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l^artoarU (ToUfgc Itbrarn

IHOM THE GIFT OF

CHARLES JACKSON

{Class of iB^)
OiH BOSTON

FOR ENGLISH HISTOKV AND
LITERATURE

^ - ^:

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AUCHAEOLOGIA AELIANA:

OB,

RELATING TO ANTIQUITIES.

PUBLISHED BT THB

SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE-rPON-TYNE.
VOLUME XVI.

(new series.)

LONDON AND NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE:
Akdbbw Bbid, Sons k Co., Printing Coubt Buildings, akbnside Hill.

M.DCCC.XCIV.

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Harvard Ooilegre Library
Feb. 1, 1912
Qlf t of
Oharlee JackBon
Of BostcXD

NBWCAflTLC-UPON-TTNV :
ANDREW REIO, SONS ft CO., PRINTERS, AKEN8IDE HILL.

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out

CONTENTS.

PAQX.

List of Plates, Woodcuts, etc ov & ovi

Contributions of Plates, Photographs, etc ovii

Corrigenda oviii

Annual Reports for 1892 and 1898 i&xxi

Treasurer's Statements, etc ii-iv & zziii-xxv

Beport of the Roman Wall Excavation Committee and Balance

Sheet xxvi&xxviii

Statutes of the Society zTlAzzyiii

Council and Officers for 1893 and 1894 ▼ & xziz

Honorary Members vidcxxx

Ordinary Members vii dc zzxi

Societies with which Publications are exchanged xiv & xxxix

I.— The Battle of Flodden. By Thomas Hodgkin, D.OX., F.S.A. ... 1

II.— Middleton St. George : Medieval Gross in the Garden at the Low

HalL By the Bev. J. T. Fowler, F.S.A 46

III. — Discoveries at Eirkwhelpington Church. By W. Searle Hicks ... 47

IV. — Customs of Court Leet and Court Baron of Morpeth, with Court

Roll of 1632. By J. Crawford Hodgson 52

v.— The New Wallsend Altar to Jupiter. By F. J. Haverfield, MJL.,

F.SJk 76

VI.— Names of Persons and Places mentioned in Early Lives of Saint

Cuthbert. By Cadwallader J. Bates, M.A 81

VII. — Notes on the Jacobite Movement in Upper Coquetdale, 1715. By

David Dippie Dixon 98

VIIL — Notes on a Journey to Bmblecon and back, in 1464. By Edward

Bateson 118

IX. — The Ancient Farms of Northumberland. By Frederick Walter

Dendy 121

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OIV

X. — ^A New Roman Inscription at South Shields. By F. J. Haverfield,

M.A., F.8.A 167

XL— The Manor of Haltwhistle. By the Rev. C. E. Adamson, M.A. ... 162

XII.— The Church of Haltwhistle. By the same 177

XIII.— Some forgotten Quaker Burial Grounds. By Maberly Phillips ... 189

XIV. — The Hanseatic Confederation, with Special Reference to the Rise
and Progress of the English F^tories and Trading Connection
with Newcastle-upon-Tyne. By Robert Coltman Clephan ... 211

XV. — Old Church Plate in the Counties of Northumberland and Dorham.

By Wilfred J. Cripps, C.B., F.S.A 249

XVL — ^A Bull of Adrian IV. relating to Neasham Priory, Co, Dorham.

By Major-General Sir William Crossman, K.C.M.a., F.S.A. ... 268

XVII. — Forgotten Burying Grounds of the Society of Friends (Second

paper). By Maberly Phillips 274

XVIII.— Blanchland. By the Bey. Anthony Johnson 295

XIX. — On the Roman Altar to the Goddess ' Garmangabis/ found at
Lanchester, Co. Durham : —

I. By the Rev. Dr. Hooppell 313

n. By F. J. Haverfield, M.A., F.S.A 321

XX. — The Roman Bridges across the North Tyne River near ChoUerf ord.

By Sheriton Holmes 328

XXL— Slaley. By the Rev. A. Johnson 339

XXIL— Flodden Field. By Cadwallader J. Bates, M.A 851

XXIII. — The *Fox and Lamb' Public House, Pilgrim Street^ Newcastle.

By W. H. Knowles, F.R.LB.A 373

XXIV.— Sedgefield Church. By Charles Clement Hodges 379

XXV.— The Goldsmiths of Newcastle. By J. R. Boyle, F.SJL 397

XX VL — Note on a Fragment of Roman Scale Armour from the Walltown

Crag. By the Rev. G. Rome Hall, F.S.A. 441

XXVIL— A Forgotten Reference to Roman Mile-Castles. By Cadwallader

J.Bates 447

XXVIII.—* The Old Bank * (Bell, Cookson, Carr, and Airey), Newcastle-
upon-Tyne. By Maberly Phillips 462

Index • ' *•• ^^^

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LIST OF PLATES.

Sections across the Roman Vallum, near Heddon-on-the-Wall» and at Down
Hill ol and ola, between pe^ges xxvi and sxvii

PLATS. PAOX.

' Flodden, from near the Eing*8 Stone ...

Map of Portion of Northumberland, to illustrate the Battle \

ofFlodden J

, Plan of the Battle of Flodden

^ 13th Century Gross at Middleton Low Hall, Co. Durham ...

^ Plan of Eirkwhelpington Church, and details

. Wallsend Altar to Jupiter

, Sketch Blap of the North of England, tx> illustrate the
Wanderings of St. Cnthbert

* Three Half Moons * and * Black Bull * Inns, Bothbury ...
Plans of Netherwitton in 18th and ] 9th Centuries

Plan of Common Field Stripe at Corbridge

. Plan of an American Township

A Boman Inscription, temp, Sererus Alexander, at South

Shields

, Haltwhistle Church before and after Restoration

Heworth Pre-Reformation Paten

Hamsterley Pre-Reformation Paten

. Elizabethan Cup, Great Stain ton, Co. Durham

Fac-similes of Signatures to Bull of Adrian IV., relating to \
Neasham, Co. Durham /

* Sparrow Hall,* CuUercoats

Blanchland— General View from S.W.

„ Church, from N.E

», Plan of Church

„ Grave Covers

„ Churchyard Cross

„ * The Happy Village*

Boman Altar at Lanchester «

Plan of Roman Bridges, near ChoUerford

Details of do

Conjectural Bestoration of Roman Bridges near ChoUerford XZVII „ 884

faeing I

llbetnmJll
119

III

facing 28

„ 46

,. 48

„ 76

VII

,. 82

VIII

„ 102

„ 125

.«..{-

Xlfaeing 149

XII

„ 158

XIII

„ 177

XIV

„ 352

„ 262

XVI

,, 254

XVIU..n.{270

XVllI.

faeinf 286

XIX

„ 295

„ 800

xx«

„ 303

XXI

„ 302

XXII

„ 304

XX III

„ 306

(314

XXIV

„ ] 316
1817

xxv«^.{»^^

XXVI/flflin^ 382

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OVl

List of Plates, Continued.

FLATS. PAGE.

XXVIII facing 358

Sketch Map of Flodden District

Suggested Position of Troops at beginning of Flodden

Fight XXIX „ 362

Plan of * Fox and Lamb,' Pilgrim Street, Newcastle ... XXX „ 373

Elevation of do XXXI „ 374

Sedgefield Church Exterior XXXII „ 379

Plan

Do.
Do.
Do.

Do.

Interior

Capitals of Columns

Grave Covers

Portrait of John Coutts, the banker ..

.. XKXIllbtnmJl^
1381

... XXXIY facing 384

j XXXV I
I XXXVI j[ "

) XXXVII i
I XXXVIII I "

... XXXIX „ 462

386
394

WOODCUTS, ETC.

Fragment of Roman Inscription at South Shields

Roman Tile, inscribed o o H v a at do.

The Tower of Haltwhistle

Ualtwhistle Bum

Ground Plan of Old Factory of Hanseatic League in London

Bird's-eye View of do.

All Saints' Church, Newcastle

Elizabethan Communion Cups •<

Bishopwearmouth

Drnsdale

Sherbum Hospital, Co. Durham ...

Cambo Communion Cup

Leaden jBwWa of Adrian IV

Plan of Quaker Burial Ground, Cullercoats

Two Roman Inscribed Slabs from Lanchester

Roman Inscribed Slab, Benwell

British Bronze Axe Head and Flint Scraper, Heddon-on-the-Wall ...
Corridor in the old * Fox and Lamb ' Public House, Newcastle
Rough Sketch of * Fox and Lamb,' from Drawing by G. B. Richardson

Initial Letter and Arms on Bell, Sedgefield Church

Fac-similes of Signatures of Newcastle Goldsmiths 411,416,

[ from Walltown Crag

Roman ik»ru><i Scales ...i from HodhUl, Dorsetshire

I from Hamdon Hill, Somersetshire

PAOK.

... 158

... 164

... 188

... 2i6

... 247

... 261

... 267

... 268

.. 253

... 266

... 273

... 278

... 319

... 323

... 3;s8

... 374

... 876

... 396
419, 425

... 442

... 443

... 444

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OVll

CONTRIBUTIONS OF PHOTOGRAPHS, DRAWINGS, BTC.

AdamsoD, Rev. C. B. : Loan of blocks of Haltwhistle Tower and Bum, pp. 166

and 188.
Allen, J. Romillj, F.SJL. : Loan of blocks of side Views of Lanchester Altar,

pp. 316 and 317.
iatj, M. : Photograph of Blanchland Church, Plate XX.
firown, G. T. : Photograph of Blanchland Charchyard Cross, PJate XXII., and

Drawings of Grave Covers, Plate XXI.
Crooman, Major-General Sir W. : Photograph, etc., of Papal Bulla, p. 273.
Dendj, W. S. : Drawings to illnstrate his paper on * Ancient Farms in Northnm-

berland,* Plates IX., X, and XI.
Downey & Sons : Loan of negative for Plate XIL
Edwards, A. : Photograph of the Lanchester Altar, Plate XXIV.
Edwards, J. 8. : Photograph of Blanchland, Plate XIX.
Gibson, J. P. : Photographs of British Axe Head and Flint Scraper, p. 338.
Hicks, W. 8. : Plan of Kirkwhelpington Church, Plate V.
Hodges, C. C. : Plans of Blanchland and Sedgefield Churches, Plates "^Xff and

XXXIII. ; Photographs of Capitals of Columns, Sedgefield, and Drawings of

Grave Covers, Plates XXXV— XXXVIIL
Holmes, S. : Drawing of Sections across Vallum, Plates 01 and Ola, and Plan,

etc., of Roman Bridges, CUumum, Plate XXV— XXVII.
Knowles, W. H. : Loan of blocks of * Sparrow Hall,* Plate XVIIL, and * Fox and

Lamb,' p. 374 ; Plan and Elevation of ' Fox and Lamb,' Plates XXX. and

XXXI.
Ogilvie, Frank S. : Drawing of Sparrow Hall, Plate XVIII.
Phillips, M. : Plan of Quaker Burial Ground, p. 278 ; and for loan of block of

John Coutts, Plate XXXIX.
Bpence, Charles J. : Drawing of Flodden, Plate I.
Ste&fenson, A. L. : Photographs of Middleton Low Hall Cross, Plate IV., and of

Hamsterley Paten, Plate XV.
Tomlmson, W. W. : Loan of block of * Sparrow Hall,' Plate XVIII.

Plates VI. and XIV. are from Photographs by Downey & Sons, Soath Shields;
Plate XVI. by McLeish of Darlington.

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OVIll

CORRIGENDA.

Page 141, for ♦ MiddletoD,* in heading, read * Tievelyan.'
., 180, eighth line from bottom, for * Nov. 22, Mr. Robert Tweddell,' read

'Nov. 23, Mr. Robert Tweddall.'
„ 184, twenty-fourth line, for ' 1789 ' read * 1782.* 1789 was the year of the

death of the younger, but more distinguished brother, John, rector

of Hough ton-le-Spring. See page 188, lines 1 and 2.
.. 203, seventh line from bottom, for * Richardson's Terrier of Survey made

1682, MS. made by Mr. Andrew Stoddard,' read * a manuscript

note in Mr. Andrew Stoddart's copy of Richardson's Terrier of

Survey (made in 1768).'
„ 262, the Hexham grave chalice is of bronze, not of pewter (see Arch, AeL

vol. XV. p. 192).
., 295-312, throughout Mr. Johnson's paper, wherever the word < monks'

occurs, read * canons.'
„ 297, sixth line from bottom, for * Peganus ' read * Paganus.'
„ 341, sixth line from bottom, for * west ' read * east.'

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REPORT

NBWOASTLE-UPON-TTNB.

ANNUAL MEETING, M.DOCO.XOIL

The Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-upon-Tyne continues to
flourish and increase. The number of members has now risen to
817, and the crowded meetings at the Castle show that the pro-
ceedings have lost none of their interest for the members.

In one respect, however, the year 1892 will always possess a
melancholy interest for the society, marked as it has been by the
death of its venerated vice-president, John Collingwood Bruce, LL.D.
and D.C.L. It is not necessary here to recapitulate the events of his
long and honourable career, which have already formed the subject of a
paper in our transactions, but we may once more refer to the sus-
tained and vivid interest which, down to the very end of his life,
he took both in the proceedings of the society and in all archaeological
discoveries that were made in the North of England. We can best
show our veneration for his memory by keeping the society, in whose
service he laboured so diligently, in at least as high a state of efliciency
as that to which he saw it raised in his lifetime. Two enterprises
of an antiquarian kind have lately been commenced with the sanction
of the society, if not directly at its bidding. We hope in the course
of the present year to be able to congratulate our members on the
publication of the first part of the new history of Northumberland,
which is designed to supplement and complete the invaluable work
of the Rev. John Hodgson. A beginning has also been made with the
raising of a fund for a systematic excavation of the Roman camps, in

VOL. XVI. ^

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U ANNUAL RBPOBT AND BALANCE SHEET

onr diBtrict. Should this effort meet with the support which it
deservee, we anticipate from it valuable results as to the history of
the Roman occupation of Britain.

The following is the

BBPORT OF THB TREASURER FOR THE YEAR ENDING
SlBT DECEMBER, 1892.

The number of members has now reached 317, which is more than
in any previous year. There have been 48 members elected during
the year. Only I member has resigned, but death has deprived us
of 6 of our members.

The total income from all sources has been £498 lis. 4d., and
the expenditure £489 17s. 9^d. The balance of the revenue account
carried forward to 1893 is £185 19s. lid., and there is a balance on the
capital account of £44 198. lOd., of which £42 18s. 5d. is invested
in Oovemment 2| per cent. Consols through the Post Office Savings
Bank.

The receipts from members' subscriptions has been £317 2s., or
£20 more than last year ; but the total receipts from all sources falls
about £34 short, chiefly owing to the sale in 1891 of the 4to copies
of the Border HoldSy vol. i.

The receipts at the Castle and Black Gate are within a few
shillings of what they were in 1891, but the expenditure at both
is greater in consequence of some urgent structural repairs done at
the latter, and the furnishing of the council chamber at the Castle.

The printing of the Archaeologia Aeliana has cost £121 lis.,
and the Proceedings £31 Os. 6d. The sum paid for illustrations,
£41 5s. 5d., is a considerable reduction on the previous year.

In the purchase of books there has been expended £58 Is. 7d.,
which is an increase of £81 on the previous year, but this includes
the cost of making the card catalogue of the society's books.

The life members remain at three as previously.

Shbbiton Holmes, Hon, Treasurer.

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FOB THE TKAB 1892.

Ill

Sheriton H6lm$8y TreaswWy in Account with the Society of Antiquaries
of Newcaalle-upon'Tyne.

Balakgi Shibt fob THi Ybab bndiko Dbobmbsb 31, 1892.

Balanoe <m Jamuury Ist, \
Members' SabaoriptionB ..«

GM«e

BUckGftie

MoBeiim

Bookfl ,

Arduuologia AeUana

Proceedings

Illiisirations

Sundries

Seoretsry (Clerical Aaeistanoe) ..
Balance ,

Beedpta.

Bxpenditon.

£ 8. d.

177 6 4i

317 2 0

111 6 6

82 6 3

23 16 7

39 10 2

• ••

5 2 6

46 8 3

53 1 7

121 11 0

31 0 6

41 5 5

76 1 4i

40 0 0

185 19 11

Capital Bccount.

Invested in 2| per cent. Oonsols
Balance in Post Office Savings Bank
Dividends daring 1892

£675 17 H £675 17 8}

£ e. d.

42 18 5

0 17 9

1 3 8

£44 19 10

Detattd ot 'Receipts and JEspenMtute.

Castls—

Warder's Salary

Bent

Income Tax

Water

Gas

Insurance

Famitnre for the Council Boom

Coal, Fkewood, &c

Gratuities to Attendants at Tea

8. d.
5 0

0
0
0

0 9 1
2 15 0
7 10 0
4 8 5
0 7 6

£82 5 3

BuLOK Gatb—

Custodian's Salary ...

Bent

Water

Gas

Insurance

Coal and Sundries
Bepairs to the Building
Whitewashing
Plumbers

£
21
1
1
1
0

s. d.

4 0

0 0

5 1

7 6

0 18 10

13 2 2

0 7 6

0 5 1

£39 10 4

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BALiifOE SHEET FOR 1892.

Dbtah^ of Reoeiptb and Expskditubbw — Continued,

Museum —

Differential Blocks and Sling Chain

Indian Stone Implements

Sondries

Books Sold—

Border Holds, 8vo, vol. i., 10 copies
Other Publications sold at the Castle

Books Bought—

Re-porchase of Books abstracted from the Library

Cataloguing Library Books

Baid for Printing Border Eolds {htAa.noe)

Place Names of Scotland

MSS. Book

Haine's Memorial Brasses

CarttUarium Saxonicum

Papworth's Heraldry

Leicester Archaeological Society Journal, 5 vols.

Jahrlmeh and Mitheilungen of the Imperial German Archaeolo-
gical Institute

Tear Book of Societies

^hemeris IJpigraphica, vol. viii., part 4, &c

T>eDmB*B Cemeteries of Etruria

Boyle's Bwham, 1 4to, 1 8vo

McGibbon & Boss's Castellated Architecture of Scotland

Antiquary BSid Beliquary

Murray's A Mm Bnglieh Dictionary, 2 parts

Catalogue of Ikglish Coins

Transactions Durham and Northamb. Archaeol. Soc

Kendtl Boke of Jlecorde

Woods's Map of Newcastle, 1827

Waters, for Binding

SUKDBIBS—

Reid, for Printing, &c ^

Nicholson, do. do.

Cheque Book

Gibson's Postage and Carriage of Parcels ...

Income Tax .^

Subscription — Surtees Society

Do. Harleian do.

Secretary's Postage and Ezpences
Treasurer's do. do.

0 15

£5

20 16

26 12

£46

12 11

0 10

2 15

2 10

0 17

0 10

0 19

0 12 10

£53

26 13

£76

MABERLY PfflLLIPS, [ .

W. W. TOMLINSON, f Auditors.

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THE COUNCIL AND OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY
FOB THE YEAR M.DCCCXCIII.

patron*

HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

ptedf&ent

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE EARL OP RAVENSWORTH.

IDfce^presfOentB*

THE REV. EDWARD HUSSEY ADAMSON.

CADWALLADER JOHN BATES, M.A.

JOHN CROSSE BROOKS.

RICHARD CAIL.

ROBERT RICHARDSON DEES.

THE REV. WILLIAM GREENWELL, D.C.L., F.R.S., P.S.A., &c

THE REV. GEORGE ROME HALL, F.S.A.

WILLIAM HILTON DYER LONGSTAFFE.

JOHN PHILIPSON.

THE REV. JAMES RAINE, M.A.

ALEXANDER SHANNAN STEVENSON, F.S.A. Scot.

WILLIAM WOODMAN.

Secretaries*

THOMAS HODGKIN, D.C.L., P.S.A.
ROBERT BLAIR, F.S.A.

XCreasurer*

SHERITON HOLMES.

BWtor*

ROBERT BLAIR.

librarian.

WILLIAM W. TOMLINSON.

Curators.

CHARLES JAMES SPENCE.
RICHARD OLIVER HESLOP.

Hu^itors.

JOHN ARCHBOLD DIXON.
RICHARD WlLLLiM SISSON.

(TounciU

HORATIO ALFRED ADAMSON.
RICHARD OLIVER HESLOP.
CHARLES JAMES SPENCE.
WILLIAM H. KNOWLES.
DENNIS EMBLETON, M.D.
MABERLY PHILLIPS.
ROBERT COLTMAN CLEPHAN.
CHARLES CLEMENT HODGES.
RICHARD WELFORD.
JOHN VESSEY GREGORY.
REV. CUTHBERT EDWARD ADAMSON.
JOHN PATTISON GIBSON.

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HONORARY MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY.

Pftto of Elaotion.

1840 Feb. 3

1841 Sept.
1851 Feb.
1851 Feb.
1851 Feb.
1855 Jed.
1855 April 14
1865 April 5
1883 June 27
1883 Jane 27
1883 June 27
1883 June 27
1883 June 27

1883 Jane 27
1883 Oct 31
1886 Jane 30
1886 June 30
1886 Jane 30
1886 June 30
1888 Jan. 25
1892 Jan. 27

1892 May 25

Hit Exoellency John Sigif mund von Moating, Copenhagen.

Sir Charles Newton, K.C.B.,M.A.

Ferdinand Denis, Keeper of the Library of St. Gen^vi6ye, at Paris

Sir Charles Anderson, Bart., Lea Hall, Oainsborough.

Daniel Wilson, LL.D., Principal of the University of Toronto.

J. J. Howard, LL.D., F.S.A., Hon. Tress. Harleian Society.

AquUla Smith, M.D., Dublin.

The Duca di Brolo.

Professor Emil Hubner, LL.D., Ahornstrasse 4, Berlin.

Professor Mommsen, Berlin.

Professor George Stephens, Copenhagen.

Dr. Hans Hildebrand, Royal Antiquary of Sweden, Stockholm.

A. W. Fraoks, C.B., Keeper of British Antiquities in the British

Museum.
Ernest Chantre, Lyons.
A. von Cohausen, Wiesbaden.
Ellen King Ware (Mrs)., The Abbey, Cariisle.
Gerrit Assis Hulsebos, Lit. Hum. Doct., &o., Utrecht, Holland.
Edwin Charles Clark, LL.D., F.S.A., &c, Cambridge.
David Mackinlay, 6, Great Western Terrace, Glasgow.
General Pitt-Rivers, F.S.A., Rushmore, Salisbury.
Sir John Evans, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c., &o., Nash Mills, Hemel

Hempstead.
Professor Karl Zangemeister, Heidelberg.

The Proceedinga of the Society are also sent to the following : —

Dr. Berlanga, MaUga, Spain.

The British Museum, London.

Prof. Ad. de Ceuleneer, Rue de la Li^ve 9, Ghent, Belgium*

The Rev. Dr. Cox, Barton-le-Street Rectory, Malton.

W. J. Cripps, C.6., Sandgate, Kent, and Cirencester.

J. Hardy, LL.D., Sec. Berw. Nat. Club, Oldcambus, Cockbumspath, N.B.

Literary and Philosophical Society, Newcastle.

Robert Mowat, Rue des Feuillantines 10, Paris.

The Rev. Henry Whitehead, Lanercost Priory, Carlisle.

T. M. Fallow, Coatham, Redcar.

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MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES

OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE,
ON THE 25th JANUARY, 1893.

The dgn * iodioates that the member has compounded for hia snbsoriptioD.
t that the member is one of the OoonciL

DateofBleoiioii.

1885 Mar.

1388 Aug.

1848 April

I 4

1873

1892 Ang.

1885 Oct

1891 JaQ.

1885 Jane 24

1886 Jan.

1885 Dea

1889 Mar.

1884 Jan.

1892 Mar.

1891 May 27

1878

1882

1891 Sept

1889 July

1891 July

1892 April 27

1874 Jan.

1892 Mar.

1888 Sept 26

1892 Deo.

1892 June 2ft

1888 April

1891 July

1871

1883 Deo.

Adams, William Edwin, 32 Holly Avenue, Neircastle.
tAdamsoD, Rev. Uuthbert Edward, Westoe, South Shields.
tAdamson, Rev. Edward Hussey, Felling, Gateshead.
tAdamson, Horatio Alfred, North Shields.
Adamson, Lawrence W., Whitley, R.S.O., Northumberland.
Adie, George, 2 Hutton Terrace, Newoastls.
Allan, Thomas, Blackett Street, Newcastle.
Allgood, Anne Jane (Miss), Hermitage, Hexham.
Allgood, Robert Lancelot, Nunwiok, Humshangh-on-Tyne.
Armstrong, Lord, Cragside, Rothbnry.
ArmstroDg, Watson-, W. A., Cragside, Rotbbury.
Armstrong, Thomas John, 14 Hawthorn Terrace, Newcastle.
Armstrong, William Irving, South Park, Hexham.
Atkinson, Rev. J. C, D.C.L., Danby Parsonage, Grosmont, Yorks.
Barnee, John Wheeldon, F.S.A., Durham,
tfiates, Oadwallader John, M.A., Heddon Banks, Wylam.
Bateson, Edward, 24 Grey Street, Newcastle.
Bell, Charles L., Woolsiogton, Newcastle.
Bell, John £., The Cedars, Osborne Road, Newcastle.
Bell, Thomas James, Cleadon Hall, near Sunderland.
tBlair, Robert, F.S.A., South Shields.
Blenkiosopp, Thomas, 3 High Swinburne Place, Newcastle.
Blindell, William A., Wester Hall, Haughton-on-Tyne.
Bodleian Library, The, Oxford.
Bolam, John, Bilton, Northumberland.
Bolam, Robert G., Berwick-upon-Tweed.
Bond, William Bownas, Blackett Street, Newcastle.
Booth, John, Shotley Bridge.

Bosanquet, Charles B. P., Rook, Alnwick, Northumberland*
fioutflower, Rev. D. S.» Newbottle Vicarage, Pence Houses.

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Vm THE SOOIBTT OP ANTIQUARIES OP NBW0A8TLB-UP0N-TTNB.

Date of SleoUon.
1888 Jane 27
1892 May 25
1888 Sept. 26
1891 Deo. 23

1891 Oot. 28

1892 Aug. 81
1884 Aug. 27
1866 Mar.
1860 Jan.
1892 Feb.

1888 Deo.
1865 Aug.
1891 Deo. 23
1891 July 29
1882

1884 Sept. 24

1891 Sept 30

1885 Sept. 30

1889 April 24
1888 No\r. 28

1884 Deo. 30
1887 Nov. 30
1854 Feb. 6
1886

1892 Mar. 30

1885 April 29
1892 Jan. 27
1892 Deo. 28
1887

1891 Oot

1892 July 27

1881

1887 Oct 26

1888 July 25
1892 Feb. ^
1885 Nov. 25
1887 Nov. 30
1885 May 27

1890 July 30
1883 Deo. 27
1892 May 25

Bowden, Thomas, 42 Mosley Street, Kev^oaatle.

Bowee, John Boswortb, 18 Hawthorn Street, Newoaatle.

Boyd, George Fenwick, Whitley, Newoastle.

Braithwaite, John, Greenfield Terraoe, Gtuforth, Newoastle.

Branford, William E., 90 Grey Street, Newoastle.

Brewis, Parker (o/o Mr. Oaokett, Arohiteot), Newcastle.

BnggB, Miss, Hylton Castle, Sunderland.
tBrooks, John Croase, 14 Lovaine Place, Newcastle.

Brown, Rev. Dixon, Unthank Hall, Haltwhistle.

Brown, George T., 17 Fawoett Street, Sunderland.

Brown, John Williamson, 24 Percy Gardens, Tynemoath.

Brown, Ralph, Benwell Grange.

Brown, The Rev. William, Old Elvet, Durham.
*Browne, Major A. H., Callaly Castle, Whittingham, R.S.O.

Browne, Sir Benjamin Chapman, Westacree, Benwell, Newcastle.

Bruce, Sir Gkiinsford, Yewhurst, Bromley, Kent

Burman, C. Ckrk, L.R.C.P.S. Ed., 12 Bondgate Without, Alnwick

Bam, John Henry, Jun., Beaconsfield, Cullerooats.

Burnett, The Rev. W. R., Kelloe Vicarage, Cozhoe, Durham.

Burton, William Spelman, 19 Claremont Park, Gateshead.

Burton, S. B., Ridley Villas, Newcistle.

Cackett, James Thobum, 24 Grainger Street, Newcastle.
tCail, Richard, Beaconsfield, Low Fell, Gateshead.

Calvert, Rev. Thomas, 15 Albany Villas, Hove, Brighton.

Campbell, John McLeod, Scotswood House, Sootswood.

Carlisle, The Earl of, Naworth Castle, Brampton.

Carr, Frank Joseph, The Willows, Walker.

Carr, Frederick Ralph, Lympston, near Exeter.

Carr, Rev. Henry Byne, Whickham, R.S.O.

Carr, R. Storer, Riding Mill.

Carr, Sidney Story, 14 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth.

Carr, Rev. T. W., Barming Rectory, Maidstone, Kent

Carr, W. J., Printing Court Buildings, Newcastle.

Challoner, John Dixon, Mosley Street, Newcastle.

Charlewood, Henry C, 2 Bentinck Terraoe, Newcastle.

Charlton, Oswin J., Cains College, Cambridge.

Charlton, William L. S., Carritteth, Bellingham, North l^ne.

Charlton, William Oswald, Snab Dough, Bellingham.

Chetham's Library, Hunt's Bank, Manchester (Walter T. Browne,

Librarian).
Clayton, Nathaniel George, Cheaters, Humshaugh-on-Tyne.
tClephan, Robert Coltman, Southdene Tower, Saltwell, Gateshead.
Ooates, Henry Buckden, Barras Bridge, Newcastle.

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LIST OF MEMBERS. (25th January, 1893.)

Dftteof Eleoiion.
1892 Aug. SI

1886 Sept. 29

1887 Jan. 26

1888 Aug. 29
1892 Oct. 26

1888 Feb. 29

1889 Ang. 28
1888 Mar. 28
1891 Nov. 18
1855 prerionsto

1887 Aug. 81

1891 Mar. 25

1892 April 27
1884 Mar. 26

1883 June 27

1884 Ang. 27
1884 July 2

1891 Oct. 28
1884 Jnly 30

1892 Nov. 30
1884 Mar. 26
1891 Ang. 31

1888 Jnne 27
1881
1876
1884 Feb. 27

1883 Oct. 31

1885 Ang. 26

1886 Ang. 28
1865 Ang. 2
1875

1884 Jan. 30

1887 Deo. 28
1890 Mar. 28
1892 AprU27
1883 Sept. 26
1892 Ang. 31
1859 Dec. 2
1883 Oct. 31
1878
1879

Corder, Herbert, 10 Kensington Terrace, Snnderland.
Corder, Percy, 41 Mosley Street, Newcastle.
Cowen, Joseph, Stella Hall, Blaydon.
Cowen, John A., Blaydon Bnrn, Newcastle.
Oresswell, G. G. Baker, 32 Lower Sloane Street, London, W.
Grossman, Sir William, K.C.M.G., Gheswiok Honse, Beal.
Gnlley,The Bev. Matthew, Longhorsley, Morpeth, Northumberland.
Darlington Library (J. H. Everatt, Librarian), Darlington.
Deacon, Thomas John Fuller, 10 Glaremont Place, Newcastle.
tDees, Bobert Richardson, Pilgrim Street, Newcastle.
Dendy, Frederick Walter, Eldon House, Jesmond, Newcastle.
Dick, John, 4 Hawthorn Terrace, Newcastle.
Dickinson, George, Dawson Place, Allendale Town.
Dickinson, John, Park House, Sunderland.
Dixon, John Archbold, 14 West Street, Gateshead.
DixoD, Rev. Ganon, Warkworth Vicarage, Northumberland.
Dixon, David Dippie, Rothbnry.
Donald, Oolin Dunlop, 172 St. Vincent Street, Glasgow.
Dotchin, J. A., 65 Grey Street, Newcastle.
Drury, John G., Alma Place, North Shields.
Dunn, William Henry, 5 St. Nicholas's Buildings, Newcastle.
Durham Gathedral Library.
Esst, John Goethe, 26 Side, Newcastle.
Edwards, Harry Smith, Byethorn, Oorbridge.
Elliott, George, 47 Bosedale Terrace, Newcastle.
Ellison, J. R. Garr-, Hedgeley, Alnwick, Northumberland.

1886 May 26 tEmbleton, Dennis, M.D., 19 Glaremont Place, Newcastle.

Emley, Fred., Bavenshill, Durham Road, Gateshead.

Farrow, Rev. John Ellis, Felling-on-Tyne.

Featherstonhaugh, Rev. Walker, Edmundbyers, BlackbiU.

Fenwiok, Greorge A., Bywell Hall, Stocksfield, Newcastle.

Fenwick, John George, Moorlands, Newcastle.

Ferguson, Rich. S., F.S.A., Ghancellor of Garlisle, Lowther Street,

Garlisle.
Forster, John, 26 Side, Newcastle.
Forster, William, Houghton Hall, Garlisle.
Francis, William, 20 Gollingwood Street, Newcastle.
Franklin, The Rev. Ganon R. J., St. Mary's Gathedral, Newcastle.
Gayner, Francis, Beech Holme, Sunderland.
Gibb, Dr., Westgate Street, Newcastle.
tGibson, J. Pattison, Hexham.
Gibson, Thomas George, 2 Ealington Road, Newcastle.
Glendinning, William, 39 Jesmond Road, Newcastle.

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THE SOCIETY OP ANTIQITARIBS OP NBWCASTLB-OTON-TtKB.

Date of Election.

1886 June 30 Qooderham, Rev. A., Vicarage, Chilliogham, Belford«

1886 Oot. 27 Goodger, C. W. S., 20 Percy Gardens, Tynemoath.

1888 Feb. 29 Grace, Herbert Wylam, Hallgarth Hall, Winlaton.

1886 Ang. 28 Graham, John, Findon Cottage, Saoriston, Durham.
1883 Feb. 28 Green, Robert Yeoman, 11 Lovaine Crescent, Newcastle.
1891 Oot. 28 Greene, Charles R., Hill Croft, Low Fell, Gateshead.

1846 June 3 tGreenwell, Re\r. William, M.A., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.aA., HwL

F.S.A. Scot, Durham.
1883 Feb. 28 GreenweU, Francis John, 120 Ryehill, Newcastle.
1879 tGregory, John Vessey, 10 Framlington Place, Newcastle.

1891 Jan. 28 Haggle, Robert Hood, Blythswood, Osborne Road, Newcastle.
1865 Jan. 4 fHall, Rev. George Rome, F.S. A., Birtloy Vicarage, Wark-on-Tyne.
1883 Aug. 29 Hall, James, Tynemoath.

1883 Aog. 29 Hall, John, Ellison Pkce, Newcastle.

1887 Mar. 30 HaUiday, Thomas, Myrtle Cottage, Low Fell, Gateshead.

1892 Aag. 31 Harrison, John Adolphus, Saltwellville, Low Fell, Gateshead.

1884 Mar. 26 Harrison, Miss Winifred A., 9 Osborne Road, Newcastle.
1892 July 27 Hassell, Clement, 13 Percy Gardens, Tynemonth.

1889 Feb. 27 *Haverfield, F. J., M.A., Christ Church, Oxford.

1882 Haythomthwaite, Rev. Edward, Felling Vicarage, Gateshead

1886 April 28 Hedley, Robert Cecil, Cheviott, Corbridge.
1884 Feb. 27 Henzell, Charles William, Tynemoath.

1891 Oct. 28 Heslop, George Christopher, 135 Park Road, Newcastle.

1883 Feb. 28 fHeslop, Richard Oliver, 12 Princes Buildings, Akenside HUl,

Newcastle.

1883 Feb. 28 Hicks, William Searle, Grainger Street, Newcastle.

1888 April 25 Hindmarsh, William Thomas, Alnbank, Alnwick.
1882 tHodgee, Charles Clement, Sele House, Hexham.

1865 Aug. 2 tHodgkin, Thomas, D.C.L., F.S. A., Benwelldene, Newcastle.

1890 Jan. 29 Hodgson, John Crawford, Warkworth.

1884 April 30 Hodgson, John George, Windsor Terrace, Newcastle.

1887 Jan. 26 Hodgson, William, Elmcroft, Darlington.

1891 Oct. 28 Holmes, Ralph Sheriton, 8 Sanderson Road, Newcastle.
1877 July 4 fHolmes, Sheriton, Moor View House, Newcastle.

1877 HooppeU, Rev. Robert EU, M. A., LL.D., D.C.L., F.R. A.a, Byers

Green, Spennymoor.

1892 June 29 Hopper, Charles, Monkend, Croft, Darlington.
1882 Hopper, John, Grey Street, Newcastle.

1876 Hoyle, William Aubone, Normount, Newcastle.

1888 Feb. 29 Hoyle, Percy S., Randall, Wilson & Co., Bridgend, Glamorgan.
1886 June 30 Haddart, Rev. G. A. W., LL.D., Kirklington Rectory, Bedale.
1891 Oct. 28 Humble, Stephen John, Ravenswood, Low Fell, Gkteshead.
1888 Jaly 25 Hunter, Edward, 8 Wentworth Place, Newcastle.

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LIST OF MBHBRB8. (25th January, 1893.)

Dftle of Bleoticm.

1886 M^y 26
1802 Nov. 30
1882

1883 Aag. 29

1883 Feb. 28
1892 June 29

1884 Oct 29

1890 Jan. 29
1892 Dea 28

1885 April 29
1883 Jane 27

1887 June 29
1850 Nov. 6

1886 Aug. 26

1888 Jane 27
1877

1883 Jane 27

1884 Mar. 26
1884 Ang. 27

1891 May 27
1884 Mar. 26
1882

1891 Mar. 25

1892 Ang. 31
1888 Sept 26

1887 Deo. 28
1891 Jan. 28

1891 Aog. 26

1883 Mar. 28

1883 May 30

1883 Feb. 28

1883 Oct. 13

1891 Jaly 29

1886 Dec 29

1883 June 27
1882

1891 Sept. 30

1883 Feb. 28

1884 July 2
1883 Jan. 31

1885 May 27

Irving, George, 1 Portland Terrace, West Jeemond, Newcastle.

Jewell, B. Danoombe, Woods ft Co. Bank, FawoettSt, Sunderland.

Johnson, Rev. Anthony, Healey Vicarage, Riding MilL

Johnson, Rev. John, Hutton Rndby Vicarage, Yarm.

Joicey, James, M.P., Longhirst, Morpeth.

Jones, Rev. W. M. O'Brady, St Luke's Vicarage, Wallsend.
tEnowlee, William Harvey, Victoria Buildings, Grainger Street
West, Newcastle.

Laing, Dr., Blyth.

Leitch, Rev. Richard, Osborne Villas, Newcastle.

Liverpocd Free Library (P. Cowell, Librarian).

Lloyd, The Rev. Arthur T., D.D., Vicarage, Newcastle.

Lockhart, Henry F., Prospect House, Hexham,
fliongstaffe, William Hilton Dyer, The Crescent, Gateshead.

Lynn, J. B. D., Esliogton House, Jesmond Road, Newcastle.

Macarthy, Geo. Eugene, Ashfield House, Elswick Road, Newcastle.

McDowell, Dr. T. W., The Asylum, Morpeth.

Mackey, Matthew, 33 Lily Avenue, West Jesmond, Newcastle.

Mackey, Matthew, Jnn., 8 Milton Street, Shieldfield, Newcastle.

Maling, Christopher Thompson, 14 Ellison Place, Newcastle.

Manchester Reference Library (C. W. Sutton, Librarian).

Marshall, Frank, 32 Grainger Street, Newcastle.

Martin, N. H., F.L.S., 8 Windsor Crescent, Newcastle.

Maudlen, William, Gosfortb, Newcastle.

May, Thomas, 32 Normanton Terrace, Newcastle.

Mayo, William Swalling, Riding Mill-on-Tyne.

Medd, Rev. Arthur Octavius, Whitton Tower, Rothbury.

Melbourne Free Library (c/o Edward A. Petheriok, 33 Paternoster
Row, London, E.C.)

Mitcalfe, John Stanley, Percy Park, Tynemouth.

Moore, Joseph Mason, Harton, South Shields.

Morrow, T. R., 2 St Andrew's Villas, Watford, Herts.

Morton, Henry Thomas, Fenton, Wooler.

Motum, Hill, Town Hall, Newcastle.

Mulcaster, Henry, Bishopside, Catton Road, Allendale.

Murray, William, M.D., 34 Clayton Street West, Newcastle.

Nelson, Ralph, North Bondgate, Bishop Auckland.

Nelson, Thomas, 9 Windsor Terrace, Newcastle.

Newby, J. K, Binchester Hall, Bishop Auckland.

Newcastle, The Bishop of, Benwell Tower, Newcastle.

Newcastle Public Library (W. J. Haggerston, Librarian).

Nicholson, George, Barrington Street, South Shields.

Norman, William, 23 Eldon Place, NcMroastle.

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Xll THE SOOIBTY OP ANTIQUABIBS OP NEWCASTLB-UPON-TYNB.

DiitoofBleotloiL
1860 Nov, 7

1889 Aug.

1891 Feb.

1888 Mar.
1877

1889 Aug.
1884 Deo.

1892 Mar.
1882

1891 Feb.
1884 Jan.

1892 Nov.
1884 Sept
1880
1871
1880

1888 Jam
1892 Oot
1892 Oot
1880
1871
1854 Oot.

1887 Aug.
1882

1888 June

1888 May
1892 June
1886 Feb.
1891 Aug.
1883 Sept.
1891 April

1886 Nov.

1891 July

1887 Deo.
1886 June

1892 Mar.

1889 July
1844 (?)
1892 June
1883 Jan.
1892 Sept.

28
18
28

28
30
30

18
30
30
24ft-Ph

Northbonme, Lord, Betteshanger, Kent
tNorthnmberland, The Duke of, Alnwick Caatle, Northumberland.

Oliver, Prof. Thomas, M.D., 12 Eldon Square, Newoastle.

Ord, John Robert, Haughton Hall, Darlington.

Ormond, Biohard, 35 Peroy Gardens, Tynemouth.

Oswald, Septimus, Jesmond, Newcastle.

Park, A. D., 11 Bigg Market, Newcastle.

Parkin, John S., New Square, Lincoln's Lin, London, W.C.

Pattison, John, Golbeok Terrace, Tynemouth.

Pease, John WiUiam, Pendower, BenweU, Newcastle.

Pease, Howard, Enfield Lodge, Newcastle.

Peile, Greorge, Greenwood, Shotley' Bridge.

Percy, The Earl, Alnwick Castle, Northumberland.
lilUps, Maberiy, 12 Grafton Boad, Whitley, R.S.O.

PhilipsoD, George Hare, M.A., M.D., Eldon Square, Kewoaatle.
fPhilipeon, John, Victoria Square, Newcastle.

Pickering, William, Poplar Cottage, Long Benton, Newcastle.

Plummer, Arthur B., 2 Eslington Terrace, Newcastle.

Potts, Joseph, Osborne Road, Newcastle.

Proud, George, 25 Croydon Road, Newcastle.

Proud, John, Bishop Auckland.

Pybus, Robert, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle.
tRaine, Rev. Canon, York. '
tRavensworth, The Earl of, Ravensworth Castle, Gkteshead.

Reavell, George, Jun., Alnwick.

Redmayne, R. Norman, 27 Grey Street, Newcastle.

Redpath, Robert, Linden Terrace, Newcastle.

Reed, The Rev. George, Ridley, Bardon Mill.

Rees, John, 5 Jesmond High Terrace, Newcastle.

Reid, Andrew, Akenside Hill, Newcastle.

Reid, George B., Leazes House, Newcastle.

Reid, William Bruce, Cross House, Upper Claremont, Newcastle.

Reynolds, Charles H., Millbrook, Walker.

Rich, F. W., Eldon Square, Newcastle.

Richardson, Frank, South Ashfield, Newcastle.

Richmond, Rev. George Edward, Vicarage, Wylam

Richmond, Rev. Henry James, Sherbum Vicarage, Co. Durham

Riddel], Edward Francis, Cheesebum Grange, near Newcastle.

Ridley, John Philipsoo, Rothbury.

Ridley, Sir M. W., Bart, M.P., Blagdon, Northumberland.

Ridley, Thomas Dawson, Willimoteswick, Coatham, Redcar.

Robinson, Alfred J., 136 Brighton Grove, Newcastle.

Robinson, James F., Bumopfield.

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LIST OF HSKBBBS. (26th January, 1898.)

DiteofBeoikm.
1884 Joiy 90

1877
1883
1801
1892
1801
1887
1888
1884
1801
1892
1886

1888
1891

1889
1802
1888
1891

1883
1882
1891

Aug. 29
Feb. 18
Sept 28
Deo. 23
J«n. 26
Jaly 25
Aug. 27
Sept. 90
Aug. 31
Feb. 24
Jane 27
Feb. 28
Oct 31
July 29
Oct 31
Jan. 27
May 29
Oct. 26
Jan. 25
Nov. 18
Jane 27
Jan. 3
Dea 27

Jan. 28
Dea 27

1885 June 24

1873

1887 Mar. 30

1880

1892

1884

1879

1866

1887

1800

!Jan. 27
April 30

1892
1884

Dec. 5
Nov. 30
Jan. 6
April 30
April 27
Oct 29

BobinBOD, John, 7 Ohoppington Stsaet, Newoastle.
Robinson, William Harris, 20 Osborne Avenue, Newoastle.
Rogers, Rev. Percy, M.A., Simonbum Rectory, Humshaugh.
Rogersoo, John, Crozdale Hall, Durham*
Rome, George Robert, 14 Eldon Place, Newcastle.
Rutherford, Henry Taylor, Blyth. *

Rutherford, John V. W., Eldon Square, Newcastle.
Ryott, William Henry, Collingwood Street, Newcastle.
Sanderson, Richard Burdon, Warren House, Belford.
Schaeffer, Anton Georg, 4 Benton Terrace, Newcastle.
Scott, John David, 4 Osborne Terrace, Newcastle.
Scott, Owen Stanley, Bowes Museum, Barnard Castle.
Scott, Walter, Grainger Street, Newcastle.
Scott, Walter, Holly House, Sunderland.
Sheppee, Lieutenant-Colonel, Picktree House, Chester-le-Street
Shewbrooks, Edward, 23 Eslington Terrace, Newcastle.
Sidney, Martin William, Blytb.
Simpson, J. B., Hedgefield House, Blaydon-on-Tyne.
Simpson, H. F. Morland, M.A., Fettes College, Edinburgh.
Sisson, Richard William, Grey Street, Newcastle.
Skelly, George, Alnwick.

Slater, The Rev. Henry, The Glebe, Riding Mill-on-Tyne.
Smith, William, Gunnerton, Wark-on-T3rne.
South Shields Public Library (Thomas Pyke, Librarian).
*tSpence, Charles James, South Preston Lodge, North Shields.
Spencer, J. W., Millfield, Newbum-on-Tyne.
Steavenson, A. L., Holywell Hall, Durham.
Steel, The Rev. James, Vicarage, Heworth.
Steel, Thomas, 51 John Street, Sunderland.
Stephens, Rev. Thomas, Horsley Vicarage, Otterbum, R.S.O.
Stephenson, Thomas, 3 Framlington Place, Newcastle.
tStevenson, Alexander Sbannan, F.S.A. Scot, Tynemouth
Straker, Joseph Henry, Stagshaw House, Corbridge.
Strangeways, Wm. Nicholas, Lea Hurst, Newbould Lane, Sheffield*
Sutherland, Charles James, M.D., Frederick Street, South Shields.
Swaby, Rev. Dr. W. P., Vicar of St Mark's, Millfield, Sunderland.
Swan, Henry F., Beaufront Castle, Hexham, Northumberland.
Swinburne, Sir John, Bart., Capheaton, Northumberland.
Tarver, J. V., Eskdale Tower, Eskdale Terrace, Newcastle.
Taylor, Hugh, 57 Gracechnrch Street, London.
Taylor, J. W., 31 Westgate Road, Newcastle.
Taylor, Thomas, Chipchase Castle, Wark-on-Tyne.
Taylor, Rev. William, Catholic Church, Whittingham, Alnwick.

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XIV THE BOOIBTY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.

Date of Bleofelon.

1883 Jmi. 31
1888 Aug. 29
1879

1892 Jane 29

1891 Jan. 28
1888 Feb. 29
1888 Oct. 31

1888 Nov. 28

1892 July 27

1884 Mar. 26

1889 Oct 30

1884 Feb. 27

1891 Mar. 25

1890 Aug. 27
1887 Mar. 30

1892 Oct 26
1887 Jan. 26
1892 Dec. 28
1880

1889 Nov. 27
1886 June 30
1892 Aug. 31

1891 Ang. 26

1885 May 27
1891 Sept 30
1848 Feb. 7

1886 Nov. 24
1883 Mar. 28

Tennant, James^ Low Fell, Ckteehead.

Thompson, Geo. H., Baileygate, Alnwick.

Thompeon, Henry, St Nicholas's Chambers, Newcastle.

Thomson, James, Jan., 22 Wentworth Place, Newcastle.

Thome, Thomas, Blackett Street, Newcastle.

Thorpe, B. Swarley, Devonshire Terrace, Newcastle.

Todd, J. Stanley, 39 Dockwray Sqaare, North Shields.

Tomlinson, William W., 1 Victoria Villas, Whitley, B.S.O.

Toronto, University of (c/o Edward G. Allen, 28 Henrietta Street,
Oovent Garden, London, W.C.)

TweddeU, George, Grainger ViUe, Newcastle.

Vick, B. W., Strathmore Hoase, West Hartlepool

WaddiDgton, Thomas, Eslington Villa, Gateshead.

Walker, The Bev. John, Whalton Vicarage, Morpeth.

Wallace, Henry, Trench Hall, near Gateshead.

Watson, Joseph Henry, Percy Park, Tynemoath.

Watson (Mrs.) M. £., Bamopfield.

Watson, Thomas Carrick, 21 Blackett Street, Newcastle.

Waagh, P., 49 Warrington Street, Newcastle.
tWelford, Bichard, Thomfield Villa, Gosforth, Newcastle.

Wheler, E. G., Swansfield, Alowick.

Wilkinson, Aabam, M.D., Holly Hoase, Tynemoath.

Wilkinson, The Bev. Ed., M. A., Whitworth Vicarage, Spennymoor.

Williamson, Thomas, Jan., 39 Widdrington Terrace, North Shields.

Wilson, John, Archbold Hoase, Newcastle.

Winter, John Martin, 17 Percy Gardens, Tynemoath.
tWoodman, William, East Biding, Morpeth.

Wright, Joseph, Jan., Museam, Barras Bridge, Newcastle.

Yoang, J. B., 20 Windsor Terrace, Newcastle.

SOCIETIES WITH WHICH PUBLICATIONS ABE EXCHANGED.

.Antiqaaries of London, The Society of, Barlington Hoase, London (AsHsUuU

Secretary, W. H. St John Hope, M.A.)
Antiqaaries of Scotland, The Society of (Dr. J. Anderson, Maseam, Edinburgh).
Boyal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, The (Hellier

Gosselin, Secretary, Oxford Mansion, Oxford Street, London, W.C.)
Boyal Society of Antiqaaries of Ireland, The (Bobert Cochrane, c/o University

Press, Trinity College, Dublin).
Boyal Irish Academy, The
Boyal Society of Northern Antiquities of Copenhagen, The

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80CIETIBS WITH WHICH PUBLIOATIONS ABB EXCHANGED. XY

Boyal Society of Norway, The, Christiania.

Berwiokihire Natarftlists Chxh, The (Secrdary and BdUor, James Hardy, LL,!).,

OldoamboB, Gookbamspathy N.B.)
Briatol and Glonoeeter Archaeological Society, The (The Bev. W. Bazeley,

Matson Rectory, Gloucester).
Britiih Archaeological Association, l%e {Seeretaries, W. de Gray Birch, F.S.A.}

British Museum, and £. P. Loftns Brock, F.S.A., 36 Great Bossell Street,

London, W.C.)
Cambridge Antiquarian Society, The {Secretary, Dr. Hardcastle, Cambridge).
Canadian Institute of Toronto, The
Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society, The

{Editor, Chancellor Fergusoo, F.S.A., Lowther Street, Carlisle).
Derbyshire Archaeological Society, The {Editor, The Rev. Dr. Cox, Barton-le-

Street Rectory, Malton, Yorks.)
Folk Lore Society, The (J. J. Foster, 36 Alma Square, St. John's Wood,

London, S.W., Hon. Sec.)
Lancashire and Cheshire Historic Society, The (R. D. Radcliffe, Esq., M.A.,

Hon, Secretary, Old Swan, Liverpool).
London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, The
Manx Society, The
Nassau Association for the Study of Archaeology and History, The (Yerein ftlr

nascauische Alterthumakunde und Geschichte forschung).
Numismatic Society of London, The, 4 St. Martin's Place, Trafalgar Square,

London {Secretaries, H. A. Grueber and B. Y. Head).
Peabody Museum, The Trustees of the. Harvard University, U.S. A.
Powys-land Club, The {Editor, Morris C. Jones, F.S.A., Gungrog Hall, Welsh-
pool).
Shropshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, The {Secretary, Francis

Goyne, Shrewsbury).
Smithsonian Listitution, The, Washington, U.S.A.
Sod^td d'Arcb^logie de Bruxelles, La (rue des Palais 63, Bruxelles).
Somersetshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, The
Surrey Archaeological Society, The
Sussex Archaeological Society, The (C. T. Phillips, Hon, Librarian and

Cwrator),
l^uringian Historical and Archaeological Society, The (Yerein fUr thuringische

Geschichte und Altertumskunde) Jena (Professor Dr. D. Soh&fer, Jena).
Trier Archaeological Society, The, Trier, Germany.
Wiltshire Archaeological Society, The

Yorkshire Topographical and Archaeological Association, The (G. W. Tomlinson,
Wood Field, Huddersfield, Hon. Sec.)

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XVI

STATUTES OP THE SOCIETY OP ANTIQUAEEBS
OP NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.

Bleotion of
Members.

ObliRatioDB
of Membera.

Constitution I. — ^This Society, under the style and title of ' The Sooikty
of the Society. Q J, ^utiqxjabibs OP Nbwoastlb-ijpon-Tynb,' shall consist
of ordinary members and honorary members.

II. — Candidates for election as ordinary members shall be
proposed in writing by three ordinary members at a general
meeting, and be elected or rejected by the majority of votes
of ordinary members at that meeting, unless a ballot shall
be demanded by any member, which in that case shall
take place at the next meeting, and at such ballot three-
fourths of the votes shall be necessary in order to the candi-
date's election. The election of honorary members shall be
conducted in like manner.

III. — ^The ordinary members shall continue to be members
so long as they shall conform to these statutes, and all future
statutes, rules, and ordinances, and shall pay an annual
subscription of one guinea. The subscription shall be due
on election, and afterwards annually in the month of January
in every year. Any member who shall pay to the Society
twelve guineas in addition to his current year's subscription
shall be discharged from all future payments. A member
elected at or after the meeting in October shall be exempt
from a further payment for the then next year, but shall not
be entitled to the publications for the current year. If the
subscription of any ordinary member shall have remained
unpaid a whole year the Council may remove the name of
such person from the list of members, and he shall thereupon
cease to be a member, but shall remain liable to pay the
subscription in arrear, and he shall not be eligible for re-
election until the same shall have been paid.

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STATUTES. XVll

IV. — ^The oflScere of the Society shall consist of a patron, officers of
a president, vice-presidents (not to exceed twelve in number), * ® <^^^J'
a treasurer, two secretaries, twelve other members (who, with
the president, vice-presidents, treasurer, and secretaries, shall
constitute the Council), an editor, a librarian, two curators,
and two auditors. These several officers shall be elected
annually, except the patron, who shall be elected for life.

v.— The election of officers shall be out of the class of Election of
ordinary members. Any ordinary member may nominate
any ordinary member or members (subject to statute VI)
(not exceeding the required number) to fill the respective
offices. Every nomination must be signed by the person
nominating, and sent to the Castle of Newcastle-upon-Tyne,
addressed to the secretaries, who shall cause it to be im-
mediately inserted on a sheet-list of nominations, which shall
be exhibited in the library of the Castle, and notice shall
forthwith be given to the person so nominated. Any person
nominated may, by notice in writing, signify to the secretaries
his refusal to serve, or if nominated to more than one office,
may in like manner, signify for which office or offices he
declines to stand ; and every nomination so disclaimed shall
be void. The list of nominations shall be finally adjusted
and closed ten days before the Annual Meeting, or before a
Special Meeting to be held within one month thereafter. If
the number of persons nominated for any office be the same
as the number to be elected the person or persons nominated
shall be deemed elected, and shall be so declared by the
chairman at such Annual or Special Meeting. If the number
of persons nominated for any office exceed the number to be
elected then the officer or officers to be elected shall be
elected from the persons nominated and from them only ;
and for that purpose a printed copy of the list of nominations
and one voting paper only shall be famished to each ordinary
member with the notice convening the Annual or Special
Meeting. If the number of persons nominated for any
office be less than the number to be elected, or if there be no
nomination, then the election to that office shall be from the

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XVUl

STATUTES OF THB BOCIBTT OF

Members not
eligible for
ConnciL

Meetings of
the Society.

Property of
the Society.

ordinary members generally. Whether the election be. from
a list of nominations^ or from the ordinary members generally^
each voter must deliver his voting paper in person, signed
by him, at the Annual or Special Meeting. The chairman
shall appoint scmtineers, and the scrutiny shall commence on
the conclusion of the other business of the Annual or Special
Meeting, or at such earlier time as the chairman may direct,
if the other business shall not have terminated within one
hour after the commencement of the Annual or Special
Meeting. No voting paper shall be received after the com-
mencement of the scrutiny.

VI. — ^Those of the 'twelve other members' (see statute
IV), of the Council who have not attended one-third of the
meetings of the Council during the preceding year, shall not
be eligible for election for the then next year.

VII. — ^A general meeting of the members of the Society
shall be held on the last Wednesday of every month, in the
Castle of Newcastle-upon-Tjme. The meeting in January
shall be the Annual Meeting, and shall be held at one o'clock
in the afternoon, and the meeting in every other month shall
be held at seven o'clock in the evening. But the Society or
the Council may from time to time appoint any other place
or day or hour for any of the meetings of the Society. The
presence of seven ordinary members shall be necessary in
order to constitute the Annual Meeting, and the presence of
five ordinary members shall be necessary in order to con-
stitute any other meeting. A Special General Meeting may
be convened by the Council if, and when, they may deem it
expedient.

VIII. — The ordinary members only shall be interested m
the property of the Society. The interest of each member
therein shall continue so long only as he shall remain a
member, and the property shall never be sold or otherwise
disposed of (except in the case of duplicates hereinafter
mentioned) so long as there remain seven members ; but
should the number of members be reduced below seven and
so remain for twelve calendar months then next following.

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ANTIQUABIBS OF NEWOASTLE-UPON-TYKB. xix

the Society shall be '^so facto dissolved, and after satis&ction
of all its debts and liabUities the property of the Society
shall be deliyered nnto and become the property of the
Literary and Philosophioal Society of Newcastle-npon-Tyne,
if that Society be then in existence and willing to receive the
same ; and should that Society not be in existence and willing
to receive the same, then the same shall be delivered to and
become the property of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Citizens,
of Newcastle-upon-Tyne.

IX. — ^All papers shall be read in the order in which they Reading of
are received by the Society. A paper may be read by the
author, or by any other member of the Society whom he may
desire to read it, or by either of the secretaries ; but any
paper which is to be read by the secretaries shall be sent to
them a week previous to its being laid before the Society.

X — ^The Council shall be entrusted with the duty and PubUcations
cdiarge of selecting and illustrating papers for the publica- ° ^®'^'
tions of the Society (other than the Proceedings),

XI. — That the Society, at any ordinary meeting, shall have Remoyal of
power to remove any member from the list of members. ®™
The voting to be by ballot and to be determined by at least
four-fifths of the members present and voting, provided, never-
theless, that no such removal shall take place unless notice
thereof shall have been given at the next preceding ordinary
meeting.

XII. — ^All donations to the Society shall be presented l>onation8 to
through the Council, and a book shall be kept in which shall
be regularly recorded their nature, the place and time of their
discovery, and the donors* names. All duplicates of coins, Duplicates,
books, and other objects, shall be at the disposal of the
Council for the benefit of the Society.

XIII. — Every ordinary member, not being in arrear of his Members en-
aanual subscription, shall be entitled to such publications of ucations.
the Society as may be printed for the year of his first sub-
scription and thereafter if in print ; and he may purchase
any of the previous publications of which copies remain, at
such prices as shall be from time to time fixed by the Council.

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XX STATUTES OP THB SOOIETY OF ANTIQUABIES.

The use of XIY. — Each member shall be entitled to the use of the
® ^^^' Society's library, subject to the condition (which applies to
all privil^es of membership) that his snbscription for the
carrent year be paid. Not more than three volumes at a
time shall be taken out by any member. Books may be
retained for a month, and if this time be exceeded, a fine of
one shilling per week shall be payable for each volume
retained beyond the time. All books must, for the purpose
of examination, be returned to the library on the Wednesday
preceding the Annual Meeting under a fine of 28. 6d.; and
they shall remain in the library until after that meeting.
Manuscripts, and works of special value, shall not circulate
without the leave of the Council. The Council may mitigate
or remit fines in particular cases.
Repeal or XV. — ^These statutes, and any statutes which hereafter

Bti^utes." ^' ^•^y ^ °^^^^ ^' passed, may be repealed or altered, and new,
or altered statutes, may be made or passed at any Annual
Meeting, provided notice of such repeal or alteration, and of
the proposed new or altered statutes, be given in writing at
the next preceding monthly meeting.

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REPORT

^f)e Jbocfetg of ^nttguatie^

NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.

ANNUAL MEETING, M.DCOO.XCIV.

The Newcastle Society of Antiquaries has now completed the eighth
decade of its existence. Though it has to lament the loss of many
valued members by death during the past year, their places, as far as
numbers go, have been more than filled by fresh accessions to its muster
roll, which now numbers nearly 850 honorary and ordinary members.

The past year has been memorable to the antiquaries of our
county for the publication of the first volume of the new County
History of Northumberland, containing the history of Bamburgh
and Belford. The editor, or rather author, Mr. Edward Bateson,
has fulfilled his task in a manner which has earned the applause of the
least indulgent critics. It is earnestly to be hoped that the eleven
remaining volumes may maintain the 'same high level which has been
reached by the first.

In connection with this subject we desire to point out to our
members the valuable work which may be done by them individually
in connection with the several parishes in which they reside. Some
important papers on parochial history have been read at our meetings
during the past year. It is very desirable that steps should be taken
to print the early Parish Registers of the two northern counties. In
some districts, as we are informed, these are being published in the
successive numbers of the Parish Magazines, an admirable plan, and
one which will give a permanent value to publications otherwise of
ephemeral interest. If efforts of this kind are continued, the labours
of the county historian of the future will be greatly lightened.

It is also to be desired that the attention of our local antiquaries
should be called to the propriety of publishing without further delay
an archaeological map of the two counties of Northumberland and
DurhauL This has ^been done for the counties of Kent, Hertford,

VOL. XVI.

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XXU ANNUAL REPORTS

Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Lancashire north of the Sands,
Surrey, and Lancashire, under the auspices of the London {Society of
Antiquaries. It is eminently desirable that our own district, so rich
in remains of pre-historic and historic antiquity, should not remain
without a similar record.

One of the most interesting events of the past year, from an
antiquarian point of view, has been the visit to our district of
General von Sarwey, a member of the commission appointed by the
Imperial Government of Germany to examine and report upon the
Limes Imperii in Germany. The general has rightly felt that a com-
parison with similar works of the Romans in Britain would greatly
aid him in his researches, and he has therefore visited both the
Roman Wall in Northumberland and Cumberland and the Wall of
Antoninus between the firths of Forth and Clyde. On both journeys
he was accompanied by a distinguished band of Oxford archaeologists,
Messrs. Pelham, Mowat, Hogarth, and Haverfield. All these gentle-
men, while recognising the careful and patient study which has been
already given to the Roman Wall, especially by our late venerated
vice-president. Dr. Bruce, are earnest in their recommendations that i

more should yet be done, and that the spade, that great revealer of
archaeological truths, should be more efficiently wielded. The history
of Roman Britain has yet to be written, and for that history we must
in large measure depend on what we can find in the ground beneath
our feet. The literary historians of the empire, Uttie interested in the
fortunes of our obscure, forest-covered island, have left large spaces in
our annals utterly blank. We are under inestimable obligations to
Tacitus, to Dion Cassius, to the writers of the Augustan History, for
what they have told us, but their recitals and the precious chapters
relating to Britain in the Notitia Imperii do little more than excite
our curiosity, and suggest all sorts of problems which they do not
solve. For the solution of these problems we must depend on the
inscribed stones which it was the habit of the Roman legionary to
leave behind him wherever he was quartered. Much light has already
been derived from these sources, but undoubtedly much more yet
remains undisclosed. The history of these early centuries of our
country still remains to a large extent underground. Shall not we
bear our part in bringing it forth to the day ?

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FOR THE YEAR 1893. XXlll

The following is the

REPORT OP THE TREASURER
for the year ending Slst December, 1898 : —

The number of ordinary members at the end of 1898 was 821.
The additions during the year have amounted to 29, and the losses
trom death and other causes to 28.

The total income from revenue has been £486 17s., and the
expenditure £465 5s. 6d., leaving a balance on the year of £81 lis. 7d.

The balance of revenue account carried forward to 1894 is
£217 lis. 6d., and the capital account shows a balance of £45 18s. 8d.,
of which £42 18s. 5d. is invested in the 2f per cent. Consols, the
remainder being deposited in the Post Office Savings Bank.

The receipts from members' subscriptions have been £820 5s.,
three guineas more than last year.

The receipts from the Castle and Black Gate have fallen off con-
siderably as compared with previous years, in sympathy with the
general dulness of trade. The total received from admissions being
£115 9s. 7d., against £135 Is. Id. in 1892. The expenditure, how-
ever, is somewhat less, so that there is a credit balance upon the two
places of £2 lis. 6d.

The printing of the Archaeologia Aeliana has cost £97 9s. lOd.,
against £121 lis. last year, and the Proceedings £89 18s. 6d., gainst
£81 Os. 6d. There has been a sUght increase of £7 under the head
of iUustrations.

The purchase and the sale of books have nearly balanced each
other, the purchases having amounted to £50 8s. 7d., and the sales
to £51 2b. 5d.

The number of life members remains at three as previously.

Sheriton Holmes,

Hon, Treasurer.

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XXIV

STATEMENT OP RECEIPTS AND

Sh&riton EolmeSy Treasurer^ in Account with the Society of Antiquaries
of Newcastle-upon-Tyne.

Statbmint of Reohpts and Payments iob the Tear ending
December 31, 1893.

Balance on January let, 1893
Members' SabsoriptionB

Castle

Black Gate

Museam

Books

Archaeologia AeHana (printing)
Proceedings (do.)

Illastrationa ,

Sandries

Secretary (clerical assistance)
Balance

B«oeipt8.

Expendltare.

£ 8.

£ s. d.

185 19 11

320 6

96 18

80 19 11

18 11

31 18 2
0 14 4

51 2

60 3 7
97 9 10

39 18 6
48 6 10
65 14 3

40 0 0
217 11 6

£672 16 11 £672 16 11

Capital Bccount.

Inyested in 2} per cent Consols

Dividends and Balance, December, 1893, as per Pass Book

£ e. d.

42 18 5

2 19 10

£45 18 3

Audited and certified.

23rd January, 1894,

J. A. DncoN.
R. W. SissoN.

S>etai[0

Castle—

Warder's Salary

Rent

Income Tax ...

Water

Gas

Book Closet ...

Repairs

Coal, Firewood, &c .

Ot 1R

ecefpi

td mb Si

penditt

ire.

£ 8. d.
65 0 0

0 2 6

1 7 6
0 6 0

2 14 4
9 7 0

0 17 10

1 4 9

£80 19 11

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PAYMENTS FOE 18»3. XXV

Black Gatb—

Attendant's Salary
Rent ...
Income Tax
Water ...
Gas ...
Insurance
Repairs ...
Misoellaneons

Museum—

An old Watch...
Fire Office Plate
Boars* Tusks ...

Casts

Carriage of Stones

20 16

4 11

£31 18 2

£0 14 4

Books Bouoht— £ b. d.

Survey of Dehatable Landi

Monumental Effigiei

Antiquary and MeUquary

TranaaetionSy Cornwall Institute

Year-book of SoeietiM

Memorials of the Marquis of Montrose

Cartularium Sateonieum

ATttike Denkmdler, etc

TestameiUa Carleolensia

Tomlinson, Historic Notes on Cullereoats...

Nonarvm Inquisitiones

Bourne's Whiehham Parish

Binding, Waters

Do. Reid

Preparing Library Catalogue

1 1 0

3 6 0

...

0 14 0

0 3 0

1 4 6

,,,

1 10 0

•••

0 4 0

2 14 0

...

0 10 10

0 7 6

...

0 7 6

...

0 3 0

£27

an 11 Q

£50 3 7

SuKDsns —

Cheque Book

Oibson, J. P., for Excavations at Mucklebank Turret

Subscription — Harleian Society ...

Do. Surtees do

Income Tax

Reid, for General Printing

Nicholson, do.

Gibson's Postage and Carriage

Secretary's Postage, &c

Treasures do.

5 18 11

65 14 3

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xxvi report of the excavation committee

First Report op the Committee appointed to make excava-
tions FS£ LINEAM VALLI, MADE TO THE SOCIETY OF

Antiquaries of Newcastle on the 31st day of
January, 1894.

The members of the Committee of the Northumberland Excavation
Fand, in presenting the report of their first year's working, are not
able to boast of any great discoveries, but they hope that their slender
band of subscribers will feel that their scanty funds have been judici-
ously expended.

The chief object pressed upon their attention by their correspon-
dents at Oxford and elsewhere was the determination of the character
and composition of the vallum which so mysteriously accompanies the
Roman murus. In this earthwork two series of cuttings have been
made, one about a quarter of a mile east of Heddon-on-the-Wall, and
the other at Down Hill, a little to the east of ffunnum.

By the former cuttings, owing to the fortunate presence of a seam
of fire-clay (through which the fosse of the vallum was cut, and some
portions of which were found both in the northern agger and the
southern), it has been possible to determine satisfactorily the manner
of disposing of the earth which was dug out of the trench, and to
show that the ditch and its northern and southern mounds were made
at the same time. There were also found in the northern mounds
at this place, near the ancient level of the surface, two objects of
considerable interest, one a bronze axe-head, socketed and looped,
and the other a flint scraper.^ These curious relics have suggested
a question whether it is possible that the vallum can after all be a
work of the pre-Roman period.

Tlie cuttings at Down Hill were made at the point where the
vallum makes its remarkable curve of divergence from the line of
the murus. The interesting feature in connection with these exca-
vations has been the discovery of traces of a road running east and
west seventeen feet wide and parallel with the Wall.

Is this road of Roman origin ? It has a day foundation and con-
sists of a sandstone pitching, similar to the bottom pitching of a
modem macadamised road, but without any hard metal on the top.
It has been traced from the Carr Hill farm westward along the

» See p. 338.

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Archaeologia Aeliana, vol. xvi.

Vallum S

Near Heddononl

Sri^

r^T'fo^

^^^^ ^

mfrf^

^^^^9

1 t/> 1

—..■..."""'"'" '^"""

'''""""^hmrr

J — . o

North

WHer6 Hit oriqinql surface could beddtrmined IficUnc

Near hddon on the WaH.N?2

yKa^

Morlk

•^.i^

Umtslon^ rocK {fyrxt\

- - " - ^Sct^lc oLf

SECTIONS ACROSS THE ROMAN V

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Plate oi.

xtions

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..-^sr!:;!r*Tr"

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1

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_. 1

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1

• ?

Sou In

is full. Where- douWful il^ is

doJtca

Down Hill ■ N» I.

Mihewall

Stdl* of ^f«eh I

Plan

•"Trt-vrrrY

LLUM IN NORTHUMBERLAND.

•^OTo-wroa spHACuc • c« iflMOPN

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Archaeologia Aeliana, vol. xvi.

Vqtium SccHi
Ah Down H

sr
c

1 1 JH I J >j P w» T ffrrimnr* '

Vyhfrc ihfc onqinat Surface Could i)e dtttrmimi

Tszr>

^?„

> o

£^

Ui-

■tr

i^^^^^TJtiTjifl^flr

l,,.j»J=

Scale of fcc4r

SBCTIONS ACROSS THE ROMAN

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Plate oia.

Down Hil\.N^2

ifclint IS fuli. Where doub^ful & is doHtd

3
O
CO

Hill

^^fifiOf^^'***!''*! * '#"' **9*r9ti»*t*tfmrr

Thi doHed line. A \tidic«t€.« IKt |kocHion .of iiit poad
TtcenHu ditcoveted . Pvcsumablu -(he f^omoTi WtiK Tadd
^ 6eal«, of ;(««.l

T:...rr....i =c! ip*

Plan

.r r r=f

LLUM IN NORTHUMBERLAND.

r^QITfl VTriQ. If^ACItlF i 'C~iL£«4QOn

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OF THE SOCIETY.

xxvn

line of the vallum, and between the ditch and the north agger. It
keeps parallel with the vallum, which at this point is also parallel
with the wall ; but where the vallum makes its noticeable deflection to
Qie south-west the road continues in the straight line, and in order
that it may do this a considerable length of the north agger has been
removed to make way for it. After the road approaches Down Hill
it makes an S curve and sweeps round the hill to avoid passing
over the highest point. The vallum meanwhile keeps to the soutH
flank of the hill.

Of the sections' generally it may be said that though not much
was foond in the way of actual remains they have given us more
accurate surveys of the exact present contour of the earthworks than
anything that has yet been made.

The members of the committee hope that the antiquarian public
will be sufficiently interested in the important questions relating to the
history of Roman Britain which may be elucidated by researches of
this kind to furnish them with funds for the excavation of at least one
mile-castle and one camp in the ensuing season.

THE NORTHUMBERLAND EXCAVATION FUND IN ACCOUNT WITH
HODGKIN, BARNETT, PEASE, SPENCE, & CO.

1893.
Mar. 16.

Aug. 14.

Sept 9.

Oct 18.

Dr.

To Nicholson, for
Printing, &c. ...

„ Expenses to Down
HiU Excavations

„ Stephenson, for
loss of Animal...

„ Jameson for Ex-
cavations
Balance

Cr.

£ s.

1892.

£ 8.

Oct. 12.

T. Hodgkin ...

2 2

1 17

» >»

C. J. Spence

2 2

»• »i

j»

J.P.Gibson ..

2 2

0 13

„ 25.

))

Earl Percy

5 0

» 26.

Major-GeneralSir

6 6

W. Crossman...

2 2

„ 27.

H. F. Swan ..

2 2

16 0

)} *t

Mrs. Bruce

2 2

5 1

Nov. 1.

»y

Sheriton Holmes

1 1

» 2.
1893.
Jan. 4.

»»

M. PhUlips ..

0 10

>»

R. C. aephan ..

. 1 1

„ 25.

J. A. Harrison..

0 5

Peh. 28.

))

Ed. Craster ..

1 1

June 29.

R. Welford

. 5 6

Sept 15.
1894.

Ed. Fisher

. 1 1

527 16

£27 16

Jan. 1.

BjBahince

.£5 1

> See Plates 01 and Ola.

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XXViii ALTERATION OF STATUTES.

At the Annual Meeting of the Society held on the 81st day of

January, 1894, it was resolved that the following additions be made

to—

statute IV. (see p. xyii) " That the lihiarian be ex^offioio a member of the
council.**

Statute X. (see p. xiz) "And that no paper be printed at the society*!
expense before it be read in whole or in part at a meeting ; and that no paper
which has been printed elsewhere be read at anj meeting unless it be first
submitted to the council at a meeting of the council ; and that no paper which
has been printed elsewhere be printed in the society's transactions except at the
request of the council ; and the council shall issue to the members two illus-
trated parts of Arehaeologia Aeliana in each year, viz. : in the months of
January and June, such parts to be in addition to the monthly issue of the
Proceedings, and the annual report, list of members, balance sheet and statutes.

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XXIX

THE COUNCIL AND OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY
FOR THE YEAR M.DCCC.XCIV.

patrdn*

HIS GRACE THE DUKE OP NORTHUMBERLAND.

president

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE EARL OP RAVENSWORTH.

Dice^ptesiOents*

THE REV. EDWARD HUSSEY ADAMSON.

HORATIO ALPRED ADAMSON.

CADWALLADER JOHN BATES, M.A.

JOHN CROSSE BROOKS.

ROBERT RICHARDSON DEES.

THE REV. WILLIAM GREENWELL, D.C.L., F.R.S., P.S.A., &

THE REV. GEORGE ROME HALL, P.S.A.

WILLIAM HILTON DYER LONGSTAFPE.

JOHN PHILIPSON.

THE REV. JAMES RAINE, M.A.

ALEXANDER SHANNAN STEVENSON, P.S.A. Soot

WILLIAM WOODMAN.

Sectetattes*

THOMAS HODGKIN, D.C.L., P.S.A.
ROBERT BLAIR, P.S.A.

XCteastttet*

SHERITON HOLMES.
ROBERT BLAIR.

Xibtatlan.

MATTHEW MACKEY, Jvv.

' Ctttatots.

CHARLES JAMES SPENCE.
RICHARD OLIVER HESLOP.

auditors.

JOHN ARCHBOLD DIXON.
RICHARD WILLIAM SISSON.

CounciU

REV. CUTHBERT EDWARD ADAMSON, M.A.

FREDERICK WALTER DENDY.

DENNIS EMBLETON, M.D.

JOHN PATTISON GIBSON.

JOHN VESSEY GREGORY.

RICHARD OLIVER HESLOP.

CHARLES CLEMENT HODGES.

WILLIAM H. KNOWLES.

FRANK MARSHALL.

MABERLY PHILLIPS.

CHARLES JAMES SPENCE.

RICHARD WELPORD.

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XXX

MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES

OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE,

ON THE 318T JANUARY, 1894.

HONORARY MEMBERS.

Date of Eleotion.

1840 FTb. 3

1841 Sept. 5
1851 Feb. 3

1851 Feb. 3
1851 Feb. 3
1855 Jan. 3

1865 April 5
1883 June 27
1883 JoDe 27
1883 Jane 27
1883 June 27
1883 June 27

1883 Jane 27
1883 Oct 31
1886 Jane 30
1886 June 30
1886 June 30
1886 June 30
1888 Jan. 25
1892 Jan. 27

1892 May 25

His Excellcnoy John Sigismand von Mosting, Copenhagen.

Sir Charles Newton, K.C.B., M.A.

Ferdinand Denis, Keeper of the Library of St Gen^yidve, at

Paris.
Sir Charles Anderson, Bart., Lea Hall, Oainsborongh.
Daniel Wilson, LL.D., Principal of the University of Toronto.
J. J. Howard, LL.D., F.S.A., Dartmouth Row, BUckheatb,

Kent.
The Duca di Brolo.

Professor Emil Httbner, LL.D., Ahomstrasse 4, Berlin.
Professor Mommsen, Marchstrasse 8, Charlottenburg bei Berlin.
Professor George Stephens, Copenhagen.

Dr. Hans Hildebrand, Royal Antiquary of Sweden, Stockholm.
A. W. Franks, C.B., Keeper of British Antiquities in the British

Museum.
Ernest Cbantre, Lyons.
A. von Cohausen, Wiesbaden.
Ellen King Ware (Mrs.), The Abbey, Carlisle.
Gerrit Assis Hulsebos, Lit. Hum. Doct., &c., Utrecht, Holland.
Edwin Charles Clark, LL.D., F.S.A., &c, Cambridge.
David Mackinlay, 6, Great Western Terrace, Glasgow.
General Pitt-Rivers, F.S.A., Rushmore, Salisbury.
Sir John Evans, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c., &c., Nash Mills, Hemel

Hempstead.
Professor Karl Zangemeister, Heidelberg.

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LIST OF MElfBEBS. (Slat January, 1894.)

XXXI

ORDINARY MEMBERS.

The sign * indicates that the member has compounded for his subscription,
t that the member is one of the Council.

Dftte of Election.
1885 Mar. 25

1883 Aug. 29
1843 April 4
1873

1892 Aug. 31
1885 Oct. 28

1891 Jan. 28

1885 June 24

1886 Jan. 27

1893 Sept. 27
1885 Dec 30
1889 Mar. 27

1884 Jan. 30

1892 Mar. 30
1891 May 27
1882
1891 Sept 30

1893 Feb. 22
1889 July 31

1891 July 29

1892 April 27

1893 April 26
1874 Jan. 7
1892 Mar. 30
1888 Sept. 26
1892 Deo. 28
1892 June 29
1888 AprU 25

1891 July 29
1871

1883 Dec. 27
1883 Dec. 27
1883 June 27

1892 May 25
1888 Sept. 26
1891 Dec. 23
1891 Oct. 28

Adams, William Edwin, 32 Holly Avenue, Newcastle.
tAdameoo, Rev. Outhbert Edward, Westoe, South Shields.
tAdamson, Rev. Edward Hussey, St. Albait's, Felling, R.S.O.
fAdaroson, Horatio Alfred, North Shields.

Adamson, Lawrence W., Whitley, R.S.O., Northumberland.

Adie, George, 14 Bichmond Terrace, Gateshead.

Allan, Thomas, Blackett Street, Newcastle.

Allgood, Anne Jane (Miss), Hermitage, Hexharo.

Allgood, Robert Lancelot, Nnnwick, Hnmshaugh-on-Tyne.

Archer, Mark, Famacres, Gateshead.

Armstrong, Lord, Gragside, Rothbnry.

Armstrong, Watson-, W. A., Gragside, Rothbnry.

Armstrong, Thomas John, 14 Hawthorn Terrace, Newcastle.

Armstrong, William Irving, South Park, Hexham.

Atkinson, Rev. J. 0., D.G.L., Danby Parsonage, Grosmont, Yorks
ffiates, Cadwallader John, M.A., Heddon Banks, Wylam.

Bateson, Edward, 24 Grey Street, Newcastle.

Baumgartner, John Robert, 10 Eldon Square, Newcastle.

Bell, Oharles L., Woolsiogton, Newcastle.

Bell, John K, The Oedars, Osborne Road, Newcastle.

Bell, Thomas James, Cleadon Hall, near Sunderland.

Ben than), J. W., Bentbam Buildings, Newcastle.
tBlair, Robert, F.S.A., South Shields.

Blenkinsopp, Thomae, 3 High Swinburne Place, Newcastle.

Blindell, William A., Wester Hall, Haughton-on-Tyne.

Bodleian Library, The, Oxford.

Bolam, John, Bilton, Northumberland.

Bolam, Robert G., Berwick-upon-Tweed.

Bond, William Bownas, Blackett Street, Newcastle.

Booth, John, Shotley Bridge.

Bosanquet, Charles B. P., Rock, Alnwick, Northumberland.

Boutflower, Rev. D. S., Newbottle Vicarage, Fence Houses.

Bowden, Thomas, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle.

Bowes, John Boswortb, 18 Hawthorn Street, Newcastle.

Boyd, George Fen wick, Whitley, R.S.O., Northumberland.

Braithwaite, John, Greenfield Terrace, Gosforth, Newcastle.

Branford, William E., 90 Grey Street, Newcastle.

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XXXU THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUAEIBS OP NBWOASTIiB-UPON-TYNB.

Dftte of Elecfclon

1892 Aug.

1866 Mar.

1860 Jan.

1892 Feb.

1883 Deo.

1866 Ang.

1891 Dec.

1891 July

1882

1893 JaDe 28

1884 Sept.

1891 Sept.

1885 Sept.

1889 April

1888 Nov.

1884 Dec.

1887 Nov.

1868

1892 Mar.

1885 April 29

1892 Dec.

1877

1892 July 27

1882

1881

1894 J«D.

1887 Oct.

1892 Feb.

1885 Nov.

1885 May 27

1890 July

1883 Deo.

1892 May

1893 July

1892 Aug.

1886 Sept

1893 July

1887 Jan.

1888 Aug.

1892 Oct

1888 Feb.

Brewifly Paiker, Ellesmere, Jeamond, Newcastle.
tBrooks, John Crosse, 14 Lovaine Place, Newcastle.

Brown, Rev. Dixon, Un thank Hall, Haltwhistle.

Brown, George T., 17 Fawcett Street, Sunderland.

Brown, John Williamson, Holly Cottages, Monkseaton.

Brown, Ralph, Benwell Grange, Newcastle.

Brown, The Rev. William, Old Elvet, Durham.
♦Browne, A. H., Callaly Castle, Whittiugham, R.S.O.

Browne, Sir Benjamin Chapman, Westaores, Benwell, Newcastle.

Browoe, Thomas Procter, Grey Street, Newcastle.

Bruce, Sir Gainsford, Yewhurst, Bromley, Kent

Burman, C. Clark, L.R.C.P.S.Ed.,12Bondgate Without, Alnwick.

Bam, John Henry, Jun., Beaconsfield, CuUercoats.

Burnett, The Rev. W. R., Kelloe Vicarage, Coxhoe, Durham.

Burton, William Spelman, 19 Claremont Park, Gateshead.

Burton, S. B., Ridley Villas, Newcastle.

Cackett, James Thobum, 24 Grainger Street, Newcastle.

Calvert, Rev. Thomas, 121 Hopton Road, Streatham, London, S.W.

Campbell, John McLeod, 4 Wiochester Terrace, Newcastle-upon-
Tyne.

Carlisle, The Earl of, Na worth Castle, Brampton.

Carr, Frederick Ralph, Lympston, near Exeter.

Carr, Rev. Henry Byne, Whickham, R.S.O.

Carr, Sidney Story, 14 Percy Gardens, Tynemoutb.

Carr, Rev. T. W., Barming Rectory, Maidstone, Kent.

Carr, W. J., Printing Court Buildings, Newcastle.

Carse, John Thomas, Amble, Acklington.

Challoner, John Dixon, Mosley Street, Newcastle.

Charlton, Oswin J., Caius College, Cambridge.

Charlton, William L., Reenet, Bellingham, North Tyne.

Chetham's Library, Hnnt's Bank, Manchester (Walter T. Browne,
Librarian).

Clayton, Nathaniel George, Chesters, Humsbaugh-on-Tyne.

Qephan, Robert Coltman, Southdene Tower, Saltwell, Gateshead.

Coates, Henry Buckden, Northumberland Street, Newcastle.

Cooper, Robert Watson, 2 Sydenham Terrace, Newcastle.

Corder, Herbert, 10 Kensington Terrace, Sunderland.

Corder, Percy, 41 Mosley Street, Newcastle.

Corder, Walter Shewell, North Shields.

Cowen, Joseph, Stella Hall, Blaydon.

Cowen, John A., Blaydon Burn, Newcastle.

Cresswell, G. G. Baker, 32 Lower Sloane Street, London, W.

Crosaman, Sir William, K.C.M.G., Cheswick House, Beal.

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LIST OF MEHBEBS. (3l8t January, 1894.)

XXXIll

Dftteof EleoUon.

1889 Aug. [28 Calley,Tbe Bey. Matthew, Longhoraley, Morpeth, Northnmberland.
1888 Mar. 28 Darlington Library (J. H. Eyeratt, Librarian), Darlington.

1891 Nov. 18 Deacon, Thomas John Fuller, 10 Claremont Place, Newcastle.
1844 About tDees, Robert Richardson, Pilgrim Street, Newcastle.

1887 Ang. 31 fDendy, Frederick Walter, Eldon House, Jesmond, Newcastle.
1893 July 26 Denison, Joseph, Sanderson Road, Newcastle.

1891 Mar. 25 Dick, Joho, 4 Hawthorn Terrace, Newcastle.

1884 Mar. 26 Dickinson, John, Park House, Sunderland.

1893 Mar. 9 Dickinson, William Bowstead, Healey Hall, Riding Mill.

1883 June 27 Dixon, John Archbold, 14 West Street, Qateshead.

1884 Ang. 27 Dizoo, Rev. Canon, Warkworth Vicarage, Northumberland.
1884 July 2 Dizoo, David Dippie, Rothbury.

1891 Oct. 28 Donald, Colin Danlop, 172 St. Vincent Street, GLisgow.
1884 July 30 Dotchin, J. A., 65 Grey Street, Newcastle.

1892 Nov. 30 Drury, John C, Alma Place, North Shields.

1884 Mar. 26 Dunn, William Henry, 5 St. Nicholas's Buildings, Newcastle.

1891 Aug. 31 Darbam Cathedral Library.

1888 June 27 East, John Goethe, 26 Side, Newcastle.
1881 Edwards, Harry Smith, Byethom, Corbridge.
1876 Elliott, George, 47 Rosedale Terrace, Newcastle.

1884 Feb. 27 Ellison, J. R. Carr-, Hedgeley, Alnwick, Northumberland.
1886 May 26 fEmbleton, Dennis, M.D., 19 Claremont Place, Newcastle.

1883 Oct 31 Emley, Fred., Ravenshill, Durham Road, Gateshead.

1886 Aug. 28 Featherstonhaugb, Rev. Walker, Edmundbyers, BlackhiU.
1865 Ang. 2 Fenwiok, George A., Bank, Newcastle.

1875 Fenwiok, John George, Moorlands, Newcastle.

1884 Jan. 30 Ferguson, Rich. S., F.8. A., Chancellor of Carlisle, Lowther Street,

Carlisle.

1887 Dec. 28 Forster, John, 26 Side, Newcastle.

1890 Mar. 26 Forster, William, Houghton Hall, Carlisle.

1892 April 27 Francis, William, 20 Collingwood Street, Newcastle.

1883 S^t. 26 Franklin, The Rev. Canon R. J., St. Mary's Cathedral, Newcastle.
1892 Aug. 31 Gayner, Francis, Beech Holme, Sunderland.
1859 Dec. 7 Gibb, Dr., Westgate Street, Newcastle.
1883 Oct. 31 tGibson, J. Pattison, Hexham.

1878 Gibson, Thomas George, 2 Eslington Road, Newcastle.

1879 Glendenning, William, Grainger Street, Newcastle.
1886 June 30 Gooderham, Rev. A., Vicarage, Chillingham, Belford.
1886 Oct. 27 Goodger, C. W. S., 20 Percy Gardens, Tynemoutb.

1888 Feb. 29 Grace, Herbert Wylam, Hallgarth Hall, Winlaton.
1886 Aug. 28 Graham, John, Findon Cottage, Sacriston, Durham.
1883 Feb. 28 Green, Robert Yeoman, 11 Lovaine Crescent, Newcastle.

1891 Oct. 28 Greene, Charles R., Hill Croft, Low Fell, Gateshead.

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XXXIV THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NBWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.

Data of Bleotion.
1845 June 3

1883 Feb.
1877 Dec.

1891 Jan.
1893 Mar.
1865 Jan.
1883 Aag.

1883 Aug. 29

1887 Mar. 30
1893 Jaly 26

1892 Aug. 31

1884 Mar. 26

1893 Aug. 30

1889 Feb. 27
1882

1893 Aug. 30

1886 April 28
1884 Feb. 27

1891 Oct. 28
1883 Feb. 28

1883 Feb. 28

1888 April 25
1882

1865 Aug. 2

1890 Jan. 29

1884 April 30

1887 Jan. 26

1891 Oct. 28
1877 July 4
1877

1892 June 29
1882

1876

1888 Feb. 29
1886 June 30
1888 July 25
1886 May 26

1892 Nov. 30
1882

1883 Aug. 29

tGreenwell, Rev. William, M.A., D.C.L., F.B.S., F.3.A., Hod.
F.S.A. Scot, Durham.

Greenwell, Francis John, 120 Ryehill, Newcastle.
tGregory, John Vessey, 10 Framlington Place, Newcastle.

Haggle, Robert Hood, Blythswood, Osborne Road, Newcastle.

Hall, Ed|nund James, 9 Prior Terrace, Tynemouth.
tHall, Rev. Oeorge Rome, F.S. A., Birtley Vicarage, Wark-on-Tyne.

Hal], James, Tynemouth.

Hall, John, Ellison Place, Newcastle.

Halliday, Thomas, Myrtle Ck)ttage, Low Fell, Gateshead.

Harris, Sir Augustus, Tyne Theatre, Newcastle.

Harrison, John Adolphus, Saltwellville, Low Fell, Gateshead.

Harrison, Miss Winifred A., 9 Osborne Road, Newcantle.

Hastings, Lord, Melton Constable, Norfolk.
•Haverfield, F. J., M.A., Christ Church, Oxford.

Haythornthwaite, Rev. Edward, Felling Vicarage, Gateshead

Hedley, Ralph, 19 Bellegrove Terrace, Newcastle.

Hedley, Robert Cecil, Cheviott, Corbridge.

Henzell, Charles William, Tynemouth.

Heslop, George Christopher, 135 Park Road, Newcastle.
fHeslop, Richard Oliver, 12 Princes Buildings, Akenside Hill,
Newcastle.

Hicks, William Searle, Grainge^ Street, Newcastle.

Hindmarsh, William Thomas, Alnbank, Alnwick.
tHodge?, Charles Clement, Sele House, Hexham.
tHodgkin, Thomas, D.C.L., F.S.A., Benwelldene, Newcastle.

Hodgson, John Crawford, Warkworth.

Hodgson, John George, Windsor Terrace, Newcastle.

Hodgson, William, Elmcroft, Darlington.

Holmes, Ralph Sheriton, 8 Sanderson Road, Newcastle.
fHolmes, Sheriton, Moor View House, Newcastle.

Hooppell, Rev. Robert Eli, M.A., LL.D.,D.C.L., F.R.A.S., Byors
Green, Spennymoor.

Hopper, Charles, Monkend, Croft, Darlington.

Hopper, John, Grey Street, Newcastle.

Hoyle, William Aubone, Normount, Newcastle.

Hoyle, Percy S., Randall, Wilson & Co., Bridgend, Glamorgan.

Hnddart, Rev. G. A. W., LL.D., Kirklington Rectory, Bedale.

Bunter, Edward, North Eastern Bank, Elswick Road, Newcastle.

Irving, George, 1 Portland Terrace, West Jesmond, Newcastle.

Jewell, R. Dnncombe, 4 Park Place, St. James's, London.

Johnson, Rev. Anthony, Healey Vicarage, Riding MilL

Johnson, Rev. John, Button Rudby Vicarage, Yarm.

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LIST OF MEMBEBS. (3l8t January, 1894.)

XXXV

Date of Election.

1883 PTb.

1892 Jane 29

1884 Oct.

1890 Jan.

1892 Dec.

1885 April

1883 Jaoe

1887 June 29

1860 Not.

1885 Aug.

1894 Jan.

1888 Jane 27

1877

1883 Jane 27

1884 Mar.

1884 Aug.

1891 May 27

1884 Mar.

1882

1893 Oct.

1891 Mar.

1892 Aug.

1888 Sept.

1887 Dec

1891 Jan.

1891 Aug.

1893 Dec.

1883 Mar.

1883 May

1883 Feb.

1883 Oct.

1891 July

1886 Dec.

1883 June 27

1882

1891 Sept. 30

1883 Feb.

1884 July

1883 Jan.

1893 Feb.

1885 May

1893 Feb.

Joicey, Sir James, Bart, M.P., Longhirat, Morpeth.

Jones, Rev. W. M. O'Brady, St. Luke's Vicarage, Wallsend.
tEnowles, William Henry, 38 Graiager Street West, Newcastle.

Laing, Dr., Blyth.

Leitch, Rev. Richard, Osborne Villas, Newcastle.

Liverpool Free Library (P. Co^vell, Librarian).

Lloyd, The Rev. Arthur T., D.D., Vicarage, Newcastle.

Lockbart, Henry F., Prospect House, Hexham.
tLonffstaffe, William Hilton Dyer, The Crescent, Grateshead.

Lynn, J. R. D., Blyth, Northumberland.

Maas, Hans, Percy Park, Tynemonth.

Macarthy, Geo. Eugene, Ashfield House, Elswick Road, Newcastle.

McDowell, Dr. T. W., East Getting wood, Morpeth.

Maokey, Matthew, 33 Lily Avenue, West Jesmond, Newcastle.
fMaokey, Matthew, Jan., 8 Milton Street, Shieldfield, Newcastle.

Maling, Christopher Thompson, 14 Ellison Place, Newcastle.

Manchester Reference Library (C. W. Sutton, Librarian).
fMarshall, Frank, Mosley Street, Newcastle.

Martin, N. H., F.L.S., 8 Windsor Crescent, Newcastle.

Mather, Philip E., Mosley Street, Newcastle.

Maudlen, William, Gosforth, Newcastle.

May, Thomas, 12 Salisbury Street, Warrington.

Mayo, William SwatliDg, Riding Mill-on-Tyne.

Medd, Rev. Arthur Octavins, Whitton Tower, Rothbury.

Melbourne Free Library (o/o Edward A. Petherick, 33 Paternoster
Row, London, E.C.)

Mitcalfe, John Stanley, Percy Park, Tynemouth.

Mitchell, Charles, LL.D., Jesmond Towers, Newcastle.

Moore, Joseph Mason, Harton, South Shields.

Morrow, T. R., 2 St. Andrew's Villas, Watford, Herts.

Morton, Henry Thomas, Fenton, Wooler.

Motum, Hill, Town Hall, Newcastle.

Mulcaster, Henry, Bishopside, Catton Road, Allendale.

Murray, William, M.D., 34 CUyton Street West, Newcastle.

Nelson, Ralph, North Bondgate, Bishop Auckland.

Nelson, Thomas, 9 Windsor Terrace, Newcastle.

Newby, J. E., Binchester Hall, Bishop Auckland.

Newcastle, The Bishop of, Benwell Tower, Newcastle.

Newcastle Public Library (W. J. Haggerstou, Librarian).

Nicholson, George, Barrington Street, South Shields.

Nicholson, Joseph James, 8 North View, Heaton, Newcastle.

Norman, William, 23 Eldon Place, Newcastle.

Northbonme, Lord, Betteshanger, Kent.

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XXXVl THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUABIBS OP NEWCASTLB-UPON-TYNB.

Date of Election

tNorthumberland, The Dake of, Alnwick Castle, NorthumberUod.
1889 Aug. 28 Oliver, Prof. Thomas, M.D., 7 Ellison Place, Newcastle.

1891 Feb. 18 Ord, John Robert, Haughton HaU, Darlington.

1883 Mar. 28 Ormond, Richard, 36 Percy Gardens, Tynemoath.
1877 Oswald, Septimas, Brightside, Jesmond, Newcastle.
1889 Ang. 28 Park, A. D., 11 Bigg Market, Newcastle.

1884 Dec. 30 Parkin, John S., New Square, Linoolo's Inn, London, W.C

1892 Mar. 30 Pattison, John, Colbeck Terrace, Tynemoath.

1893 Mar. 29 Pearson, Rey. Samuel, Percy Park, Tynemoath.
1882 Pease, John William, Pendower, Benwell, Newcastle.

1891 Feb. 18 Pease, Howard, Enfield Lodge, Newcastle.
1884 Jan. 30 Peile, George, Greenwood, Shotley Bridge.

1892 Nov. 30 Percy, The Earl, Alnwick Castle, Northumberland.
1884 Sept 24 fPhilUps, Maberly, 12 Grafton Road, Whitley, R.S.O.

1880 Pbilipsoo, George Hare, M.A., M.D., Eldon Square, Newcastle.

1871 tPhilipson, John, Victoria Square, Newcastle.

1880 Pickering, William, Poplar Cottage, Long Benton, Newoastlew

1888 Jan. 25 Piummer, Arthur B., 2 Eslington Terrace, Newcastle.

1892 Oct. 26 Potts, Joseph, Osborne Road, Newcastle.

1892 Oct. 26 Proud, George, 128 Sidney Grove, Newcastle.

1880 Proud, John, Bishop Auckland.

1882 Pybus, Robert, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle.

1854 Oct. 4 tRaine, Rev. James, Canon of York.

tRavens worth, The Earl of. Ravens worth Castle, Gateshead.

1887 Aug. 31 Reavell, George, Jun., Alnwick.

1882 Redmayne, R. Norman, 27 Grey Street, Newcastle.

1883 June 27 Redpath, Robert, Linden Terrace, Newcastle.

1888 May 30 Reed, The Rev. George, Ridley, Bardon MUl.
1892 June 29 Rees, John, 6 Jesmond High Terrace, Newcastle.
1886 Feb. 24 Reid, Andrew, Akenside Hill, Newcastle.

1891 Aug. 26 Reid, George B., Leazes House, Newcastle.

1883 Sept. 26 Reid, William Bruce, Cross House, Upper Claremont, Newcastle.

1891 April 29 Reynolds, Charles H., Millbrook, Walker.

1886 Nov. 24 Rich, F. W., Eldon Square, Newcastle.

1894 Jan. 31 Richardson, Miss Alice M., Esplanade, Sunderland.

1891 July 29 Richardson, Frank, South Ashfield, Newcastle.

1892 Mar. 30 Riddell, Edward Francis, Cheesebum Grange, near Newcastle.

1889 July 31 Ridley, John Philipsoo, Rothbury.

1877 < Ridley, Sir M. W., Bart., M.P., Blagdon, Northumberland

1892 June 29 Ridley, Thomas Dawson, Willimoteswick, Coatham, Redcar

1883 Jan. 31 Robinson, Alfred J., 136 Brighton Grove, Newcastle.
1892 Sept. 28 Robinson, James F., Bumopfield.

1884 July 30 Robinson, John, 7 Choppiogton Street, Newcastle.

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LIST OF MEMBERS. (3lst Janoarj, 1894.)

XXXVll

Date of EleoUon.

1882 RobinsoD, William Harris, 20 Osbonie Avenue, Newcastle.
1877 Rogers, Rev. Percy, M.A., SimoDbum Rectory, Hamshaugb.
1893 Mar. 8 Rowell, George, 100 Pilgrim Street, Newcastle.

1893 April 26 Runciman, W., Fern wood House, Newcastle.

1892 Sept. 28 Rutherford, Henry Taylor, Blyth.

1891 Dec. 23 Rutherford, John V. W., Briarwood, Jesmond Road, Newcastle.

1887 Jan. 26 Ryott, William Henry, CoUingwood Street, Newcastle.

1888 July 25 Sanderson, Richard Burden, Warren House, Belford.

1893 Nov. 29 Savage, Rev. H. E., St. Hilda'« Vicarage, South Shields.
1884 Aug. 27 Schaeffer, Anton Georg, 4 Benton Terrace, Newcastle.

1891 Sept. 30 Scott, John David, 4 Osborne Terrace, Newcastle.

1892 Aug. 31 Scott, Owen Stanley, Bowes Museum, Barnard Castle.
1886 Feb. 24 Scott, Walter, Grainger Street, Newcastle.

1888 June 27 Scott, Walter, Holly House, Sunderland.

1883 Feb. 28 Sheppee, Lieutenant-Colonel, Picktree House, Chester- le-Street.
1888 Oct. 31 Shewbrooks, Edward, 23 Eslington Terrace, Newcastle.

1891 July 29 Sidney, Marlow William, Blyth.

1888 Oct. 31 Simpson, J. B., Hedgefield Hoase, Blaydon-on-Tyne.

1892 Jan. 27 Simpson, H. F. Morland, M.A., 80 Hamilton Place, Aberdeen.

1889 May 29 Sisson, Richard William, Grey Street, Newcastle.

1892 Oct. 26 Skelly, George, Alnwick.

1888 Jan. 25 Slater, The Rev. Henry, The Glebe, Riding Mill-on-Tyne.
1891 Nov. 18 Smith, William, Gunnerton, Wark-on-Tyne.

1893 Mar. 29 Smith, William Arthur, South Shields.

1883 June 27 South Shields Public Library (Thomas Pyke, Librarian).

1866 Jan. 3 *tSpence, Charles James, South Preston Lodge, North Shields.

1883 Dec. 27 Spencer, J. W., Millfield, Newbum-on-Tyne.

1893 Mar. 8 Spensley, James Richardson, Belle Vne House, Gray Road,

Sunderland.

1893 May 31 Stanton, Harved James Clifford (Captain)i Barracks, Berwick-

. upon-Tweed.

1882 Steavenson, A. L., Holywell Hall, Durham.

1891 Jan. 28 Steel, The Rev. James, Vicarage, Heworth.

1889 I^« 27 Steel, Thomas, 51 John Street, Sunderland.

1882 Stephens, Rev. Thomas, Horsley Vicarage, Otterbum, R.S.O.

1885 June 24 Stephenson, Thomas, 3 Framlington Place, Newcastle.

1873 fStevenson, Alexander Sbannan, F.S.A. Scot, Oaklands Mere,

Weybridge, Surrey.

1887 Mar. 30 Straker, Joseph Henry, Howdon Dene, Corbridge.

1880 Strangeways, William Nicholas, 20 Harborne Road, Edgbaston,

Birmingham.

1892 Jan. 27 Sutherland, Charles James, M.D., Frederick Street, South Shields.
1879 Swan, Henry F., North Jesmond, Newcastle.

VOL. XVI. /

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XXXVm THB SOCIETY OP ANTIQUABIES OP NEWOASTLB-UPON-TYNB.

Date of Election.

1866 Dec. 5 Swinburne, Sir John, Bart., Capheaton, Northumberland.

1887 Nov. 30 Tarver, J. V., Eskdale Tower, Eskdale Terrace, Newcastle.
1860 Jan. 6 Taylor, Hugh, 5 Fenchurch Street, London.

1892 April 27 Taylor, Thomas, Ghipchaae Castle, Wark-on-Tyne.

1884 Oct. 29 Taylor, Rev. William, Catholic Church, Whittingham, Alnwick.

1883 Jan. 31 Tennant, James, Low Fell, Gateshead.

1893 May 31 Terry, C. S., The Minories, Jesmond, Newcastle.

1888 Aug. 29 Thompson, Geo. H., Baileygate, Alnwick.

1892 June 29 Thomson, James, Jun., 22 Weotworth Place, Newcastle.

1891 Jan. 28 Thome, Thomas, Blackett Street, Newcastle.

1888 Feb. 29 Thorpe, R. Swarley, Devonshire Terrace, Newcastle.
1888 Oct 31 Todd, J. Stanley, Percy Park, Tynemouth.

1888 Nov. 28 Tomlinson, William W., 1 Victoria Villas, Whitley, R.S.O.

1892 July 27 Toronto, University of (c/o Edward G. Allen, 28 Henrietta Street,

Oovent Garden, London, W.C.)

1884 Mar. 26 Tweddell, George, Grainger Ville, Newcastle.

1889 Oct 30 Vick, R. W., Strathmore House, West Hartlepool
1884 Feb. 27 Waddiogton, Thomas, Esliogton Villa, Gateshead.

1891 Mar. 25 Walker, The Rev. John, Whalton Vicarage, Morpeth.

1890 Aug. 27 Wallace, Henry, Trench Hall, near Gateshead.
1887 Mar. 30 Watson, Joseph Henry, Percy Park, Tynemouth.

1892 Oct 26 Watson, Mrs. M. E., Bumopfield.

1887 Jan. 26 Watson, Thomas Carriok, 21 Blackett Street, Newcastle.

1892 Dec. 28 Waugh, R., 49 Warrington Road, Newcastle.

1893 June 28 Wear, Arthur T., 1 Wentworth Place, Newcastle.

1880 tWelford, Richard, Thomfield VUls, Gosforth, Newcastle.

1889 Nov. 27 Wheler, E. G., Swansfield, Aluwick.

1893 April 26 White, Henry, Little Benton, Newcastle.

1886 June 30 Wilkinson, Auburn, M.D., 14 Front Street, Tynemouth.

1892 Aug. 31 Wilkinson, The Rev. Ed., M. A., Whitworth Vicarage, Spennymoor.

1893 Aug. 30 Wilkinson, William C, Dacre Street, Morpeth.

1891 Aug. 26 Williamson, Thomas, jun., 39 Widdrington Terrace, North Shields.

1885 May 27 Wilson, John, Archbold House, Newcastle.

1894 Jan. 31 WUson, William Teasdale, M.D., 8 Derwent Place, Newcastle.
1891 Sept 30 Winter, John Martin, 17 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth.

1848 Feb. 7 tWoodman, William, East Riding, Morpeth.

1893 Aug. 30 Woodward, Rev. G., Mickley Vicarage, Newcastle.

1886 Nov. 24 Wright, Joseph, Jun., Museum, Barras Bridge, Newcastle.

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SOGIBTIBS WITH WHICH FUBLIOATIONS ABE EZOHAKGED. XXZIX

SOaETIES WITH WHICH PUBLICATIONS ARE EXCHANGED.

Antiquaries of London, The Society of, Burlington House, London {AssistaiU

Secretary, W. H. St. John Hope, M.A.)
Antiqaariefl of Scotland, The Society of (Dr. J. Anderson, Maseum, Edinburgh).
Boyal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, The {The

Secretary, Oxford Mansion, Oxford Street, London, W.C.)
Boyal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, The (Robe^ Cochrane, 7 St. Stephen's

Green, Dublin).
Boyal Society of Northern Antiquities of Copenhagen, The
Boyal Academy of History and Antiquities (c/o Dr. Anton Blomberg, Ltfyrarian),

Stockholm, Sweden.
Boyal Society of Norway, The, Christiania, Norway,
Berwickshire Naturalists' Club, The {SecretoA'y and Editor, James Hardy, LL.D.,

Oldcambus, Cookburnspath, N.B.)
Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological Society, The (The Bev. W. Bazeley,

Matson Rectory, Gloucester).
British Archaeological Association, The {Secretaries, W. de Gray Birch, F.S.A.,

British Museum, and E. P. Loftus Brock, F.S.A., 36 Great Bussell Street,

London, W.C.)
Cambrian Antiquarian Society, The (o/o J. Bomilly Allen, F.S.A., 20 Blooms-
bury Square, London).
Cambridge Antiquarian Society, The {Secretary^ T. D. Atkinson, St. Mary's

Passage, Cambridge).
Canadian Institute of Toronto, The
Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society, The

{Editor, Chancellor Ferguson, F.S.A., Lowther Street, Carlisle).
Derbyshire Archaeological Society, The (Arthur Coz^ Hon, Sec,, Mill Hill,

Derby).
Folk Lore Society, The (G. L. Gomme, 1 Beverley Villas, Barnes, London).
Heidelberg Historical and Philosophical Society, Heidelberg, Germany.
Lancashire and Cheshire Historic Society, The (B. D. Badcliffe, M.A., Hon,

Secretary, Old Swan, Liverpool).
London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, The (c/o Chas. Welch, F.S.A.,

Guildhall Library, London).
Nassau Association for the Study of Archaeology and History, The (Verein fttr

naasauische Alterthumskunde und Geschichte forschung).
Numismatic Society of London, The, 22 Albemarle Street, London, W. {Secre-

tariea, H. A. Grueber and B. V. Head).
Peabody Musenm, The Trustees of the. Harvard University, U.S.A.
Powys-land Club, The {EdUor, Morris C. Jones, F.S.A., Gungrog Hall, Welsh-
pool).

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Xl THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUAEIES OF NEWCASTLE- UPON-TTNB.

Shropshire Archaeolofpcal and Natural History Society, The {Secretary, Fraocis

Goyne, Shrewsbury).
Smithsonian Institution, The, Washington, U.S. A.
Soci^td d'Arcbdologie de Bruxelles, La (rue des Palais 63, Bruxelles).
Somersetshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, The (c/o Curator,

W. Bidgood, Castle, Taunton, Somersetshire).
Surrey Archaeological Society, The (c/o Hon. See,, Mill Stephenson, 8 Danes

Lin, Strand, London, W.C.)
Sussex Archaeological Society, The (0. T. Phillips, Hon, Librarian and

Curator),
Thuringian Historical and Archaeological Society, The (Verein fttr thiiringisohe

Qeschichte und Altertumskunde) Jena (Professor Dr, D. Sch&fer, Jena).
Trier Archaeological Society, The, Trier, Germany.
Yorkshire Archaeological Society, The (G. W. Tomlinson, Hon, Sec,, Wood

Field, Huddersfield).

The Proceedings of the Society are also sent to the following : —

Dr. Berlanga, Malaga, Spain.

The British Museum, London.

Prof. Ad. de Ouleneer, Rue de la Li^ve 9, Ghent, Belgium.

The Rev. Dr. Cox, Holdenby Rectory, Northampton.

W. J. Grippe, C.B., Sandgate, Kent, and Cirencester.

J. Hardy, LL.D., Sec. Berw. Nat. Club, Oldcambus, Cockbumspath, N.B.

Literary and Philosophical Society, Newcastle.

Robert Mowat, Rue des Feuillantines 10, Paris.

The Rev. Henry Whitehead, Lanercost Priory, Carlisle.

The Bishop of Durham, Bishop Auckland.

The Rev. J. F. Hodgson, Witton-le-Wear.

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AKOHAEOLOGIA AELIANA.

I.— THE BATTLE OP PLODDEN.

By Thomas Hodgkin, D.C.L., F.S.A.

[Read on the 26th August and 28th October, 1891.]

Having been selected to describe the site of the battle of Flodden to
the members of the Newcastle Society of Antiquaries, and having for
that purpose made a pretty careful survey of the field under the most
helpful guidance of Mr. Watson Askew-Robertson, I propose in the
following paper to tell, as briefly as I can, the story of the great
encounter. I will not apologise for what some would call the presump-
tion of adding anything to the immortal sixth canto of Marmion. I
am loyal to Sir Walter to my heart's core, and would venture to
maintain that his description of Flodden is the finest battle-piece that
has been painted in words since Homer sang of the wrath of Achilles.
But Prose has his office as well as his sister Poetry. While she sweeps
majestically through the air we sons of Prose may creep humbly along
the ground with our measuring-chain, and survey the fields which her
wings have overshadowed. The highest aim of any historian of this
battle can now be only to give his readers a prosaic explanation of
some point which Scott, by the rules of his art, was forced to leave
unnoticed.

More substantial is the need of an apology for treating of a subject
which has been already so well handled in our own Archaeologia
(vol. iii. (n.s.), pp. 197-230) by that careful and industrious antiquary,
Mr. Robert White, and in a somewhat more popular manner, but with
great accuracy, by the Rev. Robert Jones, vicar of Branxton.* My
only excuse can be that when one has read a good deal concerning a
spirit-stirring scene like this, one is under a strong inclination to tell
the story over again in one's own words, however well it may have
been told by one's predecessors; and, moreover, in a few points,

♦ 'The Battle of Flodden Field.' Coldstream. 1869 ; also, Proc. Bene, Nat,
Club^ vol iv., p. 3U6.

VOL. XVI.

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2 THE BATTLB OP FLODDKN.

especially with reference to the conduct of James lY. my conclnsions
are not precisely the same as those of my prosaic predecessors, nor
even as Sir Walter's. But enough of apologies. I will briefly indicate
the chief sources of the narrative as far as I am acquainted with them.

(1) Undoubtedly the best authority that we at present possess is
the Gazette^ of the battle, which was printed in black letter by Richard
Faques, *dwellyng in Poulys Churche Yerde,' and which has been two
or three times reprinted. The absolutely contemporary character of
this narrative is shown by its enumeration of the losses of the English
* Syr John Gower of Yorkeshyre and Syr John Boothe of Lancasshyre
both wantynge, and as yet not foundm,^ It of course gives the
English side of the story, and, unfortunately, for the actual events of
the battle it is rather meagre.

(2) Next in order come the letters and documents published in the
Calendar of State Papers, These are of great value, though not quite
so full as we could wish. There are accounts for the payment of
wages to Lord Surrey and his soldiers ; letters about the campaign
from Katharine of Arragon to her husband and to Wolsey, the very
interesting and naive letters of Suthal, bishop of Durham (also to
Wolsey), two important letters from Lord Dacre, Lord Surrey's cartel
to James lY., and an ' Account of the battle of Flodden,' anonymous,
but evidently put forth by authority.

(8) Next, but at a long interval in time, is the narrative of the
historian Edward ffall, compiled about 1533.^ No other authority, I
think, marks the dates so carefully as Hall, and on the whole his is
perhaps the best and fullest account of the battle, but with some little
signs of bias and partiality.

(4) Rather more impartial but not quite so full, and yet farther

from the time, is Raphael Holinshed^ who wrote his Chronicles in the

early part of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and published them in

1571. It is to be observed that Holinshed tells the story of Flodden

twice over — once in the English Chronicles^ and once in the ffistorie

of Scotland; but in this latter work he is confessedly only abstracting

the Scottish historians who had gone before him.'

* Not self-styled by that name.

' * He perfited and writt this historie no further than to the foure and twentie
yere of Kyng Henry the Eight.' — Richard ChrafUnCi Preface,
' Who were these? Hector Boece does not reach so far.

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CHIEF SOURCES OF NARRATIVE 8

The two Scottish historians from whom we get the fullest account
of the battle appear to be (5) Eohert Lindsay of Pitscottie (about 1500-
1665) and (6) Oeorge Buchanan (1506-1582), the celebrated tutor of
James VI., and versifier of the Psalms. The first is little more than
a name to us, whilst the second is one of the best-known literary
characters of Scotland ; but for our present purpose they may not
improperly be classed together, since both give us that version of the
history which was generally current in Scotland in the first and second
generations after Flodden was fought. Pitscottie's work is incom-
parably the more interesting to a modem reader, giving as it does * the
very form and feshion of the times,' the story of the great overthrow
as the writer may have heard it in his boyhood told in broad Scotch,
with many a 'waefiil' ejaculation by grey-headed beldames whose sons
had fallen in the fight. But of course history collected from such sources
as this is apt to contain a large infusion of somewhat inaccurate gossip,
and this is probably the character of some of Pitscottie's statements.*

Buchanan's is a history written in Latin in ' correct ' and classical
fashion, after the model of Sallust or Livy, but does not I think show
any great endeavour after minute historical accuracy, while it certainly
is far less pictorial than that of Pitscottie.

(7) Lastly, we come to the source from which we derive perhaps
more of the colouring of the picture than any other, but which must
be considered inferior as an authority to any of those ah'eady named —
The Ballad of Flodden Field. This curious poem was probably
written towards the end of the reign of Elizabeth. The writer is
evidently a great admirer of the glories of the Stanley family, and
it has been therefore conjectured that he was a native either of
Lancashire or of Cheshire, where the influence of that family was
most felt. Much, but not all, of the ballad might have been written
by an author who had a volume of Hall or Holinshed before him.
It is perhaps allowable to suppose that some local traditions derived
from returning soldiers of Stanley's troop are imbedded in this curious
production, in which there are occasional thrills of something like
real poetical emotion.*

* There are 8ome features in the work of Lindsay of Pitscottie which remind
me a little of Procopius.

* The bibliography of this ballad is accurately described by Henry Weber, in
his edition (Edinburgh, 1806), a much more useful one than that by Robert

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4 THE BATTLB OF FLODDKX.

And DOWy after this Blight sketch of the anthoritieSy I will proceed
to the stoiy of th^ aunpaign, not detaining the reada* with any detailed
aooonnt ok the Tarioos causes of the war, real or alleged. There were
disrates between the two royal tm)therB-in-law, James lY. and Henry
VIIL, aboat Queen Margaret's dowry, disputes by sea and land between
the sailors of the two nations^ who called one another pirates,* and the
borderefs of ihe two countries who called one anoth» thieves. But
the last inoentiTe to Jones's enterprise seesoM to have been supplied by
the Queen of France (Anne of Brittany), who, liiough an elderiy lady,
sent him her ring and a letter, couched in the romantic language of
the times, and calling upon him, as her true knight, to advuice, if it
w^e but three 8tep6,into the realm of England, in order to deliver h&r
from a 'traitonr knight' who had brought her into deadly peril. This,
being translated into the language of prose, meant that Henry VIIL
had invaded France and was besieging Terouenne, and that a Scottish
attadc on his northern border might effect a diversion of his forces
highly convenient to Louis XIL, the husband of the distressed lady.
The result of this appeal was that on the 22nd of August, 1513,
James lY. entered England with an army which all the English
historians estimate at 100,CHJ0 men. The same number is given us
by the Scottish chronicler, Lindsay of PitBcouie, but I confess that

Lambe, vicar of NorhanL Bat he has not noticed, probablj becaase he had not
met with, ihe printed edition by Bichard Guy, of which there is a defectiTe copy
in the Britiah Moseam. In the catalogue the place of publication is given as
York, the data 1750, the size is duodecimo. Unfortunately, the copy in the
British M aseum is so mutilated that neither title, nor place, nor date of publication
appears upon it. There are some carious pictures over which a former posseasor
of the ballad has scrawled the names of the heroes represented, as * bastard
Heron,* - Earl Surrey,* and the like.

A new edition of the ballad, by C. A. Federer, was published at Bradford in
18S4. It is a painstakinir performance, but I do not think it gives a better text
than Weber*s.

The Britiish Museum Manvjtcript (not the above printed copy) which ia
mentioned by Weber (p. xiii.)* and which is No. 3,526 of the Haririan MSS., ia
bound up (as Weber remarks) with several papers on heraldic matters. It occurs
to me as probable that all of these came into the possession of the Duke of
Norfolk as hereditary earl marshal, and that this is the reason why they are
bound up with a ballad which commemorates the exploits of the greatest of the
Howards.

• Chief among these bold sailors, who might be called pirates or patriots
accordimr to the nationality of their nomenclator, was Andrew Barton, who
(at a time of peace between England and Scotland) was accused of piratical
practices against English commerce, and being attacked by the two orothers
Sir Thomas and Sir Edward Howard (sailing under letters of marque) was killed
after an obstinate sea-fight (August, loll).

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KING JAMES'S PRBPABATIONS. 5

I have my doubts whether it is not greatly exaggerated. The English
army by which James was eventually defeated, numbered as we know
26,000 men, and it seems clear from the story of the battle that there
was no overwhelming inequality of force on one side or the other. No
doubt James had not a very firm hold of his men, especially the
borderers and the iBlauders (from the Hebrides), and we hear of many
desertions from his standard, but if we put these desertions at 20,000
and suppose that the Scottish army was thereby reduced from an
original 50,000 to 80,000, I fancy we shall have attributed to this
cause as large an effect as it could possibly produce.^ The king had
made considerable preparations in respect of ordnance, and especially
ordered seven great cannons which were called 'the Seven Sisters,' cast
by Robert Borthwick, master gunner, to be brought out of the castle
of Edinburgh, where they were usuaUy kept. It was while this artillery
was being removed, the king himself being at the abbey of Holyrood,
that the well-known scene occurred of the midnight summons uttered
at the market cross to the king and many of his nobles to appear before
the lord of the infernal regions within the space of forty days. It is
worthy of remark that this same period of forty days was that assigned
by the king's own proclamation as the probable length of the campaign,
for which, accordingly, all the king's liegemen were to bring provisions.
It is indeed hardly possible that the whole commissariat of the army
can thus have been left to the care of the soldiers themselves, but how-
ever its details may have been arranged the fact that forty days were
mentioned in the king's proclamation seems to me to be an answer to
those critics after the event who attributed James's defeat to the &ct
that the campaign was protracted over the not unreasonable space of

"* Since writing the above I have had the advantage of reading Mr. Sheriff
Hackay's Preface to the Scottish Excheqiier Accounts (1507 to 1513\ which
throws a most interesting light on many points in Scottish history in the years
immediately preceding the great battle. He puts the number of the actaal com-
batants on the Scottish side higher than I have done. As he says, the estimates
vary from the 80,000 of Hall to the 20,000 of Pitscottie. • But the Scottish writers
after the defeat diminished the proportions of their army, and there can be little
doubt that HalFs estimate more nearly answers to the real number. The names
of the commanders, as well as those who fell, clearly prove that every district
of Scotland was represented. The only baron who is said to have left before the
battle was old Angus (*Bell-the-Cat*) and his sons and vassals remained. So there
seems no authority for Pinkerton's statement that the Scottish host melted away
till there remained not above 30,000.' Still we know certainly that the English
host numbered only 26,000, and the whole story of the battle seems to imply
that there was no great preponderance of numbers in favour of the Scots.

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6 THE BATTLE OF FLODDEN.

eighteen days. On the English side, though there were haste and bustle,
there was not that state of nnpreparedness which has so often been
found in our history since the days of Ethelred the Unready. For
some time it had probably been felt that the relations with Scotland
were becoming strained and tended towards war. Wolsey's superb
aptitude for business found fitting scope in the preparations for a
Scottish war, and his royal mistress, Katharine of Arragon, seconded
his eflforts perhaps more strenuously than her showy husband, who was
then before the walls of Terouenne, would have succeeded in doing.
Mr. Brewer, whose admirable impartiality and careful examination of
the State Papers make him a most trustworthy guide for the history
of this period, attributes to Queen Katharine a large share of the
credit for the success of the English arms, and she herself in a letter
to Wolsey,® written apparently early in August, says *They are
not so busy with war in Terouenne as I am encumbered with it in
England. They are all here very glad to be busy with the Scots for
they take it for a pastime. My heart is very good to it, and I am
horribly busy with making standards, banners, and badges.'

Now for the next eighteen days let us arrange the chief events of
the campaign calendar-fashion, taking the dates from the historian
Hall who seems to have recorded them correctly. James's antagonist
is the Earl of Surrey, lord treasurer and marshal of England, about
whom I will say a little more presently. King Henry VIII. has left
Surrey in England for the express reason that he cannot trust the
Scots, and Surrey, chafing and fuming at being thus shut out from the
prospect of distinguishing himself in Prance, is hoping * if ever he
meet the king of Scots in battle to make him as sorry as he is him-
self.' On receiving the tidings of James's intended invasion Henry
has appointed Surrey lieutenant-general of the north, and all the
various wardens of the marches are put under his orders.

22nd August, 1513. James IV. enters England and lays siege to

Norham castle. (This castle was the stronghold of the bishops of

Durham in the northern part of their possessions, and an attack upon

it, though needful from a strategic point of view, had the disadvantage

of at once embroiling King James with the church, and terrifying

some of his more superstitious followers with fears of the vengeance of

St. Cuthbert.)

« Calendar of State Paper*, No. 4,398.

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CALBNDAB OF THB OAMPAIGN. 7

25th August (St. Bartholomew'B Day). The Earl of Surrey hears
of the siege of Norham.

26th August (Friday). Lord Surrey who is at York sets off for
Newcastle. He is much hindered by the foul weather which makes
the roads ahuost impassable.

28th August (Sunday). Norham castle is taken on the seventh
day of the siege, the governor having spent his ammunition too freely
at first, and a treacherous inmate of the castle having pointed out to
King James the side from which it might be most advantageously
assaulted.

In the week beginning on the 28th August (apparently) the castles
of Wark, Etal, and Ford are taken by King James. The castle of
Ford is set on fire.*

30th August (Tuesday). Lord Surrey hears mass in Durham
abbey. He is informed of the capture of Norham and receives from
the prior the banner of St. Cuthbert. There is a terrible storm on
the night of the 29th-80th and he is in great alarm for the safety of
his son, the admiral, who is coming by sea with 1,000 men to join
him.

On the 80th of August he reaches Newcastle. He has summoned
all the ' gentlemen of the shires with their retinue ' to meet him at
Newcastle on the 1st of September. Lord Dacre, Sir William Bulmer,
and Sir Marmaduke Constable repair to him there, and the accommoda-
tion at Newcastle being somewhat scanty for the numbers of soldiers
who are pouring in, he mai'ches forward to Alnwick.

3rd September (Saturday). Lord Surrey is at Alnwick, As all
his soldiers have not yet joined him ' by reason of the foul ways ' he
waits there till

4tb September (Sunday), when he is joined by his son, the admiral,
who has, after all, made his voyage in safety.

From Alnwick he sends a herald, * Rouge Cross,' to the king of
Scots challenging him to fight. King James is at this time lying at
Ford castle. Instead of returning a message by Rouge Cross the king
keeps that herald prisoner in his camp, and returns a defiant answer

• Pitficottie says of Ford, that the Scots, * Kest it doun quhilk did gritt skaith
to the Kingis men, in the falling with the timher thairof.' Bat the destruction
in any case was not complete, since some days after this the king's headquarters
were in the castle (the king lay at Ford), and much of the earlier work is stiU
visible.

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8 THE BATTLE OF FLODDBN.

by his own herald *Ilay/ But while these heralds are passing to
and fro with their messages let us use the interval to examine, a little
more at leisure, the chiefe of the two armies.

James Stuart, fourth king of that name, is now forty-two years
of age, strong, brave, and handsome, a brilliant king, but with some
of those feults of fickleness and self-indulgence which often go with
brilliancy .1® He has succeeded in making the wild inhabitants of the
Hebrides subject in fact as well as in name to his authority, and they
are now marching under his orders to the battle. His army thus
consists of four great divisions, whose diverse arms and equipments
are so admirably described by Scott in the fifth canto of Marmionj
the highlanders, the lowlanders, the islanders, and the borderers. All
of them have fire and courage, but at least two divisions, the islanders
and the borderers, are still greatly deficient in discipline and stability.

And the leaders, the flower of Scotland's nobility —

* that roll of names
Who followed thee, unhappy James,
Crawford, Glencairn, Montrose, Argyle,
Ross, Bothwell, Forbes, Lennox, Lyle ;
Why should I tell their separate style ?

Each chief of birth and fame.
Of Lowland, Highland, Border, Isle,
Foredoomed to Flodden's carnage pile.'

There are two only, not mentioned in this list, to whom I would
direct your attention. One is a natural son of King James, a youth
of fine talents, who ^ives fair promise of intellectual eminence,
Alexander Stuart, archbishop of St. Andrews. It is a curious
illustration of the state of the Scottish church on the eve of the
Reformation, that a young bastard of royalty, however genial and
accomplished, could be promoted to a position analogous to that of

•<» In his admirable Introduction to the poems of William Dunbar published
for the Scottish Text Society, Mr. Sheriff Mackay says, * The king is of course
the central figure in these poems. Every trait in his variable and inconsistent
character finds its poem or its line— the licentiousness of his youth, his penitence
and remorse, the desire of novelty and dabbling in science which made him the
prey of impostors and flatterers, the love of amusements of aU kinds, from the
tournaments of knights and contests of poets to card-playing and the jests of
fools, and his liberality extended even to quite unworthy objects. Yet Dunbar
never seems to have quite lost faith in James, and his feeling, even when his
satirical shafts fly very near the royal person, is that of a dutiful subject, warn-
ing the king against his weaknesses and remonstrating against his vices. He
appears to have thought that there was an under-current of virtue, which if it
could get the upper hand, would overpower his faults.' (pp. li.-lii.) '

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TUB 800TTISH CHIEFS. 9

Archbishop of Canterbury among us, and conld then be found among
the Btaunohest of the warriors in the terrible meUe round his father's
banner. The short-sighted bookish lad, the favourite pupil of
Brasmus, with all his Stuart courage, must have felt himself ill pre-
pared to cope with the crushing English bills, the fitst-flying English
arrows on that dreadful September aftemoon.^^ The other nobleman
of whom I will here make mention is Alexander Home or flume,^
the lord chamberlain of Scotland. He was a great border-lord, from his
castle being just on the other side of the Tweed. He was apparently an
impetuous and dashing soldier, and at the very outbreak of the war
had led a band of 8,000 marauders into England, but, on his return,
with his plunder, had been overtaken by Sir William Buhner, and his
men having been sorely galled by the English archers, he had been
forced to fly, leaving his banner and his brother Sir George in the
hands of the enemy. But notwithstanding this proof of his zeal for
Scotland, there was a suspicion (probably quite unfounded) that on the
day of the flght he did not stand loyally by Scotland's king. It is
true that in later years he was found on the side of the English faction
in the intrigues which then distracted the kingdom, and that he was
eventually put to death as a traitor ; but of disloyalty to James on
this day of battle there is no proof.

Now let us turn to the English army and learn the names of some
of its chief commanders. General-in-chief and lord lieutenant of the
north, as has been already said, is Thomas Howard, earl of Surrey. ' An
old cruiked carle in a chariott,' the Scottish chronicler styles him ; a
* grand old man' he would nowadays be called by his enthusiastic
countrymen. Though just verging on the seventieth year of his age,
he shares with his sons the labours and dangers of the campaign, and
by toilsome marches through miry lanes, under drenching rain-storms,
no less than by the terrible hand-to-hand encounter in the battle-
field, he delivers England from the invader. Few are the generals

" This reflection is made by Brewer (I. 207 n.) who says ' Erasmus tells us
that he ooald not read without holding his book to the very end of his nose/

** There is constant variety in the speUing of this name, which leads to much
confusion. In Ty tier's Hilary of Scotland the index-maker has actually entered
the same person under two different headings as ' Home, Lord Chamberlain,*
and * Hume, Alexander, of Hume, Chamberlain.' I think the right course seems
to be to spell the name Home and pronounce it Hume, according to our usual
fashion of pronouncing names differently from the spelling.

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10 THE BATTLE OP FLODDBN.

who at any period of the world's history have won victories after sixty,
and at this special time, for some reason or other, men were growing
old early. As Prof. Brewer^* points out, Louis XTI. died a complete
wreck at fifty-three, Charles V., an abdicated king, died in his cloister
at fifty-nine ; Wolsey, who was ^ an old man broken with the storms
of State' even before his fall, died at fifty-five : Henry VII., a wasted
and emaciated old man, died at fifby-two completely worn out in mind
and body. ^ The fearful excitement through which men had passed
told heavily upon them. Like men who had struggled and bufieted
for life in a stormy sea, they saved it only to drag out a few weary
years on dry land.' All this makes the skill, courage, and endurance
of the almost septuagenarian Surrey the more remarkable.

But why, it will naturally be asked, is this old man, head of the
house of Howard, saluted only with the title of Earl of Surrey, which
is usually borne by younger men, the heirs apparent of the Dukes of
Norfolk ? Even the inferiority of rank is an honour, for it tells of
faithfulness and loyalty. Consistently Yorkist all through the
troublous times of the Wars of the Roses, when some noble families
were anxiously studying the art of timely tergiversation, the Howards
left the head of their house, the ever-bold * Jockey of Norfolk,' dead
on the field of Bosworth. His son, our Lord Surrey, who had received
that title from Richard III., was attainted and committed to the
Tower by Henry VII. During Lambert Simnel's insurrection he
refused to accept a release improperly offered him by the Lieutenant
of the Tower, saying that he would only accept his freedom from the
king who had ordered his imprisonment. The evident fidelity of the
man attracted the new king's attention, and Henry VII. being
determined to have Thomas Howard for a friend rather than a foe,
released him from the Tower, and made him successively Lieutenant
of the North, Lord Treasurer, and Earl Marshal. In 1502 he escorted
the young princess, Margaret Tudor, northward across the Border,
and presented her to the brilliantly armed knight who was about to
make her his wife — that very James IV. whom Sun'ey is now about
to meet in far different fashion, and whom he hopes ' to make as sorry
as he is himself for letting him from the French war.' It is anticipat-
ing our story a little, to mention that in the next year, after the battle

" Reign of Henry VIIL i. 74, n. 1.

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EAAL OF SUBBEY AND HIS FAMILT.

of Flodden, the Earl of Surrey received his fether's forfeited title of
Dake of Norfolk as a reward for his glorious victory.

As the Earl of Surrey (for so we must continue to call him) was
twice married, and left several children, it will make the narrative
clearer to introduce I^ere a portion of the Howard pedigree : —

Sir John Howard,

first Dake of Norfolk

C Jockey of Norfolk »),

fell at Bosworth 1485.

Elizabeth,

Sir Thomas Howard.

Ames,
daughter of

daughter of

Babl of Subbey

Sir Fred. Tylney.

1444-1524,

Sir

Hugh Tylney.

created second' Duke of Norfolk

1514.

Thomas,

1
Edward,

1
Edmund,

Elizabeth,

1
William,

Lord Howard,

admiral,

commanded the

Baron

admiral 1518,

fell fight-

English right at

Sir Thomas

Howard of

afterwards third

ing the

Flodden.

Boleyn.

Effingham

Duke of Norfolk,

French oft

t 1573.

1 1654.

Brest, 1512.

Kathabine

Anne

Howabd,

Boleyn,

Charles,

Henry,

Q. of England,

Q.ot£ngland

Baron How-

Earl of Surrey, the

beheaded 1542.

beheaded.

ard of Effing-

poet, beheaded

1536.

ham, Earl of

1647(0^.28).

From another

Nottingham

1596 (hero

of the

daughter (Mar-

Queen

Thomas,

garet) are de-

Elizabeth.

fourth Duke of

flcended the

Armada).

Norfolk, beheaded

Lords Arundel of

1672.

Wardour.

Wil

Philip,

William

1
I C Belted

Borl of Arundel,

died in the Tower, 1695. Elizabeth Dacre,

From him are descended
the present Dukes of Norfolk.

From him are descended
the present Earls of Carlisle.

I do not want to troable you with more genealogical details than
I can help, but by just glancing over this pedigree you will see how
much that is glorious and how much that is tragical in English
history connects itself with the descendants of the hero of Flodden.
Two of the ill-fated queens of Henry Tudor, two lovely women who,
by his order, passed from his marriage bed to the scaffold— namely,
Anne Boleyn and Katharine Howard — are granddaughters of the Earl
of Surrey. Lord Howard of EflSngham, the victor of the Spanish

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12 THE BATTLE OF FLODDEN.

Armada, is his grandson; the great queen under whose orders he
fought, * who had the heart of a king, and a king of England, too,* is
his great-granddaughter. Lord Surrey, the poet and courtier, father
of English blank verse, and praiser of the mysterious Geraldine, is
another grandson, and he, like his crowned cousin, ends his young
life at the headsman's block on Tower hill. So, too, does his son
Thomas, the fourth Duke of Norfolk, beheaded in 1572, on account of
his treasonable schemes for rescuing and marrying Mary, Queen of
Scots. Here we have the descendants of the two protagonists on
Branxton moor brought into strange relations with one another.
How little could James Stuart and Thomas Howard in that Septem-
ber afternoon of 1513, when the bills and the lances were making
such fatal chasms in the ranks of the warriors around them, have
dreamed that the day would come when a Howard, duke of Norfolk,
great-grandson of the one, would lay down coronet and life for the
love of Mary Stuart, granddaughter of the other !

The Earl of Surrey was accompanied to the field of battle by two
sons. His eldest, Thomas, lord Howard** (who eventually succeeded
him as Duke of Norfolk, and narrowly escaped execution at the very
end of the reign of Henry VIII.), held at this time the office of lord
high admiral, which had been conferred upon him after the death of
his younger brother, Edward, who died in 1512, gallantly fighting the
French in the harbour of Brest To prevent confusion between him
and his brother, it will be well to call him by his title, admiral,
rather than by his name. This brother, Sir Edmund Howard (in
alter days father of Queen Katharine Howard), a young and somewhat
inexperienced officer, had, perhaps by his father's partiality, a some-
what higher position in the army than he was strictly entitled to by
his previous services.

Beside the three Howards, the officers on whom it is chiefly
necessary to fix our attention are Buhner, Tunstall, Dacre, and
Stanley.

(1) Sir William Bulmer, sheriff of the bishopric of Durham,
commands the troops furnished by the great prince-bishopric, and
bears the banner of St. Cuthbert. All this portion of the host is

>* As he bore the conrteflj title of Lord Howard, this, rather than Lord
Thomas Howard, is the correct mode of designating him.

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THB ENGLISH CHIEFS. 13

burning to avenge the injury done to the honour of St. Cuthbert by
the attack on the fortress of Norham, over which his banner was
waving.

(2) Closely joined with Sir William Buhner was Sir Bryan Tunstall,
*' the stainless knight.* His father had been so named by Henry YII.
because of his unshaken truth and loyalty. The elder Tunstall had
through all the troublous times of the civil wars remained true to the
house of Lancaster, had crossed over with other Lancastrian refugees to
the court of Brittany, had returned and fought for Richmond on the
field of Bosworth, and again at Stoke with Martin Swart. There
seems to have been a pleasant fantasy in passing on to the son the
same honourable epithet (< stainless ') which had been borne by the
&ther.

(8) Lord Dacre, who was the chief leader of the men of Cumber-
land, may perhaps be considered the English counterpart of Lord
Home. Like him, a borderer who had borne a conspicuous part in
the savage cut-and-thrust of border warfare, a warden of the west
marches and a frequent representative of the Tudor kings at the
Stuart court, he nevertheless was accused by his enemies of secret
leanings to the Scottish side. I can discover nothing in his conduct,
either at Flodden or in the events which followed it, to justify such a
suspicion, but I think it ia worth noticing that these men of the
border, on either side, were not such deadly enemies as to escape the
occasional imputation of being too close friends. I hken them to the
' middle party,' the moderate men in political strife, who know the
real difficulties both of the attack and the defence, and who, because
they cannot raise the war-cry of either party with the same unreason-
ing fervour which rings in the voices of the extreme men (who
spent their lives far from the border and know nothing of its strength
or its weakness), are in each camp looked upon with coldness and
almost denounced as traitors. We note, in passing, that this border-
lord, Dacre, who has his stronghold at Naworth castle, is ancestor of
that well-known * Bessie wi' the braid apron,' who married * Belted
Will ' Howard, the grandson of the poet-Earl of Surrey, and thus
brought the Howards to Naworth, where they still reign as Earls of
Carlisle.

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14 THE BATTLE OF FLODDEN.

(4) The men of Cheshire and Lancashire owned as their chief

leader 'the man.

From whom true valoar fairly springs.

Whose worthy praise and prowess great

Whose glorioas fame shall never blin,
Nor Neptune ever shaU forget

What praise he hath left to his king.'

So the ballad-writer (who is apparently a Lancashire man) glorifies

his hero —

' Sir Edward Stanley, stiff in stour,
He is the man on whom I mean.
With him did pass a mighty power
Of soldiers seemly to be seen.'**

Sir Edward Stanley is a younger son of that Thomas, lord Stanley,
who married the countess of Richmond, mother of Henry VIL, and
whose opportune desertion on the field of Bosworth gave the crown of
England to his step-son. In the stormy time of the Wars of the Boses
the Stanleys, now Yorkist, now Lancastrian, had by no means steered
with so even a keel as the Howards, between which family and their
own there was much jealousy and dislike. But they had now settled
down into fairly loyal subjects of the reigning dynasty, and the
devotion with which they were served by the men of Lancashire and
Cheshire made their representative Sir Edward an important person in
the army.^*

" Battle of Flodden, cccxzzvii. and cccxzxviii.

!• Perhaps the reader who is generally accustomed to see only the poetical
side of the battle of Flodden may be not unwilling to hear what, in plain prose,
was the pay of the English combatants. In the Calendar of State Papers
(No. 4,375) we have the 'Account of Edward Benstead, late Treasurer of the
Wars of the King's Army in the North under Thomas, Earl of Surrey, Treasurer
and Marshal of England, Lord Lieutenant and Captain-general of the said army
... of monies received and paid for the expenses of the army for 84 days
from 4 August to 27 October I5I3.'

* Paid for wages coats and conduct money for the retinue of the Earl of
Surrey for one month beginning 4 August : viz. for 500 coats of white and green
at 4s. each.

Lord Surrey for himself £5 a day.

Lord Barnes, marshal of the army, 6/8 a day.

10 petty captains, 2s. each a day.

22 demi-lances 9d.

One spear 18 „

462 archers 8 „

2 surgeons 8 „

1 trumpet 16 „

&c. &c

Sum total of the payments, £2,166 11?.

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MOVEMENTS OF THE HERALDS. 16

Having thus described some of the chief leaders in either host I will
return to the story of the manoeavres preceding the battle.

It was on Sunday, the 4th of September, that Lord Surrey sent
Rouge Cross, poursuivant at arms,, to King James at Ford castle to
complain of his breach of the oath which he had sworn to the king of
England when peace was made between the two countries ; to offer
him battle, and to desire him ^ as he was a king and a great prince
that he would of his lusty and noble courage consent thereunto and
tarry for the same.' Rouge Cross was also charged with a special
commission as to Ford castle and its lord. If James would forbear
to overthrow the castle and would restore its lord, Sir William Heron,
at that time a prisoner in Scotland, Surrey would restore four Scottish
captives : Lord Johnston, two Homes, and William Carr. Further,
the admiral sent a private message, avouching himself the author of
the death of Andrew Barton, the Scottish admiral, and prepared to
justify the deed on any member of the Scottish host save the king
himself.

On the 5th of September (Monday) Surrey marched to Bolton in
Glendale, about six miles west of Alnwick, and there encamped for
the night.

On the 6th of September (Tuesday) no Rouge Cross returns to
the English general, but instead, there appears at the outposts a
* harolde of the Scottish king called Ilaye.' This * harolde ' is detained
two or three miles from the camp in order that he may not view the
army, and when he delivers his message it is to the effect that if Lord
Surrey will justify his message by accepting battle that is the thing
which will be the most to the comfort and joy of the king of Scots.
As for Ford castle the king will make no promise of any kind nor will
he restore Sir William Heron; and the four Scottish prisoners he him-
self is come in person to redeem by 'dint of war.' Friday is proposed as
the day of battle and accepted by Surrey. This appears to be the one
fixed point to which all these messages and counter messages converge.
On Friday, the 9th of September, both parties are bound in honour
to meet one another in battle, come what may. Rouge Cross is set
free and returns in haste to the English army : Hay to the Scottish.
The defiances of heralds are over and the manoeuvring of armies
begins.

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16 THB BATTLB OF FLODDBH.

On the same day (6th September) Lord Surrey marches fourteen
miles northward to Wooler Haugh^ thus leaving the valley of the Aln
and entering the valley of the Till. Meanwhile — on what day we are not
informed— James IV. has encamped his host on the heights of Flodden,
one of the last spurs of the Oheviots, a magnificent position, but, as
Lord Surrey pathetically remarks, ^ more like a fortress than anything
else.'^^ Here he remains, splendidly posted, with ordnance all round
the lower part of the hill. His army is well supplied with all sorts of
provisions ; the beer is so excellent that the English who captured it
before the week was over would not have believed that it was so good
had they not ' tasted and viewed it to their great refreshing.' But it is
still raining incessantly, and possibly the Scots on their bleak hill
top have less shelter from the rain than the English in their valley.
The distance between the two armies is nearly six miles * as the crow
flies,' a good deal more, doubtless, by any practicable road.» It is
important to notice this, because some of the chroniclers much under-
state the distance^^ and thereby attribute to the Scottish king a greater
power of watching the movements of the enemy than, in those days be-
fore Galileo's invention of the tele^scope, he can possioly have possessed.

Thus far the invasion has prospered. King James has taken some
important fortresses (no one who knows the story of Norham or marks

" The position is thus described in the ballad (ccocix. ccccz.) : —
* Even on the height of Flodden Hill

Where down below his ordnance lay,
So strong that no man^s cunning skill
To fight with him conld find a way.

Such mountains steep, such craggy hills.

His army on one side did not lose,
The other side, great grizzly gills,

Did fence about with mire and moss.*

" For instance. Hall, whose account of the battle is generally accurate, says
that * Surrey set forward to a place called Wooller Hawgh, and there lodged on
Tuesday night, three littell miles from the king of Scots.' In fact Wooler
Haugh is quite six miles from the heights of Flodden. And again, on Thursday
the Englishmen 'took their field under a wood side called Banner [Barmoor]
wood, two myle from the Scots.' But the map shows that the present village of
Barmoor is six miles in a straight line from Blodden heights, and that the
English camp could not be pitched more than a mile on the Flodden side of
that village. The ballad is more accurate than Hall : —
* The total army did ensue

And came that night to Wooler Haugh,
There th' English lords did lodge their host,

Because the place was plain and dry,
And was within six miles at most
Whereas their enemy's host did lie.' — occcl-ccocli.

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LORD SUBBET'S FLANK MABOH. 17

its present ruins will deem its capture a trifling achievement) : thoagh
he has not marched far into English territory, still he is within it,
splendidly posted and well provisioned, and the English lieutenant-
general, ill-snpplied with provisions and munitions of war, is about to
be forced to give him battle with forces certainly not superior in
number^ perhaps greatly inferior, and with great disadvantage of
position. Assuredly it was not the Scottish king but the English
earl, who, in the early days of that week, anxiously pondered the
military chess-board and doubted what would be the event of the
game.

But by one daring manoeuvre all the conditions of the problem
were to be changed, and if we may believe the writer of the ballad,
the suggestion of this manoeuvre to Surrey came from an unexpected
source, and was made with dramatic suddenness. Some four or five
years before the time of which we are speaking. Sir Robert Ker, the
Scottish warden of the middle marches, had been set upon and slain
by three Englishmen, one of whom was the bastard Heron, half
brother to the lord of Ford castle. Lilburn, one of the murderers,
was arrested by the Scots, but Heron and his other accomplice,
Starhead, escaped. However, Henry VII., who was then reigning in
England, anxious not to imperil the peace which had been sealed by
the marriage of James and his daughter Margaret, declared the lives
of Heron and Starhead forfeit. Starhead was kidnapped, carried
across the border, and slain by Sir Robert Ker's son; but Heron
remained for some years in hiding, and the English king, loving peace
apparently more than justice, gave his brother, Sir William Heron, as
a prisoner into the hands of the Scots. At length in the year 1511
news arrived that the bastard Heron had died of the pestilence, some-
where between Newark and Northampton, and doubtless Henry VIII.
and his councillors congratulated themselves that a troublesome affair
was thus well ended.

But now a horseman clothed in scarlet, and with his visor down,
came riding into the camp, and dashed into the presence of Lord
Surrey. Having fallen on his knees before the general and prayed for
the preservation of his life, he was bidden to utter his name, and the
crime for which he sought forgiveness. He declared himself to be
guiltless of treason, but not of disobedience to his king.

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18 THE BATTLB OF FLODDKN.

* And as for marthering Englishmen,
I never hart man, maid, or wife,
Howbeit, Scots some nine or ten
At least I have bereaved of life.'— ccccxxiii.

Being farther pressed, he declared himself to be the bastard Heron,
and when he raised his visor all men saw that he was indeed the same.
His death bj the pestilence had been a tale trumped up by his
servants to save him from the necessity of repairing, by the king's
command, to London, and there surrendering himself to justice ; and
for two years the man believed to be dead had been living in hiding in
his own house, his secret known to none but his wife and three
servants. Now he had come, being, as he said^ brought up on the
borders, and knowing every foot of the country, to offer his guid-
ance to the Earl of Surrey, guidance which was joyfully accepted
by that general, and which probably changed the fortune of the
campaign.

In the position which Surrey occupied on Tuesday, the 6th Sep-
tember, he was, as we saw, about six miles distant from the Scottish
camp, and no river or important natural obstacle inteiposed be-
tween him and the enemy. Now, on Thursday, the 8th September,
he crosses to the other side of the Till, putting that deep, though not
wide, stream between him and the Scottish camp, and marches eight
miles northward to Barmoor. A strange, and at first sight unintelli-
gible, manoeuvre for a general who has pledged his word of honour to
fight with the Scots on the following day. He seems, when we look
at the map, to be, for no earthly object, increasing the distance
between himself and his enemy. But look, not at the map, but at the
face of the country, and you will soon see his motive. While he
is at Wooler Haugh all his movements are, if the day be clear, pretty
easily discernible by the army posted on Flodden hill. At Barmoor
he has already got behind that screen of hills which stretches all
round the north-eastern horizon, from Doddington to Twizell bridge,
and of all his subsequent movements James must remain in hope-
less ignorance.

On the eventful Friday morning (9th of September) the van of
the army (which apparently was much the larger portion) under
the command of the admiral, and drawing all the cannons with

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Arcbaeologia Aeliana, vol. zvi. (between pp. i8 and 19).

MAP OF PORTION OF NORTHUMBERLANI

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Plate ii.

I»M0T0 LITHO SW«CUr * C LONDON

S.TE THE BATTLE OF FLODDEN.

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KING JAMES SUBPBIZBD. 19

them, make a forced march of some fifteen^* miles in all. At first
they go from noi-th-east to north-west, and recross the Till by
Twizell bridge. All this time they have kept behind the screen of
hills ; but now they advance rapidly southward, and at three o'clock
in the afternoon King James, who has imagined them to be all
the time somewhere in the neighbourhood of Wooler, sees them
advancing from the north upon the little village of Branxton in
the valley below him. All the advantage of his strong position,
^ more like a fortress than a camp,' is taken from him : the English
enemy are between him and his own country : they can cry 'check' to
his queen and castle of Edinburgh, and he may have to fight on this
fatal Friday, to which his knightly honour is pledged, not where he
wills, blit where Surrey wills.

The march, as I have said, was a forced one. Fifteen miles for
foot soldiers, over bad and miry roads, was a good stretch to accom-
plish before two or three in the afternoon, and what heightens our
admiration of the brave and patient English plough-boys who made
it, is that they are said to have been absolutely &sting. Surrey's
commissariat was evidently inferior to that of James, and while the
Scots had their fine beer laid up in store on Flodden hill, the English
soldiers for two days had only water to drink. But perhaps some- '
one will say that this was the reason of their victory.

Now, with reference to the march of this vanguard of the army,
I think it is clear that it was a complete surprize to the Scottish king,
and that it was not till they were within two or three miles of him,
at least as near as Oornhill, that he discovered what they were doing.
The beautiful lines therefore in which Scott describes the march of
the English over Twizell bridge, as seen by the Scots, the shifting of
the Scottish lines, observing the movements of the admiral and
themselves, observed by the practised eye of Marmion, must, how-
ever graphic and vivid the narrative, be struck out of the page of

*• By the map it is eight miles, * as the crow flies,' from Bannoor to Twizell
and five by road from Twizell to Branxton. We seem to want further informa-
tion as to the road by ^hich the army would march from Bwmoor. The best
road (though a somewhat circuitous one) now available, leads by way of Ford
and Btal and the valley of the TiU ; but this road, as I understand the matter,
would not be taken by the admiral, because he would lose the advantage of the
intervening screen of hills. Probably, ther^ore, he took the more northern
route by Duddo, though this may have been little bett^ than a bye-road.

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20 THB BATTLE OF FLODDBN.

history. I doubt whether even in clear weather it is possible to see
from Flodden hill the bridge of Twizell, five miles distant and some-
what down in a hollow, and on the 9th of September the weather
was not dear, but the air was thick with vapour from rain Men
or falling.

In this part of the poem Scott has evidently foUowed the patriotic
Pitsoottie, whose account of the proceedings in the Scottish camp,
though, as I believe, inaccurate, must here be noticed, since it is
almost the only record that we have of what was passing on Flodden
hill in the morning of Friday, the 9th of September. The Bang of
Scotland, according to Pitscottie, knew nothing of the Earl of Surrey's
coming, and did not * believe that he would have battle of him nor
of none other of England at that time, considering the king was not
present in the realm. Deceived by the wiles of the wicked lady of
Ford,^ and abiding her coming (though she did nothing but deceive
him, and came not again till the English army came with her), he
never knew the coming of the army of England till they were within
the space of three miles, arrayed in seven great battles • • . When
these novels [news] were shown to the King of Scotland he would
scantly credit them, but lap on horse and rode to the hUls to visit
them. But when he saw them coming so hst forward, he caused to
sound his trumpets and put his men in array, and ordained to charge
his artillery and make all ready.'

Then follows Pitscottie's description of a council of war held by
the Scottish lords, which the king attended in disguise. Patrick, lord
Lindsay, 'chancellor and first voter in the council,' delivered a
harangue earnestly dissuading from battle, at any rate, from battle
in which the king should take part. The chances of the game were
not equal. To put in jeopardy their noble king and his nobility
against ' an old crooked carle lying in a chariot [the Earl of Surrey],
and certain suitors and sailors with him in company,' was to act like
' a common hazarder who should jeopardy a rose-noble on a cast against
a gleed hal^enny.' Whereupon he voted for the departure of the
king and certain of his lords with him, leaving the battle to be fought
by those whom he might think most expedient to take the matter in
hand, and jeopardy themselves for the king's pleasure and their own
^ This alliides to a story which I shall notice at the end of this paper.

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SCOTTISH OOXINOIL OP WAE. 21

hononry and the safety of the oommon weal. At this extraordinary
proposition the king threw off his disguise and burst into the oonncil,
saying, in furious tones, ' My lords, I shall fight this day against
England though ye had sworn the contrary; though ye would all
flee from me and shame yourselves, ye shall not shame me as ye
desire. And to Lord Patrick Lindsay that has gotten the first votes,
I TOW to God I shall never see Scotland sooner than I shall cause
him hang at his own gate.'

' Seeing the king thus enraged, the lords were fain to satisfy his
pleasure and serve his appetite in all things as he commanded.' It
was probably in this council that the historic scene^^ between James
IV. and old Archibald (* Bell-the-Oat ') Douglas took place ; the aged
nobleman urging his- king to decline battle, the king replying,
^ Douglas, if you are afraid, you may go home,' and the earl taking
the monarch at his word, but leaving his two sons to fight and die
with their hot-tempered master.

^ By this ' (to return to Pitscottie's narrative) ^ the watches came
and showed the king the English army was at hand, marching fast
forward within the space of a Scottish mile. Then the king caused
blow the trumpets and set his men in order of battle, to wit, he gave
the vanguard to the Earl of Huntley and to the Lord Home, who were
in number 10,000 men, and took the great battle unto himself with
all the nobility of Scotland, which passed not above 20,000 men, and
marched forward a little in the sight of the Englishmen who were then
passing over the bridge to them. Then the master-gunner, Robert
Borthwick, came in presence of the king, and falling on his knees
implored permission to shoot his artillery at the English host when
they were coming over the bridge of Tills, promising to cut the bridge
at their overcoming, and that the king should have no displeasure
at the one-half, while the other should be devoured. But the king
answered, like a man that had been reft of his wit, '^ I shall hang
thee, quarter thee, and draw thee if thou shoot one shot this day.
I am determined that I will have them all before me on a plain field,
and see then what they can do all betbre me." '

This chivalrous refusal of King James to use his ordnance for the
slaughter of his enemies while passing Twizell bridge has become an
'* Mentioned by Buchanan.

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22 THE BATTLE OF FLODDBN.

essential part both of the poem and the history, and yet I think we
may boldly say that at any rate in its present shape it is utterly incon-
sistent with fact, and could never have been accepted as fact^ by any
one who had studied the ground. Take Pitscottie's own version of
the event. The English army was ^ at hand marching fast forward
within the space of a Scottish mile,* that is to say, they were at least
as far advanced as Comhill, probably farther. By the time that any
considerable part of the vanguard 'marching fast forward' had
reached Oornhill how many of their comrades would still be on the
other side of Twizell bridge, at least three miles behind them ? And,
then, even if gunner Borthwick could have seen Twizell bridge on that
rainy September day in order to take aim at it (which I do not
believe), what ordnance had he that could carry so far and batter
down the solid stone arches of the bridge at that distance. Twizell
bridge, as I have said, was fully five miles from the crest of Flodden.
It is true that the 'Seven Sisters' and their companion guns were
probably not on the crest of the hill, bnt on the plain below, but they
were planted to command the eastern and sonth-eastem approaches
to the hill, and therefore they would be out of position for firing
towards the north-west, and would be not less but more than five
miles distant from their supposed mark. In the stage of development
which the art of gunnery had then reached we may surely pronounce
Robert Borthwick's alleged proposal quite impracticable.

But an opportunity for the use of artillery was afibrded to James
by the march of the rearguard of the army, and was neglected by him.
It is from some confused remembrance of this, as I imagine, that the
story of the proposal to batter down Twizell bridge has arisen.

When Earl Surrey sent forward the vanguard and the orduanoe
under the command of his son, the admiral, he reserved for himself
marching with the rearguard the shorter journey along the base of the
triangle of which they were to tramp along the hypothenuse and per-
pendicular. Shorter it was, bnt also in some respects more dangerous
and difScult. As they descended from Barmoor towards Etal and
Ford the English rear must have become in some measure visible to

" I say ' as fact.* Scott had most caref ally studied the ground, but he claimed
the liberty conceded pictoribus atqiae poetU of telling the story in the way which
most conduced to pictorial effect

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PASSAGE OF THE TILL. 28

the Scottish host (who very possibly thought that the whole of the

English army was coining by this route); and, then, they had to cross,

not by a bridge but by a ford, the Till, that deep and treacherous

stream of which the border muse has sung —

•Tweed said tae Till

** What gare ye rin sae still ? "

Till said tae Tweed
"Though ye rin wi* speed

And I rin slaw

Where ye droon ae man

I droon twa." '

And now the sullen river had its power for evil largely increased by the
incessant rain which had been falling ever since September opened.

However, the ' old crooked carle,' with the men under his com-
mand, accomplished the passage successfdlly, probably at some of the
fords in the neighbourhood of Orookham.^^ Surrey spoke words of
dieer and encouragement to his men as they dashed into the turbid
flood. ^ Now, good fellowes, do like Englishmen this day ; take my
part like men, which part is the king's part. If I thought you would
not, I would in my own person fight with the king of Scots, rather to
die honourably by his cruelty than to live in shame, or that any
reproach should be laid to me hereafter.' To whom they answered
Hhat they would serve the king and him truly that day.'

After crossing the ford the rearguard had to creep round the
shoulder of a hill overlooking the "valley, where we now see the pleasant
gardens and fine old red brick mansion of Pallinsbum. The PalUns-

** These fords are (1) Millford, close to the old Bariey mill (now in ruins),
one-third of a mile below Etal manor ; (2) Willowford, about half a mile above
Etal; and (3) Sandyford, about half a mile above Willowford, if yon follow the
here very winding course of the river, but only a quarter of a mile from it it you
take the straight course (the chord of the arc) across the g^een haugh which lies
between them. It seems to me probable that Surrey's troops, to whom it was
important to save time, would cross by more than one of these fords simul-
taneously, and the contemporary evidence names at least two of them. Millford
(not to be confounded with three or four miles distant JAillJield) is mentioned by
Hall, and Sandyford by the author of the ballad (cccclix.), who, however, has
probably confused it with Pallinsbum when he calls it —

* A brook of breadth a tailor's yard.'
The river at all these fords is probably now fuller than it was in the sixteenth
century, owing to the dams which have been constructed across it; but Sandy-
ford is still pretty often used in summer time by labourers going to or returning
from their work. It is important to notice that at this ford the soldiers would
be out of sight and out of range of an enemy posted on Flodden hill, being
hidden by a little eminence near Crookham.

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24 THE BATTLB OF FLODDEN.

bum, or brook of Paolinns (in which the apostle of Northambria is
said to have baptized a moltitode of his converts) lost itself at the time
of the battle in a great expanse of bog, perhaps about a mile and a
half long and half a mile wide, near the base of the hill which is, as it
were, a footstool to Flodden. This great straggling marsh is dow
drained, fine crops of turnips are raised &om the recovered land, a j

good hard road runs through it, and the brook of Paulinus, though ,

still apt to rise in rebellion after heavy rains, generally flows peacefully
enough along the narrow channel which the spade of the drainer has >
prepared for it. In 1518, however, it was quite untraversable by ^
foot-soldiers, and the waters of the marsh combined with the height j
of Flodden hill to make the Scottish position unassailable. Of course |
the same waters preserved the English rearguard from charges of ;
horse or hand-to-hand encounter of infentry while they were executing
this part of their dangerous flank march. But it is difficult not tu
think that the Scottish ordnance, the 'Seven Sisters' and all their
clamorous kindred, ranged at the foot of Flodden hill, could have ■
grievously hindered the march of Surrey and his men as they crept
round the little hill which rises on the north side of the marsh, and
still more, while slowly, almost in single file, they toiled over the little
bridge (Branx bridge) which led them out at last on to solid ground
about half a mile north of Branxton. It is therefore to the
march of this part of the army, not to the passage of the vanguard
over far-away Twizell bridge, that I would apply the proposal of
gunner Borthwick to bring his cannon to bear on the foe ; and here
in Pallinsbum marsh and over Branx biidge it was that the English-
men were saved from ruin by the apathy or over-strained chivalry of
James : here that, from the Scottish point of view, the great oppor-
tunity was lost by which might have

* From Fate's dark book a leaf been torn.
And Flodden had been Bannockburn.*

Thus, then, the daring scheme of Surrey and his son, the separa-
tion of the army and the long flank march of the vanguard, succeeded;
and though we are not told the exact time or place we must, I think,
infer that somewhere about two o^clock vanguard and rearguard
coalesced near Branxton. This little village is situated about half-
way up a long, low ridge called Branxton moor. It is about a mile

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KING JAMBS MABCHB8 TO BATTLE. 25

due north of Flodden hill, but it is not immediately below that
eminence. The ground slopes sharply down from Flodden height,
and then rises again a little before it descends on Branxton, so that
there is a central ridge which, to a spectator standing at Branxton
and looking southward, forms the visible horizon, quite shutting out
the higher ground of Flodden itself. On this central ridge evidently
the battle was fought, and in a line extending about a mile due east
and west, between 'Piper's hill* on the west and Mardon on the east^*

When the Scottish king had iully grasped the position and saw
that the English army was posted between him and Scotland, he
seems, after some little hesitation, evinced by his calling a council of
war, to have decided to descend from his unassailable position on
Flodden height, but to win at least the lower height, the 'central
ridge/ and with such vantage ground as that afforded him, to fight
the inevitable battle. It is said^* that he was finally persuaded to
make this movement by an Englishman, Sir Giles Musgrave,^^ who
assured him that the English were going to range ' the Merse,' the
Miitfiil plain of Berwickshire. What any Englishman can have
been doing at this crisis in the king^s camp, and how he can have
established himself as a trusted counsellor of the king, is one of the
mysteries of the story on which we desire further explanation.*^

Before he quitted the higher ground, James ordered his men to
set fire to their 'litter and other filthy ordure, according to their
custom.'^ The smoke of this burning so darkened the air that the
movements of each army were hidden from the other till they were
only a quarter of a mile apart.*^

•* It should, therefore, if we wish to be strictly accurate, be called not the
battle of Flodden but the battle of Branxton, and it is interesting to observe
that in the gazette it is thus described: — * Hereafter ensueth the names of
sundry noblemen of the Soottes slayne at the sayde batayle and felde called
Brainston Moore/ ** Both by Hall and by the ballad.

* * That gainful Greek,* the ballad calls him, perhaps with an allusion to
Sinon and the Trojan horse.

" The editor of the little volume, in ScottUh History from. Contemporary
Sources^ suggests, with some probability, that Musgrave may have come to
Scotland in the time of Queen Margaret.

* So says Hall; not to their tents, which were to be removed to the lower hill.

* This seems almost incredible to any one who knows the ground ami Fees
the wide space that intervciies between Flodden and Branxton. But the air
was evidently already thick and heavy with vapour, and the wind may have
been blowing from the south. The fact is vouched for both by Hall and the
ballad, and it certainly increases the improbability that the Scots could have
seen the admiral crossmg Twizell bridge.

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26 THE BATTLE OF FLODDBN.

Then, about four in the afternoon, the great battle began.**
When the clouds of smoke cleared away, the English host, still
divided into two ^ battles/ the vanguard and the rear, saw the Scotch
in five * battles,' composed of great * plumps/ some of which were
square, marching down the hill towards them, ' silently and in good
order, after the manner of the Almayns/ For a short time there was
an artillery duel between the two armies, and at the first roar of the
Scottish guns, we are told, the men of Bamborough and Tynemouth
fled in panic from the field. But the English artillery soon asserted
its predominance. The master-gunner of Scotland (the same Robert
Borthwick who had in vain implored the king's permission to fire on
the advancing English) was slain, and the fire fi'om the English guns
so galled the Scots that they made the more haste to descend the hill
and come to close quarters with their foes. The armies were soon so
closely locked in deadly embrace that cannons could be of little
service in the fray.

The ordering of the troops on each side was in this wise. It is
to be remembered that the Scots, though they had their backs to
Cheviot, were facing the north. The English had behind them a
small part of England, but much more of Scotland, the Tweed and
the whole of the fertile Merse, reaching round from the triple-pointed
Eildon hills to conical Duns Law. Each army was therefore in a
certain sense cut off from its natural base; either half if beaten might
look for utter destruction.

We will take the two lines of battle as they would appear to an
observer looking southward, from behind the English position.

(1) First, on the Scottish left (west), not far from the present
homestead of Moneylaws, were two * plumps ' of borderers, amounting
to 8,000 men,^^ under the lord chamberlain (Alexander Home) and
Alexander Gordon, earl of Huntley.

Opposite to them, on the English right, were young Sir Edmund

■° It is not very easy to understand why the battle began so late in the day.
The 'Account of the Battle of Flodden/ in the Record Office (Letters and
Papers, Henry VIIL I. 657, No. 4,441) says that the admiral passed the bridge
of Twizell at noon. Yet the same paper says that the battle began between
four and five in the afternoon. I presume that we must allow at least an hoar
for the march from Twizell bridge to Branxton ; but there is still an interval of
three hours, which, I suppose, was filled by the Scottish council of war, the
burning of^the litter, striking the tents, and setting the battle in array.

" Pitscottie, i. 277.

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OBDBB OF THE FIGHT. 27

Howard 'with divers esquires and gentlemen of Lancashire and
Cheshire/ commanding, donbtless, then: own retainers. Here, too,
was young Sir Bryan Tunstall, Hhe stainless knight.' Apparently
the whole of this portion of the army only numbered 8,000 men.^
These two opposing wings disputed with one another the possession
of the little hill called * Piper's hill,' and the broken ground, moss-
land, stream margins, and little wooded dell to the west of it.

(2) Next to Home and Huntley in the Scottish line came the
Earls of Crawford and Montrose, ' accompanied with many lords and
gentlemen, all with spears, on foot.* ^^

Opposite to them, in the English right centre, was the great
admiral, Thomas, lord Howard, captain-general of all the vanguard of
the army, surrounded not only by his own seasoned soldiers brought
over from France, but also by the esquires and gentlemen of Yorkshire
and Northumberland, and pre-eminently by the men of the bishopric
of Durham, led by Sir William Buhner, clustering round the banner
of St. Cuthbert, and, as I have said, eager to avenge the dishonour
done to their saint. The whole of the troops under the immediate
command of the admiral amounted to 9,000 men.

The fight in which these troops were engaged must apparently
have raged most hotly round the little church of Branxton. It is
strange that in none of the narratives of the battle is any allusion
made to that building.

(8) On the left of the admiral, perhaps somewhat overlapping
Crawford and Montrose, and partly facing the Scottish centre, came
the gallant old man, Sir Marmaduke Constable,^^ with many Constables
of his clan, and his son-in-law, Master William Percy. He, too, like
Sir Edmund Howard (who occupied the corresponding position on the
admiral's right) had 8,000 men under his command, who hailed from
Holdemess in Yorkshire, and from Northumberland.

(4) In the very centre of the opposing Unes were the two supreme
commanders, James Stuart and Thomas Howard, earl of Surrey, the
' noble young prince ' and * the old crooked carle.*

** Gazette, * And in either wing of the same battle were 3,000 men.*
•■ Hall.

** * Serentj years old * says White. I have not traced his authority for the
assertion.

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28 THE BATTLE OF FLODDBN.

They most have been on the same parallel of longitude as the
present vicarage of Branxton, but how far north or south of that
spot, up or down the hiU, the battle may have raged, it is impossible
to say. The troops under the command of the Earl of Surrey (5,000
men in number) are still spoken of as belonging to the ' rearward.'
Possibly this is only a remembrance of the position which they had
occupied on the march from Barmoor. But though it is hardly pos-
sible to understand the plan of the battle if the English army was
at first drawn up in two parallel lines, the foremost under the admiral
and the hindermost under his father, there does seem to have been
something of a diagonal direction in the English line. The right is
the first and the lefl the last to engage in the battle.^

(5) Lastly, on the extreme right (east) of the Scottish position
were Stuart, earl of Lennox, and Campbell, earl of Argyle, command-
ing a body of Highlanders and Islesmen, brave but undisciplined.

Opposite them, on the extreme English left, were the men of
Cheshire and Lancashire, probably 5,000 in number,*^ unikr the
command of Sir Edward Stanley.

(6) There were also certain forces held in reserve on either side.
On the Scottish side ' Adam Hepburn, earl of Bothwell, and the rest
of the nobility of Lothian.' ^^ On the English * the Lord Dacre with a
number of horsemen was set apart by himself to succour when need
should seem to appear.' ^

As to the character of the conflict and the nature of the weapons
employed we have some interesting information in the Gazette, The

'* I suppose the correct way of describing this movement is to say that the
English army advanced in ioheUm,

*• The gazette which gives us such valuable information as to all the rest of
the English line unfortunately fails us here. Rvidently something (perhaps
two whole pages) has dropped out between pp. 4 and 5. But by deducting the
numbers alre^y given from 26,000, the ascertained total of the English host,
we get 5,000 for the number of Stanley^s followers (allowing 1,000 for. Dacre's
horsemen yet to be mentioned). " Buchanan, p. 138.

** Holinshed, iii. 596. I think upon the whole the balance of evidence is in
favour of the above arrangement of the troops (which is that adopted by Scott
in Marmion), but it should be noticed that Holinshed puts Lennox and Argyle
on the Scottish left (instead of right) and makes them fight with Edmaod
Howard. He also puts Huntley on the Scottish right, and herein Hall and the
ballad agree with him, and Buchanan also, but he is hopelessly wrong as to the
position of the troops. The position of Huntley is the most doubtful point, but
may, I think, be considered as settled by Dacre's letter (No. 6,090 in the
Calendar of State Papers), in which he says that he encountered the Earl of
Huntley and the chamberlain.

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BBOINNING OP THB FIGHT. 29

Scots had all the advantage of the higher ground, a great wind in
their favour, and a sudden shower of rain which damped the English
bow-strings. They * fought manly, and were determined either to
win the field or to die.' They were well equipped at all points with
defensive armour, so that few of them were slain by the English arrows,
but the bills wielded by fhe Southrons did more damage and did beat
them down, though with sore pain and danger to the Englishmen.
The Scots' chief arms were ^ a keen and sharp spear, five yards long,
and a target before them, and when their spears failed and were spent,
then they fought with great and sharp swords, making little or no
noise.' * The bills,' says the Bishop of Durham, writing to Wolsey,**
' disappointed the Scots of their long spears on which they relied.'

The battle began at the western end of the line. Here Sir
Edmund Howard, with his 8,000 men of Lancashire and Cheshire, was
hopelessly outnumbered by Huntley and Home with their 8,000 men.
Tunstall was slain. Sir Edmund Howard himself was thrice felled to
the earth, and left alone with his standard bearer and two of his
servants, when the bastard Heron, already sorely wounded, came up
to him and said : ' There was never nobleman's son so like to be lost as
you this day; but for all my hurts I shall here live and die with you.'
At this moment, when it seemed as if the English right wing must be
utterly destroyed, an opportune charge by Lord Dacre with his reserve
of horse beat back the followers of Huntley and Home, and enabled
Edmund Howard with the remnant of his troops to fall back on the
admiral, who with the main body of the late ' vanguard' was now
advancing up the hill to the left of them. On his way to join his
brother. Sir Edmund met ' Davy Home ' of Wedderbum and slew him
with his own hand. What fate befell the brave and sore-wounded
bastard Heron we are not informed, but his name does not appear
among the English slain.

The Scottish conquerors certainly do not seem to have improved
their victory. It is conjectured (but only conjectured) that Home's
wild borderers may have dispersed to strip the slain and to plunder
the English homesteads now lying defenceless below them. A more
probable explanation of their conduct is that Piper's hill, which was
situated between the Scottish left and centre, shut out from the victors

» Calendar, 4,461.

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80 THE BATTLB OF PLODDEN.

the view of the fight at Branxton vicarage, and that Home and
Huntley were really ignorant of their king's necessity till it was too
late to succour it. Certainly the accusation brought by the Scots of
a later day against Home was rather of inactivity than of too hot
pursuit of the beaten foe. According to Pitscottie, when Home and
Huntley were standing ' in arrayed battle' at the close of the day, veiy
few of their men having been either hurt or slain, the Earl of Huntley
desired my Lord Home that he would rescue the king in his extremity,
seeing he was overset with multitudes of men. But the Lord Home
answered : * He does well that does for himself, for we have f oughten
our vanguard and won the same ; therefore let the rest do their parts
as well as we have done.' Huntley replied that he could not see his
native prince overcome by his enemies before his eyes, sounded his
trumpet and gathered his men together, but found it was then too
late to save his king from defeat.

The decisive moment of this earlier part of the battle appears to
have been Dacre's well-timed and vigorous charge, which not only
enabled Edmund Howard to escape to his brother, but restored to
that brother, the admiral, confidence in success. A short time before,
when he saw * the four great battles of the Scots all on foot with long
spears, like Moorish pikes, advancing towards him, he had sent to
Surrey his Agnus Dei that hung at his bi-east, and begged him to
move up the rearguard speedily, since he himself was not able to
encounter alone the whole battle of the Scots.' Now, this earnest
petition being granted, his lefl} being covered by the advancing soldiers
of his father, and his right (probably) made more secure by Dacre's
brilliant charge, the admiral was strong enough to fight his foes. The
many lords, knights, and gentlemen who were in this part of the
host ' fought all with spears on foot, but the lord admiral and his
company acquitted themselves so well that with pure fighting they
brought a great number to the ground, and both the Earls of Crawford
and of Montrose were slain.' Of course the angry votaries of St,
Cuthbert had their share in this victory, to which probably Sir Mar-
maduke Constable and the men of Holderness also contributed.

But in the centre of the line, where fought the two generals-in-
chief, James and Surrey^ the fight was far more obstinate. Seeing
from Flodden height the defeat of the EngUsh right, James pressed

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THE BATTLE IN THE CENTRE. 81

impetuonsly down the hill, eager to mingle in the fray. Of course
the nobles who surronnded him, longing to distiDgaish themselves in
their sovereign's presence, added to the ardour of the onset. They
put away their horses that they might not slide in the slippery descent,
kicked off their boots and shoes and trod the hostile soil with naked,
or at least with * stockinged' feet.*^ The king himself fought on foot
in the foremost ranks. ' 0, what a noble and triumphant courage was
this,' says Hall, ' for a king to fight in a battle as a mean soldier.'
6ot admirable as was the courage which led him thus to share the
dangers of the poor peasants who were venturing their lives in his
quarrel, it is evident that he would have served his people better, if he
had remained on the high ground in their rear, and from thence given
to the different divisions of his army the guidance which they sorely
needed. Surrey also was near the great mHde in the centre, but, as
we may perhaps infer, somewhat behind the front rank, and acting
more as a commander, and less as an old Homeric combatant, than
his kiugly foe.

The battle in the centre, though it must have caused great loss
in the ranks of the Scottish nobility, would perhaps have remained
doubtful, or even resulted in a Scottish victory, but for the events
which were passing on the English left. Here, Sir Edward Stanley,
though he seems to have been last in coming into line, pressed for-
ward with great impetuosity up the central ridge. Probably as the
Scottish line at the other end overlapped the English, so the English
at this end overlapped the Scottish, for Stanley's men seem to have
been unopposed in their ascent of the hill. Like their foes, they
kicked off boots and shoes in order to get a firmer footing.^^ With
panting chests, and limbs streaming with perspiration, they stood at
the top of the ridge almost ere the Scots perceived their advance.
The Highlanders and Islanders under Lennox and Argyle offered a
weaker resistance than any other part of the Scottish line. Probably
they were worse provided with defensive armour, for we hear of great
havoc wrought among them by the *grey goose-wings' of the terrible
archers of Cheshire. Whatever the cause, both the leaders, Lennox and
Argyle, were soon slain, and their division of the Scottish host hope-

* 'The said Scottes were bo plainly determined to abide battle and not to flee,
that they pat from them their horses and also put off their boots and shoes and
fonght in the vampis of their hooses.' — Gazette j p. 7. ** Ballad, dxU.

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82 THB BATTLE OF FLODDBN.

lesaly beaten. From the vantage groand which Stanley had thus
gained he surveyed the whole field below him, and saw the desperate
battle which was still raging in the centre. Swooping down with his
victorious men of Lancashire and Cheshire, he attacked King James
in his flank and rear. Dacre about the same time made a similar
charge irom the English right. The Scottish reserve under Bothwell
had been already drawn into the fray, and could offer no resistance to
these manoeuvres. Possibly the English arrows, flying from behind,
may have been more deadly than when aimed at the Scotsmen's
targets. According to the ballad, it was from an arrow in his fore-
head that the king received his first wound ; but though half-blinded
with his blood, he called to his men to fight on and not to be dismayed
by his wounds, * for Fortune yet might turn her scale.' But in truth
we have hardly any accurate information — and no wonder that we
have it not— concerning this last desperate encounter. Scott's
imagination, we instinctively feel, has beheld the terrible scene as
vividly as any of the combatants saw it, and his words are as trae as
those of any chronicler : —

' The English shafts in volleys hailed,

In headlong charge their horse assailed :

Front, flank, and rear, the squadrons sweep.

To break the Scottish circle deep,
That fought around their king.

But yet, though thick the shafts as snow,

Though charging knights like whirlwinds go.

Though bill-men ply the ghastly blow.
Unbroken was the ring :

The stubborn spear-men still made good

Their dark impenetrable wood,

Each stepping where his comrade stood,
The instant that he fell.

No thought was there of dastard flight : —

Linked in the serried phalanx tight,

Qroom fought like noble, squire like knight.
As fearlessly and well ; '

Till utter darkness closed her wing

O'er their thin host and wounded king.*

The night was now closing in but darkness came too late to save
the gallant little band of surrounded heroes. According to Holinshed
* when the king saw Adam Forman, his standard-bearer beaten down
he thought surely there was no way for him but death : wherefore to

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SCOTTISH DEFEAT. 83

deliver himself from snch despiteful reproach as was like to follow he
rushed forth in the thickest press of his enemies, and there fighting
in most desperate wise was beaten down and slain.' His son, the
short-sighted, clerkly Arclibishop of St. Andrews fell near him : both
within a spear's length of where Surrey stood.^ No quarter was
given, no rich prisoners (as was so often the case in those days) held
to ransom ; the English soldiers' hearts were bitter, and the ' sutors
and taylors ' dealt unsparing blows at the knights and noblemen who
clustered round their doomed king.

At nightfall the Earl of Surrey bade the trumpets sound the retreat.
The battle with all its horrors had lasted barely three hours. ' If we
only had had longer daylight, and our victuals,' said the English
soldiers, *we should have given the Scots such a lesson that they
would have been ware how they entered the realm of England
again.'^ As it was, the English encamped for the night on one part
of the field, the still unbeaten forces of Home (10,000 men in number)
on another, and it might have been possible while the canopy of
darkness was over all to argue that the battle was a drawn game,
though the multitude of fugitives who crossed the Tweed at Coldstream
ford were of a different opinion. But when daylight dawned and
showed the ghastly harvest of Scottish slain there could be no longer
any doubt to whom the victory pertained. Lord Chamberlain Home
with his 10,000 men melted silently from the field, making no attempt
to rescue the Scottish guns ('five great curtalles, two great culveryngs,
four sacres and six serpentynes, as fair ordnance as hath been seen,
besides other small pieces ' ) all of which, together with the English
ordnance was safely conveyed, with Dacre's help, across the Till to
Etal castle.**

Of the number of slain at Flodden field we have only the English
estimates, which are contradictory and in some cases no doubt exag-
gerated. According to these the Scottish losses were 12,000**, 11,000
or 12,000,*« 10,000,*^ or 8,000,*« while the English loss in killed and
prisoners was only 1,600,*^ 1,200/® or, according to the official estimate,

*' Account of the Battle of Flodden, u.8. ** Hall. 6hizette.

** Account of the Battle of Flodden, u.s. ** Hall.

*• Gazette. *'' Account of the Battle and Ballad. *» Holinshed.

^ Hall and Holinshed and Ballad. Hall say^", * of the English aide were slain
and taken not 1,600 men as it appeared by the book of wages when the soldiers
were paid.' This reference to the pay-sheet does look rather like fact.

*• Gazette,

TOL^zyx.

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84 THE BATTLB OF FLODDBN.

as low as 400.'^ Both the story of the battle itself and the cautious
movements of the English general after it make it difiScalt to believe that
there can have been such a tremendous disproportion between the logsea
of the two armies. But what made the day of Flodden so memorable
and so disastrous was the high rank of many of the victims. Besides
the king and his son, one bishop, ten mitred abbots, twelve earls,
fourteen lords, and fifteen knights and gentlemen, in all forty-six
persons of eminent rank, the flower of the Scottish nobility lay dead
on Branxton moor on the morning of the 10th of September, 1513."

On the English side the only men of rank who. were slain were
Sir Bryan Tunstall,*^ gij. John Gower,'* Sir John Booth,** Sir
Wynchard Harbottle,** and Maurice Berkely.*^

It was long before the body of the hapless king was found. At
length Lord Dacre, who had often seen him in life, discovered the corpse
naked, as having been stripped by plunderers, and gashed with many
wounds, one with an arrow and another with a bill.'** It lay near the
place where he and his great antagonist Surrey first encountered one
another. Dacre brought it to Berwick and there delivered it into
the custody of SuiTey.*^ The king died excommunicate, that ecclesi-
astical penalty having been denounced on either party who should break

** Account of the Battle. •

•' I must here transcribe the able summary of the results of the battle giyen
by Sheriff Mackay (^Preface to Exchequer AoeounU, p. clxxxviii.) : —

* Every district of the country also contributed to the numbers of the slain,
and attests the huge proportions of the carnage. No prisoners were taken.
Besides the king there fell thirteen earls, at least as many lords, and a still
greater number of lesser barons and gentlemen. Two bishops, St. Andrews
and the Isles ; two abbots, Inchaffray and Kilwinning ; and the Dean of Glasgow,
represented the clerpy, whom the English satirist blames for taking part in the
battle. Edinburgh lost its Provost Lauder, and if many credit Pitscottie'e story
of the summons of Plotcock, only one of its burgesses came home. The Western
Highlanders, whose rash onset contriliuted to the defeat, fell in large numbers,
besides several of their chiefs — Maclan of Ar I namurchan, Campbell of Glen-
urchy, and Mac Lean of Dowart. Few of the men of Caithness returned, and it
was long deemed unlucky to cross the Ord with green, the colour they wore when
led by their earl to the muster. The descendants of the tall borderers of Ettrick,
the * flowers of the forest,' and the stalwart burghers of Hawick and Selkirk
preserved the sad memory in songs. Masses were said for the dead in every
church throughout the realm, and the title deeds of almost every estate, as well
as the public records of the commencement of the next reign, prove that scarcely
a family of note did not mourn more than Due of its members. It is probable
that Hall, who reckons the total loss at 10,000, did not greatly exaggerate. ** I
never read,'* writes Lyndsay, " in tragede nor storie, at ane joumaye so many
nobles slain for the defence and lufe of their soverane." * ** Ballad.

" Gazette and RuthaPs letter. No. 4,462 in Calendar, *• Ibid.

*• Account in Calendar of State Papers, " Ibid, •• Hall.

*9 Dacre's letter in Calendar, No. 5,091.

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TEBATMENT OP THE KING'S BODY. 35

fche covenant contained in the treaty between England and Scotland.
Henry VIII., with that stiffiaess of assertion of his legal rights which
was characteristic of the Tadors, seems to have at first decided on
bnrying the body in unconsecrated gronnd. Pope Leo X. in a courteous
and diplomatic letter^ suggested that such treatment of the brother-
in-law of the king of England would not redound to his honour,
and gave permission (which perhaps had never been asked for) to bury
the body in St. Paul's. It was, however, eventually deposited (enclosed
in a leaden coffin) at the monastery of Shene in Surrey, and after the
dissolution of that religious house in the reign of Edward YI. it seems
to have been subjected, through carelessness, to many indignities.
Herein, however, the invader of England fared no worse than some
of her own noblest kings, whose monuments at Glastonbury were
destroyed and their bones spread like dung upon the earth in the
same orgy of brutal iconoclasm.

Even as we, six years ago, hoped against hope that the heroic
Gordon had escaped from the ring of Moslem fanatics at Khartoum,
so the loyal Scots long refused to believe in the death of their king.
The body that had been found, said they, had not the belt armed with
iron spikes which the king always wore in penance for his share in the
rebellion against his father. He had caused ten of his followers to be
clad in coats of armour like his own, and it might be one of these that
had been fonnd.^^ He had glided from the field when he saw that all
was lost, and had gone on a long- vowed pilgrimage to the Holy Land.
With such pious sophisms as these did each loyal Scot try to banish
from his soul the thought of the ignominy that had befallen his king.
But as the years passed on and no James Stuart returned irom the Holy
Land, men gradually acquiesced in the unwelcome truth that the fairest
of all 'the flowers of the forest* was * wede awa' under Flodden hill.

On the 16th September Queen Katharine sent on to her husband
the letter of Lord Howard, describing the great victory that his sub-
jects had won in his absence, and expressing the hope that he would
not forget to thank God for it. ' I could not for haste send by Rouge
Cross the piece of the King of Soots' coat which John Glyn now
bringeth. In this your Grace shall see how I can keep my promise,

^ Quoted by Weber (p. 302) from Bymer's Foedera.

'> But according to Dacre's letter he found him stripped naked.

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36 THE BATTLE OF FLODDEN.

sending you for your banners a King's Coat. 1 thought to send him-
self unto you^ but our Englishmen's hearts would not suffer it. It
should have been better for him to have been in peace than have this
reward. All that God sendeth is for the best.'** Unhappy is the lot
of kings, compelled by reasons of state, one wHile to take anothei? king
into their inmost family circle, and another while to slay him. For
this James, whose gory coat Katharine was sending to her lord, was
husband to their sister Margaret, whom the glorious victory of
Flodden had made a widow.

It is amusing to read in the Calendar of State Papers Bishop
Buthal's letters to Wolsey concerning the siege of Norham and the
battle of Flodden. When he hears that his castle is stormed by the
king of Scots he is so touched with inward sorrow that he would
*liever ' be out of the world than in it. It will cost him 10,000 marks
in five years' time to repair the damage caused by the siege. Never
has the hand of God been so sore upon him as in this matter ; but he
will search his conscience to find for what cause this judgment is sent
him ; he will reform that sin as much as lies in his power, and hence-
forward regard God more than the world. When the battle is won he
is clear that the victory is due to St. Cuthbert and the good Sir
William Bulmer ; he regrets that Lord Surrey could not leave the dead
king's body at Durham, but exults that * my father under St. Cuth-
bert's banner brought home his banner, his sword, and his gwyschys,'
that is to say the harness for his thighs.

The day after the battle Lord Surrey conferred the honour of
knighthood on forty gentlemen who had borne themselves most
bravely in the field, his son, young Edmund, among the number.
Surrey himself was, as has been said, created Duke of Norfolk within
five months from the winning of Flodden (1st February, 1514), and
Sir Edward Stanley was, about the same time, created Lord Mont-
eagle.*^^

The effects of this decisive victory on the policy of the two king-
doms must be estimated by those who are better acquainted with their
history than I claim to be. It is easy, however, to see in Henry's

•« Calendar, No. 4,461.

** His descendant in the fourth generation was that Lord Monteagle who
received the mysterious letter that led to the discoTery of Gunpowder Plot,
and thus saved the life of the great-grandson of James IV.

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EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE. 87

proud and confident tone towards the other great powers of Europe,
especially towards the emperor and the French king, some trace of
that increased security which he derived from a victory that for one
generation at least crushed all hopes of a successful Scottish invasion
of his country. Perhaps also the same sense of security may have
emboldened him to treat with a more superb disdain the disaffection
of his Catholic subjects (whose stronghold was in the north of Eng-
land, and who would otherwise have found dangerous allies on the
other side of the border) when, sixteen years after the battle of
Flodden, the time came for him to put away his Spanish wife, and to
abjure the supremacy of Kome.

On the politics of the northern kingdom the imlnediate effect of
the carnage of Flodden must have been disastrous. With James lY.'s
death commenced another of those ever-recurring regencies which,
throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, were the calamity of
Scotland. From 1405 to 1584, a space of 179 years, 84 years, nearly
half, were occupied with regencies. What encouragement was thus
given to anarchy, how hard the lot was made of the peaceable and
law-abiding citizen in these days, when the king governed as weU as
reigned, and when the full-grown king's name was a tower of strength
to those who sought his protection, we can without difSculty imagine.

In conclusion, I will venture on a word or two of comment on the
military aspects of the battle and the short campaign. The battle is
an interesting one as being the last, or nearly the last, engagement in
which the old-fashioned English yew-tree bow, which did such execu-
tion on the fields of Cre9y and Poictiers, was an important element of
victory. In all the great battles of the Civil War, the next important
fights on English soil, the cloth-yard shafts are, I think, unheard of,
and some form of musket or of cannon is practically the only arm
used in projectile warfere.

As for the strategy of the two commanders my views have been
akeady in some measure indicated. I cannot think that James lY.
showed any undue delay in his procedure. It was surely a piece of
good generalship to secure the castles which commanded the passage
of the Tweed; and Norham, Etal, Ford, and Wark were not an
insignificant result of a fortnight's fighting. Especially the incessant
rain which hampered all the movements of both armies must in fair-

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88 THE BATTLE OP PLODDBN.

ness be taken into accoont, whether we are criticising his strategy or
that of his opponent. The army raised by Lord Surrey had to be
beaten before the king of Scots conld gain any secure foothold in
English territory, and in order to have the advantage in that neces-
sary conflict the position of Flodden was surely not ill-chosen.

Of the manoeuvre by which Surrey turned that position and forced
James to come down and fight on more equal terms I have already
expressed my admiration. But though brilliant, it was surely auda-
cious to the very verge of foolhardiness. To divide the English
army in two parts, putting a distance of many miles between them,
and relying on their meeting, under the eye of the enemy, on the field
of battle, to send the larger part of the army on a fifteen mile march,

' Black fasting as they were bom
From flesh, or fish, or other food,'**

and then to call upon them, at the end of an exhausting march,
while faint for lack of victuals, to fight an uphill battle against the
warlike Scots, animated as these last were by the presence of their
king, surely this was a desperate venture, a move on the board which
Hannibal or Caesar would not have made, and which was only justified,
if justified at all, by its success. Possibly Flodden should be included
among the many ^ soldiers' battles ' which have been won in defiance
of the rules of war by the dogged patience and toughness of fibre of
the English soldier.

Thus, then, was fought the last great border battle between England
and Scotland. That phase of human history has passed away for.
ever, and it needs an eflfbrt of the imagination to conceive of the time
when * the silver Tweed ' was a real limitary stream disparting bitter
foes. In every quarter of the world the Englishman and the Scotch-
man, brothers in arms and brothers in council, have stood side by
side against their common enemies, or have won in friendly partner-
ship the nobler victories of peace. May it be permitted us to dream
of a day when enmities not more bitter than those which once sundered
the Scot and the Southron shall have passed away into oblivion;
when the Rhine shall be as innocent of fortresses as the Tweed, and
the Balkans shall fear war as little as the heights of Flodden.

** Ballad, ccoclvii. The above ezpressioii is used of the rearguard, but pro-
bably applies e<qaaUy lo the vanguard.

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JAXXB IV. AND LADY HEBOK. 89

NOTE I.— Jambs IV. and Lady Hebok.

Not only readers of Marmiony but students of our ordinary English
histories, will probably be surprised at my sQence as to one cause
which is generally supposed to have contributed powerfully to the
Scottish defeat. I allude to the criminal intimacy of James 17. with
Lady Heron, the wife of the lord of Potd Castle. My reason for not
introducing that subject into the main course of my narrative is that
I have grave doubts whether the alleged intrigue ever existed, or, if
it did exist, whether it had any serious influence on the fortunes of
the campaign.^

In the first place, we must entirely clear our minds of one
avowedly fictitious element in the story, the presence of the bewitching
Lady Heron in the Scottish court, as described in the fifth canto of
Marmion. This, as Sir Walter Scott himself would be the first to
tell us, is pure poetical imagination. There is nothing in the authori-
ties to imply that Lady Heron ever crossed the Scottish border.

"* The following is the pedigree of the Herons of Ford castle for the period
before ns: —

Sir John Hbron, 1421-1461

(four times sheriff of Northumberland, and thrice M.P. for the county,

slain fighting at Towton on the side of Lancaster).

Sir RoGEB Hebon = Johanna,

who died a widow
in 1509 or 1510.

John Hebon, Elizabeth • = Sir William Hebon, = Agnes,

t June 20, 14U8,
aet, 26, s.p.

b. 1478, survived her

succeeded to the husband,

estate, 1498.
a prisoner in Scotland
at the time of the
battle of Flodden,
sheriff of -Northumber-
land, 1526,
died 1635 (?).

Margaret, == William,

married (2) John

Heron, of Thornton ;

(3) Sir George Heron,

of Chipchase ; still

living 1596.

died before his
father.

Elizabeth, heiress of Ford ^ Thpmas Carr of Etal.

* This is the lady who, according to Hall, made salt to James IV. for the
preseryation of Ford castle in 1518.

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40 THE BATTLE OF FLODDBN.

Neither is there a word aboat this lady in the contemporary gazette,
in any of the letters in the Calendar of State Papers^ in Hall, in
Holinshed, in the ballad (which though itself late may possibly
embody several earlier traditions), nor in any authority whatever,
except Lindsay of Pitscottie, whom, however, we must consider as a
contemporary, though a late one, since he was probably a boy at the
time of the battle.

Pitscottie's words are**: — ' On the morrow the king went to Wark
and Norham and cast them down, and thereafter went to Ford and
cast it down. Great slaughter was made of the king's men that stood
about the house in the flyings of the timber. Some say the lady of
Ford was a beautiful woman, and that the king melled with her, and
also his son, Alexander Stuart, bishop of St. Andrews, with her
daughter, which was against Ood*s commandment and against the
order of all good captains of war,' etc. * Notwithstanding, the king
continued still there [presumably at Ford] the space of twenty days
without battle till at last all the victuals and vivers of the commons
were spent, and many of the fat North-land and Isles-men were spent
and wasted in the famine, in the same manner that it was force to
them to pass home ; and every lord and gentleman sent one or two
home of their special friends to bring them victuals in these ways ;
there abode not with the king above 10,000 men by [except] borderers
and countrymen. Yet the king's grace took no fear, because he
believed no battle of the Englishman at that time.'

* But the wicked lady of Ford, seeing the king's host so dispersed
for lack of victuals, and knowing all the secrets that were among the
king's men and the army, both of the king himself and his secret
council ; and this experienqe she had by her frequent whoredom with
the king, and also her daughter with his son, which moved her to ask
license at the king to pass inward in the country to speak with
certain of her friends, declaring to the king that she should bring
him all novels [news] out of the south country, what they were
doing, or what was their purpose for to do, desiring his grace to
remain at her coming.'

* As an efieminate prince, subdued and enticed by the allurement
and false deceit of this wicked woman, he gave her over hastily

^ 1 quote from Weber's note. He has modernized the spelling.

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JAMES IV. AND LABT HEBON. 41

oredenoe in this behalf, and believed snrelj all had been trne that
she had promised, and to that effect gart [caused] convoy her a
certain way firom the host as she desired. Bat this lady, thinking
nothing that she had promised to the king that in no ways she would
keep it for the love she bare her native country, but hastily passed,
with a deceitful mind, to the Earl of Surrey where he was lying at
York at that time, and show to him the whole secrets of the King of
Scotland and his army, what point he was at, and how his men were
departed from him for lack of victuals, and that there were not
abiding with him but 10,000 men of all his army. Therefore she
thought it expedient that the Earl of Surrey should come forward with
all that he might be at that time. She promised to them that they
should have victory for she by her craft and ingine [ingenuity]
should deceive the king so &r as she could, to put him in the
Englishmen's hands.'

* These novels [news] being come to the Earl of Surrey by this
wicked woman, he was very glad thereof, and thanked her greatly for
her labours and travels she took for her native country, promising to
her that within three days he should meet the king of Scotland and
give him battle.'

• • * Thus the king of Scotland so insolent, having no foresight
nor moyen in the country, lay still, taking no thought, as a man
uncounsellable, which would do nothing for his lords and his captains,
for the safeguard of his host and commonweal of his nobles, nor yet
for obtaining of victory and defending of his own honour, but lying
still, abiding the lady of Ford's coming, but all for naught, for she
did nothing but deceive him, and came not again till the English
army came with her. So the king of Scotland never knew the
coming of the army of England while [till] they were within the
space of three miles, arrayed in seven great battles.'

Such is the indictment against James lY. in reference to Lady
Heron, resting on Pitscottie's authority, and on that alone ; and
I think it is not too much to say that it breaks down at every point.
The record of James's movements is so utterly inaccurate that it is
impossible that it could have been derived from the meanest soldier
in his army, unless his memory were utterly paralysed by age.

(1) It is said that the king ' continued there (Ford castle) the space
vol. xvi F

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42 THB BATTLE OF FLODIKSlf.

of twenty dajB without batde/ The whole campaigii heted only
eighteen days from James's first passage of the Tweed (32nd August)
to the battle of Flodden (9th September).

(2) Of these eighteen days six were occupied by the siege of Nor-
ham castle, which Pitscottie apparently thinks occupied only part of
a day ('and on the morrow went to Wark and Norham and cast them
down').

(8) James does appear to have made Ford castle his headquarters
B^T the capture of Norham, and it is possible that he may have
remained there from the 29th August till the 6th of September. On
the 6th of that month he is already encamped at Flodden. Thus we
have seven days as the utmost limit of his sojourn at Ford castle
which was in itself not at all a bad position for a general holding the
vaUey of the Till.

(4) But, according to Pitscottie's own account, during no part of
this week can the lady of Ford have been entertaining or beguiling
the invader, for she ' hastily passed with a deceitful mind to the Earl
of Surrey where he was lying at York at that time.' But the Earl of
Surrey quitted York on the 26th of August, three days before Norham
had fallen. Lady Heron would require not less than two days — ^pro-
bably three — to travel from Ford to York, and therefore if Pitscottie's
narrative is correct she must have left her home within two days at
the utmost after James entered England. And yet Pitscottie speaks
of her frequent adulterous intercourse with the king.

(5) It will be seen that according to the story told by Pitscottie
two generations of the family of Heron were engaged in the hateful
intrigue. But no daughter of Sir William Heron's appears in the
genealogical table of that family ,^^ and it is most improbable that any
such lady ever existed. Nor does the scandal accord with what we
hear from other sources of the disposition of the young Archbishop of
St. Andrews.

(6) The king's conduct in dismantling Ford castle looks very
little like that of a lover of its ch&telaine.

Are we, then, to dismiss altogether the idea that these two persons,
with whose names the scandal of the third generation after their own
was so busy, ever met one another ? We are prevented from going so
•^ I take this statement from Weber, p. 187.

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JAMES IV. ASD LABT HERON. 48

&r as Ihafc by the following passage in Hall's OhromcU (forminfi: part
of the instruction given bj Surrey to Rouge Gross as to his message
to the King of Scots): —

* First, where there hath been suit made to the King of .Scots by
Elizabeth Heron, wife to William Heron of Ford, now prisoner in Scot-
land, for casting down of the house or castle of Ford : and as the said
Elizabeth reportet upon communication had, that the said king hath
promised and condescended to the said Elizabeth, that if she any time
before noon the fifth day of September would bring and deliver unto
him the Lord Johnstown and Alexander . Home, then prisoners in
England, he then is contented and agreed that the said house or
castle shall stand without casting down, burning, or spoiling the same :
whereunto the said earl is content with that upon this condition, that if
the said king will promise the assurance of the said castle in manner
and form aforesaid under his seal to deliver the said Lord of Johns-
town and Alexander Home immediately upon the same assurance.
And in case the said king can and will be content to deliver the said
Heron out of Scotland, then the said earl shall cause to be delivered
to the said king the two gentlemen and two others. Sir George Hume
and William Carre.'

This passage in Hall's Chronicle obliges us to admit that the king
and Lady Heron had met, probably during the week that followed the
capture of Norham. The lady makes suit to the monarch for the
restoration of her husband irom unjust captivity and for the pres^va-
tion of her castle, which he has begun to dismantle. The king grants
at any rate part of her request on certain conditions, to which she has
to obtain Surrey's consent. She therefore goes southwards to the
English army (which she meets assuredly not at York but at Alnwiok
or Barmoor), and she probably conveys to its commander some
valuable information as to the position and number of the enemy —
though she certainly does not tell him that they are dwindled to
10,000 men.

Out of all this the Scottish nobles, who knew too well the amor-
ous character of their monarch, made up a tale of scandal^ which
grew and magnified as the years went on and as men felt more and
more the necessity of some scapegoat for the great national disaster

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44 THE BATTLB OP PLODDBN.

and hmniliation of Flodden.^ I am not concerned to defend the
moral character of James IV., which was undoubtedly fiur from
pure, nor do I deny the possibility that there may have been some
intrigue between him and the lady of Ford ; but I do say, that con-
sidering the gross and obvious incorrectness of Pit«cottie's story, and
remembering the general character of that charming but credulous
writer, historians have too lightly accepted a tale which may have
affixed an unjust blemish on the character of a pure and innocent
woman, and that in any case the alleged intrigue had no practical
bearing on the issue of the campaign, and ought not to be any longer
specified as one of the causes of the Scottish defeat.

NOTE n.— On the iDEirriFioATioN op some Plodden Sites.

A few words may be needed to enable the visitor to fix in their
true position the various scenes of the battle, whether historical or
fictitious.

Above all, he must entirely dismiss from his mind one apparently
well-established identification. In the wood just below Flodden
heights is a little spring, gushing out of the hill into a stone trough
with the well-known inscription (slightly modified) : —

* Drink, weary pilgrim, drink and pray
For the kind soul of Sybil Grey,' etc.

But ttiis inscription, which was placed there some twenty or thirty
years ago by the genial enthusiasm of the late Marchioness of Water-
ford, transfers the well-known death-scene in Marndon to an utterly
impossible locality. This so-called well of Sybil Grey is ahnost in the
heart of the Scottish camp, far to the left of the extreme left of the
FiTiglifth line, whereas Marmion fought and fell on the extreme right
of that line.

The real 'well of Sybil Grey' — ^that is to say, the well which
Scott probably had in his mind when he wrote his description — is a
much more prosaic looking afiair ; in fact, not much bet/ter than a

•• I would also suggest the possibility — I will not caU it the probability —
that some of the followers of James who knew the great share taken by the
bastard Heron in causing the failure of the expedition may have returned to
their homes full of rage against him and his race, and that some words of theirs
misunderstood and incorrectly repeated may have been the germ out of which
grew the scandal against lady Heron.

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A 13TH CENTUKY CROSS, LOW MIDDLBTON HALL. 45

oommon drinking trough for cattle on the road a little below Branxton
church. Surveying this part of the battle-field (some two miles away
from the sham Sybil's well) we find that all comes together beautifully,
just as Sir Walter imagined it. Here, about two hundred yards from
the * drinking trough,' is the little hill on which Lady Clare was
stationed to view the battle, and from which, had the Scots been
victorious, she would have had a clear line of escape to Berwick.
Through the little vaQey below this hill Marmion's reinless steed
came rushing from the fight at Piper's Hill. In that valley runs the
stream which was so stained with the blood of battle that Clare could
not offer it to Marmion ; and so we come back to the little well by
the roadside, from which she drew the cooling draught for her dying

II.— MIDDLETON ST. GEORGE : CROSS IN THE GARDEN

AT THE LOW HALL.

By the Rev. J. T. Fowlbr, M.A., F.S.A.

[Read on the 25th May, 1892.]

In the garden at the Low Hall, Middleton St. George, is the principal
portion of a fine sculptured cross of close-grained red sandstone, set
up with the lower end of the shaft in the earth. Its present height
above the ground is three feet ten inches, and it is just three feet
across the transverse part. The design is that of a large quatrefoil
with four short and spreading arms, set upon a shaft oblong in
section, with deeply cut roll and hollow mouldings on the sides. The
upper arm is broken off. In the quatrefoil, on what is now the north
side, is a representation of Christ on the cross, with SS. Mary and
John, the former on his right hand and the latter on his left. The
central figure has the cruciferous nimbus, and the head bowed to the
right. There is apparently an indication of the wound in the right
side. The waist-cloth is bound round the loins, and extends down to
the knees. The feet have been represented as nailed on separately,
but are broken off. Above the arms are traces of something, pro-
bably the moon on the right and the sun on the left, and in the

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ii A 18TH CnilTUBT CROSS, LOW MIBDLBTON HALL.

yaoant spaoes ontoide SS. Mary and John are indications, possibly of
stank St. Mary is represented with a long flowing hood over her
hair, and her hands are clasped on her breast. St. John's right hand
is elevated. In the lowest arm is a kneeling figure, apparently that
of a man in monastic habit with hands raised, mnch resembling
figures often seen in seals. The other Bums are oocnpied by simple
bat effective thirteenth oentmry foliage, and the same is continued on
either side of the kneeling figure.

On the other, now the south side of the cross, is a representation
of our Lord seated in majesty, with cruciferous nimbus, and his right
hand raised in blessing, with the two first fingers extended and the
thumb and the other fingers bent over. The left hand has perished*
No indications of wounds can now be seen. The robe is flowing, and
girded round the waist ; the feet are exposed. In the vacant spaces
within the quatrefoil are two of the evangelistic symbols — the winged
ox for St. Luke, with a label not now showing any letters, on the
left; and on the right the winged man for St. Matthew, holding
something very unusual in the case of the symbolical figure. With
his right hand he holds before him a large object in the form of a
bottle with a round foot, but probably meant for a money-bag. The
bent part of the left wing projects in firont of his face, most of which
has perished. The winged lion of St. Mark occupies the lowest arm,
outside the quatrefoil ; and the eagle of St. John has, of course, been
in the upper arm. The four arms are decorated with foliage similar
to that on the other side. The outside of the quatrefoil and the ends
of the arms are quite plain. The character of the figures, foliage,
and mouldings, as well as the general design, appear to indicate a
date of some time in the earlier half of the thirteenth century. The
stone has begun to split from the action of the weather, and will be
all to pieces in a few more years unless it be put under cover.

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KIAEWHELPINQTON OHUROH. 47

III.— NOTES ON THE RECENT DISCOVERIES AT KIRK-
WHELPINGTON PARISH CHURCH.

By W. S. Hicks.
[Read on the 29th Jane, 1892.]

This church, dedicated to St. Bartholomew, consigts of a nave,
chancel, western tower, and soath porch onlj. I give a plan of it,
showing the indications of earlier forms which have lately been
discovered.

The fabric, when I first saw it two years ago, was in a most
dilapidated and unwholesome condition : its modern roof in holes, its
timbers decayed, its floors, seats, and gallery soaked and green with
damp. The chancel only was in a state of repair, though greatly
reduced in size and disfigured in proportions by the rebuilding under-
taken some time ago by the lay rector.

The nave walls, roughly rebuilt ol ancient stones, contain some
portions of the lancet windows, but nothing of their ancient character,
and nearly all the windows have plain square sashes.

The roof was an ordinary king-post construction of the early part
of this century, containing a little of the old oak of a former roof, so
cut up as to leave no trace of its earlier form.

The tower is buttressed with huge modem buttresses, partly en-
closing and hiding the old ones, and it has been so altered in its
upper stage as to be almost beyond recc^ition as a thirteenth cen-
tury tower. The south porch is a modem stmcture made entirely ot
ancient stones.

The ground on both sides of the church had become banked up
three or four feet above the present floor level, and this floor appears
to be a foot or a foot and a half above the ancient one. There were
some indications, in this high ground, of transept walls on both the
north and south sides, and these indications were more or less of a
puzzle.

Hodgson says of it, at vol. i., part 2, page 208 : — ^ It has been a
cross church, but its transepts have been removed.' On the other

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48 BEOEKT DIBCOYERIES AT

hand, I am told by the vicar that the late Mr. Johnson expressed his
opinion that it was not a transeptal church.

The excavations justify both of these contrary opinions in a
onrioos and interesting way, reconciliog them, as I shall presently
show.

There being urgent need of repair, a plan was made for an altera-
tion of the roof, and a contract was entered into with Messrs. £. Oarse
& Son of Amble. I am much indebted to Mr. J. T. Oarse, who has
had this work under his charge, and am glad of this opportunity of
mentiouing his intelligent interest, and the care with which all relics
and traces have been observed, preserved, and pointed out, and handed
over to me by him and his workmen.

The first contract for roof and drainage was completed, and a
sufficient sum of money was still available this year for a second con-
tract, which is now being carried out by Mr. Oarse. This consists of
cutting away so much of the embankment of earth, and building
dibriSy and other remains above mentioned, as will enable us to put
in a good open trench all round the church below the present floor
level, and at what is probably the ancient level of the floor.

This is intended to dry the building, and it is this excavation
which has brought to light so many very interesting features, and has
thrown so much fresh light on the original condition and the change-
ful Jiistory of this much altered fabric.

The excavated earth has been searched with the result that some
pieces of thirteenth century glass have been found (if I am not mis-
taken) all calcined almost beyond recognition, and beyond the possi-
bility of entire preservation. These fragments have been placed in
the Museum at the Black Gate, having been presented by the Bev.
0. W. Soden, the vicar.

I picked up a calcined bone; and the marks of fire on the stones
also show that the building has been completely destroyed by fire
once, if not more than once.

Two original grave covers have been found in fragments. I give
drawings of them. One is of an ordinary kind, with cross and sword;
it has been preserved by being worked into a triangular coping, and
turned upside down. The other is a very interesting and uncommon
stone with a chalice incised on it, and nothing else whatever.

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KIBKWHELPTNGTON CHUECH, 49

Hodgson alBO mentions, at page 104 of the volnme already qnoted,
a tombstone found in some excavations ordered by Archdeacon Thorp^
'with a figure in the middle of it, and an inscription round the
margin which nobody could read.* It had disappeared for ten years
when Hodgson wrote. It has not yet reappeared.

The laying bare of the plinths and buttress foundations of the old
walls is the most interesting of all the work that has been done, and
it is much to be wished that a further excavation could be made
beyond that which is required for the trenching of the chui^h, so as
to show the extent of the ancient aisles and transepts.

The plinths now uncovered show round the chancel, and at the
east ends of the aisles or transepts, a handsome double plinth with a
string-course above it. This chancel had wmM buttresses about
twelve inches by twelve inches, at intervals of about nine feet ; also a
low side window and a priest's door on the south side. The plinths
followed the slope of the ground, declining towards the east about one
in sixty y or two and a quarter inches in eleven feet si{ inches.

These plinths and string returned round all the buttresses, and at
the east wall of the aisles, as above mentioned. The original masons'
marks are quite clear on these plinths, showing that they were buried,
and their surfaces thus protected from decay, at an early period in
their history. All the tool marks are quite distinct. I give draw*
ings of this chancel base, and of the masons' marks.

The tower had also a base of the same character, slightly differing
in dimensions. This seems to show that one was copied from the
other, rather than all worked from the same patterns at the same time.

The west walls of the transepts show no signs of any plinths what-
ever ; and this is to be noted as additional and conclusive evidence
that the transepts are not the original form, for if they had been, they
would naturally have had their plinths on their western as well as
their eastern walls.

The plinth of the present nave is like the lower plinth of the
chancel, but a little smaller and of later chiselling, having the appear-
ance of a reduced and re-used plinth, taken from the aisle walls when
the present nave walls were built on the site of the ancient nave
arcade when the aisles were destroyed. The foundations of both
aisles show this plinth at their west ends. There is a break of five

VOL.XVL G

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50 B£0£NT DISCOVEEIBS AT

inches in the thickness of the soath wall at the west end, the present
wall of the nave being two and a half feet thicker, outside and inside,
than the respond wall against which it is built.

This thick nave wall contains the old aisle door, rudely rebuilt.
This is the entrance doorway described by Hodgson as decorated
with two shafts, mouldings, and a drip stone.' There is a north door,
with a square head opposite, now walled up.

The foundations of the chancel walls extend further eastward than
the modem east end ; how &r east I have not yet been able to dis-
cover. They appear to have been removed in order to make a path.
There are also foundations of a western porch to the tower.

A portion of an aisle pillar with its base, apparently almost in sitUy
exists at the western corner of the south transept ; but nothing is
found to correspond with this on the north side.

There are several other fragments of mouldings — all indicating a
fine and characteristic Northumbrian church — of the beginning of the
thirteenth century. The summary of its history appears to me to be
as follows, approximately: —

Omitting the original Norman church, of which a few fragments
I'emain, but nothing to indicate a plan, we find the usual Early Eng-
lish church, with a long chancel, a nave with narrow aisles six feet
six inches wide internally, and a western tower, bearing out Mr.
Johnson's opinion that it was not originally a transeptal church.

Secondly, we have a general destruction, probably by fire, and a
rebuilding of the chancel, with larger buttresses, on the north side ;
also a rebuilding of the nave (possibly about the same time), without
aisles, but with transepts, bearing out Hodgson's record; a south
porch, a great buttressing of the tower, and a destruction of the
western porch. Part of this was probably at the end of the fifteenth
or beginning of the sixteenth century, and part much later. The
filling in of the fine pointed tower arch with its zigzag mouldings, the
apex of which is still visible, and the huge character of the tower
buttressing, all go to show that the tower was in a dangerous, if not
ruinous, condition.

Lastly, the stiU more modem disturbances, involving the destrao-
tljj y: tjts north chancicl battresies and of the transepts, as men-

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KIBKWHELPINOTOK OHUBOH. 51

tioned by Hodgson; a rebuilding of the east end of the chanoel,
considerably short of the east wall foundations ; also, a partial destruc-
tion of the nave and rebuilding of the upper part of the nave walls ;
and the construction of the new roof.

I do not know how many of these last alterations may have been
undertaken at the same time, when the leaden roof was taken off in
1805 and replaced by one of Westmorland slates, according to
Hodgson, above quoted, page 208. This is the roof I found two
years ago, and which I altered and repaired under the instructions of
a committee of the Restoration fund, consisting of the bishop, the
archdeacon, and the rural dean.

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59 CUSTOMS 07 THB 0OT7BT LBST

IV.— AN ACCOUNT OF THE CUSTOMS OF THE COURT
LEET AND COURT BARON OF MORPETH, WITH
THB COURT ROLL OF 1682. (Extracted from Mr. Wood-
man's Collection.)

By J. C. Hodgson.

[Read on the 80th March, 1892.]

Though the history of Morpeth has been exhaustively given by the
Rev. John Hodgson, there remains in Mr. Woodman's collection a
great mass of unpublished information and documents : some of these
relating to the Court Leet and Court Baron, with original notes of
the Trades Quilds, the writer desires, with Mr. Woodman's permission,
to lay before the Society.

As the charter of 15 Charles II. has it 'the inhabitants and

* burgesses of the town and borough beyond the memory of man have
*been a body corporate by the name of "the BailiflFs and Burgesses of

* the Borough of Morpeth." '

The body of the corporation consisted of freemen elected in a
certain customary manner from the 'seven companies ' or crafts, and
it may be of some interest to preserve some notefi of these trade guilds
which originated in a distant and well-nigh prehistoric past, as the
customs which their books, or tradition, have preserved if not now
narrated will be lost. Each guild was independent and governed by
its own bye-laws, each elected a definite number of its members to
become freemen on the governing body of the municipality.

1. The merchants^ and tailors to whom were 'imputed' barbers,

waxmakers, 'bowers' and 'shaethers,' electing four brothers
to be burgesses.

2. The tanners and barkers electing six.

8. The fullers and dyers, to whom were 'imputed' wrights, carvers,
and hatters, electing three.

' 1666 1 Nov. It is agreed by the alderman and company of marchants to
fine ye Taylors for their pablic contempt to ye alderman and trade of marchants
six shillings eightpence every man toties quoties.

Note. — For deed as to Morpeth markets, fairs, and mills, see Arch. Aeliana,
Vol. III. (N.S.), p. 69.

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AND COURT BABOK OF MOBPBTH. 58

4. The smiths, sadlers, and annonrers, to whom were ^mpated'

BlaterSy loriners, and Bword slippers, electing three.

5. The cordwainers, to whom were annexed the cnrriers, electing

three.

6. The weavers electing three.

7. The skinners, glovers, and batchers electing two.

What a change the prcSsent centnrj has made in these trades!
The merchants and tailors still exist ; the tanners entirely gone, and
their tan-yards converted into building gronnd and gardens, yet
Mr. Woodman remembers eight of them, although the very names of
the occupants are forgotten. Of the fullers, carvers, dyers, and hatters,
not one remains ; one hatter he remembers who felted hats, and two
or three fullers and dyers, but no carver. The armourers and sword
slippers, all defunct, are no longer wanted, and the loriners^ gone, but
a small number of cordwainers yet exists. The weavers are gone,
although in the early years of the century the woollen, Unen, and diaper
weavers were numerous, but at that time a spinning wheel was in
every house. Mr. Woodman recollects three skinners and one glover,
now there is not one ; three tallow chandlers, two doggers, two
hecklers, two woollen manuilEicturers, one considerable. A cotton
manufactory was established, but failed. An old man from Light-
water house, near Mitford, attended the market weekly with turned
wooden goods, milk bowls, creaming-dishes, trenchers, and butter
stamps. The carding machine and power loom have banished heckling,
and weaving is done in huge factories. An ,old woman used to boil
linen webs in wood ashes and bleach them.

The members of the guilds or free brothers were inchoate freemen,
but before they could be sworn in, it was decided by lord Mansfield
Hhat the full set of twenty-four must be complete and all of full age
before any one could be sworn in, and that the lord of the manor was
obliged to swear all, having no power to reject any of those who
presented themselves,' and as each of the seven companies had to

' Lorimers or Loriners, a company of artificers in London who make bits for
bridles, spurs, and suchlike ironware for horses. — Bailey.

To the Worship of Almighty God and the snstentacion of Saint Loys gyld
and light in the hye Eyrke of Morpethe after ye lawdable manner and coostome
oi the said Toune and in eschewinge of contencion and dyscorde y^ hath ben
amongs smyths Saidlares armarais . . . bretherin of ye said gyld kc — Bye-
lavM tfthe Company of Smiths^ Sadlert^ and Armourers, 1638.

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54 CUBT01C8 OF THE OOTTBT LEET

contribute its quota of brothers to make np the set of twenty-foor,
and some of the companies having no brothers to elect the system
at length came to an end. After election a brother could sell his
right to be sworn ; the sum of £60 and upwards in the present cen-
tury was given, because being a freeman entitled a man to have a
field supplied by lord Carlisle or Mr. Ord; this cost each upwards
of £1,000 a year: so much for parliamentary representation- Well
might Frederick, earl of Carlisle, write from Rome to his Mend Sir
George Selwyn, *I have a Benedictine father teaching me Italian
who will not allow me to pay him, I wish my burgesses at Morpeth j

had the same taste.' ;

Every brother paid twopence per month to the funds of his •

company, which were anciently expended in lights for the churdi, and j
up to the passing of the Municipal Corporations Act, in payment to \
the friends of a brother on his death ;^ for providing black cloaks and
hat bands, which at that time were worn by all attending funerals,
and for occasionally entertaining^ a stranger and minstrels, other than
the waits.

The relation between religion and business was maintained. The
great meeting day of the Tanners* company was Trinity Monday,
when a bough of oak was planted before the alderman's door ; the
brethren met, each carrying a branch of oak and marched to church

' And if any broder or sister be ded ye den schaU bring ye candeles to ye
dirge and enery broyer and sister schal ofEre an halpeny at ye chirche and he
yat offres nacht he schal paye an halpeny to ye almes at ye next manspeche.
— 6Hld of the Holy Croit, J^ncoln,

Also it is ordeyned yat on ye day of ye sepnltare of any broder or syster of
yis gilde y* euryche o&e a ferthyng and yemen a halpeny to aUemasse ande
abonte ye dede ij candles of viij pounds of wax and two ponere men shal bene
hirede of ye almesse silver to holden ye torches about ye dede. — Oild of 8t,
ChrUtopher, Narwich,

A brother dying six miles off, the alderman shaU go with the wax and bring
the body to the * herthe.' — Ths Tailors^ Gildy Norwioh,

And so all fairly clad they go in procession with much music to the Chnrch
of the Friars Minors of Beverley, and there at the altar of St. Elene solemn mass
is celebrated and every one of the Gild makes offering of a penny. The Mass
ended and aU prayers said they go home and after dinner aU the Gild meet in a
room within the hall of the Qild and there they eat bread and cheese and
drink as much ale as is good for them. — QUd of St, EUne, Beverley ^ 1378.

^ 1623 geven to minstreels and songstares xviij^

payd for strangers that came in by chance ij*
1648 Disbursed to the waits of Alnwick 2*

this yeare to our oune waits 6" 6*
1652 Pay* on our craft day for wine 3*

to the musitians on our feast day 2* — Merchant TaUors^ Books.

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AND OOtJBT BABON OP MOBPBTH, 55

and heard mass ;' they then went to the Town Hall for business^ after
which they had their feast, the principal dish being a fruit pie^ of
yeal, ham^ currants, and raisins. In modern times the alderman
entertained the brethren with cheese and ale.

It wUl be observed that the guilds were what is now styled
*co.operative,'^ it being more for the common interest to buy for all,
and then divide in proportion to the requirement of each. Thus it
will be seen that the Tanners' company bought oak trees^ stripped the
bark, and sold the wood.

A remarkable instance of the change in our habits is that for three
Wednesdays after the Stones Fair* in Newcastle all the ordinary work
of the tan-yard was given up, and the men stood in the street, where

* At ye general day yat ilke brother be redy wit othir to go to ye kirke wit
is brothere with a garland of hoke leaves.— J^y^Zflw?* of WigenhaXl^ Norfolk.

1601 Paid for Strangers of Trinitie Sunday xij» x**
Item 8 quarts of wine of Trinitie Sunday v* iiij*
Item to the county pypers of Trinitie Sunday xvij*
Item SLT quarts of wine at dinner the Monnday after Trinitie Sun-
day iiij*
Item more to the Tanners 4 quarts of wine ij«
Item more in sugar that daye xiiij.
Item more for straungers that day v» t^
Item more for a jpottel of wine xiiij<*. — Tawnerz^ Company,

1613 The X. April. For twoe oche graines to ye towle bouth for Trinitie
Sun. ij<*. 1639 Paid for oake graines for the towle bouth 4^. Item
for oake graines to the church 4<*. — Boo\s of Tanntfrs^ Coinpany,

1645 Paid for dressinge the chamber at Trinitie Monday Is. — Ibid,

The merchant tailors, however, used branches of birch. 1632 pd for ye burche
sett up at Towle Bouth 2^,— Merchant Tailors' Books,

' This dish Mr. Woodman's father had and which Mr. Woodman still has.

Also it is ordeyned that upoun the Sonday next after St Kateryne day
most commonly to be hadde the said alderman and fiis Bredeme and sisters shall
come to their Glide Halle togedre and take such as shall be there prouyded by
the Stuarde off the Glide for the tyme beynge. Att which dyner a man and his
Wyff shall pave iiij** and eny other single persone — both preste man and woman
shall paye ij^ Any one not present to pay a lb. of wax and his dinner
beside. — Quild of 8t, Katheriihe^ Stamford^ Henry VII,

'J1664 21 April. Purchased of Cuthbert Horsley of Horsley esq: 500 oak

trees growing at Horsley Birks for £145.
1605 24 April. George Fenwick of Longshaws esq. entered into a bond that

Bobt. Mitford of Mitf ord esq and Cuthbert his son and heire apparent

should perform an agreement for the sale of the woods and underwoods

at Espley for £100.
1607 1 July. Paid to Robert Haslerige of Swarland esq.: £60 for 70 trees

on Swarland aforesaid.
1668 1 July. Paid Richard Wilson £69 Ss. Od. for barke from Ulgham Parke.
1695 26 May. Bought of Thomas Ledyard of Newcastle upon I^ne a parcel

of oak bark at Tritlington Bankes. — ^All the foregoing from the Tanners'

Book.
' Last Wednesday in November.

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56 CUSTOMS OF THE OOUET LEET

scales were fixed, to take the mart hides from the farmers, weigh and
pay for them, after which the men dined in their master's honse.
This was kept up to the year 1825. Now, so completely is the killing of
marts^ given np that few housekeepers know what hung beef is. And
at that time all farmers came to market in carts, or on horseback
with a sack, carrying the hides. Now dog carts are general.

No one could carry on business in the borough unless he were a
brother of one of the companies.

The &ir presented a union of the municipality and of the lord. All
the tenants of the lord from Longhorsley, Stannington, Ulgham, etc.,
as well as at Morpeth, were required to attend on Ascension Day and
St. Magdalen's Day, to accompany the steward who proclaimed the
fair in the market place, then at the Fair-moor and at the old lime
kiln at the terrace, in the following words : —

Whereas it is enacted that eveiy lord of a fair shall make, or cause to
be made, open proclamation how long the said fair shall endure now
know ye that the {^Right Sojumrable Frederick Howard] Earl of Carlisle,
Viscount Howard of Morpeth, Baron Dacre of Gilsland, and Lord of this
present fair, doth strictly charge and command all manner of persons,
coming and repairing to this present fair, that they keep the peace of our
Sovereign Lord the King ; that no manner of persons daring this present
fair shall commit or make any riot, route, or unlawful assembly, or any
other misdemeanour within the precincts of this fair; and all manner
of persons are required peaceably and quietly to pay their tolls, due or
accustomed, and that no person or persons bring to the said fair any
infected goods, and all such persons as shall buy sell or exchange any
horse, gelding, mare, or filley within the said fair, shall enter them with
the derk of the tolls, with the colours, age, and marks of the said horses,
geldings, colts, and filleys, together with the names, surnames, and dwelling
places as well of the buyer as the seller thereof. And it is the wiU and
pleasure of the lord of the said fair coming, and repairing to the said
fair, shaU have free egress and regress, to and from, the same ; and if there
should happen any difference, or controversy, to arise between party or
parties, within the said fair, the party or parties, grieved may repair to the
officers of the said fair, when they shall have justice administered unto
them according to the court of Pied poudre ; and lastly know ye that the
said fair shall continue for the space of three days whereof the present
day is one. God save the King. The Lord of the Fair.

So soon as this was done the bailiffii with all the corporate ofScers

" Mairt. — An ox slaughtered at Martinmas and salted for winter store. It
was not unusual for a few families to join in the purchase of a mairt and to
divide it among them. — Brockett.

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AND COURT BARON OF MORPETH. 57

proclaimed the fair at the market place^ the blae stone at Boiler's
Green, and the lime kiln at the terrace.^^

The bailiflb were judges of the court of Pied poudre, and Mr.
Woodman has been frequently present when one of them heard and
decided cases. In former times no sale could take place before the
market bell^^ rang at eleven o'clock; in modem times the market began
with sunrise, in winter before it. A curious custom general, if not
universal, in the market, was as follows : — A butcher buying an ox took
a shilling in his hand, spit^ upon it, and if his offer were accepted,
gave it to the seller ; this of course was the earnest or * arles ' penny,
but the spitting on the coin is not so easily explained. In some cases
the seller had to return some coin known as the ' luck penny ;' to
this some of the borderers attached great importance.

The duties of the bailiff's were numerous, and, during the long
war, onerous, and their house doors never rested. They were justices
of the peace, and qualified as such at the Christmas Quarter Sessions,
they had to swear in the recruits, to commit deserters, to billet
soldiers, to relieve soldiers* widows^^ and children having passes, they
had to fix the weight of bread according to the price of wheat, they
had to condemn the bread under weight seized by the bread weighers
and give it to the poor.

The corporation were large occupiers of land, and were tenants of
1,500 acres at Clifton field, which lord William Howard offered to
them at Is. 6d. per acre, although he was informed it was well worth

'^ The lord received staUage and pickage, the first for placing stalls, the
second for breaking the surface of the ground.

" Item that noe barker shall by covenant or make bargain for any skins ye
Satturday or one the Wednesday before tbe bell ringe cheape nor handle any
skins and every one offendinge shall for every skin soe by handled or cheaped
forfitt and pay the one half to the lord the other half to the comon. — JBi/e Law
Booko/lb9^.

*' Spitting to avert evil influences was considered an act of religion. It is an
Irish luck superstition.

Most tradespeople have a peculiar custom they call handsel, that is to say. the
first money they receive in the morning they spit upon and put it in their
pocket. The same in Scotland. — Piut and JPreseiUj p. 644.

To spit in your hand before grasping the hand of a person with whom you
are making a bargain is held to clench the bargain and make it binding on both
sides. — Napier, Folk-lore, p. 100.

Spitting a defence from magic. — Grimm, Teutonic Mythology y 1633.

Spittle a charm against all kinds of fascination. — Theocritus, Pliny, many
examples. Brand, pp. 139, 140, 141.

" The women were paid 6d., the chUdren 3d.

VOL. xvr H

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58 CUSTOMS OP THB OOUBT LBBT

2b. 6d. They had their own ' common' of 401 acres. It has been in
their possession from time immemorial^ and was what is commonly
designated 'moor' nntil 1762, when it was first ploughed. Adjoin-
ing the common on the west is the * Gnbion,' containing about 312
acres. For it the corporation paid a rent of £10 ; lord Carlisle
offered a lease for ninety-nine years at £10 10s. This offer was
refused, an action of ejectment was successfully brought against them
in 1806,^* and lord Carlisle recovered possession. It was then all
heath and whins. They also occupied the moor land of Cottingwood,
of some 400 acres. They gave it up in the latter part of last century,
after which it was fenced and cultivated. In Cottingwood was the
racecourse, in the south-east corner of which, at * the hollin port,' the
inhabitants of Morpeth encamped at the time of the great plague.
The ' ridges ' behind the houses were cultivated as com lands, as were
the North Field lands, 60 acres of which they ridded of wood, but
afterwards parted with, only reserving the af ter-eatage.

The officers of the corporation were two bailiffs, a sergeant-at-
mace, two flesh- and fish-lookers, two ale-tasters and bread-weighers,
and four constables, who were elected and appointed at the court leet,
according to ancient usage: the bailiffs and sergeant being elected by
the lord from the nominees of the jury who selected and presented
all the other officers. The orders and bye-laws of the borough,
as revised and agreed upon in 1598, may be found in a book commonly
called ' the blue back,' which yet remains in the town's hutch, a copy
of which was in the box of each company. Amongst them is

AN OB0ER GONFBBBINQ THE ELECTION OF BATLIFFES AND SBBGEANT.

Itm it is ordered and concluded and agreed by the said Thomas Lo. Dacre
burgesses and comenaltie aforesaid that ye great inquest at ye Court at Michael-
mas shall by there discresson name 4 men to ye election of bayliffes and ij men
to ye election of sargeant and they soe named to ye election of ye said offioen
it is concluded that the said S' Phillip Dacre Knight brother to ye Lo Dacre or
other for the tyme beinge the office that the said S*^ Phillip now beareth efficient
with him or them the aldermen of the seven crafts shall by their discreseion
elect and chuse twoe of the said 4 hoc named to the Offices of Bayliffes and
these elect to stand for the space of one year and alsoe to elect one of the said
ij names to the office of a sargeant and soe by them in like manner to stand for

'* 1806 13 May at a common guild it was resolved that to defend the claim
made on the Qubion by the earl of Carlisle the stint money be increased to 10*
— Corporation Book, No. 2, p. 97.

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AND COURT BARON OF MORPETH. 59

the space of one yeare as is above said pyided always he beinge once elected to
the office of a bailiff or sergeant as aforesaid and serving in the said office by the
space of one yeare shall not be elected or chosen to any of the said offices for*
and doringe the terme of three yeares next ensneinge but that he shall duering
the term of three yeares soe longe to be cleyr from the election of any of the
offices above s*.

As the holding of the court leet and manor coorb has ahnost
ceased, it may be of interest to preserve an account of their cnstoms.
The coorts were held at Michaelmas and Easter, the former being
styled the head court, when the various officers were elected. The
manor court was also held at Christmas. As the municipality was
self-governed, the bailiflPs met in the town hall at a Cite-court or side
court three weeks before Michaelmas Monday, to ^x and give notice
of the court ; they chose the jury summoned by the sergeant.

In the early morning of Michaelmas Monday there was an appear-
ance of bustle in the town — a general sweeping of footpaths, repairing
of pavements, and scattering of gravel to cover defects. Two men
with halberts visited each public house: they were the ale-tasters,
whose duty it was to see and report that the ale brewed was 'healthful
for man's body.' At 10 o'clock the warning bell rang, fifteen minutes
later the notice bell, and shortly after the meeting bell. Those whose
duty it was to attend the court had for some time been assembling at
the ' Queen's Head,'^* where they prepared for the duties of the day by
partaking of biscuits with wine and spirits. They took their places
in order — first, the town's waits, a piper and fiddler in green coats
and drab knee breeches, each bearing on his right arm a silver
badge of the corporation arms ; then four constables bearing staves
with square tops, having on the sides the arms of the lord of the
manor and of the corporation, the old town cross with its flat
roof and large balls at the corners, and the scales of justice ; then
two fish- and flesh-lookers, having staves with knives at the top;
then the two bread-weighers and ale-tasters with their halberts ; the
sei^eant with his silver mace came next, followed by the two bailiffs ;
then the steward of the court, the seven aldermen and the jurymen.
In the old town hall was a semicircular seat raised on an elevated
platform. On this the lord's steward, as presiding officer, seated him-
self, the bailifib, as assessors, sitting on either side^ and beyond them
" t.e.f Queen Anne's.

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60 CUSTOMS OF THE OOUET LEET

seven aldermen. The sergeant placed the mace on the table opposite
to the steward, and standing beside him^ made proclamation —
Otbz I Oyez I Otez I

AU manner of persons who owe suit and service to the court leet of the
lord of the manor" and borough of, Morpeth now to be holden, or who
have been summoned to appear at this time and place draw near and gire
your attendance. Every man answering to his name when called to save
his amercement. God save the king and the lord of this manor.

Those who held lands by suit and service were then called, and
where there had been a change of ownership the new owner was
admitted.

The roll of burgesses was then called, ^app^' [appeared] being
written opposite the names of those who answered to their names.
The sergeant again made proclamation : —

Oyez 1 Oyez ! Oyez !

All manner of persons who owe suit and service to this Court and have
not answered to your names, appear and answer to the second call, other-
wise you will be amerced. God save the king and the lord of this manor.

Those on the roll who had not answered were again called ; those
who, being absent, had deputed others to answer for them, who paid
a penny, were marked *es8^' [essoignedj. Those who entered no
appearance were marked 'abroad' or *def.' [default].

The bailiffs then handed to the steward the names of those who
had been summoned as the leet jury or lord's jury, to the foreman
of whom the following oath was administered : —

Foreman's Oath. — You as foreman of this homage with the rest of
your fellows shall enquire and true presentment make of all such things

*' The manor of the borough of Morpeth is distinct from the manor of
the castle of Morpeth : the lord had influence but not power, his duties being
ministerial. When the De Merlays obtained a grant of the borough the lord
possessed no land therein, and it may be presumed that the plots of ground
he subsequently held were acquired by bargain from the suitors. His duty
being to lead and protect the burgesses, ho said to them *give me a bit of
land whereon I may build me a tower for my men at arms and give somewhat
yearly towards their maintenance.' They gave both, the burg-bote amounted
to the then large sum of £11 9s. 2d. and the same amount is yet paid as
Borough Rent {Aux'dium dwitur qvsd ex comuetudine debefur ad rettaurationew
urhium bnrgorinu castroruin. — Spelman). And so with the mill and bakehouse.
Again, the lord was bound to protect merchants resorting to the fair and there-
fore undertook the repair and mending of the roadway of the streets, and in
consideration levied and received tolls formerly amounting to a large sum for
all cattle and sheep sold in the market.

The monastery of Newminster had eighty houses in the town, the chantry
several more, showing that religious bodies prior to the Kef ormation had one-
third of the land.

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ANB COUET BARON OF MOBPBTH. 61

as shall be giyen to jou in charge ; and of all such other matters as shall
come to your knowledge presentable at this Court: you shall present
nothing out of hatred or malice, nor conceal anything through fear
favour or affection: but in all things shall true and just presentment
make according to the best of your understanding. 80 help you God.

Then were sworn the rest of the homage, by three or four at a

time, thus : —

The like oath which A.B., your foreman hath taken on his part you
and each of you shall well and truly observe and keep on your respective
parts. 80 help you God.

A return was then made by the respective aldermen of persons

elected by the companies to be admitted freemen, who were then

sworn.

The Fbbbmen's Oath."— You and every of you shall swear now being
elected Freemen and free burgesses within this Borough to be true and
faithful to the Lord of the same, his heirs, and successors. And also shall
to your wit power and ability maintain and defend all the orders
privileges and customs belonging to this town and Corporation. So help
you God.

The following proclamation was then made : —
Oybz ! Oybz ! Oyez ! ,

If any person or persons can inform this court or inquest of any treason,
felonies, bloodshed, or any other offence, matter, or thing, let them come
in and they shall be heard.

The jury was then 'charged' by the steward learned in the law,
who directed them to examine and report on any matter which he
thought right, after which the jury retired, perambulated the short
or long boundaries of the borough — the short comprising the borough
without and prior to the grant of the North Field lands in 1281,
the long including those lands — they then sat to hear complaints,
to decide them, and to prepare their report, also to nominate four
bailiffs, two sergeants, and the other officers.

The leet jury dined by themselves.

In the evening, a procession similar to that of the morning was
formed and marched h&clf to the town hall, the great bell solemnly
tolling for the * dying ' officers. When all were seated, the names of

" As before stated, it was decided by lord Mansfield that no one of those
elected could be admitted and sworn until the entire set of twenty-four was
complete, each one being of fuU age.

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OUSTOMB OF THE OOUBT LEET

the leet jury were called, and the foreman handed their presentments
to the steward, who, as each case was called, named a fine and entered
them in the roll. Two burgesses named by the jury were then sworn
as ' afifeerers.'^^ Thes» confirmed or reduced the amercement as they
thought right, but could not increase or altogether dispense with it:
their decision was conclusive.

Burgns

de
[Morjpeth
. . . ibm

. . . Baroni

LsBta et VifTus ffranc Pleg. Gum Cur' Baironi p' noblis
Dni Wiirmi Howard et D'ne Elizabeth* yz'is fae ib*m
tent' primo Die Octobris Anno Reg. Caroli nunc Angl
&c. Octauo A°q D'ni 1632 Ck)ram Thome Witherington
armigero Senefcallo Cur* p'd :

.... Dn*8 Lumley p* Stanington nup' terras Rogeri Thornton gen*

defalt* Heres Dni Ogle p* manerio de Shilvington

defalt' Heres Dni Ogle p* manerio de Midleton MorreU

defalt* S' John fienwicke miles et Barronett p* manerio de Walker

defalt* Idem Joh'es ffenwicke p* manerio de Wallington

defalt* Rob*tu8 Witherington armig' p* Manerio de Plefley in Stanington

Shotton Blakdon & Northwetflet
this onely 3«-4* et primus Wiirms ffenwicke armig* p' Man'rio de Stanton

non comp'uit eff. p. m' waters in p'ochia de Horlley
defalt*
defalt*
ap:

Bulbecke
Barroney

defalt*
p'cat*

Tenentes de weft Duddoe p* tenen* D*ni Will'mi Howard
Ten*te8 yel occupatores de Cookes Land in Stanington
Will'm Bowlton admi'ffs antea Joh*es Ogle armig' p* terns in Horiley
James Care comp* p* W«"°ffenwick Heres Will'mi ffenwicke de Whit-

chefter gen*
Will'ms ffenwicke gen* p' Man*io de Eaft Heddon
Rob'tus Bewicke gen* p* Man'io de Haughton in p'ochia de Heddon
fup* murum
p* cat' Rob'tus Shaftoe gen* . . . heres de CawdweU p' villa de Benwell

nil fact* D'ns Man*ij de Etchwicke

defalt* Heres Joh'is Killingworth p* terris et Ten*ti8 in p*ochia great Benton

defalt* Mathens Newton de Stokffeild hall gen* p* yna farma in Etchwicke

defalt* Joh'es ffenwicke de ffennam p* vna farma in Etchwicke

Comp'uit Georgius Clarke de Etchwicke p' vna farma ib'm
Comp'uit Oliverus Killingworth de Killingworth gen'
defalt* Will'ms Kilingworth de killingworth gen'

defalt' Ofwaldus Mitfordford (sic) de North wetfleyd gen*

comp*uit Rob*tu8 Dalton de Northwetfley gen*
Cuthbte Ogle eft tenens et eft admiiTs
Heres Comitis Salopiae effp' Ro: Lefley
Ball' burgi de Morpeth

Edw*us fillius (sic) et heres Will*mi Readhead infra aetatem
Willms Readhead fillius Jarrardi Re ... . setatem
eff p* O.C, Nich*ns Thornton ar

" French, affeurer, to tax.

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AND OOUBT BAEON OF MOBPBTH.

eff p. Jo: White Thomas Oxley Clic'us

Joh'es Bull . . .
Ck) Rob*tu8 Wardhaugh

Ck) Georgius MarfhaU

Co Outhb'us Pye

efTp* S. Smith Joh'es Smith
eff p.' Ed: Oliu' Georgius Graye gen*

The Lords Jurie

Thomas Pie Jur*
Gawaine Smith
Thomas Aydon
Edward Bride
Stephen Clarke

Jur'

Jarrard Readhead ]
John Smith, Cordiner ( ,
ThorStoco r^^

Edward Bewick )

John Dinin "J

Cuth Pie /

John Smith tanner > Jur*
Tho: Watfon I

Wm*m Bethum )

Quit

in Will p'

feipm*

. . . wiU p'
. . . ipm'

in will p.
feipm'

Quit

in will p.
feipm*

vacat*
Quit

Quit
Quit

Ref erd

Befered

vacat*

in will p
feipm*

Try Quit

[Presentments].
Wee p*fent Richard Greene of Morpeth for makinge afEray ypon

Will*m keUam
Wiirm Kellam for the like vppon Richard Greene

Peter Brathe miller for difobayinge the fergant xij**

pleg* Will*m Harifon
Peter Brathe miller for makinge a&:ay ypon the fergant ... xx.^

pleg* Will*m Harifon
Peter Brathe miller for aJBEray vppon Edward Oliver Conftable xx*

pleg' W™ Harifon
Will*m Milbume for affray & a bloud vpon Rob'te Boyde

pleg* Geo: ffenwicke tann'
Rob*te Boyde for the like vppon him the faid Milbume

Rob'te Greve for affraye vppon Bdmond Scott xx*

pleg* John Mage
James Carr for affraie vppon James Hall on the m'kQtt daie x'

pleg' Geo: ffenwicke gen*
James Hall for the like vppon the faid Carre on the m*kett daie
Thomas Clugh Milner for affray vpon Thomas Henderfon

pleg* Rob*te Smith iu'
Thomas Henderfon for the like vpon the faid Clugh

pleg* John Brakine
ffrancis Greene for affray vpon Margerye Ratcliff on the ffaire daie
Margery Ratcliff for the like vppon him the fame daie

pleg* Rich: Greene
ffrancis Greene for affraie vpon Luce Greene on the faire daie
Margaret Greene for affraie vpon Margery Ratcliff on the fbire daie
Margery Ratcliff for the like vpon hir the fame daie

pleg* Rich : Greene
ffrancis Greene for affraye vpon Markett Greene on the ffaire

daie

Marke Greene for the like vppon him the faid ffrancis

Greene the fame daie

pleg' Tho : Greene Cordwayner

1«

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64 CUSTOMS OP THE OOUBT. LEBT

in will p. fbrancis Greene for afEraie vppon Lowrence Softley beinge

feipm* fergant in executinge his oflSce on the faire daie 1'

in will p ffrancis Greene & Margaret his wife for abufinge the Bailifb,

feipm' and Raifinge an vprore vppon the fEaire daie, and difobay-

inge the bailifEs authoritie, and for Cominge forth of ward

w***owt their privitie or Confent, being Comitted to ward

for their abufTes iij* iiij*

.... Will'm Awbon Ihomaker for aJBEraie & bloud vpon Thomas

Clugh iij»...

pleg* Jo: Greene
, , . . [Thomas Clugh] miller for aflEraie & bloud vppon him the faid

Awbon .... pleg* Jarrett Todd

quit Gutbte fEawcas for affraye vpon Thomas Clugh miller

pleg' W™ Awbon
quit Thomas Clugh miller for afbraie vpon him the faid fEawcas

pleg* Jarret Todd
Culp John Craforth miller for affray & bloud vpoli Thomas

Clugh miller iij^iiij*

pleg' Will'm Awbon
[Thojmas Clugh miller for the like vpon John Craforth

miller

[in will] p feipm' Marke Greene for affray & a bloud vpon George Smith xx*
Rob'te Sadler of Langhurft for affraie & bloud vpon Edward

Robinfon of Throple on the Markett daie vi«

pleg* Dorrthe Bullocke
in will p. Edward Robinfon the like vpon him on the same daie vj*

pl«g' pleg' Tho: Potts sen'

Vftcat' Parfevall Pearfon for affraye vpon Jarett Readhead

in will p feipm' Jarrett Readhead the Like vpon him
vacat Lancelott Swane for affraie vpon John Challino'

in will p feipm' John Challino*" the like vpon him xx*

in will Will'm Tayler for keeping fwyne Contrarie the order ... xx*

In wiU Rob'te Vrwen the like xx*

in. will Thomas Simpfon the like xx**

in will Will'm Bentham the like xx*

in will Gawen Smith the like xx^

, , . . Thomas Wills for brewinge Contrarie the order iij* iiij*

.... Ezeakaell Cutb'te for the like iij« iiij*

in will George ffenwicke gen' the like iij* iiij**

in will Rob'te Sedgwicke the like iii* iiij*

Yo^ are to inquire for the Lord of the mano' what wafts &
decayes is w^^'in yo*" brough and what rent or rents the faid
Theanfwere waifts ought of Right to paye vnto the Lord of the brough & howe
to this In- Longe the faid rents haue bene behinde & vnpaid & by whom, &
flbouz^^rn ^^^ ^^^ Tennants to the faid burgages, when they fell into fucb
oil the decaye, & whether [* there' interlined] were any tymber or fton»

backe fide Ledd or Caried awaye from any of the faid waifts and by whom they

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AND COURT BARON OF MORPETH. 65

were Caryed away & what quantitie there was of the iame ftone or
ty [mber] & whether the laid waifts belonge to the Lord of the Mano'"

or to any other pTon or no, And whether there be any rent

belonginge to any other p'fon befide th dewe to the Lord of

the ffee iflewinge out of any of the faid waiils, howe much

rent, & to whom is the fame to be paid.
2. Yo"^ fhall Inquire whether the paffage on both fides of the Towne
bridge be Hopped & by whom, whereby the Inhabitants Cannot
have free paffage to fetche their watter from Waynfpecke.

We finde that the one paffage was inclofed by m*" Oxley fchoole-

mafler by the confent of ithe Towne, being a Conveniencie belonging

to the fchoole; And for the other paffage is paved according to a

late order, but we finde that the railes nowe fett downe by Robert

vrwen fhalbe pulled (?) vp and taken awaie pTently.

The Juryes We finde a wailte burgage Late in the occupac'n of Richard Todd

v'dict to of the yearly vallewe of iiij** vnto the Lord and hath bene waifte for

Inanifcon ^^® Ipace of this five yeares or there abouts ; by whom wee doe not

for the knowe, for that no pTon hatli inhabited fince in the fame and wee

wafts. finde that neither ftone or tymber is wantinge from the fame

favinge twoe fpares but whom they were taken away wee knowe

not and that there is a yearly rent of vij* dewe to the Kinge out of

the fame as alfo iij* p. ann' to the fcoole of Morpeth.

We finde a waift late in the occupac'n of widdowe Lemen of iiij*
p' ann' to the Lord w** is vnpaid for 4 yeares by paft by whom wee
knowe not, for that it hath bene waifte eu' fince and no pTon
inhabitinge therein and that the fpares in the faid howfe were taken
away by Rob'te Vrwen and that there is a rent yearly to be paid to
the kinge but howe much wee knowe not.

Wee finde a waifte Late in the poflefllon of Will'm Watfon of the
rent of iij* p. ann to the Lord, and that the rent is arreard for
the fpace of certaine yeares but by whom wee knowe not and that all
the ftones & tymber thereof was fould & difpoffed off by the faid
watfon to the vallewe of x" by the faid watfons confeffion to vs,
and there is other rent iffuinge owt of the fame.

Wee finde a waifte Late in the poflefllon of Mathewe Dawfon
deceafed of the yearly rent of iiij* to the Lord & yearly to the
Kinge viij*. and that the said Dawfon was Tennant to the faid burgage
when it fell into decaie, and that the burrowe rent as arreared to the
Lord for the fpace of 5 yeares by paft and that all the fpares Ribbs
& riginge tres thereof are wantinge and pte of them taken awaye
as wee are informed by Rob'te Vrwen.

Wee finde a litle waifi^ latly purchafed by m*" Nicholas Thornton
of the yearly rent of iiij* but that rent is yearly paid to the
Lord.

Wee finde that the Late Bailiffes are liable to a payne of xxxix* xj*
impofed vpon them for not reparinge and mendinge the bowe bridge
accordinge to an order made the Laft Courte at Eaft«r 1632 as
appeares by the Records.

VOLS XVI. I

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66 CUSTOMS OF THB COURT LKET

Wee order & finde that no inhabitant w^'^in this bnrrowe fball
bake either Loafe bread or mancheats vpon the faboth dale vnder
the payne of vj* viij*. and that the Baxters f hall not heate the oven
to bake any vnder the like payne.

[Wee find] & order that no Inhabitant w"'in this burrowe fhall
hereafter impound anye mans beait for any [kind of trefpafs in
their] backe howfes or courtaines but in the Com'on pownd vnder

the payne of vi* [viij<*] but that the fuccedinge Bailiffs fhall

from tyme to tyme keep th[e pound in] good . . . repaire vnder the
like paine, and to haue a good Lock for the gate [of] the faid
pownd. ■
In will John Bulman doth p'fent Lowrence Softley for not Executinge his

feip. oflSce beinge Sergeant and refufeinge to feiz the goods of Rodger

Toores George ffenwicke k others haueinge Execucon to that effecte
& goods of the feverall ptyes shewed vnto him.

viij** in execut altror. but the fyne .... moderate

becaufe the party greued hereby is fatilfyed.

in will 8<* in The fame doth likewife p'fent Gerrard Readhead as aforefaid for

ex* altror* refufeinge to seiz the goods of Thomas Greane Cordiner hauinge

& goods . . . gje(3ucou tQ that effect .... the goods of the faid Thomas Greane

fhewed vnto him.
qu in Easter Court John Bullman for bakinge from the Lords oven — Culpable
1633: Try xij^.

for keepinge fwyne contrarye to the order :
Quyt Thomas Simpfon

Try culpable Thomas Oliver iij* liij* Alee Hall in will vj" 8^

culpable Gawen Smith iij* iiij* Tho: Will in will vj" 8*

Thomas Greene tailor i pige xij<* Bzekell Cutb'te in will vj» 8*

Stephen Clarke i pige xij«* Geo: ffenwicke g' in will vf 8^

Raiphe Errington xij* Ro: Sedwicke in will vj' 8**

for brewinge Contraie to order.

The jury then gave the steward a list of the burgesses selected to
fill the various offices, four being returned for bailiffs, two for
sergeants, etc.^ from which the steward made a selection (the bell
tolling for the dying bailiffs.)^* Attached to the above roll are the
following :—

*• One gentleman (Mr. J. Fenwick) had been so frequently bailiff (1700-1740),
and the bell had so often tolled for him, that he was very generaUy known as

* old death.'

When a bencher of the Middle Temple was raised to the judicial bench

. during term, he dined at the high table in the usual way ; but at the close of

dinner he rose and 'passed down the hall between shouted " good byes,'' the

* doors swung open, and as he passed out of them the bell tolled solemnly as for

* a parting soul. He had gone from among us ; he was no longer of us.'— I^
Still Life of the Middle Tewple, by W. G. Thorpe, F.SA., p.- 343.

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AND OOUBT BABON OF MORPETH.

Balifes
Thomas Pye

WilVm Grene Jur'
John White
John Pye Jur'

Sergeant
Jerraid Redhead Jur*
Richard Todd

Conftables nether ward
George ffenwick tan'
Thomas Gayre the younger .

midell ward
John fmithe tanne*"
Robert Smyth merchant

vpper ward
John Cowp*
John Challenor

Jur'

Jur*

Jur'

Aletafters
Edward Bewick
Thomas Gayre the elder

Jur'

fflefhe lookers
Steaphen Clark
Tho: ftokoe

}jur»

Como* kep's
Will'm Marr Jur'
Mathew Tod Jur*
Cuthbert Ogle
George Marfliall Jur'

C5otting bum kep's
Cuthb't fnawdon Jur'
Hughe Anderfon Jur'

In April! 1653 the 'flEree Burgeffes off morpeth were John White, Robert
Wardhaugh, Tho: ffaucus, Geo; Vinins, James Watfon, WiU'm Green, John Pye,
Tho: Gayre, Tho: Stoker, Edward Bewick, Edward Olliver the older, Will'm
Bethune, John Smith, John Coup', Tho. Watfon, John Challener, John Woodruffe,
Robt Vrwen, Gawen Smith. Geo. Marfhall, Gerard ffenwick, John Gaire, Thomas
milburne, tann«', xxofer Patterfon, Edward Vrwen, Richard Hutton, Edward
marr, Matthew Challener, Will'm milburne, Raiph White, Edmond Oxley, Raiph
milburne, Tho milburne tayler, ffrancis Pye, Tho warriner, Tho. Shipley, William
Marr, Robert Pott, Georg Davy, John Chanley. Thomas Wardhaugh, Gawen
Aydon, Michaell Tompfon, Robert Lumfden, Edward hutton, George Olliver,
Will'm Baites. WiU'm Davy, Robert White, William Vrwen, Robert Smith,
Thomas Dawfon, Thomas Pearfon, Ofwould mitford, Thomas Bitlefton, William
Barker, John Pye Clar, mich widdrington.'

The two new bailiffs were then sworn.

The oaths are important as setting out the duties here : —

The Bailiffs' Oath.— You shall swear as Bailiffs and Chief Officers
within this town of Morpeth for this year next ensuing if you shall so long
live. You shall do equally and indifferently right and justice as well to the
poor as to the rich according to your knowledge wit and power and accord-
ing to the laws and statutes of this Realm and according to the antient
customs of this Town without respect of Persons. And that you shall not
take nor exact anything of any person but such fees as the laws of this
Realm doth permit and award unto you. And that you shall at all times
hereafter maintain defend and keep inviolable all the liberties privileges
and customs of this Town to your power. And do all thirigs that may be
commodious to this Town during the time of your office. And make account
of such things as ought to be good to the commonwealth of this Town. You
shall serve the King's Majesty and his Successord. Your natural Lord and
his Heirs respecting the Commonwealth of this Town. So help you God.

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68 CUSTOMS OF THE COURT LEET

The bells then rang a merry peal for the new bailiffe. The sergeant

was next sworn ; —

The Sbbgeant*s Oath.— You shall swear that for the year next
ensuing you shall well and truly serve as Sergeant of this Town and truly
do and execute all and every thing that to the said office belongeth with-
out taking of any person exaction or bribe other than the ancient accus-
tomed fees, and such as the laws of this Realm, and the ordinances of this
Town doth allow, withotit having respect to any person for love, favor, or
affection but as right and your duty doth require. And you shall in all
things lawful obey the Bailiffs and be true to the Commonwealth of this
Town. So help you God.

The two fish- and flesh-lookers, who carried a pole with a *guUy'
at the top, were then sworn : —

The Fish and Flesh Lookers' Oath. — You and either of you shall
swear that you shall well and truly serve in the office of Flesh and Fish
lookers for this year next ensuing. You shall see that Flesh and Fish
brought to be sold in the market be healthful for Man^s body. Likewise
you shall see that all persons bringing flesh and fish for sale within your
office that they and every of them bring good and wholesome flesh and fish
for man's body. And every one offending, you shall present at this Court.
And in every other thing you shall well and truly behave yourselves in your
said office according to the best of your knowledge. So help you God.

The two ale -tasters and bread- weighers who carried halberts were
then sworn : —

The Ale Tasters* Oath. — You and either of you shall swear that you
shall well and truly serve in the office of the Ale tasters and Bread weighers
for this year next ensuing, that the bread brought to the Market to be sold
be truly weighed, and the same do continue the weight according to the
Price of the Com sold in the Market. Likewise jou shall see that Ale
brewers and tiplers within your office that they and every of them make
good and wholesome Ale and Beer for man's body. And every one so
offending you shall present at this Court. And in everything you shall
well and truly behave yourselves in the said office. So help you God.

The four constables^^* who bore staves were then sworn : —

The Constables' Oath. — You and either of you shall swear that you
shall well and truly serve in the office of Constables of ihis Town for and
during the space of one whole year now next ensuing. You shall endeaTOur

*> There had formerly been more than four constables, two being elected for
each of the wards into which the borough was divided. When there were ^ates
at the end of each street, and probably a stockade round about, the duties of the
constables would be onerous, as their watch and ward must have been constant.
In 1722 it was ordered ' that noe person for the future shall be sett upon the

* watch but who shall be above the age of 16 years, and that they shall continue

* from 9 o'clock at night till four o'clock next morning under the penalty of

* 13* 4*^ upon the person who sends such watchman.' Evidently the constables
might use or employ deputies.

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AND COUKT BABON OF MOBPETH. 69

yonrselves to the ntmoet of your powers to see the King's Majestie's peace
kept and watch and ward observed and kept in this Town as it hath been
accnstomed and as it ought to be. And according to the Statute you shall
punish all rogues vagabonds and sturdy beggars haunting and resorting
within the precincts of your Office and punish offenders accordingly. Also
you shall punish all such persons as do or shall play at any unlawful games.
And if need require you shall raise Hue and Cry after felons according to the
Statute in that behalf made to the utmost of your powers. So help you Ood.
After the appointment of officers, the conrt was adjourned by
the following proclamation : —

Oyez I Otez I Otez I

All manner of persons who have appeared this day at the court leet of
the manor of Morpeth may now depart, keeping their day and hour on a
new summons. God save the king and the lord of this manor.

The bells then rang out a merry peal and the attendants of the
court in procession as before marched to the house of the senior
bailiff; here were assembled on the first floor many young people with
great baskets of apples and nuts which were thrown to the street to
be scrambled for. In the rooms were tables covered with linen, on
which were a large Cheshire cheese, loaves of bread, pipes, and tobacco,
and silver tankards borrowed from friends. Servers then gave to each
person two apples and two handf uls of nuts while the sergeant received
from each a shilling,^^ although the payment was far from universal.
After a short sitting the party in like manner proceeded to the houses
of the junior bailiff and sergeant, after which they all foimd their
way home as best they could.

It will be observed that the jury had many and large powers to
remove nuisances, fix boundaries, prevent waste, punish for forestal-
ling*^ and regrating,** grinding away from the lord's mill or baking

** The dinner given by the lord of the manor is certainly of late introduction.
Of old, after the labours of the day were over, the persons who had taken part in
the pnxSeedings had probably been entertained by the newly elected bailiffs and
Serjeant in three parties — the new officers at the senior bailiff's, the retired
officers at the junior bailiff's, and the jury at the sergeant's. In this collation of
bread, cheese, ale, apples, and nuts, all home produce, we have the remains
of the primitive and ancient custom of the thirteenth century. The shillings
paid for the bread and cheese, etc., were paid to the bailiff entertaining ; the
shillings paid were few and far between.

" Buying up merchandise on the way to market before it was presented for
sale in market hours, abolished by 7 and 8 Vict. c. 24.

1709 Chas. Burnett's wife for forestalling the market amerced 3* 4**. —
Morpeth Court Rolls,

^ Buving goods in market and selling again in or near the same, abolished
by the above statute.

1668 Robert Storey prefccnts QeorRe Ycung for a regrator for buying cabbage
plants in the market and selling them again, — Morpeth Court Molls,

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70 CUSTOMS OF THE OOUBT LEST

from his oven, prevent ibe straying of pigs and cattle, proscribe
eavesdropping,^ prevent assanlts or fighting when thej ^presented*
both oflFending parties. With all this, they had no power to inflict a
fine or panishment, this rested with the steward, yet his judgment
was not final bat had to be traversed by two * affeerers.'

After the lord's jury had left the hall to make their perambnla-
tion, the jnry of the manor court, conmionly called the party jury,
were sworn. Their jurisdiction was in the trial of causes, as in the
county court.

Actions entred Cur* Barron* p'nob'lis dni Will'mi Howard et d'ne

x*» Sept* 1632 to Elizabeth Tx'is fue ib*m tent' die Lune via primo die

be tryed this Courte octobris A»o Beg CaroU nunc AngP &c octauo A<»ciue

d'ni 1632 Coram Thome Witherington armig'o Sene-

fcallo Cur' pM.

The ptie Jurie

Andrew marr Jur'

John greene

John white . ,

John Pie ' ^^""^

Tho: Vrwen
Tho: Gaire fenior )
Edward Oliver . ,
Richard Todd ^"^^^

Robt Smith merchant Jur*
Georg ffenwick tan' Jur'
Tho: Gaire junior Jur'

John lawfon Jur*

Robt Smith Joyner Jur'
John Challiner Jur'

Richard Pearfon J

, . . names Refferd Actions at the Laft Courte.

Thomas fbwcus Alderman of the fhillers Complayneing againfl

Thom[as] Magee in a plea of debt of ....

Try Quytt Robte Vrwen of Stanton againft Efeakaell Cutbert in

a plea of affumpfit of his p'mife for graf f inge a Cowe

& quie ad dam' vij^ x*

Try Quit Robte Lumfden againft Ofwould Mitford in a plea of
ye defend* ^ebte for dyinge of x yards of Cloth of a deare Collor

at ix<* the yard vij* TJ**

Refer* John Scot againft Hugh ffyfe in debt of

the p'ties both to appeare next Courto [This entry

struck out.]
Try Culp- WilVm ffenwicke of Wallington gent' againft Rob'te

ableij" Thompfon of weft gat« in a plea of debt of xxxix" xj*

pleg' Tho: Gaire fen*
agreed Edward Milburne of Langfhawes againft Thomas

Browne of Netherwitton in a plea of debt of ... vij* vj**

** 1717 Presented John Mather for an easing-dropper and common disturber
of the peace and neighbourhood of this corporation. Amerced 39" ll**. Affeered
to ^(f, —Morpeth Court RolU.

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ABD COURT BARON OF MORPETH.

Refferto
Bratram
Oaire & Jo:
BuUman
defalk ex'

Margaret Greeve vidua againfl Thomas Baites in a
plea of Covenant for the reparinge hlr howfe who
did not ad dam*

George Marfhall againit Jarrett Todd in a plea of
debte for a boll of oats vpon a wager of a horfe race

agreed Peter Graye of Stannington againfb John Hall of
Netherton in a plea of debt of

defaltCulp- Phillip Harifon againfl John Stanrker al*8 Stankley in

able iij*
pdam*

a plea of trespas on the Cafe ad dam'

pleg* Jarrett Todd

defalt The faid Phillip againd the faid p'tie in a plea of

aflumnt of p'mife for Charges expended at Yorke

by the complanant againfl the defend^ ad dam' ...

pleg* idem
Refer' to Phil- John Lawfon againfl Thomas Watfon in a plea of

lip Gare fen trefpas for diftroyinge of Come ad dam'

&W» Greene *^

Confeit Iflabell ffawcus widdowe againft Thomas Potts fen'

xxxv*v«qmt in a plea of debte for Lether

for the reft . . .

culpable 36^*

defalt John Smith of Mofden admi'fkr to Thomas Smith

againd Rob*te Robfon of Shaftoe in a plea of debt

for xxxiij* iiij* remaynder of xl»

pleg' Jo: Greene
Thomas Hudfon againfl Edward Scott in a plea of

debt of

Iflabell Attkinfon of Hepfcott againft Ofwold Mitford
in a plea of detinewe of viij yards of white Cloth

ad dam'

Rob'te Robinfon fmith againft Rob'te Harbotle of

Hebbome in a plea of debt of ...

Will'm Kellam againft Edmond Oxley in a plea of
debt of

Culpable vj* Roger Towers of Morpeth againft Will'm Awbon of the
fame ihoema[ker] in a plea of debt of vj' ilij**
remaynder of a debt of xxxix* xj^

Reffer' Thomas Shipley & Edward Shipley againft Ement
Humble in an action of the Cafe for fayinge that
the Complanants ftole his wifes Lyninge weebb
ad dam' quer'

diflmift John Brakine againft Margery Waryner in a plea of
debt for twoe extres 2*, one harrowe xiiij** three
f ellowe Cribbs 2", one dobler 2* a doble fait fate in toto

Refer to John BuUman Thomas Baits againft Margaret Greve

& Bartrum Gaire i^ ^n action of debt for howie rent ...

Try. Culp- Thomas Smith tann' againft Will'm Awbon in a plea

ableix- of debt of

Paid all
in Courte

quit vpon
the oath of
the def*

agreed

Reffer'

vj'viij'*

xvj*

xxxix* . . .

xxxiij^ iiij*

vj-

viij*
... !• vij*»

viij* v^

xxvj* [i**]

xij-

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CUSTOMS OP THE COURT LBBT

defalt*

[Refer']
Confeft

defalk
fatet'
defalt
Quyt

Try. Culp-
able
xiij* viij*

Try. Quyt

Try Quyt

defalt*

The fame againfl Bob'te Smith of the fpitle in a
plea of debt beinge plege & bondiman for the (aid
Rob^te Smith beinge arrefled in Morpeth Coorte at
the fuite of Jafp' Smith of Bffhott who recovered
againfl the faid Rob*te Smith and fo execution was
awarded againfl the Complanant as appeareth by
the Records of the Courte who paid the monye ... xxvj* viij*

The faid Thomas Smith againfl the faid RoVte Smith
in a plea of debt beinge plege & bondfman for the
faid Rob'te Smith who was arrefled at the fuite of
one Thomas Palm* of Lynton Mill the faid Rob*te
Smith was eyicted in Courte [and] the Comp** as
bond for hym paid the monye vpon execution as
appeareth [by the Records] of the Courte xj» iiij*

CutVte Ogle fen* gent* against IfTabell Huntley ad-
min*flratrix to James Huntley in a plea of debt of [iiij']

Bartram Gaire & Phillip Harifon baili^ againft
Thomas fEawcus glover in a plea of debt for fcoole
Rent iij'

The fame againfl IfTabell Headlye Will*m Watfon &

Hugh Anderfon in a plea of debt for fcoole Rent ... [iii']

The fame againfl Rob*te Lawfon of Benrige for fcoole
rent for a howfe in Morpeth [xx . .]

The fame againfl Thomas Vrwen in a plea of debt for
fcoole rent iiij* . .

The fame againfl Phillip Milbume in a plea of debt

for fcoole rent ijMiij*

Gilbert Challinor againfl Ezeakaell Cutbert in a plea
ofdebteof ....

Margery Waryner againfl John Brabine in a plea of
debt of ....

George Davye tann* againfl Thomas Greene fhomaker
in a plea of debt for Lether. to be paid at Corn-
well faire 1631 xix«

IfTabell dawfon & Thomas dawfon execut* to Chriflofer
dawfon deceafed againfl WiU'm Greene in a plea of
debt f or the rent of a f hope in the m*ket flead ... x'

IfTabell Marfhall widdowe againfl Peter Brathe millner
in a plea of trefpas for Caflinge hir yame into the
millne dame viz^ vj heare of lynin yame & iiij heare

of flrakinge ad damp* iij'

[This entry is struck out.]

Parfevall Pearfon againfl Roger Towars in a plea of
withholdinge a bedd flead ^

John Bullman againft Thomas Greene & his wife in a
plea of debt of xxiiij*

The fame againfl Will*m fEawcas webiter in a plea of

debt of xvj*

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AND COURT BARON OP MORPETH. 78

defalt* The fame againft Rob'te Clafp' & his wife in a plea

of debt of vj»

Tiy. Wee doe finde John John BuMman beinge alderman of the
lawfon and Cuthbt ogle Marchantsagainft John Lawfon and
pctore fhall make a Jult n-..,^ /^ , t> 1 1. ^ ^i. r .j
accompt w^Mn xx tie daies ^^^^^ ^«^^ ^ Procktere to the faid
of what they alledge to be Companie of Marchants in a plea

nowdifbnrfedbytlSmthen of debt of xxxij^ v*

they are chai|ed wh . . to rpj^^ ^^^ j^^^ Bullman againft the
be culpable of the arrera. r -j t> i i. • i ^ j i-i. ... _^

'^ fold Procktere m a plea of debt ... xxxij* v*

agreed Rob'te Bell tann' againft Will'm Awbon f homaker in a

plea of debt of xxviij*

Will'm Betham againft Thomas Todd tayler in debt of xviij*

. . . vj^ John Shipley againfl Rob'te Lumfden in debt for his

horfe hire xliij*

Culpable Bartram Gaire againft Rob'te Storrer in debte of iij* ix*

Try. Gulp- Dm'ns WiU'ms Howard againft Margery wamer in a
*"^® plea of debt for fower yeares Rent of a Clofe in hill

gate at ij« viij** x« viij*

Try. Quyt Rob'te Lifleyger ag* Thomas Browne al's Muge in an

action of trefpas w**' fheep in Come ad dam* ... x»

fateV Rob* te Mo we againft Tho: Knight in debte xiiij^

fetet' V* j* The fame againft Tho: Potts fen' in debt vj* vj**

[indorsed * Michaellmas Courte i 632. M' widdrington vpon
Bob*te widdringtons defalt for not appearinge did
fine him iij" iiij** as doth appear vnder the ftewards
own hand writtinge as the booke will make mencion*]

The duties of the party jury were at an end after they had given
their verdicts in the various cases before them.

The steward, officers, party jury, and those who had been admitted
freemen, dined together. The steward, who presided, had great oppor-
tunity for the exercise of tact, by toasts and occasional songs, in
keeping order in what was often a turbulent and unruly party.

After dining, they returned to the town-hall to attend as burgesses
the evening sitting of the court, and to witness the appointment of
officers, and thence to the houses of bailiffs and sergeant.

NOTE.

Of the popular estimation of these courts in former times, of the care with
which they were guarded, and of their importance, an illustration may be found
in lord William Howard's Bausehold Book (Surtees Soc. vol. 68, pp. 397-402).
In a letter from sir John Forster, the warden of the Marches, to secretary Wal-
singham, a memorial to the Queen by Mr. Francis Dacre, and a contemporary
nanmttre, all reprinted from the State papers, we have presented to us a lively
picture of some events of 1687.

TOI-XVl. J

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74 CUSTOMS OF THE COURT LBBT

In that year lord Wm. Howard held the lordship of Morpeth as husband of
Klizabeth, sister and co-heiress of lord Dacre ; bat the rights of the co 'heiress
were contested by Francis Dacre, her nncle. Lord William was in poeseseion,
and his constable, Edward Qrey, held the castle for him ; bat throagh their
attachment to an ancient and splendid name, Dacre had many friends and
sympathisers among the bargesses. ' The meanest sort of the most parte of the
inhabitants of the said towne of Mor|)ethe who did owe sewte and serrioe
onto the same did not onlye refaee to macke there appearance and do the
senrioes unto them apperteynenge, as before time they were accastomed to
do at the lyke courtes there holden for the said Lord William Howarde,
but affirmed that yf there were any coarte there to be howlden for the said

Mr. Fraonces Dacars they wolde make there apperaance there aAd

in no where els.* Sir John Forster, the Lord Warden of the Marches, was
called upon to preserve order by the constable, Mr. Edward Grey (who hap-
pened to be his nephew), and the narrative insinuates that he displayed
partiality throagh this kinship, and that he had <in his possession parcell
of the lands in controversie of the yerely value of one hundred markes at

the least, by the graunt of the said lord William.' * Immediatly then did

sundry troopes of horsemen come to the town by dossens, scores, and sence xxx
in companyes, all of Mr. Graye*s freinds of the borders, and soone after the Lord
Warden came in with a great companye and rode to the casteli, and there lodged
with Mr. Gray the said constable/ ... * Yn the morning by day was lyght, the
streat over agynst Mr. Dacre's lodging was sett all along with men of the
Borders weaponed with swords, daggs, pikes, and the lyke upon the baksyde of
the sayd lodging to the nomber in all of about 100 persons and BCr. Gray and
others with him walking before them carying theyr walk so far as the howse
reached wheryn Mr. Dacre lodged, and so turned agayne still so contynuyng
untyll 3 of clocke at aftemoone when BCr. Dacre came away.* One of the bailifii
of the town supported the authority of lord William, * the other bayliffe, all the
aldermen and the burgesses upon the ring of the bell came to the Moote Hall,
and beyng called dyd flatly say they wold neyther sitt yn court, appere, or make
awnswer but yn Mr. Dacre*s name and accordyng to the order of theyr town,
and therupon departed.*

Lord William*s officers caused the mace to be taken from the town*8 serjeant
in the presence and with the countenance of the Warden and when * they cowld
not make a Jury, they, of theyr own awthorytye, withowt and contrary the order
of the town, did create vj new fremen . . . and yett, for all the evill hast oold
not make up the nomber of zij persons had they not supplied ther want with one
who had not longe before that tyme had bene a Lord of Mysrule, and one other
that was the common Hay ward [the other account says ' nowtherd *] of the
Towne.* Mr. Dacre, outnumbered and outmanoeuvred, left the town, and in his
memorial to queen Elizabeth of his wrongs and sufferings we have preserved to
us this scene of a sixteenth century drama.

Alter many years of legal conflict the possession of the estates was confirmed
to the co-heiresses, and lord William, by a politic course of good sense and liberal-
ity, attached his refractory and disaffected burgesses to himself and his hooae.
His was the gift of the great mace to the corporation." In 1680 he re-granted the

" See Arch. AeL voL ziii p. 201, for an account of the Morpeth mace.

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AND OOUBT BARON OF MORPETH. 75

Clifton field of 1,600 acres to be held by the bargesses at a low rent, and in
1606 lett to them the farm of tolls.

* Memorandum that I Willm Howard have granted to the BaillifiEs of
the Bnrrowe of Morpethe the towle within the foresaid Barrowe for the
sum of Twenty shillings for ane whole jeare and that the overplus of the
said towle shall be employed by the said BaillifiEs to the benayfitt of the
foresaid Burrowe and to be declared upon their accounts. In witnes wherof
I have sett my hand the syzt daie of September in the yeare of the Raigne
of our Boyeraigne Lord James by the grace of God of England. France, and
Ireland the fourste and of Scotlande the . . . Anno dom 1606

* Willm Howard.'
By such prudent conduct he oonciliated his opponents and so endeared him-
self tc* his friends that, in 1610, we find from an entry in their books that the
Tanners' company bestowed upon him ' a present of wyne and sugar,* which cost
them Is. 6d.

APPENDIX.
After our hartie comendacions upon intelligence gyren us by . . . officers as
well of y' sute for the occupacon of pceil of the demean of Morpeth caJled
Clifton feild conleyng xy® acres, as also of the value thereof we are well con-
tented for the better maintenance of y estate, and the rather also at the request
of our verrie good ffrende the Lord Warden, that y* shall have the same in lease
from Michaelmas next for the terme of fy ve yeares then next ensuing employing
y* to tillage or pasture to y' best comodities at y' choise and pleasure f the
yearlie rent of one hundred Poundes being much lesse then y* is worth and close
upon y' yearlie pay em* of the usuall rent you shall have and enjoy th use and
profits of such meadowes and haye boundes in the said Clifton feilde as y'
[predecessors] held in the late L. Dacres tyme And if y" shall dislike or not so
will accept the lease of the said Clifton Feild as we have ment w^* great favour
to delyver y* unto y<"» we will then upon y' answeare received w<* we f urthw*^
expect of you, deliver the said Clifton Feilde over to others to our better co-
moditie, arid never the lesse to . . . you in forme before said to enjoye that y^
said meadow and thus we bid you farewell. From London the xiiij*^ of June
1680 y' loving flErends

Arundell
Concord, cum origin. William Howarde

Northumb. Decimo quarto die menfs Octob, Anno R.R. \

Jacob! xv3° Annoqz dni. 1618.
Receaved of the fermars of my land of Clifton f eeld and
Hepscott in the county aforesaid the sum of five hundred
pounds of curra*t mony of England for one yeares rent
or farm of the said grounds called Clifton feeld & ^^

Hepscot due to me at the feast of S* Michaell the Arch-
angell last past before the date hereof of w^ some I
acknowledge my sellf fully satisfied by thes puts. In
wittnes whearof I have heerunto sett my hand and scale

ye day and year above written

William Howard

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76 A BOMAN ALTAK TO JUPITBB,

v.— A NEW ALTAR FROM WALLSEND DEDICATED TO

JUPITER.

By p. Haverfieij), M.A., P,S.A.

[Read on the 25th May, 1892 ; since added to.]

The inscription discnssed in the following note was fonnd in May,
1892, in the newly-made Wallsend allotments ground, in garden 20
belonging to Mr. A. Arnott. This site, which is technically in Walker,
though close to the Wallsend boundary, has only lately come under
cultivation, and appears worthy of archaeologists' attention, as it has
already yielded, besides the altar here to be noticed, a figure of
Mercury with a fragmentary inscription beginning D{eo) M{ercur%o\
and various carved and worked stones.^ The altar now under notice
is of local fi*eestone, 35 in. high by 16 in. wide and deep ; the letters
in the first line are 2 in. high, in the last 1^ in., in the other lines
1-lJ in. I am indebted to Mr. R. Blair, P.S.A., for a squeeze of
the stone, which I have. also examined myself. Descriptions have
appeared in print in the Newcastle Daily Journal of May 17th, 1892,
in the Westdeutsches Korrespondenzhlatt, xi. par. 67, in the Proceed-
ings of the London Society of Antiquaries (xiv. (1892) p. 171), and
in those of this Society (v. 164, 166). The stone itself, I understand,
remains in the possession of Mr. Arnott.

The reading, which appears to be beyond doubt, is: — I(pvi)
0{ptimo) M(aximo) \ Coh{prs) iiii Lin \ gonum eq{uitaia\ \ cm
attendit \ Iul(im) Honor \ atus (centurio) leg{ionis) ii \ Aug{ustae)
I viptum) siplvit) l(ibens) m(erito). There are several points of
interest in this inscription : —

1. The altar was dedicated by the Pourth Cohort of Lingones, a
regiment of auxiliaries of which we have some other mentions. We
know from military discharges (privilegia militum) of January A.D. 103
and of A.D. 146^ that it was in Britain at those two dates. We have
a statement in the Notitia Bignitatum, the British portion of which

• Proc, v. pp. 166, 187.

« ai.L. yii. 1193 ; Eph. v. p. 96, vii. No. 1117.

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Archaeologia Aeliana^ Vol. XVI., to face p. 76.

Plate VI.

ROMAN ALTAR TO JUPITER,
Discovered at Wallsend.

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DISCOVBRKD IN MAY, 1892, AT WALIiSBND. 77

was composed probably about aj). 800, that it was stationed at
SEGEDTTiaJM, or Wallsend, the most easterly fort along Hadrian's
Wall {Occ. xl. 88, ed. Seeck) ; and we have an altar, dedicated to
Jupiter by its prasfectuSy which was found a little east of Wallsend,
at Tynemouth, in digging out the foundations of a building connected
with the priory church. When the cohort came to Britain we do not
know. The guesses of UrUchs and others, who try to find a place
for it in the army of Agricola, are, and must remain, pure guesses ;
but we have no reason to suppose that the Roman garrison was
increased during the years between the end of the governorship of
Agricola, a.d. 85 and a.d. 108, and consequently we may suppose that
this regiment, like many others, came to Britain tolerably early in the
occupation and remained here till its end. It is, indeed, possible that
it, or some soldiers irom it, took part in Hadrian's Jewish war (a.d.
182-5). Statius Prisons Licinius, subsequently governor of Britain
(a.d. 161-2) and commander in Armenia, began his career as pre-
fect of this cohort, and, apparently while holding this post, was
decorated by Hadrian for services in expeditiom ludaica^ and hence
Schiirer and others assume, though the conclusion is not absolutely
necessary, that the cohoit was engaged in the siege.^ But this
absence was, at the best, a temporary one.

2. The epithet equitata implies that the cohort included mounted
men — roughly about a quarter of its number. This arrangement
was often adopted for the Roman auxiliary infantry : thus, at least,
six out of ten cohorts in Numidia were equitatae. It appears mainly
on frontiers, and was doubtless intended to provide cavalry for an
emergency and to facilitate rapid movement of infantry. It is, how-
ever, rare in other, later, armies, though there is a possible parallel in
the Guides of our Punjaub Frontier Force. The epithet equiiata,
which seems to have become oflBcial about a.d. 120, is added or
omitted in what seems to be a very arbitrary manner, and we can
therefore draw no inference from the fact that it is omitted in our
other mentions of the fourth cohort of Lingones.

3. The Notilia tells us the cohort was stationed at Segedunum,

• CLL. vi. 162S ; Schiirer, Oeschichte des jUduchen Volkes im Zettalter
ChrUtL i. 574, note 96.

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78 A ROHAN ALTAB TO JIJPITEB,

which, as has always been fairly certain, was at Wallsend. The only
question is, whether there was or was not a subsidiaiy fort at Tyne-
month, where two inscriptions have been fonnd : one of a soldier in
the sixth l^on, the other, ahready mentioned, of a prcufectus of this
cohort. There do not appear to be any real traces of a fort at the place;
bnt Thomas Hodgson, and after him Dr. Bruce and Dr. Hiibner,
have accepted its existence as adequately proved by the commanding
situation, and the occurrence of the two inscriptions mentioned^ The
case is perhaps not so strong as it looks. It is never safe to argue
that a commanding site with a wide prospect must have been occupied
by the Romans. Their ideas of suitable positions were vastly different
from ours, and for defence of the river mouth the South Shields fort
was surely enough. And there does not appear to be any serious
objection to the supposition that the two stones were brought from
Wallsend to Tynemouth. It may be easier and cheaper to-day to cut
stone on the spot than to transport it from the neighbourhood; but in
the times when, for instance, Tynemouth priory was built, carriage
was cheap and stone-cutting comparatively difficult, and in this case,
where water-carriage was available, it need not surprise us if two
hewn stones, detached and of movable size, were moved some four or
five miles for a new building. I am therefore incliued to believe that,
as pretty certainly at Hexham and at Jarrow, so at Tynemouth,
Roman stones have been moved to a medieval edifice. Of such trans-
port by water we have perhaps a relic in the illegible altar found a
few years ago in the Tyne near Hexham (C. 0. Hodges, Abbey of St.
Andrew^ Hexham^ p. 4), and now in Hexham abbey slype. One may
recall, too, the story told by Bede of how St. Cuthbert brought safe
to shore certain log-rafts which were being floated down the Tyne
tisibvs monasterii, for a monastery near the mouth on the south bank,
and were in danger of being blown out to sea.* There are other early

* Hodgson, Arch, Ael. i. (1822), 231 ; Brace, Idipid, Nos. 1, 2 ; Hiibner, CJX,
vii. 493, 494.

» Bede, Vita Cuthbertij 3 ; Green, Makirig vf England^ p. 316, in telling the
story, Bays the wood was for * the constraction ' of the monastery. It has been
doubted whether Bede meant the Newcastle Tyne or the river by Tiningham
(see Horsley, Brit, p. 104). In The Metrical Life of St. Cuthbert (Surtees
Soc. 87, p. 84), recently edited by the Rev. J. T. Fowler, F.S.A., the place is
identified with South Shields, as is clear from the mention in the following
extract of the chapel of St. Hilda, now the parish church of that town : —

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DISCOVERED IN MAY, 1892, AT WALL8END. 79

references, I believe, to the use of the Tyne for transport, and it may
even be that rafts with inscriptions, broaght down the stream when
no saint was at hand, have drifted ont to sea, and that their precious
burdens are now lying deep in the North Sea. Further discoveries
may establish the existence of a Roman fort at Tynemouth ; at present
the balance of evidence seems to me wholly and absolutely insufficient
to prove it. The same seems to me the case with the camp which Dr.
Bruce, on strength of the name, puts at Blake Ohesters, between
Wallsend and Tynemouth.

4. Of Julius Honoratus, so far as I can find, nothing more is
known : but the description of him is worthy of notice. The phrase
cut attmdit appears to be unique, and is not very easy to explain, but
the meaning is clear.^ We have hete another instance of a legionary
centurion commanding an auxiliary troop. The centurion, always an
important officer in the legion, seems to have acquired additional
power and prestige during the second century, and notably in the
military reforms of Septimius Severus. Accordingly, we find the
centurion, in a certain number of cases, detached from his legion and
put over a cohort instead of the regular praefectua, just as conversely
it became usual, after a.d. 200, to commence the equestrian career
with the centurionate instead of the praefectura cohoriiSy which had
formed the regular first step in the first two centuries. The rank of
legionary centurion and auxiliary ^o^^^ became equal, and the
centurion sometimes takes the prefect's place. There may be a further
significance in the change. For instance, Mommsen once suggested
that we have examples in such cases of the tendency to appoint the

' In takenjug [token] of this thing we rede,

Be [by] the tellyng of saint bede,

how sometyme was a monastery

That ef tir was a nonry,

Bot a litil fra tynemonth*

That mynster stode in to [towards] the sonth*

Whare saint hilde chapell' standes nowe,

Thar it stode sometyme trewe.*
The date of this version (a.d. 1450) is too late to giye mach weight to its autho-
rity; but it is more reasonable to suppose that B^e meant the Newcastle riyer.
Mr. Fowler leaves the question unsettled.

« Presumably attendere cohorti means * to look after a cohort,* but I can find
Ao proper parallel. Nearest are the post-Augustan uses with the dative (e,g.f
deui attend votU, *• listen to prayers * (Silius, viii. 591) ; and, especially that in
Suetonius, eloquentiae attendere, * to pay attention to, to study, eloquence, and
the like).

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80 WALLSBND ALTAB TO JUPITER.

higher officers from the ranks instead of from the upper classes ; but
the evidence is as yet hardly sufficient to let us decide this point,
though the tendency itself was undoubtedly at work from the middle
of the second century onwards.^

It may be worth while to add the other instances in Britain of
centurions commanding auxiliary troops: —

Ellenbobouoh : M. Censorius . . . Cornelianus^ eenturio leg. [«. f]reteng%$^
prae[jposi']tus cohortU i. ffUpanorvm, — CJ.L. vii. 371.

Chestebs : Aurelius Athenio (?), eenturio, curator aloe ii, AHur%m.'-
a 687.

BiBDOSWALD : Cohort i, aelia Daeorum adus ouram agit ItUitu MarceUinutf
eenturio legionu ii, Augustae, — I^h, vii. 1071 ; Arch, Ael, xii. 288. On
lately examining this inscription at Birdoswald farmhonse, I thought
to detect a centurial mark before leg, iL One had prevlouslj aasomed
that it had been omitted accidentally.

Nbthbb Cbamond : Cohort i, Tttngrorwn, instante Ulpio 8 , , . leenturidme]
legionis xx, Valeriae Victricit. — C, 1084. The reading after 8 is uncer-
tain ; but it is probable the centarion's mark stood there.

ROUOH Castle : Cohort vi, Nerviorum c,o, Flaviut Betto eenturio legionit
XX. v.v, — C. 1092. The exact expansion of c.c. is unknown ; bat it
must mean much the same as e,c.a, in the Birdoswald inscription above,
and may possibly be the same, eura^n-agit being (as seems sometimes to
be the case) treated as one word.

5. I do not think it possible to fix the date of the inscription,
though the occurrence of a centurion as auxiliary praefectus suggests
something not earlier than the middle of the second century. The
lettering is not specially careless, and Dr. Hiibner's statement (Proc.
v. 164) that there are no stops is incorrect; but I should not be
disposed to argue any date from these details. Still less am I inclined
to refer it to some restoration of the Wall by Septimius Severus. We
have yet to prove that Septimius Severus had any hand in extensive
building operations along the Wall.

' See Mommsen, Archdologitche Zeitung, 1869; there are also rather incon-
clusive articles by Earbe {Dittertationet Halentet^ iv. 305) and A. MUller
(Philologut, xli. 482).

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NAMES, ETC., IN BAKLY LIVES OP SAINT CUTHBERT. 81

VI.— THE NAMES OF PERSONS AND PLACES MENTIONED
IN THE EARLY LIVES OF ST. CDTHBERT.

By Oadwallader J. Bates.

[Read October 26th, 1892.]

The figure of St. Cuthbert as the shepherd-boy of Lauderdale, as
the hermit of Fame, and as the bishop-prophet witnessing the
slaughter of Neebtansmere from beside the Roman well at Carlisle,
appeals so vividly to th^ imagination, that we are prone to think
these three scenes complete the whole cycle of his life, and it is only
upon calmer reflection that we find them inadequate to explain the
reason of that pre-eminence accorded to him among the many saints
of our Northumberland. It is a most singular fact, that the extra-
ordinary series of wanderings of his shrine, during the devastations of
Dane and Norman, has almost obliterated in the popular mind the
remembrance of those wanderings of the living saint himself, which
originally caused that shrine to be the object of such loyal veneration.
It is now nearly eight years ago since our genial member, the late
Rev. J. L. Low of Whittonstall, read in this castle a paper on the
* Authorities for the History of St. Cuthbert,'* in which he laid
emphatic stress on the necessity for falling back on the earliest lives
of the saint, if we would comprehend that absolute abnegation of self,
and that perfect love of every other living thing, whether man or
woman, beast or bird, that has preserved his hallowed memory in so
mysterious a manner. To-night, I wish to restrict my remarks to the
background of that impressive picture, and to examine the topographical
setting of St. Cuthbert's acts of charity and deeds of mercy in the
cold light of historical criticism.

^ In my turn, I must ask you to at once divest yonr minds of those
apocryphal accretions to St. Cuthbert's life and fame, which grew up
during the long slumber of the true spirit of history, and perhaps still
more so at the first shock of its re-awakening. In a certain sense, the
close of the nineteenth century is much nearer the seventh, much

' Arch. Ael. N.S. XL p. 18.

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82 NAMES OF PERSONS AND PLAGES IN

more capable of judging what really took place in it, than were the
twelfth, the fifteenth, or the eighteenth centuries. We should then
turn directly back to the two fountain-heads of St. Cuthbert's J
biography, the life by a nameless monk of Lindisfeme,* and that by i
the Venerable Bede' (of which there is an earlier version in heroic »
metre),^ both composed in the beginning of the eighth century, both j
dedicated to Edfrid, the third prelate who ^at in St. Cuthbert's chair. j

Each of these lives is essentially a hagiography, a string of separate
incidents calculated, as it were, to attest the saint's title to canonisation, ,
the i leads of evidence for a brief that would put out of court any I
possible advomtus diaholi With the exception of Bede's touching
record of St. Cuthbert's last days, it is only- by quite a secondaiy con-
sideration that each life aflPords a certain disjointed narrative of the
saint's career. Both writers avowedly discarded much material that
had been collected by others for their purpose, the nameless monk
because he thought he had written enough to ensure St. Cuthbert's
celebrity, without fatiguing his own readers;*^ and Bede, with the
complacent pride of a litterateur at the artistic perfection of his work.^

Bede was fortunately persuaded by the monies of Jarrow to adhere
to the same chronological order in his prose life that he had adopted
in his poetical one ; but the compilation of the monk of Holy Island
is peculiarly valuable on account of its giving us the names of persons
and places which Bede may have purposely omitted in his more
high-finished essay, lest their barbarous sounds should mar the rhythm
of his Latinity.

Unfortunately, the Lindisfarne life was very carelessly printed by
the BoUandists in their Ada Sanctorum^ the proper names being

' Aeta Sanetoruin, Mart. III. p. 117; Patren Ecclenae Anglieanaey MuceU
laneons Works of Venerable Bede, ed. by Dr. Giles, 1843, VI. p. 367. That this
life is earlier than that by Bede seems clear by the fact that Ethelwald is
mentioned in it, lib. iv. § 4, as prior of Melrose, while Bede, cap. xxx. speaks of
him as abbot.

• Ibid.; ibid. IV. p. 202. No trust should be placed in the English transla- I
tion added by Dr. Giles. , I

< Ibid. I. p. 1. I

» ^ Quamquam etiam ex his, quae nobis comperta erant, plura omisimus, quia j^
pufflcere credidimus, si tantum ezcellentiora notarentur, simul et legentibus j
consulendum f uit, ne quod pararet copia congesta fastidium.' — Prologus ; ed.
Giles, VI. p. 358.

• 'Alia multa nee minora his, quae scripsimus, .... memoriae digna vide-
bantur, si non deliberato ac perfecto open nova interserere vel superadjicere
minus congruum atque indecorum esse constaret.' — ed. Giles, IV. p. 204.

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ARCff.AEL. VoLISL to fiu^ Pa^e^ss.

Platen VU

lOLDINGHAM

LINDISFARNE
QFARNE

NORTH SHIELDS
UTH SHIELDS

YORK

«■•■!• MCI* •••• *

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I
1
I I

EARLY LIVES OF RAINT CUTHBEBT. 88

especially distorted, and as the only mannscripts of it were upon the
Continent/ all recent writers on the history of St. Cuthbert have con-
tented themselves with making nse of the corrupt printed version, and
at the most recording their suspicions as to the correctness of its
readings.

Now, I am afraid I am not a believer in the coipfortable doctrine
that there can be any real distinction at the present day between a
historian and an archaeologist. A historian, I venture to think, must
cease to be a mere grandiloquent populariser of other men's work,
'reaping where he has not sown^ and gathering where he has not
strawed,* and if his summing up is to carry any permanent weight
with it, he must accept nothing by hearsay, if more direct evidence
can possibly be attained by the exploration of localities, or the yet more
tedious examination of archives and muniments. Noticing, then, the
manifest discrepancies in the orthography ot the names of places and
persons in the Lindisfarne life, I proceeded this summer to Treves
and to Arras to examine two of the most important manuscripts of it.
The manuscript in the splendid library of the old monastery of St.
Yaast at Arras® is the more ancient of the two, being of the tenth
century, but as often happens, I am inclined to think that the Treves
manuscript,® though written nearly three hundred years later, has in
some instances more faithfully preserved the spelling of the original
writer.

In order to better explain the results of my researches, I will
introduce them as they occur in a short and rigidly unimaginative
sketch of St. Cuthbert's life :—

The first spot we can absolutely identify as connected with St.
Cuthbert is North Shields,^® where, as a boy, he rebuked the heartless-

' The BoUandists profess to have printed * e duobus valde antiquis codicibus/
one in the monastery of St. Benin at St. Omer, the other in the monastery of
St. Maximin at Treves.

" MS. Bibl. S. Vedasti ap. Atreb. 812. My best thanks are due to M. Wicquot,
the librarian, for his extreme kindn(?8S and courtesy. This MS. was in the
library of the monastery of St. Vaast before its dissolution, but nothing further
is known of its origin. It might just po8<>ibly have been acquired by exchange
from the monastery at St. Omer.

• Acta Sanctorum, Feb. Mar. et Apr. MSS. T. 1151. num. loc. 453. Herr
Keuffer, the *Stadtbibliothekar' rendered me considerable assistance in the
examination of this manuscript, for which I am very grateful,

" * Stabat in altera amnis ripa vulgaris turba non modica, in qua stabat et
ipse (Cuthbertus).*— Bede, § 3, ed. Giles, p. 216. This incident is pelated by
Bede only.

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84 NAMES OF PERSONS AND PLACES IN

ness of the halt-heathen countrymen who were there enjoying the
spectacle of five boats manned by the monks, who had just settled on
the opposite bank of the Tyne —

* Where saint hilde chapell standes nowe,* "
being swept out to sea in a strong westerly gale.

A little later, as a youth, he was watching the flocks of his master
on the distant banks of the Leader,^^ a stream descending from the
Lammermoor hills to join the Tweed near Melrose, and it was there
on the night of the 31st of August, 651, that he had a vision of the
soul of St. Aidan being borne heavenward by a company of angels.

Now, as to his parentage or birth-place we know nothing, beyond
the fact that at the age of eight he had been taken into the house of
a widow named Kenswith,^^ whom he came to regard as his mother,
and who dwelt in the village of ^ ruringaham*^^ or ^ RutlingahamJ^
It is clear from the difference existing between the name of this village
in the two manuscripts, and from the evident difficulty the scribe who
copied the Arras one had to decipher it, that neither form can be
relied upon. If the reading of the Treves manuscript be correct, the
only place between the Forth and the Tyne that can be supposed to
still bear a contracted form of a name like ^ Eutlingaham/ is
Boddam, formerly written and pronounced *Rudham.' It would
have been much more natural, we are told, if St. Outhbert had entered

" Metrical Ufe of 8t, CuthbeH, Surteee Soc. Publ. 87, p. 34, 1. 1129. The
fact that there was stUl in the fifteenth century no question as to this monastery
being at South Shields, is one of the very few pieces of historical infonnati(Hi to
be gleaned from this purely philological volume. Bede calls it * monasterium
non longe ab ostio Tini fluminis ad meridiem situm, tunc quidem virorum, ntinc
autem, mutato, ut solet per tempora rerum, statu, virginum Christo servientium,
nobili examine pollens.* The idea that it was at Tyningham, on the north bank
of the Scottish Tyne, may be dismissed once for all.

" * remotis in montibus,' Bede, § 4 ; * in montanis juxta fluviom quod dicitar
Leder,' Vita Idndisf, lib. ii.

»» Vita LindUf. ii. § 7, Arras MS. The Treves MS. fo. 137, d. has 'Coensuid.'
The BoUandiflts, mistaking the Early English * w ' f or ' p,' read * Kenspith," and
subsequent writers have followed the error.

" Arras MS. ** Treves MS. The BoUandists read * Hruringaham.' * Wrang-
holm,* in the south of Scotland, is generally said to have been the ' birthplace *
of St. Cuthbert, by the crowd of writers who are content to complacently copy
any statement they have once seen in print. I can find no place of this name
in the Ordnance maps, and if there is, ' Buringaham' could by no known law of
permutation become contracted into it. If '• Buringaham ' is nearer the truth
than * Rutlingaham ' it may be a corruption of Bisingham, the Boman station of
Habitancum, in the valley of the Bede, * s * in early MSS. being frequentljr
mistaken for ' r.'

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SABLY LIVES OF SAINT OUTHBBRT. 85

the monastery of Lindisfisinie from the very first instead of that of
Melrose,^^ and that it was only the great reputation of the prior, St.
Boswell, that drew him to the latter. This surely implies that the
home of his youth lay more within the sphere of influence of Lindis-
fame than that of Mehrose. Roddam, too, lies about half-way between
Tyneside and Lauderdale, the first and second known scenes in which
he makes an appearance. An additional argument in favour of the
hypothetical claims of Roddam may, it will afterwards be seen, be
drawn from its propinquity to Ilderton. On the other hand it must
not be forgotten that the elision of * ing ' in place-names is of rare
occurrence. At any rate, there is no reason to suppose that St.
Cuthbert was a Scotsman in the nineteenth century application of
that term, any more than that he was one in the seventh century
application.

His vision of the assumption of St. Aidan's soul determined
Cuthbert to embrace the monastic kfe ; but in the meantime he bravely
did garrison-duty as a soldier in defence of the Christian faith and
the Bemician monarchy.^^ He even had a second similar vision.
This time it was the soul of a righteous prefect that was received into
everlasting bliss.^® Returning from the south, possibly from the pursuit
of the discomfited host of Penda in 654, he made his way in the depth
of winter through the great waste that then stretched from the Tees
to the Tyne. After crossing the Wear at Chester-le-Street}^ he provi-
dentially discovered some food for himself and his horse in the deserted
'shielings' of some shepherds. He proceeded to Melrose, where,
leaving his horse and spear, he became the favourite disciple of St.
Boswell. Two or three years later he became * hosteller ' at Ripon,2o

'* < Qoidam Lindisfamensem ecclesiam multos habere sanctos viros, quorum
doctrina et exemplis instrui posset, noverat, aed/am^ praeventus Bolsili sublim-
ium Virtutum monachi et sacerdotis, Mailros petere inaluit.' — Bede, § 6.

" * in castrifl contra hostem cum exercitu sedens.* — VUa lAndisf. lib. i ; Giles
ed. vi. p. 361.

» » animam Praefecti in obitu suo ad caelum elevari vidit.' — Ihid.

»• Vita lAnd^f, i. § 4. The Arras MS. has *uuir' and * Kuncacester ;' the
Treves MS. ' uiur' and * cunca cestur.* Cf. * Sedes episcopalis, quam in Lindis-
famensi insula superius dizimus, in Cuncacestre restauratur.' — Hist. Jhm. Eccl,
iib. iL cap. xiii. ; Symeon of Durham, Rolls ed. i. p. 69. The Bollandists call the
river ' Wrr/ the place * Leunckcester/ an error that has caused it to be identified
with Lanchester.

• * praepofiitus hospitom,^ Bede, § 7 ; Metrical Life of St. Cuthbert, bk. iL
1. 1403, p. 42.

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86 NAMES OF PERSONS AND PLACES IN

a monastery that had been placed under the care of Eata the abbot of
Meh-ose. On the return of Wilfrid from fiome in 659, Eata and
Cuthbert were forced to retire again to the banks of the Tweed, as
they clung to the ancient Roman practice of fixing Easter (which had
been confirmed by Pope Leo the Great in 448,*^ and followed by the
churches in Britain and Ireland), and refused to accept the reforms
introduced on this subject by Pope Victor in 625, when Britain was
cut off from the rest of the western patriarchate by the piratical fleets
of the heathen Saxons.^ In 664, the Northumbrian witenagemot
at Whitby definitely condemned the continuance of the Leonine usage,^
and St. Colman was consequently obliged to withdraw from his see
of Lindisfarne. Eata and Cuthbert chose this time to conform, and on
St. Colman's parting recommendation, Eata was appointed abbot over
the English monks who remained at Lindisfarne. Hardly had these
changes been completed when St. Boswell died of the great plague
then raging, and Cuthbert succeeded him as prior of Melrose.
Boswell had been a great missionary on Tweedside, but Cuthbert
surpassed him in this respect, spending often two or three weeks or
even an entire month in mission tours among the mountains. It was an
ancient custom that had survived in Britain to call churches after the
saints who founded them. Probably we have a memorial of St.
Boswell's personal labours in the dedication to him of the church of
Tweedmouth, and it gives us a very much higher estimate of St.
Cuthbert's work in the evangelisation of Central Britain, if we regard
many of the churches dedicated to him as having been the actual
scenes of his preaching, instead of mere resting places of his shrine.
This latter idea, which has taken such root in popular fancy, rests
solely on the authority of John Wessington, prior of Durham in the

" Annalef Camhriae^ in anno ; Mon, Hi^. Brit. p. 830. This, the very
opening statement of the chronicle, is perhaps the clearRst explanation of the
intricate point, on which see Haddon and Stubbs, Ikjclesiastwal CouneiU and
Documents, I. p. 152.

" The charge brought aerainst the Celts that they were Quarto-decimans is
of course absolutely without foundation. — Tbid.

*• It should be remembered that the fixing of Easter at Whitby was an act
of the civil power. Far from attaching the great importance to the precise date
of the Easter festival that Wilfrid and his followers did, the Roman Church,
even at the present day, allows it to be kept according to the eastern calendar
by Catholics of the Latin rite in the whole of Russia except the kingdom of
Poland, and by Catholics of the Greek rite in Austria. It also recognises Colman
as a Northumbrian saint.

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BARLT LIVES OP SAINT CUTHBERT. 87

fifteenth century, and even he restricted it to the Cuthbertine churches
on the western sea-board.^ If we accept it on Wessington's authority,
we may just as well swallow the extraordinary Irish fairy tales of St.
Cufchbert's infancy, which Wessington was equally ready to vouch
for.^* Wessington makes no allusion to the Cuthbertine dedications in
the south of Scotland. We may be certain that the great period of St.
Cuthbert's missionary activity was while he was prior of Melrose, a fact
that the monks of Lindisfarne and Durham seem to have considered
it to be to their interest to gloss over. The sea and the mountain
both had powerful attractions for St. Cuthbert. At Coldingham^^ he is
said to have walked into the waves up to his neck for several nights,
singing hymns of praise. With Tydi and another monk he sailed in
mid-winter down the Solway in a boat to the country of the Nithadale
Picts,^^ probably to Kirkcudbright, and remained there storm-bound
for nearly a fortnight. On another occasion we hear of his setting
out from Melrose and journeying southward along the Tesgeta ;^^ and
then of his visiting his adopted mother Kenswith at ' Rutlingaham,'
which seemed to have been a village in a street running east and west,^*
and therefore, probably, at any rate, not situated upon the Leader which
flows in a southerly direction.

How long St. Cuthbert remained as prior at Melrose before he was
transferred in the same office to Lindisfarne cannot be determined

** ' in partibus occidental ibus/ see Raine, Saint Cuthbert^ p. 43, n.

* * natione Hi1>ernicu8, regiis parentibus ortus,' ibid, p. 15, n.

*• Vita IdndU/. ii. § 3, * colodesbyrig/ Arras MS. ; * colodesburg,' Treves MS.
The Bollandiste misreading * r ' for * s' have ' Coloderbyrig.* The forms * byrig'
and * burg - deserve notice ; as also the fact that in Coldingham we have a
settlement of the descendants of this Colod who appears to have founded the
bnrg which Bede calls * urbs Coludi.' This is a strong argument against
Eemble's idea that these patronymics in * ing ' referred to remote ancestors on
the Continent.

" Vita Lindisf. ii. § 4 ; * ad terram pictoram ubi niudwaera legio,' Arras MS.;
»ubi dicitur niudera regio,* Treves MS. fo. 136, d. The reading 'regio* is no
doubt more accurate than Megio.' The BoUandists gravely print the extra-
ordinary muddle * ubi Mudpieralegis,* that first led me to suspect the general
accuracy of tiieir rendering of the place-names. Bede's life, § ii. has '• ad terram
Pictorum, quae Niduari vocatur.* See Skene, Celtic Scotland^ i. 133, 238 ;
ii. 208, 209.

*» So the Acta Saiictorv/in and the MSS. all read. The river was no doubt
the Teviot, as is generally suppoeed.

** At any rate Kenswith's house ' in extrema parte vici ad orientem posita
videbatur.' Cf. the conflagration at By well in 1285, Chronioon de Lanercostj
p. 119 ; Arch. Ael. N.S. xiv. 374, n.

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88 NAMES OF PEBSONS AND PLAGES IN

with certainty. The Lindisfame life would lead as almost to snppoee
that it was not until Eata became bishop of Lindisfame in 678.*^ That
he was not so very long prior of Lindisfame may be gathered from the
fact that there is only one detailed miracle ascribed to him during
that period. One day, we are told, a prefect of King Egfrid, named
Hildemer,^^ arrived at Lindisfame begging the prior to send a priest to
administer the sacrament to his wife who was he said at the point of
death, and afterwards to accord her the privilege of sepulture on
Holy Island. Cuthbert decided to accompany Hildemer himself, and
they set out on horseback together. On the way, he rightly con-
jectured that the real facts of the case were that the lady had gone out
of her mind, and he comforted Hildemer with the assurance that by
the time they reached his house she would come forth to greet them,
perfectly cured in mind and body, and it was so. It seems not
improbable that Hildemer's *town' may be the present Ilderton,
anciently caUed Hilderton.'^ This incident has been admittedly taken '
out of the chronological order so as to immediately follow that relating
to Rutlingaham,^' and for this there seems to be no other reason than
that Roddam and Ilderton being so close together, the writer was led
on from an event happening at the one to an event happening at the
other by a very natural train of thought.

In the autumn of 685, Cuthbert was with great difficulty induced
to quit the hermitage to which he had retired on Farne Island, in order
to be elected bishop of Hexham at the synod held at Twyford on the
Alne, the river that formed the boundary between the dioceses of
Lindisfame and Hexham. He made it a condition of accepting the
dignity that his consecration should be deferred till the following
spring, and again retired to Fame. Eata, who was still bishop of
Lindisfame, requested the bishop-elect of Hexham to come and see
him at his monastery of Melrose. On the return jonrney Cuthbert

^ * a yenerabili et sancto episcopo Eata invitatus et coacte ad banc insulam
nostram quae dicitur Lindisfame . . . advenit/ — Vita lAndUf, lib. iii. ; Gilea,
ed. p. 368.

»• Ibid. lib. ii. § 8 ; * hildmaer,' Arras MS. ; * Hildimer,* Treves MS. fo. 137, d ;
* Hildmer,' Act, Sanct. Bolland.

^ Placita, 10 Ric. I. ; Hodgson, Northumberland III. iL p. 337, etc

" *illa tempore ecclesiae noatrae Praepositus erat.* — Vita Lindisf, lib. ii.
§8.

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BABLY LIVES OP SAINT CUTHBBBT. 89

oroflsed the Tweed^ at Examfard^ a little above the great earthwork of
Wark, and iSibba,^ the lord of the ' vicus,' that preceded the medieval
castle, besought him to bestow his benediction upon it. Accordingly
Cuthbert entered the stronghold with ^emn chants of psalms and
hymns. Hearing that one of Sibba's servants lay at death^s door, he
blessed some water and sent another of the earl's hoosehold, named
BaUhelm,'^ with it to the sick man, who after the third draught fell
asleep and recovered. On this being told to King Egfrid, he and all
the Britons Veith him are said to have given St. Outhbert the land of
Oartmel, and the town called Suth-gedluit. This the saint in his turn
entrusted to the good abbot Cyneferth.*®

At Easter, 685, Cuthbert was consecrated at York, and it is said
that Eata and he exchanged sees the same day. On the 20th of May,
the day of Egfrid's defeat and death at Nechtansmere, Cuthbert was
at Carlisle, and after consecrating on the following day the church of a

•* Ibid, iy. § 7, Giles ed. p. 376 ; * twide,' Arras MS. ; • tuiude,' Treves MS.
140, d. .The Bollandiste have * Opide,* but several writers have seen that the river
between Melrose and Fame must necessarily be the Tweed. The chronology
and geography of this incident rests on Bedels Life, § 25 ; ed. Giles, p. 291 : —
* Cam . . electus ad episcopatum Cuthbertus snam remeasset ad insulam . . .
evocavit eum venerabilis episcopns ejns Bata, atque ad suum colloquium Mailros
venire praecepit. Quo expleto colloquio, dum domum redire coepisset,' etc.

* We should never have looked for ' Examford * on the Tweed, but the
Survey by Bowes and BUerker in 1541 speaks of ' An other forde called Hexham
forde enteringe into the said ryver of Twede in the said feldes of Warke upon
the southe syde and stretcheth over unto the said feldes of Caldstreame upon
the northe syde.* — Hodgson, Northd. III. ii. p. 200, n. There can then be no
reasonable doubt of this being the same miracle as that recorded in the Hutoria
de Sancto Outhberto : * Postquam vero sanctus Cuthbertus suscitavit puerum a
mottuis in villa quae vocatur Bxamforda, dedit ei rex Egfridus terram quae
vocatur Cartmel, et omnes Britanni cum eo, et villam illam quae vocatur Suth-
gedluit.' — Symeon of Durham^ Rolls ed. p. 200.

* Vita Lindisf. iv. § 7, Giles ed. p. 376; * Sibba,* Arras MS. ; * Sibca,* Treves
MS.; 'Sibba,' Act. Sanct, BoUand.

* * benedixit aquam et dedit ministro comitis nomine Baldhelmo.'—Bede,
VUa S. Cuthbertiy § 25, Giles ed. p. 292. Baldhelm's is the only proper name
that is given by Bede, and not by the Lindisfarne biographer.

* See above, note 35. When * Examford ' proves to be on the Tweed near
Wark, and not, as but for the passage quoted from the Border Survey of 1541,
we might have concluded on the Crake, near Egton in Fumess, it is impossible
any longer with certainty to identify the land and town, given by king Egfrid to
St. Cuthbert, with Cartmel and Nether Eellet in North Lancashire. Considering
the locality of the miracle and the general sphere of St. Cuthbertus interests,
it would be more natural if ' Cartmel ' should turn out to be the district of
the Carter Fell, and * Suth-gedluit* to be South Dean on the Jed. To judge
from the details of the boundaries of the territories of the two ' Gedweardes *
(Jedburghs) given by bishop Egred 831-847 to the church of St. Cuthbert,
Hut. de 8. OtUberto, §, Rolls ed. p. 201, this latter district was independent of
them, and was already known by the name of * Duna.'

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90 NAMBS OF PSBSONS AND FLAOBS IN

monastery in the neighbourhood, he promised Queen Irminbnrg to
follow her to Bambnrgh. In the course of his visitation of his
diocese of Lindis&me, he came to the Mens' of Heftama}^ a 'comes'
of Alfrid the new king. This probably stood on the moond called
Greencastle in KmUfrdal^-^ih^ old name aj^r^tij for the vall^ in
the Cheviots at the back of Wooler. Hemma, coming out to meet
him, Uianked heaven for his arrival, as his wife was so ill that her
life was despaired of, and if only he would bless some water, it might
shorten her agony or restore her health. The bishop at once blessed
the water, and gave it to Bede his chaplain, not to be confounded with
the historian, who sprinkled the patient and gave her some to drink.
Her recovery was so rapid that she was able to rise and entertain St.
Cuthbert, herself handing him the loving cup. Outhbert proceeded
on his episcopal tour across the Tweed as far as ^BedesfM^^^ where
he had shortly before granted a settlement to some nuns who had
abandoned their convent further north through fear of an advance of
the victorious Picts.^ He was probably recalled to Hexham in
consequence of the death of bishop Eata, which is supposed to have
taken place on the 26th October. From Hexham, probably in
February, he journeyed towards Garlisle^^ no doubt along the ancient
Carel-gate. Half-way between the two cities he spent two days in a
mountainous country, preaching and confirming at a place called

• Vita Lindirf. iv. § 3, Giles ed. p. 874 ; * hemma/ Arras MS. ; * hemini,'
Treves MS. fo. 139, d. ; * Heunna/ Act. Sanet Bolland. It is right to mention
that Redesdale and Coquetdale met on the Scottish frontier at a place caUed
* Henmer's (or Henmyer's) Well' in the Border Survey of 1604 (printed by Mr.
R. P. Sanderson, Alnwick, 1891, pp. 41, 84), but apparently * Hyndemars felde '
in the survey of 1541 (Hodgson, Northumberland^ til. ii. p. 208).

*• Vita idnd^f. iv. § 3 ; ' in regione quae dicitur Kintis,' Arras MS, ; * hintis,'
Treves MS. ; * Henitis,* Act. Sanct. Bolland. I was disappointed not to find a
reading that would identify this * regio * with the • Cheviots,* as I had expected.

*' * ad vicum, qui Bedesfeld dicitur,' VUa lAndisf. iv. § 4, Giles ed. p. 575 ;
' bedesfeld,' Arras MS.; * Bedesfled,' Treves MS.; * Bedesfeld,' Act. Sanct. BoUaiKU
The place is probably either Bedrule in Roxburghshire, or Bedshield at ^e foot
of the Lammermoors, near Polwarth.

^ ^in vicum quendam, in quo erant feminae sanctimoniales non mnltae,
quibus timore barbaric! exercitus a monasterio sno profugis, ibidem manendi
sedem vir Domini paulo ante donaverat.'—Bede, Vita 8. Cuthberti, cap. xxx.
Giles ed. iv. p. 306. This donation to the nuns shows that, whether as bishop or
not, St. Cuthbert did really possess some property in land.

*» VUa IdTidisf. iv. § 5, Giles ed. p. 376 ; *luel,' Arras MS. and Treves MS. p.
139, d. The Boliandists misread this ' Vel,' and have to answer for a multitude
of learned conjectures as to its location. That * Luel ' was Carlisle is well known:
— *Luel, quod nunc Carleol appellatur.* — Hist. Dunelm, Mcel.; Sj/iMon €f
Durham, Rolls ed. i. p. 53.

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EARLY LIVBS OP SAINT OUTHBBRT. 91

^JEhse^ or ^Echsey^ probably the Boman station of .sbioa or Great
CSiestera. As ibis was clearly within the diocese of Hexham, it is
probable that he had undertaken the administration of it till a new
biahop ahonld be appointed. At Carlisle he received the religions
profession of the widowed Qneen Irminburg,^ and met for the last
time on earth his great Mend St. Herbert, the hermit of Derwent-
water.^ He then set oat to visit Elfled, the abbess of Whitby, and
to dedicate a chnrch for her at Easington^^^ on the Yorkshire coast.
On his way he appears to have passed through the village of
MedomsUy^ in whidi the plagne was committing frightfol ravages at
the time.^ At Easington Oathbert, who as a shepherd, had seen a
vision of the beatification of bishop Aidan, beheld now as a bishop

^ * Quodam tempore episcopus sanctns pTofisdscens ab Hagnstaldense, ten-
debat ad oivitatem, quae liuel dicitur. Mansio tamen in media via facta est, in
refcione nbi didtor lehse/ Ki^a IdndUf, Arras MS. ; * eohse,* Treves MS. The
BoUandisto have * Alise/ a mistake that might easily arise in makine a hasty
transcript of the Arras MS. where the word is somewhat blnrred. If their read-
ing had rested on independent authority, it would have been most interesting,
since Alislee is the name of a farm just west of ^siCA, and we should have h^
the Bnglish and Roman name of what was practically the same place side by
Bide. The sanriyal of the Boman name so late is, of course, unique in Northum-
berland ; but Luel likewise seems only a contracted form of Lnouv allium.
Ash, in Cumberland, on the King's Water, seems both too near Carlisle and too
far off the road to the north to enable it to compete with JBsiCA, the position
of which exactly suits all the requirements of the case. After * Hagustaldense '
in the passage quoted aboye, * ciyitate * is to be understood. This miracle is said
in the Vita LindUf. to rest especially on the testimony of a certain ' Penna*
. (Treres MS.)* whom the Bollandists call Henna.

^ ' Cuthbertus ad . . . Lugubaliam . . . advenit, quatenus ibidem sacerdotes
eonseorare, sed et ipsam reginam, dato habit u sancta conyersationis, benedicere
deberet.' — Bede, Vita 8. Outhbertij cap. xxviii. Dr. Giles (iy. p. 301) actually
translated the latter part of this extract, * but also to bless the queen herself
with kis holy conversationj' Bddi, Vita 8. Wilfridi, § xxiy. says of queen
Irminburg, 'de lupa, post ocdsionem regis, agna Domini, et perfecta Abbatissa,
materque f amilias optima commutata estj* Her name appears in Liber Vitae
of Durham, Surt. Soc. Pnbl. I can, howeyer, find no auUiority for Dr. Obser's
statement, Wilfrid der Aeltere, p. 49, n, that she was afterwards canonised.

* Bede, VUOf cap. xxyiii.

' * Osingadun,' Arras MS.; 'Osingadum,' Act, Sanot Bolland. The fact
that the messenger who left Whitby in the early morning (Bede, Vitaj cap.
xxxiT.) returned to Easington as mass was being sung shows that it could not
baye been Easington in the county of Durham, as at first might be supposed,
this being then in the diocese of Hexham. Bede, howeyer, says Cuthbert wished
his final retirement to Fame to be after a yisitation, not only of his own diocese,
but of certain neighbouring monasteries— ' non solum sua circuita paroohia, sed
et aliis circa fidelium mansionibus yisitata.*

• 'medilwong,' Arras MS. ; * medinluong,' Treyes MS. Confusing, as usual,
the early ' w * with * p,* the Bollandists haye ' medilpong.' I see no reason for
identifying this place with ' Mechil Wongtune,* where king Oswulf was killed
in 767, Sym. Dun. Bist. Regum, in anno, which is more probably Great
(mnckle) Whittington, to the north-east of Corbridge.

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92 NAMES, ETC., IN EARLY LIVES OP SAINT OUTHBBRT.

himflelf the beatification of the shepherd Hadwald^^ whose death was
confirmed to him by Elfled, who came to him herself into the sanctuary
as mass was being celebrated.^ He tamed north to Sonth. Shields,
where he received a splendid welcome from the abbess Verca ;*^ and
it is here, in the company of one of the five saintly women,
Kenswith, Ebbe, Elfled, Irminburg, and Verca, for whom he always
evinced especial affection, that the story of his life on the mainland
closes, immediately opposite the spot on the northern bank of the
Tyne where he first appeared. Soon afterwards he retired again to
the storm-lashed rocks of Fame, and died there on the 20th of March,
687, under the touching circumstances related by Bede.

Enough has, it is hoped, been said to show that when properly
studied, the actual wanderings of the historical St. Cuthbert are
certainly of equal interest to the semi-mythical migrations of his
shrine. The period of his retreat on Fame was probably shorter
than has popalarly been supposed, but his mission work ^m the
centre of Melrose, and his episcopal administration not only of the
diocese of Lindisfarne but of that of Hexham, account for the mighty
infiuence for good that he exerted over so large a tract of country. It
is not only the more &mous islands that we may r^ard as associated
with his life, but Chester-le-8treet, Wark-on-Tweed, and -fflsiCA, and
with a lesser degree of certainty Eoddam, Ilderton, Kenterdale, and
Medomsley. The more we read of our Northumbrian history the more .
should we feel inclined to put our shoes from off our feet, for nearly
every spot on which we tread is holy ground.

•*hadwuald,' Arras MS.; *haduwaldi/ Treves; MS.j *Hadpuald,* Act,
8anoU Bolland.

^ ' dedicantique eo die ibi ecdesiam, et missam cantantibos in eo loco, obi
dicitar * Memento, domine, f amulomm.* * — VUa Lind^f, iv. 10. This incident
perhaps shows more strongly than any other how diametrically contrary to the
truth are those fantastic traditions of the Middle Ages that make oat St. Cuth-
bert to have been a fierce woman-hater. The restrictions on women in church
applied to Columban monasteries generally. — Skene, Celtic Scotland, ii p. 207, n.

^* It was on this occasion that he is said to have chosen water to drink in
preference to wine or beer, but to have afterwards changed it into wine : —
' Quaerebant quid bibere vellet, rogantes ut vinum, sive cervisiam, aSerri lioeret^
* Aquam,* inquit, ' date mihi.' ' — Bede, Ftto, cap. xxxv. This shows that he
regarded the use of neither beer nor wine with disapproval.

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THE JAOOBITB MOVEMBNT IN UPPBR OOQITETDALE. 98

VIL— NOTES ON THE JAOOBITE MOVEMENT IN UPPER
OOQUETDALB, 1715.

By D. D. Dixon, of Rothbury.

[Bead on the 24th February, 1892.]

Fob the first glimpse of what may be termed Jacobite sentiments we
must cast onr thoughts back to the great internecine struggle of the
seventeenth century, when the blood of Cavalier and Roundhead
darkened many a spot throughout this fait land of England. Then the
struggle lay between Bojralist and Parliamentarian, as in after years it
lay between Jacobite and Whig. The Royalists in the days of
Oharlee I. and the Jacobites of the last decade of the seventeenth
century and the early part of the eighteenth century were, both of them,
supporters of the Stuarts, while the Whigs during the same periods
were, first, the supporters of the Parliamentarian party, next of
William, prince of Orange, and then of Geoi^ I.

The tenn Jacobite (from * Jacobus,' the Latin form of James) was
given to the party who still adhered to James II. after his deposition
in 1688. The term Whig is said to have been given by the Royalists
to the Parliamentarians during the days of Cromwell, from the initials
of their motto, * We hope in God' — ^whig. It is not for me, neither is
it the time or place, in which to discuss the question of the hereditary
right of kings, for on this point, even at the present day, there is a great
diversity of opinion. Look, for example, what an intense interest the
whole nation took in the Stuart Exhibition of 1889, when Jacobite
relics of almost sacred associations were sent from all parts of the
kingdom. There also exist societies such as * The Jacobite League '
and * The Order of the White Rose,' whose object is, amongst others,
to keep in perpetual remembrance the sorrows and the sufferings of
the house of Stuart ; to keep the solemn days of the order, notably the
sbth of January and the 29th of May, in commemoration of the
murder of Charles I. and the restoration of Charles II.; and ' To study
the history of the house of Stuart and its adherents.' To have openly
held these opinions — to have published such a code of rules — ^would

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94 N0TB8 OK THE JACXIBITE HOYEMBNT

during the last century have been accounted high treason. But in this
the nineteenth oentary the feeling in favonr of the Stoarts is snppoBed
to be more sympathetic and sentimental than real ; yet the members of
the orders I haye just mentioned are expected to profess certain
principles, which are expressed in their monthly publication,^ where
most able and interesting papers appear relating to Jacobite times and
Jacobite measures, in which the writers evince a warm sympathy for
the Stuarts and their unhappy cause. While, on the other hand, we
can read, almost any day, in the columns of a portion of the English
press views exactly the opposite. Therefore, it would seem that in this
advanced age, as well as in '15 and '45, we have amongst us both
Jacobites and Whigs.

If during the reading of this paper, my own sympathy for the old
Jacobites comes out somewhat strongly, I can at least rejoice in the
companionship of an eminent member of our society. The owner of
one of the old manors of the Radcliffes,^ who in 1888, prompted by a
laudable spirit of admiration and regret at the untimely end of two of
our brave Northumbrian noblemen, caused a roadside cross to be
erected between Langley castle and Haydon Bridge, bearing the
followir^ inscription: — ^In memory of James and Charles Yisoounts
Langley, Earls of Derwentwater, beheaded on Tower Hill, 24th
February, 1716, and 8th December, 1746, for loyalty to their lawful
sovereign.'

Although it was not until the coming of William, prince of Orange,
in 1688, that the term Jacobite was first used, and the Jacobite
movement really began, yet it may be of interest if I endeavour to
show you that the political leanings of the inhabitants of Tipper
Coquetdale were mostly in &vour of the Stuarts (or Royalists) daring
the troubles of that melancholy era in our nation's history, die great
civil war of the seventeenth century. We have in our remote valley
evidences of this sympathy for the Stuart cause, not only in the
traditions handed down to us, and in the historical records of that
period, but it is also found expressed in the p^es of the old vestry
books of our parish church of Rothbury. About the year 1653,
Ambrose Jones, rector of Bothbury, was ejected from the living, and
his place filled by Thomes Gotes, some time sdioolmaster at Stanton.

' The noyaUtt. * C. J.

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IN UPPBB OOQUBTDALB IN 1715. 95

Probably this person got the appointment through the inflaence of
Edward Fenwick of Stanton, esq., who was high sheriff of North-
umberland during the Commonwealth — 1656— or thereabouts.' The
first intimation we get of opposition on the part of the parishioners
of Bothbury to the minister appointed by the Parliament is in the
evident disregard they paid to his repeated injunctions to attend the
vestry meetings. We can gather from the minutes of meetings held in
1659 and 1659, that no business could be transacted owing to the non-
attendanoe of church wardens, vestrymen, and overseers of the poor.
Complaints of this neglect are found entered time after time in the old
record book during the Commonwealth. But at the Easter vestry
meeting of April 14th, 1660, just on the eve of the restoration of
Charles II. — mark the change that came over these men of Coquet ! —
the minutes of that meeting tell us that ^The names were called, and
all appeared.' After recording the ordinary business of the meeting,
the minutes end as follows : * Some other things of TriviaU Concernment
was done, and some, more weighty, were mensioned, but not done,
after which they friendly and lovingly parted,' and then as if to
express their joy at the approaching event, they add, *vivat bbx

OABOLUS SEOUNDUS FLOBEAT KOCLESIA ANOLIGANA. AMEN.' As

another piece of local evidence bearing on the subject I might add that
on the original jamb of an old fireplace in the Black Bull inn at
Bothbury (now the Newcastle house) there are cut in fine bold relief
the letters 'B.B., 1660.' This has evidently been done by a person of
some character, as if to record an event of more than ordinary interest.
I should say the initials are those of Bernard Bumney, who at that time
was the village poet and musician. His name often occurs in the

' From the following entry f oand in the pages of the Bothbury Charch records
of that period, in the handwriting of Thomas Cotes, it would appear that Edward
Fenwick had been the high sheriff of Northumberland somewhere about 1655 or
1656 : — * A collection was made for the Protestants of Piedmont and Savoy the
summe pd. £4 lis. 06d. to Edward f fenwick of Stanton Esq. then High Sherine' —
also in a conversation which followed the reading of this paper Mr. Richard
Welford pointed out — 'that the date of the shrievalty of Edward Fenwick of
Stanton was fixed by a deed quoted by him in a paper on Cuthbert Gray (see
Arehaeologia Aeliana, XI. 72), being the marriage settlement of William
Fenwick of Stanton, eldest son of the high sheriff of Northumberland, and
Elizabeth Ellison, daughter of Robert Ellison, high sheriff of the county of
Durham, and niece of William Gray, author of the Chor agraphia. It appears,
however, from a list of the high sheriffs of Northumberland, compiled by Mr.
Hodgson Hinde, and published in vol. VI. of the Archaeologia Aeliana^ pp. 98-
104, that Edward Fenwick of Stanton held the office four times in succession^
namely, from 1656 to the Restoration.'

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96 NOTBS ON THB JAOOBITB MOVEMENT

Bothburj charch records as churchwarden after the restoration of
1660, bnt never daring the Commonwealth.

No doubt there were persons to be found in Upper Coquetdale who
took the side of the Parliamentarians against the Royalists. Of this
party a numerous and influential &mily named Potts, the owners of
much property at Sharperton, Holystone and the Trewhitts, during
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and whose descendants are
yet in Coquetdale, appear to have been the leaders. On the 24th of
January, 1648, 'Michael Potts of Sharperton, co. Northumberland,
vintner, was a witness against Charles I.'* But the majority of the
dalesmen and the country squires, the Selbys of Biddlestone, the
Widdringtons of Cartington, and the Claverings of Callaly, with their
tenants and their retainers, fought on the side of the king. Again,
in the bloodless revolution of 1688, when Wilham and Mary were
placed on the throne, there were found in North Northumberland a
few who kept their allegiance to James II. Of this change in the line
of English monarchs there is no historical record having any special
reference to Coquetdale ; but, as a link in the chain of events that led
up to the Jacobite rising of the next century, I may be permitted to
give a passing notice of one of the bravest of Northumbria's sons. Sir
John Fenwick of Wallington, ' the flower amang them aV who for-
feited his life for the part he unfortunately took against William,
prince of Orange. Sir John Fenwick was beheaded on Tower Hill on
the 28th of January, 1697. I have in my possession a knife and fork
of antique pattern, once the property of this unfortunate nobleman.
Boyer, in his annals of the reign of Queen Anne, states that the horse
*Sorel,' from which William III. prince of Orange was thrown,
thereby causing his death, was bred at Wallington, and had been part
of Sir John Fenwick's confiscated property. Taking advantage of
this strange fatality, the Jacobites, much to the chagrin of the Whig
party, composed a poem in praise of ' Sorel,' beginning ^ Illustris
sonipes ;' whilst, after that fatal occurrence, a frequent toast at the
convivial meetings of those wicked Jacobites was : — ' To the health
of the little gentleman in the black velvet coat,' which meant the mole
that made the hillock into which Sorel slipped his foot when he fell

* Rennet's Hut. of England

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IN UPPER OOQUETDALE IN 1716. 97

with the king/ It is cnrioos to notice the traditional connection of
flowers and animalB with many of oar great national movements, the
Broom or planta genista of the Plantagenets, the White and Red Roses
of York and Lancaster, the White Rose of the Jacobites, even oar
domestic pest, the common rat, does not escape this distingaished
honour. One of our members. Dr. Embleton, tells us : — * Of the two
great parties of rats, contending for supremacy in England during the
last century, the black was called the Jacobite, the brown the
Hanoverian, in obvious historic allusion.' In some of the old Jacobite
ballads, George I. is often described as the ^Muckle Hanoverian
Rattan.'

I shall now speak of the rising of 1715, one of the most romantic
periods in the history of our country. This feeling is no doubt looked
upon by a number of stolid, matter-of-fact people nowadays as mere
sentiment, to those I would say, we little understand how large a part
sentiment plays in our lives. On the accession of George I. in 1714,
that bitterness of political party feeling, which during the reign of
queen Anne had run so high, rather increased than diminished. It
was then that the Jacobites made a strenuous but futile attempt to
place a Stuart once more on the English throne, in the person of
James, the son of James II. This prince was James III. of the
English Jacobites — the Chevalier de St George of the French, James
VIII. of the Scotch — but by the Whig party in England he was called
the * Pretender.' The outbreak was no doubt hastened by the some-
what harsh measures adopted by the Elector King and his ministers
against the Jacobites. Many persons of high rank were imprisoned
on bare suspicion. Then riots took place in various parts. The oak
leaf (the symbol of Charles II.), was openly worn at Oxford, and the
effigy of WiUiam, prince of Orange, was burnt amidst an applauding
mob. In this northern county of Northumberland, amongst the
country squires and the yeomen of our rural districts the Jacobite
cause foond much fiivour, and not a few supporters. Whether it was
the old border love of adventure, mingled with a real wish to have
James to reign over them, or simply a sentimental feeling of sympathy
for an exile, a romantic feeling said to have been largely prevalent
amongst the fair sex of that period, that caused our Northumbrian
* Hodgson's Higt. of Northumberland ^ part ii. vol. i. p. 257.

VOL. 3CVI. M

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98 NOTES ON THB JACOBITE MOVEMENT

gentry to take part in the plot, one cannot tell; bnt whatever the
motive, a number of the High Tory party, and nearly the whole of the
Catholic gentry of Northumberland, true to their political traditions
and steadfast adherence to their hereditary faith, took a prominent
action in the movement, for which several of the heads of our leading
families, the very cream of our Northumbrian gentry, forfeited not
only their estates, but their lives.

It was early in the month of October, 1715, that the gathering
discontent of the Northumbrian Jacobites, which for some time had
been gradually gaining strength, suddenly burst forth into an open
declaration against the rule of George of Hanover. The Highland
clans, under the earl of Mar, had already (on the 9th September)
raised the standard of the Chevalier, and proclaimed him as James
YIII. of Scotland. Fortunately there exists an account of the rising
of 1716, written by the Rev. Robert Patten, priest of Allendale,
Northumberland, one of the chaplains in the Jacobite army. This
person was taken prisoner with many others, at the defeat of the
Jacobites at Preston, in Lancashire, but saved his life by turning
king^s evidence ; and, says Burton in his history of Scotland, ^ holds
a distinguished place in the annals of infamy.' This volume, known
as Patten's History of the Rebellion of 1716,' is full of the most
interesting information respecting the Jacobite movement, and
although the information is most valuable, yet, as one reads its pages
those minute records of the daily action and movements of the
Jacobites by one of their own number, who having himself received
the king's pardon, coolly turns round and calls his former comrades
' rebels.' It raises a feeling of disgust at the baseness of the man,
who having saved his own life in so cowardly a manner, could thus
write of those whom he had so recently urged on by precept and
example.

It is rather singular that in the rising of 1746 the well-known
John Murray of Broughton, secretary to Prince Charles Edward, the
young Pretender, should have been guilty of the same ungenerous act.
It would render this paper much too long and tedious, to follow all the
movements, or to relate in full the various schemes and measures
planned and concerted in London by the Jacobites during the years
1714: and 1716, in which deliberations two Northumbrian gentlemen

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IN UPPER OOQUBTDALB IN 1715. 99

took an active part, captain John Shaftoe, one of the Bavington
bmily, who was afterwards shot ; and captain John Hanter of North
Tyne. I shall therefore confine my notes as mnch as possible to the
county of Northumberland, and more especially to the valley of the
Coquet. Here I cannot do better than quote the words of the Rev.
Bobert Patten, who, when speaking of the Northumbrian Jacobites,
says,^ Hhe first step towards their appearing in Arms was when
about the latter end of September the Lord Derwmtwater had notice
that there was a Warrant out from the Sefcretary of State to apprehend
him, and that the Messengers were come to Durham that were to take
him. Mr. Forater likewise having notice of the like Warrant against
him. Upon this news they had a full Meeting of the parties concerned
in Northumberland ' (at which a resolution was passed). ^ Pjursuant
to this Besolntion, an Appointment was made, and notice of it sent to
all their Friends, to meet the next morning, which was the 6th of
October, at a place called Orem rig (in the parish of Birtley, North
Tyne) which was done accordingly, for Mr. Forster, with several
Gentlemen, in Number at first about Twenty, met at the Rendezvous;
but made no stay here, thinking the place inconvenient; but rode
immediately to the top of a Hill called the Waterfalls, from whence
they might discover any that came either to join them or to oppose
them. They had not been long here but they discovered the Earl of
Derwmtwater, who came that Morning &om his own Seat at DiUtone,
with some Friends and all his Servants, mounted, some upon his
Coach-Horses, and others upon very good useful Horses, and all very
well arm'd. . . . They were now uear 60 horse, most Cfentlemen
and their Attendants ; when, calling a short Council, it was concluded
to march towards the River Goquett, to a place called FlainfieldJ'
There is a tradition to this efifect, that the stone stoup or Water&lls
comb stands on the spot where Derwentwater mounted his horse to
ride with the troop into Coquebdale). * Here (says Patten) they were
joined by others, who came straggling in, and having made some
stay here, they resolved to go that night to Rothhury, a small
market Town. Here they stayed all Night, and next Morning,
being the 7th of October, their number still increasing, they marched
to Warkworth.'

• Patten's Hist, of the Rebellion o/ 1716, pp. 26, 27, 28.

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100 NOTES ON THE JACOBITE MOVEMENT

The reason why the Jacobites fixed upon Plainfield as their place
of rendezvous in Upper Ooquetdale was probably owing to its central
position, a6 well as being near that point where the troop coming out
of Eedewater would enter the valley of the Coquet. Plainfield Moor,
where it is said they met, forms part of the Harbottle estate, and is
situated midway between Harbottle and Rothbury, on the lower slopes
of the Wreigh Hill Pike, and commands a full view of the Cheviot
hills on the north, is only a very short distance from Biddlestone, the
seat of the Selbys ; Callaly, at that time the seat of the Claverings ;
and Cartington, then the seat of the Talbots; all of whom were
staunch Catholics, and active partizans in the movement. Plainfield
Moor stQl exists, and, with the exception of the fences by which it is
surrounded^ and intersected, it probably presents much the same
aspect to-day as it did on that October afternoon of 1715, when those
loyal hearted Northumbrian Jacobites, led by the earl of Derwent-
water, gathered round the standard of the exiled prince. Tradition
points to a fine old ash tree, which forms a prominent feature in the
landscape, on the moor between Sharperton Edge and Plainfield, as
the spot where Derwentwater first unfurled the standard of the prince
in Coquetdale. During the early part of the present century a farmer
named Robert Wealleans, residing at the adjoining fiurm of Charity
Hall, had in his possession, amongst other relics and curiosities^ a
gentleman^s leather gauntlet glove, ^aid to have been found on a thorn
bush near to this ash tree, shortly after the departure of the Jacobites
to their quarters at Rothbury.

It is evident that the final step had been taken somewhat hastily
by Derwentwater and Forster, the leaders of the Northumbrian
Jacobites, because lord Widdrington® only heard of the gathering on
the evening of October 5th, when, with several members of his family,
he hurried up the next day to join the earl of Derwentwater at Plain-
field. There is not a complete list of those of our Coquetdale
ancestors who, on the 6th of October, 1715, went to swell the ranks

^ In a map of Rothbury parish, made by Edward Smith in 1816, kindly lent
me by Mr. James Brook of Hepple, the highway leading from Rothbury to Har-
bottle is shown as not enclosed, being at that time quite an open road through
Plainfield Moor.

■ Hodgson's Hut. of Northumberland, part ii. vol. ii. p. 266 (note 41,
Widdrin^n Miscellanea).

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IN UPPEE OOQUBTBALE IN 1715. 101

of the insurgentB on Plainfield Moor ; yet> along with the men out of
Tynedale and Bedesdale, we would have foand there lord Widdrington
and his two brothers Charles and Peregrine, John Talbot of Oartington,
William Olavering of Oallaly, and his kinsman George Oollingwood of
Eslington; Ephraim Selby of Biddlestone and his steward; John
Hnnter of Oallaly, laird Ratcliffe of Thropton, and his neighbour James
Bobson, the stonemason, with probably a few family retainers and
yeomen out of the valleys of the Coquet and the Aln. Towards the
dose of that stormy autumn afternoon, two horsemen might have been
observed hastening across the moor, their heads bent down over their
horses' necks as they struggled against the westerly gale which blows
hard and strong on that high-lying portion of Upper Coquetdale.
Suddenly they are surrounded by a band of Jacobite troopers, who
order them to halt, and without much resistance lead them prisoners
into the Jacobite camp. The two captives were Justice Kail, better
known throughout the county as Mad Jack Hall of Otterbum, and
hisr man servant. Judging from the remark of Patten, that at Plain-
field * they were *joined by others who came straggling in,' it would
seem that the movement was more among the squires and well-to-do
yeomen, than amongst the middle and lower classes of the population,
and that not many of the common people in Coquetdale joined in the
rising. It is amusing to learn that whilst several of our Northumbrian
gentry were induced to join in the Jacobite movement only after much
persuasion on the part of their Jacobitish Mends, we find it was
exactly the reverse with others, whose Mends did their utmost to
restrain them from taking any part in the rising, and who, when
foroe of argument failed, had recourse to extreme measures, as in the
case of* Joseph Forster of Old Buston, a hot-headed, warm-hearted
Jacobite, known as 'the Old Justice.' This plucky old gentleman
was actully put in prison by his own relatives until the commotion
was past, and was only thus prevented from joining the Jacobite army
at Warkworth.

The rector of Rothbury, Dr. John Thomlinson, appears to have
been neutral in the matter, or rather, he may not have had his loyalty
to the reigning power put to the test. The Jacobite party left Both-

* Extract from the Forster deeds, kindly giyen me by Major Thompson,
Walworth hall, Darlington.

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102 NOTBS ON THE JAGOBITB MOYBICENT

bury on the Friday, and spent the Sunday at Warkworth ; therefore it
was reserved for the poor vicar of Warkworth*® to stand the trial
whether he would, or would not, read the prayers in the parish church,
according to the dictation of the Jacobite general. One can easily
imagine the alarm there would be amongst the inhabitants of Coquet- ,
dale, as the cavalcade of armed men marched down the valley on their
way from Plainfield towards Rothbury, and the anxious excitement
within the little market town itself, when the Jacobites entered the
wide old-fashioned street, and halted in the market-place in front of ^
the * Three Half -moons* and the *01d Black Bull,' and there, under
the shadow of the venerable walls of the old parish church, pro-
claimed James the third, king of England. Amongst the Ooquetdale
Jacobites already mentioned, we know there were with them that
night at Rothbury : — ** Thomas Forster, jun., of Etherstone ; the earl
of Derwentwater and his brother Charles ; Philip Hodgson of Sandhoe ;
Thomas Errington of Beaufront; John Clavering of Berrington;
William Shaftoe of Bavington and his son John; old Edward
Shaftoe and his son captain John Shaftoe ; John Thornton of Nether-
witton; Oharleton of the Bower and his son William: the pick of
Northumberland. How or where the men and horses were quartered
we are not told ; but, according to a well-known tradition, the earl of
Derwentwater spent the night under the thatched roof of that ancient
hostelry the * Three Half-moons,' now in ruins, the apartment in
which he slept being afterwards called the earl's chamber.

The troops of lords Derwentwater and Widdrington are said to
have been well armed, but the greater part of those who joined in the
rising was certainly not ; neither were these trained to act in concert.
The Jacobite army of 1715 has been described as a mob of brave men
armed with swords, guns, and pistols, which they had not been drilled
to use. Whether it was in the aflfair of '15 or '45 I am not sure, but
it was said that when the Jacobites in one of their marches through
the county were about to enter the town of Wooler, the commanding
officer, wishing his men to present a soldier-like appearance before the
good folks of Wooler, gave the word of command, 'Draw swords,'
when, much to the amusement of the spectators, a wag amongst the

»• Patten's Hut. of the Rebellion of 1715, p. 28.

" Lady Cowper's diary, 1714 to 1720, p. 186 (Appendix).

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IN UPPBE COQUBTDALB IS 1715. 108

crowd shonted, ' And what are they to do who haven't swords ?' An
incident which shows the daring character of the men engaged in the
movement, also the great lack of arms amongst them, occurred at
Rothbury during the first week of the campaign.^ On Friday, the
14th of October, Matthew Bobson of Bellingham (a Bedesdale
yeoman), when returning from the Quarter Sessions held at Alnwick,
proposed on arriving at Rothbury to bait his hoi*se and have some
refreshment himself. He had evidently been making his way to the
* Three Half-moons,* for on riding up the village, he came quite
unexpectedly upon a company of Jacobites assembled in the Market
Place. Inmiediately on his appearance, as he rode round the 'Black
Bull* comer, two or three of the Jacobites, Robert Talbot, William
Dod, and William Oharleton of Reedsmouth (who no doubt knew very
well that Matthew Robson was on the Hanoverian side), came forward
and disarmed him, took possession of his horse, and placed the poor
yeoman under arrest. After keeping him for three hours in mortal
terror of his life, with threats to slay him or shoot him, he was released
and sent off home to Bellingham on foot, a distance of twenty miles —
his horse and harness, his buff belt, and his trusty broadsword being
retained by his captors wherewith to arm a Jacobite trooper.

For several weeks, from- the first day of the rising, Rothbury
appears to have been the Jacobite head-quarters for the district, and
was evidently visited and re-visited by roving parties of Jacobites.
It is recorded that on the 2nd of November, 1716, the inhabitants"
' att Rothbury were in great consternation by an alarme in the night
that they would be attacqued, some gott one boot on, and some neither,
but mounted in great disorder.' The rebel army, however, did not
molest the town. No wonder, therefore, that the Government kept a
watchf al eye upon Rothbury, as the following item in the sheriff's
accounts for the year 1716 wiU show : — *For the Sheriff 's clerk and
two BaiUffes expences, by order of the Earl of Scarborough, Ld.
Lieutenant of the County, in going to Rothbury as spies, £06 08s. OOd.'
On the 19 th of October there was a general muster of the whole force
of English and Lowland Scotch supporters of the cause held at
Rothbury. No doubt from its central position and its easy distance

^* Records of the English Catholics of 1715, by John Orlebar Payne, M.A.,
p. 114. '* Newcastle Weekly Chronicle,

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104 NOTES ON THE JAOOBITB MOVEMENT

from Scotland, the little Border town was on that occasion considered
by the Jacobite leaders to be the most convenient spot where they
conld effect a junction of their forces. As I have ahreadj stated, the
Jacobites, on leaving Rothbury on the 7th of October, marched down
the vaUey of the Coquet to Warkworth, where they stayed over the
Sunday, thence to Morpeth, intending to go on to Newcastle ; but not
being received by the wary merchant burgesses of that important town
with open arms, as they had been led to expect, the little army, some-
what discouraged, proceeded up the Tyne to Hexham, which they
made their head-quarters. On Tuesday, October 1 8th, a messenger
arrived at Hexham with the news that the Scottish Jacobites were
crossing the Borders, and wished their Northumbrian Mends to meet
them at Rothbury. Having also been informed that general Carpenter,
who had arrived at Newcastle, was preparing to attack them, the
Northumbrian Jacobites at once decided to proceed northward ; there-
fore the whole troop, under the command of the earl of Derwentwater,
left Hexham early the next morning (being Wednesday, October 19th),
and after halting some time at Eirkharle, marched across the fells,
and entered Rothbury by the Hexham road late in the afternoon.
Here they were met by the Jacobites of the Scottish Lowlands, with
their leaders, lord Kenmure, the earl of Nithsdale, the earl of
Wintoun, the earl of Camwath, and lord Nairn, as brave an assembly
of hardy Borderers as ever met on the banks of the Coquet. It is said
that men and officers spent a convivial night in true border fashion,
and we may be sure that many a Jacobite song and many a Jacobite
toast would ring through the rafters of the ' Three Half -moons,' and
the ' Old Black Bull,' on that eventful night. Very fond our Jacobite
ancestors were of drinking toasts and singing ballads in which they
expressed their sentiments. Many of the Jacobite toasts were so
esoteric and seemingly contradictory in their verbiage, that except to
the initiated it was most difficult to say which king, Jacobite or Whig,
was really being toasted. Besides the well-known toast, 'To the
king over the water,' the following were often used at mixed meetings
with perfect safety : —

' Here's a health to the king, whom the crown doth belong to,
Confusion to those who the right king would wrong so.
I do not here mention either old king or new king,
But here is a health, boys — a health to the true king/

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IN UPPEB COQUBTDALE IN 1715. 105

Or again —

* God blees the king, I mean the faith's defender,
God bless — ^no harm in blessing — the Pretender ;
But who Pretender is, or who is king —
God bless us all— that's quite another thing.'

Thanks to Sir Walter Scott, to the Ettrick Shepherd, and to the
compilers of our own Northnmbrian minstreJsy, we have a goodly
collection of Jacobite songs and ballads handed down to us. Many of
these songs are yet great favourites amongst the rural population of
Northumberland. I myself hear them frequently sung at our social
gatherings in Coquetdale, and how expressive and heartstirring these
old Jacobite verses are, such as, * There'll never be peace till Jamie
comes hame,' * Charlie is my darling,' * Jamie the rover,' *Wha wadna
fight for Charlie,' 'The auld Stuart's back again,' and others holding
up to ridicule the house of Hanover. 'Though Gleordie reigns in
Jamie's stead,' ' Awa, Whigs, awa,' 'Oh, what's the rhyme to porringer,'
'The wee, wee German Lairdie,' 'The sow's tail to Geordie,' and the
like. On the morning of Thursday, the 20th of October, the combined
forces marched from Rothbury to Wooler, where they rested for the
night, and reached Kelso the next day. The subsequent movements
of the Jacobite army are too much a matter of general history to be
repeated in this paper. The leadera, after much discussion and many
dissensions, decided upon entering England by way of Carlisle, which
they did, and penetrating as far as Preston in Lancashire, they
were totally defeated by the king's forces. Of that miserable affair at
Preston, when there were taken no less than seven lords and 1,490
followers, numbering amongst them the finest noblemen in the land,
I need not relate to you in full. Among the Jacobite prisoners in that
ignominious march from Preston to London, besides the noble earl of
Derwentwater, lord Widdrington and his two brothers, William Shaftoe
of Bavington, his son John and other two of the family, there were the
Ordes, Forsters, fiiddells, Thorntons, Claverings, and Scotts, the
flower of Northumberland chivalry.

It may be of some interest if I give a short account of some of those
brave but misguided gentlemen who were taken prisoners, and the fate
which befel them. Of the execution (or, as the Jacobite calendar puts
it) ' the murder of James Eatcliffe,' earl of Derwentwater, and of
William Gordon, viscount Kenmure, Kenmure as commanding the

VOL. XTL ^

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106 NOTES ON THE JACOBITE MOVEMENT

Scotch, and Derwentwater as commanding the English Jacobites at the
first rising, who were beheaded on Tower Hill, February 24th, 1716,
I shall only remark that, by a strange coincidence, the reading of this
paper has fallen on the anniversary of the sad death of these two
unfortunate noblemen ; whilst, to show how tradition lingers amongst
our rural population in remote districts, it was only the other day a
person in Upper Coquetdale told me that fipom their earliest recollec-
tions they had heard the 'Aurora BoreaUs' called ' Derwentwater's
Lights.' Patten furnishes us with the names of the prisoners, from
whose list I shall give the names of a few who were connected with
the rising in Coquetdale : — ' William Widdrington, lord Widdrington,
Charles Widdrington, Esq., brother to the lord Widdrington of
Northumberland, Papist, pleaded guilty ; Peregrine Widdrington, Esq.,
third brother to this lord, and aide-de-camp to General Forster,
Papist; John Hunter, a farmer at Oallylee, in Northumberland,
reputed veiy rich, he made his escape ; John Clavering, a Papist, of
Northumberland ; John Clavering, brother to William Clavering, both
Papists in Northumberland/

In his defence, lord Widdrington pleaded that^* *he went with
his kinsmen to the assembly at Plainfield in October, 1715, without
any definite knowledge as to what was intended,*^^ * for although he
had met with publick rumours and reports of intended invasions from
abroad, and insurrections at home, yet he never knew, or any other
way heard of, any formed design against the government, till he was
told the night before of a meeting intended at Plainfield in North-
umberland on the sixth of October last ; and being soon after informed
that almost all his neighbours and acquaintance had there met in arms,
he took a hasty and inconsiderate resolution of joining them, nor was
he in any sort prepared for such an undertaking, having only some of
his own family with him, no arms, but his common fowling pieces, and
wearing swords.*^® Notwithstanding this evidence, it was well known
that lord Widdrington and his two brothers, Charles and Per^rine,
with about twenty men, joined the Jacobite army at Warkworth on
Saturday, October 8th. Lord Widdrington was sentenced to death, but

" Doran's London in Jacobite TiinM^ vol. i. p. 135.

" Hodgson's HiH, of Northumberland, part ii. vol. ii. p. 266 (note 41
Widdrington Miscellanea).

" Lady Cowper's diary, p. 186 (Appendix).

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IN ITPPBR OOQUETDALB IN 17 J 5. 107

afterwards pardoned. William Clavering of Callaly, the chief of his
house, was over seventy years of age when he joined in the rising. It
has been a pnzzie to many how the Widdringtons, the Selbys, and the
Claverings, managed to save their lives and their estates after the active
part they took in the afhir of 1715 ; but a perusal of lady Oowper's
diary makes this matter somewhat clear. Most interesting details
relating to the trials in London of the Jacobite prisoners of 1715 are
given in the ' Diary of Mary Countess Cowper, Lady of the Bedchamber
to the Princess of Wales, 1714 to 1720.'^^ * Her maiden name was
Mary Clavering, and she was the Daughter of John Clavering, Esq., of
Ohopwell, in the county of Durham, who was himself of a younger
Branch of the Ancient Northumbrian Family of Clavering of Callalee
and Axwell, a Race entertaining the Jacobite predilections which were
then so prevalent in the north of England and Scotland.' She was
married in 1706 to William lord Cowper, who was then Lord Keeper
of the Great Seal, afterwards Lord Chancellor, and at the trial of the
Jacobite prisoners he was appointed High Steward of England. Lady
Cowper was possessed of considerable personal attractions, and
although the object of much admiration at the court of George I.
she preserved an unsullied reputation. Lady Mary appeals to have
sided with the political opinions of her husband in support of the
Hanoverian succession, rather than with those of her Jacobite kins-
men. Speaking of the arrival of the prisoners in London, lady
Cowper gives the following melancholy picture: — ^® 'This week
the prisoners were brought to town from Preston. They came in with
their arms tied, and their hoi'ses (whose bridles were taken off) led
each by a soldier. The mob insulted them terribly. The chief of my
father's house (Wm. Clavering of Callalee) was amongst them. He
was about seventy years old. A desperate fortune had drove him from
home in hopes to have repaired it.' It was no doubt due to the benign
influence of lady Cowper, the beautiful Mary Clavering of Chopwell,
that so many of our north country squires and their followei*s were
acquitted or quietly allowed to escape from prison, who would
eventually return to their Northumbrian homes, sadder and wiser
men. It fared very differently indeed with the gentle George Colling-

'^ Lady Cowper's diary, p. vii. (Preface). ** Lady Oowper's diary, p. 62.

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108 NOTES ON THE JACOBITE MOVEMENT

wood of Ealington, of whom even the renegade Patten thus speaks:
'George Oollingwood of Northumberland, a Papist of a valuable estate.
He was ordered for London, but he was seiz'd with the gont at Wigan,
and from thence he was carried to Liverpool, and there found guilty,
and afterwards executed there the 25th of February, 1716. He was a
very pious gentleman, and well beloved in his country.' Traditions of
George Oollingwood were still current amongst the old inhabitants of
Whittingham Vale syme forty or fifty years ago. It was said that
Oollingwood, like his friend Derwentwater, was strongly urged by his
wife (a daughter of lord Montague) to take part in the rising ; and
that when on his way to join the Jacobite army, he turned round at
Thrunton Orag End, a range of hills south of the village of Whitting-
ham, and fondly gazed over his fair domain with a sorrowful heart
and a secret foreboding that he was looking upon it for the last time,
and that never again would he sleep under the ancient roof-tree of
the CoUingwoods of Eslington. Lady Oowper tells us how, before his
execution, there were 'sad pleadings.' Poor 'Mrs. Oollingwood wrote
to a friend in town to try to get her husband's life granted to her.
The friend's answer was as follows : — ' I think you are mad when you
talk of saving your husband's life. Don't you know you will have
five hundred pounds a year jointure if he's hanged, and that you
won't have a groat if he's saved ? Oonsider, and let me have your
answer, for I shall do nothing in it till then.' The answer did not
come time enough, and so he was hanged.

Amid the corrupt court of George I. it was only with some
diflSculty, and after much bribery, that any petition in favour of a
Jacobite prisoner found its way to the king. Lord Nairn, one of
the Scotch Jacobites, after lying many months in prison, and spending
a large sum of money, was at last set at liberty. The following entry
from his lordship's diary — which is brief, blunt, but expressive — tells
its own tale : — ^* * Gave to lawyers and bitches during that time,
£1,500.' In Patten's list of prisoners a gentlemen, who for a short
time resided at Oartington, is described thus : — ' John Talbot of
Oartington, in Northumberland, a brave young gentleman (his father
made himself famous for his courage at the siege of Buda, but was
killed). This gentleman made his escape from Ohester.' The Talbots
'• Doran's London in Jacobite Times, vol. i.^. 281.

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IN UPPBB COQUBTDALB IN 1715. 109

appear to have succeeded the Widdringtons at Cartin^on. Of this
family I have only come across one entry in the Rothbnry Parish
Register, and that is of a burial : — * November 18th, 1679. Edward,
fil Mr. John Talbot, Cartington.' , This was the last of the Talbots at
Oartington, for in the register of burials (two years after the '15) is
found December 26th, 1717. 'John, fil Mr. John Fenwick, Carting-
ton.' In tfie July of 1716, twenty-four Jacobites were condemned to
death, but through the intercession of the duchess of Shrewsbury,
twenty-two of them were reprieved. The two unfortunate exceptions
were Parson Paul, a Ohurch of England clergyman, and Justice Hall
of Otterburn. Doran*^ relates the following incident which took place
at the execution of these two unfortunate men : — ' As Justice Hall was
standing meekly at Paul's side, a cowardly Whig ruflSan in the crowd
threw at the doomed man a stone which reached its aim. The poor
gentleman bowed his head in acknowledgment of the civility, turned
to the hangman, and died without fuss or protest.' Patten relates a
conversation, which he remarks * has something diverting in it,' which
took place between William Shaftoe of Bavington and John Hall of
Otterburn, whilst prisoners in Newgate : — ' Couzin Jack (said Shaftoe)
I am thinking upon what is told us that Ood will visit the sins of the
&thers unto the third and fourth generations. I am of opinion that it
is so with us ; for your grandfather and my grandfather got most of
their estates as sequestrators ; and now we must lose them again for
being rebels.' The explanation Justice Hall gave of how he got
entangled in the Jacobite rising is a little curious, and often enters
my mind whilst crossing Plainfield Moor : — ^ * Two witnesses deposed
that they had seen him in the company of the rebels ; but he alleged that,
on a tempestuous day, as he was returning home from a magistrates'
meeting on Plainfield, while he was leaning forward to screen himself
from the weather, he was suddenly surrounded by rebels, who forced
him and his servants away with them^ though he was unarmed, and
had only seven shillings and sixpence in his pockets.'

To the list of noblemen and gentlemen who were taken prisoners
at Preston, Patten adds the names of their servants and followers.
Two of these, I think, I have been able to identify as Coquetdale

* Doran's London in Jacobite Tinies, vol. i. p. 260.

** Hodgson's Hut. of Northumberland, part ii. vol. i. p. 113.

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110 NOTES ON THE JAOOBITB MOVEMENT

men, viz., William Raticliff and James fiobson. Other names rather
nnoommon also occur in the list, such as Rowland and Tasker, which
are frequently met with in the Rothbury parish register. William
RatclifF is (I should say) that laird Ratcliff of Thropton, whose death
is recorded in the register of December 16th, 1720. Whilst of James
Robson we find a note to a song in ' Bell's Rhymes of Northern Bards '
(1812), page 250, which says : ' This song is imperfectly compiled from
part of a " Satyr upon Women," wrote in Preston prison in 1716 by Mr.
James Robson, a freeholder in Thropton, near Rothbury, Northum-
berland, at that time a musician in the rebel army. He sung the satyr
aloud, at an iron-barred window looking into a garden, where a lady
and her maid were walking. After the song was finished, the former
says : " That young man seems very severe upon our sex ; but perhaps
he is singing more from oppression than pleasure ; go give him that
half-crown piece," which the girl gave him through the grating, at a
period when he was at the point of starving.' It would appear that
this Jacobite bandsman had at length been set at liberty, for on looking .
through that portion of the Rothbury parish register then specially set
apart for Papists and Dissenters, I find there were Robsons (Papists)
residing in Thropton 200 years ago. Between 1705 and 1714 there are
frequent baptismal entries of the children of James Robson of Thropton.
In 1714 these entries cease ; but in 1723 we find amongst the burials,
* Mary, wife of James Robson, Thropton,' and then on May 6th, 1757,
the burial of our hero himself is recorded thus : — * James Robson of
Thropton.' In searching through our parish register for the several
items just quoted, I could not help observing what I thought to be
one of the symptoms of the unsettled state of society during that
period of which I have been speaking, the palpable decrease there is
in wedding entries. It is said of our own day that marriages are more
numerous in prosperous times than in times of commercial depression.
So we find in the Rothbury register there were in 1713, twenty
weddings; in 1714, fifteen weddings; in 1716, there were fifteen
weddings ; while in 1715 there were only seven. Burials and
christenings went on as usual ; in fact, on the very day that the
Jacobites marched from Plainfield to Rothbury there was a christen-
ing from Flotterton :— ' Oct. 6, 1715, Margt., fil Michael Potts of
Flotterton.'

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IN UPPER OOQTJETDALB IN 1716.

Ill

The following extracts from the session records of Northumber-
land show that both before and after the Jacobite rising of 1715
the government, through the reports of the High Constables to the
Quarter Sessions, obtained a complete roister of the names and
places of abode of all the Boman Catholics in the county : —

(Bastbb Sessions, 1714.)
A List of the Papist Houses in ye West Division of Koket-dale Ward.

Mr. John Talbot \ . ^ .
William Dod } « Cart'^gton.

Mr. Thomas Story in Low Trewhit.

Bdwaid Giyens ,

Peter Robson *

James Bobson in Thropton.

George Bobson in ye Spittle.

(Signed)

in Sniter.

John Vint in hepple.

MK James Selby in Allenton.

Mr. Robert King ) . „.,^,

, . « , f m Biddlestone.

John Reed )

Mr.* Fenwick Robson in healey.

Thomas Hunter ) « , ,

^ „ J in Rothbury.

George Hunter )

William Rbadhbad (High Constable).

A List of ye Papistts names of Rothbury pairish August ye 16*** daye 1715.

Mr. John Talbot in Cartenton.

William dood in Cartenton.

Mr. Thomas Story in Trewghett.

Mr. George Story in Trewghett.

peeter Robson in Snitter.

George Robson in Snitter.

Bdward Jineings in Snitter.

George Besford in Snitter.

Mr. Francis Hnntredge in Throptton.

James Robson in Throptton.

George Robson in Thropton Spittle.
Thomas Hunter in Rothbury.
George Hunter in Rothbury.
John Hunter in Rothbury.
Mr. Fenwick Robson in Healey.
William Hunter in Thomey-haugh.
John Hunter in ye Raw.
John Denntt in Hepple.
Hendry Johnstone in Flotterton.
John Reiveley in ye Busy Gapp.

Christtefer Davison in Throptton.

At Hedgeley August ye 19"' 1715 this return made by George Chaitter high
Constable for ye West Division of Coquetdale Ward.

A List of ye papists names of Allington [>arish and Halleystone August ye
19^ 1715.

Mr. Robert King in Bittleston.
George Rutherford in Bittleston.
John Reed in Bittleston.
Thomas Rutter in Bittleston.
John Grey in Bittleston.
John Sprote in Bittleston.
William Walles in Bittleston.
Alexander Luke in Bittleston.
John Brown in Bittleston.

Franke Scott in Bittleston.
Alexander Rutherford in Borrowtown.
Thomas Potts in Borrowtown.
Mr. James Selby in Allington.
John Jameson in Harbottle.
Marke Scotte in Harbottle.
John Robson in Foxton.
George Stavert in Halleystone.
John Gardner in Faimham.

Thomas Davisen in Bittleston.

At Hedgeley August 19 1715 this return was made by George Chaitter
high Constable for ye West Division of Coquetdale Ward.

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112

THE JAOOBITB MOVEMENT IN UPPER COQUETDALE.

Papists in ye North Division in Coquetdale Ward August 19 1715.

Calleley

Yeatlington

High Houses ,
Eslington

John Clavering esq.

— Moodey.

— Moodey.
Luke Blakelock.
W™. Avery.
James Gardiner.
Mr. John Hunter.
Geo. Collingwood esq.
Cuthbert Blakelock.
John Wilson.

John Ferry.
W". Cowley.
Mich. Brown.

Whittingham...
Mountain of ye

Clay
Glanton
Ediingham ...
Fawdon

John Blagdon.
John Percy.
Christopher Peiey.
W". Bobson.
John How.

Mr. George Morrison.
John Heslipp.
Alexander Himer.
Tho*. Snawdon.
W". Snawdon.
— Snawdon, a Brother
of ye same.

At Hedgeley, August ye 19"*, 1715, this return made by ffergus Storey, high
Constable of the North Division of Coquetdale Ward.

In 1718, this system of espionage, if we might so call it, still
eontinned in force, for an entry in the Session Records reads thus .—
I John Hopper High Constable for the North Division of Coquetdale ward
do hereby certifie that I have made Diligent Search and Enquiry for such persons
as were concerned in the late Bebellion but have found none only the following
persons hereunder named who formerly were residing within my Division and
about the time of the Rebellion withdrew themselves and went abroad and are
suspected to have been concerned therein but are not now to be mett with in
my Division, As witness my hand the 14*** day of January 1718.

(Signed) John Hoppbb.
John Hunter of Calliley high-houses. George How of the same.
Tho". Selbye of Calliley. Henry Brown of Eslington Miln-house.

Jno. How of Whittingham. George Downey of Thrunton.

In a letter from Thos. Burrell, esq., of Broom Park, to Thomas
Ord, esq.. Clerk of the Peace, dated Jan. 12, 1718-19, he says :—

The bearer John Hopper High Constable for this Division haith to my
knowledge made deligent search for ye Rebels in these partes but they are 80
wise as to get out of ye way and tho' he hath often made it his business to finde
them yet to no purpose as I believe he will be reddy to make oath thereoff.

About the same time, Robert Readhead, High Constable for the
West Division of Coquetdale Ward, gives the following report : —

John Vint of heple, Edward Greings of Snitter, John Talbot of Carting-
ton, John Henderson of Cartington, Thomas Davidson of Bittlestone, Roleand
Robson of healey weare psons formerly Resideing within my Division and
about the time of the Rebellion withdrew themselves and went abrode and are
suspected to have beene concerned in the Late Rebellion but are not now to be
found in my division. George Story of Cartington I have taken and caryed him
before Thomas Collingwood Esq. As witnes my hand this li}^ Jan. yr 1718.

(Signed) Robert Rbadhead.

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A JOURNEY PROM OXFORD TO BMBLBTON IN 1464. 113

VIII.— NOTES OP A JOURNEY FROM OXFORD TO
EMBLETON AND BAOK IN 1464.

By Edward Batbson.

[Read on the 29bh September, 1892.]

I RECENTLY had occasion to examine a large number of documents at
Merton college, Oxford, bearing upon the history of Embleton, many
of which will shortly appear elsewhere. lia the course of my search I
came across some memoranda written in contracted Latin upon long
narrow slips of paper ; the writing being in many places faded and
difficult to read.^ Upon examination it became evident that the
memoranda were the rough notes of the daily expenses of a journey
of one of the bursars of the college from Oxford to Embleton and
back in the year 1464.

The object of the bursar's journey was no doubt to superintend
business connected with the rectorial tithes of the two Northumbrian
livings of Embleton and Ponteland, which belonged to Merton college.

Any record of a journey from one end of England to the other at
so remote a period must be of great interest, but more especially
during the troubled time to which this record refers. For it will be
remembered that the battle of Hexham was fought in May, 1464,
and the state of affairs was such that in the same year Edward IV.
ordered the sheriffs to proclaim that every man from sixteen to sixty
should be well and defensibly arrayed and ready to attend on his
highness at a day's notice. It is surprising, therefore, that a long
journey should have been undertaken by a private individual at such a
time, and more especially when the road led to the seat of the greatest
disorder. But an examination of the record itself may afford some
valuable conclusions as to the general state of the country at that time.

The bursar started from Oxford on Monday, August Idth, 1464,
i.e., the Monday preceding the Feast of the Assumption. Being the
first day of his long journey he was anxious not to make himself stiff
by riding too far, and only got as far as Buckingham, about 17 miles.

* Merton Coll. Deeds^ No. 2,858, on paper 140 lines, 4 inches wide.'

TOL. XVI. 0

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lU NOTES OF A JOUBNET FROM OXFORD

He there bought a halter, probably to lead one of his pack horses, and
sapped on ducks, bread and beer. On Tuesday, August 14th, the eve
of the Feast of the Assumption, he dined at Bedford, and he must
therefore have ridden about 25 miles before mid-day. He had roach,
from the Ouse at Bedford, for dinner, with bread and beer, and
pushing on in the afternoon he reached Qamlingay, a little village in
Bedfordshire, by night. Merton college has still some property at
(xamlingay.

He appears to have timed his journey to arrive at Cambridge, to
celebrate the Feast of the Assumption, on Wednesday, August 15th.
On that day he dined with the master of St. John's. It should be
remembered that this individual was not the master of the present
foundation, but master of the Hospital of St. John, which stood on
the site of the college of the same name. The bursar was wise in his
choice of a host on this occasion, for the hospital was wealthy, and the
extravagant sums spent by the canons of St. John's upon their commons
aflforded shortly afterwards a reason for the suppression of the estab-
lishment. He spent the afternoon of the feast-day in drinking beer
with a companion, and treated himself to sizpennyworth of meat for
supper. The object of the bursar's visit to Cambridge was no doubt
the transaction of some business connected with the Merton college
property there. The name of Merton hall, the old house facing the
Madingley road, still recalls the connection of the ancient Oxford
college with the University of Cambridge.

On Thursday (August 16th) the bursar again dined with the
master of St. John's. In the afternoon, like some modem graduate,
he walked to the picturesque village of Qrantchester, about two miles
from Cambridge. There he spent the afternoon with his friend Lacy,
and refreshed himself with beer and carp— the latter probably caught
in the mill pool, then recently made &mous by Chaucer. On the same
day he bought a horse comb.

Resuming his journey on Friday (August 17th) he reached Hunt-
ingdon, 12 miles distant, in time for the midday dinner. Pushing
on after dinner he reached Stamford, 20 miles from Huntingdon,
by night, having therefore travelled 82 miles in the day. A payment
for candles shows that he sat up after it had become dark.

Before starting on Saturday (August 18th) the usual draught of

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TO EHBLBTON IN 1464. 115

beer was taken as a stirrap-cnp. Grantham (15 miles) was reached
by dinner time, Newark (12 miles from Grantham) in time for supper.
The day's journey of 87 miles ended at Tuxford.

On Saturday night the bursar cast up his account for the week's
journey and found that his expenditure amounted to 10s. lid. He
had only eaten butcher's meat once, viz., on Wednesday, the feast-
day, his other meals had consisted of bread and beer, with fresh-water
fish, or an occasional duck.

Resuming the road on Sunday (August 19th) he travelled by way
of Blythe (8 miles) where he dined, to Doncaster (16 miles) where he
mended his saddle. The day's journey was short, and ended at Went-
bridge, 23 miles. Meat was eaten twice, at dinner and supper, in
observance of the day.

On Monday (August 20th) he dined at Wetherby (14 miles) and
ended the day at Northallerton, a day's journey of 84 miles.

The next day (Tuesday, August 21st) he went to Stillington, where
Merton college had property,* and arrived at Durham (28 miles).

Wednesday (August 22nd) he spent in Durham, attending to the
shoeing of his horses.

Thursday (August 28rd) was the eve of the Feast of St. Bartholo-
mew, which he celebrated by the exceptional luxury of two pennyworth
of wine with his dinner in Newcastle-upon-Tyne. He arrived on
Thursday night, after a ride of 19 miles, at the Merton college living
of Ponteland.

He proceeded on the foUowing day, Friday (August 24th), to
Bothbury (12 miles) and Bolton ; and thence he had to take a guide
to lead him across Alnwick Moor to Alnwick. The distance from
Bothbury to Alnwick is entered in a memorandum of the distances at
the end of the paper as only 8 miles, but it is in reality much more.
As there was no regular road the bursar seems to have trusted to his
memory for the distance.

At Alnwick the bursar's long journey was virtually at an end, and
he therefore celebrated his safe arrival by a dinner on Saturday, upon
which he spent the sum of one shilling. This was more than double
the usual cost of that meal, and would be equivalent to at least ten

' The Bolls for Stillington are at Merton college. They are very numerous
and voluminous.

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116 NOTES OF A JOURNEY FROM OXFORD

shillings at the present day. No doubt every obtainable delicacy
graced the barsar's board on that occasion.

As he was to dine with the Abbot of Alnwick on the following day
(Sunday) he expended a penny in shaving. The expenditure of the
week amounted to 98. 7id. : a total for the fortnight of 20s. e^d.

On Sunday (August 26th) he dined with the Abbot at Alnwick
abbey, and on Monday (August 27th) he arrived at the end of his
outward journey at Embleton. The bursar appears to have entertained
a large party at Embleton, at both dinner and supper on that day.

His journey north had occupied exactly a fortnight, but it must be
remembered that he had not come direct from Oxford. He had only
had twelve days of actual travel, and had traversed in that time a
distance of about 256 miles, and therefore his average day's journey
had been rather more than 21 miles.

The bursar stopped at Embleton for a month, and did not leave
that place until Friday, September 28th, when the harvest would be
well over, and the tithe com safely stored in the college grange.

On his return journey the bursar dined on Sunday (September 80th),
the feast of St. Jerome, with the Abbot of Newminster, and stayed in
Newcastle until Wednesday, October 3rd. On his return his calvacade
was composed of at least four horses, for he got three horses re-shod in
Newcastle, and he also mentions another — a white horse. Either he
himself or some of his party seem to have fallen ill in Newcastle, for
he had to spend eight pence on some medicines there, and four pence
on some sort of surgical instrument. Possibly he had caught a chill,
as he began to pay for fires on Tuesday, October 2nd.

Either this illness or some other cause delayed the party in Durham
from Tuesday, October 2nd, to Saturday, October 7th^ and when the
journey was resumed one of the party rode on a crupper specially
bought in Durham, with a new bit. An item of expenditure at Durham
was 2s. 64 for a salt, apparently medicinal. Two curious items also
are 4d. for two citations, and 2s. 6d. for a ' malediction,' perhaps
a form of exorcism. The bursar followed the same road by which
he had come as far as Northallerton, when he struck across the
Yorkshire moors to Newburgh, near Coxwold. In noting his expen-
diture the bursar describes the latter place as ' Newburgh, namely
the new borough, where Saint Saviour is.' There was an Augus-

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TO EMBLBTOK IN 1464. 117

tinian priory at Newburgh, and the bursar alludes here to a miraculous
image of St. Saviour, at Newburgh, which was an object of pilgrim-
age in the Middle Ages from many miles around. At Newburgh he
spent 2d., on 'minshynys/ a provincial word meaning a small piece
as applied to food. Hungry children on receiving a small piece say
'what a minchin to give me.' At the present day Newburgh park,
the former priory, is associated with the memory of Oliver Cromwell,
whose heart is said to be mouldering somewhere within the walls of
Sir George WombwelFs house. On Wednesday, October 10th, the
bursar proceeded to York, and travelling by way of Doncaster,
Worksop, Mansfield, Nottingham, Leicester, Kibworth, and Daventry,
he reached Oxford on the evening of Monday, October 15th, having
been absent about two months.

At the end of his itinerary he has noted down a few miscellaneous
items, e^.^ for an excommunication 8d., for gaiters for a member of
the party lOd., for a guide from Bedlington to Newcastle 6d.

Not the least interesting feature in the document is a memorandum
at the end of the various distances from one place to another on the
outward journey. Where the high-road was followed these distances
are &irly accurate, but in the more remote regions they are not quite
trustworthy, etg. the bursar estimates the distance from Alnwick to
Embleton as only four miles. The bursar seems to have bought the
horse, upon which he rode himself, for twenty shillings. The total
cost of the journey, inclusive of everything, amounted to £6 7s. 8d.

Looking at the document as a whole, our feeling is possibly one of
disappointment that no reference whatever is made to contemporary
events. The bursar and his servants jogged on from day to day in
perfect safety, and covered their twenty or thirty miles a day with
unfailing regularity. No toll was exacted and the roads were good.
We might have expected some distant echo of the clang of arms to
have penetrated even this formal document, but it cannot be said that
the bursar's memoranda strike anywhere a martial note. Whilst
feudalism was dashing itself to pieces in the mighty conflicts of the
civil war the country at large was absolutely peaceful ; and whilst the
great lords were involved in mortal conflict, the humble traveller could
proceed from one end of England to the other without let or hindrance.
We are sometimes told that England, during the Wars of the Boses,

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118 NOTES OF A JOURNEY FROM OXFORD

was given over to rain and bloodflhed. Upon statements of this
nature the bursar of Merton's memoranda furnish a valuable if sober
commentary. The document itself is as follows :

MD. quod exitus mens yersoB Northambriam erat in die lane immediate
precedente diem assumpcionis B. Marie viz. xiij<» die Augusti, anno r^ni regis
Edwardi IV** IV***, unde inprimis, in dicto die lune, in cena apnd Bukyngham
anatis iij**, in pane obolua, in c[ervi8ia] ij*, et pro capistro obolus, et pro prebend'
equbram per noctem illam et matutinum diei martis vij'.

In die martia viz. in Vigilia assumpcionis B. M. Virginis in prebend' equornm
j* ob*. In prandio apud Bedford in roche iiij*, in pane ob*, in cervisia iij*, in
prebend* equorum iij*, in nocte apud Gamylgay in pane equino iiij**.

In die mercurii, scilicet in die Ass. B. M. in prandio cum magistro Sd.
Johannis apud Cantebr\ In cervisia cum Cokwes post nonam ij**, in cena cum
Ravff Hych in pane j*, in cervisia iij*, in came vj^.

In die Jovis, in prandio cum magistro Sci. Johannis, item post* nonam com
Lacy apud Graunceter in cervisia et carb* iiij**, in oena cum Ravff Hych vj^,
in prebendo equorum a matutino diei mercurii usque ad matutinum diei Veneris
xxix*, item pro pectine equino iiij**.

In diei Veneris, in cervisia apud dominum (?) Cokwes j*, in prandio apud
Hyntyngdon in pane ob. in cervisia ij**, in piscibus iiij** ob, in prebendo equorum
iij^ item apud Styllton in cervisia ob. in prebendo j**, in nocte apud Stavnf ord
in pane ob. in cervisia ij*, in prebend* equorum vj^, in candelis ob.

In die sabbati, in cervisia ibidem ante exitum ob. in prandio apud Grantham
ob. in pane j**, in cervisia iij', in piscibus iiij**, in prebendo equorum ij', in cena
apud Newark in pane j**, in cervisia iij*^, in piscibus ij**, in prebendo ij**, in nocte
apud Tuxford yn cleey in pane ob, in cervisia ij**, in candelis ob, in prebendo vij*.
Summa x* xi**.

In die Dominico apud Blythe, in prandio, in pane ob, in cervisia ij*, in came
iij**, in prebendo ij', in cervisia apud Dankaster j' ob. in emendacione selle j',
in prebendo ij^, in cena apud Wentbryygg in pane ob, in cervisia ij*, in came iij*,
in candelis ob. in prebend vj*.

In die lune, in prandio apud Wethurby in pane ob. in cervisia ij<*, in came
j**, in prebendo ij*. Item apud Borobryg in pane, cervisia, et came iij*, in
prebendo j*^, in cena apud North Allerton in pane ob. in cena j', in came ij' ob.
in prebendo iiij**.

In die martis in prandio apud Styllyngton, in nocte in cena apud Durham,
in cena iiij*.

In die mercurii, in prandio vj«*, in cena iij*, in fermra iiij*, in prebendo a
tempore introitus in villam usque ad recessum xij'.

In die Jovis, scilicet in vigilia Sci Bartholomei, in prandio apud Novum
Castrum vj*, in vino ij*, in nocte apud Ponteland in avenis iiij*.

In die Veneris in prandio apnd Rothysbury iiij** in prebendo ij**. Item
cuidam ducenti me a Bolton ubi architi[us] ? usque ad Anwyk ij**, in cervisia
ibidem et in prebend' iij**, in nocte apud Alnewyk in cervisia j**.

In die sabbati in prandio apud Alnewyke xi j**, in rasura j<*, in cena Alnewyke
vj*. Summa ix» vij* ob. •

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TO BMBLETON IK 1464. 119

In die dominico in prandio com abbate de Alnewyke, in cena cum Davyson
ibidem vj'. Item in prebendo a tempore intioitos usque ad exitum zx'. In die
lune in piandio apud Emeldon zi j^, in oena ibidem xvj^. Item in oervisia ibidem
in nocte j*.

In die martis in prandio ibidem iij*^. Summa iiij" z**.

In die Sabbati scilicet in Tigilia Sci. Michaelis in regressu apud Alnewyke in
prandio et prebend' xij*. In nocte apud Moorpath, in cena iiij*, in prebend yiij*.
Summa ij*.

In die dominico scilicet in die Sci. Jeronimi in prandio cum abbate Novi
Monasterii, in nocte in cena apud Novum Oastrum, in pane, ceryisia et came apud
Fo^^ iiij*, in prebendo yiij*. In regaida cujusdam equitantis mecum a magistro
Johanne Bland yica™ apud Bedlyngton versus Novum Castrum vj*. Item cuidam
equitanti ad Newbyggyng pro D"** Thoma Fyshwyk iij*. In die lune que est
prima dies Octobris, in prandio apud Novum Castrum, et in cena, et in prandio
in die martis, et in cena eadem die, et in nocte diei martis, et in prandio in die
mercurii per totum hoc tempus in Novo Castro ij*. Item in prebend' ij* vj*.
Item in ferrura trium equorum de novo ij'. Item pro equo albo in prebend' iz*.
Item viii* pro medicinis, item pro artificio iiij*. Item pro prebend' ejus ezpost (?)
V*, item pro uno equo pro Roberto Mawnder equitanti mecum ad Durham per
tres dies et dim'ziiij*. Summa zj" ij*. In cena apud Durham vj*.

In die Jovis, in prandio nostro vj*, in cena iiij*.

In die Veneris, in prandio iiij*, in rasura j*, fob"* et candeUs j*, ob. in vino
ij*, in cervisia cum magistro Roberto Bartram ij*.

In die Sabbati in prandio viii* et pro aliis in prebend' equorum a die mercurii
ad noctem usque ad diem Sabbati in matutino ad ezitum iij' viij* Item pro
gyfreno et croper viij*. Item ad Walterum pro Sallt ij* vj*. Item magistro
Roberto Bartram pro feodo procuratoris iij* iiij*. Item pro duobus citationibus
sibi iiij*. Item sibi pro maledictione ij* vj*. Item Roberto Mavnder zvj*, in
cena apud Stillyngton, summa zzz" v* ob. Summa hac usque Ivj* z*.

In die dominico, videlicet septimo die Octobris, in prandio apud Stillington.
In die lune, in prandio cum HertylpoUe apud Aolce, in prebend' ibidem iij*, in
cena apud Darlinton vj*, in prebend v*.

In die martis, in prandio apud North Alderton iiij* ob, in prebend' ij*. Item
apud Newburgh, scilicet novum burgum, ubi sanctus salvator est. In minshynys
ij*, in prebend' ij*, et hec erat dies Sci. Dion^sii, in nocte in cena apud Creek vj*,
in prebend' v*.

In die mercurii in prandio apud Eboracum zj*, in prebend' iiij* ob. in vino
iij*, in cena apud Wentbrygg v*, in prebend' et fo**" et igne vj*.

In die Jovis, in prandio apud Dankaster iij*, in prebend' ij*. It«m apud
Dankaster ob. in cena apud Wussop vij*, in prebend' et candelis et fo*^ vj*

In die veneris in prebend' apud Maynesfold ij*, in prandio apud Notyngham
V*, in prebend' iiij*.

In die Sabbati apud Leycester, in prandio cum tenentibus de Barkby, Roberto
Johnson et clerk, et aliis z*, in prebend' iiij*, in cena apud Kybworth cum
Johanne clerk. Summa iz* iiij*.

In die dominico in prandio apud Kybworth cum clerk in nocte, in cena apud
Dawyntree viij*, in prebend' vij*. in die lune in prandio apud Bakley viij*, in
prebend iiij*, in cena Ozon', vj*. Summa tij* v*. Summa totalis iiij" vj* vij*

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120 A JOURNEY FROM OXFORD TO EMBLETOK IN 1464.

ob. Memorandam qaod Walteras habuit de me in camera mea apad Oxoniam
post hoc iter ix*.

Item Walterus habuit pro &ciacione ocrearum snamm apud Durham yel
Newcastell x*.

Item deliberayi Waltero apud Durham pro salet ij*. Item Walterus habuit
de me ante exitum suum ab Oxonia mecum versus boream xx'*. Summa xiij* vj^.
Item ad sequestratorem episcopi dominum Ricardum, pro vicario iiij** marcas.
Item pro visitacione x*. Item ij' viij*' pro excommunicacione. Item in yino
cum ipso iiij*.

Memorandum quod dedi cuidam conducenti me a Bedlynton usque ad novum
castrum vj*. Item eidem equitanti ad dominum Thomam Fyshwyk iiij* ij<*.

Cantebr. Huntyngdon xij ml, Stavnford xx, Grantham xv, Newerk xij,
Tuxford in Cleey x, Blythe viij, Dankaster viij, Wentbryg vij, Appulford x,
Wetherby iiij, Borrowbrig viij, TopclyfE iiij, Northallerton viij, Zaru viij, Styl-
lington V, Durham xij*, Novum Castrum xij*, Ponteland vij, Rothysbury xij*,
Alnewyk viij, Emeldon iiij.

Memorandum de xx* solutis ad Lacy pro plumbo, item de xiij' iiij* episcopo
pro institucione, item de viij* datis Magistro W"«> Gysbume scribe episcopi.

Memorandum de v' solutis Ravf Hych pro Johanne falcatore murorum de
Merton hall. Item solut* Ravf Hych pro equo meo Xx". Item Mag" W"»®
Labovme iij" iiij*. Item data ad servum ejus iiij*. Item officiali vocato D^
Roberto Watson xiij* iiij*. Item Walterus habuit ad equitandum ad Durham
pro sequestro etc. iij" iiij*. Summa vj" vij* iij*.

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THE ANCIENT FARMS OP NORTHUMBERLAND. 121

IX— THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND,!

A PAPER POUNDED PRINCIPALLY UPON MANUSCRIPTS IK THE

POSSESSION OF Mr. William Woodman, op Morpeth,

By Frederick Walter Dendy.

[Read on the 27th day of September, 1892.]

* Nam hnc pertinet praeclara nostri poetae sententia : —
Laudato ingentia mra, exiganm colito.'

The manor and the township are both descended from one archaic
parent, the village commnnity.'

At an early date the manor became the nnclens of agricultural and
landowning rights and duties ; and the parish, a later institution, has
since become, for most purposes, the administrative unit of imperial
and county machinery. The township has thus been bereft of much
of its ancient vitality and importance, but as a landmark of past
history it has more value than either the manor or the parish. For
whilst grants of the Crown and transactions between landowners have
influenced the extent of manors, and whilst ecclesiastical requirements
have determined and varied the limits of parishes, the present bound-
ary line of the township is still in most cases identical with the
original metes and bounds of the rural colony who peopled it from
pre-historic times.'

1 1 had completed the outline of this paper and prepared the appendices to
it before I knew that the bishop of Peterborough (then canon Creighton of
Embleton) had written a paper founded largely upon the same materials, which
paper, under the title of *The Northumbrian Border' was read by him at
the annual meeting of the Archaeological Institute, at Newcastle, in 1884, was
published in MaemiUan's Magazine for October, 1884, was also published with
appendices in the Archaeologieal Jmmaly toL xlii., and was reprinted as a
pamphlet, which 1 am informed is now scarce.

s Qomme*8 lAteratwre of Looallnttitutiant, p. 171.

' A parish is a precinct within a diocese (Selden^ p. 80). Several townships
may be contained in the same parish (Comyn, Title, Parish) and, per eontra,
seyeral parishes may exist in one township QFleta^ 4, c. 15, s. 9.) As to the
institution and gradual increase of parishes and parish churches, see Eennett's
Parochial Antiquities, yoI. ii. p. 269. *' The term manerium seems sometimes
used for the whole honour, hundred, or holding of the chief lord ; sometimes
for a single holding, whether or not commensurate with a vill or township, held
of a chief lord ; sometimes for a collection of such holdings which their lord for
conyenience had treated as one manor, holding the courts for all in one of them,
sometimes merely a dwelling or mansion house, as in * Stanmore Abbas Johanne
manerium construxit ' * Manerium de Ky verdale fuit integraliter combustnm/

VOL. XVL P

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122 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBEELAND.

The village of each country township was, up to recent times, to a
large extent independent of the outer world ; for it was isolated by
the difficulties of inter-communication and was self-supplied with all
the necessaries of life. Its fields and live stock provided food and
clothing, its wastes timber for building, and turves for fueL* The
women spun the yam and wove the clothing, and the men tanned the
hides of the slain cattle in the village tan vats, and made them into
breeches for themselves'^ and harness for their beasts of draught.*
Each township had its mill and bakehouse to which the inhabitants
were bound to bring their com to be ground and their dough to be
baked, and it was a treasured and exceptional custom of the favoured
burgesses of Newcastle-upon-Tyne in the reign of Henry I. that each
burgess might have his own oven and his own hand-mill, saving the
right of the oven of the king, the lord of the manor of Newcastle-
upon-Tyne.^

A few years since, a theory prevailed that the commanities settled
in the townships of England were, at the outset of the history of the
English in this island, free communities, which gradually degenerated
into the serfdom of the middle ages.^ That theory has been shaken
by the researches of Seebohm^ and De Ooulanges,^® who have traced
the existence of these village communities in a state of serfdom back
to the time of the Roman occupation of this island. These writers
advocate the view that the origin of the Norman manor and the Saxon
township is to be found in the rules which regulated the serfs and
colonists attached to the Roman villa. The flEict that the two-field
and three-field systems, which prevailed in England on manorial
estates from the earliest times have never been at all general in the
comer of the continent from which the English came, supports the

In the viU we haye the towDship, which the bishop of Chester treats as the unit
of the Anglo-Saxon polity, and which had in itself public duties in criminal
administration apart from an j relation to a lord. The goods of f ugitiyes were
to be deliyered ' a la yille pour nous en respondre.' ** Scrutton en Common
Fields, 12.

* Prothero's Landvu^kt, 2. Ashley's Beonomie History, 36.

• Dr. Jessop, Nineteenth Century^ June, 1892, p. 972.

' An old lady I knew in Lincolnshire always made her own soap in the
early dayB of her housekeeping, and on many farms in Norfolk the wood-ashes
are still saved to scour the dairy utensils.

' Acts of Parliament of Scotland, i. 33, 34. Stubbs's Select Cliarters, p. 112.

» Green's The Making of England, p. 182.

» 8eebohm*8 Village Community, p. 488.

*• The Origin of Property in Land, by Fustel de CJoulanges, p. 160.

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SEBBOHM — ENGUSH VILLAGE COMMUNITY. 123

sapposition that the village commanity, as fouDd in this island, did
not originate with these immigrating English settlers." Bnt instead
of ascribing the township organisation of agriculture to the Romans,
many have recently thought that it originated in the relationship
which existed between the Celts and the pre- Aryan aborigines of these
islands before the Romans appeared on the scene ; and that Rome
left the village communities of Celtic Britain as England would leave
the village communities of the India of to-day ^ untouched in their
inner life, but crystallized in their form by pressure from without,
and that the after-arrival of the Teutons affected the inner life of
those communities, but did not affect their outer shell.'"

The importance of the customs of these ancient communities to
students of history and of social science has only been fiiUy realised
during the latter half of the present century. The study of the sub-
ject was started in Germany by Maurer and Nasse,^^ was continued in
England by Sir Henry Maine^* (who brought to bear on the subject
his knowledge of similar communities in India), in France by Fustel
de Coulanges,^* and in Russia by Kovalesky^^ and Vinogradoff.^^

* They cull for the historic page,
The truths of many a doubtful age.
Thus are their useful labours shewn,
New lights on darkling times are thrown,
And knowledge added to our own.'"

The clear and exhaustive investigations of Mr. Seebohm, narrated in

his English Village Gommtmity, and the descriptions of other modem

writers,!® have made us now well acquainted with the general outlines

** Hanssen, quoted by Seebohm, 372, 373, and Ashley's Economic HigtorVy 16.

" Gomme's VUlage Community ^ 292, and see Lewis's Ancient Laws of Wales^
201, 236. From an article by Mr. Seebohm on * Villeinage in England' contained
in the Royai Historical Review for July, 1892, it would appear that he himself
is now modifying towards this direction the views on the subject which he
expressed in his main work in 1883. See also the account of the early land
tenures of the Celtic inhabitants of Scotland contained in Skene's Celtic
Scot land J yoI. iii.

*' A list of the principal German works on the subject is set out in Appendix
II. to Maine's Village Communities in the JBagt and West, See also Sir R.
Morier's description of the Gterman Communities in his report to the Government
in 1869, republished by the Cobden Club in a work entitled Systems of Land
Tenures in various Countries, p. 243.

'* VUlage Commwhities in the East and West,

** The Origin of Property in Land.

'• England^ s Social Organization at the Close of the Middle Ages (in Russian).
Modem Customs and Ancient Laws of Russia (London, 1891).

" Villainage in England,

" Death and the Antiquaries,

*• For the latest accounts see especially Ashley's Economic History^ vol. i.
pp. 6-68 ; VinogradoflE's Villainage in England^ p. 224 et sea. ; Prothero's * Land-
marks in British Farming,' Agrieultural Soc, Joum, vol. iii. 3rd series, pt. I.

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124 THE AWOIBNT FARMS OP NORTHUMBERLAND.

of the open field system of husbandry : a system which prevailed in
this country from pre-historic times down to the end of the middle
ages and lingered in many parts of England well into the present
century.*^

Whilst the main features of the system generally have now become
so well known as to need no further explanation, a desire still exists
for information as to its prevalence in particular localities, and as to
local variances in custom and nomenclature which may possibly throw
new light on the subject as a whole.

Workers in every county are utilizing the information which may
be gathered from local records with regard to the characteristics of
the village life of its former inhabitants ; and it is with the view of
placing before the notice of those interested in such matters in North-
umberland the materials which Mr. Woodman has collected upon this
subject, that he has asked me to write upon it a paper to be read
before this Society.

In doing tMs I must, for the sake of making myself plain, go over
much ground that has been trodden before, both upon the subject
generally and upon its local application. Although many of our
members have interested themselves in the topic, very few papers have
been read and very few discussions have taken place upon it. To
some members it may even be new in some of its elementary proposi-
tions. If, therefore, I can pave the way for future original papers and
discussions founded on fresh local knowledge there wiU be reason as
well as excuse for my taking but little for granted in presenting the
subject to your notice.

Whether the village communities of which we have been speaking
were formed of originally free or originally servile cultivators, and
whether their system of husbandry was organized under compulsion or
by voluntary effort may be doubtful, but there is no doubt that the
vast majority of the tillers of the soil were in a state of serfdom at the
commencement of the time covered by extant written records in
England. The villans, or customary tenants of the village lands,
laboured not only for themselves but for a lord in authority over them.

* Nassers Agricultural Communities of the Middle Ages, pp. 6, 84. Intere8t-
ing particulars of the somewhat similar communal system oiE co-operative
agriculture still existing at the present day in Russia will be found in Wallace's
RtissUif 4th edition, vol. i. pp. 144 and 179-209.

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Archaeologia Aeliana, Vol. XVI.

To face page V3b.

Netherwittxm. Wbgnem ths

®)

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FUBLONGS, 8BLLI0NS, BIGS. 125

In Northumberland, as elsewhere, the township in the middle
ages almost invariably possessed the following characteristics. There
were in the village the houses of the cultivators with little garths
adjacent to them. As yet there were no isolated farmhouses, such as
we see in these days scattered here and there among the fields. They
belong to a later period, for their establishment and erection followed
upon the subsequent enclosure of the open fields and commons.

Near the clustered houses of the cultivators stood the village
church (if the township was also a parish), the village mill, and the
hall or castle of the lord or chief landowner or of his bailiflP. This
hall or castle was the mamor or plus of the Oelts,^^ the aula of the
Romans, the hall of the English, and the manoir of the Normans.**

Beyond and around the village was the arable land, divided into
great fields or flats, usually three in number. In that case they were
worked on a three field rotation of crops, one being appropriated for
autumn sown corn (i.«., wheat or rye), one for spring sown com (».«.,
barley or oats), or for peas and beans, and one was left fallow.*'
These fields were again sub-divided into furlongs or squares or sJiots,
placed very often at right angles to each other, with headlands or head-
riggs between them, on which the plough turned, and by which access
was gained to these smaller areas. Each furlong was divided into
acre or half acre strips, separated from each other by balks of un-
ploughed turf,** and these acre or half acre strips were usually known
in the south as sellions^^ or stitchesy^^ and in Northumberland, Scotland,
and Ireland, as rigs.

'^ Lewis, 230-283. The address * Manor HaU Place,*, not unfreqaentlY met
with, is a pleonasm similar to that contained in the name * Derwent- water Lake.'

^ Le manoir, maison, masore, aveo la coor k jardin doit de relief trois sols
ponrvii qa'il ne contient plus d*ane acre ; & s'il en contient moins, il doit pareil-
lement trois sols. CoHtumes de Normandiey 1685. Article 159. Lb yieuz manoir
de Tnrdy, ^ifice ^l^ant dans sa force. George Sand's MademaiseUe de
QuifUinie, p. 7.

**A two field system is also found very often, Vinogradoff, 266. Canon
Taylor in ^ the Ploughland and the Plough ' {Domesday Studies, 144) and Mr.
Prothero (Landmarks of Farming^ p. 10) think that the two field course was the
more ancient. In the manor of Milton in Cambridgeshire there were four
common fields. The three field system was the preyai&ng one in Northumber-
land, at any rate in the late middle ages.

** In a terrier for the manor of Milton the furlong is used as a superficial
measure, each furlong containing 20 acres. These furlongs were therefore oblong
in shape, as a square furlong would contain 10 acres.

^ Milton terriers of 1699> 1637, and 1707. Penes J. P. Banmgartner, esq.

* Lewis, 493.

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126 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NOKTHUMBEBLANB.

Where the strips were acre strips they were usually a furlong or
furrow long (220 yards) in length and 4 rods or perches (22 yards)
in breadth, and where they were half acre strips they were still usually
a furlong in length, but they were only two rods instead of 4 rods in
breadth. Except in counties where the customary acre differed in size
from the statute acre the common field acre corresponded with the
statute acre fixed by the ordinance of Edward I., which declared that
40 perches in length and 4 in breadth make an acre, and a ploughman
still measures his acre in the same way, for he will tell you that eleven
score yards long and 22 yards broad make up the acre that he ploughs.

The strips were distributed in equal proportions amongst the culti-
vators in such a manner that each man's holding was made up of a
number of acre or half acre strips lying apart irom each other in the
several square or oblong furlongs of which the three fields were com-
posed, and these strips were so dispersed amongst similar strips held by
his neighbours that no man, while the system remained intact, held
two contiguous strips. Each individual holder was bound to cultivate
his strips in accordance with the rotation of crops observed by his
neighbours, and had rights of pasture over the whole field for his
cattle after the crops were gathered.

Besides the three arable fields there was usually attached to each
township a meadow called a lot meadow,^^ a lammas meadow^ or
leazea?^ This meadow was divided into portions by lot, or rotation,
for the purposes of hay harvest and after that time was thrown open for
the cattle to graze upon it. In most cases there was also, beyond the
arable fields and meadow, a large space of uncultivated ground consist-
ing of woodlands and rough conmion, into which the cattle of the
cultivators were turned either mthout stmt or stinted; or, in other
words, restricted to number of cattle, sheep, and horses, proportioned
to the extent of each man's holding. This wild ground also afforded
to the cultivators turves for fuel, heather for thatching and bedding

* Scrutton, 3. * Seebohm, 11. VinogradoflE, 260

** Lord Coke says * leswes * or • lesues * is a Saxon word and signifleth
pastures. In a Jesmond deed dated 1667 occurs the expression *5 riggs or
leazes of ground and 3 riggs or leazes and one tongue or half rigg of ground
lying in a place called the Long Fridaries in Jesmond Field.' See also * leyg of
land lying in the Shieldfield,* Welf ord's Newcastle^ ii. 172 ; *les rigges in the
Shieldfield/ Welford, ii. 258. In the Saxon version of the Reotitudi'Ms (ancient
laws, etc., Record edition, 188) common pastures are called gemane lase.

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THE ANCIENT FABH8 OF NOBTHXJMBEBLAND. 127

and house bote, hedge bote^ Bui plough bote, that is material for repair-
ing their houses, fenoes, and ploughs.

The foil number of strips in the open arable fields which belonged
to each customary homestead in the village, with the meadow and
common rights also appurtenant to it, was called throughout England
a yardland, in Dorsetshire a living, meaning the holding of a femilj,^^
in Kent*^ and Essex** a " tvista", in Cambridgeshire a "/uW land,'' ^ in
the North of England and in Scotland a ^ husband land,*^ or a ' whole
tenement,'^ and in Northumberland and in the North of Durham a
*farm ' or 'farmhoW^^

The number of acres in the arable fields constituting such a yard-
land varied in different localities. There seems to be a general
consensus of opinion that 80 acres was the most usual quantity.*^
The author of Sheppard's Touchstone, who wrote at a time when this
form of holding was common throughout England, states that ^in
some countries it doth contain 20 acres and in some countries 24 acres,
and in some countries 80 acres.*^ In Littleport a 'full land' con-
tained 12 acres,*® and Professor Vinogradoff^ gives instances of other
quantities, varying firom 15 to 80 acres, as the normal holding, bat
states that 80 acres is perhaps the figure which appears more often
than any other.

Some of the cultivators held only a half-land or bovate or ox-gang,
which was half a yardland ; and according to the Boldon Book for the
estates of the bishop of Durham (1183) as quoted by Mr. Seebohm*^
there were in Boldon 22 villani, each holding two bovates, amounting
together to 80 acres each ; whilst at Whickham there were 85 villani,
each of whom held one bovate or ox-gang of 15 acres.

In almost every township there were also a few cottagers holding
each a cottage and a smaller number (usually from 2 to 5) of acres in

» Lewis, p. 498. " Cwt, Bait, xiii.

** Spelman's GlMfary, Title * Wista.* The word is probably the same as the
British word, Goesta, meaning the amount of food or money in lieu of it pliable
to the lord of the manor. Domesday Studies, vol. i. 271.

» Maitland's Court Baron, p. 109.

m, p. 61. Scotch Lei
» Ovington deed of 1607.

»* Seebohm, p. 61. Scotch Legal Antiquities by Cosmo Innes, p. 242.

"* As to Northumberland, see the instances cited in Appendix A. Westoe
and Harton in North Durham paid their church rate to Jarrow by the number
of farms at which they were rated in the old parish books until after the year
1810. NichoU's Collectanea, vol. ii. p. 46.

^ Seebohm, 27. * Preston*8 edition, 93.

» Maitland*s Court Baron, 108. ** P. 239. "» P. 69.

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128 THS ANCIENT FABMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

the arable common fields. The holder of a yardland contribated two
oxen to the ploughing of the common fields, including those strips that
were in the hands of the lord as part of his demesne or home farm ;
the holder of a half -land or ox-gang contributed one ox for the same
purpose ; whilst the services of the cottagers never included ploughing,
since they did not possess oxen,^ but they paid rental in ^gs and
poultry, and contributed a share of weekly labour.

Where the strips were stunted by abutting upon some obstacle,
such as a river^ or highway, they were called butts. The term is
common throughout England and in Northumberland. There were
butts in the west common field of Corbridge^ and North Butts and
South Butts in the common fields of Elswick.^ There were also butts
in the fields of Jesmond.^ There was a close called the Eight Butts
in Westgate in 1801^^ and numberless other instances might be cited.

Where the strips were compelled ^m the lie of the land to taper,
or, in other words, to assume a wedge-like shape, they were called
gores, a term which still survives in dressmaking and wooden ship-
building. One of the common fields of Benwell, next the Scotswood,
was called Gore Flatt.*®

Besides the number of acre or half acre strips, making up the
quantity which each cultivator held in the arable fields, he had also his
proportionate share of the meadow strips or hai/ bounds (which were
enclosed up to hay-harvest and were afterwards thrown open for
pasture) and of common in the waste, so that if there were, say 10
full tenements in the township, and the township consisted of, say,
2,000 acres, the holder of each tenement would (although he might
probably hold only 80 acres in the cultivated fields), have an interest,
subject to the rights of the lord of the manor, in 200 acres altogether
of arable, pasture, wood, and common, forming in the whole a tenth
part of the entire township.

Amongst the manuscripts in the possession of this Society is an
account by Mr. Hodgson Hinde of the township of Ovington. Speak-
ing of its condition in the seventeenth century he says i —

^ Ashley's EconomAo Hittory, p. 10.

** ^ Bt habebant istas bnttas usque ad filum aquse prsedictse.* Record quoted
by Cowell, Title, Filum aqua:.

" Corbridge Enclosure Book. ** Blswick deed of 1722.

^ Jesmond deed of 1677. ** Westgate deed of 1801.

*■ Augmentation Office Record, 1660.

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SHILDON OOMMON, SLBWIOE, ETC. 129

The homesteads of all the farms within the township were situated in the
village of Ovington, with two exceptions, Ovington Hall and Wellburn. Oving-
ton Hall lay almost contiguous to the village, but the land which belonged to it
was generally enclosed and divided from the rest of the township. The lands
of Wellburn were partly enclosed and partly intermingled with those of other
proprietors. With the exception of some small garths and crofts adjacent to the
village of Ovington the remainder of the township was undivided and consisted
of two portions : the town fields, containing about 600 acres, and the common
pasture, containing upwards of 100 acres, which was called the Ox-close. Besides
this the customary tenants of Ovington (who had acquired the freehold of their
holdings by purchase from the Crown*s Escheator after the attainder of the earl
of Westinorland) had a right of common, jointly with several other townships,
on an extensive tract of open land called Shildon common, containing between
1,600 and 1,700 acres. The Ox-close lay to the north of the town fields and was
divided amongst the freeholders about the year 1680. The town fields consisted
of three portions — ^the Low Field lying between the River Tyne and the road
from Ovington, the Middle Field and the North Field; the two latter lying
between the Low Field and the Ox-dose and separated from each other by an
occupation road called * Fallow Field Way' leading eastward from Ovington
towards Whittle Dene.

In 1708 these town fields were divided by commissioners appointed
by the freeholders. In 1749 an Act of Parliament was passed for
dividing Shildon common and the proportion thereof falling to Oving-
ton township was also awarded amongst the freehold landowners of
Ovington so that the acreage of the original whole tenements which
consisted of 21 acres each*® of arable land was increased propor-
tionately by the division of the ox-close or common meadow in 1680
and again proportionately by the division of the common or waste
land in porsnance of the Enclosure Act ; since which time the land of
the township has all been held as enclosed land, cultivated according
to the present methods of husbandry.

To come still nearer to Newcastle, there were in Elswick, in the
reign of James I., ten whole tenements, and thei*e appertained to each
of them 2 acres of meadow ground and 24 acres of arable land, 6 ox-
gates and 2 horse-gates in a several pasture, 6 beast-gates ' on the
moore' and ^for 30 sheep there.'^ The same survey as to Benwell
states that:

All the said tenants being X7 in all, and X7 entire farms, doe holde to everye
tenant particnlarlye as followeth : a house, a bame, and a garth, arable land
20 acr.) meadowe land 2 acr., pasture gates for vi oxen vi young beasts two
horses and xx^^ sheepe.

^ Ovington deed of 1588. *• Land Revenue Office Survey, Northumberland, Jas. I.

VOL. XVL Q

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180 THE ANOIBNT FARMS OF NOBTHUMBERLAKD.

This survey states another interesting fact as to the tenants of
Benwell, namely that the fishings and mills were not, as is nsnal, in the
hands of the lord, bat that the tenants held in their occapation 'by
ancient castome* the fishings on the Tyne and the water com mills at
customary rents which they equally divided amongst them, and these
rents were added to the rents of their farms. The customary tenants
of the historic manor of Aston and Cote in Oxfordshire had in 1658
similar fishing rights.*^

No map has been published showing the common fields and the
acre strips in them for any township in Northumberland. Good
examples of such maps are to be found in Seebohm's Village Com-
munities for the township of Hitchen in Hertfordshire," and in Canon
Taylor's Domesday Survivals for Burton Agnes in Yorkshire.** Mr.
B. B. Dees, one of our members, has in his possession a manuscript map
showing the common fields and common field strips for a township in
Durham county, and Mr. B. 0. Heslop, another of our members, has in
his possession a similar manuscript map for the township of Corbridge
in Northumberland. When the Corbridge enclosure award was made
in 1777 four half acre strips, lying side by side, were apportioned to
diflferent owners, and have been separately cultivated as half acre stripe
up to the present day. I produce for your inspection a survey of these
four strips as they appear in the year 1892.^ It will be observed that
they are approximately a furlong in length and 2 rods in breadth, and
although they are only half acre strips you will see that they are wider
than the 'rigs' or 'sam-casts'** used for drainage purposes in enclosed
fields. It will also be observed that there are wide grass balks separat-
ing each strip from the others, and that each strip instead of being
straight has a double curve giving it an S shape, which is much more
apparent when the strips are actually viewed in perspective. These
bends, which have been remarked upon by several writers on the
subject, are due apparently to the swerve of the plough-oxen in the
centuries of continuous ploughing which the strips have undergone ;••
and the sweeping curves to be found in the hedges of our oldest countiy

^' Gomme's Village Communitietf 186.
*' Frontispiece and facing pp. 6 and 28.
*' Domesday Studies, vol. i. p. 54.
*< Kindly prepared for me by Mr. Scott of Corbridge.

^ See Mr. Baty^s letter in the Newcastle Weekly Chronicle for the 4Ui of
June. 1892.

*• Domesday Survivals^ p. 61.

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Archofologia Adiana, Vol. XVI.

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To face poift 130.

I STRIPS

sad^^sS^jSss3«-iroi-v.l-^

■aw^SH&Kaxsascaiiats-isttiUSi-iKcrl

t»-v;. -■yrauizr.-'-Jij

z-TAJBI.-iliW-'i''--^'

,5,j-lBa,CtJK««K*Wt-.<' '^

."Hr''^'''

•>**»»»<» UtOrfcii^

na^-

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NBTHEEWITTON. 181

lanes and enclosed fields, are doubtless, in most cases, a perpetuation of
the trend of the acre strips, whose course they followed. The two
westernmost strips have, unfortunately for their continued identification,
recently come iuto possession of one owner (Mr. Straker) and the balk
between them is consequently being ploughed away and becoming
indistinguishable. I think if the owner knew what old-world interest
attached to them he would take measures for preserving what is still
left of the dividing balk.

In the year 1882 Mr. William Woodman, as solicitor for the master
of the Morpeth Grammar School, revived a Chancery suit instituted
in the year 1710 to set aside an improvident lease which had been
granted by the bailiffs and burgesses of Morpeth in 1685 to Nicholas
Thornton, of lands in the township of Netherwitton, which lands had
been made part of the endowment of the school on the dissolution of
the chantry of Netherwitton in the reign of Henry VIII.

At the time the lease of 1685 was granted the lands of Nether-
witton had been neither divided nor enclosed, and the portions
belonging to the charity lay intermixed in the common fields. The
family of Thornton, by purchases made both before and subsequently
to the granting of the lease, became, in course of time, the owners of
the whole of the rest of the township, and they had, previous to 1710,
destroyed all traces of the boundaries of the charity lands, and enclosed
and brought into cultivation the ancient arable lands, the meadow, and
large portions of the waste and woodlands.

In order to recover the charity lands in the suit commenced in 1710
and revived in 1882, it was necessary to distinguish them from the rest
of the land of the township, and under the circumstances it may readily
be conceived that this was not an easy task. No such light had then
been thrown on the common field system as now exists. Its historical
importance had up to that time been almost entirely overlooked, and
although scattered instances of the existence of the system still
remained, they were, towards the end of the eighteenth century, and in
the early part of the nineteenth century, looked upon as abnormal, and
not as having been, as they have since been shown to be, the ancient
universal method by which agricultural lands were held in this country.

Brand, the historian of Newcastle, writing his history in 1789 was
evidently puzzled with the account of the Castle Leazes in Newcastle,

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182 THE ANCIENT FABKS OF NOBTHUMBEBLAND.

which he quoted from Bourne as follows : — ^^

The place was formerly the inheritance of divers persons owners thereof,
who were accustomei) from ancient time, to take the fore-crop therof yearly, at
or before Lammas Day, and after that, by an ancient custom, all the BurgesseB
of the Town used to put in their kine and used the same in pasture of them till
Lady Day in Lent yearly and then to lay the same for meadow again until Lammas.

The Eev. John Hodgson, the learned historian of Northumber-
land, knew little or nothing of the subject when he was consulted
upon it by Mr. Woodman ; and Kemble, the author of the Saxons in
England^ writing to Mr. Woodman in 1849 says : —

It was indeed little to be imagined that a system, whose details I had
induced from such a heap of heterogeneous arguments, and from so many
isolated facts, should be after all found to exist as it were under our eyea. I
trust it is not only a feeling of gratified vanity and selfishness that causes me
to rejoice at this confirmation of my view. It has quite given me much comfort
and much strengthened my confidence in the methods and nature and results
of my investigations.

Mr. Woodman found from the ancient grants and leases dating
from before the time when the land was parted with, and from the
evidence taken by commission in 1710, that the whole of the town-
ship of Nether\vitton, at the time the lease was granted, consisted,
and that in 1710, although it had then been enclosed, it was still
deemed to consist, of 19^ farms, and that of those 19^ farms, 5j^
farms formed the charity estate which he was seeking to recover. It
was his object to show that those 5^ farms formed an aliquot propcn*-
tion of the entire 19^ farms into which the township was divided, or,
in other words, that each of those 19^ farms was of exactly equal
value, and that he was therefore entitled, in respect of his 5^ farms,
to exactly ^ of the total value of the entire township of Netier-
witton, which was still, in 1832, held as one property b) Mr. Baleigh
Trevelyan. It had devolved on him through the marriage of Walter
Trevelyan with Jane, the heiress of James Thornton.

Mr. Woodman was met at the outset by the difficulty that, at the
time when he was reviving the suit, the word farm had in ordinary
parlance no such equational meaning as that which he sought to
attach to it ; and that it was, in 1832, used in Northumberland,
as it was elsewhere in England, in the modem and general acceptation
of the word, as expressing merely a parcel of land uncertain both as
" Brand, vol. i. p. 438.

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NBTHBRWITTON. 183

to extent and value. There had even been so early as the beginning
of the reign of Elizabeth a legal decision in a case of Wrottesley v.
Adams,^^ laying down the general local acceptation of the word in
England in a sense different from that which he sought to establish.

The definition in that case had been adopted by Lord Ooke, and
by the editors of all the law dictionaries published after that time.
In that case Anthony Brown, (Justice) and Dyer, (Chief Justice)
decided that farm was : —

A collective word consisting of a messuage with the lands, meadows, pastures,
woods, common and other things appertaining to it, and that the messuage was
not a common messuage and that the lands were not of the quantity of the other
lands ordinarily belonging to the other messuages in the same township but was
a chief messuage in the town, and that the lands belonging to it were of great
demesne and more ample in quantity than the demesnes belonging to the other
messuages.

Mr. Preston also, who was the great authority on conveyancing
matters in the beginning of this century, added the following note to
the above definition of the word farm where it occurred in his edition
of Shepherd's Touchstone, published in 1820 : — * Rj the word farm
is understood : ^ Any such quantity of land in all its varieties and to
any extent as are occupied by one tenant.' I think perhaps he would
have been still more correct if he had added the words *' at one rent.'

Mr, Woodman, however, made enquiries as to what had formerly
been the meaning of the word farm in all the parishes lying around
Netherwitton ; and he collected in support of his case a remarkable
series pf affidavits from the leading agricultural authorities connected
with the parishes which stretched from Elsdon in the north-west
to Tynemouth in the south-east of the county, showing that in all the
townships of all those parishes the word/fltrm had been used to denote
an aliquot part of an entire township, and that each township con-
sisted of a certain recognized number of these ancient reputed farms.

The witnesses who made affidavits to that effect in 1847 included
many names well-known in the county of Northumberland. I may
here mention those of William Forster of Burradon, Thomas Arkle
of Elsdon, Middleton Henry Dand of Hauxley, Robert Swan of
Bedlington, and Francis Brummell of Morpeth, and the names of
other Northumbrian agricultural authorities carrying equal weight
will be found set out in Appendix A.

•• Plowden, 196.

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184 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHTTMBERLAND.

Their evidence proved that * Church Eatea and Poor Bates, Land
Tax, Parish Clerks' Fees, and Lord's Rents were assessed and paid by
farms, each farm in every case contributing an equal sum, and that in
some cases the custom was continued almost to the present day'^^ that
property was described in deeds as so many farms and parts of a farm,
Uiat commons were stinted and divided according to farms and parts
of a farm which each proprietor of ancient land had ; and that the
reputation of the meaning of the word as an aliquot part of an entire
township was almost universal in the county. It was so used in
terriers prepared by the collective wisdom of the parish in deeds of all
kinds, in rate books, in court rolls, and proceedings in the Court
of Chancery.'

Vice Chancellor Shadwell, the judge before whom the suit was
tried, after carefully reading the aflSdavits, stated in court that they
had convinced him that the word farm had been used in the county
of Northumberland in a sense different from that which waa usually
attributed to it.

It is impossible in this paper to do jastioe to the evidence which was
collected relating to each parish and township, but I have endeavoured
to epitomise it in Appendix A. One affidavit on the point was so
conclusive and valuable that I have thought it best to set it out in
full in the body of my paper, both as an example of what the other
affidavits are like and also because it possesses a peculiar interest of
its own ; inasmuch as it speaks to £sM3ts which still affect many
property owners in 1892. The affidavit is made by the lat^ Mr.
Cathbert XJmfreville Laws, who was then the deputy steward of the
manor of Tynemouth. The value of this affidavit is enhanced by the
iact that this division of townships into ancient farms still exists in
theory in the transactions of the manor of Tynemouth at the present
day. The copyhold tenants of that manor still pay annually the hall
com rent which represents the weekly work the original villan had to
perform in ploughing for, sowing, and reaping the lord's corn ;
commuted first into a com rent and then into a money payment ; the
hoon day rentj which represents the additional services or precariaB
which they rendered— services generally acknowledged by the lord
finding them provision upon the day they were so occupied ; and the
* The above sentence occurs in a brief \«Titten in 1847.

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TYKBMOUTH, ETC.

185

skire rent, which represents either the tenant's contribution to the
payment for county purposes which was assessed upon the lord in
respect of the entire manor, or possibly a rent payable for the right of
pasturage on the Shire Moor, or possibly a rent payable by all the
householders in the ancient shire of Tynemouth — for the parts of
Northumberland known as Tynemouthshire, Hexhamshire^ Norham-
shire, and Bedlingtonshire, are supposed by some to be divisions of
the ancient northern kingdom of Bemicia.

In surrenders and admittances which I have passed this year
before Mr. Edward Leadbitter, the present steward of the manor of
Tynemouth, copyhold land, is still described as a quarter of a farm,
meaning a quarter of the ancient holding of one customary tenant ;
and I venture to think that; there are few instances still existing in
any part of England where traces of the ancient village community
are so practically impressed upon the transactions and dealings of so
large and influential a number of nineteenth century property
owners as they are in the manor of Tynemouth to-day.

Mr. Laws's affidavit is as follows : —

I, CUTHBBBT Umpbbvillb LAWS of Tynemouth in the County of Northum-
berland, Gentleman, make oath and say that I am Deputy Steward of the Manor
of Tynemouth in the said Ck)unty of Northumberland that all surrenders of and
admittances to the copyhold lands within the said manor are prepared by and
passed before me and all customary payments to which the lord of the said
manor as such is entitled are receiyed by me, that the said manor comprises the
several townships of Tynemouth, North Shields, Oullercoats, Chirton, Murton,
Preston, Monkseaton, and Whitley in the parish of Tynemouth and Backworth
and Earsdon in the parish of Barsdon. That the townships of Tynemouth,
North Shields, and Oullercoats are of freehold tenure and consist principally of
houses and buildings but all the other before named townships comprise con-
siderable tracts of land held by copy of Ck)urt Boll and also portion^ of free-
hold land and each township consists of a certain number of antient farms, that
is to say : —

FaiUhM.

Towxuhips.

Fmhu.

Earsdon

Backworth

Earsdon

Tynemouth

Chirton East

Chirton West

Monkseaton

Murton

Preston ...

Whitley

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186

THE AKOIBNT FARXS OF NOBTHUMBBBLAND.

That the following payments are annaallj due from the copyhold tenants of
the said manor and from time immemorial as I verily believe have been received
by the lord of the said manor and are now received by me on his behalf that is
to say 2s. 6d. per farm for * Boon days * or * days work money * for or in respect
of each copyhold farm within the said manor, 32 bushels of bigg or barley and
16 bashels of oats for or in respect of each copyhold farm within the said town-
ships of Earsdon, Monkseaton, Whitley, and Preston, 24 bushels of bigg or
barley and 24 bushels of oats for or in respect of each copyhold farm within the
said township of Chirton and 82 bushels of oats for or in respect of each farm
in the township of Murton, all which several corn-rents become due and payable
at Saint Andrew*s day in each and every year, and are rendered or paid by each
of such copyhold tenants by a money payment calculated according to the
average price of com or grain in Newcastle market on such day commuted for
or in lieu of the quantity of com or grain payable by him for or in respect of
and according to the number of antient reputed farms or fractional part or
parts of a farm of which his land consists, contributing for each such antient
reputed farm the quantity of corn payable in respect thereof as hereinbefore
mentioned or a proportionate quantity for any fractional part or parts of such
antient reputed farms which he holds. And there is also due and payable by
the said copyhold tenants an antient immemorial payment called * Shire
Bent,' each antient farm in the township of Earsdon and Monkseaton paying
20 shillings, those in the said township of Whitley 16s. 8d., in Preston 13s. 4d.,
in Chirton 18s. 8d., and in Murton lis. Od. The following schedule sets forth
the mode in which these payments are made in the said township of Earsdon : —

Tenaate.

Namberof
Farms or
parte of a
Fannheld
breach
Tenanl

HaUOomR«Dta.

Half-year

Pajrableat

8eptemb«r,1846.

Bhire Bents.
Half -Tear due

Boon Days.
One Tear

doe
Michael-
mas. 1846.

Hugh Taylor, Esq

Peter Shield's sequels
Josh. Barker's heirs
Forster of Pigg*s Charities
Charles Dalston's heirs ..
Bev. Ed. Parker's heirs ...

£ B. ±

7 10 7i
2 10 2A
5 0 5
2 10 2^
5 5 5
2 10 2i

£ B, A.
0 15 0
0 5 0
0 10 0
0 5 0
0 10 0
0 5 0

a. d.
3 9

1 3

2 6

1 3

2 6
1 3

25 2 1

2 10 0

12 6

Each of the farms in the following townships also paid a modus for hay
tithe, whidi payment continued up to the commutation of tithes a few years
ago, viz, : —

a. d.

Earsdon 0 8 per farm in all •

Monkseaton 0 8 do.

Whitley 1 3 do.

Preston 0 8 do.

Chirton 0 8 do.

Murton 0 8 do.

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TYNEMOUTH, BTO. 187

And I further make oath and sajr that in all sarrenders and admittances the
land which is included in a surrender or admittance is stated to consist of so
many farms or fractional parts of a farm and a fine of £4 for a farm, £2 for
half a farm, and £1 for a quarter of a farm is paid to the lord on each surrender ;
the word *farm* meaning such antient reputed tana as aforesaid. And I further
make oath and say that in the year 1790 a certain Common called Billy MUl
Moor was divided under the authority of an Act of Parliament passed in the
28th year of the reign of his late Majesty King Geo. 3rd Intituled * An Act for
diyiding, allotting, and enclosing a certain common moor or tract of waste land
called Tynemouth Moor, Shire Moor, Billy Moor, or Billy Mill Moor, within the
manor of Tynemouth otherwise Tynemouth Shire, otherwise Tynemouth with
Tynemouth Shire, in the County of Northumberland,* and that the said common
was divided among the proprietors of such antient reputed farms as aforesaid ;
a certain value of the unenclosed lands being awarded to or on account of each
antient reputed farm and so in proportion for a fractional part of such antient
reputed farm.

And I further make oath and say that the paper writing hereunto annexed
and marked with the letter < A ' and signed by me contains a true and correct
extract from the original award made in pursuance of the said Act And I
further make oath and say that the number of the said antient farms which is
comprised in each of the said townships is perfectly well known and notorious
and I have often heard of the same from divers old inhabitants of the said
parishes. And that in all the said payments, surrenders, and admissions and
division of Common each antient farm was considered as being one of several
portions of land of equal value of which each of the said townships consisted,
although the relative value of these Is no longer the same, changes by cultivation
increase of population and other circumstances in the course of years having
completely changed this and these antient farms have no relation to the farms
as now held and that the word * farm * as used in all these matters and proceed-
ings was used in a sense totally and entirely different from the modem and
general acceptation of the word as expressing a parcel of land uncertain both
as to extent and value. And I further make oath and say that I have been
informed and verily believe that the word * farm • was formerly generally used in
the County of Northumberland as one of several parts of a township of the
same value.

The evidence was ample that the word farm was used in the
county to express an aliquot part in value of a township, and that a
farm was one of the several portions of land of which a township
consisted^ each one of such portions having originally been of equal
value. But the question naturally arose how such an equalization
could have existed in spite of all the differences in the value of the
soil in any one township. The Continental and English works which
now exist upon the subject, and which would so fully have explained
this point, were not then in existence, but evidence was found that the

VOL. XVI R

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188 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

township of North Middleton in the same parish of Hartbum (of
which Netherwitton was a chapelry) had only been enclosed as lately
as the year. 1805, and that up to that time it had remained undivided
both in tillage and pasture ground, and had been occupied in common,
each proprietor's share or interest being estimated by the number of
ancient farms, or parts of a farm, of which his land was known to
consist. Evidence was adduced in the suit to the effect that prior to
the division and enclosure of that township in 1806 it had been
customary for the proprietors or their tenants to meet together from
time to time and re-divide or re-allot the tillage and meadow-land
amongst themselves in proportion to the number of farms to which
they were entitled, and after the Chancery suit had been determined
and compromised Sir W. 0. Trevelyan copied from the documents in
the muniment room at Wallington, and gave to Mr. Woodman, the
following account extracted from a case laid before counsel with regard
to the undivided North Middleton land: —

Case.

The township of North Middleton in the parish of Hartbnm in Northamber-
land consists of 14 antient farms comprising about 1,100 acres of arable meadow
and pasture land.

The Duke of Pori^land is proprietor of 10 of these farms; Messrs. James
George & Bobt. Hepple of If of a farm; Lord Carlisle of 1 farm; Wm.
Hodgson, Esq., of f of a farm ; John Arthur of ^ of a faim. In all 14
farms.

The Besses and taxes of the township are paid by the occupiers in proportion
to the number of farms or parts of farms by them occupied.

These farms are not divided or set out, the whole township lying in common
and undiyided except that the Duke of Portland has a distinct property in the
mill and about ten acres of land adjoining and that each proprietor has a
distinct property in particular houses, cottages, and crofts in the village of
North Middleton. The general rule of cultivating and managing the lands
within the township has been for the proprietors or the tenants to meet together
and determine how much and what particular parts of the lands shaU be in
tillage, how much and what parts in meadow, and how much and what parts
in pasture, and they then divide and set out the tillage and meadow lands
amongst themselves in proportion to. the number of farms or parts of farms
which they are respectively entitled to within the township, and the pasture
lands are stinted in the proportion of 20 stints to each farm. So that upon
the pasture land the Duke of Portland or his tenants are entitled in respect of

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NORTH MIDDLBTON. 189

his 10 farms to 200 stints

the Duke of Portland is also entitled in respect to his mill

and miUlands to 5J „

Messrs. James George & Robt. Hepple in respect to their

l&l of a farm to 32J „

Lord Carlisle in respect of his 1 farm 20 „

Wm. Hodgson, Esq., in respect of his i of a farm to ... 17^,.

John Arthur in respect of his f of a farm to 10 „

285^ stints

Messrs. Hepple, Mr. Hodgson, and John Arthur have each of them a distinct
property in several small parcels of land which lie iu the open fields and which
are known by the name of cottage lands, and when the lands in which any of
these cottage lands are situated are in tillage the proprietor or the tenant of such
cottage lands is entitled to sow such cottage lands with com and reap and carry
away the crop of com which shall grow thereon to his own use. And when the
lands in which any of these cottage lands are situated are in meadows the
proprietor or his tenant of such cottage lands is entitled to cut and make into
hay the grass grown thereon for his own use. And when the lands in which
any of these cottage lands are situated are in pasture such cottage lands are
also in pasture and are depastured in common with the other lands of the
township but in such case the proprietor or tenant of such cottage land is
entitled to a certain number of stints in respect of such cottage lands over and
above the number of stints above mentioned, that is to say the said Messrs.
Hepple are in such case entitled in respect of their cottage land to 8 stints and
I of a stint, the said John Arthur is entitled in respect of his cottage land to
1 stint and | of a stint, and the said Mr. Hodgson is entitled in respect of his
cottage land to 4 stints and | of a stint. Further there belongs to the Duke of
Portland 2 stints commonly known by the name of Bailiff or Manor stints.

Besides affording valuable evidence upon the local customs of
ancient farms in Northumberland the above case is also interesting
upon the general question of the origin and customs of the common
field system, because it shows a still more archaic method of cultiva-
tion than is found to be the case with regard to common fields in
England generally. According to Professor Vinogradoff, the latest
writer on the subject, and one of the most careful investigators of the
ancient muniments bearing upon it, the re-division of the arable land
is not generally found in the documents of the middle ages. There
is, according to those documents, no shifting of the arable strips, and
Professor Vinogradoff compares the strips in the arable fields to the
ice-bound surface of a Northern sea. He says, * It is not smooth,
although hard and unmovable, and the hills and hollows of the

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UO THE ANCIENT FARMS OP NOETHUMBERLAND.

nneven plain remind one of the billows that rolled when it was yet
unfrozen.'^

Mr. Elton also, in his Origins of English History, ^^ after mention-
ing that in several parts of Germany the land held in common was
divided by lot, the drawings for the arable having originally been
held once in three years, but afterwards at longer intervals, goes on to
say : — * It is true that there is hardly any documentary evidence to
show that the arable in England was ever divided in this way.' He
adds in a foot-note that it is said that the Enclosure Commissioners
had met with instances of arable which was distributed by lot. The
statement as to North Middleton does not mention whether the dis-
tribution was eflfected by lot,®* but it states clearly that there was a
redistribution, and this statement is therefore a not unimportant
contribution to the literature existing on the subject. To follow up
the simile used by Professor Vinogradoflf, it shows a portion of the
sea still unfrozen and its waves still in motion.®'

The prominence given to the cottage lands in the account of this
undivided township should not escape attention. The place of the
cottager in the rural economy of the middle ages was almost as
conspicuous as that of the villan or holder of the customary farm.
The cottager's duties are mentioned in the Saxon * laws of land right '
of the tenth century.®* It is there laid down that he ought to have
5 acres in his holding, ' more if it be the custom on the land, and too
little it is if it be less.' According to the Domesday Survey, whilst
the viUans embraced 38 per cent, of the whole population, the
cottagers embraced another 32 per cent., and in no county were there
less than 12 per cent, of them.®' According to the same survey, the
cottager's holding varied from one acre to ten, but was generally five
acres. To some this holding will suggest the ^five free erws (or
common field strips) cotillage of wastes and hunting,' which, under
the ancient laws of Wales,®® were the * three immunities of an innate

«» Pp. 403, 404. « pp. 405, 406.

^ The Corbridge strips are still known in the district as ' the cavils,' a term
which supports the supposition that they were at some time apportioned by lot.

•• Compare the customs of Lauder in Berwickshire, cited in Maine*8 Village
Commiinitieg, p. 95. Qomme, 149.

•* AThcient Laws a-nd Imtitutes of England, Bd. Thorpe, p. 432.

» Seebohm, p. 90.

•• Ancient Laws of Wales, vol. ii. p. 616.

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ATTORNBY-GBNBRAL V, MIDDLBTON. 141

Gjmro/ and to some the fact that these cottage lands in North
Middleton were defined and ascertained whilst the rest of the common
land was fluctuating and re-divisable, will afford an argument that the
cottage lands were held by a still older title or under a still older
system. Possibly the nineteenth-century appeal for three acres (which
approximately represents in area the five free erws of the * innate
Gymro ') is an echo from a time long past.

The list which forms Appendix A to this paper contains the
number of farms ascertained by the evidence in the action of the
Attorney-General v. Trevelyan to have existed in the various parishes
and townships in Northumberland. The bishop of Peterborough has
a somewhat similar list as an Appendix to his paper read before the
Archaeological Institute in 1884.^^ There are, however, in my list
further particulars of payments and of local names which may be
useful to other workers in the same field.

It will be seen from the nature of the evidence epitomised in that
Appendix that clergymen and churchwardens of parishes, overseers of
townships, and those who, as land agents, solicitors, or antiquaries,
have access to the muniments of the great landowners of the county,
can add from many sources much valuable information upon the
subject of these Northumbrian farms. The points to which their
attention should be directed are, (1) as to the time when the word
farm was first used to express a yardland or husband land, (2) as to the
nature of the tenure of the cultivators of these holdings, (8) as to
the nature of the services rendered by the tenants, and (4) as to the
extent of the holdings. I purpose to contribute a few suggestions
under each of those heads.

Although the documents in the suit of Attomey-Oeneral v.
Trevelyan throw such ample light on the use of the word farm as
meaning a yardland, they do not contain any evidence of the antiquity
of that use of the word in the county of Northumberland. In Appen-
dix B are some notes as to its derivation and as to its use in England
generally.

With regard to the nature of the tenure it will be observed that
although in other parts of England the present representatives of these
customary tenants are to a large extent copyholders, yet in Northumber-

^ Archaeological Jourtuily xlii. p. 41.

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142 THE ANCIENT PABM8 OP NORTHUMBBELAin).

land copyholds only exist in certain townships of the manor of
Tynemouth, in Hexhamshire, in North Sunderland, and, as I am
infonned, in Bedlingtonshire, also formerly one of the possessions of the
church. At the beginning of the seventeenth century the customary
farms in Elswick and Benwell are described as copyhold, and 'The
tenants claimed to hold their lands by Coppie of Court EoU as Coppie
holders of inheritance.' ^^ These manors of Elswick and Benwell had
been part of the possessions of the dissolved monastery of Tynemouth,
and even after the dissolution the roU was kept at Tynemouth, and the
surrenders and admittances were made as of that manor.**

There is a statement in Clarkson's Survey of the earl of Northum-
berland's estate in 1567 ^^ that the tenants of High Buston should build
better houses, *seeinge they have now their tenements by copyhold,'
and another statement in the same survey that Roger Olay, one of the
tenants of the same town^ paid a rent ^to the late dissolved monastery
of Hulme,' would seem to show that these copyholds, too, were connected
with ecclesiastical estates.

The word 'copyholder,' and the method of conveying by copy of
Court Roll, are both things of comparatively modern growth. The
customary tenants of a township are, according to Comyns,^^ first called
* copyholders' in the first year of the reign of Henry V. They are
called ' tenants by the verge ' in the fourteenth year of Henry IV. They
are called 'customary tenants' by the statute of Edward I. 'Extenta
Manerii,' and that was their usual name or description before the word
copyhold came into use.

Professor Maitland^^ points out in the proceedings of the bishop
of Ely's court at Littleport, a stage in the formation of copyhold
tenure. In the cases in Edward the first's reign in which there is

" Land Revenue Office Survey, Jas. I.

•• Welford, vol. iii. p. 146. William Jenison, who acquired the manor of
Elswick under grant from the Crown, bought up the copyhold farms from the
holders of them, had them surrendered to him or to trustees for him, and enclosed
the common fields. Hodgson MS. Title, Elswick. Since that time the whole of
the manor has been held and disposed of as freehold, although * the 9 farmholds
sometimes called copyhold tenements or farmholds * still linger in the descnp-
tion of the parcels in the deed of partition of the lands of Elswick between
George Stephenson and John Hodgson so late as 1776. Benwell has become
almost entirely freehold, although traces of existing copyholds are still to be
found in that township.

'® Extracted by Mr. J. C. Hodgson (by permission of Earl Percy) for a paper
for the Berwickshire Naturalists' Club.

'> Vol. u. p. 361. '* Court Baron, p. 122.

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TYNBMOUTH, BTO. 143

litigation in that manor about enstomarj tenements, a jury is employed.
At a later date the litigants put themselves not upon the jury but upon
the rolls of the court as giving the proper proof of title, and according
to the form of the surrender and admittance still in use in the manor
of Tynemouth, it is the homage, or jury, who find to this day that the
vendor has surrendered his tenement into the hands of the lord before
the lord by his steward admits the surrenderee.

Now it is well known that although according to common custom
these tenements descended from father to son, or were alienated from
tenant to tenant at the manor court, yet the theory of the Norman
lawyers was fchat they were held purely at the will of the lord according
to the custom of the manor, and that the lord might oust the tenant
when he pleased without any reason.^^ Although that legal right in
the lord was in many cases exercised, it was controlled by the rights
of usage, and was met by emphatic protests on the part of the peasantry,
and at length the king's courts felt bound to recognise the universal
custom which existed in favour of the customary tenant's right to
alienate his lands, and the right of his heir to inherit them ; and this
conclusion found expression in the reign of Edward lY. in the cases
cited in Littleton^* as follows: —

Bat Brian, Chief Justice, said that his opinion hath alwaies been and ever
shall be that if such tenant by custome paying his services be ejected by the
lord he shall have an action of trespass against him. H. 21. Ed. 4. And so
was the opinion of Danby, Chief Justice, in 7 Edward IV. for he saith that
tenant by the custome is as well inheritonr to have his lands according to the
custome as he that hath a freehold at the common law.

Prior to that time and when the harsher rule as to the meaning of
' the will of the lord ' prevailed it would appear an obvious advantage
to the customary tenant to have a lease for life or for years of his
lands. The big monastic houses, with more clerical assistance at their
command, commenced to enter surrenders and admittances upon their
court rolls at an earlier date than was done by other lords of manors.
It was easier for these lay lords of manors and their less educated
stewards to grant a lease in individual cases than to keep a record of
all the changes of the tenancy upon the rolls of their court.

'• Gilbert on Tenures, p. 198.

^* Litt. section 77. The passage is not found in the earliest editions. It
occurs for the first time in Redmayne's edition in 1530.

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144 THE AKOIENT FABMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

These leases, however, operated in the end prejudicially to the
cnstomarj tenants, for whilst it was held, as stated above, that copy-
hold tenants having no lease had an estate of inheritance in their
lands, it was also held by the conrts^^ that if a copyholder takes a lease
for life or for years the copyhold is destroyed, and for ever gone, and so
by taking a lease he woald lose his inheritance. It is probable that
the customary tenants in Northumberland took these leases where they
could not acquire by purchase from the lord the freehold of their
holdings. In Cornwall to this day the freehold of all the land in many
manors is still in the hands of the lord, all the tenants holding on
leases for ninety-nine years determinable on lives.

In the well-known survey of the lands of the baronies of Bywell
and Bolbeck, held in 1569 after the attainder of Charles earl of West-
morland for the Great Northern Sebellion, it is stated that ' all the
tenants hold their lands by indenture for term of years which are very
fineable when their leases are expired.'

Traces of leases for lives are found in titles to landed estates in
various districts of Northumberland. They still exist in the township
of Stamf ordham. The form of lease prevalent in that township con-
tains* a covenant by the lessor for the renewal of the lease upon the
dropping of any life, and this covenant was supposed to render the
Stamfordham leases perpetual The question was tested in 1884 in
the action of Swinburne v. Milbum.^* It was held in that action by
Lord Esher the Master of the Rolls and Lord Justice Bowen that the
covenant in the lease in question was one for perpetual renewal. This
decision was, however,' overruled by the House of Lords, who held that
the covenant in the lease was for renewal, not perpetually, but only as
often as any one of the three lives for which it was originally granted
should drop. In consequence of this ruling these leases for lives will
probably become extinct in Stamfordham, as they have already become
extinct, or nearly so, in other parts of Northumberland.

With regard to the nature of the services rendered by the tenants,

it will be remembered that Mr. Seebohm, as the result of his researches

upon the subject in various parts of England, summarises the services

and payments of the villan which he finds to have been prevalent under

the following heads^^: —

'* Corny ns, vol. iii. p. 409. Gilbert on Tenures, p. 290.
»• L. R. 9 App. Cas. 844. " P. 78, 79.

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STAMFOBDHAHy TYHEHOUTH, BTO. 145

Week-work, i^e., work for the lord for bo many days a week, mostly three
days. PreoariaB, or boon- work, i,e,, special work at request. Payments in
money or kind or work rendered by way of rent or " Gafol," and payment of
other dues under various names. The requirement of the lord's licence for a
marriage of a daughter, and fine on incontinence. The prohibition of the
sale of oxen, etc., without the lord's licence. The obligation to use the
lord's mill, and to do service at his court. The obligation not to leave the land,
without the lord's licence.

He also sets ont^^ the services of a gebar or farmer of a yardland
or customary farm from a document entitled * The services due from
various persons,'^* the Saxon version of which dates probably from the
tenth century. This document sets out the above services and states
of the gebur that * if he do carrying he has not to work while his
horse is out/ and later on * he shall have given to him for his outfit
ii oxen and i cow and vi sheep. And he must have given to him tools
for his work and utensils for his house. Then when he dies his lord
takes back what he leaves.' 'Let him who is over the district take
care that he knows what the old land customs are and what are the
customs of the people.'

Bemnants of similar services may be traced in Northumberland
from the fourteenth century to the present day. A document dated
1378 and entitled ' Customs and Works that the men of Tynemouth
ought to do and from ancient times have been accustomed to observe
and perform ' is extracted by Brand^ from the Tinmouth Chartulary.
That extract sets out that : —

All of Tynemouth who hold land shall plough once a year for the food of
the Prior with their own ploughs. All those who hold lands and tofts shall
give three boon days in the autumn with one man only and a fourth boon day
with their whole family (except the house-wife) at which the four sworn men
of the township shall be reapers. All the * self odes '"* shall give each three boon
days only. All the 16 tenants shall each do one * inlade ' without food or sheaf,
▼is., from the field of Tynemouth withersoever they have been directed by the
cellarer. Each shall bring one cart load fiom Seaton Delaval and each of them

^ P. 131.

** Ancient Lams and Institutes qf England, Ed. Thorpe, p. 185.

"• Brand, vol. ii. p. 694.

•» Vinogradoflf^. 250, notices this term in Northumberland in an inquisition
post-mortem 65 Henry III. where it is spelt ^selfoder.' He thinks it means
• self -other,' but 'self -owned* would appear to be an equally probable interpre-
tation. As to the tenures by theinage, by drengage, and by cornage which
existed in Northumberland and Durham, see Professor Maitland's article in the
Boyal Higtorical Review, vol. v. p. 625 ; Mr. Bates's Border Holds, p. 312 ; and
Canon Greenwell's Glossary in the Appendix to the Boldon Book, Surtees
Society edition.

VOL. XVI. S

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146 THB AKOIBKT FAJEtMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

who shall with another companion make carriage as is aforesaid shall have food
and sheaf" except * ulryg.***

The men of Tynemouth shall guard the prisons, and if there shall happen
any escape they shall pay for each escape £8 sterling. And they who reside on
the chief tenements called the XV. shall hare common of pasture in open time.
Also every cottager of the township of Tynemouth shall have common for his
animals in the common moor, viz., Schiremoor, at all seasons of the year and
not elsewhere. And all the waste places called Balkes are the separate soil of
the Prior.

And no tenant holding inland or outland can alienate or give any part of his
holding without paying a fine in the court of the said Prior. And if a heir by
blood is entitled to entry into his inheritance he shall pay a relief or double his
rent (suam firmam) at his entry and shall do fealty and suit of Court from
3 weeks to 3 weeks.

And all the tenants of Tynemouth on occasion shall pay layrewyt (that is a
fine for incontinence) for their daughters or handmaidens ; and also merchet
for giving their daughters in marriage except the Lord Philip of Marston who
is exempt from that service.*^

In the year 1784 an Act was passed for dividing and allotting part
of the town fields and the whole of the town green of Elrington in the
parish of Warden in the conntj of Northumberland. By that Act, after
reciting that there were within the said township certain lands called
the town fields and town green and that the greatest part of the lands
lay intermixed and dispersed, and that other part thereof was held by
the proprietors as tenants in common, and that Fewster Johnson, Esq.,
as owner of the capital messaage called Elrington hall and the
demesnes. of Elrington, was entitled to divers rents issoing out of three
several tenements in the said township, and was also entitled for each
and every of the said three tenements to one heriot (that is to say the
best beast or forty shillings at his election at the death of the owner
of the said capital messuage and the owner of the said three tenements
and each of them), and was also entitled yearly for each of the said
three tenements to two mow dargaes and two shear dargnes or days'
works, and also to three hens and three catches or carriages yearly
from Ekington aforesaid to the town of Hexham, and also reciting

" * And he (the villan) is bound to carry sheaves, and for each service of this
kind he will receive one sheaf called •* mene sheaf/' and whenever he is sent to
carry anything with his cart he shall have oats as usual so much namely as he
can thrice take with his hand.' Chartulary of Christ Church, Canterhury^cit^^
in Vinogradoff, 175.

** I cannot find an explanation of this term in any glossary.

•* Compare the very similar services rendered by the 14 serfs of the vill of
Wridtnorp in Lincolnshire in 1109. Ingulph. Bohn's edition, 240.

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BLRINGTON, WHITTON, BTO. 147

that the owners of the said three tenements were entitled to take ont
of the demesnes of the said Fewster Johnson sufficient hedgeboot,
stakeboot^ and rice for the making and amending of hedges and
fences, it was enacted that the said lands should be enclosed and that
satisfaction should be made for the said rights of the said Fewster
Johnson, and that from and after the 22nd day of November, 1784,
all right and title of the said Fewster Johnston, his heirs and assigns
to the aforesaid yearly rents or annual payments, heriots, mow dargues
and shear dargues or day works, hens and catches or carriages to the
town of Hexham, and all right or title of the respective owners for the
time being of the aforesaid three tenements to hedgeboot, stakeboot,
and rice as aforesaid should respectively cease and be for ever extin-
guished.

It will be seen that in 1784 the servile incidents of layrewite and
merchet have disappeared.*^ The week work has been replaced by
' divers rents.' But the heriot still remains as an acknowledgment of
the Anglo-Saxon doctrine : — * Then when he dies the lord takes back
what he leaves.' The boon days of two mow dargues and two shear
dargues also remain, and the three catches or carriages yearly to
Hexham probably have their counterpart in farm leases in Elrington
township at the present day as they had in the chartulary of Tyne-
mouth in 1887.®'

I produce rent-receipts, surrenders, and admittances, dated in the
years 1891 and 1892, showing payments in those years to the lord of
the manor at Tynemouth for hall com rent in lieu of week work,
boon day rent in lieu of boon day services, for shire rent, and for

• The latest acconnt of the custom of * merchet * is to be found in Mr. Owen
Pike's Introduction to the Year Books, 15 Edward III. (Record Ofllce Publications^
pp. 15 to 62. As to * merchet ' in Northumberland see Bracton*s Note Book
(edition, Maitland), Case No. 895, and Tetta de NevUl, 389. In Russia, prior
to the emancipation of the serfs in 1861, serfs could not marry as thej chose
without the consent of their masters, and the proprietor would not allow the
daughter of one of his serfs to marry a serf belonging to another proprietor —
because he would thereby lose a female labourer — unless some compensation
were offered. Wallace's Russia, 4th edition, vol. i. pp. 114-140.

•• The Rev. J. Thomlinson, rector of Rothbury, says in one of his MSS. :
' No doubt all the lands in the town of Whitton did belong to the rector, but
the inhabitants having held them time out of mind at one pound per annum
each farm and two days' ploughing and leading with their draughts and as
many ploughing and reaping (the rector finding them meat when they work for
him), they now look upon ^emselves as freeholders.' History and Directory
of Northumberland (Hexham Division), published by Bulmer, Manchester, and
Beavis, Stewart, & Co., Newcastle, 1886.

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148 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NOBTHUMBEBLAND.

fines on the admittance of an heir and on the alienation of a quarter
of a farm. It will also be observed, from the wording of the admittances,
that the new tenant still does fealty for his holding at the lord's court.^^
With regard to the extent of these customary holdings the following
extract as to the township of High Buston made by Mr. J. C. Hodgson
from Clarkson's Survey of 1567 is interesting as showing that each
farm was looked upon as a living for a family, that no farm could be
partitioned unless the farmer had acquired the freehold from his lord,
and that even where freehold farms were sub-divided or sub-let the
commonable rights of the partitioners were carefully restricted within
the limits of those formerly enjoyed by the whole tenement : —

This towne was at the fyrst planted with xvi tenn* as yett appeareth by
the scites of there tenem' and are nowe but viij tenn-s the cause of that there
ys 80 little arable land and medowe groande as also pasture moore groonde wh.
will not well suffice for the living of so many tenn** and for yt also they sholde
the better lyve and be more able to do ther dewtyful serryce to their Ld and
Mr. they were of xvj made but viij tenn*".

The said Thomas Buston hath one lytle house there wherein dwelleth one
tenn*. to do him servyce wc ys agaynst the old anoeyent ordre of this Lp ; for
althoughe he aledgeth that he or any other may upon his freholde sett such
several buildlnge upo auncyent scites as they shall think good, wherunto I must
by leave agree, Never the lesse yf we consyder the premiss and for what cause
the said towne was brought from xvi tenn** to viij fermors as also the smaU
quantity of the come moare (?) And that every inhabyt w"» in any towne must
have suffycent for the maintenance of him and his family and wher also suche
staite (extinte) of all things ys kept (as ys in the towne of Bustone) the will
think it bothe lawe and reason that every tenn* of lyke lande and like rent have
lyke porcyon in all things upon the said como pasture. And sure (?) I would give
order that the said Thos. Bustone should have not more pasture or other extinte
or feweU (seeing he ys in aU respects equal with every one of the said tenn*»)
for him and his tenant both, than one of the said tenants have and that under
great penalty yf he be found by the Jurye convicte thereof.

If we take the number of £Ekrms contained in each township,
as mentioned in Appendix A, and divide the total acreage of the
township by them, we shall find a varying member of acres assign-
able to each farm, and if we exclude the townships of Rochester
and Troughend in the parish of Elsdon, which contain an unusual and
extraordinary quantity of useless waste and mountainous land, we
shall find that the five hundred farms which are left have an average
of nearly 160 acres of township land assignable to each of them.
This is of course inclusive of arable land, meadow, pasture, and waste.

^ As to manor courts see Proe. Nen, 8oo, Antiq, voL 5, p. 161.

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.2
I

^1 llll

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BARTON OOITNTY, 8TATB OF KANSAS. 149

It will be seen from the instanoes dted in the former part of this
paper^ that the arable land assigned to each farm ranged between 20
and 80 acres, that the meadow land ranged between 2 acres and 10
acres, and this wonld leave from 120 to 140 acres of open pasture and
waste assignable on an average to each farm.

According to Sir Henry Maine^ the encroachments of the lord
were in proportion to the want of certainty in the rights of the
community. In the grass land he intruded more than into the arable
land ; into the waste much more than into either. The conclusion
suggested to his mind is that in succeeding to the legislative power of
the old community the lord was enabled to appropriate to himself such
of its rights as were not immediately valuable and which, in the event
of their becoming valuable, required legislative adjustment to settle
the mode of enjoying them. If that were the process it had probably
begun before either the Saxon thane or the Norman baron had
entered England.

I will conclude by offering for your inspection a plan of a farm of
the present day in a newly-settled country. It is the plan of a farm
in the south-west quarter of section 28, of township 20, range 18 west
of the 6th principal meridian, in Barton county in the state of
Kansas. It contains 160 acres, and the whole of the land is capable
of being profitably cultivated. At the time of its survey, in 1888,
40 acres were in maize, 25 in wheat, 15 in other crops, and 80 acres
were in wild grass. Similar plans of hundreds of these farms are
amongst the papers of those who invest in American mortgages.
They are almost all of the same size of 160 acres, or ^th part of a
square mile, but some of them are half that size, or only 80 acres in
extent. Where the holdings are 80 acres, a larger proportion is
cultivated as arable land. Notwithstanding the introduction of
modem methods of cultivation, the quantity of land which one
household can profitably manage does not appear to have varied
greatly in the last thousand years.

Notwithstanding the apparently modem scientific method of the

" By an early statute of the Scotch Parliament (Scotch Statutes^ vol. i. p. 387)
it was ordained that the ox-gangs shall contain 13 acres. Two ox-gangs or 26
acres made a hasband land (Innes, 242), so that we have a statutory warrant
that 26 acres of arable land was the normal extent of a similar holding across
the border.

^ VUlage CommwMtiety 141.

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150 THE ANOIENT FARMS OF NOBTHUHBEBLAND.

mensuration of this American square mile, the influence of the com- ^

mon field-furrow, and the gad, or rod, or pole, by which the common

field acres were marked out can be traced in every comer of the plot. **

According to Canon Taylor,^ a furlong is the length of the longest *

furrow that could be conveniently ploughed before the oxen had to (g

stop and rest ; whilst the breadth of the acre depended on the number ^

of furrows which formed the daily task of the villan and his oxen.

Mr. Fell, in his learned but difScult paper on the Domesday Assess- ^

ment, disputes this,*^ and states that the furlong means not a furrow f

long, but rather a line 40 rods long, that this line 4 rods broad makes

the acre, and that both the acre and the rod are merely convenient

fractions of some lai'ger area. However this may be, 8 of these furlongs %

lie on each side of the square mile shown on this plan. Quarter the ^

area and you get the normal farm of 160 acres, quarter the farm and you

get the 40 acres which we have seen to be the usual extent of the part

cultivated or enclosed for com and meadow hay ; quarter that cul- '

tivated portion and you get the square furlong, Grferdell,^ which con- *

tained 10 normal acre strips, each acre strip being 40 rods long and 4

rods broad, in other words, a furlong in length and 4 rods in breadth, 7

the area which, according to the ordinance of Edward I., constituted •

a legal acre. In &ct this American square mile, divided into four ^

farms of 160 acres each, is exactly similar in extent, dimensions, and t

divisions to the four carucates of arable land, containing in length

8 furlongs, and in breadth 8 furlongs, the gift of Algar, the knight, to

the abbey of Croyland, which was confirmed to that abbey by that

description by the charter of Wiglaf, king of the Mercians, in the

year 888.»'

There are two great difierences between this modem Kansas farm
and the ancient Northumbrian farms which we have been considering.
Its homestead is isolated fi*om those of its neighbours and its lands are
cultivated in severalty. If, instead of being connected by the power f

of steam with other parts of the earth, from which it can obtain the t

supplies of those necessaries which are produced by different industries, ^

its proprietor had had to depend for these on mutual exchange with ^

*> Domesday Studies, vol. i. p. 60. »' Ibid. p. 371.

^ Decern acrse terrae faciunt secundum antiquam consuetudinem unam
ferdellam. Spelman's Gloss. Title Vlrgata terrce,

•• Kemble*8 Anglo-Saxon Charters, vol. I., page 306. See also Ingulj)h, Bohn's
edition, page 16.

r
a
I
if

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BTWBLL 8UEVEY OP 1569. 151

his immediate neighbours, he would probably for convenience have
placed his dwelling closer to theirs. If, instead of being protected by
the far reaching arm of a strong central government, he and his
neighbours had been subject to maraudings similar to those spoken of
in the Bywell survey of 1669®* as * the continual robberies and incur-
sions of the thieves of Tynedale to assault them in the night ' he and
his neighbours would probably have arranged their dwellings in a
single street which could be closed and defended at each end.

In that case the land which could be most conveniently cultivated
would have been that which lay nearest to the aggregated homesteads,
and there must have been, for the sake of peace, some equitable
method of arranging that each neighbour had his fair share of good
land and bad land, of land which lay conveniently at hand and land
which lay awkwardly at a distance. Some have thought that it was
such considerations as these which induced the early settlers in our
townships to cultivate their land on the common field system;^
others have thought that its origin was the ancient pastoral right of
the community to turn their cattle upon every part of the township,
including even the arable fields after the crop was carried ;^ others
have thought that the obligations of a oo-operati ve system of ploughing
and of contributing oxen for that purpose are responsible for these dis-
persed and scattered holdings;®^ whilst some believe that no such
consideration would be strong enough to form so elaborate a communal
arrangement as that which we have surveyed and that only the
dominion of a master over his ser& could bring about the uniformity
of the organization.^

An examination of historical documents shows many traces of free
institutions, so far as the civic life of these village communities is
concerned, but the details of their agricultural organization seem con-
nected in almost every case ydth incidents of serfdom. It may be
that they began to cultivate on a common field system after they lost
their freedom, just as that method has been discontinued since they
have regained it. But all these views and theories probably contain
only some disconnected part of the whole history and truth as to the
ancient village community in England.

•* Hall and Humberstone's Survey of the Barony of Bywell, 1669.
•* Vinogradoff, 254.

■• Systems of Land Tenure in yarious countries. Morier on Gferman Tenures,
244, note. "^ Seebohm, 117. •• Ibid, 178.

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152 APPSNDIX A— THfi AKOIBNT FABMS OF NOBTHUMBEBLAND.

APPENDIX A.

Epitomising in a tabular form the evidence collected by Mr. Woodman of the
existence down to recent times in the parishes and townships of Northumberland
of ancient farms, each forming one ascertained aliquot part of the township in
which it was situated : —

No. of

Townships In

Andent

ments Oalcalated and

Brldenee in Support of
the Faots Staled.

Paruh.

eaoh Parish.

Fannsineaoh

made per Farm and

TowDshiiK

up to what Date.

Barsdon,

Newsham

6 4/6 farms

Vicar of Barsdon cus-

Affidavit of John

7 town-

SeatonDela-

tomary payment 6/8

Moor of Brenkley,

ships, 66i

val

n ,,

per farm (up to

made 14th July,

farms.

Hartley

9 6/10 „

1847). Church rates

1847. Affidavit of

Backworth

10 „

(up to 1841); system
departed from at

Heniy Warkman of
Barsdon, made 22nd

Barsdon

Seghill

10 „

this date because

July, 1847. Parish

Burradon

6 "

several collieries

boo^ of Barsdon

HolyweU

6 4/6 „

had opened out
which did not con-

parish. Deponent
John Moor stated *I

tribute under the

was informed by my

old arrangement.

father, who died in
1844, at the age of
84, that the greatest
part, if not all, the
said county was
divided into a num-
ber of ancient farms
— farm meaning
land of a definite
value %nd not as at
present, a portion
uncertain both as to
extent and value.*

Kirkwhelp-

West Whelp,
ington. (No

19 farms

Church rates. Modus

Affidavit of Thos.

ington,

of 3d. per farm for

Lawson of Long-

10 town-

evidence of

tithe hay (1844).

hirst Grange, made

ships.

the num-
ber of the
ancient
farms in
the other 9
townships
of this
parish.)

14th July, 1847.

Bothal.

Longhirst.

12 12/36th

Church rates of

(No evi.

farms. 6

BothaL Modus for

denceasto

of these

hay (1847). Parish

the num-

were

clerk 6d. per farm

ber of an-

* free-

in Bothal parish.

cient farms

hold

Fee farm rents in

iu the other

farms.'

township of Long-

townships

hirst.

of Bothal

parish.)

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APPBin)K A — ^THB ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBBBLAND. 158

Pvijh.

Wood-
horn.

Hartbum.

Townahlpe In
eaoh Parish.

No. of

Ancient

Farmflinettoh

Townibip.

Bothbary,
24 town-
ships.

Alwinton

North Seaton
(inter olios')

Netherwit-
ton.

Coatyards.

North
Middleton

High and
I^w An-
gerton.

Snitter.

Bickerton.

Flotterton.

Farnelaw.

Whitton.

Bnrradon.
(ifUer alias)

16 farms.

19 1/2
farms.

21/2 farms
14 farms.

16 farms.

21 farms.

7 „

8 «
4 „

18 forms.

AuenmonU and Pay-

mentfl Oaloolated and

made per Farm and

up to what Date.

Church rate (1746).
Poor rate (1831).

Parish clerk 8d. per
ancient farm.

Parish clerk 8d. per
farm.

Bnclosed and parti-
tioned in 1806 in the
ratio of the nomber
of farms. Poor rates
and Church rates
paid per farm.

Each farm in 1662
paid 2d to the Vicar
of Hartbum.

Church rates.

Tithe paid per farm
in 1695.

Poor rates (1817),
Highway rates
(1827), Church
rates (1830).

Bridenoe in Support of
the Facta Stated.

Affidavit of JohnS wan
made in 1847. De-
ponent states that
the words per farm
and per plough were
used synonymously.

Affidavits of Thos.For.
ster of Longwitton,
and Thomas Ramsey
of Backworth, both
made in 1847.

Affidavits of Robert
Coxon of Morpeth
and of William Davi-
son of Middleton,
both made in 1847.

Terrier in the register
of the Consistory
Court of Darham.

Affidavit of James
Storey of Bothbury,
made in 1847.

Terrier in the registry
of the Consistory
Court of Durham.

Affidavit of Wm.Fors-
ter of Burradon,
made in 1847. De-
ponent exhibited a
deed evidencing that
Burradon * South-
side* had been di-
vided amongst the
owners thereof in
proportion to the
number of ancient
farms each held.

Affidavit of Thos. Wal-
bey of Lark hall,
made in 1847. This
deponent speaks to
the division of Bur-
radon Southside in
1723 and Burradon
Northside in 1773 in
proportion to the
number of ancient
farms owned by each
participant on the
assumption that the
whole township con-
sisted of 18 ancient
farms.

VOL. XVL

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154 APPENDIX A — ^THB ANCIENT FARMS OP NORTHUMBEELAND.

No. of

Asseflsmenta and Pay-

Parish.

TowBships in

Ancient

ments Calculated and

ETidenoe in Support of

eaoh Pariah.

Farms in each

made per Farm and

the Facts Stoted.

Township.

up to what Date.

Elsdon,

Sharpcrton.

11 J farms.

Parish clerk 4d. per

Affidavits of Thomas

7 town-

Rochester.

faoA.

Arkle of Elsdon and

ships.

Troughend.

»»

Henry Dodds of

Otterburn.

Peels, both made in

Woodside.

))

1847.

Monkrldge.

Elsdon.

Whalton,

Newham.

»»

Church rates (1846).

Affidavit of JamesRob-

4 town-

Ogle.

»»

Poor rates(la8t cen-

son of Whalton, made

ships.

Replington.

»j

tury). Parish clerk

in 1847. Terrier in

Whalton.

»>

3d. per farm (1846).

the registry of Con-
sistory Court of Dur-
ham, in which the
farms are called
ploughgates.
Affidavit of Middleton

Wark-

Amble.

>»

Church rates (1835).

worth.

Morwick.

))

Parish clerk. Sex-

Henry Dand of Wark-

Togstone.

i»

ton. Iiandtaz. Mo-

worth,made in 1847.

Acklington.

duses. Fee farm

Parish books.

Hauxley.

rents. Hall com

Walkmill.

rent in barley (1837)

Sturton

paid per farm.

Grange

Church wall re-

Brotherwick.

paired in 1826 at 2

Spittle and

yards per farm.

LowBnston

Demansand

HighBuston

Birling.

i»

East Chev-

ington.

WestChey-

ington.

Hadstone.

i»

Bedling.

Church rates (1674

Affidavit of Robt

ton, 61J

to 1782), land tax

Swan of Bedlington,

farms.

(1836) poor rates
1763 paid per farm.

made in 1847.

Tync"

ChirtonEast

Hall com rents. Boon

Affidavit of Cuthbert

mouth.

ChirtonWest

day rents and Shire

Umfreville Laws of

Monkseaton

rents paid to 1847

Tynemouth, made in

Murton.

(and still paid in

1847.

Preston.

1892).Stewards'fee8

Whitley.

on surrenders and
admittances assess-
ed by farm. Billy
Mill Moor divided
amongst proprietors
of ancient reputed
farms in proportion
to the numoer of
such farms owned
by each participant.

Choller-

Chollerton.

Affidavit of Christopher

ton.

Barrasford.

Bird, vicar of Choller-

Gunnerton.

ton, made in 1847.

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APPENDIX B — THE ANCIENT PAEM8 OF NORTHUMBERLAND. 165

APPENDIX B.
AS TO THE HEANINQ OF THE WORD 'FARM/

Coke says* ' By the name of ferme or fearme honses, lands, an^ tenements
may pass and firnia is derived from the Saxon word/<?<>nma» to feed or relieve
— ^f or in ancient times they reserved upon their leases cattell and other victual
and provision for their sustenance.

Spelman states' that customary tenants at will rendered to the lord a certain
portion of victuals and things necessary for hospitality, and he goes on to say
* This rent or retribution they QsMfeonne^ but the word in the Saxon signifieth
meat or victuals, and although we have ever since Henry II.'s time changed this
reservation of victuals into money yet in letting our land we still retain the
name otfearmes ajid fearmers unto this day.*

Mr. Lewis' says * The word * farm ' (A. 8. Feorm) is from the L&tm fimui and
meant originally an oath of fealty, whence it came to signify the measure of
food or provisions rendered by the tenant as his fealty rent and afterwards the
land held at and under such fealty and rent.'

Mr. John Eemble in a letter to Mr. Woodman says 'Fearme is from feorm
and by no means from the Latin ^rmt**.'

The editor of the Diet. Universal (Paris, 1721) after reviewing the above
suggested derivations, adds ' It is more probable that the word comes tromferma,
which in the Celtic or Bas-Breton signifies a letting and fermi signifies to let.'
Turning to the Diet. Breton-Frangais of Le Gonidec we find that ferm in
the Bas-Breton means a letting, or the price of a letting, and fermer is the
Bas-Breton spelling and pronunciation of the French word fermier, Le
Gonidec quotes the following Bas-Breton sentence : — * Chetu ann ti em euz
f ermet ' as meaning * There is the house which I have hired.' Dr. Nicholas in
his Pedigree of the English People^ points out the close relationship of the
inhabitants of Brittany in France with the Celts of Britain. He says that
history relates the conquest of Armorica or Brittany by the Britons and he
confirms the correctness of the statement made by M. Emile Souvestre : — * Le
bas Breton actuel n'est done pas un reste de Gaulois, mais de langue Brittan-
nique.'* In Picardy the provincial form of the French word ferme is f arme."

In England the term farm in most ancient documents means a rent or letting,
and not the reversion or the thing let, and this mode of expression is found
down to the surveys of the time of the Commonwealth, e.g.y * the farme of the coal-
mines of Bebside and Cowpen.*^ Spelman, however, in his Glossary ^ Title Firma
quotes three early instances of its use to designate parcels of the land itself, viz.,
*Malmeb in Williel. Rufo. An. 1090, Rex. Will, ecclesias et monasteria fere
totius AnglisB in manu sua pastoribus def unctis retinens ; gravi omnia depopu-
latione vastabat et met&T Jirmarum laicis commendabat. Concil. Westmonast.
An. Dom. 1127. Episcopi Presbyteros abbates Monachos Priores subjectos ^'r^/uiY/i

* Comm. Litt p. 6*. ' Feuds and Tenures, 15.

* Ancient Laws of Wales, 468.

* P. 45. * Lcs JJerniers Bretons^ i. 144. • l>ict. LUtri.
' Augmentation Parliamentary Surveys, 1650.

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156 APPENDIX B— THB ANOIENT FAEMS OF NOBTHUMBBBLAND.

tenere inhibeant. Idem Concil. London An. 1237, etc., Constitut Phil B. Franc.
Dedit yillam Borgesiam firmas blada molendina, etc., yillsB de Goingencampo.*

In the Paston Letters, written in the fifteenth century, where the term
freqaently occurs, it almost always means the rent or hiring of the land rather
than a quantity of laud itself, but very early in the sixteenth century the present
signification of the term as designating the land itself comes again to the front.

Bishop Latimer in his first sermon before Edward VI., on the 8th March,
1549, says •? * My father was a yoman and had no landes of his owne onlye he
had a forme of iii or iiii pound by yere at the uttermost and hereupon he tilled
so much as kepte half a dozen men. He had walke for a hundred shepe and my
mother mylked xxx kyne. * ♦ * * He kepte hospitalitie for his pore
neighbours and sum almess he gave to the poore and all this he did of the said
farm^*

More, in his Utopia^ written in 1615, says : * They have in the oountrey in
all partes of the shiere houses or ferme% buUded,' and a frequent use of the word
as meaning the lands themselves will be found as well in Shakespeare as in all
subsequent writers.

In France the word although used also in the modem Bnglish sense is also
much more generally used in the sense of a letting, as in the case of a Fermier
Generale, while the contractor who lets the chairs at a French church is a
* Fermier des chaises ' and his contract is a ' ferme.'

If the term is derived from the Anglo-Saxon feorm and not from the Celtic
fermey it is strange that we should find the word most generally used in Gallic
France, and that it should have its nearest approximate form in the especially
Celtic province of that country, whilst there is, I believe, no trace of the use of
the word in either its ancient or modem English sense in Germany, Holland, or
Scandinavia, from whence the English are supposed to come.

We find from the Boldon Book (Surtees Society edition) that there were in
1183 in Durham county villani Budjirtnarii in the same township, and that the
firmarii did not pay so much in money or give so much in labour (App. bd.).
In Hatfield's survey the firmarii are called mailman. In Vinogradoff's VUlainage
in England^ p. 183, et seq,, the author examines the status of these mailmen or
molmen and states that the word is commonly used in the feudal period for
villans who have been released from most of their services by the lord on con-
dition of paying certain rents.

• Arber's edition, p. 3. • Ibid.p, 74.

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A NEW EOMAN IKSCBIPTION FROM SOUTH SHIELDS. 157

X.— A NEW ROMAN INSCRIPTION PROM SOUTH SHIELDS.

By p. Haverpield, M.A., P.S.A.

[Read on the 29th day of March, 1893.]

The inscription tells us that a water supply was provided for the Pifth
Cohort of Gauls, the Roman garrison of the South Shields fort, in
the first year of Severus Alexander (a.d. 222) and while Marius
Yalerianus was governor in the North of Britain. Its details are of
an ordinary character and need but little comment.

1. The Emperor Severus Alexander, of whose reign we have
several memorials in Britain, is here described by his full titulature,
and his name Alexander has been erased. Both features are extremely
common, but it may be worth while to explain why no more than
* Alexander ' has sufi'ered erasure.^ The reason is to be found in the
fact that the emperors who reigned in the early part of the third
century used very similar sets of names : Aurelius, Severus, Antoni-
nus were conmion to nearly all of them and it is sometimes hard to
identify even an unobliterated title. Naturally, then, after their
deaths, their enemies often needed to erase only one word in an
inscription, in order to obscure the identity of the emperor named,
and, in the case of Severus Alexander, this one word was Alexander.
There was, perhaps, a further reason for this acting in dealing with
this emperor. His reign marked a brief recoil from the military
despotism established by Septimius Severus, and when in a.d. 235 he
and his energetic mother fell victims to the soldiers, their hatred
would naturally be appeased by an erasure which left standing the,
names that had belonged to his military predecessors. If this was not
intended, the coincideuce between the erasure and the fact deserves to
be noticed merely as a coincidence.

2. Marius Valerianus, governor of the province in which South
Shields was situated, is known from two inscriptions of a.d. 221-2,

' For other inscriptions of this reign in Britain see end of this note. For
erasures of Alexander, see CI.L, iii. p. 1117; Wilmanns, 1002, 1004; Dessau,
479, 480, 484, 1356, etc. Any collection of inscriptions will furnish similar
instances for Caracalla, Macrinus, and Elagabalus.

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168 A NEW ROMAN INSCEIPTION FROM SOUTH SHIELDS.

found at Chesters and Netherby.' He bears two names common in
the third century, but nothing further seems to be recorded about him.
8. The cohort garrisoning South Shields is also an old friend. It
was in existence as a cohors equitata at least as early as Vespasian's
reign (a.d. 69-79) ; it was in Pannonia in a.d. 84-5 and probably for
some years earlier and later, and it may have joined in Trajan's Dacian
campaigns, for its tiles have been found in a little Eoman fort on the.
north bank of the Danube, near one of Trajan's crossing places.' We
do not know when it moved to Britain, but, as a guess, we may
suppose that it came with Hadrian, who appears to have moved one
or two other auxiliary regiments from the Danube to Britain. In
Britain our cohort is recorded at two places. One inscription
mentioning it has been found at Cramond, near Edinburgh, in the
ruins of a fort which was possibly connected with the operations of
Pius.* More definite traces, tiles, an unmistakable though fragmentary

inscription and some less intelligible leaden seals have been unearthed

at South Shields within the last few years,* and our new inscription

proves that the cohort was in garrison there about a.d. 222. Its

subseqaent history is unknown.

^ Septimius Severus divided Britain into Inferior (York) and Superior
(Chester), but the frontier is unknown, and this inscription (like most others)
does not help us. That Marius was a provincial governor and not a mere
legionary legatus is proved by the words pro praetore : the legi/tnwn legati,
though usually expraetors, had neither that title nor the powers it implied.
For the Chesters inscription see C. vii. 585 and Lapid, 121, for the Netherby
one C. 965 and Lapid. 774.

* An Aquileian inscription {C. v. 875 ; Orelli, 3651) mentions one Minidus
Italus who began as praefecttis coh. v. Gallorwn equitatae^ was afterwards
decorated by Vespasian, and, late in life, was in A.D. 105 otherwise distinguished.
For the Pannonian and Dacian evidence see C. iii. p. 855 ; £phem. v. p. 93 ; and
Arch, epigr. MittheiXuiigen, xiv. p. 111. This appears to be a case where we may
safely suppose that all the mentions of a cohors v. OaLlorum refer to the same
cohort, an assumption which is often dangerous.

* Gordon Itin. Sept. p. 116 ; C. viL 1083.

* Bph. vii. 1003 (inscription), iii. p. 143 and iv. p. 207 (tiles) ; iv. p. 209
(seals) ; Arch. Ael. x. 223 et seq. Dr. Hiibner {fferw^s, xvi. 62 n.) says tiles
have also been found at Tynemoath, but this is a mistake.

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HI
E-

O
00

E-

fe: t

2::

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A NEW ROMAN INSCRIPTION PROM SOUTH SHIELDS. 159

4. The date of the inscription is fixed to the first year of Alex-
ander's reign by the titulature, as well as by the name of the governor
whom (as has been said) we know to have been in Britain in a.d.
22 1-2. Of itself, the titulature would not be quite conclusive evidence,
as, from about the time of Septimius Severus, the numeral is some-
times omitted after trib. pot.

5. The formula of the inscription is of the usual character. It is,
perhaps, a little unusual to find the governor himself curantem^ but
there are many parallels and the omission of any praefect or other
inferior's name may imply the immediate supervision of Marius. The
plural usibtcs is less common.

The inscription possesses, however, a further interest than any
involved in the details just noted. Like most lapidary monuments,
it adds pf itself but a shred to our knowledge, and only possesses real
value when combined with others of its class. This new inscription
from South Shields is a useful addition to a group of inscriptions
which it is important for the student of Roman Britain to rightly
understand. This group comprises the records of buildings erected or
repaired in Roman fortresses, such as head quarters, ofSces, aqueducts,
armours, baths, drill halls, store houses. Many of these records are
dated, and, as is shown by the rough list appended to this note, the
dates belong mostly to the first half of the third century. We need
not, of course, take these records literally. The men who set them up
followed only too readily the example set with more excuse by
Septimius Severus, and they sometimes exaggerated their achieve-
ments. Not every building which is described as * ruined by lapse of
time ' {vetustate conlapsum) was really in serious disrepair. But the
inscriptions are not wholly groundless glorifications: they may be
connected with historical facts, and it has been usual to connect those
found in the North of Britain with the campaigns of Septimius
Severus and the statements which attribute to him the building of a
Wall. However, the dates of the inscriptions make this view almost
impossible, for a very considerable number of them are subsequent
to the death of Severus in February, 211, and scarcely any belong to
the years of his personal presence in Britaiji. We must turn rather to
the changes in the army introduced by that emperor and his succes-
sors, which tended to make the troops more territorial and the

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160

INSCRIPTIONS RBOORDINQ ERECTIONS, ETC.,

administration more efficient. Hence the number of new buildings
and repairs providing for a more permanent occupation and some-
times, perhaps, occupying ground, as at Lambaesis, vacated by soldiers
who had received land outside.

I. British Inscriptions of the reign of Severas Alexander (A.D. 222-235) :—

Fragment dated A.D. 236.

Dedication dated AJ). 234.

Tile (see Borghesi, iv. 296).

Dedication to the Matres.

„ „ ,, [uncertain: after

examination of the stone I think Alex-
ander and Inlia Mammaea were named
on it.]

Restoration and dedication of some building
A.D. 221.

Dedications [uncertain : perhaps relating to
Elagabalus and Alexander a«d. 221.]

Fragment, not much later than A.D. 222.

Bath (near)

Caebleon

York

Old Penbith

Old Cablislb

Ohbstebs

C. vii 63
a Yii. 104
a vii 1223*
C. vii. 319
a vii. 348

C, vii. 685

HOUSBSTBADS

Chestbbholm .

Gbbatohbstbbs
Gawfields

Nbthebby

JCpJk. iii. 100 ...

and vii. 1016

-^A. vii. 1021...

Jrch,Ael.x.US

et seq,; Eph,

vii. 1041 ... Dedications to Thingsus^etc
C. vii 715 ... Gateway and turrets restored, soon after

A.D. 222.
C. vii. 732 ... Oranaiy restored AJ>. 236.
Arch, Ael, xi.
132 ; Eph, vii

1115 Milestone.

C, vii. 965 ... Basilica exercitatoria equestris A.D. 222.
There are some other uncertain inscriptions — e,g, {C, vii. 222) at Bibchester
belonging to this or the preceding reign ((7. vii 1045) at High
Rochester, dated about A.D. 219-222.
II. Rough List of Building Inscriptions : — *

Principia ruina opreua^ A.D. 211-217.
Cohorti vii cerUurias a solo restit AJ). 263-9.
Building restored A.D. 198-211.
Temple rebuilt about a.d. 260 {C, vi 1417).
Aqueduct restored a.d. 198-211.
Something rebuilt A.D. 197 7
Some work done by soldiers, aboat AJ). 166.
Temple rebmlt a.d. 218-235 f
, Bath burnt and rebuilt Probably betweoi

A.D. 193 and A.D. 198.
Uncertain : Hadrian's reign.

• This list contains only inscriptions which appear to relate to some definite
edifice or construction in a fortress. I have omitted the inscriptions which
testify to the building of the two Walls by Hadrian and Antoninua, and other
wall-stones. I have used my own discretion in including or excluding inscrip-
tions of doubtful meaning.

Bath (near)

... C'. vii 62

Cabblbon

... C, vii 107

»»

106

»>

cf. 95

Cabbnabvon

... C. vii. 142

Ilklet

... ^. vii 210

Bibohbstbb

... C, vii 225

cf. 222

Bowes

... C. vii 273

275

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OF ROMAN BuiLDnras.

161

BAnrsRlDOB ... C, yii 269 ... 7 Ojp\t» cwny\ bracohio ettemtntioium A.D.

198-211.
Gbeta Bbiogb ... C, yii 281 ... Uncertain : after the division of Britain

into two provinces.
Lanoastbb ... C, vii. 287 ... Bath and basilica restored about a.d. 200-250.

Probably building about A.D. 218-7.
C vii. 316 ... Building restored third century.
C. vii. 446 ... Principia et armamentaria restU A.D.
238-244.
Bath and basilica built same date.

Whitley Cabtlb C, vii. 310

Old Penrith
Lakchbstbb

Clibubn

Chesteb-le-

STBEET

Bekwell
Chestebs

housesteadb
Ghestebholm

near) ...
Gbeatohbstbbs

Bibdoswald

Castlestbads
Nethebbt

Bewoastlb

BlSIKGHAM

(or

445
Aroh, AeL zii

289^^0^. and

xiii. 185 ; Bph,

vii. 960 ... Bath rebuilt : perhaps A.D. 197.
JSph, vii. 986 ... Water laid on. A J). 216.^

C. vii. 510 ... Temple restored A.D.

C, vii. 585 ... Rebuilding A.D. 221.

C. vii. 686 ... Bridge — but doubtful : undated.

£lph.Til 1021... Uncertain : soon after A.D. 222.

C, vii. 621 ... Uncertain : A.D. 237.

C. vii. 715 ... Gate and towers rebuilt soon after a.d. 222.
C. vii. 732 ... Storehouse rebuilt A.D. 225. [The word
used, hcrreum, does not necessarily imply
a corn-store.]
C. viL SSZb ... Building A.D. 236.

838 ... Uncertain : possibly between A.D. 211-222 ;
the legate mentioned reappears at
Netherby (c 964).
C. vii. 894 ... „ undated.

a vii. 965 ... Riding school A.D. 222.
964, 966, 967 ... Uncertain : probably early in 3rd century.
C, vii. 978 ... Inscription of Hadrian, perhaps founder of

this camp, as of Netherby (c. 961.)
C. viL 1003 ;.. Walls and gate restored A.D. 205-8.
C, vii. 984 ... Bath : undated.

1008-10... Two buildings restored : undated.

HlOH RoOHBBTEB C. vii. 1039 ... Building erected, perhaps temple, A.D.

219-222.

1041 ... Praetorium? AJ>. 137-143.

1043 ... Uncertain (perhaps only a statue) AJ>. 215.

1045 ... ^aZ2i«^aretm built (or rebuilt) A J). 219-222.

1046 ... „ rebuilt. Same date.

1044 ... Fragment: probably A.D. 211-217.

' The inscription appears to mention the territorium of the garrison. This
primarily commissariat arrangement dates back to the first centuiy (Brambach,
/. Bh. 377) and need not, with Schiller {Gesch. i. 773), be connected with the
changes of Septimius Severus.

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162 THE i£ANOB OF HALTWHI8TLE.

XL— THE MANOR OP HALTWHISTLE.

By the Rev. 0. E. Adamson.

[Read on the 29th day of March, 1893.]

The manor of Haltwhistle or Hantwysel^ formed part of the
* Franchise of Tindale,' of which the kings of Scotland were lords
seigneur, during parts of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. In
1191 William the Lion gave Haltwhistle, Bellister, and Plainmeller
as a dowry to his natural daughter Isabel, widow of Robert de Bros,
on her marriage with Robert de Roos of Hamlake (Helmsley) and
Wark-upon-Tweed, and the manor remained in the possession of her
descendants for fourteen generations. Robert de Roos was succeeded
by his son William who appears to have left Hamlake to his eldest son
and Haltwhistle to his second son Alexander. In 1806, September
11th, Edward I. passed through Haltwhistle, and on his arrival at
Carlisle he granted to the lord of Haltwhistle license to hold a weekly
market and two fairs, one on the f^tival of the Invention of the Gross
and the other at Martinmas.

On the same occasion a complaint was made by William, son and
heir of Sir Alexander Ros of Tolton, knight, alleging that he had been
wrongfully deprived by John de Balliol, formerly king of Scotland, of
the seiTices of thirlage and maintenance of the mill pools of Hautwysd
in Tyndale due by the lord of Grendon and his tenants in the time of
his ancestor, Sir Robert de Roos, to whom William king of Scotland
gave the manor of Hautwysel and appurtenances and praying remedy
from the king as now lord of Grendon since the death of Antony
bishop of Durham.

It appears that Gilbert, the then lord of Grindon in the chapelry
of Haydon Bridge, had granted an annual rent charge of four marks
to Alexander de Ros for liberty for himself and his tenants to grind

* At the east end of the town is a mound known as the Castle HiU. It bears
traces of ancient fortification, and it has been suggested that the name of Halt-
whistle (or Hautwysell as it was originally spelled) is derived from the 'watch '
[wessel] on the 'high' [alt] mound.

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THE TOWBB OF HALTWHISTLB. 168

their com at Haltwhistle mill. His son Hugh had exchanged lands
with Alexander III. king of Scotland from whom they had descended
to John Balliol on whose forfeiture Anthony Bek, bishop of Durham,
came into possession for a short time, but the king had recovered
them at this parliament at Carlisle. The complaint is endorsed: —
' As the King's &ther died seized in the Manor and the service was
not done for long before, the case must be more fully considered.'*

Robert de Bos or de Boos was a very important personage. His
name is continually occurring in state documents of the period. He
held the important barony of Wark-upon-Tweed as well as Halt-
whistle and had extensive estates at Helmsley in Yorkshire. In 1209
he was one of the escort appointed to attend William of Scotland to
York, and he is one of the witnesses to the agreements between the
English and the Scottish Mugs. In 1212 he had ' taken the habit of
religion ' in connection with the Knights Templars, but we find him
shortly afterwards again engaged in State business, and yet when he died
in 1227 he was buried as a Knight Templar in the Temple church. He,
with the Northumbrian barons Eustace de Yesci, John fitz Bobert, and
Gilbert Delaval, took a prominent part in promoting the signing of
the great Charter (1215). Two of his grandsons, each named Bobert
de Bos, also took a prominent part in public affairs, but Haltwhistle
passed into the possession of descendants whose names seldom occur
in the public records.

In 1348 William de Boos died leaving two daughters of whom one
(who married Sir John Ellerker) succeeded to Yolton in Yorkshire,
the other to Haltwhistle, and thus the manor passed to Sir Thomas
Musgrave the husband of Margaret de Boos. The Musgraves were an
old Cumbrian family settled at Musgrave and afterwards branching
out into the four famiUes of Great Musgrave, Edenhall, Hayton, and
Crookdale.

The tower of Hautwysel is first mentioned in the list of towers
and castles that existed in Northumberland about the year 1416, and
is probably the same as that described in 1542 as the inheritance of
Sir William Musgrave and in measurable good reparation.' It is — as

' See Hodgson's Northumberland, III. 386, and Bain*s Documents relating to
Scotland, III. 48, 236.

• * At Hawtewysle is a toure of thinherytance of S' Will'm Musgrave knighte
in measurable good rep'ac^ons.*

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164

THB MANOR OF HALTWHISTLE.

it now stands — a plain bailding with a loop-holed tnrret bnilt on corbels.
The old roof, which was removed some twenty years ago, was formed

of flags laid on heavy
oaken beams and fastened
thereto with sheep shank
bones. The floor also
consisted of flags laid
on joists formed of the
roughly squared trunks
of oak trees. A winding
stone stair-case leads to
the upper part of the
tower. As Haltwhistle
cannot have had a resi-
dent lord during the tenure of the Musgraves, the tower was
probably the official residence of the bailiffs who seem to have
exercised considerable authority in the town. In 1279 Roger le
Tailleur was bailiff! In 1473 Robert Stevenson, vicar, is named as
seneschal. In 1552 Nicholas Blenkinsopp was bailifP (Nicolson's
Leges Marchiarum 164). John Ridley, bailiff of Haltwhistle, by his
will dated 1616 bequeaths his best ox as a 'herryate' to Lord William
Howard, and another John Ridley and Nicholas Ridley held the office
in 1634. (Lord William Howard's Household Book.)

In 1516 Sir Edward Musgrave obtained from Henry VIII. a
confirmation^ of the grant of fairs and markets of Edward I., and his
second son Simon (who succeeded to the estates on the death of his
nephew Sir Richard without surviving issue) sold the manor to Sir
Richard Lowther, knight, whose virtues and honours are thus recorded
in Lowther church : —

* Sir Richard Lowther knight, succeeded Henry lord Scroop in the office of
lord warden of the West Marches, and was thrice a Commissioner in the great
a&iirs between England and Scotland all the time of qneen Elizabeth. And
after he had seen his children to the fourth degree, given them yirtnoni
education and means to live, advanced his brothers and sisters oat of his own
patrimony, governed his family and kept plentiful hospitality for 67 years
together, he ended his life the 27th of January, 1607, ^tatis suse 77.**

^ See Appendix, page 176.

* Nicolson and Boms, WeHinoreland and Cumberland^ I. 431.

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]

THE MANOR OF HALTWHISTLB. 165

Christopher his son married Eleanor daughter of Sir William
Mnflgrave of Hayton, co. Camberland, and his daaghter Annie married
Alexander Featherstonhangh of Featherstone near Haltwhistle.

With her the manor passed to the Featherstonhanghs, and her son
Albany Featherstonhangh sold it to Lord William Howard (Belted
Will) in 1611. The date of the sale is approximately fixed by the
following entries in Lord William Howard's Household' Book for 1612
under ' Bents Pentecost and Martinmas.'

* HA.UTWTSBLL.— Augosti 6**. Received of John Ridley for the half yeare's
rent of the tenemeats thear, due to my Lord ^t Midsomer last, the sum of iiij/»
iiij* viij^. — Per quitt' Nov. 19. Rec. of John Ridley for the half yeare'a rent of
the tenements thear, due to my Lord at Biartinmas last and for the towle
zxj« Yd, Rec of Mr. Harrison for whoU yeare's rent of the mill thear, due at
Martinmas last vli yjs viij^.*

But that it was then a recent acquisition is shown by an entry
under another head : —

* Rec of Oathbert Harryson as remayning upon his accompt of xZi part of
the payment for the purchase of HautwyseU 28 Feb. iiij> xj^.'

Again under ' lands purchased ' : —

* March 1° by bills — To Mr. Cuth. Harryson as parceU of the money due by
my Lord for the purchase of HautwyseU and for drawing of writings belonging
thereunto xZi * * * To Outhbert Harryson for John Corry for the purchase of
his assignment for the lease of HautwyseU miU xilV

Moreover this property does not occur in Lord William Howard's
rental for 1611.

Other entries in the same, book are : —

* 1612, Aug. 26, the stewards' dinner at HautwyseU Court ix». iiij^., in 1641,
xiij«.

1618 (various receipts) clxvijZi iiij*. xd, ob,— June 18. Rec. of Mr. Cuth.
Harryson for the towles of St Ellens and Martinmas 1618 for ij faires xv*. For
Composition of aU tradesmen oomming to those ij fairs xiiij*. For towle corn
xiiij«. For towle of bread vij«. Rec of John BeU for one of his sons for his
amerciament for playing at ix holes yU yiijt^.'

Aug. 18. Various receipts of John Turner for com and coals
sold at Haltwhistle are enumerated : —

* 5 stone of Coale roap for HautwiseU and the other xvi^. viii^.

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166 THE MANOR OF HALTWHI8TLE.

1620, Jnne 2. Rec of John Ridley Miller for one half yeaies rent of the
Walk Mill at Haatwyslej due at Whitsnnday 1621, xb.*

The miller received yU. yearly as wages, probably this was the
corn miller.

* Mr. Laorenoe Middleton for keeping the court at Hantwysley iij times dae
at the last St EUenmas court 1621 xxzs*

In connection with this period the following from a document (in
the handwriting and peculiar spelling of Mrs. Gathbertson) preserved
among the manor records is interesting : —

* Lord Wm Howard bought ye Lordship of Albany

Featherstonhangh

Obseryations on Haltwhistles Court Rolls

due to ye Lord of ye Man'

Herriots on Desent & arbitary fines on allinations

£ s d
Estamated Worth Yearly 6 3:6
Certain Day works of ye several Tenant
g d
Estimated Worth : 7 6

£ s d
Profits of ye fairs & markets I 8:4
Court k Court Leets &c fines on Alenation Heriots releases wayf es k deodands
Felon good kc Hawking Fowling Hunting fishing k all other Profits and Per-
quasites worth

£ i d
3-6-8

Lord Howard let ye follow to Tho Waugh—

Aores. Rood. P.

Message Bam k Stack yard kc — — 20

Close call* Skele end Containing ... ♦ 6 — —

Land Lyeing in Haltwhistle Hough con^ ... — 2 —

Land Lying in y East feild Bounded by Walk I ,

Water Mill Butts on ye West Containing )

Two Ridges of Land lye*»» in East feild ... ... — 2 —

Third Part of a Pasture call Akey know 11 2 —

Ground Lyeing in Halt'' Westfcilds con«f ... 4 2 —

Land Lyeing in ye feild CaU*. Wilyae con«f ... 1 — —

25 — 20
The above was lett to Tho Waugh by liord Howard with all Perquisite
mention**, (excepting Mills k Quarrys).

Tenants paying y« best Beast they dye** Seize** of for a Her"*.
Haltwhistle. Lord Howard let y*> following to Hugh Ridley, 1682.

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TSB MANOR OF HALTWHISTLB* 167

Aoref. Bood. P.

A Message Bam & (}artli Containing — 1 —

A Frontstead Ck>ntaining — — 10

Land laying in Haltwhistle Hough Oon«. 1 — 20

Land Lyelng in y* Haither East Feild con* ... 1 2 —

Land Lyeing in Haltwhistle West feilds oon* ... 6 1 —

Land Laying in y« feild call*. Wylegae con ... 1 1 —

The whole Contain*"* 9 1 80

At his Death to pay a Herriot & all other Costom & Dntys as ye Tenants aie
Bound to perform.

The water Com Mill w^ all Mnlstnrs Tolls Sate Soken Cnstome &o to y«
same belonging.

The Walk Mill with Pool Water &c thereto belong*^.

The Dye Honse with all Advantages theretoo belong*^.

Coal Mines & Seams of Coal discoverd or to be Discover* & all profits what
so Bver.

Lord Howard let y« follow*^ to John Ridley alias Easby.

A. R P.

Parcel of Land Call*. Bayfield Hough contain"^ ...
Land Call* Haltwhistle Lowe Hoagh con*
Land Lyeing in Haltwhistle Eastfeilds Bounded

by ye river Tyne on y* South con*

Land lyeing in Haltwhistle West feilds con* ...
Land lyeing in a feild call* Wylegae con*

The whole 47 — 20

Lord Howard let y* following to Christp. Ridley.

A Messag House a smith shop garth & Close Call* A. B. P.

Edenslaw containing 11 2 — *

Lord William Howard died in 1640 just as the troubles of the
civil war were beginning ; indeed it is sapposed that his hasty removal
from Naworth to Greystock on the approach of the Scots was the
immediate cause of the death of the old man whose once sturdy frame
was now well nigh' worn out

Sir Charles Howard, third son of Lord William Howard (who
married Dorothy Widdrington), now succeeded to the manor. He
* was a person whose political and religious principles did not permit
him to bask in the favour of" Oliver " the " Captain General of all the
forces," or of the honourable parliament of the time ; for, on the 14th
July, 1652, " the humble petition of the lady Dorothy Howard late the
wife of Sir Richard Howard, knight, one of those presented to their
honours in the new list from the Commissioners for compounding as a
papist delinquent, and of William Howard Esq. their son, being that day

—

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168 THE UANOB OF HALTWHISTLB.

read " before the House of Commons " it was resolved — that the name
of Sir Charles Howard, of Haltwhisle, be inserted into the bill"; and
accordingly the name of Sir Charles Howard, of Plenmeller, near
Haltwhistle, occurs in a long list of his oflFending neighbours, who
were put into the bill of November 2nd, 1652, for the sale of several
lands and estates forfeited to the commonwealth for treason.*^ Accord-
ingly the estate was put up for sale, and the following document belongs
to this date. It is endorsed thus : —

*A DESOBIPTIOK OF HALTWHISTLB BOUNDABIBS TAKEN BY COHMISSIOKEBS
rOB THE SALE OF FOBFEITED ESTATES IK THE YEAB 1653. No. 6.

Boondery of Haltwhistle Lordship Beginneth at the South East C!omer of
the Falling in of Tippat Bum into the River of South Tyne ; And from thence
Northwest up the said Bum to the Foot of Pansdale Sike, then North the said
Sike to the Sandiefords. And so to the Wall Town Mosse ; And then East
thro' the said Mosse to the Mear Poole And so along the Meare Steand to the
Cawbum And from thence North East to the Roman Wall, And North beyond
the said Wall up the Cawbum by the Summer Yards to an Old Double Dike And
So along the said Dike to the Oaw Gap And So South Over the Roman Wall to
the Staving Stone And So South by the West End of the Christy Cragg And so
still South by the Shudders (j^y, Strathers) to the River Tyne And then West
up the said River to Tippat Foot where the Bounder begun.'

From the proceedings in connection with this forfeiture and
subsequent sale we learn that Lord William Howard by a deed dated
8th October, 1688, had settled Plenmeller and Haltwhistle first on
himself and his then wife with remainder to Sir Charles Howard his
son, and with further remainder to William Howard son of Sir Charles.
But in April, 1651, Nicholas Ridley and others stated in a petition
that ' Capt. Thomas Howard and Sir Charles Howard papists in arms
held the land until the Soots invasion when they fled leaving the
lands waste,' and thereon the petitioners returned to their lands from
which they had been formerly expelled by Lord William Howard and
had held them for eight years paying rent, but the County Conmiittee
having sequestered Sir Charles Howard's estates bad let their tene-
ments. They stated also that their ancestors had long held these
lands paying rent to the crown but Lord William Howard purchased
the royalties of king James. Roger Harbottle, on June 11th, states

« Hodgson*8 Northumherlandy i. II. p. 80, quoting Commons Journal, vii. 164,
204.

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THB KANOB OF HALTWHISTLE. 169

in a oonnter petition that the estate was sequestered seven years ago,
and that Sir Oharles being very aged and nnable to prosecute these
trespassers, Sir A. Haselrigg and the Northern Oommissioners had let
the premises to himself at an improved value of £55, and yet the
others go on ploughing and sowing. The dispute was concluded by a
resequestration of the estate on June 4th, 1652, and it was sold on
November lOth, 1658, to Philip Purefoy, of whom nothing seems to
be known and who within ten years had parted with his purchasa
This order of the trustees for the sale specifies : —

*A11 those the Mannonrs Lordshipps and Towneshipps of Haltwhistle
Haltleboorne Plenmeller and Ferrjaheilds with the Lands Tenements Rents
Royalties Rights members and appurtenances thereof And also all that Water
Come Milne and a Falling Milne or Walke Milne with the Appurtenances
unto them belonging in Haltwhistle afoiesaid And also all that Dying house
together with the Coalery (Joale Mynes or Seams of Coales lying and being
in Haltwhistle aforesaid and belonging to the said Mannours with the appur-
tenances And also of all other the Messuages and Tenements with the Lands
and appurtenances thereunto belonging lying and being within the said
Mannours by what name or names soever they are called.*

The next owner was William Pearson who is said to have Uved at
Haltwhistle Spital, now part of the Blenkinsop estate, where his initials
W. P. were cut in the stone over the door of the house. In the valua-
tion of the county of the year 1668 William Pearson is assessed for
Haltwhistle town at £140 and for the mills at £20.^ In 1672 we find
George Pearson coupled with William in a note for the calling of the
Faur, but in 1713 we find * Mr. ' William Pearson alone described as
lord of the manor, and a John Pearson who is recoguised as entitled
to a share in the division of the common. At this time both William
Pearson and John Pearson are described as of ^ S. Gyles Hospital als
Hexham Spital.' John is an infant who acts by his mother Margaret.
As William Pearson's daughter® was married as late as 1728, it would
appear that we have at least two if not three generations of Pearsons.

' Hodgson's Northumberland, I. iii 318.

' Mr. Thos. J. Leadbitter has kindly supplied the following note on Wm.
Pearson :—

* My ancestor, Matthew Leadbitter, of Whamley and Warden (the grandfather
of my great grandfather) succeeded to the Warden property in 1682 on his
father's death.

His eldeH son succeeded him as owner of Warden.

His 2nd son, Matthew Leadbitter, of Whamley, purchased Haltwhistle
Spital in 1726, and he was buried at Warden on 10 June, 1761. His 3rd wife

VOL. XVI.

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170 THB HANOB OF HALTWHISTLB.

In 1718, an agreement was made for the diTision of certain parts
of Haltwhistle Common which were known by the names of ' The
ffoulding Steads Walkers Hill the Pike Horsley Radstones Greenholes
Irdon Hill lyeing on the East side of Haltwhistle Borne Broomshaw hill
Williah head the Eemb Hill Little Painsdale Great Painsdale the Hard
riggs the Lees the Inner Lees hole the Onter Lees Hole the ffeild head
lyeing & being on the West Side of Haltwhistle Bnme and all that
parcell of Ground lyeing and being at the Head of Hardriggs.' The
parties to the agreement were William Pearson of St. Gyles Hospital
also Hexham Spittle, lord of the manor, of the one part, and of the other
Robert Coatsworth (of Unthank), Bartholomew Coulson, Matthew
Henderson (of Akieknow), Albany Glenwright, John Johnson (of
Elwick, Co. Durham), Cuthbert Lethart, Roger Pigg (Dyer), William
Armstrong, John Newton (of Hdrse Close), James Armstrong, George
Johnson, Thomas Pratt (Smith, of Whittington), Christopher Bell (of
Old Sheels), Hugh Ridley, Matthew Ridley, Thomas Crawford (of West
Renton, Co. Durham), Thomas Jackson, Thomas Bell, Thomas Waugh,
John Waugh(ofBitchellgate), .... Thirlwell ( ....),
Nicholas Havelock (of Cawfield), Thomas Pate (Vicar), John Mowbray
(of the City of Durham, gentleman ), Thomas Marshall (of Wall town),
Joseph Bell (Glover), John Nixon, Dorothy Hankin, Henry Hankin
(of Newcastle, Barber Chyrurgion), Teasdale Mowbray (infant by his
father for lauds, late John Winter's Mason and also late Thomas
Neven's), John Pearson (of Haltwhistle Spittle by his mother Margaret
Pearson), Christopher Armstrong, John Routledge, William Whitfield,
John Blenkinsopp, Dorothy Snawdon, Mary Routledge, Richard
Blenkinsopp, all of Haltwhistle and yeomen, unless otherwise described.
The land divided amounted to 618 acres 2 roods of which 50 acres were
allotted to the lord of the manor for his demesne lands and two detached
acres in right of two cottages. The 50 acres included the Lees, The
Inner Lees, and Lees hope bounded by the bum. The largest allottees

was Mary, daughter of WiUiam Pearson, of Hexham Spital, to whom he was
married on 20 June, 1728. Thej had issue an only daur., Margt., who was liring
and unmarried in 1 760. (The above is extracted from Hodgson's Northwn berland,
Part n. Vol iii. p. 410.) I have the portrait of colonel Pearson who fought in
1715 at Preston, and was a colonel in the Jacobite army. He was very nearly
taken prisoner, and was said to have been a very resolute and powerful man.
He is said to have lived at the Spital, Hexham, and, no doubt, was the Wm.
Pearson of Hexham Spital, and lord of the manor of Haltwhistle, party to the
agreement of 1713 for division of Haltwhistle Common.'

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THE HAHOB OF HALTWHISTLE. 171

were the Mowbrays who received 140 acres to be divided by themselves
into portions of 90 to one and 50 to the other.

In 1714 the manor was sold to Thomas Oarr of Hexham, gentle-
man, for £1,100, and the deeds show that it had been previously
mortgaged to John Bacon, esquire, of Staward, for nearly its fall
value. Thomas Carr had married Ann, the daughter of Thomas
Burrell of Broom park, and his son John Oarr in his will dated 14th
April, 1738, left his landed property at Hexham and Halt whistle to
his ' dear brother James Oarr ' * with remainder, in default of issue,
to George Outhbertson who had married his aunt Mary Burrell, and to
his heirs male in strict entail.

James Oarr had no issue, and consequently the property descended
to George Outhbertson. The entail was broken when the younger
George Outhbertson came of age, and the property was resettled on
his marriage, with remainder to his wife if she survived him, and then
to his children.

George Outhbertson the elder and George Outhbertson the younger
were successively town clerks of Newcastle. The son, however, died
before his father and thus never came into possession of Haltwhistle.
The elder George Outhbertson died in 1767, and his grandson, another
George, on coming of age was admitted to the Hexham property, but
his mother was lady of the manor of Haltwhistle from 1767 until
her death in 1796 when she was succeeded by her only surviving child
Elizabeth, in accordance with the settlement.

Mrs. Outhbertson was the daughter of Leonard Bower of Scorton,
Yorkshire. She only enjoyed married life for about five years, her
husband dying in 1756 at the early age of 26. She has left behind
her a beautifully written book of daily expenses,^® and the court rolls
and presentments for this period are still preserved.

Miss Elizabeth Outhbertson, locally known as lady Outhbertson

and the eccentric Miss Outhbertson, lived at Haltwhistle in the new

manor house, rebuilt in 1800, and at one time known as the * Griflfin

inn.' At first she kept up considerable state but afterwards (report

says in consequence of an unrequited attachment) she became very

eccentric. She was very tenacious of her manorial rights. She kept a

'James Carr son of Thomas Can of Hexham, gent., University Coll.,
matricalated 10 Mar. 1736-7, aged 18. Foster's Alumni Oxonientes,
>• See Proceedings, Vol. V. p. 248.

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172 THE MAHOB OF HALTWHISTLB.

gamekeeper to preserve the * fowling' on the manor. She was con-
tinually quarrelling with her tenants. At the time of her death, the
whole property (with the exception of two houses then lately built)
was in a complete state of ruin, according to a report made by Mr.
John Adamson to her successors in the manor.

She died in 1886^^ intestate, and the manor therefore passed in

* moieties' to her cousins Robert Bower and Frances and Charlotte
Heron. The former represented her aunt Philadelphia whose marriage
is thus announced in the Newcastle Journal for 14th July, 1759 :—

* 1759, July, married John Bower of Bolton York* at St. John's Church
N.C. to Miss Cuthbertson dau : to Gteo : Cuthbertson Clerk of the Peace
for North^ an amiable and polite young lady with a handsome fortune.*
The ladles represented Anne Cuthbertson of whose marriage there is
no record, the bride having eloped with Mr. Heron to (it is supposed)
Gretna Green. Mr. and Mrs. Heron had a large family, but the
only survivors at the death of Miss Cuthbertson were two of the
younger children, Frances and Charlotte. These ladies were descended
from one Thomas Heron of Heron's Hill near Corbridge, and he is
understood to have been closely connected with the baronets of
Chipchase. Thus by a curious coincidence the manor of Haltwhistle
came into the possession of descendants of its ancient owners, Margaret,
daughter of Sir Edward Musgrave by his first wife Alice, having
married John Heron of Chipchase in the last years of Henry YIII.

" ' 1836. Dec. 17. Died at Haltwhistle at the advanoed age of 88 yeazB
Elizabeth Cuthbertson a maiden lady. She chose for her abode the second
storey of a miserable abode in Haltwhistle, the door of which was nearly con-
stantly locked and many of the windows bricked up to shut out the gaze of
inquisitive people. Here she lived alone, and the wealth with which ihe was
blessed, and which might have been a source of blessing to all around her, was
allowed to accumulate, as she invariably refused all applications to improve the
estate or render those around her more comfortable. For the latter part of her
life her ezdusiveness became more strict and her solitude more remarkable.
She kept no steward or servant or any one to look after her affairs or manage
her property, and consequently much inconvenience was sustained by all the
neighbourhood. Towards, her tenants she behaved in a very peculiar manner.
It is said that there were some who had not paid any rent for a great number of
years, there were others who paid a portion of the rent due only, and both these
descriptions of tenants she allowed to Live upon the respective tenures thej
occupied because they owed her money, but those who paid the whole of their
rents she immediately discharged. It is said by those who had occasional access
to her that she had a fine intelligent countenance but it was clouded with auster-
ity, and a little more cleanliness would have made it more agreeable. During
the last few years of her life she declined transacting any business in the
most positive manner, and no Inducements or persuasions could prevail upoo
her to abandon her system of non-intercourse with the world.* — ^LocaJ Papers,
Bichardson*s Table Book,

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THB MANOR OF HALTWHISTLE. 178

In 1844 an Act of Parliament was obtained for the division of the
remainder of the common and also of the rig or dale lands. The
common contained abont 1,860 acres yet andivided. Under the Act,
one-sixteenth was aUotted to the lord and ladies of the manor in
consideration of their manorial rights, three large plots were sold to
pay the expenses of the division, and the remainder was divided
amongst those entitled to right of common. The rig or dale lands
have a peculiar interest in that they were relics of the old system of
forming when the farmers had each his toft and his croft and his share
in the common fields. In each field each freeholder had his rig or dale,
and this was convenient when perhaps the manor possessed only one
plough for which every farmer contributed an ox and the village
blacksmith the irons and so on, but it was altogether out of date
and inconvenient under the modern system, one particular disadvan-
tage being that no system of drainage was possible in plots of land
seldom or never exceeding one acre in extent. By comparing the old
documents relating to Lord William Howard's tenants, and a map
made by the commissioner for the division, we can get a fair idea of
these common fields. We see first that every tenant had his 'Message
Barn and Garth,' and also 'Lands Lyeing in' various places. Halt-
whistle Haugh was the land lying south of Edenslawn and the church-
yard by the riverside. The East field may have been situated near the
foot of the bum. The West fields perhaps lay on either side of the
road leading to Bitchelgate, and the field called Wilyae lay to the north
of the town. Besides these we have Bayfield Haugh in the older
document (perhaps the Bogfield which lies between Edenslawn and
Haltwhistle Haugh), and in the map we find that dale lands lay south
of the river in Bellister Haugh, and that there were other plots
at Bitchelgate and Tippalt Foot (perhaps also parts of the Westfields).
These were all divided into convenient fields according to the several
interests of the owners thereof.

The Misses Heron bequeathed their moiety to the surviving
children of their friend, Mr. John Adamson of Newcastle. The Adam-
sons afterwards acquired the other moiety by purchase from Mr. Bower,
thus becoming sole lords of the manor ; and it may be noted as
another curious coincidence that the Adamsons are descended (by a
chain with several female links) from the original grantee through the

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174 APPENDIX— DB BOB PBDIGRBB.

femilies of Darcj, Dodsworth (of Thornton Watlass) and Blythman (of
Westoe).

The manor conld not pass through sach a tenure as that of Miss
Guthbertson without some serious depreciation ; but the present lords
still hold the old Tower, the Castle Hill, the ' Water Oome Mihie,'
the ' Pulling Mihie or Walke Mihie,' the * Dying house ' (in the
occupation of Mr. Saint whose ancestors have for several generations
carried on business therein), the ^ Ooalery Ooale Mines or Seames of
Coales * (still worked for the supply of household coal), the Town
Foot Farm representing the old demesne lands, and the Leas Hall
Farm, allotted in lieu of the lord's rights over the common. This
latter &rm is bounded on the east by Haltwhistle Bum, which, as it
flows for a short distance between rugged clifb of valuable freestone,
presents to view one of those picturesque spots which are characteristic
of the county of Northumberland.

APPENDIX.
Pbdigbeb of Db Bos ob Db Boos.

Arms : (Mes (hrte wUer hougeU org.

Peter de Bos, lord of =p Adeline, one of the alBters uid co-heiien of
Bos In Holdemen. Walter de Eipec, lord of Hunlake (Helmiley).

Bobert de Boe =F SibOl de Vsloinet.

Brerard de Bos, had llTery of =F Bos, one of the daughters and co-helresses of
Yorkshire estetes 26 Hen. IL Wm. Tnisbntt of Wariree in Holdemees.

BOBBBT DS Bob, sumamed Fursan, =f Isabella, dan. of William the Lion, king of
had llTery of lands, 3 Bia L reoelTod | SooUand, and widow of Bobert le Bms.

^altwhistle on his marriage ; ob. 1227.

WiLLiAJC DS Bob, =p Lnoy. dan. of Beginald Bobert de Bos ^ Margaret William the =p • '
ob.U56. Ptta-Piers. 'ofWerfc.' Bros. younger.

Bobertde Bos, oneof the =r Isabel, dan. of Albxandsb d« Boa, sue- ^ . . . . Peter de Bos.

minoipal barons of Par- William, 4th lord oeeded to Haltwhistle and
Qament, 1264 and 1285; AlbiniofBelyoir. Tolton; mentioned 14 Ed. L
ob. 1285. I

rector of
Bottesford.

William de Bos, =FBfaud. dan. IsabeL William db Bob, to?

ob. 1316.1 of John Emmeline. whom Edw. L granted

' de Vaux. fair at Haltwhistle, 1307.

, -I- jiLau(
of
de'

William =p . . . . Alice = Nicholas Lord Mdnill, Alexander MAROARar, wife of Sir

de Bos. of Whorlton, from de Bos, Thomas MusgraTe, who

whom are descended ob «.p. had Haltwhistle.

the present lords of Mary, wife of Sir John

Haltwhistle. BUerker, who had Yol-

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DBSOBNT OP HALTWHISTLB MANOR. 175

Skbtoh Pbdiobbb to illustbatb the Dbsoent of Haltwhibtlb

MANOB in THB eight BBKTH and nineteenth 0ENTUBIB8.

Ihomafl Bnrrell, Esquire, of Broom park, had,
bMides other ohUdren, two daognterB.

ThonuuOaffof Hexham,? Anne. George OathbertaonxMacy*

who bought HaltwhlBtle. I (IV.)

(L)

Joan.

■■]'

1 ^ I

Oan. Oair. Onthbertson. i dan. o< Oathbertaon.

(n.) (m.) L. Bower.

I. I dan. <

L.BOW

(V.)

Jamea Geoise =P Hannah, Fhiladelnhia =F John Anne ^ Balph

I _. I

Bower. Outhbertaon.

Heron.

George Muej Elizabeth Amongst others, Amcmgst others,

Oathbertaon. Oothbertaon. Onthbertson. Robert Bower. Frances Heron and

(Yl.) (VII.onemoiety.) Charlotte Heron. •

(Vn. the other
moiety.)

Connecting links between the obiginal lobd op Haltwhistle and
the pbesent lords.

Alice, dau. of William de Ros, the great grandson of Fursan, married Nicholas,

lord Meinill of Whorl ton.
Elisabeth, her only dan., married John, 2nd lord Darcy, who foaght f^t Grecy

with his father, and died 1356.

John, 3rd lord Darcy, died a minor s.p,
Philip, 4th lord Darcy, married Elizabeth, dau. of sir Thos. Grey of Heton and

widow of Roger Widdrington. He died 1398.
John, 5th lord Darcy, married Margaret, dau. of Henry lord Gray de Wilton.
Philip, 6th lord Darcy, married Eleanor, dau. of Henry lord Fitz Hugh, and

died 1418, under age, leaving two daughters, one of whom,
Margery Darcy, married sir John Conyers of Hornby, knt.
Margaret Conyers married Rowland Place of Halnaby. '

Matilda Place married Thomas Dodsworth of Thornton Watlass.
Richard Dodsworth married Dorothy WyvU.

(7 William Dodsworth, another son. father of Laurence.)
Katharine Dodsworth married her cousin Laurence, and her daughter
Margaret Dodsworth married William Blythman of Gateshead and afterwards

of Westoe.
Edward Blythman married Jane Cook in 1597.
Edward Blythman married Mary Chambers in 1617.

William Blythman married

Mary Blythman married Henry Eden, M.D.

Jane Eden married Cuthbert Adamson in ITOf.

Blythman Adamson married Eleanor Thiikeld.

Cuthbert Adamson married Mary Huthwaite.

John Adamson married Elizabeth Huthwaite in 1812.

Edward Hussey Adamson.

William Adamson.

Charles Murray Adamson.

Sarah Mnry Adamson.

John James Adamson.

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176 • MANOR OP HALTWHI8TLB— APPENDIX.

Haltwhistlb Fajb.

Hodgson quotes a writ showing that in 1207 king John granted a weekly
market to Robert de Ros. Rex Ticecomiti Northumbriae. — praecipimos tibi
quod facias habere Rob. de Ros nnnm mercatum apnd Altewis* singulis septi-
manis per diem joyis quia illud ei ibi conoessimus nisi sit, etc. Teste me ipso
apud Oxon x di Febr. A. r. n. 870. {Rat. Lit. Clans, temp. Johan, p. 77.)

At the date of this John of England and William the Lion of Scotland were
at war with each other.

Ck)nfirmation Roll. 7 Henry 8. Part 2, Membrane 13.
D* Oonfirmac*o*e Edwardo Musgrave. Rex Omnihut ad quos haec Badtdem
Inspeximttscartam dwnini Bdwardi nup^r Regis Ajiglw^ primi Prc»genitori8 nodii
iact&m in hec v^rba. Edwardus Dei Qniia Rex Anglian Daminua 'Ribemiae
k. Dux Aqnitaniae kvchiepiseopis Epi^^^o^is Abba^biM PrioribtM Comitib«# Baroni-
hits Justiciariis VicecomitibM Prepositis Ministris & omnibtf^ balliyis & fidelibnf
suis Salttt^mi. Sclatis nos concessisse & hac carta no^^ra confirmasse dikcto
k fideli nostio WiUielm^} de Ros de Yoltone qiuxi ip#e k heredes sui imperpetuum
habesxit unum mercatum singulis Septimanis p^ diem Jovis apud manmum
BVLVLtn de Hautwysell^ in Tindale in comitatu Northumbrian; k unam fenam
ibidem singulis annis p^ tres dies duratura?;^ yidelic^ in yigilia k in die k in
crastino Invencionis Banctae Crucis k unam aliam feriam ibidem p^ tres
dies duraturam yidelin^^t in vigilia & in die & in crastino Sancti Martini episeopi
in hyeme nisi mercatum illud k ferie ille sint ad nocnmentum vidnoriMi
m^rcatoru?;i k vicinart^f/i f eriart^;&. Quare volumiM k firmit^ pro^cipimtM pro nobt's
k heredibfw no^^ris qi^od pr^tc^us Willielmua k heredes sui imp^rp^^infm
haieant pr^dicf a mercatum k ferias apud manmum suum pr^ic^m cum omai-
hus lib^rtatibf/^ k libris consuetudinibiM ad hujusmodi mercatum k ferias
p^rtinentibtff nisi mercatum illud k ferie ille sint ad nocnmentum vicinornw
mercatorum k yicinartfm f eriantm sicut pr^dicft^m est. Hiis testibta ven^rabilibM
patrihus W. Bbor Archiepi«(;(>po Anglian primate W. Covent*r k Lich J. Cioestr.
R. London' k J. Eaflior EpiscopiB Henr' de Lacy Comite Lincoln* Quidone de
Bello Campo Comite Warr* Hugone le Despenser Rob'to fil* Ric' Rog'o de mortoo
marl Petro de malo lacu k aliis. UsAv/m per manum no«^ram apnd Earliolum
decimo octavo die marcii anno regnl noitri tricesimo quinto. Nos autem cartam
pr^dic^am ac omnia k singula contenta in eadem rata ha^nt^s k grata pro nobis
k heredibti# nostria quantum in nob^ est acceptamt^ & approbamK« ac Dik^to
k fideli nostro Edwardo Musgrave militi nunc tenenti mancrii de flantwysd
pr^ictiMii k heredibui suis ratificamti^ k confirmamiM prout carta pr^dicte in
se ro^ionabiliter testatur. In cujus haec T.R. apud Westm* xiiij. die Aprilis.

Fro decern solidis solutw in hahapio.

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ARCHAEOLOGIA AEUANA. Vol XVI^ to fnce p, 177.

Pigte XUI.

Haltwhistle Church, from the S. E.
before and after restoration.

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THB OHXJBJOEl OP HALTWHI8TLB. 177

XII.— THE CHUECH OF HALTWHISTLE.
By the Eev. C. E. Adamson.
[Read on the Slst day of May, 1893.]
The church of Haltwhistle is a good and thoroughly characteristic
work of the early part of the thirteenth century. Unfortunately it
has been very badly treated at various times, but, indeed, considering
its proximity to the Border, it is wonderful that it has come down to
us with so little serious injury. At the beginning of this century (as
the picture in Hodgson's Northumberland shows) the aisles had
eighteenth century sash windows and the roof was of a very low pitch,
but sufficient traces remained to enable the late B. J. Johnson, in
1870, to restore the original lancets and the original pitch of the roof.
The plan of the church is peculiar. The nave and aisles are so wide
in proportion to their length that they appear to form a square, while
the long chancel seems almost as long as the nave. The actual
dimensions of the nave and aisles are, however, 64 feet by 44 feet,
and of the chancel 46 feet by 19 feet.

A Haltwhistle gentleman lately visiting at Grail, in Fifeshire,
noticed that the church there was very like the church at Haltwhistle,
and when the minister of Crail afterwards paid a visit to Haltwhistle
and inspected that church, the two gentlemen agreed that the two
churches were as nearly similar as could be. The abbey of Arbroath,
to which Haltwhistle belonged, had property in ^Earale,' and thus it
would appear that both churches were built from the same or a similar
set of plans; and at Haltwhistle there are details about the mouldings,
etc., which, in the opinion of Mr. W. S. Hicks,^ speak of a Scottish
origin.

The nave has lofty and dignified arcades of four arches, and doors,
north and south, opposite to each other. The bases of the pillars, as
existing before the restoration, showed that the floor line must have

* I visited the church with the vicar, the Rev. Canon Lowe, and Mr. W. S.
Hicks, the architect. Canon Lowe carefully watched all the work done during
the restoration in 1870, and I am therefore greatly indebted to him as well as to
the techniftal knowledge of Mr. Hicks in my description of the building.

yOL.XVL W

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178 THE CHURCH OP HALTWHTSTLE •

been, where they stand, about one foot higher than the floor where the
responds, east and west, stand. These responds have fillets of an
apparently later date than the general appearance of the building
would indicate. The label moulding of the nave arcade has a dog
tooth ornamentation. The capitals of the pillars have attracted some
notice. The bell of the capital, which is circular at its base, gradually
changes into a very irregular octagon. The abacus follows the shape
of the bell and the members of the arch seem to spring from the edge
of this curious irregular octagon. The west end of the church was
rebuilt in 1870.

The chancel contains several objects of interest. The east window
consists of three lofty lancets of great beauty, with richly-moulded
trefoil inner arches and delicate shafts. It is now filled with excellent
glass by Morris. The reredos is a representation of the Visit of the
Magi. The piscina is said to be an exact reproduction of the original
work. The sedilia have been very beautiful, though there is a very
curious admixture of bold and delicate work in the mouldings. In
the south wall is a fifteenth century low side window of two lights,
square-headed, now blocked up, and at the restoration traces were seen
of a former window in nearly, but not quite the same position. There
are four ancient grave-covers within the altar rail, two bearing the
arms of Blenkinsop, two those of Thirlwall. On one of the former lies
a recumbent effigy, possibly that of Thomas de Blenkinsop, who died in
1388. The shield, which is very small in proportion, with the arms
containing the three well-known garbs, is fastened to the knighf s left
arm, and therefore, as the effigy lies, it is almost out of sight. The other
grave-cover bears, besides the arms, a beautifully flowered and traceried
cross, a sword, a staff, and a scrip. These two stones are probably in
situ. The other two were found buried under the eastern arch of the
south arcade of the nave. During the restoration, marks were found
indicating that an altar had been attached to the east wall of the south
aisle, and there is a broken piscina with a drain on the south side of
the aisle. It seems not unlikely, therefore, that this was a chantry of
the Thirlwalls. The grave-covers have each floriated crosses of a
similar character to that on the Blenkinsop stone, and the arms
within a bordure a chevron between three boars' heads. On the south
side of the chancel is the tombstone of John Ridley of Walltown,

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TOMBSTOlfB OP JOHN BIDLBT. 179

broiher-m-Iaw of Dr. Nicholas Eidley, bishop of London. It formerly
stood on two dwarf pillars in the middle of the chanoel. Under two
coats of arms placed side by side one showing a wall with three turrets,
the other a chevron between three falcons with jesses and bells, is the
foUowing inscription (in capital letters and lines as shown) : —

IHON BBDLB

THAT [AgmuBDH.] SX7M

TIM DIDBIE

THEN LOBD OV THB WALTON
GON IS HB OUT OF THBS VAL OP 1"«M
HIS BON6 LIBS UNDEB THKS STON

WE MUST BELEYB BE GODS MEBS>
OTTO THES WOBLD GATE HES SO^
THEN FOB TO BEDEM AL OHBESN™

SO OHBIST HAES HES SOUL WO'^

AL FABTHFUL PBOPLE MAY BE FABN
WHEN DATH OOMES THAT NON CAN FLB
THE BODE KEPT THE SOUL IN PAEN

THBOUGH OHBIST IS SET AT LEBEBTB
AMONG BLESSED OOMPANE TO BEMAE'^
TO SLEP IN OHBIST NOWE IS HE GON
YET 8TEL BBLKVB8 TO H/LVE AGAEN

THBOUGH OHBIST A lOYEFUL BE8UBB»«"0^'

AL FBBNDES MAY BE GLAD TO HAEB
WHEN HES S0X7L FBOM PAEN DID GO
OUT OF THES WOBLD AS DOBTH APPBB
IN THE YBEB OF OUB LOBD
A: 1069
X X

In the soffit of the chancel arch are two Aqnare holes evidently for
the rood beam, and above are hooks for the chains or rods which sup-
ported the arms of the cross. On either side of the arch are small
brackets for figures.

The font which stands at the west end of the church is very re-
markable. The bowl only is ancient, the pedestal having been renewed
at the restoration when it replaced one of similar form, which itself
was comparatively modem. The exterior of the bowl is alto-
gether of the rudest character and uneven in form. The shape is
hexagonal. On one side is a representation of a face surrounded by
rays which is evidently intended for our Lord; next to it an intricate
knot is carved; on the third side is a group of thistle heads; the
fourth has a Maltese cross; the fifth Ajleur de lya with the letters IS;
while the sixth has another knot. At some period it has had a fixed
cover as the boles made in the rim for its support clearly indicate.

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180 THE OHUBOH OF HALTWHISTLK :

Near the upper edge, the following has been incised : * B.P. Jnly the
27th 1676/ B.P. are no doabt the initials of Robert Priestman who
was the vicar at that date. The interior of the bowl, however, and
the moulding round the top are carefully and accurately worked, and
moreover show signs of considerable wear and tear, while the outside
is as sharp as if it had been recently cut. Can it be that the old font
was recut in 1676 by some unskilful mason who incised upon its new
sides imperfect copies of ornamentation which he had seen elsewhere ?

There is in the churchyard what appears to be a holy water stoup.
It consists of a very roughly cut semi-circular bowl fixed upon a short
round pillar, and looks as if it had originally stood against a wall.

The following inscription on a tombstone in the churchyard
deserves mention on account of the pathos which it expresses: —

D. 0. M.

a//?.

oiuedc^ €H i^^^

'/on *^yHon€ie
tn wcfn y/Jitne^ ^^^

The vicar finds this entry in the Register of Burials for 1736 : —

*NoT 22 M^ Robert TweddeU Gent"" of Monkhazleton in the Connty of
Durham.* He was no doubt connected with the family of that name at Unthaok.

The exterior of the church is severely plain but very dignified,
and it is beautifully situated to the south of the town. The chief
entrance in former days would appear to have been the very richly
moulded door on the north side now covered by the modern vestry.

To the south-east of the older portion of the churchyard stands the
picturesque old vicarage bouse against whose northern walls the soil

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(XmXU¥10S PLATB, 0H1BTEB8, ITO. 181

hM been allowed to accnmnlate nntil half its height is buried oat of
sight. It Jias been aapplanted by a more commodious house a little to
the east of the chnrch.

The commonion plate as described hj Mr. Blair^ in the Proaedmgs
consists of eight pieces, six of silver and two of pewter.

Hie history of the chnrch of Haltwhistle should commence with
the labours of St. Aidan, for Leland has preserved a tradition that
* there lyethe one of the Holy Aydans and other Holy Men in the
Ohurche Yarde by the Ohapel ' at White Ohapel in this parish.

But the earliest existing notice of the church seems to be contained
in a confirmation of William the Lion, king of Scotland^ of his grant
of it to the abbey of Arbroath which he had lately founded.* It may
be translated into English thus : —

William by the graoe of God king of Scotland to the bishops abbots earls
barons jostices sheriffs bailifb officers and all honest men of his whole land
clerks and laymen greeting Let ( all ) present and future know that I ha^e
given granted and by this my charter haye confirmed to God and the church of
Saint Thomas archbishop and martyr of Abirbrothok and to the monks serving
Ck)d there in free and perpetual alms the church of Hautwysill in Tyndal
with all that appertains to it in chapels in lands in tythes in alms and in all
other ecclesiastical rights customs and benefits with common pasture also and
all other easements of the same parish To be held as fully as any parson has
ever held the same church and so freely and quietly well and peaceably and
honourably as any alms in the whole of my land are possessed Witnesses, etc.

This is followed in the 'Registrum de Aberbrothoc* by two other
confirmations : —

Bobert de Bruys to all friends and his men greeting, &c., as above, as the
charter of my king witnesses and confirms * * *

To all ministers sons of holy church Bobert de Ros and Isabella his wife
greeting Let all present and future know that we have granted to God and the
church of Saint Thomas the martyr of Aberbrothoc and the monks serving GKkI
there the church of Hautwysill with all justly belonging to it which lord
William king of the Scots gave to the aforesaid monks and by his charter con-
firmed To BB HELD to thcmselves in free and quiet and perpetual alms * * * *

*Proo. 8oc, Antiq, Newo, vol. iii. p. 367.

' * The date of the foundation of Arbroath is of some interest in church and
public history. Thomas a Beckett, the high church archbishop, was slain at the
altar of his own church of Canterbury on the 29th of December, 1170. Two
years afterwards he was canonized ; and within five years of his canonization,
and not more than seven from the period of his death, in the year 1178 William
King of Scotland had founded, endowed, and dedicated to Saint Thomas the
Martyr the Abbey of Arbroath.* Preface to * Begistrum vetus de Aberbrothoc *
published by the Bannatyne Club.

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182 THB OHimOH OF HALTWHISTLB :

The first and second of these confirmations are dated by the editors
of the ^B^istmm* 1178-1180, the third 1199, that is eight years
after the marriage of Robert de Bos with Isabella the daughter of
William the Lion.*

In 1240 William de Bos the son and snccessor of Bobert in the
manor of Haltwhistle seems to have disputed this grant, for we find
an entry in the Patent Boll, 25 Henry III., stating that Boger
Bertram, Odinell de Pordhe, Henry de Neketon, and William de Dera
are justices of assize concerning the advowson of the church of
Hautwisel to be held at Carlisle in the quinzaine of St. Hilary [Jan.
28th, 1241] where William de Bos arridgns the abbot of Abirbrothe.
Unfortunately the assize roll for Cumberland for this date is not
now extant, and therefore we cannot know what was the exact point
in dispute.

The 'Taxatio' of 1254, sometimes called ^Innocent's' or ^vetus
valor,' contains the entry— 'Hawtwesil' iiij-xx m*rc. Dec. viij m*rc
Porcio Radulphi de Bosoo xxxvj m»rc Dec. xlviij«.'

In 1806 'The Prior and Convent of Lanercost* beg the king
having regard to the reduced state of their house and the damages
they have suffered by the King and his attendants which a great sum
would not sufSce to restore without perpetuity of something that in
recompense of these damages he would grant them the church of
HautwyseUe which is not worth more than 100 marks a year and make
allowance to the monks of Arbrothock in Scotland whose it is; if
agreeable to the King and bis Councfl.' Shortly after 'The abbot of
Abrebrothok for himself and his convent replies (as commanded) to
the TTiTig and Council respecting the proposed exchange of their church
of Hautewyseles that the King is ^' fnndour " of their house and they
have no other head to maintain their rights than him and his council. .
Begs the King to examine their muniments and confirmation of the
said church from Bome and then to command restitution of the church

of which they have been forcibly despoiled by the bishop of Durham.'

• • • • •

The letter is endorsed ' Ponatur inter dormientes.'

* This grant of Hautv^sill church is also mentioned in a general confirmation

[1211-1214] by the same king, and in a great confirmation of King Alexander
1214- 121 8 J. There is also a confirmation of Pope Honorios [1220J.

* From the Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, vol. If. Lanercost
had been pillaged and burnt by the Scots in 1291 and again in 1296, and it never
recovered its prosperity. Sdward I. yisited the priory in 1280 and 1307.

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CLAIM OF ABBOT OF ABERBBOTHOK. 188

In 1309, on the feast of All Saints, John resigned for was removed
from) the office of abbots and in 1811 the church of Hantwysel was
assigned to him as a pension by his successor Bernard de Linton and
the convent. The grants however, was revoked the next year, and a
loan was raised to redeem him from captivity as a prisoner of war in
England.

In 1811 the vicar of Haltwhistle, one Robert de Pykwell, was
carried off by the Scots, and the bishop of Durham wrote him a letter
of sympathy, allowing him to raise money on his living for his ransom.
Shortly afterwards the bishop reports that he can levy nothing
towards the king's subsidies on the vicars of Norham, Bywell St.
Peter's, Haltwhistle, Dderton, or the parson of Ovingham, because all
their goods as well as the churches and villages in their parishes were
entirely burnt and destroyed by the Scots. The present condition of
Haltwhistle church shows that the word ' entirely ' does not apply to
that building, though it may have been rendered unfit for use.

In 1329 there was held an ^Inquisicio ad quod damnum ^^ about
this church. The abbot of Aberbrothok claimed the church as having
belonged to him and his predecessors before the war between England
and Scotland, and Edward III. appointed three commissioners to
enquire into the justice of the claim. These commissioners held their
enquiry at Newcastle, and reported that witnesses had said on oath
that John the predecessor of the abbot had last held the church of
Hautwysell, and that his predecessors had held it of the gift of William
formerly king of Scotland, and by the bull of a certain pope Alexander
and by the grant of Robert de Isle formerly bishop of Durham;
and that Edward the king's father during the war had appointed his
clerk Robert de Dyghton, who had been admitted and instituted, and
still held the chnrch as parson. In accordance with this report,
Edward III. ordered the church to be restored to the abbot and
convent of Aberbrothok, but be seems afterwards to have resumed it
as an escheat ; and eventually it was granted by a deed^ dated 13th
July, 1385, to the convent of Tinmouth, the patronage being reserved
to the bishop and a settled portion to the vicar. After the dissolution
of the monastery, Edward VI., by letters patent 5th July, 1558, gave

• 2 Edw. in.. No. 11, m. 1, and m. 2, Patent BoU, 8 Edw. III., part 1, m. 16.
' Quoted at length in Hodgson's Northumberland,

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164 THB OHUEOH OP HALTWHISTLB !

to John Wright and Thomas Holmee 'the whole rectory and church.'
In 1585 Nicholas Bidlej died possessed of the ch'nrch ; and afterwardi
(temp. Chas. I.) it was forfeited by B. Mosgrave and granted to the
Nevilles of Chevet by whom it was sold to the Blacketts who nov
possess the great tithes.

Walter de Merton, chancellor of England, who died October 27th,
1277, left 25 marks to Haltwhistle as being one of the places where he
had held preferment. Bishop Hobhouse {Sketch of the Life of Waitar
de Merton, Lord High Chancellor of England^ Biehop of Rochester^
and Founder of Merton College^ Oxford; Oxford, 1859, page 46)
quotes the will, and to ' Hautwyse ' he adds a note — ' Supposed to be
Haltwhistle in Northumberland in the patronage of the bishop of
Durham. No evidence exists, except this bequest, of the founder's
having held this living.* The writer has here fitUen into the very
natural mistake of supposing that Haltwhistle has always been in the
patronage of the bishop of Durham, but as at the time of Walter de
Merton the patronage was really in the hands of the king of Scotland
or of his much &voured abbey of Aberbrothoc, and as a letter from
the Scottish queen asking a favour of the English chancellor shows
that these personages were on very friendly and intimate terms, it is
therefore not unlikely that Walter de Merton held this benefice by the
good will of his friends, and it may be that the church was bailt
during his incumbency. Two other vicars of some note were
Botheram® (1768-1789) and HoUingsworth (1809-1829), the first an
ex-professor of Codrington college in Barbadoes, and the latter an
author and a poet.

Wallis mentions a tradition that the parish church formerly stood
on land in Bellister haugh, which is now part of the vicar's glebe,
and states that human bones have been dug up in this field, bot it
appears more reasonable to suppose that, if there were any sodi

" Mackenzie, Northd, vol. ii. p. 263, speaking of Haydon Bridge scbool
says : — * Rev. William Rotherham . . . had two sons who also acquired celebrity
for learning and piety. Thomas, the eldest, was bom in 1715, and took the
degrees of B.A., 174... and M.A., 1744. In 1744 he accepted a prof eseorship in
Sir William Codrington's college, in Barbadoes, and remained there till his
health compelled him to quit the island in 1753. On his return to England be
accepted the curacy of Great Stainton, county of Durham ; and in 1768, was
collated to the vicarage of Haltwhistle, not far from the |>laoe of his birth.
The venerable simplicity of his character and manners, which residence in a
foreign climate had neither altered nor corrupted, rendered him an object of
universal esteem and respect.'

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DEDICATION; BBLTINGHAM CHAPEL. 185

church and burying ground, it was a chapel of ease for the benefit of
the parishioners who lived on the south side of the river.

With regard to the dedication of the church there is a curious

doubt. Cole says ' Hautwizzle St. Aidan q. Holy Cross q. St.

Aidan as I judge,' and in this opinion he is followed by Hodgson^
and Bates.^® The latter says: — * A rather obscure passage in Leland's
Itinerary has preserved the traditionary connection of St. Aidan with
that district and the name of Eden's Lawn attached to a part of
Haltwhistle immediately west of the church seems to be a re-transla-
tion of the Celtic Llan Aidan. St. Aidan's well at Bamburgh had been
corrupted into * Edynwell ' temp, Eic. II. The idea that Haltwhistle
church was dedicated to Holy Cross had its origin in the erroneous
notion that the fair day generally followed the feast of the dedication,'
Eaine in his York (Historic Towns series) spells the name ^Edan,
as if the pronunciation should be Edan.

The parish of Haltwhistle until recently was very large, extending
about fifteen miles firom north to south and twelve from east to west.
It included, besides Haltwhistle itself, the townships of Bellister,
Blenkinsop, Coanwood, Featherstone, Hartleyburn, Henshaw, Melk-
ridge, Plainmellor, Ridley, Thomgraffcon, Thirlwall, and Walltown.
In 1890 the townships of Ridley, Thorngrafton, and a portion of the
township of Henshaw were formed into the new parish of Beltingham
with Henshaw ; and in 1892 the townships of Blenkinsop and Thirl-
wall were formed into the new parish of Greenhead. The two new
parishes together contain an area of about 26,000 acres, leaving the
mother-church still with the large area of 32,000 acres, and a popula-
tion of 4,000 within its borders.

At Beltingham there is a very fine little Perpendicular church,
said to be the only building solely in this style in Northumberland.
It is dedicated to St. Cuthbert. Its dimensions are 68^ feet by 18^.
The east window is of five lights, and there are six windows on the
south side but one only on the north. Local tradition states that it
was built as a domestic chapel of the Ridleys. It was restored in
1884, and during the work a grated squint in the north wall of the
chancel and a thirteenth-century grave-cover, on which is a cross in
high relief, were discovered. Numerous stones have been found about
» Eiit, NoHh, II. iii. 128. »• Arch, Aeh XITI. 82 K

VOL. XVI. X

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186 THE CHURCH OF HALTWHIffTLB :

the chnrch or have been built into it, which indicate that a twelfth-
century building once stood here. In the churchyard, in addition to
the three venerable yews, on the north side of the building are an early
churchyard cross and a Roman altar without inscription. The com-
munion plate has been described by Mr. Blair in the Proceedings of
the Society.^^

A chapel erected in 1827 at Greenhead, and entirely repewed and
renovated throughout a few y^rs ago, chiefly at the cost of the late
Edward Joicey, esq., of Blenkinsop hall, is now the parish church
for the western portion of the old parish of Halfcwhistle.

VB8TET BOOKS.

The vicar has made the following extracts from the vestry books:—

The earliest entry is a burial. (George Ridley, of Henshaw, was buried the
21st of . . . (7 Dec.) 1656. The earliest baptism is in 1691, and the earliest
marriage in 1703 : —

The extant minutes of yestry meetings are contained in three volumes, dating
from the year 1717. For the most part they consist of records of the Easter meet-
ings of the 12 men, for settling the church accounts, the election of wardens and
the laying of rates, whenever required, for church expences. Occ^onally we
come across matters which have a certain interest as showing the condition of the
fabric and the cost of its reparation. For instance, on May 19th, 1718, the 12
men and churchwardens agreed with Geo. Kell, ' plummer * of Hexham, to keep
in good repair, and keep dry, the * leed * of the church for 7 years at £1 10 a
year, to be paid at Lammas each year. This shows that at that time the outer
covering of the roof was entirely of lead. The agreement was signed by all the
12 men, two of whom were unable to write their names.

In Augnst, however, of the same year, * the 12 men and wardens agreed with
the vicar (finding our church out of repairs) to repair the roof, Mr. Pate to find
all material, to cast the lead at 8 lb. per square foot, to lay gutters and to
make spouts for £44. Work to be inspected by two sufficient workmen, and Mr.
Pate to give security for performing the bargain.* Cautious wardens 1

Non-attendance at vestry meetings is a failing of ancient date, for we have
the following memorandum made at the Easter meeting, 1725 : — * It is agreed and
ordered by unanimous consent of the 12 men that whosoever of us (after law-
ful summons given) does not attend in the vestry, and discharge the trust in us
reposed by this parish, shall for his absence on Easter Tuesday forfeit the sum
of 2s. 6d., and for any absence at any other time the sum of Is. to be disposed of
at t(ie discretion of those who are present.'

In the wardens' yearly accounts we find constant entries of sums paid for
killing ' vermin,' at the rate of 2s. 6d. for old foxes' heads, Is. for young fold'
heads, and 4d. each for brocks, ' foomurts ' and otters' heads.

At Easter, 1726, an assessment of three and sixpence in the pound was laid
towards * whitening of the church, payment of arrears for gates to the choith-

" Vol. iii. p. 867.

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BXTRAOTB FROM THE VBSTRY BOOKS. 187

yard, and other uses,' and in the following year an assesement of two and
sixpence in the pound is laid for ' repairing church wall and other uses.' As
it appears from the accounts that the repair of the wall only cost £9 19s., one
wonders why so high an assdtement was required. It can hardly have been on
the rateable value of the parish, as the amount realised would have greatly
exceeded that sum, and yet in 1751 it was agreed by the vestry * that all monies
raised for repairing of church and other legal purposes shall be by an equal
rate or assessment according to the rack rents or true legal values/

In 1785 two wardens were chosen by the vicar and two by the parish. In
1788, lOs. 6d. was paid for a new font cover. In 1741 there is the following
entry : — * For a spade and hack to Beltingham chapel, 4s. 6d. N.B. — The spade
and hack are an imposition. Sir Edward Blackett is impropriator there.' In
1744, 8d. was paid for two otters* heads, and on August 24, 1773, Cuthbert
Bidley entered to be clerk. In John Snowball's account for 1739 he charges 9d.
for a quart of ale, but does not say who had it. Keeping the roof in repair
was evidently troublesome, for in 1765 there is the following item : — * Agreed
that Edward Robson, senior, and Edward Robson, junior, be employed to keep
leads of roof in good repair for the whole year, on condition that he receives
£5 in hand and £5 in Easter week, 1766. N.B. — Wardens are to take care that
Edward Robson fulfil this bargain for the above term, otherwise the wardens
must be pi'esented by the vicar if the leads are not taken care of and kept free
from holes and letting in rain.' In 1768 it is noted that Rev. Mr. Wilson left
Haltwhistle in September of that year, and on Friday, 14th of October, the
Right Worshipful John Sharp, D.D., archdeacon, visited the church and ordered
' that all the pews in the church be furnished with moveable kneeling boards,
low, flat, and broad. That a cover for font be provided. That a new stone
threshold for chancel door be provided. That a new bell of at least equal weight
with the present one be provided. That remaining heaps of rubbish against
church and chancel be removed. That one casement be made in each side of
the church and chancel. That pulpit and reading desk be raised as vicar shall
direct, and painted white. That a stool or moveable kneeling board, low and
flat, be provided for reading desk, covered and stuffed. Matthew Ridley and
Isaac Thirlwell monished to cause them to be performed and to certify at
visitation to be held after Easter next.' In 1770 it was * agreed that a hearse be
got for conveying of corps for the use of the parish, and to be kept in the church ;*
and it was further agreed that * the sexton shall have from the executor or
principal person that comes along with the corps sixpence for cleaning the said
hearse.' There is no entry of the cost, but in 1789 there is an entry of £12 Is.
* for hearse and trappings.' In 1771, £18 68. 5d. was paid for hearse house and
other repairs. At the same vestry meeting it was agreed *that any person
who kills an old fox within the parish, and makes oath thereof before a magis-
trate, shall receive for the same 2s. 6d., and for every young fox, Is. In 1771,
£1 48. 6d. was paid * for a cloak for the sexton, and 2s. for making it.' In 1772
a weathercock was erected at a cost of £1 12s. 6d. There is no record of any
stoves being purchased, but in 1776 sixpence halfpenny is charged for a load of
coals. In those days it would seem that Haltwhistle church was very like one
about which the parish clerk, when asked how it was warmed, as there appeared
no place for a fire. Indignantly replied — < We put our fire in the pulpit— that's

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188 HALTWHISTLB CHURCH : EXTRACTS FROM VESTRY BOOKS.

the proper place for it.* In 1782 it was noted that the Rev. Thos. Rotheram,
M.A., who became vicar in 1768, died on the 6th of April, whilst visiting his
brother at Houghton-le-Spring. He was succeeded by the Rev. Hugh Nanney,
M.A. In 1783 a new bell was bought at a cost of £1 IDs. In 1786 the royal
arms and five texts of scripture were placed in the church. In 1792 it was
decided at a special meeting ' that as the lead roof was in a ruinous state, the
most effectual course will be to take it off and to put on instead a substantial
slate roof, also that the west window be enlarged and the north side aisle win-
dows be made to correspond with the south,* in which sash windows had been
substituted for the ancient lancet windows. The slating was done for £65 and
the roofing for £103. The west window was altered by Jas. Armstrong for
£1 3s. 6d. In 1794 Geo. Biggs was appointed parish clerk, vestry clerk, and
schoolmaster. In 1799 notice was given in church on two consecutive Sundays
to receive proposals from masons to ceil and paint inside and outside of north
and south aisles. The work was let for £40. In 1796 Mr. Wm. Saint was
elected churchwarden for Haltwhistle township. In 1800 the outside walls
of the church were rough cast and the inside whitewashed at a cost of £8. The
following is among the entries of the Easter meeting, 1798: — 'It appearing at
this meeting that a very great destruction of sheep, lambs, and geese is likely to
happen in this parish from an uncommon increase of the breed of foxes, it is
therefore ordered that instead of five shillings now to be paid for each old fox
killed in the parish, that the sum of ten shillings and sixpence be paid until
Easter next. Also ordered that the several sums be paid to people that pro-
duced vermin heads at this meeting.*

One volume of the registers contains a curious soliloquy on matri-
^mony by vicar Wilson.

P'^^p^

Jmi,

K-.-;- ft^

^KK^}i

m^'

^vB^^^^^l

^w'"'^

iPli

-j^V.

^■r^

IIALTWHIHTLE BURN.

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FORGOTTEN QUAKEB BURIAL GROUNDS. 189

XIIL— NOTES ON SOME FORGOTTEN BURYING GROUNDS
OP THE SOCIETY OP PRIENDS :
Gateshead, Whickham, Boldon, and South Shields.
By Maberly Phillips.
[Read on the 2drd day of December, 1891.]
Ohe of many difficult problems that pnzzled the early members of the
Society of Priends was how to dispose of their dead. A great number
stood excommunicated at the time of death, and, on that aooount,
were denied interment in the ordinary manner. It is said that some
of the clergy refused to bury any of them, and the story is told of one
reverend wag, who, when upbraided for such inhuman conduct, denied
the accusation, stating that, &r from declining to bury them, he
would cheerfully bury them all I Be this as it may, it is certain that
the religious persecutions that the early nonconformists were subjected
to, led to the formation of private burying grounds, in garden, orchard,
or field, the privilege of interment being often extended to relatives
and friends. Por establishing such grounds the owners were some-
times cited before the ecclesiastical court at Durham, so that it must
have been most perplexing to know how to act. When the laws were
altered, public nonconformist burial places were gradually opened, the
private ones Ming into disuse. In many cases the ground has been
utilised for other purposes, and in some instances, has been so entirely
forgotten that even the situation occupied cannot now be identified.

Such interments as I have named not being entered in the
parish books naturally led to formation of private registers, in which
births and marriages were also recorded. No body of dissenters was
80 careful in keeping its registers as the Society of Friends.

Sims, in a chapter upon ' Non-parochial Registers,' when remark-
ing upon the Quaker Registers says : — ^ The Conmiissioners appointed
by Her present Majesty in the year 1888, to enquire into the state
of the Registers of Births, etc., in England and Wales, having called
upon the Society of Priends to deliver up their Registers, with a view
to some arrangement for depositing them with the Board ; the several
Blisters from the origin of the Society down to the establishment of

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190 FOBGOTTBN QUAKEB BURIAL GROUNDS:

the system of civil registration, under the Act of 6 and 7 Will. IV.
were brought to London for their inspection.* The Commissioners
state, in their Report : — ' We have visited their place of deposit, and
saw enough of their state and condition to testify that they exhibit
an admirable specimen of the state to which order and precision may
be carried in the classification and arrangement of records of. this
description.' At this time the Society declined to surrender their
books but subsequently consented to do so. I believe that prior to
the surrender of these books, most, if not all, were copied in duplicate,
one being retained locally, and the other deposited at Devonshire
House, the London dep6t of the Society.

One local volume has the following endorsement : — * Surrendered
to the Commissioners of Non-parochial Registers, pursuant to Act of
Parliament III. and IV. Vic. Cap. 92.'

I find firom ' The Lists of Non-parochial Registers in the custody of
the Registrar-General of Births, Deaths, and Marriages ' the number of
volumes now at Somerset House exceeds 1,500. Unfortunately they
are difficult of access ; were they more easily got at for purposes of
literary enquiry, they would prove of the greatest use to the antiquary
and the genealogist.

A short time ago I was fortunately able to examine one or two of
these registers, which much aided my investigations. I have farther
been very much assisted by the kindness of Mr. J. R. Boyle, who
placed at my disposal the notes that he extracted from the records of
the Society of Friends when preparing the chapter ' Early Quakerism
in Gateshead ' for his Vestiges of Old Newcastle and Gateshead. Mr.
Blair also kindly lent me some most interesting pap^s, which were
endorsed * Copied from original documents in private possession, saved
from fire, when the room within the gates at Auckland Castle was
cleared out to make room for an office for the agent to the EocV Com"
and the papers ordered to burnt. The carts carrying the documents
to the flames were intercepted and many of the papers, but not all,
secured.'

Those who wish to see an account of the rise of Quakerism in this
district, I refer to the most interesting chapter in the Vestiges^ to
the pages of Ambrose Barnes (Surtees Soc. vol. 50) and to Besse's
Sufferings of the Qmk&rs. The first home of Quakerism in this

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GAtESHBAt). 19 1

jmmediate oeighbonrhood was Gateshead, and there we find the ear-
liest burying ground.

One of the volumes at Somerset House bears upon its opening
page the following :— * The register book of the Burials of the People of
God In scorn called Quakers and others their relations and kindred
who have been buried in their Buring Ground In Gateshead in the
county of Durham/ The book also contains the record of several
persons who were buried in their own grounds. These I will first
enumerate and give what account I can of the owners.

1679. ^Susannah daughter of John Cameath of Newcastle,
Tanner, & of Mary his Wife, was buried in his garden the ninth
day of ye 6 monthe.' The burials of several members of the family
are recorded.

In 1681 John Cameath had his goods distrained upon to the value
of £1 Os. 9d. for tithes. The charity and generosity of the society is
shown by the following entry in the records: — 'Agreed that Ann
Garneath take care of Jos. Bell till next monthly meeting and that
flfriends doe pay for his diett, and shee to make proofe, in that time,
how much he can doe towarde earning his bread, in the Tobacco
Trade & to report to the Meeting.' Probably the child re.mained
with Ann Carneath, as another entry says : — * Paid Ann Corneath to
)my Jno. Bell's child a hatt 00 • 01 • 6.'

In 1689 Ann Cameath was scandalized by Lionel Johnson 'for
using an unjust measure, in that she measures barke by Cockle parke
Bushell.' The matter having been debated, and a certificate from
'ffive of the trading tanners in Newcastle intimating it to be an usual
measure, and that they have bought by it, being read, in this meeting,
Lionell Johnson has condescended, that if any two of the ffive Tanners
that have certified conseming that measure, doe declare that it is an
usual measure, then he will acknowledge that he has done her wrong.
The two Tanners y* Lionel has pitched on, to prove this matter, is
Christophere Barker and John Harle. And Christopher Yickers,
John Harrison, Hue Middleton, and Jeremiah Hunter are appointed
to take the said two Tanners Account, and to report to the next
monthly meeting.' At a subsequent meeting the matter was most
care(nlly gone into» The tanners affirmed Hhat it is usual to buy
Barke by Cockle parke measure,* and 'Lionele Johnson reprimanded

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192 FORGOTTEN QUAKBB BURIAL GROUNDS:

for having wronged Anne Comeath in her repute, through his fiilae
reports.' I quote this account to show how very carefuDy disputes
between members were investigated.

The next entry in the register that I note is *1688, 8 m. 26 d.
Benjamin Tittory son of Daniel Tittory of Glasshouses broad glass
maker & of Mary his wife was buried in his garden.' The Tittorys
were one of the celebrated glass-making &milies who came from
Lorraine during a religious persecution in their own country.^

Another entry is * 1678. Peregrin Tizacke son of Peregrin Tizacke
of Glasshouses, broad glassmaker and of Debora his wife was buried
the thirteenth day of the 11 month.'

U679. Abagail daughter of John Tizack of Glasshouses broad
glassmaker & Sarah his wife, was buried the 7 day of the 12 month.'

The headstone that marked the resting place of Abagail may now
be seen at the side of the footway, just below * King John's Palace,' in
Heaton park. It bears the following inscription : — 'Abigail Tizacke
Daughter of John & Sarah Tizacke, departed this life ye 7th day of
ye 12th month and in ye 7th weack of her age Anno 1679.' Brand,
the historian, says that he found this stone in a garden belonging to
Captain Lambton, near the Glasshouses. Although the register does
not mention Mn his garden' as in the case of Carneath and Tittory, it
does not say in Gateshead. It is therefore highly probable that the
Tizacks had a burjdng place in their gard3n at the glasshouses like
the Tittorys, The Tizacks were evidently very active members of the
society as the constant mention of missions entrusted to their care
fully testifies. In 1683 John Tizack was taken from a meeting at
Gateshead on pretence of being a dangerous person, and for some
time confined in Durham gaol.

Mr. Boyle tells us that the first meetings of the Gateshead Friends
were held in Pipewellgate, at an old house, now the Fountain inn.
That many-gabled old building may yet be seen in crossing the Swing
bridge. Here Fox found them Upon his second visit in 1657. In
1660 their meeting house was in the High street on property
belonging to Richard Eubank. It would appear that their burying

* See Vestiges qf Old Newcastle and Gateshead, p. 148. We cannot now
identify the locality of their place of interment, but as they are described of
'Glasshoases,' probably the ground was somewhere in that locality, although
the burial was recorded in the Gateshead register.

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EXTRACTS FROM RECORDS OF SOCIETY OF FRIENDS. 198

place was from the first in ground adjoining, as I have notice of
burials here as early as 1655, two years prior to the time that we know
they were holding their meetings in Pipewellgate.

In 1674 Richard Eubank was cited in the Archdeacon's court at
Durham for being a quaker, and in 1677 *for enclosing a burial place
for sectaries.'^ He died in 1678, and was interred in the ground in
question.

At the Gateshead monthly meeting held 10 d. 9 m. 1679 ^friends
' ordered y^ Robert Younge, perig Tizeck, & Edward Kinge, assist
(»ne another in collecting a sum of money, for purchasing a Burieing
grounde, of Margret Eubank, & to bring an acct thereof to ye next
monthly meeting.' Subsequently a lease of the ground was taken *in
the name of Pergryne Tyzack and ors, from Margaret Eubank for 19
years, the consideration for which was fifteen pounds.'

In 1680 it was ^ordered that a Brieke Wall is to be built about the
ground, about the Meeting house door in order for having it for bury-
ing in. Peregrin Tizacke, Jeremiah Hunter, Robt. Wallis, John
Ayrey, Greo. Raw, and feamuel ffreeman to get it done.' At a subse-
quent meeting it was ^ Desired that the friends formerly appointed to
get a wall made about the ground, before the meeting house, doe con-
tinue their care to get it effected.'

Again in 1689, 'Ordered that filriends of Oateshead Meeting be
reminded of building the wall about the Oround before the Meeting
House for a New burying place, and that ifit may with convenience,
it be effected, betwixt this meeting and next monthly meeting.' The
ground was in use until 1698. Mr. Boyle states that in all 101 inter-
ments were made. Subsequently (in 1781) the alms-houses built by
the bequest of Thomas Powell were erected upon the site of the bury-
ing ground. In a conveyance of this property from the heirs of the
survivors of Powell's trustees to the churchwardens and overseers of
Gateshead, it is described as: — 'AH that messuage, burgage, and
tenement, garden^ yard, and back side, with appurtenances in Gates-
head aforesaid, ibrmerly belonging to Richard Ewbank late of the
same place, tailor, deceased, and heretofore in the possession of John
Doubleday his undertenants and assigns.'

The earliest mention of an interment that I noticed in the Register
2 Suneea, vol. 47, p. 226-7.

VOL. XVL Y

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194 FORGOITEN QUAKER BURIAL GROUNDS :

at Somerset House was in 1660, when * Deborah Turner daughter ol
Barth and Jane Turner of Gateshead dyed, the 21 day of the ninth
month 1660 and was Interred in the Burying ground in Gateshead.'
But from the registrar at Devonshire House I have been favoured
with the following: — * 1655. 11 m. 4 d. Isabella Hunter d. of
Cuthbert Hunter and Elen was interred in Bichard Eubanks bury^
{Sace in Gateside.'

The Aireys were another important family, some of whom were
here interred. In 1677, George Airey was cited to Durham * For not
resorting to the Divine service at the Parish Church and for being a
Quaker.'

* John Ayrey of Gateside, Mathew Allinson of the
the I3t»» of the same, John Allett of Newcastle, John Tyzack of the
llhMonethcaUed Glasshouses being at a meeting at Gateside amongst
other friends, vpon pretence of being dangerous per-
sons to the gouernment & for refuseing to take the oath of Alleagiance,
were comitt to the goale at Durham by Isaac Easier, John Jenkins.'^

The following list will be a guide to the leading Quaker families in

Gateshead in 1686 :—

* A schedule or list of Several 1 Quakers or p'sons reputed Quakers within
the County Palatine of Durham convicted as Recusants, and prosecuted by
Exchequer Proces, for the Penalties thereby incurred.'

Gaicgliead,
Christopher Bickers and his Wife.
John Doubleday.
Lionel Hetherington, Sadler.
Moses ffisher, and his Wife.
Jno Ayrey, the Elder.
Jno Ayrey, the younger.
W" ffenwicke and his wife.
John AUenson and his Wife.
Mathew Allenson and his Wife.
Robert Mooney and his wife.
Barbara Hunter.

The notes befoi'e me abound in accounts of fines, penalties, and
imprisonments suffered by various members of the families named,
but much as I am tempted to record the same, they are hardly within
the scope of my paper.

^ Mr. Blair's papers.

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WmCKHAM, 195

Soon after the opening of the burying ground in Newcastle, the
Gateshead one was abandoned, and, as already stated, the place was
subsequently occupied by Powell's alms-houses. They are situated,
as most of my hearers will be aware, on the east side of the High
street, a little above the railway arch.

Whickham.

In the churchyard of Whickham, under the west window ot the
chancel, are two flat stones, which originally had round their margins
the following inscriptions : — * Here lyeth the body of George Hodgson,
he departed this life the V^ of December 1667/ 'Here lyeth the
body of Aibiah Hodgson, Daughter to George Hodgson, she departed
the 6"^ of February 1669.' The stones are considerably weathered,
and the inscriptions much defaced. On the face of the right-band
stone was the following : — * These gravestones were removed out of a
field at the west end of Whickham, on the 30 day of Nov. 1784 into
this church yard, by order of M^ Robert Hodgson of London,
druggist, a descendant of the said George Hodgson, and as a memorial
that his ancestors were inhabitants of this Parish, and had lands of
inheritance therein, as may be seen by the division of lands made in
the year 1691 under the name of Luke Hodgson M.D. grandfather of
the said Robert Hodgson.'

Such is the account given by Surtees, the historian of Durham.
He adds, * These sepulchral memorials of the Quakers were, on a
cursory view, reported as the monuments of two Knight Templars.'
The will of George Hodgson is not to be found at Durham, but there
is an inventory (see Appendix I. p. 207) there of the goods that he
died possessed of, which were appraised by George Shafto and Richard
Harding, of Whickham, gent., William Lonsdale, of Swalwell, yeoman,
and William Cutter, of Newcastle, cooper.

I submitted what scant information I had of the George Hodgson
in question to my friend Mr. Richard Welford, and he soon favoured
me with most interesting memoranda, which show that George
Hodgson, buried at Whickham in 1667, was the great-greai-great-
great-great grandfather of our late member, Mr. John Hodgson
Hinde.

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196

FOEOOTTEN QUAKER BUBIAL GBOUNDS :

Pedigree of Hodgson.

From Burke*8 Commoners, with additions by Richard Welf ord.

William Hodgson, lenee with Sir Wm. Riddell and
others, of the manors of Qi^eshead and Whickham,
ooalowner and landowner at Whickham, where he
held sereral copyhold tenements in right of his wife.

Agnes, widow of
John Harrison.

Richard,
06. a p.
1619.

George, succeeded Richard =r J%ne .
in V "

1649; 6b. 1669 (1667 T)
bnried at Whickham.

flamnel,

Heorj.

LoJce y Susan.

(Aifalahn 1669; buried
at Whickham.

Luke, a physician = ,
in Newcastle.

Samuel. John ? Kahitabel Partia,

dan. of ... .

••••T--'

(Luke.)

Thomas f Bfaqr .

Robert of London, druffgist,
who subsequently had the
stones removed.

John. 06. Nor.. =r Ann, dau. of James Jane. Msry.

1749 ; porchased
Elswick 1720.

Appbebv of Askerion,
Gumberland.

James, ob. Jonn=r Alice, dau. of
infant. Thos. Wilkinson,

of WalbotUe, ob.
28 May, 1773.

Ana :

Wm. Cuthbert, Jane = John Row-
of Newcastle.

Mary,A
unmsntoo.

Jonn. only son, =7= Sarah, dan. of Richard
ob. July 12, 1890. HunU«y. of Friarside.

Jonn, afterwards
John Hodgson Hinde.

* The above fits " Whickham George," if we suppose that 1669 is a misprint for
1667 — a very likely error. My additions I have put within parentheses. I have
several deeds relating to the Killingworth and Partis families, and if John, in
Burke, was the husband of Mehitabel, the Nonconformist or rather Puritan
connection seems to be established.' — Ricbd. Welford.

Pedigree op Killingworth and Partis.

Luke Killingworth, of Killingworth, liring in 1657 ; x
a J. P. and active republican during the cItII war.
One of Commissioners to enquire (1650) into the
ralue of Church liTlngs in Northumberlietnd.

' I
OliTer. Luke, succeeded
liring 1625, his brother, ob.
ob. before before 1685, a p.
1685. «.p.

— — — N/- ■' '

Male line extinct.

Anne, buried at
Long Benton,
23 Februiry,
1690-91.

I
Mahitabel, ^ Thos. Partis, of
married at Newcastle, bur.
Be .ton. 12 8t. NicholM, 10
Feb., 1673-4. January, 1686-9.

Thomas Killinc-
worth Partis, 00.
13 April, 1687.

Eleanor.

Anne = Thos. Calling,
of Weatminst.

llahitabel =f John Hodgson,
I of Newcastle,
merchant.

jMk^

TboiDas.

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PEDIGREES OF HODGSON, KILLINOWOBTH, AND PABTIS. 197

MEMO.— i55ff, June P.— Francis Wetwary of Newcaatle-upon-Tyne, diaper, and
George Hodgson, of the same town, assign to Thos. Brignall, of
Whickbam, gentleman, 4 acres of land in the south field of Whick-
ham, with all coal mines, pits, and seams of coal under the said
4 acres, with liberty to dig, sink, work, and make pits for the
getting of coals. — M8,

1682-83, February j85.— Witness to the will of Oliver Killingworth of
Killingworth (a famous nonconformist family), Luke Hodgson with
William Cutter.

1706, June 1^.— Witness to a deed relating to the manor of Killing-
worth, in which John Hodgson and Mahitabel, his wife, daughter of
Thomas and Mehitabel Partis (the Madam Partis of Ambrose
Bames*s Memoirs), and daughter of Oliver Killingworth were
parties — Luke Hodgson.

The particulars give inter-marriages with the Killingworths of
Killingworth, and other strong Puritan families, but for the positive
connection with the Quakers we only have the historian's statement.
The name does not appear in the notes from the records before me,
nor is it mentioned amongst the Quakers of Whickham who were cited
to Durham in 1673, but in the same year Luke Hodgson, Nicholas
Hodgson, and Massiam Hodgson, all of Whickham, were cited to the
Durham Court for not paying church cess. The registers of the Society
of Friends at Devonshire House have been most kindly searched
for me, and they afford no particulars of any Quaker burials at
Whickham or Quickham as it was often called, nor do they give any
record of the death of George and Aibiah Hodgson. William Cutter
who appraised Hodgson's goods was with his wife in July, 1667, at
the celebrated conventicle held at the house of Mr. Richard Gilpin,
in the * White Freers/ at 6 o'clock in the morning, when the doors
were broken open, and the names taken of all who were present.
It was at the house of * Madam Partis,' a relative of Hodgson's,
that Mr. Thomas Bradbury delivered his noted speech. These circum-
stances and the various marriage relationships lead one to think that
the Hodgsons were not Quakers, but belonged to some other body of
nonconformists. On the other hand, George Hodgson's great-great-
grandson, JohUy who purchased Elswick in 1720, undoubtedly
belonged to the Society of Friends, and was interred in their burying
ground in Pilgrim street in 1749. Richardson in the Table BooJCy
His. vol. ii. p. 25, gives an account of the same, and a copy of the
family arms.

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198 FORGOTTEN QUAKER BURIAL GROUNDS :

That a burying ground did exist at Whickham, other than that
around the parish church, is beyond a doubt. The first field on the
right-hand side of the path that leads from the high end of Whickham
to Swalwell, and numbered 670 on the large Ordnance map, is locally
known as the 'Graveyard' or *Kirk Garth field,' and there are those
still living in the village who hand down the tradition that it was
from this field that the stones were removed to the churchyard in
1784. One native assured me that he remembered seeing other stones
in the same field at the early part of the present century.

Upon a recent visit to Whickham I was kindly allowed to search
the parish registers, but I could find no mention of the burials of
George and Aibiah Hodgson, or any reference to the removal of the
stones. A book in the church safe marked ' An ancient award of
Common Lands in the Parish of Whickham ' gives a full acounb of
the division of the lands in 1691. Luke Hodgson was awarded
77 acres, Henry Hodgson, jun., 43 acres 2 roods 7 poles, and Henry
Hodgson, sen., 28 acres, fully verifying the inscription on the stone.

I am informed that the two stones at the church were originally
standing upright, but at some * restoration' were placed in a recumbent
position, since which the inscription has become very much defaced.

West Boldon.

Another volume at Somerset House has the following endorse-
ment : — * This book bought by me Robert Linton att Randalls shop
Newc^tle, in or about the year 1678 w^*» cost me four shillings.'
From entries therein we have records of burying grounds at Boldon,
South Shields, North Shields (high end), and CuUercoats ; each of
which I shall review in order.

The Boldon ground was in the orchard of Christopher Trewhitt.
How it came to be established there the records of the society shall
show in their delightfully quaint style. * Our Meeting at Sunderland
was held at ye house of George Humble, at ye beginning, who was a
faithful man, and died a Prisoner for his Testimony, in reproving a
persecuting Justice (so-called) namely George Lilburn, who [George
Humble] after he died was brought home & buried in his own ground
at Sunderland aforesd, where severall oth' frds children were likewise
interred. But in process of time, when frds increased, our burying

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WkST fiOLDOI^. 193

place was usually, at West Bowden in ye garden of Christopher
Trewhitt, where to omitt naming of them, a great many of our frds
were buried, as also from Shields, but it being far from us at Sunder-
land, and ye waters tedious oftentimes, especially in the winter season,
In ye year 1670 the Lord stirred up ye mind of Richard Willson* and
W™ Maull, to purchase a more convenient Burying Place, w^^ in due
time they gott accomplished & bought a parcell of ground, a coppyhold
Estate, in a place called ye Panfield in ye Parish of Bppe wearmouth.'
. . . Then follows a long account of how the enclosure walls were
provided, etc., but as Sunderland does not come under considera-
tion I must pass on.

The earliest note that I have of a burial at Boldon is in 1657, when
Eleanor Harper, wife of Roger Harper of Sunderland, was interred at
'West Bowden.' Another entry says, *In Christopher Trewitt's
Orchard at West Bowden.'

I give what particulars I have gathered of the Trewhitt family.

In 1664, 'William Trewhitt of West Bowden had his goods dis-
trained upon for £3 6s. 8d. by a Bailiff for R® Chapman, priest.'

In the list of recusants for 1686, we find Joseph Trewhitt, George
Trewhitt, and his wife.

George evidently married Isabella Walker, according to the rules
of the society, as the subjoined entry shows: — 'At the meeting at
Gateshead 13 day of . . . Month 1675 George Trewhitt, of Bowden,
declares y® 2°** Tyme, his Intentions of Taking Isabella Walker, of
Monckhesleton, to Wife a certificate Redd from y® Meeting at Sunder-
land, to w*''^ she Belongs, giveing their consent, and soe passed w^*^ y«
consent of ffriends Heare.' This marriage is confirmed by records of
Boldon which inform us that in September, 1677, George Trewhitt
and his pretended wife were cited to the court at Durham 'for pro-
cureing themselves to be clandestinely married.* (See Appendix III.
p. 208.) This being the expression used for all marriages of non-
conformists.

Some members of the family were also cited 'for being Quakers,*
and 'for not paying clerks wages.'^

In 1689, the Boldon family were again harassed for ' Tythes.*

* See Appendix II. p. 208. * Surtees, voL 40, p. 218.

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4 9 6

200 FO&GOTTEN QUAKER BURIAL GROUNDS :

1689. 4 m. * Charles Baeier,' of Bowden, in the county of Durham, because
he could not get Wool from Joseph Trewitt, for Tythes, sent his men Robert
Thompson, and Wm. Johnson, who instead thereof, took away a Lamb, worth
ffoar shillings and sixpence.

And in the — sent his men aforesaid, who took from the said
m

Jos. Trewhitt, Two Thrieves of Bigg, worth Two Shillings, and one

Waine Load of Hay worth 20s. They took more from him, 7 |^ 3 12 6

Threeves of Wheat altogether in one Row, and 3 Threave of Oates

— Altogether to ye Value of 7s. 6d. in all to the value of Three

pounds 128. & 6d.

And the same Joseph Trewhitt having Tenn Riggi* of Bose^
The afore s^ 2 Men, took up one halfe Rigg together, and the }> 0 12 6
Impropriator the other half to the Value of 12*6.

More come taken from said Joseph Trewhitt by Rob Camaby
Impropriator, the like Quantities as by the Priest, to the said value
of ffour pounds, nine shillings Sc sixpence.

Taken from him in all 8 19 0

In 1661 William Trewhitt was taken prisoner at South Shields and
for some time confined in Tynemouth castle, but of this I shall give
an account when I come to remark upon the burying ground at South
Shields.

William Trewhitt died about 1677, his will is dated November 80tli
of that year, he names himself as William Trewitt of West Boldon,
yeoman, and leaves George Trewitt and Thomas Wood his executors,
and directs that his property be sold and divided in the following
manner : —

Richard Wilson late of Sunderland his Executors

William Humble of Bast Boldon

Widdow Hogg of East Boldon ...

Widdow Feckell of Newcastle . . .

Thom Peddison of Hed worth

Thorn Wood of Cleadon

^Te charges' at his funeral are quoted at £1.
funerals were conducted as simply in the present day.

Christopher Trewhitt lived to see quieter times. From the calen-
dar at Durham I find his estate was administered to in 1692, but
unfortunately the document is not now to be found.

• Rector of Boldon, 1673-1691,

86 10

Would that

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BURIALS AT BOLDON. 201

The name Trewhitt has evidently been long in the county of
Durham. By the will of James Dale of Ravensthorpe, June 4th,
1 507, there is bequeathed to ' Sir Thomas Trewhit, prior of Herty Ipoule,
a nag/ By the favour of Mr. F. J. Trewhitt of Sunderland I give
in the Appendix IV. (p. 208) a copy of a will of Cuthbert Trewhitt of
*Howghton in the Springe,' dated 25th Sept., 1512. He leaves four
sons, Robert, John, George, and Christopher, he desires to be buried
in Houghton churchyard, and would probably be interred by the
celebrated Bernard Gilpin who was rector at that time.

The Vestry Book of the Parish of Houghton-le-Spring has been
published by the Surtees Society.^ Nearly every name in the will
is mentioned in some way in it, and in an account of the letting of
the stalls it is remarked, that although the sexes are divided ' Widdow
Trewhete' still has her state on the men's side, as a widow might
occupy the room of her husband.

Two of the children of Robert Wardell were interred at Boldon
in 1661. and 1670 respectively. Wardell was another leading man
amongst the Friends, and numerous references are made to him in the
records. In 1670 he was instrumental with Rob' Chipchase and W™
Dawson in building two side walls to the Sunderland burying ground.
In 1672 he was cited 'for not comeing to the church' [Wearmouth],
and in 1675 with others * schismaticks and oflPenders against all order'
and * for keeping open Shoppe on Holydays.'

The last entry that I find' at Boldon is in 1670. There is no
reference to the Quakers in any way in the Parish Registers at Boldon.
I have been quite unable to identify the position of this ground al-
though I have made diligent enquiry. I give a list of all the burials
at Boldon that I have note of.

Burials at Boldon in Chbistophbb Trbwhitt's Obchabd.

Eleanor Harper Wife of Roger Harper of Sunderland.

Margaret Jackson of So. Shields Widow.

Mary Turner D. of Thomas Turner of Gateshead.

Roger Harper of Sunderland.

Lancelot Wardell.

Robert Warham Daughter of William.

Johanna Linton D. of Robert & Joan Linton of South Shields.

• VoL 84, Durham Parish Books.

Ye».
1667

Mo.
6

1658

1660

1661

1662

1665

VOL. rvi.

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1665

1667

1669

1670

1681

1682

202 FORGOTTEN QUAKEJt BX7BIAL GROUNDS :

Tear. Day. Mo.

Thomas Tomer late of Winlaton.

Levi Trewhitt Son of William Trewhittof West Boldon 9 Months.

George Linton Son of Robert Linton and Joan Linton of Soath

Shields 1 9 3.
Margery Wardell daughter of Robert Wardell.
EUenor Wife of George Carr of So. Shields.
George Carr Husband of Ellenor Carr of South Shields.

South Shields.

The next gronnd that the register under consideration makes
mention of is that of South Shields. As previously stated this was
situated in Robert Linton's garden. It will be remembered that it
was Robert Linton who purchased the register book at Randall's for
four shillings. Two of his children (one in 1665 and another in 1669)
were buried at Boldon, so that it seems hardly likely that the Shields
ground was opened until after the latter date. The first interment
that I can record is 1673 when 'Mary Fearon daughter of Thomas
Fearon of South Shields was buried in Robert Linton's Gkirden/ The
date of the last use of the ground was in 1697.

Linton was evidently a prominent member of the society. From
Besse's Sufferings of the Quakers we get a most interesting account
of how a meeting at Linton's house was surprised, and all persons {Hie-
sent taken prisoners. I give the story in Besse's words : * Anno 1661.
On the 10th of the month called August, John Blakeling of Drawell
near Sedberg in Yorkshire, Yeoman, Thomas Jackson, Robert Fowler,
of Burlington, Samuel Nelhest of Whitby in Yorkshire, mariner, John
Stockley, Thomas Allison, William Hurt, John Dove, and William
Dove of Whitby, Yorkshire, yeomen [which undoubtedly should be
Whitley, Northumberland], Mary Dove, jun., of the same, spinster,
William Trewithwaite of Bowden, Robert Linton, Thomas Chandler,
Thomas Merriman, Lancelot Wardell, merchant, Thomas Smith,
labourer, Richard Wilson & Margaret his wife, George Carr, salt
merchant, Sarah Enowles, Dorothy Dawson, Joane Sanderson,
spinster, William Maud, merchant, G^rge Linton, John Harrisoii,
all of Sunderland or Shields, Susannah Truthwaite, spinster, and
Laurence Haslem of Whitby in Yorkshire [should be Whitley, No^
thumberland] mariner, were taken at a meeting at Robert Linton's at
South Shields by Major Graham the deputy governor of Tinmouth

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SOUTH SHIBU)B. 208

Oastle and cast into hasty Holes there, where they lay a fall month
and then he turned them out, having so far as appeared to them
neither Order, Authority, or Warrant, for any Part of his Proceedings.

I fear that Oeorge Linton suffered from the imprisonment as he
only lived a few months after his release, when his body was stolen by
the soldiers, but this I shall give an account of at andther time.

Robert Linton appears to have been in an extensive way of busi-
ness, and amongst other things was proprietor of several salt pans.

One mission on which Linton was engaged will show the care
the society took that their members should only marry * Friends,'
'1678, 10 day 7 month, ffriends also agreed y* Robert Linton,
Anthony Wind (interred t\» following year in the ground under con-
sideraMon), Jno. Harrison, John Linton, & Bridget Pinder, goe as
soon as possible may be, and speak wt^ Jane Michell touching Inten-
tiohs to marry one of y* world, & as we ar Liformed ar already cald
in y« steeplehouse & to bring an acct thereof to y® next monthly
meetinge.'

Prom the register of marriages I find that Robert Linton married
Jane Parrott. Amongst the names of the witnesses who signed the
register are William and John Dove of Whitley.

The Rev. 0. E. Adamson has favoured me with the following
extracts from the Wesboe Court Rolls: —

'1671. It™ R®. Linton that he repare & amend the way down the
Banks toward the dam lying right above the ground hee now enjoyes
before the flirst of ffebruary they lay a paine of 10 lb. 10 s. 00 d.

It™ they p'sent . . . together with Robert Lyntons servants
for throwing their ashes into the street. . . .'

Recusants in 1682. 'Robert Linton South Shields, Teoman.
Jane his wife. Sarah Linton, Spinster.'

Richardson's Terrier of Survey made 1682. MS. made by Mr.
Andrew Stoddart.

'In 1667 the Lay Farm was separated from the other four, and
belonged to Lewis Frost, Ra. Milboume, MicW. Coatsworth, and
Rob^. Lynton.'

This 'Lay Farm' was afterwards subdivided, and in 1768 belonged
to Rob. Green, Mrs. Shrive, Rev. Mr. Radley, and possibly others
(62 acres).

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204 FORGOTTEN QUAKER BURIAL GROUNDS :

It seems to have been the fringe of Westoe township, which
included much of what is now called High Shields.
Court Rolls of Westoe contain these names, thus : —

1668-9-70.

1671-3.

1675.

Lewis Froet

Lewis ffrost

Milburn

Bxor Ra Milburne

Henry Wolfe

Linton

Ry Lynton

Ro Linton

Coatsworth

• . .

. .- •

^ Mich Coatoworth

Mich Coatesworth

A short time ago the Rev. C. E. Adamson brought to our notice^
a very interesting stone now in an outhouse of the residence of the
late Robert Ingham, esq., at Westoe. The stone, it was stated, bad
been removed from the neighbourhood of Frederick Street, Lajgate,
South Shields. The stone marked the resting-place of Ralph Milboume,
who died January 14, 1668, of Grace Woolf, who died 16th January,
170^, and of Henry Woolf. 'Grace Wolfe,' named on the stone,
wrote a most interesting letter to Ambrose Barnes, the Puritan
alderman® of Newcastle.

At that time I was inclined to think that the stone was a relic of
the burials in Robert Linton's garden, but subsequent consideration
leads more to the belief that Milboume and Woolf were nonconformists,
either Presbyterian or Independent, but not belonging to the Society
of Friends. Milboume was buried in 1668, and had the ground at
Linton's been then open a child of the latter would hardly have been
buried at West Boldon in 1669.

The earliest entry that I have of any burial at Linton's is in 1678,
five years after the date of Milboume's death. St. Hilda's r^*?ter
says that he was * buried in his house.' The wills® of Milboume and
Woolfe are at Durham, and from them I find that Grace was the widow
of Milboume, and subsequently married Henry Woolfe.^^ From the
wills we are able to get a short pedigree of the family.

' Proc. Soc. Antiq, Newc, vol. v. p. 100.

» Surtees Soc. Publ. vol. 60. p. 196.

• For wills see Appendix VI. and VII. pp. 209 and 210.

»• Henry Woolf s will is dated April 25, 1709. He describes himself S8 of
the Lay Yett, near South Shields, and desires that his body shall l>e buried at
the discretion of his executors.

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SOUTH SHUBLDB. 205

One danghier of the second marriage became Mrs. Oay, and
another Mrs. Linskill (see Appendix Y. p. 209).

The signatures of several witnesses are on each will, but I do not
find the name of Milboume, Woolfe, or of any one person referred to
in the wills mentioned in the Quaker records before me.

Henry Woolfe and one of his co-tenants [Michael Coatsworth] of the
Lay Farm are both named in the will of Henry Hudson of Brunton,
November 22, 1700, as ' my worthy friends.' Hudson himself desired
to be buried in the Sidgate, Newcastle, which was the *Quig's'
burying ground, the first in Newcastle used for nonconformists.
Again, in 1672, when King Oharles the II. granted his ' Preaching
Licenses, or licenses of indulgence to tender consciences,* in the list
for Durham we find, under South Shields, ' The house of Cuthbert
Cotesworth in the Westpans near South Shieles Durrham Pr [Pres-
byterian] Meeting Place.' The Whitburn records show that Cuthbert
Coatsworth and his wife were in 1674 cited to Durham 'for not
comeing to theire Parish Church,' * for keeping theire children un-
baptised, and she not comeing to be churched after her childe birth.'^i
These considerations lead me to think that the stone found by Mr.
Adamson was not from the Quaker burying ground in Robert Linton's
garden, but that probably as Milbourne and Linton were joint tenants
of the Lay farm, they each appropriated some spot of ground for
their private burials. The site most probably was about Frederick
street. It is stated that when excavations were made for the forma-
tion of the street several skeletons were found that could in no way be
accounted for.

A cash book belonging to the Society of Friends, now in the
custody of Mr. C. J. Spence, has this entry: — '1817 12 mo Cle«
Graveyard in S*» S° 88.' Mr. Spence knows of no other burying-place
than the one under consideration. It seems most remarkable that if
8s. was paid in 1817 for cleaning the ground there is no one who can
identify the site that it occupied. I give a list of those that I have
a record of as being buried in Robert Linton's garden between 1673
and 1697.

» Sartees Soc. Publ. vol. 47, p. 245.

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Yaw.

1673

1674

1684

1688

1695

1697

206 FOBGOTTBN QUAKBB BUBIAL GROUNDS :

BuBiALB AT South Shieldb in Bobbbt Linton*s ' Garden.

Mary Fearon daughter of ThomaB Fearon of Soath ShieldB was

buried in Robert Linton's (harden.
Martha daughter of Thomas Fearon.
Margaret Wife of James Smith of South Shields.
Mary Harrison of Blackwell Co. Durham.
Elizabeth Lisle daughter of Joseph and Elizabeth Lisle.
Anthony Wynd of South Shields.
Thomas Chandler of Soath Shields.
Timothy Frost son of John and Dorothy Frost.
Ann Chandler of South Shields.

Robert Linton lived to see more peacefol days for the Quakers,
both he and his wife were laid to rest in the Friends' Borial Groiind
at North Shields * Upper End,' the former in 1715 and the latter in
the following year.

I had been mach struck with the fact that in some of the very
early Quaker burying grounds many head-stones, with lengthy inscrip-
tions upon them are to be found, while gronnds of later date possess
very few stones. I made many enquiries but could get no explana-
tion, until a few days ago Mr. C. J. Spence favoured me with the
following, which fully explains the matter, and may also account for
the entire absence of stones in nearly all the grounds I have been
reviewing : —

EXTBAOT FBOM RuLES OF DISCIPLINE, 3rd Edition, 1834.
1717. This meeting being informed that friends in some places have gone
into the vain custom of erecting monuments over the dead bodies of friends, hj
stones, inscriptions, etc., it is therefore the advice of this meeting, that all such
monuments should be removed, as much as may be with discretion and con-
yeniency : and that none be any where made or set up, near or over, the desd
bodies of friends or others, in friends burying places for time to come.

In 1766 another resolution was passed : —
This meeting being informed that since the advice formerly issued, in order
to excite friends to a proper regard to our testimony against grave stones, divers
having accordingly been removed, and being desirous that the revival of this
concern may be effectual, we earnestly recommend the removal of them may be
general.

This rule was rescinded in 1860, when a plain stone was allowed
with name, age, and date, under direction of the monthly meeting :—

So that in each particular burial Ground such an entire uniformity mty be
preserved in respect of the material, size, and form of the stones as well as the
mode of placing them, as may effectually guard against any distinction being
made in that place between the rich and the poor.

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APPENDIX. 207

One other extract from the records shows the desire for simplicity

at funerals : —

9
Gateshead ye 8th day of ye - 1675. At ye saide meeting friends had a

discoQTse touching a black cloth npon ye coffin and desired consideracon
farther had abont it till next monthly meetinge.

10
At ye monthly meeting at Gatesid the 13 Day of — 1675 ffriends have

generally given theire Judgment touching Burialls, that whean theire is a coffin,
theire's noe nissisity of any cloth at all. And y* the distriabution of wine. And
serveinge of fEreinds and people In ye maner of ye world as is a customed, is
surperfluous and needles, and not comendable amongest ffreinds.

I fear that during the two hundred years that have elapsed
since this resolution was passed * ye manner of ye world ' at funerals
has not very much improved.

If my hearers are not weary of the subject I propose at an early
opportunity to give an account of the ground at North Shields * High
End ' and of the one that used to be at CuUerooats, the existence of
which may be fresh in the memory of many present.

APPENDIX,
I.

Geobge Hodgson, 1667.

A true & perfect inventory of- all such goods & chattells as George
Hodshon, late of Newcastle-on-Tyne, died, seized of, 17 Deer., 1667.

Itm. One Lease of a cloyrie.

Itm. A Lease of Boldon fflate, Milne Goods at Bowdon fflate, two oxen, etc.,
etc.

Itm. One Lease of a house in Newcastle, wherein the testator lived.

Itm. One Lease of a Cole Stath from Sir James Clavering.

Itm. One Lease of a Cole Stath from M' George Shafto.

Itm. The Testator's purse, etc.

Itm. Debts owing to the Testator.

Sum total ... £U7 78.4d.

George Shafto, i .„„.,,
Richard Harding, } ^* Whickhm. Gentn.
William Lonsdale, Swalwele Groman.
William Cutter of Newcastle.

II.

* . . . . Richardum Wilson . . . ., for not combing to the Church :
23 Augusti [16] 74. Ex*.' *. . . . Richardum Wilson, sen., .... for
schisnuUicks, and offending agaiiist all order : 10 Dec, [leiyiB, ExV *. . . .
Qnlielmum Maude . . . ,,for keeping open shoppt on Holy days: 26 Aug.
[16]77. Bx*.'— Surtees Soc Publ. vol. 47, pp. 246-7.

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M8 FOBGOTTBK QUAKER BXTBIAL OBOUNDS :

III.

* Opficium DOMlia contra Gulielmum Trewhit et Doratheam uxorem ejns,
Adonellam Cornforth, (Jeorgium Trewhit, Marparetam Trewhit. QHaJtert;
Gulielmum Trewhit et Georgiam Trewhit, for not payeing aueM-ments to the
Church : 5 Jan. 1678. £x^* * Gulielmam Trewhit, Georgium Trewhit, Johannem
Bobson, Robertum Steel, Richardum Moore, et Robertum Laidlerf/or not payeing
Clerk* s fcages; Thomas Bedson, et Janam Johnson, uxorem ejus pretensam ;
Georgium Trewhit et uxorem ejus pretensam, for procureing themselres to be
clandestinely married: Sept 1677. Ex*.'— Surtees Soc Publ. vol. 47, p. 218.

IV.

Durham Probate Court.

In the name of god Amen, the 26th day of September, in the yeare of our lord
god 1582 : I Cuthbart Trewghit of Howghton in the Springe, seake and euill at
ease in my bodye by the visitation of allmightie god, but by his grace and mercye
in good and perfect remembrannce maketbe my last will and testament ia
maner and forme followinge. ffirste, I committe my soule into the handes of
allmightie god, who as I stedfastlye trust and hope will receaue it, for the merites
of hiB deare sonne and cure sauioure Jhesus Christ, who hathe redeamed it, withe
his most precious blonde : And I will that my bodie be buried in my parrishe
churchyarde of the saide Howghton, after I have ended the course of this
miserable lyfe. Imprimis, I geaue to the poore, 0 3/4. AUso I make Allice
Trewghit, my wyfe, Robart Trewghit, John Trewghit, Henrye Trewghit^
xpofer Trewghit, And Jane Trewghit my chyldren, executoures of this my last
will and testament. Allso, I make Mr. John Casson, and Raulfe Peudrithe,
super visoures of this my last will and testament, desiring theym for the loue of
god, and as I trust theym, to see this my last will and testament performed and
fulfilled to the true intent and meaninge hereof, Recordes (?) and wytnesses
hereof. Are Mr. John Casson, Robart Rueter (?) John Browne, Roger Amond, And
Anthonye Chiltoune.

The Inventorye of all the goodes and cattellee, wch weare the goods and
cattels of Cuthbart Trewghit of Howgbtone in the Springe, of lat« deceassed,
pryced by these men, John Browne, John Chilton, Henrye Clerksone and Robart
Rueter (?) the 26th day of februarye. An'o. dni: 1582.

Imprimis, fowre kye (?) 6" v"

Itm One mare, & twa stagges (?) 3" 13» 4<* iij" xiij* iiij*

Itm 22*ysheape 4" iiij"

Itm f ower swyne xviii"

Itm fowre bee hyves xvi«

Itm wheate in the stackgarthe iij"

Itm otes in the barne xxx"

Itm wheate sowen upon the grounde iij" yi* viii**

Itm hay in the barne xvi*

Itm Bowen bouides (?)& all wood geare xxvi"

Itm Ambry es, cawels (?), arkes (?), chystes, tables, formes,

andchayres iij"

lun pewder yessell, brasse pottes And other vessell ... iij" viii* yiii^
Itm howshoulde stuffe in the chamber xxxiii* iiii<i

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AJ?PBNDIX. 209

Itm f owre tbreave of hempe & pnlleyne iiii*

Itm one Iron chymnej, all bis worke geare And theyre

appurtenannces zl*

Some xxxiiii" xii*

Debtes owinge to tbe sayde Gutbbart.

Xpoferbaall iii'

(?)viii"

Some ... xi' — ^xxxv" iii"

Debtes to be taken out of the some aboae.

To Mr. S'riffe (?) Bellassis iii* iii«>

To Nycolas Pounder ii' viii*

To Bobart Ironsyde yonnger iiii*

Itm f or reparacons xxxiii* iiii^*

Itm forwheate xxxvi"

Itm for clensinge of the bowse xxxv" iiii'

Some ▼" xiiii* vii*

Some tot ... xxix" viii" y<*

V. . [

Mr. H. A. Adamson inf onnfi me that the Linskills of North Shields originally
came from Whitby. The 7th yol. of the North Biding Record Society states that
at the Qnarter Sessions held in 1677 William Joseph and Reaben Linskill of
Whitby (all Quakers) made affirmation of loyalty to their sovereign, but claimed
exemption from the penalties imposed on Roman Catholics. The Tynemouth
Lodge estate and other property at North Shields properly came into the
possession of the Linskill family by the marriage of William Linskill of Whitby
with the daughter of Anthony Pearson in 1754.

VI.

Durham Probate Court.

Ralph Milboubke, 1668.

I, Ralph Milbum of South Shields Westoe Salt pans in the County P. of
Durham, etc., etc.

Imp. I give & bequeath unto my Wife Qrace (my debts being first paid
out of the whole) that p'cell of Ground in the Lay called by the name of the
Bordwell Close w**» the new house thereon erected and all appur* thereunto
belonging, being one fourth part of a farme lyeing in the township of Westoe
w<* I bought of Thomas Burden.

Itm. I also give & bequeath unto my wife Grace one full third part of all
my other estate reall & personal.

Itm. I also give & bequeath unto my son Joshua another full third part
of all my estate.

Itm. I also give & bequeath unto my two youngest sons John & Edward
the other third part of my whole estate to be equally divided between them.

Itm. I do hereby constitute & ordain my wife Grace Sole Extrix of this
my last Will & Testament in witness whereof I have hereto set my hand this
twelfth day of Jany in the twentieth year of the Beign of £ing Charles the
Second Anno Dni., 1668. Ra. Milboum<

VOL. XVL ^ A

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210 FORGOTTEN QUAKER BURlAti GROUNDS : APMNDUt.

Signed in the presence of —

Lewis ffrost,
Mich Golesworth,
Thomas Airey,
. . . . Milburn,
Cuth Golesworth.

ProyedFeb.-6, 1668.

Long inventory of Stock at Salt pans. Shares in sondry vessels (nine)
proved at £640 19s. 8d.

vn.

Daiham Probate Goart.

I, Hbnby WOOLFE of Lay Yett, near South Shields .... My body to
be buried at the discretion of my Bxors. ...

To my Son in Law John Cay & Grace his wife my daughter , . .

To my Son in Law Robert Linskell & Rubina his wife my daughter . . .

& shall suffer Henry Linskell Sc John Linskell sons of the s*^ Rob^ k Rubina
... to John Linskill, Alice Linskill daughter of the said Robert Linskill
, , . Grandson Robert Cay.

Robert Cay Messuage & ffive salt pans held from Dean and Chapter.
Robert Cay twentieth part of Elswick Colliery . . . Farm in Harton lately
bought of Thomas Watson.

I give & b. to each of my son in law Joshua Mil bourne's ffive children
Hannah, William, John, Grace k. Jane Milboume £5.

Dorothy Milboume another daughter of the said Joshua Milboume share of
Ship Love of which her said father is now master. Henry, John Sl A. Linskill to
be put to some honest trade.

Dated April 25th, 1709.

Proved 1710.

Witness —

Samuel Doneson,

Hannah Greenwich,

Wm. Rutter.
Bzecutors, John Cay & Grace his wife.

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THS HANSBATIO OOfiTFBDBBATION* 211

XI v.— THE HANSEATIO CONFEDERATION, WITH SPECIAL
REFEKENCE TO THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE
ENGLISH FACTORIES AND TRADING CONNECTION
WITH NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.

By Robert Coltman Clephan.
[Read on the 28th December, 1892, and 22nd February, 1898.]

Paet I.— General Sketch.
It is impossible to deal intelligibly with the Hansa factories in
England without an introductory sketch of the history, aims, and
government of the League in general. The outline to-night must
necessarily be brief. The subject is so interesting and so pregnant
with vast issues bearing on the history and trading policy of medieval
northern Europe, that it is a matter for astonishment that historians
have too often rather shrunk from grappling with its subtle and some-
what obscure ramifications. Dynasties and wars form mo]*e concrete
subjects for the historian^ but trading aspirations have given the key-
note and provided the sinews of war to many a scheme of empire,
thus pulling the wires of history, so to speak, to an extent not always
recognised.

The German and Lombard towns laid the foundation for future
corporate greatness by strenuous efforts made to lighten the oppression
of the feudal system, which existed nowhere more conspicuously than
in medieval Germany. Cities organised themselves against aggression,
and associated themselves together with others for mutual protection
against the injustice and exactions of a rapacious nobility. The
feudal lords, instead of protecting the third estate, harassed and
Oppressed it. Little by little the towns began to organise their
resources with a view of at least mitigating the grievous disabilities
under which they groaned. They contended for safety of person and
goods against freebooters ; the clearance of robbers from the high seas
and highways ; right to own land ; the substitution of regular tribunals
instead of the barbarous trial by combat ; or the test of hot iron, the

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212 THE HANBEATIO OONFEDERATION.

so-called ' judgment of God ' ;^ an equitable regulation of dues and
taxes ; authorised weighing of goods ; machinery for the enforcement
of debts ; municipal government ; and many other reforms which we
should now consider absolutely necessary for the most elementary
condition of society. At times buying the protection of their liege
lords, or setting one baron or princeling against another ; by slow
degrees they achieved power, with freedom to organise their com-
munity, and pursue their commerce unfettered and unmolested. From
the reign of the great Frederick Barbarossa, the so-styled holy Roman
emperors were constantly engaged in wars in Italy and elsewhere,
leaving Germany a perfect cockpit of faction. The cities, being
frequently called upon for levies of men and money, gradually exacted
privileges and monopolies in return, which, by and by, resulted in
opulence, independence, and power, their alliance being eagerly sought
afler by powerful princes. Associated together they became irresistible,
their citizens enjoying even wider inmiunities abroad than under their
own rulers, and at length were a power to be reckoned with by the
great states of Europe. Many of them became free cities of the
empire, with most of the attributes of independent states. Eventually
some eighty cities banded themselves together, forming a league
powerful enough to dispose over fleets and armies, dethrone and set
up kings; and to dictate their conditions more or less to all the
northern sovereigns.

The political condition of northern Europe, and especially that of
Scandinavia in the middle ages afforded this association, so remark-
able for diplomatic astuteness, opportunities for pushing its protection-
ist and exclusive trading policy, which it used to the utmost, but which
eventually rendered it intolerable.

Origin, Meaning, and Application op the teem Hanse
OB Hansa.

The word Hansa or Hanse was in use in north-western Europe,
particularly in England, from a very early period. It invariably
indicated a merchants' guild or association.

The first mention I can find of the word in the middle ages occurs
as early as 799, when the merchants' guild of Eegensburg, in South

* Carry a bar of red-hot iron, or walk over a red-hot ploughshare.

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HISTORIC SUMMABY. 218

Germany, is styled * Hanse.' It is very rarely met with in old Teutonic
records, but frequently crops up, after Domesday Book, in early English
history ; and it was the use of the word in England that probably
suggested its adoption by the early confederacies trading with the
British Isles, and subsequently by the Hanseatic Bond. We find
the term in an undated charter signed by Archbishop Thurstan (about
1120), granting to the citizens of Beverley, the same privileges as
enjoyed by those of York : * Volo ut burgenses mei de Beverlaco

habeant suam hanshus ' King John conferred a charter

on Danwich in Norfolk which runs : ' Concessimus etiam eis hansam
et gildam mercatoriam . . . .' These examples may suflSce — ^there
are many others.

The origin of the word would seem to have been low German, pro-
bably the middle low German of the old dukedom of Saxony, or what is
very similar, Anglo-Saxon, though it occurs in Bishop TJlfilas's Gothic
translation of the bible, written about a.d. 350 : * Jndas nam Hansa '
(Judas took council) ; and the very early trading relations between
the merchants of Cologne, * homines Imperatoris,' and Wisby on the
island of Gothland, might point to a Gothic derivation.

I came across a report from the Edinburgh Review dated October,
1877, of a most interesting article entitled * TJlfilas, the Apostle of the
Goths,' on which it is impossible to dwell this evening. The article
is unsigned, but is, if I am not much mistaken, irom the pen of our
learned colleague Dr. Hodgkin.

That the name was not confined to German unions is clearly shown
by the fact of the Flemish federation of twenty-four towns associated
together for trading purposes in England, styling itself * The London
Hansa,' and curiously enough the * London Merchant Adventurers '
at one time called their association by this very name also.

Historic Summary.

The Hansa Bund sprang out of the early Teutonic trade with
England, which dates back to Roman times. The League of the
cities of Westphalia, and those of the Rhine generally, with its
Priesland and Flemish allies, led by Cologne, was clearly the proto-
type for the association of Baltic cities, with Liibeck at its head ; and
eager was the rivalry and competition of the two confederacies until

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%U THE KANSBATIO CONF£D££ATIOX.

they merged together in the Hansa, with LUbedc as its acknowledged
qne^. The Hanseatic BhikI was tlms olearly a development of the
earlier Teutonic anions. The city of Liibeck was engaged in trade
with Denmark before the dawn of the thirteenth c^itorj, and took
part in a cajnpaign against the celebrated Waldemar Seir ; and die
crushing victory of Bornhoved in 1227 was largely contributed to by
the Liibeck contingent. The Danes were also beaten in Livonia and
Oourlandy and their last stronghold, the castle of Reval, taken. The
foothold then obtained resulted in . the establishment of German
factories at Beval, Dorpat, and Riga, but the position was lost
again in 1238, whea the treaty of that year gave Beval back to
Denmark. The German influence soon after regained predominance,
and these stations were re-established, by and by to be incorporated
in the Bund. The victory of Bornhoved wrung concessions from
Denmark for the herring fishery in the Baltic, and the possession of
this trade clearly marked out Liibeck for the leadership of the Wendish
cities, which union formed the nucleus for the future Hanseatic Con-
federation. Already at this period the little herring had begun to
play an important part in the history of Europe ; it was the loadstone
that specially attracted the Germans to Baliic watei-s.

It is impossible within the limits of a short paper to give more
than a mere outline of the dynastic history, so to speak, of the
League. Anyone wishing to pursue the subject in this direction,
would be amply repaid by a perusal of Miss Zimmern's charming
book, published in England. For what may be described as the
archaeological and commercial sides of the question, I have freely
availed myself of the labours of Dr. Lappenberg, and the writers of
a series of papers published by a society styling itself * Verein fur
Hansische Geschichte,' whose field of operations covered most of the
towns and factories, beginning 1870 and extending over the following
decade.

The oldest records of the Baltic League are to be found in the
laws and compacts of the old Wendish towns of Liibeck, Rostock, and
Wismar, dated 1259, 'Liibische Recht' (Liibeck laws) they are
called ; they are written in Latin, but a German version dated 1240
lying in the town archives of Kiel, points to a still earlier origin. The
co-operation of these towns, together with Gadebusch, Stralsund

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msTomc SUMMARY. 21S

Elbing, Kiel, Greifswald, and Hamburg goes still farther back, and
these common laws may be regarded as the corporate foundation of
the Hanseatic League, which, however, did not adopt the designation
before the middle of the fourteenth century, * Hanse der Deutchen,'
when the two sections united and the League became formally con-
stituted.

There is an agreement of a slightly earlier date between Hamburg
and Liibeck, but this concerns merely the mutual protection of the
highway between the two cities.*

The first of these Wendish compacts provides for a common action
against pirates and robbers, but there is no special mention of com-
mercial union ; while the second, dated 1265, decrees in addition that
the necessary expenses be subscribed by all. The first document
expressly states that it is compiled for all merchants using the
'Ltibische Recht,' 'zum Nutzen aller Kaufleute, die daes Liibische
Recht gebrauchen,' runs the later high German translation. Provi-
sion is made that all bad citizens be banished their towns, carrying
away no property save and except * apron and knife,' and the cities
contract not to harbour the criminals of each other. Bigamy incurs
the penalty of death by the axe, but this punishment was soon found
too drastic, and but a little later was commuted to a fine of ten
marks, later still increased to forty marks ; two-thirds to go to the
town treasury, remainder to judge or court, and the offender to hand
over half his property to the woman he first married.

Shipwrecked goods (Strandgut) and prizes taken in war to be
delivered to the Bath of the Leagae, or their agents, for realisation for
revenue purposes. Offenders against this article to be mulcted ten
marks, or in default, banishment from the allied cities.

Common action is arranged for in cases of disputes between the
cities and their liege lords, with the saving clause that only money,
not men, be subscribed by the cities not primarily interested.

The punishment of whipping on the seat was inflicted for fraud,
bribery, and minor offences. * Qui falsa et nequam emptione sen

* Disraeli, in his Curiosities of Literature (* Feudal Customs '^, says : * There
Was a time when the German lords reckoned amongst their privileges that of
robbing on the highways of their territory ; which ended in raising up the
famous Haneeatic Union to protect their commerce against rapine and avaiicious
uaotions of tolL*

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216 THE 1£aKSBATIC CONFEDERATION.

vendicione promeruerit sedere in sede que dicitur "scupstol" arbitrio
consulum et judicio eorum subjacebit.' Which may be rendered : — ' He
who by fraudulent and wicked buying and selling shall have deserved
to sit in the seat which is called '^scupstol,'* shall be ducked at the
discretion of the counsellors and according to their judgment,' so here
we have not only the word but the application. The woixi * scupstol '
recalls the punishment in the old Scottish law ' cnkstule,' cucking or
tossing the culprit up and down and in and out of dirty water. In the
England of the Normans the punishment was expressed by ^ tumbrel,'
and later by cucking or ducking stool ; in France ^ tombereau ' or
^ tomberel,' and in Latin ' tumbrellum.'

We are far too apt to look upon the middle ages as entirely a rude
and rough page in the world's history, and to plume ourselves on the
supreme refinement of our own age as against all that preceded it ; as
if the application of steam to the locomotive was more wonderful than
the genius that breathed life in the creations of Phidias and Praxiteles.
Such generalizations are often hasty and very misleading. The world's
history is made up of rising civilizations that culminate and set in
luxury and effeminacy ; then darkness prevails, when almost all experi-
ence is lost or hidden^ and the world has to begin again, as it were.
So it has gone on for many thousand years, and so it will go on to the
end. We owe much to the middle ages, which were progressive, and
contained a great deal that was sturdy and good ; in them lay the
resurrection of art, liberty, and jurisprudence.

The early history of the Wendish League was characterised by
singular astuteness in negotiation, both with foreign powers and the
feudal lords of its cities, and the political condition and combinations
of northern Europe in the middle ages materially assisted its develop-
ment. It invariably exhausted all the resources of diplomacy before
drawing the sword, rightly judging that the baleful influence of war
on commerce is but badly compensated for even by a successfdl appeal
to arms. That the Wendish towns, including Hamburg, were more
or less acting together for common objects with those of Westphalia,
the Netherlands, and Livonia, is shown by an early treaty between the
Gothic city of Wisby (Gothland) on the one hand, and the prince of
Smolensk and burghers of Liibeck, Soest, Munster, Groningen, Dort*
mund, Bremen, and Riga on the other. All the earlier efforts of the

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KAlifiS OF THE HAKSS TOWNS.

217

League were concentrated on extending trade and acquiring influence
in the Baltic, and the Norwe^ians^ once the terror of the seas, became
restricted to their own coasting trade^ while the English were ousted
from a great part of their oversea traflic.

In 1278 Magnus of Norway granted extensive trading privileges
to the Wendish cities and Bremen^ and the foundations for the
important factory of Bergen were then laid down.

The constant friction and frequent wars among the three divisions
of Scandinavia gave the League opportunities for pushing its influence
in Baltic waters, which it used to the utmost, and its success became
80 evident that Waldemar III., surnamed Atterdag (a day will come),
determined at all hazards to attempt to check its growing power. The
Confederacy sustained its first reverse in tlie opening campaign, when
Waldemar took and sacked the rich city of Wisby in 1361, the then
richest and most important emporium of the League ; the king there-
upon assuming the title of king of the Goths; his success was,
however, but transient, as the Llibeck fleet led by the burgermeister
Johan Wittenberg, assisted by Henrik of Holstein, soon afterwards
completely defeated him before Helsingborg. Wittenberg meeting
with a serious reverse after this was recalled and beheaded, a common
fate for Hansa leaders whose operations were not crowned with success.
Llibeck now made a league with 77 cities, Wendish, Westphalian,
Netherlands, and Livonian ; the compact being signed at Cologne in
1867. The struggle for supremacy between the cities of Cologne and
Llibeck will be touched upon more particularly in the second section
of this paper, as it has a special bearing on English trade, but at this
crisis they became united in common aims and objects, and the
Hanseatic Confederation was now formally constituted. The forces
now wielded by the Bund became very formidable, and their fleets
took and sacked Copenhagen. The peace of Stralsund signed in 1370
gave the now powerful Confederacy indisputed sway in the Baltic,
and a veto on the election to the Danish throne. Following is a list
of the Hanse towns in alphabetical order : —

Amsterdam.

Amheim.
Berlin.
Bielefeld.
Bolsward.

VOL. XVL

Brandenburg.

Brauensberg.

Braunschweig.

Bremen.

Breslau.

Briel.

Buztehude.

Danzig.

Deventcr.

Dordrecht.

Dorpat.

Dortmund.

Duisburg. >

Eimbech.

Elbing.

Elburg.

Emmerich.

Frankfurt a, 0.

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218

T9E HANSSATIO OOKfEDEOATIOir.

Kiel.

Osnabriidi.

Stettin.

Koesfeld.

Osterburg.

Stolpe.
Stralsnnd.

Kolberg.

Paterborn.

EolD.

Pernan.

Tangermiinde.

Eoln-on-Spree.

Quedlinburg.

Thiel.

Eoningsb^g.

Reval.

Thorn.

Eiakan.

Riga.

Uelzen.

Eulm.

Roermonde.

Unna.

Lemgo.

Roetock.

Utrecht.

Lippstadt.

Riigenwalde.

Venlo.

Lubeck.

Sakwedel.

Warburg.

Liineburg.

Seehaasen.

Watershagen.

Magdeburg.

Soest.

Wesel.

Minden.

Soltbomel.

Wisby.

MUnster.

Stade.

Wismar.

Nordheim.

Stargard.

Zierixee.

Nymwegen.

•Staveren.

ZUlphen.

Oschersleben.

Stendal.

ZwoUe.

Gardelegen.

GoUnow.

Goslar.

Gottingen.

Greifswald.

Grbningen.

Halberstadt.

Halle.

Hamburg.

Haineln.

Hamm.

Hannover.

Harderwyk.

Hasselt.

Helmstedt.

Herford.

Hildesheim.

Eampen.

The list covers an immense and almost international area. Ger-
many, the Netherlands, Russia, and even Sweden being all represented.
Many have sunk into insignificance and others have disappeared
altogether. The roll was ever a changing quantity, as cities joined
or left the Confederacy, or were *unhansed.' Discipline among
the towns was strictly maintained, and any contumacious towards the
diet were subjected to ^ unhansing,' that is ejectment from the Bund,
and were only readmitted after abject submission and the imposition
of a heavy fine. The important city of Bremen, which pressed her
views as to leadership, remained unhansed for thirty years, and many
cities once recalcitrant were never allowed to rejoin.

The diet, presided over by a syndic, was composed of deputies
from each town on the roll, but there was always great reticence
displayed to the world outside as to the numbers composing the
League. A deputy questioned on this head would answer evasively,
^ Those who fight the Hansa's battles.* The meetings were generally
held at Liibeck, the deputies being received with great pomp and
ceremony ; heavy fines were inflicted for non-attendance without good
cause assigned, and the decisions of the majority bound the entire
Confederacy. The diet was the grand court of appeal for all questions
aDd quarrels ; it controlled all diplomatic action, and held in its hands
the issues of peace and war. The Hansa had no regular seal of
association, but all documents were sealed with the arms of the town
in which the diet happened to meet. The usual symbol attached to
all Hansa guildhalls was the double eagle witii the legend 'quo omnes

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BBROBK. 219

tttimUT in praeeenti.' The remaining years of the fourteenth century
were characterised by unwearied efforts of the League to consolidate
and increase its influence in the Baltic ; but in the beginning of the
fifteenth the rich and influential towns of the Netherlands withdrew
in a body Arom the Association, allying themselves with king Eric
against the Hansa. The Liibeck fleet under Tidemand Steen was
defeated in the Sound, and an attempt on Copenhagen in 1428 was
unsuccessful. The rival Oonfederacies continued the struggle for
Baltic supremacy until 1445, when a truce between them was arranged.
At the close of the war Bergen became the complete vassal of the
Hansa, and its extensive fishing industry a source of great riches to
the Association. This northern factory calls for a passing notice, and
our tourist countrymen may spend an interesting hour or two in
inspecting the last settlement built after the great fire in 1702, soon
after which the hated foreigners were driven out by the government
under the Danish crown.

Bhbgbk.

After the times of the Vikings when the coast towns of Norway
ceased to be enriched by the spoils of other nations, the Norwegians
were thrown back on their own resources, which, with the exception
of extensive fisheries, were of a trifling character. Although still in
possession of a considerable fleet, they were unable firom some cause or
other to do their ow^ carrying trade in fish, possibly because of the
horror and detestation with which the Norsemen were still regarded on
the other side of the North Sea, or more likely by a wave of decadence
passing over them.

A competition for this trade ensued between the Wendish towns
and England, the former completely ousting our countrymen, by
reason of their more powerful fieet. The Germans soon made good
a foothold on the land itself at Bergen, whidi they successfolly main-
tained for centuries, in spite of the bitter opposition of the citizens.

The relentless policy of monopoly nowhere showed itself in darker
colours than in the Hansa^s arbitrary and oppressive dealings with
Norway. The maritime position of Bergen with its unrivalled land-
locked harbour and fishing grounds marked it out as a centre for this
important trade, and the factory grew rapidly ; already in the middle
of the fourteenth century it assumed the name of * Hansiche Eontor.'

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220 THB HAKSEATIO CONFEDERATION.

The factory consisted of twenty-two strongly bnilt bnildings of
timber facing the Qord, connected with the water by a gangway for
loading and discharging. The frontage was narrow, but warehouses
extended far behind. The dwelling portion of each tenement was
styled the ' Hof,' and the accommodation for the * Hansebriider ' was
of the rudest description. Each house contained a ' family ' of about
120 persons, the majority coming from one particular Hanse town ; all
men were sworn to celibacy and presided over by a ' Husbonde.' These
were divided into classes, such as managers and clerks, svender, boots-
junger, cooks, and servants. At the back was a large yard and garden,
in which numerous ferocious dogs were kept. The most curious of
the offices rearwards was the ^ Schiitting,' an old Norwegian fire annex,
with a single entrance, windowless beyond a hole in the roof with an
adjustable shutter, to let light in and smoke out. This shutter was
closed when the fire cleared. During summer the 'family' lived in
the ' Hof,' eating and sleeping in their own rooms, but in the winter
months they all lived in common in the capacious ' Schiitting,' where
a table stood for each. The fleet being laid up during the winter
months, all business was at a standstill at that season.

A large branch of the import trade was the highly prized pepper,
and merchants of the Hansa at Bergen rejoiced in the nickname of
' Pebersvende ' (pepper lads), which name still survives in the langu-
ages of Scandinavia for a bachelor over forty, the members of the
&ctory being all celibates. I may perhaps suggest to our philologists
that the word nickname was necknavn (neken — ^to tease).

All marriage was forbidden, and no woman permitted within the
enclosure ; but for all that great laxity of morals prevailed, deepening
as the central control became weaker.

A manuscript of the fifteenth century was found in one of the
houses giving an account of a carousal held over a barrel of beer by
one of the * families,' the ale being the fine imposed on a clerk for an
illegitimate child ; the manuscript ends thus ' may our brother soon
be found tripping again.'

The factory was really a fortress, entrance by a bridge surmounted
by the arms of the station, viz., half the double eagle and a crowned
cod's head. The total number of inhabitants varied from two to three
thousand, and the community was governed by two Oldermoend,

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NBWOASTLB-UPON-TTNK. 221

assisted by a oonndl. They made their own laws, had their own
chnrcheSy and generally set the Norwegian authorities at defiance.

It was at Bergen where the German of the middle ages and
renaissance was seen at his very worst, his otherwise genial though
somewhat coarse hnmoar here took the form of tyranny, licentiousness,
and brutality of the most odious type. The bestial games and orgies
indulged in when candidates from German towns presented themselves
for admittance to the 'families' to fill up gaps in the community
caused by removal or death, were a scandal even in that rough age.
These were subjected to the most dreadful barbarities, smeared with
filth and garbage, underwent terrible whippings, which some did not
survive ; duckings in the sea occasionally ending in drowning ; com-
pelled to ascend a chimney under which filth was burnt, so as to cause
a nauseous smoke that frequently overcame them. These are but a
sample of the horrors that took place, and no wonder that the Hansa
continues a term of reproach in Norway down to our own day. The
games, harmless enough when instituted, clearly degenerated into a
device for the limitation of immigration from the parent towns.

Newoastlb-upon-Ttnb.

Evidence of a very early connection of our own city with the
Hansa, or more properly with the older associations whence it sprang,
is not wanting, and it is certain that a considerable trade was
carried on soon after the Conquest, and probably much earlier. I have
found direct testimony of trading operations on a large scale at the
beginning of the fifteenth century, which by implication may be set
much further back. A despatch preserved in the archives of Stralsund,
dated 6th September, 1401, from the mayor of Newcastle-upon-Tyne,*
addressed to the Bath of Stralsund, thanks the latter for the agreeable
audience given to an ambassador from the former, and promises a like
favourable reception to the Stralsund ships and merchandize to the
Tyne. A promise is given by the magistrate to convey the sense of
these negotiations to king Henry IV.

I have ventured to give the document in extenso as having a local
application. It runs as Ibllows : —

* Sykes states that Sir Peter Scott was the first chief magistrate of Newcastle,
haying the title of major in 1251, bat there was a mayor in 1243. See Arch,
Ael iiii. 126, N.S.

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i2i THE HANSEATIO OONFBDEBATION.

'Reoerendis et discretis viris Consalibns et Bargimagistris Ciaitatis Strale»>
sundensis, Maior, Vioecomes et Ck)mitttinita8 ville Notd Castri saper Tynam la
Anglia salatem com reuerencia pariter et honore. Scire dignetur yestra discrecio,
yeneranda nos yestras literas honorabiles per manns Johannis Stemeke, noetii
bargensis, naper lecepisse, cai yestram beneuolenciam ac mnltiplices grates
itostre dileocionis intnita proitt nobis retnlit, araicabiliter intimastis ; eondemqiie
Johannem in sois agendis efflcados pertractando, ynde yobis ez toto noetri cordis
desiderio intime regraciamnr cum affectu. Et qnantam ad grauamina, pront in
dictis literis yestris continetur, yestratibns illata, ant qaod aliqna discensio inter
Tos et aliqaem nostrorom esset inita seu orta, moltipliciter oondolemos. In-
super qnoad literam yestram ezcellentissimo principi et domino noetro Regi
Anglie et Francie directam, ipsam eidem Serenissimo principi domino nostro Begi
festinacione qua commode poterimns, secundum formam copie litere nobis trans-
misse presentabimns cum affeotu. Scientes pro firmo, quod cnm et qoando
placnerit aliqoibns yestrorum partes et yillam nostram cum yestris naoibus
seu mercibus yisitare, quantum in nobis est et secundum totum nostrum
posse, digne et amicabiliter recipientur, que consimilia mercatoribns nostris apnd
yos fieri semper cnpimns et speramus. Yestram prosperitatem, prout nostram,
perpetuam conseruet altissimus gloriose Virginis intemerate filius per tempora
long^us duratura. In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fedmns
paientes, nostro sub sigillo consignatas. Datum apud dictam yillam nostram
Noui Castri super Tynam : quinto die mensis Septembris, Anno Dni : Millesimo
quadringentesimo prime*

We find mention of the trade of Newcastle with the Hansa, towards

the end of the same century, in a memorandum by a certain jHriest

Clement Armstrong, he says : —

* These merchants bring to England pitch, tar, wood for quarterstayes, wax
and pork from the north ; wine from Spain ; alum from Italy ; madder, silk, and
many other articles from Flanders ; and. to buy cloth bring with them gold and
silyer in bars, whence the name (B) sterling money comes. England is stufted
and pestered* with foreign goods.

He sermonizes on the good old times before England determined

to dominate the channel. Then comes the following remarkable

passage : — ^ There were towns besides London that had steelyards, vizn

Hull, York, Newcastle, Boston, and Lynn.* There were undoubtedly

factories or steelyards at both Boston and Lynn, and I shall give

some account of them in Part 2, but I have not found any evidence

in corroboration of this statement as to York, Hull, and Newcastle.

The term steelyard implies a residential German settlement, and I am

of opinion there were never more than dep6ts at these three towns.

Investigation among local or imperial records should define what the

position of the Germans here really was, but I have not yet been able

♦ Pestered (pest— black death).

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HORWAY AND SWEDEN. 228

to find anything more bearing on the question. In 1443 Copenhagen
became the capital of Denmark, and the almost always nominal anion
of the three Scandinavian kingdoms came to an end.

It was king Eric who first instituted the Sonnd dues, so fiercely
contested by the Wendish cities.

The renaissance had now succeeded the middle ages, and Martin
Luther was preaching his propaganda, soon to exercise such a dis-
integrating influence on the fortunes of the Hansa.

Norway had become a Danish province when Christian II. ascended
the throne in 1513. He invaded and again subdued Sweden, for the
last time to be united to the Danish monarchy. The Hansa, true to its
traditional policy of preventing the realisation of a strong and united
Scandinavia, determined at all hazards to break the union which always
aimed at its exclusion from the Baltic, and declared war against the
king. In the campaign that ensued Christian was completely defeated,
losing both his hberty and throne. The Hansa then placed Gustav
Wasa on the Swedish throne, and Frederik of Slesvig Holstein on that
of Denmark, and for a time the Bund enjoyed vast privileges in
Scandinavia, but even the kingmakers were never quite able to close
the Sound against the Frieslanders, their most formidable rivals in the
Baltic, though its most strenuous efforts were directed to that end.

The great and lucrative trade enjoyed by the League at this epoch,
with a well equipped trading fleet, quickly and easily convertible into
powerful squadrons for war, resulted in a great accumulation of wealth,
which, coupled with an unrivalled diplomacy and successful wars, had
made it the arbiter of Northern Europe, and secured it the almost
entire monopoly of the Baltic trade. Its factories extended to Norway
and Russia on the one side, and England and Lisbon on the other,
with depdts at Venice and many other important centres ; the mer-
chants were like great princes in the wool, cloth, tallow, wax,
salt, hides, timber, wine, and beer trades, besides spices, to say nothing
of herrings and stockfish, which in these fast fading catholic days
continued to swell the sails of the mighty confederacy. The other
maritime nations could barely keep the seas, and became restricted
mostly to their own coasting trafGic, but times were at hand which
were soon to have a disastrous influence on the further progress of the
League, which never could realise that competitive power and influenoe
was Cast accumulating in other dii'ections.

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224 THB HANfiEATiO OOK^EDEEATlOK.

In 1588 the democratic bnrgomaster of Liibeck, Jnrgen Wollen-
wewer, made a sopreme effort to obtain possession of the entrance to
the Sound, the key to the Baltic The dt j of Liibeck, as representing
the Bond, nnder the leadership of this ambitions man, again attacked
Denmark. The aUied Scandinavian kingdoms assembled their forces to
oppose him, and inflicted a crushing defeat on the Hansa fleets before
Assens, which sadly weakened her power and prestige, and becoming a
potent factor towards her downfall. Wullenwewer paid for his failnre
with his life as he suffered at the hands of the executioner ; the lessons
of his career are not the least interesting pages of the history of this
hitherto successful Confederacy. The key to the prosperity of the
League lay as ever in the Baltic trade, which now b^an rapidly to
decline, owing to these frequent wars, the rising power of the Friee-
landers, and relative political consequence and wealth of other nations.
The Reformation began to sow dissension among the cities, and the
discovery of America and the ocean route to India told heavily against
them, for they made the blunder of using Lisbon as the depdt for the
oversea traffic, instead of tracking the trade to its source. Dissensions
in the League itself, brought about by divided interests, new political
combinations, and religious bigotry, rapidly weakened its power and
prestige. The loss of Livonia and Bornholm, the final closing of the
station of Novgorod, and gradual loosening of discipline and co-opera-
tion, all combined for the now inevitable disruption of the Bund.
The Hansa still possessed influence enough to keep the Sound closed
against the English,- but even here the fates were against her, as the
discovery of the Arctic route to Russia by Sir Hugh Willoughby in
1553, gave our countrymen direct access to Russia, and the formation
of a company styled 'The London and Moscovy Merchant Adven-
turers' was another severe blow to the League.

In 1562 the Swedes took forty ships of the League in the waters
of Narwa. To avenge this outrage the Hansa once more drew the
sword and this time, during the seven years' war, not without a
flickering amount of success, as it succeeded in exacting from Sweden
an indemnity of 75,000 Thalers, and a free passage through the
Sound, a privilege it was only destined to retain for a single year.
In 1577 the operations of the lieague were forbidden in England^ and
the steelyard temporarily closed in 1598.

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PBAOB OP WESTPHALIA. 22tJ

The Hansa at length began to realise the weakness of her position ;
as these successive blows fell heavily upon her, she now held bat
weakly together, and but fifty towns remained on the roll, only a very
few of which continued to contribute to the general fund ; and from
this time the famous Bund, which had played for centuries such a
leading part in history, ceased to be the great connecting link between
the east and west of Europe.

A letter written by a certain Dyrik Bnsselborch at Brunswick
on the 10th November, 1586, gives a contemporary glimpse of the
condition of the Hansa Bund at that time. Written in the time-
honoured Low German of Liibeck, which had become after Latin the
diplomatic language of the League, the letter is addressed to the Rath
of that city. Following is a shorfc digest : —

* He sees with sorrow that the Bund is falling to pieces, its trade daily more
and more restricted by arbitrary and oppressive duties, rapidly becoming pro-
hibitive. Referring bitterly to a heavy duty recently imposed by Denmark on
piece goods, he sorrowfully contrasts the now impotent condition of the League,
as compared with its dominant position but a short few years before, when the
will of the Hansa was law to Denmark. He sees arrogance and reprisals on
every side ; privileges and monopolies enjoyed for centuries, arbitrarily and sud-
denly curtailed. He refers to the abandonment of trading routes, owing to
rancorous opposition from abroad, and to the selfish policy of the cities as
pursued towards each other. Then follows a philippic against the blasphemy
prevailing, the deplorable religious differences, the rioting. Indolence, and luxury
—he sees in all this the judgment of God.'

This picture has many parallels in history and vividly portrays
the pass the Hansa had now reached. She had sown monopoly and
oppression, and the harvest was ready. On the close of the sixteenth
century it became impossible to get a quorum for the diet. The thirty
years* war had played havoc with what remained of the once great
trade. The coup de grace was reached when Christian IV. of Den-
mark drove the Liibeck fleet into its own river the Trave, and publicly
proclaimed that the exceptional privileges so long enjoyed by the
League in the Baltic had ceased for ever. On the signing of the
peace of Westphalia in 1648 the Hanseatic Confederation ceased to be
a corporate body. A portion of the towns continued to act together,
but at length only LUbeck, Hamburg, and Bremen remained to carry
down the Hansa legend to our own day.

VOT^ XVI. 0 C

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226 THE HAMSEATIC CONFEDERATION.

Part II.

There is no chapter in the history of the Hanseatic Confederation
so interesting and suggestive as that relating to its English trade and
factories, for in England the association had its birth, and there it
received its death-blow at the hands of that energetic and enterprising
corporation the Merchant Adventurers of London, led at that time by
the famous Sir Thomas Gresham. Its fall was brought about by
changing times and a commerce developing by such leaps and bounds
that the old Hansa monopoly was simply crushed out of existence.

The trading of the Teutonic nations with the British Isles dates
fi'om a very early period ; indeed, before the closing days of the Roman
empire. Tacitus, in the year 97, refers thus to Londinium: — ^Lon-
dinium • • • copia negotiatorum et commeatuum maxime celebre.*^

Anglo-Saxon England sent missionaries to convert the Germans to
Christianity, but these were conveyed in German ships.

The first historic mention of extensive trading between the two
nations is to be found in Wilkins's Concilia^ wherein is reproduced
a letter from the emperor Charlemagne to king 0& of Mercia,
guaranteeing safety and justice to English merchants trading in
Germany in consideration for reciprocity in this respect by England.
Thus in the year 758 a system of reciprocity in trade prevailed, which
certainly ceased for the most part soon after the German traders had
made good a footing on English soil.

The ravages of the Vikings during the ninth and greater part of
the tenth centuries seem to have effaced all record of German trade
with England during that period, but that the Easterlings had again
secured a preferential position there by 990 is shown by a document
of the reign of Etbelred II., in which the Germans are described as
'homines Imperatoris,' and the annual tax of two grey handkerchie&
and one brown one, ten pounds of pepper, five pairs of men's gloves,
two casks of vinegar, and one barrel* of oysters, shows clearly that they
at this time formed a corporate body on EngUsh soil. This acknow-
ledgment was made at Christmas, and it is therefore certain that they
were not merely bringing and taking away goods in ships, but living
in England all the year round, as oversea shipping was invariably laid
up during the winter months.

» Taciti AnniL I,xiv. 33.

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THE EASTEBUNGS. 227

Daring Canute's reign there was a lively trade and an intimate
relation between the peoples ; his daughter Gunhilda was married to a
son of Conrad II. Early in the eleventh century we again find men-
tion of the * Emperor's people' in the judicial records of London, and
a petition ¥ras addressed by the merchants of Tiel and Waal to the
emperor Heinrich II. in 1018 (Canute) praying him to command the
Friealanders to cease from placing hindrances in the way of their
trading with England. The designation 'Leute des Kaisers' was at
this early period applied generally to all the traders of the lower Rhine,
and Maas, Dordrecht and purely Dutch towns, Cologne, and towns in
the old Duchy of Saxony, and on the Elbe, constituting the larger
portion of the Hansa's field of operations in later times ; but at this
pei-iod there is no mention of Liibeck and the Wendish towns proper.
Regulations regarding tolls show that inland cities such as Brunswick,
Magdeburg, and towns of the Harz district, largely participated in the
trade of the period with the British Isles.

Cologne was the queen of this early Confederacy, and the trade in
the then so highly prized Rhine wine was very considerable. She was
the dominant factor of the League and visible head at the Oildehalle.
The career of the Hansa and kindred associations from start to
finish was always characterised by jealousies and dissensions among
the roll of cities forming its membership, which, as set forth in Part I,
was always an uncertain quantity. It is very remarkable that a
magnet so potent as English trade should have been able for centuries
to keep this mass of conflicting interests and ambitions from falling
asunder.

In monkish chronicles fi-equent mention is made of the Easter-
lings. William of Malmesbury states that London and York enjoyed
a considerable trade with the empire in the reign of Henry I. A
connected account of the trading relations of Germany with England
begins with the reign of Henry 11. (1154), and a letter from tliis
monarch to the emperor Frederick promises protection to the Cologne
house at London, its inhabitants, and goods. * Henricus Dei gracia

rex Anglie, etc., etc Precipio vobis, quod custodiatis et

mannteneatis et protegatis homines et ciues Colonienses, sicut homines
meos et amicos et omnes res et mercaturas suas et possessiones ita quod
neqae de '* domo sua London." • . . •' It may thus be inferred

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228 THE HAN8BATI0 CONFEDERATION.

that the GermanB had a settlement in London, certainly ag fSu*
back as Anglo-Saxon days, and the tax paid in kind in the days
gI Etheked was doubtless an acknowledgment or rent for land
occupied as a factory ; and distinct reference is made in the letter
of Henry IL to 'domo sua London.' In 1175, the king takes Uie
house of the £asterlings under his protection, ^as if they were my own
people.'

Richard Goeur de Lion in passing through Cologne, homeward
bound from his captivity in Austria, after first remitting all charges
in kind, settled the annual tribute for * de Gildhalle sua London ' in
money, viz., two shillings English currency. Richard borrowed large
sums fi*om the Easterlings for the Crusades, granting in return exten-
sive privileges and monopolies. Besides assisting the king with
loans, the League was useful to the nation in bringing over large
quantities of com, then much needed in England by reason of an
extcDsive Mure of the crop in 1260. It was in this year when
oil lieaving England for the second time, the king gave instructions
to his brother Henry, running thus : — * I give my protection to the
merchants of the Oerman Empire, who possess the house in London
usually called ^* the Gildhalle of the Germans," and guarantee to them
all the privileges they have ever enjoyed in my kingdom.'

In 1269, owing to continuous complaints of bad weight, the beam
and scales of the Easterlings were forcibly taken from them, and
publicly burnt at Eastcheap, after which all their goods were required
to be weighed on the public steelyard.

The Easterlings, unlike the Lombards, were always more a trading
than a banking association ; still as &r as the English crown was con-
cerned they bought and successfully maintained their extraordinary
privileges, which for centuries weighed so heavily on English trade,
by making themselves useful, nay indispensable, to the kings of
England as bankers, and it was this fact alone that enabled them to
resist the constant efibrts of the English mercantile class to oust them
from their favoured possession of English trade.

There is no record when or from whom, the piece of land was
acquired on which the first ' Gildehalle Teutonicorum ' stood, but a
memorandum in the archives of Cologne, dated 1260, states that
William son of William ReynerSj.sold to Arnold (Thedman's son)

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KING JOHN AND THE BASTBRLIN6S. (229

Altermaim of the Germans^ for two marks' Easterling, the yeariy rent
(interest of two shillings), a piece of ground east of the Gildehalla.
This mention of Arnold reveals the interesting fact that at that time
an English merchant, though of German origin, held the ofSce of
alderman of the Easterlings. In 1344, we find the lord mayor of
London, John Hammond, figuring in this capacity, bat the office
most have been merely honorary in such a case as this. Fifteen
golden nobles, inside a pair of gloves, could be merely an acknowledg-
ment to a friend at court. Dr. Lappenberg gives a list of the
'Altermanner,' from which it would appear that the Said John Ham-
mond held the office as above stated, after him coming thQ senior
alderman of the City of London, Sir William Walworth. Then
follows a long list of German names, from which it is obvious that the
system in vc^ue, for a short time, of having highly placed members of
the Oity of London holding the office, had not answered, most likely
owing to the growing impatience of the citizens to the Hansa mono-
polies ; and the factory clearly reverted to officials of its own order
and nationality. Presents were freely distributed among the corpora-
tion and government officials — the lord mayor receiving yearly a
cask of the finest Rhine wine.

There was a movement among the German merchants during the
latter half of the thirteenth century to cease lodging with London
citizens, and to reside within the factory enclosure ; doubtless for the
better security of person and goods, and from this time no chance of
acquiring any land or buildings east of Oosins lane was allowed to slip.

King John was well disposed towards the Easterlings, who supplied
his pressing needs for money. In his reign we find trading privities
first accorded to Bremen, and reference made to Hamburg (Hamborch).
Frequent mention is made of Sandwich, Winchester, Yarmouth,
Southampton, Winchelsea, and Lynn, as trading centres of the
Germans.

We hear nothing of Liibeck before the reign of the succeeding
monarch (Henry III.) in 1226, but this city is destined soon to
supplant its archiepiscopal rival as leader of the League, now rapidly
developing into the Hanseatic Confederation of history. The glimpse
we get of the social life of the times of the successors of the Conqueror

'An old English mark was of the value of two-thirds of a pound sterling. '

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280 THE HANSEATtC OOKFEDEBATIOK.

and Plantagenets, shows how highly prized by the ruling class were
the wines of (he Rhine, the beverage of the knights and nobles,
jnst as much as mead was that of the peasantry. One can thus well
understand how Cologne, as the chief emporium of this trade, was so
long able to dominate the councils of the League, in spite of her
distance from the seaboard. After the signing of ^ Magna Oharta,'
when the peasantry began to be a more important factor in the state,
and some signs of a middle class were becoming apparent, the trade in
dried and salted fish took very large dimensions in our islands,
particularly as it formed the staple food for the armies of England
abroad. Liibeck as the centre of this industry, with a large fleet of
vessels at her command, quickly and easily convertible into formidable
squadrons for war, began to press hard for the leadership, which did
not so much imply prestige as a policy. Fierce became the rivalry
between the two cities in the thirteenth century. Petitions to the
emperor for equal rights became frequent, and at length Frederick
III. sharply reprimanded Cologne, and compelled her to extend equal
rights in England to the Wendish towns and Wisby in Gothland.
These commands were seconded by the English themselves, in the
interest of the ever growing importance of the trade in fish, and as
early as 1260 Liibeck began to take the lead among the cities. In
1266 Liibeck and Hamburg were formally invested by the English
crown with the same rights and privileges as those so long enjoyed by
the League under the leadership of Cologne, against an annual
acknowledgment of five shillings each. It will be seen that the
English crown was ever careful to fix a limit of time to the immunities
enjoyed by the Easterlings ; and merely nominal acknowledgments
were exacted, so that a revocation was possible almost at any time,
but as we know all too well in our own day, vested interests have a
faculty of growing, and are not so easily set aside as created, limits of
time notwithstanding.

During the remainder of the century the relations between
the League and England were in the main peaceable and pro-
gressive, though chequered by obstacles and difficulties placed in
the way of the trade of Boston, Hull, Newcastle, and Berwick,
with Bergen and Iceland. There was also a serious dispute with
the English crown r^arding the reparation of the Bishopsgate,

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THE BASTBRLINGS. 281

which gate had been, strange to say, for centaries in the watch
and ward of the Easberlings. How it ever came aboat that a
colony of foreigners should have been entrusted with the keep-
ing of one of the gates of London, and responsible for its arma-
ment and repair, is unknown and most remarkable; the fact
alone goes iar to show what an exceptional position the Easterlings
held in England, and how little is really known of their earlier history.
It also goes to show how deeply rooted the connection was, and in
some measure explains the invincible tenacity with which the Hansa
held to privileges that in the face of it seemed unreasonable and ex-
cessive. In 1282, the gateway had got into a dilapidated condition^
and, after much negotiation, the Easterlings paid 240 marks sterling
towards its repair, undertaking to bear a third of the cost of manning
it, and to provide one-third of the necessary force. All further wall
dues, Muragium, to be remitted. In other matters the Easterlings
carried their points, greatly owing to the prestige the League enjoyed
as the undoubted mistress of the seas, and the development it assured
to English trade, by the system of barter that prevailed, whereby
English products, such as wool, hemp, hides, and even iron and tin
found a ready exchange in wine, fish, tallow, wax, spices, and many
other articles now rapidly becoming indispensable to the growing
necessities of England. Above all, the factory was conducted in a
manner calculated to give little umbrage to the English authorities
and a judicious application of presents and bribes in high quarters^
and a readiness to meet the views of the crown in the way of loans,
all helped at this period to smooth over matters in dispute.

Towards the end of the reign of Edward II., the power of the
crown, which had hitherto invariably stood between the Hansa and
popular clamour, became deplorably weak. This encouraged the
citizens of London to agitate against the privileges enjoyed by the
Easterlings, which had not been formally renewed on the king^s
accession, as was usually the case at the beginning of each reign, and
a court of enquiry into the whole question was decided on in January,
1325. The heading of the warrant is interesting. It runs : —
'Placita coram domino Rege apud Westmonasterium de termino
Sancti Hilarii, anno regni Edwardi, filii regis Edwardi decimo octavo
G, le Scrop.'

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282" THE HANSEATTG OONFBDEBATION.

The enquiry was concluded two years afterwards, shortly after the
coronation of Edward III., and the crown, having r^ained its cas-
tomary control, with vast schemes of aggression in prospect, all
privileges were renewed and even extended. The rights of the Easter-
lings to appoint their own alderman was formally recognised, with the
reservation, however, that he most possess property in the Oity of
London. The nomination of this official by the Germans henceforth
required confirmation at the hands of the lord mayor and court of
aldermen, to whom he was to be presented then and there to make
oath that he would govern his constituency in strict accordance with
the laws of England, and so as not to impinge on the time-honoured
rights and customs of the citizens of London.

King Edward IIL showed a disposition to be&iend and further
the views of the League from the very commencement of his reign,
doubtless concluding that this powerful association would be an
extremely useful ally in the schemes of conquest he meditated.
He soon made use of it as bankers, and quickly demanded or was
proffered a loan for military purposes, depositing as security certain
jewels of the crown. Being unable to meet his acceptances at
maturity, he offered on the 14th November, 1842, the security of a
great Flemish financier, Paul de Montefiore, and his associates.

In 1846, the king contracted another loan with the Easterlings,
lodging his royal crown as security, which remained deposited at
Oologne for three years, being redeemed on February 17, 1849.' In
the year following there must have been another transaction of a
similar nature, as Edward lodged with the Germans several gold cups
and tankards, besides ornaments adorned with precious stones.

In August, 1847, the Black Prince mortgaged the tin mines of
Cornwall to the Easterlings, and the king the produce of the wool
tax, subsidium lanarivm (forty skiUings, or about equal to three
shillings per sack), for three years, against a loan for the equipment
of the armies for Cre9y and Poictiers.

The riches of some of the magnates of the Hansa at this period
must have been enormous. In 1850^ king Edward conferred on one
of them (Tideman von Lymburgh) estates in seven counties for
services rendered to the crown.

* Calendars of the EmeKequer, "voL L 1^ \^.

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Lt^BEOX HEAD OF THE LEAGUE. 288

The Hansa fleet was at the king's disposal during the French
wars, and the Easterlings were styled ' the allies of the English
crown,' and are so mentioned in all treaties with France.

In 1867, Liibeck became the acknowledged queen of the now
formally constituted Hanseatic Confederation. This city had risen
to great power and influence, not only in the councils of the League,
but as the centre of northern banking operations and general
communications.

The career of the Bund went on progressing until the Wars of
the Eoses, when the rivalries of York and Lancaster induced corre-
sponding divisions in the League itself, brought about by conflicting
aims and interests, and the desirability of keeping on the winning
side as the fortunes of war swayed in either direction, or as continental
influence* and intrigue were brought to bear on the struggle.

There seems to have been some reciprocity in the case of Stralsund
in 1401, as shown in its relations with Newcastle-upon-Tyne, but
this was clearly local and exceptional, the rule being for the Germans
to take everything and give nothing, or as little as possible in return.
In fact, the constant bone of contention, now as ever, between the
merchants of London and the Easterlings was that the continental
towns would not extend reciprocal treatment to English trade.

During the reigns of Richard II. and Henry IV. English shipping
enjoyed a considerable trade with Danzig, and for a time England was
represented by a consul or agent there, as in the case of Stralsund.

In 1400 an ordinance of the Privy Council decreed that the towns
of Ltibeck and Wismar be requested to send an ambassador to London
to answer certain charges made against them by English merchants
for insult to person and damage to the goods of English traders.
These negociations would lead one to infer that the English oversea
traffic at this time was far from being so insignificant as has been
generally supposed, and this renders the Hansa's position in England
all the more remarkable. Of a verity were they allies of the crown of
England, and it was this favoured position that enabled them to keep
their English competitors so long at bay.

There was a continued considerable English trade with Danzig, and
in 1432 a petition from the House of Commons was presented to
Henry VI. praying that the London factory be made responsible for

VOL. XVL D D

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234 THE HAN8EATI0 OONFEDBRATION.

all loss and damage sustained throagh the ill-treatment of English
merchants at Danzig. The king, however, refused to interfere in the
matter. In 1434 the Oouncil of the Hansa sent as ambassadors to
London the burgomasters of Cologne, Ltibeck, Hamburg, and Danzig
to settle these matters, which were fast becoming burning questions,
but the negociations came to an end in the fatal 'black death ^ year,
1435. Soon after this the English were much embittered against the
Hansa by reason of being shut out from trading with Iceland by Eric
of Denmark, a measure which the English properly ascribed to the
machinations of the League, then all-powerful with Denmark. Henry
YI. threatened to annul the privileges enjoyed in England unless this
objectionable edict was revoked. The Hansa at this juncture found,
or bought, a friend at court in the person of cardinal Beaufort, bishop
of Winchester, who had great influence with the king. The cardinal
agreed that what the Hansa required was merely the continuance of a
time-honoured privilege, while the English demands had simply no
warrant at all.

On 22nd March, 1487, a highly-advantageous treaty for the Hansa
was signed at London, and countersigned by the king the same year;
the English merchants being permitted to trade with Stralsund and
Danzig when furnished with free passes by the League. A poem
written by John Lydgate^ showed how the Hansa formed part and
parcel of the civic life of London in the reign of Henry VI. The poet
commemorates the rejoicings at the king's coronation in verse, de-
scribing how the lord mayor was bravely clad in satin, the sheriflfe and
aldermen riding on horseback in their scarlet mantles trimmed with
fur; then came the citizens in grand array marching 'to mete withe

the Kyng.'

* And for to remembre of other alyens,
Fyret Jeneneyes, thoughe the were Btranngeris,
Florentynes and Venycyens,
And Easterlings, glad in her manerea,
Conveyed withe sergaontes and other officeres,
Estatly horsed aftyr the maier riding,
Passid the subbi^bis to mete withe the Kyng.'

Following are a few of the old statutes and regulations of the
Steelyard ; the first series of which we have any knowledge dates from
1820 :—

* Lydgate's Minor Poema. Percy Society, p. 4.

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STATUTES AND REGULATIONS OF THE STEELYARD. 285

The first provides for fine and punishment for leaving straw or other rubbish
about the yard. Small fines were payable in wax, which was used for providing
* All Hallows,' the church frequented by the Hansa community, with candles.

Li 1348 the fine for libel, fighting with the fists, or using the knife, was £5.

Any Qerman bringing an Bnglishmau into the Steelyard to fight or play at
ball, £1.

The gate was locked at 9, and it was forbidden to knock or call out later —
penalty, £1.

There were many complicated regulations, as the levying of daes,
which are very interesting, but too bulky for treatment here.

Throwing dice in any tavern, £2. One noble to go to the informer.

No merchant shall place any hindrances in the way of his fellow doing
business, or make any effort to tempt a customer once in any one warehouse
into another. £2.

Samples not allowed to be drawn from bulk and shown secretly to merchants
outside the Steelyard.

Small fines below four pfenninge were the perquisite of the alderman.

£tc., etc, etc.

During the Wars of the Roses, the attempt made by the Wendish
towns to close the Baltic to the English led to heavy reprisals, and the
Cologne section of the League protested violently against the selfish
policy pursued by their northern colleagues, which was fast endangering
the very existence of the English factory. The English colony at
Danzig had been driven away and British trade with Iceland pro-
hibited. This so embittered the Merchant Adventurers that their
privateers sought to intercept the fleet of vessels bringing over Princess
Marie of Gueldres, the bride of James II. of Scotland. They missed the
convoy, but met with and attacked a large fleet of vessels laden with
salt and wine, from Lisbon to the Baltic, in spite of the ships being
provided with a safe-conduct granted by the English Crown. This
act of war or piracy resulted in fierce reprisals, and Liibeck captured
an English ship laden with cloth, bringing her into Bergen, selling
ship and cargo there. In 1458 the earl of Warwick, governor of Calais
and Admiral of the Fleet, attacked twenty-eight Liibeck ships, laden
with wine and salt. His flotilla consisted of only twelve ships, but he
succeeded in capturing six of the enemies* vessels, and brought
them in to Calais. The privileges of the Hansa were nevertheless
renewed by Henry VI. and Edward IV., but for all that a state of war
prevailed, during which seventy Liibeck ships of an estimated value of
£20,000 were taken by the English. These matters at length resulted

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236 THE HAN8BATIC CONFEDERATION.

in Ltibeck on the 1st May, 1460, recalling the Hansa merchants from
England, and forbidding the sale of English cloth in any of the cities
of the northern Bund. The confusion of these events, both in England
and the Hansa cities can only be explained by the civil war in England,
and the conflicting interests of the northern and sonthem branches of
the League. The Steelyard was handed over to the merchants of
Cologne, the earlier possessors of the &ctory, who sided with the Red
Rose of Lancaster, and a judgment of the privy council was registered
against the Bund in favour of the Merchant Adventurers for £18,520
towards the recoupment of their losses at che hands of the (Germans.
The Hansa fleet then ravaged the English coasts, and captured our
ships on the high seas.

Edward had to fly the country on the restoration of Henry VI.,
but returning with a small armament within six months recovered
the throne. Although then at war with the Northern League, for
some reason that we cannot quite follow, it assisted Edward*8 descent
on England, by lending him seven ships, the remainder of the squadron
being chartered at Walcheren, and paid for by an advance of 50,000
St. Andreias gulden, made by Charles the Bold of Burgundy. Through
the mediation of Charles peace was restoi'ed between England and the
Hansa, by the Treaty of Utrecht, and an Act of Parliament dated 6th
October, 1473, confirmed its conclusion. It runs : —

' The Eyug calling vnto his tendre remembrance how that in tymes passed
vnto nowe of late the marchaunts & people of the nation of Almajn haning the
howse in London commonly called Gyldhalle Thentonicomm .... that
by Gods grace the warre and hostilitie, that hath been betwixt boothe parties,
maye vtterlie scase and be avoided, the oolde f reendliehode also betwixt them
to be renovelled in such wyse, as it ma je abide and endure for e?er» by the aduis
and assent of the Lordes spiritually and temporallie and the commons in this
present parliament assembled . . . . '

King Edward not only confirmed all the old privileges, but granted
new ones. He bound himself to pay £10,000 solatium, but the
amount remained still unpaid in 1486 after Henry VII. had obtained
the throne, and it seems in every way probable that the amount was
eventually written off as a set-ofi^ against some concession or counter-
claim.

The Treaty of Utrecht brought about by Charles the Bold of
Burgundy was decidedly the culminating point of the glories of the

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TREATY OF UTRECHT. 287

Hansa in England, and its provisions formed the basis for all future
negotiations of the Germans with the English crown ; but. the ink was
barely dry when fierce dispute between the English merchants and
the Steelyard broke out afresh. An English fleet of merchantmen
attacked the Hansa settlement in Iceland, and Lord Lomely (Tiumley ?)
with some ships from Hartlepool despoiled several Liibeck vessels.

The Merchant Adventurers now began to have some influence at
court, and they induced the Government to impose a limit on the
enjoyment of the Hansa's monopoly in cloth ; but the citizens of
London were up in arms for the abolition of all preferential advantages
whatever. In March, 1493, a London mob invaded the Steelyard and
plundered some of the dwellings and warehouses, but after a hand-to-
hand fight the Easterlings, always well armed and organised for such
an emergency, drove out the rabble and succeeded in closing the gate.
The mob, being reinforced, assailed the gate with clubs and crowbats,
when the lord mayor came to the assistance of the foreigners and
quelled the tumult, taking eighty of the rioters prisoners and lodging
their leader in the Tower.

The sons of the German merchant princes caused much bad blood
in London by reason of their luxury and love of dress, vieing with the
English nobles in this respect, and there exist many regulations on the
Steelyard minutes for keeping this competition in check, as highly
detrimental to the best interests of the League, in making enemies at
court.

At the close of the reign of Henry VII. some very remarkable
events happened. Columbus discovered the West Indies, John Cabot
landed in America, and Yasco de Gama had doubled the Cape and
reached India by sea. These extraordinary discoveries gave an im-
mense impetus to English trade, and the Corporation of Merchant
Adventurers became a power in the land with influence enough to
press the Steelyard hard, and it became rapidly apparent that the ex-
tensive monopolies enjoyed by the Hansa were quite incompatible with
the legitimate growth of English trade, and would not be very much
longer tolerated by the country, now bounding towai-ds the first place
among the nations in adventure and commerce.

The Merchant Adventurers were recognised as a corporate body by
the Government in 1505. In 1509 an enquiry was held into the

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288 THE HANSBATIC CONFEDERATION.

HaDsa's 'title' to the possession of the Steelyards of London, Boston,
and Lynn. The warrant for the enquiry begins : —

*Be it hadde in rememberance that a Commiesion by writte was directed
oute of the Kyngs Esceker to the Sheriffs of London in anno XXII Henrici VII,
nuper regis Angliae, to enquere who were the occupyers of the tenements here-
after folowying, that is to say, ooe that kyng Richard II gave to Richard
Stratford, chapleyn, the VIII yere of his reign, the XXII day of September,
called the diehowse, with 11 tenements thereto adioyning etc '

Henry VIIL and his minister Wolsey were favourable to the Hansa
pretensions, and all her privileges were renewed at the beginning of
the reigQ, but the dimiuished prestige of the League abroad, owing to
the reverses of Wullenwewer, began to react on its English relations,
and popular clamour against its monoplies grew steadily more pro-
nounced. This ill-feeling and impatience was much accentuated by
a proclamation of neutrality in the war with Francis I., when the
Hansa reaped a rich harvest by supplying both combatants with muni-
tions of war, a policy so different from that pursued by the Association
in its relations with Edward IIL, when England warred with France.

The old privileges were, however, again renewed on the accession
of Edward YI., but it soon afterwards became apparent that the
League would not be able to hold its own for long against the rising
power and influence of the Merchant Adventurers and general con-
sensus of English opinion. This is not surprising in the face of the
fact that the Hansa's export of cloth exceeded that of the English
traders by forty times, the latter being handicapped by nearly a like
proportion of extra duty and expense.

A manuscript in the British Museum,^ being a return of the
Hansa's export of cloth, dated 1562, headed —

'Shipped by the Merchauntes of the Stillyard, from the first yeare of King
Edward IL UDto Michaels last past, as by the King's recordes of his Grace's
exchequer it dothe plainely appeare, as hereafter followith.'

As follows are a few examples : —

The first yeare of King Edward II, (1307) owt of this realme of England bat
VI clothes.

The first yeare of King Henry VI. (1422) the said merchauntes shipped owt
of this reahne the nomber of IIII"^ HIP LXIII. clothes, XXII. yeardes.

* CottoD Manuscript. Claudius E. VII. Fol. 99.

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QUANTITY OP OLOTH EXPORTED. 289

The first yeare of Bdward IV. (1461) VI™» I« LIX. clothes.

The fifteenth yeare of Henry VII. (1600) XX1»» IIP IIII« IX. clothes.

The XXVin. yeare of Henry VIU. (1637) XXXIIII°»» VI« IIII" XIII.
clothes, and XI. yeardes.

The XXXVIIL yeare of Henry VII [. and first yeare of Edward VL (1647)
XXIX»» VP nil« IX. clothes.

The second yeare of Bdward VI. XLIII°»» V« mi** III clothes.

During the reign of Henry VIII., Cardinal Wolsey ordered all
writings concerning the Reformation propaganda to be burnt. A
great quantity of these writings from Germany, such as Luther's De
Oaptivitate Babylonica^ De Castitate, and Tyndal^s English Testament,
printed at Antwerp, smuggled into England, hidden in bales of
merchandise, were consigned to Steelyard merchants, and, in iact, a
lively trade in this forbidden literature was carried on. At length, on
January 28th, 1526, Sir Thomas More visited and rummaged the
Steelyard. Nothing contraband was discovered, owing, doubtless, to
some hint received as to what was in store for them, but the alderman
and eight elders were cited before a court of enquiry, regarding which
a lively correspondence ensued between the English king and Sigis-
mund I. of Poland.

With Henry VIII. the Hansa's absolute domination of the foreign
trade of England came to an end, and the reign of his successor saw
her shorn of many privileges and advantages, a pear ripe for the
gathering by her young and vigorous rival. Popular clamour grew
apace, and in 1551 an English secret society was discovered, the
members of which had bound themselves by an oath to attack the
Steelyard on the 1st May. The head quarters of the League became
alarmed, and at a meeting of the Eath at Liibeck the deputy from
Hamburg advised that the valuable plate at London, together with
the archives of the Steelyard, should be taken to a place of safety on
the Continent.

Sir Thomas Gresham made strong representations to the king that
a continuance of the Hansa monopolies would be fatal to the develop-
ment of English trade, and advised that as no reciprocity was to be
obtained, the exports of the League should be confined to her own
cities, urging that the rate of exchange for gold was seriously prejudiced
by the freedom from duty enjoyed by the foreigners for almost the
entire export of cloth, which they refused to carry under any other

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240 THE HANSEATIC CONFEDERATION.

flag than their own^ to the great detriment of the English mercantile
marine and development of the Royal Navy, and that the revenues
that must accrue to the English crown by a national trade would far
more than compensate for the loss of the very inadequate dues paid by
the Hansa.

At a meeting of the Privy Council held 28rd February, 1568,
Gresham stated that the Hansa records had been examined with the
following result:—

1. That the Hansa was no properly constituted corporation.

2. That their members names and countries'supposed to be invested with her
pririleges were unknown or ill -defined.

3. That Edward IV. had renewed the privileges, bot subject to the express
condition that no adulterated goods were to be introduced into the country, and
that this condition had been persistently violated.

It was represented to the Council that the League began its operations
by exporting only six pieces of cloth yearly, then a hundred, which
increased gradually to a thousand, then six thousand, and in 1552
had increased to 44,000 pieces.^ This enormous increase in weavings
had been greatly brought about by the immigration of the exiled
Flemings. These arguments, supported as they were by facts and
figures, proved irresistible, and on the following day a decree was
issued depriving the Hansa of all exceptional privileges as regards the
export of cloth, placing her in this respect on the same footing with
other foreigners and English merchants, the Hansa's Hi tie' to the
possession of the Steelyards in England was not called in question. In
the following May this decree was countersigned by the king. Thus,
for the time at least, the Merchant Adventurers had triumphed ;
indeed the struggle was an unequal one. The Hansa grown effete and
shorn of all powerful political support, had only her musty parchments
to set against the telling arguments of the English nation, hard
indeed she fought, but the new order of things simply overwhelmed
her and her sophistries, her work was done, and the foundations of a
mighty trade, destined to enrich England and colonize new worlds,
were laid on her ashes. She was still destined fitfully to regain part
of her lost privileges, as the forces of reaction had their play, but her
death blow had fallen. That she had been so Ipng able to maintain

' A report of these proceedings maj be seen in the King's Pocket Diary.

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THE MEBCHANT ADVENTUBBBS. 241

her English monopolies practically nnimpaired can only be explained
by a chain of political circamstances, the innate conservatism of
England and English respect for treaties.

The Hansa had meanwhile not yet given np everything for lost,
and the Rath sent ambassadors again to London, craving for a renewal
of the privileges as set forth in the Treaty of Utrecht, and at length
with some success, as certain modified monopolies were restored to her.

Under the reactionary government of Mary, the Hansa, with
Philip II. as her advocate, temporarily regained the fiscal position as
enjoyed under Henry VIII., and the League took joyful part in the
public welcome accorded to Mary on her state entry into London,*
having fountains cascading fihine wine in the streets, and spending
something like £1,000 in gifts and street decorations. The am-
bassador sent over to felicitate the queen on her accession had barely
reached home again when violent disputes broke out afresh, and the
Adventurers succeeded in obtaining a substantial curtailment of the
privileges so very recently renewed. The negotiations were endless
until the deatji of Mary in 1558.

Elizabeth on her accession showed the Hansa a certain degree of
favour, for she remitted some vexatious restrictions placed on the
landing of certain goods at the Steelyard wharf, and permitted all
sorts of goods to be received there.

Qresham, who had lost influence under Mary's reactionary regime,
soon got the ear of her enterprising and sagacious successor, and he
strongly represented that if it were just for the Hansa to enjoy mono-
polies in England to the detriment of the English trading classes,
surely the League should be compelled to extend reciprocity to English
trade in German territory. This was the one thing the Hansa had
always been unwilling to do ; but, Elizabeth herself taking a personal
interest in these negotiations, an arrangement was arrived at under
which it was agreed that the Merchant Adventurers were to be assigned
a station at Hamburg for ten years. Sir Bichard Clough was appointed
English resident at the head of the establishment. This factory^s
operations were attended witji complete success, as in 1569 the ad-
mitted value of the cloth imported in that year amounted to little
short of a million thalers.

The Hansa, alarmed at the lamentable effect produced on the Steel-

voi^ xvT. B E

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M2 THE HAN8EATI0 OONFBDEEATION :

yard export of cloth, withdrew permission to continue the station, and
the English got notice to quit possession of their factoiy at Hamburg.
For the Hansa, with such a roll of monoplies behind her, to give
England notice that the Hamburg concession would be withdrawn,
was clearly a dangerous step to take, especially at this critical juncture
of affairs, but indeed the League began to find itself unable to com-
pete with its English rivals under anything like equal conditions. It
was, besides, torn by dissensions from within, owing to conflicting
interests and ambitions among the cities still on the roll. In fact, the
League was everywhere tottering to its fall. Her cloth export had
begun to shrink coincident with the competition of the English dep6t
at Hamburg, as the following figures show : —

1660-1556 — 60,000 pieces, average annual export.
1560-1562—40,000 „ „ „

1670-1575—30,000 „ „ „

The Hansa in her negotiations with England at this time found
an opponent anxious and able to deal with facts and plain issues. It
had ceased to be a question of old treaties and privileges, bought at a
price and handsomely paid for long ago, and it became clear to both
parties that the Hansa had had her day. Secret information as to the
possible seizure of the Steelyard induced the fathers to send all impor-
tant documents and silver plate to Liibeck, these documents had now
amply served their turn.

The long impending blow fell on 7th April, 1579, when the Privy
Council withdrew in a word all the Hansa's privileges and monopolies.
The question as to the Steelyard * title * being left in abeyance.

The Hansa herself, torn by conflicting councils, and unable to tell
friends from foes, was unable to make any headway against the storm,
and confusion reigned at the Steelyard.

The Merchant Adventurers were refused access to all (Jerman ports
by the emperor, but had still a settlement at Stade, on the Elbe,
established 1587, in succession to that of Hamburg.

Lord Leicester, writing to Secretary Walsingham in 1585, says : —
* Hamborou ys a villanous town and wholy the kings of Spayn, my
lord Wyllouby was in great danger to be taken in there territerye.
But yf yt please her Majesty to bestow her merchants in other places,
I believe veryly more to their proffyt, but fer more to their safety.'

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STEELYARDS OF LONDON, BOSTON, AND LYNN. 248

Elizabeth seemed now determined to carry the war into the enemies*
country, for she dealt another important Hansa staple a crushing
blow, by granting the trading monoply in steel, practically long
enjoyed by the Hansa, to Robert and Richard Cammerlane.

The war with Spain brought about the final catastrophe. Sir
Francis Drake, finding the Hansa supplying the Spanish fleet with
grain and munitions of war, took forcible possession of sixty of their
vessels redhanded.

All English merchants were thereupon ordered to quit Germany,
and on 18th January, 1598, the Steelyard merchants received notice
to quit England within fourteen days. On 25th July the lord mayor
and sheriffs took possession of the Steelyard in the queen's name, and
on the 4th August following the Hansa merchants, with their belong-
ing?, and headed by their alderman, Heinrich Langerman, marched
out of the Steelyard, shutting the gate behind them.

The Steelyards of London, Boston, and Lynn.

The house which was originally the ' Gildehalle Teutonicoram,'
stood in Upper Thames street, eastward of Cosen's lane ; the other
factory buildings extended in the direction of All Hallows' lane.
The oldest house was doubtless of wood, like the early halls of the
London guilds, and the German buildings at Bergen and Novgorod.
The word 'Gildehalle' is probably of Old Saxon, or Anglo-Saxon
origin, and the structure built, or at all events owned by Cologne may
possibly go back to the times of Colonia Agrippini, when we know a
considerable trade existed between that Roman city and Londinium,

In 1260 there is mention of the hall as situated in the parish of
All Hallows {in parochia omnium sanclartim), but its locality in Dow-
gate, Downgate, or Dovegate ward does not appear before 1383. It
lay on the bank of the Thames in close proximity to the ancient wall
and fortifications already ruinous in the days of Henry II.

In aU probability the wooden building was replaced by one of stone
in the time of Henry III., in whose reign it was styled the house of
the Easterlings. Even then the factory must have consisted of
several houses and buildings, as we find in a taxing record of the
period the phrase domus et mansiones in Warda de Dovegate. The
new Gildhall was about 38 feet broad and 100 feet long ; it had com-

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244 THE HANSBATIO OONFBDBRATION :

munication with a quay. The facade faced Cosen's lane, and the
building was provided with a tower in which the records of the associa-
tion and valuable collection of silver plate were kept. It had accom-
modation for ambassadors and foreign deputations of importance, and
was the place of meeting of the alderman and council of twelve.
Near it stood the htidm (booths) which provided dwellings for the
merchants and their apprentices, then came the warehouses, offices,
and stables.

The factory had now grown too small for the accommodation
required within its walls, and* the State Papers contain many records
and agreements concerning the acquisition of new ground, river front-
age, and buildings, of which I quote a few : —

Sir Thomas of Salisbury makes over to Reynand Loae, citizen of London,
for £20 sterling, the buildings adjoining the quay in St. Dunstan's parish (1365).

Richard II. confirms the purchase of Sir Richard Lyon's house and quay (1383).

Richard Medford, bishop of Chichester, declares that he placed at the dis-
posal of J. Northampton the houses used for dyeing, 2 houses by the stairs,
and the cellar in Windgoos lane (1391).

Robert Comberton transfers to his son-in-law, Robert fitz Robert, jun., all
his possessions in Dowgate ward (1410).

Th. Ferrars and others let the piece of ground and quay in Wind goos lane
for 20 years for £66 13s. 4d. (1417).

The Hansa transfers to the citizens of London and Sergeant J. Rnssel the
watch house in the Bishopsgate, and rent of the dwelling house in the same
(1438).

The Hansa bought the five houses westwards in Windgoe lane
in 1475, but it was the house eastward in the same lane, acquired
in 1384 * with the steelyard,' that most likely gave the factory its
latest designation, as at one time the royal weighing beam, for deter-
mining the weight of goods subject to duty, stood on this very spot.
Indeed, it is quite likely that this very beam was retained in use by
the Hansa merchants. The goverilment weighing station had been
transferred to Cornhill, but the name steelyard (stilliard) continued
to stick to the piece of land now taken possession of by the Hansa,
and we find the Easterlings referred to in 1411 as the steelyard
merchants. In my parent's home the household weighing beam vras
called the stilliard, and perhaps such machines are still so called;
but I greatly fear our housewives of to-day do not use such things
as much as their grandmothers did.

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THE LONDON GUILDHALL. 245

There is evidence of steel, iron, and other goods being weighed
here, and a tariff of charges fixed for the Hansa porters, dated 22nd
February, 1449, mentions steel on its list of articles. Dr. Minschens,
in 1617, refers to the steelyard as a broad place or court where *niuch
steel is sold.* The mention of steel in connection with steelyard,
is, however, most probably a mere coincidence, still there remains
some difficulty as to the derivation of the narae.

In the reign of Elizabeth the Qildhall, then known as the Old
Hall, is described as a great stone building with three round doors
to the street, the middle one being the largest, the others bricked
up. Above the doors were placed the following inscriptions : —

' Haec domus est laeta, semper bonitate repleta;
Hie pax, bio requies, bio gaudia semper boDesta.*

* Auram blanditiae pater esc natusque doloris ;
Qui caret boc moeret, qui tenet, bio metait.*

* Qui bonis parere recnsat, quasi vitato f umo in liammam incidit.'

The middle inscription also surmounted the celebrated picture by
Holbein, painted about 1635, which adorned the dining hall. This
picture was destroyed with the buildings in the Great Fire.

Next we have the dwelling of the housemaster, a stone building
overlooking the Thames. Here was the great kitchen. Between this
house and the Gildhall lay the garden, in which fruit trees and
currant bushes flourished. Then comes Sir Bichard Lyon's house,
called che Bhenish wine house. In Nash's book (1592), Pierce pmilesse
his supplication to the divel, the lazy man says, *Let us goe to the
Stilliard and drink Bhenish wine.* A few years later we read in one
of Webster's plays, *I come to intreat you to meet him this afternoon
at the Bhenish winehouse in the Stilliard.' The rooms above the
public drinking hall were sometimes used by ambassadors, and at the
back of the house was a large apartment called the * winter hall.*
The summer-house lay on the Thames, and the remaining buildings
consisted of booths, etc., as previously described. On an open space
facing the river stood the big crane.

The &ctory was walled in as a provision against sudden attacks by
mobs, and every man in the &ctory had his arms and was taught how
to use them.

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246

THE HANSEATIC CONFEDERATION :

L Upper Thames street.

4. Cosen's lane.

5. All Hallows' lane.

6. 'OildehaUe.'

7. Garden.

9. House-master's house.

O&ouND Plan or Old FAoroRY.

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THE END OF THE LEAGUE.

247

The accompanying sketch is from an old print of the time of
qneen Bess. The ground plan herewith is not that of the old factory,
though doubtless the old walls and foundations were used as much as
possible and the old plan more or less adhered to, as the resources
at the command of the Hansa after the Great Fire were very limited
indeed. The ground plan is dated 1667. Another I have seen of
1797 shows some very important changes. The clearly-marked site
of the factory is now shrouded by the lower end of Cannon street
station, but the homogeneous character of the Steelyard block under
the projecting station still retains its old form, extent, and general
features. Bounded on the north by Upper Thames street, with a
frontage of something like 200 feet, on the south by the river Thames,
and on the west and east by Cosen^s and All Hallows' lanes respec-
tively, with an average depth towards the quays from Thames street
of about 400 feet.

A— upper Thames street B— Cosen's lane. O— All HallowiT lane.

After the closing of the Steelyard in 1598, it was acknowledged
by the king in council on the 8th April, 1663, to be still the pro-
perty of the Hanse towns. Sir John Evelyn had been desirous of
securing the site for a new exchange, but this could not be arranged.
The Great Fire on Sunday morning, the 2nd September, 1666, laid
the Steelyard in ashes.

Boston and Lynn were both early factories, the former, under
its old name of Hoyland, was first estabUshed. Henry II. issued

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248 THE HANSEATIO CONFEDERATION.

letters of protection for the EasterliDgs here, and Leland refers to the
station in his Itinerary. This factory was closed in 1550. Lynn
Episcopi, after the Reformation, Lynn Regis, was the other important
factory. King John endowed it with extensive privileges. Among
the public archives is an immense amount of correspondence regarding
the Hansa's ' title ' to the freehold of these stations.

With Elizabeth^ the Hansa monopoly in England, and indeed prac-
tically the League itself came to an end, and but for the possession of
the freeholds of the Steelyards of London, Boston, and Lynn, we
should have heard very little more of the Hansa in England, after her
reign. The possession of these places, however, gave rise to continued
negotiations and correspondence, and the Steelyard was rebuilt after
the Great Fire in 1666, with the German traders pretty much on the
footing of other merchants.

Pennant, in his work on London (1790), referring to the Steel-
yard, says : — ' Next to the waterside are two eagles, with imperial
crowns round their necks, placed on two columns.'

In 1853 the Steelyard was sold by the citizens of Hamburg, Bre-
men, and Liibeck for building purposes for £72,500, and the site is
now nearly equally divided between the premises of a large wholesale
wine merchant and a gigantic colonial meat refrigerating company.

' Quicquid ezcessit modom

Pendet instabili loco.*
Seneca.

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OLD CHUBOH PLATE IN NOBTHUMBBBLAND AJND DUBUAIC. 249

XV.— OLD CHURCH PLATE IN THE COUNTIES OP
NOBTHUMBEELAND AND DUBHAM.
By Wilfbbd J. Cbipps, C.B., P.S.A.
[Bead on the 27tih April, 1892.]
Followtng the example of the Camberland and Westmorland
Archaeological Society, the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle upon
Tyne has collected a very complete body of statistics relating to the
ancient church plate of the wide district in which it is interested. If
the former enquiry embraces the counties of Cumberland and West-
morland, or in other words, the diocese of Carlisle, the latter comprises
the present dioceses of Durham and Newcastle, being the counties of
Northumberland and Durham and part of Cumberland, and in fact
completes it for the northernmost portion of England. The interest-
ing details which have been obtained in the course of this enquiry are
necessarily scattered throughout many numbers of the Proceedings^ of
the Society, and it is very desirable to present the result to the mem-
bers in a more compact form. It is the object of the present paper to
accomplish this, to draw attention to the objects of special interest
which have been brought to light in either county, to mark their
place in the history of old English church plate, and to compare the
returns generally with those which have been collected in other parts
of the country. Until recently it would have been impossible to get
together any such record at all. There were but little means at the
disposal even of the antiquary for dating specimens, except for the
inscriptions which some might bear ; and so little was known about
what might or might not be expected to be found that it would have
been difficult to turn the search to any good archaeological account.

Things are now, however, differeni) in both these respects ; old plate
and its marks are more intelligible ; specimens, whether inscribed or
not, can be, in most cases, easily dated by their fashion and their hall
marks ; and since the appearance of Chancellor Ferguson's most inter-
esting account of the church plate of the diocese of Carlisle, so many

* Proo. 800, Antiq, Nemo, vol. ii — ▼.

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250 OLD CHTJECH PLATE

Qther similar searches have been taken in hand, and some of ihem
carried to completion, that we are able to compare their resolts with
increasing interest.

It is unnecessary to go into any details as to English plate making
and the science of hall marks here. Suffice it to say that the refer-
ences on this subject which occur throughout the details are to the
third edition of Old English PlaUy a work which may be further con-
sulted if necessary on such points. These references have, however,
a special local colour in the present case, owing to the existence of an
active guild of goldsmiths in Newcastle, joined as they were with
workmen of kindred crafts in that always busy centre of industry.
An unusual amount of the church plate in the northern counties
proves, as might be expected, to be of Newcastle manufacture ; and it
is interesting to find that it illustrates the work of the Newcastle
silversmiths throughout the whole of their working history, from the
middle of the seventeenth century onwards. It is needless to say that
the records of the craft extend back much further than that, certainly
reaching to the early part of the sixteenth century, and indeed for
purely archaeological purposes, even to the middle of the thirteenth.
But the existing specimens of Newcastle work cover the period, speak-
ing in general terms, from the Restoration to the present century.

It is now well-known how few specimens of pre-Beformation plate
remain to illustrate the history of Gothic art as regards church vessels.
Much that was beautifld was melted down to satisfy the Puritanical
outburst which signalized the short reign of king Edward YI., and
whatever escaped this, fell under the ban of the renewed crusade
against all that was held to savour of popery which marked the early
vears of his sister, queen Elizabeth. No doubt there was a short
respite during the few intervening years of queen Mary, but details as
to this disastrous period are not needed for our present sketch. Suffice
to say that one single chalice — that at Old Hutton — remains in the
diocese of P/arlisle, whilst some thirty only remain, so far as is yet
known, in all England. It is possible that one or two may still be
discovered in unsuspected places, but the enquiry has now gone so far
that many more are not to be expected.

No chalice remains of pre-Reformation type in either Northum-
berland or Durham, but we are more fortunate as regards patens

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IN NOBTHUMBBBLAND AND DUBHAM.

251

Eliabethftn Oommimion Cups, All Salnto Ohuiob, NewoMile-apon-Tyne (aee p. S54).

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262 OLD CHURCH PLATE

which are represented by two examples. Pre-Eieformation patens
are more numerous than chalices, some ninety altogether being known,
of which almost a third are in Norfolk. The two north country
examples are (see Plate XIV.) the rude paten at Heworth, county
Durham, which is of 1514, and a similar example (see Plate XV.)
formerly at Hamsterley in the same county, but now preserved in the
Chapter Library at Durham, of the year 1519.

They eyre of the usual type found in the later Gothic period, show-
ing a six-lobed depression, with a very rude representation of the
Vernicle engraved in the centre of the plate. A large proportion of
the patens remaining are of this fashion, and are of the thirty years
between 1490 and 1520. With the accession of Edward VI. the
whole fashion of church plate changed. The chalices were melted
down or exchanged, under stringent visitation articles of the bishops,
into plain communion cups of the strictest Protestant shape and
character ; but owing, no doubt, to the shortness of the reign there
are fewer communion cups known of this period than chalices of the
pre-Reformation type, few though there ai*e even of these. Not a
single example is to be seen in our present list. Come we then to
the reign of queen Elizabeth for the first examples of vessels of the
Protestant type to be found within the range of our present enquiry ;
and we are immediately struck by the extreme paucity of such pieces
compared with what we might fairly have expected to find. The
change from chalice to communion cup was made all over England
with such rapidity that in the course of a few years, say, in the
interval between 1558 and 1580, almost every church in every county
and diocese from one end of England to the other was provided with
vessels adapted for the new use, and everywhere examples of the cups
so provided are commonly found at the present day — everywhere but
in the extreme north it must now be said — for whereas they are
broadcast over the south of England and Midland counties, strange
to say only seven individual examples of undoubtedly Elizabethan
cups and plates have been brought to light in the whole county of
Northumberland, and hardly more, comparatively speaking, in Durham,
which can, however, show some seventeen specimens as will be seen
by the list appended to this article. If we add to these the very few
pieces which appear to be of sixteenth century fashion, but which,

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MCIIAEOLOGIA AEUAWA, Vol XVI; to face p, 253.

F/a/e xnr

J. ihfa^ty rf Sm§, phot<

He WORTH Paten.
1514-5.

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150 THE ANCIENT FARMS OP NORTHUMBERLAND.

mensuration of this American square mile, the influence of the com-
mon field-furrow, and the gad, or rod, or pole, by which the common
field acres were marked out can be traced in every corner of the plot.
According to Canon Taylor,^ a furlong is the length of the longest
furrow that could be conveniently ploughed before the oxen had to
stop and rest ; whilst the breadth of the acre depended on the number
of furrows which formed the daily task of the villan and his oxen.
Mr. Pell, in his learned but difficult paper on the Domesday Assess-
ment, disputes this,^^ and states that the furlong means not a furrow
long, but rather a line 40 rods long, that this line 4 rods broad makes
the acre, and that both the acre and the rod are merely convenient
fractions of some larger area. However this may be, S of these furlongs
lie on each side of the square mile shown on this plan. Quarter the
area and you get the normal farm of 160 acres, quarter the farm and you
get the 40 acres which we have seen to be the usual extent of the part
cultivated or enclosed for corn and meadow hay ; quarter that cul-
tivated portion and you get the square furlong, or ferdell^^ which con-
tained 10 normal acre strips, each acre strip being 40 rods long and 4
rods broad, in other words, a furlong in length and 4 rods in breadth,
the area which, according to the ordinance of Edward I., constituted
a legal acre. In &ct this American square mile, divided into four
farms of 160 acres each, is exactly similar in extent, dimensions, and
divisions to the four carucates of arable land, containing in length
8 furlongs, and in breadth 8 furlongs, the gift of Algar, the knight, to
the abbey of Croyland, which was confirmed to that abbey by that
description by the charter of Wiglaf, king of the Mercians, in the
year 838.»3

There are two great diflferenoes between this modem Kansas farm
and the ancient Northumbrian farms which we have been considering.
Its homestead is isolated from those of its neighbours and its lands are
cultivated in severalty. If, instead of being connected by the power
of steam with other parts of the earth, from which it can obtain the
supplies of those necessaries which are produced by different industries,
its proprietor had had to depend for these on mutual exchange with

•• Domesday Studies, vol. i. p. 60. " Ibid. p. 371.

" Decern acrae terrae faciunt secundum antiquam consuetudinem nnam
ferdellam. Spelman's Gloss. Title Virgata terrcB.

•* Kemble'a Anglo-Saxon Charters^ vol. I., page 306. See also Ingulph. Bohn's
edition, page 15.

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BARTON COUNTY, STATE OP KANSAS. 149

It will be seen from the instances cited in the former part of this
paper^ that the arable land assigned to each farm ranged between 20
and 80 acres, that the meadow land ranged between 2 acres and 10
acres, and this would leave from 120 to 140 acres of open pasture and
waste assignable on an average to each farm.

According to Sir Henry Maine®* the encroachments of the lord
were in proportion to the want of certainty in the rights of the
community. In the grass land he intruded more than into the arable
land ; into the waste much more than into either. The conclusion
suggested to his mind is that in succeeding to the legislative power of
the old community the lord was enabled to appropriate to himself such
of its rights as were not immediately valuable and which, in the event
of their becoming valuable, required legislative adjustment to settle
the mode of enjoying them. If that were the process it had probably
begun before either the Saxon thane or the Norman baron had
entered England.

I will conclude by oflfering for your inspection a plan of a farm of
the present day in a newly-settled country. It is the plan of a form
in the south-west quarter of section 28, of township 20, range Id west
of the 6th principal meridian, in Barton county in the state of
Kansas. It contains 160 acres, and the whole of the land is capable
of being profitably cultivated. At the time of its survey, in 1888,
40 acres were in maize, 25 in wheat, 15 in other crops, and 80 acres
were in wild grass. Similar plans of hundreds of these forms are
amongst the papers of those who invest in American mortgagee.
They are almost all of the same size of 160 acres, or ^th part of a
square mile, but some of them are half that size, or only 80 acres in
extent. Where the holdings are 80 acres, a larger proportion is
cultivated as arable land. Notwithstanding the introduction of
modem methods of cultivation, the quantity of land which one
household can profitably manage does not appear to have varied
greatly in the last thousand years.

Notwithstanding the apparently modem scientific method of tiie

"• By an early statute of the Scotch Parliament (Seotoh Statutes, voL i p. 887)
it was ordained that the ox-gangs shall contain 13 acres. Two oz -gangs or 26
acres made a husband land (Innes, 242), so that we have a statutory warrant
that 26 acres of arable land was the normal extent of a simflar holding across
the border.

* VUlage CommunUies, 141.

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BLRINGTON, WHITTON, BTO. 147

that the owners of the said three tenements were entitled to take out
of the demesnes of the said Fewster Johnson sufficient hedgeboot,
stakebooty and rice for the making and amending of hedges and
fences, it was enacted that the said lands should be enclosed and that
satisfaction should be made for the said rights of the said Fewster
Johnson, and that from and after the 22nd day of November^ 1784,
all right and title of the said Fewster Johnston, his heirs and assigns
to the aforesaid yearly rents or annual payments, heriots, mow dargues
and shear dargues or day works, hens and catches or carriages to the
town of Hexham, and all right or title of the respective owners for the
time being of the aforesaid three tenements to hedgeboot, stakeboot,
and rice as aforesaid should respectively cease and be for ever extin-
guished.

It wiU be seen that in 1784 the servile incidents of layrewite and
merchet have disappeared.^ The week work has been replaced by
^divers rents.' But the heriot still remains as an acknowledgment of
the Anglo-Saxon doctrine : — * Then when he dies the lord takes back
what he leaves.' The boon days of two mow dargues and two shear
dargues also remain, and the three catches or carriages yearly to
Hexham probably have their counterpart in farm leases in Elrington
township at the present day as they had in the chartulary of Tyne-
mouth in 1887.«*

" The latest account of the cnstom of * merchet * is to be found in Mr. Owen
Pike's Introduction to the Year Books, 15 Edward III. (Record Office Publications)
pp. 15 to 62. As to * merchet ' in Northumberland see Bracton's Note Book
(^tion, Maitland), Case No. 895, and Tata de NevUl^ 389. In Russia, prior
to the emancipation of the serfs in 1861, serfs could not marry as they chose
without the consent of their masters, and the proprietor would not allow the
daughter of one of his serfs to marry a serf belontring to another proprietor —
because he would thereby lose a female labourer— unless some compensation
were offered. Wallace's Rtuisia^ 4th edition, vol. i. pp. 114-140.

*" The Ber. J. Thomlinson, rector of Rothbury, says in one of his MSS. :
' No doubt all the lands in the town of Whitton did belong to the rector, but
the inhabitants haying held them time out of mind at one pound per annum
each farm and two days' ploughing and leading with their draughts and as
many ploughing and reaping (the rector finding them meat when they work for
him), they now look upon themselves as freeholders.' History and Directory
of Northumberland (Hexham Division), published by Buimer, Manchester, and
Beavis, Stewart, & Co., Newcastle, 1886.

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148 THB ANOIBirr FABMS OF NOBTHUXBEBLAKD.

fines on the admittance of an heir and on the alienation of a quarter
of a farm. It will also be observed, from the wording of the admittances,
that the new tenant still does fealty for his holding at the lord's conrt.^
With regard to the extent of these customary holdings the following
extract as to the township of High Boston made by Mr. J. C. Hodgson
fi-om Clarkson's Survey of 1567 is interesting as showing that each
farm was looked upon as a living for a fiunily, that no farm could be
partitioned unless the farmer had acquired the freehold from his lord,
and that even where freehold farms were sub-divided or sub-let the
commonable rights of the partitioners were carefully restricted within
the limits of those formerly enjoyed by the whole tenement : —

This towne was at the fyrst planted with xvi tenn* as yett appeareth by
the scites of there tenem* and are nowe but viij tenn-s the cause of that there
ys so little arable land and medowe grounde as also pasture moore grounde wh.
will not well suffice for the living of so many tenn*^ and for yt also they sholde
the better lyye and be more able to do ther dewtyful senryce to their Ld and
Mr. they were of r?j made but viij tenn*".

The said Thomas Buston hath one lytle house there wherein dwelleth one
tenn*. to do him servyce wc ys agaynst the old anoeyent ordre of this Lp ; f or
althoughe he aledgeth that he or any other may upon his freholde sett such
several buildinge upo auncyent scites as they shall think good, wherunto I most
by leave agree, Never the lesse yf we consyder the premiss and for what cause
the said towne was brought from xvi tenn** to viij f ermors as also the small
quantity of the come moare (?) And that every inhabyt w*** in any towne must
have suffycent for the maintenance of him and his family and wher also suche
staite (extinte) of all things ys kept (as ys in the towne of Bustone) the will
think it bothe lawe and reason that every tenn* of lyke lande and like rent have
lyke porcyon in all things upon the said como pasture. And sure (?) I would give
order that the said Thos. Bustone should have not more pasture or other extinte
or fewell (seeing he ys in all respects equal with every one of the said tenn**)
for him and his tenant both, than one of the said tenants have and that under
great penalty yf he be found by the Jurye oonvicte thereof.

If we take the number of flEirms contained in each township,
as mentioned in Appendix A, and divide the total acreage of the
township by them, we shall find a varying ni;imber of acres assign-
able to each farm, and if we exclude the townships of Bochester
and Troughend in the parish of Elsdon, which contain an unusual and
extraordinary quantity of useless waste and mountainous land, we
shall find that the five hundred farms which are left have an average
of nearly 160 acres of township land assignable to each of them.
This is of course inclusive of arable land, meadow, pasture, and waste.
" As to manor courts see Proo, New, 8oo, Antiq. voL 5, p. 161.

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Anhaeologia Adtana^ Vol. XVI., to face page 252.

^. L SiegvemM, photo.

Collotype by RUmmler £ ^onas, Dresden.

Hamsterley Paten,
iei9 — 20.

{Full She.)

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m KOBTHUHBEBLAin) AKD DUBHAH.

258

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254 OLD OHXJBOH PLATE

owing to want of either inscriptions or hail marks, cannot be more
than approximately dated, we shall still have a far smaller proportion
of Elizabethan as compared with more modem plate in Northumber-
land and Durham than in any other connty at all. There are much
more than a hundred Elizabethan specimens in Kent, and as many
in proportion in almost any southern district ; and in Northumber-
land it will be at once noticed that all the seven specimens are either
of the year 1570 or 1571. This points. to some stringent direction
on the subject on the part of the diocesan, such as that which we
find resulted in Kent in the exchange of chalices being chiefly effected
in the course of the year 1562. Other parts of England often show
groups of cups of a certain period, always between the limits of 1558
and 1580 mentioned above, many details regarding which have been
noted in Old English Plate.

A word should be said here of a cup of somewhat exceptional type
at Heworth, Durham, resembling in some of its features chalices of
medieval workmanship. This is, however, probably of later date ;
corresponding more with vessels of the seventeenth century which
were made for Roman Oatholic use, and many examples of which are
preserved ; for instance there are two vessels similar in design to the
chalice at Heworth in use at the Soman Catholic church at Olanton
which are said to have come from Oallaly castle.

Turning to the Elizabethan specimens themselves we find that,
though few in number, chey are very typical of their kind, giving a
good illustration of the general fashion of the time they represent,
and that the more special pieces show features of much interest.

Of the typical kind the cups with corresponding patens, dated 1571,
at All Saints', Newcastle (see p. 251), are perhaps the best Northum-
berland illustration, whilst the not dissimilar cnp and paten of the
same year (see p. 258), at St. John's, Dinsdale, may represent the
Elizabethan examples of the sister county. A httle earlier vessel of
1564, at Sherbum hospital (see p. 258), with a secular cup of unusual
type of 1571, at Bishopwearmouth (see p. 257), and a very interesting
cup of 1596, at Stainton (see Plate XVI.), all these three being in
Durham, are good illustrations of special types and forms.

The Sherbum hospital cup is normal in every respect, except the
lettered band running round the top of the bowl, which clearly relates

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Arckaeoloffia Adiana, Vol, XVI., tv/aeepage 354.

PlaUJVl.

Aff Lriib, fboto.

Rbmm/tr x Jonas, Dresden.

Elizabethan Cup at Great Stainton, co. Durham.

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IN NOBTHUMBERLAND AND DUBHAH. 255

H.lCyMC

Oambo Oommimlon Gup (see p. 256).

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256 OLD CHUaOH PLATB

to some matter of domestic interest. These letters are a good example
of the bold Tudor capitals of the time. Its stem and foot give an
illustration of the dotted ornament so often found in the earlier years
of queen Elizabeth, and the lower part of the bowl shows the usual
fillets, not interlacing however at intervals as is most usual, but con-
taining between the parallel bands the ordinary waving line of simple
woodbine foliage.

The Bishopwearmouth cup is quite special, and may or may not
have been originally a secular cup. Its cover looks almost as if it had
once had some knop or finish by way of handle. This piece again shows
the dotted or hyphen- work of Elizabethan days, with leaves at the end
of each rib of the very usual Elizabethan type.

With the Stainton-le-8treet cup we come to a vessel of more
undoubtedly secular origin, but a very good illustration of the work of
its period. A large number of cups which, if not originally made for
secular use, are at all events of the shapes commonly used in their
day for drinking cups, are amongst the finest pieces of our present
church plate.^ Good examples occur in Westmorland, at Holm
Cultram, and at Appleby, as well as in other pai'ts of England, no
doubt representing the pious liberality of lay donors. In the Stainton
example there is a head in profile with a hat and feathers, such a head
being a common ornament of such pieces. The foot is of characteristic
fashion, with its flower and fruit swaggs surmounted by scroll brackets
which support the bowl, ai-ound the edge of which is a band of the
ordinary Elizabethan type. It is by a maker whose mark is to be seen
upon a great deal of fine plate, both church and secular, from the date
of this example, 1596 to 1682, the date of the latest piece known to
the writer on which it is found.

With this, we pass to the seventeenth century. The later we get
the less interesting is the church plate from an archaeological and even
from an art point of view. We pass through the usual stages from
wine-glass-shaped cup at the commencement of the seventeenth century
to huge shapeless vessels on rude massive stems resembling clumsy
truncated cones, sometimes with and at other times without knops,
which distinguish its closing years. If there is anything which may
be specially remarked about the north country vessels of this century, it
' See Cambo Communion Cup as an example, p. 255.

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IH NOBTHUMBEBLJINO AND DUBHAH.

267

EUiabelhan Ctommanion Gap,
Bifthopwearmoath Ohorch (see p. 894).

G G

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258

OLD CHUBOH PLATE

is that a good deal of it was made at York, a city where the craft of
goldsmiths floarisbed till it seems to have been displaced by tbe rising
wealth and importance of Newcastle upon Tyne. The quantity of plate
made in the latter city from about the year 1670 onwards is immenae,
and the activity of the trade there perhaps accounts not only for the
quantity of modem church plate found of local make in the two
counties, which are the sabjects of this paper, but for the absence of
the usual proportion of Elizabethan specimens.

Much that seemed old-fashioned
to the eyes of Georgian times went
into the melting pots of Newcastle to
make way for what was thought no
doubt more suitable or more tasteful,
and this has deprived the writer of a
great deal of the archaeological ma-
terials which the chronicler of the
church plate in more southern coun- ,
ties has had the interesting task of
describing.

The following lists indicate the
date and origin of most of the more
important pieces now remaining in
Northumberland and Durham, and a
reference to it will bear out the re-
marks which have here been made
upon it.

In conclusion, the writer hopes
that, although of less interest, on
the whole, from the above circumstances, enough has been said to
induce all who are concerned with the care and custody, or the love of
the old church plate of these counties (be it better or worse, it is at all
events representative of the real piety and generosity of those who
have preceded us), to preserve it for the future from reckless alteration
or unauthorized alienation.

Qlxabethan Commtmion Cup,
Church (see p. 254).

Dinsdale

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IN NOBTHUUBEBLAND AND DUBHAM.

259

APPENDIX.

LIST OP OLD NOBTHUMBEBLAND OHUBOH PLATE.

Dftto.

1570
1670
1571

1671
1671

1616

1626
1632
1639
1640
1661
1674
1686
1689
1693
1696
1697

1703
1706
1709
1718
1717

1718
1718
1719
1723
1725
1726
1760
1765
1770

1774

Article and Mftker'r Mark.

I.— London Plate.
(^MuabetJumJ)

Two cnps and paten covers, each dated 1671* ...

Cup

Pateu cover, dated 1671; maker, two crescents

back to back

Cup and paten cover, dated 1571 , usual band. I F
Cup and paten cover, dated 1571 ; usual band.

H W ; pellet above and below

Cup ; usual band

Cup; usual band. HS, interlaced; for Henry

Sutton(?)

^Seventeenth Century,)
Oviform cup, on baluster stem. T E, linked

Tall oviform cup on high stem. C B, linked* ...

Flagon. B S ; mullet above and below

V-shaped cup on baluster stem

Cup. IB ; buckle below ; probably J. Buckle ...

Plain cup, dated 1701. AP

Flagon, dated 1676. TM

Cup and paten, dated 1686. BL

Paten. 1*1 ; probably John Jackson

Paten, dated 1694. QQ ; George Oarthome ...

Flagon, given 1703

Flagon, given 1829

Cup

(^Mghteenth Century,)

Cup given 1 707. Fl, ; William Fleming

Cup. Pa ; Humphrey Payne

Paten, given 1829. G, A within ; Fras. Qarthome
Alms dish, dated 1718. G, A within; Fras.

Garthome

Paten, dated 1726. Ho ; Edw. Holaday

Salver on small feet

Cup

Fluted porringer. 1 0 ; Joseph Clare

Paten. BB; Bichard Bayley

Cup, dated 1726. B B ; Bichard Bayley

Cup, given 1842

Cup (cover is of 1752). M P ; Mordecai Pox ...
Cup given 1770

Cup. Q J ; Jas. Young and Orlando Jackson ...

Plaoe.

All Saints, N'c.
6t John, N'castle.

Bolam.
Bothal.

Eirkhaugh.
Longhorsley.

Newbiggen.

Tweedmouth.

Chillingham.

Cambo.

St. Nicholas, N*c.

Lambley.

Simonbum.

Eglingham.

Chatton.

Stannington.

Bothbury.

Simonbum.

Tynemouth,

Eglingham.

Btamfordham.
Comhill.
Chatton.
Whittingham.

All Saints, N*c.

Newbum.

Ulgham.

Bothal.

Alston,

Earsdon.

Nether witton.

St. John, N*c.

Horton.

Beadnell.

Kirkheaton.

> See page 251.

* See page 255.

VOL. XYL

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260 OLD CHURCH PLATE

List of Old NoBTHUMBERLAin> Chuboh Plate. — Continued,

Date.

1777
1780
1788
1793
1796
1799
1799

c. 1681

17 cent.

Do.
1684

0. 1685
1686

1687
1688

1697
1698
1705

1711

1712

1712
1721

1721
1721
1721
1721-25
1722
1724
1724

1728

1729
1730

Article and Bfaker's Mark.

London ?Ij ate— (Big hteevth Cent,)— Continued,

Cup, dated 1781

Flagon, dated 1793. G S ; probably Geo. Seatoun

Cup, dated 1788. H C ; Henry Chawner

Paten, dated 1793. B S ; probably Robert Sharp

Plate

Flagon given 1840. I R ; John Robins

Flagon and cup, dated 1803 (paten is of 1803).

g^; R. &S. Hennell

II.— Nbwcastle-upon-Tyne Plate.

Cup and paten (the cup not marked).
Wm. Ramsay

for

Cup.

for W. Ramsay .

Cup. W R, as in 1681, for W. Ramsay ...
Cup, with engraved band, dated 1684 ; probably
Fras. Batty, senr

Two cups, with patens, ^gj for Wm. Ramsay

Flagon and patens, dated 1686. rg^ for Wm.
Ramsay ... ,., ... SSi

Cup, dated 1687. ^ for Eli Hilton

Cup and paten, dated 1688. W R, as in 1686, for

Wm. Ramsay

Flagon, dated 1697. Thos. Hewitson

Flagon, dated 1698. [yHl for Thos. Hewitson ...
Cup, dated 1719. Ba for Francis Batty, senior
Cop* [^H for John Younghnsband

Cup, dated 1679.

I for Eli Bilton

Cup and paten, dated 1714. J> for J. French ...
Cup and paten, dated 1721. (SSI for Francis

Batty, junior ^^^

Cup and paten. F B (? re-made by Francis Batty)
Cup, paten, and flagon, given 1722. Fras. Batty

Paten, dated 1722. Fras. Batty

Cup, inscribed 1571

Flagon. F,B for Francis Batty, jun. (?)... .!

Cup, given 1724

Paten. J C ; John Camaby *]

Cup, dated 1730. C^J

Cup, dated 1732.

for Isaac Cookson

Cup and plate, dated 1731.
Makepeace

I y/ft I Robt

Place.

Falstone.

Whalton.

Alnham.

Whalton.

Rock.

Alwinton.

Ilderton.

Corbridge.

Berwick.

Bellingham.

Wallsend.

St. Nicholas, N'c.

St. Nicholas, N'c.
ChoUerton.

Howick.
All Saints, N'c.
All Saints, N'c.
Allenheads.

Alwinton.

Holy Island.
Norham.

Rirkharle.

Heicham.

St. John, N'c.

Wooler.

St. Andrew, N*c

Chillingham.

Bedlington.

St.- Nicholas, N'c.

St Andrew, N'c,

Warden.

Bolton.

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tN NORTHUMBERLAND AND DURHAM. 261

List op Old Northumbebland Chubch Plate. — Cmtinned,

Date.

1731
1731

1731

1732

1737

1738
(?)1738

1740

1741

1742
1743
1743
1744
1749
1760
1752
1752
1764
1764

1757
1767

1769

1769
1769
e. 1770
1770
1773

1778
1774
1774
1774
1774
1774

1776

1778
1784

1784

1786

0.1786

Article and Maker's Bfark.

Newcastlb-upon-Ttne Vuc2^,— Continued,

Cup, dated 1731
Gup, dated 1782.

Robt. Makepeace

Flagon, dated 1731. | 'JRHs \ Robt. Makepeace
Paten, dated 1734.
Paten, dated 1788.

Robt. Makepeace
Iwd] for Wm. Dalton

Cup. I C, as in 1729, for Isaac Cookson .
Cup, dated 1758. Isaac Cookson ...

for Isaac Cookson

Cup.

Tumbler-shaped ^cup. ^f£\ for Wm. Partis ..

Paten (waiter with 3 claw feet). Isaac Cookson

Cup, dated 1743. Isaac Cookson

Flagon, dated 1743. Isaac Cookson

Cup. Wm. Partis

Cup, dated 1749. Isaac Cookson

Alms dish and paten, given 1751. Isaac Cookson

Paten. Isaac Cookson ' ...

Cup and paten, dated 1758

Paten, dated 1755. Langlands and Goodricke
Cup, paten, and 2 flagons, dated 1775. Wm. Partis

Cup and paten, dated 1762. r0t\ for J. Langlands
Flagon and paten, dated 1763. Qk) for John Eirkup

Cup. \^q\ for James Crawford

Two cups and paten, dated 1768. John Kirkup

Flagon. John Langlands

Small cup on low foot. John Langlands

Paten, dated 1770. John Langlands

Cup, given 1773. I C, as in 1769, for James

Crawford

Cup, given 1773. John Langlands
Paten, dated 1776. John Langlands
Paten, dated 1776. John Langlands
Two flagons, dated 1776. John Langlands
Cup and paten, dated 1774. John Langlands
Cup, converted into flagon, dated 1774. W 8, 1 M;

William Stalker and John Mitchison

Paten. John Langlands

Oviform cups, dat^ 1778. John Langlands ...
Four alms dishes, dated 1785 (and wine strainer,

no date letter), |1?[7| for Langlands and

Robertson ... ll»lU

Alms dish, dated 1784. Langlands and Robertson
Alms dish, dated 1785. Pinknej and Scott
Paten, given 1824. Langlands and Robertson

Place.

Enaresdale.
Newbrough.

Rothbury.

Morpeth.

St. Andrew, N'c.

Allendale Town.
St. John Lee.

Halton.

Henshaw.

Hartburn.

Birtley.

Hartburn.

Whittonstall.

Whalton.

Eglingham.

Berwick.

Blanchland

Elsdon.

Ponteland.

Blyth.

Long Benton.

Ninebanks, West

Allendale.
St. Anne, N'c.
St. Anne, N'c.
Rothbury.
Horton.

Belford.

Beadnell.

Bothal.

St. John Lee.

St. Andrew, N'c.

Stamfordham.

Kyloe.

Newbiggen.

Berwick.

All Saints, N'c.
St. Andrew, N*c.
St. John, N*c.
Meldon.

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S62 OLD CHURCH FLATS

List of Old Northumberland Chubch "Plati^— Continued,

Dftte.

Article and Maker's Mark.

Place.

1787

1788
1788

1788
1791
1792

N.D.
N.D,

1671

16 cent.
1683

16 cent.
1612
1618
1628

0.1680
1642
1663

0. 1670
Do.

0.1680
1699

17 cent.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.

Nbwoastlb-upoh-Tynb Plate. — Continued,

Two alms plates and paten, dated 1788.
and Scott

Pinkney

Basin. IK] for Pinkney and Scott

Cap, paten, and flagon (cnp dated 1790). Lang-
lands and Robertson

Paten, dated 1789. Langlands and Robertson ...

Cup, altered into flagon 1878

Cap and paten, dated 1793. Langlands and
Robertson

Cup. 1 E, as in 1767, for John Kirkup

Cup. John Kirkup

III.— Foreign Plate.
Cup. Augsburg ^^^

IV.— MI80ELLANE017S AND UNCEBTAIK.

Very ancient pewter coffin chalice

Cap, repaired later by John Lanelands; no
doubt of same date as its paten ^ee London
plate)

Old cap, apparently Elizabethan

Cup and paten coyer ; usual band

Old cup, apparently Elizabethan

Cup and cover, dated 1612

Old cup, with corer, dated 1618

Two cups. Engraved with arms ; Elizabethan
bands ... ... ... ... ...

Cup of Elizabethan shape

Cup, dated 1642

Cup, dated 1663

Deep straight-sided cup, on short stem ...

Cup like the last

Paten

Cup, dated 1699, but looks Elizabethan ...

Cup, with large band

Old cup (see p. 368)

Cup

Tumbler-shaped cup ; willow leaf band ...

Balrer, used as paten. I H, star abore ...

St. Andrew, N'c
All Saints, N'c.

Embleton.
Holy Island.
Ancroft.

Doddington.

Tweedmouth.

Widdrington.

Ford.

Hexham.

Bolam.

Earsdon.

Ilderton.

Morpeth.

Edlingham,

Elsdon.

All Saints, N*c.

Eirkwhelpington,

Wooler.

Hartbum.

Haltwhistle.

Eirknewton.

Hartbum.

Mitford.

Longbenton.

St. Nicholas, N'c

Newbum.

Rothbury.

Ryal.

Slaley.

Walisend.

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IK KOETHtMBEBtiAKI) Aid) DURHAM.
LIST OF OLD DURHAM CHURCH PLATE.

263

Date.

1514
1619

1564

1570
Do.

Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.

Do.
1571
Do.

Do.

Do.
Do.

Do.
Do.
1674
1696

1606

1617
c. 1619

1629
1632
1638
1689

1647

ArUole and Bfaker's Mark.

Place.

I.— London Plate.

(Pre-Reformation,)

PateD, with vernicle ; usnal Gothic type'
Paten, very similar to the last*

Cup, with special engraved band. Maker,

hand with cross-CTOslet^

Cup ; nsual engraved band. Maker, S H
Cup, with paten cover

Cup, with paten cover. Maker, H W

Cup; no paten. HW

Cup; dotted belt; given 1842

Paten cover, dated 1842. Maker, animaVs

head erased

Cup, with paten cover ; usual type

Secular cup of unusual type"

Cup, with paten cover ; usual band ; dated

1671'

Cup, with paten cover, dated 1571 ; usual

band; maker, pair oi? bellows

Cup ; usual band. Maker, H W

Cup ; usual band. Maker, animal's head

erased

Cup, by same maker as the last

Cup; usual band

Paten cover

Secular cup, on stem with scroll supports ;

maker C B, linked'

(Seventeenth Century.)

Egg-shaped cup, on baluster stem. Maker,
IA

Cup. Maker, RB

Alms dish; repouss^ with marine mon-
sters. Maker, I G

Pair of cups

Cup ; maker, W B, fleur-de-lys below
Cup and cover, dated 1638. W W, linked
Wine-glass shaped cup, on baluster stem.

Maker, GG

Pair of patens. Maker, 6 A« linked

* See plate xv.
' See page 268.

Heworth.
Hamsterley.

Sherbum Hospital.
ConisclifEe.

St. Mary-le-Bow, Dur-
ham.
Lanchester.
Pittington.
Spen Colliery, Winlaton

Do. do.

Witton Gilbert.
Bishopwearmouth.

St. John Dinsdale.

Greatham.
Hart.

Jarrow.

Monkwearmouth.
Longnewton.
Bishopwearmouth.

StaintC'n-le-Street.

Gainford.

Kirk Merrington.

St. Mary in the South

Bailey, Durham.
Staindrop.
Winston.
St. Giles, Durham.

Stranton.
Staindrop.

' See plate ziv.
* See page 267.

^ See page 253.
" See plate ZTi.

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i6i OLD CHtmCH PLATE

List of Olp Dubham Ghuboh TLAi:K,^Continmed.

Dftte.

Article and Bfsker's Mark.

Plaoe.

London FhATE.—CoiUinued,

{Seventeenth Century,^

0.1660

Plate and cover. Maker, WM

Durham Cathedral.

1660

Cup and cover, given 1660. TG

St. Mary, Gateshead.

1665

Cup and cover, given 1665, IR

St. Nicholas, Durham.

1670

Cup, given 1670. WG

Barnard Castle.

Do.

Cup and paten cover. M

Cup, with large band, and paten cover.
R

Greatham Hospital.

1675

St. Margaret, Durham.

1679

Tankard-shaped flagon. F.R

Muggleswick.

1681

Cup and cover. I.M. ^

Sedgefield.

1684

Paten. G G ; George Garthome

Haughton-le-Skeme.

1686

Large cup, cover, and flagon, given 1686.

I Y, animal between

St. Nicholas, Durham.

1688

Pair of patens, given 1689. Maker, F G;
Fras. Garthome

St. Mary-le-Bow, Dur-

ham.

1689

Paten, dated 1720. Maker, T I ; probably

T. Issod

Church Eelloe.

1692

Paten, dated 1731. Maker, FG; Garchome,

as above

Whickham.

1694

Paur of patens, dated 1696. Maker, R T ;
Robt. Timbrell

M iddleton-in-Teesdale.

1696

Pair of flagons, given 1703

{Eighteenth Century,)

St. Mary-le-Bow, Dur-
ham.

c. 1700

Cup. PL; Pierre Platel

Sedgefield.

1701

Alms dish. Ru ; John Ruslen

St. Oswald, Durham.

1702

Paten, dated 1703. Tr ; Benj. Traheme ...

Stockton.

1705

Paten; gilt. WB

Wolsingham.

1708

Flagons (pair), like Rothbury. Ba ; R.

Bayley

Sunderland.

1710

Paten, dated 1730. Pa; Humphrey Payne

Lanchester.

1711

Paten, given 1712. CH

Ssh.

Do.

Paten, L 0 ; Seth Lof thouse

Stockton.

1713

Large paten. RA; R. Raine

A similar one, dated 1720. Same maker ...

St. John, Weardale,

Do.

Stanhope.

1716

Paten, given 178-. G, A within ; Fras. Gar-

thome

Bishop Auckland.

1718

Cup and cover, dated 1718. 8 L ; G. Sleath

Bishopwearmonth.

1720

Cup, given by Bishop Lord Crewe, 1720.

B H ; probably Alice Sheene

Bishop Auckland.

1721

Cup, paten, and flagons. G, B within ;

Richard Greene

Whitworth.

1722

Tankard flagons. Ba ; R. Bayley

Whickham.

1722

Paten. M L, tied ; Matthew Lofthouse.

Entered 1721

Auckland Castle.

1725

Cup. RP

Tanfield.

1726

Paten, given 1806. W A ; W. Atkinson ...
Paten, dated 1727. CM

St. John Dinsdale.

1727

Ayclifle.

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IN NOETHUMBERLAND AND DUBHAM. 266

List op Old Dubham Chuboh Plate.— C(we^e»Mai.

Date.

1728

1732
1738
1735

1737

1748

Do.

e, 1745

1747
1764

1761
1762
1763

1766

1771

1773
1783

1786
1786

1790

1670

1637

Do.

1641

1642

1667

1688

1818

Do.
1819

Article and Maker's Mark.

London Plate. — Continued,
(^Eighteenth Contury,')

Flagons, one dated 1727. T P; Thos.

Ffarrer

Paten, given 1732. B V ; Edw. Vincent ...

Cup

Paten, dated 1740. R A ; Robert Aber-

cromby

Cup

Plates, dated 1743. H P ; Humphrey Payne
Alms dish, dated 1744. J G ; Thos. Gilpin
Perforated spoons. 1 0 (no other mark);

Isaac Callard

Flagon. H B ; Henry Brind ... "'
Salver, on three claw feet W P ; Wm.

Peaston

Flagon, dated 1761. M F ; Mordecai Fox

Plain tall cup

Flagon, given 1887. W G ; W. Grundy ]['.

F B
Large set of plate, jq^ j^ ; Francis Butty

and Nicholas Dumee

Tankard flagons, given 1772. WGj W.

Grundy

Flagon. WT; Walter Tweedie ..'!

Tall cup, paten, and flagon, j^g; Smith and
Sharp

Alms dish. J A; perhaps Jonathan Alleine

Paten and alms dish. HB; E ester Bate-
man

Paten, given 1790. I H ; John Harris .'.

IL— York Plate.

Cup; band of dots or hyphens

Paten. I P ; James Plummer

Cup; usual Elizabethan band. Same maker

Cup. T H ; Thos. Harrington

Paten. I T ; John Thompson

Cup and cover; Elizabethan band and

shape. TM; Thos. Mangy

Pair of cups and covers ; engraved bands,

and dated 1689. I 0 ; John Oliver

Cup and flagon, dated 1818. ^ ^ ; Barber

andWhitwell

Pair of Patens. Same makers .,, ,,,
Cup. Same makers ,', "'

Plaoe.

Stockton.

Sedgefield.

Hunstanworth.

Lamesley.
Edmundbyers.
Stockton.
Do.

Durham Cathedral.
Hart.

Muggleswick.

Castle Eden.

St. Cuthbert, Darl'gton.

Lanchester.

Durham Cathedral.

St. Cuthbert, Darl'gton.
Witton Gilbert.

iSeaham.
Elwick Hall.

St. Mary, Gateshead.
St Helens Auckland.

Elton.

Wolviston.

Billin^ham.

Aycliffe.

Gainford.

Elwick Hall.

Stockton.

Heighington
Bishop Middleham.
Do.

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266 OLD OHUaCH PLATE

List of Old Dubham Ohubch Plate. — ConHnmed,

Data.

ArUole aod Makar's Bfark.

Plaoe.

III.— Nbwoabtlb-upok-Tyhe Plate.

1664

Tall plain cap, dated 1664. Wj for John
Wilkinson ^^

Ryton.

ITodate.

Wine-glasB shaped cup, baluster stem.

I W for same maker

Trimdon.

Do.

Paten, with marks like Wilkinson's

Whickham.

1672

Flagons, given 1772. [Sj for J. Douthwayte
Cup, dated 1672. Same maker

St Mary, Gateshead.

Do.

West Boldon.

No date.

Cup. Same maker

Haverton Hill.

1681

Paten, dated 1681. WR, as at Corbri^ge

(p. 260) for W. Ramsey

Cup and cover, dated 1681. \S)for same
maker ^

West Boldon.

Do.

Church Kelloe.

No date.

Cup. WR, as at Corbridge (p. 260), for

same maker

Gainford.

0. 1684

Cup. WB, as at Church Kelloe, for same

maker

Barnard Castle.

1687

Paten, dated 1687. WR, as at St. Nicholas

(p. 260), for same maker

Haverton Hill.

No date.

Cups. E B, with crown above. Bli Hilton

Middleton-in-Teefldale.

1702

Cup and cover, given 1702. Bi ; Eli Bilton

St. Mary in the South
Bailey, Durham.

1703

Two cups, dated 1704. Same maker
Cup. Jonathan French

Stanhope.
Sunderland.

1705

1707

Cup, dated 1707. Eli Bilton

Castle Eden.

e. 1708

Paten. Bli Bilton

St. Giles, Durham.

1711

Flagon, dated 1702. Jonathan French ...

St. Mary in the Soath
Bailey, Durham.

Do.

Cup, dated 1712. Same maker

Esh.

1712

Flagon and paten, dated 1712. Younghus-

band

Sherbum Hospital.

1722

Cup. Camaby

St. Maiy, Gateshead.

1728

Tumbler cup. Jonathan French

Bishop Auckland.

1724

Cup, given 1727

Monk Heseiden.

Do.

Cup, dated 1725. Thos. Partis

St. John, Dinsdale.

Do.

Cup, dated 1726

Sunderland.

Do.

Alms-dish. Thomas Partis

Do.

Cup. T P; Thomas Partis

St. John's, Weardale,

1726

Jug-shaped flagons, given 1726. Robert

Makepeace

Bishopwearmouth.

Do.

Alms-dish. Thos. Partis

Sunderland.

1727

Tumbler-shaped cup

St. Hilda, So. Shields.

Do.

Flagons, dated 1 727. I hos. Partis

Ryton.

1730

FUgon. /Co, for Isaac Cookson

Stockton.

1732

Paten, given 1732

St. Mary, Gateshead,

Do.

Font, given 1825. Robt. Makepeace

Ryton.

1736

Collecting basin

Paten. Isaac Cookson

St. Oswald, Durham.

1737

St. Helen, Auckland.

1740

Flagon, dated 1740. Wm. Partis

West Boldon.

Do.

Bwer-shaped flagon. James Kirkup

Staindrop.

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IN NORTHUMBERLAND AND DtTRHAM. 267

List op Old Dubham Chxjboh Plate.— C(mii«Mtfrf.

Date.

Article and Maker's Mark.

Place.

111.— CContd.) .—Newcastle-upon-Tyne

Plate.

1742

Cnp. Isaac Ck)okson

Sockbum.

Do.

Ewer-shaped flagon. James Kirkup

Staindrop.

1744

Paten, dated 1744. Wm. Partis

Heighington.

1746

Salver, given 1746. Isaac Cookson

Barnard Castle.

Do.

Dish, dated 1745. Wm. Partis

West Boldon.

1748

Cap. W B, with gem ring above; William

Beilby of Durham

St. Mary-le-Bow, Drhm.

1749

Paten, dated 1760

Castle Eden.

1750

Paten, dated 1750. Isaac Cookson

Ryton.

No date.

Paten, dated 1753. Isaac Cookson

St. Margaret, Dhm. City.

1757

Flagon, dated 1760. John Langlands ...

St. Hilda, South Shields.

1769

Alms saucer, dated 1766. Same maker ...

Castle Eden.

c. 1770

Patens. Same maker

Sunderland.

1772

Flagon, given 1846. Same maker

St. Giles, Durham City.

Do.

Paten, dated 1772. Same maker

Heworth.

1773

Flagon, dated 1769. Same maker

Jarrow.

1774

Cup and cover, and two patens, given 1776.

Same maker

St. Cuthbert, Darlington.

1780

Alms dish, given 1780. Langlands and

Robertson

St. Mary, Gateshead.

1784

Flagon, given 1786. Pinkney and Scott ...

Do. do.

Do.

Alms dish and flagon, given 1786. Lang-

lands and Robertson

Lamesley.
Chester-le-6treet.

1795

Cup and paten, dated 1796

IV.— FoBBiGN Plate.

Flagon

Greatham Hospital.

v.— Miscellaneous and Uncebtain.

1608

Cup and paten cover, dated 1608

Bishopwearmouth.

1622

Cup and paten cover, usual band, dated 1622

Whiolham.

1680

Cup and cover, dated 1680

Bishopton.

1696

Cup, dated 1696

Tall cup, dated 1718

Lamesley.

1718

St. Hilda, South Shields.

17 cent.

Straight-sided cup on low foot

St. Helens Auckland.

Do.

Chalice-shaped cup

Heworth.

Do.

Cup. A F ; mullet below, 4 times repeated

Medomsley.

Do.

Cup

St. Oswald, Dhm. City.

Do.

Rude cup. N H, linked ; 3 times repeated

Cockfield.

Do.

Paten. N H, linked, and 5 fleurs-de-lis ...

Houghton-le-Spring.

I I

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268 A BULL OF ADRIAN lY.

XVI.— A BULL OF ADRIAN IV. RELATING TO NEASHAM

PRIORY, 00. DURHAM.

By Major-Gtbneral Sir William Grossman, K.G.M.G., F.S.A.

[Read on the 28th May, 1893.]

Nkasham, a Benedictine nunnery, dedicated to the Virgin, was one of
the two monasteries (St. Edmund's, Gateshead, being the other) within
the palatinate that alone were independent of the church of Durham ; it
contained only eight female votaries, and appears to have been founded
by an ancestor of Lord Dacre, one of the old barons of Greystoke.

Surtees says that the original charters of the house of Neasham have
been preserved by the family of Lawson, to whom the monastery was
granted at the Dissolution. The earliest is apparently a charter of
Henry II. confirming the foundation.

The bull of Adrian IV. is dated 3rd February, 1 1 56-57.^ The charter
of Henry II. is not dated. Henry came to the throne in October, 1154,
and probably his charter may have been granted about 1164, when
the Constitutions of Clarendon were passed by a general council of
barons and prelates, and when various rules were made with reference to
ecclesiastical property, one being that the churches belonging to the
king's fee should not be granted in perpetuity without his consent.
The charter is therefore probably of a later date than the bulL

In it he concedes and confirms, 'in perpetuam elemosinam,' to God
and to St. Mary of 'Nesham/ and to the nuns there serving God, the
site of the church, and the carucate of land given by Emma, called in
the bull the daughter of Waldeof, but now described as de Teisa and
as having given it with the consent of her son Ralph. He also confirms
the grant made by Engelais, here called the sister of Emma, the gift
of Alan, son of Torfin, of land in Toretona, and an additional gill not
mentioned in the bull, of two oxgangs (bovatas terre) in Neasham, by
Alan de Eggescliva. Ralph fitz Ralph confirms, in a later charter, the
gifts of Emma, his mother. William fitz Ralph confirms the charter
of his father Ralph and adds more land.

* 1157 according to our reckoning. Adrian was at Benevento from January
to July, 1166; he was, however, at Rome in January and February, 1157, in
which month several bulls were issued by him from the Lateran.

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RELATING TO NBAHHAM. 269

Then Balph fitz William, lord of Neasham, again gives to the nuns
the whole plot called the Milne hills of Kent, lying betwixt Kent
and the nun's land in the village of Neasham, in breadth and length
from le Croke, betwixt the said plot and Hurtheworth lands to
Kent bridge. Seal (white-wax) : Barry y over all three chapUts for
Greystoke.

Qp to the time of Henry VII. other gifts of land which are detailed
in Snrtees, Durham^ vol. iii., page 259, were made from time to time
to the nnns. And in 1540 when dame Joan Lawson the last prioress
surrendered the house to. the king, 29th December, the revenues were
reported as follows : —

Priory, orchard, garden with eight oxgangs of land

in the manor of the prioress xl*

Total rente, etc., in Durham... xxiv' i» xi**

Do. do. Yorkshire vi» x*

xxvi* ix* ix**
The clear value after deductions being £20 ITs. 7d.

Not one stone of the old priory now remains upon another. James
Lawson of Newcastle purchased the property for £227 5s. Od., and the
old charters connected with the priory are still in the possession of his
descendant Sir John Lawson of Brough.

The bull, which is written in the ecclesiastical Latin of the period,
is the property of Mr. Salvin and has been kindly lent by him. It
is an excellent specimen of caligraphy. It is in a remarkably good
state of preservation, and is signed by the pope and nineteen other
cardinals and bishops. The leaden * bulla ' attached is also perfect.
The following is an exact transcript of the text carefully collated with
the original : —

Adrianus Episcopus Servus servorum Dei dilectis in Christo filiabns sancti-
monialibns in Ecclesia Sancte Marie de Neshann Domino servientibns tarn
presentibus quam f uturis regularam vitam professis in perpetuum.

Prudentibus virginibus que sub habitu religionis disposuerunt Jesu Christo
vero spoDso lampadibus accensis occnrrere. Tanto sunt a sacrosancta Bomana
Ecclesia ampiiora beneficia conferenda quanto propensius in servitio domini
comorari noscuntur, et ad nuptlas etemi regis bonis operibus festinare.
Ea propter dilecte in Christo filie vestris justis postulationibus clementer
annuimus, et pref atum monasterium in quo divino mancipate estis obsequio, sub
beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus et presentis scripti privilegio com-
munimus. In primis siquidem statuentes ut ordo monasticos qui secundum Peum

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270

A BULL OP ADRIAN IV.

et beati benedicti regnlam in eodem loco dinoBcitar institntus, perpeiuis ibidem
temporiboB et inviolabiliter observetur. Preterea quascumque possessionis que-
cumque bona idem monasterium in presentiarum juste et canonice possedet, ant
in futarum concessione pontificam, largitione regum vel principum, oblatione
fldelinm, sea aliis justis modis per ante domino poterit adipisci, firma vobis
vestrisque BuccessoriboB et illibata pennaneant. In qnibos hec propriis doximas
exprimendi vocabnlis. Locum in quo prefata ecclesia sita est, qui dicitnr
Mahaldecroft, quern dedit vobis Emma filia Waldef, unam carrucatam terre
de dominico ejusdem Emme. In Neshann, cum medietate Ofitnamarum snarum,
in culturis pratis et turbariis, communem pasturam totius terre sue. Gulturam
que vocatur Sadelflat. Molendinum super Kent. Gulturam que est inter
molendinum et ecclesiam. Ex dono Engelais unam carrucatam terre. Omnes
decimas vestras de dominico vestro in Neshaim, tam in blado quam in aliis. Ex
dono halani filii Torphin unam carrucatam terre in phometuna. Sane novalium
yestrorum que propriis manibus aut sumptibus colitis sive de natrimentis
vestrorum animalinm, nullus a yobis decimas exigere presumat. Sepulturam
quoque ipsius loci liberam esse concedimus ut coram devotioni et ex-
treme yoluntati nullus obsistat qui se illic sepeliri deliberayerint nisi forte
excommunicati yel interdicti sint. Salya tamen justitia matricis ecclesie.
Decemimus ergo ut nuUi omnino hominum liceat prefatam ecclesiam temere
perturbare, aut ejus possessiones auferre, yel ablatas retinere, minuere, eeu quibns
libet vexationibus fatigare. Set illibata omnia et Integra conserventur eorum pro
quorum gubematione et sustentatione concessa sunt usibus omnimodis futura.
Salva sedis apostalice auctoritate, et diocesani episcopi canonica justitia. Siqna
igitur in futurum ecclesiastica secularisve persona banc nostre constitutiouis
paginam sciens, contra earn temere venire temptaverit. Secundo tertiove
commonita, nisi presumptionem suam digna satisfactione correxerit^ potestatis
honorisque sui dignitate careat, reamque se divino judicio existere de perpetrate
iniquitate cognoscat et a sacratissimo corpore ac sanguine dei et domini
redemptoris nostri Jesu Christi aliena fiat, atque in extreme examine districte
ultioni subjaceat. Cunctis autem eidem loco sua jura servantibus, sit pax domini
nostri Jesu Christi. Quatinus et hie fructum bone actionis percipiant, et apud
diatrictum judicem premia eteme pacis inveniant. Amen. Amen. Amen.-

Ego Adrianus Catholice Ecclesie
Episcopus. Bene Valcte.

2 The legend on the bulla. * Oculi mei semper ad Dominum/ was one generally
used by Adrian IV.

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Ardhaeobgia AftIiana.,VoIXVI, to&cep270.

4g!

r.:

^£.1..,

T 6^ M^,

lM^j|;'ca^^f 55rj,n/«-. ^*^-

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PlatelWir.

'I V^JA^mcuf ^i^CiO^ S^^Afse incalut>\^

' y. \3* V)an*Jl^ W adr« Sot A^Z^

— Fac-Simile of Signatures to Bull —

OF Adrian IV. Relating to Neasham.-

Photolitii&jjraphtd&Rnnt^dbT James AierBta.6.^ueea Sqaar* WC

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RELATING TO NBASHAM. 271

►J* Ego hubaldus pbr. card, titulo see i|< Ego Imarus Tusculanus Bpiacopus.'
Praxedis*. i^ Ego Cencius portuensis et see Rufine

►I* Ego manfredus pbr. card. tt. see episcopus.*

Sabine*. ^ Ego Gr[egorius] Sabinensis Epis-

*J4 Ego bemardus pbr. card. tt. see copus.

dementis*.
►J* Ego octavianus pbr. card. tt. see
Cecilie.''

t^ Ego oddo diac card, sci Georrii ad velum aureum."
tj4 Ego rodolf us diac card, see Lucie in septa solis. '*
tft Ego guido diac card. See Marie in porticu."
tft Ego Jacintus diac card. See Marie in cosmydyn.*'*
►J< Ego Jobs sci Sergii et Bacchi diac card.'*
+ Ego odo diac card, sci Nicholai in carcere TuUiano.**
tj4 Ego bonadies diac card, sci Angel i**
tj4 Ego ardicio diac card, sci Theodori.
»I< Ego Astaldus pbr. card. tt. see Prisce."

»J< Ego Gerardus pbr. card. tt. sci. Stephani in celio monte.'"

•

' Ubaldo Alluciguoli, afterwards pope Lucius IIL ; cardinal priest of St.
Prassede, 1140 1158. — Storm dei Cardinali di Santa Romana Chiesa, by count
Francesco Cristofori, Rome, 1888, Cronota,^si del Cardinally vol. i. p. 61.

* Manfred, cardinal priest of St. Sabina from 114t. — Ibid. p. 127.

* Bernardo, a canon regular, cardinal priest of St. Clement, 1145-1170. —
Ibid. p. 85.

* Ottaviano da Monticello, cardinal priest of St. Cecilia from 1160. —
Ibid. p. 67.

' Icmaro, of the order of Cluny, bishop of Frascati (Tusculum) 1142(?)-1164.
Ibid. p. 26.

» Cencio, bishop of Porto and St. Rufina, 1 169(?). — Ibid. p. 12. Judging from
the present bull, the date should be 1156, or earlier.

» Ottone da Cesena, cardinal deacon of St. George, in Velabro, from 1130. —
Ibid. p. 241.

*• Rodolf o, cardinal deacon of St. Lucia, in Septisolio, from 1144. — Ibid. p. 230.

" Guido, cardinal deacon of St. Maria, in Porticu, from 1145. — Ibid. p. 217.

'* Giacinto Bobone Orsini, cardinal deacon of St. Maria in Cosmedin, 1144-
1191, afterwards pope Celestine III. — Ibid. p. 259.

** Giovanni, cardinal deacon of SS. Sergius and Bacchus from 1145. — Ibid.
p. 231. The only other cardinal deacon of the name of Giovanni at th6 time of
the Neasham bull was Giovanni Pizzuto, who bore the title of St. Maria Nuova,
1165-1158.— /^^. p. 223.

•* Ottone da Brescia, cardinal deacon of St. Nicholas, in Carcere Tulliano,
1145 — \\D0{1).—Ibid. p. 246. The Neasham bull adds six years for certain to
this cardinal's life.

•* Bonadies de Bonadie, cardinal deacon of St. Angelo, in Pcscheria, from
Wbh.—IHd. p. 249.

" Astallo Astalli, cardinal priest of St. Prisca from 1145 ; from 1158,
Actaldo(?).— Ibid. p. 107. The Neasham bull seems to rectify this last date, and
render it probable that these names belong to one and the same cardinal.

" Gerardo (Bernardo), cardinal priest of St. Stefano, on Monte Celio, from
1159. — Ibid. p. 118. The Neasham bull settles the name as Gcrardo, and shows
that he must have been created some three years earlier, unless these slight dis-
crepancies are held to impugn its authenticity. They should hardly do so, since
the authorities for the dates of these early cardinals appear to be very meagre.

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272 A BULL OP ADRIAN IV.

tft Ego Jobs pbr. card, sanotomm Johannls et P(aiili) et pagii (Pamachii).
4« Ego Jobs. pbr. card. tt. Banctomm Silvestri et martini.'*

Datum Laterani manum Rolandi sancte Romane Ecclesie pbri Cardinalis et
Cancellarii. iii nones Febr. in dictione v. Incamationis dominice Anno m c L vi
Pontificatns vero domini Adriani pp iiii. anno iii.

The bulla has above the heads of Peter and Paul, s PA[nln8],

s PE[tru8], and on the reverse : —

ADRI

ANUS

"ppiv
The following is a translation of the docnment : —

Adrian, bisbop, servant of tbe servants of God, to bis beloved daugbters in
Christ, tbe holy nuns now or in future serving tbe Lord in tbe Cbureb of the
Blessed Mary of Nesbam, and professed in perpetuity to a regular life.

To the prudent virgins who in religious garb with lighted lamps have set
themselves in order to go to meet Jesus Christ tbe true bridegroom. In so much
as they are known to be more inclined to sojourn in tbe service of tbe Lord and
to hasten through good works to the nuptials of tbe Eternal King, so tbe more
benefits to be conferred upon them by the Holy Roman Church. Therefore,
beloved daugbters in Christ, we, of our clemency, assent to your just requests,
and we take under the protection of Saint Peter and of ourselves the aforesaid
monastery, of which by tbe Divine indulgence you are now possessed, and this
we confirm by tbe authority of this present writing. Firstly, decreeing that
inasmuch as the monastic order according to God and tbe rule of Saint Benedict
is known to be established in the same place, that it be there observed inviolate
in perpetuity. Further, whatever possessions, whatever goods the said monastery
at present legally and canonically holds or may in future obtain possession of,
by concession of Pontiffs, by liberality of Kings or Princes, by oblations of the
faithful or by other methods legal before the Lord, they shall remain firmly
secured and unimpaired to you and your successors. Amongst which we have
expressly mentioned : The place in which the before-named cbureb is situated,
called Mahaldecroft,** which Emma, the daughter of Waldef, gave to you; one
carucate of land of the lordship of the said Emma in Nesham, with a moiety of
her offnawarvm^ in cultivated land in meadow and in turbary, and common
pasture of all her land ; the cultivated ground which is called 6adelflat>* ; the
mill upon tbe Kent ; the cultivated ground between the mill and the church. Of
the gift of Engelais one carucate of land ; all your tithes of your lordship in
Nesham whether in corn or otherwise. Of the gift of Halan, son of Torphin.
one carucate of land in Phornetuna.** No one shall prestmie to demand tithes

** Giovanni da Mercone, cardinal priest of S. Silvestro e Martino ai Monti
from \\\b.—lhid. p. 71.

'» In tbe grant to Lawson, 32 Henry VFII., there is mention of * a close called
Madencrof te,' also of * a close called Saddelflat.'

** * Offnamarum.' What is the meaning of this word ?

2* Meant for * Thornetona.' See deed of Henry II. Surtees, Durham, vol. iii.,
p. 238, and in Dugdale's account of tbe monastery mention is made of land
in ' Thornton.'

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RBI^ATIKG TO NBASHAM — TRANSLATION. 278

from the land which yoa have brought under cultivation with your own hands
or by hired labour, or of the food for your animals. We also concede free right
of sepulture at the same place, so that no one shall make any opposition to the
piety or last wishes of those who may have thought of being burled there, unless
perchance they may be excommunicate or under interdict : Saving, however, the
rights of the Mother Church.

We decree, therefore, that it is unlawful for any man to rashly disturb in
any way the said church, either to take away its possessions or to retain them
if taken, to diminish or harass it by any vexatious proceedings whatever ; but
all things shall be preserved whole and unimpaired of those for whose future
government and sustentation they are conceded with use and enjoyment of
all kinds. Saving the authority of the Apostolic See and the canonical rights of
the bishop of the diocese.

If therefore, in future, any person, ecclesiastic or layman, being cognizant
of this our written ordinance, be rashly tempted to act contrary to it with a
eecond or third reminding, unless he make amends for his presumption by suitable
satisfaction, he shall be deprived of his power, honour and dignity ; he will
know himself to be a criminal under divine judgment for perpetrated iniquity ;
he will be debarred from partaking of the most sacred body and blood of God
and oar Lord Redeemer Jesus Christ, and at the last judgment will be subject to
the severest punishment.

But the peace of our Lord Jesus Christ will be with all in this same place
who keep his laws, so that here they will be partakers of the fruit of good works,
and when before the severe Judge will receive the rewards of eternal peace.
Amen. Amen. Amen.

..,..>,\

■t'^illl?-

Leaden bulla op Adrian IY.

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274 FORGOTTEN QUAKER BURIAL GROUNDS :

XVII.— FORGOTTEN BURYING GROUNDS OF THE

SOCIETY OF FRIENDS (Second Paper).

By Mabbrly Phillips.

[Read on the 30th day of November, 1892.]

North Shields.
The paper that I read before the Society in December last^ recorded
* Some forgotten burying grounds of the Society of Friends at Gates-
head, Whickham, Boldon, and South Shields.' This evening I propose
to give some account of grounds that existed at North Shields high
end and at CuUercoats. In the paper refen'ed to I mentioned a meet-
ing that was surprized in 1661 at the house of Robert Linton of South
Shields when all present were taken prisoners by major Graham, the
deputy-governor of Tynemouth castle, * and cast into nasty holes *
within the said castle where they lay a full month, and then were
turned out as no charge was made against them. One of the persons
so confined was George Linton of North Shields, who only survived
his imprisonment a few months. One of the registers at Somerset
House has the following interesting entry regarding him : —

1661. George Linton of North Shields dyed in North Shields &. by the furry
of*the tymes, was by relations & souldiers carry ed away from friends and lyeth
buryed in the down end of Tinemouth kirk, the month & day not certain, but it
was as fifteen thought, in the 11^ or 12*** month.

This inteiment is confirmed by the parish register, although there is a
diflference of two years in the date : — * 166| George Linton of North
Shields buried excommunicate.'

I am indebted to Mr. Horatio A. Adamson for the extracts from
the parish register, and he informs me that this is the only record
there of an excommunicated person being buried.

Subsequently the Society of Friends appears to have opened a burial
ground in North Shields. It was situated in Coach lane directly
opposite Trinity church. It is still intact, separated from the public
road by a high stone wall. For a great number of years no burials

* Arch, Ael, vol. xvi. p. 189.

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1714

1715

1716

1720

NORTH SHIELDS AND CULLBKOOATS. 275

have taken place there. It is now used for grazing purposes. I have
only the record of a few interments, though doubtless the ground
was extensively used : —

Year. Daj. Mo.

Isabella Buston was buried in the burial-ground Noith Shields.
Caleb Turner of North Shields Mercer buried Qpper End North

Shields.
Johan Linton Wife of Robert Linton Upper End North Shields.
Robert Linton of South Shields Upper End North Shields.
Zechariah Tjzack of Tinmouth North Shields Aged 65.
Abagail Wife of Caleb Turner Mercer Upper End North Shields.

From the cash books of the Society Mr. C. J. Spence has favoured
me with the following extracts : —

1720 12™- 16 To mending a spade for ye Graveyards use & other

necessirary charge Laid out 0 0 8

1721 6 9 To cutting y" Grass in the Burying Ground and making

it into Hay and carrying it into y* Meeting-house

Chamber paid 0 2 0

[This is an annual entry.]

1727 4™- 2i^ To mending y« Grave-yards Lock : being oute of repare
4<* Dressing y® Water corse 8** and Salt Pan Rubush
to Lay upon y" Bank to hinder y® beasts coming
into the Ditch 4^ = in all is 0 14

1759 29 5™o- A legacy of £50 from Sarah Chapman of Whitby— in
trust for repairing Y® Meeting house & walls of y®
Burying place of y" Pople called Quakers scituate
in North Shields aforesaid

1782 1 18 to the expense of making a New Door for the Grave

Yard 1 12 9

1783 10 12 to the Expense of repairing Meet» House Grave Yard

waU the Gutter &c 6 211

1789 11 11 D' to Henry Humprey for clearing Grave Yard Gutter

one Year due this day 0 4

1766 12 6 p^ Jno Trench his bill on ace* of y" surrender of y*

Graveyard 6 4 6

1765 10 1 paid for Graveyard Step 10 foot long a 8<» 0 8

Paid for clearing Graveyard Gutter 2 4

[After this date the case of the gutter is an annual charge.]

The payment in 1765 of £6 4s. 6d. to John Trench on account of
the surrender of the graveyard would almost imply a change of owner-
ship, but I have no further infonnation on the matter.

OULLBRCOATS.

George Fox, the great founder of the Society of Friends, paid his
first visit to Newcastle in 1653. Very soon after that time some of

VOL. XVI. J J

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276 FOROOTTBN QUAKER BURUL GROUNDS :

the residents of the then quiet villages of Whitley and Collercoate
must have entered the ranks of that Society, for only eight years after
the date named we have a record of a burial in the ground belonging
to them, *0n the 20 day of the 11 month 1661 Johanna, daughter
of George Linton of North Shields was buried at Cole coates.' She
was presumably a daughter of the (Jeorge Linton who died excom-
municated, and was buried 'at the down end of Tinemouth kirk.*
From this time until 1739 the ground was regularly used.

It would appear to have originated in the following manner, in
1606 Ralph Delaval made confirmation or surrender of lands at Caller-
coats to bis brother Peter Delaval, in which was included Arnold's
close (or Harden close). In 1618 John Delaval of Tynemouth,
gentleman, made a grant in fee to Thomas Wrangham of Arnold's
close, and in 1621 Thomas Wrangham an4 Catherine his wife sold
the estate at CuUercoats called Arnold's close to Thomas Dove of
Whitley and CuUercoats. The MS. from which I get this information
states that ' The Doves were Quakers, and soon after the purchase at
CuUercoats the above-named Thomas Dove enclosed a small portion of
Arnold's close by a high wall which he intended for a burial-place for
himself and family.' I incline to think that it would be some years
after the purchase in 1621 before the ground was enclosed as
Quakerism was hardly known at that date. The ground was most
probably set apart for the purpose named by John Dove (son of the
Thomas Dove previously named) who was himself buried there in
1679. When I first made enquiries of the villagers as to whether any
of them could remember interments taking place, Thomas Armstrong
informed me that about 1820, when he was a lad, he remembered a cab
driving out from Shields, the coffin of a child taken from the same,
and interred in that ground. All the other ' oldest inhabitants ' con-
tended that Armstrong was mistaken, and that no interment had taken
place during the present century. When I inspected the register I
found the following entry : — * Buried John Hewitt son of Robert
Hewitt of North Shields, Unen draper, 3 day 11 month 1818 aged 6
mo.,' showing that Armstrong's statement was correct. This appears
to be the only burial after 1739. The ground is marked in the
Ordnance plan. It was in existence some years after I first knew
CuUercoats, and doubtless will be remembered by many of our mem-

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CULLBR00AT8. 277

bers. It was situated at the north-west corner of the field called

Arnold's close, near to the Harden bum. The groand was maintained

by the Friends at North Shields, as the following entry in their cash

book testifies : —

1819 Sep. 18. Received of the Society of Friends by the payment of Robert
Spence the sum of thirteen pounds being the am' agreed npon for rebuilding the
Grave Yard Wall at Cullercoats. Henbt Ainslet.

There were many head-stones, and more than one table-stone, but
in after years the enclosure became overgrown and dilapidated. It
was a very favourite hiding-place for the youth of several generations
wherein to secure themselves from the vigilance of the village
pedagogue, ' Billy Moffat.'

In 1872 the corporation of Tynemouth desired to extend John street,
Cullercoats, to Marden bum, where it would join Whitley lane. To
accomplish this it was necessary to remove the ancient burying
ground, and the sanction of the Society of Friends was obtained. For
many years the key of the ground was kept by Mr. James Bailey of
Cullercoats, whose wife's ancestors were buried therein. Mr. Bailey
strongly opposed its demolition, so that forcible entry had to be made.
It was arranged that all existing head-stones and what human remains
could be found should be removed to Preston cemetery. I well
remember the operations being carried out, and for several mornings
the hedge bank was bedecked with the skulls and dried bones of mem-
bers of the Society who had been interred some two centuries pre-
viously. The stones were placed agaiust the south wall of the
cemetery, where several of them may yet be seen, and considering
their age and the vicissitudes they have been subjected to some of
them are yet in excellent condition. Whether the stone has been
particularly good or the parity of the air has aided their preservation
I cannot tell, but it is exceptional to find stones in such a good state
that have been exposed to the weather for over two hundred years.
When they were removed to Preston the corporation undertook to be
at the expense of afi^ng a suitable brass tablet to the wall of the
cemetery explaining the cause of their removal. This I regret to say
has never been attended to.

The site occupied by the burial ground may to-day be best
described as on the road a little to the north of the Primitive
Methodist chapel.

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278

FORGOTTEN QUAltBR BUBIAL GBOTJNDS ;

By the kindness of Mr. Smillie, borough surveyor, North Shields,
I have been favoured with a tracing from the plan that was adopted
when the alterations were made.

SITB OF QUAKER BURIAL GROUND, OULLSROOATB.

Would not the present be a suitable time to have the brass tablet
fixed at Preston, and also (if permission could be gained) to have a
stone inserted into the palisading of the chapel, denoting as nearly as
possible the site of this interesting old ground ?

I give a copy of the stones now at Preston as far as I can decipher
them, adding any information I have gathered of the families
named : —

1.— |He]re lieth the body of
John Buston of North
Shields Skinner and
Glover who departed
November y 80th 1710(?)

Aged 68 years.
Blizabeth his daug. buried
1696— Aged 6 years.

In 1684 John Willoughby of North Shields *was committed to
Morpeth gaol by a writ de excommunicato capiendo.^

2.— Here lyeth the Body
of John Willoby An
cor smith in North
Sheels who dep
ed this life the 6 day
of e An • Dom •
[1]689.

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OULLBRCOATS — INSCRIPTIONS. 279

3.— Here Lyeth
The Body of
Martha the
Wife of Lawr
ance Haslam
Who Deceased
The 18(?) Day of
December 1703.
In the 42 year
of her age.

4. — Here lye
the body
Doratha th . .
Wife of John
Frost who
Deceased the
26 Day of
February
169^ In the
39 year of he . .
age.

Three and four are a double stone, the dexter side recording the

death of the wife of Lawrence Haslam, the sinister the wife of John

Frost. Lawrence Haslam was a ship captain. He was one of those

taken prisoners at the house of Bobert Linton at South Shields,

and imprisoned in Tynemouth castle. A most interesting entry from

the records of the Society of Friends shows what staunch advocates

for peace they were even at this early date 2 —

Monthly Meeting. 10 day 11 month 1693.

Lawrence Haslam came to this meeting and friends had some discourse w^
him about his having Guns in his ship, and tenderly admonished him of the evil
consequences of it, and its inconsistency w^ the principle of truth w^^ desire that
he may dwell under the weighty consideration of the matter soe as to come into
the unity of ffriends in his judgement and practice therein, and that ffriends who
have the exercise of truth in this p*ticular upon them, may farther deal w^
Lawrence as in y« wisdom of God they may see necessary and give account to
this meeting.

Haslam was evidently interviewed, and soon after the following

was recorded : —

12 day 1 month 169}. Jeremiah Hunter and Lawrence Weardale having
spoke Laurence Haslam about carrying Guns does certifie this meeting that he
gives them an acco^ that for the satisfaction of ffriends he hath sold his Guns
& is to deliver them very shortly.

Such an entry may catise a smile at the present day, but we must
admire the consistency of the man who for conscience sake could
dispose of his guns when the northern seas must have been infested
with pirates of all descriptions, and good guns must have often
meant the saving of a good ship.

An entry in the register of the Society gives the marriage of
Haslam's daughter : —

1698. John Tyzack son of Zachariah Tyzack of Lowfflatwoith broad glass
maker Sc Dorothy Haslam daughter of Laurance Haslam of No. Shields.

The other side of the same stone records the death of Doratha

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280 FORGOTTEN QUAKER BURIAL GROUNDS :

Frost. In the register her hnsband is described as of North Shields,

formerly of Barlington.

6. — Here lieth th . . .
of Robert C . . .
North Shiel ....
Glouer who ....
this life 20 ... .
And his Daughter ....
who departed this life
the 16 ... .

It is cnrions to find this inscription confirmed by the register
of Tynemouth parish church. Under date 1680, Oct. 8, we have : —
* Robert Carrey of Shields Skinner & Glover buried in Doves buriall
place near Culoucoats, he was drowned in M^ Lawsons sumpe.'

The daughter is probably the child referred to in another extract
from the same parish register: — 'Aug. 19. 1680. Robert Currey
of Shields Skinner & Glover had a child buried I think at Doves
buring place.'

6.— Here lyeth the bod . .
. . . son Henry Aiery
. . . red November the 4
. . . Dominie 167

7. — Here lyeth the body of Thomas
Airey of North Shealds
Intered . . . eober the 27
Anno Dominie (?) 167(?)f.

Stones 6 and 7 record the death of members of the Airey family.
The inscription upon No. 7 is confirmed by Tynemouth parish
register: — * 1675. Nov. 4. Thomas Airey buried (in Jo Doves
burying place).'

A stone (8), much broken and defaced, belonged to the family of
Selby. The Society register contains the following : — ' In 1684
buried Hannah Selby Wife of Robert Selby (of Durham) formerly
the wife of John Dove of Whitley.'

Stones 9, 10, 11, and 12 all refer to the Dove family. As lords
of the manor they were undoubtedly the most influential people in
the place. They are so interwoven with the histoiy of the burying-
place and of Oullercoats that I propose to add a short pedigree and
account of them, and what particulars I have of ' Sparrow Hall ' —
the mansion house that was erected by them.

9.— Hear • lyeth • the
Body • of • B liner .
Dove • Wife • William
... of • Whitley • who
. . . this • life . . .

10.— Here lyeth
the body of
Francis Dove
Daughter of
Thomas Dove
Buried the
Day of July 16S(?)8

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THE FAMILY OF DOVE, OF CULLBRC0AT8, BTC. 281

12. — ^Thomas Dove

11.— Here lyeth
the body
of Ellenor (?)
Dove Wife
of Thomas
Dove who
Departed
this life
ye 2 Mch (?)
16 . . .

departed
this life y®
... of Aprill
. . . Anno . .

Another stone (18), not noyr to be found, marked the tomb of

Margaret Haddock, and was copied by Mr. David Richardson in

1856.

13.— April 5 • 1699
Here lyeth
the body of
Margaret
Haddock Daugh'
. . f Zeph Haddock
. . . eased

The Haddocks married into the Dove family, and will come under
review subsequently.

The Family of Dove, of Tynemouth, Cullercoats,
AND Whitley.

During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries various members
of the Dove family appear to have been considerable landowners, and
to have generally held prominent positions in Tynemouth, Culler-
coats, Whitley, and Monkseaton. Mr. Tomlinson in his account of
Cullercoats says: — *This little fishing village is said to derive its
name from the Anglo-Saxon Culfre Cotes, *.«., dove-cotes.' (Is it
possible that the surname Dov3 could have originated from some
connection with these dove cotes ?) The earliest record that I
have obtained of the family is from a court holden at Tynemouth,
24th April, 1584, for our Lady the Queen, before Mr. Allen, deputy
for the earl of Northumberland ; Mr. Thomas Bailes, surveyor for
the Queen's Majesty's lands in Northumberland ; John Clark of
Alnwick, clerk of the court; among the jurors were Robert Dove
of the age of 48, Thomas Dove aged 68, and others.

My next information is from the will of Christopher Dove of
Tynemouth, made in 1589.^ He names his brothers Oswold and
Robert of Monkseaton, also Robert, jun., son of Robert. He desires

*'' fciee Appendix I.

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282 FORGOTTEN QUAKBB BURIAL GROUNDS :

to be buried in * my parish church of Saint Oswin in Tinemonth.'
His goods are * praysed by four honest men/ and are valued at
£16 16s. 4d. A Robert Dove, whom I take to be the nephew
mentioned in the above will, duly makes his will in 1619.^ He
describes himself * of Whitley,' and desires to be buried in the parish
church of Tynemouth. He leaves his 'new house in Tynemouth
with the bark garth thereto belonging ' to his son-in-law * Gylbert
Middleton and his wife.' To his wife Jane, lands in Tynemouth.
To his son Thomas ' one great iron chimney in the Hall, a Buttery, a
cupboard, and a lead,' etc. He makes his wife Jane and his son
Thomas joint executors. The value of the goods amounts to £164.
Thomas Dove, named in the will, appears to have been an only son.
In 1621, two years after the death of his father, he purchased the
manor of Arnold's close from Thomas Wrangham and Catherine
his wife, who, a few years before, had acquired the same from John
Delaval of Tynemouth, gentleman. The boundaries of the estate
are given as ' On the lower Moss on the West [this is the level
ground a little west of Harden House], and upon a beck called
Harden on the North, and the Sea-bauks towards the East, and upon
a gutter or runny sworle towards the South-East.' This I take to
be the little stream that now flows over the banks just south of the
baths at Cullercoats. ' Host of the present town of CuUercoats
therefore stands upon the land called Arnold's close, granted by
diflFerent members of the family of Dove upon lease varying from
50 to 100 years, but now the land is all bought, and the whole of
the township freehold.'

The HS., from which I get much of my information, says : —
The estate purchased at CaUercoats was simply called Arnold's Close, yet
must not be supposed that what is called Arnold's Close — a field comprising 8
acres of land — constituted the whole of the estate. It is very evident from an
examination of the old deeds of the estate that the land in the field in Tyne-
mouth called Arnold's Close or Maiden Close comprised the greater part, if not
the whole, of the present Manor and Township of Cullercoats, for in the deeds
the boundaries given of Arnold's Close are precisely the present bounds of the
Township of Cullercoats, one of the smallest Manors probably in Northumber-
land, but still a Manor, the Lords of which were the Doves.

Thomas Dove died about 1666, and left three sons, John, Robert,
and William. Eobert the second son was of Tynemouth. In *A

' See Appendix II.

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THE FAMILY OP DOVE OF 0ULLBBC0AT8, ETC. 288

Terrier of lands in the Manor of Tinemouth and Preston in 1649/ a

most interesting account of which is given in vol. xiii. of the ArchaeO'

logia Aelianu by Horatio A. Adamson, Robert Dove appears as a

considerable landowner. In 1674 he was one of the twenty-four of

Tynemouth church. In 1677 he came to Cullercoats, and erected a

house on land leased for 99 years from John and Thomas Dove for lOs.

per annum. He died 18th March, 169f. The baptisms of six of his

children are entered in Tynemouth parish register and shown upon the

pedigree, but I have no further record regarding them. John, the eldest

son of Thomas (born 1620) had extensive business transactions. In

1668 he was residing at Monkseaton, and paid £10 per annum for

his house. In the same year he removed to Whitley, and paid a

rental of £80.^ In 1673 Arthur, earl of Essex, and William Pierpoint,

demise to John Dove for 21 years the collieries at Whitley. In 1677

John Dove with others grants a lease to John Carr of Newcastle,

merchant, of a piece of land forming the pier at Cullercoats. Also

That parcel of ground containing 2 acres of land as the same is now dowled,
Mark'd & set forth That is to say six butts or ridges of Land at the head of
the Bank next the Pier or Key there lately erected & also all that parcel of
ground containing 15 yards in breadth as the same is dowled, Marked, & set
forth for a waggon way or ways in, thro, along the said Close from the upper
Dam belonging to Tynemouth Mill, alias Marden Mill to the Pier head k Top
of the bank.*

The waggon-way here mentioned is interesting, as it must have
been one of the earliest in Northumberland. In 1600 waggons and
waggon-ways had not been invented, but coals were brought down
from the pits in wains.^

The earliest record of coals being delivered by waggon was in 1671
at Teams staiths only six years pnor to the formation of the waggon-
way at Cullercoats.^

The purpose of the waggon-way was to bring the coals from
Whitley colliery to Cullercoats haven where they were shipped. Two
wooden piers, the foundations of which may still be traced, formed a
protection for small ships which were brought at high tide close up to
the bank. The waggon-way came from Whitley colliery down by the

^ Hodgson, Northd. vol. i. part iii. p. 243. Rentals and rates for Northum-
berland with the proprietors.

* See Appendix lU.

• Richardson, Table Book, vol. i. p. 237.
' Richardson, Table Book, vol. i. p. 301.

VOL. XVI. K K

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284 FOBGOTTEN QUAKER BUBIAL GBOUNDS :

south side of Harden burn, past the north wall of the old burial
ground, and then at a point now occupied by Albert place (the
north end of Brown's buildings) turned into the present main street
of Cullercoats, continuing along the west side of the same until it
reached the bank top, where the look-out house now stands. Here
the coals would be shot over the bank in spouts to the vessels below.^

A few years ago when cellars were being excavated for the * New-
castle Arms,' the rails and sleepers of the waggon- way were unearthed.
In many old documents the boundaries of properties are given as on
the east by the front street or waggon- way.®

I have previously stated that I think this John Dove was the
founder of the burial ground. He was evidently an ardent member
of the Society of Friends. He was one of those arrested at South
Shields, and spent one month of the year 1661 a prisoner in Tyne-
mouth castle. In 1675 his children appear to have caused some
uneasiness to the members of the Society, as at the monthly meeting
held 8 day 9 month several friends were desired ' to speak with John
Dove touching his children, and give an account thereof at the next
monthly meeting.' His first wife's name was Mary, she died
20*12*1672, and was buried at Cullercoats. He subsequently married
Hannah^ daughter of Francis Lascelles of Stank. She survived her
husband, and afterwards married Robert Selby, physician, of the city
of Durham.^*^ She was buried in the Cullercoats ground 14-1 1*1684
as Hannah Selby, wife of Robert Selby, formerly wife of John Dove
of Whitley. The ft-agments of a stone are at Preston that recorded
her interment. John Dove died of the flux 20'1*1679, and was interred
at Cullercoats. His will is dated Feb. 22, 1678.ii

• About thirty colliers of 230 tons each were freighted with coals, two and some-
times three being loaded at one tide. Mackenzie, in his History of Northd,y
states that there was a colliery in Union street, North Shields, the owners of
which not being permitted to load their coals at Shields, though the pit was
within a few yards of the river, sent them in carts to Cullercoats, where they
were shipped.

» Extracts from the Will of Robert Southern, January 14, 178J.

All that my messuage & dwelling houses or tenements with their appurten-
ances scituate in Coulercoats aforesaid and now in my own possession &
adjoining unto a parcell of Ground belonging to Mrs. Qilpin on the west and on
the street or waggon way upon the east.

" Deed, February, 1684.

Appointment by Hannah Selby late Dove of her husband Robert Selby
physician to be Tutor and Guardian of her daughter Sarah Dove in case of his
death she appointed her brother M*^ Daniel Los^Ues of Stank.

*' See Appendix IV.

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ARCH. ABL. Vol. XVL (to/cuie p. S85.)

Plate XVIII.

South Front, 1880.

North Front
'Sparbow Hall,' Oullkrcoatb.

[The UluBtntion of the North Front of 'Sparrow Hall' has been kindly lent by Mr. W. W.
author of HUtoricdL Note* oj CulUreoaU, etc]

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'SPARROW HALL,' 0ULLBRC0AT8. 285

Thomas, his son by his first wife Mary, inherits Arnold's close.
Much of his Whitley property goes to Sarah, the child of his second
wife. Thomas Dove, like his father, entered into extensive business
engagements. He married Elizabeth, daughter of Richard Shipton of
Lythe, Yorkshire.

In 1686 he built a mansion house in OuUercoats, where he is said
ever after to have resided. It was a house of goodly proportions. It
faced the north overlooking the Marden bum, and would have a fine
view seawards. At the rear were malt house, barn, stabling, gardens,
etc. By the kindness of Mr. Enowles, I am able to produce a sketch
of the north front as it appeared in 1858. On the apex of the east
gable may still be seen a carving or casting bearing the initials
T.D.E.D. and the form of a bird. There was also until recently a
date upon the back-door lintel, and a representation of a bird. A
dove, descriptive of the name of the builder, was evidently intended,
but the local people took the bird for a sparrow, and for many years
the house has been known as ^Sparrow hall.' It is sadly altered
now. I shall have to refer to it again further on in my paper. A very
interesting account of the old place may be found in the Weekly
Chronicle for October 18th, 1888, by Mr. H. A. Adamson.

As lord of the manor^ Thomas Dove grants a lease in 1682 to
Richard Simpson of Lythe, Yorkshire, to get coal at Cnllercoats, but
I cannot find any information as to whether this project was ever
carried out. Mr. Hudlestone in 1770 states that there is 'a good
band of coal extending through the whole freehold for the working
whereof the late Mr. Dove entered into partnership, but was prevented
carrying it into execution by his death.' In 1690 he sold land at
Cullercoats to John Atkinson of OuUercoats. In 1698 he grants a
lease to Richard Brough and others to get freestone on the condition
that they do not cart any waste or rubbish over the bank during the
term of the said lease, but secure it on the shore, showing that the
quarry must have been close to the sea. From inquiries made I am led to
think that this quarry would be ut the face of the cliff near the clock-
house as from here the stones were wrought for the building of the
present piers.^' This Thomas Dove died in 1704, his will being

'* Mason's Lease for the Qaany, commenciDg September 29th, 1698.

The said Thomas Dove for himself his heirs covenants grants & agrees with

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286 FORGOTTBN QUAKER BURIAL GROUNDS:

dated April 15 of that year. He leaves three daughters and one son,
John, (all nnder age). The manor of Arnold's close is left to his son—
his wife is not named — and his loving brother Henry Hudson,
formerly of Newbiggin, now of Whitley (who married his half-sister
Sarah), is appointed executor. He evidently retained his connection
with the Society of Friends. In 1682 he was one of those deputed ' to
take care to bring in an account of what sufiferings happened to each
particular district meeting.' He was buried in the OuUercoats ground,
a much-defaced stone at Preston most probably marked the resting
place of himself and his wife. John Dove, son and heir of Thomas, is
described as of Wapping, grocer. Two years after his father's death
he, in conjunction with Henry Hudson, promotes a new industry in
Cullercoats by letting a piece of ground * 14 yds. in width, 80 yds. in
length . . . extending from the rock where the gutter runs down
under the banks nigh unto the Key, Pier, or Wharf to Thomas
Fearon of South Shields for the erection of two Salt Pans, with
liberty to load ships, etc., and also to erect above the bank Gamers
and Salters Houses.' The position named is close to the present baths
in Cullercoats haven. The foundations of the salt pans were removed
when the present foreshore was made for the boats.^' In the same
year (1706) John Dove sold the mansion house at Cullercoats (built
by his father and mother in 1686) to Zephaniah Haddock who had
married his cousin Eleanor Dove. Presumably if he were residing at

the said Richard Brotigh William Metcalfe, John King & William Brougb
their Exors &c. that it shall & may be lawful for the said R B &c to break and
uncover what groand they may or shall have occasion to work in the said close
now in the occupation of John Rogers & Partners concerned therin the Free
Stone Quarry now is paying therefore Yearly and every year one Penny for
every square yard of Land so broken ... to continue for the term of nine years
. . . the said R B &c. . . . doth hereby oblige themselves their Exors &c. not to
cart any waste or rubbish over the Bank during the said term but secure it on
the shore.

*' Salt Pans at Cullercoats. Thomas ffearon's Settlement, 1706.

This indenture between Thomas ffearon of Cullercoats W. Dove of Whitley
& Hy Hudson of Whitley &c did let unto Thomas fearon of South Shields in
the County of Durham Salt Merchant, all that parcel of ground containing U
yards in width and 30 yards in length lying and being in p* of Arnold's Close
Extending from the Rock where the gutter runs down under the banks nigh
unto the Key, Pier or Wharf, for the erecting of two salt pans thereon together
with free liberty at all times to load Ship send away & export from the r
pier, all such quantities of Salt as the s** Thomas ffearon should make in tis r
Salt Pans & also to erect & build above the Bank Garners & Salters House Also
to lay Coals thereon to be used & spend in the s^ Salt pans not exceeding 6
yards in breadth & in length to the W^t hedge or Dyke QU the top of the Bimk
or Dam.

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THB FAMILY OF DOVB OF CULLBBOOATS, ETC. 287

Wapping he would not require the house in CuUercoats. In 1710 he
married Mary, daughter of Enoch Hudson of Brunton, who was buried
in the Quig's burying ground, Newcastle, 1715.

I have no record of John's death, but it was certainly prior to
1734. His wife survived him, and subsequently married B. Gilpin.
In some 'Historic Memoranda concerning CuUercoats/ among the
questions asked in 1770 by Mr. Hudlestone regarding the land is
the following : — * If the stone of the Quay &c. since the same was
washed down were not sold or otherwise disposed of by M". Gilpin
for repairs and buildings of Houses in OuUercoats and what right
of ownership she has revived since the death of her late husband
John Dov.e.' The issue of the marriage of John Dove and Mary
Hudson was one daughter, Eleanor, who married the rev. Ourwin
Hudleston of Whitehaven, second son of William Hudlestou of
Hutton John. By this marriage the manor of Arnold's close,
Dought by Thomas Dove in 1621, passed to the Hudlestons. The
various lines of ownership down to the present day are shown upon
the pedigree. In 1770 the rev. Carwin Hudleston opened up negotia-
tions with the duke of Northumberland for the sale of the estate,
when some interesting correspondence followed regarding the owner-
ship of the pier.

I have traced the family and the property that descended from
John Dove (who died in 1679) by his first wife Mary. I must now
revert to Sarah, the child of his marriage with Hannah Lascelles.
In her father's will she was left lands at Whitley. She married
Henry Hudson, second son of Henry Hudson of Newbiggin. The
issue of the marriage was one son, Henry. He married his cousin
Elizabeth, daughter of Robert Ellison of Otterbum. Henry Hudson
owned and resided at Whitley hall. He died at Bath, May 15, 1789,
aged 69, a tablet to his memory being erected in the abbey church
at thskt place. Mrs. Hudson survived her husband many years. She
died in 1815, aged 86, and was buried at Tyuemouth.

Now we return to William Dove, the third son of Thomas, who
purchased Arnold's close in 16:^1. He was bom about 1629, and
was one of those imprisoned in Tynemouth castle, 1661. In 1690
he is mentioned in the Quaker records. He was buried at Culler-
coats in 1690, and lelt several daughters. Barbara married Thomas

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288 FORGOTTBN QUAKER BURIAL GROUNDS:

Fearon, who in 1706 bailt salt pans in Onllercoats. Fearon was
boned at Oullercoats in 1717, aged 89 years and 6 months. Eleanor,
another daughter of William Dove, married Zephaniah Haddock,
24 day 7 month, 1696. The marriage is entered in the register of
the Society. ' Eleanor Dove daughter of William Dove Yeoman of
Whitley married Zephaniah Haddock of North Shields, Oonnty of
Northumberland Shoemaker/ In another place he is styled oord-
wainer. Ten years afterwards Haddock removed to Oullercoats, for
in 1706 he purchased the mansion of John Dove. Mrs. Haddock
died in 1717, and her husband in 1739; they were both buried at
Onllercoats. Zephaniah left three daughters : Barbara, who iparried
John Simpson ; Patience, who married John Heddon ; and Margaret,
who married John Shipley, They appear each to have inherited
some portion of the mansion house, Sparrow hall, and to have held
in common the outbuildings and adjoining ground.

In 1763 an indenture is made dividing the outbuildings, etc.:
Margaret Simpson takes the brew-house ' and that part of the curtain
or waste ground on the north side of the said mansion house extend-
ing from the east side of the back door cheek to the east side of the
north curtain gate, with all the rights,' etc.

Patience Heddon takes the east part of the malting, and waste
ground on the south side thereof, the bam, and one full moiety of the
west end of the curtain behind the mansion from the west side of the
back door cheek to the west side of the curtain gate.

Margaret Shipley takes the west part of the malting, the waste
ground on the south side thereof, the stable, and a moiety of
the west end of the said curtain behind the said mansion house
from the west side of the said back door cheek to the west side of
the curtain gate. The garden with the passage through the said
mansion and curtain behind, and a passage, 8 feet wide, irom west
to east on the front or south side of the malting was to be kept
open for the common use. And it was agreed that in case the said
Margaret Shipley should chuse to build in the curtain behind the
said mansion house, where the old house then stood, it should be
lawfdl for her to build to the height of one storey, with such a good
and sufficient wall that the said John Heddon might build such
conveniences thereon as he should think proper, and that they should

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LIST OP BURIALS AT OULLBROOATS.

be at eqnal expense in covering the said building.' It can well be
nnderstood that each plorality of ownership would lead to many
complications. From time to time gardens and outhouses have been
disposed of and cottages built upon the ground, and the fine passage
way that ran through the house has been converted into rooms.

Bub time laid his hand heavily upon the old building ! In 1887
the roof fell in, and the property was eventually condemned as unfit
for habitation. A local builder, Mr. George Lisle of Whitley, then
purchased certain rights, and jointly with some of the other owners
greatly repaired the place, but almost defacing its original design,
the north front being now the back. Nevertheless, it is interesting
to record that two of the present proprietors, though in humble life,
are direct descendants of the Doves, Richard Simpson, who owns
the east rooms both up and downstairs, and Mrs. Brunton, who
owns the west room upstairs. The course of their descent will be
seen upon the pedigree.^^

There is one member of the Dove family whom I have failed to
identify, namely. Lieutenant Dove. In the * terrier of lands,' pre-
viously referred to, he is named as owning lands. By the kindness
of Mr. 0. J. Spence I am favoured with an interesting entry from
Fox's MS. Journal : — ' Autumn, 1657. From Newcastle we travelled
through the countries having meetings and visiting Friends as we
went in Northumberland and Bishoprick. A very good meeting we
had at Lieutenant Dove's, where many were turned to the Lord and
his teaching.'

List of Bubials in the Friends' Burial Ground at
cullercoats.

Johanna D. George Linton of North Shields.

Alice D. Wm. Dove & Eleanor his wife of Whitley.

Mary Wife John Dove of Whitley.

William S. Joseph Lisle of Whitley & Eliz"* his Wife.

Mary D. William Dove & Eleanor his wife.

John Dove Whitley Died of flax aged 59.

Hannah Selby Wife Robert Selby formerly Wife of John Dove

of Whitley.
Thomas Fearon of Colourcoats.
Robert S. Robert & Isabel Curry.
Jeremiah S John Peel CuUercoats k Ann his Wife.

" See Appendix V.

1661

1672

1676

1679

1684

1686

1690

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290 POEGOTTBW QXTAKBH BUBIAL GROUNDS:

1692 16 10 Jacob S. Robert Storey & Elleanor his Wife.
EUeanor Wife Wm. Dove of Whitley.
Abigail & Marg^ Ds. of Caleb Tennant & Abigail.
Elizabeth D. John Boston of No. Shields Skinner &, Isabel his

Wife.
Temperance Wife of Thomas Baston of North Shields.
Alice Wife of William Ingledew late of Stockton.
Dorothy Wife John Frost No. Shields formerly of Burlington.
Benjamin S. Caleb Tennant k, Abigail his Wife.
Margaret D. Zephaniah Haddock.
William S. Zephaniah Haddock.
Thomas Sole of Linn Died at North Shields.
Elinor D. Zephaniah Haddock k, Eleanor his Wife Aged 3 mo.
Thomas Richardson of North Shields.
Israeli Brown of South Shields.

Joan Robinson Wife of Richard Robinson North Shields.
John Boston.

Ellenor Atkinson Wife William Atkinson Low Lights.
William Dove of Whitley Aged about 86 years.
Zephaniah S. Zephaniah Haddock & Eleanor his Wife.
Barbara The Wife of Thomas Ffearon of Whitley.
Thomas Ffearon of Whitley. 39 & 6 mo.

EUinor Haydock Wife of Zephaniah Haydock of CuUercoatB. 45.)
Shem Peirson Marriner.
Zephaniah Haddock of CuUercoats.
John Hewitt S. of Robert Hewitt Draper of North Shields.

Baths at Cullbrooats.
Copy of letter from R. Robinson respecting the baths at Culler-
coats:—

Boldon, April 22, 1808.
Sir / I have perf <> my promise in copying the lease and sending it to yoo.
Please to ask W Huddleston if he gave any leave to M' Richard Armstrong to
Build Baths below the South Bank at CuUercoats : if not I think it necessary
that he should be informed they are built and been in use last summer. AXao
that the sea banks have fallen in between W™ Shipleys house & one belonging
to him wherein one Loff who keeps an Alehouse lives, but more in danger of M'
Shipleys owing chiefly to the poor inhabitants getting coal at a seam aboTe the
freestone in the Bank. Your obt. servant

R. ROBINBOK.

1692

1694

1695

1696

1697

1699

1705

1706

1708

1710

1713

1714

1716

1717

1727

1739

1818

APPENDICES.

The VIII'*' day of ApriU 1589.

In Nomine Dei Amen, I Xpoper Dove of Tinemouth sick in body yet thank be

god of good & perfect remembranc maketh this my last Will k, Testament in

manner and forme following. First I give and bequeath my soole to Allmightie

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APPENDIX I.— WILL OF CHB. DOVE, OF TYNBMOUTH. 291

god my onely maker sayvour and redeamer Jesus Christ by whose precious blood
death and passion I trust to be saved and my bodie to be buryed within my
parish church of Saint Oswin in Tinemouth my debts legacies and mortuaryes
due and accustomed by la we payed Item I give and bequyith to William Otwaye
my Brother in law the boolez of Malt and he to pay forth of the same to Widow
Dove of Newcastle late wief of Oswold Dove my elder brother deceased 3/4 and
to Agnes Hutcheson and Agnes Fyndeley between them 3/4 I give to Anne Otway
Widow late wief of James Otway deceased 6/8 in money and one bushell of Ots
which I have sowen with her and all the benefit growing and coming thereof.
Item I give and bequyeth to Oswine Doves childer amongst them XX* in money.
Item I will give and bequyeth to 6 childer of William Otway amongst them every
one 20*/- (£6), Item I give and bequyeth to Robert Dove son to Robert Dove of
Monkseaton my Brother three oxen and nag and the one half being my parte of
all kind of corne and grayne sowen with my said Brother Robert Doye of his
tenement in Monkseaton. I give to Robert Oteway the younger sonne of William
Oteway of Tynemouth one foole. Item I give to my Brother Oswin Doves
Daughter in Monckseaton 20»/-. Item I give to Janet Dove my Brother
Robert his Daughter 20"/-. I give and bequyeth to Alyson Hall Dowghter
of Robert Hall of Whitly 10£. All the residuee of my goods not legated k geven
away my debtes and funerell expences payed. I give and bequyeth to Robert
Dove my Brother and William Oteway my brother-in-lawe whom I maik my
Executor of this my last Will and Testament, and they to paye my debts and
dispose the residue for my sowles health. Wytnesses of my sayd Will Richard
Dawson, John Hindmers, Robert Hindmers, Robert Hclme, Edmund Hutchinson
with others

Debit p. defunct Debent.

Imprimus To M' James Vale for one Oxe 60*/-

William Anderson 7<*

Robert Rey for one peck of pease 8**

Lancelot Nicholson Maryner 3/4**

Sum Totalis 54* 7<»

Debit defunct Debent.

Imprimus Agnes Hodgson Widow .. 28'/-

Robert Spearman 9*/-

Mathew Gofton 20/-

Thomas Robinson alias Ember Thorne 4'/-

the same Thomas for one boole of Oots 3/6

Thomas Smyth 3/4

George Yalaley 3/4

Widow Otway late wief of James Otway 40'/-

Henry Smyth maryner 3/4

WiUiam Oteway IP 10/-

Thomas Hall of Monkseaton 6' 6/-

Thomas Atkinson of Preston ?•/-

Sum totalis 23» 16* 6*

VOL. XVI. L L

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292 FORGOTTEN QUAKER BURIAL GROUNDS :

An Inventory of all goods as well moveable as immoveable of Xpoper Dove
late deceased praysed by four honest men that is to say, Richard Dawson,
Thomas Dove of tynemouth Richard Mylnes & Tho' Pryour of Monkseaton.

Imprimos 4 oxen price 6* 13» 4*

Item one horse and one mare 3* 10» 0*

„ „ Stott 12* 0*

„ „ foole 13« 4**

„ my Brasse Pottes price 4* 0*

„ two chargers !• 8*

Item two basins 2* 0*

„ one Almery with a chest 20* 0**

„ half the come on the ground 4* !()• 0*

Summ Totalis W 16" 4*

II.— Will op Robbbt Dove, 1619.

In the name of God, Amen. I Robert Dove of Whitley in the Coy of
Northumberland, my bodie to be buried in the parish Church of Tynemouth I
give and bequeath to my Daughter Barbary Dove fifteen pounds. liem my will
is that my executors shall pay to my Daughter Eatherin Grene 10*/- yearly
during her life natural. Item I give to my Daughter Jane Litster three pounds.
Item I give to Elenor the Daughter of Gylbert Midleton ten pounds, if she live
or else the said ten pounds to be put forth to the use of the rest of her Brothers
or Sisters which shall then living. Item I give to Thomas Otway son of Richard
Otway of Monkseaton forty shillings. Item I give to Katheren Taylor one Cowe.
Item I give to my Daughter Margaret Otway one Cowe. Item 1 give to Jane
Grene Daughter of William Grene of Morpeth one Whye. Item I give my new
house in Tynmouth with the bark garth thereto belonging, to my son-in-law
Gylbert Midleton and his wife and to the longer liver of them. Item I give to
my wyfe Jane Dove my land in Tynmouth during her life natural and my son
Thomas Dove to occupy the same or the one half. Item I give to my son
Thomas Dove one great iron Chimney in the Hall, a Buttrey a cupboard and a
lead with all my husbandrie geare also a table with a form and one feather bed
with furniture ; and all the rest of my goods moveable and moveable I give to
my wife Jane and my son Thomas Dove whom I make joint Ezors of this mj
last Wyll and Testament. Witnesses Gylbert Midleton Rychard Hodgsons,
William Ottwane, Ralph Dove and William Robinson Clerk.

Amount of Inventory £164.

III. — Lease op Waggon- way.

1677, July 30, 29 Chas. II.
A copy of the first lease for the cart way & Pier— 99 years. Rent £5. This
indenture made between John Dove of Whitley ia the Co of Northumb*
Thomas Dove of Whitley Ralph lied worth of Chester Deanery in the County
of Durham on the one part & John Carr of the Town and County of N'Castle
Merchant on the other part Witnesseth that the said &c &c doth lease and let
unto the said John Carr &c &c all that parcel of ground containing 2 Acres more
or less as the same is now dowled Marked & set forthe

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WILLS OF BOBBRT DOVK AND JOHN DOVE. 298

That is to saj six butts or ridges of Land at the head of the Bank next the

Pier or Key there lately erected & also all that parcel of ground containing 16

yards in breadth as the same is dowled, marked, & set forth for a waggon way

or ways in, thro, along the said close from the upper Dam belonging to Tyne-

month Mill alias Marden Mill to the Pier head and Top of the bank k, also

all that parcel of waste ground below the Bank of the said Arnolds close as the

same extended from the High Water Mark to the low water mark or so far as

the sea doth ebb & flow to the utmost bounds whereon the said Key Pier, or

Wharf is now erected & built. And also full & free liberty for him the said

John Carr his Exors, &c., from time to time & at all times during the term

herein after and by these presents granted to lay, place & fix within & through

the 8* parcel of ground, Rails & Sleepers or other Wood Iron or timber for the

making of a sufficient & convenient waggon way with power to employ horses

and men for the said John Carr his Assigns &c to dig and cut gutter trenches in

the said Arnolds close for the conveying away of water from the said way or

ways.

IV.— Will op John Dove op Whitley, Gent.

1678. Gives unto Shipton & Fearon all estate in 4*** part of Colliery & Coal-
Feb. 22. mines at Whitley demised by Earl of Essex & William Pierpoint
together with 4**» part of gins &c.

Also one 4*** part of Pier, Key, or Wharf, with house thereupon
erected and also the whole salt pans built upon the Pier, and also the
4^ part of Mordaunts Close alias Arnolds Close granted unto John Dove
of N'Castle Merchant in trust for him.

Upon trust to raise £500 for Mary Jekyl Widow Daughter Mary £30
Children of Robert M . . . £30.

To pay £100 borrowed of Rich** Shipton.

To Wife Hannah Dove for life Remainder to Daughter Sarah Dove.

Mentions Children of said John Dove by Mary.

Lands to Daughter Sarah on decease of Wife Remainder to heirs of
body of his said former Wife Mary.

In default to his own right heirs.

Unto his eldest Son Thomas all plows wains and Instruments of
Husbandry.

Daughter Mary £10 besides £20.

Daughter Elizabeth £10 besides £20.

Son Henry £6.

Brother Williams 5 Children 20/- a piece.

Unto Sister Jane Lawrence.

Dear Wife Hannah Sole Extrix

v.— CULLEBCOATS.

Indenture made between JoJm Headon of ColovreoB.\A [sic] Mariner 22 Oct., 17G3
and Patience his wife of the 1" part Margaret Simpson of Colourcoats
Widow of John Simpson of the same place Mariner dec** who was Eldest
Son & Heir of John Simpson late of Colourcoats Mariner & Barbara his
wife both dec^ of the second part Margaret SJiipley of Colourcoats afs*
Widow of John Shipley late of the same place Mariner dec* which said
Barbara Patience* and Margaret Shipley were the Daughters of Barbara
Zephaniah Haddock late of Colourcoats Cordwainer dec** of the 3"* part iJ^e ^arrkSf *
& Nicholas Armstrong of Colourcoats aforesaid Gentleman of the 4*^ ^^^"^ simixwn
pt. Reciting that the s** Margaret Simpson John Headon & Patience his * So in dood.
wife & Margaret Shipley were seized of a Malting Brewhouse Stable Barn

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294

FORGOTTEN QUAKER BURIAL GROUNDS :

Dove's maoaioii
hoiue

Curtain

Most be eait

[Sie]

Garden Wa^te Ground ^ premises with the appt®"" therein after particn-
larly ment^ (that was to saj) of & in All that Malting Brewhonse Stable
Bam & Garden with the waste gpround therennto adjoining situate standg
lying & being in Colourcoats aforesaid and then in the possession tenure
and occupation of them the said Marg^ Simpson John Headon & Patience
his wife & Margaret Shipley or one of them all which said premises adjoin
upon or near to the Mansion House in Colourcoats aforesaid which said
Maihsion House and all other the premises therein before par^y mentioned
were late the Estate of the s*^ Zephaniah Haddock And recito that the s^
Margaret Simpson & John Headon and Patience his wife and Margaret
Shipley had agreed to make a partition and division of the premises It is
witnessed & the before menf* premises were conveyed.

1 As to the middle part or share the whole into 3 parts equally to be

divided of the said Malting and Waste Ground on the Soul h side
thereof as the same was set off and divided together with the
Brewhouse and that part of the Courtain or waste ground on
the North side of the said Mansion House extending from the
East side of the back door cheek to the East side of the North
Curtain Gate with all the rights etc To the use ^ behoof of the
s** Margaret Simpson her heirs ^ assign* for ever,

2 And as to All that East part or share of the Malting k, Waste ground

on the South side thereof as the same was set off & divided with
the Bam and one full moiety of the West end of the Curtain
behind the Mansion from the West side of the Back door Check
to the West side of the Courtain gate with all the rights etc
To the use & behoof of the s** John Headon k, Patience his wife
their heirs & assigns for ever.

3 And as to the West part or share of the said Malt^ and Waste ground

on the South side thereof as the same was set off k, divided with

Stable & a Moiety of the West end of the said Curtain behind

the said Marision House from the West side of the said back

door Cheek to the West side of the Cunain Gate with all the

rights etc. to the use and behoof of the said Margaret Shipley

her heirs & ass* for ever.

And as to the said Garden with the passage through the said Mansion

House & Curtain behind the same k a passage of 8 feet wide from West

to East on the front or South side of the said Malting it was agreed to be

kept open & used for the benefit of all the parties And it was agreed that

in case the s** Margaret Shipley should chuse to build in the Curtain

behind the said Mannon House where the old Hovse then stood it should

be lawful for her to build to the height of one story with such a good and

sufficient Wall that the said John Headon might build such conveniences

thereon as he sho*^ think proper & that they should be at an equal expense

in covering the said building.

Thp Deed was executed by John Headon

Patience Headon
& was attested by Margaret Simpson &

Chris. Barker Margarett Shipley

Tho* Richardson

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BLANCHLAND. 295

XVIII.— BLANOHLAND.

By the Rev. Anthony Johnson, Vicar of Healby.

[Read on the 30th August, 1898.]

Blanchland, like Slaley (which some of our members visited on
Friday, the 16th of June, 1893), originally, and until the year 1724,
formed part of the ancient and extensive parish of By well St. Andrew.
On a fine summer's day few excursions can be pleasanter than a drive
through MinsDeracres park, then turning westward along the valley of
the Derwent, or from Slaley over the Bolbeck common — high, wide,
wild, and lonely — until you drop with a rapid descent and pleasant
surprise into the lovely valley of the winding Derwent, and suddenly
discover the charming little village of Blanchland spread out before
you, like an oasis in the desert, with its rich and fertile meadows,
and its massive square-towered church and many other remnants of
monastic buildings, grey with age, a sight to delight the eye either of
an antiquary or an ordinary visitor. In the village itself we see to-day
in the bright, clean cottages every sign of comfort and prosperity, and
we perceive that Blanchland is rightly named ' The Happy Village.*
A hundred years ago it must have presented a very different appear-
ance, for Hutchinson, who visited the place about a.d. 1776, gives but
a doleful account of what he saw. ' By a disagreeable road,' he says,
' in a desolate countiy, we travelled to Blanchland, seated in a narrow
deep vale, on the river Derwent ; a few strips of meadow ground lay
along the margin of the stream, and some cultivated lands skirt the
feet of the hills, whose summits are covered with heath. This is a
very different situation from others I have seen, chosen by the Religious
for the foundation of their houses ; the country around is barren and
mountainous ; the narrow vale in which the abbey is placed, seems in
no-wise suited to the maintenance of its former inhabitants— poverty
for ages past has reigned over the face of the adjacent country. The
scites of religious houses are generally in well-sheltered and warm
situations, where the retirements are surrounded with rich lands.

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296 BLANOHLAND :

This place looks truly like the realm of mortification. . . . The west^
end and tower of the church and the south^ aile of the cross remain ;
the latter neatly fitted up for parochial duty. . . . The towers on
each hand converted into ale-houses ; the buildings which are standing
are now inhabited by poor people, who are perhaps employed in the
leadworks ; the distress and ragged appearance of the whole con-
ventual buildings, being most deplorable ; no one relique of church
pomp remaining. To compensate for the disagreeable review of cells
of poverty, we walked in the levels adjoining the church, when it
happened to be the time of divine service ; the psalm of the congre-
gation, at our distance, had a degree of solemn harmony, which
inspired serious though pleasing reflections; sentiments and ideas
succeeded, which dignify the mind of man, and give him com-
petition with angels.'^

The abbey of Blanchland was founded in a.d. 1165 by Walter de
Bolbeck, and dedicated to the Blessed Virgin, for twelve Premonstra-
tensian canons, with liberty to add to their number. Bolbeck was
the barony of John de Bolbeck in the reign of Henry III. In the
first year of king Edward I. it was held by sir Hugh de Bolbeck, who,
as Camden informs us, fetched his descent by his mother from the
noble barons of Mon-Fitchet. Sir Hugh died without male issue,
and it came to his four daughters, namely, Margery^ who married
Nicholas Corbet, and afterwards Ralph, son of William, lord Grey-
stock ; Alice^ who married Walter de Huntercomb, baron of Wooler ;
Philippa, who married Roger de Lancaster ; and Maudy who married
Hugh, baron of Delaval. Alice and Maud having no issue, the whole
barony was divided between Nicholas Corbet and Roger de Lancaster.
We find a mediety of it in the possession of Robert de Harle of Kirk
Harle, heir of Roger de Lancaster, 24 king Edward III., in which
he was succeeded by sir Ralph de Hastings, his nephew, by his sister
Margaret ; the other mediety belonging to William, lord Greystock,
by Margaret's second marriage. The barony was in the crown in
the twelfth year of queen Elizabeth, a.d. 1569, when a survey was

* The east end and north transept were what he would -see. He had evidently
lost his bearings.

2 What he thought to be the south aisle was really the chancel and part of
the nave ; * the towers on either hand * being the present inn and the old g»t«
tower. ' Hutchinson, Northd, vol. i. pp. 118, 119.

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BBNBPA0T0R8 OF THE ABBEY. 297

taken in which it is stated that ' the Barony of Bulbeck extendeth
into the Towns and Hamletts of Bromehangh, Rydding, Helye,
Shotley, Sl&ylye, and Mynstreacres All which Towns and Hamletts
are veiy well Inhabited with Men of good Service and have very good
fifarms and able to keep much Cattle and get plenty of Corn and Hay
were it not for the continual Bobberies and Incursions of the Thieves
of Tyndall which so continually assault them in the Night as they
can keep no more Cattle than they can Lodge either in the House
or in like safety in the Nights/* On the '21**^ of October, 38th
Eliz. 1596, Henry Widderington held the Manor of Bolbeck as the
10"^ part of a knight's fee and the Manor of Haughton and appur-
tenances, and Humshaugh, certain lands in Burkley [Birtley], Bing-
field, and Stonecroft, Stanely field and Whitingham of the Queen's
Barony of Tindale as one knight's fee. He died 9*^ of March 40*^
Eliz. Henry Widderington son of Edward Widderington his son is
heir.'* The barony of Bolbeck came afterwards into the possession
of the Bakers of Elemore hall, in the county of Durham. It was
sold by George Baker to George Silvertop of Minsteracres, from
whom it has descended to the present lord of the manor, H. T.
Silvertop of Minsteracres.

When Walter de Bolbeck founded the abbey he gave to it the
lordships, demesnes, and advowson of the church of Blanchland,
the appropriations and advowsons of the churches of Harlow, Bywell,
Styford, Shotley, and Apperley, dedicated to St. Andrew, the tithes of
the village of Wulwardhope, and twelve fishes for their table out of
his fishery at Styford, in lieu of tithe-fishes. Lands near Acton, on
Bolbeck common, belonged to the abbey, and it had property also in
the parishes of Wolsingham, Stanhope, and Bolam. The Nevilles
were benefactors of the abbey ; also John de Torrington and Peganus
de Caducis, by deed of gift dated 1270, gave it nineteen acres of
arable land on condition of prayer being offered daily at mass by the
officiating priest for the souls of his family, deceased and living.®
King John, in the sixteenth year of his reign, a.d. 1215, confirmed
all previous benefactions. The mitred abbot, for such was his dignity,

* See a full copy of the survey, Arch, Ael, vol. xiii. p. 110.

* Spearman's Notes, from copy in possession of the Editor.

* Trans, DurhoAn ^ North, Architectl, ^ Archaeol Soc, A.D. 1866, p. 136.

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298 BLANOHLAND :

was summoned as a peer to parliament in the twenty-third year of
king Edward I., A.D. 1295.

In 1322, on the 12th of May, Lewis Beaumont, bishop of Durham,
wrote from Naburn, near York, to the archbishop, asking leave to
bless the abbot-elect of Blanchland, and that permission, to perform
an episcopal act in another diocese, was granted^

In 1859 bishop Hatfield appropriated the church of Bolam to the
abbey of Blanchland, which establishment, in their petition to the
bishop for having its rectorial rights conferred upon them, repre-
sented their monastery as 'standing in a lonely desert which was
rendered less productive than it had formerly been, by its inhabitants
having migrated from it into more fertile parts of the country during
the ravages of a recent plague. They also represented their rents
and proceeds to have become so small and scanty by hostile incur-
sions and incessant depredations as to be unequal to their own main-
tenance, the support of hospitality, and the discharge of other burdens
with which they were encumbered. The deed of appropriation gives
the advowson of the vicarage, the tithes of corn throughout the whole
parish, the manse of the rectory, and other rents and proceeds not
specially reserved to the vicar, to the abbot and convent and their
successors, chargeable nevertheless with the repairs of the chancel;'
finding the books, robes, and other ornaments which had been sup-
plied by preceding rectors ; and with the payment of two-thirds of
all ordinary and extraordinary burdens then or in future coming
against the said church, the vicar for the time being having to pay
the other one-third. The same deed also awards to the vicar a portion
to enable him to live respectably, to pay bis part of the episcopal
rights, and to lodge and entertain wayfaring people, to do which it
set off for him a competent house and buildings, to be awarded by

^ Willemus permissione divina Ebor. Archiepiscopus, Angliae primus, Venera-
bili in Christo fratri domino Lodovico Dei gratia Dunolm. Episcopo, salutem,
et fraterDae caritatis in Domino continuum incrementum. Petitioni et pre-
cibus vestris favorabiliter annuentes, ut fratri Johanni de Staynton, Canonic o,
monasterii de Alba-landa, vestrae Dunolm. diocesios, in abbatem ejusdem
monaster ii electo et confirmato, in aliqua ecclcsia seu capella uostrae diocesioe,
quam ad hoc duxeritis eligendum, manus benedictionis impendere hac vice
valeatis, de nostra speciali gratia, licentiam vobis concedimus per praesentes :
jurisdictione, et jure diocesano, ac dignitate, et ecclesiae nostrae Ebor. ac
successorum nostrorum, nobis competentibus, nobis in omnibus et per omnia
semper salvis. Valete. Data apud 'J'horp prope Sbor., ij idus Maii, anno
gratiae millesimo ccc™** xxij^ Reg. Melton, 462a.

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THB FOUNDATION. 299

one honest man, and repaired and put np by the abbot and convent ;
also the tithe of hay through the whole parish, the tithe of lamb and
wool, of dairies, mills, and fisheries ; all mortuaries, obventions, and
oblations : and the whole altarage of the church, and all small tithes
then belonging to it and its rectors, either by law or custom ; it also
gives to the vicar all the glebe land belonging to the living; the
cottages, houses, and rents in the town of Bolum, on the outside of
the manse of the rectory ; and a pension of 2 marks, payable half-
yearly, by the said abbot and convent.'®

At the time of the dissolution of the monasteries the number of
the brethren at Blanchland was fourteen, and the annual revenue of
the house, according to Dugdale, was £40 Os. 9d., according to Speed
£44 9s. Id.

The Premonstratensians, or white monks, under whom Blanchland
rose, formed an order slightly modified from that of the Augustinians,
based on the same rules, those of poverty and community of goods,
slightly less strict than those of St. Benedict, and was founded by
Norbert, archbishop of Magdeburg, in a.d. 1120.® He was a courtier
and favourite at the court of Henry V., but after a while became im-
pressed with religious sentiments and the vanity and hollowness of
worldly things, and leaving the court he retired to a monastery, clad
himself in sheep skins, and, by the authority of pope Gelasius II.,
travelled the country as a reformer and apostle. He was naturally
eloquent and persuasive in his style of oratory, and had a woAderf ul
power of convincing his hearers of the trath of what he taught.
Struck with the carelessness and irregularities of the priests and monks
of his time, he resolved upon establishing an order that should consist
of men selected for their devout zeal and eloquent speech, who should
combine the functions of the two classes, living together under rule and
in community, and going forth to preach to the people ; and in 1120
obtained papal authority for carrying out his object. When ponder-
ing over the question as to where he should establish his house, it is
said that an angel appeared to him in a vision, and pointed out a
meadow, near Laon, a lonely spot in the forest of Coucy. Hence the
name given to the place was Premonstr^, or, in Latin, Premonstratus,
the foTBshewn spot^ and the brethren were called Premonstratensians.
^ Hodgson, ii. i. 338, and iii. ii. 37. ' Boss, p. 133.

TOL. rvi. M M

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30Q BLANCHLAND :

In 1127 Norbert became archbishop of Magdeburg, but he remained
the supreme head of the order until his death in 1184. The order
spread rapidly, especially in France, and was introduced into England
in 1146, when Newhouse, in Lincolnshire, was founded. A second
house was established at Alnwick in 1150. Dryburgh, in Scotland,
was founded in 1152, and Blanchland followed in 1165. A description
of the daily 'routine of duties of the Premonstratensians will furnish a
tolerable idea of the mode of life within the walls of Blanchland. 'It
consisted of religious exercises, the cultivation of the fields, and the
performance of their household duties ; going abroad to preach, teach,
and vinit the sick and dying ; and reading and copying manuscripts.
The religious services in the church occurred seven times in the day.^®

The Premonstratensians were called white monks on account of
their dress, which was white, that is of undyed wool. They wore &
white cassock with a rochet over it, a long white cloak and a white
cap. The rochet was a garment resembling a surplice, but with
narrower sleeves. The strange appearance of those white-dressed
monks might well have given rise to the name of the place, Blanchland
or Whiteland, as is popularly supposed, but we are assured by the
chronicler Froissart that it bore the name long before the industry of
the monks converted that bleak and dreary desert into a little paradise,
even as far back as the good old days of king Arthur and the Round
Table.

Blanchland occupies such a secluded position among the moors
. that in former days when roads were few it must have been difficult to
approach or discover. Tradition says that when Henry VIIFs.
commissioners came down to dissolve the monastery they lost their
way, and were unable to find the place. The monks, overjoyed at
their escape, most indiscreetly began to ring their bells, and the sound,
piercing through the still air in the hill country, reached the ears of
the foes, who were still too near, and guided them to the spot. There
may be some truth in the story, but it is more probable that the
sounds heard by the commissioners were those of the bells calling the
monks to prayer. To the lovers of folk-lore, however, it may be
worthy of notice that the tradition appears in another form. Once,
, it is related, a party of Scotch freebooters paid an unwelcome visit to

'® See Ross, Ruined Abbeys of England^ p. 133.

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THB DISSOLUTION. 801

the neighboarhood in search of plunder at the abbey, but, losing their
way in a mist on the fells, were on the point of abandoning their
adventure, when, on what is still called * Dead Friars' Hill,' their ears
were caught by the unusual sound of the sweet church bells ringing
the monks to their evening prayer, and by these sounds they were
guided to the abbey, where they murdered several of the monks and
carried off all the valuables they could discover.

By the statute passed in 1536 for the dissolution of the smaller
monasteries, all congregations of religious persons under the number
of twelve, or of a less annual value than £200, were granted to the
crown absolutely. Henry VIII. was empowered by the statute to
refound such houses as he thought fit. As a rule, he does not appear
to have availed himself of the privilege, but in the case of Blanchland
he made a rare exception. Probably the commissionera had given
him a favourable report of the moral tone of the house and the good
work done in a desolate neighbourhood by the monks of Blanchland.
At all events, he professed to have such a knowledge of the abbey
as induced him to spare it from the general plunder, and leave it
unmolested in its privileges and in its works of piety and charity.
This is proved by a Latin document in the treasury of the dean
and chapter at Durham, entitled ' An Exemplification of King Henry
VIII«»'» Refoundation of the Abbey of Blanchland, Jan. 30«^^ 1636.
Granted by Queen Elizabeth June 10, 1589, to Oswald Mitford Gent.'

Thus we see that Blanchland was spared in the first attack upon
the monasteries, but in 1539 came the final dissolution, and Blanch-
land fell with the rest. ^ 1546, June 4**». Henry 8^ grants to John
Belloe and John Broxholm the site of the late dissolved Monastery of
Blanchland with its appurtenances to be held of the king in capt. as
^ of a knight's fee payable yearly at Martinmas 18/3^. The grant
comprises one close called Westheugh Eastheugh Middleheugh Cole-
field East Park Ensbury Dogger Childer Wolcross Everyshaw and
pasture in Blanchland.' ^^ Before long the abbey lands were again
attached to the crown, and, as shown by the endorsement of the
above-mentioned document, were granted by queen Elizabeth to
Oswald Mitford. After passing to the crown again they were sold
to the Forsters, and remained in that family until they were purchased
" Spearman's Note%^ copy in possession of the Editor.

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802 BLANOHLAND :

by lord Crewe, bishop of Durham, who left them in trust for charitable
purposes. His trustees, now in possession, are lords of the manor,
and patrons of the living of Blanchland.

In 1724 when Shotley was separated from the old mother-church
of Bjwell St. Andrew, Blanchland (or Shotley High Quarter) was con-
stituted part of the new parish, and so remained until 1752, when it
became a separate benefice, under the joint action of lord Grewe*8
trustees and the governors of queen Anne's bounty. At that time,
however, the more distant township of Newbiggen was allowed to
remain as part of Shotley parish, and it was not until 1891 that this
omission was rectified. A commission, on which I had the honour of
acting, had been appointed by the bishop to enquire into the
boundaries of parishes in the rural deanery of Corbridge and suggest
improvements. The result of our deliberations was (inter alia) * The
separation of the northern portion of the township of Newbiggen from
the parish of Shotley, and the annexation of the same to the parish of
Whitley. The separation of the southern portion of the township of
Newbiggen from the parish of Shotley and the annexation of the same
to the parish of Blanchland.'^^

The Rev. J. 0. Dunn, the present vicar of Blanchland, has kindly
furnished me with the following dimensions and other details respect-
ing the abbey church. ' It consists of a chancel, measuring 28 feet 2
inches by 27 feet, and a nave, measuring 84 feet by 27 feet — total
length, 62 feet ; and a transept running to the north, measuring 80
feet 6 inches by 23 feet, and terminating with a massive twelfth
century or Early English tower, measuring 16 feet by 17 feet. A
baptistery, built on the foundation of the chantry chapel, in which
stands the ancient font, is on the east of the transept, and was erected
in 1854, during the incumbency of the late Rev. 0. Thorp. One
could easily imagine that it was once a magnificent cruciform church,
though we may be nearly certain that the present form is the original
form, wanting only the remainder of the nave. After the suppression,
during the reign of Henry VIII., it appears to have gradually become
a ruin.' In 1752 lord Crewe's trustees repaired it, and again in 1815.
The east end was rebuilt in 1884, during the incumbency of the late
Rev. 6. M. Gurley, when three lancet windows, with monolithic
" See London Gazette, Feb. 27, 1891.

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PAINTED GLASS, GRAVE COVERS, ETC. 808

colnmns, 11 feet 4 inches in length, the produce of a neighbouring
quarry, took the place of the square window that had become dilapi-
dated. At the same time also a ceiling of pitch-pine was placed over
the chancel and nave. On both the north and south sides of the
chancel there are two lancet windows, seemingly of some antiquity.
The nave and chancel are otherwise severely plain in appearance.
Looking towards the transept and tower two handsome and lofty
arches meet the eye, and one does not often find a finer arch than that
of the tower. The arches on the east side of the transept appear to
belong to the same period as the tower. The windows in the lower
portion of the tower, both outside and inside, are most worthy of
attention. The tower was evidently a place of refuge, as its strength
and solidity and the immense bolt spaces betoken.

There are traces of detacted buildings on the east and west of
the tower ; that on the west existed and was occupied by an ancient
dame, who is still remembered. There is a trace of a doorway in the
south wall of the nave, which probably led into the refectory. The
sedih'a, of which but little remains, were restored with plaster some
few years ago.

The east window on the left contains a remnant of stained glass,
representing a Premonstratensian monk in the attitude of prayer;
the words *Sancta Maria' are inscribed on the scroll. The centre
window has a small representation of the Crucifixion, surrounded by
the sacred symbols of the Passion. There is another small figure of a
saint, kneeling in prayer, in one of the lancet windows on the south.

The other minor points of interest in the interior are five ancient

sepulchral slabs: — (1), in the baptistery, a stone with a crozier ; (2),

also in the baptistery, a forester's tomb, inscribed Robertus Egylston,

with bow, arrow, horn, and sword ; (3), another forester's tomb, with

the initials "T.E.," possibly Thomas Egylston, and an arrow, bugle,

and sword ; (4), a cross ; (5), the abbot's tomb, with chalice and

crozier on either side of a large cross ; the three latter are now

arranged alongside in the transept. The Bible dates from the year

1727, and contains the following entries by lord Crewe's trustees on

the fly-leaf :—

(1) A Bible, A Common Prayer Book, A Carpet for the Communion Table,
A Linnen Cloth for the same, and a Napkin, with a Sarplice, given to the
Chappel at Blanchland by the Rev. S' Jo. Dolben & Dr. Eden, Executors of the

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804 BLANCHLAND :

Late Lord Crewe. Nov. 24, 1735. Durham. Nothing of these to be used
at Shotlej Chnrch. Thos. Eden.

(2) A Bible and a Carpet for the Communion Table and a Linning Cloth
and a Napkin, allso a Common Prayer Book, and a Surplice given by Sir James
Dolb** and Dr. Eden for the use of Blanchland Chappie. The above not to be
used at Shotley. Durham. Dec. 5th. 1748.

A handsome oak reredos and side panels have been lately erected
by the Rev. B. G. R. Hale, in memory of the late vicar, the Rev. 6. M.
Gurley, his uncle. The charchyard lies to the west and east of the
bnflding, and is well planted with trees. In it is an ancient cross,
abont 7 feet high, of slender form, with open floriated head, which is
worthy of notice.

There is a tradition which tells us that an undergronnd passage
runs from the bottom of the tower steps to the old fort, some qnarter
of a mile below the village on the bank ^f the river : no one, however,
has yet verified this tradition, but probably, like many more, it has no
foundation.

The church plate has been fully described by Mr. Blair in Proceed-
ings (vol. iii. p. 267).

Blakohland Registers.
The registers begin in 1 758, and are all in good condition. The
first is on parchment, the rest are on good strong paper.
I. Contains baptisms from 1758 to 1801.
„ marriages „ 1758 „ 1804.
„ burials „ 1758 „ 1801.
„ banns „ 1758 „ 1804.
The first baptisms are : —

1763. March 4. Baptiz'd George Son of Tho*. Beck & Hannah
his Wife Blanch'^.
„ March 14*»». Baptiz'd John son of Tho. Ward of Coathouse.
„ April 14^*". Elizabeth daughter of Rlch^ Hntchinson of the
Hope.
The first marriages are :—

1753. Apr^ 24^. Isaac Liddle and Hannah Maughan.
„ Apr* 27"*. Joseph Watson and Bridget Thompson.
„ Do. 29***. John Baron and Mary Bowman.

The first burials are : —

1763. Apr* 29*»». Buried Hannah daughter of Rob*. Ward of Hill-
house.
„ May 19***. Joseph son of John Ward of Bumshield Haugh.
,, Do. 20***. Edward son of Tho. Beck of Blanchland.

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ARCHAEOLOGIA AEUANjI, Vol. XVI; iofacep.304.

PuLte XXII.

G, T Brawn, Pifoto.

Cross in Blanchland Churchyard.

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RBGI8TBRS ; VICARS AKD CURATES. 305

II. Oontains baptisms from 1802 to 1812.

„ marriages „ 1805 „ 1812.

„ burials „ 1802 „ 1812.

In this register the following entry is made : —

Londini Fecit 1754
Messrs Lister and Thompson
This Bell fell down on Sunday 25'** of November 1877 — Was recast by Thomas
H. Watson, High Bridge Works Newcastle upon Tyne. Mounted again on Tues-
day 19th day of February 1878. At the same time the floor of the Belfry was
relayed with new Timber at the expense of My Lord Crewe's Trustees, making
it all to be in gooi and substantial! repair.

G. M. Gurley, Vicar.
William Taylor.
Thomas Xley.

When the fragments of the broken bell were recast an extra cwt.

of metal was added to give a deeper and richer tone to the new one,

which weighs 6 cwts.

There is a tradition that the pre- Reformation bells were carried

off to Hexham at the time of the dissolution of Blanchland abbey.

on the park pasture and of the ^ Terrier describing House, Lands and

other Premises belonging to the Living of Blanchland, extracted from

the Registry of the Consistory Court of Durham, 1792.' For these

two entries see Appendices II. and III.

III. Contains baptisms from 1813 to 1861.

IV. „ „ „ 1861 to present date.

V. „ banns and marriages from 1818 to 1887.

VI. „ burials from 1818 to present date.

VII. „ marriages from 1838 to present date.

VIIL „ duplicate of VII.

Blanchland Vicabs and Curates.

1758-1777. Thomas Hudson, perpetual curate. He was the
first incumbent of Blanchland after it became a
separate parish.

1777-1804. Hudson Bamett, curate.

1804-1827. Richard Wallis, curate. In the 'Ecclesiastical
Directory ' for 1822 he is named as curate of
Blanchland, and stated to have been instituted

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306 BLANOHLAND :

in 1804. He was also curate of South Shields.
Uader him were sub-curates: —

1811-1818. Jonathan Jopling.

1814-1827. J. Ireland.

1827-1850. Robert Harrison, curate, under whom were eub-
curates : —

1827-1829. John 0. B. Hall.

1829-1831. B. H. Hopper.

1832-1835. John Greenwood.

1836-1840. James Boucher.

1840-1843. Samuel Payne.

1845-1846. F. T. Altree.

1846-1849. WiUiam Sawere.

1849-1850. George Hustler.

Near the abbot's tomb in Blanchland churoh lies a
sepulchral slab to his memory, bearing the follow-
ing inscription : —

Robert Harriflon B.A.
Curate of Blanchland
Died at Lastingham, Yks. A.D. mdccgl :
Aged Lxxvii years.

1850-1855. Charles Thorp, curate or vicar
1855-1863. John Gibson, vicar.
1863-1887. George Marshall -Gurley.
1887-present date. John Charles Dunn, B.A.

APPENDICES.

I. — An Exemplification of the Refoundation of the Abbey of Albalanda or
Blancheland by Henry 8"» King of England 30"> Jan. A-D. 15S6,
granted to Oswald Mitford gentleman by lady Elizabeth Qoeen of
England IS^** June 1589.

Elizabeth by the grace of God of England France and Ireland Queen
defender of the faith &c. To all to whom the present writings shall oome
greeting. We have inspected a roll of certain letters Patent of lord Henry 8*^
late King of England oar very dearly beloved father inroUed in his Rolls ol
Chancery and [inrolled] in our Rolls of Chancery remaining on recoid in these
words The King to all to whom &c. greeting. Whereas by a certain act in our
Parliament at London on the 3"* day of November in the 21"* year of our reign
begpin and then adjourned to Westminster and by divers prorogations onto and
into the 4^ day of February last past continued and then held there (amcmg
other things) it stands enacted that we should have and enjoy for ourselves and
our heirs for ever all and singular the monasteries Priories and other religions

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APPENDIX I. — REFOUNDATION OF THE ABBEY. 807

houses of monks canons and monials by whatsoever kinds or diversities of habit
rules or orders called or known which had not lands tenements rents tithes
portions and other hereditaments beyond the clear annnal valne of two hnndred
pounds the said clear annual value of the said monastries and Priories to be
taken and preserved according to the clear value certified in our Exchequer.
And in similar manner that we should have and enjoy for ourselves and our
heirs all and all manner of sites and circuits of the same religious houses. And
all and singular manors Granges messuages lands tenements reversions rents
services tithes pensions portions advowsons patronage of Churches Annuities of
Chapelries rights entries conditions and other hereditaments whatsoever to the
same monasteries Priories or religious houses not having as aforesaid lands
tenements or hereditaments beyond the aforesaid annual value of two hundred
pounds pertaining or accruing as fully and entirely as the abbots Priors Abbesses
and other Gtovemors of this kind of Monasteries Priories and other religious
houses have hitherto had them or ought to have had them in right of their
houses To have and to hold all and singular premises with all their rights
benefits jurisdictions and commodities to us our heirs and successors for ever to
be employed and used henceforth for our proper pleasure. And whebeas
however in the aforesaid Act it is provided that we at any and whatsoever
time after the provision of that act may be able and may be empowered
for our good pleasure to ordain constitute and declare by our letters Patent
under our great Seal that these and such of this kind of aforesaid religious
houses which we had wished to be suppressed and dissolved may exist persist
stand continue and remain in their same bodies corporate and in their same
essential state quality condition strength and effect as well in possesssions
as otherwise just as they ware or would have been before the provision Of
the aforesaid act for the suppression or dissolution of the same or any part
thereof on the ground and authority of the same act and that any such
ordination or declaration of this kind by us thus to be made and ordained
shall be good secure effectual to the Chapters Governors of this kind of
religious houses which we might have wished to be suppressed and dis-
solved and to their successors next after them and according to the tenors
and effects of letters Patent to be provided thereto any other thing or any
other things in the aforesaid act contrary thereto notwithstanding just as in
the aforesaid act (among other things) is more fully contained Bt yibtue of
which act however the Monastery or Abbey of the blessed Mary of Albalanda or
Blancheland in the diocese of Durham in our county of Northumberland by rea-
son that it hath not lands tenements rents tithes portions or hereditaments
beyond the said clear annual value of two hundred pounds as certified in our
said Exchequer and there plainly doth appear in our hands and at our dis-
posal now the question arises whether it should be dissolved according to the
form and effect of the aforesaid act or remain and continue in its pristine and
essential state condition and quality just as it was before the provision of
the aforesaid act Wb wishing the said Monastery or Abbey of the blessed
Mary of Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid for divers causes and considera-
tions at present specially known to us to remain and continue in its pristine
essential state body condition and quality jast as it was before the provision of
the aforesaid act and as it would be if that act had not passed Be it known
VOL. XVI. N N

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808 BLANOHLANB :

THBBBFOBB that we for favour which we bear and have towards the Monasterj
or Abbey of the blessed Mary of Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid because
it doth not extend in its lands tenements and other hereditaments to the annual
value of two hundred pounds in the county aforesaid of the Premonstratensian
order in the diocese of Durham. And that the abbot and religious persons of
the same Monastery may the more devoutly attend to the celebration of divine
worship there and the more copiously exercise Hospitality and other works of
piety there, Ov our special grace and exercised knowledge and our mere motion
we have ordained constituted and declared and by these presents as far as in us
lies do constitute and ordain and erect and renew that the Monastery or Abbey
of the blessed Mary of Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid shall for ever continue
staod and remain in its same body corporate and in its same essential state grade
quality and condition as well in possessions as in all other things as well spiritual
as temporal and mixed just as it was at the time of the provision of the aforesaid
act or at any time before the provision of the aforesaid act without any suppres-
sion or dissolution of the said Monastery or Abbey of the blessed Mary of
Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid or of aoy part or parcel thereof by virtue
and authority of the aforesaid act. And fubthbb of our more copious special
grace we have granted and by these presents do grant that William Spragen
professed of the Premonstratensian order may be henceforth Abbot of the said
Monastery or Abbey of Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid henceforth to be
held reputed accepted in the same manner form qaality grade condition dignity
state and power as the same William was on the 4^ day of February last past
or before And that the Afobbsaid Wiluam and the religious persons
aforesaid and all their successors may have and shall have in this manner also
the same succession in all things and by all means just as before the said 4^ day
of February last past they had or ought to have had and just as they would have
ought to have C3uld have and would be able to have if the aforesaid Act had
not been passed. And that the aforesaid William by the name of Abbot of the
said Monastery or Abbey of the blessed Mary of Albalanda or Blancheland
aforesaid and his successors Abbots of the said Monastery or Abbey of the
blessed Mary of Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid may be henceforth
persons liable to implead and be impleaded in all pleas suits complaints
actions petitions as well real as personal and mixed and others whatsoever
in whatsoever courts and places and before whatsoever Judges or Justices
as well temporal as spiritual albeit it may touch us and our heirs, and
for the doing exercising and executing of all and singular other things
whatsoever as Abbots of the said Monastery or Abbey of the blessed Mary of
Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid just as they might have done and would
have been able to do before the provision of the aforesaid act and just as they
might have done and would have been able to do if the same act had by no
means been passed and published. And that the afobbsaid William
and the religious persons aforesaid as Abbot and Convent of the Monastery or
Abbey of the blessed Mary of Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid and their
successors Abbots and Convent of that Monastery or Abbey may have enjoy and
hold and may be able and empowered to have for ever all the aforesaid
Monastery or Abbey of the blessed Mary of Abalanda or Blancheland aforesaid
likewise the church the belfries site cemetery ground surrounding precinct and

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APPENDIX I.— BBPOUNDATIOK OP THE ABBEY. 809

drcnit of the same chnrch and all and singular our Manors messoages lands
tenements rents reversions services possessions perpetuities and hereditaments
whatsoever Likewise commodities ornaments jewels goods and chattels and
other things whatsoever as well spiritual as temporal to the same Monastery or
Abbey in whatsoever manner accruing or pertaining in the same manner and
form as they would have enjoy and hold and would have been able and
empowered to have enjoy and hold if the aforesaid act had not been passed and
published. And fob the greater security of and in the premises to be held by
the aforesaid Abbot and Convent of the Monastery or Abbey of the blessed
Mary aforesaid and their successors Bb it Known mobeoyeb that we
of our more copious special grace have g^ven and granted and by these
presents do give and grant to the aforesaid Abbot of the said Monastery
or Abbey of the blessed Mary of Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid and
the Convent of the same place all the said of the Monastery or Abbey [tatuin
dictum Monoiterii sive Abb'ie] of the blessed Mary of Abalanda aforesaid and
all and singular Manors messuages lands tenements woods underwoods rents
reversions services Knights' fees Wards marriages reliefs escheats parks [or
pounds] Warrens pools vinaries fisheries cottages rectories vicarages advowsons
patronage of churches chapels and Chantries glebelands pensions portions tithes
oblations court leets views of frank pledge liberties jurisdictions franchises and
other rights possessions and hereditaments whatsoever and all goods and cbatells
belfries jewels ornaments and other things whatsoever to the same Monastery
or Abbey accruing or pertaining And which the aforesaid Abbot and Convent
on the 4^ day of February last past or before or afterwards in right of that
Monastery or Abbey had held or enjoyed, and which by reasonand virtue of
the aforesaid act came and ought to come into our hands as fully and
entirely and in as ample manner and form as the said Abbot and Convent
on the said 4^ day of February last past and before the provisioti of the
aforesaid act in right of the aforesaid Monastery or Abbey had held or
enjoyed them and as fully and entirely and in as ample manner and form
as they by reason virtue force and authority of the aforesaid act came and ought
to come into our hands or now exist or ought to exist in our hands. To have
AND TO HOLD the aforesaid Monastery or Abbey of the blessed Mary of Alba-
landa or Blancheland aforesaid and all and singular other premises with all their
rights appurtenances and commodities to the aforesaid William Abbot of that
said Monastery or Abbey and the Convent of the same place and their successors
in pure and perpetual alms of us our heirs and successors as of our foundation
and not otherwise. Bents of lands and tenements and other premises and ser-
vices therein to them and to whomsoever of them due and of customary right to
be paid and done to the Chapter lords. Provided always that the aforesaid
Abbot and Convent with unanimous consent for themselves and their successors
by these presents do grant to us and our heirs that the aforesaid Abbot and Con-
vent and their successors for ever shall pay or cause to be paid to us our heirs
and successors all tithes portions and first fruits as often as they shall have
happened to fall due in the same manner and form as if the said Monastery or
Abbey had never been suppressed dissolved or given to us by the aforesaid Act,
and according to the force form and effect of a certain act of Parliament pub-
lished and provided for tithes and first fruits. And the said Abbot and Convent

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310 BLANOHLAND :

do grant by these presents that they and their successors for ever well and tidth-
fnlly will guard and observe all and all manner of rules ordinances conditions
and Statutes by us as Supreme Head of the English Church or our Ministers
and our successors concerning or touching for the time to come the good rule of
the said Monastery and the religious men of the same Monastery to be pioTided
' assigned and appointed. To that intent that express mention &c In testimony
whereof &c Witness the King at Westminster the 30^ day of Januaiy in the
28th year of King Henry 8^ Bt the King Himself ice

We however have caused the tenor of the aforesaid roll to be exemplified by
these presents on the requisition of our beloved subject Oswald Mytford Gen-
tleman.

In testimony whereof we have caused these our letters Patent to be made.
Witness Oubself at Westminster the 5*^ day of June in the 82»* year of our
reign. S. GBRBABD.

Bx«nined by uBJjf---*^--} clerks

IL — To the Venerable the Archdeacon of Durham and the other Trustees of
the late Lord Crewe, The Lords of the Manor, & Patrons of the living of
Blanchland.

The respectful Memorial of the Bev<* Bob^ Harrison Licumbent of the said
Living, sheweth.

That a Portion of the endowed emoluments of his Incumbency arises from
Four stints on a Common Pasture, called the Park Pasture, in the Parish of
Blanchland, & that the Privilege of Thirty-Two other Stints is enjoyed, in com-
mon with himself, by Cottagers, Tenants of the said donors ;

That a considerable Part of the said Pasture is of great natural Fertility, and
capable of being rendered highly productive, but from the poverty of some, and
disinclination to incur any Expense in its improvement on the part of other
claimants, it is become little better than the adjacent moors. That to obviate
this evil, according to the various Parties interested, your late k present Steward
have kindly accommodated us vrith the Eatage of another Pasture, called the
Rope Field, at a low Rent, with the hope of thereby silencing complaint, which,
tho* not without foundation, has been altogether occasioned by a want of
Unanimity among ourselves ; that hope unfortunately, however has not been
realised, and the intended remedy has failed to produce the contemplated effect.

Your Memorialist, therefore, humbly suggests, that it would conduce much
to hia satisfaction, & eventually to the Benefit of the living, if the Patrons would
either assign to him a definite part of the said Park Pasture in lieu of his Privi-
)o.^, or, what could be accomplished with greater ease, and at a much lighter
expense, would commute his Four Stints for such a Portion of the above named
Rope- Field, as their Steward might award as a fair Equivalent for it.

Tour Memorialist takes the liberty of adding, that his main object in making
this suggestion is that by having an exclusive Field for his operations, an

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APPBNDIOBS II. AND III. — TBRBIBB, ETC. 811

opportunity would be afforded him of shewing the result of much thought on

Agricultural Improyement, whereby his present Colleagues might witness such

a practical proof of the capability of rendering a barren subject fruitful, as might

induce them to set to work with their own ; & at the same time, while it improved

the value of the Living to his Successors, might infuse into the whole Tenantry

of the Estate a spirit of Improvement, which would be at once creditable to

themselves, and alike beneficial to their Country and their Landlords.

Your Memorialist cannot conclude, without acknowledging the deep sense of

obligation he entertains for his Patrons former acts of kindness to him, and

subscribing himself, with no common pleasure.

Their gratefully faithful Servant,

ROBT. Habbison.
[This petition was granted.]

lEL — The copy of the Terrier describing House, Lands, & other premises
belonging to the Living of Blanchland.
Extracted from the Registry of the Consistory Court of Durham.

Blanchland Terrier.

1. The Parsonage House is built with stone k lime k covered with slate,
contains eight rooms the "Floors of the Pariour & upper Rooms are boarded the
Rooms also are ceiled the Floors of the Kitchen & the other two low Rooms are
stone the Kitchen only is ceiled there are adjoining the House on the west side
a stable k cowhouse with a Hay loft above built with stone & lime & covered
with slate 26 feet by 15 & 15 feet in height there are also a Brewhouse k Coal-
house built with stone k lime k covered with slate the one 13 feet by 10 the other
13 feet by 6.

2. There are two Meadow Fields adjoining the House on the east side con-
taining in the whole near 9i acres border upon the High road on the south there is
a wood on the east k north sides k the west side joins the village these Fields
have a right of 4 Stints in the east Pasture of Blanchland commonly called the
Park pasture there are three gardens the Fences are walls k Quickset no Trees
growing on the Churchyard. There are 30 ash k sycamore trees growing upon
the glebe. There is a Farm called Blackburn in the Parish of Slaley belonging
to this Curacy containing 93 acres. There are also proper Houses &c upon the
Farm.

8. No Tythes due to the Minister.

4. The Trustees of the late L** Crewe give the annual sum of thirty pounds to
the Minister of this Curacy I do not know whether any Deed has been executed
no Pension payable out of the Living : no stipend or allowance to the Minister
of a Chapel no Custom established to the expence or charge of the Incumbent.

5. This Parish is subject to the Customary payment of four pence annually
to the Minister for each Family commonly called Easter offerings ; the annual
sum of thirty pounds is also paid to the Minister by the Trustees of L<* Crewe.

6. There is belonging to this Church a crimson coloured Cloth also a Table
Cloth k Napkin for the Communion Table ; a crimson coloured cushion k Cloth
for the pulpit, one Bell two silver plated Flaggons one silver Cup k plate ;
(Blanchland 1763) is inscribed upon the Cup k plate no weight marked there-
upon no Books have been left to this church or Parish.

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812 BLANOHLAND :— APPENDIOES.

7. No LaDds or Money in stock for repair of the Ohnrch or Utensila.

8. The Parish is charged with the repair of the edificies & Churchyard Fence.

9. The Trastees of L^ Crewe gvre the Annual sam of £2 28 to the Clerk the
remaining part of his & the Sexton*8 wages by Costom paid by the Parish k are
appointed by the Minister.

This is a just k accurate account of ererything required in the Terrier rela-
tive to the Curacy of Blanchland.

Witness our Hands this 14^ day August 1792.
Hudson Bamett, Minister.
Christopher Forster | churchwardens.
Bob* Oliver /

William + Makepeace. William Lowes.

John Lambert. Ambrose Green.

Jo»hua Archer. Edward Blenk.

Jo' Makepeace. Jonathan Lee.

Cuthbert Johnson. Thomas BelL

William Routledge.

Duly compared and examined with the original.

John Burrell,

Dep. Beg.
The above is a Faithful transcript of a Copy of the original taken this 20"»

day of March 1846.

William Oliver, Parish Clerk.

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THE ROMAN ALTAB TO THE GODDESS ' GABMANGABIS.* 318

XIX.— ON THE ROMAN ALTAR TO THE GODDESS GAR-
MANGABIS, FOUND AT LANOHESTER (CO. DURHAM),
ON THE 15TH JULY, 1898.

(A) By the Rby. R. E. Hooppell, LL.D., D.C.L., Reotob op
Byebs Green.
[Read on the 80th day of August, 1898.]
On Saturday, July 15th, 1893, Mr. Erederick Blackmur, one of the
ofScials of the Lanchester union workhouse, made a most interesting
discovery in a field about half a mile from the village of Lanchester,
and somewhat less than that distance from the Roman Station, whose
walls are still standing several feet in height on the high ground
to the south-west of the present village. As the circumstances under
which the discovery was made are calculated, in all probability, to
throw light upon the nature and character of the find, I will briefiy
describe them.

The union workhouse at Lanchester is supplied with water from
several springs, which rise on the hillside to the west of the village.
From these the fluid is conveyed in pipes to tanks, situated at no
great distance from the springs, and from the tanks the water flows
in one stream to the workhouse. In the early part of July of this
year the supply from some cause, possibly simply from the long
continued drought, ran short, and the officials of the workhouse
determined to investigate the state of the springs. I have drawn
a rough sketch, shewn on the next page, of the position of the one
with which we are most concerned. It is situated on the side
of a sloping field near the top of the field. Above it runs a kind
of level terrace, with a hedge beyond, and a field of greater ele-
vation beyond the hedge. The pipes run up the hill in a slanting
direction from the nearest tank, and end abruptly at a point
about twenty-four yards from the hedge. Exactly in the line of the
pipes was the discovery made. It consists of an exceedingly fine altar,
dedicated to a Keltic goddess, whose name is new to us, and to the
deities of the reigning emperor. It evidently originally stood upon a

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814

THE LANOHESTBB BOMAK ALTAB

base, for a socketed base was found behind it. The altar was found
upon its face, sloping downhill, as though some unusual force had
overturned it, where it was standing with its inscribed face fronting
the valley. The distance of the spot on which the altar was found
from the end of the present line of pipes is about seventeen yards. Its
distance from the hedge behind it is about seven yards. Between the
spot where the altar was foand and the hedge behind it runs the terrace
mentioned already, which appears certainly to have been made by man.

Field Hedge.

■i Baae.
■ Altar.

The circumstances detailed above remind us irresistibly of the weU
or fountain of Coventina, discovered by our late valued vice-president,
Mr. John Clayton, at Frocolitia, in 1876.^ One wonders, too, whether a
walled fountain like that at Carrawburgh does not exist at Lanchester,
of which the wooden tank across the hedge a few yards down is the

' Arch. Ael. vol. viii. pp. 4-49 and 88-107.

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^ r-chaeologia Aeliana, Vol. XVI. [to face p. 314).

Plate XXIV.

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ROMAN ALTAR, LAN CHESTER.
(One €^hth Scale.)

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TO THE GODDESS ' GARMANQABIS.' 315

more modest modern representative. If so, what more likely than that
it, too, may be filled with precious relics hidden in a moment of panic,
and never returned for or recovered ? Mr. Blackmur, after finding
the altar, did probe the ground in the immediate vicinity of the spot,
and came to the conclusion that there were hollow places there. If the
owner of the land, Mr. Fawcett of the Temple, London, would order,
or permit, further researches to be made, they might eventuate in
additional discoveries being effected.

The altar is one of great size. With its base it is calculated that
it weighs well nigh three-quarters of a ton. It is formed out of the
stone of the neighbourhood, a compact gritty freestone. I am informed
that there is a quarry of the same kind of stone not far from the spot
where the altar was found, and that the railway bridges at Lanchester
are built of similar material.

The height of the altar, standing on its base, is five feet three
inches, of which the altar itself claims four feet five and a half inches,
and the base nine and a half inches. The breadth of the base is two
feet six inches ; of the foot of the altar, one foot eleven inches ; of the
stem, one foot eight inches ; and of the top one foot eleven and a half
inches. The thickness of the base is one foot five inches ; of the foot
of the altar, one foot one inch ; of the stem, ten and a half inches ;
and of the top, one foot.

The altar is richly sculptured on three sides. The back is plain,
so that it was evidently intended to stand against a wall. It is
singular, too, that there is no focus or elevated ridges at the top, which
is rough like the back. The prevailing style of ornamentation is
circular, with rays proceeding from the centre to the circumference.
There are also what seem like foreshadowings of the later cable and
' dog-tooth mouldings, and some of the central rays seem to suggest the
later nail-head ornament. On the left hand side to one facing the
altar are represented the culi^r or sacrificial knife, and the praeferi-
cidum or jug, and on the right the patera or dish, and a circular
object, very prettily filled with curved rays from the centre, which I
take to be the ' mola salsa ' or sacrificial cake.

We come now to the inscription, which is decidedly perplexing.
There can be very little doubt as to the lettering, but it is the exact
signification, which is puzzling. I will give my reading of it : —

VOL. XVI 0 0

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316

I'HE LANCHESTER ALTAR

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INSORIBED <DBAB GARMANOABl/ BTG. 817

Roman Altar, Lamchbster (right hand side).

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818 THE LANCHE8TER ROMAN ALTAR

DE^EGAR I differ from others only in the first word.

M A K G A B I To me it appears to be certainly DEiB, with
B T N [g 0 R D I the third and fourth lettera ligatured. The
ANi] AVG N pr[o] next word then begins with another b, and
SAL • VEX • svEBo is EGARMANGABi. Other decipherers make
BVM -LoN-GoR-vo the first word deae, and the second word
TtM solvbrvnt • M GARMANGABi. With this introductory ex-
planation I will give the inscription as I
have deciphered it. I have very carefully investigated the stops, and
give them as they exist upon the stone.

Now, how is this to be expanded ? There is very little diflBcnlty
down to the word sal. All seem to be agreed that, most likely, the
name erased was gordiani. Why Gordian's name should be deleted
is puzzling. Still it appears it must be his. I would suggest that
possibly the news of his death arrived before the stone was set up,
and that the erectors of it were, in consequence, in a difficulty, and
that they solved it, or attempted to solve it, by erasing his name, and
making the inscription applicable to the succeeding occupant of the
throne. That the erasure was determined on, and executed, in some-
what of a hurry, seems indicated by the fact that the eraser b^an to
cancel also the n preceding the emperor's name, and the avg n
following it ; but, either upon second thoughts, or upon revised orders
from his employer or employers, he ultimately decided to allow them
to remain.

So far, then, the inscription may be expanded thus: — Deae
Egarmangabi et Numinihus Gordiani Augusti Nostri Pro Salute. In
English : — ' To the Goddess Egarmangabis, and to the Protecting
Deities of Gordian our Augustus, in gratitude for the health and

safety of .*

Now is the next to be vexillaHonis Sueborum^ veanUariorwm
Suehorum^ or vexillarii Suehorum? And what are we to make of
LON • GOR ?

The Suebians or Suevians have not, I believe, been heard of
before in Great Britain. But lon • gor has ; not at so great length,
curt as the lettering is, but still sufficiently to enable us, I think, to
affirm that it is not absolutely new.

In the library of the Dean and Chapter of Durham are two

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TO THE OODDESS ' GARMANGABIS.'

819

iil(atlii\ftU)],i'j^ii,.iir,i^ia.aLJh.i.i.|y|||,,u>>t,j|p...|

;['llli!I.U,IM:iillh<1iJl>Uri.i|..NUui,Mmi

'>r^ ,

r ri"

TARlAGONtfSARE^T'T^^

TPER^/lEQWMlvSGVMEG.
/CfK-PRGRM&M-AVP>

Roman Inscribed Slabs, Langhbstsr.
[See following page.]

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820 THE LANOHESTEB ROMAN ALTAR

extremely interesting and valuable inscribed slabs from Lanchester
here given (see woodcuts on preceding page), on which are recorded the
re-erection, during Gordian's reign, of several important buildings of
the fortress there.^ These works were carried out by Marcus Aarelios
Quirinus. I will give the exact concluding words of the text : —

PR * CoH * I > L * QOR

There cannot be the slightest doubt about these letters, and the stopa
are all there, perfect and distinct. Doubtless the L ^ gob, of the first
cohort, of which Quirinus was captain, and the lon • GOR • of our
altar, are identical.

Who can be meant by the expression ? It does not add to the
simplicity of the matter that, in the one case, it seems to be intimated
that they were a people furnishing several cohorts, or regiments, to
the Roman army, and that, in the other case, they are mentioned
without any limitation as to numbers or divisions.

The Suebians, or Suevians, were a people that inhabited ancient
Germany. They are described as being the most ancient, great, and
warlike people of all that country. Tacitus says they were divided
into several tribes, amongst which he enumerates the Semnones, the
Longobardi, the Angli, etc.

Can the abbreviations lon • gor • on our altar stand for longo-

BARDORVM GORDIANORVM Or LONQOBARDI GORDIANI ?

There can be little doubt of the signification of the gor. It
means, it would seem certainly, a title derived from the emperor's
name, assumed through affection and devotion to him, by the troops
in question. The doubt is confined to the signification of the L- of
the Durham inscriptions, and the lon • of ours.

Then what is the nominative to solvervnt ? Is it vexittaru
Siiehorum Longohardmum Oordianorum^ * The veterans of the Gordian
Lombard Suevians,* as we should say, or is it Longobardi Oordiani,
*the Gordian Lombards.' Does pro saluU stand alone without a
genitive after it, or do the abbreviations vex . sveborvm, tell
specifically for whose health and safety the erectors of the altar
expressed their gratitude ?

« See Lapid. Sept Nos. 699 and 700 ; and CI.L. voL vii. Noe. 445 and 446.

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TO THE GODDESS * GABMANOABIS.' 821

For my own part I do not remember to have seen the word
vexillatio used in any Roman inscription found in Britain, except
with the name of a legion following it. I, therefore, incline to think
that VEX must stand for vexillarii, the veterans, those who were
serving the last four years of their military life. In this Dr. Hiibner
agrees with me.

' A friend has suggested that the final m stands for milites, ' the
soldiers,' and indicates the nominative to the verb solverunt. Others
think M is the usual abbreviation for the adverb merito^ or the
adjective mentis.

There was a numerus Longovicariorum at Longovicm, And it
has been thought that our lon • here may be an abbreviation for
Longovicariorum. But, if so, from the inscriptions at Durham it
would seem that there must have been several cohorts of the Longo-
tncarii, which hardly seems feasible.^

The monument is, undoubtedly, of the age of the emperor Gordian.
He was slain in the East, by Philip, who succeeded him as emperor,
in A.D. 244.

' Unless, as there is a Lancbester and a Lancaster, there was in Roman times
a Longovicvs and a Longovieium^ and two cohorts of Longovicarii, one at the
eastern fortress and the other at the western.

(B) By r. J. Havbbfield, M.A., RS.A.
[Read on the 27th day of September, 1893.]
The Newcastle Society of Antiquaries is much to be congratulated on-
the discovery of yet another important Roman inscription. This is a
fine altar, unearthed last July at Lanchester in the course of some
digging connected with the Workhouse water supply, about two hun-
dred yards north of the Roman fort, and close to the line of the Roman
road. In size it is above five feet high (including a loose base) and two
feet wide ; the lettering is well preserved and large, the letters being
three inches tall in the first line, two and seven-eighth inches in
the second and third lines, and two and three quarter inches in
the other lines. Besides the usual knife, dish, etc., on the sides,
the altar is ornamented with an unusual profusion of that Roman
geometrical ornament which sometimes reminds one of the later Nor-
man work. Accounts of the discovery have appeared in the New-

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D E

A E a A B

M A

N a A B I

B T N

/ 0 nun

AN I

A V G PB [o]

SAL •

VEX • SVEBo

EVM

•LoN • OoB'Vo

TTM.

SoLV«BVNT*M

322 THE LANCHESTEB BOMAN ALTAB

castle Daily Chronicle (on July 24), in the Academy (by myself,
August 19), in the Proceedings of this Society (by Mr. Blair, F.8.A.,
vi. 65-7), and elsewhere. I have myself examined the altar, which is
now in the porch of Lanchester parish church ; I have to thank Dr.
Hooppell and Mr. Blair for photographs and information.

The reading of the stone is, I think, beyond doubt. Expanded
and completed it is : — Deae Garmangahi et n(uminibus) [ff]o[r(?i]«m

Aug(usti) n{ostri)y j»f [o] 8al(ute) vexiiUa-
tionis) or vex{illariorum) Sueborum Lon,
Oor{dianorum)y votum solvenmt m(erito)
or m(tUtes),

With respect to the text I may remark
that the first line certainly has deae, not
DE^B ; in the third and fourth lines the
name Gordiani has been intentionally
erased, but o and ani can still be detected,
and in the sixth line there are distinct stops before and after gob. Id
the fourth line there is a fracture after pb.

The interpretation of the stone involves several points of interest
(1) The name of the goddess, Oarmangabis, or whatever the nomina-
tive may be, seems wholly unknown. The second part of the name
can be compared with two German titles, Matrofiae Gabiae and dea
Idban. Gabia} the latter mentioned on an altar found near Cologne, in
both of which the syllable gab has been conjecturally connected with
geben ' to give.' But the resemblance is not very close, and neither
Dr. Stokes nor professor Napier can help me any further.

(2) The name erased in the third and fourth lines is that of
Gordian III. (a.d. 288-244), a detail which dates the inscription, and
is noteworthy for another reason. Emperors' names were not seldom
erased on Roman inscriptions, but the erasures were limited to definite
emperors, of whom Gordian was not one. Until the Lanchester altar
was found, only one instance, I believe, was known in which his name
had been deleted.^ We must explain the present erasure as a result

* Ihm, Bonner JahrbUcher, Ixxxiii. 28 and index ; ZeiUchrift fur deuttcltt
Alterthum^ xxxv. 317. The etymology assigned to Qahia is, after all, little
more than a guess.

^ The instance is a milestone on the road from Carnvntnm to Vienna {C.I.L
IIL 4644). Two other instances are sometimes quoted, but both are due to error.
One (^C, II. 3406) is a slip in indexing ; the other iLxpid, Sept. No. 22 ; C, VIl.

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TO THE GODDESS 'OARMANGABIS/

323

of ignorance, such as caused the erasure of the names Pupienus and
Balbinus on a Benwell inscription, but it is none the less extraordi-
nary. It is proved however both by the traces of the lettering and
by the Gor of line 6, which can only be Oordian^yrum,

INHCRIBKD Slab at Bexwcll (see note 2).

(3) The regiment or detachment which erected the altar is indicated
in the words pro salute vexillationis (or vexiUariorum) Suehorum Lon.
Gordianorum. The terms vexillatw^ vexillarii, are used very frequently
in Roman literature (for instance, in Tacitus) and on inscriptions of
the first two or three centuries, to denote troops, usually legionaries,
sometimes veterans, occasionally auxiliaries, who had been detached
from their proper organizations for some temporaiy purpose, and were

510) is the Benwell altar mentioned above. On it we have an ala I. Hispano'nim
Asturnvi . . . Gordianae\ Prof. HUbner (who saw the 8tone) supplies the
jrap (a definite erasure of some seventeen letters) as Scvenanac Alexandrian ae
and says that Oordianne. is in erasure. After examining the stone with my
friend Mr. A. H. Smith, M.A., F.S.A., I have satisfied myself that Gordmnae
has never been erased, and the actual erasure is doubtless Piipienae Balbinae^
as Mommsen suggested (f. III. Suppl. 6953), though no lettering can be dis-
cerned. Even on the Vienna milestone (which I have examined myself) the
erasure is very half-hearted.

VOL. X%T P P

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824 THE LANCHE8TER ROMAN ALTAR

nnder a separate command and flag (vexillum), Bnt in the second
century another sense appears, which takes us somewhat deeper into
the secrets of the Roman military system. That system, as set up by
Augustas, consisted of a uniform series of legions, cohorts and alae^
without much distinction of race. The auxiliaries bore tribal names,
but the recruiting soon ceased to be tribal. In the reigns of Trajan
and Hadrian this began to alter, and a fresh set of auxiliaries levied,
armed and drilled on a tribal basis, began to arise beside the regular
army. These new troops are generally called numeri; they become
plentiful during the second and early third centuries, and with them
the tribal name has full meaning. Instead of numertis, we get other
terms used occasionally, and among them cunms and vexillaiio.
Examples of cuneus will be cited lower down ; for vexUlatio we have
such examples as

Ala et vexUlatio equitnm lllyricorum (Dacia, A.D. 129 ; C. iii. pp. 876, 1977).
VexUlatio militum Maurornm CaetarUnsium Oordianorum (Lamhaesut in

Africa, A.D. 255; C. viii. 2716).
Vex, equitum Maurorum in territorio Auzierui praetendentium =■ 'camping'

(Anzia in Africa, A.D. 260 ; C, viii. 9046-7, and Cagnat Armie d^Afrique^

pp. 253, 306).
Vex. Brit. (Holland, undated tiles; Brambach C. I. Rh. 4, 128, 139).
And SO in Britain

Vex. Qerma. u{triusque)^ R(aetiae) J)(alitiatiae?)\ Lapid. Sept. 811, and

C. vii. 303.
Vexil. Ilaetor(um) et Nor%OiOr{um)\ C. vii. 212.

We cannot, indeed, be quite certain that all these represent

separate regiments. The national principle represented in the numeri

seems to have, to some extent, invaded the regular forces, and we find

at Birrens (C. vii. 1068) Raeti militantes in cohorte II Tungrorum^

and at Carrawburgh {Eph. iii. 103) Texandri et Sunici vex. cohortis II

Nerviorum^ very much like the Oerminiy cives Tuihanti, serving in the

ctuieus Frisiorumy which erected the great Housesteads altars to

Thingsus and the Alaisiagae.' But we may be sure that in most of

the cases, and probably on the Lanchester altar, separate troops are

meant, and we may take vexUlatio here tp be hastening on from its

classical sense to that which it acquired in the army of Diocletian

and Constantine, that of a troop of horse in the field army.

(4) Sueborum affords a puzzle. In the first century aj)., as in

» Arch. Ael, vol. x. pp. 148-172.

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TO THE GODDESS ' OABMANGABIS.' 825

the last century B.C., we find the Suebi on the middle or lower Rhine
fighting with Osesar, Angastas (who transferred some to the west
bank), and his successors, inclnding Domitian. In the fourth and
following centuries we find the Suebi, or other tribes with the same
name, on the upper Bhine and in the Swabian land, which still bears
their name, closely associated with the Alemanni and Burgundians.^
But the intervening period is a blank. We have, indeed, the
mentions of Ptolemy and Tacitus, who use the name in a very vague
and comprehensive way, and we have the statements that Marcus
Aurelius, about a.d. 165, and Aurelian, more than a century
later, fought against Suebi, but neither notice can be relied on.*
Epigraphically we are little better off. An altar Matrihtis Suehis was
erected at Deutz, the bridgehead of Cologne in a.d. 228,^ and a
Suebe served in the ' Bquites siugulares ' at a period which must be
later than a.d. 120.^ Otherwise the Suebi, at least under this name,
are alike unknown to Roman history and the Roman army, and their
appearance on the Lanchester altar is notable. It is possible
that they may have been recmited as a result of the wars with
Germans waged shortly before Gordian's reign. The policy of setting
an invader to catch an invader was, indeed, as yet but half known to
the Romans, but Marcus Aurelius had despatched conquered Sarma-
tians to Britain, and they had formed a regiment there. However a
recent suggestion due to prof. Zangemeister (Neue Heidelherger
Jahrbiicher^ iii. (1898) pp. 1-16) affords a more attractive solution.
A tombstone found at Aubigny in France mentions a cives Smha
NicreH who must undoubtedly have been a Roman subject, and prof.
Zangemeister conjectures that the dvitas S.N,, mentioned on several
milestones found near Heidelberg, ought to be read in full civitas

* The first mention is in the list appended to the provincial catalogiie of
A.D. 297, as MUUenhoff has pointed out (^Abhandlungen der k,k. Berliner
Akadeinie, 1862, 489 foil.), comparing Ammian xvi. 10. In the Notitiay Siiem
laeti et gentiles appear as settled in France and seemingly used freely for army
purposes (^Occid, Ixii. 34, Mommsen, Hermes, xxiv. 251), but this was not earlier
than A..D. 296, and probably much later. See R. Much, Deutsche StammsUze
(Paul and Braune's Beitrdge^ xvii.) Halle, 1892.

* M, Aureli Philosophi vita Capitol. 22, Entrop. viii. 13 ; Anreliani vita
Vopisc. 18. It is difficult with these writers to tell the exact sense sense, tra-
ditional or other, in which the name is used.

* Ihm, No. 289. Two other altars Matrihus Suehis have been found at
Cologne and Crefeld (Ihm, No. 273, Westd, Corresponden^blaU, 1890, 147) but
neither can be dated.

' I(ph, iv. 935. Mommsen refers this Suebe to the Mattiaci near Mainz
{Bermes, xvi. 649, note). The meaning of Subus in Bph. iv. 892, 27, is unknown.

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826 THE LANCHB8TER ROHAN ALTAR

Svshorum Nicretum. In that case, we have material to prove that a
community of Suebi, called Nicretes, existed on the Neckar near
Heidelberg, during the whole of the second and a large part of the
third centuries, and we may suppose that our Lanchester Suebes, as
well as the eques singularis mentioned above, were recruited hence.

(5) Lon ' Oor • give in abbreviated form the namesof the station,
and of the reigning emperor. Loti' may possibly belong to the
Longomciurrfi of the Notitia {Occ. xl. 30), but we do not know where
that was, and on phonetic grounds it may as well have been at Lan-
caster as at Lanchester. I think Dr. Hiibner was rash in putting the
former down in the Garpm as the site of Longovicium^ but I confess
that I cannot even now see any convincing reason for deciding between
the two places, and I must perforce remain like Buridan's ass between
the two attractions. Oor is, of course, Oordtanorum? It justifies our
supplying Oordiani in the third and fourth lines, while the nomencla-
ture, as a whole, justifies our regarding the Suebes as a separate
regiment. This nomenclature, indeed, of tribal name, station, and
emperor's name is common in the third century. I have quoted above
two instances from Africa ; there are othei's in Britain.

Cun&us Frisionum Aballavtnsium Philipp(ianorum) (Papcastle, A.D. 244-9 ;
iMpid, Sept 907, CJ.L. viL 416 =« Eph. HI p. 130. I have satisfied
myself, from sqaeezes sent me by Mr. J. M. Brydone, that this is the
correct reading)."

N(umerus) fa^plorator(vm) Brem(enienHnm) Oor(dianoncw) (High Ro-
chester ; Lapid. c^pt. 651, 652, C. vii. 1030, 1037.)

N{umertut) eq{uitvm) Sar[matarum] Bremetenn(aeensinfn') Gordianui (Bib-
chester, C, vii. 218)."

* It may be as well to add that the name Longovicus, which has been quoted
in this context, is a wholly imaginary form.

• Vexillatio . . . Oordianorum or Oordiana are equally possible and the
difference is immaterial. For the first compare Lapid. Sept, 562, C.LL. vii.
1030, viii. 2716 ; for the second, Lapid. Sept. 22, C.LL, vii. 218, 610, Kph. v. 1047.

'" It follows that Ahallava is Papcastle, an identification which suits well
its frequent juxtaposition with Uxellodunum (Maryport). Seeck*s idea that
it is the Oalava of Iter x. is impossible if the Itinerary distances are even
remotely correct. The great difficulty with the Notitia may, I think, be best
solved by supposing that, after AmhogJanna (Birdoswald) several names of
stations per lineam valli have dropped out and are now irretrievably lost^
Chancellor Ferguson's idea (Cumberland, p. 55) is that the writer of the
Notitia had the northern defences in two halves and begins the western half
at the western instead of the eastern end. This is ingenious, and suite
Uxellodunum and Aballava, but it does not in the least suit, e.g,^ Bremeten-
nacum. A lacuna seems to me the best and simplest solution.

" It follows that Br&nietennacum is Ribchester, and this suits the Itineraiy
quite as well as any other route (Watkin, Lancashire^ p. 26). Dr. HtLbner

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TO THE GODDBBS ' GABMANaABIS.' 827

It remains only to comment on the inscription as a whole. It is a
curious fact, to which I have elsewhere alluded, that we have in
Northern Britain no scarcity of inscriptions belonging to the second
quarter of the third century, the reigns of Alexander and Gordian III.
These were reigns of comparative order and organization, when, as
historians tell us, statesmen looked after the frontiers, built fortresses,
and provided, by landgrants and other means, for the strengthening
of the frontier troops. They were, at least on the Continent, the last
periods of peace before the deluge : in the middle of this third century
the barbarians began finally to beat down the defences, and the local
rule of the Thirty Tyrants arose. The inscriptions of Alexander and
Gordian III. in Britain show that there, too, danger was apprehended ;
they shew us also that the defences were not based solely on the
lines of Wall but on the fortified roads like Watling street that goes
past Binchester, Lanchester, and Ebchester, to Risingham and High
Rochester. Whether the Wall of Antonine was still occupied at this
period is uncertain. It is, at least, significant that the Itinerary stops
at High Rochester, and that this is the last point northwards where
we find epigraphic traces of Roman occupation under Gordian. This
striking correspondence between the inscriptions and the Itinerary can
hardly be an accident, and is worth mentioning here as a further proof
of the importance of the road at this period. ^^

(C vii. p. 58) puts Coccium at Ribchester, but without and against evidence.
The Notitia (^Oco, xl. 54) gives otmeuA Sarmatarum Bremetennaco ; the inscrip-
tions give numertu or ala, the latter used wrongly (like <Ua exploratorum
PomarienHum in Africa, C. viii. 9906). The squadron was first formed out of
Aurelius's conquered Sarmatae (Dio Izzi. 16) about a.d. 175.

" Postscript. Since writing the above, I have seen two articles by prof.
Htibner QWegtdeutsche* Korrespondenzblatt^ 1893, nro. 97) and Dr. Hooppell
{Illnstrated Archaeologigt, i. p. 121). Dr. Hooppell's objection to the explana-
tion given above of LON. is based on other Lanchester inscriptions which mention
a Cohors I, L. Oor., but L. here (as another inscription shows) denotes Lingonet
and has nothing to do with our Lon, Dr. HUbner notes das in der Lvft nehvot-
bende pro salute, I cannot help thinking that, if any part of the inscription is
strictly ungrammatical, it is solverunt, which has no nominative unless we
expand the final M into milUes, But there are many epigraphic parallels for
the absence of a nominative to a verb in such a case.

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328 THE ROMAN BBIBGES AGB0S8 THE

XX.-THB ROMAN BRIDGES ACROSS THE NORTH TYNE

RIVER NEAR CHOLLERFORD.

By Sheriton Holmes.

[Read on the 26th May, 1886, but since rewritten and added to.]

At the present time when the question of the relative ages of the
Roman Wall, the vallum, and other works which stretch across England
from the river Tyne to the Solway, and in the reign of which of the
Roman emperors these gigantic works were executed, is occupying
afresh the attention of antiquaries, I have thought that a more careful
study of the passage of the North Tyne river demands attention, and
that an elucidation of the works erected there might be of advantage
as forming a key to unlock the hitherto unsolved problem. With a
view to this I have taken careful notes of what remains of the works,
and have availed myself of the drawings of the bridge-pier plans
accompanying Mr. Clayton's paper on the Roman bridge.^

Until recently it seemed as though these questions had been
definitely decided and set at rest upon the authority of such eminent
writers as the rev. John Hodgson, Mr. John Clayton, and the rev.
Dr. Bruce, but closer investigation into the facts has reopened the
whole question and tends to upset many of the conclusions previously
drawn.

Where the line of the Roman works crosses the North Tyne river
there are the remains of two bridges, both of them evidently of Roman
construction. The later one consisted of an abutment at each end and
three water piers, thus giving four water bays or openings of thirty-
five feet six inches span. The parallel feces of the abutment and the
piers are twenty-one feet six inches long and the bi*eadth across the
piers sixteen feet. The piers are flat-ended on the down-stream side
but have starlings or cut-waters on the upper side. The eastern
abutment has had very long and massive wingwalls, the southern one
having been lengthened considerably, doubtless to provide against a
set of the current tending to carry away the river's bank at its
> Areh, AeL (N.S.) vol. vi, p. 80.

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Ardbaeolo gia AcQiana ,VoIXVI , to fece p. 328 .

ROMAN BRIOCES «Q

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PLAN OF ROMAN BRIfll

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PUt^XXV

ie<u» ObHiKMnl-

Romon Uoll

CA»T tWk.uM

TsS£=^

NEAR CHOLLERFORD.

J AktfRBUL JKft^4iA Lg«A««

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i

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NORTH TYNE NEAR CHOLLBRPORD. 829

previous termination. The river at this point has altered its course
from time to time in a westerly direction, so that now the eastern
abutment and a portion of the first pier are deeply buried in its bank,
and the western abutment is in the bed of the stream.

But this action of the river had been in operation previous to the
time when this bridge was built, for, embedded in its eastern abutment
is a water pier of an earlier bridge which must have had at least one
bay or opening to the east of it, so that between the times when the
two bridges were built the river had altered its course to that extent
westward.

The roadway along the earlier bridge had been much less in width
than that along the later one, its pier faces being only nine feet four
inches long with a width of ten feet four inches. The earlier bridge had
starlings both up and down stream diverging from the pier feces at an
angle of forty-five degrees. It is deserving of note, and unique in my
knowledge of bridges, that these piers should be less in length than
their breadth across, but as the bridge had doubtless a timber platform,
the beams supporting it would require to be cantilevered by others
underneath them to give rigidity, and the breadth of the pier would
be necessary to afford a sufficient length of base for them. The
lowness of the roadway would render angle strutting to the piers use-
less from the certainty of their being carried away during floods.

The spans of this bridge must have been abnormally long in com-
parison with the width of the roadway which could only have been
about eight feet six inches, for a length from pier to pier of forty-one
feet two inches or nearly in the proportion of five to one. If, however,
the roadway platform had been projected beyond the longitudinal
beaiing timbers at each side, a greater width would be obtained.

The builders of the later bridge had taken full advantage of what
remained of the former one, for not only had they inbuilt the water
pier in their abutment, but had adopted and enlarged the other piers
also, by adding a width of five feet eight inches to their western sides,
and lengthening them southwards. This is apparent on applying a
tracing of the embedded pier (the dimensions of which can be exactly
defined) to the plan of the second pier, as given on the accompanying
drawing, where the different character of the masonry clearly defines
the earlier and more recent work.

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830 THE BOMAK BRIDGES ACROSS THE

The western abntment of the earlier bridge would most likely
occupy the site of the third river pier of the later one, and if one bay
be allowed to the east of the embedded pier the number of the open-
ings in the two bridges would be equal, only the widths of these
openings would be five feet eight inches more in the earlier than in
the later one.

It seems pretty clear that the skill of the bridge builders had not
improved as time went on, for the masonry of the later bridge, though
substantial in character and composed of large ashlar stone throngh-
out, is not nearly so well bonded by snecking and breaking joint with
the stones as in the earlier one, though in the mechanical appliances of
setting the stones they seem to have advanced, for the lewis had been
adopted in place of the hand setting of the former work.

The stones in both bridges have been elaborately fastened together
by iron cramps and ties run in with lead, but here again the earlier
men seemed to be in advance of the later ones, for instead of the long
iron-face straps with T-headed branches running in a sort of hap-
hazard manner into the work, and the few dog cramps here and there
of the later work, there are systematic double dove-tailed cramps of
good form, neatly let into the stones.

Dr. Bruce inclines to think that the facing stones of the abntment
of the later bridge might have been an addition by Severus to what
he terms Hadrian's work, but I think that an examination of the plan
will show that where these impinge on the embedded pier it could not
have been so, and that this casing is an initial part of the second
structure, and coeval with the added work of the piers where the same
long iron clamps have been used.

The work generally of the later bridge is of a ruder character than
that of the earlier one, and there are many make-shifts apparent,
indicating that the workmen had not such intelligent overlookers.
This is apparent in the way many of the upper faces of the stones had
to be dressed down after being set to admit of the proper bedding of
those above. And there is a piece of very unconstructive work where
the southern wingwall had been lengthened.

In the beds of the stones forming the earlier pier there are at
uncertain intervals wedge-shaped holes, the use of which is not clear.
They could not have been used in lifting, and are not holes for joggles

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KOBTH TYNE NSAB GHOLLEEFOBD. 831

to prevent the stones shifting on their beds. The likeliest ose for
them is to give point-hold to the crowbars nsed in forcing along the
upper stones to their positions in the process of building.

The earlier bridge must have had at least one of its bays to the
eastward of the embedded pier, and if only one, then the abutment
belonging to it must have had its position underneath where is now the
Boman Wall, ajud the roadway must have occupied the site of the north
wall of the castellum. It thus seems clear that neither the casteUum
nor that portion of the Wall could have been coeval with the bridge.

A suggestion having been made that possibly the Wall had been
lengthened when the later bridge was built so as to bring it forward
to the bridge, Mr. Clayton gave permission to haye the face of the
Wall opened out eastwards, with the result that to a distance of sixty
feet back from its junction with the casiellum there is no break in the
masonry, and the character of it is similar throughout, and very much
like the exposed face on Limestone bank, the face stones running
from about fourteen inches to nineteen inches in length, and from
nine to twelve inches in depth. Writing in his Wallet Booky Dr. Bruce
says of his portion of the Wall : ^ It terminates in a square building
or casiellum formed of stones of the same character as those used in
the Wall.' So far from this being the case the stones forming the
Wall to the east of the bridge are larger, longer, and rougher than
those in the casteUum^ these being nearly square on the face and very
much smaller, and there is no true bonding between the two, the castel'
lum having apparently been built on to the Wall end at a later time.

Mr. Clayton* says : ' There is an apartment twenty-four feet by
twenty-three feet six inches under the platform of approach.' This
in the hands of Dr. Bruce becomes a casiellum^ and as the walls are
well faced all round it could never have been designed for an under-
ground chamber.

Owing to the dribbling away of material from under the abutment,
the central poition, especially towards the face, and the casteUum,
have subsided considerably, but the longitudinal iron bonding of the
&ce stones has held them so well together that no set or crack is
perceptible in the masonry. Dr. Bruce thought that this depression of
the centre portion was by design and deemed it an element of strength,
but I scarcely think that any engineer would coincide in such opinion.
» Arch. A el. vol. vi. (N.S.) p. 82.

VOL. XYI. Q Q

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THS ROMAN BBIDOBS AOROSH THE

The pecniiar splaying back of the fiioe oonrses in the northern
wingwall seems to be a scientific idea for accommodating the face-line
to the different rates of flow in the river, i.e. giving a larger area
to the more rapid surface water than was required for the compar-
atively sluggish current nearer the bed of the river^ and it seems
strange that engineers who could act upon such scientific lines should
have made their piers flat-ended on the down-stream side, thereby
incurring the danger of having the material eaten away from their
foundations and the stones displaced by the regurgitative action of
the water, and this too, with the evidence of the earlier piers before
their eyes. It was this action of the water which rendered the
lengthening of the south wingwall necessary, and in doing which they
further endeavoured to throw the current away from the wall-face by
placing the lower courses angle-way to the line of the work. This
addition to the wingwall had been built chiefly with stone got from
the earlier bridge remains, as is evident from many of the holes for
the dove-tailed cramps remaining in positions which, in their new
places, are of no use whatever.

It is a question whether in building their large ashlar work the
Romans used mortar in the joints, or built it dry as was the custom
in Some under the Republic. In their smaller stone work such as the
Wall with its camps, etc., they did use mortar, if indeed it may be so
termed. Here and there patches of mortar may be found in a well-
set condition, but, generally speaking, in the North of England it
had been of a very poor character, the face of the stones merely
ipped by a pointing of better mortar, and the hearting filled in with
a mixture of badly slaked lime in clot, and soil instead of sand as a
matrix, a material more calculated to disrupt than to cement the stones
together ; for, as the lime became hydrated, it would swell and tend
to rend the work asunder. It would appear as if the designers, accus-
tomed to the pozzolanas of Southern Italy and the limes of Tivoli,
had looked slightingly on the comparatively inferior limes of the
district and had not placed much reliance in their binding power,
preferring, in their more important works, to trust rather to the
more costly bonding of iron run in with lead.

From the evidence existing, pointing as it does to the later con-
struction of the Wall, it may be taken that the earlier bridge was

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KOBTH TTI7E NEAIl CHOLLEBFOfiD.

antecedent to its erection, and the question arises what ofSce was
this earlier bridge designed to fulfil? It seems to be generally
agreed that previons to the building of the Wall, Agricola had con-
structed a chain of forts across this isthmus, and as these would
almost certainly be connected by a line of road, it is possible that
this bridge might have been built in connection with such road,
though as subsequently noted in this paper, I think the probability is
against it. Then as to the date of erection of the later bridge, it
seems unlikely that during the short period between Agricola and
Hadrian (about forty years) the river had time to alter its course a
distance of sixty feet from its former line, as it has taken 1,700 years
since the departure of the Romans to perform an equal distance in
the same direction. When Severus returned from his northern
campaign, about 180 years after the time of Agricola, would appear
to be a much more likely time for the river so to have changed its
course and for the later bridge to have been built.

Amongst the dibris of the bridge abutment there are certain
peculiar shaped stones which have evidently been designed for some
special use. One of them is a monolithic pillar, nine feet one inch in
length, havine a rectangular base, two feet two inches by one foot
eleven inches, for a height of two feet two inches from the bottom ;
above this the angles are rounded off, until at the top it assumes the
circular form with a diameter of one foot seven inches. The shaft
of the column is six feet six and a half inches long and concentrically
on its apper end, there is a carved conical boss, four and a half
inches deep, with a scarcement all round it of five inches on the pillar
top. On the longer fiskje of the base the stone has been cut away to a
depth of five inches, so as to leave projecting a face moulding, and as
the shape of this moulding is similar to that upon other stones which
have apparently formed an ornamental siring course along the face of
the abutment, the original position of the pillar stone is thereby
determined as having been on the face of the abutment and in line
with the string course. As another evidence of the position of the
pillar stone, there remains one of the stones which had formed the
parapet hollowed out to fit up against it.

There are also portions of a similar column which had been broken
up. The upper end of it is now on the abutment amongst the ruins.

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884 THE BOHAN BBIBGBS AOBOSS THE

and what appears to be a portion of the shafts abont fonr feet long, with
a dowel hole cut in a similar manner to that in the entire colmnn,
is now placed in an angle of the building on the west side of the river.

A third stone demands particular attention. It is in the form of
a barrel or the nave of a cart wheel without the axle-hole through it.
This stone is two feet six inches long, one foot seven inches diameter
at its centre, and one foot one and a quarter inches at its ends.
Badiating from its centre are eight recesses cut to a depth of four and
a half inches, which, at the face of the stone, form openings one inch
wide by three inches long. The lower sides of these holes are cut
deeper as they recede from the foce, being half an inch deeper at the
inner end than at the face, thus forming a tapered or half-dovetailed
hole, similar to the lewis holes in the abutment stones. The weight
of this stone is about five and a quarter hundredweights, and the most
likely use I can imagine for it is in the nature of a balance-weight
applied either over a pulley or at the end of a lever.

A reference to the detailed drawings of this stone will show how
admirably it is adapted to being slung, for, if in the holes be placed
half-dovetailed studs, tapering from two and a half to three inches,
they would fall down half an inch from the upper side of the hole,
and admit of a flat slip of that thickness being driven in above them^
thus securely fastening them in position. Then the studs being left
projecting beyond the face of the stone would form attachments for
the ropes or rods used in slinging it. A very similar arrangement to
this existed until lately at the smaller collieries in the northern
counties, when the water was drawn from the pit in tubs by means of
a whimsey worked by a horse. To balance the water-tub they had
another filled with stone, through which, midway in its height, pieces
of wood were put at equal angles, and the projections formed attach-
ment studs in the same manner as those in the balance stone. This
stone has, I think, an intimate connection with the pillar stones,
and all three taken together may be considered as a permanent frame
aud balance for the lifting of some heavy structure. WTiat that struc-
ture might have been, I will endeavour to set forth further on.

The conical boss on the top of the pillar seems designed to secure
a beam placed across the top of the two pillars, which would have
cups cut in it to fit the stone bosses,

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NORTH TTNE ITEAR OHOLLEBFOBD. 885

So fer, we are on tolerably safe ground; but what had the
mechanical arrangement of support and balance to perform ? The
ancient lever arrangement of the Egyptian shadoof, I think, now
comes into play, so that if another beam be placed across the head
beam and pivoted thereon, a means of lifting and swinging round a
suspended weight would be accomplished.

Now, a permanent arrangement, such as I have sketched out,
would not be for a temporary purpose, such as lifting the stones
whilst building was in progress, but must have been for some con-
tinuous purpose, and I can see nothing more likely than that it was
intended to lift and sling out of position a portion of the timber
superstructure of the bridge so as to cut o£P communication along it.

This arrangement I have endeavoured to formulate in the drawing
accompanying this paper.

The weight to be lifted would better accord with the narrow
platform of the earlier bridge, but as the lewis principle had been used
in the balance-weight stone in a similar manner to the setting of the
stones in the later one, I think it most likely that the mechanical
arrangement had belonged to it, and, if so, a counterweight became a
necessity, for the distance between the &ce of the abutment and the
castellum is too short to give sufficient pole balance otherwise.

In connection with the timber platform there are large fiat-stones
which have cut across them grooves three inches broad and three and
a half inches deep, which had evidently been intended for the inser-
tion of six inch by seven inch timbers, half let into the stone and
half notched into the cantilever timbers to counteract their forward
tendency and secure them in their positions. The parapet-coping, of
which many face-moulded stones remain, had also a longitudinal
groove for the insertion of a tie rod.

In the masonry of the south wingwall there is a hole, roughly
circular, about thirteen inches diameter, which might have been for
the insertion of a crane post during the erection of the work, as from
this point a large area of the masonry could have been reached, and the
employment of the lewis woold almost carry with it that of the crane.

The utility of thus severing the connection along the bridge may
be questioned, as at present the river is fordable at points both above
and below, but at the time of the Boman occupation, when the country

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886 THI BOHAir BBIDGES AOfiOSS THE

was timbered, wet, and undrained, as described by Herodian, the rain-
Mi woold be greatly in excess of the present time, and the water
would get much more slowly away, the river neither rising so high
during rains nor shrinking to such small dimensions during dry
weather, so that fording it would be found difficult at any time. The
massive piers of the bridge would also obstruct the flow, and dam
back the water for some distance above.

* Where the Watling-street crossed the Reed, the bed of the river
is paved with large stones ; and when a part of the north bank was
washed away by a flood a few years ago, two pillars were discovered,
which it is supposed might have stood at the entrance to a bridge.'^
Might not this have been some similar arrangement for barring the
passage across the bede at a time when the wall having become ruin-
ous or the number of soldiers remaining not sufficient to garrison
it effectively, they had recourse to the rivers for protection against
the invading Caledonians from the north and west.

The solution of the actual dates when the various works were
constructed will probably have to await the unearthing of more direct
evidence in the shape of sculptured stones as history has been unable
to give more than an uncertain clue to it, but it is quite possible that
the relative dates may hereafter be made out with some degree of
certainty from investigations carried on in the works themselves, and
it is with a view to this that I have been led to examine the bridges,
etc., of the North Tyne river so that the initiation thus given may be
carried forward at other points until some definite information shall
be obtained.

The results of the investigations made, may, I think, be summed
up thus : —

Firstly, the earliest line of works would appear to be the 'Stane-
gate* and the camps on its line which were probably those instituted
by Agricola about the year 78. On referring to the six inch to a mile
Ordnance map it will be seen that this road is traced directly up to the
North Tyne river near where lately stood Homer's house, as though it
had at that point crossed the river and continued on in an easterly
direction without approaching the bridge.

' Ramblet in Northumberland and on the SoottUh Border, by Stephen Oliver
the younger [W. ▲. Chatto], p. 161.

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NOBTH TYNB NEAR OHOLLBRFORD. 887

Starting from this point westward it passes to the north of Fonr-
stones and through Newbrough, and in a very direct course to
Ghesterhohn, where is the important station of Vindolana, and hence
along to a considerable camp which is seated on the eastern edge of
the Haltwhistle bum. Grossing this it goes over the summit of the
hill at Sunnyrig, being deflected from its direct course to gain this
height. Then falling down it makes direct for Gaervoran {Magna).

Immediately west of this there are half a dozen important camps
which, with the Gaervoran station, form an arc of a circle. These
being situated on high ground and on the watershed of the country
east and west would, I think, form a stronghold in connection with
the Stanegate. From this point westward the name is continued on
the Ordnance plan in connection with the military way by the side of
the Wall and vallum, but as this road is evidently the continuation of
the one traced by the Wall side from near Frocolitia, I think the more
probable route for the Stanegate from Gaervoran to have been along
by the line of camps to Naworth, keeping the river Irthing as a
northern defence ; thence to the north of the camp near Brampton
(named * AbaUaba ' on the one inch Ordnance map), and the camp
near Watchdose, to Bed Hills, from which point it is again traced
as far as Parkbroom in the direction of Garlisle. The station of
Gaervoran, which is a little to the south of both Wall and vallum
but on the line of the Stanegate, would favour this idea.

There appear to have been connecting roads between the Stane-
gate and the stations of Oilurnum and Borcovtcus, the latter joining
the Stanegate at Frendon hill. The Wall along by Borcovtcus had
its accompanying road between it and the vallum which would be well
protected, whereas the Stanegate is at too great a distance off to have
had protection from the Wall garrisons ; also, as at the North Tyne
river, the Stanegate seems to have had an independent crossing and
not to have approached the bridges, the inference is that it was the
pioneer work of the district.

Secondly, the Eoman Wall would seem to have been a later work
than the earlier of the two bridges, for the eastern abutment must (as
previously explained) have occupied its site.

Thirdly, the castellum commanding the later bridge seems to be
yet a later work than the Wall, and might have been added when the

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888

THE ROMAN BBIDGES ACROSS THE NORTH TTNE.

second bridge was built, or even at a date later than that, when it
became necessary to substitute for the Wall the line of defence afforded
by the rivers Eden, Irthing, North Tyne, and Rede.

Then, fourthly, as to the inscrutable vallum, which seems to
pursue a perfectly independent line across the river, and indeed to be
independent of all around it. Seeming now to be defensive against
the north, at other times equally so against the south, and also
by its two aggers or ramparts affording as much cover for an enemy
attacking as would be given to those defending, the question
arises whether it was ever designed for a defensive work, or merely
as marking a boundary possibly antecedent to Roman days. And

- . this seems to be favoured by the finding in the recent

^^^^^ excavation cut across it near Heddon-on-the-Wall of
I ^^^^^K & bronze axe head and a flint scraper of circular form
. ^^^^^H about one and three-eighths inch in diameter. Also
jU^^^^V where the vallum was recently excavated at Down
^L_^^^ hill the road in connection with the Wall was cut

aoross in several places. In one of the sections it is
found on the northern marginal mound of the vallum fosse, showing
that when it had been formed the vallum
works were in existence and, in all proba-
bility obsolete.

Against this view may be adduced the
similarity of the two fosses, those of the
Wall and vallum, at the summit of Lime-
stone bank where they are cut through the
columnar basalt and each of them left in a
similar state of incompletion ; and it seems
curious why, if not contemporary, there
should have been two ditches cut so close
together through such intractable material,
and why, if the vallum fosse was existing, the
Wall builders did not adopt it and build their wall on its southern margin.
These and many other questions concerning the northern boundary
works await solution, and it may be hoped that the investigations now
being instituted may be the means of clearing away some of the
difficulties which have hitherto delayed that result*

^P^^IH

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SLALET. 839

XXI.-SLILEY.
By the Ebv. a. Johnson, Vioar op Healby.
[Eead on the 80th August, 1898.]
The ecclesiastical history of Slaley is somewhat peculiar. Originally
it seems to have formed part of the parish of Bywell St. Andrew.
Along with the rest of that ancient parish, it is mentioned, soon after
the Conquest, as belonging to the barony of Bolbeck. In its more
prosperous days, during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, we
find it named as a separate parish, and holding the position of a
rectory. In the time of Henry III., Gilbert de Slaley, who was
living in a.d. 1239, gave to Hexham priory the church of Slaley,
with one plow land of the endowment of the said church, and a
common of pasture in the village for 260 sheep, and a common of
pasture in Le Stele for the same number;^ and by the great charter
of ImpeximuSy granted by Edward I. to the prior and convent of
Hexham, these lands and possessions in Northumberland, after the
burning of their house by the Scots, were confirmed to them.'

The ' Black Book of Hexham,' giving the rental of the prior and
convent of Hexham, says that they hold in Slaley divers tenements,
'and half a carucate of land, and certain other acres and pasturage for
sheep, as in the charter of the convent are contained.^ It was assessed
as a rectory in pope Nicholas's taxation in 1292, and was again taxed
as a church and distinct parish to the ninths in 1340. In the list
of Procurations paid by the clergy of Northumberland in 1867 to

' Tenent etiam ecclesiam de Slaveley in proprios usus et unam caracatam
terre de dote ejasdem ecclesie et commaniam pasture in eadem villa ad ducentas
et sexaginta oves et communiam pasture in le Stele ad ducentas et sexaginta
oves in liberam puram et perpetuam elemosinam de dono Gilberti de Slaveleye
et inde habuernnt cartam et confirmationem domini episcopi et capituli Dnnelm-
ensis et tenuerunt a tempore re}2:is Henrici patris Domini regis nunc. JSx Rnt,
Cart, 27 Edw. I. 23rd Nov. 1298. In the tower of London. Hodgson, pt. IIL
vol. ii. p. 164. In Surtees Soc. vol. 46, p. 112, Raine gives a copy of this from
what is said to be an original in the possession of W. B. Beaumont, esq. Query,
can Mr. Beaumont's be an original, or is it a copy of the document in the tower
of London 7

' SCLAVBLEYE. — Tenent etiam in Sclavelye diversa tenementa et di cara-
catam terrae, et alias certas acras, ut in cartis Conventus, et pasturas ad certas
oves, ut in cartis continetur. [Then follows an interesting list of the tenants,
with their holdings, and quantity of land held by each in Sclavelye, Prestplaco,
Lumbard's place, etc.] Hexham Priory, vol. ii. (Surtees Soc. vol. 46), pp. 27-28.'

VOL. 3^VI, U K

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340 SLALEY :

cardinal Talairand and his colleagaes the rector of Slaley is stated to
have paid his share : —

Bcctoria de Slaveley non valet ultra iiijli xrjd k solvit ijs.

From a survey of the estates of the priory of Hexham, made at the
dissolution, we learn that Slaley was no longer a rectory. It appears
simply as a chapel, and the officiating minister is styled chaplain :
' Et in pencione annuali exeunde de capella de Slevele soluta abbati et
conv. de Abbyland, p.a. xxiijs. Salaria Capellanobum . . . . et
in salario unius capellani servientis curam animarum infra capellam
de Slavele, p.a. iiij li.'^ \

The period of the Reformation seems to have been a trying time
for Slaley. When the priory of Hexham was dissolved the endowments
of Slaley fell with it into improper (alias impropriator) hands, and in
her impoverished c(»ndition, not being able to maintain her position
of independence as a separate parish, the church of Slaley was obUged
to return to the old maternal fold, and had to depend upon the mother-
church of Bywell St. Andrew for maintenance for a time. Randal, in
his Survey of the Ghurclces of Northumberland^ gives Slaley as a chapelry
in the parish of Bywell St. Andrew, with a list of curates from 1501
to 1756. In the Liber Regis ^ compiled by order of Henry VIII., this
living is valued at £15.

At the Archdeacon's Visitation, held at Corbridge in 1601, it was
reported of the curate and churchwardens *that they have had no
sermon this last yeare, and that they use no perambulation in Roga-
tion weeke, and that the Register Booke is in paper.' Two years
later the presentment is * that they have no Register book, nor new
communion booke.'

John Shaftoe, vicar of Warden, bequeathed by will, 13th May,
1693, an augmentation of £10 for ever to the church of Slaley, to be
paid out of the mortgaged lands and estate of John Heron, hart., then
lately deceased, of Chipchase.

In 1719 Slaley again arose to the rank of a separate parish. In a
letter (dated 12th February, 1887) the secretary of Queen Anne's
Bounty informs me that Slaley was augmented by the governors of
Queen Anne's Bounty in the year 1719, that the cure was, prior to that
date, an * Impropriate Curacy ' or chapelry, and the effect of augmenta-
tion was to make such curacy or chapelry a perpetual curacy and
^ Surtecs Soc. vol, 46, p, 169,

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CHtTftCti AND VICARAOD. 841

benefice (see 1 Geo. I. c. 10, s. 4). The benefice has (he says) been
subsequently augmented several times.

A church was built at Slaley in 1812, and an indulgence of forty
days was granted to those who contributed to the fabric.^ The present
church was erected in 1832, and in the vestry is preserved the contract
for the work, which is dated * 24th April, 1882.' On May 26th, 1832,
the foundation stone of the new church was laid by the rev. C. Bird,
vicar of Chollerton, in the presence of the clergy of the neighbourhood,
the principal inhabitants, and a large concourse of people. The old
church had become little better than a mass of ruins, and totally unfit
for the celebration of divine service. Bj the persevering exertions of
the rev. Henry Armstrong, the curate, and other members of a com-
mittee selected for that purpose, sufTicieut funds were raised to rebuild
and enlarge the structure, without having recourse to a parish rate.
Previous to the ceremony, the rev. C. Bird delivered an appropriate
address. The stone was then laid with the usual ceremonies. On the
4th of November, 1832, the new church was opened for divine ser-
vice. It consists of chancel, nave, western bell turret, vestry on
south of nave, with a gallery on the north side of the nave. It
affords room for three hundred and fifty worshippers, whilst the old
church had only ninety-four sittings.

Two bells were placed in a turret at the west end, when the church
was rebuilt in 1832. They are both of that date, but bear no inscrip-
tion. Registers begin in 170|. The old vicarage house, now a pictur-
esque ruin covered with ivy, is worthy of note. The Shaftoe charity
is said to have been spent in buying land and building this old house.
The new vicarage was built by vicar Heslop. In the church there is
a * three-decker,' with a sounding-board over, and a curious font, a
stone octagonal basin, ten inches in diameter, on a wooden octagonal
stem, four feet high. On the west side of the south door is a tomb-
stone bearing the inscription : — here lieth | richard teas |

DALE OF SLALET | GENTLEMAN | DIED THE FIRST | DAY OF MARCH
I AKO DOMINI I ^635.

The communion plate has been described by Mr. Blair in the
Proceedings of the Society.*

* Memorandum. — Quod xxiij® die Novembris, anno Domini milleBimo occ™<>
zij°i concessit dominus zl dies indulgentiae omnibus conferentibus de bonis suis,
ad tabricam ecclesiae de Slaveley, Dunelmensis dioecesis. Up, Kellawe't EegUterf
I. p. 254. » Vol. iii. p. 272.

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842 SLALBT :

Slaley Vicabb and Curates.
A.D. 1501, William Thompson.
„ 1677, Jan. 26, Cuthbert Pattenson, Scotus. He had no letters of orders

or licence. In Bishop Barnes's Vuitation he was admonished to

serve no longer till he be licenced.
„ 1678, Jaly 15, Edward Thompson.
„ 1604, Peter Gillaspie.
„ 1612, John Smith.
„ 1662, Andrew Turner.
„ 1671, Matthew Wrightson.
„ 1710, John Sleigh.
„ 1712, William Richardson.

„ 1728, Feb. 2, John Topling, clerk, after death of Richardson.
„ 1740, Matthew Robinson, A.M.
„ 1766, William Wharton, clerk, after death of Robinson. Patron, Sir

Walter Blackett, Bart. The burial r^:ister states:—* 1774, Dec

27 th. Then was buried the Rev. W. Wharton.*
In 1773, Thomas Martindale,

Jona". Jefferson,

William Dalston, ^ All sign the registers as curates.

John Orton,

A. Brown, P.O. of Whitley,
„ 1775-1792, Thomas Martindale, minister. He died March 24th, 179i»

aged 76 years.
„ 1792-1811, Richard Close, curate.
„ 1811, Jn°. Jopling, curate.
„ 1812-1821, W. Harrison, curate.
„ 1821-1823, G. Thompson, minister.
„ 1823-1830, Jos. Smith, minister.
„ 1831-1832, H. Armstrong, curate.
„ 1832, Richard Heslop, P. curate. The present church and vicarage were

built during his incumbency.
„ 1850, Blythe Hurst, Ph.D., incumbent. A linguist of superior attain-
ments.
„ 1864, W". Sisson, the present vicar, who is also vicar of Whitley (or

Hezhamshire).

Slalet Reoisters.

I. Contains baptisms, marriages, and burials, beginning aj>. 170}. Thif

consists of 9 pages on paper in poor condition.
It. Contains baptisms, marriages, and burials, A.D. 1725 to 1752. 40 pages

on parchment, good condition.
II L Contains baptisms* marriages, and burials, also churchwardens' accounts,

A.D. 1755 to 1769. 10 pages on paper, good condition.

IV. Contains baptisms and burials, A.D. 1769 to A.D. 1812 ; also banns and

marriages, a.d. 1754 to A.D. 1812. This and the following are on good
strong paper and in good condition.

V. Contains baptisms, a.d. 1813 to a.d. 1860.

VI. Contains marriages, a.d. 1813 to a.d. 1887.

VII. Contains burials, A.D. 1813 to present date.
VIIL Contains baptisms, A.D. 1860 to present date.

IX. Contains marriages (in duplicate), A.D. 1888 to present dat«.

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EXTtlACTS FROM RfiGIStEfeS. 343

The following are the earliest legible entries :—

Baptisms.

February y« 29**», Anno Domini 170|. — Joseph Carr, son of William Carr, and
Marj, his wife, were then Baptizd.

Septem' y* 12*"*, Anno Dom. 1703. — John Farbridge, son of John Farbridge,
and Mary, his wife, was then baptizd.

Decem' the S**, Anno Dom. 1706.— Leonard Farbridge, son of John Farbridge,
& Mary, his Wife, was then Baptizd.

March y* 5^, Anno Dom. 1705. — John Carr, son of William Carr, and Mary,

his Wife, was then Baptizd.

Mabriaoes.

December the 28***, 1722. — Then was marryd by Publication Henry Carr, of
this Parish, and Alice Milton, of St. Nicholas, in the City of Durham.

April y« 23*, An. Dom. 1723.— Then was Marryd by Publication Joseph
Foster, in the Parish of Hexham, and Mary Linton, of y* Parish of Slealey.

April y« 24*^, 1728.— Then was marry 'd W" Taylor, of this Parish, & Ann
Spark, of y* parish of Hexham, by Publication.

Burials.
26th .... [obliterated] [1720] An. Dom., Burials. . . . t Taylor was
then buried.

. . . mber y« 24**».— Gerrard Farbridge was then buried.
April y« 12*^, 1721.— M' Tho. Teasdale was then buried.

April y« 8th, 1725. — ^Then was buried a Strainger.

APPENDIX.

An Abstract of the title deeds of John Thornton, Esq. [of Netherwitton], to
the Bectorys and tythes of By well St. Andrew and Slaveley in the County of
Northumberland.

10 Oct. 5 Jac. — A Copy of a Grant from King James to Geo. Ward and Rob*
Morgan and their heirs (ijUer alia) of the Rectory and Church of Bywell St.
Andrew, Count. Northumb., with its rights, members, and appurt*^ of the yearly
rent of 6IL 18s. 4d., late belonging to the Monastery of Blanchland in the s^
County, and also y* Advowson, donation, free disposition, and right of patronage
to the Vicarage Church of Bywell afores*', with all the lands, tenements, tythes,
meadows, pastures, feedings, court leets, view of frank Pledge, &c., to the said
Rectory belonging, under the yearly rent of 611. 13s. 4d., payable to his Maj*^,
his heirs, and successors. To be held of Mann^ of East Greenwich.

21 May, 6 Jac. — By bargain and sale inrolled in Chancery the said Geo.
Ward and Rob^ Morgan grant and convey the said Rectory, advowson, Tythes,
&C., of Bywell Andrew, as fully as his then Maj^^ granted the same to them
(inter alia) by the Grant last above mentioned unto Cuthbert RadclifEe, of
Blanchland, Esq., his heirs, and assigns, under the said Crown rent of 61i. ISs. 4d.

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844 SliALfiT •

29 Oct. 9 Jac. — By Indenture reciting that Queen Elizabeth by her L'res
Patents dat y" 11 Apr\ in the 21st year of her reign did grant to Sir Chr.
Hatton, Kn*, and his heirs (inter alia) all and all manner of tythes of what
nature or kind soever of and in the town, fields, parish, and hamlet of Slaveley,
in the s** County of Northumberland, theretofore belonging to the late Monastery
of Hexham, with all houses, buildings, barns, dovecots, orchards, gardens,
gleablands, meadows, pastures, Tythes as well greater as lesser, advowson, gift,
free disposition, and right of patronage to the Vicarage of Slaveley aforesaid,
as fully as her s** Maj^^ held the same, reserving to her s^ Maj*^, her heirs, and
successors for the s** premies the yearly rent of 61i. ISs. 4d. for the maintenance
of a fit minister or Clerk in the Church or Chapel of Slaveley af ores', which s'
Tythes and prem'es in Slaveley the s' S*" Chr. Hatton by Indre of Bargain and
sale inrolled in Chancery Dat. 12 of the s** April in y« s«* 21 of her s^ Maj**^**
reign, did grant to S' John Foster and his heirs, who conveyed the same to S'
John Fenwicke and his heirs. He the s* S' John Fenwicke grants and conveys
the 8^ Tythes, advowson, and prem'es in Slaveley laf ores*' to the abovenamed
Cuthbert Badcliffe, Esq., and Ms heirs, renewing the yearly rent of 41L towards
payment of y*' yearly rent reserved by the s' L'res Patents, for Slaveley, and alao
the s** rent of 61i. ISs. 4d. for Ministers wages or Stipend.

(A Counterpart of this conveyance executed by Radcliffe.)

6 Oct. 11 Jac. — By Indenture reciting as in the last above-mentioned
Indenture is recited the s*' Sir John Fenwicke grants and conveys the s' Tythes,
advowson, and prem'es in Slaveley afores'^ to John Radcliffe, of Blanchland,
Gent., and his heirs under y* s** rent of 41i., and the said rent for Ministem
wages of 61i. 13s. 4d.

(A Counterpart of this deed signed by John Badcliffe.)

29 Oct. 9 Car. — The said John Radcliffe by his last will and testament gives
to his brother Anthony his Rectory of Bywell Andrew and the Chappelry of
Slaveley, and to his brother William all his moyety of Com Tythes in Chester
[i.e,i Chester-le- Street], and makes his said brothers executors of his said will.

22 Oct. 1647. — A probate of the last will and testament of William Radcliffe,
whereby he gives the Tythes of Slaveley Parish, and the Tythes or Rectory of
Bywell Andrew to his sister, Jane Witham, and her heirs.

25 May, 1649. — By Indenture John Witham and the s'^ Jane (his then wife)
grant and convey unto John Thornton, of Netherwitton, Gent, and his heirs all
their messuage or tenement called Hassewell, alias Hassiwell, in the County of
Northumb'^, with a pasture there called Wattefield, alias Watchman's Bogg, and
all that Rectory and Church of Bywell Andrew, the free gift, and right of
patronage of the Vicarage of Slaveley, one rent charge of 81L per annum issuing
out of West Calecoates, one other rent charge of 12li. out of the Mann' of North
Charlton, one other of 401L, out of Great Swinburne, West Swinbnm, Cockwell,
Whiteside Law, and Holmes Haugh, one free rent or White rent of 40s. out of
Great Framlington and Little Framlingtou, one other of iOs. out of Todbume

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APPENDIX. 345

and Horseley, and one other of 398. lid. out of Riplington, and also the Moyety
or one half of the Prebend, Rectory, and Vicarage of Chester in the Street
aforea^. To hold to the sf^ John Thornton and his heirs, to the use of John
Witham and Jane, his wife, for the life of the s^ Jane, then to the use of the
s<* John Thornton and his heirs. Provided the s* John Thornton, after the death
of the 8* Jane, did pay to his brother Henry Thornton and his heirs the yearly
rent of 30li. per annum, if the s** Henry did pay to Margaret Thornton, his
sister, lOOli., and the further sum of 2001i. if the s^ Jane did appoint and declare
the same by her last will and testament.

A Copy of the Capcon of a fine of the s^ prem'es from the s*' Witham et Uz.
to the s^ John Thornton.

1 Apr. 1653.— By Indenture the ^ John Thornton covenants to stand seized
of the Rectory and Tythes of By well Andrew and Slaveley and the advowson
thereof, and of one moyety of the Prebend Rectory and Vicarage of Chester to
the use of himself for life, then to the use of Henry Thornton and the heirs of
his body. In default of such to the use of William Thornton and the heirs of
his body, and for default of such, to the right heirs of him the said John
Thornton.

3 June, 1659. — A Copy of the said Jane Witham*s will, whereby she consti-
tutes her son, Henry Thornton, sole executor of all her estate, real and personal,
provided that he pay to her daughter, Marg^ Thornton, sister to the s^ Henry,
the sum of 3001i. pursuant to the deed of the 25 of May, 1649, above-mentioned.

1 and 2 Oct. 36 Car. 2.— By Indentures of Lease and Release, the release
being 3-partite and made between the s<* Henry Thornton of the first part,
Edward Burdett and Anthony Anderson of the 2^ part, and Richard Pepper of
y« 3* part, the s* Henry Thornton grants and conveys the s** Rectorys, Tythes,
advowsons, and prem'es of and in By well and Slaveley, the s* moyety of the
Prebend, Rectory, and Vicarage of Chester, to the s* Burdett and Anderson and
their heirs to make them tenants of the freehold, in order to suffer a recovery
thereof. The uses whereof is thereby declared to be to the use of such person
and persons for such estates charged with such annual paym^ and with such
sums of money as the s* Henry Thornton should by any writing or last will in
writing direct or appoint, and subject thereunto To the use of the s** Henry
Thornton, his heirs, and assignes for ever.

Hil. Pro. 36 of 37 Car. 2. — An Exemplification of a recovery of the prem'es
pursuant to the deed last abovement"**, wherein Richard Pepper is demant.
against the said Burdett and Anderson on Tenants and the said Henry Thornton
le Vouchee..

14 Mar. 4 Jac. 2. 1687.— A Copy of the last will and testament of the s**
Henry Thornton, whereby he gives and devises the s** moyety of the a** Prebend,
Rectory, and Tythes of Chester in the street, with the appurtenances, to his
nephew, Nicholas Thornton, and his heirs, and gives to his cousin, Marg^
Sackvile, an annuity of lOli. per annum for her life, chargeable on the Rectory

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846 8LALBY PARISH :

of Bywell Andrew and tythes of By well Andrew and Slaveley afores*, payable
half-yearly at Pent, and Martinmas ; and deviscM the s* Rectory, adyowson,
Tythes, and premies of and in Bywell Andrew and Slaveley aforesaid to his
sister, Marg* Thornton, for her life. Then to her execntors for 7 years from her
death for payment of her debts, subject to the s* lOli. per annum giyen to
Sackvlle, and after the expiration thereof gives the s^ tythes and premises to his
s^ nephew, Nicholas Thornton, and his heirs, subject to the 8<* annual payment
of lOli. above-mentioned, and further devises to his s* sister Marg^ and her
heirs an annual rent charge of 81i. issuing out of Shelley, one other of 611 per
annum out of one messuage or tenement in Eirkley, and out of all other the
lands late of Sir Nicholas Thornton in Northumberland, and makes the said
Margaret, his sister, executrix of his said will.

By memorandum the s^ Henry Thornton wills That his s^ sister Margaret
enjoy Chester Tythes for her life, and in defect of such enjoyment gives a rent
charge of 201i. chargeable on Bywell Andrew and Slaveley Tythes to the s*
Margaret and her heirs. But in case the s** Margaret enjoy Chester Tythes for
her life, then all his said tythes to come to his s* nephew, Nicholas Thornton,
and his heirs. — Hodgson's MS. Materials^ M, p. 100 and S, p. 101.

John Thornton, whose name stands at the head of these abstracts, was son
and heir of the above-named Nicholas. By the marriage of his grand-daughter,
Margaret, to Walter Trevelyan, the Slaley tithes passed into the hands of the
Trevelyans of Netherwitton. Two fields near the church, still known as Glebe
Fields, belong to that family. The tithes, passed by sale into the hands of the
Silvertops, and are at present held by Mr. Witham, of Lartington, who pays to
the vicar of Slaley the annual sum of £6 13s. 4d.. and provides wine for holy
communion. The patronage of Slaley is now in the hands of Mr. W. B.
Beaumont.

Merchingley or Marchinqley Hermitage in the Parish
OF Slaley.

In the thirteenth eentnrj a hermitage existed at a place called
Merchingley or Marchingley, in Northumberland, on land belonging
to Walter de Bolbeck, and granted by him to two monks from Kelso,
about the year 1280. From the names of places and the boundaries
mentioned in the following charters I have come to the conclusion
that the hermitage and church of St. Mary must have been situated
within the parish of Slaley, and not far from the borders of the
present parish of Healey, somewhere near the bum now called
March burn, which forms the boundary. Unfortunately, the name
Marchingley has entirely disappeared, and no traces of the hermitage
or of the church now renxain to mark the spot. It has been suggested

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MEBOHIKOLEY HERMITAGE. S47

that Slaley church (of which the dedication is lost) may have been
the church of St. Mary, mentioned in the charters. That could not
have been the case, for the church of Slaley was given to the priory of
Hexham by Gilbert de Slaveley, who was living in 1239, and Slaley
was assessed as a rectory in 1292. Further investigation may throw
light upon this subject, but at present the exact site of the hermitage
is unknown.

The following is a summary of charters in the Kelso Register,
Liber de Cakhou, respecting Merchingley : —

No. 264. Walter de Bolbech, &c. I have conceded to God and St. Marie and
brother William de Mercheleje and all his saccessors a certain
hermitage [heremitorium] which is called Merchingleye, and formed
* de vaato meo/ out of my waste near Merchingbum, with the church
of St. Marie there constructed, with all appurtenances, &c., in wood
and in plain, in meadows, in waters, in dams and mills, and in
common easements, & in all common pastures through the whole of
my land and my forest, & free exit & entry to their men and their
animals through the whole of my land from whatever of the aforesaid
places they wish ; and they shall receive beyond their marches of my
green wood to build, & of dead to bum as much as they wish ; and
they shall be quit of punage, ' de dominicis f orcis suis.* This hermit-
age he concedes for ever to the aforesaid brother William & to all the
men of religion his successors, for his soul & that of his wife Sibille, &
for the souls of his heirs, his ancestors, & successors, to be held as a
free alms gift. Witnesses — Sibilla de Bolbech, Beginald de Kenne-
belle, Osbert the monk, Wdard the parson, Symund de Kent, Bobert
de Grej & others. i

No. 265. Confirmation. Walter de Bolbech, son of Walter de Bolbech, at the
petition & with the consent of Hugo de Bolbech his brother & heir,
confirms for ever to God & St. Mary & William & Roger, monks of
the Kelso order, a certain hermitage called Merchingleic, which is
founded of the waste of my father U mine near Merchingbume, with
the church of St. Marie built in the same place with all ap])urtenances ;
by these bounds, to wit : whatever is contained below their enclosures
[olmistra9 stuts, it may be cloisters] on either side of Marchinburne by
the circuit of the ford of the Potters [_per cironitum de vadofigulonim],
as far as the ford where Stainesden-bume descends into Merching-
bume, in wood & plain, &c., k in all common easements & liberties, &
in common pastures everywhere through the circuit of the aforesaid
hermitage, on either side of Marchinburne through my land & my
forest, & wheresoever the said William or Roger had their animals in
the time of my father, & of others [as if they had squatted here

VOL. XVI. S S

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348 SLALEY PARISH :

before de Bolbeck's time], & in my time, & free exit & entry to them
& their men through all my land & forest from whatever side of the
aforesaid place they wish. If one of these monks die, the hermitage ia
granted to the other of them. After the decease of both monks, the
aforesaid hermitage of Merchinglee, with the aforesaid chnrch of St.
Marie constructed there & its appurtenances, is to pass to one monk
or two of the habit k order of Kelso, & of no order or habit of religion
unless of the order of the church of Kelso, without subjection however
to church of Kelso or of any other house of religion of another order.
Witnesses : Sibilla de Bolbech^ Hugo de Bolbech her son, Gilbert de
laual [Delaval], Kobert de Insula, Reginald de Kennebelle, Robert
Morell & others.

No. 266. Confirmation, by the same Walter de Bolbech in somewhat similar
terms, stipulating that two monks & no more shall always have the
alms gift of Mercheleye. William de ffenwic appears as a witness
along with some of the preceding.

No. 267. Confirmation upon 26 acres of land near Heleychesters. Hugo de
Balliol concedes to God & St. Mary k Roger the monk of Merching-
lega k all the monks his successors in the place of Merchingleye, who
are to serve God in perpetuity, 26 acres of land near Heleychestres,
which Eustace, my father, gave to him in free, pure, k perpetual
almsgif t. This gift Hugo de Balliol now confirms, ' with all common
easements k liberties to him k his men k animals everywhere upon
my land, &c. Witness : Ingelram de Balliol, Bernard de Balliol,
Henry de Vi-Guidone [i.e., Guido] de fontibus, Hugo de Normanvilla,
and many others.

The editor of the Kelso charters conjectures that the date of these
is about A.D. 1280. Hugo de Bolbeck, as appears from the Testa de
Neville, held * the moiety of Bywell by five fees of ancient feofment'
The manor of Merchenley, 6 Edw. II., belonged to Walter de Hunter-
cumbe and Alicia, his wife, daughter and heiress of Hugo de Bolbeck.^

Merthenley, in Northumberland [misprint for Merchingley],
belonging to Kelso, valued at 58s. lOd., was in the reign of John
Balliol confiscated to Edward I. (May 10th, 1296) and delivered to
them again.® On the Healey side of the March bum there are two

' Inq, p.m. L p. 250.

" Historical hocumentSy Scotland^ ii. p. 48. An extract from the Pipe Bolls.
29 Kdw. I. In it the lands held by Scotchmen in Northumberland are set out.
The name of the lands, the name ol the hold, and the amount payable in respect
of the holding only, are given in each case. The entry referred to in the text
occurs in these terms : — ' Merthenley (Abbatis de Kelsou) summa Iviii*. xrf.' To
this there is the following note : — * Idem reddit compotum de liij*. xd. receptis
de ij busselis frumenti j quart, multurae venditis antequam liberaret easdem
terras abb^ti de Kelesou per breve regis de magno sigillo.' In a letter to the

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MEBOHIKaLEY HBBMITAGE. 849

houses, now adled Hill Top and Rigg End. Formerly they were
Wheat Hill and March's House.

The monks of Kelso were a reformed class of the Benedictine
order, first established at Tiron, in France, in the year 1109, and
hence called Tironenses. They were, in IILS, introduced by David I.
to Selkirk, but that place being found unsuitable for such an estab-
lishment, the monastery was transferred to Eelso in 1128. Among
the witnesses to the foundation charter of Selkirk there appears the
name of Walter de Bolbec. This has led some of the Roxburgh topo-
graphers to believe that Hermitage in Liddesdale was Merchingley,
and that all memory of it had been eflfaced. But neither de Bolbeck
nor the Balliols had any land in Liddesdale. Besides, the charters
show that the lands of these noblemen either surrounded the hermit-
age, or were in such contiguity, that common pasture for their animals
was within reach. On the other hand, they both had possessions in
the neighbourhood of Slaley and Healey, between which two parishes
flows the dividing stream still known as the March bum [».e., boundary
bum], and a small tributary which joins it a little below Slaley bears
the name of Stoney bum. Here we have the more modem forms of
the Marchinbume and Stainesden-bume mentioned in charter Ko.
266 ; and it is remarkable that a tradition still survives among the
old inhabitants of Slaley that the neighbourhood was originally
occupied by squatters. When we examine the names of places with
which Marchingley was associated we find further proof that it was
situated in this locality. In the list of manors of Hugh de Bolbeck
it is placed thus : — * Bidinges maner', Merchenley maner', Bromhalle
maner', etc.' The March bum enters the Tyne between the townships
of Eiding Mill and Broomhaugh. The same may be gathered from
a record of the damage done by the Scots under David Brace, when
they devastated this neighbourhood in 1846.

writer Dr. J. Anderson writes : — * I see that in the previous April there is a list of
the names of those dwelling in the kingdom of Scotland who possess lands and
tenements in Northumberiand which have been confiscated, and are in the
king's (Edward's) hands. In that list the abbot of Melrose is followed by the
abbot of Kelso, and in the list of the lands which I have quoted (p. 848) the
lands of Trolhope are given in the line before those of Merthenley thus : * Trol-
hope (abbatis de Meuros) summa xiiis. iiij<f.,' and there is a note in similar terms
of an accounting for the price of pasture sold before the said lands were freed
to the abbot of Melrose by brief of the king under the great seal ; so that I have
no doubt that both abbots got back their lands.'

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860 fiLALBT PABIBH.

Bain's Record Book, vol. iii. No. 1501, Augast 14, 1847, gives it
as follows : —

Inqnisition [in virtae of two writs tested Redyng 8th June preceding] tsken
at Newcastle-npon-TjDe, on Tuesday the Eve of the Assnmption of tbe 6.11.7.,
21 Edw. III., before Hugh de Sadeljngstanes and Adam de Walton, royal
commissioners, to inquire into the damages of Robert de Herle and his tenants
in Northumberland by 12 jurors, who find that the lands of said Robert and his
tenants at Styford, Neubigging juxta la Blaunchelaunde, Bromhalgh, Ryding,
Merchenley, Shildeforde, and Shotteley, of which he owns half, and also the
vill of Slaueley, of which he is sole lord, were totally destroyed and laid waste
by David de Bruys, and other Scots enemies with a great host^ riding over them
on Sunday next before St. Luke Evangelist's day [15th October] 1346, the
houses, crops, &c., burned, and the tenants plundered of 70 oxen, 83 cows, 143
bullocks and queys, 32 avers, 316 sheep and muttons, and other goods ; the said
Scots riding, burning, destroying, wasting and plundering the vills. [No seals.]
— Inq. ad quod damnum^ 21 Edw. III. No. 3.

Marchingley, in this document, is clearly placed in Northttmberland,
and in the possession of Robert de Herle. Eelso lost ]tf archingley in
the reign of Edward I., bnt it was restored to them again. It would
be finally annexed to England in the reign of Edward III. In the
reign of Richard II. it was granted to John of Creswelle. * The king
in exoneration of his father's soul, and discharge of a debt of 840
** guieneas," arrears of the annuity of 40 " guieneas " due by him to
the late John of Creswelle, who was in his service for life, in the
Castle of Bordeaux, grants to John de Creswelle his son (iniar oHa)
10 acres of land in ]tfarchenley and parcels of a toft, and 15 acres of
land which were the abbot of Kelso's in Scotland, an annual rent of
2s. for an acre in Bamburgh, which was the prioress and nuns of
Caldestreme's in Scotland. To be held for life, if the Baug or his
heirs retain them, for a white greyhound yearly in full of all services.
Westminster.'®

On the western borders of the Slaley parish, not far from Linneb
Bridge, on the Devil's Water, is Nunsbrough, the site of an dd
convent. For a description of the place see Hutchinson's Norfhd,
vol. i. p. 172.

• Patent, 10 Ric. IL p. 2, m. \^,—Qf. Bain*s Record Book, vol. iv. No. 861.
Dec. 14, 1386, Ric. II.

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FLODDBN FIBI.D. 861

XXIL— PLODDEN FIELD.

By Cadwalladbr J. Bates.

[Read on 28th December, 1892, and 22nd February, 1893.]

Fought originally between James IV. of Scotland, and Thomas Howard,
earl of Surrey, on the 9th of September, 1513, the battle of Flodden,
or as it should strictly be called, the battle of Brankston Moor, was
fought over again in the middle of the present century by Robert
White,^ an eminent member of our society, and the Rev. Robert Jones,
vicar of Brankston.^ The second encounter was, I believe, distin-
guished by as great a deference to the rules of chivalrous combat as was
the first, but the result was by no means so decisive. Mr. White's
elaborate account of James IV.'s second campaign in Northumberland
is one of the most valuable contributions that has ever been made to
our Archaeologia, though it labours under two very opposite defects,
being neither what one would call exactly light reading, nor provided
with references and quotations suflBcient to enable one to judge of the
historical evidence for statements generally correct in themselves.
The local knowledge possessed by Mr. Jones, is of very great service,
but does not guarantee the entire accuracy of his topography.

Quite recently the problems suggested by an attentive study of
Flodden Field have again been brought out in high relief by our
senior secretary,^ whose pen, we may congratulate ourselves, has at
last been attracted to a Northumbrian theme, in which Milfield and
the Till come in for some of that mature scholarship and graceful
diction which have been so splendidly lavished on the plains of
Gh&lons and the banks of the Frigidus. There are imaginations to

' Mr. White's paper read at Brankston 27th July, 1858, was printed in Areh,
Ael, N.8. iil. and published in pamphlet form at Newcastle in 1859. He also
contributed a list of the Scots slain at Flodden to Arch. Ael. N.8. vi. p. 69. This
list has now been admirably supplemented by the Death Roll of the Flodden
Campaign in Exchequer Rolls of Scotland^ xiv. App. to preface p. clxii.

' The Battle of Flodden^ read at the Chatton meetuag of the Berwickshire
Naturalists' Club, Blst July, 1862, and printed in their Proceedingiy iv. p. 365 ;
published also by itself, 12*" London, 1864, 16° Coldstream, 1869.

» Arch. Ael. N.S. xvi. p. 1.

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852 FLODDEH FIELD :

which history appeals more forcibly than does poetry : I confess that
the very martial address delivered by Mr. Thomas Hodgkin in Brank-
ston chnrch awoke in ray mind an interest in Flodden, deeper and
traer than any derived from nine or ten perusals of Murmion. It is
at Mr. HodgMn's suggestion that I have now thrown together in an
independent essay a collection of raw material that I shonld have
preferred to have seen incorporated in his appendix.

Mr. Hodgkin has so ably dealt with the general history of the
campaign and the portraiture of the chief personages engaged in it,
that I can pass almost straight on to the battle itself. But please first
remember that a battle, with its ever-shifting scenes^ is one of the
hardest things to describe or comment upon. No soldier nor spectator
sees exactly the same incidents; no historian will make the same
selections from the mass of reminiscences laid before him. I do not
think you would recognise the Sedan of Mr. Forbes in the Sedan of
M. Zola. My object is to illustrate not to controvert. I wish to give
you a clear and plain narrative of the events that took place on and
around Flodden on Friday, the 9th of September, 1513, based on the
earliest evidences attainable, many of them still, I believe, unused,
without eternally harping on the subject of my agreement or disagree-
ment with the conclusions of previous writers.

In order not to needlessly break the thread of my story, I will, to
begin with, call attention to some of what I regard as the prime
authorities.

In treating of a battle the first thing we naturally turn to are the
despatches of the victorious general. Surrey, we know, forwarded
two despatches through queen Katharine to Henry VIII., then
engaged in besieging Tournay, the first by Eouge Croix herald, the
second by John Glyn.* Neither of these is to be found and identified
without a little trouble. The first, the Oazette, as it is called, exists in
full only in a French fgrm, Articles mvoyez avx Maistres des Posies
du Roy d*Angleterre, clearly stated to have been sent from Thomas

* * * My lord Howard hath sent me a letter open to your grace, within one of
mine, by the which ye shall see at length the great victory that our Lord hath
sent your subjects in your absence.* Could not for haste send by Rouge Croix
• the piece of the king of Scots coat which John Glyn now bringeth.' Sends a
bill found in a Scotchman's purse of the instigation used by F?ance to induce
James to invade England.'— Katharine of Aragon to Henry VIII., Wobum 16
Sept. 1613, Letters and Pajyers, Uenry VIII. i. p. 670, n° 4451.

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EARLIEST AUTHORITIES. 858

Howard, the admiral ;• the second, of which there is an imperfect copy
in the Record OflSce, is given in full in a Latin letter written fix>m
Rome to Cardinal Bainbridge, 17th November, 1513, and printed in
a volume of the Roxburghe Club in 1825,® while an abstract of it,
of doubtful accuracy, taken from the Sforza archives at Milan,
appears in our Venetian State Papers J

Then, next in value to the official despatches, there is the popular
news-letter, the precursor of our special correspondence, which has
come down to us in the contemporary black-letter tract printed by
Richard Fawkes, The trewe encountre or hatayU lately don betwene
Englande and Scotlande? but of this the two inner leaves, giving the
account of the very thick of the fray, were provokingly missing until
a manuscript copy of them was providentially discovered by Dr.
Laing in about 1865.®

Flodden was no sooner fought than it was seized on by the poets.
The moment the details of the victory arrived at Rome an Italian
broke out into a song of triumph, La Rotia d^Scocesi}^ This, too,

» * Sign^es au dessoubs des choses dessus d'Thomas Sr. de Howard Admiral
d'Angleterre, qui estoit a la d'bataille avec le conte de Surrey son jpere et menoit
Pavantgard.' — Pinkerton, History of Scotland, ii. pp. 456-468. The truncated
English version is given in State Papers, Henry VIII. vol. iv. part iv. p. 1, and
an abstract of it in Letters and Papers, Henry VIII. i. p. 667, n° 4441.

• The despatch is identified by the fact that it contains the *bille of such
things as the Frenshe king sent to the saide King of Scotts to make warr/
referred to in the letter of Katharine of Aragon. It also mentions the piece of
the king of Scots' coat (palvdhncntuviS that Katharine could not send the first
time * for hastynesse.' There seems to oe some error about the date of the letter
to cardinal Bainbridge, which must have been written immediately the news of
Flodden reached Rome.

' Calendar of State Papers, Venetian^ ii. p. 184.

" Reprinted in black-letter facsimile under the revise of Mr. Hazelwood,
London, 1809.

» Proceedings of Soc, Ant. Scot. vii. 1867, p. 141.

»• Roxburghe Club Publications, 1825. It there follows La Rotta de FranO'
cioH a Terroana notamente facte— ^*' Impressum Romaa per Magistrum
Stephanum & Magistrum Herculem socios. Anno M.D. xiii. Die xii. Septem-
bris,' four days, that is to say, after the arrival of the news of the battle of
Terouenne ; but in neither case is the name of the poet given. The poem on
the battle of Flodden bears internal evidence of having been composed by
the same author, but it has neither date, nor name of printer nor place of
publication. Both were printed by the Roxburghe Club 6om a volume in the
possession of Mr. B. Hey wood Bright. It appears probable that they were
the work of Andrea de Bernardi, as among the Salisbury MSS. is an 'Invo-
catio de inclyta invictissimi Regis nostri Henrici VIII. in Gallos et Scotos
victoria, per Bemardum Andrde poetam regium ' — Hist. MSS. Comm. Report
on MSS. at Hatfield, L p. 4, and Mazzuchelli in his Scrittori d' Italia, i. p.
961, mentions that Andrea de Bernard! (1450-1522) *con solenne cerimonla e
applauso universale fu Laureato Poeta nel 1505.' The * Invocatio' itself is in

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854 FLODDEN FIELD :

was printed in the volume of the Roxburghe Club already mentioned,
but as acute bibliomania restricted the issue to forty copies, it is
exceedingly rare, and I venture to think much of the information
derived from it both novel and interesting. But among all early
materials the stately old ballad called Scotish ffeildey written by Leigh
of Baggaley Hall, a Cheshire squire, in about 1515, is that which
deserves the most prominent place.^^ It is to be found in the folios
of good bishop Percy, and though not so long, compares very favour-
ably, as far as the poetry is concerned, with the better known ballad
of Floddon Field, the production, it is said, of Richard Jackson,
schoolmaster at Ingleton in Craven, in about 1560.^' The contrast
of feeling between the two is tery remarkable ; the Baggaley baUad is
thoroughly medieval, the Ingleton ballad thoroughly renaissanL

On the Scottish side, until the recent publication of the valuable
series of Exchequer Accounts,^' the only early notice of the battle was
contained in a letter of the regency of James Y. to the court of
Denmark.^*

The first historian who gives a lengthened account of Flodden is
Paolo Giovio, the elder, bishop of Nocera, in the portion of the history
of his own times presented by him to Leo X. in 1516.^^

Without referring to minor documents or to the thumb-worn pages

of later chroniclers, I will now proceed to insert some of the unused

evidence to be drawn from the sources cited in an elementary sketch

of the campaign as the best and shortest method of explaining its

historical value : —

Latin and does not seem to resemble the poem in the Italian vemacalar. The
Rotta de Scoccsi is largely founded on the Latin letter to Cardinal Bainbridge,
but much of the information contained in it must have been derived from the
Scottish side of the battle. It appears to be the earliest source of the accounts
of the escape of the hare through the king's camp and of the remonstrance of
Douglas. With respect to the minute details of the combat the poet may have
used a free hand.

" Bishop Percy's Folio MS. Ballads and Rotnancesy ed. Hales and Fumivall,
1867, i. p. 202. It is worthy of note that A ballade of the scottvsthe Kynge^ by
John Skelton, commencing * Kynge Jamy, Jomy your Joye is all go,' printed in
black-letter, by Richard Fawkes, 1513, is said to be the earliest printed English
ballad.

»'» The Ballad of Floddon Field, edited by Charles A. Federer, Manchester,
1884, p. 133 ; but Weber's edition, Edinburgh, 1806, is perhaps still the best.

" Exchequer Rolls of Scotland^ vols. xiii. and xiv. edited by Sheriff
Mackay.

" Instructions to Andrew Brownhill, 16 Jan. 1514, Ep, Reg. Scot, p. 187,
quoted in Ridpath, Border History^ page 492 n.

^ Pauli Jovii, Historiarum sui teinporis tomusprimyM{ — secuiidus), FlorentiiB,
1550-2.

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THB SCOTTISH INVASION. 856

James lY. crossed the Tweed near Coldstream on the 22nd August,
1513. The object he had in view was to assist the French by causing
a diversion of the English forces then besieging Terouenne under
Henry VIII. in person- A letter and ring he had received from the
French queen, bidding him take three steps on English ground as
her true knight had finally decided him on this course. Some French
ofScers and men-at-arms under M. d'Aussi had landed at Dumbarton
with several cannon and four thousand arquebusses and springalds.^^

The English Border still exhibited traces of the ravages James had
committed seventeen years previously when he had championed the
cause of our false Richard lY. The castle of Heton and the towers of
Brankston, Tilmouth, Twizel, Duddo, Shoreswood, Howtell, and
Lanton still lay in ruins.^^ Norham, thanks largely to the wise rule
of bishop Fox, was the only stronghold capable of offering serious
resistance, and Norham fell after a five days' siege on the 29th of
August. Etal and Ford, and also Chillingham it seems>^^ were
speedily captured, and then having established a camp of observation
on the heights of Flodden^ James made Ford castle his headquarters
for the inside of a week, quietly waiting till Thomas Howard, earl of
Surrey, king Henry's lieutenant in the North, should advance to
attack him.

One reason for this inactivity was, no doubt, the very practical
lesson as to the danger of advancing too &r .unsupported into an
enemy's country which lord Home, the chamberlain of Scotland, had
received about a fortnight before from sir William Buhner at Broom-
house. Another was the certainty that if ever Highlanders were allowed
too wide a field of plunder it would not be long before they went off
with it to their own homes. Then, too, the whole object of declaring
war was not, as was said to have been the case in 1496, the conquest
and annexation of the seven northern * sheriffdoms ' of England, but the
compelling Henry YIII. to conclude a peace with France. There is
little or no reason to give credence to the old-wives tale that this

*• Cal, State Papers, V&netian, ii. p. 136. Aussi, who is curiously forgotten
by the English chroniclers, is not to be confounded with the French envoy La
Motte. I can find no account of either in books of French genealogy.

>^ Border Holds, i. pp. 22, 329 n.

" John Ainslie, captain of Norham, and Edward Gray, captain of Chilling-
ham, were sent to Falkland for thirteen weeks as prisoners after those castles
were cast down by James. — Exchequer MolU of Scotland^ XIV. xxxviii. 9.

T T

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856 FLODDBN FIELD :

inertion on the part of James was due to the fatal channs of dame
Elizabeth Heron the ch&telaine of Ford.^*

James was soon disabused of the notion that in transporting his
army to Flanders^ king Henry had only left ^millers and mass-
priests'^ at home. At the first news of the invasion, Surrey had
written to James Stanley, bishop of Ely, asking for the support of
his powerful house. Sir Edward Stanley found 10,000 men ahready
under arms on his arrival at Skipton, where he was joined by 4,000 of
the bishop's tenants, with eagles' feet (the Stanley badge) and three
crowns (the arms of the see of Ely) broidered in gold on their breasts.
They brought with them the banner of St. Audrey, as St. Etheldreda,
queen of Northumberland, and foundress of Ely, was then popukriy
called.*^ A curious list of the Craven contingent, armed mostly with
bills and bows, is preserved at Bolton abbey : large villages like
Marton and Addingham each sent nine men 'horssed and harnessed at
the town's cost.'^

Surrey had summoned his levies to meet him at Newcastle, on the
1st of September. Two days later he marched on to Alnwick, whence
he dispatched his pursuivant, Rouge Croix, to the king's headquarters
at Ford. James called his council together. The rumour soon spread
that Surrey's son, the admiral, had reached Alnwick with a thousand
* merry mariners' and a detachment of picked troops from before
Terouenne. Many of the Scottish lords considered that they had
already done enough for the French alliance, and were in favour of
recrossing the Border, but their advice was overruled by the violent
opposition of La Motte, the French ambassador. It seems to
have been a foregone conclusion with James that if Surrey should
attack the fortified camp on Flodden, it could only be by forcing a
passage over Ford bridge. It is said that Robert Borthwick, his
master-gunner, now offered to arrange for blowing up this bridge
when only half the English army should have crossed, a treacherous
proposal that not unnaturally excited the king's indignation.^ The

" Border Holds, i. pp. 305, 306, 308, 309. *> ScotuhffeOde, 1. 109.

" »The standard of Saint Towder' (St. Tandere, Lyme MS.).— 2ftfA 1. 868.
This has needlessly puzzled the editors of BUhop Percy* » Folios, L p. 226 n.

* Floddon Field, ed. Federer, pp. 155, 156.

*• Whether this legend given by Pitscottie be true or not, the bridge in qnCB-
tion was evidently Ford bridge : —

' Dum ad Furdam ita desidetur, &c., &c nam cum TiUos mmnis

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STBBiraTH OP 0PP08IHO FORCES. 867

tenn fixed for negotiations respecting the preservation of Ford castle
expired bootlessly on that day, Monday, the 6th of September, at noon,
and the Scots immediately set to work to dismantle it. Then, having
planted a battery to openly command the bridge, king James moved
his headquarters to the camp on Flodden.*^

Surrey meanwhile was marching on from Alnwick to Bolton,
whence he sent a message promising to give the Scots battle 'by
Friday next at the furthest.'^ At Bolton, too, he divided his troops
into two divisions. The centre of the vanguard, in which was the
banner of St. Cuthbert, was commanded by his elder son, Thomas
Howard, the lord admiral ; the right wing by his younger surviving
son, master Edmund Howard; the left by old sir Marmaduke
Constable.^® Surrey himself remained with the rear-guard, the right
and left wings of which were entrusted respectively to lord Dacre
and sir Edward Stanley. The strength of the two armies should be
determined once for all by the clear contemporary statement that the
English, though said to be 80,000, were really 40,000, while the Scots,
said to be 80,000, were really 60,000.*^ The latter discrepancy may
be accounted for by the fact that 20,000 Scots deserted their king
and made off home before the day of battle.*®

A jealous enmity prevailed between the Howards and the Stanleys.
Surrey could scarcely have forgotten that it was the defection of

ripis prsealtis, ac Dusqnam fere yadosas nnllam intra aliquot millia paesnnm,
nisi per unum pontem, ezercitni transitum daturas esset, paacos ibi tantn mnlti-
tudini posse obsistere : posse etiam, parte Angloram transmissa, machinis
commode locatis pontem interscindi.' — BuchaDan, Rerum Scoticarum Hutoria,
ed. Elzevir, pp. 461, 462. That the ' machine ' here referred to were not mere
honourable cannon, we shall .'presently see from the fact that James did defend
this one approach to Flodden by * marvellous and great ordnance of guns,* as the
English well knew.
** Buchanan, p. 464.
» ZeUert and Papers Henry VIIL i p. 667, n« 4489.

" * Marmaduke Cunstable of fflaynbright knyght

At brankisto' feld wher the kyng of Scottys was slayne
He then beyng of the age of thre score and tene
With the gode duke of Northefolke yt iorney he hay tayn
And coragely avancid hy*self emo'g other there & then.^
— Monumental inscription on a brass plate in Flamborough church, copied by
Ed. Peacock, Gentleman's Magazine, 1864, i. p. 93.

*» Brian Tuke to Richard Pace, Tournay 22 Sept. 1613.— ^aZ. State Pa^en,
Venetian, p. 134.

» * They say that after the kyng of Scotts medelyd with Norham xxm* of
hys men went away from hym.*— Letter of Bishop Ruthal to Wolsey, Arch. Ael,
N.8. V. p. 779.

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358 FLODDEN FIELD :

sir Edward Stanley^s father that caused his own father to be slain on
the field of Bosworth. The Stanleys still remembered with pride how
they had * busked ' their banner at the recovery of Berwick in 1482,''
and their Oheshire tenants chafed at the hard fate that condemned
them to serve in one of the three divisions led by Howards.^

The English army, thus marshalled, proceeded to Wooler haugh,
where they pitched their thousand tents. This is said to be within

* three miles' of the king of Scots ; but these * little miles' were no
doubt the * petits lieux ' of the French, or two of our present miles.'^
Every soldier on Wooler haugh * might,' we are told, * see how the
king of Scots did lie with his army upon a high hill on the edge of
Cheviot, .... whereunto he had removed from Ford castle
over the water of Till, and was enclosed in three parts with three
great mountains so that there was no passage nor entry unto him but
by one way, where was laid marvellous and great ordnance of guns.''*

On the "Wednesday afternoon, 7th September, the English lords,
tired of waiting, drew up a formal challenge requesting that James

* of his noble courage would come down to the plain of Millfield where
was convenient ground for the meeting of two armies, or to a ground
(hard) by, called Flodden, or to any other indiflFerent ground for two
battles to fight upon.**' Kouge Croix, who bore this challenge, was
not admitted into the royal presence, but received his answer from a
Scottish gentleman. This answer, which has an important bearing
on the subsequent tactics, has been so distorted by the later
chroniclers that it is necessary to quote it at length in its earliest
form. * The king, my master,' so the gentleman told Eouge Croix,

* wills that ye shall show to the earl of Surrey that it beseemeth him

* ' because th6 basked them at Barwicke : that bolds them the more.* —
SootUhffeilde, L 364. Sir Edward Stanley is made to say :
* A scourge for Scots my father was ;
He Barwick town from them did gain.*

^Floddon Field, 9th fit, y. 12, ed. Federer, p. 83.
^ < theire chance was the worse ;
because they knew not theire CAptaine : theire care was the more,
for they were wont att all warr : to waite uppon the Stanleys.'

—SootUh ffeilde, IL 266-267.
'* An English mile contains 1,000 geometrical paces, the French little league
2,000. — Chambers's Cyclopadia^ 1781, vol. iii., tm vooo League. This suggests
that many of our English chronicles are translated from the French.
" Trewe Encountre, Laing MS. ; Proc, Soc, Ant* Scot, yii. pp. 146, 146.
» Ibid. p. 146.

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8UBBEY MABOHES TO BABMOOR. 359

not, being an earl, so largely to attempt a great prince. His grace
will take and keep his ground and field at his own pleasure, and not
at the saying of the earl of Surrey, whom the king, my master, sup-
poseth to deal with some witchcraft or sorcery because he {Hrouveth to
fight upon only the said ground.'** Here is certainly no quixotic
promise on James's part to place no dependence on any ground, and
sorcery is only mentioned by way of taunting Surrey.

Surrey now perfectly well understood that James was not to be
tempted to throw away the advantages of his position, he therefore
advanced northwards on the Thursday in hopes of forcing the engage-
ment he so eagerly desired. He crossed the Till no doubt at Doddington
bridge, and * continually all that day went with the whole army in array
in the sight of the king of Scots.'^ He encamped that night under a
woodside called Barmoor wood. As this was at least four miles from
Flodden, we can hardly understand the special advantage of there
having been a hill between the two hosts *for avoiding the danger of
gun shot.'^ The hill seems accurately described in a later chronicle
' as rising from the hither bank of Till water with an easy steepness,
the height of a mile's space,' that is to say two of our miles, * or there-
abouts,' but we are still told that one camp was within culverin shot
of the other .^ The condition of the English on this their fourth night
of encampment was pitiable in the extreme. During their whole march
there had been scarce one hour of fine weather, and even at Wooler the
men were so 'clemmed' with the cold and wet that they threatened
to return home unless they were at once led into action.** Worse
than all * there was little or no wine, ale, nor beer for the people to be
refireshed with but all the army for the most part were enforced and
constrained of necessity to drink water, .... without comfort
or trust of any relief in that behalf.'*® The Scottish camp on the con-
trary was well provisioned, the nobles reposed on 4,000 feather beds

»• md, "^ Ibid, p. 147.

^ Ibid. p. 147. It seems probable that Surrey's camp was at Woodside, in the
township of Bannoor, about a mi]e farther from Flodden to the north-east than
the hiU of Watchlaw in Ford parish, from which the lord admiral may well
have reconnoitered the Scottish position.

^ Holinshed, Chronicles of JSngland, ed. 1577, p. 1490.

* ' there company was clemmed : and much cold did sufEer ;
water was a worthy drink : win it who might.'

-^ScotUhffeilde 11. 268, 259.
" Trewe JSncountre, Laing MS. ; Proc, Soc, Ant. Scot. viii. p. 147.

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360 FLODDEH FISLD :

and drank out of vessels of gold and sUvery whfle the soldiery were
supplied with most excellent beer.^

James was perfectly well aware of Sorrej^s advance to Barmoor,
and no doabt concladed that he was on his road to Berwick, which
indeed would have formed a good base of operations.^ If we could
believe Leslie, the king was actually marching forward to surprise the
camp at Barmoor, on the morning of the battle when he found it had
already been broken up.*^

According to Holinshed's English ChronicUy Surrey's march from
Barmoor to Twizel had not been decided on when he left Wooler, but
was the consequence of a reconnaissance of Flodden made by the lord
admiral &om a hill on the right bank of the Till on the evening
before the battle : — ^ Thomas lord Howard sonne and heire to the
earle of Surrie, from the top of this hill beholding all the countrie on
euerie side about him, declared to his father, that if he did eftsoons
remooue his campe, and passe the water of Till againe in some place
a little aboue, and by fetching a small compasse come and shew him-
selfe on the backe halfe of his enemies, the Scottish king should either
be inforced to come downe foorth of his strength and give battell, or
else be stopped from receiving vittels or anie other thing out of
Scotland.'

By noon the English vanguard and artillery had accomplished the
passage of the Till at Twizel bridge, mentioned by Leland in 1538, as
* of stone one bow, but greate and stronge,' and Surrey proceeded to
lead his rear-guard through a ford called in the inscription on his
monument * T wizell forth, '** but more generally * Milf ord. ' There are

* Cal. of State Papers, Venetian, ii. p. 148. HolinBhed, Chronielei qfSeet-
land, ed. 1677, p. 420, gives a curious view of the camp at Flodden with one of
the soldiers swilling out of a very long glass, plenty of good cheer being roasted,
and no absence of womankind. The castle in the distance is not much like
either Ford or Btal.

« Buchanan, ed. Elzevir, p. 494.

^ ' And qhen the day of the feild was cumin, and the king marchand forwart
toward the place quhair his enemye did campt the nycht preceicUng, quhair he
had the avantage of grund, he was schortlie advertised of the craft of the Inglis
men.' — Leslie, Eistory of Scotland, p. 94.

*• * the next Morning toke his passage oner the water of at TwisuU forthe.*
— Weever, Funeral Monumentt, ed. 1767, p. 558. The only hint of Surrey's having
crossed the Till by Etal bridge is to be found in Paolo Giovio, ffitt. stU temp, i.
p. 147. — * (Surreius) bipartito exercitu binisque pontibus uno tempore flumen
transmittit.' But both with regard to the passage of the Till and that of
Brankston bog it seems that the English army did not mind wading as long as
the artillery was got safely across on the principle of keeping the powder dry.

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PASSAQBS OYER THE TILL. 861

many reasons for supposing that this was the ford near Heton mill.
It is very improbable that he crossed the river by any of the fords in
the neighbourhood of Etal which would have been dangerously near
the Scots. Indeed had he not been afraid of being attacked by them
before all his troops were on the left bank, he would never have been
at the trouble of marching so far north as Twizel, and instead of
any uncertain fords, would have preferred to make use of the stone
bridge that seems to have been in existence at Etal at the time, since
Leland found it there in 1588, and the account of it three years later as
^ decayed and fallen down of late to the great trouble, hurte and annoy-
aunces of the inhabitants thereabouts whiche had allwaies redy passage
when the said river is waxen greate and past rydinge up on horse-
backe,'^ points both to its having been no recent construction and to the
impossibility of using the fords near it when the Till was ^ swollen as
it was on the morning of Plodden. The Border Commissioners of 1541
proceed to express the opinion that 'much necessary it were to have it
reedified again as well for the purpose aforesaid as for the conveying
of ordnance and armies into Scotland over the same.' Though Surrey
cannot well have crossed it during his advance, there is little doabt
that the Scottish artillery captured at Flodden was brought over it to
Etal castle that night.

Once safely over the Till, Surrey's strategy, it seems, consisted in
leading James to suppose that he intended to carry the heights of
Flodden by storm.** The whole English army probably marched up
the left bank of the river. Three hundred years ago this district, in
many parts rough and uneven, was in some places a mere rushy, swampy
morass.*® The movement of a large force with artillery in its van was
necessarily very slow through such a country. A yet more formidable
obstacle, though it was one that protected them from the Scots, lay
before them in the great bog that then stretched towards the Till for
about a mile and a half from just north of the village of Brankston.

« Border Holds, i. p. 38.

• James, we are told, considered that Surrey was bound in honour to attack
him in his position at Flodden by noon that day, instead of which Surrey pre-
tended to keep his word by crossing the Till before the hour settled for the com-
mencement of the battle : — * (Jacobus) statariam pugnam czpectat. Sed Angli
dolis intenti, locum et horam belli statuto die detrectantes, pugnam dissimulant/
— Ihist* Reg. Scot. p. 187, quoted in Bidpath, Border History, p. 492 n.

* Letter of Jones to White, Arch, Ael. N.S. iii. p. 233.

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362 FLODDBN FIELD:

Near the centre of this swamp was a strip of rather firmer gromid,
where at the end of the last centorj there was 'a small narrow rnde
bridge, which went by the name of ^Branx bridge/ and which was
always pointed ont by the old people as the bridge over which part of
the English army crossed when marching to Flodden Pield.'*^ This
tradition, so far as the swamp is concerned, is admirably substantiated
by the earliest accounts of the battle. The English army was forced
to wade through a certain marshy pass, leaving their artillery in their
rear*® — mons ita erat muniim et defensus tormmUs bellicis ut exerdtus
Anglorum cogeretur indagare qicandam inam paltidosam relictis post se
tormmtisJ^^ The contemporary Italian poem also gives as the reason of
this difiScult passage of Brankston bog by the lord admiral, the neces-
sity he was under of avoiding the extensive artillery of the enemy : —

* Vero e che per la molta artegliaria

nimica, ando per certa via fongosa
et convenne lassar la sua per via.'"

The Scottish artillery had by this time no doubt been drawn up
opposite Crookham to prevent the advance of the English on Flodden
. across the little bum.

* A brook of breadth a taylor's yerd,'**

that issued from the east end of the morass to soon join the Till near
the hamlet of Sandyford. In the sixteenth century, this bum was
called after the hamlet, which in its turn may have derived its name
from a neighbouring ford over the Till.

It was about four o'clock in the afternoon when the Scots sighted
the English vanguard (consisting of Edmund Howard's wing, 3,000
strong, followed by the lord admiral with from 12,000 to 14,000 men,

*" Ibid.

*" Calendar of State Papers^ Venetian, ii. p. 134.

*• Letter to Card. Bainbridge, Rotta de ScoceH, App. p. 4.

w Ibid, p. 30.

** Floddon Field, 7th fit, v. 47. On Surrey's monument the battle is said to
have taken place ' on a hill besidis Bramston in Korthumbrelond, very neer Tnto
Sandiford.* — Weever, Funeral Monuments, ed. 1767, p. 568. As * Twisull forth ' is
mentioned in the same inscription as the place where Surrey crossed the Till, the
two crossings were, it is evident, perfectly distinct, and should never hare been
confused as they have been through that most treacherous of all guides popular
etymology. In the same way the burn has been dubbed * Pallinsbum,' and tiie
name connected with St. Paulinus, for which there is not a shred of historical
authority or real tradition. * Bum * in place-names is often a form of * burh,*
see Border Holds, i. p. 302 n., and the ' Pallin ' in question was much more pro-
bably a former owner of the place like Paulane of Roddam, in king Athdstkn's
jingling charter, than the first missionary in th6 North.

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BATTLE ARRAY OF THE SOOTS. 863

including those in sir Marmaduke Constable's wing) turning inexplic-
ably westwards along the north margin of this morass.*^ Giles Mus-
grave, an Englishman, probably an outlaw, who happened to be in the
Scottish camp, gave it as his opinion that his countrymen were about
to cross the Tweed near Comhill and ravage the Merse.*^ Still greater
was the surprise of the Scots when they saw the English suddenly
wading through the middle of the swamp that they had thought im-
passable. James at once rightly conjectured that the enemy were
making for Brankston hill, the occupation of which, rising as it does
to within a few feet of the altitude of Flodden, would have enabled
them to cut his lines of communication with Scotland. With true
military genius, he at once ordered the camp refuse on Flodden to be
set on fire, and, taking advantage of the clouds of smoke with which
a south-easterly wind enveloped the whole range, he transferred his
forces and artillery to the summit of Brankston before the lord
admiral, who had arrived at its foot, had the least idea of the sudden
move he had made.

In marching from Flodden hill, James, we are told, arranged his
forces in five lines composed of square pike-shaped battalions.^ He
himself, with the royal standard of Scotland being in. the third line,
was protected by two other lines on either side.** Each line, except
that of the king which was larger than the others, and has been esti-
mated as high as 20,000 men,^^ was, it would seem (judging from the
fact that the names of the leaders of these lines occur in pairs. Home
and Huntley, Crawford and Brrol, Argyle and Lennox), composed of
two brigaded battalions^ each containing four French captains, and

•* ' (Angli) sub yesperum loco undique monito et paludoso, se ostentant.* —
Bp. Rtg. Scat. p. 187 ; Ridpath, Border History, p. 492 n.
»« Floddon Field, 8th fit, vt. 5-8.

" ' Omnes copias in qainque acies dispertit ; ea ratione ut tertinm agrmen in
quo signum regium erat, at omnes viri insignes militabant, daplici utrinqne acle
tanquam duobus cornibus clauderetnr.' — Paolo Giovio, Hist, sui temp, p. 148.

** * Exercitus Scotorum divisns fait in qninqae ordines et distributus in
turmas quadrangu lares : contoram (quos picas nanc voctfnt) similitndinem
referentes : omnes ab exercitu Anglico aequali spatio distantes/ — Letter to Card.
Bainbridge, Rotta de Scooesi, App. p. 4.

* Scocesi (^como dissi) facte bavieno
le lor acie quadrate : equale in punta
a la guise de piche se stendieno :
cinque eron, Tuna da Taltra disgiunLa.

—Ibid. p. 29.
" • 'Bove twenty thousand men at least.' — Floddon Field, 8th fit, v. 64.

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864 PLODDEN FIELD :

about 5,000 men.^^ The peculiar pike-shape of the battalionB may
have been adopted in deference to the latest theoretical rules of military
science imported from beyond the seas, or, more apparent than real,
may have been caused by the diagonal line of march from Flodden to
Brankston.^^ In fact as it advanced on Brankston that fatal afternoon,
the formation of the Scottish host must have borne, however strange
and fanciful it may seem, a strong resemblance to the nine of
diamonds, that ^ curse of Scotland.' First came the foremost vanguard
composed of the two battalions, the earl of Home's border horse, and
the earl of Huntley's Gordon highlanders ; then the battalions of the
earls of Crawford and Enrol ; third, in the centre, the royal division,
followed by one less clearly distinguished than the others but whidi
appears to have been formed by the battalions of the Seigneur

*' * Nel primo corao overa il franco havvardo
pei"co8sero, col conte de Arelia :
quel de huntley ch'era tanto gagliardo
et quello de Crafordia in compagnia :
con octo sir Francciosi alio standardo :
per che ordinato e che in ognl acie stia
oltra li proprii lor condncitori,
octo Francciosi per gubematori.

* Oon cui mi par che dece millia f ossero

soldati, k se for pin, non molti forono
il camerer de Scotia e le snoi se mossero,
che dece millia far che U seguitorono,
k furiosi nello altro percossero,
nel qual Edmondo havvardo ritrovorono
el conte de Lincres con quel de Argillia :
se mosser dopo con ben dece millia.

* Questi dove era Eduardo ferirono.

dopo si mosse la bandera regia

e il re, quindici millia lo seguirono/

—Rotta de SeooeH^ pp. 31, 32.
The letter to Cardinal Bainbridge mentions the forty French captains. — Ibid,
app. p. 3.

" Through the kindness of the Rev. F. J. Foakes-Jackson, I have examined
the unique collection of early military books in the library of Jesus College,
Cambridge, in the hope of finding an ideal arrangement of troops like that
adopted by James IV. and his French advisers. La Motte and Auesi, but tbou^
aU sorts of singular shapes, such as wedges and shears, are recommended, I have
found nothing exactly bearing on the point. I noted especially among these
books, TJie Arte of Warre^ ♦ written first in Italian by Nicholas Machiavell &
set forthe in English by Peter Whitehome, student at Graies Inn MDLX.,'
which contains good plans of the battles of Guarigliano, 1503, and St. Quentiii,
1557 ; Ingtruetion des Principes et Fondements de la Cavallerie, ' per Jean
Jacques de Wallhausen, capitaine de la louable ville de Danzick. Prancfort,
MDCXVI ; ' and Le Gouvemement de la Cavallerie Legere * par George Baste,
Govemeur General en Vngrie & Transilvanie pour feu I'lnvictissime Bmpereur
Bodolphe IF. Rouen, 1627,' with diagrams of the 'exploits' at Driel, Oidmgcn,
and Ingelmunster.

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ALABM OF THE ENGLISH. 866

d'Anssi a^d the earl of Bothwell, while the Highland battalionfl of
Argyle and Lennox brought up the rear. When the enemy halted and
turned north to front the advancing English, the configuration of the
ground was such that the fourth division, that of d'Aussi and Both-
well, found itself hidden from the view of the enemy in a small valley,
and was thus able to act as an important reserve for assisting both the
royal division and the &rther rear-guard.*®

The king at once gave the command for the vanguard, that is to
say his first and second divisions, to descend the hill in good order like
Germans guarding perfect silence, so that when the smoke rolled away
the admiral was alarmed to find the four battalions bearing down on
him only a quarter of a mile away, and sent in all haste the Agnug Dei
that hung at his breast to his father as a signal that he was to bring
up the rear-guard with all speed to join his left wing commanded by
Constable.^

The removal of the Scottish artillery to Brankston hill had per-
mitted the earl of Surrey to cross unchallenged the Sandyford bum
near Crookham with the ordnance that the admiral had been forced to
leave behind in wading through Brankston moss. Meanwhile, it would
seem that the right wing of the rear-guard, about 3,000 strong,

■• * II Bignor DaD8i'<japitan Francese,

con qnind^i migliaia in un squadrone,
per refrescare le gente Scocesi
rimase alia risoossa in nn borone.*

— Batta de Scoceti^ p. 32.
•« « My Lorde Hawarde conceiving the great power of the Scottes, sent to my
said [Lorde] of Surrey his fader and required hym to advaunce bis rerewarde
and to joine his right wyng with his left wyng, for the Scottes wer of that
might that the vanwarde was not of power nor abuU to encounter thaim, My
saide lorde of Surrey perfitely vnderstanding this with all spede and diligence,
lustely, came forwarde and joyned hym to the vanwarde as afor was required
by my said Lord Hawarde, and was glad for necessite to make of two battalles
oon good battel 1 to aventure of the said iiij battelles.* — Trewe Encountre, Laing
MS. in Proceedings Soo. Ant. Scot. vii. p. 148. The English is provokingly
vague; the Latin account says the admiral waited 'donee altera ala ultimi
agminis conjungeretur extremsB parti agminis sui.' — Letter to Cardinal Bain-
bridge, Rotta de Scocesi, app. p. 4. This leaves no doubt that Surrey's right
wing (Dacre) was to have jomed the admiral's left (Constable), but in conse-
quence of the violence of the Scottish attack on the admiral's right (Edmund
Howard) it was ordered chemin faisant to hasten to the relief of this last. That
Dacre did command a wing of Surrey's division is clear from his own letter to
Henry VIII. (see note 63). The idea that he was stationed with an independent
squadron to give assistance where necessary is a mistake of Paolo Giovio. The
distance from the bottom to the top of the hill is clearly given as 500 paces
— *cuju8 radices a cacumine quingintis passibus distabant.' — Rotta de Scocesi,
ibid.

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866 FLODBEN FIELD :

commanded by lord Dacre, instead of joining Constable, pushed for-
ward as rapidly as ever possible to support Edmund Howard, wfaoee
division appears to have made more progress towards Brankston
hill than the rest of the vanguard. At any rate Edmund's was the
first to be engaged, receiving as it did at the extreme west of the fidd
the shock of the charge of the battalion composed of Border horse led by
lord Home the chamberlain of Scotland, linked with that of the earl
of Huntley's (Jordon highlanders. Sir Brian Tunstal, a knight of the
same stainless character as his father, whose loyalty to the Bed Bose
had remained unshaken amid all the tergiversations of the civil wars,
was the first Englishman * to profier stroke.'^^ Swinging his halbert
about him he brought sir Malcolm Keen and others staggering to the
ground, then rushing into the midst of the descending host he was
cut ofi" from all succour, and sank overpowered by some twenty Scots.
The battle had begun in good earnest. In the words of the ancient
ballad, which with its stately metre has about it so much of the true
ring of the glorious song of Brunanburh,

* there was gardiog forth of gunns : with many great stones^
Archers vttered oat their arrowes ; and eagerlie they shotteD,
they proched vs with speares : and put many over
that they blood ont brast : at their broken hamish.
theire was swinging ont of swords : and swapping of headda ;
we blanked them with bills : through all their bright armor
that all the dale dnnned : of their derfe strokes. ''^

At the first boom of the Scottish cannon the men of Tynemouth
and Bamburghshire in the wing of the rear-guard that lord Dacre was
bringing up to support Edmund Howard, took to their heek
Edmund's Cheshire followers, already half-mutinous at not being led
by a Stanley, and cowed by the fall of the heroic Tunstal, immediately
followed their example.^^ Some of the leaders manftilly stood their

« Floddon Field, 8th fit, v. 41. « Scotuh ffeilde, IL 324-329.

" * At Branzton, that victorious field, as I was not of suflScient power of my
country folks to be a wing of my Lord Treasurer's hoste, he assigned to me
Bamburghshire and Tintnouth, to asaiste me with there powers, which at thi
first shott of the Scottish gonnys fl^d from me and tarried no longer.' — Baine,
North Durham, introd. p. vi. So, too, the Baggaley ballad.
* in wing with these wees : was my Lord Dacres,
he ffledd at the first bredd : and th6 foUowed after.'

—Scotishffeilde (Lyme MS.), 11. 331, 332.
It may be explained that * wees * or * wyes * mean * men,' and * bredd ' or * braid,'
* onset.'

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OHAUaE OF DAOBS*S HOBSE. 867

ground : sir John Booth of Barton ; sir WiUiam Warcop, a young
Yorkshire knight ;^ sir Thomas Fitzwilliam, from beside Rotheram ;
Christopher Savage, and others, these

* wold neuer flee : for noe f eare that oold happen,
but were killed lik Ck)nquerora : in their King's service.* *

Edmund Howard himself was thrice laid low, and was only saved by
the timely arrival and unselfish devotion of John Heron.^ Even
then, as he was hurrying towards the main body of the vanguard, sir
Edmund was in danger of being cut o£f by the troop of sir David
Home, but at this moment a successful charge, delivered by lord
Dacre with the levies of Gilsland and Alston moor, and

* The horsemen light from Esk and Leven,*"

fifteen hundred in all, drove off the victorious borderers, and saved
the discomfiture of the extreme right from spreading a panic through
the other divisions of the English army.

The lord admiral in the centre of the vanguard had been attacked
by the earls of Crawford and Errol, with whom was George Lesley,
earl of Rothes.^® At every step Howard called loudly for the king,
saying, in reference to the alleged taunts of James as to his
evasive policy on the high seas, *Now I flee not at thy approach.
Thou who boastedst of having sought me everywhere in vain, where
art thou ? Show thyself, and we will prove which has the greatest
strength ! '*® Instead of the king, he encountered the earl of Craw-
ford, and the two, armed with axes, fought undecisively together for

*» Scotish ffeilde, 1. 341. He is called Sir Robert in the Craven ballad.
•* ScotUhffeilde, 11. 349, 850.
« FUddon Field, 8th fit, vv. 61, 62.

•' The text, manifestly corrupt, has * Hexham Leven.' — Floddon Field, 6th
fit, y. 64 ; ed. Federer, p. 61.

* * Ne valse per che assai f nssero f orti

11 conte de Crafordia & de Arelia :
ne per che qneUo de Hantlei conforti
con voce & facti la sua compagnia.*

— Rotta de Scocesiy p. 39.

Pinkerton, Hitt. of Scotland, ii. p. 467, notices the mistake of Huntley for

Lesley in the earliest list of the alain.

• *eco non fuggo hor a te vegno,
tu che havermi cercato in ciascun passo
te vanti, ov sei ? hor lassati vedere,
et provarem chi havra maggior potere.' — Ihid.
The admiral would give no quarter, not even to the king himself * neminem
qnantumvis nobilem Scotum, etiam si , esset rex ipse, captionem facere : sed
occidere.' — Letter to Bainbridge, p. 4.

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868 FLODDEN FIELD :

some time. At last, jnst at the right moment, Howard raised his axe
and dealt the earl a blow nnder the left arm, where the arm-piece met
the cuirass, and the wretched man fell dead at his feet. The earl of
Kothes^^ was hastening to Crawford's assistance when he was met by
William Percy, who, with his brother,^i was stationed to the admiral's
left, and slain by a thrust in the thigh. Errol alone was now
left to defend the colours. Upon Howard's advance the standard-
bearer was thrown down, and victory definitely secured to the English
in this part of the field. The eight French captains who had been
appointed to the command of this Scottish division were slain, and the
fugitives hotly pursued by the two Percies.

It was at the moment of this successful termination of his own
engagement that the lord admiral heard of his brother Edmund's
discomfiture. He accordingly refirained from joining in the pursuit
of the routed Scots, and turned towards where Dacre was attacked by
the chamberlain, doing his best to soothe Edmund's irritation. * Like
a furious lion amongst a herd of cattle, not content with blood but
covetous of glory,' ^* Edmund forced his way through the enemy*s
ranks till he reached their banner. Lord Home now found the
pride of his earlier success abashed, and^ leaving Dacre, fled with
the rest.

On seeing the rout of Edmund Howard's division, king James could
restrain himself no longer, and, without waiting for his rear-guard,^
madly came down the hillside upon Surrey, who had brought a force
of about 5,000 into line to the east of the admiral.^* The English
artillery had hitherto proved of little service owing to the uneven nature

'• The poet says Huntley, p. 41; but as Huntley was one of the few Scottish
survivors, it is evident that Lesley was meant. The whole of the details of the
personal combats are to be taken subject to poetic license.
'* 'Guglielmo & Henrico,
gioTeni fratri & ciascun cavalliero
del sangue de Percy nobile, e anticho.'

—Rotta de SooeeH, p. SB.
The second brother may have been Jocelyn, as Henry, the eldest brother, was
earl of Northumberland, and was at Terouenne with Henry Vm.

" * che come Leon f uribondo
tra gli armenti arivato, non si satia
del sangue loro, irato & sitibondo.'

—Ibid. p. 43.
'■ Leslie, BUtory of Scotland, p. 95.
'* Trewe Encountre, Laing MS.; Proc, Soc, Ant, Scot, vli p. 148.

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BRAVBUY OF JAMES IV. . 369

of the ground it had been passing over/* but now William Blackenall,
the master-gunner, got his guns into good position and sent his
missiles like ' sowsing tennis balls '^^ into the midst of the royal division,
causing it to come down faster still. Lord Sinclair, the master of
the Scottish ordnance, was slain, and its misdirected fire practically
silenced.^^ The king charged at full speed with his lance couched,
and had already borne down five Englishmen when it broke. He
then drew his sword, and, undeterred by the entreaties of the aged
earl of Douglas,^® rushed into the ranks of the enemy, striking all he
met to the ground. His natural son, the archbishop of St. Andrew's,
bravely followed him. Lord Herries and lord Maxwell pressed
forward to the king's assistance/® and the combined forces of the
Scots forced their way to Surrey's standard. The king was challenged
by Guiscard Harbottle, a young man of great strength ; the arch-
bishop was met by Surrey timself, by whose side lord Darcy's son
engaged Maxwell. The proud lord Latimer fought with Herries,
lord Conyers with old earl Douglas. By this time the Scottish
left had been entirely defeated by lord Dacre and the admiral,
and the king, roused to fury, struck Guiscard Harbottle so heavy

" * notwithstanding that othir (? otherwise) our artiUery for warre coulde
doe noe good nor advantage to oar army because they wer contynuaUy goyng
and advansing vp towarde the said hilles and mountaines.' — Una, p. 147.
" Floddon Field, 8th fit, v. 21.

" Hall says : * The Master Gunner of the English slew the Master Gunner of
Scotland, and beat aU his men from their ordnance, so that the Scottish ordnance
did no harm to the Bnglishm^en, but the Englishmen's artillery shot into the
king's battle and slew man jr.' Borthwick, however, is known to have been alive
three years after the battle. — Exchequer Accounts of Scotland, xili. preface, p.
clxzv.

^ * Veniva appresso il signer Dalisse :

quel vecchio che con lunga oratione
lo dissuase da sta impresa, & disse
che ella seria la sua destrutione :
che era venuto como li promisse
per monstrar de sua forza parangone
e che non havea data quel consiglio,
per tema alcuna de morte o periglio.'

— Rotta de Scocesi, p. 36.
The presence of old Archibald Bell-the-Oat taking part in the actual battle
is a surprise when we recall the famous account in Buchanan of his quarrel with
James at the council at Ford and his consequent return home. It should, how-
ever, be borne in mind that Buchanan's story does not agree with Pitscottie who
represents the earl of Angus as one of the proposed leaders of the forces of
the south of Scotland in the battle. On Douglas's advice previous to the invasion,
see Botta de Seocesi, p. 11. It seems very evident that the * Dalisse' in ttie
text is Douglas, and not Hales, earl of Bothwell, as suggested in the notes.
" * El signer de Hercie, e quel de Maxuello.* — Ibid, p. 36,

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870 FLODDEN FIELD:

a blow with both hands on the shoulder that it descended on his

side and stretched him lifeless on the ground. James then gave

orders for the rear-guard to be advanced, and lord Dacre, who ww

now coming round from the west, had only just time to form to receive

them.^ The only portion of the rear-guard then available, as will be

presently seen, seems to have been that commanded by the earl of

Bothwell, which probably formed the major part of d'Aussi's reserve.**

This last division of the Scottish force was much stronger than the

other, we are told ; for the fugitives rallied, and all the troops still

under discipline hastened bravely to the front,^ so that it might wdl

be said

* The victory in doubt did stand.**

All was to be changed by the advance of the English left under

sir Edward Stanley,

* The man ... on whom the matter wholly hinges.*^

Considering the very different issue that the engagement in this part

of the field was to have, it seems in every way likely that Stanley's

following was superior in number to the 10,000 Scots under the earis

of Argyle and Lennox opposed to him, and 15,000 does not seem

much too extravagant an estimate of it ' The lads of Lancashire,^

we are told

< coald hardly fast their feet,

But forced on hands and feet to creep,

At last the mountain top they wan.*"
They thns turned the position of the Scots. Argyle fell at the first
onset ; Lennox, pursued by Stanley along more than half the hillside,
was slain at the foot of the banner, which was only rescued by 5,000
men of the division under the Seigneur d'Aussi, which had been

•* Ibid. pp. 36, 44. There is a curious woodcut of all this combat on foot
with spears and swords in Holinshed*s Chronicles of England^ ed. 1577, p. 1492.
"^ * Adamns Ueburnus cum propinquiis & csetera Lothiana Nobilitate in sab-
sidiis erat/ — Buchanan, p. 465.

^ * Questa ultima acie de Scocessi grossa
era piu assai che Taltre : che la gente
fuggita a quell a tutta se e riscossa.*

— Rotta de ScoceH, p. 45.
*■ Floddon Field, 9th fit, v. 4. •« Ibid. 6th fit, v. 57.

* * Lancashire like Lyons : Laid them about.

All had been lost by our Lord : bad not those leeds beene.*

—Scotish ffeUde, 11. 888, 384.
*• Floddon Field, 9th fit, vv. 6, 7.

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DEATH OF THE KIKG. 871

posted in a clough to give assistance where required.^ This stand
made by d'Anssi can have been of little avail. Stanley charged down
the hill on the rear of the king^s forces, while Dacre pressed in from
the west. The &te of the battle was sealed by the death of king James
beneath the banner of St. Audrey.®® The Scots fled and were killed
4ike Oaitiues, in Clowes all about.

all the lords of their lande were left them behind,
beside brinston in a bryke : breatheless th^ Ijen,
gaping against the moone : theire gnests were away.***

It is said that the iron gauntlets were still on the king's body
when it was foand ;^ and removed to the nearest church, which is the
only faint reference we have to the church of Brankston, that would
seem to have been so close to the battlefield.^^ His rent surcoat was
sent to Tournay, stained with blood and chequered in the English
fashion.^ The fatal torquoise ring and his sword and dagger are
shown at Herald's college. The sword bears on the blade the motto :

to be translated *Hope encourages a leader,*^^ and it might almost
seem that a contemporary writer alludes to this when he ascribes
James's defeat to the fact that he had impiously placed all his hope in
his French captains.**

" ' sel slgnor de Ansy quella schiera rotta
non soccorrea, con cinque millia in frotta.*

— Eotta de Scoeeti, p. 87.
^ * their Kinff was downe knocked : & killed in there sight
vnder the banner of a Bishoppe : that was the bold standlye.'

—Sootuh ffeilde, 11. 386, 386.
On the back of a list of * ffranche prisoners taken at Turwine * is the note ' The
Kynge of Scotts was f ownd slayn by my lord Dakers in y« fronte of his batayll
k also y" lord maxwill & his brother y« lord harryes erle Orauf ord who is knowen.
And y« kynge of Scotts body is closed in lede & be kept till y* kyngis plesore be
knowen in Barwicke. And y' were slayn xj"^ scotts beside yem yet were slayn
in ye chace, and ij bisshops. And of English men but i] C psons slayn.* —
Harl. MS. 869, p. 94 d.; quoted, but not correctly, in Galt^Z^^ of WoUeyy p. 17.
* Scotish ffeiide, 11. 391, 400-403. * Clowes ' means * doughs,* or small
valleys ; * bryke,' a * brake * or thicket; ' guests,* * gasts * or spirits.
•" State Papers, Venetiati, ii. p. 130. " Ibid. p. 128.

** * Lacerata paludamenta Regis Scotorum hue missa f uerunt, tincta sanguine
et variegatijs (jnc) more nostro.* Brian Tuke, clerk of the signet to Richard
Pace, secretary of the cardinal of England, Toumai, 22 Sept. — Ibid, p. 136, n.
The * variegatia ' seems to refer to the tartan, and the * more nostro * to assert its
English origin. "* Archaeologia^ xzxiii. p. 836.

^ * Scotorum rex, qui majorem auxilii spem in gallicis praefectis (quorum
XL numero habuit) quem in deo reposuit* — Letter to Cardinal Bainbridge,
Rotta de SeooeHj app. p. 8.

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372 FLODDEN FIBLD.

While the battle was going on, the good folks of the English
marches are said to have taken the opportunity of plundering Surrey's
camp.^ They also appear to have laid their hands on the riderless
horses. The Baggaley ballad complains

* many a wye wanted his horsse : and wandred home a ffoote ;
all was long of the Marx men ; a Mischeefe them happen.^

As some mitigation of this charge we have The hboTte of the horses and
mares tahyn hy the inhahitantes of Cumberland and Northumberland of
theffelde ofBranxton the ix. day ofSeptember^ thefyfthe yereofihe reiyne
of our souverain lord King Henry the Eighth^ being within the boundes
and Auctorite of Thomas Lord DacreSy &c.y of Oraystdk^ Wardain of the
Marchies?^ There were delivered by Dacre's oflBcers in Cumberland
before the 26th of November, 221 horses and mares to the claimants
on their 'book-oath.' The list of these embraces the whole of the
North of England, but the only notices relating to Northumberland
are the recovery of a grey mare by Thomas Blyth of Rennington,
of a bay gelding by Nicholas Ridley of * WoUemontswyke,' of five
horses and mares by Thomas Horsley for himself and neighbours, and
of a horse by Ralph Widdrington. The inhabitants of Northumber-
land restored seventy-six horses and mares to their owners at Morpeth ;
Leonard Thornton of Shilbottle is the only local claimant in the list

" Letter of Bishop Ruthal, Arch. Ael v. p. 179.

■• ScotishffeUde, 11. 414, 416.

^ P.B.O. ChapUr House Books, B.

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Archaeologia Aellana, vol. xvl., to face page 373.

Plate ]

'The F0X&tX>\B" Piuimn street,
Newcastle-upon-Tyne.

m I M

*> T

W.M KNOWLES, DEL

PnVtQ HTWC SHWCUI »C»tOrtW

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THB OLD *POX AND LAMB* PUBIJO HOUSE, NEWCASTLE. 878

XXIII.— THE OLD *FOX AND LAMB* PUBLIC HOUSE,
PILGEIM STREET, NEWCASTLE.

By W. H. Knowles, F.R.I.B.A.
[Read on the 20th December, 1893.]

Op the building known as the ' Fox and Lamb,' now removed to
provide premises for the National Telephone Company, unfortunately
we have no records or even mention in any of our local histories,
whilst search in other channels has yielded but meagre results.

Who erected or who resided within the ancient building previous
to its bearing the sign of the * Fox and Lamb/ or when this title was
first used, we know not, excepting that in 1730^ it is so called.

It would be difficult, and indeed unwise, to attempt to conjecture
what the original structure was like, as the building just removed had
at various times been much added to, altered, and mutilated.

In 1739 it is described as a messuage burgage or tenement and
garden, including maltings, comlofts, brewhouse, and mill to the same
premises belonging, bounded on the north and south by other mes*
Buages, on the east by the king's highway called or known by the
name of Pilgrim Street, and on the west by the Painters Heugh Dean,
apparently the ravine through which the Lortbum ran, was at this
point so called.

All that was really of an ancient character is shown in the accom-
panying drawings. Some portions were of the latter part of the
fifteenth century, and were incorporated with those of the seven-
teenth century with which we are familiar. On the plan the parts
attributed to the earlier date are shown coloured black, and comprise
the gables on the north and south, walls in continuation thereof
carried westward in the direction of Dean street (site of the Lort-
bom), and the lower portions of the front and passage walls. A
pointed arch chamfered on both sides existed at the point A ; and
another arch, possibly of later date, much flatter chamfered on the
ontside and rebated within, at the point B. In the room over the
barber's shop (0), there existed an arched stone recess, bearing no

» Arch, AeL voL iv. (N.S.) p. 248.

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874

THE OLD ^FOX AND LAKB' PUBLIC HOUSEy

mouldings, but rebated on inside. The remainder of the old work

was of the seventeenth centorj.
(See the elevation and the portioDB
hatched on plan.)

The square projecting oriel (of
which now one other example
only remains in Newcastle, that of
Cosyns' house on the Quayside) was
supported by stout uprights and
cross-beam, the oaken floor joists
resting on the latter, extended from
the west wall above the arch A.
An old-fashioned fireplace of ample
dimensions existed in the bar. The
roofs were all covered with pantiles.
All the windows were fitted with
solid wooden frames and casement
sashes. The walls towards Pilgrim
street were covered with a roagh
coat of plaster. The arch (D) and
the gable surmounting it were of
brick (see sketch).

On the first floor over the point
E were the remains of chamfered
stone window heads, sills, and mul-
lions. In a room on the first floor
(above H), over a fireplace, were
two plaster panels, one of which
bore the date 1651, with a rose and
crown between two flewrs-dhlU,
whilst on the other panel a winged monster was represented.'

The staircase was of the simplest description, and with one slight
exception, and that of very poor character, there existed no panel-
ling of wood or plaster.

* It is the intention of the National Telephone Company to place these
panels in the new bailding. They are depicted at page 132 of Vettiffes tf Old
Newcoitle and Oateshead.

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"-Tl^fTTr"

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PHiOBDC STREET, NEWOABTLB.

875

The long narrow bnilding to the sonth of the ^ Fox and
Lamb/ also now pnlled down, had projecting upper stories
and was of the same date.

The late 0. B. Richardson, in a rough sketch in the
Society's possession, shows the ori-
ginal bnilding to the north. It is
of simple character, and later than
the seventeenth century. In this
ttketch the barber's shop with pro-
^ jecting pole is shown.

^^^ From the deeds

*^'*^ " of the property we
learn that, in 1727,
it was owned by
John Donkin, inn-
keeper;'and in 1789
occupied by his eld-
est son John Donkin,
baker and brewer.
In 1754 the occu-
pants were : John
Bamsey, innholder,
and John Hays,* bar-
ber. In 1764 it was sold by John Donkin to John Huntley, upholsterer,
and was then in the occupation of Richard JobUn and John Hays.

In a will dated 4th December, 1792, Richard Huntley^ leaves to
his daughter Sarah (who afterwards married John Hodgson of Els-
wick house) all that, etc., known by the sign of the ^ Fox and Lamb,'
and in the occupation of Burden^ and Rayne.

' John Donkin had three sons, John, Ralph, and Bryan. In the poU books
of the election of 1741, John and Ralph Donkin voted for Matthew Ridley, the
candidates being Walter filackett, Nicholas Fenwick, Matthew Ridley, and
William Carre.

* In the election of 1774, Bryan and John Donkin and John Hays voted for
the successful candidates, sir W. Blackett and sir M. W. Ridley — Phipps and
Delaval being the defeated ones.

" In the election of 1780, Richard Huntley, barber surgeon, Hollin hill, and
Bryan Donkin, baker and brewer. Walker, recorded their votes, the former for
Bowes and the latter for Bowes and Delaval. The other candidate was sir M.
W. Ridley.

* Father of Thomas Burden, brewer and knight, an enthusiastic volunteer
officer, who also fiUed the chief municipal offices. Thomas Burdon married

%4i jMBt bu C:e.l^chayri5oa

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S76 THB OLD 'FOX AND LAMB* PUBLIC HOUBB,

In a will dated 2iid October, 181S, John Hodgson^ of Elswick
house gave his property to his first son who shoald attain twentj-one
years.

In 1828 it was purchased from John Hodgson^ (afterwards John
Hodgson-Hinde) by James Harding, whose surviving trnstee, John
Dove, in 1862, sold it to John Johnson. The tmstees of John Johnson
(Francis Johnson and others), in 1888, disposed of it to Walter Scott,
from whom, in 1892, it was obtained by the National Telephone
Company.

Of further occupants, the following occur in the various direc-
tories : — In the year 1778, Rich. Jopling ; 1787-9, Rich. Jopling ;
1790, Thos. Wood ; 1811, Ralph Lowes ; 1824, Ralph Lowes ; 1827,
Ralph Lowes ; 1839, William Elliott ; 1847, Jane Waters ; 1850, Jane
Waters ; 1855, George West.

The *Fox and Lamb' does not appear to have been used for
coaching or posting purposes. Many carriers are, however, recorded
as leaving it for neighbouring towns to the north and west of New-
castle. Amongst them one notices that Wm. Graham continues to
make the journey to Alnwick, between the years 1778 and 1847
(probably being lather and son), and that another, J. Forster, in 1889
^ goes to Blaydon and Redhengh four to six times each day.'

In his Roderick Random^ Dr. Smollett describes a meeting of that
hero with his old schoolfellow Hugh Strap,* then filling the position

Jane, sister of William and John Scott, who afterwards became respectirelj
lord Stowell and the earl of Eldon. Richard, son of sir Thomas Burden, married
the daughter and heir of sir James Sanderson, hart., and assumed the name of
Bichard Burdon Sanderson. He erected Jesmond towers, now occupied bj Mr.
Charles Mitchell, LL.D.— See B. Welford's Men of Mark 'twixt Tyne and
Tweed.

' Fulled down the old and erected the present Blswlck house (Elswick park),
his grandfather, John Hodgson, esq., linen draper, having purchased, about the
year 1720, the lordship of Elswick from the last of the Jennisuns.

^ John Hodgson-Hinde, magistrate, deputy-lieutenant, and high sheriff of
Northumberland, seventeen years member of parliament for Newcastle, assumed
the name of Hinde in 1S36, was a vice-president of our Society, and weU versed
in all antiquarian matters, contributed largely to our transactions ; the follow-
ing being also by him : — The Pipe Rolls for Oumberlaiui, Westmoreland, and
Durham, Fountains of British History Eseplored, and the volume of the History
of Northumberland * which was intended to fill the place of the never-written
first part of Hodgson's History,'' — See biographical notice. Arch, Ael, voL vii
p. 229.

' Of the prototype of Hugh Strap we learn in an obituary notice in the
Newcastle Courant of April 11, 1809, that on ♦ Sunday sen'night, in St.
Biartin*8-in-the- Fields, London (died) Hugh Hewson, aged 85. He was the
identical Hugh Strap whom Dr. SmoUet has immortalized in Roderick Mandom,

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PILQBIM 8TBEBT, NEW0A8TLS. 877

of barber's assistant in Newcastle. Tradition has associated the shop
under the roof of the * Fox and Lamb ' with the story. In this con-
nection I may recall the fact that in 1754 John Hays, barber, occnpied
a portion of the premises, and that the daughter of the late H. P.
Parker now possesses a chair given to her by her father, and obtained
by him from an occnpant of the shop, who alleged that it had been
used by Smollett whilst staying at the ' Fox and Lamb.'

Daring the early part of this centory the ' Fox and Lamb ' seems
to have been the rendezvous of local celebrities. It was here that
H. P. Parker found material for his picture of the * Eccentric Char-
acters of Newcastle.' We also learn from the memoirs of Dr. Robert
Blakey,^^ a native of Morpeth, who appears to have been much in
Newcastle during the early part of this century, whilst speaking of
Bewick, that ' he [Bewick] was then an interesting-looking old man,
of portly size, and of a good-humoured and social temperament. He
frequented, on certain evenings, a sort of club-room at the " Fox
and Lamb " at the foot of Pilgrim street, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and
many happy and pleasant hours he spent with a few select, intelligent,
and jocular friends, who congregated here chiefly with a view to enjoy
his company and conversation. He was fond of porter, and I have
known him sit from seven o'clock in the evening till eleven, sipping
his jGEivourite beverage to the tune of five or six pints. It did not
seem to produce any muddling or stupefying eflfect upon him whatever.
He was always clear, collected, humorous, and pleasant. Custom, I
have no doubt, had rendered this indulgence quite innocuous and
harmless both to his body and mind.'

Dr. Robert Blakey contributed articles at this time to the
Newcastle Magazine, Durham Chronicle, etc., and was intimate with
Charles Larkin, Thomas Doubleday, and others. It may, I think, be
fairly assumed ' that the sort of club ' included these free lances of
radicalism, doubtless the artist Parker, and others of a bohemian
disposition, and that the sitting room at the end of the bar with

and had for many years kept a hairdresser's shop in the above parish. His
shop was hong with latin quotations, and he would frequently point out to his
customers and acquaintances the several scenes in Roderick Random pertaining
to himself, which had their foundation, not in the Doctor's inventive faculty,
but in truth and reality.'

»• Memoirs of Br, Robert Blakey, Profe%%or of Logic and Metaj^hyHot,
Q^e%*s CoUege, Belfatt, p. 36 TrUbner & Co., London, 1879.

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878 THE OLD *FOX AKD LAMB^ PUBLIC HOUSE, KEWOASTLS.

separate entrance from the passage was the room in which the
* select, intelligent, and jocnlar friends ' met.

Let ns now glance at the snrroandings of the Fox and Lamb, the
lane called the Low Bridge on the sonth (see plan) is, of course, the
'Nether Dean Bridge' of Bourne's time (1732). Proceeding down
this lane, you would pass over the bridge spanning the Lort-bum,
and so reach St. Nicholas's church. This was also the line of the
Soman Wall.

Looking northward froqii the oriel over the porch we view,
according to Boume,*^ * the most beautiful Part of the Street, the
Houses on each Side of it being most of them very pretty, neat, and
regular ; such are the Houses of Mr. Edward Harl, Mr. Thos. Biggs,
John Rogers, Esq., Thos. Clennell, Esq., Nicholas Fenwick, Esq.,
Nathaniel Olaycon, Esq., Edward Collingwood, Esq., Mr. Perith, Mr.
John White, John Ogle, Esq., Mr. Thos. Waters, Matthew White,
Esq., &c. . . . On that Side of it, next the Town- Wall is a very
agreeable Walk, generally frequented on a Summer's Evening by the
Gentry of this part of the Town ; The Prospect of the gardens, some
of which are exceeding Ourious, aflFording a good deal of Pleasure.'^

Mackenzie, speaking in 1827 of Bourne's reference, says, 'At
present, scarcely any of the families above mentioned, retain their
residences here ; the greater part of the street having, of late years,
been converted into oflBces, shops, and inns.'^'

A century ago the scene hereabouts would frequently be a busy
one, the arrival and departure of the many carriers to and from the
numerous inns would cause much stir among the townsfolk, whilst
the wheat market,^^ held on stated days of the week, would further
add to the activity.

From Gray's time (1649), when Pilgrim street * was the longest
and fairest street in the town,' from Bourne's (1732), when many
members of the aristocracy resided, from Mackenzie's (1827), when
much commercial success was enjoyed, Low Pilgrim street has
degenerated into an overcrowded district of miserable tenements.

" Bourne's Newcattle, p. 86. " Bourne, p. 81.

'* Mackenzie's History of Neweoitle^upon'Tyne, p. 178.

** Gray, in his OvorographiOy or a Survey of Neme<utie upon Tine, printed in
1649, speaking of Pilgrim Street, says :— * In it is a Market for Wheat and Rye
every Tnesday and Saturday.'

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ArctaeologiaAehana.VolXVl.to facep 373

Plate XXXn

Sedgefield Church, from the N.E.

[ Reduced from plate in Billings's Arehitectural Antiquities of the Coiinty of Durliaii.

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SEDGEFIELD OHIJBGH. 879

XXIV.-SEDGEFIELD CHUECH.i

By Charles Clement Hodges.

[Read at Sedgefield on the 27th August, 1892.]

Sedgepield has always been a place of very considerable importance,
and was one of the chief centres in the south part of the bishopric.
Its name is, there can be little doubt, of topographical origin, and
means the field or open place amidst swampy ground occupied by reeds
or sedges.^ The site is a wide swell of sandy gravel, on the highest
point of which the church and village stand. Anciently the sur-
roundings were a wide marsh, as is clearly shown by the condition of
the low lying lands and the names of adjoining places, such as Bed-
marshall, formerly fiedmereshill, or the hill in the middle of the red
mere. Also the names of some old farms such as Green Ejiolls, Island
Farm, the Lizards, etc.

Of the history of the place little is known. It seems to be the
town mentioned by Symeon as having been purchased for the church
by bishop Cutheard, who came to the see in 900 during the time of its
location at Chester-le-Street,^ and ruled it till 915.

In bishop Pudsey's great survey of the bishopric known as Boldon
Buke, and made in 1183, we find Sedgefield recorded as a thriving
and for those days a populous place. There were twenty tenants in
villenage, twenty firmarii or renters, a smith, a pounder, a carpenter,
and five cottagers. The manor mill and that of Fishburn are also
mentioned. Bishop Hatfield's survey (1845-1381) shows that an in-
crease had taken place in the number of the various kinds of tenants
and holders, as ^ell as in the money value of their services. Under

* This paper was read at Sedgefield on the occasion of a Saturday afternoon
meeting there on August 27th, 1892 (see Proo. v. p. 199). As the meeting
was but thinly attended it has been thought desirable to print it with illustra-
tions, as no complete description of this fine church is available.

* On the other hand the derivation may be a nominal one, and * Ceddes field *
looks like the field or place of one Oedd, a not uncommon Anglo-Saxon name.
The great St. Chad had a brother of this name, the founder of the monastery
of Lastingham, who is often confounded with Chad. — Bede, Eccl. Hist, book I.
preface, and book III. cap. xxiii.

* * Godem tempore Cuthardus, episcopus fidelis, emit de pecunia Sancti
Cuthberti villam quae vocatur Ceddesfeld, et quicquid ad cam pertinet, praeter
quod tenebant tres homines, Aculf , Ethelbyriht, Prithlaf/ — Hutoria de S. Cuth-
ierto^ etc. 51 Surtees Society Publ. p. 146.

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880 SEDGEPIBLD CHURCH:

bishop Kellaw (1311-1816) Sedgefield was chartered for fairs and
markets, and so came to rank as a market town.

The village is situated at a turning point in the main road between
Durham and Stockton. The principal streets are at right angles to
one another, one being on the Durham road, and the other on that
which originally led to Hartlepool through Embleton, which is in
Sedgefield parish, and possesses an ancient chapel. The other main
road out of the village connects it with the great north road at Rushy-
ford, passing the hamlet of Bradbury on the way. In the centre of the
town is a large open space where the markets were once held, no doubt
around a market cross of which there is not now even a tradition. To
the east of this area stands the church and churchyard.

The church is dedicated to St. Edmund the bishop, a very rare
dedication in the north .^

It is certain that a place of such importance as Sedgefield possessed
a church from very early times. The absence of any good stone in the
neighbourhood and the remoteness of the site from any Koman station,
although near the line of a Roman road^ renders it very improbable
that this early building would be anything but a timber constraction.
Whether such a church was ever superseded by a stone building before
the time of the Norman conquest, or whether it survived until after
that eventful period, and was then succeeded by a church in the Nor-
man style, are questions which it is impossible to answer either in the
aflBrmative or in the negative. Whatever was the nature of the pre-
decessor or predecessors of the present church it is a remarkable fact
that it, or they, have wholly disappeared, not a single fragment of
masonry, either architectual or monumental, ever having been seen on
the site, so far as can be ascertained, within recent times. That no
paiii of an early church should have come down to our day is not alto-
gether a matter of surprise, when we reflect that in a populous and
thriving village the church was not likely to pass the great rebuilding
periods of the early and later Gothic styles without being transformed,

* Bacon QLiber Regis) gives St. Edmund the bishop ; but, about 1300, the
church seems to have been dedicated to the Virgin Mary, as by the will of John
Daudre be directed his body to be buried in * Cimiterio Beata Marut de Seggt-

feld,'—2 Surtees Soc. Publ. (1836, 2) p. 20.

* See DurluLm before the Conquest , by W. H. D. Longstaffe. Arckaeologieal
iTUftltute ProceedingSf Newcastle, vol, i.

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Arcliaeolrj^ia AehanaYol XVI, to fa^ep 380

J A ^\ \ ^\ J

J 4 GROUDD PUfln

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Plate XXXIU

ENLARGED
PL^N OF PIER.
THE PLINTH
15 UNDER
THE FLOOR

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EARLY HEOTOBS ; THE NAVE. 881

or oompletely rebuilt, as was the case here. Bat that no fragment of
any early sepulchral memorial has sarviyed is indeed a matter of won-
derment, for we know from other cases, such as Aycliff, Gainford, or
Sockbum, how numerous such monuments must have been about such
a church as Sedgefield. The poor and perishable nature of the local
stone, and the value of any large pieces for building purposes to a large
extent accounts for this, and we may feel sure that the monuments
raised during the Anglo-Saxon period by the men of Sedgefield have
gone into the foundations and walls of the later church where they still
remain hidden. At any time such may be brought to light either by
digging in the churchyard or making alterations to or repairs of the
stracture.

The list of the early rectors is lamentably incomplete, but amongst
those given by Surtees* two are earlier than the date of the church.
These are Ulchild, 1086, and Peter, ' clericus de Seggefeld,' 1168. In
reading the names of these ancient priests one cannot help wondering
what the church was like with which they were familiar, and which has
as completely disappeared as if it had never existed.

The present church is of various dates. In plan it comprises a
nave of three bays with aisles, north and south transepts and chancel,
all three aisleless, a disengaged western tower, and a south porch.

The earliest remaining work is the nave, and this has been so far
left unaltered as to show that the church of which it is a part was
b^un about the middle, or shortly before the middle, of the thirteenth
century, and that this church consisted of a short and wide nave with
aisles, a disengaged western tower, and a chancel. The plan was an
entirely new one and does not seem to have in the least regarded, or
been hampered by, any previous building on the site; it is not impro-
bable therefore that the new building was begun near the old one,
which was cleared away on its completion, for the lines are all square
and regular, and we miss these ugly though interesting twists and
deflections and numerous angles with which the plans of old churches
usually abound. The design was that of a master-hand in the craft
of architecture, and it is an interesting thing to be able once in a
way to say without much fear of dispute that the name of the archi-
tect can be given, a rare thiug it is to find that such a name has come
• History and Antiquities of Durham^ vol. iii, p. 82.

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882 SBDOBFIELD CHURCH :

down to our own time in the case of a great cathedral or monastic
charch, but still more rare in the case of a village church.

In the middle of the thirteenth century the monks of Durham
were, speaking architecturally, chiefly occupied with their grand
scheme of adding the chapel of the Nine Altars to their church. The
story of how this building came to be thought of, and whether such
story be true or otherwise need not detain us now, it has often been
told, and nowhere better than in a now well-known guide to the
cathedral,^ but the architectural history of the scheme, so to speak,
has not been dwelt upon, and as it has some bearing on the somewhat
unusual plan of Sedgefield church it may be well to give it here.

There is only one other building in England that is anything like
the Nine Altars at Durham, and that is the similar eastern termination,
also called the Nine Altars, of the conventual church of the Cistercian
abbey of St. Mary of Fountains. Of the two the latter is earlier in
date as it is cruder in conception than the Durham building. As
this part of Fountains abbey has a direct bearing on t^e Nine Altars
at Durham, and an indirect bearing on the design of the earliest re-
maining parts of Sedgefield church, a few remarks upon its history
must be brought in here.

The old choir of Fountains was extended in the first half of the
thirteenth century under three abbots of the same name, John of
York (1208-1211), John of Ely (1211-1220), and John of Kent
(1220-1247). The scheme included the building of a choir with
aisles, five bays in length, and an eastern transept across the east firont
of the church, with a range of nine altars against its long east wall.
There is tolerably clear evidence that this scheme was not all matured
at once, and that it was modified as it progressed, as indeed was likely
in so great a work which was so long in hand. Mr. JEleeve has shown^
that the conception of the Nine Altars was due to abbot John of Kent,
or of his architect, who it can be shown with tolerable certainty was
a south country man. The exact date of the completion of the Nine

' Durham Cathedral. An address by the Rev. Wm. Greenwell, M.A., F.B.S.,
F.B.A., Darham, 1881.

" A Monograph on the Abbey of St, Mary of Fountains^ by J. Arthur Reeve.
Architect, 1892. A magnificent work, where all the architectural beauties of
Fountains are shown, and the architectural history of the buildings is given
with the learning and scrupulous care of a Willis and the instinctive insight of
a Longstaffe.

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THB NIKE ALTARS AT FOUNTAINS AND AT DURHAM. 888

Altars at Fonntains is not known, but it was finally finished before the
death of abbot John of Kent, which occurred in 1247, and as the Nine
Altars at Durham was begun in 1242 it may be said that the one
building was finished before the other was begun. A careful com-
parison of the two, and especially their plans, supports this view. Mr.
Reeve has shown that the Fountains work failed owing to faulty
construction and insufficient foundation, and its vault was removed
and a wooden roof of low pitch substituted for it in the days of abbot
John Demton (1478-1494). The primary cause of this failure was
the insufficient buttressing, especially on the east wall, to take the
thrust of a lofty vault, there being no aisle over which flying but-
tresses could be stretched to carry such a thrust by easy stages to the
ground. Although the plan of the two buildings is identical in the
disposition of all the component parts, and the dimensions are the
same in both to within a few inches, they are additions to two build-
ings planned on different scales. It is a significant fact that the vault
at Durham is not only on a very different system to that at Fountains,
but is most amply buttressed everywhere, and the walls are as much
as two feet thicker. The central buttresses also on the east front in
the same relative position as those at Fountains have nearly four
times their area.^ At the two eastern angles we find the two angle
buttresses at Fountains changed in the case of Durham to solid poly-
gonal masses of masonry of enormous strength carrying heavy pin-
nacles or spires of stone. At the opposite angles, although the newel
stairs for gaining access to the upper galleries are in the same relative
positions in both buildings, at Durham they are placed in octagonal
turrets appended to the main angle turrets, which arrangement leaves
the full mass of the latter unbroken, whereas at Fountains these stair-
cases placed in the polygonal angle buttresses themselves, thereby
leaving them a mere shell, and having a strength which is more
apparent than real. The result of all these precautions is that the
massive and lofty vault of the Nine Altars at Durham has stood un-
shaken to this day, and the building which it encloses is still, as it
was, unsurpassed and unsurpassable in its strength and beauty
amongst the thirteenth century buildings in EDgland.

• Those at Fountains were more than doubled in their substance in abbot
Demton*8 time.

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884 SBDGEFIBLD OHUBOH :

The only possible conclusion that we can arrive at from this most
interesting comparison is that it was the architect of the Nine Altars at
Fountains who planned and reared the similar building at Durham,
and as we have seen, the one was finished before the other was begun,
he had the opportunity not only of generally improving the design and
detail, but of correcting its constructive weaknesses. The Fountains
work was done under the Kentifih abbot John, and the Durham ^new
work' under bishop Nicholas de Famham, another south country man.
The two ecclesiastics would naturally become known to one another,
and nothing was more likely than that both would engage the servioes
of the same architect.

The work at Fountains, like all that carried out by the Cistercians,
is remarkably plain in character, there being no carved ornament in it.
At Durham a much freer hand was given, and the detail is rich
throughout, without being overloaded with ornament. The beauty
of the carved decoration culminates in the capitals to the main piers,
and here we find conventional foliated forms full of nerve and spirit
combined with clever adaptations of animal and bird forms in the
utmost profusion. A moment's comparison of these with the capitals
at Sedgefield is enough to show that both were designed and executed
by the same man,^^ they are so exactly alike and so difierent from the
general run of work executed at the same period.

Having identified the work of the southern architect at Sedgefield
by the carving, we may carry the investigation further to see if there
are other indications of its not having been done by a local man.
The plan and proportions of the building are not those of the local
churches, the width is much greater in comparison with the length
than is usual in the north,^^ and the whole feeling of the design has
a lightness and delicacy about it which indicates the product of
another mind than that which originated the designs of the majority
of the ecclesiastical buildings in the county.

By a fortunate circumstance the name of the architect has been

'• It is not pretended that the architect did the carving with hia own hands
any more than he does now, but according to the custom of the time he would
take a certain number of craftsmen from one building to another along with
him.

" I am, of course, speaking here of the proportions of the church as originally
built, not of what thej are now with the later transepts, chancel, and tower
added.

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ArchaeologiaAeliana.Vol XVI. to iiicerp .-C:)4.

Plate XXXIV

' >^Ji'^muL.]%ctO'1ilti L<3Eidov

Interior of Sedgefield Church, looking S.E.

(Reduced from plate m BiHm^s's Architeetural Antiquities of the County of Durham.)

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THE ARCHITECT, AND RYTON CHURCH. 885

preserved. Canon Greenwell has found it as a witness to a deed in
the treasury at Durham, which conveys land in the Bailey firom
Willehnus aurifeber to Thomas camifex son of Lewinus, the witness
being *Magister Kicardus de Farinham tunc architector novae febricae
Dunelm.' This clearly identifies the architect as having been born at
Farnham, notably the place of that name in Surrey,^ and no doubt
the same place from which bishop Farnham also came. It is so rarely
that the name of a medieval architect or other craftsman can be iden-
tified with his work that this instance is one of special interest, and is
made more so from the fact that an inscription cut on the plinth of one
of the central buttresses of the Nine Altars at Durham gives us the
name of the master mason also. It reads :

and is cut in good Lombardic letters. The name of this man also
occurs in a Durham deed, dated 1240, only two years before the Nine
Altars was begun.^^

Having established the above fects, it is interesting to carry our
investigation a little further and to find out if the southern architect
did any more work in the noi*th. We have seen that the plan of
Sedgefield church is not that of the district, and having noted its
peculiarities the same are easily recognised elsewhere. At the northern
extremity of the county is another church with a very southern look
about it, that of Byton. In plan it has a nave of three bays as has
Sedgefield with a curiously arranged engaged western tower, and a
west front with long lancets and buttresses, which remind one more of
the work in Kent and Surrey than that in Northumberland and Dur-
ham. The outline of the tower, with its leaden spire, is what one sees
amongst the heaths of Surrey, the downs of Sussex, or the pretty leafy
villages of Kent, rather than that of the sturdy pele-like towers of the
northern moorland churches. It is impossible to believe that Ryton
church was designed by a north countryman. Its nave capitals are
unfortunately plain, as the work is generally, but where the spire rises
from the tower is a corbel table, the corbels of which are carved with
a variety of ornaments, and here we see the familiar Nine Altars details
in the most unmistakable manner. There is the same fecundity of

" The other Famhams are all in the southern counties.
" Greenwell's Durham Cathedral^ fourth edition, pp. 65-56.

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SBDGBFIBLD CHITBOH :

invention, no repetition or monotony, aD are diflFerent, like those ever-
delightful details of the eastern parts at Durham, whioh always please
and always reward renewed and continued study. Byton church was
built in the time of bishop Famham, and is under the patronage of
the see of Durham, there Is therefore no diflSculty in seeing how
Richard of Famham could have done the work there when a new
church came to be built in the thirteenth ceutury.

Carving of the character of that in the Nine Altars is so uncommon
that when met with it is at once noted. In Eirkby Sigston church,
near Northallerton, is a capital on the north side of the chancel. This
is carved with the intertwined dragons and foliage forms so similar to
those at Durham that we must assign the design to the same man,
even if the carving looks like the work of another hand. Kirkby
Sigston was also under the patronage of Durham.

The lesson learned at Fountains was not forgotten when Sedge-
field was planned, and the thrust of the arcades was taken by making
long responds at the east and west ends. Subsequent alterations have
destroyed these, but the plan, forming place xxxiii., indicates what
they were at the west end, where the foundations of the west end of
the old aisle has been found on the north side. The arcades are of
fine proportions and ha^e arches of two orders moulded towards the
nave but chamfered towards the aisles. The hood mouldings of the
nave arches and of the chancel arch are oruamented with the dentelle
moulding, of which we have so many examples in this county. The
arches opening into the transepts have plainly moulded hoods.
The columns are of the quatrefoil plan, with well-moulded bases
standing on square plinths. They are banded at mid-height with
bands of a very fine and bold section. The detached shafts at
the responds are also banded in the same way. The capitals are,
including those of the responds, eight in number. They are all ftdly
carved. In the respond variety is introduced by treating the capital
of the detached shafts, in the case of the two southern responds, as
isolated capitals, and springing the outer order of the arch from
corbels carved as grotesque heads on either side of the capital. In
the north arcade the capital is treated as a whole, the portion beneath
the outer order being represented as if growing out of the central capital.
The four isolated capitals are of great beauty. The two western ones

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THE CABVBD CAPITALS. 887

have conventional foliage only, the southern one being the richer of
the two, but unfortunately its proximity to the south door has caused
it to be considerably weathered away by the action of the draught
from the open door. The design consists of trefoil-shaped leaves
arranged in groups of fours all round the bells of the capitals, and under-
neath and between the leaves clusters of fruit. The opposite pillar has
a much more boldly-designed capital, having two sprays of leaves to
each cap instead of five in the other case. The two eastern capitals
are still more elaborate, and contain birds and human heads and busts
amongst the foliage. The plates illustrate the north-east capital, and
show two opposite sides of it when viewed diagonally. The two
laughing faces are on the south-western and look into the nave. The
other view towards the aisle shows two dragons in combat, each bites
the body of the other. On the north-western face are beautiful
clusters of foliage and fruit and a bird pecking the leaves. The
opposite capital to the south-eastern pillar has lacertine bird and
animal forms devouring each other, amidst foliage a Uttle more
advanced towards natural forms than the others.

The other details of the original church that remain are soon
enumerated. The old south doorway has wholly disappeared. It was
no doubt of ornate character, but has been replaced by a perfectly
plain one of later date. It is certain that there was no clerestory,
and the only remaining window is one recently opened to the
west of the south porch ; this is a plain lancet. Opposite to it
in the north aisle and dose to the west end is the eastern jamb of
another lancet of richer character, as it has a roll moulding and two
quirks on the inner angle, which ia all that can be seen of it. The
north doorway still remains, though blocked up. It is of small size,
with a roll moulding in the jambs and a chamfered inner order, moulded
imposts and a segmental pointed arch into which the nail-head orna-
ment is introduced.

That there was a tower of some kind at the west end of the
original church is, I think, indicated by the fact that the lower part
of the newel stair is of thirteenth century work. It was certainly
of smaller dimensions than its successor and seems to have stood
further to the west, clear of the line of the old west wall of the north
aisle shown on the plan. Of the original chancel all that can be said
ia that it was of smaller dimensions than the present one.

VOL. XVI. ^ X

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888 SEDGEFIErJ) OHUBOH :

We have now to consider the changes that were made in the plan
of the church as time went on. The first of these was the addition of
transepts, and the question naturally arises why were transepts wanted
at all ? They were not looked upon in the middle ages, as they are
now, merely affording accommodation for a few dozen extra chairs
and added to churches simply as architectural adjuncts without either
rhyme or reason. They were there to supply a want which had arisen
in the development of religion. A medieval catholic church was
used in a very different manner from the modern protestant church in
which services are only occasionally held and the church left vacant
at other times. In the medieval church there were two kinds of
worship, that by the priests and people together, which may be called
the service for the living, and that by the priests alone in offering
prayers and saying masses for the departed, which may be called the
service for the dead. As places increased in wealth and importance
and families of position become more firmly established the custom of
founding chantries in churches became general. Although there were
cases where more than one chantry was attached to an altar, it was
usual on the foundation of a new chantry to provide an altar for it,
and this necessitated space somewhere in the church for the accom-
modation of the altar. In a transeptless church the places for chantry
altars were few. The high^ or parish altar, was in the chancel ; an
altar could be placed at the east end of each aisle, and sometimes one
was placed on either side of the rood screen door on the west side of
the screen, and therefore within the nave. More than four altars
could not easily be placed unless the aisles were taken up and screened
off to form separate chapels. In a nave of only three bays in length
this could not be done without great inconvenience, as one bay was
required for the passage across the church between the north and
south doors, and the east bay was taken up by the altars at the ends
of the aisles. The only course was to throw out transepts, which
could be divided from the nave by parclose screens, and subdivided
into separate chapels, into which no one entered except the priests and
the membera of the family who had founded the chantry, and who
oiten contributed the money expended on the fabric needed to accom-
modate the altar.

The prosperity of the town of Sedgefield in the thirteenth century
is therefore indicated in the necessity which arose for extending the

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THE TRANSEPTS. 389

parisli church for the farther accommodation of chantry altars. This
was done by taking down the chancel arch and rebuilding it further
east, transforming the eastern responds of the nave into compound piers
with three attached, or detached shafts, as the case might be, carrying
arches from these piers to the rebuilt chancel arch, and others at right
angles to them, across the aisles to the junction of the west wall of the
transepts with the aisle walls. The detail of this work shows that it
was done about the year 1290, or about forty years after the church
had been built. No windows of the time of the alteration remain, but
the mouldings of the capitals, arches, and bands are of a very elaborate
nature, and are good examples of mouldings of the geometrical period.
There is no carving, the capitals being decorated with mouldings only.
The arches spanning the east ends of the aisles and opening into the
transepts are low segmental arches of somewhat ungainly form, and
have chamfered inner orders, but have moulded outer orders and hoods
towards the transepts. The transepts have late decorated windows.
Each wing has two, of three lights each, in its eastern wall ; there is a
similar three-light window on the west side of the north transept, but
none in the corresponding part of the south transept. The windows
at either end are of the same design of five lights each. The date of
these windows must be placed between the years 1340 and 1360 as
the extreme limits. They cannot therefore have been executed when
the transept arches were built. This is the chief difficulty in reading
the architectural history of the church. A possible solution of it is
that the transepts, as at first erected, were not so long as now, or,
what seems more probabe, that all the windows have been renewed
since the walls were built. This is by no means hard to believe when
we consider the very friable nature of the stone used in the earlier
work, quite unfitted as it is for window tracery and mullions, which
might well require renewal in a very few years. There may, how-
ever, be some other explanation of the difficulty, but without a search
for old foundations beneath the floors it is one that cannot be
satis&ctorily solved. In the east wall of the south transept ai*e two
piscinae and an aumbry. There were formerly also two image brackets.
These were cut away, and the piscinae and aumbries filled up and plas-
tered over by order of the late rector of Sedgefield to make all smooth.
The recesses have been reopened, but the image bi-ackets cannot of course
be recovered. A verbal description of them given to me seems to

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390 SBDOBFISLD CHUBCH :

show that they were of the date of the transept arches. The corre-
sponding wall of the north transept is hidden by panelling but one
anmbry can be seen. In the sonth wall nnder the window are two
sepulchral recesses,^^ these contain eflBgies, one a male the other a
female. The fomer is so mutilated and decayed that its details are
unrecognisable. That of the lady is in good condition. It shows
the costume of the figure is of about the date of the windows. The
head rests on two cushions crossed, it is wimpled and veiled, there
is a loosely fitting robe and a cloak over the shoulders fastened in
front by tasselled cords.

In front of this efSgy is a brass with no inscription. It represents
a kneeling female figure of diminutive size between two shields.'*

We now come to the chanceL It is entered through a lofty arch
of the date of the nave arcades, but taken down and reset when the
transept arches were built. It is now of one order only, with a
moulding of the same section as the outer order of the nave ardies,
and, Uke them, a hood with the dentelle ornament. The arch dies
out into the jambs, which are quite plain and form a square angle
with the east wall of the transept. It is clear, then, the chancel arch
has lost its inner order. The condition of the soffit shows this dis-
tinctly. It seems that it was taken out when the seventeenth century
screen was erected. It is not likely that it would be taken out when
the arch was reset at the end of the thirteenth century, and as the
screen completely fills the arch it could not stand under it if the
inner order were in its place. This inner order was no doubt carried
on detached shafts against the jambs, with carved capitals, like those
to the responds in the nave. Over the arch are two large corbels
which once supported the rood beam. What the original chancel was
like we cannot know. The present one seems to be contemporary
with the transept arches and part of the same extension. It is
plastered and panelled inside, and the outside walls are also plastered
over, the buttresses only showing their ashlar. It is therefore some-
what difficult to say what changes it has undergone. It is divided
into three bays by two buttresses on each side. It has two angle
buttresses at the eastern angles and a half buttress, cut off with a

^* The arches are, unfortunately, new, and the details of the piscina and
aumbrj are so slight and damaged that it is unsafe to infer much from them,
but they seem to belong to the e, 1290 work, which goes to show that the
transepts were not extended e. 1350, but only the windows renewed.

>* See Arch. AeL vol. xv. p. 88.

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THE TOWER. 391

sloping head, in the centre of the east wall nnder the window. The
two pairs of angle buttresses have gabled heads, with a ridge moulding
of trefoil section ; the flanking buttresses have sloped heads with a
plain roll moulding where they meet the walls. These details and
the section of the string-course under the windows indicate a date
corresponding with that of the transept arches. In the east bay on
the south side is a small priest's door with plain chamfered jambs and
heads. The side windows are of two lights and have bastard tracery ;
they date from the last century. The east window is a fine one of
five lights with flowing tracery, designed on somewhat the same lines
as the great west window of the nave of Durham cathedral, which
was inserted under prior Fossour, c. 1350, and the east window at
Houghton-le-Spring, though not so elaborate as either. It is clearly
an insertion in an older wall, and is no doubt of the same date as the
transept windows.

The next change made was at the west end. This was the build-
ing of a new tower on a grand scale. The older arrangements at the
west end have already been alluded to, and it will be seen from the
plan that the builders of the new tower destroyed the old west end
and shortened the nave to the extent of seven and a half feet, and
built the new west wall dose up to the springing of the arches, by
doing away with the long responds, which had been provided to take
the thinst of the arcades. The great mass of the new tower provided
sufficient abutment and rendered these unnecessary. We cannot help,
however, r^retting that this was done, as we have thereby lost all
the details of the old west end.

The tower has been described as being 'by far the best and
stateliest in the county.'^^ It is of great size and height with thick
walls and heavy diagonal buttresses. It rises in three stages, the walls
being thinned at each stage by means of external set-ofb. The lower
stage is open to the church by a lofty pointed arch of two orders with
hollow chamfers. The outer order dies into the jambs, the inner one
is carried to the floor with no imposts or capitals to break the lines.
In this stage is one window in the west wall which is a modem inser-
tion, and is said not to resemble very closely the original one. The
middle stage has small square-headed lights in each face.^^ The third

" Rev. J. F. Hodgson.

" That on the east side is now hidden by the modem high roof.

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392 BSDGBFIELD CHUBOH :

sfcage is the belfry, and has a large window in each face. These were
originally of two lights, subdivided into four in the heads. The
tracery is now destroyed as are the mnllions, and modem louvres are
inserted. The heads of the tracery lights remain however, and show
that they were finished with trefoil cuspings. The reveals of these
windows are broad and deep casements which are carried ronnd the
arches quite plain. The arches are low elliptical ones. Above the
belfry windows is a cornice, and then a battlemented parapet with
broad merlons and high embrasures. The buttresses have five set-ofb^
and at the last one at the top they die into the angles of the tower by
a long slope under the main cornice. From these slopes, and occupy-
ing the angles, are lofty octagonal tun*ets, which rise high above the
battlements. These are finished with moulded cornices, battlements,
and stone spirelets surmounted by iron vanes.

It is clear from the construction of this tower that it was intended
to be crowned with a lantern on four flying arches like those at St.
Nicholas's, Newcastle, St. Giles's, Edinburgh, and King's College
chapel, Aberdeen. One of the bells bears the arms of Thornton and
Rhodes, from which it has been inferred that this tower is due to a
large extent to their munificence, which is by no means unlikely when
we consider how closely it resembles in its outlines and details the
work at the churches of St. Nicholas and All Saints in Newcastle witli
which the Rhodes and Thornton families were so intimately connected*
The second Roger Thornton died in 1483,^^ and it is not unlikely that
it was in his time, or soon after, that this tower was erected, though
the details show that it is much later than St. Nicholas's, Newcastle,
and seem to carry it to the very end of the fifteenth, if not into the
sixteenth, century.

To the same period as the tower belonged the clerestory of the
nave. It is lamentable that one must speak in the past tense of this
important feature. It was most foolishly destroyed in 1850, and a
poorly constructed high pitched roof put up in place of the ancient
one. One would have thought that a moment's reflection would have
shown the destroyers how utterly absurd and illogical their action was.
They thought that by destroying the clerestory, which was a late
addition to the church, and putting up their poor modem roof, thev
were bringing back the church to its condition in the thirteenth
*» Boyle, Vestiges of Old NertoastUy p. 176.

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ANCIENT PURNITUBB AND MONUMENTS. 3^8

century. The impossibility of doing this never occurred to them, and
to make their position a logical one they should have also destroyed
the tower and produced an imaginary copy of the thirteenth century
west end. The result of the destruction is that the church is now in
a worse condition than it ever was before. The nave is so dark that
it has a disagreeably depressing effect from the continual gloom that
reigns there. The bnilders of the tower knew that by removing the
old west end with its windows they would rob the church of a great
deal of necessary light. They therefore provided a clerestory to make
op for what they took away. It is humiliating to think that what the
wisdom of the fifteenth century provided the folly of the nineteenth
century should destroy. The clerestory is shown in Billings's interior
view of the church (plate xxxiv). It is there seen to have consisted
of a range of three-light windows under obtusely pointed arches. At
that time the nave retained its old plaster. This was also removed
with the clerestory, leaving the rubble walls naked, as they were never
intended to be seen, and robbing the interior of the benefit of the
reflected light from their white surfaces. The period of the so-called
* Gk)thic Revival ' was more truly a * dark age ' than any which had
preceded it. The chancel and transepts still retain their plaster, and
it is hoped that the man is not yet boni who will venture to remove
it and leave them in the condition of the nave.

Of the ancient furniture and fittings of the church there are no
remains, but the chancel is stalled and panelled with oak and provided
with an elaborate and handsome screen of the period of the ^ Restora-
tion.' This work was done under Dennis Granville, A.M., rector from
1667-1691, and a son-in-law of bishop Cosin, who carried out the
ftffnishing of the choir of the cathedral, and that of Brancepeth church,
which is similar, but inferior to the Sedgefield work. Mr. Hodgson
thinks, and there seems no reason to doubt it, that all this work was
executed by James Clements of Durham, who died in 1690.

There are now no remains of ancient stained glass, but there
formerly existed some pieces in the windows of the south transept, on
one of these was a portion of an inscription in black letter characters —

He ^enlee Eector eccleg* fecft ♦ . . . fenegtram*

Below this was a fleur-de-lys and other ornaments. In another
window of the south transept was ' a head with a coronet.'^® John de
" Hutchinson's Durham,

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894 SBDGBFIELD CHURCH.

Henlee was rector irom 1361 to 1880, and in 1879 founded the
chantry of St. Catherine in the north porch (transept). The other
chantries mentioned were St. Thomas's in the south transept and
St. Mary's.

The font is of the time of the Rev. Theophilus Pickering, S.T.P.,
who was rector from 1705 to 1711. It is evidently a copy in marble
of one of the same period as the tower, for it resembles in form those
at St. Nicholas's and St. John's in Newcastle, and other places in the
district. The details are of Pickering's day, and his arms occur on
one of the eight shields which adorn the bowl along with those of his
contemporaries and others of a much earUer date, such as Thornton^
Qreystock, and Hoton, evidently taken from the older font.^ Doctor
Pickering also gave the organ, which was the work of Father Schmidt.
He also provided the sixth bell, but as he did not leave money enough
to pay for it, it was returned to the founders at Tork.^^

Sedgefield church is not rich in monuments. The earliest, and
one of the most interesting, is the matrix of the brass lying in the
floor of the chancel, of the first master of Greatham hospital, Andrew
de Stanley, who was appointed in 1271, an4 died before 1800. It is
shown on one of the accompanying plates. The two efSgies in the
south transept have been mentioned already.

There are a number of brassea;* two are in their stones still. That
of a lady in the south transept was only found in 1876, when that part
of the church underwent repair and alteration. The Hoton brass is
under the gallery in the north transept. Two shrouded figures of the
memento mori kind, and some inscriptions are detached. Two of those
have been lost since Snrtees wrote, but are said to be in private hands
in Sedgefield." Some modern brasses and other monuments given in
Surtees have also been destroyed at suWquent renovations.

The north transept was filled with a gallery about 1754, when
John Burden, esquire, built Hardwick hall. The gallery has a hand-
some front adorned with the arms of Burden. Beneath it is the
vestry, which is panelled with old oak wainscot, and contains some
ancient furniture.

The plate and bells have already been fully described in the
Proceedings,^

» All the coats are given in Boyle's Ouide to Durham, p. 642. •* Randal.
^ The Sedgefield brasses have been described and illustrated in this series
already, vol. xv. p. 87. » Vol. iii. p. 424.

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\rcIiaeologiaAeIiana.VolXVl.to facep 394.

Plate XXXVll-

SEDCEFIELD CHURCH,
GRAVE -COVERS

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Archaeolcgia Aeiima V: 1 A ,'[ :c :a?e r 3i^4.

p:atexxx\':::

A-B-C ARt IN THE
TOWtR SEDCEFtEia
D. )SATEMBLETON IN
SEDCtriELO PAR\5H.

SCALE

^ ^ *> 9 *£ltlf
^ ^ > J ' 1 I I > ^ M I

Sedcefield Church,
grave -covers.

"DTpzegTW^

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8EDGEFIELD OHIJROH. 895

EXPLANATION OP THE PLATES.

Plate XXXIL— Vibw of thb Bxtbbiob pbom the Nobth-bast.
This is a photo-lithographic redaction of Billings's engraying in The ArohU
teetural Antiquities of the County of Durham, It shows the tower with the
belfry windows robbed- of their tracery, the low-pitched roof over the nave, and
the head of one of the clerestory windows. The left hand window in the north
transept had formerly tracery the same as the other, as shown by the ' mnllion
seats * on the sill. This was removed and the single mnllion snbstitnted some-
time in the last centary when the side windows of the chancel were pat in.

Platb XXXIIL— Gbound Plan op thb Chuboh.

This plan has been specially measared and drawn and corrected to date. It
is shaded to show the dates of the different parts of the chnrch. The founda-
tions of the old west end of the north aisle were uncovered by Mr. Giles, of
Sedgefield, in 1884. Similar foundations remain in part at the west end of the
south ai8l& There are two steps down from the nave to the transepts. The
transepts and chancel are practically on the same level, except for a slight step
of quite recent date, made when the chancel floor was laid with tiles. ' It is very
unusual to find a chancel at a lower level than a nave, and as the site of Sedge-
field church is practically level, an explanation of it here is difficult.

The jamb of the original window in the north aisle was found by Mr. Oiles.
It is difficult of access, as it is blocked by the organ which stands in the aisle.
The female effigy and the brass in the south transept were concealed by pews
and unknown till 1876. The two effigies may be taken to commemorate a man
and his wife who were the chief means of the erection of this part of the
church, as the wall beneath the window is thickened to contain the recesses.
These recesses would be provided when the wall was built- and the effigies
added some time afterwards, as was often done. The fact of the costume being
later in character than the date assigned to the transepts does not therefore
militate against the above supposition.

The centre buttress under the east window seems to have been cut down
when the present window was inserted. The font has been moved more than
once in modem times.

Plate XXXIV.^Intbbiob op thb Nave, Lookhto South-east.

This is also a reduction of one of Billings's plates. It shows the nave void
of seats, and the details of the arcades, which are well drawn. In the fore-
ground is an ancient almsbox, now gone. The lid is shown raised, and the box
is seen to be hollowed out of a long piece of wood which was let into the floor.
The clerestory windows are clearly seen. The two-light window in the south
transept shows that these windows were altered like the one already alluded to
in the north transept. In the distance are seen the Carolinian screen and
panelling of the chancel, the chancel roof, and one of the two corbels above the
chancel arch.

Plate XXXV.— Cabved Capital in the Nave.

This is a view from the south-west of the capital seen on the extreme right
of Plate XXXIV. It shows two well-cut heads, into which a good deal of
humour is thrown. The woman's large square brooch is interesting. The
carving is in excellent preservation, and the foliage is full of power and spirit.

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S96

SBDGEFIBLD CHUBCH.

Plate XXXVl.— Cabved Capital in the Nave.

This shows the same capital from the north-east. Two long-necked dragons
with feathered wings and bird's claws are biting each other, sorroonded by
foliage carved with extreme vigour.

Plate XXXVIL— Geave-covbbs.

The left hand figure shows the grave-cover of Andrew Stanley in the floor of
the chancel. It is really the matrix of a brass, with which metal the hollows
and letters were filled. The Holy Lamb is seen bearing an exceedingly long
floriated cross, representing perhaps a processional cross. It is not clear what
object filled the hollow just below the head of the cross. A chalice was shown
lying on the stem. The inscription is in old French.

The right hand figure shows what was, when perfect, a very beautiful grave-
cover. It is very much weathered, and lies under a holly bush near the south
wall of the chancel. Its date is about that of the nave, and it has the rare
feature of a double row of dog-tooth ornament in the head. The double eight-
rayed cross resembles some of the best examples at Gainford, Barnard Castle,
and other places. It is, however, the only one in the county which has the
whole surface of the stone ornamented with twining stems and foliage, in which
respect it ranks amongst the best examples known, such as that of Gundrada,
countess of Warren, at Lewes, and that of the princess Joanna, wife of Llewellyn,
prince of Wales, at Margam, the grand one at Corwen, and a few others.
Plate XXXVIII. —Gkave-co vers.

These are all in the tower. The richly ornamented one to the left of the plate
was found by the writer within the past ten years buried under a mass of rubbish
and used as a covering stone to the top of the staircase to the belfry, where it is
out of sight, except from the top of the bell carriages. It dates from near the
middle of the fourteenth century, when foliated ornament was shown in the
most naturalistic manner. The cross moline on a shield, which 'again lies on a
circular shield or plate, is of great interest. This charge was borne by the
Fulthorps, who held land in the parish, and were buried at Grindon, where is a
slab with a cross moline. It also appears as the arms of bishop Bek, and may
be seen in stained glass in Howden collegiate church. Grave-covers of this
elaborate character are very rare. An example with oak leaves and of similar
design has recently been found at Redmarshall. At Corsenside, in Northum-
berland, is one in an advanced state of decay with fine natural foliage. The
other two grave-covers on this plate are also in the tower.

Initial letter and arms on bell, Sedgefield cliuroh : Tborafeon (1) and Bodet W-

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THE GOLDbMITHB OF NEWCASTLE. 897

XXV.— THE GOLDSMITHS OF NEWCASTLE.
By J. E. Boyle, F.8.A.
[Read on the 28th day of September, 1887.]

Inteoduotoby Note.

The materials for a history of the goldsmiths of Newcastle-upon-
Tyne are neither few nor difficult of access. Hitherto the only notice
of them or their works of the slightest value is that given by Mr.
Oripps in his Old English Plate, The increased attention which
has of late been paid to church and other plate in the North of
England renders the fullest information attainable about its makers
desirable.

The records of the Plumbers' Company, with which the goldsmiths
were incorporated till 1702, and associated, except during a few years,
till 1716, commence in 1598, and are complete to the present time.
The minute boo^s of the goldsmiths commence with their independent
incorporation in 1702, and are also complete to the present time.
Their first assay book, however, begins in 1747, and ends in 1755. The
next book which has been preserved begins in 1761, but from this date
the series is complete down to the close of the office. Almost their most
precious record, however, is the circular copper plate on which from
shortly after 1702 the punches of the makers, whose plate was assayed
at Newcastle were impressed. On this plate there are 287 different
marks, most of which can be identified ; the remainder can only be
explained by the discovery of documents which are not now known
to exist.

Hereafter this paper should be followed by a catalogue of plate
assayed at Newcastle. I should rejoice to see such a list prepared
either by my own hand or that of another. Something has already
been done in describing and engraving the church plate of the
counties of Northumberland and Durham, and, in time, our Proceed-
ings will contain lists of the whole. But with domestic plate scarcely

VOL. XVI. Y Y

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898 THE GOLDSMITUB OF NEWCASTLE:

anything has been done. There are many collectiona of old plate in our
northern counties, and if the owners of these would generously permit
them to be examined, a catalogue would gradually be formed. Should
these remarks come under the notice of any collector or inheritor of
plate who possesses even a single piece bearing the Newcastle marks
of one or three castles, I shall be obliged if he will inform the editor
of the fact, and say whether he is willing to allow his treasure to
be examined with a view to its being described in the projected
catalogue.

I have to thank the stewards of the Plumbers' and Goldsmiths'
Companies for the unrestricted access to their archives which thej
have afforded me, and I have especially to thank Mr. W. J. Cripps, C.B.,
of Oirencester, for much valuable help and information.

History op the Company.

The earliest allusion to goldsmiths in Newcastle occurs in an in-
junction issued by Henry III. in the ddrd year of his reign, in which
he commands the bailiffs and men of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, that
in full town-court they shall choose (by the oath of four and twenty
good men), four persons of the most trusty and prudent of their town,
for the oflfioe of moneyers in that town, and other four like persons
for the keeping of the king's mints there, and two fit and prudmt
goldsmiths to be assay ers of the money to be.made ttiere, and one fit and
trusty clerk for the keeping of the exchange; and to send them to the
Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer, to do there what by ancient
custom and assize was to be done in that case.

In 1423 (2 Hen. YI. cap. 13) an act was passed fixing the
standard of wrought silver, and a second act requiring all such silver
made within the city of London to be assayed, 'and touched with the
touch of the Leopard's head, if it may I'easonably bear the same touch,
and also with the mark or sign of the workman of the same.' In this
act we have the following clause: —

* And also it is likewise ordained in the city of York, Newcastle-
upon-Tyne, Lincoln, Norwich, Bristol, Salisbury, and Coventry, that
every one shall have divers touches, according to the ordinance of the
mayors, bailiffis, or governers of the same towns.'

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HISTORY OP THE COMPANY. 899

After this we have no reference to the goldsmiths of Newcastle
till 1586. In that year they were incorporated together with freemen
of other trades as a company of goldsmiths, plumbers, glaziers,
pewterers, and painters. The original charter of incorporation, or
' ordinary ' as it is nsnally styled, granted by the mayor^ sherifp, and
aldermen of Newcastle, still exists amongst the archives of the
Plumbers' Company. It requires the brethren of the company *yerly
from hensforth amyably on the ffest and day of corpus Christi
loovyngly [to] goo togedders in p'cession All in a leverey,' and
* maytaygne ther play of the thre kyngs of coleyn.' The company
was to be governed by four wardens, viz., a goldsmith, a plumber,
a glazier, and a pewterer or painter. No brother was to follow
any trade except that to which he was apprenticed, on pain of a
penalty of 8s. 4d. Any brother taking 'a Scots man borne in
Scotland' as apprentice or workman was to be fined 40s., half of
which went to the company, and the other half to 'the upholdyng
the works of tyne Bridge.' Every apprentice on attaining his free-
dom was to pay 6s. 8d., 'and a pott of ale w^ thappurtenances.' If
any brother defamed another by calling him 'a Scott, a morderer,
a thefe,' and 'at sise or sessions was fibunde culpable' he was to be
expelled from the company, and not received again till 'such tyme
that he be clerely & duely purged & acquited by dew order of the
law.* If any members of the company at any meeting should *by lye
one an other, chyde or bralle with any malycias or slanderus words or
draw a knyf or dagger or any other wapen in any malice' the brother
so offending was required to pay a fine of 8s. 4d. The first stewards
of the company were appointed by the charter itself, and were Thomas
Cramer, goldsmith ; John Chekyn, pewterer ; Eichard Bradforth,
plumber ; and Henry Cooke, glazier and painter.

Attached to this deed were nineteen seals, but except two fragments,
on neither of which can any impression be discerned, all are destroyed.
The names of the original members of the company are arranged in five
columns at the foot of the charter. The first column is headed
'goldesmythes,' the second 'plumerz,' the third 'pewterers,' the fourth
•glaciers,' and the fifth ' paynterz.' Subsequently an additional column
of names has been introduced between the glaziers and the painters,
headed 'poticaries.' The names of the original members, apparently

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400 THE OOLDBMITHS OF NEW0A8TLE :

twenty-one in number, are all written by one hand. Other members,
on attaining their freedom, URoally signed their names on the same
document, though many only made their marks, and sometimes three
or four names are found together again in one hand. Of the original
members of the company five were goldsmiths, viz., Thomas Cramer,
James Chawbre, Geofirey Hall, Humphrey Coyll, and Nicholas Cramer.
The trade of the goldsmith evidently flourished in Newcastle in the
days of Henry the Eighth. From 1586 to 1650 only thirteen gold-
smiths appear to have been admitted to the company. They were
Valentine Baker, James Austold^ Nicholas Brutte, John Harper, John
Cramer, Francis Sose, Anthony Sympson, William Seaton, John
Sympsoun, Oswald Carr, John Baker, James Wylson, and John
Baynes. At the very bottom of the charter we have the almost obliter-
ated signature of William Bamsey, certainly enough identifiable by
the long tail of his B.

The hundred and twenty yeais of constant reference and hard usage
which the original charter had suffered when William Eamsey took up
his freedom in 1656, had impaired its legibility. About that time a
transcript was made, wherein I find, on comparison with the original,
blunders innumerable, not only in the text of the document, but in the
names which are appended to it. I have been obliged, however, to
adopt the readings of this transcript in those places where the original
is either illegible or entirely worn away. Two other transcripts have
since been made ; one in the last century and the other a few years ago.
The second transcript is far worse than the first, and the last is the worst
of all. The goldsmiths who joined the company from 1656 to 1697
signed the first transcript. The column headed 'Gold-Smiths,' after
a transcript of the names appended to the original bears the signa-
tures of William Eamsey, John Wilkinson, William Eobinson, John
Dowthwaite, John Norris, Francis Batty, Albany Dodson, Eli Bilton,
firancis Anderson, Cuthbert Bamsay, William liamsay (junior), Abra-
ham Hamer, Robert Shrive, and Thomas Hewitson. The last named
attained his freedom in 1697.

One of these persons, Francis Anderson, was not a goldsmith, but
a confectioner. In 1685 he addressed a petition to the Mayor and
Aldermen of Newcastle setting forth that his grandfather, Henry

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HISTORY OP THE COMPANY. 401

Anderson, was a free merchant of Newcastle, and that his father,
Francis Anderson, then of Howdon Pans, had taken his freedom of
the town, but not of the Merchants* Company, and praying that 'he
might be admitted to his freedom in some society or other, and that
he might take apprentiqes for management of his calling and employ-
ment of a confectioner.' Accordingly at a meeting of the Common
Council held, 81st March, 1685, it was ordered 'that the said firancis
Anderson have free liberty to admitt himself into what fellow^P he
thinks Convenient, either the Upholsterers, Tinplateworkers and
Stationers ; or the Goldsmiths, Plumbers, and Glaziers, or what other
society shall seem most meet.' On the 15th April, in the same year,
he was admitted into the Goldsmiths' and Plumbers' Company 'as a
Goldsmith,' and was required to enter bond that 'neither he nor any
of his servants shall exercise any of the trades of this Company,- but
exercise the trade or art of a Confectioner only.'

In 1598 the company consisted, apparently of only 14 members,
of whom three were goldsmiths, viz., Anthony Sympson, James Wil-
son, and John Baynes. On the 19th June, 1599, Baynes paid 408.
to the company for some 'agrementt' which 'shold have ben thre
pound,' but 20s. were generously 'remitted for his wyflfe.' On the
17th August in the same year he took one Thomas Royd, son of
Thomas Royd, 'mylliner,' as apprentice; and on the 3rd February,
1599-1600, he took as apprentice one John Nicholson, son of George
Nicholson. After this date I find no further reference to Baynes or
his apprentices; but in 1613 occurs a list of 'names of bretheren,'
then twenty in number, amongst whom is not a single goldsmith.
Indeed, it is presumable that four years before that time the gold-
smith's art had ceased to be practised in Newcastle, for on the 18th
December, 1609, certain orders were adopted, which are signed in the
minute book by 17 brethren, not one of whom was a goldsmith.
From this time till the year 1656, in which William Ramsay joined
the company, the society had no goldsmith amongst its members.
There is indeed one person, William Robinson, described as a 'Goul-
smith, late of Newcastle, deceased,' in the enrolment of his son's
apprenticeship (20th Aug., 1657), and once elsewhere as an 'imbro-
derer,' who doubtless was a manufacturer of the gold and silver lace,

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402 THE GOLDSMITHS OF NEWCASTLE :

then 80 largely employed as an item of costome. This elder William
Robinson's occapation led to the description of the company in one
of their orders (11th June, 1623) as 'the whole Companye and
ffelloweshipe of goldsmyths, plumers, pewterers, pannters and imbro-
derers.'

In 1620 the Mayor (Sir Peter Riddell) granted the Morden Tower
to the Plumbers' Company for 'a meattinge hall.' The record of this
grant is given in the Plumbers' books.

One of the privileges conferred upon the society by its charter is
that of making 'reasonabell and gud orders ffor the coen welth of the
hole ffelosshjrpp/ a right of which they have availed themselves most
liberally. The 'orders' or regulations enacted by the Plumbers'
Oompany before the final separation of the goldsmiths are amongst
the papers, as are also later repetitions of these orders, in which only
verbal changes are made. These documents, lengthy as they are, give
a complete view of the interior life and history of one of the incor-
porated companies of Newcastle. A history of all the fraternities of
our ancient borough will I trust be written hereafter by some one, and
if my extracts serve to show how interesting is the material for such a
work I shall not regret their length.

Ramsey's accession to the company was followed two years later
by that of John Wilkinson. From this time to the end of the century
the art of the goldsmith flourished in Newcastle. In 1698, however,
an act was passed which fixed a new and higher standard for the
manufacture of plate, and at the same time gave to the Goldsmiths'
Company of London the sole right of assaying. This was a great
hardship and inconvenience to all manufacturers in the provinces,
who were compelled to undergo the risk, expense, and delay of
sending their plate to London to be assayed. The goldsmiths of
Exeter, Chester, and Norwich petitioned parliament to reestablish
their assay offices, and in 1700 an act was passed establishing assays
at York, Exeter, Bristol, Chester, and Norwich, but making no
mention of Newcastle. The reason why Newcastle was not included
in this act was probably because it was not one of the places wherein
the mints had been established for recoining the silver money of the
realm. On the 9th February, 1701-2, a petition was presented

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THE MABKS BEQUIRED. 408

to the House of Commons from Francis Batty and other gold-
smiths in Newcastle, supported bj another petition from the Mayor,
Aldermen, Sheriff, and Common Council. The petitioners state
the inconvenience they suffer in being compelled to send their
plate to York to be assayed, whereby, they say, they are in * danger
of losing the greatest part of their trade, which chiefly consists of
plate bespoke to be wrought up in a short time, and they cannot have
it returned from York in less than a fortnight's time.' In conse-
quence of these petitions a bill was prepared and passed, and received
the royal assent on 30th March, 1702, reestablishing the assay office
at Newcastle. This act sets forth that 'whereas in the town of
Newcastle upon Tyne there is, and time out of mind hath been, an
ancient company of goldsmiths, which, with their families, are like to
be ruined' by the operation of the previous act, and their trade
^utterly lost in the said town; and whereas by the statute of the
second of Henry the sixth, the town of Newcastle upon Tyne is one
of the places appointed to have touches for wrought silver plate,' it
was enacted that the town of Newcastle be appointed for the assaying
and marking of wrought plate, to execute all Hhe powers, authorities,
and directions' conferred upon other towns and cities by the previous
act, 'as fully and amply to all intents, constructions, and purposes as
if the said town had been expressly named in the said act.' The
same act provides that the goldsmiths, silversmiths, and plateworkers
who have served apprenticeships to these trades and are freemen of
Newcastle shall be incorporated, and known as the Company of Gold-
smiths of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. The act further provides for the
election of two wardens annually, for the appointment of an assay
master, and states the marks which were to be impressed upon all
plate assayed here.

The marks required at this time were, first, the maker's mark,
which consisted of the first two letters of his surname ; second, the
lion's head erased ; third, Hhe figure of a woman commonly called
Britannia ; ' fourth, the arms of the city or town where the plate was
assayed ; and, lastly, a variable letter or mark to denote the year in
which the assay was made.

It was during the interval between the suppression and reestab-
lishment of the Newcastle assay that Morden Tower was partly

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404 THE GOLDSMITHS OP NEWCASTLE :

rebuilt. The more modem part of the structnre is of brick. Bourne,
however, describes it as 'a beautiful hall.' The total cost of the new
portion was £98 Ss. lid., of which £20 lOs. was raised by 41 of the
members subscribing ' 10s. a man.' Amongst the subscribers are the
following goldsmiths : — Francis Batty, Wm. Ramsay, jun., Thomas
Hewitson, Eli Bilton, Robert Shrive, John Ramsay, Richard Hobbs,
Thomas Leightley, Thomas Armstrong, and Roger West. The balance
was raised by loan, which, however, was soon repaid out of the many
fines which were being constantly imposed.

Although the Act of Parliament constituted the goldsmiths of
Newcastle an independent corporation, they continued in association
with the plumbers, pewterers, painters, and glaziers, with the exception
of an interval from 1707 to 1711, till 1716, when they finally sepa-
rated themselves. It must, however, be stated that during considerable
portions of this period they held meetings independently of the rest
of the company, formulated their own regulations, and kept their own
minute books, which are perfectly complete from the establishment of
the company in 1702 to the present time.

The cost of procuring the Act of Parliament amounted to £69
14s. 9d., of which £30 was paid by the Plumbers' Company, £2 lOs.
by a silversmith who gave up business about the time of the passing
of the act, and £37 5s. in five subscriptions of £7 9s. each by silver-
smiths then in business. The £30 contributed by the old society
was raised by a loan of £20 from Richard Heppell, butcher, and by
two fines of £5 each, one received from Eli Bilton and the other
from John Ramsey.

Although the charter of 1536 requires the appointment of four
wardens of the Plumbers' Company, one of whom was to be a gold-
smith, no goldsmith was appointed during a very considerable period.
The first list of wardens appointed occurs in the year 1599, when four
were elected, of whom ' John baynes ' was one. The next list occurs
in 1610, when only two were appointed ; and though the usual prac-
tice was to elect three, after this date a goldsmith was not elected
during the 17th century.

From 1702 till 1707, however, a goldsmith was regularly chosen
one of the wardens of the old company. Prom June, 1707, till the

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AND THE plumbers' COMPANY. 405

end of 1711 the goldsmiths held themselvres aloof from the plumbers,
but on the 6th December, 1711, they were re-admitted by a resolution
of the latter body. There was one member to whom this re-admission
involved a hardship. This was Francis Batty the younger, who was
admitted to the freedom of the Goldsmiths' Company on the 29th
November, 1708, and paid £4 for his freelege. When, however,
three years later, the goldsmiths rejoined the plumbers, the latter
would not recognize Batty's already acquired freedom, but demanded
that he should take it up afresh amongst them. This cost him
£4 15s. 9d. This, however, was not all. On 1st Sept., 1714, Batty
took one 'Michael Jenkins, son of Henry Jenkins,' as apprentice.
But no brother was allowed to take an apprentice till he had been
three years free of the company. Batty had been nearly six years
free of the goldsmiths, and wanted but three months to complete his
three years amongst the plumbers. They, however, imposed their
fine of £5, which he at first promised to pay, but deferred doing so
from time to time, until, on the 6th Jan., 1715-16, the company
ordered 'y* the Stewards w*** such other of the Company as they shall
think fitt to call to their assistance do w^^ the Clerke of the Company
attending them waite upon the Eecord' John Cuthberts esq' for his
advice therein and do att the Companys charge take such immediate
course for recovering of and compelling the s** flfran: Batty to pay the
same as shall be thought most adviseable.' On the 26th March the
company commuted the penalty to £4, which Batty paid. The gold-
smiths felt aggrieved, and not without reason. So availing themselves
of the rights conferred upon them by their Act of Parliament, they
left the plumbers finally. They thought, however, that they were still
entitled to meet in the Morden Tower, and on the 9th September,
1717, they entered the following minute upon their records :—

* This day the p'sent wardens were ordered to make a demand of
the Stewards of the Plumbers & Glaziers company to make use of the
Hall formerly built att the charge of the Goldsmiths in conjuncon w"»
the s** trades, & a demand was accordingly made by M'. Shaw of Jacob
Watson, & the same was pposed to the s4 company, but they refused
to suffer the Hall to be made use of unless this Company would joyn
w^^ them as formerly.'

VOL. XVI.

z z

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406 THB GOLDSMITHS OF NEWCASTLE :

The plumbers seem to have submitted the case to the then recorder
of Newcastle, and (8th November, 1717) ' upon reading and poseing
the Record? opinion, Its ordered that the Goldsmiths shall not have
any liberty or be pmitted to meet or assemble in the haU of this com-
pany.' ^The recorder's opinion' is amongst the loose papers of
the Plumbers' Company,

From this time to the present the goldsmiths have gone on the
even tenor of their way, with no more exciting event in their history
than an occasional parliamentary enquiry which threatened the extinc-
tion of their assay.

In the early part of 1773 the goldsmiths of Sheffield and Birming-
ham petitioned parliament for the establishment of assay offices in
their respective towns. This raised opposition from the Goldsmiths'
Company of London, who suggested that great irregularities, if not
irauds, were practised at the provincial halls. The Newcastle Com-
pany appealed to their representatives, Sir W. Blackettand M. Ridley,
to watch and protect their interests. The replies of both members
are preserved amongst the company's archives. Sir W. Blackett
says : — * The gout hath prevented me from attending the house for
the last six days, and I fear I may be prevented for very many more
davs ; but upon consultation with Mt Ridley we cannot apprehend
that the petitions from Birmingham & Sheffield . . . can pos-
sibly be productive of an attack upon the assay office at Newcastle ;
. . . but however it may happen, the Goldsmith's company of
Newcastle may depend upon all the assistance in Mr. Ridley's power
and mine, . . . not only on account of their own honour and
interest, but the interest and convenience of the public in that part
of the kingdom.' Mr. Ridley states that a separate committee had
been appointed to enquire into the alleged malpractices of provincial
offices, and suggests that ^ perhaps the London Gent? may attempt to
take away those assay offices already established.' He adds that a
messenger from the House of Commons will be sent to Newcastle to
serve the assay master, ' who I understand is Matt. Prior,' with a
notice to attend the committee on the 22nd March. The conmiittee
ordered a return from each assay office giving the number and names
of the members of its company, the names and trade of the wardens

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OOMMITTSB APPOINTED BY PABLIAHBKT. 407

and assessor, an account when and before whom the assayer had been
sworn, the names and places of abode of all persons who sent plate to
be assayed, and the weight of all gold and silver plate assayed and
marked during the past seven years, and of that which had been
broken and defiEkced.

Matthew Prior posted to London, and was examined by the com-
mittee on the 22nd March. The same day Ridley wrote Messrs.
Langlands and Eirknp, giving an account of Prior's examination. I
oannot resist the temptation to print his letter. .

'Burlington Street, March 22* 1773.
*Sire,
* I have the pleasnre of acquainting jou, that this daj we got through lir
Prior*8 examination, wherein he acquitted himself with great precision k
judgement, and the Committee came to a Resolution, ^That the Assay office at
Newcastle upon Tyne had been conducted with Fidelity &, Skill.** Mr Prior
was discharged from farther attendance, k will set forward on his return to
Newcastle next Wednesday. I am very happy that we have got this matter well
07er, notwithstanding the most violent opposition of the Goldsmiths of London.

I am, Sn
Mr. John Langlands Your most obed^ servant,

& M. Ridley.*

Mr. John Eirkup.*

Whilst before the committee Prior was asked if he knew whether
his scales were good ones, and professed his conviction that they were
remarkably true. 'What would cast them ? asked one of the com-
mittee. *Why, sir, they would be cast by one of the hwrs from the
back of my hand/ was Prior's reply. The total cost of his journey
was £17 2s., which was defrayed by the company. The following
are the items as given in the year's accounts : —

To Cash paid for taking y« Fly Coach for London ... £3 9 0

To Do. to bear his [Prior's] Expences 10 10 0

To Do. more in London 8 3 0

So well satisfied, however, was the company with the result that
they gave Prior an additional five guineas ' for his trouble in going to
London on y* Assay office business.'

Before 1785 gold had not been assayed at Newcastle, at least in
the 18th century, and probably not at all. The company, however.

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408 THE GOLDSMITHS OF NEWCASTLE :

then determined to undertake the assaying of gold plate, and Mr.
Fendall Bnshforth, one of the assayers at Goldsmiths' Hall, London,
procured and sent to Mr. Robertson, of the firm of Langlands and
Robertson, the necessary implements. These cost £13 Is., and were
sent to Newcastle by ship. The company manifested its gratitude by
sending Mr. Rushforth a salmon which cost 7s. 6d., and the carriage
of which to London cost 6s. The first gold plate was assayed for
John Mitchison, of the Side, on the 11th March, 1785.

In 1844 an attempt was made by the Goldsmiths' Company of
London to acquire a certain jurisdiction over all provincial offices.
To effect this a bill was introduced into Parliament, one of the clauses
of which gave the London company the right to sue the wardens and
assayers of provincial balls whenever evidence should be produced
that gold or silver below the standard had been passed by such
wardens and assayers. This led to an extensive correspondence
between the secretary of the Goldsmiths' Company at Newcastle (Mr.
F. Sanderson) and Mr. W. Ord, then one of the representatives of New-
castle. Mr. Ord conducted the goldsmiths' case with energy and tact,
and the result of his efforts was that the objectionable clause was so
amended as to place all companies upon the same footing, and give
provincial offices a right to sue the wardens and assayers of the London
company itself, should they offend against the provisions of the act.

On the lOth March, 1848, the House of Oommons ordered a
return from all the assay offices in the kingdom of the amount of
gold and silver stamped, and the amount of duty paid, during each of
the preceding five years.

In 1854-5-6, another attempt was made to abolish some of the
provincial assay offices, that of Newcastle amongst the rest. The
effort originated with the London Goldsmiths' Company. On the
22nd June, 1855, the House of Conmions ordered a return of certain
papers, amongst which were a report of the Inspector-General of
Stamps and Taxes on the assaying and marking of plate at Newcastle
and other places, and a report on the same subject by Messrs. Garrard
and Johnson, wardens of the London company. These reports are
historic and afford data with which we cannot dispense. At the
same time it is only fair that I should say that a mass of documents

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ATTSMFT TO ABOLISH THB ASSAY OFFIOB. 409

which I have careftilly examined convinoe me that the accnsations
and insinaations against the practices of the Newcastle office were
entirely without foundation. I am strongly tempted to reproduce two
articles on the subject which appeared at the time in the columns of
the Oateshead Observer^ and were written by our respected iriend
Mr. Clephan, but considerations of space deter me.

The business of the Newcastle office gradually declined. In 1853
the quantity of silver assayed here was 9,644 oz. In 1863 only 4,394
oz. were assayed. In 1878 the silver assay had decreased to 1,982 oz.,
whilst in 1883, the last complete year in which the office was open, it
had fallen to 316 oz. At the annual meeting of the company in 1884
it was resolved to discontinue the Newcastle assay. On the 20th May
in that year the stamps and dies^ 21 in number, were delivered to
Mr. Alfred Sheriff, the collector of Inland Bevenue, and on the 13th
June, the local dies, 11 in number, were effaced in the presence of
Mr. Sheriff, Mr. James W. Wakinshaw and Mr. Thomas Arthur fieed,
the wardens in 1883, and Mr. James Bobson, the last assay master.
The tenancy of the room in Dean Court, for which the company paid
Messrs. Mather & Armstrong a rental of £11 per annum, terminated
on the 1st May, 1885, since when the company has held its meetings
at the Salutation Hotel, High Bridge. The last assay of silver was
made of 30 teaspoons on the 22nd April, 1884, and the last assay of
gold of 30 rings on the 2nd May. In both cases the property assayed
belonged to Mr. B. M. Craig. The following inventory of the
furniture of the assay office at the time of its close is entered in the
company's minute book :

* 2 Tables.

2 Arm chairs.
12 SmaU chairs.

1 Iron safe.

1 Pair of Scales in glass case.

1 FumesB gas.

1 Fumess charcoal.

1 Screw stamping press.*

All these things were sold. There are now no relics of the New-
castle assay office except the books and papers, the round copper plate
of makers' marks, a square plate on which, from 1864 to 1884 (when
the office was closed), the date letter was impressed, and two old oaken
boxes, in one of which the diet was formerly kept. These are now in
the possession of the Society.

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410 THB GOLDSMITHS OF NEWOASTLB :

From the time of the separation of the goldsmiths from the
plumbers in 1716 the annual meeting of the former has been
r^ularlj held on the 3rd May, except when that day has fiftUen on
Saturday or Sunday, and then the meeting has been held on the
Monday following. These head meeting days in the prosperous times
of the company were occasions of great festivity. On the 8rd May,
1787, just a hundred years ago, the company dined together at the
Black Boy in the Groat Market, then kept by Bichard Swarley. Five
members were present. The following is the innkeeper's bill :

* Qoldgmiths CJompany, D!.to Rich* Swarley.

1787 May 3« To Dinners £1 14 0

Beer 0 4 0

Wine 1 18 9

Brandy 0 12

Negus 1 13 0

Punch 1 16 0

Waiter 0 2 6

£7 9 5'

That is, £1 9s. lOfd. for each member's dinner 'with the appurten-
ances,' as the old charter has it. In 1845 matters had somewhat
improved, or deteriorated, just as you please. The cost per head on
that day, when nine members of the company dined at the Gteoige,
was only 158. lOd.

At one of these dinners, that namely held in 1844, when a bill
was before Parliament for the abolition of provincial assay offices, a
song, composed for the occasion, was rendered by one of the company,
to the tune of 'The Fine Old English Gentleman.' It is the only
poetic effort preserved amongst the company's archives, and is by no
means of a high order. I venture, however, to quote a few lines.

* The Goldsmiths of London they make a great fuss
On a bill that the nations about to discuss

Unlike the ancient goldsmiths all of the olden time.

Now with us in the north, we don't care a groat
WeVe always been just both in deed and in thought,

Like the good old Bnglish goldsmiths all of the olden time.
Our assay er you well know is a right trusty soul,
Tho* he winks at th' lasses* whilst he drinks off his bowl,
What a pity they do say that single he should stay
When many a bonny girl would make happy his day.

Oh 1 why remain old bachelor all to the end of time ?'

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APPENDIX.— EXTRACTS PROM MINUTE BOOK. 411

APPENDIX.

bxtbaots fbom the mlnute book of the compant of
Goldsmiths of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, made bt the
Bditob.

On fly leaf :

reetc This

Book belongs to the Company
OF Goldsmiths.
verso

[Tho" Hewison] mort

Kichard Hobbs mort

Jona" flCrench mort

[John Younghosband] mort

Fffrancis Batty] mort

Mark Grey Nicnolfon mort

James Kirknpp mort

Nathaniell Shaw mort

[Tho* GamuU] mort

John Camaby mort

Robert Makepeace mort

William Whitf eild 2' mort

W"» Dalton mort

Geo Bnlman mort

Isaac Cookson mor

Thomas Makepeace mort

Edw* Gill mort

M Anderson
(The names in mutfe brackets are simck oul]

Att a meeting Jnne 24^ 1702 :

Wee whole names are hereunder written being the Company of March 85 ina

Gold Smiths in the Town of Newcastle upon Tine Have Elected thiaordermade

and Chosen M' ffrancis Batty to be our Afsay Mailer M' Robert maet^*®**^

Shrives and M' Thomas Armltrong Wardens of the fd Company Wardens tobe

for this Yeare ending June the Twenty ffourth day one thoufand m^utS dayw

feaven hundred and three w<* said day is acrreed on to be the formerly in

Annuall or Yearly day to Elect afsay Mast' and Wardens for the SSJ^SSiSS""

Yse and Service of the (aid Company wee were k V)

woh weare
agalne united

Essay Mastr

Mica^^ ^^f^H/>^^

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412

THE OOLDSMITHS OP NBWCA8TLB :

Oonflrmedand
to be Inserted in
Oompany's book
wth Booh addi-
o'ons or alter»-
oom u shall be
thought ezpedi>
ent k reasonable

Aasay master to
attend weekly

6d p. lib. allowed
him

6d prifate essay

40rainesto
defray

toinstmot
another free
Bror.

to enter Shopps
and essay goods

Bror workeing
badd silTer to be
fined by company

40soDadmit-
tanoe towards

Att a Meeting Octob. 27**» 1702.

Wee the Company of Gold Smiths in the Town and Coanty of
Newcastle upon Tine doe hereby nominate and appointe that on
the Tewsday and ffryday in every Week oar alsay Master Shall
attend and waite att the place appointed by the Said Company
from Nine of the Clock in the fforenoon till Twelve of the Clock
of the fame day, to receive all afsays brought or to be brought to
him and Wee doe order and agree y* in considera'con of the Said
aisay Master's trouble and charge over & above what the law
directs for every pound Troy Weight of wrought Plate y* Shall be
afsayed he Shall have and receive the fume of sixpence p pound
and soe in proporc*on for a greater or lefser Quantitie and alaoe
for every pnvate Efsay of Skellett or Engott of Silver The snme
of sixpence for every parting Efsay of Gold or Silver Six pence
and Shall alfoe stop onely ffour Grains p pound to defray Charges
and Expences of the Company of all wrought Plate afsayed uid
markt vr^ shall be kept in the Box of Diet by the Efsay Master
and Wardens of the f* Company and Shall be melted att tne end
of Every Yeare begineing on the Twenty ffourth day of June one
thoufand feaven hundred & three, and afsayed by whom the
Company Shall think fitt and Convenient Provided always it be
att the Tower of London Goldsmiths* Hall of the fame place or in
any other place appointed by Law And if att any time the faid
Efsay Master shall think ffitt and Convenient not to Serve the
faid Company in manner aforefaid as he hath been instructed and
taught the art of afsayeing Gold and Silver att the Companyes
charge Wee the /aid Compan7 of Gold Smiths doe require him to
instruct such person as the Company Shall nominate and appointe
for that Employm* always obferveing the person Soe Elected and
appointed be a ffree brother of the i^ Company and Inhabiteing
in the Said Towne of Newcastle upon Tine

[Same signatures as before.]

Att a meeting October 27"» 1702

Its ordered by the Company of Gold Smiths That y« Wardens for
the time being shall have power and authority given and grantiMi
them by the Said Company to goe into all Shopps and Workhouses
att their times of workeing and ask and demand a Penny weight
of Silver of the Masters Servants or agents of Such Shoppe
and Workhouses from any Peice or Peices of Silver as to the
Warden or Wardens of the Said Company for the time being shall
think ffitt and Conven* in order to be afsayed by the Afsay Master
appointed for the Company of Gold Smiths And if any
Brother of the said Company Shall happen to be found workeing
any Plate of Silver of worse ffinefs then w* is appointed to be
wrought by Law, Then every Brother and Brothers of the said
Company soe offending Shall be lyeable to Such ffines and Penal*
ties as the Majority of the said Company Shall lay upon ihem for
Such Offence as aforef* And its further ordered and agreed by the
i^ Company that every brother and brothers that is or shall be ffree
of the said Company before he or they Shall be admitted to have
k receive any Benefitt of his or their Plate to be afsayed by the
Afsay Master appointed for the vse of the said Company Shall
pay and lay out towards the defrayeing all Such charges and
Expences as the s*^ Company of Gold Smiths have laid out and
Expended for appointeing an afsay Master att Newcastle upon
Tine the sume of fforty Shillings lawfull English money And
Wee the Company of Gk)ld Smiths aforesaid doe order and agree
y* the Wardens for the time beine Shall have power and authority
when and as often as there Shall be occasion to call and make
Meeting and meetings for the use of y* Company and that every

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APPENDIX. — EXTRACTS PROM MINUTE BOOK.

413

By meetings Is.
abaenoe on notice

Headmeeting
df^r abeent 5e.

aliortlB.

brother or brothers that Shall or maybe abfent att Such meeting
or meetings hayeing had Timely notice given or left att his or
their Shopp or house and being within the Town of Newcastle att
the time of Snch notice Shall fforfeite and pay for his or their
abfence as afores** for the use of the Said Company the Same of
Twelye pence and for every Brother or Brothers being Short or short 6d
not Comeing att the hoar appointed the Same of Sixpence And
for every Abfence or not Comeing to the Meeting hoase or place
Appointed on the Headmeating day the fume of ffive Shillings
ana for every Short on the Said Headmeeting day in every Yeare
y« Same of Twelve pence w«* said feveral ffines and sames of
money aforemenc*oned Shall be paid into the hands of the
Wardens for the time being for the Yfe and behoof e of the said
Company :

Francis Batty Tho. Leightly

Eli Bilton Alex. Campbell

Rob* Shrive

Richard Hobbs

March 13 : 1702

Memorand* That the whole Charge of the p*careing the i^ct of
pari* for the aflay master and provideing the Tooles & Inflram**
for the afsaying of plate as by the Ace* now delived in amoants
to Sixty Nine pounds fourteen Shillings Nine pence in w*^^ the
charge of Inflructing M' Batty tho aflay Mailer is included, and
the fame was defrayed & paid as followeth 69 : 14 : 09

The Company rof Glaziers pewterers plumbers &

painters in w^ the GoldTmiths is incorporated

gaue & Contributed 20" w*"* with Two fines due to

the fd Company from Ely Bilton & Jno. Ramfay

amounting to 10*^ was in all

By Tho. Armftrong before he gaue over Shopp

By Ely Bilton

By Rob* Shrives

By Alex Campbell

By Maig* Ramsay

By Eliz Ramfay

:00
:10:
:09 :

00
00
00

02 :

07 ;

07 : 09 : 00

69 : 14 : 00

Allexand' Campbell Elected & chofen Warden in the room &
place of Thomas Armftrong the late Warden remoued Laft Satur-
day from this Town into the Countrey.

And its farther ordered and agreed that the said 39 : 14 : 09
f hall be repaid to the fd perfons aboue Named afsoon as the (aid
moneys come in.

And alfoe its ordered that all the Tools & implem*" provided
att the Company's Charge be inventorifed in the book and kept
for the Companyes vfe after the fd perfons are reimburfed the said
39 : 14 : 09 for till that time the faid perfons haue an Intereft &
title in the fd Tools.

And Jts farther ordered That every Bro. that fhall Employ
any perfson as a Journeyman that is not free of the Company
[* above the space of six weeks* interlined] fhall forfeit fiue
pounds to be paid to the vfe of the Company vnleife such forreign'
or plon not free of the Company Shall pay to the vfe of the
Company towards the charge of the alsay the sume of fforty
Shillings And Shall forfeit the like sume of fiue pounds if they
employ a freeman as a Journeyman [^longer then abovemenc^oned * uree joneyman
interlined in another hand] vnleffe such freeman pay to the *^'

VOL. XVI. A 3

Jorneyman
unfreetopay
towds assay

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414

THE GOLDSMITHS OF NEWCASTLE :

Void belnf
I>Tided for by the
ancient ordr in
oilier book

Sa fine for take-
inc apprentice
before three yrt
tree

litaimrentioeto
serre 9 yrs before
aSdappGL

•zoept lit dye or
abeent then to

aoajB requested

Indres to be
drawn by Gierke

charge of the fd afTay Twenty BhillingB and this order to Com*enoe

from & after Eaiter day next. Bli Bilton

Rob* Shrive
Alexander Campbell

Att a Meeting of the Company of Goldfmiths 13"» Sep' 1707

Itt is Ordered that noe Brother of this Company shall take an
Apprentice to serve in the trade of a Goldimith vnlefse such
Brother soe takeing an Apprentice shall have been free of the said
Company before the time of takeing such apprentice for the space
of Three yeares And in caie any Brother shall Offend herein he
shall forfeit & pay to the Wardens of the said Company for the
nfe of the same the sum'e of ffive ponnds lawfnll money of Create
Brittaine And itt is farther Ordered that noe Brother of this
Company shall take a Second Apprentice vntill the first apprentice
shall have Served the time & Space of three years att least nor
shall be admitted or allowed to take any after Apprentice or
Apprentices vnlefse the preceding or last bciore taken Apprentice
shall have served three years att least On pain to forfeit and pay
to the vse of the said Company the like snm'e of flSve poands
lawfuU money but if any Apprentice before he shall have Served
three years by Indenture shall happen to dye or shall abfent or

§oe from any Brothers Service and not returne to the same for the
pace of three Months That then and in every Such Case itt shall
be lawfull for Such Brother whose Apprentice shall dye or shall
soe abfent himself as aforefaid to take another apprentice paying
to the said Wardens for the vse of the said Company the som^e of
florty Shillings like lawfull money

M' Jonathan ffrench Afsay MaTt' who was formerly appointed
and swome in the room of ffrancis Batty dec'd Itt is ordered
that the said Afsay Maft' doe attend and wait att the place
appointed by this Company on Wednefday in every week from
Eight of the Clock in the forenoon till twelve of the Clock in the
same day to receive all Afsayes brought or to be brought to him
And itt is further ordered that if any perfson shall have Occac'on
on any other working day to have his plate afsay ed by the said
Afsay Mail' and thereof shidl give or leave Notice to or for the
said Afsay Maft' the night before such Plate is intended to be
afsayed that then and in Such case he the said Afsay Mafb' shall
the Morning after Such Notice give his attendance att the i^aoe
aforefaid by Nine of the Clock and there afsay the Plate of Such
perfon or perlons soe requireing the same And in confiderac*on of
the said AJfsay Mad" trouble Itt is ordered and appointed that the
said Perfon who shall soe requeft his attendance as aforefaid shall
pay and Satisfye vnto him the sum'e of two Shillings and Six
pence tho* the Silver then afsay ed doe not amount to ffive poonds
Troy Weight And Itt is alfo ordered by this Company that the
Wardens of the said Company or one of them fehall on Wednefday
in every week and on any other day on Notice given to them or
one of them duely attend att the place aforefaid with the aaid
Afsay Mail' in afsaying of Plate from ten of the Clock in the
forenoon to twelve of the Clock of the same day And in cafe
the said Afsay Ma' and one of the said Wardens shall not nor doe
not give their attendance accordingly that then Such perfon Soe
offending contrary to the true meaning hereof shall forfeit & pay
for the vse of the said Company the sum'e of two shillings *
sixpence for each Offence.

M' Lyonell Moore Is by this Company ordered and appointed
Clerk of the said Company And itt is further ordered that if any
Brother shall or doe imploy any other perfon than the Clerk of
this Company to make or draw the Indentures of Apprentishipp

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APPENDIX. — BXTRACTS FROM MINUTE BOOK.

415

that then every Brother soe doing shall pay the said Gierke his
ffee as if he had drawne the same before such Indentures shall be
inrolled in the Companyes Bookes.

Itt is Ordered by the said Company of (Joldfmiths in manner
following (yiz*) that if any Brother of this Company shall att any
meeting thereof fight or quarrell with another Brother or give or
Tfe any vnbrotherly words or misbehave himself in the same each
Brother soe offending shall forfeit k pay the sam[m]e of Three
Shillings & four pence

Itm if any Apprentice shall marry before the Bxpirac*on of
his Apprenticefhipp or shall beget a Childe or shall be repated the
father of a Childe dareing the terme of his Apprent'ipp he shall
forfeite & pay for each offence thesum[m]e of mve pounds lawfall
money to be paid before he be admitted to the ffreedom of this
Company

Itm that noe Brother of this Company shall continue or keep
in his houfe or buifsnei's any Servant or apprentice upon tryall
above the Space of Two Months before such Servant or Apprentice
be bound by Indentures on paine to forfeite for each Month after
the aforesaid time the 8um[m]e of fforty shillings

All & every w*^ said ffines & forfeitures shall be paid to the
Wardens of the said Company for the Yfe of the said Company

And this Company doth farther order that if any Brother
happen to dye leaveing a Widow and that such Widow doe follow
vfe Sc ezercife her said dec'd hufbands trade & buifsnefs Itt is
Ordered that the appren' & apprentices of such Brother soe dyeing
shall remaine & Continue with the Widow for k dureing such
time k terme of yeares as the said Apprentice or Apprentices shall
have to serve att his or their said Mafters death and such Widow
shall if the same may be thought necefsary by this Company
hire k Imploy an able Journey man to teach k inftruct such
Apprentice the said trade of a Goldfmith and Itt is further ordered
that if the Widow of such Brother soe dyeing shall have occac*on
for more apprentice or apprentices dureing her Widowhood for the
carrying on k manageing of the trade that then k in such Cafe
any brother of this Company shall in his name but for k on
behalfe of the said Widow take an apprentice or Apprentices and

caufe the same to be turned over to serve the remainder of his
terme with such Widow yett that every Widow for whom Such

Apprentice shall be so taken doe pay k Satisfie all such ffines k

penalties as are or shall

be impofed for takeing an

Apprentice contrary to

the Rules k Orders of this

Company before such Ap-
prentice be inrolled in the

Companyes Bookes.
This Company doth alfo

order that there shall be

paid to the Wardens of

this Company for the vfe

thereof for the admit-
tance of every brother

hereafter in the said

Company the sum[m]e

of ffour pounds lawfull

money att k before such

Brother be admitted k

Sworne a Member of this

Company

proTided for In
other book

nnbrotherly
words fine 3s. 4d.

apprentice
marryiiigSL

tryall of app. not
to exceed two
months

ffree Brors Wid-
dows k Kpproa-
Uoes

to be considered
admittance fee 411

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416 THE GOLDSMITHS OF NEWCASTLE :

Att a Meeting of the Company this 13 Not' 1707
Time for He^d Ordered by the Company of Goldsmiths that the head meeting

meoiing daj k day shall be held & kept on the third day of May yearly and not
quarter <Uj on the four & twentieth day of June any form' ord' to the contrary

notwithftanding and if itt shall happen that the same shall fall on
a Sunday then the Meeting to be held k kept on the Monday follow-
ing and that on Such head Meeting day yearly the Wardens k
ATsay MaHf for the said Company shall be annoally elected and
chofen And itt is further ordered that the second day of Aug^ the
Eleyenth day of Nov' and the Second day of ffebruary shall be and
Meetiiu da/ ^ hereby appointed Quarterly dayes of Meeting And in cafe any

abt^tSiSr Brother shall be abfent on any of the s^ quarterly dayes of meeting

Bhori U lie ghall forfeit and pay to the Wardens of the Company for the

vse thereof the sum[m]e of three shillings & four pence & eyeiy
Brother who shall come shorte or after the hour appointed by the
Wardens shall forfeit and pay the sum [m]c of one shilling And itt
is alfo ordered (that to prevent disbutes {sic) touching what shall
be deemed an abfent) every Brother who shall not come to the place
or houfe appointed for meeting within the space or time of one
hour after the time k hour appointed by the Wardens shall be
deemed as abfent att the said Meeting.

Tho: Hewitson
Tho: Leightly
Tho Snowdon
John Tounghnsband
Moneys Rec' by the Company an accounted by M' Richard Hobbs
& M' John Tounghusband Stewards this 3 May 1708

u ■ d
by Money of M' Bilton for taking an apprentice con- 1 05 . qq . nn
trary to ord' ... ... ... ... ... ...J

« * • * »

of M' Yonnghusband resting of the florty shillings I ^, aa aa

towards Afsay houfe J ui . uu : uo

of M' Snawdon the like 01 : 00 : 00

* * * * «
Disbursm** till 3 May 1708

M' ffrench Afeay Mait' his Note about his Journey ) , ^ ^k a^
going to London l'} 14: 06: 07

# * • • »
Lyonell Moore ... his Salary till & with May

day 1708 01:00:00

for the Keys for the box 00:05:00

Richard Hobbs
Jonat French
Thomas Snowdon
John Tounghusband

Att a Meeting of the Company of Goldsmiths the said 3 May
1708 being head meeting day

Wardens or ) M' Richard Hobbs
Stewards ) M' Tho. Snawdon

Assay Master M' Jona: ffrench

Ordered that the 8um[m]e of three k forty shillings be paid out
of the Companyes Moneys to the Afsay Master as a Gratuity to
him for his trouble in his Journey to London

[Signed as above]

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APPENDIX. — ^EXTRACTS FEOM MINXJTE BOOK.

417

Att a Meeting the 29 Nov' 1708

ffrancis ^tty Son of ffrancis Batty a ffree Brothers } ^
Son was this day admitted to his ffreedom In this >

Company and paid for the same )

paid as p' ord' towards the Afsay 2

more for takeins an Apprentice before free three ) -
yeares contrary to ord' I

11
Paid to M' Jonathan ffrench according the ord' of ^ 8 d

the third of May lafl 2:3:0

PaidforaBagg 0:0:4

Att a Meeting of the whole Company 2^ May 1709 being the day
before their head meeting day

A Letter from M' Duck Afsay Master at London haying been
this day read Itt is ordered by the Company that Mr. Jonathan
ffi^nch Afsay Master of the said Company shall take an Account
of all snch Silver Buckles and Silver Snuffe Boxes as any of the
Brethren now have not agreable nor according to the Act of
Parliam^ and that every Brother shall within fourteen dayes next
after the date hereof melt down or difpose of Such buckles, and
shall not for the future make or Sell any Buckles after the said
time but Snch as shall be agreable to the said Act k afsayed &
stamped on paine to forfeit double the value for every pair of
Buddes soe Sold contrary to the true meaning hereof And it is
further ordered that all Such Silver Snuffe boxes as any of the
Brethren now have shall be sold melted down or disposed of within
one Month after and that none of the Brethren shall buy or Sell
any Snufle boxes after the said tima but Such as are according to
the said Act on the aforefaid penalty unlefse it be in ord' to profe-
cute such perfons as shall Sell contrary to the said Act.

Tho: Hewitfon
Bichard Hobbs
Jonathan French
Francis Batty
An Acc^ of the . . . paym^ of M' Richard Hobbs & M' John

Younghnsband Stewards for one yeare from 3 May 1708 to 3

May 1709. Disbursm**

foraBagg

* * • *

building furnace in Afsay house, etc

Lyonell Moores Sallery

A Bafon & Pens & Ink for Afsay house

Lres to London to Afsay Maft'

2 May 1709 Spent at Bichardfon's & otherwife
Money in box

u
00;

d
:04

^*M^°* I M' Jonathan ffrench
Stewards I ^'^'^^^^^^

Booklfls

Snuffe boxes

... 00:02 : 06
... 02 : 00 : 00
... 00 :00 :11
... 00 : 01 : 00
... 00 : 12 : 00
... 03:16:07i

Att a Meeting of the whole Company of Goldsmiths this 3 May
1709 being head meeting day

* « « • *

Thomas Snawdon for refuseing to pay his ffines is now g ^
fined 8 4

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418 THE GOLDSMITHS OF NBW0A8TLB :

Att a Meeting of the whole Company this 16 Jnne 1709

Ordered that a Lre be sent to M' Dock of Lond" ab* Hodshon
of Durham Selling a tumbler k that the Clerk of the Company
write in his name therein

Att a Meeting the 2 Aug* 1709

The Letter sent to M' Duck purfuant to the above ord' bat noe
anfw' yet Sent by him.

Att a Meeting 13 Sep' 1709

ffrancis Batty for h aving taken John Camaby an appren- 1 u
tice before his other app^ had served three years fined > 6

five pounds w*'** ffive pounds is p* )

Ordered that twelve pence a quarter be paid to John Clark for
sum [m]oning the Company k. to com [m ]ence at May day laft. g

Paid to John Clark the first quart' at I^mas 1

Taken out to Spend p' ord' & confent 5

Att a Meeting of the whole Company this 2^ ffebry 1709 [-10]
being a Quarter day

Richaid Hobbs ab' taken for this 1' becaufe he was not in town
but at a Chriftianing
Money paid for a year rent for the Af^ay honfe at u s d

MidsomM709 1:0:0

Att a Meeting of the whole Company this 3^ May 17010 (#ur) being
the head meeting day

Moneys rec*d

* * • * *

ftrancis Batty for having taken Henry Martin Son
of Mark Martin an apprentice before his other
apprentice John Camaby lafl taken had Served
three yeares contrary to ord' is fined five pounds

w*"* ffive pounds is now paid ^

Paid to M' Francis Batty for the Tumbler bought'

of Hodgshon of Durham j

which said Tumbler is to be kept for the Company's ufe till further
ord'

An Ace* of the ... . Paym** of M' Jonathan fErench and
M' fErancis Batty Stewards for one yeare from the 3 May 1709
to 3* May 1710
Disbursm**

» • * • »iitd

Paid M' Batty for the Cup he had of Hodshon... 00 : 10 : 06

• * • « •

M*" flErench Afsay Mafter for what hedifburfed for )
Pen, ink. Paper, Candles k for drinck & rolls V 00 : 03 : 10(

for Jo» Clark )

for drinck paid to M' Richardson for the Afsay f aa . ru . ai

houfsetoJohn } UO . (H . U4

Paid M' Douglas for the refineing fiFumace for ) q. . qk . nn

two years k an half rent due at May day last j ^ ^'«> : "v

Given to M' Batty by ord' of the Company ... 00 : 05 : 00

Spent at Richardfons 00 : 16 : 00

U ■ d
6 :0:0

B d
10 6

wardens {M:^,^ounghn.b««i

Att a Meeting of the whole Company this third day of May 1711
being the head meeting day
An account of the Receipts & Paym** of John Younghusband
k ffrancis Batty Stewards for one one yeare ending this 'S^
May 1711

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APPENDIX. — EZTBAOTS FBOU MINUTE BOOK.

419

d
0
d

10:00

06:00

Receipts: u

By SHver recd from the Afsaj Mafler 01

Difiborsm^ : u

Paid W™ Richardson for a yeare & an half rent )
of the Afsay houie from Midsom' 1709 to 25 V 01

Dec 1710 )

Paid to M*" Douglas for a quarters rent for the | f^

refining houfe at Mart 1710 ( ^

28 Ang^ 1710 given then to John the Bedle ... 00 : 01 : 00

M' ffrench for Ink pens & paper 00:01:02

Nineteen Quarts of Ale for the Afsay house this year 00 : 06 : 4

^*^^°*)m' Richard Hobbs
Stewards ) ^' ^""^ Tounghusband

j^^^JM'Jona: French

Itt is this day ordered by and with the confent of the whole
Oompany that all Such charges k expences as the Company now
has or hereafter shall lay out in relac'on to the Companys affaires
shall be borne paid & anfwered by the working Brethren of the
Company & by & out of such moneys shall arife in the Company
And that for the better answering thereof Itt is alfo ordered that
every perfon who shall hereafter be admitted to their ffreedom in
this Company shall pay the sum of twenty shillings towards
anfwering Such Expences of the Company over & above the ufuall
Sums paid for admittance

I£i3r3dm7 Thii
order made Toid
ATMftted

Quere

' ^^j^^iyc

Tho* Heweson (Goldsmith this day sworn in Essay Master for
the Company of Goldsmiths &c in New Castle upon Tine before
Mathew ftetherstonhaugh Esq^ May'

^Tounghusband | ^^,„

N.B. The mark agreed to be sett on all Plate esayed for this
next year is the letter M.
gbf 1712 rec* of Mark Grey Nicholfon towards essay ...

of him to anfwer contingent charges

7»»r 23 1712 By 6*» lefs 1*^ of Silver att 6* 4 p oz ...

To rent of the alsay oflSce

To p* Tom Davifon for s^kin W Prestons K

8 br 2 To a Peck of Pott Clay

9 To Davifon for flEumace 3" his drinks 1" ...
18 To 4 sacks of Charcole lO" 9*"! 5 2 more 5«

To 9 more 10* To cleanng Backside 0» 4'*...

iberSS

2 :

: 0:

1 ;

: 0:

; 0

01 :

: 11 :

1 ;

:10:

: 0

0 :

: 0 :

: 6

0 ;

: 1 :

; 2

0 ;

: 4 :

; 0

:16:

; 0

:10:

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420 THB OOLDSMITHS OP NBWCA8TLB :

Feh^ 21 To Aynslej for the famace 0 : 2 : 6^

May 1*^ Cleaning Backside 0: 0:8

To 4 sacks of cole 0 : 10 : 0

*****

June 4^ 1718 Headmeeting daj

mcftbbr'''}stewards or W«d«n.

Goldsmith Rec^ Jon*" ffrench Steward jear ending 1 Jane 1713
gbr 28 1713 Tec^ of James Eirknpp for his admittance If^ nn . nn

p'»M'ffrench JU2.00.UU

x»»' 19 : By seaven oz"« of Britan' Silver and 8*'^ att

5-4*po« 01:19:01}

Disbursem^ :

To 10 Sacks of Charcole 1 : 6 : 00

*****

To Paper & Lead k Candles 0 : 01 : 2

paym*" by James Kirknpp [&c] 6:7:8

from the pix 1:11:0 Bepts 1 : 4

by Collection 8 : 18 : 0

0 : 9:0

6 : 09 : 0 [6:9:0]

Goldsmiths Beic^ M' Yoanghafband Steward year ending June
1715 *****

W Tounghufband Dr to Cafh Bee* of M' Shaw f or u id

his admittance 02:00:00

By Silver Bec*d from the office 02 : 00 : 00

Att a meeting Jann'^ 10*»» 1716
John ffrench now entertained w^ Jona** ffrench agreed to be
bound by Ind*re before next meeting, and the s* Mr £&ench to
have such time given him att next meeting as the Company shall
then think fitt, to pay the fine in

Tho' Ord now agreed and appointed Gierke of this Company
shall next heed meeting day settle the same
Bee* by James Eirkupp from the Picks 5 oe 16* att 5* 4* 01 : 11 : 00
By CoUecc'on of each Bro' No. 6. 13* each 3 : 18 : 0

Att the head meeting day May 3* 1717
Memorandum Letter for the enfuing year P.

Wardens or Stewards for the year next enfuing \ ^^^^^u aSr

[The following entry is struck out : —

* Jonath" £ench has taken J^^ ffrench as an appr the Indre to
be ses^ed as soon as the Clerk comes home & to be entied & then
to pay 20- & 1" Aug* next 20* 11<» Nov'*' next 20» & 2* fleb next 20"
& 20" more 8** May next. Joua* French *]

Note this money is all paid the last paym* being made ano 1719
John Camaby late Appr to ffrancis Batty and nowe employed by
him as a Journeyman Its ordered that unlefTe he take his free-
dome of the Town & in the Company in twenty Days or other-
wife fib'ancis Batty is to pay forty Shillings for the eflay &
vnleiTe he pay that fforty Shillings if he employ him att any time
after that twenty days are expired to pay as a fine fine pounds.

Thomas Ord appointed Clerk k to have Thirty Shillings p anna'
for his sallary.

Quarter day August 1*^ 1717 being Cowhill day mett July 31.
*****

Bee* of ffrancis Batty towards Essay for Jn? Carnaby 40» p* to
ft Batty

Bee* by Mr Shaw Steward of John Longwith of York gold-
smith for Essay for one year ending 1'* Aug* 1717 20* p* into y* box

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APPENDIX. — EXTRACTS FROM MINUTE BOOK.

421

Joseph Buckle Goldsmith att York for the like p* to Mr Shaw
Stew<* 20«

pd M" Richardson one Years rent for the Essay due 24 June
1717 reed 20"

Tho' Gamull former apprentice to Abraham Homer was this day
admitted to his freedome and p<* for the same 4" in box and
formerly p^ 40* towards the essay admittance Stamp 2' 1<* rec.

This day the present Wardens were ordered to make a demand
of the Stewards of the Plumbers & Glaziers company to make ufe
of the Hall formerly built att the charge of the Goldsmiths in con-
junc'on wi^ the s^ trades and a demand was accordingly made by
M' Shaw of Jacob Watfon & and the same was ppo^ to the ^
company but they refufed to suffer the Hall to be made ufe of
unlefe this Company would joyn w^^ them as formerly.
November 28 1717.

Six of the Company p'sent, Tho" Gamull k Mark Gray Enajr Muter
Nicholfon att this meeting haveing offered their service as essay
Master the Company have unanimoufly made choife of Mark Gray
Nicholfon to officiate in the businefs of the essay and to attend to
attend («o) Tuesday & friday in every weeke and to repaire w"
required by the stewards to be sworn, and to be instructed therein
by M' ffrench, and to have the ufuall p^qniaites for essaying, and
in cafe of any complaint for non attendance to pay for every
default two shillings k six pence to the ufe of the Company.

Heed meeting day May 6**» 1718
Letter for the ensueing year Q
Wardens for the year enfueing M' Rich** Hobbs M' Jon*" ffrench

Rec*» Francis Batty & Nat" Shaw Stewards.

By Ju? Camaby towards Essay 02 : 00 : 00

By Jn<* Longwith of York for Esay due Lam* 1717 01 : 00 : 00
By Joseph Buckle of York Gold Smith for the like 01 : 00 : 00
By Tho* Gamul admittance 04 : 00 : 00

Disburfem**

To 12 Sacks of Charcole att 2* 6* 1 : 10 : 0 more

owing last year 10* 02 : 00 : 00

for a Lock & Stoke 4* 10*1 ^ 00:18:04

Att a Meeting November 11*^ 1718

James Richards fined for working Joumev work j
with ffran. Batty fined by vote of the major part V 02 : 00 : 00
of the Company according to order )

Note M' Batty this day referred himselfe to the company on
ace* of the s^ ffine Sc promised to pay whatsoever the Company
shall require on that ace*.

Mark Grey Nicholson was this day swoni afsay-Master for
the Company according to the act of parliam* before William
Ellison alderman :/
Richard Hobbs Warden of the Company fined by

generall consent of the Company for not calling

the Company together according to order on the

first of August being a quarter day 00 : 10 : 00

Robert Makepeace late aprentice to ffrancis Batty |

was this day admitted and paid for the same 4" > 04 : 00 : 00

oath & stamp 3* 1** to clerk )

By more towards the Efsay of him 03 : 00 : 00

To the man for warneing the Company 6'

Memorand*" att this Meeting M*" Shaw acknowledged that he
has 20* in his hands of Joseph Buckles of York to be p«* to the
Company for the Efsay
To spent with Mr Makepeace on his being made free 00 : 10 : 00

VOL. XVI. B 8

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422 THE GOLDSHITHS OF KEWOASTLE :

Alt a meeting December 18*** 1718 •

fih^n Batty abs^ att M' John Tonngbnsbands fanerall [in
another hand :] takeing Physick not Ezcufsed 1' 0

M' ffrench att this meeting promised to pay the remaind' of
his monev next quarter day.

rec* 1" in part of 3" sett down below rests due 40"

Jonathan ffrench and James Kirknp for misbehaueing them-
selves U giving each other unbrotherly words fined each according
to order 3* 4* rec^ 6* 8*

Quarter day ffeb'y 2* 1718 [-9]

Rec<* of M' ffrench the further sum of 20» in part of his money
The 6' given to M' Gamull by the Steward M' Hobbs, in Charity

allowed of and to be charged on his acc^.

Heed Meeting day May 4^ 1719

John Langwith of Yorke for Eisay one year due Lamas 1718
20* M*" Shaw to make good the same if not p^

Rec^ of M' Shaw Joseph Buckle's Essay money due Lamas 1718
20*

This day M' Batty paid James Richards fine according to order
k. his p'mise

M' ffrench to pay 40* remainder of his money for takeing
apprentice
Steward acc^ Richard Hobbs Jonathan ffrench Rec^ of M' Shaw

Buckle's money for Efeay rec^ 01:00:00

By Picks from the Efsay houfe this year 16 oz"» att

6«6* 04:08:00

Disburfem**

To twenty sacks of Charcole att 2* G*' p sack

U 8

To Clarks Sallary 1 : 10 : 0 to a Bagg 6"^ & warning

Company 6* 01:11:06

To M' Battys Note layd out for Company for Muffles &c 01 : 08 : 09
Letter D for anno 1719
Stewards or Wardens for the Tear enfneing Jn^ Camaby

Steward Nat Shaw Warden & in Wardens Tho* Ord clerk

Att a Quarter day August V^ 1719

ffrancis Batty for employing of John Sharpling a Journeyman
not ffree of the Company fined by vote according to order 40* w**
he p'mises to pay next quarter day.

Head Meeting day May 3^ 1720

Richard Hobbs ) ahsent
Nath Shaw f ^'^"'^

Stewards ace** Nath Shaw and John Camaby Rec**.
March 7 : 1719 20 By M' Langwiths Efsay mony for

the year 1719 01:00:00

By M' Buckles for the like of M' Kirkup 01 : 00 : 00

Disbursements

To a hammer for the Efsay house 00 : 01 : 00

By John Camaby for his Journeyman Rob* aber-

cromby 02:00:00

To Returned M' Camaby of this ffine 00 : 10 : 00
To given John ffrench appr«* to Jona" 1 ha . m . aa

ffrench out of his ffiuie J 00 . 10 . 00

To M*^ Nicholfon for Lead & Paper ... 00 : 02 : 04
Mark Grey Nicholson Efsay Ma*^ ( James Kirkupp Steward \ ^ ,
Letter E p' anno 1720 J Rob* Makepeace Warden ) ''"

Rob* Makepeace at this meeting p'mises to pay the accustomed
fine of 5" for taking Tho Makepeace as as appr<^ before being three
years free :

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APPENDIX. — ^EXTRACTS FROM MINUTB BOOK.

428

Quarter day Angust 1* 1720

Head meeting daj ordered y* for the time to come the ezpence
of an entertainm* on y* day day (#mt) do not exceed the sume of
one Guinea out of the CJompanys Box & w* same the ordinarys Sc
extraordinarys att such entertainment exceed y* same each Bro»
then present to contribute equally att their owne xpence to dis-
carge (*ic') the same.

Att a Meeting October 10"» 1720

William Whitfeild late apprentice to John Young-
husbands dec* was this day admitted and paid for
the same 04:00:00

More of him towards Bfsay 02 : 00 : 00

W"» Whitfeild desires to be entred as a 2* man to w^ the

Company agreed.

It's at this Meeting unanimously agreed upon by the Company &

recomended to the Stewards to apply to the Clerk of the Company

to draw up a Cafe of Tho: partis of Sunderlands exercifeing the

bofsinefs of a Goldsmith having not served his time to a Goldsmith

neglecting to get his plate Efsayed and take the Recorders

opinion in w^ method to p^secute him

Efsay p' agreem^ rec^ of John Langwith 1" & D*» of M' Tho"

Partis 40"

Att a Meeting November 11"» 1720

Md'm that this day M' Batty p'mifed to pay the Company five
pounds for a ffine for taking Isaac Cookson as an apprentice con-
tnuy to order and to be p^ next meeting

Headmeeting day May 3"^ 1721
Stewards acc^ for p'eceedlng year, James Kirkupp & Rob^ Make-

peice Stew***
Receits
Aug** !■* 1720 by rec** of Bob* Makepeice for takeing

appr 06:00:00

Octo*' 10 W™ Whitf eilds admittance money 4^ Essay 2» 06 : 00 : 00
Jn*» Langwith of York one year Essay 20" )

Th" Partis Sunderland entrance 20« ) ^^ J- 03

00:00

Efsay for one year due Xmas last 20* f
Francis Battys fine for takeing Isaac Cook-
ion app 06:00:00

Cash rec^ for 3 oz. of Silver from the Essay

this year 00:16:06

Disburfem**

To one Years Clerks Sallary now due ... 01 : 10 : 00
To him for cafe on Act for new duety and j

Ires and cafe and fair Coppy ab* M*^ Partis V 00 : 16 : 06

Efsay )

To M' Mark Grey Nicholson for Nailes,

Paper, Ink, &c 00:03:00

To John Camaby for two stamps & 8 letters

for Efsay 00:06:02

letter A p' anno 1721 and Mark Grey Nicholson not being willing
to continue and delivering upp Keys the Company agree to appoint
W™ Pryor Efeay Master for the time to come and he to be Sworn
to continue dnreing the Companys pleasure.

Jonathan ffrench for unbrotherly words giveing a Bro' the lye
in company fine according to order 1* S^

Bfsay Master to be obliged to attend Efsay Tuesday & fiEryday
in every week without any further or other confidera'con except
the ufnall allowance and alfo on request of any workeing Bro' to
attend on any other day for such recompcnce as such Bro' so

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424 THE GOLDSMITHS OP NBWCASTLB :

requesting the same can agree w^ the Esfaj Master for, not exceed-
ing the 8um[m]e of 2* 6' and such Bro' paying to the steward for
the time being for the ufe of the Company the Snme of sixpence
for every essay taken on any other day except Tuesday or riyday
towards the clmrge of the charcole

fErancis Batty Steward ) j ,
John Camaby Warden j

Att a meeting November 16 1721

Whereas Jonathan ffrench att last quarter day w* he was
present was complained of for that he had nfed and gone into
severall underhand dealings w^ John Hewett a foreign' who trades
in selling Plate in Gateshead & att Durham, and had of late
oomitted sever" indirect practices in workeing up plate for the t^
John Hewett to the great prejudice of this Company, and that
since the time of his the s^ Jonathan ffrenches keeping an open
Shopp he had alfo patronized severall quantitys of wrought plate
belonging to the s" Hewett as well London wrought as other
wrought, and sold such or the greatest part thereof att his s*" shopp,
and ^terwards retumd to the s^ Hewett such of the s^ Plate as
was unsold, and that he could not or did not think fitt w" he was
so complained of or charged therew^ to make it appear Uiat such
complaint or charge ag^ him was unjust or that he ought to con-
tinue so to do. Its therefor this day ordered that the s^ Jonathan
ffrench for such his practices be fined the sume of five pounds
M' fErench the ffine 05 : 00 : 00 ffran. Batty

fflne at last head meeting 00 : 01 : 08 Jn° Camaby

ffor abs* Nov' 16 1721 00 : 01 : 00 James Kirknp

The above difcharged Nat" Shaw

Bob* Makepeace

Head Meeting day May 3^ 1722
Beceipts

By M' Kirkupp for pix 00 : 17 : 6

By the Company for 4<» S*'^ Sterling 01 : 03 : 6

By M' Batty for 13 oz. of pix att 6» 6* p oz. ... 03 : 11 : 6
Disburfem*"

To M' Kirkupp he p* for cleaning the Bfsay Scales 00 : 11 : 06
James Kirkupp Steward Jrr*
Bobert Makepeace Warden Jur*
Letter B for the year 1722. William pryor i^pointed ETsay Mas'

By M' Batty for his ffine for not attending the

last Guild 00:01:8

Nathaniell Shaw allowed six weeks to pay his ffines amount-
ing to 01 : 01 : 00 but this to be no precident for the future May
3 1726 rec«»

Thomas partis. The Stewards to call upon him for 20" doe
from him for his Efsay for a year due att Christmas last Rec'

John Langwith of Tork. To be called upon for 20* for a years
Efsay due Lamas last

Joseph Buckles of the same. To be called upon for 20" for s
year then due.

Mark Grey Nicholson D' for so much lent him in

1719 as pace* 02:00:00

Jonathan ffi^nch having submitted the considerac*on of his
ffine to the Company and they upon his withdrawing having
determined to mitigate the same to 60* & on paym* thereof to
enroll his apprentice, and he having refused to pay the same Its
ordeied that the s^ Indenture be inrolled upon his paying the said
60" down, and that if he does not pay the same, that the said
Indenture be not inrolled till he pay the whole fine of 5^

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APPENDIX.— BXTBA0T8 PROM MINUTE BOOK.

425

Bj Jonathan ffrench for the above & in full of aU

hisffines 02:10:00

Returned him again by consent of the Company... 01 : 01 : 00

£01 : 09 : 00
Att a Quarterly Meeting November 14*»» 1722
By M' Batty for his Journeyman Tho. prow according

to Older 02:00:00

Head meeting day May 8^ 1723

Beceipts

By M' Batty his ffine for not attending the Guild 00 : 01 : 08
By 5 OE. of pix at 5 : 6 p oz. ... 01 : 07 : 6

By 7 oz. of Sterling at 5 : 4 p oz. ... 01:17:4

Difburfem**

To M' Batty for bone ashes 00 : 02 : 00

November 11. 1720

Whereas of late severall inconveniencys have happen*d and
much prejudice accrewed to the members of this Society and to
the whole Company, by severall matters concerted and discourfed
of W" the Society are together, bein^ discovered & divulged, Its
therefor ordered that all matters relateidg to the a'Tairs of the
Company w«*» shall att any time be discourfed of in company, be
for the future kept secrett, and in cafe any Bro^ or Bro** shall at
any time herea&er give out in speeches or by any disfcourfe or
otherwife divulge w* pafeeth or is discourfed of in Company the
w«*» by the Majority of
the Company shall be
adjudeed ought to have
been kept secret shall
for every such offence
forfeit & pay to the
ufe of the Company the
Sume of five pounds to
be taken & rec^ in full
b^ the Stewards for the
time being and to be
metigated or to be taken
in full as the Majority
of the Company shall
thing {tic} fitt and ad-
judge according to the
Nature of the offence,
and on any Bro' refufe-
ing to pay down such
fine or fanes which the Company
have ffined him att every Head
Meeting Day such Brother or
Brothers so refufeing shall not
thereafter be admitted to meet
w*** the rest of the Brethren of
this Society and to be thence
deprived of all benefitt and ad-
vantage of this Company in
takeing or entreing any appren-
tice or apprentices, and such
apprentice or apprentices tho*
bound to such Bro' or Bro" so re-
fufeing not to be admitted into
this Company till such fine be p*
and satisfied to the Company by
the s' Bro' or such his apprentice
or one of them

Oompuijf
Secrette

Sd Mur im This
order Interliii'd
br Ooment k cri

kttw Dswaon

%^^(^rtM^rf^

fifPcS^«>'

i0^u:c

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426 THE GOLDfiMITHS OF NEWCASTLE :

Att a Head Meeting day May 8<^ 1722 : /

Guilds and Quarter days — Its ordered that the Stewards or one
of them for the time being do in their resfpective years attend the
seyerall Guilds on the pain of 5^ for every neglect and that the
Company be summoned and do meet eyeiy Quarter att the usnall
days and that when snch days fall on a Sonday such Quarterly
Meeting shall be kept on the day foUowiog and that if the
Stewards for the time being shall neglect to wame the Company
accordingly such Stewards shall forfeit & pay to the Company 6^
flBme for every such neglect : /

Head Meeting day May 3<i 1723

It*8 this day ordered by the unanimous consent of all the Com-
pany present that if at any time hereafter the profitts and receipts
of the Company arifeing by ffines or otherwife shaU fall short of
&, not be sufficient to pay of & defray the Companys outlays and
expences, that then such sum & sums of money as will be sufficient
to do the same shall from time to time be raifed by Contribuc'ons
of the Members of this Society and each Member of this Society
shall pay his p'porc'on of such sum & sums of money so to be
raifed, on pain of being expelled the Company & deprived of all
benefitt and advantage thereof

Thomas Makepeace Jonathan French
Edwd GUI Fran : Batty

Abra*» Anderson James Eirkup

Nat^» Shaw
Bob* Makepeace
Jn** Camaby
William Dalton
Geo : fiullman
Isaac Cookson
Heedmeeting day held May 4, 1724 May y« 8<* being Sunday
BeC* Aprill 24 1724 By the Efsay house Sterling 10

oz»att5M*» 02:13:04

By the Picks there of this year 6 oz» att 6» 6«* ... 01 : 07 : 06
Difburfem**

July 26 p** W°» Henderson for two

sacks of Charcole

gbr 10 pd Tho» Thornton for Charcole , . ,« ,
ffeV 29 pd James Bufsell for D<» ... ^ - ^^
March 6 p^ John Grice for I>>
Aprill 26 p** W™ Pryor p Note p. paper Lead, &c.
Lett D for the year 1724

W"* Pryor appointed Essay Master fErancis Battey Steward

Rob* Makepeace Warden
Tho- Ord Clerk
Att a Quarterly Meeting August 10, 1724

Jonathan ffrench complained of for employing John fiErench
an unf reeman as a Joumeymau for upwards of six weeks contrary
to order, fined according to order 6^ & to be called upon for it at
next meeting.

At a Meeting Aug* 12 1724

Whereas W™ Whitfeild before last head Meeting was entred
as a 2' man but since that time is come to inhabitt in or near the
town & being 8um[m]oned to appear both this Sc last meeting & not
appearing Its ordered that he be no longer continued as a 2' man
but that he be fined as other brethren for every day he has been
or shall be absent.

It is this day ordered that for the future no brother flfree or to
be flEree of this Company shall work with or for any person or

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APPENDIX. — BXTBACTS PRO^ MINUTE BOOK. 427

persons not ffree of this Society ufeing or exercifeing the trade or
Dannefs of a Goldsmith in Gateshead or elsewhere within seyen
miles of the Town any plate or other thing whatsoever relating to
the badnefs of a Ck)ldsmith and that every brother that shsdl
offend herein shall pay for every offence the sam of five pounds for
the nfe of the Company

[Signed by 'Jonathan French* & nine others]
W™ Whitfeild allowed a month from this day to work with
Daniell Albert or any other but if he continue to work longer
then to incur the penalty of the above order

At a meeting October 29 1724

By William Dalton late apprentice to James '^ i ■ d
Kirkupp for his admittance money 4^ more towards > 06 : 00 : 00
Ef8ay2^ )

Att a Meeting Aprill 6 1725

By M'ffran: Batty on ace* of Geo: Bulman towards
theEfsay 2:0 :0

Head Meeting day May S^^ 1725

Receipts. By M' Kirkupps ffine for his Journeyman

Inglefs 02:00:00

By M*" Makepeace for picks 03 : 12 : 11

By W" Dalton for his admittance money ... 04 : 00 : 00

By him towards Bfsay 02:00:00

By M' Tho : Partis on account of Efsay 02 : 00 : 00

By M' Batty for his Journeyman Geo : Bulman... 02 : 00 : 00

Difburfem** p<* towards the ffreemens plate 02 : 02 : 00

D^ for Bntertainm* last Head Meeting day to M^

Hobbs 01:10:00

' M' ffrench towards ffreemens plate p' anno 1723 02 : 02 : 00
To M' Longstaffe towards this years plate ... 02 : 2 : 0

ffrancis Batty Steward MMroh 96 1725

James Eirkupp Warden
Letter E for the year 1725

W™ Pryor appointed Efsay Master Tho : ord Clerk

At a meeting September 6 : 1726 : /

Whereas M' Thompson of Durham hath offered plate to

be afsayed, having not first entred his name place of aboad &
mark as the Act of parliam* directs It is ordred & agreed upon that
he be p'secuted for the same at the Companys charge and Its
further ordered that in cafe the 8* Thompson shall request to have
his name place of aboad & mark entred that the Wardens shall
enter the same & that his plate shall & may be afsayed and It is
further ordered that the s^ Thompson shall be prosecuted at the
Companys charge for exercifeing the trade of a Silver Smith or
plateworker

[Signed by * ffran. Batty * k nine others]
Sup' vis

W" Longman

Att a Meeting March 21 1725 [-6]

By Geo : Bulman late Apprentice to ffran : Batty 1 nj . aa . nn

for his Admitt« Money j U4 . uu . uu

Sup'vis' adhuc p'

William Holly

Head Meeting day May S'^ 1726

By Jonathan ffrench for employing John ffrench as a Journey-
man for upwards of six weeks & not paying 40" towards afsay
contrary to order fined according to order 5* which was p<* down,

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428 THE GOLDSMITHS OF NEWCASTLE :

of which returned him 20* and accepted 4^ in fall of Mb fine & of

what John fi^nch should pay towards the aisaj. i ■ d

Difbnriem** To p'* towards the flfreemens plate ... 02 : 02 : 00

To M*^ Spoors for Entertainm^ on last head meeting; 01 : 10 : 00

To 10 Sacksof Charcoal at 2- 6* p' Sack& 2 @ 4«6'» 01 : 09 : 00

To the Recorder & M' Greys fees ab* Thompson... 01 : 01 : 00
To M' Richardson for a years rent of the Eisay

houfe 01:00:00

To p* M' pryor V 8* To M' Spoors boy V ... 00 : 02 : 08

William pryor to call upon Thomas partis for one years Efsay

due at Christmas last being 20*

To Mark Grey Nicholsons wife in Charity p' M' Batty GO : 06 : 00
To M' Batty for his mans sumoning the Company

for two years 00:02:00

^eo't'^Bulmr'"'' i Stewards* Warden,
Letter ff for the year 1726 Tho : ord Clerk

W» Pryor Efsay Master

At a Quarterly meeting nov*^ 11 1726

EoV Makepeace agrees at this Meeting to pay the 1 u b d
fine of forty shillings at next head meeting for > 02 : 00 : 00

his Journeyman W™ Campbell )

May 3* 1727 rec<» then.

Head Meeting day May 8* 1727 :

By Robert Makepeace for employing his brother Tho j

Makepeace as a Journeyman to be returned when V 02 : 00 : 00

he takes his fEreedom )

[charges which occur every year for Charcoal, summoning
company, freemens plate rent of Elsay house &c]

fota'ca^'/ylstewardsiWarfen,

Letter G for the year 1727 Thomas Ord Clerk

At a meeting May Q*** 1727
To M' Camabys bill for dynner on head Meeting day 02 : 00 : 00

At a meeting Aug* 1 1 1727
To p* for Wine to entertain the Candidates with ... 00 : 16 : 10

At a Quarterly Meeting ffeb'y 2 : 1727 [-8]

Alexander Cutts Journeyman to M*^ fcirkupp, for whom he
agrees to pay 40* at next head meeting.

At a meeting May 6 1728

Disbursem** To M' Camaby for last years Entirtainm* 02 : 00 : 0

To M' Batteys note for Charcole, &c. ... 02 : 18 : 0

To M' Camabys note for Charcole ... 01 : 00 : 0

To M' Pryors note for Leed, et 00 : 01 : llj

To p** for Wine to entertain the Candi-
dates 00:16:10

Letter H for the year 1728 Tho : Ord Clerk

At a Meeting May 30^>* 1728

Geo. Hetherington apprentice to flErancis Batty dec* appeared
in Company and made cnoice of Geo : Bulman to serve the remain-
der of his time with.

At a Meeting Nov' 11 1728

Isaac Cookson to pay a ffine of five pounds before next head
Meeting for taking to apprentice Cha" Stoddart before he was ffree
three years

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APPENDIX — EXTRACTS FROM MINUTE BOOK.

429

At a Meeting flfob : 4«» 1728 [-9]

M' Cook^n agrees to pay 40* for Peter Johnson his Jonmejman

At a Meeting May 2<» 1729

Tho* Makepeace late apprentice to M' Rob* Make- J 1 b d
peace was this day admitted to his fibreedom & p^ for V 4 : 00 : 00
the same )

Head Meeting May b^ 1729

By Isaac Cookson for his ffine for taking an ap-
prentice 05:00:00

By more of him for his Journeyman 02 : 00 : 00

By James Kirkup for the like for W™ partis his

Serv* 02:00:00

By Cha. Makepeaces admittance money 04 : 00 : 00

By M' Makepeace for 9 oz of picks at 6* 02 : 06 : 06

Byhimforditto4oz& Jat5: 6 01:04: 9

Difb^rfements To M' Camaby for last years entertain-
ment 02:15:00

To M' Makepeaces note for Charcoal 00:17:00

To M' Cooksons note for the like, &c 02 : 00 : 08

To p** towards the fEreemens plate ... 02 : 02 : 00

To Gawin Wilkinson one years rent of Bfeay Houie

Unds 01 : 00 : 00

To a pair of Scales for the ofe of the Company ... 04 : 04 : 00

Letter J for the year 1729 W™ Pryor, Bfsay Mafler

At a Meeting May 9 1729 y

Matt^ Dawson Clerk ,'TBy the Majority of the Company

Att a Meeting 4'»» May'l730

Receipts By M' Cookson 9 oz Pick att 6» : 2 ... , ... 02 : 06 : 6

By more 6 oz of Bfs att 6« : 6* 01:07:6

It is this Day ordered by the Company that for the fEuture
that the fl^e for a Brother being absent on a Head meeting day
shall be ffive shillings & if short one shilling and If absent on a
Quarter day .shall be one shilling only or if Short Sixpence any
order before made to the contrary notwithstanding And it is also
ordered that to prevent disputes touching what shall be deemM an
absent Every Brother who shall not come to the House or place
appointed for meeting within the space or time of One Hour after
the time & Hour appointed by the Wardens shall be deemed as
absent Jona* French

James Kirkup
Nat" Shaw
Jn° Camaby
Rob* Makepeace
W°» Dalton
Geo. BuUman
Isaac Cookson
Tho" Makepeace
Edward Gill
Abraham Anderson
M' Robert Makepeace J Qf^_.,j„
M' George Bulli^an { Stewards
W™ Pryor Efsay Master
Letter E fiEor the year 1730 Matthew Dawfon Clerk

1730 Att a meeting Nov : 11

John Gk>r6snch Joumiman to M*" Cookson for whom he agrees
to pay 40" att the next head meeting.

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480 THE GOLDSMITHS OF NEWCASTLE :

Att a Meeting the 2^ fEebr^ 1730 [-1]

M' Makepeace & M' Ballman having Sustained Great Lofs k
Damage By Luke Killingworth Potts & Robert Ainsley their
apprentices By their s** apprentice Imbezilling their s** Masters
Goods & Clandestinly selling the same to seyerall Persons unknown
to their s^ Masters & they being now discharged ffrom their s^
Masters for such offences It }b this day ordered that neither the
8* Luke Killingworth Potts Rob* Aynsley or any other apprentice
hereafter who shall be guilty of such Like Misdemeanour or Mis-
demeanours shall ever be Intituled or admitted to his ffreedom of
this Company

[Signed by * Jona* French ' & 10 others]

2* ffebry 1730 [-1]

W™ Dalton a Brother of this Company haveing Bought of Luke
Killingworth Potts app* to M*^ Makepeace Brother of the s* Com-
pany severall Gold Rings Sec without acquainting M*" Makepeace
with the same It is this Day ordered that the s^ W™ Dalton Pay
unto the s'* Company next Head meeting Day the Sum of Three
Pounds k return the s^ Rob* Makepeace the s<^ Gold Rings &c or
the Value And that for the ffuture any Goldsmith Buying Gold
or Silver old or new ffrom any Brothers apprentice without
Immediately acquainting such apprentices Ma*" with the same shall
ffor every Such offence fforfeit k pay for the use of the s^ Company
of Goldsmiths to their Wardens the sum Ten Pounds
[Signed as before including * W™ Dalton ']

Att a Meeting the Third day of May 1731
Receipts for the year ending the 3* May 1731
of Thomas Gladwell towards the Efsay of his

plate 00:06:00

of M' Makepeace for Efsay 3 oz & 5 ^^^ att

6«6<» 01 :08 : lOJ

ffor Picks 10 : oz : 10**^ att 5* 2^ 02 : U : 03 : 0

Diabursments. [Items for charcoal, entertainment, rent of assay
house, &c., as before]
Paid towards ffreemans Plate which should

have been Charged last year 02 : 02 : 0

p* to the ffreemans Plate this year 02 : 02 : 0

p^ W Carnaby ffor severall setts of Stamps ... 01 : 03 : 0
L*re L ffor this Year

Stewards this Day

M' James Kirkup
M^ Tho« Makepeace
M' W°» Prior Efsay Mas'
Matt^ Dawfon Clk
Att a Meeting S^ May, 1732
Receipts for the year ending the 3** May 1732

Of M' Bulman for his apprentice Edw^ Gill ... 06 : 00 : 00
Of M' Isaac Cookaon for his app Stephen Buckles 05 : 00 : 00
Of M*" James Kirkup for Picks 9 oz. 12 pennyw*

att6*2dpoz 02:09:07

Of D° ffor Efsays 3 oz. 14 penny w' at 6 : 6 ... 01 : 00 : 05

[Disbursements, same as before, for charcoal, Freemen*s plate,

rent, &c.]
Letter M ffor this year

Stewards this Year

M' Jonathan ffrench I afewarda
M' George Bullman ] °^^^^^
M' W" Pryor Efsay Master
Matt^ Dawson Clerk

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APPENDIX. — BXTBACTB FROM MINUTB BOOK.

481

Att a Meeting Aug* 7«» 1732

Archibald Patton Journeyman to Tho. Makepeace flfor w** he
Agrees to pay to y* Company next head meeting Day 40"

Att a Meeting 2* ffebruary 1732 [-3]

Jonathan French late Steward being now dec^ M^ Robert Make-
peace was Elected in his Room til Head Meeting Day

1732 [-3] Feb 13 att a meeting

Edward French Son of W"» French of Newborn Late Appren-
tice to Jonathan French Gold Smith & makes choise of Isaack Cook-
son to Serye out his time.

New Castle upon Tyne att a Meeting of the Company the ffourth

Day of May 1733 being the Head Meeting.
Receipts for the year Ending the 3 May 1733

Of M' Thomas Makepeace for Employing Archi- I no . no

bald Patten Journeyman | *

Of M*^ Qeorge BuUman ffor Efsays 3 ounces & ^ at ) qq

ffive Shillings & Six pence p ounce f

Of him more for ten ounces of picts att ffive shillings i qo

A two pence /

Of M' Kobert Makepeace Sor taking Thomas Tq.

Blackett as an apprentice )

Of M' George Bullman for his Journeyman John I no nn aa

Mead JU2:00:00

Rec** of M' Bainbridge of Durham for Liberty & 1 q, . oo • 00
Charge of Efsay ing his plate for the ensuing year J • ^^ : ^'W
Disbursm**

p<* M' (Jeorge Bullman fEor Charcoal and Skellett ) ^o ao a*

holds 100 oz I 02 : 09 : 06

[other charges for Freemen's plate, charcoal, rent of

19 :03
11 : 08

: 00:00

house, &c.]
Letter N Sor this year

Inspected thus farr by me

Stewards this year
M*" James Kirkup
M' Thomas Makepeace
M' W°» Pryor Efsay Master
M' Matthew Dawson Clark

W" Holly

assay

Att a meeting of the Company of Goldsmiths held here this Seven-
teenth day of July 1733.
It was this day thought ffitt by the Company that the order
made the 12**» (lay of August 1724 declaring that no ffree Brother
should work with or for any persons in the Trade of a Goldsmith
in any place within Seven Miles of Newcastle should be repealed
and it was Ordered accordingly by
Witnefs

Matthew Dawson

Att a Head Meeting Day held this 3«* day of May 1734
Receipts for the year Ending 3** May 1734

Of M*^ Thomas Makepeace for the Picks 10 ounces ) «^q
Sixpenny w* att 5« 2^ p' ounce J ^^

Efsays 8 ounces & 10 penny W* att 5' 6* p' ounce 000

Due from M*" Partis flfor Ei^ay House

Loft by ffive Broads 0:10:0

Disbursements

ffor the Treat Last year 003

13:02
19 :03

To the flb'eemans plate

Charcoal

Treating the Members
for Acts of Parlam*...

002
002
000
000

: 11 : 11
:02 :00
:00 :06
:12 :00
:03 :00

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482 THS GOLDSXITHS OF KBWOi^TLB :

Letter O fEor this year.

M' Isaac Cookson I

M' George Bollman j

were this day Elected Stewards for the year ensuing

M' WilUam Pryor Efeay Master {

M' Matthew Dawson Clark j

Att a Meeting Held the ffifth day of May 1736
Letter P for this year.

M' Robert Makepeace ) were this day Elected Stewards

and M' Thomas Makepeace ) for the year Ensuing.
M' William Pryor Efeay Master
It was this Day ordered that the Stewards for the time being
shall be allowed them two shillings and sixpence Each Stewaid
for Expences in attending the same.
Beceipts

Of M' Isaac Cookson for Picks quantity nine I aq . ak . 71

ounces 16 pennyweig*»* att 5« 2^ per onnce J *w . w . j

More for 2 ounces and 15 pennyweight of Essays ( ni m aa

of M' WUliam Partis ... j 01 . 01 : 00

Money disbursed this day

To M' Camaby for Last year's Entertainment ... 03 : 00 : 00

To the ffreemens plate 02:02:00

Charcoal Note and six Mufflers 02 : 08 : 00

Att a Meeting the 3 of May [1736] of the Company of Gold Smiths

Beceipts

By Cash Bee* of M' Partis <« dwts 1:1:0

By Picks w* 06 : 00 1 : 11 : 0

ByAiTays 01 : 15 0: 9: 7}

By Caf h Bee'* of Tho* Stodart to y« Aisay ... 2:0:0

Disbursements

To Cash for Charcoal 1 : 12 : 0

To Calh p*» y« 2 Stuards for Attending y« Guild... 0:2:0

Letter Q for this year

M' W"» Pryor, Affay Master
At a Meeting the 3 of May [1737] of the Company of Goldsmiths

Beceipts By Picks 7~ 3<»^ at 6« 2<> 1:1*6:11

By Afsays 1 : 7 at 6/6 0:7:4|

Disbursements To Cash Pay'd for Charcole & to M' 1 . . g . ^

Dawson /

To Cash Pay'd for Atending y« Guild 0:6:0

To Cash F* M' Thos Makepeace on ac* of a Jumey \ 0 • 10 • 6

to Shield on ye Baffling acts j

M' James Kirkup \ q*^„^^„
M' Bobt Makepekce/^*®^^^
Mr W" Pryor Aflay Master
Letter B for this Tear

Att a Meeting of the Company held the 27**» January 1737 [■£]

The Right Worshipful! William Carr Esquire of Ssint flclen
Auckland and now Mayor of the Town and County of New Csstle
upon Tyne att the request of this Company was admitted a fEree
Brother and took the oath accordingly.

At a Meeting this 3* of May 1738 of the Company of Goldsmiths

Bee* of M' W-" Partis *1 : 1:0

Bec<» of M' Ja« Bdrkup for 4 : 10 of Picks at 6 :2 1: 3:2
Bee* of Ditto for Afsays le'*'^ ® 6 : 6 0 : 4 : 1|

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APPENDIX.— BXTBAOTB PROM MIlfUTB BOOK.

488

0: 6*0

£8:14:10

DiBbarsements for the Tears 1737 & 8

P* M" Camaby&cwhea W™ Carre Esq' was made \ i . jg . q

fEree /

Staards-^M' lac Cookson lT-r»*f-»» a
Tho- Makepeace 1^^*®'^
W°» Pryor Aflay Master

At a Meeting the 3 May 1739 of the Company of Qoldsmiths

By Picks 8 oz. at 6/2 2: 1:4

By afsays 1 : 16 at 6/6 0 : 9 : 7|

Disbursements for the year 1788 & 9

V^ of Steward for Atending y* Guild
Letter T

Stewards— M' Rob^ Makepeace
M' James Eirkup
M' W"» Pryor afsay master

The Head meeting Day held on Monday the 6^ May 1740

Rec*» for the Picks 9^ 10**^ a 5« 2<» \.

Rec* for the Afsays 4 : 14 a 6 : 6 J *

M' Isaac Cookson 1 at.^,^^^
M' George Bullman / Stewards
M' W™ Pryor Afsay Master
The Letter A

M*^ George Bullman promiTd to pay to the Company upon
Demand the Summ of forty shillings for employing M' Miller

At a Meeting of the Company of GK)ldimith8 the 11 Aug* 1740

Isaac Cookson agrees to pay a fine for Imploying M*^ Gillison
of foorty Shillings & also a fine for Imploying M' Blacket of fourty
Shilling at the Head Meeting day

At a Meeting of the Company of Goldsmiths the 4 of May 1741

for Picks 9«» 0 at 6/2

afsays 6 : 6 at 6/6

By fine for Tho" Blackett

By do. for M' Gilson

By do. from M' Partis aflaying

By do. from M' Martin

By do. from M' Beilbv

By M' Bolmans fine for Employing M' Miller

M*^ James Kirkup 1 c,.^^^^^
M^ Rob* Makepekce/ ^^"^^^
W" Pryor allay master
Letter B

At a Meeting of the Company of (Goldsmiths the 3 of May 1742

:::|

3 :16

0
0
0

3 :m
1 : 0
0: 0

8:8:

0: 1

Rec* for Picks 7'>« at 6/2

Afsays 6 at 5/6

from M*" Kirkup for Employing M' Peat ...
from M*^ Bulman for Employing John Blacket

from M*^ Partis for Aflaying

To M' Kirkup Sc M' Makepeace for Atending the

Inspector

Memorand. that M' Edward Gill agrees to pay Two Shillings
yearly for lief being alowed to Meet as he Pleaies on the Quarter
days.

Isaac Cookson agrees to pay forty shillings for Employing John
Longlands the next Head meeting day

M' George Bulman \ q^^,^^„
M' Isaac Cookson | Stewards
Mr W" Pryor Affay Master. Letter C

tie\
Tw(

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£2 :

8 :

£1 :

£5 :

484 THE GOLDSMITHS OP NEWCASTLE :

At a Meeting of the Oompanj of Ooldsmiths the 8 of Aug* 1743

Memorand. that M' Abr. Anderson agrees to pay Two Shillings
yearly for his being alow'd to Meet as he Pleafes on the Quarter days.

At a Meeting of the Ck>mpany of Goldsmiths 3 May 1743

£ ■ d
Rec* of M' Isaac Cookson for Employing M' Jn° \ o , q . q

Langlands / • '^ • ^

Bee* for Picks 8« : 0* 2: 1:4

foraflayB6:5 1 : 14 : 4J

Stewards for the year 1743
M' James Kirknp \
M^ Bob* Makepeace j
W™ Pryor Aflay Master
Letter D
Inspect' p. John Calthorpe 1743

Att a Meeting of the Company of Goldsmiths May the 2^ 1744
Bee* of M' Kirkup for 9^ : 9**^ of Picks... ' ^ ^

Bec'^ of Do. for Aisays 6 :

Bee* of M' Cookson for John Goodrick ...

M' Isaac Cookson 1 ox^^..^.

M'W»Dalton | Stewards

M' W°» Pryor Alsay Master
Letter E.

At a Meeting of the Company of GK)ldsmiths May 3 : 1745

Bee* from M' Cookson S^ : 8 at 6/2 2:8:6

Do. for Aftays 5 : 3 at 5/6 1:8:3

from M' Thompson of Dnrham 0:19: 6

Disbursements for the Year

Memorand. p* out of the above [balance of )
19 : 17 : 6 in box] to M' Mark Grey Nicholson V 0 : 10 : 6
on aoc* of his being Burnt out of his houfe ... )
P* to M" Bulman now under Confinement in New- 1 a . i a . ft

gate for j- w : lu :

Inspected by B Bromhead

M' BoV Makepeace agrees this day to pay two shillings yearly
for being Bzcufea atending upon Quarter days

James Kirkup \ at-^^^^^A^
Isaac Cookson/ S*®'^*^^
W°» Pryor Afiay Master
Letter F

At a Meeting of the Company of (jU)ld8miths May 3 1746

Bee* for Picks 6 : 15 at 6/2 1 : 14 : 10|

For Aflays 4 : 12 at 6/6 1:6:3

Disbursements for the year

p* for Pestall A Morter 0: 8: 0

p* Patrick Bichardson for the Buriall of his wife 0:5:0
Stewerd for this year
James Kirkup
W» Dalton

W» Pryor Aflay Master
Letter G.

At a Meeting of the Company of Goldsmiths 1 of Aug* 1746

Memorandum It was agreed to take a Layers opinion In
Beguard to the Afaying The Plate Belonging to thoTe who are not
Ii^abitants In this Corporation Ja Kirkup

Bob* Makepeace
W"» Dalton
Isaac Cookson

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APPENDIX. — EXTBAOTS FROM MINUTE BOOK. 435

At a Meeting of The Ck)mpany of Goldsmiths 4 : May 1747

Af8ays4:5 6/6 1 : 8 : lOJ

Picks 8:6 6/2 2 : 2 : 10

Disbursements for the last year

Boan ashes 0:4:6

P* LawerBootle p M'Ward 1 : 12 : 0

Inspected Tho" Steele Stewards for the Year

James Eirknpp \ ■» ^^m
Isaac Cookson j"^'*'*
Assay Master— W" Pryor
Letter H.

At a Meeting of the Company of Goldsmiths the 3*^ of May 1748

Afiays 4 : 4 at 5/6 1:2:0

Picks 9 : 4 at 5/2 2:7:6

Disbursements. Lost By M'* Camaby 0:9:0

Stewards for the year 1748

Afsay Master : W™ Pryor
Memorandum it is order by the Company of Goldsmiths this day
that the Stewards shall atend at the aisay office & stop such plate
as belongs to thole who are not Freemen of the said Company
till the persons come to an Agreement with ^ Company for the
Expences of the AfTaying Ofice Belonging to the said Company Its
desired by the C that the stewards give notice to M' Stodart to
take up his freedom W™ Dalton Ja Eirkup

Isaac Cookson BoV Makepeace

Bdw^GiU

At a Meeting of the Company of Goldsmiths 8 : May 1749

foraifaying os dwti ••• 0 : 0 : 2|

Picks 9 : 16 at 6/2 2 : 10 : 4^

Affays 3 : 10 at 5/6 0 : 19 : 3

18*»» July 1749 Inspected p. Cha : Marshall

Stewards for the Year 1749
W"» Dalton \
Isaac Cookson j
W"» Pryor AfTay Master
Letter E

At a Meeting of The Company of Goldsmiths 2 : Aug* 1749
Bee* of M' Partis for arrears of last year to the 3'* of May 1749
7V10* put into the Box 27 affay Bitts

At a Meeting of the Company of Goldsmiths 3 May 1760

Hcks ... 11 : 16

8:0

Aflavs ... 4:3

Bec*^from Isaac Cookson for Martin Hixon

1 :2

2 :0

' 9

For John Godderick

2 :0

: 0

M' Partite

0:8

M' Brock

0:0

llih June 1751

Stewards for the Year
James Eirkup i
Rob* Makepeace j

iBBMoiedJohii
BMike

Letter L

W«» Pryor, Affsay master

At a Meeting of the Company of Goldsmiths 8* of May 1751

Cash from M' Beilby

. 2: 6

Picks ... 18"

. 4:18

Alsays ... 4 : 6

1:3

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2:9:0

486 THB GOLDSMITBS OF NEW0A8TLB :

DiBbnrsments for the last year

M' Pryors note for Mufflers 1:2:0

M' & M« Nicholson 1 : 10 : 0

Given M' Pryor for his Trouble In Colecting In '\
the Notes dae to the Afsay hoofe for sum Time > 1 : 1:0

past J

Alfo Eec* for le^wt Alfays : 4:0

flf^«r..^o/W"Dalton
^**^*^n Isaac Cookson
Afsay Master W" Piyor
Leter M

At a Meeting of the (>> of (Goldsmiths 4 May 1752

M' Wilkinson '

M' Partifs

M' Tho» Partifs

M' Barrett

M'Beilby

M' Thompson

OS dwt

Picks 17 : 17 at S'/^** 4 : 12 : 2

Affays 3:8 0 : 18 : 8

Stewuxl for the year

M*^ James Kirkup
M' Bob^ Makepeace
Aflay master M' W" Pryor
Letter N
It was this day agreed to admitt M*^ Tho: Stodart to his free-
dom of the Ck). he giveing his Note of hand for 2 : 19" payable at
the Head meeting days at Three different payments.

May 4 1752

It was this day agreed to give five Ginies out of the Co. Stock
Towards the Building the Infirmary now Brrecting upon the firth
Bank
1762 Inspected p Ja* Kirkup

Cha : Marshall Rob* Makepeace

W"» Dalton
Isaac Cookson
Tho" Stodart

At a Meeting of the (Company of Goldsmiths 3 May 1753

M' Wilkinson 5

M' Partus 5 : 7^ J

M' Barret 14 : IIU « . ,-

M' BeUby 1:1^^-*'

M' Thompson 18: 0

J Thompson 12: 3

Picks 16 :6 4:3:8

Afsays 4 : 1:2:0

Rec* from I. Cookson for takeing hia aprentice I 5 . a . q

James Robinson / • ": u

Rec*^ from M' John Kirkup for his admittance ... 6 : 00 : 0

Disbursements To the Infirmary 6:6:0

M' Piyor for 27 : Affays made of Barrets j

work 13:6V0O:18: 6

For Colecting the Co. Money ... . ... 5:0)

Steward for the year \ W™ Dalton

Warden j Isaac Cookson

Letter O

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14:

3 :

00:

11 :

APPENDIX.— BXTBACrS FROM MINUTE BOOK. 487

At a Meeting of the Company of Qoldsmiths 3 May 1754

M' Thompson for Affaying 00:

M' Bartlet 00 :

M'W^Partife 00:

M'BeUby 00:

Picks 16 : 7 at 5/2 4 :

Aflays 4 : 5 at 6/6 ... 1:

Bisbursments

M' Wilkinsons Note at the Meeting of the Members \ a . 15 . q
of Parlament j '

M' Pryors Horfe Hire 0:2:6

Steward 1 .^, .^^^ „^^_ / Rob* Makepeace
Letter P for the year Warden / ^^' ^^^ ^^" t John Kirkupp

Att a Meeting of the Company of Goldsmiths Sep. 24 1764
Bec<^ from M' John Langlands four pounds for his |
admittance Two pounds being paid before to |> 4 : 0 : 0

the Afsay )

Bec^ from M' John Goodrick four pounds for his j
Admittance Two pounds being paid before to > 4 : 0 : 0

the Aisay }

Goldsmiths Co.

Ac/s of John Mitchison

No^ 19«» 1784

To postage of a letter from Stamp Office

Dec 3 To a DO

10"* To Chearers when we Chose M' Piyor ...
Feb'y 21 To a Bason & Copper for Collecting Silver
June 5^ 4 Sacks Charcoal

2~> July 1785 To 8 Sacks of Charcoal

Aug* 1 To Chearers

23 To a Book for Hall

Nov' 12 To Chearers

1786

Jan^ 26 To Fine Silver for the HalL

31 To 6 Sacks of Charcoal

May 3 To Attending the Afsay Hall

At the back of the book there is the following list of apprentices : —

Leonard Hunter Son of Jeffrey Hunter of Kemb in the ) [Book turned

County of Northuml^land Gent & apprentice to John ( t^nt ""*°^
Bamsay of thetowneof Newcastle vpon Tyne Goldsmith j ^ '^*
for seven yeares by Ind'res bearing Date 3 Dec*^ 1701 )

The Master being dead the said apprentice is turned over to
John Younghusband Goldsmith to Serve the Remaind'' of his terme
with him

Mark Grey Nicholson Son of George Nicholfon late of 1
Newcastle vpon Tyne Gent' dec*d apprentice vnto I , --*-
Richard Hobos of Newcastle vpon Tyne Goldsmith for M'"**
Seven yeares By Ind'res bearing date 6 July 1706 ... I

Ely Bilton Son of Joshua Bilton of Newcastle vpon Tyne j
Blockmakcr dec'd apprentice to Ely Bilton Goldsmith i^^f^A
for Eight yeares from the fourteenth Aug* 1704 By M'"*
Ind'res then Dated )

James Eircup Son of Thomas Kircup of Winlington in j
the County of Durham Smith Apprentice to Ely I , -^-
Bilton of Newcastle vpon Tyne Goldsmith for Bight f^*^^
yeares by Indentures Dated 20**» Aug. 1706 ... ... '

VOL. XVI. D 8

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488 THB GOLDSMITHS OF NEWCASTLE :

Nathaniel Shaw Son of John Shaw of Denton in the ]
County of Durham Clerk Apprentice to John Young- {-i^tqj
husband of Newcastle vpon Tyne Goldsmith for Seven f'-*^'
yeares by Indentures Dated fifteenth Aprill 1707 ... )

29 Nov' 1708 Robert Makepeace Son of Thomas Make-"^
peace of the towne & County of Newcastle vpon Tyne
Gent* apprentice to ffrancis Batty of the said towne > 1707
& County Goldsmith for Seven yeares by Indentures
Dated 2 ffebry 1707 ^

Att a Meeting 13 Sep' 1709

John Carnaby Son of W™ Camaby of the Town & County )
of Newcaftle upon Tyne Gent* apprentice to ffrancis (17^0
Batty of the said Town and County Goldsmith f or (
Seven years from the 24 June 1709 I

Att a Meeting 3 May 1710

Henry Martin Son of Mark Martin of the town & County 1
of Newcaftle upon Tyne Goldsmith apprentice to 1 171 a
ffrancis Batty of the said Town Goldsmith for seven ?"*'*"
yeares from 25 March 1710 )

August 31 1717

John ffrench son of Josuah ffrench late of Leamington dec'
apprentice to Jona*^ fFrench of New Castle upon Tine Gold-
smith for seaven years from 8*** May 1717
November 11 : 1717

William Dal ton son of Roger Dal ton Late of New Castle Baker
deceafed apprentice to James Kirkupp Goldsmith for seaven
years from 17"* of 7ber 1717
ffeb'y 3<* 1717 W™ Ramsay son of John Ramsay late a free Bro' of
this Company, this day enroled by his ffather in Law John
Younghufband alfo a free Bro' of this Company & p** 1*
May 6 1718 Michaell Jenkins Son of Henry Jenkins Master &
Marr*" apprentice to ffrancis Batty Goldsmith for Seaven y"
from the first day of September 1714
May 5 : 1718 George Bulman son of George apprentice to ffranclB

Battey for seaven years from the 26*'* day of ffeb'y 1717
Dec' 18 1718 William Whitfeild Son of John Whitfeild apprentice
to John Younghusband for seven years from the 12*** of Sep*
1713

Att a meeting Dec' 18 : 1718 the s^ W" Whitfeild came into full
Company & made choice of Jona" ffrench to servo the re-
main' of his time with.
May S^ 1720 Thomas Makepeace Son of Tho" Makepeace Gentl*
dec** apprentice to Rob* Makepeace for 7 years from ffeb 9 1719
apprentice fee twenty pounds.
November 11 : 1720 Isaac Cookson son of William Cookson of
penrith gentl* apprentice|to ffrancis Batty for seven years from
the first day of October 1720 apprentice fee thirty five pounds.
May S^ 1722 George Hymers son of Geo. Hymers late of Newcastle
Skinner apprentice to Jonathan ffrench for seven years from
the 30*'* of August 1721 : apprentice fee twenty five pounds.
May SO: 1788 November 11 : 1723 : George Hetherington son of Nich* Hether-
ohose d. Bulman ington late of Brampton in GUsland in the County of Cumber-
JrfiSrS^^JS?' ^^^ y^^ ^^ apprentice to ffran: Batty for seven years
o nu e «i ^^ ^^^ g^Q, ^^ October 1723 apprentice fee thirty pounds/

ffeb : 2 : 1724 John Younghusband Son of John Younghusband
late of Newcastle Goldsmith dec** Apprentice to James Kirkupp
for seaven years from the 18**» day 01 Nov' 1724 apprentice free
twenty five pounds.

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APPENDIX.— BXTRAC5T8 PROM MINUTE BOOK. 489

Aug* 1"* 1727 Edward Son of William ffrench apprentice to
Jonathan fErench for seven years from 18"* April 1727 appren-
tice fEee twelve pounds twelve shillings

May 6 1728 Rob* Aynsley Son of W™ Aynsley Apprentice to
George Bulman for eight years from 1«* March 1727 Apprentice
Twenty pounds.

2* flEeb'y 1730 MB He Imbezill Several parcels of hia Masters
Goods & was discharg'd from his Service for the same & By an
order made this Day is not to admitted to his ffreedom.

May 6 1728 Luke Eillingworth Potts son of Lake Potts appren-
tice to Rob* Makepeace for seven years from the twenty fifth
Day of March 1728 Apprentice ffee fforty pounds.

2^ ffebry 1730 NB He Imbezeird Severall parcells of his Masters
Goods & was discharged from his Masters service & not to
be admitted as before.

Novemb' 11 1728 Hesilrigg Metcalfe son of Rich^ Metcalfe of
Newcastle apprentice to James Kirkupp for seven years from
the ffirst day of aug* 1728 apprentice ffee thirty pounds.

Eodm die Thomas Stoddart Son of John Stoddart of Newcastle
apprentice to Isaac Cookson for seven years from the fi^t of
September 1728 apprentice ffee thirty five pounds.

8 May 1732 George Lawes Son of Matthew Lawes of Willington
in the parish of Ryton yeom* app* to George Bullman for Bight
years from the 2** day of March 1730

Eodm die Edward Gill Son of John Gill of New Castle upon
Tyne Smith app' to Geo Bullman Goldsmith for 7 years from
the 19*» May 1731

Eodm die John Langlands Son of Reignold Langlands Langlands
(#to) of New Castle upon Tyne app' to M' Isaac Cookson for
10 years by Ind'res bearing date 2* October 1731

Eodm die Stephen Buckle Son of Joseph Buckle of the City of
York Goldsmith app* to M' Isaac Cookson for 7 years from 27"*
ApriU 1732 /

Tho Flecher Son of Tho Fletcher Brick-layer of the town Sc
county of Newcastle upon Tyne Apprentice to M' Rob* Make-
peace of y* said town ffor 7 years May y* 1 1731 Apprentice
ffee fforty pounds

18**» ffebr' 1732 Jeremiah Peat Son of Tho« peat of Hawksdale in
the County of Cumberland apprentice to M' James Kirkup of
New Castle upon Tyne Goldsmith for 7 years from 12*** October
1782

4*** May 1783 Thomas Blackett son of Thomas Blackett of Sedge-
field in the County of Durham yeom apprentice to M' Robert
Makepeace of New Castle upon Tyne, Goldsmith for seven years
from 25*** day of June 1732

William Wilkinson son of William Wilkinfon apprentice to
Rob* Makepeace for seven years from the first day of Jan^^ 1732
apprentice fee twenty pounds

Robert Peat Son of Thomas Peat of Hawxdale in the
County of Cumberland Miller Apprentice to M' James Kirkupp
of the Town and County of New Castle upon Tyne Goldfmith
for seven years from 26** Day of December in the year of our
Lord 1733

Charles Story Son of Rob* Story Cord-Winder of New
Castle upon Tyne Apprentice to M' George Bulman of the Town
and County of New Castle upon Tyne Gold Smith for tenn
years from the 8 of DeC 1735

John Laws Son of Mathew Laws of Swalwel aprentifs to
George Bulman Goldsmith for seven year from y* Twenty
Third of Aprill 1737 fee Thirty Pounds.

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440 THB QOLDSUITHS OF NEWCASTLE.

November 12 : 1740

Bob^ Scott son of Andrew Scott yeman aprentis to James

Eirkup Goldsmith for seven years from the Twenty (ixth day

of Aprill 1740
An^ 8 1742,

Martin Hixon Bon of John Hixon of Sedgefeild aprenti£s to

Isaac Cookson Qoldsmith for Seven years from the Twentyth

March 1742
Feb' 2 : 1742

Bob^ Sharp Son of Bobert Sharp of Stanington Yeaman aprentifa

to George Bulman from y* 29 May 1742
May y* 2 : 1744 John Goodrick Son of Fran* Goodrick of Clifton

in the North Bideing of the County of York Gentleman

apprentice to M' Isaac Cookson from the 1"* of April 1743
Mays*' 1746

Timothy Williamson Son of Dorothy Williams Aprentifto James

Elirkup Goldsmith for seven years from 1*^ 3larch 1744/5
May 3: 1746

Kob^ Makepeace Son of Bob* Makepeace Goldsmith Tho^ Make-
peace son of Bob* Makepeace were this day Enterd in the

Companys Book.
May 3: 1746

Tho" Gill Son of Edward Gill Goldsmith was this day Bnteid

In the Company's Book.
John Bell Son of the late Christ Bell aprentis to Isaac Cookson

Goldsmith for seven years from 1 Aag* 1747 was Enterd In

the Company Books.
W"» George Chalmers Son of the Bev^ M' Chalmers of Kirk-

haugh aprentice to Isaac Cookson for seven years 1 July

1761 was Enterd In the Co. Books.
W° Corry Son of William Curry Smith aprentice to M' Bob*

Makepence for seven years 12 March 1762 was this day

Enteid In the Co Books.
James Bobinson Son of John Bobinson of Watermelock aprentice

to Isaac Cookson for seven years 1'* day of November 1752

was Enter'd In the Companys Books.
Bobert Mitchel Ton of Bobert Mitchel of New Castle Apprentice

to Jd? Langlands for feven years 2 day of Octo. 1767 was

Enterd In the Company.
Bob* Scott Son of Bob* Scott of Earkoewald in the County of

Cumberland Blacksmith apprentice to M' John Langlands for

Nine years from the 10"* day of October 1760 was enter*d in

y* Company
Balph Maddison son of the Bev<^ M' Tho* Maddison of Gateshead

in the County of Durham Clerk apprentice to M' John Lang-
lands for seven years from the 25"» of March 1761 was entered

in this Company.
Geo Dixon Son of Tho" Dixon of Kirkoswell in the County of

Cumberland Mill Wright apprentice to Jn<^ Langlands for

Eight Year^from the 15 day of Octo 1763 was ent^ed in this

Company.
Deserted his Masters service on the 12"» of Dec. 1767 so will be

no way Intitled to his freedom
Jn<* Mitchinson Son of Jn° Mitchinson of Gatifide in the County

of Durham Skinner k. Glover apprentice to Jn** Elirkup for

Eight Years from the 22 day of Sep* 1763 was enterd in this

Company

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EOMAK SCALE-ARMOUR. 441

XXVI.— NOTE ON A FRAGMENT OF A ROMAN LORIGA,
OR CUIRASS OF BRONZE SOALE-ARMOUR, FROM THE
WALL TURRET ON WALLTOWN OttAG.

By the Rev. G. Rome Hall, F.S.A.

[Read on the Slat January, 1894]

Last summer, in the middle of July, when staying at Giisland, I had
the opportunity of again revisiting the important but now nearly
obliterated Roman station of Magna (Caervoran), and the line of
the Roman Wall along the picturesque * Nine Nicks of Thirlwall.'

In the Handbook of the Roman Wall (3rd edition, page 185), it
will be remembered that our late friend and venerated vice-president.
Dr. Bruce, speaks of the interesting discovery, in the autumn of
1883, of a wall turret laid bare on the westernmost height of these
great basaltic crags, not far irom Oaervoran. No trace of it,
however, is now to be found, as it was soon after entirely demolished
by the whinstone quarrymen. Dr. Bruce denounces in terms not
too strong, we shall probably all admit, an act of vandalism which
might easily have been avoided. 'As the quarry is an extensive
one it was understood,' he writes, * that the turret would be spared,
and that other portions of the clifT would be submitted to the opera-
tions of the miner. Not so, however ; this priceless memorial of our
country's early history has been utterly destroyed. The discovery of
this turret led to the enquiry as to whether there might not be some
others to the east of it. Mr. Clayton sent his chief explorator
Tailford to examine the cliflF. He found two others. Seeing, how-
ever, the fate of this one, it will be well to let them enjoy the
protectioD of the soil which now covers them, until England becomes
an educated nation.'

At the monthly meeting of our Society in October, 1892, we had
the pleasure of listening to our colleague Mr. J. P. Gibson's graphic
and interesting lecture on his then recent excavation, under the
auspices of our Society, of one of the turrets in question, and of the
munis and vallum in its neighbourhood, excellently illustrated as it

VOI^ XVI- B 8

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442 NOTE ON ROMAN SCALE-ARMOUR

was bj a series of photographs. As it is presumed that the two wall
turrets, one on the Walltown crag and the other on Mucklebank,
the latter being the one excavated, were those which Tailford
had found a few years earlier, we may hopefully conclude that the
archaeological education of this northern portion at least of our
country had considerably advanced in the interval. In passing along
the rugged heights, crowned by well-preserved portions of the Roman
Wall, as we were glad to see it on that lovely summer morning, we
came to the turret a little distance westwards from the Walltown
farmhouse. It was here, not on Mucklebank where the Roman
centurial stone was discovered in the turret set like an eagle's eyrie
on the almost inaccessible crag above * King Arthur's Well,' that
the rarely-found fragment of Roman scale-armour, which I now
exhibit, was discovered. In the dibris thrown out of the Wall turret
by the quarrymen, in some impromptu diggings, on to the southern
slope, it was only natural for a passing antiquary to search a little,
especially as the winter frosts and rains had disintegrated the mas
since the partial excavation had been effected in the previous summer.
Of course, it was certain that hardly anything large or important
could have escaped the vigilance of the self-appointed excavators;^
but by the help of the only implement at hand, a walking-stick, a
few small fragments of Roman pottery, 'smother-kiln' and other
kinds (but no trace of Samian), soon appeared to view. Among these
indications of ancient habitation and the use of ampftoraSy mortaria^
and different fictile vessels, of which perhaps more and larger traces
since taken away would be found in the year preceding, I noticed a
tinge of green rust denoting the oxide of bronze. After a little care-
ful manipulation three scales or plates of
a Roman lorica or cuirass came to light.
As you will perceive, they are fastened
together securely by fine but strong
bronze wire; and the holes for attach-
ment to the leathern or linen tunic or
lining, two on each scale, the first still
(FuUBizo.) perfect, those on the second and third

' I have not heard what they found here, if they indeed found »i»y^*^
which they would consider valuable. A careful excavation would probahlj be
well rewarded.

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OF BRONZE, FROM WALLTOWN CRAG.

443

f^~h

broken at the top, are plainly visible. The thin plates of bronze or
bell-metal slightly overlap as nsnal, and are of the normal size, seven-
eighths of an inch in length and half an inch in width, each being
ronnded at the bottom.

It was only, I may here add, the colour of the bronze rust, the scales
being small, which attracted my attention ; in the same way as a tiny
flake of the bronze-tipped sheath of a late Celtic (or perhaps early
Saxon) long sword found in excavating an Ancient British circular
dwelling in the Carry House camp, near Birtley, North Tynedale,
many years since, led me to the discovery of the iron blade itself,
lying broken in the hollow between the flagstones of the hut circle.^

A fortnight after the discovery of this fragment of Roman scale-
mail I was able, being in London, to compare it with the two similar
specimens in the British Museum. In the collection from the camp,
called by Mr. Roach Smith *a model of Roman castrametation,'^ at
Hodhill, near Blandford, Dorset-
shire, four scales (detached) ap-
pear on a card (No. 242), on
which two, on the left hand,
which for ornament are tinned
at the top, are nearly facsimiles
of these from the Walltown Crag
turret as to shape, size, and per-
forations. Near it, on the right,
is a single plate, of squarer form,
of similar length, but nearly
double the width. Below these
are two others, narrower than
the last described, bat with two
holes at each side as well as at
the top.

The only other specimen in the British museum is a larger frag-
ment from a camp at Ham Hill, or Hamdon Hill,^ Somersetshire.

* Arrhaeologia, xlv. p. 358. * An Account of Ancient Circular Dwellings,
near Birtley, Northumberland,' by the writer.

' Proc. Somerset Areh. and Nat, Hut. Soc. vol. xxxii. p. 46.

* In the Index to the Arehaeologia, vols. 1-60. p. 324, we find ' Hamden Hill,
Somersetshire, antiquities found at, xxi. 39.'— Described by Sir Richard
Colt Hoare.

O O

o o
p

(All fall size.)

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444 ROMAN SCALE-ARMOUR FROM

•

Five of these scales only are there which are tinned alternately, and
are very nearly of the same size as those exhibited here to-day. The
original find consisted of two separate rows of bronze plates, ihe
upper row not being as long as the attached lower row, the scales
being eight and eighteen respectively in number, of which a photo-
graph is shown in the same case. They were presented by Mr. Hugh
Norris of South Petherton, local sec. Soc. Antiq. Lond., in 1886, to
whose courtesy I am much indebted, and were described by him
in the Somersetshire Archaeological and Natural History Sodeti/s
Proceedings,^ vol. xxxii. p. 82, the remaining portion being in the
collection of Mr. W. W. Walter of Stoke-under-Ham.

Thus it appears that only two places, in the south and west of
England, have furnished to our national museum examples of this
kind ; the proximity of the Devonshire and Cornish mines enabling
the Romano-British or Roman armourer to add what must have been
thought an additional ornament, not found in northern Britain as
yet, so far as I am aware, to the cuirass, which would shine in its
pristine brilliance with the silvery lustre of dn alternately with that
of burnished bronze.

My attention has been farther called by Mr. Blair to the few
bronze links in the Black Gate museum from the Roman station at

^ Mr. Hugh Norris describes the Ham Hill camp as ' one of the largest, if
not the very largest, in the country, its circumference being qnite three miles,
and its enclosed area comprising an extent of more than two hundred acres.
He speaks of the ' numerous relics of the Pre-historic, old Celtic, and Bomaoo-
British inhabitants found here, bronze implements, and ancient British coins,
etc.,' and adds : — ' Whilst of a later [Roman] date have been exhumed some very
perfect and beautifully preserved fibulae, and an elegant little lamp of great
rarity ; also the still rarer remains of a lorica or shirt of scale-armour, and
portions of a British chariot, all of bronze.'

(One half linear.)

* Near Montacute, in Somerset, on * Ham Hill,* where are the remains of a
Roman camp within the larger circuit of a still older British, an um was found
in 1882 filled with [Roman] coins, and another filled with medals. The whole
find is above a hundred weight.' Roman Britain, chap. xix. p. 184, by the late
Rev, Prebendary Scarth, M.A.

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HOD HILL, DORSETSHIRE, AND HAM HILL, SOMERSETSHIRE. 445

South Shields, portions of a Roman cuirass of chain-mail, which I
have examined with much interest, and, in another case in the same
museum, to a great mass of iron chain-mail fi*om the same place.
These, however, are examples from the region of the mural barrier of
the lorica catena^ of links not scales.

Both were in contemporary use as necessary parts of the ordinary
defensive armour of the Roman hastatiy whose offensive weapons were
strong, double-edged, sharp-pointed swords and heavy javelins, these
being the heavy-armed infantry of the legion. * The greater number of
the Hafltati,' it is said, ' wore in front of their breast a brass plate nine
inches square, which was called the heart-preserver (/co/>3<o^v\af) ;
but those whose fortune exceed 100,000 asses (probably something
over £200) had complete cuirasses of chain-armour {lorica)J*

When we consider the thinness of the bronze plates of the Roman
cuirass, such as I have shown, it might be deemed only an indifferent
defence; but neither this scale-armour nor the chain-mail, in the
opinion of high authorities, could be easily pierced by a sword-thrust.
We may hope that the owner of this particular lorica (perchance the
brave soldier of Hadrian or Severus), who kept watch and ward on
the turret set on the bleak summit of the Walltown crag, lost this
fragment before us by a simple accident or from the effects of use
merely, and that it does not denote the loss of his life, * though in
armour clad,' in one of the sudden and over-powering onslaughts of
the fierce Britons, Picts, or Scots, from regions beyond the Wall.
(Compare Roman Wall, 8rd edit. pp. 200, 201.)

It would not be desirable, and I have no intention, to trace the
early history of the lorica ; this, as is well known, can be adequately
done by referring, among other authors of repute on this subject, to
Sir Samuel Rush Meyrick's Critical Inquiry into Ancient Armoury
and to its excellent accompanying plates.^ The cuirass went through
various evolutionary stages, being first of quilted linen, usefiil for
hunters and Homer's light-armed warriors. Then the stronger
material of horn came into use, which was cut into small pieces,
planed, and polished and fastened, like feathers, upon linen shirts.
These preceded the metallic scale-armour, the scales being sometimes

• See ArcJiaeologla, xix. pp. 120, 336, etc.

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446 NOTES ON LORICA SCALES FEOM WALLTOWN CRAG.

of iron or gold, as among the Persians (Herodotus, vii. 61 and ix. 22);
but they were more commonly of bronze, like those before us (Virg.
Am. xi. 487, 'Rutulum thoraca indutus aenis'), and occasionally
consisted of thin plates of iron and hard leather (Tacitus, Hist i. 79).
' The basis of the cuirass was sometimes a skin or a piece of strong
linen to which the metallic scales, or 'feathers/ as they are also
called, were sewed.' (Virg. Am. xi. 770, 771, 'clothed in a skin,
clasped with gold, plumed with brazen scales.')

It may be worthy of remark, in conclusion, that in that very full
description of the panoply of an ancient warrior of the eleventh
century before Christ, in 1 Samuel xvii. 5, is the earliest mention
of the lorica. The Philistine giant, Goliath of Oath, is described as
wearing the Hebrew shir-yon'^ (rendered in the Septnagint by the
Greek equivalent Owpa^y and in the Vulgate by the Latin lorica) a
* coat of mail,' literally a ' breastplate of scales,' being armour for
defence, covering the body from the neck to the girdle or to the
thighs in its fullest form. It is also an interesting fact that the
ancient Roman lorica and the modern cuirass derive their name from
the same material of which both were primarily made ; the former
of the twisted lora or cut thongs of leather, then of leather itself,
forming a leathern corselet ; the latter, cuirass, expressing its origin
directly from the self-same source in the French cuiry leather, as
in every other Romance language, all arising indirectly from the Latin
word corium, meaning the skin or hide of animals.

It has been well remarked that the enumeration of the Roman
soldier's panoply by St. Paul in EpJiesians vi. (excepting only the spear)
exactly coincides with the figures of the armed soldiers sculptnred
upon the arch of Septimius Severus at Rome. First, there is the
body-armour, namely, the girdle, the breastplate or lorica, the Apostle
gives its Christian significance as the ' breastplate of righteonsnesB,'

' This is the same as Sirion, the name given to Mount Hermon, in the north
of Palestine, by the Sidonians {Deut. iii. 9), which appears to have been taken
from its resemblance to a * breastplate,* just like the Greek Owpa^y for the
mountain, also called Sipylus in Magnesia, i.e. Lydia in Asia Minor (Gesenios^s
Hebrew and Eng. Lexicon^ snh voce'). Compare Smithes Dictionary of the
Bible, vol. i. p. Ill, AriM ; and Dictionary of Greek and R4iman Antiquitiei,
2nd ed. p. 711, Lorica^ where is given an illustration of an Asiatic cuirass
of scale-armour taken from Meyrick's Critical Inquiry into Ancient Armovr
(plate ii.); and a figure of a Koman imperial soldier so armed from Bartoli's
Arous Triumphales.

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A FORGOTTEN REFERENCE TO ROMAN MiLB-CASTLES. 447

and the shoes ; next, the defensive arms, the shield and the helmet ;
and lastly, the offensive weapon, the sword. This was the accoutre-
ment which St. Paul had constantly before his eyes during his two
years' (his first) imprisonment at Rome; when, though bound con-
tinually ' with a chain ' to the soldier who kept him, a sentry who
would often be relieved in his watch upon the prisoner, he was yet
permitted to * dwell in his own hired house, and received all that
came in unto him ' (Acts xxviii. 16, 30).

XXVII.— A FORGOTTEN REFERENCE TO ROMAN
MILE-CASTLES.

By Cadwallader J. Bates.

[Read on the 28th February, 1894.]

In the very valuable but extremely complicated notes appended by
the Rev. John Hodgson to the account of the Roman Wall in his
History of Northumberland} is a passage said to be taken from a
Treatise on the Art of War, written to Theodosius and his sons, which
at first sight reminds us more of the line of mile-castles and turrets
along the crags from Walltown to Sewingshields than does anything
else to be found in classical literature.

'Among the advantages to the state,' it says, 'must be reckoned a
care for frontiers on every side, whose security is best provided by a
number of castles : so that they should be erected at the distance of
every mile with a strong wall and stout towers, which fortifications
the attention and care of the owners of the adjoining land will erect
without charge to the public, keeping watch and ward of country
people in them, that the repose of the provinces may remain secure
within this circuit as it were of garrisons.'

It ought not perhaps to excite surprise that in the cause celebre
regarding the authorship of the Wall, the advocates of Hadrian and
the advocates of Severns have not produced this passage in their more
recent pleadings ; but it is veiy strange that it should have been over-
looked by the late Dean Merivale who so decidedly referred the con-
struction of the Wall to the fourth century.

> II. iii. p. 278 n.; 1840.

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448 A POBOOTTBN RKFEBENCB

One reason for this passage having been allowed to drop out of the
series of stock quotations from the classics on the subject, appears to
have been the difficulty writers experienced of finding where it actnallj
came from.

Horsley, like Hodgson, is content to give Camden as his authority;
but he begs the whole question in asserting that ^ The walls (? castles)
were built long before the reign of Theodosius, so that the builders of
them could not properly follow the counsel of a writer of his time.'
The passage is not to be found in the original edition of 0amden*8
Britannia, but appears first in that of 1600.^ Holland, in his trans-
lation (p. 793), quaintly renders it: — * Among the commodities of
State & Weale publike, right behovef ull is the care concerning the
limits, which in all places doe guard & enclose the sides of the Empire:
The defence whereof may bee best assured by certain castles built neare
together, so that they be erected with a steedy wall & strong towres a
mile asunder one from another : Which munitions verily the Land-
lords ought to arreare without the publicke charge, by a distribution
of that care among themselves, for to keep watch and ward in them
and in the field forefences, that the peace and quiet of the Provinces
being guarded round about therewith, as with a girdle of defence, may
rest safe and secure from hurt and harme/ Horsley and Hodgson
have both followed the revised translation of Gibson (2nd ed. ii. p.
1049), which was copied by Gough. The latter, intending to give his
authority for the passage, has placed a (x) after it in the text, but the
foot-note to which this refers is left hopelessly blank.'

Hodgson was misled by the vague phraseology of Camden and his
translators into attributing the passage to Ammianus Marcellinus, in
the Northumberland he wrote for the Beauties of England and Wales,*
'When,' he says, *we add the advice Ammianus Marcellinus, a little
before the building of this Wall, gave to the Emperor Theodosius,
and his son, ' to build castles on the frontier of the empire, a mile
asunder, and joined with a firm wall and strong towers, and that these
fortresses be garrisoned by the landowners adjoining, .... it seems

' It is introdaced by the words * Ade6 vt conditores eias oonsiliCi seqaati
▼ideatnr, qai de Rebtu belliois ad Theodosiam 6c eiod filios scripsit, sic enim ille,*
etc etcSritannia, ed. 1600, p. 715 ; ed. 1607, p. 652.

• Britannia, ed. Gough [2nd ed. 1806], vol. iii. p. 470.

* Vol. xii. part i. p. 7 ; 1813.

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TO ROHAN MILE-OASTLES. 449

past all doubt but that the Wall usually attributed to Severus, was
built sometime about the seventh consulship of Theodosius the
Younger.'

It was, however, neither Ammianus Marcellinus nor Vegetius
Renatus who tendered this advice to Theodosius, bnt the unknown
author of, as it seems, an almost unknown tract on military matters.

This tract seems to have formed part of the codex containing
the NotiUa^ the list of the Roman provinces with their officials and
troops which has proved so great a boon to pilgrims along the line of
the Wall from Wallsend to Birdoswald, and it is therefore of some
importance in confirming the date of that document.* Both were
printed by Andreas Alciatus at Basle in 1652, from a copy of the
codex in the library of Spires.^ The tract appears also in the edition
of Pancirolli's Natitia printed at Lyons in 1608,^ and in a collection
of Latin military writera edited by Peter Scriverius and published
that same year at Leyden; also in the Geneva edition of the Notitia,
1628.^ This is apparently the last edition of it ; at any rate it is not
mentioned in Engelmann's list of classics printed since the year 1700.

Although the names of the Augustus and two August! to whom
the preface is addressed are not given,® there is little reason to question
the conclusion that they were Theodosius and his sons Honorius and
Arcadius. The writer is extremely bitter against Constantino for
having through his spoliation of the temples largely substituted gold
for brass in the coinage ;^° to gold he attributes all the existing misery
with the fervour of a modem bi-metallist ; the real Gtolden Age, he

• *NOTITIA VTBAQUE CVM OBIENTIS TVM OCCIDBNTIS . . . SVB iUDgitur

Notitijs aetastuB liber db bebvs bblliois ad Theodosiam Aug. & filios eius
Arcadium atq : Honorium at uidetar, scrip tas, incerto antore . . . basils ab,

M D LII.*

• * NOTITIA VTBAQVE &C. NVNO NOVISSIMB FBANCISCI BHVABDBSU, I.V.D.

pnestantissimi Commentariis illastratom . . . LvanvNi, M.DC.viii.*

' ' V. INL. PL. VEGBTII BBKATI COMITIS, ALIOBVMQVB ALIQVOT VHTBBVM

De Re Militari libbi . . . Omnia emendatiiu, qucedem nunc primutn edita a

PETBO SCBIVBBIO ... EX OPPICINA PLANTINIANA RAPHSLSNQIJ. M.D.CVIII.'
—p. 81, * ANONYMI DE BEBVS BBLLIOIS, AC. &C.'

« <H0TITIA DIOKITATVM &C. &0. OBNBVAE, Ezcudebat Stephanns Qamo-
netns. m.dcxxiii.'

• * Prutfatio. AD ^ ^ A. k * * AA. CoELBSTi semper instinctu, felicis
ReipnblicsB yestras commoditas, Sacratissimi Principes &c. &c'— ed. Scriverii,
p. 83.

** * CoNEfFAVTlNl temporibas profnsa largitio annim pro aere, quod antea
magni pretij habebator, vilibus commerciis assignavit. &c. &c.' — Ibid, p. 86.

▼OL. XVI. F S

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450 A FORGOTTEN RBFERENCB

declares, was when gold was quite unknown.^^ He suggests a short-
service system of five years, and a scheme of military colonisation on
the frontiers as means of alleviating the burdens of a standing army.
He describes and depicts various improvements in the apparatus of
war. His four-wheeled * balista ' drawn by a pair of horses is one of
the earliest prototypes of the Maxim gan. His * Tichodifrus * for
approaching and mounting the walls of a besieged city is less easily
comprehended ; it looks like a cross between a hay-tedder and a turnip-
drill. Three varieties of the scythe-chariots, used in Eastern as well
as in British warfare, are recommended. We are then shown a
* Thoracomachus,' or sort of woollen guernsey, for wearing under a
cuirass or coat-of-mail, which has little remarkable about it, unless it
be its resemblance (if the woodcut in the Basle edition is to be trusted)
to the Holy Coat of Treves. To the general reader the most interesting
thing in the whole tract is the account of a lihuma or swift frigate
to be propelled by three sets of paddle-wheels, each worked by a pair
of oxen going round in a ' gin ' on the deck ; this employment of wheels
and oxen for ploughing the deep in pursuit of an enemy's ships was by
its novelty, the writer thought, certain to ensure complete victory.^*

The passage relating to frontier fortifications is the last paragraph
in the tract except one, urging a thorough revision of the laws of the
Empire, advice which was certainly acted upon by Theodosius. The
Latin, of which Gibson's is an awkward and not altogether accurate

translation, runs: —

De limitum mxmitionihus,

'Est praeterea inter commoda ReipublicsB utilis limitum cura,
ambientium ubique latus Imperii. Quorum tutelae assidua melius
castella prospicient : ita ut millenis interjecta passibus stabili muro et
firmissimis turribus erigantur. Quas quidem munitiones possessorum
distributa soUicitudo sine publico sumptu constituat, vigiliis in his et
agrariis exercendis, ut provinciarum quies circumdata quodam prsaddii
cingulo inlaesa requiescat.'^*

Although Britain is not mentioned in the tract, it is evident that
it was in the mind of the writer, when he speaks of some of the bar-

>* ' Cert^ aurea (tempora) nimcapamus, quae aorum penitiis non habebant.*
—Ibid. p. 87.

'^ * Qu6d si nauali bello terras f agiens maria hostis obsideat, nono celeritatis
ingenio terrestri qaodammod6 ritu rotis & bubus subacta flactibas Libama trana-
currens restituet sine morft victoriam.* — Ihid, p. 96. " Ibid, p. 101.

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TO ROMAN MrLB-OASTLRS. 451

barians on the frontiere being sheltered by forests, supported by moun-
tains, and protected by frosts, ^pritinis,' this last word being specially
coupled with Caledonia in the well-known squib written on the
emperor Hadrian ;^^ or again, when he recommends that the soldiers
marching in cold countries, ^per glaciaUs plagas,' should be pro-
vided with the woollen ' thoracomachus.'"

The emperor Severus Alexander, whose reign was a period of great
activity along the line of the Wall, had already favoured the policy of
planting military colonists along the frontiers ; and when we remem-
ber the r^ularity with which the castles occur at the end of every
Boman mile, in marked contrast to the ever-varying distances between
station and station, the question suggests itself whether the guard of
the actual Wall may not have been confided to bodies of soldiers dis-
tinct from the auxiliaries quartered in the stations.

It will be noticed that Gildas, in speaking of the Wall having been
built * at public and private expense,* reproduces the ideas of the writer
of the tract ;^° but it is not my intention this evening to do more than
bring the passage I have quoted again prominently before the notice of
the Society. For any final verdict on the history of the lines of earth-
work, ditches, and masonry existing between the Tyne and the Solway,
the evidence in our possession is too meagre and too contradictory.
But if we remember the bronze celt found in the so-called vallum, and
this advice given to Theodosius for the erection of mile-castles, we
shall grasp the two most widely separated horns of this nest of
dilemmas, and there will be little danger of our views becoming
cramped and contracted.

** * De hellicarum machinarum utilitate, iNPBDfis sciendum est qu6d Im-
periam Romannm circnmlatrantium vbique nationnm perstringat insania, &
omDe latos limitam itecta naturalibas locis adpetat dolosa Barbaries. Nam
plerumqne memoratra gentes aut silyis teguntur, aut extoUuDtur montibuS} ant
vindicantur pniinis, nonullae vagae solitudinibua ac sole nimio protegnntur.* —
Ibid. p. 89.

^ * Conneniet tamen per glaciales enntem militem plagas et Thorocomacho
muniri, et reliqnis ad tntelam pertinentibus rebus, pront membromm poscit
vtilitas, armari: vt et frigoribus suflSciat, et telis possit occurrere minoribus sine
clipeis assnmptis: ne sit, quod vsu plerumqne enenit, pro armorum latitndjne
silvamm densitas inacccssa, et amittatur armorum enormitate refugium.* —
Ibid, p. 101. Clandian (viii. 26), it will be remembered, specially speaks of
Theodosius having opposed castles to the Caledonian frosts—' lUe Caledoniis
posuit qui castra ^ntrnw * — while he applies the epithet ^ glacialW to Ireland.

" ' Sumptu publico privatoque, adiunctis secum miserabilibus indigenis.* —
Hutoria OildaCy § 18, ed. Stevenson, p. 24.

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452 *THE OLD bank/ NEWCASTriB-UPON-TYNE.

XXVIII.— * THE OLD BANK' (BELL, OOOKSON, CARR,
AND AIREY), NEWOASTLE-UPON-TYNE.

By Mabbbly Phillips.

[Read on the 20th December, 1898.]

Ralph Cabb, general merchant, of Newcastle-npon-Tyne, and after-
wards of Dunston Hill, may justly be considered the fether of all north-
country bankers. For Newcastle I claim the honour (until document-
ary evidence can be shown to the contrary) of possessing the first
provincial bank in England, subsequently known as the ' Old Bank.*
Before giving an account of it, let us see how it originated.

After gaining a thorough knowledge of all local business, Ralph
Carr travelled extensively on the continent until 1737, when he re-
turned to Newcastle and commenced trading as a general merchant, and
very soon after added bill-broking to his other engagements. In 1745
occurred the Rebellion, when the Young Pretender, Prince Charles
Edward, landed in Scotland, and Newcastle being one of the largest
towns near the scene of action, became a centre for the operations of
the royal army. Drafts on the paymaster in London, required to be
cashed, and money had to be sent into Scotland to pay the troops.
Ralph Carr readily availed himself of the business opportunities thus
offered. Records are available to show that he forwarded to Scotland
at various times, no less than £80,000 in coin, and that he cashed two
orders, one for £500, and another for £200, drawn at Berwick on the
23rd of September, by Sir John Cope, upon the Hon. Thomas Wen-
nington, paymaster-general. The drafts were drawn only two days
after the disastrous battle at Preston Pans, where the Pretender gained
such a signal victory, so that Mr. Carr must have had great confidence
in the Government. The documents were made out in favour of
Matthew Ridley, esq. On the 2nd of October a sum of £640 was
paid for the subsistenoe of major-general Guise's regiment, and £200
to the earl of London, who was proceeding to Scotland.

Mr. Carr had an intimate friend in Edinburgh, John Coutts,
and in a letter to him he thus refers to the victories gained by the

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AMOH. ABL. VoL XVI. (Co /ue p. 4891.

PUUe XXXIX.

Portrait of Johv Ooutts,
Aftar ft pftlnttm by Baaisay, in tbo poMenkm of tbo "Bmoai

lew Bordett-Coatti.

fTkU iOMtnUion hat 6e«ii Miidly lenl 6y Mr. Maberlw PAOIifM.^

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SIR JOHN copb's defeat. 468

Pretender : — ' You may be quite easy about your gold, for should the
Highlanders oome this length, it is easy to put it out of their way, but
I apprehend they will not be allowed to cross the Firth, nor have any
encouragement for so doing as so few are ready to join them. How-
ever, the sooner I am cleared of it the better.' He remarks upon the
Preston Pans calamity in a letter to Mr. Alexander Contts of London,
September 24th, 'I forwarded you a packet by last post from Mr.
John Contts, which was brought me by his servant from Allanbank.
I hope it came safe to hand. I doubt not ere this you've heard of
Sir John Cope's defeat .... We are here in the greatest con-
sternation, not knowing but they may march here, this makes London
bills not to be had almost on any terms, the people would give a
premium as every one is remitting away what they have.'

The duke of Cumberland, general of the royal forces, passed
through Newcastle, Tuesday, January 28th, 1745-6. A legend has
been handed down to the effect that on the evening of the day named,
he dined with a number of leading citizens, and after dinner said,
* Gentlemen, which of you will lend me £30,000, for I and my army
are in great straits for want of money.' All present looked aghast at
sach a request, except one, who boldly said, * You shall have it in cash
to-morrow,' this being Ralph Carr. * Thank you kindly,' said the
duke, *I do not want the money, but only wished to prove your
loyalty.' The real facts of the matter I have shown. The money was
not all Mr. Carr's own, but received by him as banker from others,
and invested by him in these advances.

It is quite possible that the duke and Mr. Carr conversed upon the
subject, for in a letter of February 4th, addressed to Messrs. Middle-
ton, bankers, London, Mr. Carr acknowledges the receipt of their letter
of the 30th ult., 'announcing the dispatch of £2,000 by carrier.' At
this time postal conmiunication was by stage-waggon, which did not
travel more than about fonr miles an hour, so that it took about four
days for a letter to travel between London and Newcastle by post.
It is therefore quite possible that Ralph Carr may have despatched a
private messenger to Messrs. Middleton & Co., after an interview with
the duke on the 28th, and that Messrs. Middleton's letter of the 30th
announcing the immediate despatch of £2,000, may have been their
prompt response. The Government were obtaining all the gold they

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454 ' THE OLD bank/ NEWCASTLE :

conld for Scodand, where their credit was bad. On December 18th
Mr. Carr wrote again to his friend John Coutts of Edinburgh, ' Re-
garding the scarcity of specie for the payment of the troops, we are still
in the same position. When Mr. Wade's army lay here they drained
this place, and as trade is mnch at a stand, many of their bills still
continae on hand. I have them myself for a considerable snm.' In
another letter to the same friend (February 7th) he says, *Mr. Oal-
craft parted with me ... . and is gone with some Dragoons to
Hnll and Leeds to bring cash.' Again, on March 7th, Mr. Carr writes
to Mr. Contts, 'the last £2,000 (last of the £30,000) is despatched.
If our trade sets in briskly, cash will be more plentiful here, and now
and then I may be able to furnish you with a £1,000.'

I have mentioned Mr. Carr corresponding with his London
agents, Messrs. Middleton. It is necessary that I should give some
little account of this firm, as they had much to do with the starting
of the Newcastle bank. They were originally goldsmiths in St
Martin's lane, near St. Martin's church, and are first named in
1692, when George Middleton had a partner, John Campbell. Geoi^
Middleton died prior to 1748, when George (or John) Campbell
took his clerk, David Bruce, into partnership. In 1753, George
Campbell was trading alone ; he had a niece, Miss Polly Peagram,
with whom James Coutts, a young Scotsman from Edinburgh, fell in
love, and eventually they were married.^ About this time Mr. Camp-
bell took his nephew into partnership, the firm being Campbell &
Coutts. The house of business was near Durham yard in the Strand.
James Coutts was one of the sons of John Coutts, of Edinburgh,
merchant (his portrait is in the possession of the Baroness Burdett-
Coutts). He had four sons, John, James, Patrick, and Thomas.

With this knowledge of the London firm, we can now fully under-
stand an account of the formation of the Newcastle bank, written by
Ralph Carr some years later, He says, ' The Bank has also made
many thous** pounds by the interest of money in their hands, for I

» Newcastle Journal, May 10th to 17th, 1755 i—'Edinbftrgh, May 8th. On
Saturday se'nnight was married at St. George's Church, Hanover Square, Lon-
don, Mr. James Coutts, of Jeffrey's Square, merchant, son to the deceas'd John
Coutts, esq., Lord Provost, of Edinburgh, to Miss Polly Peagram, of Knight V
Bridge, niece to Mr. Campbell, Banker in the Strand, an amiable young lady,
with a fortune of £30,000, and that day the new-married couple set out for
Bath.'

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BEQINNING OF THE BANK. 455

most absurdly charged them with no interest for a great many years,
being my Hobby Horse, and solely begun by myself, on Mr. Campbell's
recommending my beginning a bank in Newcastle, to take his
nephew, the present rich Banker, James Coutts, as first my appren-
tice, and after three years as a partner, for their father, my worthy
friend John Coutts, esq., had beg'd me to be a Father to his four
sons, this accident gave me the first notion of a Bank, and it proved
both advantageous to us and of the utmost service to the country till
too many others started up.' We see, then, that the idea of a bank
pure and simple for Newcastle originated with Mr. Campbell, who
was an early partner in Coutts & Co., and that the Newcastle bank
might have had for its first ' junior,' ' James Coutts, the present rich
Banker.' Acting upon the suggestion of Mr. Campbell, Mr. Carr
eventually entered into partnership with three other gentlemen of
Newcastle, to carry on the busmess of * Bankers & Dealers in Ex-
change.' The first partners were Matthew Bell, John Cookson, Ralph
Carr, and Joseph Airey. The first known deed of partnership, which
is still in existence, is for ten years from January 1st, 1756. The
banking premises were to be at the residence of Mr. Joseph Airey, in
Pilgrim street.^ The paid up capital would be considered marvel-
lously small in the present day, £500 for each partner, or £2,000 in
all, but they were all men of considerable wealth and position.
Unfortunately there is some little uncertainty about the time of their
first opening. The date has hitherto been ascribed to 1755, but it is
likely that it may have been earlier. The Newcastle Gourant, for
August 28rd, 1755, announces that ^Yesterday, Notes were issued
from the Bank Established in this Town by a company of Gentle-
men of Character and Fortune, which will be of infinite Advantage
to this place.' And both the Gourant and Journal of November
22nd and 29th, 1755, advertise the following: — 'Notice is hereby
given that the Newcastle Bank will be opened on Monday next,
at the house late Mr. Robinson's, in Pilgrim Street, where all Busi-

* Miss J. P. Airey, of Bath, writes as follows, January 10th, 1894 : — * I have
re-read the Will (at Durham) of my great-great-grandfather, Thomas Airey of
Newcastle and Killingworth, the father of your Joseph Airey, the banker, and
in it, dated 1770, he leaves his leasehold dwelling house with the appurtenances
situate in Pilgrim Street, which he then inhabited, for the remainder of the term
unexpired at his death, to my great grandfather, Henry Airey. There is no
number or description of the house given by which it can be identified.'

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456 * THE OLD BANK,' NBW0A8TLB :

ness in the Banking and Exchange Way will be transacted as in
London.' This announcement has hitherto been held as proclaiming
the opening of the first bank in Newcastle, but as it was recorded on
August 23rd that the bank was then issuing notes, I think the
announcement of November 22nd simply speaks of a change of
premises, so that we are not yet certain of the precise time or place
that saw the birth of the first bank in our town.

Assuming August, 1755, to be the date of opening, we claim this
to have been the first provincial bank founded in the kingdom.
Lawson, in his History of Banking^ asserts that the notes of this
date were the first ever issued by a country banker. The Woods of
Gloucester, Smiths of Nottingham, and many others, were transacting
business of a banking nature in conjunction with their other business,
but the Newcastle bank had a fixed capital and a deed of partnership
for banking business pure and simple.

In 1762 or 1763, Mr. Joseph Saint became a partner, and the firm
was then Bell, Oookson, Carr, Airey, & Saint. Mr. Airey died near
the end of the year 1770, and his place was taken by Mr. John Wid-
drington (a nephew of Mr. Carr's) on January 2nd, 1771 : the firm
then being Bell, Cookson, Carr, Widdrington, & Saint. The capital
was divided into eighteen parts, the three old partners holding four
shares each, and the two new partners three shares each. ^Messrs.
Widdrington & Saint had to attend to the daily business of the bank
without extra remuneration.'

In 1772 there occurred in the metropolis a terrible money panic,
which was not long in spreading to the provinces. Only one other
bank was in existence in Newcastle, and both required public support.
On June 29th, a meeting was held and a resolution passed to accept
the notes of the banks.

In 1775 another deed of partnership was entered into, under which
Mr. Airey (probably son of the late partner) took Mr. Widdrington's
place, the capital being divided into thirty-two shares : Messrs. Bell,
Cookson, Carr, and Airey, each held seven, and Mr. Saint four, the
latter to attend gratis to the business of the firm. In the directory
of 1778, the bank is described as *The Old Bank,' and occupying
premises near the end of Silver street, probably the same that they
moved to in 1755.

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'JOHN WIDDRINGTON AND CAELYLE OF INVBRBSK.' 457

Mr. Cookson and Mr. Saint both died in 1788. On January Ist,
1784, a new partnership was entered into between Messrs. Bell, Carr,
Cookson (Isaac, son of John, the late partner), Widdrington, James
Wilkinson, and Thomas Gibson, Mr. Oookson taking the place of his
father, Messrs. Wilkinson and Gibson being admitted in Mr. Saint's
room. 'Each of the first three partners held fonr shares out of
eighteen, Widdrington held three, while the two last named held three
half shares each, and were bound to attend daily without remuneration.
The style of the bank was to be Messrs. Bell, Carr, Cookson, Wid-
drington, & Co.*

Vol. X. of our Archaeologia Asliana contains a charming paper
by the late James Clephan, entitled ' John Widdrington of the Old
Bank, and Carlyle of Inveresk.* It gives an interesting account of
the times, and shows how useM it was for the traveller to be on
good terms with the few country bankers that then existed. The
reverend doctor and three notable friends were returning from the
south. Ere they reached Durham, says Mr. Clephan : —

They found their purse was failing, and that they must put themselyes
severely on short commons. 'I was sensible/ says Carlyle, (the appointed
treasurer of the band,) * that we should run out before we came to Newcastle.'
it was expedient that they should push forward, and cross the Tyne early in the
day to secure supplies. This they might have accomplished, * had we not been
seduced by a horse-race we met near Chester-le-Street, which we could not
resist, as some of us had never seen John Bull at his favourite amusement.
There was a great crowd, and the Mrs. and Misses Bull made a favourite part
of the scene, their equipages being single and double horses, sometimes triple, and
many of them ill-mounted ; ' the equestrian members of the illustrious family of
Bull utterly unconscious that they were sitting for their portraits 1 The riders,
well-mounted or ill, hastened on their headlong way, < with a keenness, eagerness,
violence of motion, and loudness of vociferation, that appeared like madness to
us ; for we thought them in extreme danger, by their crossing and jostling in
aU directions, at the full gallop ; and yet none of them fell. Having tired our
horses with this diversion (continues Carlyle) we were obliged to halt at an inn
to give them a little com, for we had been four hours on horse-back, and we had
nine miles to Newcastle. Besides com to four horses, and a bottle of Porter to
our man Anthony, I had jast two shillings remaining, but I could only spare
one of them, for we had turnpikes to pay, and we called for a pint of port, which
mixed with a quart of water, made a good drink for each of us. Our horses and
their riders being both jaded, it was ten o'clock before we arrived in Newcastle.
There we got an excellent supper, etc., and a good night's sleep. I sent for Jack
V^iddrington when at breakfast, who immediately gave us what we wanted ;
and we, who had been so penurious for three days, became suddenly extrava-

VOL. XYI. ® 3

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458 * THE OLD BANK,* NEWCASTLE :

gant. Adam bonght a £20 horse, and the rest of ns what trinkets we wanted :
Bobertson for his wife and children at Oladsmnir, and Home and I for the
children at Polwarth manse.'

Mr. Oarr retired from the bank on 81st December, 1787, bat he
has left letters and papers that a£ford a fidl and most interesting
record of the bank's transactions.^

The balance sheets for the early years of their trading are still in
existence, and from them it appears that at the end of the first year
the note issue was £18,523 18s. 4d., Hhe odd money may be from
the cost of production being included.' The deposits exceeded
£10,000, £11,502 28. 7d. was in the hands of Messrs. Vere, Glyn,
& Hallifax, London, and £505 with Coutts & Go. ; cash in hand,
£8,000; discounts^ £18,000. There was one overdraft of about
£1,000. The profit for the year was £1,017 19s. 7d. Lord Ravens-
worth, Robert Ellison, jun., the Newcastle Infirmary, and Marine
Society were amongst the depositors. In the year 1758, the profit was
£8^522, which constituted the first dividend. There was difBculty in
employing the 'deposits profitably in genuine banking business in
the neighbourhood,' and on April 18th the following resolution was

Whereas the sums advanced by us on notes and accepted bills are found
insufficient to employ the cash in our hands, we have agreed that any sum or
sums of money not exceeding £7,000 be lent out.

A letter of September 15th, 1767, to Mr. John Moses of Hull,
shows how the note circulation was increased.

Our bank remits for many of the large estates in these counties at the two
terms in bills at 40 days at i per cent., which in fact is receiving and remitting
their money for nothing, as it always happens in May, that bills are 4 per cent,
premium, and we are then obliged to send many thousand pounds by land
carriage to London. Our only advantage is, that the gentlemen in Northumber-
land order their tenants to take payment for their corn in our notes, but no
trade of this kind is carry'd on in the county of Durham. Our Gentlemen have
formerly suffered greatly by their agents taking bad bills.

The manner in which overdrafts were negociated is shown by a
letter (March 15th, 1768) to Messrs. Charles and Robert Falls, of
Dunbar : —

' From which much of my information is derived, and my best thanks are
due for the courtesy I have received from the present representatives of the
family.

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TTJRNOVBE OF THE BANK IN 1776. 459

Our bank at the closing of their books last year resolved to keep stricktlj to
their original rates, which they find absolutely necessary, one of which was that
all single Merchants or Houses having cash accounts 8h<^ give a bond to the bank
with some other person as a security for the re-payment of all money that may
be due to the extent agreed upon, and this is accordingly comply*d with by the
first people in this country, and therefore no possibility that any can take it
amiss being an established practice at all banks.

The balance sheet for 1771 gives a total of £141,340 ; discounts,
£53,202; bills of exchange, £43,660 ; 20 overdrafts; 42 depositors;
note issue, close on £82,000 ; profit, £3,705. During the year 1772
occurred a serious panic. In 1773 the business fell to £140,000 ;
note issue, £102,000 ; and a profit of only £3,000 remained.

Business revived in the next year, the balance sheet showing
£234,660 ; the capital had been increased to £8,000 ; and the note
circulation had risen to £170,000.

In 1776 the turnover was £278,708 ; cash in the bank, £53,853 ;
bills of exchange, £49,744; with Hallifax; Mills, Glyn, & Co., £36,093 ;
Castell, Whately, & Powell (bankers, London), £11,767 ; navy bills,
£14,609 ; bank stock, £8,500 ; 3^ per cent, annuities, £1,799 ; at the
Bank of England, £443 ; overdrafts, about £38,000 ; the note issue was
£180,000 ; the capital, £8,000 ; 52 depositors, £85,000 in amount ;
profit, £5,712. Amongst the names of the customers are Bigge,
Riddell, Williamson, CoUingwood, Askew, Isaacson, Ravensworth,
Headlam, Loraine, Clennell, Ellison, Fawcett, Dockwray, and others.

In the next year there was a great Mling oflF, probably from other
banks starting ; total, £183,037 ; deposits were £48,000 less ; and
notes less by £52,000. From a letter that was lost in the post,
containing two bills, which were advertised for in the Newcastle
paper, March, 1778, we find that one of the missing documents was
drawn at thirty days after date upon Oastell, Whately, & Powell,
bankers, London (who failed about 1802). 'Signed for Bell, Cookson,
Carr, Widdrington, and self, Jos. Saint.*

A meeting of country bankers was held at the * York Tavern,* in
York, on June 6th, 1783, 'to protest and agitate against a tax on
bills of exchange, promissory notes, bank notes,' etc., for which Lord
John Cavendish had carried a motion in the House of Commons.
Twelve country bankers are named, and at the head of the list are
Messrs. Bell, Cookson^ Oarr, and Widdrington.

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460 'THE OLD BANK,' NEWCASTLE :

Mr. Garr*8 reasons for quitting the bank are shown by the follow-
ing accounts left by himself: —

Too often I have lost many thousand pounds by haying large sums in their
(the bank's) hands, and wanted to buy stocks or other advantageous purposes.
They could not pay me on the peace with America of which I had early intelli-
gence. This prevented my buying stock to the amount of 12 to £1 5^000, by
which I evidently lost, as I showed to them circa £6,800, for, on examining
their discounts then in 1785 with Mr. Gibson, we found discounts of near a
hundred thousand pounds Intirely locked up and they could not pay me and
the same has repeatedly happen'd. I always had large sums in the bank, and

Messis and .... were generally greatly in debt to the bank,

and were in fact the cause of my loss. I also lost by Mr upwards

of £6,000, for when I bought .... of him at £17,000, 1 ordered the bank
to sell out £12,000 3 per cent, stock, then at 97 per cent, and they got the
licences from the Bank of England for that purpose, and it is in their hands to

this day, but Mr could not make a title for me till 1793, when stock

had fallen to £48, and I still have that stock to my great loss.

On December Slst, 1787, Mr. Carr writes : —

Having from this time quitted the bank, and turned over my share to Sir
John Eden and Sir Mathew Ridley, for if I had continued a banker it should
have been on such terms so as to have taken in no other Partners, Dor were they
necessary, as my fortune alone of near a Hundred Thousand Pounds, was a
sufficient security to the Publick as not being under settlements. The annual
settlements of our Banking Accounts are in Small Books to which I refer, as I
always placed my Bank Profits out to Interest with other savings. I calculate
I have at this day made more than Forty Thousand Pounds by my concern in
the bank, but now that so many Banks are begun here and everywhere, the
business is spoiled and must be attended with daily hazard, and their competi-
tions disgraceful I wish my nephew J. W. was clear of it.

We know that in 1787, there were three other banks in Newcastle,
and as the population of the town was only about 15,000, and the
commerce of the district insignificant in comparison with its present
volume, the competition must indeed have been keen. Doubtless
Messrs. Davison-Bland & Co. (now Lambton & Co.) was one of the
banks referred to in the remark, ' so many banks are b^^n here,* as
they were forming their establishment at this very date (December,
1787).

In 1786 Mr. Bell died, and the names of Sir John Eden and Sir
Matthew White Ridley, barts., were added, they bein^ trustees for
Matthew Bell, grandson of the late partner. When Mr. Carr retired,
the firm was Sir John Eden, Sir Matthew White Ridley, Oookson,
Widdrington, & Co,

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POBMATION OP MOSLBY AND DEAN STREBTS. 461

In May, 1784, street alterations were commenced, which ended in
1789, in the formation of Mosley and Dean streets, and by 1790, the
bank was established at the sonth comer of Mosley and Pilgrim streets,
and these premises have been used for banking purposes from then
until the present time. Mr. Bell's eldest son came of age towards the
end of 1791, when his name was added to the firm, also that of Sir
Matthew White Ridley, bart., who now became a partner in his own
right, the firm being Ridley, Cookson, Widdrino^ton, Bell, & Co. Sir
John Eden's name drops out, but as he had been only a partner as
trustee for young Mr. Bell, who had attained his majority, the omis-
sion is accounted for.

We now come to the eventful year 1793. In April, the com-
mencement of hostilities with Prance operated unfavourably upon
public credit, and caused a serious run upon the provincial banks. On
the 8th of the month, all the Newcastle banks had to suspend payment
in specie. The same day a public meeting was held, and every effort
made to restore public confidence. It was resolved that the banks
' were of unquestionable credit, and entitled to the confidence of the
public in the fullest extent,' and that those present would readily
accept their notes. A committee of sixteen gentlemen was appointed
to investigate the affairs of the banks generally, and to report. On the
same day, the following notice was issued by the bankers : —

Newcastle, 9th April, 1793.

Messrs. Ridley, Cookson, & Company, Surtees, Burdon, & Company, Baker,
Hedley, & Company. R. J. Lambton & Company.

Finding that notwithstanding the liberal offer of support, made at the
meeting yesterday, the pablic alarm still continues to occasion such considerable
and unusual demands for gold, that those funds, which, a few days ago, were
greatly superior to every probable exigency, are now found not adequate to the
present immediate circumstances of the country, think it their duty to request
the indulgence of the public for a short interval, for the purpose of supplying
themselves with such additional funds, as the present extraordinary demands
make necessary.

On the following day a guarantee was entered into by the merchants
and townspeople, and it eventually rose to nearly half a million.
Similar meetings were held in the neighbouring towns, public confi-
dence was somewhat re-established, and cash payments resumed on
Saturday, April 20th. In 1797 another panic occurred, which was
met and tided over in a similar way.

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462 * THE OLD BANK,' NEWCASTLE :

Mr. Cookson retired in 1796, and Mr. Widdrington died in 1797,
The firm then became Ridley, Bell, Wilkinson, and Gibson. Mr.
Wilkinson died in 1800 (another account says 1802), and the firm
became 'Ridley, Bell, and Gibson.' On January 1st, 1803, George
Gibson, brother of Thomas, entered the firm. In June of this year,
trouble again occurred in the Newcastle banks. On the 80th of this
month, Messrs. Surtees, Burdon, & Co. were obliged to close their
doors. On the same day a public meeting was held, and signatures
solicited of those who would undertake to accept the notes of the
remaining banks. The list sets forth the names of some four hund-
red firms and private individuals, who pledge themselves to accept the
paper of Sir M. W. Ridley, Bell, & Co., Sir Wm. Loraine, Baker, &
Co., R. J. Lambton & Co., and Messrs. Batson & Co.

I have been most fortunate in discovering the original sheets refer-
ring to this guarantee; they are in the possession of W. Boyd, esq., of
Benton, who has most kindly allowed me to make faC'Similes of them.
They do not contain all the names that are upon the printed list, but
doubtless, these are the first sheets signed at the meeting. Other names
would be added in the course of the following days, and then the whole
prepared for the press. Many of these signatures will be of deep
interest to Novocastrians, none more so than that of Ralph Carr, the
founder of the Old Bank, nearly half a century before.

Mr. (Jeorge Gibson died in 1806, and in the following year,
August 17th, Charles William Bigge of Eslington House, Northum-
berland, was admitted to the firm, Mr. Bell having retired. On
October 8rd of the same year, Thomas Hanway Bigge of Benton
(brother of Chas. Wm. Bigge), and William Boyd of Newcastle, were
admitted into the partnership, the firm now being styled Ridley,
Bigge, Gibson, & Co. In April, 1813, Sir M. W. Ridley died, and his
son succeeded to the title and to his father's share in the bank. The
younger Sir Matthew had only been a partner two years, when diflScul-
ties again arose in the banking world. On July 22, 1815, a meeting
was held at Mr. Forster's long room. Pilgrim street, of several owners
of land in the counties of Durham and Northumberland, John Carr
of Dunston, esq., in the chair, when the notes of Ridley & Co., Loraine
& Co., Lambton & Co., and Reed & Co. were once again agreed to be
accepted. A few days after^ a manifesto was issued by the * merchants

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BRANCH BANK OP ENGLAND ESTABLISHED IN NEWCASTLE. 463

and tradesmen,' stating that they have the most * unlimited confidence
in the solidity' of the banks just named. In the following year
Messrs. Loraine retired from banking circles, and once again was it
necessary to pledge the credit of the three existing banks. It would
be at various times dm*ing these panics that squibs and skits regard-
ing rag-money were issued.

The next break in the partnership was in December, 1824, when
Mr. Thomas Hanway Bigge died. On January 1, 1825, Charles
John Bigge, eldest son of Mr. Charles Wm. Bigge, was admitted a
partner, and on January 1, 1827, Robert Boyd, son of Mr. William
Boyd, was admitted to the firm.

The branch of the Bank of England was established in Newcastle
in 1828. Messrs. Ridley & Co. soon opened an account with them.
In February, 1829, the members of the firm were : Sir M. W. Ridley,
Chas. Wm. Bigge, Thomas Gibson, William Boyd, Chas. John Bigge,
and Robt. Boyd.

On the 8rd of September, 1832, Thomas Gibson departed this
Ufe, and his nephew, John Spedding, jun., was added to the firm,
the style now being. Sir M. W. Ridley, bart., Chas. Wm. Bigge, &
Co. The concluding account of the history of the bank I copy from
the interesting MS. of Mr. William Boyd : —

On Friday the 15th of July, 1836, Sir Matthew White Ridley, Bart., died of
apoplexy, at Richmond in Surrey, to which place he had gone from his residence
at Carlton Terrace, for change of air, and by an article in the partnership deeds
of the firm, his son (now Sir Matthew White Ridley, Bart.) succeeds to his
father's interest and shares in the bank, and the business is carried on without
any alteration in the style of the firm. This partnership by a special agreement
was stipulated to be carried on for three years, viz., for 1837, 1838, and 1839,
when it was to cease and determine ; at the end of that time it was understood,
— indeed it was the declared wish of Sir M. W. Ridley to disconnect himself
with business, and retire from the bank, which for so many years had been a
source of great profit to his father and grandfather. The other partners there-
fore took steps to remedy the chasm which would be made in the establishment
by the retiring of Sir M. W. Ridley, and after several schemes and negotiations,
it was determined to join a Joint Stock Bank which had been established some
years in Newcastle, under the title of The Northumberland and Durham District
Bank.

This was accomplished on the 20th March, 1839, The whole

weight and influence of the Old Bank was thrown into the scale of

the new establishment around which all the old friends aud cubtomers

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464 ' THE OLD BANK/ NEWCAbTLE :

of Ridley, Bi^e, & Company rallied, which had the eflfect of making
the District Bank the largest establishment in the north of England,
Bidley & Co., transferring in money, bills of exchange, promissory
notes, mortgages, and customers' accounts, to the extent of upwards
of £800,000.

It has been stated that all the Mends of Ridley & Co. rallied
round the new establishment ; to this there were three exceptions, all
of whom had been under great obligations to Ridley & Co. One of
them especially had an advance of nearly £19,000 granted during the
panic of 1825-6. This house coald not pay a shilling in liquidation
of this enormous debt, and it was foolishly imagined that these men
might have had some gratitude for favours received, but they were
actuated by other feelings and removed their accounts to other houses ;
they certainly paid the debt after 1839, it having been considerably
reduced previously to that time, but the Old Bank was still obliged to
accommodate them and take their promissory notes, payable at distant
periods, for the balance due in 1839.

Messrs. Bigge, Boyd, & Spedding became large shareholders in the
District Bank; Mr. C. J. Bigge, Mr. Robert Boyd, and Mr. Spedding
being appointed directors. Thus ended the career of this notable
firm, the first provincial bank in the kingdom, which had successfully
weathered the storms and gales of the banking world for 84 years.

The Old Bank had a very large note issue ; after the amalgamation
this papei was withdrawn and the circulation confined to the notes of
the Bank of England.

I now give some miscellaneous items that I have gathered
regarding the business of the Old Bank.

One of the early transactions of the newly-formed bank was the
issue of lottery tickets, that most reprehensible system of gambling
supported by the Government for so many years. The Newcastle
Journal^ September 8th, 1759, says : — 'Any person wanting tickets in
the present State Lottery may be supplied at the Newcastle Bank on
the same terms as at London.' Some local speculator seems to have
been fortunate, as in the balance sheet of 1774 one of the items is a
lottery ticket for £10,000, it was probably lodged for collection.

The practice of opening subscription lists for various public pur-
poses, at the banks, appears to have been of early origin. The
Courant of September, 1759, announces : —

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ISSUE OF LOTTERY TICKETS, ETC. 465

* Whereas at this time of imminent danger the speedy recruiting
of His Majesty's forces seems most expedient for the public service.

' Resolved unanimously ** That a subscription be forthwith opened
at the Newcastle Bank for an immediate voluntary contribution to be
distributed in bounties. Each man to have £2 2s. over Government
money." '

In 1772, the question of maintaining the standard of gold coin was
perplexing the Government in the early days of banking, as it has so
often done since. The receivers of public revenue were empowered to
cut and deface all unlawfully diminished coin that should be tendered
to them in payment; and all gold coin under the weight specified
was to be considered by them as unlawftdly diminished. But for the
accommodation of the holders of light money, the receivers were em-
powered to accept all such cut money in payment at the rate of £3 18s.
per ounce, and the Bank of England would purchase cut money at
the same rate. On July 3 1st, the Bank of England gave notice that
any quantity of guineas, half-guineas, and quarter-guineas (cut and
defaced agreeable to the act), not less than fifty guineas in a parcel,
would be taken in on Monday, August 2nd, and every Monday,
Wednesday, and Saturday, till further notice at the rate of £3 178.
lO^d. per ounce. By an act of Parliament made in king William's
reign, and still unrepealed, ^ whoever takes or pays away any milled
money, not cut to pieces, for less than it passed current when first
coined, shall be deemed guilty of felony, and suffer death accordingly.'

Arrangements were subsequently made with some of the provincial
banks, to clear the country of the light money, the Newcastle bank,
being one so engaged, as they announced on August 10th, 1774,
' Messrs. Bell, Cookson, Carr, Widdrington, & Saint, give Notice that
attendance will be given at the sign of the Black Bull, in Wooler, on
Thursday next at nine o'clock in the morning, to exchange the light
money according to His Majesty's Proclamation and Appointment.'
Made July 29th, 1773. The confidence in their notes was such that
within two years of their establishment it is announced, ' We hear that
the Collector of Excise for the County of Northumberland will take
Newcastle Bank Notes in payment for duty or give cash for them
when upon his collection.'

The following letter from Matthew Bell to Ralph Carr, who was

VOL. XVI. H 3

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466 'THE OLD bank/ NEWCASTLE :

evidently in London, is interesting, as it shows the oommenceroent of
the £1 issue. It is dated February 6th, 1758 :—

I was desired [by the other members of the firm at their annual meeting] to
send you the enclosed to have a plate cut for twenty shilling notes, one pound
in the body of the note, and the twenty shillings at the bottom are both
intended to be in the like hand that the sam is wrote in in the notes of the
Bank of England, and a scrawl in the left hand. Tou will hear of the man
who cut the plate for the other notes at Vere*s, he lives in Wine License Goort
in Fleet Street, it wo'd be well you co*d bring it down with you, if you give the
engraver a short day he will oblige you, if you indulge him, he will not be
punctual, you must also provide a large quantity of a strong tough paper for
these notes.

I have a copy of a note, which is doubtless from the plate
referred to, as it is dated in the following month, and bears out the
instructions given. It was probably the first one pound note issued
in the provinces.

The old banks in their early days were subject to the forgery of
their notes. Perhaps the earliest and most interesting instance occurs
in 1765. Amongst the Carr papers still exists the following letter : —

Edinburgh, November 21st, 1766.
Dear Sir, — Mr. Cookson and I are called to this place on account of our
having last week discovered a forgery of two of our five pound bank notes, and
being informed that your bank as well as the Boyal and British Linen Compos,
are in the same situation, we wou'd request your informing me if you have got
already any lights and what they are in this dark affair — ^how many notes you
have detected, and whether you think it proper to pay them— it is thought here
that the whole forgerys have been done in Ireland — if you have the names and
descriptions of any of the accomplices please to fav»" us with them directly to
the care of John Forrest, Esq',

We are now able to throw the light upon these forgeries that Mr.
Carr so longed for when in Edinburgh. The forger was really a
Newcastle man, and no less a personage than the principal engraver
in the town, Thomas Jameson. A newspaper of the day says : —

Last Monday was committed to Newgate Thomas Jameson, an engraver in
this town, who had a few days before been apprehended at Edinburgh, charged
with counterfeiting about a dozen of five pound notes of the Newcastle Bank.
But we hear the greater part of them are come in, and have been paid, so that
*tis hoped a total stop is put to this pernicious fraud.

It was shown that a woman, named Jean Grey, had been detected
in uttering a forged note of the Newcastle bank, value £6. Upon
her examination, she accused Jameson, an engraver, with whom she

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FOBOERIBS OP THOMAS JAMESON. 467

lived, as the person from whom she got it, and said that she had
seen him engrave and fill up notes, of which she made oath of the
truth and signed her examination before a magistrate. Upon this
evidence Jameson was committed to the assizes. By the time the trial
came on there, Grey had relented. She knew that her evidence must
convict her lover, and that his punishment would be death. She
therefore

boldly denied what she preyiously made oath of, upon which the judge ordered
an indictment to be drawn for perjury with intent to take away the life of a
man who had been tried and found innocent. She was tried in an hour, found
guilty, sentenced to be piUoried and transported seven years. On August 2,
1766, a temporary pillory was erected upon the Sandhill, Newcastle, and Jean
Grey for the crime of perjury was exalted and stood therein one hour at midday,
as an example of public shame, in the presence of many thousands of spectators
who behayed towards her with great decency and humanity. Grey lived in the
High Bridge, and was famous for making ezceUent mutton pies, to which she
returned at the expiration of her banishment, and resumed the making of pies,
for which she had a greater demand than before.

It would appear that Jameson resumed his business, as in the
Newcastle Directory for 1788, under * Engravers ' we have Beilby and
Bewick, south side of St. Nicholas's churchyard ; Thomas Jameson,
ditto. But in one of the lives of Bewick it is stated that Jameson's
business fell oflF, which brought the other firm very rapidly to the
front.

Another forgery was committed upon the bank in 1799, which
might have proved of very great inconvenience, had it not been
nipped in the bud by the prompt and energetic action of Mr. Boyd.
He has left a most graphic account of the chase and capture of the
forger, which I copy from the MS. in his own writing: —

ACCOUNT OF Lough the Fobgbb.

On Wednesday the 23rd of October, 1799, between the hoars of 10 and 11 in
the forenoon, a decent, well-dressed young man entered the Newcastle Bank
and presented nine twenty shilling notes to Mr. Qeo. Gibson, the cashier. On
looking them over he immediately knew eight of them to be forged, and carried
them into the inner room to Mr. Wilkinson, one of the partners, who caUed Mr.
Marshall and myself into the room where he was, and informed us of the cir-
cumstance. The person who presented them was then called for. On enquiring
where he had got the notes then lying on Mr. Wilkinson's desk, he answered he
could not tell of whom he had received them, and on further enquiry said his
name was Lough, that he travelled for the house of Messrs. Cooperthwaite & Co.,
of London, and that at present he was upon his round, that he received the notes

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468 ' THE OLD BAITK,' NEWCASTLE :

in qaeation in the neighbourhood of Carlisle, and that having offered them with
others at the house of Messrs. Toritus in Carlisle for the purpose of procuring a
bill upon London to remit to his employers, Toritus told him that eight of the
notes were forged, and that they could not take them, upon which he took a
seat in the diligence and came to Newcastle to get value for them. Mr. Wilkin-
son informed him that he would not give cash for them, but desired him to call in
a short time, and that he should have a final answer. Lough asked in how short
a time, Mr. Wilkinson answered at any time before 3 o'clock in the afternoon
at which time the bank closed. Three o'clock arrived, but Lough returned not.
He was of course strongly suspected as being concerned in the forgery, and
enquiry having been made for him at Sunderland's Inn where the Carlisle
coach comes to, it was found he had not been there since the morning, and had
left his bill unpaid, it was then determined that some person should be sent in
pursuit of him, and as it was suspected that he had taken the Carlisle road
which he had come the day before, after procuring a warrant to apprehend him
I set off about six o'clock in a post chaise with Manners the county bailiff for
the purpose of pursuing him. We made several enquiries on the road, but got
no intelligence till we arrived at Heddon-on-the- Wall, when describing his dre»
and person to a woman who lives In a public house in that village she thought
she remembered to have seen a person answering the description pass her house
in the forenoon of that day. We then proceeded to Harlow Hill where we found
that Lough had dined, and not being able to procure a post chaise had proceeded
to Hexham on foot. We then resumed our journey, and arrived at Hexham at
ten in the evening. On enquiring for Lough we found he had been there some
time ago, and that he had enquired for a post chaise to take him forward to-
wards Carlisle, but not being able to procure one he hired a horse to carry him
to Glenwhelt. We found from the landlady of the Golden Lion at Hexham that
he had lived there from the Friday preceding till the Tuesday, when he went in
the diligence to Newcastle, and that before he had set off for Glenwhelt he had
packed up a trunk and parcel, and had given them to the Alston carrier. We
found the carrier in bed, and told him we had a warrant to apprehend the person
who had left with him the trunk and parcel, and that he must deliver them to
us. After some hesitation he complied, and we found them directed to * Richard
Thompson, Milmerby, to be left at Alston till called for, carriage paid.' These
we committed to the charge of Mrs. Hutchinson at the Golden Lion till we re-
turned. On enquiring of her whether Thompson (for he went by that name in
Hexham) had discharged his bill, she said he had, and that he behaved very
decently whilst in her house, but they wondered very much what his business
could be, as he never stirred out of the house, and did not seem to be acquainted
with any person ; she said he paid his bill on Tuesday when he set out for New-
castle with a Scotch note, but that this afternoon he had given her a 20s. New-
castle note. I immediately requested to see this last note; Mrs. H. said she had
it not, for not having silver sufficient to change it she had sent it to a
neighbour for that purpose. The person was then sent to who returned the note
by a servant of the inn, and I found it to be a forged note. We immediatelj
proceeded in a chaise with four horses to Glenwhelt; the keeper of the turnpike
gate remembered to have seen a man answering Lough's description pass through
the gate on a brown horse and enquiring the road to Glenwhelt. At Haydon

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LOUGH THB FOEaBR. 469

Bridge he had passed nnobserved ; at Haltwhistle the landlord of the inn in-
formed as that a person such as we described had called there on the preceding
evening (it being now the morning of the 24th October) and had got a glass of
spirit without alighting and enquired how far it was to Glenwhelt. To this place
we proceeded, and learnt from the servant of the inn that the person we were
in quest of was in the house and in bed. We ordered the landlord to be called,
and on being made acquainted with our business readilj granted us his assist-
ance. We now proceeded to the bed room where Lough slept, and having
entered the room found the object of our search. The bailiff immediately
arrested him, his clothes being searched we found a red morocco pocket book
and a parcel resembling a half bound octavo book wrapped in a handbill, and
tied with a piece of string, the pocket book contained a variety of memorandums
and a letter to Mr. Blair, White Lion Inn, Carlisle. On opening the parcel it
was found to contain the engraved plate from which the notes had been struck, and
about 200 notes ready ^f or filling up (on being counted the parcel contained 196
notes). During our stay at Glenwhelt Lough avoided all conversation, and only
gave evasive answers to all the questions put to him during our journey to
Newcastle, where we arrived at one o'clock, p.m. On searching Lough^s trunk
16 notes filled up and ready for circulating were found in a small book of the
roads with the following letters on its back — R. L., 1799. After being examined
by the magistrates he was fully committed to take his trial at the next assizes.
Lough remained about three months in gaol, and contrived with three other
prisoners to make a hole in the wall of the prison through which he and two
others escaped. Lough's chains were found in the plantation at Fenham ; he
proceeded to Liverpool, took shipping for America, and was never after heard of.

W. Boyd.

A local paper tells how Lough and two other prisoners eflFected
their escape : * Wrenching a bar from the inside of the chimney of
their cell, they forced their way up the chimney to the roof of the
prison, whence, cutting their bed-clothes and knotting the pieces
together which they tied to a sun-dial on the roof, tiiey descended to
the field adjoining Glallowgate. Another man attempted to escape at
the same time, but being rather corpulent, he stuck fast in the chimney
and could neither get out or back Again till he was assisted down by
the keeper.' Two of the men were recaptured, but Lough escaped.

From time to time various interesting advertisements appear
regarding the loss of the notes of this bank.

January 22, 1757. A promissory note, No. 680, dated the 16th
February, 1756, for £40 payable to Thomas Aubone or bearer, and
issued by Matthew Bell, Esq., and Company, is lost, and a reward of
five guineas offered for its recovery.

March 6, 1756. Lost, ^ an old bank note for £100. As it is not
yet restored, though ten guineas' reward has been offered, it's probable

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470 *THB OLD BAlfK,* NEWCASTLE.

the person who fonnd it is resolved to keep it. That sach dishonesty
may be brought to light 'tis earnestly entreated that such as are
possessed of an old hundred pounds note will send them to the bank
oflSce, where they will get other notes or money to the value, or if that
be inconvenient, they will please to acquaint Mr. James Spencer, Secre-
tary to the bank, of their names or places of abode, and the number
and date of the notes they have.' Another announcement records the
loss of a £20, Mate in the possession of William Smith, surgeon,' the
owner does not know the number but offers a reward of five guineas to
anyone who has lately paid him a £20, and can give such particulars
as will lead to finding the number of the lost note — information to be
given to Mr. Henry Aiskell, attorney, in the Middle street.

These early notes were all issued in the name of the first holder or
bearer, and were afterwards freely circulated.

One of the firm, Mr. William Boyd, took a great interest in the
various methods used to prevent forgery. A letter from him to Mr.
Barnes dated May 10, 1822, has a long account regarding forged notes
and paper and says, 'Mr. Bewick spent all one afternoon examining
some paper you sent,* and adds, * our notes have not been forged for
twenty years,' and lays daim to general good workmanship and certain
red flourishes which are very difficult to imitate.

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471

INDEX

A F, 8ilversmith*0 mark, 259; with
mallet below, 267

^ ^ I silversmiths' marks, 259

A I, silversmith's initials, 268

A S linked, silversmith's mark, 263

AhalUvca « Papcastle, 826

Aberbrothick, abbey of, 177, 181, 188

Abercroml^, Robert, silversmith, 265

Aberdeen, Kin^s College chapel at, 892

Acklington, ancient fanns in, 154

Acre, customary, 126

Acta Sanctorum., 82

Acton, lands at, 297

Adamson family, 178-175

Adamson, Rev. C. E., on the manor of

Haltwhistle, 162 ; on church of, 177
Adamson, Horatio A., 274 ; account of

' Sparrow Hall,' CuUercoats, 285
Adamson, John, 172
Addingham, Yorkshire, 856
Adrian lY., a bull of, 268
AesicOf 91

'^hse ' or *Echse,' probably AeHca^ 91
Agricultural CommvnUies of the

Middle Ages, 124n
Agriculture, township organization of,

ascribed to Romans, 128
Aidan, St., at Haltwhistle, 181, 185
Aidan's well at Bamburffh, 185
Ainslie, John, captain of Norham, 366n
Airey family, the, 194
Airey, John, 194; committed to gaol

for refusing to take oath of allegiance, .

194
Airey, Henry, 280, 455
Airey, Joseph, partner in Old Bank,

455; bank at the residence of, 455;

died, 456
Airey, Thomas, 280, 455
Airey, Miss J. P., 455
Aiskell, Henry, attorney. Middle street,

Newcastle, 470
Aletasters, 58; oath, 68
Alfrid, king, 90

AUeine, Jonathan, silversmith, 265
Allendale, Rev. R. Patten priest of, 98
Allendale town, communion plate of, 261
Allenson, John, 194

* Allington' and 'Halleystone* parishes,

list of papists in, in 1715, 111
Aln, Twyf ord on, 88
Alnham communion cup, 260
Alnwick, Lord Surrey at, 7, 856
Alnwick abbey founded, 800; abbot of,

116
Alston communion vessel, 259
Alwinton parish, ancient farms in, 158
Alwinton communion cup and flagon,

260
Amble, ancient farms in, 154
Amsterdam, a Hanse town, 217
Ancient Armour, Meyrick, 445
Ancient farms of Northumberland, 121
Ancroft communion plate, 262
Anderson, Abraham, Newcastle gold-
smith, 425
Anderson, Francis, of Howdon Pans,
401 ; a member of Newcastle gold-
smiths* company, 400; a confec-
tioner, 400 ; petition to mayor, 401
Anecdote of duke of Cumberland and

Ralph Carr, 458
Angerton, High and Low, ancient farms

in, 158; terrier, 153
Ang^s left Scottish army before battle

of Flodden, 5n
Animal*s head erased, silversmith mark,

268
Anklam, one of the Hanse towns, 217
Annales Camhriae, quoted, 86 n
Anne of Brittany and James lY., 4
Annual reports, i, xxi
Antiquaries,' * Death and the, 123;t
Apostolic emblems on medieval cross,

46
Apperley, appropriation, etc., of church

of, given to Blanchland, 297
Appleby, Elizabethan cup at, 256
Arbroath, abbey of, 177, 181, 183
Archaeologia referred to, 443»
Archaeologia Aeliarui', 110, 297, 351n,

36171, 372», 457
Archaeologistj T?ie lllnstrated.TeierTed

to, 82771
Archaeological Journal, 121n
Archaic method of cultivating common

fields, 189
Argyle, earl of, at Flodden, 28; slain,
81, 870

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472

INDEX.

Arkle, Thomas, 133 ; affidavit of, as to
ancient farms in Elsdon, 154

Arms of Rhodes and Thornton on Sedge-
field hell, 392; of Bnrdon, Sedgefield
church, 394

Armstrong, H., cnrate of Slalev, 842

Amheim, one of the Hanse towns. 217

Arnold's close, CuUercoats, 275, 282

Arras, MS. life of St, Cuthhert at, 88

* Arte of Watre^ the, 864»i

Arthur, King, and the round tahle, 800

Ashley's Ecfmomic History^ 122n, 12dn

Askew, 459

Assay office, Newcastle, re-estahlished,
403; attempts to abolish, 408; James
Clephan on, 409; discontinuance of
the, 409

Astallo Astalli, cardinal priest of S.
Prisca,271

Aston and Cote, Oxfordshire, manor of,
fishing rights of tenants, 180

Atkinson, John, of CuUercoats, 285

Atkinson, William, silversmith, 264; of
Lowlights, 290 ; Eleanor, wife of, 290

Attorney-General t? Trevelyan, 141

Aubigny in France, Roman tombstone
at, 325

Aubone, Thomas, 469

Auckland, Bishop (see Bishop Auck-
land) ; castle, communion cup, 264

AuckUnd St. Helens, patens, 265, 266;
cup, 267

Augsburg, Ford communion cup of, 262

<AuU' of Romans, 125

Aussi, M. d', landing at Dumbarton,
355, 364 et seq,

Austold, James, Newcastle goldsmith,
400

Austria, Catholics of Greek rite in,
keep Easter according to Eastern
calendar, 86»

Aycliffe church, 387 ; communion cup,
265; paten, 264

Aynsley, Robert, apprentice to New-
castle goldsmiths' company, 439;
not admitted on account of embezzle-
ment, 439

B, C, silversmiths' initials, 263 ; linked,
259

B, R, silversmiths' initials, 263

B, W, with fleiir de lis below, silver-
smiths' mark, 263

B, W and I B, Newcastle silversmiths*
marks, 260

Back worth, ancient farms in, 152;
number of farms in, 135

Bacon's Liber Reg is ^ SSOn

Bailes, Thomas, 281

Bain's Record Book, 850

Bainbridge, Cardinal, 853

Bakers of Elemore halL county Dur-
ham, held manor of Bolbeck, 297

Baker, Hedley, & Co., 461

Baker, John, Newcastle goldsmith,
400; Valentine, Newcastle gold-
smiths, 400

Babince sheets of ' Old Bank,' 468, 469

Baldhelm, Sibba's servant, cured by St.
Cuthbert, 89

* Balista,' 450

' Balks ' of unploughed turf, 125

Ballad of Flodden Field, The, 3, 864

Baltic, attempt to close, agunst Eng-
lish, 235

Bambnrgh, 90; and Tynemouth, men
of, fied from Flodden field, 26, 366

Bank of England, 460 ; branch, estab-
lished in Newcastle, 468

Bank, first provincial, at Newcastle, 452

Banks of Baker, Hedley, k Co., 461 ;
Batson k Co., 462 ; Davison-Bland
& Co., 460; Lambton k Co., 460^

461, 462; Loraine, Baker, k Co,

462, 463; Reed & Co., 462 ; Surtes.
Burdon, k Co., 461, 462

Bank, Northumberland and DvImd
District, 463, 464

' Bank, Old,' 452; first partners in, 455;
small capital of, 455; advertise-
ments regarding, 455; issues notes,
455; change of premises, 455; in
Silver street, 456; balance sheets
of, 458, 459 ; note circulation of, 458;
changes of partnership, 456, 457.
458, 460, 461, 462, 463 ; changes of
title. 456, 457, 460, 461, 462, 463;
loins Northumberland and Dorfaun
District, 463 ; transfers money, bills,
etc., 464; note issue withdrawn, 464;
circulation confined to notes of Bank
of EngUnd, 464

Bankers, country, meeting of, 459

' Bankers and dealers in exchange.*
partners in * Old Bank ' were, 455. 456

Bimking, Lawson's History of, 456

Banks, Newcastle, all suspend payment,
461

Barber and Whitwell, York sUrcr-
smiths, 265

Barmoor, 18; and Twizell, distsnce
between, 19»; wood, Surrey, en-
camped at. 359

Barnard Castle communion plate, 264 ;
cup, 266; salver, 267

Bunes, Ambrose, 190 et seq,; Mis^
470

Bamett, Hudson, curate of Blanchlaod,
305

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DTDBX.

473

Barrasford, ancient farms in, 154

Barton, Andrew, a Scottish sailor,
killed by Sir Thomas and Sir
Edward Howard, 4n, 15

Bateman, Hester, silversmith, 265

Bates, C. J., on names of persons, etc.,
in early lives of St. Cuthbert, 81 ;
erected roadside cross between Hay-
don Bridji^e and Langley castle, 94;
on Flodden field, 351; on a for-
fCotten reference to Roman mile
castles, 447

Bateson, Edward, ' Notes of a jonmey
from Oxford to Embleton and back
in 1464,' 113

Bath, 454, 455; Roman inscription
temp, Severus Alexander, 160

Batson & Co., 462

Batty, Francis, Newcastle goldsmith,
260, 400; and others, petition to
Parliament from, 403

Batty, Francis, the younger, New-
castle goldsmith, 260, 405

Bavington, Shaf tos of, 99 ; John, 102

Bayley, Richard, silversmith, 259, 264

Baynes, John, Newcastle goldsmith,
400 et seq,

Beadnell communion cups, 259, 261

Beaumont, Lewis, bishop of Durham, 298

Beckett, Thomas k, ISln

Bede, Vita Cuthberti, quoted 78»

'Bedesfeld,' a settlement granted to
nuns by St. Cuthbert, 90

Bedlington communion cup, 260

Bedrnle, Roxburghshire, 90;i

Bedshield, foot of Lammermuirs, 90

Beilby, William, a Durham goldsmith,
267

Beilby and Bewick, engravers, 467

Belford communion cup, 261

< Bell the Cat,* 6n

Bell, John, entered in Newcastle gold-
smith company's books, 440

Bell, Matthew, & Co., 469

Bell, Matthew, I., partner in Old Bank,
455, 456, 457; died, 460; letter
from, to Ralph Carr, 466

Bell, Matthew, II., g^ndson of former,
partner in Old Bank, 461 ; retired,
462

Bell's Rhymes of Northern Bardsy 110

Bellingham, Mw. Robson of, 103

Bellingham communion cup, 260

Bellister, 162

Bellows, a pair of, silversmith's mark,
263

Beltingham chape), 185

Bek, Anthony, bishop of Durham, 163

Benevento, 268)t

Benton, Long, communion pUte, 261

Benwell, fishings and mills, 130 ; * Qore

Flatt' at, 12^; customary farms at,

142 ; Roman inscribed slab from, 323
Bergen, vassal of Hanseatic League,

219
Berkeley, Maurice, slain at Flodden, 34
Berlin, one of the Hanse towns, 217
Bernardo, cardinal priest, 271 ;
Berrington, John Clavering of, 102
Berwick, 4i52; body of Scottish king

brought to, 34 ; recovery of by

English in 1482, 358; communion

plate of, 260, 261
Berwick Naturalists* Club, Proceedings

of, quoted. In
Besse's Sufferings of the Quakers, 190
' Bessie wi' the braid apron,' 13
Beverley, charter granted to, 218 ; gild

of St. Elene at, 549»
Bewick, Mr., 467, 470
Bickers, Christopher, 194
Bickerton, ancient farms in, 153
Biddleston, Selbys of, 96
Bielefeld, one of the Hanse towns, 217
Bigge, 459; Charles John, son of

Charles William, joined bank, 463;

appointed director of District Bank,

and was a large shareholder, 464
Bigge, Charles William, joined bank,

462; large shareholder in District

Bank, 464
Bigge, Thomas Hanway, brother of

Charles Wm., joined bank, 462 ; died,

463
Billingham communion cup, 265
Billines Durham Antiquities, 395
Billy Mill Moor, division of, 154
Bilton, Eli, apprentice to Newcastle

Qoldsmiths' Company, 437 ; member

of company, 260, 266, 400, et seq.
Bird, Rev. Christopher, affidavit of as

to ancient farms in ChoUerton, 154
Birdoswald, 80

Birling, ancient farms in, 154
Birmingham, London Goldsmiths' Com-
pany opposed establishment of assay

office at, 406
Birtley communion cup, 261
Bishop Auckland communion cups, etc,

264,266
Bishop Middleham communion cup,

etc., 265
Bishopton communion cup and cover.

267
Bishopwearmouth church, Elizabethan

cup at, 254, 256; secular cup at, 263;

communion cup, etc., 264; flagons,

266; cup and cover, 267
Black Prince, The, mortgaged Cornwall
I tin mines, 232

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474

INDBX.

Bldcketts, the, holders of g^reat tithes at
Haltwhistle, 184, 187

Blackett, Thomas, of Sedgefield, ap-
prentice to Newcastle Goldsmiths'
Company, 439

Blackett, Sir W., 406

* Black Boll ' Inn, Rothburj, inscription
on jamb of fireplace, 95

Blackenall, Wm., English master gunner
at Flodden, 869

Black G^te mnsenm, fragments of
planted glass presented to, 48

Blakey, Dr. Robert, of Morpeth, 877;
Memoirs of^ 877?i
' Blanchland : by the rev. Anthony John-
son, 295 ; part of By well St. Andrew
parish, 295 ; Hutchinson's description
of, 296; founded by Walter de Bol-
beck, 296 ; dedicated to Virgin, 296 ;
Premonstratensian canons at, 296;
appropriations, etc., of churches of
Harlow, Bywell, Styford, Shotley,
and Apperlev given to, 297; tithes
of Wmwardhope, 297 ; had property
at Acton, Bolam, Stanhope, and Wol-
singham, 297; Nevilles, benefactors,
297; John de Torrington and Paga-
nus de Cadncis, 297; king John con-
firms all benefactions, 297; abbot
summoned to parliament, 298; church
of Bolam appropriated to, 298; at
dissolution of fourteen brethren, 299 ;
dissolution and refoundation of,
801; granted to John Belloe and
John Broxholm, 801; purchased by
lord Crewe, 802; dimensions of
church, 302; ancient painted glass
in, 308 ; medieval grave covers, 803 ;
register, extracts from, 304 ; church-
yard cross, 304; communion plate of,
261, 804; bell, 305; vicars and
curates, 805; memorial of Robert
Harrison, 310; terrier of lands, etc.,
811
Blyth, CO. Northumberland, communion

plate, 261; co. Notts, 115
Blyth, Thomas, of Bennington, 872
Blythman, of Gateshead and Westoe, 175
Blenkinsopp grave cover, 178 ,

Bolam communion plate, 259, 262;
property belonging to Blanchland
abbey at, 297
BolbecK : common, 295 ; barony of,
296; in crown, 1569, when survey
made, 296; Henry Widderington
bolder, 297 ; Bakers of Elemore

hall, 297; sold by George Baker

to George Silvertop, 297; Bywell

and, survey of biu'onies of, 144;

Slaley belonged to barony of, 339

Bolbeck, sir Hugh de, 296; daughters,
Alice married Walter de Huntcrcomb,
296; Maud, Hugh, baron Delaval,
296; Margery, Nichohis Corbet, 296;
secondly, Ralph, son of William, lord
Greystock, 296; Philippa, Roger de
Lancaster, 296; John de, 296;
Walter de, 349

Boldon Buke, 127, 879

Boldon, Quaker burial ground at. 189;
burials in Christopher Trewhitt's
orchard, 201; communion plate of,
266, 267; villani in, 127

Boleyn, Ann, 11

Bollandists' Acta Sanctorum^ 82

Bolsward, one of the Hanse towns, 217

Bolton : abbey, 856 ; in Glendale, lord
Surrey at, 15; his march to, 857;
communion plate of, 260

Bonadies de Bonadie, cardinal deieoa
of St. Angelo, 271

Bonner Jahrhucher referred to, 822n

Boon days, 136 ; rent paid by tenants
of Tynemoutb manor, 134; work,
145

Bootbe, sir John, 2, 867; slain tt
Flodden, 84

Border Holds quoted, 145ii, 856 ^
seq.

Bomhoved, victory of, 214

Borthwick, Robert, master gunner to
James IV., 21, 22, 26, 356; cast gun
< The Seven Sisters,' 6

Boston, a steelyard at, 222

Bosworth, field of, 10, 858

Bothal communion plate, 259, 261;
parish, ancient farms in, 152

Both well, earl of, at Flodden, 28, 865 ;
Scottish reserve under, 32

Bourne, 182

Bovate, 127

Bowen, lord justice, 144

Bower, Hannah, 171 ; John, 172 ;
Leonard, 171; Robert, 172, 178; see
pedigree, 175

Bowes and Ellerker, survey, 89ii

Boyd, Robert, son of William, joined
bank, 468; appointed director of Dis-
trict bank, and was a laige share-
holder, 464
Boyd, William, of Benton, 462; joined
bank, 462 ; manuscript o^ 468, 467;
large shareholder in District bank,
464, 470
Boyle, J. R., on the goldsmiths of New-
castle,397 ; Vestiges of Old KeweadU,
etc., 392»
Brampton, camp near, 887
Brancepeth church, 893
Brand, nistorian of Newcastle, 131

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INDEX.

475

Brandenbnrg, one of the Hanse towns,

217
Brankston, 19; situation of , 24 ; charcb

of, 27, 362, 371 ; vicarage, 28 ; moor,

battle of, 351 ; bill, Scottish artillery

remoTed to, 365
Braux bridge, 24^ 362
Brasses, Sedgefield chnrch, 390
Braaensberg, one of the Hanse towns,

217
Bread, weighing of, 57, 58
Bremen, 216 ; one of the Hanse towns,

217
Breslan, one of the Hanse towns, 217
Brewer's Reign of Henry VIIL, 10
Bridges, Roman, across the North Tyne,

328; the Rede, 336
Briel, one of the Hanse towns, 217
Brignall, Thomas, of Whickham, 197
Brind, Henry, silversmith, 265
Britannia, Camden's, 448
British, Ancient, objects discovered in

the vallnm, 338 ; camp, 442 ; sword,

442
Brotherwick, ancient farms in, 154
Brongh, Richard, and others, lease to,

to get freestone at Cullercoats, 285
Broughton, John Marray of, 98
Brown, justice Anthony, 133; A.,

curate of Slaley and perpetual curate

of Whitley chapel, 342; Israel, of

South Shields, 290
Bruce, Rev. Dr., death of, i.; Wallet

Book, 331
Bruce, David, partner with George

Campbell, 454
Brunanburh, song of, 366
Brunswick, one of the Hanse towns, 217
Brus, Robert de, 162, 181; Isabel his

widow, 162, 181
Bmmmell, Francis, of Morpeth, 133
Bmtte, Nicholas, Newcastle goldsmith,

400
Buchanan, George, account of battle of

Flodden, 3
Buckle, J., of York, silversmith, 259;

Stephen, son of Joseph of York,

apprentice to Newcastle goldsmiths'

company, 439
Buda, siege of, 108

Bullers Green, Morpeth, fair pro-
claimed at, 57
BuUman, George, apprentice to New-
castle goldsmiths' company, 438;

member, 425 et seq.
Bulmer, sir Wm., 7; at flodden, 27,

355 ; overtook Alexander Home, 9 ;

sheriff of Durham, 12; commands

troops of bishop and bears banner of

St. Cutbbert, 12

Burdett-Coutts, baroness, portrait in
possession of, 454

Burdon, arms of, 394

Bnrdon, Thomas, 8767t

Burial grounds, Notes on some forgot-
ten, 189

Burradon (Alwinton), ancient farms in,
152, 153

Burrell, Thomas, Ann, Mary, of Broom
Park, 171

Burton Agnes, Yorkshire, common fields
of, 130

* Bushell, A Cockle Parke,' 191
Busselborch, Dyrik, letter of, concerning

Hansa, 225

Buston, John, of North Shields, 290;
g^vestone of, 278 ; Isabel, his wife,
275, 290; Elizabeth, his daughter,
278, 290; Thomas, 148; of North
Shields, 290; Temperance, wife of,
290

Buston, High, 148; tenante of, 142;
Demans and, ancient farms in, 154

Buston, Low, 101 ; Spittle and, ancient
farms in, 154

* Butte,' strips abutting on river, eto.,

128

Butty, Francis, and N. Dum^, silver-
smiths, 265

Buztehude, [one of the Hanse towns,
217

Bywell St. Andrew parish, Blanchland
formerly part of, ^5 ; appropriation,
eto. of, given to Blanchland, 297

Bywell and Bolbeck, survey of baronies
of, 144 ; of 1669, 151

C B linked, silversmith's mark, 259, 263

C M, silversmith's mark, 264

Cadncis, Paganus de, benefactor to
Blanchland abbey, 297

Calais, the earl of Warwick governor of,
235

Calcraf t, 454

Calendar of State Papers, 2, 6», 28,
29», 34 and n, 36

Callaly, Claverings of, 96; papists at,
in 1715, 112; castle, old chalice
formerly at, 254

Callard, Isaac, silversmith, 265

Cambo, Elizabethan communion cup at,
2bGn, 259

Camden's Britannia, 448

Cammerlane, Robert and Richard, trad-
ing monopoly in steel granted to, 243

Campbell, Alexander, Newcastle, gold-
smith, 411

Campbell k Coutte, 454

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476

INDEX.

Campbell, George, banker in London,
454 ; had paiibner, David Bnice, and
afterwards James Contts, 454; re-
itommends Ralph Carr to begin .a
bank in Newcastle, 455
Campbell, John, partner with George

Middleton, London, 454
Canterbury, Christ chnrch chartalary,
146n
• Canute, 227
Capital, small, of <01d Bank,' New-
castle, 455
Carlisle, Frederick, earl of, 54
Carlisle, Lnel old name of, QOn; church
plate of diocese of, 249 ; St. Cuthbert
at, 89
Carlyle of Inveresk, 457
Camaby, John, 260, 266 ; apprentice to
Newcastle goldsmiths* company, 488 ;
member, 425 et teq.
Cameath, Ann, accused of using a
< Cockle parke bushell,' 191;
Susannah, buried in garden, 191
Camwath, earl of, 104
Carpenter, general, 104
Carr, George, of South Shields, 202;
James, 171 ; John, 171 ; of Dunston,
462; of Newcastle, land at Culler-
coats forming pier, etc., demised to,
288; Oswald,Newcastle,goldsmith,400
Carr, Ralph, of Dunston Hill, general
merchant, Newcastle, 452; provides
money for troops, 452; anecdote of
duke of Cumberland and, 458;
correspondence of, with J. and A.
Coutts, 458 ; Messrs. Middleton, 458 ;
John Coutts, 454 ; George Campbell,
455 ; starts the Newcastle bank with
three friends, 455 ; retires, 458, 459 ;
reasons for quitting bank, 460 ; signs
guarantee, 462, 465, 466; Thomas,
of Etal, 89 ; of Hexham, 171
Carr, William, of St. Helen Auckland,
admitted to freedom of Newcastle
goldsmiths* company, 482
Carrawburgh, Roman inscription from,

824
Carry house camp. Ancient British,

Birtlgr, North Tyne, 448
Carter Fell, 89

Cartington, Widdrin^ns of, 96
Cartmel, lands of, given to St. Cuth-
bert. 89
Catholics f Records of English^ of 1715 ^

108/1
Castell, Whateley, & Powell, 459
Castle Eden ^ communion flagon, 265;

cup, 266 ; paten, 267
Castles, one or three, Newcastle plate
mark, 899

Cavendish, lord John, 459

' Cavils,* Corbridge strips known as the,

140
Celt, * maenor ' or * plas * of, 125
Celtic Scotland, S7n, 92», 123»
Celts, some ascribe township organiza-
tion of agriculture to, 128
Cencio, bishop of Porto, etc., 271
Ch., silversmith's mark, 264
Chalmers, William G^rge, entered in
Newcastle goldsmiths* company's
books, 440
Chancery suit relating to lands at

Netherwitton, 181
Chapman, Sarah, of Whitby, legacy to
repair Quaker meeting house and
graveyard at North Shields, 275
Charlemagne, letter of, to Offa, king of

Mercia, 226
Charles II. and preaching licences, 206
Charleton of the Bower, 102
Cluirters, Select, Stubbs's, 122»i
Charter, The Great, 168
Chatton communion cup and flagon, 259
Chawbre, James, Newcastle goldsmith,

400
Chawner, Henry, silversmith, 260
Cheshire and Lancashire, men of, at

Flodden, 14, 866
Chester-le-Street, 85, 879; communion

cup and paten, 267
Chesters, 80
Chevington, East and West, ancient

farms in, 154

Chillingham castle captured by Scots,

855 ; Edward Gray captain of, 855 n ;

church, communion plate of, 259, 260

Chirton, number of farms in, 185 ; East

and West, ancient farms in, 154
Chollerton parish and township, ancient
farms in, 154; church, communion
cup, 260
Chorographia, The^ 95», 878»
Christ on the Cross, representation of, 45
Christian II. of Denmark subdued

Sweden, 223
Chroniolet of England^ Holinshed,

859^
Church Kelloe communion plate, 264

cup, etc., 266
Church plate. Old, in counties of North-
umbenand and Durham, 249; Car-
lisle, 249 ; melted, 250
Churchyard cross. Blanchland, 804
Cilumum, Roman bridges across the

North Tyne near, 828
CivU War, 87

Clare, Joseph, silversmith, 259
Clark, John, of Alnwick, 281
Oarkson's Survey^ 142, 148

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INDEX.

477

Claverinfirs of Callaly, 96

Clavering, John, of Berrington, 102;

Mary, of Chopwell, 107
Clay, Roger, tenant of High Buston,

142
Clennel, 459
Glephan, James, paper on * Widdrington

and Carlyle,' 467; on Newcastle

assay office, 409
Clephan, Robert Coltman, on the

Hanseatio confederation, 211
Clifton field, Morpeth, 57
Cloth, Hansa's export of, from England,

288.
Close, Richard, curate of Slaley, 342
Coatsworth, Michael, 205
Coatyards, ancient farms in, 153
Cockfield, communion cnp, 267
< Cockle parke busbell,' 191
Coffin chalice of copper, 262
Coke, lord, 133
Coldingham, St. Cnthbert said to have

walked into waves up to neck at,

87
Collingwood, 459; George of Eslington,

1(^
* Cole coates,' 276
Cologne, 217, 227; Roman altar found

at, 825
Commons, House of, 459
Common fields, Hitchen, Hertfordshire;

Burton Agnes, Yorkshire, 180
Communities, ancient, study of customs

of, commenced in Germany, 123; in

England, 123; in France, 123; in

Russia, 123; Village^ in ea^t and

west, 123;»
Concilia, Wilkin's, 226
Coniscliffe communion cup, 263
Constable, sir Marmaduke, 7, 357;

Flodden, 27, 30 ; monumental inscrip-
tion in Flamborongh church, 857
Conyers, lord, 369
Cookson, Isaac, 260, 261, 266, 267, 423,

et seq, ; apprenticed to Mr. Batty, a

Newcastle goldsmith, 423, 433
Cookson, John, partner in Old Bank,

455, 456 ; died, 457, 466 ; Isaac, son

of John, partner in Old Bank, 457 ;

retired, 462
Cope, sir John, orders drawn by, 452 ;

defeat of, 453
Copenhagen taken and sacked by forces

of the Bund, 217
* Copyholder,' 142
Coquetdale, Jacobite movement in

Upper, 93; ward (west division),

papists' houses in, 1714, 111
Corl]«t, Nicholas, marries Margery de

Bolbeck, 296

Corbridge, butts at, 128 ; MS. map of
common field strips, 130; enclosure
award, 180; strips known as ^The
Cavils,' 140 n; church, communion
cup and paten, 260
Cornhill, communion cup, 259
Cornwall, freeholds of many manors in
hands of lord, 144; tin mines of,
mortgaged to Easterlings, 232
Corpus Inso, Latin., quoted, 77»
Cosen's lane, London, 248
Cosin, John, bishop of Durham, 393
Cote, Asten and, fishing rights of

tenants of manor of, 180
Cotes, Thomas, rector of Rothbury, 94;

schoolmaster at Stanton, 94
Cottagers holding in undivided town-
ship, 140
Cottingwood, race course at, 58
Coulftncpes, The Origin of Property in

Land, 122 », 128
Council and Officers for 1893, v.; for

1894, xxix
Countiy bankers, meeting of, 459
Courts leet and baron, Morpeth,
, customs of, 52
Coutts&Co.,455,458
Coutts, Alexander, letter to, 453
Coutts, James, of Edinburgh, goes to
London, 454; marries niece of George
Campbell, 454; taken into partner-
ship, 454; suggested as * junior' for
* Old Bank,' Newcastle, 455
Coutts, John, banker in Edinburgh,
452; letter to, 458; four sons c^,
454 ; lord provost, 454 ; portrait of,
454,455
.Coutts, Patrick, 464; Thomas, 454
Co4tumes de Normandie, 125 n
Cowper (lady), account of, 107;
Diary y 102n et' seq,; nSe Mary
Clavering of ChopweU, 107
Coxon, Robert, affidavit of, relating to
ancient farms in North Middleton, 158
Coyll, Humphrey, Newcastle, gold-
smith, 400
Cracow, a Hanse town, 218
Crail, church at, similar to church at

Haltwhistle, 177
Cramer, John, Newcastle goldsmith,
400; Thomas, Newcastle goldsmith,
400
Cramond, near Edinburgh, fifth cohort

of Gauls at, 158
Craven contingent at Flodden, list of,

356
Crawford, earl of, at Flodden, 27, 367 ;
slain, 30, 868 ; James, Newcastle
goldsmith, 261
Cre9y, 37

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478

HTDEZ.

Crefeld, Roman altar from, 825

C?reightoii (canon), Tlie Northwiibrian
Bordevy 121»

Creswelle, John de, 350

Cripps, Wilfred J., on Northumberland
and Durham church plate, 249 ; Old
English Plate, 397

Cristofori's Storia dei Cardinali di
Santa Roniana Chiesa, quoted
271»

Cross, medieval, at Low hall, Middle-
ton St. George, 45

* Croke, le,' 269

Cronotassi dei cardinali, quoted 271 n
Crookham, Scottish artillery drawn up

opposite, 862
'Curse of Scotland,' the, 864
Crops, rotation of, 125
Crossman, sir William, on a bull of

Adrian IV. relating to Neasham

priory, 268
Croyland, abbey of, 150
Crucifixion, representation of, on

planted glass, 803
Cucking stool, the, 216

* Culf re Cotes ' « dove-cotes, 281
Cullercoats, 275 ; Quaker burial-ground

at, 274; surrender of lands at, 276;
Arnold's close at, 276; removal of
remains in Quaker burial-ground at,
to Preston cemetery, 277 ; land form-
ing pier demised to John Carr, 283 ;
* Sparrow hall,' 285; leases to get
coal at, 285 ; and freestone at, 285 ;
salt pans at, 286; * Historic memo-
randa concerning,' 287; ownership
of pier at, 287; baths at, 290; lease
of waggon way at, 292 ; deed relating
to 'Sparrow hall,' 293

Cultivation, two and three field system
of, 122

Cumberland, duke of, 453

Cuneus, examples of word on Roman
inscriptions, 324

Curiosities of Literature^ 215»

Currey, Robert, of North Shields,
drowned in Lawson's sumpe, 280;
Isabel, wife of, 289 ; Robert, son of,
289

Curry, WHliam, entered in Newcastle
goldsmiths' company's books, 440

Customers of bank, 458, 459

Customs of ancient communities, study
of, commenced in Germany, 123 ; in
England, 123; in France, 123; in
Russia, 123

Customs of Morpeth courts leet and
baron, 52

Customs and Ancient Laws of Russia,
12371

Cuthbertson, George, 171; Hannah,
171; Elizabeth. 171, 172; Anne,
172; PhikdelphU, 172; see pedi-
gree, 175

Cutheard, bishop, 879

Dacre, lord, 2, 357; chief leader of

Cumberland men at flodden, 13, 28 ;

accused of secret leanings to Scottish

side, 13 ; ancestor of ' Bessie wi* the

braid apron,' 13 ; vigorous charge of,

80, 367; sent his Agnus Dei to

Surrey, 30; discovered body of

Scottish king stripped, 34 ; founded

Neasham priory, 268
Dale, James, of Ravensthorpe, 201
Dalston, William, curate of Slaley, 842
Dalton, 261; William, apprentice to

Newcastle goldsmiths' company, 488
Dand, Middleton Henry, of Hauxley,

188 ; afiidavit of, as to ancient 6urms

in Warkworth, 154
Dantzic, one of the Hanse towns, 217
Darcy, lords, 175
Darlington, St.. Cuthberf s, commnnion

cup and flagons, 265; cup and cover,

267
'Dead Friar's hill,' 801
Death and the Antiquaries, 128
Dees, R. R., 180
Delaval, Hugh, baron of, marries Maud

de Bolbeck, 296
Delaval, John, of Tynemouth, 276;

Peter, 276 ; Ralph, confirmation of

lands at Cullercoats, 276
Demans and High Huston, ancient

farms in, 154
Dendy, F. W., on the ancient farms of

Northumberland, 121
Denmark, letter anent Flodden to court

of, 354
Demton, abbot John, of Fountains, 888
Derwent, valley of, 295
Derwentwater, St. Herbert, hermit of,

91
< Derwentwater's lights,' 106
Derwentwater, earl of, roadside cross to

memory of, 94; and meeting at

Greenng, 99
Deventer, one of the Hanse towns, 217
Dinsdale, communion cups at, 268, 266;

paten, 264; Elizabethan cups, 254
Disraeli, Curiosities of literature, 215ji
District Bank, Northumberland and

Durham, 463, 464
Dixon, George, apprentice to Newcastle

goldsmiths' company, 440; deserted

his master, 440

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Google

INDEX.

479

Dixon, D. D., Jacobite movement in
Upper Coquetdalei 93

Dockwray, 459

Docnments, old, at Merton college,
Oxford, 113

Doddington bridge, Snrrej crossed Till
at, 359; church, communion plate,
262

Doddi, Henry, of Peels, affidavit of as
to ancient farms in Elsdon, 154

Dodson, Albany, Newcastle goldsmith,
400

Dodsworth, of Thornton Watlass, 175;
rector of Chkteshead, 175

Domesday Studies^ 125it, 150

Domesday Survivals, Taylor, 180

Doncaster, 115

Donkin, John, brewer, 875

Doran's London in Jacobite Times,
108», 109»

Dordrecht, one of the Hanse towns, 217

Dorpat, one of the Hanse towns, 217

Dortmund, 216; one of the Hanse
towns, 217

Doubleday, John, 194 ; Thomas, 877

Douglas, earl of, 869

Douthwayte, John, Newcastle gold-
smith, 266, 400

Dove, family of, of Tynemouth, Culler-
coats, and Whitley, 281; Robert,
281 ; a considerable landowner, 283 ;
one of * twenty-four* of Tynemouth
church, 288 ; will of , 292

Dove, Barbara, married Thomas Fearon,
287

Dove, John, 289 ; collieries at Whitley
demised to, 283; grants lease to
John Carr of land forming pier at
CuUercoats, 283 ; wiU of, 293

Dove, John, son of Thomas, of Wapping,
286; married Mary Hudson, 287;
sells mansion at CuUercoats, 286;
daughters Sarah, 287; £leanor
marries rev. Curwin Hudleston, 287

Dove, Thomas, 285 ; married Elizabeth
Shipton, 285; death of, 285

Dove, Thomas, of Whitley and Culler-
coats, sale of Arnold's close to, 276 ;
lease to get coal by to Richard
Simpson, 285 ; Christopher, 281 ; will
of, 290; John, son of, 276, 280;
Oswald, of Monkseaton, 281 ; Thomas,
280, 281; Ellenor, wife of, 281;
Frances, daughter of, 280 ; William,
280, 290; Eliner, wife of, 280, 290;
Alice, daughter of, 289; Mary,
daughter of, 289

Dove, Mary, wife of John, of Whitley,
284,289

Dove, lieutenant, 289

Down hill, Northumberland, cuttings
across vallum at, xxvi

Dryburgh abbey founded, 300

Dugdale*s account of Neasham, 272/»

Duisberg, one of the Hanse towns, 217

Dumbarton, landing of M. d'Aussi at,
355

Dum^e, N., and F. Batty, silversmiths,
265

Dunbar, 458

Dunbar, William, poems of, 8n

Dunn, John Charles, vicar of Blanch-
land, 806

Dunston HiU, 452

Durham before the Conquest, Tiong-
staffe's, 380;»

Durham, co., church plate of, 249 ; no
pre- Reformation chalice in, 250;
Surtees's History of, referred to,
272»; a *farm' or 'farmhold* in,
127

Durham, Northumberland and, church
plate of, 397

Durham, men of bishopric of, at Flodden,
27; bishop Ruthall of, letters con-
cerning Flodden, 36

Durham, 115, 116; bishops of, 163,
183 ; Wessington, prior of, 86

Durham abbey, lord Surrey bears mass
in, 7

Durham cathedral, communion plate,
264; large set of plate, 265; Nine
Altars in, 382

Durham Chapter library, pre-Reforma-
tion paten in, 252; Roman inscrip-
tions in, 309

Durham, St. Giles, communion cup and
coyer, 263 ; paten, 266 ; flagon, 267 ;
St. Margaret, communion cup, 264 ;
paten, 267 ; St. Mary in the South
Bailey church, alms dish, 263; cup,
etc., and flagon, 266; St. Mary-le-
Bow, communion cup, 263; flagons
and patens, 264 ; St. Nicholas, com-
munion cup, etc., 264 ; St. Oswald's,
alms dish, 264; collecting basin,
266 ; cup, 267
Durhun, Northumberland and, an
archaeological map of, xxi; Trans-
actions of Archaeological Society of,
referred to, 297n
Dyer, chief justice, 133

E, T, linked silversmith's mark, 259
Earsdon, ancient farms in, 152 ; number
of farms in, 135 ; customary payment
to vicar of, 152 ; communion cup and
paten of church, 259, 262

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Google

480

INDEX.

Easington, North Yorkshire, church of,

dedicated by St. Cuthbert, 91
Easterlings, the, 226; tin mines of

Comwfl^ mortgaged to, 232
East and west, vDli^ communities in,

128
Easter, Roman practice of fixing, 86;
act of civil power at Whitby, 86»;
in Russia and Austria kept by
Cathohcs of Latin rite accorcUng to
eastern calendar, 86n
Eata retired to banks of Tweed, 87;
conformed to Roman way of keeping
Easter, 86 ; appointed abbot over
English monks at Lindisfame, 86;
bishop of Lindisf ame, 88

Economic History, Ashley's 122»

Eden, sir John, 460, 461
Edinburgh, 452, 454, 466 ; St. GUes*s
church, 392

Edliughiun communion plate, 262

Edmundbyers communion cup, 265

Edward I., 162, 296; abbot of Blanch-
land summoned as a peer to parlia-
ment, twenty- third year of, 228;
charter of Inspetnmus, 339

Edward III., 183; and the Hansa
league, 232

Edward IV., 113 ; and the Hansa, 235

Edward VI., church plate melted dur-
ing reign of, 250

Effigy, Sedgefield church, 390

Effingham, lord Howard of, hero of
the Armada, 11

Egfrid, King, 88 ; gave lands of Cart-
mel to St. Cuthbert, 89 ; defeat and
death of, 89

Eggescliva, Alan de, gift to Neasham by,
268

Egscs and poultry, rental paid in, 128

Eglingham communion plate, 259, 261

Egpred, bishop, rave 'Gedweardes' to
church of St. Cuthbert, 89

Egton in Furuess, 89

Egyptian shadoof, lever arrangement
of, 335

Egyston, Robert, on g^ve cover,
Blanchl^nd, 303; Thomas, on grave
cover, 303

Eimbech, one of the Hanse towns, 217

Elbing, 215 ; one of the Hanse towns,
217

Elfled, abbess of Whitby, 91

Elizabeth, queen, and the Hansa, 241 ;
church plate melted during reign of,
250; baffony of Bolbeck in crown,
296

Elizabethan communion cups, 252, 259,
262,263

EUenborough, 80

Ellison, 469 ; Elizabeth, wife of William
Fenwick, of Stanton, 95»; Robert,
of Otterbum, 287 ; Elizabeth, daugh-
ter of, married Henry Hudson, 287 ;
Robert, junior, 468

Elrington, town green of, 146; hall
and demesnes, 146

Elsdon parish, ancient farms in, 154;
communion plate, 261, 262

Elswick, 129 ; customary ferms in, 142 ;
* butts' in common fields of, north
and south, 128

Elton, Origins of English History^
140

Elton communion cup, 265

Elwick hall communion cup and alms
dish, 265

Ely, bishop of, court at Littleport, 142 ;
James Stanley, bishop of, 356 ; arms
of, 356 ; queen Ethelreda, foundress
of, 356

Embleton, journey from Oxford to, and
back in 1464, 118 ; living of, belongs
to Merton college, Oxford, 118;
communion pUte, 262

Embleton, near Sedgefield, ancient
chapel at, 380

Embleton, Dr., on black and brown
rats, 97

Emma, daughter of Waldeof , 268

Emmerich, one of the Hanse towns,
217

* Emperor's people,' 227

Engelais, grant to Xeasham by, 268

England, study of customs of ancient
communities in, 123; villeinage in,
123n; Teutonic trade with, 213;
cloth exported from, 238; Hansa
privileges in, withdrawn, 242 ; opera-
tions of Hanseatic league forbidden,
224

English, defeat of right of, at Flodden,
30; attempt to close Baltic to, 235 ;
the * hall ' of the, 125 ; cloth, sale of,
forbidden, 236; merchants to quit
Germany, 243

English at Flodden, alarm of the, 865

Eric, king, 219

Errington, Thomas, of Beaufront, 102

Errol, earl of, 867 et seq,

Esh communion paten, 264; cup, 266

Esher, lord, 144

*Espoir conforte le Gueval,' motto on
James IV.'s sword, 371

Essex, Arthur, earl of, demise of collieries
at Whitley to John Dove, 283

Etal,37; Thomas Carr of, 39; castle
taken by ScoU, 7, 355

Etheldreda, St., queen of Northumber-
land, banner of, 356

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IKDEZ.

481

Btherstone, Thomas Forater, Jan., of,
102

Eabank, Richard, 192 ; cited in arch-
deacon's court for being a Quaker,
193 ; death of, 193

Examford on Tweed, 89

Exchequer accounts, 354

F, A, silversmith's mark, 269 ; mullet
below, 267

F, I, silversmith's mark, 259

F R, silversmith's mark, 264

VsdT at Haltwhistle, 162, 169, 176

Falls, Charles, 458; Robert, 458

Falstone communion cup, 260

' Farm,' meaning of word^ 138, 155; or
* farmhold * in counties Northxmiber-
land and Durham, 127

Farms, the ancient, of Northumber-
land, 121; church rates to be paid
by, 134

Farming^ Ijandinarks o/y 125»

Fame Island, 8t. Cuthbert retired to,
88

Fanielaw, ancient farms in, 153

Farnham, Richard de, architect of Nine
Altars Durham, 385 ; occurs in deed,
385

Farnham, bishop Nicholas de, of Dur-
ham, 384

Fawcett, 459

Fawkes, Richard, account of Flodden*
353

Featherstonhaugh, Alexander and Al«
bany, 165

Fearou, Thomas, of South Shields, salt
merchant, 286 and n, 289; settle-
ment, 286n; married Barbara Dove,
287 ; burial of, 290 ; of wife, 290

Federer, C. A., edition of Ballad of
Flodden Fields 4ii

Fenwick, £dward, of Stanton, 95 ; sir
John of Wallington, 96 ; knife and
fork of, 96; his horse *Sorel,' 96;
William, 194

Ferry Shields, 169

Field names, Blauchland, 301 ; at Halt-
whUtle, 166, 167, 173 ; at Sedgefield,
379

Fields^ ComviAfUy Scrutton on, 122»

Fishbum, manor mill of, 379

Fisher, Moses, 194

Fbhing rights of manor tenants of
Aston and Cote, Oxfordshire, 180;
on Tyne, 130

Fitzwilliam, Thomas, 867

Flamborough churdi, inscription in,
d57n

TOL. XVL

Fleming, William, silversmith, 259
Flesh- and fish-lookers, 58 ; oath of, 68
Flight of men of Tynemouth and Bam*

borough at Flodden, 26
Flodden, the battle of, 1, 351 ; or more
strictly *Brankston Moor,' 351;
James IV. encamped on heights of,
16; order of the fight, 26; banning
of battle, 29 ; Dacre's charge, 30 ;
defeat of English right, 30; battle
in centre, 31 ; king of Scots standard
bearer ^n, 32 ; archbishop of St.
Andrews slain, 33 ; estimate of num-
ber of slain, 83 ; effects of the battle,
37 ; flight of men of Tynemouth
and Bamburgh at Flodden, 26, 866 ;
Robert Borthwick, master gunner,
26 ; account of battle of, in Record
Office, 267t ; commanders at, 26, 27 ;
plan of battle facinff28 ; results of
battle, 34n ; bishop Kuthal's letters
concerning, 86; about last engage-
ment in which yew-tree bow used, 37;
a * soldier's battle,* 38; last border
battle, 38; on identification of site
of battle, 44; well of Sybil Grey,
44; Robert White on, 351; rev.
A. Jones on, 351; ballads on, 854;
letter to court of Denmark, 354;
Paolo Qiovio's account of, 854 ; list of
Craven contingent at, 356 ; strength
of armies at, 357; battle array of
Scots at, 863 ; alarm of the English,
865 ; death of earl of Crawford, 867 ;
pursuit of Scots, 868; route of
Edmund Howard's division, 868;
William Blackenall, English master
gunner, 869
Flodden Field, The Ballads of, 8, 854;

Weber's edition, 3»
Flotterton, ancient farms in, 158
Folklore, Napier's, quoted, 67»
Ford, 37 ; bridge, 356 ; castle taken and
set on fire by the Scots, 7, 855;
head-quarters of James rV'.,7, 855;
dame Elizabeth Heron, 356 ; request
to Scottish king not to overthrow,
15 ; negotiations respecting preserva-
tion of, 857; dismantled, 42; church,
communion cup, 262
Forgery, by Jameson, 466; by Lough,

467, 470
Forman, Adam, king of Scotland's

standard bearer, 82
Forster, Thomas, affidavit of , as to
ancient farms in Netherwitton, 158 ;
jun., ef Etherstone, 102 ; William,
of Burradon, 153 ; affidavit of, relat-
ing to ancient farms in Alwinton, 168
Fossour, prior, 391

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482

INDBX.

Fletcher, Thomfts, apprentice to New-
castle gotdsmiths' oompanj, 489

Foantains : abbey, choir of, 882 ; Nine
Altars at, built bj John of Kent, 882 ;
abboto of, 382, 883 ; A Monograph
(m the Ahhey of^ 882

Fonr days for a letter to travel between
London and Newcastle by post,
463

Fonr miles an hour, rate of travelling
by stage-waggon, 453

Fowler, rev. J. T., F.S.A., on medieval
cross at Middleton St. George, 46

Foster, Joseph, of Low Buston,
101

Fox, bishop of Dnrham, 355 ; Geoi^,
founder of Quakers, 275; MS.
journal of, 289 ; Mordecai, silver-
smith, 259, 265

<Fox and Lamb,' Newcastle, 378;
drawing of by U. B. Richardson,
375 ; owners of, 375, 376 ; carriers
from, 876

France, study of customs of ancient
communities, 123

Frankfort, a Uanse town, 217

Free communities, 122

French, Edward, apprentice to New-
castle g^ldsmitlis' company, 439

French, Jonathan, Newcastle gold-
smith, 260, 266, 415, et Mq. ; John,
apprentice to Newcastle goldsmiths'
company, 438

Frendon hill, 337

Friends, forgotten burial grounds of
Society of, 274

Froissart, 800

Frost, John, of North Shields, formerly
of Burlington, 279 ; ' Doratha,' wife
of, gravestone of, 279, 290

Funeral monumewtf^ Weever's, 360v»,
362».

Furlongs, etc, 125

G G, silversmith's mark, 268, 264

G, T, silversmith's mark, 264

G, W. silversmith's mark, 264

(rabiae, Matronae^ 322

Gadebnsch, 214

Gaiiiford church, 381 ; communion

cups, 263, 266 ; paten, 265
Gardelegen. a Hanse town, 218
* Garmangabis,* Roman altar to goddess,

813
Garrard and Johnson, wardens of

London goldsmiths* company, 408
Garthome, Francis, silversmith, 259,

264 ; GeorgCi silversmith, 259

Gateshead, Quaker barod ground fti,
189 ; early Quakerism in, 190 ;
recusants, 194 ; St. Edmnnd^s, 268 ;
St. Marv's communion caps, etc«.d64,
266 ; pateu, etc, 265 ; flagons, 266 ;
flagon, ete.. 267

GauU, the fifth cohort of, at Soatk
Shields, 157 ; in Pannonia, at Cra-
mond, etc, 158

Gazette of batUe of Flodden, 2, 81, 83,
862

Gelasius II., pope, 299

Gerardo, cardinal priest of St. Stefano,
271

Germany, the Liines Imperii in, xxii;
study of customs of ancient commu-
nities started in, 123; eommoa ~
in, divided by lot, 140; English i
chants, notice to quit, 248

Giacinto Bobone Orsini, cardinal deacon,
271

Gibson, George, brother of Thomas,
joined bank, 462; died, 462; John,
vicar of Blanchland, 806; Thomas,
joined ' Old Bank,' 457 ; died, 463

Gilbert, lord of Grindon, 162

Gildas, and the Roman Wall, 461

Gill, Edward, apprentice to Newcastle
goldsmith company, 439; member,
425 et geg, ; Thomas, son of, entered
in Newcastle goldsmiths' oompanj,
440

GilUispie, Petor, vicar of Slaley, 342

Gilpin, Thomas, sUversmith, 266 ; B.,
287; Mrs., 287

Giovanni, cardinal deacon of SS. 8ergi«t
and Bacchus, 271

Giovanni da Meroone, cardinal priest id
S. Silvestro, eto., 272

Giovio, Paolo, account of Flodden, 364^
86091

Glanton, old chalioe at Roman Catholie
church at, 254

Glass (painted), see painted glaM

Glyn, 458 ; John, 86, 362

G5ttingen, a Hanse town, 218

Gold, light and defaced, received at the
bank, 465

Goldsmiths, bankers originally, 464

Goldsmiths of Newcastle, the, 897;
marks on plate, 397 ; assay books,
397; history of the company, 396;
firpt allusion to, 398 ; original cbarter
of incorporation. 899; manuscripts
of, 400; names of members, 400 H
seq, ; Morden tower granted to, 402;
first gold plate assayed, 406; '«n-
brotherly words,' 416 et eef.; «{►
prentices marrying, 415 ; head laett
ing days, 413 et 9eg,; mutkj oCioe

Digitized by

Google

INDEX

488

Goldsmiths — eotdimued.
re-established, 403 ; attempt to
aboli^ 408 ; quantity ol sUrer
assayed, 409 ; disoontinoance of the
assay, 409; extracts from minute
b(K)k. 411-440; apprentices, 415; list
of, 437-440; pistes bearing marks,
398, 409; daim to nse hall of
plumbers* company, 421 ; Mark Grey
Nicholson appointed assay master,
421 ; penalty on stewards not attend-
ii^ ST^ilds, 426 ; subscription to free-
man s plate, 429 et seq, ; William Can*
of St. Helens Auckland admitted to
company, 432; plate not belonging
to freemen not to be assayed, 434;
contribution towards infirmary, 436

Gollnow, a Hanse town, 218

Gomme*s Literature of Local Iintti'
tution^, 121n; Village CoiMinunUifs,
130

Goodrick, John, apprentice to New-
castle goldsmiths* company, 440;
admitted, 437

Gordian III., name of, erased from
Roman altar, 322; also erased from
milestone between Carnuntum and
Vienna, 322»

Gordon, Alexander, commander of
Scottish left at Fludden, 2f> ; general,
and Khartoum, 35

* Gores,* tapered strips, 128

Goslar, a Hanse town, 218

Gower, sir John, 2 ; slain at Flodden, 34

Grantchester, 114

Graham, major, deputy -governor of
Tynemouth castle, 274

Grantham, 115

Granville, Dennis, rector of Sedgefield,
393

Grav, Cuthbert, 95; Edward, captain
of Chillingham castle, 355»

Greatham church, communion cup, 263 ;
flagon, 267; hospital, Andrew de
Stanley, master of. 394 ; communion
plate of, 264

' Green knolls,* Sedgefield, 379

Green, Making of England^ 78«

Greencustle, in Kenterdale, 90

Greene, Richard, silversmith, 261>

Greenhead chapel, 186

Greenrig, near Birtley, Northumber-
land, meeting of rebels at, 99

Griefswald, 215 ; a Hanse town, 218

Gresham, sir Thomas, 239

Grey, Jean, accused Jameson of forgery,
466 ; * exalted ' to pillory. 467

Greystock, arms of, 269 ; William, lord,
296; Ralph, sou of, 296; marries
Margery de Bolbeck, 296

Grindon, Gilbert, lord of , 162; Hugh,

lord of, 162
Groningen, 216 ; a Hanse town, 218
Grundy, W., silversmith, 265
Guarantee, original sheets, 462
Gurley, George Marshall, vicar of

Blanchland, 386
Guide, cardinal deacon, 271
Guilds, Morpeth. 52
Guise, mi^or-geueral, 452
GunnertoQ, ancient farms in, 154

H, A, and W W, silversmiths* mark,
259

H, I, with star above, silversmith's
mark, 262

H, N. linked, silversmith's mark, 267 ;
and with 6JUurg de luy 267

H, S. silversmith's mark, 263

H W. silversmith's mark, 259, 263

Haddock, Zephaniah, 281 ; burial of,
290; Margaret, daughter of, 281,
290; married Eleanor Dove, 286;
burial of, 290; bought mansion at
Cullercoats, 286; William, son of,
290; Eleanor, daughter of, 290;
Zephaniah, son of, 290

Hadrian, squib on the emperor, 451

Hadstone, ancient farms in, 154

Hadwald, beatification of shepherd, 92

Halberstadt, a Hanse town, 218

< Hall,' an English, 125

Hall corn rent paid by tenants of Tyne-
mouth manor, 134

Hall, justice (*mad Jack Hall,')
captured by rebels, 101 ; executed,
109

Hall's account of battle of Flodden,
quoted, 2, 16i», 25n, 27, 33; Chron-
icle, meeting of James IV. and lady
Heron, 43

Hall, Geoffrey, Newcastle goldsmith,
400 ; Rev. G. Rome, on the fragment
of a Roman lor lea, 441

Halle, a Hanse town, 218

Hallifax, Mills, Glyn, 458, 459

Halton communion cup, 261

Haltwhistle, manor. 162; tower, 163;
common, 170, 173; rig and dale
lands, 173 ; church, 177 ; communion
plate, etc., of, 181 ; seventeenth
century communion cup, 262 ; vicars:
Stevenson, 164; Lowe, 177; Priest-
man, 180; Pykwell, Dvghton, 183;
Merton, Rotherham, Hollingsworth,
lai ; Pate, 186 ; Wilson, Nauuey,
Rotherham. 187» 188

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484

INDEX.

Hambnrg, 216 ; a Hanse town, 218
Hamden hill, Somerset, Roman lorica

scales from, 448
Hameln, a Hanse town, 218
Hamer, Abraham, Newcastle goldsmith,

400
Hamm, a Hanse town, 218
Hammond, John, mayor of London,

229
Hamsterley, pre-Reformation paten of,

now in Durham chapter library, 252,

263
Hand with cross-oroslet, silversmith's

mark, 263
Hannover, a Hanse tower, 218
Hanse or Hansa, origin, meaning, etc,

212
Hansa privileges in England ^th-

drawn, 242
HansebrUder sworn to celibacy, 220
Hanse towns, list of, 217
Hanseatic confederation, the, its rise

and progress, 211 ; end of, 247
* Happy village,' the, 295
Harbottle, sir Wynchard, slain at

Flodden, 34 ; [Guiscard], king chal-
lenged by, 369; slain, 367
Harbottle, Roger, 168
Harderwyk, a Hanse town, 218
Harding, James, 876
Hardwick hall built in 1754, 894
Harle, Robert de, of Kirk Harle, 296
Harlow, appropriation, etc., of church

of, given to Blanchland, 297
Harper, John, Newcastle, goldsmith,

400
Harrington, Thomas, York silversmith,

265
Harris, John, 265
Harrison. Robert, curate of Blanchland,

306 ; memorial of, to lord Crewe's

trustees, 310; William, curate of

Slaley, 342
Hart communion flagon, 265
Hartbum parish, ancient farms in,

153 ; church, communion plate of,

261,262
Hartlepool, sir Thomas Trewhitt, prior

of, 201 ; ship of, under lord Lumley,

237
Hartley, ancient farms in, 152
Hartley burn, 169
Harton, Westoe and, paid church rate

by number of fanns, 127
Haslam, Lawrence, taken prisoner at

R. Linton's house, 279 ; Martha, wife

of, gravestone of, 279 ; Dorothy,

daughter of, married to John Tyzack,

279
Hasselt, a Hanse town, 218

Hastings, sir Ralph de, 296

Hatfleld papers, 353a

Hatfield, bishop, appropriated cbnrdi
of Bolam to Blanchland abbey* 298 ;
survey of, 379

Hanghton-le-Skeme communion plate,
264

Hanxley, ancient farms in, 154

Haverfield, F. J., on Roman altar to
Jupiter, 76; on a new Roman in-
scription at South Shields, 157 ; on
a Roman altar at Lanchester, 321

Haverton hill communion cup and
paten, 266

' Hay bounds,' cultivator had share of,
128

Hay tithe, modus for, 136

Haydon Bridge, roadside cross near, 94

fieadlam, 459

Hays, John, barber, 375

* Headlands,' or * headriggs,' 125
Heddon-on-the-Wall, discoveries in the

vallum near, 338
Heddon. John, 288; Patience (nSe
Haddock), wife of, 288

* Hedge bote,' 127

Heidelberg, Roman milestones fonnd
near, 325

Heighington communion cup, 265 ;
paten, 267

Helmstedt, a Hanse town, 218

Hemma, vicu8 of, 90

Henlee, John de, rectx>r of Sedgefield,
394 ; founded chantry of St. Cather-
ine, 394

Hennell, R. and S., silversmiths, 260

Henrik of Holstein, 217

Henry I., in reign of, every burgess of
Newcastle might have his own oven,
122

Heniy II., charter of, relating to
Neasham, 268

Henry IIL, 296 ; first allusion to New-
castle goldsmiths, in reign of, 398

Henry V., 299

Heniy VL and the Hanseatic league,
234 ; act of, for fixing silver standard,
398

Henry VII. and the Hansa, 237

Henry VIII., commissioners of, lost
their way on journey to Blanchland,
300 ; exemplification of refoundation
charter of Blanchland abbey, 301,
306; siege of Terouenne, 4 ; Brewer's
Bei^n of, \0n ; and the Hansa, 238

Henshaw communion cup, 261

Hepburn, Adam, earl of Bothwell, 28

Herald sent to James IV. by Surrey, 7,
15, 356; 'IsUy ' sent by James IV.,
15

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INDEX.

485

Heralds' college, torqnoise ring, sword,
and dagger of James IV. at, 371

Herford, a Hanse town, 218

Heriot, 147

Herle. Robert de, 350

Hermou, mount, 446a

Heron, the bastard, 17, 18; wounded
at Flodden, 29

Herons of J*ord, pedigree of, 39

Heron, lady, James IV. and, 39, 43,
366 ; in Manniony 39; Pitscottie on,
40; Elizabeth married Thomas Carr
of Etal, 39; John, 867; of Chip-

. chase, 172, 340; Ralph, Frances, and
Charlotte, of Newcastle, 172, 173 ;
see pedigree, 176 ; Thomas, of Heron's
hill, Corbridge, 172; William, 16;
prisoner in Scotland, 48

Henries, lord, 369

Heslop, R. O., 130 ; Richard, curate of
Slaley, 342

Hetherington, George, apprentice to
Newcastle goldsmiths' company, 438;
Lionel, 194

Heton castle in ruins, 866; mill, ford
near, 861

Hewitt, John of North Shields, 276;
Robert of North Shields, 276, 290;
John, son of, 290

Hewitson, Thomas, Newcastle gold-
smith, 260, 400

Heworth, pre- Reformation paten at,
252, 263; early chalice at, 254;
paten and cup, 267

Hexham, St, Cuthbert, bishop of, 88;
Slaley given to church of, 339 ; the
BUck Book of, 839 ; battle of, 113 ;
copper coffin chalice, 262

Hexham Spital, otherwise S. Gyles
hospital, 169

Hicks, W. S., on discoveries at Kirk-
whelpington church, 47

Hildemer, prefect of king Egfrid, 88

Hildemer*s town (? Ilderton), 88

Hildesheim, a Hanse town, 218

* Historic memoranda concerning Culler-
coats,' 287

Hitchen, Hertfordshire, common fields
of, 130

Htxon, Robert, apprentice to Newcastle
goldsmiths* company, 440

Hobbs. Richard, Newcastle goldsmith,
411 et seq.

Hobby horse, the bank, Mr Carr's, 455

Hodgkin, Thomas, D.C.L.. 'The battle
of Plodden,' 1 ; on Ulftlas, 213

Hodgson, Aibiah, 194; George, tomb-
stone of, 195; will of, 195, 207;
Phillip of Sandhoe, 102 ; pedigree of,
196

Hodgson, John, of Elswick house, New-
castle, 376 ; will of, 376

Hodgson, J. Crawfoid, on customs of
Morpeth courts leet and baron, 62;
High Buston, 148

Hodgson, rev. J. P., and SedgeBeld
church, 391

Hodgson-Hinde, account of Ovington,
128

Hodgson, Hutory of Northumherland
quoted 47, 49, 89», 97», 100?*, et
9eq., 283»

Hodhill, near Blandford, Dorsetshire,
lorica scales from, 443

Holaday, Edward, silversmith, 259

Holdemess, men of, at Flodden, 27

Holinshed, Raphael, quoted, 28», 33 ;
accounts of Flodden in Chronwies
and HiMorie of Scotland, 2, 359/i,
860

Hollingsworth, 184

Holm Cnltram, standing cup at, 256

Holmes, Sheriton, on the Roman bridges
across the North Tyne. 328

Holstein, Henrik of 217

Holy Island communion plate, 260, 262

Holywell, ancient farms in, 152

Home, lord, 355 ; chamberlain, 9» ;
overtaken by sir William Bulmer,
9 ; suspiciou not loyal to Scottish
king. 9 ; spelling of surname, 9»;
commander of Scottish left at
Flodden, 26; prisoner in England, 43

Home, Davy, of Wedderburu, slain by
sir Edmund Howard at Flodden, 29

Honorary members, vi ; xxx

Honoratu^y Jvliux, 79

Hooppell, rev. R. E., on Roman altar at
Lanchester, 313

Horses and mares taken by inhabitants
of Northumberland, etc , after
Flodden, 372

Horsley, Thomas, 372

Horton communion plate, 259, 261

Hot«n brass, Sedgefield chnrch, 394

Houghton-le-Spring, vestry book, 201 ;
church, east window of, 391 ; com-
munion paten, 267

House bote, etc., 127

TToff behold hooky lord William Howard's,
quotetl, 73

Howard pedigree, portion of, 11

Howard, sir Edmund, 12, 357, 367 : on
English right at Flodden, 26 ; felled
to earth thrice, 29 ; slew Davy Home,
of Wedderburu, 29 ; rout of division
at Flodden, 368

Howard, Thomas, lord, 27

Howard, sir Thomas, the admiral, 852 ;
and sir Edward, 42

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486

INBBX.

Howard, Katharine, 11

Howard, lord William (' Belted WiU'),

II. 13, 164, 165, 166, 167 ; Thomas.

168 ; sir Charles, 167 ; Dorothy. 167 ;

sir Richard, 167 ; William, esq., 167
Howick communion flagon, 260
Hudleston, rev. Cnrwin, of Hutton

John, 287 ; marries Eleanor Hudson,

287
Hudson, Enoch, of Brnnttm, 287;

Mary, daughter of, 287
Hudson, Henry, of Whitley and New-

higgin, 286 ; Henry, son of, 287 ;

marries Hannah Lascelles, 287 ;

Henry, son of, married Eliiabeth

Ellison, 287 ; death of, 287
Hudson, Thomas, curate of BUmchland,

805
Hull, 454, 458 ; a steelyard at, 222
' Hume, Alexander, of Hume, chamber-
lain,' 9n (see also Home)
Hunstanworth communion cup, 265
Hunter, Barbara, 194 ; Cuthbert, 194 ;

Isabella, 194 ; Jeremiah, 279 ; John,

of North Tvne. 99
Huntercomb, Walter de, marries Alice

de Kolbeck, 296, 348
Huntingdon, 1 14

Huntley, earl of, see Alexander Gordon
Huntley, John, upholsterer, buys ' Fox

and Lamb,' 375 ; Richard, will of,

375 ; Sarah, daughter of, 375
Hurst, Blythe, incumbent of Slaley,

3^2
* Hurthe worth lands,' 269
Hutton, Old, chalice of, 2oO
Hutchinson's description of Blanchland

and approach to it, 295 ; Northumher-

land, 296»
Hymers, George, apprentice to New-
castle goldsmiths' company, 438

I A, silversmith's mark, 263
I F, silversmith's mark, 259
I H, with star above, silversmith's

mark, 262
I M, silversmith's mark, 264
I R, silversmith's mark, 264
I Y, silversmith's mark, 264
Icmaro, bishop of Frascati, 271
Ilderton, 88; communion plate, 260,

262
Illustrated ArchaeulogUt referred to,

327w
Infirmary, Newcastle, 458; goldsmiths'

company's subscription to, 436
Ingledew, William, of Stockton, 290;

Alice, hit wife, 280

Irmiubuig, qneen, 90; St Cuthbert
received profession of, at Cariisle, 91
Isaacson, 469

' Ishind farm,' Sedgefield, 379
IsBod, Thomas, silversmitli, 264

Jackson, Richard, ballad of Flodden

Field, 3U

Jacobite, origin of term, 93 ; moTenent

in Upper Coqnetdale, 93; league^ 93;

relics, 93 ; songs, 104, 105

Jacobite Timet, Londcn in, lOSa, 109s

Jackson, John, silversmith, 26»;

Orlando, James Yonog and, 259
James II. of Scotland, 235; IIL pro-

chiimed king of England, 102
James IV. and Anne of Brittany, 4;
crosses Tweed, 355 ; besieges Norham
castle, 6; takes it, 7; takes Wark,
Etal, and Ford, 7 : at Ford. 7 ; hertld
from, 15; encamped on heights of
Flodden, 16; council, 356; leaves
high ground and marches to battle,
25; second campaign in Northam-
berland, 351; Robert Borthwid[,
master gunner of, 356 ; discovery by
lord Dacre of body of, after Flodden,
stripped, 34; brought to Berwid^,
34; buried at Shene monastery. 35 ;
bravery of. 369 ; challenged by Har-
bottle. 369; death of, 371; surooat
sent to Tournay, 371 ; sword and
ring, 371 ; supposed not to be dead,
but gone on pilgrimage to Holy Land,
35 ; and lady Heron, 39 ; dismantles
Ford castle, 42

James V., letter of regency of, to coort
of Denmark, 354

Jameson, Thomas, engraver, forgery by,
«66. 467

Jarrow, church rate paid to, by number
of farms, 127 ; communion plate, 2G7t
268

Jed, South Dean on the, 89

Jedburghs, given to church of St
Cuthbert, 89;i

Jefferson, Jonathan, curate of Slaley,
342

Jenkins, Michael, apprentice to New-
castle goldsmith's company, 438

Jesmond, butts in, 128 ; deed, a, 126a

Jessopp, Dr., 122;i

Jesus college. Cambridge, 364)»

♦ Jockey of Norfolk,' 10

John, king, 297

John of Ely, abbot of Fonnt^nB, 882 ;
of Kent, abbot of Fonntaint, 382;
of York, abbot of Fountains, 882

Digitized by

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INDEX.

487

Johnson, rev. Anthony, on Blanchbind,
295 ; on Slaley, 339 ; Fewster; 146

Johnstown, lord, prisoner in England, 43

Joicey, Edward, 186

Jones, Ambrose, rector of Rothbary,
94 ; rev. Robert, vicar of Brankston,
description of Flodden, 1, 351

Jopling, John, curate of Slaley, 342

Julius Honoratufy 79

Jupiter, Roman altar to, 76

Kampen, a Hanse town, 218
Kansafl, U.S.A., a farm in, 14<9
Katharine, queen 2 ; sends lord Howard's

letter to king describing Flodden

victory. 35; sends Scottish king's

coat, 36
Keen, sir Malcolm, 366
Kell, George, plumber of Hexham, 186
Kelloe church (see Church Kelloe)
Kelso, Book of, 847 ; monks of, reformed

benedictines, 349
Kemble, letter of, to Mr. Woodman,

132 ; Saxom in England, 132
Kenmure, lord, leader of Scottish rebels,

104 ; beheaded on Tower Hill, 106
Rennet's Parochial Antiquities^ 121 «
Kens with, a widow who took into her

house St. Cuthbert, 84
Kent, Elizabethan communion cups in,

254
Ker, sir Robert, warden of Marches

slain, 17
Khartoum, Gordon and, 35
Kiel, 215, 218

Killing worth, pedigree of, 196
* King Arthur's Well,' 442
Kirkby Sigston church, Yorkshire, 386
Kirkcudbright, 87
Kirk Harle, 296; communion plate,

260 ; halt of Jacobites at, 104 .
Kirkhaugh communion plate, 259
Kirkheaton communion cap, 259
Kirkmerrington communion cup, 263
Kirknewton seventeenth century com-
munion cup, 262
Kirkup, John, Newcastle goldsmith.

261, 262, 266, 267 ; James, apprentice

to Newcastle goldsmiths* company,

437 ; member, 407 et seq,
Kirkwhelpington church, discoveries

at, 47; fracnnei^ts of pcdnted glass,

48 ; medieval g^ve covers, 48 ;

communion cnp, 262 ; parish, ancient

farms in, 152
Knaresdale oommonion cup, 261
Knights templars. 163 ; Robert de Roe

a knight, 162, 163, 181

Knowles, W. H., on old *Fox and
Lamb ' public-house, Newcastle, 878
Koesfeld, a Hanse town, 218
Kolberg, a Hanse town, 218
Koln, a Hanse town, 218
Koln-on-Spree, a Hanse town, 218
Koningsberg, a Hanse town, 218
Korreitpondenzblatt, Westdeittsc/ies,

referred to, 327»
Kovalesky and Ancient Communities,

123
Kulm, a Hanse town, 218
Kyloe communion plate, 261
^ Kyverdale, Manerium de,' 121»

L, R, silversmith's mark, 259

Lambe, Rev. R., Flodden^ referred to,

371, 47»

Lambley communion cup, 259

Lambton & Co., 460. 461, 462

Lamesley paten, 265 ; cup, flagon, etc.,
267

Lammas meadow, a, 1^6

Lancashire, qien of Cheshire and, 14,
27,28

Lancaist^r. Roger de, marries Philippa
de Bolbeck, 296

Lanchester: Roman altar at, 313 ; well
at, 314 ; slabs from, 318; Longo-
viciuvi of Romans, 326 ; church :
communion cup, 263 ; paten, 264 ;
flagon, 265

Land, origin of property in, 123a;
tenures in various countries, 123n

LandmarkSy Prothero's, 122n; (/
Farmingy 125«

Lanercosty Chronicon de, S7n ; priory,
182

Langlands, John, 261. 267 ; apprenticed
to Newcastle goldsmiths' company,
439 ; admitted, 437 ; and Goodricke,
Newcastle goldsmiths, 261 ; and
Robertson, Newcastle goldsmiths,
261, 262, 267

Langley castle, roadside cross near, 94

Laon, near Coucy, first abbey of White
Monks, 299

Lapid. :Scpt. referred to, 320», 322/t

Larkiii, Charles, 377

Lascelles, Francis, of Stank, 284; Han-
nah daughter of, married John Dove,
287 ; buried at CJullercoats, 284

Latimer, bishop, 156 ; lord, 369

Lauder, Berwickshire, custom of, 140^*

Lauderdale, St. Cuthbert shepherd boy
of, 81

Lawes. George, apprentice to Newcastle
goldsmiths' company, 439

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488

INDEX.

Laws, Cuthbert Umfreville, depaty
steward of manor of Tynemontb, 135 j
and ancient farms ia Northumber-
land, 184; affidavit of relating to do.,
135, 154
Laws, John, apprentice to goldsmiths'

company of Newcastle, 439
Lawson's JJistory of Banking ^ 456
Lawsou: family, charters of Neasham
with, 268; James, of Newcastle, 269 ;
sir John, of Brough, 269 ; dame Joan,
last prioress of Neasham, 269 ;
Thomas, affidavit of, concerning farms
in Kirkwhelpington, 152
Layrewite, 147
Leadbitter, of Warden, 169/1 ; Eldward,

steward of Tynemouth manor, 135
Leader, banks of, and St. Cuthbert,

84
League, the Jacobite, 93
Leazes, 126
Leeds, 454
Leicester, lord, 24^
Leigh's balUid of JScotuh Jf'eilde,

354
Leightley, Thomas, Newcastle gold-
smith, 411, ^ tteq.
Lemgo, a Hanse town, 218
Lennox, Stuart, earl of, 28 ; slain, 31
Leo the great, pope, 354 ; and mode of

keeping Easter, 86
* Le Stele,' 839

Lesley, George, earl of Rothes, 367
Letters from Mr. Campbell, 455 ; Miss
Airey, 455 ; Matthew Bell, 465 ;
Ralph Carr, 466 ; to John Coutts,
452 ; Alexander Coutts, 453 ; Messrs.
Middleton, 454 ; Mr. Coutts, 454 ;
Mr. John Moses, 458 ; Messrs. C.
and N. Falls, 458
Lewis's JfUfient Laws of Walesj 123»
l.iburna, a, 450
Liber de Galchou^ 347
Liber liegi^, 340, 380/*
Lilburn, George, 198
Lincoln guild of the holy cross, 54/i
Liudisfame, St. Colman withdrew

from see of, 86
Lindsay, Robert, of Pitscottie, account

of battle of Flodden, 3
Lingoues, 4th cohort of, altar dedicated

by, 76
Linskills of North Shields, 209
Linton, George, of South Shields, 202 ;
North Shields, 274, 289 ; buried, 274
Linton, Robert, of North Shields, 202,
275; Johan, wife of, 202, 275;
Jolianna, daughter of George, 276,
V.89
Lippstadt, a Hanse town, 218

Lisle. Joseph, of Whitley, 289 ; William,
son of, 289

List of members, etc., vi-xiv, xxii-
xxxviii ; of societies exchanging
publications, xiv, xxxix

lAteratnre of Local Institvtions, by
Gomme, 121»

Littleport, a 'fuU land' in, 127 ; bishop
of Ely, court at, 142

Littleton quoted, 143

' Living.' a, in Dorsetshire, the h<^og
of a family, 127

Lizards, the, Sedgefield, 379

Lof thouse, Matthew, eilversmich, 264 ;
Seth, silversmith, 264

London, earl of, 452

London goldsmiths' company opposed
establishment of provincial aa»jr
offices, 406 ; attempt to abolish pro-
vincial assay offices, 408 ; Garnrd
and Johnson, wardens, 408

London, 458, 454, 456 ; guildhaU, the,
245 ; merchant adventurers, 213 ;
plate, 259, 263

Longbenton communion cup, 262

Longovicium «« Lanchester, 326

Longhirst, ancient farms in, 152

Longhorsley communion plate, 259

Longnewton communion cup, 263

Longstaffe, W. H. D., Durham b^ore
the Conquest, 380]»

Loraine, 459 ; Baker & Co., 462

Lorica^ fragment of a Roman, 441

Lorimers or Loriners, 53»

Lortburn, the, 378

Lot meadow, a, 126

Lothian, nobility of, at 'Flodden,*
28

Lottery tickets. State, issued, 464

Lough the forger, account of, from Mr.
Boyd's MS., 467, 468, 469

Low bridge, Newcastle, 378

Lowther, sir Richard, 164

Lowther church, monument in, 164

Lucius III., pope, 271*

LUbeck, head of Hansa bund, 218,
218 ; Johan Wittenberg, burgomaster
of, 217 ; a fleet defeated in Sound,
219; Wullenwewer, burgomaster of,
224

* Lubische Recht,' 214

* Luck penny,' 57
Luel = Carlisle, 90

Lumley, lord, despoiled Lubeck vesseU,

237
Liineburg, a Hanse town, 218
Luther, Martin, 223
Lydgate, John, poem of, 284
Lynn, a steelyaM at, 222

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INDEX.

489

M, on silver, 264

M, C, silversmith's initials, 264

M, I, silversmith's initials, 264

M, T, silversmith's mark, 259

M, W. silversmith's mark, 264

Mackav, sheriff, Prefa<;e to Scottish
Uxckequer AccoitTit^, 6», 8«; on
results of battle of Flodden, 34;»

Mackenzie, Northumherlaridy 2847t

Macmillan'8 Magaziiie^ 121n

*Madencrofte,'272

Maddison, Ralph, entered in Newcastle
goldsmiths' company, 440

*Maenor'of Celt, 125

Magdeburg, a Hanse town, 218 ;
Norbert, archbishop of, founder of
White Monks, 299

Magnus of Norway, 217

Maine, sir Henry, study of customs of
ancient communities in England by,
123 ; Village Communities^ 140/J, 149

Maitland, Professor, 142, 1457&

Makepeace, Robert, Newcastle gold-
smith, 260, 261, 266, 425, et seq.;
Robert, the younger, entered, 440;
Thomas, apprentice to Newcastle
goldsmiths' company, 438; entered,
440 ; member, 425, et seq.

Malmcsbury, William of, 227

Manfred, cardinal priest, 271

Mangy, Thomas, York silversmith, 265

* Manoir * of Normans, 125

Manors, origin of, 121

Manor courts, 148»; and township
descended from village community, 121

Mar, earl of, and rebellion of 1715, 98

Marcellinus, Ammianus, 448

Marden close, 282 ; mill, 283

Margaret's dowry, disputes concerning
queen, 4

Marie of Gueldres, princess, 235

Marine society, 458

Marine Valerinnus, 157

Marwion, 8, 352; lady Heron described
in, 39

Martin's, St., church, 454; lane, 454

Martin, Henry, apprentice to New-
castle goldsmiths company, 438

Martindale, Thomas, curate of Slaley,
342

Marton, Yorkshire, 356

' Marts,' kiUing of, 56

Maryport, Uxellodunum Roman name
of, 326

Marston, the lord Philip of, 146

Mary, queen, and the Hansa, 241 ;
queen of Scots, 12

Matrihus Suebis, 825

Matronae OaMae^ 322

VOL. XVI.

Maurer and Nasse, and study of customs
of ancient communities, 123

Maxwell, lord, 369

Meadow, a lot or lammas, 126

Medieval cross at Middleton St. George,
45 ; grave covers, 48, 303 ; painted
glass, 48

M^omsley, St. Cuthbert passed
through, 91; plague at, 91; com-
munion cup of, 267

Meetings to support banks, 456, 461,
462,463

Meldon communion paten, 261

Melrose, St. Cuthbert at, 85 ; prior of, 86

Members, lists of, vi, zxx

Merchant adventurers, London and
Muscovy, 224; of London, 213, 226

Merchant tailors' books, extracts from,
54,55/t

Mercheleye, William de, ^7

Merchet, 147

Merchingley hermitage, 846; charters
relating to, 347

Mercians, Wiglaf king of the, 150

Mercone, Giovanni da, 272

Merivale, dean, and date of Roman
Wall, 447

Merrington, Kirk (see Kirkmerrington)

Merse, the, 863

Merton, Walter de, 184

Merton college, Oxford, 113 ; livings of
Embleton and Ponteland belongto, 118

Metcalfe, Hesilrigg, apprentice, New-
castle goldsmiths^ company, 439

Meyrick's Ancient Armour^ 445

Middle Ages, England's Social Organi-
zation at close of, 123»; Nasse's
Agricultural Communities of the,
124»

Middleton - in - Teesdale, communion
plate, 264; cup, 266

Middleton, North, enclosed, 188, 140;
ancient farms in, 153

Middleton St. George, medieval cross in
garden of Low hall at, 45

Middleton, Gylbert, and his wife, 282

Middleton, George, banker in London,
454 ; Lawrence, 166

Middleton, Messrs., agents for Ralph
Carr, 454; in St. Martin's lane, 454;
originally goldsmiths, 454

Mill and bakehouse, township, 122

Milbourne, Ralph, 204; will of, 209

Milburn, Swinburne v,, 144

Millford, 23», 360

Milne hills of Kent, 269

Milton (Cambridge) terriers, 125»;
four common fields Ut, 125n

Minden, a Hanse town, 218

* Minshynys,* 117

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490

INDEX.

Minsteracres park, 295

Mitchell, Kobert, entered in the New-
castle goldsmiths' company, 440

Mitch ison, John, entered in the New-
castle goldsmiths' company, 440 ;
first gold-plate assayed for, 408 ;
William Stalker, and Newcastle gold-
golditmiths, 261

Mitford communion cnp, 262

Mitford, Oswald, 301

Moises, Thomas, master mason, of Nine
Altars, Durham, 385 ; inscription of,
on buttress, 885

Money to pay troops sent by Ralph
Carr, 452

Moneylaws, 26

Money panic, 456, 461, 462, 463

Mon-Fitchet, barons of, 296

Monk Heselden communion cup, 266

Monkridge, ancient farms in, 154

Monkseatou, ancient farms in, 154;
number of farms in, 135

Monkwearmouth communion cup, 263

Monteagle, lord, S6n ; sir Edward
Stanley created, 36

Montrose, earl of, at Flodden, 27;
sUin, 30

Man. Mi)(t, Brit, quoted, 86n

Mooney, Robert, 194

Mordeu tower, Newcastle, granted to
goldsmiths, 402 ; rebuilding of, 404

Moor, John, affidavit of, concerning
farms in Rarsdon, 152

Morier, sir R., description of German
communities, 123»

Morpeth, account of customs of court
leet, etc , 52; proclamation of fair at,
56; court of pied 2>oudrey 57 ; killing
of marts, 56 ; duties of bailiff, 57 ;
* luck-penny,* 57 ; race-course at
Cottingwood, 58 ; flesh and fish-
lookers, 58 ; order for election of
bailiffs, etc., 58 ; customs of courts,
59 ; manor of, 60 ; manor of castle
of, 60 ; bailiff's oath, 67 ; foreman's
oath, 60 ; freeman's oath, 61 ; court
rolls of 1632, 62, 70

Morpeth church, communion plate of,
261, 262 ; grammar school, suit by,
to recover lands, 131

Morwick, ancient farms in, 154

Moses, John, 458

Motte, La, French ambassador, 356

Movement (Jacobite) in Upper Coquet-
dale, 93

Mowbray, John, 171

Mucklebank Roman wall turret, 442

Magglcswick communion tankard, 264 ;
salver, 265

Miinster, 216 ; a Hanse town, 218

Murray, John, of Brooghton, secretary
to prince Charles Edward, 98

Murton, number of farms in, 135 ;
ancient farms in, 154

Musgrave, 163 ; Edward, 164 ; sir Giles,
25 ; an English outlaw in Scottish
camp at Flodden, 363; R., 184;
Simon, 164 ; William, 163

N H, linked silversmith's mark, 267 ;
and with ^\e fleurf-dt-lU, 267

Nasse, Agricultural Cmnmunitie^ of
the Middle Ages, 124«

Nairn, lord, 104 ; released from prison,
108

Naworth castle, 13

Neasham priory, county Durham, a bull
relating to, 268; founded by lord
Dacre, 268; charter of Henry II.,
268 ; gift from Alan de Eggescliva,
368; dame Joan Lawson, last prioress
of, 269 ; Dugdale's account of, 272»

Neasham, village of, 269

Nechtansmere, slaughter of, 81 ; death
of Egf rid at, 89

Nether Cramond, 80

^ Nether Dean bridge,* Newcastle, 378

Nether Kellet, 89

Netherwitton, John Thornton of, 102 ;
lands belonging to chantry of, 131 ;
ancient farms in, 153 ; church, com-
munion cup of, 259

Nevilles, the, benefactors of abbey of,
Blanchland, 297

Neville of Chevet^ 184

Newark, 115

Newbiggin communion plate, 259, 261

Newburgh, near Cox wold, ' namely the
new borough where Saint Saviour is,'
116

Newburn communion paten, 259 ; cup,
262

Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 315; lord Surrey
leaves York for, 7 ; Surrey met levies
at, 356 ; each burgess of, might have
his own oven, 122; Ralph Carr,
general merchant at, 452 ; first pro-
vincial bank at, 452 ; duke of Cum-
berland at, 453 ; Wade's army at,
454; in 1787 four banks at, 460;
population of, 460 ; branch of the
bank of England established at, 463 ;
castle leazes, 131 ; eccentric charac-
ters of, Parker's picture of, 377;
* Fox and Lamb,' public house, 373 ;
Quigs' burying ground, 287 ; Stones
fair, 65 ; Morden tower rebuilt, 404 ;
contribution of goldsmiths' company
to build infirmary, 436

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INDEX.

491

Newcastle bank (afterwards called the

' Old Bank ') , 454, 456, 456, 464, 465,

466

Newcastle churches : All Saints*, com-

mnmon plate of, 254, 259, 260, 262 ;

St. Andrew's, commnnion plate of,

260, 261, 262 ; St. Ann's, 261 ; St.

John's, commnnion plate of, 269,

260 ; St. Nicholas's, 392 ; commnnion

pUte of, 259, 260. 262

Newcastle, the goldsmiths of, d97>440 ;

the plumbers' company of, 397 et seq.

Newcastle and the Hansa, 221 ;

despatch in archives of Stralsnnd

from mayor of, 221 ; sir Peter Scott

mayor of, 221n; steelyard, 222;

trade with, 222

Newcastle papers, extracts from, 454,

456, 464, 465, 466, 467, 469, 470
Newcastle Weekly Chronicle, ISOn, 285
Newbam, ancient farms in, 154
Newhouse, Lincolnshire, fonnded, 300
Newsham township, ancient farms in, 152
Newspapers, Newcastle, extracts from,
454, 455, 464, 465, 466. 467, 469, 470
Nicholas's, pope, taxation, 339
Nicholson, Mark Grey, apprentice to
goldsmiths' company, 437 ; appointed
Newcastle assay master, 421
Nine Altars, Durham cathedral, 382 ;

Fountains abbey, 382
Ninebanks pommunion cup, 261
Nineteenth Century, The, 122/i
Nithsdale Picts, country of, 87
Nithsdale, earl of, 104
Nocera, bishop of, 354
Non-parochiul regiders, Sims on, 189
Nordheim, a Hanse town, 218
Norfolk, duke of, the earl of Surrey

created, 36
Norham castle, 355 ; sieges of, by
James I Y., 6 ; bishop Ruthal's letters
concerning, 36 ; taken, 7 ; John
Ainslie, captain of. 355»
Norham church, communion cup of, 260
Normans, * manoir ' of, 125
Norinui^u, CoiUumss de, 125/i
Norris, John, Newcastle goldsmith, 400
Northallerton, 115
North Shields ; see Shields, North.
Northumberland, a ' farm ' or * farm-
hold ' in, 127 ; ancient farms of, 113
extracts from sessions records of. Ill
church plate of, 249; list of, 259
no pre- Reformation plate in, 250
Rambles in, 336
Northumberland, a new county history
of, i, xxi ; Hodgson's History of,
quoted, 47, 89», 97», 109n, 283», 447;
Hutchinson's HUtory of, 296/i ;
Mackenzie's History, 284

Northumberland and Durham, an
archaeological map of, xxij church
plate of, 397

Northumbrian Border, l\iQ, by canon
Creighton, 121» ; Witenagemot con-
demned ancient mode of keeping
Easter, 86

Norway, a Danish province, 223 ;
Magnus of, 217

Norwich Tailors' Guild, 54»

Note issue commenced, 455 ; particulars
of, 458, 459; withdrawn, 464
promissory, lost, 469

Notes on a journey from Oxford to
Embleton and back in 1461, 113

Notitia Dignitatum, 76

Nuinerus in Roman inscriptions,
326

Nunsbrough on Devil Water, 350

Nymwegen, a Hanse town, 218

OfPa. king of Mercia, letter from

Charlemagne to, 226
' Offnamarum ' ? 272
Ogle, ancient farms in, 154
* Old bank,' the, Newcastle, 452 (see

banks)
Oliver, John, York silversmith, 265;

Stephen, Bambles in Northuviber-

land, quoted 336
' Order of the White Rose,* 93
Origin of Projferty in Land, The,

122n
Orighis of Bnglijth History, 140
Orsini, Giaciuto Bobone, cardinal

deacon, 271
Orton, John, curate of Slaley, 342
Oschersleben, a Hanse town, 218
Osnabriick, a Hanse town 218
Osterbui*g, a Hanse town, 218
Ottaviano da Monticella, cardinal

priest, 271
Otterburn, justice Hall of, 101 ; ancient

farms in, 154
Ottone da Brescia, cardinal deacon of

St. Nicholas, 271
Ottone da Cesena, cardinal deacon, 27
Ovington, homesteads of, 128
Oxclose, Ovington, 129
Oxford, oak leaf worn at, 97 ; to

Erableton and back in 1464, 113;

documents at Merton college, 113
Oxgang, 127

P, R, silversmith's initials, 264
Paderbom, a Hanse town, 218
Panic, money, 456, 461, 462, 463

Digitized by

Google

492

INDEX.

Pointed f^lsM at Blanchland, 803 ; from
Eirkwhelpington cbarch, 48 ; Sedge-
field, 893

PaUinsborn, 862^; mansion of, 23

Papcaitle, Aballava, Roman name of,
826

Papers left by Mr. Carr, 468 ; by Mr.
Boyd, 468

Papists, list of, in Botbbnry, Alwinton,
and Holystone parishes, 111 ; and
honses in Coqaetdale ward, 111, 112

Parish re^sters, xxi ; Blanchland, 803 ;
Slaley, 842; extracts from Tyne-
mouth, 274

Parker, H. P., the artist, 877

Pardohial Antiquities^ Rennet's, 121»

Partis, pedtgree of, 196; Thos., of
Sunderland, silversmith, 428 ;
William, Newcastle goldsmith, 261,
266,267

' Passes,* soldiers' widows and children
having, 67

Paston letters, the, 166

Patens, pre-Reformation, 262 ; in county
Durham, 262

Patten, Robert, priest of Allendale, 98 ;
History of Rebellion of 1715, 98;
taken prisoner at Preston, 98

Pattenson, Cuthbert, 842

Paul, parson, executed, 109

Paymaster-general sir Thomas Wen-
nington, 462

Payne, Humphrey, silversmith, 269,
264.266

Peagram, Miss Polly, niece of George
Campbell, 464 ; marriage of, to James
Coutts, 464

Pearson, of Hexham and Haltwhistle,
George, 169; John, 169; Margaret,
169; William, 169, 170»

Peaston, William, silversmith, 265

Peat, Jeremiah, of Hawksdale, appren-
tice to Newcastle goldsmiths* com-
pany, 439; Robert, apprentice to
Newcastle goldsmiths' company, 439

* Pebersvende,' in Scandinavia, a bachelor
over forty, 220

Peirson, Shem, 290

Peel, John, of Cullercoats, 289; Ann,
his wife, 289; Jeremiah, son of,
289

Pennant quoted, 248

Percy, bishop, 364; William, 27, 3C8

Pernan, a Hanse town, 218

Peter, * clericus de Seggefeld.' 381

Peter and Paul, heads of, on papal bull,
272

Peterborough (bishop of), see Creighton
(canon)

Pfarrer, Thomas, silversmith, 266

PhilUps, Maberly, *0n some fcwgotten
burying grounds of Society of Fiimds.'
189, 274 ; * On the "Old Bank," New-
castle,' 452

Phornetuna — Thornetona (?), 272 tod
n

Pickering, Theophilos, rector of Sedge-
field, 394

Piedpotidre^ hearing of cases in eonrt
of, 67

Pierpoint, William, demises collieriettt
Whitley, 283

Pilgrim street, Newcastle, 465, 461;
* fairest street in town,' 378

Hnkney and Scott, Newcastle gold-
smiths, 261, 262, 267

* Pipers hill,' 26, 27, 29, 45

Piscinae, Sedgefidd, 389

Pitscottie, 7n

Plainfield moor, on Coquet, meetiog at,
in 1716, 99, 100; standard of re-
bellion, first unfurled at, 100

PlainmeUor, 163, 168, 169

*Plas'of Celt,125

Plate, church, in Northumberland and
Durham, etc. (see church plate) ; Old
English, 397

PUtel, Pierre, silversmith, 264

Plough bote, 127 ; gates, farms in
Whalton termed, 154

Plumbers' company of Newcastle, the,
397

Plnmmer, James, York silversmith,
265

Poictiers, 37

Ponteland, living of, belongs to Merton
college, Oxford, 113; church, com-
munion plate of, 261

Pope GeUsins XL, 299; Leo X. and
burial of Scottish king, 35

Potts, Luke Eillingworth, apprentioe
to Newcastle goldsmiths* company,
439 ; embezzled goods, 439 ; Michael
of Sharperton, 96

Poultry, eggs and, rental paid in,
128

Preaching licences, 205

Precariae, 145

Premonstratensians, why so called, 800 ;
canons at Blanchland, 296

Pre- Reformation church plate, none in
Northumberland, 250; patens. 252,
263 ; north country examples, 252

Preston, Lancashire, rebels penetrated
to, 105 ; defeat of, at, 98, 105

Preston, Northumberland, number of
farms in, 135 ; ancient farms in, 154;
Tinemouth and, terrier of lands in,
283

Preston Pans, battle of, 452, 458

Digitized by

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INDEX.

493

Pretender, the young, prince Charles

Edward* landed in Scotland, 452;

gains battle of Preston Pftns, 452,

458
Priestman, Robert, vicar of Haltwhistle,

1676, 180
Prince Charles Edward, 98, 452
IMor, Matthew, Newcastle assay master,

406
Proe, Beru), Nat, Club^ vol. iv., 851»
Proc, 8oc, Antiq, Scotland^ 3587t
FroeolUia, 337
Procurations, list of, 339
Prothero*s Landmark*, 122n
Pryor, William, appointed Newcastle

assay master, 426
Pnrefoy, Philip, 169

Quakers' burial grounds, Notes on some
forgotten, 189, 274; Besse's Suffer-
ings of the, 190; society, extracts
from cash books of, 275
Qua Iter isw^ Early, in Gatetthead, 190
Qnedlinburg, a Hansc town, 218
Quigs* burying ground, Newcastle, 287
* Quintinie, Mademoiselle de,* 125n

R on silver, 264

R B, silversmith's initials, 263 ; R, F,
264 ; R, 1, 264 ; R L, 259 ; R P, 264;
R.S, mullet above and below, silver-
smithes mark, 259

Raine. R., silversmith, 264

Raine, North Durham^ 366/1

Ramsay, Cuthbert, Newcastle gold-
smith, 400

Ramsey, John, innholder, 375 ; William,
Newcastle goldsmith, 260, 266. 400,
et seq. : William, jiin.. apprentice to
Newcastle goldsmiths' company, 438 ;
member, 400 et neq.

Randal, Survey of (%urrhe«, 340

Ratcliff, William ('laird Ratcli«P')» o^
Thropton, 110

Ravensworth, lord. 458, 459

BehellioM of 1715, Hhtory of 98 ;
1745, 452 ; great northern, 144

Recusants in Gateshead, 194

Redmarshall, origin of name, 379

Reed k Co., 462

Reeve, J. A., on Fountains abbey, 882

Registers, parish (see parish registers) ;
non-parochial, 189

Bsign of Henry VTIL, 10

Replington, ancient farms in, 154

Reports, annual, i, xxi

BevAl, a Hanse town, 218

Rhodes, arms of, on Sedgefield bell, 392
Jthyviet of Northern Bards, Bell's, 110
Richardson's terrier of survey of South

Shields, 203
Richardson, Table Booh, 283»
Richardson, G. B., drawing of old * Fox

and Lamb,' Newcastle, 375 ; Thomas,

of North Shields, 290; William,

vicar of SUley, 842
RiddeU, 459
Ridley grave cover, 179
Bidley, Matthew, 406-^ seq.; docu-
ments made out in favour of, 452
Ridley, sir Matthew White, I., 460;

partner in Old Bank, 461 ; died, 462
Ridley, sir M. W., II., joined bank,

462 ; died. 463
Ridley, sir M. W., Ill , joined bank, 463
Ridley, Cuthbert, 187; Hugh, 166;

John, 164. 165, 166, 179 ; Nicholas,

168, 179, 184; of Willimoteswyke,

372
Ridley, Bell, & Co., 462 ; Bigge, & Co.,

463. 464 ; Bigge, Gibson, & Co., 462 ;

Cookson & Co., 461
Ridpath, Border JIUtory, 354»
Riga, 216 ; a Hanse town, 218
'Kig and dale' lands at HaJtwhistle,

173
Rigs, 125

Ripon, St. Cuthbert hosteller at, 85
Rising of 1715, 97 ; of 1745, 98
Robins, John, silversmith, 260
Robinson's, late Mr., house, 455
Robinson, James, entered in books of

Newcastle goldsmiths' company, 440 ;

R., letter of, relating to baths at Cul-

lercoats, 290 ; Richard, of North

Shields, 290 ; Joan, wife of, 290 ;

William, Newcastle goldsmith, 400

et seq.
Robson. James, of Thropton, 110 ;

affidavit of, as to ancient farms in

Whalton parish, 154; Matthew, of

Bellingham. horse of, taken possession

of by rebels, 103
Rochester, township of, 148; ancient

farms in. 154
Roddam, 88

Roderick Random, 376
Rodolfo, cardinal deacon. 271
Roennonde, a Uanse town. 218
Roman altars at Lanchester, 313 ;

Wallsend, 76
Roman bridges across the North Tvne,

328; Mr. Holmes on, 828; Mr.

Clayton on, 328 ; across the river

Rede, 336
Roman campe, fund for excavation of, i
Boinan Britain ^ by Scarth, 444;t

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494

INDEX.

Roman inscription, a new, from Sonth
Shields, 157 ; mortar, 882

Roman mile castles, a forgotten refer-
ence to, 447

Roman Wall, visit of general von
Sarwey to, xxii. ; report of excava-
tion committee, xxvi. ; Wallet Book,
331 ; date of, construction of,
ascribed by dean Merivale to fourth
century, 447 ; Gildas and the, 451

Roman Wall turret, destruction of a,
441 ; found by William Tailford,
441

Romans, * aula ' of, 125

Romans, township organization of agri-
culture ascribed to, 123

Ros or Roos, pedigree, 174; Alexander,
lfi2; Isabella, 181; Margaret, 163;
Robert, 162, 163, 181 ; William, 163,
182

♦ Rose, White, Order of the/ 93
Roses, Wars of the, 233
Rostock, a Hanse town, 218
Rotations of crops, 125
Rothes, earl of, 367 et seq.
Rothbury : ancient farms in, 153 ; rebels

of 1715 at. 99 ; James III. proclaimed
king, 102 ; list of papists in. 111 ;
inns : * Black Bull,' 95, 102 ; * Three
Half-Moons,' 102 ; parish books, 94 ;
rectors of : Thomas Cotes, 94 ;
Ambrose Jones, 94; Dr. John
Thomlinson, 101, 147/>; parish
registers, extracts from, 109, 110 ;
communion plate of, 259, 262
Rotherham, John, 184. 188 ; Thomas,

184, 188 ; William, 18^t
Botta, La, d'Scocexi, 353
Rouge Croix, bearer of challenge to

Scottish king, 358
Rough castle, 81
Boijal HUtory Beriew, 145»
liorhirghe Clvh PvMirnthniJt, 363»
Rugonwalde, a Hanse town, 218
Rnslen, John, silversmith, 264
Jivgxhi, Modern Cnxtoms and Ancient

Lfitos of, 123ft
Russia, Catholics of Latin rite in,
allowed to follow eastern calendar
regarding keeping of Eiister, 86n;
study of customs of ancient com-
munities in, 123 ; Wallace's, 147»
Ruthal's, bishop of Durham, 2 ; letters
to Wolsey concerning Norham and
Flodden, 36

• Rutlingaham,* 87, 88 is it Roddam, ?

84
Ryal communion cup, 262
Ryton church, 885 ; communion cup

aud flagons, 266 ; paten, 267

S, A, linked, silversmith's mark, 268

S H, silversmith's mark. 268

8, R, mullet above and below, silver-
smith's mark, 259

* Saddelflat.' 272

Sadelyngstanes, Hugh de, 850

St. Aidan, 84

St. Aidan's soul, St. Cuthbert's vision
of, assumption of, 85

St. Andrews, Alexander Stuart, arch-
bishop of, 8; slain at Flodden. 88,
869; and lady Heron's daughter, 40

St. Audrey, banner of, 356

St. Bartholomew, church of, Kirk-
whelpington, 47

St. Boswell, St. Cuthbert favourite
disciple of, 85; died of the plague,
86; Tweedmouth church dedicated
to, 86

St. Colman withdrew from Lindis-
fame, 86

St. Cuthbert, banner at Flodden, 7, 27,
30, 36, 357 ; names of persons and
places mentioned in early lives of, 81 ;
rev. J. L. Low on, 81 ; MS. lives of,
83 ; North Shields first spot identified
with, 83 ; in house of widow Kenswith,
84, 87 ; vision of assumption of St.
Aidan's soul, 85 ; favourite disciple
of St. Boswell, 85; * hosteller' at
Ripon, 85 ; retired to banks of
Tweed, 86 ; conformed to Roman
way of keeping Easter, 86 ; prior of
Melrose, 86 ; walked into waves at
Coldingham, 87 ; sailed down Solway
with Tydi and another monk, 87 ; on
Fame island, 88 ; elected bishop of
Hexham, 88 ; crossed Tweed at
Examford, 89 ; cured Baldhelm, 89 ;
lands of Cartmel given to, 89 ; con-
secrated at York, 89 ; at Carlisle,
89 ; grants settlment at ' Bedesf eld ' to
some nuns, 90; receives profession
of queen Irminburg, 91 ; dedicates
church at Easington, North York-
shire, 91 ; beatification of shepherd
Hadwald, 91 ; passed through
Medomsley, 91 ; received welcome at
South Shields from abbess Verca, 92 ;
retires to Fame, 92; *Gedweardes'
given to church of, 89» ; met St.
Herbert, 91

St. Cuthbert, Metrical Life of, 78»

8, CvthbertOy Uhtoria de^ 879ii

» St. Elene,' gild of, 54»

St. Helens Auckland, see Auckland St.
Helens

St Herbert, hermit of Derwentwater, 91

Digitized by

Google

INDEX.

495

St. Hilda chapel, 84

St John, representation of, 45

St. John Lee commanion cup and

paten, 261
St. John*s, Weardale (see Weardale St.

Johns)
St. Katharine, Stamford gild of, 55 »

* Saint Loys gyld and light,' Morpeth

church, bdn
S. Mary, representation of, on cross, 45

* Sancta Maria,' inscription on painted

glass, Blanchlaud, 303
Saint, Joseph, partner in Old Bank, 456 ;
died, 457

* St. Oswin in Tinemouth,' 282
Saltpans, erection of, at Cullercoats, 286
Salzwedel, a Hanse town, 218

Sand, George, Mademoi-itelle de Quin-
tinley 125»

Sanderson, Richard Burdon, 376rt

Sandhoe, Phillip Hodgson, of 102

Sandyford, 362

Sarwey, general von, visit of, to Roman
Wall, xxii

Satyr upon Women^ 110

Saxon* in England^ 182

Scarhrough, earl of, 103

Scarth, Rowan Britainy 4't4»

Scoce^iy la Rotta de, 353

ScoUUh ffeilde, hallad of, 354

Scotland: kings of, Alexander III., 163 ;
John de Balliol, 162, 163; WiUiam
the Lion, 162, 163, 181 ; the curse of,
864; Pretender landed in,452; money
sent to, 452, 454.

Scotland, Celtic, 123»; Pinkerton's
Bistory of^ 353/» ; Tytler's History
o/,9n

Scots, battle array of, at Floddeu, 363 ;
pursuit of, 869

Scott, sir Peter, mayor of Newcastle,
221;t; Robert, entered in Newcastle
goldsmiths* company, 444 ; sir Walter,
and battle of Flodden, 31 ; on lady
Heron, 39; Walter, of Newcastle, 37*6

Scottish camp at Flodden plundered by
the English, 872 ; troops at Flodden,
number of, exaggerated, 4 ; Exche-
quer Accounts, Pre/ace to, by Sheriff
Mackay, bn

Scroop, Henry, lord, 164

Scrutton On Cmninon Fields, 122/i

Scupstol, the, 216

Scythe-chariots in East, 450

Seaham commanion cup, etc., 265

Seaton Delaval, 145 ; ancient farms in,
152

Seaton, North, ancient farms in, 153

Seaton, William, Newcastle, goldsmith,
400

Seatonn, George, silversmith, 260

Sedan, 352

Sedgefield : church, 379 ; erected by same
man as Nine Altars, Durham, 884;
dedicated to St. Edmund the bishop,
formerly to Virgin, 380; tower,
* stateliest in county,' 391 ; intended
to be crowned with lantern, 392;
ground plan, 395 ; transepts, 389 ;
chantries, 394; chantry altars, 389;
carved capitals of nave, 386; early
rectors of, 381, 393 ; aumbries, 389;
bells, 392, 394, 396; brasses, 390;
cups, communion, 264 ; effigies, 390 ;
fairs and markets, 380 ; font, 394 ;
furniture, ancient, etc., 393; glasd,
painted, 393; grave covers, 896;
manor mill of, 379; paten, 265;
piscinae, 389; rood beam, 390

Seebohm, The Village Community, 122,
130; Villeinage in England, 12Zn

Seehausen, a Hanse town, 218

Seghill, ancient farms in, 152

Selbys of Biddleston, 96

Selby, Robert, of Durham, a physician,
280, 28i; Hannah {lUe Lascelles),
his wite. 280, 28t, 289

Selden, 121»

Sellions, 125

Selwyn, sir George, 54

Session, records of Northumberland,
extracts from, 111

* Seven Sisters, The,' 5, 24

Severus, Alexander, 157, 451 ; Roman
inscriptions of reign of, 160

Sforza archives, 853

Shadwell, vice chancellor, 134

Shaftoe, Edward, 102 ; John, bequest
to Slaley, 340 ; captain John, 99,
102 ; William, 102

Shares, proportion of, held by partners
in Old Bank, Newcastle, 456, 457

Sharp, archdeacon, 187 ; Robert, silver-
smith, 260 ; apprentice to Newcastle
goldsmiths* company, i40

Sharperton, ancient farms in, 154

Shaw, Nathaniel, apprentice to New-
castle goldsmiths' company, 438 ;
member, 425 et seq.

Sheffield, London goldsmiths' company
opposed establishment of assay office
at, 406

Sherburn hospital, Elizabethan com-
munion cup with lettered band at,
254, 263 ; flagon and paten. 266

Shieldiield rigs, 126/t

Sheene, Alice, silversmith, 264

' Shem,' male christian name, 290

Shene, Surrey, body of king James IV.
buried in monastery of, 35

Digitized by

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496

INDEX.

Sheppard'a Touchstone, 127
Shields, North, extracts from cash books
of Society of Friends of, 275 ; qaaker
burial ground at high end, 274 ; first
spot identified with St. Cuthbert, 83
Shields, South, 7Sn; a new Roman
inscription, 157 ; bronze links of
Roman armour from, 4-14 ; abbess
Verca welcomed St. Cuthbert at, 92 ;
St. Hilda's church communion cups,
etc., 266, 267 ; quaker burial ground
at, 202 ; surprise of quaker meeting
at, 202 ; Robert Linton of, 274.
Shipley, John, 288 ; Margaret {nie

Haiddock), wife of, 288
Shipton, Richard, of Lythe, Yorkshire,

285 ; Elizabeth, daughter of, 285
Shipwrecked goods, 215
Shire rent of manor of Tynemouth, 135
Shotley, appropriation, elc, of church

of, given to Blanchland, 297
Silvertop, George, of Minsteracres,
bought Bolbcck manor, 297; H. T.,
297
* Shots,' 125
Shrewsbury, duchess of, interceded for

rebels, 109
Shrive, Robert, Newcastle goldsmith,

400
Sibba, 89; servant of, cured by St.

Cuthbert, 89
Signatures to Bank guarantee, 462
Silver, act fixing standard of, 398
Silver Street, Newcastle, 'Old Bank' in,

456
Simnel's (Lambert) msurrection, 10
Simonburn communion cup and paten,

259
Simpson, John, 288; Barbara (^nee
Haddock), wife of, 288; Richard, of
Lythe, )f orkshire, lease to get coal at
CuUercoatH, 285
Sim's Son-parochial IlegUiers, 189
Sinclair, lord, master of Scottish ord-
nance, death of, 369
Sipylus in Magnesia, 446»
Sirion «» mount tiermon, 446/t
Sisson, William, vicar of Slaley, 842
Skene, Celtic Seotlandy 87 fh ^2?t, 123/i
Snitter, ancient farms in, 153
Skley, ecclesiastical history of, by the
rev. Anthony Johnson, 339; church
built, 340; bells and communion
plate, 341 ; tombstone at, 341 ; vicar
and curates, 342; registers, 342;
communion cup, 262; abstract of title
of John Thornton to tithes of, 343
Slaley, Gilbert de, gave Slaley to church

of Hexham, 839
Sleath, G., silversmith, 264

Sleigh, John, vicar of Slaley, 342

Smiths of Nottingham, 466

Smith, John, vicar of Slaley, 342;

Joseph, minister of Slaley, 342;

William, surgeon. 470
Smith, D., and R. Sharp, silversmithtf,

265
Smolensk, prince of, 216
Snowdon, Thomas, Newcastle £^old-

smith, 415 vt seq.
Societies exchanging publications, lists

of, xiv, XXX ix
Sockburn church, 381; commanion

cup, 267
Soden, rev. C. W., presents fragmeiits

of painted glass to Black Gate

museum, 48
Soest, a Hanse town, 216, 218
Sole, Thomas, of * Linn,' 290
Soltbomel, a Hanse town, 218
* Sorel,* sir John Fenwick's horse, 96 ;

threvv William of Orange, 96 ; poem

concerning, 96
Sose, Francis, Newcastle goldsmith, 400
Sound, LUbeck fleet defeated in, 219 ;

dues instituted by Eric, 223
South dean on the Jed, 89
South Shields (see Shields, South)
Southern, Robert, extracts from will

of, 284»
'Sparrow hall,* Cullercoato, 285;

account of, 285 ; conveyance relating>

to, 293
Spearman's Notes, 297*
Spedding, John, Jan., nephew of

Thomas Gibson, joined bank, 463;

larg^ shareholder in district bsok,

and appointed a director, 464
Spen colliery communion |^te, 263
Spence, C. J., 205, 275, 289
Spencer, James, secretary to the bank,

470
Spitting, a defence from magic, 57*
Spittle and Low Buston, ancient htrna

in, 154
' Squares,* 125
Stade, a Hanse town, 218
Staindrop communion cups and patens,

263; flagons, 266, 267
Stainton. Great, county Durham, Eliza-
bethan secular cup at church, 254,

256,263
Stalker, William, and John Mitchison,

Newca»tle goldsmiths, 261
Stamford, Guild of St Katherine,

55s
Stamfordham, leases for lives in, 144;

church, communion cnp, eta, st, 269^

261
<Stanegate, The,*886

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INDBX.

497

Stanhope, property belonginff to
BUnchland abbey at, 897; cbnroh,
commanion cup, 266 ; paten, 204

Stanley, badge of, 856; Andrew de,
master of Greatbam hospital, brass
of. 894; James, bishop of Ely, 856

Stanley, sir Edward, 14, 856, 870;
commander of Cheshire and Lanca-
shire men at Flodden, 28; pressed
np central ridge, 81; created lord
Monteagle, 86

Stannington communion cup, etc., 259

Stanton, Thomas Cotes, schoolmaster
at 94

Stargard, a Hanse town, 218

Statutes of the society, xvi. xxviii

Staveren, a Hanse town, 218

Steelyard, some statutes and regula-
tions of the, 284

* Steelyards,* 222

Steen, Tidemand,comm|mder of Lttbeck

fleet, 219
< Steeple house*' the, 208
Stendal, a Hanse town, 218
Stettin, a Hanse town, 218
Stillington, 115

* Stitches,' half -acre strips known as, in

south, 125
Stockton communion plate, 264; cups,

flagons, plates, etc., 265
Stoddart, Thomas, apprentice to New-
castle goldsmiths* company, 489;

admitted, 436
Stolpe, a Hanse town, 218
Storey, James, of Rothbury, affidavit of,

as to ancient farms in Snitter, etc,

153
Storia dei Cardinalidi Santa Rcrnana

Chiesa^ quoted, 271i
Story, Charles, apprentice to Newcastle

goldsmiths' company, 489; Robert,

290; Eleanor, wife of, 290; Jacob,

son of, 290
Stralrtimd, a Hanse town, 218 ; peace of

in 1370, 217; despatch in archives

of, from mayor of Newcastle to the

Rath of, 221
Stranton, wine-glass shaped communion

cup, 263
Stuart exhibition, 1889, 93
Stubbs's Select Charters, 122/»
Sturton Orange, ancient farms in, 154
Styford, appropriation of church of

and fishery at, given to Blanchland,

297
Subscription lists, early, opened at

banks, 464
Suebians, a vexillation of, the, named

on Lanchester altar, 878
Suehit inatribuit an altar to, 825

VOL. XVL

Sueborum^ a puszle, 824; yioretum^
eivUas, 826

Sunderland, Quaker meeting at, 198;
church, almsdishes and cups, 266;
flagons, 264 ; patens, 267

Surrey, Henry, earl oif, the poet, 11 ;
beheaded on Tower hill, 12

Surrey, earl of, 2, 9 ; released from
Tower and made lord lieutenant, etc,
10 ; escorted Margaret Tudor across
border, 10; despatches of, 852; hears
mass in Durham abbey, 7 ; recdves
banner of St. Cuthbert, 7 ; at New-
castle, 7, 356; at Alnwick, 7, 856;
sends * Rouge Croix ' to James IV.,
7? 85 ; wages of retinue of. 14n ;
at Bolton in Glendale, 15, 857 ; at
Wooler haugh, 16 ; flank march, 17 ;
Till crossed by, at Doddiugton bridge,
859 ; encamped at Barmoor wood,
359 ; strategy of, 861 ; sent Agnus
Dei to his father, 365 ; Scots force
their way to standard of, 869; at
Flodden, 27 ; retreat ordered by, 83 ;
confers knighthood on thirty gentle-
men, 36 ; created duke of NorK>lk, 86

Surtees, Burden, & Co., 461, 462

Surtees's Durham, referred to, 272n

Survey: of 1541 of Bowes and Ellerker,
89/i ; Clark8on*s, 142

' Sutb-gedlint,' is it South Dean on the
Jed? 89

Sutton, Henry, silversmith, 259

Swan, John, affidavit of, relating to
ancient farms in Woodhom, 158 ;
Robert, of Bedlington, affidavit of as
to ancient farms in Bedlington, 154

Sympson, Anthony, Newcastle gold-
smith, 400

Sympsoun, John. Newcastle goldsmith,
400

Sweden subdued by Christian II. of
Denmark, 228 ; Gustavus Vasa, king
of, 223

Swinburne v. Milburn, 144

Sword, British, from North Tyne, 443

T E linked, silversmith's mark, 259
T G. silversmith's initials, 264 ; M, 259
Tacitus quoted, concerning trade of

London, 226
Tailford, William, finder of two wall

turrets. 441
Talairand, cardinal, 840
Talbot, John, of Cartington, made his

escape, 108
Tandere, St., 856ii
Tanfield communion cup, 264
Tangermlinde, a Hanse town, 218

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498

INDEX.

Tanners' company, Morpeth, extracts

from books of, o6»
Taylor's Domesday SurvivaUj ISO
Teasdale, John, of Slaley, tombstone of,

841
'Temperance,' a feminine ChrisUan

name, 290
Tennanfc, Caleb, 290 ; Abigail, his wife,

290 ; Abigail and Margaret, dangh-

ters, 290 ; Benjamin, son of, 290
Tenures, land, in varioos countries, 12lSn

* Tenants by the verge,* 142
Tenures^ Gilbert on, 143ii
Terouenne, siege of, 4, 355

Terrier of lan£i in manor of Tinemonth
and Preston in 1649, 283

*Tesgeta,*87

Teutonic Mythology^ Grimm^s, quoted,
hin

Theodosins, the younger, Roman Wall
ascribed by some to time of, 449

Thiel, a Hanse town, 218

Thirlwall grave cover, 178

Thomlinson, Dr. John, rector of Roth-
bury, 101, 147«

Thompson, Edward, vicar of Slaley,
342 ; George, minister of Slaley,
342; John, York silversmith, 265;
WiUiam, 342

Thorn, a Hanse town, 218

Thornton : Jane, 182 ; John, abstract of
title deeds of, relating to the rectories
and tithes of Bywell St. Andrew and
Slaley, 343; of Netherwitton, 102;
Leomurd, of Shilbottle, 372 ; Nicholas,
suit against, to set aside lease, 181 ;
arms of, on Sedgefield bell, 392

Thorp, Charles, curate of Blanchland, 806

* Three field ' system of cultivation, 122
Till, passage ot, by Surrey before Flod-

den fight, 23, 359 ; fords on, 2&n
Timbrell, Robert, silversmith, 264
Tinmouth, convent of, 183 ; chartulary

of, 145 (see also Tynemouth)
Tinemonth and Preston, terrier of

lands in, in 1649, 283
Tittory, Benjamin, buried in his gar-
den, 192
Tivoli, the limes of, 332
Tizacke, Peregrine, buried, 192; Aba-

Kail, buried, 192 ; tombstone of, 192

(see also Tyzack)
Togstone, ancient farms in, 154
Tomlinson's Cullercoats, 281
Topling, John. 342
Torrington, John de, benefactor of

BlanchUnd, 297
TouchHone, Sheppaid's, 127, 138
Tournay, siege of, 852; snrcoat of

James IV. sent to, 871

' Towder, Saint,* 186611

Township, characteristics of, 125

Traheme, Benjamin, silversmith, 264

Treasurer's balance sheets and reports,
ii-iv, xxiii

Trench, John, 275

Trevelyan, Raleigh, 182; Walter, 182

Treves, MS. life of St Cuthbert at, 88 ;
holy coat of, 460

Trewe Eneountre^ 858ii et seq

Trewhitt, Christopher, 198; Cuthbert,
of Houghton-le-Spring, will of, 208
George and Joseph, recusants, 199
sir Thomas, prior of Hartlepool, 201 .
William, confined in Tynemonth
castle, 200 ; wiU of, 200

Trimdon communion cup, 266

Trinity Monday, meeting day of Morpeth
tanners* company, 64

Troughend, township of, 148; ancient
farms in, 154

Tumbrel, the, 216

Tunstall, sir Bryan, «the stainless
knight,' 18, 27, 866 ; sUin, 29, 84, 366

Turner, Andrew, vicar of Slaley, 342 ;
Caleb, of North Shields, 276;
Abagail, wife of, 275

Tuxford, 116

Tweddall, Robert, tombstone of, 180

Tweed, St. Cuthbert and Eata retired
to banks of, 86 ; Examf ord on, 89

Tweedie, Walter, silversmith, 265

Tweedmouth church dedicated to St
Bo8welI,86; communion pUte, 259, 262

Twizel bridge, 18, 19, 22, 24, 26ii;
passage of, by English vanguard,
360; bridge described by Leland, 360

'Twieell forth,* 36

Twizell, Barmoor and, distance between.
19* '

Two field system of cultivation, 122

Twyford on Aln, synod at, 88

Tydi, 8t Cuthbert with, suled down
Solway, 87

Tyne, fishings on the, 180; North,
Roman bridges across, 328

Tynedale, thieves of, 151

Tynemouth, statement that Roman tiles
found at, a mistake, 158fi; castle,
major Graham, deputy-governor of,
274; parish church, extracts from
register, 274, 280, 283 ; communion
fiagon, 259 ; manor of, meaning of
farm in, 134 ; mill, 283 ; hall com
rent still paid by tenants, 134
Edward Leadbitter, steward of, 185
parish, ancient farms in, 154
customs, etc., of men of, 146 (see
also Tinmouth) : and Bamburghshire
men take to flight, 26, 866

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INDEX.

499

Tjrtler's HiHory of Scotland, 9»
Tjsaok, Zeohamh, of Tinmonth, 275 ;
John, son of, 279 (see also Tizack)

IJbaldo Allacignoli, cardinal priest, 271

Uelzen, a Hanse town, 218

Ulchild, rector of Sedgefield, 381

UxelloduntLm ^ Maryport, 826

Ulfilas, 218

Ulgham commanion plate, 269

Unna, a Hanse town, 218

Utopia^ More*s, 156

Utrecht, a Hanse town, 218 ; treaty of,
286

Val&riamu, Mdrius, 157

Vallum, Roinanwin, the, xxvi ; ohjects
discovered in, 338

Venetian State Papers, 858, 855ii, et
sea,

Yenfo, a Hanse town, 218

Verca, ahbess, welcomed St. Cuthhert,
92

Vere, Glyn, & Halifax, bankers, 458, 466

* Verge, tenants by the,* 142

Vestiges of Old Newcastle, etc , 392»

Vexillatio, in Roman inscriptions, 824

Victor, pope, 86

Village community, manor and town-
ship from the, 121

Village Community^ The, Seehohm*s,
122, 123, et seq„ 130 ; Gomme's, 1807» ;
Maine's, 140/1

Village, The Happy, 295

Villeinage in England, 128/1

Vincent, Edward, silversmith, 265

Vinogradoff, 125, 145/t ; and customs
of ancient communities, 128»; strips
in arable fields, 139

Virgin Mary, Blanchland abbey dedi-
cated to, 296

W B, with fleur de lis below, 268,
silversmith's mark ; and I B, New-
castle silversmiths' marks, 260
W G, silversmith's mark, 264
W, H, silversmith's mark, 259, 263
W M, silversmith's initials, 264
W W, linked, silversmith's mark, 263 ;

A H and, silversmith's mark, 259
Wade, gen., army of, 454
Wages of earl of Surrey's retinne, 14»
Walbey, Thomas, of Lark hall, affidavit
of, as to ancient farms in Burradon
(Alwinton), 158
Walderaar III., 217
Waldeof , Emma, daughter of, 268

Wales, Ancient Laws of, 128n, 140

Walkmill, ancient farm in, 154

WaU dues, 281

WaUace's Russia, 14,7n

Wallet Book to the Rom^n Wall, 381

Wallis, Kichard, curate of Blanchland,

805
WaUsend, Roman altar discovered at,

76; church communion cups, 260;

repouss^ salver, 262
Walltown crag, fragment of a Roman

lorica from Roman wall turret at, 441
Walton, Adam de, 850
Warburg, a Hanse town, 218
Warcop, sir William, 367
Warden, Robert, 201
Warden communion cup, 260
Wark, 47 ; on Tweed, 89 ; castle taken

by the Scots, 7
Warkman, Henry, of Earsdon, affidavit

of, relating to ancient farms in

Earsdon, 152
Warkworth, march of rebels of 1715

to, 99, 100 ; vicar compelled to read

prayers for, 102 ; parish, ancient

farms in, 154 ; church books, 154
Warwick, earl of, governor of Calais, 235
Waterfalls hiU, 99
Watershagen, a Hanse town, 218
V\ augh, Thomas, 166, 170
Wb, silversmith's mark, 264
Wealleans, Robert, 100
Weardale St. John's communion paten,

264 ; cup, 266
Weardale. Lawrence, 279
Weber's Flodden, 3/i
Week-work, 145

Weever-PwTt^fl/ MonuMeats,d60n, 36271
Welford, Richard, 195; on Cuthhert

Grav, 95n
Wendish towns, laws of, 214, 215
Wennington, Hon. Thomas, paymaster-
general, 452
Wentbridge, 115
Wesel, a Hanse town, 218
Wessington, prior of Durham, 86
Westgate, ' eight butts ' in, 128
Westmorland, Charles, earl of, 144
Westoe manor court rolls, extract

from, 203
Westoe and Harton, paid church rate

by number of farms, 127
Westphalia, league of cities of, 218
Wetherby, 115

Wetwary < P Wetwang), Francis, 197
Whalton, parish and township, ancient

farms in, 154; terrier. 154 ; farms

in, termed ploughgates, 154 ; church

communion plate, 260, 261
Wharton, William, vicar of Slaley, 342

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INDEX.

Wliickham, quaker burial-ground at,
195 ; villam in, 127 ; church : com-
munion flagons and pUte, 264;
paten, 266 ; cup and cover, 267
Whipping, punislunent of, 215
Whitby, Witenagemot at, regarding

keeping of Easter, 86
Whig, origin of term, 98
White, Robert, Battle of Flodden, 1,

851
Whitechapel, in Haltwhistle parish,

181
White Rose, Order of, the, 98
Whitfeild, William, apprentice to New-
castle goldsmiths* company, 488
Whitley, ancient farms in, 154 ;
number of, in, 185 ; collieries at,
demised to John Dove, 288
Whittingham communion paten, 259
Whitton, 14i7n ; ancient farms in, 158
Whittonstall communion cup, 261
Whitwell, Barber and. York silver-
smiths, 265
Whitworth communion plate, 264
Widdring^n communion cup, 262 *
Widdringtons of Cartington, 96
Widdrington, lord, 100 ; trial and
defence of, 106 ; Charles, 101, 106 ;
Dorothy, married William Howard,
167 ; Henry, held manor of Bolbeck,
297; Peregrine, 101, 106; Ralph,
372 ; William. 106
Widdrington. John, partner in Old
Bank, 456, 457 ; Carlyle and, 467 ;
died. 462
Wigenhall, Norfolk, Byelaws, 55»
Wiglaf , king of the Mercians, 150
Wilfrid, return of, from Rome. 86
Wilfrid der Aeltere^ referred to, 91 1»
Wilkinson, James, joined bank, 457 ;
died, 462; Johu, Newcastle gold-
smith, 266, 400, et seq. ; William,
apprentice to Newcastle goldsmiths*
company, 489
William, prince of Orange, thrown by

horse 'Sorel,' 96 ; effigy burnt, 97
Williamson. 459

Willoby, John, gravestone of, 278
Willowford, 23/i
Wilson, Richard, 207
Winston communion cup, 268
Wintoun, earl of, 104
Wisby, a Hanse town, 218; Gothic

city of, 216 ; sack of, in 1361, 217
Wismar, a Hanse town, 218
< Wista,* a, in Kent and Essex, 127
Wittenberg, Johan, burgomaster of

Lttbeck. 217
Witton Gilbert communion plate, 268 ;
flagons, 265

Wolsey, cardinal, bishop of Dorfaam'i

letter to, concerning nege of Norfaam

and Flodden fight, 86
Wolsingham, property belonging to

Blanchland abbey at, 297; chorch

communion plate, 264
Wolviston, communion paten, 265
Woodhorn parish, ancient forms in, 153
Woods of Gloucester, 456
Woodman, William, revived chancery

suit relating to charity lands at

Netherwitton, 181
* Woodman collection/ extracts from

the, 52, 121
Woodside, ancient farms in, 154
Wooler, Walter de Huntercomb, baron

of, 296 ; Kenterdale valley at back

of, 90 ; Haugh, English army at, 16,

858 ; church : paten, 2t:0 ; seventeenth

centunr, communion cup of, 262
Woolf , Gfrace, 204
Woolfe, Henry, of *Lay Y^' near

South Shields, will of, 210
Wom^n,y Satyr upon^ 110
Wrangham, Thomas, of Arnold*s close,

276 ; Catherine, his wife, 276
Wreigh HiU Pike, 100
Wrightson, Matthew, vicar of Slaley,S42
Wrottesley v. Adams, meaning of word

•farm,' 188
WullcQwewer, Jnrgen, burgomaster of

Liibeck, 224 ; death of, 224
Wulwardhope, tithes of village of,

given to Blanchland, 297
Wylson, James, Newcastle gtddsmith,

4fyOetseq,

Y, I, silversmith's initials, 264

Yardland, a, full number of strips in
open fields, 127

Yolton, 162, 168, 174

York, St Cuthbert consecrated at, 89;
lord Surrey leaves, 7 ; a steelyard at,
222; phhte, 265; Stephen Bnckte
of, apprenticed to Newcastle gold*
smiths' company, 439

Young, James, and Orlando JaeksoOy
silversmiths, 259

Younghusband, John, Newcastle gold-
smith, 260, 266, 415; John, the
younger, apprentice to Newoastle
goldsmiths' company, 488

Zaugemeister, Prof., 825
Zienzee, a Hanse town, 218
Zola, M., 852

Zutphen, a Hanse town, 818
Zwolle, a Hanse town, S18

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