearmouth M' Claveringe M' Hall M' Davifon 

Wee deiire you to call the Stewarts of the faid Companie and the red of 
the faid fdlowiliip and take the hearinge of the caufe and certifie vs at 
our next CounfeU daie yo*" opinions conceminge the tenor of this petioon. 


On the second page: — 

. . Wax and Tallowe Chandlers and Barber Chimrgeons of this tonne of 
Newcahle vppon tyne. 

Whereas there was a peticon preferred to the Oommon CoonTell for fome 
diforder by you, and part of yo' Oompanie comltted. And the fame beinge heard 
by the Oomon Ooonfell, they thought good to ref err a hearinge of the fame more 
(Irictlie to ts and to fett downe and Certifie o' opinions of that abace or abuces 
Therefore wee will and require you to wame the companies to be before vs vppon 
Thurfdaie next, the Nynth of this inftant Januarie at the guildhall betwixt the 
bowers of Two and Three in the af temoone and fo we bid you farewell this 8th of 
Januarie i 6 i 6.— -Yo' loveinge frends, 

William Warmouth,' 
James Claueringe, 
Willm. Hall, 
Bt AUexander Dauifon. 
Robart fpoure find for trimeing on funday after lammas day. 

The xxviij of Julye i 6 i7. 

its ordered this day that the order that was geuen out of the ould booke by 
the flewaides that they bring it in one the next meteing day, or in def alt heareof 
to bvde the fencer of mr mayre and the companie. 

I tn Robart Spore find for the trimeing one the fabothe day. pd. 

[Bntries like this often recur, and are generally omitted for the sake of 

The 24 of October [1617] 

John Clarke fined xU for giueinge his election to make Thomas Witton free 
-^whereof taken ij« and 6d put to accompt, as in floU. 6. 

John bawen fyiide ujt iiijd for (landing one with his hatt when John halle 
toke his othe this is difohai^ed, w**^ other thinges this yeare, & put to acoompt, 
as in ffol. 5. 

the xiiith of may, 1618. 

Robart Bpowre finde this day, and John hall, vseiing ille fpeche one to 
another, before the companie, iii« uijd. 

John hall find att this time againe for viTeing euil fpech to Robart fpoure, 
ULf liija. 

John bawne finde for trimeng twoo men one the faboth day being the xviith 
of may this is difcharge in y^ he fubmitted him felf to the Companie, & a com- 
petent fume tok for all his fynes by pail & is put to accompt as in ffoll. 5. 

At o' meetlnge the ffift daie of October, i 6 i 8. 

Thomas &wler is Chofen by the moft voices of the Companie fo goe to the 
fpittle to geve his voice for Chofinge of the Siaio^, accordinge to the teno*" of o*" 

ordinarie. Jo» Crooke, IftGwarda. 

Thomas Smith, | ^^"^^^ 
M' that John Hudfpeth and Chriftophcr Ridley are by the moft voices of the 
Oompanie appointed to search for trimmges on the Saboath daie and to p'fent 

At 0^ meetinge the xxth of Male Anno Dni i 6 i 9. 

Thomas Bubancke, fined for not beinge at Thomas Bowfers buriall, and for an 
abfence vi^. paid 

Whereas, there was an order heretofore that none of o' Companie fhould geve 
their eleccon to make anie man free of this o*" Companie vppon paine of iOs £^ne, 
before he were firft free of the Towne, Notwithftandinge diuTe of o' faid (3om- 
panie (Ud contrarie the faid order. And whereas fome haue put their faid f^nes 
in the Companies will, and thereof paid accordinge to the Companies Conflure ; 
But this daie Ijyonell ffetherfton and John Ord haue refufed to (land to the 
companies Cenfure for the fame, It is therefore ordred in refpect of their con- 

« Mayor in 1614. 



tempt that they fhall not haue anie voice till they haue vndergon the Companies 
will. John Hudfpeth. Jo** Crooke, | ^ , 

George Horiley. Thomas Smith, j >^^«18- 

Thomas Ewbancke. John Hall. 

Georg Mallabar. 

Nicholas Weftgarth. 

At o' meting the 24th of Male, i 6 1 9. 
paid vjd. Robert Spoore is fined for geveinge John Hadefpeth the Lye, rec. Yjd, 
paid iijd. John Hudefpeth is ffined for geveinge Robt. Spoore the Lye, rec. u}d, 

Thomas Smith is ffined for twinge an apprentice contrarie to the order, iOt 
paid XX*. wehereof is taken by the moft voices of the Companie, xx*. 
Rec' of Chriilopher Ridley for entringe his man, xij<2. 
Rec* of Nicholas Weflgarth for entringe his man, xij^. 
The accompt of John Crooke and Thomas Smith, Stewarts of the Companies 
of Barber Chirurgions and Chandlers made and geven vp the 24th of Maic Anno 
Dni i 6 i 9 for receipts. 

Receiptes vi«t. li 9 d 

ISoAugufti Ao:i6i8. Rec' of M*" Maddifon for wine monies 4 6 

The accompt &c for difpurfementes. 

Difburfementes vizt. li s d 

primo Junij i 6 i 8. Inprimis paid for o** dinners at Thomas Smithes Oil 8 
6" Junij A** i 6 i 9 Paid to George Nicholfon for the Coppie of the order 

by the Comon Counfell 8 

10** Junij i 6 i 9 It* for waminge LioncU ffetherfton and Thomas Arch- 
bald to geve vp their accompt 18 

It* paid for nailcs for the tabic 4 

It* fpent at John Jackfons and Thomas Smithes when Edward Hall 

was made free ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...0 6 

It' paid at London to the informer againde Jefferies, and for f hvinge 

the proces at his howfe in Effex 15 

It* fpent about (laieinge the Tallowe and gettinge of o' wine money 00' 10 
It* paid to Thomas Smith for the ^ine w"'' we had to dinner at o' 

meetinge daie and for o*" Clerkes dinner 068 

It' paid the fame tyme for beere w** wee had before and after dinner 4 
It' paid for Charges w*''* Thoman Smith diiburfed to George Nicolfon 

for Coppies of plees out of the Court 2 6 

It' geven to Launcelot Smith by confent of the Com panic 6 8 

It' paid to o^ Gierke for his half e yeares wages 6 

ii Novembris, i 6 i 9 It' for Counfello** ffees and for arreftinge and 

entringe Lionell ffetherfton and Thomas Archbald for their accompt 13 6 
It' p** to George Horfley for money diiburfed for the vfe of the 

Companie as p. his note appeareth 6 11 

It' paid for bande & fnackes f or the windowes 1 6 

It* paid to Thomas Eubancke George Horiley John Hudefpeth 

Thomas Smith and John Crooke in pte of money diiburfed by ^ 

them conc'inge l^e fuite againft Witton 116 

At o' meetinge the ffowerth of October 16 i9 

It is ordered by Confent of the whole Companie That if anie pfon or pfons 
beinge or w*** hereafter fhalbe apprentice to anie free brother of this Companie; 
fhall at anie tyme beget anie Childe or Children of anie pfon or pfons whatfo- 
ever, before hee or they fhalbe admitted a free brother of this Companie That 
then eu*ie fuch apprentice fo offending fhall paie to the Companie for eu'ie 
fuch Childe or Children fo to be by him or them begotten the fome of ffortie 
f hillinges of lawf uU money of England ; It is allfo ordred by the Confent of the 
Companie That if any pfon or pfons, no we being or w*** hereafter fhalbe appren- 
tice to anie free brother of this Companie fhall at anie tyme marrie or take to 
wife any pfon or pfons whatfoeu* be fore he or they fhalbe admitted a free 
brother of this Companie That then eu'ie fuch apprentice fo offendinge fhall 
paie for eu*ie fuch default the forae of ffortie fhillinge of lawfull money of 



Xpofer Ridley 
Chriltopher SiiTons 
Signed H E Edrd Hall 
Mathew White 
Edwarrl Smith 

England the faid fynes and either of them to be paid to the Companie before 
anie fuch apprentice f halbe made free 

fErancis Robinfo : John Lane 

Thomas Barley Robert Spoore 

William Claye George Mallabar 

Thomas Pefcod Nicholas weftgarth 

Henry Shaw 

Thomas Archboold 

Signed Lionell LF ffeatherflon 

George Horfley 

John Hall 

Difburfements vpp to the xijth of June Anno Dni 1620. 

It* geven to the poore and mliells 

It* for the Clerkes dinner and Launcelote 

floT wafhing the Linnen 

It' to the maide and for wine 

It* for o*" dinners and wine on Michaellmas mnndaie 

It* for the Clerkes yeares wages 

It* for drdling the Towre 

It* paid at the Gardiners for the Companie 

At o' meeting the xijth of June Anno Dni i 620 

Receaved of Tobie Watfon late apprentice to John Hadefpeth Barber j 
Chirorgion and Channdler for a ffyne for marrieing and begetting V 
a bame before he was made a free brother of this Companie ... ) 
whereof was taken xzs 

At our Meetinge 11 of October 

Recaued of John hodfpeth for takingc his apprentes bef or his oldefle 
apprentes hade Serued fine yeares the fame day for his fine 

A note of difporfments for this yeare being the yeare of our lord 

June the 14th *°° ^'^^ ^^^2 

Beinge our head meting daye difpurfed for our breakfaft 

f or wine to Breakfafle 

for wafhing the lyninge ^ 

uO v06 maicL .•• •*. •*• ••• ..* ••• ... ... ... 

more for beare after breackef aft 

uO me pore ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 

fpente at John Clarkes amongd the company 

fpente at Nicholas weflgarthes with the conient of Company c 

more at margrat Thompfons 

more at leanard Carres fpent with the Confent of the Companye 

to the muficke ... ... •>• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 

difpoursed to the mufick at John Clarkes 

lor tne latincat ... ••• •«. .•« ■•• •*• ... ••• 

difpurfed to henrie hall for mending the glas windowes 

for the mitions dinners at John Clarks 

dispurfed at Leanards Carres In wine and tobacco annd to the muficke 
geuen to katherin RufTell ... ... ... ••• ... ...^ ... 

Janewane the 14 

Collected at ower meting with the confent of ower Company twel- 
pence a pefe for fuch futs as is takne in hand aganft fuch as vfe 
the trade of Chanlerie. [Twelve names entered]. 

1624. Disbursements as before for dinner, wine, * muffecke,* * wishing 
Lineng,' * power,* &c. 
to a power Surgion ... 

Declmo tertio die Junij Anno Dni 1625 

It is ordered and agreed the day and yeare abovcfaid by vs the Wardens and 
fellowfhipp of Barber furgeons and Chanlers of the Towne of Newcaflle vpon 

li. #. 







1 14 



Q i 




11 s 




• • • • 




• • • 



• • • • « 

111* via 
•• • • 



• • • 


• • • • 


iij* vid 


• • • • 


• • • • 1 

w vnja 

00 01 06 


Tyne with a fnll andmataall confent that from henoeforth it shall not be 
liawf ull to or for any who is or hereafter f halbe made a fre brother of the faid 
fellowf hipp, id^r he hane feraed his full terme and tyme of Apprentifhipp to 
take any Aprentice vntill he bee firft a free borgeile of the Towne of Newcaitle 
ypon Tyne aforefaid, and hath bene a fre brother of the faid fellovrfhipp by 
the fpace of two yeares at the leaft vpon paine that euery brother of the faid 
fellowfhip oflendinge and doinge the contrarie fhall forfeit and pay to the faid 
fellowf hipp the fome of iij^z vj* viijd (lerlinge 

Francis Waedfon 
Edward Bainbrigge 
George Horf ley 
John Hall 
Thomas Marfhall 
Nicholas Bryon 
Thomas Barley 
Ralph Dining 
Thomas Palfray 
Edward Pearfon 
Mathew Brodie 
(George Durham 
Thomas Dobsonne 
Thomas Horfley 
Cuthbert Atkinfon 
Robert Richardfon 
Raiph Swintoryfone 
Robert Ogle 
Qabriell Hudfpeth 

Robert ffreser 
Ifaack Hunter 
Mathew Whitfield 
Thomas Tounge 
ffrancis Robinfoa 
Ghriflo SifTon 
John Welsh 
John Reafley 
Thomas Ofbome 
John Jowfie 
Thomas Pefcod 
Heniy Kinge 
John Hall 
William Clay 
John Bowerbanck 
John Varay 

Edward Atkinfon 
Thomas Archbald 
John Hudfpeth 
Robert Spoore 
Thomas Smith 
Qeorge Mallabar 
Tobie Watfon 
Edward Smith 
Edward Joplin 
Mathew White 
Cuthbert Emerfonn 
Robt Maultby 
Robert Thompson 
Gilbart Browell 
Henry Wills 
Henry White 
John &rrow 
James Welfh 
Charles Clarke 
Will: hancock 
Henry Greuefon 
Thomas Smith 
Robert Anderfon 

Difburf ementes of John Hall and Rober fpoore being f tewards 

for the year 1627. u b d 

It* paid for a pare of fhowes to RuiFeles 00 02 06 

mor geven to hir in money 00 02 04 

mor geyen to A traueller 00 06 08 

It* fpente att michellmas att our brickfafl 01 10 00 

mor fpent in fake and wines att fertain times ... 05 15 04 

[* A note of Resates ' followed by] A note of dispurfmentes of Thomas Archbold 

& George Mallabar 1628 

U B d 

16 6 


1 6 



2 6 

1 6 

6 6 




Itm payd for our dynners of our heaid meittinge daye in Rob Spores 
Itm for wyne & Suger att our dynner 

Itm for Beire after dynner ^ 

Itm for Tobacco 

Itm for the Muflicks dynner 

Itm geuen to the muflick ... 

Itm for wafhinge the Lyninge 

Itm for Beire the next daye at Brickfafl .. 
Itm geuen to 3 Travalers Cirurgions 

Itm geuen to RuHels 

Itm geuen to the pore 

Itm to the may d 

Itm that night in wyne in George Horsleis 

Itm of midfomer euen for our Suppers 

Itm on gallan of brunte Clarit wyne at George Mallaborns Buriall .. 

Itm for Glafnynge the windows & plailering the towre 

xbiu xor vyoies ... ■•* ••* •■* ... .*• ... .,, ,, 

Itm for makinge the towie Cleine 


the 18 meittinge the 17 daye of March [1629-80] « d 

Roberte Spower 1$ fyned for trymeinge on the fabboth day ... 2 00 

(Others were fined at the same time for the like.) 
Stewards for the year 1629, Johne Hall and Francis Waidion 
Do. for the year 1680, George Horfley Edward Joblinges 

Tertio die Mends ffebruarij i680 : 

It is agreed and ordered by and w^ the Confent of the Companie and fellow- 
fhipp of Barber Chimigions Tallow Chandlers, and wax Chandlers of the Towne 
and Conntie of Newcaftle ypon Tyne, 1 hat no free Brother of the fai^ Companie 
rhall after the date hereof take any apprentice or Semant or keepe bim aboue 
Two Monethes tyme, except he make his entrannce in the Companies booke, 
and paie the ffynee alreadie impoTed wch is xij(2 and if faile be made thereof 
then to paie fortie shillinges ffyne before fach appentice f halbe admitted Alfo 
it is agreed that if any Brother of the faid f ellowf hipp take an apprentice 
before his eldefl apprentice hane fuUye ferued Six yeares, then to paie to the 
wardens and Stewards of the faid Companie for the tyme being Twentie fhil- 
linges w^ in Two Monethes tyme of the faid apprentice takeing. And if faile 
be made of the paiement of the faid Twentie shillinges, then to forfeit and 
pai^ ffortie shillinges to the faid wardens and Companie for the tyme being 

fSlgned by * John Bowerbanck' and 52 others.] 

A note of monny difparfed By Geo. Horfley and Edward Joplinge for the 

vfe of the Company in the yeare 1630 

payd for Connfell to Mr. Riddell 

payd to the Joyner for the tower brat^hinge 

for 11 dalles at Is. 4d. ... ••• ... ... ... ... 

for Sawinge of 6 dalles ... ... ... 

for nales & bandes ... ... ... ... ... ... 

for on parer of Showes to RufTell 

on galland of Bomt wine to Ed: Atkinfon 

[The like by 'Tobie Watfon and Henrie wills* in 1631.] 
fpente in Thomas Archbalds k the same daie in bcare tobacco and 
w viie ... *•* ... ... ... *•* **v *•* *** 12^ 

[Fos. 61 and 62 contain records of the entering of apprentices from 1631 to 1635.] 

Money fpente by the flewards Tobie watfon k Henrye wills amongfte dyuers of 
the companie their hede meting daie \aSt being the 28 of maye 1632 as 
fpente in Henrye Wills that daie with dy vers of the companie ... v* 

fpente in a pottle of fack fetcht from george Horfley s ij« 

fpente in Tobie watfons with the fame companie the fame daie for 
another potle of fack at George Horfleys ij« 

26 Feb. 1632[-3.] 

[A long order, the purport being that no abatement shall be made in a fine 
of iii^i vU yn\d levied on a brother for taking an apprentice against a former 
order as had been the costom. 

* And that vpon takeing of anie fynes by the flewards of the faide companie 
then for the tyme beinge elected and chofen amongfte them f hall difpofe or fpend 
anie of the faid money foe by them receiued in their meting houfe of aflemblie but 
that which f halbe agreed ypon before their departure oute of the fame metinge 
howfe/ and any steward so doing shall repay the same.] 

Memorandu' that this p*nte daie the 20^ of Aprill 1638: it is ordered and 
agreed generallie amongile the Barber chirurgions that the ftewards f hall pre- 
fentlie dif burfe the fume of v" aboute and conceminge the good and prefervacon 
of the comon wealth amongfte the comons in generall and that the faide v" soe 
by them dif burfed f hall be at their heed metinge daie nexte fatiffied and pade 
by them to the faide (lewards and if in cafe their f hall not be fo much money 

£ B. d. 

00 10 00 

00 16 06 

00 12 10 

00 02 02 

00 02 06 

00 02 06 

00 03 04 




fall due amongfle them in fynes or otherwife to repaie the faid v" then everie 
brother of the faide companie fhall paie a proporconall parte of the faide money 
foe wanting and not fatiffied to the faid (lewards., 

A notte off the Company off Barber Cirurgions & Chandlers thatt doth or 
fhould Come to the Meattinge houfle yppon lawfull waminge g^uen by the 
rtuerds off the fayde Company the names as followeth in ther ordder 

May the 16^ Anno Dominie 1688 

1 Edwarde Attkinfonn 

2 Thomas Archbald 
8 Robearte Spoure 

4 George Horn ley [struck out] 

5 Thomas Smithe 

6 John Hall 

7 Tobye Wattfonn 

8 Mathew Whytte 

9 Edward fmythe 

10 Edward Joplynge 

11 Edward Bain bridge 

12 Thomas Marfhelle 
18 Balphe Dunnige 
14 ffrancis waidfonne 



15 Henry Wills 

16 Thomas Palefray [struck out] 

17 George Durham 

18 Edward Pearfonn 

19 Gilberte Browell 

20 John farowe 

21 Charles Clarke 

22 Henry greauefonn 
28 Thomas Dobfonn 

24 Thomas Horffley 

25 William Coulfon 

26 Cutberd Atkinfon 

27 Robart Ritchifon 

[added in 



[Another list on the following leaf, fo. 161a, gives *The Names of o' Com- 
panie in order 1636/ in addition ' Robart maltbe, Raphe Huntergrame, William 
Kitchifon, Robert Ogle, Rob* Anderfonn, John Reafley, Tho. ofbome, John 
Jo woe, Thomas Pefcodd, Henry Ainge, Henry Shaw,' and • Dauid Shevill.* The 
* Ralphe Duning* of the other list appears as ' Raphe Dinning' in this.] 

It is appointed this xv"* daie of October 1633 by a gencrall confente of the 
companie that their fhall be fower men chofen by the fame companie to goe 
before mr maior with the ftewards to difcidc a controverfle betwene them and 
Edwarde Pcarfon as touchinge the deniall of paymente of his fines wherin he is 
alreadie fined: their names that are appointed are 

Tobie Watfon John ffarrow 
Henrie wills and Charles Clarck 
And it is ordered lykewife by generall confente of the companie that the faide 
ftewards and the faid ffower men fhall goe before mr maior aboute the saide 
businos this afternoone at iij of the clock and whoe foever of them fhall faile 
acordinglie to further this bulines fhall forf eite iij« iiij^ apeoe 

this order is done by a generall confente 
of the mofte parte of the companie witness 

W Vincent 

John Halle and George Durham (tewards for this yeare ending the 2th of 
June 1634. 

Item paide to the Clarck for his yeares waiges xi^ 

paide for Coppying over the order vj* 

paide for a half e howerglafle and paper ixrf 

It is agreed by the confent of the mofle of the Company to glue to a poor 
traueller being a barber Chyrgurgion the 20th of June 1634 3*4 

U 8 d 

giuen to a poor woman for dreffing the toore 1 

giuen to a poor woman for making on the fyro 2 

giuen for an Inckhome 6 

giuen for Inck and a glaffe bottell 2 

Edward Atkinsonn and Charls Clarke (lewards for this yeare ending the 25 
of May 1635 

October the 16*^ 1635 U a d 

Rec of Thomas Marfhell for A hierling 00 01 01 


Att our Meting in Alhallow Churche ' among the barber Chirurgons the 28 day of 
May 1636 

Giuen to the Clarkes of Alhallowes for openning the dore at o** meting 18^ 

u 8 d 

May 28 Item fpent on our head meting day in wine 00 10 08 

1685 r^ent in beare the same day 00 04 04 

giuen to the ponre the same day 00 02 00 

giuen to the muficke and for there dinners 00 03 06 

fpent on midfonier-euen in wine by oonfent 00 12 00 

May 18 fpent at Raphe Huntergram his making fre 00 06 08 

1636 giuen to tow trauelers 00 03 06 

giuen to the Clarks of alhallows at o*" meting there ... 00 01 06 

A miting houlden in geor' Dur* ye iij of ffabruary [1636-7] 
William watfon hath leberti to trauell for his tim of indentur 

At a miting houlden in John Pethee y* 6 of fbibruary 

gorges Doream fined by the mode confente of the 

general! conceme of the companie 3 4 

Edward Parfon fined for fpecking when he was Com- 
manded to keep niinte by ye generall Oonsente of ye 

Compane 00 03 04 

Thomas Archbald fined for yndecend fpeches 3 4 

Att our meting the 13*** June 1636 in George Horfley's becaufe of the ficknefs.* 
Thomas Archbald & Edward Bainbrigge stewards for this yeare ending the 
13*'» June 1686 

Itt is ordered and agreed vppon by the Oonfent of the moft In the Company 
off the Barber Chirurgions & Chandlers That if any Brother of the faide fellow- 
fhipp fhall Sweareany Oath in theire meettinge houfe Duringe the time of their 
meettinge for euery fuch Offence he fhall pay fix pence Confirmd by thofe whofe 
Names ar vnder written ApreU the 14, 1637 

This fine to be pi^de that fam mitting as is aboue writtene. 

[Signed by * John Hall ' and 83 others.] 

A meting houlden in fant nickholafe Churche amoungf the barbares and 
Chiourgons Juan 22 [1637] 
Raph dining fiened for taking a Cuer out of Edward banbrige hend 10* a 
Cording to owre omerie rec' hearof 3* 4** payd 

The 29*** of June 1637 At our meatinge houlden at John Pithys 

It is ordered and agreed yppon by the Confent of the Company of Barber 
Chirurgions and ChanncUers that the ij flewards with 4 of the Company fhall goe 
about the towne vnto all thefe forrenders which felleth Candells Contrary to 
our orders thofe who are appointed to goe are these Edward Joplin Robert 
Maultby John ferrow Charls Gierke Henry wills & Thomas Dobfonn who are to 
meate Tppon Thurfday next at 2 of the Clock in the aftemoone vppon penalty 
of 8"-4^ euery man that doth not appeare at Georg Durhams f hopp. 

The 7^ of July 1637 At our meating holden at Edward Atkinlonns 

It is ordered and agreed vppon by the Confent of our Company that noe 
fteward nor brother of the Company shal lend or giue the keyes of our said Com- 
panys meatinge houfe to any perfon or perfons vppon paine of Bli 6# Sd ffine. 

The 18th August, 28th September, and 11th October, 1637, the ' meating holden 
in our tower' [Pandon Gate]. [Then follow lists of fines for taking strangers 
to work, swearing, etc.] 

' The cause of their meeting in Alhallow Church in May was the breaking 
out of the Plague in Newcastle soon after the beginning of this year 1636. 

They had left their tower at Pandon Gate after its i-eparation at the ezpence 
of 21«. 2d.f and taken refuge at their meeting in the old All Saints, being an open 
large building situated on a considerable elevation, and more airy. 

On the 13th of June they began to meet again at each other's houses. 

* The Plague. 

VOL. XV. ^ E 


1 1 



The SS*** of Aprill 1638 Edward Joplin fined for triming after 1 2 aclock at night 

Dif borTmenta by Edward Joplin Sc Robert Manltby Stewards for this yeare 

ending the 2i^ of May Ano dom 1638 

for windowes men : and lyme & hayre with workmanfhip 00 05 09 

at fearching of the Channdlers 00 03 02 

ffor Shooes & ftokina to RuffeU 00 03 04 

[A b'st of 6 apprentices entered in 1638] 


Att Our head Meatting day att Thomas Marfhell [1639] 

Difbarfments by Thomas Marfhall & Henry greuefon ftewards for this 

yeare ending the 1(F* of Juno ann do : 1639 

for fhooes & flocking to RulTls 4 

for taking the brattifh k the flore in the meating houTe 2 4 

A Meating Houlding at Thomas Dobfonns Hoiu The 15 day of August 1639 

Charls Clarke is find by The Confent of The Coumpcue for warning The 
Conmpene with out the (lewards hauing notis he is find According to the ordin- 
ery o2i Bs id 

A meating Houlding at John halls hous The 30 day of feptember 1639 
Thomas Archbould is find for fwering 6d 
Charls Clarke did witnes againft him for fwereing by his troth 

Difburfments By John halle k Thomas Dobfon (lewards for ThL) yeare past 

Ending The firO; of June 1640 
To on Attnmey ... 

for Two pare of f hows 

more for Rufells on pre of ftokins 

difburfd at owr entrance for the Muficke at John Halls ... 

giuen for bringing vp of the brattifle and doers 

fpent at going about to feake them 

giuen to Lane*' hall conceminge the petition to the committes . 

Aprill ye 28 1641 

It is ordered and agreed the day and year aboue fayd by the Wardens and 
ffellowshipe of Barber Chyrurgions and Chandlers of the towne and County of 
KewcafteU Tppon tine with a full and mutuall Confent that if any fre brother 
or fiffcer of the layd Company departe this preent life that noe flewart or flewarts 
for the time beinge fhall refufe to wame the favd company to thayer bury all 
prouided that the ftewarte or ftewarts haue lawiuU waminge from the freindes 
of the brother or (ifler deceafed and if default be mayde by the i\«wart or 

ftewarts they to pay for euery such oflEence OOZt 10« OOil 

for the use of the fayd company 

And further it ia ordered that the ftewarts for the time being fhall have 
power to apointe ftich men for the caryinge the Corps as they in theyr Judgment 
fhall thinke fit prouided alwayes that they vr^ are apointed be fre breUieren 
of the faid company and likewife that none fhall carry except they be apointed 
the fteward he offending in not apointing men to cary iThall pay for euery fuch 
oirence ••• ... ■*• ••• ... ••• ... •*• ■•• .«• \JK} kjh 1/4 

[Further ordered that if any apprentice absent himself without leave or licence 
from his master's service, even for a day, to be fined 6» Sd ; and ' as often as he 
offends in the like natuer/ he shall pay *foe many noubles/ and in case of col- 
lusion between such apprentice and his master, any master who shall not 
acquaint the Company thereof at its next meeting shall be fined 3« id,] 

Att our meating at Charles Clarkes house ye 9**» of August [1641] 

Those that was Inioyned to beare the corpfes [of John £brrow] videlicet 

Edward Jopling Edward Smith Raiphe Dining Edward Banbrig Robt Richefon 

Gabriell hudspeth and matt hew Whitfield 

Alfo Thomas Horfley and Robt ogle being Inioyned that they fhonld rcleafe 

Any of the bearers vpon ocation but Robt ogle ref ufed contrarie to our order in 

foleo 116 paide ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 6 


6 10 


00 03 00 

00 00 06 

00 02 00 


10 00 


Att our meating holden at Widow Archbalds the 4^ of October 1641 

John Hall fined by agenerall Confent of the Company haaeing vfed pnoking 
words in the meating houTe to Charles Clarke in' faying he came to catch 
& ['snarle' struck out] cauel And for daering the Company to doc their 
won wO ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ■•• " ** * 

[John Hall fined for non-payment of his previous fines, three times in all, 8«.] 

Whearas it hath formerly beine ordered amongil the barbar Chirurgeons and 
tallow Chanlers within Newcastle vpon tine that none of the faid fellowf hip 
fhould trimme any vpon the fabbath day vpon paying for euery fuch offence 
two f hillings. 

Now it is therfore further ordered and agreed generally amongd the said 
fellovrfhip that if any brother be acufed for triming on the fabbath day 
and hee acknowledge it he fhall pay the fine formerly Imposed to wit two 
shilling But if it l^ maide fufficiently appeare that either hee or any for him 
to his knowledge fhall or hath trimmed any vpon the fabbath he haueing denyed 
the fame vpon his firit acofation and alfoe the payement of the faid two fhillings 
fhall if the fame be maide appeare as is formerly mentioned : pay for enery fnch 
offence twentie fhillings to the Companye and wardens for the time being 

[Signed by 28 members of the Company.] 

[Meeting held at the same place * the 28*»» of October 164 i '] 

Paid to the foriaener for writeing the note concerning the Alteration of the 
Charter in the poynte of Election ... 1 

A meating holden at Elizabeth Pages honfe the 9^ of may Annoq. 1642 

George Durham fined by a General Confent of the Companie one shilling for 
swearing 2 oaths 

George Durham fined for swearing by god he would drinke tobaca being at 
our metfiige M 

George Durham fined 3« id for saying he cared not a button for the Com- 

[Meeting held at the same place * 20^ of May 1642'! 

Memorandu' that Robert Maultby doth acknowleage to pay vnto the Company 
ten fhillings vpon the arefting of him for takeing a Cure out of Thomas Smiths 
hand Robt Maultby 

Meeting held at the same place ^ this second of June in the yeare 1642 ' 

Edward Smith fined for fwearing a oath paid 6 

Difbaifed f or a bagge 8 

Lent vnto M' Maior by Confent of the whole Companie whofe names is heare 

ynder wryting the some of xxli [ Perhaps for repairing the defences of the town 

or raising soldiers.] 

[Heniy Wills and Daniel Sheuill stewards for the year ended 6^** June, 1642.] 
Stewards Gilbart Browell and Thomas Smith choifed June ye 6^ [1642] 

* Swearing was very common in England at this time, generally — not only 
in Newcastle. In 1650 a law was passed called 'an Act for the better pre vent- 
inge and fuppreflienge of the detectable fin of prophane fwearing k cuHmg.' It 
directed that a record of all convictions be kept by the justices of the peace, and 
the names of the offenders so convicted to be published quarterly. The amounts 
of the fines were graduated according to the rank of the offenders. The fines 
for the first offence were : — A lord, SOs.; a baronet or knight, 20s. ; an esquire, 
lOs.; a gentleman, 6s. 8d. ; all inferior persons, 3s. 4d. For the second offence, 
double the aforesaid. For the tenth offence, * he or she be adjudged a common 
swearer or curser, and be bound with sureties to the good behaviour during three 
years.* If the offenders did not pay the fines they were put in the stocks. Acts 
of Parliament were passed in the reigns of James I. and William and Mary, to 
, check swearing. They were repealed in the time of George II., and another 
made to * more effectually prevent profane swearing,* and it was ordered to be 
read quarterly in all parish churches and chapels. — Andrews Curiosities of the 
Churchy p. 190. 


[* Att our meating at Gilbart Browells ye 10 of June ' five cases of brothers 
being fined for taking cures out of other brothers* hands, and three cases of 
swearing by troth.] 

22 of July 1642 

At the Buriall of Edward Jopleing . . . Those that weare inioynd to bear 
the Corps weare John Hall Edward Smith Edward Banbridg Henry Wills Baiph 
Duning Bobart Bicheson Tho Young 

A Meateinffe houlden att Gilbarte Browels the 26 of Jenuary [1642-3] u b d 
It is orderd to be fpente this Day by the company 5 

A Meateing Houlden att Thomas Marfhels ye 2 day of febmary [1642-8] 

Oiuen To Charles Clarke and Baiph Dining for theire Bzpences for s d 

goeing to ye fheales to helpe to pull doune ye fl^ore 8 

It is ordered and agieed of with amutuall confente of the hole Company 

that euery one of the company fhall bringe in his weakely fefle vpon Thnn day 

to y* Rewards befor 12 adock and if faulte be made to pay for euery fuch offence 

8 — 4 for the vfe of the company [Here follow 16 names.] 

A Meateinge houlden at Gilbarte Browels the 29 of May 

Beceude of George durham for his fine of f ortie fhillings lOsOd, [Other fines 

Gabrill Hudfpeth hath Beceud his parte of y* box vpon Condifion y^ he shall 
pay his I2d aweake for 9 weakes y^ we paid of the fefse wch he pmifed to pay. 

[On Sept. 25, 1648, ' Thomas Marfhall fined for being Abfent at the buariell of 
Bobbert Bichardfons wife 2s Od*] 

September the : 25 : 1643 

Itt is this day 8c veare aboue written ordered and agreed that the (lewaides 
of the Compaynye of Barbar Chirurgeonefe fhall difburfe for the vfe of the 
Companye the fom of : 80* : which (Ibalbe repayed againe by the Company as 
foone as money dothe or fhall com into the boze. [Signed by * John Hall* and 
12 others.] 

June 17»»» 1644 

[Baiph Dining and Bobert Bichardson stewards for the year ending 17th 
June, 1644.] 

Stewards Chofen for this year following Edward Bainbrigge k, George 

Att A Meting howlden at George durhams howfe the 27^ June i644 

Dauid Sheuell ffyned for going Away from the meting howfe with out leue 
of the ftewhards & companie 8« id 

Thomas Marchell & Henrie willes Chofen to chofe the ground & to fe it hained 
that the Companies key may go thereon if the towne be belegered* 

Thomas Marchell fined Ss id for faying to Bobt Bichefon you are an Igno- 
ramus & A fig for you 

Tho: Marchell fined at the fame tyme 8« id for faying thou art a foule, Alfo 
fined 8f id for faying to Bobt Bichefon thou Lyed 

August the 2^^ 1644 Att A Meting howlden At Edward Bainbriges howfe 

Giuen by the Confent of the Companie to mr Maior for to by the folgers 
rtokings & fhewes ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... lOt 

Augufl the fecond 1644 

It is this day ordered by the stewhards and fellowf hip of barber Chirur- 
giones Conf idering the many Abufes, that is done, vnto the faid Companie, k, like- 
wise wanting A conuenient place to mete in, being not oncly Careful! to p*'uent 
the abufes but alfo willing to Amend fuch thinges as hath bene AmiHe haaeing 
as well A Bespeckt to them that fhall come after, as to o*" owne p^'sent Condition, 
And haueing Conf idered fullie that the chef e caufe of thefe abufes and want of 
A howse to mete in, hath onely bene the yearely parting of o*" fynes fo y* we 

• The town was beleagured this year, 1644. 


could nener Baife A oompetent fame of monie, ether to paTcbafe A place to 
mete in, nor to wage law with fuch as daylie wrongs & trenches vpon o' calling, 
It is Therefore Inackted from hence forth y^ theTe f ynes fhall not be parted as 
aforefaid, but kept together And putt Into inch mens hands of the Companie, as 
the compcmie in there defcretion shall thinke fitt Alwayes puided that thofe 
which haue the monie fhall Enter fTufficient bond to the Companie to Repay it 
vpon demand, when the Companie fhall hane vfe for it, as to wage Law for the 
good of the Companie or to purchafe A meting hoofe or any other LawfuU 
ocation as they in there Judgements fhall thinke fitt, pnided that they who 
after the daite neareof fhall be made fre, by feruice Amongest vs fhall par vnto 
the faid Companie the fume of Thirtene f hillings id bef ids there Acuftomed 
foure Nobels towards the bying of A meting hoofe or maintaninge o*" Juste 
Rightes k p'nelidges, as for those who haue there f relidge by there fathers, they 
fhall pay no more then the Acustomed 4 nobels. 

[Signed by ' Thomas Marlay, Edward Bainbrigge,* and 20 others.]^ 

Att A Meting at George Dnrhames howfe this 28th March 1645 

John HaU fined for not carying wedow watfon to the Chnrch being poynted 

12* p« 

Bee of John Beafeley for fweareing by his faule 6 

[Meeting at same place 2nd June 1645] 

Edwuxl Smith fyned for fwearing by his trouth 6** 

June 2^ 1645 Stewards Chofen for this yeare following Charles Clarke & Bobt 

Beceined att y® hands off Ancient flewards beinge George Durham u a a 
k Edward Bainbridge for y* last yeares Account 03 07 06 

Orderd by y* Confent off y* Companij to giue to y* poore out off y* faid fume 
OOH 02« oed 

Att a mettinge holden att Charles Clarks houfe Septemb 2th 1645 

Itt is ordered bij the Confent off ye Companij iff Thomas ffenwicke who is a 
dweller in ye Caflle yard And doth vfurpe the traide off a Chandler, wch he 
haith not ferued too, doe not reconcyle nimfelfe to ye Company off Barber 
fnrgeions tc Chandlers ffor his tranfgrefifion, y^ then y* faid Company will trij 
it out by Law 

Att a Mettinge Holden att Bobert Anderfons houffe Januarij the 26*^ 1645r-6} 
Ordered By the Confent off the Companij to giue out off the Common ilodke 

off ye Company ffor the Maintenance off Edward Joblings wiffe u ■. d. 

Beinge in Meierij 00 10 00 

[Many fines on apprentices for absenting themselyes from their masters* 


Att a Mettinge holden at Bobert Anderfons houfe Aprill the 28^ 1646 

Tho ^bome fyned by the Confent off the Company 05li Os Od for Callinge 
John hall a foole a knaue a difembler & hath no art (?) in his traid y* Bobert 
ffrezer [* was a left handed man ' interlined] & Willm Bednell Bobert Ogle wear 
all a like & had noe Judgment in ther traids & a great many more ['of ye com- 
panij * added in another hand] 

Aprill 28 1646 

Ordered by the confent off the company that John hall Edward Bainbridge 
George Durham k, dauid Sheuill & the 2 flewards Char Clarke & Bob Anderfon 
doe goe k tak a vew off a houfe for a metting houfe in f iluer Ctreet belonging 
to m' Balph Cocke & vppon likinge to Agre wth m*" Cock for itt for ye vfe of 
ye Companij & failling of y* houfe to looke out for any other 

Att a Mettinge holden at Charles Clarks houfe Maij the 12«>> 1646 

It is ordered by the consent of ye Companij y' John hall f halbe fyned 3* Ad 

for Commanding the ftcwarts to Hold his Tongue vppon a fync off 3s. id. 

It is ordered by the Confent of ye companij to by the Houfe in filuer ftreet 

belonging to Mr Raiph Cocke for a Metting houfe for the Company off Barber 

^ Sir John Marlay was Mayor and James Cole Sheriff in 1644. 


furgeions & Chandlers And it is further ordered that [' by consent * interlined] 
the writtings for ye fald Honfe be (igned fealcd Sc deliuered In the names & for 
the vfe off the Company to John Hall George Durham Charts Clark & Robt 
Anderfon And it is further ordered y^ thes 4 a fore Named or any 3 of them 
fhall haue full Power to By repaire [/&* interlined] vphold Co much as they 
In ther difcretion fhall thinke fitt for the Maintaing of ye faid Houfe out off the 
General llock of ye faid company for the vfe of ye Company & for no other end. 
In witnefT wherin we have sett to o*" hands 

[Signed by * Edward Bainbrigge* and 17 others.] 

June the 8*»» 1646 

Forafmuch as it is apparent that the focietie and Company of Barber Cbirur- 
gions & Wnxe and tallow Chandlers are much preiudiced by multiplicity of 
appmtices tak to the fame and vpon full and mature Confideration amongft the 
(aid fociety the Caufe of the faid preiudice and wrong ; is by fome of the brethren 
takeing Many appmtices and liniderly difpofing of them before they have 
Serued their apprntefhipp as by Indenture tbey ought feme for prevention of 
further preiudice and wrong to be Done to the faid fociety 

It is this Day by the generall Confent of the Wardens and the Befb the faid 
fociety for them and their fucceHbrs ordered and Agreed that noe brother of the 
faid focietie already free or Hereafter to be admitted free of the fame fhall 
from henceforth Have or take any more apprntioes then two, according to our 
Ordinarie and the latter apprntice of thofe two, fhall not be Taken vntill the 
former apprntice haue duely (erued fixe yeares by Indenture vpon the paice and 
penalty oi: twentie fhillings to be paid by euery brother that iliall offend to the 
ilewards of the faid focietie for the vfe of the fame 

[Signed by 'John Hall' and 18 others.] 

June the 18^ 1646 

It is this day agreed by the Confent of the whole Company, that William 
Bettfon shall haue leaue To trauell; the Besidue of his yeares; he not Being 
preiudiciall to the Company; and to haue His freedome for his Dutye paying 

June the 3th 1646* 

forasmuch as it is apparent that the focietie and Company of Barber Chir- 
urgions & waze and tallow Chandlers are much preiudiced by multiplicity of 
app'ntices tak to the fame and vpon full and mature Confideration amongft the 
faid fociety the Caufe of the faid preiudice and wrong; as by fome of the 
brethren taking Many appmtices and finiflerly Disposing of them before thej 
haue Serued their app'ntf hipp as by Indenture they ought seme for prevention 
of further preiudice and wrong to be Done to the faid fociety. 

Jt is this Day by the generall Confent of the Wardens and the Reft the faid 
fociety for them and their fucceiTors ordered and Agreed that noe brother of the 
faid focietie already free or Hereafter to be admitted free of the fame fhall from 
henceforth Haue or take any moi'e app^'ntices then two, according to our Ordin- 
arie and the latter app^'ntice of thofe two, fhall not be Taken vntill the former 
app*"ntice haue duely ferued fixe yeares by Indenture vpon the paine and penalty 
of twentye fhillings to be paid by euery brother that shall offend to The ftewards 
of the faid focietie for the vfe of the fame 

[Signed by * John Hall ' and 13 others.] 

A Meting holden at Thomas younge honfe Auguft the 5th 1646 

I Charles Clarke &. francis Cooper doe bind our felues by thefe p^'fents to 
pay vnto the Company tenn pound vpon admittance of the faid francis Cooper 
to be a f re brother and y* he fhall not excrcife the trade of a barber furgeon 
and Chandler in the towne of necaftle vpon tine or the liberties thereof vntil 
he be free of the towne WitnefT our hands ffrancis Cooper 

Reed of francis Cooper for his admittance to be a free Brother of the ii b d 
Company ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 01 06 08 

Reed of francis Cooi)er for abfenting Himfelfe from his m' w**» out leaue two 
feuerall times ... : 18 : 4 


[At a meeting at the same place on Oct. let, 1646.] 

Becd of Charles Clarke for (ettlng two Journey men a worke being g ^ 

vnfree 28 2d according to oar ordinarie 02 02 

[At a meeting at the same place Nov. the 9th, 1646] 

It is this day agreed by the Confent of the Company y* Tho: Crooke app'ntice 
to Geo: Durham fhall haue leane [to] trauell as his maiiler's app'ntice, Sc for 
his maifter vfe, He being Imployed iolely in his Calling the Refidae of his 
yeares He not being preiudiciall to the Company may haue his f redome for His 
Duty paying &c. 

[A meeting at same place on April 14, 1647] 

lionell Maddison is an app'ntice to Iho: younge his Indenture * ^ 
bearing date the 1"* March p* for entre 0100 

Beol of Tho. younge for taking Lionell Maddifon app^'ntice before ii s d 
the former app'ntioe hath ferued Hxe yeares 206 01 00 

Memorrandu' that this prefent day being the flxte of October 1643 

It is Ordered and agreed by the most part of llie Company that no Brother 
of the Company which haith not dKTpuriTed his mony and part which is due for 
him for the making vp of Twenty Pound which foume the Maior of Newcaftell 
Haith CaufTed tho Company to Lend him and The f orfaid Companie which haith 
not Lent his Mony for the making vp of this Twenty pound fhall not haue any 
part of the Company mony which doth Come in vnto the Company vntill Such 
time theay haue payd thear mony which was Layd vppon them by the most part 
of the Company 6r John Marlay being maior In the yeare 1643 

[Then follow * The names of those which paid this 20^*.*] 

Bobt Ogle and Thomas Younge, stewards for this year ending 14th June, 1647. 

Difbts. from 25 May 1646 to the 14 June 1647 

Imprs. given to Mr Shaftoe for his Counfell 00 10 00 

It. giuen to the sergeant for arrefling Charles Clarke 00 01 00 

It. pd the attorney 00 02 10 

It. pd Mr Astle for writing an order Made By ye Authoritie of the 

Maior ; Aldermen and fheriffe ; for and Concerning ye Company ... 00 IS 04 

Stewards for the year 1647, Gelbert Browell & George Durham ^^ ^' ^^ 

Meeting * at George Durham the 7 of July 1647 * 

Charles Clarke Laid downe his fine of ffortie fhil lings According to m*" Maior 
his order & giuen it All Againe :/ 

Meeting at the same place '4 Otober' 

Bol^rt Anderfon is Chofen by the Comj)any to goe to the fpetell for a 

Bdward Kent as A Jumaman defired to be entred in this boke g d 
& he paid according to o' order xiij** 0101 

Meeting at the same place *the i5 of Defember* 

Bob^rt Ogell is ordered by the moft of Company for the keping of 40* of the 
Companys mony to be fued. 

Meeting at same place * the 23 of DeTember^ 

Jhon hall Cholien by the moft of the Company to go and vevv the granleafe (?) 
with the rest of the burgeffe 

Meetinge the 10 of ffebruary 1647[8] 

Charles Clarke & william Coulion is apoynted by the Company to Confulte 
with the refl of the burgefes 

Charles Clarke will Coulfon Thomas Smithe Boberte Anderson and the 2 
ftuerds is Chofen to goe and petefeon mr mare alder men & Common Counsel 1 
for ground and (ton to be a metting houfe and garden 

Meeting 28 of ffabruary 

Thomas Smitheth k Thomas young is Choien to go to f holes to gine a woman 
notes to make no more Candells 


Meeting 24 March 1647 

Giuen to Tho Smith and Tho young for their charges to fheales aboute the 
Companyes boimes 00 03 00 

Meeting 10 April 1648 

It is Agr^ by the conient of the Gompanie that Charles Clarke, Bob^ 
Anderfon Thomas Smith & William CoulTon fhall goe along in the Cumpanies 
bnHonis Confeming o' meting houfe And what they doe we whoUie Agre vnto 

Meeting at same place ' 25<i daye of Aprill 1648 * 

Jt is this day ordered by y« Company of Barber Surgeions y^ John hall 
Edward Bainbridge Gibt Browell Charls Clark Henry wills WUlim Coalfon 
Thomas Smith & Hobert Anderfon or any 7 fixe or fine of them hane full pow' 
& Autority to agre & pay for y* erecting of a Mettinge houfe in y^ maners & to 
difpofe of y* Companys monys to y* purpofe & what Monys fhalbe lent by any 
Brother of y* Companij for y* buildinge of y* aforefaide houfe y" Jngagement of 
y® Company Js they fhalbe repaid as Monys fhall a Rife in ftocke. 

[Signed by * John : Hall Edward Bainbrigge* and 16 others.] 

Difburfments for this yeare ending the 29th daij of Maij ano 1648. 

u B d 

Given to Tho. Smith & Tho. Younge for fheels vioage 00 03 00 

Given out about the howfe building 30 08 03 

[Meeting ' 29th of Maij at Charles Clarke *] 

Stewards for this year, Edward Bainbridge and Henry Shaw. 

At a meeting holden at Edward bainbridge howfe the 13th daij of June ano 


towards the building of a meeting howfe 

Receiued of John Jowcie 00 13 04 

Receiuedof Hen: f haw 00 13 04 

[The number of brethren on February 8th, 1648, was 30.] 

At a meeting in Edward Bainbriggs the fourth day of July 1648 
Ralph Dynning fined for vnbrotherly words to Ralph Guy att 

the iaid meeting faying to him firrah you coxcomb fined ... iij« iiij<2 pd 
Henry Watfon for difobeying the (lewards ref ufeing to goe afide 

when he was comanded by the stewards to goe afide &ied vjs yi{}d 

[They were fined again at a subsequent meeting for refusing to pay their 

Ordered that the petition this day prefented by the apprentices of Barber 
Chirurgions fhalbe afl^ed to the Booke to remaine vpon Record: A Copie 
whereof doth follow : 

To the Stewards or Wardens and the red of the Societie and ffellow- 
shipp of Barber Chirurgions within the Towne of Newcastle vpon 

The humble petition of vs whofe names are herevnder written yo' fenerall 
and refpectiue app'ntices : 

Wherein wee humbly crave leave to tci^ifie and declare our acknowlegment 
of the great care yo<* haue and beare to vs and our Succedors in goeing about 
to provide a houfe and garden for the vfe of the Societie w^*^ will not l^ onely 
vfef uU but alfoe an bono' to vs and our Succeffors which wee p'ceiue is likely 
to be retarded for want of moneys; Now therefore wee humbly intreat yo« 
would be pleafed to goe on with the work to effect and not to ddKt from the 
fame, hereoy aHureing yo" and engageing our felves that wee fhall for our parts 
when wee fhalbe admitted to our refpectiue ffreedomes pay the ffyne of 13^ id 
which as wee heare is impofed by an order heretofore made to be paid by every 
one that after that f hould be made free by fervice (which order wee humbly 
conceive to be iuft and reafonable) And alfoe fhall fubmitt our felves to the 
orders of the Companey for the repayment of all moneys already lent raifed or 
advanced, or which fhalbe lent borrowed raifed or advanced for the goeing on 
with the makeing and finishing the faid houfe and garden ; And in testimonie 


thereof haae herevnto fubfcribed our names, humbly craveiuf; a favourable con- 
(Imction hereof, A.nd wee fhall euer pray for the profperitie of this Societie. 

SThe names of 'Jfaac Cooper, George Story, John Clarke, Arthur Softlty,* 
iam Orofbie, James Welfh, Ralph WiUiaxnflon, WllUam Lawes, Robert 
Thompfon, Jude Bulman, Charles Wills, John Bowerbanck, Thomas Hufband, 
Thomas Marlay [twice], John AinTley, Thomas fforfter, Robert Harbottle, 
ffrancis Dowe, Outhbert Stoker, and ffrancis Robeson * are appended.] 

Anguft the 4th 1648 

Whereas the Societie and Compauey of Barber Chirurgions have for diverle 
yeares by pafl wanted a convenieot place to aiTemble and meete in as other 
Gompaneys of this Towne have hitherto enioyed (theire vfuall place of meeting 
over Pandon Port haveing beene taken downe and made vfe off otherwife for 
defence of the Towne) which hath beene to the great preiudice and damage of 
the faid Societie, And whereas it was ordered and agreed by the faid Societie 
that the Maior and Comon Councell of this Towne fhould be peticoned for 
libertie to build a houfe for their aHembling and meeting in, in fome convenient 
place within this Towne vpon which a petition was accordingly drawne and 
p^fented to the faid Maior and Comon Councell by feverall of the faid Societie 
(by the faid focietie or maior part thereof) appointed to that purpofe, vpon which 
petition and folicitation of the faid feverall pfons the faia Maior and Comon 
Councell were pleafed to grant vnto the faid Societie by the name of the War- 
dens and focietie of Barber Chirurgions a parcell of ground in the Maner Garth 
for the erecting and building of a meeting houfe and a Garden for the vfe of the 
faid Societie ; which faid houfe is in good part already built. And whereas all 
the moneys of the faid Societie whi(£ was readie in flock is already defrayed 
and dii'burfed in and about the work already done about the faid houfe, and 
Edward Bainebrigg, Gilbert Browell, Henry Wills, Charls Clark, Robert Anderfon, 
and Henry Shaw have disburfed by way of loane to the faid Companey the 
feueral fumms herevnder mencoed and pticnlerly ezpreifed for the doeing of 
what is already done, and that more moneys is and mull be advanced and raifed 
by the faid Companey or fome of them, or taken vp att IntereTt for the pfecting 
of the faid houfe and Garden; It is therefore this day ordered by the faid 
Societie for them and their Succeffora that all money already lent by the faid 
Bdwaid Bainebrlgg, Gilbert Browell, Henry Wills, Charls Clark, Robert Anderfon 
and Henry Shaw, and to be lent by them or any other brother or bretheren of 
the faid Societie towards the p'fecting and finif ning of the faid worke fhalbe 
duely and truely paide againe vnto them proporconably forth and out of the 
Stock of the faid Societie as the fame doth or fhall arife ; And in caife that 
they the faid Edward Bainebrigg, Gilbert Browell, Henry Wills, Charles Clarke, 
Robert Anderfon, and Henry Shawe or any of them or any other Brother of the 
faid Societie fhall dye or depart this naturall life before the moneys by him 
lent to the vfe af ordfaid be repaid as af orefaid. That then the wife Executor or 
Adminiibrator of fuch Brother foe dying fhalbe fully fatiffyed and paid fnch 
fumm as fhalbe arreare and vnpaid vnto the Brother foe dving, before any 
moneys be paid to any fnrvlveing Brother, and alfoe that all otner moneys taken 
vp att intereft to the vfe aforefaid fhalbe likewife repaid forth of the flock of 
the faid Companey as the fame doth or fhall arise and to the intent that the 
moneys already lent and to be lent, and borrowed or taken vp as aforefaid for 
the pfecting and finishing of the faid houfe and garden (it being for the creditt 
and oenefitt of the whole Societie) may accordingly be paid ; It is further oidered 
by the generall confent of the faid Societie That euery Brother already free, and 
every one that hereafter fhalbe free of the faid Societie, fhall from time to time 
vpon demaund made bv the Stewards or Waidens of the faid Societie pay all 
fuch ffynes as is or fhalbe due vpon the breach of their Ordinary or any other 
order or orders already made or to be made by the faid Societie or maior part 
thereof, and the brother or bretheren ref ufeing to pay fuch flfyne or ffynes to be 
removed and putt off and from the faid Societie, and to have noe benefitt thereof 
nor thereby vntill he reconcile himfelf e and pay his ffynes, with fuch penaltie for 
former ref ufeing as the faid Societie or maior part thereof fliall reaionably im- 
pofe vpon him : 

VOL. XV. ^ F 

U 8 d 

... 05 00 00 

... 02 10 00 

... 05 00 00 

... 05 00 00 

... 02 10 00 

... 02 10 00 


The names of the pibns who haue lent moneys vpon the order aboue written 
with the pticnler famms by them lent, to be repaid according to the fame order 


Edward Bainebrigg ffive pounds... 

Gilbert Browell ffif tie rhulings ... 
paid Henry Wills flSve rounds 

Charls Clarke fBve Pounds 
paid Robert Andcrfon ffif tie fhilUngs ... 
paid Henry Shaw ffiftie fhillings 

[Signed by * Edward Bainbrigge* and 15 others.] 

Julij 27" 1648 

Borrowed of m*" A 1 worth for w** Edward Bainebrigg & w™ Beednell (land 

bound fifteene pounds to be p^ w'*» vfe att a years end w'''* is ... 16 04 00 
Likewife borrowed of him 16/i for paym' of w"** w^ vfe att the feme 

time Gilb» Browell & Hen Wills itand bound 16 04 00 

[the like Charles Clarke & Tho Smith were bound] 16 04 00 

[do. Rob' Anderfon & Hen Shaw were bound] 16 04 00 

64 16 00 
Octob' 2^ 1648 ;:,,==::=;;^ 

The names of thofe off the companey who haue lent further fumms off money 
towards the building of the houfe 

Widdow Hudspeth 02 00 00 

Robert Anderson 01 00 00 

Att a meeting in Edward Bainebriggs the fourth day of Augaft i648 

By the maior vote of the Companey it is voted that the Leafe be taken from 
the Maior and Comon Counfell in the names of John Hall fen Edward Bainebrigg 
Gilbert Browell Henry Wills Charls Clark Thomas Smith Robert Anderfon David 
Shevill John Jowfey Henry Shaw Will*" (Jlay & Robert Archbald in truft to the 
vfe of the whole focietie and their Succeflbrs and noe otherwife : • 

[At a meeting at the same place on the 2nd Oct. 1648.] 
Thomas Smith appointed to attend the Spittell 

Att a meeting in Henry Shawes the ffift day of October 1648 

A complaint made by Gabriel Hudfpeth ag' Henry King for trimming m*" 
ffox vpon the fabaoth day w^** the faid Henry denieth k is referred to be made 
good the next meeting, vpon the penaltie in the order mencoed ag' triming vpon 
the fabaoth day 

At a meeting at the same place on *the 19*** of Nouember 1648 ' 

Ordered that Henry King fhall pay for his drefling of m' ffox J ^^ 
vpon the fabaoth he confeffing he carried wafhballs & combed his > cleared 

Periwigg & a ftranger aflBrming that he waf bed m' ffox \ ^ ^'^^ 

Ordered that Charls Clark Robert Richardfon John Hall the elder Robert 
Ogle Thomas Smith & Tho: Tonng fhall afTift the ftewards in goinge about the 
fupprcfllng of the foldio' who vfeth the Chandler Traid & all others who tranf- 
grene in the &me or the like kind 

Att a meeting of the Stewards and Companey of Barber Chirurgions within the 

Towne of Newcaftle vpon Tine the Nynth day of March 1648 [-9] (in the 

meeting houfe : • ) 

fforasmuch as the (aid Companey are neceHitated for moneys for the generall 

and publique vfe of the Companey foe as diverfe of them have already difburied 

diverfe fumms of money, and aKoe have borrowed moneys for the (aid vfe and 

muft be forced to borrow or difburfc more moneys, there publique (lock being 

already exhaufted, Now to the intent that moneys may be the (ooner raifed for 

the paying and dilcharging the Debts of the Companey ; It is this day w*** the 

vnanimous and generall con fen t of the faid Companey or Maior part thereof 

ordered that every brother already free of the laid Companey fhall weekly and 

every weeke dureing the fpace of one yeare to be acoompted from the flbSl day 

of January lafl pail pay or caufe to be paid to the Stewards of the (aid Com- 


paney for the tiine being to and for the ufe of the fame the foinm of Two 
rence, the fame to be paid quarterly vpon the fidt wedenfday in every 
quarter, the firft paym^ to begin ypon the ffirfb wedenfday in the moneth 
of April 1 next enfewing the date hereof. And it is likewife ordered that every 
one that hereafter dnreing the (aid tearme of one yeare fhalbe made free of 
the faid Companey fhall likewife pay to the vie aforeiaid Two pence weekly 
and every weeke to be accompted from the time of his admittance to his 
freedome, And to the end that foe needfoll and vfefall an order may not be 
violated but duely obferved, Jt is further ordered that if any Brother or Brethren 
free or to be free doe refufe or neglect to pay the iaid weekly payment in forme 
aforefaid, fuch brother or brethren to have noe priviledge or benefitt of or with 
the faid Companey vntill he reconcile himfelfe to the Companey and willingly 
pay the iaid payments and all arrerages thereof, And that every brother foe 
neglecting and ref nfeing to pay the faid fumm to forfeit to the stewards for the 
time being to the vfe of the Companey twelve pence for every quarter : • / 

[Signed by ^ Edward Bainbrigge* and 18 others.] 

Att a meeting in the meeting houfe the zxj*^ of May 1649 being the headmeet- 
ingday:. / 

Ordered by tne confent of the Companey that the i 2** heretofore p* in ouer 
& befides the xx* for entering eu*"y fecond app'ntice to the ufe of the companey 
fhalbe p** to the Clark & onely xx* to the companey. 

Ordered that Edward Bainebrigg& Hen: Shaw being (lewards; for neglect- 
ing to open the meeting houfe dore, att or before the firft houre mencoed in 
warning fined 12^ a peice ; and this to remainc Sc continue as a Prefident to all 
fucceeding ftewards 

Stew^s (elected for the enfewing yeare Edward Bainebrigg Charles Clark 

[The receipts of Edward Bainebrigg and Henry Shaw, stewards, for the year 
ending 21st May, 1649, were £124 lis. 6d., consisting chiefly of loans for building 
meeting hoaaej 

Disbursements for the same year. 
June V Inp" given to George Lambe in eamefl for Tiles att 10" 6* " ■ * 

1648 p. thoufand 00 01 00 

Itm p^ to John Swann in eamefl to flate the houfe he finding 

allof 18":10":00* 00 0100 

Jane 2^ p^ Oeorge Lambe vpon his note 0100 00 

3 Itm p^ Thomas Donkin Labourer for 5 days worke att 10^ 

p* day ».. ... •«• ••■ »m» ... ..* •«• uu U4 \jj> 
Itm p** George Aknm Labourer for 4 dayes at 10^ p. day ... 00 03 04 
Itt p** 6 Wallers for 16 & J dayes worke att 20«* p. day ... 01 01 06 

Itt p^ one Labourer for 5 days att 12<* p. day 00 05 00 

Itt p** one Labourer for 19 days att 10* p. day 00 15 10 

Itt p^ for 3 buntings 24 foot att 4* S^ p. bunting 00 14 00 

Itt p** for canning water for the Lyme 00 00 06 

10 : Itt p** George Lambe in part for Tiles 00 10 00 

Itt p<* for Capravens 00 02 08 

Itt p<* a maif on for the table of the ftone windo^ & Lead for 

the ilanchells 00 06 10 

Itt p*» 4 Wallers for 6 dayes worke att 20** a peice p. day ... 01 13 04 
Itt p*» 7 Laboures for 5 dayes att 10* a peice p. day ... 01 09 02 

Itt for 1 Labourer 3 dayes & ^ 00 03 00 

Itt for 1 Labourer 5 dayes att 12* p. day 00 06 00 

Itt for 1 Labourer 6 dayes att 9* p. day 00 03 09 

Itt for 1 Labourer 2 dayes att 10*^p. day 00 01 08 

Itt for Lyme 00 18 03 

Itt p* for the pann peices for (awing & charges to lay them 

vpon the new key 03 03 06 

Itt for Capravens to make Truffles 00 10 00 

Itt for 20 dayles to be fcaffolds 00 13 04 

Itt p* for 6 dry dalles for ye ffore doore 00 07 00 


U a d 

Itt p<^ a Labourer for halfe a day 00 00 05 

Itt p<* for carrying the pann peices from the key to the yard 00 08 00 

Ttt p^ for 20 Swalls to be fcaflEolds 00 10 00 

June 17 Itt p^ 1 Labourer for 4 dayes att 10<* p. day 00 03 04 

Ut p^ 4 Labourers for 17 dayes att 10^ p. day 00 14 02 

Itt p<* Geoi'ge Lambe in part for Tyles 01 10 00 

Itt p^ 1 Labourer 6 dayes 6c ^ att 12<* p. day 00 06 06 

Itt p<^ f or makeing the Trussles 00 02 08 

Itt p^ for makeing the ffore doore 00 02 08 

Itt p<* for treenailes 00 02 00 

Itt p^ the maion for hewing the (bones for the pods ... 01 07 00 

Itt p<* for 322 nailes • 00 03 02 

24 Itt p^ George Lambe in full for 9360 tiles at 10" 6<* p. thou- 

B mm ••• ••• ••• ••• •■• ••• ••« ••• \j m xo v\/ 

Itt p* for 18 boules of Lyme at 5<» p. bol 00 07 06 

July 1"" Itt p"* 8 Labourers for 5 dayes att 10<> a peice p. day ... 00 12 06 

Itt p"* the Serieant to arreft Robert Ogle 00 01 06 

Itt p*» the Attorney his ffee 00 03 03 

Itt p<* w«* was loft in exchange of 10** 16* dipt moneys ... 02 06 00 

itt p^ for 18 mafts bought of the Ohamb'Iane 03 03 00 

Itt p<* for a Lock for the Courtaine doore 00 04 06 

Itt p<* for a fwill & a ftang 00 00 07 

Itt p<* for drincks for the Lyme Carryer & for carrying water 00 02 00 

8 Itt p** 1 Labourer for 4 days at 10** p. day 00 03 04 

Itt p<* for 50 dayles to be fcaflolds 0118 04 

Itt p<* for 10 fparrs & one Capraven 00 08 00 

22 Itt p'* for 10 Capravens 00 13 00 

Itt p* for drawing foure bonds for the 60** borrowed of M' 

Alworth ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 00 02 00 

Itt p** for 8 Iwalls 00 04 00 

29 Itt p*» to M' Recorder for p'ufeing o' Leafe 00 10 00 

Auguft 12 Itt p** John Pigg for 6 Buntons att 6» p. Bun' 01 10 00 

Itt p^ Michaell Durham for 3 peices of timber for pinyon 

ga veils & wall plates 02 03 00 

Itt p'* Nicholas Pantzer for five fcore fparrs & 13 Buntons ... 09 07 06 

Itt p* for choofing the fparrs & Buntons 00 01 00 

[Other charges for ' Buntons ' and ' dayles ' for scaffolds.] 

Itt p<* f or 7 Capravens f or Wind bawlks 00 10*06 

Itt p<* for 3 Buntons for syles 00 18 00 

26 Itt for 6 mafts for rigging tree & Wivers 01 16 00 

Septemb*" 2 Itt p" for pealeing the fparrs 00 03 00 

Itt p^ for makeing vpp a peice of wall betwixt the honfe & 

the old Church 00 02 00 

17 Itt p^ to M' Shaftoes man for drawing the Leafe 01 02 06 

Itt p« M' Awftell for his draught 00 14 04 

Itt p<* in ezpences att the fealeing of our Leafe 00 13 08 

23 Itt p^ Labourers for carrying the fflaggs into the Courtaine 00 04 00 
Octob' 3 Itt p** the outrent due lo the towne for the houfe 00 03 04 

Itt p** for a Corfe of haire 00 0100 

[Other items for * fwills,* * lyme/ * sparrs,* etc.] 

NovmV 21 Itt p'*" for mending a foa & fkeele 00 01 04 

March 8 Itt p** to Andrew the Waller for 3 days & i 00 04 08 

Itt p^ for mending hacks k gavelicks 00 02 06 

Itt p** for warning the Wallers 2 tymes 00 0100 

Itt p** for a foa to carry water 00 00 10 

Thetotalldiiburlm»asp. thefeu'allpages 180 17 11 

Soe the companey reft owing to the ftewards 006 06 06 

At meeting on 21 May, 1649 'M<* it is agreed & ordered that the faid fnmm of 
6/i 6« 6^ shalbe paid to Edward Bainebrigg foe foone as money arifeth. 

Test' Ra : Tailor Not Pubt 


Att a meeting the 6^ of Jane i 649 

Henry King vpon demannd made of him of his ffines by the*^ 
Iteward k refufeing to pay the fame the ftewaid telling him they f ... ....^ ^ 

moil take another courfe he anfwering) doe yo' worft; vpon vote i ^ " P 
is found to be vndecent words & therefore fined } 

Att a meeting in the meeting hoafe the ffourth day of July i649 

M^ that David Shevill of his owne charge hath glafened thirtie fix lights of 
the windo^ of the meeting honfe w<^ he fr^y gineth to the Gompaney 

Difbnriementf of Edward Bainebrigg & Oharles Clark for year ended 

10 Jane 1650 

P* to Edward Sharper waller ... 00 04 00 

P' for bands & fqaares for the Gafements 00 01 00 

?*» for 176 foot of glaffe att 2* p. foot 01 09 04 

F* to the glafier for leed taokets & workmanfhipp 01 18 07 

P^ for two fprufe dailes 01 02 00 

P** for carrymg them ap 00 0102 

Giaen to a poore traveller being a Chirargion 00 05 00 

februarie the 24"» 1650[.l] 

By vertae of an order of the Gompaney of Barb' Ghirnrgions of this pref ent 
date made for the laying- on or impoieing a monethly Gefle upon the Gompaney 
for raifeing of moneys to be dif poied towards the mainteining of the priviledges 
of the towne of Newcaille vpon Tine, Wee John Hall Edward Bainebrigg Gharles 
Glarke and David Shevill chofen to that parpofe, doe. think fitt, order and fett 
downe that every Brother free of the f aid Gompaney fhall monethly and every 
moneth dnreing the fpace of one yeare to be accompted from this prefent 24*** 
da}' of ffebruarie 1650 pay the monethly famm or tax hereandor menconed and 
impofed vpon him, the fame to be paid to the itewards for the time being vpon 
demannd :/ 

[Then follows a list of names and amounts.] 


[By order of the * 26^ feb 1660* the monthly cess laid on on the ' 24 feb^" * was 
ordered to be continned for another year.] 

Memoranda* its generally Gonfented & agreed vpon by the Gompagnye of barber 
Ghyrargeons this fist of march 1650 that Daaid fheaill fhall for fiae com- 
pleate yeares following date hearof haae & hold the oater garden belonging 
to oar meating hall wee the faid Compaigny erecting & finif hing the hedges 

. in a Gompleat and fenceable maner and it is ordered that a leafe f balbe 
drawen to that purpofe from Gharls Glark no^ eldefl fteward to him the faid 
David excepting ingreffe et?refle & regreffe to k trom the meeting hall 

[Signed by * John Hall * and 8 others.] 

It is agreed that Gharls Glark shall haae the outer garden upon the fame 
tearme for 6li to be in hand paid 

At a metinge houlden at the Ghyrurgions hall the . 5 . of Auguft 1651 

John Jowfey fyned for tellinge the whole company that they might as well 
taike his hatt of his heade as taike a fine of ten fhillinges w^** was thought due 
by the company the sum of OOli OSs OAd p^ * 

All giuen back upon vote 

At a metinge houlden amongfte the Barber Ghyrurgions the . 5 . of September 
Thomas Andrew late app'ntice to Thomas Pefcod upon his petition had licence 
granted to travell dureing the relidue of his app'ntifhip for his improvement in 
his Art & traid & att the expiration of his tearme to have his freedome for his 
duties (>aying provided he fpend his time in. the ufe of the (ame Art & traid, & 
doe not practize the lame w*"in . 12 . Miles of Newrastle : • y 


Diiborfements till this U^ of June 1652 u. b. d. 

Ittem paid for fflaggin the Ooartin 00:05:00 

Ittem paid for dreifing the garden & for feeds 00: i 7:04 

Ittem giuen Beniamine Duffeild a diftrefled brother 00:04:00 

Ittem paid for weeding the garden 00:0i:04 

Ittem for 60 fprufe dales att is6d& dale ii : 08: 00 

Ittem paid for Carring them 00:06:00 

Laid out for this last worke att the fCoregate: • / 

[Then some items of * maisons,* * laborers/ and * wallers ' pay.] 

Ittem to Tho: Clarke for 2 crookes for the great yate 00: 01: 00 

Ittem to Robertt Oarruders for bands Locks flotts and ftaples for the 

greav gaie ... «•• ..• ••■ •*• ... ••* •■• ••• tA/«xy:\A/ 

Costing altogether 82:13:03 

Att a meeting holden the 9^ day of Nonember 1652 att the Barber Chimrgions 
It is this meeting agreed that the order before written, for the paying of 2d 
a weeke, towards the ffinifhing of their Hall, fhall Continue in force for a whole 
yeare begining the firfl of Noaember ini^Dt. 

At a meeting held on the * Seauenth day of December 1652 * 

'florasmnch as ye iaidCompaney are neceffitated for moneys ... & that money 
may the fooner be raifed for the paying . . . the debts of the Coy' and the 
finifhing and p'fccting of their meetinghoufe ' It is . . . ordered that every free 
brother pay 2d a week such sum to be paid monthly ic every one to be made free 
2d weekly & if any brother neglect to pay ' to haue no preuiledge or benefitt 
of or with the faid Companey vntill he reconiile himfelfe to the Companey & 
willingly pay ... & evei^ brother Co neglecting and refufeing to pay ... to for- 
feite . . . Twelve pence euery quarter.' 

[Signed by * Edward Bainbrigg' and 16 others.] 

Att a meeting holden att the Barber Chimrgions Hall the 7^ day of December 
Ordered by the Company that the Rewards fhall p'fent the petition to the 
Comon Councell W^ petition is for the fiEree traid of Tallow, And that Tho: 
Smith & Robert And''fon are to goe w^ the ftewards to p'fent it: • / 

Meeting on the IS'** January 1652[-3]. 

Thomas Smith hath giuen freely to the Companey, towards the finifhing of 
their meeting houfe the fum of 

The acoonnte of Charles Clarke and Robert Archbald, ilewards of difburfm^ . • . 

till this iixt dajr of June 1 663 

Inp^'is for vfe mony 04:16:00 

Item for for Laying j* floore 01: 12:00 

Item for makeing y" fErame of y* table 02:06:08 

Item for y* Wright to Lay y*" floore 01:15:00 

Item for (ix dales 01:04:00 

Item for carrying them to y' meeting house 00:00:06 

Item to y* Clerck 00:10:00 

Item y* years outrent 00:06:08 

Item for Laying the harth 00:11:06 

Item for 2 formes 00:03:04 

Item for pointing p* of y® houfe 00:01:00 

Item for mending y" windowes 00:06:06 

[At a meeting on the 28th day of July, 1653] 

Thomas younge for ikying he wondred y« Companey were foe fottifh Sc called 
them Lords of mifrule is fined 3" 4^ whereof taken !• 

Ordered this meeting that tbefe orders are to be written faire and Indoried 
in the booke (vizt) an order for a brother refufeing fceward to be fined 10* An 
order that non fhall haue priuiledge in y*' Company till he pay his fines An 


order to pay 10" vpon p*ting k takeing Compofition w'** his app^tice. And an 
order that noe brother fball beare office that defaces or tears out any leaues in 
the booke 

[Meeting on the 4^ Angast 1663 

Aiter reciting that owing to * deaitions and diflurbances* It is ordered 

1 That if a free brother on being chosen Steward or warden shall refuse to act 

to forfeit and pay the fine of lOg. 

2 That no brother free or to be free shall have any benefit or privilege either to 

enter an apprentice in his books or make an apprentice free until such 
time as such brother shall have first paid all his assessments and fines. 

3 That if anv free brother, etc. shall hereafter * part with his app''ntice, k take 

Compofition of him, fhall forfeit . , . and pay vnto y® fiewards the ffyne of 
ten inillings.* 
' fifourthly it is alfoe ordered and enacted that euery Brother of the faid Company 
who fhall att any tyme hereafter ftarch or glew togeithei* any Leaues of 
the Companyes bookes, or Teare out k deface any of them, whereby any 
order or writeing in the iaid bookes fhall be defaced or tome forth fhall 
for ener be debarred & diienabled in bearing any office amongd them :*] 

[Meeting 16 May 1654] 

James Bland hath chofen his Dame Ann Anderfun widdow to seme y" re- 
mainder of his yeares w*** y® Confent of y* Companey dureing her no** widdow 

Cuthbert Richardfon hath chofen his Dame Ann Andcrfon to ferue y*" re- 
mainder of his yeares, with y« Confent of y* Companey, dureing her widdow 

[At a meeting * 22^ day of May 1664 *] 

Thomas Horfley for Triming of Two men, vpon Saturday night after | . 
Twelue a Clock fyned | 

Robert ffreezer informed 

The accompte of Edward Bainbrigge and Robertt ffreezer Stewardes . , . 

difburfments • . . till this 22'*' day of Maye . . . 1654* u s d 

p* for vfe money 04 i 6 00 

p y poore ■■• •*• •.. ... ••• ••• ... ... ... \ju u4 uy 

p** y" Town e« rent 00 06 08 

p** for 2 Trellefis for the weft windowe 00 Oi 02 

p^ for 230 read rofe trees 12 damafke k two white k for fetting them 00 07 06 

p* ye Gardiner for delueing y" garden 00 02 06 

giuen to Jo" Baldwyn a diitreffed brother 00 03 00 

p^ ye gardner f or 2 dayes worke and his boy 00 05 00 

p* a laborer for 2 days worke 00 01 04 

p* for Seed, herbs & flowers 00 02 07 

p* for rue & sotheron wood 00 00 06 

giuen to y" woman for Mrafhing y" houfe k watering y" garden ... 00 02 06 

Chofen for this yeare ftewhards Qilbart Brewell Dauid Sheuell. 

[Meeting 2nd of October, 1664.] 

This day Charles Clarke chufed by agenerall confent of the company to be 
of the election for chufeing of the Maior. 

[Meeting ' 4 of October 1654 '] 

Ordered by y* Companey y* Danid Sheuill and Charles Clarke are to meet 
w*** other Companys, of this Towne: / 

It is voted by y® Major p* of y« Companey that Edw: Bainbrigg fhall bring 
into the Companey y** next meeting y** L^e of their meeting houfe vpon 3* 4<* ffine. 


Memorandu* it is this day being the 9^ of October ordered by a genera 11 
confent of the Companye that Edward Banbrig fhall keep the leafe of our 
meating hall for the vfe of the Companye vntill they pleafe to call it in, and 
that he fhall bring it in enery yeare once to the meating Hall there to be red 
or p'nied. 


Meeting 16 November 1654 

It is this meeting ordered by the Major part of the Ckjoipaney, that 2** a 
weeke is to be paid by enery free brother, towards y* makeing of a g^tfden, And 
to begin this day & to be p** Monthly: And that thofe who refofee to paie to, 
hane noe benefitt in y^ coinpaney vntill it be paid 

[Signed by * Edwaid Bainbrigg ' and fifteen others.] 

[Meeting * 22«» of Nouember 1654 '] 

Memoranda that this day it is ordered by the Company that Thomas Smith - 
Thomas Yonnge Robt ffreezer and John Varey fhall take a conrfe with all thofe 
y^ fells Candles being not free in the towne that they pay jdijd p. and and alfo 
to fee other abufes rectified of that nature. 

[Meeting * 21"» daie of December 1664 H 

M*' it is this meeting ordered that Charles Clarke Tho: Smith Tho : younge 
& Robert Richardfon are to goe & fpeake w"» m*" Gregory Butler and Peter Sharpe 
concenieing tiieir makeing of Candles & to take their answere, 6i report it to y** 
Companey the next meeting. / 

[Meeting «6"» of febr. 1666'] 

M<^ it is ordered and agreed by and betweene the whole Companey that if any 
brother alreadie free or hereafter fliall be free, that fhall difclofe any fecretts of 
the Companey, tending to their preiudice. euery brother foe offending fhall 
forfeit & pay the flfyne of Twenty l billings fterlings :/ 

Ordered by the vote of ye Companey that John Hall elder Charles Clarke 
Tho : Smith Tho: Tounge are the lower men appointed by y^ Company to act 
ag* fforraigners. [Signed by * John Hall ' and twenty others.] 

[Meeting *▼• 2« of ffebruary (54)/ 1655] 

Wee Wiilm Clay aud ffrancis Kobinfon doe Ingage our felues vnto the Com- 
paney vpon Condetion of admittance of the faid ffrancis to be a ffree brother 
fhall not exercife the Traid of a Barber Chirurgion & Chandler w^^'in this Towne 
of Newcaftle or the Libertyes thereof vntill he receiue his ffree dome in the 
Towne; which fhall not be neglected vpon the firft opp'tunitie, And alfoe doe 
ingage that if it fhall be made appeare that BUinor wife of the faid ffrancis 
Robkifon fhall proue w^ Childe before the 17^ day of ffebruary Lafl, the faid 
ffrancis fhall pay to the Companey 40" 

Rec^ for ffrancis Robinfon for his admittance xU, 

rec^ for his marriage xlj. 

rec**for getting of his firfl Childe xU. 

[Meeting ^ll"* of Aprill/ 1666] 

It is this meeting voted and ordered by y" Major p* of y* Companey y' noe 
brother alreadie free or to be ffree amongft them fhall make any Childe free 
amongil them, but onely his eldefi fun, except it be by fervice & bound by In- 
denture, And noe brother to haue p'uiledge to take an app''ntice till his faid fone 
haue ferued the tyme as is mencoed in their ordenane./ And that any free 
brothers fon may haue y*' benefitt of pTonall ffreedome./ 

The account of Qllbertt Browell and Dauid Shevill Stewards ... of difburfe- 
ments ... till this ii*** day of June . . . 1656:. / u. ». d. 

Inp'is p** y® poore 00 06 00 

Ittem p^ y** Towne Chamber 00 03 04 

Ittem p** vfe money 04 16 00 

Ittem p** for y« Chimney 02 0100 

Ittem p** for mending y« meeting hall 00 Oa 00 

Ittem p** to y* old woman 00 05 06 

[Meeting 12 September 1655] 

Gilbent Browell, Charles Clarke, Dauid fheuill k, Henry fhawe are appointed 
by the Companey to Joyne w^ the ftewards to looke about the finishing of the. 
gardens:* / 

[Meeting !■* October 1666] 

Thomas Marley is chofen for going to the Spitle this yeare 


Att a meeting ... y« 9"* of October 1655 

This meeting the oatter clofe is letten to Tho: yoange for ayeare beginning 
att Michaelmas lafb he paying to y« Gompaney 16' for the yeare, And to make it 
cleane eu'y weeke, As alToe to foffer any of the Companey to drye clothes in it. 

Att a meeting the 12"' of ffebruary i655r-6] : . / 

It is this meeting ordered and agreed by the generall oonfent of the Gompaney 
that from henceforth noe Steward fhall wame any of the faid Gompaney to any 
buryall of any Sree Brother or fifter that fhall dye w***out this Towne of New 
Gaftle ypon Tyne, nor that any brother fhall pay any ffyne being warned to the 
faid Buryalls for the tyme to come : • / 

Att a meeting the 27"» of ffebruary i656[-6] : • 

It is ordered that John Hall thelder, Gilbert Browell, Gharles Glarke, John 
Varey, Tho: Smith & Tho: Young, togeither w*** the Stewards fhall forth w*"* goe 
to mr Major, to glue fatiffaccon conoemeing the Gompaney k. Bob: Ogles p*'ntioe. 

The Account of Edward Bainebrigge and John Bowerbanck Stewards ... of 
difburfments vntill this Second day of June 1656 : u s d 

Inp'is p^ a Yeares rent in the Towne Ghamber, due at Michaelmas (55) 00 06 08 

p** the old woman 3 feuerall tymes and for coles 00 02 02 

p*^ the vfe money due att Lamas (56) 04 i6 00 

p^ for fliftie halfe dales for the Pale 00 16 08 

p* for 17 dales at 9** a peece 00 12 09 

p* for fix Gaprauens att 16* p peece 00 08 00 

p* Jane Clarke for weeding the garden 00 00 06 

[There are other items for weeding.] 

p* John Scott 4 daves worke 00 06 00 

p* John Scott for letting herbs 00 02 08 

p* for watering 00 00 06 

p* the old woman, the remainder of her wages 00 03 02 

p^foramapp 00 00 06 

p** more to her for weeding 00 01 00 

Att a metelnge holden the 25^ of July 1656 

John H all fen, is f yned for not obeying the ilewards, being comannd | ' * 
fllence feuerall times, and to w"*draw from the Company w<* he > 3 4 
refnfed, Tntili he thought his owne tyme j 

Alfoe fyned for declareing before the Gompaney that what Gharles | 
Clarke (one of the Stewards) fi)oke was p^nicioufly and tended to > 8 4 
a Mutynie ye company fyned him J 

Alfoe he is fyned for departing from the Company being comaunded j 
by the ftewards not to dep^ w^ he contemned 8c went his way > 6 8 

^j UCU ... ... ... ... ,,, ... .a. ... .•• J 

Att a meeting holden the 25^: of Aug^ 1656 

rec*^ of Ghriftop'' flfibns before he could be admitted to enter his app''ntloe 
the (u* of 26» for his 2<* p weeke for 8 yeares tyme xxvj*. 

red* more of him 6" in p* of ye cefle which was gluen to the towne towards 
mantalneing of their prluiledge vj*. 

This meeting it is ordered by the Gompaney that Bob: Blchardfon, Thomas 
Smith, Bob: ffreezer and Thomas younge are appointed to goe w^ the ilewards 
about those fforraign**" that either make or feus candles w**in this towne or 
libertyes thereof and to glue an acco^ of the fame ypon 6.8 flyne a man. 

Att a meeting the 27^ of August 1656 

This meeting it is report^ to the Companey by thofe men who were cholen 
to goe about the Gompaney s bufines the laft meeting That vpon their repaire to 
Mr Malor and Aldermen, They forthwith w*** one Oonfent granted them a far- 
geant, who went along w*** thefe faid men formerly appointed. And he warned 
the offenders to appeare before the Major k. Aldermen vpon Thurfday next att 2 
a clock in the aftemoone to render their realbn of their offence to y** faid 



It is ordered thatt all thofe that are free of the companey who either makes 
or fells Candles fhall appeare before mr Major att 2 aclock to Morrow af temoone 
vpon 6** fine euery man offending : • / 

It is likewife this meeting ordered by the generall confent of the Companey 
that noe brother already free or hereafter 1 hall be free of the faid Company 
fhall buy any Candles of any Oranger or fforraigno' to fell them againe w***in 
this Towne or Liberties thereof vpon payne of 20* ffyne euery brother foe 

[Signed by ' Edward Bainbrigg* and twenty-one others.] 

Att a meetinge holden the 6^ of October 1656 

This meeting the outter Clofe is letten by the Company vnto Bobertt ffreezer 
for Twenty-two fhillings a yeare and he to pay the rent euery yeare in hand : 
He is to haue it for flSue years : 

Bee* of Tho: Marley in p» for the Clofe for the Laft yeare the fum of 0»' 8" 

Att a meeting holden the 23*^ October i 656. 

Itt is this meeting ordered by generall confent of the whole companey that 
Charles Clarke now fteward of the Companey fhall haue power to Lett the new 
howfe for the good of the companey: • / 

Whereas the outer garden was letten to Bobert ffreezer, And this Laft meeting 
he hath giuen it ouer, foe, the whole companey hath ordered that Charles Clarke 
now ftew: fhall Lett it for 6" to any p*fon, for 5 yeares tyme p'uided the money 
be p*^ in hand : 

llie account of Charles Clarke & John Yarey Stewards ... of their dif burfments 
. . . vntill this 25*^ day of May 1657 being their head meeting day : 

Inp'is p** for vfe money 

p^ for out Bent 

p* for pointing the howfe ... 

pd for mending the Windows 

p*' for wameing all thofe that fold Candles 

pd when we lett the garth 

p*' the Clarkes wages 

p<* the old womens wages 

p*' the Poore the lafl head meeting dale 

July the 24"» 1667 

Whereas the Companey of Barber Chimrgions in this Towne, or the Maior 
part of them did giue libertie to Edward Bainbrigge, Charles Clarke and Dauid 
Shevill to build a new howfe vpon fome convenient part of ground belonging to 
their meeting hall, Which accordingly they haue don of Uieir owne colts and 
charges, Which faid howfe cod them in building and ffinifhing the fumme of 
Thirtie Three poundes as the perticulers of their difburfm^ did appeare to 
the companie Now it is this meeting ordered by the faid Companie or Major part 
of them that they the faid Edward Bainbrigee Charles Clarke and Dauid Shevill 
fhall haue Libertie Sc power to Lett the faid howfe, vntill fuch tyme as they 
fhall fully receiue their faid moneys foe dilburfed for the building of the fait I 
howfe, And that as foone as they haue rec*^ the fame in againe, the iisiid howie 
fhall come vnto the faid Companey and their fucceilors to be by them difpofed 
as they fhall think fitt, for the good of the iaid Companey As witnes our hands 
the day & yeare abonefaid. 

[Signed by ' Edward Bainbrigg* and twenty -nine others.] 

Att a meeting y* 12**' day of Novemb"" /57. 

Robert Lampton late apprentice to John Hall fen hath this day Chofen 
James Welf h for his Maifler to ferve out the remainder of his yeares according 
to his Indenture. 

flebruary 16*»' i657[-81 

Rec** of John Wouldhaue for his admittance 40* 

Rec** of him for Marrying before his tyme was expired 40" 

U 8 d 

04 16 00 

00 06 08 

00 05 00 

Oi 06 00 

00 iO 00 

00 03 06 

00 iO 00 

00 05 00 

00 06 00 


March 19"> iW7[-8] 

It is this meeting Ordered and agreed by the generall confent of the Com- 
panie that noe brother of the faid Companey fhaXl from henceforth gett his 
app*titice or App'ntices called in the Guild, before he firft gine notice thereof to 
the Companey or to the fte wards And that euery one who fhall offend herein 
fhall fforfeitt and pay Ten fhil lings euery time he fhall neglectt herein, Alfoe 
it is ordered and agreed by the like confent of the faid Companey that the 
ftewards and Wardens of the faid Companey or one, or both of them fhall from 
tyme to time hereafter Attend euery Gaild for the takeing notice of the before 
menconed premifes And that if in caife they fhall neglectt herein they are to 
fforfeitt and pay Ten f hillings euery time of their abfence herein without any 
forgiuenefle As witnede our hands And that if any App*'ntice doe call himfelfe 
in the guild w'^out glueing notice to his m' and the wardens of the company to 
pay Ten f hillings for his foe neglect 

[Signed by ^Bdward Bainbrigg * and twenty-three others.] 

The account of Henry Shawe and William Handcock Stewards ... of their 
difburfm** . . . vntill this ?**• day of June 1658 U a d 

InpMsgiuen y* poore the last head meeting day 00 06 00 

p* 3 Monthes cefle for our hall 00 00 06 

p** Henry Coward for mending a peece of the wall 00 Oi 00 

giuen Jo" Harvey a diftreffed brother OOiOOO 

p** Jo" Crofbey Waller for mending the walls 00 17 08 

p^ f or 6 iwalls for ftages 00 04 06 

p^ f or a chalder of Coles 00 02 00 

[Frequent entries occur of apprentices being fined for departing from their 
masters' service, fines also for trimming on the ' Babboth * day.] 

The Account of David Shevill and Robertt Archbald Stewards, of . . . 

difbnrfmente vntill this . . . day of May i659 U a d 

Tnp'is giuen the poore y* laft head meeting day ... 00 05 00 

p^ the Towne Rent 00 06 08 

p*' mending the garden wall 00 0106 

p** for Nailes, dales & carpinters worke 00 04 10 

pd to Geo. Coward glafier for mending the windows of the i q : j 4 oo 
meeting howfe, 8c the windows of the little howfe ... { 

p* for a key for the meeting howfe dore 00 Oi 06 

p<^ for weeding the Inner garden 00 Oi 00 

Att a meeting the 3* of Aprill 1660 

Thomas Huiband for deHreing the Company to meet to make him ) s. 
ffree, And he neglecting to come to the faid meeting, w®*' the Com- > 20 
paney takeing to be a Contempt to them is fyned by vote ... ) 

June 18"» 1660 

It is by a generall confent of the whole Companey ordered. That not any 
brother already ffree, or hereafter to be made fi!ree amongit them fhall haue any 
vote in the Companey (if foe be he be forth in ffynes) vntill he f&iit pay his 
ffynes foe impofed on him to the company 

[Signed by • Edward Bainbrigg' and twenty-three others.] 

Att a meeting the 17«» day of Aug* 1660 

Henry White for fwearing by his foule fyned %d pd 

witnes Dauid Sheuill 

Att a meetinge the 30^ of October i 660 

I Robert Lampton doe hereby ingage my felfe unto the Company, upon my 
admittance Amongft them a ffree Brother, y* if it ihall att any tyme hereafter 
be made appeare y' I haue gotten any Childe or Children in the tyme of my 
App''ntifhipp, y' I will fubmitt my felfe unto the Companey and pay according 
to the vfuall cuftome for fuch offence Comitted. Robert Lambton. 

Att a meeting the 7*^ of December i 660 

It is this meeting agreed by the generall confent of the whole Company that 


Charles Clarke fhall hane ffree liberty to Lett the Garth belonging to their 
meeting howfe for fuch yearly rent as he can gett for the beft aduantage of the 
faid Companey. 

Att a meeting the 22^ of May i 66 i 

Ordered by the Company that the ftewards fhall giue m^ Ralph Bowes Ten 
f hillings for drawing a petition & doeing other buiines for the Company 

Att a meeting the 24^ May i 66 i 

[Twelve members whose names are given * w^ Stewards are to attend M^ 
Maior upon Tuefday Next in ye guild hall att two of the Clock upon the ffyne of 
iij« iiijd a man that does not appeare : • / '] 

The Account of William Clay and Thomas Marley ... of their difburfm** . . . 

vntill this Tenth day of June i 66 i u s d 

p^ to the Glainer 00 14 10 

p<* for plailtering the windows , 00 04 00 

p^ for 2 capranens & 4 deals ! 00 04 06 

p* for a (parr 00 Oi 00 

p<> for mending the pale and the weft dore 00 03 00 

giuen to m' Bowes ye Towue Clerk 00 iO 00 

P Whereas feverall of the Company . . . haue formerly taken Apprentices 
onely vpon purpofe to tume them over to another brother of their faid Company ; 
Which hath l]^ne a great detrement and wrong to the Companey, And hath 
very much preiudifed the iaid Traid ; ffor the prevention of the like abufe* any 
brother so offending to be subject to * a paine of Twenty pounds . . . without 
any forgiuenes att all . . . witnefs our hands the 30^ day of September 1661 ; 
Signed by * George Durham ' and twenty-two others.] 

The Account of Charles Clarke and John Hall (levrards ... of their difburfm^ 
vntill their head meating day the 26^ of May i662 u s d 

Inp'is p^ ye Bent of ye Meating howfe 00 06 08 

giuen ye poore 00 06 00 

p** ye howfe fweeper 00 05 00 

p** yie Recorder Oi 00 00 

p* ye Towne Clerk 00 iO 00 

pd m' Stott y« Councello' Oi 00 00 

p^ Charles Clarkes charges about ye fheils fdlow 00 05 00 

A meeting holden at y*> Chirurgeons hall . . . this 30^^ of Aprill /63 

Memoranda It is this day ordered y* Charles Clarke fhall haue both ye 
yeardes belonging to o"" Meeting howfe for ye fpace of five whole yeares payeing 
therefore yearely & every yeare the full fumC of thirty fhillings & if ye litle 
howfe fhould in je Intrim be lett it fhalbe lawfull for thofe yt takes it to take 
in of the aforef* ye fixe yeards backward. 

Att a nieeting . . . this 15*** of June 1663 

Edward Cramling fined for imploying and practifing with Richard Manuell 
a foriner for which he is fined the fumme of forty fhillings. 

[David Shevill and Henry Shaw stewards for the year ending *fyfeteen day 
of June 1663.'] 

[Meeting » Julij the 23«» i 663.'] 

Thomas Tounge for faying the steward keept aratling and keept the Com- 
paney to noe purpofe is fyned iij* iiij** 

Att a meeting the 17"» of Aug' 1663 

It is ordered by the Company this Meeting that Cha: Clarke & W" Clay w"* 
the ftewards fhall goe about the bufines concerneing Antho: Brookes, and to 
fatiffy m*" Skurfeild for what is due to him for hib paines in that buiines, And 
that they are to take Councell about fome goods w** are fuppofed to be the iaid 
Brookes And that they are to haue their charges made good to them by the 
Company what they expend in and about the faid buiines: • / 

Att : A : meating y* 11: Nouemb: 63 

Chofen this meeting by the confent of the major part of the Company Gilbart 
Browell k Charles Clark for the Confirmeing of our Charter or altering. 


ThiB Meeting, being the 18«» day of March 1663[-4] 

The Two garthes belonging to the Meeting hall is by the Major part of the 
Gompaney letten to Dauid fhealll for Twenty fine fhillings a yeai*e, dureing the 
tyme of ffiue yeares beglning att our Lady day next, w'*" this p'uifoe that the 
Companey is to haue free Ingrefle and Regrefle to their Meeting hall ; And that 
he the faid Dauid fheuill att the end of the laid tearme is to leaue all the walls 
about the faid Qarthes in as good repaire as he enters to the fame 

Att a meeting the 21"" of Aprill 1664 s. d. 

Robert Lampton is fyned for glueing Henry Maddifon vnbrotherly | « ^ 
Speeches, according to the tenuor of their Ordinary ) 

Rol^rt lAmpton is fyned for glueing Richard Potts vnbrotherly | 
fpeeches in laying he was not worthy to trym any man, becau& r ^ * 
where he tooke one haire of he left three haires on .. ) 

Robert Lambton is fyned for faying that he Hath fett Rafers of 8*^ a i 
peece, for a woman that Trims better then many brethren of the > 3 4 
vyompany ••• ••• .•• ••• ••• •••■ ••• ••• •.•! 

Att A meeting y« 11 : of May [1664] 

Robert Lampton fined for Triming ypon the Sabbeth day Tow u. s. d 

feueral Times 22 : Shill : oi:02:06 

[He was further fined at a subsequent meeting for not paying his former fines.] 

The Account of Thomas Byerley & George Wood Stewards ... of their difburf- 
ments . . . vntill . . . the 6*** day of June 1664 :/ 

diOributed amongfl the poore people ...00 06 00 

paid the poore woman 00 06 00 

Spent when George Wood was in prifon 00 0100 

paid a poore Trauellor 00 02 00 

paid for a box ... ... ... ... ... .•• ... ... ... 00 02 06 

Spent att M' Richard fifofters 00 0100 

Att a meeting holden the 16^ day of Aug* Anno Domi 1664 

It is this meeting ordered and w^^ a generall confent of the Company or 
Major part thereof y^ hereafter noe brother of the faid Company fhall buy any 
Tallow of Matthew Mawer who dwells w^'^in y* County of Durham, vpon y* paine 
of ffiue pounds fterling euery tyme that any brother offends herein witnes 
Tho: Thompfon Cler* to y* faid Companey. 

Att a meeting the 6: of December 1664 

W" Harrifon complalnes ag^ Tho: Harrifon for pTecutlng Law againfl him & 
not afking leaue of y* Company 

Roger Younger complames ag^ Cha: Clarke for abufing him in the fpltle in 
calling hiTn difTembling Elnaue & he would prone it. 

The 22^ day of May 1665 Being their head meeting day 

Charles Clarke hath the Leafe of the Meeting howfe deliuered to him, to keepe 
for the vfe of the Companey Tho: Thompfon Cler' Tef^es. Thomas Marlay. 

Thomas Bierley. 

The Account of John Varey and Henry Mattinfon Stewards, ... of their 

difburfm*« . . . vntUl ... the 22«' of Maij 1666 :• u s d 

Spent att Durham about Mawers Suite 00-08-iO 

Giuen Ralph Bowes for his Advife & drawing a petition w** was i oo 05 00 

prefented to the Bufhopp of Durham J uu - u - uu 

Spent more att Durham when wee were before the Bifhopp ... 00-06-02 

Paid M' Mickleton his fee p. pleading 00-05-00 

Paid W"* Games flater for 2 men one days worke, Rlggin & ^ 00-02-06 

mending y* hall ... ... ... ... ... j 

for Lyme and beating flates 00-02-00 

[Other repairs, etc., to the hall.] 
The 18*»» day of June 1667 

[Long order that no brother free or to be free ' fhall haue or keepe two 
fhopps att one tyme . . . vnlefle the one be abfolutely for a Barber Chirurgions 


fhoppf and the other A Chandlers fhopp. And that if any brother (hall keepe 
two fhoppes, that neither he nor any for him f hall att any tyme hereafter fell 
any Candles Tallow or fachlike thinge as belongs to the Chandlers Traid oat, or 
in the fhopp which he keepes for a Barber Chirurgiotfe fhopp * he shall pay €2 
monthly for every month he shall so offend.] 

8ber r 8*» 1667 

I difowne Richard Todd from being my fervant being he doth not y* office of 
a fervant teil. Hen : Shaw John Chefter 

The Account of Henry Shaw and Eklward Cramlington Stewards ... of their 
difburfm»« . . . vntill ... the 18''' day of May 1668 : . ii s d. 

p«* for 62 : ^ ftone ftepps and laying them Oi : 07 : 00 

p** for 6 : playne Trees 00:16:00 

p'* for fetting them 00:04:04 

p^ for 80 : hollands Rigging tiles 00 : 08 : 04 

p* for makeing the Garding Dore 00:08:06 

p"* for carrying 6 : tarr barrels to the meeting howfe 00 : 01 : 00 

p** for (walls for ftageing 00:05:00 

p'* the poore woman that keepes the dore 00 : 06 : 08 

gfiuen the boy that fett y* trees 00:00:06 

giuen the fond gardner 00:00:06 

Att a meetinge June the 17"* 1668 

W" CoUinfon is ffyned for fwearinge 3 seu'all tymes & for abufcingc the 
Stewards 6* S"* 

Att a meeting the 4^ of December 1668 

That Arthur Newham is fyned 13* 4*^ enery month for keeping 2 Jameymen 
att worke that did not ferue by Indentures to the Traid :/ 

Att a meeting the 4"» of January 1668[-9] 

Itt is ordered this meeting that Robert ffreezer, Peter Baits, Arthure Newham 
k Tho: Byerley fhall goe and aiTift the two (lewards about the offenders 

Att a meeting the 28^ of May i669 

Danid Sheuill for faying the Company k ftewards acted vnjuA;ly, and that 
they foyfted fynes on the booke is fyned 1* 

The Account of John Varey and George Wood Stewards ... of their . . . 
difburfments . . . vntill ... the 7**' day of June 1669 :/ 
Inp'is p** for a man 3 : dayes for plaineing and laying dailes in j A i. * 

the hall att 18* p day j 00:04:06 

paid for dreiling the garden 00:06-04 

paid for a woman 2 dayes 00:0i-02 

paid for bread & drincks 00:01-06 

paid for feeds and flowers 00:03-06 

The accompt of John Varey and Robert ffreiser Juno' Stewards ... of their 
difburfm** . . . vntill ... the 30"* of Maij 1670 u. s. d. 

paid for wyne and beare spent by seu^all of our Companie the 20**» I qa 04 04 
(januarij ... ... ••• .«• ... •*. ... ... * 

paid into the Towne Chamber at Mich. laTt o*" rent 000608 

paid for drifinge our Gardinge k for Carringe out rub* 06 08 

for seads and flowers coft 00 06 09 

for theire drinkes nynepence 00 00 09 

paid for 5 gair tarr and Layinge it on the pods 00 06 08 

[At a meeting * 29 July 1670 ' the two orders of the 3rd February, 1630, and of 
the 3rd June, 1646, relating to apprentices, were referred to in another order 
then made, which set out * that a claufe in both the faid orders Tollerating 
any brother or brethren to take a second apprentice before his firft apprentice 
had scrued fix yeares be from henceforth vtterly void.' It is thereby further 
ordered. * that noe brother or brethren . . . shall take a second apprentice 
till his firfl apprentice have dulij and faithfully serued flue yeares vpon noe 

line wHbeu*", 



The accompt of Thomas Marley and (George Wood Steward" ... of their 
difbursmentB . . . vntill . . . the 19 day of June 1671 

paid for 16 oak bords 8: p. peice 00 10 08 

paid f or 3 peecis of' clapbord 00 04 06 

paid for 7 Corfe of hayre .. 00 07 00 

paid for 8 banch of lattB 00 02 06 

paid M' Aubony for a peece of timber 00 01 06 

Lent the woman that Urelt the houfe 00 02 06 

[' Order about apprentices of the xxix"* June 1670 was In purfuance of an order 
from the right WorP" William Carr Bfq' maior putt this day [Sept' IS""] to a 
legall vote whether the fame fhould be nulled & made voide or now again 
corroborated & putt in full force & pow'.* It was unanimously agreed to be 
a ' good wholelome & lawful! order . . . and whereas it is the requefl & 
defire of diuerfe brethren in the company that if any Broth* . . . violate 8c 
infringe any part of the (aid order as to the takeing of an Apprentice con- 
trary to the true intent & meaneing of the iaid order that then euery Brother 
foe offending fhall pay the ffine of Three pounds without any abatcm' or 
deduoon w*foeue^'] 
John Douglas is by a generall confent elected and appointed Clerk to the 
company & is to haue the sellaiy of fforty Shillings & the makcing of all Jnden- 
tures & other ffees vlually paid & accuftomed & the fame to comence from the 
xix}^ day of June lad & the fame to be paid quarterly. 

[It is ordered that as W™ Coulson ' is much out of ffines & in arrears of 
diuerfe fumCs of money ... for Afsefsem** taxes & oth' charges ... & wholly 
neglects the performance of the companies orders & Acts . . . that no brother 
doe ioyne in Stock or Copartnerf hipp . . . vntill he yeild due & true obedience ' 
and any -member so offending to pay a fine of £3 6's. 8d. per month ; and it is 
further ordered that no brother shall join in stock, etc., with another brother 
so out of fines under a like penalty.] 

Att a meeting Oct»" xxvi«» 1671. 

Perfons for exercifeing the Trade. It's ordered &c. that Thomas Marlay and 
George Storey with the stew*** doe make due & true exam^<^ of all & euery fuch 
pfon or pfons afweU thofe free of the Towne as not free that doe vfe & exercife 
the faid Trade either by Selling of Candles or otherwife & prefent a due & true 
Lift of the fame to m' maior of this Towne that speedy courfe may be taken ag' 
all & euery fuch offendors./ 

Thomas Bierley fined for faying George Wood stew* acted out of Enuy 
liU \i\id excufed 

more for faying he gathers the Company togeth'' to catch them & (ett them by 
the Eares ffined for thefe vnciuill words iij« iiij^ Excufed 

The accompt of John Varey and George wood (lewards ... of Dif burfm** . . . 

vntill . . . the third of June 1672 ii b d 

Octo 7'** paid for Recordinge our old ordinary to ye towne Gierke ... 00 06 08 
Itm for Recordinge our new Ordinary p** the towne Gierke ... 00 08 04 

more to his man halfe a Growne ... 00 02 06 

ffeb 19*** 1671 [-2] paid m' Duglafs for writeinge the Ordinary and for 

his afsiftance in procuringe it 00 10 00 

Aprill 24"* 1672 spent w*** Arth"" Newham and his man when he 

signed the bond not to Exercyfe o*^ traid ... 00 00 06 

May the 29^ paid the old womans waiges for drefsinge the hall ... 00 06 08 

ffor a water pott for the gardinge 00 02 04 

In full for the fubiidie fefse for the whole year for the Hall & 
irartn ... '. .. ... ... ... ••• ... ... ... uo Oo OU 

Att a meeting the xiij*** may 1673 

John [blank'] afforreign** who is employed by Rob* Lettaney: Its ordered that 
the faid Rob* Lettaney lett him noe more att worke as a Journeyman he not 
haueiug ferued feauen years according to Law vpon paine of xl* for euery .month 
foe offending And the like peine k. penalty on euery Brother for time come that 
fhall offend in the like nature 



[* The accompt ' of the same to the 26"' May 1673] 
Aprill Axvi"" 1673 Paid Thomas Gillchriil Gardner for himfelf & 

boy for ffoare dayes drefsiDg the fame & seeds hearbs & ^ 01 08 00 
ffloores as p note ... ... ... ... ... ... ) 

The woman ax dayes for carying in new Soyl drawying out dirt 00 02 06 

ffor their drinks 00 08 06 

May xxij"» 1673 Parfinall Wilfon for remoueing rubbifh from ynd' I oi 00 00 

the Hall to make it Leuell for flagging j 

Womans wages for this yeare 00 06 08 

ffor watering the Garden 00 Oi 06 

[» Att a meeting July xxiij*»» 1673 ' 

That as Ai^nr Newham had taken a third apprentice contrary to the 
ordinary, he was ordered to ' henceforth difcharge Sc free himfelf off & from his 
faid Apprentice & prefume not to keep him any longer on paine * of paying forty 
shillings for every month without abatement.] 

Att a Meeting Octx)V ye 6"' 1673 

The Two stew<*» with John Varey & George Wood are ordered to waite on m"" 
maior for time being about glueing an accompt of Arthur Newhams bufinefse. 
Att a Meeting Octob' ye 24"» 1678 

M** that thefe perfons here after following did pay & contribute towards the 
moneys giuen to the Company of Bakers & Bearbrcwr" for manageing the suite 
ag* John Ouering of North fheelds for erecting a Comon brewhoufe there. 

[Then follows a list of the contributors.] 

Att a meeting xxix"» Janry 1673 [-4] 

Bob' ff ryzer Henry Shaw John Varey Thomas Bierley & Geo. Wood appointed 
to attend the stew*^ on notice about argueing Rob' Gaicoignes bufinefse before 
the Maior & Aldermen. 

Att a meeting June the zv'^ 1674 

Arthur Newham haueing entred into a bond of Twenty pounds according to 
order of Sefsions made by his ma"** Juftices of the peace the 1"* may 1674 he 
hath this day paid Three pounds for a ffine for.entring George Simpfon as a 
second Apprentice k according to the faid order it being suppof^ that his former 
apprentice Roger Simpfon Son of John Simpfon is not now liueing. 

[June 16th, 1674. A leaf torn out here.] 

The accompt of Thomas Harrifon & Peter Baites Stewards . . . difburfem** . . . 

vntill . . . the xv"» day of June 1674 u s d 

Att Widdow marlays about Arthur Newham 000200 

Lionell Blaigdons vpon the Inform®*'" ag* Arth' Newham 00 01 01 

M*" Lilebrone for aduice ag' Arthur newham 00 10 00 

Ed w^ Arrowfmiths about this builnefse 00 00 10 

To a stranger & Traveller 00 05 00 

Widd GerfUlls about Arthur newhams bufinefse 000600 

s. d. 
Charges att Law j Entry 00 07^ 

ag' > m' Lilebrone retaineinge fee 10 00 

Arthur Newham ) Attorneys fee 03 04 

debt made case 00 02 

Councells fee att court vpon debate ^ 

before the Juftices 10 00 | . 

more vpon viewing the bond & ord*" of ] 

SefTions made herein 05 00 y 

Guardner & man two dayes & an half ' ... 00 06 08 

Scundree of Gilliflowers hearbs & seeds 00 05 04 

Woman & fonn for weeding •*• 00 01 06 

Brewers Company paid them for & towards manageing the suite 

comenced ag» Ouering of Northfhields 06 00 00 

Informoon glueing ag' fenerall fforeigners att Durham 00 10 00 

ffor caftintr a Trench on back of the meeting houfe 01 06 06 

[Receipt] Dauid Waugh Miller p rent p garth arrear 26"» May 1673... 00 12 00 

01 09 01 


At a Meeting held y 27**' of May /75. 

George Wood for takeing Outhbert Mitford a fecond Appr* before the firil had 
feraed 5 yea : According to order made feptember 13'** 1671 Rec^ three poonds 

The accompt of Henry Shaw & William Bell Stewards ... of difbarfements 

. . . Tntill . . . the xxxi^ day of May 1675 

the woman for weeding the Garden 3 days 00 01 00 

the Chimney money 00 04 00 

Geo : Crifsop Glaifn' for mending & repairing the windows 00 10 00 

one Thoufand Brick with Charges 00 14 00 

to W™ Hyems a diftrefled Chirurgion 00 01 00 

to Jn° White a Scotch Chandl*^ 00 0106 

to Wilfby the Gardn' 00 06 10 

for feeds & fetting hearbs 00 01 10 


To Robert Ogle in charity 00 10 00 

Widd Hudfpeth 00 06 00 

Widd ffeatherflone 00 05 00 

poore in generall 00 06 00 

To the Clerk for copying the ord" into the new booke 01 00 00 

To his man for bis pains therein 00 10 00 

Att a meeting of the stewards & company the iii"* of January 1676[-6J 

George Storey for giueing ill words to Peter Baites now att the meeting 

tearmeiDg him a foole fined iij« iiijef pd s« 4d 

May 12^ 1676 for non payment ijs, 

Att a meeting the zij^ may 1676 

[Thomas Blerley and other members being * short * — that is, late — were ex- 
cused * being att a patient the firft drefTing.'] 

George Storey prefented by Gteorge Wood for calling him now in the meeting 
houfe a p'f ect Barretter/ p* 3" 4^ pd 3« 4d 

ffines in arreare & vnpaid the xzij'^ May 1676 
Arthur Newham 27^ May 1675 fined for difclofeing the fecrets company 01 00 00 
81"» May 1675 non paym* 00 02 00 

The accompt of John Varey & Mathew Blunt Stewards of . . . difburiements 

. . . vntill the xxij"* May 1676 u s d 

Nouember IS'*" 1676 Will"* Berry a brother being in gaole 00 05 00 

woman for weeding garden 1' watering 1' 00 02 00 

Townes rent 6" 8** chimney money 4" 00 10 08 

George Chrifsopp Glaz*" for one yeare repau^ windows ... 00 06 08 

January 24^ 1675 [-6] George Durhams mans buflnefse 00 01 08 

flopping tallow att the bridge feuerall times 00 04 09 

Thomas Gilchrid gardn' for labour & feeds in garden 00 16 02 

Lionell Almon a Chirurgion 00 0100 

27**» ffebr^ 1675[-6] to another diftrefsed chirurgion 00 03 00 

May 18*** 1676 for halfe a sawen daile to mend the doore betwixt the 

two Garths with nails & workmanfhipp 00 01 00 

to Robert Ogle in Charity 20» W™ Cooks widd 20" 02 00 00 

to Widd Hudfpeth 5" Widd ffetherftone 5* 00 10 00 

Thomas Smith Henry Shaw John Varey & Thomas Harrifon or any three of 
them with the afsiftance of the Stewards to lett out the companies mone^ to 
fome free brethren prouided they take good fecurity for repaym' of the lame 
before next head meeting day. 

Selling candles by foreigners & ynfreemen who are to pay a certaine acknow- 
ledgem* to the company as likewife Journeymen & others All profitt & aduantage 
thereby is letten to fanne to Robert ftrjt.^ John Varey Thomas Bierley & George 
Wood from 31**» May 1675 till May 1677 being two years for w**'' they ai-e to pay 
to the Stewards for the vfe of the company forty Shillings on the next head- 
meeting day. nth June 1877 
[Signed by * Rob' fryzor • and the three others, and attested.] ^SS wnV** 



Att a meeting the xrj^ June 1676 

Tallow baiineise Its ordered that the Stewards with the afsiflance of John 
Yarey Thomas Bierly Arthur Newham & Qeorge Wood doe repaire to the magif- 
trates for redrefsing thefe abufes k, take care for a lawf all remedy therein/ 

Att a meeting the 6^ of January 1676 

Thomas Ewbanck complaines of Thomas RichardTon for takeing a Core out 
of his hand to witt one John Waterhouse fined xxg V June 77 fubmitts 

Robert Lettany (accufed by Samuell RichardTon) for his feru^ trimeing on 
pd in full u« ^^^ Lords day fined xzi in respect he denied the fame 

The accompt of Cuthbert RichardTon & Edward Stannis Stewards ... of 
diTb*« . . . vntill ... the xj«» June 1677. u a d 

19^ June 1676 Woman for weeding the garden 00 01 00 

Maibns for flaggs laying in garden & drinkes 00 09 03 

Gardner & man with drinks & rubbiTh carying 00 13 09 

clearing the ftaires manner bringing k, trees drefsing 00 05 08 

!■* Janry 1676|_-7J John Hall a broth' in charety by order 01 00 00 

to three Chirurgions Thipwrackt & trauel" 00 06 06 

4^ Aprill 1677 Thomas Gilchrifl Gardn' for flowrs hearbs ftc. as p note 00 19 10 
Garden feeds ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 00 01 00 

weeding & watering garden 00 0100 

Dinners Its ordered that ther be forty Thillings diTburTed by the company 
towards the fame but not to be as a prefident for the future. 

Att a meeting October 16^ 1677 

John HaU by order of the whole Company is to warn the Ck>mpany and to 
haue 20* a yeare & if any be vnwamed the fines is to be paid k allowed out of 
his Tallery k this to comenoe from this day. 

The Accompt of George Story and Richard Todd stewards ... of dlTbaiTu 

tm . . . the xxvij«» day of Maij 1678. u • d 

p** for the royall ayd f or 4 qua" 00 03 00 

to a Gardner for (u^fling the garden his work 13' OO' for drinks 2" for 

hearbs flowrs & seeds 1 4" 2^ as p note 0109 02 

Arrefting Arthur Newhams man k entry 01" S** Indicteing him att 

Afnze8 4"2* 00 06 10 

weeding and watering the Garden 1" 6* SefTe for Church V 2^ ... 00 02 08 

Towns rent 6* $•* when the oath was altered 2" 6* 00 09 02 

spent att sey'all times about the Butchers k tallow 000208 

when the Come for the rent was seized on k for carrying it 00 02 00 

for a box for the books 00 04 06 

for the Dinner... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 02 00 00 

[27 May 1678 fines, &c., unpaid] John Wouldhaue Terg* att mace for 

UA0 UU"D »•• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• «■• WW wO WW 

The acoompts of John Varey k Peter Bates stewards of . . . diTb^ ... to & 

w*'' the xvi**" June 1679 

31th octbr 78 TeTse for the army ^ two horTe load of coles !• 00 01 09 

16 Dec*»' 78 Tefse for the army 9* Thipp money k royall aide 1" 6** ... 00 02 03 
4*** may 1679 Thomas Gilchrifl for dreTsing garden w"» floors k Teeds 00 16 06 

Att a meeting the xvj^ June 1679 

Robert HaTlipp complained off by Thomas Harrifon for takeing Teuerall 
patients out of his hands k p'ticularly M' William Wards child 

Eleazer HodThon for vnbrotherly words to George Storey in the face of the 
pd in fuU i« 8d company. 

Arthur Newham for keeping Thomas [blank] the Quaker a Journeyman con- 
trary to the orders of the company by the Tpace of two months 4" 

At a meetinge of the Compane Auguft 29^ 1679 

Jacob Grieue a foreigner : Whereas this apprentice to Thomas skinner of 
Durham k much of his time not yett expired & he is lately come to this towne 
of Newcaltle k married here k hath made iome priuate contract k Tecret agreem* 


with Eleazer Hodllion barber cbirurgion k vnder that colour the faid Jacob 
Grieue keeps open fhopp barbers fhaves & manadges the whole afaire & now tiie 
faid Bleazer Hodfhon pretends Jacob Grieue is his apprentice bound by Indi«i all 
w^ dealings & contriueances are nothing but deceipt & fraud 

1*^ that the faid Jacob Grieue is bound by Indfei to skinner as af orefaid 
2. he Is likewife bound by Indres as an Apprentice to one in London 
8. he is maried maintaines bis wife & family lines of him felf 

4. Jacob Grieue is already ma' of the trade & needs uoe leameing or IniXrucon 

from Eleaz*" Hodfhon 

5. Eleazer Hodfhon neither ownes workes nor labours in the fhopp but in all 

probabilitie for alitle money paid or [fecured him doth fhalter cloake 
& colour the illegall actings k contriueances af orefaid / 
Its therf or ordered for the reafons Sc caufes aforeiaid Sc diuerie others that the 
faid Jacob Grieue fhall uoe longer be continue or employed as an Apprentice or 
Journeyman with the faid Eleazer Hodfhon or any other brother of the faid 
company vpon the paine and penalty of fforty fhillings for euery month that the 
faid Eleazer Hodfhon or any other brother fhall fo continue keep or employ the 
faid Jacob Grieue contrary to the true meaning of this order. And Its further 
ordered that fpeedy Couife & proceedings att law be had & profecuted ag^ the 
faid Jacob Grieue if he continue any longer in this place to follow the employ- 
ment af orefaid As likewife that applicaoon be made to the maadilrates for 
redrefse herein & that he may be noe longer permitted to keep any fhopp 
[Signed by * Robert ffryzor ' and twenty-fiye others.] 
Henry 6haw George Storey Ed¥^ard Cramlington &, Peter Bates or any two 
of them with the afsiitanoe of the Stewards or one of them are authorized to 
manadge & take care of the conceme abouefaid 

xxix"» Augult 1679 

Marri^ men or any other perfon that haue ferucd their tearme Of Appren^P 
by Indroi or any part of the faid tearme to any barberchirurgion in any part or 
place of this realme of England out of this towne of Newcaille vpon Tine fhall 
not for the futnr be bound or taken as an apprentice afterwards in this towne 
of Newcaltle vpon Tine by any brother of this Company on the peine & penalty 
of One Hundred pounds to be recouered by action of debt of & trom every fuch 
brother that fhall offend the premifses. 

[Signed by * «John Varey * and twenty-six others.] 

The acoompts of John Varey & Richard Atkiafon stewards of . . . dif b^ 

. . . to & w**» the vij**» June 1680 IL ■. d- 

16 June 1679 George Woods feruants & children 00 02 06 

28 July „ weeding the garden 00 0106 

Brother Ogle Sc his wife in charity 00 05 00 

81 [OctoV] for watering the garden 00 0106 

10 Aprell 1680 woman for her wages this yeare 00 06 08 

for oarying the weeds from the garden 00 01 06 

Att a meeting the vij^ June 1680 

Selling candles by foreigners and the paym^ from Journeymen & others Its 
ordered that all profitt k. aduantage thereby for one yeare enfueing be out of 
charity granted to Robert fEryzor John Wouldhaue & John Hall & Henry Watfon 

Thomas Bierley for vnbrotherly words to Will' Neile calling him att the 
publicke meeting fcatter braines fined according to order excused 

Ricbuxi Atkinfon for keeping two feuerall fhopps for trimeing contrary to 
order/. Exc 

Att a Meeting ye 6^ day of July 1680 

Confented p y^ whole Company affembled y^ y® Indictment againil Tho: Har- 
bert of Gateiide for exercif ing y« trade of a Barber be adiited by y^ volentary 
Contribution of y* f^ Company foe far as is reafonable p. y* hands of Hen : White. 

Att a Meeting Sep* 15"» 1680 

this dale paid to henry white by y** confent of y" cumpanie 40* towards y* 
indictment againft thomas herbert for excerling y^ trade of a barber in b. d. 
gaw6meaci ... ... ... ••■ •.. ••• ... ... «■• •■• %u u 


Att a meeting 4"» Nou"^ 1680 

Cadleleases. Its vnanimoufly confented to by the ffellowPn in generall that 
the BtewajxJs return their thanks to m' maior & fignifie their defire & Gonfent ^ 

for the purchafe of the Gaftle leazes. 

The Accompts of Peter Bates and Matthew Blunt Stewards of their . . . paym** 

. . . till and with the 30 May 1681 
Drinks for the gardner 1" 10<* Spent about the Coat Armour in Stone 91 u s d 

giuen to the mafons 8** 00 03 03J * 

for the CJoat of Armes & all workemanshipp there vnto belonging ... 10 00 00 
p** for painteing the Arms 00 04 00 

Jan 25«» 1681 [-2] 

[Richard Thompson fined £20 for taking an apprentice for a less number 
of years than he ought to have done.] , 

Rob' Lettany for three sev'all times buying of Candles of a forr^^' con* -*. 

trary to order fined three pounds. 

June 18«» 1682 

Ro. Lettaney complains of Jn*» Varey for buying Candles of flforeign" sev'al 
times & dippinj? them in his workehoufe & soe sending them to his Cole pitts in 
the Country if R. L. doe not make it appeare then to pay the fine. 

Its ordered that the Company f hall pay 40* toward A feast 

The Accompt of George Story and W" Neale Stewards of their . . . paym** 

... to the Twelfth day of May 1682 . 

for a Trellelse 00 09 00 ' 

The Towns Rent for 2 yeares 00 13 04 

p* for flagging the Walke in all 12 04 09 

12"» June 1682 Allowed & paid for a flfeaft 02 00 00 ^ 

Att a meeting zxzi^ May 1683 

It is this &j ordered that vpon the head meeting day there be forty fhillings \ 

spent for a feafl. \ 

The Accompt of Henry Shaw and Joseph Story stewards ... to and with the 

4^^ June 1683 U s d 

p<* for Carrying the Anatomy & other Charges about him 00 08 06 

p<* for cloath for the 5 Cloaks 14 08 00 

p<* for Buttons 4* 6<i Tailor & makeing 26" 6** 01 11 00 

p* ye ffeaft 02 00 00 

M' peter Bates haue this day pTented the Company with Bartholinus his 
Anotamy for their vfe and the stewards to keep it fafe & deliv' it to their sac- 
cefTors every yeare 

At a meeting 11"» Oc»>' 88 

Giuen Robert Ridgeway a Chirurgion that suffered shipwracke 10" in charity. 

January ye 16*»» 1683[-4] 

Rob Heslope informes Against Widdow Bates for Letting of Blud.* 

• * At Newcastle I went to see the Barber Surgeons Hall w'^'* was within a pretty 
garden walled in, full of flowers and greens In potts and in the Borders: its a good 
neate building of Brick. There 1 faw the roome w"» a round table in it railed round 
w'** seates or Benches for ye Conveniency in their directing and anatomifeing a 
body, and reading Lectures on all parts. There was two bodyes that had been 
anatomifed, one the bones were fastned w'** wires the other nad had the flefh 
boyled off and Co fome of ye Ligeament remained and dryed w'^ it, and fo the ^ 

parts were held together by its ovm mufcles and (inews that were dryed w'^ it. 
Over this was another roome in w^ was the fkin of a man that was" taken off 
after he was dead, and drefled, and fo was (luff*d — ^tJie body and limbe. It 
Looked and felt Like a fort of parchment. In this roome I could tidce a Tiew of 
the whole town, it standing on high ground and a pretty Lofty building/ — 
Throngh England on a Side Saddle in the Tune of William ^ Mary : being the 
Diary of Celia Fiennes^ pp. 177, 178. London : Field & Tuer. 1888. 


The Accompt of Roburt Roosb; & George S;iapron Stewuda ... to and with 

May : 26 : 16B4 
tot Colei 1' giuen in Charity to a Itranger a Chiturgion one Ridge- 1 ^ • ' 

way 12' 6* J TO IB 06 

p^for Birks k halfe a. daygwork att the wall meuiling 00 01 OS 

pd the Gardner for drelTiDg ye Gardner [n'e] 00 OS OO 

pa for nuTkinK the cloaks 2* 6' for wDcding tho Qarding I* 00 03 06 

The ace' of Bichard Todd ft Richard Atkinfon Rtewarda ... till & with 
JuDe IS" 1685 

pd f or the preffe 01 06 06 

pil for wainfcot 01 It 06 

pjfor the black Cloath ; T : jaids 04 04 00 

for makeing it, &° 01 06 10 

nailes It Locka for the prefTe OO M 07^ 

[The account of the same ' till k with May 81"" 1686.'] 

Drefsing the Garden & Beeda p note 00 07 09 

forablack cloath for achildsburiall for ifeof the Company Jl makeing 01 II 00 
p' hearth money 2 yea: at Hicba^ iall 00 08 00 

This, the first volume, ends nith the entry of the meeting of the 
13th October, 1686. 




Communicated to the Society by H. F. Morland Simpson, M.A.^ 

F.S.A. Soot., on the 29th July, 1891. 

Of the previous history of this calendar nothing appears to be known 
except that it has long been in the possession of the Society, and is 
said to have come from Stavanger. 

In length it is about three feet one inch, by two inches and a 
quarter broad ; the breadth of the narrow sides being three-quarters 
of an inch. The hilt-shaped handle is four inches and a half long, 
and pierced by a hole irom which to suspend the staff. In general 
appearance and characteristics it strongly resembles the staff brought 
by Mr. Bompas, of London, from Odde, in Hardanger, which I 
have described in the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of 
Scotland for the present year. There is the same division of the year 
into a summer and a winter side, beginning respectively April 14th 
and October 14th. The days are similarly marked with notches, to 
every seventh of which a broad notch is scored across the adjacent 
narrow edge, to mark the weeks. The old Norse ell^ marked on the 
Bompas staff by nails in the narrow side, is here also indicated by the 
two deep notches cut in the 6th and 28rd weeks of the summer side, 
the smaller notches between probably indicating sub-divisions of this 
measure. The carving of the Newcastle staff is, however, deeper and 
bolder, the ' mark days ' more numerous, and the symbols employed, 
though resembling those of other Norse staves in general appearance, 
are in many details unlike any with which I am &miliar. On the 
summer side we have the dale 1678 twice repeated, with the words 
NVisvNA, t.e., nu i suna, 'now in suna' (a place-name ?), below 
the date. At the lower end of the winter side occurs the name Tor 
Olson, doubtless the maker of the staff. Neither staff bears the prime 
or golden number, by which to determine the moveable feasts. 

.Arckaeologi^ AeliaTia Yd XV. 



As I have entered somewhat fnUy into the question of the antiquity 
of these staves in the article above-mentioned, I shall confine myself 
here to the explanation of the particular symbols employed. Much 
that here seems obscure might be cleared up by a more elaborate com- 
parison with other Norse staves. For the same reason the reader is 
advised not hastily to reject as fanciful the explanations here given. 
For though, for instance, Nos. 18, 25, and 27 do not strikingly resem- 
ble a key, a gridiron, and a knife respectively, the days to which they 
are attached, and similar marks, simpler in form, on other staves, 
render it certain that such must be the meaning of the more elaborate 
forms here used. 

In addition to the authorities referred to in my communication to 
the Scotch antiquaries, I have since consulted the Gentile Galendarium 
given by Finn Magnusen as an appendix to his Friseae Veterum 
BoreaUttm Myfhologiae Lexicon (Copenhagen, 1828, 4to.), from which 
many additional details have been extracted. The value of that 
work is, however, much vitiated by the learned author's excessive 
desire to derive signs and customs from remote heathen antiquities, 
and by his indiscriminate reference to the 'runic calendars' of later 
times. His comparisons with the customs, religions and popular, 
of other times and peoples are ingenious and often instructive ; but 
the reasons he adduces for supposing that the heathen Scandinavians 
possessed an elaborate division of the year, such as he attempts to 
reconstruct from obscure passages in the Sagas, seem very far from 
convincing, and still less so the arguments he cites to show that such 
a calendar was ' ex Asia oriundum.' Stripped of all that is merely 
vague and conjectural, unquestionably the most valuable part of that 
treatise are the author's frequent references to folk-lore, proverbs 
and customs ; but in general a temperate criticism will require much 
stronger proofs than any as yet adduced, to show that the divisions 
and method of marking time here illustrated have an antiquity 
anterior to the introduction of Christianity into the Scandinavian 

The illustration is from a tracing made from a careful rubbing of 
the staflF. For convenience I have added numbers to the symbols. 
The following abbreviations are used for reference: — 

Bs. The Bompas staff, in my article, above-mentioned. 


Cm. Ood/KR membranaeeum^ the Runic Almanac mentioned below, 
V. sub W. 

B.M. Dr. Eir6kr Magnussen, description of a Norw. CaL, in 
Proceedings of Cambridge Antiquarian Society, No. xx., 1878, pp. 
129 ff. 

F.M. Finn Magnusen in the work above-mentioned. 

P.A.M. Professor P. A. Munch, Om vore Forfaedres aeldste 
Tidsregnifig^ Primstavm og Maerkedagene^ in the Norsk Folks' Kalen- 
der for 1848. A valuable collection of folk-lore. The author seems 
to have consulted the works of Olaus Worm and Finn Magnusen, 
but gives no authorities. 

Schn. Ueher einm .... Runenkalendsr des Orossherzoglichm 
Museum zu Oldenburg, etc., by Dr. E. Schnippel, printed for the 
Antiquarian Society of Oldenburg, ♦&., 1883. The most thorough 
and scholarly account of these objects known to me. 

W. Fasti Danici, by Prof. Olaus Wormius, M.D., Copenh., 1648. 
(Preface dated 1626.) This work coutaios an exact copy of a Runic 
almanac on parchment, dated 1328, t?ie oldest known calendar of this 
description. The original is lost. 


1. 14th.— TiburtlUS (and Yalerianos). Symbol, as osoal, a tree, often a 
pine. Cm. Hburoui, with a note (in red) Sumar, Norw. FSnte Sommert» 
dag or Somarnat, Somamaett, P.A.M., etc. The modem Icel. Almanac gives 
SwAordag fyriti to Ap. 21, St. Florentius. Reckoning by nights is 
peculiarly Teutonic and Scandinavian, a custom mentioned by Tacitus, 
Oerm. xii Spatia omnU temparii non wumero dierum ted noctium Jiniunt. 
Caesar more than a century before noted the same custom among the Gaula 
Bell, Gall, vL, 18. Remains of it exist in the English te'nnigkt^ fortnight. 
Saints* days were often reckoned by eves or vigils, in old Norwegian voku, 
later oh^ Eng. wahe. The term occurs frequently in chap. 26 of the Church 
Law of abp. John of Throndhjem, anno 1280, e^, Olaf* voku: v. Korges 
QamU LoVf ed. R. Eeyser og P. A. Munch, vol. 2, pp. 369-60. We may also 
compare with this the old reckoning of years by winters. The day was kept 
as a day of rest at home. All work ' that goes round ' (spinning, grinding, 
etc.) was forbidden. No shepherd or owner uf sheep might eat flesh. Care 
was taken not to mix the winter milk of cows with the summer milk. Other- 
wise bears and wolves would rend the herd, and the dairy be spoiled. F.M. 


Snow or sleet on this day, and it will snow nine times in the summer, P.A.M. 
Sometimes marked by a banner to show the *term' of Easter, i,e, the 
latest day on which Baster would fall (old style), corresponding to a banner 
on Mar. 21st, the earliest term of Easter, W. 
2 16th.— S. Magnus. Jarl of the Orkneys, murdered c, 1115. The Orkneys 
were in the archbishopric of Throndhjem. Hence this saint is frequently 
marked on the Norse calendars. Symbol here a small cr088, sometimes a 
hoe, to mark the commencement of field work, P.A.M. The day was also 
called Tredie Somardag in Norw., F.M. After this day commences the 
Sumarm&t or Summer Semester in the modem Icelandic Almanack. 

3. 25th. — S. Mark, Ev. iforw, fSrtte or it^e Cktngdag. Modem loel. Aim., 

Oangdagurinn eini (myhli)^ the old Church ' Dies Prooesiionum ' or litania 
mtyor, Eng. Rogation day. This rogation day was appointed by Gregory I. 
(590-604), Schn. The other * gang-days' were Mond., Tu., and Wed. before As- 
cension Day, and May Ist. According to F.M., this day was the first of summer 
in Iceland, and gifts are offered to friends. This day was sometimes marked 
by a cuckoo (on a tree), also given, as on Bs., to May 1st. Hence called 
Markua med 6fdkon, GjSkdag&Hy Gaukmarki, cf . Scotch and North Eng. 
*' gowk,' yarr. ap. Schn. It was the custom on this day for the priests to beat 
the bounds and celebrate mass, to scare away evil spirits and invoke heaven's 
blessing, PJLM. ; v, further sub die in Proc. Ant. Scot,t 1891. 


4. Ist. — S.S. Philip and James, App. Hence Norw. Tveggiapostola messa 

wn varit, Mass of the Two Apostles in spring, to distinguish it from Oct. 
28, Simon and Judas. So also in modem IceL Aim. — Also Qai^'dagr UtU, v. 
Ap. 25. Also Second (or Third) Oauksmess; cf. Bs. Hence this month 
was' called Oauk-ma^uthr. The omens of the cuckoo were carefully 
observed on this day. Prov. Nord Naagank, Sud 8aag»uk, Vest Vilfagaiuk, 
Aust Oiyagauk, i.e., a cuckoo to the north portends death (nar, corpse) ; to 
the south, luck in sowing ; to the west, the attainment of one's wishes ; to 
the east, success in love (^i{/a, to woo). If the cuckoo was heard after St. 
Hans Day (June 24), or if it saw the first hay harvest, it portended a 
drought. P.A.M. A more famous name for the day was Valborg^- 
dag^en . Cm. Valburghn missa., modem Icel. Aim. Valhorgar m. This saint 
was sister of the Anglo-Saxon Wilibald, bishop of Eichstedt. She was abbess 
of Heidenheim, where she died o, 779. Her day has been kept since the 
10th cent, in England and elsewhere, Schn. The customs of the Maypole, 
etc., seem to be a relic of heathen times. In Cornwall and among the High- 
land Scots the day was called Bealtein or Beltane (Adam King's Scotch 
Cal., A.D. 1588), in honour of the sun, celebrated by bonfires and sacrifices. 
The cattle were driven through the flames to purify them. In Denmark the 
country folk held mock weddings, called Qadelamsgilde, The husband was 
called OfiffehoHse or Majigreve (May count), his bride Oadelam or Mtyinde. 

VOL.. XV. I I 


The rustics formed processions on horseback with gx^en boughs in their 
hands or hats. This was called * riding summer into the town' (at ride 
Sammer i Bye), Songs appropriate to the occasion were sung. Olaus 
Magnus, xiv. 2, describes similar customs among the Swedes, the rout of 
winter and reception of summer being observed by dramatic or allegorical 
representations. The Councils of each town or village chose older men to 
take the part of the spirits (^enii) of the year. Their followers were 
divided into numerous bands. Winter, represented as a shaggy monster of 
fierce aspect, engaged in a desperate battle with the Spirit of Summer (the 
' Count of Flowers*), and with his band attacks him with flaming pincers 
and balls of snow and ice, but is finally put to flight by the floral band of 
Summer. Feasts and dances round the May tree in honour of the victory 
concluded the spectacle. The weather and other phenomena were carefully 
observed as portents for the ensuing year. Cf . the English Maypole customs.' 
The last Maypole in London, 100 feet high, was removed in 1717 for the use 
of Newton's observatory. F.M., who compares the Roman festival of the 
Bona Dea et Lara Praestitesy the Athenian Chloe (jCerei), and the Indian 
Bhaxa/iiy observed with maypoles, etc. The symbol here is perhaps intended 
to denote some sort of maypole. Usually we flnd a tree, Dan. a beech. 

5. 2nd. — Second * OangdagJ r. nub Ap. 25. But the mark here, a simple notch 
above the day, appears regularly in our Calendar to indicate the wake or 
vigfil of certain greater feasts. It is found also to June 16, Eve of S. 
Botolph; June 28, 8. Peter's Eve; July 28, S. Olafs Eve; Aug. 9, S. Law- 
rence's ; Sep. 13, Holy Rood Eve {Elwatio Onieis) ; Sep. 28, St. Michael's ; 
Oct. 31, All Saints' or Hallowe'en, marked very prominently, No. 40, with a 
broad flat apex ; Dec. 24, Christmas Eve, apex hooked. No. 52 ; Dec. 31, New 
Year's Eve, S. Silvester ; Jan. 6, Eve of the Epiphany ; and perhaps Apr. 13, 
Eve of S. Tiburtius:— <?. Nos. 5, 9, 12, 21, 24, 30, 33, 40, 62, 64, 56, 71 (0 
which will not be further noted below, except in connection with special 
saints or customs requiring remark. 

6. 3rd.— Inventio S. Crucis, or Finding of the Holy Rood. 

Norw. £.org or Krass-jnessa om Vaaren (spring), to distinguish it from 
Sep. 14 om Hosten (autumn). Modem Icel. Aim. Krossm, d voriy or Fundur 
Krossins. Sheep-shearing begins, P.A.M. On many of the staves the cross 
to this day is placed slanting, Cruce ad angulum inferiorem depressa, W. 
According to the legend, the True Cross was found in 326 (Constantine the 
Great). The feast was kept on the 14th Sep. till the times of Gr^^ory II. 
(716-731), Schn. 

The next day, May 4th, concluded the eight days beginning Ap. 27, which 
are called by the countryfolk of Scania (Schdnen, or Skaane in S. Sweden) 
Kddsdnner or Eoldnadder (cold suns or cold nights), frosts then being 

* The Maypole is still to be seen in some Yorkshire villages ; for instanoe, 
Ovington. — ED. 

IN THE society's MUSEUM. 276 


greatly dreadecU In Norw. May 11-13 bore similar names, Lumpenaetter, 
Jemnaetter, i.e, foul or iron nights, for the same reason, F.M. 

Symbol, a CrOSS, with a canopy surmounted by two crosses; ct the 
symbol No. 31 to Sep. 14 Elevatio Crucis, Where two days, as here, might 
naturally be marked by the same sign, the maker of this calendar has distin- 
guished them by slight varieties in detail. No two symbols on this staff are 
ema4stly alike. Many of them are, therefore, merely fanciful varieties of the 
cross with arms varying in number, turned upwards or down, with the 
extremities flattened out or notched (dove-tail andiswallow-tail forms), etc. In 
some cases, Nos. 10, 42, 63, the main beam is curved, perhaps to represent a 
crosier. The appendages sometimes obscure the general effect. 

7. 15th. — St. Hallvard. Ilalvards-ok (for the meaningiofioA v, sub Ap. 14). 

The symbol here is evidently an ornamental representation of the usual sign 
for this saint, his quern stones, cf. Bs., etc. Sometimes marked by 
dots, meant for corn. Three days after and before this day were r^arded 
by the Norse Highlanders as the best time for sowing. If the seed were not 
got in before the next 12 days, it might as well not be sown at all ; for then 
comes the ' Bein cold,* when the reindeer go fetlock deep in snow, and cast 
their calves on the snow, P.A.M, *Down to our own days (c, 1828) a 
festival in Bohnslehn,* F.M. Modem Icel. Aim. Halvarthsinessa, The saint 
and his symbols are very characteristic of the Norwegian Calendars. St. H. 
was martyred in 1043 : patron of the diocese of Oslo (Christiania), Schn., 
who gives his day on the 14th. 

The third day preceding this (May 12) was called in Norw. Helligfe 
Bdnders Dag (the feast of the Holy Peasants), P.A.M. So also in Denm. 
according to W., who gives the symbol as a seed basket or skip (Sportula 
SOminaria). Who the Holy Peasants were does not appear. Worm 
suspects they were a rustic fiction, as they are not found in any church 
almanac. In Iceland the 12th is called Vertithar Lok (F.M.), or Vorvertith (d 
SKthurlandi)^ modem Icel. Aim., i,e. the end of sea fishing, when farmers turn 
to field work. The 12th is marked in Cm. as sacred to NorOU AchillOUSy 
i,e. Nereus and Achilles, found in old church almanacs since the 9th cent. 
Schn. conjectures that they were reckoned among the * good peasants,' in- 
cluding Pancratlus (S. Pancras), May 13, famed as a weather saint, and 
Servatius under this term (?). Adjacent to 7 in the illustration and to 
the A in SVNA is a mark like a three-pronged fork ; but it is comparatively 
faint and looks like an accidental mark, of which there are many on this 


8. 16th. — S. Vitus, marked by a small stroke. Cm. Vitus Mothestus (Mod- 

estus). These two saints were martyred under Diocletian, 303. Modem IceL 
Aim. VUvsmessa, a popular saint in Germany and Denmark (Schn.) and 
among some Slav races, especially in Hlyria, where the day is still observed 


with heathen rites, originally in honour of the God * SvawtevUus * transmnted 
into the Christian Vitus, F.M. W. gives his symbol as a 'fuller's 
forceps.* * Cabbages must now be planted' Wiedemann ap. Schn. To 
this perhaps belongs the symbol of a turnip to mark the next day, called 
(erroneously?) by F.M. *cor foliU auctuw* The later Swedish staves show 
a turnip (* Swede ') beyond all question ; r. illustrations to my article in 
Proc. Ant, Scat, 1891. * Rain on this day and it will rain for 30 days,' W. 

10. 17th.— S. Botolph, an Anglo-Saxon of the 7th century, abbot of 
Ikanhoe or Ivanhoe, observed in England since the 11th cent. Found early 
in the Cals. of the North. Cm. (red) Botulfit mUsa, So in abp. John's Law, 
1280. Modem IceL Aim. Bdtdlfsnwssa. Various churches still bear his name, 
e.g. one of the oldest in Cambridge. This and the three preceding days were 
called by the Danes BodeUmss. * For then it is forbidden to dung the fields 
lest the crops be burned' (by the manure), W., who gives the day to a 
Swedish (Danish F.M.) queen Botilda, otherwise not known. In Germany 
sometimes called Giddenmdnnertag (Day of Golden Men), F.M. The 
symbol here a croster (? r. sub May 3), or a SCythe (?)» found on some 
Norse staves. * Rye will be reaped as long before Olafs mass (July 29) as it 
is cut before Botolfs mass,' P. A.M. 

11. 24th.— S. John the Baptist's Nativity, Symbol, a double 

CrosSy cf. 65. One of the oldest church festivals, and therefore combined 
with all manner of heathen customs, Schn. Norw. St, Hansdag, J6ns6k ; 
modem Icel. Aim. Jdnt'fnessa, Bain on this day portends a wet autumn. 
Called by the Swedes Midsoinmarsdag ; O. Germ., Middesommer or Mitten- 
Jtommer ; Frisian, Middensvmmer^ Su,mmemackt ; A. Saxon, Ifidiumer, 
This day was regarded in the middle ages as the day of the summer solstice ; 
so also by Jul. Caesar in his Cal. So in Vet. CaL Alemannicum (begin. 13th 
cent.) hie mag die Sonne nut hoher, etc. (here the sun cannot go higher). 
According to old Norse church laws the day was observed with new beer 
(rrrevitia) drunk in honour of Christ and Mary. Such public feasts were 
called Samhurdar-dl (ale) or Samg^rda-dl, So also on Christmas and All Saints ; 
derived by F.M. from the heathen *€HldV (Clubs or Brotherhoods), and BUt 
or great sacrificial festivals ; he adds that such celebrations, once common in 
Denmark, were still observed in the island of Bomholm in a grove and fenced 
place called Gildesgaard. The ceremonies were forbidden in Denmark on the 
introduction of Christianity, and the contributions levied towards the costs 
of the feast were appropriated to the king or clergy. They are frequently 
mentioned in the * Diplomata ' of the middle ages under the name of 3fid' 
sumars' or Mideommarsgjald^ Midsommersgylde^ and still (in 1828) the 
MidiommerS'penge (money, Eng. penny) or rente was paid in certain parishes 
In Norw. similar collections are made called Brand-skat (bonfire treasure), 
towards the costs of making bonfires. Similar terms and customs prevailed 
in connection with Valp^trgiitnacht in Germany ; Wagenpenninge, Bolt 


penninge (Smoke penny), in Sohleswig. The festive season was observed 
as one of peace, Midsumariffrith, which, e,g, in the island of Gotland, lasted 
for 10 days and nights. Churches, houses, and bams, were hung with flowers, 
etc., to scare away poisonous things and evil spirits. The Norwegians boil 
pitch from the resin of trees, with which they hallow (vigsle) their cattle. 
In Sweden the fields were similarly consecrated with flowers, and sticks with 
which some reptile had been killed were set up to avert the harm of snakes 
* and noxious vermin. To touch these sticks brought the itch (scabies) on the 
careless. Similarly the Wends of Luneburg long observed heathen celebra- 
tions on this day. F.M., q.v. for further details $uh die; also sub June 2lBt 
and especially 23rd. 

13. 29th.— SS. Peter (and Paul) App. Symbol, a key, but of a very 
extraordinary form. Sometimes joined with a SWOrd, especially on 
Swedish staves, to denote S. Paul, but the latter was more particularly 
observed on Jan. 26th, q.v. Norw. Peters-ok : Per med OuUnyMeih (Peter 
with the Golden Key). It is noteworthy that this Apostle's other feasts, Feb. 
22nd, *• S. Peter at Antioch,' later * at Rome,' and Aug. 1st, S. Peter at Vincula, 
are omitted on this Calendar, though these days are still given to him in the 
modem Protestant Almanacs, an4 on many of the staves, earlier and later. 
In Iceland, while under the Norw. kings, the general assemblies of the island 
began on this day, F.M. Sign sometimes a flower, * for now must healing 
herbs be gathered,' PA.M. 


14. 2nd.— Visitation of the Blessed Virgrin Mary, Symbol here 

a tree, as on all her days in this calendar, under a variety of forms. See Nos. 
26, 29, 48, 62, 70. Norw. Vor Frm Bjerge-ga'ng^ the going of Our Lady to 
the mountain, in allusion to Luke i., 39. This day is very significant for 
the dating of the calendars, as the festival was first introduced officially by 
Urban VI. in 1889. Hence not marked in Cm., which gives the day to 
Processus and Marcinianus. Also in abp. John's Law Suip-i 
thuns-VOku (Swithun's Wake); later Norw. Sviftuns-dagj Syftes-ok, 
identified with the Anglo-Saxon saint of that name, though his day is given 
on the 16th in our modem Prayer Book. By a felse etymology, not uncommon 
among the people in deriving saint's names, * Sviftun ' or * Syftun * was 
connected with ^ syfte^ to cleanse, purify. On this day a cross of alder 
and birch twigs was set up to * cleanse ' the fields. Prov. * Nu vUjeg syfte 
Sorken of Ageren og saette igjen Aalder og Brisk, den skal voxe baade star 
og frisk,* According to F.M. the cross was made of juniper and birch. As the 
weather is now, so will it remain till Olsok (Jul. 29). P.A.M. Modem Icel. 
Aim. Thing-mariu-niessa, a * Thing' or Assembly being held at this time. 
Also SHthhuns-messa^ the name being repeated to Jul. 15th. The usual sign 
for the Virgin on the staves is a crown ; but the similarity of the emblems 
given on this staff for the Virgin's other days renders it most probable that 


she is here also intended. F.M. would deriye the above custom from heathen 
worship of Freya ; but, in the first place, it is evident that the custom pre- 
vailed in connection with S. Swithun, before the late introduction of the 
Virgin's festival (loth cent.), which destroys the identity ; and, secondly, 
the general impression conveyed by such indiscriminate derivations from 
conjectural heathen rites would lead us to infer either that the first Christian 
missionaries^ modelled their calendar on existing heathen feasts and rites, 
or that the heathen adapted theirs to that of the early Christians, either 
inference being in the main absurd. That early Christianity did frequently 
adopt and adapt certain heathen feasts is evident, but this was mostly the 
case in connection with the Roman paganism, and the church calendar was 
in the main fixed before Christianity reached the remote north, as the 
E^hemerU of Bede shows. 

15. 8th.— Chilian, Kilian, or Ketll, an Irish saint, bishop of WOrburg, 
apostle of the East Franks, m. c, 689, Schn. Ketill bhitup in modem Icel. 
Aim. Symbol, a variety of the croSS. Norw. I^eld Sviehyg ; Kield 
Suibyg in W., who gives his day on the 11th, with the symbol, an ear Of 
corn ; hence the appellative, * because the blight sometimes faUs on the 
crops at this time.' Also in Norw. £jel Fuut (^Fuit in F.M.). Prov. JS^il 
Fuut, og St, Knuty Sjorer Bonden med Ljaaen ud, * On Ketil's day and 8. 
Knut's (Jul. 1 0th, q.vS) the peasant goes forth with his scythe.' Hence 
often the symbol of a scythe to these days, or a hay-rake, both found 
on Bs., etc. F.M. says this day was observed in honour of a S. CanutUS 
* bearing a scythe,' but v, below. More commonly it was observed in honour 
of S. Sunniva, especially in the Bergen district, of which she was 
patroness. This saint was an Irish princess, who fled to Norway to escape 
a heathen suitor. She took refuge on the island of Selja, now Sello. Being 
threatened with attack by the natives she prayed to heaven, and the rocks 
fell in and buried her and her &ithful companions, c. a.d. 1000 ; v. E.M., 
and especially Munch's history, where the legend is given at length. Her 
remains were afterwards miraculously revealed and * translated ' to Bergen. 
Hence the day was called Selju-manna-messa, (so in Modem IceL 
Aim.), S, Sunniva's or Folges Fest (Feast of the Following, or Persecution). 

16. 10th. — S. Canute, king of Norway and Denmark; murdered in S. 
Alban's church, at Odense, 1086, canonized shortly after. His day was 
specially commended by Pius IX. to the ^missionaries' of Norway, being 
previously only a minor festival {semiduplex ad libitum^ in the Rom. 
breviary. Stadler ap. Schn. Dan. Lee Knud or Bonde Knvt (Knut with 
a sickle, or Peasant Enut. W., t?. sub Jul. 8th) ; add also, Knut slog en dag 
for Karl horn efter med Riven^ * K. mowed one day before Kari ' (a S. 

Catherine not otherwise known) ' followed with a rake.' * Kara gestam 
rostrum propter foenisecii opera.'' F.M. This S. Canute must not be confused 
with Enut the Great, 1014-1036, Schn. Cm. gives to this day 8iu bryra 
daghr. Seven Brothers' Day, the sons of S. Felicitas. 

IN THB society's MUSEUM. 279 

17. 14th.— DIvlslO (or MisSio) ApOStolorum. Cm. SkUdethr Apoftla. 

SwecL Apostlames Delning, Often marked by a rake surronnded by 1 2 
stars (». ills, to my article, Proc, Ant. Soot,') : here by a variety of the 
CrosSf with twelve branches below, six on each side. In Norw. regarded 
as Midt'Somar, F.M. Modem Icel. Aim. SkiliMthur pottola, 

18. 20th. — S. Marg^aret. — in Norw. Marget Vatsause, M. with the water 
scoop, i,e, such a ladle as is nsed to bale out boats, etc., because rain often 
comes at this season. P.A.M. cf. our own legend of S. Swithun. Marrit 
vatsouse, F.M. Hence her symbol was often such a ladle, perhaps indi- 
cated here, above the arms of the cross ; also a nut, or a rake (marks of 
the season) ; also ''draco foedissimus^ which St. M. is said to have bound in 
chains. F.M. who compares more suo the old Norse Nidhdg, But perhaps 
the dragon (found on the Edinburgh staff) refers to the Dog- Days, which 
begin about this time, as a symbol of Sinus. Modem Icel. Aim. 1892, 
JuL 22nd, Hwndadagar byrja (begin). 

19. 22nd.--S. Mary Magdalene.— Here a small cross. Sometimes 

marked with a ladder (Dan. staves) ; or a seat (Norw.) ' because the 
Virgin herself set her a chair, when she entered Heaven* (as a mark of 
special honour), F.M. More frequently the emblem is the pyx or * pot of 
precious ointment.* Norw. Mari Magelin. 

20. 25th. — S. James, Apostle. Norw. Jakobs-ok: called Jakob vaat'hatt 
Wet hat, because of the rain at this season («?. sub July 20th). Symbol often 
a dripping hat, P.A.M. Sometimes a staff y such as pilgrims used on their 
way to his shrine at Compostella. * On this day they say the nuts germinate,* 
W. ; V. above sub July 20th. The usual sign of the saint was a SWOrd, in 
allusion to his martyrdom. In Icel. Midsumar, according to F.M. Modem 
IceL Aim. gives Mithsvmar to the 24th. Prov. Jacop pUser i HunUen, (hops) : 
tjidecenter lupulum inade/acere dicitur (hence on some staves a rod with 
hops twined round). The Norwegians avoid farm labours on this day, lest 
wild beasts hurt their flocks, F.M. 

22. 29th.— S. Olaf. Symbol, a large axe, 'seeuris Norvagica' W., of the old 
Norse type, with boldly curved edge and reflexed shaft, cf . No. 24. This is 
the usual form found on the staves. A great Scandinavian festival, found on 
all the calendars. St. 0. was murdered at the battle of Stiklestad c. 1030 ; 
never regularly canonized ; but recognized as a saint by bishop Grimkell of 
Throndhjem, a year after his death. Norw. Olafsmessa^ Store Olsok (the 
greater Olaf s- Wake). In modem Icel. Aim. marked Olafsmessa the former^ 
Aug. 3 being marked as the later. On the true date of his death see my 
article in Proc. Ant. Scot. 1891, sub die. Patron Saint of Norway ; buried 
at Throndhjem. His name is commemorated in numerous place- and church- 
names in the British Isles. Note here the importance assigned to this day, 
the Eve or Vigil (No. 21) being marked. 



24. 3rd.— Translation of S. Olaf. Norw. 8. Olafs Ligs Opdagelte; also 

Lille Olsoky etc., Olaf 8 Wake the Less. Symbol, same as for Jul. 29, q.v,, 
bat smaller, as usual. On this day the country-folk go to the Saeter (moun- 
tain farm) to eat a sort of pulse or porridge called OUoh^rdden^ P.A.M. Sign 
on Swedish staves sometimes a dogf following a harBy F.M. 

25. 10th.— S. Lawrence. Sign, as always, his gridiron. Universally 
observed on the staves. Norw. Lavrants-ok^ Lars-ohj Lars-messa, Cm. (red) 
LafranB mUsa, Modem Icel. Aim. Lttfranzmessa. According to F.M. he was 
patron of Lund in Scania, once the metropolitan church of Denmark, till 
that territory was ceded to Sweden (17th cent.). This arrangement was made 
by Adrian IV, (Nicholas Breakspear, 1154-59) who had himself been a 
missionary in the Scandinavian North, and took an active interest in the 
church there. Several of the northern saints were canonized by him; v. 
Schn. p. 125. In Norw. it was believed that on this day the sap descends to 
the roots again. * Clear sky, severe winter ; misty day, moist winter,' P.A.M. 

26. 15th.— Ascension of the B.V.M. Symbol, a tree, v, 9ub July 2nd. 
Mariae-himmelfart. Mari-mesge fyrtte: but as E.M. points out, more 
anciently styled fyrriy namely the former, the latter being the Viigin's 
Nativity, Sep. 8th. These terms are still preserved in the modem IceL Aim. 
They point back to a time when there were only twO festivals of the Virgin 
observed. As the Annunciation, Mar. 25, is a feast of very ancient date, the 
terms, perhaps, also indicate that the year began with the Winter side, Ap. 
14th, V, below at the end, p. 294. For this, among other reasons, I am disposed 
to regard this division of the year as the most ancient. The old church com- 
mencement was Dec. 25th, preserved on the oldest (?) dated staff A.D. 1484 ; 
u. further my article, Proc, Ant, Scot, Another old church commencement 
was Mar. 25th, on which day, according to some old church calendars, (e,ff, 
the Scotch, ed. Forbes) the world was created, ^initiwn nmndi* etc The 
day was observed in England as the commencement of the ecclesiastical 
year down to the reform in 1752. Hence the frequent confusion of dates in 
medieval diplomata, the civil year commencing Jan. 1st, all dates between 
Jan. 1 and Mar. 25 being given variously to two years, sometimes to both, 
e.g. Feb. 23rd 124f , 1242, by ecclesiastical, or 1248 by civil reckoning. This 
day is the * first autumn iron-night* (Hdst-jaern-^iwt) or * frost-night,* 
P.A.M. and F.M. Modem Icel. Aim. HimnafSr Mariae, 

27. 24th.— S. Bartholomew, Ap. Symbol here, as usual, the knife with 
which he was flayed. Hence patron of tanners. For the form of the highly 
ornamental blade cf. Bs. Norw. Bart-ok or Baroi-ok. Cm. (red) Bartud 
mUs, The day was also called Baro Bukke-kniv, this being the time for 
slaughtering goats ; perhaps the date of the old heathen Hanst hUt (autumn 
sacrifice). In the south, of Iceland the country folk hold a feast, slaying a 

nr THE societt's museum. 281 

lamb ; hence called Slaegjar^ or Slaegnalamb^ at the close of hay harvest. 
In Norw. the same feast is called 8laat dl, Swed. 8ldter-6l (mowing ale, or 
drinking). The provincial assemblies called Leid or Leida/r-thing were held 
at this time in Icel. ; hence the Anglo-Saxon Leith or Laeth, a word still 
preserved in our Zd«^- Court, Leet-d&jy etc, * when the priest had to proclaim 
the feast days (Fastos) for the ensuing year,' F.M. In Norw. also called 
Bertel Bryde-Hraa (break straw), because the corn was often broken by 
storm on his day. ' A clear day portends a clear autumn,* P.A.M. 


28. 1st. — St. Giles (Aegidius). Symbol, a large Cr088 under a canopy. 
Norw. Aedis-j Yljan$-y Oryam', or Yrjans-megse, Cm. (red) Hians-messa; 
French St. Gille»; Germ. St, Gilgen or Ilgen. Abbot of Aries. There wei-e 
two of this name, one in the 6th and one late in the 7th cent. The day was 
called in Norw. Queme-Knurren (Quern creaking), and often marked with 
quern-stones (P.A.M.) because water now often failed for the mills (and so the 
grinding had to be done by hand), P.A.M. and F.M. Often marked by sheep- 
shears, the season for shearing wool, W. ; so frequently on Swedish staves. 

29. 8th.— Nativity of the B.V.M. Symbol, a tree, as usual. Thisfestival, 
observed in the Eastern church as early as the 5th cent., was introduced 
into the Western church by Ildefons, abp. of Toledo, 658-667, first recognized 
by pope Sergius in 695, and general everywhere in the 8th cent. In 1244 
Innocent IV. added an Octave to the day, Schn. Cm. (red) Maria meua yfri 
(later, v. *t<J Aug. 15th). Dan. Seiertnere vor Frve Dag (later Lady-day), 
W. In Norw. and Swed. Mor-mesaa (Mother-mass). So in Jutland Mary 
was called Mar-Mor (Mary Mother). Some Swed. calendars have a basket 
of fruits (v. 111. of Edinburgh staff in Proc, Ant. Scot,, I.e.). Norw. 
staves have a cradfe; also sheep-shears (f. sub Sep. Ist). This and 
the next day were specially observed at Itzehoe in Holstein ; by the Virgin's 
help the town was preserved from a siege by a miraculous overflow of the 
river Stor. Her * image ' was said to have appeared * gupra oastrumJ' 
Hence the name of the day * der BUrgertag* F.M. 

31. 14th.— (With Vigil). ElevatiO CruclS. The raising of the Holy Rood. 
Holy Cross Day in Prayer Book Cal. Modem Icel. Alm» KrMsins Upphafning 
(upheaving). Norw. Kort or Kros»me8$e om Hdtten (in autumn) cf. May 8 : 
also dvre (later, v, sub Sep. 8). Symlwl, a large croSS under a canopy ; 
cf. No. 6. Icel. Kross-messa d ffaust (in autumn), F.M. The day is in 
commemoration of the recovery of the cross by the emperor Heraclius from 
the Parthians under Chosroes, o, 629, Schn. 

32. 21st.— S. Matthew, Ap. Symbol, the axe, with which he was be- 
headed. This aze, as here, is usually different in form from that of S. Olaf, 
Nob. 22, 28. P.A.M. gives the sign as the SCaleS ( Vaegtens Tegn) ' because 
the sun now enters the equinox.' But this could not possibly be so in 
the 17th cent, staff he describes, the sun then entering Libra (old style) 



about Sept. 11th. The resemblance of the mark on that BtafE to scales is 
quite imaginary. The litter (^Ldvety leaves) for winter is now gathered, 
P. A.M. Hence the axe, according to F.M., who adds that the Norwegians say 
on this day the bear gathers grass and lichen for its winter lair. Sig^ some- 
times an angei (St. M.'s usual symbol) on Dan. and Swed. staves, F.M. and 
W. Norw. Matthis-mesta mn H6iten, to distinguish it from Feb. 24th, q.v. 

34. 29th.— s. Michael (and All Angels) with Vigil. Symbol, a cross 

with a large initial M, Norw. Afickrls-dag or w^s^e, MiJtki4fl-me$s (F.M.) 
Iceland and Faeroes MikjaU- or MiktU-mexm, which they derive from mikel 
(great), i.e. the great or arch-aagel. Symbol, usually a trumpet or 
scales, sometimes both. Down to our own days, says F.M., the common 
people of Sweden are accustomed to light bonfires on St. M.'s Eve, and 
reckon this one of the great festivals, the others being Yule and the Annun- 
ciation. Omens were taken by opening a nut or acorn ; according to its 
condition or contents (spider, fly, worm, etc.), they drew a presage of the 
coming year, crops, sickness, war, etc. Others at twelve stated hours of 
the day, drew presages from natural phenomena, the sky, weather, etc., 
for every month of the year. Thus 7 a.m. denoted January, 8 a.m. Feb., 
etc., similarly to the custom of taking the omens at Tule, called in IceL 
Jdlatkdf in Denm. Julemasrker, etc., v. Dec. 25th. According to W., p. 31, the 
Danes and Norwegians drew omens from the Milky Way, called in Norw. 
Vettre-veien, in Denm. Veir-veien (Weather Way). Thus clouds on it 
denoted snow, more or less, according to their number and density. The 
northern part of the Milky Way indicated autumn; the part towards 
* Libanotus,' spring ; the south-eastern arm denoted the sea ; the north 
(SepteiUrionale) the land. The Icelanders still take presages in the same 
way. The Faroe islanders hold family gatherings, and eat a fatted lamb 
called DUlkur. With this F.M. compares the Michaelmas goose of the 
English, and the harvest festival called in Denm. Bdste-gUde, in Sweden 
SkuT'dl (lit., reaping ale or drinking). 


35. 4th.— S. Francis of Assisi. Symbol, a CrOSS and tree. On this day 

cider was made, W. The Swed. staves have here a fish, a monastery, 
an open book, the first symbol being secular. The observance of St. F. 
(tl226, can. 1228) spread rapidly, oving to the influence of the Franciscan 
friars. But his name does not occur in Cm. (1328). 

36. 7th.— St. Bridget. Symbol, a variety of the CrOSS. Norw. BirgiU- or 

Brite-messa, S. Birgitta. On this day the bear prepares its winter lair. 
Symbol on Swed. and Norw. staves often a convent. St. B. was a 
Swedish princess, foundress of the order of Brigittines, patroness of Sweden, 
t at Rome 1373, can. 1391. In Norw. called KaaUdagen (Cabbage Day), the 
day for storing green vegetables and garden produce. Sign also a frult 
tree ; also a fuller's comb, in refei-ence to the labours of the season. 



October. — Continued, 

37. 14th.— S. CalixtUS, bp. of Rome, m. 226. Cm. Oaliffhttus, and (in red) 

Vintr-nat, the common name for this day in the North. Norw. Vet-naett, 
Symbol here perhaps, as often on Norw. staves, a mitten (preparation for 
winter), connected by false etymology with Vettr (winter), the old Norse for 
a mitten being Vdttr, mod. vantr. The portents on this day were held signi- 
ficant of the winter, and of the winter half of the year, W. According to an 
old Norse proverb (ap. P. A.M.) * winter night yon may expect me (i,e. winter) ; 
at Fyribod (v. tub Oct. 28th) I come for certain; if I come not before 
All Saints, I bend down bough and twig.* That is, the later the winter, the 
severer will it be. The day is often marked by a l^af lesS tree ; some- 
times a pine. Many superstitious rules were observed (in Sw. and Norw.) 
on this day. No one might be absent from his farm: no serious labour 
undertaken ; no work ' that goes round * permitted (grinding, spinning, etc, 
v. nth 21st, etc) ; the summer milk might not be mixed with that of the 
winter (cl Ap. 14th), F.M. who says that this superstition de rotations 
j^rohibenda was observed in Norw. on all festivals of pagan origin; and 
occasionally also in Swed., Den., and Oerm., e,ff, at Christmas. For the 
Elves QLareSf alfas twei genios domettioM vel vUlatieot) were easily angered 
by such work. St. C. is not mentioned in abp. John's Law. According to 
Schn the observance of this saint began about the 10th cent. 

38. 21st. — S. Ursula and 11,000 Virgins, martyred at Cologne in the 

8id or 6th cent., according to a comparatively recent legend. The day was 
not held in their honour before the 11th cent. It is found in a northern 
notice dated 1266, Schn. Not in abp. John*s Law. It occurs in Cm. 
AUivu Thusand Moia, Modern Icel. Aim. llfiOO Meya, Norw. 11^000 Jom- 
frucT% Dctg, This also was one of the days on which ' you are not to do the 
thing that goes round,' P.A.M. (v. 9ub 14th, etc.) The meaning of the 
symboJ here is obscure. Between the left arms of the double cross is a 
figure X, forming with the upper arm the number XI (eleven), in allusion to 
the number of the saints (7). The usual symbol on Swed. staves is a 
lance crossed by an arrow, sometimes a f lagf. With the arrow St. 
Ursula was shot by the king of the Huns. F.M. adds that in Norw. 
* 10,000 Knights' were also commemorated on this day, and prog- 
nostics observed on this day as on the 1 4th, qx, 

39. 28th.— SS. Simon and Jude, App. Modem Icel. Aim. Tveggia 
postola messay Mass of the Two Apostles (cf. May Ist). In Norw. commonly 
I)/ribaa, Fyribod , Icel. Fyriboth (forebode), this day being prognostic of 
the winter, v. prov. snb Oct. 14th. The symbol here is similar in form to 
that of the Bs. (to Oct. 27th), namely, the figui*e 4 (here reversed), 
which, I suspect, is another popular etymology, fire (four) being confused 


with fyri (fore) ; hence fyriboth, quasi four-bode, instead of forebode. W. 
gives as symbol a ship, * because these apostles were fishere.* But this 
is found more commonly to the Ist, 11 th, or 23rd of Nov., r.MtJ Nov. Ist, 
According to F.M. the Norse staves show a sledgT^y the Swedish a crosS, 
a lance, and a flail. The last three are common on the later staves, 
the flail indicating the season for threshing. 


41. 1st. — ^All Saints' Day. Norw. AlU Helgent'dag or Hetge-metsa, 
(Hallowmass, cf . Engl. Hallowe'en), The symbol is a variety of the cr088, 
the arms being further crossed (forming the letters HH, Le, Helger-ne the 
Saints ? 7). Note the prominence here given to the Eve or Vigil, Oct. Slst, 
(Hallowe'en, still of all the most popular feast in Scotland). It was, and 
still may be, the custom to light bonfires, called Hallotoe'en Bleeze (Icel. 
Blossif Dan. BluXy etc.). On this eve the Elves, Fairies, or * Good Folk,' were 
specially busy. For Scotch customs, v. Bums in his famous poem. This day 
was called in Cm. (red) HUghuna missa. Modem Icel. Aim. AUra IfeU. m. 
The feast was first established by pope Boniface in 608, transferred in 731 to 
the present day, in honour of * all saints' as well as * aU martyrs,' and found 
in aU calendars since the 9th cent., Schn. According to an old * heathen * 
custom it was usual in the North to go into the woods and cut a piece 
out of a beech tree ; its condition, dry or moist, was held to betoken a cold or 
mild winter. If the sun shone through the tree tops it portended great 
plenty of swine, W. Among the Scotch Highlanders a bonfire called iomhy' 
(fire of peace and quiet) was kindled, and black victims sacrificed in honour 
of the dark month. Cf. the Beltane customs of May Ist, in honour of life, 
fortune and health, F.M. A great variety of symbols mark the day on the 
staves, e.g. a CroSS, a temple (so on Bs.), a table marked with 
nine crosses, an upturned boat especially on the Swedish staves, 
often with eight or more stars above it. The boat is secular, indicating the 
end of the sailing season. Floods were expected at this time in Norw., called 
Helgomest'flimmen QFlom flood). If they came not then, they were ex- 
pected in spring, P.A.M. The next day, Nov. 2nd, All SoulS, is not 
marked on our staff, and appears to have been frequently omitted on the 
later (Protestant) staves. Cm. Suilu daghr. In Germany on this day they 
bake a kind of bread or cake called die Seelenwecke (Soul's Cake) or Zukker- 
8eele (Sugar Soul), F.M. This latter festival was first established in general 
use by Pope John XVIII. in 1106, Schn. It still appears in the modem Icel. 
Aim., Allra Sdlna messa, though generally abandoned in the Protestant 
calendars, as connected with the R. Catholic doctrine of purgatory. 

42. 11th.— S. Martin, bp. of Tours, c. 400 A,D, Often called in Prot. Cals. 
* Martin Bishop,' to distinguish him from Martin Luther, whose birthday on 
S. Mai-tin's Eve is noted in the modem Prot. Cals. Symbol, a variety of crOSS, 



IN THB society's MUSEUM. 285 

the main beam of which is curved into the form of a crosior. The usual 
emblem is a gfOOSG* as on Bs. ; sometimes only the head and neck are 
indicated. Omens as to the winter weather were taken from the breast bone ; 
the white part of it showed the degree of frost, the darker part its breaking 
up, F.M. * A clear Mortensdag makes a sharp winter/ * Rain on this day 
and it rains for fifty days following,' P. A.M. In France, 6. Martin's feast 
seems to have been substituted for some heathen Vindemia ; and hence he 
became patron of drunkards 1 * In Germany, too, it was celebrated as the 
feast of new wine, called HerhH-trunk and later MarivM-trunk, King Olaf 
Tryggfvin, when he converted the Norwegians to Christianity, bade them sub- 
stitute the cup of 8. Martin (as of God and of the other Saint«) for that of 
Thor, Odin, and the other Aser, in their public feasU and guilds (^Samdryckinr 
ethr gildt). Many in Norw. eat roast sucking pig on this day, which sometimes 
appears as the symbol in place of the goose,' F.M. According to an old Rom. 
CaL, quoted by the same, the seas were closed Qmuria clauduntur) from now 
till A.D, VI. Id. Mart. (10th) ; v, further my article Proc, Ant. Scot, sub die. 

43. 23rd.— S. Clement. Symbol, variety of cr088 : usually the anchor 
to which he was tied. Also a church* Hence called in Norw. Klemet 
Kirhe-hygger (the church builder). The anchor was also regarded as a secular 
sign. All ships have then to be in port, W. Hence the sign is sometimes a 
ship. (t?. 9uh Nov. 1st), as on Bs. According to F.M. this day was of old 
regarded as the beginning of winter, and took the place of the old heathen 
Vetrar-hUt or winter sacrificial feast. 

44. 26th. — S- Catherine. Norw. KareM' or Xari-^nessa. Cm. (red) Katrinu- 
9nesm. Modem IceL Aim. Katrinar'W,. Symbol, usually the wheel of her 
martyrdom, afterwards interpreted to indicate the season for spinning. It is 
difficult to guess the meaning of the symbol here employed. Perhaps it is 
some spinning implement, being not unlike a reel or bobbin (?). 

45. 30th. — S. Andrew, Ap. His symbol is usually the 'crux deCUS- 
sata'; but frequently on Norw. staves, e.g. here and on Bs., we find a 
fish hook, (1) because S. Andrew was a fisher, and (2) to mark the 
season for catching Yule fish, P.A.M. 


46. 4th. — S. Barbara. Barhro-diwgHn or -^nasna. Symbol, a CrOSS, deeply 
cut. Her usual sig^ is the tOWer (with three windows, emblem of her 
faith in the Trinity), in which she was imprisoned by her father. A 
Sledg^e is sometimes added (Swedish staves) as a secular sign of the season. 

47. 6th. — S. Nicholas. Norw. NikuU-messa. Symbol here, a key and 
cross, an attempt at deriving his name, as if from the Norse Ndgle, Swed. 
Nyoklay a key (? ?). As patron of sailors, travellers, etc., much observed in 
the north, and famous in Germany as St. NikolauK, corrupted into SUnte or 
SUnner Claus^ hence Santa Klaus, also called Knecht Ruprecht. 


48. 8th.— The Conception of the B.V.M. (by her mother Anna). The 
feast is said to have been introduced by Anselm of Canterbury, but already 
observed in the Eastern Church from the 6th cent. Its introduction was 
stoutly opposed by Innocent III., but the Franciscan influence was strong in 
its favour, and in 1389 it was recognised as the Immacuiate Concep- 
tion by Clement VI., and repeatedly reaflarmed by Sixtus IV. (1476, 1477, 
1483) Schn., to whom I am mainly indebted for such historical details 
in this article. Symbol, a tree* very small, lor want of space. Modem Icel. 
Aim., Qetnathur Maria (begetting of M.). 

49. 9th.— S. Joachim, father of the B.V.M. Later the festival of S. Anne, 
her mother. Symbol here, a simple crOSS. Often a beer can or pot, 
this being the time to brew the Yule ale, W. who suspects a rustic deriva- 
tion of the word Kanne (a can), as if from Sankt Anna (?). On this day the 
Norwegians wash clothes and linen for the same feast. Till 1436 the feast of 
S. Anne was kept in Norw. on July 26th, when it was transferred to Dec. 9th. 

50. ]3th. — S. Lucy. Symbol, a crOSS and tree. According to a Latin 
pentameter, found in old church almanacs, the day of the winter solstice. Old 
Style. By the error in the Julian reckoning this would fall on the 13th 
Dec. about the 14th or 15th century. When Gregory made his change in 
1582, the calendar had gained ten days on the sun. Hence the winter solstice 
must then have fallen about Dec. 11th, and the Latin line, Vitu$ Lucia sunt 
duo solsticia^ must have been composed over 100 years previously. But as 
S. Vitus's day falls on June 1 5th. the line cannot be construed to indicate 
the season very accurately. For if the winter solstice fell on Lucy's day, 
Dec. 13, the summer solstice should be placed about the 13th of June. Per- 
haps the name Lucy was vulgarly connected with Luw and referred to the 
sun, F.M., who says the day was marked on Dan. Cals. by an OX hoof , 
on Norw. by a bon-fire (a sun 7), on Swed. by a lighted torch ; also by 
scissors and thread, a secular sign, to denote the making of clothes for 
Yule ; but, perhaps, rationalized from some symbol used to denote the instru- 
ment with which this saint tore her own eyes out, to escape the wooing of a 
heathen. In medieval art she is often represented holding a dish containing 
her eyes. Modem Icel. Aim. LuciU'meJtsa, also Magnut'insssa Eyja-jarU (A.«.), 
i.<;., the later mass of S. Magnus, Jarl of the Isles (Orkneys), April 16th 
being marked as * h.f.' (hin fyrri) the former mass of the same. * The night 
of this day was so long that the cattle were ready to devour their very hoofa * ; 
hence the symbol above mentioned, W. •* Thrice the cow bit in its hay-band. 
•Lucy-night is long,' she said. **Ti8 so,* said the wether. *The devil it 
is I ' said the goat, in the days when beasts could speak. Sometimes marked 
with a fishings net (Zy^^^r), since on this day much fish was caught," 
P.A.M. ; t?. 8uh Nov. 30th. 

51.21st. — S. Thomas, Ap. Symbol obscure in meaning. Viewed apart from 
the arm of the half cross at its base, it somewhat resembles the closed hand 


with finger outstretched, which is the common ajmbol of * S. Thomas the 
Doubter.' This and the following eve and night were called more recently 
in Icel. Jola-^^einar (manduci brumales sive Jolenses), in Denm. Jule- 
, Toetter (JVaetter^ spirits, ».«. Christmas Elves), in Swed. Jule-Dvdrgar 
(Dwarves), in Norw. and Finmark JtUe Fylhet (the Christmas folk ; cf . the 
Sc. * Good folk,* the fairies), among the Lapps Joulihgadse, etc. In Bngl. 
and Scotl. such spirits seem to have been called Trolls, Sacrifices and offer- 
ings were made to them on this day * within our own experience,' F.M. {anno 
1828), who connects their observance with the solstice. But if that be so, the 
custom alluded to must be either post- 1700, when the calendar was reformed 
in Denm. and Norway (1758 in Sweden), or as old as the days when the 
Calendar was still normal (Nicene Council, 4th cent.). In Norw. called 
Thomas Brygger med Bdtten (T. the Brewer, with the butt or cask); also 
Brygger dag^ the brewing of the Yule ale {v. sub Dec. 9), and marked by a 
tu n or cask (Ikld'tdnde)^ or by a d ri nki ng bOWl (^Skaka-boUeni). Some- 
times a 8Un or a balance to mark the solstice, F.M. The fourth of 
the Tamper dagene (dies Quattuor Temporum, our Engl. Ember days. Germ. 
Quatember) fells on the Wednesday after S. Lucy. Hence S. Thomas's day 
could fall in the Ember week {Im^brU'Vika), And on his day it was customary 
to go round, tasting the neighbour's ale, a custom hence caUed Imber-Runn, 
The draught was called the Skakabollen (v, above), Gift bowl (?). (Bun, a 
course ?). In the modem Icel. Aim. for 1892 S. Lucy's day is on a Tuesday, 
hence Ember day, Imbrvdagar, falls on Dec. 1 4th. The week beginning with 
the l4th is marked Saehi-vika (Soul's Week), perhaps in allusion to the spirits 
[daeithones or Elves) mentioned above by F.M. 

53. 25th.— Christmas Day. Note the prominence given to the vigil. 

The symbol here is very remarkable. It looks like a hat above a full 
cross, the rim of which is shaped something like the common symbol for 
this day, namely, a drinking horn. Above this are four marks, possibly 
intended for Christmas, S. Stephen's, S. John Evangelist's, and Holy Inno- 
cents' days (Dec. 25-6-7-8th). The crown is surmounted by eight triangular 
points, perhaps in reference to the duration of the feast (but v. Jan. 13th) 
with its * Octave' (?). F.M. fixes the old heathen Yule, Jdl dagr hinn fyrsti 
or first Yule day (the next being called Annar i jdlum, and so still in 
modem Icel. Aim.) on the 28rd. From this day (25th)itill Twelfth Night 
the Norwegians cut the twelve Yule marks {lule-maerker') on a beam 
(Loftbjaelken, the roof beam?), each of these twelve days being carefully 
observed as prognostic of the ensuing twelve months, (P.A.M. and F.M.). 
According to W., a chalk circle was drawn on the beams. If the whole twelve 
days remained clear, only the outline was drawn; if all were cloudy, the 
whole circle was chalked in; if half clear and half cloudy, half of the 
circle was chalked in, and so on ; the first of the twelve days being ominous 
of January, the second of Feb., and so on. The season was in heathen times 


regarded as one of peace (JMli^frith); the armistice lasted till Twentieth 
Day (Jan, 13th). The 23rd, Little Yule Bve (LUle Jute-afien), was the 
time when the spirits migrated. Sacred cakes were baked on the 24th, in 
the shape of various animals, in Norw. in that of a horse, Hael-hest^ HelgC' 
hest (^HeUheH^ P. A.M.), the three-legged horse of Hel which conveys wicked 
people when dead to Hela's realm, Nifl^heim (Mist-home) ; according to 
F.M. a reminiscence of the hoise of Frey, the sun-god, in allusion to the 
* turn * of the year, or solstice. Other forms for these cakes were a boar (Swed. 
and Denm.) called JuU-goLt^ in honour of Frey and Freya, also a goat, 
JuUbpckf in honour of Thor [compare our own Northumbrian YuLe-doM, 
I have myself seen the (sugar) boar with an apple in its mouth in our 
Newcastle shops]. These cakes were kept till the sowing season, and then 
ceremoniously eaten by the labourers and horses. Bonfires are made at 
Christmas in Norw. and Swed., and formerly in Iceland, and looked upon 
as of special virtue (iftaxims salutaria). Our own * Yule Clog,' still observed 
in Northumberland and Durham is a similar custom. In Sweden the super- 
stitious sleep out of doors (jmb dio"), and gather omens from their dreams. 

This * expedition * is called Arsgang; literally, * the year's course.' The 

cattle receive unlimited provender, and food is given to wild birds. Strangers 
are entertained at tables laden with food. Food, drink, and baths, are also 
offered to the wandering or house elves, now transformed by some Christians 
into angels, as shown by the Swed. word A7tgl-6l (angel ale), used of the 
drink set out for them. The Swedes set up green trees in their towns or 
houses, whence the custom of the Christmas tree (Dan. JuUtrae, Germ. 
CJirut-baum') said to have been introduced (revived ?) in England by prince 
Albert. The games of this season abound in manifold relics of paganism. 
F.M. instances the custom of men dressing up in the form of goats, horses, 
bulls, and stags. Possibly the hobby-horse, etc., of our own pantomimes 
may be relics of such a custom. On the 25th it was a custom in Sweden for 
the men to race to church (on skates ?). Besides the ale horn the later Swedish 

staves often give a babe in swaddling clothes with an aureole. 

On the 26th, S. Stephen (symbol often stoneSy with which he was 
martyred), who was regarded in Germany as the patron of horses, Der 
&ro88e I^erdstag^ was celebrated. Consecrated oats were given to horses, 
dio Haferweilis, On this day horses were bled in Denmark, W. In Sweden 
songs were sung about him as Stalledreng (stable-boy or groom) and his 
steeds by youths still called Staffans-mdn (Stephen's men), who ride in 
troops through the villages. The cup drunk on this day was called Staff anS' 
kanna or minne (Stephen's can or memorial). The crops in R. Catholic 
times were solemnly blessed, and prayers made for the health of the cattle 
and fertility of the farm, F.M. 

The 27th.--S. John the Evangelist, among the R. Catholics of 
Germany and elsewhere is termed the Oonsecration of Wine, die Joh-anntS" 

IN THE society's MCTSEUM. 289 

toeihe, der Joh, Segen, The cap then drunk was called in Scandinavia Joham 
Mynn (memorial). This was thought to be specially efficacious against 
poison and a yariety of misfortunes. They said that S. John could make 
poisonous snakes harmless. The heathen Scandinavians thought that Lamiae 
bearing venomous snakes and seated on wolves were now put to flight by 
the returning sun-spirits (solares genii). To all these Yule days al6 horns 
are often found on the staves. In addition, S. John is sometimes marked by 
his appropriate symbol of an eag^lo. 

The 28th.— The Holy Innocents, murdered by Herod, called in 
IceL Bama^agur, Dan. Bdr'ne-dag, Norw. Be Uskyldige Bdrn i Bethlehenh^ 
Old English, Childermas {ChUder or CMdre, plural of Child, with * umlaut' 
in the i-sound : childre-n is a double (later) plural form, like Brethre-n, also 
with * umlaut ' or change of the stem vowel, Ki-ne, etc.). The usual mark for 
this day is a SWOrd, with which the infants were slaughtered. 

The 31st.— Icel. Nyfl.rsn6tt, Sylvester, etc. New Year's Eve was 
and still is kept in watching, taking the omens for the new year, called 
titisetur (sitting out and in) ; cf . our * sit the old year out and the new year 
in.' These customs were forbidden by the laws of the middle ages. The 
vigil is marked on our staff, number 64. In Germany, Denmark, etc., 
crockery was broken at the doors, pistols fired, etc. Bonfires are still burned 
in Iceland, with which F.M. compares the Indian custom of consuming the 
old year in fiames. 


66. 1st.— The Circumcision of Christ. Icel. Nydrsdagw; also Um- 
skum KrisU, Symbol, a treble CrOSS. But originally it was merely the 
octave of Christmas, the church year beginning with Dec. 26, Mar. 26, etc., 
and not marked as new year in old church calendars, e,g,, Bede's. Hence 
Cm. has only (in red) Atundi Baghr (Eighth Day). Norw. Nytaar, Swed, 
Nyar, On this day presents are made to friends, called in IceL J6la gjafir 
(in Germany on WeihiiochU-ahertS), The day was celebrated in heathen 
times by men dressing up as ghosts, or beasts, the women dressing as men, a 
custom forbidden to the early Christians of Germany, anno 742 ; but appar- 
ently without much effect, as this day used later on to be called das Na/rrenfest; 
French La fete des foux, Eng. Festival of Fools (cf. Ap. 1, * AU Fools' Day'). 
Also sometimes called the Day of Vows or Wishes {dies vot4frwn), F.M. A 
red sky on this day portended war, P.A.M. The custom of celebrating this 
day with a masked ball, in silence, is still observed everywhere in Germany. 
At 12 midnight, the dancers unmask. 

67. 6th.— (with a Vigil, No. 66) Thirteenth Day, counting both terms, Dec. 
26th— Jan. 6th, according to the old Boman and church style. Eng. 
* Twelfth Day' is also the 6th. Modem Icel. Aim. ThretUndi (13). Also 
Bpiphania, and since the middle ages (Norw. Eelligtrekonger) the Holy 
Three Kings or Magi. In the Eastern church this day begins the year' The 

VOL. XV. ^ ^ 


Bpiphany refers to the revelation of the Savioar at his baptism in Jordan. 
The festival of the three kings became speciallj popular after the ' translation* 
of their relics to Cologne in 1164, Schn. This feast is mentioned in Adam 
King's Scotch GaL, printed at Paris in 1588 (ed. Forbes), according to 
which their * translation * to Cologne occurred and was celebrated on Feb. 19 : 

* their bodies to Coloigne nnder Frederic 1174.' The day is most usually 
marked with threo CrOWnSf here intended by the very curious symbol, 
the most intricate of all on this staff (??). The Christmas games, which lasted 
till this day, being often marked by great licence and obscenity, were for- 
bidden by the king of Denmark in 1683, at which time also the duke of 
Mecklenbuig forbade the superstitious observance of the ' twelve days of the 
Nativity'; but, like most sumptuary laws, with little e£Fect, the days being 
still observed, as they were by the Frisians of Holstein down to the great 
flood of 1717. The Epiphany was of old regarded by the Gk)ths (Sweden f) 
Germans and Danes as * Midwinter,' and hence the day was called doi groae 
neue Jahr (the great new year) der ohertte (upper or later) der Brenen4ag, 
Perch-tag, KUmmel-tag, da* Bohntm-ftfst, etc., the last name referring to a 
large cake containing a single bean. The person who got this was called the 

* Bean King,' Bohnen»K6nig, Roi de la fere, etc.' The day is also frequently 
marked by the star which appeared to the Magi, as well as the usual 


68. 11th.— Symbol, a small or088 with two arms to the right. Cm. gives here 

Johannes. Mod. icei. Aim. Hyginus, also Brettiva-messa. The 

last is probably the saint here commemorated, S. Brictiva. The day is still 
called in Norw. Brykke-messa (F.M. Brokket-mest'), when the fragments of 
the Yule feast were broken * i Chyden * (into a hotch-potch ?). Also BrettC' 
messa. In Thelemark, so it was said, a peasant wished to drive out on this 
day. The neighbours asked him, * Know you not that this is Brette-mas?' 
(Now, in Norse Brette — to turn violently). Whereupon he replied, * Turn 
me this way, turn me that, but I shall turn me home a hay-load.' So out he 
drove, but the horse stumbled and broke its leg, P. A.M. (quoted by E.M.). 
This and the term Brokke or Brykke above are again popular etymologies. 
The name of the saint Brittifa is found in the Gulathing's Law (ca. 1260), 
but not in abp. John's (1284), E.M. 

69. 13th.— S. Hilary, but more commonly called in Swed. and Norw. 
Tiugendag, Tiugunde dag Jui, etc., if. twentieth day of Tule, 
though in Cm. marked merely as Atundi daghr, Octave, i,e. of Epiphany. 
The day was also sacred to S. Knut (duke Knut), marked by the lance 
or hunting spear with which he was killed. This day concludes the Tule 

* A similar custom is observed in Holstein shortly before a wedding. The 
future bride gives a party, Hochzeits-gegellschf/ty or Abschieds-Xaffee, to which 
she invites her maiden friends. A cake with a bean in it is brought in. The 
one who gets the bean will be the next married. 

IN THE society's MUSEUM. 291 

feast, and Benrants return to their work, W. Hence the frequent nymbol of 
an Inverted ale horn, to mark that the feast is out. It used to be 
called (and is so still in Mod. Icel. Aim.) Oeitla-dag, which P.M. derives 
from OeUl or Oiil, day of rays, and connects, more suOy with sun-wor- 
ship, one of the horses of the Aser being so named. (?) Connected with 
Gterm. ChUsel^ a whip or scourge, which is given, according to some authorities, 
as the day's symbol. But this is probably a misinterpretation of the staff 
with pendent bell found frequently on Swedish staves (on Norw., 
according to P.M., a bell only), in allusion to the custom of ringing Yule 
out. Cf . the Norse and Danish proverb * 8, Knud ringer Julen vd ' (S. \K. 
rings Yule out) ; also ^JSJdrer Julen ud* (drives out) ; in W. f.d. * Gjenner 
Jvel nd* (turns it out); Swed. ^Tiuganda day Jul dr Kntid^ da shdl inan 
dryeJta Jxden ud' (20th day is Kmd, then shall one drink Yule out). 
Similarly the Germ, proverb 8, Knut tanzt Jul aue, Schn., which was doubt- 
less originally Piatt or Low Germ. Sankt XntU tanzt Jul fU (St. K. dances 
Yule out); also called in Germany Olarit-tag (a corruption of Hilarius). 
The symbol to this day is here a staff with thirteen arms on each side 
surmounted by a bell. I suspect that in my drawing the clapper or tongue 
ought not to be joined to the sides of the bell. 

60. 20th.— S.S. Fabian and Sebastian. So in Cm. called in Norw. 
Brddre^messe, Broder-mUse (Brother mass), though these saints were not 
contemporary. Modem Icel. Aim. gives Broethra-mesga, with their names 
also. The meaning of the symbol here is obscure. The day was also kept in 
honour of the translation of S. Henry to Abo. This saint*s day was the 19th 
Jan. He was an Anglo-Saxon missionary in Pinland, where he was martyred 
in the 12th cent.; canonized by Adrian IV. in 1158. Also observed on 18th 
June and ISth Dec. But the observance of this saint was confined chiefly to 
Sweden, Schn. According to W. this day was marked by an axe, to indicate 
that now was the time to cut wood, as on that night the sap, it was said, 
began to rise again. Dan. Prov. Da kommer der Sav i Traeet, * Wood torn 
on this night from the loot they thought to be safe from corruption.* But 
on the Bs. the axe is given to the 18th Jan. 

61. 25th.-~Converslon of S- Paul the Apostle. In Dan. calendars 
often marked by a sword, in Norw. by a bOW, in Swed. by a boW and 
sword : v. illustrations to my notes in the Froc, Ant. Scot,, 1891. Called 
in Norw. Paul the Shooter or Paul with the Bow {Pool Skytter, Paal med 
Begen). According to PA.M. this saint was not popularly identified with the 
Apostle. He was a great warrior, * who fought in the forenoon, but kept 
the afternoon holy.' Of all days this was regarded as most prognostic of 
the coming year. * Clear weather, even for so long as is needed to mount or 
dismount, betokened a good year ; stormy weather, war ; thaw brought sick- 
ness; snow and rain, drought and scarcity' {Dyrtid), PA.M. Clara dies 
Pauli bona tempera denctat anni; Si fuerint venti, detignant praelia genti ; 



SifuerifU nehnla, perewU animaUa quaqfie; Si nix ant pUma, reddwUur 
tempera oara, W. The rude quantities and rhymee of theee hezametere 
are characteristic of the monkish verses of the middle ages, many of which 
occur in Forbes's Scotch Mojuutic Calendars, and Bede*s Epheinerie, The 
symbol here, crosses surmounted by a figure shaped like a section of a steel 
rail, is very obscure. Can it be meant for the haft of a sword? 


62. 2nd.— Purification of the B.V.M. or Candlemas, indicated by 
the usual tree surmounted by a candle« Norw. Mariae Ren$eUe, or 
Kyndel-megse (kindling mass). Mod. Icel. Aim. KyndiUmessa, Cm. KuindU- 
m«#i. In heathen times the great festival of the ' Reid-Goths,' called SSnar- 
hl6t (Sun sacrifice). On this day the cakes called Folohonden or Helhetten 
were eaten {v, suh Dec. 25th). * Three drops (t.^. thaw) from the church roof 
on the north side portended a mild, good year,' P^M. Called in Swed. and 
Norw. lilla Jul, lella Jula, etc., little Yule, the wealthier people, as of old in 
Denm., Friesland, and England, only concluding the Christmas festivities on 
this day. In Catholic times the candles consecrated at this season were dis- 
tributed among the family and servants, and were held to be efficacious 
against lightning and other calamities. In Bohuslehn, now part of Sweden, 
but formerly belonging to Norw., a ceremony undoubtedly derived from 
heathen fire-worship was observed. (In Norw. on Jan. 7, the day of 
duke Knut, P.A.M.) This was called Eld-bergs- Skdl, (Norw. Eldhjerg- 
minde, the 7th Jan. being Eld-Jfjerg-dag') to commemorat-e the sun*s return, 
thus described by Munch, who ascribed the custom to Thelemark. 'The 
mother of the feast (^Mad-^nederen, t.^., the housewife) entered with the ale 
bowl, set herself before the hearth and drank the fire's health (JSkaal, Swed. 
SkdV) with the words : — Saa h6g min Eld\ men enJge hdgare eg heitare held. 
The health was then drunk by the men, seated on the floor, with the bowl 
between their legs and hands behind their backs. They took the bowl up 
with their teeth, drained it, and cast it with their head over their backs. If 
it fell and lay bottom up, the man would die in that year.* This feast was 
called in French Chandeleur; Germ. Licht'Weihnng, KertZ'Wihyy etc. (candle 
consecration). Also Soheuer-tag (purification, echeuem, to cleanse, scrub). 
A bright sun on this day is held in Germany to portend abundance of flax, 
6S. 8rd.— S. BlaslUSy patron of sailors in Norw., falsely derived from blaese, 
to blow. Hence his symbol was often a horn, or a face With CheekS 
puffed out. Here crosses with the main staff curved into a crosler, 
cf. Nos. 10, 42. Modem Icel. Aim. BloHus-messa ; also AnSgar, bp. of 
Bremen, KrUtntbethi Dana eg Soia (St. Ansgar, apostle of Christianity to the 
Danes and Sveas, S. Sweden). In Norw. one of the days on which no work 
* that goes round must be done ; else will the sheep get the sickness called 
Sviva C Staggers'?) which makes them run round and round till they drop : * 

IN THE society's MUSEUM. ^8 

(Grerm. Dreh'krankheit') a disease occasioned by a small worm on the brain, 
Coefwurut oerebralis. * Nor must any living creature go out of doors till conse- 
crated by a Christmas, New-year's, or Epiphany candle,* P.A.M., eyidently 
from F.M. Sign also sometimes a ship with sails filled. The Norse sailors 
and fishermen regard the day with such superstition that they will not 
mention it by name, E.M. (from F.M.) On this day the Danes ate no 
pease, W. 

64. 6th. — S. Ag^atha. a cross. Norw AagaUdagf also Muti^-dag^ Mouse 
day. 'The mice ate her nose and ears off, and would have eaten her up 
bodily, if she had not prayed for help, and vowed to keep the day holy,* 
P.A.M. Hence the symbol is often a mOUS6. 

65. 17th.— The modem Icel. almanack marks Flndanus to this day. I am 
unable to guess what saint is intended by this curious symbol. Cm. has a bl ank 
here, and the day is not marked on any other calendar to my knowledge. 
About this time (Feb. 1 0th) begins the season called in Dan. I'aite'lmvn, Qerm. 
FasteUAbendj der Herm Fast^naohty etc., also Fan or blaue Mantofff Engl. 
Merry Monday y Fr. Lundi blew. The expression *blue monday' is still used in 
Holstein for a day of rest, festivals all originally connected with the carnival 
preceding Lent ; v. F.M. for the details of the customs belonging to this 
season. But it is to be not^ that these days are * moveable feasts,* which 
would, therefore, hardly be indicated among our * mark-days.' 

66. 24th.— S. Matthew (given correctly to the 25th in the modem Icel. Aim. 
for 1892, being a leap-year). Norw. Laupaars-niessa. Mod. Icel. Hlaup- 
drs'dag. Symbol, a large double OroSS. Signs often are three 
eggs, a spit, an axe, with which St. M. was martyred, a fish, denot- 
ing the spring fishing season. Cold weather now portends mild spring, and 
vufe versa. Hence the proverb MatthU bryder He; er der ingen lU, gjdr han 
lis (St. M. breaks the ice. If there be no ice on this day, he makes ice). 
So also W. in a Latin couplet. On this day the fox will not venture out on 
the ice, for fear it break, P.A.M. Leap-year's day, the 24th, and the next 
day, the 25th (later the 28th and 29th), were regarded as unholy. Hence 
the Dan. proverb voete dig for Skndaar og Skudaarsbroder (beware of leap- 
year and leap-year's brother). It was regarded as a specially unlucky day 
to begin sowing, and for the lambing season to commence, W. 


67. — The next symbol, a tree does not seem to be clearly connected with any 
particular day. It occurs above Mar. Srd, modern Icel. Aim. Joi^ messay 
HdlabUhy the former — i.e. the feast of a S. John, bishop of Hola (in 
Iceland ?), — and the 4th, Ad rian US, id, \ so also in Cm. The Bremen missal 
gives the day to Adriane virginis et tnartyris, probably an error. W., etc., 
give the 4th to S. Lucius, bp. of Rome, m. 253, under Gallus, Schn. 


68. 9th.— The Forty Knights. A feast as old as the 10th cent Schn. 
This day (in 1892) begins the week called in Mod. Icel. Aim. Saelu-vika 
(souls' week). The ' 40 Riddarar * are also given in that Aim. Sjmbol, a 

double cross. 
69. 12th.— S. Gregory I., pope. Symbol, a quadruple cross. Norw. 

Oregus-meita^ Gregersdag. '•It the south wind blows this night and the 
houses drip, it will be a good year for wool.* '*0n this day the crow 
(^Kraahen) sang: Gregus-mess, you may expect me. Mary-mass (Mar. 
26th), I come for certain ; if I come not before summer day, I shall come 
though it be even on a bare stick,** i>. whether the trees are in leaf or no. 
Hence the frequent symbol of a bird, e.g. on Bs. To this day the Danes 
say, * On Gregus-day shall all worms have their heads out of the soil,* ix, the 
ground should be thawed, F.M. 

70. 25th.— Annunciation of the B.V.M. Norw. MaHae BehndeUe. 
Mod. Icel. BMhunar-dagur Mariu, %,e., the Conception of our Lord (Luke i., 
26, ff.), originally a feast of the Eastern church, from which it spread in the 
7th cent, to the Western also, Schn. Cm. (red) Mariu mess i Fattu {ue, in 
Lent). Symbol here, a tree, as usual on this staff. This day began the 
old ecclesiastical year in England, etc. The omens on this day were 
particularly observed. *So long as the becks flow before Mary-mass, so 
long will they stand thereafter,' P.A.M., i.e,, premature thaw will be followed 
by frost. 

The last notch on the winter side is April 14th, with a stroke above it, 
which should properly begin the summer side (v. sub die). The last week- 
notch is followed by eight notches, making up the 365 days. It is probable 
from this that the ^ concurrents * fell on April 14th, and that the maker of 
this calendar (or of its archetype) regarded the year as commencing with 
April 14th, namely, in the order above given. 



Bt Charles Clbment Hodges. 

[Read on the 26bh August, 1891.] 

The occarrence of two elaborately carved chests of almost identical 
design, and of evidently foreign workmanship, in the churches of 
Brancepeth, co. Durham, and Wath (near Ripon), led the writer to 
make some enquiries as to the origin and use of such chests in 
churches, and to look for some similar examples elsewhere. 

The necessity for a receptacle of some sort to contain all kinds of 
small and valuable articles and wearing apparel, and also as a means 
of facilitating their transport from place to place, must have been met 
with at a very early stage in the progress of civilization. In Western 
Europe the earliest travelling trunks of which we have any knowledge 
were formed of wicker work covered with an ox bide. These 
light cases sometimes contained an inner box of wood. In time the 
wicker case was abandoned, and the wooden box was more elaborately 
constructed and strengthened with iron bands, and provided with 
several locks and strong iron handles, or rings, to allow of its being 
lifted and carried by several men. The Normans used such chests for 
travelling, and also for storing articles of all kinds in their castles. 
The larger ones were carried on strong carts or waggons drawn by 
oxen, as they were excessively heavy and clumsy. The carved oaken 
coffin in which the incorruptible body of St. Cuthbert was carried 
about from place to place during the eight years in which the congre- 
gation of St. Cuthbert sought a place of permanent abode, and which 
Symeon tells us was drawn on a cart by oxen, represents clearly to us 
the manner in which these huge iron-bound chests werh carried from 
town to town or from manor to manor at that period. 

An excellent and viiluable example of the ponderous chest of these 
days is still preserved in the buttery at Durham castle. It is of 
enormous size, being seven feet three inches long inside, and so exceed- 
ingly massive in its construction as to be almost indestructible, the 
lid and sides being of solid oak more than three inches in thickness. 
It is formed of I'oughly-hewn oak slabs, the marks of the adze being 


plainly visible on the inside. The outside is entirely covered with 
iron straps, which bntt against each other, so that the wood is nowhere 
visible. There are twenty-four straps in the front placed vertically, 
and eight at either end, placed horizontally and embracing the angles. 
There are two iron rings for lifting the weighty lid, and the staples 
for two of the locks remain, though the locks themselves are all gone. 
Vnlgar tradition honours this huge chest with being the coffin in 
which the incorruptible body of St. Cuthbert was carried, an honour 
which it certainly never so earned, as its date is probably not earlier 
than the beginning of the twelfth century, and it has always been 
applied to secular purposes, and was no doubt made to contain articles 
of value, such as plate and linen for use in the castle. 

There are four other chests at Durham, but of smaller size than 
the one in the buttery. One of these is in the castle, and three are in 
the cathedral library. That in the castle is clearly a travelling trunk, 
as it is provided with large iron rings at either end fastened to short 
chains. These chains are long enough to allow the rings to come 
clear above the lid of the chest when they are raised up, so that a 
stout pole could be passed through them and the chest carried slung 
from the pole, which was borne on men's shoulders. 

These arched topped chests, though specially adapted for travelling 
purposes, served, when not so used, as receptacles for various articles 
of domestic use ; but the arched lid was found to be inconvenient 
when the chest was used in the house, and in process of time was 
abandoned for all storage chests, though retained, as it still is, for 
travelling trunks. 

At this time the refinements of carving and other ornamentation 
were restricted to small chests and caskets. An excellent example made 
of the bones of the walrus, and of an early date, is the Franks casket 
in the British Museum. It displays a series of figure subjects, both 
scriptural and l^endary, on the sides, the ends, and the top of the lid. 
The pictures are surrounded by explanatory inscriptions in runes.^ 

During the later centuries of the middle ages the chest or trunk 
was the commonest article of furniture in the houses. It was a long 
coflFer supported on four stout feet, or by the end pieces being made 

* Mr. J. T. Hodgett*8 British Museum lecture, * The Gasket/ Builder^ voL 
xlvi. pp. 799-820. 




longer than the height of the front and back, so that the floor of the 
chest was raised about a foot clear of the ground. The most ancient 
examples are strongly bound with wrought iron bands, sometimes very 
profusely ornamented, and the wood itself was often covered with 
leather or ornamented canvas, or was painted, decorated, or gilded. 
Such chests were in constant use for an infinite variety of purposes. 
They formed seats, on which merchants sat and sold their wares and 
paid and received their moneys. In the illuminations of some of the 
MSS. of the period such chests are seen to be used as seats by the 
musicians while they play their instruments to the guests assembled 
in the hall, or when covered with cushions, by the ladies, while they 
spend their long solitary hours working tapestry or embroidery. A 
miser is also seen to sleep upon his chest, which contains all his 
hoarded wealth. In fact they formed the most indispensable article 
of furniture in all the chief rooms of the medieval house, serving, 
like modern safes, to keep gold and silver articles, jewellery, papers, 
books, deeds, parchments, and wearing apparel of all kinds, as well as 
for the hangings of the rooms when not in use. They were often 
so constructed that they could be used as couches and beds.' 

In the thirteenth century the ornamental ironwork began to be 
supplemented by simple carving on the wood itself, and the old system 
of covering every joint and seam with an iron band, so that the whole 
of each side presented a nearly plane surface, began to give place to a 
more scientific and less primitive mode of construction, viz., by form- 
ing the sides, ends, and lid into panels, and by inserting these panels 
into a stout framework. Such a change of construction necessarily 
led to a change in the method of ornamentation, and the decoration 
which had formerly been confined to the terminations of the iron 
bands, painted leather, or canvas coverings, was now foUowed by 
mouldings wrought on the angles of the framing, as well as all kinds 
of headings and incised carvings. 

In the middle ages the chest makers formed such an important 
body of workmen that, in most of the principal towns, they separated 
themselves from the guilds of carpenters and formed special guilds 
of their own. Such guilds were highly favoured, and became very 
powerful, their members attaining to a high degree of skill; and 

* Viollet-le-Duc, ZHctionnaire dn Mohilier Frangait, 

▼OL. XV. X' T^ 


besides the special business of chest making, they worked in ebony, 
ivory, and all kinds of precious woods, as well as in horn and shell, 
in fact, they ranked next to the gold and silver smiths amongst the 
trade guilds of the period. So much were these trunks, bins, and 
chests in use as articles of furniture amongst all classes, that the guilds 
of chestmakers found it necessary to have a code of supplementary 
laws in order to prevent them from turning out faulty work. So 
amongst other things it was ordered, that no working chestmaker 
could go to work with the customers of his master ; and that the masters 
be forbidden to furnish tools to workmen who worked only by the 
piece or by the day. These laws were evidently made by the guilds 
to keep the trade in the hands of a few, and no doubt the most skilful, 
and at the same time to maintain the highest quality of design and 
workmanship, as well as to preserve a high price for all articles 
made by members of the guilds. One curious law was that no mem- 
bers lend chests to dead bodies. From this it appears as though it 
had been customary to hire out chests to poor &milies for the purpose 
of carrying a dead body to the cemetery for burial, and so avoid in- 
curring the expence of a coffin.^ 

In the fourteenth century, when the interiors of rooms were fitted 
with various articles of rich furniture, and the walls panelled with 
pierced and carved woodwork, of which such abundant remains are to 
be found in the prior's house at Durham,^ and hung with elaborately 
worked tapestry and costly hangings of woven fabrics brought from 
the Continent or the East, the iron-bound 'and plainly moulded chests' 
of the previous centuries were found to be out of keeping with a more 
luxurious system of furnishing. It was about the beginning of this 
century that the richly carved fronts, on which every ingenuity of 
design and skilled labour was lavished, were introduced. Both in 


England and on the Continent numerous examples of the highly 
ornate chests of this period still remain. The writer has not been 
able to meet with an elaborately carved example in this country, 
which can be distinctly stated to have been made for purely domestic 

■ Common coffins were in use at Abercom and at Linlithgow, in Scotland. 
There are three at the former place with coped lids, illostrations of which are 
given in Proc, Soc, Antiq. Scot, 1889-90, p. 389. There was also a parish coffin 
at Kasingwold, Yorkshire. — Ed, 

* * The Works of Prior Castell/ by W. H. D. Longstaffe, Arch. AeL vol. vi. 
p. 201. 


I H 


use, thoagh no doubt there are such in some ancient manor houses or 
castles which have been continuously occupied since thej were built. 
A search through some ancient court houses, moot halls, and the 
yestries of numerous churches, has resulted in a modest list being 
made of a few typical examples all worthy of study. It is a significant 
&ct that nearly the whole of the richer specimens are of foreign work- 
manship ; and that there was a large importation of carved chests 
from Flanders is clearly shown by a search through a number of 
medieval wills and inventories, such as those printed in the Testa- 
menta Eboraemsicfi and elsewhere. 

In the will of Christopher Best, who was the last priest of the 
chantry of St. John the Baptist, in the church of Wath, and which is 
dated April 23, 1557, we find ' Item I gyffe unto George Best xls. that 
he hath of myne remaining in hys hande with all other stuffe . . . 
excepe a Flanders Kyste and y' thing y* ys within yt . . . . Item I 
wyll y* George Best restore to Wathe Ohurche a almere, a vestement 
and a portys that belongeth unto Saint John Ghappyll.'^ An inventory, 
dated 1488, of Thomas Oreyke of Beverley, gent, mentions^ a chest of 
Flaunders 4s.' ^ By his will of 1419, John Amyas of Thomhill gave 
to his son William 'j cistam de Flaunder,'^ and in 1485, Thomas 
Staunton of Staunton, Notts, to his son his gold chain ^et cistam 
meam Flandream.'* The inventory of William Melton, chancellor 
of York, dated 1528, has *In the great chambre .... Two 
Flaunders chistes, and ij other chistes, vjs. viijd.'^^ Robert Kyrkley, 
rector of Loftus, in Cleveland, who died in 1468, bequeathed to John 
Gibson, rector of Hinderwell, ^a counter de Flanders warke;'^^ and, 
in 1552, Alice Mauleverer of Wothersome, widow, bequeathed to her 
eon Edmond ^ my great pressez, my great cheist carved upon the fore- 
side, and one counter of oversee worke.'^* 

The carved chest at Wath is said to have come from Jervaulx abbey, 
and some of the early wills show how such things may have come into 
the possession of the churches. Thus, in 1497, John Lepton of Ter- 
ington, says : ' I will that all myne other evidence be putt into a kyste, 
and therin surely to be kept, and loked, and had to the abbaie of 
Eirkham: and the Prior of the place to have one loke and one key, and 

» Surtees Society, vols. 4, SO, 46, 63, and 79. 

' Associated Architectural Socitfties' Reports and Papers^ xiii. p. 83. 

^ Tsstamenta Eboraoensia, iv. p. 36. " Test, Ebor. y. p. 17 n. 

» Ibid. p. 86n. »« Ibid. p. 263. " Reg. Test. iv. 106b. »* iHd. xiii. 933. 


myne execntors and feofbtors another. To my sone Thomas ... a 
sprnoe kyste.'^' And, again, in 1506, sir Thomas Tempest of Brace- 
well says : * I will y* my new almery, beyng in my gret chamber, be sett 
in Saynt Thomas chapell in the chyrch, thayr, to kepe the vestmentes 
and bokes belongyng thereto, in honour of Grod and Saynt Thomas.'^* 
And in 1507, Richard Brereley, rector of Kirk Smeaton, bequeathed 
*To y« chanutre att Branburgh, where Sir Richard Mylnes servys, my 
long iron bondon kyrst, for to kepe y^ chales, y^ vestmentes, and the 
evydence belongyng to y* said channtre ; and it for to be devided in 
too ; and oon parte to have ij lokes for y« evidence; and y« keyes to be 
in kepyng os y* composicion shewes. I gyflf to y*^ servys whilke I have 
ordenyt to be at Smeton, os is aforesaid, my cowntyr in my chamber, 
for to kepe y*^ evydence therto belongyng and other omamentes.'** 

These old wills and inventories show us that chests went under 
various names, such as ark, counter, coffer, almery, press, and casket, 
and that the word chest is spelt in a variety of ways, such as ' kyst/ 
'kyste/ * kyrst,' ^kist,' 'kiste,' *chist,' 'chiste,' *cheste,' 'cheist,' etc. 
Some of the chests are mentioned particularly as to construction as 
* j chiste bound with yren,' * my bound cheste,' or ' a bound kiste.' 
The term spruce is so frequently used as to call for a remark. In old 
English spruce meant Prussian ; thus spruce fir is Prussian fir, and 
the term as applied to chests no doubt means that they were made of 
spruce fir. The word is variously spelt, as ' my pruce kyst,' ' a chest 
del spruce,* ' a sprosse chest,' a spruce kyste,' a sprews kyste,' * my 
coffer of spruce,' *lez spruse kist,' 'a long chest of cipresse tre,' etc. ^* 

It is interesting to find in two old north country court rooms 
ancient chests still doing duty in their original capacity of containing 
rolls and deeds. They are in the Moot hall at Appleby, and in the 
Manor court room in Danby castle, in Cleveland. Both are plain 
rectangular coffers bound with iron bands. That at Appleby is the 
smaller of the two, and is secured by four locks, two of which are 
ancient. The one in Danby castle is thus described by the rev. J. 
0. Atkinson :^' ' The oak chest stands in the Jury room, and the Jury 

" Ttat, Ebor, iv. p. 130. '* Ibid, p. 261. " IHd. iv. p. 265. 

!• An inventory ot the Prior of Darbam dated 1449 has in the ' Cambba 
INFBBIOB . . . Item una Mensa de Prosit cum folils. . . . Gabdeboba . . . 
Item nna larga Cista de opere Flaundrensi.* — Wills and Inventories^ I. p. 93. 

" Forty Years in a Moorland Parish ^ p. 295. 


room is an oak panelled toom in the castle, with a grandly moulded 
late medieval fire-place in it, only hidden away from view by modem 
"Gkrtihic" innovations. The chest itself is aboat three feet and a half 
long, by twenty inches high, and twenty-fonr in width. The oak of 
the sides and ends is more than an inch thick, and it is barred and 
cross-barred with iron bands, so that the parallelograms of oak left 
uncovered are not of imposing size ; and the documents it contains 
have been in it for nearly two centuries and a half, and the chest was 
not new, but was probably venerable when they were first entrusted 
to its keeping, for it has a till in it, and a secret compartment below 
the till, its present purpose being to hold secure the counterparts of a 
long series of conveyances affecting the division and distribution of 
an estate that comprised, in one form or another, nearly tv^mty-tbur 
thousand acres of land.' 

Church chests did not greatly differ in their form and construction, 
and most of them probably bat little in their decoration or ornamen- 
tation, from those put to secular and domestic uses. The sacristies, 
chapter houses, and vestries of the ancient churches, more especially 
those which ranked as cathedral, monastic, or collegiate, all had their 
numerous chests to hold such things as dyed cloths, tapestries, hang« 
ings of the choir for festivals, parchments, charters, deeds, etc. The 
grand old ' revestry ' of Durham cathedral was ruthlessly destroyed 
without any excuse whatever in 1802, and its loss is the more to be 
deplored as it is known to have contained all the surviving treasures 
of the church in the way of furniture and vestments that escaped the 
spoliation which followed on the heels of the suppression, Carter's 
plan,^^ engraved in 1801, shows that there were then in it no less 
than four chests. One of these had an arched lid crossed by iron 
bands, and may be one of those that still survive in the cathedral 
library. The other three, which are shown to liave been richly 
oarved, have aU disappeared or been destroyed. 

A good example of an early church chest, dating from the 
thirteenth century, is to be found at Salton, in the North Riding of 
Yorkshire.^^ This has a lid with eight sunk panels, and a moulded 
framing. The uprights, or end pieces, which clamp the boards form- 

" Some Account of the Cathedral Church of Durham. Plate II. 

" AMOciattd Architectural Sodt ties' M/tports and Paperg^ vol. xv. p. 224. 


ing the front and back, are long enough to keep the bottom of the 
box clear of the floor. The decoration consists of iron bands ending 
in trifoliations, and there are two iron roses near the top which are 
probably the only survivors of a number, which studded the front. 

A somewhat later but rather similar example remains at Wath-on- 
Deame, Yorkshire. It is formed of oak planks two inches in 
thickness, and the uprights clamping the sides are so unusually broad 
that they exceed the width of the intervening spaces. Its only 
decorations are constractive, and consist of iron straps one and three- 
quarter inches wide and one-eighth of an inch thick. These are 
admirably distributed for gaining the greatest possible result, both 
from a constructive and a decorative point of view, with the expendi- 
ture of the least amount of material. The two bands crossing the lid 
also descend the back and form the hinges. All the bands terminate 
in bifoliations, and the end of each bifoliation is served with a 
mushroom-headed nail. The front is distinguished by two bands 
crossed, which form the heraldic cross moline^ but it is no doubt 
merely decorative here. The ends are furnished with chains and 
rings, which could be raised above the lid for slinging the chest from 
a pole. 

At Fishlake, near Doncaster, is another early example, but not in 
such a good state of preservation. It is five feet four inches long, 
and sixteen inches square at the ends, and is strengthened with iron 
bands, only one of which retains the original bifoliated termination. 
The lid has been secured by six locks, and the chest rests on a curiously 
formed stand two feet in height. Internally it is divided into several 
compartments, each with its own lid. One of the more prominent 
vicars of Fishlake was Thomas Fairbam, who died in 1496. He 
bequeaths to his church of Fishlake two books Pu/pill et Gatholicon 
to remain there for ever. These were the Pupilla Oculi and Gatholi* 
con seu Summa Januensis. The late canon Omsby remarks,^^^ * But, alas 
for the vanity of human wishes and testamentary bequests, the antient 
chest of oak with its iron bands, which received them, still exists, bnt 
the volumes have long disappeared.' At Gilling church in Byedale 
is a chest of medieval date. It has bnt little ornament, and that 
confined to the upper portion of the front, consisting of dragon- 

*• Atsociaied Architectural Societies' ReportM and Papers^ vol. iv. p. 99. 

* I 


like creatures terminating tailwards in conventional foliage of the 
fl^ur-do-lys type. Its date is probably not earlier than the beginning 
of the sixteenth century. 

In the vestry of Alnwick church is a very fine and large chest 
with a richly carved front. It has the usual three compartments, 
two uprights and a centrepiece. The uprights are each divided into 
four panels, the three uppermost of which on either side are carved 
with dragon-like monsters, some with wings and some without. All 
their tails run off into several branches bearing beautifully carved 
leaves of various kinds, conspicuous amongst them being the trefoil, 
in the uppermost right-hand panel. The lower panels are occupied 
with scrolls bearing leaves of the strawberry type. The centre of the 
front is divided vertically into three, the upper third being again 
divided into three by the lock plate. On either side of this a chase is 
represented, the animals facing towards the lock. Each of the lower 
compartments contains two dragons, their tails ending in foliated 
branches, and with foliage between them. The two lower dragons 
have human heads and wear jesters' caps. The character of the 
foliage and the entire absence of any architectural features in the 
design of this chest places it in the first quarter of the fourteenth 
century. It is therefore one of the earliest, as it is one of the very 
finest, of the carved Flemish chests known to exist in this country. 

The curious similarity between the chests at Brancepeth ^^ and 
Wath, near Ripon, is so striking that it is evident that both came 
from the same workshop, and that a Flemish one. There is little 
difference between them in size, both being about six feet four inches 
long, and two feet five inches in height ; only the fronts are carved, 
the tops and ends having plain panels. It is probable that in both 
instances the end pieces of the fronts and backs were long enough to 
raise the body of the chests above the floor, but they have both been 
cut down, and that at Wath rests on modem turned feet, while that at 
Brancepeth has no supports. The decoration of the Brancepeth chest 
is richer and somewhat more refined than that at Wath, but at the 
same time is tamer and less bold in design. The end pieces of the 
fronts are divided into several panels, in the one case into three on 
either side, in the other into two only. At Brancepeth all these 

*' Bmlder, vol. lix. p. 424. See plate XXVin., reproduced by permission of 
the proprietor of the BuUder, and of Mr. Footitt who made the drawing. 


panels are filled with beasts, one being a lion^ the rest dragons ; one 
of the latter has a hnman head. As at Alnwick, all the tails ran into 
f oliaged branches. At Wath the two upper panels of the side pieces 
have figure subjects, that on the left side representing a man blowing 
two bug trumpets, and beside him a female figure, but their heads are 
gone ; that on the right represents a dog leaping on to the back of a 
stag, running under a tree. There is but little difference in the 
ornamentation of the centre of the fronts of these two chests ; both 
are filled with arcaded work, having in the Brancepeth example six, 
and in the one at Wath five compartments. These are worked into 
acutely pointed gablets traceried and crocketed. The spandrils are 
filled with twirling and twisting dragons, that writhe amongst the 
crockets and snap viciously at the beautiful bunches of strawberry- 
like leaves that form the finials of the gablets. Below the gablets are 
great circles filled with tracery, representing the centrepieces of Gothic 
windows. Between the main gablets are two light window-like open- 
ings, having the peculiar lanky mullions and tracery that are so 
essentially characteristic of the Flemish and German Ck)thic of the 
thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. The chief difference in 
the designs of these two chests is in the ornament running along the 
bottom of the main compartment. At Brancepeth this is a range of 
lozenges formed by intersecting diagonals, the spaces being cusped 
and filled with tracery. At Wath we find the same space filled with 
two great dragons, with their necks twisted together, and their tails 
running off into scrolls, each bearing four very large leaves. 

In St. Peter's church, Derby, is a very similar chest to the two 
just described, having almost the same kind of tracery in the front 

In the kitchen of St. Mary's hall, Coventry, is a fourth chest of 
the same design, or nearly so, as those at Brancepeth and Wath. 
So great is the similarity between these examples that it is quite 
reasonable to suppose that they are all of one date, and all came 
from the same workshop. 

In the vestry on the south side of the choir of York minster is a 
large chest of Flemish or German work, the general construction of 
which is like those just mentioned. The lock is more perfect, retain- 
ing a single leaf of the foUated ironwork that once covered the lock 


plate. The end pieces of the framework are narrow, and each con- 
tain a single figure under an architectural canopy. Below these, in 
the feet, are carved lions seated. The main front is occupied with a 
large pictorial representation of the story of ' St. George and the 
Dragon.' The various episodes in the story being all depicted in 
different portions of the same paneL In the right hand upper portion 
is an excellent representation of a medieval town, towards which St. 
George is riding. Opposite he is represented as having dismounted 
from his charger, and receiving the grateful thanks of the maiden he 
has rescued from the jaws of the monster. In the lower portions of 
the panel the rescue of the maiden is shown. St. George and the 
Dragon seems to have been a favourite subject for the front of these 
richly carved chests. Among other mentions of it we find one in 
the will of William Carre, alderman of Newcastle, dated 1572, ' Also 
I will that the cupborde with Sayncte george upon yt w^ standeith 
in my hall shall so remayne styll duringe the life naturall of my wel- 
beloved wif. And after hir deathe I will that the said cubborde & the 
said george shall still remayne in the house as an hairelome for ev*.' ^ 

At Ooity, in Glamorganshire,^ is a splendid specimen of a medi- 
eval church chest or almery of unusual design. The angle posts of 
the framework are prolonged to serve as legs to raise the chest well 
up from the ground. It has a sloping lid covered with rich tracery. 
The front is divided into six panels. The three upper ones and the 
centre one of the lower three bear representations of the emblems of 
the Passion ; the centre upper panel having a symbolical representa- 
tion of the cross and the five wounds. The tracery is remarkably 
good throughout, and indicates that the chest belongs to the last 
quarter of the fifteenth century. 

In the second volume of Pugin's Specimens of Oothic Architectttre, 
a plate,^ is devoted to the illustration of a fine carved chest, at that 
time (1822) in the possession of G. Ormerod, esq. It is of English 
make, having its front ornamented with five panels, four of which 
contain window tracery under crocketed pediments. The design of 
the tracery is alike in all the panels, and is of the type known as 
reticulated, but the main lines are straight instead of being ogee 

" wait and Inventories, i. p. 386. 

** Arohaeologia CamhrentUf vol. t. 6th series, p. 400. 

** Plate xliv. q,v, 






carved, thus they form lozenge-shaped spaces which are cosped. This 
stndght^lined reticulated tracery is not frequently met with in chnrch 
windows, and is oonjBned to the south-west of England and Oxford- 
shire, and in that district this chest was most likely made, perhaps at 
Bristol The centre panel is occupied in its upper part by the lock 
plate, below it contains a figure subject representing the crowning of 
a king. The date of this fine chest is about 1850. 

In Peterborough cathedral is still preserved one of the ancient 
chests belonging to the church. It is of great interest, as it is mani- 
festly of English design and workmanship, and contrasts strongly 
with the Flemish examples just mentioned. The tracery on the front 
reminds us of the windows of the ^geometrical decorated' period, 
before the introduction of flowing lines, and may well be compared 
with the east window of Lincoln cathedral and with those of the 
chapter-house at Westminster. The whorls carved on the side pieces 
of the front are indicative of the early date of this chest, probably 
about 1260. Similar ornaments occur on a smaU and very early chest 
of English make preserved at the Old Hall, (Gainsborough, the pro- 
perty of sir Hickman Bacon, bart 

In Hinehead church, Somersetshire,'* is a well preserved chest of 
English workmanship of late fourteenth century date. It has sunk 
and carved panels on both the front and the back^ the top and ends 
being plain. Two of the panels contain heraldic shields, one the 
emblems of the Passion, one the initials J.O.H., and another an eagle 
holding a clasped book in its claws, the emblem of St John the 

A highly interesting example of a medieval chest, which is, how- 
ever, uncarved, was formerly in the Chancery court at Durham ; and 
when, in 1855, the court was removed from the exchequer building 
on the Palace green to the bailey, it got into the hands of a joiner, 
and is now in private possession. It dates between the years 1840 
and 1845. It formerly belonged to bishop Richard de Bury, as it bears 
his arms ; and as it also bears the royal arms quartering the Jleur-ds- 
lys, which were first adopted in 1840, and as bishop Bichard de Bury 
died in 1845, a very approximate date can in this case be given. It 
retains in its design and construction all the characteristics of the 

^ Builder, \Y.ip.ild. 


earlier medieTal cheats ; it is aix feet long inaide, thirteea inches wide, 
and two feet high. Each aide, each end, and the lid, are in one piece 
of oak, very wide boards being UBed. The ftont and back are checked 
over the ends, and the whole is boand bother by wide iron atnpB. 
Sii of these pass down the front and nnder the bottom, and have 
bifoliated tenninations. Two pass around each end horizontally, em- 
bracing the angles, and six more crosa the lid and paas down the back, 
and thoB fonn the hingea. These latter have trifoliated terminations. 
There is a small till at the right-hand end di and a half inches wide 


and seven inches deep. Bat the chief interest lies in the painting 
inside the lid, which is romarkably fresh and clean. It oonsists of 
fonr coats of arms, the principal ones being those of sir Richard de 
Anngerville, bishop Richard de Bnry's father ; ffuUs, a cinqvefoil ermine 
pierced, within a bordure Immi^e; and the arms of England and 
France quarterly, the second and third qnaTt«rs being tetnee of fieur- 
de-lyt. In the centre of the Ud, between the fonr shields, a man on 
horseback is represented tilting at a cock, and the ends are filled np 
with lions rampant facing outwards. 

A few more examples may be mentioned in conclusion. In the 


ohnrch of St. Mary the threat, Oambrii^** is a good carved chest. At 
Salbwood, in Kent,*^ is a fine one of English make, with braceried 
panda dating from the close of the thirteenth century, and another 
is in the chapter honae at Oxford cathedral. St. John's chnrch, 
Olastonbnry, has an early carved chest, with coats of arms of some 
local families painted on the front. At Huttoft, Linoohishire ; " 
Stoke d'Abemon, Snrrey;** St. Michael's, Coventry j*" Southacre, 
Norfolk; and Qnestliog, Sussex," are good carved chests. - At 
Chnrch Brampton, Northamptonshire, and Icklingham, Suffolk," 
are two fine ones with no carvii^, hnt covered with rich iron scroll 
work, in both waes resembling bo nearly that of the well-known grille 
over the tomb of qneen Eleanor, aa to enable as to date them at the 
oloBB of the thirteenth century.** 

At Orleton, Herefordshire, there is a chest hollowed out of a 
solid I(^ of oak. It is shown in the annexed illustration from a 
drawing by Mr. J. T. Irvine. 

'^'Kuni C-UTT^ cX/it OrS&n CfK«i 

" AreiaBologieal Journal, xlL p. 3G6. " ArehaeiAogia CaMiava, itUi. p. 422, 

" Parkec'8 Olotiary of ArahUeutwre. " Ihid, *' Ibid. 

" The illuBtration kindly lent by the proprietor of The BuUdfr. 

** AtiMtnf JVnM, Angiut IG, 1881. "Queen Eleauordied Norember 28,1290. 





Bt J. R. BOTLB. 

[Read on the 28rd December 1891.] 

So &r as I know five monumental brasses, still existing in the county 
of Durham, are omitted irom Mr. Waller's list.^ One of the omissions 
has been supplied by Mr. Blair.' Of the four remaining brasses I 
have prepared brief notices, so as to make the series published in the 
transactions as complete as possible. 

1. St, Andrew's Auckland. — ^An inscribed brass on the floor 
of the nave, near the west end; the inscription which is perfectly 
distinct, reads as follows: — 

fl(c (acet^lanflotu0 Clajcton q' ohllt jd^ Ute miV tthmatli 
anno l^nl 9^ CCCCC^' W cuP ale p'pfcUt' tint0 amen 2 

2. Chester-le-Street. — A brass without inscription, represent- 
ing the full-length figure of a lady in costume of the first half of the 
fifteenth century. The herald's visitation of Durham of 1575 mentions 
the brass of William Lambton and Alice Salcock, his wife, as then 
existing in the south aisle. Some inscription^ long since lost, may 
have enabled Garter King at Arms to arrive at the identification. 
The position indicated is that in which the existing brass remained till 
the time of the deplorable violations of Chester church carried out 
during the incumbency of the late Mr. De Pledge; and within living 
memory the remaining effigy was accompanied by that of a male. Under 
these circumstances we can have no hesitation in identifying the brass 
as that of Alice Saloock of Salcock in the county of Lancaster, wife of 
WUliam Lambton of Lambton. She died in 1434, and her husband 
died four years befbre her. The most noticeable feature in the effigy 
is the extreme simplicity with which the folds of the drapery are repre- 
sented. The lines are few, but are engraved with great boldness, and 
do not lack dignity and grace. The head is covered by a veil which 
falls on the shoulders. The principal garment is a gown which 
descends to and covers the feet. The shoulders are covered by an 

« Vide p. 76. « Vide p. 207. 

NOTB. — The round mark on the forehead of the effigy illustrated on the 
opposite page is that of a modem screw-hole. 


equally long cloak, which is held in position by a cord. The hands 
are folded on the breast in the ace of prayer. (See illustration of this 
brass page 310.) 

3. Dlnsdale. — A late, small, but extremely beautiful brass. It 

measures only eleven and a half inches by eight and a half inches. A 

line of beaded ornament runs round the edge. In the two upper 

comers are the words : — 

Memoriae | Sacrum 

The following is the inscription : — 
Mary Wivill cUceased^ laU uri/e of ffho: Wyvill of 
Spennithame P daughter of | Ghriato ff'lace of SlinsdaU 
Ssijf^ ff^ovided six pounds yearely forever towards the 
releife \ of the 9oor inhabitiny in the Parish of 
Siinsdale to he pd by eg^uall Portions vpon the | ^3d 
Sfecemh^ S^ iS^ of lune in manner following^' viz 3 
pounds iO shil : yearely as | aloves^ dureing the life 
of ffho: Wyvill afores^ &> of her SVurioe now living 
in Winfton | ^ after the decease of the fore menconed 
SVurioe iO shillings more 8^ after the decease | of the 
s^ ffho: J? pounds more^ in all six pound , t/ssuing P 
to issue out of certaine | Stands belonging to the s^ 
Sfho: Wyvill &> by his W cede granted to Siowland Solace 
of Wins\dale Ss(f 9iobert Solace of &insdale gent. Will 
SfCillinghall of SSow midleton Ss(f, 8^ John \ ffarnet of 
Sgleseliffe gent. 8^ their heires forever for the vses above- 
said ^ to be I paid 8> distributed by the ff^arson^ Church* 
wardens ^ overseers for the S^oore of the \ said S^arish^ 
8^ their Successors forever. Which said Sleed is in the 
custody I of the said feoffees or some of them, ffhe sd 
Mary Wyvell dyed the ^Ji- of June \ i668 8^ lyeth 
buryed in the ^uire in Spennithome Church .«^. *^ ^^ nC. 

Nearly the whole of the higher half of the brass is occupied by a 
coat of eight qnarterings, surmounted by helmet and crest, a wyvem 
or winged dragon, and surrounded by most graceful mantling. 
The shield should really be described as a coat of four quarters 
impaling a coat of four quarters. The first quarters are : — 1. Three 
chevronels, a chief ; 2. three hanmierR, two and one, a crescent for 


difference ; 3. a chief dancette ; 4. a bend, a label of three points.' 
The impaled quarters are: — 1. a lion passant counterchanged ; 2. 
three chevrons ; 8. ermine, an orle ;* 4. a fess between si^Lfieurs de lya. 

4. Lanchester. — An inscribed brass, inlaid in a huge slab of 
limestone in the floor of the chancel. The inscription is printed, but 
very inaccurately, by Surtees.* It is greatly worn by the passing of the 
feet of many generations, and can only be read with extreme difSculty. 
The following is perhaps as correct a reading as it is now possible to 
recover : — 

€)rate^ aia inn 3i^W ViMhz in tiecretf0 baccalarff 
quonlimliecaiif l^uf locf qui ohiit^xxlx ^it aecebr' 
anno ani 9^^ (t€€€'^ Ixxxx cuf aie ppfcfet He' amen 

The interest of this inscription is very great. In one of the glass cases 
in the library at Ushaw college is a manuscript missal, written in a 
hand of the fifteenth century. On the fly-leaf at the beginning is the 
following inscription : — 

Liber capelli p'oc^li de Eshe ex dono miri JoMs Rudde in decretis 

hacallarH quondam decani de Lanchesir cujus anima prapitietu* 

Deus Amen. 
The history of this book from the time of its gift by Budde is soon 
told. At the Beformation it passed into the hands of the family of 
Smyth of Esh Hall. In their possession it remained till after the 
establishment of the collie of English Catholics at TJshaw, when it 
was given to the library of that institution. Apart from its historic 
associations this book is of the greatest possible value. It is the only 
medieval service book belonging to any church in the diocese of 
Durham now known to exist. The late rev. J. L. Low somewhere 
laments that he has been unable to discover whether the use of 
York, Salisbury, or Hereford, was accepted in the diocese of Durham. 
An examination of this book would decide the question. The book 
and the brass are so intimately associated that I may be forgiven 
this little digression. 

* Robfion, in his British Herald^ gives : quarterly Ist, gn, three chey. braced, 
in base, vair [the brass shows this] ; a chief or, for Wyvill : 2nd, $a, three 
pick-axes ar, for Piqott ; 3rd, az, a chief indented or, for PiTZ- Randall ; 4th, 
az, a bend or, orer all a label of 3 point ar, for ScooP (w) [SCBOOP]. The arms 
on the brass have a mullet in the centre. 

* 3rd, erm. on a canton gn, an orle or or ar., for Surtees. 

» Durham, yol. ii. p, 314, copied probably from Hutchinson, Durham^ vol. ii. 
p. 356. 

VOL. XV. ^ ^ 



By F. Haverfield, M.A., P.S.A. 

(Read on the 23rd December, 1891.) 

1. — Intboduotion. 
It has often been remarked that the history of the Roman empire 
is based on two kinds of authorities which are strangely different. 
The records of most ages confirm or correct one another ; the litera- 
tore and the inscriptions of the empire rarely touch. Facts, even 
names, mentioned in the one seldom appear in the other, and an 
inscription like that recently unearthed at Rome, which speaks of 
Horace's Carmm Saeculare^ is all but unique.^ But the difference is 
nowhere more striking than in religious matters. Our literary sources 
suggest that under the early empire scepticism triumphed and religion 
was dead. Our inscriptions tell us of whole cults which no writer 
discusses and few even mention. The cause is not fiEU* to seek. The 
literature of the early empire was written for and read by the upper 
classes, and these were sceptical, or philosophic, or indifferently 
orthodox. Eastern cults like those of Isis or Mithras, which became 
&shionable, were mentioned in books ; the beliefs of the masses in the 
provinces were as little noticed as their languages. Even Christian 
writers tell us little. Casually Lactantius alludes to Esus and Teutates 
whom the Gauls appease with human blood, but he took the allusion 
from Lucan. Casually Tertullian observes that each tribe had its 
own gods : the Syrians, Atergatis ; the Noricans, Belenus ; the Maure- 
tanians, Regulus. But these writers, and still more the other early 
apologists, like Minucius Felix and Amobius, reserve argument and 
invective for the * established ' Greek and Roman mythologies, even 
for the lesser gods of Rome, Nodotis, Mater Matuta, Perfica, or for 
the fashionable cults known in reading circles. 

In the following paragraphs I desire to briefly treat one of these 
popular worships, about which literature is silent, and I hope, in 
due course, to deal afterwards with other such cults, so fiEU* as they 

' So forgers have noticed and have tried to fill the gap. Of the dosen forged 
inscriptions which pretend to be Bomano-British, seven aUade to men like 
Agricola, Garataous, Suetonius, or to facts like the authorship of Hadrian's 



an lepresented in Boman Britain. The resnlt will be a series of 
notes on the whole Bomano-British Pantheon^ which may be nseinl 
in more ways than one. They -may even throw light on Bomano- 
British civilization, and on the relative importance of the military, 
commercial, and native elements. The religions inscriptions of Aqni- 
taine and of Narbonese Gbnl reveal to us the survival of an Iberian 
element in the south-west of France and show that even the ' Pro- 
vince' was not thoroughly Bomanized, and a survey may end in 
equally interesting conclusions for our own country. My reason for 
commencing with the * Mother Goddesses ' is that this cult is both 


the easiest and the most notable subject. It is familiar to every 
archaeologist, and the material has been collected and admirably 
treated by a German scholar, from whose work I have largely 

2.— Distribution. 

Our knowledge of this cult is derived wholly from inscriptions 
and sculptures. There is no passage in ancient literature which 
can, with any probability, be referred to it. But from the distri- 
bution of the stone records we may infer that it belonged exclusively 
to western Europe, and, indeed, to certain parts of western 'Europe. 
It was popular in Cisalpine and Narbonese Gaul, in Lower Germany, 
and in some districts of Britain. Its memorials occur at Bome, in 
Gallia Lugudunends, and in Upper Germany. Faint and often 
doubtful traces can be detected in other parts of the west, in Italy 
outside of Bome, in the north and south-west of Gaul, in Spain, Africa, 
and the five Illyrican provinces south of the Danube. These traces 
are such as to show that the cult is completely foreign to most of the 
districts in question. Spain can produce only three dedications ; Africa, 
Aquitaine, Illyricum, and Italy none at all, unless we suppose 
that the Mothers appear under other names.' We have, indeed, 
at Lyons a dedication to Matres Pannoniarvm et Delmatarum and 
Matres Italae and Africanae appear on altars found at Winchester and 

' Max Ibm in JahrhUeker de» Vereins von Altertunufreunden in RheuUands 
{Bonner JahrhUcher)^ Ixxxiii. (Bonn, 1887) pp. 1-200. See also M. Siebourg, 
ae SuletU CampettriJyus FatU; K. Priederich's Matronarum monumenta (Bonn 
Disaertations, 1886) ; F. Hang in BurHan'i Jahreshericht, lii. pp. 116-121 ; 0. 
Hirschfeld, Wutdeutiohe ZeiUehrift, yiii. (1889) p. 135 ; and Vallentin, Revue 
Celtiqne, iv. (1880) p. 27. 

' See the annexed map, also schedale, p. 337. 



York. But this only denotes that Italians, Africans, Pannonians, 
and Dalmatians adopted in the west the common cnlt> 

Indeed, we most go further and conclude that the cuJt is also 
strange to Rome and Britain. The inscriptions in which it is men- 
tioned at Borne belong to a set of sixteen dedications found near the 
via Tasso: they are all very similar in date and character, and were 
put up by the equites singulares or imperial body-guard in the first 
half of the second century a.d. These equites were largely, though 
not ezclusiyely, recruited on the Rhine.' Some of these particular 
inscriptions actually give German birthplaces on the stones, and we 
may assume that the presence of the cult in Rome is due to soldiers 
who had perhaps brought it from the Rhine. It is interesting to 
reflect that we are dealing with a cult which was barely represented in 
the great centre of the Roman world. 

Similarly with Britain. The British monuments to the 'Mothers* 
are found mainly in military centres. Their dedicators, so far as 
they state their profession, are mainly soldiers. Local epithets, 
such as denote a native worship, are absent, and the goddesses are 
styled patriae^ 'of my fatherland'; transmarinae, 'belonging to a 
land over the sea'; damesUcae, ' belonging to my birthplace ';• epithets 

which no sober enquirer will refer to the 
pre-historic epoch when the Kelts crossed 
into Britain. It is, no doubt, possible that 
the Keltic inhabitants of our island wor- 
shipped a native triad of goddesses, but 
there is only one instance where we have 
reason to suspect the mention of any such 
thing on a Roman altar. Mr. Whitley Stokes 
has conjectured that the Benwell dedication 
Lamiis tribus refers to British reflexes of 
the three Morigna or sisters who are known 
in Irish legends as Anand, Badb, and 
Machae.^ But this instance is unique, and 

* For the Lyons inscription, see Mommsen, Ephem. v. p. 202 ; for the Win- 
chester one, Hermes, xix. 19 n. It follows that in explaining epithet* of the 
* Mothers,* we must conform to the geographical limits. The Matres Ollatotae, 
for instance, must not be referred to a place in Spain. 

* Mommsen, Ephem. r. p. 233. 

* So domvs is regularly used in inscriptions. 

' Hevue CeUique, xii. 128. An early glossary gives lamia as the Latin for 


the presumably native deities who most oommonly appear on our 
inscriptions are, except the Di Veteres, singular in number. 

It most be remembered that religions spread with extraordinary 
ease under the Boman empire. Freedom of movement and inter- 
course was then in some ways greater than it is even now,^ travelling 
for business or for pleasure was common in all ranks, and often 
meant the moving of a household of slaves. The needs of the army 
must also have caused a perpetual ebb and flow, as troops were 
shifted from province to province, or drafts of veterans and recruits 
went to and fro. Hence the diffusion of oriental cults like those of 
Mithras or Dolichenus, and of Ohristianity itself. Hence, too, we 
can understand bow the worship of the western 'Mothers' spread 
beyond its original home. The only remarkable &ct is that it did 
come from the west, while all, or nearly all, the religions which spread 
through the early empire came from the east, from Greece and 
still more from Asia, the lands of ancient and established civiUzations. 
This will account for the little notice which the * Mothers ' received 
in Rome, and for the comparatively small area over which they 
extended their sway. 

8. — Original Seat op the Worship. 
It is not easy to say what the original seat of the cult was. 
Clearly it was not Soman or Italian. It had nothing to do with the 
Soman ParcoBj still less with certain Oeal /ii/Te/K?, who, as Diodorus 
casually tells us, were worshipped in Sicily.' Geography confines 
us to a German or Keltic origin. Lower Germany has strong 
claims to be an original home — not necessarily the only one — of the 
* Mothers.' Its somewhat limited area supplies the largest number 
of dedications found in any one province, its sculptures are the 
most characteristic, and Mommsen has incidentally observed that 
the worship may here be indigenous.*® On the other hand, the 

morigain (singular of mor%gna), Mr. Roach Smith {ColL Ant, i. 137) held 
these Lamiae to be the * Mothers * re-named. In anj case, no (•onnection with 
the Lamia of classical mythology is possible. 

• Marshall's Principles of Mcoriomici, i, 20 ; Friediander's Sittengesehichte 
Jioms, ii. 56. I doubt if the statement can be extended to include trade, though 
even that was easier under the empire than before. 

• Diod. iv. 79, foil. This is the only reference to these deities, and some 
scholars hold that Diodorus has made a mistake. 

'• Westdeutsohe ZeiUohrift, 1886, p. 124. It may be added that the fruit 
baskets of the ^ Mothers' also appear with the Batavian goddess Nehalennia, and 
in Teutonic mythology {Zeitschrift fiir deutache Philologie, xlii. 301). 


German monuments, being mostly due to soldiers, may belong to 
an imported cult, while those of Cisalpine Ganl and Narbonensis 
are the work of civilians, and less open to such suspicion. The 
earliest datable dedication, too, bails from lake Maggiore; there are 
several Keltic details observable about the cult, and Ihm finds the 
home of the ' Mothers * in the Gallic districts mentioned. He adds 
that an extension northwards is in this case more likely than the 
reverse, but this is entirely a prior* arguing, and the difiference of 
dedicators also goes for little here. Germany was garrisoned by a 
large army ; Cisalpine and Narbonese Gaul were bare of troops,^ so 
that variety in the dedicators corresponds simply to variety in the 
populations. The question is complicated by the presence of Keltic 
tribes in Roman times near the west bank of the Rhine, and we do 
not know the details of the raoe division well enough to use them 
in this problem. Mythology, to which Dr. Rdscher has bid us go, 
favours either a German or a Keltic origin ; both races worshipped 
triads of goddesses. Indeed, it is conceivable that the worship of 
the ^ Mothers * was indigenous in both Gallic and Rhenish districts, 
that iS; that there were two distinct but similar cults which w^re 
amalgamated, as cults in antiquity so often were, but which retained, 
in certain differences of titulature and other detail, vestiges of original 

4.— Date and Woeshippebs. 

The main outlines of the cult are very much the same in all 
places. It flourished in the first three centuries, the first monument 
datable with certainty ^^ belonging to Caligula's reign (a.d. 87-41)) 
the last, one found at Benwell, to Gordian's (a.d. 238-244), while 
many can be fixed to intermediate dates. At the end of the third 
century Christianity or the barbarian invasions weakened the cult, 
as they did other native cults ; for instance, that of Hercules Deu- 
soniensis, the Gallic god who survived the earlier Imperial rule 
to figure in the third century on the coins of the short-lived Gallo- 

" Hirschfeld, C.I.L. xii. p. zii. Cisalpine Gaul is, of coursei now part of 
Italy, though, for convenience, I have distinguished the two arean. 

" At Pallanza, on lake Maggiore. Prof. HUbner has dated another monument 
found in Cisalpine Gaul to the reign of Tiberius, but his conclusion depends on 
the style of lettering, and this cannot be called certain. 


Roman empire. There is, however, some cnrions evidence to show 
that the worship of the ' Mothers/ like other superstitions, lingered 
on into the middle ages. Thus, to quote one of many examples, a 
German book of questions to be adced from penitents, dating from 
the eleventh century, contaius the following :— * Hast thou done, as 
do some women at certain seasons, preparing a table in thy house 
and meat and drink thereon, that the three Sisters or Parcae may come 
and be refreshed therewith ? ' Towards the end of the next century 
Saxo Orammaticus tells us how a certain Fridlaf consulted the Sisters, 
and his description agrees with the monuments of the ^ Mothers.* 
*Even to-day three sisters, Einbede, Willibede, and Warbede, are 
honoured in western Germany.^' 

The belief was, indeed, one likely to survive. Christianity, as 
we are daily coming to see more clearly, spread first and most rapidly 
in the centres of civilization ; the unconverted were truly pagani; 
and the cult of the * Mothers * was essentially a poor man's creed ; 
its worshippers came from the lower ranks. Soldiers form the 
majority everywhere, except in the ungarrisoned regions of Cisalpine 
and Narbonese Gaul, and of the soldiers only two or three hold even 
^ moderately high rank. We have a triburma militum of a legion at 
Lyons, at Ben well a praefectus alae, but this almost exhausts the 
list. Civil magistrates are as rare; many dedicators are clearly 
slaves, freedmeu, peregrini. Women, again, as Ihm has noted, take 
a rather larger share in this cult than is usual, at least, in the Gallic 
and German districts, and this seems to suggest again a popular and 
indigenous character. In Britain the immigrant cult has, at the 
most, only one female worshipper.^* 


In other details there are natural differences in different provinces. 
The empire was, as Mommsen has said, a sort of confederation, and 
such variations are inevitable, though, be it added, we do not explain 
them merely by saying this. In the first place, the dominant title 
^Mothers* has three Latin forms. Matres is used exclusively in 

" Ihm refers to Panzer^s Beitrdge zur Deutschen Mythologie, i. pp. 1-200. 
Similar details in Wright's The Celt^ the Roman^ and the Saxon, p. 282. 

'* There is a possible one at Carlisle {Lap. Sept. 491, C.I.L, vii. 927), bat 
it seems to stand alone. 


Britain and at Rome, and iocidentallj in a good many other places ; 
Matronae rules in Lower Germany and Cisalpine Ganl; and a by- 
form Matrae occnrs in Narbonese Oaal and in some contiguous 
districts. It is not quite clear whether any difference in meaning 
is to be drawn between these forms. Apart from the geographical 
distribution, certain minor differences of usage may be noted between 
Matres and Matronae. Thus, the native local epithets so common 
in Germany are usually confined to one or other form: it is the 
exception to find, as we do once near Bonn, the epithet Vacdlinshae 
used with both Matronae and Matres. Again, the strictly local 
epithets are more commonly used with Matronae ; Matres takes those 
of wider sense, ffermanae, Gallae, domesticae, and has thus the look 
of a different, at first sight, of a less exact, less technical term. 
Geography emphasizes this difference : Matres has travelled into 
Britain, Spain, and elsewhere ; Matronae does not occur in any land 
where the cult has been demonstrably imported.^^ It would seem, 
then, that Mommsen had some reason for drawing a distinction 
between the Matres and the Matronae^ but it is doubtful whether 
this distinction was always felt by the worshippers. The character 
of the inscriptions and sculptures is very similar, except on the points 
noted, and we may perhaps explain the variations by supposing (as 
before) an amalgamation. The use of the third term Moitrae seems, 
as Mommsen long ago suggested, to be a Kelticism. 

Somewhat similar variations are observable in the epithets which 
are often attached to the title ' Mothers.' It has been indicated in 
the course of the last paragraph that these epithets may be divided 
into two classes, those with a more or less general significance, and those 
which are clearly native and probably local, and it has been pointed 
out that the first are commoner with the title Matres^ the latter 
with Matronae. This, however, is not all. Statistics show that in 
Narbonese and Cisalpine Gaul, and in Britain, epithets of any sort 
are comparatively rare with any of the three forms, Matres^ Matrae^ 
Matronae; where epithets occur we have general terms, Uke suus^ 

" Compare the Matronae Aufaniae which occur here and there in Gennany 
and Q^ul with the Matret Anfaniag on one Spanish inscription. But the 
dedication found near Bonn, Matrihns sive MatronU Aufaniahus^ shows that 
the distinction was not always kept, and so the Vacalinehae quoted above. is 
another example ; there are not many. 

5.--TITULATUBE. 321 

domesticus^ fransmarintis, and if we may call it an epithet, deus.^^ 
In Lower Germany, on the other hand,, we meet a multitude of 
epithets, obviously native and apparently derived from proper names 
of places for the most part, which can even stand alone with no 
perceptible difference in meaning. Such are the Mahlinehae (Malines), 
NersihenoB (Neersen), Albiahenae (Elvenich), and many more. Some 
of these epithets seem to be^ Keltic, like Octocannae^ MediotautehoBy but 
whether always with the sense of place is doubtful. In Britain only 
two such epithets occur, Ollototae at Binchester, and Alaterviae at 
Gramond, near Edinburgh. The first probably denotes ^ of another 
land,' the second is quite obscure. It appears to resemble the name 
of a Shenish deity, Alateivia, and possibly the first elements, AUUf 
may be identical. It may also be the same as an imperfectly pre* 
served name found at Nantes, and presumably Eeltic.^^ 

It may be added that the Lower Oerman and, to some extent, 
the Gallic inscriptions often form the dative plural in -ahtis, MatrahuSj 
MatrondbvSy and in the epithets, OctocannahuSy Oavadiajbtcs, and many 
more. This is perhaps due to the analogy of deabusy the ending -abus 
being sometimes used to define gender in law papers, and especiaUy 
in late Latin.^^ Once, indeed, at Nimes in the south of France, we 
have a curious inscription written with Greek letters in Keltic dialect, 
which contains the unmistakably Keltic dative matpebo (matrebo)^ 
and this analogy has possibly also aided the employment of Matrabtu 
for MatrisP An even stranger form, not Keltic but Teutonic, 
appears on three Rhenish dedications, where Vatuims and Aflims 
preserve the old German dative plural, of which we have no other 
direct evidence, though we could infer it from the terminations in 
kindred languages. It is needless to say that we have nothing of 

'' The title Deae Matres, often used in England, is unfortunate. Matter 
alone is commoner by far than deae Mattes, Deae Matronae is all but unknown 
(once MatronU dii^ once divW), 

'^ AlcUervotj JBulUiin Epigraphique, 1886, p. 264. Holder in his Spraohsohatz 
does not mention this name. The attempt of the Dutch professor, Kern, to find 
German derivations for this and other epithets (^Retue Celtique^ ii. 1 67) does not 
seem successful. 

'* So filiabuSf libertalms, natabw^ etc. The Latfn grammarians r^ularly 
mention the use, but limit the instances; see, e.g,f EeiPs Oram, Lot, v. pp. 189, 

^ The Keltic and Italian languages, alone in the Indo-European family, 
retained the ending in 'Jms for the dative and ablative plural ; Bragman, QmH' 
drist^ §§ 367, 382. Traces survive in surviving Keltic dialects, e.ff.f in Gaelic 
bard (poet), dat. plur. bhairdaibh, 



this sort in Britain ; the cnlt was not sniBciently established in oar 
island, and the worshippers, mostly soldiers, clearly all knew the 

6. — Sculpt CBES. 

The sculptured representations of the * Mothers' to which we 
now come show somewhat similar variations. The forty or fifty 
known agree, indeed, in showing neither more nor less than three 
goddesses, the matres tree as a British inscription calls them. The 
mystic number does not vary, though a fourth figure, perhaps a 
priest or the dedicator, is occasionally added to the group.^ But 
the forms vary. The commonest type and the best defined is that 
which prevails on the Rhine. Three draped figures sit beneath an 
arch or canopy with fruit baskets on their knees, and with a curious 
head-dress, not unlike a nimbus, but probably the head-dress of the 
land, on the head of the two outer figures. The type varies some- 
times in detail. Either the fruits are shown loose, or the head-dresses 
are absent, or the middle figure has a horn of plenty, and, including 
these sub-species, the type claims more than half the known reliefs. 
Less common and less defined is the second type, where the goddesses 
stand with long robes, but often without distinguishable attributes, 
a type which seems confined to Gaul and Britain. In two or three 
other cases the types are mixed, part sitting, part standing, and in 
three German reliefs we have only busts. The first type may thus 
claim to be the most characteristic. 

In Britain the reliefs are few, poorly executed, and worse pre- 
served. Some, like the well-known example found in London,** show 
the first or German type with fruit baskets, but the heads are in 
nearly all cases lost. One fragment from Carlisle ** shows two of the 

** The absence of native idioms on the inscriptions of Britain, as compared 
with, e.ff,^ those of Gaul, suggests that the British read and wrote in Latin* 
Traces of Keltic arc visible in the sheep-scoring numerals of the Westmorland 
and Yorkshire dales (Mommsen's allusion to which met with much innocent 
ridicule, Mdm. Oeschichte, v. 177), but these are probably the results of the 
Strathclyde and Cumbrian kingdoms. 

** Pretty certainly so in a piece from Carlisle (Xo^. Sept, 491) where the 
sacrificing figure has an altar ; possibly on certain German reliefs, though Ihm 
calls all four figures worshippers. The quintets found once or twice in Cis- 
alpine Gaul (see, e.g.j Archaeologia^ Lond. xlvi. 173) do not seem to be the 
* Mothers.' See woodcut, p. 325. 

" Roach Smith, Coll. Ant, i. 136, and Roman London^ 33, with woodcuts. 
Other examples at Bakewell in Derbyshire, and on the Wall. 

*• Proo. 8oc. Ant, Newo. iii. 137. See illustration, p. 836. 


goddeeees (the third is broken off) sitting uoder a oiche with fruit 
iMBkets, bat without head-dresB. Another, complete were it not 

headleBB, from HouBesteadB, ahowB a somewhat differoDt form of 
basket, and another, only the end of a relief, from Bewcastle, shows 
fmtts instead of a fmit 
basket. On a fn^menb from 
Netherby only the middle 
ligare has anything on its 

knees, while five separate I 

seated fignrea from Hduse- 
steads have no attribntes, and 
are of somewhat doubtful in- 
terpretation.** Eeliefs with 
standing figures are hardly 
represented in Britain, one in 
London, perhaps two in the 
north. One instance, with 
the ioBcription malrilntt tru' 
marinia patrii, shows the 

three draped goddesaes either biwcmti*. 

sitting or standing in three niches without attribute of any sort,^ 

" Lap. Sept. 230, 231-8, 784, 786. 786 U mid to have been found at Ketherby; 
bat this note is in an album belonging to the Soc. Antiq. Lend. ' Drawing of a 
Btone recentlT foond at Bewcaatle and removed to Netherby nes.'—Traju, C. 
and W. Antiq. Sac. VIII. 323. 

" Lap, Sept. 12. Ihm includes this among the sitting TarietioB. 


and a Bimilar piece with s fourth sacrificing figure and an altar has 
been found at CarUsle.** Of other 
reliefs the attribntion Ib less easy. 
Thug a Bomewhat vague but poseible 
representation ogcuib at High Roches- 
ter,'' bnt the Bame place has produced 
an nndonbted relief of the njmphB, 
and the other ma; be a fbllow to it, 
lottgo intervaUo in etjie, bnt part of 
MBTBuav. ^jjg g^jjjg worship. It is always diffi- 

cnlt to fix the meanings of these rongh scniptnres, and still more bo 
when, as here, they lie rather outside the cycle of classical myths. 


We have now diacaesed the distribntion, origin, worshippers, and 
representations of the ' Mothers,' and it remains to consider their 
character and powers as divinities. Before, however, doing Uub, it 
is desirable to consider certain other deities which either are ' Uothera ' 
or closely resemble them. Such are the Sukvias, Jtmonee, Gampestrts, 
Parcae, Biviae, and others. All of these, or almost all, are fonnd 


now and again with the title 'Mothers'; all tend to be need withoot 
it ; most of them vary Bomewhat in their geographical distrihntion 
from the genniiie ' Mothers.' The Suteviae stiuid nearest, perlutps, 
to the ' Mothen.' If we ezclnde two Dacian inBcriptiona, they are 
Ibnnd worshipped in mach the aame regions as the ' Mothers '; thej 
bear the name Maim a fair number of times, at Bome eleven times, 
and onoe at Colchester; their worshippers are dmilar and their 
reliefs are said to be identical ; and, lastly, their own name might 
easily be one of the native epithets which, as we have seen, abound 
in Lower Germany.^ Bnt the constant nse of the name withoot 

Matres separates it firom the ordinary epithet, and reduces ns to 
suppose that either the Suhviae were first distinct from, then con- 
fused with, the ' Mothers', or first identical and subsequently distin- 
guished. The first view seems preferable. 

The Jittumes of Cisalpine Ganl occupy a different position. The 
title ifl Latin ; the deities are Keltic ; they have nothing to do with 
the Jimo or female genius of classical Latin. They may be the 
Cisalpine Matrotuu under another title. It was not unusual in the 

** MommBen and othen connect the name with the Bath goddess Svl, bat 
this leeniB incapable of proof, and, exen if tnis, does not belp na much. The 
etymology ot both wordB is, so tar, mere gneaswork. 


early empire to apply the name of a Roman god to a dissimilar native 
deity. Mars and Silvanns in Narbonese Uaol denoted Keltic deities 
who 'were very unlike the Eoman Mars and Silvanns ; Mars again 
is used on two Housesteads altars of the Teutonic god Thingsus, who 
appears to be a protective, not a military deity.** Curiously enough 
an inscription found outside the home of the JunoneSf near Calais in 
North France, is dedicated Sulevis Junonibus. If this does not mean 
Stdevis et Junonibus^ it shows how easily on occasion a worshipper 
could amalgamate similar deities. The Junones have not as yet been 
discovered in Britain. 

The campestres are less clear. The word is a Latin adjective; 
its derivation connects it with the army, and the worshippers of the 
campestres are mostly soldiers. Two British worshippers certainly 
identified them with the Matres, one at Benwell, one at Cramond, 
but this identification does not occur in any district where the 
' Mothers ' were not regularly worshipped, and is perhaps to be 
explained like the Suleviae Junones of the last paragraph. 

The Biviae^ Triviae, Quadriviae seem, on the other hand, to be 
local deities who must have closely resembled the ' Lares compitales ' 
so familiar to us in Italy. Gods of crossways are common in heathen 
countries all the world over, where roads exist. There is no reason 
to connect them with the MatreSy and it is perhaps a pity that Ihm 
and others have done so. In England we have only a few traces of 
these gods and they are due probably to misinterpretation. A ring 
found at Backworth, near Newcastle,^ and an altar from Chester-le- 
Street have been supposed to commemorate certain Matres viales,^^ but 
the readings are uncertain, and the epithet is unique. A fragment 
from Chesters is completed by Ihm Larihus compitalibtcs^ but it is 
almost certainly Matrihm communibus}^ 

Lastly, come certain dim Parcae^ to whom some twenty inscrip- 
tions exist. Most of these, including two British ones at Lincoln 
and Carlisle, call them Parcae simply, but two, one at Carbsle, one of 

* See Arch, AeU vol. x. p. 148-172, where there are woodcuts of these two 
altars. Apollo Maponus seems similarly to have been represented as a child. 
Comptes Aendus . . . des inscr, et belles lettres, IV. zix. 17. 

** See representation of it at p. 331. 

" Lap. Sep. 542. 

" See woodcut at p. 332. 


leas certain resding at SkinburnesB, add the title Matrei^y We may 
BUppoBe that this is bnt another case of confusion, and note that 
both instances occur in the midst of dedications to the 'Mothers.' 

What then are these Parcae? They may be the Roman Fates ; they 
may be, as Ihm holds, the German Noms ; they may, if the geo- 
graphical distribution of twenty monuments can prove anything, be 
Keltic, Cisalpine or Narbonese deities under Latin Dames.** 

a — Gbneral Chaeaotbb. 
We need not further discuss such goddess, the Proxumae of 
Narbonensis, the Fatas, the Silvanae. We have eaid enough to make 
the character of the 'Mothers' fairly clear. Thei'r worship has 
some elements of a composite, amalgamated cult, and its outlines are 
a little hazy j sometimes one, sometimes another set of divinities is 
labelled with its name and added to its list. It was a western 
worship, popnlar, not fashionable, ignored by the upper classes. And 
it is a pleasant worship ; the attributes of the divinities are the fruits 
of the field and the bom of plenty. The comparative mythologist 
may trace us some &r off connection between these Sisters and Triads 
in other lands, perhaps even between them and the Roman Fates. 

" Lap. Sept. *90, 904. See cot of Utter at p. 830. 

" Dim makee a point of the fact that the Oermaa penit«iit books (alluded 
to above) call the goddeases Pareae (q%iae a valco Parent nominantttr, etc.). 
Bat this proves notbiDg. The people certaiol; did not call them Parcac) the 
urord is a Latin tranalation of some native tenn. Similar tianslationa are not 
n Bucb casee. 


Bat the Fates are terrible goddesses; there is nothing terrible about 
the * Mothers/ Their monuments suggest only fertility and repro- 
duction. If Goethe took from them the idea of the mysterious 
'Mothers/ down to whom Faust goes in search of Helen, he has 
altered their character. Perhaps, when disgusted with the excesses 
of Isis, or wearied with the curious symbolism of Mithras and Doli- 
chenus, we may turn with something of a melancholy pleasure to 
these kindly deities of our own western world 



I. — Matbes. 

[The following list is a little more complete than that given by Ihm, and 
inclades all the inscriptions and sculptnres known to me. Round brackets 
denote expansions of abbreviations ; square brackets supplements of lost letters. 
An asterisk implies doubt whether the item has any proper place in the list. I 
have purposely included some very uncertain reliefs of draped figures.] 

1. Pound at Winchester; published C.LL, vii. 5 ; EpKem, vii. 814.— iffl<riJ(it#) 

iiflZ[i]* Qermanu Oal(lii) JBrit{an7U*) Antonim [lAi^erdtianui [hiene)] 
/{icuirius') co{n)t(ularit) reit{ituit). 

As Mommsen has pointed out {Hermes^ xix. 19n), this refers to the 
country's gods of the legionaries. Tacitus in the Agricola (32) makes 
Calgacus say that Gauls, Germans, and Britons served in the Roman 
legions, as in the time of Domitian they no doubt did. The Maitre* 
Italae may represent the officers, being Italians. 

2. London ; CLL, vii. 20, broken. — Matr\i}m9 . . . . ] ^vcvnia de mo f«[^i- 

<w« . . . . ]. 

Erected by the whole neighbourhood. The stone, now in the Guild- 
hall museum, is rather unlike ordinary Romano-British inscriptions. 

3-4. London. 

Reliefs of seated * Mothers * with fruit baskets (Roach Smith, Coll, Aid, 
i. 136, etc.) and of standing ' Mothers* (Bonuin London^ p. 45, pL vi.). 

5.*Daglingworth (Gloucestershire); CXL. vii. 72b. — .... mat'jrihlus et 
ge]nio l[oci .... 

6. Colchester; Ephem, vii. 844. — Matribut SulevU SimilU Atti /. ei(vis') 

6a.*Nixon (MS. Rawl. D. 1,068 in the Bodleian Libr.) asserts that a figure 17 in« 
high, found at Castledykes (Northants), represents one of the Malre», 
His rude drawing appended makes this idea most improbable. 


7. Chester; C.LL, vii. 168*; JSphem. iii. p. 120, iv. p. X^S.^Deahut MatrihuM 

I have ezamiaed the stone and think this reading probable ; the letters 
are badly cat. V, m. may mean wtwm, fnerito. 

8. Bakewell (Derbyshire) ; Thos. Bateman*s Catalogue of Antiquitiei (BakeweU, 

1856), p. 262. — 'Piece of sandstone sculptured with the lower parts of 
three figures with drapery; found daring the alterations of Bakewell 
church in 1842. Exceedingly like the figures of Matres engraved in C. 
R. Smith's C0U. Ant. i. p. 136.* 

Bateman's collection went to Sheffield nraseam, but I could not find 
this piece there. 

9. Donoaster; CLL. yil. 198,— Matriht* M, Nanton^ug Orhiotal(us) v(ptum) 

i^oivit^ l(ibeni) m(eritc). 

The dedicator's names are Keltic, the cognomen belonging to a large 
class ending in -tahu, 

10. Bibchester; CT.L. vii. 221 ; Lap, Sept, p. 16,— Deis Matrihus M, IrigenviM 

Atiatictte dec{urio) al(jae) Ast{urufn), s(useeptum) s(^olvU) IQibetui) l{aetut) 
Camden alone succeeded in reading the first two words. 

11. York; C.LL, Til 29S.—3fat(ribus) Af(riea%is) lta{lu) Oa(lli*) M. Minu- 

(cius) ]liude(nus7) mil{es) leg{ionu) ri. vic{tricis) guber(nator?) leg{umis) 
VI, v(jjtvm) eiplvW) l(ibens) l{aetue) m(erito). 

The epithets are used as in No. 1. M. Mowat's suggestion (Proc, 800, 
Ant, Nevoo, t. 130) Afiiahm seems to me improbable and unnecessary. 

12. York ; C,I,L. vii. 1342. — [^Jiflatribue tuU Marctbs Rustvus v{otum) e{olvit) 

l{iheni) Maeea l(aetue) m(erito), 
Le,t dedicated by M. Rustius Massa. 

13. Aldborough ; CLL, vii. 260,— I(pvt) o[ptimc'] m(amino) et Matrib(ve) , . . 

14. Lowther; CXL, vii. 303; Lap, Sept, Bll,—Deabue Matrihus tramari(nis) 

vex(iUatio) Oerma(niaeT) u(triusque'), M(aetiae), D(almat%ae') pro 
salute .... 

The reading is uncertain after Oerma, ASX&rpro salute the commander's 
name seems to have followed. 

15. Plumpton Wall (Old Penrith); CLL, vii. 319; Lap, Sept. 797,— Deabus 

Matrihus tramaHnis et n{umin%) imp(erataris) Alewandri AugQusti') 
et Iul(iae') Mammaeae inatr(is') Aug{usti') n(ostri) et castrorum totilque] 
domui divin^toe .... vewill]atio mr . . . . 
Between A.D. 222 and A.D. 235. 

16. Old Carlisle; CIJL. vu. 848; Lap. Sept. SS0,—lDea2bus MaltHbus . . . . 

pro s']alute M^ .... (a few unintelligible letters below). (See woodcut 
at p. 338.) 



17. Skinbnmeaa; CI.L. vii. 418; iop. Sept. KM.— 

Hatnbvlt} par vi ti vacin . . . 
Possibly Matrihit parcu. 

18. BIncb6Bt«T; C.I.L. Til. 426; Lap. Sept. 717.— 

Matirxhu) taefjum) QemeUat t, «. J, «. 

19. BJDofaester; dltcoveied I8B1. — J(i»<) 0(j>(>m«) 

miamimo) et VatriUu eUototit tive tram- 
mariMit Pempoitau Dmattu b(f»e'jf^ieiarivi) 
co(it)i(iiiarU) pro lalvte Ma et menun v. 1. 1, a. 
Cor ™.) 

Ollototae ii explained by Hr. Whitlej Btokn 
as mcanlaK ' o' another land,' S«e farther pp. 226-7 of thia TOlnme, where 
there ii also a reprasentation o( the altar, 

20. BincheBter; C.I.L. Tii, 424; Lap. Sept. 716; see also Pros. v. p. 38.— 

J}eab(nt) MatTib{iu) Q Lot. Tib. Cl(,aiidiv4) Qinntiainu b(e»e^ieiari»t) 
eo(n)i(iilaTU) n. 1. 1. m. 

For Q Lot. Tib, as others read. Dr. Hooppell ooujectnrea Ollototi*. Dr. 
HUbner'a leaf atop for Q seems based on a misreading of Gale. 
31. BincbsBter; C.I.L. Tii. 423; Lap. Sept. 71S. 

Uncettain. Sibbald read . trib . oi . . t | cart • oTal | marti Tetto | 
genio loci | lit. ixt. For the first line Di. Hooppell conjectures Matribtu 
cUetatU. Matribiu was conjectnied before by Dr. Hiibnor, and is fatrl; 
certain. Mr. Wathin's idea of Lisbon 'Mothers' iAreh. Jaurit,^ is im- 

21a. South Shields; Arch. A»L x. 219. 

Belief of two headless flgnrea sitting with baskets on their laps ; a third 
fignre has been knocked off. 


23. Biachester; £^hem. vii. 9S0; see Areh. Ael. voL ix, p. 170, where there is 

also A wooden t. 

Dncertain, Dr. Hooppell read Sfatr(llnii) | (rainar(in!<) | equiUft'f 
aH/ie) I Vettioniim') e(imum) T{omananim) \ r. ». I. m. On the Bqueezes 
sent me I could onlj decipher mat. \ r . .] e. 
33. NewcBatle (probably not the original provennnee, for which Dr. Bruce sug- 
gests Carlisle); C.I.L. vii. 499; Zap. Sept. 12. Above it is a relief of 
the three 'Mothers' Bitting. — I>eu[lnii'] Matribvt tramarixU patTi(i)t 
Avrelim Intrenalit (see woodcut of it, p. 324). 

24. Backworth (near Newcastle) ; gold ring, found with the preceding, and now 

with it in the British Museum. C.I.L. Tii. 1299; Lap. Sept. B36. 

The reading is disputed. Dr. EUbDer, who has 
seen it, giyes Matr(ib\ay \ tia{libv4) V. \ Ciorn*- 
liut) Ae^iiiTMi) I . The English antiquaries read 
MATR I VH - CO j 00 • AE, as on the annexed cut. 
Mr. A. H. Smith, H^., who has been good enough 
to examine the ring for me, assures me that iiatrum is quite c< 
so far as I can see from the casts he has sent me. there seems to me to be 
little doubt about it. Tbe following letters also appear to be CO | do ■ AB. 
26. Backwoith ; bandte of a silver patera in which Ko. 2% was found. C.I.h. 
vii. 1266; Lap. Sept. 84.— Jfo(i<iJ«u) Fab{iu*') Lubiiiatuty (See wood- 
cnt at p. 162 of this volume.) 

Ben WELL. (See iic 

332 THE MOTHER 60DDE68B». 

2C Benwell; C.I.L. -rii. HIO; Lap. Sept. 22^jraf r(>»u)i trihi* oampe^ttTiiiH') 
et geriio alae pri(THae') Hiipanorvm A^tiTum [about serenteen erased 
letters] Ovrdianaf T. Agrippa prat(Jectu*) templxm a lolo [rci^tituU. 

Tbe seTenteen erased letters 
are probabt; Papienae Balbinae, 
erased not by order of Gordian, 
but hj mistake of distant and ill- 
informed men. (MommseD.^&nn. 
». p. 37.) ThiH ig the latest known 
monuiuent of the Matm, and 
dates about A.D. 240. (See wood- 
en t on preceding p^e.) 

£7. HaltoD Cheeters; the sculpture above 
mentioned by Dr. Hilbnei, seems 
a mere ornament, not a relief. 
C.I.L. vii. 55fl; Lap. Sept. 84.— 

Jkalnn[M]atribt.[t] .... (See *" ^'■«"' °«"™«- 

woodcut 1,) 

28. Cheatera: I^kem. vii. 1017.— [«a(]. 

ribtu cam[mv,ni^ 7 p]ro talvte 
dt[euriiul A']ur(_etii) Severt . . . 
See No. 29. (See woodcut 2.) 

29. Carrawbaigh ; Bpham. iv. 680, rii. 

1032.— Xatriiut coM[mKnibK>']. I-Chmti™. 

The correct I'eading of this altar is certainly Matribvt 
earn, not en . . and this throws light on No. 28. The 
conjectures of Ihm, LaHbut rimipitalilntt aad Matrihtu 
mhori . . are thug neodlegs. The simplest supplement 
of coin . . woald seem to be that giTcn above, enggested 
by Dr. Bruce. 

30. Carraw burgh : silver ring; Epkem. iii, 
p. H6 ; Arch. Ael. liii, 360.— JKifcw, 

Sl.'HouseateadB ; CJ.L. vii. 652; Lap. 
Sept. 16e.—Ma[tribv» J] . . gi . . M. Se^fr[ia]niv, 
f . . The Bupplementa are uncertain. {Seewoodcnt2 
on p. 334.) 

32. HoueesteadB; C.LL. vii. %6Z.—MatHhu <-aA(o™) /. Ttt»gr[or\v[m . . 
83. HoQBesteadB; Lap. Stpt. 280. (See woodcnt, p. 32S.) 

Relief of three ' Mothers,' headless, with basketa on their laps; the hewli 
were originally fastened on, as often, with iron. " 



31-3r..*Hou9e3tejKU ; Lap. S-pt. 2:11-3. 

Fire BcpaniM sitting fignres, headless ; 
Dr. Bruce BUfjgeata the ' Uothers.' (See 
flgai'es OD the precedin); psee.) 
Sfi.'Honsesteads ; Lap. Sept. 2Xt. 

Belief of three baU-disped et«od- 
ing figures. Hoislej tboaght them 
to be ' Mothers ; ' they »re probably 


37. Caerrontn : abare figure of a woman 
Bacrificiug; C.LL. vit. 756 j I^hetn. 
Tii. 1054; Lap. Sept. 306; Areh. Ael. 
xii. SSS; SulHtirt Spigr. ri. 116.— 
.Vatribivt) . . . ntiiu. 

Foaod long ago and figured by 
Horaley; refonad 18S6, and at firet 
described as if nen. (See woodcnt I 
on next page.) 

,— HOUliaTElIM. 

; Lap. ,Sept.Hl.—llf[at]ribu» tmiaum geniiitai 
coalabittm 6. Iv.l{i-a*) CapUians*, (ceoAirti)) 
'^) J'C'ibwJpC'''"'*') f'ltiiait. (See woodcnt, 

38. CaatlesteadB ;> 

templum oliat vetuitat 
p{Hmi^pOl>u) or {cml 
Prop. T. p. 1211.) 

39. Woltontaoaee (CasttcsteadB) ; £pA«i». Tii. 1081.— Jfo^rJAui f[ra]in<i[ri»M. 

M. StanwiiC?); C./.Z. vii. 915; Lap. Sept. in.—Uatribui [d^nmeiticU Vitlel- 
H»tJ) Meiioir] ligntfer c. 1. 1. I. 

mere of uomntENTs. 335 

41. Carliale; C.T.L. vii. 92T; Lap. Sept. i^O.—Katribiu Pare(U) pro taUUO) 

Sanetiat Gemxaae. (See woodcut, p. 327,) 

42. Culiale; Lap. Sept. 191. (Bee woodcut, p. 32S.) 

Relief of three standing figures, with a toarth sacriliciiig At an altar. 

43. Carlisle; Pree. See. Ant. Num. vol. iii. p. 307. 

Fiagmentaiy relief, two sitting ^nres ttnder an arch ; a thlid is no 
' ilonbt broken off. 

Another relief has been foand at Carlisle of ver; nacertaia ioteipret*- 

tion. Beeuo. 47. 

3.— Ptihiili), 1.— Boh nam. 

44. Djrkesfield; C.I.L. vii. 939; Lap. Sept, hl6. — MatTi{but) dom(eHicu) 

Mx(illatio) [l]fg(iomii) VI. [«>iB((ripi»)) p(tiie) /(idelU). (See woodcnt 3.) 

45. BownesB; C.LL. vii. 950; Lap. Sept. 621.— JKa(rilii» tuU bi . . . (See 

woodcut 4.) 


• Matronae XMatres. aMatrae 

NoTB.— Where the Monuments are thickly 
clostered, it is impossible to mark every one 
ie^. on the Vallum Hadriani). 

Modem names are uudtrlintd. 

^^-vSICILlA r 



46, Netherby ; Lap. Sept. 781. (Sec woodcDt, p. 334.) 

Relief of three ' Mothers," broken ; the middle one haa fruits in her lap. 
47. • Netherby ; Lap. Sept. 786. (See woodcut 1 below.) 
Three Btanding fignrea, hooded, much like the 
etoae from Carlisle shown iu the annexed woodcnt. 
(See also Lap. Sept. 492.) 

48. Bewcaatle; Lap. Sept. 786. (See woodcot, p. 323.) 

Figure of one ' Mother' seated with fruits ; the 
other two, on her right, are broken oS. 

49. Riaingham ; C.I.L, vli. 994 ; I^p. Sept. 60S.— Malribiu 

tramarinU Itil(iuj) Victor v. 1. 1, m. (See woodcut 1 on opposite page.) 

The dedicator is probably the tribvimt cohortU I. Vangiimv,m who dedi- 
cated altare at the snme place to other gods. 
oO.'High Rochester; Lap. Sept. 683. 

Relief of three standing figures, possibly 'Mothers,' more probably 
Nymphs (q). Lap. Sept. 584 ; see woodcnt 3). 

Sl.'Birrens; Ephtm. yii. W9.- Ma[trilnii 1 . .] ta[i! mm I . . Obviously coi 

63, Cramond ; C.I.L. vii. 1084.— ifo/rit(5«) Alaitrvl* et Matrih{vt) eampe 
trib(iu) c»ACor») ![/] Tuiigr{<>rum) iwi(tante) Ulp(io) scarm .' . . 
[(rcBiBHc)] lesQ.insU') IX. V. v. 
53. Castlecary (Antonine's Wall); C.LL. vii. 1094. 

Uncertain reading : Matriktu is certain, and the whole may be Matrib-. 
militet i>exill[at]ionit leg{ionu) XX. V. [ K.J BriUon(eiT) v. ». 1. 1. m, so Ih: 
Dr. Hiibner reads ^;(i''nHtH) XX. (rt) i. The twentieth Icgioa does ni 
otherwise appear on this part of the Valbim. 


II. — SuLBviAB, Campestbeb, &c., without thb Titlb Matsks. 
S4. Bath; C.l.L, -rii.-Sl.—Salerit SaliitM tcvltar BrHceti /(Uiiu) tatntwt/Ceoit') 
J(t6nw) m(erito). 

56. Lincoln; Ephem. vii. S\6.—Parci/ deabiu et nvminibif at^{ft*tonim) C. 
AiUUtim Frontiiutt cnratar ter, ar(am) d(e) » (uo) d(_edioat>it'). 
Probably of the age o! Severus (cire. A.D. 200). 

56.'Binchester; C.l.L. yii. 1344*; Lap. Srpt. 719.— 3«,lp Fic Vett Cam» ». », t «. 
Dr. Brace conjeotntes »ui[e]i'i[»] ; it is impoftglble to be certain abont 
the text. 
67.*Che*ter.le-Street ; C.LL. vii. 4S4 ; Lap. Sept. 5i2.—I>eait \ mthu | viat \ 

Dr. HUbneTBaggeaUitotZaaditiaUietquainviae.batthiiiinalHeij 
and does not fit the siie of the stone. The whole letterii^ Is dnhions. 

58. CarhBlci C.l.L. vii. 928; Lap. Sept. .iSS.—PareU Probe DmuUalis paUr 

V. *. I. M. (See woodcnt 3 on page 338.) 

59. Oloster Hill (Warkworth); C.l.L. vii. 1039; Lap. Sept. 634.-[Ca]«j»M*rf&- 

[w] cok{eT,) I [ VariuUoram . . . ] (See woodcnt 2 on p^e 836). 

60. Nevrefead (Roibui^hshire) ; C.LL. vii. 1080.— awnpertr((*w) taerwrn Jri(iw) 

Marcvi d»e(_Krlo) aloe A«y{uttae) Vofitntio[r(^vm)] r. i. 1. 1. >»- 

61. Auchindavy (Antonine'n Wall); C.LL. vii. lUi.— Marti Minena^ Camptt- 

tribia Sereiiijlii) Upcnae Virtorvu M. CocceHju) Fimau (cawtBria) leg. 
II. AvgCmtaey. 
63. Castle Hill (Antonine's Wall); C.I. L. ■vii. n-29.--CampeitribinietSnUM»Hae) 
Q. PuentiM Iiutut pr(fi)ef(.eetiii) eoMprtW) IV. ffaHUnm} «. *. I. I. •». 




The following table is compiled from Dr. Ihm*s lists. I have added a few 
instances dlscoYcred since he wrote — one Matrae in Narix>nese Gaul (Lejay 
Inscriptions de la C6te d'Ov 275 his)^ one Campestres in Dalmatia (jC.LL. iii. 
Suppl. 7904), four Matronae in Lower Germany ( Westdetitsches Korrespcndenz- 
hlatt^ 1889-90), and one or two in Britain. Probably others have been since 
discovered which I have overlooked ; but the statistics appear to be tolerably 
sufficient for the purpose of discussion. 

MatroTMc (or Mat res) Junones^ Sulemae^ Campestres are counted twice — first 
in the column of Matronae or Mntres, and then separately. Similarly, where 
two deities are mentioned on one inscription, they are counted separately. Thus 
the sixteen * Roman ' inscriptions all mention the Campestres^ eleven add the 
Matres Suleviae, two Suleviae alone. It must not be supposed that Jhere are 
forty instead of sixteen inscriptions. 




Epithets used alone 
(chiefly of Ma- 

Suleviae (alone) .. 


Junones (alone) .. 


Campestres (alone) 


Parcae (alone) .. 


Quadriviae, etc. .. 





• • • 

• • • 

















• « • 







• • • 

» • • 

a • • 

■ • • 


m • • 





• ■ • 

• • • 

• • • 





• • • 

• • 

• • • 

• ■ • 



• • ■ 

• • • 



• • • 

• • • 




• • ■ 


• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 


• « • 


• • ■ 











• • 


• • 


' In the separate administration of the Alpes Qraiae, 
' One inscription is Matres sire Matronae. 

* One is Junonihus Oabiabus. The epithet is usually applied to the Matronae, 

* One is Sulevis Junonihus, 

* All at Lyons, 



By William Shand. 
[Elead on the 28rd December, 1891.] 

Wbstwabd of Carlisle there is a land, for the most part unknown 
to the tourist, bat yet possessing considerable interest. Mnch of it 
lies within the ideal scenery of sir Walter Scott's Redgauntlet, a novel 
evidently little read in the district, if I may judge from the ignorance 
of an intelligent passenger whom I met in the train within sight of 
a building figured in some of the illustrated editions as the type upon 
which the house called in the novel 'Fairladies* is described. This 
person seemed astonished to have lived all her life within reach of the 
enchanter's wand, and yet to have found herself completely untouched 
by its local influence. 

Rising like an island amongst the billows of a rolling landscape, 
is what remains of the manorial residence of Blencogo. It is a poor 
place, and probably never was a very distinguished mansion. The 
name is curious, and one would like to penetrate its etymology. Blen- 
cowe is a local family name of distinction in Cumberland ; but ffoiAh 
rare termination anywhere in this country, albeit it adheres to the 
name of the second city in the land in point of population. The 
origin of gow, in Glasgow, is always referred to the Celtic, because the 
first syllable is supposed to be clearly such. Dr. Guest has something 
about some such sound, meaning a ford, in the Cambrian Celtic ; but 
the Cumbrian Celtic seems to have been lost, and there is no ford near 
Blencogo, although the Waver is not very far oif. Most of us know 
something about the termination gau, as applied to the Rhinegau, 
Aargau, Neckargau, etc., one of the commonest Suabian local termina- 
tions. I do not know how to apply that particle to Blencogo ; and 
that is all I shall say. 

It lies in an enormous parish, that of Bromfield, which extends 
from the parish church, nine miles down to the sea on the south- 
west, at Allonby. Blencogo is about two miles in the opposite 

" See also ' Memoir of Dr. Thomlinson,* by Mr. Shand, Arch, Ael, vol. x. 
pp. 59-79, and by the Rev. E. H. Adamson, pp. 80-87. 


direction ; that is to say, towards Carlisle, from which it may be dis- 
tant by road about fifteen miles. Bromfield is approached by a line 
of railway coming across the Solway from Scotland, and terminating 
amongst the Cumbrian collieries at Brayton, on the Maryport and 
Carlisle line. There is, therefore, a choice of access to Bromfield ; 
either from the north, by Abbey junction on the Silloth line, over 
which the Scotch line passes for a few miles after crossing the Solway, 
near Annan, on the one side, and Bowness on the other; or from the 
south by way of Brayton. Bromfield is a place of such slender traflSc 
as to be marked out by a row of stars on the time-table: the meaning 
of which is, that if you have the courage to ask them, the railway 
people will stop the train to let you down or pick you up. They were 
good enough to do so for me one morning, and thereafter I quickly 
found out the good pai*son of the town, who kindly laid open to me 
all his records. They swarm with Thomlinsons ; of that name there 
are from ninety to one hundred entries, although at present there 
remains only one family of the name in the parish. 

The earliest Thomlinson in the books, and it is one of the earliest 
entries, is that of the baptism of Frances, daughter of Edward Thom- 
linson of Blencogo, on the 20th December, 1656. It is followed by a 
record of her burial on the 12th January following ; but on the 26th 
November, 1657, the father's household is brightened by another 
daughter, Julian, whose death is not recorded. Most of the entries 
record baptisms, and there are only six marriages of Thomlinsons. 
There are thirty-six deaths of Thomlinsons recorded in the course of 
one hundred and twenty years from the first entry in 1657. There is 
a special entry in which William Thomlinson is witness, under date 
23rd September, 1668, to the measuring of the churchyard wall of 
Bromfield, 'where,* it is said, 'Mr. Calverley hath thirteen yards.* 
To this entry an explanation will be given farther on. The entries 
are divided between Thomlinsons of Blencogo, Thomlinsons of Lang- 
baiTi, of Mealrigge, of Wheyrigg, of Newton, of Lowscales, and latterly 
of Crookdake, which is the residence of the only existing family of 
Thomlinsons in the parish. 

The church, dedicated, like so many within the ancient kingdom 
of Strathclyde, to St. Kentigern, is of the usual type of the district : 
a low building with small windows, aisle, choir, and transepts imper- 


fectly developed. There is a small belfry on the peak of the western 
gable, and a porch on the south side. It is a most interesting place 
to archaeologists ; bat that is not in the way of my business at present. 
Fastened to the end of one of the pews in the church there is a 
curious brass plate. It bears at the top the effigy of a shield on which 
there are three greyhounds courant, with a crest above representing 
a female figure nude to the waist, where it ends. The right arm is 
lifted, and the band grasps, at a level with the top of the head, a spear, 
the shaft of which crosses obliquely the root of the neck, passing in 
front of the left breast, and so down towards the top of the shield, 
near which it is grasped by the left hand, the barbed point being 
carried below the sinister upper corner of the shield into vacancy. Of 
such a crest I do not find in the heraldic books which I have been 
able to consult a single trace or resemblance, save only as this identical 
crest is referred to in Burke's General Armoury. The shield is divided 
into two by a vertical line in the centre, per pale in heraldry, on the 
left of which (dexter half in heraldry) the smooth surface represents 
argent, whilst the closely parallel lines sloping downwards from left to 
right in the sinister half represent vert The three greyhounds are 
in pale ; that is to say, one above another across the divided field. 
These three greyhounds form the generally adopted cognisance of the 
Thomlinsons, taken, without any doubt, from the celebrated Yorkshire 
family of Mauleverer. Underneath the shield is the following inscrip- 
tion: — * Near this Pew lies the body of William Thomlinson of Blen- 
cogo I Gentleman, who Died March 6"" 1743, Aged 86 Years. He waa 
a religious man | and brought up his Children in the fear of God. Also 
Margaret his Wife | who Died March 1^ 1749, Aged 84 Years She 
was A Woman of great | piety. They had Children, John now Rector 
of Glenfield in leicest | ershire, Who Married Katharine Daughter 
of James Winstanley | of Braunston Esquire in the Parish of Glen- 
field, and has one Son John. | Kichard a Merchant at Newcastle upon 
Tine and at London | who Married Elizabeth Daughter of Edward 
Repington of Aming | ton Esquire, near Tamworth. Afterwards Anna 
Maria only Child | of John Wing Esquire of Wallingford in berks, 
by whom he had one | Son William Isabel Married to Proctor Robin- 
son Alderman of carli | ble, who left two Sons and three Daughters. 
William partner with his | brother Richard Died unmarried and is 


buried in S** John's Wapping lo | ndon. Katharine Married to 
Matthew Robinson Attorney at Law | in London, and is buried by her 
brother William, they left one Son | Robert who is now at Sea. 
Robert the youngest Child of new | England Died unmarried at 
ANTIGUA and was buried there. 1758.' The date at the end is that 
of the brass. The inscription is in script. 

Reverting for a moment to the arms on this tablet, we may here 
mention that the arms borne by Dr. Thomlinson are given by Surtees, 
Durham^ vol. ii. p. 240, as : Party per pale argent and vert three grey' 
hounds in course counterchanged^ impaling, azure, on a chief indented 
three martlets argent. Crest, a greyhound party per pale as in the coat. 

Burke, in his General Armoury^ gives the arms of the Gateshead 
Thomlinsons from the Durham Visitation of 1615 : Per pale wavy 
argent and vert three greyhounds courant counterchanged, a chief in- 
vected azure. These are evidently taken from the same source. 

The Blencogo arms in Burke are : Per pale wavy argent and vert^ 
three greyhounds courant counterchanged^ a chief indented azure. Crest, 
a greyhound per pale, as in the arms ; ometimes a savage wreathed 
about the middle proper, holding in both hands a spear headed at 
each end or. 

The three martlets argent seem to be a specialty of Dr. Thomlin- 
son. No chief, however, and of course no martlets, are visible on 
his seal as appended to the copies of his will of 1741 in the papers 
belonging to this society. The martlets must have been granted by 
the heralds of his day. 

In Glover's Visitation of Yorkshire, 1584-5 and 1612, we find the 
arms of Mauleverer of Allerton : ' Chdes, three greyhounds courant in 
pale argent collared or. Crest, on a t^ce argent and gules a grey- 
hound statant coUared or' There is much variety in the tinctures of 
the Mauleverer arms, and in one case the greyhounds are reduced to 
two on the shield. But the general features are the same. Grey- 
hounds always running, except in the crest where a single greyhound 
is standing, varied, as Mr. Longstaffe points out, in several elegant ways, 
as for instance by a tree stock with branches, or a maple leaf, which 
Mr. Longstaffe ascribes to an alliance with the Colvilles ; but never, so 
far as I know, does any wreathed savage carrying a spear occur. 

The William Thomlinson commemorated by this brass was an 
elder brother of Dr. Robert Thomlinson, but not the eldest. The 


first child of Richard Thomlinson, their father, seems to have been 
named after himself; but, if so, that child, bom 2l8t July, 1646, 
died before reaching matarity, for another son, Bichard, was baptized 
8th November, 1665. John Thomlinson, afterwards rector of Both- 
bnry, was the next son, bom in 1651 ; and afterwards William, bom 

In the registers of Bromfield parish there are Thomlinsons of 
Blenoogo previous to this person's advent. The father of those whom 
we have just named lived at Akehead, in the parish of Wigton ; and 
there, not only the eldest and several others were bom, but also the 
youngest of ten, Bobert, afterwards rector of Whickham. 

John Thomlinson, the eldest, after the death of the first Bichard, 
was for a short time vicar of Bromfield. His lather soon afterwards, 
in 1680, purchased of Walter Calverley, the parsonage, rectoiy, and 
church of Bromfield, and the advowsou, gift and presentation to the 
vicarage of Bromfield and other property in the parish, but uot at 
Blencogo, which never was Calverley's. Two seats in the parish church 
were reserved for the latter, who possessed altogether a great deal of 
property in the parish. In the meantime, that is to say in 1678, John 
Thomlinson obtained the preferment of Bothbury, the richest living 
in the gift of the dean and chapter of Carlisle, by the same influence 
no doubt by which the afternoon lectureship of St. Nicholas, New- 
castle, was afterwards procured for his youngest brother, Bobert, in 
1695. The registers of the parishes west of Carlisle show us a great 
number of Thomlinsons, for whose common ancestor it were in vain 
to seek. The records of Carlisle itself present us with many persons 
of that name. 

The earliest parish records as yet examined in this enquiry are 
those of Dalston parish, where we have a Thomas Thomlinson burying 
his wife Catherine Peat on the 1st April, 1 587. This person was the 
ancestor of a succession of Thomlinsons in that parish. We do not 
know, in the absence of registration, how far his ancestors may extend 
backwards in the same place. The only person of that name — quite 
an unusual one amongst the various families we have to deal with — to 
whom it were possible to refer this ancestor is a son of Thomas Thom- 
linson, mentioned in the Durham Visitation of 1575, and therein 
called, but falsely so, a second son of William Thomlinson of 


GateBhead, whom we shall very soon particularly notice as the first 
undoubted ancestor of Dr. Robert Thomlinson and of all the others 
who cluster aronnd him. There is no manner of doubt that Thomas 
Thomlinson was an illegitimate, but distinctly acknowledged, son of 
William Thomlinson of Gateshead, partner with his father in his 
extended operations, and received into the best society which New- 
castle and Gateshead then afforded. No mention is made in local 
records, so far as I am aware, of any marriage contracted by this first 
Thomas. Nor does the Visitation Record of 1675 supply the deficiency. 
He lived in this neighbourhood at least down to 1579, when he is 
found witnessing a will. The incorrect Visitation Record in question, 
and they are all suspected, for people were very careless, gives this 
Thomas, whose position in hfe was a very good one, and who seems 
to have been a man much respected, a son Thomas. Farther than 
this we know nothing ; and if guessing were of any use, we are at 
liberty to imagine that this Thomas may have migrated to Cumber- 
land. At any rate, Thomas Thomlinson of Dalston parish became the 
ancestor of a large and respectable progeny. His son Nicholas is 
found under the shadow of Rose castle, in the parish of Dalston, the 
residence of the bishops of Carlisle to this day. His house there was 
called ' Stone Hall in Hauxdall.' He was twice married, and his son 
Robert, clericus p\ar']ochialis of Dalston, records for us, with a delight- 
ful and most pardonable vanity, many most interesting particulars. 

Amongst these particulars is the advent of an Edward Thomlinson, 
who transmits to his posterity a certain family distinction. Nicholas 
Thomlinson of Hawksdale seems to have had two sons and, a daughter, 
before Robert the parish clerk, who delights to mark out his own 
family and friends in the registers he keeps. The first of these is 
named John, bom November, 1571, and the next is named Edward, 
born January, 1573. A daughter, Anna, was bom April^ 1574; then 
Robert was bora in December, 1575. He has added to the record of 
his own name cUricvsp [ar']ochiali8y libri scriptor. Several other children 
of both sexes are afterwards registered to this Nicholas. Of course, it 
is only after Robert Thomlinson becomes parish clerk that distinction 
is given in the register to members of his own family. This happens 
first on the 14th May, 1598, when we have the lengthened entry, 
' Johannes Thomlinson filius Edwardi natus novo die Maii baptizatus 

TOL. XV, ^ & 


deciiso quarto/ After another entry of the same sort there begin 
similar entries of his own children. On the 21st Febraarj, 1615-6, he 
enters the death of his father, 'Nicholas Thomlinson de Stone Hall, in 
Hanxdall.' After this date he takes for himself the distinction of de 
Gfill, or of the GilL In 1 625, on the 8th May, he goes out of his way to 
register 'Richaixlus Thomlinson iilius Johannis filii Edwardi de Haux- 
dall natus octavo die Maii 1625 apud Ecket infra parochiam de Wigton 
et baptisatus in Eoclesia de Wigton ... die ejusdem mensis maii' 

This, of course, is the Richard Thomlinson afaready mentioned as 
the flEither of John, William, Robert, and all the other children of the 
Akehead family. Had we been dependent upon these registers only, 
the supposition would naturally be that the Edward Thomlinson of 
Hawksdale was the elder brother of Robert Thomlinson of the Gill, 
parish clerk of Dalston, and that the registration of a grandson of his, 
bom and baptized at Akehead, in another parish, was made at Dalston 
in consequence of the officious egotism of the derk there, who natu- 
rally delighted to distinguish his own relatives; and the difficulty is to 
account for it in any other way, for Edward Thomlinson is not said 
to be of the Stonehall, but only of Hawksdale. But the &mily tradi- 
tions are so positive as to the identity of this Edward with the fourth 
son of Anthony of Gateshead, that we are either compelled to reject 
those traditions, or, if we accept them, to assume another Edward 
coming into the parish from a distance, and a date 1624 is assigned to 
the purchase of the Cumbrian property of this Edward, the year before 
this entry at Dalston of the birth of his grandchild at Wigton. We 
have likewise authority for saying that Stonehall, Hawksdale, was the 
residence of Thomlinsons for a long time afterwards. Had the Edward, 
son of Nicholas, lived, and there is no evidence that he did not, be would 
have been twenty-five years of age at the birth of John Thomlinson 
in 1598. Tt is needless to say how suitable this age is for the birth 
of a first son. There is only one other child recorded of Edward 
Thomlinson : Annas, who died two months after her birth, which 
circumstance is detailed with the prolixity of the clerk, commenced 
in the case of her brother John. But neither of these entries records 
any place as the residence of the father, Edward, at that time. If 
Edward, son of Anthony Thomlinson of Gateshead, acquired property 
in this parish in 1624, which property we have seen ascribed to him 


or a namesake in the register of Dalston parish as being situated at 
Hawksdale, he had been resident in the parish long before, for at least 
six and twenty years, since his son John was bom in 1598 ; bat, as we 
do not know what property he had, there is not much in this. There 
is, however, a certain snccession of dates which we may here point oat. 
Nicholas Thomlinson of the Stonehall died in 1615. His son Bobert 
is named in the register as de Gill in 1616. Edward of Gateshead 
bonght property in 1624; he or another Edward is registered 'of 
Hanxdall' in 1625, and in 1626 Bobert bailds himself a new house 
at the Gill. 

It is quite possible that the registered child, Edward, of Nicholas 
Thomlinson of the Stone Hall in Hawksdale, may have disappeared 
in the course of nature elsewhere than by burial at Dalston ; and it is 
also possible that Bobert Thomlinson, the parish clerk at Dalston, in 
succeeding to the property of his father Nicholas, to which John and 
Edward, his elder brothers, had been, according to the theory of their 
previous demise, the heirs each of them in turn before him, may have 
found it convenient to sell the family residence at Hawksdale to 
another Edward, who had come from Gateshead into the parish at an 
earlier period. He afterwards built for himself another house at the 
Gill, which still bears his initials, and those of his wife Mabel, on the 
lintel of the door, with the date 1626. He and his descendants leave 
behind them a very marked history in the parish, which has been 
partially explored by Miss Kupar, and published in a paper read by 
her before the Cumberland and Westmorland Archaeological Society.* 
They do not at present concern us further than as we can draw from 
the record evidence as to the identity of the Edward Thomlinson of 
whom we are in search. 

Miss Kupar has given particular attention to the records of Dalston 
parish. She afSrms that in the time of Bobert Thomlinson the oldest 
registers were copied by bim from the paper books, in which they 
had been previously kept, into new parchment registers, in accordance 
with the injunction then issued. They are, therefore, up to Bobert 
Thomlinson's time, in his peculiar handwriting. Miss Kupar remarks 
upon what strikes every observer, namely, the prominence given by 
Bobert Thomlinson to his own family by extended notices and bolder 

' Trans, Cwnb. and Wutm. Antiq, and Aroh, SoCy yoL vii. pp. 166 e^ teqq. 


writing. Now, no snch prominence is given to the entry of the baptism 
of Edward, son of Nicholas Thomlinson ; but the subsequent entriee 
in the line of Edward are so marked, namely, those of the birth of 
John his son, and of Richard his grandson, the last belonging entirely to 
the parish of Wigton. There is a marked partiality of Robert Thomlin- 
son for the line of Edward collateral with his own. If Edward had been 
his own elder brother, this would have been perfectly intelligible ; but 
then one might have expected that the entry of his baptism, copied by 
him from the older documents upon the new parchment, would have 
been so distinguished. Yet his own baptismal entry has only the 
interpolation of the words clenciLs p\^ar'\ochial%8 above and Ubriscriptar 
underneath, and none of the other children of his father has any 
such distinction. It is only when we come to the 14th May, 1598, 
when John Thomlinson, son of Edward, was baptized, that we find the 
line of Edward so distinguished ; and it is only on the 8th May, 1625, 
when Richard, grandson of Edward and son of this John, comes to the 
front that we have the title of *de Hauxdall' given to the child's 
grandfather, as if to explain the reason for the registration of an event 
entirely belonging to the next parish. 

But we have no evidence to associate Edward Thomlinson ^of 
Hauxdall,' whoever he was, with the 'Stone Hall' of Nicholas. We 
do associate him with Hawksdale where the Stone Hall was, the 
remains of which. Miss Kupar says, were still to be seen in 1883 
'below Hawksdale Lodge.' Robert Thomlinson nowhere assumes 
the title his father had, either of Stone Hall or Hawksdale. He 
becomes 'of the Gill.' But Hawksdale is a viU^e and township 
close to Rose castle. The Gill is at some distance and out of sight of 
the latter. Edward Thomlinson of Hawksdale, therefore, if not the 
elder brother of Robert the parish clerk, must have owed his distinc- 
tion in the eyes of the latter to his social position. Mere social 
position, however, is not so marked out in general in these registers, 
nor would the advent of a person of the same name in the parish if 
not claimed as a relative have been likely to have been thus com- 
memorated. There is some colour therefore thrown upon the guess 
that Thomas Thomlinson, the husband of Catherine Peat and grand- 
father of Robert the parish clerk, may have been a cousin of Edward 
Thomlinson, the immigrant from Gateshead, through his &ther the 


nafcnral son of William, and thns wonld acquire a relationship with 
the former, distant indeed all we think nowadays, bnt yet sufficient, 
along with a certain social distinction in right of property, to give 
him a preponderating character in the eyes of the parish clerk, and to 
entitle him to be considered the local chief of the family of which 
William Thomlinson of Gateshead would thus be the common 

Let us then return to this William Thomlinson of Grateshead. 

He stands out very markedly in local history. First, as acting a 
subordinate part in the transmission of military stores from Gateshead 
to Warkworth and Norham, just after the battle of Flodden ; then as 
carrying despatches from the temporal and spiritual chancellor of the 
day (the offices being combined in the person of William Franklin) to 
Harbottle castle, a frequent residence of the warden of the Middle 
Marches; afterwards as the bishop of Durham's park-keeper at Gates- 
head, and finally as lessee of coal mines in Gateshead and Whickham 
and general superintendent of all the mining interests of the bishop. 

He married, first a daughter of Bobert Grey of Hebburn, of whose 
family nothing seems to be known. This lady was the mother of 
Anthony Thomlinson, bailiff of Gateshead. William ThomUnson's 
second wife was a most notable person, Barbara, widow of John 
Blaxton, and a daughter, as is supposed, of a member of the family 
of Carr, then probably the most distinguished of any in Newcastle. 
She ought to be, if she is not, well known to us all, for in her own day 
she knew everybody worth knowing, and most probably a gi'eat many 
who were not worth knowing. Everybody in Newcastle, worthy or 
not, I am safe to say, knew her. It is with extreme reluctance that 
we pass her by with no more than this respectftil salutation. 

Anthony Thomlinson also married twice. His first wife was Mary 
Eutherford of Rutchester near Horsley. He afterwards married 
Catherine Hedworth of Harraton. She had a large family, consisting 
of four sons and probably six daughters. The eldest son, William, 
transmitted the line through Bobert, and then another William (aged 
four at the Visitation in 1615) in whom the line disappears. But 
the record has been continued, by the care of Mr. G. W. Tomlinson 
of Huddersfield, through a brother George, four generations further 
in the county of Leicester, bringing it down to the early years of last 


oentnry. The alliaiioe with the family of Hedworth shows that the 
Gateshead Thomlinsons were then on a level, in the sense of matri- 
monial eligibility, with the first families of the county of Durham. 
The fourth son, Edward, of this marriage is he of whom we have been 
taking notice as migrating to Cumberland. We shall return to his 
descendants in the sequel. How far, meanwhile, is it possible to 
penetrate the obscurity surrounding the family name during the 
period preceding the advent of this clearly marked ancestor at Gates- 
head, William Thomlyngson? 

Permit me to say here that I do not pretend to attach importance 
to the enquiry on the mere ground of the single personality of Dr. 
Robert Thomlinson. Some may perhaps think that the value of his 
gift to the public of Newcastle is in danger of exaggeration. Although 
I am not one of those myself, I am conscious that my deep gratitude 
towards the founder of the Thomlinson library partakes somewhat of 
that proverbial feature of gratitude which looks forwards as well as 
backwards ; and I think there is a slight hope that the public may 
some day be induced to restore by subscription what the library has 
lost by the culpable negligence of its curators during nearly one 
hundred and thirty years. For we will suppose that during the first 
twenty years it was not neglected. With such a hope of course the 
personality of the founder has something to do, but his ancestry very 
little; and yet there is a certain something about the individual 
character of Dr. Robert Thomlinson that is not the mere outcome of a 
professional education, or the produce of a single generation. All 
character except that which is superinduced by a faith, and perhaps to 
some extent even that, which I admit to be the supremely important 
department of character, is an evolved formation, in which the 
principle of atavism may be traced when the facts obtainable are 
suflficiently specific. 

The coat of arms on the brass at Bromfield church bears such a 
resemblance to the description of certain arms of Thomlinsons recorded 
in Dugdale's Visitation of Yorkshire of 1665^ as cannot be fortuitous. 
We have, for instance, at page 376, with date 18th September, 1665, 
under Thomlinson of Thorgamby : * Per pale, vert and argent, three 
greyhounds in pale courant counterchanged, on a chief or a garb of 

• 36 Surtees Society Publications. 


the first surmounted of a sword gules in saltire* The words are 
added: ^It behoveth Captain Thomlinson, being a branch of the 
Family of Byrdforth, to procure a Certificate from S' Richard Malev- 
erer, that they are descended from his Family, as they pretend (and as 
Mr. Thomlinson of Byrdforth did undertake to prove) ; vr^ done, he 
may then beare these Armes of Maleverer thus counterchangM where- 
unto he pretends w"^ this Cheife to distinguish himselfe from Thom- 
linson of Byrdforth.' This captain Thomlinson of Thorganby was 
named John, and he had been a captain of horse under lord Mansfield, 
son and heir to the duke of Newcastle, in the service of Charles I. 
His grandfather in the pedigree was Anthony Thomlinson ' of Bume/ 
in the county of York, who is declared a descendant of Thomlinson 
' of Byrdforth,' in the same county. Thorganby is in the wapentake 
of Ouse and Derwent, twelve miles from York and eight from Sdby. 
Burn is a small village in the township of the same name, in the 
parish of Brayton, three or four miles south of Selby. 

Referring to the Birdforth wapentake, at page 110 of the same 
Visitation, and under date ' Threske, 23 Aug., a® 1666,' we have, under 
the heading of 'Thomlinson of Byrdforth' the words: *To expect a 
certificate from S' Richard Maliverer, Kn* that this gent, is of his 
family.' The latter of the entries is the earlier in point of date ; and 
it is therefore clear that the herald, meeting with a repetition of the 
same claim on the part of another family of the name of Thomlinson 
to be descended from the Mauleverer family, enlarged upon his previous 
stipulation, and added a distinguishing mark between the two families, 
namely, the placing on the upper part of the shield, above the grey- 
hounds, a garb vert on a chief or, surmounted of a sword giUes in 
saltire. The last peculiarity, a sword in salUre, is found adopted by 
a descendant, whose coat, as given in Thoresby's Ducatus Leodiensis, 
presents a sheaf of com placed saltire or crosswise with the sword 
on a chief. But in the Bromfield coat there is no chief, sheaf, or 
sword. The greyhounds are not even counterchanged, but seem to be 
argent throughout, which may be careless heraldry. They do not 
correspond with the arms of Thorganby as distinguished from Birdforth 
in 1665, but they do correspond with those of Birdforth, and, like 
them, are simply the arms of Mauleverer adopted previous to the earliest 
ancestor known to us, because they are inscribed in the visitation 


record ofWilliam ThomtinBon of (Gateshead in 1575, but there with a 
chief engrailed aztn-e^ and this chief is taken in the monnmental slab at 
Whickham, according to Surtees, by Dr. Robert Thomlinson, come 
from Cumberland, with a slight addition of martlets in pale on the 

Odds and ends of information enable us to carry back the name of 
Thomlinson to a penod when family names were being adopted. We 
have evidence from Thoresby that the old system, still in use in 
Norway amongst the peasantry, of giving a man his father's Christian 
name with the addition of the suffix son prevailed in the vicinity of Leeds 
down to a very late date. But we find among the Yorkshire wills 
proved in March, 1892, a l^atee of the name of John Thomlynson, 
whose bequest consisted of a feather bed and two silver spoons. At 
such a date as that we are safe to judge that persons of the same 
name living within a moderate distance of each other were within 
degrees of consanguinity that could be reckoned up ; and we are able 
to brine: most of these hints and circumstances into a focus which lies 
in the neighbourhood of Knaresborough, not fiar south of that wilder- 
ness which, until a comparatively recent period, in the last century 
to wit, lay around the site of the modem Harrogate. This was 
formerly part of the ancient forest of Knaresborough, of which a 
modem description begins the account from a meadow at the junction 
of the Crimple beck with the Nidd, called Thomlyn's Ing. 

There is another name which bears a curious resemblance to it to 
be found in one of the recent volumes of the Surtees Society, entitled 
Halmota Priorata Dunelmenm, being a collection of the decisions of 
the Hallmote or Household Court of the ancient monastery of Durham. 
In 1866 an injunction of the Court is laid upon a certain William 
Tomlyngsman to repair a cottage. He was a tenant of the monastery, 
at Wolviston near Stockton-on-Tees. Then, two years afterwards, 
the same person is subjected to a petty fine for some breach of the 
customary regulations. The repetition shows a certain fixity of sur- 
name ; and the monastic scribes may be trusted for at least so much 
accnracy as separates this man from the Thomlyngsons that we know 
of. The fact suggests the enquiry: 'Were there Thomlyngs in those 
days ? Of whom, in this case, was the Thomlyngsman at Wolviston 
the man ? ' If there were to be found in Yorkshire or Durham any clear 


traces of the existence at that time of such a practice as what in Scot- 
land was then and afterwards called ' man-rent/ we shoald answer at 
once that his name means that he or some ancestor had sold himself 
for a pension to a powerful personage called Thomljng. It is needless 
to say we have no historical trace of such a person. 

Mr. fiobert Ferguson of Carlisle has evidently bestowed some trouble 
on this name amongst the others which have engaged his critical atten- 
tion. He has found in very ancient Teutonic recbi-ds abroad the 
name of Domlin/ as we should call it, but probably pronounced by a 
German, or at least an Alsatian mouthy very nearly as we pronounce 
Thomlin or Tomline. . In this name he finds a root cognate with that 
of doom, and pointing to some judicial function, like that of Deemster 
or Dempster in the Isle of Man. The suggestion militates against 
the course of our present speculation. 

The claim of the Thomlinsons to have belonged to the Mauleverer 
stock may go for very little. I am told on good authority that I may 
dismiss it at once. Even the adoption of the chief and garb granted by 
Dugdale to the Thorganby Thomlinsons, on condition of their pro- 
ducing a certificate from the contemporary head of the Mauleverer 
&mily, is no proof that the certificate was ever granted and produced 
at the herald's college. That institution has condescended, for the 
sake of fees no doubt, very far at times. I am afraid its actual 
existence has only been rendered possible by successive derogations 
from its formerly lofty functions. 

The Whitby Thomlinsons, of whom sir Matthew Thomlinson, 
greatly distinguished under the Commonwealth, and raised by Cromwell 
to the House of Lords, when he attempted to resuscitate it, was one, 
the Whitby Thomlinsons presented at Malton on the 28th August, 
1665, sable f a fess between three falcons rising or. Bobson, in his 
British Herald, published at Sunderland, and Burke also, in his 
General Armoury, declare these arms to have been granted in 1590. 

The only evidence I have found of any connection whatever of the 
Thomlinsons with the Mauleverers lies in the declaration of the jurors 
upon an inquest of 1553 at Pomfret, that a certain Richard Thom- 
linson held property of Hichard Maleverer by a tenure, of the nature 
of which the jurors were ignorant. This vague statement is made as 

* The suniame * Dumlin ' occurs at South Shields. — Hd. 



a hint that probably the reversion of that property belonged, as that 
of other property in Richard Tomlinson's hands actnally did, to the 
other Thomlinson, npon whose estate and succession they were 
empanelled to enquire. Somewhere, however, connected with this 
circumstance lies the root of the asserted connection of the two 
families, and among the published documents of the Mauleverer family 
there is evidence that in Onsebum, Yorkshire, where this fiichard 
Thomlinson lived, the Mauleverers had previously obtained manorial 

Some one has pointed out that the canonization of Beckett gave to 
his Christian name, Thomas, an extended vogue, and we find in the 
genealogies cases of its taking this peculiar form of Thomlyn. In the 
pedigree, for instance, of Clapham of Beamsley, at page 55 of the 
Harleiqn Society's reprint of Flower's Visitation of Yorkshire in 
1563-4, 1 find that Thomlyn Clapham, son and heir to John Clapham, 
married Elizabeth, daughter and co-heiress of William Moore of Otter- 
bourne, by Thomasin, daughter and co-heiress of Peter Malevery of 
Beamsley. I am unable to assign a date to this Thomas, alias 
Thomlyn, as the editor describes him, but he occurs several genera- 
tions back from the actual Clapham of Flower's day, that is to say, 
of 1563. The situation of Beamsley, thus ii^dicated as one of the 
numerous manorial possessions of the Mauleverer family, is on the 
east side of the Wharfe, nearly opposite Bolton abbey. There is no 
likelihood whatever of this Thomlyn Clapham being the person through 
whom a v^ue idea of succession to the honour of descent from the 
powerful Mauleverers could have been transmitted to children who 
took the name of Thomlynson. But it is cited as a case of the use of 
the name Thomlyn amongst the families in that part of Yorkshire, 
where we presume the common ancestor of the Thomlinsons made his 
appearance ; and it happens, not unsuitably for our purpose, to con- 
nect itself with the very Mauleverers themselves. Quite close to one 
of the leading baronies of this family, AUerton Mauleverer, just 
outside the ainsty, we find Thomlinsons in 1507 in possession of 
certain lands, described in the Pomfiret inquisition already referred to. 
They were apparently very various in character and distribution, 
and of considerable extent and value, although the sums set against 
them in money by the jurors seem to us ridiculously small ; and they 


were held of the abbey of FonntainSy of that of St. Mary outside the 
walls of York, of the demesne attaching to the king's castle of 
Enaresborough, as well as of the Mauleverer family. William Thom- 
linson, the principal holder of this wealth, was the grandson of 
another William, and supposed nephew of the Richard Thomlinson 
previously mentioned as holding of the Mauleverers. He was the 
father of Christopher Thomlinson, the king's escheator during short 
periods of the reigns of Henry VIII. and Edward VI. George 
Thomlinson, believed to be the great-grandson of the escheator, is 
found at Birdforth, not more than ten or eleven miles, as the crow 
flies, from Great Ouseburn,in 1626. The Birdforth property came into 
the family by the marriage of the escheator, Christopher, with the 
heiress of Birdforth, Ann MaunseU. The name William, although 
the escheator left a son William, is not afterwards common in any of 
the femilies of Thomlinson ; but we find it revived in the person of 
the lord of the manor of Blencogo, and one of his sons. It is along- 
side of this Christopher Thomlinson that one would wish to place the 
Gateshead William Thomlinson were there a tittle of evidence to 
justify our doing so, in addition to the heraldic evidence implied in 
the adoption by him of the chief azure^ worn also by Dr. Thomlinson 
upon the simple Birdforth coat. There is this to be said in favour of 
the probability of a Yorkshire origin for William of Gateshead, that 
many of the contemporary families of distinction in Newcastle and 
Gateshead are traceable to Yorkshire for their origin; and just as 
yoanger sons have subsequently been the making of the British 
colonial empire in a great degree, so in those days they furnished the 
intelligence and the capital for the development of the outlying 
districts of the mother-country. It seems to have been the oppor- 
tunity aflPorded by the peculiar situation of Newcastle, both as the 
king's borough and as exempted by distance ^om some of the vexa- 
tious prohibitions against the export of wools and wool-fells *to the 
Continent, in hopes thereby of fostering the home woollen industry, 
that brought here representatives of great landowners in the baronies 
within reach in order to profit by those advantages. We have, for 
instance, at the period when William Thomlinson flourished at Gates- 
head, in the earlier quarters of the sixteenth century, a certain Conan 
Barton of Whenby, who married the heiress of the Dolphanbys of 


Gateflheady a great family then, and thus extingnlshed. The Dolph- 
anby mansion at Gateshead seems, from the tenor of the will of 
William Thomlinson's widow, Barbara, to have been inhabited by 
Anthony Thomlinson, the bailiff ; and she leaves an annnity or rent 
charge of 148. to Henry Anderson, one of her own relatives, and 
brother of Anthony Thomlinson's son-in-law, Clement Anderson, 
which rent charge Conan Barton had given or bequeathed to her, 
arising out of this property. Whenby h'es between Easingwold and 
Gastle Howard, not far from Birdforth. 

Thoresby introduces us to Scot Hall, alongside of Potter Newton, 
close to Leeds, another of the mansions of the Mauleverers. ^ This,' 
he says, 'takes its name from a very ancient &mily which resided 
there for many ages. This is the Calverley family, originally called 
Scot.' The families of Calverley and Mauleverer are found in die 
genealogies inter-marrying, or marrying sisters or other near relatives, 
so as to show a sustained intimacy. Thoresby, of course, gives their 
pedigrees, but in a manner not only unreliable, but manifestly false, 
as Mr. Longstaffe has pointed out. That of Calverley ends with 
Walter, son of sir Walter Calverley of Calverley and Esholt, baronet, 
living in 1712, and Julia, daughter of sir William Blackett, baronet, 
of Newcastle, which pair were married by the Rev. Dr. Thomlinson, at 
St. Andrew's church, Newcastle, 7th January, 1706. The bridegroom 
was the diarist Calverley, and, if this were the proper place, it would 
be interesting to relate how the marriage was brought about by our 
doctor, and how Sam. Hemingway of Apperley Bridge, Calverley's 
factotum, renounced the pleasure of being Dr. Thomlinson's guest on 
one occasion, and took up his lodgings at the ' Angel ' in the Bigg 
Market, so as be able to read his letters without the doctor looking 
over his shoulder. 

Against the last name, Walter Calverley, the younger, some one 
has placed a cross in the copy of Thoresby's Ducatus belonging to 
the reverend doctor. The colour of the cross is very brown. One 
would Uke to learn, knowing what we know concerning this Walter 
Calverley, who put that cross there, and exactly when it was put 
For this lad became the man whose portrait by sir Joshua Reynolds 
is now in the board room of the Royal infirmary, Newcastle ; the 
man who built at his own expence the house behind the cathedral 


for ihe reception of the Thomlinson library, and who endowed that 
institution with a rent charge designed to be perpetaal, and secured 
on his own estate, for the salary of a librarian. This is the grandee 
of Wallington, and of what afterwards, within Newcastle, became 
Anderson place; whose exteusive bene&ctions were the theme of 
the local panegyrists of one hundred and fifty years ago. How he 
came to be sir Walter Blackett, baronet, etc., and within a very short 
distance, which death only is said to have cut too short, of a 
peerage, is a story that has been often told, but not altogether with 
the details which I am about to give. 

The Galverleys had their ups and downs like others. It was a 
terrible moment, to us who have the historian's faculty of passing 
from century to century with a sweep of the pen, it seems but a 
moment, but it extended in its consequences over a lifetime to the 
subject of it, when Henry Calverley, a * brat at nurse,' escaped by 
that circumstance the frenzy of his father in which all the other 
children were destroyed, his mother sorely wounded, and himself 
rendered an object of all time coming, as recorded in 
the ' Yorkshire Tragedy,' a dramatic piece once ascribed to Shakespere. 
Throughout his life, rendered unhappy in his youth by an unscru- 
pulous stepfather, who wielded the power officially as judge of the 
tyrannical Court of Wards and Liveries, Henry Calverley struggled 
with adversity and loaded himself with heavy compositions and 
fines from the authorities under the Parliament, by not only taking 
the wrong side in the Civil War, but, it is said, by his straightforward 
scrupulosity in giving a strict account of his property, instead of 
hedging and shirking as, so they say, he should have done. He 
married Joyce, daughter of sir Walter Pye, attorney of the same 
Court of Wards and Liveries, and belonging to a family of some note 
in Herefordshire. The marriage of Henry's son, Walter, with Frances, 
daughter and heiress of Henry Thompson of Esholt, seems to have 
been the turning point of the family fortunes at this time. It is also 
important to us, as bringing a property in Cumberland into the 
family, which property takes the Calverleys from time to time into the 
neighbourhood with which we have become acquainted there, and 
actually brings the reigning Calverleys as guests into the Thom- 
linson household at Akehead in the parish of Wigton ; and, we 


may add likewise, into the Bev. Robert Thomlinson's hoase in 

It is on record, however, that Esholt had previously been a 
possession of the Calverleys, and by them given with a daughter of 
the family to the nuns at Esholt. 

Esholt is still a mansion of some pretensions ; and the Bradford 
people are fond of showing it as the place which suggested to 
Charlotte Bronte the idea of placing Jane Eyre in a certain predica- 
ment in regard to a man who had a mad wife living in concealment 
in the very house where his children's governess had no idea of her 
existence. There, up among the complications of the roof they point 
out to you where certain chambers lie hidden, in which such a circum- 
stance was possible. The original Henry Thompson was one of the 
men-at-arms of Henry VIII. at the field of the Cloth of Gold. The 
king sold him the Maison Dieu at Dover when the monasteries were 
suppressed. Afterwards the king wanted it back, and in the first 
year of Edward TI. the Maison Dieu at Dover was restored to the 
Crown in exchange for the manor, rectory, and church at Bromfield^ 
together with the seat and demesnes of the priory of Esholt in York- 
shire, Thompson paying an additional sum of mouey to conclude the 
bargain. The connection between these distant properties seems to 
have been that they had both belonged to the monastery of the 
Blessed Mary, just outside the walls of York. At any rate, the 
church at Bromfield had. Of course, in regard to what was left for 
the church at that place, Thompson and Thompson's heirs became the 

Thus it comes about that in the diary of Walter Calverley, 
published by the Surtees Society,' we have frequent notices of visits 
on the part of this gentleman, the grandson of Henry Calverley and 
Joyce Pye, whose portraits are at Wallington, to his Cumberland 
property ; and thus it is, as we have before noticed, that thirteen 
yards of the churchyard wall at Bromfield abut upon the property of 
Mr. Calverley, very likely at that part where the vicarage now stands. 
But the manor of Bromfield itself was his. 

Walter Calverley, the diarist, was admitted on the 22nd May, 
1688, a gentleman commoner of Queen's college, Oxford. At this 
time Bobert Thomlinson had already been more than two years a 

* 65 Surtees Society Publications. 


member of the same college. In August of the next year, 1689, 
Calverley, his friend Thomas Ram8den,who had matriculated at Queen's 
the day before himself, and who afterwards manned Calverley's sister, 
and Mr. Thomlinson, then only twenty years of age, set out together on 
a trip to London, where they stayed a month, returning together on 
the 7th September, and reaching Eshall, as they call it, in three days 
from London. There is now in the British museum a pass granted 
in the year 1688 by the vice-chancellor of Oxford to Oalverley and 
Bamsden for their return journey from Oxford to Ashould ; such 
variety there was in the spelling of names, and such clumsiness also in 
the pronunciation of gentlemen bom. Bamsden went home from 
Bsholt on the latter occasion, that is, affer the London visit ; but 
Galverley and Thomlinson, after staying a fortnight at Esholt, set out 
together for Cumberland. They got to Akehead in four days. 

This place, now Akehead, but often called more horeali Aiket, is 
about a mile from the little town of Wigton. It is on the road from 
Oarlisle to Bromfield, which is about five miles farther on. It now 
consists of two or three houses of no particular note. But Richard 
Thomlinson, the fether of John, already ten years rector of Rothbury, 
of William, lord of the manor of Blencogo, of Robert the benefactor, 
and all the other children of the family of ten, lived there then, and 
had been born there, as we have seen. After about a month's stay in 
this place, Oalverley set out 28th October, 1689, with William, on a 
tour ' through Carliol to Howtwistell, and so on to Newcastell ; from 
thence to Whitton Toure' (that is to say, to the parsonage at Roth- 
bury), * and so on to Berwick, Hedington, Edinburgh ; on the fifth 
[Nov.] to Broughton, 6th Loceby, 7th Akehead, lOth Penrith, 11th 
Kirby Lonsdale, 12th Long Preston, and so home.' These were 
stirring times, as we read about them in Macaulay (whose sister, by 
the way, married the successor to the Oalverley estates at Walling- 
ton); but alohongh Eilliecrankie was fought in that year there is no 
notice of such events in Walter's diary. It was, besides, a time of 
peculiarly intense preoccupation as r^ards Ireland. But these 
gentlefolks with rural interests seem quite at their ease. Their 
preoccupations were bucolical, and there are curious particulars of how 
in defiance of law, under the name of goods, lean cattle were smuggled 
over firom Ireland to be purchased about the Solway and afterwards 


fiftttened upon the rich Yorkshire pastures. The diary does not give 
US a hint at this time, however, of what they were thinking aboat. 
Robert Thomlinson was only just of age, and his friend Galverley 
barely nineteen years of age. Besides the diary was probably written 
up from memory at a later date. A journey into Scotland was possibly 
a more formidable afl&ir than a mere progress to and from Oxford, 
and William Thomlinson, eleven years older than Bobert, was the fitter 
companion on the road. William Thomlinson seems to have returned 
with Oalverley into Yorkshire, and as he is mentioned in the diary as 
setting out from Esholt in June, 1690, along with the elder Calverley, 
the inference is that he remained at Esholt during the intermediate 
period, that is to say, from November to June. We have no record of 
the date of his marriage, nor has any information been discovered to 
show who his wife was. But. his marriage must have taken place at 
a period not very long subsequent to this, as the eldest child, John, 
afterwards rector of Glenfield in Leicestershire, was baptized at Brom- 
field, on the 7th December, 1692. The inference follows that about 
the period of this long visit of William Thomlinson to Esholt, his 
marriage must have been arranged, and the mansion house of Blen- 
cogo prepared for his residence. A settlement of jointure was made 
for his wife on the property at Akeheud, which was, perhaps, natural 
on the part of his father, if it had been partly through the family of 
the lady that arrangements had been made for the acquisition of 
manorial rights at Biencogo. As the diary is perfectly silent on this 
matter, it is clear that the lady did not belong to the Oalverley family. 

A statement is made in the Lysons' Magna Britannia^ vol. iv. p. 47, 
to the effect that the Thomlinsons purchased Biencogo about the end 
of the seventeenth century. Nicolson and Burn vaguely assign even 
a later date. 

Walter Oalverley, the father of the diarist, died 10th November, 
1691. His will constitutes Richard Thomlinson the elder of Ake- 
head, in the county of Oumberland, gentleman, and John Thomlinson 
his son, called clerk of Akehead, together with certain executors 
afterwards named, trustees of his estate, granting them power to sell 
the Oumberland property to pay his debts. There is a legacy to each 
of them of £20 for their trouble. They appear to have sold these 
estates; or at least Walter, the son and heir, did. We have a 


yariety of detail connected with that matter from the pen of sir 
Walter Trevelyan in the Archasologia AeUana, vol. ti., p. 172 6^ seqq,^ 
as well as in Galverlej's diary. 

It is notioeable here, however, that the diarist declares, under date 
10th September, 1694, after large portions of the Bromfield property 
had been alienated, that parson Thomh'nson had offered him, when he 
was in Cumberland, £1,600 for all his estate there. The offer was 
not accepted, and Galverley, by dividing his remaining interest into 
two lots, afterwards obtained a little more money. The circumstance 
is of great interest in connection with the biography of Robert Thom- 
linson. His ordination had taken place two or three years before, but 
under what title has never been shown. The entry in Oalverley's 
diary, from which we learn that Bichard Thomlinson the /ather, was 
alive in 1695, records that Robert was eighteen days at Esholt in 
January of that year; that he bought a spotted gelding of his host, 
and had his own 'little prancing mare' sent back to his father at 
Akehead. The 'little prancing mare' was evidently less suitable than 
Calverley's spotted gelding as a roadster for the journey into Somer- 
setshire, which parson Thomlinson was then undertaking. I wish I 
knew what the latter had to do in Somerset. The Galverleys had 
connections there, as is evident from the ultimate issues of the 
Northumbrian properties, when the male lines, both of Blacketts and 
Galverleys, had failed. But Thomlinson was then vice-principal of 
Edmund's hall, and had been so since 1692. If he ever did actually 
serve a curacy, as one presumes nowadays to have been necessary, it 
could only have been for a very short time, and as an indispensable 
step towards preferment. I am not in possession of the exact dates, 
but his ordination took place in 1691 or 1692. His degree of Master 
of Arts as well as his appointment to Edmund's took place in the 
latter year ; and then, before September, 1694, we find him making 
offers for the Bromfield estate of his friend Galverley. He himself 
long afterwards declares that, as the youngest of ten children, God's 
providence, as he expresses it, was his heritage. It is plain enough 
from the circumstances that God's providence took, at a very early 
period in Robert Thomlinson's life, a very prudent and thrifty char- 
acter, and that the family credit enabled him to anticipate the addition 
to his own modest savings of a very round sum from other sources for 



the purchase of a property of which he knew exactly the value. His 
brother John, recCbr of Rothbury, no doubt went for something in all 
this. The two clergymen clung together amongst the brothers, and 
possibly Richard, a brother in London^ perhaps having an office in 
Newcastle, of whom we do not know vei7 much, but to whom his 
brother John, at his death in 1720, left £1,000 which he did not 
need but allowed his nephews in Newcastle to make use of, had 
already fallen on his feet. Anyhow, the offer of £1,600 for Calverley's 
manor of Bromfield is seriously recorded, in his diary by the latter. 
Soon after this, in 1695, Robert was appointed to the afternoon 
lectureship at St. Nicholas's, Nev^castle ; and this appointment, it is 
needless to say, gave the direction to his after-life. His. marriage 
with Martha Ray took place at East Ardsley on the 8th of April, 
1702 ; and this locality, about five miles south of Leeds, again directs 
our attention to the Oalverleys. The marriage seems to spring indi- 
rectly from the intimate connection which had long existed between 
the two families ; but in the parish of West Ardsley, or Woodkirk, 
closely adjoining East Ardsley, there were at that time many 

It will be remembered that we are indebted for some of our inform- 
ation to the parish clerk of Dalston in the end of the sixteenth and 
beginning of the seventeenth century — Robert Thomlinson of the Gill, 
son of Nicholas of the Stone Hall in Hawksdale, who died on the Ist 
February, 1616. The ancestor of our Thomlinsons, Edward, the sup- 
posed fourth son of Anthony Thomlinson of Gateshead, becomes a 
proprietor at Hawksdale, according to Mr. Adamson,® in 1624, the 
year before we find his name registered as the father of John, and 
grandfather of Richard, then bom. This John was bom on the 9th 
day of May and baptized on the 14th day of the same month in 1598. 
At least such a John, son of Edward, distinguished with detail and 
large lettering, but without any local specific designation, is registered 
at that time, eighteen years before the death of Nicholas, the proprie- 
tor of the Stone Hall. According to Miss Kupar, Thomlinsons 
occupied the Stone Hall long afterwards. But although becoming a 
proprietor in Hawksdale, we are not sure that Edward dwelt at the 
Stone Hall there. If we are right in assuming that the Edward of 

« Arch. Ael., vol. x. pp. 80-87. 


Hawksdale in 1625, father of John and grandfather of Richard, is 
the same as the Edward, father of John in' 1598, he must have lived a 
long time in Dalston parish before the date assigned by Mr. Adamson 
for the purchase of property in Gnmberland, namely, 1624. The 
matter is of some moment as concerns the identity of John Thomlin- 
son, grandfather of our Dr. Robert. A certain John Thomlinson 
obtains particular notice in the records of the city of Carlisle at a time 
when the John Thomlinson, intermediate between Edward of Hawks- 
dale and Richard of Akehead, must have lived. He enters the mer- 
chants' company in 1632, becomes its clerk in 1655, and mayor in 
1666-7. We find him also among the capitales cives^ or leading citizens 
at the siege of Carlisle in 1645, when he is associate with the others 
who advanced £400 for the subsistence of the royalist garrison. He 
also brings a silver cup of eight ounces weight to be coined into 
money then sorely wanted. Some person of this sort is suggested by 
the records of the family as desirable to account for the acquisition of 
property at Akehead, and} the subsequent social distinction of that 
branch. We have taken the liberty to assume a diversity of Edwards 
at Hawksdale in order to conform to the statement that Edward the 
great-grandfather of Dr. Thomlinson was a son of Anthony Thomlin- 
son of Gateshead. It is not going too far, perhaps, if we presume on 
the identity of two John Thomlinsons mentioned in different records, 
who, if not identical, were certainly contemporaneous. One of them, 
the mayor of Carlisle, seems to have left no traces behind him of his 
commercial successes beyond an eight ounce silver cup, and even that 
went to the melting pot, if he were not the person who acquired pro- 
perty and left a family in independent circumstances at Akehead ; but 
this gentleman may be further assumed as the person who laid the 
basis of that connection with the dean and chapter or the bishop of 
Carlisle, or both, which resulted in the preferment of John Thomlin- 
son from the poor vicarage of Bromfield to the rich living of Rothbury, 
as well as the nomination of Robert Thomlinson to the lectureship 
under the vicarage of Newcastle, then likewise a portion of their 
patronage, although the salary was paid from the funds of the muni- 
cipal corporation. 


LL.D., D.C.L., P.S.A., F.S.A. Scot, etc., a Vioe-Prerident of 
£he Society. 

By Thomas Hodqkin, D.C.L., P.S.A. 

[Itead on the 27th April, 1892.] 

The death of oar venerable vice-president. Dr. Brace, though not 
altogether unexpected, is the heaviest loss that could have befallen 
the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle upon Tyne. The Nestor of 
British archaeology, known by his admirable treatise on the Roman 
Wall, wherever men take an interest in studying the records of the 
past. He was also in a pre-eminent degree the guide and counsellor 
pf this society. He had been a member of it for nearly fifty 
years.^ He contributed many papers of the highest value to its 
transactions. He acted for many years as one of its secretaries ; and 
in his later days, as a vice-president, he was diligent in his attendtmce 
at its meetings, and presided with dignity, but with unfailing courtesy 
and geniality over its debates. 

It is proper that a body such as ours, whose chief function is to 
transmit to future times the memorial of the generations that have 
passed or are passing away, should place upon record some of the 
main facts in the career of our deceased yice-president, however 
impossible it may be to do justice to a life of such long and varied 
usefulness within the limits of a paper such as ihe present. 

John, CoUii^wood, ?^ace was born at Albion place, Newcastle 
upon Tyne, in the year 1805. He was the eldest son of John Bruce, 
a very successfdl schoolmaster in our town, who, a year after the birth 
of his son, removed his establishment to Percy street. * The Percy 
Street Academy ' was for the first half of this century the leading 
school in Newcastle, many of whose best-known citizens received 
their education within its walls. The educational ideas of the elder 
John Bruce and his brother Edward (his partner in the academy) 

* Elected Jane 2nd, 1846. The Rey. E. H. Adamson— the father of the sodety 
—elected April 4th, 1848. 


seem to have been essentially modem, and their object was to add a 
knowledge of general history, geography, and natural science to the 
pnrely classical education which was then given at the ordinary 
grammar schools. 

John Collingwood Bruce, at the age of fourteen, was sent away 
from his father's academy to Mill Hill, a well-known Nonconformist 
school in the south of England. Thence, in 1821, he passed on to 
the University of Glasgow, where he went through the full career of 
a divinity student, and even added to it some study of medical 
science, intending to qualify himself for the career of what is now 
termed ' a medical missionary/ Owing, however, to some failure in 
his health, neither this career nor that of a Presbyterian minister at 
home, which had been originally contemplated, was finally entered 
upon by him. He was throughout his life a highly-esteemed preacher 
in the Presbyterian church, but he never sought for, and therefore 
never obtained, that 'call' from a congregation which, under the 
Presbyterian system, is an indispensable preliminary to full ordination. 

In the year 1831, finally renouncing the clerical vocation, he 
joined his father in the management of the Percy Street academy, of 
which, on the death of the elder John Bruce in 1884, he became sole 
proprietor. Under his energetic and successful management; the 
number of pupils increased from 140 to 280, of whom 85 were 
boarders in the master's house. He continued at the head of the 
school till 1868, when he retired in favour of his junior partner, the 
Rev. Gilbert Robertson. 

To complete the history of his private life, it should be added that 
in 1888 he married Miss Charlotte G^nsford, who survives him, and 
by whom he had two sons and two daughters. The younger daughter 
Williamina married Mr. John Philipson (one of our vice-presidents), 
and died some years ago, leaving issue ; the elder died in infancy. 
His sons, Mr. Gainsford Bruce, Q.C. and M.P., temporal chancellor 
of Durham and recorder of Bradford, and Mr. John Bruce, mining 
engineer. Port Mnlgrave, both survive their father. 

Of our deceased vice-president's manifold activity in civil and 
religious life this is not the place to speak. It is enough to mention 
that he was an industrious member of the committee of the Literary 
and Philosophical Society; the chief founder, and to the last an earnest 


supporter, of the Yonng Men's Christian Association ; and, above all, 
for a great number of years, chairman of the hoase committee of the 
Royal Infirmary in onr city. His work in connection with the last 
named institution was emphatically a labour of love. He organized a 
voluntary choir, which, on a certain day in the week used to visit the 
wards, singing hymns and distributing flowers. Whatever other 
engagements he might make, his archaeological tmd literary friends 
soon found that it was useless to propose any committee or any excur- 
sion which would clash with this, almost the dearest and most sacred 
of his weekly duties. 

We come to his labours in the field of archaeology, and we note 
with interest that it was through his enthusiasm as an educationalist 
that he caught the enthusiasm of the antiquary. His desire to give 
his lads a vivid insight into early English history led him to take up 
the subject of Saxon architecture. To bring home to their imagina- 
tions the scenes of the Norman conquest, he studied, described, and 
copied the Bayeux tapestry. The preface to the book gives us Dr. 
Bruce's reason for publishing it. He calls his work an elucidation, 
and says, ' When the Society of Antiquaries [of London] published 
the beautiful copy of the Bayeux Tapestry, made at their request 
by Mr. Charles Stothard, they testified the importance which they 
attached to the document. As yet they have published no explanation 
of it. The world still expects it at their hands. To supply, mean- 
while, some little assistance to the students of history, this work is 
published. It was suggested by a holiday ramble in Normandy 
amidst the scenes rendered famous by the career of William the 
Conqueror.' When he had passed on from giving lessons to his 
boys to giving lectures to his fellow-townsmen, he learned — in order 
that he might explain — the principles of the castellated architecture 
of the middle ages, and thus at length he was led back from feudal 
castles to Roman ' chesters,' from the donjon keep of Henry Plan- 
tagenet to that great monument, the study of which was to be the 
crowning glory and happiness of his life, * The Mural Barrier of the 
Lower Isthmus.' 

He told us himself, four years ago, on the occasion of the presenta- 
tion of his portrait, how the outbreak of revolution on the Continent 
prevented him from paying a long contemplated visit to Rome, and 



how he solaced himself by surveying the work of the Boman legionary 
within a day's journey from his home. Admirable exchange for us ! 
A mere tourist's visit to Rome, however delightful to himself, could 
hardly have yielded any lasting fruit to posterity, while the visit to 
Gilumum and Borcavictcs, repeated as it was many times a year over 
a space of more than forty years, was the means of procuring for us 
the admirable treatise on the Roman Wall, the Wallet-Book, and the 
Lapidarium, That year of revolutions, 1848, was one which those 
who lived through it will always remember, a year of wild hopes, of 
fast-following excitements, of bitter disappointments, and \/ rible , 
despairs; but, as far as we are concerned, if it brought Mr. Brc ;e face, 
to face with his life-work, The Roman Wall, we have no need to think 
of it with regret. 

In the year 1850 he published the first edition of his book, which 
at once took rank as the most complete, and at the same time most 
popular, description of the Wall between the Tyne and the Solway 
that had yet appeared. Many learned societies, both in England and 
on the Continent, showed their appreciation of the book by sending 
diplomas of honorary membership to its author ; and in 1853 the 
University of Glasgow conferred upon him the honorary degree of 
LL.D. About thirty years later he received the corresponding degree 
of D.C.L. from the University of Durham. 

In his works relating to the Roman Wall Dr. Bruce (we may now 
speak of him by that familiar title) was mainly a popularizer. He 
brought to his task the capacity for much patient labour, and he 
acquired that true insight which patient and loving labour alone could 
give ; but I do not think he would claim to have made great dis- 
coveries. In fact, the time for great discoveries in connection with 
the Roman Wall was probably ended when Johtf Horsley, that worthy 
forerunner and in many respects prototype of Bruce, settled the 
names of the Roman stations eastwards from Amhoglanna. In his 
theories as to the builder of the Wall and the manner of it« construc- 
tion, Dr. Bruce followed implicitly the guidance of the great historian 
of Northumberland, Hodgson ; but his advocacy of Hodgson's great 
thesis, 'murus and vallum are the work of one builder, and that 
builder Hadrian,' lasted through so many years, and was supported by 
so many facts which Dr. Bruce had himself observed, that the theory 


may almost be said to have become his o?m by virtae of bis 

In some of the earlier volumes of our transactions will be found 
the records of the controversy which Dr. Bruce waged on behalf of the 
Hadrianic theory with the supporters of the claims of Severus, especially 
with the late Mr. Bell of Irthington. From catapult and balista the 
champions discharged their missiles at one another with considerable 
force, and perhaps with some appearance of fury, but * no bones were 
broken/ and it is believed that the disputants were really excellent 
friends and remained so ever after, though like doughty antiquaries 
each retained his own opinion unaltered to the end. 

In saying that Dr. Bruce's work in reference to the Roman Wall 
was that of a popularizer, I consider that we are in no way detracting 
from his merits, but rather enhancing them. Throughout, as I have 
already said, his stimulus to work was educational He desired to 
increase his own knowledge that he might more freely impart it to 
others. He was not a miser, hoarding up his intellectual stores for his 
own selfish gratification, but a diligent acquirer and a generous 
distributer of antiquarian lore, and he had his reward in the visibly 
increased interest in his own &vourite studies which, chiefiy owing to 
his exertions, has prevuled in the north of England during the last 
quarter of a century. 

In this connection we ought to remember his happy thoaght of 
organizing a 'pilgrimage ' to the Boman Wall, and the zeal and success 
with which he twice (in 1861 and 1886) carried his project into 
execution. It was not my good fortune to be present on either of 
these occasions, but I well remember the genial enthusiasm which he 
exhibited when leading a party of British Association tourists over the 
camps at Gbesterholm^ Housesteads, and Obesters, in the year 1863. 
In those days of his vigour he was an ideal leader of such a party, 
seizing the salient points in each object that had to be explained, 
describing them with a force and a vivacity which imprinted them on 
the beholder's memory, and often adding little touches of humour, 
which made the youngest of his hearers feel that there was nothing 
necessarily dry in the study of archaeology. His powerful and resonant 
voice reached at that time to the outermost circle of hie audience, and 
only one complaint, as I well remember, was made by his admiring 


followers, that he bounded so lightly over fosse and wall, and moved 

so nimbly up onr Northumbrian hills that sometimes they — 

* Like panting Time toiled after him in vain.* 

Yet he was then fifty-eight years of age, so robust and vigorous that 
it is difficult to think of him as ever having suffered from feeble health. 
To those who met him on such occasions he always seemed to be a 
man of iron constitution. 

Dr. Bruce's work at the Lapidarium Septentrionale, that valuable 
treasure-house of the Roman inscriptions in the north of England, was 
very arduous, and I believe that, coming as it did at a later period of 
his life, it exhausted him more than his composition of Ths Reman 
Wall. This work was aided by the fourth duke of Northumberland, 
and that on the incised stones (or cup markings) of Northumberland, 
and some other counties of England and Scotland, was entirely 
produced at his expence. Any notice of Dr. Bruce's life would be 
incomplete, which failed to commemorate the strong ties of friend- 
ship which bound him to two (nearly successive) lords of Alnwick, 
Algernon, the fourth duke, and the present holder of the title. A 
friendship of a similar kind existed between him and the late venerable 
John Clayton, in all of whose works of excavation at Ohesters and 
other Roman camps on his estate, Dr. Bruce was of course keenly 

Of later years the subject of the old border minstrelsy of Northum- 
berland attracted much of his attention. He re-awakened the interest 
of the public in the almost forgotten ' small pipes,' and his later efforts 
as a public lecturer were almost entirely confined to a description of 
this ancient musical instrument, and comments on the soup which 
were generally sung to its accompaniment. 

In these varied occupations, archaeological, religious, and philan- 
thropic, his old age passed happily away. Though he had long passed 
the age of four score there was no diminution of his interest in his old 
pursuits, and (except an occasional lapse of memory) no lessening of 
his mental powers. His last illness was short, and he was sustained 
throughout by the steady hope of the Christian. He died on the 5th 
of April, 1892, and was buried on the 8th of the same month at the 
Old Cemetery, Jesmond. The ceremony, in accordance with his own 
strongly expressed desire, was of a plain and unostentatious character, 

VOL. XV. u u 


bat the attendance of his many friends and fellow-workers in the 
yarioos undertakings in which he was interested gave it almost the 
character of a public fdneral. 

The public life of Newcastle has lost one of its best known and 
most ^miliar figures ; the city one of its most respected and beloved 
citizens ; but we, as members of the Society of Antiquaries, naturally 
feel our own loss the most. We shall no more see him entering with 
his plaid over his shoulder to take his place in the president's chair in 
this room. Our debates will never again be helped by his wise 
and courteous guidance, nor enlivened by his ready humour, nor 
enriched by the treasures which his memory had accumulated in half 
a century of archaeological study. We shall honour his memory most 
fittingly by endeavouring to keep alive the enthusiasm which he 
imparted to us for his own pursuits ; but we shall long feel that there 
is a painful gap left in our ranks by the removal of our honoured 
chief, John Collingwood Bruce.