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Under even present conditions, a provincial historian, 
before he can commence painting on a broad canvas, 
is more or less obliged, if he possesses a conscience, to 
manufacture his own pigments, and the drudgery of 
the process cannot fail both to dry up the springs 
of his imagination and seriously to impair his sense of 
perspective and proportion. 

The Border Holds is a mei*e compilation of facts, 
documentary and architectural, gathered together for 
the purpose of saving myself and other students of 
medieval Northumberland, from the trouble of carting 
a whole library about the county, when we visit the 
shattered relics of that proud array of more than 
three hundred castles, fortalices, towers, peles, bastle- 
houses and barmkins, with which the East and Middle 
Marches at one time bristled. The title has been 
chosen from a desire to embrace all these in one 
general expression. Shakespeare calls Warkworth ^ a 
worm-eaten hold of ragged stone;' and the official 
return of 1509 applies the term ^holdis' equally to 
castles such as Harbottle, Etal, and Chillingham, to 
towers diminishing in size from Bewick to Thropton, 
and to the typical bastle of Hebbum. 


The debt all true lovers of the 

• lordly strand of Northumberland 
And the goodly towers thereby, ' 

still owe to Francis Grose will be found frequently- 
insisted on, and the labours of Sir David Smith, 
though extant only in manuscript, are deserving of 
gratitude no less signal. The volume of The Feudal 
and Military Antiquities of Northumberland^ which the 
Rev. C. H. Hartshorne communicated to the Newcastle 
meeting of the Archaeological Institute, in 1852, was 
my trusted wallet-book on earlier expeditions through 
the county. Mr. Hartshorne forgot, it is true, that, 
in Northumberland at any rate, the House of Percy 
required neither eulogy nor panegyric, but an immense 
amount of information was garnered into his book, and 
the refutation of the errors that have crept into his 
text is frequently to be found in the very extracts 
printed in his foot-notes. 

I shall not readily forget the delight with which 
I read Mr, G. T. Clark's Mediceval Military Architecture 
for the first time ; but the very ease with which Mr. 
Clark can describe in a few minutes the salient fea- 
tures of a castle that he has scarcely seen before, and 
into the history of which he has made little research, 
while it lends an incomparable charm to his style, has 
led him not unfrequently into errors of detail, some 
few of which I have considered it necessary to notice. 
Still, it is much easier to correct than to collect, to 
criticise than to create, and I trust any strictures 
on the work of Mr. Clark or other writers will be 
understood merely to form part of a general attack 


on that torpid deference to latter-day authorities, 
which too often prevents a recourse to the most 
ancient sources of information and to the indepen- 
dent evidence of fresh pairs of eyes. 

The duties of a Professor of Poetry at the University 
of Cambridge were formerly supposed to be discharged 
by the Professor of History; and though we might 
have suj)posed that by this time the attributes of Clio 
were clearly distinguished from those of her eight 
sisters, and that the teaching of historic truth, 
fraught, as it is, with such infinite consequences for 
the guidance of humanity, had come to be regarded 
as a serious, a solemn, nay almost a sacred task, it is 
astonishing to find it still often treated as a mere juggle 
of belles lettresy the truth or falsehood of any particular 
fact looked upon as a matter of perfect indiifference, 
deductions from preconceived ideas clung to in pre- 
ference to inductions from the most recently excavated 
materials, any fact that may strike a jarring note in 
the narrative or cast a doubt on its truth rigorously 
suppressed, in order tha,t the whole shall form a beauti- 
ful and statuesque composition to delight an audience 
or to adorn a magazine. 

The unique devotion of the people of Northumber- 
land to the history of their county is brought out in 
every local newspaper you take up. It is therefore to 
be regretted that the quality of the historical articles 
supplied. to them is not always of a very critical 
character. As regards our churches, a great improve- 
ment has taken place ; but the underground passage 
that led miles through the country, the ghost that 


nobody ever saw himself, and the ballad and legend 
that may have originated in the columns of the weekly 
press, within the current century, still hold possession 
of our castles. It is impossible to rate too highly the 
influence of the poems and novels of Sir Walter Scott 
in originally fostering the study of Border history, but 
there is a very positive danger in permitting Fiction 
to assume exclusive dominion in historical localities. 
If writers must needs have castles for their efforts 
in romance why cannot they be content with Torquil- 
stones and Tillietudlems ? 

The comparative dearth of genuine traditions in 
Northumberland is to be accounted for by the very 
migratory habits of the agricultural population. 

So far from ^ not appreciating to the full the real 
romance q| history, I have perhaps rather run off the 
line in my anxiety to bring home to the North the 
most genuine versions of the adventures of Hotspur, of 
Edward III., and of Margaret of Anjou, while these 
still have the advantage of novelty. 

I have allowed no considerations of form or style to 
interfere with the correction of mistakes or the inser- 
tion of fresh information. A continuous growth of 
historical knowledge admits of no dogmatic finality. 
At the same time I look forward to recasting much of 
my material in a more literary shape in the general 
History of Northumberland I have in preparation. 

Owing to this volume being issued, without extra 
subscription, to the members of the Society of Anti- 
quaries of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, as parts of Vol., XIV. 
of the Archaeologia Aeliana^ it has been impossible to 


provide it with those plans, sections, and elevations 
that are indispensable for a thorough comprehension 
of the subject. I have therefore treated the historical 
side more fully than the architectural, with the inten- 
tion of shortly publishing a more popular work in 
conjunction with a practical architect. 

The photographs taken for the purpose of illustra- 
tion were many of them executed at my own expence, 
while the cost of reproducing them has in several in- 
stances been borne by those who either own or are 
intimately associated with the holds they represent. 

It is the invariable kindness of the Duke of North- 
umberland, in allowing me to have every access to the 
archives at Alnwick, and to have all extracts I asked 
for made from those at Sion, besides lending the wood 
blocks of Warkworth and Prudhoe, and in other 
ways generally assisting the Society in publishing 
my history of those castles, that alone has rendered 
the compilation of this volume possible. 

Especial thanks are also due to the Earl of Tanker- 
ville and to Louisa Marchioness of Waterf ord ; to Sir 
Edward W. Blackett and to Mr. Watson Askew- 
Robertson; to the Rev. H. F. Long, vicar of Bam- 
burgh; and to Mr. S. P. Cockerell ; to Mr. Mangin at 
Preston; to Mrs. Glover at Prudhoe, and Mr. Sample 
at Bothal; to the Rev. Canon Greenwell, Mr. C. T. 
Martin of the Public Record Office, Mr. J. H. Wylie, 
and Mr. Roundell Sanderson of the British Museum ; 
to Mr. J. G. Hodgson, for references to his gi^and- 
father's MSS. ; to Mr. C. J. Spence, for sketches of 
Dunstanburgh ; to Mr. R. G. A. Hutchinson, for plans 


of the keep of Bamburgh and of the recent excavations 
in the inner ward there ; to Colonel Holland, Mr. T. 
Bosworth, and Mr. George Reavell; to Mr. Stephen 
Sanderson and to Mr. R. G. Bolam; to Mr. Charle- 
wood; to Mr. J, P. Gibson, my companion on two 
tours through the county; and to Mr. Robert Blair, 
F.S.A., by whom so much of the actual toil of editing 
has most kindly been borne. 

Hbddon-supbr-Murum ! 
March 2nd, 1891. 




I. Castles of the Twelfth Century 4 

II. Castles and Towers crenellated by Licence 6 

III. Castles and Portalices in 1415 12 

*iv. Towers erected in the Fifteenth Century 20 

V. Border Surveys in the Sixteenth Century 25 

Appendices :— 

(A) *Brete8che» 64 

(B) Sir David Lyndesey^s Tower in Tyndale, 1237 66 

(c) 'Pele' 57 

(D) ^neas Sylvius on the Border, 1436 61 

(b) 'Barmkin' 64 

(P) 'Bastle' 66 

(o) Acts of Parliament for fortifying the Border, 1656 and 

168], and Reports of Border Commissioners, 1684 ... 66 

Wabkwobth Cabtle 81 


Pbeston Towbb 196 

Pbudhos Castle 199 

Bambuboh Castle 223 

BoTHAL Castle 288 

Chillingham Castle 297 

HbbbubnBastlb 302 

FoBD Castle 806 

Ck)LDMABTiK Towbb 809 

Bewiok Towbb ; 810 

Halton Toweb 311 

Thiblw ALL Castle 323 



Hbton Castlb 

... 329 

Wabk Castle 


Appendix :— 

(H) The Relief of Wark Oaetle by Edward III., 1341 ... 

... 359 

CJooKLAW Tower 


Bywbll Castle 

... 372 




... 382 



Cockle Pabk TowEB 

... 390 




... 393 

Hepplb Towbb 


Cabtinqton Castle 

... 397 



Chipohase Toweb 

... 410 

Appendices :— 

(I) Bishop Percy and Warkworth 

... 417 

(K) The Immunity of Bamburgb. 1070 


(l) The Wars of the Roses in Northumberland 

... 428 




Masons* Marks ... ... ... ... ... ... 10 

Mapof the Castles and Fortalices, 1415 ... ... ... 14 

Map of Castles, Towers, and Barmkins, 1541 ... ... 32 

Christopher Dacre's Plat of Castles, Fortresses and Djke, 1584 78 

Warkworth Castle from the South... ... ... ... 81 

Seals of the Lords of Warkworth ... ... ... ... 88 

Warkworth Gatehouse from the Courtyard, circa 1850 ... 138 

Plan of the Second Floor, Warkworth Donjon ... „. 161 

Rough Sketch Plan of Dunstanburgh Castle ... ... 167 

Dunstanburgh Castle from the South ... ... ... 168 

Dunstanburgh Gateway from the South, 1884 ... .. 188 

Dunstanburgh Castle from the East ... ... ... 192 

The Eggingclough Tower, Dunstanburgh Castle, 1860 ... 194 

Preston Tower from the West, 1884 ... ... ... 196 

Prudhoe Castle from the South, 1852 ... ... ... 199 

Prudhoe Castle from the South, 1786 ... ... ... 208 

Ground Plan of Prudhoe Castle, eirea 1816 ... ... ... 212 

Bough Sketch Plan of Bamburgh Castle ... ... ... 224 

Reliquary of St. Oswald, Soleure ... ... ... ... 228 

Bamburgh Castle from the South-East, 1786 ... ... 232 

Plan of Bamburgh Castle, Cotton MS. Aug. I. ii. 2 ... ... 262 

Bamburgh Castle fi-om the South-East, 1886 ... ... 272 

Plans of the Great Tower, Bamburgh ... ... 274, 276, 278 

Plan of Excavations in Inner Ward, Bamburgh ... ... 282 

Kitchen of Bamburgh Castle, 1786 ... ... ... 280 

North-West Prospect of Bothal Castle, 1724 ... ... 284 

Battlements of Bothal Gatehouse ... ... ... ... 288 

Ghillingham Castle from the North, 1884 ... ... ... 800 

HebbumBastlefrom the North- West, 1884... ... ... 302 

The Platform and Elevations of Ford Castle, 1716 ... ... 308 

Halton Tower from the West, 1884 ... ... ... 812 

Thirlwall Castle ... ... ... ... ... ... 324 

Cocklaw Tower from the South, 1884 ... ... ... 370 

Long Horsley Tower from the South, 1884 ... ... ... 380 

Howtell Tower from the West, 1891 ... ... ... 382 

WiUimoteswyke Manor House, 1884 ... ... ... 384 

Cockle Park Tower from the South-East, 1884 ... ... 390 

Cockle Park Tower from the North-East, in about 1830 ... 391 

Tosson Tower from the North-East, 1884 ... ... ... 392 

Hepple Tower from the West, 1884 ... ... ... 396 

Cartington Castle from the South-East, 1780 ... ... 404 

Cartington Castle from the South- West, 1884 ... ... 406 

Duddo Tower from the l!>outh-Eai*t, 1884 ... ... ... 409 

Chipcha<e Tower from the North-West, 1884 ... ... 410 





Warkworth Castle from the North-West ... ... ... 130 

Buttress of West Curtain, Warkworth Castle ... ... 132 

Postern-Gate, Warkworth Castle ... ... ... ... 132 

Window of Cradyfargus Tower, Warkworth ... ... 135 

Warkworth Gatehouse, 1857 ... ... ... ... 136 

Corbel above Great Gateway, Warkworth ... ... ... 137 

Stair-Head in Spire Turret, Warkworth ... ... ... 141 

Sou th-East Corner of Great Hall, Warkworth ... ... 1 42 

Section of Respond, Great Hall, Warkworth ... ... 148 

The Tiion Tower, Warkworth ... ... ... ... 1 44 

Signet of Henry, 2nd Earl of Northumberland ... ... 145 

Signet of Eleanor, Countess of Northumberland ... ... 145 

Great Seal of 2nd and 4th Earla of Northumberland ... ... 145 

Examples of Bascules — Beverley, Warkworth, and Raglan ... 146 

Base of South- West Pier, Warkworth College ... ... 149 

Base of North Arcade, Warkworth College' ... ... ... 149 

Warkworth Castle from the North-East ... ... ... 152 

Head of Original Oilet, East Tower, Warkworth ... ... 154 

Inserted Oilets, East Tower, Warkworth ... ... ... 1 54 

Warkworth Donjon, South Side ... ... ... ... 157 

South Side of Chapel, Warkworth Donjon ... ... ... 161 

Lilbum Tower, Dunstanbui^gh Castle ... ... ... 167 

Gatehouse Tower, Prudhoe Castle ... ... ... ... 214 

East Corbel of Gateway, Prudhoe Castle ... ... „. 215 

Impost of Inner Arch, Prudhoe Gatehouse ... ... ... 215 

Interior of Gatehouse Chapel, Prudhoe Castle ... ... 216 

Oriel of Chapel from the Courtyard, Prudhoe ... ... 217 

Latrine in South Curtain, Prudhoe... ... ... ... 219 

Bamburgh Castle from the North-West ... .. ... 223 

Bothal Gatehouse from the Courtyard ... ... ... 283 

Halton Tower from the Bast ... ... ' ... ... 311 

ThirlwaU Castle 323 

Heton Castle in the Reign of Elizabeth ... ... ... 329 

Wark Castle in the Reign of Elizabeth ... ... ... 352 

By well Gate-Tower from the Sou th-East ... ... ... 873 

Door at Stair-Foot, By well Castle ... ... ... ... 376 

Iron Grille, Bywell Castle ... ... ... ... 876 

Willimoteswyke from the East ... ... ... ... 388 

Whitton Tower from the South- West ... ... ••• 398 



p. 2, 1. 4, and n. 4, for * Ad Gbbbium * read * Adobpbin.' 

p. 2, 1. 17 for 'monks' read * family.* 

p. 4, L 5, dele * The almost square ashlars of the masonry of the keep make 
' it probable that much of this is his work.' There is no doabt that the keep of 
Norham was the work, not of Flambard, but of his successor Pudsey. Galfrid 
of Coldingham clearly says of the latter — * Castellum de Northam, quod muni- 
' tiombQS infirmnm reperit, tnrre validissima forte reddidit.'— HUt, Dunelm, 
Seriptoreg TreSf Surtees Soc. Pnbl. 9, p. 12. The ascription of the keep to 
Flambard is a mistake of Raine, that has been perpetuated by Mr. G. T. Clark. 

p. 4^ n. 13, 1. 14, for 'restson* read * rests on.' 

p. 8. In the palatinate of Durham the bishops granted licences to crenellate 
Witton in 1410, Ludworth in 1422, Bradley in 1431, and the parsonage towers 
of Bedmarshall and Houghton -le-Spring in 1462 and 1483 respectively. — 
Sortees, Durham, I. p. clvii. 

p. 19, 1. 23. The number (78) of the Northumbrian fortalices in 1415 
coincides curiously with that of the castles of Northumberland in a book that, 
according to Demster, was written on the subject by John Currar, a native of 
Ban^ who, on account of his military prowess, was a favourite of king William 
(1 the Lion), by whom he was made governor of Northumberland on its 
recovery in about 1270 (? 1170). No mention of Currar occurs earlier, and 
no copies of his works are known to be in existence, so that the whole of 
Uemster's account is open to grave suspicion, though Sir T. Hardy, in his 
Deteriptive Catalogue^ Rolls Series, III. p. 180, accepts it without any criticism. 
('lOHAiTNES Currar sive Curr&rius domo Banfiensis, sed insigni militari 

* fortitudine Regi Wilhelmo charus, cum recepisset Northumbriam Rex, Currerio 

* data provinciae administratio, itaque ille Regis nomine provinciam Instravit ac 

* circnmiens in Commentaries retulit vires civitatum atque populorum, qui bello 
'inseruire possent multitudinem, ut faceret quoddam veluti Summarium aut 

* Breuiarium Regionis, ut vocat Suetonius in Augusto, titulam operi fecit. De 

* septuoffinta et oeto muniiU CoiteUit Northumhria ComitatfiSj lib. i. De 
^ paseese&ribus eorum eantinua serie, lib. i. De officio limiium Praefecti, lib. i. 

* BpUtoUB ad WUlehnnm regem, lib. i. Floruit circa Mcclxx.'— Demster, 
BUtaria EeoUtiiuHca QentU Sootoruv^, BonouisB, 1627, p. 162.) 

p. 19, JL 119, for * Hospital of St. Mary Magdalene* read * cell of Augustinian 

* canons.' 

p. 21, n. 124. Though the chapel of South Charlton has disappeared, its 
site is still known. 


p. 25, I. 2, add * Thomas Lord Dacre in a letter to Cardinal Wolsej, dated 

* Norham 24 Jan. 1622, proposed for the defence of the Borders among other 
' things that 30 men should be kept in wages with Thomas Strother at Newton, 
' 10 with Ralph Reyeley in Langton tower, belonging to Lord Boss, 10 with 

* William Selby in Brankston tower, 10 with John Wallace in Akeld tower, 20 

* with John Collingwood in Etal castle, belonging to Lord Ross, 20 with John 

* Heron the Bastard in Ford castle, 10 with Gilbert Swynney in Cornhill, 10 with 

* Hector Grey in Wooler tower; on the Middle Marches, 20 men with Robert 

* Collingwood at Eslington, 16 with John Horsley at Screen wood, 10 with the 

* laird of Biddleston in the tower there, 20 with John Barrow in Barrow, 20 with 

* Ralph Fenwick in Tarset hall.* — Letters and Papers^ Foreign and Domestic, 
Benry VIII, vol. iii. p. 852, 1,986 ; Cottm, M.S. Calig. B. vi. 451, B.M. 

p. 28, n. 149, 1. 1, for ' B. vii.' read ' B. viii.' That the date of the important 
Survey of Bowes and BUerker is 1541 has now been fully established by their 
letter to Henry VIII. from Etal, on the 15th of October in that year, printed in 
2^ Hamilton Papers^ vol. i. p. 104, and by the following curious letter, en- 
dorsed * 1541,* iMd, p. 127;—* Pleasethe youre majestic to be advertised, that we 
' accordinge to youre majesties mooste graciouse pleasour and commaundemente 

< to us prescribed in youre graces commissione, have to the beste of oure symple 

* wlttes and small experyence in suche causes, executed, accomplisshed, and 

* performed the same, like as youre highnes may at large pcrcey ve in oure certificat 

* and retome tlierupon. And mooste desirouse we were to have sett forthe the 

* particularyties therof more planely and apartely unto youre majesties sighte, 

* in a platt or picture of boothe youre said majesties Easte and Mydle Marches, 

* but we colde not in thies parties finde eny man that had eny conynge or 
*■ experyence to make suche a platt therof, as were metlye to be presented unto 

< your highnes. The whiche oure certificat annexed unto the said commyssione 

* youre highnes shaU herewithe receyve, mooste humble besechinge the same to 

< accepte oure rude and ignoraunte procedinges therin in good parte, as of suche 

< as intende alwaies trewly to endevour themselves taccomplisshe all your mooste 
' graciouse preceptes and commaundementes to thuttermoste of our small powers, 

* as knowithe the moste blissed Trynytie who have your highnes in his contynuall 

* tuicion and gubemaunce our mooste graciouse soveraigne lorde. Writton at 
' your majesties towne of Newcastle upon Tyne the seconde daye of this in- 

* staunte monethe of Decembre. Your majesties mooste humble and obediente 

* subjectes and servaunces. (Signed) Cufchbert Radclyff, Raufl Ellerkar, Robert 

* Bowis, John Herone, Robert CoUyngwod, John Horsley.' 

p. 48, 1. 27. Some notices of towers, etc., at Carrycoats, Fylton Moor, 
Carrow, and Sewinshields, in the portion of the MS. represented by the hiatus, 
ought to have been given :— * Twoo partes (of Fylton Moor) be in thandes and 
' occupacion of one Cutbbert Shaftoo gent, and upon eyther of those partes the 

* said Cuthbertes Shaftoos father buylded a stone house thuue of which houses 
' ys called carrycottes and thother the whyte house of in Fylton more beinge 

* occupied at this present onely with hordes. And an other quarter of the same 


' pasture of Fyiton more ys in the tenonr of John Heron havynge as yet none 
' habytacion therof . . . Albeyt the said John Heron ys mynded (as he sayth) 
' to bnylde a stone hoase npon his said parte at a place called Towland as his 
' power may extend thereunto. ... At Carrowe there is a ton re and stone house 
' joining unto the same buylded by one that was pryour of the late monastery 
' of Hexham not zl^* yeres since. . . . And in lykewyse westewarde upon the 
' same (peighte) wall there ys an olde castell or f ortresse called Sewyngeshealles 

* of thinherytance of John Heron of Chypchase esquyer in great decaye both in 

* the rooffes and floores.* — Hodgson, Northuinherland, III. ii. pp. 227, 228. 

p. 49, L 38. The account of Simondburn, in a later paragraph of the same 
MS., should be added : — * Symondbume ys a greatt and strongely buylded toure 
*■ standinge very defencyble upon the corner of an hyll envyroned upon thre 

* quarters therof with a depe staye hyll almost inaccessyble so that a barmekyn 

* wall of a meane height sett upon the toppe of that hyll were defencyble enough 
' so farre as the said hyll stretches and where the hyll ceases there must the 
^ barmekyn, be made higher and stronger.* — Hodgson, Northumberland^ III. ii 
p. 286. 

p. 61, 1. 10, for * 1560' read * 1661 (6 Edward VI.).* The mistake originated 
with Hodgson, Northwnberland^ III. ii p. 171. 

pp. 78 and 79. The reproduction of Christopher Dacre's Plat of Castles and 
Fortresses on the Border, with the dyke he proposed to construct in 1584, 
cannot, it appears, be easily deciphered by all eyes ; some elucidation of it la 
therefore necessary. Beginning at the upper left-hand comer, the 'towns* 
of 'Cholerton, Swinburne, Whelpington, Catchers^ de, Famelaw, Leighton, 
' fFallalees, and Tosson,* are shown in a lino stretching in a north-easterly 
direction. To the < Sowthe ' of them is the note * Here doth want about tenn 
' myle west to the ioyninge of the dike or newe defence upon the west border 

* which serveth from townc to towne as well as the rest; * and below them 
another to the effect that * all from these townes east and south and south and 
by west * within this intended defence all to the west border for the most part 
' well plenished with townes and townes but little enclosed.' At the top of the 
chart we haye * Harbuttle Castell,' and below it on the left the note ' all from 

* Harbuttle to the west border is Biddisdale and Tyndale so moche as is 
' inhabited betwene these townes hereunder and Scotlande beynge about 

* twentye myle directly from Harbuttle to the west borders with many great 
' and hoodg walste grounds and mountaines of small profit t not posseble to be 

* inclosed.' To the right of ' Harbuttle Castell * is written ' all waist to 
' Scotland size myle.' Then come in a cluster * Bittelsden towre, Coutwall 
' towre, Screnwood towre, Alnam, Byle towre, prendick, Ingram, Befely, 

* ffawdon, branton, hedgley,' then in a line north * Bodom towre, Bosden, 
' Blderton towre, south middleton, north middleton, middleton towre, Tardle, 
' (Here at Tardle the east and mydell marche is divided), wooler towre, 

* homelton, akeld, yevering, east Newton, West Newton, Eellum, pawston, 
'mindmm, preswen, caram.' Above Homildon and Akeld are marked Hhe 


* Hilles of Chenot all waiste from these townee of the ringe sey^n mjle 

* to Scotland.' ' Hethpole towr ' and * Antechester' appear above West Newton, 
Arranged down the Tweed from Carham are * Warke castell, CorneU towre, 

* Heton castell, Noram castell, Shorswood towre,* with the note ' Tweede not to 
' be passed but at certaine places.* * Here,* we are warned, * is no castles, 
' towres nor townes set out in this plot betwene the plenished ringe and the sea 
' and the Innermost part of the border but the cabtles and townes decaied and 
' the townes by which the dyke or intended Defence is to goe.' To the west of 
the Till, *not to be passed but at certain places/ we find *lancton towre ' and 

* Howghtell towre,' and along its right bank * Bewike towre, florde castell * 
and * Btell castell.' * The newe devised dike or defence * is, Dacre here says, * to 

* begyne at Caram upon Tweed and so from towne to towne endlong those 

* townes that stand most convenient up on the ringe to the west borders all 

* within and nere to the same fur the most part well plenished and inhabited 
' with towres and townes but not enclosed.' At the bottom of the plan near 
the sea are * Dunstonebourghe castell, bambourgh castle, lowyke towre ' held by 
a * collynwod ' and * Barwicke.' 

p. 81, n. 3, I. 11, for ^Lindesfame' read ' Lindisf ame.' Woodchester was 
probably not Woodhom, but the * Chester' at the mouth of the Aln, near Wooden. 

p. 84, L 11, for * first' read ' second.' 

p. 85, 1. 8, for * John's second* read ^ John by his first.' 

p. 94, 1. 20, dele *at the battle of Halidon Hill.' 
. p. 95, 1. 4, for * 1355 ' read ' 1335*' 

p. 95, n. 59, 1. 3, dele * What does the reference to the Dominical Letter, etc. 
' mean? ' See p. 135, n. 207. 

p. 96, n. 60, see Appendix (I) on Bishop Percy and Warkworth. 

p. 101, n. 77, 1. 7. The authority for the date of the birth of the first earl of 
Northumberland is the Little Pedigree Roll of Percy and Vescy, composed in 
about 1460, at Alnwick Castle : — ' In die translacionis sancti martini episcopi 

* natus fuit iste Henricus percy vi^^ in castro de Scarburgh ex maria filia 

* comitis lankaster anno domini MCCCXLi^' 

p. 105, n. 93, L 10, for *millatenus' read ' nullatenus.' 
p. 107, n. 103, transfer 1. 8 to foot of page, 
p. 113, 1. 8, see p. 166 for an additional note, 
p. 126, 1. 21, for • Chetelherault ' read * Ohatelherault.' 
p. 133, 1. 25, see p. 166 for an additional note, 
p. 135, 11. 10-13, see p. 165, d. 253. 

p. 146, 1. 15, for 'the falchion of the Fitzpayncs, but the strap and pommel 
*• are all that is left,' read 'the Percy fetter- lock, which was much more perfect 

* when Sir David Smith made his sketch of it.' 

p. 146, dele note 220. 

p. 150, n. 231, 1. 4, for « keep ' read * tower.' 

p. 160, 1. 11, dele 'the pommel of the * Fitzpayne falchion, and.' 

p. 150, 1. 13, dele 'mother and.' 


p. 151, n. 232. Clarkson, in his Snryey of 1667, notices that Warkworth 
Castle was insofficientlj supplied with water, and reports that there was a fine 
spring at High Boston, which might be *■ easilye in pipes of leade and hewen 
' stone' taken to the castle, ^even to the appermoste part ... or at the leaste 

* for a condnite to sett within the coart.' This reference is due to the kindness 
of Mr. J. C. Hodgson, of Low Boston. 

p. 162, n. 246. Frejtag in his BUder au9 der DeuUchen Vergangenheity 
Leipzig, 1859, Theil I. Einleitong v. vi., gives a good realistic pictore of a 
German castle in. aboot 1559 — dismal, oncomfortable, and dirty, either set on a 
bare rock in the eye of the wind, or sorrounded by the bad smells of a stagnant 
moat, the children quarrelling on the manore-heap in the courtyard, and the 
women scolding round the fire in the great kitchen (' diister, geflickt, unwohulich, 
'entweder aof wasserarmer Kobe in scharfen Zog des Windes gesetet oder 
'rings von uebelriechendem Grabenschlamm umgeben . . . Unwohnllch und 
'onsaober ist das Haus . . . Von dem DUngerhaufen des kleinen Burghofes 
'tont das Geschrei zankender Enaben ond om den Herd der grossen Eiiche 
'nicht weniger misstonend das Hadem der Frauen.') 

p. 164, in the plan of the second floor of the donjon, for ' OBISL * read 
*0RI0LB.' See p. 139, n. 213. 

p. 167, 1. 29, for * these turrets are * read * is the curtain-wall.* 

p. 167, ). 30, for * dashes' read 'spouts,* and on the subject of the Rumble 
Chum see p. 194. 

p. 167, 1. 31, for * them * read « it.* 

p. 168, 1. 15, see Gough*s Camden Britannia^ 1789, iii. 258. 

p. 178, L 7. On the question of * Queen Margaret's Tower,* see p. 193, n. 86. 

p. 179, U. 7-8, dele * by the passive collusion of Sir Ralph Percy.* 

p. 179, n. 60, 1. 8, for ' sacrum ' read * sacramentum.* 

p. 187, 1. 2, after * £400 * add paragraph at foot of p. 194. 

p. 187, IL 5, 6, for 'granted Dunstanburgh to Sir William Grey, of Wark, on 
'the 6th of February, 1625* read 'sold Dunstanburgh 28 Aug. 1604 to Sir 

* Thomas Windebanck, Thomas Billott and William Blake, and they sold it 

* to Sir Ralph Grey, 21 Nov. Xmb.'—ChUlingham MSS. 

p. 187, 1. 8, for • Byre* read « Eyres.* 

p. 198, 1. 3, for ' metamorphised marble* read 'metamorphosed limestone.* 

p. 193, n. 86, see Appendix (L) on the Wars of the Roses in Northumberland. 

p. 194, 1. 14, for ' a cleft in a cavern roof, formed by one of the basalt columns 
' having fallen into the seething abyss below ' read 'a pipe or " chimney" some 
' eighty feet in height, formed by a prism of basalt being wanting, and up which 
' a jet of water is thrown with great force under certain conditions of wind and 
' tide, the waves having worn away the stratified sandstone below the basalt. 

* A mass of stone has recently fallen into the throat of the Chum from above, 

* which it is to be feared will impede its working.* ITiis, like many other cor- 
rections relating to Dunstanburgh, is due to the kindness of Mr. C. B. P. 


p. 203, 1. 7, for 'anunal* read * annual.' 

p. 206, 1. 9, for * sinking fishing craft * read * removing the kiddles.' Kiddles 
are dams or open weirs in a river with loops or narrow cuts in them for the pur- 
pose of catching fish. Magna Charta provided, ' Omnes kidelli deponantnr de 

* coetero penitus per Thamesiam et Medweyam et per totam Angliam, nisi per 

* costeram maris.' — See Jacob's Law Dictionary, 

p. 207, 1. 14, add — ' After having suppressed the refractory priory of Hexham 

* at the end of February 1537, the duke of Norfolk proceeded to Prudhoe, where 

* Lady Percy lay, and put Sir Reginald Camaby in possession of the castle. 
' Norfolk took an inventory of Sir Thomas Percy's goods, and redelivered them 

* to his wife by indenture. Lady Percy obeyed Norfolk in all things, even send- 
< ing him a letter that the abbot of Salley had privately sent to her husband, so 

* that in writing to Cromwell from Newminster on the 5th of March, Norfolk 
' vouchsafed to term her a good woman.' — Letters and Papers, Hennj VIIL 
1537, p. 266, No. 677. 

p. 221, n. 67. Much of the tracery of the windows in the south wall of the 
dwelling-house is ancient. 

p. 224, 1. 19, for * 607 ' read * 617.' 

p. 226, n. 13, 1. 6, for *of ' read * at.' 

p. 228, add after 1. 10, * Oswulf the son of Aldred witnesses a charter of King 
' Eadred in 949 as high-reeve of Hamburgh, Osulf ad bebb. hehgr. — Cod. Diplom, 

* ii. p. 292.' 

On the plate of St. Oswald's reliquary, for * {Seepage 228) ' read {Seepage 282).' 
p. 228, 1. 15, on the immunity of Hamburgh from the harrying of 1070, 
see Appendix (K). 

p. 229, n. 21, 1. 8, for *ecclesii8B' read 'eoclesiss.' 

p. 232, n. 31, 1. 10, for <pierce-eye' read * lance-and-keys.' 

p. 248, transpose notes 116 and 116. 

p. 254, n. 142, L 6, dele « , et.' 

p. 255, L 15, for * April' read * July.' 

p. 256, n. 149, 1. 16, for * two years previously, in 1462,' read * on the previous 

* 2nd of September.' 

p. 256, 11. 23-28, dele from <must ' to ' Hexham, 
p. 256, 1. 32, for • cautiously' read 'generally.' 

p. 258, 11. 1 , 2, for * directed by Edward and Richard Bombartell and other 
of the king's ordinance ; and assisted by men-at-arms and archers they ' read 

* kept up by the bombardels '* Edward " and '* Richard " and other of the king's 

* ordnance, under the direction of Warwick, and assisted by the men-at-arms 

* and archers, he.' See Oman, Warwiehf the Xing-maker, p. 158. 

p. 269, insert after * King ' « Munimenta Antigua,' vol. i.' 

p. 280, 1. 35, for * but' read *that.' 

p. 287, 1. 9, add in a note— * In the Marquis of Newcastle's MethorJe Nouvelle 

* et Invention extraordinaire de dresier leg Chcravx, Anvers, M.DC.LVIII, there 
' is a fine engraving, by Lemmelin, entitled " Le Chateau de Bothel (dans la 


* proWnce dc Northumberland) qai f ut k Mons'. le Baron d*Ogle et est apresent 

* h Monseignear le Marqnis.'* Bothal is represented as the purely ideal castle 

* of the day, with a domed embattled gateway and two circular corner towers, 

* and on the side of the river are huntsmen, hounds and deer within a palisaded 
'enclosure. This view is only valuable as a study of contemporary country 

* coetume.' 

p. 299, 11. 26, 33. The suggestion that two of these figures may possibly 
represent St. Dorothea' and St. Tbeodosia is due to the resemblance they bear to 
the almost contemporary wall-paintings of these saints in Eton Chapel. — See 
Maxwell Lyte, Man College^ 1875, pp. 88, 89. This is, however, very 

p. 299, 1. 30, for »/». Ninian (;*) ' read 'St, Wilfrid: Eddius leconls 
Bt. Wilfrid's miraculous release from his fetters at Dunbar. 

p. .303, n. 6, add after *Craster MSS.,' *on referring to which we find it 

* stated that " This is a true Copy from the Original in the Hands of Robert 
' •* Hebbom of Hebbom esq'." * 

p. 304, 1. 36, for » berberry* read * barberry.' 

p. 308, 1. 17, add ' In Oough MSS. vol. xxv. fo. 70, Bodleian Library, Ib 

* an excellent view of Ford Castle from the south, probably drawn by the Bucks 
' in 1728, but never engraved. Unfortunately, being half -pencilling, half- 
' etching, it does not lend itself well to reproduction by photography. It shows 

* us the walls of the east and west wingp, facing the courtyard, which do not 

* appear in Purdy's elevations. The east wing, which, stretching north and 

* south, was, as has been stat(>'U probably the Hall, is designated '^chaple,' 

* probably for no better reason than that the windows were pointed. In the 

* small gable of the porch were the arms of Blake (ar^.) a chevron between 

* three garbs («a.) impaling Cabb (^h.) on a chcv^ron (arg,) three estoilee (sa.) 

* with a martlet for crest, and the date 1677 under the initials p ■^, Over the 

* door itself there seems to have been a square panel with the three herons of 

* Hebox quartering the three flies of Mubohahp, and the initials of William 
' Carr on either side of the Carr crest of a stag's head. The classical south 

* gateway was surmounted by the shield of Blake quartering Cabb, with the 
date 1679, and on the vane of the south-east tower was the Inscription *' B'. F. 
B. 1696."' 

It may be, then, that it is to this south-east tower that the following extract 
from the Ford muniments, given by Mr. Walter B. Thomas,* relates :— ' 8 Aug : 

* 6 Wm. and Mary [1694]. Sir Francis Blake signed articles with John Qibson, 

* Robert Bell, Henry Charlton, Thomas Maxwell and John Bell, masons of 

* Newcastle-upon-Tyne, for the execution of certain works at Ford castle, 

* among others, to take away the new stairs in the turret, to make a stair two 
« storey high and four ft. broad, to go up at ye east side of the tower, and to 

* break out three windows at the west side of the tower, and one on the north. 
' Work to commence 16 Aug. 1694, and to be viewed by any two men of 

* Proc. See, Antiq,, Newoaetle, v. p. 62. 


* judgment, any time within a twelvemonth. Contract sura £26 ; penalty £100/ 

The vaulted basement of the north-west tower had, we learn from the same 
source, a narrow escape from destruction during the restoration by Sir John 
Hussey Delaval. Raffield, the joiner, had urged its destruction, but Thomas 
Delaval, of Hetherslaw, fortunately interceded for it in a letter to his brother 
dated 25th January, 1763. 'George Raffield,' be says, * tells me he wrote you 

* that it would be better to take off the arch on which my Lady's room was 

* placed, on account of getting more room for the windoVs. I have been since 

* looking at it, and told him I thought he was entirely wrong ; the arch is a 

* very fine piece of workmanship. It would not only be a great expense to pull 
^ it down and lay joists instead of it, but not the half so good for the purpose 

* when done.* 

pp. 308 and 309. In Purdy's * plat-form ' of Ford the letters ♦ F • and * G ' 
are in the north-west and north-east comers of *the Newark' on the north 
side of the castle. 

p. 314, n. 14, see note at foot of p. 322. 

p. 327, 1. 12, for * 1542 ' read * 1641 ' ; 1. 14, Lancelot Thirlwall of Thirlwall, by 
his will, dated 27th December, 1582, left * sartayn instruments ... as heirloomes, 

* to the house of Thirlwall, and to the lord therof, that is to saye, a stand bed 

* in the low parler, a great arke standinge in the hie lofte over the hall, a long 

* speat, a payre of rackes, and a great potte.' The inventory of his household 
goods was not long. * Insight geare. Two fetherbedes 13s. 4d. ij mattresses 5b. 

* V coverlettes 128. 6d. Ix happinges 188. ▼ payre of blankettes 208. iiij payre 

* lynne sheetes ?4s. viij payre of round sheetes 248. vj boultsters 8s. ij pillowes 

* 2s. 6d. ij brHSse pottes 128. one cawdion 88. one cettle 4s. iiij 48. j frienge 

* panne 12d. ij iren speetes 3s. 4d. j droppinge panne I6d. xxiiij pece of pewter 

* vessell 20s. ij saltes 20d. iiij candlestickes 38. 4d. iij lynne bord clothes 6b. 

* ij towells 28. vii] table napkins 2s. 8d. j ammerye 108. ij crookes 28. j rostinge 

* iren and a girdle 2s. 8d. j payre of tonges 8d. iij window clothes 68. iiij seckcs 

* 3s. 4d. iiij wallettes 20d. ij chistes and litle trindle bedde, a 

< cuppebord and a pressor 138. iij beddsteedes 6s. iij beedst cedes 3s. iij wood 

* vessell 10s. His owne apparell 46s. 8d.'— Wills and Inventories, ii. Surt. Soc. 
Pub. 38, pp. 75-77 ; n. 15, for 'Acts of Scotland* read * Acts of ParHament of 

p. 329, 1. 8, add 'This was after Warbeck had left him at the end of 

* September, disgusted at the brutal way the war was being carried on. A 

* chaldron of malt was provided for the royal household during the siege (** Ad 

* expensas dom. regis in excercitu ejusdem in Anglia, in obsidione de Hedtoun, 

* j celd. \}X2A\V'^Excheq, Rolls, No. 314.) On the 23rd of September 18s. was 

* given as drinksilver to masons ** to myne all nycht at the house of Hetoune " ; 
•and on the following 21st of February, 86s. was bestowed at the king's 

* command on ** a man that hed his hors slane at Hetoune drawand the 

* ftymxij^:^^ Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, i. pp. clxii. 
« 300, 321.' 


p. 830, 1. 22, for * east' read 'west.' 

pp. 339-341. On the whole story of the relief of Wark by Edward III. see 
Appendix (H), p. 359. 

p. 345, 1. 17, for * September ' read * August.* 
p. 349, n. 63, for ' Calig. B. vii ' read * Calig. B. viii.' 
p. 360. n. 82, 1. 6, for • the Allies ' read * Wellington and Blucher.' 
p. 390, u. 11. Through the kindn«« of Sir Edward W. Blackett, the follow- 
ing additional facts have been gathered from the abstracts of the WiUimoteR- 
wyke deeds : — William Ridley, of Willimoteswick, esq., mortgaged his whole 
eittate on 23rd December, 1612, to Sir Allan Apsley and Peter Apsley and Joyce 
Apsley his son and daughter, paying them 2002? per annum. On 1st May, 1635, 
William Ridley and Musgrave Ridley, gents, sons of William Ridley, gent, 
bargained and sold the estate to Richard Musgrave, who, on 24th May, 1636. 
conveyed * Willimontswick, Ridley, Ridley Hall, and Melkrydge, and all the 

* rectory and parsonage of Haltwhistle ' to Francis Nevile, esq. It was not, 
however, until Easter Term, )658, that the exemplification of fine was formally 
recorded between Francis Nevile, plaintiff, and William Ridley, esq., and 
Musgrave Ridley, gent, defendants. On 14th Mareh, 1671, Sandford Nevile, 
esq , and Francis Nevile, his son and heir, granted Willimoteswyke to William 
Blackett, esq. 

p. 416. The Rev. G. Rome Hall has most obligingly supplied the following 
notes on the third floor of Chipchase Tower, which was previously inaccessible : 
— * The mural chamber in the north-west comer is entered by a square-headed 
*■ doorway, 5 feet high by 2 feet wide, into a passage, the chamber continuing at 
' right angles in the west wall 9 feet 9 inches. It is 7 feet high and 3 feet wide, 
' and has a slit at the north and an oblong aumbry at the south end, where a 
' recess gives access to the pendent garderobe on the west wall. The roof is of 
' large slabs, as elsewhere, and rests on single corbelling on the west side. Some 
' wall plaster remains, and in the stones are several mason-marks of differing 
^ designs. 

' In the recess on the west wall the two-light window of Decorated character 

< is built up with later masonry to the top ; and there are traces of wall plaster 
' npon the stones. The opening is 7 feet in depth and 5 feet 8 inches wide at the 

< floor-line, where the height, narrowing inwards, is 8 feet 6 inches, rising above 

* the level of the single corbels in the wall for carrying the posts and struts, 
' showing that these corbels could not have been used for supporting another 

* floor. On the face of the mantel corbel of the adjoining fire-place, now built 

* up, are some deep grooves, as if made by sharpening weapons. On the east 

* wall, nearly opposite, is another large recess, built up at a later period, a very 
' small slit being left on the south side near the entrance off the wheel-stair. 
*■ There is no means of ascertaining the character of the window behind, as it 

* abuts on the wall of the manor-house. Almost midway in the north wall is a 

* third recess of a plain square-headed window, also built up at a more recent 

* date. A small slit, 14 inches by 5 inches, left on the right, lets in light from 


* the hidden space between the original and later walls. The whole chamber on 
' this uppermost floor mn<tt have been more spacious and better lighted than the 

* others, though rather too airy for the comfort of the later inhabitants. 

* In the north-east corner the doorway into the passage in the north wall is 

* 5 feet 2 inches high by I foot 10 inches wide, and the mural chamber in the 

* east wall is 7 feet 8 inches in length, 3 feet wide, and 6 feet 6 inches high. A 

* slit, 2 feet 2 inches by 6 inches, lights it from the east, and at the south end is 
< an oblong aumbry. Almost every stone has its mason-mark of T or arrow- 
' shape. If this chamber projects over the supposed altar in the oratory in part 
' beneath it, it can only be 4 or 6 inches, by measurement, if at all. In the 

* south-east comer the mural chamber is 7 feet 8 inches long by 6 feet 

* 3 inches wide, with no proper doorway at the entrance. The east wall is 
' pierced by a square-headed window, 3 feet high and 1 foot 4 inches wide. 
' Three stanchion-holes are visible at the top and two holes at the left side, one 
' with a portion of the crook in it, as if for a shutter. In the south wall is a 

* square fire-plaoe (there is also one in the fine mural chamber beneath on the 
' second floor), and on the right is a shallow stone sink raised above the floor 

* level. This sink is a peculiar feature, measures 1 foot 6 inches by 1 foot, is 
' carefullj hollowed out, and has a slope downwards to an opening made 
^ through the south wall, terminating in a stone spout, which projects about a 

* foot from the external wall face. The purpose of this spout is now obvious, 

* which was before unknown. Some mason-marks of T form, and two or three 

* very large, and a few small, arrow-shaped, are met with in this chamber, which 

* may have sei-ved as a kitchen. The deeply-splayed recess of the south window 

* gives access to the chamber in the south-west comer, which is 8 feet 8 inches 

* in length by 7 feet 8 inches wide, with a slit in the west wall. The roof rests 

* on two courses of corbelling on the right, and on one in a small recess on 

* the left.' 



In the chaos that succeeded the Recall of the Legions every sem- 
blance of Roman civilisation entirely vanished from the country be- 
tween the Tyne and Tweed. As far as such a thing is possible in 
History, One and Indivisible, that which came after bore no relation 
to that which went before.* The Romans had been in possession for 
a period as long as that from the Battle of Bosworth to the Fall ot 
Khartoum, but the example of their works conveyed no lesson to the* 
invading Angles. The stations along the Great Wall and the Watling 
Street appear to have been left as desolate as the cities of Yucatan ; 
and the Imperial Border, that whether from the Solway to the Tyne, 
or from the Clyde to the Forth, had always been traced by a sharp 
line across the island, disappeared for ever. The great natural 
fortress of Dinguardi, the steep basalt rock on the sea shore on which 
Ida is suddenly revealed as beginning to reign and timbering' a 
' burh,' becomes under the name of Bamburgh the one centre of our 
civil history.* 

In theory at least, a Roman camp required for its stereotyped 
arrangements a situation tolerably level. Connected by a net-work of 
straight roads with other similar stations it was calculated more 
generally to answer the requirements of a highly centralized military 
organization than those of a purely local character. For defence it 
could rely on its own artificial ramparts. An Anglian * burh,' on the 
other hand, stood in absolute need of high gi-ound so surrounded by 

■ The Teuton appeared, in fact, on the Border at the same time as the Boman. 
The battle of Mons Graupius was won by a charge of Agricola's Tungrian aux- 
iliaries; and three stations of the Great Wall were garrisoned by Tungrians, 
Batavians, and Frisians, in the same order that those tribes occupied on their own 
sea-board. In enlisting the services of the Angles, &c., the Britons were only 
foUowing Roman precedents. These considerations, however, will not bridge 
over the historic chasm between the Goth Stilicho and the Angle Ida. 

* The history of the English Border is outside the limits of the present essay. 
It is only necessary to remark that, so far as the Kingdom and Earldom of Nor- 
thumberland were concerned, its general direction lay from north to south, 
separating them from the Celtic population of the West. Even after the battle 
of Carham, in 1018, made the Tweed, instead of the Forth, the Border on the 
north, the valleys of North and South Tyne continued to be practically parts of 
Scotland tiU 1296. 


ravines or precipices that a mound and palisade run round the verge 
was the only fortification necessary; and provided it commanded a 
district fertile in supplies, the * bnrh ' gained in strength by isolation.' 

With the transitory exceptions of Ad Gbbrium (Yeavering Bell), 
the British hill-fort occupied by Edwin,* and Ad Murum (Heddon- 
on-the-Wall), the royal ' villa ' of Oswi,* Bamburgh is the only strong 
place mentioned in our annals till the middle of the eleventh century ; 
and its strategic importance is attested by the fact that amid all the 
horrors of the Anglian civil wars and Danish invasions it is first 
recorded to have fallen in 998. 

A short time before the Norman Conquest, Earl Tosti seems to 
have had a stronghold at Tynemouth which he made the scene of 
some of those drunken feasts in which the English took such delight.* 
The speedy manner in which the flames devoured the hall (aula or 
domtis) of the Rich Man of Tughall and the smaller house {dvmuncula) 
adjoining it, together with his servants and children, after the in- 
hospitable reception he gave to the monks of St. Cuthbert on the 12th 
December, 1069^ seems to show that it was constructed of wood, 
though the Rich Man's wealth was such that he had promised to hang 
shields glittering with gold round the walls in honour of the saint, 
while the cups used in the drunken brawl in which he passed the 
night were of gold beset with precious stones.^ 

■ This difference is well brought out along the coast, where Bamburgh, Dun- 
stanburgh, and Warkworth, seem to have been occupied by the Angles in prefer- 
ence to the earlier camps in their respective neighbourhoods — ^at Ontchester 
(Ulcester), Craster (Craucester), and Gloster Hill (Gloucester). 

• It is now generally admitted that Yeavering Bell is the AD oebbium of 
Bede ; but * Melmin,' to which he says the later kings descended, seems to have 
been identified with Millfield solely through the similarity of the first syllables. 
Much of the topography of Northumberland in Anglian times is in a state of 
innocence similar to that which fixed sboedukuu at Seghill and pons aelii at 
Ponteland. Melmin (a Celtic name cf . Melrose, &c.) was probably the same place 
as Kirk Newton, the ancient church of which is dedicated to St. Gregory. 

• Arch. Ael, N.S., XL, p. 243. The hill on which Heddon Church stands, 
though close to the twelfth mile-castle on the Wall, reckoning from Wallsend, 
does not seem to have been embraced by the fortified lines of the Romans. It 
affords another instance of the selection by the Angles, for their ' burhs,* of posi- 
tions stronger by nature than those of the Roman camps. ' Oswigesdune,* the 
hiU on which Guthred was proclaimed King of Northumberland in 885 (Sym. 
Dun., Sist. de S, Outhb., § 18), may have been the same as Oswi's ' villa,* ad 


• VUa Otwini (Surt. Soc. Publ., 8), p. 20. 

not Bedlington as stated by the Editor (^Ibid. p. 295), seems undoubtedly to 



On the return of the Conqueror to the banks of the Tyne from his 
expedition to"" Scotland in 1072, the inhabitants of the district are 
stated to have conveyed all their stores to Tynemouth for protection.* 
In the antumn of 1080 Robert Curthose built the New Castle (novum 
casieUum) on Tyne, probably a wooden edifice erected on the monnt 
in the outer bailey, levelled in 1810.' Tynemouth remained, indeed, 
the strongest castle on that river. It endured a siege of two months 
before it was taken by William Rufus in 1095.^® The fortress 
(firmitas) of Newcastle and a small stronghold {muniiiuncula), pro- 
bably Morpeth,^^ appear to have been secured without much difficulty. 
Bamburgh proved impregnable. 

• During his suppression of Mowbray's rebellion, the Red King 
probably founded the walled town of Newcastle, and did much to 
strengthen the castle there.^^ It is not, however, too much to say 
that at the present day there is in Northumberland no masonry 

have been the home of this * praedives Nobilium de (He) vicinarnm confinio 
legionum.' St. Cuthbert*8 body rested at only three places on the journey — in the 
church of St. Paul at Jarrow (Sym. Dun., Hi^. Dun. Eccl,^ cap. xv. ; Rolls Ser., 
I., p. 100), at Bedlington, and at Tughall. Reginald had just related how one 
of the Tods of * Bethligtune ' had prophesied to the Rich Man the reception he 
would give St. Cuthbert, and would assuredly have mentioned the fact had both 
oome from the same place. i 

* Vita Omini, p. 21. 

• LongstafEe, * The New Castle upon Tyne,' Arch, Ael., N.S., IV., p. 74. 

^ Tynemouth is then called ' Castellum comitis Rodberti ad ostium Tinse 
fluminis situm ' (Sym. Dun., HiJft. Reg., § 177 ; Rolls Ser., II., p. 225), but after- 
wards (Ihid, p. 226) it is said to have been in the * monasterium Sancti Oswini/ 
there that Robert de Mowbray was taken after a siege of six days. The monas- 
tery, however, was * infra ambitum castri ejus de Tynemudtha ' ( Vita Osmini, 
p. 16). 

" 7^u2. Rolls ed., p. 225. The * munitiuncula ' can hardly have been New- 
castle, which Symeon had already called * Novum Castellum * (Ibid, § 167 ; Rolls 
ed., p. 211). Gaimar says : — 

* Li reis od son ost i alad, 
Le Nouvel-chastel i done fermad ; 
Puis prist Morpathe un fort chastel 
Eli iert asis sur un muncel.* 

C£gt^rU den Engles. v. 6149-62, Caxton Soc. Publ., 1850, p. 213.) The woi-d 
ferniad seems to refer to t\xQfirmita$ of Newcastle, while mnncel is the nearest 
approach to munitiuncttla that the minstrel, a close translator, has been able to 
work into his rhymes, though, of course, the derivation (from m4>ntie^ilv8') is 
different. It is not easy to comprehend how Professor Freeman can gravely 
maintain the paradox that the 'castle at the mouth of the river Tyne' is New- 
castle, and the * munitiuncula ' Tynemouth. — Reign of William RufxMy vol. II., 
p. 606. 

" Longstaffe, in Arch. Ael, N.S.. IV., p. 68. 


remaining of any except ecclesiastical buildings that can be attributed, 
with any degree of certainty, to these early times, when many castles 
must have been mere earthworks with wooden superstructure^.^' 

I. — Castles op the Twelfth Century. 

In 1121, Ralph Flambard, bishop of Durham, built a castle at 
Norham.i* The almost square ashlars of the masonry of the keep 
make it probable that much of this is his work. The Pipe Roll of 1 131 
mentions Osbert, the master-mason {c€mentariys\ as having then been 
employed at Bamburgh." In 1138, Alnwick, then in the possession of 
Euhtace Fitz John, is styled a most strongly fortified castle (muniiissi' 
mum castellum)}^ and much of the masonry of the curtain-wall, similar 
to that of the keep of Norham, agrees with this date. About this time, 
too, Walter Espec founded at Carham on the Tweed the castle which 
received the name of Wark.^' 

" Tbe Umfrevilles of Redesdale, before they received a grant of Prudhoe from 
Henry I., had no doubt a stronghold of this description at Elsdon, possibly on 
the Mote Hills. The lords of Bolam appear to have occupied an oval camp, 
within which a tower, measuring externally 30 x 40 ft., was subsequently built 
(Hodgs. NortM. II., i. p. 337). The fortress of the Muschamps, which stood 
on the high mound at Wooler, is returned as waste, and of no value, by an Inq. 
^ taken in I*J61 (Berw. F. Club Transactions^ IV.. p. 161). Several of the baronies 
* of Northumberland appear to have had no castles at their capital seats — e,g,^ 
Callertoni Beanly, Styford, Embleton, EUingham, and Whalton. Of course, 
there was no necessary connection between a barony and a castle, and the grants 
to Normans of land in Northumberland appear to have been made on principles 
that were applied equally to the rest of England. Professor Creighton*s account 
of the origin of the Northumberland baronies, especially in the valley of the Tyne 
{Arcfiaeol. Journal, vol. XLIL., p. 45), restson no historical foundation, and the 
statements made in it are quite at variance with the lesta de Nevitl, &c. {e.g., 
Heddon-on-the-Wall formed part of the barony of Bolbeck, not of Merlay, &c. &c.) 

'* * Anno MGXXi. . . Rannulfus Dunelmensis episcopus castellum apud Nor- 
ham incepit super ripam Thwedse.' — Ch/ron, Rogeri de Hoveden^ Rolls Ser., I., 
p. 179. 

** • In liberatione Osberti cementarii de Baenburg xxxv*.' 

" *Habuit idem (Eustachius filius Johannis) in Northymbria castrum muni- 
tissimum Alnewich.'— JETi^^ Jok, Hagustald § 6 (Rolls Ser. Sym. Dun. 11. p. 

" * Carrum quod ab An^lis Werch dicitur.* — Ric. Hagustald. ( Ckron. Stephen- 
Hen. 11.^ &c.. Rolls ISer., III. p. 145). 'Walter! Espec, cujus illud oppidum (Car- 
rum) erat.' — Ibid. p. 171. This use of the term oppidum, to describe the castle 
of Wark, makes it probable that the castle of Mitford was in existence in 11H8, 
when Richard of Hexham describing the advance of David of Scotland says, 
* circa Milford {sic), oppidum Willelmi Bertram, et in pluribus locis per North- 
umbriam segetibus vastatis &c.' — Ihid. p. 158. Oppidum conveys the idea of a 
fortified town ; and Caesar applies it to the stronghold of Cassibelan, * locum 
egregie naturS,, atque opere munitum,' adding, 'oppidum. Britanni vocant, quum 
silvas impeditas vallo atque fossd munieruut, quo, incureionis ho&tium vitandse 
causd, convenire consuevcrunt.* — De Bell. Gall., V., § xvii. 


Norham, Alnwick, and Wark fell into the hands of David, King 
of Scotland, when he crossed the Border to oppose the accession of 
Stephen. Bamburgh made a successful defence. In 1188, Norham, 
thoagh the defences were still perfect and the castle well provisioned, 
again sjirrendered to David, by whom it was dismantled. Wark, on 
the other hand, stood a long and famous siege, and was only reduced 
by famine. The castle of Morpeth is distinctly mentioned at this 
time in connection with the foundation of the Abbey of Newminster.^^ 

In 1117, Henry, Earl of Northumberland, the son of David of 
Scotland, expressly exempted the monks of Tynemouth from con- 
tributing to the works on Newcastle and other castles in his Earldom ;^^ 
but the strange absence of any example of the civil architecture of 
the twelfth century in the south of Scotland^ seems fatal to the idea 
that much of the Norman castles of Northumberland can have been 
constructed during the eighteen years it was possessed by Earl Henry 
and his son William. A castle of some sort may possibly have risen 
at Warkworth.«i 

It was the resumption of the northern counties by Henry II. in 
1157 that gave the great impulse to castle-building in Northumber- 
land« This often took the form of erecting a massive rectangular 
keep (turris) in an area that had aheady been enclosed by a strong 
outer wall and gateway. With the assistance of the whole county of 
Northumberland and of the bishopric of Durham, Henry II. founded 
the castle of Harbottle in the wilds of Coquetdale.*^ Between 1158 

" * Eodem anno (mczxxviii) quidam vir potens in Northymbria recepit in 
sua possessione, spud castrum quod dicitur Morthpath, monachos de Kontibus 
octo, nonis Januarii, qui construxerunt coDnobium, scilicet Novum-monasterium 
Tocatum.' — Job. Hagustald. Sist,, (Surt. Soc. Publ. ; Baine's Hexluim, II., p. 1 22-3). 

*' * Prsecipio quod ecclesia et monachi de Tinemutba et totam terram et 
homines prsedictae ecclesiaB sint liberi et quieti de opere Novi Castelli et de opere 
alioram custellorum de tota Northumberland quia mea propria est elesimonia. 
Apad Hamburg, &c.' — Gibson's Tyn&inoutJi, II., xviii., No. XXIV. 

^ Macgibbon & Ross, Castellated and Domr-gtio Architecture of Scotland, I., 
p. 63. The Chron, de Mailros mentions the turrit, i.e., keep of Roxburgh, in 1134. 

" One of the earliest acts of Henry XL, after recovering Northumberland, was 
to grant the coJitle and manor of Wark worth to Roger Fitz Richard, with the 
same privileges as his grandfather, Henry I., had enjoyed with the manor. 

** * Dudum constnictum (castrum de Hirbottle) per dominum Henricumregem 
Angliae avum domini nostri regis et, per auxilium totius comitatus Northumbrise 
et episcopatus Dunelmensis ex precepto dicti Henrici regis.' Royal Letters 
Hen. I fl. No. 866 ( Rolls ed. i., p. 1 4 1 ). Hartshome, after printing this letter in his 
notes (Proc. Arch, Inst., 1852, II., p. 55), erroneously states in the text that Har- 
bottle was built • as an aid for the whole country of Northumberlanrl and the 
bishopric of Durham.' 


and 1161 he laid out large sums on Wark.*^ The keep of Bambm^h, 
which resembles in many ways that of Carlisle, is first mentioned in 
1164.^ The square ashlars of the keep of Prudhoe look. almost older. 
In his invasions of Northumberland in 1178 and 1174, William 
the Lion took Warkworth and Harbottle, but failed to master Wark, 
Alnwick, Newcastle, and Prudhoe. The erection of the keep of 
Newcastle had already been begun in 1172. It seems to have been 
completed in 1177 at a total cost of about 900Z. There is every reason 
to suppose that the architect employed was the same Maurice who built 
the very similar keep of Dover in 1188 and the three following years 
for about SOOl.^ It is difficult to fix the probable date of the keep of 
Mitford, one side of which is so projected as to make it a pentagon. 
The castle there is first mentioned as such in 1217.^^ The founda- 
tions of the keeps of Wark, Morpeth, and Harbottle are buried in the 
ground. In 1204, King John attempted to build a castle at Tweed- 
mouth, but this was immediately demolished by William of Scotland, 
and the Treaty of Norham concluded in 1209, expressly provided that 
no castle should again be erected at Tweedmouth.^^ Possibly none of 
the existing masonry at Warkworth is earlier than the beginning of 
the reign of John. 

11. — Castles and Towers Crenellated by Licence. 

In point of law it had long been considered necessary to obtain 
the sanction of the Crown before proceeding to erect a castle. Henry 
II. began his reign by destroying the * adulterine castles' which, during 
Stephen's wars, had been built without licences. In 1218, Richard 
de Umfreville having complained that Philip de Ulcotes, who had been 
a powerful favourite of King John, was building a castle at Nafferton, 

** * In operacione castelli de Werch xidl. viij«. xid.* — Pipe Roll, 4 Hen. II., 
&c. 'Anno 1159. Iterum firmatum est castellum de Were, prsecipiente rege 
AnglisB.'— Chron. de Mailroi, p. 76. 

'* ' In operacione turris de Bacnbnrc 4/.' — Pipe Roll, 10 Hen. II. 

^* Longsiaffe in Arch, Ael., N.S., IV., pp. 63-67. 

'* ' Mense Maio Alexander, Dei gratia rex Scottorum, congregato uni verso 
exevcitu suo, obsedit castellum de Midford, quod (;um septimanam obsedisset ad 
proi)ria revcrsus est.' — Chron. de Mailros. p. 130. 

^ * Rex Anglirti pro villa Berwiei destruenda castrum firmare coepit apud 
Tweidmothe, quod rex Scociai non passus, bis illud funditus evertit, ejus f unda- 
toribus, operariis et custodibus univei-sis captis, fugatis et interemptis. . . . 
Castrum quoque, quod erigeretur apud Tueclmouth ad destructum Berwiei, dirup- 
tum est, et nuUo deinceps tempore erigetur.' — Fordun, GeHa Annalm^ xxv. (etl. 
HUtoriatis of St'otland, 1871, 1., p. 277). 


where no castle had previously existed, to the injury of his castle and 
lands of Prudhoe, a writ was addressed to Ulcotes in the name of 
Henry III. commanding him to proceed no further with the work.^ 
The series of licences formaUy granted for fortifying houses with walls 
of stone and lime, and crenellating and holding them without the 
interference of the Crown or its ofilicers, begins a little later. To 
crenellate a house was to place battlements upon it, crenelles or 
embrasures, being the square openings between the merlons. The 
generally peaceful relations with Scotland in the reigns of the last 
two Alexanders — a temporary disturbance of which may have led 
to the erection of the Black (late at Newcastle, a noble example of the 
Early English style, about 1246^* — afltorded no pretexts for building 
castles on the Border, a course of proceeding which was sure to have 
been made the subject of diplomatic remonstrances. Adam de 
Gesemuth (Jesmond), sheriflf of Northumberland in 1261-1268, 
appears to have been allowed to fortify to some extent his camera 
at Heaton, near Newcastle; but the first licence to crenellate 
in Northumberland which has been preserved is one granted by 
Henry III. to John Cumyn, a Scottish noble, who had aided in 
defeating the rebellious barons at Evesham, for the purpose of 
building a camera in his manor of Tarset,^ which was situated in 
Tyndale, then held of the English Crown by the King of Scotland. 

«• Rot. aaus., 2 Hen. IIL, m. 4.— Proc. Arch. Inst., 1852, XL, p. 287 n. In 6 
Hen. IIL the sheriff appears to have cast down the brctesches at Nafferton — * Et 
in prostracione cujusdam breceschie magne et aliarum brcceschiarum apud 
Naffertone ii marcas per breve Regis.'— Pipe Roll. See Note (A) on * Bretesche,* 
p. 64 ; also Note (B) on * Sir David Lyndesey's Tower in Tyndale/ p. 65. 

» Harl. MS., 624 (Brand's Neweeutle, L, p. 148 ; Arok. Ael., N.S., IV., p. 122). 
The Long Peace which continued through the latter half of the 13th century, 
greatly to the prosperity of the districts on each side of the Border, was secured 
by the curious Laws of the Marches, framed on 14th April, 1249, by a joint 
commission of twelve English and twelve Scottish knights. These Laws are 
printed in Bp. Nicholson's Leges Ma/rohiarum^ 1706, pp. 1-9, and more correctly 
in Acts of Parliament of Scotland^ vol. i., p. 83* (consecutive p. 413). Their 
authenticity has been most needlessly impugned by Nicolson and Burn (^Hist, 
ofWesim, ^ Cumh. I. ix.), and their antiquity by Hodgson Hinde (^Uist. of 
Northd^ p. 244) and Hartshorne (JProc, Arch, Jnstit., 1862, ii., p. 7 n.), on 
account of Robert de Clifford being one of the English knights. The writers 
in question allege, or admit, that the Cliffords had no connection with the 
Border before one of them married the heiress of Yipont in about 1266, and 
that the first Clifford who bore the name of Robert was the son of this mar- 
riage, bom in 1274. One and all have overlooked the simple fact that a 
Robert de Cl^ord undoubtedly held Hetton, in Chatton parish, of the barony 
of Alnwick, at the time of the Testa de Nevill, circ. 1240. 

■® * Pro Johanne Cumyn. De firmacione et kemellacione domus sue. Rex 
omnibus &c. salntem. Sciatis quod concessimus pro nobis et heredibns nostris 


The following is a list of all the known licences to crenellate in 
Northumberland : — 

Tarsbt. 5 Dec. 1267. Hen. III. at Westminster, to John Cumyn 

for ' qaandam cameram quam infra manerium saum de 

TjTset construere proponit.' 
HoRTON. 28 Dec. 1292. Ed. I. at Newcastle, to Gwyschard de 

Chamin for * mansum suum apud Horton.' '^ 
Tynbmouth. 5 Sept, 1296. Ed. I. at Berwick, to the Prior and 

Convent for *prioratum snura de Tynemuthe.' ^^ 
Shortflat. 5 Apr. 1805. Ed. I. at Westminster, to Robert de 

"Reymes for * mansum suum de Shortflat.' ^^ 
Aydon. . 5 Apr. 1305. Ed. I. at Westminster, to Robert de 

Reymes for * mansum suum de Eydon/ " 
NswiiANDS. 22 July 1310. Ed. XL at Westminster to John de 

Middelton for * mansum suum de Neulond.' ^ 
EsHOT. . 22 July 1310. Ed. II. at Westminster, to Roger Maudut 

for * mansum suum de Esshete.' '* 

dilecto et fideli nostro Johanni Cumyn quod quandam cameram quam infra 
manerium fluum de Tyrsete in comitatu Northumbr' construere proponit, fossato 
et mure de petra et calce includere, finnare et kemeUare possit ad voluntatem 
ipsius Johannis, et cameram illam taliter firmatam et kemellatam tenere sibi et 
heredibus suis imperpetuum, sine occasione vel impedimento nostro vel heredum 
no6troram. Ita tamen quod idem Johannes cameram illam eodem modo includat 
firmet et kemellet quo camera dilecti et fidelis nostri Ade de Gesemuth apud 
Heton in comitatu predict© est inclusa, tfrmata et kemellata. In cujus, &c 
Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium v. die Dec' — Pat. Roll, 62 fien. III. m. 31. 

In the middle of the thirteenth century the * chamber' came to be almost a 
more important part of the house than the ancient * hall ;' and its name was not 
unusually given to the whole house, e.ff., the camera built in 1285 for Edward I. 
and his queen at Woolmer in Hampshire, the account of the expenses of which 
are preserved in the Pipe Roll, was seventy-two feet long and twenty-eight feet 
wide, and, in addition to the actual chamber, which seems to have had two 
chimneys, contained a chapel and a haU. — Thos. Wright, Homes of other Days, 
. p. 152. 

The camera of Adam de Gesemuth was no doubt the ruin in Heaton Park, at 
the east end of Newcastle, popularly called King John's Palace. 

A general, but imperfect, list of licences to creuellate will be found in 
Turnei''s Domestic Architecture in Entilantl., Part II. (vol. iii.), p. 402. 

•> Pat. Roll, 21 Kd. I. m. 23, i.e. Horton near Bedlington. 

" Pat. Roll, 24 Ed. I. m. 8. This licence appears to have escaped the notice 
of Mr. Sydney Gibson in his History of Tynemouth, 

» Pat. Roll. 33 Kd. I. Pt. I. m. 9. 

»* Ihvfem-^ in the same licence. The erection of Aydon Castle is popularly 
ascribed, oq no evidence whatever, to Peter de Vaux, in circ. 1280. The 
similarity of its architecture with Shortflat amply bears out the testimony of 
the licences to its having been built by Robert de Reymes. 

M Pat. Roll, 4 Ed. II. Pt. I. m. 21, i,e, Newlands near Belford. 

■• Pat. Roll, 4 Ed. U. Pt. I. m. 21. 


DuwsTANBUBGH. 21 Aug. 1315. Ed. II. at Lincoln, to Thomas Earl 

of Lancaster for ' mansam saum de Dnnstanburgb.' '^ 
EsLDTGTOir. 20 Feb. 1335. Ed. III. at Newcastle, to Robert de 

Eslington for ' mansum suum apud Esseljngton.' ^ 
FoBD. 16 July 1838. Ed. III. at Ipswich, to William, Heron for 

' mansum suum apud manerium suum de Ford.' ^ 
Blsnkinsop. 6 May 1340. Ed. III. at Westm. to Thomas de 

Blenkensop for ' mansum suum de Blenkensope.' ^ 
Etal. 3 May 1341. Ed. III. at Westm. to Robert de Maners for 

* mansum suum de Ethale.' *^ 

Ogle. 11 May. 1341. Ed. III. at Westm. to Robert de Ogle for 

* mansum suum de Oggle.'*^ 

Babmoob. 17 May. 1341. Ed. III. at Westm. to Thomas de Mus- 

champs for ' mansum suum de Bairmore.' ^ 
WiDDBiNGTON. 10 Sept, 1341. Ed. III. at Tower of London to 

Gerard Widdrington ' mansum suum de Wodryngton.' ^ 
BoTHAL. 15 May 1343. Ed. III. at Westm. to Robert Bertram 

' mansum suum de Bothale.' *^ 
Cbawlby. 20 Nov. 1348. Ed. III. at Westm. to John Heron for 

' mansum suum de Crawelawe.' ** 
Chillingham. 27 Jan. 1344. Ed. III. at Westm. to Thomas de 

Heton for * mansum suum de Chevelyngham . . . et 

castrum sen fortalicium inde facere.' *^ 

■^ Pat. RolL 9 Kd. IL m. 25. The stone for Dunetanburgh was begun to be 
quarried on 7th May, 1313, and much of the castle was built in that and the 
following year, so that the licence was a poH factum one, or at most legalised the 
finishing touches to the battlements. 

» Pat. RoU, 9 Ed. III. Ft. I.m. 36. 

» Pat. Roll, 12 Ed. III. Pt. II. m. 10. 'Teste Edwardo duce Cornubiae et 
CestrisB filio nostro carissimo custode Anglice, apud Gippewicum xvj die Jul. per 
ipsum Begem.' 

*• Pat. Roll, 14 Ed. III. R. II. m. 26. The * Gustos Angliae' had issued in 
the King's name at Kennington, 4tk February, 1340, a licence for Thomas de 
Blemansoppe to crenellate * mansum suum de Blemansoppe in marchia Scocie.' — 
Pat. Roll. 14 Ed. III. Pt. I. m 43. 

« Pat. Roll, 15 Ed. III. Pt. I. m. 16. 

** Rot. Chart. 16 Ed. III. pars unica. No. 16. 

« Pat. Roll, 16 Ed. III. Pt. II. m. 48. 

« Ibid., Pt. II. m. 9. 

« Pat. Roll, 17 Ed. III. Pt. I. m. 23. 

*• Ibid., Pt. II. m. 14. 

« Pat. Roll, 18 Ed. III. Pt. I. m. 46. 


Whitley. 9 Apr. 1346. Ed. III. at Westm. to Gilbert de Whitley 

for * rnansum suum de Whitleye.' ^ 
Haggbrston. 4 Jane 1845. Ed. III. at Westm. to Robert de 

Haggerston for ^ manBum suam de Hagerstone.' ^ 
West Swinburne. 16 Mar. 1846. Ed. III. at Westm. to Roger 

de Widdrington for *mansmn snnm de West Swyn- 

Fbnwick. 26 Nov. 1378. Ric. II. at Westm. to John de Fenwyke 

for ' mansum sive manerium suum de Fenwyke.' '* 

Of the strongholds thus licensed Shortflat, Horton, BlenMnsop, 
and Swinburne, appear to have been ' fortalioes]' or strong manor- 
houses.'^ Aydon'', though the main building bears a remarkable 
resemblance to Shortflat, became a castle of considerable extent. 
The most important features of Dunstanburgh and^Bothal were 
their great gatehouses. Ford and OhiUingham each enclosed a 
quadrangle with towers of various proportions at the comers. 
Newlands, Eslington, Barmoor,. Widdrington, Crawley, Whitley, 
Haggerston, and Fenwick appear to have been originally strong 
single towers. It is now the fashion to indiscriminately apply to 
towers of this kind the name of *pele,' which is nothing more 
than a survival of the mediaeval loLiiapUum.^ Staward Pele (pilum 
sive manerium de Staworth) was purchased by Queen Philippa of 

• ♦• Pat. Roll, 19 Ed. III. Pt. I. m. 24. The sham tower near the reaervoir at 
Kew Whitley has nothing ancient abont it. It was built for an office in the 
early part of the 19th century. (Mackenzie's Norlhvmherland^ ii. p. 459.) This, 
however, has not prevented it being honoured with traditions of undeigroond 
passages, &c. Worthless pseudo-legends of this sort are still too often regarded 
with intense interest, while the true history of an ancient building is altogether 
despised. It need hardly be said that the idea of subterranean passages and 
dungeons was entirely foreign to the builders of the castles and towers of the 
Border. They scorned even deep foundations, and planted their massive walls 
on great boulders scarcely below the surface of the ground. Veritable dungeons, 
like those of Alnwick and Warkworth, are, it is believed, altogether exceptional 
in English castles. 

♦• Ihid,, Pt. I. m. 6. 

" Pat. Eoll, 20 Ed. IIL Pt. L m. 5. 

»» Pat. Boll, 2 Bic. H. Pt. L m. 16. 

** Each of them, it will be seen, is dignified with the title of ' castnun ' in 
the text of the List of 1415, but ' f ortalicium * is written against this as a 
marginal criticism. 

•• * Fortalitium quod vocatur Haydenhall, juxta Corbrig.' — Letter of Prior 
Foesor, 1346. Ck>tton. MS. Faust. A. vi, 47. 

^ See Note (0) on the word ' Pele,' p. 57. 

NEVfCASTLE E>^*rior^|L [, f M t I i^^''*'"' tl^ 

ALN WICK O«t.«o«al Toners /^^isJO) J? ^ \ i W ' 
DUNSTANBURGH da*) Gateway^ 4- ,_alJ^- > LUkurn y^ ^ 

AYI>ON 0^s).J: FOR50«9) % >5(: CHIKHASE ^ + 
B0THALC3A*) + V A i>W I t 
PKUPHOE 3aHu,^ ^ -Y X ^^^>^ "^ A 

LANGLEY C-"^*o; ^VoUr- ArcKwa, t V 1^ ffl N/; 

B^Fu.. H + X*-' "i- ^ /V f i + A ^ 
MOMETH iX. /%S ^ X y FEN WICK 0V» ^ 
EDLINGHAK %, X CAKTINgton y ^^4-*]^ 
HEXHAM fiatcw,;, Y V ^c:^ ^ X DILST0N 4- 
WHlTTINGHAM i|;/K^ ] ^ WHITTON ^\ } 
BYWELL ")(- i BlTCHFIELl) tXl -^ «^» 

Masons' Marks oh Castles aho Towers im Northumberland. 


Hainault in 1887," and in 1899-1400 Henry IV. confirmed this 
and the pele of Wark-on-Tyne to Edmnnd Dnke of York as part 
of the franchise of Tyndale.** 

Alterations and additions were being continually made to the older 
castles. The second Henry Percy of Alnwick, entirely remodelled the 
Norman castle of the Vescis there (1318-1852).*'' The only satis- 
factory lesson that seems capable of being derived from a study of the 
numerous mason-marks still preserved on the walls of most of these 
strongholds, is that the barbican of Prudhoe was probably built by the 
same workmen who were employed on the gatehouse of Bothal. 

Hitherto there has been nothing exceptional in the number of 
castles and towers in Northumberland ; as many or more might be 
met with in the beginning of the 14th century in an equal area in 
the midland shires. But after the devastation caused by the army of 
David of Scotland before the battle of Neville's Gross" (17th 
October, 1846), there can be but little doubt that the Crown, instead 
of regarding the erection of fortified houses on the Scottish Marches 
with jealousy, did all in its power to forward it. The castle of 
Langley is first mentioned in 1865,** that of Thirlwall in 1869.«> 
Whatever opinion may be formed of the antiquity of Haughton Castle, 
its name first appears in 1878.^^ In 1885, Cornhill is related to have 

** Inq. ad Qaod Damnum, 10 Ed. II L num. 33. Qneen Philippa purchases 10 
maicates of land of John Darcy le Cosyn — Hodgson's Northd., III. ii. p. 401. In 
1373 it was found by Inq. at Newbrough that she had purchased the pele of 
Btaworth, &c. In 1386 Edmund Duke of York granted Staward Pele to the Friars 
Eremite of Hexham (Wallis's Narihd^ II. p. 32), which accounts for its not 
appearing as a fortress in the list of 1415. The pila of Whittingham and Bolton 
were taken from partizans of Gilbert de Middleton in 1317. — Cal, of Doc, rel, to 
Scotland, lU. 623. 

•• Pat. Roll 1 Hen. IV. pt. v. m. 10 ; Hodg;8on'8 Northd,, III. ii. p. 381. As to 
the 14th century towers at Morpeth — a turHolum mentioned in 1310, a twrelUu 
in 1343, and the turru dc Morpath built by William de Greystock 1342-1369, see 
J^tJ. II. ii. pp. 455,474. 

'^ * Iste Henricus excellentissime tempore suo reparavit castellum de Alne- 
wyk.* — Chron, Mon, de Alnervykej Proc. Arch. Inst., 1852, II., App. vi. 

^ The track of the Scottish army is marked in the Inq. ad Quod Damnum, 
21 Ed. III. num. 32. Thomas de Lucy petitions for relief from taxation in con- 
sequence of the wasted state of his barony of Langley. An Inq. held at Cor- 
bridgeon Monday, 19th March (St. Gregory's Day), 1347, states that the houses, 
com, and cattle of William de Greystoke and his tenants in Broomhaugh and ite 
members the Lee and the Riding, in Newbiggen, and in Styford, were all either 
burnt or carried off by the Scots on Friday, 13th October, 1346. 

■• Cal. Inq. p. m. ii. p. 270. 

« Lansd. MS. 1448, fo. 55.— Hodgson's NoHU., IL iii. p. 147 n. 

"* Originalia Ro. 18, 47 Ed. iii. * Preceptum est Alano del Strother balliyo 
libertatis Regis de Tyndale quod castrum et manerium de Halghton,' etc. — Hodg- 
son's Northumberland, III. ii. p. 334 ; II. ii. p. 542. 


been taken and demolished by the Scots.^ The castle of Sir Aymer 
de Athol at Ponteland, and that of Otterburn, play a part in the 
romantic incursion of the Douglas^^ j^ id^Q. Edlingham Castle 
had belonged to Sir John de Felton who died in 1396. The towers of 
Alnham and Newstead were held by the Earl of Northumberland's 
adherents in the reign of Henry IV.^ 

III.— Castles* AND Fortalicbs in 1415. 

A most valuable list of the names of the castles and fortalices in 
Northumberland, together with those of their owners or occupiers early 
in the 15th century has been preserved among the Harleian manu- 
scripts.^ Hodgson printed this in his History from a not altogether 
reliable copy supplied by Surtees.*^ He rightly saw that the list was 
drawn up at a time after the castles of Alnwick, Warkworth, and 
Langley had, with the tower of Alnham, been restored to the 2nd Earl 
of Northumberland, while the castle of Prudhoe and tower of Shilbottle 
were still in the hands of John Duke of Bedford, the brother of 

« Ridpath's Border Hittory, 1810, p. 366. 

^ * Lea EoossoiB . . . vinrent 4 un di&tel et une ville qui s'appelle Pontlan 
dont messire Aymon Alphel est sire . . . et s'en vinrent jasqnes en la ville et le 
ch&tel d' Octebourg, 4 huit lieaes Angloises da Neaf-cb&tel.' — Froissart, Chron- 
iquegf liv. 111., chap. cxvi. (Bachon, Coll. des Chron. Nation. Fran9., ^^^-t P* 

•* Inq. p. m. 19 Ric. ii. num. 26, held at Felton on Thursday next after Holy 
Cross Day (3rd May), 1396 : — 'Praedictus Johannes (de Felton) obiit seisitus in 
dominico suo ut de feodo de manerio de Bdlyngham cum pertinentiis, et est 
ibidem quoddam castmm quod nichil valet per annum/ ^ Alnham and Newsted 
deliuered were anone.' — Hardyng*s Chron. chap, ccv., BUis's ed., p. 364. 

•* Harl. MS. 309, f o. 202 b.-203 b. There is a similar list, probably a copy, in 
Cotton. MS. Jul. F. x , fo. 165-6. 

* Hodgson's Northumberland, III. i. p. 26 :— • A List of the Names of all the 
Castles and Towers in the County of Northumberland, with the Names of their 
Proprietors, made about the year 1460. From a MS. in the possession of Robert 
Surtees of Mainsforth, Esq., F.S.A.* The persons whose names, in the uQmi- 
native, genitive, or dative case, follow those of the castles, etc., appear to 
have had the custody of them whether they were the actual 'proprietors' 
or not. 1460 (fourteen hundred and sixty) is an evident misprint for 1416 
(fourteen hundred and sixt^^n), the date assigned to this list by Hodgson in 
the 2nd Pai-t of his Hutory (e.g.. Vol. 1. p. 355 ; II. p. 264 ; III. p. 367). 
This, nevertheless, has not prevented seveml writers of local repute— who are 
content to accept history at second-hand without testing its sources Tor them- 
selves — ^from adhering to the date of 1460, even after the error has-been carefully 
pointed out to them. Error naturally begets error ; and 1416 having by one 
misprint been changed into 1460. 1460 by another has. with equal ease, been 
made into 1468 — c.^., Murray's Handbook for Durham and Northumberland, p. 
167, and Canon Rainess Opening Address to the Section of Architecture at the 
Newcastle Meeting (1884) of the Royal Archaeological Institute {Arrhaologieal 
Journal, vol. xlii., p. 3.) 


Henry V.;^' and ascribed it to the year 1J:16. This, however, 
was to overlook the fact that in this list the castles of Heaton and 
Wark-on-Tweed, and the towers of Wark-on-Tyne, and Nesbit-in- 
Olendale, are still entered as the possessions of Sir Thomas Grey of 
Heaton, who was arrested at Sonthampton, at Lammas, and executed 
on the 8th of August, 1415, for conspiring with the Earl of Cam- 
bridge against Henry V., when all his property was confiscated.^ 
Henry Percy, the son of Hotspur, was not actually restored to the 
earldom of Northumberland till 18th March, 1416,^^ but his restoration 
had been long previously determined on by Henry V., who on 27th July, 
1415, had granted the Duke of Bedford an annuity of 3,000 marks in 
compensation for the lands to be restored to Henry FevcjJ^ To refer 
this list to precisely the few days intervening between the 27th of 
July and the Ist of August, 1415, might be going too far ; but it was 
evidently composed in the first seven months of that year for the 
purpose of informing Henry V., in whose hands he would leave the 
places of strength on the Scottish Border previous to his embarking 
on the expedition that led to the victory of Agincourt. 

Nomina Castrorum et Fortaliciorum Infra Comitatum 
Castrum de Novo-Castro sup Dili Begis 

Castrum de Tynmoth Priori de Tynmoth 

Castrum de Ogill Robti Ogill Chr ^i 

Castrum de Morpeth Baronis de Graystock 

^ The Duke of Bedford continued in possession of Pnidhoe till the time of 
his death, 14th Sept., 1435 ; it then passed to Henry VI. as his heir. — Inq. p. m. 
14 Hen. YI. num. 36, m. 26. The 2nd Earl of Northumberland appears to have 
recovered Prudhoe by legal proceedings not long af terwai-ds. Stockdale's Survey 
(1596) says that this 'at large may appeare amongst the Flees in the King's 
Bench, in the xv° yeare of King Henry the vj° and the ix° Roll.' The entry, 
cannot be found ; Prudhoe was still the King's at Mich. 16. H. vi. — Q.R.M.A.4* in 

•* For interesting documents connected with the conspiracy of the Earl of 
Cambridge and Sir Thomas Grey, see Deputy-Keeper's i^rd Report ^ App. I. p. fjjBl. 

*• Letter of Henry, Earl of Northumberland, to the Prior of Durham, dated 
Ix>ndon, ^Srd March (1416)— Grig. loc. 26, 146 in the Treasury, Durham. The 
Karl had done homage to the King in parliament on 18th March, when he was 
* lestitut a monn nome.' 

'^ Pat. RoU. 3. Hen. V. p. II. m. 27. 

'* In order to demonstrate the qyvot of ascribing this List to the years 1460 
or 1468, it ia best to append a few notes on the chronology of some of the 
individuals mentioned. Sir Robert Ogle, Slieriflf of Northumberland, 1417, 
died 1437. 


Castrum de Mitford Henrici Percy de Athell ^* 

CaatrumdeWarkworth ) Com' Worthnmbri* 
Oastrnin de Alnewicke ) 
fortalicium Castrum de Horton iuxte mare har W. Wycheater ^' 

Castrum de Eshete Dni Johis heronn chlr 

Castnim de Danstaaburgh Diii Ducis LancastrisB 

Castrnm de Hamburgh Dni Regis 

Castrum vilte Berwicke Diii Regis 

Castrum de Twysill Johis Heroun Chk 

Castrum de Heton Thome Gray de eadem 

Castrum de Norham Epi Dunelm 

Castrum de Werke Sup Thome Grey Chb 


Castrum de flfurde Willms heroun Chlr ^* 

Castrum de Ethalle Robti Maneres ^* 

Castrum de Chauelingham Hror Alaui^eton Chlr ^^ 

Castmm de Edlingham Edmundi Hastyngs Chlr ^^ 

Castrum de Kaloule vet' i Johes Clauerin Chlr ^* 

Castrum de Harbotle Rofoto Umfrevill Chlr ^* 

"^ Henry Percy, son of Sir Thomas Percy, the younger brother of Hotspur, 
and his wife Elizabeth, daughter of David de Strathbolgi Earl of Athol, was 
governor of Alnwick Castle in 1405, and died 25th Oct., 1438. — Hodgson's 
Northumberland^ II. ii. p. 43. 

'• William de Whitchcster, who succeeded to two-thirds of the Delaval 
property on the death of his mother, Alice, sister of 8ir Henry Delaval, in 1402, 
nad died in HIO. The manor of Horton appears at this time to have belonged 
to Bertram Monbouchcr. — Ihid, II. ii. p. 264. 

^* Sir William Heron, of Ford, set. 12, 1402, slain before Ford Castle by Sir 
John Manners of Etal, in 1431. — Raine's North Ihirhain, p. 306. 

'* This appears to have been Robert Mannei'S, styled of Berrington, brother 
of Sir John Manners of Etal, who died in 1438. Sir John was sheriff irk 1413 ; 
the name of Robert de Maners, sen., occurs in 1428. — Raine's North Durham, 
p. 211. 

^* Sir Alan de Heton had held the manor and castle of Chillingham in 1368 
as a knight's fee of the barony of Alnwick. — Inq. p.m. Hen. Percy le Piere, 42. 
£d. iii. num. 48. (Tate's Alnwick, i. p. 139.) — He appears to have died in 1388, 
leaving only three daughters. 

"" Sir Edmund Hastings of Roxby, co. York, married Elizabeth, daughter of 
Sir John de Felton of Kdlingham, and heir of her half-brother, John, who died 
under age in 1403. He was a knight of the shire for Northumberland, 9 Hen. 
IV.— 8 Hen. V., apparent Iv sheriff of the county in 2 and 6 Hen. V., and died 
in 1448. 

'^ * Kaloule vet.' /.r., Old Callaley, probably refers to the Castle Hill, and not 
the Tower of Callaley. Sir John Clavering of Callaley, died 4 Hen. VI. 

" Harbottle belonged to Sir Gilbert Umfreville, but as he entered into 
indentures on 29th April, 1416, to accompany Henry V. to France (Hodgson's 
Northumberland, II. i. p. 57), while his uncle, the famous Sir Robert, routed the 









Widdletoiir ^ 

. N..h;4 \ •Bll*ORD ^N \ 

^ BtfdBrston. / • Hoppen V! s 

RewstMd /'/ ( 



Cra»ter , 

^^awley Howick.f|h 

I B.dWon. >U> t^lljUY . Lemmmtton W (^ 








cquet Island 


Elsdon , 

r Trough* 






- >^ f^- 


North MiddlBton WOKEgJ^i^-..-..^ _ J5^/ 




.^w.iipchase /* 

S .-> — --"^ \MuoRton ^^^^^ 

SEWINSHIELDS r ^^/^""^"^^^nfel^^ 


Seaton Oelaval 
^ S9ghill • 

mleland . ,^\\ 

fham ^^J^paUfade ' *^.'^n\ 


lufront •AYDON , 




Seal* or Milas. 



Castrum de Ayden 

Oastnrum de Langle 
Castram de Thirwall 

fortalidam Castnim de Blekensope 
Castrum de Pradhowe 
Castimm de Hortoii in Glendall 

fortalicium Castrum de Swinburne j 

Gagtrum de Haughton in > 
Tindale ) 

Oastrum de Sewyngsheles 
Castrum de Bokesborough 
Castrum de Bothall 

Thclylbarne Castrum de Belfurth 

foitalieium Castrum de Dichant 
Casixum de Shawden 

fortaliciam Castrum de Eippitheton 
Numerm 37 

Bobti Bamsej et Dom Badi 

Grey ^ 
Comitis NorthumbriaB 
Bolandi de Thirlwall " 
Johis de Blekensope ^^ 
Dni Johi ducis Bedford 
Thomas Grey Chlr ^^ 

Jotlis Widrington Chlr ^ 

Bobti Ogile Cblr « 

Dili Eegis ^^ 

Johi Berterham Cblr ^^ 

Dom de Darce ^ 

Eici Lylburii 

Thome Lylburii ^* 

Williini Swinbum Chlr ^ 

SootB at Gertering on the 22nd of July in that year (Ibid. p. 62), it may 
reasonably be supposed that Harbottle was confided to the latter's keeping 
during Sir Gilbert^s absence abroad, which seems to have lasted till his death in 
1421. Sir Robert then succeeded and died in 1 436. 

*" Robert Reymes was witness to a deed in 9 Henry V., and a legatee of John 
Fenwick in 1416 (Landsdowne MS. 326 fo. 123 in Hodgson's Aorthvmberland 
II.i. p. 368). He died in 1461. 

•* Koland Thirlwall appears among the principal gentry of Northumberland, 
whose allegiance was taken by (Commissioners in 1433. — Fuller's Worthiai, p. 310. 

^ Johi^ Blenkinsop, living in 1382, appiears to have been dead before 1433 
(Hodgson's Northumberland^ 11. iii. p. 130n.), when Thomas Blenkinsop occurs 
in the List of Gentry. 

■■ Sir Thomas Grey of Horton, is not to be confused with Su: Thomas Grey 
of Heaton. * 

** Sir John Widdrington died in 1443 at the advanced age of about 100 
years. — Hodgson's Nor thvmber land II. ii. p. 234. 

■• Six Robert Ogle conveyed his manor of * Suyngchelys ' to William Thimilby, 
clerk (probably in trust) in 1407. — Hodgson's Northumberland, III. ii. p. 386. 

•• In 1403 Henry IV. had declared the whole of Scotland south of the Tweed 
to be conquered and annexed to England. Roxburgh was taken by the Scots in 
1460 when James II. was killed by the bursting of a cannon during the siege. 

•* Sir John Bertram, Sheriff of Northumberland in 1415 &c., died 1448-9. 
—/Jut. II. ii. p. 126. 

•• * Elizabethe quse f uit uxor Phillippi Domini de Darcy et Johannes Darcy 
filius. — Belford medietas manerii, &c.' Inq. p.m. 13 Hen. lY. num. 36. 

•• * Thomas Lillebome — Belf orde maner. et vill. dimid. extent, west Lilbome 
maner. extent, &c.' Inq. p.m. 17 Hen. vL num. 26. 

•• Sir William Swinburne of Capheaton dro. 1409-1443.— Hodgson's Northd, 
n. i. p. 232. 



Nomina fortaliciobum infra Comitatum Northumbri^b 

Turns de Whitle iuxta Tin- 

Turris de Sighale 
Turris de Seton de la uale 
Turris de Eirklawe 
ffortalicium de Hamhamhall 
ffortalicium de Sbortflate 
Turris de Meldon 
Turris de Walington 
Turns de Northmidileton 
Turris de Whitton Iuxta 

Turris de West herle 
Turris de Babington 
Turris de Strauton 
Turris de Howicke 
Turris de Preston 
Turris de Hopyii 

Prioris de Tynmouth 

Willimi de la vaile ^^ 
Willimi Wychester Chlr « 
Willimi Eure Chlr »3 
Bobto Swinburne •* 
Bobti Ramese 
Nicfci Heron •' 
Wiiii Strothir ^ 
Robti Ogille Clllr 
Rogeri Thornton *^ 

Johns Herle ^ 
Bobti Langwath 
Jobns Corbett »» 
Emerici Heringe ^^ 
Roberti Herbotille w' 
Bobti Hoppyn ^^ 

*' William Delaval of Seghill married Margaret daughter of Sir John Wid- 
drington {Northumberland ViHtation^ 1676). The manor of Seghill forfeited by 
Walter de Selby for his participation in the rebellion of Gilbert de Middleton 
was granted to Bertram Monboucher for life in 1318 (Hodgs. NortJid, 11. ii, 

fi. 264). In 1363 the possession of it was confirmed to William Delaval {Ibid, 
II. ii. p. 373) the grandfather probably of the owner of the tower in 1416. For 
a good general account of * The Delavals from the time of the Norman Conquest' 
by the Rev. E. H. Adamson, see Areh, Acl, N.S. XII. p. 216. 

•* Sir William de Whitchester of Seaton Delaval, whose widow Elizabeth 
married Roger Widdrington (Ibid. p. 218) and died 32 Hen. VI. 

•• Sir WilliMtt Eure of Kirkley (whose son Sir Ralph died during his father's 
lifetime 10 HeiT V.), probably at Agincourt (Nicolas's Agincourt^ p. 32). 

•* The word 'Turris' has been erased, and 'ffortalicium' substituted. The 
list copied by Hodgson has ' Graye ' in the margin. 

»* Nicholas Heron of Meldon bom circ, 1386 (Hodgs. Northd. II. ii. p. €8), in 
the List of Gentry, 1443. 

^ Ibid, II. i. p. 266. 

"'Roger Thornton completed the purchase of Whitton in 1411, built the 
* castle' there (Newminster Martyrology), and died in 1480 {Ibid, it i. p. 316- 
817, ii. p. 415). f 

w Ibid. n. i. p. 199n-201n. 

»• John Corbet of Stanton bom eirc. 1341, living in 1401.— /iW. II. ii. p. 112. 

>«► Emeric Hering, M.P. for Newcastle 1421-1422.— Welford's Newcastle and 
Gateshead in Uth and Ihth Cent. pp. 266, 270. 

"» Robert Harbottle of Preston 1400, constable of DunsUnburgh Castle, 14)7 
(Dodsworth MS. 32, Bodl. Lib.); sheriff of Northumberland, 1408. 

*^ Robert Hoppyn witness to a Preston deed 1414 (Dodsworth MS. 32). 



Turns de Ederaton 

Turris Thomae Bi-adforth in 

Turris Thomae de Elwyke in 

Turris de Lowiekc 
Turris de Barmor 
Turris de Hoi burn 
Turris de Haggarston 
Turris de Berrington 
Turris de Skreraerston 
Turris de Oomhill 
Turris de Turis de»®* Langton 

in Glendall 
H J^iSU i Turris de Hethepulle ^^ 
Turris de Ildirion 
Turris de Erawlawe 
TuitIs de Whittingham 
Turris de Newton Juxta Ed- 

Turris de Eslington 
Turris de Alneham 
Turris de Terwhit inferioris 
Turris Kartyngton 
Turris de Thropton 

Thoraae f forester 

Dom de Darcy 
Johns Preston ^^^ 


ThomsB Hagerston 
Bobti Manores 
Johis Swinhowe 
Willimi Swinhowe *®* 
Henrici Strother 

Bobti Manores 
Thomas de Ildirton >»' 
Johis Heron Chlr 
WiUimi de Heron 
Johis Barker 

Thomae de Hessibige 
Com i tis Northu mberland 
Hngonis Galoii^ 
Johis Cartyngton »^ 
Witli Grenc 

«* John Preston armiger 1416 (Dodsworth MS. 32). 

*^ John Swinhoe of Scremeiston and Rock, son and heir of Robert Bwinhoe 
setat. 21, 1407, died 1463.— Raine's North Durham, p. 237. 

William Swinhoe, supposed to be a younger son of Swinhoe of Scremerston, 
acquired Comhill by marrying Mary, the only daughter and heir of Robert Gray. 
He was one of those commissioned to supply provisions to the garrison at Ber- 
wick in 1417.— Rot. Scot. II. 222a (Raine's North Durham, p. 184). 

'•• Sie in Harl. MS. 309. 

*"■ The name of ' Thomas Haisandes' has somewhat unaccountably been 
made into * Thotton Sandes ' in Hodgson's version of this List (^Northd. III. i. 
p. 28n). Hay sand (now corrupted into Hazon) was a manor of Alnwick barony, 
between Shilbottle and Guyzance. It gave its name to a family, one of whom, 
* dominus Hugo de Heysande,' witnesses the grant of Snarridclf to Simon de 
Montfort Clbid. III. ii. p. 26). 

»•" Thomas Ilderton, a knight of the shire for Northumberland, 1423-1424. 
The name also appears in the List of Gentry in 1443. 

'••John Cartington, a knight of the shire for Northumberland 1443, d. 1469. 
A * lance' of this name was at Agincourt. — ^Nicolas's Agincourty p. 33. 



Turns de Whitton iuxta 

Turris de Heppell 
ifortalicuim de flBotwayton 
Turns ie Thernham 
Turris de Otiburne 
Turris de Trowhen 
Turris de Chipchesse 
Turris de Werke in Tyndall 
Turris de Simondburn 
Turris de Hawtwisill 
Turris de Denton iuxta 

HawtwisiU i" 
Turris de Hexham 
Turris de Bewfronte 
Turris de Halton 
Turris de Corbrigge 
Turris de flFenwicke 
Turris de Stanwardham 
Turris de Belsowe 

Rectoris eiusdem 

I Robti Ogill Chlr 

Robti Horsley ^^ 
Robti Umfravill Chlr 
Wittus Butecom "» 
Alexandri Heronn 
Thomae Grey Cbr 
Wittmi Heronn Cbr 


Archiepo Ebor: 

Dni Jobes WidringtonCblr "^ 

Wittmi Camaby "» 

vicar eiusdem 

Henrici ffenwicke ^^* 

vicar eiusdem 

Jobis Midilton Chlr "» 

Turris deNesbetteinGlendalle ThomsB Grey Cbbr 
Turris de Newsted Robti de Ogill Chlr 

• *•«•• 116 

*^ Bobert Horsley, of Thernham, bom circ, 1381, succeeded his father 1393, 
witness to a Capheaton deed 1415 (Hodgson's Northd, II. i. p. 216, 7c). Thern- 
ham, on the north bank of the Coquet opposite Holystone, has been wretchedly 
corrupted into Femham and Fairnham. 

"• William Buticom, witness to a deed in 1409, and a juror respecting Elsdon 
Church in 1429 (Hodgson's JVbrthd. II. i. p. 136). In Hodgson's List the name 
(originally Butigcumbe) is misprinted Buteooin. 

"* 'Denton in Gyldesland^ formed part of the Deanery of Corbridge at the 
time of the *Nonarum Inquisitiones,' 1340 (Hodgson's Northd. III. iii. prel 
zxzviL). It does not appear when it was lost to the County of Northumberland. 

*" Hodgson's version (III. i. p. 29) has * Turris de Beufront — Johis Heryngton,' 
and an unappropriated note at the bottom of the page * Margin '* Joh'is Wed- 
nngton chlr."' In the Cotton. MS, * Johis Herington' is written before Wid- 
drington's name, on the same line. 

"• William Camaby, of Halton, who died 1463. 

"* Henr. Fenwike.— Prob. setat Inq. p. m. 6 Hen. VI. num. 74. 

"* Sir John de Middleton, knight of the shire for Northumberland, 1417, 
sheriff 1423. 

"• In the Harl. MS. *numeru8 73' has been written here and erased. 
Hodgson's version of the List has ' Numerus 57 ' and before the names of the 
succeeding towers places the heading < Quae sequuntur, aliquant' postaea scripts 



TurriB de Buckton 
. Turris de Schilbofcyll 

Tnrris de Chatton 

Tarrifi in eadem 

TurriB Lematon 

Tnrris de Bidilstan 

Tnrris de Ellysden 
Gastram Tnrris de Wodiyngton 

Tnrris de Whitf eld 

Tnrris de Bambnrgh 

Tnrris de Middilton inxta mare 

Tnrris de Newland inxta 

Tnrris de Wittslad inxt mare 

Tnrris de Ponteland 

Tnrris de Cokebeland 

Tnrris de Newton in Glendall 

Tnrris de Lilbnme 

Tnrris de Kylay 

Tnrris de ffenton 

Turris de Emildon 

Tnrris de Craister 
Numerus 78 
Over and above the strongholds that have previously been 
enumerated, it will be found that included in this List of 1415 are 
the seven castles of Belford, Callaley, Heaton, Horton-in-61endale, 

»" At the death of the Duke of Bedford in 1436. Shilbottle was inherited by 
his nephew, Henry VI., aod appears to have remained Crown property for a con- 
siderable period. William Riddall, bailiff of Alnwick barony, is allowed llM. 
in his accounts for 1450-1 for the castle-ward due from Shilbottle, for which ne 
could not distrain there without the Kin^*s licence, &c. (' Bxoneretur pro warda 
castri debita per villatam de Shilbotell pro quibus non potuit distringere ibidem 
sine licencia Dom. Regis, eo quod dicta villa est in manu Dom. Regis, ex quo 
mortem ducis Bedf ord\ pro hoc anno ut in anno precedentibus xjd ob/^ — Vellum 
Roll, C. viii. 1 e., at Syon. The same allowance of ll^d. is made in the accounts 
for 1470-1 (C. viii. 1 f.), and for 1481-2 (C. viii. 1 i.). 

"• The heraldic panel in the battlement of the south side of Klsdon Tower, 
which is engraved in Hodgson's Northd,^ II. i., p. 90, would appear to have been 
inserted in the time of Sir Robert Umfreville, when Lord of Redesdale, 1421-36. 

"• The Master of the Hospital of St. Mary Magdalene at Bam burgh, for some 
account of which see Dugdalc*s Moiuuticon (ed. Caley) vi. p. 771. 

*^ It is probable that the tower-vicarage of Ponteland was not the same as 
Sir Aymer de Athol's castle there. 

Witli Atkynson 
Ducis Bedford "^ 
vicarij eiusdem 
Bobti flforstere 
Witlmi Bednell 
Johis Selby 
Rectoris eiusdem "* 
Johes Wodrington Ctilr 
Mathei Whitfeld 
Magri eiusdem ^^* 
Wiitmi Masschamp 

vicar eiusdem ^^ 
Prioris de Tinemonth 
Thomfie Strother 
Jotlis Carr 
David Gray 
Eadi Gray Clilr 
vicar eiusdem 
Edmundi Orasestir 


Twizel, Sewingehields, and Shawden ; the three fortalices of £lap- 
heaton, Dichant, and Hamham Hall ; and the sixty towers of 
Bamburgh (Hospital), Bavington, Beaufront, Belsay, Berrington, 
Biddlestone, Buckton, Cartington, Chatton (vicarage), Chatton 
(Robert Forster's), Chipchase, Coquet Island, Corbridge (vicarage), 
Craster, Elsdon (rectory), Etherston, Elwick (Thomas Bradford's), 
Elwick (Thomas Elwick's), Embleton (vicarage), Fenton, Flotterton, 
Halton, Halt whistle, Hepple, WestHerle, Hethpool,Holbum,Hoppen, 
Howick, Ilderton, Kirkley, Kyloe, Lanton-in-Glendale, Lemington, 
Lilbum, Lowick, Meldon, Middleton-next-the-8ea, North Middleton, 
Nesbit-in-Glendale, Netherwhitton, Newton-near-Edlingham, Newton- 
in-Glendale, Preston, Scremerston, Seaton Delaval, Seghil], Shilbottle, 
Simonbnm, Stamfordham (vicarage), Stanton, Themham, Thropton, 
Tronghend, Nether Tr ^whi t, Wallington, Weteslade, Whittingham, 
Whitton (rectory), and Whitfield. 


The List of Castles and Towers drawn up in 1415 is un- 
fortunately the only one now known to exist that relates to the 
whole county of Northumberland. But though hardly so prolific in 
towers as the close of the 14th century, the 15th added very consider- 
ably to the number with which the Border literally bristled. A most 
remarkable picture of the desolate and barbarous condition of the North 
of England has been left by ^neas Sylvius Piccolomini, afterwards 
Pope Pius II., who passed through it disguised as a merchant in 1486, 
on his return from a mission to Scotland. The entire male popula- 
tion of the town in which he spent the night after crossing the Border 
made off, he tells us, at the end of his protracted supper, for a tower at 
som6 distance for fear of the Scots, who were accustomed to take advan- 
tage of the tide being out to make a nocturnal raid across the river."^ 

"* ' Sacerdos, et faospes cum liberis virisque omnibus Aenea dimisso abire 
festinantes, dizerunt He ad turrim quandam longo spatio remotam metu Scotorum 
fngere, qui fluvio maiid refluxu descrescente noctu transire, pnedariqne soleant.* 
— Com/mentarii Pii Papse II., Rome, 1584, lib. I. fo. 7. This episode in the ad- 
ventures of ^neas Sylvius has been related by Sir Walter Scott in his Etsoff tm 
Border Antiquittes, and most excellently by Dean Milman {BUt. of Latin CkrittU 
anity, Srd ed., VIII.. p. 419) ; but the whole account is so curious, especially the 
statement that the men only took refuge in the tower, while the women were 
considered safe from the Scots, that the original Latin text and a translation, 
with some critical remarks, will be found in Note (D), p. 61. 


In 1434 Henry VI. had granted the 2nd Earl of Northumberland and 
the burgesses of Alnwick a license to enclose that town with embattled 
and machiolated walls. The Bond Gate Tower there was consequently 
began by the Earl in about 1443."^ It was not, however, finished till 
1450,^ In the latter year, too, the Earl built a tower at the end of 
the chapel of South Charlton for the safety of the village in the time 
of war.^ The great gate-house known as Bywell Castle is first 
mentioned in connection with the miraculous escape of Henry YI. 
from the battle-field of Hexham.^^ John Birtley, Abbot of New- 
minster, built (probably in about 1467), a tower at Rothley,!^* and 
before the Dissolution, towers appear to have been erected at the granges 
belonging to that Abbey at West Ritton and Nunnykirk.*^ To judge 
from the heraldic panels in their walls, the splendid tower of Cockle 

*** Pat. RoU, 12 Hen. VI. m. 6.— De includendo murando et battellando villain 
de Alnewyke.—Translated in Tate*8 Alnwiekj L p. 287. 

'Factora 1 hostie duplicis (v#. {jd.) pro nova turri in Bond gate.'>-Com- 
potns of Thos. Archer, Reeve (* praepositus ') of Alnwick Castle, Mich. 21 Hen. 
vl. — Mich. 22 Hen. VI. Syon Muniments. C. viii. 1. a. These particular 
acconnts are unfortunately mutilated, more having been lost than remains. Mr. 
Tate has made most erroneous and uncalled for attacks on the share taken by 
the Barl of Northumberland in building the walls and gates.— i?i«t. of Alnwick, 
I. pp. 237, 241. 

»*• * Custus turris et Porte de Bondgate infra villam.*— Comp. of Will, Ck)kke 

5rapo8itu8 of Alnwick Castle, Mich. 28 Hen. VI. — Mich. 29 fien. VI. at Syon. 
he total sum of 111. Ms. 2d, was laid out 'super tunim porte de Bondgate in 
Alnewyk/ and in this was included a payment of 80s. to Matthew * Mason de 
Abathia' for carving the stone lion over the gateway. In architectural history 
absolute facts like this are worth volumes of conjectures. 

*** * South Charleton. Ad edificacionem unius nove tun-is defensibilis ad 
finem capelle ibidem pro salva custodia dicte ville tempore guerre. lxvj#. viijrf.' 
— Ihid. In the same roll the accounts for repairs show that the 8cots had 
recently (probably in 1448 when they burnt the town of Alnwick) burnt the 
mill of South Charlton, the homesteads of 28 of the Earl's tenants in Houghton, 
of 28 in Lesbury, of 12 in Tughall, of IH in Swinhoe, of 23 in Chatton, and the 
houses held by James Huntley and John Wilson in Wooler and Heworth (Ewart). 
Both tower and chapel at South Charlton have disappeared. The pi-esent church 
there is quite modern. The strong church towers of Ancrof t. Long Houghton, 
and Ingram also served the purpose of refuges in time of war. 

i*> * Deliberata sunt in breve domino de Mowntagu castra de Langeley the 
Tawne {tic), lurris de Exham ; castrum etiam de Bywell. In quo qnidam castro 
inventom est le helmet regis Henrici cum coron^ ct gladio ct faleris dicti 
Henrici. £t quo modo aut quo ii.»sc evasit, novit deus, in cujus mauCi corda sunt 
B^:um.'— lo^A CenU Chron. in Camden Soc. Publ. 1880, p. 179. 

** ' Perambulacio bundarum communae pasturse de Rothlee, capta per dom- 
inum Johannem Birtlee, abbatem Kovi Monasterii, qui sedificavit turrim de 
Rothlee in diebus suis.' — iXefcmingter CfiaHulary (Surt. Soc. Publ. 66), p. 262. 

*" In 1647 Kichard Tyrell, Esq., assigned to Sir Thomas Gray, among other 
lands late possessions of Newminster Abbey, all * the Graunge of Westryghton 
and a ToWre there,* also * all that Graunge called Nonnykirke together with a 
Towre there:— Ibid, p. 811. 


Park was not built before 1461,*^ nor that on the Heiferlaw, near 
Alnwick, before 1470.^^ An old inscription in Halne Priory informs 
ns, in a most fortunate and unique manner, that the well-preserved 
tower there was built by the 4th Earl of Northumberland in 1488.^** 
According to Leland,^'^ the tower on Fame Island was built by 
Thomas Castell, Prior of Durham (1494-1519). A tower at Chop- 
pington, in Bedlingtonshire, 'was buylded by Gawen Ogle' about 
1508. The Fenwicks owned a tower at Ryal, near Stamfordham, in 

At Dunstan Hall (Proctor Steads near Craster), Newbum Hall, 
Welton (in Ovingham parish), Cocklaw (near ChoDerford), Bitch- 
field (near Belsay), Cresswell, Long Horsley, Blanchland, DiLston, 
Causey Park, Burradon (near Seghill), and Bock, are towers of much 
architectural interest that must, in a general way, be attributed to 
the 15th century, in default of documentary evidence relating to their 
early history. To some period in the same century belongs the 
marvellous donjon of Warkworth. James IV. of Scotland, when he 
ravaged Northumberland in 1496 in support of the pretensions of 
Perkin Warbeck, destroyed, as will be seen from the subsequent 
surveys, the towers of Tilmonth, Howtell, Branxton, Shoreswood, 
Twizel, and Dnddo, all mentioned for the first time, as also the 
castle of Heaton and the tower of Lanton. 

Seven fresh holds — Fowberry, Hezelrigg, Hebburn (in Chillingham 
Park), Bewick, Wooler (on a mound once occupied by a Norman 
castle), Ingram, and Screenwood — make their appearance in the follow- 
ing return, in the beginning of the reign of Henry VIII. (1509)^** : — 

^^ Hodgs. Northd, II. ii. p. 140. The arms of Ogle quartering Bebtbam 
were there supported by two antelopes collared and chained. (Grose's Anti- 
qnitiat, IV., p. 81.) Though the use of supporters was not absolutelj restricted 
to peers, yet it seems probable that Sir Robert Ogle did not assume them till he 
was created a baron in 1461. 

** There seems to be no evidence of the Percy badge, a crescent enclosing a 
locket, earlier than the time of the 4th Earl of Northumberland (1470-1489). — 
Longstaffe's Percy Heraldry in Arch, Ael. N.S. IV. p. 197. 

>» Proc. Arch. Inst. Newcastle 1852 ii. p. 270. 

»" Leland, Itinerary, V., fo. 106 (Hearne's ed. 1769. Vol. V.. p. 115). 

»" Raine's North Dwrha/ni p. 371. Hodgs. Northd, II, ii. p. 267. n. 7. 

"» Chapter House Book. B ^ Northumberland, fo. 1 16 (Publ. Rec. Office). A 
summary of this List has been printed in Hodgson Hinde's Hitt, of Northd. p. 339. 
The date is substantiated by the fact that Thomas Grey, the minor for whom the 
Bishop of Durham is stated in it to hold the castles of Chillingham and Heton« 
succeeded his father, Sir Ralph Grey, in 1607, and died 2nd Aug., 1509. (Raine's 
NoHh Durham, pp. 326-327.) 



Owners inabjtaanttes, 
or oiBcen. 

Syr JamyB Strangwys 
Hany Denton &. Bobeid 
Awarke own' k inab't 

George Moetians 
own' & inab't 

Thomas Foister 
own* k inaVt 

My Loide Conyera 
and Thomas Armorer 

Thomas Holbom 
own* k inaVt 

My Jjorde of Dorram 
for mast'. Gray & inab't 

Baffe Gandelyng "* 
My Lorde Boss &. inab't 
John Colyngwod 

Christoffer Clapam 

Syr Bog'. Graye 
own' & inab't 

Syr Bog'. Graye 

rewler k a Wedow inaVt 

My Lorde of Northnmber- 


k Thomas Bevelay inab't 

Thomas Hagerston own' 
A wedow inab't 

My Lorde of Dorram 
for m'. Graye k Edward 
Graye inab't 

Thomas Hebbom 
own' & inab't 

The Prior of Tynmouth 
inab't Gylbeid Golyngwood 

Holdis and Towneshyppes too lay in 
Gamysons of horsmen And how fer 
they bee from Tevedale k the Mars*** 
k who be the owners k the inaby- 
taunttes in the bowses. 


Lowyke iiij". and from 
Twede vj myle & from tevedale 
viij myle. 

Banner xzx & from Twede 
vj myle & from tevedale vij m. 

Bderston Ix k from tevedale 
X myle and from the mars zij m. 

Belf ord Ix k from tevedale 
iz myle & from the mars z m. 

Holbom XX & from tevedale vij myle 
k from the mars viij m. 

Heton zx k from the mars 
ij myle & from tevedale iiij m. 

Etall & from the mars k 
from tevedale iij m. 

Fenton xl & from tevedale 
V myle k from the mars vj m. 

Horton Ix & from tevedale 

vij myle & from the mars viij m. 

Fulbery xx & from tevedale 
vij myle & from the mars viij m. 

Chatton iiij** & from 
Tevedale viij myle & from the 
mars ix m. 

Heselryg xx & from tevedale 
viij myle & from the mars viij m. 

Ohelynggam c & from tevedale 
viij myle k from the mars x m. 

Hebbom xx & from tevedale 
viij myle k from the mars x m 

Bewyk xl & from tevedale 

viij myle k from the mars xj m. 

'•• The Merse is a level district of great fertility, extending for nearly twenty 
miles along the north bank of the Tweed, and about ten miles in breadth. 

'* 5mj in orig. MS.; bat it is evidently meant that ' Baffe Candelyng ' was the 
inhabitant of Heton. Hodgson Hinde has erroneously made his name into 
* Chamberleyne.' 



Jeffere Ptkt' & rewler 
Lyell Grave 

Chrifltoffer Clapam 
inab't Ector GM^e"" 

Wylliam Heron 
inab*t William Selbye 

Lorde Ogell 
inab^t nihil 

Lylbom & lylbom*** xl & from 
tevedale vj myle & from the 
mars ixm. 

WoUer XX ic from tevedale 
V myle & from the mars vij m 

Fowrde xl . and from tevedale 
or the mars iiij m. 

Inggerram xl & from tevedale 
iij myle ii from the mars xv m. 

Norram from the mars the brede of twede & from 
tevedale v m. 

Berwyk from tevedale x m. 

Heselryg own' 
Roberd Colyngwood 
inab't • 

Wylliam Heron own' 
inab't nihil 

My Lorde of Northumber- 
inab't nihil 

Thomas Horsley 
own' & inab't 

John Selbye 
own' & inab't 

Syr George Tayleboys 
Rewler & pov'ner 
My Lorde Dakers 

Rog' Horsleye own' 
inab't nihil 

My Lorde Oggel 
inab't nihil 

Eslyngton xx men & from 
tevedale ix myle & from the mars 
XV m. 

Wittynggam xl & from tevedale 
X myle & from the mars xv m. 

Blnam*^ xl & from tevedale 
myle k from the mars xvj m. 

) ^ 

Skrynwood xx k. from 

tevedale vj myle k from the mars 

xvj m. 

Bedylsden xx & from 
Tevedale iiij myle k from 
the mars xvij m. 

Herbotelle Ixxx k from 
tevedale v myle k from the 
mars xix m. 

Themam xx k from 
Tevedale vj myle & from 
the mars xix m 

Heppelle xx k from Tevedale 
vj myle & from the mars xviij m. 

Syr Bdwarde Ratcleff 
inab't nihil 

}Thropton xx & from tevedale 
X myle & from the mars 
xvj m. 

Sum of the nomber of thys men m^^cclxx men 
Over and above Noram and Berwyk. 

^^ Referring to the two towers at Lilbum; Hodgson Hinde has merely 
*Lilbum' once. A list of the gentlemen of Northamberland printed in his 
History at p. 347 states that * Lyell Gray, being porter of Berwick, is a younger 
brother, and hath the rule of Lilbum under divers gentlemen, inheritors of the 
6ame': and the survey of 1541 plainly says that Lyell Gray was the farmer and 
occupier of both the towers at West Lilbum. 

*■' Hodgstm Hinde has ' Ector Gray.' The first name is very badly written 
in the MS., and may be * Brthor* for Arthur. 

*•• Alnham. 


Before the battle of Flodden in 1518, the Scots destroyed the 
little tower of the parson of Ford. The stone-house attached to the 
tower of Kirk Newton appears to have been burnt by them during the 
foray they carried as far as Fowberry in 1532. 

V. — Border Surveys in the 16th Century. 

In 1538, or soon after, John Leland, the Royal Antiquary of Henry 
VIII., arrived at Newcastle on one of his long journeys through the 
kingdom. For his information concerning Northumberland he appears 
to have been chiefly indebted to Anthony Musgrave, Vicar of Corbridge, 
and Dr. Robert Davell, Master of the Hospital of St. Mary the Virgin 
in Newcastle and Vicar of Bedlington. Of a most disappointing 
character, very meagre and often inaccurate, it comprises the following 
notices of our ancient bulwarks : — ^^ 

There appere rnines of arches of a stone bridge ouer tyne ryuer at ... . 
castelle'^ longging to y'' e4e of westm*^ a (' litle* erased),, 3 . mil'* lower on the 
ryuer then Corb*dge 

Hasilrig of Northamptonshire*^* hath about a.50.1i lande in Northubreland 
And Esselington wher is a pratie pile*^' is Hasilrigg^* : and one of the Colinwoodd^ 
dwellith now in it and hath the oner site of his land**. 

Tarset castelle ruines in Northumbreland ha''d by north Tyne long now to the 
lord Borow. 

The wanll^ of Newcastelle were begon as I haue harde in King Edwarde y* 
firste day as I harde by this occasion A great riche man of Newcastelle was taken 
prisoner by the Scottes owt of the town self as it is reported. VVhe^'apon he was 
rannsomid for a greate sum : And returning home he began to make a waulle on the 
ripe of Tyne ryuer from Sandehille to Paudon gate and beyoond y' to the towre 
agayne the Augastine freres. 

'» Leland's Itinerary (Orig. MS. Bodl. Lib.) vol. v. fo. 102. The date of this 
{>ortion of the work is approximately fixed ))y the mention it makes of Harbottle's 
lands coming * of late days to 2 doughtera wherof the one was maried to S"" 
Thomas Percy that was for treason hangid at Tiburne. The other was maried to 
Fitton of Chestershire.' Sir Thomas Percy, brother of the 6"' Earl of Northum- 
berland was executed at Tyburn in June 1537 for the share he took in Askc's 

»*• ijf. By well Castle. 

*** This is corrected by the words 'Leicesfshire of Nouseley ' in the margin, 
said to be in the hand of Dr. Burton. 

"* Leland seems to use the word * pile ' much in the modem acceptation of * a 
pile of buildings', and not at all in the modem acceptation of * pele.' Caverswall 
Castle in Staffordshire and many more in the southern parts of England are 
* castelets or praty piles ' in Leland's diction. See Note (C) p. 57. 


The residew of the marchauntes of the toune aeyng this towardneas of one man : 
sette to their helping hande and continaid on tylle the hole toun was strongely 
abont waollid and This worke was finished in Edwarde the . 3 . dayes as I have 

The strength and magnificens of y^ waulling of this towne far paasith all y*' 
waull** of the cities of England and most of the townes of Europa. 

Prior castel of Dyrham the last saue one buildid the toure in Farne isleland 
for defence owt of the grounde Ther was a chapel and a poore house afore. 

Morley of Morpath was one lo'd of we*'cworth castel on Coket moatb.*^ 
Possibly Leland paid a second visit to Northumberland, afi in his 
seventh volume^** he traces his Itinerary 

Oyer the little brooJfce*^ of Poltrosse the which deuideth GiWeglafid in Camberland 
from Sowth Tyndale yn Northwwbreland. then to a castel caulled Thiilemal 
stondyng on the same, thens directly est thorowgh Sowth Tyndale not far from 
the great rwines of the castel of cairuorein the which be nere Thyrlewal and so 
ouer NortA lyne . . from a (* place called OhoUe . .' erased) . . hen directly 
thorowgh the hedd^^ of Northnmbreland. 

[ Coqnet*^ cnmmithe by herbotell a goodly castle and thens to linne briggs 
samtyme of stone now fallen. Therabout was great buyldinge but now deso- 

morpet a market towne is . zij longe miles frm new castle, wansbeke a praty 
ryyer rynnithe thrwghe the syde of the towne on the hetharsyde of the river is 
the principall churche of the towne, on the same syde is the fayre Castle stond- 
inge apon a hill longinge with the towne to the lord dacres of Gilsland. 

"■ There is no authority for this singular statement. Morwick near 
Warkworth did certainly belong to the Merlays soon after the Conquest, and was 
by them g^yen to the monastery of Durham, by which it was lost under obscure 
circumstances — Hodgson, Northd. II. ii. p. 469. 

"* Leland's Itinerary (Grig. MS.) Bodl. Lib. vol. vii. fo. 72. He mentions in 
it that the wife of Sir Edward Grey of Chill ingham had been married to Sir 
* Robert Heldercar,' but Sir Edward Grey who m. Anne dau. of Sir Thomas 
Qower and widow of Sir Ralph Filer ca/r of Risby, d. 6. Dec. 1533. 

'*» The letters and words in italics are now defective in the Orig. MS. of the 
Itinerary and are supplied from Stowe's transcript of it. 

"• Sic in Stowe's transcript ; the Orig. MS. probably read * thorowgh the 
bredd (breadth) of Northnmbreland.' 

'*' Stowe's Transcript of Leland' t Itinera^ (Tanner MS. 464 Bodl. Lib.) fo. 
139. It is very disappointing to find that the Original MS. of this the part of 
the Itinerary dealing more especially with Northumberland is lost, while Stowe's 
text is manifestly most corrupt, e.g. on fo. 130. ' In Ridesdale be but . 3 . paroche 
churchus, the cheffest is Ellesdene . then Halistene, and Corsansid . to thes 
parochis resorte the miteridifig men other wyse thenes of that engliehemarche.' 
On this passage Hodgson has based a most erudite note on the survival in 
Redesdale till the 16th cetitury of the Witan and the Thanes of Saxon times! 
Aorthd. IL, i., p. 91. Leland no doubt wrote * niteriding (or wasteriding') men 
othar wyse thevee.' Camden called them ^ Banke-riders or Taking-men.' 



new Castle 

Chipchace a praty towne and castle hard on the easte parte of the anne of 
Dorthe Tyne the whiche deuidethe Tyndale frome northehamharland, for Tyndall 
thowghe it be as a parte of northumberland, yet it is as a parte privilegyd 
within it selfe, 

l^mouth abbay samtym asyd for a castle, 

Dalawele Castle . 4 . miles from Tynemouthe and within a mile of the shore. 

Otterbome castle stondinge on otter in Ridesdale the whiche ioynethe hard 
apon northtyndall, 

There be mines of a castle longynge to the lord borow at mydforde on the 
Bowthe syde of wansbeke . iiij . miles above morpeth, 

It was beten downe by the kynge, for one ser Gilbert midleton robbyd a 
cardinall cominge oat of Scotland, aod fled to his castle of midford, 

morpeth castle stondythe by morpith towne it is set on a highe hill, and 
abont the hill is moche wood, the towne and castle belongeth to the lord dacors, 
it is well mayntayned 

witherington castle longinge to the wytheringtons stondethe with in halfe a 
myle of the shore somewhat as towchinge a gaing Coket isleland, by it ronnithe a 
litle broke on the northe syde and there is a litle village of the same name, the 
broke renneth in to the se by it selfe, 

werkworthe castell stondythe on the southe syde of Coquet watar, it is well 
maynteyned and is large, it longed to the erle of northomberlaud it stondithe on 
a highe hille the whiche for the more parte is includyd with the ryver, and is ' 
about a mile from the se, ther is a piety (sic) towne and at the towne ende is a 
atone bridge withe a towre on it beyond the bridge is banborowshire 

Alnewik castle, 

fiowwike a litle pile longinge to the . . . . a mile from the shore, 

Dunstaneborowgh a . 2 . miles beyond howwik harde on the se shore, it 
stondethe on a hy stone rok the castle is more than halfe amile in compace and 
there hathe bene great building in it, therby is a strong, 

betwixt dunstanborow and banboro is Embleton a mile fro the shore and a 
mile from dunstanboro 

bamborow, somety me a huge and great castle one of the strongest in thos partes, 

Agerston a towre apon the souihsyde of lindis ryver, 

Ohillingham castle longinge to ser Edward Grey, whos wyfe was maried to 
ser Robert heldercar, 

foord castle iu Glyudale apon the east syd of the Tille it is metly stronge but 
in decay 

Etel castle stondinge on playne grounde hard on the este syde of Tylle 
longynge to the erle of Rutland, 

Eyton castle longing to ser Edward Graye . 2 . miles lower on Tyle the Etel 
it stondithe on the west syd of I'ylle, the scotts at floden fild bet it sore, 


werke Castle on the southe syd of Twede, a praty towne there, 

norham Castle on the same syde, 

berwike on the noi-the syd, ] *♦**♦♦** 


Muttun^*^ a faire Castle in the midste of Northombarland, as in the Bredthe 
of it. It is a iiii or v. Miles Northe from Fennnke Pile, and this is the oldist 
Howse of the Swynburnes. 

Wallington Castle 2 . Miles Est from Mutteu. It is the chefist Howse of the 
Fentoiks. Ser John Fentaike is now Lorde of it. * * * * * * 

Gl^ne risethe in Chivet Hills, and so into Olyndale on to Newton Village, 
where is a Towr. Ther is a litle Broke cawlyd Bonhent cumminge owt of Scot- 
land rennithe into Glyn to Langton Village 9 . Miles of . where is a Ruine of a 
Towre a Myle of. So to Copland Village a Mile ,where the Watar brekethe into 
Armes makynge Islets ; but sone aftar metynge, and so a 2 . Mills a this Byde 
Forde Castle in to Tylle. 

Tyle risethe in the Hills of Chivet, and so cummithe into Olindale unto a 
Castle caullyd ChilUngham Castle a vi. Miles from the Chyvet Hylls, so to Forde 
Castle an yiii Miles of, to EtheU Castel on the Bridge of Stone downe on the 
Est Syde a Mile, to Metton Castle on the West Syde of the TyUe a 3 . Miles and 
halie off, so to Tufislebridge of Stone one bow, but greate and stronge, where is 
a Townlet and a Towre a 2 Miles of. *♦»***** 

At . . Carham is a litle Towre of Defence agayne the Scottt. So to Werhe 
Castle a Mile of and more, a meatly stronge Fortresse to Cornehil a litle Pile 
2 . Miles of, agaynst the whiche on the farther Rype in Scotland is Cauldsireame 
a Place of Nunes. So to Norham Castle where is also a meatly good Tonne 
about a 3 Miles of. 

We are, fortunately, able to contrast with these scanty and confiised 
notes of Leland, the oflBcial Vieiv of the Castles, Towers, Barmekyns, and 
FortresseJi oftlte Frontier of (lie East and Middle Marches, drawn up with 
great care by Sir Robert Bowes and Sir Ralph Ellerker at the end of the 
year 1541.^** The part of Northumberland embraced by it, however, 
is only that to the west of a line drawn from Haggerston on the coast 
to Featherstone on South Tyne so as to include, roughly speaking, 

'** Leland^s Itinerary , vol. vii., prt. I., fo. 78-81 (Heame's ed. 1769, vii., 
pp. 65-66). By Hutton is meant Capheaton. 

"• Cotton MS. Calig., B. vii., fo. 636. (n.p.) * Wrytten at his ma"** towne of 
Newcastell upon Tyne the ij*' daie of Deceml)er in the xxxiij*^' (*ic) yere of his 
most gi-acyous reigne.' The 2nd Dec. 33 . Hen. VIII. was in 1641, not 1542 as in 
Hodgson's Northd., where the whole Survey is printed, anything but accurately, 
III. ii. pp. 171-242 nn. Sir Robert Bowes was taken prisoner by the Scots at 
Halydon Rigg, 24. Aug. 1542, and was still in captivity at the end of the 
November ft)llowing. — (lah State Pup, Scotia fid, I., p. 41, consequently he could 
not have commenced the Survey with Sir Ralph Ellerker on the 8th Oct. of 
that vear. 


Chillingham, Kothbary, Wallingtoii, Haughton, and ijaugley. The 
importance of this docament is such that no apology is needed for again 
printing the portions of it that relate to the strongholds themselves : — 

The townes lyinge upon the northe & west syde of the ^°™/"*i,)?Jt® ^'^^''^ 
ryver of Tyll w*'*in the said East marches of England f ora- 
nempst Scotland &. howe the same be at this p'^sent peopled k 
plenjshed and what castclls towrcs k fortresses be at this daie 
w'^in the said precyncte and howe the same be maynteyned k 
reparellyd**® with certayne other devyces for the repayring k 
f ortefyinge and strengthenynge of those borders muche neces- 
sary to be releved in brefe tyme - ' 

Fyrste upon the Ry v' of Twede k upon the west side of Tiimowthe 

the ryv' of Tyll nere unto where the same ryv' falleth into 
Twede standeth a towne called Tylmothe of th' inherytaunce ciarering* iuheritatice 

of one Claveringe being at this p'sent a childe w**'in 

age . In the same towne be tenne husbandlands well plen' 

yshed and in y t standeth a peoe of an olde tower whiche was uq oide tower defaced 

casten downe brenghte k defaced by a knyghte of Scottes*** in ' ^ * wamw 

a warre tyme more then fortye yeres paste And yet standeth 

more the half p'te of the vawte k walls of the same tower . 

The costes of the repayringe whereof ys estemed to amount repfwacioiu estim. lOO 

& entende nere unto one hundredth m'ks 

Nexte thereunto w***in a myle k a half of the said ryv* of Heaton 

Tyll standeth the towne of Heaton of xij husbandlands well 
plenyshed . In the which standeth the ruynous walls of an 
olde castell lykewyse rased k casten downe by the kinge of a rutoows castle defaced 
Scottes in the warre aforesaid and bothe the said castell and ^^ "**" '^'"^^ 

towne be of thinherytaunce of Qraye of Chylliiigham Gray uf GhiiiinghaurK 

now beinge a chylde w***in age k warde to the kings ma** A 

ji^reat p*te of the vawtes k walls of the said castell be yet reparations esthu. 300 

staudinge w**»out any rouffes or florcs And the repayringe of 

the same as yt is estemed well amounte unto two hundreth 

m'ks or nere thereabouts 

The tower of Cornell standing upon the banke of the said Cornell 

ry yer of Twede in yt be twelve husbandlandes well plenyshed 

'*• * Reparklle. To repair. He salle . . . reparelle this cltec, a7id bigge it 
agayne also irele aU ever it fra*.— MS. Lincoln A. i. 17, f. 11. Repabel. 
Apparel, clothing. To array hit garden ttith notahil n^^ar^/.— Ashmole's Theat. 
Chem. Brit., 1652, p. 214.'— Halliwell I>ioi, of Archaic ami Proo. IVord^t, 1847, 
ii. p. 678. The simple verb Appabel, old Fr. ajjarfiller, Romanic ' adpariculare,' 
to make equal or fit, is given with the significations, (1) To make ready, put in 
proper order; (2) to furnish or fit up with things necessary, in Nett Engl. Diet. 
qiai-. Press (prt. ii.) p. 395. 

'" Sic in C<jtton. MS. Probably *the Kiuge of Scotten' was meant, as in the 
next paragraph. 



Gilbert Bwynnowe's 

a great suooor in warre 
to yt towne 


a tower la ifood repara- and a tower newe embattled cov'ed k put in good reparacon by 
one Gylbert Swynnowe gentlema* the owener & inheiTtiir of 
the said tower Sc towne of Cornell who entendeth also as his 
powers may serve to buylde a barmekyn about the said tower 
and doth prepare stufEe for the same and the said barmekyn 
from yt be ons well fynyshed wylbe a greate succor defence 
& relef e in tymes of warre aswell for thinhabytants of the 
said towne of Cornell as for other neybours nere adioyninge 

The towne of Warke standcth also uppon the banke of 
the said Ry v* of Twede in the which towne bene xyj husband- 

the prinoea inhenUnoe lands well plenyshed of the kings Ma**** of inherytaunce . 
There ys also a castell of the said kings ma"* of thre wardes 
whereof the utter most warde sVeth for a barmekyn"* the said 

a casUe In great decay castell ys in greatt k. extreme decaye as well by reason that 
yt was never p*fytely fynyshed nor the walls of the pryncypall 
tower or doungeon thereof was nev' cov'ed as by occasion of 
a battrye made upon the utter walls of the same w*** greatt 
orden'nce at the last sege lade thereunto by the duke of 
Albyony . 

Leennouth resortes The towneshippe of Leremouthe standinge two myles of 

Warke for relef e in '^'^ 

ueoeasitye the said castell & towne of Warke and parcell of the same 

lordeshippe conteynes twenty husbande landes well plenyshed 
and hath in yt no maner of fortresse but resortes all waies to 
the castell of Warke for their relef e in tyme of warre Sc 
Carrame The townshippe of Carrame conteynes in yt viij husband- 

lands well plenyshed k ys all of the inherytaunce of the 
kinges My**^' (as of th* augmentacons of his graces crowne and 
late belonginge to the suppressed monastery of Kyrkeham 
w^'in the countie of Yorke Hereyn ys a lytle tower wythout 
!HSe^th*wike*lSr barmekyn or iron gate metely for the defence of thinhaby- 
"'"*® tants of the said towne in a sodenly occurrante skyrmyshe 

and in tyme of warre they may resorte for theyr relef e to the 
said castell of Warke. 

The towneshippe of Presfen*** conteyncth in yt viij hus- 

bandlands plenyshed & thereyn is nether tower barmekyn nor 

other holde by occasion whereof in every apparence of warre 

the towne left de«)- ^j^g ten'ntes there recules*** in warde to some fortresse for their 

'" On the word ' Barmekyn,' see Note (E) p. 64. For the repairs of Wark 
Castle, 12 Feb.— 10 Nov.. 1543, see Hdrl. MS., 1724. 
iM Pvesfen near Carham now coiTupted into Presson. 
»*< S'w in Cotton. MH. 

the princes inheritance 

a litteU tower for a 


Ciray of ChillinghamB 

no fortrene, in warre 



snertye & leaves the same towne wast^ redye to be spoylled 
or destroyed w**» enemyes and the said towne ys of the Inheri- 

tannce of Giaye of Chyllyngham and now in the order of 

lyonell Graye esquyer porter of the said towne of Barwyke. 

The towneshippe of Myndrome conteynes in yt xvj hus- 
band lands nowe plenyshed and of thinherytaunce of the said 
Graye of Chillingham and because there ys nether towre 
bannekyn nor other fortresse yn yt whereyn the ten*nts maye 
be releved in tyme of warre Therefore in ev'y apparence of 
a troublous worlde or warre yt ys abandoned & left waste as 
an easye praye for enemyes to ov'ronne 

The towneshippe of Monylawes conteyneth in yt ix hus- 
bandlands & ys nowe plenyshed In yt ys nether tower barme- 
kyn nor fortresse & therf ore yt suffereth greatt hurte in tyme 
of warre WylVm Strouther of Easte Newton gentlema ys the 
Inheryture & owener of this towne 

The towneshippe of Downeham conteyned in tyme passed 
yiij husbandlands and when yt lay waste by occasion of warre 
&r Cuthbert Ogle clerke purchased yt k, hath buylded there- 
yne an newe tower as yet but of two house heighte and not 
fully fenyshed by one house heighte and imbattlements nor 
hath not as yet any barmekyn and the said Sr Cuthbert oc- 
cupieth the said towne nowe but with two plowes of his owne 
The resydewe thereof he kepeth to medowe and pasture for 
his owne cattail 

The towneshipe of Pawston conteyneth xij husband lands 
now plenyshed one Garrarde Selbye gent, of late purchased 
this towne and in yt hath buylded a lytle tower w^'^out a 
barmekyn not fully f ynyshed 

The towneshippe of Kylham conteyneth xxvj husband 
lands nowe well plenyshed and hathe in yt nether tower bar- 
mekyn nor other fortresse whiche ys greatt petye for yt woulde 
susteyne many able men for defence of those boi-ders yf yt had 
a tower k barmekyn buylded in yt where nowe yt lyeth waste 
in ev'ry warre and then yt is a greatt tyme after or yt can be 
replenyshed againe and the most parte thereof ys the inhery- 
taunce of the said Mr Graye of Chyllingham 

The towneshippe of Shotton'** was sometyme of v j husband 
lands & nowe lyeth waste k unplenyshed and so hath con- 
tynued this xxx** yeres k more And the most part« thereof 
ys the Inherytaunce of the Erie of Rutland 


Gray of Chillingham's 

in warre left to the 


Wm Strowthers Inheri- 
tance Kofortreflsebut 
desolate in warre time 

layed waste by wanrea 

a towre boilt by 8'r 
Onthbert Ogle 

in bis private ocoupyinc 


Garrard Belbyes inheri- 
tance a little tower 


most part Gray of Ohil- 
lingham's inheritance 

No fortresse desolate 
therefore by warre 
Fytye being a good 


most part Erie of Rut- 
land's inheritance, 
continuyd wast these 
30 years 

'** Shotton, now in Pawston township, near where the river Bowmont flows 
out of Scotland. 


Anterchester The towneshippe of Anteichester"^ was sometyme by esty- 

macon of viij husband lands k, hath lyen waste unplenyshed 

sythence before the remembraunce of any man nowe lyvynge 

Gray of OhiUingham'i and ys of the inherytaunce of the said Rauffe Graye of 

inheritanoe waste out ^^ >f 

of DQAiui memoiye Chyllingham 

Eiterton The towneshippe of Elterton*" hath in lyke wyse lyen so 

waatetime out"o?mind longe tyme waste that yt can not be well p*ceyved howe many 

husband lands yt dyd conteyne And yt ys of th' inheiy- 

tannce of the said Mr Graye 

Heddon Aleodone & And in lyke wyse the towneshippe of Heddon*** A lesdon '•• & 

Trohope'* lyinge under the Este ende of Chevyott hath lyen 

^'^^inheriSncI^*™* waste and unplenyshed ev' sythence before the remebraunce 

waste time out of mind ^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ lyvynge & ys also of th'inherytaunoe of the 

said Rauffe Graye of Chyllinghame 

Hethepoie gijjg towneshippe of Hethepol conteyneth vj husband lands 

a little atone house newe plenyshed & thereyn ys a lytle stone house or pyle*" 

whiche ys a greate releyffe to the ten'nts thereof And the 

oao«t ^*h^^ Or^ye's most parte of thys towne ys of th'inherytaunce of 8' Boger 

Graye and other ffreholders have p'cell of the same 

Wert NeMon fjij^g towneshippe of West Newton conteyneth xij husband 

^''toSi to^iSSiiM*^' ^^^^^ ^^^^ plenyshed & hathe in yt neyther f ortresse nor 

RepajTO^foTw^our in barmekyn but resort for their relef e in tyme of nede unto the 

Ne^n""*"® ^ ^'* *owne of Est Newton and ys of th' inherytaunce of Wyll'm 

Strouther of the said Est Newton gent. 

a little towTC At Est Newton"* there ys a lytle towre and a stone house 

*•• Anterchester has altogether disappeared in the Ordnance Maps. It stood 
on high ground to the west of Mindrum between the range of Horse Ridge and 
the Camp Hill, The ' Dercestre' probably of the- Pipe Roll 33 Hen. XL (Hodgs. 
Northd, III. iii. p. 43), it appears as the manor of * Antrichestre ' in 1379-80 
(Inq. p.m. Sir John de Arundel and Eleanor his wife 3 Ric. ii. num. 1), and 
corrupted into * Turn Chester' on the older maps of Northumberland (Armstrong's 
1769, Greenwood's 1828, Shadforth and Dinning's 1847). 

*w Eiterton, another vanished township, lay on the east side of the Elterbum 
which formed the march to Scotland to the south of Shotton. ' Nere the f ote 
of Elterbume the Scottes had dem'd the water of intente to make yt alter the 
course ryv'e towarde England so that thereby they mighte wynne the haughes 
endlonge that bume syde And S"" Rob't EUerker had broken the damynge k sett 
the water againe in his righte course ' — Hodgs. Nnrthd. IIL ii. p. 219 n. 

**• Heddon, represented probably by the Butterstone Shank of the Ordnance 
Survey, was in the upper part of the valley, in which rises the bum that flows 
into the Glen at Kilham. Lord Grey was the proprietor of Heddon and of 
Thompson's Walls, lower down the same valley in 1663 — Hodgs. Northd, III. i. 
p. 279. 

**• Now Blsdonbum, on the mountain-stream that joins the College-bum just 
below Hethpool. 

**' Now Troughbum, situated in the ' hope ' that opens out into the valley of 
the College-burn a little above Hethpool. This was the manor of ' Trollope ' in 
1379-80- Hodgs. Northd. III. ii. p. 251. 

"» On the word * Pele,' see Note (C) p. 57. 

••* Kirk Newton ; the stone house was probably bumt in the raid of 1532. 

TO FACE P. 32 

along the East & Middle Marches. 
1541 „. 

. .Ou^do 'Bannngton 

"*E AST 

r^FORD \ 

MAR Gvll E S 

\ ftnton }*Holbum 



.Scraenwood " 




_ \tnoi\mHtm »»j 


Hi.n.rtonHall. .„^y,,^y 

Th^ Fawn& 
WHcwhalpinglM;^ 'VMj 

Hawi*. f^ timSTHarle 
in Moor* f^ ,^ 
^ . Sweethope 
Carry Coata 

Littia Swinburn 





jojned to the same the walls of which stone house ys so lowe 
that in the laste waires the Sootts wanne the said stone house 
& sett f yer on yt and had theieby allmost bmnte the tower 
& all The ezperyence whereof sheweth that yt were ezpe- 
djente to rase the walls of the said stone honse higher and 
to f ortefje the same able for the defence of common skry- 
myshes This tower 7s of th'inherytaonce of the said Will'm 
Stronther and he hath there two husband lands w^ he occa- 
pyeth as his demayne w*^ his owne plowes 

The towneshippe of Teyerynge conteyneth yiij** husband 
lands all nowe plenyshed k hathe nether in yt f ortresse nor 
barmekyn & is of the Inheiytaunce of tl^e said Gray of 

The towneshippe of Aykeld conteyneth xvj husband lands 
all plenyshed and hath ia yt a lytic f ortelett or hastle house'** 
w^ut a barmekyn And the most p*te thereof ys of th'inhery- 
taunce of the said Mr Qraye of Chyllyngham 

The towneshippe of Homyldon conteyneth zij husband 
lands now plenyshed and hath ynyt nether f ortresse nor bar- 
mekyn yt is of the Inherytaunce of the Brie of Rutland and 
of one Bllwycke 

The towneshippe of Wouller conteyneth zx** husband 
lands all plenyshed and had a lytic towre standynge strongely 
whiche dyd muche releyve as well the Inhabytants of the same 
towne as of two or three yyllages nere adjoyninge thereunto 
jt stode in a mervdous convenyent place for the defence of 
the countrye thereaboute And the half of yt ys fallen downe 
for lacke of reparacons nowe lately this same yere And yt 
had muche nede to be reedyfyed againe for the defence of all 
that quarter ffor nere thereby ys the common entree & pas- 
sage of the Scottes for invadynge this realme or makinge any 
gpoyle in tyme of warre or troubles peace And yt is thought 
that fourtye pounds would yett repare the ruynes & decayes 
thereof And yf yt be not shorterly amended yt wyll allwaies 
in processe of tyme fall in gietter decaye and the more charge- 
able to repare The said towre and muche of the towne ys 
of th*inherytaunce of the said Mr Graye of Chyllingham nowe 
dnringe his mynorytie beinge in warde to the kynges ma^* 

The towneshippe of Yerdle conteyneth x husband lands 
and hath in yt a bastell house w^^ut a barmekyn & ys of th* 
inherytaunce of Thomas Hebbume esqre and Gylbert Scotte 

The towneshippe of Mydleton Hall conteyneth ilij hus- 

»•» On the word » Bastle/ see Note (F.) p. 66. 

raoaireth more fortlflcft- 
iloii for oommon f or- 

Strowthor's inheritanoe 


Qnj of ChiUingham's 

No fortrease 


Gray of OhXIlin^iain 
a little f ortelett 


Erie of Ratlanda and 


No f ortreue 

a little towre In decay 

A necewary place of 

The Scottes oommon 

Qray of Ohillingham's 


Hebbom and Scottes 
a little fortrease 

Bilddleton HaU 


two stone howaea band lands plenjshed & hath in yt two stone houses or bastells 

Eobart and John the one of th'inhexitaunce of Rob* Botherforthe & thother of 

John Botherforthe 

LangtoD The towneshippe of Langton conteyneth xij husbandlands 

*° °*b *the8ooto*^°'^ plenyshed & in yt standeth a greatt p'te of the walls of an 

olde tower whiche was rased casten downe by the kinge of 

Scotts in a warre time nowe more than xl^ yeres paste k by 

estymacon an hundreth merks would repayre yt agayne and 

Sto2^hera°SSSritMM ^^® ^^^ **^^®^ y^ ^^ th'inherytaunce of the Erie of Rutland 

and of Wyirm Strother gentleman 

Cowpiand The towneshippe of Cowpland conteyneth x husband 

Gray of OhiiUnghwn's ^^^^^ plenyshed k hath in yt nether f ortresse nor bannekyne 

No fortrease ■,..■. •« » t ^ ».<•«• 11 •« 

and of th' mherytaunce of the said Graye of Chyllingham 

Milne feid The towneshippe of Mylnef elde conteyneth vj husband 

Mnachien'a widow lands plenyshed w**»out any f ortresse or baimekyn and ys of 
No fortrBaae th*inherytaunce of a wedowe late the wyf e of Mychaell 
Howtiu The towneshippe of Howttyll conteyneth x plowe lands 

BoireU'sinheriUunoe plenyshed and there standeth a greatt parte of the walls of a 
a tower oaste downe by tower that was rased and casten downe in a warre tyme by 
p!St%i*woW Jfflnt the Kinge of Scottes more than xl** yeres paste and by esti- 
'**^® macon xl" wold repare yt againe yt ys of one John Burrells 

Brankatone ^® towneshippe of Brankestone conteyneth xvj husband 

lands plenyshed & in yt ys a lytle tower w**»out a baimekyn 
taaoe which was lykewyse rased by the Scotts and ys newly repared 

»*o™"W]^**y agayne by one John Selby gentleman Inherytour of the said 
towre and of one parte of the said towne theresydewe of the 
Said towne ys of th'inheiytaunce of therle of Rutland and one 
Thomas Manors Gentleman 
Qjoukhame "^^ towneshippe of Croukhame conteyneth xxj husband 

Heron'a inheritance ^^^ plenyshed w^^'out anye f ortresse or barmekyn Albeyt 
No f ortreaac *^® ten'nts thereof in a troublous tyme or warre do resorte for 
aekth auecora at the their relef e to the castell of fforde standinge upon the Bst 
^ ® syde of the ry ver of Tyll and this towne ys of the inhery- 
taunoe of the heyre of &. Wyll'm heron nowe beynge in 
warde to the Kings ma"» 
Bdderaiey The towneshippe of Bddersley*'* conteyneth x husband 

Heron'a inheritannce ^Bkuds plenyshed w**»out fortresse or baimekyn and lykewyse 
the tenn'nts thereof resorte for theyr relef e in tyme of nede 

to the said Castell of Forde and this towne ys also of thinhery- 
Suooored at Forde 

GaffUe taunce of the same S; WylPm Heron's heyre 

»•* Now Heatherslaw near Ford. 



Gray of OhilUngham 

suooorad at Fenton 

Erie of Rutland 

saocored at Etayle 

The towneshippe of Bworthe*** conteyneth xij husband 
lands well plenyshed without f ortresse or barmekyn and js of 
thinheiTtaiinee the said Grayeof Chyllingham and the ten'nts 
thereof in tyme of nede do resorte to the tower of Fenton 
Btandynge nere thereby npon the southe est syde of the said 
lyver of Tyll 

The towneshippe of new Etayle conteyneth viij husband 
lands plenyshed w^at fortresse or barmekyn and ys of 
thlnherytaunce of the Erie of Rutland and the ten'nts 
thereof in tyme of nede resorte to his castell of Etayle stand- 
ynge upon the Est syde of the said ryver of Tyll 

The towneshippe of Foweberye conteyneth viij husband 
lands well plenyshed & hath in yt a tower w^out a barmekyn 
in reasonable good reparaoons and is of thlnherytaunce of 
Rychard Fowbeiye gentleman 

The towneshippe of Ohatton conteyneth xzz^ husband 
lands plenyshed of the kyngs ma^** inherytaune late of the 
Erie of Northumberland's lands Li yt be two lytle towers 
without barmekyns thone of thlnherytaunce of the said 
Richard Fowebery'* and thother ys the mansion of the yyc- 

This part of Glendall lyinge upon the west syde of the 
said ryver of Tyll ys a very good plenteous and f ertyll coun- 
trye and wyll here and susteyne a greatt nomber of men with 
lyvinge able to maynteyne horse & hames for defence of the 
borders there Every husband lande a man yf they be not to 
bye rented 

Albeyt because there ys not in this said part of Glendale 
towers and fortresses sufficient to releyve all the inhaby tants 
thereof w** theyr horses in tyme of warre nor yet barmekyns 
for the Bavegaide of their cattails so sone as there ys any 
apperanoe or suspeccon of warre the most parte of thinhaby- 
tants thereof do withdrawe themselves with their goods in- 
warde to other fortresses for their defence and leaves the said 
border by west the said lyver of Tyll allmost dyssolate & 
waste and yf warre contynue longe those ten'nts provyde 
them of other f ermes And so yt is a longe season after thendc 
of every suche warre or that f rounter and border can be 
again peopled and replenyshed 

'» Now Ewart. 

'• * Chatton. Roger Fowberry gent, holdeth there a Tower builded on the 
Lord's Waste of the Towne aforesaid And Renteth by Teare at the Termes 
aforesaid. (Note — This Tower was builded by Lycence of y" Lord for a Strength 
to y* Towne there & now y« Inherytance thereof claymed by Roger Fowberry).' 
— Stockdale's Survey, 1686 ; at Alnwick Castle. 


a towre Fowbevye's 

the prinoet inheritanoe 

two towen without 

Fowberyee and the 


this part a Tery fertile 
■oil well peopled 

tram want of relefe 
In warres desolate and 
not replenyshed in 
long time again 


^mMrrethUwu^^ ^^^ ^^^ remedy whereof we thinke ys most necessary 
fyrste that the kings ma^ said castell of Warke be repered 
and f ortefied in forme afore expressed and that in avoydinge 
of ezcessyre costs suche towers and fortresses as be in the 

^Sed*'I?th**iSinne^ ^™® precyncte begonne te be buylded may be fynyshed and 

gM^ aboute eTwy lykewyse where there remayneth standyne a parte of anye 

f ortresse whiche hath bene before tyme rased or decayed the 

same to be newly reedyfied and repared w^ barmekyns about 

every tower 

A new tower and banne- Also that a new tower and a barmekyne be made at Eilham 
lame to be made at 
Kiiham and that the townshippes be so assygned onto such fortresses 

and barmekynes as they with their goods may be releved in 

Forty perBoni to be a»- tyme of necessyte and to be so apporconed Sc rated that at 
sliced to erery for- " -^ rx- 

trnse the mo the the lest f ourty persons or mo be assygned to every f ortresse 

for as we thinke the more men that bene together in any f or- 
tresse so that yt may conyenyently conteyne them with their 
goods the more stronger shalbe the defence thereof 
Gr«at store of lime & ^^ ^"^ thinke that there ys in those parties conyenyent 
"^"^ store of lymestone fre stone and rough stone suffycient for 

the bnyldinge and repaiacons of the said towers and barme- 
Timber to be brought ^^^^^ ^"^ there ys no Store of tymbre wood in those parties so 
BSiwe°*^Sa?df%iS *^* y* y* shalbe the kings ma**« pleasure that suche warkes 
S^^SXttorSSSng *^^ buyldings shalbe sett forwarde in those parties there 
ouri»ge mi^t nodes be a gret provysion of Tymbre made in places 

upon the sea coste or upon ryvers nayegable and the same to 
be oonyeyed by shippe to Holly Ilande and Twedemouthe & 
there to be wroughte and broken in peces after such lengthes 
and sortes as shalbe requysyte in the said buyldyngs for spar- 
inge of muche cairyage whiche surely ys verry nedef uU the 
caryage of beasts be so small ft weake in those parties w^ 
looii biide atower 900 ^^^^^ 8°^ ^ pollytyke proyysion we esteme that the buyld- 
mkB a barmekdn ing^ of a oonyenient tower in that countrie shall not excede 
the charge of an hnndreth pounds ft a barmekyn two hun- 
dreth marks. 

Competent rewaxdes to Also we suppose that yf yt would please the quennes'^ 

Buoh as haTp bllt 
Reoompenoe to ownera ma"® to gave some oompetente rewards unto suche persons as 

rased by wanes wold have allredye begonne to buylde fortresses upon those borders 

""** ° *" and also to such as be owners of the said houses which were 

rased by the Scottes towarde the sufficientlye repayringe 

^ Sicia Cotton. MS. As this View of the Frontier was completed in Dec., 
1541, Katherine Howard was then still Queen of England : but in circumstances 
that make it evident she could not have been called on to reward the builders of 
border fortresses. Probably this is a clerical error, due to the Cotton. MS. being 
a copy made of the original View in the reign of Maiy or Elizabeth. 



fynyBshyne & perf ormyne of the same they might thereby be 
induced k, incouraged to bere a greatt parte of the chargs 
thereof themselves as fane as their powers wolde extende 

The Fortresses standinge & beinge upon the Froanters 
& borders of the said marches of England endlonge the ryvers 
of Twede & Tyll upon the Bste syde of the said ry ver of Tyll 

At Twedemouthe upon the southesyde of the lyver of 
Twede f oranenst Barwyke there ys two lytel towers in rea- 
sonable good reparacons the one belongeth to the hospytal of 
Kepeyere within the byshoppiycke of Durrysme & thother ys 
of thinheiytaunce of 

At Sciymmerstone upon the sea coste a myle from the said 
ryver of Twede ys a great olde towre muche decayed for lacke 
of contynuall necessary reparacons and yt is of thinhery- 
taonce of a gentlewoman that is heyre to John Swynowe & 
maryed to one Edmund Lawson 

At Cheswyke but two myles from the said ryver of Twede 
there ys a lytle tower of the inherytaunce of one Thomas 
Manners & others beinge lykewyse in decaye for a lacke of 

At Braggarstone^ beinge thre myles from the said ryver of 
Twede there standeth against the stronge tower of thinhery- 
taunce of one Thomas Haggarson & yt is in myeserable good 

At Ancrofte two myles from the said ryver of Twede there 
ys a lytle fortresse standinge nere unto the churche of the 
saide towne of thinherytaunce of Gray of Ohillingham scarce- 
ly beinge in good repare 

A Lawyke foure myles from the said ryver of Twede there 
18 a towre of thinherytaunce of Mr ISwynbume of Captheton 

At Byermore beynge of lyke dystance from the said ryver 
of Twede there ys a tower of thinherytaunce of Mr Muschyens 
in extreme decaye & almoste mynous for lacke of reparacions 

At Berryngton beynge thre myles from the said lyver of 
Twede there was a towre of thiaheritance of therle of Hut- 
land w^ for lacke of reparacons ys lately fallen to extreme 
ruyne & decaye 

At Shoreswolde but a myle from the said lyver of Twede 
standeth a pece of a tower that was rased k, casten downe by 
the Einge of Scotts in a tyme of warre xP' yeres & more 
passed and belongeth to the CoUedge of Duresme 


two litfcle towen 

an old towre in decay 

a gentelwoman maried 
to one Lawson 

a little tower In decay 

Thomas Mannors 


A strong toww in rea- 
sonable reparations 
one Haggerson's 


a little fortresse soaroo 
in reparation 

Gray of Obillingham's 


a tower 

Swinbome of Cap Hetons 


a towre in extreme 


Mr Muschyens 


a towre decayed 
Erie of Rutland's 


a pece of a towre de- 
faced in the warres 

The Golledg of Durhamji 

"* Sie in Cotton. MS., which if it had been the original View could hardly 
have contained such a blunder for ' Haggarstone.' 



The castle of Norrham standinge nere unto the said ry ver 
of Twede belonginge to the byshoppe of Doresme ys in very 
good state both in reparacons & forteficac'ons well f urnyshed 
& stuffed with artylleiy munyc*ons and other necessaries re- 
quysyte to the same 

At Thomebie'* there is a lytle towre in reasonable good 
reparac'ons yt standeth within a myle of the said lyver of 
Twede & ys of thinherytaunce of Sr. Wyll'm Herons heyre 

At Kewebygginge nere to the said ryver of Twede there 
ys a towre in reasonable good reparacons of thinherytaunce of 
George Orde esquier & at a place in the felde of the same 
towne called the gret hewghe there ys a stronge stone house 
or bastell newly made by one John Smythe 

At Twysle nere unto the said ryrer of Twede there ys 
standinge the walls of an old fortresse or castell rased & caste 
downe by the Kinge of Scotts in a warre zl^ yeres and more 

At Gryndonrygge there ys a lytle tower of thinherytaunce 
of John Selbye gent, in reasonable good reparac^on and is a 
myle k a half from the said ryyer of Twede 

At Duddo there standeth a pece of a towre that was rased 
k casten down by the Einge of Scotts in the said warre xl^ 

yeres sence & more and yt is of the inherytaunce of 

Claveringe and twoo myles from the said ryver of Twede 

The castell of Etayle beinge of the Erie of Rutlands in- 
herytaunce standeth upon the Est syde of the said ryver of 
Tyll thre myles from the said ryver of Twede ys for lacke of 
reparacons in very great decaye & many necessary houses 
within the same become ruynous Sc fallen to the ground Tt 
were muche necessaiy to be repared for the defence of * those 
borders aswell in tyme of peace as for the receyvinge and 
lodginge of a garryson of an hundreth men or mo in tyme of 
warre for whiche purpose that place ys very convenient 

There was also at Etayle a brigge over the said ryver of 
Tyll which is decayed & fallen down of late to the great 
trouble hurte & annoyaunces of thinhabitants thereabouts 
whiche had allwais redy passage over when the said river is 
waxen greate Sc past rydinge upon horsebacke & muche neces- 
sary yt were to have yt reedyf yed againe as well for the 
purpose aforesaid as for the conveyinge of orden'nce & armyes 
into Scotland over the same 

** Generally called Thornton. Place-names in Northumberland do not end 
in the Danish 'by.' There was another Thornton Tower at Newbrough on South 

a OMtle well f urnyshed 
the B. of Durnunn 


a little towre in good 




a towre in reasonable 


a stone house new bllt 
one Smithes 


an old castle rased by 
the Scutts 40 years 

Grindon rigge 

a little tower repayred 
Mr Selbyes 



OlaTering's inheri- 



a necessary place for 

to receiTe a hundred 


Erie of Rutland's 

a bridge over Tyll de- 

to be reedeiled for pas- 
sage of ordenanoe mto 
Scotland Ac 



The castell of Forde standinge lykewyse upon the Est 
syde of the said ryver of Tyll was bronnte by the laste Einge 
of Scotts a lytle before he was slayne at Flodden f elde some 
parte thereof hath bene reparelled againe sythence that tyme 
but the great buyldinges k most necessarye hoases regteth 
ever sythens waste and in decaye the whiche if they were 
repared were able to receyve and lodge an hundreth & mo 
hoTsemen to lye there in garryson in tyme of warre and for 
that purpose yt is a place muche convenient & standeth well 
for serryce to be done at any place within the said Est marche 
and ys of thinherytaunce of Sr Will'm Heron's heyres 

There ys also in the same towne a lytle tower which was 
the mansion of the parsonage of the same & a quarter thereof 
was casten downe by the last Einge of Scotts at the tyme 
aforesaid and Sir Cuthbert Ogle parson of the churche there 
beganne to reedyfie the same againe & rased the wall thereof 
two houses highte and there so yt resteth and yt were muche 
reqnysite to be f ynyshed for defence of that towne 

At Fenton lykewyse standinge upon the Est syde of the 
water of Tyll there ys a grett towre w** a barmekyn in great 
decaye in the rooffe and floores and the walls of the barme- 
kyn w**» other necessary houses w**'in the same and yt were 
muche requysyte that yt were kepte in reparations for yt 
standeth in a very convenient & apte place for lyinge of an 
hundreth men in garryson in tyme of warre against Scotland 
and yt is of the inherytaunce of the said Oraye of Chylling- 

At Nesebytte there was a towre of thinheritaunce of Sir 
Roger Oraye but yt is longe synce for lacke of reparacons de- 
cayed & fallen and no f ortresse there nowe remayneth 

At Wetewood there is a lytle towre of thinheritaunce of 
one Wetewood gent, in measurable good rep'acons 

At Horton there is a greatt towre w**» a barmekyn of Sir 
Roger Grayes Inherytaunce & his chef e house in great decaye 
for lacke of contynuall repaiacons & greatt petye yt were 
that yt should be suffered to decaye for yt standeth in a very 
convenient place for the defence of the countrye thereabouts 

At Holbume ys a towre and a barmekyn of thinherytaunce 
of Thomas Holbume esquier in measurable good rep'acons 

At Hesellerygge ys a lowe towre w*** was never fully fyn- 
yshed of thinherytaunce of Thomas Haggarstone esquier kepte 
in measurable good rep*acons 

Upon the viewe & examynacon of the estate of these af ora- 


a Outle decayed 

flit to lodge 100 men 
and for any serTioe 
on the Est marches 

Heron's inheritance 

a little towre the par- 
son's mansion 

much for the defence 
of the towne 


a great tower wth a 
barmekln in decay 

mete for a garrison of 
100 men 

Oray of ChilUnghams 


a towre utterly ruyned 

Sr Roger Grayes 


a little towre in repa- 


one Wetewoods 


a great tower with a 
barmekin in decay 

a place mete for de- 
fence & Grayes 

Holbume a tower k 

Holbums inheritance 

Heselrigge a low tower 
not finished one Hag- 

Oanse of decay 


said fortresses we p*ce7ved that a great cause of the decaye 

of the same was that the oweners thereof for their more 

easye quyetnes & savynge of ezpences dyd w**>drawe from 

more surety k aToyd- their houses standinge nere to the uttermost borders and 

ing expenoe into the 

country further from frounter towarde Scotland and inhabyte themselfs in fermes 
the borders " 

or other smaller houses w'^^in the cuntreye further dys- 

tante from the sayd borders to the great decaye of the same 

And also not regardioge their said uttermost fortresses or 

houses at the fyrste made for defence & strengthninge of the 

said borders for lacke of necessary contynuall rep'acons have 

Fortes left by litUe & suffered them by lyttle & lyttle to foil in extreme ruyne & de- 

little fell to deh»y ,,„ , 

caye Whereupon we devysed to geve strayte monyc*on k. 
charge in the Kings ma^<* name unto all such p'sons as bene 
f ownde in suche def aulte w**» convenient spede to reforme the 
same and for that purpose we addressed Tres of the tenorr 
hereafter folowinge unto all these p'sons (the said Erie of 
Rutland onely except) whome as well because he ys not reaj- 
ante in those p'ties as consyderinge his greatt estate A: degree 
we refarre unto the Kings ma^® & his most hon'able oouncell 
to take further order w^ hym in that behalfe 
L'res address^ to the The copy or minute of the Vre aforeeaid. — ^After our ryghte 
the same harty c5mendacons these shalbe to adv'tyse you that whereas 

we beinge by the King our sov'eigne lordes oomyssion antho- 
rysed & appoynted to viewe k, survey the v^astes & decayes of 
his graces fronnters & borders of his Este k mydle m'ches of 
England foranenste Scotland do well p'ceive & knowe that 
the toure or f ortresse of a. b. beinge of yo' Inherytaunce k, 
standinge k scytuate in a place apt k conveniente for the 
strength k defence of the said borders of England ys not 
onely ruynous k in extreme decaye by yo' neglygence k tat 
lacke of contynuall necessary reparacons but also the same 
your house is onely used k inhabyted w^ herdes k hynda 
whereof a greatt p*te be Scotts borne for y** onely lucre k ad- 
vauntage and contrary to the com*on welthe of all the kinge 
our said sov*eigne lords subiects inhabytinge upon these his 
graces said marches k borders (for reformacon whereof we in 
the Kinge our said sov'eigne lordes name and by vertue k auc- 
torytie of his ma^ said com'yssion do wyll charge k admonysihe 
you thatye w**» convenyente expedycon w*N)ut delaye do not 
onely cause your said house tower or fortresse of a. b. w^ all 
f orteficacons belonginge to the same to be putt in able k snffi- 
ciente rep*acons but that also ether ye yo' self or some other 
apte k able p'son by y' appoyntemente be p*pared k sett to in- 



babyte & dwell w**m your said house by whom as well yo' owne 
ten'nts as other the inhabytants there abouts may be ledde & 
broughte furthe to fraye & f ollowinge for the defence & save- 
garde of the said borders & m'ches against the incources of 
Scottes & theves as ofte as nede shall requyre Faile ye not 
hereof as ye will avoyde the Kinges ma** most dredf ul dys- 
pleasure & at y' further p'yll And thus hertely fare ye well. 
Wrytten at Hexam. &c."« 

And yf they wyll not upon this monycon conform e them- 
selyeB to pref erre the comon welthe of their country k the 
p's'vacon of their inheritaunce rather then their owne pryyate 
prof ytte or sensuall appetyte then we thinke there would be 
some meane devysed by the Kings Ma^'*' or his most hon^able 
councell to compell suche as would be obstynate to apply 
fhemself 8 unto reason in that behalf 

West Lilborne 

two towran decayed 

The descripc^on*^' of the p*sent state of all the Castells 
TowEBS Babmekynb Sc otheb Fobtbesses standinge k 
spytuate nere unto the utter border & frounter of the mydle 
m'cnes of England w^ certayne deyyses for the repayringe 
& f ortefyinge of the said borders where moste nede requyr- 
eth aft' our f antasye & opynyon 

Fyrste in the towne of West Lylbume there ibene two 
towers the westeme toure whereof ys of thinherytaunce of 
one Guthbert Proctour gent, and for lacke of contynuall 
necessary repac'ons ys fallen in greatt ruyne and decaye for 
all the roYCS & floors thereof be wasted k, fallen downe k 
nothing standynge but the walles The Esteme toure of the 
same towne ys the Inherytaunce of 8^ Cuthbert Ogle clerke 
and the rooffe k floores thereof were lately bronghte by soden 
fyer Lyonell Graye porter of Barwyke ys the f ermer & occu- 
pyer of bothe the said toures And the f ermes belonginge to 
the same yt were muche com'odyous for the countrye there- 
aboutes that the said two towers were newly repayred agayne 
for they stande not onely in a place comodyous for the de- 
fence of those quarters in the tyme of peace but also in the 
tyme of warre they would be able to receyve and lodge an 
hundreth souldyours in garryson And the said west lylbume 
standeth w^in two myles of the waste under the southe syde 
of Chevyotte 

The CJastell of Ohyllingham of thinheritaunce of yonge 

^'^ Hodgson in his version has here the droll misprint of *Vaiy them by 
exAm:—I^arthd., III. ii. p. 194 n. 
"» Cotton. MS. Calig. B. 8. fo. 746. 


Theplaoeof mpor- 

able to reoeare 100 
men in garrison 

Chillini^am a castle 


Raffe Oraje of the same beinge in the kinges Ma** warde & 

order dnringe his mynorjtie & none age js in measarable 

^di roSSST" eood repac'ons for Sr Bobt Bllerker knightc havynge the 

custodye & gov'naunce of the said caatell hath of late newly 

reparelled tke same 

Hebburne^ HUo tower At Hebbume ys a lytle toure of thinherytaunce of Thomas 

Hebburne in reasonable good rep'ac^ons At Bewyke ys a 
B«wike a good tower the ^ , , ,. * , , . „ 

prinoes Inheritaanoe good tower of the kmges ma^ Inherytaonce as of the aug- 

mentac'ons of his graces crowne late belonginge to the sub- 
pressed monastery of Tynemouthe A parte thereof ys newly 
cov*ed w^ leade & thother p*te ys not well cov'ed nor in good 
repac'ons And yt is much requysyte that the said tower were 
kept in convenyent reparll for yt standeth in a f ytte pUce 
% good pi^cefor » «w- for the defence of the countrye thereaboutes And is able in 

rtoon of 50 men *' 

tyme of warre to conteyne fyftye men in ganyson 

nderton a great tower At Ilderton there ys a great tower w**» a stronge bannekyn 
wth a strong bennekin 
ofBtone of stone of thinherytaunce of Raufle Ilderton gentleman 

whiche for lacke of contynuall necessarye rep'ac^ns ys fallen 

out of reparaoons in extreme ruyne & decaye and all the Rooffes & flores thereof 

nderton'B inheritounoe wasted & nothinge Standings but the bare walles It were 

mnche necessarye and requysyte to have the said fortresse 

repared for yt standeth uttermost in that p'te nezte unto the 

waste under the southe syde of Chevyott And yf yt were in 

» mete P^^'o' vtni- good repac'ons yt would well recey ve & lodge fyf tie souldio's 

in tyme of wane 
Boddon a Utile tower At Roddome there is a lytle toure w^out a barmekyn of 
Bod^k^HnSerHanoe thinherytance of John Roddom esquier the rooffe ys decayed 
for lacke of necessarye repaco^ns 
Orawiflj At Crawley there is a lytle toure of thinherytance of the 

»"**!• *2JJJJ"'*^ daughter and heyre of S Wll'm Heron in greatt decaye for 
lacke of contynuall reparac'ons 
TitiiDgton At Tytlyngton ys a lytle toure of the kinges ma*« Inheiy- 

utile towrath nrinoea **^°® ^*® bdonginge to the Supp'ssed monastery of Kyrke- 
inheritanoe deoajed Vm decayed in the rooffes for lacke of repac'ons And the 
Imbattlementes thereof were nev'.fynyshed 
Shawden At Shawden ys a toure of thinheritaunoe of Cuthb*t Proc- 

a towre In reparaoon f^j^j j^ measurable good repac'ons 

Whittingame ^^ Whyttyngame bene two towers whereof the one ys the 

two towres repayxed mansion of the vycaredge & thother of the Inheritance of 

Rb't CoUyngewood esquier k bothe be in measurable good 


Oallaljr* a towtr At Callalye ys a toure of thinheritaunce of Claverynge in 

measurable good repac'ons 



At £8lyngton ys a toure w*** a bannekyn of the Inhery- 

taance of one Hesleiygge esquier And in the tenor 

&, occapaco*n of Robt. Collingewood esqul' who kepeth the 
same in good repac'ons*^* 

At Ingrame ys a lytle tonie w^ ys the mansion house of 
the p*8onage there & for lacke of contynuall necessary re- 
pac*ns ys fallen in greatt decaye in the Oov'ynge k RoofEes 

Also a lytle by west the said toure of Ingrame the ryy' or 
water of Brymyshe by rage of fioodes hath wome sore upon 
the sonthe banke thereof that except there be shortely made 
a were & defence of the same yt is Tery lyke in contynuance 
of tyme to were awaye both the said towne of Ingram & tower 

At Great Ryle there hath one Thomas CJollingewood gent' 
newly buylded a toure upon the Inherytaince of Robt Col- 
lingewood And is mynded to buylde lykewise a bannekyn 
about the same as his power may serve thereunto 

At Prendyke ys lykewyse a lytle toure newlye buylded 
by one Thomas Aldye gent; thinheiytonre of the same 

At Alname be two lytle toures whereof thone ys the man- 
sion of the vycaredge and thother of the Inherytaunce of the 
kinges ma^" p^cell of the late Erie of Northumb'landes landes 
beinge scarcely in good repaiac'ons'^' 

At Scrynwood is a toure & a bannekyn of the Inhery- 
iance of John Horseley esquier kepte in very good repac'ons 
At Byttylsden ys a toure & a barmekyn of the Inheiytance 
of Percyvall Selby esqui' in good repac'ons k nere unto the 
same ys an other lytle toure at a place called the Gotte walles 
in measurable good repac'ons of the said p'cyvall Selbyes 

At Borrodone ys a great toure of thinherytaunce of C^rge 
Fenwycke & Percyrall Lysle in the righte of his wyf e whiche 
for lacke of necessary repac'ons ys fallen into extreme ruyne 
& decaye 

At Clennell ys a lytle toure of thinherytaunce of one 
p'cyvall Clennell gent newly reparelled and brattyshed by the 

a towre wth a barmekyn 

a little towre dooajed 

The water like to wear 
the towne of Ingram 

Great Byle a towre 

Prendlke a little towre 

two little towree oute of 

a towre and abarmekin 

a towre and a barmekin 

a great towre in mine 

a little towre 

"* Cf . Leiand's Itinerary, ante p. 26. 

17* *Alnham. The Lord hath there a faire stronge stone Tower of Ancient 
tyme builded & strongly vaulted over Sc the Gates & Dores be all of great stronge 
Iron Barres and a good demayne adjoining thereto^ the House is now ruinoHS 
and in some decay by reason the Farmer useth to carry his sheep up the Stares 
and to lay them in the Chambers which rotteth the Vaultes and will in shorte 
time be the utter decay of the same house if other ref ormacion be not had ' — 
Stockdale's Survey, 1586, at Alnwi(!k Castle. 


same p'cyvall And also he ys in makinge of a newe barmc- 

kyn about the same as his power will extende thereunto 

Allaynton At Allavnton"* ys a lytle bastell house of stone the man- 

a UUe stone howse ^ J J 

sion of the vycaredge scaresly in good repac'ons 

The Linnebrigg At the Lynne brigge there hathe bene a stone house of 

thinherytaunce of one Rog* Horseley but yt was bronnte & 
casten downe by the Scottes in tyme paste, and the owener 
hathe gathered the stones thereof unto a place of more 
strength nere unto the same, and to buylde a newe bastell 
house as his power wyll serve hym Intendeth"* 

Tharnam a tower At Thamam'^ ys a toure of thinherytance of one Reg* 

Horseley in measurable good repac'ons 

Netber Trewhitt/ At nether Trewhytt ys a toure of thinherytance of Edward 
Gallon in measurable good reparc*ons 

atoTOd*" ed ^* Hephell ys a toure of thinherytance of the lorde C^le 

decayed in the roof es & scarcely in good repac^ons 
a^SStoTO ^* Throptone ys a lytle toure of thinherytaunce of S' 

Cuthb't Ratclyffe knighte 

agoodtortme At Cartyngton ys a good fortresse of twoo toures & other 

stronge stone houses of the Inherytau'ce of the said S' Cuthb' 
Ratclyffe knight & kepte in good repac'ons 
flarbottieouue in great Apon the Southe syde of the ryv» of Cockett ys a stronge 
place & metely for the defence of all that countiye aswell 
againste the Invasion & Incourses of Scottes in tyme of warre 
as for defence of the theftes & spoyles of the Ryddesdayle men 
standeth the castell of Harbottell wythin the said country 
of Ryddesdayle and ys of the Inherytaunce of the lorde Tayl- 
boys heyres & is for lacke of necessary repac'ons fallen into 
extreme ruyne & decaye that greatt pety yt is to see for suerly 
that castell ys muche necessary for the comon welthc of those 
pities to be reparelled & kepte in repac'ons For it serveth not 
onely for defences as ys aforesaid but also yf yt were in snche 

* fOT^*Y3jreifSiTiBon good state as hath bene yt would in tyme of warre receyve& 

lodge an hundrethe souldio^'s & their horses And also there 
for the kepar of Riddee- 18 no other convenient place for the keeper of Ryddesdayle to 
dwell in to conserve the Ryddesdayle men in good rule k for 
the chastysinge of the evell despoeed people of the same when 
they offende And yt is so farre rune in ruyne in the cov'ture 
Roofes floores k, walles both in stone worke tymbre & leade 

"* Alwinton. 

"» Cf. Leland's Itinerary. 

*^ Themham in Coquctdale, now miscalled Fairnham. This permutation of 

* Th ' into * F ' is curious ; it reminds one of the way in which the Greek O 
is pronounced like F in Russian, &c. 


That we can not esteme the charge of the i*epac'on8 thereoi: 

to bringe yt into snche a convenyent state as yt hathe bene 

& as y t was oideyned afore to be any lease some then f oure 

hondreth poundes And the owener thereof hathe no tymber 

of his owne in those p'ties to repare yt w^ all nor none 

groweth nere thereunto but that the kirges ma^*' hath in 

Bothebury f oriest & breakebnrne being p'celles of thaugmen- 

tac'ons of his graces crowne asmuche tymbre growinge as we 

esteme will sufficiently serve for the repac^ons of the castell 

And yf y t be not amended in bref e tyme yt will more & more in ghort time wiibe tm 

decay e & shortely be paste Inhabytac'on which would be a habitable 

mVelous great hurte & loss to all that countrye 

We have not dyrected any I'res of monyc*on to the lorde 
Sc owener of the said castell for the reparelleinge of the same 
because we knewe not certenly who is the Inhery tour theieof 
nor he dwelleth not in these p'ties And as we thinke he 
would be better Sc more soner p'swaded thereunto by moc'on 
of the kinges mu^** & his most hon'able councell then by our 
I'res unto whom we reserve the p'mysses as matter of greatt 
Importaunoe & necessarye for the comon of these marches 

At Barrowe a lytle above Harbottell upon the southe syde ^ 

of the same ry^' of Cokett standeth the olde walles of a lytle » "*tie fortrease niyned 

•^ •'by the warres 

f ortresse of the Inherytance of one Gerrard Barrowe which in 
tyme past was brounte & rased by the Scottes in a warre tyme 
And so remaineth still waste because the oweners thereof 
have bene bilt poor men and not able nor of power sythens to 
reparell the same 

At a place called the hare clewgh one Rog' hanginge- Hareciewgh 

sbawes hath- lately buylded upon his owne Inherytance a » "tone pile not flntehed 
fltxonge pele house of stone in a convenyent place for resyst- 
ence of the Incourse of theves of Ryddesdayle and he ys not 
able in defaulte of substance to p'f orme & f ynyshe the same 

At Great Tosson is a tower of the lorde Ogles Inherytance q^^^ tobbou 

& not in good rep'ac'ons * ^^^ 

At Whytton nere unto Rotheberye is a toure & a lytle Wyttou 

baimekin beinge the manc'on of the p'sonage of Rothbery ^ ^"^tmekin 
and is in good reparco'ns 

At Elybume p'cell of the lordeshippe of Rotheberye is a Eiiburne 

"Strong pele house of the kings ma"" Inherytaunce as of a strong pile 

thangmentac'ons of his graces crowne & p'cell of the late 
erle of Northumb'lands landes*^ 

*" All memory of the strong pele house of Elybume has been lost ; the very 
name has perished. It was evidently between Whitton and Ritton ; and the 
passage * Rothebury : Thomyhaughe — Roger Mutf ord tenet unum tenementum 




a stone hotme outo of 



a little Btone nouBe wth 



a itrong house 

The Sawnes 

a strong towre 

LitUe Harle 
a towre 

Kirk Welpington 
9 towre 


a bastoll howse 

a baistell howse 

Filton more 
a bastell howse 

Carre Cottes 
a bastell howse 

At Bytton is a stone house & a Ijtle barmekjn of the 
kinges ma^'** Inherytance p'cell of thaugmentac'ons of his 
graces crowne lately belonginge to the supp'ssed monastery 
of Newemnstpe scarcely in good repac'ons 

At Grenelyghton is a lytle stone house w^ a barmekyn of 
the same Inheiytanoe k not in good repac'ons 

At Rotheley is a lytle towre of the same inherytance in 
measurable good reparacions 

At Harterton hall ys a stronge bastell house of the In- 
herytaunoe of S^ John Fenwyke in good repac'ons 

At the Sawnes*^' is a lytle pele house or bastell of thinheiy- 
taunoe of the said S' John Fenwyke in measurable good re- 

At Wallyngton is a stronge toure & a stone house of thin- 
herytance of the said 8' John Fenwyke in good rep'ac'ons 

At lytle harle ys a toure of thinherytanoe of Thomas 
Fenwyke in ^rood rep'ac^ons 

At Eyrke Whelpyngton is a little toure the mansyon of 
the vyccaredge in good rep^ac'ons 

At Hawyke ys a bastell house of thinherytau'ce of one 
Belly ngiam in good rep'ac^ons 

At Swetehope is an other bastell house of thinherytance 
of S' John Fenwyke knighte in good rep'ac'ons 

At Fylton more is a bastell house called the Whyte house 
of the kinges ma*** Inheritance p'cell of the Augmentac'on 
of his graces crowne belonginge to the late supp'ssed monas- 
tery of Neweminster in measurable good rep'aoo'ns 

At Carre Cottes*™ in the said Fylton more is an other 
bastel house of the same Inherytance in measurable good 

k^. in Elybomemouth * in Hall and Hnmbertson's Survey of the confiscated estates 
of Thomas Earl of Northumberland in 1669 (Vol. L, p. 66, P.R.O.) seems to prove 
the Elybume to be the same stream as that now known as the Forest Bum which 
flows into the Coquet near Thomyhaugh. Consequently we may be justified in 
regarding the Lee, a farm house on the Forest Bum, in the direct line between Whit- 
' ton and Ritton, as occupying the site of Elibume pele. Mr. D. D. Dixon of Roth- 
bury, it is gratifying to find (considering the great knowledge he possesses of the 
Forest and its histoiy), agrees with this identification. * The proximity (to the 
Lee) of an old hollow way — ^the ancient road — seems,' he remarKs, *• to denote the 
spot as an old centre/ 

"• *'.«., the Fawnes, to the north of Wallington, so called in Swinburne deeds 
of the 16th century. See Hodgs. Norikd. III. ii. p. 10. Accordingly to Jamieson's 
IHet, of the Scottith Language, Paisley, 1833, white spots on moorish ground are 
called Fa/mu in Ettrick Forest. 

^"^ Carry Coats may possibly be derived from the Celtic Caer y coed—' the 
stronghold in the wood.' 



At lytle Swyneburne is a lytle toure of thinberitannce of 
Thomas Mjdleton of Belao esqni* decayed in the roofes 

At Mykle Swynbnme*'' hath nebe a great tonre of the In- 
herytaance of S' John Wetheringfton knighte bat all the 
looffes & floores thereof bene decayed & nothinge standinge 
bat the walles 

At Gonnerton is a toure & a stone house of thinherytance 
of S' John Fenwyke knighte in good repac'ons 

At Chypchase ys a fare tower A a mano' of stone warke 
Joyned thereunto of thinherytaunce of John Heron of the 
same esqnier kepte hi good repac*ons 

At Symondbnme ys a stronge toure of f onte house height 
of thinherytaunce of S' Wyll'm Herons heyrs and yt stand- 
eth of a very stronge ground a myle from Chypchase upon 
the west side of the ryy* of northe tyne & ys in measurable 
good repac'ons 

And in the same towne of Symondbume ys a nother lytle 
towre the manc*on of the p'sonage there in measurable good 

At the hall bames in the same towne ys a bastell house 
of the late Inheritance of S' Will^m Heron in good repac'oons 

At Hawghton two myles southeste from the said towne of 
Symondbume standeth the walles of an olde castell or f ort- 
resse very stronge but the roofes A floores thereof bene de- 
cayed & gone And an olde barmekyn p*tely decayed in the 
walles thereof of thinherytaunce of S' John Wetherington 
knighte & in greatt decaye 

At Tekett ys a strong stone house of thinheiytaunce of 
Wyirm Bydley in good repac'ons 

At the Garrowe Ib a toure & a stone house ioyninge to the 
same of the kinges ma*** Inherytance p'cell of the augmen- 
tac'n of hiB graces crowne late belonginge to the supp'ssed 
monastery of Hezam and by a lete dymytted unto S' Reynold 
Camabye knighte for certayne yeres yt lyeth in decaye & not 
Inhabyted nor in good repac'ons 

At Sewyngeshealles is an olde towre of thinheiytaunce of 
John Heron of Chypchace esquier in great decaye in the 
rooffes k flores k lyeth waste & unplenyshed 

At Braydley ys a stone house of the inherytaunce of Ny- 
oolas Carrowe & lyeth wast & unplenyshed 

At Satlyngestones ys a toure of thinherytaunce of Will'm 
Camabye esquier in measurable good rep'aco'ns 

*■• Swinbume Castle. 

Little Swinbome 
ft little towre decayed 

Mickle Swinbomo 
a great towre decaywl 

a towre ft a stone howse 


a fayre towre and manor 

of Btoneworke 


a Htronfr towre In a very 

strong grownd 

a little towre 

The HaU bames 
a bastle bowse 


a f ortresse very strong 

but decayed 

a strong stone house 

a towre and a stone ho wse 

in decay 

an old toure wast 

a stotae howse 

a towre 




a towre 

a towre decayed 


a baatell house 

a towre 

a towre 


a good torn re and attone 


At Wawetowne"* is a toure of thinherytance of John 
Rydley of the same, and is not in good rep*aco*n8 

At Thyrlewall ys a toure of thinherytaunce of Rob'tThyrle- 
wall of the same in measurable good rep'ac^ons 

At Blenkensoppe ys a toure of thinherytance of John 
Blenkensoppe & is decayed in the roof e & not in good rep*a- 

At Bellester is a bastell house in thoccnpac^n of one Blen- 
kensoppe & is in measurable good repaoo^ns 

At Fetherstonhaughe ys a toure of thinher3rtaunce of 
Alexander Fetherstonhaughe of the same in good rep'ac*ons 

At Hawtewysle is a toure of thinherytance of S» Will'm 
Musgrave knighte in measurable good rep'ac'ons 

At Willymonnteswyke ys a good toure & a stone honae 
ioyninge thereunto of the Inherytaunce of Nycolas Rydley 
kepte in good rep'ac'ons 

At Langley standeth the walles of an olde castell of thin- 
herytaunce of the klnges ma^** as p*cell of the aagmentac^ons 
of his graces crowne late of thinherytance of therle of Nor- 
thumb'land All the rooffes & flores thereof be decayed wasted 
& gqne & nothinge remayning but onely the walles and jt 
standes in a very convenyent place for the defence of the 
Incourses of the Scottes of Lyddesdale k of the theres of 
Tyndale Gyllesland & Bowecastell when they ryde to steall or 
spoyle w'^in the byshopiycke of Duresme 

At the Newbrough is a toure of thinherytance of the lorde 
Burrowe in measureable good rep'aco'ns 


... In all the said countrye"' of Tyndall there ys not any 
other towne or place of C5mon resorte where vyttalles ys to 
be solde for money but onely at Bellingeam aforesaid nor 
there ys nowe standinge w**»in the said countrye of Tyndall 
any towers save one lytle tower at heslesyde of thinherytaunce 
of one Charleton sone to Edward Charleton deceased 

There was w**»in the said countrye of Tyndall an other 
tower called Tarsett hall of the lorde Burrowes Inheiytaunoe 
the which was brounte by the said Tyndalles xvj yerea 
sythence & more at a tyme when S' Bauffe Fenwyke lay w*^ 

"* * Wawetowne * (for WaUtown) may only be a case of phonetic spelling. 
The late f^r. Lyon, Headmaster of Sherborne School, a native of Hexham, used 
to declare that he could tell from what particular township alon<? the line of the 
Wall any man came by hearing him pronounce the word * Wall.* Some would 
say Wa*, some Wo', some Wael, &c., &c., &c., the only thing none of them said was 

»« Cotton. MS. Oalig. B. viii. fo. 856 (n. p.) 


an old castell defaced 

in a rery convenient 

the princes 


Bellingeam th«yr towne 
and assembling place 

Tarsett bawle defiaoed 



Wftrke the chefe sdcn- 
ory of Tindale ftna al 
the contrye betwenc 
North Tlue and South 

Theyr howting 



a oertajne garryson in the tower at Tarsett hall for the re- 
f ormac'on of certayne mysorders w^in the said countiye of 
Tyndall There ys also an olde mansion and apparence of a 
f ortresse that hathe bene in tyme passed at a place in Tyndall 
called Warke wythin twoo myles or lesse of the said Bellin- 
geam of the kinges ma"^ Inheiytaunce which Warke ys the 
chefe Sygnoary & Mano' whereof aswell all the said conntiy 
of Tyndall as almost all the townes standinge betwene the 
said riY*B of north tyne and South Tyne bene holden and at 
the said Warke ys there a coarte or lawe daye kepte at suche 
tymes as the kep* of T^ndale doth appoynte the same 

The houses buildinges k Inhabitac5ns of the said oonntiy 
of Tyndale ys muche sett upon eyther syde of the said Byy' 
of Northe Tyne & upon other lytle brokes k rynnelles ran- 
ninge and descendinge into the said ry v' in strong places by 
the nature of the grounde and of such streng:the8 naturally 
f ortefyed aswell by reason of mosses and marresoes w^ w*'* 
great dyfficyalty maye be passed w^ horsemen as of bankes 
ft clewghes of wood whereyn of olde tyme for the more 
strength great trees have bene felled and layde so ov' thwarte 
the waies ft passages that in dy v*s places onlles yt be by suche 
as knowe ft have experyence of those said strate ft evell waies 
ft passages yt wylbe harde for straungers havynge no know- 
ledge thereof to passe thereby in any order ft sp*c*ally upon 

In which naturall strength ft fortyficac'ons of such places 
almost inaccessable the said Tyndalles do muche rejoice ft 
Imbolden themselfes ft when they be affrayed do rether trust 
in the strenc^h of suche places w^^'out their houses then to the ■ 
suertye or defence of their houses And yet suerly the bed- Theyr howeee itrong 
desmen of them have veiy stronge houses whereof for the 
most p'te the utter sydes or walles be made of greatt sware 
oke trees strongly bounde ft Joyned together w"* great tenons 
of the same so thycke mortressed that yt wylbe very harde 
w^^oute greatt force ft laboure to breake or caste downe any 
of the said houses the tymber as well of the raid walles as 
rooffes be so greatt ft coy*ed most p'te w^ turves ft earthe 
that they wyll not easyly bume or be sett on f yere 

It will not escape notice that this Survey of 1541 states that the 
towers at Great Ryle, Prendwick, Filton Moor, and Carry Coats had 
only been recently built, while those at Downham, Pawston, and 
Hezelrigg, as well as Roger Hangingshaw's 'strong pele house of 



stone * at the Hare Cleu^h, and * the stronge stone house or bastell at 
the Great Heugh/ were not yet quite finished. Roger Horsley at the 
Linnebrigg had already gathered on a fresh and stronger site the 
stones of a house destroyed by the Scots, in order to build * a new 
bastell house of stone.' The tower of Cornhill is especially mentioned 
as having been 'new embattled'; the * imbattlements * of Titlington 
had never been completed. Instead of building these towers, as the 
Normans did their keeps, in areas already enclosed by an outer wall, 
the Borderers of the 16th century, as instanced at Clennell, Cornhill, 
and Great Ryle, seem to have added their barmekins afterwards. 

The terms used to. describe the various strongholds are worthy of 
close attention. Scremerston, Borrowden, Horton, Ilderton, Mykle 
Swinburne, and Fenton are called ' great towers/ which, judging from 
the last of these, meant that they were capable of holding garrisons of 
a hundred men. Bewick, a 'good tower,' could accommodate fifty. 
At Kirk Newton, Wallington, Gunnerton, Chipchase, Carraw, and 
WillimoteswykC; stone houses had already been joined to the towers 
for the purpose of affording better accommodation for the owners and 
their families. The disadvantages of this in case of a siege had been 
experienced at Kirk Newton, apparently in 1582, since the Scots ' wan 
the stone house and sett fyer on yt and had thereby allmost burnt the 
tower and all.' These strong stone houses with gable ends when they 
stood alone were called 'bastells,' as we learn from the alternative 
designation of those at Middleton Hall, and the Great Heugh. Akeld 
is ' a little fortelett or bastell house.' Earle, Alwinton (vicarage), 
Harterton Hall, Hawick, Sweethope, the White House on Filton Moor, 
Carrycoats, and Bellester are * bastell-houses,' though by some con- 
fusion, Hebburn (in Chillingham Park), the most characteristic 
^bastell-honse' imaginable, and one that still retains that name,^^ is 
called a tower. While the stronger stone houses were known as 

* bastells,' the smaller came to be termed peles ; Hethpool is ' a lytle 
stone house or pyle.' The fact that Roger Hangingshaw's abode at 
the Hare Cleugh is mentioned as being *a stronge pele house ofnton^y 
suggests that a pele might have been constructed of wood. There 

"• The Ordnance Surveyors seem to have been much puzzled by the tfrm 

* bastell * still applied to Hebburn, and have marked it on their maps as ^bC 
JSa0tilC» at the same time misspellinfr Hebburn, He/7bum, as though it bad 
been in Scotland. 


was a 'strong pele house' at Elyburn, and 'a lytle pele honse or 
basteir at the Fawnes ; but the sparing use made of the term ^pele' 
is remarkable. The instances of its employment are, however, suffi- 
cient to clearly prove that at that time it by no means conveyed the idea 
of a large tower. As has been already noticed, the word was originally 
used in the 14th century as the equivalent of a moated stronghold, 
while the country people in Northumberland still apply it to the re- 
mains of old fortified farm houses, never to towers of any consequence.^®* 
The Book of the State of the Frontiers and Marches betwixt 
England and Scotland, which Sir Robert Bowes wrote in 1550 at the 
request of the Marquess of Dorset, then Warden-General, informs us^^ 
that :— 

''There is ij myles or more west from warke a towne that liethe waste in every 
warre called Myndrom whiche standithe upon the water of bowbent io a very 
f ertille soille, and might btt f ortifyed for the suddeine, w^i'oat it were assaled w^ 
a powre or great ordy nance, w^ no great charge. If there were there made a 
strong towre w^ stables bynethe and lodging*^ above after the fashion of Boclyf *^ 
my Lord Dacres house upon the west borders able to conteigne many men and 
horses, and iu circuyte about it a large barmekyn or fortylage for save garde of 
cattle, whiche might easely in that place have water in a ditche rownde aboute. 
And that towne so fortefied might be a savegarde for men, horse and cattalle of 
Bondry vUlages in that q'ter whiche now for lacke of sucfae fortresses lye waste 
in every warre or troublesome tyme. 

Also that towne of Myndrom weU plenyshed, liethe so in the highe strete, 
and waye, wbe/eby the Scottes passe and repasse into those merches of englande, 
that it wolde not onelye be a great relieve or defence to that frontier, but also 
(having ij litle piles or watche bouses, the one upon Tever8heughe betwene it k, 
Warke, and the other uppon Heddon Lawe betwene it & Chevyot**') there colde 
no scottesmen passe into Bnglande nor from englande, but one of those houses 
might discover them. And so by bumyng of beacons or shoote of a goone to 
give knowlege of and wamyng frome one to an other. Whereby they might 
assemble to resiste, repulse, or anoye thenemye, as occasion and theyrc powre 
might serve them. The uttermost frontier thns fortyfyed upon theast m'ches 

»•* On the word * Pele,' see Note (C), p. 57. 

»» State Papers, Dom. Add. Ed. VI., vol. iv., No. 30, fo. 786. This appears to 
be the original of which Cotton. MS. Titus F. 13. (printed in Hodgson's Northunt' 
herland. III., ii. p. 171) is a copy. The title, however, is wanting, and it has 
consequently been tentatively placed in the printed Calendar (p. 421) under the 
year 1562. 

'*• BocklifE, in Cumberland, 5 miles N.E. of Carlisle. 

»w cf t Pauston, Pytmyert, Myehau-ford, Shottan-burimovth, Tumeheiter'boyff, 
North side of Myndram-hogg, Teuers-heughe, to be watched with fourteen Men 
nightly, of the Inhabitors of Langton, Mylnefeld, Edderslaw, Brangettone^ 
SetoH, Sowtyll, Pawstouy and Myndram.^ — Nicholson's ^orcfer Laws, 1705, p. 138, 


wolde cause that sondry vyllages wasted by warres and lieng long tyme nnin- 
habited to be repeopled and plenyshed whiche were a great strengthe to those 

The moflte parte of the fortresses towres and piles upon the ntter side or 
frontier of those east m'ches have bene in tymes past rased and casten downe 
by the Scottes, and yet be not repared whiche is mnche pitty to se, as the castle 
of Heton belonging to Mr. Gray, the towre of Twisell belonging to the heires of 
Heron of foorde, The towre of Howtell belonging to one burrell. The towre of 
Shoreswoode belonging to the College of Durham, The towre of barmo' belong- 
ing to Edward Mnschaunce. The towre of Dnddo belonging to Robert Clavering. 
And the most parte of all the other Castles, fortresses, towres, and pyles, w**»in 
the saide este m'ches belonging as well to the kings ma^* as to any other 
person be snffred to decaye, whiche wolde be amended, otherwise it wilbe great 
danngier if the Bcottes shalbe hereafte able and of powre to invade those 
m'chies and remayne any tyme in the same without repulse/* 

"The forte of Beblowe*" w**»in that (Holy) Islande liethe very well for the 
defence of the haven there. And if there were about the lowe parte thereof 
made a ringe w^ bulwarks to flank the same the ditche thereabout might be 
easely watered towarde the lande. And then. I think, the saide forte were very 
strong, and stoode to great purpose bothe for the defence of the forte and 
anoyance of the enemies, if they did arrive in any other parte of that Ilande.'* 

The Survey Book of Norham and Islandshire in 1561^^ has many 
particulars relating to the defences of those districts, though, except 
for the notices of the 'bastall house of smale strength' at Felkingtoiiy 
the tower of Fenham, and the 'good pile' of Goswick (which may be 
supposed to have been built since the time of the Survey of 1641;, 
these do not add much to our knowledge : — 
''Newbioikg. ' In the same towne is one tower in good reparacions, 

and a good bamkin about the same.' 
TwiZELii. ^ There hath beene in the said towne one towre, or pile, 

which is of atmcyent tyme decayed and cast downe, and 

there remayneth one parte or quarter thereof, and a 

bamkin about it.' 
TiLMOUTH. ' In the same towne is a little tower or pile much in 

decay, and a little bamekin about y^ same.' 

»•• state Papers, Dom. Add. Ed. VI., vol iv.. No. 30, fo. 76. 

>■* ' The SUBVEY BooKE of NoBHAM and Ilandshibe, taken and made in the 
third yeare of our Soueraigne Lady Elizabeth, Queene of England, France, and 
Ireland, Def. of the Faith, etc., by Anthony Roone, Esq\, one of the Queenc's 
Ma*». Auditors, and Thomas Baytes, Gent, Surveyor of her Ma**. Lands in the 
County of Northumberland.' — Raine's North Durham, p. 15. 


CoBNEHYLiiE. * There is in the same one fcowre, or pile with a barnekiu 
about the same, and is in indiflFereut good reparacyons.' 

Heaton. ' In the same towne is the scite of a fajre castle decayed, 
which was destroyed by the Scotts in tyme of Kinge 
Henry the Seaventh, and neuer syne repaired, so that 
there remayneth no buildings save y° vauts of y*' same, 
and a dwelling house for y« fermor, and a barnekin.' 

DuDDOO. * In the same is one pile, or tower, which is decayed by 
reason it was cast downe by the Scotts at Flodden-field,^^ 
and nyver repayred senths, and there standeth bot the 
halfe y' of, about the which is one barnekin/ 

Gryndon. * There is at Grindon Ridge a towre in good reparacions.' 

Akcboft, Fblkyngton, and Allbrdbn. *In the same towne of 
Ancroft is one pile, builded to the end of the church, and 
dy vers good bowses beside.' * In the towne of Felkyngtori 
is noe tower, or pile, but one bastall house of smale 

RoosE. * There is in the same Towne no towre nor pile.' 

Ellwick. * There is in the same towne twoe towres.' 


Fenham. ' There is in the same towne one towre in good reparacions. 

Thornton. * There is in the same one towre which was cast downe 
at Flodden field by the Scotts,**^ and is not yet well 
repayred, bot y* one peece yett is in decay, and a bamkin 
about it.' 

Gorewick. * There is one good pile there builded vppon the en- 
heritaunce of Thomas Swinhoe, and in good reparacions.' 

Skbbmbrbton. 'There is. in the same towne on good towre, with a 
barnekin in good reparacions.' 

Cheswick. ' There is a little towre, ruinous and in decay, of the 
inheritaunce of Thomas Maners.' 

LowLYN. 'Hath neither towre, nor any hovse of defence' " 

It appears that, in accordance with the views of the Commissioners 

of 1541, a strong house was built at Kilham. This has been unfor- 
tunately recently destroyed, but it is said to have closely resembled, 

«* Really in 1496, sec ante pp. 22, 38. 

*'* This, too, seem a mistake ; ' the lytic towre of Thonibie ' was • in good 
case ' in 1541, see ante p. 38. 


on a smaller scale, the bastle-hoase at Doddington, one of the most 
charming remains of Border architecture, only finished, as an inscrip- 
tion on it informs us, in 1584. Nothing seems known of the 'castle' 
of Hurst, near Woodhom, before 15G2, nor of the tower of Kirk Harle 
before 1588.^^ The great tower of Coupland is probably of even later 
date^ and may possibly not have been completed till 1619, sixteen years 
after the personal Union between England and Scotland. 

In addition to the number of castles and towers which are recorded 
in the old Surveys, or still impress the traveller in their ruined state, 
there are scattered up and down Northumberland traces of fortified 
dwellings of a humbler order, and possibly more recent origin, some 
of them sites and nothing more, others perfectly imbedded in modem 
houses. These it is purposed to enumerate and describe in a separate 
chapter. A comparative account of the architectural features of the 
various surviving castles, towers, bastle-houses, and peles is only 
possible after the buildings themselves, and their histoiy, have been 
studied in detail. 

^*^ In 1581, an Act (23. Eliz. cap. iv.) was passed to appoint Commujsioners 
to report on the defences of the Border, see Note (G.) p. 65. 


Note, p. 7.— Bbktbschb. 

A Breteschey according to YioUet-le-Duc (Dictionnaire de VArchiiedure ^VaM- 
(jaite^ II., p. 244), signified primarily an embattled wooden ei*ection of several 
stories used for the attack or defence of a fortress. This signification is brought 
out very distinctly in the account given by Gnillaume le Breton in his Oe*ia 
Philippi Anfftuti (Duchesne, Ristorict Francorum SeripioreSj V., p. 63) of that 
king erecting, in 1202, seven double bretetohes, or very strong forts (Bretaschias 
duph'ces per sepiem loca, casteUa videlicet tnunitistima) round Ch&teau Gaillard 
which he was besieging, each bretesche being surrounded by a double quad- 
rangular moat with draw-bridges over it. 

One important characteristic of a bretesche was the ease with which it could 
be moved from place to place. William of Normandy {Roman de Rou, prt. xi., 
v. 9448-51 ) having gained possession of Domfront, ordered the breteechee there to 
be carried to Ambricres, where he fortified a castle: — 
*■ Li bertesckes en fit porter. 

A Aubrieres leu tit lever : 
Un chastel fit iloec fermer,' 


In like manner Henry TIL, in 1221, directed Daniel, the Bon of Nicholas the 
Constable of Newcastle, and Robert de Whltchester, Sheriff of Northumberland, 
to remove to Bambnrgb the large building timber Q grossum maeremium *) and 
the hr&te9che at Nafferton, though he afterwards sent them instructions to convey 
them to Newcastle instead, and there to erect the bretesche in the place of a 
turret which had fallen down on account of its bad foundation (Calend Boi. 
CZaii*., i., p.459b). 

The great value of these hretesehes and the recent importation of the term ' 
into England is made manifest by the description Matthew of Paris gives of the 
famous siege of Bedford Castle in 1224. It was not, he tells us, till the royalist 
troo|)6 had stormed two shelters, called Brutescies in French (duiB teHudinet, 
quat OalUce Brutesches appellant), and had many of them been severely wounded 
in the process, that they were enabled to pour from all sides into the castle. 

The correspondence of Matilda Countess of Nevers in 1246, in a passage 
where the Bishop of Anxerre accuses a certain esquire of having made in his 
house a wooden bretegche and other things of the nature of fortifications {Mpisco- 
jnt9 (Autossiodor.) dicehat dictum artniiferum fecisse in domo suaquandam Bretes- 
chiam ligneam et qucadam alia adforten»iam pertinentia, — Du Cange, GlosMrium, 
ed. Favre, in voc. * Breteschia *) affords a curious parallel instance to that at 
Nafferton of the erection of wooden towers of this description without the per- 
mission of a feudal superior, being considered a dangerous piece of insubordin- 

Nothing can be more bewildering than the changes of meaning acquired in 
the course of history by technical terms of military architecture. The name 
bretesche was afterwards applied (Yiollet-le-Duc) to (1) a permanent wooden 
story placed on* the top pf a tower so as to project slightly over it ; and to (2) a 
pent-house, with loops and meurtri^res, attached — generally over a gate-way — to 
the side of a tower or wall, and differing from a hourd in not forming a continu- 
ous gallery around or along it. It is in this last signification that it now seems 
employed in Archaeology. The word, from which the English * brattice ' is de- 
rived, is of uncertain origin. 

Note, p. 7.— Sir David Lyndesey's Toweb in Tyndale, 1237. 

Among the Royal Letters, not yet calendared, at the Public Record Office, is 
one, with no date nor signature, relating to the repairs of the castles of Newcastle 
and Bamburgh which proves on internal evidence to have been written to 
Henry III, in 1237 by Hugh de Bolebec, then * custos ' of Northumberland. In 
the concluding paragraph of this letter. Bolebec informs the king that in 
Tyndale, which the King of Scotland held of him in the county of Northumber- 
land, a certain knight named David de Lyndesey is bnilding a house with 
remarkably thick walls in the form of a tower. * It was reported that this was 
being done not without the approbation of the King of Scotland himself. 
Already the tower was built up to the walks of the battlements, and the walks 


also were completed. Lyndesey intended to crenellate the tower and to suiroand 
it with a moat. If these fortifications were to be finished and a store of arms 
laid in. the place would become an admirable rally ing-point for any who should 
come from the North with evil designs on England and on Northumberland in 
particular. Bolebec therefore asks the king to let him fully know his pleasure 
in the matter. 

[Noveritis etiam, domine, quod quidam miles David de Lyndesey unam 
domum mire spissitudinis in Tyndal quam Rex Scocie tenet de vobis in Gomitatn 
Northumbrie ad modum turns edificat et, ut dicitur, non sine assensu ipsins 
Regis, que jam ad ambulaciones facta exist it, et ipse ambulaciones jam parate 
existunt, et kernell* et fossato eam munire proponit. Que si perfecta extiterit et 
armis munita sicut iste miles eam munire proponit ut dicitur, malevolentibus 
regno vestro et maxime Northumbr* si qui talcs ex Aquilone venirent, optimum 
foret eis ref ugium et terre vestre magnum nocumentum. Quid ergo voles inde, 
plenarie mihi si placet significetis.] 

A letter written by Bolebec to Henry III. in October, 1245* QBoyal Letter* 
Sen, III., No. 858, Rolls Ber. i., p. 187), mentions a David de Lindesey, Justi- 
ciary ot Lothian (Laoudia) at the head of the Scottish Commissioners for deter- 
mining the line of the Borders near Carham ; and on 9th May, 1255, Henry HI,, 
at Reading, confirms to David de Lindesey and his heirs the whole of 'Chirden ' in 
Tyndale which Margaret, sister of Alexander, formerly king of Scotland (t.e., 
Margery, the youngest Bister of Alexander II., Cal. of Doc, rel. to Scot. I. Intr. liL) 
had given him. — Sot. Chart., 39 Hen. III., m. 4. There can therefore be little 
doubt that the tower built by David de Lindesey is Dala (Dallie 1668, Dale 1769) 
Castle, situated on the north bank of Chirdon Bum. Hodgson in his * Minutes 
of a Journey to Mounces, a seat of Sir John Swinburne, in North Tyndale, 
Aug., 1814,' wrote : — * Dalley Castle is 6n the brow of a hill against the Girden 
(Chirden) : the stones of it all led away: the ground on the left side dry and fertile : 
on the right side rather swamped and wet, but inclosed and in grass.' — Raine*8 
Memoirs of the Eet>. John Hodgson^ I., p. 169. Recent excavations, however, 
undertaken by Mr. W. L. S. Charlton, show that far from all the stones having 
been led away, the walls are still left seven feet high in places. An acooont 
of these remains, which from description appear to tally very well with the 
date 1237, will fall better under the heading of * Dala Castle.' 

* The Rev. W. W. Shirley, who edited this volume for the Master of the Rolls, 
has falsely ascribed this letter to Oct., 1222, and led Mr. Burton, HUt. of ScoU 
land, 18J.7, II., pp. 80-81, and the Editor of the Calendar of Documents relating 
to Scotland, I., p. 147, into the same error — a good illustration of the folly of 
printing hap-hazard selections from a series of National Documents. If Mr. Shirley 
had not even printed, but merely read the very letter that comes immediately 
before this, viz. : No. 857 (see App. to Deputy- Keeper* s Report, V., p. 83,) he would 
have scen^that the English and Scottish Commissioners really met on the Friday 
after St. Luke's Day (18th Oct.), 1245, instead of which he wholly ignores letter 
No. 857, and refers to Cal. Eot. Claus., i. p. 496 b., where Henry III. orders, 10th 
May, 1222, tlie Sheriff of Northumberland (Rol^ert de Whitchester) to take Hug^h 
de Bolebec and other knights, not to meet Scottish Commissioners, but to report 
on the line of the Border, a very preliminary stage of the proceedings. 


Note, p. 10.— Pelb. 

The nae and abase of the word ' Pele * requires almost an essay to itself. 

Far from being an isolated tower, built in a sort of traditionary imitation of 
a Norman keep, a pele, in the medisBval acceptation of the term, was rather, as 
Sir Walter Scott defines it, ^ a place of strength, the defences of which are of 
earth mixed with timber, strengthened with palisades.* — WaverUjf Novels, ed. 
1884, Yol. 48, Glossary, p. 471. 

Apparently PHI was the name given in Celtic to the primieyal hill-fort 
(Richard's Welth and English Dictionary), though both this and the English 
word may possibly be derived from some common root. 

Horton-next-the-Sea, licensed to be crenellated in 1292, is called a * pelom ' 
by John de Trokelawe in his account of Gilbert de Middleton*s rebellion in 1317 
(* Walteros de Selby in pelo de Horton latuit.' — Trokelawe, Ann., Bolls Ser. p. 
101), and by Walsingham (Bolls Ser., L, p. 153) a < ref ortinncnla.' In 1415, it 
appears as a ' castrum,* though a marginal note would reduce it to the rank of a 
*fortalitium.' This ' pelum * at Horton was defended by a double moat and ram- 
part of tfor^i^— Hodgson's Norihd,, XL ii., p. 265. Connected also with the 
Rebellion of 1817 were the 'pila' at Bolton and Whittingham. 

The term * pele * was not even then confined, as seems generally supposed, to 
the North of England. Mention occurs of the royal pele of Clipstone in Not- 
tinghamshire in 14 Ed. IL (Abbrev. Bot. Orig., i. p. 254). This pele stood between 
ICansfield and Ollerton, on an eminence above the village, and continued down to 
the time of Henry V. to be a sort of royal hunting-lodge for the Forest of Sher- 
wood. The gothic windows of the hall survived till l%\Z,-^Beaut. of Bngl, and 
ira/««,XIL,pt. I. p.885. 

In 20 Bd. n., Boger de Mauduit, constable of Prudhoe, was ordered to con- 
struct a certain pele without the gates of that castle, at the expense of twenty 
marks. (Abb. Bot. Orig. i., p. 299.) This appears to relate to the fortification 
of the area between the outer and the inner moats, in which stood the 'elder 
chapell ' of 'Our Lady at the foot of the mount' (Wallis) and the 'lodgeings there 
scitnate without the castle.' This pele was entered by ' a large gate-toured to the 
west of the barbican (Stockdale). 

Bobert de Brunne (Chron., p. 167) writing (1327-1388) of Coeur-de-Lion in 
Palestine, says : — 

* Bicharde did make a pele 
On kestelle-wise allwais wrought of tre full wele/ 
thus showing the extent to which wood was employed in early defences. Indeed, 
as has already been remarked (ante, p. 50), the manner in which the Border 
Surveys of the 16th century specify 'piles of stone* implies that even then the 
name ' pele' could be applied to defences of wood or earth. 

Langland, too, in his Vision of Piers the Ploughman (1369) C. Pass. xxiL, 
364-869 (19.858-63,) Early English Text Soc. ed.'skeat III., p. 418, alludes to a 



pelfi with a deep ditch or * muche mot* round it : — 

* He (Kynde Wit) criede, and comaundede alle cristyne people 
To delue and dike a deop dicker al aboute ynite, 
That holychurche stod in holynesse' as hit were a pile. 
Conscience comaundede tho' alle crystene to delue, 
And make a muche mot' that myghte be a ttrenffthe^ 
To helpe holjchurchc and them that hit kepeth.* 
In a note on this passage Mr. Skeat says * Holy Church (or Unity) is here 
represented as being a castle. Holiness is the moat that protects it, the water 
being the tears of penitents/ but then proceeds to misinterpret the word 'pile' 
as if it were ' a heavy pier or abutment such as a bridge rests on.' — IHd., IV. 
p. 436. 

In relating the exploits of Wallace, Thomas the Rhymer (Bk. lY. v. 213) 

informs us : — 

* On Gargownoo was byggyt a email peill 
That wamyst was with men and wittaill weill, 
Within a dyh, bathe cloee, ehawmer and haW, 
The moat enclosing both hall and chamber was, we 'see here again, the mam 
feature of the pele. 

The situations of the best known 14th century peles in Northumberland, that 
at Staward on a precipitous headland above the Allen, that at Wark-in-Tyndale 
on a high Mote Hill, fully bear out the view here taken of the mediaeval pUmm. 

Edward III. in 1336 (Rymer, iv., p. 686) gives orders: 'Quod custodes 
omnium castrorum, Pelorum et f ortalitiorum, in dicta terra Scotise, et alii in eis 
ad fidem nostram commorantes, eadem castra, Pela et fortalitia libere et 
absque perturbatione qualibet ezire valeant.' In 1400, the grant by Henry IV. 
of the Isle of Man to the Earl of Northumberland QUd,, viii., p 95) specifies 
Uhe island castle, pele {pelam) and lordship of Man.* The castle is now 
Castletown ; the remains of the pele (which gave the name of Peel to the town 
previously known as Holme Town) are situated on a small rocky island, joined 
by a stone wall to the mainland. The walls are flanked with towers, and the 
enclosed area is almost filled with the ruins of walls, buildings, and dwelling- 
houses ; in the centre is ' a pyramidal mound of earthy eurrounded hy a dOek^^ 
(Lewis's Top, Diet. Enghy iii, p. 223.) In 1403, the same king bestowed on the 
earl extensive territories in the south of Scotland, with their * castles, peles 
(peUui)y fortalices, manors, &c.' (Rymer, viiL, p. 289.) It will not fail to be 
noticed that a * pele' at the close of the 14th century was something more than a 

* f ortalice' but less than a castle. 

The contemporary ballad on Henry the Fifth's Expedition to France, attri- 
buted to Lydgate (Nicolas's Battle of AgineouH, 1827, cclii.), carries the term 

* pyle' across the Channel :— 

* Cure Kyng with riall aray 
To the se he past. 

And landyd in Normandye, tit the water of Sayn, 
At the pyU of Eetecaus.' 


Leland was particularly devoted to the word * pile,' and certainly he did not 
restrict the use of it to the North of England nor to single towers. He seems to 
have applied it at random to any smaller castle. Thus he speaks of * The Castel 
or preaty Pile of Caveswell ' in Staffordshire, and informs his readers that ^ By the 
Chyrch Qtath. of Thome' near Doncaster ' is a praty Pile or Castelet wel diked, 
now usid as a Prison for offenders in the Forestes.'— 7«»erary, vol. i., f o. 40, There 
is therefore nothing peculiar, when he comes to Northumberland, in his speaking 
of * the little Pile at Howick,' of * Fen wick Pile' (a stronghold in a low situation, 
occupying a considerable space, and possessing certainly more than one tower), 
or of the * little Pile' at Gomhill. 

In his spirited account of the expedition of the Duke of Somerset to Scotland 
in 1547 (published * out of the parsonage of St. Mary Hill in London this xzviii 
of Jan^, 1548,' and reprinted by Sir John Graham Dalyeli in Fragments of Scottish 
SUtory) William Patten uses. the word ' pele' across the Border in precisely the 
same sense as Leland, thus he speaks of ' Thornton and Anderwike (Innerwick) 
two pyles or holdes' (Dalyell's Fragmewts, p. 35), and of ' a litel castel or pile' on 
F&uzsyde Braye' (p. 74) which he had previously designated ' a sory castell ' 
(p. 46). 

The most remarkable of all references to peUs is, however, to be found in the 
treatise De Origine Morihus et Rehua Qestii Scottomm^ by John Leslie, Bishop of 
Boss (Rome, 1578, p. 61), where in describing the manners and customs of the Scots 
on the Border, he says that while the greater part of their houses were cottages 
and huts so wretched that they did not care whether these were burnt or not, the 
more powerful among them constructed for themselves pyramidal towers made 
of earth only^ which could not be set on fire nor be destroyed except by the 
labours of a considerable armed force, and that to these earth-towers they gave 
the name of pcnles {Poteniiores sibi pyramidales turres, quas pailes vocant ex 
sola terra, qua nee incendi^ nee nisi magna militum vi ac sudors dejici possunt^ 
Mi eonstruunt) In an Appendix to his Essay on Border Antiquities Sir Walter 
Soott titaxBlAtes pyramidales turres . . . exsolaterra^ 'towers of stone,' without 
any comment; the phrase seems to signify something much more like the 
' pyramidal mound of earth ' at Peel (see ante p. 58) ; while it will be instructive 
to recall the account given in the View of the Borders in 1541 of the 'very 
stronge houses* of the Hedesmen of Tyndale, with their walls of great oak trees 
so strongly bound together and morticed that * yt wilbe very horde uAoutegretUe 
force and laboure to breake or caste downe any of the saide houses,' while on account 
of the great size of the timber of the walls and roofs and its being for the most 
part covered with t-wrfand earthy *they wyll not easyly hume or he sett onfifere' 
(See ante, p. 49.) 

The distinction drawn between a Tower and a Pele is brought out in boldest 
relief in the Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 346, A.D. 1535 : — 
Far bigging of Sirenthis on the Bordouris. 
It is Statut and ordaint for Saiffing of men thare gudis 
and gere upoune the bordores in tyme of Ware and all uther 


trublous tyme That every- landit man duelland in the 
Gonsoiatur Bex. Inlande or upone the bordouris havand tbare ane hundzethe 
punde land of new extent sail big ane sufficient bannkyne 
apoune his heretage and landis In place maist convenient 
of stane and Ijme contenand thre score f utis of the square 
ane Eln thick & vj Elnys heicht for the Besett and defense of 
him his tennents & there gudes in trablous tyme with ane tome 
Delrattu. ^ ^^3 samie for him self gif he thinkes it expedient And that 

all nther landit men of smallar Rent or Reuenew, big \^e\iB 
and gret strenthis as thai plese for saifing of thare selfis men 
tennentes and gudis And that all the saidis strenthis 
barmkynis & pelis be biggit k completit w'^^in twa yerea 
under the pane. 

Here the Tower may be built by the great man for his own protection ; the 
barmkin which he is to be compelled to build for the protection of his tenants is 
to be of stone and lime ; nothing is said as to the materials out of which the 
smaller men are to construct their peles and great gtrengths. 

It probably happened that while the more powerful Borderers lived in 
towers, the poorer went on inhabiting the old-fashioned peles of wood and 
earth, and when they in their turn migrated to stone buildings of a humble 
order the name of pele-tower or pele-house, and finally pele, was transferred 
to these. 

The Border View of 1541 mentions pelea only at Hethpool, the Hare Cleugh, 
Blybum, and the Fawns ; the Book of the State of the Frontiers in 1660 con- 
trasts the Tower it wishes built at Mindrom with the two little peleg or icatek^ 
houses it would like erected on Teversheugh and Heddon Law ; but by the time 
of the Survey Book of Norham and Islandshire, in 1561, the word is used in a 
much laxer fashion, as the equivalent of a little tower like that at Tilmouth, 
and is even applied to the singular tower of refuge at the west end of Ancroft 

At the present day the word <pele' is employed by natives of Northumberland 
to denote, strictly speaking, a small tower of rough masonry with a high-pitched 
roof. An excellent type of what is now really meant by a pele is afforded by the 
engraving of a * Peel on Chirdon Bum' in Hodgson's Northumberland, IIL, iL, 
p. 267. There is a small woodcut of a very characteristic pele at The Raw near 
Blsdon in Richardson's Borderers^ Table Book. II., p. 347. Dr. Bruce in his 
Wallet' Book of the Roman Wall, 1863, p. 106, has the following with • Peels' in 
the margin : — * Whilst the Lords of the Marches reared for themselves castles 
like Langley, the commonalty took refuge in a class of fortified dwellings called 
Peel Houses. These consisted of strong buildings, having one apartment on the 
ground floor and another above it. The upper room was approached by a flight 
of (external) steps. At night the cattle belonging to the farmer were secured in 
the apartment below, whilat he and his family barricaded themselves in the 


xoom above. This upper room was floored with stoue flags, resting upon heavy 
oak-beams, which would long resist the action of fire. The grey slates of the 
roof were pinned down with sheep's shanks. Arrow loops were placed in various 
parts of the building, so as to expose an enemy to the utmost disadvantage.* 
Of course technical precision in the use of a word is not to be expected from * 
country -people, and old buildings are often called peles that would perhaps be 
more accurately described as bastles (see Note (F.) p. 65). 

In the Rothbury district, for instance, the term * pele,' Mr. D. D. Dixon, who 
is thoroughly acquainted with the local phraseology, obligingly writes, is only 
applied by natives to the small tower at Thropton (possibly the * Tunis' of 1415, 
probably the * lytle toure' of 1541) and the ancient fortified dwellings at Wood- 
hoiues and the Craig. Occasionally the towers at Hepple and Tosson are called 
peles, but generally by natives towers ; while Crawley, Whittingham, Whitton, 
and Elsdon are always towers. 

Mr. Hartshome seems to have originated the unfortunate practice of per- 
sistently styling every tower on the Border a pele, as though some sovereign balm 
lay secreted in the term. With no authority, either historical or popular, he 
recklessly applied it to Chipchase, Cockley (? Cocklaw or Cockle Park), Bywell 
Morpeth, etc. — Proc, Arch, Inttit,, Newcastle, 1852, ii., pp. 78-79. Already in 
serious Archaeological publications not only single towers like Belsay and 
Coupland, but even castles of such dimensions as Mitfoid and Edlingham, are 
called peles, because it is supposed to sound pretty and to show a wonderful 
knowledge of Border History. It is impossible to say where the evil will stop 
unless it can be checked by a vigorous protest. 

The only proper course is, it is maintained, to apply the word ' pele ' in its 
medieval sense of a moated stronghold to such places only as are called ^2a in 
ancient documents, and in its modem provincial sense of a small gabled tower 
or strong house to such buildings only as received the name from genuine in- 
habitants of the locality before the advent of southern archssologists. 


Note p. 20.— JEkeas Sylvius on the Bobdsb, 1436. 

.£neas Sylvius Piccolomini, secretary of Cardinal Albergata, who had been 
sent as Legate to France, in 1435, to mediate between Charles VII. and our 
Henry VI., was despatched from Arras on a special mission to Scotland. Having 
with difficulty reached London, he found it impossible to proceed North on 
account of the suspicions of the English, and was obliged to cross to Flanders, 
whence (before 21st Sept., 1435) a most stormy voyage of twelve days' duration 
landed him on the coast of Lothian. Having accomplished his mission, he de- 
termined that nothing should induce him to return by sea ; and (after 22nd 
Dec, 1435) *' disguised as a meixshant travelled through Scotland to the English 
Border. He crossed in a boat a river which, expanding from a high mountain, 
separates the two countries, entered a large town about sunset, and found 


lod^ng in a cottage where he snpped with the priest and his host. Plenty of 
food, both fowls and geese, was set before him, but neither wine nor bread. All 
the men and women of the town crowded to see him as a novelty, and stared at 
him as Italians would have done at a negro or Indian, asking the priest whence 
he came, what was his business, and whether he was a Christian, ^neas, how- 
ever, being thoroughly acquainted with short commons on his route, had procured 
some loaves and a measure of red wine at a certain monastery. Their display 
heightened the wonder of the barbarians, who had never seen wine nor white 
bread. Women with child sidled up to the table, and their husbands handling 
the bread and smelling the wine began asking for some. iBneas was obliged to 
give them the whole. The supper lasted till the second hour of the night, when 
the priest and his host with all the men and children took hasty leave of ^neaa, 
and said that they must take refuge in a certain tower a long way off for fear of 
the Scots, who on the ebb of tide were wont to come across at night for plunder; 
nor would they on any account take ^neas with them, in spite of his many en- 
treaties, nor any of the women, though many of them were young girls and hand- 
some matrons. They did not think the Scots would do them any harm, so small 
was the account these Borderers made of chastity. JSneas remained with his two 
servants and his guide in the midst of a hundred women who, sitting in a ring 
round the fire carding their hemp, spent a sleepless night in conversation with 
the interpreter. After great part of the night was passed, there was a violent 
barking of dogs and cackling of geese. The women ran away, the guide with 
them, and there was a great confusion, as if the enemy were there. JSneaa 
thought it more prudent to await the course of events in his bed-chamber, which 
was a stable, lest, being ignorant of the way, he should become the prey of the 
first person he ran against. Presently the women and the guide returned to saj 
that there was nothing wrong, friends not enemies having arrived. At day- 
break iEneas set out again, and arrived at Newcastle, which was said to be a 
work of Caesar. There he seemed for the first time to again catch sight of some- 
thing like the world and the habitable face of the earth : for Scotland and the 
part of England that borders on it had nothing in common with Italy, being 
rugged, uncultivated, and in winter sunless. From Newcastle he proceeded to 
Durham, where the tomb of the Venerable Bede, a priest and holy man, was to 
be seen, an object of great devotion to the people of the country." — Translation 
adapted from Milman's History of Lcttin ChrisHaniiy, bk. XIII. chap. zvi. (4th 
ed., 1872, vol. viii. pp. 419-420), and Robertson's Statuta EccleHm ScoticamB, 
Bannatyne Club, Edin. 1866, pref. zci. et seq. 

An extremely imaginative version of the story will be found in Professor 
Creighton's Opening Address to the Historical Section at the Newcastle Meeting 
of the Archsological Listitute (1884), ArcJusologioal Journal^ vol. XLIL, p. 56, 
printed also in Macmillan^s Moffazine for October, 1884. 

[ Aeneas , dissimulato habitu sub specie mercatoris per Scotiam 

transivit in Angliam. Fluvius est, qui ex alto monte diffusus utramque terram 
distcrminat : hunc cum navigio trausmeasset, atque in villam magnam circa solis 


occasum declinasset, in domnm msticanam desoendit, atque ibi ccenam cum 
saoeidote loci, et hospite fecit : miilta ibi pulmentaria, et gallinie, et anseres 
afferebantor in esum, sed neqne vini, neque panis quicquam aderat. et omnes turn 
feminte utriqne {emend. *yirique' ed. Franco! 1614.) villn, quasi ad rem noYam 
aocarrerant : atqne nt nostri vel Aethiopes, vel Indos miiari sclent, sic Aeneam 
stupentes intnebantnr, qussrentes ex sacerdote cnias esset, qnidnam factarus 
Venisset, Ghristianam ne fidem saperet. Edoctus autem Aeneas itineris defectum, 
apud monasterium quoddam panes aliquot, et vini rubei metretam receperat, 
qnibns ezpositis major admiratio barbaros tenuity qui neque vinum, neque panem 
album yideiant. Appropinquabant autem mensss pnegnantes f eminse, eanimque 
Tin attrectantes panem, et vinum odorantes portionem petebant, inter quos totum 
erogare necesaum f uit. Cumque in secundam noctis horam fcoena protrabaretur, 
saceidoe et bospes cum liberis virisque omnibus Aenea dimisso abire festinantes, 
dizerunt se ad turrim quandam longo spatio remotam metu Scotorum f ugere, qui 
fiuYio maris refluxu descrescente noctu transire, prsdarique soleant, neque secum 
Aeneam multis orantem precibus quoquo pacto adducere voluerunt, neque femi- 
namm quampiam, quamvis adolescentulae, et matronsB formosse complures essent: 
nihil enim bis mali facturos bostes credunt, qui stuprum inter mala non ducunt. 
Mansit ergo illic solus Aeneas cum duobus famuUs, et uno itineris duce inter 
centum feminas, quae corona facta medium claudentes ignem, cannabumque 
mundantes, noctem insomnem ducebant« plurimaque cum interpretefabulabantur. 
Postquam autem multum noctis transierat, latrantibus canibus; et anseribus 
strepentibus ingens clamor f actus est: tumque omnes feminae in diversum 
prolapsae, dux quoque itineris diffugit, et quasi bostes adessent, omnia tumultu 
completa. At AenesQ potior sententia visa est in cubiculo, id enim stabulum f uit, 
rei eyentnm expectare, ne si f oras curreret ignarus itineris, cul primum obYiasset^ 
ei se praedam daret : nee mora, reverssB mulieres cum interprete nihil mali esse 
nuntiant, atque amicoe non bostes venisse. Qui ubi dies illuxit, itineri se com- 
misit, atque ad Novum castellum pervenit, quod Csesaris opus dicunt : ibi primum 
figuram orbis et habitabilem terrse f aciem yisus est reyisere : nam terra Scocia, 
et Anglias pars vicina Scotis, nihil simile nostras habitationis habet, horrida, 
inculta, atque hiemaU sole inaccessa. Exinde de (ad) Dunelmiam venit, ubi 
sepulchrum yeneiabilis Bed» presbjteri sancti viri hodie yisitur, quod acoolje 
fpgionis deyota religione colxmU—Commentarii Pii Papae IL Rome, 1684, lib. L 
fo. 6-8.] 

It has been yery generally concluded that the Border river which JSneas 
Sylvius crossed was the Tweed. However, as Mr. Robertson, in the most admi- 
rable preface to his Statuta EcoUeiee Seoticatue (xcvi. n.*) remarks, '^neas does 
not name the stream, but from what he says afterwards about the Scots crossing 
when the tide was out, it seems to have been the Solway. The strange night 
scene which he describes is more likely to have been witnessed on the West March 
than on the East, which was comparatively quiet and civilised.* 

The necessity of avoiding the attention of the English authorities which 
£neas was under, prevented him from taking the direct road over Berwick bridge. 


and the detour by which he smnggled himself inta England was of no conse- 
quence compared with the chance of being again tossed about for a fortnight on 
the North Sea. The high mountain from which the river he crossed seemed to 
spread out (Jluvivs , , , ex alto monte diffusus^ see also Aen. Sylv. De Vir, 
Clar, XXXIL) was no doubt the Griffel ; there is no mountain that occupies sucsh 
a position in regard to the Tweed. The account of the Scots making a foray at 
low water is wholly inapplicable to a river, on which there were no less than 
seven or eight ordinary fords between Berwick and Norham ; while there was no 
large town with a priest between those two castles, and if there had been, its male 
population would have taken refuge in one of them and not in a distant tower. 
On the other hand Camden tells us that on the Solway as far west as Bowneas 
* every ebbe the water is so low, that the Borderers and beast-stealers may easily 
wade over.' There seems every probability that the future Pope passed this 
eventful night at Bowness itself. 

The descriptions left by early antiquaries of the wild state of the countiy 
along the Roman Wall, and the mention in Roger North's account of Lord Guil- 
ford's journey from Newcastle to Carlisle as Judge of Assize, in 1676, of *the 
hideous road along by the Tyne, for the many sharp turnings, and perpetual pre- 
cipices, for a coach, not sustained, by main force, impassable,' make it not at all 
surprising that ^neas Sylvius should be delighted to reach Newcastle after 
passing through such a country in winter. He was no doubt told that the keep 
of Newcastle was the work of Julius Cassar, who was (it seems difficult now to 
believe) supposed to have built the White Tower at London, and the Keep of 
Kenilworth. The intellectual vigour of ^neas Sylvius in an age of ignorance 
appears conspicuous in his visit to Durham, where he mentions Bede with the 
greatest respect but is wholly silent as to St. Cuthbert. 

Note, p. 30.— Babmkin. 
Murray's New BnglUh JHoHonarif has * Babmkin, fiorth. arch. Forms : 
barmekin, barmekynch, barmekyn, barmekine,' with, as instances of its early uae, 
A.D. 1840 Alemandev (Stev.) 1801: 'Balaam in the barmeken sa bitterly fightis.' 
A J). 1440 Sir Vegrev. 376 *At the bamekynch he abad, And lordelych doune lyght.' 
It has been seen that in the Scottish Statute of 1585 {ante p. 60) every owner of 
land on the Border worth a hundred pounds a year was to build a harwikm of 
stone and lime containing sixty square feet, an ell (a Scottish £11 - 34^ English 
inches) thick, and six ells high, and if he thought it expedient he might erect a 
tower for himself within this statutory barmkin. This shows that a barmMm 
might be a perfectly independent fortification by itself without any tower, and 
seems fatal to the suggestion of its being derived from barbiean^ a word with a 
relative meaning, since barbicans were always the antemuralin or outworks of 
a fortress and could not stand alone. The words < Castells Towers Barmekyns 
and other Fortresses ' in the Border View of 1541 {ante p. 41 ) show that barmkin 


could be used in the same sense in Northumberland. This View tells us that the 
outermost of the three wards of Wark Castle served for a barmkin (ante p. 30) and 
recommended that barmkins for the * savejfaide ' of cattle should Ikj erected round 
every tower [ante p. 36). In the same way Sir Robert Bowes in 1550 was of the 
opinion that a strong tower with stables beneath and lodgings above should be 
built at Mindrum, and ' in circuite about it a large bannekyn or fortylagc for 
savegarde of cattle' {ante p. 61). It seems impossible to explain satisfactorily 
the origin of the word. 

Note, p. 33.— Bastle. 

Till the end of the 13th century, according to Viollet-le-Duc, Dieti&nna'ire de 
VArohUeeture Fran^he II. p. 166, the word bti4ttide was i)rincipally used to 
designate a temporary work for the protection of an encampment ; after that 
period bagtide or battille came to mean a detached work of defence forming part 
of a general scheme of fortification, and by extension an isolated house built 
beyond the walls of a town. The several bastilles of Paris were originally inde- 
pendent towers in front of the walls, of these that of Bt. Antoinc became cele- 
brated as the Bastille par excellence. The older form of the word ^as applied 
to country-houses in the south of France, e.g. London Oaz. No. 6073/2 in 1721 
*The Battides and Farm-Houscs in that Neighbourhood \- Murray's New Eng^ 
lUk Dwtianarp. 

In England the word seems to have been first employed in the beginning of 
the 15th century. e.g^ * Square bastilesand bulwarkes to make'. — Lydgate (1430) 
Bochas. II. xvii. Among the * Townes Brent by my lorde of Glocester in Scot- 
land ' in 20 Ed. IV. we meet with the entries * Mordington & y" Bast lie wonn ', 
' Bpowmhyll & y* Bastile wonn ', * Dunslawe & y® Bastile wonn', * MikelJ Swinton 
k the Bastell won *, and * Litell Swinton k the Bastell won ', while * my lorde of 
Korthomberiande ' descending on Tetholm, won the Bastilcs of Primside and 
Longhouses. — MS, at Alnwick Castle. The Statistical Accotint of Scotland 
mentions Kello-bastel in Edrom parish, Foulden-bastel, etc. In Northumber- 
land the very interesting niin at Hebbum in Chillingham Park is, as has been 
said, still called the * bastle '. Even a building of the size of Bellister is called 
a * bastell-house ' in the View of 1541. The great tower at Burrowden in Coquet- 
dale was t-erraed a ' bassel-house ' by old people who remembered it (ra? inform., 
B. D. Dixon), and the same appellation was given to the Old Walls at Newton 
Underwood, near Mitford, in Hodgson's time (^Northd, II. ii. p. 72). 


Note, p. 54.— Act of Parliament, 23 Eliz. cap. IV. 

In consequence, probably, of the arrest of Morton, and the ascendancy of 
Lennox and Arran in the affairs of Scotland, the English lords framed in the 
beginning of 1581, *An Acte for fortifieng of the Borders towardes Scotland. 



This they sent down to the Commons, who, however, instead of amending, 
ignoi-ed it altogether, and returned an entirely new project of their own to the 
Upper House. In spite of the oflacially recorded resentment of the Lords at 
this treatment of theif Bill, they ultimately passed that of the Commons, in a 
somewhat altered form, on the 15th of March. — Ridpath's Border HUtory 1810, 
p. 657 ; Pari, Hut. p. 236 ; D'Ewe's Journal, p. 30i>, 273. 

This Statute, 23 Eliz. cap. iv., enacted that the Queen should appoint, under 
the Great Seal, Commissioners to inquire in the Border counties what 'Tenancies 
and Houses of Habitation were decayed, and not occupied by Men able to serve 
as Horsemen or Footmen, according to the ancient Duty of those Tenancies, and 
to examine the probable Causes of those Ruins, and of all the Wants and evil 
Furnitures of the said Horsemen and Footmen, and to give Order for the 
Reformation thereof with all Speed, for the Defence of the Frontiers toward 
Scotland.' — Statutes at Large ^ Vol. IL, p. 615. But perhaps the most important 
clause it contained was that which revived 2 and 3 Phil, and Mary, cap. 1, a 
measure the legal duration of which had been limited to a period of ten years 
by the Parliament which had met at Westminster on 21st October, 1555, and 
promulgated it in the following terms : — 

An Acte for the Reedyfieng of Castelles and Fortes, and for thenclosiog of 
Growndes from the Borders towardes and against Scotlande. 

For the better habytaclon restoryng and reedyf yeng of the Castelles Fort- 
resses and Fortellettes Villages and Houses that bee decayed withyn the 
Counties of Northumberlande Cumberlande Westmerlande and the Bishoprike 
of Durham, And for the better manuryng and employeng the Groundes withyn 
the same, and for the more en crease of Tillage : Bee it enacted by the Kyng and 
Queues Ma*'*^ the Lordes Spirituall and Temporal! and the Commons in this 
presente Parliament assembled and by the aucthoritee of the same. That from 
and after the first daye of December nexte ensuyng, Commission under the 
greate Scale of Englande shalbee directed from tyme to tyme as nede shall 
requyre, to such persons as shalbee therunto named and appoynted by the 
King and Quenes Ma**«" and Theires and Successoures of the Quene, by theyr Bill 
or Billes signed w*'' theyr Signe Manuell to bee directed to the Chauncellor of 
Englande for the time beyng, w**» Commissiones shalbee according to the 
manner f ourme tenonr and effecte hereafter ensuing : Philip and Mary &<'. 
Knowe ye that Wee have assigned you or any number of you, being syxe at the 
least, of whom A. B. and C. shall bee three .... to be our Commissioners to 
surveye our Counties of Northumberlande, Cumberlande, Westmerlande, and the 
Bishoprick of Durham .... and by suche waies and meases as you best 
can, tenquire what and howe many Castles Fortresses and Fortelettes Villagies 
Houses and Habitacions have beene decayed within the same, and by whom and 
by what Occasions, and howe many of them are meete to bee reedified ; And also 
howe many Castles Fortresses and Fortelettes Villages Houses and Habitacions 
were meete to bee made of newe within the said Counties and Bishoprike, and 


in what places the same were most meete to be scytuate ; and what partes of 
the said Counties and Bishoprike bee most apte for to bee enclosed and con- 
Tcrted to tyllage or other necessarye manuiance meete and convenient for those 
Countries and the People of the same ; and also to enquire what persons bee 
Owners Ix)rdes Proprietaries Fermors and Possessors of the same or clayme any 
Interest in the same, and what estate or estates tearmes of interestes they or 
any of them have of and in the same : And thereupon to take such Order for 
the reedifieng of such the Castles Fortresses and Fortelettes Villages Houses and 
Habitacions heretofore decayed, and for the newe erectyng and makyng of others 
and the scytuacions of the same, and for thenclosyng and converting to tyllage 
or other necessarye manurance suche partes and porcions of the saide Counties and 
Bishopricke as to you or syxe of you, whereof A, B, and C shalbee three .... 
shalbee thought most meete and convenyent: Provided Alwayes, That by 
Colour or Vertue of this Commission you doo not reedilie newe make or inclose 
or cause to be reedified newe made and enclosed as abovesaid in any place or 
places in any of the said Counties or Bishoppricke being in distance and lyeng 
above twentye Miles from the knowne partes of the borders of Scotlande &c.' — 
Statutes of the Realm IV. part 1, p. 266. 

Further powers were conferred on the Commissioners for levying taxes and 
impressing workmen, cattle, and materials if the fortification of the Borders 
should require it. 

Little seems to have been done to carry out this Act, on its revival in March, 
1581, till 11th August, 1588, when the Council wrote from the Court at Oatlands 
to the Commissioners on the Borders to the effect that * Her Majesty having sent 
you her commission to inquire of the decays of the castles, fortresses, &c., upon 
the Borders, according to the Statute made 2 and 8 Phil, and Mary, revived in 
the last session^wishes that before any reparations are made, you should send a 
certificate of your surveys, and receive directions for your further proceeding. 
You are first to sun^ey and inquire by jury of the ruin and decays of the old 
castles in cos. Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmoreland, and the Bishopric 
of Durham, where you, the Lord Bishop, especially, if cause require, shall give 
out a commission, under the seal of your county palatine, to the commissioners 
mentioned in Her Majesty's commission, agreeable with the latter. Tou shall 
be informed how and by whom they have been decayed, and how many of them 
are necessary for defence of the Borders, and estimate the charges, and certify 
by whom they are borne.'— Ca^wwiar of State Papers, Domestic, Addenda 1680- 
1625, p. 92. 

At that time ^ the distribucion of the Comissioners for the Execution of the 
comission for the Borders ' appears to have been : — 

' S' Johne Forster, S' Fra: Russell, S' Henry Wytherington> S' John 8elbyc, 

De La Vail, Robert Bowes, Raphe Rokesbye, Henry Chceke, W. Bowes, D. 

Lawer, W. Rcade, D.Gibson, Mar: Birket, Christof er Waidaf orth.— i3rt£? ilfflrtrAr*. 

E, of Cumberlande, S' Johuc Forster, S' Fra: Russell, S' Henry Wytheriiig. 


ton, De La Vail, Robci-t Powes. Raphe Kokebye, Henrie Cheeke, W. Bowes, 
Chriatofer Waidaf worth, Martin Byrket, Walter Reade. — Midle Marches. 

E. of Cumbcrlande, L. Scroope, S*" Fra: Russell, S*" He: Wythrington, S' Johne 
Selfeye, De La Vail, Robert Bowes, H. Cheeke, Marten Byrcket, W. Reade, W. 
Bowes, Raphe Rokebye. — WeH Marches. 

8' Thomas Graie, S' Cuthberte OoUingwood, S"" Symon Mnsgrave, Johne 
Davison. — To sttplie the Nomhers of the Com\ssioners in renewinge of the Comis- 
Hon.' — J)om. State Pap. Eliz. Addenda, vol. xzviii. 25, ill. 

The instructions of the Council to the Commissioners on the Borders were 
probably taken north by Elizabeth's secretary, Sir Francis Walsingham, who 
was then starting on an embassy to the court of James VI. On Aug. 12, 15S3, 
the day after these instructions were issued. Sir Valentine Browne, who as 
Treasurer of Berwick had made himself well acquainted with Border matters* 
wrote to Walsingham from * Ho^esdeu* : — 

* I wish your journey prosperous, and so write that you may understand the 
matters, and make a better report upon your return. Therefore, — not dealing 
with the behaviour of the people who will resort to you after you have passed 
the Tyne, or before, nor their long speeches, tending to the praise of themselves 
and their great services to the realm, I mean of those parts on this side Scotland, 
— I crave, for the good of Her Majesty and our country, that in your passage 
or returning, you will visit Newcastle and Her Majesty's house there, with the 
river and the foil standing upon the mouth of the haven, which was called 
Tynemouth Abbey, and so along the sea coast ; where, besides the castles of 
Alnwick and Warkworth, belonging to the Earl of Northumberland, and other 
houses of gentlemen kept in good repair, you* will see the great and ruinous 
castles of Dunstanborough and Bamborough, with the towns adjoining, that 
were of great receipts for Her Majesty's forces in my time, bu€ now laid waste 
for sheep and husbandry, and the people clean driven away that should have 
been succours to such as might have been placed there. I do not mention the 
towns and villages by the west from the sea, likewise laid waste for profitt of 
cattle, where the armies have had victuals and lodging, but which is now as 
dear there as any from foreign parts. 

* These parts are little out of your highway to Berwick, where of courtesy 
they will show themselves to the uttermost, and in better order than, when time 
may be required, they be able, and yet the consideration of the place itself, and 
that which shall be in the 1>C8t part brought to you, must induce you to a good 
understanding thereof. 

* West of Berwick, four miles, is Norham Castle, with a proper town, which 
was until lately in the Bishop of Durham's hands, and was kept by a captain 
and crew, with a good family of strength, and the town well peopled, and 
always able to serve the Queen and Wanlen with 40 good horsemen, and as 
many m(»rc fiK>tmen ; but all now left to husbandry of hinds, for the most part 
Scottish lowns. lu like estate is Etal castle, with the manor and town, five miles 


from Norbam, both which were hooses and towns well peopled, and able to 
receive the Lord Warden and 1,000 pei-sons, but now not able to lodge and 
rictnal 200 men. As these are, so are many other towns and villages on the 
Borders, far out of your way, being all in the keeping of those countrymen that 
would have cried out of the decay of the Borders, if themselves had not had 
the government of the same, in which number, if the Governor of Berwick had 
not well weighed the sequel of the rule of those countrymen, Berwick itself 
might have been accounted. Nevertheless, those countrymen be both wise, 
able and stout men, so long as they be governed by others that are not allied to 
their affections.'--C<xi. of State Papers, Bom., Add, 1680-1826, p. 92. 

Whatever Walsingham may have seen or done, it was not till the autumn of 
the following year that the Commissioners on the Borders drew up a report. 
By that time Christopher Dacre, of Lanercost, had been added to their number, 
a man, it would appear, of considerable ability and great energy. On 8th 
Sept., J 684, Henry Lord Hunsdon and nine other Commissioners (< Jho. Selbye, 
Ro: de la Vale, Frauncis Russell, Thomas Gray, Ba: Gray, John Forster, Henry 
Woddrington, Chr. Dacre, William Reed ') inform the Council from Alnwick: — 
'According to Her Majesty's commission and your instructions, we have viewed 
the decayed castles, towel's, and fortresses meet to be repaired, and such other 
new fortresses and enclosures as are meet to be newly made and enclosed in the 
county [of Northumberland and the] bishopric of Durham, within 20 miles of 
the borders of Scotland, for the better strength and fortifying of these East 
and Middle Marches, and with advice of skilful artificers, we have drawn up 
the book enclosed.'— 7W<?. p. 127.* 

The book forwarded by the Commissioners is preserved at the Record Office 
{St, Pap, Dom, Add. Eliz. vol. xzviiL 96, iv.):— 

' A certificate unto the right honorabill Lords of the Queue 
her majestyes most honorable counsell from the commis- 
sioners whose names are here unto subscribed, as well of all 
the decaied castles and fortresses by them thought mete to 
be repaired upon the east and middle marches of England 
foi-anempstc Scotland, and of certaine newe fortresses there 
to be devised and maid for the better strengthe of the said 
borders, as also of suche landes and groundes as by them 
the sayd commissioners are thought fitt to be enclosed upon 
the sayd borders accordinge to her highnes commission and 
speciall direction from the sayd right honorable Lordes of 
her majestye said counsell to them directed as followethe 

* In the Calendar of State Papers this letter of the Commissioners, dated 8th 
Sept., is made to enclose not only their Certificate, but also four Abstracts of 
Presentments as to decays of forts, castles, tenements and forces. That for the 
East Marches is, however, dated • Sei)t. 24. 26^ Eliz.' 



Firat u towohiiure tho 
eastlw and fortratiies 
deoaied upon ibe said 
east and middle march- 

Danatonbourghe Oaalall 

Bambourghe Oaatell 

Shonwoode Towre 

Dunstonebourghe Castle belonginge to her majestye 
standinge upon the sea cooste aboute zviij myle sonthe 
and by east from Banvike and zviij myle from the 
border of Scotland decaied for want of repairinge by 
long contynaance. 
This castle or f ortresse we the said commissioners doe thinck 
not so needf uU to be repaired nor so necessarye as other for 
defence of the country or annoance againstes the enemyes 
of the opposit border of Scotland because the same is so f arr 
distant from the sayd border of Scotland and yet a howse of 
verye great force and strength if it be thought gude by her 
majestye for any other respect towchinge the sea coostes or 
otherwise to be repaired, the chaidges of which reparacion 
as it hath bene before we esteeme to a thousande poande, or 
if her majestye thinke good to make of the same a sufficient 
f ortresse for receite of a guarrison of one hundreth horse- 
men or footmen and no more then we esteeme the chaidges 
of the same to f oure hundreth poundes. 

1000" as it bathe bene before, 
or 400" for a guarrison of G. men. 

Bambourghe Castle belonginge to her majestye stand- 
inge upon the same sea cooste about zij myle southe 
and by east from Barwike and zij myles from the 
nearest parte of the border of Scotland decaied for 
wante of repairinge by longe contynuance as afore- 
This castle or f ortresse we in oure opinyons doe thinck of 
in everye respect as t-o the castle of Dunstonebourghe we 
have before declared savinge that we esteeme the charges of 
the repairinge of the same as it hathe bene before to eight 
hundrethe poundes, or to f oure hnndrett^^poundes to make 
a sufficyent place of strengthe and receit ror a guarrison of 
one hundrethe horsemen or footmen if to Bn: majestye it 
seeme so needf ull and convenient. \ 

800" as it hathe bene bef ore,\ 
or 400" for a guarrison of c. moi^. 

Shorsewoude Towre belonginge to the decane ai^ chap- 
ter of Duresme standinge neere Tweede abo^t two 
myles west and by south from Barwick within a^pyle 
and a half of the lx)rder of Scotland decaied by Wlrres 
and partlye by meanes as aforesayd but by wlioim *^ 
be repaired we cannot learne otherwise tlien eithet ^y 
her majestye in respect to have the use of the samA in 
tymes of service, or by the Lords and uwiiere. . 



This towne or fortresse we doe thincke a verye fitte and 
convenient place as well to defend the countrye as annoye 
the enemye upon the opposite border if it were repared the 
chardg^es of which repaiacions we esteem to two handreth 
and fortye ponndes. 


Norham Canton Norham Castlc belon^nge to the bishoppe of Duresme 

standinge upon the same river of Tweed about two 

myles west and by south from Bhorswoode aforesaid 

and hard adjoninge to the border of Scotland decaied 

by want of reparacion of long contynuance but 

whether to be repaired by her majestye or the said 

bishoppe of Duresme we cannot certainly understand 

because it seemeth to be a matter in question and 

therfore doe referr the same to youre honorabill con- 


This castle or fortresse we doe thincke to be one of the most 

fit places to be repared for the causes and consideiacions 

aforesaid the charges of which reparacion with the five 

decaied turrettes upon the wall of the utter ward as the 

same hath bene before we esteeme to a thousand two hun- 

dreth pounde and without the same five turrettes which we 

thinck not gretly needful I to eight hundreth pound which 

we referr to her majestic and your honorabill considera- 


1200" with the five turrettes, 

or 800" without the turrettes. 

HetonOaateU. Heton Castle belonginge to Sir Thomas Gray stand- 

inge about a myle from the said water of Tweed and 
the border of Scotland and about two myles west and 
by south of Norham, decaied by warrs and by means 
aforesaid, but by whome to be repared we cannot 
leame, otherwise then either by ber majestye in 
respect to have the use of the same in service or by 
the lord and owner of the same. 
This castle or fortresse we doe thinck a verye fit and con- 
venient place to defend the countrye and annoye the 
enemye as aforesaid if it were repaired the charges of which 
reparacion we esteeme as it hath bene before to fyve 
hundreth thre score pound or to thre hundreth pounde to 
make it sufficient for a guarrison of 1. horsemen. 
660*' as it was before, 
or 300" for 1. horsmen. 



Cornell Towre. Coniell Towre belonginge to Thomas Sw^rnney gentle- 

man, standing nere to Tweed upon the border of 
Scotland about a myle west and by south of Heton 
aforesaid decaied by warres of late tyme, by whom to 
be repared we cannot learne othenv'ise then as afore- 
This towre or fortresse we also do thinck a verye fit and 
convenient place for the consideracions as aforesaid if it 
were repared the charges of which reparacions as before it 
hath bene we esteeme to a hundreth pound. 

Warkc Cartel! Warke Castle belonging to Sir Thomas Gray standinge 

upon the said river of Tweede about a myle west and 

by northe from Cornell aforesaid hard adjoininge to 

the border of Scotland, decaied by want of reparacion 

of a longe contynuance but by whome to be repared 

we referr to youre honorabill consideracions bicaose 

it seemeth by good testimony that her majestic and 

her noble progenitors have used to repaire the same. 

This castle or fortresse we doe thincke to be one of the 

cheife and principall places to defende the country and 

annoye the enemye if it were repared, the chardge of which 

reparacions we esteeme as it hath bene before to eight 

hundreth pounde, but we thinck that foure hundreth pound 

wold there repaire a sufficient rowme for a guarrisou of a 

hundreth horsmen to defend the countrye and annoye the 

enemye as aforesaid, which we referre to youre honorabill 


800" as it was before, 
or -too" for a c. horsmen. 

Howteii Towre. Howetell Towre belonginge to John Burrell gentleman 

standinge about two myle southe and by east from the 
castle of Warke within thre myle of the border of. 
Scotland decaied by warres as we are crediblye 
enf ormed but by whome to be repaired otherwise then 
as before in the like case is declared, we knowe not. 
This towre or fortresse beynge a verye small thinge we 
thinck a verye convenient place for such a number as the 
same will serve to defende the countrye and annoye the 
enemye if it were repaired the chardges of which reparacion 
we esteeme to fiftye pounde. 
■ 50" 



Lancton Towre. Lancton Towre belonginge to John GoUingwoodc 

gentleman standing aboute a myle southe and by 
cast frome the said towre of Howetell within foure 
myles of the border of Scotlande decaied partlyc by 
warres and by want of reparacion of a longe con- 
tynnance but by whome to be repaired otherwise then 
is to the last before declared we knowe not. 
This towre or fortresse we thincke also verye fitt and con- 
venient for the consideracons aforesaid if it were repaired, 
the charges of which reparacion we esteeme to a hnndreth 



EtollOMtelL Etell Castle belonginge to her majcstye standingc 

about thrc myles east and by southe frome the sayd 
towre of Lancton within size myles of the border of 
Scotland decaied for want of reparacion by longe 
This castle or fortresse we thinck to be one of the chiefe 
places and at least chardges to be repaired the chardges of 
whiche reparacyon we esteeme to two hundrethe pounde. 

FooniCaBkelL Fooide Castle belonginge to William Carr esquier 

standinge about a myle southe and by east of the 
sayd castle of Etell decaied by want of reparacion of 
a longe contynuance and by whome to be repaired we 
knowe not otherwise then in other lyke cases is before 
This castle or fortresse we thincke also verye fitt for the 
oonsideracions aforesayd yf it were repaired, the charge of 
which reparacions we esteeme to three hnndreth pounde. 

Wooler Town Wooler Towre belonginge to Sir Thomas Graye stand- 

inge upon the verye plenished ringe of the border 
about thre myle south south west frome the said castle 
of Foord, decaied either by warres or for want of re- 
paracions by longe contynuance and by whome to be 
repaired otherwise then in lyke cases is before declared 
we knowe not. 
This towre or fortresse we thincke also to be a verye fit and 
convenient place for the oonsideracions aforesayd for a 
small number if it were repaired, the chardges of whiche 
reparacion we esteme to thre score pounde. 





Bewicke Towre. Be^'jkc towTC belonpringe to her majestye standinge 

about thre mylcs east and by aouthe of the sayd to^irre 
of Wooler within seven myle of the border of Scotland 
dccaied by meanes as last aforcsayd. 
This towre or fortresse we thincke also verye fit and con- 
venient for the consideracions aforesaid to be repaired with 
an angmentacion of a stone wall or barmekin of thirtye 
yarde square, and also stablinge for fiftye horse, the chardgcs 
of which reparacyons we esteeme to twentye pound and the 
said au^mentacion to two hnndreth pounde. 
20" as it was before, 
and 200" for ane augmentacion. 

Lowyke Towre. Lowyke Towre iKjlonginge to Sir Cuthbert CJolling- 

woode, Sir John Selbye, Thomas Swynbome and 
Cuthbert Collingwoode standinge about sixe mylcft 
southe f rome Barwicke, within sixe mile of the border 
of Scotland by what meanes decaied or by whome to 
be repaired we knowe not otherwise then in lyke cases 
is before declared. 
This towre or fortresse lyenge somthing more inward in the 
countrye we thinck fit for sundrye consideraciones to be re- 
paired as well as those upon the ring of the border, the 
charges of which reparacion we esteeme to fiftye pounde. 

Harbuttle Cuteii. Harbuttle Castlc belonginge to her majestye standinge 

about eight myle south southwest from the towre of 

WoUer aforesaid and within vj myles of Scotlande, 

decaied for want of reparacions^by longe cont3maance. 

This castle or fortresse we thincke to be one of the most fit 

for the consideracions aforesaid and for rewling the brockill 

and disobedient subjectes there to be fullye repaired the 

charges of which reparacion we esteeme to two hundreth 

fortye pound, 


Newe fortrama to be de- As towchinge the makinge of newe fortresses for the better 
middle marche?^ "^ strength of the said borders accordinge to oure said commis- 
sion and direction. We in oure opinyons doe thinck that 
for so moch as her majestye hath not any castle or fortresse 
of her owne betwene the river of Tweede and her majestys 
said castle of Harbuttle which is about xz^ myles, neither 
betwene the said castle of Harbuttle and the west borders 
which is about xx** myles (but not so needful!) endlonge all 


the plenished ringe of the east and middle marches, and her 
majestye therby when need of service dothe happen, enforced 
to use the howses and places belonginge to her subjectes, 
beynge for the most part of very small rowmes and receites, 
and her majestyes said subjectes theire f amelies and gudes 
beynge by that meanes many times so pestered as is to theire 
great trouble and hinderance. It were therfore a thinge as 
we thinck very convenient if it might so please her majestye, 
that thre newe totores and fortifications were maid hy her 
mafegtie betwene the said river of Tweed and her majettyee 
said cattle of Harhuttle, endlonge the plenished ringe of 
the border, and another betwene the said caetle of EarbuttU 
and the west border in most convenient places, everye towr 
and fortification to serve for a guarrison of Q horsemen when 
need of service shall so require, and in tymes of no service 
to be kept at such small and convenient charges as sliall 
seeme best to her majestye and youre honorabill wisedomes, 
which newe towres and fortifications shall not onely in 
tyme of warre be a great helpe for defence of the whole 
countrye about, and annoyance to the enemye, but shall 
4180 in the peace tyme be a great fear and terrore for the 
malefactoui-es inhabitinge on both sides of the borders to 
committe any spoiles or disorder, the charges of everye which 
newe towre and fortification as we thinck may be done with 
fyve hundrethe pound apece sufficient for that purpose. 

Towchinp endoBures And lastlye as towchinge oure opinyons what landes or 
middle marchee. groundes within the countye of Northumberland and 

byshoprike of Duresme is most fit to be enclosed within 
zz" myles of the border of Scotland for the best defence of 
the east and middle marches, we vercly doe thinck that if 
there were first such a hoodge* and mane ditche set witli 
quickset maid f rome the water of Tweed thoroughe the east 
and middle marches unto the west borders, as M' Dacre 
one of us the said comissioners hath nowe devised and 
begunne upon the said west borders whiche dike or defence 
with a nightly watch or serch betwene every towne and 
towne upon the same, the said M** Dacre upon this vewghe 
nowe taken of the said east and middle marches by good 
and sufiicient reasons hath perswaded us may well be done 
at the small and easye charges of the said two wardeni-yes, 
like as the charges of the said dike or newe defence upon 
the said west borders is lx)me by the whole wardenryc 
there, as by a plat and certaine articles nowe drawne and 
* hoodge (.' huge, cf. next page 1. 10) and mane (main). 


showne unto ub by the said M** Dacre more at large may 
appeare. And besides the same stronge enclosure and 
defence so to be maid endlong and thoroughe the said east 
and middle marches, the inhabitantes within the same 
yearly porcion after porcion at theire convenient leisure, 
and as their powers may serve to enclose their townes and 
feildes and also the waist groundes and commons lyenge 
betwixt their feildes, everye close or enclosure to conteine 
zz^ or zzz'* acres and not above, savinge and ezceptinge all 
9uche great hoodge waistes and commons as cannot con- 
veniently be enclosed, and which were not of any profitte 
or comoditye to be enclosed, and savinge to every lord and 
tenant their lawf uU proiittcs and rightes with condicion 
that if any tenant who hath no interest but at wiU shall 
happen within a oertaine tyme to be expelled by the lord 
then the lord or the newe tenant to recompence him that 
shalbe so displaced for the costeff and charges that he hathe 
sustained by the said enclosinge, at the sight and judgement 
of the said commissioners the same stronge enclosure and 
defence which is mente to goe endlonge and thoroughe the 
sayd borders with also the other lesser enclosurs within the 
same and the townes also beynge closed about as by this 
device is intended wold be in tyme so great a defence and 
safetye to the said borders and to all her highnes subjectes 
within the same as might be to theire great common wealthes 
and quiet and they by that meanes the better able to doc 
her majestye service and to def endc the said borderes which 
we ref err to youre honorabill consideracion. 
H. HUNSDON Ra: Obat 

Jho. Selbte John Fobstbb 

Ro: DB LA Vale Henbt Woddbinqton 

Fbauncis Russell Chb. Daobe 

Thomas Gbat William Reed/ 

Christopher Dacre (who seems to have been the leading spirit of the Com- 
mission, and with Delaval and one of the Grays to have formed the quorum of 
three instituted by the Act of 1555) thought it best to himself forward the plan 
of his proposed dyke and the explanation of it to Walsingham direct. This he 
did in a letter dated Newcastle, Sept. 11 (1584)* :— 

'Chris. Dacre to Sec. Walsingham. In execution of 
Her Majesty's commission and the Council's direction, con- 

* Mrs. Green, the editor of the CaUndar of State Papers, Domestic^ Addenda 
1580-1625, has erroneously placed this letter with the accompanying plan, 
explanation, etc., under the year 1580, pp. 17, 18; in spite of the most clear 
internal evidence that tliey belong to 1584. 


cerning the decayed fortresses &c. upon the Borders, I 
repaired to Morpeth, to meet the Lord Warden of the 
Middle Marches, and the other Commifisoners on 28 July 
last ; but as we could not then doing anything, I returned. 
I repaired again to Alnwick, 14 Aug., and thence to 
Berwick, and have continued thereabouts ever ^ince, with 
assistance of the other Commissioners, in furtherance of the 
said commission, as by our certificate will appear. I have 
drawn a plan with articles, which though not cunningly 
done, may further the better understanding of our certifi- 
cate of things necessary to be done, if it be Her Majesty's 
pleasure to proceed. 

P.S. — I must commend the great trouble and diligence 
of M'. Delaval and M^ Gray, my two fellows of the quoi-um. 
Having now made certificate touching the East and Middle 
Marches, we of the quorum shall travel upon the West 
Borders. In the rating and estimate of decays, some things 
are set down of very small value, but great care was had 
not to draw any more charge than needful; yet with 
what is set down, I dare adventui*e every decay may be 
repaired.'— CaZ. of State Pap, Dom, Add, 1580-1626, p. 17. 

This letter was accompanied by Christopher Dacre's ' Plan of all forts and 
castles upon the Borders, from Tynedale, Redesdale, and the Cheviots to Berwick 
and Dunstanborongh, with notes of the distances to Scotland, the state of the 
country, wast« lands, etc.' iStaU Pap. Dom. Add, EUz. vol. XXVII, 44, 1) here 
reproduced from the original; as also by his explanation of it (^Ibid, XXVII. 
44 II.):— 

' For the better understandinge of the plat or cai'te which 
is herewithe sent, the articles here f oUowinge will declare. 
1- First by the said plat all the castles and fortresses decaied 
which are thought mete to be repared shall, there in the 
same plat plainely appeare howe and in what place they be 
scited and howe farr distant they be from the border 
of Scotland the said plat with the booke of certificat 

2. Secondly within what compasse the new devised fortresses 
upon the east and middle marches arre thought good to be 
planted howe farre from the said border of Scotland and 
howe nerc and necessarye for defence of the plenished 
ground of England. 

3. Thirdly by what townes and places the new devised dike or 
defence is to goc, which is to passe thonjugli the said east 
and middle marches endlong the plenished rin^re of the 


borders Icvinge out certaine places which cannot con- 
veniently be brought within the same, to the joyninge of 
the dike or defence that is alredy devysed and begunne to 
passe thorough the west borders, and what is intended to 
be conteined within the same dyke or defence, and what to 
be left out of the same. 

The causes and consideracons howe this newe devised 
dike or defence may be a great strength and defence 
to the border, howe the same may be brought to passe, 
and for what causes there be certaine townes to be 
lefte without the same. 

1. First it is to consider that both in the time of peace and 
wai*re all the hurt and annoyance that doth come to the 
trewe subjectes by the malefactors and disordered people 
upon the borders, is onely by meanes of open waies and 
skoupe that the said malefactors have without stoppe, 
cause of abode or any f orewamynge, wherby the power of 
the trewe subjectes might be in a redines to resist them, 
which in every respect by this newe device and defence which 
is to pass frome towne to towne thorough all the marches 
endlong the plenished ringe with a nightly watch and serch 
frome towne to towne upon the same may be sewerly pro- 
vided for and sufficiently prevented. 

2. Secondly, to declare howe the same device or defence shall 
easely be brought to passe without any great charg. It is 
to consider that in the best tyme of peace and a great deale 
more in tyme of warre the hurt and damag that the said 
trewe subjectes doe sustaine in some one yeare and the 
charges that they in the f uidest partes ar at by comminge 
to daies of marches which ariseth upon attemptates done 
upon the borders, and by cominge downe to defend the said 
borders for want of other strengthes and defences, dothe sur- 
mont the whole charges that wold make and fynishe the 
same device or defence and therfore good reason for the in- 
liabitantes of the whole wardenrye and cheifly the nerest to 
the dainger the depest to be charged with the whole charges 
of makinge and mainteininge of the same, lyke all the whole 
charges of the like device or defence which is nowe taken in 
hand and begunne upon the said west borders by all the 
inhabitautes of the whole wardenrye there is done. And 

^wyn^^avimckini!' *^' ^^^ nightly watch or serch which is a thinge most need- 
full to be had and kept Ijetwixt towne and towne in every 
place upon the same defence, the same to be either at the 


Dacre's Pl^ 

5h ■/*•" ^- .' 

'f^:..*- ■^" 

it-* — 

• V 

Between pp. /t 


• ■ • •-<-■■ 1 1 


•LES, Fortresses, and D 

• * . vi'iy/f # . I ' n P ft 


I 'i ^n.- r-jT ;;-- ^ 

^'•-t^'^ ,.-,.' '"^^ '^^'O 


charge of the whole contry hejng so necessary a thinge for 
the benefit of the country or otherwise those townes within 
. . . mylcs next adjoyning to discharge the same nightly 
watch or serch, and in consideracion of the same they to be 
eased and the whole country besides to beare the whole 
charges of makengc and manteininge the same defence, or 
otherwise all those that have at any tyme bene wont to be 
charged in any wardens tyme with nightly watchinge at 
any place or passages for preventinge of malefactors which 
notwithstanding the longe discontynuance of the same the 
wardens nowe or at any tyme may take uppe and direct 
agalne, as they see cause and occasion to be indifferently 
assessed to beare the charge of the said watch or serch upon 
the said dike which is the onely device that is intended to 
manteine the serching watch betwene towne and towne upon 
the said dike or defence which is newe devised and begunne 
open the said west borders, and the same watch upon the 
said west border therbye intended to be brought to a great 
deal more east and lesse charges then had wont etc 
3 Thirdly and lastly nowe to declare the gude causes whye 
there be some townes and places to be lefte out and not 
enclosed within this defence intended upon all the said 
marches beinge but of little account in respect of the 
greatest parte that is so to be inclosed, and by other meanes 
or some other device may be otherwise provided for as here 
followinge shall appeare, one cause is that by fetchinge in 
of the same fewe townes and places so to be left out wold 
be of farr greater charge then by other meanes they may 
be defende<l, annother cause, because the nature of the 
groundes and places doth not so well serve to make it that 
way so defenoeible as the way which is Intended, another 
cause that the same device by reason of the great waste 
groundes and places and in some partes nere to the well 
disposed who had rather hinder then furder the same, and 
therfore in those partes neither so gud and easy to be 
manteyned, nor yet so well to be watched to the ease con- 
tentment and safetye of such as shalbe to watch the same, 
as in the plenished groundes nere to to the helpe and rescue 
of the true people, and lastly and chief of all that a gude 
parte of that which is to be so lefte out is inhabited by 
such as have alwayes bene as hurtful! to the trewe subjectes 
as the Scotishe borderers, and at no tyme any hurte done 
by the said Scottes but by some of their helpes and furder- 


ance as hath alwaies bene reputed. And therfore and for 

all these ^de consideraeions bcfor alledgcd for so many 

of these small number of townes and places which for the 

better purpose are so to be without this defence and inclo- 

sure, it shalbe well tliat s^ime convenient ijare be had to 

enclose theire severall townes about every towne by itself 

with the lyke inclosure for theire better defence, which 

may easelye be done for so many of them as have any 

desire to be so defended and to leve within the boundes of 

trewe subjectes. 

Chb. Dacbe.' 

From this it appears that the prreat frontier works of the Romans were very 
nearly being unconsciously imitated in the reign of Elizabeth. The close of 
the History of the Border which practically opens with the construction of the 
Wall of Aulus Platorius Nepos might have found a fitting memorial in the 
Dyke of Christopher Dacre. 

The Abstract of the Presentment of the decays of the East Marche? (St. P. 
Bom, Mh. Add., vol. xxviij. 95, v.) made by an inquest there impanolled and 
sworn the 24th of September, 1584, mentions only these castles and towers, 

* Waller, One gentleman's house with a tower of defence there built, de- 

cayed by Sir Thos. Gray and his fermers.* 
^ Cddmerto7tne [Coldmartin]. One tower of stone and lime of Roger Fowbeny's 
of Fowberry gent, utterly decayed notwithstanding it hath 
land belonging to it able to keep 2 men and horse fit for 
• service.' 

* Chrnehill, One gentleman's mansion house, a tower decayed by Sir Thos. Gray 

of Chillingham Knt. 8 tenements unfurnished through their 
own default &c.' 

* Norham. 7 tenements decayed, 4 unfurnished with horse for service and the 

Castle of Norham decayed. The default of all in the owners 

and farmers thoreof .' 
'Qryndon. One gentleman's house or tower unfurnished by Ric. Owrde of 

^Slioreiwood. One tower in the occupation of Mr. Selbye, decayed and a 

gentleman's house made void also by him.' 

* Bamhrovgh. The Castle of Bamboroughe decayed by Sir John Forster and one 

gentleman's house and 6 ten^ decayed by him also and his 
^ Heaton. 13 tenements made unable by Sir Thos. Gray Knt. through 

exchange of the farmers' lands and overcharge of carriage 
and one castle and one gentleman's house decayed also by him.* 

The similar Abstract for the Middle Marches contains no distinct notices of 
castles or towers. 




The moated mound, on which now stands the donjon of Warkworth 
Castle, was, in all likelihood, originally occupied by the * Worth '^ or 
palace of the Ocgings, a line of Bernician princes who claimed descent 
from Ida of Bamburgh, though not from his queen. A considerable 
tract of country was attached to * Werceworde'* in those early days, 
stretching, we are told, from the Line Water nearly to Alnmouth 
along the coast, and as far inland as the dvitas of ' Brincewelse.'^ 

In the beginning of the eighth century a revolution raised the 
Ocging Cenred to the Northumbrian throne, on which he was succeeded 
eventually by his brother Ceolwulf in 729. On the first appearance 
of Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation^ King Ceolwulf 
requested that it might be sent to hinx to read, and to ' Ceolwulf the 
Most Glorious' Bede subsequently addressed the preface, extolling him 

" * Worth, a hall, palace ; the Latin * Atrium.' Cf . Cambridge Gospels, Matt. 
zxyI. v. 69 — * Peter sat without in the ' worth ' (palace); ' Mark xiv. v. 64— • the 
' worth ' (palace) of the high priest '.' — Bosworth's Anglo-Saxon Dlctiofiary. The 
termination * worth ' in names of places, of which we have other instances in 
Northumberland in Backworth and Killingworth, is not now met with, it seems, 
north of Warkworth ; but Ewart in Glendale was formerly Eworth, and just over 
the Border was Jedworth, a name now lost in that of Jedburgh. 

* The first syllable of Warkworth may, of course, refer to the * wark * or 
castle ; but the ending * worth ' is usually affixed to a personal name. Werce (in 
Latin, Verca) was the name of the Abbess who gave JSt. Cuthbert the fine linen 
sheet he kept always by him for his shroud. — Reginald, IhmelvL cap. xli. (Surt, 
Boo. Publ. I. p. 86,5 

» * Et hi sunt termini istius villse ( Werceworthe). Ab aqua quae vocatur Lina, 
usque ad Cocwuda, et inde usque ad civitatem quae vocatur Brincewelae, et a 
Cocwuda usque ad Hafodscelfe (Hauxley) versus orientem, et ab Alna usque in 
dunidiam viam inter Cocwud et Alna.' — 8ym. Dunelm. Bigt. de 8. Cuthberto, 
§ 8 (Bolls ed. L p. 201). By dvitas mediaeval writers meant a Roman Chester 
or British eaer; and considering that the boundary must be traced from the head 
of Line Water, near Gorfenletch, on the south of Long Horsiey Moor, to the 
Coquet, there is nothing unreasonable in supposing with Hodgson Uinde and 
others that the * civitat of Brincewelae * is the camp on the hUl al^ve Brinkburn, 
the * Brincaburch' of John of Hexham (^Ibid. II. p. 329). Ceolwulf at the same 
time also gave to the church of Lindesfarne Woodchester (probably Woodhom), 
Edlingham, and Eglingham, and to round off this tract Warkworth must have 
extended as far as Brinkbum. Symeon, in recounting this Donation of Ceolwulf, 
places ' Bregesne ' (probably the same as * Brincewelae ') before Warkworth, as 
though it were the more important place (see post. n. 4). It seems hardly likely 
that JBrainshsLiigh, on the north bank of the Coquet opposite Acklington, can 
ever have possessed this pre-eminence. Clarkson's Survey in 1567 tells us that 
Acklington itself was ' in the old Ynglish tongue (what does this mean ?) called 
Brainshawghe ' (Arch, ^L N.S. IV. p. I) ; and John fitz Robert Lord of Wark- 
worth (1214-1240) had given the meadow of Brainesit^itQ to the monks of Durham, 
— Raine's North Durham, App. p. 787. 


for his own love of history, and his desire that the knowledge of it 
shoiiKi be spread among his subjects. In an appendix written in 731, 
however, our great historian had to confess that the opening of 
Ceolwulf's reign was so full of civil disorder that it was impossible to 
write an account of. it, or to predict the turn events might take — 
apprehensions more than justified, for, in the veiy next year, the king 
was seized, shorn, and forced into a monastery, and then almost 
immediately restored. The remainder of Ceolwulf 's reign did much 
to add, in all outward appearance, to the glories of Northumberland; 
and Warkworth could have been in little dread of any foreign invasion 
when Ceolwulf laid the foundations of the Church of St. Lawrence 
there on the very brink of the Coquet. Bede, however, with the 
political insight of a true historian, foresaw the dangers likely to arise 
from the fiishion of crowding into monasteries, then prevalent among 
Northumbrians, to the entire neglect of the profession of arms. 
* What will be the result,' he adds almost prophetically, * the next age 
will show.' He had been dead only two years when Ceolwulf himself 
resigned his crown in 737, and not only became a monk at liindisfame, 
but bestowed on St. Cuthbert Warkworth and other large estates.* 

The exemption of the inhabitants of monastic lands from the duties 
of military service must have been a great weakness to Northumber- 
land when exposed to th6 ravages of the Danes in the ninth century. 
On tliis account, possibly. King Osbert took Warkworth from the 
monks; but his doing so was regarded as sacrilege, and held to be 
metely punished by his death in battle in 867.* Eight years later, 
the savage Halfdene sailed into the Coquet, arid, verifying as it were 
the prediction of Bede, laid waste ' Wyrcesforde.'*^ 

* *Iiitravit autem (Ceolwulf us) Lindisfarnense monasterium, sancto Cuth- 
berto secum conferens thesauros regies et terras, id est, Brcgesue et Werceworde, 
cum suis appendiciis, simul et ecclesiam quam ibidem aedificaverat.' — Sym. Dun. 
Hurt, Du7ielm. Heeler, lib. ii. c. i. (Rolls ed. I. p. 47). ' Werchewurd quoque 
ipsiuB ecclesiae possessio erat, donante rege CeolwJfo cum omnibus appenditiis 
suis. Hanc enim mansionem ipse rex, abrenuntians mundo, secum ecclesise Lin- 
diafamensi contulit.'— Ibid. But. Regnm, § 89 (Rolls ed. II. p. 102). 

* * Osberhtus rex abstulit sancto Cuthberto duas villas Werceworthe et Tylle- 
muth. Sed post spatium unius anni eripuit Deus ab eo vitam et rcfgnum.* — 
Ibid. Hift. de S. C^ith. § 10 (Rolls ed. I. p. 201). 

* ' Halfdene rex Danorum in Tinam intravit, et usque Wyrcesfoixle navigavit, 
omnia vastans, et contra sanctum Cuthbertum crudeliter peccans.' — Ibid. § 12 
(Rolls ed. I. p. 202). Warkworth was the first place north of the Tyne where 
Halfdene could * cruelly sin ' against St. Cuthbert. The termination ♦ ford ' seems 
in a great many cases to be a corruption of * worth* — e.g.^ * Kentisford or Kentis- 
worth, anciently Kentlesworth.'— Hutchins, Dorset (Ist ed.), II. p. 397. 


The moral of Osbert's fate was thrown away on the succeeding 
kings and earls who retained the posseBsion he had resumed. The great 
Norman earl, Robert de Mowbray, increased this sin in the eyes of the 
monks of Durham by giving the very tithes of Warkworth to his 
rival foundation at Tynemouth; and the church itself, conferred by 
Henry I. on his chaplain Richard de Aurea Valle, afterwards came 
into the patronage of the bishops of Carlisle. 

A tradition, preserved by Leland, declares that Warkworth Castle 
once belonged to the Merlays, who were followers of Geoflfrey of Cou- 
tances and his nephew, Mowbray. They certainly gave Morwick, in 
the immediate neighbourhood of Warkworth, to Durham at the end 
of the eleventh century. Warkworth may have been confiscated on 
account of the share the Merlays took in Mowbray's rebellion, and their 
gift of Morwick, though subsequently confirmed by them, invalidated 
on the same grounds. 

During the troublous reign of Stephen, a curious number of 
historical facts have been preserved in charters connected with the 
salt-works at Warkworth. One of these salt-works was gi'anted to the 
Cistercian community, which settled at Newminster in 1188, by Simon 
de St. Liz Earl of Northumberland, the eldest grandson of Walthcof.^ 
His half brother Henry, the son of David King of Scotland, who was 
made Earl of Northumberland by the Treaty of Durham in 1139, 
confirmed this charter,® and bestowed another of these salt-works on 
the priory of Brinkbum.* The Abbey of Alnwick, too, received fix)m 
its founder Eustace fitz John in 1147 a salt-work at Warkworth;^® 

' * Notnm sit tain presentlbns qitam f uturis, quod e^ Simon comes Northum- 
briae monachis Nov! Mon.*concessi et dedi pro salute an. m. et meorum ante- 
cessorum propinquioiem salinam de Werkword,'etc.etc. — Ncnyniinater Chartvlary 
(SuTt. Soc. Publ. 66, p. 212). Had it not been for this charter we should not 
have known that Simon de St. Liz was ever Earl of Northumberland. He does 
not appear as such in Dugdale, nor a fortiori in Hodgson, etc. 

• * flenricus comes, filius regis BcocisB . . . Salinam unam apud Werkworth, 
pTopinquiorem sell, villse quam Comes Simon frater meus/ etc. — Ibid. William 
del Velzpont (nc, 1 Veteriponte) gave to Newminster his land near the salt-work 
granted to it by Earl Henry.— Ibid. p. 213. 

• JBrinhburn Chartularyy MS. copy in Library of Soc. of Antiq. Newcastle. 
'" * Vnam salinam in Werkwordia.' — Proceedings of Arohaol. Itistitute, lSo2, 

vol. ii. p. 273 n. It does not appear how Eustace fitz John obtained this salt- 
work, the first possession of his family in Warkworth. The right to it was after- 
wards in dispnte between the * domus de Werkeword oidinis Prsemonstratensis ' 
and the Alihej of Newminster. — Nevm, Chart. (Surt. Soc. Publ. 66, p. 205.) 


while, after the death of Earl Henry in 1152, his young son William, 
onr last hereditary viceroy, confirmed the Brinkbum canons in their 
briny rights." 

By this time a castle of some sort mnst have risen at Warkworth, 
since Henry II., in a charter attested by his brother William of Anjon, 
gave and confirmed to Roger the son of Richard, for service rendered, 
the castle and manor of ' Werkewrde,' to be held by him and his heirs as 
the hereditary fee of one knight, with all that belonged to them as weU 
and as entirely as ever his grandfather Henry I. had held that manor.^ 
The Richard in question was Richard fitz Eustace, Constable of 
Chester,!^ son, by his first marriage, of Eustace fitz John, lord of 
Alnwick ; the Roger was one of this Richard's younger sons. 

Eustace fitz John had fallen, an aged warrior, in the ambuscade laid 
for Henry 11. by Owen of North Wales in the wooded defile of Coles- 
hill, between Flint and Holywell, in 1157. The English army was in 
danger of annihilation. The Constable Henry of Essex, believing 
the King had been slain, threw down the royal standard and took to 
flight. A total rout was only averted by King Henry proving himself 
alive by raising the vizor of his helmet, and by the Earl of Clare 

" Brinkhurn Cliartulary. The style of Earl William in this charter is very 
remarkable: — *Willelmu8 de Gwaren Comes Northumbriae.' His mother, the 
Countess Ada, was daughter (but not heiress) of William de Warren 2nd Earl of 
Surrey. The young Earl William was not the only lord of Warkworth who for 
want of a paternal surname adopted that of his mother's family (see past. p. 89). 

*' ' Henrlcus Dei gratia Uex Angliae Dux Normandiae et AquitanisB et comes 
Andegavite Archiepiscopis Kpiscopis Comitibus Baronibus Justiciariis Vicecomi- 
tibus Ministris et omnibus fidelibus suis tocius Angliae f rancis et anglis salutezn. 
Sciatis me dedisse et confirmasse Bogero filio Bicardi in feodo et hereditate sibi 
et hercdibus suis pro servicio suo castellum de Werkewrda et manerium cum 
omnibus suis pertineiitiis sic Henrlcus Bex avus mens manerium illud melius et 
integrius tenuit quare volo et firmiter praecipio quod ipse et heredes sui manerium 
illud habeant et teneant bene et in pace libere quiete et honorifice cum omnibus 
pertinentiis suis in bosco et piano in pratis et pascuis in viis et semitis in aquis 
stagnis et molendinis et in omnibus rebus et locis cum tol et team et soca et saka 
et infangenthef et cum omnibus libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus cum 
quibus illud tenui in dominio meo. Test. Willielmo fratre Begis. &c.' — A»9!vte 
Boll (M. 4. 36) 10 ; Cal. Placit. de Qfio Warant, p. 695 ; Hodgson's Northd. Ill, 
1. p. 157. The final '&c.* is most provoking. It will be noticed that in the time 
of Henry I. the m/inor only is mentioned, so that the castle (such as it was) must 
have been built during the reign of Stephen. If, as is stated by Bichard of 
Hexham, the castles of Newcastle and Hamburgh were at one time excepted 
from the grant of Northumberland to Earl Henry, it seems possible that he may 
have built Warkworth in order to have a place of residence south of the Tweed. 

" Ormerod's Cheshire I. p. 509, where there is an engraving of the large and 
very characteristic seal of Bichard fitz Eustace; the reverse has a classical 
gem — a nymph and pillar- like altar— suizonnded by the enigmatical legend, 



providentially arriving with fresh troops.^* Henry marched on to 
Bhnddlan in a rage,^^ and there issued a charter confirming William 
de Yescy, the eldest son of Eustace fitz John's second marriage, in the 
barony of Alnwjck and other possessions of his father.^* It is probable 
that the grant of the castle and manor of Warkworth to Eustace's 
grandson, Koger fitz Eichard, waa made at Rhuddlan at the same time, - 
and was the reward of Roger's bravery at Coleshill. 

At any rate, Roger became closely connected with the events of 
that fiatal day. Six yeara later Robert de Montfort, in the King's pre- 
sence, called Henry of Essex a coward for his conduct, and resort was had 
to wager of battle on an island of the Thames near Reading. Henry 
of Essex was struck down and carried for dead into the neighbouring 
monastery, where, on his reviving, his life was spared on condition of 
his entering the order. He, himself, regarded his defeat as a judgment, 
not on his cowardice at Coleshill, but on his disputes with the Abbey 
of St. Rdmund at Bury, and his having tortured to death Gilbert de 
Cereville, a knight whom the wife of Essex had falsely accused in 
endeavouring to hide her own shame." The Honour of Clavering 
forfeited by Essex, and Adeliza de Vere, his wife of sullied repute, 
were both bestowed by the king on Roger fitz Richard.^® With her 
consent and approbation Roger gave to the monks of St. Mary of 
Newminster his salt-work at Warkworth, situated near where the 

'♦ Waiielm. Neubrig. lib. II. cap. v. (Chron. Steph, Ben, II. S^o., RoUs series 
I. p. 107.) ; Giraldi Cambrensis Itinerarium lib. II. cap. X. (Rolls ed. VI. pp. 
137, 138) ; Jocelin de Brakelond, Camden Soc. Pub]. 13, p. 50. 

" *Ac yna kynnullaw aoruc y brenhin y lu ygyt amynet hyt yn Rndlan yn 
greolawn.* — Brut y Ttjmysogwn^ RoUs. ed. p. 186. *Rex Henricns primum 
excpcitum duxit in Walliam et capit Rueland.'— Chron, de Mailros^ ann. 1167. 

»• Regt. ii. Abb. ii. 53 (Publ. Rec. Off.) ; Proc. Arch, Ingt, 1852, ii. App. p. ex. 
The attestation is instructive : — * Test. Willielmo fratre Regis, Rogero Com. de 
Clara, Gaufrido Com. de Essex, Ricardo de Humet constabulario, H. de Essex 
constabulario, Willielmo de Braosa, Mauricio Biset dapifero, Warino filio Gteroldi 
camerarii, Ricardo de Luci, Gilberto de Monfichet, Ricardo de Campivilla, R. 
Dunester, Jocelino de Bailliolo et Gaufrido de Yaloniis apud Ruellentum in 
exercitu de Waliis.' 

'^ Jocelin de Brakelond's Chronicle (Camd. Soc. Publ.) p. 61. There is a 
yeiy amusing translation of this stoiy in Carlyle's Past and Present, bk. ii. 
chap. xiy. 

" Dugdale's Baronage I. p. 106 ; Morant's Eeeew II. p. 611. It is to be hoped 
that Adeliza did not, like the wife of Robert de Mowbray, avail herself of the 
civil death of her husband in order to marry again. Robert, her son by Roger 
fitz Richard, does not appear to have been bom before 1169. — Proc. Arch. 
Inst. 1852, ii. p. 188. Hartshome there gives the minute details of the early 
manorial history of Warkworth from the Pipe Rolls, etc., with comparatiYely 
few misprints. 


stream from below Gloucester falls into the Coquet, and included 
within bounds which he and his heir had perambulated in company 
with the monks and his own men.^* 

The manor of Warkworth as granted by Henry II. to Roger fitz 
Richard was something very small in comparison with the wide 
domain that had belonged to Warkworth in the days of Ceolwulf. The 
latter comprised the whole ancient parish of Warkworth and in 
addition at the very least the chapelries of Widdrington and Brains- 
haugh ; whereas the extent of the manor fell far short of the limits of 
the parish which included not only Amble, Hauxley, Morwick, and 
East Chevington, parcels of the great barony of Alnwick, but also 
the capital seats of the Morwick^^ and Heron baronies at West 
Chevington and Hadston. A lord of Warkworth possessed of nothing 
more in Northumberland would scarcely have begun to build a castle 
on a grand scale; and when in 1173 the former heir of Warkworth re- 
appeared in Northumberland no longer in the character of a confirmer 
of salt-pans to the peaceful canons of Brinkbrnn, but as the Lion- 

• * Pari consilio et voluntate Adelizas uxoris meae.' — Newminteter Chartnlary^ 
p. 211. At * Gloucestre,' now Gloster Hill, on the south side of the Coquet, 
between Warkworth and the sea, was found the fragment of a Boman altar 
dedicated to the Campestral Mothers. — Lapidarium Septentrionale, p. 271. 

" There is in Warkworth Church the effigy of a cross-legged knight in scale- 
armour with a canopy at his head, and on the base the inscription : — * The Effi- 
gies of S*" Hvgh I of Morwicke who Gaue | the Common to this | Towne of Wark- 
worth.* The base and inscription are undoubtedly the work of the 17th century, 
and the effigy itself looks at first sight like a Jacobean reproduction. On the 
knight's shield are the arms, On a plain croM, four eagl-es displayed, in the 
dexter chief an annulet^ the same (except for the annulet, an early mark of 
difference not necessarily denoting, as in modern heraldry, a fifth son) as those 
on the seal of John de Derlyngton, a Canon in the Collegiate Church of Lan- 
chester and Prebendary of the Prebend of Esh, appended to a deed in the 
Treasury of Durham (Loc. 1.) dated 2. Aug. 1380, with the legend Si^tllum : 
iObie: &e: &erlBnatOne.— Surtees, Durham, vol. I. Seals, plate XI. No. 29 
(described in vol. IV. p. clxx.) The Morwick coat, on the other hand, is said to 
have been gu. a saltire vairy arg,and %a. — Papworth's Ordinary^ p. 1059. Hugh 
de Morwick, who was witness to the will of Henry II. at Waltham in 1182 
(Girald. Camb. De Itistrttctione Principuni, cap. xvii), and Sheriff of Cumber- 
land, 31-33 Hen. II., died 2. Kic. I. His son Hugh died 46 Hen. III.— Dugdale's 
Baronage, I. p. 678. Their lands were afterwards inherited by the Lumleys and 
Greys. There is not the least ground for supposing that either of them gave the 
common to Warkworth with the barony of which they had no connection. The 
good people of Warkworth probably either appropriated or imitated the knightly 
effigy of some Darlington in order to fictitiously fortify their title to the 
common. The canopy at the head of the recumbent figure fixes the date of its 
design at about the end of the 14th century ; there is a canopy of this kind on the 
tomb of Edward III. 


King of Scotland, singling Warkworfch out for especial destruction,^* 
Jordan Fantosme expressly tells us that the walls and earth-works of 
the castle were so weak*^ that Roger fitz Richard, though a valiant 
knight, made no attempt to defend it as he successfully did that of 
Newcastle of which he was constable. In the following year, on 
Saturday the 13th of July, Duncan Earl of Fife entered Warkworth 
with his Scots, set fire to the town, and put the inhabitants to the 
sword, not sparing even those who had sought shelter in the 'minster' 
of St. Lawrence.^ Why one of William the Lion's most moderate 
counsellors^ should have directed this massacre is not explained. 
Probably it was due to some breach of faith on the part of the 
burghers. The murderous sacrilege was considered to have been 
avenged by the capture of the Scottish King on that very day before 
the walls of Alnwick.^ 

Roger fitz Richard died, apparently not long after his father the 
Constable of Chester, in 1178. His heir Robert fitz Roger did not 
come of age till 1191, and during the reign of Coeur-de-Lion (from 
whom he received a grant of the manor of Eure in Buckinghamshire) 
resided cliiefly in Norfolk where he possessed large estates through 
marrying the heiress of William de Chesney, lord of Horsford. In 

** ' Alum iWerckewrde, eel voil agra venter,' 'Let us to Warkworth that will I 
destroy,' are the words which Jordan Fantosme puts into the mouth of William 
the Lion, I. 546 ; Surt. Soc. Publ. 2. p. 27 ; Chron. Stephen, Henry II., ^'o., Rolls 
ser. III. p. 250. The Lincoln MS. of Fantosme has *Alum ik Wercwrde, eel 
mail agra venter,' * Let us to Warkworth, that town to destroy.' If the word 
'ruuil' has anything to do with 'ruelle,' it is very characteristic of the one long 
street of Warkworth. 

" * Vienent 4 Werkewde, n'i deignent arester ; 
Kar le chastel iert fieble, le mur et le terrier.' 
* They come to Warkworth, do not there deign to stay, for the castle was weak, 
the wall and the earthwork.' Fantosfcie, L 562-563 ; Surt. Soc. ed. p. 27 ; Rolls 
ed. p. 252. For * arester' the Lincoln MS. reads *tarier' without altering the 
meaning, which seems to be that the Scots took the castle, but on account of its 
weak condition did not think it worth while to leave a garrison in it, as they did 
afterwards in that of Appleby. Benedict of Peterborough places the fall of 
Warkworth in the campaign of 1174 during the siege of Carlisle ; but Fantosme's 
narrative is too circumstantial to be set aside by a general statement that makes 
William wander about in the most opposite directions. 

*• Benedict. Petroburg. in Surt. Soc. Publ. 2. pp. 168-169 ; Fantosme, 1. 1706- 
1709, ibid. p. 79. The latter does not name Warkworth but only * le mustier 

** *De faire nul ultrage ne querez achaisun,' 'For doing outrage, seek not 
occasion,' formed part of the advice addressed by Earl Duncan to William in 
persuading him to endeavour to obtain satisfaction from Henry II. by diplomacy 
before declaring war. — Fantosme, /. 803, Surt. Soc. ed. p. 17. 

* Benedict. Petroburg. in Surt. Soc. PubL 2. p. 169 ; Fantosme, I, 1902-1909, 
ibid. p. 87. 


Norfolk he founded in 1198 the Abbey of St. Mary of Langley, 
which he filled with Prsemonstratenfiian canons from Alnwick.^ In 
July, 1199, King John confirmed to him the castle and manor of 
Warkworth for the consideration of three hundred marks,*^ and he 
seems about this time to have transferred his activity to Northumber- 
land, of which he became sheriff in 1203, a very lucrative post under 
an administration like that of John. A favourite of the king, he 
received grants of the manor of Corbridge in 1204 and of the manors 
of Newburn and Bothbury in 1205. In all probability it was this 
Robert fitz Roger who rebuilt the castle of Warkworth on the 
general lines seen at present. The architecture of the Great Gate- 
house points clearly to this particular period. 

Attached to his grant of a rent-charge from his mill at Warkworth 
for the purpose of maintaining the light before St. Cuthbert's shrine^ 
is a large seal of green wax on which Robert fitz Roger appears on 
horse-back, in characteristic fashion, brandishing a huge sword.^ He 
is clad in a hauberk of chain-mail, the surcoat worn over it hanging 
right down to his triangular stirrups. The upper part of his face is 
just visible beneath the plain round bassinet. His arms Quarterly 
[or and gu."] a hendht [sfl.] can just be discerned on the long shield. 
The breast-piece of his horse is ornamented with the long pendents 
then in fashion. 

On Saturday the 2nd Feb., 1213, King John himself was at 
Warkworth on his way from Fenwick (opposite Holy Island) to New- 

" He is caUed Robert fitz Roger Helke (whatever that means) in the Founda- 
tion Charter.— Blomefield's Norfolk, IV. p. 1137 ; Dugdale's Jfontuticon, e<L 
Caley, VI. prt. ii. pp. 929-930, quoting Visitat, OrdinU PramofutratensU per 
Rioardvm episc, Astavens, in Ashmol. MS. 1619, and Annales Ahhatus de Langley 
in Cotton. MS. This charter was confirmed by King John at Caen 7. July 1199. 
The anniversary of the founder was kept on the 14th of April. In 1840 John de 
Strumpeshaugh was presented to this abbey by John (de Ottelay) Abbot of 
Alnwick, styled • Pater Abbatis Eccl'le de Langley.'— Blomefield's Norfolk, cont. 
by Parkin, X. pp. 149-150. 

^ Hot, de OhlatU I. Joh. ; Proe. Arch, Itwt, 1852, ii. p. 189. 

** Rainess North Durham, App. p. 141 ; Hodgson's Northumberland, III. iu 
p. 141. He also gave to the monks of Durham the chapel of St. Mary Magdalen 
without the vill of Warkworth (the present Maudlins;. — Feodarinm Prioratug 
Danelm^n^U, Surt. Soc. Publ. 58, p. 2. n. etc., etc. 

^ Seal 4 . 3. Sac. 3. in the Treasury, Durham, 2} in. in diameter, engraved on 
steel in Surtees's Durham, I. Seals, plate 7, No. 2. On the reverse is an oval gem, 
1 X i in., representing apparently the Flight into Egypt, with the legend 
8IOILLUM SECRETI. Photographs of casts from this seal have been reproduced 
in the annexed plate by the *Lichtdruck' process. 













castle.^ He had made a sudden expedition to the North for the 
pnrpoae of overawing the barons in general^ and injuring by every 
means in his power his especial enemy Eustace de Yesci. The 
disorder and probable devastation of Northumberland is marked by 
the absence of any returns relating to it on the Pipe Boll of this the 
fourteenth year of John's rule. Up to this time Robert fitz Roger had 
continued to be sherifiT, and was so again the next year, when he died. 
John therefore probably came in peace to Warkworth. While there, 
though his kingdom was still under interdict and he himself excom- 
municated, he presented to two livings belonging to estates he had 
confiscated to his use, and also made over the custody of two unfor- 
tunate children to one of his favourites.^* 

John fitz Robert, the next lord of Warkworth (1214-1240), 
differed in politics from his father. He was one of the Twenty-five to 
whom the execution of the provisions of Magna Carta was entrusted ;'^ 
and as a natural consequence his lands were seized for the king. On 
the seal of the charter by wKich he conveyed his meadow of Braines- 
lawe to the monks of Durham, we see him careering in a cylindrical 
helm, which viewed in profile presents a concave line behind, the 
front part rounded below and pierced with holes to enable him to 
breathe, his snrcoat considerably shorter than his father's, but the 
other equipments similar, and the sword equally ponderous.^^ His 
widow Ada, daughter of Hugh de Baliol, appears to have been a 
woman of much character. She could not, however, even for a 
thousand marks, obtain the guardianship of her son Roger fitz John, 
which Henry III. bestowed on his own half-brother William de 
Valence. The want of a surname seems to have now made itself felt 
in the family, and the young lord of Warkworth called himself Roger 
fitz John de Baliol after his mother's family, while two of his 
younger brothers took the name of Eure after their father's manor in 

» CaL Rot. tit, Pat. I. p. 96. 

^* Ibid. At some time in his reign, John gave the church of Warkworth to 
Thomas his clerk in violation of the rights of the bishop of Carlisle. — Plac. de 
Quo Waranto, Hodgson, Aorthd. III. i. p. 142. 

•* Stubbs, Conttitutional Riftory of England^ Clar. Press 1875, I. p. 642. 
John fitz Robert, is not, however, classed there among the northern lords. 

" For the charter see Raine's North Durham^ App. p. 142. The seal (1. 1. 
8pec. No. 51 in the Treasury, Durham) is engraved on steel in Surtees, Durham, 
I, Seals, plate 7, No. 4 ; and has also been reproduced on the annexed plate, with 
greater fidelity, by ' Lic;htclnirk.' The secret um is the same as that of Rol)ert fite 
Roger's seal. 


Buckinghamshire.** Roger de Baliol gave, it is recorded, twenty 
marks, three robes, and com and hay for two horses every year for the 
safe-guarding of his castle of Warkworth." He must have been a 
youth of great promise. Matthew of Paris says that he was the most 
noble knight and baron in the North of England, and had already dis- 
played remarkable activity in the arts of war. His career was cut short 
by his being ridden over in a tournament at Argences in Normandy in 
1249.^* His heir Robert fitz Roger II., only a year and a half old,'^ 
was committed to the custody of William de Valence, together with 
Hhe noble castle' of Warkworth. A beautiful seal attached to a 
document dated 1276 and preserved at Paris shows us Robert fitz 
Roger with a fan-crested helmet mounted on a horse with plain 
housings but also adorned with a fan-crest.^ In his time Edward I. 
visited Warkworth, on the way from Alnwick to Woodhorn, on Thurs- 
day, 18th Dec, 1292.'» Five years later Robert fitz Roger's eldest 
son John was taken prisoner at the battle of Stirling (11th Sept., 
1297)^ in which Hugh de Cressingham, the English Treasuerr, was 

•* See the accompanying Genealogy of the Lords of Warkworth and 

■• * Ibidem ( Werkeworth) est i castrum pro cujus castodia Dns. Rogerus dedit 
quolibet anno zz marcas et iij robas ;' ' Dns. Rof^ms consuevit dare per annum 
pro custodia castri et manerii per annam ziij lib. yj. sol. viij d. et iij robas et 
f enum et avenas ad ij equos.' — Inq. ' p. m. 33 Hen. III. No. 66 ; Archaolngia 
JElmna III. pp. 98, 100. Cf. the curious document in which Aymer de Valence 
Earl of Pembroke temp. Ed. II. engages Sir John Eure to safely guard his castle 
of Mitford for the same sum 20 marks (£13 16# 8i2) in time of peace or 40 marks 
a year otherwise ; by * time of peace' Le, • when the kingr is on the Border with 
his army' really meaning * time of war' when, in consequence of tne castle being 
garrisoned by the king's forces, the constables of their owners would have less to 
^o.— Chapter Htnue Records No. 2731, printed in Proo, Arch, Irut, 1862, ii. 
App. p. cxxzix. 

* * Obiit Rogenis, filivs JohannU de Baillo'd. Bodemque tempore obiit 
Roger de Bailloil, nobilissimus de partibus borealibus Angliae miles et baro, setate 
adolescens, in re strenuus militari, conculcatus in quodam torneamento in 
partibus Francias, apud Argenciam. Cujus ten» custodiam rex incontinenti 
contulit Willelmo de Valentia, fratri suo, cum nobili castro de Wercwurthe, et 
multis aliis terris ac possessionibus ad prsedictum nobilem Rogerum pertiuen- 
tibus.'--Biatt. Paris, Higt. Anglor, ann. 1249, Rolls ed. III. p. 67. In the margin 
is the shield of Baliol reversed. 

" Inq. p. m. Essex . 33 Hen. III., Cat, Oeneal, I. p. 26. 

■* * Towards the end of the thirteenth century came in the fashion of orna- 
menting the head of the horse with a Fan Crest, similar to that fixed on the 

helm of the knight The seal of Patrick Dunbar, earl of March, 

1292, affords a good example of knight and steed decorated with the fan crest : 
it is figured in Laing's Ancient Scottish Seals, page 64.'— Hewitt, Ancient 
Armour, 1 860, 1, p. 847. On the plate facing p. 89 will be found a full-size Licht- 
dmck reproduction of the seal of Robert fitz Roger II. 

*' Oal. of Doe. relating to Scotland, II., p. 163. 



AsMBi—QvarUrly or and | 

John Ck)iutahle of Cb4 
soendanto difterenoed t 
label, tiU. at the end oA 
Heiuy de Lad Earl of li 
new ooafe-or a Uor ram^ ^ j^ ^ ^^ William fits Nigol 

Sir John Olareriner t i< 
father's life time) a UU 
laTeroc 1301: Sir Alexaa 
bend with three mullet* _ 
Alan with three mullets a( 

Sir Hu|^ de Euro and 
bore three eaeaUopa org. d 

e of Chester* liring vo* 


Robert (/) 


m. Robert 

m. Henry 

) (a) =r Margaret dan. ft hr. of WQliam de 
Ch(»ney. lord of Honford. 

John fitz Robkkt =f (2) Ada dan. of Hugh 
d. 1240 I de Baliol, d. at 

12S1 (i) 







NeriUe (f ) 

de =f Enphemla de 
CUTering (« 

the Earls of Westmov 
and Northnmberlaud. 





« 5th , 
ipi anoi 

nl itm 



Oaley, TI. p. 967. 
Onnerod, Cheghirey 11 
A oumpafison of the 
Pooham {The Comp^ 
Agnes to nave been 
M ante; but Adam 
with her to the fon 
Dugdale/ Ifoncwticoi id 
Dugdale, Baronage, I. 
son of Richard fltz ] 
that the Lades, if ai „ 
wfaidi the ClaTeringi ^ 
Onnerod, ChethWe, ir 
Dngdale, MonaMicon, 

fona id 

OlaTering {•) 


Edmnnd de Glarering («) (t) ' et mnltas lUin' («) 

William de Glarering 
of GaUaley 

1 iomefield, Sorfolk, ed. Parkin, X. p. 149. calls her Mary de U 
. rache. 

mes Samsonem Leonard fedalem, 

Dwluun, Seals, PI. X. 10. 
antiquo pergamentoquodampc 
L 15A. in Dnsd. if on. HL p. 631 

' Jnne, 1312, John de Glarering and Hawise his wife settled the 
_ jrs of Clarering and Blibuxgh, in the erent of their deaths with- 
it male issue, on Edmund de GiaTering for life, and then on Ralph 
KeTllle and his heirs ; while on 3rdFeb. 1342, Robert de Benhall 
* Era his wife released the manors of Glarering, Aynho, Bure, 
BUburgh to Ralph de Nerille and Hawise deOlarering.— Ped. 
R. Divert, Com. EdTin. 301 

Coll. R, Glov. S: in Dngdale, Bmnmage, 1. p. 292. The eridonoe 
this maniage is not altogether satisfactory. Ralph de Nerille 
s constable of Warkworth in 13:iS. Glarering remained in the 
erille family for sereral generations. 
. (?«nralo9. P.706. M Ibid. p. 733. 


daiD. It wafi ramonred that Cressingham on leaving Berwick had 
entmsted his goods there to the charge of Bobert Heron, rector of 
Ford, who kept the king's coket at that port, and of a certain Sir 
Hugh de Soubiri (Rothbnrj), and that on hearing of Cresdngham's 
death Heron and Roubiri immediately sent 400 marks to Warkworth 
Castle and delivered them to William de Toggesdene, the constable, 
as also £40 in a ponch. So long after as the autumn of 1804 a formal 
inquiry was held into this rumour at York. William de Toggesdene 
declared on oath that about a week after Gressingham's death, Hugh 
de Eoubiri, attended only by his grooms, did bring to Warkworth two 
' bulgias' covered with hide, and a coffer for harness sealed and locked, 
and requested him to take charge of them. He considered that there 
might be £300 in them, but others thought more probably £400, 
judging from their great weight, which he too remarked when his son 
William carried them from the Great Chamber of the castle to an 
adjoining closet. There they remained for a week, when Hugh de 
Eoubiri returned with his grooms and toot them away.**^ 

Heron and Boubiri denied that they had ever taken a large coffer 
to Warkworth at all, or that the money in question had anything to 
do with Cressingham. They swore that it was deposited at Warkworth 
before his death. According to Heron, it was a sum of £281 which 
he had received from the issues of the coket at Berwick; and which, 
when the Scots rose against the king and slew the Sheriff of Lanark, 
he put, for fear of them, into two leather bags and two pouches, and, 
by Hugh de Eoubiri's advice, sent them to Warkworth Castle about 
the 15th of August, 1297. He there delivered them himself to 
Boubiri, who placed them in the treasury of the castle under the 
custody of the constable. Eoubiri's evidence bore this out, with the 

^ *Ad quern diem dictus Willelmus yenit. Et juratus et ezaminatus coram 
Thesaurario et Baionibus dicit super sacrum suum quod circa octo dies post 
mortem dicti Hugonis apud Strivelyn dictus Hugo de Koubiri cum garconibus 
suis sine alia comitiva (venit) ad dictum castrum de Werkwortb et tulit ibi duas 
bulgias coopertas de corio et j coffram pro hemasio sigillatam et senutam, et 
rogavit dictum Willelmum quod illas custodiret in quibus fuerint ut estimabat 
ccc/i, set idem constabularius intellezit a quibusdam quod in eisdem bulgiis et 
coffra fuerint cccc^, quia multimi ponderabant, ut sibi vide bat ur, quia Willelmus 
filius dicti Constabnlarii dictas bulgias et coffram portavit sic sigillatam dc 
magna camera castri usque in quandam calketam contiguam. Et dixit quod 
ibidem sic remanserunt per viij dies. Et tunc venit dictus Hugo de Roubiri cum 
garconibus suis et apportavit a dicto castro predict as duas bulgias et coflEi-am 
sigillatam prout ibi prius portabantur et ahiiW^Mccheq, Q. £, Memor, 33. 
Ed. I. m. 37. 


slight difici'epancj that he said he received the bags, and two canvas 
pouches strapped together, about the Gule (the Ist) of August. 
Immediately after Cressingham's death, for fear of the Scots, he 
carried the two leather bags to Durham Oastle. Roger Heron 
acknowledged that he received them there from Boubiri as he was 
returning to Scotland with the English Barons who had been sum- 
moned to quell the insurrection. They contained £200, half of which 
he paid to Walter de Agmondesham for the king's business, and half 
by tallies to the Treasurer at York. What became of the two pouches 
and the remaining £81, Heron could not tell. Koubiri deposed that 
he hid these pouches, which he understood contained only 85 marks, 
with some of his own jewels in a sack of his wool at Warkworth. 
Pouches, silver, jewels, and wool he never saw again, for the keepers 
of the castle and Robert fitz Roger when he came there sold the wool 
and carried off the valuables.^ 

Robert fitz Roger had been at Warkworth on the Thursday after 
the Feast of St. Mary Magdalen (22nd July), 1304, when, in the pre- 
sence of Sir John de Swynebume, Sir Roger Corbet, Sir John de 
Vaux, John de Eure, John de Lisle (of Woodbum), and John de 
Normanville, he set his seal to an agreement with Lucy the widow of 
Thomas de Dyvelston respecting boats crossing the water of Tyne at 
Corbridge.^ He allowed the constable at Warkworth the herbage of 
the castle and its precincts, which covered then, as now, about an acre 
and a half .^^ 

John fitz Robert, who had been summoned to Parliament by the 
name of Clavering during his father's lifetime in 1299, succeeded him 
in 1810. The next year (20th Nov. 1811), he made a compact with 

** Ibid ; CaL of DoeumenU relating to Scotland, II. p. 417. 

*' Misc. Chart, No. 461 in the Treasaiy, Durham. Attached to this is a seal, 
f in. diameter, with the arms Quarterly over all a bend, and the legend 
81 BO BEB Ti all within a cusped panel. This is eng:i*aved in Surtees's Jhirham 
II. Seals, plate x. No. 20, but in the descriptive letterpress, ibid. IV. A pp. p. 
clxxi. it is erroneously attributed to Robert de Widdringt4>n. The Widdrington 
arms onlj differed from those of the lords of Clavering in the 1st and 4th 
quarters being argent instead of or. A still plainer seal of Robert fitz Roger 
appended to a deed dated at Horpford the vigil of St. Andrew (29. Nov.) 1279, 
is engi-aved in Blomefield's Norfolk cont. by Parkin, X. p. 439. 

** ' Est ibi quaedam placea continens in se unam acram et dimidiam terras 
super quam Castrum est situm ; et praedictus Robertus dedit herbagium ejusdem 
in feodo Constabulario ejusdem Castri.' — Inq. p. m. 3 Ed. 11. No. 56, in Arelugif^ 
logia j^liatia III. p. 104. In accounts of Warkworth it is usually said that the 
castle contains between five and six acres. Grose seems to have been the 
originator of this misiAko,— Antiquities, London. Hooper, 1785, IV., p. 152. 


Edward II. that, on consideration of his being granted for life the 
manor of Costessey and other lands in Norfolk, Suffolk, and North- 
amptonshire, his castle of Warkworth and the manors of Rothbury 
in Northumberland and Eure in Buckinghamshire should, on his 
death, become the property of the king or his heirs ; as should also 
his manors of Newburn and Corbridge, in the event of his leaving no 
legitimate male issue.^ The long continuance of the Scottish wars 
made it expedient that the king should have the castles of Northum- 
berland under his immediate control. This was attained, to a certain 
extent, by his furnishing a portion of their garrisons. In a safe- 
oonduct for John le Irish de Hibemia, dated at York 15th Aug., 1B14, 
Edward II. provides that were the Irishman close pressed by the Scots 
the constable of Warkworth, if certain no fraud was intended, should 
receive him into that castle.** At the close of Gilbert de Middleton's 
rebellion in 1317, the loyal garrison of Warkworth, in conjunction 
with those of Alnwick and Bamburgh, reduced the peles of Bolton 
and Whitfeingham.** The agi-eement entered into with John de 
Cmmbwell and Robert d'Umfranville Earl of Angus, as Wardens of 
the March of Northumberland, in September, 1819, mentions that the 
castle of Warkworth had its own garrison of 12 men-at-arms, and that 
the king would place in it at his cost 4 men-at-arms and 8 hobilers 
or light horsemen, to be chosen by Robeit Dan*eys and John de 
Thirlewall.*' In 1822 Robert Darreys, constable of Warkworth, is 
said to have contributed 26 hobilers from the garrison for the king's 
expedition to Scotland ;** but on the 26th of September in that year 
Ralph de Neville, as constable, was severely reprimanded by Edward 
II. for neglecting a favourable opportunity uf attacking the Scots>* 

During their hasty retreat from Stanhope Park in the early part of 
August, 1827, the Scots, having failed to surprise Alnwick, laid siege 
to Warkworth. Sevenil of them perished in the attack, and the rest, 

♦* Abb. Rot. Orig. I. p. 186, Ro. 6. 5 Ed. II. ; Wallis, Northumberland, II. 
p. 358 ex Rot. Claus. 6 Ed. IL m. 11 ; Hodgson's Northd. III. ii. p. 293. 

*• Cal Rot, Scot. I. p. 131. 

*• Calendar of Doevmcnts relatina to Scotland, III. p. 623. 

*^ *En le Chastel de Werkeword sont de Iti proprc gai-neison xij honimeH 
darmes et le Roy y mettra iiij hommes darmes et viij hobelours as custages Ic 
Roy le qieux Robert Den-eys et Johan de Ihirlewalle out cmpres de trouver.' — 
ICwcheq. Q, J?. Muc, (Army) V- 

^ (Jrose, Antigmtiesy Loudon, Hoorer. 1785, lY. p. 162, quoting a MS. account 
of Roger de Waltham. Keeper of the Wardrobe. 

« Cal. of Doc. rel. to Scotland, III. p. 146. 


disappointed of their purpose, set oflF home.*^ Towards the end of the * 
year, however, while Edward III. was absorbed in preparing for his 
marriage with Philippa of Hainault, Robert Bruce entered Northum- 
berland with a large army and invested Alnwick, Warkworth, and 
other castles. But though these set sieges were followed by frequent 
irregular attacks, the garrisons made a successful resistance.^^* In their 
alarm, the inhabitants of the bishopric of Durham, *the county of Car- 
lisle,* Richmondshire, Cleveland, and Westmoreland bought for a large 
sum a truce with the Scots till the following Easter. Before this term 
expired, the Treaty of Edinburgh, in which Edward III. renounced his 
claims over Scotland, was concluded on 1 7th March, 1328. Sir Geo&ey 
le Scro^^, one of the English envoys, had broken his journey at Wark- 
worth on the night of Sunday, the 6th of March, and on Monday, the 
7th, William le Zouch, another of them, had arrived there.'^ 

Edw^d III., on the 2nd March, 1S28, had made over his rever- 
sionary interest in Warkworth and the other northern estates of Lord 
Clavering to Henry the second Percy of Alnwick, in lieu of the here- 
ditary custody of Berwick an4 an annuity of five hundred marks out 
of the customs of that port which had been granted to Percy in reward 
for the bravery he displayed at the battle of Halidon Hill.^' Conse- 
quently, on the death of Lord Clavering, without male issue, on the 
18th Jan., 1332/^ Warkworth, with its castle and dependencies, came 

*• 'Castram pnedicti domiui (Henrici Percy) apud Werkeworthe adeunt, 
obsesfluri ; ubi quibusdam de suis interf cctis a suo proposito def raudati, vers 
Scotiam punt profecti.' — Oesta Ed. III. auctore Bridlingtonenn (Rolls serie 
Chroniclei Ed. I, and II., II. p. 97.) It does not appear why Warkworth should 
be said to already belong to Henry PerCy. In the first of the two princely 
volumes of the AnnaUt of the Hou«e of Perot/ (printed for private circulation, 
London, 1887), p. 74, n. 2, and Appendix V., p. 488, Mr. E. B. de Fonblanque 
lias, * in consequence of a printer's error,' stated that the barony of Warknorth, 
held by the service of one knight's fee, was, with the king's approval, transferred 
by Anthony Bek, Bishop of Durham, to Henry Percy, Lord of Alnwick, in 1309. 
The reference given for this, Hot. Pat. 3, Edw. II., 2., m. 30, relates solely to 
Alnwiek. Mr. Fonblanque very considerately wishes to have the mistake cor- 
rected here before it has time to spread further. 

" * Uum .... rex Kdwardus circa sponsalia intenderet, Robertus rex 
Scocia; cum suis in Angliam revcrtentes castra de Aln^^-yk, Werkworth et alia 
castni Northumbriro, obsidentes ct ssepius assilientes, multa mala feccrunt.*- — 
Chro/i. de McUa, Rolls cd. If. p. 857 ; see also Lanerco«t, p. 260. 

*' Notes respecting Travelling in the former half of the \ Century, by Rev. 
Joseph Hunter, p. 23, in Proc. Archceol. Inst.j 1846. 

" Cal. Rot. Pat. 2 Ed. III. m. 25 ; Hotigson's NoHhd. 111. ii. p. 366. * Istc 
ctiam Hcuricus perquisivit dc dono regis Baroniam de Werkworth pro suo Ixjiio 
ct crebro servitio.' — Chron. Monasterii de Alnewyke, in Arch. jEl, III. p. 40. 

•* Dugdale, Baronage. I., p. 109. Lord Clavering died at his manor of Aynho, 
in Northamptonshire, and was buried in the choir of Langley Abbey. Among 


into the Percy family, forming a valuable complement to the barony 
of Alnwick, which they had acquired in 1809. 

The castle still continued to be used more or less as a royal fortress. 
In 1855 the constable and his lieutenant received orders from Edward 
III., dated Berwick, October the 10th, to release Adam Skele and 
Nicholas Betteson, men of that town, who had been committed to 
their custody on suspicion of treason." 

Henry the Strong, the first Percy of Warkworth, died there un- 
expectedly on the 27th Feb., 1352, after having been detained by a 
short illness.** The jury of inquest empanelled at Alnwick on the 
2l8t March, before John de Coupland, as Escheator of Northumber- 
land, returned the buildings in the castle of Warkworth as of no value 
beyond the cost of repairing them. The herbage of the moat was, 
they stated, worth 18d. a year, and was let for that sum.*^ 

The succeeding lord, Henry Percy the Short, conferred at Wark- 
worth various privileges on the Carmelites of Hulne, at the instance 
of their prior, Robert de Populton, on the Feast of the Annunciation 
(25th March), 1864. Sir Richard Tempest, Sir Thomas Surtees, Sir 
Ingram Umfreville, and others were there at the time.*^ This lord, 
too, died at Warkworth on Ascension Day, the 18th May, 1868, at the 
eleventh hour — proof that the castle had become a favourite residence 
of the Percies.** The inquisition taken at Newcastle as to the lands 

*' e mnnimeiits of Balllol College, Oxford, is an instruction from him to his 
eivers, to pay certain moneys to that college, dated at Aynho, 1st May. 
i.<28. The seal attached to this, which is said to be * nearly perfect,' iii 
Historical MSS, (omm. ith Report^ p.- 1., p. 444, proves to be very small, and in 
a bad state of preservation, with merely the CJavering; shield, and the legend s 


*» CaL Eat. Scot, I. p. 381. 

•• * Quasi modica infirmitate in castro de Werkworth detentns obijt 
insperate.' — Chran, Mon, dc Alnetvyke, Arch, uSl. III. p. 40. 

" Inq. p. m. 26 Ed. IIL No. 52a, printed in Proc. Arch. Imt. 1852, ii. App. 
p. czxx. 

** * Hiis testibus domino Roberto de Rothbury tunc Abbate de Alnewyk ac 
Henrico de Percy, Thoma de Percy filiis meis, Ricardo Tempest, Thoma Surteys, 
Ingram de Umfravyll militibus. magistro Thoma de Fernylawe vicario de 
Emeldon, domino Wilielmo de Newport rectore ecclesia de AVermouth, domino 
Johanne Jordan necn<m Ricardo Dask, Henrico de Percy, J«>hanne Whitlee, 
Hugone Qalun et aliis. Data apud Werkworth in Annunciatione Virginia 
gloriosfls anno Domini millesimo trecentesimo sexagesimo quarto.' — Regiairum 
Carturum Convcntva de Holne. in Proc. Arch. Inst. 1152, ii. App. p. xcv. 

•'* *Qui obi it in castello de Werkworth in die Ascensionis Domini hora 
nndecima, littera dominicali A luna currente per unum, anno Domini millesimo 
-trecentesimo sexagesimo octavo.'— /Wd. What does the reference to the 
Dominical Letter, etc., mean? 


he left, again states that the castle of Warkworth was worth nothing 
over the expense of keeping it in repair; the annual value of the 
herbage of the moat had fallen to 12d. 

On setting out for the wars in France in 1878, Henry Percy, the 
next lord, ratified the charters of Alnwick Abbey, at his castle of Wark- 
worth, on the 19th of June, in the presence of Sir William de Aldburgh, 
Sir Richard Tempest, Sir Ingram Umfravill, Sir Robert Clavering, Sir 
John Heron, and Sir William Claxton.^ Created Earl of Northum- 

" * No8 autem dictus dominus Henricus de Percy ad honorem Dei Patris om- 
nipotentis, et Filii et Spiritus Sancti, et beatne MarisB semper virginiB, g^netricis 
ejusdem Dei et Domini nostri Jhcsu Christi, respicientes, et necessarium obseqaiam 
ipsorum quod in presenti itinere nostro versus partes guerrivas, nos oporteat con- 
siderare et requirere cum effectu pro nobis et compiicibus nostris in predicto 
itinere nostro, ac pro salute nostra et liberorum nostrorum, quamdin ^ixeiimua, et 
animarum nostrarum cum ab hac luce migrayerimus, necnon pro animabns om- 
nium antecessorum nostrurum, ac anima MargaretsB nuper consortis nostne 

charissimaB &c Datum in castro nostro de Warkworthe, nono-decimo die 

Junii, Anno Dni. M**ccc° septuagesimo tertio. Hiis testibus, Dominis Willelmo 
de Albroughe, Ricardo Tempest, Ingramo Umfravill, Roberto Claveringe, Johanne 
Herone, Willelmo de Glaxtoune, Militibus, Dominis Johanne de Acun, Petro de 
Wellum, et Johanne de Metheley, Capellanis, Henrico Percy, Thoma de Modirbj, 
Willelmo de Atone. Nicholao ds Herunne, Johanne de Rodham, Willelmo de 
Findemer, Thoma de Burton Clerico, Thoma de Wattone Clerico, et Thoma 
Galoune tunc temporis Seneschallo/ — Charters of Alnwick Abbey, 31, in Tate's 
HlMtory of Alnwick, II. App. p. xzi., from Lansdowne MS.^ 326. Dodtwortk^ 
Many of these witnesses wei^e probably included in the retinue of 12 knights, 47 
squires. 160 mounted achers and men-at-arms, who accompanied their lord to 
F^nce, see AnnaU of the Houte of Percy ^ I. p. 110. and Exchequer RolU\ Jrmy, 
45. £d. in. The solemn invocation of the Trinity in this charter, and the special 
care evinced by Lord Percy for the soul of Margaret, * late his dearest consort,' 
tend to strengthen the opinion of Mr. Lonestaffe, Arch, JEL, N.S. IV. p. 182, that 
the Hermitage * bilded in a rocke of stone within the parke of Warkworth, in 
honour of the blessed Trynete,' was intended to honour the memory of thia 
Margaret Neville. The architecture of the Hermitage is of this particular period, 
and the bull's head was the well-known badge of the Nevilles. On the other 
hand the absence of anything like a Percy badge is extremely remarkable, and 
it must be remembered that the only piece of genuine tradition attached to the 
Hermitage — ^not that tradition is worth much after the interval of even one 
generation — is that it was the work of 'a Bertram who murdered his brother.' — 
Grose Antiguitiegf 1785, IV. p. 92. The Bertram crest was also a bull's head, 
and although shields clmrged with the instruments of the Crucifixion were no 
doubt common in Northumberland in the Middle Ages, it is worthy of notice that 
the only two instances of such shields surviving are those over the doorway be- 
tween the two chapels at the Hermitage and in the stained glass of Bothal Church. 
While on general grounds we may join with Aytoun in exclaiming 'All laud and 
praise to the memory of good Hishop Percy,' it is impossible not to admit the 
justice of Dr. Johnson's severe condemnation of the Hermit of Warkworth. Any 
historic interest that the place may possess has been sacrificed to the affected 
sentimentality of this penny-a-line doggerel. The opening motive of the Hermit's 
Tale is purloined, without acknowledgment, from the exploit of Sir William 
Marmion, as related in the Scala Chronlcon^ Leland's translation of which is fall 
of natural grace. It is inconceivable how Bishop Percy, the preserver of really 
beautiful Imllads, could turn Sir Thomas Gray's nobly- worded promise to Mar- 
mion : — ' Sir Knight, ye be cum hither to fome your helmet : mount on your 


berland at the coronation of Richard II. in 1377,^^ he practically placed 
Henry Bolingbroke on the throne.^ 

On the 14th September, 1402^ he obtained a gi'eat victory over the 
Scots at Homildon, near Wooler. With the view, apparently, of secnring 
a more lasting peace with Scotland, Henry lY. gave orders that none 
of the prisoners taken at this battle should be ransomed. At the same 
time he promised their captors that they should not be losers by this 
change in border policy .^^ After some remonstrance, Noithumberland 
brought Murdoch Stewart, son of the Duke of Albany, and six other 
prisoners to London in triumph on the 20th of October.^ He took 
this opportunity, it seems, of complaining that he and his son, Henry 

hone, and lyde lyke a valiant man to jour foes even here at hand, and I forsake 
(iod if I rescue not thy body deade or aly ve, or I myself wyl dye for it,' into such 
an insipid parody as : — 

* Now, Bertram, prove thy lady's helme, 

Attack yon forward band : 
Dead or alive 1*11 rescae thee 
Or perish by their hand/ 

Leland's translation of the whole passage will be found in Note D of the 
Appendix to Scott's Marmion. 

^> John Cook of Newcastle, who died at Norham 2 Ric. II., 1378-12{79, left 20 
marks towards building Warkworth bridge if it were built within two years from 
the time of his making his will, otherwise the money was to be given to the bridge 
of Bolbec (Bywell). — Wallis, Northumberland, II. p. a65 ; Bourne, Newcastle, p, 
203. Warkworth bridge probably had the benefit of John Cook's legacy, as 
the architecture of it is similar to that of other bridges of 14th century construc- 
tion. The gatehonse at the south end of it may have been built about the same 

•* The account of the events of 1402 and 1403, about to be given in the text, 
is perhaps longer and more detailed Ihan is strictly justifiable in treating of 
Warkworth Castle. The fact is that the general interest of the history of Eng- 
land at this juncture seems to centre in the home of the Percies, so much so that 
three scenes of Shakespeare's Henry IV, are laid at Northumberland's Castle 
of Warkworth, which he well describes as * a worm-eaten hold of ragged stone.* 
For those who do not possess a degree of imagination sufficient to call up the 
true facts of history before their eyes, this employment of the castle as a stage 
background by the great dramatist is the most interesting circumstance connected 
with it. It is better then to caution those who are thus bent on mistaking poetry 
for history, that the celebrated Tripartite Indenture between the Earl of North- 
umberland (not Hotspur), Mortimer, and Glendower was made in 1406, not in 1403 
(Giles, Ineerti Scriptoris Chronicon p. 39) ; that Hotspur was bom in 1366, Henry 
IV. in 1867, and Henry V. in 1388 ; that the name of Hotspur's wife was Elizabeth 
not Kate ; that her brother Sir Edmund Mortimer, who married the daughter of 
Owen Glendower, was not Earl of March); that the Earl of Northumberland 
received the news of Hotspur's death not at Warkworth, but at Newcastle, whUe 
his Countess, Maud de Lucy, died in 1398, and could not have been before Wark- 
worth Castle in 1405, counselling her husband to forsake Archbishop Sorope and 
fly to Scotland, as in Henry IV. Act II. Scene III. ; &c.. &c. 

*» Rymer, Fcedera VIII. 278. 

" J. H. Wylie, HUtory of England binder Henry IV., Longmans, 1884, L 
p. 297. This work is an important contribution to the history of the period, 
written in a pleasant style and impartial spirit. 


Hotspur, had spent their all in the king's service without receiving 
due payment for the custody of the Marches. With a bore treasury, 
and no means of refilling it without imperilling his crown, Henry 
could only reply, ^ Aurum 7wn Mbeo^ mirum nan tuthehu' The great 
Earl of Douglas, who had yielded to Hotspur at Homildon, was con- 
spicuously absent from the pageant. The king required that he, too, 
should be handed over. Instead, however, of complying, Hotspur 
sought an audience and demanded that the king should ransom his 
brother-in-law, Edmund Mortimer, who had been taken prisoner by the 
Welsh on the 22nd June, under circumstances which, if not traitorous, 
were at any rate disgraceful. Heniy refused to allow any money to 
pass out of England to his enemies, and declared that Mortimer was a 
traitor who had merely pretended to be captured in order to join Owen 
Glendower. ' And thou, too, art a traitor,' he added, charging Hotspur 
with not seizing (rlendower when he had the opportunity, and drawing 
his dagger on him. For once Hotspur showed remarkable self-control. 
Replying 'Not here, but in the field,' to the king's assault,** he 
declared that his own honour would not have permitted him to violate 
the safe-conduct given to Owen at their meeting, and at once set out 
for Berwick.^ The quarrel of the king with Hotspur does not appear 
to have interfered with his good relations with the Earl of Northum- 
berland, who was commissioned to ask the Lords Spiritual and Temporal 
and all the Commons to dine with the king after the close of Parliament 
on Sunday, 26th November. A few days later Henry's suspicions of 
Mortimer were more than justified. About 30th November Mortimer 
wedded the daughter of Owen Glendower, and issued a manifesto to 
his tenantry on 13th December, in which he urged the claims of his 
nephew and namesake, the young Earl of March, to the throne of 
England, and promised that the independence of Wales should be 

^ Eulogivm Higtoriarwn, Rolls ed. III. p. 396. 

•• Hardynpr, Ckronwle, ccii. • It seems very evident that the report made to 
the Earl of Northumberland, by a messenger sent by him to Edmund Mortimer 
by the king's leave, relative to a treaty with Owen Glendower in Proe, and Ord, 
of Privy CowneiL II. p. 59, is to be referred to the period between Mortimer^s 
capture and his open treason, and not as by Sir H. Nicolas to 1401. In it Owen 
iq made to express a wish to meet the Karl, for whom he professed much attach- 
ment, and to add that he would willingly proceed to the Marches of England to 
treat of a peace if it were not for the danger he would be in on account of the 
popular rumour that he intended to root out the English language. Probably 
the necessary * assuraunce/ as Hardyng calls it. was given him, and led t-o his 
meeting Hotspur in place of the Earl. 


acknowledged.*^ In order to reward Northumberland for the victory 
of Homildon, the king bestowed on him, on 2nd March, 1403, the 
greater part of the south of Scotland, which was therewith declared to 
have been conquered and annexed to England. Jedburgh and Roxburgh 
bad long been in the hands of the English, and they also appear to 
have held the strongholds of Fast Castle, Cockbumspath, and Inner- 
wick, along the east coast. The king, no doubt^ considered that a grant 
of this princely character nirould also settle any financial grievances the 
Perdes had against him. Hotspur seems, however, not to have been con- 
tent with the fertile territory already subdued. He resolved to oven'un 
the whole country as far as the Firth of Forth, demolishing the f ortresses^ 
and systematically burning and destroying all before him ;^ but when 
he appeared before the little tower of Oocklaw or Ormiston in the upper 
part of Teviotdale, which belonged to James Oledystanes,^ the captain, 
John Oreenlaw, refused to give it up^ and after some show of a siege, 
an entire suspension of hostilities was agreed to in May, with the stipu- 
lation that the garrison would surrender on the 1st of August if they 
did not previously receive succour from the Scottish goveiimient. 
Hotspur's professed object in agreeing to these terms was to provoke 
Qie Scots to a pitched battle more disastrous than Homildon. On the 
30th of May^ the Earl of Northumberland wrote to the Council from 
Newcastle-upon-Tyne informing them that he and Hotspur had bound 
themselves by an indenture to be at Ormiston on the 1st of August, in 
order to receive possession of the castle if it were not delivered by battle 
on that day.^^ He asked for their good offices in obtaining payment 
irom the king, so that he might know by the 24th of June on what 
support he had to reckon. Instead of the money, he appears to have 
then received letters from Henry, in which the king first said that he con- 
sidered the Percies would be sufficiently strong at the appointed tryst 
at Ormiston without any assistance from him, and then recollecting the 

^ Wylie, Henry IV,, i. p. 344. 

*• Sootickronicon, lib. xv. 1162, Ann, of House of Peray I. p. 216 n. 

• The Ordnance Survey of Scotland disposes of the difficulty historians have 
laboured under in fixing the site of Oocklaw. by showing that there arc remains 
of a tower of that name immediately to the north-east of Ormiston near Hawick. 
The Percies would hardly have bound themselves to be both at Oocklaw and 
Ormiston on the 1st of August had they not been the same place. James and 
Thomas Gledstanys * nobiles viri ' were witnesses to the publication in the neigh- 
bouring church of Great Oavers on 13th Nov., 1404, of the Papal confirmation of 
that church to Melrose Abbey. — Liber de MeWos, II. p. 486. 

'^ Proc. and Ord, of Privy Council, I. p. 203. 


great expense this was likely to cause them, told the Earl he had given 
orders to send him in all haste a certain sum of money. Two days later 
Northumberland replied from 'Helawe/ demanding £20,000 as the 
balance of arrears due to himself and Hotspur.^^ With his empty ex- 
chequer, Henry was utterly Unable to provide such a sum, but he resolved 
to do all he could by marching in person to the assistance of the Perdes. 
The Earl in vain endeavoured to dissuade him from this project.'* On 
the 10th of July the king was at Higham Ferrars, in Northampton- 
shire. He there ordered the Council to despatch £1,000 to his eldest 
son, Prince Henry, who, after a successful raid into Owen Glendower's 
oounti'y, found himself in great pecuniary straits at Shrewsbury. At 
the same time he declared himself resolved to adhere to his purpose of 
proceeding to Scotland to there give all aid possible *to his very dear 
and fidthful cousins, the Earl of Northumberland, and Henry, his son, 
at the battle honourably undertaken by them for him and his kingdom 
against the Scots, his enemies.' '^ In the meantime, however, a most 
formidable conspiracy against the unsuspecting king had been woven 
within the walls of Warkworth. Under the pretence of enlisting the ser- 
vices of the English nobility for the exploit of Ormiston, the Percies had 
entered into long correspondence with all of them.*^^ At first they were 
careful uot to commit themselves too far ; the most they aimed at was to 
be self-defence and the removal of the king's evil counsellors ; but in the 
end all these lords, with the exception of the Earl of Stafford, bound 
themselves by their seals to support the Percy schemes in the field. Hot- 
spur entrusted their letters to the custody of his squire, John Hardyng, 
who had been with him at Homildon and Ormiston ; and when, in the 

'* lUd, I. p. 204. Sir H. Nicolas there suggests that *Helawe' may be 
Healaugh near Tadcaster. This appears to have l^longed to the Percies at that 
time ; bat there are several places baring similar names in Northumberland. Of 
these Healj in Coauetdale lies on the route between ViTarkworth and Ormiston. 
In any case this letter affords no evidence that the Earl of Northumberland was 
in Yorkshire at the time of the battle of Shrewsbury. 

7* * Comes denunciavit Begi non opus esse sibi sua presentia, sed nee expedite 
ut elongaret a patria ; sed tamen adquievit, ut Domini accederent, et Barones.' — 
Annalu Henrioi Quarti, Rolls ^ries, Joh, de Trokelowe, etc., p. 361. 

^' Proc. and Ord, of Privy Council^ I. p. 206. Mr. Fonblanque in AnnaU of 
the House of Percy, I. p. 211 n.^ points out that this letter bears conclusiTe 
internal evidence of haying been written in connection with those from Prince 
Henry, dated Shrewsbury 15th and 30th May, which Sir H. Nicolas was inclined 
to assign to 1402. — Proc, and Ord, of P, C, II. pp. 61, 62. There can, however, 
be no reasonable doubt that all three belong to 1403. See Wylie, Henry IV,, i. p. 
842 n. 

^^ In Seotichronk'on^ lib. xv. 1152, it is expressly stated that Hotspur after 
having reduced the Castle of Cocklawes, instead of capturing it, allowed the gar- 


beginning of Jaly, they rode away witli eight score hui'semen to Chester, 
Hardyng seems to have deposited the letters in some seci^t corner of 
Warkworth Castle. ^^ It was not nntil the 17th of July that the king, 
at Borton-on-Trent, perceived the imminent danger he was in. At once 
he ordered a general levy to resist Hotspur, but in doing so confidently 
declared that by the mercy of God he felt himself strong enough to 
resist all the enemies of his crown and person.^^ The battle of Shrews- 
bury, fought on Saturday, 21st July, 1408, proved that this confidence 
was not misplaced. 

On the following Monday the Earl of Northumberland was at 
last hastening to Hotspur's assistance, when, finding himself con- 
fronted by the levies of the Earl of Westmoreland, he led back the 
considerable force he had collected to Newcastle.'' The burghers 
closed their gates against him, and, after a fruitless endeavour 
to storm the town, the Earl was content to himself obtain per- 
mission to enter for a night's rest, leaving his armed men without. 
The next day, while he was at breakfast, his troops, dissatisfied with 
their exclusion, and possibly conceiving that treachery was intended 
to the person of their leader, made an unsuccessful attempt to scale the 
walls. At this juncture the tidings of Hotspur's death at Shrewsbury 
seem to have arrived, and the Earl, excusing himself as best he 
could for the conduct of his men, forthwith disbanded his army, and 

Tison seventl weeks for surrender, in order to gain time for farther increasing his 
forces, such forces being really intended, not for the conquest of Scotland, * but 
that he might overthrow his own sovereign, Henry King of England, as was soon 
after put out of doubV—Afm. of the Bontte of Percy y I. p. 215, n*. According to 
the Annalee Henri&i Quarii all the chivalry of England prepared to keep the 
tryst at Ormiston but soon found out that the whole story was a myth : — 
'Chimque multi se parassent ad istud negotium, totum repente monstrabatur 
phantasma fuisse, et frivolum/— Bolls Series, Joh. de Trokelowe^ etc., p. 361. 

'* Hardyng, Chronicle, ed. Ellis, 1812, p. 351 u. Hotspur's departure for 
Chester with such a small following is perhaps the best example on record of 
that uncurbed spirit of adventure — ^ranata temerUas—thht gave him his name. 
-Ann, Sen. IV. p. 363. 

" Proc. and Ord. of Pri'cy CauncU, I. p. 207. 

'^ It is extremely difficult to understand where Northumbei-land was at the 
time of the battle of Shrewsbury. Hardyng, the best authority, says that he 
'came not out of Northumberland,' but it may appear strained to inteipret this 
to mean that he never advanced further than some place west of Newcastle. 
Ridpath, generally a careful judge of evidence, says his tardy advance was 
caused by his being taken ill at Berwick, but gives no authority. — Border 
History, 1810, p. 373. The Earl, bom in Scarborough Castle 4th July, 1341, was 
only 62 years old at the time, and Walsingham's account of his advance * in manu 
lobusta et brachio extenso' scarcely tallies with his traditionary sickness. — 
fpodigma J^emtriiej Rolls ed. p. 402. 


withdrew with the members of his household to Warkworth Castle.^* 

There, it would appear, he received a letter from Henry IV. promising 

to receive him i^in into favour if he would peacefully present himself 

at York. On this assurance he met the king at York on the 11th of 


'• Holy submitting hym unto his royall hand.* 

But though the promise of his life and an honourable maintenance 

was renewed, he found himself arrested and taken by Heniy IV. three 

days later to Pontefract. There he agreed that his four castles of 

Alnwick, Warkworth, Prudhoe, and Langley should be placed by the 

king in * saveguard and good governance,' but was, nevertheless, 

' putte to holde in sore prisone 
With twoo menne of liis own, in Bagyntbn/" 

a Warwickshire castle, situated at about equal distance from Kenil- 
worth and Coventry. 

Under circumstances such as these it is not to be wondered that, 
whether in compliance with secret instructions from the Earl, or 
acting upon theii' own responsibility, his grandsons and retainers re- 
solved to hold the castles in question 

* To tyme the king had graunt hym plener grace.*"' 

On the 7th of September the 'survey and governance' of all 
the Earl's possessions in the Noith were entrusted by the king to 
William Heron, Lord Say,**' who presided at a council held in Durham 
Abbey on the 26th of that month.'^^ j|^ ^^ ^y^^j^ decided, among 
other similar measures, that Sir Henry Percy of Athole the Earl's 
i^^randson, Richard Aske, and John Cresswell the constable shoold 
\ye called on to surrender Warkworth Castle to Sir John Mitford, 
SheriiF of Northumberland.^ Lord Say, therefore, proceeded to Wark- 

■"• * Seceasit cum cotidiana f amilia ad Werkeworthe proprium castrom suum *. 
— Annates Henrici Quarti, Rolls Series, J. de Trokelofoej etc., p. 371. ' Rodiens 
ail castellum proprium de Werkwortha.— Walsingham, Ypodigma NmgtrUe, BoUa 
od.p. 402. 

* Wylic, Henry IV., I. p. 367. 

^ Hardyng, Ch^onicle^ cciii, p. 362. 

•' Ihid, 

•• Hot, Pat,. 4. Henry IV., 2, 8, iu Wylic. Henry /K, i. p. 369 n». Lord 8av 
was no enemy of the Earl of Northumberland, to* whom he left 30/. in his will 
dated 1404 :— * I having l)cen a soldier under the said Earl and received more 
than I deserved.' 

•■ Proc. and Ord. of Privy Gmncil, I. p. 213. 

•♦ Ihid. p. 214. 


worth in company with Thomas Nevill Lord Fninival, brother of the 
Earl of Westmoreland, Sir Gerard Heron and Sir John Mitford, and 
summoned Sir Henry Percy to evacuate the castle, and repair 
to the royal presence. Sir Henry, who could not have been more 
than eighteen, declared himself ever ready to obey his sovereign's 
behests provided he were properly armed and accoutred, but this, 
unfortunately, was not then the case. To deprive him of this excuse, 
the Lords Fumival and Say applied to John Wyndale, the chaplain of 
Alnwick Castle, and to the * wardroper ' there to furnish Sir Henry 
with beds suited to his rank^ and vessels of silver, armour, and horses.^^ 
This Wyndale and the wardrober refused to do, nnless they received a 
warrant to that effect from the Earl. In the end, the two lords, to 
make the best of a bad business, persuaded Sir Henry Percy to swear 
on the altar that he would be iaithfnl to the king, and that Wark- 
worth should be well guarded. The constable, John Cresswell, proved 
equally intractable. The ward of the castle, he maintained, had been 
granted him for his life by the Earl under indenture. The most that 
coald be extorted from him was an oath to keep the castle loyally for 
the use and profit of both King and Earl. 

Henry IV. was at this time (20th September to 2nd October, 1403) 
in Wales.®* Lord Say turned back from Warkworth, liearing a despatch 
to the king from Lord Fumival relating the facts just stated,®^ and he 
was also entrusted with one from the Earl of Westmoreland. * The castles 
of Alnwick and Warkworth,' wrote Westmoreland, 'as well as other 
^fortelettes' in those parts have not yet been reduced to a proper state 
of submission. The king should come North himself after his arrival 
firom Wales. It would be well if, in the meantime, he would send 

■• ' lites reaonables pur son egtat vesseUes dargent annoiir et chivaiix .* — 
Ibid, p. 216. 

•• Wylie, Jffenty IV., i. pp. 374, .875. 

■^ *La credence du Sire de Say par le Sire de Furnivalle pur declarer au Roy 
noire soverain Seigneur.' — Proe. and Ord. qf P. C, I. p. 213. In editing this 
work Sir H. Nicolas has often paid little regard to the contents of the ver>' 
valaable documents he was printing. This ^credence/ for example, is entered in 
his Chronological Catalogue, Introduction, p. xxii., as 'Minutes of Councils held 
at Durham, 25th Sept. and 18th Oct., 1403,' and on p. 218 as * Minutes of Councils 
held al Warham, (not corrected in Errata p. Ixxxvii.) 26th Sept. and 13th Oct., 
1403.' The truth being that, as plainly appears in the document itself, the 
despatch relates to a Council held at Durham on 25th Sept., and the memorandum 
to an interview between Lord Bay and the Earl of Northumberland, at Baginton, 
in Warwickshire, on l.^th Oct.. 1403. 


North by sea siege-engines, cannon, artillery, and other things necessary 
for storming these castles, both as a terror to the disobedient, and for 
use in case of emergency.'^ 

As want of fands was causing the Welsh expedition to end in 
failure, it was not very likely that Henry IV. would be able to follow 
Westmoreland's advice. In this difficulty it occurred to Lord Say 
that he might procure the ^pacification of the North by obtaining 
express orders from the Earl of Northumberland for the surrender of 
Warkworth and the other castles. He travelled to Baginton, and 
there on the 18th of October, the Earl, in the highly suggestive 
presence of his seven gaolers, agreed with Lord Say that he would 
send to London for his Great Seal in order to affix it to * everything 
that was pleasing to hia sovereign lord the king.'*® About the same time 
Lord Say submitted to the King and Council a schedule of letters and 
orders to be issued under ' the Great Seal o.f the arms of the Earl of 
Northumberland.'*® Sir Henry Percy and Richard Aske were to be 
commanded to come to the king ; Sir Thomas Aulaby and John 
Wyndale were to prepare fitting apparel for Sir Henry Percy and to 
provide for the costs of his journey ; John Aske was to ride to his 
brother Richard at Warkworth and to persuade him to journey south 
in his company ; and Sir John Mitford was to take over Warkworth 
Castle, with the assurance that he would be paid for the expense of 
guarding it. The Earl's Great Seal was forwarded to him from 
London by Richard Yaux, a special messenger, sometime before the 
9th of November,*^ but the lettera and orders if sealed by it were of 

^ * La credence donnee aa Sire de Say par le Conte de Westmerlande pour 
declarer an Roy notre 8eig:near.' — Ibid. p. 209. Sir H.. Nicolas wrongly ascribes 
this document to * about July, 1403.' If be had read it through, be would have 
seen that the king was in Wales, and the Earl of Northumb^land in prison at 
the time. 

•■ * Fait a remembrerque le Counte de Northumberlond ad grantez au Sire de 
Say a Bakvntone le xiij"»* jour Doctober (sic) en presence de RoggerSmert, Robert 
Wyrille, Robert Passemere, Thomas Riddynges, William Russcheale, Johan Cope 
et Piers Barewclle gardeins de luy ; qil voet envoier a Londres pur son grant 
seal pur ensealer tout ce que poet estre plesante a notre tresoverain seigneur le 
Roy/— 7*irf. p. 217. 

** * Lea nouns as queux lettres seront addressees sil plest a notre soverain 
seigneur le Koy et a son conseil desouz le grand seal des armes du Ck>nte de North- 
umbrie pur la liveree de les chasteaux desouz escriptes.' — Ibid, p. 211. Sir H. 
Nicolas there falsely ascribes this list to August, 1403, while he places it under 
July, 1403, in his Chronological Catalogue. — Ibid. Introduction, p. xxii. 

»» » Die Veneris ia, die Novembri*, Ricardus T flt«p. Ricardo Vaux misso ex 
ordinacione consilii Regis cum sigillo comitis Northnmbriap eidcm Comiti 


little nse. On the 30th of Xovember, Lord Fnrnival was instructed 
to open fresh negotiations with the defenders of Warkworth, and on 
the 8rd of December was empowered to receive the custody of it for 
the kin^.** On the 6th of that month Henrj IV. addressed a writ to 
Sir Henry Percy commanding him, on his faith and allegiance and 
under pain of forfeiting everything he could forfeit, to at once deliver 
up the castles of Alnwick and Warkworth to Lord Funiival, and, 
without further excuse of any kind, to put in a personal appearance 
at court.*3 Notwithstanding all .which, on the 13th January, 1404, the 
castles of Berwick, Alnwick, and Warkworth were still held by main 
force against the king by Sir William Clifford, Sir Henry Percy, and 
his younger brother Sir Thomas, who were distributing the * livery of 
the crescent' to the large forces they had collected.^* The castles had 
not surrendered by the 25th of the month;®* and in February the Earl 
of Northumberland, having been acquitted of the charge of treason by 
his peers, was, with diplomatic generosity, restored by the king to his 
estates, even the fine he had incurred being remitted.®^ 

The Earl brought his three grandsons to Henry IV. at Pontefract 
in June, 1404," but his conduct continued to excite suspicion. He had 

liberando. In denariis sibi liberatis per manus proprias pro vadiis et czpcnsis suis 
eundo et redeundo ex causa predicta per consideracionem Thesaurarii et Camerarii, 
xxvj*, viijd.' — Pells Is^ue lioll, 5 Hen. IV., Mich. 

•» Hot. Scat. II. p. 165. 

"■ De essendo coram Rege. Rex Henrico de Percy filio Thome de Percy 
Chivaler, salutem. Quibusdam certis de cansis nos specialiter moventibus, tibi 
super fide et ligeancia quibus nobis teneris et sub forisifactura omnium que nobis 
forisfacere poteris precipimus iirmiter injungentes quixl statim visis presentibus 
Castia de Ainewyk et Werkworth perte et tuos tenta et occupata dilecto et fideli 
uostro Thome Xeville domino de 1^'umyvalle quem ad ilia de te recipiendum per 
literas nostras patentes deputavimus libcres sen liberari facias et excusacione 
qoacumque cessante in propria persona tua penes presenciam nostram in comitiva 
nostra moratums te trahas propcrc;) et festines Et hoc super fide et ligeancia tuis 
predictis ac sub forisfactura antedicta millatenus omlttas. Teste Henrico apud 
Westm. vj. (lie Decembr. Per ipsum Regem et consilium. — Rot. Claut. 5 Hen. 
IV., pt. 1, m. 27. 

•* * Et auxi que lez Chastell de Berwyk, Alnwyk et Warkworth sount garde 
par le mayn force par Monsieur William de Clifford, Monsieur Henry Percy, et 
Monsieur Thomas Percy, et voilliount tencr lez ditez Chastell encontre vous s'ils 
pouront. Et auxi que lez ditez Chevaliers, &c.' — Letter from John Coppyll, 
Constable of Bamburgh, to Henry IV., dated Bamburgh, 13th Jan. 1404. — 
Royal and Higtorlcal Letters temp. Henry 7F., Rolls Series, i. p. 206. 

»* WyUe, Henry IV. i. p. 309, quoting Rot. Pari. iii. 523. 

»• Ibid. p. 402. 

^ Ibid. p. 460. In the Annates Senrici Qiiarti, Rolls Series, John de Trohe- 
lowe. etc., p. 390, two of the Earl's grandsons, Henry and Thomas, are given as 


but recently arrived in Northumberland, when, on Saturday, the 8rd 
* January, 1405, he received letters from the king desiring his presence 
at a Council to be held at Westminster during the week after St. 
Hilary's day (14th January). Instead of going, he replied from 
Warkworth on the 12th of January, excusing himself on the groandB 
of having just come home, of his great age and feebleness, and of the 
long and bad road in winter time. He prayed God to grant ' his very 
redoubtable Sovereign Lord' an honoured life, joy, and health for long 
to come, and signed himself * your humble Matathyas.' ^ 

In the following May the Earl, no longer caring to disguise his 
opinions, seized the person of Robert Waterton, Esquire, whom the 
king had sent to him with a message, and committed him to durance 
vile in the castle of Warkworth.^* He then joined the conspiracy of 
Archbishop Scrope, but, as in the case of Hotspur's rebellion, suffered 
the insurgents to be defeated before he brought up his promised levies. 
At the head of an army of, it is said, thirty-seven thousand men, 
Henry IV. marched into Northumberland in person. He brought 
with him every conceivable engine of war, from the old-fefihioned 
stone-casting catapults to the newly-invented guns, one of the latter 
being so large that, it was believed, no wall could withstand the missiles 
it hurled.^^ The Earl fled before him into Scotland, taking with him 

the sons of Hotspur, and only one, Henry Percy of Athole, as the son of Sir 
Thomas Percy who died in i^pain in 1386. This, however, appears to be h 
mistake, since Henry fitz Hotspur was then only in his tenth year, and a 
younger brother of his could not have been already a knight nor have taken 
even a nominal part in the defence of Alnwick and Warkworth. 

•• Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council, ii. p. 103. The Earl's 
father is compared to Judas Maccabseus in accounts of the battle of Neville's 
Cross, ' Dominus Henricus Percy, ut alter Judas MachabsBus filius Matathise, etc.* 
— Chron, de LanercoH, p. 350, the Matathias on that occasion being the Arch- 
bishop of York. The Earl used the same signature in his letter from Helawe in 
June, 1403 (see ante p. 100). 

•• * Item, en le mois de Mali suisdit Henry de Percy appelle Count de North- 
umbrie enprisona ou fist enprisoner Robert Watertone Esquier de notre Seigneur 
le Roy et par luy envoiez en message a dit Henry de Percy et luy tenoit et fesoit 
tenir longement en prisone encontre sa voluntee en les Chastelz de Werk worth 
Alnewic Berwyc et aillours et luy ne vuilloit deliverer par mandement ne message 
de notre Seigneur le Roy nen autre maniere tanque Johan de Watertone f rere au 
dit Robert fust mys en hostage pour luy. — Rot. Pari, 7 Hen. IV. 74, 

>M < omne prssparamentum belli, machinas petrarias, balistas et gunnas ; 
quarum una tam capaz f uit, ut nullus mums perferret, ut creditur, ictus ejus/ — 
Annales Henrici Quart% Rolls Series, p. 411. The king is said to have taken a 
personal interest in the construction of his artillery, and the disastrous effect of 
his cannonade of Berwick during this campaign is attested by the reports of bin 
son John in Cotton MS, Vesp. F. vii. if. 109, 116. 


his grandson Henry fitz Hotspur. After Prudhoe had fallen in the 
first place, the royal host 

* to Warkworth remeuid in great araye, 
% Wher the castell with in aweke was yolde 
Ynto the kyng after asaautes fell and sore ; 
The casteleyns to passe free wher thei would, 
With horse and hames without chalenge more.' *** 

This capitulation took place on the 1st of July. The king, writing there 
on the following day to acquaint the Privy Council with his success, 
states that the captain of the castle had announced his determination 
to hold it for the Earl, but that on the royal cannon being brought 
up they worked such destruction on the castle, that after the seventh 
discharge the captain and others of his company cried 'Mercy,' and 
surrendered at discretion.^^ The captain appears to have been John 
de Middelham, who had been one of the defenders of Alnwick in 1408. 
With the rest of the garrison he seems to have been accorded the 
honourable terms mentioned by Hardyng, but in August, 1407, it was 
discovered that he had received a letter from the Earl of Northumber- 
land, which he had communicated to WiUiam de Alnewyk, canon of 
Alnwick Abbey and vicar of Chatton, and he was accordingly arrested 
and condemned to death. His confession that he had transmitted the 
letter in question to William de Alnewyk led the canon to flee for his 
life to the Earl of Northumberland in Scotland, where he remained for 
some time. A pardon was granted to Alnewyk in April, 1408,^^ 

*** Hardyng, Chronicle, cciii. 

**** Proc. and Ord, of P, 6'., i. p. 276 :—*.... le chastel de Werkwortiie et 

a notre venue illeoques nous envoiasmes au capitain de mesme livree 

dicel, liquel capitain soy tenant assez fort sibien de gens comme de yitaille ct de 

tout autre estuffe refusa outrement de le faire, disant quil vourroit 

garder le dit chastel al oeps du dit Oontc. £t ce a nous rapp . . . pour finale 
response, nous envoiasmes incontinent a ycel chastel noz canones qui y fii*ent a 
nous tiel service que dedeinz sept gettes, le dit capitain et tons les autres de sa 
compagnie criantz merci se soubmistrent a notre grace en hault et en bas, et firent 
a nous liveree du susdit chastel a savoir le primier jour de cest mois de Juillet, 
dedeinz quel nous avons mis noz gens.' 

*~ De pardonacivne. Rex &c. salutem. Sciatis quod cum mense Augusti 
ultimo preterito quedam litera per nuper Comitem Northumbrie cuidem 
Johanni de Middelham nuper custodi Castri de Werkeworthe in Comi- 
tatu Northumbrie missa fuisset, qui qnidam Johannes literam predictam 
post recepoioncm et inspeccionem ejusdem mandavit Willielmo de Alnewyk 
Canonico Abbatie de Alnewyke et vicario ecclesie de Chatton, ac idem 
Jobiinnes ea occasione postmodum inde impetitus et morti condempnatus 
prefatum nuper Comitem in partes 8cocie tiansivit, ubi ipse diu moram traxit 
Uteram illam prefato Willielmo traiismisisse se confessus fuisset, quo preteztu 
idem Willielmus ob metum mortis et in salvacionem vite sue fugit et penes 


and he eventually became Archdeacon of Salisbury and bishop first of 
Norwich and then of Lincoln.^^ 

Henry IV. had in 1403 appointed his third son John, then a boy 
of fourteen, Warden of the East March, and in 1405 he bestowed on 
him the Earl's forfeited baronies of Alnwick, Prudhoe, and Langley.^^ 
Warkworth, though to all appearance it remained in the hands of the 
crown, served often as the head-quarters of the young prince. To this 
period belong four letters written by him at Warkworth, principally to 
complain of the defenceless state of the Border in consequence of bis 
being left without sufficient funds.^^ Nor can these complaints be 
deemed unreasonable when it is remembered that he undertook the 
custody of the East March for very considerably less than had been 
allowed to Hotspur,^®^ and received payment with no greater regularity. 
In the letter to the Lords of the Council, 'written in haste at Wark- 
worth, the 28th day of December,' he states that he had actually pawned 
his silver plate and his jewels for the preservation of Berwick and pay- 
ment of his soldiery. ^^ He was certainly at Warkworth Castle on the 

at dicit; Nos ob reverenciam Dei de gratia nostra special! et ad supplicaciouem 
ipsius Willielmi pardonavimas eidem Willielmo sectam pacts nostie que ad nos 
versus ipsum pertinet pro omnimodis perdicionibus insurrectionibus rebellionibus 
forisfacturis feloniis et mesprisionibus quibuscumque per ipsum ante hec 
tempoia factis sive perpetratis, unde ipse indictatos rectatus Tel appellatas 
existit, ac eciam utlagarie si que in ipsum hiis occasionibus fuerint promulgate, 
et firmam pacem nostram ei inde concedimus. Ita tameu quod stet recto in 
curia nostra si qui versus eum loqui voluerint de premissis vel de aliquo 
premissorum. In cujus etc. Teste Rege. apud Westmonesterium xziiij die April. 
Per breve de privato sigillo.—Rot, Pat. 9. Hen. IV. pt. 2. m. 28. 

*°* Tate, History of Alnwick, I. p. 274. As bishop of Lincoln, William de 
Alnewyk aided the foundation of Eton College in 1440 by appropriating the 
parish church of Eton to its use. — 5iazwell Lyte, History of Eton dfUege, p. 5. 

>o» Hot. Pat. 6 Henry IV. pt. 2, m. 10. 

«^ Of these letters that in a'tton. MS. Vesp. F. vii. No. 110, f . 105, addressed 
to the Keeper of the Privy Seal and dated 'al Chastell de Werkworth le xxvj 
jour de Novembre,' and the almost identical one of the same date to the king. 
Ibid, No. 1 11, f . 106, seem to belong to 1405, as the prince alludes in them to t^ 
fact of the castles of Berwick, Jedburgh and Fast Castle having been recently 
entrusted to him. In another letter to the king, 'esoript en haste a vostre 
Chastell de Werkeworth,' also on 26th Nov., possibly in a different year, he de- 
clares that he cannot remove John Mosdale the constable from tScarborough 
Castle, nor interfere with the castles of Whitby and Hartlepool, which belonged 
to the Abbot of Whitby and Lord Clifford, without more express orders. 

^"^ ^ le dit gardein . . a prise la garde de les . ville chastel et marche a meyndre 
prys annuelment pour le temps du guerre que Mons. Henry Percy prist en soun 
temps par xj'°^ D. marcz en discharge du roialme, &c.' — Cotton MS. Vesp. F. viL 
f. 116 in Proc. and Ord. of Privy CounHl, ii. p. 138. Sir H. Nicolas carelessly 
translates this ' the Duke had undertaken the Wardenship for 1,500 marks a year 
less than was allowed to Sir Henry Percy.' — Ibid. Pref . p. xiv. and Chronological 
Catalogue, p. yiii. 

^^ ' Jay mys en plege tout mon vessell dargent ovec toutz mes aatres poveres 


Ist of January, 1406, when he confirmed there the privileges of Hulne 
Priory by letters patent.^^ The castle seems to have been entrusted to 
the keeping of Sir Kobert Umfravill in the capacity of captain ; at 
least, on the 80th of May, 1406, the king directs him as such to restore 
the chapel of St. Mary Magdalen, which stood about half-a-mile to the 
south of Warkworth^ and had been held on lease by the attainted Earl 
of Northumberland to the prior and convent of Durham."® Sir Robert 
appointed John Hardyng to be constable under him ; and Hardyng 
was thus enabled to recover in the castle the letters compromising the 
loyalty of nearly the whole peerage of England which Hotspur had 
confided to his care before the battle of Shrewsbmy.^^^ Subsequently, 
the castle would appear to have become the property of the royal 
Warden, as John of Lancaster dates his confirmation of the Maudlins 
to Durham in 1413 *at our castle of Warkworth on the twelfth day of 
May in the first year of the reign of my very sovereign brother King 
Henry the Fifth.' i" 

Two years later, on the 21st of May, John Hull and William 
Chancellor received instructions firom the king to conduct Murdoch 
of Fife, the son of the Duke of Albany, who had been a prisoner in 
England ever since the battle of Homildou, to the north for the purpose 
of exchanging him for Henry Percy, the son of Hotspur, who had been 

joiaalx pour lease des souldeours et Balvacion de la ville.' — Cotton MS. Vesp. F. 
▼ii. No. 113, f. 107. The Cottonian Catalogue, p. 498, which ascribes all four 
letters to 1407 on no authority, has misdated this one 28th Aov. 

*<* *Johannes illustris regis Anglias filius Conestabiilarius Angliss ac Gustos 
Orientalis Marchiae versus Scotiam &c. &c. Data sub sigillo nostro in castro de 
Werkeworth primo die Januarii anno regni metuendissimi domini et patris mei 
regis Henrici quarti post conquestum Anglise septimo.' — Proc. of Archteol. Imtt, 
1852, ii. A pp. p. xcvi. The charter is there headed Confirmatlo domini JohannU 
dtieis Bedfordia. John of Lancaster was created Duke of Bedford and Earl of 
Kendal on 16th May, 1414. 

"* 'Rex dilecto et fideli suo Roberto Umfravill capitaneo castri nostri de 
Werkworth Ac. xxx die Maij.'— Hodgson, Northd. III. ii. p. 142. Cf. Mandate of 
Henry IV. to the Receiver of Warkworth Castle to pay 20«. to the Sacrist of 
Durham from Warkworth Mill in the king's hands by the forfeiture of Henry 
late Earl of Northumberland, Westminster, 30th May, A**, r. vij. — Raine, Aorth 
J)urham, A pp. p. 143. See also IJeodarium Prioratns Ihi9ielnien*i8, Surt. 8oc. 
Pnbl. 58, p. 2. 

"* * whiche lettere I sawe in the castell of Werkeworth, when I was constable 
of it vnder my loixi, sir Robert Vmfrevile, who hjid that castell of Kyng Heniy 
his gift, by forfeture of therle of Northumberland.'— Hardyng, ChroHtoU^ cciii. 
ed. EUis, 1812, p. 861. 

*** • En tesmoynance &c. a nostre Chastel de Werkworth Ic xij jour de may 
Ian du regne de mon tressoveraine frere le Roy Henri quint puis le coc quest 
primer.' The seal is inscribed *sigill . . iohannis filli henrici regis.' — Raine, 
North Durham, App. p. 143. 


left in Scotland by his grandfather, and letters ordering them to receive 
Murdoch were written to the constable of Warkworth and to Sir Robert 
Umfravill;"^ while on the 27th of July, 1415, Henry V., just before 
setting sail for Honfleur and Agincourt, granted at Southampton an 
annuity of 8,000 marks to his brother John, whom he had created the 
Duke of Bedford, in compensation for the lands that he intended to 
restore to Henry Percy. The exchange of Murdoch for Percy fell 
through, and it was not until the 28th of February, 1416, that 
Lord Grey of Codnor and Sir John Nevill really received Percy at 
Berwick from the hands of Albany's agents.*** Oi^the 18th of March 
following Henry Percy did homage to the king in parliament, and 
was, he tells the prior of Durham, 'restored to my name' as Earl 
of Northumberland.*** On the 14th of April an order was issued 
to the bailiffs and &rmers to admit him to the possession of all lands 
granted in tail to his &ther or the Earl his grand&ther. That same 
year he was made Warden of the East March^ and the castle of Wark- 
worth seems to have become his favourite home. Here he confirmed 
the rights of Hulne Priory on the 3rd of October, 1417, in a charter 
of which Sir Robert Umfravill is the first witness ;**^ and here his son, 

"• * A n're ch' & b'n ame le conestable de n're chastell' de (' Hamburgh' erased^ 
Warkworth' kc.^—Proo. and Ord. of PHvy Council^ ii. p. 161. 

"* Deputy-Keeper's \^rd Report^ App. I. p. 681. The precise date is recorded 
in the Little Pedigree of the Percy Family at Alnwick Castle, compiled in the 
time of the 4th Earl of Northumberland: — 'Anno dni MOCCCXV<* iij® kk marcii 
introivit Henricus percy comes secundus in Angliam apud Berwyke super Twedam 
et eodem anno desponsavit Alianoram filiam Rad' Nevyle.' The year 14^ was 
Leap Year ; and, according to this, the marriage of Henry the 2nd Earl must 
have taken place between the 28th of February and the 25th of March, 1416, 
thus fully corroborating the statement of the Whitby Regitterj Harl. MS. 692, 
xxvi, f . 235, that Henry Percy's restoration to the Earldom was due to the in- 
tercession of his mother-in-law the Ck)untess of Westmoreland. The melodramatic 
account of this marriage given in the Hermit of Warkworth is on a par with the 
rest of the ballad. 

"* * i-estitut a moun nome.' — Letter of Henry Earl of Northumberland to the 
Prior of Durham, dated London 2:^rd of March (14^^), preserved in the Treasury, 
Durham, loc. 26, 146. Seal gone. The date of the Earl's restoration is generally 
incorrectly given as the 16th of March. During his detention in Scotland, he 
witnessed as Henry de Perci a charter (now in the possession of the Duke of 
Argyll) granted at Stirling, 18th Jan , 1413, to Duncan Lord Campbell by his 
father-in-law Robert Duke of Albany.— JEft^. M8S. Comm. App. 4th Report, 1873, 
p. 470. 

"• Confirmatio domini Henricl de Percy sexti, Pateat universis per pr»- 
sentes quod nos Henricus de Percy comes Northumbriae filius et hieres domini 
Henrici de Percy chivaler nuper def uncti Sec. &c. Hiis testibua Roberto CJmf ram- 
ville, Roberto de Ogle, Johanne de Woddryngton, Willielmo de Whytchester, 
Thoma de Gray de Horton militibus, et multis aliis. Data apud castrum nostrum 
de Werkworth tertio die mensis Octobris anno Regis Henxici quinti post con- 
questum Angliae quinto.* — Proc. of Archtsol. Inst. 1852, ii. App. p. c. 


John Percy, was bom on St, Qrimbald's day (8th July) UlS.^'' In the 
Treasury of Dnrham are preserved five letters of this period dated from 
Warkworth Castle, though the years are unfortunately not given. In 
one (6. Utar. 14 . . ) addressed 'To oure right dere and with all 
cure hert enterly wele be lovede Sire in god the Lord Prionre 
of Dnresme' the Earl of Northumberland, having, as he says, pre- 
viously applied for licence and lefe' unto his priest Sir John of 
Warmouth 'to permutate with the vycar of Byllynghame,' oflTers 
*to be bonden with oth^r knyghtes and squyers' that Warmouth 
'sail be of gude beryng unto' the prior and all his tenants and 
parishioners.^^^ This letter not producing the desired effect, the 
Earl wrote again, this time to the prior and convent and in French, 
on the 11th of March ;^^' this second letter was supported by one of 
the same date from his countess who equally betrays her eagerness 
to have the vicar of Billingham for chaplain in Warmouth's stead.^^ 
Notwithstanding these importunities the exchange seems never to 
have been effected. On the Earl's second letter the seal of his 
signet still remains bearing a Hon sejant gnardunf, gorged with a 
crescent, and the motto ie espoyr; that of the countess on her letter 
has a sprig in flower enclosed in a crescent inscribed with Vesperance.^^ 
Another time the Earl ( July, 14 . . ) informs the prior and con- 
vent that his ' Squier and Cousin William Strother hath a son whiche 
occupieth ye Scoles at Oxenford called Henry Strother' his 'Sybman,' 
and asks Hhat unto some benefice' of their 'colacion' they 'woule 
vouchesave aftre y« preferment' of his * clerk maistre George Radcliff 
gpecially to have him recommended-.* ^^ In the fifth of these Warkworth 

*" Collins, Peerage, 1812, IT. p. 280, quoting Cavell's Roll. The most excel- 
lent and detailed account of the Percy family there given is generally supposed 
to have been written by Bishop Percy. St. Grimbald was a monk of St. Bertin 
at the time King Alfred was entertained in the abbey on his way to Pome. He 
was invited over to England by Alfred in 885, and became abbot of the secular 
canons of Newminster at Winchester, where he died in 903. 

"• Original Letter in the Treasury, Durham, loc. 25, 159. 

"• * Escript a nostre Chastell de Warkeworth le xj"* jour de marce.^ — Ibid. 
loc. 25, 160. The Pope, the Earl declares, would readily grant the license in 
question. * John Weremouth, chaplain,' is mentioned in the will of Johu Stock- 
dale of l^ewcastle, 8th April, 1416.— Welford, Newcastle and Gateshead, 14tb 
and 16th Cent. p. 260. 

^^ Original Letter in the Treasury, Durham, loc. 25, 144. 

"* See Longstaffe, Percy Heraldry , in Arch. ^l. N.S. iv. pp. 157-228. 

"» Original Letter in the Treasury, Durham, loc. 26, 164. 


letters (15th Aug., 14 . . ) the Earl requests that the bearer, John del 
Wardrobe, a poor and aged man, may be presented to the first vacancy 
in the conventual almshouses at Durham."^ 

Warkworth next appears as the scene of more important negotia- 
tions : from it the Bishop of Durham, William AInewyk, and Lord 
Scrope write to the king of Scots on 23rd August, 1425, respecting a 
prolongation of the existing truce and Sir Robert Umfravill's mission 
to his court.^** 

In 1428, the Earl of Northumberland granted the hospital of St. 
Leonard at Alnwick to the abbot and canons there with the reservation 
of an annual payment of five marks for his chantry recently founded 
in his castle of Warkworth.^** The will of William Stowe of Ripon, 
an old retainer of the Percies, dated 1480, mentions his 'bed of red' 
and breastplate at Warkworth.^^® Finally, the second Earl of North- 
umberland here confirmed the fishing rights given to Alnwick Abbey 
by John de Vesci on the 14bh Sept., 1441,^^^ and on the 12th Oct., 
1460, bestowed on it the advowson of the church of Leckonfield.^** 

«*• Ihid. loc. 26, 149. 

*** Proe, and Ord» of Privjf Council^ iii. p. 171. Sir H. Nicolas there eiro- 
neonslj styles William de AInewyk, at that time probably Archdeacon of 
Salisbury (see ante p. 108), Lord AInewyk. 

'*• * Et nos dictus Heniicus de concessu dicti Abbatis et Conventus, reecr- 
vamos nobis, haeredibus et successoribns nostris, de proventibus prsef ati hospitalis, 
qninque marcas legalis monetae Angliae, per eosdem Abbatem et Conventom 
solvendas quolibet anno imperpetuum, per duos anni terminos, Pentecostes 
yidelicetf et Sancti Martini in hyeme, sequis porcionibus, Gantarise nostrse nnper 

fundatae in Castello nostro de Warkwort,he Datum in Castello 

nostro de Warkworthe, xxvi*** die mensis Februarii, Anno Domini M*CCCC**XXVijf*.' 
— Lansdonme M8, 326 in Tate, AlnrvieK ii« App. p. zxii. There seems to be no entry 
of the foundation of this chantry in Bishop Langley's Register. Tate (ii. p. 41) 
is mistaken in supposing that the obligation of paying the five marks was 
removed in 1457. It was not removed till 1632. 

*•• Tettamenta Eboraeemia^ ii. Surt. Soc. Publ. 30, pp. 12, 13. 

^^ * Datum sub sigillo nostro apud Werk worth, quarto decimo die mensis 
Septembris, anno R. R. Henrici sexti post conqueestum Angliae x^^,^—Lan9dimne 
MS. 326 in Tate, Alnwiik, ii. App. p. xiv. See also Hist. MSS. Com. 3rd Report, 
App. 1872, p. 47. 

*" Noveritis nos Henricum Comitem Northumbriae. et dominum Honoris 
Cockirmouth, ac consortem suam ex consensu et assensu Henrici primogeniti 
nostri, intuitu charitatis, et pro salute animarum nostrarum, patrum, matrum, 
et omnium antecessorum nostrorum, et specialiter pro salute animae excellentis- 
simi principis et domini nostri, Henrici quinti, quondam Regis Angliae &c. &c. 
Hiis testibus Johanne Priore de Tynmouthe, Willelmo Priore de Brenkbume, 
Radulpho Percy filio nostra, Roberto Ogle, Henrico Fenwyke, militibus, Rogero 
Thornton, Willelmo Bartrame, Ricardo Albroughe, et Johanne Oartintonne. 
Armieeris. Datum apud Werkworthe, xij* die mensis Octobris, Anno Domini 
ir> cocc° i/*,'—Lansdowne MS. 326 in Tate, Alnwick, ii. App. p. xxiii. 


The priors of Tynemouth and Brinkbum, Sir Robert Ogle, Sir Henry 
Fenwick, Roger Thornton, William Bertram, Richard Albrough, and 
John Cartington attested this last charter. 

Both the 2nd and the 3rd Earls of Northumberland fell in battle 
for the Red Rose. Warkworth, according to the chronicle of John 
Warkwortl^, was one of the castles which the Lancastrians retained 
after the defeat of Towton in 1461, and * vytaled and stuflPed both 
with Englischemenne, Frenschemenne, and Scottesmenne ; by the 
which castelles thei hade the moste party of alle Northumberlond/^* 
However, on the 10th of August, 1462, Edward IV. granted the castle 
manor and lordship of Warkworth to his brother George Duke of 
Clarence.^*^ In the following December, Warkworth was the head- 
quarters of the king-making Earl of Warwick, from which he directed 
the sieges of Bambnrgh, Alnwick, and Dunstanburgh, which were in 
the possession of the Lancastrians. * My Lord of Warwyk,' writes John 
Paston the youngest to his brother John Fasten the younger from 
Newcastle on the 10th of that month, 'lythe at the castyll of 
Warcorthe, but iij. myle owt of Alnewyk, and he rydyth dayly to all 
thes castelys for to oyerse the segys ; and if they want vataylys, or 
any other thyng, he is redy to peryey it for them to hys power. The 
kyng comandyd my Lord of Norfolk for to condyth vetaylys and the 
ordynans owt of New Castyll on to Warcorthe Oastyll, to my Lord of 
Warwyk ; and so my Lord of Norfolk comandyd Syr John Howard, 
Syr William Peche, Syr Robert Ohamberlyen, Rafe Ascheton, and me, 
Calthorp and Gorge, and othyr, for to go f orthe with the vytalys and 
ordynans on to my Lord of Warwyk ; and so we wer with my Lord of 
Warwyk with the ordynans and the vytalys yesterdayc'^^i The Lords 

»» Warkworth, Chronicle^ Camden Soc. Publ. 10, p. 2. John Warkworth 
was Master of Peterhonse, Cambridge, 1473-1498. His picture in a clerical 
habit holding an open book with both hands, is in the Library, with the distich 
underneath : — 

' Vives adoptata gaudeto prole ; probato 
Non cuicunque libet, progenuisse licet.* — IHd. Introd. p. xxv. 
In the new stained glass of the windows of the college hall his arms are given as 
those of Clavering, Quarterly or and gu, a bend sa, 

'" Jiot. Pat, 2 Ed. IV. pt. 1. m. 3. It is said that this grant of Warkworth 
and other estates of the' Percies was made for the purpose of enabling Clarence 
to support the dignity of Lieutenant of Ireland, and that Robert the first Lord 
Ogle was appointed constable of Warkworth and other castles under him. — 
Mackenzie, Niprthumberland, ii. p. 1 13. Does the sign of the principal hosteiry of 
Warkworth 'The Sun,' perpetuate the well-known badge of the House of York 
and also of the Ogles« its chief supporters in the North. 

"» PoMtcn Letten, ed. Gairdner, ii. p. 12K 



Crumwell, Grey of Codnor, and Wenlock, were at Warkworth with the 
Earl of Warwick at abont this time,^** nor does it appear that Wark- 
worth ever fell again into the hands of the Lancastrians. 

On 27th May, 1464, Warwick's brother, John Nevill Lord Monn- 
tague, the victor of Hexham, was created Earl of Northumberland."* 
Warkworth may have been practically entrusted to Mountague in his 
capacity of Warden of the Marches, for on the 7th of December 
(1464-1469), under the style of 'The Earle of Northumberland and 
Lord Mountague, wardin,' he writes *at my Castle att Warkworth' to 
Sir John Mauleverer, desiring him to cause Thomas Wade and Richard 
Croft to cease threatening to beat or slay the servants of Sir William 

On 27th October, 1469, Henry Percy, the eldest son of the third 
Earl of Northumberland, swore fealty to Edward IV. at Westminster, 
and was consequently released from confinement in the Tower .^" The 
following spring the Duke of Clarence engaged with the Earl of 
Warwick in a conspiracy for the restoration of Henry VI.; and on 
2nd March, 1470, Warkworth and other forfeited estates of the 
Percies which had been granted to them appear to have been resumed 
by Edward IV.^'* John Nevill is said to have surrendered his title of 
Earl of Northumberland, and on 25th March he was advanced to the 
Marquisate of Mountague.^" The very next day the custody of all 
hereditaments which had belonged to the. third Earl of Northumber- 
land, and had recently been possessed by the Dake of Clarence and 
Earl of Warwick, was entrusted by Edward IV. to Sir Henry Percy,"* 

i« ' My lord of Warwick lieth at Warkworth, and with him the Lord Cnim- 
well, the Lord Grey of Codnor and my Lord WeD\ok.'—Exeerpta EittorutOj 
Bentley, p. 865, from Qftton Charten^ zvii. 10. 

»■• Eot. Pat, 4 Ed. iv. pt. 1. m. 10; Ridpath, Border History, 1810, p. 428, 
snggents by the 26th May. The ' county of Northumberland' was not granted to 
'John NeviU Bar! of Northumberland' till 28 July, 1466.— i2a*. Pat,^ Kd. ir. 
pt. 1. m. 4. 

'** Plumpton Cbrreipandenee, Camden Soc. Publ. 1839, p. 25. 

*■* Bymer, Fmdera zi. 649. 

"* Cotton, Abridgement of the Hecorde^ 1657, p. 689. 

*" John Earl of Northumberland had received a grant of certain castles, etc^ 
in DeTon and other counties on 19 Feb. 1470.— i?^^. Pat, 9 Ed. It. pt. 2. m. 6. 

*** ' Bex concessit Henrico Percy militi, custodiam omnium hereditamentorom 
que fuerunt Uenrici ultimi comitin Northumbrise ac nuper Oeorgii, duds 
Clarencie, ac Ricardi com. Warr. apud Rbor. xxvj die Marcii'. — Hot, Pat, 10 fid. 
iv. m. 12. The Earl of Warwick had been granted the castle and honour of 
Cockermouth with its members, etc., in Cumberland, and other estates in West- 


and he was soon afterwards appointed Warden of the East and Middle 
Marches.^^ In the September of the same year the restoration of 
Henry VI. was actually eflFected, and while it lasted Sir Henry Percy 
naturally bore his Other's title. The battle of Barnet, 14th April, 
1471, replaced Edward IV. on the throne; but though Percy had, 
owing to the complications of his position with regard to the Marquis 
of Mountague, who had turned Lancastrian, passively^ at any rate, 
aided Edward's return, he was not styled Earl of Northumberland by 
t^e Yorkists till August 1471.^*® The Earl received William Johnsou, • 
a Scot, to be an English subject at Warkworth on the 10th of April, 
1475.^*^ Three letters, evidently his, 'written in my castell of Wark- 
worth' to his cousin Sir Sobert Plumpton are still extant; in that of 
the 15th of Juue (1488-8) he asks Plumpton to reconcile his servant 
Thomas Saxston and Sichard Ampleford of Spofford,^^ and on the 
16th of July (1483-8) he attempts ' the peacifying of a grudge de- 
pending betwixt' Plumpton and Sir William Beckwith.^** The letter 
of the 81st of July (1486-9) relates to matters connected with the 
administration of the lordship of Enaresboroiigh.^^^ 

moieland, Torkshire, etc., on 11 Apr. 1466. — Ibid. 6 £d. iv. pt. 1. m. 14. In the 
Calendar * Cumberland* has been misprinted ' Northumberland'. 

'* 'Henricus Percy filius Henricinuper comitis NorthambrisB constitnitur 
costoa MarchisB orientalis et medis Anglise, 17 Jul. 10 £d. iv. (1470'),'— Jiot 
Seat, IL p. 432. The Uiddle March is here mentioned for the first time. 

'*' The Marquess of Monntague was made Warden of the East March in place 
of Percy by Henry VI. 1^2 Oct 1470 ; Sir Henry Peroy was reappointed Warden 
of the East and Middle Marches by Kdward iV. 12 June, 1471, and as Htnry 
£arl of Nt»rthumberland he appears in a commission for treating of truces with 
Scotland, 26 Aug. Un,—Ihid, pp. 425, 428, 430. On 19 Aug. 1472 he was sum- 
moned to Parliament as Earl of Northumberland, but it is recorded then, in that 
▼ery parliament which met on 12 Oct. 1472, that * Henrie Percie, Knight, son and 
heir to Henry Percie, late Lord of Northumberland, is restored in blond to the said 
Karldome, and to all such hereditaments of the same Earl as came to the King's 
hands the second day of March, in Ann. 9, Edward IV., and the attainder made 
against the said Earl Ann. 1, Edw. IV. is made void'. — Cotton, Ahrtdge^nent, 
According to strict Peerage law no less than tour Earldoms of Northumberland 
appear to hare been conferred on the Percies of the Louvain line, (i.) the Earl- 
dom created by Charter of Hie. II., 16 July, 1377, forfeited by the attainder of 
the Ist Earl, June, 1406, (ii.) the Earldom created by Charter of Hen. V., 1416 
{Ann. of Honee of Percy ^ i. p. 536 n.), and forfeited in 1537 in consequence of 
the attainder of Sir Thomas Percy, (iii.) the Earldom created by Ed. IV. between 
12 June and 26 Aug. 1471 and probably surrendered before 12 Oct. 1472, and 
(It.S the Earldom created 1 May, 1557, and extinct on 21 May, 1670. 

"' Procn of Areh. Inst. 1862, ii. App. p. clvi. from the original at Syon. 

'*' Plumpton Correspondence^ Camden Sc*. Publ. 1839, p. 76. Robert 
Plumpton was knighted by the Duke of Gloucester at Berwick 22 Aug. J 482. 
The Earl was muraered by a mob near Thirsk 28 Apr. 1489. 

»*• Ibid. pp. 72-73. 

*** Ibid. p. 81. Sir Robert Plumpton acted as deputy for the Earl at Knares- 
borongh from 4 Mar. 1486, p. 79 b. 


There seems to be nothing to show that the 5th Earl of Northum- 
berland, wbo BO carefnlly regulated his magnifioent establishments at 
Wressil and Leckonfield, was much at Warkworth.^** His son Henry 
the Unthrifty, the 6th Earl, the lover of Anne Boleyn in his youth, 
made Warkworth the northern home of his latter years. On the 3rd of 
Sept., 1529, he writes from this castle to the Duke of Norfolk to say 
that he has put to death all the Scots of Teviotdale that came into his 
hands except three, and that the proclamation he had just made has 
been well observed in the Marches, ^appearing thereby unto me that 
they dread more the pain of mony than their lives.'^** The next year, 
on the 4th of August, he confirmed here the charters of Hulne 
Priory ;^^^ and on the 3rd of December, 1531, granted to his chaplain, 
Sir Oeorge Lancaster, 'myn armytage bilded in a rock of stone 
within my parke of Warkworth ... in the honour of the 
blessed Trynete.'^^ He released the abbot and convent of Alnwick, 
at Hackney, 26th March, 1532, from the obligation, imposed on 
them by the 2nd Earl in 1427, of maintaining a chantry priest in 
Warkworth Castle, and from the penalties they were subject to for 
not having done so in his grandfather's, his father's, and his own 
time.^^ Writing to Henry VIII. from Warkworth on Tuesday the 
22nd October, 1532, he tells the king that Mark Carr had openly 
promised the Earl of Murray before the King of Scots 'that within 
5 dayes after he wolde bume a tonne of myne within thre myle 
of my poore house of Werkwourthe where I lye, and gif me light to 

*^ *• An Acooant of all the Deer in the Parks and Forests in the North belong- 
ing to the Earl o£ Northumberland taken in the 4th year of Hen. VIII. Anno 
1512' states that there were then 150 fallow deer in Warkworth Pftrk and 144 
in Acklington Park. — Northumberland J3btueh4tld Book, p. 426. 

>*• Letters and Papers^ Ifbreiffn and Domett io, Henry VIIZ, voL iv., p. 2645. 

>*' Jlift. MS& Comm. 3rd Report, App. p. 47. 

"• Proo, of Arch. Inst. 1852, ii. p. 227 n. By letters patent dated 7th Jan- 
uary, 1532, the Earl appointed Robert Horsley for life to be Keeper of the 
Gates of the castle of Warkworth, at a salary of 60s. Sd, annually, seneschal of 
the castle at 26^. Sd., and superintendent of the park paling at 13«. id. He 
probably about the same time appointed Guthbert Camaby constable ol the 
castle for life at JBIO a je&r.—Ministert Aoco^mts, 30-31 Hen. VIII. No. 223. 

"• * Bt insuper sciatis nos prsefatum comitem pro nobis et haeredibus meis 
relaxasse et quiete clamasse imperpetuum prsedictis Abbati Conventui et suc- 
cessoribus suis de omnibus et singulis arreagiis ante diem conf ectionis prsesen- 
tium non solutis, tarn in diebus avi nostri et patris nostri quam in diebus noetris 
quse solvi debuerunt annuatim ez proventibus Hospitalis ISancti Leonardi pro 
sustentacione salario et stipendo unius presbiteri imperpetuum celebraturi infra 
Castellum nostrum de Warkeworth.^ — ^Tate, Ahmick, ii. App. p. zziv. 


put on my clothes at mydnygbt.'^*^ In the following spring a letter 
from Lawson to Cromwell informs ns (2l8t Feb., 1583) that though 
the Soots had not down to that day carried their threatened invasion 
into effect, the whole Council had repaired to the Lord .Warden at 

A short time before his death at Hackney, on 29th June, 1537, the 
unhappy Earl, much in the same way as Agricola constituted Domitian 
his co-heir, gave his estates to Henry YIII., in the hope of their being 
some day restored to the family of his brother Sir Thomas Percy, who 
had been attainted and executed f<^ his share in the Pilgrimage of 

Warkworth having thus passed into the hands of the crown, in the 
spring following Richard Bellysys, Robert Collingwood, and John 
Horsley, esquires, commissioned by the king, drew up, with the 
assistance of 'dyuers artificiers,' a report on the condition of five of 
the royal castles in Northumberland in order that it might be seen 
what things were 'most nedfull to be reparyd and a mendyd for 
strenth and gud sure holdyng and kepyng of thes casteUes.' To their 
labours we owe 

The Vibtj or the Castbll op Waekworth.^" 

'The wich Castell is a very propere howse and has within it a gudly 
draw well, a payre of yron gaytts and a postern gay t of yron And the 
said Castell is in good reparacion saveynge this thyngs foUowynge. 

* Pyrste, ther is a new wall at the est syde of the gaythouse wych 
wall is not fully fynessyd and by estimacion xx li wolde fynesse it. 

' It. ther is a fayre kychynge, wich wantts a part of the coverynge, 
and a fother and a half of leyde wold amend it sufScyantly. For the 
plumbers wages xviij 8. 

* It. ther is a fayre brewhowse and a bakhouse coveryd with sclatts 
and two &yre stabyUs with gamers a bove thame, coveryd also with 
sclatts, wich howsse must be poynntyd with lym, and amendyt with 
sclatts in dyvers places liij s iiij d. 

' It. ther is a marvellus proper dongeon of viij towres ; all joyned 

'•• State Paoen, ffen. VIII, Vol. IV. part iv. p. 622. 

>" IHd, iVTp. 637 n. 

"• Annali 0fthe Eauie of Percy, 1. p. 472. 

^* Chapter Bovse Boohe, B^ P.B.O. 


in on howse togethere and well coveryd with leyd, eaveynge on*** of the 
said viij fcowres which must have for mendyng of iylletts and webbee*** 
half a fother of leyd. For the plnmber's wages zij 8. 

'It. the gret tymbere^^* the'dynynge chamber and a littyU 
chamber over the gaytts wher the Erie lay hymself : mych of thes thre 
chambers royffs must be new castyn, the leyd of thaym. For it raynes 
very mych in theym. And two fothers of leyd to the leyds that is of 
the said royffs wold amend theym sufficyantly ; and for the charges of 
plumbers wages vj li. 

' It. for makynge of a horsse mylne x U. 
' Sum totale xl U ii j 8 iii j d. 
' And over and above the^j 

said snm ther must he\ iiij fother of leyd.' 

for the said Castell 

ber iiij 

The Constable of Warkworth was then Cnthbert Camaby, esquire, 
who with his servants Leonard Myres, Robert Eellett, and Robert 
Davison, and George Carr, keeper of Warkworth Park, attended the 
Muster held at Alnwick on the 17th and 18th of April, 1588."^ He 
was also the King's Receiver, and as such laid out £15 17^. 7d, that 
year on the repair of divers towers, the great stable and other build- 
ings within the castle, as also on the embattlement of the south wall 
and the repair of the great bam.^^® 

About this time John Leland the Antiquary Royal made his tour 
through the North of England. * Werkeworthe castell,' he teUs us, 
* stondythe on the southe syde of coquet watar, it is well maynteyned 

*** i,e. one. 

^^ It is difficult to nnderatand the exact meaning of tl^e 'fillets and webs* of 
a lead roof. 

"* 8io, * Chambre * was no doubt intended. A word following it that may 
have been <of * has been inked over. 

"^ Arch. JEU IV. p. 162. 

*^ * Reparacitfnei. Et in consimilibus denariis per ipsum Receptorem solutis 
pro diversis Reparacioaibns factis et appositis in et super diversas turres 
magnum stabulum et alia edificia infra castrum domini Regis de Warkeworth hoc 
anno, ut in vadiis plumbatorum carpentariorum lathamorum et aliornm operan- 
clum in eadem reparacione cum empcione plumbi le Sowder tegularnm Tocataram 
slates diversarum serarum cum clavibus et clavorum de diversis sortibns cum 
imbatillacione muri lapidei ex australi parte ejusdem castri cum reparacione 
magni orei ibidem ut patet per librum predictum super hunc compotum resti- 
tutum. xvli. xvij«. vijd.* — * The account of Cuthbert Camaby, King's receiver 
of all castles, land?, etc. acquired by the King from Henry Karl of Northumber- 
land in the county of Northumberland from Michaelmas 80 Henry YIIL to 
Michaelmas 31 Henry VIII.,' in Min, Aee, 30-31 Hen. VIII. No. 232. 


and is large, it longed to the erle of northomberland it stondithe on 
a highe hill the whiche for the more parte is inclndyd with the rjver, 
and is about a mile from the se, ther is a piety {sic) towne, and at 
the towne ende is a stone bridge withe a towre on it/^^' 

The sanitary condition of prisoners in the dungeons of mediaBval 
castles must have been terrible in the extreme. On the 8th of 
December, 1538, the Council of the North write from York to 
Heniy VIII.: — *Dyvers of the prisoners latelye takene by Sir 
Beynolde Camabye knight, and ymprisoned within youre castell of 
Warkworthe be there dede of the plague. And amongis ochers oone 
Jerrye Charleton, alias Jerrye Topping, the oonlye accuser of John 
Herone of Chipchas, and of suche others the murderers of Roger 
Fenewike, late murdered in Tynedale, is yet leying, and is indicted of 
sundrie robries/^^ 

Cuthbert Gamaby accounts in 1540 for the expenditure of 68«. Sd. 
on new paling for Warkworth park, and of £4 18^. lOd, on repairs to the 
castle. ^'^ In 1541 the sum of 116s. 2d, was laid out on repairs to 
divers edifices within the castle and to the ' dongeon,' being the wages 
of bricklayers, slaters, and carpenters, together with the ' emundacion' 
of the * dongeon ' against the arrival of the Duke of Norfolk.^^ 

In spite of the recent plague among the prisoners, Warkworth must 
have been considered exceptionally healthy. During the serious out- 
break of *a hot and dangerous ague' at Alnwick in 1543, Lord Parr of 
Kendal, the brother of the last and most fortunate wife of Henry VIII., 
then Warden of the Marches, chose Warkworth on this very account 
for his residence. ' As the place moost hokome and clere from all enfec- 
tions,' he writes from Newcastle on the 24th of May, ' I ame determyned 
for a tyme to make myne abode at the Eingis Majestes castell of Wark- 
wourthe, but foure myles at the moost from Alnewik, the whiche being 
somme thing decayed and out of reperation, I have partelie caused to 

»» See ante p. 27. 

»" State Papers, Hen. VIII. Vol. V. p. 142. 

»" Min. Aec. 31-32 Hen. VIII. No. 266. 

i>* ' Bt in denariis per dictom Receptorem solatis pro Reparacione hoc anno 
facta super diyersa edificia et le dungeon infra Castrum domini Regis de Warke« 
worthe ut in vadiis lathamorum Tegulatorum et Carpentariorum cum empcione 
Tegularam et diversarum serarum cum Clavibus et aliis f erramentis cum Emun- 
dacione le dongeon erga adventum ducis Northfolksensis illuc venientis ut in 
eodem libro plenius continetur. cxvjjr. ijrf.' — Min. Aoo, 32-33 Hen. VIII. No. 
216. In 1542 John Falkconer receives lit. id, for the park paling and £9 6«. 2d, 
is entered for repairs to the castle,— Ibid. 83-34 Hen. vIII. No. 264. 


bee apperelled and pat in redines, and my preparations to be conveyed 
thiddre, wbiche I doabte not shalbee follie perfoormed and fhrnished 
within thies eight daies ; whiche done, I entende to repaire thiddre, 
and there to reside, and from thens to remove to the castell of Ahiewik, 
as the infections or infirmities there shall sease, and thoocasions shall 
require.' 1** 

In preparing for Lord Parr's visit Eobert Horseley the seneschal of 
Wark worth laid out 155. 2d. on the 'emnndacion' of the great hall, 
the kitchen, and divers chambers. It is carious that while Norfolk in 
1541 occupied the donjon, Parr in 1548 seems to have chosen to reside 
in the range of buildings connected with the great hall. Between the 
17 th of May and the 1 1th of August, a fdr&her sum of £40 was spent 
on repairs to the houses, brewhouses, towers, and buildings within the 
castle. Parr himself vouching for the items of this expenditure. In 
addition to this, £12 12^. 9d. was employed under his directions between 
7th of July and 25th of October in paying carpenters, masons^ and 
smiths, and for the repairing of tents and pavilions.^^ 

Sir Balph Eure, a brave young soldier, the son of the Deputy- 
Warden Sir William^ prays the Earl of Hertford, in a letter dated 
Warkworth 7th June, 1544, that his father being 'somewhat croaside* 
may remain at home this time^ and that he may conduct 'the exploit' 
in his stead. He also would be glad if his lordship could spare him 
'his Trompyte,' and if it were possible that, he might have him on 
Monday morning by six or seven of the clock for Mt should be a grete 
encouragement for our men and a discourage for the Scotts/^^ Jed- 

»" State Papers, Hen. VIIL Vol. V. p. 299. 

>^ * Et in diversis Reparacionibus super domos pando2:ataria turres et edificia 
infra castrum domini Regis de Werkeworthe factis et appositis per mandatnm 
domini Willielmi Parre gardiani generalis marchiarum Anglie versos Soociam a 
xvij"® die Maii anno xxxy^ Regis Henrici octavi ad xj™"™ diem August! proximo 
sequentis ut patet [per] unum quatemum paplri de particulis inde factis mann 
propria ejusdem WiUieuni Parre subscriptum continens snmmam xl I et pro con- 
similibus reparacionibus factis super dictum castrum inter vij""* diem Julii et 
xxv^"™ diem Octobiis eodem Anno ut in vadiis Garpentariorum Cementariomm 
Fabrorum Yariatorum et Sissorum Reparancium les tentes et pavilions ibidem per 
Warrantum manu Willielmi Domini Parre predicti Receptori directum super hunc 
compotum ostensum penes Edwardum Edgare auditorem remanens ut patet [per] 
unum alium quatemum papiri Manu Jacobi Kokebye subscriptum inderestitutum 
continens xij Ixi] » ix.d ob. ac pro reparacione facta per Robertum Horselej pre- 
positum Castri ibidem super emundacione magne aule coquine et diveisarum 
Camerarum ante adventum dicti domini Parre illuc venientis ut patet [per] unam 
billam de particulis inde factis continentem summam xv ii}dyin toto &c liij 2 vij « 
xj d:—Min. Aco. 34-35 Hen. VIII. No. 227. 

>» Hiet. M8S. CoTMn. Report 1883, Hatfield Papers, part 1, p. 48. 


burgh and Kelso were bornt in this 'exploit/ bat Sir Ralph closed his 
brilliant career on Anonun Moor in the foUowing February. 

After Somerset's return to England from his victory at Pinkey 
Olengh, William Lord Orey of Wilton, whom he had left as the king's 
lieutenant on the Borders, wrote to him from Berwick on the 18th of 
October, 1547, announcing his intention of removing to Warkworth 
till the spriug : — ' I iynde in the litle tyme that I have lyen upon thies 
frontiers such a Skarcyte folowing bothe of hor^meate and vittayles 
that in case I lye here all this wynter with the men at armes and demi 
launces, in the spring of the yeare when for service sake we must per- 
force lye here it shaU not be had to fumyshe us. Wherfore I meane 
(yf your grace shalbe so pleased) for this Depe of Wynter to remove to 
Warkworth Castle, and towardes the spring to repayre hither agayne. I 
trust your grace woll not conceave that I move this for my owne ease but 
for the reasonable causes a£foresaid.'^^ Accordingly, beginning with 
2Qth December, 1547, and ending with 20th April, 1548; most of Lord 
Orey's correspondence is dated from Warkworth Castle.^^^ The admin- 
istration of the Borders was in great financial straits, but John TJvedale, 
the treasurer for the garrisons in the North, was enabled to inform 
the Protector Somerset from Newcastle, 15th December, 1547, that he 
had appointed £500 to be delivered by his servant at Warkworth 
Castle,^^ and John Brende, the Muster-Master for the Northern Ports, 
despatched a letter to the Protector from Warkworth on 9th April, 
1548, with the intelligence that 'the mariners had been mustered by the 
Lord Lieutenant and paid by Mr. TJvedale.'"* In Sir Robert Bowes's 
Book ofths State of the Marches, Warkworth is mentioned in 1550 as 
one of the royal castles going rapidly to decay on account of no annual 
repairs being done to them. John Shafto was then constable.^^^ 

Queen Mary having, on the 1st of May, 1557, created Thomas Percy, 
nephew of the 6th Earl, Earl of Northumberland by a new patent, 
restored to him Warkworth among other estates of his family. On 
20th January, 1558, he informs the Queen in a letter from Warkworth; 

^ State Paperg. Scotland, Ed. VI. vol. ii. No. 11. 
^ Calendar of State Papt^s, Scotland 1509-1608, 1, pp. 72-86. 
^ Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Addenda 1547-1665, p. 350. 
>• Ibid, p. 380. 

^ State Papers, Dom. Add. Ed. VL yoL It. No. 80; Hodgson, Northumbev 
land, ni. i pp. 244, 246, from CoUon. MS. Titus F. 13. 


' Yesterday I saw six sail of ships pass towards Scotland, seeming to 
be those you advertised me of.'^^^ Writing thence again on the 80th of 
April, he gives her an account of how he had devised with his brother 
on the Thursday previous to burn Langton in the Merse, where the 
Lieutenant of Scotland was then lodged, and of the fray with Lord 
Home which arose from this i*aid.^^^ After the accession of Elizabeth, 
he concluded with the Earl of Bothwell a deed for abstinence of war 
at Warkworth on March the 29th,i'' and he acknowledges fix)m there 
on 13th May, 1559, the instructions he had received for settling 
certain articles about Scotland in accordance with the Treaty of 

By direction of Earl Thomas, George Clarkson made a Survey of 
Warkworth in 1567,"* which furnishes a full and most valuable 
account of the state of the castle : — 

'The castell of Warkworth ys situate one the Ryver of cockett> 
one the sowth syde of the same Ryver ys one litle mount partly mad 
by nature of the ground with the course of the said Ryver one the 
west syde and on theast and north sydes with moytes casten and mad 
by mens worke, and one the sowth part ys the waye and passadge to and 
from the sayd castell by two severall wayes, one of the w^ two 
passadges were good to be mad use, that is the waye that goyth 
towardes the sowth by the Loyninge were most ezpedyent thendes of 
the said Loyninge strongly ditched casten or made w^ stone wall, 
and the hye streate to be made to goo thorow the demaynes and the 
same casten in a Loyning there w^^ a stronge Quickwood hedge casten 
of cy ther syde the stones of thold cawseye taken awaye and a cawaeye 
newly made w^**in that ground of the saide demaynes viz. from the 
northende of a medowe close called Tybbettes close"* eastward to one 
hye waye that goyth to the gate of the demaynes, and alonge the same 

"> Calendar of State Papers, Dom. Add. 1547-1565, p. 468. * 

»w Ibid, p. 474. 

"» C4ftton. MS, Caligula B. x. 3. 

"* Calendar of State Papers, Scotland 1509-1603, I. p. 108. 

'^* This Survejf so far as relates to the castle, is here printed from the 
Original MS, at Alnwick Castle. The versions of it given in Grose, Antiquities, 
rV. p. 154, and Hartshome, Proe. of Arch. Inst, 1852, iL p. 206 n., are fnU of 
minor inaccuracies. 

>^ Tybbettes Close can stiU be identified to the south of the castle; b^t 
to clearly understand the meaning of the altered approach proposed by Clarkson 
requires a ' Situationsplan ' of the castle before the present high-road, haw-haw, 
etc., were made. 


waye to the sayd gate w^ might be done w^ small chardges, and 
that done, the parke wold not onely be on that syde well incloBed the 
dear have feadinge nighe the gate of the sayd castell bat also yt shold 
be a great strength to the sayd parke, castell and groundes joyninge upon 
the same a better passadge than that that nowe ys in all respectes, and 
hnrt to no person, so that the same were well and orderlye done or made. 

' The bnyldinge of the sayd castell one the sowthe parte, is thre 
towres viz. the gatehouse towre in the midle therof, w*^** is thentrye 
at a drawe bridge over a drye moyte, and in the same towre ys a p'son 
and a porter lodge, and over the same a fare Lodginge called the 
counstables Lodginge, and in the Courtayne betwene the gatehouse 
and west towre in the corner beynge round of diverse squares called 
cradyfargns is oP^^ a &re and comely buyldinge a chappell and diverse 
houses of ofSce one the ground and above the great cbambre and the 
Lordes Lodginges all w^ be nowe in great decaye aswell in the 
covertour beynge lead, as also in tymbre and glas and w%wt some 
help of reparacions it will come to utter Euyne. 

^Tumynge north from that southwest comer in that courtayne 
streatchinge to another litle towre called the posterne towre ys : thold 
ball w^ was verie fare and nowe by reason yt was in decay ys 
vnrooffed and the tymbre taken downe lyinge in the sayd castell in the 
same square a buttrye, pantrye, and ketchinge, w^ are now also in 
ntter decay and at thentrye into the hall for the porche therof ys 
raysed a litle square towre wherin is two chambres, and on the foresyd 
in stone portrayed a lyon verie wrokemanly wrought and thei*for called 
the lyon towre the same ys covered w^^ lead and in good reparacions. 

' Thother towre called the posterne towre is two lodginges under 
w«*» goith owt a posterne and the same ys covered w^** lead and in good 

' In thest syde of the great hall was ane He sett owt w"* pyllers 
w**» yet standeth and is covered w'** lead. 

' firom the gatehouse towre to the towre in theast comer called 
• ....*'* ys no buyldinges but onely a courtayne wall fare and of a 

»" Hartehome has left out the woiti * of \—Proo. Arch, Jnst, 1852, ii. p. 206 n. 

"• The whole paragraph relating to the postern tower has been omitted by 
Hartshome.— i^t^. 

"> This tower at the S.£. angle of the castle is now known by the name of 
the Amble Tower, apparently because it is that nearest the village of Amble. 


newe bnyldinge and in j^ towre ys a stable one the ground and tbie 
lodginges above the^^ the same js covered w^ lead and in good 

' Tnmynge firom that towre towardes the donngeon north is a 
nother litle tnrrett in the wall, ys sett upon that coorteyne wall 
stables and gardners over the same covered w^ slate and in good 

' Over the coarte from the sayd towre called the posteme towre to 
the sayd tnrrett is the fandadon of a house w^ was ment to have 
been a colledge and good parte of the walls were bnilde, w^ if yt had 
bene finished and made a parfit square the same had bene a division 
betwene the sayd courte the Lodginges before recyted and the 
donngeon, The buildinge that was mad of the* sayd oollidge is now 
taken awaye savinge that oertayne walls under the ground therof yet 
remayne, and at theast parte therof is now a brewehouse and bakhoose 
covered w^ slaite and in good reparacions. 

' In the sayd courte ys a drawell w^ semethe the holle house of water. 

' The donngeon is in the north parte of the scy te of the sayd castell 
sett upon a litle mount highyer then the rest of the courte . . steppes 
of a grease^^^ bef or ye enter to yt, and the same is buyld as a f cure square 
and owt of evrye square one towre all w^ be so quarterlye squared to- 
gether, that in the sight evrye parte appeareth fyve towres verie fynelye 
wrought of mason worke and in the same conteyned aswell a fare hall 
kytchinge and all other houses of oflSces verie &re and aptely plaoed, 
as also great chambre chapell and lodginges for the Lorde and his treyne. 

*In the midle therof is a peace voyd w** is called a Lanteme, w**» 
both receyveth the water from diverse spowtes of the lead and hath his 
conveyance for the same, and also gevith Lighte to certaine Lodgings 
in some partes, and on the parte of the same at the toppe ys raysed of a 
good hight above all the houses a tnrrett called the watch house upon 
the toppe wherof ys a great vyewe to be had and a fftre prospect aswell 
towardes the sea as all pties of the Land. 

' In the north parte of the sayd donngeon ys portrayed a lyon wrought 
in the stone very workmanly. 

^^ Sic. 

"I A ' ^ease ' or ' grees * Bignifies a stair. — Brockett, QloMory of North Cmfi- 
try Wordi, The passage was probably intended to have been, 'and there be 
fourteen steppes of a grease before ye enter to yt\ 


'The castell » envyroned one thre partes w^ the said Ryver and 
of ihe north parte in an angle w^in the sajd water is situate a towne 
called the borowgh of warkworth and the parishe chnrche and at the 
northend thereof a bridge over the water and a litle towre bnyld on 
ihende of the sayd bridge, wher a pare of gates ys hanged and nowe 
the sayd towre ys w^wt rooflp and cover, and w^Nmt amendement 
will in short tyme utterlye decay . yt shall be therefore very requisite 
ihat the towre be w^all spead repared and the gaites hanged upe 
w^ shallbe a gret savefety and comoditye for the towne.' 

Olarkson goes on to point out the poverty of the burgesses of Wark- 
worth, and the necessity there was to benefit and help them, in order 
that they might be able to provide lodgings, for 'the gret resort ys 
alwaye of gentlemen as also of others of meane degre to his Lp. which 
wilbe rather the more the tyme of his Lp's abode in the castell of 

Two years after Glarkson completed this survey, Earl Thomas joined 
the Earl of Westmoreland in the unfortunate Bising of 1569. While 
the Earls marched south with the intention of liberating Mary Queen 
of Soots, 'secret warning was given to Northumberland's servants to be 
ready in defensible array at an hour's notice. Great numbers of 
persons were put into Alnwick and Warkworth castles to keep them 
fbroibly, as was suspected, against the Queen's peace.' Sir John 
Forster, Warden of the Middle Marches, consequently made a procla- 
mation, dated November the 18th, before the gates of both castles 
ordering every person to depart and leave the castle immediately under 
pain of being * taken knowen and used as a traytour against her Ma- 
jestie.'^^' 'If Alnwick and Warkworth were taken it would be/ he 
pointed out to the Earl of Sussex in a letter from Alnwick, 25th 
November, 1569« *a great stay to this country and the Earl would have 
no retreat here.'^' It was with some difSculty that he obtained 
possession of them, 'by reason that they were garded with a good 
number of armed men of the EarFs servants and tenauts.'^^ He was 
anxious that both Alnwick and Warkworth should be attached to his 
charge of the Middle Marches.^^ 

>** Sir Gathbert Sharp, Mefnorxalt of the RehelUon ^1669, p. 108 n. 
>** OiUndar of StaU Papers, Lomestic Addenda, £liz. 1566-1679, p. 126. 
>•* Ihid. p. 118. 
'* 2hid. p. 308. 


On the 19th of May, 1570, Edmnnd Hall and WiUiam Homberston, 
the royal commiBsioners for inquiring into the estates of those com- 
promised in the rising of the previous year, were at Warkworth.^^ * The 
castle of Warkeworth/ they report, 'ys wythin fyve myles of Alnewyke 
towarde the Southest wythin one quarter of a myle of the sea . and ys 
very well buylded all of stone and covered wyth lead . and is Scytuat 
upon the topp of a hyll on the South and Est of the Ryver of Coker . ^^ 
the hall and other houses of Offyce late taken downe by Therle of Nor- 
thumberland meanyng to Reedify the same ageyn whiche ys undone 
and no provysion Remaynyng there towardes the same buyldyng.' 

Thomas Radcliffe, Earl of Sussex, the President of the Council of 
the North, fixed his residence at Warkworth Castle in the summer of 
1570. On the 15th of August he wrote from there to Lord Herries 
charging him with maintaining Leonard Dacre and conspiring with 
him against Elizabeth.^^ The next day he announced his intention of 
proceeding to the West Borders to avenge himself on those who were 
openly supporting the English refugees. After wasting Annandale 
and sacking Dumfries he was again at Warkworth on the 8th of Sep- 
tember. Lord Hunsdon was with him on the 10th. From the 14th^^ 
to the 16th he was engaged there in the tangled diplomacy of Scottish 
affairs, negotiating at the same time with the Duke of Chetelheranlt 
and the party of the Queen of Scots and with the Earl of Lennox and 
the supporters of the young King. He was still at Warkworth on the 

Lord Hunsdon, the first cousin of Queen Elizabeth and one of 
the noblest and bravest men ever employed on the Borders, may have 
noticed, during the time that he was at Warkworth with the Earl of 
Sussex, the way in which Sir John Forster was plundering the castle. 
He wrote the following spirited protest against Sir John's destructive 
avarice, to Burghley, which that statesman has docketted 'April, 
1572': — *I knowe not what awtoryte ys commytted to Sir John 

'" Jffall and Bombertton't Survey, Publ. Rec. Off., vol. i, p. 161. 

*" The Commissionere had just come from completing a survey of Cocker- 
mouth Castle, and so confused the Coquet with the Cocker. 

»•• Cal of ataU Papers, Dom. Add. 1666-1679, pp. 319, etc. 

'■• Sussex's proclamation for a cessation of arms is dated WarWorth, 14th 
September, Ihl^,— Cotton, MS. Calig. C. II. fo. 104. 

^ He removed to Alnwick, where he complains on the 9th of October that 
* the weather grows extreme and the chimnies of this house and Warkworth 
will suffer no fire.'— Cb^. State Pap, Foreign, 1669-1670, no. 1326. 


Forater, of th' Erie of Northumberland's lands and bowsys, nor wbat 
tberof be batbe pnrcbasyd ; and therfor, wben any complajnts come 
too me, I can say notbinge. Bat be taks upon bym too bave tbe rule 
of all, and so comands wbat be lyst ; and tbys I assure your Lo. tbat 
ytt ys grete pytty too see bow Alnevyke Castell and Warkwortb are 
spoyled by bym and bys. And yf sum order be nott taken for tbe 
stay tberof; wbensoever byr Majestie sball bave occasyon too send any 
lieutenant ynto tbys Cuntry, sbe sbal be att no smale cbai^es to re- 
payre tbe same. And for tbe Abbey tbat stands yn Hull Parke, be 
batbe neytbar lefbe lede,* glase, ierne, nor so mucbe as tbe pypes of lede 
tbat conyayd tbe water to tbe bowse ; but be batbe brougbte ytt too 
bys owne bowse, and as I am credabley informed, be meanes utterly too 
deface botbe tbe utber bowsys, Warkwortb and Alnwyk, wbicb were 
grete pytty .'^'^ 

Tbe unfortunate Earl of Nortbumberland was at this time a 
prisoner in tbe castle of Lochleven. Sold by tbe Scots to the merciless 
Elizabeth in July, he was beheaded at York, in spite of Lord Hunsdon's 
urgent remonstrances, on tbe 22nd of August, 1572. Under tbe 
letters patent issued by Queen Mary in 1557, his title and most of bis 
estates, which as long as be lived attainted were enjoyed by the Crown, 
should have passed to his brother Sir Henry Percy, but Sir Henry was 
not summoned to parliament as 8th Earl of Northumberland till 1580. 
By tbat time tbe parks of Warkwortb had been disparked.^** 

Stockdale, who surveyed Warkwortb for tbe 9tb Earl in 1586, 
merely says of tbe castle : — 

'The castle of Warkwortb is a very &ir and beautifuU castle, 
scituate in tbe inner warde^** on tbe south of tbe of tbe ryver of 
Cockett, ij myles west from the sea, environed in part with tbe said 
ryver of Cockett, and in other parts with a dry moat ;' and the reference 
to it in Camden's Britannia, written that same year, is no less curt.^^ 

In 1597 Thomas Percy, afterwards one of tbe conspirators in the 
Gunpowder Plot, is said to bave *kept WilUam Sisterson of Prudboe, 
(for tbe stealing of two cheeses) in prison in Warkwortb Castle, until 

*»" Sharp, Mem. of Reh. 1669, p. 26 n. 
'•• AnnaU of the Binue of Percy, ii. p. 682. 
"• i.e., Morpeth Ward. 

*** *ad ipsum ostium (Coquet fluvii) Warkworth Perciorum castrum non 
inelegans locum habet, et littus tuetur. '--Camden, Britanmaj 1690, p. 666. 


he was almost famished,^^ and compounded with hun for 20 marks.' 
Information was also laid against Peroy in 1602 that ' there was a bell 
carrjed out of Warkworth Castle and sold by Sir John Ladyman, Mr. 
Percye's depntie, to a Scottishman for £10, and a token sent by Mr. 
Percye to one Henrye Finch to carry the bell to the Scottishman's 
ship at Almouth.'"* 

During the troubles in which the Earl was involved in consequence 
of the Gunpowder Plot, his steward Whitehead was ordered, on the 
24th of June, 1608, 'to take down the lead that lieth upon the ruin- 
ous towers and places of Warkworth, to way it and lay it up, and to 
certify his lordship of the quantity thereof, that the places were lead 
is taken off be covered again for the preservation of the timber.' 
Nevertheless, two years later, the old timber of the buildings in the 
outer court was sold for 28/.^*^ 

The final ruin of Warkworth was caused by the gift of the materialB 
made in 1672 to John Clarke, one of the auditors of the estates, by 
the widow of Joscelin the llth and last Earl of Northumberland of 
the House of Louvain. The doom of the castle is contained in the 
following letter: — 

* William Milboome, beinge to take downe the materials of Warkworth 
Castle, which are given to me by the Countess of Northumberland to build a 
house at Cherton, I doe desire you to speak to all her ladishipp's tenants in 
Warkeworth, Birlinge, Buston, Acklington, Shilbottle, Lesbnry, Longhanton, 
and Hilton, that they will assist me with their draughts as soone as conveniently 
they can, to remove the lead and tymber which shall be taken downe, and such 
other materialls as shall be fitt to be removed, and bringe it to Cherton, which 
will be an obligation to there and yoiir friend, Jo. Clabkb. 

Newcastle, 27 April, 1672. 

In regard they are like to be out three days ere they gett home, I shall be 
content to allowe everye wayne half a crowne, and let me know who refuse to doe 
me . . . they 

To my lovinge friend William Milboume, at his house at Birlinge.* "** 

*** Annalt of the Same of Peroy, ii. p. 692. 

"• Ibid, ii. p. 591. 

■"^ arose, Antiquities, IV, p. 156. In the Book of Offices of 1617, are still 
entered under the heading of Warkworth, * (Nonstable of y^ castell, fee £10 Of Od, 
Porter, fee £3 0# 0^, Ket^per of y« p^« fee £3 0« Sd,'— Peroy Ihmily Letters and 
Papers, Alnwick BiSS., vol. xi. p. 28. 

»•• Grose, Antiquities, IV. p. 157. 


Exactly a hundred years later, a revolution in taste having oc- 
curred in the interval, Francis Grose rapturously wrote of the castle 
that had been reduced to rain by the insouciance of the fair Countess 
and the greed of her auditor:— 

' Nothing can be more magnificent and picturesque, from what 
part soever it is viewed; and though when entire it was for from being 
destitute of strength, yet its appearance does not excite the idea of 
one of those rugged fortresses destined solely for war, whose gloomy 
towers suggest to the imagination only dungeons, chains, and execu- 
tions, but rather that of such an hospitable mansion as is alluded to 

by Milton — 

'Where throngs of knights and barons bold. 
In weeds of peace high triamphs hold ' ; 

or is described in our old romances^ where, in the days of chivalry, 
the wandering knight, or distressed princess, found honourable recep- 
tion and entertainment, the holy palmer repose for his wearied limbs, 
and the poor and helpless their daily bread.' 

To Orose belongs the credit of having been the first to write the 
history of Warkworth from authentic accounts, and to endeavour to 
unravel its architecture by reference to the old surveys, and elucidate 
it by regular plans. His information is not always correct, and his 
rough plans can have had scarcely any pretension to accuracy; but for 
the time in which he lived his work was done in a most masterly 
fashion, and has not been equalled by any subsequent attempt.^** 

Warkworth is almost surrounded by the Coquet, and the mouud 
on which the donjon of the castle now stands seems to have been 
raised on the narrowest part of the peninsula, in order to protect the 
town from the higher table-land stretching away to the south. A base- 
court was added on the level ground south of the mound; and, as the 
demesne-land lay in that direction, the great gateway of the castle was 
placed in the side of the curtain-wall furthest from the town. It thus 

*•• * The Manorial History and Architectural Description of Warkworth/ by 
the Rev. G. H. Hartshome, in Proceedings of Arehaological Ifutitute^ lSo2, 
vol. ii. pp. 186-211, are very perfunctory, and the plans attached to them full of 
inaccurate details and false chronology. The address — 'one of his happiest* — 
delivered by Mr. George Thomas Clark to the Institute at Warkworth in 1884 
(Arehaological Journal, xli. p. 421, and Proo. Soc. Ant. NewCy vol. i. (N.S.) 
p. 203) can hardly be regarded in a serious light. A very excellent account of 
Warkworth * as seen by an artist,* by Margaret Hunt, wUl be found in the Art 
Journal for 188Si, p. 309. 





happenfi that very few of those wishing to see and study the castle 
enter it, as they should, at any rate for the first time, by the great 
Gatehouse. Nearly all cross the old bridge over the Coquet, pass 
under the little tower at the south end of it, and proceed straight up 
the quaint steep street of the ancient borough. At the head of this 
street the marvellous donjon, with a huge lion rampant carved on the 
upper storey of its northernmost face, rises nobly in front of them. 
This heraldic lion,, with an exaggerated bushy tail, and legs famished 
with scales rather than hair, stands on the head of a diminutive demi- 
lion corbelled full-lace out. They are protected from the weather by 
a water-tabling and two side-shafts that rest on small winged demi- 
lions. Notwithstanding the very exposed situation, all this elaborate 
carving, except the central ornament of the water-table, looks remark- 
ably fresh.«» 

Roughly speaking, the ground plan of the donjon is a square, with 
a semi-octagon applied to its south side, and smaller squares to the 
centre of its other sides. The outer angles of all the squares die 
away, buttress-fashion, into sides of octagons. On the third storey of 
these, and of the angles of the southern semi-octagon, are remains of 
the figures of angels covered with plumage,^^ formerly fourteen in 
number, holding shields which, if not originally blank, have now 
become so. The battlements of the donjon, as may be seen at the 
south-east angle, were of considerable height, and in the centre of the 
chief faces of the whole pile and of the canted angles of the main 
square, they project curiously in small triangles, probably merely for 
the purpose of improving th^ sky-line.^^ 

On the west side of the donjon, near the north-west angle, is a 
postern door, a close examination of which leads to the opinion that, 

^"'^ This lion rampant at Warkworth contrasts strangely with the almost 
obliterated one on the Bond Gate at Alnwick, carved in Denwick stone in 1450 
(see ante, p. 21, n.) ; while that procured from Hulne Priory and set oyer the 
outer gate of the barbican of Alnwick Castle in 1488 was also so worn that it 
had to be replaced in modem times. 

^^ Angels were often represented in the Middle Ages with feathers in lieu 
of raiment. Qood examples of this treatment may be seen in the fine Perpen- 
dicular roof of the church of South Creake in Norfolk. In one of the early 
Northumbrian Gospels at Durham the four Evangelists are represented as 
plumed, and the strange effect is heightened by the beards there given them. 

*' Triangular bartizans of this kind are seldom met with. There is another 
instance of them over the gateway of Spynie Castle near Elgin, built oirea 1406. 
— McGibbon and Ross, Castellated ArohitecUtre ofSoctland, i, p. 444. 



at any rate, the basement of the bailding must have been at some 
time refaced. Indeed, the general ground plan of the donjon is one 
that might be looked for rather in the 18th than in the 15fch cen- 
tury, though, with the exception just mentioned, all its architectural 
features belong to the latter.^^s That the mound was occupied by 
masonry at the very beginning of the 13th century seems proved by 
the splendid pair of buttresses of that date which, on the east and 
west sides, strengthened the curtain- wall as it rose to a great height 
in order to climb the mound; the upper portion of the wall nearest 
the donjon is however later work. 



Beyond the western of these buttresses the postern- gate of the 
castle opens from the base-court on to the precipitous bank above the 
Coquet. The massive arch of this postern is but slightly pointed, and 
is vaulted internally with mere rubble. A plain chamfered string- 

*' The donjon of Trim Castle on the Boyne is said to resemble that of Wark- 
worth in its ground plan. It is attributed to about the year 1200. 


oonrae runs through it below the sjffinging. The door, as was often 
the caee in early bnildings, opened ontwards.^ At the inner end of 
the archway, originally 8 feet deep, was a portcullis^ the groove not 
extending below the string-course. The ground-level of the postern 
has been lowered 15 inches, materially altering its proportions. Both 
buttress and postern seem to have been the work of Robert fitz Roger, 
circa 1200. The curtain-wall between them originally terminated in 
a turret containing a newel stair, of which two slits remain, leading 
to the walk. At a subsequent period an addition of 6 feet was made 
to the postern on the east side. In the battlement of this turret a 
long cross-loop has lost all except the lower limb, a shorter cross-loop 
having been inserted in it. The west face of the postern-tower retains 
the windows of the two floors, and a range of battlement with two 

Withstanding the temptation of entering the courtyard of the castle 
by the postern, we proceed along the external face of the western 
curtain. -High up on either side of a very obtuse angle of the wall 
are the two windows of the kitchen ; the arches of two large drains 
appear below. The masonry is similar to that of the upper floors of 
the postern-tower; the high base has two set-ofb. Beyond the kitchen, 
to the south, is a piece of irregular walling, weather-worn, battered, 
and bulged. The upper portion seems original, the lower has been 
repaired, a fragment of a Decorated window having been built up in 
the filling. The base now rises 4 feet or so, and the wall above it 
disappears altogether for about 18 feet. This gap marks the site of 
the buttery. The low pitch of the butt§ry roof is given at the south 
end of the gap, on the remains of the higher north wall of the Great 
Hall. The four stone spouts that ciEirried off the water irom the roof 
of the hall are next seen in progressive states of preservation. Above 
the last of them, one of the great crenelles of the battlement has 
been left, filled up with inferior masonry. A little further south 
the high base ceases, and a disturbance occurs' in the masonry of the 

*^ This was the old Roman fashion of opening the outer door of the house. 
The seal of WlJliam Moraunt, a Kentish landowner in 1272, represents his 
manor-house with the door opening outwards, and the same may be observed in 
the early 14th century illuminations of the romances of the * San Graal ' and 
the* Bound Table » (B.M. Additional MSS. 10292, 10294).— Thomas Wright, 
Homes of Other Dayt, pp. 143-6. The outer door of the old manor-house of 
Hollinside on the Derwent is another instance of the practice in the North. 


curtain- wall, probably owing to a slight change of direction^ and the 
insertion of a large single-light window, much worn away, in the 
south-west comer of the hall. Beyond this again the masonry is 
of a more archaic type, and the wall turns much thicker. Here, on 
the first floor, was the Oreat Chamber ; but the building must have 
partaken much of the character of an early keep. A slit with the 
mouth of a spout in it is half-way up the mural stair which led up from 
the hall to where a little window, now boarded up, lit the entrance of 
the Great Chamber. Above the line of this stair is a large ronnd- 
headed arch, similar to one in the north curtain of Mitford Castle, 
which contained the stone frame of the west window of the Great 
Chamber. It is now built up with decayed stone and mortar contain- 
ing pieces of red brick. Judging from a row of four small spout-holes, 
the roof of this chamber was originally higher than that of the hall, 
but was subsequently lowered into the same pitch, when one large 
spout was substituted. Just before reaching the tower at the south- 
west angle of the castle is a small, and once strongly ban*ed, window, 
inserted in very late, possibly EUzabethan times, in order to admit 
a ray of western light into the basement below the Great Chamber. 

The south-west tower of the castle is that called Gradyfargus by 
Clarkson in 1567.2^* He describes it as * round of divers squares,' 
meaning that its round general outline was formed by several straight 
lines. The west side of this tower has fallen away, but the ground- 
plan seems in reality to have been an irregular octagon, of which the 
north and north-east sides were supplied by the curtain-wall. The 
tower, built probably by Eoljert fitz Roger about the year 1200, for 
purely defensive purposes,*®^ peems to have been converted in the 
beginning of the 14th century into the Lard^s Lodgings, an addition 

** See- above, p. 123. Clarkson distinctly says that on the south side the 
castle consisted of three towers, the Gatehouse Tower in the middle, the west 
tower in the (south-west) comer called Cradyfargus, and the tower in the east 
(i.«. south-east) comer called the (Amble) Tower. Mr. Hartshome, who can 
never have read Clarkson's Survey attentively through, erroneously bestowed the 
name on the spire-capped stair- turret that forms so prominent a feature in the 
sky-line of Cradyfargus. This, however, was known merely as * the Watch 
Tower ' in the time of Grose. It is impossible to do more than suggest that the 
curious name of Cradyfargus may in some way be a corruption of Carrickf ergos, 
either from its resemblance to one of the towers of that famous castle, or from 
its builder having borne that name. 

•* In its -irregular ground plan and certain other particulars Cradyfargus 
resembles the Bell Tower at the south-west comer of the inner ward of the 
Tower of London, the basement of which is of about the same date. 




to the primitive requirements of domestic architecture for which its 
contignity to the Great Chamber rendered it particularly suited. The 
aouthem sides of the tower were provided with lanky cross-shaped 
loops of the early 13th century type. In the basement only the 
apper part of these .loops are visible, while the triangular recesses 
leading to them have been partially walled up. This basement com- 
mnnicated with the cellar under the Great Chamber by means of a 
mnral passage in the south curtain, while the first floor of the tower 
opened almost immediately firom the Great Chamber itself. This 
latter floor is of great historic interest, as in it probably the first two 
Percies of Warkworth died,^^ and Northum- 
berland, Henry IV., and John of Lancaster*^® 
indited their Warkworth correspondence. 
The east window of two cusped lights looking 
out along the moat is provided with plea- 
sant window-seats, alid a small aumbiy in 
I r ^0H I f; i^s northern splay. The fire-place has had 
-T r ^^^l "^ * pretty hood, and the ceiling was supported 

' " ' on carved corbels, two of the remaining ones 

bearing pairs of qnatrefoils, while between them on the third are a 
shield charged with some beast statant, and some other badge too worn 
to be identified. At the north-west corner is the jamb of a door that 
probably was connected with a latrine turret, now fallen away. The 
second and uppermost floor of this, the true Cradyfargus Tower, is 
now approached firom a door in the south-east corner of the Great 
Chamber by a mural stair in the thickness of the south curtain. On 
the east side of this room, between the door and the east window, 
there is a smaller window in a curved recess, utilizing, apparently, the 
upper portion of an original loop. The fire-place, except the north 
jamb, with a plain cap, has entirely &llen away, but the line of the 
hood may still be traced. In the north wall a shoulder-headed door- 
way leads up to the battlements of the western curtain. This room 
we are justified in imagining to have been the Lady's Bower,- the only 
chatelaine of whose presence at Warkworth we have actual evidence 

""See above, p. 96, where the extract from the Hulne Cartulary given in 
the vme may be explained by the fact that in 1368 the Dominical Letter was A, 
and the Golden Nnmber 1 (* unam ')• 

*• See above, pp. 106, 107, 108. 



between the time of the adaptation of this tower to domestic hbob 
and the probable erection of the donjon, which was designed to super- 
sede it in this respect, is the second Countess of Northumberland.*^* 

The south curtain-wall between the Cradyfargus and Gatehouse 
Towers bears marks of having been considerably repaired and cobbled 
in places, but much of it with the high steep base seems to be Robert 
fitz Roger's work. The battlemented walk seems to have descended bj 


a flight of steps from the roof of Cradyfargus and to have risen again 
at first to a door in the second floor of the Gatehouse, and afterwards 
to the roof of it. At this latter point the line of the battlements has 
evidently been twice raised, two successive crenelles, one above the 
other, having been walled up and the hoarding-holes altered accordingly. 
The piece of battlement still left gives the height of the Gatehouse 

^ See above, p. 111. 



parapet. The little glazed window is that of a mural chamber, now 
used as the custodian's milk-house. In the west face of the Gatehouse 
a cross-loop has been opened out at the first floor into a door- 
way, now closed, that probably belonged to a latrine, and a small 
window with a slop-spout inserted to the south of it. 

There are now no traces of the draw-bridge over the dry moat 
described by Clarkson as being at the entrance to the castle. The 
gateway, with a massive pointed arch of two courses, is flanked by 
two semi-octagon towers whose southern angles are covered by but- 
tresses of similar shape with spire-like terminations. Over the gate- 
way the wall projects slightly, as at Dunstanburgh, and is supported 
on five corbels. These are now much decayed, but seem to have been 
all alike, and of a Transition- 
Norman character. The Gate- 
house acquires an aspect of 
extreme severity by there 
being no window over the 
gate, which derived addi- 
tional protection from ma- 
chicolations of a later date 
resting on three triple cor- 
bels. The gate, like that of 
the postern, opened out- 
wards; had it not done so it 
would have covered the two 
insidious arrow-loops placed 
on either side immediately 
within it. A plain chamfered string-course continues through the 
whole vault, and the portcullis, which was here nearly 4 feet behind the 
gate, must have been wider at the top than at the bottom. The 
groove of the portcullis ends at the string-course, on which the shoulder 
of it would rest, while the bottom must have fallen into some sort of 
socket to hold it fast. On the inner side of the opening for the port- 
cullis is an arch, only 17 inches wide, with the stones above it curiously 
joggled, and beyond it an opening of the same width, the use of which 
is not very apparent, though near the ground a slot has here been cut 
in the stone oa the west side; and there is also a rectangular hole on the 

Corbel above Great Gateway. 


easb, as thongh there had been a barrier of some description. The re- 
maining 17^ feet of the vaalt of the roadway is arched in rabble. Pairs 
of cross-shaped arrow-loops by their decreasing length show that the 
road has always risen on a slope through the gateway. Marks of a 
palisade appear on the ashlar of the inner face of the vault ; probably 
they are comparatively modern. The string-course here ends, and the 
roadway from 8 feet widens to 9 J feet, while for 5 feet there has been 
no vault, and possibly an opening into the floor above. We then oome 
to the springers of the great arch of the inner face of the Gatehouse. 

On either side of this are two sturdy arches, the doorways of the 
porter's lodge and prison, and beyond them again, set about 10 feet 
back, were other doorways approached by straight flights of steps that 
led by short winding stairs to the first floor; so that when perfect, this 
north front of the Gatehouse, with the massive central arch flanked by 
four equally massive doorways, must have presented a very stately 
appearance. This arrangement can now be best seen on the east side, 
though it is the more ruinous, the exactly similar steps and doorway on 
the west side having been incorporated in the custodian's dwelling, 
which has been formed out of what was probably the porter's lodge 
with a modern room built over it. Fortunately a photograph has been 
preserved at Alnwick Castle, showing the Gatehouse before the external 
stair was walled up. 

The first floor of the Gatehouse has been filled up with rubbish to 
the height of about 4 feet, and coated over with asphalt. Immedi- 
ately to the north of the door at the head of the eastern stair there 
appears to have been a cross wall very much on the line of the modem 
wall of the custodian's dwelling. The room on the north side of this 
cross wall was the Constable's Lodging, and as such served, no doubt, 
as the quarters of John Creswell, John de Middelham, and Hardyng the 
Ohronicler.^^® It seems to have been occupied by the 6th Earl of 
Northumberland during the latter years of his life.^^^ It had two fine 
windows opening to the east and west, of which the southern splays 
only are left. There were probably gables above them, as there sare 
marks of the roof line against the east wall and a stone spout outside 
to carry ofl^the water from the valley between this roof and the higher 

*w See above, pp. 108, 107, 109. 

•" * A littyll chamber over the gaytts wher the Erie lay hymself.' — Bellysys's 
Survey, see above, p. 118. 

























aemi-octagonal turretB of the front of the gateway.^^ Inside the eastern 

turret is a chamber about 7 feet 8 inches wide, vaulted with rubble. 

There is an arrow-loop looking eastward along the moat, and on either 

side of this, high up from the original floor level, are small aumbries, 

1 foot high and 1 foot 3 inches broad and deep, that have had three 

bars across them let into the stone. The portcullis seems to have been 

walled off from this floor and to have been worked from that above. 

In the courtyard immediately to the west of the Gatehouse was a 

chapel. The very plain piscina is still to be seen in the south wall. 

A space left between this wall and the curtain contained a stair which 

formerly led off that now enclosed in the custodian's dwelling. On 

the south side of this stair is the vaulted mural chamber, previously 

referred to as being now used as a milk-house, and on the north a door 

gave access to what was probably an oriole or upper floor in the western 

portion of the chapel.^^' The base of this door still remains a little 

to the left of the fire-place with which the oriole waQ provided. A 

doorway in a deep recess to the right of the fire-place, now walled 

up, seems to have been the original entrance to the mural passage and 

stair communicating with the second fioor of the Cradyfargus Tower^ 

The basement beneath the oriole has also had a large fire-place in the 

south wall. Possibly this fire-place may have been used for secular 

purposes and been one of the * houses of office' mentioned by Glarkson. 

In the north-west comer is a doorway leading into a passage, 4 feet 

6 inches wide, that eventually communicated with the aisle of the 

Great Hall. The jamb of a doorway in the west wall is at the foot of 

some steps that seem to have ascended to the Great Chamber. 

'" With its high towers in front and gabled bailding of only one storey 
behind, the Gatehouse of Warkworth must have greatly resembled the view of 
the Porte de Loon at Ck)acy, in VioUet-le-Dnc's Dioti4)nnaire de V Arohitecinre 
Frangaue, vii. p. 336. 

'" Mr. LongstafEe says, the oriole is a feature explained by Matthew of 
Paris as the porch, by William of Worcester as le ovyrgtorye ; and adds that 
' where the oriole was the upper story of the nave of a chapel, and looked into 
the chancel, which in that case was the height of both stories, the oriole was 
for the lord and his family's use, or often for the ladies only.* — Arch. Ael, 

N.8. iv. p. 90. The chapel in the Donjon was certainly provided with an oriole 
of this description, and there is said to have been another example in North- 
umberland in the chapel of the preceptory of the Knights Hospitallers at 

Chibbum. Turner gives numerous instances of the practice in his DomeHie 
Architecture of England during the Middle AgeSy ii. p. 80. In the present 
instance it may be that this upper room was that used generally by the ladies 
in the castle, with merely an opening at the east end looking down into the 


The original level of the basement under the Great Chamber is lost 
in accumnlationB of rubbish. The Great Chamber itself, a room 89 feet 
8 inches long by 21 feet 6 inches broad, was approached in the first 
instance by a stair in the thickness of the west curtain-wall that came 
up under a large window-recess, almost Norman, opening on the Coquet. 
Facing the stair-head was the door of a small mural chamber, with a 
smaller one, possibly a latrine, inside it. The Great Chamber, it will be 
remembered, was the scene of the delivery of the mysterious leathern 
bags and sealed coffer to William of Togsden, the constable of the castle, 
by Hugh of Rothbury in 1297, and probably this mural chamber was 
the actual closet to which they were carried with so much difficulty by 
the constable's son.^^* On the Percies making Warkworth their resi- 
dence, the late 12th century doorway of the Great Chamber appears 
to have been walled up, and a small one broken into it from the mural 
chamber. At the same time a fire-place with a skilfdlly joggled flat 
arch, a slight hood, and ornamental side-shafts, seems to have been 
inserted, as also a door in the south-east comer connecting the Great 
Chamber immediately with the mural stair leading to the second floor 
of the Cradyfargus Tower, which, as has been said, we may regard 
as the Lady's Bower at that period. The flrst floor of this tower had 
always been in direct communication with the Great Chamber, by a 
shouldered doorway, the head of which is formed by a stone of 
unusual size. 

Towards the end of the 15th century, the 4th Earl of Northum- 
berland appears to have constructed a much more magnificent stair for 
approaching the Great Chamber by building a tower at the north-east 
oomer.*^" The lofty first floor of this was devoted to a sort of 
state ante-room with an elaborate groined vault, a mural seat, 
and a high doorway into the Chamber with eflbctive mouldings.*** 
Immediately inside this doorway on the right, a small newel stair 

**• See above, p. 91. The closet is called * calketa contigua.* 

'" At the same time, a bay about 12 feet wide with a window overlooking 
the courtyard, was added to the Great Chamber, above the passage leading 
from the north-west comer of the ground floor of the chapel. The pitch of 
the roof of the Chamber was also changed from a steep to a very low one, as 
may be seen by marks on the wall of the Cradyfargus Tower. 

''* A piece of a cusped window-head in the east wall still remains. The first 
floor of this tower looks at flrst sight of earlier date than the basement, with its 
flat arched passages and four-centred doorways. 



aaoended to the upper floors and roof of the tower. As at 
Alnwick, Bothal^ Haughton, and other castles, the newel terminates 
in a sort of nmbrella-shaped vault. From the door that led out on to 

Stair-head in Bpirk-turret. 

the roof a lovely peep is obtained of the mouth of the Coquet. The 
turret containing this stair-head is covered with a tall stone spire, and 
as the remainder of the tower has fallen completely away, this spire is 
now a very prominent object in the sky-line of the castle.*^^ Traces 
of the battlements of the tower are still visible on the north and south 
faces of the turret. There seems to have been at some time an inten- 
tion of either placing another floor over the Great Chamber, or of 

'" The pentagonal stair-turret of Sauchie Tower, not far from Alva, in 
Clackmannanshire, and supposed to have been built 1430-1440, terminates in a 
similar stofie spire. — Macgibbon and Ross, Ctutellated and Dom^io ArchUec- 
ture of Scotland, i. 267, 270. There are a few mason marks in the Warkworth 
tnrret, but nothing positive as to its exact date can be inferred from them. 



forming a high false facade to it on the courtyard side as a door and 
aumbrey that admit of no other explanation are to be seen in the ex- 
ternal face of the second floor of the tower. 

The erection of this tower with the spire-turret interfered with 
the arrangements of the Great Hall, which adjoined the Great 
Chamber on the north, but had an aisle projecting into the comt- 

South-East Cokker of Grxat Hall. 

yard. This aisle was of 13th century origin, but, as so often happened 
in churches, the low external wall and long steep roof came to be re- 
placed by a higher wall, with large Perpendicular windows and a com- 
paratively flat roof. The base of only one pier of the Early Pointed 
arcade is now in position. The north-west comer of the tower fiUed 

f f 


up rather more than half of the southernmost of the three bays, and 

has been- the means of preserving the respond, ornamented with the 

nail-head pattern, and a shattered 

portion of the arch of the bay. 

An arched opening underneath the 

respond that communicated with 

the original entry to the basement 

of the Great Chamber was built 

np. A bold moulding of rather 

late character was carried along 

the intruded wall of the tower and 

over the door that opened from it 

into the aisle. The Great Chamber 

could thus be reached either by the winding stair in the tower, just 

within this door, or by the original mural stair that went up from a 

door in the south-west corner of the hall, which the curtain wall was 

splayed off to admit. 

The foundation of the brazier mi^ be seen near the upper end of 
the main portion of the Hall, which was 58 feet 5 inches long. At the 
lower or northern end were three doorways, of which the bases only 
are left. The mouldings on them seem to belong to the same period 
as the Lion Tower. The centre doorway opened into a passage leading 
to the kitchen, the side ones into the pantry and buttery. As at 
Bamburgh, there seem to have been two other rooms on each side of 
the central passt^e beyond the pantry and buttery, but the ground 
plan is obliterated by accumulations of rubbish. The large fire-place 
of the kitchen seems to have been in the east wall, while on the west 
side, against the curtain, are the remains of a large oven, and a trough 
and sink. 

The main entrance to the Great Hall from the courtyard was at 
the north-east comer, through the magnificent porch under the Lion 
Tower. On the firont of this tower two brackets ornamented with 
fan-tracery support a huge stone lion, so much mutilated as to be 
only sound in his fore off leg, though the feet of the other three on 
which he stood still remain.^^^ Bound the neck he wears, after the 

"' Mr. George Thomas Clark has described this * portentous lion ' as tUting 
on a shelf of stone ' with a vast frill round his neck by way of mane * — 



fashion of a Celtic torque, the Percy badge of a crescent inscribed 
with the Percy motto of €%9ttnxct. His great tail was lashed up 

The Lion Towsr. 

against the wall above him, where traces of it are yet left. No doubt, 
at a time before the art of using bright colours without abusing them 

Archaeological Journal, XLL p. 424 ; while even so careful a writer as Mr. 
Longstaffe says, * this large and terrible beast probably supported a banner.* It 
only requires an ordinary pair of eyes to see that the lion must always have 
been ttatant guardant, and that in such a posture as to absolutely preclude 
the notion of his ever having borne a banner like the lion sqfant guardant on 



was lost in England, this great Lion of LoDvaiD was painted an 
unmistakable blne.^* 

the Percy Seal of 1446» engraved in Snrtees's Durham, 

SealSf VIII. 11, and in Proceedings ofths Archaeoloffical 

InstUvte, 1852, ii. Plate XI. No. 7. We may remember 

that a letter of the 2nd Earl of Northumberland, written 

at Warkworth eirca 1420, was sealed with a lion seijaKt 
guardant gorged with a crescent; 
while the crescent on the same- 
sized signet of his coantess 
was inscribed with the words 
Temperance. See above, p. 111. It 
appears that the 2nd, 3rd, and 
4th Earls of Northumberland, 

all bearing the name of Henry, used the same or very 
similar devices. Canon Greenwell has a document with 
the seal of the 4th Earl exactly resembling, if it is not 
identical, with the great seal of the 2nd Earl appended 
to deeds of 1417 and 1435, and engraved in Surtees's 

Durham, Seals, VIII. 2, and in Proc. of Arch, Inst. 1852, ii. Plate XI. No. 6. 

It will be seen that the lion-crest with its smooth body is a totally different 

beast from the crest 

over the Old Percy 

shield on the Lion 

Tower, the body of 

which is covered 

with wool or scales. 
»•» Mr. Joseph Ro- 
bertson finds from 

the Records of the 

year 1535 that the 

group of figures 

above the grand 

gateway in the 

eastern side of the 

quadrangle of Lin- 
lithgow Palace, 

'together with the 

group of the Salu- 
tation of the Virgin 

upon the other side 

of the quadrangle, 

and certain uni- 
corns and a lion 

upon the outer 

gateway were bril- 

liautly painted.' — 

Macgibbon and 

Ross, Castellated 

and Dmnestio Ar- 

ehiteeture of Scot- 
land, i. p. 495. Mr 

Longsta&fe, Arch. 

Ael. N.S. iv. pp. 

177, 196, tries to 

make out that the 

great lion statant 

._^^c}U\^' J^ 



Over the lion are two ehieldg with their upper rims turned up, and 
apparently h<mche$y or notches for lance-shafts to work in, in their 
right-hand comers. One of these shields bore the arms of peboy 
ANCIENT, and the other those of luoy. Their dimensions have been 
much curtailed by time and weather; only four of the five Percy 
fusils now remain, and the luces or pikes have all lost their tails. On 
the mantled single-deft helm above the Percy shield is a lycocket or 
cap of state, like that worn by Henry VI. at the battle of Hexham, 
with a singular animal, possibly a ram, certainly not a heraldic lion, 
on it for the crest. The similar helm and accompaniments over the 
Lucy shield have almost entirely fallen away. The whole of this 
carved work is framed in at the sides by thin pinnacled buttresses 





resting on pairs of angels, while at the top is a battlemented cornice. 
Three badges are carved on the under side of this cornice — the first 
seems to have been the falchion of the Fitzpaynes, but the strap 
and pommel are all that is left^^'^^ the middle one is a crescent 

guardant of Warkworth was white^ and had some official connection either with 
the county of Northumberland or the wardenship of the marches. He seems lo 
have forgotten that a Hon argent could not possibly be gorged vrith a crescent 
argenty and no one will venture to argae that a crescent bearing the Percy 
motto of CsDcrance was of any other metal or tincture. The fact of this Wark- 
worth lion, together with several in the characters of badges or supporters on 
the loth century Percy seals, being gtiardaut, peems only a free and perfectly 
justifiable treatment. Indeed, the azure lion is absolutely required to complete 
the achievement over the entrance into the Great Hall, which would otherwise 
only consist of the strange combination of pbboy ancient and luoy. 

"" This is the only known Percy badge of which these remaining fragments, 
faint as they are, can seem to have formed part. The black curved falchion or 
3cimitar, hilted and tipped with gold, of Fitzpayne, was brought into the Percy 
family by Lady Eleanor de Poynings, the wife of the 3rd Earl. — Longstaffe, 
Percy Heraldry in Arch. Ael N.S. iv. pp. 189, 191, 213. 


inscribed with ^ptrsnce, and the third a hismle or oonnterpoise for 
raising a drawbridge, charged with the words ^fn, Camfoct. This 
last badge is known to have been that of the House of Herbert, of 
which the countess of the 4tli Earl of Northumberland was a daughter, 
while the entire motto Esperance Ma Comfort seems to have been 
peculiar to her husband.^^ Tt^e old arms of Percy, too, disused after 
the middle of the 14th century, do not re-appear in the family heraldry 
before the close of the 15th ;^^ so that, without appealing to the con- 
firmatory architectural evidence, we may safely pronounce the Lion 
Tower to be the work of the 4th Earl — 

* The famous Erie of Northumberlande, 
Of knyghtly prowes the 8wor<t, poxnel and hylt, 
The myghty lyon doutted by se and lande,* *•• 

between his restoration in 1471 and his murder in 1489. 

The magnificent porch loses some of its effect by the floor being 
now a step bejow the level of the courtyard. It is abont 10 feet 
6 inches square inside. There are stone seats along the side walls, and 
a slit for light to the sontb. The vault is formed by two transecting 
arches, intersected by two flat ribs, with a central boss ornamented 
with a rude lion rampant. On the north side is a four-centred 
doorway leading into a corridor, of which only the foundations 

"* Arch. Ael. N.S. iv. p. 200. * The word comfort,' Mr. Longstaffe 
observe^, * is the mot, word, or cry of English writers, and we find Hothpar's 
army using Esperanoe as such.' — Ihid, p. 199. The same motto occurs both on 
the originals of the cornice above the lion rampant over the outer gateway of 
the barbican at Alnwick, and of the ledge below it. The Herbert basenle 
appears also on the underpart of this cornice, which we have positive proof was 
carved at Hulne Priory just before the death of the 4th Earl in 1489. — PrO' 
eeedings of Arch, Ingt. 1852, ii. p. 271. 

*** Henry Percy, who died at Warkworth in 1353, left to his heir all the 
tapestry for the hall of the ancient arms of Percy ; they occur next in the Percy 
Chapel at Beverley in connection with the 4th Barl of Northumberland. — Arch, 
Ael N.S. iv. pp. 171, 193. 

"» Skelton's Lament, MS. Reg. Brit. Mus., 18 D. II. ; Percy, BeUques, i 
p. 95. 

^^ A font about 2 feet in diameter, with a battlemented design round the 
bowl, has been placed in the centre of the porch, thus causing it often to be 
mistaken for a chapel. It is apparently of very late workmanship, but where it 
actually came from seems uncertain. Connected with a blue stone about 3^ feet 
in diameter and 2 feet deep, lying just outside the porch, is a conventional story 
of treasure trove. Popsibly the stone belonged to the horse mill recommended 
to be made by the Commissioners of 1588. 


Just within this doorway, on the left, a worn stair ascends to a 
passage in the north wall of the Lion Tower.^ Here a door opening 
outwards admits us to the room on the first floor. In the east wall 
we notice the back of the large stone, 8 feet by 2 feet, which forms 
the lion's head, and an aumbrey to the left of this. The south waU has 
a window of two lights, and the west retains the lower jambs of a fire- 
place. The upper floor of the tower was supported by a projecting 
ledge on the south side, and by three corbels of late character on the 
north. In the north-east comer of the tower, just outside this room, 
is a latrine. The north wall has been carried out very slightly step 
fashion to give width to this, and the shaft comes down close to 
the north-east buttress of the porch. 

At right angles to the Great Hall and Lion Tower, stretching from 
near the kitchen across the entire courtyard to the east are the founda- 
tions of a cruciform chapel, the origin of which has been one of the 
greatest mysteries connected with Warkworth Castle. There is no 
allusion to anything of the sort in the Royal Survey of 1588,"* but in 
1567 Clarkson tells us of the foundations of a house that was meant 
to have been a college, of which a good part of the walls had been 
built, and which if it had been finished and made a perfect square, 
would have been a division between the lodgings connected with the 
Great Hall and the Donjon. The building had then been all taken 
away except certain walls that remained under the ground, and at the 
east part of it was a brewhouse and bakehouse covered with slate and 
then in good repair.^^ In considering what this college could have 
been, it is natural to be reminded in the first place of the chantry in 
the castle of Warkworth, which the 2nd Earl of Northumberland 
mentions as having been lately founded in 1428,^^ and which seems 
to have come to an end after the death of the 8rd Earl at Towton in 
1461 ;"^ but this chantry cannot have been founded in an unfinished 
chapel, and most probably was connected with the chapel in the 
Donjon. When, too, we come to examine the foundations of this 

^ This stair, straight at first, changes afterwards into a newel one only 
2 feet 8 inches in width, and in doing so must have made the entrance to the 
room over the pantry or buttery, of which the north door- jamb remains, 
extremely awkward. This room must have extended over the passage between 
the porch and coUegiate chapel, and there are traces of a window belonging 
to it. 

"» See above, p. 117. ^ Ibid, p. 124. "» Ibid. p. 112. *» Ibid, p. 116. 



chapd at the east end we shall find that instead of the range of 
nnfinished bnildings connected with the brewhonse being built on or 
against them, as Clarkson's language would lead us to suppose, they 
actually block up a window of this range. The internal proportions 
of the chapel are also singular : the nave would be about 40 feet long, 
and the choir 52 feet, but there would be little more than 11 feet clear 

Babb of South-Wibt Pieb or Obntrai. Towsk. 

space between the piers of the central tower that was to rise between 
them. The moulded bases of the four piers of this tower, and of two 
of the north arcade of the nave still remain. 'Unfortunately,' says 

BAfiK OF North Aroadb. 

Hr. Hartshorne, ^it happens that the mouldings of these bases are so 
plain and inexpressive, that their architectural character affords no 
assistance in determining their exact age. The conception of this 
collegiate church may, as far as architectural evidence goes, range 
through nearly a century or more, from the death of Hotspur's son at 


the battle of St. Alban's in 1455, to the execution of Clarkson's sarvej 
in 1567.***^ One reasonable hypothesis would be to consider the work 
to have been begun by the saintly Earl Thomas in 1557 or 1558, and 
to have been abandoned on the accession of Elizabeth in consequence 
of the change in religion ; but it is evident that the north door of the 
porch under the Lion Tower was purposely designed to communicate 
by a corridor with this chapel, and consequently we are compelled to 
conclude that the chapel itself formed part of the general plan of the 
4th Earl of Northumberland for constructing a mansion more suited 
to the domestic requirements of his age than were the complicated 
and limited arrangements of the Donjon.^^* The work would be 
brought to a standstill on the Earl's murder in his 42nd year, as his 
son seems to have neglected Warkworth in favour of Wressil and 
Leckonfield. The ruined 6 th Earl preferred even the Constable's 

^^ Proceedings of Archaeological Institute, 1852, ii. p. 209. Hartshome is 
there inclin^ to attribute the foundations of this chapel to the 5th Earl of 
Northumberland, 1489-1 527. I^f . Freeman, who follows Hartshome in believing 
the keep to have been the work of the 2nd Earl, nevertheless has fallen into 
the extraordinary error of imagining this chapel to have been of more ancient 
origin, bracketing it with the Early Pointed pillars of the hall :— * The later 
chapel, as well as the later hall, is in the keep ; but the older chapel and the 
older pillared hall are sjtill to be traced ia their foundations. But the chapel 
was to have been more than a chapel. According to a practice found in several 
royal and in a few baronial dwellings, it was to have been a small minster, a 
cross church with an attached college, within the castle waUs.' — English Towns 
and Districts^ p. d22. Of the third chapel, near the Great Gateway, Professor 
Freeman evidentlv never heard. Mr. George Thomas Clark, who gravely 
informed the Archaeological Institute that the landing outside the Great 
Chamber in the tower with the spire-turret was * the smaller chapel, showing 
delicate additions of Decorated date,* compared this cruciform collegiate church 
to the late Norman church in Hastings Castle, and dropped no hint as to its 
never having actually risen. — Archaeological Journal,, xli. p. 424. 

"* There are certain points of resemblance between the remains of this 
chapel and the church of Linlithgow. The ideal of a late 15th century castle- 
palace built round a courtyard seems to have been best attained at Linlithgow ; 
while, next to Warkworth, the finest example of a residential keep is perhaps to 
be found in the tower of Borthwick, in Midlothian, dating from about 1490. 
The conception of a palace in the base-court of Warkworth, into which the old 
hall and chamber should be worked, is of essentially later date than that of a 
tower-house, however magnificent. Disregard of this led Mr. Hartshome to 
ascribe the Lion Tower and the whole fa9ade connected with it to the time of 
the 1st Earl of Northumberland ; and It must be confessed that had it not heen 
for the badges on the cornice of the Lion Tower, the pommel of the FitKpayne 
falchion, and the Herbert bascule being unquestionably connected with the 
mother and wife of the 4th Earl, it would have been easy to regard the whole as 
of early 15th century construction. It is well known that the several architec- 
tural styles continued in considerably later use in the north than in the south of 
England. Nothing has been found in the remaining Episcopal registers at 
Durham to throw any light on the history of the three chapels in Warkworth 


Lodging in the Great Gatehouse to the accommodation afforded by the 
Donjon. Norfolk certainly was housed in the Donjon in 1541, but 
Parr deliberately chose the range of buildings connected with the 
Great Hall as his residence in 1543; and we have evidence that Earl 
Thomas at one time intended to carry out a general scheme of recon- 
struction, similar to that which the 4th Earl apparently began. 

The late date of the cruciform chapel is apparent from the fact 
that the stone stair from the vaults in the thickness of the east wall of 
the north transept must have led up into the church, which seems to 
indicate that the vaults were intended for places of sepulchre. The 
smaller vault is under the north transept, the larger under the west 
end of the choir, two octagonal pillars of which have been carried 
down through the stone roof.^^^ Immediately to the east of these 
vaults, a passage 43 feet long, 8 feet broad, and 8 feet high in the 
centre of the very flat — almost Tudor — arching, was carried under the 
choir as a means of communicating between the bakehouse and brew- 
hoose and the courtyard with the draw-well which served 'the hoUe 
house of water.' A narrower passage beyond this again was formed 
to afford access from the courtyard to the basement of the semi- 
octagonal tower that projects fieldwards from near the centre of the 
east curtain, through the original doorway of a room, one window of 
which was blocked, as has been mentioned, by the foundation of the 
church, while the east wall of the church built diagonally across it 
would have cut it up into two almost triangular compartments with a 
doorway between them.'^^ Adjoining this room on the north, and ex- 
tending in line with it along the east curtain are the foundations of two 
or three rooms that formed the brewhouse, and on the west side of 
these, crowded in between the vaults of the church and the Donjon, 
are traces of the bakehouse and its two large ovens. 

"* Against the east wall of the larger vault in now a well of water, brought 
here in pipes from some distance. This does not appear to have existed in 
mediaeval times. The masonry of these vaults, especially the flat arches of the 
window recesses, with their triangular keystones, resembles that of the great 
kitchen. The transepts of the chapel were not true transepts, but mere pro- 
jecting bays. The general idea conveyed by the foundations is more that of a 
toy minster than of a genuine cross church. 

'^ The foundation of the ea^t wall of the church deflects slightly towards 
the south. The springing of the vaulting left on it is the same as that of the 
passage under the choir. Mr. Hartshorne, in his ground-plan, has actually 
shaded it all as Trannition Nbrman. 


The oartain wall is in a good state of preservation for the 24 yards 
intervening hetween the Donjon and the semi-octagonal tower akeady 
mentioned as being near the east end of the fonndations.of the chnrch. 
As on the wefit side of the Donjon, it was carried to a great height, 
and it is supported externally by a buttress of very early 18th century 
character, of even grander proportions than that near the postern. A 
series of corbels connected with the floors and roof of the brewery 
buildings project at various levels from the inner face of the curtain. 

The Eastern Tower was originally of much the same construction 
as the south-west or true Cradyfiupgus Tower, but unlike the latter it 
has been subjected, externally, to few alterations or additions, and, 
when viewed from the field, may be regarded as a most remarkably 
perfect specimen of early 18th century military architecture, and as the 
work of the first Lord of Clavering and Warkworth. Its five external 
faces are each pierced by a giant cross loop, 16 feet in length ; the 
loop in the northern &ce being slightly deflected in order to make 
room for a very characteristic latrine turret in the angle between the 
tower and curtain.*" These five loops, extending through the two 
lower stories of the tower to within a short distance of the ground^ are 
probably the finest examples in Europe of those defensive openings 
adapted for the cross-bow, which became peculiarly common in the 
13th century.*^ 

The tower is entered by a rubble-vaulted passage from the room 
at the east end of the collegiate chapel, passing the latrine chamber on 
the left. The ground floor of the tower has been sunk about 2 feet. 
At about 8 feet 5 inches above the original level a range of five oilets 

^ Mr. Jewitt seems to have been led by a false sense of delicacy to leare 
out this latrine turret altogether in the accompanying view of Warkworth from 
the. north-east, which he prepared nnder Mr. Hartshome's guidance. 

^^ YioUet-le-Dac gires a masterly account of these arrow-loops and their 
successive developments, in the article MeurtrUre of his Dictionnaire de 
r Arahitectitre FrangaUe, VI. p. 387. The Romans directed all their defensive 
operations from the summit of their towers, and it is not till the 12th century 
that openings for the discharge of missiles at besiegers occur in the lower parts 
of towers ; even then they are rare, the most notable examples being at the 
castle of Carcassone. During the 1 3th century tbey become of frequent occur- 
rence ; but the improvements in the arts of sapping and mining in the 14th, 
caused tower-bases to be again built as solid as possible, and the openings to be 
restricted to the upper parts. It was not till the introduction of cannon for 
defensive purposes that the bases were again pierced with loop-holes. The oilet 
recesses inserted in the subsequent lining of the east tower at Warkworth 
resemble some drawn by Viollet-le-Dnc, and dated 1250-1350.— iM^. p. 390. 



are inserted in the masonry, with which the tower has evidently been 

lined for the purpose of adding to 
its strength. All of the oilet open- 
ings have, however, been closed up 
with stone, except those in the east 
and south-east faces. They are 
about 2 feet high, the heads sup- 
ported on plain chamfered shoulders, 
and the roofs sloping upwards. 
The original long oilets, through 
which any shaft or shot discharged 
through these insertions sped afield, 
have not been regularly built up 
to fit them, but are merely filled 
with pieces of timber and other 
rubbish. An attempt has been 
made to pull out the ashlar lining 
of the tower at the north-west cor- 
ner, for the purpose, no doubt, of 
forming a fireplace, as may be seen firom the holes drilled for the crow- 
bars. On the first floor the eastern oilet recess has been scooped out 

HxAD or Original Oilst. 

Eastern Tower, In8krtkd Oilr RscicflSBS on First Floor. 


for the same purpose, and the lining wall above it rebuilt with 
large stones to form the chimney, the original oilet being roughly 
closed with clay. The roofs of the four other inserted oilet recesses 
on this first floor are level, and are supported on double rows of plain 
chamfered shoulders. The first floor was originally approached by a 
straight external stair, the lines of which may be traced against the 
curtain ; there is another vaulted latrine chamber near the entrance. 
The second floor of the tower appears to have had no opening to the 
field ; a door jamb is left at the south-west comer. The battlements 
are in a good state of preservation. 

Southward of this tower, 89 feet of the lower external face of the 
curtain seems much battered, and presents an archaic Norman appear- 
ance, looking indeed older than anything else about the castle. The 
walk here was approached by a flight of steps connected with what 
was to have been the south-east buttress of the choir of the collegiate 
church. The three northern merlons of the battlement are intact. 
Built against the curtain were the stables, with gi*anaries above ; and 
on its walk behind is a latrine turret, 12 feet in width, with two 
qnatrefoil windows to the east. The curtain is then pierced by a small 
doorway that leads to the custodian's garden. This is probably 
original. Beyond it the battlement rises in a noble series of steps 
connecting the walk of the east curtain with the roof of the Amble 

The Amble Tower, so called fi*om its being the nearest to the 
village of Amble, is a rectangle 25 feet square, with its inner wall 
bnilt in a line with the east curtain, at the south-east angle of the 
castle. It is evident that at this angle the castle at one time extended 
to the top of the irregular earthworks just outside the present walls, 
and that the Amble Tower was built at a late period in order to square 
off the courtyard. Indeed the wall between it and the Great Gate- 
house, which Clarkson designates as '&re and of a newe buyldinge' 
in 1567, had not been finally embattled till 1588, as appears from the 
accounts of Cuthbert Camaby, then constable of the castle.^^e "phe 
basement of the tower, which Clarkson tells us was used as a stable, 

^ * Cam imbatillacione xnuri lapidei ex australi parte ejnsdem castri cam 
Teparadone magni orei ibidem.' — Ante^ p. 118 n. It seems probable that the 
great bam was bailt against this wall, as foondations may clearly be traced on 
the torf . 


presents at first a rather perplexing appearance, owing to its having 
be^n half filled up with rubbish internally, and to the head of the door- 
way being broken through to give height for an entrance. There 
are narrow slits in the east and south walls. According to the plan 
copied by Hartshorne, there was formerly a wheel-stair in the thick- 
ness of the south curtain close to this tower, and this was no doubt 
connected with an external stair leading up the west face of the 
tower. The first floor has a fireplace in the west wall near ^he north- 
west corner, and slits in the three outer walls. The second floor, with 
windows to the east and south, has a large rough fireplace across the 
north-east corner^ while in the north-west corner there is a latrine. 
The fireplace of the third and uppermost floor is in the south part of 
the west wall, and the window in the south wall is set in an unsplayed 
recess. The whole tower is in a very perfect condition. 

Having thus completed the circuit of the base-court, we proceed to 
enter the Donjon^ which has been treated by many writers as if it were 
not merely the most 'interesting but, indeed^ the only interesting part 
of the castle. 

Built on a mound, apparently more ancient than the days of King 
Ceolwulf, and following the contour if not the actual foundations of a 
thirteenth century keep, the Donjon of Warkworth is beyond all 
question the most elaborately planned tower-house in eifistence — *a 
marvellus proper dongeon' say the King's Commissioners of 1588. 
Hartshorne has described the Donjon as a model for a domestic 
building adapted to modern habits and to just notions of comfort, 
luxury, and refinement, the view, the aspect, the lighting, the water 
supply, the sewerage, all properly attended to.*'^ VioUet-le-Duc has 
gone so far as actually to attempt copying its plans and elevations for 
his ideal of what a country house, suited alike to France and England, 
should be at the present day.*^ A more thorough study of the base- 

*•' Proceedings of Arch. Intt. 1862, ii. p. 207.' 

*•* Lectures on Architecture^ from the French of VioUet-le-Dnc, by B. Buck- 
nail, 1881, ii. p. 370. The plans for an ideal country house are there given as 
being actually those of Warkworth Castle, instead of being merely based on its 
arrangements. The liberties taken in the adaptation are amusing : the central 
lantern is roofed in, and contains a well-stair, the hall becomes the drawing 
room, the buttery a billiard room, the chapel a saloon, while the upper floor 
is extended over the whole building. This ^*et* d*esprit throws some light on the 
wide tether Yiollet-le-Duc gave to his imagination in his restorations of Blois 
and Pierrefonds. 



ment and two upper floors of the Donjon — Hartshorne took no account 
whatever of the second floor— will, it is believed, tend rather to show 
the immensity of the gulf that separates all our ideas of domestic life 
from those prevalent in the Middle Ages. The especial value of Wark- 
worth Donjon in the history of the development of household architec- 
ture is not only that the walls stand practically perfect and unaltered, 
but that the internal evidence is suflBcient to more or less plausibly 
determine the use to which every room was put. 

The main entrance is on the west side of the semi-octagon that 
projects into the courtyard near the centre of the south front. Formerly 
there was before it a square platform approached by steps both on the 
west and east, or along the walk of the west cnrtain-wall. The four- 
centred doorway and much of the adjoining maaoury underwent a 
conscientious restoration by Mr. Salvin in 1853-1858, and still present 
a bald appearance. There was a small portcullis, as can be seen from 
the groove, and if any assailants burst through this and the strong door 


behind it, the chances ai*e that, rushing impetnoosly on to a wooden 
platform, the bolts supporting which could be easily withdrawn, 
they would find themselves precipitated down some 16 feet into a pit 
18 feet 3 inches by 7 feet 10 inches, lined with splendid ashlar work. 
On the south side of this trap for Scots was a small porter's room with 
a fire-place, and on the east a door communicating with the eastern 
battlements of the enceinte. We turn north into a vaulted hall at the 
foot of the main stair. On our left is a vault that appears to have 
been the prison.^^^ In the rectangular loop-recess at the south end is 
the square mouth of a veritable dungeon, 9 feet 4 inches deep and 
measuring 9 feet 6 inches by 8 feet 5 inches at the bottom. The sides 
contract gradually higher up, very large stones being placed over the 
comers, and the dungeon thus acquires a sort of bottle shape. An 
underground dungeon is a rare feature in our Border castles. There 
is one like this in the gatehouse of the inner ward of Alnwick Castle. 
A narrow flight of steps on the west side of the dungeon mouth leads 
to an inner prison 12 feet 2 inches long but only 4 feet 9 inches wide,'^ 
formed in the thickness of the outer wall. At the south end is a small 
fire-place, at the north a latrine chamber. The situation of this 
inner prison reminds one of the condemned cell in the keep of New- 
castle when used as the county gaol of Northumberland ; but probably 
it was intended for a captive of superior position and importance. It 
is to be hoped that only very heinous ofienders were consigned to the 
bottle-dungeon. Probably it was in the vault above that the plague 
put an end to the suflferings of many of Sir Reginald Camaby's 
prisoners in 1538.^^^ Considering the loathsome state of mediasval 
prisons, the wonder is that the plague did not always cheat the 

In almost the centre of the Donjon is the remarkable Lantern, as 
Clarkson calls it, an open space about 8 feet by 10 feet, which served 

** There was of course another prison in the Great Qatehonse, but it was not 
of large dimensions, and captives must have been numerous in Border warfare. 
The I>)njon seems to have been intended to be a complete castle within a castle; 
and when we find a prison and a porter's lodge on either side of the Great Gate 
the probability is that there were the same on either side of the entrance vault 
of the Donjon. 

'"'This inner prison is usually called the 'captain's bedroom/ a mistake 
foUowed by Mr. Stevenson in his Hofise ArchitecUtre, ii. p. 33. The door has 
evidently been fastened from the outside, and neither soldiers nor prisoners 
were in the habif; of bolting the captain of a castle into his bedroom. 

*«'8ee<M»to,p. 119. 


the double parpoee of receiving the water from the leads and giving 
light to certain portions of the building. The general ground plan of 
the Donjon being, roughly speaking, a cross, about 117 feet from 
north to south by 108 feet from east to west, with square compart- 
ments in the angles between the limbs, the whole thus forms what 
heralds would call a cross quadrate quarter pierced. In the western 
limb of the basement is a long, narrow vault, with a mural stair ofP 
the steps of the loop-recess leading up into the buttery. Between 
this and the similar vault in the northern limb, which contains stone 
tanks for holding the water collected in the Lantern, is a eqaare 
vault, with a mural stair to the kitchen in its north window-recess, 
and the postern door in its west wall opening on to the escarpment 
of the mound above the town and river. The vault in the east limb 
is entered by a diagonal passage ; on the south side a mural stair 
ascends to the upper end of the hall, while on the north is a square 
vault, probably used as a wine-cellar. The south-east corner of the 
basement is occupied by a large square vault, possibly a guard-room, 
but with no special feature except a mural chamber approached by 
steps on the east side of the rectangular ingoing of its southern 

To recapitulate, there were three entrances to the Donjon, the 
main entrance reached b^ a flight of steps from the court between the 
collegiate chapel and the west curtain wall, the small round-headed 
door opposite connected with the walls of the east curtain, and the 
external postern near the north-west comer of the Donjon ; there were 
four stairs from the basement to the first floor, the main stair in the 
southern projection, and the three mural stairs issuing respectively in 
the buttery, the kitchen, and the dais end of the hall. 

The main stair, which has a small chamber as if for a page or usher 
at the fourth step level, terminates on a landing lit by three fine 
windows overlooking the courtyard, two of them provided with seats. 
There is a fire-place in the west wall of the landing, and to the right of 
this a hole for the insertion of stays to support the portcullis when 
raised. Passing through the doorway of the hall, we enter a small 
alcove with a stone seat on the left, and on the right a door inside 
which a wheel-stair leads to two rooms on the second floor entirely 
renovated in 1858-1858. 



' The hall was a noble room, 41 feet long by aboat 25»feet broad at 
the lower and 23 feet at the npper end. It roee to the fall height of 
the second floor of the Donjon, the side walls being 26 feet high to the 
string-course immediately nnder the roof. The stereotyped arrange- 
ment of three doors remains at the lower or western end ; bat the first 
two of these both open into the battery, while the third and widest 
commnnicates with the kitchens. In the north-west comer of the hall 
is a passage leading to what Hartshome styles the state-chamber, bat 
which it will be clearer, if not also more accurate, to term the parloar. 
Further along the north wall near the dais is the door of the chapel. 
Originally there were two large windows on the south side of the hail, 
bat the western of these was damsily converted, probably in Tndor 
times, into a fire-place and chimney. Till then no doubt the hall was 
warmed by a brazier in the centre. The recess of the remaining 
window is raised to what was possibly the level of the dais ; on the 
left side of it the narrow stair comes from the wine-cellar.*** At the 
end of the hall above the dais are the two arches of a moral gallery 
with windows behind them. This gallery is entered from the oriole 
or upper fioor of the chapel and has a small closet at its sonth end. 
In previous descriptions of the castle, it has generally been allotted to 
the musicians, but it is at the wrong end of the hall for them, and 
seems rather to have been intended for t8e ladies of the house to 
witness the feasts and revels going on below. 

The outer kitchen, very long and narrow, is provided with a large 
fire-place with an oven on the right and circular boiler-seat on the 
left. A mural stair ascends from near the window to the second floor. 
The great kitchen, open to the roof, has huge cavernous fire-places 
in its north and east walls, with nnmerous mason-marks in their 
chimneys. In the south-west corner is a small pantry, while over the 
stair coming up from the vaults in the north-west comer is a curions 
chamber in the thickness of the wall, 8 feet above the floor.**' 

The nave of the chapel entered from the hall near the dais is about 

**' Each window-recesB has a square ventilating hole in its stone roof ; the 
gallery has two. The small stair from the hall to the wine cellar was the regular 
arrangement in Scottish castles. — Castellated and Domestic Architecture of Scot- 
landy by Macgibbon and Ross, ii. p. 17. Alnwick and Langley have stairs of this 

*•■ This wall-chamber is popularly called the * cook*s bedroom.' 



25 feet in length and 12 feet in width. It had been originally in- 
tended to have had another door opening from it into the parlour 
immediately opposite the door from the hall, and judging from the 
slop-spouts in the west wall which emptied into the central lantern in 
a way not calculated to improve the purity of the rain water collected 
by it, the western part of this little nave must have always retained a 
secular character. A wheel-stair in the south-west comer gave access 

The Ohapel, Soxtth Side of Chanosl. 

to the oriole or upper story as well as to the Great Chamber. The 
chancel occupies both stories of the eastern semi-octagon of the 
Donjon, and is four or five feet wider than the nave and oriole. 
Three perpendicular windows, e^h of six cusped lights with traceried 
heads were in the east, and two similar windows in the north and 
south walls.^^ Between the three east windows and against the blank 
north-east and south-east walls were stone brackets for statues with 

*** Mr. Jewitt's restoration of the heads of these windows in his view of the 
chapel in Mr. Hartshome's volume is not exactly accurate. 


shield-bearing angels on their lower sides. To the north of the altar 
was an aumbry and to the south a piscina and broad sedile under a 
cinque-foiled arch. Beyond this is a door leading to a long and 
narrow mural chamber, at the back of the dais of the hall and above 
the stair coming up from the cellars, that appears to have been used 
by the priest. From this sort of vestry there is a small squint in 
the direction of the altar of the chapel. There is a niche containing 
a small pedestal for an image in the west wall. The two slits in the 
north wall were probably merely for ventilation. It is not easy to 
determine the use of the large altar-like slab at the south end of the 
vestry .*** The chancel communicates with the eastern window-recess 
of the parlour through a small mural chamber provided with a slop- 
spout and aumbries. 

The uses of the remaining rooms of the Donjon have to be deter- 
mined more by general considerations based on the state of domestic 
habits that prevailed in England during the 15th century, and still 
more or less survive in some foreign countries, than by any direct 
evidence that can be quoted from the rooms themselves.^* 

The parlour, as it seems best to call the chamber on the north side of 
the chapel, was about 36 feet in length by 16 feet in width and height. 
It must have been dark. Besides the eastern window-recess already 
mentioned as communicating with the apsidal chancel of the chapel 
there is a larger recess with a window to the north and a considerable 
arched cupboard on its east side. The fire-place has a remarkably 

^** In Mr. Hartahome^s plans of the Donjon this slab has five consecration 
crosses marked npon it, as though it were an altar. There is no tsaoe of any 
snch crosses, and probably there never was. An altar placed east and west with 
a gallery over it would be an anomaly in the 15th century. The raised position 
of this slab was rendered necessary in order to give height to the stair beneath it. 

^^ Mr. Baring Gould, in his delightful Old Country Life, p. 77, expresses 
himself astonished that the house of the Upcotts of Upcott^a Devonshire family, 
that expired in the reign of Henry VII., had but a single bedroom. * There may 
have been,' he says, * a separate apartment for the squire and his wife, over the 
parlour, which was rebuilt later ; but for all the rest of the household there 
existed but one large dormitory over the hall, in which slept the unmarried 
ladies of the family, and the maid-servants, and where was the nursery for the 
babies. All the men of the family, gentle and serving, slept in the hall.' In 
Poland at the present day the stereotyped arrangement of a countiy house is a 
central hall with one wing for ladies and another for gentlemen. The squire 
and his wife have each their own private room at the opposite ends of the house. 
In the case of a house-party beds are brought into the drawing-room for the 
ladies in the evening, while the gentlemen are accommodated in the hall and 
dining-room, some of the younger ones on a pinch being relegated to the hay in 
the bam, as described in the * Pan Tadeuse' of Mickiewicz, i. p. 42, Torun 1S59. 


deep flat arch over it and is of much later character than might be 
expected in the building. The parlour, originally the business-room 
of a monastic house, was a sort of secondary hall, where visitors might 
be received more privately than in the gre^t hall, and yet with less 
familiarity than in the chamber. The window recesses with their fixed 
seats, the fire-place smaller and more comfortable than that of the hall, 
and the cupboard, are all distinguishing marks of the mediaeval par- 
lour.**^ Here at Warkworth it was no doubt the general living and 
sleeping room of the gentlemen of the family, while the more secluded 
chamber in the northern semi-octagon beyond it was probably intended 
for the Earl himself. This room, 17 feet long by 11 feet wide, has a 
large window-recess in the west wall^ and a small fire-place with a 
curious hole inside it, possibly for concealing treasure. There are 
latrines in the thickness of the east wall of this room, and in that 
between it and the parlour. 

A wheel-stair ascends to the roof from just outside the door of the 
Earl's room and communicates with the room over it, which was pro- 
bably the Countess's Bower. Separated from this only by a latrine 
passage is the Great Ohamber of the same dimensions as the parlour 
under it, but than which it must have been much lighter, owing to an 
additional large recessed window on the north side. The walls are 
hardly 10 feet high, but it probably had an open timber roof. The 
chamber in the middle ages was the special apartment of the ladies 
of the family both by day and night.*^ Originally this chamber 
could only have been approached either through the inner room that 
has just been hypothetically assigned to the Countess or by the wheel- 
stair at the west end of the chapel. At the head of this stair the ladies 
could conveniently enter the oriole of the chapel and cross it to the 
gallery above the dais. Near the south-west corner of the Great 
Chamber is a passage leading to a vaulted room, 10 feet long by 7 feet 
broad, immediately under the central watch-tower of the Donjon, and 
lit from th^ lantern. An irregular stair winds its way in the thick- 
ness of the partition wall between the Great Chamber and the kitchen 
to a similar room above. It may be that at first rooms so diflScult of 
access were intended for treasure-chambers,^^ but it was found that 

*" Homes of Other Dayt, by Thos. Wright, pp. 381, 479. 

««7W^. pp. 146,272. 

^^^ The treasure of a oobleman like the Earl of Northumberland must have 


the internal arrangements of the Donjon oonld be mncb improved 
by making an opening in the wall between the lower of these rooms 
and the long chamber over the outer kitchen, thus connecting 
together the whole of the second floor. This opening probably 
caused a slight shrinkage of the watch-tower, and it was deemed 
prudent to build it up again, red brick being the material used. 
Mr. Salvin refaced the west side of the closed aperture with stone, 
and so obliterated all external trace of the connection that at 
one time existed. A most mysterious double piscina, separated 
only by a very thin stone from an aumbry in the lower turret room, is 
still left in the north-east corner of this narrow chamber, or rather, 
perhaps, we should say broad passage, measuring as it does 36 feet by 
8 feet.**® Opening off this chamber or passage are a long mural 
chamber in the wall of the kitchen and two small ones in the western 
semi-octagon of the Donjon. A door on the south side leads on to 
the head of the stair coming up from the outer kitchen, and beyond 
this is a passage affording access to the larger of the two restored 
rooms on the south side of the Donjon. The smaller of these 
commanding the whole courtyard from its four windows, seems to 
have been designed to be occupied by the constable, as the portcullis 
was worked from it, and the larger may have been more or less of 
a guard room for his men-at-arms. Proceeding along the passage 
between them we reach the wheel-stair coming up from the entrance 
of the great hall, and can mount by it to the battlements. The 
central turret or 'watch house,' as Clarkson calls it, rises 32 feet 
above the roof. 

With a building of such intense interest, both in the history of 
architecture and of society, it is vexatious to have to confess that 
there is no direct evidence to prove when or by whom it was actually 
built. Mr. Hartshome considered that the corbel tabling and general 
character of the masonry so exsctly corresponded with the rougher 
work in the Bond Gate Tower at Alnwick that there was no room for 
doubting that both were erected by the second Earl of Northumber- 

been more than oonld be cbnveniently stowed away in ordinary hutches, and 
there can have been little possibility of deposit or investment in mediaeval 

''^ It is not easy to believe that this chamber can have been used as a chapel. 
The east end of it must have been extremely dark if no light was obtained from 
the roof. Piscinas on the north side of the altar are unusual in England. 

TofiLcepagt 164 

Plan of ths Sboohd Floor op Waxkworth Donjon. 




land. The Bond Gate Tower he thought was built in 1434, and he was 
disposed to consider that Warkworth Donjon was built after that, 
probably between 1435 and 1440.^*^ We now know for an absolute 
certainty that the Bond (Jate Tower was begun in 1448, and not 
entirely finished till 1450,**^ and though there is some resemblance 
between the two buildings, it seems, owing to the different character 
of the stone and masonry, to fall very short of proving the actual 
identity of their origin. Warkworth Donjon, with its intricate maze 
of chambers and passages, must have been a masterpiece of one of the 
best architects of the day, while the Bond Oate Tower looks more like 
a rough adaptation of some of its features by a mere country builder. 

Mr. Hartshome's ideas of the chronological sequence of the various 
parts of Warkworth Castle were most seriously warped by his cardinal 
error of attributing the Lion Tower and the general facade of the 
courtyard connected with it to the first Earl (1398-1407) instead 
of to the fourth Earl of Northumberland (1471-1489). But it 
would seem extremely improbable that a man of such power and 
ambition as the first Earl should have done nothing to render his 
favourite home both more habitable and magnificent, and better 
calculated for a refuge in the time of trouble. Nor if the Donjon did 
not then exist with what were looked upon no doubt as the latest 
improvements in house planning, can we understand why John of 
Lancaster, the son of Henry IV., chose Warkworth as his head- 
quarters ? There are, therefore, in the want of that direcfc evidence 
which may hereafter be forthcoming, some grounds for supposing 
the Donjon of Warkworth to have been the work of the first and 
the greatest, but hardly the best, of the eleven Earls of the princely 
House of Louvain.^^ 

With more certainty we may picture to ourselves the great Earl of 
Warwick quartered in the Donjon at the time of John Paston's exixj- 
dition to Warkworth in the winter of 1462,^** and we know that it 

*** ProeeedingJt of Arch. Ifut, 1862, ii. p. 207. 

••* See ofUe, p. 21. 

*■ This hypothesis, if it should ultimately prove correct, will materially affect 
the question of the probable occupants of the private rooms in the south-east 
tower of the Castle, see ante, pp. 136, 136. If, as seems most likely, the chantry 
mentioned as recently founded in 1428, see ante, p. 112, was connected with the 
chapel in the Donjon, the latter must have been already in existence, though 
some years may have passed since it was built. 

»* See afUe, p. 113. 


was carefiilly prepared for the reception of the Duke of Norfolk in 
1541.**' Very probably it was from its battlements that Earl Thomas 
saw the six ships passing fuUrsail towards Scotland in 1558,^* and con- 
sidering the innumerable cross currents and down draughts that must 
have swept through this labyrinth of stairs and passages there can be 
little wonder that Sussex was forced to fly from its smoky chimnies in 
the autumn of 1570.2«7 

«» Ibid, p. 119. «• Ibid, p. 122. w ji^^ p. 126. 


P. 94, 1. 20, del *at the battle of Halidon HiU.' 

P. 105, n. 93, for * millatenus' read * nullatenus.' , 

P. 107, n. 103, transfer 1. 8 to bottom of page. 

P. 113, add in a note to 1. 8 :— In 1448 Earl William of Douglas 
* passit in Yngland the xviij of Julie with xl™ men and did gret scaith 
and brynt Werkworth.' — Chronicle of the Reign ofJmnes II,y published 
by Thomson, quoted in MSS. of the Rev. John Hodgson. If these 
ravages of the Douglas affected the castle as well as the town of 
Warkworth, they would naturally account for considerable works of 
reparation in the former immediately afterwards, possibly even for the 
erection of the Donjon in its present form. 

P. 183, I. 26, add the note: — *This gap, as is often the case in 
castles, e,g. the so-called Bloody Gap on the site of the Friars' Tower 
at Alnwick, seems to have been caused by the fell of a tower. 
Mackenzie {Hist of Northumberland, ii. p. 114) mentions a ruined 
tower about the middle of the west wall; and a semi-circular tower is 
clearly shown at this spot in a view of Warkworth taken by Samuel 
Henry Grimm, a native of Switzerland, in about 1786, and now in the 
British Museum. Add. MS. 16,543, fo. 86.' 






Aaixww Raid C^ks it. . 




The ragged headland on which the ruins of Dunstanbargh stand is 
the grandest feature in the great basalt range that traverses Northum- 
berland from Kyloe to Glenwhelt, and appears most prominently in 
the castle rock of Hamburgh^ the crags of Shafto and Sewingshields, 
and the Nine Nicks of Thirlwall. The situation of Dunstanburgh 
recalls in a manner those of the other great east coast fortresses of 
Scarborough, Tynemouth, and Tantallon, but is more romantic even 
than the last of these. No carriage road leads to Dunstanburgh, and 
this forced pilgrimage on foot has in itself an indescribable old-world 
charm. As you come along the shore from Embleton a crescent of 
black cliffs rises a hundred 
feet straight out of the waves 
to form the northern rampart 
of the castle. You almost 
expect to be challenged by 
the basalt giants that are 
drawn up like so many ward- 
ers round the base of the 
stately Lilbum Tower, and 
might reasonably conclude 
that the shattered turrets of 
the Great Gatehouse were 
sustained by power of en- .' 
chantment, so much do their :^'- 
fantastic outlines, peering 
mysteriously over the green 
slope of the western escarp- 
ment^ seem to set all known 
principles of gravitation at defiance. High as these turrets are, in a 
strong north-east gale the sea dashes up through the Rumble Churn 
into a fountain above them. In addition to this rare combination of 
natural and architectural beauty, Dunstanburgh possesses historical 
associations of no common inticrest, that in their unique and melan- 


choly character are in complete hannony with the scene. The other 
castles of Northumberland are principally famous for the parts tbej 
and their lords tpok in Border warfare. Dunstanbnrgh is connected 
only with the internal history of England. It was owned by the two 
great popular leaders of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries Simon 
de Montfort and Thomas of Lancaster, and its fortunes became doselj 
interwoven with those of the Bed Rose in the civil wars of the 

The mediflBval stronghold apparently occupied only the northern 
portion of the natural fortress. The Great Gatehouse was placed 
where the western escarpment becomes lees precipitous, and from it to 
the deep inlet of the sea beneath Queen Margaret's Tower the line 
of defence was formed by the south curtain-wall and its flanking 
towers. On the ten acres thus enclosed, 240 bushels of wheat, to say 
nothing of the hay, are recorded to have been grown in a single year. 
In area Dunstanburgh was by &r the largest castle in Northumberland. 

Traces of a rough stone' rampart to the south of the present castle 
make it probable that the whole rock was embraced by prehistoric 
fortifications. The very name * Donstanesburgh ' shows that it was a 
* burh ' or fortified tribal centre of the Angles, possibly at as early a 
date as Hamburgh, and established no doubt by some forgotten Dun- 
stan. Nothing is known as to the causes that led to its subsequent 
abandonment. After the Norman Conquest it was comprised, without 
being specially mentioned, in the manor of Dunstan, part of the 
barony usually styled that of Embleton though the caput baronicR 
appears to have been originally at Stamford. This barony was 
granted by Henry I. at the service of three knights, compara- 
tively onerous for its extent, to a femily, who in consequence of 
their founder Hildred having been sheriflF (viic«»m«») of Cumberland, 
and his son, Odard, Sheriff of Northumberland, continued to bear the 
surname of Viscount alter their connection with the shrievalty had long 
been severed. John le Viscount, the last of his race, dying in 1244, 
leil his daughter Bamette as sole heiress.^ Bamette and her second 

* The Viscounts seem to have been a very unhealthy family. Among the 
miraculous cures wrought in the island of Fame in the second half of the 12th 
century, Reginald of Durham records those of the crippled mother of the rich 
knight who owned Embleton, and of (her son) John le Viscount and his wife 
who both suffered from terrible internal complications.— /Si^rt^M Society Publi- 
cationsy I. pp. 122, 263, 264. 

I -- 




o ^ 

CQ 6 

< ^ 


1 - 



1 Asraa, '.r- 


husband, Hereward de Mareys, or Marisoo, possibly a relative of the 
Bishop of Durham of that name, sold the barony to Simon de Mont- 
fort, Earl of Leicester, in 1256.^ Montfort's connection with Northum- 
berland had begun in 1245 when, for the reasonable consideration of 
10,000 marks, he had been appointed guardian of the lordship of 
Redeadale and the barony of Prudhoe during the minority of Gilbert 
de UmfreviUe, an appointment that gave great umbrage to the next 
bidder, the king's brother, Richard of Cornwall, and had much to do 
with the further development of political parties. From 1248 to 
1253 Montfort was engaged abroad as governor of Gascony, but on 
his return to England he obtained great influence among the Northum- 
brian baronage, and it is not too much to suppose that in purchasing 
the small barony of Embleton he was fully alive to the strategic value 
of the rock of Dunstan burgh as an eventual j^wn^ cTappui in the great 
struggle he was about to enter into. Montfort's memory long lingered 
in Northumberland. His brother-in-arms John de Vesci, lord of 
Alnwick, in escaping after the fatal battle of Evesham in 1265, con- 
trived to carry home one of the feet of the Earl which had been bar- 
barously hacked off, and this, encased in a silver shoe, was preserved 
as an object of veneration in Alnwick Abbey down to the very Refor- 
mation, a worthy citizen of Newcastle attesting among others its 
miraculous properties. 

On Montfort's death, the barony of Embleton with the rest of the 
earldom of Leicester was forfeited to the Crown, and then was granted 
by Henry III. to his younger son Edmund Crouchback, Earl of Lan- 
caster. Earl Edmund gave the advowson of the church of Embleton 
and the chapel of Rock to Merton College, Oxford, in 1274. His 
elder son Thomas Plantagenet succeeded to the earldoms of Lancaster, 
Leicester, and Derby, in 1294, and by his orders the sandstone for the 
erection of Dunstanburgh Castle was begun to be quarried on the 7th 
of May, 1318.' The reasons that prompted the lord of Kenilworth 

• This interesting conveyance is preserved in the Great Coucher Book of the 
Duchy of Lancaster. The very valuable MSS. of the Rev. John Hodgson have 
afforded a general clue to this and to the Abstracts of Registers^ etc., as contain- 
ing additional matter relating to Dunstanburgh beyond that to be found in the 
Ministers* Accounts. A concise list of the Duchy of Lancaster papers is given 
in the 30th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Recordt^ p. 42. 

* Opera o<utri et fostati de Donstaneshurghe in the account of the Receiver 
of Emeldone, Duchy of Lancaster Records, bundle 1, No. 3. P. P.O. See 45th 
Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records^ p. 6. 


and Pontefract to raise a castle on the wild coast of Northnmberland 
are as suspicioas as those that led Simon de Montfort to purchase the 
rock on which it stands. Earl Thomas was in almost open rebellion 
against his cousin Edward II. whose favourite Gktveston he had 
treacherously decapitated in the previous June» and was not included 
in an amnesty till the following October. Dunstanburgh was not 
intended as a bulwark against Scotland. Earl Thomas was not only 
one of the malcontents who stood aloof from the expedition which 
ended in the disaster of Bannockbum in June, 1814, but is even said 
to have jeered at the discomfited Edward as he passed under the 
battlements of Pontefract on his return. Indeed he stood accused of 
having come to a secret understanding with the Scotei, and £40,000 
was mentioned as the price they paid for his benevolent neutrality. 
All this time work was steadily going on at Dunstanburgh. By 
Michaelmas 1814, 16 perches of a moat 80 feet broad and 18 feet deep 
had been dug on the west side of the castle between it and the field of 
Embleton. Spanish iron had been purchased for the hinges, and the 
cramps for binding the stones together; and ' hordes of Estorke' pro- 
cured for the doors and windows. Four carts and a couple of wains 
had been kept constantly going for stone, sand, and mortar, over and 
above those which the bailiff had been able to impress from the 
peasantry. Sea coal for burning the lime had been brought from 
Newcastle and elsewhere. A hostelry 80 feet long by 20 feet broad 
had been erected as a shelter for the workmen at a cost of 86s. Id., 
and Master Elias the mason had been proceeding with the contract he 
had entered into with the Earl for rearing the bows of the Gatehouse 
to the height of 80 feet, with a tower above either side of the gate- 
way. The whole contract ran to £224, and of this £65 10s. had 
been paid for work actually done.* The great affection entertained for 
the Earl by the clergy had been very practically attested by the pre- 
sents they had sent for the \ garniture ' of the castle of Dunstanburgh. 
The Abbot of St. Mary's at York, the Abbot of Alnwick, the Priors 
of Nostell and Tynemouth, Master Robert de Pykering, and Master 
Peter de Dene, had each given him two cart horses; the Abbot of New- 
minster six oxen. One of the horses had been carried off by the Scots; 
but the fact that this is the only trace of their ravages in Northumber- 

* 2hid. 


land after Bannockbnm to be found in the acconnts of the bailiff, 
tends rather to confirm the tradition that thej intentionally spared the 
EarFs estates.^ William Galon, the bailiff, appears to have taken a very 
active part in furthering the Earl's political schemes. His three days' 
journey to Durham with a letter from his lord to the prior was merely 
for the purpose of asking for some building timber for the castle; but 
he was suspiciously summoned to the Earl's presence at Melbourne, 
near Derby, and then twice ordered to Berwick. He had to go to York 
during the time the parliament sat there and was afterwards at Ravens- 
holm. A ' garcon' was sent by him at one time to Kenilworth and at 
another to Pontefract with letters to the Earl concerning * rumours 
from the northern parts,' and he paid 6s. 8d. to William de Boteler for 
carrying despatches to the Earl at Donnington relating to 'secret 

The colossal proportions of the Great Gatehouse serve to conjure 
up a vision of what the hall, chapel, and lodgings of Dunstanburgh 
would have been if Thomas of Ijancaster, whose foible it was to 
assume the character of King Arthur in the pageants of the Court, 
had carried out his evident intention of creating here a veritable Joyous 
Garde. At the parliament held at Lincoln in January, 1316, the 
government of the country was virtually made over to him, and it 
was there that, after a short summer session, the king granted him on 
the 21st of August a license for strengthening his house of Dunstan- 
burgh with a wall of stone and lime, and crenellating and holding it 
without interference.'' Either this licence merely legalised facts already 
accomplished, or it marks the date of the completion of the battle- 
ments of the Gatehouse and the occupation of it by a regular garrison. 

By a sudden burst of energy on the part of Edward II. that none 
could have expected, Thomas of Lancaster was in 1322 made prisoner 
at Boroughbridge, tried in his own castle-hall at Pontefract, and being 
convicted of secret dealings with the Scots was executed forthwith 
on the 22nd of March. His advisers had in vain urged him to 
escape to Dunstanburgh before it was too late.^ The custody of Dnn- 

• Wamettura Cattri de Dongtanburghe in Duchy of Lancaster Records, 
Ministers' Accounts, bundle 1, No. 3. P.R.O. 

' Account of the Receiver of Emeldone, 7 & 8 Ed. 11. 

' Pat. Roll, 9 Ed. 11. m. 25. 

* ' After this Thomas Lancastre and the Barons counselid together in Blake 
Freres in Pontfracte, and the Barons concludid to go to Dnnstanburg, a Castel 


stanburgh was committed by the King to JRoger Horseley his seneschal 
in Northumberland.* Horseley was afterwards directed to deliver it to 
Richard Emeldon, a distinguished merchant of Newcastle, who on the 
24th of March had been appointed keeper of the castles and lands of 
the late Earl in both Durham and Northumberland.^^ That same year 
Emeldon furnished sixty-eight hobilars or light horsemen from tl^e 
garrison for the invasion of Sootland.^^ The constables of the castle 
were then John de Lilbum and Eoger Mauduit, who, in common with 
other constables of border castles, were severely rebuked by the king 
on the 26th of September for their negligence in not better preventing 
the incursions of the Scots.^^ 

In 1824 Edward II. restored the earldom of Lancaster, in which 
Dunstanburgh was included, to Henry Plantagenet, younger brother 
of the unfortunate founder of the castle, whose tragic end, the royal 
warrant for its delivery, addressed to Roger Heron, the keeper of for- 
feited lands in Northumberland, quaintly slurs over by stating that he 
had * gone the way of all flesh.' ^* Earl Henry's daughter Mary married 
the third lord Percy of Alnwick, and the shield of Lancaster with the 
fleurs-de-lys on its label is carved in stone on the battlements of the 
gateway of the inner ward there.^* John de Lilburn was still constable 
of Dunstanburgh in 1326, when he served on a commission to provide 
ships from Dunstanburgh and other northern ports^*^ to protect the king 
from his French queen; but it seems impossible now to imagine where 
the port of Dunstanburgh can have been. About the same time the 
Bishop of Durham was ordered to fortify and victual Dunstanburgh 
among other northern castles.^^ Earl Henry continued a dispute with 

of Thomas of Lancasters in Northumbreland : but he utterly refusid that 
Counsel, lest it might have be thought, that he had, or wolde have Intelligence 
with the Scottes.' — ^Leland, Collectanea I. pag. 667, Heame'a ed. i. p. 464, from 
a French epitome of the Chronicle of William de Pakington, Treasurer of the 
Black Prince. 

• Originalia, 15 Ed. II. ro. 11 ; Hodgson's Northumberland, III. ii. p. 298. 

" Welford, Newcastle and Gateshead in 14th Century , p. 66. 

" Grose, Antiquities, ed. 1785, IV. p. 162, quoting Wardrobe Account of 
Boger de Waltham. 

" Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, III. p. 146. 

>' ^ Thomas quondam comes Lancastrie .... viam universe camis in- 
gressus.' — Originalia, 17 Ed. II. ro. 24 ; Hodgson's Northumberland, III. ii. p. 299. 

'* Mr. Hartshome has left out these important fleurs-de-ljs in his Plate XIV., 
* Armorial Bearings on Octagonal Tower, Alnwick Castle,' facing p. 172 of vol. ii. 
of Proceedings of Arch, Inst. 1852. 

** Tate, Dunstanburgh Castle, in History of Berwickshire Naturalists' Club, 
vL p. 89. 

» On 29th Apr. \d26,^Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, iii. p. 160. 


Merton College as to the advowson of Embleton which his brother 
Thomas had began in 1318, and it was not until 1831 that the matter 
was finally determined in favonr of the college. His son and snocessor, 
Henry Tart-Col or Wry-neck, created Duke of Lancaster in 1351, left 
only two daughters. Blanche, the younger of these and eventually 
the sole heiress, married John of Gaunt, fourth son of Edward III., 
created Duke of Lancaster in 1362. In 1368 a new drawbridge 
was made at the gate-tower of Dunstanburgh Castle, and charges 
appear for the custody of the Water-gate and of the barbican.^^ Four 
years later we find John of Oaunt titular King of Castille, ordering 
his esquire, William de Quemeby, the Receiver of Dunstanburgh, to 
repair the castle and to build in it a new wall in accordance with 
the advice of William de Nesfeld his steward in those parts.^^ A 
warrant from him, dated Kenilworth the 17th of April, 1380, directs 
the constable of Dunstanburgh to buy a certain number of salmon at 
Berwick and send them to the Savoy .^* That same year he came north 
himself with a large army for the purpose of establishing a lasting 
peace on the Border. He appears to have been dissatisfied with the 
state he found Dunstanburgh in, and when at Bamburgh on the 25th 
of October he engaged John Lewyn a mason from Durham to build a 
* mantelett ' of freestone round the Oreat Tower in his castle of Dun- 
stanburgh. The wall of this mantlet, estimated to be eleven rods in 
length, was to be 4 feet broad, and with the battlement 20 feet high 
from the ground. The work was to be completed by the following 
Michaelmas at the cost of ten marks a rod, to include everything 
except wood for burning the lime and cement.^ Subsequently visiting 

^"^ * Super empcione unius nove batelle ibidem onius pontis tractabilis facti 
super tarrim super portas Castri de Dunstanburgh xlj s. viij d. ob. Custus 
domorum infra Castrum zziz s. iij d. Custus molendini zxziij s. vd. Custus del 
Watergat infra Castrum quam custus del barbican de novo facti ad portas turris 
infra Castrum xxjli. xijs. vd.' — Duchy of Lancaster, Ministers* Accounts, 
bundleSei, No. 5971. 

" * Donne etc a la Sauvoye xiij jour de May Ian xlvj.' — Duchy of Lancaster, 
Register, Ed. iij. vol. 18, page 149. 

*» Duchy of Lancaster, Reg. Ed. iij. vol. 14, page 2Sb. On the 16th June, 1 380, 
John of Graunt issued a commission at Berwick appointing Monsieur Thomas 
Ildreton, Receiver of Dunstanburgh, and Thomas Houchonson to be Purveyors 
of Salmon for his Household.— iftW. page 119. Again, at Roxburgh, 8th July, 
1383, he orders the receiver of Dunstanburgh to pay the expenses of taking 
30 score of salmon out of the fishery of the Tweed for the use of his household. 
—IJnd. page 73. The fisheries in the Tweed called Sandstell and Blakwell were 
part of the possessions of the Duchy. 

* 'Par faire un mantelett entour le grande tonne deinz le Ghastel de 
Donstaneburgh.'— Reg. of John Duke of Lancaster, Ric. ij. vol. 14, p. 816. A 


Dunstanburgh in person John of Qatint determined to have a new 
work of masonry erected adjoining Lewyn's mantlet, and himself 
pointed out the exact situation- it was to occupy to his * dear and well- 
beloved ' mason Henry de Holme.*^ The work was to be carried out 
under the superintendence of his * very dear and well-beloved Bachelor 
Monsieur Thomas de Ildreton,' who had been appointed constable of 
the castle on the 29th of July previous.^ The terms of the contract 
were the same as those agreed upon with Lewyn ; but as Henry de 
Holme had received nothing on account of it by the autumn of 1382, 
Thomas Qalon the responsible receiver of Dunstanburgh was com- 
manded to pay up the arrears at once and be more accurate in future 
if he wished to escape the Duke's grievous indignation.^^ In addition 
to the work he had contracted for, Henry de Holme, we learn, built 
six houses with their vaults, chimneys, and windows, and made a new 
entrance to the castle with a vaulted Gatehouse furnished with a port- 
cullis and a 'vice,' for which he was to receive twenty pounds.** On 
the 20th of July, 1383, he entered into a further agreement with John 
of Gaunt at Durham for the erection of a new Gatehouse of freestone 
at the castle of Dunstanburgh, renewing the voussoirp, jambs, and bar- 
bicans, and taking the old Gatehouse to aid in the new work. The 
new Gatehouse was to be vaulted^ and to have a barbican, a postern, 
and the necessary arrangements for a drawbridge.** It will thus be 

mantle seems to have been a term used generally for a defence of wood or stone 
added to other works. Bu Cange mentions a castle made safe in the time of 
Benry V. * antemuralibus quibusdem municionibus lapideis, quas guerratores 
mantellot appellant.' See the acconnt of the word in Mr. Longstaffe's * The 
New Castle upon Tyne,' Arch. AeU N.S. iv. p. 119. Mr. Longstaffe appears, 
however, to be mistaken as to the position of the Queen's Mantle in the castle 
of Newcastle, within which the kitchen is said to have been situated. It seems 
evident that the three openings in the arcade at the north end of the hall there 
— ibid. p. 112 — ^were the three stereotyped doorways leading to the kitchen, 
pantry, and buttery, and that consequently both the kitchen and the Mantle 
were between the hall and the Black Gate. 

** * Pur Henry de Holme, mason.' Fulham, 1st Dec., 1381. — Duchy of Lan- 
caster, Register, Bic. ij. vol. 14, page 54^. 

" Ibid, page 120. 

» Ibid, page 62. 

. '* * Pur la f esure de sys mesons ove sys voutes sys chemenoys et f enesties 
appartenantz as ditz mesons et pur la f esure dune entree et une Gatehouse 
ovesque une voutee et un portculys et un vice faits par le dit Henry a ses 
coustages propres outre son convenant deinz notre Ohastel de Dunstauneburghe.' 
— Ihid. page 79. The ' vice ' was proba'oly an escalier it vis or spiral stair. 

** * Pur renuier les Vowsers Jambes et barbicans illeoqes et pur prendre le 
veille Gatehous illeoqes pur eyder al oevereyne de novelle Gatehouse susdite et 
meisme le Gatehouse serra vowtez et aura un portculyB un barbican et un 
posteme et une oidenance pur un pent ai&ire en meisme oevereyne.' — Jbid, 
page Sib. 


seen that John of (Jaunt, to whom Kenilworth is indebted for the 
most beantifdl portions of its castle, took no little personal interest 
in the fortification of the great Lancastrian stronghold on the coast of 

On the accession of Henry IV. his dachy of Lancaster, in which 
Dunstanburgh was included, became practically vested in the Crown. 
Robert Harbottle of Preston was made constable of the castle on the 
13th of June, 1409,^ and on his death ten or eleven years later his 
brother John Harbottle was charged to keep it in safety .^^ In February, 
1421, Henry Lound was appointed constable,^ and in consequence, it 
would seem, of his representations, the auditor of the possessions of 
the duchy in Northumberland received orders on the 18th of May of 
the following year to report on the state of Dunstanburgh and to have 
it repaired without delay .^ On the death of Lound a reasonable allow- 
ance was ordered to be made to his sons John and Peter for their 
custody of the castle and their repairs to houses in it until the appoint- 
ment of Stephen Hatfield as his successor on the 20th of February, 
1427.^^ Hatfield complained to the Council of the Duchy that the 
castle was in a ruiiious condition, and they therefore instructed the 
receiver of Dunstanburgh, in February, 1430, to supply him with 
sufficient funds for its speedy repair.^^ Nevertheless the next year he 
informed them that the Great Gateway was so old and battered that 
it was on the point of falling to the ground, * to the great peril of the 
safe guard of the castle, if the most hasty remedy was not applied,' 
and renewed instructions were sent to the receiver on the subject.^^ 

On the 8th of July, 1436, Ralph Babthorpe was appointed joint 
constable with Hatfield.^^ An almost unbroken series of Ministers' and 
Receivers' Accounts for Dunstanburgh has been preserved from about 

* Duchy of Lancaster, Register, vol. 17, Hen. V. third part (Commissions), 
page 6. 

*' IMd. second part (Warrants, 8 Hen. V.), page 90. 

*• Ibid, first part (Patents, 8 Hen. V.), page 76. 

» lyid, pt. 2, page 107. 

" Duchy of Lancaster, Reg. Hen. VI. vol. 18, pt. 2, page 134 J. 

" /Jirf. page 139ft. 

" * Par relacion de notre Conestable de Dunstanburghe fait a nc>tre Conseil 
de notre Duchee de Lancastre nous sumez enformez qe le grand porte de notre 
Chastel de Dunstanburghe est sy veile et debruse qest en pointe dechaier au 
terre a grand perile de la saufe garde du dit Chastel si le pluis hasty remedie ne 
soit purveu pur icele.' — Ibid. pt. 1, page 17. 

"Ibid. pt. 1 (Commissions, 15 Hen. VI.), page 49. 


this period, and contains various items of expenditure on the fabric 
of the castle during the years preceding each successive Michaelmas on 
which they were rendered.** Thus at Michaelmas, 1489, the charge 
of 408. appears for repairing and rebuilding a piece of the castle wall 
near the sea which had been blown down the year before." From the 
accounts of 1442 we learn that William Shaldford and his fellow-masons 
received 12s. for making an oven in the castle, and 5s. was spent on the 
machinery connected with the draw-well. The houses and chambers 
in the castle had been repaired and painted. An arched gutter had 
been made under the Great Tower. The foundations of the East 
Tower of the castle had been repaired and strengthened at the cost of 
9s. in masons' wages. Youssoirs for the door of the Auditor's stable 
had been squared and erected. A labourer had got 6d. for white- 
washing the castle kitchen with quick lime and water^ and the pave- 
ment of the road leading to the Outer Gate of the castle had been 
mended.** During the following year 72 stones of lead were purchased 
at Newcastle and brought 80 leagues by sea for covering the broken 
lead tiles of the hall and great chamber of the tower called the 
'Dungeoun.' John Plummer cast this lead into tiles, and a mason 
was employed in repairing the 'taberdynge' of the hall and chamber 
and fixing small leaden tiles called fillets on it for carrying off the 
water. Seven oak boards called * waynscottes,' thirty-two dished nails, 
and half-a-hundred *tynglenailes' were bought for the purpose of 
putting a partition up in the chamber of the Auditor and Receiver 
and forming a small butteiy. Against the arrival of these officials not 
only two mattresses stuffed with wool, but a bed covering of buckram 
with three curtains and a canopy and tester of the same material, and 

•* 45th Report of Deputy Keeper of Public Records, pp. 66, 57, 58. 

" * Et in reparacione et nova factura unius pecie muri Castri ibidem juxta 
mare yento prostrate anno precedente, hoc anno factis ex con[saetudine] factis 
cum cementario ibidem in grosso — 1\%. — Duchy of Lancaster, Beceivers* 
Accounts, bundle 361, No. 5972. 

"• * Et in vj chaudren calcis vive emptis apud Craucestre predictam pro tnrri 
orientali Castri reparanda et emendanda — zzv s. Et in stipendio predictorum 
cementariorum cam calce predicta et petra de stauro emendantium fundam 
ejusdem Turris ac firmantium et pumantis (sic^ certas petras ejusdem — ixs. 
Et in stipendio unius cementarii squarrantis petras volutas pro lez demes oetii 
stabuli Auditoris inde fiendis et habendis unacum posicione et erecione earundem 
petrarum in grosso— iij s. Et in stipendio unius iaborarii cum calce vivo mixto 
cum aqua dealbantis muros coquine infra Castrum predictum in grosso — ^vj d. 
Et in pavura vie ad portam exteriorem Castri predicti pro emendacione ejusdem 
vie in grosso — xijd/ — Ibid, bundle 361, Ko. 6975. 


even two new dining tables with their trestles and two forms, were 
brought down all the way from London to Newcastle by sea, the cost 
of the whole of the ' ornaments ' of the Auditor's Chamber amounting 
to 42s. 3d. The ornaments of the King's Chapel in the castle were 
conveyed from London to Dunstanburgh by land, a distance of 800 
leagues, the cost of their carriage being 2s. 8d. These ornaments 
consisted of a chasuble of * bordealy saundre '^^ of a green colour with a 
^podore,' and amice of linen-cloth, a yard of linen-cloth to make a 
corporax for the chalice, and six yards for two altar-cloths, a super-altar, 
two tin vials, a ' pax-brede/ a ' sacryng-bell,' and a silver-gilt chalioe. 
The particulars of this last purchase are given in elaborate detail. 
The chalice weighed 13 ounces, of which 5^ ounces came from an old 
broken chalioe that was in the castle and 7^ ounces were bought new 
at 2s. 8d. an ounce, while 10s. was charged for ttie making and gilding, 
bringing np the total to 30s. A pix to cover it cost lOd.^^ 

A 'minute' house for an alarm bell was placed on the donjon in 
1444, and the constable's hall and the adjoining houses were thoroughly 
repaired.^* Li 1454 a quantity of oak timber was purchased apparently 
to form the framework of a new grange for the demesne,*^ which was 
not completed before the following year.*^ The well was cleaned out 
at the expense of 6s. 8d. in 1457.^ The year afber, a new tower was 
built at the entrance to the castle, and several windows in the Great 
Hall and chamber in the donjon were glazed.*^ In 1459 considerable 

" In 1416 there was a set of robes of * bordallex',* given by Kobert Claxton, 
in the Testpy of the church of the priory of Holy Island. — Raine, North Durham^ 
p. 117. On which there is the following note : — *The albs at Holy Island in 
1409 were made of burdalisander (qu. cloth dyed in chips of the Saunders tree, 
and richly embroidered burd quasi hrod^ hrod a la Sander).'' — p. 94. Another 
explanation of the term is that it is * horde alysaundre/ or Alexandrian em- 
broidery, but it seems more probable that it relates to a sort of silk stuff, sendau 
or cendal (see Da Cange and Roquefort), procured at Bordeaux — Bordelais. 

* Duchy of Lancaster, Receivers* Accounts, bundle 361, No. 6976. 

*" *• Circa novam conetrucionem unius minute domus erecte desuper Turrim 
infra Castrum ibidem, vocatam dongioune, pro quadam campana vocata alarum- 
bell intus pendenda et^Mnenda.' — Ibid, bundle 361, No. 6978. 

** * Super cariagio meremii quercivi et frammacione et nova f actura grangie 
dominicalis infra Castrum.* — Ibid, bundle 361, No. 6979. 

** * Super facture grangie infra Castrum.' — Ibid, bundle 361, No. 6980. 

^ ^ Super mundacione fontls infra Castmm Tjs. viijd. — Ibid, bundle 361, 
No. 6982. 

^ * Super nova factnra unius turris ad introitum Castri de Dunstanburghe 
.... et in yitriacione diversarum fenestrarum in magna aula et camera infra 
le Dungeon nnacnm vadiis cementariomm, etc. xlij li xviij s. zj d. — Ibid, bundle 
361, No. 6988. 


works were carried ont in the outer oonrt of the castle near the sea, 
and a stone postern was built between the latter and a tower called 
the Elgyn Tower.** It is not improbable that Margaret of Anjou was 
here with her son in 1460 after the disastrous battle of Northampton, 
and that the Elgyn Tower, which overhangs a deep wave-worn chasm 
at the south-east corner of the castle, called afterwards 'Egyngcloughe,' 
received in her honour the name of Queen Margaret's Tower. By a 
curious coincidence the south-east tower of Harlech, a castle occupying 
. on the coast of Merioneth a position as strong^ if not stronger than 
that of Dunstanbui^h, long bore the name of Margaret of Anjou, who 
is known to have been there in 1460.** 

The various sieges and counter-sieges that the castles of Northum- 
berland endured during the Wars of the Roses are involved in great 
obscurity owing to the divergent accounts that appear in the meagre 
chronicles of the period and the little light that is thrown on these 
from contemporary documents. Sir Ralph Percy, the fourth son of 
the third Earl of Northumberland who was slain fighting for the Red 
Rose at St. Alban's in 1455, seems to have been appointed to succeed 
Ralph Babthorpe, who fell there on the same side,*^ as joint constable 
of Dunstanburgh with Stephen Hatfield. After the disaster of Towton 
on the Evil Palm Sunday of 1461, Dunstanburgh was one of the 
castles retained by the Lancastrians and by them Victualled and 
stuffed* with Englishmen, Frenchmen, and Scots.*^ From Michaelmas, 
1461, however, we find the demesne lands of Dunstan with the dovecot 
near the castle, and the grange, ox-stall and other houses of husbandry 
within the castle, that had lately been in the tenure of William Lilbum 
and Richard Forster, demised by Edward lY. to Sir Ralph Peix)y at 
the yearly rent of £13 6s. 8d.** The dovecot had been turned into a 

** * Et in diversis custubus et ezpensis per dictum compatantem in exteriori 
curia Castri ibidem juzta mare et uniua posteme de petris inter turrim vocatam 
Elgyntour et mare unacum vadiis cementariorum lucracione lapidum et cariagio 
eorundem, etc.'— Ibvf, bundle 361, No. 5984. 

*» Geo. T. Clark. Medi^Eval Military Architecture^ ii. p. 81. 

*• Plumpton Correspondence, Camden Soc. Publ. 1839, p. ci. 

« Warkwcrth, Chronicle, Camden Soc. Publ. X. p. 2. 

^ * Et de xiij li. vj s. viij d. de firma terre dominicalis de Dunstan com colum- 
bario juzta Castrum Grangia boveria et aliis domibus husbandrie infra Castrum 
de Dunstanburgh nuper in tenura Willielmi Lilbome et Ricardi Forster sic 
dimissa hoc anno Radulfo Percy militi.' — Oompotus of the baUiff of Dunstan, 
from Michaelmas 1 Ed. IV. to Michaelmas 2 Ed. IV. in Dachy of Lancaster 
Becoids, Ministers* Accounts, bundle 855, No. 5862. 


kiln for drying malt on aooonnt of this being in rnin.^^ In the 
snmmer of 1462 the horses of ' Henry late King of England ' so entirely 
destroyed the nine-acre field in Embleton called Southwell-mead, that 
the whole year's rent of IBs. was remitted to the tenant John Swan.*^ 
On the 25th of October Queen Margaret landed in Northumberland, 
and with troops from France and Scotland obuuned possession of 
Bamburgh, Alnwick, and Dunstanburgh, by the passive collusion of 
Sir Ralph Percy, in the course of the following month.*^ Thereupon 
King Edward marched north with a great host, and under the direc- 
tion of the Earl of Warwick, who fixed his headquarters at Warkworth, 
the three castles were invested on the 10th of December. Warwick 
himself rode round to each of them every day; but the operations at 
Dunstanburgh were carried out under the more immediate command 
of the Earl of Worcester and Sir Ralph Gray.*^ Worcester subse- 
quently proceeded to the siege of Bamburgh, when his place in the 
camp before Dunstanburgh was occupied by the lords Fitzhugh, Scrope, 
Greystock, and Powys.*' The garrison defending the castle consisted, 
we are told, of Sir Richard Tunstall, Dr. Morton, Sir Philip Went- 
worth, and six or seven hundred men.** By the 22nd of December 
Greystock and Powys seem to have marched off to the attack on Aln- 
wick, leaving Scrope and Fitzhugh in the company of Wenlock and 
Hastings, who had probably come up from the south with reinforce- 
ments. The beleaguering force at the disposal of these four lords is 
said to have been no less than 10,000 strong. In addition to Tunstal 
and Morton, Sir Thomas Fyndern and the bailiff of * Kam ' now figure 

*' ' Firma Columbarii juxta Caetrum non redditnr eo quod mntatur in Thora- 
leginm pro braesio siccando causa ruinositatis ejusdem et dimittitur cum terra 
dominicali ut in compotu prepoeiti de Dunstane liquetur manifested— Com potus 
of bailiff of Kmbleton, from Michaelmas 1 Ed. IV. to Michaelmas 2 Ed. IV. ibid, 

^ * De decremento redditus .... unius prati vocati Southwehnede superins 
onerati ad xviij s. eo quod dictum pratum totaliter devastabatur per equos 
Henrici nuper Regis Anglie per sacrum compntantis.' — Ihid, 

»» For tlie general history of this confused period see the admirable essay 
On certain Jnaocnracits in the ordinary Accounts of the early years of the 
Reign of King Edward /F., communicated by Charles SpcDcer Perceval, LL.D., 
to Archmoloqia, toI. XLVII. p. 265. 

*• Poiton Letters f ed. Oairdner, ii. p. 121. 

_ ea in Exeerpta Historica, Uentley, p. 
This account of the whereabouts of the Yorkist lords, taken probably from a 

^' Cotton Charter, zyii. 10, printea in Exeerpta Historica, Bentley, p. 365: 

letter written at the seat of war, seems to be intermediate between that of 
Paston on the lOth December and that in MS. Lambeth, 448, dated the 22nd 
December. The three accounts can easily be reconciled if their chronological 
order and the probable movements of the forces are taken into account. 
** Ibid, 


among the garrison, which, having possibly been reduced by evacua- 
tion by sea, is given as only six score men.** On the 27th of Decem- 
ber Dunstanburgh honourably capitulated,** the terms being that life 
and limb shotild be spared, and that Sir Balph Percy should^ after 
swearing allegiance to Edward, have the custody of both it and Bam- 
burgh.*^ Percy swore allegiance, and had both castles entrusted to 
him, but in the spring delivered them again into the hands of the Lan- 
castrian party.*® After the final rout of Hexham on the 8th of May, 
1464,** the castle of Dunstanburgh was taken by storm. John Gosse, 
the captain of the castle, who had been carver in the household of the 
Duke of Somerset, was dragged to York and there beheaded.*^ The 

** 'The Wednesday by fore Cristmasse, Anno Domini M<>.cccc.lxij*» 

In castello de Dunstalborw sunt dominus Bicardns Danstal, dominus Thomas 
Fyndern, doctor Murton, ballivus de Kam, cum y] '^ hominibus. Istos obsident 
dominus de Wenlok, dominus de Hastynges cum ij aliis dominis, cum x^K 
hominibus.'— MS. Lambeth, 448, Camden Soc. Publ. 1880, pp. 168, 159. The 
Cotton account placed Fyndeme in Alnwick, but the writer of Lambeth MB. 448 
declares that the names of the Lancastrian leaders in the castle were unknown 
even at the time of his writing. Dr. Morton lived to become Archbishop of 
Canterbury and a Cardinal. 

*• * And on S. Johns day Dunstanburgh was yielded to King Edward.'— 
Stow's Annales, ed. 1614, p. 417. 

*' * Bamborowe and Dunsterborowe were yoldyn be Syr Baffe Percy and Syr 
Harry Beuford, late Duke of Somersett, to the Kyngys wylle, whythe the 
condyscyons that the sayde Baffe Percy shulde have the kepynge of the ij 

castellys. And they com to Derham and there they were swome 

byfore owre Kynge.' — William Gregory's Chronicle in CollectitMU of a London 
OUizen, ed. Gairdner (Camden Society), 1876, p. 219. 

•• ' Ralf Percy, Knight, after his long abode in rebellion, was by our sovereign 
lorde taken benygnlye unto his grace . . . yet nevertheless unkyndlye rered 
warre agaynste the Kynge, and surrendeied the castles of Bamburgh and Dun- 
stanburgh to the said Henry, the Kynge's enemye.* — Hot, Pari. 4 Bd. IV., 
quoted in AnnaU of the Hotute of Percy ^ i. p. 285. 

*• This is the date given in the earliest document, the Act of Attainder of 
the Duke of Somerset. — Hot, Park 4 Ed. IV. The chroniclers generally give the 
loth of May. There is a similar discrepancy of a week as to the date of the 
skirmish on Hedgeley Moor. The Act of Attainder of Sir Balph Percy gives this 
as St. Mark's day, the 25th of April, but MS. Arundel 6, College of Anns 
(Camden Soc. Publ. 1880, p. 178), has the 2nd of May.. It is evident that 
Hexham was fought thirteen days after Hedgeley Moor, and consequently those 
who date the former Tuesday the 15th of May, should, to be consistent, date the 
latter Wednesday the 2nd of May ; but the fact that Hedgeley Moor fell on the 
feast of St. Mark would be one more likely to fix itself in popular memory than 
any mere day of the month, and hence the alternative brace of dates, Wednesday 
the 25th of April for Hedgeley Moor, and Tuesday the 8th of May for Hexham, 
is much the more probable. The Inq. p. m. 8 £d. IV. n. 54, has made confusion 
worse confounded by erroneously giving the date of Somerset's execution (after 
the batde of Hexham) as the 3rd of April, 1463. 

* ' The sayde lordes (the Erie of Warwicke, the Lorde Montacute, the Lordes, 
Fawconbridge and Scrope) besieged the castell of Dunstanbrough, and by force 
tooke it, and lohn Goys, seruant to the Duke of Sommerset capytayne of the 


Tictorions Earl of Warwick kept the feast of St. John Baptist at 

Under the seal of the Duchy of Lancaster, on the 6th of March, 
1465, Edward IV. appointed William Douglas porter of the castle of 
Dunstanburgh for life at the salary of 4d. a day, with liberty, however, 
to discharge his duties by deputy; and four days later Robert, WiUiam, 
and Henry Haggerston were made in like manner joint constables of 
the castle.*^ The castle and great bam were repaired in 1470,** but 
after that date notices of expenditure on the maintenance of the fort- 
ress are seldom to be met with in the Ministers' Accounts. On the 
18th of December, 1471, Sir Henry Percy received from Edward IV. 
an annual grant of £40, and three years later we find that Henry Earl 
of Northumberland was the constable.** It is diificult to always clearly 
distinguish between the Earl and his cousin Sir Henry Percy, the son 
of Sir Ralph Percy the former constable of the castle. After their 
deaths, Edmund Craster was, in consideration of good service, ap- 
pointed constable by Henry VII. on the 8th of July, 1489, with fees 
and wages of 20 marks per annum, together with the ancient advan- 
tages and perquisites of the office.^ 

Towards the end of January, 1514, when the ships of war, which 
Henry VIII. had ordered to proceed to the Firth of Forth under the 

sayde castle, was taken and brought to Torke ; where, wyth a Hatchet he was 
behedded.' — Grafton's Chronicle^ ed. 1809, ii. p. 4. * John GoBse, late Eeirer to 
the Dnke of Somersett,' was executed as early as the 18th of May, according to 
Lambeth MS. 306, edited by Gairdner, in Camden Soc. Publ. cxzxiii. 1880 
p. 79, but MS. Arundel 5, in the same volume, p. 179, defers this batch of 
decapitations to the 25th of May (see preceding note), and gives the name as 
' Thomas Gosse.* Lord Montagu was created Earl oi Northumberland on the 
27th of May. 

•' * Item, the xxiij" day of Jnyne, my saide Lorde of Warrewike with the 
puissance, cam before the castelle of Alwike, and ad it delivered by appointe- 
ment ; and also the castell of Dunstanboroughe. where that my said Lord kept 
the feest of Saint John Baptist.' — MS. College of Arms (L. 9), quoted in the 
notes to Wark worth's Chronicle^ Camden Soc. Publ. p. 36. 

^ Duchy of Lancaster Becords, Receivers' Accounts, bundle 361, No. 6985. 

^ ' Super reparaciones et emendaciones diversarum domorum et camerarum 
infra Castrum ibidem. Necnon tenement! Jacobi Carre in le Newelaunde et 
furni et stabuli infra Castrum ibidem &c.' — Ihid. bundle 361, No. 5987. 

•* lUd, bundle 361, No. 5989. After the battle of Bosworth, Henry VII. 
confirmed this annual grant of £40 out of the lands of Dunstanburgh to Sir 
Henry Percy, on the 8wi of May, 1486, till lands of the same value could be 
given him elsewhere. — Materiali far JBist, ofrewn of Benry VI L (Bolls Series) 
i. p. 427. The grant of the office of constable of the castle of Dunstanburgh to 
the Earl of Northumberland by Edward lY. was specially exempted from the 
act of resumption, 10th Nov. 1486. — Ihid. ii. p. 54. 

** IHd, ii. p. 461. ' Craster* is there misspelt * Cawster.' 


oommand of William Sabjn of the Sabjne, had not been heard of since 
they victnalled at Hull three weeks before, Thomas Beverley, who is 
described as ' an honest, sad and secret person,' was ordered to look 
out for the missing vessels on the coast of Northumberland. Se suc- 
ceeded in finding Sabyn at Dnnstanburgh, a rather singular harbour 
of refuge.** 

Writing to Wolsey on the 24th of May, 1524, Dacre suggested 
that lead for the repair of the roof of the donjon of Wark might be 
procured from Dnnstanburgh castle.*^ In his reply, dated the 11th of 
June, the cardinal stated that the king agreed to the proposal, and 
wished as much lead to be taken as could be spared.*® Both Wark 
and Dnnstanburgh were in the custody of Sir William EUerker, and 
when, in November, 1528, Ellerker lay *at the mercy of God, not 
likely to recover,' we find the Earl of Northumberland writing to his 
'bedfellow' Arundel, asking him to use his influence in obtaining the 
appointments for him, as they had been fiUed by several former War- 
dens of the Marches.*^ 

The Royal Commissioners Bellysis, Collingwood, and Horsley pre- 
sented the following report on Dunstanburgh to Henry YIII. in 

*Thb Vibu of the Castelle of Dunbtauburghe wiche is 
a very reuynus howsse and of smaylle strengthe. 

* There is no logynges stondynge but the dongeone wiche has two 
littylle towers jonet a pone athere end of the said dongeone wiche 
dongeon with boithe the towres the leydes of their royflfes must be 
new castyne and mayd with gutters spowttes and fyUettes for the 
doynge therof where leyde wantes ther is in the said castelle old leyde 
that wyll doo it and more and the charges for castynge of the leydes 
for all royffes aforsaide, vj7. 

* The lenthe of the dongeone is xxxv yerdes longe the brede of the 
dongeon is xij yerdes the two towres of the said dongeone athere 
towre V yerdes and thre quarteres longe and iij yerdes and iij quarteres 

•• Letters and Papers, Foreign and Ihinestic, Henry VIIL I. i. pp. 736, 727. 

« IhxA, IV. i. p. 142. 

« Ibid. p. 174. 

•• n%d. rV. ii. p. 2126. 


' Iteniy one of the said two towres must haoe a new royff and two 
flores for the wyche viij tonne of tymbere will serue wych tymbere 
most be hade in Ghopwelle wode and framyd at New Castelle and I 

caryed by wattere, iujL 

' Item, ther must be two dormontes^^ for the said dongeon of viij 
yerdes and a half longe. I 

' Item, in one othere howse of the dongeon ther mnst be foare I 

dormonttes of viij yerdes longe. 

* Item, for the said dongeon v royd of sarkynge horde. 

* Item, for the said dongeon two royd of florynge horde. I 

* Item, for the thyrde howsse of the dongeon a dormonte of viij 
yerdes and a half longe alle wych tymb^e a fore sayd must be had in 
Ghopwelle wode and caryed by wattere and alle chaises therof by esti- 

macion, vii]7. , 

^ Item, ther is a towre callyd Lylbome towre wich haith veray good 
walles and a gud royff of tymbere but it mnst be new cou^ryd with 
leyd and for that leyd that wanttes ther is old leyd in the castelle to 
seme and the charges of the plumber wylbe xviij^. 

' Item, ther must be for the said towre two flores boithe hordes and 
yestes for the wiche v tonne of tymbere will serue and for dores and 
windowes which tymbere must be hade in Ghopwelle wode a forsaid 
and caryed by wattere all charges therof by estimacion, iii]7. 

' Item, the walles of the dongeon and battylmentes in the innere 
warde with a pece of walle above the vttere gaytt and in dyuers places 
of the grett walle that compasses the boll castell must be amendyt and 
pynd with ston and rowthe cast with lyme for the wyche Iz I wold do 
mych gud. 

* Item, ther wolde beane yrone gayt for the innere warde of thre 
yerdes and a quartere hye and thre yerdes brode wyche wyll cost for 
yron and maykynge xiiijZ. 

*Item, ther is a draw welle in the inner warde wych is very 

' Item, ther is no horse mylne in the said castell and yf there be 
one mayd it wylle cost xL 

' Suma totalis, cvj7. xviij«.' " 

^ t>. main beams. 

" Chapter House Boolu, B^, P.R.O. ; Proceedingt of Arch. Ingt, 1862, ii. p. 62. 


Leland's account of the castles in Northumberland, written much 
about this time, has ' Dunstaneborough a 2 miles beyond Howwick 
hard on the se shore, it stondethe on a hy stone rok the castle is more 
than halfe amile in compace and there hath bene great building in it/^ 

On the 4th of July, 1548, Henry VIII. wrote, under the great 
seal of the Duchy of Lancaster, to Thomas Burgoyn, esquire, one of 
the auditors of the duchy, William Denton, gent., receiver at Dunatan- 
burgh, and Robert Horseley, gent., directing them to inquire concern- 
ing the repairs done to the castle and the castle walls by Sir William 
Ellerker, the late receiver, in about the year 1528, and to report on the 
actual state of the castle with special reference to the old lead, timber, 
stone, or ' other stuff meete for buyldyng * that there might be within 
the castle, as well as to the value of the lead. Accordingly, in the 
autumn a certain Francis Samwell came down to Dunstanburgh as 
Burgoyne's deputy, and returned the following report to the Chan- 
cellor and Council of the Duchy: — 

*Thb vue takyn of the Kyngeb Castell of Dunstan- 
burgh by Frauncis Samwelle Deputie to Sir Thomas 
Burgoyn Auditor to our Sovereigne lorde the Kyng thefe 
the vj daye of October in the xxxv*** yere of the Beigne of 
our Sovereigne lorde Kyng Henry the Eight. 

* As concemyng the Reparacion made by Sir William Ellercarre 
late Beceyvor there The said Sir William dyd cause to be made a pece 
of the wall over the gate the Charges of the same ys to be valued at 
vij7t. at the most Insomuche he bought certeyn BoUes of lyme of the 
Churchewardyns that then was of Emeldon wicheas yet ys unpayd for. 

* Also the seyd Sir William dyd cause to be made a pece of the 
seyd wall over the west syde wiche as yet ys unbattellyd the Charges 
wherof ys to be Estemyd at xls, 

'The state of the 
seyd Castell to be 
gyn at the gatehouse westward 
& so to goo Bounde about the seyd Castell. 
'From the gatehouse to goo apon the west parte of the seyd 
Oaatell the wall is sufficyent & of a good Strenght Except hyt be in 
^ See ante, p. 27. 


lak of the ymbattellyng of the seyd pece of the Wall the wiche the 
seyd sjr William Ellercarr dyd cause to be made. And in the seyd 
wall ther ys on Tower called Lylebarne wiche bathe a roflFe of Tymber 
& covered withe leade howbeyt the leade ys decayed & gone in many 
places and by the reason thereof the tymber ys sore decaed withe 
wether. And in the seyd Tower there ys too greate mayne postes 
that goyth thorough the one syde to the other of the seyd Tower 
where there hath byn of lyke in tymez past too flowers howbehyt yt is 
without remembrance as yet ys seyd. 

* The wall of the seyd Castell to goo Northwarde ys sore decaed 
by reason of the see Notwithstandyng hyt ys not possible for the 
Castell to be wone one that Syde bycause hyt is a roke of Stone that 
the Castell wall dothe stande apon wiche dothe assende plomme done 
a dosyn fadom and the Castell wall on that syde was never in heyth 
above ij yardes & a half and apon that syde there ys no maner of 

* The wall of the seyd Castell to goo Estwarde lyeth fully apon the 
see by the space of vj [hundred] fote at the leaste and there maye lande 
at that syde any maner of Bote in reasonable wether and to enter into 
the Castell all the seyd syde at there pleasure in any maner of place. 

' The wall of the seyd Castell to goo South warde to the yatehouse 
The wall ys in good repaire & strong and in the seyd wall ther ys one 
Tower called Egyngcloughe withe a roffe of Tymber and covered with 
leade howbehyt the leade ys gone & decaed in many places and by 
reason thereof the seyd roffe is sore decayed with wether. The leade 
of the seyd Tower conteynyth by Estimacon ij foders dim. and under 
the seyd roffe there ys as hyt were a faute of ston over a posterne yate. 
Also apon the seyd wall there ys a nother Tower called the Constable 
lodgyng with a roffe of Timber and covered with leade conteyning by 
estymaoon j. foder dim. leade. Aud there hathe byn too flowers in 
the seyd Tower of Tymber howbehyt there ys nothyng remaynyng as 
nowe but ij greate postes & vj jestes of half a fote thyk & lyke 
Breadythe & in leynght vj fote. Also of the same syde of the wall 
there ys ij greate Towers withe a house goyng betwene theym both 
wiche ys called the Dongeon Tower & shall conteyn in lenght Ixvj 
fote & in breadythe xxiiij fotez withe a Substancyall roffe of Tymber & 
covered with leade howbehyt the leade in many places ys gon <& worne 


by reason whereof the Tymber is sore decayed in many places withe 
rayne & wether. And under the seyd roffe there ys too flowers very 
well Tymberd howbehyt yt ys sore decayed withe wether notwith- 
standyng ther wolbe muche good Tymber and in case hyt be not 
lokyd apon shortly hyt wolbe litle worth. 

* The yate house of the seyd Castell is fallen downe holly Except 
V postes that hangyth over the seyd yate wiche are lyke to fall 
every daye. The seyd postes are covered withe leade conteynyng by 
estymacon half a fouder of leade. 

' Also there ys muche leade lying in a house under the seyd Don- 
geon Tower the key wherof remaynyth to Thomas Qrey deputie Con- 
stable of the seyd Oastell So that I could not come to the sight of the 
seyd leade. 

' Also ther ys muche stone about the seyd Gastell wiche ys fallen 
into the seyd Oastell and also' without the walles yf hyt were leed 
together yt woU amount to very many loods of ston.'^' 

In spite of these surveys of Bellysis and Samwell, no thorongh 
repairs can have been executed. Sir Robert Bowes in his Book nf 
the State of the Marches^ composed in 1660, tells us:— * The Castle 
of Dunstanborough is in wonderfull great decaye and the utter wall 
thereof might be repayred with no great charge also the Gatehouse and 
a house for a constable And then surely it would be a great refuge 
to the inhabitants of those partes yff enemies came to annoye them 
either arriving by sea or coming by lande out of Scoteland soe that 
they brought no great ordynaunce or power to remayne any longe 
tyme theire.' ^^ Queen Elizabeth^s commissioners of 1684 thought the 
castle or fortress of Dunstanburgh ' not so needf nil to be repaired nor 
so necessarye as other for the defence of the country or annoanoe 
againstes the enemyes of the opposit border of Scptland because the 
same is so farr distant from the sayd border of Scotland and yet a 
howse of verye great force and strength if it be thought gude by her 
majestye for any other respect touchinge the sea coostes or otherwise 
to be repaired.* They describe it as standing on the sea coast about 
18 miles south-east of Berwick and as ' decaied for want of repairinge 

'^ Duchy of Laneatter Depontiont^ vol. 38, Hen. viij. Ro. 4 b. P.R.O, 
f* State Papers, Dom. Add. Bd. VI. vol. iv. No. 30, f o. 73& ; Hodgson^s ffoHh- 
nmberland. III. ii. p. 206. 


by long contynnance.' To restore it to its original condition would, 
they estimated, cost the large sum of £1000; but it might in their 
opinion be made capable of holding a garrison of not more than a 
hundred horse or foot for about £400.^' So late as 1617 the yearly fee 
of £20 was allowed for the * keep of the castle.' ^* James I. granted 
Dunstanburgh to Sir William Grey of Wark on the 6th of February, 
1625, and it continued the property of his descendants until the Earl 
of Tankerville sold it to the trustees of the late Mr. Samuel Eyre of 
Leeds in 1869. 

The wonderful strength of the masonry executed in the time of 
Thomas of Lancaster is strikingly brought out by the brave way in 
which the original towers and walls of the castle have withstood the 
assaults of time and tempest, while the subsequent works carried out 
by John of Oaunt and the Lancastrian dynasty have almost entirely 
disappeared. The Great Gatehouse of Thomas of Lancaster, afterwards 
converted into the Donjon, is a block about 105 feet in breadth, con- 
sisting of an archway with two stories over it, flanked by two towers 
that would each have been only about 40 feet square, did they not 
project in semicircles some 16 feet in front of the line of the entrance 
arch. These projecting bows — the cubenda said to have been raised 
to the height of 80 feet in 1316^^ — appear to have been at the top of 
their battlements about 65 feet above the present ground level near 
the 'entrance. They formed a sort of false front of two additional 
stories, and attached to them on either side of the gateway were small 
turrets containing wheel-stairs. Shouldered doorways led into these 
turrets from the rampart-walk above the gate, and at the next floor 
level the turrets were slightly corbelled out beyond the sweep of the 
bows in a masterly fashion, so as eventually to make their walls 
rectangular. Each of these twin gate-towers is, with minor diver- 
gencies, so much the counterpart of the other, that the main features 
of their construction can be fairly ascertained by supplying what is 
fallen away in the one by what is perfect in the other. The umbrella- 
like groining, for instance, in which both turret stairs terminated 
can still be seen through the uppermost doorway of the western 

'* See amte, p. 70. 

^ Book of Offices in Percy Family Letters and Papers, Alnwick MSB. 
vol. xi.p. 28. 

^ < it cubenda domua Portse facienda de altitadine iiij sex pedum cum j turn 
in atraque parte port»/ — Opera (kutri de Donstanesbttrghe^ see above, p. 170. 


turret which opened on to the battlements of the bow ; while three 
or four pnt-holes for small beams are still left high np inside the 
north wall of the eastern bow. 

As in the' earlier Gatehouse at Warkworth, the wall above the 
entrance archway is supported on five corbels. A sort of lion seems 
to have been carved on the central corbel, and a flenr-de-lys and an 
escallop on those to the right and left ; but the whole may be merely 
the. result of the weathering of the stone. There is no sign of a 
portcullis near the outer arch which looks like a restoration. The 
entrance passage is 11 feet 2 inches wide. The buried bases of the 
side walls show that the road was formerly on a lower incline. Mason- 
marks are plentiful on the four innermost ribs of the vault. At the 
far end of the passage there is, on either side, the doorway of a guard- 
chamber. The eastern guard-chamber, about 16 feet long by 6 feet 
8 inches wide, with a three-ribbed vault, has two square aumbries and 
a small window to the north ; the western, now entered from the inner 
ward by what was originally the window, has a small fire-place, and 
was probably the porter's lodge. Just within the inner arch of the 
gateway is the groove for the portcullis, 6 inches wide, the portcnllis 
itself being 12 feet. Both ends of the passage were at one time walled 
up in order to turn the Gatehouse into a Donjon. 

The fianking towers were entered from the courtyard by doors 
near the foot of the wheel-stairs, in the north-east and north-west 
comers of the Gatehouse. These wheel-stairs, the steps of which were 
about 8 feet broad, also terminated in umbrella vaults. The drums 
have cross-shaped loops to the east and west respectively in the base- 
ment, and to the north at the first floor. The ashlars of which 
Dnnstanburgh is built are often of Cyclopean dimensions ; one stone 
that forms the lintel of the door to the lai^e room in the basement of 
the western tower is over 7 feet long. This room, which measures 
about 24 feet by 12 feet in the rectangular portion and is 12 feet in 
diameter in the bow, is much filled with debris. The head of a door 
in the west wall leading to a latrine is only just visible. There was 
a fire-place in the north wall and three cross-loops recessed in the wall 
of the bow which is about 16 feet thick. The room on the first floor 
had a fire-place in the west wall near the stair to a latrine. The 
second floor, unlike the two lower ones, which had intervening passages, 
was entered directly from the wheel-stair. The very similar interior 



of the eastern tower presents at the first floor level one of the most 
striking scenes in the castle ; the arch thrown across the bow on the 
second floor, in order to carry the north wall of the false two-storied 
iront, is of the noblest proportions. 

The central room over the vaulted passage of che Gatehouse is 
26 feet long by 22 feet broad. In the south-west corner there is a 
mural chamber with a cross-loop commanding the entrance ; and two 
slanting shafts in the south wall seem to have served the same purpose. 
Close to the north wall is the slit in the floor for the portcullis to be 
raised through, and there are holes for two stays for it to rest on. 
The fire-place seems to have been in the west wall. This room and 
that above it were probably the Great Hall and the chamber in the 
Donjon, the windows of which were glazed in 1458.'® 

About 20 yards along the curtain-wall, which starts from the north- 
west comer of the original Gatehouse, are the traces of what, when 
this was converted into the Donjon, became the main entrance to the 
castle. This may probably have been the outer gateway of the bar- 
bican ordered to be built by John of Gaunt in 1383,'^ The portcullis 
groove, about 7 inches in width, remains on the north side of the 
passage, which was 12 feet broad. The jamb of a door, opening into 
a recess 3 feet 7 inches wide, is left at the first floor level on the south 
side of this ruined Gatehouse. From the original curtain-wall near 
this door the north wall of the Inner Ward ran subsequently east, not 
quite parallel to the Donjon, for about 100 feet to a mass of ruin at 
the north-east angle of the ward which represents the site of a tower 
that possibly contained the chapel. It then turned south for about 
40 feet to the door of the east tower of the Donjon, which it blocked 
up. The Gateway of the Inner Ward is at the north end of this east 
wall. It had a portcullis 8 feet 9 inches wide, but the archway was 
at some time built up and a smaller door inserted. The wall of the 
Inner Ward probably represents the mantlet ordered to be built by 
John of Gaunt in 1880,®^ while the gateway may have been that con- 

'• See above, p. 177. 

" See above, p. 174. The K»d leading up to this gate is very distinct. 

** At least the length of the north and east walls of the Inner "Ward seems 
to be about eleven rods like that of the mantlet, see above, p. 173. It must be 
borne in mind that variations in standard measures, and subsequent alterations 
to buildings make it often almost impossible to reconcile the documentary 
references to them with their existing remains, while until the Inner Ward of 
Donstanburgh is carefully excavated, its exact arrangements must continue 
more or leas of a mystery. 


structed by Henry de Holme in 1888.^^ The Draw Well in the Inner 
Ward has been filled up to within about 6 feet of the surface; the 
kitchen was probably near it. At Dunstanburgh we have a castJe 
occupying ten acres, with an inner ward not a quarter of an acre in 

Following the west curtain-wall, we come, about 80 yards north 
of the more recent outer gate of the castle, to a tower which although 
it is indicated as tolerably perfect in the Bucks' somewhat preposterous 
View of Dunstanburgh in 1728,** has, owing to the Mable nature of 
the red rock beneath it, so Men to ruin that the only masonry left 
is a few courses of the lining of its south-east comer. Beyond this 
tower-base the west curtain is better preserved for 40 yards, to the 
angle where, tenaciously adapting itself to the escarpment, it suddenly 
turns in a more easterly direction for another 40 yards to the Lilbnm 

The Lilhum Tower y built probably by John Lilbum, constable of 
Dunstanburgh about 1825 (the mason-marks differ from those on 
the Donjon), occupies the highest position in the castle area. The 
walls are 6 feet thick; the interior is about 18 feet 6 inches square. 
The stair went up in a turret at the south-east comer which has all 
fiEillen away. In the east wall immediately north of this was an 
entrance passage 5 feet 8 inches in width. In the south wall of the 
basement near the present ground level are three aumbries; in the west 
is the plain-headed recess of a kind of late lancet-window^ the stone 

•* See above, p. 174. 

*' This * Prospect ' was dedicated by Samuel and Nathaniel Buck to the 2nd 
Earl of Tankerville whose arms impaling the quartered coat of Colville are dnly 
given on the plate, while the public were gravely informed that * This Castle 
was the Capital Seat of y« Barony of Visconty, sometimes call'd the Baronv of 
Bmildon. It was built in the Reign of K. Ifidw** y« !•' by Thomas B. of Lan- 
caster, Son of Bdmond Crouchback B. of Lancaster Bro' to y® s* King. It is 
Situate upon an inaccessible Rock over looking y« Sea k. beautyfully adom'd 
with various Towers. It was anciently a very strong and spacious Fortress, 
bein^ by the help of a deep Ditch surrounded by the Sea. In the 4^ Y' of Bdw' 
y« 4"* it endured a long Siege. S' Piers de Bressy with 500 Frenchmen being 
retired to this Castle from y Battle of Hexam Field ; Ralph L*^ Ogle assisted 
by Bdm*^ & Rich** Craucestre Baliffs of Bamburgh Castle ; by Jn° Manners k 
Gilb* Errington reduc'd it & took all the Garrison Prisoners ; (for wc** they were 
well rewarded with forfeited Lands) S' Piers only Bscaped.* Finding that the 
south curtain wall and its towers were going to extend too far east for their 
plate the Bucks calmly brought the western part of it right in front of the 
Donjon. Their view of Dunstanburgh is only valuable in as far as it shows 
that at that time the battlements of the Lilburn and Bggingclough Towers were 
fairly perfect, and that the west curtain was still of considerable height. 


ronnd which haa been cnt to fit a sqnare window-frame. At the first- 
floor level the wall is set back about 10 inches, and the deals rested on 
this ledge and one large beam laid across from north to south. A 
mural passage^ with a flat roof of large flags supported on shoulders, 
ran through the east wall, as a continuation of the walk round the 
ramparts of the curtain-wall. There was a very remarkable double- 
window piercing both the inner and outer walls of this passage. The 
remaining north jamb of the inner window bears the marks of three 
stout bars. In the north wall near the north-east corner was a plain 
flat-headed fire-place. Two-light windows of the usual Dunstanbnrgh 
character with shouldered recesses and plain seats look north and west. 
In the south-west corner is the entrance to a latrine. The arrange- 
ments of the second floor were very similar, but there is only a single 
light in the plain-headed recess to the north, and above the mural 
passage in the east wall of the floor below was a shouldered window 
recess. At each angle of the roof a solid turret rose about 18 feet to . 
the height of 60 feet or so above the tower base. The only fragments 
left of the battlements between these turrets are two courses of large 
stones on the east side of the south-west turret; below them is a rough 
spout. The north-west turret was struck by lightning during a 
terrific storm in June, 1885, when three sheep were killed by the 
lightning and three by the falling stones. The turret has since 
been carefully repaired by the owners of the castle. 

Immediately under the north side of the Lilbum Tower, a small 
postern with a round arch of the Decorated period, opened on the 
steep escarpment in the direction of Embleton. The original height 
of the curtain-wall above this postern is given by the shouldered door- 
way that led on to the rampart-walk from the mural passage in the 
tower. The curtain continues in a northerly direction for 40 yards 
further, and then, after making a sharp bend westward in order to 
adapt itself to the contour of the slope, comes in another 20 yards to 
the brink of the Gull Crag, the precipice that rises 100 feet out of the 
sea round the whole north side of the castle. A mass of rubble marks 
the point where the curtain terminated. 

Returning across the Castle Green to the east side of the Donjon 
— the great height of the southern curtain-wall is shown where it was 
tied into the Donjon near the commencement of the eastern bow. 


A wooden stair led down on the rampart-walk from a shonldered door 
on the second J9oor of the Donjon. The curtain bears away to the east 
for 85 yards. In one place the solid base of what looks like the platform 
for a mangonel or some snch engine of defence is corbelled boldly oat 
over the moat, here about 25 feet broad ; in another the basement 
would have been pierced by one of the numerous latrines, had it not 
been thickened on the outside. We then come to the GonstdbWs 
Tower of two stories,^^ about 15 feet square inside, and projecting 
9 feet to the field. At the north-east comer is the skeleton of a 
wheel-stair. The basement^ a little window of which is preserved in 
the north-west comer, is much filled up with rubbish. The upper 
floors had fire-places in the west wall, and good south windows of 
two lights in recesses provided with stone seats. Passages lead off 
the stair into latrines in the thickness of the curtain, while at the 
second floor level a door, now built up, communicated with the 
rampart-walk. A little to the north of this tower are the ruins of a 
rough-walled buUding of late character, measuring inside 22 feet 
4 inches in length, east to west, by 14 feet 4 inches in width. The 
courses of masonry projecting at the east end show that it was 
intended to join another building on to it, and there are also arches 
of identical masonry running north. Prom its close proximity to 
the Constable's Tower we may fairly consider this to have been the 
Hall of the Constabulary with its adjacent houses mentioned as being 
repaired in 1444.®* Prom the Constable's Tower eastwards another 
25 yards of the curtain brings us to a small turret, only 10 feet 9 inches 
by 7 feet 6 inches inside and of 7 feet projection to the moat. The 
vault of the basement was formed by large flags resting on a single rib. 
Near this turret is a flight of steps leading to the rampart-walk. 
The southern curtain-wall terminates in the Elgyn,®^ or Queen 

•• The name of this tower, which had been forgotten, is now recovered, thanks 
to Sam weirs Survey, see above, page 185. 

•* See above, p. 177. The original Latin runs : — * Circa sclattationem et fere 
novam reparacionem aule constabularie et domorum annezarum infra dictum 
Castrum de Dunstanbnrgh.' — Duchy of Lancaster, Receivers* Accounts, bundle 
361, No. 5,978. 

•* It seems almost certain that the 'Elgyntouv* of 1459, and the 'jE^w^clough ' 
Tower of Samwell's Survey are one and the same. Had this postem-tower at 
the Eggingclough not been manifestly of the same age as the Donjon, the lan- 
guage of the nSceivers' Account of 1459 would have led anyone to believe that 
the turret to the east of the Constablo^s Tower was the * Elgyntour,* and that the 









Margaret's Tower,^ at the total distance of about* 110 yards from the 
Donjon, and on the brink of the great chasm with cliffs of 
columnar basalt and metamorphised marble that is often erroneously 
called the Rumble Chum, but at the time of Samwell's Survey was 
known as the Eggingclough. The basement of this Eggingclough 
Tower, about 11 feet 9 inches square inside, served as a postern. 
The round-headed north door appears to have been restored. The 
south wall has nearly all fallen away, but the two bar-holes of the 
door may still be seen on the east side.^^ The basement is built of huge 
ashlars, some nearly 2 feet square. It was covered with flat stones 
resting on two massive ribs. The masonry of the superstructure is 
of a poorer character. A wheel-stair, four steps of which are still 
entire, led to the upper floors and the battlements of the south cur- 
tain, at the juncture of the latter with the tower. The first floor has 
a recess, provided with seats, for a window of two lights in the north 
wall, and a passage to a latrine in the north-east corner. There was 
a fire-place in the east wall. The second floor, with corresponding 
arrangements, was supported on eight beams, laid north and south, as 
can be seen from the put-holes. The way in which the east jside of 

Eggingcloagh Tower was the postem built in that year between this and the sea. 
See alx>ye, p. 178. As it is, we are driven to suppose that the postern of 1459 
was in the east curtain of the castle. 

^ This popular appellation of the tower is probably, after all, of more recent 
origin than the time of Grose, who, writing about 1772, does not mention it, 
as so painstaking an antiquary would most likely have done had it then been 
current. Mr. Tate, in the sixth volume of the History of the Berwichthire 
NaturaliM Club, chose to call the tower St. Margaret's Tower, though asso- 
ciating this with Margaret of Anjou. Of course if the tower was ever really 
called Queen Margaret's and St. Margaret's indiscriminately, it could only have 
been after St. Margaret, Queen of Scotland. It is difficult to avoid concluding 
that the whole thing is part and parcel of the modem myth recounting the 
alleged adventures of Margaret of Anjou after the battle of Hexham, a myth 
the most telling scenes in which Dr. Perceval has ably traced, in Archaeologia, 
vol. xlviL, p. 290, to the brilliant imagination of the Abb^ Prevost, the author of 
Manon Vacant, The name of Queen Margaret's Cove has been given to the 
Eggingclough, in consequence of the highly improbable story of Margaret of 
Anjou's embarcation. The very use of the word ' cove ' in this sense is sufficient 
to^how that the so-called tradition is not of Northumbrian origin. The coup do 
grace is given to the entire cycle of these modem legends by the fact that in the 
self -same Act of Parliament, passed on the 21st of January, 1465, in which the 
Duke of Somerset, Sir Kalph Percy,* and others were attainted for their adherence 
to Henry VI. in Northumberland, in 1464, Edmund and John Beaufort and 
others were so for having ' withdrawn them out of this Land, adhering unto 
Margaret late called Queen of England,' which Edmund, at least had done in 
1463. If Margaret had been in England in 1464, the general charge of joining 
in the northern rising at Hexham and elsewhere would have been sufficient for 
the attainder of her courtiers. 

^ This postern is not shown in the Bucks' view of the castle. 


this txfwer, with ail the wild beaaty of the Eggingdongh at its foot, 
' was given over entirely to latrines is an excellent example of the 
inability of medisBval minds to appreciate the romantic scenes in 
which for purely practical reasons their habitations were often fixed.^ 
A high piece of good ashlarworkis still standing round the northern 
edge of the Eggingclough, but beyond this the east wall of the castle 
is of mere rubble consisting of a shivery whitish stone sometimes faced 
with basalt. In one place there is an opening to a narrow passage 
5 feet long, in the thickness of the wall; in another, further on, the 
foundations of two converging walls run back west for 55 yards to 
what seems to have been a building about 35 yards long by 6 yards 
broad, possibly the grange in the castle. Near the spot where the 
east curtain abutted on the precipitous Gull Crag is the genuine 
Rumble Chum, a cleft in a cavern roof, formed by one of the basalt 
columns having fallen into the seething abyss below. 

*^ The piece of the tower oontaioing these latrines has fallen into the clongh 
since Mr. Archer^s sketch of it in 1862, in the Alnwick Castle portfolio. 


P. 187, 1. 2, add after * £400 ':— * On the 27th of February, 1591, 
Queen Elizabeth issued a commission * to view and survey the decaies 
and decaied places of the walles about the Castle of Dunstanbui^he,* 
by virtue of which * Mr. Delavale, Mr. Ra. Grey, Mr. Clavering and 
Mr. Luke Ogle* repaired to the castle on the 1st of September follow- 
ing, and ' by the opinion and judgement of divers skilful artizans 
freemasons and others, by perambulation and survey,' certified that 
fifty-three yards of the north-east wall of the castle towards the town 
of Embleton was utterly ruined in front though the lining was * in 
reasonable good state,' and that it would take the total sum of £63 
65. Sd. to repair it, ' wliich small time will make more chargeable to 
her majestic.' — Duchy of Lancaster Depositions^ 33 Eliz. * Ooncernen' 
Supervis' Decas. murorum castri de Dunstanbui^he.' P.R.O. 


To face page 194. 


From a Sketch by Mr. James Bhotton in 1860. 


\V ' 



"■ T^^ 


1 a;T- 


> "v 


--. M^'., 



The Tower of Preston, on high ground, abont a mile to the soath- 
east of Ellingham, is first mentioned in the List of Fortalices of 1415. 
It was then held by Robert Harbottle, who probably built it. There 
had been a local family of Pressens, or Prestons, two of them knights 
of the shire for Northumberland in the parUaments of Edward III.,^ 
but the manor of Preston, held of the barony of Alnwick, seems to 
have descended in the famihes of Bataill, Strivelyn, and Middleton. 
Harbottle's interest in the place appears to have had its humble begin- 
ning in a lease granted to him there on the 8th of October, 1399, by 
Alice, daughter and heir of William Clerk of Eglingham, of all her 
land at Preston in Bamburghshire for seven years, at the annual rent 
of one penny,' and for several years later we find him forming a patch- 
work estate out of grants and leases of fields and cottages. He 
must have been high in favour with Henry IV., for in 1408 he was 
sheriff of Northumberland, and in the following year was re-appointed 
constable of Dunstanburgh. Yet even in 1417 we find him leasing 
at that castle thirty-six acres in the field of Preston from Robert 
Preston for a sum of money paid in hand.' He married Isabel de 
Monboucher, widow of Sir Henry Heton of Chillingham, and died in 
about 1419. Five years later Dame Isabel Harbottle entered into a 
covenant that her son Robert Harbottle should marry Margerie. 
daughter of Sir Robert Ogle. In this document the Harbottle lands 
were of course duly settled, while the marriage was to be celebrated 

' Michael de Pressen was enfeoffed of the manor of Ellingham as a trustee to 
effect the entail of it in the Clifford family, bj licence of Edward J., 3rd May, 
WQ.—Bod&ivarth MS, 32, f . 1 10, dors. 8 in the Bodleian Library. A licence was 
granted by Bdward III. in 1330 to enable Nicholas de Pressen to act in a similar 
capacity, On^inalia,A Ed. iii. ro. 43, and in 1335 that king bestowed on him 
the manor of Middleton, near Belf ord, that had been forfeited by the attainder 
of David le Mareschal, Pattmt Roll, 9 Ed. iii. mem. 18. The List of Fortalices in 
1415 assigns the tower of Barmoor to John Preston, no doubt the same * Johannes 
de Pressen armiger* who in that year gives a power of attorney to Richard de 
Wetwang and John Charlton of North Charlton for delivering seisin of his cottage 
at Preston to Robert Harbottle.— 2>orf*7P. MS. 32. 

' Ihid. It appears from other deeds that Preston was then included in 

^ Ibid. 


at the cost of the bride^s father, who was to convey his estate of 
Newstead to young Harbottle to be held until the receipts yielded 
fifty-five marks clear, or until Sir Robert paid him that sum. The 
rest of the dowry consisted of a piece of land, one acre in length, and 
three half-acres in width, at the *netherend' of the 'Doufhyll' in 
the fields of Ellingham, near the stream by the church, for the 
purpose of erecting a fulling-mill, together with the right of cutting 
a watercourse from the Waldenbum through Paynscroft. But the 
most quaint stipulations were that for two years after the marriage, 
Sir Robert Ogle was to keep and maintain his daughter and a damsel 
to wait on her, constantly in his ^ hostell,' as also his son-in-law and 
his valet or other servant, together with their horses, when they came 
there ; while the bride was to find her own ' vesture and attire/* 

Sir Robert Harbottle was sheriff of Northumberland in 1439, and 
on the 18th of October of that year he settled his manor of Preston 
and ^ town' of Walden on his son Bertram, and Jane his wife, daughter 
of Sir Thomas Lumley.^ Bertram Harbottle, also sheriff in 1447, is 
said to have died in 1462, and on the 15th of May, 1477, we find 
Thomas Lord Lumley solemnly protesting in the presence of John, 
prior of Gisbume, Thomas Stitnam the sub-prior, and others, at 
Kilton, that though lawful livery and seisin had been given of Preston 
to his daughter and her late husband, yet recently their son, ' Bafie 
Harbotell wrongfully withouten tytle of Ryght but with mastery 
with-houldeth it from his mother by unoourteous counsell/* On the 
12th of May, 1499, Sir Ralph Harbottle granted a lease of the tower, 
manor, and town of Preston to John Harbottle of Fallodon, gentle- 
man, for the term of thirteen years at the annual rent of £S 13s. 4d. 
John Harbottle bound himself, at his own cost, * to set a Roofe upon 
the said Tower and thack the same with bather flaggs or strawe,* 

* ' Et auxi le dit Roberte de Ogle auera et tiendra en son Hostell le dit Mar- 
gerie, et une Damojsell ad luj continualment, et le dit Roberte fitz, et tm vadlet 
on autre servaont ad lay quant ilB veignet, et lez Chiualz a Bonche du court, et 
la dit Margerie troua toat sa vesture et attire sanz rien prendre pour ycelle par 
deux anns ensuants les ditz espouselz celebreez.' — Dodsm, MS, 32, f. 114b, Bodl. 
Libr. (No. 15 of * Copyes of sundry deedes given unto me Roger Dodsworthe by 
my cosen Thomas Stockdale of Bitton Parke nere Enaresburgh in Com. Bbor. 
1633, and since lent by me to Hen. Lilly of Little Brittaine paynter.*) The date 
of this quaint settlement is fixed by the conveyance in the same collection of the 
land and easements for the fulling-mill from Sir Robert Ogle to his daughter and 
her husband, executed on the 20th of August, 1424. 

* DodtwoHh MS, 32, f . 124. 

• md. f. 126b. 

.^T, •jrt.-fciii » :■ lq-sw- 

PRESTON TOWER, prom the W. 


This Plate contribated by Mirs CtestWEi.L. 




while Sir Ralph was to find the timber for the roof.^ Such an inflam- 
mable roof wonld seem to court a Scottish firebrand, though a truce 
between the two kingdoms was existing at the time. 

Sir Ralph Harbottle married Margaret, daughter of Sir Ralph 
Percy, who fell on Hedgeley Moor, and their grand-daughter, Eleanor 
Harbottle, became the wife of Sir Thomas Percy, who was beheaded 
for the share he took in the Pilgrimage of Grace. Having obtained 
Preston as co-heiress of her brother, Eleanor Harbottle, under the 
style of Eleanor Lady Percy, leased her mill at EUingham on the 20th 
of May, 1553, to Margaret, wife of Thomas Harbottle of Beamish.^ 
On the attainder of her son Thomas, seventh Earl of Northumberland, 
Preston passed to the Crown, and at the time of Hall and Hom- 
berston's Survey in 1570 it was let to Margaret Harbottle at the yearly 
rent of £4 18s. 4d.* It afterwards passed into the possession of the 
&milie8 of Armorer and Craster, and is at present the property of Miss 
Baker Cresswell. 

Preston Tower must originally have been a long building with 
turrets at the four angles, a sort of Hanghton Castle in miniature. 
All that now remains of it is the south front, with the south-east and 
south-west comer turrets, and portions of the side walls running north 
from these. The interior of the main building was 16 feet 7 inches 
wide and the side walls 6 feet 9 inches thick. The south-west turret, 
about 13 feet 6 inches square externally, is slightly larger than the 
south-east turret, though this projects a very little further south. 
The height of the tower, to the crest of the present battlements, is 49 
feet 9 inches. A clock was placed in the tower by Mr. Henry Baker 
Cresswell in 1864, the face occupying the south front of the second 

The only present entrance is by a plain doorway cut through the 
base of the south front, probably at the end of the 17th century. 
There was no stair originally in the existing fragment of the building, 

® Ibid. No. 24. A bond for 408. from John Harbottle of Preston to Eleanor 
Lady Percy, dated 5th Sept. 1538, is preserved at Alnwick Castle. 

• Homberston's Survey y P.R.O. The curious coat of Harbottle, Azure, three 
icicles ar, still appears in the achievement of arms of the present Duke of 
Northumberland at the end of the second volume of Annals of the Bouse of 
Percy. Of this it should have formed the 12th quarter, and have been followed 
by the Neville coat in the 13th. On the general subject of the Harbottle arms 
and quarterings, see Arck. Ael. N.S. IV. p. 214. 


but a wooden staircase was inserted when the rain was repaired as a 
clock-tower. The basement of the south-east turret is entered through 
a pointed door only 4 feet 9 inches high, like most of those in the. 
building, set back in a recess under a half -arch. The rough pointed 
vaulting rises to the height of 7 feet, and the dimensions are 8 feet 
9 inches from east to west, by 4 feet 7 inches from north to south. 
There is a slit at the east end. The similar vault in the south-west 
turret springs in the contrary direction, being about 8 feet 6 inches 
long from north to south and 5 feet 6 inches wide from east to west. 
The original slit, now blocked up, is here at the south end, while an 
opening has been made in the west wall, doubtless in connection with 
the cottages that are shown built up against the tower in Mr. Archer's 
sketchof itinl862.w 

The vaulted turret rooms on the first floor are provided with fire- 
places. The flat head of the fire-place in the south-east turret is of 
peculiar constraction, being formed of three stones, of which the centre 
one, though shaped like a key-stone, really rests on the two others. 
A water-tank now nearly fills the vault in the opposite turret^ but 
there is a good plain fire-place still intact in the east wall. 

At the south end of the second fioor of the main block is a fine 
window recess, like some in tT'arkworth Donjon, 5 feet 2 inches in 
width and 7 feet in height to the springers of the low arch. This is 
now filled with the clock face, but is said to have formerly contained a 
square-headed transomed window of two cusped lights. The fire- 
places in the turrets on this fioor have both feUen. away. A moulding 
has been worked on the east jamb of that in the south-west turret. 

The south-east turret ends in a room about 8 feet square inside, 

with rabble walls, probably of the time of Elizabeth. The similar 

room on the south-west turret contains the bell on which the clock 

strikes. ITie roof of this room was removed for the purpose of obtain- 

' ing a better view from the battlements. 

" This water-colour drawing forms one of a series of views of the principal 
castles and towers of the county, executed for the 4th Duke of Northumberland 
and preserved in a portfolio at Alnwick Castle. 

V c 



Among the leading Normans who came over with the Conqueror was 
Robert de Umfreville, better known as Robert with-the-beard, who 
received as his reward a grant of the wild district of Redesdale, on the 
Scottish Border. Henry I. added to the possessions of the Umfrevilles 
the barony of Pmdhoe, and there can be little donbt that they soon 
built a castle there on the general lines of the existing ruins. The 
basement of the main gatehouse with its twin-faced corbels looks like 
the work of the first half of the twelfth century; and the keep, to 
judge from the masonry, is older than any other keep in Northumber- 
land, except that of Norham. 

At the time of the invasion of Northumberland by William the 
Lion, King of Scots, in 1173, the castle of Prudhoe was held by 
Odinel de Umfreville, who had been brought up at the court of Henry 
Earl of Northumberland, that King's father. Odinel's active repudia- 
tion of the King's hereditary claims to the county was regarded by 
him as an act of the basest ingratitude that called for signal punish- 
ment. ' May I,' cried William on abandoning the siege of Newcastle, 
' be loathed and disgraced, cursed and excommunicated by priest, if I 
grant any terms or respite to Odinel's castle.'^ So inmiediately march- 
ing his host up the Tyne, he bade his earls and barons pitch their 
tents and pavilions before the walls of Prudhoe.* * As long as Prudhoe 
stands, never,' he declared, 'shall there be peace.'' His camp, how- 
ever, fell a prey to divided counsels. The Flemish mercenaries swore 
that they would destroy the castle, or forego all claim to pay or rations ;^ 

> * Dnnc seie-jo maldit, 
Escnmengi^ de prestre, huniz e descunfit, 
Si jo le chastel Odinel dnins terme ne respit.' 

— Chroniqne de Jordan Fantosme^ 1. 692, Surt. 8oc. Publ. 11, p. 28. 

' * L& fist li reis d' Escooe tendre see paveilluns, 

See trefe e sea acubes, see cuntes, see baruns.' — Ibid. 1. 600. 
• * Tant cum eatensse Prudhume, jam^ pte n'anrums.' — Ihid, 1. 603. 
* * Ntis ragraventeruma, 
U mar nns durrez.soldeies ne livrelsuns.' — Ihid. 1. 604. 
It seems to have been for the damage done to him by the Scots in this first siege 
of Prudhoe that Odinel de Umfreville obtained a grant of £20 from Henry II. 


but the Soottish lords refased to hear of the delay incident to a formal 
siege, and urged the King to hasten on to the conqnest of Camber- 
land. William was compelled to give way; but having in the follow- 
ing year arranged a truce with the governor of Carlisle, he made a 
sadden dash for Prudhoe, hoping to surprise the castle.^ His disap- 
pointment was extreme whe^n he reached it on, or about, Monday the 
8th of July, 1174, only to find that Odinel had put it in an excellent 
state of defence. He summoned it to surrender. The brave garrison 
knew that if the castle were taken scant mercy would be shown to 
Odinel, so they entreated him to make his escape and endeavour to 
raise a force for their relief. Bidding them, then, a sorrowful fare- 
well, Odinel mounted his good brown bay,* and spurred day and 
night to the Archbishop of York. Enraged at his escape, the 
whole host of Scotland attacked the castle with a great shout. 
The garrison defended themselves manfully against the Flemings, 
and did not receive, says the chronicler, a silver pennyworth of 
injury,^ while many of the besiegers were so sorely wounded as to 
give them no chance of ever seeing their homes again. Not content 
with destroying all the com in the fields and laying waste the neigh- 
bouring gardens, some of the Scots, in a spirit of mean vengeance, 
tore the bark ofP the apple-trees. At last, finding it impossible to 
reduce Prudhoe with his spears and arrows,® the Lion-King raised the 
siege on the Friday morning^ and set out for Alnwick, where, the 
next day, it would seem, he was surprised and taken prisoner by the 
knights whom Odinel had gathered round him. 

towards supporting knights in the castle. It was paid by the sheriff of 
' Carleilschire ' and was entered by him an the Pipe Roll, ro. 7 dorso., for 19 Hen. 
II. (19th Dec, 1172— 18th Dec, 1173), under the heading "Minaria Carleoli': — 
* Bt Odinello de Umf ranviUa zx libras ad tenendum milites in castello de Pmdho, 
pro dampno sibi a Scottis illato.* 

* * Ore vait li reis Willame tut dreit vers Odinel, 
Suzprendre le voldrad pur aver le chastel.* 

—IHd, 1. 1649, p. 74. 

• This horse deserves to be as famous on Tyneside as the Cheval Bayard, on 
which the four sons of Aymon are said to have escaped from Charlemagne, is 
on the banks of the Meuse in Belgium. Fantosme calls it * Bau^an le Kema 
[the hairy] ' and * le bon brun bauyant.' — 11. 1669, 1671, p. 76. Possibly Bau^an 
was its actual name. 

^ * Itant cum amuntast & un denier d*argent.' — Ibid, 1. 1681. 

• * Ne prendra le chastel par traire ne par lancier.' — ^Hnd, 1. 1687. 

• * Vendresdi par matin.' — Ibid. 1. 1703, p. 78. Fantosme says the siege of 
Prudhoe lasted three days — * Treis jorz dura le siege ' (1. 1677). William of New- 
burgh, cap. xzxiii., gives the date of the capture of the King of Scots * MCLXZiv 
tertio idus Julii die sabbati * i.e, Saturday, July 13th. — Surt. Soc. Publ. 11, p. 


The si^e no doubt rendered some repairs to the castle necessary. 
There is a curions legend connected with repairs done by Odinel.^^ 
All his neighbours, so it nuiB, had, either from love or fear, given him 
assistance in the work, except the men of Wylam, a possession of the 
monastery of St. Oswin of Tynemouth, which had been f)*eed from all 
contributions to castle-building by several royal charters. Neither 
the threats nor the persuasions of the king's oflScers had any effect. 
Odinel was so enraged that he sent for one of them who lived, without 
fear of God, in the city of Corbridge,^^ and bade him on his alle- 
giance seize the property of the Wylam peasants and bring it to the 
castle. This man took with him two other officers named Richard 
and Nicholas, and proceeded at once to Wylam. According to the 
English law that had then been long established, a fine for neglecting 
to perform a customary duty like that of repairing a castle was first 
to be levied or the private property of the serfs, and only in case of 
this proving insufficient was recourse to be had to the lord's demesne. 
The Corbridge official, however, announced his intention of laying 
hands on whatever first came in his way, and it was in vain that his 
companions cautioned him not to interfere with the herd of St. Oswin. 
They came to the pasture where the demesne oxen were grazing, but 
these, together with the ruddy youth and his barking dog who were 
looking after them, were by the power of St. Oswin made miraculously 
invisible and inaudible to the wicked distrainer, though Richard and 
Nicholas had actually to drive them out of his way. 

Odinel's grandson, Gilbert de Umfreville, called by Matthew of 

Paris, * the Guardian and Chief Flower of the North,' held the barony 

of Prudhoe from 1226 to 1244." He married the heiress of the 

Earl of Angus, and his son Gilbert assumed that title. In the very 

black record of Earl Gilbert's crimes he is said to have harboured a 

certain bandit named Walter Denyas and his accomplices in Prudhoe 

149. He tells us also that Soger de Monbrai fled to the King while he was before 
Prudhoe, informing him that two of the castles he had been holding for him in 
Yorkshire had been taken, and that the whole force of that county was advanc- 
ing against him. — Ibid. pp. 147, 148. 

» * Potentium de Nordthanymbria potentissimus Odinellus de Umf ramvilla, 
ad castelli sui resarcienda sarta tecta indebitis ezactionibns vicinos snos com- 
pellebat.' Odinel is made to speak of this as ' castelli mei resedificationem.' — 
Vita Onvinif cap. xxx. Hurt. 8oc. Publ. 8, p. 43. 

" * In Oolebngia civitate satelles regius.* — Ibid, 

" * 1244. — This year the Scots besieged Prudhoe Castle, but were obliged to 
raise the siege.' — Sykes, Local Recordt, No authority is given for this statement. 


Castle." He appears, however, to have repented of his evil deeds 
towards the close of his life. He founded a chantry in the chapel 
of St. Mary, in Prudhoe Castle, in 1300,^* and there is every rea- 
son to believe that he is represented .in the knightly eflRgy with the 
Umfreville shield now in the north transept of Hexham Priory 
Church. Prom the inquisition taken after his death in 1807, we learn 
that there was a park at Prudhoe, a league in circuit, and 120 acres of 
arable demesne.^* Sir John de Crombwell and the Earl of Angus bound 
themselves in their indenture for the custody of the Marches of the 
28th of September, 1319, to send ten men-at-arms to Prudhoe in case 
of need.i* In 1324 the castle and orchard, which had been worth 20s. 
a year in times of peace, are returaed as of no value on account of 
the ravages of the Scots, who seem even to have destroyed all the 
pigeons.^^ During the minority of the heir, Roger Maudnit was 
appointed constable of Prudhoe by Edward II., who, in 1326, ordered 
him to construct a certain pele without the gates of the castle at the 
expense of twenty marks.^* 

The two great northern houses of Percy and Umfreville became 
allied by the marriage of Robert the only son and heir of Gilbert, 
third Earl of Angus, with Margaret daughter of Henry, the third Lord 
Percy of Alnwick, but the bridegroom died without issue in his 
father's lifetime. The old Earl married again, taking for his second 
wife Maud de Lucy the heiress of the honour of Cockermouth and 
barony of Langley, and at Prudhoe on the 16th of August, 1876, John 
de Haweburgh, parson of Ireby in Yorkshire, and John de Pykworth, 

" Astize Boll (Northumberland), 7 Ed. 1. 4 j-3 ; Cal, of Doe. relating U 

Scotland, ii. p. 46. Hodgson (Am*, of Nortlid, III. i. p. 109) caUs this notori- 
ous robber Walter de Was, from a transcript of the Rotnli Hnndredomm, 3 Ed. L 

•* Inq, 28 Bd. I. no. 86 ; Proe. Arch. Inst, 1852, ii. p. 248 n. 

»* Inq. 1 Ed. II. no. 45 ; Proc. Arch. Inst. 1852, ii. p. 241 n. Hartshome 
there gives the le^ica or league as containing 1,500 yards. In 1244-5 the park at 
Prudhoe was returned as two leagues in circuit.— ^k/. Doc, rel. to Scotland^ i. p. 
305. Robert de Umfravill, Earl of Angus, by deed dated Prudhoe, 8th April 
1317, gave a quit-claim of common-right in Chopwell to the Abbey of New- 
minster, with the proviso, * tamen si contigat averia mea vel her. meor. de castm 
nostro de Prodow propter defectum clausturae intrare dictum separale absqne 
parcagio, TQchwAexitxiv.'—Nemminster Cartulary, Surt. Soc. Publ. 66, p. 60. 

'• *Et sont les ditz Gardeins chargez denvoier • • • dis ou donsze homes 
dannes • au chastel de Prodhou • • • selonc ce qil verront que le temps de- 
mSkU&'&.'-^Excheq. Q, M. Misc. (Army) V* 

" Inq. p. m. 18 Ed. II. no. 78; Proc, Arch, Inst, 1862, ii. p. 241. 

" Ahhrev. Bat, Ori^, i. p. 299. 


parson of Ovingham, and other trustees, having obtained the necessary 
royal licence on the 5th of July previous, conveyed the castle to the 
Earl and his young Countess and the heirs of the Earl's body, with 
remainder to Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, and the heirs 
male of his body.^* By another licence procured from Edward III. 
on the 28th of October, 1877, for the consideration of twenty marks, 
Angus was empowered to assign an anunal rent of five marks from 
his watermills in the vill of * Shirmondesdene,' in Coquetdale, to the 
chaplain of the chantry of St. Mary in the * pele-yerde ' of Prudhoe, in 
augmentation of his stipend.^ The Earl of Angus died in 1381. His 
widow became the second wife of the Earl of Northumberland, who 
on her death in 1398, became seized of the castle in fee tail under the 
settlement of 1375. 

The Council held by Lord Say at Durham on the 25th of 
September, 1403, after Hotspur's death at Shrewsbury, and during the 
Earl of Northumberland's confinement at Baginton, resolved that 
Robert Lisle, who was present at Durham, should have the custody of 
the Earl's castle of Prudhoe confided to him.^^ Say, however, does not 
seem to have considered Lisle's position quite regular, for he after- 
wards advised that Lisle should be instructed to ensure the safety of 
the castle as soon as the Earl's great seal could be obtained for the 
purpose of sealing the order to that effect.^ During the insurrection 
of 1405, in which the Earl was more deeply implicated, John Skipton 
was commanded, by letters from the King, dated Ripon the 15th of 
June, to surrender the castle of Prudhoe to David Throllope,^ and 
on his return march, at Durham on the 18th of July, Henry IV. gave 
six oxen to John Coterrell, which the latter had driven off from the 
Earl of Northumberland's park at Prudhoe.^ 

" Inq. p. m. 14 Hen. VI. no. 36. m. 26, P.R.O. 

» Cal. Doe. rel, to Scotland, IV. p. 64 ; Hot. Pat, 1 Ric. II. m. 1. 

** Proe. and Ord, of Privy Councilj I. p. 214. See above, p. 102. 

" Ibid. p. 211. See above, p. 104. 

" ' De caatro de Prodowe in manus Regis capiendo. Consimiles litteras de 
commiBsione habet David Throllope ad capiendum et seisiendum in manus Regis 
Castrum de Prodowe. T. R. apud Ryponn xv die Junii. Bt mandatum est 
Johanni Skypton quod eidem David, kc.'—Bat. Pat. I to 11 Hen. IV. (No. 863) 
m. 17 (6 Hen. IV.) P.R.O. 

** * Pro Johanne Coterrelle. Rex omnibus ad quos, &c. salutem. SSciatis quod 
de gracia nostra speciali concessimus dilecto ligeo nostro Johanni Coterelle sex 
boves que fuerunt Henrici C'omitis Northumbrie et quos predictus Johannes in 
parco de Prodowe cepit et penes se in custodia sua habet et valorem sex librarum 
non excedunt nt dicitur, Habendos eidem Johanni de dono nostro. In cujus, Jcc 


Apparently Henry IV. held the EarFs estates to have been forfeited 
on the 6th of May,^ and on the 27th of Jnne bestowed the castles and 
baronies of Pmdhoe, Langley, and Alnwick by letters patent on his 
own son Prince John, afterwards created Duke of Bedford.^ On the 
14th of April, 1416, Henry V. restored to Henry Percy, the second 
£arl of Northumberland, all the entailed estates of his family, having 
already compensated the Duke of Bedford for their loss. For some 
reason or other the entail of Prudhoe was not considered to be clearly 
established, and it remained in the possession of the Duke, ^he Earl 
lost no time in petitioning Henry Y. to issue a commission of inquiry 
into the entail of 1375, and after its report. to do him justice, 'as a 
work of charity.'^ The inquiry held at Newcastle on the 16th of 
September, before Richard de Norton^ Robert Strangways, and John 
Kirkeby, resulted in a verdict in favour of the Earl's claims.^ Never- 
theless the Duke of Bedford retained Prudhoe till his death on the 
14th September, 1485, when it passed to Henry YI. as his nephew 
and heir.^^ The Earl of Northumberland appears to have commenced 
legal proceedings in 1487 for the recovery of Prudhoe, but it was not 
until after a successful Assize trial at Newcastle in 1441, that he 
actually obtained possession of it.^ 

No mention of Prudhoe occurs in the chroDicles of the Wars of 

T. R. apud Duram xviij die Julii.'—Ilnd. Henry IV., writing to the Council from 
Warkworth on the 2nd of July, 1405, informed them that Prudhoe had already 
fallen before he invested the former castle. — Proc, and Ord. of P. C, i. p. 275. 

** * Predictus Henricus nuper Comes f uit solus seisitus de castro et manerio 
predictis (Prodhowe et Ovyngham) cum pertinentiis habendis sibi et heredibus 
masculis de corpore suo exeuntibus virtute doni predict! sexto die Mali anno regni 
regis Henrici quarti post conquestum Anglie sexto, &c.* — Inq* p»m. 14 Hen, VL 
No. 36, m. 26, P.R.O. 

* Ibid. 

^ * Plese a votre tresredoute et tresgracious seigneurie • • • • de faire droit 
au dit suppliant en celle partie en oeure de charyte.* — Inq, ad Q. D. 4 Hen. V. 
No. 2, P.R.O. 

^ 'Predicta castrum, manerium, feoda et advocaciones cum omnibus suls 
pertinentiis prefato Henrico nunc Comiti ut consanguineo et heredi predict! 
Henrici nuper Comitis descendere debent.* — Ibid. 

» Inq. p.m. 14 Hen. VI. No. 36, m. 26. The Compotus JohannU Shtnger 
prepositi de Prodehowe, Mich. 16 Hen. VI.— Mich. 16 Hen. VI., is in the Public 
Record Office, Q.R.M.A. t|, but contains nothing of interest. Sir Richard Wyde- 
ville and his wife Jacquet, widow of the Duke of Bedford, released all claim of 
ward and dower in Prudhoe to Henry VI. in consideration of an annuity of £61 
Is. 5d., on 18th June, 1440.— iZo*. Pari. V. p. 310J. 

" AnnaU of the Mouse of Percy, L p. 638. It must be remembered that in 
the meantime a fresh Act of Parliament had been passed in 18 Henry VL to 
expressly declare that the forfeiture of the Earl of Northumberland's lands under 
the Act of 7 Henry IV, was not to extend to his lands held in fee tail. — Ibid. 
p. 637. 


the Roees. It was granted by Edward lY ., together with all the other 
Percy castles and manors in Northumberland, to his brother George 
Duke of Clarence on the 10th of August, 1462,'^ who on the 26th of 
March followingj appointed William Burgh constable of the castle and 
steward of the lordship. Burgh became ^ servant and sworn man to 
the said Bight high and mighty Prince, and him to serve at his com- 
mandment after the Emg's highness before all other/ and agreed to 
keep the castle at his own cost and peril, ' unless that such casualty 
fall by infortune of war that it might pass his might and power so to 
do.'*^ At the same time he obtained a lease of the demesne lands of 
Prudhoe for twenty years. Possibly these grants may have been 
part of a stipulation for the surrender of the castle by Burgh to 
Clarence. Like many more important persons in those uncertain 
times. Burgh seems to have wished to keep in the good graces of both 
the rival parties, since on the 8th of December, 1468, he procured 
letters of protection for himself, his son William, Christopher of Burgh, 
and six persons with them, with all their goods and chattels, to the 
following midsummer, from Henry VI., who was then at Bamburgh.'' 
His son William had a grant of the orchard of the castle of Prudhoe 
for his life, on the 31st of May, 1465, irom John Neville, Earl of 
Northumberland and Lord Montagu, who appears to have received 
Prudhoe with other Percy- estates as a reward for his decisive victory 
over the Lancastrians at Hexham. The grant expressly provides that 
if the Earl or his household should afterwards abide and dwell at the 
castle, it should be lawful for them to have all such things growing 
in the orchard as should be to their pleasure.^ 

After the politic restoration of the fourth Earl of Northumber- 
land to his title and estates by Edward IV., we find William Ogle, 
esquire, constable of the castle in 1472.^ The personal connection of 
the Percies with Prudhoe at this period is illustrated by the fact that 
in 1474 * the lady the Countess of Northumberland, the consort of the 
present lord ' took into her own hands the orchard under the castle 

»' Rtft. Pat. 2 Ed. rV. pt. 1, m. 3. 

" Nates on Documents belonging to Sir John Laicson^ Bart,, by C. S. Perceval, 
IiL.D.; Archaologia, XL VII., p. 189. 

•■ IbU, p. 190. 

« IHd. p. 198. 

^ Compotus WaUeri Dod propositi de Prudehowe (Micb. 13 Bd. IV.— Micb. 
14 Bd. IV.), vellnm roll c. viii. 6<f, at 8yon House. 


which had been let to the constable during the two previous years * 
while 16d. was paid that year by Cuthbert Newton, the bailiff of the 
barony, * to divers men for carrying letters of the lord to divers 
gentlemen.'^' Newton collected 26s. for castle-ward, and gave 10s. to 
a clerk for writing out the accounts of all the officials connected with the 
barony and buying the necessary parchment and paper. On the 80th 
of June, 1474, William Ogle the constable, and other officials made a 
scrutiny of the water of Tyne from the mill-pool of Ovingham to the 
sea, taking away and burning all improper nets and sinking fishing 
craft that had been illegally placed on the river.^ 

In 1501 the castle chapel was served by William Franckishe, 
chaplain to Sir Ralph Harbottle, who was then probably the con- 
stable.** Sir Ralph, the owner of Preston Tower in Northumberland 
and of Beamish in Durham, had married Margaret, daughter of Sir 
Ralph Percy, who fell on Hedgeley Moor. We find George Swinburne 
constable of the castle in 1514.^ 

The unhappy sixth Earl of Northumberland passed a week or more 
at Prudhoe Castle in June, 1528, in order to watch, as Warden of 
the Marches, over the preservation of order in Tynedale.*^ Prudhoe 
became the home of his brother Sir Thomas Percy. During the 
Pilgrimage of Grace in 1536, while the negotiations with the King, 
commenced at Doncaster, were still in progress. Sir Thomas Percy is 
said to have repaired with all speed to his house of Prudhoe. On his 
arrival he was welcomed by the leaders of the disaffected population of 

=* * [Super] Willelmum Ogle armigerum, de firma pomarii predict! similiter 
a retro domino debita pro annis xij"** et xiij Regis predicti, videlicet utroque 
anno xiij« iiij<2 — xxvj« viij^; Dominam Comitissam Northambrie consortem 
domini nnnc pro firma pomarii predicti pro hoc anno — xiij* iiijrf.* — Ibid. 

^ 'Et eidem xvj^ solutis diversis hominibus deferentibus literas domini 
diversis generosis directas, ad diversas vices infra predictum tempas ex mandate 
Domini.'' —Contpotus Cuthberti Newton ballivi Baronie de Prudhotve. — Ibid. 

** ' Expense sorutini ague de 7'yne. Et in denariis per ipsiim computantem 
solutis pro expensis Willelmi Ogle Oonstabularii Castri de Prudhowe et alionim 
diversorum officiariorum domini reddantium et scrutantium aquam de Tyne a 
stagno de [OJvyngfham] usque mare, et retres irracionabiles C*io) capiend* et 
comburen(r et puniend', unacum deposicione kiddyll (?) non legitime in dicta 
aqua posit' ultimo die mensis Junii • • • nil, quia firmarius solvit.* — Cumpotw 
Hicardi Crusop prepositi de Ovynffeham. — Ibid. 

■• EccleMastical Proceedings of Bisfwp Bamet^ Surt. Soc, PubL 22, p. xxL 

♦0 Hodgson MSS. Swinburne Charters, i. p. 63. The fourth Earl of North- 
umberland had appointed Thomas Swinburne and Robert Blakman joint 
foresters of his park of Prudhoe. — Ibid. D. p. 83. 

♦* * I nowe have lyen this sennet at my Castell of Prudehowe, within v mile 
of Tyndall, to see good orders to be kept.' — Letter of 6th Earl of Northumber- 
land, Annals of the House of Percy , i. p. 385. 


Tjnedale and Hexhamshire, John Heron of Chipchase and his friends, 
Edward Charlton, Cuddy Charlton, QeoflFrey Robson, Anthony Errinj<- 
. ton, and others, who are said to have formed as much a part of his 
family as if they had been his own household servants. The special 
object of their detestation was Sir Reginald Carnaby, who was one of 
the King's most active supporters in Northumberland. The Carnaby 
family had thought it prudent to place certain stuff and apparel, 
worth more than two hundred pounds, in the charge of William 
Swinburne of Capheaton, who had married Sir Reginald's sister. In 
good old Border style, Sir Thomas Percy despatched his servants to 
Capheaton, where they threatened Swinburne that they would burn 
his lands and do him 'other such displeasures' so that he was compelled 
to give up all the Carnaby goods, which were conveyed in triumph to 
Prudhoe Castle.** 

The Earl of Northumberland, a little before his death in June, 
1537, gave Prudhoe among his other estates to Henry VIII., at the 
close of whose reign we find Sir Roger Lascelles constable, and Thomas 
Carey keeper of the gate.*' 

At the time of the survey of chantries ordered by Edward VI. in 
1547, that of St. Mary at Prudhoe had for its chaplain John Dixon, 
called the * Lady Preest.' Dixon is returned as being fifty years of 
age, and meanly learned, but of honest conversation and qualities.** 

There is reason to suppose that the children of Sir Thomas Percy, 

who was beheaded for the part he took in the Pilgrimage of Oraoe, 

were allowed to be brought up at Prudhoe. By the time Thomas, 

the eldest of them, reached man's estate, it was natural for him to be 

on anything but good terms with Thomas Carey, who represented the 

royal interests. 'Vhe accession of Mary brought Thomas Percy into 

favour at court, and on the 14th of March, 1556, the lords of the 

Council decided at Oreenwich that *• whereas variance had of long time 

depended between Thomas Percy, esquire, and Thomas Carey, gent., 

for the keeping of the castle of Prudhoe,' it should be entrusted to 

Percy from that Lady Day, and that Carey should nr)t only * wholly 

avoid * the castle at Whitsuntide, but pay Percy the sum of twenty 


*« Ibid. i. p. 661. 

** Minutert' AooounU, 87-38 Henry VIII. P.B.O. 

^ Eeelesioitical Proceedings of Bishop Barnes, Sort. Soc. Publ, 22, p. Izzziii. 


On the 1st of May, 1557, Hary created Thomas Percy Earl of 
Northamberland by a new patent, and at the same time restored to 
liim the principal estates of his family. The castle and 780 acres of 
the demesne lands of Prudhoe were granted by hii|, at the annnal rent 
of £52, to Thomas Bates,** who so greatly distinguished himself under 
the Earl's banner in an encounter with the Scots under Sir Andrew 
Ker at the foot of the Cheviots in the following October, as to receive 
an especial letter of thanks from the Queen herself.^ After the rising 
of the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland in 1569, Thomas 
Bates was arrested and sent to the Tower on the charge of conceal- 
ment of treason, and of having transmitted money to the Earl and 
Oountess of Northumberland during or since the rebellion. Arraigned 
at Westminster at the same time as the unfortunate family of Norton, 
he was able to prove that the only money he gave the Earl was the 
stipulated rent of Prudhoe, and subsequently received a pardon>^ He 
continued to reside at Prudhoe Castle till his death, which took place 
there on the Slst of August, 1587.*® 

The survey of the castle and barony of Prudhoe, mad^ by George 
Clarkson for Thomas Earl of Northumberland in 1567, has been un- 
fortunately lost.^ It is therefore matter of considerable congratula- 
tion that the similar survey completed by Stockdale for the ninth Earl 
in 1596 contains, contrary to his usual practice, the following elaborate 
description of the Castle*®: — 

* There is an old Ruinous Castle, Walled about, and in forme not 
much unlike to a Sheild hanging with one poynte upwardes, scituate 

<* Stcekdale's Survey, Alnwick MSS. Thomas Bates was M.P. for Morpeth 
in 1654, bat was Bucceeded in Queen Mary*8 second parliament by * Henry Percy, 
eent.' (possibly the future 8th Earl of Northamberland). He again represented 
Morpeth 1565-1662 ; in 1661 was Supervisor of Crown Lands in Northamber- 
land, and in 1667 chief steward of Alnwick barony. 

^ Original Letter at Milboume Hall. 

^ Sharp, Memorials of the Rebellion of 1569, p. 361. 

** Jfwentory, p.m. Thos. Bates, Probate Office, Durham. Among the items at 
Prudhoe is • All the Householde stuflEe priced together at £9. 14# 8<i,* while the 

Slate there was valued at the considerable sum of £20. There is also a will of 
ilbert Swinburne of Prudhoe Castle, who died 4th February, 1690. See 
Surtees Hist, of Durham, II. p. 278. 

*• A note in Clarkson's MS. at Alnwick says * The Barony of Prodhowe. The 
Barony of Tyndale. Memorandum that these remain with Robert Helme or els 
with Mr. Bates.* No trace of these surveys has been found at Milboume Hall. 
•• Original MS. at Alnwick Castle. Mr. Hartshome in Proe. of Arch, Inst. 
1862, ii. p. 260, appears to have merely reprinted, with some farther errors, 
the imperfect version given by Grose, Antiquities, IV. p. 188. 

Tc ir K ' TV /oiTir? 



upon a high Moaie of Earth» with Ditches in some places all wrought 
with mans handes as it seemeth and is of content all j}he Scyte of the 
Manner, with a litle Garden platt, and the Banckes by estimaoon 
iij acr. 

' The said Castle hath the Entrey on the south where it hath had 
two Gates, the uttermost now in Decay, and without the same is a litle 
Tume Pyke, and on the west parte a large Gate Rowme, where there 
hath been a passage into the Lodgeings there scituate without the 
Castle (as is supposed) or to the Chappell there standing, and between 
the Gates is a stronge Wall on both sydes, and as it appeareth hath 
been a draw Bridge, and without the same before it come to the utter 
gate, a Tnme Pyke for Defence of the Bridge. The Gate is a Tower 
all Massy Worke on both sydes to the Topp of the Vault, above the 
Vault is the Cheppell, and above the Chappell a Chamber, which is 
called the Wardrobe, it is covered with Lead But in great Ruine both 
in Leade and Timber, it is in Length Tenn Yeards, and in breadth 
six yeards or thereaboutes. 

• 'There is opposite to the said Gatehouse Tower joyning to the 
north wall of the said Castle one Hall of Eighteen yeards of Length 
and nine yeards of breadth or thereabouts within the Walls, coveited 
alsoe with Lead, Albeit the Tymber and Leade in some Decay. 

' Between the said Gatehouse Tower and Hall on the left hand, at 
your Entry in at the Gkite is a House of ij^ house hight of Length 
xxiij®' yeards, in breadth six yeardes or thereaboutes, Devided into two 
Chambers covered with slate, the lower House hath a great Room to 
pass ont of the Court through that House to the great Tower, and in 
the south end a Chamber called the Parlour, and in the north end a 
litle Buttery, in the house is two Chambers called the utter Chamber 
and Inner Chamber,*^ Out of the Utter Chamber is a Chamber*' is a 
passage to the great Tower by a litle Gallary, on the other syde a 
Passage downe to the Buttery, out of the Inner Chamber is a passage 
to the Chappell, and on the other side a passage to a House called 
the Nursery. 

'On the west parte of the said House is another litle House, 
standing East and West, upon the south wall called the Nursery in 

** This passage is garbled past comprehension in Mr. Hartshome's version. 
** Sic, 

A A 


Length Tenn yeards, and in breadth six yeards or thereaboates of two 
House height covered also with Slate. 

* At the South-west Comer is a House standing north and Soutii, 
called the Garner adjoyning to the West Wall, in Length tenn yeardes, 
in breadth sis yeardes, of ij^ House height, the under house a Stable, 
the upper house a Gramer covered also with slate. 

'At the north-west Comer of the said Castle is a litle Tower called 
the West Tower of thre house height round on the outside, in Length 
seaven yeards, in breadth six yeards or thereaboutes covered with 
Lead, but in decay both in Lead and 1?ymber. 

* Joyned to the said Tower is another House of ij° house height, in 
Length nine yeards, in breadth six yeards or thereaboutes Covered with 
Slate, but much in Decay. 

'In the midle of these Houses, by it selfe standeth the Great 
Tower, one way xviij** yeardes another way xij® yeards north and 
South, of 8 Storyes onely and of height xy^ yeards or thereaboutes, 
besides the battlements it hath noe Vault of stone in it, it is Covered 
with Lead, but in some Decay of Lead and Timber, but necessary to 
be repaired, and a toofall or a litle House adjoyning thereunto in 
Utter Decay. 

' At the East end of the Hall is a House called the Kitchen, of one 
house* height, in Length xi j^ yeards in breadth six yeards dim. or 
thereaboutes, covered with Slate. 

' In the east end as it were at the lower poynt of the Sheild is a 
litle square Tower in length vij® yeards in breadth v^ yeardes or 
theiraboutes covered with Lead, but in utter mine and decay, both in 
Timber and Lead, adjoyning to the same is a House called the Brew- 
house, in Length viij' yeards, and in breadth vij yeards and covered 
with Slate. 

' There is within the Scyte, and without the Walls, an Elder 
Chappell, which hath been very fair, and covered with Slate. In the 
tyme that diverse dwellers were on the Demeynes one Dwelled in the 
said Chappell, and made it his Dwelling House, and Byers for his 
Cattell, and by that means Defaced, saveing the Tymber, Walls and 
greate parte of Slate remayneth. 

'There is alsoe within the precincts of the Scyte a litle Milne 
standing at the Castle Gate. 


'There is nnder the Moate on the north sjde a Bame, two Byere, 
and other sach an old Kill and Eill-hoase all which were Builded and 
Repaired by Thomas Bates in the Tt" Teare of the Qneens Majesties 
Beigne, (that now is,) and yet now in his late absence Decayed. 

* There was an Orchard, sett all with f rait Trees now all spoyled, 
and an old House, wherein the Keeper of the Orchard Did Dwell.' 

Ranald Heron was, at the time of this survey, tenant of the 
castle and demesne, paying yearly to the Earl £66 13s. 4d., besides an 
ont-rent of £6 to the parson. After the Gunpowder Plot, Sir William 
Selby and Sir Wilfrid Lawson searched Prudhoe Oastle in vain, 
hoping to discover Thomas Percy, one of the conspirators, who 
it was thought mis^ht be hiding there.'* On the 4th of December, 
1606, the ninth Earl of Northumberland, then a prisoner in the Tower, 
directed a formal warrant to William Orde, bailiff of Prudhoe, to dis- 
possess Reginald Heron of the castle.^ Orde appears to have taken 
np his abode in the castle himself, and according to the quaint inscrip- 
tion on his tombstone in the chancel of Ovingham Church — 

* Of sin's foule dregs and vile contagion free, 
With credit great while he Lord Percy served, 
Of High, of Low, of all, he well deserved/** 

As late as 1617, the fee of the constable of the castle of Prudhoe 
is entered as £10 a year, and that of the porter as £8 Os. 8d.'^ 

After having been held by Sir Orlando Q^, one of the Earl of 
Northumberland's commissioners, in the reign of Charles II., the 
castle was allowed to fall more and more to ruin.*^ The ' Prospect ' of 
it, dedicated by Samuel and Nathaniel Buck to Algernon Seymour 
Earl of Hertford in 1728, shows the south wall of the keep standing 

»» Col. of State Papers, Dom, 1603-1610, p. 268. 

** Percy Family Papers ^ 9, A p. 34, Alnwick Castle. 

** He died 27th April, 1630. William Orde of Prudhoe Castle married Ellen, 
daughter of Gerard Balvin of Croxdale, who was living a widow in 1633. — 
Snrtees' Hist, of Dwrham, IV. p. 119. He was the ancestor of the Ords of 
Sturton Grange, between Warkworth and Shilbottle, and not as Hodgson, II. iii. 
p. 107, suggests of the Ords of Whitfield. WiUiam Orde of Prudhoe Castle was 
married at St. John*s, Newcastle, to Elizabeth Selby of Whitehouse, co. Durham, 
bj Mr. Henry Horsley a justice in 1654, and appears to have still been living at 
Prudhoe when rated for Sturton Grange in l^^^^—Ejpitaphs arU Monuitvental 
Inscriptions of Warkworth Church and Churchyard, ed. by M. H. Dand and 
J. C. Hodgson, p. 85) privately printed, Alnwick, 1890. 

•• Percy Family Papers, Vol. XI. p. 28, Alnwick Castle. 

*7 * Anthony Isaacson, Esq., late Zacharia Gee, Esq., and Sir Orlando Gee, 

sometime Thomas Bates, gent., holdeth there the Castle.'— i^rwy of Prudhoe in 
1727, Alnwick Castle. 


almost perfect, with the foundations of St. Mary's chapel in the fore- 
ground. A more faithful drawing of the castle by Grimm, in about 
1786, represents the walls in much the same condition ; but by the 
end of the century, the south-east comer of the main building of the 
keep appears to have collapsed. Considerable works of repair and 
alteration were earned out by the order of the second Duke of 
Northumberland, whose younger son, Algernon Percy, afterwards the 
fourth Duke, was summoned to the House of Lords as Baron Pru^oe 
of Prudhoe Castle in 1816.*® Writing about this time, Sir David 
Smith, after quoting Stockdale's Survey, adds: — *The interior of the 
Castle is somewhat altered since the period before-mentioned; the 
ruinous walls of the Hall, Kitchen, Nursery, Gamer, and Stable are 
taken away — The dwelling house has been rebuilt and enlarged, by 
continuing its noithem end, as far as the foundations of the north 
wall, where it ends in a bow — the decayed sqnare building between 
the Great and west Towers has been removed, and a Stable has been 
built, between the last mentioned Tower, and the former Garner, 
adjoining to the west wall, the east tower has been converted into a 
powder Magazine and Armoury ; and a new Garden has been made 
without the Castle, between it, the miUpond, and the western exterior 
ditch, comprehending the site of the old chapel.*** Sir David, whose 
labours as an antiquary deserve wider recognition, has preserved in his 
collections a sketch-plan of the castle as it was before being subjected 
to these well-meant alterations. 

Seated on an isolated mount, about five hundred yards to the 
south of the river Tyne, Pmdhoe, though of small dimensions, attains 
more nearly to the ideal of a Border castle than does any other in 
Northumberland.^ The positions of Wark and Norham on the Tweed 

*■ * A gold ring set with a sapphire was fouod in 1808 at Prudhoe Castle : 
weighty 64 grains. It is of a peculiar form, the beazil projecting with a peak 
of considerable height, surmounted by the setting — probable date, fourteenth 
century; preserved at Alnwick C&Btle.^— Archceological Journal^ vil. p. 191. 
SSir David Smith gives a rough sketch of a rusty iron arrow-head dug up at 
Prudhoe Castle in 1818. 

*• Sir David Smith, Collectioru relating to Camps and Ca^les^ Alnwick Castle 

^ Mr. G. T. Clark delivered an address on Prudhoe Castle to the members of 
the Royal Archaeological Institute, assembled there on Tuesday, the 12th of 
August, 1884. The substance of Mr. Clark's address is given in the Praeeeding$ 
of the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, vol. i. p. 281. In the 
architectural portion of the present account of the castle the order of Mr. Clark*s 
remarks has been purposely followed. 


. - ^ t 



may poesiblj be finer, *buk the first has almost entirely disappeared, 
and the latter is in absolute ruin. It is, indeed, a pity that the 
fandfhl derivation of the name of Prudhoe from * the proud height ' 
cannot be sustained, so admirably does it suit the scornful look which, 
in all its beauty of wood and tower, the castle seems to cast on the 
rows of wretched cottages at the foot of the hill and the ugly iron 
bridge thrown over the river to Ovingham. The castle is about 150 
feet above the Tyne. Three small bums running down the steep hill 
to the south of it unite to form a deep dene defending it from the 
east. Of these the western and middle burns are caught in the mill- 
pond that occupies the neck of land immediately in front of the castle ; 
while the eastern and largest burn is crossed by a fine medisBval bridge 
of a single ribbed arch. Along the west side of the castle area a very 
deep outer moat has been cut from near the southern extremity of the 
mill-pond, and in addition an inner moat extends from this at the foot 
of the south of the curtain of the castle till it gradually combines with 
the dene already mentioned. Between these two moats and the mill- 
pond, outside the castle walls, was the 'pele yard.'^^^ This now forms 
a most charming garden, the site of the chapel of St. Mary being 
covered with rose-bushes.** The earth-works of the castle may easily 
belong to a period long before the Umfrevilles. The deep western 
moat does not seem to have formed part of the Norman defences* 
though of course the *peleyard' may have been a base court sur- 
rounded by a wooden stockade. Traces of what look like early 
outworks can also be seen on the eastern slope of the castle-mound. 

The castle proper is approached across the dam on the east side of 
the mill-pond. The ruins of the mill appear below this causeway on 
the right. The barbican, about 36 feet long by 24 feet wide, is 

" See above, p. 67, for note (C) on the word pele. It is perhaps more satis- 
factory to give the whole extract relating to the construction of the pele without 
the gates of Prudhoe : — * Rex Rogero de Mauduyt constabulario castri de Prodhou 
salatem mandamus vobis quod in reparacionem et emendacionem castri predicti 
necnon construccionem cujusdam peli extra portas ejusdem castri pro maiore 
salvacionc castri usque ad summam viginti marcarum de exitibus ball! vie vestre 
per visum et testimonium Ricardi de Emeldon maioris ville Novi Castri super 
Tynam poni faciatis et nos, etc.* — Ahhrev, Rat. Orig. i. p. 299. Stockdale really 
says that the pele-yard was entered by a * a large Gate Rowme^^ and not by * a 
large gate-toure ' as Mr. Hartshorne's inaccurate transcript led me to suppose. 

•* * On the brow of a hill, opposite to Ovingham, is PrxtdhoW'CaHle . . , The 
castle is now in ruins : as is the chapel of our lady, at the foot of the hill.' — 
WaUis, IIlHory of JVorthumberland, 1769, vol. ii. pp. 163, 166. As to the chantry 
founded in this chapel, see above pp. 202, 208, 207. 



entered under the slightly pointed arch of a* gateway vanlted with 
cylindrical ribs, and flanked by two side walls, that on the right 
projecting about 11 feet,, while the other, probably extending to the 
mill-pond, was pierced by the gateway into the ' pele yard ' mentioned 
by Stockdale, the springers of the arch of which remain. The pas- 

TuK Gatrhouhk Towkr kkom thk Soutu-Eaut. 

sage within the barbican is about 11 feet wide. A small round- 
headed door on the left opens into the ^pele yard,' and a similar one 
on the right leads on to the scarp above the eastern dene. From 
the inner end of the passage straight open stairs ascend on either 
side to the battlements. The numerous mason-marks on the barbican 
correspond so closely with those on the gatehouse of Bothal Castle, 



which is known to have been erected about 1343, that it may, with 
tolerable confidence, be regarded as the work of Gilbert de Umfreville, 
third Earl of Angus, in the middle of the fourteenth century. 
Beyond the barbican _ jk,. 

the inner moat was span- 
ned by a drawbridge, 
which was worked appa- 
rently from a sort of fore- 
building erected 20 feet 
in advance of the main 
gatehouse, and probably 
dropped on a cill project- 
ing 5 feet in the rear of 
the barbican. The space 
between the drawbridge 
and the main gatehouse 
appears to have been at 
one time covered in. A 
recess in the wall of thir- east oorbel of gateway. 

teenth century masonry, on the west side of the roadway, has had a late 
square-headed door inserted in it. Of the wall on the east side, only 
the foundations are left, 
and the lower portion of 
the gatehouse has been 
refaced so as to efface the 

marks of the ties. 

The Gatehouse Tower 

is a rectangle 18 feet 6 

inches deep by 80 feet 

in width. There are no 

lodges; the lateral walls 

of the passive are solid, 

that on the right being 

no less than 14 feet thick. 

There was no portcullis. 

Much of the plain barrel 

'Vault that rises and ex- 
pands towards the court- 

Impost or Inner Arcu or Gateway. 



yard is modem. It is traversed diagonally by a single nnchamf^red 
rib that rests on two twin-&ced Norman corbels with almost dassical 
entablatures. These corbels, like similar ones in Durham Cathedral, 
may be definitely referred to the opening of the twelfth century. There 
seems no reason to question the inner archway being Norman along with/ 
all the rest of the basement of this most interesting early gatehouse. 
In the early part of the thirteenth century^a chapel was built over 

r-, T t ml Js.*w 

Interior or Gatshoubs Ohapxl.) ^' •• "^ 

the gateway.^* Entered by a square-headed door in a sort of project- 
ing porch with a slanting stone roof, it measures internally 24 feet in 
length by 14 feet 6 inches in width. There are two lancet windows 
in each of the side walls and an oblique one in the south-west comer. 
An eastern bay or oriel, 7 feet wide, and resting on the curtain-waU, 
is thrown out 4 feet beyond a heavy pointed arch, low down in the 

•* Mr. Hartshorae, Professor Freeman, and Mr. G.T. Clark, have confounded 
this small chapel in the Gatehouse with the chantry chapel of St. Bfaiy, which 
was situated in the pele-yard. The numerous other writers who have been con- 
tent to follow them blindly have fallen into the same error. Both chapels 
require also to be carefully distinguished from the chantry chapel of St. Thomas 
the Martyr, which Stockdale informs us was 4n the Towne of Prudhoe*, and of 
which the interesting Idth century doorway still remains. 



south jamb of which is a roagh piscina.^ This stone-roofed oriel 
has two irregular lancets in its east, and a small one in its soath 
east wall. Aboat the end of the thirteenth century a second floor 
appears to have been placed over the chapel, which was then reduced 
to the height of only 8 feet. The outlines of two of the embrasures 
of the original battlement of the chapel may still be made out on the 

Orikl of Ohapel from the Courtyard. 

south front of the gatehouse. One of these has been built up 

internally, while the other has, with a similar embrasure in the east 

wall, been converted into an aumry. This second floor was used as 

** Under this arch a curious stone originally carved with four faces, but of 
which three have almost been obliterated, is placed on the apex-stone of a gable. 
There is a similar stone, of more modem appearance, in the porch of Ovingham 
Church. They were probably mere finials, but bear a strong resemblance to the 
four-faced images of Sviatovid or ' See-the-world,* the double Janus of the Slavs, 
of which there is a good example in the Academy of Sciences at Cracow. 

B B 


the Wardrobe. It has two fine cruciform loops in the south wall 
commanding the barbican ; a loop of this description in the south- 
west comer has been built up. There is a large square window in 
the north wall, and the plain head of a fire-place across the north-east 
angle. Both the chapel and the Wardrobe are approached by a break- 
neck stair, the lower portion of which is modern. Opposite the entrance 
to the chapel is a small doorwaj in the wall of the modem house, 
which, at any rate, occupies the place of the door which, Stockdale 
tells us, led out of the Inner Chamber. The stair continues to the 
battlements of the gatehouse. Except on the north side, the merlons 
of these battlements are pierced with small cross loops, while the 
embrasures have been provided with swing-shutters, several of the 
pivot-holes of which still remain. The fine octagonal chimney shaft 
of the fire-place in the Wardrobe is a prominent object in the north- 
east comer. 

Attached to the north curtain immediately opposite the gate- 
house was the Hall, apparently a building of the thirteenth centnry, 
about 54 feet long and 27 feet wide.** Traces of one of the windows 
are seen above a small oblong slit. The dwelling-house, which in 
Stockdale's time stretched from the Hall to the south curtain near 
the steps up to the chapel in the gatehouse, thus dividing the castle 
into an outer and an inner ward, was extended over the west end of 
the Hall in the beginning of the present century, and made to 
terminate in a great bow-window immediately above the northern 
slope. The kitchen, measuring about 36 feet by 20 feet, was built 
against the curtain at the east end of the Hall. The lower portion 
of one of the windows is left, but so low down as to clearly prove that 
the courtyard was intentionally filled up to its present level. This, 
besides making the ascent to the castle unnaturally steep and 
burying the foundations of the Hall and kitchen, has had the effect ' 
of pressing out the curtain-wall. A fence formerly ran across the 
outer ward between the kitchen and the north-east comer of the 
gatehouse, leaving the ground east of it to be used as a garden. 
The north-east portion of the curtain is of most massive constractiou. 
An oblique passage in it leads down to a latrine. The basement of 

^ The Hall is still clearly seen in the views of the castle from the north-west 
given by Qrose and Hutchinson. 



the small tower at the east end of the castle, wioh two cross-loops in 
its outer face, appears to be original. Just south of this, a few yards of 
the battlement of the curtain are still left, and nearer the gatehouse 
there is a very elaborate latrine entered by a good shouldered door- 
way of the Carnarvon type. A small oblong window between the 
latrine and the gatehouse, now built up, shows that there must have 
been some building against the curtain there. 

Immediately west of the ex- 
ternal stair of the gatehouse, a 
modem archway under the 
dwelling-house leads to the 
Inner Ward, which contains 
the Great Tower or keep. This 
archway replaces one that was 
considerably further north, with 
only a buttery between it fend 
the Hall, and the old dwelling- ' 
house, the position of the eastern 
wall of which appears to have 
coincided with that of its suc- 
cessor, was not more than 20 
feet wide. The two picturesque 
gables of the south end of the 
old house, shown in the Bucks' 
view, have been supplanted by a 
vile servile imitation of the gate- 
house battlements. Under the 
modern archway a very early 
carved stone, with two grotesque 
heads, has been built into the 
south wall.** It was probably a corner-corbel. 

The main building of the Great Tower, standing nearly in the 
centre of the Inner Ward, appears to have been almost square, 41 feet 
north and south by 44 feet east and west, and about 45 feet high to the 
parapet from the present ground level. A sort of forebuilding is, 
however, built on about 12 feet beyond the broad flanking pilasters of 

" There is an early corbel representing the head of a wide- jawed monster on 
the first floor of the interior of the keep of Appleby Castle. 

Latbins in South Cubtain. 


the east face, so as to make the north and south fece about 56 feet 
long on the ground plan. Both the Bucks* view in 1728, and the more 
reliable drawing by Grimm in about 1786, seem to conclusively prove 
that this forebuilding did not rise to much more than half the height 
of the rest of the keep. The basement contains two chambers, about 
14 feet long east and west. The northern of these, now a cellar, has a 
doorway of late character in its east wall, opening into the front haU of 
the modem house. Probably, however, the original entrance to the keep 
* was in the east wall of the southern chamber. If so it has been destroyed 
to make a wider passage. A wheel stair, with steps 8 feet 4 inches wide, 
ascends in a sort of turret at the south end of this forebuilding. 
After passing a latrine-chamber in the east wall, we reach a square- 
headed door which opened into the first storey of the main keep, but at 
some height above the floor level. There was no direct communication 
between this stair and the first floor of the forebuilding. A few steps 
higher the stair ends at a door opening eastward of what appears to 
have been the level of the battlements of the forebuilding, as a slop- 
spuut in the north wall of the turret must have emptied on to its roof. 
The first floor of the forebuilding seems to have formed one chamber, 
remains of the early fire-place of which are left in the east wall. It 
was with this chamber that the gallery mentioned by Stockdale as 
leading out of the dwelling-house must have communicated. 

The walls of the main building of the Great Tower are about 9 feet 
thick. There is no plinth visible, the same process of levelling having 
probably been adopted as in the outer ward. The south and west 
faces have each three flat and narrow pilasters, which after three 
'set-o£b' die into the wall below the parapet. The central pilaster of 
the south foce is shorter ; there was a chimney above it. The south- 
west corner turret is the only one that remains. 

The interior of the keep is about 28 feet square. In the base- 
ment there is a semi-circular rubble arch in the north wall, which 
may possibly have been a window-recess as there is no sign of any 
other opening in the external walls. It has been refaced outside 
and turned into a doorway. The well appears to be buried like 
so much else of interest in the castle. The first floor, about 15 
feet high, had a window of two fine shouldered lights, inserted in an 
original rubble-arched recess in the remaining fragment of the north 


wall, probably about 1800. This wall was refaced at the same time, 
and has a good labelled string-course above the window. According 
to the views taken in last century, there was also a window of three 
lights to the left of the probable fire-place in the south wall.*' From 
the north-west corner of this floor a mural stair rises in the thick- 
ness of the west and south walls in the direction of the probable 
south-east comer turret of the battlements. The lower part of this 
stair is a restoration, the original is vaulted with rubble. The keep 
had no vault, but the floors were supported on corbels from all sides. 
The second floor was entered from the mural stair in the west wall by 
a square-headed doorway. Above this are the marks of a comparatively 
modem gable. There were two windows of a single light like those 
of the first floor in separate recesses in the north wall. 

In the curtain-wall south of the keep, the lower portions of two 
window-recesses of the Nursery, which Stockdale speaks of , may yet be 
traced. It appears very possible that the name may be derived fi-om 
the children of Sir Thomas Percy being brought up in it. West 
of this is a triangular recess pierced with a cross-loop. The base of 
the large three-quarter round bastion that capped the south-west angle 
of the castle is now occupied by a conservatory. Within this angle 
there formerly stood a building called the Gamer, which extended 
30 feet against the west curtain, and consisted of a stable with a 
granary above. The north-west angle is also covered by a similar 
bastion, but the outer walls of this, known as the West Tower, still 
stand almost perfect. The basement and the merlons of the battlement 
are pierced with cross-loops. A building connected with this tower 
seems to have been carried as far east as a door-jamb at the head of 
the first flight of a stair that leads to the walk on the north curtain- 
wall. The stair is continued westward in the thickness of the 
curtain itself. In the buttress at the junction of this last with the 
West Tower is a small mural chamber, apparently a latrine. The 

" A frag:ment of tracery belonging to a square-headed window of the middle 
of the 14th century, is now lying on the rockery on the site of the Hall. Possibly 
it came from this window in the keep, although the Bucks in their Prospect show 
a two-lipht and a three-light window in the south gables of the dwelling-house, 
which have been replaced, their relative f)Ofiitions transposed, by traceried 
windows of this kind, which may be genuine copies. Grimm in his view has a 
large window of four lights in what seems to be the wall of the Nursery on the 
courtyard side. 


portion of the north curtain opposite the keep also contains two mnral 
chambers. In the western of these is a latrine, approached by a short 
stair. The purpose served by the other is not so obvious, but its 
extremely low level again calls attention to the fact that the whole 
area within the castle walls was artificially raised at the time of the 
fortunate repairs and the unfortunate alterations made by the second 
Duke of Northumberland, in order to secure the monotonous symmetry 
then in vogue. 


1300-1307.—* Gilbert de Umf raville, Earl of Angus, shows the King and Conncil 
that for time beyond memory his ancestors and himself have warded prisoners 
within their franchise of Bedesdale in the prison of their castle of Hirbodelle, 
but it is so 'abattu' by the Scots, that prisoners can no longer be safely warded 
there, and prays the King to permit him to keep them in his castle of Prudhow 
in the same county till he can repair Hirbodelle.* 

(Endorsed) ^ As these facts are attested before the Council, he has leaye to 
imprison for 10 years in Prudhow caAtl^'^Parliamewtary Petitions^ No, 8^i4S; 
Cal. Doc. rel. to Scotland, II. p. 523. 

March 20, 1336.—* The King permits Gilbert de Umfraville, Earl of Angus, to 
keep the prisoners of Bedesdale in his castle of Prudhow for 10 years, as the 
castle of Hirbodell is insecure from its damages by the Scottish wars.* — Pat. 
Roll, 10 Ed. III. p. 1 m. 33; Cal. Doc. rel. to Scotland, IlL p. 220. 




A NATUBAL fortress from the day when it was first heaved through 
the earth's cmst by some great volcanic convulsion, the castle-rock of 
Bamburgh may justly claim to be regarded as the actual birth-place 
of England. If it had not been for the ascendancy of the English 
kings, whose throne was firmly stablished on its basalt ramparts 

Bambuugh Castle f&om ths Noath-Webt. 

during the most decisive period of our early history, we should find 
ourselves now living in a New Saxony, or, rather perhaps, if the Ohurch 
that gave first conception to the idea of our national unity had spread 
from Canterbury instead of from Lindisfarne, in an insular Jutland.^ 

* An account of Bamburgh Castle, by Mr. G. T. Clark, appeared in June, 
1889, in the ArcheBological Journal^ zlvi. p. 93. In justice to his own great 
reputation, Mr. Clark should cancel the historical portion, pp. 93-104. 


It is in connection with the rise of this English kingdom of 
Bernicia that Bamburgh, known to the Celts as Dingnaroy,^ is first 
mentioned in our chronicles. The English chieftain Ida, we are told, 
began to reign there in 547, and he it was who timbered Bebbanbnrh 
that was erst with hedge betyned and thereafter with wall.'^ Accord- 
ing to one account, Ida had in the first instance come over the sea 
with his father Eoppa, in sixty ships, and landed at Flamborough;^ 
but the general idea conveyed by these early traditions is that he 
merely united in one kingdom tribes that had previously been ruled by 
independent headmen. Theodric, one of his successors, was driven out 
into the island of Metcaut, called in English Lindisfame, by the British 
prince Urien. With the accession of Ida's grandson Ethelfiith, at the 
end of the sixth century, the work of conquest and colonisation pro- 
ceeded more rapidly. Ethelfrith is compared by Bede to a ravening 
wolf, and received from the Britons the surname of Flesaurs or the 
Destroyer on account of the devastations he carried across the island as 
fiir as Chester-on-the-Dee. He gave, we are told, the stronghold of 
Dinguaroy to his wife Bebba, and possibly, after his death at the 
battle of the Idle in 607, she may have held out in her great rock- 
fortress against the invasion of Edwin of Deira.' Be this as it may, it 
is from Queen Bebba that the name of Bamburgh is derived. One 
legend, indeed, represents her as living to receive the right hand and 

' ' Eadfered Flesaurs . . . dedit uxori suae Dinguo Aroy, quae vocatur Bebbab, 
et de nomine suas uzorls sasceplt nomen, id est, Bebbanburch.* — Nennius, HU- 
toria JBritonum, App. In his History, § 61, Nennias, according to one MS. says 
that Ida * uncxit (sic) Dynguayrdi Guuerth-bemeich,' — Man. Hist. Brit. p. 75. 

' This famous passage appears, after all, to be a mere twelfth-century inter- 
polation of a Kentish scribe. — Earle, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel^ 
Oxford, 1865, Introd. p. xxiii.; p. 16, p. 17n. Mr. G. T. Clark is sorely perplexed 
about this h^ge of Ida's. It could, of course, have only been a simple stockade, 
and Bamburgh then no doubt closely resembled what Magdala in Abyssinia was 
in the time of King Theodore. A Northumbrian countryman still deems it 
necessary to call a thorn hedge a ^ which {i.e, quick) hedge' by way of distinction. 

* De Prima Saxanvm Adventu in Symeon of Durham, Bolls ed. ii. p. 374. 
Mr. Hodgson Hinde long ago pointed out that the 'Flamddwyn* of the 
Welsh ba^s was much more probably Hussa or Theodric than Ida. — Hist, of 
Northd. p. 69. The evidence, such as it is, seems to be in favour of Hussa being 
this * Flamebearer.' Mr. Hodgson Hinde's criticism has been lost on Professor 
Freeman, who also falls into the old blunder of making Bebba the wife of Ida. 
— English Tokens and Districts^ p. 327. 

^ The statement in the Chronicle of Thomas Budbome, a monk of Winchester 
(Leland, Collectanea^ i. p. 411), that * Paulinus 36 diebus cum Edwino mansit 
in Bamburg, intentus prsedicandi et baptizandi officio,' is evidently a mere stupid 
perversion of Bede's account (lib. ii. c. 14) of the thirty-six days' mission of 
Paulinus at Ad Gebrium (Yevering). 










ann of her stepson King Oswald, which his brother Oswi had taken 
down from the stakes on which Penda of Mercia, the fierce champion 
of the northern gods, had displayed them after the battle of Maserfield 
in 642, and to treasure them np in her city in a silver shrine placed in 
a church dedicated to St. Peter.^ The right hand of Oswald, known 
even to the Celts as Oswald Fair-hand, had been specially blest by 
bishop Aidan. The king and the bishop had just sat down to dinner 
one Easter day, probably at Bamburgh, when the servant, to whom 
Oswald had entrusted the duty of distributing his alms to the poor, 
suddenly entered to say that the streets were full of starving beggars. 
The king not only immediately ordered the meat that was still un- 
tasted to be carried out to these, but also that the silver dish contain- 
ing it should be broken up for their benefit. Struck by this signal 
act of charity, the bishop took hold of Oswald's right hand and blessed 
it, saying * May this hand never perish.'^ 

Twice was Bamburgh besieged by the heathen Penda. On the 
first occasion, having in vain endeavoured to take it by storm or reduce 
it by a close investment, he collected a quantity of planks^ beams, 
wattles, and thatch from the villages he had destroyed in the neigh* 
bourhood, and piling them round the foot of the rock on the land side, 
waited till the wind blew from the south-west, when he set the mass 
on fire in the hope of burning down the city. The flames and smoke 
rising high above the walls were seen by bishop Aidan in his hermit- 
age on Fame Island, two miles away. Stretching up his hands to 
heaven, Aidan is said to have cried, ' See, Lord, what great evil Penda 
doeth !' whereupon the wind shifting right round, drove the flames 
back on the Mercian host, who broke up their camp in despair.® 
Nevertheless, after Aidan's death in 651, Penda burnt down the 
village of Bamburgh and the wooden church which Aidan had built, 
probably on the site of the present parish church.^ 

' ' Bebbe vero regina brachia illius sustulit, et in techa argentea una cum 
sacris manibns ossibus et ncrvis, came integra et incorrupta et venis intcgerrimis 
in Bebburg civitate reclusit.' — Vita S. Oswaldi, cap. xlvii. Rolls ed. (Sym. 
Dun. i.) p. 373. 

' * Nnnqnam inveterascat hsBC manus.* — Bede, Hist. Ecol, lib. iii. c. 6. 

^ ^Qai cum ventis ferentibos globos ignis, ac fumum supra muros urbis 
exaltari conspioeret, fertnr elevatis ad caelum oculis manibusque, cum lacrymls 
dixisse : * Vide Domine, quanta mala facit Penda,' &c.' — Bede, Hist, Eccl. lib. 
iii. c. 16. The expression * muros urbis ' deserves attention ; Ida's hedge had 
already been superseded by the stone wall. 

» md, lib. iii. c. 17. 



It was to the Royal City, as Bambnrgh was called par excellence^ 
that St. Cuthbert, in his prophetic anxiety for the fate of King 
Egfrid, urged Queen Irminburga to hasten from Carlisle in 685." 
The church and village which had been rebuilt were again bomt 
down,^^ probably in February 706, when King Eadulf was besieging 
the powerful ealdorman Bertfrid, who, having revolted against his 
usurped authority, held the city for the late king Aldfrid's yonng 
son Osred. Finding himself hard pressed, Bertfrid, as he afterwards 
declared, vowed that in case of his resistance proving victorions he 
would render obedience to the Ohurch of Borne, especially in the 
question of the restitution of Wilfrid to his bishopric; and Eadulf 
was soon afterwards defeated and slain.^* 

In 750, Offa s6n of Aldfrid having, it would seem, unsuccessfully 
claimed the Northumbrian throne, took sanctuary in Lindis&me. In 
consequence of this King Eadbert laid siege to the basilica there, and 
dragged Eynewulf the bishop a prisoner to Bambufgh, though he 
released him before his own death, which happened eight years later.^' 
It seems possible that Eadbert at this time removed the head of St. 
Oswald from Lindisfame to Bambnrgh — ^possible, that is to say, if 
there is any foundation in fact for a curious legend related on the high 
authority of Aelred, Abbot of Bievaulx. According to this, many years 
after the burial of Oswald, St. Cuthbert appeared to a certain old man 
who was praying at his shrine at Lindisfame, and said, ' Oo onto 
Bambnrgh that thou mayest bring me the head of St. Oswald which is 
now negligently kept in the church there, in order that it may rest in 
the same shrine as my body. For the successors of Ejng Oswi nn- 

'® ' Et Regkim Civitatem citissime introeas ne forte occisus sit rex.' — Bede, 
Vita 8. Chithbertiy c. zzvii. ; ed. Stevenson, ii. p. 102. 

" Bede, Hist, Ecol, lib. iii. c. 17. 

^' ' Nam qnando in urbe, quss Bebbanburg dicitar, obsessi, et ondiqne cir- 
cumcincti hostili manu in angustiaque rupis lapidess mansimns ; inito consilio 
inter nos, si Deus nostro regali puero Regnum patris sui concessit, qass mandavit 
Sancta Apostolica auctoritas de S. Wilfrido Bpiscopo, adimplere Deo spopon- 
dimus : et statim post vota, matatis animis inimicorom, concito cursa omnes cam 
jnramento in amicitiam nostram conversi sunt. Apertis jannis de angnsti* 
liberfiti sumus, f ugatis inimicis nostris Regnum accepimus.' — Eddius, Vita & 
Wilfridi, lyiii. ; Gale, Scriptores, p. 86. 

*' *Anno DCCL. Badberht rex Kyniwlfum episcopum in urbem Bebban 
captivum adduxerat, basilicamque beati Petri obsidere fecit in Lindisfamea.' — 
Symeon Don. Hittoria Jiegum, § 41 ; Rolls ed. ii. p. 39. * Donee placato rege 
de captionc relaxatas Cjnewalf ad suam redlret eoclesianu* — Bjm. Don. Histw 
JDun. Eool, lib. II. cap. iii ; Rolls ed. i. p. 48. A vulgar error keeps Kyniwidf a 
prisoner of Bamburgn for thirty years. 


jnstlj removed it to Bamborgh from this mj monastery of Lindis- 
ferne. All they who, by the theft of such a treasure, profaned my 
sanctuary are now dead, and that which God entrusted to be buried in 
a cemetery under my protection ought not to be kept irom me by 
human violence.' For a long time the man who received these orders 
from St. Cuthbert found no opportunity for carrying them out. At 
last he proceeded to Bamburgh on St. Oswald's day, and found the 
king's head, wrapt in cloth, placed above the altar for the veneration 
of the faithful. The crowd of pilgrims, however, forced him to defer 
the execution of his plans till the following morning. He then lingered 
behind after mass till everyone had left the church except the one 
door-keeper of that monastery. This official kept a very diligent 
watch on his movements. What he did therefore was to drop his belt 
and gloves near the altar, and then hastened out of the chureh to 
mount the horse his servant had brought to the end of the cemetery. 
Despatching this servant on an errand, he turned to the door-keeper, 
whose curiosity had brought him out so far, saying, ' Just take hold of the 
horse, my good fellow, and let me get my belt and gloves which I left 
in the church.' Before the door-keeper could say nay, he was off to 
the altar^ had the head of St. Oswald under his arm, and coming out 
with the gloves and belt ostentatiously displayed to allay suspicion, 
rode safely off with his sacred booty to Lindis&rne, and afterwards 
had the satisfaction to learn that the door-keeper carefully locked the 
church up without, ever looking inside again.^* 

Bamburgh afforded a temporary refuge to Alcred king of Northum- 
berland in 774, before his final exile in Pictland. An early chronicle, 
in relating this, adds by way of gloss: — ' Bebba is a most strongly 
fortified city, not very large, being of the size of two or three fields, 
having one entrance hollowed out of the rock and raised in steps after 
a marvellous fashion. On the top of the hill it has a church of 
extremely beautiful workmanship, in which is a shrine rich and costly, 
that contains, wrapt in a pall, the right hand of St. Oswald the king 
still incorrupt, as is related by Bede the historian of this nation. To 

^* Ibid. cap. xlix. p. 375. The < solus monatterii illius sedituus ' kept follow- 
ing the stranger ' per angulornm hiuilica diversoria.' The latter deposited his 
belt and gloves ' infra sedile ecclesiss,* and then ' circa eimiterii fines eqaum 
Btratnms longius excessit.' 


the west on the highest point of the city itself there is a spring of 
water, sweet to the taste and most pnre to the sight, that has been 
excavated with astonishing labonr.'^^ 

It is remarkable that Bamburgh appears to have saccessfoUj 
held ont against the attacks of the Danes who destroyed Lindisfarne 
and Tynemouth in 875. It fell, however, before the arms of Athel- 
stan in 926, when Aldred the son of Eadnlf was forced to flee irom 
his royal city.^* The kingdom of Northumberland dragged on a 
nominal existence for another quarter of a century, and on the sceptre 
finally departing, Bamburgh became the residence of a line of Earls. 
At last, in 993, the Danes, under Justin and Outhmund, did break 
into the fortress.^^ They seem to have sacked but not destroyed it,^ 
as six years later Waltheof, the aged Earl of the Northumbrians shut 
himself up there during the invasion of Malcolm, son of Kenneth of 
Scotland.^^ - Again in the next century, while Malcolm Caenmor was 
ravaging Cleveland in 1070, Earl Gospatric led a foray into Cumber- 

*^ * Bebba vero civitas urbs est manitissima, non admodum magna, sed qnasi 
daomm vel trium agrorum spatiam, habens unum introitum cavatum, et gradi- 
bus miro modo exaltatum. Habet in snmmitate montis ecclesiam prspalchre 
lactam, in qua est scriniam speciosum et preciosum. In quo involuta pallio jacei 
dextera manus sancti Oswaldi regis incorrupta, sicut nan-at Beda historiographus 
hujus gentis. Est in occidente et in summltate iprius civitatis f ons miro cavatna 
opere, dulcis ad potandum et purissimus ad videndnm.' — Symeon Dunelm. His^ 
toria Reauffi., § 48 ; Rolls ed. ii. p. 45. 

*^ *Aldredum quoque filium Eadulfi de regia urbe quae lingua Anglonun 
Bebbanbirig nominatur, expulit.' — Flor. Wigom. Chronicont sub ann. 926. 
Bthelwerd's Chronicle^ lib. iv. c. 4, has under 912, *Obiit Athulf in Northhym- 
briis oris, qui tnm prseerat actor! oppidi Bebbanbnrgh condicti.' — Mon. Hist. 
Brit, p. 620. This seems to record the death of Eadulf 'and to imply that he 
held the supreme command of Bamburgh; but it perhaps will hardly bear the 
interpretation that this was the result of a compromise with the Danes. The 
son of Eadulf had chosen Edward the Elder for father and lord in 924, and 
* Ealdred Radulfing from Bebbanbyrig * was one of the princes who acknow- 
ledged the suzerainty of Athelstan at ' Eamot * (probably on the Eamont, near 
Bacre, see Will. Malm.) on the 12th of July, 926. — Karle, T^o Saaeon Chronielen 
Parallel, pp. 110, HI. 

*^ ' Anno DOCGCZClii. Hoc anno praedictus exercitus Danomm Bebbanburh 
infregit, et omnia quas in ea sunt reperta secum asportavit.* — Symeon Dunelm. 
Hist, Regwn, § 116; Bolls ed. ii. p. 135. ^993. Her on thissum geare wses 
Bssbban burh to brocon and mycel here huthe thasr ge numen.' — ^Earle, 2ioo 
Saxon Chronicles, p. 133. 

" The chronicle of Marianus Scotus (Leland, Collect, ii. p. 246) has * Anno 
D. 1015. Danorum exercitus Bebbanburg infregit, et omnia, qnso in ea sunt 
reperta, secum asportaverunt.* The language shows this to be the same event 
as the sack of 993 with a wrong date. 

" 'Waltheof qui comes fuerat Northamhymbrorum sese in Bebbanburc 
incluserat. Fuerat enim nimiae senectutis, ideoque in hostes nihil virtutis facere 
poterat.' — De Obsettiime Dunelmi, Rolls ed. (Sym. Dun. i.) p. 215. The date 
there given is 969, but see Hodgson Hinde's account of the * Saxon Earls of 
Northumberland,' Proceedings of Archaological Institftte, 1852, vol. ii. p. 130. 

Akchasolouia Aklulsa, Vol. XIV. 

To face page 2K^ 

Rrliquaky, with Bonk of 9r. Oswald's Riuht Akm. 

IN TUK Church op St. Ubmuh, Solsorb. 



land, at that time Scottish territory, and retamed in triumph with 
great booty to Bambnrgh. He continued also to harass the enemy by 
frequent sallies from the castle.^ 

The right arm of St. Oswald had, however, been stolen from its 
shrine in the middle of the eleventh century by an enterprising monk 
of Peterborough named Winegot,*^ who having made himself master of 
the ins and outs of the ruined church, was able to find a favourable oppor- 
tunity for his purpose, owing to the little interest with which the cult 
of St. Oswald had come to be r^arded. In alluding to this pious 
thefty Seginald of Durham breaks out into a pathetic lament over the 
&llen fortunes of Bambnrgh, which he probably translated from some 
English poem. 'The city,' he says, * renowned formerly for the 
magnificent splendour of her high estate, has in these latter days been 
burdened with tribute and reduced to the condition of a handmaiden. 
She who was once the mistress of the cities of Britain has exchanged 
the glories of her ancient sabbaths for shame and desolation. The 
crowds that flocked to her festivals are now represented by a few herds- 

** ' Peracta csede et incendio cum magna praeda revertitur, seque cum sociis 
in munitionem Babbanburch firmissimam conclusit. Ex qua saepius prorumpens, 
vires hostium debilitavit.' — Sym. Dun. Hist, Reg. § 156 ; Rolls ed. ii. p. 191. 

*' *Winegotu8 apportavit brachium sancti Oswald! de Bebeburch.* — Hugo 
GandiduB, (Ssnoh. Burg. Higt. ed. Sparke, (Hut. Anglw, Script. Var.) p. 44. 
This was in or about the time of Abbot Leofric, during whose rale figelric bishop 
of Durham returned as a monk to Peterburgh in 105fi — Gun ton, History of the 
Chvrch of Peterhormtgh, 1686, supplement, p. 261. * Monachus quidam de Burch 
cenobio, quod quondam Middilhame dicebatur, qui in partibus illis advenerat, 
spin turn audacite concipiendo in proximo parturire furtum sacriiegii non timebat. 
Aditns ergo etexitus viarum ecclesiise quae in Bebburgh f uerat diutius exploravit ; 
Bed tandem, data opportunitate, brachium dextrum de techa extrahens secum 
clanculo asportavit, et eam in ecclesia sua cum honore et gloria coUocavit.* — Vita 
8. Osnaldi cap. xlyiii; Bolls Series (Symeon of Durham i.), 1882, edited by Thomas 
Arnold, M.A. p. 874. After the very clear statements that the left arm of St. 
Oswald was at Gloucester (p. 370) and the right arm at Peterborough, the 
editor in a note on p. 381 describes cap. lii. liii. liv., which he has mangled the 
text by leaving out, as containing a minute account of the hand and arm of St. 
Oswald preserved at Durham. The MS 8. of the Vita 8. Oswaldi used, are said, 
Introd. p. xix., to be MS. Fairfax VI. Bodl. Lib. and MS. Harl. 4863 B.M. The last 
and most accessible of these proves to be les Menunres du Mareachal de Fleurange^ 
the Vita S. Oswaldi really being in Harl. MS. 4843, but there is not a single 
syllable about a hand or arm of the saint being at Durham in any of the three 
nnprinted chapters. The relic-mongers of the Middle Ages did not credit their 
clients with much intelligence, but it may be doubted whether any of them 
would have dared to ascribe three arms to one saint in the same volume. On 
the general history of the relics of St. Oswald, see Acta Saiictorum^ August II. 
pp. 87-90. The account in the false Ingulf that already in 1018 the prior of 
Peterborough fled to Ely from the Danes with the arm of St. Oswald, is of 
course valueless, though it is difficult to understand how the Danes came to over- 
look the arm with its shrine in their sack of Bambnrgh in 993. 


men. The pleasnres her dignity afforded ns are past and gone.^ 
Swartebrand, a venerable monk of Dorham, who died at the cloee of 
the centory, was the last of the commanity who could remember haying 
seen the right hand and arm of the royal martyr in his Bemician 

From the time of the Norman Conquest the office of porter of the 
castle-gate of Bamburgh was hereditary in the iamily of a certain 
Canute;^ and from some time in the reign of the Conqueror the lands 
of Callaley and Tetlington were held by a tenure that comprised the 
duty of sending a cart to Bamburgh with the trunk of a tree for ihe 
king's hearth every other day between Whitsuntide and Lammas.'' 
The English owners of Eslington, Mousen, Beadnell, and Boddam 
with the three Middletons, were also compelled to cart logs to the 
castle.** The barony of West Chevington near Warkworth, whidi 

** * CivitaB ista, quae quondam prsB saie robilitatis pompa enituit gloriosa, 
his diebus novissimiB de ingenaa et libera facta est sub tribntis servieiis et 
ancilla. Unde sicut caltus deperiit iUius honoris, sic et antique nomen honorifi- 
cum decidit dig:nitatiB ; et qas tanc domina f ueiat civitatum Britonensinm, jam 
laadis antique sabbatum in lamentabile desolationis oommatavit opprobrinm, 
dies festos cultus antiqui in raricolone tugurium, honoris vero gaudram ptene 
tiansf ormavit in nichilum.* — VUa 8. Oswaldi, cap. zlviii. Bolls ed. (Sym. Dun. i.) 
p. .B74. This description cannot be reconciled with the state of Bambui^h in 
1165, the date of the compilation of this hagiog:raphy (p. 382), and was no 
doubt supplied from the same poetical old English book at York from which 
the particulars of St. Oswald's appearance are translated in cap. 1. p. 378. 

^ ' Dunhelmensis ecclesin monachus venerande canitiei et multe simplici- 
tatis, vocabulo Swartebrandus, qui neper, episcopatum WlUelmo administrante, 
def unctns est, sepius se vidisse attestatus est.' — Symeon, Hist. Dunelm. Eeel. 
lib. 1. c. 2 ; Bolls ed. i. p. 20. Professor Freeman has kept the hand of St. 
Oswald at Bamburgh till the siege of 1095, or even till after the building of the 
castle chapel in the following century.— ^^« of William Uufus, ii. pp. 49, 50. 

'* * Bobertus Janitor de Bamburg tenet in capite de domino Bege dimidiam 
carucatam terre in burgo de Bamburg per servicium iij«. \u\d, per annum et 
antecessores sui tenuerunt per idem servicium post conquestnm Anglie.' — Tetta 
de Nevill; Hodgson's Nortkvmherland^ III. i. p. 236. * Bobertus le Port tenet 
dim. caruc. terre per serjant. custodiendi januam castri.' — Veredieta de com, 
Northumhrie, 1219 ; ihid. III. ; i. p. 228. ' Et in liberatione consueta Boberto 
Portario de Baemburg lz«. et nd: Pipe Roll, 5 Hen. iii ; ibid. III. iii. p. 124. 
This payment first occurs as made to * Johanni filio Cannti ' in 1158 and 1159, 
* and from that time to 1220 it is made regularly to John Canute, which was 
probably the name of a succession of persons who filled the office of porter of 
Bamborough ; as, from this year to the end of the reign of Henry the I'hird, 
it occurs as paid to persons filling the office of Porter, or of the King's Porter 
there : whose wages in 21 Henry HI. are mentioned as amounting to 2d. a day, 
which comes exactly to £8 Os. 3d. in the year.'— Ibid, III. iii. p. 124fi. 

** * Gilbertus de Calveleya tenet in capite de dno. Bege duas villas . . . . et 
inveniet nnam caret am cum uno trnnco ad castellum de Bamburgh . . . omnes 
vero antecessores sui tenuerunt prefatas villas post tempus Begis Willelmi Baa- 
taxdV— Testa de Nevill; ibid, i. HI. p. 236. 

" Ibid, III. 1. pp. 223, 237. The owner of Mousen had to cart fifteen logs in 
the year, iMd, p. 95. Liulf, son of Liulf , who held Boddam and the Middletons, 
was fined the large sum of £4 15s. Od. in 1 170 * quia non advexit ligna ad faciendum 
rogum Begis de Baenburg.'— i^a Roll, 16 Hen. II. ; ibid. III. iii. p. 17. 


appears to have been held from the Conqaest by the Morwick family, paid 
the annnal sum of 18«. 4^. towards the castle- ward of Bamburgh.^ 

In the spring of 1095 Robert of Mowbray, the third Norman 
Earl of Northnmberland, refused to appear at the court of William 
Bnfus to answer the charge of having, in company with his nephew 
Morel, violently plundered four large vessels, called canards that had 
arrived from Norway. This refusal was construed into a definite act 
of rebellion, which the Bed King marched north to chastise. Tyne- 
mouth, Newcastle, and Morpeth fell before the royal arms. The Earl 
himself took refuge in Bamburgh, then so strongly fortified as to be 
pronounced impregnable. With him were his young bride Matilda de 
Aquila, and Morel, who was sheriff of Northumberland,^ and who had 
slain Malcolm of Scotland on the banks of the Aln two years pre- 
viously. Finding it impossible to carry the castle by assault the king 
built in front of it a castle of wood, to which he gave the name of 
Malvaisin, or Evil Neighboui*. This he filled with soldiers, arms, and 
provisions for the purpose of defending the country and overawing 
the rebels.^ He compelled the leaders of his army and his other 
subjects to carry on the work incessantly. Dismayed at the progress 
it made, Mowbray called loudly irom the ramparts of Bamburgh to 
those among the labourers who had sworn to join his rising not to 
be forgetful of their oath, addressing each by name. These despairing 

^ CcmpcUu JohannU de Etselyngton; Q.R. Misc.: Ministers* Accounts, 
Bamburgh, 6-6 Ed. ii. if P.R.O. 

* ^Signum Morealis vicecomitis/ — Charter in Hut, Dun, Script, Tre$,^ 
Surt. Soc. Publ. 9, p. xxii. The Peterborough Chronicle (ed. Earle, p. 232) 
ann. 1096, calls Moreal explicitly 'stiwaid.' This is interesting, as the 
sheriff (vieeoomes} or ' scir-geref a ' was the steward of the county, the funda- 
mental, universal, and permanent idea of the *gerefa* being stewardship. — 
Btubbs, Constitutional History of England, 8vo, 1875, i. p. 113 ; p. 83n. 

* ' Munitissimum castrum, quod Babbenburg dicitur, obsederunt. £t 
quoniam ilia munitio inezpugnabilis erat, quia inaccessibilis videbatur propter 
paludes et aquas, et alia qusedam itinerantibus contraria, quibus ambiebatur, 
rex novam munitionem ad defensionem provincial, et coartationem hostium con- 
Btruxit, et mllitibus, armis ac victualibus implevit.' — Orderici Yitalis Hist, Eecl, 
Lib. viii. cap. xxi. (Migne, PatrolagieB Curstts, vol. 188). At the present day, at any 
rate, maters and marshes do not constitute the principal defences of Bamburgh. 
It is Roger of Wendover, ii. 46, who tells us that the Malvoisin was * castellum 
ligneum,* A probably genuine charter of Edgar, claiming to be Eicg of Scots, 
to the bishop and monks of Durham, is stated in a rider to have been confirmed 
in the churchyard of Norham * eo anno quo Hex WillelmuH filius magni Regis 
Willemi fecit nouum Castellum ante Bebbanburghe super Robertum Comitem 
Northanhymbrorum.* — Raine, yorth Durham, App. p. 2, VIL ; p. 878. Accord- 
ing to Gaimar, 11. 6161-6162, Rufus appears to luive suffered from the sallies of 
the garrison : — 

* Li leis grant piece i demorad 
E maint assaut i endurad.* 


taunts and the fear and shame they naturally engendered, oontributed 
no little to the amusement of Bufiis and those really loyal to him.*^ 
Wearied out at last by the protracted siege, the king returned to the 
south of England, leaving Bamburgh to be watched by the garrison 
of Malvoisin. 

Provisions were beginning to run short in the castle, and Mow- 
bray's spirits were being affected by the close blockade, when a secret 
message reached him from the warders of Newcastle promising to 
throw open the gates if he appeared suddenly before it.'^ Only too 
delighted at this prospect of retrieving his fortunes, he slipped out of 
the postern one night with thirty followers, and embarking in a ship, 
steered by a single pilot, was carried by a favourable wind down the 
coast to Tynemouth,^ where the monks were no doubt still sensible 

** * Dum rex in annis cam agminibuB suis ad beUam promptos oonstaret, et 
chiliarchos ac oenturiones, aliosque proceres Albionis, cum subditis sibi plebibns^ 
operi novae munitionis indesinenter insistere compelleret, Rodbertoa de pro- 
pugnaculis suis contrarium sibi opus moestus conspiciebat, et complices suos alta 
voce nominatim compellebat, ac at jasjarandum de proditionis societate con- 
servarent, palam commonebat. Bex autem, cam fidelibus sais haec audiens, 
ridebat, et conscia reatas pablicati mens conscios et participes timore et vere- 
cundia torquebat.' — Orderici Vitalis Historia Ecolesiatiioay lib, viii. cap, xxi This 
seems to prove that the Malvoisin must have been very close to the castle. 
Earl Robert's incriminating reproaches, however stentorian his voice, con Id not 
have reached the aneven field to the south of the village, popularly pointed out 
as the site of the Malvoisin because it is now called the Meisen. Sir David 
Smith considered * the Moisin more like a quarry ' and adds ' althongh Mr. 
Senhouse of Cumberland found there were evident marks of fortification, I 
could not discover them.' — Collections relating to Catties and Camps^ Alnwick 
Castle MSS. Indeed it would appear in the first instance more probable that if 
there was any ancient building at the Mevten^ it was the hospital or Maiton 
Dieu of St. Mary Magdalen, though documentary evidence hardly tallies with 
this site. 

'* *Comiti Rotberto vigiles Novi Castelli promisere in id se permissnros 
ilium intiare, si veniret occulte.' — Flor. Wigom. Professor Freeman ( William 
Rtifusy ii. p. 62) says, without giving any authority, * The garrison of the New 
Castle, doubtless not without the knowledge of the garrison of the Malvoisin^ 
sent a false message to Robert, saying that, if he came thither privily, he would 
be received into the castle,' and has in the margin ' Robert entrapped by a ^Ise 
message.' The only apparent evidence for the message being a fraud is the 
passage in the 14th century Scalachronica (Maitland Club, 1836, p. 22), ' Oestt 
Morel reioy qe ceo estoit sa couyne.' If Professor Freeman accepts this, he 
must fain also accept the ' pierce-eye' version of the death of Malcolm Caenmor 
at Alnwick, as it is derived from the self -same source. The fact is that Pro- 
fessor Freeman altogether fails to distinguish between the 'vigiles' of Newcastle 
who sent the message to the Earl and the * custodes * who received the warning 
from those of the Malvoisin of his escape. 

" * Mes el chastel out poi vitaUle. 

Quant li quens veit de co la faille, 

Deuers la mer, par la posteme, 

Vint a la nef que vns horn goueme, 

Dedenz entra od poi de gent. 

Si se mist en mer, mult out bon vent, 

A Tinemue en est alez.' 
— Oaimar, Lestorie det Englet, 11. 6163-6169, Rolls ed. 1. p. 263. 


• »i „- 









of the favours he had bestowed on their house. The garrison of the 
Malvoisin, hearing of the Earl's escape, set out in pureuit of him 
themselves, and warned the captains of Newcastle.^' On the Sunday, 
Mowbray made his attempt to enter Newcastle, but the plot had been 
discovered,** and he was fortunate in being able to make his way back 
to Tynemonth.^ After a gallant defence of that monastery for two 
days, he was taken^' and carried a prisoner to Durham.^^ Nevertheless 
Bambnrgh continued to hold out under the brave Countess of Northum- 
berland and the sheriff until the November, when the king, having 
returned from Wales, ordered Mowbray to be led before the castle, 
with the menace that both his eyes should be gouged out unless it 
instantly submitted. Naturally a wife and a nephew chose the 
latter alternative.^^ 

From about this time, and possibly in consequence of some incident 

The Peterborough Chronicle confirms this account :— * Tha sona att* tham the se 
cyng wsBs suth afaren. feorde se eorl anre nihte ut of Bebbaburh towardes Tine 
mnthan.* It is Florence who gives the number of the earVs followers: — 
'quadam nocte cnm xxx. militibus . . . exivit.' Professor Freeman has 
altogether neglected Gaimar, whose notices of northern affairs are of the greatest 

" ' Equites qui castellum custodiebant ilium insequentes, ejus exitum custo- 
dibus Novi Castelli per nuntios intimaveruht.'— Flor. Wigorn. This of itself 
should be enough to prove that neither did Mowbray set out from Bamburgh in 
the direction of Newcastle, nor did the knights from the Malvoisin take that 
road in their pursuit of him. They probably rode down the coast. 

^ * Die dominica tentavit peragere cospta, sed nequiv^t deprehensus enim 
erat/ — Flor. Wigorn. Chron. English Historical Society's Publications. 

'* ' Comes . . . malis offenso sibi rege circnmvallatus, dum circumfuso 
quaquaversum hoste procedendi et redeundi via obstruitur, Tiuemutham pro loci 
firmitate ingreditur.' — Sym. Dun. Rolls ed. ii. p. 346, De MiraculU et Trans- 
latwnibuSf cap. xiii. The details of the fortification and defence of Tynemonth 
belong rather to the history of that castle. 

^ ' Biduo obsidione facta.' — Ibid, This account was almost contemporary, 
being written at Durham between 1100 and 1115 ; see ibid. p. 338/». Florence, 
an inferior authority, says Mowbray was taken * sexto die obsessiouis,' probably 
an error for 'secundo die.' Symeon in his Bistoria Dunelmensis EcclesitSy 
cap. iv. (Rolls ed. i. p. 125), also relates how ' comes ... in eadem ecclesia 
(Tinemuthe) quam sancto Cuthberto abstulit, res omnes et honorem cum sui 
corporis libei*tate amisit/ and again in his HUdoria Heffnm, § 201 (Rolls ed. ii. 
p. 262) says * captus comes in loco quem Sancto Cuthberto abstulerat,' yet Pro- 
fessor Freeman declares that * if any one chooses to move the site of Robert's 
resistance and capture from Tynemouth to some unknown spot, there is only 
the statement of Florence against him.' — Willmm Rvfux^ ii. p. 610. 

■'* Propter inflicta sibi vulnera in feretro delatus . . . Dunelmum.'— Sym. 
Dun. Hisi.. liegumt § 201. 

■* * Tha het he niman thone eorl Rotbcard of Northhymbran and to Basb- 
banburh Isedau . and aegther eage ut adon . buton tha the thser inne waeron thone 
castel agyf an woldan. Hine lieoldan his wif . and Moreal se waes stiward and 
eac his msBg. Thurh this wearth se castel agyfen.* — Peterborotigh Ckroniele, 
1096 ; Earle, Two Saxon Chronicles, p. 232. 

D D 


in the campaign, a carucate of land in Bamburgh was held by the 
serjeantrj of making distraints for debts due to the king and for 
carrying his letters between the Tweed and the Coquet.'* 

Under Henry I., who gave the church of St. Oswald that was 
probably in the castle, with that of St. Aidan in the village, to the 
Austin canons at Nostell,*^ the castle was maintained in a good state 
of defence. Odard, sheriff of Northumberland,*^ accounts, in 1131, 
for 85s. paid to Osbert the master-mason of Bamburgh, and for 7d. 
expended in re-making the gate of the castle.*^ 

On the accession of Stephen, when David of Scotland invaded 
England in the interest of the Empress Matilda, Bamburgh was the 
only place of strength on the Border that offered a successful resist- 
ance.*' The loyalty of its constable Eustace fitz John, lord of Alnwick, 
was open to suspicion in February, 1138, and King Stephen relieved 
him of the charge.** Eustace openly joined David the following 
summer. As they were passing Bamburgh on their way to the Battle 

^ ^ WillelmuB filiua Oclonis tenet in capite de domino Rege anam carncatam 
terre cum pertinentiis in Bamburghe per serviciam serjantii ut faciat district- 
iones pro debitis domini Regis et ut portet brevia domini Regis inter Tueda et 
Coket. Et omnes antecessores sui tenuerunt per idem servicium post tempos 
Willelmi Regis Ruffi.'— Testa de Nevill, Hodgson, Northd, III. i. p. 286. 

^ 'PrsBterea confirmo donum quod feci predictao ecclesiae, et canonicis 
ejusdem loci [Nostell] ; videlicet, ecclesias Sancti Oswald!, et Aidani de Baen- 
burch sicut Algarus presbiter unqaam eas melius tenuit.' — Charter of Heniy I. 
(1121-1129) in Dugdale, Monxuticon, ed. Caley, vi. p. 92. 

*» He appears as * Odardus vicecomes Northymbrensium ' at the great conncil 
of notables held at Durham on 18th April, 1121.— Sym. Dun. Higt. Regum, § 201, 
Rolls ed. ii. p. 261. Mr. J. H. Round in the GenealagUt, January, 1888, makes 
him 'son of Ligulf of Bebbanburch, a grandson of Badwlf.' Hemy I., in 1133, 
confirmed William, son of Udard of Baenburg in all the lands his father had 
held. — Duchy of Lancaster, Royal Charters, No. 10; Pipe Roll Soc. Publ. 10, 
Ancient Charters, p. 33. The barony of Stamford which Henry I. granted to 
this family (see above p. 168) paid 40*. a year towards the castle-ward of 
Bamburgh ; the barony of Bradford, another grant of the same king contributed 
18*. id. — Compotns Johannis de Hkselyngton Q.R. Misc : Ministers* Accounts, 
Bamburgh, 5-6 Ed. II., 4^f. 

«* * Et in liberatione Osberti cementarii de Baenburg xxxv s 

Et in porta castelli de Baenburg reficienda vij d.' — Pipe Roll, Hen. I.; Hodgson, 
Northd. III. iii. p. 1. ' Osbertus cementarius' can scarcely have been the same as 
* Osbertus colutarius (/) ' who built the priory of Brinkbum. — MS. copy of 'the 
Brinkhirn Chartulary in library of Soc. Antiq. Newcastle. 

*' * Bahanburch minime habere potuit.' — Ric. Hagustald. De Oegtis Regis 
Stephanie Rolls ed. (^Chron. Steph, J^c. iii.) p. 146. ' Oitius munitiones Cnmfaer- 
landiSQ et Northimbris cum populis adjacentibus obtinuit usque Dunelmnm, 
pneter Babhanburch.*— Joh. Hagustald. Historia § 3, Rolls ed. (Sym. Dun. ii.) 
p. 287. 

** * Notes autem factss sunt insidias regi Stephano, qui parans reditnm iratas 
coegit Bustachium reconsignare in manu sua munitionem de Bahanburch.*— Job. 
Hagustald. Ifistoria § 4, Rolls ed. (Sym. Dun. ii.) p. 291. 


of the Standard, certain jonng men of the garrison began to jeer at 
the Scots from behind a wall they had erected in front of the castle. 
Their tmst in this protection proved to be misplaced, since the Scots 
broke in and slew nearly a hundred of them.*^ 

By the provisions of the Treaty of Durham, concluded on the 10th 
of April, 1139, Bamburgh, like Newcastle,^^ seems to have been ex- 
cepted from the earldom of Northumberland then granted by Stephen 
to David's son Henry, an equivalent for these castles being promised 
him in the south of England. Both castles were in the sequel made 
over to Earl Henry. It was at Bamburgh that he gave a charter to 
the monks of Tynemouth freeing the peasants of their demesnes from 
the obligation of assisting at the building of Newcastle or any of his 
other castles. There were at Bamburgh with the Earl, at this time, 
his constable Gilbert de Umfreville, Gervase Bidell his sewer, and 
Ethel wald bishop of Carlisle.*^ 

It is expressly recorded that in 1157 Henry II. recovered posses- 
sion of Bamburgh at the same time as the rest of the northern ooun- 
ties,^^ and in the Pipe Boll of the following year the payment of 608. 
lOd. as the accustomed wage of John, son of Canute, porter of Bam- 
burgh, is duly entered.^® In 1164 there is a solitary charge of £4 for 
the erection of the tower or keep of Bamburgh.*® Four years later 
the Sheriff accounts for £30 laid out on the works of the castle.*^ The 

** * Prof ecti sunt itaque per Bahanbarch. Bt juvenefi ejusdem loci temere 
prsesumentes de munitione valli qaod extruxerant ante castrum, conviciis exagit- 
abant Scottos pertransenntes. Applicuerunt se illico Scotti animo concitati 
ad vallam dimeDdum, et citins intas proraentes qnotquot apprehenderunt 
occiderunt.' — Ihid, § 6, p. 292. '(David) cum maxima parte exercitas ad 
oppidum^ qaod Bahanbarg dicitar, profectus est. Ubi ante castrum, qnodam 
vallo capto, fere centum homines interemit,* — Ric. Hagustald^ De ffettU Regis 
Stephaniy Rolls ed. (^Chron, Steph. ^e, iii.) p. 158. 

^ * Exceptis duobus oppidis, scilicet Novo Castelloet Bahanburg.' — Ibid, p. 177. 

*' 'Testibus Archewaldo Episcopo Carliol.; Hugone de Morevill; Gospatricio 
Com.; Gervasio Ridell; Gilberto de Umf ravill ; Willelmo de Somervill ; Ada 
Vicecomiti, apud Bamburg.'— Landsdowne MS. No. 863, fo. 79 B.M.; Gibson, 
Tynemouth ii. App. p. xviii. No. XXIV. By 'Archewald' is meant Ethelwald, 
alias Aldnlf, the first bishop of Carlisle, who had been connected with Bam- 
burgh as prior of St. Oswald's at Nostell. 

*• *MCLVII. Henricus rex Anglorum transfretavit in Angliam, et Melchomns 
rex Scotoram reddidit ei civitatem Karluil, castrum Baenburg, Novum Castrum 
super Tinam, et comitatum Lodonensem.* — Radalf . de Diceto, Ymagines Ilistor- 
iarum. Rolls ed. i. p. 302. 

*» Pipe Roll 4 Hen. II.; Hodgson, Northd, III. iii. p. 2. 

*• * Bt in operacione turris de Baenburc iii] li. per breve Regis.'— P/pd Roll 10 
Hen. II.; Hodgson, Northd. III. iii. p. 7. 

*' < £t in operacione castelli de Baenburc xxx li. de brevi Ricardi de Luci et 
per visum Roberti de Stutevill.' — Pipe Roll 14 Hen. II. ; Hodgson, Northd, III. 
iii. p. 11. 


insignificance of these amounts is probably dne to the fact that the 
labour and materials were nearly all fiirnished by the Crown tenants. 
Indeed, the thane of Hepple, William son of Waltheof, is fined five 
marks in 1170 for refusing to lend assistance.*^ It was fortunate that 
these additions to the defences of the castle were completed by the 
time of the invasion of William the Lion. In 1174 he despatched in 
the night a number of knights from his camp before Wark-on-Tweed, 
with the apparent design of surprising Bamburgh ; but the sun having 
risen by the time they reached Belford, they seem to have abandoned 
the enterprise.'* In 1183 the castle and castlegate were repaired.** 
Certain improvements were made in the king's houses within the castle 
in 1197,** and in the castlegates the year following.** King John, 
during a court progress in 1201, stayed at Bamburgh from the 18th 
to the I5th of February,*^ and during this and the three following 
years the considerable total of more than £87 was laid out in works 
of construction and reparation connected with the castle.** John was 
again there on the 28th of January, 1213, while engaged in ravaging 
the property of his enemies in Northumberland.** 

*' ^Willelmas filius Waldef debet y marcas quia denegavit operacione de 
Baenburc Gastelli Regis.*— P/p<? Boll 16 Hen. II.; ibid. III. iii. p. 17. ' Willel- 
mofl filiuB Waldenii debet xl s. pro respectn operacionis de castello.* — Ibid, 

*' * Mult grant chevalerie la nuit apparailla 

Al chastel de Baueburc sempres les enveia.* — Jordan Fantosme, Chron- 
f^«<? (Lincoln MS.) 11. 1157-1158; Rolls ed. {Chran. Steph.^-c.iil) p. 300. 

M. Francisque Michel, who edited Fantosme for the Surtees Society, mis- 
interprets him in the Introduction, p. xzi., in describing the Scots as entering 
Bamburgh by surprise, slaying all the inmates, and then towards morning 
attacking the town of Beliord. Fantosme says nothing of the kind ; and S 
such a portentous event as the seizure of Bamburgh by a oonp de muin had 
taken place, other chi'oniclers would have been sure to have mentioned it. 
Besides Belford lies on the road from Wark to Bamburgh. 

** * Et in reparatione castri de Baenburc et porte castri xix li. et vj s. et viij d. 
per breve Regis et per visum Willelmi de Jarun et Yvonis filii Radulfi.' — JPipe 
Moll 29 Hen. II.; Hodgson, Northd, III. iii. p, 6. 

•* • In emendatione domorum in castello de Baenburc xj s. et iij d. per breve 
Regis.*— jPi><r Roll 9 Ric. I.; Hodgson, Xorthd, III. iii. p. 60. 

^ * In emendatione portarum cast el li de Baenburc x s. per breve Regis. — 
Pipe Roll 10 Ric. I.; Hodgson, Northd. III. iii. p. 62. 

" Itinerary of King John in Rot, Lit. Pat. I. ed. T. D. Hardy, 1835. 

^ ' In operacione Castelli de Baenburc xv li. et xij s. per breve Regis et per 
visum Willelmi filii Edulfi et Ade de Baenburc.'— P?>fl Roll 8 Joh.; Hodgson, 
Northd. III. iii. p. 74. *In emendatione castelli de Baenburc Ix IL et i j s. 
et V d. per breve Regis et per visum Willelmi de S. Andreae et Willelmi filii 
Rogeri.* — Pipe Roll 3 Joh.; ibid. p. 82. *In reparatione castelli de Baenburc 
xij li. per breve Regis et per visum Ade de Baenburc et Walteri filii Pagani.' — 
Pipe Roll 6 Joh.; ibid. p. 86. 

•• Instructions had been issued to Robert Fitz Roger for the delivery of the 
castles of Bamburgh and Newcastle to William, Earl of Warren, Emeric, arch- 
deacon of Durham, and Philip de Ulcotes, on 20th August, 1212. — Rot. Lit. Pat. 
I. p. 94. In 1216 Philip de Ulcotes seized Philip Quirettarins (jm)^ a man of 


In the spring of 1221 Hubert de Burgh, the great justiciary, pro- 
ceeded to Bamburghy accompanied hj Brito the balister and his 
eighteen conirades.*^ The castle was visited by the youthful Henry 
III. on the 2l8t of March. While there he directed the sheriff of 
Northumberland to pay the constable John Wascelin, John the Car- 
penter, and Robert the Porter, their proper salaries, and to erect in the 
castle a good grange 150 feet in length and 84 feet broad.^^ That 
same day he gave orders at Alnwick for the payment of GOs. to Roger 
de Hodesac for his ezpences in providing the castle with knights and 
serving-men from the death of John's trusty adviser Philip de Ulcotes 
to the time of Wascelin's appointment as constable.*^ The Forester 
and Verderer of the forest of Northumberland were charged, a day or 
two later, to deliver to the sheriff the timber required for the new 
grange, but to carefully note down the different sorts supplied.'* 
The constable of Newcastle received instructions to despatch to Bam- 
bnrgh three horn 'balistaB* and three well-strung wooden ones, as also 
the 'balista' that William de Stratton had had, and four thousand 
quarrels." Four good * baldrei ' with good crooks were to be provided 
by the Sheriff of Northumberland, who was also to supply the garri- 
son with two hundred 'bacones.'** Soon afterwards two horse- 
halisters, the brothers Boniface, and Roger Quatremares, arrived with 
a foot-balister named Roger de Bosco at Bamburgh, and were sup- 
ported there at the king's charge for the next eight years.*' As much 
importance, or more, was attached at that time to a ' balista ' as has 
ever been to a 'mitrailleuse' or a Gatling-gun in the nineteenth 

the bishop of Winchester, at Bamburgh ; bat on the 23rd of Angast was ordered 
to release him with his ship and merchandise. — Ibid, I. p. 194 b. 

* Cal. Rot. Claug, i. p. 464. 

•' * Dnam bonam grangiam de longitudine C et L pedum et xxxiiij^*" pedum 
in latitudine.'— /Wi. p. 451 b. 

•* Ibid. A Compotu4 de Baemburg, containing the accounts of Roger de 
Hodesac, as the 'custos' from. 16 Feb. 1221—29 Sept. 1224, was printed by Mr. 
Hartshorne in Proc. of Arch, Inst. 1852, ii. App. p. cxxxiii. These accounts are 
of no particular interest. Four casks of Gascon wine were bought in 1221, and 
sold again in 1223. In the former year 10s. 8d. was spent in building a stone 
wall round the bam in the bailey—' Et pro muro lapideo circa horrcum in balli- 
▼ato faciendo x*. et viij<i.' 

•■ * Ita quod tallietis contra eum quot f ustes ad unam maneriem macrcmii et 
quot ad aliam maneriem maeremii in predicta forcsta capi fccerit.^ — Cal. Riit. 
Claut. \. p. 451 b. 

•* • Ties balistas corneas et balistam quam Willelmus de Stratton habuit et 
qua est in custodia tua, et tres balistas ligneas bene cordatas et ad omnia 
paratas.'— /W/2. 

•* « iiij bonos baldreos cum bonis crokis.'— J J/rf. 

•• Ibid. p. 454. The horHC-balisters received 7id. a day, the foot-balist«r 3d. 


century. Condemned by the chorcb as an anchriBtian weapon, the 
' balista/ by which we are to nnderstaud the engine of war as well as 
the smaller cross-bow^ was broaght principally into nse by Richard I., 
who was killed by a quarrel discharged from one.*^ The cross-loops 
with which the walls and merlons of our castles were pierced for its 
employment are a special characteristic of the thirteenth century.^ 

In 1222 the new grange was completed at a cost of £46 18s. Od., 
and the drawbridge before the Great Gate repaired.** The ' plan- 
chicium ' of the Great Tower and the gutters of it and the other 
turrets were attended to in the following year.^^ 

John Wascelin the constable of Bamburgh was to have received, 
in 1227, forty pounds by the king's orders from the burgesses of 
Newcastle. They paid him only £32 12s. 2d., their bailiffs alleging 
that after making similar remittances to the balisters at Bambuigh 
there was no more due to the king for the rent of the town. Wascelin 
accordingly wrote to Hubert de Burgh the justiciary of England, who 
had just been created Earl of Kent, asking him to instruct Roger de 
Hodesac, the steward of the demesne of Bamburgh, to make good to 
him the deficiency of £7 7s. lOd. In the same letter he reminded 
Burgh that he had had some timber that belonged to the Bishop of 
Durham, and was likely to be of service in keeping up the castle of 
Bamburgh, led thither in accordance with his orders. Hodesac also 
had spent 106s. on the carcage of this timber, and Wascelin trusted 
that the justiciary would see this put right so that there might be no 
dispute when the account came to be passed at the ExchequerJ^ 

Brian fitz Alan, sheriff of Northumberland, had the castle and the 

^ Hewitt, Ancient Armour, 1860, i. pp. 158, 202. 

" See above, pp. 163. 218, 221. 

"" * In operatione j'. grangie de longitudine c et 1 pedum et xzziiij pedum in 
latitudine facte in castro de Bamburgh xlvj li. et zviij s. per breve R^is et per 
visum Warini de Waroetham et Willelmi Ragge. . . . Et in reparatione 
pontis torneicii ante magnam portam castri de Bamburgh c et ij 8. et ij d. per 
breve ejuBdem.' — Pipe Roll 6 Hen. III. ; Hodgson, Northd. III. iii. p. 129. 
Directions were sent to the sheriff from the Tower 29 June 1222^ to have the 
grange ready for the corn in the coming autumn, — Cal. Rat. Claus. i. p. 403. 

"^^ * £t in operatione planchicii magne turris castri de Bamburgh guttariarum 
ejusdem turris et aliarum turellarum et aule et aliarum domorum ejusdem castri 
ziiii li. et i. marcam per breve Regis et per visum Ade Cockesford et Nigelli Cor- 
dewanarii.' — Pipe Roll 7 Hen. 111.; Hodgson, Northd, 111. iiL p. 134. The 
sheriff had been ordered to go in person to Bamburgh to inspect the ' planchi- 
cium' and gutters, Westminster, 12 May, 1223. — Cal, Rot, Claus, i p. 645. 
Hodesac was to have the keep covered with lead — Hurrem nostram ejusdem 
castri pi umbo cooperiri.' — Liberate Roll 10 Hen. III. m. 6. 

'• *Reverendo domino H[uberto] de Burg Comiti Kancie justiciario Anglie 
fidelis suus J. Wacelia Const abularius de Bamburg »alutem et fidele in omnibus 


demesne of Bamburgh entrusted to his charge in 1280," and built in 
the following year a new chamber in it, repairing also the drawbridge 
and a stable.'^ He was succeeded in 1286 by Hugh de Bolebec.'* 
Soon after his appointment Bolebec wrote to the king to complain of 
his salary being both insufficient and in arrear. * Thou, sire, badest 
me/ he says among other matters, * both in your letters and through 
your knights, Richard fitz Hugh and Simon de Brumtofl, to have 
the buildings and turrets of your castle of Bamburgh repaired, the 
wall of the castle raised in one place, a new turret built, another that 
had been half-finished completed, and your great grange in the castle 
repaired lest it should fall. All this stands in great need of being 
attended to, on account of the violent gales that have been again 
prevalent in these parts. If the whole work is carried out in a proper 
manner, it is estimated that it will cost £200 or more.'^^ 

obseqainm. Vestra noscat dominacio me recepisse de Burgensibas No?i Castri 
Bnper Tinam de sexaginta marcis nnde liteias domini Regis receperunt xxxij libras 
et xi j « i j <{ et snnt in areragio vij libras vij « x ^ ad que hidem Bailivi responder- 
ant quod firma ville sue ad majus non eztendebat pacatione facta Balistariis in 
castro de Bamburg. Qnare ad yestram occurro domlnacionem qnatenus Rogero 
de Hodesak servienti dominici de Bamburg si placet detis in mandatis at dictum 
arreraguim, scilicet, vij libras, vij« nd mihi persolvat. Ceterum, domine mi, 
Bciatis qaod ad msndatum Testrum meiremium qui f ult episcopi Dunelmcnsis ad 
sastentamentum castri de Bamburg utile apad Bamburg attraxisse. £t est 
enstam cvj« per totum, unde servienti dominici qui hoc custum in conduccione 
dicti meiremii apposuit tam per visum literarum vestrarum mihi transmissarum 
qaam per preceptum meum literas si placet warantisationis ne alias per me 
super computum suum coram baronibus de Bancho dampnum pro hac libei-atione 
incurrat fieri jubeatis. Valete et valeat dominacio veatra.' — Royal Letter 5126 
P.B.O. * Homines de Novo Castro reddidunt compotum de C li. de firma ville 
sue. . . . Et Johanni Wascelino constabulario de Banburc Ix. m. (xxxij li. 
zij s. ij d.) per breve Regis in parte solucionls C et xx. marcarum quas percipit 
per annum ad custodiam castri de Bamburc.'— P//?e Roll 11 Hen. 11 1.; Hodgson, 
ifarthd. III. iii. p. 146. The timber had evidently been taken after the death 
of Richard de Marisco, bishop of Durham, in 1226, and during the delay in the 
appointment of his successor. Hodesac was to have a breach of the casile 
repaired — *reparari facias breccam castri nostri de Bamburghe quae prostrata 
^t:— Liberate Roll 12 Hen. III. m. 6. In Sept. 1229, was to be paid 60* for the 
erection of a windmill in the manor of Bamburgh — ' in constructiono cujusdam 
molendini ad ventum in manerio nostro de Bamburgh* — Ibid. 13 Hen. III. m. 3. 

'* Pipe Roll, 14 Hen. III. ; Hodgson, SortM. III. iii. p. 160. Hodesac is to 
give him seisin of the demesne. 

*' ' fit in reparacione pontis castri de Bamburgh et cujusdam stabuli in eodem 
castro. . . . Et in operacione unius nove camere quam vicecomes fieri fecit in 
eodem castro xxvj li. xxiij d. et ob. per breve Regis.' — Pipe Roll, 15 Hen. III. ; 
ihid. III. iii. p. 161. 

''^ Bolebec's appointment to the custody of the county of Northumberland and 
the castles of Bamburgh and Newcastle is dated, Mortlake, 12 May, 1236. — 
Originalia, 20 Hen. III. ro. 7. 

'* * Similiter, domine, precipistis mihi per literas vestras et per milites vestros, 
scilicet, Ricardum filium Hugonis et Bimonem de Brumtoft ut facerem reparare 
in Gastro vestro de Bamburgh edificia et turrella (»ic) et in quadam parte murum 


Daring the next year excavations were made in the rock near the 
barbican, and a new grange and a bake-house were erected.^^ The 
castle suffered severely irom its exposed situation. The mills had been 
destroyed by a tempest in 1243.^^ A certain Master Gerard appears 
as the engineer engaged in repairing the ' balistae ' about this time J^ 
William Heron was appointed constable in 1248.^^ The tower of 
Elmund*s Well and the barbican before St. Oswald's Gate were repaired 
in 1250,^^ as the Great Tower, the three gates within the castle, and 
the great drawbridge outside the Great Gate on the south side, were 
to be three years later.^^ Mention is made of the King's Hall in 
1256,^' in which year William Heron, sheriff of Northumberlsoid, 
was entrusted with the castle.®^ 

The cost of the defence of Bamburgh and the maintenance of the 
garrison for one year, reckoned from the 3rd of May, 1266, daring the 

castelli exaltare et unnm tareUum de novo edificare et alium turellum eemifactam 
perficere, et magnam grangiam vestram castelli reparare ne cadat, que scilicet 
grangia et prcdicta nunc majori indigent auxilio propter rapaces ventos qui de 
novo in partibus illis emerserunt. £t si omnia predicta in dicto Castello de 
Bambargh dcbito et competent! modo perfici debeant, de necessario oportet in 
ipsis perficiendis imponere, ut creditor, OC. libr. vel eo amplins." — Royal Letter 
(temporarily numbered 6093) P.R.O. The date of this letter, which contains the 
account of the erection of a tower in Tyndale by David de Lyndesey, see above 
p. 56, is fixed by the passage * Et de meo proprio de vj libr. et xj solid, et vij 
den. pacatis ultra reccptam meam,' which tallies with the entry at the end of the 
Pipe Roll, 21 Hen. III. 'idem habet in rotulo precedent! vj li. xj s. et vij d. in 
proficuo comitatus.' 

7<> ' Et in rupe juxta Barbicanam in castro de Banburch concavanda. St in 
una grangia et pistirno ibidem faciendiset in ponte ejnsdem castri reparando.* — 
Pipe Roll, 21 Hen. III. ; Hodgson, Northd. 111. iii. p. 182. 

'^ • Et in reparatione molendinornm de Bamburch que corruerunt per tem- 
pcstatem xij li. xiij s. ix d. et ob. per breve Regis et per visum et testimoninm 
Petri de Streyde et Walter! de Oxonia.'— PA/;d Roll, 27 Hen. III. ; ibid. III. iii. 
p. 200. 

'• * Pro magiatro Gerardo Ingeniatori.* — Liberate Roll, 28 Hen. III. m. 6. 

'• At a salary of 80 marks, Windsor, 28th of A^iih—Originalia, 32 Hen. III. 
ro. 4. P.R.O. 

^ * Et in reparatione turris f ontis Elmundi in castro de Bamburc et barbacane 
ante portam S. Oswald! ibidem xvij li. ix s. et viij d.' — Pipe Roll, 34 Hen. III. ; 
Hodgson, Northd. III. iii. p. 218. The sheriff was told, 20 April, 1250, to have 
this tower and barbican repaired.— * Rex vicecomit! Northumbrie salutem. 
Precipimus tibi quod Turrim fontis Elmundi, etc' — Liberate Roll, 34 Hen. III., 
m. J. Mr. Hartshorne, Proc, Arch. Inst., 1852, ii. p. 246, erroneously calls this 
tower that of jS^^ Edmund. 

** 'Rex vicecomiti Northumbrie salutem. Precipimus tibi quod de exitibos 
Comitatus tui reparari facias magnam Turrim in Castro nostro de Baumburch et 
tres portas infra idem Castrum et eorum valvas seruras et ligaturas et magnum 
pontem Turnitium extra magnam pontem versus australe emendari et reparari 
facias reparacione qua indigent.' — Liberate Roll, 37 Hen. III. m. 4. 

^'^ • Et in reparacione aule Regis in castro de Bamburc vj IL et ij s. et vj d. 
per breve Regis et visum et testimonium Walter! de Doxeford et Johannis de 
Blmedone.'— P/>tf Roll, 40 Hen. III. ; Hodgson, NoHhd. III. iii. p. 237. 

•» At Woodstock, 20 June, 1256. ^Ori/^fna Ha, 40 Hen. III. ro. 6. P.R.O. 


obstinate resistance of the northern barons to the royal authority after 
the defeat of Simon de Montfort at Evesham, came to the enormons 
8Qm of £1,231 Os. 9^d.^^ It was at the siege of Eenilworth that 
Henry III. bestowed on the friars preachers of Bamburgh seven acres 
for enlarging the site of their house there, which he had acquired by 
exchange from Henry Spring, Simon fitz Eobert, and Stephen le 
Mareschal.^' This was followed in the next year by his grant to them 
of six acres in the old mill-pond of Bamburgh, and of four of arable 
in the * Grenewellflat,' worth 40s. a year, for the purpose of enabling 
them to erect a chapel, and the other buildings required by their 
rule.®^ It says much for the importance of Bamburgh that the Do- 
minicans, whose object it was to mix as much as possible with the world, 
should have made this settlement there, and the position of their 
Friary conveys some idea of the extent of the ancient town, as they 
would endeavour to fix it in as central a locality as possible. 

Immediately after his arrival in England in 1274, Edward I. 
appointed a commission of inquiry into the abuses of the administra- 
tion during the previous reign. William Heron was denounced to this 
commission as having, when constable of Bamburgh, charged the king 
£9 for the erection of a granary within the castle which it was estimated 
could not really have cost more than £4 ; while Robert de Nevill, who 
was then in charge of the castle, was roundly accused of having ob- 
tained an order on the Exchequer for 1,200 marks on account of 
building operations that could have been perfectly well executed for 
200 marks.^^ In consequence, no doubt, of this peculation, Robert de 

** * In vadiis militum et Bervientium existentium in mnnicione predict! castri 
(Bamburgh) tempore turbacionis hablte in regno a festo invencionis see crucis 
usqne ad idem festnm anno Ij" et in operacionibos factis in eodem castro per 
predictum tempus M.ccxxxj li. ix d. ob. per breve Eegis.* — Pipe Roll, 61 Hen. III.; 
Hodgson, Northd, III. iii. p. 276. 

^ *■ Septem acras terre aid placeam soam de Bamburgh ampliandam .... 
apud Kenilleworth xxvj die Aug." — Rot. Pat. 60 Hen. III. m. 6. The acres are 
measured by a perch of twenty feet — * per perticatam nostram viginti pedum.' 

"" * Ad quoddam oratorium in quo divina celebrare possint et ad alia edificia 
ibidem construenda, et secundum morem sui ordinis inhabitanda imperpetuum 
. . . Datum apud Sanctum Paulum Lond.' xij die Julii.' — Cart, 61 Hen. III. 
m. 4. 

^ ' Item dicunt quod Willelmus Herun tempore quo f uit constabulaiius castri 
de Bamburgh fieri fecit unum granarium in predicto castro cujus factura com- 
pQtata fuit domino Begi pro ix li. et non valuit praeter quatuor li. per estimacionem 
fide dignorum. 

Item dicunt quod Robertus de Nevill nunc custos ejusdem castri computavit 
Be apposuisse in operacionibus dicti castri M.CC. marc, et inde habuit allocacionem 
ad Scaccarium que qnidam operaciones bene potuissent perfici per ducentas 
marcas.* — Rotnli ffniidredontm ; Hodgson, Nortkd. III. i. p. 96. 


Nevill was relieved of his oflSce in 1276, and ordered to deliver the 
castle, with all its store of arms and provisions, except his own goods 
and chattels, to Thomas de Norman ville, the king's steward.** 

Two Welsh princes, Ojnan ap Maredadd and Rhys ap Maelgwn, 
the destroyer of Aberystwyth, were confined in Bamborgh by Edward I. 
In 1288 Walter de Cambo, the constable, was instructed to expend £4 
on robes for them and 13s. 4d. on robes for their servant.** They 
remained there till 1296, when they were sent up to London in a 
dying state.*^ Meanwhile, on the 10th of August, 1298, an order was 
made for the delivery of Bamburgh by Walter de Oambo to the sheriff 
of Northumberland, after a due inventory had been made of its con- 
tents.*^ Two years later Hugh Gubion, then sheriff, was similarly to 
hand over the castle to John Earl of Warren.*^ 

In 1296 Edward I. vainly summoned John Baliol to meet him at 
Bamburgh, and halted there himself on his triumphant return 
from Scotland on the 20th of September.** He was again there at 
the close of 1299.** Four Scottish prisoners * Nichole Patenesone of 
Levenax, Fynny le Soul of Stirling, Thomas Clerc of Elisman, and 
Wauter du Larder of Inchetethe,' were committed to the custody of the 
constable in 1305.** 

The deliberate way in which Edward II. set at naught his father's 
dying counsels is well illustrated by the grant he made in 1307 to 
Isabel de Beaumont, widow of John de Vescy lord of Alnwick, of the 
custody of the castle of Bamburgh, with the truncage due to it, and 
the rent of the town of Warenmouth, for the term of her whole life, 
on payment of £110 annually into the Treasury.** During her 

» At Westminster, 7 June, 127 B.—Originalia, i Ed. I. ro. 8. P.R.O. The 
Compotvs of Thomas de Normanville for the issues of the castle and demesnes 
of Bamburgh 6 Ed. I. (1277-1278) is entered on the Pipe Boll, 8 Ed. I. m. 28, 
but contains nothing of interest in relation to the castle. 

•» Hot. Lib. 18 Ed. I. m. 6. 

^ Proc. Arch. Inst. 1862, ii. p. 243. 

•" Oriffinalia, 21 Ed. I. ro. 18. As to Walter de Cambo, see Hodgson, Northd. 
II. 1. p. 284. 

•« Canterbury, 6 Oct. 1295.— Oriffinalia, 23 Ed. I. ro. 16. On Hugh Gubion, 
see Hodgson, Northd. II. ii. p. 463. 

^ Rot. Scot. i.Xi.Z\. 

•* Liber Quotidiawit ContrarotulatorU Oarderobce ann. 28 Ed. J. (published 
by Soc. Ant. Lond. 1787). The Friars Pi*eachers of Bamburgh paid, by the hands 
of Brother Henry de Endreby, 6* M on 12 Dec. 1299, as their pttture to avoid 
having men and horses quartered on their house for two days *in adventum Regis 
ibidem,' p. 26. 

•* Chancery Misc. Port/. No. ^ ; Cat. Doc. rel. to Scotland, ii. p. 449. 

•• King's Langley, 23 Nov. IdOl.—Originalia, 1 Ed. II. m. 7. 


tcDancy of Bamburgh, in Jaly, 1811, the king made a pretence of im- 
prisoning his favourite, Piers de Gaveston, in the castle, in order to 
secare him from the violence of his enemies and to apparently satisfy 
their demands for his removal from the court.*^ In October he as- 
sented to the Ordinances drawn up by parliamentary authority, which 
especially provided that * la Dame de Vescy ' should be banished from 
court for obtaining grants of lands for her brother Sir Henry de 
Beaumont and others to the disherison of the Crown, and that the 
castle of Bamburgh should be taken from her and not let out again 
except during the king's pleasure.^ Indeed Edward actually went so 
far as to appoint Henry de Percy custodian of Bamburgh on the 18th 
of December, and to order Isabel de Vescy to give up the castle to 
him.** Then suddenly, a month later, he recalled Gaveston to him at 
York and restored him to his estates, while Isabel de Vescy continued 
to hold Bamburgh, like another Queen Bebba or Countess Matilda, 
in defiance of Percy, until on the 28th of May, 1812, a week or so 
after Gaveston's capitulation at Scarborough, she was commanded by 
the king to yield the fortress to John de Eslington.^^ There is 
nothing of moment in Eslington's accounts which have been preserved, 
except, perhaps, that the truncage due to the castle from the several 
townships had by that time been commuted for the annual sum of 
£4 198. 4^d., which appears to have been for the most part taken out 
in horses and swine.^^^ Eslington was taken prisoner at Bannockbum 
on the 25th of June, 1814, and owing to the extreme gravity of the 
crisis the king three days later appointed Roger de Horsley constable 
of Bamburgh by word of mouth.^^ 

'''Eodem anno (1311) rex timens invidiam et odium majorum regni erga 
dominam Petrum de Gavastone, posuit eum in castrum de Bamborhk pro sna 
securitate, asserens prsslatis et magnatibns regni se misisse eum ibidem in car- 
cerem at placeret eisdem/ — ATmaUs Paulini {Chronicles of Ed. 1. and Ed. 11. 
HoUs ed. i.) p. 269. * Rex igitur, nt enm a magnatum insidiis servarat, earn 
castro Bambnrgi inclusit : se id fecisse asserens, ut eorum animos placeret.' — 
Thomas de la Moore, Vita et Mors Ed. 11. {iMd. ii.) p. 298. See also A. Murim- 
roth, Chromoon (English Historical Society's Publications) p. 14. 

•• * Pur ceo que homme entent que le Chaustel de Baunburgh est de la Corone, 
Nous ordeinoms aussiut que eel Chaustel salt repris de lui en la mein le Roi, et 
que mes ne soit baillee a li ne a autre forsqne a la volunte le Roi.' — Rot. Pari. i. 
p. 2S4a. 

»» OriginaMa 6 Bd. II. m. 11, P.R.O. 

»«» Ihid. 5 Ed. II. m. 17. 

'•* Partionle compoti JoJiannis de Esselyngtone Constabularii Castri de Bam' 
hurahe, Q.B. Misc. Ministers' Accounts, Bamburgh 6-6 Bd II. |f . P.R.O. 

^^ * Rogerus de ^orslei dictum Castrum in manum Regis cepit per mandatum 
Regis oretenns propter ingens periculum quod tunc temporis iminebat in patria 


A terrible pictnre of the condition of Northumberland at ihifi 
period may be drawn from the complaint addressed by the poor people 
of Bambnrgh Ward to the king in 1315. The constable of the castle, 
they say, refused to let them accept the tmce which they had been offered 
till the following Easter by Brace's lientenant, the Earl of Moray, 
at the price of £270, unless they paid him as mnch more ; and the 
means at their disposal did not possibly admit of this. He also charged 
them exorbitant fees for permission to store their peUtz hims in the 
castle, and his porters and servants extorted money for letting them 
in and out ; so that between the Scots on one side and the constable 
on the other, they were reduced to the bitterest straits. Moreover, 
John the Irishman and his fellows in the castle seized their provisions 
without any pretence of paying for them.^^ The same doleful story 
of exactions is told in the petitions to Parliament of John de Gaskrik 
and other merchants of Barton-on-Humber, and of Isabel de Eshet, 
the executrix of William le Ken of Eshet. Horsley had pounced 
down on the corn ships of the merchants which, bound for Berwick, 
bad anchored through stress of weather between Bambnrgh and 
Warenmouth,^^ and never dreamt of paying £10 for mutton he had 
bought at Eshet in order to victual the castle.^^' 

Daring 1815 Horsley maintained twenty men-at-arms and thirty 
hobelars in the castle at the king's expence, and Adenevit a Welsh- 
man in the royal household, and Roger le Attallour were also quartered 
there, the latter being engaged in improving the * balistsd,' bows, and 
other artillery. Two hostages were also detained there, who appear 
to have been liberated by John the Irishman in exchange for Jordan 
de Stokhalgh, a Scot, and the king's enemy. On the 7th of Febraary, 
1816, Horsley had to resign the custody of Bambnrgh into the hands 
of William de Felton, and it is to be hoped that the poor people in 
the neighbourhood breathed more freely for a time.^^ 

post conflictnm de Streveljn abi dictus Johannes de Esseljngtone per Scotos 
capiebatnr: a quo quidem xxviij*' die Janii supiadicte dictus hogerus de ezitibos 
eJQsdem Castri debet Begi respondere." — Ibid. 

»~ Cal. Doe. rel to Scotland, 

w* JRot. Pari i. p. 327a. 

'* * Pur Multon de ly achatez, du temps le piere notre Seigneur le Eoi que ore 
est^ par Sire Roger de Hasch (Horseli) nadquers (Jardeyn du Chastel de Bam- 
burgh pur vitailler le dit Chastel.' — Ibid. ii. p. 394a. 

*^ ' Bogero de Horseleghe custodi Castri de Banmburghe habenti in comitiva 
sua XX homines ad arma et xxx hobelarios super salva et secura custodia ejusdem 
Castri et pertinentium adjacentium per preceptum et ordinacionem domini Regis 


HoTsley seems to have been re-appointed before 1819, for in a 
contract entered into by John de Cromwell and the Earl of Angns, 
apparently in that year^ for the custody of the Marches, it is noted 
that the permanent garrison of Bamburgh, where Horsley was con- 
stable, consisted of fifteen men-at-arms and thirty foot soldiers, and 
Uiat in addition to these the king was to provide fifteen men-at-arms, 
commanded by David de Langeton and Thomas de Hedon.^^^ 

One of the first acts of Edward III. on his accession was to appoint 
Robert de Homcliff constable of Bambnrgh, and soon afterwards he 
received the homage of Eobert, son and heir of Robert the Porter, 
who was, we learn, bonnd among other things, by his tenure, to provide 
a watchman every night in peace or in war on the gate of the castle 
called the Smith Gate.^^ Homclifi^ found the castle in most deplor- 
able plight — the lead with which the Great Tower was covered was so 
old and decayed that the rain had caused the main beams to rot, and 
the tower was threatened with ruin ; the roof of a tower called the 
'Davytoure,' which had been covered with stone, had been carried 
right ofi^by a tempest ; the ^ Belletoure ' had suffered in the same way, 
and its main timbers were rotten ; the Hall, the Great Kitchen, the 

poet conflictam de Striyel jn snper hoc facta pro vadiis eorundem hominnm ad 
anna et hoberlarioram a primo die Decembri anno viij** quo die dominns Willelmns 
de Melton primo recepit custodiam garderobss domini Regis predicti nsque vij 
diem Febrnarii anno ix^ qao die diet us Bogeras liberavit custodiam dicti Castri 
domino Willelmo de Feltone per breve sub magno sigillo et indenturam in eos 
foctam primo die computato et non ultimo per ccccxxxiij dies pro quolibct 
homine ad arma nijd et qnolibet hobelario Yjd per diem dcclvijli. xys. Eidem 
pro yadiis Ade Ne?it Wallensis de hospicio Regis morantis in eodem Castro per 
preceptam ejuadem Regis per dictos ccccxxxiij dies percipientis per diem iijd. 
cviij^. iij^. Bidem pro yadiis Rogeri le Attallour morantis in eodem Castro 
pro balistis arcnbns et aliis instrumentis ad officium suum spectantibus emend- 
andis per totum tempus predictum percipientis per diem ijd, Lxxijji ijd. Eidem 
pro vadiis duorum nostagiorum liberatorum in eodem Castro per Johannem 
Lirreis et per preceptum Regis pro Jordano de Stokhalgh Scoto inimico Regis et 
in dicto Castro commorantium a ij die Kebruarii anno viij*' usque ij die Februarii 
anno ix^ quo die dicli hostagii liberabantur dicto domino Willelmo de Feltone 
ad custodiendos primo die computato et non ultimo per ccclv (^»ic') dies quolibct 
percipienti per diem ijd, YJIL xxd, Summa totalis allocata dicto Rogero 
DccLxxij/i. xyijx. ]d. — Ministers' AcoonntSy Bamburgh || 8-9 Ed. II. 

107 ( Yq^^ 2k remembrer que en le Chastel de Baumburghe dount Monsieur 
Rogerus de Horsle est conestable, outre la certeine gameison que 7 est de xv 
hommes darmes et xxx hommes a pe deivent dcmorer David de Langelone et 
Thomas de Hedone od xv hommei darmes as cnstages le Roj.' — Indentnra 
dominoritin Johanuis de Oromhenell et Comitis Danegos super oitstodia //artivm 
Northumhrie, Kxcheq. Q. R. Misc. (Army) V P.R-O. 

'^•Per servicium custodiendi portam castri predicti et inveniendi unum 
Tigilatorem qualibet nocte tempore pacis et guerre super quandam portam 
▼ocatam Smythyate in castro pr^icto.* — Originalia^ 1 Ed. III. ro. 13; Hodgson, 
NoHhd. III. ii. p. 801. 


Great Grange, the towers called * Valetipping,' 'Dedehuse,' and 
^ Colelofte/ the Granary, the Horse Mill, and the Great Stable were in 
equal decay, the resnlt of the fact that former constables could not 
make any allowance for repairs in the acconnts they returned to the 
Exchequer.^®* Nor were the stores contained in this tumble-down 
castle of anything but the most poverty-stricken nature. HomcliflTs 
inventory from Michaelmas, 1828, to Michaelmas, 1829, comprised 
four casks of wine that had turned bad ; a pipe of Greek wine no 
better ; one jar full of honey, and another with some honey in it ; 
seven targets, broken and not repaired ; one aketon, of no value ^^^ 
five bassinets, of no value ; seven ' balistsB,' with screws, one of them 
made of whalebone, provided with a case of new work; a dozen 
* balistsB ' of one foot ; four bucketfuls of bolts for ' balistse ;' one 
bow ; five sheaves of arrows ; seven baskets for bows ; twelve baskets 
for one-foot ^balistsB,' four of them of no value; two baskets for 
screw *balist8B;' ten one-foot *balistfe,' of no value; one 'teler,' 
without a nut, for a screw * balista ;' thirty-five bolts for a springal 
of new work ;^^^ twenty-eight unfeathered bolts for a springal, four 
of them without heads; forty-six wax torches in one chest, and fifty 
torches and thirty-six wax tapers in another chest ; fifteen baldrics, 
four of them without fastenings ; three hundred and sixty leaves of 
whalebone ; one old brass pot, containing five fiagons ; ten pairs of 
fetters ; one copper and a mashfat in the brewery ; one copper in the 
kitchen furnace; two tables, with four pair of trestles; one fixed 
table ; four vats ; one tun ; one boulting tub ; one jar for putting 

>w * Die quo dominus Bex commisit dictum Castrnm de Bamburghe Roberto 
de Horncliffe nnnc constabulario Castri predicti qaam plures defectus fuennt in 
eodem Castro yidelicet in magna turri que cooperta fuit de plumbo et quod 
plumbum ita vetus fu . . as . . et putridum fuit quod maeremium ejusdem 
turris pro defectu cooperture predicte per pluvias putridum fuit ita quod tuiris 
ilia ruinam minabatur. Et in turri [vocatja Davytoure que cooperta fuit de petra 
et que tempore predicto per tempestatem totaliter discooperta fuit. Et in turn 
vocata Belletoure que cooperta f u[it] [t]abula et que per tempestatem discooperta 
fuit ita quod maeremium ejusdem per pluviam totaliter fuit putrida. Et iidem 
defectus fuerunt in aula m[agna] coquina, magna grangia in turri vocata Vale- 
tippinge et in turri yocata Dedehuse et in turri vocata Colelofte et in granaria 
et molendino equino et in magno stabulo &<>/ — Inquisition at Bamburgh, 8 Sept. 
1330, Itui. Ad Q.D, 4 Ed. III. No. 13, P.R.O. 

"" An 'aketon* was a coat of plate. — Kelham, Norman Dictionary, 
'"A * springal ' was a military engine for casting stones, as in the old romance 
of 'Bevis of Hamtoun' — 

' And sum thai wente to the wal 
With bowes and with springal.' — Halliwell. 

BAMBURan 0A8TLS. 247 

bread in ; fcwo barrels ; two sail-yards ; two windlasses ; and four ship's 
cables. Of this valuable stock, four screw 'balistse/ four one-foot 
'balistSB,' a bucketful of bolts, the bow, and the five sheaves of 
arrows were expended in defending the castle from the assaults of 
the Scots during the months of October, November, and December, 

Homcliif set to work and laid out £25 15s. 8d. on the most 
pressing repairs, but an inquiry held at Bamburgh in 1330 resulted in 
a report that it would take £300 to put the castle in order, and that 
the great tower and all the other towers, the hall, the chambers, the 
grange, and all the other houses and gates were so roofless and de- 
cayed that unless something were done very speedily the whole place 
would be a heap of ruins.^^' The urgent language of this report must 
have led at any rate to a partial restoration of the fortress, as three 
years later it was able to stand a famous siege. Berwick was being 

'" * Instaurum Mortuum, Mich. 2 Ed. iij. — Mich. 3 Ed. lij. Item reddidit 
compotnm de iiij doleis vini patridi, j pipa vini greci de ziiij pollicibus putridi, 
j doieo melle pleno, vij pollicibus mellis in j doleo, viij f ortinalis plumbi, ij bai'relliB 
ascere plenis, yij targis fractis et non reparatiSf j barello stanni cum SDudura, 
j mortario novo de petra, j mortario de cera ponderis unius lb., unius aketon 
nnllius yaloris, y. bacinettis nulliud valoris, vij balistis de vicibus quarum j de 
baleigne cum j hasepe de novo apparatu, zij balistis unius pedis de novo apparatu, 
j cista, iiij bukettis plenis de qnarellis pro predictis vj balistis, j arcu, v garbis sagit- 
tsrnm, rij coetis proarcubus, xij costis pro balistis unius pedis quarum iiij nullius 
▼aloris, ij costis pro balistis de vicibus, x balistis unius pedis nullius valoris, j teler 
sine nuce pro balista de vicibus, xxxv quarellis pro springald de novo apparatu, 
zxviij quarellis pro springaldo sine pennis quarum iiij sine capite, xlvj torches cere 
in una cista, 1 tortic et xzvj broches cero in una alia cista, xv baudreis quorum 
iiij sine clavibus, ccclx foliis de baleigne, j oUa enea veteri continent! v lagenas, 
z paribus compedum, j plumbo in bracina, et j maskefat, j plumbo in fornace in 
coquina, ij icensis, iiij paribus tristellorum, j mensa dormienti, iij cnvis, j tina, 
j doleo pro bultura, j doleo pro pane imponendo, i j barrellis pro servicia, ij saille- 
yerdes, ij wyndacis, et iiij cabulis pro nave de remanenti compoti sui anni 
proximi precedent!.' — Chmpotus of Roger de Horncliffet from 8 Feb. 1 Ed. III. to 
Mich. 4 Ed. III. in Ministers* Accounts, Bamburgh, y 1-4 Ed. III. P.R.O. 

*Idem computavit in consumpcione et defensione Castri contra insultas 
Scotomm mensibus Octobris Novembris et Decembris hoc anno — iiij balistas de 
vicibus, iiij balistas unius pedis, j buketam plenam de quarellis, j arcum et v 
garbas sagittarum.' — Ihid, 

•" * Robertus de Homcliff postquam recepit custodiam castri predict! emen- 
davit et reparavit plures defectus in eodem Castro, videlicet in magna turrl et 
aliis turribus domious muris et aliis parcel lis et lods in eodem Castro usque ad 
Bnmmam zxv/i. zv^. !ij<{. . . . Defectus in Castro predicto adhuc existentes et 
qui evenerunt tcmporibus aliorum coustabulariorum per tempestatem et aliis 
causis predictis possunt emendari de ccc^i. . . . Magna turns et omnes alie 
tnrres aula camera grangia et omnes alie domus et porte ejusdem castri . . . ita 
sunt putrifacta et discooperta et putrida quod nisi cicius emendantur total iter 
in brevi erunt perdita. '—7n^. ad Q, D. 4 Ed. III. No. 13 P.R.O. taken at the 
castle of Bamburgh before William de Denom and Robert de Tughale, Saturday, 
8 Sept 1330. 


closely invested by the English king, and the Soots, nnder Archibald 
Donglas, in hope of forcing him to raise the blockade^ made an attack 
in great force on Bambnrgh. The qneen, Philippa of Hainaalt, was 
in the castle at the time, and no doubt helped to encourage its valiant 
defenders. The Scots were eflFectively repulsed, and Berwick fell.^^* 

The Earl of Murray, after being in captivity at Bamburgh, was 
conveyed to York by John de Denton of Newcastle in 1835.^^* After 
the battle of Neville's Gross in 184G, David Bruce, 'who called 
himself King of Scotland,' was brought a prisoner to Bamborgfa. 
Masters William de Bolton, and Hugh de Kilvington, barber surgeons, 
came to the castle from York to extract the arrow with which he had 
been wounded in the battle, and to heal him with despatch. They 
received £6 for their servioes.^^^ In the following March John Darcy 
was sent from London to bring David Bruce to the Tower.^^' In a 
later phase of the Scottish wars, Bartholomew de Preston and Adam de 
Cokeburn, Berwick burgesses, whose loyalty to England admitted of 
suspicion, were given in charge of the constable of Bambnrgh in 
1355.^^^ It was at Bambnrgh on the 20th of January, 1356« that 
Edward III. completed the final convention with Edward Baliol for 
the latter's surrender of the Scottish crown,^^^ and he appears to have 
spent ten days there in February, 1857.^*^ 

On the 14th of June, 1872, it was declared on oath before Alan 
del Strother, William Acton, John de Bef ham, and the sheriff Robert 
de Umframvill, the king's commissioners at Bambnrgh, by two 
separate juries, that the executors of the late constable Ralph de 
Nevyll had done all the repairs that they could be charged with, and 
that over and above these they had been compelled by certain of the 

1** *Interea sab dole Scoti combnaserant in partibas Northumbriania, et 
obsederunt castrum de Bamburgh abi tuDC temporis regina Angliflo morabatur, 
ut sic fortasse possent solvere obsidionem (Berwici).' — Chronicon Angiia^ 
1828-1388, Bolls ed. p. 4. The Chron. de MeUa (Bolls ed. i. p. 869) saja the 
Scots led by Archibald Doaglas numbered 90,000 men in fonr divisions. 

"* Exchequer, Q.R, 20-21 Sd, III,, Mite, Army ^^^ ; De Fonblanqne, 
AnndU of the House of 'Percy, i. p. 491. 

>»• Bymer, Fcedera, III. i. p. 109. 

»»T iJnd. II. il p. 919. 

»'■ Rot. Scot, i. p. 381J. 

"• Thesaur. Cur. Rrcept, Soaoc. ; Bjrmer, Fcedera III. i. p. 819. 

•* Protection for Menald de Insula * clericus conjugatus ' of onr city of 
Aquen, Bamburgh, 6 Feb. — Rat, V<ueon, 30 Ed. iii. m. 6 ; Bymer, Foedera III. i. 
p. 822. Warrant for ship timber, Bamburgh, 10 Feb.— iZof. Pat, 80 Bd. iii. p. 1, 
m. 22 ; ibid. III. i. p. 823. Documents dated Bamburgh, 12-16 Feb. 80 £d. iii.— 
Rot. Scot. i. p. 800. 


king's lieges, of whose names the jary were ignorant, to build and 
repair a wall, a tower, and a turret at ' Waldehavewell/ within the 
castle of Bambargh ; and also a postern and great walls there in the 
said castle.^^ Furthermore, the executors had been forced to repair a 
wall stretching from ' Davyestour* to the gate of the castle from the 
west side; a postern at the 'Gaitweir and a great wall between the 
'Smetheyet' and Ravenshaugh, and another long wall between this 
SSmetheyet' and *Vallam de Typpyng.*^^ The extra expenditure thus 
extorted from them amounted in all to £266 Ids. 4d. 

On the 21st of August following, a similar inquiry held before the 
sheriff, John de Ravenser, clerk, and Robert de Gayton, the king*s 
'servant at arms,' confirmed grave charges brought against the con- 
stable Richard de Pembrigg. During his term of office, the well in 
the great tower had been choked by the offal of cattle killed in the 
castle, and the water in it polluted, so that it would take 40s. to purify 
it again. The rope and bucket had also been made off with, to the 
king's loss of 13s. 4d.i^ William Sera, the steward of the castle under 
Pembrigg, had taken clean away beds, chairs, tables, trestles, saddles, 
horse-shoes, bows, plates, dishes, leaden vessels, and other neces- 
saries for the custody of the castle to the tune of ten marks.^^ 
Certainly, Sir Alan de Heton, Pembrigg's deputy, had arrested twenty- 
live fat animals, worth twenty marks, belonging to Sera, and sold them 
by way of indemnity, but then the king got none of the proceeds. 
Perhaps the worst chai*acter for knavery is given to John de Fenwyk, 

"* * Unam mamm, nnum torrem et unum (sie') turellam apnd Waldehauewell 
infra castrum de Bambargh. Item in castro predicto annm postern' et magnos 
muros ibidem.'— iA^. ad Qvvd Damnum^ 51 Ed. III. N'o. 32, P.R.O. 

*** * Item in reparacione cujusdam muri a Davyestour usque ad pottam dicti 
castri ex parte occidcntali. Item unum postern' apud le Qaitwell et unum 
magnum murum a le Smetheyet usque ad Raven(« Haugb. Item unum alium 
longum murum a dicto Bmethyet usque ad vallam de Typpyng' in dicto castro.' 

*" * Fons in magna turri infra castrum de Baumburgh per injeccionem intes- 
tinorum animalium occisorum et cadaverum, tempore quo Kicardus de Pembrigg 
habuit custodiam castri predicti, est obstrictus, et aqua in eodem infecta et 
corrupta ad dampnum quadraginta solidonim. Item . . . oorda pro aqua de 
eodem fonte haurienda et haustrum pro eodem tempore quo dictus Kicardus 
babuil custodiam castri predicti per ministros suos sunt elongata ad dampnum 
domini Regis tresdecem solidorum et quatuor denariorum.* — Inq. ad Q.D, 61 Ed. 
III. No. 22 (3) P.R.O. 

*** *WiIlelmu8 Sera nuper prepositus in. castro predicto et minister dicti 
Ricardi ibidem, tempore custodie dicti Ricardi de castro predicto lecta, cathe- 
dras, tabulas, tristella, sellas, ferra equina, arcus, discos, platella, plumba et alia 
instrumeota pro custodia castri necessaria ad valenc:am decem marcarnm cepit 
et osportavit et totaliter elongavit.'— /AiW. 



the constable of the castle ander Pembrigg. Fenwyk bared the caatle^ 
of the entire stock of peats and ^bather/ valued at 82s., which 
Ralph de Nevjli had left behind him for its * garniture.' Even after 
Umframvyll as sheriff had taken possession of the castle and its con- 
tents by the king's orders, Fenwjk had the audacity to carry off the 
principal table in the king's hall, with its trestles, seven stones of lead, 
and the iron-work of a certain mangonel, having previously filched the 
wood- work of an old mangonel. Twenty-four mastich trees, each 
worth 4d., had, we are told, been taken out of the castle by Pern- 
brigg's oflficers and servants.^^ 

An inquiry, held before the same commissioners two days later, 
brought out the facts that two iron chains, an iron bolt, a lock, and a 
small door at the postern, as also an iron bolt for two ^ barrers,' had 
been the worse for wear since Nevyll's time ; while under Pembrigg, 
a drawbridge had decayed which it cost 138. 4d. to replace.'^ Beddes 
this, the jury certified that Thomas de Heddon held certain lands and 
tenements, called the Porterland, within the demesne of the castle, and 
had a fee of 2d. a day paid him by the constable, on condition of his 
finding a porter in constant attendance at the gate, and a watchman 
inside the castle every night, and of his maintaining the Porterhouse 
in the castle near the * Vale Typpyng.'^^^ The Porterhouse had, how- 

*** * Johannes de Fenwyk nuper constabularius castri predicti tempore custodie 
dicti Bicardi de eodem petas et bather pro gamistura dicti castri per dommnm 
Radulf um de Nevyll ibidem dimissa, ad Valcnciam sex marcarum et duoram 
Bolidorum cepit et elongavit et dictum castrum de eadem gamistura yacuum 
dimisit. Item . . . predictus Johannes de Fenwyk postquam Robertas de 
Umframvyll yicecomes Northumbrie de precepto domini Regis per breve snum 
custodiam castri predicti receperat, bona et catella, armaturas, utensilia et in- 
strumenta pro custodia ejusdem necessaria ibidem inventa arrestaverat, menaam 
principalem pro aula domini Regis ibidem et tristella, septem petras plumbi, et 
instrumenta ferrea cujusdam mangonelli in castro predicto existencia, ccpit et 
asportavit contra arrestacionem predictam ad Valenciam viginti solidorum. Item 
. . . meremium cujusdam mangonelli veteris in dicto castro ezisteotis tempore 
quo dictus Ricardus habuit custodiam castri predicti, per dictum Johannem de 
Fenwyk est asportatum ad Valenciam viginti solidorum. Item . . . quatnor 
viginti arbores lentisci, precii cnjuslibct iiijd. tempore quo dictus Hicardos 
habuit custodiam castri predicti per ministros et servientes ipsins Bicardi siint 
elon^ti extra castrum predictum.' — Ibid. 

1^ * Due cathene f eree cum uno bolt de f erro et una serura et una parva porta 
apud le Posteme, et uno bolt de f erro pro ij barrers sunt defectuose et potemnt 
reparari per quadraginta solidos, et predicti defectus f uerunt ibidem tempore quo 
dominus Radulf us de Nevyll habuit custodiam castri predicti. Item . . . quidam 
pons infra castrum predictum tempore quo R[icardu]8 de Penbrigge habuit cus- 
todiam castri predicti perioratur ad dampnum tresdecim solidorum et quatuor 
denariorum.'— i//^. ad Q.D, 61 Ed. III. No. 22 (2) P.R.O. 

^^ ' Debet eciam sustentare unam domum vocatam le Porterhouse in eodem 
castro juxta le Vale Typpyng.* — Ibid, 


ever, gone to utter min during the time of his predecessor, WiUiam de 
Heddon, and could not be repaired for less than 608. Then, too, 
during Pembrigg's term of oflSce, the roofs of the four houses in the 
four turrets on the north side of the castle had become so decayed that 
12s. would scarcely mend them.^^ Pembrigg had also allowed three 
stables and the ' slaghterhous ' to suffer to the extent of 20s., and a 
'bordour ' over the 'Tourgate,' valued at 12d., to decay.^* Forty marks 
would hardly cover the further consequences of his neglect, while it 
would take quite 10s. to carry out the repairs that had become 
necessary during the time the castle was in the hands of the king. 

In 1898 the burgesses and community of Bamburgh presented a 
petition to Richard II., from which it appears that there were three 
wells in the town, known by the names of ' Wydnewell, Edynwell, and 
Mauddeynwell.'^*^ The two former often went dry in summer, when not 
only the burgesses but also the constables of the castle had recourse 
for their water supply to the last named spring, which was situated 
within the boundaries of the hospital called the 'Maudeleys,' and 
was the principal source of the stream which turned one of the 
king^s mills.^'^ No impediment had been placed in the way of anyone 
using the well until recently certain Friars Preachers of Bamburgh in a 

'** * Quatnor domus infra quatuor turellas ex parte aquilonari in castro pre- 
dicto, Btmt in coopertura adeo pejorate ut viz per duodecim solldos poterunt 
reparari.'— /W4. 

** * Quataor domus infra castrum predictam videlicet tree stabule et una 
domus Yocata le Slaghterhous peiorantur tempore quo predictns Ricardus habuit 
custodiam castri predicti ad dampnum viginti solidorum. Item .... unum 
bordour super portam Yocatam le Tourgate peioratur ad dampnum duodecim 
denariorum.' —Ibid, 

'•• J2o*. Pat. 17 Rie. II. pars I. m. 36, a tergo.-— The * Wydnewell* was no 
doubt at the Wynding a little to the north-west of the castle, nor is there any 
difficulty in allocating the * Edynwell,* that of 8t. Aidan, in the * Church Quarter.' 
It appears from Inq, p.m. 60 £d. III. Ed. 71, taken at Bamburgh on 27 March, 
1376, that the Hospital or Chantiy of the Blessed Mary Magdalene there, founded 
by the king*s ancestors and in his patronage, consisted of a chapel, hall, pantry, 
kitchen, and other chambers in an enclosed site, which with other lands and 
tenements of the chantry was worth five marks a year. The object of the 
foundation was to provide a chaplain to celebrate mass and do other works of 
piety for the souls of the king and his ancestors. The ' custos * John de Bamoldby 
uad neglected to provide a chaplain for the ten years previous, the chapel was 
most in ruin and could not be repaired for less than twenty marks, whUe it would 
take twenty-six marks to put the other buildings right. The chantry had 
possessed vestments, books and other ornaments, but they had all disappeared. 

■» ( A quo quidem fonte, melior et maxima pars cursus aque, que uni molen* 
dinorum nostrorum juxta villam predictam ad molendinum blada dictorum ville 
et Castri et patrie adjacentis deseruit, currere solebat, pro quo quidem molendino 
nobis de quatuor marcis annuatim responditur.* — Hot. Pat. 17 Ric. II. pars 1 m. 
35, a tergo. 


fit of passionate spite killed a cor called Joljff— so the burgesses allied 
and the king was inclined to believe — ^and threw it secretly into the 
well with stones round its neck.^^^ Jane Boys, a matron of Bamburgh, 
not knowing that the well was thus contaminated, came, one vigil of 
the Blessed Virgin, and drank of the water, and was so poisoned that 
she gave birth to a dead child. Afterwards William West, one of the 
friars, so it was said, completely stopped up the well, to the great 
injury of the town, the castle, and the mill.^'' 

The office of constable of Bamburgh was one of the rewards that 
Hotspur received from Henry lY. for his share in the dethronement 
of Eichard II. He was himself at the castle on the 23rd of Feb- 
ruary, 1403.^^ After his death in battle at Shrewsbury, the castle was 
entrusted by the king to the Earl of Westmoreland, at that time the 
mortal enemy of the Percy family. It remained loyal while the other 
castles in the north were making a show of resistance to the royal 
authority, and we have a letter from John Coppyll, the constable, dated 
there the 13th of January, 1404, in which he assures the king of the 
safety of the castle and lordship.^^ Westmoi eland appears to have sub- 
sequently purchased the office of constable. He bestowed it on Sir 
Thomas Oray of Heaton, who thereupon, on the 6th of August^ 
promised to spend his life in peace or war with the Earl on receiving 
from him in time of war the same wages as others of his own d^ree.^^ 

In 1419 Sir William Elmeden was appointed constable of the castle 
by Henry V. War broke out almost immediately afterwards between 
England and Scotland. The Scots were well informed of the extremely 
weak state the castle was in owing to its not having been kept in 
repair, and to the insufficient number of men-at-arms and bowmen in 
the garrison.^'^ Sir William therefore, acting on his own responsibility, 

*" • Set jam tarde, certi f ratres predicatores dicte ville de Banmburgh, f eiroie 
malicie erampentes, quandam brachetam Jolyfe inberfecerunt et earn in dictum 
fontem vocatum Maudeleynwelle, cum petris circa collum ejuBdem brachete 
ligatiB, private projecerunt.' — Ihid. 

>** * Ac postmodum qnidam f rater Willelmus West fontem predictnm totaliter 
obtuiavit.* — Ibid, 

lu tjQ William Llojt the lord's esquire, by the lord*s letter of warrant on 
2drd February at Baumburgh in Northumberland and indenture with William 
of Dynbigh on Ist April 1403 <ad couferendo domino usque Berwick, £133 6f 8d,* 
— Emoh^guer QM, MUo, (Army No. V); ^^* -^^^^ ^^^' ^^ Scotland, iv. p. 136. 

^ Royal and Historical Letters temp. Henry IV, Bolls Series, i p. 206. 

>» Anoxewt Deeds, Series B. 3516. P.K.O. 

"' ' Statimque post ingressum Ipsins Willelmi in officia predicta guerra inter 
regnnm Anglie et illos de Scocia subito inchoaverit ac inimici de regno Scocie 


engaged on the 8th of September six men-at-arms, John Elmeden, 
Thomas Forster, two John Lermouths, John Obatour, and Thomas 
Blakwoode, at a shilling a day each, together with twelve bowmen, 
John Bare, John TaiUour, William Boche, Thomas Coke, Thomas 
Wilkinson, Thomas Bour, Thomas Bosse, Edward Todd, John Elwyke, 
Peter Wade, Thomas Bell and John Clerkson, at sixpence, for the de- 
fence of the castle. He maintained them, in addition to his own mess- 
mates,^ for two years and more, till peace was made with Scotland. 
Moreover, he laid out £66 8s. 8d. in repairing the castle, particularly 
the north wall near the gate of tbe tower and the drawbridge and well 
there, two ovens in the baker's house, two coppers in the brewery, the 
north wall near the postern, the chamber called Neville Chamber, the 
'rakkya' for defending the walls, and the walls of the Valetippyng, the 
Beed, and the Maiden Towers, which were in no condition to resist the 
attacks of the enemy.^^^ Elmeden had the singular good fortune to 
be ultimately allowed the expences he thus incurred. 

Bamburgh played an important part in the Wars of the Boses. 
The castle, which had been surrendered to Edward lY. some time 
after the battle of Towtou, was recovered by Margaret of Anjou, aided 
by French vessels and Scottish troops, in October, 1462. Writing to 
his father from Holt Castle, in Denbighshire, on the Ist of November, 
John Fasten the younger remarks, ' Syr Wylliam Tunstale is tak with 
the garyson of Bamborowth, and is lyke to be hedyd, and by the 
menys of Sir Bichard Tunstale, his owne brodyr.'**^ Bamburgh was 
entrusted by Margaret to the charge of Henry Duke of Somerset, the 
Earl of Pembroke, and Sir Balph Percy.^** Soon afterwards the queen 

tunc bene informati extiterant de gravi debilitate Castri predicti occasione non 
reparacionis ejasdem necnon de debilitate stofEure hominum armatorum et 
sagittariorum ejusdem, &c.' — Ministert' Accounts^ Bamburgh, y 7 Hen. V.-8 
Hen. VI. (Compotvs WiUelvd Elmedene) P.R.O. 

>» * Ultra snos proprios commensales.'— i&i<f . 

»w* Videlicet, in reparacione muri borealis juxta portam Turris ibidem, in 
leparacione pontis ibidem, in reparacione fontis ibidem, in reparacione domus 
piBtoris in duabus fomacibus in eadem domo, in reparacione duorum plumboram 
braccine ibidem, in reparacione muri borialis juxta le posterne, in reparacione 
Camere vocate Neville Chambre, in reparacione de rakkys pro muris ibidem 
defendendis, in reparacione murorum cujusdam Turris vocate Valetippynge, in 
reparacione murorum cujusdam Turris vocate le Beede Tour, in reparacione 
muiorum cujusdam Turris vocate le Maiden Tour.* — Ibid. 

'^ Paston Letters, ed. Qairdner, ii. p. 120, 

*** William Wyrcestre's Chronicle in Liber Niger Scacoariif ed. Heame, 1771, 
ii. p. 494; C. L. Perceval, Inaoouracies in the Accounts of the early years of 
Edward JK, in Arohaologia, xlvii. p. 269. 


was herself besieged in the castle. Hearing of the advance of King 
Edward with a large army, she went on board a ' carvyle * with the 
intention of sailing to France. A violent storm aro8e> and Margaret, 
abandoning the ' carvyle ' and the treasure it contained, was glad to 
reach Berwick in a small boat. That same day foar hundred of her 
French troops were driven on shore near Bamburgh, and being cut off 
from the Lancastrian garrison in the castle by the Yorkist lines, burnt 
their ships to prevent these being taken, and sought safety for them- 
selves on Holy Island. A party of two hundred Yorkists, under the 
Bastard Ogle and John Manners, who had already occupied the island, 
allowed themselves to be surprised by the unexpected arrival of the 
French fugitives. In the end, however, more than two hundred of 
the foreigners, some of whom fled for protection to the church, were 
either slain or made prisoners.^** 

On the 10th of December the siege of Bamburgh^ as well as that 
of Alnwick and Dunstanburgh, was begun in good earnest by the 
great Earl of Warwick, who, fixing his head-quarters at Warkworth, 
rode round every day to direct the operations.^** There were no more 
than three hundred men left with the Duke of Somerset, Lord de Eos, 
Sir Ralph Percy, and the Earl of Pembroke, to man the walls of 
Bamburgh against the great army collected there by Lords Montagu, 

i«> <• Regina Margareta cepit castrom de Anwyk et obsessa erat in castro de 
Banburw. Et cum cc. Anglici intrassent quandam parvam iosolam in illifl par- 
tibus ad saccurrendam se si necesse f uisset^ ipsis nescientibos, advenerunt ococ. 
dc fVancigenis ad eos incladendos et capiendos, et subito in Anglioos irruerant; 
sed capti et interfecti erant ex Francigenis cc. et plnres, et fdii fogientnt nt 
dicitvir:— Lambeth MS. 448, in Three Fifteenth- Century Chronicles^ Camden 
Soc. Publ. (133) 1880, p. 166. Fabyan says:—* (Queen Margaret) brake her array 
and fled, and took a carvyle, and therein intended to have sailed into France. 
But such a tempest fell upon the sea that she was constrained to take a fisher's 
boat, and by means thereof landed at Benvick, and so drew her to the Scottish 
king. And shortly after her landing tidings came to her that her said carvyle 
was drowned, within the which she had great treasure and other riches. And 
the same day upon four hundred Frenchmen were driven upon land near unto 
Bamburgh, where they for so much as they might not have away their ships they 
fired them, and after for their safeguard took an island within Northumberland, 
where they were assailed by one called Manners with others in his company, and 
of them slain and taken as many as there were. Halle and Grafton corroborate 
this, naming Holy Island as the seat of the adventure, and mentioning ' the 
Bastard Ogle and John Manners* as the assailants.' — Perceval, Arehceologia, zlvii 
p. 270. Dr. Perceval, however, failed to understand the ins and outs of this 
complicated incident. That Yorkists were quartered on Holy Island is shown 
by the entry in the Priory accounts, 1468-4, of 60s. from Robert and Henry 
Haggerston and their men, for their dinner for a year. — Raine, North Durham, 
p. 122. 

**» Poiton Letters^ ed. Gairdner, ii. p. 121. 


Strange, Say, Gray of Wilton, Lumley, and Ogle."* The Earl of Wor- 
cester appears to have oome on from the camp before Donstanbnrgh 
in order to assame the chief command, and a few days later to have 
been joined by the Earl of AruDdel.^^ The besieging force was then 
estimated at 10,000 men, and in the face of these overwhelming odds 
the castle sorrendered conditionally on Christmas Eve."^ The condi- 
tions were that life and limb should be spared, that the leaders of the 
garrison should be restored to their estates on swearing allegiance to 
Edward, and that Sir Ralph Percy should have the custody of the 
castles of Dunstanburgh and Bamburgh.^^^ All the same, about the 
following Lent, Sir Ralph ^ by false collusion and treason he let the 
French men take the castle of Bamburgh from him nolens volo,'*^^ 

The Lancastrians, though they had regained possession of the 
most important fortresses in the North, still failed to make any sub- 
stantial progress, and in April, 1463, Queen Margaret set sail from 
Bamburgh for Flanders in company with the Duke of Exeter, Sir 
John Fortescue, Sir Pierre de Brez^, and two hundred others, on board 
four * balyngarrys/"^ Her husband King Heniy was left behind at 

"* Cotton Charter, xvii. 10 (see above p. 179n). 

'•* *Tbe Wednesday by fore Cristmasse, Anno Domini M<». cccc. lxij°. In 
castello de Banbnrw snnt dux de Somerset, comes de Penbrok, dominus de Roos 
et Radulfns Percy, cam ccc. hominibus. At the seegc of Hem (them) sunt comes 
de Wyceter, comes de Arundel, dominus de Ogyl et dominus de Muntegcw cum 
XW:— 'Lambeth MS. 448; Camden Soc. Publ. (133), 1880, pp. 158, 159. 

»*• Stow, Annates, ed. 1614, p. 417. 

^*^ Gregory, Chronicle; Camden Soc. Publ. (122), 1876, p. 219; Among those 
who yielded on these conditions appears to have been Sir Nicholas Latimer. He 
had been attainted 4 Nov. 1 Ed. IV. * af tre which,' he states in a petition to that 
king, 12 May, 8 Ed. IV., * at your Castell of Baumburgh, in your Shire of North- 
umbr', by the right noble Lordes th' Erles of Warrewyk and Worcestr', with other 
there havyng suflBcient auctorite by your Highnes, appoyntment was taken that 
the said Nicholas shuld come and submitte hym to youre goode grace, and ther- 
upon to have your Pardon.' — Rot. Pari. vi. p. 230b. 

"' IMd.j3. 220. A Yorkist writer would naturally style the partisans of 
Margaret * Fraynysche men,' whether they were all French or not. The time 
of this surrender is fixed by Fabyan, Chron. ed. Ellis, 1811, p. 663. 

**• Wyrcestre, Chron. p. 496 ; Arch, xlvii. p. 276. * Queue Margarete whythe 
alle hir consayle, and Syr Perys de Brasey whythe the Fraynysche men, flcdde 
a-wey by water with iiij balyngarrys ; and they londyd at the Scluse in Flaundyrs, 
and lefte Kyng Harry that was be hynde hem. and allc hyr horsand hyr barneys, 
they were so hastyd.' — Gregory, Chron. p. 220. The * balyngarrys * were probably 
' whalers.' Dr. Perceval, Arch, xlvii. 1883, pp. 276, 286-294, has shown that, in 
all probability, this was the final departure of Margaret of Anjou from Northum- 
berland ; but his criticisms on Miss Strickland are hanily fair, a-* they are directed 
against statements in the 2nd edition of her Live^ of the Qneens, which had then 
already been considerably modified in the several later editions of that most 
popular work. In the edition of 1877 (Bohn), vol. i. p. 598n, Miss Strickland 
triumphantly refers to the Chronique des Dernient Dues de Bourgogne, by the 
contemporary George "Chast el lain (b. 1404, d. 1474), in support of the story of 


Bamburgh. He appears to have remained a whole year or more in 
the castle, issning letters of protection there for William Bnrgfa on the 
8th of December^ 1468,^^ and granting a charter to the bnrgesses of 
Alnwick on the 9th of April, 1464.^'^ In all probability he fled back 
to Bambni^h from the &tal battle fought near Hexham on the 8di 
of May. At any rate, on the last day of that month, Sir Henry 
Bellingham and Sir Thomas Philip, knights, and William Lermonth 
and Thomas Elwyk of Bamburgh and John Retford of Lincolnshire, 
gentlemen, John Pureas of London, yeoman, Philip Castelle of Pem- 
broke in Sonth Wales, Archibald and Gilbert Ridley of Langley 
in Northumberland, and Oawen Lampleugh of Warkworth, gentle- 
men, John a Whynfell of Naworth in Cumberland, yeoman, and 
Alexander Bellingham of Bumeside in Westmoreland, gentleman, 
'adhered unto Henry, called late king,' at Bamburgh, and 'him 
assisted, succoured, and helped/^'' 

Whatever became of Henry YL, and these his immediate adherents, 
Sir Ralph Orey, who had fled from the field of Hexham before the 
battle began, remained in command of Bamburgh castle.^** On the 

Queen Margaret's presence at the battle of Hexham in 1464 and her sabseqnent 
adventure with the robber. But on referring to Chastellain's account (ije Part, 
chapitre zx.), it turns out that it was two years previously, in 1462, that Mar- 
garet related the story of this adventure to the Duchess of Bourbon in Chastel- 
lain*s presence at St. Pol, and that therefore * the last unhappy discomfituie, 
when she was taken prisoner and robbed of all her wealth, including her crown 
jewels and plate, and the treasures that she was endeavouring to carry with her 
to Scotland ' (* la derreni^re mal-eur^e desconfiture ott elle f ut prinse et saisie, 
elle f ut robb^e et pill^e de tout son valllant, de ses royaulx joyaulx etabis, de ses 
grosses vasselles, et des triors les quels cuidoit aller sauver en Bscooe '), must 
have been during her retreat from Towton towards Scotland in 1461. There arc 
circumstances that make it possible that, after all, the adventure did take place 
in the woods of Hexhamshire, and so the tradition of the Queen's Cave, if a 
genuine tradition, may have some foundation in fact, although it can have abso- 
lutely no connection with the battle of Hexham. Bishop Stubbs, whose know- 
ledge of the period has much improved since the publication of the 1st edition 
of his ConHUutwfial Higtory, now says * it appears almost certain that Margaret, 
after her departure from England in 146B, remained abroad until 1470' — 4th ecL 
crown 8vo, Oxford, 1890, p. 205n, but he cautiously refers to Plummer*8 notes on 
Fortescue, p. C2. For a very interesting letter of the chivalrous young Edward 
Prince of Wales, probably written soon after Margaret's arrival in Lorraine, see 
ArchtBological Journal, vii. p. 170. 

^^ Perceval, Notes on Documents belonging to Sir John Lawson, Bart, in 
Arch€eologia, xlvii. p. 190. 

**» Tate, History of Alnwick, ii. App. VI. 

>« i2<;f. Par/. V. p. 611,b. 

*^* ' Radulfus Gray f ugit de Hexham ante bellum inceptum ad castrum Bam- 
burghe, et post bellum de Hexham multi ex parte Regis Henrici fugerunt in 
eodem castro. Et non long6 postea comes Warwick cum maximis bumbardii 
obsedit idem castrum.' — Wyrcestre, Chron. p. 499 ; Arch, xlvii. p. 280n. 


25th of Jane the Earl of Warwick und his brother, the newly created 
Earl of Northnmberland, having kept the feast of St. John Baptist at 
Dnnstanburghy proceeded to lay formal siege to the castle. They 
despatched the king's Chester herald, with their own Warwick herald, 
to say anto Sir Ralph Grey and 'other that kept his rebellions 
opinion/ that they were immediately to deliver up the place, when all 
the garrison would be accorded a royal pardon, from which, however, 
Sir Humphrey Neville and Sir Ralph Grrey were specially excepted, 
* as out of the king s grace without any redemption.' To this sum- 
mons Sir Ralph replied that he had 'clearly determined within himself 
to Uve or die in the castle.' Thereupon the heralds declared that all 
the guilt of bloodshed would be laid to his charge, and one of them 
delivered this final message: — 'My lords ensureth you, upon their 
honour, to sustain siege before you these seven years or else to win you. 
My said Lord Lieutenant and my said Lord Warden hath also given 
us farther commandment to say unto you, if ye deliver not this Jewel, 
the which the king our most dread sovereign Lord hath so greatly in 
favour, seeing it marcheth so nigh his ancient enemies of Scotland, he 
specially desireth to have it, whole, unbroken with ordinance ; if ye 
suffer one great gun laid unto the wall and be shot, and prejudice the 
wall, it shall cost you the chieftain's head ; and so proceeding for every 
gun shot, to the last head of any person within the place.'^** 

Notwithstanding this terrible warning. Sir Ralph Grey left the 
herald and 'put him in devoir to make defence.' Warwick then 
ordered all the king's great guns to be charged at once, and ' to shoot 
unto the castle.' * Newe-Castel,' the king's great gun, and * London,' 
the second gun of iron so * betyde ' the place that stones of the walls 
flew unto the sea, while ' Dysyon,' a brazen gun of the king's,^*^* smote 
through Sir Ralph Grey's chamber oftentimes. The cannonade seems 

*** Coll. Armor. MS. 1. 9, printed in the notes to Warkworth's Chroniele^ 
Camden Soc. Publ. p. 3<;. 

'** It has been suggested that as the two iron gnns * Newe-Castel ' and * Lon- 
don ' derived I heir names from towns where they were probably cast, the name 
of the brazen gun • Dysyon' may be a corruption of ' Uijon.' There are several 
curious examples of cannon with their names cast on them in the Zeughaus 
Museum at Berlin, and it seems a pity that a practice that gave a certain per- 
sonality to them and their performances has been discontinued. Locomotive 
engines have similarly been deprived of their names in recent years on the prin- 
cipal English railways, and neither travellers nor drivers can take that interest 
in them that they did, while makers say that mistakes are of much more fre- 
quent occurrence in refitting them when there is no name but only a number to 
refer to. 



to have been directed by Edward and Richard Bombartell, and other 
of the king's ordinance ; and assisted bj men-at-arms and archers they 
won the castle of Bamburgh, and taking Sir Ealph prisoner, led him 
to Edward IV., at Doncaster, where he was executed, one of the chief 
articles in the judgment pronounced on him by the Earl of Worcester, 
as constable of England, being that he 'had withstood and made 
fences against the king^s majesty, and his lieutenant, the worthy Lord 
of Warwick, as appeareth by the strokes of the great guns in the 
king's walls of his castle of Hamburgh.'^" 

Edward lY. granted, under his great seal, an annuity of £100 to 
Sir Richard Ogle for * the ofSce and kepyng of cure Castell of Bam- 
burgh.' Sir Richard subsequently surrendered this in Chancery, and 
received in recompense a grant of £40 a year for his life, which was 
saved to him by the Act of Resumption of 1478.^*^ Henry Percy, the 
fourth Earl of Northumberland, was made constable of the castle ; bat 
it appears to have been in the actual keeping of his coosin, Sir Hemy 
Percy, who, like his father, Sir Ralph, played a very important part 
in the history of the North."® 

The report of Richard Bellysys and his fellow-commissioners in 
1588 on the repairs requisite for the ' sure holding and keeping of 
Bamburgh ' runs as follows : — 

* The view of the castell of bawmborgh wich is of thre grett wardes 
and in grett reuyne & decay albeit the scytuacyon & standyng of the 
said castell is of the strongest and imprinaby[ll] ground that may be, 
And theis thynges foUoyng is most nedfuU ther to be doyn. 

' Fyrste the Draw brydge at the enterrye of the est warde must be 
all new mayd and all thynges ther to will cost xl«. 

'Item ther must be a new gaytt mayd of wode with seym and 
roy ve for the gaythowse at the enterre of the said draw bryge of foure 
yerdes and a half bye and thre yerdes and a half broyde wich will oost 
by estimacion all mayner of thynges vW. 

* Item the walles of the two utterwardes is veray mych in roayne 

"• Coll, Armor. MS. 1. 9 ; Warkworth, Chron. (Camden Soc. Publ. 10) p. 88. 
^" Eot, Pari. TL p. "dGa. This Bir Richard does not figure in the pedigrees of 

the Ogle familj. _He was possibly the ' Bastard Ogle ' of the Holy Island afbur. 

'of Bamburgh ~ 
May, 1486, with the same wages as Thomas Marshall \i9tA,—MaUriaU lUuttrd' 

**• Sir Henry Percy received a grant of the office of porter of Bamburgh, 3rd 

. ttve of the Reian of Henry Vll.f Rolls Series, i. p. 428. On his death the offices 
of receiver and porter were granted for life to Sir William Tyler, 22nd Jan. 1487 
—IMd. ii. p. 112. 


and decay albeyt the gronnde and the sifcaacion of theym is marvelluB 
stronge so that yf ther were but xl?t be stowyd in dyvers places of the 
said walles wher most ned were wolde do mych gnde. 

* Item ther mnst be an yron gaytt mayd for the innere warde of 
f onre yerdes & a quarter hyght and thre yerdes & a quarter of breyde 
wich will tayke two tonne of yron xU. 

* Item to the smyth for maykyng of the said yron gayt vj7t. 
'Item ther is a gret chambere within the innerwarde that will 

serve very well for the hall wherof the' leydes of the royf must be 
new cast, and a f other of leyde more towarde the mendyng of the said 
leydes, And the castyng & the layng of the said leydes & the wark- 
manschype therof iijli. 

^ Item ther muste be for the said hall two doyrs & two wyndowes 
wich will cost XX8. 

' Item half a royde of sarkkyng bord for the sayd hall vjs. 

* Item ther is a nothere iayre chambere Jonyng of the north syde 
of the said hall that must have a new balke of vj yerdes and a half 
longe, wich balke most be hade firome chopwell wodes be west new 
castell wich wodes pertenys to the layt monestery of new mynster and 
the balke must be carryd by watter & all charges therof xijs. 

* Item ther must be for the said chambere half a royd of sarkynge 
horde YJs. 

* Item the leydes of the royif of the said chambere must be new 
cast and a fother of new leyd more towardes the mendynge of theym. 
And for gutters spowttes and fyllettes & the charges of the castyng & 
laynge xlviij^. 

* Item ther is thre fayre vawtes undere the said hall and chambere 
oonvenyent for a buttre a sellere & a store howse wich must have thre 
new Doyres xx«. 

* Item ther must be a new royf mayde for an howsse at the est end 
of the hall wich must serve for the kychynge & for larders. And 
undere the said howsse ther is a fayre vawte wich will serve for a 
Btabyll for xxiiij horsses. And for makyng of the said royff there 
must be vj balkes of viij yerdes longe and for wy vers (jsic) wallplayttes 
spars & other tymbere for the said royff xvj tonne of tymbere wich 
tymbere must be had in chopwell wodes appertenyng to the layt abbay 
of new mynster and for the caryage & makyng of the said royf vij/i. 


* Item ther must be for coveryng of the said royf fyve royde of 
sclattes with lattes broddes & lym all thynges by estimacion will cost vj/t. 

' Item for the said kychynge & layrdere for wyndoys Dores and 
particyons by estimacion liiJ8 iiij^. 

* Item ther must be for the stabyll a bove said of xxiiij hoisses 
bays mayngers & rakes and a doyre the charges ther of for caryage of 
the tymbere <& warkmanschype iiijli, 

' Item there is a narrow towre of a convenient lenth at the est syd 
of the said kychynge wych will be two chambers for lodgynges and 
must have xij geystes of iij yerdes longe and half a royd of florynge 
borde and xij spars of thre yerdes longe and a royde of sarkynge horde 
the charges ther of xls. 

* Item the royf of the said howse must be new theykyd with leyd 
and must have two fudders and a half of leyd more then is of it. And 
for the castynge and laynge of the said leyd xxiiijs. 

* Item ther is a lyttyll towre at the sowth end of the sayd kychynge, 
wherof the leydes of the said towre must be new cast & half a fother 
of leyde putt to it the castyng and the laynge of the said leyd xij«. 

*' Item for the saym towre a royde of sarkynge borde xiJ8. 

' Item for the floyres of the said towre a royde of floyrynge borde 

'Item for the said towre for Dores and wyndowes lockes and 
bandes for Dores xxs. 

' Item ther is two fayre Chambers well wallyd Jonynge boith to 
getheres standynge at the est ende of the olde walles callyde the 
Eynges hall & under the said two Chambers ther is f cure fayr vawttes 
& the said two chamberys must have two newe royffes of v balkes of 
viij yerdes longe for ather of the said two chamberys. And the ryst 
of all mayner of tymbere for the royffes of boith the said chameiys 
will be xxx^ tonne of tymbere the said tymbere to be hade at chopwell 
woddes a for said, and at bykere wodes a lyttyll from new castell, 
wich bykere wodes was layt the erle of northumberlandes. And this 
said tymbere must be caryid by waiter. And all mayner of charges 
as well for caryage as warkmanschype of the said royffes xiiij^'. 

' Item ther must be for coverynge of the said two chamer royffes x 
royd of sclaytt wich will cost with lyme lattes broides & other neces- 
sarys by estimacion xii]7». 


' Item ther muBt be for the said two chamers and for the said fonre 
vawttes for Doyrs wyndows lockes and kays and other necessarys ther 
to appertenynge by eBtimacion iiijli. 

^ Item ther mast be half a fother of leyde for a gutter to the said 
two chambers for the plumere wages iij«. 

* Item ther is a brewhowsse and a bakhowse boith under one royff 
wich is Decayd, wherfor ther must be a new royff of balkes vj yerdes 
longe. and for all other tymbere appertenyng to the said royffes xiiij 
tonne of tymbere, wich tymbere may be had at chopwell and bykare 
wodes afoi'said And framyd and wroght in the said woddes and caryd 
by watter all mayner of charges ther of by estimacion \jU. 

' Item ther must be for coverynge of the said howse of sclattes 
foure royde wich wyll cost with lyme lattes broddes and othere neces- 
saiys by estimacion vli. 

* Item for Dors wyndowes partycyons & lookes to the said howsses 

* Item for maykynge ovynnes rayngyes fornesses & brewynge vessell 
meyt for a brewhowse by estimacion v'njU. 

' Item ther must be a fother & a half of leyde for makynge of the 
brewynge leydes. 

' Item ther must be a horse milne wych wyll cost all thynges mey te 
for the saym purpos xli. 

* Item there is two draw welles wherof one in the Dongyone wich 
Dongyone the royff ther of is all decayd & the said well is of a mar- 
vellus grett dypnes. 

* Item the other well is in the west end of the west warde and the 
wall that inclosys the said well to the castell must be amendyt, for the 
mendynge ther of and clensynge of the said well by estimacion iiijZe. 

' Item ther must be for reparellynge & a mendynge boith of dy vers 
fayi'e towres and for the walles of the innere warde that is to say for 
battylmenttes and for putyng in of archelare stones and for pynynge 
with ston where the walles is rent and rowgh castyng of the said walles 
with lym by estimacion xlli. 

* Item there is foure towres within the said innere warde wherof 
the walles ar veray god and the tymbere of the royffes fresche and the 
leyde of the said foure royffes must be new castyn and there must be 
thre fother of leyde more for mendynge of the said royffes And for 


the castjnge of the lejde of new of all the foore forsaid roylBfes with 
gutters spowttes and fyllettes iiijZt. 

^ Item dyvers of theis howses a for said must be djght and clensyd 
for ther is a grett substans and quantjte of sand within theym wich 
in mayner has fyUyd fuU dyvers of the said howsses. And for the 
labore and carrynge owte ther of iiijZi. 

' Summa totalis ocxZi xs iiiji. 

* And over and above the said Summa ) ^ f otter of leyd.'"» 
ther must be for the said castell f 

Neither the cannonade of 1464 nor the utter absence of any attempt 
to keep the castle in regular repair could, however, destroy the basalt 
ramparts of Queen Bebba's fortress. Leland calls Bambui^h ' some- 
time a huge and great castle, one of the strongest in those parts.'^^ 
William Patten, Londoner, who accompanied the Duke of Somerset 
on his expedition to Scotland in 1547, thus writes enthusiastically of 
the place : — ' Tuesday, xxx of August. This day his Grace having 
journeyed in the morning a x mile (from Alnwick) dined at Bamborow 
Castle whereof one Sir John Horsley Knight is captain. The plot of 
this castle standeth so naturally strong, that hardly can any where (in 
my opinion) be found the like : inaccesible on all sides, as well for the 
great height of the crag whereon it standeth, as also for the outward 
form of the stone whereof the cn^ is, which (not much amiss per- 
chance) I may liken to the shape of long bavens,^'^ standing on end 
with their sharper and smaller ends upwards. Thus is it fenced round 
about, and hath hereto on the east side the sea, at flood coming up to 
the hard walls. This castle is very ancient, and called in Arthur's 
days (as I have heard) Joyous Garde : hither came my Lord Olinton 
from shipboard to my Lord. In the afternoon his Grace rode to Ber- 
wick xiiii mile further.'"* 

In 1550 Sir Robert Bowes advised that Bamburgh Castle should 
be surveyed and kept in proper repair 'for the scyte therof is wonder- 

>*• Chapter Hov^e Book, B^. P- 63, P.R.O. This Survey waa printed with 
comparatively great accuracy by Mr. Hartshome in Proc, of Arch, Inxt. 1852, 
ii. p. 244n.; but the place assigned to it, among the notes to the chapter on the 
Barony of Prudhoe, was not well chosen. 

"« See ante, p. 27. 

*•* i,e. faggots of brushwood. 

"* Dalzell, Fragmentt of Scottish History, p. 28. John Horsley appears to 
have followed Somerset to Scotland, and to have been made a knight oanneret 
at the battle of Musselburgh. — Hodgson, Northd, II. ii. p. 104, quoting Holings- 
hed, Chron. ii. 991. 


fnll strong, and the keping of the same castle is the best office that 
the Kinge*s ma"* gevethe, within the east marches of England.'*** 

As osaal, little or nothing seems to have come of Sir Robert's 

In June, 1676, a special commission was directed by Queen Eliza- 
beth to Thomas Bates, supervisor of crown lands in Northumberland, 
Sir Cuthbert Collingwood, John Selby, porter of Berwick, William 
Beade, captain of Holy Island, and Robert Raynes, bidding them 
repair to the castle of Bamburgh and execute six articles of inquiry on 
the Queen's behalf.*" It is to them and their panel of twelve jurors 
that we owe : — 

* Thb Survby [and view taken of)*^ the Castell of Bambrowgh 
in the County of Northumberland the [four] and twentieth Day [of 
October in the 17th year]*^ of the reigne of our sovereigne lady the 
Quenes ma"® that now ys by the Comissioners and Jury above named 
as foloweth : [To the first article, the said castle is scitnate upon a 
may]ne Rocke [on] the sea banke, a very stronge scituatyon, and 
hath on the Ooast Northward from yt the Holy Hand distant [by 
estimacion four miles and from thence the] Quenes Ma"®^ towne of 
Barwick distant from Hand six miles And towards the Sowth &om 
Bamburgh, on [the sea coast ys scytuate the castle of Dunstan]borough 
parcell of hir ma"®* Possessions of the Duchy of Lankester distant 
five myles or thereabowtes w®*^ sayd Ca[8tell of Bamburgh, in] the said 
[Commission named is] in utter mine and Decaye, the Draw Bridge 
and gates ys so broken that [there is] no usuall entry on the [fore 
part save at a breach in the wall, that hath been] well walled and yett 
hath walks much decayed standing, and ys of thre wardes in the two 
utterwards w [hereof nothing is but walls much] decayed; [in the 

>»» State Papers, Dom. Add, Ed\ VI. vol. iv. No. 30, P.R.O. ; Hodgson, 
mrthd. UI. ii. p. 206. 

>•♦ Special Comviisitwns, Northnmberland, 17 Bliz. No. 1729, P.R.O. Dated 
• apud VVestm. xvj° die Junii anno regni nostri xvij°,' The Survey * in lingua 
Anglicana scripia ' was confirmed by an * inquisitio indentata ' taken at Bam- 
burgh before Selby, Beade, and Bates, 16 Apr. 1576. — Ibid. m. 3. 

"* The words between the parentheses are mostly supplied from a copy of 
this survey printed in Hutchinson's View of Northumberland^ ii. p. I68n, as the 
origioal is in an extremely bad state of preservation. Hutchinson was indebted 
for this copy to Ralph Spearman of Eachwick, and in spite of its many inac- 
curacies it now proves most valuable. 

**• This survey was originally dated * 16 Bliz.' The date of the writ for the 
Commission, and the subsequent mention of the day of the week, ' the monday 
the xxiiij*** of October,* conclusively prove this to be an error for * 17 Eliz,' 


innermost] ward ys one tower of xxv yeardes sqare, by eBtimatyon 
standing upon the top of [the rocke an]d in the same a w[ell of fresh 
water, the walls] whereof are upright [but] much Euyned and decayed 
with wether The roofe wherof which hath bene tymber and some 
tyme co[vered] with [lead as it seemeth is utterly decayed and gone ; 
within the] said ward [aljso have bene the principall Lodginges of the 
howse, and as yt may appeare [al]l the oflfyoes belonging th[ereunto 
which for the more part, as it seems, have] bene l[ong in] decay and 
the rninouse walls do in the most part therof stand And yet in one 
p[art of the same lodgings hath] been of [late a lodging for the] 
Cap[tain, the par]ts whereof called the balle and great chamber have 
bene Covered w'** Leade and yet [have] some Leade upon [them, and 
in some parts revin and the lea]d ta[ken away.] Th[e hall in] the 
Captaines Lodging conteaneth in length xj yeardes and in bredth vij 
yeardes by estimatyon, [hath lead upon it yet, by estimation . . . 
fothers ; the] great Chamber conteanyng in length x yeardes and in 
bredth v yeardes by estimation hath lead [yet remaini]ng [to the 
value of . . . fothers by] est[imation the] reast of the lead of 
both bowses decayed and taken away. The timber [of both the said 
houses is peri]shed and in much dec[ay ; within the said ward] hath 
bene of Late a chappell and other littell Turrettes Covered, all which 
be now utterly decayed [saving the ... ] walles [of the most 
part thereof, mu]ch worn with wether standeth. 

* [There is belonging to] the said [castle the demayne lan]ds 
of Bambrough, the demayne lands at Sunderland, The townes or 
hamletts of Bedenhall [Shorston and] Sunderland, [all which be 
reputed as] the proper Lordshipp belonging to the said Castelle 
and besydes the payment of ther rents in mony and [grains mentioned 
in the] next [article following they or] some of theme (perfectly 
there knowen) do owe by there tenures and by Custome certain 
services [to the said castle] as the casting [away of sand and cleansing] 
the said Castell thereof. Certaine day works of husband labor 
for the occupation and [enjoying] of the [said demayne lands, 
and alsoe that every two tenan]ts shoode bring every yere one cart lode 
of wood from Rochewood and one Lode of [turves from the Kings 
Moore to the said castle to be spent with certaine] other accustom- 


able services To the said Castell also belongeth a cerfcaine pece of 

ground w[hich as it] semeth h[ath beene inclosed, because there 

remaineth] yet abowt yt the mecye («ib memory ?) wher the Dyche 

hath bene, called by the name of Roche wood [where great] woods 

[hath be]ene but now [utterly decayed] and no wood at all reraayneth 

theron. Ther ys also certaine other townes as Bewick, Dychbnm 

[Calvele, Eslingtone,] Yetlington, [Midleton Midle,] Midleton north 

and Midleton sowth, Mulsfen, and Bedenhall; which pay yerely 

severall [rents] unto the said [Castell, whic]h rents [be commonly 

called Dring]age. 

• •••#• 

' For the decay of the said Castell of Late tyme, the deposicyons 

of certaine persones who were servants [to Sir J]ohn horseley Late 
Capitane there, ys by vertew of the said Comissyon taken, as foloweth 
at Bambrough the monday the xxiiij*^ of October [in the] xvj*'* yere of 
the reigne of the Queues ma"« that now ys : Willm Hunter of Thor- 
nihalwhe**^ in the county of Northumberland of [the age] of liij yeres 
or therabowts sworne and examined, to the first, second third fowerth 
fiveth and Sixth, sayeth that in the tyme of S' John [hor]seley Late 
Capitane of the said Castell and at his death ther was in the said 
Castell, one ball, one great Chamber, and one other Chamber [on the] 
Eest syde of the hall all covered with lead, and furnyshed in other 
reparatyons, at that tyme convenient, to be dwelled in, and that there 
[was] at that tyme two other Chambers in the said Castell likewise 
covered with leade and in like reparacyons, And that ther was in the 
said [Castell] a kitching covered with Flagge and a Chappell covered 
with sclate, and that under the said hall and great Chamber were 
sellers for offices [with] doores and all such other furnitures as wer 
Convenient, and being examined how he know^^ the same to be trew 
he sayeth that Sir John horsley [who] was the last Capitane ther, 
before Sir John fosbar, did dwell and kepe his howse continually in 
the said Castell, and that this Deponent was his servant and [di]d for 
the most part attend on him ther. 

' Henry Muschants of the grenes^" in the County of Northumber- 
land of the age of Liiij yeres or ther abowt sworne and Examined to 

"' Thornyhaugh on the right bank of the Coquet, just above Brinkburn 

*** Apparently in Felton parish, a little to the north of Bwarland. 



the first Second third Fowarth, fiveth and sixt articles sayeth in all 
things as his cotestje Willm hunter [hath] said saving that he sayeth 
the tymber of the chapell was in some decay at that tyme, as he doth 

*(T)h(omas?) Ersden of the Feild head^*® in the County of 
Northumberland, of the Age of Lx yeres, or ther abowts swome and 
Examined to the first [second] third fowerth fiveth and syxt sayeth 
in all things as his precotesties have said. 

' Which Lodgings are now in utter decay, the Ohappell [tim]ber 
and stones cleane taken away and all thother buildings before men- 
cyoned, save ouely the hall and great Chamber which have yett some 
[lead] upon them as appeareth in the answer of the first article, the 
Tymber by reason of the leade taken away, is much perished [but] by 
whome the same spoile ys done they know not. 

* The decay of the Decay (sic) of the Castell ys before declared 
and [what] the repay re therof will cost they know not, but yf yt shalbe 
to any purpose, to restore the former strength and Bewty therof, the 
[charges will] be great. And they say that to ther knowledg, the 
Queues msk^^ ys to repare and maneteane the same, bycause yt ys the 
auncyent Inheritance [of the] Crowne.' 

When we remember the scandalous way in which Sir John Forster, 
who had succeeded Horsley as captain of Bamburgh, set to work to 
ruin Alnwick and Warkworth for his own purposes,^'^ there can be 
little doubt that * the spoil ' of Bamburgh was the consequence of his 
rapacity, and that the jury, for fear of ofi^ending him, had recourse to 
the convenient plea of ignorance. The serving men of Horsley, who 
had long before earned the character of ' a true man, a wise borderer, 
and well minded to justice,'*''^ in vain bore witness to the very 
diflFerent state of things that prevailed at Bamburgh in their master's 
time. In 1584, however, Forster was directly charged with having 
laid waste the castle, together with a gentleman's house and six tene- 
ments in the village.^^* His family had received a grant of the 
possessions of the cell of Austin canons at Bamburgh in about 1545,"' 

»«» Fieldhead, a mile east of Long Horsley Church. 

"<» See ante, p. 127. 

"» CoUon MS. Calig. B. vi. 244, fo. 432 ; Hodgson, Nortkd. II. i. p. 68. 

>" See ante, p. 80. 

"» Ori/fin^ilia, 37 Hen. VIII. pars iv. ro. Ixxx. 


and on the 15th of March, 1610, James I. bestowed the castle and 
lordship on Claudius Forster, the son of one of Sir John's illegitimate 
progeny."* The estates of the Forsters of Bamburgh were sold to pay 
their debts in 1704, and were purchased by Lord Crewe, Bishop of 
Durham, wha had married one of their co-heiresses. On his death in 
1720, Lord Crewe left the greater part of his property to trustees for 
charitable purposes. The restoration of the castle was commenced by 
the Crewe Trustees in 1767. On Sunday the 10th of August, 1766, 
Dr. Sharp, Archdeacon of Northumberland, the trustee by whose zeal 
the work was carried out, had the satisfaction of entertaining at 
dinner in the court room of the keep, Dr. Trevor, Bishop of Durham, 
who had been holding a confirmation in the village."* * Dr. Sharp,' 
says Pennant, writing in 1769, * has repaired and rendered habitable 
the great Norman square tower: the part reserved for himself and 
family, is a large hall and a few smaller apartments; but the rest 
of the spacious edifice is allotted for purposes which make the heart to 
glow with joy when thought of. The upper part is an ample granary; 
from whence com is dispensed to the poor without distinction, even 
in the dearest time, at the rate of four shillings a bushel; and the dis- 
tressed for many miles round, often experience the conveniency of this 
benefaction. Other apartments are fitted up for shipwrecked sailors, 
and bedding is provided for thirty, should such a number happen to 
be cast on shore at the same time.'^'* 

Grose, whose remarks are entitled to more attention than those 
of most writers who have treated of Bamburgh, tells us in 1776: — 
' The stones with which the keep or great tower is built, are (some 
lintels excepted) remarkably small, and were taken from a quarry at 
Sunderland (next the) sea three miles distant. From their smalluess, 

I'* Writ of Privy Seal, 7 James L Camden's account of Bamburgh is only 
curious from its ascribing the destruction of the castle to the Lancastrians : — 
'Nostra . . . setate castrum potius qu&m ciuitas habetur, sed ade6 amplium vt 
ciaitatis sit femulnm. . . . Decoris maxlmam partem Ion go p^st tempore, intes- 
tine bello amisit, ctim Bressius Normannus vir militaris qui Lancastrensi f amiliae 
Biuduit iiiclementiiis in illud sseuiret. laminde ver6 cum tempore, et ventis 
conflictatnm est, qui iucredibilem vim sabnli ex oceano in eins munitiones per 
fenestras patentes conuerrerunt.* — Britannia, ed. 1587, p. 645. 

"* Hutchinson, View of Xorthvmberland^ ii. p. 174, quoting Randal's MS. 

*'' Pennant, Tour in Scotland, 6th ed. i. p. 44. A cannon, belonging to a 
Dutch frigate of 40 guns, lost with all the crew opposite the castle in about 1709, 
was fixed on the top of the keep to be fired in case of a ship being seen in dis- 
tress. — Ibid. p. 46n. f his appears to be the cannon now ' traditionaUy ' called 
the Armada Gun. 


it has been conjectured they were brought hither on the backs of men, 
or horses. . . . The walls to the front are eleven feet thick; but the other 
three sides are only nine. They appear to have been built with regular 
scaffolding to the first story ; and so high the fillings in the inside are 
mixed with whin-stone, which was probably what came off the rock in 
levelling the foundations ; but there are no whin-stone fillings higher 
up, the walls above having been carried up without scaffolding, in a 
manner called by the masons over-hand work; the consequence of 
which is, that they all overhang a little, each side of the tower being 
a few inches broader at the top than at the bottom. 

* The original roof was placed no higher than the top of the second 
story. The reason for the side walls being carried so much higher 
than the roof, might be for the sake of defence, or to command a more 
extensive look-out, both towards the sea and land. The tower was, 
however, afterwards covered at the very top. 

* Here were no chimneys. The only fire-place in it was a grate in the 
middle of a large room, supposed to have been the guard room, where 
some stones in the middle of the floor are burned red. This floor was 
all of stone, supported by arches. This room had a window in it near 
the top, three feet square, intended to let out the smoke : all the 
other rooms were lighted by slits or chinks in the walls, six inches 
broad, except in the gables of the roof, each of which had a window 
one foot broad. The rock on which this tower stands rises about 150 
feet above low water mark. 

* The outworks are built of a very different stone from that of the 
keep, being a coarse free-stone of an inferior quality, ill abiding the 
injuries of the weather. This stone was taken from the rock itself; 
a large seam of it lying immediately under the whin-stone. 

*In all the principal rooms in the outworks there are large 
chimneys ; particularly in the kitchen, which measures forty feet by 
thirty; where there are three very large ones, and four windows: over 
each window is a stone funnel, like a chimney, open at tie top; 
intended, as it is supposed, to carry off the steam. 

* In a narrow passage, near the top of the keep, was found upwards 
of fifty iron heads of arrows, rusted together into one mass; the longest 
of them about seven inches and a half. It is likely they were origin- 
ally all of the same length. There was likewise found some painted 


glass, supposed to have formerly belonged to the windows of the chapel. 
It was not stained; bat had the colours coarsely laid upon it. 

*In December 1770, in sinking the floor of the cellar, a curious 
draw well was accidentally fonnd. Its depth is 145 feet, cut through 
the solid rock; of which 75 feet is a hard whin-stone. 

* In the summer of the year 1778, on throwing over the bank a 
prodigious quantity of sand, the remains of the chapel was discovered; 
in length 100 feet. The chancel is now quite cleared. It is 86 feet 
long, and 20 feet broad ; the etist end, according to the Saxon fashion, 
semicircular. The altar, which has been likewise found, did not. stand 
close to the east end, bnt in the centre of the semicircle, with a walk 
about it, three feet broad, left for the priest to caiTy the host in pro- 
cession. The front (font), richly carved, is also remaining.'^'^ 

Before proceeding with his restoration of the keep, Dr. Sharp 
appears to have been careful to make sketches and notes of the exact 
condition he found it in, and these, sometime previous to his death in 
1792, he communicated to Edward King, an antiquary of great erudi- 
tion but little common sense. * From his account,' says King, speak- 
ing of Dr. Sharp and Bambnrgh keep, * which I received with several 
most curious drawings, it appears, that very strong vestiges of its real 
antiquity, actually remaified visible, before Bishop Crew's charity was 
applied to make that great change in the whole appearance, which 
now deceives the eye of the antiquary. . . . Instead of there having 
been magnificent State rooms in the upper stories, at a great height, as 
in OundvlpVs Towers,^'* there appeared to have been a roof let in 
low, beneath the top of the building, as at Porchester, and at GastU- 
Um;^"^^ — and even to have been placed no higher than the top of the 
second story, from the ground ; — insomuch that the middle old small 
window of what is now the third story, must have been a mere large 

'" Grose, Antiquities^ 1786, iv. pp. 66-58. The two plates there given repre- 
sent the north-west and the south aspects of the castle, and were drawn respec- 
tively in 1773 and 1771, when the keep was all that had been restored. It is 
carious to note how Grose's phrases have been copied and recopied non mvtath 
WHtandU in every description of Bamburgh from Hutchinson and Mackenzie 
down to the very latest guide-books. Scissors and paste are two of the most 
formidable enemies of true provincial history. 

"•, Rochester Castle and St. Leonard's Tower, West Mailing ; but the 
former is probably really later than Binhop Gnndnlf's time. 

'^ King shows this ' inverted pointed roof ' in fig. 6 pi. xxvii., and in sections 
of the keeps of Oastleton (Derbyshire) and Porchester in vol. ii. figs. 2, 3, pi. *^K 
The roof of Porchester resembled a double V. * 


loop for shooting arrows, or used as a sort of look-out, between the 
slopings of the roof, to whioh the walls carried ap so mnch higher all 
round, were a defence. In subsequent ages, indeed, the Tower was 
covered at the very top of the third floor: but the vestiges in the side 
walls of the stone mouldings, in the form of a V, remained to Doctor 
Sharp's time. It clearly appeared also, that originally all the rooms 
beneath were lighted only by very narrow loops, or small slitfl in the 
wall: and even the chief room on the first story, only by a window, 
near its top, three feet square, far unlike any Norman windows ;— 
whilst, in each of the deep gable ends of the old roof, was a window 
only one foot broad. ... To all these observations, (from the peculiar 
representations in the drawings, sent to me by Dr. Sharp,) it may be 
added, that it seems as if there originally was an antient entrance to 
this Oafltle (keep), up a flight of steps up the outside to a door where 
the large window now is on the south-west side.'*** 

The rebuilding of the outer wall of the castle towards the sea in 
the beginning of the century was followed by the conversion of the 
ruins of the Great Hall and Kitchen into buildings for the schools 
which were established under the direction of Dr. Bowyer, Archdeacon 
of Northumberland, in 1810."^ The strong westerly winds that pre- 
vuiled in 1817 removed a great mass of sand and laid bare a burial- 
ground, the existence of which had been entirely forgotten, about 
three hundred yards to the south-east of the Great Gate.^ Before 
1825 the chapel * that crowned the south-east point of the castle's area, 
and which had long remained unfinished,' was taken down, and the 
wall that stretched from that point towards the keep, toGrether with 
two flanking towers, were ' completely repaired.'^** The Crewe Trus- 
tees had already procured plans for improving the mean appearance of 
the Great Gate, and for erecting a lodge in the most approved style of 

iw King, Munimenta Antiqna^ 1804, iii. pp. 220-224. The large plan of Bam« 
burgh there given, as supplied by Dr. Sharp, is now peculiarly vaJuable. 

"' Mackenzie, Vitfv of NorthninberLand^ 1826, i. p. 410. 

*'^ Ibid. p. 409n. * The graves had been fonned with flag stones set on edge.' 
Mackenzie gives the distance as * about 200 yards.' The Ordnance Survey, with 
it-s usual sapience, has denominated this cemetery * old Danish Burying Ground.' 
Was this the ' cimiterium ' towards which the pious thief of St. Oswald's hea*i 
went out afar in order to mount his horse ? See above, p. 207. 

*^' Ibid. According to the traditions of Bamburgh, this comparatively 
modem chapel had been actually finished and services had at one time been 
held in it. 


viJla Gothic near the postern at Elmund^s Well, when the idea of 
any further restoration of the castle appears to have been abruptly 

The earliest description of Bamburgh^ continues to be, in a great 
measure, the most accurate. The surface of the rock rises in a south- 
easterly direction from about 100 feet to 150 feet above low water 
mark. The castle is nearly a quarter of a mile in length, and com- 
prises within its walls 4'770 acres, divided into three wards.*** The 
slopes of the west or lower ward, and of the east or middle ward, 
appear to have been covered with the buildings of the ancient city, at 
the highest point of which, as our old chronicler tells us, was the cele- 
brated draw-well,*" now enclosed in the keep. The plateau forming 
the inner, innermost, or upper ward still gradually rises some feet to 
the eastern extremity of the rock which was once occupied by the 
basilica of St. Peter.*®' The original entrance of the castle, scooped 
out of the rock and possessed of a flight of steps that excited no less 
wonder than the excavation of the draw-well, appears to have been at 
the north-west and lowest comer of the area.** Evident traces are left 
of the rock having been here worked away; but the postern itself has 
been refaced by Lord Crewe's Trustees, and the steps also are modern. 
A further flight of steps leads from this postera through a round- 
headed and very weather-worn doorway down into an outwork among 
the sandhills that has been surrounded by a strong wall of archaic 
masonry. In the north-west angle of this outwork stood the Tower 

*w See above, p. 228n. 16. 

>•» « Quasi daomm vel trium agrornm spatium.'— /Jm?. 

'*• ' In sammitate ipslus civitatii".* — Ibid. The church was on the highe;*! 
point of the whole rock — *in summitate montis'; and the well to the west of 
it—* in occidente.* 

^" It is impossible not to believe that this * ecclesia prsepulchre facta ' (see 
above, p. 228n. 15), this * basilica/ through the holes and corners of which the 
guardian of St. Oswald's head kept following the suspicious stranger (see above, 
p. 227n. 1 4), this church whose * aditus ' and • exitus * it took Winegot so lung 
to explore (see above, p. 229n. 21), was not something very much superior to the 
little twelfth century chapel that has succeeded it. 

iM * Unum introitum cavatum, et gradibus miro modo ezaltatum * (see above, 
p. 228n. 1 5). Professor Freeman appears to have also adopted this most natural 
view of the position of the primeval entrance to the castle, since, after describ- 
ing the steps in his Beign of William Bufiu, ii. p. 49, 1. 22, as being at the#0t//A- 
western corner of the castle, he has deliberately altered this in the errata, p. xxiii., 
to * north-wegtern," without, however, vouchsafing any reason for the change. 
This exercise of 'the wand of the enchanter' has been lost on Mr. G. T. Clark, 
who continues to describe the steps leading up from within the Great Gate as 
the ancient entry. 


of Elmund's Well, repaired in 1250, at the same time as the Barbican 
before the Gate of St. Oswald,^* by which possibly the whole of this 
outwork before the ancient gate of the castle was meant. Probably 
this outwork was the wall built in front of the castle that collapsed 
with such fatal consequences to the young men engaged in mocking 
the Scottish host in 1138.^^ The well, no doubt the same as the 
'Gaitweir at the postern of 1372,^*^ is approached by steep steps of 
no special interest, while the base of the tower above it is used as a 
powder magazine. 

Towards the sea the curtain-wall of the castle has been for the 
most part rebuilt on the ancient foundations which are now buried in 
the sandhills. On the land side, the curtain of the west ward extend- 
ing from the postern to the Clock Tower has been replaced by a rough 
rubble wall considerably in rear of the original, of which several huge 
fragments are left. The base of the Clock Tower itself, a half-round 
bastion, is genuine, but beyond it the great I'ange of stables and 
grauaries, seventy yards long with a dozen round-headed windows, 
which forms the curtain of the east ward, is, with a trifling exception, 
the work of Dr. Sharp or his successors. The monotonous appearance 
of this range, the first portion of the castle to meet the eye of a 
stranger approaching it from the village, is to a certain extent relieved 
by the warm colouring of the stone. It conveys, however, the impres- 
sion of some Indian hill-fort rather than a castle on oor northern 
Border, and may best be compared in Europe with the batteries of 
Ehrenbreitstein. The turrets in front of the keep are also impostures, 
the first being db ovo a work of this century, and the other having been 
entirely reconstructed. The west wall of the Captain's Lodging, with 
two window openings, has meicifuUy escaped the indiscriminating 
renovation applied to most of the castle. This mined wall probably 
represents Sir Ralph Grey's chamber through which the fourth 
Edward's brazen gun ' Dysion ' smote oftentimes during the great 
siege of 1464. East of this is a fine base of a bastion similar in 
character to the Clock Tower. Beyond this again the King's HaU 
stretched nearly to a small rectangular tower the basement of which 

'* See above, p. 240. '*» See above, p. 235. 

"* * Unum posteme apud le Gaitwell,' see above, p. 249. This well, and not 
that in the keep, is the ' traditional ' hannt of the toad into which the wicked 
queen is transformed in the * Laidley Worm of Spindlestone,* a spurious ballad 
composed in the last century. 

Try >•• "•■^ '^ '. xii 

If ^ m 


is connected with the vaults between the hall and the kitchen. A 
larger rectangular tower, containing the Muniment Room on its second 
floor, caps the south-east corner of the Great Kitchen.^^ A third semi- 
circular bastion, probably that known as the *Davye Tower,' ^•^ 
remains in a truncated condition between the Muniment Tower and 
the Great Gate of the Castle on the south side.^" 

The sixteenth-century plan of Bamburgh^^* represents the Great 
Gatehouse as a rectangle, with a wheel-stair on the left-hand side of 
the passage. The present gateway is flanked by two bald half-cylinder 
turrets, with very little sign of old work about them, though they 
figure in many drawings of the castle before its restoration ; and 
their mbble^vaulted basements appear genuine. The foundations of 
the walls of the barbican, between which the drawbridge worked, 
were, until recently, visible in the roadway in front of the gate. The 
cutting in the rock to the west of the. barbican was probably that 
excavated in 1287.^'* The gateway itself has been fatally 'Normanised,' 
bat a portion of rubble vaulting, slightly pointed, remains above the 
passage, and looks like work of the end of the twelfth century. This 
possibly formed part of the improvements effected in the castle gates 
in 11 97.^^^ A flight of steps which ascends to the summit of the rock, 
immediately to the left after passing through the gateway, have been 
very generally mistaken for the original entrance of the castle. There 
is, however, no appearance of the rock ever having been excavated 
here, and the steps really form part of the curtain connecting the 
Great Gatehouse with the wall of the inner ward. The foundations of 
this wall near the gatehouse appear to be of ttie same age as the keep. 
This was probably the wall between * Davyestour ' and the west side 
of the castle gate that in 1372 Ralph Neville's executors proved they 
had repaired ;^^* and it was only through a breach in this wall that 

'M These two rectangular towers may have been the * turrella,' one of which 
was to be bailt and the other finished by Hugh de Bolebec in 1237, see above, 
p. 239. 

*»« See above, pp. 245, 249. 

^* ' Magna porta versus australe' see above, p. 240n. 81. 

*•* Cotton MS. Aug. II. 1. 2. Brit. Mus. Judging from the five consecutive 
crosses shown on the fdtar of the chapel, this plan must have been made before 
the reign of Elizabeth. The scale is given as ^zx fete in the iach,* but there can 
have been small intention of adhering to it, except with reference to the keep 
and the buildings to the west of the King's Hall. 

*•• * fit in rupe juxta Barbicanam concavanda,' see above, p. 240n. 76. 

**' See above, p. 236n. 56. 

'* See above, p. 249. 



the castle conid be entered 'on the fore part' in Qaeen Elizabeth's 
time after the drawbridge and gates had gone to ruin.*" The entry 
by this breach continued till the restoration of the gatehouse, and has 
not been forgotten by old Bamburgh people. 

The roadway proceeds, covered on the left by the steep crag sor- 
mounted by the buttressed wall of the inner ward, for another fifty 
yards to a second gateway, under what seems to have been the Yale 
Tipping Tower.'^^ As in the Great Gate, the original vaulting of the 
passage of this second gate is in rubble, and slightly pointed ; bat we 
have here a plain chamfered Norman string-course. On the seaward 
side of the passage is a porter's lodge with a similar string-course and 
high pointed vault. This interesting lodge is known as the * Barracks/ 
from having been occupied by soldiery at the time of the threatened 
descent of Napoleon on the English coast. It is about 20 feet long 
by 9 feet 6 inches wide, and 14 feet in height to the centre of the 
steep pointed vault. Plain chamfered string-courses run along the 
north and south sides. An original fire-place seems to have been 
broken away at the west end of this lodge,*^^ and a large opening to 
have been made in the wall towards the sea, probably as a casemate 
for a gun. At the east end of the north wall is a fine straight but- 
tress. The road continues for another eighty or ninety yards along 
the enceinte towards the sea, while on the left it is commanded by two 
turrets connected with the north wall of the inner ward. This wall 
formerly terminated in the Tower Gate'^ attached to the keep, which 
serves to separate the east and inner ward. An iron gate 4^ yards 
high and H^ yards broad was recommended to be made for this gate 
by the commissioners of 1588. 

The east and west wards are divided by a cross wall running on 
the top of a low basaltic cliff from the Clock Tower to the gateway 
between the two wards, which was probably that Juiown as the Smith 
Gate.^^ Half way between the tower and gate a small half round 
turret with prolonged sides is thrown out from the cross wall. This 

w» See above, p. 263. 

«» See above, pp. 246, 249, 250, 263. 

^* It will be remembered that Thomas de Heddon was boand, as porter, to 
maintain the * Porterhouse * near the Vale Typping. — Bee above, p. 260. 

»« Pembrigge had snfEered a 'bordour' over the *Tonrgate' to be in decay 
in 1372.— See above, p. 261. Elmedon repaired the north waU * jnxta portam 
Turns * soon after 1419.— See above, p. 263. 

*" See above, pp. 246, 249. 


turret, one of the few characteristic pieces of masonry left at Bam- 
burgh, has onfortuDately been restored internally. There are grounds 
for apprehending that this turret and the Clock Tower were the tower 
and turret at * Waldehavewell ' mentioned in 1372.**^ From the time 
of Henry I. a family of smiths held half a carucate of land in the 
borough of Bamburgh by the serjeantry of making the iron-work for 
the castle caits.*^ The porter of Bamburgh was by his tenure obliged 
to provide a watchman on the Smith Gate every night both in peace 
and war.*^ A considerable portion of old walling is left in the corner 
between the Smith Oate and the north curtain, and, judging from 
marks on the grass, a large rectangular building once stood there. 

Unless the drawings presented to King by Dr. Sharp can be some 
day discovered,^^' the task of describing the Great Tower or keep of 
Bamburgh in a manner that shall serve any good purpose in architec- 
tural history, must necessarily remain one of most considerable diffi- 
culty, since King bears witness that the result of Dr. Sharp's operations 
was to remove or conceal many vestiges of its antiquity. We are 
here concerned with the donjon of our first Plantagenet and not with 
the furnished apartments of Lord Crewe's Trustees.^^ As it is, the 
only representation we have of the keep before it was remodelled 
appears to be that shown in the highly imaginative Prospect of the 
castle drawn by S. and N. Buck in 1728.*^' 

The base of the keep has a noble plinth projecting about 4 feet, 
the mouldings being more Roman than Norman in their character.^^^ 

*^ See above, p. 249. There is a tradition among the old workpeople at the 
castle that there was a third well in the comer of the east ward near the Clock 
Tower. This well wa** quite distinct from the water-tank now there. 

*** * Galfridus Faber tenet dimidiam carucate terre in capite de domino Bege 
in bnrgo de Bambnrghe per servicuim seijantie scilicet fabricare ferramenta de 
carucis castelli de Bamburghe et omnes antecessores sai tenuerant per idem ser- 
▼icinm de antiqno feofEamento.* — Tegta de Neville; Hodgson, Northd, III. i. 
p. 236. 

•* See above, p. 250. 

*^ See above, p. 26&. 

"^ Detailed particalars of the present arrangement of the interior of the 
keep are given by Mr. G. T. Clark in his ' Bamburgh Castle,' ArchaologicaX 
Journal^ vol. xlvi. pp. 107-113. 

** As the Bucks' Views in Northumberland and Durham were reprinted in 
1883 by the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle, it has not been thought neces- 
sary to insert them in the present work. The Prospect of Bamburgh shows a 
window with two cusped lights in the north wall of the first floor of the inner 
gatehouse. With that artistic licence they so constantly indulged in, the Bucks 
have shifted the bastion near the west end of the King's Hall to the west side 
of the keep. 

^'° Mr. Q. T. Clark suggests that the mouldings were re-cut when the building 
was restored. — Archxeological Journal, vol. xlvi. p. 107. 


Above the plinth the tower measures 69 feet 1 inch north and eouth, 
by 61 feet 7 inches east and west. It does not stand tme to the 
points of the compass, but it seems more natural to describe a wall 
fronting W.N.W. as the west rather than as the north face.**^ The 
angles are covered by pairs of pilasters 12 feet broad, which are con- 
tinned vertically above the parapet as the outer walls of four square 
turrets. The north and south walls have single pilasters near their 
centres; the east and west walls two pilasters; all rising in set-offs till 
they die away in the respective faces. Near the north end of the east 
wall is a further projection with the entrance in the base, and two 
loops formerly over it. Like the plinth, the pairs of detached shafts 
that support the double Norman arch of the doorway belong to a 
rather uncertain style of architecture.^^^ Immediately on the left on 
entering the keep a mural stair ascends in the thickness of the east 
wall. This stair has been known all through this centory as * the 
new stair '; but probably this appellation refers merely to an enlarge- 
ment of the original stair which is shown on the sixteenth century 
plan of the castle, just as the small window that lights it represents 
the original loop in the Bncks^ Prospect. The entrance passage led 
to a large hall about 51 feet in length by 28 feet in width, the vaulting 
being supported on a series of arches springing at right angles from 
two absolutely plain rectangular piers. In the south-west of the six 
bays thus formed is the celebrated draw-well.**^ There were two 
round-headed loops in each of the three external walls, and of these 
those in the north and south walls have been left more or less in their 
original condition. Facing the entrance was a door in a four feet cross 
wall giving access to a compartment of two bays with a groined roof, 
measuring about 16 feet by 82 feet. In the north-west corner of this 

•" Mr. Clark is of the contrary opinion, and further confuses the sabject by 
the statement that * the north face fronts about E.N.E.'— /Jirf. 

'" The astragal rings seem to be unusually far down. There is a tradition 
of an old man having declared that he made these shafts 'just out of his own 
head ' at the time of the restoration of the keep. The perishing nature of much 
of the stone and the way in which it is affected by the high winds are elements 
of great uncertainty in the architectural history of Bamburgh. 

**■ This *fons miro cavatus opere, dulcis ad potandum et purissimus ad 
videndum * of the old chronicler (see above, p. 228n. 1 s.) was choked and pol- 
luted during the time that Richard de Pembrigg was constable, in the reign of 
Edward III. (see above, p. 249). It is mentioned as being *of a marvellus grett 
dypnes' in 1538 (see above, p. 261), and again in 1576 (see above, p. 264). 
Nevertheless its existence was absolutely forgotten till it was accidentally found 
in 1770 (see above, p. 269). 


vanlt a narrow wheel-stair rises to the top of the keep, while iu the 
opposite angle is a door communicating with a vault abont 16 feet 
square that occupies the south-west comer of the basement. On the 
first floor there appears to have been originally four rooms. The 
largest of these, about 82 feet by 23 feet, is approached directly from 
the entrance by the mural stair in the south wall. This, the present 
Court Room, was supposed by Grose to have been a guard-room, the 
fire of which was in the middle of the floor, where some of the stones 
had been burnt red. The smoke, he thought, had escaped through a 
window three feet square near the top of the room.*** This window, by 
far the largest in the whole building, was probably in the upper part 
of the enormous plate-glass window that now looks out upon the sea. 
From the recess over the entrance that contained a pair of loops, a 
further mural stair ascends to the second floor in the thickness of the 
east wall. 

The south side of the first floor is now occupied by one long room 
called the Armoury. There is reason to suppose that the western end 
of this originally formed a separate room like that in the basement 
beneath it. It has a groined vault and angle shafts. The eastern 
end of the room, divided by a cross arch into two barrel-vaulted bays, 
has a sort of apsidal termination, and may possibly, though not very 
probably, have been a chapel.*^' A large window in the south wall 
was, according to King, formerly an outer door; but perhaps it merely 
communicated with a block of buildings that appears built in here 
between the keep and the curtain on the sixteenth-century plan. In 
the opposite wall is a door into the Court Room. Two other doors 
connect the Court Room and the western end of the Armoury with 
the present kitchen, a room 17 feet by 22 feet, from the northern loop- 
recess of which a short passage led to the wheel-stair in the north- 
west angle of the keep. 

*" See above, p. 268. 

*" Mr. Clark (Arehaological Journal, vol. xlvi. p. 110) Bays :—* Had not this 
chamber lain north and south it would certainly be taken for the chapel which, 
even as it is, one-half of it may have been. As at the Tower and at Colchester, 
it is the only vaulted chamber above the basement level.' As a matter of fact, 
however, this chamber does not lie north and south, but W.N.W. and E.S.E., and 
no argument against its having been a chapel can be founded on its orientation. 
A weightier objection lies in the ecclesiastical rule not to place an altar beneath 
any secular building, as it is not easy to see how this could have been got over 
in the present instance. 


The stair coming up from the Court Boom in the east wall of the 
keep ends in a landing from which a narrower stair is continued in 
the same direction round the south-east angle of the keep to a mnnd 
gallery in the south, west, and north walls, while on the left four steps 
lead up into a vaulted passage in the cross walP^^ between two small 
rooms over the Armoury on the south, and the larger rooms over the 
kitchen and Court Room respectively on the north side. The last of 
these is now the Library. It has been raised a few steps above the 
original level in order to give additional height to the Court Boom 
below. It had one loop in the north and two in its east wall, from 
the ingoing of one of which a mural passage leads to the wall of a 
newel-stair in the north-east angle of the building. There is a similar 
passage from the northern window recess in the room over the kitchen 
to the newel-stair in the north-west angle. It is impossible to decide 
how much, if any, of the other mural passages and chambers on this 
floor are original. This second floor was, no doubt, the principal floor 
of the keep, and included what has now been made into a third floor, 
the low and narrow mural gallery running round the three outer walls 
like the triforium of a church;*" but the subject is one of extreme 

*'• Mr. Clark describee this arrangement as exceedingly rare in a Norman 
keep, being found elsewhere only at Dover. — Arch, Journal^ vol. xlvi. p. iii. 

*" In his Medi(Bval Military Architecture, vol. i. p. 125, Mr. Clark, writing 
of the rectangular keeps of Norman castles, says : — ' Usually, in the larger castles, 
the wall of the main floor is pierced, high up, by a sort of triforium gallery, into 
which the outer windows open, and which opens into the chamber by lofty and 
larger arches of 3 feet to 4 feet opening. Possibly these galleries and their 
windows were intended to give another line of defence ; but they must have 
destroyed the privacy of the hall and made it very cold.* Again, in the same 
work, vol. ii. p. 19, in treating of the keep of Dover, which has a cross wall like 
that at Hamburgh, he tells us : — *Tbe second floor is the main or state floor of 
the building. ... As in the keeps of London, Rochester, and Hedingham,it had 
two tiers of windows, the upper passing through a mural gallery.' At Newcastle, 
too, in 1884 (^Arch, Jourruil, vol. xli. p. 421), he reminded his audience in the 
keep that ' almost invariably, where there is a hall, the wall high up is perforated 
all round by a triforial gallery, from which windows open outwards, and cor- 
responding arches inwards.' Yet, when it comes to Bamburgh, Mr. Clark has 
not one word of explanation as to why he should take for granted that the muial 
gallery there did not bear the same relation to the floor below as in the other 
keeps where mural galleries occur. It is, of course, open to any one to say that 
Instead of being galleries these mural passages were in every case arcades round 
a floor at their own level. At Rochester, however, this is clearly impossible, and 
apparently at Dover there is no sign of any such upper floor. As to Newcastle, 
the joist-holes of what was probably at one time an upper floor over the hall, 
look very much like insertions ; while this floor must have been 3 feet or so below 
the level of the mural passage, and there is no trace of any steps communicating 
between them. Dr. Bruce, it seems, was of the opinion that there was originally 
no upper floor over the hall, while Mr. Longstaffe, in Arch, ^l, N.S. vol. iv, p. 
87, adopted the contrary view. 


intricacy, made all the more obscure by the confused statements of 
Grose and King.*^® There is a. third wheel-stair from the mural gallery 
to the roof in the south-west turret of the keep. The entire height 
from the basement line to the roof is only about 55 feet as compared 
with the 75 feet of the keep of Newcastle. It is iustructive to com- 
pare the keeps of Bamburgh and Carlisle with the later ones of 
Newcastle and Dover. Each of the former has the entrance at the 
ground level with a straight mural stair just inside it, and a wheel- 
stair in the opposite comer of the building. Newcastle dating from 
1172, and Dover from 1188, have, on the other hand, their main 
entrances in connection with elaborate forebuildings at the second 
floor level. Bamburgh, Newcastle, and Dover have various develop- 
ments of mural galleries round their upper floors, while in Bam- 
burgh and Dover the cross walls rise to the roof and are perforated, 
as already mentioned, by mural passages leading off the trifbrial 

A Norman keep, relying principally on its passive strength, was 
intended to serve as a refuge in case the rest of the castle should be 
carried by storm, or the fidelity of the garrison be called in question. 
Dr. Sharp was probably the first person who thought of making the 
keep of Bamburgh a permanent abode. The domestic buildings of 
the castle were grouped along the southern and landward curtain of 
the inner ward. The buildings at the west end of this range shown 
on the ancient plan of the castle have now entirely disappeared, and 
the portion nearest the keep are the ruins of what was possibly Sir 
Ralph Grey's chamber at the time of the siege of 1464, and in all 
probability the Great Chamber that the commissioners of 1538 recom- 
mended to be used as a Hall,*" and which the Survey of 1575 calls 
the Hall in the Captain's Lodging, giving its length 'as 11 and its 
width as 7 yards.**^ On the north side of this was the * fair chamber* 

'" King distinctly states that the original roof, to judge from the weather- 
monldings on the north and south walls, was in the form of a single V, like that 
of Castleton (see above, pp. 269, 270), yet Mr. Clark, without any explanation, 
assures us that it was * ridge and furrow,* or a double V like that of Porchester* 
— Arch. Journal, xlvi. p. 112. Considering how purblind antiquaries were in 
the days of Grose and King, it may easily happen that they mistook compara- 
tively modem weather-mouldings, like those on the west wall of the keep of 
Prudhoe, for the ancient roof -lines. 

"» See above, p. 269. 

*" Bee above, p. 264. 


of 1538, which became the Captain's Great Chamber^ 10 yards long 
and 5 yards broad, of 1575. Under the Captain's Hall is a magnifi- 
oent vault measuring about 82 feet by 18 feet, and 10 feet high to the 
crown, with ten massive chamfered ribs — quite the finest masonry left 
in the castle— but now divided, and partly used as a coal-hole. This 
with a small triangular vault on the east side of it, and the probably 
shortened vault under the Captain's Chamber, were the three vaults 
that Bellysys and his comrades thought would do for a buttery, cellar, 
and storehouse. The kitchen and larders were to be at the east end 
of the Captain's Hall above a great vault, which, having no doubt 
formerly been the cellar attached to the King's Hall, was now to be 
turned into a stable for no less than twenty-four horses. On the east 
side of this vault was a narrow tower, apparently 9 feet broad, with 
two storeys, and at the south end a little tower springing probably 
from the semi-circular bastion there. The King's Hall itself was about 
70 feet long by 80 feet broad, and was entered from the courtyard by 
a porch near the east end.^' As was usually the case, there were three 
doorways at the lower end of the hall, the two side ones opening 
respectively into the pantry and the buttery, both vaulted, the middle 
doorway into a passage leading between two similar vaults, probably 
larders, to the Great Kitchen. This last, as stated by Grose, measures 
about 40 feet by 80 feet. It has three large fire-places like those in 
the kitchen of Warkworth donjon, and some original aumbries. 
Joined diagonally to its south-east corner is the rectangular Muniment 
Tower. The basement, not vaulted, is approached by a long narrow 
stair descending from a door in the east wall of the kitchen. Two 
doors in the south wall of the kitchen communicate with the first and 
second floors, both of which are vaulted, the latter, used as the Muni- 
ment Room, having a latrine chamber in its south-west corner. The 
third floor can only be entered from a very curious flight of steps that 
leads up from the ramparts on the ground level to the battlements of 
the kitchen roof. 

Above the four vaults— the pantry, buttery, and two larders— at 
the east end of the King's Hall, were, in 1588, two fair chambers 
adjoining each other, but required balks 8 yards long. The eastern 

*>* The Hall is mentioned in 1223, see above p. 238 n 70. It is called the 
King's Hall in 1266, see above p. 240. John de Fenwyk was accused in 1372 of 
having carried off the principal table in the King's Hall, see above p, 260. 


















one, about 40 feet long by 20 feet broad, is now the Library, the 
western, together with the rectangular turret thrown out over the crag, 
being given up to the use of the school. The Library is approached 
by a straight stair in a projection that, adorned with the armorials of 
Lord Crewe and many of his trustees, carved in poor taste, forms the 
most prominent feature in the facade. There is a curious sort of 
murdl passage across the south window of the Library, approached by 
a stair in the south-east corner. Preserved in this room are what look 
like two Norman piscinas and the fragment of a column, possibly of 
earlier date. 

The buildings to the east of the kitchen, which now form the 
house and offices of the resident agent, were probably the bakehouse 
and brewery, but the walls have been refaced and the internal divi- 
sions greatly altered. North of these stood the little late Norman 
chapel of St. Oswald, with a long narrow nave and apeidal chancel. 
The present walls are for the most part modern, having been built on 
the foundations laid bare in 1770. 

Along" the north wall of the inner ward, between* the chapel and 
the keep, the foundations of a range of buildings, about 100 feet long 
and 24 feet broad, and of excellent masonry, were excavated in 1889. 

Considering the great historical associations of Bamburgh, the 
capital of the ravening Ethelfrid and the fair-handed Oswald, rejoicing 
in the proud title oiiUmina civitatum Britonensium ; the great mediasval 
fortress, successively defended by the three heroines, Matilda of 
Laigle, Philippa of Hainault, and Margaret of Anjou ; the last stay of 
the Red Rose in the North, sanctified for more than a year by the 
solitary agony of Henry VL : considering too, the interest of what is 
left of her ancient architecture and the munificence of the endowments 
that were intended to raise again her fallen dignity in the noblest of 
causes, it cannot honestly be said that the present state of the castle 
is satisfactory. There can, indeed, be no better illustration of the 
blighting results of a sophistical system of centralisation than the way 
in which this noble pile has been of late years degraded into a five- 
pound-a-year boarding school for thirty girls, with the keep let as a 
lodging-house at so much a week during the summer months. The 
school, the presence of which prevents many visitors from seeing the 
most interestinir portion of the castle, would in every way be far 

J J 


better situated near the village, while the array of smoke-cowls that 
ruin the sky-line of the keep, and the numerous sanitary contrivance 
that disfigure its walls show how ill-fitted it is for a residence, and 
how expensive must be its maintenance as such. A great improve- 
ment might be effected at a small cost by knocking off the paste-board 
battlements of the castle, especially those on the old wall dividing the 
east and west wards, and a very little excavation would be certain to lead 
to very valuable discoveries. The keep should be relieved of its modem 
fittings, and be preserved, like that of Newcastle, as a historical monu- 
ment. The Great Hall and the buildings connected with it require 
on the other hand to be plainly restored ; and.the whole castle, instead 
of experiencing perhaps some worse fate in store for it, should be made 
use of for purposes in harmony with the wishes of Lord Crewe, and 
consonant with its being the pride and glory of the people of 


P. 229, n. 21.--According to Roger Hoveden, William de Waltervile, abbot of 
Peterborough, was deposed in 1175, *pro eo quod ipse violenta manu et armata 
claustrum suum infregerat, et reliquias Sanctorum una cum brachio S. Oawaldi, 
regis et martyris, asportare volebat.' The right hand of St. Oswald was exposed 
at Peterborough in the presence of Alexander, bishop of Lincoln, in 1487.— 
Dugdale, Mona^icon, ed. Caley, i. p. 84 7n. Mr. J. V. Gregory exhibited a 
photograph of a silver reliquary, in the church of St. Ursus at Soleare, alleged 
to contain an arra-bone of St. Oswald, at a meeting of the Society of Antiquaries 
of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, on the 26th November, 1886, but said he could obtain no 
information as to its OT\gm,—Proceedingt of Soc. Ant. NetvcaHle, vol. ii. p. 125. 

P. 255, n. 149.—* Eodem mense Aprili regina Margareta cum Edwardo filio suo 
venit per mare de Bamburgh in Flandriam ad Slusam, habueratque in societate 
sua ducem Exoniro, Johannem Fortescu, Edmundum Montforde, B. Hamden, 
Henricum Roos, Thomam Ormonde, Robertum Whytyngham milites ; Johannem 
Morton, Robertum Makerel doctores; et multos alios, ad nnmerum cc. per- 
sonarum.'— Willelmi Wyrcester, Annales; Wars of the JEnglUh in France, temp. 
Sen, VL (Rolls Series), vol. ii. part ii. p. [781]. 



BoTHAL, or as the country-people nfied to call it Bottle, simply means 
a house or a village. The passage of the Old Testament where it 
is said 'Pharaoh went into his house,' was anciently rendered, 
' Pharaoh went into his bottel.'^ In Northumberland bottle is not an 
uncommon termination. We have Harbottle, Lorbottle, Walbottle, 
Shilbottle. * Schiplingabottel,* the original form of this last, may 


i |i-^- ^. ^ » 

.1 ''. 'k .^ ^'\ i: 


The Oatbiiouhe from tub Courtyard. 

show that the term was not applied exclusively to the house of an 
individual, but also to a village whose inhabitants rejoiced in a 
common patronymic. We have many instances of the use of the 
word in Germany, two of the most worthy of notice being Bransbuttel 

» See the exceUent paper on Bothal by Mr. Longstaffe in TraMactions of the 
Architectural and Archaological Society of Durham and Northumberland, 


and Tensbuttel, near the mouth of the Elbe, in the very corner that 
was the old home of the Angles. BothaVs early importance in 
Northumberland may be argued from the fact that it did not require 
to be qualified by any prefix, but was ' the Bottel,' j»flr excellence. 

Bothal first appears in history in a grant of its tithes from Earl 
Robert de Mowbray to the monastery of Tynemouth. After Mowbray's 
rebellion it seems to have been given by Ruftis to Guy de Baliol, and, 
together with Woodhom, formed the northern enclave or detached 
territory of his barony of Bywell. As the marriage portion of Guy de 
Baliol's daughter it was probably constituted an independent fee held 
directly of the Crown, and as such we find it possessed in 1166 by 
Richard Bertram, the youngest brother of Roger Bertram of Mitford.^ 

Robert Bertram of Bothal joined in the Welsh expedition against 
Llewelyn in 1277, and was knight of the shire for Northumberland in 
1290. His grandson^ Robert Bertram, died in 1334, and left as his 
heir a son, Robert, born in 1322. This Robert Bertram, the fifth of 
his name at Bothal, built the castle in 1343, when although a young 
man of twenty-one, he was sheriff of the county. It seems singular 
that he had to obtain a license from the King for turning his manor- 
house into a castle, as the knoll at Bothal had no doubt been occapied 
from an early period.^ In all likelihood it was fenced in securely 
before the Norman conquest by its English lords, who may or may 
not — there are no means of determining — have borne the name, but 
certainly not the surname, of Gisulph. 

Sir Robert Bertram, the builder of Bothal Castle, was one of the 
twelve northern knights who received the thanks of Edward III. for 
their bravery at Neville's Cross in 1346. One of the Scottish 
prisonera taken at the battle, Malcolm Fleming, Earl of Wigton, 
being too weak to be removed to London with the rest, was sent 

' The arms of the Bertrams of Bothal, or, an orle azure^ appear to be merely 
a modification of the Baliol coat, guleSj an orle argent, differenced by change of 

' ' De manso Kemellando. Rex omnibus Balliyis et fidelibus suis ad qnos, 
etc., salutem. Sciatis quod de gratia nostra speciali concessimus et licenciam 
dedimus pro nobis et heredibus nostris dilecto et fideli nostro Roberto Bertram 
quod ipse niansum suum de Bothale in Comitatu Northumbrie muro de petra et 
calce firmare et Kemellare et mansum illud sic firmatum et Eemellatum tenere 
possit sibi et heredibus suis imperpetuum sine occasione vel impedimenlo 
nostrum vel heredum nostronim, vicecomitum, ant aliorum ballivomm seu 
ministrorum nostrorum quorumcunque. In cujus etc. T.R. apud Westm. xt die 
^aiV—Patent Moll, 17 Ed. III. pt. I. m. 23, P.R.O. 




f\i2UZ ' 3FARY 



down to Bothal in the custody of an esquire named Robert Delaval, 
who traitorously allowed him to return to Scotland without exacting 
any ransom.* Bertram died in 1362. His only childj Helen, had 
married Robert Ogle, and before his death he had the satisfaction 
of hearing of the birth of his grandson at Callerton. In true 
baronial style he gave the messenger who brought the intelligence to 
Bothal a husbandland at Stanton for life.'^ 

Robert de Ogle, the first husband of Helen Bertram, died in 1364 ; 
and it was not until the death of her fourth husband, David Holgrave, 
in 1405, that her son. Sir Robert Ogle, came into possession of the 
castle and manor of Bothal. He at once entailed Bothal on his second 
son, John, sumamed, after his grandmother, Bertram, on condition of 
his bearing the arms of Ogle and Bertram quarterly, with remainder 
to his elder son, Robert Ogle. On the 81st October, 1409, Sir Robert 
died,* and by virtue of the entail, John Bertram succeeded to Bothal, 
when the very next day, at midnight. Sir Robert Ogle appeared before 
the castle with two hundred archers and men-at-arms arrayed in form 
of war. Some of these were soldiers and others Scots, avowed enemies 
of the king. They brought with them scaling ladders, pavises, 
hnrdises, and other ordnance of war, and lurked round the castle all 
that night in the hope either of surprising or carrying it by assault. 
The next morning two of Bertram's servants, Thomas Wodall and 
Thomas Coward, came out of the castle to treat with Sir Robert, who 
had pledged his honour that they should be allowed to return un- 
molested. Notwithstanding this, he had them seized and imprisoned. 
He then continued the siege for four days more, in spite of the pro- 
testations of Sir John Widdrington and Sampson Harding, two 

• * Unus autem . . captivorum, scilicet dominus Malcolmus Flemyng, comes de 
Wyghtoun, (propter) infirmitatexn London ias cum aliis captis nullateniis trans- 
miseus, sed apud Bothale, proh dolor ! dimissus, proditionc cujusdam arniigeri 
custodis 8ui, dicti Roberti de la Yale, in Scotiam sine redemptione aliqua ebt 
reversuB.' — Chron, de Lanercott^ p. 351. 

• The child was baptised at Ponteland on the Feast of the Conception, 8th 
Dec. 27 Ed. III.— Proof of Age, 85, Wt Report of Deputy Keeper of PuhllcyRecordg, 
App. p. 137 ; Arch. JEliana^ vol. IV. p. 327. The chronology of the Bertram 
family is perplexing : Robert Bertram, for instance, was born in 1322, yet we 
are asked to believe that his wife, Margaret, daughter and co-heir of Constance, 
wife of William de Felton, died in 1329, and that his grandson was born in 1353. 

• The inscription on his tombstone in the priory-church of Hexham runs, 
* Hie iacet Robertus Ogle filius Elene Bertram filie Roberti bcrtram militis qui 
obiit in vigilia omnium sanctorum Anno domini MCCCCx** cuius animc pro- 
picietur deus amen.^ See Archteologia ACliana^ vol. xv. p. 77 ; also plate. The 
Inq. p.m. 11 Hen. IV. 81. taken at Newcastle. 21. Apr. 1410, on a writ dated 9 
Nov. 1409, clearly shows that the year is incorrect, and that it should have been 


justices of the peace, who bade him desist in the king's name. At 
last the garrison was compelled to surrender. The damage cansed 
by the houses in the castle being burnt and the com in the granaries 
destroyed was estimated at two hundred pounds.' John Bertram 
promptly presented a petition relating these fects to the * most wise 
the commons' of England, and they, on the 13th of February, 1410, 
considering that the castle and manor of Bothal lay so near to the east 
marches of Scotland that sufficient remedy could not be obtained by 
him at common law, commended his petition to the consideration of 
the king and his council. Accordingly the sheriff of Northumberland 
was directed to make a proclamation at the gates of Bothal Castle, 
that Sir Robert Ogle, and all the other people abiding therein, should 
be put out without delay, upon pain of forfeiture of life and members. 
The sheriff was to keep the castle in his own hands till the octave of 
Trinity, when the whole matter in dispute would .be decided by the 
king's council, who received the authority of parliament to do so.® 

Sir John Bertram, of Bothal, died in 1449. His eldest son, Sir 
William, appears with his cousins, the Ogles, to have followed the 
fortunes of the White Rose. The direct male line of Berti'am ended in 
Sir William's grandson, Robert, at any rate before 1617, when Robert, 
4th Lord Ogle, styles himself * lord of Ogle and Bottell,'* though 

' * Un Robert de Ogle, Chivaler, fitz le dit Robert, ore tarde en le feat de 
Tontz-seintz darrein passe, a mye noet, ove deux centz hommes d'armes et 
archiers arraiez a faire de guerre, desquelles hommes d*armes et archiera ascuns 
feurent soudiours & ascuns gentz d'Escoce & pleines enemys a notre Seigneur le 
Roy et a son Roialme, venoient ove escales pavises, hnrdises, 8c autres ordinances 
de guerre et la dit chastell assegeront ; gisant tout ledit noet illoeqes privement 
pur avoir emble ou escale le dit chastell. Et au matyn ensuant, le dit Robert 
assura les servantz le dit suppliant sur le foie et loialtie de son corps, esteantz 
dedeins le dit chastell, pur savement venir et parler ove luy hors du dit chastell, 
et savement retoumer sanz estre endamagez ou grevez. Sur quoi le dit Robert 
Thomas Wodall, & Thomas Coward, servantz le dit suppliant, qant ils feurent 
venuz a luy hors du dit chastell sur la dite assurance, prist, retenoit, et empri- 
sona les loialx lieges notre dit tres soveraigne Seigneur le Roy, et celle assege 
issint continuer . . nt pur quatre jours et pluis, tan que le dit chastell, par force 
et assaut et doute de morte ovesque biens et chateaux le dit suppliant dedeins 
esteantz a la value de cc li., feust renduz, et ses maisons illoeques debruseront et 
arderont, et scs blees en graungez et autres choses a la value de cc li. illoeqes 
trovez degasteront. — Rot, Pari. iii. 629. 

« 2bid.; Hodgson, Higt, of Northd, II. ii. pp. 170, 171. 

^ Sir John Bertram's second son Edward appears to have been sheriff of 
Newcastle in 1431 and M.P. in 1441, whose only son Edward Bertram died 
twenty -four days after the battle of Towton in 1460, of wounds received on that 
evil Palm Sunday, leaving an only daughter whose issue came to be represented 
by Thomas Bates* of Prudhoe, M.P. for Morpeth in the reign of Mary. — Dodtworth 
MS. 61, fo. 50, 51, Bodl. Lib. 


indeed Sir Robert, Ist Lord Ogle, and his sod -Owgb, actually dated 
a grant at tMr castle of Bothal 20th October, 1465.*^ 

Robert Ogle, created Lord Ogle by Edward IV. 16th March, 1461, 
had married Isabella, daughter and heir of Sir Alexander Kirkby of 
Kirkby Ireleth in Furness.^^ His direct descendant, Cuthbert, 7th 
Lord Ogle, died in 1601, when the Barony fell into abeyance between 
his two daughters. This abeyance was terminated in favour of the 
younger one, Catherine, in 1628, and her son Sir William Cavendish, 
the celebrated Duke of Newcastle(upon-Tyne), became 9th Lord Ogle, 
but on the second Duke's death in 1691, the title once more fell into 
abeyance between his three daughters, Margaret, Countess of Clare, 
Catherine, Countess of Thanet, and Arabella, Countess of Sunderland. 
Bothal became the property of the eldest, and has so descended to her 
representative the present Duke of Portland. 

As at Dunstanburgh, the architectural interest of Bothal centres 
in the Gatehouse. So far as we can judge, this must have always 
been the most important building. The change of style that took 
place in the thirty years between the foundation of Dunstanburgh and 
that of Bothal is very marked. An ecclesiastical architect might call 
Dunstanburgh Early English, Bothal pronounced Decorated. In civil 
buildings the successive styles appear more fused and blended. 

The main body of the Gatehouse covers about 40 feet by 30 feet. 
On either side a semi-octagonal turret projects about 15 feet further 
to the field. These turrets, which also extend two or three feet east 
and west beyond the lines of the Gatehouse, are not a true pair, the 
west semi-octagon being somewhat the larger. 

Above the noble entrance arch is a very characteristic window of 
two lights, with a quatrefoil in the head between them. It is of about 
the same dimensions as the slightly later flamboyant w;indo\vs on the 
second floor at Langley. In the upper story is a plain mullioned 
window of EHzabethan date. 

A series of shields of extreme interest is carved on the battlements 

»• Lanad, MS. 326, Ogle deeds, No. 91 ; Hodgson, Hist, of Northd. 11. i. p. 
392n. 12, b. 

" A stone with the arms of OoLE and Bebtbam quarterly, quartering 
KiBKBY, taken from the New Chapel of Our Lady, three-quarters of a mile up 
the Wansbeck, has been built into the courtyard face of the Gatehouse. It is 
probably of the time of the 2nd Loixl Ogle. 

^ O'*) f 

(^) s^ 

^7) ^ 

(8) ^ 

(9) 9 

O M 





^ Kl 












and the wall immediately beneath them. These shields were not 
put up in a spirit of family pride. They did not represent phantom 
ancestors, but living individuals— mailed warriors who would oonsider 
any attack on a castle protected by their shields a direct challenge to 
themselves. Some of them were perhaps related to the Bertrams: 
many may have been their connections ; but others again only friends 
and patrons. No doubt each knight in his turn would be pleased to 
see his shield suspended on a castle like Bothal.'^ 
Arranged in order, these shields appear to be: — 

(1) The Black Prince. (2) EDWARD III. (3) Wake op Lydel. 

W & 0^) ^ (6) S^ (7) W (8) O (9) g (10) ^ 


1. This is, it is believed, a unique blazon of Edward the Black 
Prince, as Dake of Cornwall, so created in 1387. The arms of Corn- 
wall were, sable, ten bezants, four, three, two, one, Richard, King of 
the Romans, younger son of King John, had, as Earl of Cornwall, 
borne arg. a lion rampant gu,, crowmd or, the arms of Poictou, within 
a bordiire of Cornwall, i.e,, sa. bezanty: a shield also borne by his son, 
the second earl. The Black Prince adopts the black bordure with the 
gold bezants, but naturally alters the charge of the shield to the three 
lions of England. 

2. On the central merlon of the three over the archway the shield 

of Edward Til., with the three lions of England in the let and 4th 

quarters, the fleurs-de-lys of France, amieni in the 2nd and 3rd, an 

arrangement that gave great umbrage to the French, as insinuating 

that England was the superior kingdom. * The French king,' Stow 

tells us, * said unto certain Englishmen sent unto him, * Our cousin 

doth wrongfully bear the quartered arms of England and France: 

which matter notwithstanding doth not much displease us for that he 

is descended from the weaker side of our kin and therefore as being a 

" In stained glass down to the 17th century we often find the arms of the 
great statesmen of the day intermingled with those commemorating the alliances 
of the owner's family. — See an account of the Arm4)rial Glass at Montaeute 
Hovse^ by C. J. Bates, in Somersetshire Archtpological and Natnral Ilutory 
Society's Proceedings^ xxxii. p. 90. Opinion has now so much changed that no one 
would think of using for decorative purposes the arms of his nearest and dearest 
neighbour If not related to him, still less those of Lord Salisbury or Mr. Gladstone. 

To face p. 288, 

7. P, Gibson, Photo. 

Battlements of the Gatehouse, Bothal Castle. 


bachelor we would be content to grant him license to bear part of our 
arms of France : but whereas in his seals and letters patent, he nameth 
himself as well King of England as of France and doth set the first 
quarter of his arms with leopards before the quarter of lilies, it doth 
grieve us very much, making apparent to the beholders tliat the little 
island of England is to be preferred before the great kingdom of 
France.' To which Sir John of Shoreditch, knight, made answer 
' that it was^ the custom of men in those days to set the title and arms 
of their progenitors before the arms and title of the right descending 
of their mother: and thus of duty and reason doth my lord, the King 
of England, prefer his arms/" This marshalling was subsequently 
altered, though it appears again on King Edward's tomb, and was 
occasionally used by Richard II. The chest of Richard de Bury, 
bishop of Durham, who died in 1345, provides another instance in the 

3. Somewhat unaccountably this shield on the left of the royal 
arms has proved a riddle to archaeologists. They have tried to make 
it out Grey, Carnaby, and what not, without reflecting that the 
northern knights and barons whose arms appear on the series below 
would never have tolerated the elevation of one of their own degree 
into such close fellowship with the king and prince. Blazoned OTy 
two bars gules, in cMpf three toiieaux, it is that of Thomas Lord Wake 
of Lydel. His ancestors had obtained the barony of Lydel in Cum- 
berland by marrying an heiress of the Stutevilles, one of whom so 
bravely defended Wark Castle against William the Lion. Thomas 
Ijord Wake had married Blanche Plantagenet, daughter of Henry, 
Earl of Leicester, and sister of Mary, wife of Henry Percy III., of 
Alnwick. His sister Margaret, countess of Kent, was the widow of 
Edmund of Woodstock, the youngest son of Edward I. He served 
in the Scotch Wars in 1336 and 1338, and as he died, the last of his 
race, in 1349, this shield must have been put up before that year. On 
this showing the armorial series at Bothal is a little earlier than that 
on the octagon towers at Alnwick, which for a similar reason cannot 
have been carved before 1350. Lord Wake's niece and eventual 
heiress, Joan Plantagenet, known as the Fair Maid of Kent, married the 

" Longstaffe, * Bothal,' in TranMctioius of the Architectural and Archaolo- 
gieal Society of Durham and Northnmberland, 1867. 
»• Ihfd, 

K K 


Black Prince in 1361, an alliance that may almost be said to have been 
foreshadowed by these shields associated on the battlements of Bothal. 
4. Or, a cross sable for Gilbert de Aton, the legitimate heir of the 
Vescis, lords of Alnwick, who died in 1344." 

6. A well-known coat — harry of six or aivd azure, three chcgplets 
gules, that of William the Grood, baron of Greystock and lord of 
Morpeth, * the most valiant noble and courteous knight of his time and 
country,' who died in 1359. 

Q, Or,a lion rampant azure, borne by Henry Percy II. of Alnwick, 
who died in 1353. 

7. Immediately beneath the royal shield, the centre of the seven 
smaller ones, or, an orle azure, the coat of Robert Bertram, the builder 
of the castle. 

8. Azure, semy of crosses croslei and three dnquefoils argent^ for 
John Darcy, who married a co-heiress of the Herons of Hadston, and 
died in 1357. 

9. The Conyers coat — azure, a maunch or,^^ 

10. Oules, two lions passant within a double tressure argent, the 
shield of William de Felton, lord of Edlingham, who died in 1859. 

On the west turret are four more shields : — 

(1) DeLAVAL. (2) SCARGILL. (3) H0R8LEY. (4) OQLB. 

1. Ermine, two bars vert, possibly a reminiscence of Robert Delaval, 
the faithless squire who afterwards let go the Earl of Wigton in 1846." 

2. Ermine, a saltire purpure borne, temp, Edw. III., by the Scar- 
gills of Scargill, near Rokeby. 

3. Gules, three horses' heads argent, bridled or, the arms of Roger 
de Horsley of Sci-anwood, who died 1359, probably the same Roger de 
Horsley who was seneschal of Dunstanburgh in 1322. The reins are 
in this instance pulled so tight that the horses' heads seem charging 
like battering rams. 

'* This shield could not be that of Sir John de Coupland, arff, a erou mo,^ as 
he differenced this with a mullet of the field. Besides which, he onlj became 
famous after the battle of Neville's Cross. 

" The Hasting family, who bore a similar coat, or a i9uivnch m., seem to 
have had no connection with Northumberland till Sir Edmund Hastings of 
Boxby, CO. York, married a daughter of Sir John de Felton of Edlingham in 
about HOC. 

" The Mauduits of Eshct, who bore erm. two bars gv., seem to have been 
under forfeiture at this time, and did not have their lands restored to them till 
1358.— Prtf4?ni Roll, 32 Ed. III. m. 9 ; Hodgson, Northd, III. ii. p. 374. 


4. Argent^ semy of crosses croslet, three crescents gules, as on the 
seal of John de Ogle, youngest brother of Robert de Ogle, builder of 
Ogle Castle, who was living in 1361. 

On the east turret there is one escutcheon, but no trace of anj 
bearings having been on it. 

On the merlon above the royal arms is perched a rough stone figure 
holding a horn or some such musical instrument. A similar figure on 
the western turret seems to have been petrified in the act of heaving 
a stone on the heads of besiegers. The gargoyles are curious. 

The roof-line of a pent-house built up between the turrets when 
the rain was occupied by an old woman who rented the gardens is still 
visible. This pent-house is shown in some good sketches of Bothal 
made in about 1790.^^ The flanking turrets have been refaced to a 
very considerable extent: neither of the doorways, now built up, as if 
they had once led directly into them are genuine. In the jambs of the 
entrance arch is a half-round portcullis groove, and a little within are 
the iron hinges of the gate. The passage, about 38 feet long and 12 
feet wide, is vaulted over in stone. This vault is considerably higher 
than the arches at either end, the inner arch not even being in the 
true centre. It is supported on eight pointed ribs, between which in 
the roof are three meurtrieres or openings, through which to assail 
enemies already in possession of the archway. In the south-east comer 
close to the side wall there appears to have been another opening of 
the same kind. Naturally, during peace, these holes would be used 
for hauling up stores of all sorts as a preferable alternative co the 
awkward spiral stair. 

The Survey of Bothal Barony in 1576 mentions both the porter's 
lodge and the prison as being in the Gatehouse.^^ In the east wall of the 
passage is a shoulder-head door leading into a chamber measuring about 
18 feet by 7 feet 6 inches with segmental-ribbed vaulting. Originally 
this chamber had three loops to the east : but in one of these a door- 
way evidently taken from some other part of the building has been 
inserted. At the same time a false wooden ceiling was run across to 
convert it into a cottage. A wide passage communicates with an 

** Exhibited through the kindness of Canon Grcenwell at a meeting of the 
Soc. of Ant. N.C. held at Bothal, 16th Oct., 1885. 

" The Booke of Bothool Baronrye^ published in Antiquarian Repertory^ vol. 
iv. p. 423 ; Hodgson, Northd, II. ii. p. 169n. 


inner chamber measuring 10 feet by 7 feet in the base of the eastern 
flanking turret. This chamber appears from the loops in it to have 
also been divided by a floor though probably at an early period ; the 
vaulting, if it is vaulted, is hidden by modem boards. 

On the west side of the passage at the court-yard end, is a shoulder- 
headed doorway under a relieving arch, that leads straight to a wheel- 
stair in the south-west angle of the Gatehouse. It is perplexing to 
understand how access was obtained to this door when the half of the 
inner gate, the hinges of which yet remain, stood open back against it. 
Terrible too must have been the complication of doors and bars in the 
draughty cross-passage at the foot of the newel. On the left is a small 
slit that does not look as if it occupied the place of any more con- 
venient entrance ; on the right a doorway with a bar-hole on the 
inside opens into a shouldered passage through a three-foot wall that 
terminates in a vaulted chamber of similar dimensions to the first one 
on the east side of the gateway passage. The chamber is lit from this 
passage by two characteristic loops. Four segmental arches support 
the vault, which is composed of especially fine long stones. At the 
further end of this chamber is a door into the room in the base of the 
western flanking turret. At present this room is devoid of character, 
and has a boarded roof. Which of these four vaults was the prison it 
is now difficult to determine : as far as can be seen all had bolts and 
bars on the insich, facilities for keeping their gaolers out with which 
prisoners are not usually provided. 

A dozen steps of the wheel-stair bring us to the present entrance 
to it, broken from the modern house through the west wall : eighteen 
more, to the original doorway, now built up, of a passage lit from the 
west that opened into the south-west corner of the Great Chamber 
above the archway. A partition now divides this chamber into an 
ante-room and dining-room. In its entirety it measured 25 feet from 
east to west by 19 feet 6 inches from north to south. In the north- 
west comer was a very narrow door into the turret : this has now 
been pulled out to make room for a more convenient staircase to the 
upper floor. In the ante-room is a recess, robbed of its ribs and 
benches, but still containing a Decorated window, which was originally 
the only one on the south side of the chamber. A couple of feet further 
east was the entrance into latrines in the thickness of the south wall, 


which were lit by two external loops. The place of the western loop is 
occupied by a remarkably fine Perpendicular window in a three-ribbed 
recess removed here en bloc from Cockle Park Tower when the 
Gatehouse was done up as a residence for the Duke of Portland's 
agent forty or fifty years ago. A fire-place of late character, consisting 
of a broad roll-band surmounted by a sort of embattled mantel, came 
also from Cockle Park to replace on the east side of the chamber the 
original fire-place, which we are told was of * very spacious range.'^ To 
the left of this in the east wall is an original Decorated window set in 
a recess with a rather flat vault relieved by two ribs. The stone 
window seats are preserved though encased in wood. In the north- 
east corner of the chamber is a door into the other small turret room. 
Exactly in the middle of the north wall and over the centre of the 
gateway is the third original window precisely similar in its details to 
the laist. The portcullis when raised must have come up through the 
floor in front of this window. I'bis together with the fact of there 
being the four openings in the floor down through the archway 
vaulting, covered as they were with large stones, must have precluded 
this chamber from being used originally for any except purely military 

Again mounting the wheel-stair we meet with a very characteristic 
slit with an unusual number of different mason-marks. The mason- 
marks at Bothal are many of them so similar to those on the barbican 
of Pnidhoe that there can be little doubt that the same hands con- 
tributed to their construction. The arrangements of the second floor 
of the Gatehouse were very similar to those of the first: but the large 
chamber must have been made very bright and airy with its three 
Elizabethan windows. It has now been cut up into modem bedrooms 
that exhibit no features of antiquarian interest. 

The wheel-stair finishes in one of (hose umbrella vaults of which 
we have examples at Alnwick, Warkworth, Dunstanburgh, Belsay, 
and Haughton. The Bothal umbrella has six large ribs with six 
smaller ones branching out at a higher level between them so as to 
form a hexagon of pointed arches round the drum. The curious 
thing is that the newel — the umbrella stick — does not appear, as is 
usual, to have run up to the keystone of the vault, but to have stopped 
short at the top of a low stone parapet, remains of which may be 

" Hutchinson, View of Northumberland, ii. p. 307. 


noticed behind the door leading on to the roof. There is a hook, 
poeaiblj for a lamp, in the keystone of the vault. 

Out on the roof, a closer acquaintance can be made with the 
figures of the piper and stone-thrower. Traces of the base of a third 
figure are left on the merlon above the centre of the inner archway. 
The battlements seem to retain their ancient outlines, the merlons, for 
the most part, being about double the length of the embrasures. On 
the sides of the merlons are still to be seen the round holes in whidi 
the swing-shutters worked, though the only perfect pair are at the 
north end of the west flanking turret. Archers could throw up one 
of these shutters and take a shot at the enemy, and before the fire 
could be returned the shutter fell to again. A shutter of this descrip- 
tion is still preserved at Alnwick, and pivot-holes are particularly 
numerous on the battlements of Aydon. The chimneys at Bothal are 
all modem, but there is a good original chimney-base on the west 
side. A straight external stair leads to the roof of the turret above 
the newel, on which the flag-staflF is planted. The gargoyles project- 
ing from the angles of this turret must when perfect have had a very 
striking effect. 

The courtyard of the castle extends for about 60 yards south of 
the Qatehouse in the direction of the Wansbeck. It varies in width 
from about 100 feet near the centre to about 45 feet at the south end, 
the curtain-wall adapting itself to the contour of the knoll. Bound 
this courtyard were grouped the domestic buildings — the great 
chamber, the parlour, seven bed-chambers, a gallery, buttery, pantry, 
larder, kitchen, bake-house, stable, 'gardine,' nursery, chapel, and 
'pastrie.'^i Judging from a drawing made by Saunders in 1722, the 
Great Chamber and parlour probably stood along the west curtain, 
where we find a flat-arched fire-place, like those at Langley, at the 
ground level. Above are traces of another fire-place, and a little 
to the south a row of nine double corbels, of the 14th oentury type, 
packed very close together and more or less mutilated. Below them 
is a row of put-holes for beams. Near the south-west comer of the 
enclosure is a massive fragment of the west curtain about 15 feet 
high. The outer face exhibits a loop, while on the inner ai'e two 
corbels near each other but at different levels. A view of Bothal in 
Grose's Anfiquitics, taken from the south-east in 1778, shows what 

*» Bfloke of Botliool Baronrye^ 1676 ; Hodgson, Narthd» II. ii. p. 170n. 


looks very much like a Norman arch near the centre of the east 
curtain. This may have been the chapel of St. John.^ At the north- 
west corner of the castle-yard stood a great tower called * Ogle's 
Tower,' and about five yards south of it a small tower, the base of 
which is still visible. The best preserved piece of the curtain, which 
in places has been entirely rebuilt as a mere garden wall, is at the 
south-west angle, which is capped by two adjacent buttresses. 

T.he castle was no doubt subjected to a restoring process some fifty 
years ago which may have somewhat impaired its interest, but when 
we see so many historic buildings throughout the country utterly 
abandoned to instant ruin, we must overlook even the appropriation 
of the spoils of Cockle Park, and be grateful for the evident care now 
bestowed on the preservation of Bothal. Outside also every eflPort is 
evidently made to maintain the ancient reputation of Bothal, as 
mentioned in the Survey of 1576, for its 'fair gardinges and orchetts, 
wherein growes all kind of hearbes and floures, and fine applies, 
plumbes of all kynde, peers, damsellis, nuttes, wardens, cherries to the 
black and reede, wallnutes, and also licores verie fine.* 

In the ancient church of St. Andrew which stands near the castle, 
we may notice the rose and rays, a badge of the Ogle family, in the 
stained glass of the north aisle, while in the first window from the 
east of the south aisle, the arms of David Holgbave (t 1405), 
the fourth husband of Helen Bertram, are still left in the uppermost 
light : erm,, an inesciUclieon gu, for Holgravb, impaling or^ an orle 
az, for Bertram. 

But the chief glory of the church is the alabaster monument 

within the iron rails between this windo»v and the chancel arch, which 

with the exception of that to Sir Ralph Grey at Chillingham, is the 

finest tomb in Northumberland. The recumbent figures are those of 

Ralph, 3rd Lord Ogle, who died March, 1513, and his wife Margaret, 

daughter of Sir William Gascoyne of Galthrop, c6. York. On the 

west side of the tomb are a series of statuettes, and an armorial shield 

supported by a lion (? a dog) collared and chained, and a monkey 

chained round the waist. Only the principal charges which were 

" * David Holgrave et Elene uxori ejus pro quoclam capellano cantarie in 
cccle^-ia Sancti Johannis de Bothale.'— Cal. Inq. p. m. 20 Kic. II. num. 123; 
Hod^on, Nortlid. III. ii. p. 261. 'David Holgrave pro cantarie in ecclesia 
Bancti Andrese de Bothale.' — Oal. Inq. p. m. 22 Kic. II. num. 69 ; Hodgson, Northd, 
III. ii. p. 262. The parish church is dedicated to St. An«^lrew. — Arch, ^El. N.S. 
XIII. p. 836. 


carved in relief are now discernible : the accessories shown merely in 
colour have long since disappeared. There is little doubt of the 
blazon originally having been Ogle impaling Gasooyne, as follows :— 

Quarterly : — 1st Grand Quarter — 1 and 4, arg.^ a /esse letween 
thres crescents gu,y for OgIiE ; 2 and 3, <?r, an orU az., for Bertram. 
2nd and 3rd Grand Quarters —arg,, two bars, gu,, on a canton of tha 
second a cross moline or, for Kirkby. 4th Grand Quarter — 1 and 4, erm., 
an inescutcheon tvithin a hordure engrailed gu., for Hepplb ; 2 and 3, 
jmr chevron, gu, and arg,, three crosses hotonmj cotmterchanged, for 
Ohartney ; impaling Quarterly— 1, arg., on a pale sa. the head of a 
conger eel or, for Gascoyne ; 2, gu,, a lion rampant arg. within a 
hordure engrailed compony arg, and vert, for Mowbray ; 3, gu., afei^sf 
counter-compony arg. and sa, between six crosses patty fitchy, for 
Boteler ; 4, gu,, a sallire arg, a hawk's bell for difference, for Neville 
of Ouselby.28 

The removal of the pews during the careful reparation of the church 
in 1887 has disclosed five little knights of different heights on the 
north side of the tomb, and on the south side four figures, probably 
daughters of Lord Ogle. At the foot is a stone bracket intended pro- 
bably for an image, and bearing the Bertram orU, 

On the bosses of the timber roof are several old shields of arms 

held by angels. Those in the nave appear to be: — Arg. {? or) an ork 

az,, Bertram, occupying the most central position ; arg. a bend sa. ; 

gu. a lion arg. within a bordure engrailed, Geey; gu. a djiquefoil within 

an orle of crosses croskt or, Umfreville ; gu. three balks and a 

hamtner ; quarterly arg. and gu. a bend sa,, Widdrington; arg, three 

martlets and a chief gu, Fenwick (?) ; sa. a fesse arg, ; arg. three 

covered cups sa Strivblyn ( ?). On bosses in the north aisles are i—Ou. 

three tvater boiujets arg. Ros of Wark (?) ; and gu, three shells arg,, 

Daore. In the south aisle the only shield left bears arg. a cross 

moline gu. 

'■ It is curious to read of this connection of the Ogles with the Gascoynes in 
the old ballad on Flodden Field :— 

* The Moone that day did shine full bright, 

And the Luce-head that day was full bent, 
The Red Crescent did blinde the Scots' sight.' 
Allusions which the minstrel, who had mistaken the conger eel of the Gascoynes 
for a hice or pike, goes on to explain by the sequel : — 

* Sir William Percy and Lord Ogle both came, 
And Sir William Gascoyne theyr cosyn here was hee.' 

— Longstaffe, Percy Heraldry in Arch, JSl, N.S. IV. p. 178. 



On the 27th of January, 1344, King Edward III., *of his especial 

grace,' granted a licence to his beloved and faithftil Thomas de Heton 

to fortify his manor-house of * Chevelyngham ' with a wall of lime and 

stone, to crenellate it, and to make it into a castle or fortalice.^ The 

castle must have been completed by 1348, in which year Sir Thomas 

de Heton gave to whoever should be vicar of Chillingham a chamber 

above the gate of his castle of Chillingham with one stable for two 

horses in the west hall of the castle.* 

• A curious picture of a day at Chillingham in the last years of the 

14th century has been preserved in the Proof of Age of Margaret the 

youngest daughter of Sir Henry de Heton. This Margaret was born 

in Chillingham Castle on the 14th of January, 1395, and was baptized 

in Chillingham Church, her god-father being John Bolton, canon of 

Alnwick Abbey, and her godmothers Margaret Fox and Margaret 

Scryven. On the very same day as her christening, Nicholas Heron 

was married in the church ; John Serjeant took Alice de Wynde- 

galtes to wife; Sir Henry de Heton bought a white horse from William 

Cramlington, and despatched Wyland Mauduit to Newcastle to buy 

wine; John Belsise rode to Alnwick with a letter to the Earl of 

Northumberland; William Cotys slew a doe in the field of Chillingham; 

and John Horsley had the misfortune to be carried oflp by the Scots, but 

his capture was evenly balanced by John Wytton, who laid hands on 

* * Pro Thoma de Hetone. Rex omnibus BalUvis et fidelibus suis ad quos, 
&c. salutem. Sciatis quod de gratia nostra speciali concessimus et licenciam 
dedimas pro nobis et heredibus nostris dilecto et fideli nostro Thome de Hetone 
quod ipse mansum suum de Chevelyngham muro de petra et calce firmare et 
Kemellare et castrum sea fortalicium inde facere et mansum illud sic firmatum 
Kemellatum et castrum seu f ortalicum inde factum teuere possit sibi et heredibus 
Buis sine occasione vel impedimento nostrum vel heredum nostrorum vicecomitum, 
aut aliorum ballivorum seu ministrorum nostrorum quorumcunque. In cujus 
&c. T. R. apud Westm. xxvij die Januarii. Per breve de privato sigillo. — 
Patent Roll, 18 Ed. III. pt. 1 m. 46, P.R.O. 

' * Dominus Thomas de Heton dedit vicarip de Chyllingham qui pro tempore 
fuerit unam cameram super portam castri de Chyllingham cum uno stabulo in 
dicto castro pro duobus equis in occidentali aula anno domini 1348 coram testibus 
Johanne Heton, Alano Heton et Johanne Terme (?) Willelmo domino de Heton.* 
-^Registr. Ecoles, Duneltriy III. p. 4 ; Hodgson, Northd, III. ii. p. 11 9. This same 
document gravely recounts the foundation and endowment of the church of 
ChiUingham by Julius Caesar. 



Thomas Turnbull, a Pcot, and lodged him in Chillingham Castle. The 
Scots, however, were not the only dangerous neighbours to whom the 
inhabitants of Chillingham were exposed: that same day Robert Home 
was seized by Sir Thomas Gray of Heton and carried to Norham 
Castle against his will.^ 

William de Heton, the last of his race at Chillingham, died on 
23rd September, 1400, and his estates passed to Margaret and her two 
elder sisters, Jane, wife of Robert Rutherford, and Elizabeth, wife of 
William Johnson.* It does not appear to be known when or how the 
Grays of Heton first became possessed of Chillingham. Heton they pro- 
bably acquired by a marriage with an heiress of the Hetons, whose arms 
they quartered, vert^ a lion rampant within a bordure engrailed argent; 
but the earlier alliances in the Gray genealogy seem to have been 
tampered with by the heralds in the usual way.* Sir Ralph Gray, who 
died in 1448, appears to have been the first of his family who owned 
ChilUugham. The splendid altar tomb of this Sir Ralph and his 
widow Elizabeth, daughter of Henry Lord Fitzhngh of Ravensworth, 
in Richmondshire, stands in a chapel, now the family pew of Lord 
Tankerville, on the south side of the chancel of the small parish church. 
It is without compeer in the northern counties of England, the tomb 
of the Nevilles at Staindrop — at any rate since it was bundled out of the 
chancel there — being confessedly inferior. The recumbent eflSgies are 
characteristic of the middle of the 15th century, the armour of the 
knight resembling, with its many straps and buckles, that of Richard 
Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, in St. Mary's Church there. At the 
head of the tomb against the west wall of the chapel a fiill-lengtb 
figure in white supports a helmet with the crest of Gray of Heton, a 
ram*8 liead argent^ attired or; while on each side of this beneath the 
same helmet and crest are representations of angels bearing heaven- 
wards the souls of Sir Ralph and his lady. On the verge of the 

• Inq.p.m, 12 Hen. IV. num. 47 ; Arclueologia JElinna^ IV. p. 329. 

• Inq.p.m, 5 Hen. IV. num. 18. Their mother Isabel Monboucher snbae- 
quentlj married Robert Harbottle. At her death, 23 Oct. 1426, Chillingham 
was still held by her three daughters, Jane wife of Thomas Lilbum, Elizabeth wife 
of John Park, and Margaret wife of Thomas Middleton. Inq,p.m. 6 Hen. VI. 
num. 40. For the Gray pedigree see Raine, North Durham^ p. 326. 

• The Grays of Horton bore harry of six ara, and az, the ancient arms of 
Henry de Grai at Caerlaveroc, differenced by a bezant on a bend gu. The arms 
of the Grays of Heton and Chillingham would appear to be an adaptation of the 
Heton coat ; indeed, according to Jenyn's Collections, Harl, MS. 6689, the 
Grays seem in the first instance to have adopted it pure and simple. 


slab at each side are fixed the arms of Gray of Heton, guks, a lion 
rampant icithin a bordure engrailed argent, supported by angels, 
and at the foot of the tomb is a shield with these impaling Fitzhngh, 
azurey three chevrons braced a chief or, quartering Marmion, vair, 
a fess gules. Scattered along the verge are pairs of lad- 
ders and cloaks, the ancient badges of the Gray family ; modern 
heralds have ignorantly assigned to it the ladder as a crest. The 
ladder (scala, echelle), possibly originally a play on the name, gri 
meaning in Old French a flight of steps, gave the title to the cele- 
brated Scalacronica composed by Sir Thomas Gray during his 
captivity in Edinburgh Castle in 1355 ; the cloak seems to be * ly 
chape du Cordeler,' the G^rayfriar's cloak alluded to in the heraldic 
enigma prefixed to that work.* Sir John Gray had not only been 
first and foremost in establishing the Franciscans at Berwick in the 
18th century, but was believed to have appeared after death to 
his younger son Thomas * Bugtoun,' in the dress of their Order for the 
purpose of denouncing the wickedness of the burgesses of Berwick in 
reducing their contributions in support of the friars.^ 

Niches filled with statuettes of saints alternate on the three 
sides of the tomb with angels supporting blank shields. As far as 
can be made out, the statuettes are — at the 8.W. corner of the 
tomb — (1) a figure broken in two ; along the south side — (2) St. 
Paul, a spear in the right hand, a book and maniple in the left, 
(8) a woman crowned, in the right hand a staff, in the left a lump (?) 
with a flat upper surface, (4) SL Guthbert in mitre, St. Oswald's head 
in his left hand, (6) St. Dorothea (?), in her right roses and a rosary, in 
her left a board with four keys fastened on it ; at the S.E. corner (6) 
St. Peter, a key in the right; along the east side— (7) a bishop in 
mitre, the right raised in the act of benediction, a staff* in the left, (8) 
St. Ninian (?) in mitre, the right raised in benedictiou, behind it a chain, 
and at his left side a chain and lock ; at the N.E. corner— (9) St. 
Cathe)'ine, a sword in her right, a wheel in her left; on the north side 
—(10) St. John Baptist, an Agnus Dei in his left, (11) St. Tfieodosia ( ?) 
with long hair, a lump ( ?) in her right, a packet (?) in her left, (12) St. 
John, in the left a chalice which has held the serpent now broken 
away, (18) /S^. Margaret, standing on a dragon, her hands clasped, a 
• Scalaeronioa, Prologue, p. 1. ' Chronicon de Lanercott, A.D. 1296, p. 185, 


sword or staff to her left ; at the N.E. corner — (14) St. Rock in a hat 
with broad brim, a staff in his right, a book in his left, a pilgrim's 
scrip on the left side. 

The whole tomb has been ornamented with colour, and the 
abundant remains of this on the effigies make them still more valuable 
as studies in costume. The carving is in many places so fresh as to 
exhibit traces of a realistic, one may almost say renaissant, feeling 
that many would hardly expect at the period. 

Sir Ralph Gray's son, of the same name, had the prudence to con- 
vey the castle of Chillingham in trust to William * Hepsone,' vicar of 
Wooler, and Edmund Burrell; so that, though he was beheaded at 
Doncaster on 10th July, 1464, for rebelling against Edward IV., his 
widow Jacquetta continued to enjoy it till her death in 1469.® In 1509 
Chillingham was in the keeping of the Bishop of Durham as guardian 
of Thomas Gray, a minor. Sir Edward Gray, the boy's great-uncle 
and eventual heir, was the actual occupant of the castle, which was 
capable of accommodating a garrison of a hundred horse.* After 
the Pilgrimage of Grace several of the king's party took refuge in the 
castle, and Sir Ingram Percy sent for great ordnance from Berwick to 
besiege it.^® In 1541 the castle was in a fair state of repair, having 
been ' of late newly reparelled ' by Sir Eobert Ellerker, who had the 
custody and governance of it during the minority of his stepson 
Ralph Gray." 

The Grays remained lords of Chillingham till, on the death of Ford 
Gray, Earl of Tankerville, in 1701, it became the property of his only 
daughter and heiress. Lady Ossulston, whose husband was subsequently 
created Earl of Tankerville. The * county of Tanquerville ' in Nor- 
mandy granted to Sir John de Gray, a brother of the ancestor of the 
Grays of Chillingham, as a reward for his services by Henry V. on 81st 
January, 1419, to be held by homage and annual delivery of a bassinet 
(or helmet) at the castle of Rouen on the feast of St. George, was lost 
by his son Henry Gray in October, 1449. 

A small Decorated window in the upper part of the south-east 
tower of the castle, to be seen from the flower-garden, the right-hand 
portion of the south-west tower, and the dungeon in the north-west 

• Inq. p.m, 9 & 10 Ed. IV. num. 11. "See above, p. 23. 

*® Letters and Papers, Foreign and DomettiCy Henry VJIL ▼ol. xii. 1090, 30 

" See above, pp. 41, 42. 


S i I 



tower, are ihoroaghly characteristic of the arcbitectare of the middle 
of the 14th century; and it may be safely inferred that the north-east 
tower likewise dates ori^nally irom the time of Sir Thomas de Heton. 
The buildings that now connect these towers, and so form a courtyard 
measuring about 20 yards by 17 yards, are apparently of much later 
construction. At the inner comer of each tower is a stair with a square 
newel and landings. On a stone shield above the main entrance are the 
arms: — 1 and 4 a lion rampant mthin a borJure, Gray of Heton ; 2, 
barry of «ir, on a bend a roundle^ Gray of Horton ; 3, three clievrons 
braced, a chiefs Fitzhugh, quartering vair, a Jess, Marmion. Sevei-al 
of the charges are repeated on smaller shields on a line below the 
battlements, with the additional coat of three garbs, probably or, three 
garbs gu., Presfen. 

On the east side of the courtyard inside the .castle is an arcade, 
attributed to Inigo Jones, with a projecting stone stair in the centre 
that leads up to the dining room. On either side of this stair are 
arranged on brackets along the wall stone figures of seven of the Nine 
Worthies in classical habiliments. The whole series embraced three 
Jews — Joshua, David, and Judas Maccabeus ; three pagans — Hector, 
Alexander, and Julius Caesar ; and three Christians — Arthur, Charle- 
magne, and Godfrey of Bouillon. Some of them may be identified by 
the devices on their oval shields. Those to the north appear to be (1) 
a double-headed eagle— Charlemagne, (2) a cross between four crosses 
— Godfrey de Bouillon, (8) a crown within an orle of fieurs-de-lys 
— Arthur (?) ; to the south, (4) a lion rampant holding a halbert — 
Hector of Troy,^^ (5) a crown above an eagle, (6) weather worn. 
In the centre of the balustrade above is (7) a double-headed eagle — 
Julius Caesar. These figures appear to belong to the very beginning 
of the 17th century. Similar statues of the Nine Worthies may be 
seen at Moutacute in Somersetshire, and on other houses of that date. 

A passage in the account book of William Taylor, steward of 
Chillingham in 1692— 'Beasts in ye Parke, my Lord's— 16 white 
wilde beasts, 2 black steeres and a quy, 12 white read and black card, 
5 blacke oxen and browne one, 2 oxen from Wark June last,' ^^ seems 
to draw a distinction between pure white wild cattle and those with 
red and black ears. 

" Hierome de Bara, Le BUuon des ArmoireSf 1581, p. 172. 
" Mackenzie, Vieio of Xorthujuberland, i. p. 390 n. 



In the south-east corner of Chillingham Park stands the ruinous 
bastle-house of the ancient family of Hebburn, who seem to have been 
in possession of the estate from which they derived their surname at 
any rate from the time of Nicholas de Hebburn, who in 1271 gave the 
vicar of Chillingham certain lands in Hebburn, together with the 
oflferings of the village in honey and wax, on condition of his providing 
every year for the celebration of divine service in the chapel of St. Mary 
of Hebburn on the three principal feasts of Our. Lady. ^ Hebburn 
appears to have passed by marriage into the hands of the Wendouts 
and then to have come back to the Hebbums in the beginning of 
the 15th century, or possibly the Wendouts took the name of Heb- 
burn. The Hebbums bore for their arms Argent^ three cressets sable, 
flaming proper, said to have reference to the fact of their living just 
under the great beacon on Eos Castle.^ The first we hear of their 
hold here is in 1509, when it was owned and inhabited by Thomas 
Hebburn and was supposed to be capable of accommodating a garnson 
of twenty horsemen.^ It is again mentioned in 1 541 as ^a little tower 
of the inheritance of Thomas Hebburn in reasonably good repara- 
tions.'* There is a difficulty in conceiving how the present absolutely 
typical bastle-house could ever be called a little tower in a technical 
survey of the Border fortresses, and a heap of stones near the park wall 
has been pointed out as the site of the tower. On the other hand the 
bastle looks more like work of the reign of Henry VII. than of that 
of Elizabeth, and Sir Robert Bowes and Sir Ralph Ellerker were certain 
to have mentioned this strong houseif it were in existence, even near 
the tower, in their time. By the will of Thomas Hebburn of Hebburn, 
nigh Chillingham, esquire, dated the 18th of April, 1574, Michael 
Hebburn, his son and heir, was to be charged with his younger brothers 

* Begi/ttr. Eccles. Dftnelm^ III. p. 4 ; Hodgson, Northumberland, IlL ii, p. 120. 
' Barke, General Armoury, The cressets are also blazoned as uncorered 

cnpB, beacons, lamps or pots. — Papworth, Ordinary^ pp. 676, 677. 

' 8ee above, p. 23. It should be noted that as in the cases of Qisbani or 
Gaisborongh, Sochasburg or Sockburn, Brincaburch or Brinkbum, the termina- 
tion * bum * is often the same as * burh/ while in Old English * hehburh ' means 
simply a fortress — see Earle, Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, pp. 6, 416. 

* See above, p. 42. 














yWT^—-,- -^---^ 

r 1 .ON .. 


Ralph and Robert 'for meat drink and lodging in my Mansion-house 
of Hebburn or elsewhere/ from the time of his decease till they should 
reach the age of eighteen.* 

No account of Hebburn would be at all complete without the 
following extraordinary agreement for appeasing one of those blood 
feuds that are as characteristic of Northumberland as of Corsica : — 

* Where there was a deadly Feude alledged by the Storyes against the 

* Hebboms for the slaughter of one John Story, late of Hebbonie. It 

* is fully agreed by the consent of all the Storyes, especially by Andrew 

* Story and Jeffry Story, brethren unto the said John Story deceased, 
' to stand to the award, arbytrament and judgement of Edmond Crawster 

* of Crawster in the County of Northumberland, esq., and Luke Ogle 

* of Eglingham in the said County, Gentleman. 

* Therefore we, the said Arbitratours, by good and sufficient proof 

* to us had and made, Fynde that the said Slaughter of the said Story 

* was fully and wholly agreed for of a long time since, by Martyn Story 

* called Red Martyn, late of Hebbome aforesaid, father of the said John 

* Story, and received such certaine sonames of money for the said agree- 

* ment with the said Hebbornes, as the Storyes of that time was fiilly 

* contented and agreed with. 

'Wherefore, We award and judge by the full Consent of the said 
' Storyes and Hebbornes, in the consideration aforesaid : That this shall 

* stand and be a full agreament between the said Storyes and Hebbornes 
' for the said Slaughter, and from all other accions of dyspleasure, from 

* the Beginning of the World to this Day ; and that hereafter they, 
' the said Storyes and Hebboms shall be Lovers and Friends as they 
'ought to be.' 

'Given the xxix of August, 1588, Anno Reg. Elizabeth xxx.'® 
The estate continued in the possession of the Hebburns till, towards 
the end of last century, their heiress married a clerical adventurer of the 
name of Brudnell, when it was purchased in about 1770 by the Earl 
of Tankerville. 

The entrance is by a passage, vaulted by two stones meeting in the 
middle, in the thickness — 9 feet 4 inches— of the south wall. The 
outer doorway seems to have been rebuilt ; a circular-headed doorway 
on the east side communicated with the wheel-stair at the south-east 

* Wills and Inventories, 1. (Surtees Soc. Publ. 2) p. 401. 

* Amuils of House of Percy, ii. p. 386 ; CoUins, Peerage, 6th ed, ii. p. 421, 
from Ciaster MSS. 


angle of the bastle. The basement contains a vault about 34 feet long, 
17 feet 7 inches wide, and 12 feet 4 inches high to the crown of its 
flat roof of long-shaped stones. There is a loop in the centre of the 
west, and another at the north end of the east wall. Near the latter a 
fire-place has been inserted in the north wall, so roughly that the 
smoke from it was allowed to escape in the fire-place immediately over 
it on the first floor. On the east side of this vault, and approached 
by a door at the south end of the east wall, is a smaller vault measuring 
about 13 feet from north to south and 4 feet 9 inches from east to west. 
This vault, which is 10 feet 8 inches high, was probably a prison. At 
the south end of it is the mouth of a dungeon, now 8 feet 8 inches 
deep, a sort of worse fate held in reserve for recalcitrant captives. 
The square mouth of the dungeon, which had fallen away, has recently 
been rebuilt and a slit cut in the east wall of the upper prison, pre- 
viously pitch-dark, in order to prevent strangers falling into it. 

The wheel-stair, now so entirely broken away as to render the 
ascent to the first floor very dangerous, was continued to the gabled 
second floor, and probably, therefore, terminated in a sort of turret. 

The first floor, the outer walls of which are a little over 6 feet 
thick, was divided into three rooms. The eastern room, into which a 
door opened off the stair, is about 10 feet wide to the door- jamb of 
the central room still leil in the south wall. There are two square- 
headed windows with transoms and muUions in the east wall. The 
southern of these retains some cusping. The fire-place, with a head 
formed of two converging stones, is in the north wail. The central 
room, 17 feet 6 inches wide, has a transomed window to the south, and 
a fire-place 8 feet broad, the head gone, at its north end. The west 
and innermost room is about 11 feet wide. . There is a small mullioned 
window on either side of the fire-place with a huge stone 6 feet long 
and 21 inches high over it ; and a window, with transom and muUions, 
in the north wall. On the right of the latter is a small mural closet. 
The second story, which was almost wholly in the roof, had pairs 
of small square windows in both the east and west gables. 

Altogether the bastle of Hebburn, covered in the early summer 
with a profusion of berberry blossom, is a most interesting example of 
a class of house that must at one time have been very prevalent in 



The Castle of Ford was originally built by Sir William Heron, who 
obtained a licence to fortify his manor house there from Edward III. 
at Ipswich on 16th July, 1388, just before the king set sail for 
Antwerp.^ In 1885 the Scots, under the Earls of Fife, March, and 
Douglas^ took and dismantled this castle, as well as those of Wark and 
Cornhill.^ A truce was concluded at Billymire in the following sum- 
mer;' but in spite of this, a band of Scots entered the lands of William 
Heron of Ford in time of truce, killing his men and carrying oflf £600 
worth of cattle. In consequence Heron's men carried a foray after 
them into Scotland, from the spoils of which the Earl of Northumber- 
land compelled him to restore 320 oxen, 1,600 sheep, and £100 in 
money, promising him compensation for the injuries he had suffered 
from the Scottish incursion. In connection with this affair. Heron 
was imprisoned in Newcastle, while Henry Lilburn, Thomas Roddam, 
and others came in warlike array to. his castle of Ford, and assaulting 
it took by force of arms booty of great value against the peace of the 
king.* In 1509 the castle of Ford, though it belonged to William 
Heron, was inhabited by William Selby. It was then supposed to be 
capable of keeping a garrison of 40 horsemen within its walls.' Shortly 
before the battle of Flodden in 1513, it was laken by James IV. of 
Gotland. William Heron was then a prisoner in Scotland, but his 
wife Elizabeth and her daughter were in the castle at the time of its 
surrender. The lady of Ford besought King James to preserve it 
from demolition, spoiling, or burning, and he consented to do so on 

' * De manso manerii Eemellando. Rex omnibus baUiris et fldelibus suis ad 
qnoB etc. salutem. Sciatis quod de gratia nostra speciali concessimus et 
licenciam dedimus pro nobis et heredibus nostris dilecto nostro Willelmo Heyrun 
quod ipse mansum suum apud manerium suum de Forde in comitatu Northum- 
brie muro de petra et calce finnare et Eernellare et mansum illud sic firmatum 
et Eemellatum tenere possit sibi ct heredibus suis sine occasione vel impedimento 
nostrum vel heredum nostromm, Justiciariorum, Escaetoram, Yicecomitum, 
ftat aliorum balliyorum seu ministrorum nostrorum quorumcunque. In cujus &c. 
Teste Edwardo duce Cornubie et comite Cestrie filio nostro carissimo custode 
^glie, apud Gippewicum xvj die Julii, Per ipsum Begem.' — Patent Roll, 12 
Ed. III. pt. 2, m. 10, P.R.O. 

* Ridpath, Border HiHory^ 1810, p. 366, on authority of Buchanan, 1. 9, p. 1 70. 

■ Ihid, p. 366 ; Bymer, Fcedera, viii. p. 526. 

Rot. Pari. 
* See above, p. 24. 

H M 


condition of her bringing and delivering to him on the morning of 
the 5th of September the laird of Johnstoun and Alexander Hume, at 
that time prisoners in England. She appears to have prooeeded to 
Alnwick, where she met the Earl of Surrey advancing with his array. 
Surrey immediately agreed to restore the prisoners in question upon 
receiving letters of protection for the castle under the king's seal, and 
further promised to restore Sir George Hume and William Carr, if the 
king would release William Heron. To these proposals King James 
replied by his Islay herald that he thereto would make no answer, and 
proceeded to bum down the castle. This is, it seems, all that histoiy 
knows respecting the connection of Ford Castle with the campaign 
before Flodden.^ 

Sir William Heron died in 1535, leaving as his heir-general his 
grand-daughter, Elissabeth Heron, then only six years old. The 
Border Survey of 1541 reports that the castle of Ford was burnt by 
the last King of Scots a little before he was slain at Flodden Field. 
Some part of it had been repaired again since that time, but the great 
buildings and necessary houses had remained ever since waste and in 
decay. If it was repaired, the Commissioners estimated that it could 
receive and lodge a hundred horsemen or more.' 

In 1549 the Scots entered England under the French general 
D'Ess6, bringing with them four field-pieces. They attacked the 
castle of Ford, and again burnt the greater part of it, but were obliged 
to retire, leaving unreduced one of the towers, which was defended by 
Thomas Carr, a younger son of the Captain of Wark.^ The bravery 
Carr displayed on this occasion seems to have led the heiress of Ford 
to bestow her hand upon him. The Herons, however, maintained 
that Ford should by right have passed to the heirs male of Sir William 
Heron ; and on Saturday, 27th of March, 1557, John Dixon one of 
the constables of Berwick, together with about twenty of the garrison, 
took possession of Ford Castle in the name of George Heron of Chip- 
chase, and expelled Robert Carr, a brother of the owner, with four 
other men and three women who were in it at the time. The next 
morning as Balph Gray of Chillingham, a justice for the county and 

* Bidpath, Border JButary, p. 486n ; Hall, Chron, Hen, VIII, p. 89. 
^ See above, p. 89. 

* Bidpath, Border Biftary^ p. 667 ; Beang^, BUL des Campagne$ 1S48, IS^, 
pp. 94,95. 


deputy warden, Giles Heron, treasurer of Berwick and brother of 
Heron of Chipchase, and Robert Barrow, mayor of the town, were 
approaching the castle with a band of thirty men, they were set upon 
by Robert Carr, with from eleven to sixteen followers. Heron and 
Barrow, who are said by their party to have been 'rydinge in peacable 
maner (what so ever was otherwise done),' were both slain, *the maior 
after his stroke never spake worde, the treasurer had xv blodye wounds 
uppon him.' One or two more of the company were * somewhat hurt 
and wounded.' That same afternoon a great number of Gray's follow- 
ing came 'in forcible and warlike arraye of armour and weapons to the 
comfortye and assistance ' of the Heron garrison. On the Monday 
Sir Robert Ellerker, the sherifp, John Bednell, and Robert Horsley 
themselves witnessed the arrival of a further reinforcement composed 
of fourteen of George Heron's tenants who * in like warlike sort . . did . 
repair to the said house of Ford to the great terror of all good quiet 
subjects of this country and piteous aflPrays of the civil peace of the 
same, and ever sure where toward in these parts of this country ahnost 
no person rideth unarmed, but as surely upon his guard as if he rode 
against the Enemy of Scotland.'^ In the end the Carrs regained 
possession of Ford Castle, and in 1584 it is described as belonging to 
William Carr, esq., and as * decayed by want of reparation of a long 
continuance.' It was recommended that it should be repaired, the 
cost being estimated at £300.^® The male line of the Carrs of Ford 
came to an end in about 1685, and the castle was carried by successive 
heiresses through the famUies of Blake and Delaval into that of the 
Marquis of Waterford in 1822. 

An old ground plan of the castle, entitled ' The True Draught or 
plat-form of the Castle, Courts, and Gardens of Ford, particularly 
carefully measured all with his own hand/ by John Purdy, on the 5th 
of August, 1716, together with three elevations of the castle at that 
time, has fortunately been preserved. From this we see that the castle 
originally consisted of four towers joined together by walls so as to 
form an inner court, something in the same way as Chillingham, 

• Talbot Papers in the College of Arms. The precis of this in Raine, North 
Durham, introd. p. xzx. has been corrected by a transcript of the original, kindly 
lent by Col. Carr of Dnnston Hill. Baine had wrongly given the date as 
' Saturday the 28th of April'— the 28th of April, 1657, was a Wednesday— and 
Carres following in the skirmish as only six or eeyen men. 

'• See above, p. 73. 


though with less regularity. At the N.W. corner the tower now called 
King Jameses Tower, about 85 feet square outside, projected consider- 
ably beyond the line of the curtain-wall, and formed the strongest 
portion of the pile. Immediately under it to the south was the 
^ Western Gate or Common Passage into the Castle/ for it must not 
be forgotten that a considerable portion of the village then stood on 
the west side of the fortress. Prom the N.E. comer a long building 
with very thick walls stretched along the east curtain. This 
apparently contained the Hall, as a Decorated window with a transom 
was still left at the southern end ; if so, the Hall was about 55 feet long 
by 20 feet wide inside. The tower at the S.W. comer, now called the 
Cow Tower^ and that at the S.E., which has now entirely disappeared, 
were then both surmounted by turrets built up with thin walls on the 
inner face of the thick tower walls. Between King James's Tower and 
the Hall a good house, with Elizabethan windows and two stair- 
turrets, stretched along the north curtain; and there was also a 
building with a corbie-stepped gable on the east side of the courtyard. 

Sir John Hussey Delaval destroyed the most interesting features 
of the castle in 1761 by converting the main portion into a mansion, 
designed in the atrocious style which was then supposed to be Gothic. 
Louisa, Marchioness of Waterford, the present owner, has almost 
entirely removed the unsightly work of last century, and made Ford 
one of the most beautiful houses in the North of England. 

King James's Tower retains its ancient vaulted basement, with 
many 14th century mason-marks. A ray of light is let into this vault 
by an original slit in the north wall. * The West ProfU ' of the castle, 
drawn by John Purdy in 1716 shows that there were then no windows 
in the west wall of this tower. In the room occupying the uppermost 
floor a large west window was inserted during the alterations of 1761, 
and from the lovely view then obtained from this in the direction of 
Flodden, the room became so much associated with the name of King 
James that at last he was said to have slept in it on the night before 
the battle. Till 1761 the upper portion of this tower seems to have 
been unconnected with the main residence, and access to the room in 
question could only be had by a narrow stair in the thickness of the 
wall ; when, however. Sir John Hussey Delaval incorporated the tower 
in his mansion, he seems to have broken a new door into this room 



Tiiitihii^ ^tfTii titiit'MJtUjt^tr //iJ-ir/- lUfiJ-/ f/irAr i*/i/ fAttd H^t//^^ 
ii^t r^urAftit fhnA ^SMi. f*N tht- t'fJifr ntf//a f4fti tTTftimm. 

(<^tiff Oitft /in-f/ttf X'f4f/f ft^nfutt' f/ii' i'A^Aj^ FTj H I 





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(iZQaXv^^»^ ^^^ay^.j^^^J^u^y^^^^'^^^^^- 





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ffl H n ffl ffip 

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Y /'o^Z/^u/-'' ^^ o ^ 


-1 — "r'T^^^-^"— I 

Elevations of Ford Castle. 1716. 


through the east wall, and to have walled up the old stair as useless. 
Similar stairs closed in this way still remain in Featherstone^ Halton, 
Craster, and other towers. During subsequent alterations the forgot- 
ten stair at Ford was again discovered, and opened out. It was soon 
pronounced to have been a secret stair, and has been connected in the 
broadest fashion with the legendary intrigue of King James and 
Dame Heron — a legend rendered in the highest degree improbable 
by the known facts of history, and invented most probably by the 
patriotic imagination of the Scots for the purpose of explaining away 
the crushing defeat their host sustained. 

During the troubles connected with the Pilgrimage of Grace in 
the autumn of 1586, John Heron of Chipchase kept the castle of Ford 
by * strong hande ' in defiance of the king's authority.^^ 

" Letters and Papers, Foreign ajid Domestic, Henry VIII. vol. xii. 1090, 36. 


Ak enquiry into the decays of the East Marches made on the 24th 
of September, 1584, led to the presentment of a tower of stone and 
lime at Coldmartin as being utterly decayed. This tower was then 
the property of Roger Fowberry of Fowberry, gent., and it should 
have been in good repair since there was land attached to it capable 
of supporting two men and horses fit for service.^ A fragment of 
the south-west wall of this tower, which has been 6 feet thick, is 
still standing about 9 feet high, in an exposed situation overlooking 
Wooler Water and facing the Cheviots. The tower seems to have 
been only about 27 feet square, outside measurement. 

> Bee above, p. 80. 



Mention of the tower of Bewick, over the foundations of which the 
road from Chillingham to Eglingham now passes, appears first to be 
made in 1509. The tower was then owned by the prior of Tynemouth 
and occapied by Gilbert Collingwood. Forty horsemen, it was calcnlated, 
might be quartered in it.^ By the suppression of the monastery of 
Tynemouth, it came to the Crown. In 1539 Robert GoUingwood, the 
bailiff at Bewick, renders no account ' for any profit aocming from the 
farm of a stone tower there, because it is kept entirely for the defence 
of the inhabitants of the Lordship in time of war.' ' Two years 
later we find that part of the tower had recently been covered 
with lead, the remainder was neither well covered nor in good 
repair, which was matter of regret as it stood in a fit place 
for the defence of the country.' The Commissioners of 1584 
reported that it stood three miles to the south-east of Wooler and 
seven from the Scottish frontier; it was the Queen's property and had 
gone to ruin either in consequence of rough usage in war-time or of 
continued neglect ; it would take £20 to restore it to its former state, 
but it was much to be desired that a new barmekin thirty yards square, 
enclosed by a stone wall, should be attached to it, together with stabl- 
ing for fifty horses, and this would increase the cost to £200.* ' Ther 
is yet standinge,* says the survey of Bewick in 1608, ' a faire stronge 
tower, with a garth and a dovecoate of hewen stone, which hath beene 
wholy covered with leade but most parte of the leade is now decayed or 
purloyned away wherby it is not inhabitable but in one comer that is 
vaulted over. This tower hath commonly beene a refuge for the 
Tenants ther in time of danger.* ' 

* See above, p. 23. 

* Gibson, Mowutery of Tynemouth, i. p. 228. In an account of people fit to 
serve the King, living on the Border in about 1536, we meet with ' Robert Colling- 
wood of Bewicke, six miles from Scotland, may dispend v^ yerely, and may 
serve the King under the Prior of Tynemouth, by the office of Bailieiiip of the 
same, with zz horsemen, and is a true sharpe borderer.' — IHd. li. clxxzi. 

' See above, p. 42. 

* See above, p. 74. 

* MS. in Land Revenue Record Office, Whitehall. 




A LITTLE to the south of the station of Hunnum on the Roman Wall 
stands Halton Tower, or, as it is popularly called, Halton Castle, in 
what for a Border hold is an exceptionally pleasant situation. The 

.1v5itfoi2 fta^. 

Halton Towkb f&om the East. 

view, well wooded in the foreground, extends fer and wide over the 
valley of the Tyne ; the pastures around, in which once grazed the 
celebrated shorthorns, * Duchess ' and * Ketton,' are among the richest 


in Northumberland ; the tower itself is set in a quaint garden of 
old-fashioned flowers ; and at a short distance to the east of it is the 
curious little chapel with an early round chancel arch, that possibly 
marks the spot where Alfwold, king of Northumberland, was assas- 
sinated in 788.^ 

* Hawelton ' with Whittington and Claverworth, now corrupted 
into Clarewood, formed one of the eight or nine estates in Northum- 
berland that either escaped confiscation at the Norman Conquest, or 
were soon after regranted to Englishmen, to be held in themagio from 
the king himself instead of being made dependent on any Norman 
barony. In 1161, about as far back as we can get with much cer- 
tainty in a land beyond the limits of the Domesday Book, these three 
manors were in the possession of a thane bearing the famous old 
Northumbrian name of Waltheof — * Waldief de Haulton.'* His son, 
•William de Haleweton' pays three marks for theinage in 1203.* 
A dispute having arisen between him and Simon de Roucester con- 
cerning certain lands in Halton and Clarewood, and a rent::charge in 
Whittington, recourse was had to wager of battle. On the 16th of 
October, 1212, William de Matham, who appeared as the champion 
of Roucester, was successfully encountered by JoitUm de Eplingden 
in defence of the interests of Halton.* 

In 1212 it' is clearly stated that William de Halton holds three 
vills in theinage by the service of paying 40s. a year, giving merchet 
and aids, and performing all customs appertaining to theinage.^ The 
tenure is said, probably by mistake, to be drengage and to be subject 

> Aroh, ^L N.S. XIII. p. 829n. 

* Pipe Roll, 7 Hen. II. ; Hodgson, Northd. III. iii. p. 6. 
■ Pipe Roll, 6 John ; Hodgson, Northd, III. iii. p. 84, 

* Placita, Joh. 14 ro. 11 ; Hodgson, Northd, III. ii. p. 841. 

* * Willelmus de Hawelton tenet tres villas in thenagio de domino Rege per 
servicium xl s. per annum et dabit merchetet auxilia et faciet omnes consnetu- 
dines spectantes ad thenagium. Omnes vero antecessores fecerunt predictnm 
servicium.' — Testa de Nevill, Inquisicio facta de tenementis et feodis ; Hodgson, 
Northd, III. i. p. 237. In the English Historwal Review, vol. V. p. 626 (Oct. 1890)| 
is a well- written article by Professor Maitland on Northumbrian Tenures, This 
is not the place to examine Professor Maitland's arguments and conclusions on 
the subject of these intricate tenures, but it has been thought desirable to aid 
their critical study by giving in full such notices of them as occur in documents 
relating to Halton. Professor Maitland, p. 629, has confused the accounts given 
of the tenure of William de Halton in 1212 and of John de Halton in 1240, and 
has forgotten that the tnincage of Bamburgh was * ad faciendum rogvm Regis*' 
see above, p. 230n. It seems, too, possible that comage may, after all, be a 
oormption of * c^rronagium.' 


to tallage, heriot, and merchet, in the great return of feudal estates 
made in 1240, by which time John de Halton had succeeded to the 
three manors in question.* Seven years later, for the consideration of 
twenty marks,' John de Halton obtained a charter from King 
Henry III. granting him and his heirs the three manora at double the 
old rent of three marks which had been paid by his ancestors, with 
the condition that they should continue to do the king's forinsec ser- 
vice of comage and suit of the county.* In 1266 Sir John de Halton 
was sheriff of Northumberland, but this does not appear to have 
restrained him from doing a little cattle-lifting in good old Border 
style. Anyhow, he stood accused of having come in that year with 
Thomas de Thirl wall and others of his household to Wark, in Tyne- 
dale, and driven thence the cattle and sheep of Thomas Fairbaim by 
force of arms to his manor-house at Sewingshields. Not till thirteen 
years afterwards, however, was Sir John called to account for this 
outrage before the Justices Itinerant of Alexander III. of Scotland at 
Wark, when he bought himself off by agreeing to pay Fairbaim ten 
marks in silver.* On his death, in 1287, we find his house at Halton 
described as a capital messuage with two paddocks and a garden 
enclosed with a wall, the whole worth half a mark yearly beyond the 
charge of keeping up the houses.^^ He had in hand there 337 acres 
under the plough — of which 210 acres were worth 8d. ; 50 acres, 
4d. ; and 77 acres, 2d. The fact that the 24 acres of meadow in 
his occupation were assessed at ISd. an acre shows that the fame 
of the rich grass of Halton was established as far back as the 
I8th century. For the three manors of Halton, Clarewood, 
and Whittington Sir John had been accustomed to pay annually 
to the king the four pounds of silver stipulated in his father's 
charter, together with 2s. 4d. for comage, and at the end of every 
3^ years the further sum of 20s. for fine of court and suit of the 

' Tefta de Nevill, Veredictnm bominum de Northumbrie et de Elandesiie ; 
Hodgson, NoHhd, III. i. p. 223. 

7 Pipe Soil, 31 Hen. iij. ; Hodgson, NorthcL III. iii. p. 214. 

' * Forinsecum servicium nostram comagii et sectam comitatns sicut ipse et 
antecessores sni facere [sojlebant pro omni seryicio consnetadine servitute et 
demanda.*— C^ar^tfr Roll, 31 Hen. iij. m. 6, P.R.O. 

• Iter of Wark, 31 Alex, iij m. 6 dors; Proc. Arch. Inst, 1852, ii. App. p. zzziii. 

*^ * Capitale messuagium cnm ij. pasturls et gardino muro incloso.* — 2nq.p,m, 
16 Ed. j. 21, P.B.O. 

N N 


county of Northumberland every six weeks.^^ It seems possible that 
the buildings at Halton, which were no doubt of wood, were burnt 
by the Scots during the incursion of Wallace in 1297, as on the 
death of Sir John de Halton's son and successor, Sir William, in the 
spring of 1299, the capital messuage at Halton, with the garden, 
is returned as being worth 40d. a year, half its value twelve years 
before, ' and this on account of the conflagration/^^ The tenure of 
the three manors is now given as ^cornage and doing suit to the 
county of Northumberland from court-day to court-day, and by the 
service of four pounds sterling, paid yearly to the king through the 
sheriff of Northumberland. ^^ Sir John de Halton, the last of his race, 
died on the 31st of March, 1345.^^ Halton passed through his 
daughters Eleanor and Margaret to the Lowthers who remained in 
possession nearly forty years.^* - 

Robert de Lowther died on the 3rd of May, 1883, seized of the two 
manors of Halton and Clarewood at the rent of four pounds with 14d. 
for comage. His own heir was Eleanor, wife of William Ferour, but 
as soon as he was dead William de Camaby took possession of Halton 
and its appurtenances, and continued to enjoy it without any apparent 
question as to his title for the next five years.^^ 

There is a village of Camaby in Yorkshire, not far from Bridling- 
ton. William de Camaby seals the gift he made to the priory of 
Hexham in 1387 of lands at Yakesley and Hughesfield with a bend 

>* ' Et reddendo Domino Regi quolibet anno imperpetunm ad Festum Sancti 
Outhberti in Septembri ij sol, et quatuor den. de comagio et reddendo Domino 
Regi in perpetuum ad finem trium annoram et dimidii anni xx. mL de fine Onrie 
et sequendo comitatum Northumbrie de vj septimams in vj septimanas.' — Ihid, 
See English Historical Review y v. p. 631, referring to Coram Rege Bollf Pasch. 
6 Edw. j. 37m. 14d. ; 38m. 7, and correcting Plae. Abbrev, p. 194, to which 
Hodgson refers, Northd, II. i. p. 332n. 

" * Et hoc propter combustionem.'— Jn^. jp.m. 27 Ed. j. 22, P.R.O. 

13 ( . . . agium et sectam faciendo ad C • • • • Northumbrie de 
comitatu in comitatum et per servicinm quatuor librarum sterllngarum viceoomiti 
Nort • • • • domini Regis eXG,^—2hid. 

>^ The Inq, p.m. 19 Ed. III. 60, taken on the death of Sir John de Halton is 
almost illegible. 

** * Preceptum est Willelmo de Nessefeld esc. Regis in com. Northumbrie 
quod capta ndelitate Robert! de Louthre consanguinei et heredis Margarete filie 
Johannis de Haulton militis defuncti de medietate maneriorum de Haulton et 
Claverworth etc. per servicium triginta et quatuor solidorum in dringagio et 
septem den. ad cornagium.'— ^ri^inaZ/a, 86 Ed. III. ro. 8; Hodgson, Nortkd, 
III. ii. p. 328. This was after the death of Margaret, widow of Sir John de 
Halton in 1362, who had held this medietj in dower. — Ing. p,m, 36 Ed. iij. 91. 

" Inq.p.m, 10 Ric. ij. 24, F.R.O. 


flory impaling two harSy in chief three roundlesy^ This latter coat, 
which appears on a stone shield in a panel in the east wall of the 
tower, was no doubt that of halton, blazoned Argent^ two hare azure^ 
in chief three hurt^?^ Preferred to their paternal coat as the more 
honourable by the next generation of Carnabys at Halton, in accord- 
ance with the usage of heraldry while it was still a living and practical 
science, its origin came to be so entirely forgotten that, during the 
rage for complicated bearings in the 16th century, the venal heralds 
of Crouchback's foundation actually quartered it as that of carnaby 
with Per pale gules and azure, a lion rampant gttardant or for halton, 
though this was borne by the Haltons, not of Northumberland, but 
of Cheshire.^* 

On the 24th of March, 1391, a son and heir was bom at Halton.^® 
The witnesses called to prove the age of this young William Carnaby 
more than twenty-one years afterwards confirmed their testimony by 
recalling various incidents that took place on the occasion of his being 
baptized in Halton Church : — John de Hole bought a horse that day 
of the child's fether ; John Strother, while hunting a hare, met the 
woman carrying the child to church; Richard Craster's horse came 
down under him as he was returning to Dilston after the christening ; 
and Nicholas Turpyn in riding home saw, or thought he saw, a fox 
breaking out of a wood with the huntsmen after him.'^ William 
Carnaby the father died on Wednesday, the 18th of May, 1407, seised 
of Halton and its appurtenances, which are stated to be held of the 
king by military service and by the annual payment of four pounds to 
the sheriff as castle-ward to Newcastle, and 2s. 4d. for coronage.*'^ 

" MS. Copy of Visitation of Northumherland^ in the Library of Soc. of 
Ant. N.O. 

" These are given as the arms of Robert de Halton (probably the same 
person as Robert de Lowther) in Jenyn*s Ordinary, Harl, MS. 6589. — Papworth, 
Ordinary, p. 28. 

*• In the same way the Ridleys of Ridley, Northumberland, were given the 
arms of the Ridleys of Ridley Hall in Cheshire, and a pedigree to suit this was 
manufactured in Flowers's Visitation, 1576. It is a pity that Hodgson printed 
this ridiculous rubbish in his N(trthS, II. iii. p. 339. 

* The Inq.p.m, 9 Hen. IV. 14 would seem to give the date as 24th March, 
1389, but the Proof of Age and the Inq, p.m. 13 Hen. IV. 2, which, taken on 
nth Feb. 1412, states William Carnaby to be then 20 years and 45 weeks old, 
are conclusive. 

•' Inq. p.m. 13 Hen. IV. 52 ; Archteologia jEliana, TV. p. 330. 

*• 'Per servicium militate Reddendo domino Regi per annum pro warda 
Castri ad Castrum Domini Regis de Novo Castro super Tynam per manus vice- 
comitis iiij li, et pro coionagio ij*. iiiid.'-^Inq, p.m, 9 Hen. IV. 14, P.R.O. 


William Camaby, the child christened in 1891, died, at the age of 
62, on Wednesday, the 16th of March, 1458. There was at that 
time in the manor and town of Halton a site with a hall and chamber, 
a kitchen, and other houses bnilt over them, which together with the 
garden are returned as of no annual value beyond the cost of repairs 
and maintenance.^^ The perplexities in which the tenure of Halton 
is involved culminate in the statements contained in the inquisitioD 
held after the death of Sir John Gamaby on the 9th of August, 1479, 
that Halton was held in soccage at the annual rent of 40s. and owed 
tallage, relief, and merchet, and that Clarewood and Whittington were 
held in burgage, and owed relief, counsel, and service.^ 

Two or three weeks after the stout refusal of the canons of Hexham 
to surrender their priory to the commissioners of Henry VIII., John 
Heron of Chipchase rode up to Halton Tower at about ten o'clock 
on the morning of Sunday, the 15th of October, 1586. The canons, 
■persuaded by the Archbishop of York, were ahready beginning to lose 
heart and to think of submitting. This did not suit John Heron, who 
as a follower of Sir Thomas Percy was anxious that the opposition to 
the royal authority should take the form of a regular rising, and 
especially that they should have an opportunity of revenging on the 
Camaby family the wrongs Sir Thomas had suffered through Sir 
Raynold Carnaby's influence. On dismounting at Halton, John Heron 
persuaded William Camaby, Sir Baynold's father, that he was really 
anxious for the pacification of the country, and in the end was sent 
by him to Hexham, in order to treat with the canons. He then 
treacherously advised the canons that their only chance lay in con- 
tinued resistance, and that they should summon the men of Tynedale 
to their aid under promise of certain annuities. The canons were loth 
to ally themselves with the Tynedale freebooters if they could save 
their lives in any other way, and asked Heron in the flrst instance to 
take a message to William Camaby begging him to use his influence 
with Sir Eaynold, who had brought down the king's letters, to obtain 
a pardon for them from the king on condition of their surrendering 
the priory. Heron returned to Halton for the night, but instead of 

** * Est in eisdem manerio et villa quidam situs cum aula cameris coquina et 
aliis domibus super edificatis et gardino que nichil valent per axuiam nltim 
repriaas et sustentacionem eorundem.' — Jng,p,m» 31 Hen. VI. 41, P.B.O. 

»• Inq,p.m. 20 Ed. IV. 34, P.B.O. 


delivering this message to Carnaby, sent secret instructions to raise 
the men of Tjnedale. The next morning he betook himself again to 
Hexham, and declared to the canons that all he had to tell them was 
that Sir Baynold had resolved to send up fonr of their heads to the ^ 
king, with four from the town and shire. All idea of submission on 
their part was now naturally at an end. With the utmost com- 
placency, Heron rode back to dinner at Halton, merely remarking as 
he took his seat> * It is a good sight to see a man eat when he is 
hungry.' During dinner one Archie Robson of Tynedale came in and 
whispered to John Bobson, his cousin, that the Tynedale men were all 
in arms. Heron perceiving that it was no use concealing matters any 
longer, called Oamaby to another chamber, and told him that he 
might expect the canons and their wild allies there at any moment with 
the worst intentions regarding him. Carnaby natundly complained 
that his friend need not have waited till dinner was half over to give 
him this information. In order to compromise Carnaby's loyalty, and 
leave Halton defenceless. Heron advised him to ride off with him to 
his own tower at Ohipchase, and to this in his fright Carnaby con- 
sented. A servant of Sir Baynold had, however, fallen in with the 
Tynedale bands at St. John Lee, and on learning their intentions at 
once dash^ off to Halton in order to protect his master's plate and 
money which had been deposited in the tower. Meeting Heron and 
William Carnaby on their road to Chipchase, he contrived to whisper 
in Carnaby's ear, 'That traitor thief that rideth with you hath 
betrayed you, and it will cost you your life yet if ye follow his counsel, 
I shall warrant you.' By his advice Carnaby then persuaded Heron 
to keep in the rear to turn back any pursuers, and putting spurs to 
his horse galloped safely off towards Langley Castle. Heron, baulked 
of his prey, turned back to Halton, with a false message from Carnaby 
to his son Thomas, commanding him ' of his blyssing that he should 
not tary in the hous.' Thomas Carnaby was actually enticed out by 
Heron's fair words ; still Heron could not get his own way, as there 
were always some men left in the tower who bore him no favour. At 
last he extorted from William Carnaby's wife a casket containing 
the money Sir Baynold had left behind him. To complete his 
discomfiture, however, Arthur Brrington, a kinsman of Sir Baynold, 
with seven Tynedale men, snatched the casket from his clutches, and 


althongh * putting a kercher as a pensell upon his spear point' he 
strove to rally the plunderers after them, it was to no purpose, and he 
had to return thoroughly disappointed to Chipchase. On the Tuesday 
he tried again to get possession of Sir Baynold's goods at Halton, bat 
he found the tower protected by the presence of Lewis Ogle, Lord 
Ogle's brother, and although he assured him that if he knew as much 
as he did, he would not remain there till night-fall, even for the sake of 
ten thousand pounds, his threats were wasted, and he was obliged 
finally to abandon his enterprise."* 

During the armistice that succeeded the Pilgrimage of Grace, Sir 
Thomas Percy, it is said, sent his priest to take possession of the dwell- 
ing of Sir Baynold Camaby's grandfather at Halton, as Sir Baynold 
had fled and was against the Commons."* 

A curious inventory of the goods of Lancelot Oarnaby of Halton, 
who died on the 11th of July, 1624, is preserved in the Probate Registry 
at Durham : — 

*/n the Hall. Thre tables, five formes short and long, one old 
•Carpet, one Cubbert cloath, one clock, two chaires, five old cushins, 
•one leverye cubbert,"^ 20*. One iron Chimneye vi" 8^. 

•/n (hs parlor. Two tables and a square cubbert, two formes, vj». 
'One presse IZ^ 4<^. One bedsteade with curtins and vallance of a 
*blew coUer and one covering of the same, one fether bed, one mat, 
*two boulsters, one pillow, two blankets, and two coverlets, 26» %\ 
* One fether bed, one mattresse, two blanketts, two coverletts, one read 
•covering, one boulster, and a pillow, 16« 8**. Two lowe stooles and 
•two chaires, 8* 4*^. Thre bars of iron in the chimney, with a poor" 
•and an old shovell and tongs, 2*. 

•/n Mr. Carnabye's Chamber. One low bed with a cannibye, one 
•mattresse and a fether bed, a paire of blanketts, one coverlett, one 
•greene rug and a Courting belonging to the cannibye, two boulsters, 
•80". One cubbert, a long sattle bed vj" 8*. 

** Letters and Papers, Ifhreign and Domestic, Henry VIII. vol. xii. 1090, 36 ; 
Raine, Hexham Priory (Suit. Soc. Publ.) i. App. p. cxl. ; Charlton, y&rth 
Tynedale and its Four 6fraynes, p. 59. 

» Letters and Papers, Henry VIII, vol. xii. 1090, 9. 

" *An open Cupboard with shelves, in which the liveries intended for 
distribution were placed.' — Halliwell, Dictionary of Archaic and Pratindal 

* A poker.— i^irf. 


*In the closett. Thre bedsteads and there fomitare, 20*. One 
•presse, 8" 4*. 

•/n (he great chamber. One long table with a frame 40*. Thre 
*leverye cubberts with a pare of virginalls** 40". A dosen and a halfe 
' of bnflFet stooles,'^ 24». Halfe a score of cushins with thre long cushins 
^for the windowes, 80". A long carpet cloath with two cubbert cloaths, 
' 20". A cubbert cloath of wrought nedle worke with two low stooles, 
' 18» 4<*. One blacke chajer 3" 4**. One turkje cubbert cloath, 18» 4^. 

'In the low towei\^^ One bedsteade, mattresse, one fether bed, one 
' boulster, two pillowes, a pare of blankets, a greene rug with an over- 
*8ea covering, curtings and vallanoe, a pare of tongs and a shook, vj". 
'A trundle bed,^ one mattresse, one fether bed, two boulsters and one 
•pillow, thre coverlets and a pare of blankets, 24". One leyerye 
•cubbert with a cloath on it, 18* 4'^. One greene chaire with two low 
•stooles, 18" 4*^. Six hangings with peces, 10".^ 

•/n the middle tower .^ One ciprus^ bed, one mattresse, one fether 

• bed, a pare of blankets, two coverlets with an oversea covering, one 
'boulster with two pillowes, a paire of curt ins and vallance, 3^^ One 
•low bed with a mattresse, a paire of blankets, thre coverlets, a boulster 
•and a pillow, 18" 4*. One leverye cubbert with a cloath on it, 18" 4^. 
•A chaire with a stoole 2" vj^. A paire of tongs, a shoole, and a 
•pore, 2". 

•/n the high tower,^ One bedsteade, a fether bed, a paire of 

• blankets, tow coverlets and an oversea covering, a paire of courtings 
•and vallance and a trundle bed under it, 40". One cubbert with a 
•cloath vj" 8<*. One chaire, two shorte formes, 7". 

'/n the loft above Mr. Garnabye's chamber. A flanders chest 
•18" 4^; another chest v»; thre trunkes, 20"; a counter 10"; another 
•trunke 8". 

* Oblong spinnets. — Ihid. 

^ * Small stools Tariooaly described. The tenn was at an early period 
applied to those having three legs. There is a saying in Suffolk, '* a dead ass 
and a new buffet stool are two things that nobody ever saw." * — Jbid, 

■* /.«., the first floor of the tower. 

" * A low bed on small wheels or castors, trundled under another in the 
day time, and drawn out at night for a servant or some inferior person to sleep 
on. — Halliwell. 

"* /.«., views, just as we still say battle-pieces, sea-pieces, etc. 

■• /.«., the second floor of the tower. 

"^ ' A fine curled linnen.* — Minshew in Nares, Qlotaary. 

"•, the third and uppermost floor of the tower. 


^In the high chamber. One bedsteade, one fether bed, a mattreaae, 
'two blankets, two coverlets, a covering with conrtings and vallance, 
*one boulster and a pillow, 40*. One liverye cubbert with a cloath, 
*thre chares, v*. 

^In the chamber adjoining. One bedsteade, a mattresse, a caffe 
'bed,^^ thre coverletts, a boulster and tow pillowes, tow blankets and 
'a trundle bed, IQ^. A paire of tongs, a shoule, 2^. 

*7n the butler's chambers. A bedstead, a mattresse, two blankets, 
'two coverlets, one boulster, 10*. A bedsteade and a table, 2\ 

'In the kitchen chamber.^ Thre bedsteads with a fether bed, one 

* boulster and a pillow, a paire of blankets, two coverlets, and a covering 
'with courtings, 16". Thre other bedsteads ; the one, paire of blankets 
'and two coverlets, two boulsters ; the other bed, a mattresse, two 
'blankets, a boulster, and two coverlets and courtings; an^ a table, 
'20". A bedsteade, a mattresse, two blankets, a boulster, two cover- 

Sir William Carnaby of Halton Tower was chosen to represent 
Morpeth in Parliament in 1623 and 1640. On the 26th of August, 
1642, the House of Commons passed the following : ' Resolved that 
Sir William Carnaby shall be disabled to sit any longer a member of 
this house during this parUament, for refusing to attend the service 
of the house upon summons, and for raising arms against the parlia- 
ment.' Sir William fought at Marston Moor in the Northumberland 
regiment commanded by the Marquess of Newcastle ; his lands were 
confiscated by the Commonwealth, and he fled the country. The 
Camabys seem never to have recovered from this reverse. To the 
south of Halton Chapel is a flat tomb with the arms of Carnaby and 
the inscription ' WilUam Carnaby, Esq. : who was buried the 18th of 
August, 1698.' He was probably the last of his race here. Halton was 
purchased in 1706 by Mr. John Douglas, a Newcastle lawyer. The 
arms of Douglas are to be found on a curious sun-dial on the garden 
wall. Oley Douglas, esq., of Halton, was M.P. for Morpeth in 

^ < Caff * in the North is the same as chaff ; ' Caffa ' is a rich staff like 

•• I,e,, the room over the kitchen. 

" Original Inventory, in Durham Probate Office. The inventory proceeds 
to give the particulars of Lancelot Camaby's * buttery ware,' 'kitchen stoff,' 
and 'wane geare,* together with the contents of the milk-house loft and the 

* guile-house,' or brewery. 


1713; his daughter and heiress married Sir Edward Blackett, Bart., 
and Halton is now the property of Sir Edward W. Blackett, their 

The * castle ' is of three different dates ; you have the tower, first 
mentioned in 1415,^ but possibly older ; the manor-house that at no 
long period after was appended to the north side of the tower ; and 
lastly a 17th century mansion, something in the style of Capheaton, 
that, fronting the south, fortunately leaves most of the east face of the 
tower unencumbered. 

Passing through this wing, which contains the principal suite of 
rooms, we enter a large chamber in the basement of the manor-house, 
having a low ceiling with old oak beams. Here in the south-west 
comer is the original outer doorway of the tower, a rough pointed- 
arched one, bearing on its jambs the marks of strong bolts and bars. 
Three feet inside this, another door of similar character opens into the 
great vault with a cylindrical stone roof that, as usual, occupied the 
base of the tower : to the left, between these two doors, a straight 
stair probably led to the first floor, but in order now to arrive there 
we have to cross the large chamber by which we entered ; and leaving 
it by a wide door with a shouldered head, ascend the broad newel-stair 
that protrudes in its north-west comer. 

The first-floor room of the tower is caWodpar excellence the Tower 
Room, since the two upper stories were left in a ruined state open to 
the sky till about fifteen yeara ago. The entrance is at the north-east 
comer exactly where the original stair would have landed us. The 
Tower Room was probably roofed in and renovated after the Restor- 
ation when larger windows were inserted to the south and east : the 
wooden mantel-piece and dado resemble those of the Qreen Room at 
Bitchfield. There are two very curious trefoil-headed recesses, one in 
the west wall to the right of the fire-place only two feet from the floor, 
the other, considerably larger, higher up in the centre of the north 
wall. The stone-work is unfortunately concealed by a modern wall- 
paper. Another peculiarity of this room are the small chambers or 
closets at each of the remaining angles. The door into the north- 
west one has been built up, but its narrow slit can be seen outside on 
the west fiwje of the tower. 

^ * Turns de Halton, Willelmi Carnabj/— See above, p. 18. 



Communication with the second and third floors which have been 
thrown into one room is cut off except through the manor-house. The 
wall which has been pierced to give access to them in this way is 4 J feet 
thick. The interior of the tower is here 23 feet from north to soath 
by 14 feet from east to west. In the south and east walls are the 
original windows of both storeys. There is a little closet in the 
north-west corner similar no doubt to that walled up on the floor below. 
An extremely narrow newel-stair leads in the north-east comer up to 
the roof. Ascending, we notice several mason- marks on the newel and 
pass the flat-arched doorway, now bricked up, that opened into the 
uppermost room. 

The battlements are of a most excellent and genuine description. 
At each angle is a turret that is corbelled out beyond the adjacent faces 
of the wall so as to present a circular appearance. These turrets — the 
stair comes up in the north-east one — have always been roofed in as is 
made evident by the stone spouts high up in their battlements ; bnt 
the beauty of their sky-line has been much impaired by the embrasures 
being built up. The same fate has befallen the central embrasure of 
the battlements on the west side in which a chimney has been 
inserted, the tower apparently having been built without one. 

Externally italton Tower measures at the base about 30 feet from 
north to south by 22j^ feet from east to west. On the east feoe above 
the modern window of the Tower Room, there is, as has been 
mentioned, an ancient stone shield, protected on three sides by a 
weather moulding, and charged with two bars, and in chief three 


P. 314, n. 14. This Inquisition taken at Corbridge, 30 April, 1346, shows that 
Sir John de Halton enfeoffed John de Lowther in the manors of Halton and 
Claverworth, two meBsuagcs, sixteen cottages, 60 acres of land and 21 of meadow 
in Halton excepted ; and that Lowther afterwards temp. Ed. II. reoonvejed 
them to Halton by fine, for his own life with remainders to Robert ^ Lowther 
and Eleanor his wife, and Thomas de Lowther and Margaret his wife. Thomas 
died before Halton, and his widow married William • de Kemetby,' bnt on her 
death, her moiety reverted by the entail to her brother-in-law Robert de Lowther, 
and it was only on his death without issue that her son William Camaby 
obtained possession. Halton left a third daughter Agnes, wife of William 
Cottelar, who probably received the excepted lands as her portion. 




So thoroughly are we accustomed to call the fortified lines stretching 
from Bowness to Wallsend the Roman Wall, that it is hard to bring 
ourselves to believe that this is comparatively a very modern phrase. 
Till quite recently our Wall always appeared on the maps as the Picts' 
Wall, the Vallum sive Murus Picikus of Camden, a designation borne 
not on account of its having served as a defence against the Picts (as 
the Saxon shore may have been so termed from its liability to the incur- 

Thirlwall Castlk. 

sions of piratical Saxons), bub because it was popularly held to have 
been the uncanny work of that mysterious race. Sir Christopher 
Ridley, writing in about 1572 what in many respects is a very excel- 
lent account of the stations per lineam Valli, gravely informs Mr. 
William Claxton that *sure theyr is one wall builded betwyxt the 
Brittons and Pightes (which we call the Kef)e Wall) builded by the 
Pightes.' ^ Even in this century the tradition survived that the Wall 
was erected by supernatural agencies in a single night. 

At the close of the 18th century the Wall seems to be referred 
to, in a lawsuit between the prior of Tynemouth and Richard Turpin 
of Houghton, under the name of the * Thwertonerdyk,' which Hodgson 
was ready to think meant the * Thwarting-dyke,^ ^ But the usual name 

» Harl MS. 374 ; Hodgson, iVorthd. II. iii. p. 273n. 

* Plaeita de Banco^ Pasch. 18 Ed. I.; Hodgson, Northd. II. iii. p. 282n. 


for the Wall in the Middle Ages was apparently the *ThirlwaU/ 
Fordun, in his Scotichranicon, written about 1885, in fixing the site of 
the battle ot Heavenfield, mentions the Thirlwall, which the Romans 
drew across Britain from sea to sea in order to keep back the attacks 
of the Scots, and goes on to explain this name to mean the TMrltt-icaU 
or Muru8 Perforatus, giving as the reason that after the departure of 
the Romans, the common people dwelling in the districts near the Wall 
thirls or pierced it in many different places so that they might alw^ 
be able to pass to and fro through it. ' It says much for Fordun's 
powers of observation, however fanciful and false this piece of etymo- 
logy may be, that he should have been struck by the numerous gate- 
ways and openings in the Wall, an aspect of its character that was till 
quite lately again lost sight of. Wyntoun, prior of St. Serfs on 
Loch Lomond in the beginning of the 15th century, in his rhyming 
chronicle, also says of the Romans building the Wall : 

* It off comon cost thai maid, 
And yhit men callys it Th[r]ylwal.' * 

The implied derivation that it Was made at the cost of the thralls or 
common people is different, the name is the same. Indeed Hodgi^n 
was so positive that the 'Thirlwall' was the true title of the Wall that 
he has not only prefixed it to his admirable description of the fortified 
lines of Hadrian, but has also repeated it at the head of every page. 
* Thirlwall,' he says, *was, I think, a general name at one time for 
this barrier.' ^ Nevertheless the sense of the passage in Fordun has 
been so stupidly distorted, that he has been supposed to have applied a 
name common to the entire barrier from sea to sea to only one par- 
ticular locality upon it, and a whole tribe of copyists have continued 
to asseverate that the castle of Thirlwall derives its name from the 
circumstance that it was here that the Caledonians first thirled or broke 
through the Wall. 

Till 1297 Thirlwall was practically in Scotland, though Blenkinsop, 
hardly a mile east of it, formed an isolated patch of England. 

It was long the possession of a family bearing the local name, 

the representatives of which seem to have styled themselves barons 

' of Thirlwall. At the Assize of Wark in 1279, the 31st year of 

• Fordun, Scotichroaicon^ lib. II. cap. vii. ; III. cap. x. Hodgson, Northd, XL 
iii. p. 149n. 

• Wyntoun, Oronykil of Scotland, bk. ▼. 11. 3260-1 ; Hodgson, Ihid. 

• Hodgson, Northd. II. iii. p. 436. 

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Alexander III. of Scotland, William, *Ie Barun do Thirlewalle,' 
brought an action against the prioress of Lambley on South Tyne for 
illegal pasturing on his lands. The prioress, determined to resolutely • 
uphold the rights of the church of St. Patrick of Lambley, challenged 
the baron to battle in the presence of her champion, Robert de Burgh. 
The baron in accepting the challenge appointed Robert de Thirlwall 
to fight in his stead. The day of the duel was fixed, the sureties were 
taken for the appearance of the champions, when an amicable arrange- 
ment was effected by the prioress paying the baron ten pounds in 
silver. This redoubtable mm had, it was proved, counselled and 
abetted Michael the shepherd of Fergleu in burning down a house the 
baron had built in Thirlwall, a charge that it took twenty shillings 
to settle.® 

The Thirlwalls had their full share in the Scottish and French wars. 
One of the earliest exploits of Wallace was his surprising the peel of 
Gargunnock on the Forth, the English garrison of which was com- 
manded by a Thirlwall : — 

* On Gargownoo was byggyt a smaU peill. 
That warnst was with men and wittail weill, 
Within a dyk bathe closs, chawmer and hall ; 
Captayne tharoif to nay me he hect Thirlwall.' ' 

Wallace is said to have himself laid this Thirlwall low with a staff of 
steel he reft from the watchman. A Thirlwall, as we shall see, took 
part in Wallace's discomfiture at Falkirk. * Johan de Thirlwalle,' 
who had been taken prisoner and had to mortgage his lands in England 
to obtain his ransom, came to Edward I. at Newbrough in Tindale on 
the 24th of August, 1306, and prayed the King to grant him the lands 
of ' Eustache de Retteref,' an enemy in Scotland.® His petition would 
seem to have been granted, as letters of protection were issued by 
Edward III. in 1366 for * John Thirlwalle. senior, and his tenants at 
Grenhowe and Rydale in Liddisdale.' ® Edward I. was himself at 
Thirlwall on the 20th of September, 1306 ; *® but the first mention 
of a 'castrum de Thirlwall' occurs in 1369,^^ and it is probable 

" Iter of Wark; Proceedings of Arch, Intt. 1852, ii. App. p. xxiii. 
^ Thomas the Rhymer, WallacCy Book IV. v. 213. 

• Documents and Records Illnstrati'ng the History of Scotland, i. p. 310. 

• JRottUi Scotia, i. p. 896 b. Rymer, Faadera, ii. 1025. 

" * Noyerint nniversi per presentes me Johannem Thirlewall juniorem con- 
stituisse et in loco meo poesuisse Philippum Thirlwall ad liberandum nomine 
meo Johanni Thirlwall seniori domino castri et manerii de Thirlwall, etc., 16(;9.* 
—Hodgson, Xorthd, II. iii. p. 147n.; Lansdowne MS. 1441, fo. 65. 


that the castle had it been in existence would have been mentioned 
in connection with the king's sojourn, while there is nothing primd 
facie in the architecture to make it probable that it was built before 
the first half of the 14th century. Some curious evidence was given 
on the 9th of October, 1886, by John de Thirlwall in the great 
heraldic trial of Scrope and Grosvenor respecting the right to bear 
the coat Azure, a bend or. It runs : * " Johan Thirlewalle " of the 
age of liiij years, armed xxxij years and more, being sworn and asked 
whether the arms Azure, a bend or (dazure ove un bende or) belonged 
to Sir Richard Lescrope ; said, Certainly, and that he would pro^e bv 
evidence, for the grandfather of the said Sir Richard, by name T\ illi^fc^n 
Lescrope, v^as made knight at Falkirk in Scotland under the bamivr 
of good King Edward Longshanks (desovz la banniere de bo/i Boy 
Edward ove lez longes jaumbesj, as his father told and showed him 
before his d^ath ; for his father was through old age bedridden, and 
could not walk ; and whilst he so lay he heard say that some people 
said that the father of Sir Richard was no gentleman because he was 
the King's Justice ; and his father called his sons before him (and 
the said John was the youngest of all his brethren), and said, *' My 
sons I hear that some say that Sir Henry Lescrope is no great gentle- 
man because he is a man of the law fnest point graunde genHl homme 
pour cause quil est un homme de la l^) ; but I tell you certainly that 
his father was made a knight at Falkirk (1298) in these arms, Azure, 
a bend or, and that they come of great gentlemen and of nobles. 
And if anyone say otherwise, do ye bear witness that I have said 
so of truth upon faith and loyalty ; and if I were young I would 
hold and maintain my sa}nng to the dea^." And his father was 
when he died of the age of four score years and five (del age de itf^ 
ans et v)}^ and was when he died the oldest esquire of all the north 
and had been armed in his time Ixix years, and it is forty-four 
years (des am quarant et iiij) since he died.' John de Thirlwall's 
further evidence implies that he himself was present at Ballingham 

" The original MS. has * del age de vij" ans et v,' which is a manifest error, 
for not even a court of chivalry in the fourteenth century would have believed 
a witness who said he was bom when his father was 135 years old. It was usaal 
to write ' eighty ' Qqvatrevingt) as * iv** ' in old documents, but ' vij" ' would be 
unique. Correcting this clerical error, we find that John Thirlwall the father 
was bom in 1267, and armed, at the age of sixteen, in 1272, and that he died in 
1342, while his youngest son, bom in his extreme old age in 1332, was armed 
before 1364. It is strange that Sir H. Nicholas should have overlooked this very 
natural explanation. 


Hill (ontside Calaie), in the Pays de Caux, in the expedition of 
Edward III. to the gates of Paris (1360), in Gasoony with the 
Black Prince, and in Brittany with the duke of Lancaster (1378). 

The arms of the Thiriwall family Sable, a chevron argent between 
three hoars' hsads or (to be seen carved on the fine sepulchral slabs in 
Haltwhistle Charch) resemble those anciently borne by the Swinburnes ; 
and may have been adopted after the marriage of John de Thiriwall, 
senior, with a daughter of Sir William de Swinburne. Two griffins 
appear as supporters on the seal of John Thirlewall, Junior, in 1369. 

From the list of castles drawn up in 1415, we learn that of Thiriwall 
then belonged to * Roland de Thiriwall.' ^^ In the Survey of the Marches 
in 1542 we read : — * At Thyrlewall ys a toure of thinherytance 
of Robert Thyrlewall, of the same, in measurable good repara- 
cions.' ^* The castle was garrisoned for the Parliament by the Scots 
in 1645 ; but after the Restoration, John Thiriwall, the head of the 
family, betook himself to a more cheerful home at Newbiggin near 
Hexham. Matthew Swinburne, the husband of his grand-daughter 
Eleanor Thiriwall, sold the old place to the fourth Earl of Carlisle, and 
it still belongs to the Howards of Naworth.^*^ 

Thiriwall Castle is not only situated close to the Thiriwall, but is 
actually almost entirely built of stones robbed from it. In consequence 
of this free use of Roman materials, there is little or nothing in the 
general character of the masonry to aflPord a clue to the date of its 
erection. Nor can any better conjecture be based on the nature of the 
extremely narrow slits that do duty for windows, and give the castle, 
to use Hutchinson's words, 'the appearance of a horrid gloomy dun- 
geon.' ^* The ground plan consists of a main building (measuring inside 
about 46 feet 2 inches from north to south by 18 feet 9 inches from 
east to west) which is joined on the east side by a tower (15 feet 
3 inches internally east to west by 13 feet 8 inches north to south) in 
an unbroken line with the south wall, so that viewed from the south 
the castle looks considerably larger than it really is. The wall between 
the main structure and the tower is 6 feet thick ; the outer walls are 
nearer 9 feet. The entrance was in the east wall near the north-east 

»* See above, p. 15. " See above, p. 48. 

" Hodgson, Northd. II. iii. p. 148 ; Journal of Souse of Comment, iv. p. 306 ; 
AcU of Scotland, vi. p. 224. 

" Hutchinson, Vierc of Northumberland, i. p. 42. 


angle of the castle. Wallis, in about 1767, still saw the remains of the 
iron gate ; ^^ and so late as 1884 the hole for the unusually massive bar 
(about 6 feet 6 inches long by 8 to 9 inches square) was intact with a 
few dressed stones on the south splay of the dooi-way. Immediately 
inside the door a stair (averaging 8 feet 8 inches in width) turned 
off to the riglit, and ascended in the thickness of the north wall in 
irregular steps (lighted by a diminutive window with a spout fixed in 
its side), landing in the first floor of a turret at the north-west comer 
of the castle. This turret, which projects slightly to the north, has 
some curious features ; the basement may really have been a dungeon, 
as a hole in the east jamb of the doorway, now nearly buried, proves it 
to have had a strong bolt on the outside. This dark den (6 feet 
5 inches by 5 feet) has a peculiar pyramidical vault, formed by each 
course of the four walls coming in about f) inches till ihey meet at the 
top ; the vault above the stair-head has fallen in, but above it on the 
second floor is a yet better example of similar construction. This 
turret and a corresponding one at the north-east comer are shown in 
Hutchinson's view of the castle, taken in about 1776, rising as high 
above the main hall of the castle as its eastern tower. The east wall 
of the tower (Hodgson calls it the south ; to be scrupulously accurate, 
it is the east-south-east) fell over the Tipalt in 1831.^® The jamb of a 
door, that probably led into a latrine, is still left at its south-east 
corner, which stands sadly in need of support to prevent its sharing 
the fate of the east wall. In the upper floor of the tower, to the north 
and south, are two fairly wide shoulder-arched window recesses, which, 
however, merely contain small pointed slits. Neither the tower nor 
the main hall seems to have been vaulted on the groundfloor ; the few 
remaining corbels are much worn and broken. 

A wider celebrity has been given to the name of Thirlwall by the 
pen of the bishop of St. David's in the 19th century, than can have 
been won for it by the swords of the knights and squires who dwelt 
in its grim tbrtalice. Well may Northumberland be proud that 
two writers who, in antagonistic lights have done so much to bring 
back to our view the classic days of Greece, bore her ancient Border 
names of Thirlwall and Mitford. 

" Wallis, Antiquities of Northumberland^ ii. p. 3. 
>* Hodgson, Northd, II. iii. p. 148. 




The manor of Heton passed, probably by marriage, soon after the 
middle of the thirteenth century, from a family bearing the local name 
to the Grays, who here acquired their principal, if not also their earliest, 
settlement on the Border. In 1415 the castle was in the possession 
of Sir Thomas Gray, who was executed that year at Southampton on 
the 8th of August for plotting against Henry V.^ It was < rasen and 

KV • %\ 

Hbtom Oastlb in thk Bbion of Eluea'bkth.* 

casten down * by James IV. of Scotland when he invaded Northumber- 
land in 1496, in support of the pretensions of Perkin Warbeck. A 
great part of the vaults and walls were still standing, without any 
roofs or floors, when Sir Robert Bowes and Sir Balph Ellerker surveyed 
the Borders in 1541. They estimated the cost of repairing it at about 
two hundred marks.' The Survey Book of Norham and Islandshire 

* See above, pp. 13, 14. 

' ColUctumt relating to Camp9 and Cawtles^ by Sir David Smith, Alnwick 
Castle MSS. There is unfortunately no note to say where the original is to 
be found. It appears neither to be at the P.R.O. nor at Chillingham. 

' See above, p. 29. Raine, North Durham^ p. 387, and others, have entirely 
mistaken the meaning of this passage in supposing it to agree with Leland's 
erroneous statement as to Heton that ' the scotts at floden fild bet it sore ' 
(see above, p. 27). p p 


in 1561 mentions it as *the site of a fayre castle decayed, which was 

* destroyed by the Sootts in tyme of Kinge Henry the Seaventh, and 
'neuer syne repaired, so that there remayneth no bnildings save y* 
' yauts of y® same, and a dwelling house for y« fermor, and a barnekin.'* 
The Border Commission of 1584 considered it *a verye fit and con- 

* venient place to defend the country and annoye the enemye.' It would 
take in their opinion £560 to restore it to its former state or £300 to 
make it capable of receiving a garrison of three hundred horsemen.* 

A Survey of uncertain date, but said to have been made in the 
reign of Elizabeth, informs us : — * This Castill of Heton haithe bene a 
' pleasaunt and beawtifuU Buildinge, in manner square, with goodlie 
' Towers and Turrettes, as is yett remaininge, the Lyons tower on the 

* west side thairof the sowth coyne or Corner, and on the northe syde 
' or pairte one mention^ of an Yawte that a hnndreth horse may stande 
*in, and a number of shelles and walles that haithe been glorious 
' buildings and howsinge, now rewinous and all in decaie.'^ A sketch 
of the castle made at the same time shows that it was a quadrangle 
with four corner towers like Ford and Chillingham. Carved in stone 
on the south-west of these was a colossal representation of the lion 
rampant of the Hetons and the Grays. The entrance, apparently 
unprotected by any gatehouse, was in the centre of the south curtain, 
and in the east curtain whs a small postern. The domestic buUdings 
appear to have stretched along the north curtain. 

Heton Castle stands on high ground about 100 yards west of the 
Till, and is further protected on the south by a bum that here enters 
the river. The site is now occupied by farm buildings, the principal 
vestige of the castle being the large vaulted stable, of which Raine 
gives the dimensions as 70 feet by 17 feet.^ A hideous boiler, uaed as 
a water-tank, has been set on the good fourteenth-century base of one 
of the projecting turrets. The cradle of the house of Grey might be 
dealt with in a spirit of greater reverence. Fragments of stone carving 
have been found in the ruins.^ Heton, like Brussels, has its Manmkm. 

• See above, p. 63. ' See above, p. 71. * Probably meaning 'mansion.' 
^ CollectioM relating to Camps and Castlet. by Sir David Smith, Abdwick 

Castle MSS. This passage appears with several misreadings in Mackenzie's 
View of Northumherlandj i. p. 341. 

• Raine, North Durham^ p. 387. 

• « In digging for stones, two wells were discovered by the workmen, in 
which were found four pewter plates, with part of the arms of the Qreyt en- 
graved upon them ; also one bow made of yew. They came into the possession 
of Mr. Qregson of Wark upon H»««rf.'-— Wallis, Antiquitiet of Northumberland^ 
ii. p. 468. 



No castle along the whole line of the Border plays so active a part in 
the last four centuries of that bloody roll of open wars and treacherous 
raids as does Wark-upon-Tweed; of no such castle have more detailed 
descriptions been handed down to us, and yet none has left so few 
visible evidences of historical importance and architectural grandeur. 

The Honour of Carham was bestowed by Henry I. on Walter 
Espec, one of the leading men of his day in the North of England, 
whose principal residence was at Helmsley, in Yorkshire.^ The manor 
of Carham, situated in the extreme north-west comer of Northumber- 
land^ is itself bounded on two sides by Scotland ; and here, a little 
more than two miles below the spot where the Tweed begins to form 
the boundary between the two kingdoms, Walter Espec founded a 
castle on a steep ridge or kaim about sixty feet above the river. To this 
Norman castle the English in the neighbourhood gave the name of 
Werch or Wark, probably from its being the great Work at which they 
were obliged to assist.^ The castle appears to have fallen an easy 
prey to David of Scotland when he invaded England in 1136.^ On 
his renewing the attempt during the campaign of 1138, the result was 
very different. William the son of Duncan, once king of Scots, was 
sent to surprise the fortress by a coup de main before it was light* on 
the morning of the 10th of January ;' but Jordan de ^ussei, who had 
been entrusted with the command by his uncle Walter Espec was pre- 
pared to ward off the attack.* A larger force was then brought up by 
the king himself and his son Henry. For three weeks they prosecuted 

' Mr. Hartshome has given some particulars of the manorial history of Wark 
in Proc, of Arch. Inst, 1852, ii. pp. 31-36. 

* ' Carrum, quod ab Anglis Werch dicitur.' — Ric. Hagustald, De OestU Eegia 
Stephani ; ChronieleSf Stephen, Henry //., Richard /., Rolls Series, iii. p. 145. 
As this immediately follows *Lugubalia, quod Anglice Carlel dicitur/ it may 
after all happen that * Carrum ' was a Celtic name. We meet with * weorce ' in 
the sense of corvee in the account of the building of London Bridge and West- 
minster Hall in 1097.— Barle, Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel, pp. 234, 462. 

■ Bic. Hagustald, De Oestis Regis Stephani, Rolls ed. p. 145. 

* 'Antelucanis insidiis invasit.' — Ibid. p. 161. 

* * Mcxxxviii. iv idus Januarii.* — Ibid, 

* ' Jurdanus de Bussei, nepos Walteri Bspec, magister militum oppidanorum, 
invicta constantia animorum militarium omnes conatus regis sprevit et contrivit.* 
— Joh. Hagustald, Historia Eoolesia, XXV. Annonim, § 4 ; Bolls ed. (Symeon of 
Durham, ii.) p. 289. 


the siege with the aid of balistm and other engines. The defence was 
equally spirited. The king's 8tandai*d-bearer was slain in his sight with 
many of his men, and many more were wounded. At last, perceiving 
matters growing daily worse instead of better, David broke ap his 
camp and betook himself to ravaging Northumberland. In February, 
King Stephen himself arrived at Wark, and made a hurried raid over 
the Border. The following May, while David was besieging Norham, 
the garrison of Wark cut off his supplies by frequent sallies, and on 
one occasion wounded and took prisoners several of his son's escort^ 
Enraged at this he again invested their castle, but found himself bafBed 
a second time, after many of his men had been killed or wounded. 
In August he sent two of his thanes^ to resume the blockade of the 
castle, and in his retreat from the Battle of the Standard returned to 
direct the siege in person, accompanied by his son Henry and as many 
of his followers as he could rally round him. He made use of various 
engines and other new instruments of war, but the besieged also availed 
themselves of similar appliances in order to destroy them.' Only one 
knight of the garrison was killed, and that was in consequence of his 
own want of consideration in issuing out alone to disable one of Mie 
Scottish engines.^^ At last provisions ran short, and about Hartimnas 
the garrison received, through William abbot of Bievaulx, a message 
from Walter Espec directing them to capitulate, which they were not 
loath to do, since one horse alive and another one salted was all there 
was left to eat in the fortress.^^ David presented them with twenty- 
four horses, and allowed them to march out with the honours of war. 
He then razed the castle to the ground.^' 

^ * Milites de Werch egreflsi ministros et yehicnla cum yictaalibiu regis rapne- 
* rant intra oppidum retrudentes. Sed et in filiam regis Henricom impetnm 
facientes et in socios ejns, qnosdam occidernnt, qnosdam ynlnerayeritnt sive ad 
redemptionem expoenerunt.' — Ibid. § 6, p. 291. 

' * Dnobus baronibns suis ad obsidendum Werch onm multitadine . . . 
dimissis.'— iM^. p. 292. 

' ' Oppidum Carrom machinis, ac novis instramentis, et plnribus modis capeie 
temptavit. At oppidani machinas macbinis frangentes,' etc. — Bic. Hagustaid ; 
Rolls ed. p. 166. 

'^ ' Qnippe de castello exiens, et in sua probitate niminm oonfidens, et ideo 
temerarle audaz, dum incautus circa fractionem cujusdam machinse moraretur, a 
multitudine Scottorum oppressus et extinctus est.* — Ibid. 

** ' Residuum ad esnm nibil repertum est, nisi nnus caballus yiyns et alter in 
sale." — Job. Hagustaid, § 5, p. 292. Jobn of Hexbam's account does not suffi- 
ciently bring out tbe fact that tbe Battle of the Standard took place daring this 
siege of Wark. 

** * Eos rex xxiiii caballis donates cum armis suis dimisit liberos, oppidum 
f unditus evertens.* — Ibid. 


One of the first objects of Henry II., after his resumption of the 
northern counties, was to rebaild Wark. As in the case of Harbottle, 
he seems to have daimed the right of erecting and maintaining a royal 
castle upon what was private property. The work was begun in 1158, 
and in that and the three following years William de Yesci, the sheriff 
of Northumberland, laid out no less than £367 8s. 3d. on the castle.^^ 

On the outbreak of the rebellion against Henry II. in 1173, William 
the Lion, king of Scots, gathered a great host at Caldenlea in Selkirk- 
shire, and proceeding to Wark in about August, demanded of Roger 
de Stnteville, the sheriff of Northumberland, who was in charge of the 
castle, whether he would capitulate or stand a siege. Stuteville, a man 
of undoubted loyalty who, we are told, * never liked treason nor serving 
the devil,'^^ saw he had no chance of assistance either in the north or 
from his king, who was fer away in Normandy. Going, therefore, to 
the camp of William, he entreated him to spare him the disgrace of 
surrendering the castle, and to grant him a truce of forty days that he 
might cross the Channel to receive King Henry's instructions or effect 
the same purpose by means of sealed letters. Strange as it may seem, 
hit request was granted." He went himself to collect reinforcements 
in England, and when the appointed time came told the Scottish 
king that he might assault the castle, as he was ready for him. 

Owing to William^B campaign in Cumberland and the subsequent 
truces, it was not until after Easter, 1174, that he was able to take 
Stuteville at his word. He resolved to carry Wark by storm. One 
Monday morning his Flemish auxiliaries received orders to commence 
the attack. They rushed bravely to the trenches and tried to break 

" Five BolU, 6, 6, 7 Hen. XL; Hodgson, I^oHU, III. iii. pp. 2-6. ' Anno 1159. 
Iteram nrmatom est castellum de Were, prsecipiente rege Angli».' — Chron, de 

^* * Bogier d' Estutevile en f ud le conestable, 
Ei nnkes n' ama tra&nn ne servir al diable.* 
— .Jordan Fantoeme, Chroniqiie, 11. 483-4 ; Rolls ed. (Chron, Steph,, Sen. 7/., 
JRie. I. iii.) p. 244. 

>* Two days after arranging this trace with Stuteville (ibid. 1. 543), William 
received a messenger from the Bishop of Durham stating that he wished to be 
at peace with the Scots, and promising not to attack them. — Ibid. 11. 534-7. Mr. 
Hewlett, the editor, has chosen to add in the margin, < Truce with the Bishop of 
Durham (13 Jan. 1174V — a piece of entirely false chronology. William on leav- 
ing Wark, Matthew Paris tells ns, 'per fines episcopi Dunelmensis securum 
habnit transitum' (Surt. Soc. Publ. Jordan Pantotme, App. p. 193) ; then, after 
Lucy and Bohnn had burnt Berwick, according to Benedict of Peterborough, he 
agreed to an armistice till the feast of Bt. Hilaiy, 13th Jan. 1174 (ibid. App. p. 
165), and it was a prolongation of this armistice that the Bishop of Durham 
obtained at ' Bevedale ' (ibid. p. 167). 


through the portcuUis,^^ bat were beaten back, many of them being put 
out of the possibility of ever again raising their battle-cry of 'Arras, 
Arras ! '^^ The sheriff cautioned his men not to waste their arrows, but 
to reserve their strength for real emergencies. 'Bring up your stone- 
hurling machine at once/ roared the Lion-king to his knights in his 
rage at seeing his men falling on all sides ; * it will soon break through the 
gate, unless the engineer is a liar, and we shall gain the bailey without 
more delay.'^® The machine was brought up, but instead of battering 
the castle, the first stone cast from it brought one of the Scottish knights 
to the ground, and would undoubtedly have finished him, if it had not 
been for his shield and armour. At this King William swore in a 
frenzy that he would rather be taken alive before Toulouse than 
witness such a discomfiture**^ Not knowing what next to do, he gave 
orders to try and set the castle on fire. A sudden change of wind pre- 
vented the execution of this design. So fearful was the king of the 
effect a sally of the garrison might have on his disheartened host, 
that he caused them to keep watch all the night long. At dawn he 
assembled his earls and barons, and, confessing that they could make 
nothing of the siege, advised a retreat to Koxburgh. The pavilions 
were taken down, the tents folded, the huts burnt, and so King William 
and his army departed. It was then that Roger de Stuteville showed 
the moderation of a true knight, ordering his men not to rail at the 
discomfited Scots, but rather to render praise to God for their own 
deliverance. They might give expression to their feelings of joy, each in 
his own way, and he himself did not intend keeping silence. The castle 
of Wark, therefore, soon resounded with trumpet and horn, but there 
was no abuse or rough language, only songs and ballads and farewell 
ditties. There was, indeed, good cause for rejoicing, since not a man 
in the castle had been killed, nor would a single denier have to be paid 

*^ 'Assaillir le heri^on/ — Fantosme, 1. 1210. The Rolls edition translates 
this: *The cheyal-de-frise assaulted'; bnt it is generally safer to follow the 
Surtees Society's version. 

" This being the name of one of the principal towns of Flanders. 
•* * Faites vostre periere yenir hastivement ; 
J& pescera la porte, si Tengignur ne ment, 
E prendrum la baillie senz nnl delaiement.' 

— Fantosme, 11. 1246-7. 

" • Mielz volsisse estre pris tut vif devant Tuluse.' — Ibid. 1. 1259. Alluding, 
no doubt» to some incident in the siege of Toulouse in 1159, at which William 
was present. 


to a physician of Salerno for healing their wounds.^ The irritation of 
the Lion-king 9an easily be imagined. Nearly swooning from rage, 
he swore by St. Andrew and St. James^^ that he wonld never end the 
war in snch disgrace, no, not if it shonld cost him his kingdom. 

Roger de Stuteville had victualled the castle of Wark with 48 
chalders of oatmeal, costing £19 4s. Od., and 53 chalders of malt, 
costing £10 12s. Od. For this, and for £41 spent on the maintenance 
of ten knights and forty squires in the castle, he was allowed to recoup 
himself as sheriff of Northumberland out of the farm of the county. 
Ralph Surtees was also allowed 100s. for the maintenance of the king's 
knights at Wark.*^ 

Walter Espec, the original founder of Wark, had died without 
issue in 1158, and in the division of his estates among co-heiresses 
the barony of Wark became vested in the Ros family. Robert de 
Rofl, sumamed Fursan, who probably built the keep of Helmsley 
about 1200, is also said to have restored the castle of Wark. In 
about the year 1226 he granted to Robert, his second son, all his land 
of Wark with the castle and its appurtenances prape et procul, except 
what he had bestowed on his Hospital of St. Thomas the Martyr at 
Bolton, to be held by him and his heirs by his lawful spouse, paying 
a * soar-hawk ' annually at Roxburgh fair.*' 

There seems, as was natural, to have been a long dispute with the 
Crown as to the actual ownership of the castle, and when Henry III. 
wished to make it his residence for a week or two in the autumn of 
1255, the Robert de Ros of the day stipulated that it was to be 
without prejudice to his claims. The king despatched Bartholomew 
le Bygod, the marshal of his household, to Wark, on the 28th 
of August, in order to make preparations for his reception,^ and 

*" * A mire de Salerne pur estre medcinez.' — Ibid. 1. 1 320. It does not seem 
certain whether this is a proverbial expression or whether there really was an 
Italian physician at Wark. 

** * 8aint Andreu e saint Jacme 1 '—Ibid. 1. 1324. 

" * Et in waroistura castri de Werche pro xlviij cheldris farine de avena 
zix li et iiij s per breve Regis. Et pro liij cheldris brasii x li et xij s per idem 
breve. Et in custamento x militum et xl aervientium residentium in castro 

de Werch xlj li per breve Regis Randulfus de super Teise reddidit 

compotum de C s. de relevio suo. In custamento militum regis de Werch C s per 
breve Regis:—Pipe Eolly 20 Hen. II. ; Hodgson, Northd. III. iii. pp. 21-22. 

" This grarit was confirmed by Henry III. 16 Aug. 1227. Charier Roll, 11 
Hen. II J. pt. 2 m. 5 ; Cal. of Doc. rel. to Scotland, i. p. 177. 

*« Patent Roll, 89 Hen. III. m. 3 ; Cat. of Doc. rel, to Scotland, i. p. 303. 


arrived there himself with his qneen on the 6th of September. On 
the day following Henry and Eleanor were visited by their daughter 
Margaret and her husband Alexander III. of Scotland. The latter 
returned on the same evening to Roxburgh, but left his qneen behind 
in consequence of her mother's illness.** The Scots regarded thig with 
some suspicion, and a fortnight later Henry actually gave a solemn 
bond that she should be restored to her husband as soon as her 
mother was sufficiently recovered to leave Wark.^ A day or two 
afterwards he himself set out on his return to the south of England. 
Orders were given on the 12th of May, 1256, that the castle should be 
restored to Robert de Ros.*^ Its actual delivery probably took place 
a month later, as eight serjeants-on-foot were quartered at Wark by 
the king's command from Michaelmas, 1255, to the 12th of June, 1256, 
for which they received £17 Is. 4d. at the rate of 2d. a day each.* 
Two years afterwards, Henry III. again borrowed the castle from 
Robert de Ros on account of urgent matters of state that had lately 
arisen on the Scottish marches. This was not to prejudice the pend- 
ing suit, and on the conclusion of the anticipated war the sheriff of 
Northumberland was to return the castle with its towers and ajopm- 
dicta to Robert de Ros or his attorney.^ On the 5th of April, 1258, 
the king instructed the sheriff, Robert de Nevill, that if he had been 
given possession of the castle by Ros, he was to receive Walter de 
Moray, one of the king's Scottish partisans, into it, but was prudently 
to keep the inner bailey and the tower in his own hands.*> Ulti- 
mately, on the 7th of November, 1259, Henry III. renounced all 
claims of the Crown upon Wark in the favour of Ros." After receiv- 
ing the homage of John Baliol, to whom he had just adjudged the 
throne of Scotland, in the castle-hall of Norham, on Thursday the 
20th day of November, 1292, Edward I. proceeded to Wark, where he 
spent the two following days. The expenses of his household while 
there were as follows : — Friday, 21st November — The pantry 5l8; the 
buttery 48s l^d; the kitchen 79s SJd; the scullery 4s b\A\ the hall 

•* Chron, de MailvM, p. 181.- 

"• Rjmer, Fcedera, i. p. 666. 

^ CaL of Doe, rel. to Scotland, i. p. 898 ; Patent Boll, 40 Hen. III. 

«^ Ibid. i. p. 392; Pipe Soil, 40 Hen. III. 

■• Ibid. i. p. 412 ; Patent MoU, 42 Hen. III. m. 11. 

*» Ibid. i. p. 413 ; Close Soil, 42 Hen. III. m. 10. dorao. 

•> Ibid. i. p. 425 ; Charter SoU, 44 Hen. III. m. 6. 


lOs 4d; the chamber 138 6d; the stable 61. Is l^d; wages 71s 4^d; 
alms 4s — ^Total 211. 4s 5d. Wine 66^ sesterces; wax 501b. Saturday, 
22nd November— Total 201. 2s 8d. Wine 94J sesterces ; wax 66lb. 
He was again there for one day on the 12th of December.^^ As he was 
preparing to march into Scotland in 1296, he received intelligence 
that the Robert de Eos who then held Wark had fallen so desperately 
in love with Christiane de Moubray, a Scottish lady, that he had 
abandoned his castle and gone over to the enemy,^' after having vainly 
attempted to induce his brother William to accompany him.^ William, 
who was left in the castle, urged the king to reinforce the garrison lest 
the Scots should seize it. A thousand men were immediately despatched 
by Edward for this purpose, but were nearly annihilated by the Scots 
under Robert de Ros in their night quarters in the small village of 
Presson." Edward now advanced to Wark with his whole array, and 
kept Easter there previous to crossing the Tweed on the Wednesday 

Three months later, Hugh le Despenser was sending home 966 
oxen, cows, stirks, stots, and heifers that he had captured in Scot- 
land, together with two chargers, all in^the care of his own men, 
who were provided for the purpose with the king's safe-conduct 
issued by his seneschal Sir W. de Beauchamp. The sight of this 
herd quietly crossing the Border proved too strong an incitement 
to the predatory instincts of John Sampson and Robert le Eyr of 
Presson, and swooping down upon them at Presson on the 29th of 
June, they drove them all off to Wark Castle. In deference to a 
royal precept they released 800 head of cattle and the men and 
chargers on the 26th of July, but Despenser alleged that they still 
detained 166 of his beasts, that one of his chargers, worth £50, had 
died in consequence of its treatment at Wark, and that he had lost 
his men's services for three weeks. Summoned to answer this in 

•* I&id, ii. p. 153 ; Exchequer Q.R, MueeUanea (Wardrobe'), f^. 

•■ • Le roy Kdwaid de Bngleterre . . teint la feat de pasche a Wark, de quel 
chastel Robert de Ros qi enfust sires sen fuj del obeisaunce ledit roi Dengleterre 
dedens le tierce ionr deuant la venu le roy et lessa le chastel voide et scntrey a 
Senewar, vn petit chastel qil auoit en Escoce, tout pur paramours qil ama 
Cristiane de Moubray, qe apres ne ly deigna AYoiT.'^Scalacronica, p. 121. 

•» William de Ros, brother of the late Sir Robert de Ros of Wark, on account 
of his having saved the castle when his brother joined the Scots, afterwards 
petitioned the king for a grant of his mother's *petyt manor' of Bellcstcr, but 
apparently without success. — Ibid, iv. p. 381 ; Ohaneery Mho. Portfolim^ ■^, 

^ Walteri de Hemingburgh, Chronieon (Engl. Hist. Soc.), ii. p. 93. 


the camp at Berwick on the 28th of August, John Sampson declared 
that the ' hue and cry ' was raised after the cattle, and that he merely 
detained them till the ' cry ' was discussed in the king's court. He 
had, he said, delivered up all the animals except two, which Despenser's 
men declined to take with them, and no safe-conduct had ever been 
exhibited to him. Both sides demanded an investigation of the 
case, and the sheriff was instructed to impanel a jury of twelve, 
among whom were to be no tenants of Wark, on the following 

Edward I. considered it necessary to borrow the castle of Wark 
in 1800. William de Bos, lord of ' Hamelak,' granted it to the king 
on the 8th of October till the following Michaelmas, together with 
its munitions, reserving to himself the ground sown with the crop, 
and stipulating for the residence of his own serjeant in the castle to 
protect his armour and other property.*^ 

Doubts having been expressed as to the legal title of William de 
Ros to Wark, which having fallen into the king's hands through the 
treason of Robert de Ros, had been given by him to William, as 
the escheat of the latter, without any writing, the king ordered at 
Linlithgow on the 2nd December, 1802, that his Council should in 
any case see that it was amply confirmed to William."* 

It was good policy for the crown itself to endeavour to acquire 
a castle that it was so constantly in the habit of borrowing, and on 
the 25th of September, 1817, William de Ros agreed to give Wark 
up to it in exchange for lands between the Thames and the Tees.** 
The very next year, however, the royal castle, not having been 
relieved by an appointed day, was compelled through famine to 
surrender to the Scots.^^ In 1388, Wark was granted by Edward 
III. to Sir William Montagu, with the consent of Parliament. 

Sir William, who was created earl of Salisbury in 1387, was 
taken prisoner by the French at Lisle in 1840, and confined in 
the Chatelet at Paris. Froissart, in an account which, although its 
foundation in fact is extremely shaky, is too interesting as a picture 

•* Cal. of Doc. rel. to Scotland, ii. p. 192 ; Cliapter Houw {Scots Documents), 
Box 93, 15. 

" Ibid. ii. p. 295 ; Excliequer Q.R. Mevioranda, 29 Ed. I. m. 60. 
■» Ihid. ii. p. 343 ; Privy Seals (Tower), 30 Ed. I. file 9. 
■• Jbid.iii. p. Ill ; Close Roll, 11 Ed. II. m. 20 dowo. 
*° Chronicon de Lanercost, p. 235. 


of the maimers of the fourteenth centar j to be passed over, telk us that 
the countess of Salisbury, Katherine de Grandison, one of the most 
beautiful women in England, happened to be in their Castle of Wark, 
when the army of David Brnce passed under the walls, laden with rich 
booty, on its return from an invasion of England. This was too much 
for SirWilliam Montagu, the account proceeds, who was the earl's nephew 
and captain of the castle. He sallied out with about forty horsemen, 
and tracking in silence the last division of the Scots, which consisted 
of pack-horses so burdened with spoil that they could hardly get on, 
fell upon them at the entrance of a small wood. Two hundred Scots 
were killed or wounded, and a hundred and twenty horses, with the 
treasure on them, were driven by Montagu towards the castle. 

Sir William Douglas, who commanded the rear-guard, which was 
already beyond the wood, hearing the shouts of the fugitives, turned 
back at full gallop with his men, but by the time they had ridden up 
the hill on which the castle stood, the barriers were closed, and the 
intercepted booty placed in safety behind them. Sir William Douglas 
commenced a violent attack on the castle; Sir William Montagu 
bravely defended it. At last the whole Scottish army, with the king 
himself, arrived on the scene. 

David and his council when they saw so many of their men lying 
killed and wounded, with little or no effect on the castle, ordei'ed a 
retreat to night quarters, wherever they could be found. The next 
morning the attack was resumed. The Scots advanced boldly up to 
the moats, bringing large trees and beams to fill them up in order to 
bring their engines of war as near the castle as possible. The garrison, 
cheered by the presence of the lovely countess, made a gallant defence, 
and in the evening the Scots were compelled to again fall back, leaving 
only sufficient of their number to protect their engines. All the same, 
the besieged saw that they were engaged, in a hopeless task, if David 
persevered. They therefore determined to send a messenger to Edward 
III., who, as some of the prisoners they had taken informed them, had 
arrived at Berwick. No one was willing to leave the defence of the 
castle and the countess for this dangerous errand, until Sir William 
Montagu himself volunteered. Stealing out of the castle during the 
heavy rain that confined the Scots to their quarters that night, he 
passed through their army unnoticed. Soon after, as day was breaking. 


he met, half a league on his road, two Soots driving two oxen and a 
cow towards their camp. Having wounded them and killed the cattle, 
in order to stop the supplies, he despatched the two men to David 
Bruce with a message to say that William Montagu had passed 
through his army and had gone to solicit assistance irom the king 
of England at Berwick. 

The arrival of this intelligence caused considerable alarm in the 
Scottish camp. The leaders of the army, di-eading to be attacked by 
the English king before they could reduce the castle, went in a body to 
David, and declared that any further prosecution of the siege would 
confer neither profit nor honour upon him; their twelve days* campaign 
had done much damage in England, and if they could now carry home 
their rich plunder in safety, they would be ready on another occasion 
to return and do his bidding. Much against his will, David was 
forced to listen to their advice, and the next morning the Soots broke 
up their camp and retreated to the forest of Jedworth. About noon 
King Edward arrived after a forced march from Berwick, and was 
extremely disappointed to find the enemy flown. 

Having ordered his army to take up their quarters on the site the 
Scots had abandoned, he disarmed, and accompanied by ten or twelve 
knights, went up to the castle to enquire for the countess and see 
what damage the attack of the Scots had done to the castle, and how 
the defence had been conducted. 

On hearing of the king's approach the &ir countess of Salisbury 
ordered all the gates to be thrown open, and went out to meet him in 
her richest attire. Making a low reverence, she tendered her thanks 
for the relief of the castle, and then led the king into it, the two walk- 
ing hand in hand. They entered first the hall and then the chamber, 
which was richly furnished, as belonging to so great a lady. The 
king was so much struck with the beauty of the countess that he 
could not keep his eyes ofP her till at last he retired to a window, and 
leaning on it fell into a long day-dream. 

The countess in the meantime going to look after the knights and 
squires, ordered dinner to be prepared, the tables to be set, and the hall 
decorated. She then returned and tried to rouse the king fix)m his 
reverie. His declaration of unquenchable love she answered in a very 
practical way by fetching his knights and saying, 'Come, sire, to the 


hall^ your knights are waiting for you to wash their hands, for they, as 
well as yon, have fasted too long.' 

The king left the chamber and came into the hall, where, after 
washing his hands, he sat down to dinner with his knights, as did also 
the countess. At daybreak King Edward set out in pursuit of the 
Scots, impressed no less with the virtue than with the beauty of 
the fair chatelaine of Wark.*^ 

On the 12th of July, 1888, John, earl of Carrick, the eldest son of 
the king of Scots, as Commissioner of Scotland, agreed at Morehouslaw 
with John, duke of Lancaster, that the damages done by the Scots to 
the buildings and walls of Wark Castle should be assessed by twelve 
notable esquires, six of each country, with the advice of masons and 
carpenters, and that the amount should be paid iu three months to the 
chamberlain of England at Roxburgh.** The earl of Northumberland, 
to whom Lancaster entrusted the government of the marches in the 
following year, was empowered to place men in the castle of Wark at 
his discretion, though the comtnand of the donjon was specially reserved 
to its lord, Sir William Montagu.*' The Scots are said to have taken 
and dismantled Wark, with Ford and Cornhill, in 1885.** Sir John 
Montagu received a license to exchange the barony and castle, which 
he had inherited from his father. Sir William, with Ralph Neville, 
earl of Westmoreland, for other lands in 1896.** They shortly after- 
wards became the property of Sir Thomas Gray of Heton. 

While Sir Thomas Gray was in attendance on Henry IV., between 
the time of his landing in Yorkshire and his coronation in October, 
1899, the Scots seized Wark Castle, burning the houses in it and 
beating down the walls. They carried off Gray's children and many 
of his tenants, together with property valued at 2,000 marks.*^ The 
king deemed it necessary to grant a pardon to Sir Thomas for the 
ineflBciency of his garrison.*^ 

*^ Froissart, Chronicles, translated by Johnes, London, 1805, i. pp. 286-296. 

*' Cal, of Doc, rel, to Scotland, iv. p. 70 ; Exchequer Treasury of Receipt 
Misc, {Plaeita, Jj^e.) V- 

*■ Ridpath, Border History, p. 354 ; Rymer, Fcedera, vii. p. 426. 

^ Bidpath, p. 355 ; Buchanan, lib. iz. 49, has merely 'tribus arcibus diratis.' 

♦• Proe. Arch, Inst, 1862, il. p. 36. 

*• Wylie, History of England under Henry IV. i. p. 81 ; Patent Boll, 1, 
Hen. IV. 7, 28. 

-•' Cal of Doc, rel. to Scotland, iv. p. 114 ; Privy Seals (Tower'), 1, Hen. IV. 
file 12. 


In 1419 the castle, then in the costody of Robert Ogle, was taken 
by William Haliburton, of Fast Castle, and all the garrison were put 
to the sword. Soon afterwards, however, some English soldiers, who 
were well acquainted with the place, crept ap the large drain that led 
from the kitchen to the Tweed, and then broke down a piece of a 
decayed wall to let their confederates into the castle. The Scottish 
garrison, being thus surprised, was in its turn massacred.^^ 

After the death of James II. before Roxburgh in 1460, the Soots 
took advantage of the internal dissensions in England to seize and 
demolish Wark.*® 

It was not until the earlier successes of the Scottish invasion, which 
ended so disastrously at Flodden, had shown the need for stronger 
fortresses on the Border that Wark was ordered to be restored by 
Henry VIII. On the 8th of June, 1519, Thomas, Lord Dacre, writes 
to Wolsey from Harbottle : — 

* Pleas it also your grace I wrote nnto youe hertofore concemyng 
' the Castell of Warke and the estate therof, whiche by the meanes of 
' your grace, in labouring to the kinges highnes, is thus fer set for- 
'wardes for the suretie and weall of the est marches and to the 

* Conforte of the kinges subjectes inhabitante within the same, and to 
' the gretest displeasnr and destruction for Scotland that cowlde have 
' bene devised. The kinges money is spent nigh hand a yere agoo. It 
' has stande to no more chargies to the kinges highenes out of his Oo£fres 

* but onely to the som of cccc iiij" li. and if I might have the som of 

* ccxx^i. to make out the hole som of dccli. I suppose it shall thereby 

* finish it. 

' To make a shorte Declaracion to your grace the state therof shalbe 

* after this maner. The dongeon is clerely finished with all maner 
'jof bowses of offices as apperteignes till a Constable haveing xl persons 
' fotemen dayly wateing upon hym and the overmoste hows is made for 

* the kepeing of ordinaunce. The wacheman being in his wach hows 
' standeing upon the Top of the dongeon, whiche is now surely kept, 
' may se the Castell of Norham and all the boundes of Berwyk. 

' The said dongeon is made of foure bowses bight, and in every 

* Stage, there is fy ve grete murdour holes, shot (sic) with grete voultes 
'of Stone, except one stage which is with Tymbre, So that grete 

** Fordun, Scotichranicon. *• Buchanan, Historian lib. xi. 1. 


' bumbardes maj be shot out at icheon of them. And there is a well 
*made with trap dores thorow the middest of every hows for the 

* heasing (sic) up of ordinaunce. 

' The said dongeon is and shalbe so divised and cast with close gates 

* going from it upon the Countremore, that in tyme of peas it shalbe 

* able to kepe all the grete Castell. The same Castell shalbe of thre 

* wardes. The dongeon is one. The ij**« warde that shalbe next the 

* dongeon, shalbe and have an overthwarte wall from the one side of 
' the Castell to the other and shalhave an ime yate in it with a voulte 

* as fer as the yate goes, that an armed man may ride in at it, which 

* shalhave anoder wall set to it, for to set an hows upon of vij yerdes 

* widenes, which hows shalbe of Two Stages hight, Stables to be nnder- 
' nethe and Chambres above, and the Stables and Chambres to be Di- 

* vided, xij hoi-ses in a Stable and vj men in a Chambre, whiche by 

* estimacion shalbe able to serve for vij** men and there horses and 

* shalhave hall, kitcheing, bakhows and all oder bowses of office stande- 

* ing within the same warde with a draw well to serve the same garrison. 
' And besides that, within the same warde there shalbe Rowme lefte to 
' serve and kepe a flok of shepe and viij** hede of nowlte on the night 
' and in a Skirmish tyme. 

' In the iij^® warde is a yatehowse Towre of thre bowses hight which 
' is nerehande finished and covered all redy. In the lowest hows are 
' ij grete voultes. The one is for the grete yate So that a lode of haye 
' may com in at the same yate. The other is for the porter lodge and 
'a Chambre within it, and two Stagies hight above the same. And at 
' the ende of the said Castell next the watter of Twede, is a litell Towre 
' of Thre Stagies hight. A litell Towre must be made at the weste 

* posterne, which, as yet, is not done, So that men may com from the 
' dongeon upon the Countremore to the same toure and to receyve in 
*to the dongeon whome they woll for there reskewe. And so that 
*outermoste warde shalbe for the Towne and Countrey to set there 

* bowses upon the Countremore in the tyme of warre and shalbe able to 

* kepe one m* hede of horses and nowlte within the s:ime warde upon 

* the night or in a Skirmish tyme. 

' And when the said Castell shalbe finished, siche meanes shalbe 
*• founde that the landes belonging to the same and the fishinges 

* whiche lay waiste and no man had prouffit thereof, shall fynde the 


' hows in tyme of peas, wherby the kinges highenes shall not be 
' chargied, but onely with the wages of foure gonners. And, seyng 
' that the same howse shall do more damma$:e to Scotland, then twise 
' Berwyk shall, and to have bat the iij^® parte there in garrison, I cannot 
' se how the kinges highnes cowlde have spended his money better, for 
' the suretie of his marchies, and in the tyme of warre to have suche a 
' Jewell of noysannce to his enimies and to put his highnes to so litell 
' Chargies in the tyme of peas but onely the wagies of the same iiij 
' gonners. And if it might stande with the pleasur of your grace to 
'move the kinges highnes that som ordinaunce might be sent to 
' Newcastell with the Cole shippes of the same that lieth in Temse, I 

* shall canse it be caried from thens to Holyeland by watter and 
' irom thens to be caried by lande to the said Oastell. So that, when 

* as the lord Hamylton and the Treausower of Scotland, commes downe 

* to the bordours they lye at the Nonnery of Ekkles which is but twoo 

* miles from Wark and commes nigh hande the same Castell when as 
'they comm to mete me upon the est marches at Oaldstreme and 
' Cornell, might somtyme here a nose which shuld be displeasaunte 
' to theym, and to the Conforte of all the kinges subjectes hereing 
' the same. And of your pleasur in the premisses I beseche your 
' grace that I may be advertised if it so stande with your graceis 

* pleasur. And the holy Trinite preserve your grace.'*^ 

Dacre's opinion as to the immense importance of the fortification 
of Wark through Wolsey's influence was afterwards strongly endorsed 
by Sir Anthony Ughtred, captain of Berwick, who assured the cardinal 
that nothing more beneficial had been done on the Border since the 
death of Henry V., and that in consequence children yet unborn would 
pray for him.*^ 

A good picture of the wild state of the Border in the early part of 
the reign of Henry VIII. is aflForded by the account of the raid of 500 
Scots of Teviotdale, who met at Hoselawlough on the 14th of Decem- 
ber, 1521, ' museld ' so that they could not be known, and despatched 
John Davidson of Fowmerden, Wat Young of Lempitlaw, and others 
as 'skurers'to the 'suberbils' of the castle of Wark. These, while 
engaged in driving off cattle, struck down John Ewerd, a bailiflF of the 

•0 State Papen, Scotland, lien, VIII. vol. i. No. 57, P.R.O. 

•' Letters and Papers ^ Foreign and Domestic^ Hen, VIII, iii;pt. 2, p. 1,296. 


* suberbils,' and took away hie horse. Lord Daore's men in the castle 
gave chase to the Soots, and recovered all the cattle, but not the 
bailiff's horse. They drove together 200 cattle on the Scottish side, 
but only took six * kye*' so they said, not worth so much as Ewerd's 
steed. In the middle of the night the whole host of Teviotdale came 
do\»Ti the Tweed with banner unfurled, and burnt the village of Lear- 
mouth, half a mile from VVark. They drove off, so Dacre complained 
to the Duke of Albany, 400 head of * kye ' and oxen, 2,000 sheep, 
4,000 * gate,' 80 geldings, and 20 prisoners, while ' ane honest woman ' 
perished in the flames. Dacre's men would not leave the castle ' for 
fear of betreasing behind them,' because ' a skrymmuge was upon the 
night before.' A thousand natives of Northumberland gathered, eager 
to pursue the Scot«, but Dacre, preferring to seek satisfaction from 
the Scottish government, charged them to return home in the king's 

On the approach of the great army of the Duke of Albany in 
September, 1522, William EUerker deserted Wark Castle, and Dacre 
was obliged to allow the Greys of Northumberland to enter and 
keep it.** 

In June, 1523, Lord Leonard Grey reinforced the garrison of 
Wark. On the morning of the 28rd of that month Seton, the captain 
of the castle, hearing that a body of Scots were in the neighbourhood, 
made a sally, leaving Lord Leonard to guard the castle. He sent on 
in front fifty spearmen and twenty archers, and placed his other men 
in ambush. They eventually slew twenty-five Scots and took sixty- 
one prisoners, among them several Trotters and Davisons. Davy 
Hume was put to flight with a broken spear either in his coat or 
body. Sixty-one geldings, the best in the March and Teviotdale, 
together with a standard and a 'gyttern,' formed part of the spoil.** 

The Earl of Smrey inspected Wark in the following September, and 
had new bulwarks made there, under the direction of Richard Caundish, 
the master of the ordnance at Berwick. These, he considered, would 
enable it to stand a ten days' siege. The outer ward might be lost in 
two days and yet the enemy be nothing nearer taking the donjon, 

* which,' he says, * is the strongest thing that I have seen. I would 
the keep at Guisnes were like it.' He had so trimmed it with ordnance 

** Ihid. p. 794. *• Ibid. p. 1,077, »* Ibid, p. 1,810. 



that he only wished Albany wonid come and try its Btrength.'* A 
month later, however, he was alarmed at discovering that the founda- 
tion of the donjon was not two feet underground and that it ooold be 
easily mined.** 

On the 17th of October the garrison consisted of Lord Ogle the 
captain, his deputy- Sir William Lisle, and his brother John Ogle, 
with 131 spears, archers, gunners, and mariners.*^ By Saturday, the 
81st of the month, Albany, who had been three days at Melrose, having 
received his great gun, in addition to eight cannon, two double cannon, 
and twenty-four falcons and serpentines, proposed to march to Birgham, 
within a mile of Wark, and shoot over the Tweed at the castle,'® which 
he had assured the Scots would never dare shut its gates against him.** 
He arrived before the castle that same evening with a great puissance, 
and fired at it all the Sunday and Monday.*^ At three o'clock on the 
Monday afternoon, as the river was too high to ford, he despatched 
two thousand Frenchmen in boats to assault the place. They made 
their way into the base court, which was too large for a garrison of 
little over a hundred to attempt to defend^ and after an assault of an 
hour and a half's duration, forced a passage into the inner ward. As 
fast, however, as they came in, they were slain, fighting *at hand- 
strokes,' by Sir William Lisle and his men. After the captain of the 
first band of French foot had Men with nine others, the rest were 
driven out of the inner ward, and so hotly pursued by the handM of 
Englishmen that the thousand French and five hundred Scots in the 
base court also took fright, and fled pell-mell towards the Tweed, 
where not a few were drowned in the panic. Twenty-two more 
Frenchmen died that night, and a hundred and sixty were sore hurt. 
Hearing that Surrey was approaching to give him battle, Albany beat 
a disgraceful retreat. Wark could not have held out long. If Surrey 
had not made new bulwarks of earth it would not have been tenable 
half a day. Indeed, even after its brilliant defence he found it so 
difficult to get a garrison to stop there that he cordially wished the 
castle were in the sea.*^ 

" Ibid. p. 1,400. « Ibid. p. 1,445. " Ibid, p. 1,424. 

« Ibid. p. 1,450. w Ibid. p. 1,433. » Ibid. p. 1,464. 

"* Ibid. p. 1,459. Cf. Wolsey's letter to Sampson and Jemingham in State 
Pavers^ Henry VIII. vi. 201. The Scottish historian, Bachanan, was in 
Albany's camp at this time, and gives the following description of Wark :<-> 
* Arcis hsBC forma est. Turris munitissima- in intima area in magnam assurgit 


In anticipation of this siege^ the roof of the donjon had been taken 
ofP and made flat for setting guns npon. This caused the timber to 
take * grete skathe,' and no person could lodge or remain in it till it 
was repaired. The Lord Treasurer knew that a low roof was required, 
and Dacre applied, in the following May, for nine or ten fothers of the 
waste lead at Dunstanburgh for this purpose.^* 

Sir Robert Bowes and Sir Ralph Ellerker in their View of the 
Fortresses of the East and Middle Marches in 1541, made an elaborate 
report on the state of the defences of Wark : — 

* The towne of Warke standeth ... uppon the banke of the 

* Ry ver of Twede in the which towne bene xiij husbandlands well 
*plenyshed of the kings Majesties inherytaunce. There ys also a 

* castell of the said kings majestic of thre wardes whereof the utter 

* most warde serveth for a barmakyn the said castell ys in greate and 

* extreme decaye as well by reason that yt was never perfytely fynyshed 

* nor the waUs of the princypall tower or dungeon thereof was never 
' covered as by occasion of a battrye made upon the utter walls of the 
' same with greate ordenaunce at the last sege lade thereunto by the 

* duke of Albyony. The said castell of Wark ys the only chefe succour 

* relefe and defence of all the quarter of the border of England lying 

* on the west syde of the ryver of Tyll And yf the said castell be not 
' maynteyned and ujlholden the resydewe thereof wyll soone be layde 

* waste and dyssolate as by the late experyence after the said Scottes 

* felde dyd plainely appear and was proved. 

* And althoughe yt may be thoughte that the said castell of Warke 

* cannot where yt standeth be tenable against the sege royall because 

* that syde thereof where the dongeon standeth ys not by the nature 

* of the self grounde defensyble from the daunger of mynnery yet under 

* the correction of suche men of greate experyence and dyscreton as 
' have lately by the kings majesties comaundemente vyewed and con- 
' sydered the same yt woU be very harde (as we thinke) thereabout to 

* fynde a place for all respects more necessary and convenyente for the 

* defence and relief of that f rountier and border than where the same 

altitndinem : earn duplex mums ambit, exterior latum amplexus spatium, in 
quod, belli tempore, rustici solebant confugere, ac pecora tfuctusque agrorum 
conferre : interior multo angustior, sed, fossis circumducliH, et turribus excitatis 
munitior.' Rerum Scoticarum Historia^ lib. iv. xxii. Edin. 1727, p. 412. 

" Cotton MS. Calig. B. iii. 6; Raine, North Durham^ General Hietoiy, p. xiv. 


' castell nowe standeth and the said castell as jt maye (as we esteme) 

* with the coste of twoo hundreth pounds or lyttle more be repared 

* amended and fynyshed in suche wyse as yt shalbe not onely able to 

* receyve and lodge two hundreth souldionrs in tymme of warre with 
' all their horses in the myddle warde but also in the utter warde 

* thereof reley ve and harborowe all the tenants and inhabytantes of 
^ the Lordeshippe with their goodes in tyme of nede. And a garryson 
'of two hundreth men layde there in tyme of warre may do more 
' annoyance and dyspleasures to the Scottes and more relefe to the 

* Bnglyshe Inhabytants of that border then yf they were in any other 

* place of nil the said marches. 

* And consyderynge the Scottes and especyally the borderers to be 

* men of no great experyence or engyne in the assailling