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CO SluU OCVC4je.t3l>J, 

Received W ^ <3. 



Jtttecellaneous ftract* 





(new series.) 

Andrew Rbid, Sons k Co., Printing Coubt Buildings, Akbnside Hill. 






List of Plates, Woodcuts, etc. ov & ovi 

Contributions of Plates, Photographs, etc ovii 

Corrigenda oviii 

Annual Reports for 1892 and 1893 i&xxi 

Treasurer's Statements, etc ii-iv & xxiii-xxv 

Beport of the Roman Wall Excavation Committee and Balance 

Sheet xxvi&xxviii 

Statntes of the Society xvi&xxviii 

Council and Officers for 1893 and 1894 v&xxix 

Honorary Members vifcxxx 

Ordinary Members vii k xxxi 

Societies with which Publications are exchanged xiv & xxxix 

I.— The Battle of Flodden. By Thomas Hodgkin, D.C.L., F.S.A. ... 1 

II.— Middleton St. George : Medieval Croat in the Garden at the Low 

Hall. By the Rev. J. T. Fowler, F.S.A 46 

III.— Discoveries at Kirkwhelpington Church. By W. Searle Hicks ... 47 

IV. — Customs of Court Leet and Court Baron of Morpeth, with Court 

Roll of 1632. By J. Crawford Hodgson 52 

V.— The New Wallsend Altar to Jupiter. By F. J. Haverfield, M.A., 

F.8.A. 70 

VI.— Names of Persons and Places mentioned in Early Lives of Saint 

Cuthbert. By Cadwallader J. Bates, M. A. ... 81 

VII. — Notes on the Jacobite Movement in Upper Coquetdale, 1715. By 

David Dippie Dixon 93 

VIII. — Notes on a Journey to Bmbleton and back, in 1464. By Edward 

Bateson... 113 

IX. — The Ancient Farms of Northumberland. By Frederick Walter 

Dendy 121 



X.— A New Roman Inscription at South Shields. By F. J. flaverfield, 

M.A., F.8.A 157 

XL— The Manor of Haltwhistle. By the Rev. C. E. Adamson, M.A. ... 162 

XII.— The Church of Haltwhistle. By the same 177 

XIII.— Some forgotten Quaker Burial Grounds. By Maberly Phillips ... 189 

XIV. — The Hanseatic Confederation, with Special Reference to the Rise 
and Progress of the English Factories and Trading Connection 
with Newcastle-upon-Tyne. By Robert Coltman Clephan ... 211 

XV.— Old Church Plate in the Counties of Northumberland and Durham. 

By Wilfred J. Cripps, C.B., F.S.A 249 

XVX — A Bull of Adrian IV. relating to Neasham Priory, Co. Durham. 

By Major-General Sir William Crossman, K.C.M.G., F.S.A, ... 268 

XVII. — Forgotten Burying Grounds of the Society of Friends (Second 

paper). By Maberly Phillips 274 

XVIIL— Blanchland. By the Rev. Anthony Johnson 295 

XIX. — On the Roman Altar to the Goddess ' Garmangabis,' found at 
Lanchester, Co. Durham : — 

I. By the Rev. Dr. Hooppell 313 

H. By F. J. Haverfield, M.A., F.S.A 321 

XX. — The Roman Bridges across the North Tyne River near Chollerf ord. 

By Sheriton Holmes 328 

XXL— Slaley. By the Rev. A. Johnson 339 

XXIL— Flodden Field. By Cadwallader J. Bates, M.A 851 

XXIIL— The ' Fox and Lamb ' Public House, Pilgrim Street, Newcastle. 

By W. H. Knowles, F.R.I.B.A 373 

XXIV.— Sedgefield Church. By Charles Clement Hodges 379 

XXV.— The Goldsmiths of Newcastle. By J. R. Boyle, F.8.A. 397 

XX VL — Note on a Fragment of Roman Scale Armour from the Walltown 

Crag. By the Rev. G. Rome Hall, F.S.A. 441 

XXVIL — A Forgotten Reference to Roman Mile-Castles. By Cadwallader 

J.Bates 447 

XXVIII.— * The Old Bank' (Bell, Cookson, Carr, and Airey), Newcastle- 

upon-Tyne. By Maberly Phillips 452 

Index 471 



Sections across the Roman Vallum, near Heddon-on-the-Wall, and at Down 
Hill ol and ola, between pages xxvi and xxvii 


Flodden, from near the King's Stone 

Map of Portion of Northumberland, to illustrate the Battle \ 

of Flodden F 

Plan of the Battle of Flodden 

13th Century Cross at Middleton Low Hall, Co. Durham ... 

Plan of Kirkwhelpington Church, and details 

Wallsend Altar to Jupiter 

Sketch Map of the North of England, to illustrate the 
Wanderings of St. Cuthbert 

• Three Half Moons * and ' Black Bull ' Inns, Roth bury ... 

Plans of Netherwitton in 18th and 1 9th Centuries 

Plan of Common Field Strips at Corbridge 

Plan of an American Township 

A Roman Inscription, temp. Severus Alexander, at South 


Haltwhistle Church before and after Restoration 

Heworth Pre-Ref ormation Paten 

Hamsterley Pro-Reformation Paten 

Elizabethan Cup, Great Stain ton, Co. Durham 

Fac-similes of Signatures to Bull of Adrian IV., relating to \ 

Neasham, Co. Durham / 

4 Sparrow Hall,' Cullercoats 

Blanchland — General View from S.W. 

„ Church, from N.B 

„ Plan of Church 

„ Grave Covers 

„ Churchyard Cross 

„ 'The Happy Village 1 

Roman Altar at Lanchester 

Plan of Roman Bridges, near Chollerf ord 

Details of do 

Conjectural Restoration of Roman Bridges near Chollerford 

I facing 1 

ii »**{;; 

III facing 28 

IV , 

, 46 



VI , 

, 76 


, 82 


, 102 


, 125 


XI facing 149 

XII , 

* 158 


, 177 


, 252 


, 252 


, 254 


XVIII facing 285 


„ 295 


, 800 


, 802 


, 802 


, 304 


, 306 



, ^316 

XXV btw 


XXVI fac 

ing 332 


, 834 


List of Plates, Continued. 


Sketch Map of Flodden District XXVIII facing 358 

Suggested Position of Troops at beginning of Flodden 

Fight XXIX „ 362 

Plan of * Fox and Lamb,' Pilgrim 8treet, Newcastle ... XXX „ 373 

Elevation of do XXXI ., 374 

Sedgefield Church Exterior XXXII „ 379 

XXXIII btnm. | 380 

1 381 

XXXIV facing 384 


I XXXVI j " 6 **> 

i xxxviii 394 

| XXXVIII/ " * y * 

Portrait of John Coutts, the banker XXXIX „ 452 






Capitals of Columns 


Grave Covers 



Fragment of Roman Inscription at South Shields 158 

Roman Tile, inscribed cohvo at do. 158 

The Tower of Haltwhistle 164 

Haltwhistle Bum 188 

Ground Plan of Old Factory of Hanseatic League in London 246 

Bird's-eye View of do. 247 

!All Saints' Church, Newcastle 251 

Bishopwearmouth 257 

Dinsdale 258 

Sherburn Hospital, Co. Durham 253 

Cambo Communion Cup 255 

Leaden Bulla of Adrian IV 273 

Plan of Quaker Burial Ground, Cullercoats 278 

Two Roman Inscribed Slabs from Lanchester 319 

Roman Inscribed Slab, Benwell 323 

British Bronze Axe Head and Flint Scraper, Heddon-on-the-Wall 338 

Corridor in the old * Fox and Lamb ' Public House, Newcastle 374 

Rough Sketch of ' Fox and Lamb,' from Drawing by G. B. Richardson ... 375 

Initial Letter and Arms on Bell, Sedgefield Church 396 

Fac-similes of Signatures of Newcastle Goldsmiths 411, 415, 419, 425 

[ from Walltown Crag 442 

Roman Lorica Scales ...< from Hodhill, Dorsetshire 443 

' from Hamdon Hill, Somersetshire 444 



Adamson, Rev. C. B. : Loan of blocks of Haltwhistle Tower and Born, pp. 165 

and 188. 
Allen, J. Romilly, F.8.A. : Loan of blocks of side ViewB of Lanchester Altar, 

pp. 316 and 317. 
Auty, M. : Photograph of Blanchland Church, Plate XX. 
Brown, G. T. : Photograph of Blanchland Churchyard Cross, Plate XXII., and 

Drawings of Grave Covers, Plate XXI. 
Crossman, Major-General Sir W. : Photograph, etc., of Papal Bulla, p. 273. 
Dendy, W. S. : Drawings to illustrate his paper on ( Ancient Farms in Northum- 
berland/ Plates IX., X., and XI. 
Downey & Sons : Loan of negative for Plate XII. 
Edwards, A. : Photograph of the Lanchester Altar, Plate XXIV. 
Edwards, J. 8. : Photograph of Blanchland, Plate XIX. 
Gibson, J. P. : Photographs of British Axe Head and Flint Scraper, p. 338. 
Hicks, W. 6. : Plan of Eirkwhelpington Church, Plate Y. 
Hodges, C. C. : Plans df Blanchland and Sedgefield Churches, Plates XXa and 

XXXIIL ; Photographs of Capitals of Columns, Sedgefield, and Drawings of 

Grave Covers, Plates XXXV— XXXVIII. 
Holmes, S. : Drawing of Sections across Vallum, Plates 01 and Ola, and Plan, 

etc., of Roman Bridges, Cilurmm, Plate XXV— XXVII. 
Knowles, W. H. : Loan of blocks of ( Sparrow Hall/ Plate XV III., and ' Fox and 

Lamb/ p. 374 ; Plan and Elevation of * Fox and Lamb,* Plates XXX. and 

Ogilvie, Frank S. : Drawing of Sparrow Hall, Plate XVIII. 
Phillips, M. : Plan of Quaker Burial Ground, p. 278 ; and for loan of block of 

John Coutts, Plate XXXIX. 
8pence, Charles J. : Drawing of Flodden, Plate I. 
Steavenson, A. L. : Photographs of Middleton Low Hall Cross, Plate IV., and of 

Hamsterley Paten, Plate XV. 
Tomlinson, W. W. : Loan of block of ' Sparrow Hall,' Plate XVIII. 

Plates VI. and XIV. are from Photographs by Downey & Sons, South Shields; 
Plate XVI. by McLeish of Darlington. 



Page 141, for * Middleton,' in heading, read ( Trerelyan.* 
„ 180, eighth line from bottom, for ' Nov. 22, Mr. Robert Tweddeli,' read 

'Nov. 23, Mr. Robert Tweddall.' 
„ 184, twenty-fourth line, for ' 1789 ' read * 1782.' 1789 was the year of the 

death of the younger, but more distinguished brother, John, rector 

of Hough ton-le- Spring. See page 188, lines 1 and 2. 
., 203, seventh line from bottom, for ' Richardson's Terrier of Survey made 

1682, MS. made by Mr. Andrew Stoddard, 1 read ' a manuscript 

note in Mr. Andrew Stoddart's copy of Richardson's Terrier of 

Survey (made in 1768). 1 
., 262, the Hexham grave chalice is of bronze, not of pewter (see A rch. Ael. 

vol. xv. p. 192). 
., 295-312, throughout Mr. Johnson's paper, wherever the word 'monks' 

occurs, read ' canons/ 
., 297, sixth line from bottom, for ' Peganus ' read ' Paganus.' 
„ 34 1, sixth line from bottom, for « west ' read * east.' 



Cftc &oetetg of £nttquarfe£ 




The Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-upon-Tyne continues to 
flourish and increase. The number of members has now risen to 
317, and the crowded meetings at the Castle show that the pro- 
ceedings have lost none of their interest for the members. 

In one respect, however, the year 1892 will always possess a 
melancholy interest for the society, marked as it has been by the 
death of its venerated vice-president, John Collingwood Bruce, LL.D. 
and D.C.L. It is not necessary here to recapitulate the events of his 
long and honourable career, which have already formed the subject of a 
paper in our transactions, but we may once more refer to the sus- 
tained and vivid interest which, down to the very end of his life, 
he took both in the proceedings of the society and in all archaeological 
discoveries that were made in the North of England. We can best 
show our veneration for his memory by keeping the society, in whose 
service he laboured so diligently, in at least as high a state of efficiency 
as that to which he saw it raised in his lifetime. Two enterprises 
of an antiquarian kind have lately been commenced with the sanction 
of the society, if not directly at its bidding. We hope in the course 
of the present year to be able to congratulate our members on the 
publication of the first part of the new history of Northumberland, 
which is designed to supplement and complete the invaluable work 
of the Rev. John Hodgson. A beginning has also been made with the 
raising of a fund for a systematic excavation of the Roman camps in 


our district. Should this effort meet witb the support which it 
deserves, we anticipate from it valuable results as to the history of 
the Roman occupation of Britain. 

The following is the 

31st DECEMBER, 1892. 

The number of members has now reached 317, which is more than 
in any previous year. There have been 48 members elected during 
the year. Only I member has resigned, but death has deprived us 
of 6 of our members. 

The total income from all sources has been £498 lis. 4d., and 
the expenditure £489 17s. 9^d. The balance of the revenue account 
carried forward to 1898 is £185 19s. lid., and there is a balance on the 
capital account of £44 19s. 10d., of which £42 18s. 5d. is invested 
in Government 2f per cent. Consols through the Post Office Savings 

The receipts from members' subscriptions has been £817 2s., or 
£20 more than last year ; but the total receipts from air sources falls 
about £84 short, chiefly owing to the sale in 1891 of the 4to copies 
of the Border Holds, vol. i. 

The receipts at the Castle and Black Gate are within a few 
shillings of what they were in 1891, but the expenditure at both 
is greater in consequence of some urgent structural repairs done at 
the latter, and the furnishing of the council chamber at the Castle. 

The printing of the Archaeologia Aeliana has cost £121 lis., 
and the Proceedings £81 0s. 6d. The sum paid for illustrations, 
£41 5s. 5d., is a considerable reduction on the previous year. 

In the purchase of books there has been expended £58 Is. 7d., 
which is an increase of £81 on the previous year, but this includes 
the cost of making the card catalogue of the society's books. 

The life members remain at three as previously. 

Sheriton Holmes, Hon. Treasurer. 



Sheriton Holmes, Treasurer, in Account unth the Society of Antiquaries 
of Neu>castls-iepon-Ti/ne. 

Balangb Sheet job the Year ehdihg December 31, 1892. 

Balance on January lit, '. 
Members' Subscriptions ... 


Black Gate 



Archaeoloffia Adiana 

Proceeding t 



Secretary (Clerical Assistance) .. 
Balance ... ... ... 

£ s. 


£ s. d. 

177 6 


317 2 

111 5 


82 5 3 

23 15 


39 10 2 
5 2 6 

46 8 


53 1 7 
121 11 


31 6 
41 5 5 
7B 1 4* 
185 19 11 

Capital account. 

Invested in 2| per cent. Consols 
Balance in Post Office Sayings Bank 
Dividends daring 1892 

£675 17 84 £675 17 8} 

£ s. d. 

42 18 5 

17 9 

1 3 8 

£44 19 10 

Details ot Receipts and *3 jpenMture. 


Warder's Salary 


Income Tax 




Furniture for the Council Room 

Coal, Firewood, &c. 

Gratuities to Attendants at Tea 



s. d. 

2 15 
7 10 
4 8 

£82 5 3 

Black Gate— 

Custodian's Salary ... 
.Bent ... 




Coal and Sundries 
Bepairs to the Building 

s. d. 





18 10 
13 2 2 

7 6 

5 1 

5 1 

7 6 

£39 10 4 




Details of Receipts akd Expknditube,— Continued. 

Museum — 

Differential Blocks and Sling Chain 

Indian Stone Implements 


Books Sold— 

Border Holds, 8vo, vol. i., 10 copies 
Other Publications sold at the Castle 

Books Bought— 

Re-purchase of Books abstracted from the Library 

Cataloguing Library Books 

Beid for Printing Border Holds (balance) 

Place Names of Scotland 

MSS. Book 

Haine's Memorial Brasses 

Cartularium Sawonicum 

Papworth's Heraldry 

Leicester Archaeological Society Journal, ,5 vols. 

Jahrbuch and MUheilungen of the Imperial German Archaeolo- 
gical Institute 

Tear Book of Societies 

Ephemeris Epigraphica, vol. viii., part 4, &c 

Dennis's Cemeteries of Etruria 

Boyle's Durham, 1 4to, 1 8vo 

McGibbon & Boss's Castellated Architecture of Scotland 

Antiquary and Reliquary 

Murray's A New English Dictionary, 2 parts 

Catalogue of English Coins 

Transactions Durham and North amb. ArchaeoL Soc 

Kendal Boke of Records 

Woods's Map of Newcastle, 1827 

Waters, for Binding 


Beid, for Printing, Ac 

Nicholson, do. do. 

Cheque Book 

Gibson's Postage and Carriage of Parcels , 

Income Tax .« 

Subscription — Surtees Society 

Do. Harleian do. 

Secretary's Postage and Expences 
Treasurer's do. do. 

£ 8. 


3 7 





£5 2 


£ 8. 


20 16 

25 12 


£46 8 


£ 8. 


2 5 

12 11 


11 4 




2 15 



2 10 

1 5 

2 3 






1 4 


3 10 





2 2 

12 10 

1 2 


4 8 


£53 1 


£ s. 


19 6 


26 13 


9 6 



1 1 

1 1 



2 1 


£76 1 


W. W. TOMLINSON, fA™™**- 



































Date of Election, 

1840 Feb. 3 

1841 Sept. 
1851 Feb. 
1851 Feb. 
1851 Feb. 
1855 Jan. 
1855 April 14 
1865 April 5 
1883 June 27 
1883 Jane 27 
1883 Jane 27 
1883 Jane 27 
1883 Jane 27 

1883 Jane 27 
1883 Oct. 31 
1886 Jane 30 
1886 Jane 30 
1886 Jane 30 
1886 Jane 30 
1888 Jan. 25 
1892 Jan. 27 

1892 May 25 

His Exoellenoy John Sigismund von Moeting, Copenhagen. 

Sir Charles Newton, K.C.B.,M.A. 

Ferdinand Denis, Keeper of the Library of St. Genevieve, at Paris 

Sir Charles Anderson, Bart., Lea Hall, Gainsborough. 

Daniel Wilson, LL.D., Principal of the University of Toronto. 

J. J. Howard, LL.D., F.S.A., Hon. Treas. Harleian Society. 

Aqniila Smith, M.D., Dublin. 

The Daca di Brolo. 

Professor Emil Htibner, LL.D., Ahornstrasse 4, Berlin. 

Professor Mommsen, Berlin. 

Professor George Stephens, Copenhagen. 

Dr. Hans Hildebrand, Royal Antiquary of Sweden, Stockholm. 

A. W. Franks, C.B., Keeper of British Antiquities in the British 

Ernest Chantre, Lyons. 
A. von Cohaasen, Wiesbaden. 
Ellen King Ware (Mrs)., The Abbey, Carlisle. 
Gerrit Assis Hulsebos, Lit. Ham. Doct., &c., Utrecht, Holland. 
Edwin Charles Clark, LL.D., F.S.A., &c., Cambridge. 
David Mackinlay, 6, Great Western Terrace, Glasgow. 
General Pitt-Rivers, F.S.A., Rushmore, Salisbury. 
Sir John Evans, K.C.B., D.C.L., otc, Ac, Nash Mills, Hemel 

Professor Karl Zangemeister, Heidelberg. 

The Proceedings of the Society are also sent to the following : — 

Dr. Berlanga, Malaga, Spain. 

The British Museum, London. 

Prof. Ad. de Cenleneer, Rue de la Lieve 9, Ghent, Belgium. 

The Rev. Dr. Cox, Barton-le-Street Rectory, Malton. 

W. J. Cripps, C.B., Sandgate, Kent, and Cirencester. 

J. Hardy, LL.D., Sec. Berw. Nat. Club, Oldoambos, Cockbarnspath, N.B. 

Literary and Philosophical Society, Newcastle. 

Robert Mowat, Rue des Feuillantines 10, Paris. 

The Rev. Henry Whitehead, Lanercost Priory, Carlisle. 

T. M. Fallow, Ooatham, Redcar. 

LIST OF MEMBERS. (31st January, 1894.) 



The sign * indicates that the member has compounded for his subscription, 
t that the member is one of the Council. 

Date of Election. 
1885 Mar. 25 

1883 Aug. 29 
1843 April 4 

1892 Aug. 31 
1885 Oct. 28 
1881 Jan. 28 

1885 Jane 24 

1886 Jan. 27 

1893 Sept. 27 
1885 Dec. 30 
1889 Mar. 27 

1884 Jan. 30 

1892 Mar. 30 
1891 May 27 

1891 Sept 30 

1893 Feb. 22 
1889 July 31 

1891 July 29 

1892 April 27 

1893 April 26 
1874 Jan. 7 
1892 Mar. 30 
1888 Sept. 26 
1892 Dec. 28 
1892 Jane 29 
1888 April 25 

1891 July 29 

1883 Dec. 27 
1883 Dec. 27 
1883 Jane 27 

1892 May 25 
1888 Sept. 26 
1891 Dec. 23 
1891 Oct. 28 

Adams, William Edwin, 32 Holly Avenue, Newcastle. 
tAdamsoD, Rev. (Juthbert Edward, Weatoe, South Shields. 
tAdamson, Rev. Edward Hussey, St. Alton's, Felling, R.S.O. 
tAdamson, Horatio Alfred, North Shields. 

Adam&on, Lawrence W., Whitley, R.S.O., Northumberland. 

Adie, George, 14 Richmond Terrace, Gateshaad. 

Allan, Thomas, Blackett Street, Newcastle. 

Allgood, Anne Jane (Miss), Hermitage, Hexham. 

Allgood, Robert Lancelot, Nunwick, Humshaugh-on-Tyne. 

Archer, Mark, Farnacres, Gateshead. 

Armstrong, Lord, Cragside, Rothbury. 

Armstrong, Watson-, W. A., Cragside, Rothbury. 

Armstrong, Thomas John, 14 Hawthorn Terrace, Newcastle. 

Armstrong, William Irving, South Park, Hexham. 

Atkinson, Rev. J. C, D.C.L., Danby Parsonage, Grosmont, Yorks 
tBates, Cadwallader John, M.A., Heddon Banks, Wylam. 

Bateson, Edward, 24 Grey Street, Newcastle. 

Baumgartner, John Robert, 10 Eldon Square, Newcastle. 

Bell, Charles L., Woolsington, Newcastle. 

Bell, John E., The Cedars, Osborne Road, Newcastle. 

Bell, Thomas James, Cleadon Hall, near Sunderland. 

Bentham, J. W., Bentbam Buildings, Newcastle. 
tBlair, Robert, F.S.A., South Shields. 

Blenkinsopp, Thomas, 3 High Swinburne Place, Newcastle. 

Blindell, William A., Wester Hall, Haughton-on-Tyne. 

Bodleian Library, The, Oxford. 

Bolam, John, Bilton, Northumberland. 

Bolam, Robert G., Berwick-upon-Tweed. 

Bond, William Bownas, Blackett Street, Newcastle. 

Booth, John, Shotley Bridge. 

Bosanquet, Charles B. P., Rock, Alnwick, Northumberland. 

Boutflower, Rev. D. S., New bottle Vicarage, Fence Houses. 

Bowden, Thomas, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Bowes, John Boswortb, 18 Hawthorn Street, Newcastle. 

Boyd, George Fenwick, Whitley, R.S.O., Northumberland. 

Braithwaite, John, Greenfield Terrace, Gosforth, Newcastle. 

Branford, William E., 90 Grey Street, Newcastle. 


Date of Election 
1802 Aug. 31 
1866 Mar. 7 
1860 Jan. 

1892 Feb. 

1883 Dec 
1865 Aug. 
1891 Dee. 
1891 July 29 

1893 Jane 28 

1884 Sept. 24 

1891 Sept. 30 

1885 Sept. 30 

1889 April 24 
1888 Nov. 28 

1884 Dec. 30 
1887 Nov. 30 

1892 Mar. 30 

1885 April 29 
1892 Dec. 28 

1892 July 27 

1894 Jan. 31 
1887 Oct. 26 
1892 Feb. 24 
1885 Nov. 25 

1885 May 27 

1890 July 30 
1883 Dec. 27 

1892 May 25 

1893 July 26 

1892 Aug. 31 

1886 Sept. 29 

1893 July 26 

1887 Jan. 26 

1888 Aug. 29 
1892 Oct 26 
1888 Feb. 29 

Brewis, Parker, Ellesmere, Jeamond, Newcastle. 
tBrooks, John Crosse, 14 Lovaine Place, Newcastle. 

Brown, Rev. Dixon, Un thank Hall, Haltwhistle. 

Brown, George T., 17 Fawoett Street, Sunderland. 

Brown, John Williamson, Holly Cottages, Monkseaton. 

Brown, Ralph, Benwell Grange, Newcastle. 

Brown, The Rev. William, Old Elvet, Durham. 
♦Browne, A. H., Callaly Castle, Whittingham, R.S.O. 

Browne, Sir Benjamin Chapman, Westaores, Benwell, Newcastle. 

Browne, Thomas Procter, Grey Street, Newcastle. 

Bruce, Sir Gainaford, Yewhurst, Bromley, Kent. 

Burman, C. Clark, L.R.C.P.S. Ed., 12 Bondgate Without, Alnwick. 

Burn, John Henry, Jun., Beaconsfield, Cullercoats. 

Burnett, The Rev. W. R., Kelloe Vicarage, Coxhoe, Durham. 

Burton, William Spelman, 19 Claremont Park, Gateshead. 

Burton, S. B., Ridley Villas, Newcastle. 

Cackett, James Thoburn, 24 Grainger Street, Newcastle. 

Calvert, Rev. Thomas, 121 Hopton Road, Streatham, London, S.W. 

Campbell, John McLeod, 4 Winchester Terrace, Newcastle-upon- 

Carlisle, The Earl of, Naworth Castle, Brampton. 

Carr, Frederick Ralph, Lympaton, near Exeter. 

Carr, Rev. Henry Byne, Whickham, R.S.O. 

Carr, Sidney Story, 14 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 

Carr, Rev. T. W., Banning Rectory, Maidstone, Kent. 

Carr, W. J., Printing Court Buildings, Newcastle. 

Carse, John Thomas, Amble, Acklington. 

Challoner, John Dixon, Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Charlton, Oswin J., Cains College, Cambridge. 

Charlton, William L., Reenes, Bellingham, North Tyne. 

Chatham's Library, Hunt's Bank, Manchester (Walter T. Browne, 

Clayton, Nathaniel George, Chesters, Humshaugh-on-Tyne. 

Clephan, Robert Coltman, Southdene Tower, SaltweU, Gateshead. 

Coatea, Henry Buck den, Northumberland Street, Newcastle. 

Cooper, Robert Watson, 2 Sydenham Terrace, Newcastle. 

Corder, Herbert, 10 Kensington Terrace, Sunderland. 

Corder, Percy, 41 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Corder, Walter Shewell, North Shields. 

Cowen, Joseph, Stella Hall, Blaydon. 

Co wen, John A., Blaydon Burn, Newcastle. 

Cress well, G. G. Baker, 32 Lower Sloane Street, London, W. 

Crosaman, Sir William, K.C.M.G., Cheswick House, Beal. 

LIST OF MEMBERS. (31st January, 1894.) 


Date of Section. 
1880 Aug. v 28 
1888 Mar. 28 
1891 Nov. 18 
1844 •bom 

1887 Aag. 31 
1893 July 26 
1891 Mar. 25 
1884 Mar. 26 
1893 Mar. 9 

1883 June 27 

1884 Aug. 27 
1884 July 

1891 Oct. 
1884 July 

1892 Nov. 
1S84 Mar. 26 
1891 Aug. 31 

1888 June 27 


1884 Feb. 27 


Culley,The Rev. Matthew, Looghorsley, Morpeth, Northumberland. 

Darlington Library (J. H. Everatt, Librarian), Darlington. 

Deacon, Thomas John Fuller, 10 Glaremont Place, Newcastle. 
tDees, Robert Richardson, Pilgrim Street, Newcastle. 
tDendy, Frederick Walter, Eldon House, Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Denison, Joseph, Sanderson Road, Newcastle. 

Dick, John, 4 Hawthorn Terrace, Newcastle. 

Dickinson, John, Park House, Sunderland. 

Dickinson, William BowBtead, Healey Hall, Riding Mill. 

Dixon, John Archbold, 14 West Street, Gateshead. 

Dixon, Rev. Canon, Wark worth Vicarage, Northumberland. 

Dixon, David Dippie, Rothbury. 

Donald, Colin Dunlop, 172 St. Vincent Street, Glasgow. 

Dotohin, J. A., 65 Grey Street, Newcastle. 

Drary, John C, Alma Place, North Shields. 

Dunn, William Henry, 6 St. Nicholas's Buildings, Newcastle. 

Durham Cathedral Library. 

East, John Goethe, 26 Side, Newcastle. 

Edwards, Harry Smith, Byethorn, Corbridge. 

Elliott, George, 47 Rosedale Terrace, Newcastle. 

Ellison, J. R. Carx-, Hedgeley, Alnwick, Northumberland. 

1886 May 26 tEmbleton, Dennis, M.D., 19 Claremont Place, Newcastle. 

1883 Oct. 31 

1886 Ang. 28 
1865 Aug. 2 

1884 Jan. 30 

1887 Deo. 28 

1890 Mar. 26 
1892 April 27 
1883 Sept. 26 
1892 Ang. 31 
1859 Dec 7 
1883 Oct. 31 


1886 Jane 30 

1886 Oct. 27 

1888 Feb. 29 
1886 Aug. 28 
1883 Feb. 28 

1891 Oct. 28 

Emley, Fred., Ravenshill, Durham Road, Gateshead. 

Feathers t on haugh, Rev. Walker, Edmundbyers, Blackbill. 

Fenwick, George A., Bank, Newcastle. 

Fenwick, John George, Moorlands, Newcastle. 

Ferguson, Rich. S., F.8.A., Chancellor of Carlisle, Lowther Street, 

Forster, John, 26 Side, Newcastle. 
Forster, William, Houghton Hall, Carlisle. 
Francis, William, 20 Collingwood Street, Newcastle. 
Franklin, The Rev. Canon R. J., St. Mary's Cathedral, Newcastle. 
Gayner, Francis, Beech Holme, Sunderland. 
Gibb, Dr., Westgate Street, Newcastle. 
fGibson, J. Pattison, Hexham. 

Gibson, Thomas George, 2 Eslington Road, Newcastle. 
Glendenning, William, Grainger Street, Newcastle. 
Gooderham, Rev. A, Vicarage, Chillingham, Bel ford. 
Goodger, C. W. S., 20 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 
Grace, Herbert Wylam, Hallgarth Hall, Winlaton. 
Graham, John, Findon Cottage, Sacriston, Durham. 
Green, Robert Yeoman, 11 Lovaine Crescent, Newcastle. 
Greene, Charles R., Hill Croft, Low Fell, Gateshead. 


Date of Election. 
1846 Jane 3 

1883 Feb. 
1877 Dec. 

1891 Jan. 
1893 Mar. 
1865 Jan. 
1883 Aug. 29 

1883 Aug. 29 

1887 Mar. 
1893 July 26 

1892 Aug. 31 

1884 Mar. 26 

1893 Aug. 30 

1889 Feb. 27 

1893 Aug. 30 

1886 April 28 
18S4 Feb. 27 
1891 Oct. 28 
1883 Feb. 28 

1883 Feb. 28 

1888 April 25 

1865 Aug. 

1890 Jan. 29 

1884 April 30 

1887 Jan. 26 

1891 Oct. 28 
1877 July 4 

tGreenwell, Rev. William, M.A., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., Hon. 

F.S.A. Soot, Durham. 
Qreenwell, Francis John, 120 Ryehill, Newcastle. 
tGregory, John Vessey, 10 Framlington Place, Newcastle. 
Haggie, Robert Hood, Blythswood, Osborne Road, Newcastle. 
Hall, Edmund James, 9 Prior Terrace, Tynemonth. 
tHall, Rev. George Rome, F.S. A., Birtley Vicarage, Wark-on-Tyne. 
Hall, James, Tynemonth. 
Hall, John, Ellison Place, Newcastle. 
Halliday, Thomas, Myrtle Cottage, Low Fell, Gateshead. 
Harris, Sir Augustus, Tyne Theatre, Newcastle. 
Harrison, John Adolphus, Saltwellville, Low Fell, Gateshead. 
Harrison, Miss Winifred A., 9 Osborne Road, Newcastle. 
Hastings, Lord, Melton Constable, Norfolk. 
♦Haverfield, F. J., M.A., Christ Church, Oxford. 
Haythornthwaite, Rev. Edward, Felling Vicarage, Gateshead 
Hedley, Ralph, 19 Bellegrove Terrace, Newcastle. 
Hedley, Robert Cecil, Cheviott, Corbridge. 
Henzell, Charles William, Tynemonth. 
Heslop, George Christopher, 135 Park Road, Newcastle. 
tHeslop, Richard Oliver, 12 Princes Buildings, Akenside Hill, 

Hicks, William Searle, Graioger Street, Newcastle. 
Hindmarsh, William Thomas, Alnbauk, Alnwick, 
t Hod gee, Charles Clement, Sele House, Hexham. 
2 tHodgkin, Thomas, D.C.L., F.S.A., Benwelldene, Newcastle. 
Hodgson, John Crawford, Wark worth. 
Hodgson, John George, Windsor Terrace, Newcastle. 
Hodgson, William, Elmcroft, Darlington. 
Holmes, Ralph Sheriton, 8 Sanderson Road, Newcastle. 
tHolmes, Sheriton, Moor View House, Newcastle. 
Hooppell, Rev. Robert Eli, M.A.,LL.D.,D.C.L., F.R.A.S., Byers 
Green, Spenoymoor. 
1892 June 29 Hopper, Charles, Monkend, Croft, Darlington. 
1882 Hopper, John, Grey Street, Newcastle. 

1876 Hoyle, William Aubone, Normount, Newcastle. 

1888 Feb. 29 Hoyle, Percy S., Randall, Wilson & Co., Bridgend, Glamorgan. 
1886 June 30 Huddart, Rev. G. A. W., LL.D., Kirklington Rectory, Bedale. 
1888 July 25 Bunter, Edward, North Eastern Bank, Els wick Road, Newcastle. 
1886 May 26 Irving, George, 1 Portland Terrace, West Jesmond, Newcastle. 
1892 Nov. 30 Jewell, R. Duncombe, 4 Park Place, St. James's, London. 

1882 Johnson, Rev. Anthony, Healey Vicarage, Riding MilL 

1883 Aug. 29 Johnson, Rev. John, Huttou Rudby Vicarage, Yarm. 

LI8T OF MEMBERS. (31st January, 1894 ) 


Date of Election. 

1883 Kb. 28 
1892 June 

1884 Oct. 

1890 Jan. 
1892 Dec 

1885 April 
1883 June 

1887 Jane 
1850 Not. 
1885 Aug. 
1894 Jan. 

1888 Jane 

1883 Jane 

1884 Mar. 
1884 Aug. 

1891 May 
1884 Mar. 

1893 Oct. 
1S91 Mar. 

1892 Aug. 
1888 Sept. 
1887 Dee. 
1891 Jan. 

1891 Aug. 

1893 Dec 
1883 Mar. 
1883 May 
1883 Feb. 
1883 Oct. 
1891 July 
1886 Dec 
1883 Jane 

1891 Sept. 

1883 Feb. 

1884 July 
1883 Jan. 
1893 Feb. 

1885 May 
1893 Feb. 

Joicey, Sir James, Bart, M.P., Looghirst, Morpeth. 

Jones, Rev. W. M. O'Brady, St Lake's Vicarage, Walltend. 
tKnowles, William Henry, 38 Grainger Street West, Newcastle. 

Laing, Dr., Blyth. 

Leitch, Rev. Richard, Osborne Villas, Newcastle. 

Liverpool Free Library (P. Cow ell, Librarian). 

Lloyd, The Rev. Arthur T., D.D., Vicarage, Newcastle 

Lockhart, Henry F., Prospect House, Hexham. 
tLongstaffe, William Hilton Dyer, The Crescent, Gateshead. 

Lynn, J. R. D., Blyth, Northumberland. 

Maas, Hans, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 

Macarthy, Geo. Eugene, Ashfield House, Elswiok Road, Newcastle. 

McDowell, Dr. T. W., East Cottingwood, Morpeth. 

Mackey, Matthew, 33 Lily Avenue, West Jesmond, Newcastle. 
tMackey, Matthew, Juo., 8 Milton Street, Shield field, Newcastle. 

Mating, Christopher Thompson, 14 Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Manchester Reference Library (C. W. Sutton, Librarian), 
t Marshall, Frank, Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Martin, N. H., F.L.S., 8 Windsor Crescent, Newcastle. 
25 Mather, Philip E., Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

25 Maudlen, William, Gos forth, Newcastle. 

31 May, Thomas, 12 Salisbury Street, Warrington. 

26 Mayo, William Swatling, Riding Mill-on-Tyne. 

28 Medd, Rev. Arthur Octavius, Whitton Tower, Rothbury. 
28 Melbourne Free Library (c/o Edward A. Petheriok, 33 Paternoster 
Row, London, E.C.) 

26 Mitcalfe, John Stanley, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 

20 Mitchell, Charles, LL.D., Jesmond Towers, Newcastle. 

Moore, Joseph Mason, Harton, South Shields. 
30 Morrow, T. R., 2 St. Andrew's Villas, Watford, Herts. 

28 Morton, Henry Thomas, Fenton, Wooler. 
13 Motum, Hill, Town Hall, Newcastle. 

29 Mulcaster, Henry, Bishopside, Catton Road, Allendale. 

29 Murray, William, M.D., 34 Clayton Street West, Newcastle. 

27 Nelson, Ralph, North Bondgate, Bishop Auckland. 
Nelson, Thomas, 9 Windsor Terrace, Newcastle. 

30 Newby, J. E., Binchester Hall, Bishop Auckland. 

28 Newcastle, The Bishop of, Ben well Tower, Newcastle. 

2 Newcastle Public Library (W. J. Haggerstoo, Librarian). 

31 Nicholson, George, Barrington Street, South Shields. 

28 Nicholson, Joseph James, 8 North View, Heaton, Newcastle. 
27 Norman, William, 23 Eldon Place, Newcastle. 
22 Northbourne, Lord, Betteshanger, Kent 


Date of Eleotlon 

1889 Aug. 28 

1891 Feb. 18 

1883 Mar. 28 
1889 Aug. 28 

1884 Dec 30 

1892 Mar. 30 

1893 Mar. 29 

1891 Feb. 18 
1884 Jan. 30 

1892 Nov. 30 
1884 Sept. 24 

1888 Jan. 
1892 Oct. 
1892 Oct. 
1854 Oct. 

tNorthumberland, The Dake of, Alnwick Castle, Northumberland. 

Oliver, Prof. Thomas, M.D., 7 Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Ord, John Robert, Haughton Hall, Darlington. 

Ormond, Richard, 35 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 

Oswald, Septimus, Brightside, Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Park, A. D., 11 Bigg Market, Newcastle. 

Parkin, John S., New Square, Lincoln's Inn, London, W.C. 

Pattison, John, Oolbeck Terrace, Tynemouth. 

Pearson, Rev. Samuel, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 

Pease, John William, Pendower, Benwell, Newcastle. 

Pease, Howard, Enfield Lodge, Newcastle. 

Peile, George, Greenwood, Shotley Bridge. 

Percy, The Earl, Alnwick Castle, Northumberland. 
tPhillips, Maberly, 12 Grafton Road, Whitley, R.S.O. 

Philipson, George Hare, M.A., M.D., Eldon Square, Newcastle. 
tPhilipson, John, Victoria Square, Newcastle. 

Pickering, William, Poplar Cottage, Long Benton, Newcastle. 

Plummer, Arthur B., 2 Eslington Terrace, Newcastle. 

Potts, Joseph, Osborne Road, Newcastle. 

Prond, George, 128 Sidney Grove, Newcastle. 

Proud, John, Bishop Auckland. 

Pybus, Robert, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 
tRaine, Rev. James, Canon of York. 
tRa vena worth, The Earl of, Ravensworth Castle, Gateshead. 

1887 Aug. 31 Reavell, George, Jun., Alnwick. 

1882 Redmayne, R. Norman, 27 Grey Street, Newcastle. 

1883 June 27 Redpatb, Robert, Linden Terrace, Newcastle. 

1888 May 30 Reed, The Rev. George, Ridley, Bardon Mill. 
1892 June 29 Rees, John, 5 Jesmond High Terrace, Newcastle. 
1886 Feb. 24 Reid, Andrew, Akenside Hill, Newcastle. 

1891 Aug. 26 Reid, George B., Leazes House, Newcastle. 

1883 Sept. 26 Reid, William Bruce, Cross House, Upper Claremont, Newcastle. 

1891 April 29 Reynolds, Charles H., Millbrook, Walker. 

1886 Nov. 24 Rich, F. W., Eldon Square, Newcastle. 

1894 Jan. 31 Richardson, Miss Alice M. t Esplanade, Sunderland. 

1891 July 29 Richardson, Frank, South Ashfield, Newcastle. 

1892 Mar. 30 Riddel), Edward Francis, Cheeseburn Grange, near Newcastle. 

1889 July 31 Ridley, John Philipson, Rothbury. 

1877 Ridley, Sir M. W., Bart, M.P., Blagdon, Northumberland 

1892 June 29 Ridley, Thomas Dawson, Willimoteswiok, Coatham, Redoar 

1883 Jan. 31 Robinson, Alfred J., 136 Brighton Grove, Newcastle. 
1892 Sept. 28 Robinson, James F., Burnopfield. 

1884 July 30 Robinson, John, 7 Choppiogton Street, Newcastle. 

LIST OF MEMBERS. (31st January, 1894.) 


Date of Election. 

1882 Robinson, William Harris, 20 Osborne Avenue, Newcastle. 
1877 Rogers, Rev. Percy, M.A., Simonburn Rectory, Humshaugh. 
1893 Mar. 8 Rowell, George, 100 Pilgrim Street, Newcastle. 

1893 April 26 RuncimaD, W., Fern wood House, Newcastle. 

1892 Sept. 28 Rutherford, Henry Taylor, Blyth. 

1891 Dec. 23 Rutherford, John V. W., Briarwood, Jesmond Road, Newcastle. 

1887 Jan. 26 Ryott, William Henry, Collingwood Street, Newcastle. 

1888 July 25 Sanderson, Richard Bnrdon, Warren House, Belford. 

1893 Nov. 29 Savage, Rev. H. E., St. Hilda's Vicarage, South Shields. 

1884 Aug. 27 Schaeffer, Anton Georg, 4 Benton Terrace, Newcastle. 

1891 Sept. 30 Scott, John David, 4 Osborne Terrace, Newcastle. 

1892 Aug. 31 Scott, Owen Stanley, Bowes Museum, Barnard Castle. 

1886 Feb. 24 Scott, Walter, Grainger Street, Newcastle. 
1888 June 27 Scott, Walter, Holly House, Sunderland. 

1883 Feb. 28 Sheppee, Lieutenant-Colonel, Picktree House, Cheater- Ie- Street. 
1888 Oct. 31 Shewbrooks, Edward, 23 Eslington Terrace, Newcastle. 

1801 July 29 Sidney, Marlow William, Blyth. 

1888 Oct. 31 Simpson, J. B., Hedgefield House, Blaydon-on-Tyne. 

1892 Jan. 27 Simpson, H. F. Morland, M.A., 80 Hamilton Place, Aberdeen. 

1889 May 29 Sisson, Richard William, Grey Street, Newcastle. 

1892 Oct. 26 Skelly, George, Alnwick. 

1888 Jan. 25 Slater, The Rev. Henry, The Glebe, Riding Mill-on-Tyne. 

1891 Nov. 18 Smith, William, Gunnerton, Wark-on-Tyne. 

1893 Mar. 29 Smith, William Arthur, South Shields. 

1883 June 27 South Shields Public Library (Thomas Pyke, Librarian). 

1866 Jan. 3 *+Spence, Charles James, South Preston Lodge, North Shields. 

1883 Dec. 27 Spencer, J. W., Millfield, Newburn-on-Tyne. 

1893 Mar. 8 Spensley, James Richardson, Belle Vue House, Gray Road, 

1893 May 31 Stanton, Harved James Clifford (Captain), Barracks, Berwick- 

1882 Steavenson, A. L., Holywell Hall, Durham. 

1891 Jan. 28 Steel, The Rev. James, Vicarage, Heworth. 
188? D 60 * 27 Steel, Thomas, 51 John Street, Sunderland. 

1882 Stephens, Rev. Thomas, Horsley Vicarage, Otterburn, R.S.O. 

1885 June 24 Stephenson, Thomas, 3 Framlington Place, Newcastle. 

1873 fStevenson, Alexander Shannan, F.S.A. Scot., Oaklands Mere, 

Weybridge, Surrey. 

1887 Mar. 30 Straker, Joseph Henry, Howdon Dene, Corbridge. 

1880 Strangeways, William Nicholas, 20 Harborne Road, Edgbaston, 

1892 Jan. 27 Sutherland, Charles James, M.D., Frederick Street, South Shields. 
1879 Swan, Henry F., North Jesmond, Newcastle. 

vol. xvi. / 


Date of Election. 

1866 Dec. 5 Swinburne, Sir John, Bart., Capheaton, Northumberland. 

1887 Nov. 30 Tarver, J. V., Eskdale Tower, Eskdale Terrace, Newcastle. 
1860 Jan. 6 Taylor, Hngh, 5 Fenchurch Street, London. 

1892 April 27 Taylor, Thomas, Chipchase Castle, Wark-on-Tyne. 

1884 Oct. 29 Taylor, Rev. William, Catholic Church, Whittingham, Alnwick. 

1883 Jan. 31 Tennant, James, Low Fell, Gateshead. 

1893 May 31 Terry, C. S., The Minories, Jesmond, Newcastle. 

1888 Aug. 29 Thompson, Geo. H., Baileygate, Alnwick. 

1892 June 29 Thomson, James, Jan., 22 Wentworth Place, Newcastle. 

1891 Jan. 28 Thorne, Thomas, Blaokett Street, Newcastle. 

1888 Feb. 29 Thorpe, R. Swarley, Devonshire Terrace, Newcastle. 
1888 Oct. 31 Todd, J. Stanley, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 

1888 Nov. 28 Tomlinson, William W., 1 Victoria Villas, Whitley, R.S.O. 

1892 July 27 Toronto, University of (c/o Edward G. Allen, 28 Henrietta Street, 

Co vent Garden, London, W.C.) 

1884 Mar. 26 Tweddell, George, Grainger Ville, Newcastle. 

1889 Oct. 30 Vick, R. W., Strathmore House, West Hartlepool 
1884 Feb. 27 Waddiogton, Thomas, Eslington Villa, Gateshead. 

1891 Mar. 25 Walker, The Rev. John, Whalton Vicarage, Morpeth. 

1890 Aug. 27 Wallace, Henry, Trench Hall, near Gateshead. 
1887 Mar. 30 Watson, Joseph Henry, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 

1892 Oct. 26 Watson, Mrs. M. E., Burnopfield. 

1887 Jan. 26 Watson, Thomas Car rick, 21 Blackett Street, Newcastle. 

1892 Dec. 28 Wangh, R., 49 Warrington Road, Newcastle. 

1893 June 28 Wear, Arthur T., 1 Wentworth Place, Newcastle. 

1880 tWelford, Richard, Thornfield Villa, Gosforth, Newcastle. 

1889 Nov. 27 Wheler, E. G., Swansfield, Alnwick. 

1893 April 26 White, Henry, Little Benton, Newcastle. 

1886 June 30 Wilkinson, Auburn, M.D., 14 Front Street, Tynemouth. 

1892 Aug. 31 Wilkinson, The Rev. Ed., M. A., Whitworth Vicarage, Spennymoor. 

1893 Aug. 30 Wilkinson, William C, Daore Street, Morpeth. 

1891 Aug. 26 Williamson, Thomas, jun. , 39 Widdrington Terrace, North Shields. 

1885 May 27 Wilson, John, Archbold House, Newcastle. 

1894 Jan. 31 Wilson, William Teasdale, M.D., 8 Derwent Place, Newcastle. 
1891 Sept. 30 Winter, John Martin, 17 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 

1848 Feb. 7 tWoodman, William, East Riding, Morpeth. 

1893 Aug. 30 Woodward, Rev. G., Miokley Vicarage, Newcastle. 

1886 Nov. 24 Wright, Joseph, Jun., Museum, Barras Bridge, Newcastle. 



Antiquaries of London, The Society of, Burlington House, London (Assistant 
Secretary, W. H. St. John Hope, M.A.) 

Antiquaries of Scotland, The Society of (Dr. J. Anderson, Museum, Edinburgh). 

Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, The (The 
Secretary, Oxford Mansion, Oxford Street, London, W.C.) 

Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, The (Robert Cochrane, 7 St. Stephen's 
Green, Dublin). 

Royal Society of Northern Antiquities of Copenhagen, The 

Royal Academy of History and Antiquities (o/o Dr. Anton Blomberg, Librarian), 
Stockholm, Sweden. 

Royal Society of Norway, The, Christian!*, Norway. 

Berwickshire Naturalists' Club, The {Secretary and Editor, James Hardy, LL.D., 
Oldcambus, Cockburnspath, N.B.) 

Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological Society, The (The Rev. W. Bazeley, 
Matson Rectory, Gloucester). 

British Archaeological Association, The {Secretaries, W. de Gray Birch, F.S.A., 
British Museum, and E. P. Loftus Brock, F.S.A., 36 Great Russell Street, 
London, W.C.) 

Cambrian Antiquarian Society, The (c/o J. Romilly Allen, F.S.A., 20 Blooms- 
bury Square, London). 

Cambridge Antiquarian Society, The {Secretary, T. D. Atkinson, St. Mary's 
Passage, Cambridge). 

Canadian Institute of Toronto, The 

Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society, The 
{Editor, Chancellor Ferguson, F.S.A., Lowther Street, Carlisle). 

Derbyshire Archaeological Society, The (Arthur Cox, Hon. Sec., Mill Hill, 

Folk Lore Society, The (G. L. Gomme, 1 Beverley Villas, Barnes, London). 

Heidelberg Historical and Philosophical Society, Heidelberg, Germany. 

Lancashire and Cheshire Historic Society, The (R. D. Radcliffe, M.A., Hon. 
Secretary, Old Swan, Liverpool). 

London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, The (o/o Chas. Welch, F.S.A., 
Guildhall Library, London). 

Nassau Association for the Study of Archaeology and History, The (Verein fttr 
nassauische Alterthumskunde und Geschichte forschung). 

Numismatic Society of London, The, 22 Albemarle Street, London, W. {Secre- 
taries, H. A. Grueber and B. V. Head). 

Peabody Museum, The Trustees of the, Harvard University, U.S.A. 

Powys-land Club, The {Editor, Morris C. Jones, F.S. A., Gungrog Hall, Welsh- 


Shropshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, The (Secretary, Francis 

Goyne, Shrewsbury). 
Smithsonian Institution, The, Washington, U.S. A. 
Socidte" d'ArcbeoIogie de Bruxelles, La (rue des Palais 63, Bruxelles). 
Somersetshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, The (o/o Curatory 

W. Bidgood, Castle, Taunton, Somersetshire). 
Surrey Archaeological Society, The (c/o Hon. See., Mill Stephenson, 8 Danes 

Inn, Strand, London, W.C.) 
Sussex Archaeological Society, The (C. T. Phillips, Eon. Librarian and 

Thuringian Historical and Archaeological Society, The (Verein fur thuringische 

Geschichte und Altertumskunde) Jena (Professor Dr. D. Schafer, Jena). 
Trier Archaeological Society, The, Trier, Germany. 
Yorkshire Archaeological Society, The (G. W. Tomlinson, Hon. Sec, Wood 

Field, Huddersfield). 

The Proceedings of the Society are also sent to the following : — 

Dr. Berlanga, Malaga, Spain. 

The British Museum, London. 

Prof. Ad. de Ceuleneer, Rue de la Lieve 9, Ghent, Belgium. 

The Rev. Dr. Oox, Holdenby Rectory, Northampton. 

W. J. Cripps, C.B., Sandgate, Kent, and Cirencester. 

J. Hardy, LL.D., Sec. Berw. Nat. Club, Oldcambus, Cockburnspath, N.B. 

Literary and Philosophical Society, Newcastle. 

Robert Mowat, Rue des Feuillantines 10, Paris. 

The Rev. Henry Whitehead, Lanercost Priory, Carlisle. 

The Bishop of Durham, Bishop Auckland. 

The Rev. J. F. Hodgson, Witton-le-Wear. 




By Thomas Hodokin, D.C.L., F.S.A. 

[Bead on the 26th August and 28th October, 1891.] 

Haying been selected to describe the site of the battle of Flodden to 
the members of the Newcastle Society of Antiquaries, and having for 
that purpose made a pretty careful survey of the field under the most 
helpful guidance of Mr. Watson Askew-Bobertson, I propose in the 
following paper to tell, as briefly as I can, the story of the great 
encounter. I will not apologise for what some would call the presump- 
tion of adding anything to the immortal sixth canto of Marmion. I 
am loyal to Sir Walter to my heart's core, and would venture to 
maintain that his description of Flodden is the finest battle-piece that 
has been painted in words since Homer sang of the wrath of Achilles. 
But Prose has his office as well as his sister Poetry. While she sweeps 
majestically through the air we sons of Prose may creep humbly along 
the ground with our measuring-chain, and survey the fields which her 
wings have overshadowed. The highest aim of any historian of this 
battle can now be only to give his readers a prosaic explanation of 
some point which Scott, by the rules of his art, was forced to leave 

More substantial is the need of an apology for treating of a subject 
which has been already so well handled in our own Archaeologia 
(vol. iii. (n.s.), pp. 197-230) by that careful and industrious antiquary, 
Mr. Robert White, and in a somewhat more popular manner, but with 
great accuracy, by the Rev. Robert Jones, vicar of Branxton.* My 
only excuse can be that when one has read a good deal concerning a 
spirit-stirring scene like this, one is under a strong inclination to tell 
the story over again in one's own words, however well it may have 
been told by one's predecessors; and, moreover, in a few points, 

• 'The Battle of Flodden Field.' Coldstream, 1869 ; also, Proc. Bene, Nat. 
Club, voL iv., p. 366. ' 

vol. xvi. A 


especially with reference to the conduct of James IV. my conclusions 
are not precisely the same as those of my prosaic predecessors, nor 
even as Sir Walter's. But enough of apologies. I will briefly indicate 
the chief sources of the narrative as far as I am acquainted with them. 

(1) Undoubtedly the best authority that we at present possess is 
the Gazette 1 of the battle, which was printed in black letter by Richard 
Faques, 'dwellyng in Poulys Churche Yerde/ and which has been two 
or three times reprinted. The absolutely contemporary character of 
this narrative is shown by its enumeration of the losses of the English 
' Syr John Gower of Torkeshyre and Syr John Boothe of Lancasshyre 
both wantynge, and as yet not founden.' It of course gives the 
English side of the story, and, unfortunately, for the actual events of 
the battle it is rather meagre. 

(2) Next in order come the letters and documents published in the 
Calendar of State Papers. These are of great value, though not quite 
so full as we could wish. There are accounts for the payment of 
wages to Lord Surrey and his soldiers ; letters about the campaign 
from Katharine of Arragon to her husband and to Wolsey, the very 
interesting and naive letters of Ruthal, bishop of Durham (also to 
Wolsey), two important letters from Lord Dacre, Lord Surrey's cartel 
to James IV., and an ' Account of the battle of Flodden,' anonymous, 
but evidently put forth by authority. 

(3) Next, but at a long interval in time, is the narrative of the 
historian Edward Ball, compiled about 1533. 2 No other authority, I 
think, marks the dates so carefully as Hall, and on the whole his is 
perhaps the best and fullest account of the battle, but with some little 
signs of bias and partiality. 

(4) Rather more impartial but not quite so full, and yet farther 
from the time, is Raphael Holinshed, who wrote his Chronicles in the 
early part of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and published them in 
1571. It is to be observed that Holinshed tells the story of Flodden 
twice over — once in the English Chronicles, and once in the Historic 
of Scotland; but in this latter work he is confessedly only abstracting 
the Scottish historians who had gone before him.* 

1 Not self-styled by that name. 

2 * He perfited and writt this historie no further than to the foure and twentie 
yere of Kyng Henry the Bight/— Richard Grafton's Preface. 

* Who were these? Hector Boece does not reach so far. 


The two Scottish historians from whom we get the fullest account 
of Hie battle appear to be (5) Robert Lindsay of Pitsoottie (about 1500- 
1565) and (6) George Buchanan (1506-1582), the oelebrated tutor of 
James VI., and versifier of the Psalms. The first is little more than 
a name to us, whilst the second is one of the best-known literary 
characters of Scotland; but for our present purpose they may not 
improperly be classed together, since both give us that version of the 
history which was generally current in Scotland in the first and second 
generations after Flodden was fought. Pitscottie's work is incom- 
parably the more interesting to a modern reader, giving as it does ' the 
very form and fashion of the times,' the story of the great overthrow 
as the writer may have heard it in his boyhood told in broad Scotch, 
with many a 'waefuT ejaculation by grey-headed beldames whose sons 
had fallen in the fight. But of course history collected from such sources 
as this is apt to contain a large infusion of somewhat inaccurate gossip, 
and this is probably the character of some of Pitscottie's statements. 4 

Buchanan's is a history written in Latin in ' correct ' and classical 
fashion, after the model of Sallust or Livy, but does not I think show 
any great endeavour after minute historical accuracy, while it certainly 
is far less pictorial than that of Pitscottie. 

(7) Lastly, we come to the source from which we derive perhaps 
more of the colouring of the picture than any other, but which must 
be considered inferior as an authority to any of those already named — 
The Ballad of Flodden Field. This curious poem was probably 
written towards the end of the reign of Elizabeth. The writer is 
evidently a great admirer of the glories of the Stanley family, and 
it has been therefore conjectured that he was a native either of 
Lancashire or of Cheshire, where the influence of that family was 
most felt. Much, but not all, of the ballad might have been written 
by an author who had a volume of Hall or Holinshed before him. 
It is perhaps allowable to suppose that some local traditions derived 
from returning soldiers of Stanley's troop are imbedded in this curious 
production, in which there are occasional thrills of something like 
real poetical emotion. 6 

4 There are some features in the work of Lindsay of Pitscottie which remind 
me a little of Procopius. 

• The bibliography of this ballad is accurately described by Henry Weber, in 
his edition (Edinburgh, 1806), a much more useful one than that by Robert 


And now, after this slight sketch of the authorities, I will proceed 
to the story of the campaign, not detaining the reader with any detailed 
account of the various causes of the war, real or alleged. There were 
disputes between the two royal brothers-in-law, James IV. and Henry 
VIII., about Queen Margaret's dowry, disputes by sea and land between 
the sailors of the two nations, who called one another pirates, 6 and the 
borderers of the two countries who called one another thieves. But 
the last incentive to James's enterprise seems to have been supplied by 
the Queen of France (Anne of Brittany), who, though an elderly lady, 
sent him her ring and a letter, couched in the romantic language of 
the times, and calling upon him, as her true knight, to advance, if it 
were but three steps, into the realm of England, in order to deliver her 
from a 'traitour knight* who had brought her into deadly peril. This, 
being translated into the language of prose, meant that Henry VIII. 
had invaded France and was besieging Terouenne, and that a Scottish 
attack on his northern border might effect a diversion of his forces 
highly convenient to Louis XII., the husband of the distressed lady. 
The result of this appeal was that on the 22nd of August, 1513, 
James IV. entered England with an army which all the English 
historians estimate at 100,000 men. The same number is given us 
by the Scottish chronicler, Lindsay of Pitscottie, but I confess that 

Lambe, vicar of Norham. But he has not noticed, probably because he had not 
met with, the printed edition by Richard Guy, of which there is a defective copy 
in the British Museum. In the catalogue the place of publication is given as 
York, the date 1750, the size is duodecimo. Unfortunately, the copy in the 
British Museum is so mutilated that neither title, nor place, nor date of publication 
appears upon it. There are some curious pictures over which a former possessor 
of the ballad has scrawled the names of the heroes represented, as ' bastard 
Heron,' * Earl Surrey/ and the like. 

A new edition of the ballad, by C. A. Federer, was published at Bradford in 
1884. It is a painstaking performance, but I do not think it gives a better text 
than Weber's. 

The British Museum Manuscript (not the above printed copy) which is 
mentioned by Weber (p. xiii.\ and which is No. 3,626 of the Harleian MSS., is 
bound up (as Weber remarks) with several papers on heraldic matters. It occurs 
to me as probable that all of these came into the possession of the Duke of 
Norfolk as hereditary earl marshal, and that this is the reason why they are 
bound up with a ballad which commemorates the exploits of the greatest of the 

6 Chief among these bold sailors, who might be called pirates or patriots 
according to the nationality of their nomenclator, was Andrew Barton, who 
(at a time of peace between England and Scotland) was accused of piratical 
practices against English commerce, and being attacked by the two brothers 
Sir Thomas and Sir Edward Howard (sailing under letters of marque) was killed 
after an obstinate sea-fight (August, 1511). 

king james's preparations. 5 

I have my doubts whether it is not greatly exaggerated. The English 
army by which James was eventually defeated, numbered as we know 
26,000 men, and it seems clear from the story of the battle that there 
was no overwhelming inequality of force on one side or the other. No 
doubt James had not a very firm hold of his men, especially the 
borderers and the islanders (from the Hebrides), and we hear of many 
desertions from his standard, bat if we pat these desertions at 20,000 
and suppose that the Scottish army was thereby reduced from an 
original 50,000 to 80,000, I fancy we shall have attributed to this 
cause as large an effect as it could possibly produoe. 7 The king had 
made considerable preparations in respect of ordnance, and especially 
ordered seven great cannons which were called 'the Seven Sisters,' cast 
by Robert Borthwick, master gunner, to be brought out of the castle 
of Edinburgh, where they were usually kept. It was while this artillery 
was being removed, the king himself being at the abbey of Holyrood, 
that the well-known scene occurred of the midnight summons ottered 
at the market cross to the king and many of his nobles to appear before 
the lord of the infernal regions within the space of forty days. It is 
worthy of remark that this same period of forty days was that assigned 
by the king's own proclamation as the probable length of the campaign, 
for which, accordingly, all the king's liegemen were to bring provisions. 
It is indeed hardly possible that the whole commissariat of the army 
can thus have been left to the care of the soldiers themselves, bat how- 
ever its details may have been arranged the fact that forty days were 
mentioned in the king's proclamation seems to me to be an answer to 
those critics after the event who attributed James's defeat to the feet 
that the campaign was protracted over the not unreasonable space of 

7 Since writing the above I have had the advantage of reading Mr. 8heriff 
Hackay's Preface to the Scottish Exchequer Accounts (1607 to 1513V which 
throws a most interesting light on many points in Scottish history in the years 
immediately preceding the great battle. He pats the number of the actual com- 
batants on the Scottish side higher than I have done. As he says, the estimates 
vary from the 80,000 of Hall to the 20,000 of Pitscottie. * But the Scottish writers 
after the defeat diminished the proportions of their army, and there can be little 
doubt that Hall's estimate more nearly answers to the real number. The names 
of the commanders, as well as those who fell, clearly prove that every district 
of Scotland was represented. The only baron who is said to have left before the 
battle was old Angus ('Bell-the-Cat') and his sons and vassals remained. So there 
seems no authority for Pinkerton's statement that the Scottish host melted away 
till there remained not above 30,000.' Still we know certainly that the English 
host numbered only 26,000, and the whole story of the battle seems to imply 
that there was no great preponderance of numbers in favour of the Scots. 


eighteen days. On the English side, though there were haste and bustle, 
there was not that state of unpreparedness which has so often been 
found in our history since the days of Ethelred the Unready. For 
some time it had probably been felt that the relations with Scotland 
were becoming strained and tended towards war. Wolsey's superb 
aptitude for business found fitting scope in the preparations for a 
Scottish war, and his royal mistress, Katharine of Arragon, seconded 
his efforts perhaps more strenuously than her showy husband, who was 
then before the walls of Terouenne, would have succeeded in doing. 
Mr. Brewer, whose admirable impartiality and careful examination of 
the State Papers make him a most trustworthy guide for the history 
of this period, attributes to Queen Katharine a large share of the 
credit for the success of the English arms, and she herself in a letter 
to "Wolsey, 8 written apparently early in August, says 'They are 
not so busy with war in Terouenne as I am encumbered with it in 
England. They are all here very glad to be busy with the Scots for 
they take it for a pastime. My heart is very good to it, and I am 
horribly busy with making standards, banners, and badges.' 

Now for the next eighteen days let us arrange the chief events of 
the campaign calendar-fashion, taking the dates from the historian 
Hall who seems to have recorded them correctly. James's antagonist 
is the Earl of Surrey, lord treasurer and marshal of England, about 
whom I will say a little more presently. King Henry VIII. has left 
Surrey in England for the express reason that he cannot trust the 
Scots, and Surrey, chafing and fuming at being thus shut out from the 
prospect of distinguishing himself in France, is hoping ' if ever he 
meet the king of Scots in battle to make him as sorry as he is him- 
self/ On receiving the tidings of James's intended invasion Henry 
has appointed Surrey lieutenant-general of the north, and all the 
various wardens of the marches are put under his orders. 

22nd August, 1513. James IV. enters England and lays siege to 

Norham castle. (This castle was the stronghold of the bishops of 

Durham in the northern part of their possessions, and an attack upon 

it, though needful from a strategic point of view, had the disadvantage 

of at once embroiling King James with the church, and terrifying 

some of his more superstitious followers with fears of the vengeance of 

St. Cuthbert.) 

8 Calendar of State Papers, No. 4,398. 


25th August (St. Bartholomew's Day). The Earl of Surrey hears 
of the siege of Norham. 

26th August (Friday). Lord Surrey who is at York sets off for 
Newcastle, He is much hindered by the foul weather which makes 
the roads almost impassable. 

28th August (Sunday). Norham castle is taken on the seventh 
day of the siege, the governor having spent his ammunition too freely 
at first, and a treacherous inmate of the castle having pointed out to 
King James the side from which it might be most advantageously 

In the week beginning on the 28th August (apparently) the castles 
of Wark, Etal, and Ford are taken by King James. The castle of 
Ford is set on fire. 9 

30th August (Tuesday). Lord Surrey hears mass in Durham 
abbey. He is informed of the capture of Norham and receives from 
the prior the banner of St. Cuthbert. There is a terrible storm on 
the night of the 29th-30th and he is in great alarm for the safety of 
his son, the admiral, who is coming by sea with 1,000 men to join 

On the 30th of August he reaches Newcastle. He has summoned 
all the ' gentlemen of the shires with their retinue ' to meet him at 
Newcastle on the 1st of September. Lord Dacre, Sir William Bulmer, 
and Sir Marmaduke Constable repair to him there, and the accommoda- 
tion at Newcastle being somewhat scanty for the numbers of soldiers 
who are pouring in, he marches forward to Alnwick. 

3rd September (Saturday). Lord Surrey is at Alnwick. As all 
his soldiers have not yet joined him * by reason of the foul ways ' he 
waits there till 

4th September (Sunday), when he is joined by his son, the admiral, 
who has, after all, made his voyage in safety. 

From Alnwick he sends a herald, i Rouge Gross,' to the king of 
Scots challenging him to fight. King James is at this time lying at 
Ford castle. Instead of returning a message by Rouge Cross the king 
keeps that herald prisoner in his camp, and returns a defiant answer 

• Pitscottie says of Ford, that the Scots, ' Kest it doun quhilk did gritt skaith 
to the Kingis men, in the falling with the timber thairof .' But the destruction 
in any case was not complete, since some days after this the king's headquarters 
were in the castle (the king lay at Ford), and much of the earlier work is still 


by his own herald 'Day.' But while these heralds are passing to 
and fro with their messages let us use the interval to examine, a little 
more at leisure, the chiefe of the two armies. 

James Stuart, fourth king of that name, is now forty-two years 
of age, strong, brave, and handsome, a brilliant king, but with some 
of those faults of fickleness and self-indulgence which often go with 
brilliancy. 10 He has succeeded in making the wild inhabitants of the 
Hebrides subject in fact as well as in name to his authority, and they 
are now marching under his orders to the battle. His army thus 
consists of four great divisions, whose diverse arms and equipments 
are so admirably described by Scott in the fifth canto of Marmion, 
the highlanders, the lowlanders, the islanders, and the borderers. All 
of them have fire and courage, but at least two divisions, the islanders 
and the borderers, are still greatly deficient in discipline and stability. 

And the leaders, the flower of Scotland's nobility — 

' that roll of names 
Who followed thee, unhappy James, 
Crawford, Glencairn, Montrose, Argyle, 
Ross, Bothwell, Forbes, Lennox, Lyle ; 
Why should I tell their separate style ? 

Each chief of birth and fame, 
Of Lowland, Highland, Border, Isle, 
Foredoomed to Flodden's carnage pile.' 

There are two only, not mentioned in this list, to whom I would 
direct your attention. One is a natural son of King James, a youth 
of fine talents, who gives fair promise of intellectual eminence, 
Alexander Stuart, archbishop of St. Andrews. It is a curious 
illustration of the state of the Scottish church on the eve of the 
Reformation, that a young bastard of royalty, however genial and 
accomplished, could be promoted to a position analogous to that of 

10 In his admirable Introduction to the poems of William Dunbar, published 
for the Scottish Text Society, Mr. Sheriff Mackay says, ' The king is of course 
the central figure in these poems. Every trait in his variable and inconsistent 
character finds its poem or its line— the licentiousness of his youth, his penitence 
and remorse, the desire of novelty and dabbling in science which made him the 
prey of impostors and flatterers, the love of amusements of all kinds, from the 
tournaments of knights and contests of poets to card-playing and the jests of 
fools, and his liberality extended even to quite unworthy objects. Yet Dunbar 
never seems to have quite lost faith in James, and his feeling, even when his 
satirical shafts fly very near the royal person, is that of a dutiful subject, warn- 
ing the king against his weaknesses and remonstrating against his vices. He 
appears to have thought that there was an under-current of virtue, which, if it 
could get the upper hand, would overpower his faults.' (pp. li-lii.) 


Archbishop of Canterbury among us, and could then be found among 
the staunchest of the warriors in the terrible melee round his father's 
banner. The short-sighted bookish lad, the favourite pupil of 
Erasmus, with all his Stuart courage, must have felt himself ill pre- 
pared to cope with the crushing English bills, the fast-flying English 
arrows on that dreadful September afternoon. 11 The other nobleman 
of whom I will here make mention is Alexander Home or flume, 18 
the lord chamberlain of Scotland. He was a great border-lord, from his 
castle being just on the other side of the Tweed. He was apparently an 
impetuous and dashing soldier, and at the very outbreak of the war 
had led a band of 8,000 marauders into England, but, on his return, 
with his plunder, had been overtaken by Sir William Bulmer, and his 
men having been sorely galled by the English archers, he had been 
forced to fly, leaving his banner and his brother Sir George in the 
hands of the enemy. But notwithstanding this proof of his zeal for 
Scotland, there was a suspicion (probably quite unfounded) that on the 
day of the fight he did not stand loyally by Scotland's king. It is 
true that in later years he was found on the side of the English faction 
in the intrigues which then distracted the kingdom, and that he was 
eventually put to death as a traitor ; but of disloyalty to James on 
this day of battle there is no proof. 

Now let us turn to the English army and learn the names of some 
of its chief commanders. General-in-chief and lord lieutenant of the 
north, as has been already said, is Thomas Howard, earl of Surrey. ' An 
old cruiked carle in a chariott,' the Scottish chronicler styles him ; a 
'grand old man' he would nowadays be called by his enthusiastic 
countrymen. Though just verging on the seventieth year of his age, 
he shares with his sons the labours and dangers of the campaign, and 
by toilsome marches through miry lanes, under drenching rain-storms, 
no less than by the terrible hand-to-hand encounter in the battle- 
field, he delivers England from the invader. Few are the generals 

11 This reflection is made by Brewer (I. 207 n.) who says ' Erasmus tells us 
that he could not read without holding his book to the very end of his nose.' 

11 There is constant variety in the spelling of this name, which leads to much 
confusion. In Tytler's History of Scotland the index-maker has actually entered 
the same person under two different headings as ' Home, Lord Chamberlain,' 
and * Hume, Alexander, of Hume, Chamberlain.' I think the right course seems 
to be to spell the name Home and pronounce it Hume, according to our usual 
fashion of pronouncing names differently from the spelling. 


who at any period of the world's history have won victories after sixty, 
and at this special time, for some reason or other, men were growing 
old early. As Prof. Brewer 13 points out, Louis XTI. died a complete 
wreck at fifty-three, Charles V., an abdicated king, died in his cloister 
at fifty-nine ; Wolsey, who was ' an old man broken with the storms 
of State' even before his fall, died at fifty-five : Henry VII., a wasted 
and emaciated old man, died at fifty-two completely worn out in mind 
and body. ' The fearful excitement through which men had passed 
told heavily upon them. Like men who had struggled and buffeted 
for life in a stormy sea, they saved it only to drag out a few weary 
years on dry land.' All this makes the skill, courage, and endurance 
of the almost septuagenarian Surrey the more remarkable. 

But why, it will naturally be asked, is this old man, head of the 
house of Howard, saluted only with the title of Earl of Surrey, which 
is usually borne by younger men, the heirs apparent of the Dukes of 
Norfolk ? Even the inferiority of rank is an honour, for it tells of 
faithftdness and loyalty. Consistently Yorkist all through the 
troublous times of the Wars of the Roses, when some noble families 
were anxiously studying the aft of timely tergiversation, the Howards 
left the head of their house, the ever-bold * Jockey of Norfolk,' dead 
on the field of Bosworth. His son, our Lord Surrey, who had received 
that title from Richard III., was attainted and committed to the 
Tower by Henry VII. During Lambert Simnel's insurrection he 
refused to accept a release improperly offered him by the Lieutenant 
of the Tower, saying that .he would only accept his freedom from the 
king who had ordered his imprisonment. The evident fidelity of the 
man attracted the new king's attention, and Henry VII. being 
determined to have Thomas Howard for a friend rather than a foe, 
released him from the Tower, and made him successively Lieutenant 
of the North, Lord Treasurer, and Earl Marshal. In 1502 he escorted 
the young princess, Margaret Tudor, northward across the Border, 
and presented her to the brilliantly armed knight who was about to 
make her his wife — that very James IV. whom Surrey is now about 
to meet in far different fashion, and whom he hopes ' to make as sorry 
as he is himself for letting him from the French war.' It is anticipat- 
ing our story a little, to mention that in the next year, after the battle 

13 Reign of Henry VIII. i. 74, n. 1. 



of Flodden, the Earl of Surrey received his father's forfeited title of 
Duke of Norfolk as a reward for his glorious victory. 

As the Earl of Surrey (for so we must continue to call him) was 
twice married, and left several children, it will make the narrative 
clearer to introduce here a portion of the Howard pedigree : — 

8ir John Howard, 

first Duke of Norfolk 

(' Jockey of Norfolk*), 

fell at Bosworth 1486. 



Sir Thomas Howabd, 

daughter of 

daughter of 

Earl of Subset 




Hugh Tylney. 

created second Duke of Norfolk 



I . 





Lord Howard, 


commanded the 



admiral 1513, 

fell fight- 

English right at 

Sir Thomas 

Howard of 

afterwards third 

ing the 




Duke of Norfolk, 

French off 



f 1573. 

t 1554. 

Brest, 1512. 









Q. of England, 

Q. of England 

Baron How- 

Earl of Surrey, the 

beheaded 1542. 


ard of Efiing- 

poet, beheaded 


ham, Earl of 

1547 (aet. 28). 

From another 



1596 (hero 

of the 


daughter (Mar- 



garet) are de- 


fourth Duke of 

scended the 


Norfolk, beheaded 

Lords Arundel of 







i Belted 


Earl of Arundel, 


died in the Tower, 1695. Elizabeth Dacre. 

From him are descended 
the present Dukes of Norfolk. 

From him are descended 
the present Earls of Carlisle. 

I do not want to trouble yon with more genealogical details than 
I can help, but by just glancing over this pedigree you will see how 
much that is glorious and how much that is tragical in English 
history connects itself with the descendants of the hero of Flodden. 
Two of the ill-fated queens of Henry Tudor, two lovely women who, 
by his order, passed from his marriage bed to the scaffold— namely, 
Anne Boleyn and Katharine Howard— are granddaughters of thcJSarl 
of Surrey. Lord Howard of Effingham, the victor of the Spanish 


Armada, is his grandson; the great queen under whose orders he 
fought, * who had the heart of a king, and a king of England, too/ is 
his great-granddaughter. Lord Surrey, the poet and courtier, father 
of English blank verse, and praiser of the mysterious Geraldine, is 
another grandson, and he, like his crowned cousin, ends his young 
life at the headsman's block on Tower hill. So, too, does his son 
Thomas, the fourth Duke of Norfolk, beheaded in 1572, on account of 
his treasonable schemes for rescuing and marrying Mary, Queen of 
Scots. Here we have the descendants of the two protagonists on 
Branxton moor brought into strange relations with one another. 
How little could James Stuart and Thomas Howard in that Septem- 
ber afternoon of 1518, when the bills and the lances were making 
such fatal chasms in the ranks of the warriors around them, have 
dreamed that the day would come when a Howard, duke of Norfolk, 
great-grandson of the one, would lay down coronet and life for the 
love of Mary Stuart, granddaughter of the other ! 

The Earl of Surrey was accompanied to the field of battle by two 
sons. His eldest, Thomas, lord Howard 14 (who eventually succeeded 
him as Duke of Norfolk, and narrowly escaped execution at the very 
end of the reign of Henry VIII.), held at this time the office of lord 
high admiral, which had been conferred upon him after the death of 
his younger brother, Edward, who died in 1512, gallantly fighting the 
French in the harbour of Brest. To prevent confusion between him 
and his brother, it will be well to call him by his title, admiral, 
rather than by his name. This brother, Sir Edmund Howard (in 
after days father of Queen Katharine Howard), a young and somewhat 
inexperienced officer, had, perhaps by his father's partiality, a some- 
what higher position in the army than he was strictly entitled to by 
his previous services. 

Beside the three Howards, the officers on whom it is chiefly 
necessary to fix our attention are Bulmer, Tunstall, Dacre, and 

(1) Sir William Bulmer, sheriff of the bishopric of Durham, 
commands the troops furnished by the great prince-bishopric, and 
bears the banner of St. Cuthbert. All this portion of the host is 

"'As he bore the courtesy title of Lord Howard, this, rather than Lord 
Thomas Howard, is the correct mode oi designating him. 


burning to avenge the injury done to the honour of St. Cuthbert by 
the attack on the fortress of Norham, over which his banner was 

(2) Closely joined with Sir William Buhner was Sir Bryan Tunstall, 
'the stainless knight.' His father had been so named by Henry VII. 
because of his unshaken truth and loyalty. The elder Tunstall had 
through all the troublous times of the civil wars remained true to the 
house of Lancaster, had crossed over with other Lancastrian refugees to 
the court of Brittany, had returned and fought for Richmond on the 
field of Bosworth, and again at Stoke with Martin Swart. There 
seems to have been a pleasant fantasy in passing on to the son the 
same honourable epithet (' stainless ') which had been borne by the 

(8) Lord Dacre, who was the chief leader of the men of Cumber- 
land, may perhaps be considered the English counterpart of Lord 
Home. Like him, a borderer who had borne a conspicuous part in 
the savage cut-and-thrust of border warfare, a warden of the west 
marches and a frequent representative of the Tudor kings at the 
Stuart court, he nevertheless was accused by his enemies of secret 
leanings to the Scottish side. I can discover nothing in his conduct, 
either at Flodden or in the events which followed it, to justify such a 
suspicion, but I think it is worth noticing that these men of the 
border, on either side, were not such deadly enemies as to escape the 
occasional imputation of being too close friends. I liken them to the 
'middle party,' the moderate men in political strife, who know the 
real difficulties both of the attack and the defence, and who, because 
they cannot raise the war-cry of either party with the same unreason- 
ing fervour which rings in the voices of the extreme men (who 
spent their lives far from the border and know nothing of its strength 
or its weakness), are in each camp looked upon with coldness and 
almost denounced as traitors. We note, in passing, that this border- 
lord, Dacre, who has his stronghold at Naworth castle, is ancestor of 
that well-known ' Bessie wi* the braid apron/ who married * Belted 
Will' Howard, the grandson of the poet-Earl of Surrey, and thus 
brought the Howards to Naworth, where they still reign as Earls of 


(4) The men of Cheshire and Lancashire owned as their chief 

leader * the man 

From whom true valour fairly springs. 

Whose worthy praise and prowess great 

Whose glorious fame shall never blin, 
Nor Neptune ever shall forget 

What praise he hath left to his king.' 

So the ballad-writer (who is apparently a Lancashire man) glorifies 

his hero— 

4 Sir Edward Stanley, stiff in stour, 
He is the man on whom I mean, 
With him did pass a mighty power 
Of soldiers seemly to be seen.' 1 * 

Sir Edward Stanley is a younger son of that Thomas, lord Stanley, 
who married the countess of Richmond, mother of Henry VII., and 
whose opportune desertion on the field of Bosworth gave the crown of 
England to his step-son. In the stormy time of the Wars of the Roses 
the Stanleys, now Yorkist, now Lancastrian, had by no means steered 
with so even a keel as the Howards, between which family and their 
own there was much jealousy and dislike. But they had now settled 
down into fairly loyal subjects of the reigning dynasty, and the 
devotion with which they were served by the men of Lancashire and 
Cheshire made their representative Sir Edward an important person in 
the army. 16 

15 Battle of Floddtn, cccxxxvii. and cccxxxviii. 

16 Perhaps the reader who is generally accustomed to see only the poetical 
side of the battle of Flodden may be not unwilling to hear what, in plain prose, 
was the pay of the English combatants. In the Calendar of State Papers 
(No. 4,376) we have the 'Account of Edward Benstead, late Treasurer of the 
Wars of the King's Army in the North under Thomas, Earl of Surrey, Treasurer 
and Marshal of England, Lord Lieutenant and Captain-general of the said army 
... of monies received and paid for the expenses of the army for 84 days 
from 4 August to 27 October 1513.' 

« Paid for wages coats and conduct money for the retinue of the Earl of 
Surrey for one month beginning 4 August : viz. for 500 coats of white and green 
at 48. each. 

Lord Surrey for himself £5 a day. 

Lord Barnes, marshal of the army, 6/8 a day. 

10 petty captains, 2s. each a day. 

22 demi-lances 


One spear 

18 „ 

462 archers 


2 surgeons 


1 trumpet 

16 „ 

&c. &c. 

Sum total of the payments, 

£2,166 11? 


Having thus described some of the chief leaders in either host I will 
return to the story of the manoeuvres preceding the battle. 

It was on Sunday, the 4th of September, that Lord Surrey sent 
Rouge Cross, poursuivant at arms, to King James at Ford castle to 
complain of his breach of the oath which he had sworn to the king of 
England when peace was made between the two countries ; to offer 
him battle, and to desire him ' as he was a king and a great prince 
that he would of his lusty and noble courage consent thereunto and 
tarry for the same.' Rouge Cross was also charged with a special 
commission as to Ford castle and its lord. If James would forbear 
to overthrow the castle and would restore its lord, Sir William Heron, 
at that time a prisoner in Scotland, Surrey would restore four Scottish 
captives : Lord Johnston, two Homes, and William C&ir. Further, 
the admiral sent a private message, avouching himself the author of 
the death of Andrew Barton, the Scottish admiral, and prepared to 
justify the deed on any member of the Scottish host save the king 

On the 5th of September (Monday) Surrey marched to Bolton in 
Glendale, about six miles west of Alnwick, and there encamped for 
the night. 

On the 6th of September (Tuesday) no Rouge Cross returns to 
the English general, but instead, there appears at the outposts a 
' harolde of the Scottish king called Ilaye.' This * harolde ' is detained 
two or three miles from the camp in order that he may not view the 
army, and when he delivers his message it is to the effect that if Lord 
Surrey will justify his message by accepting battle that is the thing 
which will be the most to the comfort and joy of the king of Scots. 
Ab for Ford castle the king will make no promise of any kind nor will 
he restore Sir William Heron; and the four Scottish prisoners he him- 
self is come in person to redeem by 'dint of war.' Friday is proposed as 
the day of battle and accepted by Surrey. This appears to be the one 
fixed point to which all these messages and counter messages converge. 
On Friday, the 9th of September, both parties are bound in honour 
to meet one another in battle, come what may. Rouge Cross is set 
free and returns in haste to the English army : Hay to the Scottish. 
The defiances of heralds are over and the manoeuvring of armies 


On the same day (6th September) Lord Surrey marches fourteen 
miles northward to Wooler Haugh, thus leaving the valley of the Aln 
and entering the valley of the Till. Meanwhile — on what day we are not 
informed— James IV. has encamped his host on the heights of Flodden, 
one of the last spars of the Cheviots, a magnificent position, but, as 
Lord Surrey pathetically remarks, ' more like a fortress than anything 
else.' 17 Here he remains, splendidly posted, with ordnance all round 
the lower part of the hill. His army is well supplied with all sorts of 
provisions ; the beer is so excellent that the English who captured it 
before the week was over would not have believed that it was so good 
had they not ' tasted and viewed it to their great refreshing.' But it is 
still raining incessantly, and possibly the Scots on their bleak hill 
top have less shelter from the rain than the English in their valley. 
The distance between the two armies is nearly six miles * as the crow 
flies,' a good deal more, doubtless, by any practicable road. It is 
important to notice this, because some of the chroniclers much under- 
state the distance 18 and thereby attribute to the Scottish king a greater 
power of watching the movements of the enemy than, in those days be- 
fore Galileo's invention of the telescope, he can possioly have possessed. 

Thus far the invasion has prospered. King James has taken some 
important fortresses (no one who knows the story of Norham or marks 

17 The position is thus described in the ballad (ccccix. ccccx.) : — 

* Even on the height of Flodden Hill 

Where down below his ordnance lay, 
So strong that no man's cunning skill 
To fight with him could find a way. 

Such mountains steep, such craggy hills, 

His army on one side did not lose, 
The other side, great grizzly gills, 

Did fence about with mire and moss.' 

18 For instance. Hall, whose account of the battle is generally accurate, says 
that * Surrey set forward to a place called Wooller Hawgh. and there lodged on 
Tuesday night, three littell miles from the king of Scots.' In fact Wooler 
Haugh is quite six miles from the heights of Flodden. And again, on Thursday 
the Englishmen 'took their field under a wood side called Banner [Barmoor] 
wood, two myle from the Scots.' But the map shows that the present village of 
Barmoor is six miles in a straight line from Flodden heights, and that the 
English camp could not be pitched more than a mile on the Flodden side of 
that village. The ballad is more accurate than Hall : — 

' The total army did ensue 

And came that night to Wooler Haugh, 

There th* English lords did lodge their host, 
Because the place was plain and dry, 

And was within six miles at most 
Whereas their enemy's host did lie.' — ccccl-ccccli. 


its present ruins will deem its capture a trifling achievement): though 
he has not marched far into English territory, still he is within it, 
splendidly posted and well provisioned, and the English lieutenant- 
general, ill-supplied with provisions and munitions of war, is about to 
be forced to give him battle with forces certainly not superior in 
number, perhaps greatly inferior, and with great disadvantage of 
position. Assuredly it was not the Scottish king but the English 
earl, who, in the early days of that week, anxiously pondered the 
military chess-board and doubted what would be the event of the 

But by one daring manoeuvre all the conditions of the problem 
were to be changed, and if we may believe the writer of the ballad, 
the suggestion of this manoeuvre to Surrey came from an unexpected 
source, and was made with dramatic suddenness. Some four or five 
years before the time of which we are speaking, Sir Robert Ker, the 
Scottish warden of the middle marches, had been set upon and slain 
by three Englishmen, one of whom was the bastard Heron, half 
brother to the lord of Ford castle. Lilburn, one of the murderers, 
was arrested by the Scots, but Heron and his other accomplice, 
Starhead, escaped. However, Henry VII., who was then reigning in 
England, anxious not to imperil the peace which had been sealed by 
the marriage of James and his daughter Margaret, declared the lives 
of Heron and Starhead forfeit. Starhead was kidnapped, carried 
across the border, and slain by Sir Robert Ker's son; but Heron 
remained for some years in hiding, and the English king, loving peace 
apparently more than justice, gave his brother, Sir William Heron, as 
a prisoner into the hands of the Scots. At length in the year 1511 
news arrived that the bastard Heron had died of the pestilence, some- 
where between Newark and Northampton, and doubtless Henry VIII. 
and his councillors congratulated themselves that a troublesome affair 
was thus well ended. 

But now a horseman clothed in scarlet, and with his visor down, 
came riding into the camp, and dashed into the presence of Lord 
Surrey. Having fallen on his knees before the general and prayed for 
the preservation of his life, he was bidden to utter his name, and the 
crime for which he sought forgiveness. He declared himself to be 
guiltless of treason, but not of disobedience to his king. 



* And as for murthering Englishmen, 
I never hart man, maid, or wife, 
Howbeit, Scots some nine or ten 
At least I have bereaved of life.' — ccccxxiii. 

Being farther pressed, he declared himself to be the bastard Heron, 
and when he raised his visor all men saw that he was indeed the same. 
His death by the pestilence had been a tale trumped np by his 
servants to save him from the necessity of repairing, by the king's 
command, to London, and there surrendering himself to justice ; and 
for two years the man believed to be dead had been living in hiding in 
his own house, his secret known to none but his wife and three 
servants. Now he had come, being, as he said, brought up on the 
borders, and knowing every foot of the country, to offer his guid- 
ance to the Earl of Surrey, guidance which was joyfully accepted 
by that general, and which probably changed the fortune of the 

In the position which Surrey occupied on Tuesday, the 6th Sep- 
tember, he was, as we saw, about six miles distant from the Scottish 
camp, and no river or important natural obstacle interposed be- 
tween him and the enemy. Now, on Thursday, the 8th September, 
he crosses to the other side of the Till, putting that deep, though not 
wide, stream between him and the Scottish camp, and marches eight 
miles northward to Barmoor. A strange, and at first sight unintelli- 
gible, manoeuvre for a general who has pledged his word of honour to 
fight with the Scots on the following day. He seems, when we look 
at the map, to be, for no earthly object, increasing the distance 
between himself and his enemy. But look, not at the map, but at the 
face of the country, and you will soon see his motive. While he 
is at Wooler Haugh all his movements are, if the day be clear, pretty 
easily discernible by the army posted on Flodden hill. At Barmoor 
he has already got behind that screen of hills which stretches all 
round the north-eastern horizon, from Doddington to Twizell bridge, 
and of all his subsequent movements James must remain in hope- 
less ignorance. 

On the eventful Friday morning (9th of September) the van of 
the army (which apparently was much the larger portion) under 
the command of the admiral, and drawing all the cannons with 


MAR 26, /rft+ m 

Cage 4+-~ Shelf 



Pea body Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology 



Received ?K«aaJ*. \>(o, / f~fi+ 

Archaeologia Aeliana, vol. zvi. (between pp. 18 and 19). 


Plate ii. 




them, make a forced march of some fifteen 19 miles in all. At first 
they go from north-east to north-west, and recross the Till by 
Twizell bridge. All this time they have kept behind the screen of 
hills ; bnt now they advance rapidly southward, and at three o'clock 
in the afternoon King James, who has imagined them to be all 
the time somewhere in the neighbourhood of Wooler, sees them 
advancing from the north upon the little village of Branxton in 
the valley below him. All the advantage of his strong position, 
* more like a fortress than a camp/ is taken from him : the English 
enemy are between him and his own country : they can cry 'check* to 
his queen and castle of Edinburgh, and he may have to fight on this 
fatal Friday, to which his knightly honour is pledged, not where he 
wills, but where Surrey wills. 

The march, as I have said, was a forced one. Fifteen miles for 
foot soldiers, over bad and miry roads, was a good stretch to accom- 
plish before two or three in the afternoon, and what heightens our 
admiration of the brave and patient English plough-boys who made 
it, is that they are said to have been absolutely fasting. Surrey's 
commissariat was evidently inferior to that of James, and while the 
Scots had their fine beer laid up in store on Flodden hill, the English 
eoldiers for two days had only water to drink. But perhaps some- 
one will say that this was the reason of their victory. 

Now, with reference to the march of this vanguard of the army, 
I think it is clear that it was a complete surprize to the Scottish king, 
and that it was not till they were within two or three miles of him, 
at least as near as Cornhiil, that he discovered what they were doing. 
The beautiful lines therefore in which Scott describes the march of 
the English over Twizell bridge, as seen by the Scots, the shifting of 
the Scottish lines, observing the movements of the admiral and 
themselves, observed by the practised eye of Marmion, must, how- 
ever graphic and vivid the narrative, be struck out of the page of 

19 By the map it is eight miles, * as the crow flies,' from Barmoor to Twizell 
and five by road from Twizell to Branxton. We seem to want further informa- 
tion as to the road by which the army would march from Barmoor. The best 
road (though a somewhat circuitous one) now available, leads by way of Ford 
and Etal and the valley of the Till ; bnt this road, as I understand the matter, 
would not be taken by the admiral, because he would lose the advantage of the 
intervening screen of hills. Probably, therefore, he took the more northern 
route by Duddo, though this may have been little better than a bye-road. 


history. I doubt whether even in dear weather it is possible to see 
from Flodden hill the bridge of Twizell, five miles distant and some- 
what down in a hollow, and on the 9th of September the weather 
was not clear, but the air was thick with vapour from rain fallen 
or falling. 

In this part of the poem Scott has evidently followed the patriotic 
Pitscottie, whose account of the proceedings in the Scottish camp, 
though, as I believe, inaccurate, must here be noticed, since it is 
almost the only record that we have of what was passing on Flodden 
hill in the morning of Friday, the 9th of September. The Bang of 
Scotland, according to Pitscottie, knew nothing of the Earl of Surrey's 
coming, and did not ' believe that he would have battle of him nor 
of none other of England at that time, considering the king was not 
present in the realm. Deceived by the wiles of the wicked lady of 
Ford, 20 and abiding her coming (though she did nothing but deceive 
him, and came not again till the English army came with her), he 
never knew the coming of the army of England till they were within 
the space of three miles, arrayed in seven great battles . . . When 
these novels [news] were shown to the King of Scotland he would 
scantly credit them, but lap on horse and rode to the hills to visit 
them. But when he saw them coming so fast forward, he caused to 
sound his trumpets and put his men in array, and ordained to charge 
his artillery and make all ready.' 

Then follows Pitscottie's description of a council of war held by 
the Scottish lords, which the king attended in disguise. Patrick, lord 
Lindsay, 'chancellor and first voter in the council/ delivered a 
harangue earnestly dissuading from battle, at any rate, from battle 
in which the king should take part. The chances of the game were 
not equal. To put in jeopardy their noble king and his nobility 
against ' an old crooked carle lying in a chariot [the Earl of Surrey], 
and certain suitors and sailors with him in company,' was to act like 
' a common hazarder who should jeopardy a rose-noble on a cast against 
a gleed halfpenny.' Whereupon he voted for the departure of the 
king and certain of his lords with him, leaving the battle to be fought 
by those whom he might think most expedient to take the matter in 
hand, and jeopardy themselves for the king's pleasure and their own 
* This alludes to a story which I shall notice at the end of this paper. 


honour, and the safety of the common weal. At this extraordinary 
proposition the king threw off his disguise and burst into the council, 
saying, in furious tones, A My lords, I shall fight this day against 
England though ye had sworn the contrary; though ye would all 
flee from me and shame yourselves, ye shall not shame me as ye 
desire. And to Lord Patrick Lindsay that has gotten the first votes, 
I vow to God I shall never see Scotland sooner than I shall cause 
him hang at his own gate.' 

* Seeing the king thus enraged, the lords were fain to satisfy his 
pleasure and serve his appetite in all things as he commanded.' It 
was probably in this council that the historic scene 31 between James 
IV. and old Archibald ( 4 Bell-the-Cat ') Douglas took place ; the aged 
nobleman urging his king to decline battle, the king replying, 
4 Douglas, if you are afraid, you may go home,' and the earl taking 
the monarch at his word, but leaving his two sons to fight and die 
with their hot-tempered master. 

* By this ' (to return to Pitscottie's narrative) * the watches came 
and showed the king the English army was at hand, marching fast 
forward within the space of a Scottish mile. Then the king caused 
blow the trumpets and set his men in order of battle, to wit, he gave 
the vanguard to the Earl of Huntley and to the Lord Home, who were 
in number 10,000 men, and took the great battle unto himself with 
all the nobility of Scotland, which passed not above 20,000 men, and 
marched forward a little in the sight of the Englishmen who were then 
passing over the bridge to them. Then the master-gunner, Robert 
Borthwick, came in presence of the king, and Ming on his knees 
implored permission to shoot his artillery at the English host when 
they were coming over the bridge of Tills, promising to cut the bridge 
at their overcoming, and that the king should have no displeasure 
at the one-half, while the other should be devoured. But the king 
answered, like a man that had been reft of his wit, " I shall hang 
thee, quarter thee, and draw thee if thou shoot one shot this day. 
I am determined that I will have them all before me on a plain field, 
and see then what they can do all before me." ' 

This chivalrous refusal of King James to use his ordnance for the 
slaughter of his enemies while passing Twizell bridge has become an 
21 Mentioned by Buchanan. 


essential part both of the poem and the history, and yet I think we 
may boldly say that at any rate in its present shape it is utterly incon- 
sistent with fact, and could never have been accepted as fact 23 by any 
one who had studied the ground. Take Pitscottie's own version of 
the event. The English army was * at hand marching last forward 
within the space of a Scottish mile,' that is to say, they were at least 
as far advanced as Cornhill, probably farther. By the time that any 
considerable part of the vanguard 'marching fast forward* had 
reached Cornhill how many of their comrades would still be on the 
other side of Twizell bridge, at least three miles behind them ? And, 
then, even if gunner Borthwick could have seen Twizell bridge on that 
rainy September day in order to take aim at it (which I do not 
believe), what ordnance had he that could carry so far and batter 
down the solid stone arches of the bridge at that distance. Twizell 
bridge, as I have said, was fully five miles from the crest of Flodden. 
It is true that the * Seven Sisters' and their companion guns were 
probably not on the crest of the hill, but on the plain below, but they 
were planted to command the eastern and south-eastern approaches 
to the hill, and therefore they would be out of position for firing 
towards the north-west, and would be not less but more than five 
miles distant from their supposed mark. In the stage of development 
which the art of gnnnery had then reached we may surely pronounce 
Robert Borthwick's alleged proposal quite impracticable. 

But an opportunity for the use of artillery was afforded to James 
by the march of the rearguard of the army, and was neglected by him. 
It is from some confused remembrance of this, as I imagine, that the 
story of the proposal to batter down Twizell bridge has arisen. 

When Earl Surrey sent forward the vanguard and the ordnance 
under the command of his son, the admiral, he reserved for himself 
marching with the rearguard the shorter journey along the base of the 
triangle of which they were to tramp along the hypothenuse and per- 
pendicular. Shorter it was, but also in some respects more dangerous 
and difficult. As they descended from Barmoor towards Etal and 
Ford the English rear must have become in some measure visible to 

" I say * as fact.* Scott had most carefully studied the ground, but he claimed 
the liberty conceded pictoribut atque poetu of telling the story in the way which 
most conduced to pictorial effect 


the Scottish host (who very possibly thought that the whole of the 

English army was coming by this route); and, then, they had to cross, 

not by a bridge but by a ford, the Till, that deep and treacherous 

stream of which the border muse has sung — 

4 Tweed said tae Till 

w What gars ye rin sae still ? " 

Till said tae Tweed 
"Though ye rin wi' speed 

And I rin slaw 

Where ye droon ae man 

I droon twa." ' 

And now the sullen river had its power for evil largely increased by the 
incessant rain which had been falling ever since September opened. 

However, the ' old crooked carle/ with the men under his com- 
mand, accomplished the passage successfully, probably at some of the 
fords in the neighbourhood of Crookham. 28 Surrey spoke words of 
cheer and encouragement to his men as they dashed into the turbid 
flood. * Now, good fellowes, do like Englishmen this day ; take my 
part like men, which part is the king's part. If I thought you would 
not, I would in my own person fight with the king of Scots, rather to 
die honourably by his cruelty than to live in shame, or that any 
reproach should be laid to me hereafter.' To whom they answered 
* that they would serve the king and him truly that day.' 

After crossing t"he ford the rearguard had to creep round the 
shoulder of a hill overlooking the valley, where we now see the pleasant 
gardens and fine old red brick mansion of Pallinsburn. The Pallins- 

*» These fords are (1) Millford, close to the old Barley mill (now in ruins), 
one-third of a mile below Etal manor ; (2) Willowford, about half a mile above 
Etal; and (3) Sandyford, about half a mile above Willowford, if you follow the 
here very winding course of the river, but only a quarter of a mile from it if you 
take the straight course (the chord of the arc) across the green haugh which lies 
between them. It seems to me probable that Surrey's troops, to whom it was 
important to save time, would cross by more than one of these fords simul- 
taneously, and the contemporary evidence names at least two of them. Millford 
(not to be confounded with three or four miles distant hlilijield) is mentioned by 
Hall, and Sandyford by the author of the ballad (cccclix.), who, however, has 
probably confused it with Pallinsburn when he calls it — 

4 A brook of breadth a tailor's yard.' 
The river at all these fords is probably now fuller than it was in the sixteenth 
century, owing to the dams which have been constructed acro&s it; but Sandy- 
ford is still pretty often used in summer time by labourers going to or returning 
from their work. It is important to notice that at this ford the soldiers would 
be out of sight and out of range of an enemy posted on Flodden hill, being 
bidden by a little eminence near Crookham. 


burn, or brook of Paulinus (in which the apostle of Northumbria is 
said to have baptized a multitude of bis converts) lost itself at the time 
of the battle in a great expanse of bog, perhaps about a mile and a 
half long and half a mile wide, near the base of the hill which is, as it 
were, a footstool to Flodden. This great straggling marsh is now 
drained, fine crops of turnips are raised from the recovered land, a 
good hard road runs through it, and the brook of Paulinus, though 
still apt to rise in rebellion after heavy rains, generally flows peacefully 
enough along the narrow channel which the spade of the drainer has 
prepared for it. In 1513, however, it was quite untraversable by 
foot-soldiers, and the waters of the marsh combined with the height 
of Flodden hill to make the Scottish position unassailable. Of course 
the same waters preserved the English rearguard from charges of 
horse or hand-to-hand encounter of infentry while they were executing 
this part of their dangerous flank march. But it is difl&cult not to 
think that the Scottish ordnance, the 'Seven Sisters' and all their 
clamorous kindred, ranged at the foot of Flodden hill, could have 
grievously hindered the march of Surrey and his men as they crept 
round the little hill which rises on the north side of the marsh, and 
still more, while slowly, almost in single file, they toiled over the little 
bridge (Branx bridge) which led them out at last on to solid ground 
about half a mile north of Branxton. It is therefore to the 
march of this part of the army, not to the passage of the vanguard 
over far-away Twizell bridge, that I would apply the proposal of 
gunner Borthwick to bring his cannon to bear on the foe ; and here 
in Pallinsburn marsh and over Branx bridge it was that the English- 
men were saved from ruin by the apathy or over-strained chivalry of 
James : here that, from the Scottish point of view, the great oppor- 
tunity was lost by which might have 

1 From Fate's dark book a leaf been torn, 
And Flodden had been Bannockburn.' 

Thus, then, the daring scheme of Surrey and his son, the separa- 
tion of the army and the long flank march of the vanguard, succeeded; 
and though we are not told the exact time or place we must, I think, 
infer that somewhere about two o'clock vanguard and rearguard 
coalesced near Branxton. This little village is situated about half- 
way up a long, low ridge called Branxtou moor. It is about a mile 


dae north of Flodden hill, hat it is not immediately below that 
eminence. The ground slopes sharply down from Flodden height, 
and then rises again a little before it descends on Branxton, so that 
there is a central ridge which, to a spectator standing at Branxton 
and looking southward, forms the visible horizon, quite shutting out 
the higher grouud of Flodden itself. On this central ridge evidently 
the battle was fought, and in a line extending about a mile due east 
and west, between 'Piper's hill* on the west and Mardon on*the east; 24 

When the Scottish king had fully grasped the position and saw 
that the English army was posted between him and Scotland, he 
seems, after some little hesitation, evinced by his calling a council of 
war, to have decided to descend from his unassailable position on 
Flodden height, but to win at least the lower height, the 'central 
ridge/ and with such vantage ground as that afforded him, to fight 
the inevitable battle. It is said 25 that he was finally 'persuaded to 
make this movement by an Englishman, Sir Giles Musgrave, 26 who 
assured him that the English were going to range ' the Merse,' the 
fruitful plain of Berwickshire. What any Englishman can have 
been doing at this crisis in the king's camp, and how he can have 
established himself as a trusted counsellor of the king, is one of the 
mysteries of the story on which we desire further explanation. 27 

Before he quitted the higher ground, James ordered his men to 
set fire to their ' litter and other filthy ordure, according to their 
custom.' ** The smoke of this burning so darkened the air that the 
movements of each army were hidden from the other till they were 
only a quarter of a mile apart. 29 

84 It should, therefore, if we wish to be strictly accurate, be called not the 
battle of Flodden but the battle of Branxton, and it is interesting to observe 
that in the gazette it is thus described : — * Hereafter ensueth the names of 
sundry noblemen of the Scottes slayne at the sayde batayle and felde called 
Brainston Moore.' ** Both by Hall and by the ballad. 

8 ' That gainful Greek/ the ballad calls him, perhaps with an allusion to 
Sinon and the Trojan horse. 

v The editor of the little volume, in Scottish History from Contemporary 
Sources, suggests, with some probability, that Musgrave may have come to 
Scotland in the time of Queen Margaret. 

28 So says Hall; not to their tents, which were to be removed to the lower hill. 

* This seems almost incredible to any one who knows the ground and sees 
the wide space that intervenes between Flodden and Branxton. But the air 
was evidently already thick and heavy with vapour, and the wind may have 
been blowing from the south. The fact is vouched for both by Hall and the 
ballad, and it certainly increases the improbability that the Scots could have 
seen the admiral crossing Twizell bridge. 


Then, about four in the afternoon, the great battle began. 80 
When the clouds of smoke cleared away, the English host, still 
divided into two ' battles/ the vanguard and the rear, saw the Scotch 
in five 'battles/ composed of great 'plumps/ some of which were 
square, marching down the hill towards them, 'silently and in good 
order, after the manner of the Almayns/ For a short time there was 
an artillery duel between the two armies, and at the first roar of the 
Scottish guns, we- are told, the men of Bamborough and Tynemouth 
fled in panic from the field. But the English artillery soon asserted 
its predominance. The master-gunner of Scotland (the same Robert 
Borthwick who had in vain implored the king's permission to fire on 
the advancing English) was slain, and the fire from the English guns 
so galled the Scots that they made the more haste to descend the hill 
and come to close quarters with their foes. The armies were soon so 
closely locked in deadly embrace that cannons could be of little 
service in the fray. 

The ordering of the troops on each side was in this wise. It is 
to be remembered that the Scots, though they had their backs to 
Cheviot, were feeing the north. The English had behind them a 
small part of England, but much more of Scotland, the Tweed and 
the whole of the fertile Merse, reaching round from the triple-pointed 
Eildon hills to conical Duns Law. Each army was therefore in a 
certain sense cut off from its natural base; either half if beaten might 
look for utter destruction. 

We will take the two lines of battle as they would appear to an 
observer looking southward, from behind the English position. 

(1) First, on the Scottish left (west), not far from the present 
homestead of Moneylaws, were two ' plumps * of borderers, amounting 
to 8,000 men, 81 under the lord chamberlain (Alexander Home) and 
Alexander Gordon, earl of Huntley. 

Opposite to them, on the English right,- were young Sir Edmund 

*° It is not very easy to understand why the battle began so late in the day. 
The 'Account of the Battle of Flodden/ in the Record Office (Letters and 
Papers, Henry VIII. I. 657, No. 4,441) says that the -admiral passed the bridge 
of Twizell at noon. Yet the same paper says that the battle began between 
four and five in the afternoon. I presume that we must allow at least an hour 
for the march from Twizell bridge to Branxton ; but there is still an interval of 
three hours, which, I suppose, was filled by the Scottish council of war, the 
burning of the litter, striking the tents, and setting the battle in array. 

S1 Pitscottie, i. 277. 


Howard 'with divere esquires and gentlemen of Lancashire and 
Cheshire/ commanding, doubtless, their own retainers. Here, too, 
was young Sir Bryan Tunstall, 'the stainless knight.' Apparently 
the whole of this portion of the army only numbered 8,000 men. 82 
These two opposing wings disputed with one another the possession 
of the little hill called ' Piper's hill,' and the broken ground, moss- 
land, stream margins, and little wooded dell to the west of it. 

(2) Next to Home and Huntley in the Scottish line came the 
Earls of Crawford and Montrose, ' accompanied with many lords and 
gentlemen, all with spears, on foot' M 

Opposite to them, in the English right centre, was the great 
admiral, Thomas, lord Howard, captain-general of all the vanguard of 
the army, surrounded not only by his own seasoned soldiers brought 
over from France, but also by the esquires and gentlemen of Yorkshire 
and Northumberland, and pre-eminently by the men of the bishopric 
of Durham, led by Sir William Bulmer, clustering round the banner 
of St. Cuthbert, and, as I have said, eager to avenge the dishonour 
done to their saint. The whole of the troops under the immediate 
command of the admiral amounted to 9,000 men. 

The fight in which these troops were engaged must apparently 
have raged most hotly round the little church of Branxton. It is 
strange that in none of the narratives of the battle is any allusion 
made to that building. 

(3) On the left of the admiral, perhaps somewhat overlapping 
Crawford and Montrose, and partly facing the Scottish centre, came 
the gallant old man, Sir Marmaduke Constable, 34 with many Constables 
of his clan, and his son-in-law, Master William Percy. He, too, like 
Sir Edmund Howard (who occupied the corresponding position on the 
admiral's right) had 3,000 men under his command, who hailed from 
Holderness in Yorkshire, and from Northumberland. 

(4) In the very centre of the opposing lines were the two supreme 
commanders, James Stuart and Thomas Howard, earl of Surrey, the 
' noble young prince ' and ' the old crooked carle.' 

** Gazette, ' And in either wing of the same battle were 3,000 men.* 
M Hall. 

" ( Seyenty years old ' says White. I have not traced his authority for the 


They mast have been on the same parallel of longitude as the 
present vicarage of Branxton, but how far north or south of that 
spot, up or down the hill, the battle may have raged, it is impossible 
to say." The troops under the command of the Earl of Surrey (5,000 
men in number) are still spoken of as belonging to the * rearward.' 
Possibly this is only a remembrance of the position which they had 
occupied on the march from Barmoor. But though it is hardly pos- 
sible to understand the plan of the battle if the English army was 
at first drawn up in two parallel lines, the foremost under the admiral 
and the hindermost under his father, there does seem to have been 
something of a diagonal direction in the English line. The right is 
the first and the left the last to engage in the battle. 85 

(5) Lastly, on the extreme right (east) of the Scottish position 
were Stuart, earl of Lennox, and Campbell, earl of Argyle, command- 
ing a body of Highlanders and Islesmen, brave but undisciplined. 

Opposite them, on the extreme English left, were the men of 
Cheshire and Lancashire, probably 5,000 in number, 86 under the 
command of Sir Edward Stanley. 

(6) There were also certain forces held in reserve on either side. 
On the Scottish side ' Adam Hepburn, earl of Bothwell, and the rest 
of the nobility of Lothian.' 87 On the English * the Lord Dacre with a 
number of horsemen was set apart by himself to succour when need 
should seem to appear/ 88 

As to the character of the conflict and the nature of the weapons 
employed we have some interesting information in the Gazette. The 

M I suppose the correct way of describing this movement is to say that the 
English army advanced in Echelon. 

* The gazette which gives us such valuable information as to all the rest of 
the English line unfortunately fails us here. Kvidently something (perhaps 
two whole pages) has dropped out between pp. 4 and 5. But by deducting the 
numbers already given from 26,000, the ascertained total of the English host, 
we get 5,000 for the number of Stanley's followers (allowing 1,000 for Dacre's 
horsemen yet to be mentioned). w Buchanan, p. 138. 

M Holinshed, iii. 5D6. I think upon the whole the balance of evidence is in 
favour of the above arrangement of the troops (which is that adopted by Scott 
in Marmiori), but it should be noticed that Holinshed puts Lennox and Argyle 
on the Scottish left (instead of right) and makes them fight with Edmund 
Howard. He also puts Huntley on the Scottish right, and herein Hall and the 
ballad agree with him, and Buchanan also, but he is hopelessly wrong as to the 
position of the troops. The position of Huntley is the most doubtful point, but 
may, I think, be considered as settled by Dacre's letter (No. 5,090 in the 
Calendar of State Papers), in which he says that he encountered the Earl of 
Huntley and the chamberlain. 





























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Scots had all the advantage of the higher ground, a great wind in 
their favour, and a sudden shower of rain which damped the English 
bow-strings. They * fought manly, and were determined either to 
win the field or to die/ They were well equipped at all points with 
defensive armour, so that few of them were slain by the English arrows, 
bat the bills wielded by the Southrons did more damage and did beat 
them down, though with sore pain and danger to the Englishmen. 
The Scots' chief arms were * a keen and sharp spear, five yards long, 
and a target before them, and when their spears failed and were spent, 
then they fought with great and sharp swords, making little or no 
noise.' ' The bills,' says the Bishop of Durham, writing to Wolsey, w 
' disappointed the Scots of their long spears on which they relied.' 

The battle began at the western end of the line. Here Sir 
Edmund Howard, with his 8,000 men of Lancashire and Cheshire, was 
hopelessly outnumbered by Huntley and Home with their 8,000 men. 
Ttrastall was slain. Sir Edmund Howard himself was thrice felled to 
the earth, and left alone with his standard bearer and two of his 
servants, when the bastard Heron, already sorely wounded, came up 
to him and said : ' There was never nobleman's son so like to be lost as 
you this day; but for all my hurts I shall here live and die with you.' 
At this moment, when it seemed as if the English right wing must be 
utterly destroyed, an opportune charge by Lord Dacre with his reserve 
of horse beat back the followers of Huntley and Home, and enabled 
Edmund Howard with the remnant of his troops to fall back on the 
admiral, who with the main body of the late 'vanguard' was now 
advancing up the hill to the left of them. On his way to join his 
brother, Sir Edmund met ' Davy Home' of Wedderburn and slew him 
with his own hand. What fate befell the brave and sore-wounded 
bastard Heron we are not informed, but his name does not appear 
among the English slain. 

The Scottish conquerors certainly do not seem to have improved 
their victory. It is conjectured (but only conjectured) that Home's 
wild borderers may have dispersed to strip the slain and to plunder 
the English homesteads now lying defenceless below them. A more 
probable explanation of their conduct is that Piper's hill, which was 
situated between the Scottish left and centre, shut out from the victors 

w Calendar, 4,461. 


the view of the fight at Branxton vicarage, and that Home and 
Huntley were really ignorant of their king's necessity till it was too 
late to succour it. Certainly the accusation brought by the Scots of 
a later day against Home was rather of inactivity than of too hot 
pursuit of the beaten foe. According to Pitscottie, when Home and 
Huntley were standing ' in arrayed battle* at the close of the day, veiy 
few of their men having been either hurt or slain, the Earl of Huntley 
desired my Lord Home that he would rescue the king in his extremity, 
seeing he was overset with multitudes of men. But the Lord Home 
answered: 'He does well that does for himself, for we have foughten 
our vanguard and won the same ; therefore let the rest do their parts 
as well as we have done.' Huntley replied that he could not see his 
native prince overcome by his enemies before his eyes, sounded his 
trumpet and gathered his men together, but found it was then too 
late to save his king from defeat. 

The decisive moment of this earlier part of the battle appears to 
have been Dacre's well-timed and vigorous charge, which not only 
enabled Edmund Howard to. escape to his brother, but restored to 
that brother, the admiral, confidence in success. A short time before, 
when he saw ' the four great battles of the Scots all on foot with long 
spears, like Moorish pikes, advancing towards him, he had sent to 
Surrey his Agnus Dei that hung at his breast, and begged him to 
move up the rearguard speedily, since he himself was not able to 
encounter alone the whole battle of the Scots.' Now, this earnest 
petition being granted, his left being covered by the advancing soldiers 
of his father, and his right (probably) made more secure by Dacre's 
brilliant charge, the admiral was strong enough to fight his foes. The 
many lords, knights, and gentlemen who were in this part of the 
host ' fought all with spears on foot, but the lord admiral and his 
company acquitted themselves so well that with pure fighting they 
brought a great number to the ground, and both the Earls of Crawford 
and of Montrose were slain.' Of course the angry votaries of St. 
Cuthbert had their share in this victory, to which probably Sir Mar- 
maduke Constable and the men of Holderness also contributed. 

But in the centre of the line, where fought the two generals-in- 
chief, James and Surrey, the fight was far more obstinate. Seeing 
from Flodden height the defeat of the English light, James pressed 


impetuously down the hill, eager to mingle in the fray. Of course 
the uobles who surrounded him, louging to distinguish themselves in' 
their sovereign's presence, added to the ardour of the onset. They 
put away their horses that they might not slide in the slippery descent, 
kicked off their boots and shoes and trod the hostile soil with naked, 
or at least with * stockinged' feet. 40 The king himself fought on foot 
in die foremost ranks. ' 0, what a noble and triumphant courage was 
this,' says Hall, ' for a king to fight in a battle as a mean soldier.' 
Bat admirable as was the courage which led him thus to share the 
dangers of the poor peasants who were venturing their lives in his 
quarrel, it is evident that he would have served his people better, if he 
had remained on the high ground in their rear, and from thence given 
to the different divisions of his army the guidance which they sorely 
needed. Surrey also was near the great mttee in the centre, but, as 
we may perhaps infer, somewhat behind the front rank, and acting 
more as a commander, and less as an old Homeric combatant, than 
his kingly foe. 

The battle in the centre, though it must have caused great loss 
in the ranks of the Scottish nobility, would perhaps have remained 
doubtful, or even resulted in a Scottish victory, but for the events 
which were passing on the English left. Here, Sir Edward Stanley, 
though he seems to have been last in coming into line, pressed for- 
ward with great impetuosity up the central ridge. Probably as the 
Scottish line at the other end overlapped the English, so the English 
at this end overlapped the Scottish, for Stanley's men seem to have 
been unopposed in their ascent of the hill. Like their foes, they 
kicked off boots and shoes in order to get a firmer footing. 41 With 
panting chests, and limbs streaming with perspiration, they stood at 
the top of the ridge almost ere the Scots perceived their advance. 
The Highlanders and Islanders under Lennox and Argyle offered a 
weaker resistance than any other part of the Scottish line. Probably 
they were worse provided with defensive armour, for we hear of great 
havoc wrought among them by the 'grey goose-wings' of the terrible 
archers of Cheshire. Whatever the cause, both the leaders, Lennox and 
Argyle, were soon slain, and their division of the Scottish host hope- 

** *The said Scott es \\ere so plainly determined to abide battle and not to flee, 
that they put from them their horses and also pnt off their boots and shoes and 
fought in the vamp is of their nooses.' — Gazette, p. 7. 41 Ballad, dxli. 


lessly beaten. From the vantage ground which Stanley had thus 
gained he surveyed the whole field below him, and saw the desperate 
battle which was still raging in the centre. Swooping down with his 
victorious men of Lancashire and Cheshire, he attacked King James 
in his flank and rear. Dacre about the same time made a similar 
charge from the English right. The Scottish reserve under Bothwell 
had been already drawn into the fray, and could offer no resistance to 
these manoeuvres. Possibly the English arrows, flying from behind, 
may have been more deadly than when aimed at the Scotsmen's 
targets. According to the ballad, it was from an arrow in his fore- 
head that the king received his first wound ; but though half-blinded 
with his blood, he called to his men to fight on and not to be dismayed 
, by his wounds, * for Fortune yet might turn her scale.' But in truth 
we have hardly any accurate information — and no wonder that we 
have it not — concerning this last desperate encounter. Scott's 
imagination, we instinctively feel, has beheld the terrible scene as 
vividly as any of the combatants saw it, and his words are as true as 
those of any chronicler : — 

' The English shafts in volleys hailed, 

In headlong charge their horse assailed : 

Front, flank, and rear, the squadrons sweep, 

To break the Scottish circle deep, 
That fought around their king. 

But yet, though thick the shafts as snow, 

Though charging knights like whirlwinds go, 

Though bill-men ply the ghastly blow, 
Unbroken was the ring : 

The stubborn spear-men still made good 

Their dark impenetrable wood, 

Each stepping where his comrade stood, 
The instant that he fell. 

No thought was there of dastard flight : — 

Linked in the serried phalanx tight, 

Groom fought like noble, squire like knight. 
As fearlessly and well ; 

Till utter darkness closed her wing 

O'er their thin host and wounded king.* 

The night was now closing in but darkness came too late to save 
the gallant little band of surrounded heroes. According to Holinshed 
' when the king saw A.dam Fornian, his standard-bearer beaten down 
he thought surely there was no way for him but death : wherefore to 


deliver himself from such despitefhl reproach as was like to follow he 
rushed forth in the thickest press of his enemies, and there fighting 
m most desperate wise was beaten down and slain/ His son, the 
short-sighted, clerkly Archbishop of St. Andrews fell near him : both 
within a spear's length of where Surrey stood. 42 No quarter was 
given, no rich prisoners (as was so often the case in those days) held 
to ransom ; the English soldiers' hearts were bitter, and the ' sutors 
and taylors ' dealt unsparing blows at the knights and noblemen who 
clustered round their doomed king. 

At nightfall the Earl of Surrey bade the trumpets sound the retreat. 
The battle with all its horrors had lasted barely three hours. ' If we 
only had had longer daylight, and our victuals/ said the English 
soldiers, 'we should have given the Scots such a lesson that they 
would have been ware how they entered the realm of England 
again.' 43 As it was, the English encamped for the night on one part 
of the field, the still unbeaten forces of Home (10,000 men in number) 
on another, and it might have been possible while the canopy of 
darkness was over all to argue that the battle was a drawn game, 
though the multitude of fugitives who crossed the Tweed at Coldstream 
ford were of a different opinion. But when daylight dawned and 
showed the ghastly harvest of Scottish slain there could be no longer 
any doubt to whom the victory pertained. Lord Chamberlain Home 
with his 10,000 men melted silently from the field, making no attempt 
to rescue the Scottish guns (* five great curtalles, two great culveryngs, 
four sacres and six serpentynes, as fair ordnance as hath been seen, 
besides other small pieces ') all of which, together with the English 
ordnance was safely conveyed, with Dacre's help, across the Till to 
Etal castle. 44 

Of the number of slain at Flodden field we have only the English 
estimates, which are contradictory and in some cases no doubt exag- 
gerated. According to these the Scottish losses were 12,000^, 11,000 
or 12,000," 10,000, 47 or 8,000," while the English loss in killed and 
prisoners was only 1,500, 49 1,200,*° or, according to the official estimate, 

a Account of the battle of Flodden, u.s. 4S Hall. Gazette. 

44 Account of the Battle of Flodden, u.s. ** Hall. 

* Gazette. * Account of the Battle and Ballad. 4f Holinshed. 

49 Hall and Holinshed and Ballad. Hall say**, * of the English side were slain 
and taken not 1,690 men as it appeared by the book of wages when the soldiers 
were paid. 1 This reference to the pay-sheet does look rather like fact. 

» Gazette. 



as low as 400. 51 Both the story of the battle itself and the cautious 
movements of the English general after it make it difficult to believe that 
there can have been such a tremendous disproportion between the losses 
of the two armies. But what made the day of Flodden so memorable 
and so disastrous was the high rank of many of the victims. Besides 
the king and his son, one bishop, ten mitred abbots, twelve earls, 
fourteen lords, and fifteen knights and gentlemen, in all forty-six 
persons of eminent rank, the flower of the Scottish nobility lay dead 
on Branxton moor on the morning of the 10th of September, 1518. 52 

On the English side the only men of rank who were slain were 
Sir Bryan Tunstall, 63 Sir John Gower, 54 Sir John Booth, 55 Sir 
Wynchard Harbottle, 56 and Maurice Berkely. 57 

It was long before the body of the hapless king was found. At 
length Lord Dacre, who had often seen him in life, discovered the corpse 
naked, as having been stripped by plunderers, and gashed with many 
wounds, one with an arrow and another with a bill.' 58 It lay near the 
place where he and his great antagonist Surrey first encountered one 
another. Dacre brought it to Berwick and there delivered it into 
the custody of Surrey. 59 The king died excommunicate, that ecclesi- 
astical penalty having been denounced on either party who should break 

41 Account of the Battle. 

42 1 must here transcribe the able summary of the results of the battle given 
by Sheriff Mackay {Preface to Exchequer Account*, p. clxxxviii.) : — 

* Every district of the country also contributed to the numbers of the slain, 
and attests the huge proportions of the carnage. No prisoners were taken. 
Besides the king there fell thirteen earls, at least as many lords, and a still 
greater number of lesser barons and gentlemen. Two bishops, St. Andrews 
and the Isles ; two abbots, Inchaflfray and Kilwinning ; and the Dean of Glasgow, 
represented the clergy, whom the English satirist blames for taking part in the 
battle. Edinburgh lost its Provost Lauder, and if many credit Pitscottie's story 
of the summons of Plotcock, only one of its burgesses came home. The Western 
Highlanders, whose rash onset contributed to the defeat, fell in large numbers, 
besides several of their chiefs — Maclan of Arlnaniurchan, Campbell of Glen- 
urchy, and Mac Lean of Dowart. Few of the men of Caithness returned, and it 
was long deemed unlucky to cross the Ord with green, the colour they wore when 
led by their earl to the muster. The descendants of the tall borderers of Ettrick, 
the 'flowers of the forest,' and the stalwart burghers of Hawick and Selkirk 
preserved the sad memory in songs. Masses were said for the dead in every 
church throughout the realm, and the title deeds of almost every estate, as well 
as the public records of the commencement of the next reign, prove that scarcely 
a family of note did not mourn more than one of its members. It is probable 
that Hall, who reckons the total loss at 10,000, did not greatly exaggerate. " I 
never read," writes Lyndsay, " in tragede nor storie, at ane journaye so many 
nobles slain for the defence and lufe of their soverane." • *' Ballad. 

14 Gazette and Ruthal's letter. No. 4,462 in Calendar. ** Ibid. 

*• Account in Calendar of State Papers. * 7 Ibid. *• Hall. 

w Pacre's letter in Calendar, No. 5,091. 


the covenant contained in the treaty between England and Scotland. 
Henry VIII., with that stiffness of assertion of his legal rights which 
was characteristic of the Tudora, seems to have at first decided on 
burying the body in unconsecrated ground. Pope Leo X. in a courteous 
and diplomatic letter 40 suggested that such treatment of the brother- 
in-law of the king of England would not redound to his honour, 
and gave permission (which perhaps had never been asked for) to bury 
the body in St. Paul's. It was, however, eventually deposited (enclosed 
in a leaden coffin) at the monastery of Shene in Surrey, and after the 
dissolution of that religious house in the reign of Edward YI. it seems 
to have been subjected, through carelessness, to many indignities. 
Herein, however, the invader of England fared no worse than some 
of her own noblest kings, whose monuments at Glastonbury were 
destroyed and their bones spread like dung upon the earth in the 
same orgy of brutal iconoclasm. 

Even as we, six years ago, hoped against hope that the heroic 
Gordon had escaped from the ring of Moslem fanatics at Khartoum, 
so the loyal Scots long refused to believe in the death of their king. 
The body that had been found, said they, had not the belt armed with 
iron spikes which the king always wore in penance for his share in the 
rebellion against his father. He had caused ten of his followers to be 
clad in coats of armour like his own, and it might be one of these that 
had been found. 81 He had glided from the field when he saw that all 
was lost, and had gone on a long- vowed pilgrimage to the Holy Land. 
With such pious sophisms as these did each loyal Scot try to banish 
from his soul the thought of the ignominy that had befallen his king. 
But as the years passed on and no James Stuart returned from the Holy 
Land, men gradually acquiesced in the unwelcome truth that the fairest 
of all 'the flowers of the forest' was * wede awa' under Flodden hill. 

On the 16th September Queen Katharine sent on to her husband 
the letter of Lord Howard, describing the great victory that his sub- 
jects had won in his absence, and expressing the hope that he would 
not forget to thank God for it. ' I could not for haste send by Rouge 
Cross the piece of the King of Scots' coat which John Glyn now 
bringeth. In this your Grace shall see how I can keep my promise, 

" Quoted by Weber (p. 302) from Rymer's Foedera. 

11 Bat according to Dacre'a letter he found him stripped naked. 


sending you for your banners a King's Coat. I thought to send him- 
self unto you, but our Englishmen's hearts would not suffer it. It 
should have been better for him to have been in peace than have this 
reward. All that God sendeth is for the best.'** Unhappy is the lot 
of kings, compelled by reasons of state, one while to take another king 
into their inmost family circle, and another while to slay him. For 
this James, whose gory coat Katharine was sending to her lord, was 
husband to their sister Margaret, whom the glorious victory of 
Flodden had made a widow. 

It is amusing to read in the Calendar of State Papers Bishop 
Ruthal's letters to Wolsey concerning the siege of Norham and the 
battle of Flodden. When he hears that his castle is stormed by the 
king of Scots he is so touched with inward sorrow that he would 
'liever' be out of the world' than in it. It will cost him 10,000 marks 
in five years' time to repair the damage caused by the siege. Never 
has the hand of God been so sore upon him as in this matter ; but he 
will search his conscience to find for what cause this judgment is sent 
him ; he will reform that sin as much as lies in his power, and hence- 
forward regard God more than the world. When the battle is won he 
is clear that the victory is due to St. Outhbert and the good Sir 
William Buhner ; he regrets that Lord Surrey could not leave the dead 
king's body at Durham, but exults that ' my father under St. Outh- 
bert'8 banner brought home his banner, his sword, and his gwyschys,' 
that is to say the harness for his thighs. 

The day after the battle Lord Surrey conferred the honour of 
knighthood on forty gentlemen who had borne themselves most 
bravely in the field, his son, young Edmund, among the number. 
Surrey himself was, as has been said, created Duke of Norfolk within 
five months from the winning of Flodden (1st February, 1514), and 
Sir Edward Stanley was, about the same time, created Lord Mont- 
eagle. 68 

The effects of this decisive victory on the policy of the two king- 
doms must be estimated by those who are better acquainted with their 
history than I claim to be. It is easy, however, to see in Henry's 

m Calendar, No. 4,451. 

** His descendant in the fourth generation was that Lord Monteagle who 
received the mysterious letter that led to the discovery of Gunpowder Plot, 
and thus saved the life of the great-grandson of James IV. 


proud and confident tone towards the other great powers of Europe, 
especially towards the emperor and the French king, some trace of 
that increased security which he derived from a victory that for one 
generation at least crushed all hopes of a successful Scottish invasion 
of his country. Perhaps also the same sense of security may have 
emboldened him to treat with a more superb disdain the disaffection 
of his Catholic subjects (whose stronghold was in the north of Eng- 
land, and who would otherwise have found dangerous allies on the 
other side of the border) when, sixteen years after the battle of 
Flodden, the time came for him to put away his Spanish wife, and to 
abjure the supremacy of Rome. 

On the politics of the northern kingdom the immediate effect of 
the carnage of Flodden must have been disastrous. With James IV.'s 
death commenced another of those ever-recurring regencies which, 
throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, were the calamity of 
Scotland. From 1405 to 1584, a space of 179 years, 84 years, nearly 
half, were occupied with regencies. What encouragement was thus 
given to anarchy, how hard the lot was made of the peaceable and 
law-abiding citizen in these days, when the king governed as well as 
reigned, and when the full-grown king's name was a tower of strength 
to those who sought his protection, we can without difficulty imagine. 
In conclusion, I will venture on a word or two of comment on the 
military aspects of the battle and the short campaign. The battle is 
an interesting one as being the last, or nearly the last, engagement in 
which the old-fashioned English yew-tree bow, which did such execu- 
tion on the fields of Cre$y and Poictiers, was an important element of 
victory. In all the great battles of the Civil War, the next important 
fights on English soil, the cloth-yard shafts are, I think, unheard of, 
and some form of musket or of cannon is practically the only arm 
used in projectile warfare. 

As for the strategy of the two commanders my views have been 
already in some measure indicated. I cannot think that James IV. 
showed any undue delay in his procedure. It was surely a piece of 
good generalship to secure the castles which commanded the passage 
of the Tweed ; and Norham, Etal, Ford, and Wark were not an 
insignificant result of a fortnight's fighting. Especially the incessant 
rain which hampered all the movements of both armies must in fair- 


ness be taken into account, whether we are criticising his strategy or 
that of his opponent. The army raised by Lord Surrey had to be 
beaten before the king of Scots could gain any secure foothold in 
English territory, and in order to have the advantage in that neces- 
sary conflict the position of Flodden was surely not ill-chosen. 

Of the manoeuvre by which Surrey turned that position and forced 
James to come down and fight on more equal terms I have already 
expressed my admiration. But though brilliant, it was surely auda- 
cious to the very verge of foolhardiness. To divide the English 
army in two parts, putting a distance of many miles between them, 
and relying on their meeting, under the eye of the enemy, on the field 
of battle, to send the larger part of the army on a fifteen mile march, 

' Black f asting as they were born 
From flesh, or fish, or other food,' w 

and then to call upon them, at the end of an exhausting march, 
while faint for lack of victuals, to fight an uphill battle against the 
warlike Scots, animated as these last were by the presence of their 
king, surely this was a desperate venture, a move on the board which 
Hannibal or Caesar would not have made, and which was only justified, 
if justified at all, by its success. Possibly Flodden should be included 
among the many ' soldiers' battles ' which have been won in defiance 
of the rules of war by the dogged patience and toughness of fibre of 
the English soldier. 

Thus, then, was fought the last great border battle between England 
and Scotland. That phase of human history has passed away for 
ever, and it needs an effort of the imagination to conceive of the time 
when ' the silver Tweed ' was a real limitary stream disparting bitter 
foes. In every quarter of the world the Englishman and the Scotch- 
man, brothers in arms and brothers in council, have stood side by 
side against their common enemies, or have won in friendly partner- 
ship the nobler victories of peace. May it be permitted us to dream 
of a day when enmities not more bitter than those which once sundered 
the Scot and the Southron shall have passed away into oblivion; 
when the Rhine shall be as innocent of fortresses as the Tweed, and 
the Balkans shall fear war as little as the heights of Flodden. 

64 Ballad, cccclvii. The above expression is used of the rearguard, but pro- 
bably applies equally to the vanguard. 



NOTE L— James IV. and Lady Hebon. 

Not only readers of Marmion, but students of our ordinary English 
histories, will probably be surprised at my silence as to one cause 
which is generally supposed to have contributed powerfully to the 
Scottish defeat. I allude to the criminal intimacy of James IV. with 
Lady Heron, the wife of the lord of Ford Castle. My reason for not 
introducing that subject into the main course of my narrative is that 
I have grave doubts whether the alleged intrigue ever existed, or, if 
it did exist, whether it had any serious influence on the fortunes of 
the campaign. 65 

In the first place, we must entirely clear our minds of one 
avowedly fictitious element in the story, the presence of the bewitching 
Lady Heron in the Scottish court, as described in the fifth canto of 
Marmion. This, as Sir Walter Scott himself would be the first to 
tell us, is pure poetical imagination. There is nothing in the authori- 
ties to imply that Lady Heron ever crossed the Scottish border. 

" The following is the pedigree of the Herons of Ford castle for the period 
before us: — 

Sir John Heron, 1421-1461 

(four time*} sheriff of Northumberland, and thrice M.P. for the county, 

slain fighting at Towton on the side of Lancaster). 

Sir Roger Hebon = 


who died a widow 

in 1509 or 1510. 

John hebon, Elizabeth.* = 

= Sir William 

Hebon, = Agnes, 

f June 20, 1498, 

b. 1478, survived her 

act . 26, s.p. 

succeeded to the husband. 

estate, 1498. 

a prisoner in Scotland 

at the time of the 

battle of Flodden, 

sheriff of Northumber- 

land, 1526, 

died 1535 


Margaret, = 

= William, 

married (2) John 

died before his 

Heron, of Thornton ; 


(3) Sir George Heron, 

of Chipchase ; still 

living 1596. 

Elizabeth, heiress of Ford = Thomas Carr of Etal. 

* This is the lady who, according to Hall, made suit to James IV. for the 
preservation of Ford castle in 1513. 


Neither is there a word about this lady in the contemporary gazette, 
in any of the letters in the Calendar of State Papers, in Hall, in 
Holinshed, in the ballad (which though itself late may possibly 
embody several earlier traditions), nor in any authority whatever, 
except Lindsay of Pitscottie, whom, however, we must consider as a 
contemporary, though a late one, since he was probably a boy at the 
time of the battle. 

Pitscottie's words are 86 : — ' On the morrow the king went to Wark 
and Norham and cast them down, and thereafter went to Ford and 
cast it down. Great slaughter was made of the king's men that stood 
about the house in the flyings of the timber. Some say the lady of 
Ford was a beautiful woman, and that the king melled with her, and 
also his son, Alexander Stuart, bishop of St. Andrews, with her 
daughter, which was against God's commandment and against the 
order of all good captains of war,' etc. ' Notwithstanding, the king 
continued still there [presumably at Ford] the space of twenty days 
without battle till at last all the victuals and vivers of the commons 
were spent, and many of the fat North-land and Isles-men were spent 
and wasted in the famine, in the same manner that it was force to 
them to pass home ; and every lord and gentleman sent one or two 
home of their special friends to bring them victuals in these ways ; 
there abode not with the king above 10,000 men by [except] borderers 
and countrymen. Yet the king's grace took no fear, because he 
believed no battle of the Englishman at that time.' 

* But the wicked lady of Ford, seeing the king's host so dispersed 
for lack of victuals, and knowing all the secrets that were among the 
king's men and the army, both of the king himself and his secret 
council ; and this experience she had by her frequent whoredom with 
the king, and also her daughter with his son, which moved her to ask 
license at the king to pass inward in the country to speak with 
certain of her friends^ declaring to the king that she 3hould bring 
him all novels [news] out of the south country, what they were 
doing, or what was their purpose for to do, desiring his grace to 
remain at her coming.' 

* As an effeminate prince, subdued and enticed by the allurement 
and false deceit of this wicked woman, he gave her over hastily 

00 I quote from Weber's note. He has modernized the spelling. 


credence in this behalf, and believed surely all had been true that 
she had promised, and to that effect gart [caused] convoy her a 
certain way from the host as she desired. But this lady, thinking 
nothing that she had promised to the king that in no ways she would 
keep it for the love she bare her native country, but hastily passed, 
with a deceitful mind, to the Earl of Surrey where he was lying at 
York at that time, and show to him the whole secrets of the King of 
Scotland and his army, what point he was at, and how his men were 
departed from him for lack of victuals, and that there were not 
abiding with him but 10,000 men of all his army. Therefore she 
thought it expedient that the Earl of Surrey should come forward with 
all that he might be at that time. She promised to them that they 
should have victory for she by her craft and ingine [ingenuity] 
should deceive the king so fer as she could, to put him in the 
Englishmen's hands.' 

* These novels [news] being come to the Earl of Surrey by this 
wicked woman, he was very glad thereof, and thanked her greatly for 
her labours and travels she took for her native country, promising to 
her that within three days he should meet the king of Scotland and 
give him battle.' 

* * ' Thus the king of Scotland so insolent, having no foresight 
nor moyen in the country, lay still, taking no thought, as a man 
nncounsellable, which would do nothing for his lords and his captains, 
for the safeguard of his host and commonweal of his nobles, nor yet 
for obtaining of victory and defending of his own honour, but lying 
still, abiding the lady of Ford's coming, but all for naught, for she 
did nothing but deceive him, and came not again till the English 
army came with her. So the king of Scotland never knew the 
coming of the army of England while [till] they were within the 
space of three miles, arrayed in seven great battles.' 

Such is the indictment against James IV. in reference to Lady 
Heron, resting on Pitscottie's authority, and on that alone ; and 
I think it is not too much to say that it breaks down at every point. 
The record of James's movements is so utterly inaccurate that it is 
impossible that it could have been derived from the meanest soldier 
in his army, unless his memory were utterly paralysed by age. 

(1) It is said that the king ' continued there (Ford castle) the space 


of twenty dayB without battle.' The whole campaign lasted only 
eighteen days from James's first passage of the Tweed (22nd August) 
to the battle of Flodden (9th September). 

(2) Of these eighteen days six were occupied by the siege of Nor- 
ham castle, which Pitscottie apparently thinks occupied only part of 
a day ('and on the morrow went to Wark and Norham and cast them 

(3) James does appear to have made Ford castle his headquarters 
after the capture of Norham, and it is possible that he may have 
remained there from the 29th August till the 5th of September. On 
the 6th of that month he is already encamped at Flodden. Thus we 
have seven days as the utmost limit of his sojourn at Ford castle 
which was in itself not at all a bad position for a general holding the 
valley of the Till. 

(4) But, according to Pitscottie's own account, during no part of 
this week can the lady of Ford have been entertaining or beguiling 
the invader, for she ' hastily passed with a deceitful mind to the Earl 
of Surrey where he was lying at York at that time.' But the Earl of 
Surrey quitted York on the 26th of August, three days before Norham 
had fallen. Lady Heron would require not less than two days — pro- 
bably three — to travel from Ford to York, and therefore if Pitsoottie's 
narrative is correct she must have left her home within two dayB at 
the utmost after James entered England. And yet Pitscottie speaks 
of her frequent adulterous intercourse with the king. 

(5) It will be seen that according to the story told by Pitscottie 
two generations of the family of Heron were engaged in the hateful 
intrigue. Bat no daughter of Sir William Heron's appears in the 
genealogical table of that family, 67 and it is most improbable that any 
such lady ever existed. Nor does the scandal accord with what we 
hear from other sources of the disposition of the young Archbishop of 
St. Andrews. 

(6) The king's conduct in dismantling Ford castle looks very 
little like that of a lover of its ch&telaine. 

Are we, then, to dismiss altogether the idea that these two persons, 
with whose names the scandal of the third generation after their own 
was so busy, ever met one another ? We are prevented from going so 
07 1 take this statement from Weber, p. 187. 


far as that by the following passage in HalPs Chronicle (forming part 
of the instruction given by Surrey to Rouge Cross as to his message 
to the King of Scots): — 

'First, where there hath been suit made to the King of .Scots by 
Elizabeth Heron, wife to William Heron of Ford, now prisoner in Scot- 
land, for casting down of the house or castle of Ford : and as the said 
Elizabeth reportet upon communication had, that the said king hath 
promised and condescended to the said Elizabeth, that if she any time 
before noon the fifth day of September would bring and deliver unto 
him the Lord Johnstown and Alexander Home, then prisoners in 
England, he then is contented and agreed that the said house or 
castle shall stand without casting down, burning, or spoiling the same : 
whereunto the said earl is content with that upon this condition, that if 
the said king will promise the assurance of the said castle in manner 
and form aforesaid under his seal to deliver the said Lord of Johns- 
town and Alexander Home immediately upon the same assurance. 
And in case the said king can and will be content to deliver the said 
Heron out of Scotland, then the said earl shall cause to be delivered 
to the said king the two gentlemen and two others, Sir George Hume 
and William Carre.' 

This passage in Hall's Chronicle obliges us to admit that the king 
and Lady Heron had met, probably during the week that followed the 
capture of Norham. The lady makes suit to the monarch for the 
restoration of her husband from unjust captivity and for the preserva- 
tion of her castle, which he has begun to dismantle. The king grants 
at any rate part of her request on certain conditions, to which she has 
to obtain Surrey's consent. She therefore goes southwards to the 
English army (which she meets assuredly not at York but at Alnwick 
or Barmoor), and she probably conveys to its commander some 
valuable information as to the position and number of the enemy — 
though she certainly does not tell him that they are dwindled to 
10,000 men. 

Out of all this the Scottish nobles, who knew too well the amor- 
ous character of their monarch, made up a tale of scandal, which 
grew and magnified as the years went on and as men felt more and 
more the necessity of some scapegoat for the great national disaster 


and humiliation of Flodden. 68 I am not concerned to defend the 
moral character of James IV., which was undoubtedly fer from 
pure, nor do I deny the possibility that there may have been some 
intrigue between him and the lady of Ford ; but I do say, that con- 
sidering the gross and obvious incorrectness of Pitscottie's story, and 
remembering the general character of that charming but credulous 
writer, historians have too lightly accepted a tale which may have 
affixed an unjust blemish on the character of a pure and innocent 
woman, and that in any case the alleged intrigue had no practical 
bearing on the issue of the campaign, and ought not to be any longer 
specified as one of the causes of the Scottish defeat. 

NOTE II.— On the Identification of some Flodden Sites. 

A few words may be needed to enable the visitor to fix in their 
true position the various scenes of the battle, whether historical or 

Above all, he must entirely dismiss from his mind one apparently 
well-established identification. In the wood just below Flodden 
heights is a little spring, gushing out of the hill into a stone trough 
with the well-known inscription (slightly modified) : — 

' Drink, weary pilgrim, drink and pray 
For the kind soul of Sybil Grey,' etc. 

But this inscription, which was placed there some twenty or thirty 
years ago by the genial enthusiasm of the late Marchioness of Water- 
ford, transfers the well-known death-scene in Marmion to an utterly 
impossible locality. This so-called well of Sybil Grey is almost in the 
heart of the Scottish camp, far to the left of the extreme left of the 
English line, whereas Marmion fought and fell on the extreme right 
of that line. 

The real ' well of Sybil Grey * — that Js to say, the well which 
Scott probably had in his mind when he wrote his description — is a 
much more prosaic looking affair ; in fact, not much better than a 

•• I would also suggest the possibility— I will not call it the probability — 
that some of the followers of James who knew the great share taken by the 
bastard Heron in causing the failure of the expedition may have returned to 
their homes full of rage against him and his race, and that some words of theirs 
misunderstood and incorrectly repeated may have been the germ out of which 
grew the scandal against lady Heron. 


common drinking trough for cattle on the road a little below Branxton 
church. Surveying this pari of the battle-field (some two miles away 
from the sham Sybil's well) we find that all comes together beautifully, 
just as Sir Walter imagined it. Here, about two hundred yards from 
the * drinking trough/ is the little hill on which Lady Clare was 
stationed to view the battle, and from which, had the Scots been 
victorious, she would have had a clear line of escape to Berwick. 
Through the little valley below this hill Marmion's reinless steed 
came rushing from the fight at Piper's Hill. In that valley runs the 
stream which was so stained with the blood of battle that Glare could 
not offer it to Marmion ; and so we come back to the little well by 
die roadside, from which she drew the cooling draught for her dying 



By the Rev. J. T. Fowler, M.A., P.S.A. 

[Eead on the 25th May, 1892.] 

In the garden at the Low Hall, Middleton St. George, is the principal 
portion of a fine sculptured cross of close-grained red sandstone, set 
up with the lower end of the shaft in the earth. Its present height 
above the ground is three feet ten inches, and it is just three feet 
across the transverse part. The design is that of a large quatrefoil 
with four short and spreading arms, set upon a shaft oblong in 
section, with deeply cut roll and hollow mouldings on the sides. The 
upper arm is broken off. In the quatrefoil, on what is now the north 
side, is a representation of Christ on the cross, with SS. Mary and 
John, the former on his right hand and the latter on his left. The 
central figure has the cruciferous nimbus, and the head bowed to the 
right. There is apparently an indication of the wound in the right 
side. The waist-cloth is bound round the loins, and extends down to 
the knees. The feet have been represented as nailed on separately, 
but are broken off. Above the arms are traces of something, pro- 
bably the moon on the right and the sun on the left, and in the 


vacant spaces outside SS. Mary and John are indications, possibly of 
stars. St. Mary is represented with a long flowing hood over her 
hair, and her hands are clasped on her breast. St. John's right hand 
is elevated. In the lowest arm is a kneeling figure, apparently that 
of a man in monastic habit with hands raised, much resembling 
figures often seen in seals. The other arms are occupied by simple 
but effective thirteenth century foliage, and the same is continued on 
either side of the kneeling figure. 

On the other, now the south side of the cross, is a representation 
of our Lord seated in majesty, with cruciferous nimbus, and his right 
hand raised in blessing, with the two first fingers extended and the 
thumb and the other fingers bent over. The left hand has perished. 
No indications of wounds can now be seen. The robe is flowing, and 
girded round the waist ; the feet are exposed. In the vacant spaces 
within the quatrefoil are two of the evangelistic symbols — the winged 
ox for St. Luke, with a label not now showing any letters, on the 
left; and on the right the winged man for St. Matthew, holding 
something very unusual in the case of the symbolical figure. With 
his right hand he holds before him a large object in the form of a 
bottle with a round foot, but probably meant for a money-bag. The 
bent part of the left wing projects in front of his face, most of which 
has perished. The winged lion of St. Mark occupies the lowest arm, 
outside the quatrefoil ; and the eagle of St. John has, of course, been 
in the upper arm. The four arms are decorated with foliage similar 
to that on the other side. The outside of the quatrefoil and the ends 
of the arms are quite plain. The character of the figures, foliage, 
and mouldings, as well as the general design, appear to indicate a 
date of some time in the earlier half of the thirteenth century. The 
stone has begun to split from the action of the weather, and will be 
all to pieces in a few more years unless it be put under cover. 





















By W. S. Hicks. 
[Read on the 29th June, 1892.] 

This church, dedicated to St. Bartholomew, consists of a nave, 
chancel, western tower, and south porch only. I give a plan of it, 
showing the indications of earlier forms which have lately been 

The fabric, when I first saw it two years ago, was in a most 
dilapidated and unwholesome condition : its modern roof in holes, its 
timbers decayed, its floors, seats, and gallery soaked and green with 
damp. The chancel only was in a state of repair, though greatly 
reduced in size and disfigured in proportions by the rebuilding under- 
taken some time ago by the lay rector. 

The nave walls, roughly rebuilt oi ancient stones, contain some 
portions of the lancet windows, but nothing of their ancient character, 
and nearly all the windows have plain square sashes. 

The roof was an ordinary king-post construction of the early part 
of this century, containing a little of the old oak of a former roof, so 
cut up as to leave no trace of its earlier form. 

The tower is buttressed with huge modern buttresses, partly en- 
closing and hiding the old ones, and it has been so altered in its 
upper stage as to be almost beyond recognition as a thirteenth cen- 
tury tower. The south porch is a modern structure made entirely ot 
ancient stones. 

The ground on both sides of the church had become banked up 
three or four feet above the present floor level, and this floor appears 
to be a foot or a foot and a half above the ancient one. There were 
some indications, in this high ground, of transept walls on both the 
north and south sides, and these indications were more or less of a 

Hodgson says of it, at vol. i., part 2, page 203 : — ' It has been a 
cross church, but its transepts have been removed.' On the other 


hand, I am told by the vicar that the late Mr. Johnson expressed his 
opinion that it was not a transeptal church. 

The excavations justify both of these contrary opinions in a 
curious and interesting way, reconciling them, as I shall presently 

There being urgent need of repair, a plan was made for an altera- 
tion of the roof, and a contract was entered into with Messrs. R. Carse 
& Son of Amble. I am much indebted to Mr. J. T. Carse, who has 
had this work under his charge, and am glad of this opportunity of 
mentioning his intelligent interest, and the care with which all relics 
and traces have been observed, preserved, and pointed out, and handed 
over to me by him and his workmen. 

The first contract for roof and drainage was completed, and a 
sufficient sum of money was still available this year for a second con- 
tract, which is now being carried out by Mr. Carse. This consists of 
cutting away so much of the embankment of earth, and building 
debris, and other remains above mentioned, as will enable us to put 
in a good open trench all round the church below the present floor 
level, and at what is probably the ancient level of the floor. 

This is intended to dry the building, and it is this excavation 
which has brought to light so many very interesting features, and has 
thrown so much fresh light on the original condition and the change- 
ful history of this much altered fabric. 

The excavated earth has been searched with the result that some 
pieces of thirteenth century glass have been found (if I am not mis- 
taken) all calcined almost beyond recognition, and beyond the possi- 
bility of entire preservation. These fragments have been placed in 
the Museum at the Black Gate, having been presented by the Rev. 
C. W. Soden, the vicar. 

I picked up a calcined bone; and the marks of fire on the stones 
also show that the building has been completely destroyed by fire 
once, if not more than once. 

Two original grave covers have been found in fragments. I give 
drawings of them. One is of an ordinary kind, with cross and sword; 
it has been preserved by being worked into a triangular coping, and 
turned upside down. The other is a very interesting and uncommon 
stone with a chalice incised on it, and nothing else whatever. 


Hodgson also mentions, at page 104 of the volume already quoted, 
a tombstone found in some excavations ordered by Archdeacon Thorp, 
'with a figure in the middle of it, and an inscription round the 
margin which nobody could read/ It had disappeared for ten years 
when Hodgson wrote. It has not yet reappeared. 

The laying bare of the plinths and buttress foundations of the old 
walls is the most interesting of all the work that has beeji done, and 
it is much to be wished that a further excavation could be made 
beyond that which is required for the trenching of the church, so as 
to show the extent of the ancient aisles and transepts. 

The plinths now uncovered show round the chanoel, and at the 
east ends of the aisles or transepts, a handsome double plinth with a 
string-course above it. This chancel had small buttresses about 
twelve inches by twelve inches, at intervals of about nine feet ; also a 
low side window and a priest's door on the south side. The plinths 
Mowed the slope of the ground, declining towards the east about one 
in sixty, or two and a quarter inches in eleven feet six inches. 

These plinths and string returned round all the buttresses, and at 
the east wall of the aisles, as above mentioned. The original masons' 
markB are quite clear on these plinths, showing that they were buried, 
and their surfaces thus protected from decay, at an early period in 
their history. All the tool marks are quite distinct. I give draw- 
ings of this chancel base, and of the masons' marks. 

The tower had also a base of the same character, slightly differing 
in dimensions. This seems to show that one was copied from the 
other, rather than all worked from the same patterns at the same time. 

The west walls of the transepts show no signs of any plinths what- 
ever ; and this is to be noted as additional and conclusive evidence 
that the transepts are not the original form, for if they had been, they 
would naturally have had their plinths on their western as well as 
their eastern walls. 

The plinth of the present nave is like the lower plinth of the 
chancel, but a little smaller and of later chiselling, having the appear- 
ance of a reduced and re-used plinth, taken from the aisle walls when 
the present nave walls were built on the site of the ancient nave 
arcade when the aisles were destroyed. The foundations of both 
aisles show this plinth at their west ends. There is a break of five 



inches in the thickness of the sonth wall at the west end, the present 
wall of the nave being two and a half feet thicker, oatside and inside, 
than the respond wall against which it is built. 

This thick nave wall contains the old aisle door, rudely rebuilt, 
'this is the entrance doorway described by Hodgson as 'decorated 
with two shafts, mouldings, and a drip stone.' There is a north door, 
with a square head opposite, now walled up. 

The foundations of the chancel walls extend further eastward than 
the modern east end ; how far east I have not yet been able to dis- 
cover. They appear to have been removed in order to make a path. 
There are also foundations of a western porch to the tower. 

A portion of an aisle pillar with its base, apparently almost in situ, 
exists at the western corner of the south transept ; but nothing is 
found to correspond with this on the north side. 

There are several other fragments of mouldings — all indicating a 
fine and characteristic Northumbrian church — of the beginning of the 
thirteenth century. The summary of its history appears to me to be 
as follows, approximately: — 

Omitting the original Norman church, of which a few fragments 
remain, but nothing to indicate a plan, we find the usual Early Eng- 
lish church, with a long chancel, a nave with narrow aisles six feet 
six inches wide internally, and a western tower, bearing out Mr. 
Johnson's opinion that it was not originally a transeptal church. 

Secondly, we have a general destruction, probably by fire, and a 
rebuilding of the chancel, with larger buttresses, on the north side ; 
also a rebuilding of the nave (possibly about the same time), without 
aisles, but with transepts, bearing out Hodgson's record; a south 
porch, a great buttressing of the tower, and a destruction of the 
western porch. Part of this was probably at the end of the fifteenth 
or beginning of the sixteenth century, and part much later. The 
filling in of the fine pointed tower arch with its zigzag mouldings, the 
apex of which is still visible, and the huge character of the tower 
buttressing, all go to show that the tower was in a dangerous, if not 
ruinous, condition. 

Lastly, the still more modern disturbances, involving the destruc- 
tion of the north chancel buttresses and of the transepts, as men- 


tioned by Hodgson; a rebuilding of the east end of the chancel, 
considerably short of the east wall foundations ; also, a partial destruc- 
tion of the nave and rebuilding of the upper part of the nave walls ; 
and the construction of the new roof. 

I do not know how many of these last alterations may have been 
undertaken at the same time, when the leaden roof was taken off in 
1805 and replaced by one of Westmorland slates, according to 
Hodgson, above quoted, page 208. This is the roof I found two 
years ago, and which I altered and repaired under the instructions of 
a committee of the Restoration fund, consisting of the bishop, the 
archdeacon, and the rural dean. 


THE COURT ROLL OP 1632. (Extracted from Mr. Wood- 
man's Collection.) 

By J. C. Hodgson. 

[Read on the 30th March, 1892.] 

Though the history of Morpeth has been exhaustively given by the 
Rev. John Hodgson, there remains in Mr. Woodman's collection a 
great mass of unpublished information and documents : some of these 
relating to the Court Leet and Court Baron, with original notes of 
the Trades Guilds, the writer desires, with Mr. Woodman's permission, 
to lay before the Society. 

As the charter of 15 Charles II. has it 'the inhabitants and 
* burgesses of the town and borough beyond the memory of man have 
'been a body corporate by the name of "the Bailiffis and Burgesses of 
4 the Borough of Morpeth." ' 

The body of the corporation consisted of freemen elected in a 
certain customary manner from the 'seven companies ' or crafts, and 
it may be of some interest to preserve some notes of these trade guilds 
which originated in a distant and well-nigh prehistoric past, as the 
customs which their books, or tradition, have preserved if not now 
narrated will be lost. Each guild was independent and governed by 
its own bye-laws, each elected a definite number of its members to 
become freemen on the governing body of the municipality. 

1. The merchants 1 and tailors to whom were 'imputed' barbers, 

waxmakers, 'bowers' and 'shaethers,' electing four brothers 
to be burgesses. 

2. The tanners and barkers electing six. 

8. The fullers and dyers, to whom were 'imputed' wrights, carvers, 
and hatters, electing three. 

1 1666 1 Nov. It is agreed by the alderman and company of marchants to 
fine ye Taylors for their public contempt to ye alderman and trade of marchants 
six shillings eightpence every man toties quoties. 

Notb. — For deed as to Morpeth markets, fairs, and mills, see Arch. Aeliana, 
Vol. 111. (N.S.), p. 69. 


4. The smiths, sadlers, and armourers, to whom were 'imputed' 

slaters, formers, and sword slippers, electing three. 

5. The cordwainers, to whom were annexed the curriers, electing 


6. The weavers electing three. 

7. The skinners, glovers, and butchers electing two. 

What a change the present century has made in these trades! 
The merchants and tailors still exist ; the tanners entirely gone, and 
their tan-yards converted into building ground and gardens, yet 
Mr. Woodman remembers eight of them, although the very names of 
the occupants are forgotten. Of the fullers, carvers, dyers, and hatters, 
not one remains ; one hatter he remembers who felted hats, and two 
or three fullers and dyers, but no carver. The armourers and sword 
slippers, all defunct, are no longer wanted, and the loriners 3 gone, but 
a small number of cordwainers yet exists* The weavers are gone, 
although in the early years of the century the woollen, linen, and diaper 
weavers were numerous, but at that time a spinning wheel was in 
every house. Mr. Woodman recollects three skinners and one glover, 
now there is not one ; three tallow chandlers, two doggers, two 
hecklers, two woollen manufacturers, one considerable. A cotton 
manufactory was established, but failed. An old man from Light- 
water house, near Mitford, attended the market weekly with turned 
wooden goods, milk bowls, cream ing-dishes, trenchers, and butter 
stamps. The carding machine and power loom have banished heckling, 
and weaving is done in huge factories. An old woman used to boil 
linen webs in wood ashes and bleach them. 

The members of the guilds or free brothers were inchoate freemen, 
but before they could be sworn in, it was decided by lord Mansfield 
'that the full set of twenty-four must be complete and all of full age 
before any one could be sworn in, and that the lord of the manor was 
obliged to swear all, having no power to reject any of those who 
presented themselves,' and as each of the seven companies had to 

' Lorimers or Loriners, a company of artificers in London who make bits for 
bridles, spars, and suchlike ironware for horses. — Bailey. 

To the Worship of Almighty God and the sustentacion of Saint Loys gyld 
and light in the hye Eyrke of Af orpethe after ye lawdable manner and coostome 
oi the said Tonne and in eschewinge of contencion and dyscorde y* hath ben 
amongs smyths Saidlares armarais . . . bretherin of ye said gyld &c — Bye- 
lava of the Company of Smith*, Sadlers, and Armourer t, 1533. 


contribute its quota of brothers to make up the set of twenty-four, 
and some of the companies having no brothers to elect the system 
at length came to an end. After election a brother could sell his 
right to be sworn ; the sum of £60 and upwards in the present cen- 
tury was given, because being a freeman entitled a man to have a 
field supplied by lord Carlisle or Mr. Ord; this cost each upwards 
of £1,000 a year: so much for parliamentary representation. Well 
might Frederick, earl of Carlisle, write from Rome to his friend Sir 
George Selwyn, 'I have a Benedictine father teaching me Italian 
who will not allow me to pay him, I wish my burgesses at Morpeth 
had the same taste.' 

Every brother paid twopence per month to the funds of his 
company, which were anciently expended in lights for the church, and 
up to the passing of the Municipal Corporations Act, in payment to 
the friends of a brother on his death ; 3 for providing black cloaks and 
hat bands, which at that time were worn by all attending funerals, 
and for occasionally entertaining 4 a stranger and minstrels, other than 
the waits. 

The relation between religion and business was maintained. The 
great meeting day of the Tanners' company was Trinity Monday, 
when a bough of oak was planted before the alderman's door ; the 
brethren met, each carrying a branch of oak and marched to church 

• And if any broder or sister be ded ye den schall bring ye candeles to ye 
dirge and enery broyer and sister schal offre an halpeny at ye chirche and he 
yat offres nacht he schal paye an halpeny to ye almes at ye next manspeche. 
— CHld of the Holy Cross, Lincoln. 

Also it is ordeyned yat on ye day of ye sepulture of any broder or syster of 
yis gilde y* euryche offre a ferthyng and yemen a halpeny to aUemasse ande 
aboute ye dede ij candles of viij pounds of wax and two pouere men shal bene 
hirede of ye almesse silver to holden ye torches about ye dede. — Oild of St. 
Christopher, Norwich, 

A brother dying six miles off, the alderman shall go with the wax and bring 
the body to the * herthe.' — The Tailors' Oild, Norwich. 

And so all fairly clad they go in procession with much music to the Church 
of the Friars Minors of Beverley, and there at the altar of St. Elene solemn mass 
is celebrated and every one of the Gild makes offering of a penny. The Mass 
ended and all prayers said they go home and after dinner all the Gild meet in a 
room within the hall of the Gild and there they eat bread and cheese and 
drink as much ale as is good for them. — Oild of St. Elene, Beverley, 1378. 

4 1623 geven to minstreels and songstares xviij d 

payd for strangers that came in by chance ij f 
1648 Disbursed to the waits of Alnwick 2 s 

this yeare to our oune waits 5" 6 d 
1652 Pay d on our craft day for wine 3 B 

to the musitians on our feast day 2' — Merchant Tailors' Books. 


and heard mass ;* they then went to the Town Hall for business, after 
which they had their feast, the principal dish being a fruit pie 6 of 
yeal, ham, currants, and raisins. In modern times the alderman 
entertained the brethren with cheese and ale. 

It will be observed that the guilds were what is now styled 
'co-operative/ 7 it being more for the common interest to buy for all, 
and then divide in proportion to the requirement of each. Thus it 
will be seen that the Tanners' company bought oak trees, stripped the 
bark, and sold the wood. 

A remarkable instance of the change in our habits is that for three 
Wednesdays after the Stones Fair 8 in Newcastle all the ordinary work 
of the tan-yard was given up, and the men stood in the street, where 

* At ye general day yat ilke brother be redy wit othir to go to ye kirke wit 
is brothere with a garland of hoke leaves. — Byelaws of Wigenhall, Norfolk. 

1601 Paid for Strangers of Trinitie Sunday xij» x d 
Item 8 quarts of wine of Trinitie Sunday y* iiij d 
Item to the county pypers of Trinitie Sunday xvij d 
Item six quarts of wine at dinner the Monnday after Trinitie Sun- 
day iiij d 
Item more to the Tanners 4 quarts of wine ij B 
Item more in sugar that daye xiiij. 
Item more for straungers that day v* x d 
Item more for a pottei of wine xiiij d . — Tanners' Company. 

1613 The x. April. For twoe oche graines to ye towle bouth for Trinitie 
Sun. ij d . 1639 Paid for oake graines for the towle bouth 4 d . Item 
for oake graines to the church 4 d . — Books of Tanner f Company. 

1645 Paid for dressinge the chamber at Trinitie Monday Is. — Ibid. 

The merchant tailors, however, used branches of birch. 1632 pd for ye burche 
sett up at Towle Bouth 2*. — Merchant Tailors' Books. 

■ This dish Mr. Woodman's father had and which Mr. Woodman still has. 

Also it is ordeyned that upoun the Sonday next after St Kateryne day 
most commonly to be hadde the said alderman and his Brederne and sisters shall 
come to their Gilde Halle togedre and take such as shall be there prouyded by 
the Stuarde off the Gilde for the tyme beynge. Att which dyner a man and his 
Wyff shall paye iiij d and eny other single persone — both preste man and woman 
shall paye ij d Any one not present to pay a lb. of wax and his dinner 
beside.— Guild of St. Katherine, Stamford, Henry VII. 

',1664 21 April. Purchased of Cuthbert Horsley of Horsley esq: 500 oak 

trees growing at Horsley Birks for £145. 
1605 24 April. George Fenwick of Longshaws esq. entered into a bond that 

Robt. Mitford of Mitford,esq and Cuthbert his son and heire apparent 

should perform an agreement for the sale of the woods and underwoods 

at Espley for £100. 
1607 1 July. Paid to Robert Haslerige of Swarland esq.: £60 for 70 trees 

on Swarland aforesaid. 
1668 1 July. Paid Richard Wilson £59 5s. Od. for barke from Ulgham Parke. 
1695 26 May. Bought of Thomas Ledyard of Newcastle upon Tyne a parcel 

of oak bark at Tritlington Bankes. — All the foregoing from the Tanners 1 

1 Last Wednesday in November. 


scales were fixed, to take the mart hides from the farmers, weigh and 
pay for them, after which the men dined in their master's house. 
This was kept up to the year 1825. Now, so completely is the killing of 
marts 9 given up that few housekeepers know what hung beef is. And 
at that time all farmers came to market in carts, or on horseback 
with a sack, carrying the hides. Now dog carts are general. 

No one could carry on business in the borough unless he were a 
brother of one of the companies. 

The fair presented a union of the municipality and of the lord. All 
the tenants of the lord from Longhorsley, Stannington, Ulgham, etc., 
as well as at Morpeth, were required to attend on Ascension Day and 
St. Magdalen's Day, to accompany the steward who proclaimed the 
fair in the market place, then at the Fair-moor and at the old lime 
kiln at the terrace, in the following words : — 

Whereas it is enacted that every lord of a fair shall make, or cause to 
be made, open proclamation how long the said fair shall endure now 
know ye that the [Right Honourable Frederick Howard'] Earl of Carlisle, 
Viscount Howard of Morpeth, Baron Dacre of Gilsland, and Lord of this 
present fair, doth strictly charge and command all manner of persons, 
coming and repairing to this present fair, that they keep the peace of our 
Sovereign Lord the King ; that no manner of persons during this present 
fair shall commit or make any riot, route, or unlawful assembly, or any 
other misdemeanour within the precincts of this fair; and all manner 
of persons are required peaceably and quietly to pay their tolls, due or 
accustomed, and that no person or persons bring to the said fair any 
infected goods, and all such persons as shall buy sell or exchange any 
horse, gelding, mare, or filley within the said fair, shall enter them with 
the clerk of the tolls, with the colours, age, and marks of the said horses, 
geldings, colts, and Alleys, together with the names, surnames, and dwelling 
places as well of the buyer as the seller thereof. And it is the will and 
pleasure of the lord of the said fair coming, and repairing to the said 
fair, shall have free egress and regress, to and from, the same ; and if there 
should happen any difference, or controversy, to arise between party or 
parties, within the said fair, the party or parties, grieved may repair to the 
officers of the said fair, when they shall have justice administered unto 
them according to the court of Pied poudre ; and lastly know ye that the 
said fair shall continue for the space of three days whereof the present 
day is one. God save the King. The Lord of the Fair, 

So soon as this was done the bailiffs with all the corporate officers 

9 Mairt. — An ox slaughtered at Martinmas and salted for winter store. It 
was not unusual for a few families to join in the purchase of a mairt and to 
divide it among them. — Brockctt. 


proclaimed the fair at the market place, the blue stone at Boiler's 
Green, and the lime kiln at the terrace. 10 

The bailiffs were judges of the court of Pied poudre, and Mr. 
Woodman has been frequently present when one of them heard and 
decided cases. In former times no sale could take place before the 
market bell 11 rang at eleven o'clock; in modern times the market began 
with sunrise, in winter before it. A curious custom general, if not 
universal, in the market, was as follows : — A butcher buyiug an ox took 
a shilling in his hand, spit 13 upon it, and if his offer were accepted, 
gave it to the seller ; this of course was the earnest or ' arles ' penny, 
but the spitting on the coin is not so easily explained. In some cases 
the seller had to return some coin known as the * luck penny ;' to 
this some of the borderers attached great importance. 

The duties of the bailiffs were numerous, and, during the long 
war, onerous, and their house doors never rested. They were justices 
of the peace, and qualified as such at the Christmas Quarter Sessions, 
they had to swear in the recruits, to commit deserters, to billet 
soldiers, to relieve soldiers' widows 13 and children having passes, they 
had to fix the weight of bread according to the price of wheat, they 
had to condemn the bread under weight seized by the bread weighers 
and give it to the poor. 

The corporation were large occupiers of land, and were tenants of 
1,500 acres at Clifton field, which lord William Howard offered to 
them at Is. 6d. per acre, although he was informed it was well worth 

10 The lord received stallage and pickage, the first for placing stalls, the 
second for breaking the surface of the ground. 

11 Item that noe barker shall by covenant or make bargain for any skins ye 
Satturday or one the Wednesday before the bell ringe cheape nor handle any 
skins and every one offendinge shall for every skin soe by handled or cheaped 
forfitt and pay the one half to the lord the other half to the comon. — Bye Law 
Book of 1693. 

11 Spitting to avert evil influences was considered an act of religion. It is an 
Irish luck superstition. 

Most tradespeople have a peculiar custom they call handsel, that is to say. the 
first money they receive in the morning they spit upon and put it in their 
pocket. The same in Scotland. — Past and Present, p. 644. 

To spit in your hand before grasping the hand of a person with whom you 
are making a bargain is held to clench the bargain and make it binding on both 
sides. — Napier, Folk-lore, p. 100. 

Spitting a defence from magic— Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, 1633. 

Spittle a charm against all kinds of fascination. — Theocritus, Pliny, many 
examples. Brand, pp. 139, 140, 141. 

" The women were paid 6d., the children 3d. 


28. 6d. They had their own * common' of 401 acres. It has been in 
their possession from time immemorial, and was what is commonly 
designated 'moor' until 1762, when it was first ploughed. Adjoin- 
ing the common on the west is the * Gubion,' containing about 312 
acres. For it the corporation paid a rent of £10 ; lord Carlisle 
offered a lease for ninety-nine years at £10 10s. This offer was 
refused, an action of ejectment was successfully brought against them 
in 1806, 14 and lord Carlisle recovered possession. It was then all 
heath and whins. They also occupied the moor land of Cottingwood, 
of some 400 acres. They gave it up in the latter part of last century, 
after which it was fenced and cultivated. In Cottingwood was the 
racecourse, in the south-east corner of which, at ' the hollin port,' the 
inhabitants of Morpeth encamped at the time of the great plague. 
The ' ridges ' behind the houses were cultivated as corn lands, as were 
the North Field lands, 60 acres of which they ridded of wood, but 
afterwards parted with, only reserving the after-eatage. 

The officers of the corporation were two bailiffs, a sergeant-at- 
mace, two flesh- and fish-lookers, two ale-tasters and bread-weighers, 
and four constables, who were elected and appointed at the court leet, 
according to ancient usage: the bailiffs and sergeant being elected by 
the lord from the nominees of the jury who selected and presented 
all the other officers. The orders and bye-laws of the borough, 
as revised and agreed upon in 1598, may be found in a book commonly 
called * the blue back,' which yet remains in the town's hutch, a copy 
of which was in the box of each company. Amongst them is 


Itm it is ordered and concluded and agreed by the said Thomas Lo. Dacre 
burgesses and comenaltie aforesaid that ye great inquest at ye Court at Michael- 
mas shall by there discresson name 4 men to ye election of bayliffes and ij men 
to ye election of sargeant and they soe named to ye election of ye said officers 
it is concluded that the said S r Phillip Dacre Knight brother to ye Lo Dacre or 
other for the tyme beinge the office that the 6aid S r Phillip now beareth officient 
with him or them the aldermen of the seven crafts shall by their discression 
elect and chuse twoe of the said 4 soe named to the Offices of Bayliffes and 
these elect to stand for the space of one year and alsoe to elect one of the said 
ij names to the office of a sargeant and soe by them in like manner to stand for 

14 1806 18 May at a common guild it was resolved that to defend the claim 
made on the Gubion by the earl of Carlisle the stint money be increased to 10 s 
— Corporation Book, No. 2, p. 97. 


the space of one yeare as is above said prided always he beinge once elected to 
the office of a bailiff or sergeant as aforesaid and serving in the said office by the 
space of one yeare shall not be elected or chosen to any of the said offices for 
and duringe the terme of three yeares next ensueinge bat that he shall dueling 
the term of three yeares soe longe to be cleyr from the election of any of the 
offices above s d . 

As the holding of the court leet and manor court has almost 
ceased, it may be of interest to preserve an account of their customs. 
The courts were held at Michaelmas and Easter, the former being 
styled the head court, when the* various officers were elected. The 
manor court was also held at Christmas. As the municipality was 
self-governed, the bailiffs met in the town hall at a Cite-court or side 
court three weeks before Michaelmas Monday, to fix and give notice 
of the court ; they chose the jury summoned by the sergeant. 

In the early morning of Michaelmas Monday there was an appear- 
ance of bustle in the town — a general sweeping of footpaths, repairing 
of pavements, and scattering of gravel to cover defects. Two men 
with halberts visited each public house : they were the ale-tasters, 
whose duty it was to see and report that the ale brewed was ' healthful 
for man's body.' At 10 o'clock the warning bell rang, fifteen minutes 
later the notice bell, and shortly after the meeting bell. Those whose 
duty it was to attend the court had for some time been assembling at 
the 'Queen's Head,' 15 where they prepared for the duties of the day by 
partaking of biscuits with wine and spirits. They took their places 
in order — first, the town's waits, a piper and fiddler in green coats 
and drab knee breeches, each bearing on his right arm a silver 
badge of the corporation arms ; then four constables bearing staves 
with square tops, having on the sides the arms of the lord of the 
manor and of the corporation, the old town cross with its flat 
roof and large balls at the corners, and the scales of justice ; then 
two fish- and flesh-lookers, having staves with knives at the top ; 
then the two bread- weighers and ale-tasters with their halberts; the 
sergeant with his silver mace came next, followed by the two bailiffs ; 
then the steward of the court, the seven aldermen and the jurymen. 
In the old town hall was a semicircular seat raised on an elevated 
platform. On this the lord's steward, as presiding officer, seated him- 
self, the bailiffs, as assessors, sitting on either side, and beyond them 
19 i.e., Queen Anne's. 


seven aldermen. The sergeant placed the mace on the table opposite 

to the steward, and standing beside him, made proclamation — 

Oyez ! Oyez ! Oyez ! 

All manner of persons who owe suit and service to the court leet of the 
lord of the manor 16 and borough of Morpeth now to be holden, or who 
have been summoned to appear at this time and place draw near and give 
your attendance. Every man answering to his name when called to Bave 
his amercement. God save the king and the lord of this manor. 

Those who held lands by suit and service were then called, and 
where there had been a change of ownership the new owner was 

The roll of burgesses was then called, *app d> [appeared] being 
written opposite the names of those who answered to their names. 
The sergeant again made proclamation : — 

Oyez ! Oyez ! Oyez ! 

All manner of persons who owe suit and service to this Court and have 
not answered to your names, appear and answer to the second call, other- 
wise you will be amerced. God save the king and the lord of this manor. 

Those on the roll who had not answered were again called ; those 
who, being absent, had deputed others to answer for them, who paid 
a penny, were marked 'ess* 1 ' [essoigned]. Those who entered no 
appearance were marked 'abroad' or 'def.' [default]. 

The bailiffs then handed to the steward the names of those who 
had been summoned as the leet jury or lord's jury, to the foreman 
of whom the following oath was administered : — 

Foreman's Oath. — You as foreman of this homage with the rest of 
your fellows shall enquire and true presentment make of all such things 

10 The manor of the borough of Morpeth is distinct from the manor of 
the castle of Morpeth : the lord had influence but not power, his duties being 
ministerial. When the De Merlays obtained a grant of the borough the lord 
possessed no land therein, and it may be presumed that the plots of ground 
he subsequently held were acquired by bargain from the suitors. His duty 
being to lead and protect the burgesses, he said to them 'give me a bit of 
land whereon 1 may build me a tower for my men at arms and give somewhat 
yearly towards their maintenance.' They gave both, the burg-bote amounted 
to the then large sum of £11 9s. 2d. and the same amount is yet paid as 
Borough Rent (Avxilium dicvtur quod ex conxuetudine debet ur ad rettauratianem 
urbium burg o rum castrorum. — Spelman). And so with the mill and bakehouse. 
Again, the lord was bound to protect merchants resorting to the fair and there- 
fore undertook the repair and mending of the roadway of the streets, and in 
consideration levied and received tolls formerly amounting to a large sum for 
all cattle and sheep sold in the market. 

The monastery of Newminster had eighty houses in the town, the chantry 
several more, showing that religious bodies prior to the Reformation had one- 
third of the land. 


as shall be given to yon in charge ; and of all such other matters as shall 
come to your knowledge presentable at this Court: yon shall present 
nothing ont of hatred or malice, nor conceal anything through fear 
favour or affection: but in all things shall true and just presentment 
make according to the best of your understanding. 80 help yon God. 

Then were sworn the rest of the homage, by three or four at a 

time, thus : — 

The like oath which A.B., your foreman hath taken on his part you 
and each of you shall well and truly observe and keep on your respective 
parts. So help you God. 

A return was then made by the respective aldermen of persons 

elected by the companies to be admitted freemen, who were then 


The Fbbbmbn's Oath. 17 — You and every of you shall swear now being 
elected Freemen and free burgesses within this Borough to be true and 
faithful to the Lord of the same, his heirs, and successors. And also shall 
to your wit power and ability maintain and defend all the orders 
privileges and customs belonging to this town and Corporation. So help 
you God. 

The following proclamation was then made : — 
Otez! Otez! Otbz! 

If any person or persons can inform this court or inquest of any treason, 
felonies, bloodshed, or any other offence, matter, or thing, let them come 
in and they shall be heard. 

The jury was then 'charged* by the steward learned in the law, 
who directed them to examine and report on any matter which he 
thought right, after which the jury retired, perambulated the short 
or long boundaries of the borough — the short comprising the borough 
without and prior to the grant of the North Field lands in 1281, 
the long including those lands — they then sat to hear complaints, 
to decide them, and to prepare their report, also to nominate four 
bailiffs, two sergeants, and the other officers. 

The leet jury dined by themselves. 

In the evening, a procession similar to that of the morning was 
formed and marched back to the town hall, the great bell solemnly 
tolling for the ' dying ' officers. When all were seated, the names of 

17 As before stated, it was decided by lord Mansfield that no one of those 
elected could be admitted and sworn until the entire set of twenty-four was 
complete, each one being of full age. 



the leet jury were called, and the foreman handed their presentments 
to the steward, who, as each case was called, named a fine and entered 
them in the roll. Two burgesses named by the jury were then sworn 
as ' affeerers.' 18 These confirmed or reduced the amercement as they 
thought right, but could not increase or altogether dispense with it : 
their decision was conclusive. 


. . . ibm 

. . . Baroni 


this onely 
non comp' 






p' cat' 

p' cat* 

nil fact' 









eff p' C.C, 

Laeta et Viffus ffranc Pleg. Cum Cur' Barroni p r nob'lia 
Dni Will'mi Howard et D'ne Elizabeth' vx'is fue ib'm 
tent' primo Die Octobris Anno Reg. Caroli nunc Angl. 
&c. Octauo A°q D'ni 1632 Coram Thome Witherington 
armigero Senefcallo Cur' p r d : 

Dn's Lumley p' Stanington nup' terras Rogeri Thornton gen' 

Heres Dni Ogle p' manerio de Shilvington 

Heres Dni Ogle p' manerio de Midleton Morrell 

S r John ffenwicke miles et Barronett p' manerio de Walker 

Idem Joh'es ffenwicke p' manerio de Wellington 

Rob'tus Witherington armig* p' Manerio de Plefley in Stanington 

Shotton Blakdon & Northwetflet 
3M d et primus Will'ms ffenwicke armig' p' Man'rio de Stanton 

uit eff. p. m' waters i n p'ochia de Horiley 
Tenentes de weft Duddoe p' tenen' D'ni Will'mi Howard 
Ten'tes vel occupatores de Cookes Land in Stanington 
Will'm Bowlton admi'fls an tea Joh'es Ogle armig' p' terris in Horiley 
James Care comp' p' W mo ffenwick Heres Will'mi ffenwicke de Whit- 

chefter gen' 
Will'ms ffenwicke gen' p' Man'io de Eaft Heddon 
Rob'tus Bewicke gen' p' Man'io de Haughton in p'ochia de Heddon 

fup' murum 
Rob'tus Shaftoe gen' . . . heres de Cawdwell p* villa de Benwell 
D'ns Man'ij de Etchwicke 

Heres Joh'is Killingworth p' terris et Ten'tis in p'ochia great Benton 
Matheus Newton de Stokffeild hall gen' p' vna farma in Etchwicke 
Joh'es ffenwicke de ffennam p' vna farma in Etchwicke 
Georgius Clarke de Etchwicke p' vna farma ib'm 
OliveruB Killingworth de Killingworth gen' 
Will'ms Kilingworth de killingworth gen' 
Ofwaldus Mitfordford (sic) de North wetfleyd gen' 
Rob'tus Dalton de Northwetfley gen' 
Cuthbte Ogle eft tenens et eft admiffs 
Heres Comitis Salopiae effp' Ro: Lefley 
Ball' burgi de Morpeth 

Edw'us fillius (jsic) et heres Will'mi Readhead infra aetatem 
Willms Readhead fillius Jarrardi Re ... . setatem 
, Nich'us Thornton ar 

!i French, affeurer, to tax. 



eff p. Jo: White Thomas Oxley Clic'us 

Joh'es Bidl . . . 
Co Rob'tus Wardhaugh 

Go Georgins Marfhall 

Co Cuthb'us Pye 

eff p' S. Smith Joh'es Smith 
dip. 1 Ed: Oliu' Georgius Grave gen' 

Thomas Pie Jar* 
Gawaine Smith 
Thomas Aydon 
Bdwaid Bride 
Stephen Clarke 


The Lords June 
Jarrard Beadhead ] 
John Smith, Cordiner I , 
Tho:8toco ( Jur 

Edward Bewick ) 

John Dinin 
Cuth Pie i 

John Smith tanner 
Tho: Watfon | 

Will'm Bethum 




in Will p' 

. . . will p' 
. . . ipm' 

in will p. 



in will p. 
feipm 1 

in will p. 






in will p 

Try Quit 

xrj a 


Wee p'fent Richard Greene of Morpeth for makinge affray vpon 

Will'm kellam 
Will'm Kellam for the like vppon Richard Greene 

Peter B rathe miller for difobayinge the fergant 

pleg' Will'm Harifon 
Peter Brathe miller for makinge affray vpon the fergant ... 

pleg' Will'm Harifon 
Peter Brathe miller for affray vppon Edward Oliver Conftable 

pleg' W m Harifon 
Will'm Milburne for affray & a bloud vpon Rob'te Boyde 

pleg' Geo: ffenwicke tann* 
Rob'te Boyde for the like vppon him the faid Milburne 

Rob'te Greve for affraye vppon Edmond Scott xx d 

pleg' John Mage 
James Carr for affraie vppon James Hall on the m'kett daie x B 

pleg' Geo: ffenwicke gen' 
James Hall for the like vppon the faid Carre on the m'kett daie 
Thomas Clngh Milner for affray vpon Thomas Henderfon 

pleg' Rob'te Smith in' 
Thomas Henderfon for the like vpon the faid Clugh 

pleg* John Brakine 
ffrancis Greene for affray vpon Margerye Ratciiff on the ffaire daie 
Margery Ratciiff for the like vppon him the fame daie 

pleg' Rich: Greene 
ffrancis Greene for affraie vpon Luce Greene on the faire daie 
Margaret Greene for affraie vpon Margery Ratciiff on the ffaire daie 
Margery Ratciiff for the like vpon hir the fame daie 

pleg* Rich : Greene 
ffrancis Greene for affraye vpon Markett Greene on the ffaire 
daie ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 

Marke Greene for the like vppon him the faid ffrancis 

Greene the fame daie 

pleg' Tho : Greene Cordwayner 



in will p. ffrancis Greene for affraie yppon Lowrence Softley beinge 

leipm* fergant in executinge his office on the faire daie I 1 

in will p ffrancis Greene & Margaret his wife for abufinge the Bailiffs, 

feipm' an( i Raifinge an vprore vppon the ffaire daie, and difobay- 

inge the bailiffs authoritie, and for Gominge forth of ward 

w^owt their privitie or Confent, being Comitted to ward 

for their abuffes iij 1 iiij d 

.... Will'm Awbon ihomaker for affraie & bloud vpon Thomas 

Clugh iij 1 ... 

pleg' Jo: Greene 
.... [Thomas Clugh] miller for affraie & bloud yppon him the faid 

Awbon .... pleg* Jarrett Todd 

quit Cutbte fEawcas for affraye vpon Thomas Clugh miller 

pleg' W m Awbon 
quit Thomas Clugh miller for affraie vpon him the faid ffawcas 

pleg' Jarret Todd 
Culp John Craforth miller for affray & bloud vpon Thomas 

Clugh miller iifiiij* 

pleg' Will'm Awbon 
[Thojmas Clugh miller for the like vpon John Craforth 


[in will] p feipm' Marke Greene for affray & a bloud vpon George Smith xx d 
Rob'te Sadler of Langhurft for affraie & bloud vpon Edward 

Robinfon of Throple on the Markett daie vi 1 

pleg* Dorrthe Bullocke 
in will p. Edward Robinfon the like vpon him on the same daie vj* 

Pleg' pleg' Tho: Potts sen' 

vacat' Parfevall Pearfon for affraye vpon Jarett Readhead 

in will p feipm 1 Jarrett Readhead the Like vpon him 
vacat Lancelott Swane for affraie vpon John Challino r 

in will p feipm 1 John ChaHinc* the like vpon him xx* 

in will Will'm Tayler for keeping fwyne Contrarie the order ... xx* 

in will Rob'te Vrwen the like xx* 

in will Thomas Simpfon the like xx* 

in will Will'm Bentham the like xx d 

in will Gawen Smith the like xx* 

.... Thomas Wills for brewinge Contrarie the order iij 1 iiij d 

.... Ezeakaell Cutb'te for the like iij 1 iiij d 

in will George ffenwicke gen' the like iij 1 iiij d 

in will Rob'te Sedgwicke the like iii § iiij d 

Yo w are to inquire for the Lord of the mano r 'what wafts & 
decayea is w^in yo r brough and what rent or rents the faid 
Theanfwere waifts ought of Right to paye vnto the Lord of the brough & howe 
to this In- Longe the faid rents haue bene behinde & vnpaid & by whom, & 
abou edYTl wno were Pennants to the faid burgages, when they fell into fuch 
on the decaye, & whether [' there' interlined] were any tymber or ftones 

backe fide Ledd or Caried awaye from any of the faid waifts and by whom they 


were Caryed away & what quantitie there was of the iame (lone or 
ty[mber] & whether the (aid waifts belonge to the Lord of the Mano r 

or to any other p'fon or no, And whether there be any rent 

belonginge to any other p'fon befide th dewe to the Lord of 

the free iflewinge out of any of the faid wants, howe much 

rent, & to whom is the fame to be paid. 
2. Yo w fhall Inquire whether the paflage on both fides of the Towne 
bridge be (lopped & by whom, whereby the Inhabitants Cannot 
have free paflage to fetche their watter from Waynfpecke. 

We finde that the one paflage was inclofed by m r Oxley fchoole- 

mafter by the confent of the Towne, being a Conveniencie belonging 

to the fchoole; And for the other paflage is paved according to a 

late order, but we finde that the railes nowe fett downe by Robert 

vrwen fhalbe pulled (?) vp and taken awaie p'fently. 

The J u ryes We finde a waifte burgage Late in the occupac'n of Richard Todd 

v'dict to < q£ the yearly vallewe of iiij d vnto the Lord and hath bene waifte for 

Inauf fcon tne ^P* 06 °* tnis ** ve year© 8 or there abouts ; by whom wee doe not 

for the knowe, for that no pTon hath inhabited fince in the iame and wee 

wads. finde that neither (lone or tymber is wantinge from the fame 

(avinge twoe fpares but whom they were taken away wee knowe 

not and that there is a yearly rent of vij - dewe to the Kinge out of 

the fame as alfo iij 1 p. ann' to the fcoole of Morpeth. 

We finde a waift late in the occupac'n of widdowe Lemen of iiij d 
p* ann* to the Lord w** is vnpaid for 4 yeares by pall by whom wee 
knowe not, for that it hath bene waifte eu' fince and no pTon 
inhabitinge therein and that the fpares in the faid howfe were taken 
away by Rob'te Vrwen and that there is a rent yearly to be paid to 
the kinge but howe much wee knowe not. 

Wee finde a waifte T^te in the poffeflion of WilTm Watfon of the 
rent of iij d p. ann to the Lord, and that the rent is arreard for 
the fpace of certaine yeares but by whom wee knowe not and that all 
the Hones & tymber thereof was fould & difpofled off by the (aid 
watfon to the vallewe of x" by the (aid watfons confeffion to vs, 
and there is other rent ifluinge owt of the fame. 

Wee finde a waifte Late in the pofleflion of Mathewe Dawfon 
deceafed of the yearly rent of iiij d to the Lord & yearly to the 
Kinge viij § . and that the said Dawfon was Tennant to the (aid burgage 
when it fell into decaie, and that the burrowe rent as arreared to the 
Lord for the fpace of 5 yeares by pad and that all the fpares Ribbs 
& riginge tres thereof are wantinge and pte of them taken awaye 
as wee are informed by Rob'te Vrwen. 

Wee finde a litle waifte latly purchafed by m r Nicholas Thornton 
of the yearly rent of iiij d but that rent is yearly paid to the 

Wee finde that the Late Bailiffes are liable to a payne of xxxix* xj d 
impofed vpon them for not reparinge and mendinge the bowe bridge 
accordinge to an order made the Lad Courte at Eafter i632 as 
appeares by the Records. 

TOLi xn ! 


Wee order & finde that no inhabitant w to in this burrowe fhall 
bake either Loafe bread or mancheats vpon the faboth daie vnder 
the payne of vj § viij d . and that the Baxters fhall not heate the oven 
to bake any vnder the like payne. 

[Wee find] & order that no Inhabitant w^in this burrowe fhall 
hereafter impound anye mans beaft for any [kind of trefpafs in 
their] backe howfes or courtaines but in the Com'on pownd vnder 

the payne of vi § [viij d ] but that the fuccedinge Bailiffs fhall 

from tyme to tyme keep th[e pound in] good . . . repaire vnder the 
like paine, and to haue a good Lock for the gate [of] the faid 
In will John Bulman doth p'fent Lowrence Softley for not Execu tinge his 

feip. office beinge Sergeant and refufeinge to feiz the goods of Rodger 

Toore8 George ffenwicke & others haueinge Execucon to that effects 
& goods of the feverall ptyes shewed vnto him. 

viij d in execut altror. but the fyne .... moderate 

becaufe the party greued hereby is fatiifyed. 

in will 8 d in The fame doth likewife p r fent Gerrard Readhead as aforefaid for 

ex* altror' refufeinge to seiz the goods of Thomas Greane Cordiner hauinge 

« goods . . . gjgcucQn to that effect .... the goods of the faid Thomas Greane 

fhewed vnto him. 
qu in Easter Court John Builman for bakinge from the Lords oven — Culpable 
1633: Try xij d . 

for keepinge fwyne contrarye to the order : 
Quyt Thomas Simpfon 

Try culpable Thomas Oliver iij § iiij d Alee Hall in will vj s 8 d 

culpable Gawen Smith iij" iiij d Tho: Will in will vj" 8* 

Thomas Greene tailor i pige xij d Ezekell CutVte in will vj 1 8 d 

Stephen Clarke i pige xij d Geo: ffenwicke g' in will vj $ 8 d 

Raiphe Errington xij d Ro: Sedwicke in will vj $ 8 d 

for brewinge Oontraie to order. 

The jury then gave the steward a list of the burgesses selected to 
fill the various offices, four being returned for bailiffs, two for 
sergeants, etc., from which the steward made a selection (the bell 
tolling for the dying bailiffs.) 19 Attached to the above roll are the 
following :— 

w One gentleman (Mr. J. Fenwick) had been so frequently bailiff (1700-1740), 
and the bell had so often tolled for him, that he was very generally known as 
4 old death.' 

When a bencher of the Middle Temple was raised to the judicial bench 
during term, he dined at the high table in the usual way ; but at the close of 
dinner he rose and ' passed down the hall between shouted " good byes," the 
' doors swung open, and as he passed out of them the bell tolled solemnly as for 
4 a parting soul. He had gone from among us ; he was no longer of us/ — The 
Still Life of the Middle Temple, by W. G. Thorpe, F.S.A., p. 343. 



Thomas Pye 
WUl'm Grene Jur' 
John White 
John Pye Jur* 

Jerrard Redhead Jur* 
Richard Todd 

Conftables nether ward 
George ffenwick tan* 
Thomas Gayre the younger 

midell ward 
John fmithe tanne* 
Robert Smyth merchant 

John Cowp' ) , , 

John Challenor J 



Edward Bewick 
Thomas Gayre the elder 


ffleihe lookers 
Steaphen Clark 
Tho: ftokoe 


Como* kep's 
Will'm Marr Jur* 
Mathew Tod Jur' 
Cuthbert Ogle 
George Marfhall Jur' 

Cotting burn kep's 
Cuthb't fnawdon Jur' 
Hughe Anderfon Jur' 

In Aprill 1663 the 'ffree Burgefies off morpeth were John White, Robert 
Wardhaugh, Tho: ffaucus, Geo: Vinins, James Watfon, WilTm Green, John Pye, 
Tho: Gayre, Tho: Stoker, Edward Bewick, Edward Olliver the elder, Will'm 
Bethune, John Smith, John Coup', Tho. Watfon, John Challener, John Woodruffe, 
Robt Vrwen, Gawen Smith, Geo. Marfhall, Gerard ffenwick, John Gaire, Thomas 
milburne, tann**, xxofer Patterfon, Edward Vrwen, Richard Hutton, Edward 
marr, Matthew Challener, Will'm milburne, Raiph White, Edmond Oxley, Raiph 
milburne, Tho milburne tayler, ffrancis Pye, Tho warrincr, Tho. Shipley, William 
Marr, Robert Pott, Georg Davy, John Chanley, Thomas Wardhaugh, Gawen 
Aydon, Michaell Tompfon, Robert' Lumfden, Edward hutton, George Olliver, 
Will'm Baites. Will'm Davy, Robert White, William Vrwen, Robert Smith, 
Thomas Dawfon, Thomas Pearfon, Ofwould mitford, Thomas Bitlefton, William 
Barker, John Pye Clar, mich widdrington.' 

The two new bailiffs were then sworn. 

The oaths are important as setting out the duties here : — 

The Bailiffs' Oath.— You shall swear as Bailiffs and Chief Officers 
within this town of Morpeth for this year next ensuing if you shall so long 
live. You shall do equally and indifferently right and justice as well to the 
poor as to the rich according to your knowledge wit and power and accord- 
ing to the laws and statutes of this Realm and according to the antient 
customs of this Town without respect of Persons. And that you shall not 
take nor exact anything of any person but such fees as the laws of this 
Realm doth permit and award unto you. And that you shall at all times 
hereafter maintain defend and keep inviolable all the liberties privileges 
and customs of this Town to your power. And do all things that may be 
commodious to this Town during the time of your office. And make account 
of such things as onght to be good to the commonwealth of this Town. You 
shall serve the King's Majesty and his Successor. Your natural Lord and 
his Heirs respecting the Commonwealth of this Town. So help you God. 


The bells then rang a merry peal for the new bailiffs. The sergeant 

was next sworn : — 

The Sebgeant's Oath.— You shall swear that for the year next 
ensuing you shall well and truly serve as Sergeant of this Town and truly 
do and execute all and every thing that to the said office belongeth with- 
out taking of any person exaction or bribe other than the ancient accus- 
tomed fees, and such as the laws of this Realm, and the ordinances of this 
Town doth allow, without having respect to any person for love, favor, or 
affection but as right and your duty doth require. And you shall in all 
things lawful obey the Bailiffs and be true to the Commonwealth of this 
Town. So help you God. 

The two fish- and flesh-lookers, who carried a pole with a * gully ' 
at the top, were then sworn : — 

The Fish and Flesh Lookebs* Oath.— You and either of you shall 
swear that you shall well and truly serve in the office of Flesh and Fish 
lookers for this year next ensuing. You shall see that Flesh and Fish 
brought to be sold in the market be healthful for Man's body. Likewise 
you shall see that all persons bringing flesh and fish for sale within your 
office that they and every of them bring good and wholesome flesh and fish 
for man's body. And every one offending, you shall present at this Court. 
And in every other thing you shall well and truly behave yourselves in your 
said office according to the best of your knowledge. So help you God. 

The two ale-tasters and bread-weighers who carried halberts were 
then sworn : — 

The Ale Tasters' Oath. — You and either of you shall swear that you 
shall well and truly serve in the office of the Ale tasters and Bread weighers 
for this year next ensuing, that the bread brought to the Market to be sold 
be truly weighed, and the same do continue the weight according to the 
Price of the Corn sold in the Market. Likewise you shall see that Ale 
brewers and tiplers within your office that they and every of them make 
good and wholesome Ale and Beer for man's body. And every one so 
offending you shall present at this Court. And in everything you shall 
well and truly behave yourselves in the said office. So help you God. 

The f onr constables 20 who bore staves were then sworn : — 

The Constables' Oath. — You and either of you shall swear that you 
shall well and truly serve in the office of Constables of this Town for and 
during the space of one whole year now next ensuing. You shall endeavour 

30 There had formerly been more than four constables, two being elected for 
each of the wards into which the borough was divided. When there were gates 
at the end of each street, and probably a stockade round about, the duties of the 
constables would be onerous, as their watch and ward must have been constant. 
In 1722 it was ordered 4 that noe person for the future shall be sett upon the 

* watch but who shall be above the age of 16 years, aud that they shall continue 
« from 9 o'clock at night till four o'clock next morning under the penalty of 

* 13* 4 d upon the person who sends such watchman.' Evidently the constables 
might use or employ deputies. 


yourselves to the utmost of your powers to see the King's Majestie's peace 
kept and watch and ward observed and kept in this Town as it hath been 
accustomed and as it ought to be. And according to the Statute you shall 
punish all rogues vagabonds and sturdy beggars haunting and resorting 
within the precincts of your Office and punish offenders accordingly. Also 
you shall punish all such persons as do or shall play at any unlawful games. 
And if need require you shall raise Hue and Cry after felons according to the 
Statute in that behalf made to the utmost of your powere. So help you God. 
After the appointment of officers, the court was adjourned by 
the following proclamation : — 

OtezI OtezI OybzI 

All manner of persons who have appeared this day at the court leet of 
the manor of Morpeth may now depart, keeping their day and hour on a 
new summons. God save the king and the lord of this manor. 

The bells then rang out a merry peal and the attendants of the 
court in procession as before marched to the house of the senior 
bailiff; here were assembled on the first floor many young people with 
great baskets of apples and nuts which were thrown to the street to 
be scrambled for. In the rooms were tables covered with linen, on 
which were a large Cheshire cheese, loaves of bread, pipes, and tobacco, 
and silver tankards borrowed from friends. Servers then gave to each 
person two apples and two handf uls of nuts while the sergeant received 
from each a shilling, 31 although the payment was far from universal. 
After a short sitting the party in like manner proceeded to the houses 
of the junior bailiff and sergeant, after which they all found their 
way home as best they could. 

It will be observed that the jury had many and large powers to 
remove nuisances, fix boundaries, prevent waste, punish for forestal- 
ling 82 and regrating, 28 grinding away from the lord's mill or baking 

71 The dinner given by the lord of the manor is certainly of late introduction. 
Of old, after the labours of the day were over, the persons who had taken part in 
the proceedings had probably been entertained by the newly elected bailiffs and 
serjeant in three parties — the new officers at the senior bailiff's, the retired 
officers at the junior bailiff's, and the jury at the sergeant's. In this collation of 
bread, cheese, ale, apples, and nuts, all home produce, we have the remains 
of the primitive and ancient custom of the thirteenth century. The shillings 
paid for the bread and cheese, etc., were paid to the bailiff entertaining ; the 
shillings paid were few and far between. 

** Buying up merchandise on the way to market before it was presented for 
sale in market hours, abolished by 7 and 8 Vict. c. 24. 

1709 Chas. Burnett's wife for forestalling the market amerced 3 $ 4 d . — 
Morpeth Court Rolls. 

" Buying goods in market and selling again in or near the same, abolished 
by the above statute. 

1668 Robert Storey presents George Young for a regrator for buying cabbage 
plants in the market and selling them again. — Morpeth Court Rolls. 


from his oven, prevent the straying of pigs and cattle, proscribe 
eavesdropping, 84 prevent assanlts or fighting when they presented* 
both offending parties. With all this, they had no power to inflict a 
fine or punishment, this rested with the steward, yet his judgment 
was not final bnt had to be traversed by two ' affeerers.' 

After the lord's jury had left the hall to make their perambula- 
tion, the jury of the manor court, commonly called the party jury, 
were sworn. Their jurisdiction was in the trial of causes, as in the 
county court. 

Actions entred Cur' Barron* p'nob'lis dni WiU'mi Howard et d*ne 

k! Sep 2i l v 2 r? Elizabeth vx*is fue ib*m tent' die Lune viz primo die 

be tryed this Courte ^^ A no j^g Ca roli nunc Angl* &c octauo A°que 

d'ni i632 Coram Thome Witherington armig'o Sene- 

fcallo Cur* p r d. 

The ptie Jurie 

Andrew marr Jur' 

John greene ] 

John white ( ^ , 

John Pie > J « 

Robt Smith merchant Jar* 

Georg ffenwick tan' Jur' 

Tho: Gaire junior Jur' 

John lawfon Jur* . 

ThorVrwen ) Robt Smith Joyner Jur' 

Tho: Gaire fenior ) John Challiner Jur' 

Edward Oliver I , 

Richard Todd ( Jur 

Richard Pearfon ] 

. . . names Refferd Actions at the Lad Courte. 

Thomas ffawcus Alderman of the ffullers Complayneing againft 

Thomfas] Magee in a plea of debt of .... 

Try Quytt Robte Vrwen of Stanton againft Efeakaell Cutbert in 

a plea of affumpfit of his p'mife for graf finge a Cowe 

& quie ad dam* vij 1 x* 

Try Quit Robte Lumfden againft Ofwould Mitford in a plea of 
ye defend* d e bte for dyinge of x yards of Cloth of a deare Collor 

at ix d the yard vij 1 vj d 

Refer* John Scot againft Hugh ffyfe in debt of 

the p*ties both to appeare next Courte [This entry 

struck out.] 
Try Culp- Will*m ffenwicke of Wallington gent* againft Rob*te 

able ij s Thompfon of weft gate in a plea of debt of xxxix* xj d 

pleg* Tho: Gaire fen* 
agreed Edward Milburne of Langfhawes againft Thomas 

Browne of Netherwitton in a plea of debt of ... vij" vj d 

u 1717 Presented John Mather for an easing-dropper and common disturber 
of the peace and neighbourhood of this corporation. Amerced 39 s ll d . Affeered 
to SP.— Morpeth Cowrt Roll*. 



Reffer to 
Gaire& Jo: 
debit* ex' 

Margaret Greeve vidua againft Thomas Baites in a 
plea of Covenant for the reparinge Mr howfe who 
did not ad dam 1 

George Marfhall againft Jarrett Todd in a plea of 
debte for a boll of oats vpon a wager of a horfe race 

agreed Peter Grave of Stannington againft John Hall of 
Netherton in a plea of debt of 

defaltCulp- Phillip Harifon againft John Stanrker al's Stankley in 

able iij 1 

a plea of trespas on the Cafe ad dam' 

pleg* Jarrett Todd 

defalt The faid Phillip againft the (aid p'tie in a plea of 

affumfit of p'mife for Charges expended at Yorke 

by the complanant againft the defend 1 ad dam' ... 

pleg* idem 

Refer* to Phil- John Lawfon againft Thomas Watfon in a plea of 

lip Gare fen trefpas for diftroyinge of Corne ad dam 1 

&W» Greene v J ^ 

Confeit Iflabell ffiawcus widdowe againft Thomas Potts fen* 

xxxv»v*quit in a plea of debte for Lether 

culpable SSM 

defalt John Smith of Mofden admi'ftr to Thomas Smith 

againft Rob'te Robfon of Shaftoe in a plea of debt 

for xxxiij* iiij* remaynder of xl* 

pleg* Jo: Greene 
Thomas Hudfon againft Edward Scott in a plea of 

. debt of 

Iflabell Attkinfon of Hepfcott againft Ofwold Mitford 
in a plea of detinewe of viij yards of white Cloth 

ad dam* 

Rob'te Robinfon fmith againft Rob'te Harbotle of 

Hebborne in a plea of debt of - 

WilTm Eellam againft Edmond Oxley in a plea of 

debt of 

Culpable vj $ Roger Towers of Morpeth againft Will'm Awbon of the 
fame ihoema[ker] in a plea of debt of vj § iiij d 

remaynder of a debt of xxxix" xj d 

Thomas Shipley & Edward Shipley againft Ement 
Humble in an action of the Cafe for fayinge that 
the Complanants ftole his wifes Lyninge weebb 

ad dam' quer' 

John Brakine againft Margery Waryner in a plea of 
debt for twoe extres 2% one harrowe xiiij d three 
fellowe Cribbs 2', one dobler 2' a doble fait fate in toto 
Refer to John Bullman Thomas Baits againft Margaret Greve 
& Bartrum Gaire i n ^ action of debt for howie rent ... 
Try. Culp- Thomas Smith tann' againft Will'm Awbon in a plea 
ableix* of debt of 

Paid all 
in Courte 

quit vpon 
the oath of 




xxxix* xj d 

vj $ viij d 


xxxix* . . . 


viij $ 
x 1 Yij a 

viij $ v* 
xxvj» [i d ] 








Try. Culp- 
xiij* viij d 

Try. Quyt 

Try Quyt 


The fame againft Rob'te Smith of the fpitle in a 
plea of debt beinge plege & bondfman for the faid 
Rob'te Smith beinge arretted in Morpeth Courte at 
the fuite of Jafp' Smith of EfThott who recovered 
againft the faid Rob'te Smith and fo execution was 
awarded againft the Complanant as appeareth by 
the Records of the Courte who paid the monye ... xxvj- viij d 

The faid Thomas Smith againft the faid Rob'te Smith 
in a plea of debt beinge plege & bondfman for the 
faid Rob'te Smith who was arretted at the fuite of 
one Thomas Palm' of Lynton Mill the faid Rob'te 
Smith was evicted in Courte [and] the Cornp 1 * as 
bond for hym paid the monye vpon execution as 
appeareth [by the Records] of the Courte 

Cutb'te Ogle ien' gent' against Iflabell Huntley ad- 
min'ftratrix to James Huntley in a plea of debt of 

Bartram Gaire & Phillip Harifon bailiffs againft 
Thomas ffawcus glover in a plea of debt for fcoole 

The fame againft Iflabell Headlye Will'm Watfon & 
Hugh Anderfon in a plea of debt for fcoole Rent ... 

The fame againft Rob'te Lawfon of Benrige for fcoole 
rent for a howfe in Morpeth 

The fame againft Thomas Vrwen in a plea of debt for 
fcoole rent 

The fame againft Phillip Milburne in a plea of debt 

for fcoole rent ij-iiij d 

Gilbert Challinor againft Ezeakaell Cutbert in a plea 
of debte of .... 

Margery Waryner againft John Brabine in a plea of 
debt of .... 

George Davye tann' againft Thomas Greene fhomaker 
in a plea of debt for Lether. to be paid at Corn- 
well faire 163i xix- 

Iflabell dawfon & Thomas dawfon execut' to Chriftofer 
dawfon deceafed againft Will'm Greene in a plea of 
debt for the rent of a fhope in the m'ket ftead ... x" 

Iflabell Marfhall widdowe againft Peter B rathe millner 
in a plea of trefpas for Caftinge hir yarne into the 
millne dame viz* vj heare of lynin yarne & iiij heare 

of ftrakinge ad damp' iij* 

[This entry is struck out.] 

Parfevall Pearfon againft Roger Towars in a plea of 
withholdinge a bedd ftead vj- 

John Bullman againft Thomas Greene & his wife in a 
plea of debt of xxiiij- 

The fame againft Will'm ftawcas webfter in a plea of 

debt of xvj d 

xj-iiij d 




iiij- . . 


defalt* The lame againfl Rob'te Clafp' & hi8 wife in a plea 

of debt of vj s 

Try. Wee doe finde John John Bullman beinge alderman of the 

lawfon and Cuthbt ogle Marchants againfl John Lawfon and 

p'ctors fhall make a Jolt „ ... A . n , L A x , - .. 

accompt w^n xxtie daies ^^ te °* le M Pwcktera to the faid 

of what they alledge to be Companie of Marchants in a plea 

now difburfed by them then of debt of xxxij» v* 

tiiey are charged wh . . to The fame John Bullman ^j^ the 

be culpable of the arrers. r .. n , A . _ ^ , . A ... . 

laid Procktere in a plea of debt ... xxxij 8 v* 

agreed Rob'te Bell tann' againfl Will'm Awbon fhomaker in a 

plea of debt of xxviij 1 

Will'm Betham againft Thomas Todd tayler in debt of xviij" 

. . . vj d John Shipley againfl Rob'te Lumfden in debt for his 

horfe hire xiiij* 

Culpable BartramOaire againfl Rob'te Storrer in debte of iij § ix d 

Try. Culp- Dm'ns Will'ms Howard againfl Margery warner in a 

a ^ plea of debt for fower yeares Rent of a Clofe in hill 

gate at ij s viij d x s viij d 

Try. Quyt Rob'te Lifleyger ag* Thomas Browne al's Muge in an 

action of trefpas w^ fheep in Come ad dam' ... x § 

fatet' Rob'te Mowe againfl Tho: Knight in debte xiiij" 

fatet'y»3 d The fame againfl Tho: Potts fen' in debt vj s vj d 

[Endorsed * Michaellmas Courte i 632. M r widdrington vpon 

Rob'te widdringtons defalt for not appearinge did 

fine him iij § iiij d as doth appear vnder the flewards 

own hand writtinge as the booke will make mencion'] 

The duties of the party jury were at an end after they had given 
their verdicts in the various cases before them. 

The steward, officers, party jury, and those who had been admitted 
freemen, dined together. The steward, who presided, had great oppor- 
tunity for the exercise of tact, by toasts and occasional songs, in 
keeping order in what was often a turbulent and unruly party. 

After dining, they returned to the town-hall to attend as burgesses 
the evening sitting of the court, and to witness the appointment of 
officers, and thence to the houses of bailiffs and sergeant. 


Of the popular estimation of these courts in former times, of the care with 
which they were guarded, and of their importance, an illustration may be found 
in lord William Howard's Household Book (Surtees Soc. vol. 68, pp. 397-402). 
In a letter from sir John Forster, the warden of the Marches, to secretary Wal- 
Bingham, a memorial to the Queen by Mr. Francis Dacre, and a contemporary 
narrative, all reprinted from the State papers, we have presented to us a lively 
picture of some events of 1687. 

vol. xvl J 


In that year lord Wm. Howard held the lordship of Morpeth as husband of 
Kiizabeth, sister and co-heiress of lord Dacre ; but the rights of the co -heiress 
were contested by Francis Dacre, her uncle. Lord William was in possession, 
and his constable, Edward Grey, held the castle for him ; but through their 
attachment to an ancient and splendid name, Dacre had many friends and 
sympathisers among the burgesses. ' The meanest sort of the most parte of the 
inhabitants of the said towne of Morpethe who did owe sewte and service 
unto the same did not onlye refuse to macke there appearance and do the 
services unto them apperteynenge, as before time they were accustomed to 
do at the lyke courtes there holden for the said Lord William Howarde, 
but affirmed that yf there were any courte there to be howlden for the said 

Mr. Fraunces Dacars they wolde make there apperaunce there and 

in no where els. 1 Sir John Forster, the Lord Warden of the Marches, was 
called upon to preserve order by the constable, Mr. Edward Grey (who hap- 
pened to be his nephew), and the narrative insinuates that he displayed 
partiality through this kinship, and that he had ( in his possession parcell 
of the lands in controversie of the yerely value of one hundred markes at 

the least, by the graunt of the said lord William.' ' Immediatly then did 

sundry troopes of horsemen come to the town by dossens, scores, and sence xxx 
in companyes, all of Mr. Grave's freinds of the borders, and soone after the Lord 
Warden came in with a great company e and rode to the castell, and there lodged 
with Mr. Gray the said constable/ . . . ' Yn the morning by day was lyght, the 
streat over agynst Mr. Dacre's lodging was sett all along with men of the 
Borders weaponed with swords, daggs, pikes, and the lyke upon the baksyde of 
the sayd lodging to the nomber in all of about 100 persons and Mr. Gray and 
others with him walking before them carying theyr walk so far as the howse 
reached wheryn Mr. Dacre lodged, and so turned agayne still so contynuyng 
untyll 3 of clocke at afternoone when Mr. Dacre came away.* One of the bailiffe 
of the town supported the authority of lord William, ' the other bayliffe, all the 
aldermen and the burgesses upon the ring of the bell came to the Moote Hall, 
and beyng called dyd flatly say they wold neyther sitt yn court, appere, or make 
awnBwer but yn Mr. Dacre's name and accordyng to the order of theyr town, 
and therupon departed.' 

Lord William's officers caused the mace to be taken from the town's serjeant 
in the presence and with the countenance of the Warden and when ' they cowld 
not make a Jury, they, of theyr own awthorytye, withowt and contrary the order 
of the town, did create vj new f remen . . . and yett, for all the evill hast cold 
not make up the nomber of xij persons had they not supplied ther want with one 
who had not longe before that tyme had bene a Lord of Mysrule, and one other 
that was the common Hay ward [the other account says 'nowtherd'] of the 
Towne.' Mr. Dacre, outnumbered and outmanoeuvred, left the town, and in his 
memorial to queen Elizabeth of his wrongs and sufferings we have preserved to 
us this scene of a sixteenth century drama. 

After many years of legal conflict the possession of the estates was confirmed 
to the co-heiresses, and lord William, by a politic course of good sense and liberal- 
ity, attached his refractory and disaffected burgesses to himself and his house. 
His was the gift of the great mace to the corporation. 35 In 1580 he re-granted the 

'* See Arch, Ael. vol. xiii. p. 201, for an account of the Morpeth mace. 


Clifton field of 1,500 acres to be held by the burgesses at a low rent, and in 
1606 lett to them the farm of tolls. 

4 Memorandum that I Willm Howard have granted to the Bailliffs of 
the Burrowe of Morpethe the towle within the foresaid Burrowe for the 
sum of Twenty shillings for ane whole yeare and that the overplus of the 
said towle shall be employed by the said Bailliffs to the benayfitt of the 
foresaid Burrowe and to be declared upon their accounts. In witnes wherof 
I have sett my hand the syxt daie of September in the yeare of the Raigne 
of our Soveraigne Lord James by the grace of God of England, France, and 
Ireland the fourste and of Scotlande the . . . Anno dom 1606 

4 Willm Howard. 1 
By such prudent conduct he conciliated his opponents and so endeared him- 
self U> his friends that, in 1610, we find from an entry in their books that the 
Tanners' company bestowed upon him ' a present of wyne and sugar,' which cost 
them Is. 6d. ^ 

After our hartie comendacions upon intelligence gyven us by . . . officers as 
well of y r sute for the occupacon of pcell of the demean of Morpeth called 
Clifton feild conteyng xv c acres, as also of the value thereof we are well con- 
tented for the better maintenance of y estate, and the rather also at the request 
of our verrie good ffrende the Lord Warden, that y* shall have the same in lease 
from Michaelmas next for the terme of fyve yeares then next ensuing employing 
y l to tillage or pasture to y r best comodities at y r choise and pleasure f 1 " the 
yearlie rent of one hundred Poundes being much lesse then y* is worth and close 
upon y r yearlie payem 1 of the usuall rent you shall have and enjoy th use and 
profits of such meadowes and haye boundes in the said Clifton feilde as y r 
[predecessors] held in the late L. Dacres tyme And if y Q shall dislike or not so 
will accept the lease of the said Clifton Feild as we have ment w h ' great favour 
to delyver y* unto y on we will then upon y r answeare received w** 1 we f urthw* 11 
expect of you, deliver the said Clifton Feilde over to others to our better co- 
moditie, and never the lesse to . . . you in forme before said to en joye that y m 
said meadow and thus we bid you farewell. From London the xiiij th of June 
1580 y r loving ffrends 

Concord, cum origin. William Howarde 

Northumb. ' Decimo quarto die menfs Octob. Anno R.R. \ 

Jacobi xvj° Annoqz dni. 1618. / 

Receaved of the fermars of my land of Clifton feeld and 
Hepscott in the county aforesaid the sum of five hundred 
pounds of curra't mony of England for one yeares rent 
or farm of the said grounds called Clifton feeld & ^h 

Hepscot due to me at the feast of S* Michaell the Arch- 
angell last past before the date hereof of w h some I 
acknowledge my sellf fully satisfied by thes pnts. In 
wittnes whearof I have heerunto sett my hand and seale 

ye day and year above written 

William Howard 



By F. Haverfield, M.A., F.S.A. 

[Read on the 25th May, 1892 ; since added to.] 

The inscription discussed in the following note was found in May, 
1892, in the newly-made Wallsend allotments ground, in garden 20 
belonging to Mr. A. Arnott. This site, which is technically in Walker, 
though close to the Wallsend boundary, has only lately come under 
cultivation, and appears worthy of archaeologists' attention, as it has 
already yielded, besides the altar here to be noticed, a figure of 
Mercury with a fragmentary inscription beginning D(eo) M(ercurio), 
and various carved and worked stones. 1 The altar now under notice 
is of local freestone, 35 in. high by 16 in. wide and deep ; the letters 
in the first line are 2 in. high, in the last 1£ in., in the other lines 
l-l£ in. I am indebted to Mr. R. Blair, F.S.A., for a squeeze of 
the stone, which I have also examined myself. Descriptions have 
appeared in print in the Newcastle Daily Journal of May 17th, 1892, 
in the Westdeutsches Korrespondenzblatt, xi. par. 57, in the Proceed- 
ings of the London Society of Antiquaries (xiv. (1892) p. 171), and 
in those of this Society (v. 164, 166). The stone itself, I understand, 
remains in the possession of Mr. Arnott. 

The reading, which appears to be beyond doubt, is: — I(pvi) 
0(ptimo) M(aximo) \ Coh(prs) iiii Lin \ gonum eq(uitata\ \ cui 
attendit \ Iul(ius) Honor \ atus (centurio) leg(ionis) ii \ Aug{ustae) 
| v(ptum) s{plvit) l{ibens) m(erito). There are several points of 
interest in this inscription : — 

1. The altar was dedicated by the Fourth Cohort of Lingones, a 
regiment of auxiliaries of which we have some other mentions. We 
know from military discharges (privilegia militum) of January a.d. 108 
and of A J). 146 2 that it was in Britain at those two dates. We have 
a statement in the Notitia Dignitatum y the British portion of which 

1 Proo. v. pp. 166, 187. 

2 C.I.L. vii. 1193 ; Eph. v. p. 96, vii. No. 1117. 

Archatologta Aetiana, Vol. XVI., to face p. 76. 

Plate VI. 

Discovered at Wallsend. 


was composed probably about aJ>. 800, that it was stationed at 
Sbgedunum, or Wallaend, the most easterly fort along Hadrian's 
Wall (Occ. xl. 83, ed. Seeck) ; and we have an altar, dedicated to 
Jupiter by its praefectus, which was found a little east of Wallsend, 
at Tynemouth, in digging out the foundations of a building connected 
with the priory church. When the cohort came to Britain we do not 
know. The guesses of Urlichs and others, who try to find a place 
for it in the army of Agricola, are, and must remain, pure guesses ; 
but we have no reason to suppose that the Roman garrison was 
increased during the years between the end of the governorship of 
Agricola, a.d. 85 and a.d. 108, and consequently we may suppose that 
this regiment, like many others, came to Britain tolerably early in the 
occupation and remained here till its end. It is, indeed, possible that 
it, or some soldiers from it, took part in Hadrian's Jewish war (a.d. 
132-5). Statins Prisons Licinius, subsequently governor of Britain 
(a.d. 161-2) and commander in Armenia, began his career as pre- 
fect of this cohort, and, apparently while holding this post, was 
decorated by Hadrian for services in expeditions Iudaica, and hence 
Schiirer and others assume, though the conclusion is not absolutely 
necessary, that the cohort was engaged in the siege. 8 But this 
absence was, at the best, a temporary one. 

2. The epithet equitata implies that the cohort included mounted 
men — roughly about a quarter of its number. This arrangement 
was often adopted for the Roman auxiliary infantry : thus, at least, 
six out of ten cohorts in Numidia were equitatae. It appears mainly 
on frontiers, and was doubtless intended to provide cavalry for an 
emergency and to facilitate rapid movement of infantry. It is, how- 
ever, rare in other, later, armies, though there is a possible parallel in 
the Guides of our Punjaub Frontier Force. The epithet equitata, 
which seems to have become official about a.d. 120, is added or 
omitted in what seems to be a very arbitrary manner, and we can 
therefore draw no inference from the fact that it is omitted in our 
other mentions of the fourth cohort of Lingones. 

3. The NoHtia tells us the cohort was stationed at Segedunum, 

* CSJO. vi. 1523 ; Schiirer, Geschichte des juduchen Volke* im Zeitalter 
Christi. i. 574, note 96. 


which, as has always been fairly certain, was at Wallsend. The only 
question is, whether there was or was not a subsidiary fort at Tyne- 
mouth, where two inscriptions have been fonnd : one of a soldier in 
the sixth legion, the other, already mentioned, of a praefectus of this 
cohort. There do not appear to be any real traces of a fort at the place; 
bnt Thomas Hodgson, and after him Dr. Brace and Dr. Hiibner, 
have accepted its existence as adequately proved by the commanding 
situation, and the occurrence of the two inscriptions mentioned. 4 The 
case is perhaps not so strong as it looks. It is never safe to argue 
that a commanding site with a wide prospect must have been occupied 
by the Romans. Their ideas of suitable positions were vastly different 
from ours, and for defence of the river mouth the South Shields fort 
was surely enough. And there does not appear to be any serious 
objection to the supposition that the two stones were brought from 
Wallsend to Tynemouth. It may be easier and cheaper to-day to cut 
stone on the spot than to transport it from the neighbourhood; but in 
the times when, for instance, Tynemouth priory was built, carriage 
was cheap and stone-cutting comparatively difficult, and in this case, 
where water-carriage was available, it need not surprise us if two 
hewn stones, detached and of movable size, were moved some four or 
five miles for a new building. I am therefore inclined to believe that, 
as pretty certainly at Hexham and at Jarrow, so at Tynemouth, 
Roman stones have been moved to a medieval edifice. Of such trans- 
port by water we have perhaps a relic in the illegible altar found a 
few years ago in the Tyne near Hexham (C. C. Hodges, Abbey of St. 
Andrew, Hexham, p. 4), and now in Hexham abbey slype. One may 
recall, too, the story told by Bede of how St. Cuthbert brought safe 
to shore certain log-rafts which were being floated down the Tyne 
usibus monasterii, for a monastery near the mouth on the south bank, 
and were in danger of being blown out to sea. 6 There are other early 

* Hodgson, Arch. Ael. i. (1822), 231; Brace, I*api&. Nos. 1, 2 ; Httbner, C.I.L. 
vii. 493, 494. 

8 Bede, Vita Cuthberti, 3 ; Green, Making of England, p. 316, in telling the 
story, says the wood was for ' the construction ' of the monastery. It has been 
doubted whether Bede meant the Newcastle Tyne or the river by Tiningham 
(see Horsley, Brit. p. 104). In The Metrical Life of St. Cuthbert (Surtees 
Soc. 87, p. 34), recently edited by the Rev. J. T. Fowler, F.S.A., the place is 
identified with South Shields, as is clear from the mention in the following 
extract of the chapel of St. Hilda, now the parish church of that town ; — 


references, I believe, to the use of the Tyne for transport, and it may 
even be that rafts with inscriptions, brought down the stream when 
no saint was at hand, have drifted ont to sea, and that their precious 
burdens are now lying deep in the North Sea. Further discoveries 
may establish the existence of a Roman fort at Tynemouth ; at present 
the balance of evidence seems to me wholly and absolutely insufficient 
to prove it. The same seems to me the case with the camp which Dr. 
Bruce, on strength of the name, puts at Blake Ohesters, between 
Wallsend and Tynemouth. 

4. Of Julius Honoratus, so far as I can find, nothing more is 
known : but the description of him is worthy of notice. The phrase 
cut atteitdit appears to be unique, and is not very easy to explain, but 
the meaning is clear. 6 We have here another instance of a legionary 
centurion commanding an auxiliary troop. The centurion, always an 
important officer in the legion, seems to have acquired additional 
power and prestige during the second century, and notably in the 
military reforms of Septimius Sever us. Accordingly, we find the 
centurion, in a certain number of cases, detached from his legion and 
put over a cohort instead of the regular praefsctus, just as conversely 
it became usual, after a.d. 200, to commence the equestrian career 
with the centurionate instead of the praefectura cohort^ which had 
formed the regular first step in the first two centuries. The rank of 
legionary centurion and auxiliary praefectus became equal, and the 
centurion sometimes takes the prefect's place. There may be a further 
significance in the change. For instance, Mommsen once suggested 
that we have examples in such cases of the tendency to appoint the 

* In takenyng [token] of this thing we rede, 

Be [by] the tellyng of saint bede, 

how sometyme was a monastery 

That eftir was a nonry, 

Bot a litil fra tynemouth* 

That mynster stode in to [towards] the south' 

Whare saint hilde chapeli standee nowe, 

Thar it stode sometyme trewe.' 
The date of this version (a.d. 1450) is too late to give much weight to its autho- 
rity; but it is more reasonable to suppose that Bede meant the Newcastle river. 
Mr. Fowler leaves the question unsettled. 

• Presumably attendere cohorti means ' to look after a cohort/ but I can find 
no proper parallel. Nearest are the post-Augustan uses with the dative (e.g., 
deus atUndit votis, i listen to prayers ' (Silius, viii. 691) ; and, especially that in 
Suetonius, eloquentiae attendere, ' to pay attention to, to study, eloquence, and 
the like). 


higher officers from the ranks instead of from the upper classes ; but 
the evidence is as yet hardly sufficient to let us decide this point, 
though the tendency itself was undoubtedly at work from the middle 
of the second century onwards. 7 

It may be worth while to add the other instances in Britain of 
centurions commanding auxiliary troops: — 

Ellenbobough : M. Censorius . . . Cornelianus, eenturio leg. [x. fjretensis, 
prae\_post]tus cohortis i. EUpanorum. — C.l.L. vii. 371. 

Chbstebs : Aurelius Athenio (?), eenturio^ curator aloe ii. Asturum. — 
C. 687. 

BlBDOBWALD : Cohors i. aelia Daeorum cuius curam agit Julius Marcellinus, 
eenturio legionis ii. Augustae. — Eph. vii. 1071 ; Arch. Ael. xii. 288. On 
lately examining this inscription at Birdoswald farmhouse, I thought 
to detect a centurial mark before leg. i i. One had previously assumed 
that it had been omitted accidentally. 

Nether Cbamond : Cohors i. Tungrorum, vnstante Ulpio S . . . [centurione ] 
legionis xx. Valeriae Victricis. — C. 1084. The reading after 8 is uncer- 
tain ; but it is probable the centurion's mark stood there. 

ROUGH Castle : Cohors vi. Nerviorum c.o. Flavius Betto eenturio legionis 
xx. v.v. — C. 1092. The exact expansion of c.c. is unknown ; but it 
must mean much the same as c.c. a. in the Birdoswald inscription above, 
and may possibly be the same, curam-agit being (as seems sometimes to 
be the case) treated as one word. 

5. I do not think it possible to fix the date of the inscription, 
though the occurrence of a centurion as auxiliary praefectus suggests 
something not earlier than the middle of the second century. The 
lettering is not specially careless, and Dr. Htibner's statement (Proc. 
v. 164) that there are no stops is incorrect ; but I should not be 
disposed to argue any date from these details. Still less am I inclined 
to refer it to some restoration of the Wall by Septimius Severus. We 
have yet to prove that Septimius Severus had any hand in extensive 
building operations along the Wall. 

7 See Mommsen, Archdologische Zeitung, 1869; there are also rather incon- 
clusive articles by Karbe (JHssertationes Halenses, iv. 305) and A. Miiller 
(PhilologuSy xli. 482). 



By Cadwallader J. Bates. 

[Read October 26th, 1892.] 

The figure of St. Cuthbert as the shepherd-boy of Lauderdale, as 
the hermit of Fame, and as the bishop-prophet witnessing the 
slaughter of Nechtansmere from beside the Roman well at Carlisle, 
appeals so vividly to the imagination, that we are prone to think 
these three scenes complete the whole cycle of his life, and it is only 
upon calmer reflection that we find them inadequate to explain the 
reason of that pre-eminence accorded to him among the many saints 
of our Northumberland. It is a most singular fact, that the extra- 
ordinary series of wanderings of his shrine, during the devastations of 
Dane and Norman, has almost obliterated in the popular mind the 
remembrance of those wanderings of the living saint himself, which 
originally caused that shrine to be the object of such loyal veneration. 

It is now nearly eight years ago since our genial member, the late 
Rev. J. L. Low of Whittonstall, read in this castle a paper on the 
'Authorities for the History of St. Cuthbert,' 1 in which he laid 
emphatic stress on the necessity for falling back on the earliest lives 
of the saint, if we would comprehend that absolute abnegation of self, 
and that perfect love of every other living thing, whether man or 
woman, beast or bird, that has preserved his hallowed memory in so 
mysterious a manner. To-night, I wish to restrict my remarks to the 
background of that impressive picture, and to examine the topographical 
setting of St. Cuthbert's acts of charity and deeds of mercy in the 
cold light of historical criticism. 

In my turn, I must ask you to at once divest your minds of those 
apocryphal accretions to St. Cuthbert's life and fame, which grew up 
during the long slumber of the true spirit of history, and perhaps still 
more so at the first shock of its re-awakening. In a certain sense, the 
close of the nineteenth century is much nearer the seventh, much 

1 Arch. Ael. N.S. XL p. 18. 


more capable of judging what really took place in it, than were the 
twelfth, the fifteenth, or the eighteenth centuries. We should then 
turn directly back to the two fountain-heads of St. Cuthbert's 
biography, the life by a nameless monk of Lindisferne, 2 and that by 
the Venerable Bede 8 (of which there is an earlier version in heroic 
metre), 4 both composed in the beginning of the eighth century, both 
dedicated to Edfrid, the third prelate who sat in St. Cuthbert's chair. 

Each of these lives is essentially a hagiography, a string of separate 
incidents calculated, as it were, to attest the saint's title to canonisation, 
the i leads of evidence for a brief that would put out of court any 
possible advocatu8 diaboli With the exception of Bede's touching 
record of St. Cuthbert's last days, it is only by quite a secondary con- 
sideration that each life affords a certain disjointed narrative of the 
saint's career. Both writers avowedly discarded much material that 
had been collected by others for their purpose, the nameless monk 
because he thought he had written enough to ensure St. Cuthbert's 
celebrity, without fatiguing his own readers; 6 and Bede, with the 
complacent pride of a litterateur at the artistic perfection of his work. 6 

Bede was fortunately persuaded by the monks of Jarrow to adhere 
to the same chronological order in his prose life that he had adopted 
in his poetical one ; but the compilation of the monk of Holy Island 
is peculiarly valuable on account of its giving us the names of persons 
and places which Bede may have purposely omitted in his more 
high-finished essay, lest their barbarous sounds should mar the rhythm 
of his Latinity. 

Unfortunately, the Lindisfarne life was very carelessly printed by 
the Bollandists in their Acta Sanctorum, the proper names being 

* Acta Sanctorum, Mart. III. p. 117; Patrcs Ecclesiae Anglicanae, Miscel- 
laneous Works of Venerable Bede, ed. by Dr. Giles, 1843, VI. p. 357. That this 
life is earlier than that by Bede seems clear by the fact that Ethelwald is 
mentioned in it, lib. iv. § 4, as prior of Melrose, while Bede, cap. xxz. speaks of 
him as abbot. 

* Ibid. ; ibid. IV. p. 202. No trust should be placed in the English transla- 
tion added by Dr. Giles. 

* Ibid. I. p. 1. 

* ' Qaamquam etiam ex his, quae nobis comperta erant, plura omisimus, quia 
sufficere credidimus, si taciturn excellentiora notarentur, simul et legentibus 
con8ulendum f uit, ne quod pararet copia congests fastidium.' — Prologus ; ed. 
Giles, VI. p. 358. 

* * Alia multa nee minora his, quae scripsimus, .... memoriae digna vide- 
bantur, si non deliberate ac perfecto operi nova interserere vel superadjicere 
minus congruum atque indecorum esse constaret.' — ed. Giles, IV. p. 204. 

ARCH.AEL. Vol.ISL to face Page 82 



ie rfl>° or 









«fg!x CarterFell 





















especially distorted, and as the only manuscripts of it were upon the 
Continent, 7 all recent writers on the history of St. Cuthbert have con- 
tented themselves with making use of the corrupt printed version, and 
at the most recording their suspicions as to the correctness of its 

Now, I am afraid I am not a believer in the comfortable doctrine 
that there can be any real distinction at the present day between a 
historian and an archaeologist. A historian, I venture to think, must 
cease to be a mere grandiloquent populariser of other men's work, 
'reaping where he has not sown, and gathering where he has not 
strawed,' and if his Bumming up is to carry any permanent weight 
with it, he must accept nothing by hearsay, if more direct evidence 
can possibly be attained by the exploration of localities, or the yet more 
tedious examination of archives and muniments. Noticing, then, the 
manifest discrepancies in the orthography of the names of places and 
persons in the Lindisfarne life, I proceeded this summer to Treves 
and to Arras to examine two of the most important manuscripts of it. 
The manuscript in the splendid library of the old monastery of St. 
Yaast at Arras 8 is the more ancient of the two, being of the tenth 
century, but as often happens, I am inclined to think that the Treves 
manuscript, 9 though written nearly three hundred years later, has in 
some instances more faithfully preserved the spelling of the original 

In order to better explain the results of my researches, I will 
introduce them as they occur in a short and rigidly unimaginative 
sketch of St. Cuthbert's life :— 

The first spot we can absolutely identify as connected with St. 
Cuthbert is North Shields, 10 where, as a boy, he rebuked the heartless- 

7 The Bollandists profess to have printed * e duobus valde antiquis codicibus,' 
one in the monastery of St. Bertin at St. Omer, the other in the monastery of 
St. Maximin at Treves. 

8 MS. Bibl. 8. Vedasti ap. Atreb. 812. My best thanks are due to M. Wicquot, 
the librarian, for his extreme kindness and courtesy. This MS. was in the 
library of the monastery of St. Vaast before its dissolution, but nothing further 
is known of its origin. It might just possibly have been acquired by exchange 
from the monastery at St. Omer. 

• Acta Sanctorum, Feb. Mar. et Apr. MSS. T. 1151. num. loc. 453. Herr 
Keuffer, the * Stadtbibliothekar ' rendered me considerable assistance in the 
examination of this manuscript, for which [ am very grateful. 

10 * Stabat in altera amnia ripa vulgaris turba non modica, in qua stabat et 
ipse (Cuthbertus).' — Bede, § 3, ed. Giles, p. 216. This incident is related by 
Bede only. 


ness of the halt-heathen countrymen who were there enjoying the 
spectacle of five boats manned by the monks, who had just settled on 
the opposite bank of the Tyne — 

* Where saint hilde chapel 1 standes nowe,' n 
being swept out to sea in a strong westerly gale. 

A little later, as a youth, he was watching the flocks of his master 
on the distant banks of the Leader, 12 a stream descending from the 
Lammermoor hills to join the Tweed near Melrose, and it was there 
on the night of the 31st of August, 651, that he had a vision of the 
soul of St. Aidan being borne heavenward by a company of angels. 

Now, as to his parentage or birth-place we know nothing, beyond 
the fact that at the age of eight he had been taken into the house of 
a widow named Kenstvith} 1 whom he came to regard as his mother, 
and who dwelt in the village of ' ruringaham 914 or * Rutlingaham.' 1 * 
It is clear from the difference existing between the name of this village 
in the two manuscripts, and from the evident difficulty the scribe who 
copied the Arras one had to decipher it, that neither form can be 
relied upon. If the reading of the Treves manuscript be correct, the 
only place between the Forth and the Tyne that can be supposed to 
still bear a contracted form of a name like ' Rutlingaham/ is 
Roddam, formerly written and pronounced 'Rudham.' It would 
have been much more natural, we are told, if St. Cuthbert had entered 

11 Metrical Life of St. Cuthbert, Surteee Soc. Publ. 87, p. 34, 1. 1129. The 
fact that there was still in the fifteenth century no question as to this monastery 
being at South Shields, is one of the very few pieces of historical information to 
be gleaned from this purely philological volume. Bede calls it ' monasterium 
non longe ab ostio Tini fluminis ad meridiem situm, tunc quidem viroram, nunc 
autem, mutato, ut solet per tempora rerum, statu, virginum Christo servientium, 
nobili examine pollens/ The idea that it was at Tyningham, on the north bank 
of the Scottish Tyne, may be dismissed once for all. 

13 * remotis in montibus,' Bede, § 4 ; 'in montanis juxta fluvium quod dicitur 
Leder/ Vita Lindisf. lib. ii. 

18 Vita Linduf. ii. § 7, Arras MS. The Treves MS. fo. 137, d. has « Coensuid.' 
The Bollandists, mistaking the Early English ' w ' for ' p/ read * Kenspith," and 
subsequent writers have followed the error. 

14 Arras MS. ,5 Treves MS. The Bollandists read * Hruringaham.' « Wrang- 
holm,' in the south of Scotland, is generally said to have been the * birthplace' 
of St. Cuthbert, by the crowd of writers who are content to complacently copy 
any statement they have once seen in print. I can find no place of this name 
in the Ordnance maps, and if there is, * Ruringaham ' could by no known law of 
petmutation become contracted into it. If ' Ruringaham ' is nearer the truth 
than * Rutlingaham ' it may be a corruption of Risingham, the Roman station of 
Habitancum, in the valley of the Rede, 's* in early MSS. being frequently 
mistaken for * r.' 


the monastery of Lindisfarne from the very first instead of that of 
Melrose, 16 and that it was only the great deputation of the prior, St. 
Boswell, that drew him to the latter. This surely implies that the 
home of his youth lay more within the sphere of influence of Lindis- 
farne than that of Melrose. Roddam, too, lies about half-way between 
Tyneside and Lauderdale, the first and second known scenes in which 
he makes au appearance. An additional argument in favour of the 
hypothetical claims of Roddam may, it will afterwards be seen, be 
drawn from its propinquity to Ilderton. On the other hand it must 
not be forgotten that the elision of ( ing' in place-names is of rare 
occurrence. At any rate, there is no reason to suppose that St. 
Cuthbert was a Scotsman in the nineteenth century application of 
that term, any more than that he was one in the seventh century 

His vision of the assumption of St. Aidan's soul determined 
Cuthbert to embrace the monastic life ; but in the meantime he bravely 
did garrison-duty as a soldier in defence of the Christian faith and 
the Bernician monarchy. 17 He even had a second similar vision. 
This time it was the soul of a righteous prefect that was received into 
everlasting bliss. 18 Returning from the south, possibly from the pursuit 
of the discomfited host of Penda in 654, he made his way in the depth 
of winter through the great waste that then stretched from the Tees 
to the Tyne. After crossing the Wear at Chester-U-Street}* he provi- 
dentially discovered some food for himself and his horse in the deserted 
'shielings' of some shepherds. He proceeded to Melrose, where, 
leaving his horse and spear, he became the favourite disciple of St. 
Boswell. Two or three years later he became ' hosteller ' at Ripon, 20 

'• ' Quidam Lindisfarnensem eccleaiam multos habere sanctos viros, quorum 
doctrina et ezemplis instrui posset, noverat, Bed/ama praeventus Boisili sublim- 
ium virtatum monachi et sacerdotis, Mailtos pete re maluit.' — Bede, § 6. 

17 c in castris contra hostem cum exercitu sedens.'— Vita Lindtif. lib. i ; Giles 
ed. vip. 361. 

18 * animam Praefecti in obitu suo ad caelum eleTari vidit.' — Ibid. 

w Vita Lindisf. i. § 4. The Arras MS. has 'uuir' and * Kuncacester ;' the 
Treves MS. • uiur* and 'cunca cestur.' Cf. * Sedes epiecopalis, quam in Lindis- 
farnensi insula superius diximus, in Cuncacestre restauratur.' — Hist. Dun. Heel. 
iib. ii. cap. xiii. ; Symeon of Durham, Rolls ed. i. p. 69. The Bollandists call the 
river * Wir,* the place * Leunckceater,' an error that has caused it to be identified 
with Lanchester. 

30 'praepofiritua hoepittun,' Bede, § 7 ; Metrical Life of St. Cuthbert, bk. ii. 
L 1403, p. 42. 


a monastery that had been placed under the care of Eata the abbot of 
Melrose. On the return of Wilfrid from Borne in 659, Eata and 
Cuthberb were forced to retire again to the banks of the Tweed, as 
they clung to the ancient Roman practice of fixing Easter (which had 
been confirmed by Pope Leo the Great in 448, 21 and followed by the 
churches in Britain and Ireland), and refused to accept the reforms 
introduced on this subject by Pope Victor in 525, when Britain was 
cut off from the rest of the western patriarchate by the piratical fleets 
of the heathen Saxons. 32 In 664, the Northumbrian witenagemot 
at Whitby definitely condemned the continuance of the Leonine usage, 28 
and St. Colman was consequently obliged to withdraw from his see 
of Lindisfarne. Eata and Cuthbert chose this time to conform, and on 
St. Colman's parting recommendation, Eata was appointed abbot over 
the English monks who remained at Lindisfarne. Hardly had these 
changes been completed when St. Boswell died of the great plague 
then raging, and Cuthbert succeeded him as prior of Melrose. 
Boswell had been a great missionary on Tweedside, but Cuthbert 
surpassed him in this respect, spending often two or three weeks or 
even an entire month in mission tours among the mountains. It was an 
ancient custom that had survived in Britain to call churches after the 
saints who founded them. Probably we have a memorial of St. 
BoswelFs personal labours in the dedication to him of the church of 
Tweedmouth, and it gives us a very much higher estimate of St. 
Cuthbert's work in the evangelisation of Central Britain, if we regard 
many of the churches dedicated to him as having been the actual 
scenes of his preaching, instead of mere resting places of his shrine. 
This latter idea, which has taken such root in popular fancy, rests 
solely on the authority of John Wessington, prior of Durham in the 

21 Annates Cambriae, in anno ; Mon. Hist. Brit. p. 830. This, the yery 
opening statement of the chronicle, is perhaps the clearest explanation of the 
intricate point, on which see Haddon and Stubbs, Ecclesiastical Councils and 
Documents, I. p. 152. 

22 The charge brought against the Celts that they were Qaarto-decimans is 
of course absolutely without foundation. — Ibid. 

2 * It should be remembered that the fixing of Easter at Whitby was an act 
of the civil power. Far from attaching the great importance to the precise date 
of the Easter festival that Wilfrid and his followers did, the Roman Church, 
even at the present day, allows it to be kept according to the eastern calendar 
by Catholics of the Latin rite in the whole of Russia except the kingdom of 
Poland, and by Catholics of the Greek rite in Austria. It also recognises Colman 
as a Northumbrian saint. 


fifteenth century, and even he restricted it to the Cuthbertine churches 
on the western sea-board. 34 If we accept it on Wessington's authority, 
we may just as well swallow the extraordinary Irish fairy tales of St. 
Cuthbert's infancy, which Wessington was equally ready to vouch 
for. 8 * Wessington makes no allusion to the Cuthbertine dedications in 
the south of Scotland. We may be certain that the great period of St. 
Cuthbert's missionary activity was*while he was prior of Melrose, a fact 
that the monks of Lindisf arne and Durham seem to have considered 
it to be to their interest to gloss over. The sea and the mountain 
both had powerful attractions for St. Cuthbert. At Coldingham™ he is 
• said to have walked into the waves up to his neck for several nights, 
singing hymns of praise. With Tydi and another monk he sailed in 
mid-winter down the Solway in a boat to the country of the Nithsdale 
Pict*** probably to Kirkcudbright, and remained there storm-bound 
for nearly a fortnight. On another occasion we hear of his setting 
out from Melrose and journeying southward along the Tesgeta ; 28 and 
then of his visiting his adopted mother Kenswith at 4 Rutlingaham,' 
which seemed to have been a village in a street running east and west, 29 
and therefore, probably, at any rate, not situated upon the Leader which 
flows in a southerly direction. 

How long St. Cuthbert remained as prior at Melrose before he was 
transferred in the same office to Lindisfarne cannot be determined 

* ' in partibus occidentalibus,' see Raine, Saint Cuthbert, p. 43, n. 
n ' natione Hibernicus, regiis parentibus ortus,' ibid. p. 15, n. 

w Vita Linduj. ii. § 3, * colodesbyrig/ Arras MS.; J colodesburg,' Treves MS. 
The BoUandists misreading ' r ' for ' s* have ' Coloderbyrig.' The forms * byrig' 
and * burg ? deserve notice ; as also the fact that in Coldingham we have a 
settlement of the descendants of this Colod who appears to have founded the 
burg which Bede calls 'urbs Coludi.' This is a strong argument against 
Kemble'8 idea that these patronymics in ' ing ' referred to remote ancestors on 
the Continent. 

* Vita LindUf. ii. § 4 ; * ad terram pictorum ubi niudwaera legio,' Arras MS.; 
'ubi dicitur niudera regio,' Treves MS. fo. 136, d. The reading 'regio' is no 
doubt more accurate than 'legio.' The Bollandists gravely print the extra- 
ordinary muddle * ubi Mudpieralegis,' that first led me to suspect the general 
accuracy of their rendering of the place-names. Bede's life, § ii. has ' ad terram 
Pictorum, qu» Niduari vocatur.' See Skene, Celtic Scotland, i. 133, 238 ; 
ii. 208, 209. 

* So the Acta Sanctorum and the MSS. all read. The river was no doubt 
the Teviot, as is generally suppoeed. 

9 At any rate Kenswith's house ' in extrema parte vici ad orientem posita 
videbatur.' Cf. the conflagration at By well in 1285, Chronicon de Lanercost, 
p. 119 ; Arch. Ael. N.S. xiv. 374, n. 


with certainty. The Lindisfarne life would lead us almost to suppose 
that it was not until Eata became bishop of Lindisfarne in 678. 80 That 
he was not so very long prior of Lindisfarne may be gathered from the 
fact that there is only one detailed miracle ascribed to him during 
that period. One day, we are told, a prefect of King Egfrid, named 
Hildemer* 1 arrived at Lindisfarne begging the prior to send a priest to 
administer the sacrament to his wife who was he said at the point of 
death, and afterwards to accord her the privilege of sepulture on 
Holy Island. Cuthbert decided to accompany Hildemer himself, and 
they set out on horseback together. On the way, he rightly con- 
jectured that the real facts of the case were that the lady had gone out 
of her mind, and he comforted Hildemer with the assurance that by 
the time they reached his house she would come forth to greet them, 
perfectly cured in mind and body, and it was so. It seems not 
improbable that Hildemer's 'town' may be the present Ilderton, 
anciently called Hilderton. 32 This incident has been admittedly taken 
out of the chronological order so as to immediately follow that relating 
to Rutlingaham, 33 and for this there seems to be no other reason than 
that Roddam and Ilderton being so close together, the writer was led 
on from an event happening at the one to an event happening at the 
other by a very natural train of thought. 

In the autumn of 685, Cuthbert was with great difficulty induced 
to quit the hermitage to which he had retired on Farne Island, in order 
to be elected bishop of Hexham at the synod held at Twyford on the 
Alne, the river that formed the boundary between the dioceses of 
Lindisfarne and Hexham. He made it a condition of accepting the 
dignity that his consecration should be deferred till the following 
spring, and again retired to Farne. Eata, who was still bishop of 
Lindisfarne, requested the bishop-elect of Hexham to come and see 
him at his monastery of Melrose. On the return journey Cuthbert 

30 ' a venerabili et sancto episcopo Eata invitatus et coacte ad hanc iosulam 
nostram qua dicitur Lindisfarne . . . advenit.' — Vita Lindisf. lib. iii. ; Giles, 
ed. p. 368. 

« Ibid. lib. ii. § 8 ; ' hildmaer/ Arras MS. ; * Hildimer,' Treves MS. fo. 137, d ; 
' Hildmer,' Act. Satwt. Bolland. 

32 Placita, 10 Ric. I. ; Hodgson, Northumberland III. ii. p. 337, etc. 

n * ilia tempore ecclesiae nostrae Praepositus erat.' — Vita Lindisf. lib. ii. 


crowed the Tweed? 4 at Examford" a little above the great earthwork of 
Wark, and Sibba,** the lord of the * vicus,' that preceded the medieval 
castle, besought him to bestow his benediction upon it. Accordingly 
Cuthbert entered the stronghold with solemn chants of psalms and 
hymns. Hearing that one of Sibba's servants lay at death's door, he 
blessed some water and sent another of the earl's household, named 
Baldhelm, 37 with it to the sick man, who after the third draught fell 
asleep and recovered. On this being told to King Egfrid, he and all 
the Britons with him are said to have given St. Cuthbert the land of 
Cartmel, and the town called Sath-gedluit. This the saint in his torn 
entrusted to the good abbot Cyneferth. 88 

At Easter, 685, Cuthbert was consecrated at York, and it is said 
that Eata and he exchanged sees the same day. On the 20th of May, 
the day of Egfrid's defeat and death at Nechtansmere, Cuthbert was 
at Carlisle, and after consecrating on the following day the church of a 

* Ibid. iv. S 7, Giles ed. p. 376 ; « twide,' Arras MS. ; * tuiude,' Treves MS. 
140, d. The Bollandists have * Opide,' hut several writers have seen that the river 
between Melrose and Fame must necessarily be the Tweed. The chronology 
and geography of this incident rests on Bede's Life, § 25 ; ed. Giles, p. 291 : — 
' Cum . . electus ad episcopatum Cuthbertus suam remeasset ad insulam . . . 
evocavit eum venerabilis episcopus ejus Eata, atque ad suum colloquium Maiiros 
venire praecepit Quo expleto colloquio, dum domum redire coepisset,' etc. 

* We should never have looked for ' Examford ' on the Tweed, but the 
Survey by Bowes and Ellerkerin 1641 speaks of 'An other forde called Hexham 
forde enteringe into the said ryver of Twede in the said feldes of Warke upon 
the southe syde and stretcheth over unto the said feldes of Caldstreame upon 
the northe syde.' — Hodgson, Northd. III. ii. p. 200, n. There can then be no 
reasonable doubt of this being the same miracle as that recorded in the HUtoria 
de Sancto Cuthberto : ' Postquam vero sanctus Cuthbertus suscitavit puerum a 
mortuis in villa quae vocatur Examforda, dedit ei rex Egfridus terram quae 
vocatur Cartmel, et omnes Britanni cum eo, et villain illam quae vocatur Suth- 
gedluit.' — Symeon of Durham, Rolls ed. p. 200. 

* Vita Lindisf. iv. § 7, Giles ed. p. 376; * Sibba,' Arras MS. ; « Sibca,' Treves 
MS.; 'Sibba,' Act. Sanct. Bolland. 

* ' benedixit aquam et dedit ministro comitis nomine Baldhelmo.'— Bede, 
Vtia S. Cuthberti, § 25, Giles ed. p. 292. Baldhelm's is the only proper name 
that is given by Bede, and not by the Lindisfarne biographer. 

* See above, note 36. When * Examford ' proves to be on the Tweed near 
Wark, and not, as but for the passage quoted from the Border Survey of 1541, 
we might have concluded on the Crake, near Egton in Furness, it is impossible 
any longer with certainty to identify the land and town, given by king Egfrid to 
St. Cuthbert, with Cartmel and Nether Kellet in North Lancashire. Considering 
the locality of the miracle and the general sphere of St. Cuthbert's interests, 
it would be more natural if * Cartmel * should turn out to be the district of 
the Carter Fell, and * 8uth-gedluit' to be South Dean on the Jed. To judge 
from the details of the boundaries of the territories of the two ' Gedweardes * 
(Jedburghs) given by bishop Egred 831-847 to the church of St. Cuthbert, 
Bist. de S. OutbertOj §, Rolls ed. p. 201, this latter district was independent of 
them, and was already known by the name of ' Duna.' 

vol. xvi. !• 


monastery in the neighbourhood, he promised Queen Irminburg to 
follow her to Bamburgh. In the course of his visitation of his 
diocese of Lindisfarne, he came to the 'vicus' of Hemma,* 9 a * comes' 
of Alfrid the new king. This probably stood on the mound called 
Greencastle in KenterdaleP— the old name apparently for the valley in 
the Cheviots at the back of Wooler. Hemma, coming out to meet 
him, thanked heaven for his arrival, as his wife was so ill that her 
life was despaired of, and if only he would bless some water, it might 
shorten her agony or restore her health. The bishop at once blessed 
the water, and gave it to Bede his chaplain, not to be confounded with 
the historian, who sprinkled the patient and gave her some to drink. 
Her recovery was so rapid that she was able to rise and entertain St. 
Cuthbert, herself handing him the loving cup. Cuthbert proceeded 
on his episcopal tour across the Tweed as far as * Bedesfeld,' 41 where 
he had shortly before granted a settlement to some nuns who had 
abandoned their convent further north through fear of an advance of 
the victorious Picts. 42 He was probably recalled to Hexham in 
consequence of the death of bishop Eata, which is supposed to have 
taken place on the 26th October. From Hexham, probably in 
February, he journeyed towards Carlisle, 4 * no doubt along the ancient 
Carel-gate. Half-way between the two cities he spent two days in a 
mountainous country, preaching and confirming at a place called 

" Vita Lindisf. iv. § 3, Giles ed. p. 374 ; * hemma,' Arras MS. ; * hemini,* 
Treves MS. fo. 139, d. ; ' Heanna,' Act. SaneU Bolland. It is right to mention 
that Redesdale and Coquetdale ' met on the Scottish frontier* at a place called 
* Henmer's (or Henmyer's) Well' in the Border Survey of 1604 (printed by Mr. 
R. P. Sanderson, Alnwick, 1891, pp. 41, 84), but apparently ' Hyndemars felde' 
in the survey of 1541 (Hodgson, Northumberland, III. ii. p. 208). 

40 Vita Lindisf. iv. § 3 ; ' in regione quae dicitur Kintis,' Arras MS. ; * hintis,' 
Treves MS.; ' Henitis,' Act. Sanct. Bolland. I was disappointed not to find a 
reading that would identify this * regio ' with the • Cheviots,' as I had expected. 

41 • ad vicum, qui Bedesfeld dicitur,' Vita Lindisf. iv. § 4, Giles ed. p. 375 ; 
1 bedesfeld,' Arras MS.; ' Bedesfled,' Treves MS.; * Bedesfeld,' Act. Sanct. Bolland. 
The place is probably either Bedrule in Roxburghshire, or Bedshield at the foot 
of the Lammermoors, near Polwarth. 

41 'in vicum quendam, in quo erant feminae sanctimoniales non multae, 
quibus timore barbarici exercitus a monasterio suo profugis, ibidem manendi 
sedem vir Domini paulo ante donaverat/ — Bede, Vita 8. Cuthberti, cap. xxx. 
Giles ed. iv. p. 306. This donation to the nuns shows that, whether as bishop or 
not, St. Cuthbert did really possess some property in land. 

4 * Vita Lindisf. iv. § 5, Giles ed. p. 375 ; ' luel,' Arras MS. and Treves MS. p. 
139, d. The Bollandists misread this 4 Vel/ and have to answer for a multitude 
of learned conjectures as to its location. That ' Luel ' was Carlisle is well known: 
— 'Luel, quod nunc Carleol appellatur.' — Hist. Dunelm. Eccl.; Symeon of 
Durham, Rolls ed. i. p. 53. 


'Jlhse 9 or i Echse' 4A probably the Roman statior#of jbsica or Great 
Cheaters. As this was clearly within the diocese of Hexham, it is 
probable that he had undertaken the administration of it till a new 
bishop should be appointed. At Carlisle he received the religions 
profession of the widowed Queen Irminburg, 45 and met for the last 
time on earth his great friend St. Herbert, the hermit of Derwent- 
water. 4 * He then set out to visit Elfled, the abbess of Whitby, and 
to dedicate a church for her at Easington* 1 on the Yorkshire coast. 
On his way he appears to have passed through the village of 
Medomsley, in which the plague was committing frightful ravages at 
the time. 48 At Easington Cuthbert, who as a shepherd, had seen a 
vision of the beatification of bishop Aidan, beheld now as a bishop 

44 ' Qnodam tempore episcopus sanctus profisciscens ab Hagustaldense, ten- 
debat ad civitatem, quae Luel dicitnr. Mansio tamen in media via facta est, in 
regione nbi dicitnr ehse,' Vita Lindisf. Arras MS. ; ' echse,' Treves MS. The 
Bollandiste have ' Alise,' a mistake that might easily arise in making a hasty 
transcript of the Arras MS. where the word is somewhat blurred. If their read- 
ing had rested on independent authority, it wonld have been most interesting, 
since Alislee is the name of a farm just west of JSsica, and we should have had 
the English and Roman name of what was practically the same place side by 
side. The survival of the Roman name so late is, of course, unique in Northum- 
berland ; bnt Luel likewise seems only a contracted form of Luguvallium. 
Ash, in Cumberland, on the King's Water, seems both too near Carlisle and too 
far off the road to the north to enable it to compete with JSsioa, the position 
of which exactly suits all the requirements of the case. After * Hagustaldense ' 
in the passage quoted above, ' civitate * is to be understood. This miracle is said 
in the Vita Lindisf, to rest especially on the testimony of a certain * Penna' 
(Treves MS.), whom the Bollandists call Henna. 

* * Cuthbertus ad . . . Lugubaliam . . . advenit, quatenus ibidem sacerdotes 
consecrare, sed et ipsam reginam, dato habitu sancta conversation^, benedicere 
debe^et. , — Bede, Vila 8. Cuthberti, cap. xxviii. Dr. Giles (iv. p. 301) actually 
translated the latter part of this extract, ' but also to bless the queen herself 
with his holy conversation? Eddi, Vita & Wilfridi, § xxiv. says of queen 
Irminburg, *de lupa, post occisionem regis, agna Domini, et perfecta Abbatissa, 
materque f amilias optima commutata est.' Her name appears in Liber Vitae 
of Durham, Suit. 8oc. Pobl. I can, however, find no authority for Dr. Obser's 
statement, Wilfrid der Aeltere, p. 49, n, that she was afterwards canonised. 

* Bede, Vita, cap. xxviii. 

v 'Osingadun,' Arras MS.; ♦Osingadum,' Jet. Sanct. Bolland. The fact 
that the messenger who left Whitby in the early morning (Bede, Vita, cap. 
xxxiv.) returned to Easington as mass was being sung shows that it could not 
have been Easington in the county of Durham, as at first might be supposed, 
this being then in the diocese of Hexham. Bede, however, says Cuthbert wished 
his final retirement to Fame to be after a visitation, not only of his own diocese, 
but of certain neighbouring monasteries— ' non solum sua circuita parochia, sed 
et aliis circa fidelium mansionibus visitata.' 

* 'medilwong,' Arras MS.; ' medinluong,' Treves MS. Confusing, as usual, 
the early * w ' with 4 p,' the Bollandists have ' medilpong.' I see no reason for 
identifying this place with * Mechil Wongtune/ where king Oswulf was killed 
in 757, 8ym. Dun. Hist. Regum, in anno, which is more probably Great 
(muckle) Whittington, to the north-east of Corbridge. 


himself the beatificttion of the shepherd Hadwald, 4 * whose death was 
confirmed to him by Elfled, who came to him herself into the sanctuary 
as mass was being celebrated. 60 He turned north to South Shields, 
where he received a splendid welcome from the abbess Verca ; 51 and 
it is here, in the company of one of the five saintly women, 
Kenswith, Ebbe, Elfled, Irminburg, and Verca, for whom he always 
evinced especial affection, that the story of his life on the mainland 
closes, immediately opposite the spot on the northern bank of the 
Tyne where he first appeared. Soon afterwards he retired again to 
the storm-lashed rocks of Farne, and died there on the 20th of March, 
687, under the touching circumstances related by Bede. 

Enough has, it is hoped, been said to show that when properly 
studied, the actual wanderings of the historical St. Cuthbert are 
certainly of equal interest to the semi-mythical migrations of his 
shrine. The period of his retreat on Farne was probably shorter 
than has popularly been supposed, but his mission work from the 
centre of Melrose, and his episcopal administration not only of the 
diocese of Lindisfarne but of that of Hexham, account for the mighty 
influence for good that he exerted over so large a tract of country. It 
is not only the more famous islands that we may regard as associated 
with his life, but Chester-le-Street, Wark-on-Tweed, and MdiGAi and 
with a lesser degree of certainty Eoddam, Ilderton, Kenterdale, and 
Medomsley. The more we read of our Northumbrian history the more 
should we feel inclined to put our shoes from off our feet, for nearly 
every spot on which we tread is holy ground. 

* * hadwuald,' Arras MS.; 'haduwaldi,' Treves; M&; 'Hadpuald,' Act. 
Sanct. Bolland. 

*° ' dedicantique eo die ibi ecclesiam, et missam cantantibus in eo loco, ubi 
dicitur * Memento, domine, famulorum.' ' — Vita Linditf. iv. 10. This incident 
perhaps shows more strongly than any other how diametrically contrary to the 
truth are those fantastic traditions of the Middle Ages that make out St. Cuth- 
bert to have been a fierce woman-hater. The restrictions on women in church 
applied to Columban monasteries generally. — Skene, Celtic Scotland, ii. p. 207, n. 

51 It was on this occasion that he is said to have chosen water to drink in 
preference to wine or beer, but to have afterwards changed it into wine : — 
4 Quaerebant quid bibere vellet, rogantes ut vinum, sive cervisiam, afferri liceret. 
'Aquam,' inquit, 'date mihi."— Bede, Vita, cap. xxxv. This shows that he 
regarded the use of neither beer nor wine with disapproval. 



By D. D. Dixon, of Rothbury. 

[Read on the 24th February, 1892.] 

Fob the first glimpse of what may be termed Jacobite sentiments we 
must cast our thoughts back to the great internecine struggle of the 
seventeenth century, when the blood of Cavalier and Roundhead 
darkened many a spot throughout this fair land of England. Then the 
struggle lay between Royalist and Parliamentarian, as in after years it 
lay between Jacobite and Whig. The Royalists in the days of 
Charles I. and the Jacobites of the last decade of the seventeenth 
century and the early part of the eighteenth century were, both of them, 
supporters of the Stuarts, while the Whigs during the same periods 
were, first, the supporters of the Parliamentarian party, next of 
William, prince of Orange, and then of George I. 

The term Jacobite (from ' Jacobus,' the Latin form of James) was 
given to the party who still adhered to James II. after his deposition 
in 1688. The term Whig is said to have been given by the Royalists 
to the Parliamentarians during the days of Cromwell, from the initials 
of their motto, * We hope in God' — whig. It is not for me, neither is 
it the time or place, in whioh to discuss the question of the hereditary 
right of kings, for on this point, even at the present day, there is a great 
diversity of opinion. Look, for example, what an intense interest the 
whole nation took in the Stuart Exhibition of 1889, when Jacobite 
relics of almost sacred associations were sent from all parts of the 
kingdom. There also exist societies such as * The Jacobite League ' 
and 'The Order of the White Rose,' whose object is, amongst others, 
to keep in perpetual remembrance the sorrows and the sufferings of 
the house of Stuart ; to keep the solemn days of the order, notably the 
30th of January and the 29th of May, in commemoration of the 
murder of Charles I. and the restoration of Charles II.; and ' To study 
the history of the house of Stuart and its adherents.' To have openly 
held these opinions— to have published such a oode of rules — would 


during the last century have been accounted high treason. Bat in this 
the nineteenth century the feeling in favour of the Stuarts is supposed 
to be more sympathetic and sentimental than real ; yet the members of 
the orders I have just mentioned are expected to profess certain 
principles, which are expressed in their monthly publication, 1 where 
most able and interesting papers appear relating to Jacobite times and 
Jacobite measures, in which the writers evince a warm sympathy for 
the Stuarts and their unhappy cause. While, on the other hand, we 
can read, almost any day, in the columns of a portion of the English 
press views exactly the opposite. Therefore, it would seem that in this 
advanced age, as well as in '15 and '45, we have amongst us both 
Jacobites and Whigs. 

If during the reading of this paper, my own sympathy for the old 
Jacobites comes out somewhat strongly, I can at least rejoice in the 
companionship of an eminent member of our society. The owner of 
one of the old manors of the RadclifFes, 2 who in 1883, prompted by a 
laudable spirit of admiration and regret at the untimely end of two of 
our brave Northumbrian noblemen, caused a roadside cross to be 
erected between Langley castle and Haydon Bridge, bearing the 
following inscription : — *In memory of James and Charles Viscounts 
Langley, Earls of Derwentwater, beheaded on Tower Hill, 24th 
February, 1716, and 8th December, 1746, for loyalty to their lawful 

Although it was not until the coming of William, prince of Orange, 
in 1688, that the term Jacobite was first used, and the Jacobite 
movement really began, yet it may be of interest if I endeavour to 
show you that the political leanings of the inhabitants of Upper 
Coquetdale were mostly in favour of the Stuarts (or Royalists) during 
the troubles of that melancholy era in our nation's history, the great 
civil war of the seventeenth century. We have in our remote valley 
evidences of this sympathy for the Stuart cause, not only in the 
traditions handed down to us, and in the historical records of that 
period, but it is also found expressed in the pages of the old vestry 
books of our parish church of Rothbury. About the year 1653, 
Ambrose Jones, rector of Rothbury, was ejected from the living, and 
his place filled by Thomes Cotes, some time schoolmaster at Stanton. 
1 The Royalist. » C. J. Bates. 


Probably this person got the appointment through the influence of 
Edward Fenwick of Stanton, esq., who was high sheriff of North- 
umberland during the Commonwealth— 1655— or thereabouts. 8 The 
first intimation we get of opposition on the part of the parishioners 
of Bothbury to the minister appointed by the Parliament is in the 
evident disregard they paid to his repeated injunctions to attend the 
vestry meetings. We can gather from the minutes of meetings held in 
1658 and 1659, that no business could be transacted owing to the non- 
attendance of churchwardens, vestrymen, ancLoverseers of the poor. 
Complaints of this neglect are found entered time after time in the old 
record book during the Commonwealth. But at the Easter vestry 
meeting of April 14th, 1660, just on the eve of the restoration of 
Charles II. — mark the change that came over these men of Coquet ! — 
the minutes of that meeting tell us that 'The names were called, and 
all appeared.' After recording the ordinary business of the meeting, 
the minutes end as follows : ' Some other things of Triviall Concernment 
was done, and some, more weighty, were mentioned, but not done, 
after which they friendly and lovingly parted,' and then as if to 
express their joy at the approaching event, they add, 'vtvat rex 


another piece of local evidence bearing on the subject I might add that 
on the original jamb of an old fireplace in the Black Bull inn at 
Bothbury (now the Newcastle house) there are cut in fine bold relief 
the letters 'B.R., 1660/ This has evidently been done by a person of 
some character, as if to record an event of more than ordinary interest. 
I should say the initials are those of Bernard Bumney, who at that time 
was the village poet and musician. His name often occurs in the 

3 From the following entry found in the pages of the Rothbury Church records 
of that period, in the handwriting of Thomas Cotes, it would appear that Edward 
Fenwick had been the high sheriff of Northumberland somewhere about 1655 or 
1656: — 'A collection was made for the Protestants of Piedmont and Savoy the 
smnme pd. £4 lis. 06d. to Edward ffenwick of Stanton Esq. then High SherinV — 
also in a conversation which followed the reading of this paper Mr. Richard 
Welford pointed out — 'that the date of the shrievalty of Edward Fenwick of 
Stanton was fixed by a deed quoted by him in a paper on Cuthbert Gray (see 
Arehaeologia Aeliana, XI. 72), being the marriage settlement of William 
Fenwick of Stanton, eldest son of the high sheriff of Northumberland, and 
Elizabeth Ellison, daughter of Robert Ellison, high sheriff of the county of 
Durham, and niece of William Gray, author of the Chorographia. It appears, 
however, from a list of the high sheriffs of Northumberland, compiled by Mr. 
Hodgson Hinde, and published in vol. VI. of the Arehaeologia Aeliana, pp. 98- 
104, that Edward Fenwick of Stanton held the office four times in succession, 
namely, from 1656 to the Restoration. 1 


Rothbury charch records as churchwarden after the restoration of 
1660, but never during the Commonwealth. 

No doubt there were persons to be found in Upper Coquetdale who 
took the side of the Parliamentarians against the Royalists. Of this 
party a numerous and influential family named Potts, the owners of 
much property at Sharperton, Holystone and the Trewhitts, during 
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and whose descendants are 
yet in Coquetdale, appear to have been the leaders. On the 24th of 
January, 1648, * Michael Potts of Sharperton, co. Northumberland, 
vintner, was a witness against Charles I.'* But the majority of the 
dalesmen and the country squires, the Selbys of Biddlestone, the 
Widdringtons of Cartington, and the Claverings of Callaly, with their 
tenants and their retainers, fought on the side of the king. Again, 
in the bloodless revolution of 1688, when William and Mary were 
placed on the throne, there were found in North Northumberland a 
few who kept their allegiance to James II. Of this change in the line 
of English monarchs there is no historical record having any special 
reference to Coquetdale ; but, as a link in the chain of events that led 
up to the Jacobite rising of the next century, I may be permitted to 
give a passing notice of one of the bravest of Northumbrian sons, Sir 
John Fenwick of Wallington, * the flower amang them a',' who for- 
feited his life for the part he unfortunately took against William, 
prince of Orange. Sir John Fenwick was beheaded on Tower Hill on 
the 28th of January, 1697. I have in my possession a knife and fork 
of antique pattern, once the property of this unfortunate nobleman. 
Boyer, in his annals of the reign of Queen Anne, states that the horse 
'Sorel,' from which William III. prince of Orange was thrown, 
thereby causing his death, was bred at Wallington, and had been part 
of Sir John Fenwicfc's confiscated property. Taking advantage of 
this strange fatality, the Jacobites, much to the chagrin of the Whig 
party, composed a poem in praise of * Sorel,' beginning ' Illustris 
sonipes ;' whilst, after that fatal occurrence, a frequent toast at the 
convivial meetings of those wicked Jacobites was : — * To the health 
of the little gentleman in the black velvet coat,' which meant the mole 
that made the hillock into which Sorel slipped his foot when he fell 

4 Kennet's Hist, of England 


with the king. 6 It is carious to notice the traditional connection of 
flowers and animals with many of our great national movements, the 
Broom orplanta genista of the Plantagenets, the White and Red Roses 
of York and Lancaster, the White Rose of the Jacobites, even onr 
domestic pest, the common rat, does not escape this distinguished 
honour. One of our members, Dr. Embleton, tells us : — * Of the two 
great parties of rats, contending for supremacy in England during the 
last century, the black was called the Jacobite, the brown the 
Hanoverian, in obvious historic allusion.'' In some of the old Jacobite 
ballads, George I. is often described as the 'Muckle Hanoverian 

I shall now speak of the rising of 1715, one of the most romantic 
periods in the history of our country. This feeling is no doubt looked 
upon by a number of stolid, matter-of-fact people nowadays as mere 
sentiment, to those I would say, we little understand how large a part 
sentiment plays in our lives. On the accession of George I. in 1714, 
that bitterness of political party feeling, which during the reign of 
queen Anne had run so high, rather increased than diminished. It 
was then that the Jacobites made a strenuous but futile attempt to 
place a Stuart once more on the English throne, in the person of 
James, the son of James II. This prince was James III. of the 
English Jacobites — the Chevalier de St George of the French, James 
VIII. of the Scotch — but by the Whig party in England he was called 
the * Pretender.' The outbreak was no doubt hastened by the some- 
what harsh measures adopted by the Elector Sang and his ministers 
against the Jacobites. Many persons of high rank were imprisoned 
on bare suspicion. Then riots took place in various parts. The oak 
leaf (the symbol of Charles II.), was openly worn at Oxford, and the 
effigy of William, prince of Orange, was burnt amidst an applauding 
mob. In this northern county of Northumberland, amongst the 
country squires and the yeomen of bur rural districts the Jacobite 
cause found much favour, and not a few supporters. Whether it was 
the old border love of adventure, mingled with a real wish to have 
James to reign over them, or simply a sentimental feeling of sympathy 
for an exile, a romantic feeling said to have been largely prevalent 
amongst the fair sex of that period, that caused our Northumbrian ' 
* Hodgson's Hvft. of Northumberland, part ii. vol. i. p. 257. 

vol. xvi. M 


gentry to take part in the plot, one cannot tell ; bat whatever the 
motive, a number of the High Tory party, and nearly the whole of the 
Catholic gentry of Northumberland, true to their political traditions 
and steadfast adherence to their hereditary faith, took a prominent 
action in the movement, for which several of the heads of our leading 
families, the very cream of our Northumbrian gentry, forfeited not 
only their estates, but their lives. 

It was early in the month of October, 1715, that the gathering 
discontent of the Northumbrian Jacobites, which for some time had 
been gradually gaining strength, suddenly burst forth into an open 
declaration against the rule of George of Hanover. The Highland 
clans, under the earl of Mar, had already (on the 9th September) 
raised the standard of the Chevalier, and proclaimed him as James 
VIII. of Scotland. Fortunately there exists an account of the rising 
of 1715, written by the Rev. Robert Patten, priest of Allendale, 
Northumberland, one of the chaplains in the Jacobite army. This 
person was taken prisoner with many others, at the defeat of the 
Jacobites at Preston, in Lancashire, but saved his life by turning 
king's evidence ; and, says Barton in his history of Scotland, i holds 
a distinguished place in the annals of infamy.' This volume, known 
as Patten's History of the Rebellion of 1715,' is full of the most 
interesting information respecting the Jacobite movement, and 
although the information is most valuable, yet, as one reads its pages 
those minute records of the daily action and movements of the 
Jacobites by one of their own number, who having himself received 
the king's pardon, coolly turns round and calls his former comrades 
' rebels.' It raises a feeling of disgust at the baseness of the man, 
who having saved his own life in so cowardly a manner, could thus 
write of those whom he had so recently urged on by precept and 

It is rather singular that in the rising of 1745 the well-known 
John Murray of Broughton, secretary to Prince Charles Edward, the 
young Pretender, should have been guilty of the same ungenerous act. 
It would render this paper much too long and tedious, to follow all the 
movements, or to relate in full the various schemes and measures 
planned and concerted in London by the Jacobites during the yeare 
1714 and 1715, in which deliberations two Northumbrian gentlemen 


took an active part, captain John Shaftoe, one of the Bavington 
family, who was afterwards shot ; and captain John Hunter of North 
Tyne. I shall therefore confine my notes as much as possible to the 
county of Northumberland, and more especially to the valley of the 
Coquet. Here I cannot do better than quote the words of the Rev. 
Robert Patten, who, when speaking of the Northumbrian Jacobites, 
says, 8 'the first step towards their appearing in Arms was when 
about the latter end of September the Lord Derwentwater had notice 
that there was a Warrant out from the Secretary of State to apprehend 
him, and that the Messengers were come to Durham that were to take 
him. Mr. Forster likewise having notice of the like Warrant against 
him. Upon this news they had a full Meeting of the parties concerned 
in Northumberland ' (at which a resolution was passed). ' Pursuant 
to this Resolution, an Appointment was made, and notice of it sent to 
all their Friends, to meet the next morning, which was the 6th of 
October, at a place called Oreen rig (in the parish of Birtley, North 
Tyne) which was done accordingly, for Mr. Forster, with several 
Gentlemen, in Number at first about Twenty, met at the Rendezvous; 
but made no stay here, thinking the place inconvenient; but rode 
immediately to the top of a Hill called the Waterfalls, from whence 
they might discover any that came either to join them or to oppose 
them. They had not been long here but they discovered the Earl of 
Derwentwater, who came that Morning from his own Seat at Dilstone, 
with some Friends and all his Servants, mounted, some upon his 
Coach-Horses, and others upon very good useful Horses, and all very 
well arm'd. . . . They were now near 60 horse, most Gentlemen 
and their Attendants ; when, calling a short Council, it was concluded 
to march towards the River Goquett, to a place called PlainfieW 
There is a tradition to this effect^ that the stone stoup or Waterfalls 
comb stands on the spot where Derwentwater mounted his horse to 
ride with the troop into Coquetdale). * Here (says Patten) they were 
joined by others, who came straggling in, and having made some 
stay here, they resolved to go that night to Rothbury, a small 
market Town. Here they stayed all Night, and next Morning, 
being the 7th of October, their number still increasing, they marched 
to Warkworth.' 

• Patten's Hut. of the Rebellion of 1715, pp. 26, 27, 28. 


The reason why the Jacobites fixed upon Plainfield as their place 
of rendezvous in Upper Coquetdale was probably owing to its central 
position, as well as being near that point where the troop coming out 
of Eedewater would enter the valley of the Coquet. Plainfield Moor, 
where it is said they met, forms part of the Harbottle estate, and is 
situated midway between Harbottle and Rothbury, on the lower slopes 
of the Wreigh Hill Pike, and commands a full view of the Cheviot 
hills on the north, is only a very short distance from Biddlestone, the 
seat of the Selbys ; Callaly, at that time the seat of the Claverings ; 
and Cartington, then the seat of the Talbots; all of whom were 
staunch Catholics, and active partizans in the movement. Plainfield 
Moor still exists, and, with the exception of the fences by which it is 
surrounded 7 and intersected, it probably presents much the same 
aspect to-day as it did on that October afternoon of 1715, when those 
loyal hearted Northumbrian Jacobites, led by the earl of Derwent- 
water, gathered round the standard of the exiled prince. Tradition 
points to a fine old [ash tree, which forms a prominent feature in the 
landscape, on the moor between Sharperton Edge and Plainfield, as 
the spot where Derwentwater first unfurled the standard of the prince 
in Coquetdale. During the early part of the present century a farmer 
named Robert Wealleans, residing at the adjoining form of Charity 
Hall, had in his possession, amongst other relics and curiosities, a 
gentleman's leather gauntlet glove, said to have been found on a thorn 
bush near to this ash tree, shortly after the departure of the Jacobites 
to their quarters at Rothbury. 

It is evident that the final step had been taken somewhat hastily 
by Derwentwater and Forster, the leaders of the Northumbrian 
Jacobites, because lord Widdrington 8 only heard of the gathering on 
the evening of October 5th, when, with several members of his family, 
he hurried up the next day to join the earl of Derwentwater at Plain- 
field. There is not a complete list of those of our Coquetdale 
ancestors who, on the 6th of October, 1715, went to swell the ranks 

7 In a map of Rothbury parish, made by Edward Smith in 1816, kindly lent 
me by Mr. James Brook of Hepple, the highway leading from Rothbury to Har- 
bottle is shown as not enclosed, being at that time quite an open road through 
Plainfield Moor. 

8 Hodgson's Hist, of Northumberland, part ii. vol. ii. p. 256 (note 41, 
Widdrington Miscellanea). 


of the insurgents on Plainfield Moor ; yet, along with the men oat of 
Tynedale and Redesdale, we would have found there lord Widdrington 
and his two brothers Charles and Peregrine, John Talbot of Cartington, 
William Clavering of Cailaly, and his kinsman George Collingwood of 
Eelington; Ephraim Selby of Biddlestone and his steward; John 
Hunter of Callaly, laird Ratcliffe of Thropton, and his neighbour James 
Robson, the stonemason, with probably a few family retainers and 
yeomen out of the valleys of the Coquet and the Aln. Towards the 
dose of that stormy autumn afternoon, two horsemen might have been 
observed hastening across the moor, their heads bent down over their 
horses' necks as they struggled against the westerly gale which blows 
hard and strong on that high-lying portion of Upper Coquetdale. 
Suddenly they are surrounded by a band of Jacobite troopers, who 
order them to halt, and without much resistance lead them prisoners 
into the Jacobite camp. The two captives were Justice Hall, better 
known throughout the county as Mad Jack Hall of Otterburn, and 
his man servant. Judging from the remark of Patten, that at Plain- 
field * they were joined by others who came straggling in,' it would 
seem that the movement was more among the squires and well-to-do 
yeomen, than amongst the middle and lower classes of the population, 
and that not many of the common people in Coquetdale joined in the 
rising. It is amusing to learn that whilst several of our Northumbrian 
gentry were induced to join in the Jacobite movement only after much 
persuasion on the part of their Jacobitish friends, we find it was 
exactly the reverse with others, whose friends did their utmost to 
restrain them from taking any part in the rising, and who, when 
force of argument failed, had recourse to extreme measures, as in the 
case of 9 Joseph Forster of Old Buston, a hot-headed, warm-hearted 
Jacobite, known as 'the Old Justice.' This plucky old gentleman 
was actully put in prison by his own relatives until the commotion 
was past, and was only thus prevented from joining the Jacobite army 
at Warkworth. 

The rector of Rothbury, Dr. John Thomlinson, appears to have 
been neutral in the matter, or rather, he may not have had his loyalty 
to the reigning power put to the test. The Jacobite party left Roth- 

• Extract from the Forster deeds, kindly given me by Major Thompson, 
Walwoith hall, Darlington. 


bury on the Friday, and spent the Sunday at Warkworth ; therefore it 
was reserved for the poor vicar of Warkworth 10 to stand the trial 
whether he would, or would not, read the prayers in the parish church, 
according to the dictation of the Jacobite general. One can easily 
imagine the alarm there would be amongst the inhabitants of Coquet- 
dale, as the cavalcade of armed men marched down the valley on their 
way from Plainfield towards Bothbury, and the anxious excitement 
within the little market town itself, when the Jacobites entered the 
wide old-fashioned street, and halted in the market-place in front of 
the i Three Half -moons' and the 'Old Black Bull, 9 and there, under 
the shadow of the venerable walls of the old parish church, pro- 
claimed James the third, king of England. Amongst the Ooquetdale 
Jacobites already mfentioned, we know there were with them that 
night at Bothbury : — 11 Thomas Forster, jun., of Etherstone ,- the earl 
of Derwentwater and his brother Charles ; Philip Hodgson of Sandhoe ; 
Thomas Errington of Beaufront; John Olavering of Berrington; 
William Shaftoe of Bavington and his son John; old Edward 
Shaftoe and his son captain John Shaftoe ; John Thornton of Nether- 
witton; Charleton of the Bower and his son William: the pick of 
Northumberland. How or where the men and horses were quartered 
we are not told ; but, according to a well-known tradition, the earl of 
Derwentwater spent the night under the thatched roof of that ancient 
hostelry the 'Three Half-moons,' now in ruins, the apartment in 
which he slept being afterwards called the earl's chamber. 

The troops of lords Derwentwater and Widdrington are said to 
have been well armed, but the greater part of those who joined in the 
rising was certainly not ; neither were these trained to act in concert. 
The Jacobite army of 1715 has been described as a mob of brave men 
armed with swords, guns, and pistols, which they had not been drilled 
to use. Whether it was in the affair of '15 or '45 I am not sure, but 
it was said that when the Jacobites in one of their marches through 
the county were about to enter the town of Wooler, the commanding 
officer, wishing his men to present a soldier-like appearance before the 
good folks of Wooler, gave the word of command, 'Draw swords,' 
when, much to the amusement of the spectators, a wag amongst the 

10 Patten's But. of the Rebellion of 1715, p. 28. 

11 Lady Cowper's diary, 1714 to 1720, p. 185 (Appendix). 




















crowd shouted, 'And what are they to do who haven't swords?' An 
incident which shows the daring character of the men engaged in the 
movement, also the great lack of arms amongst them, occurred at 
Bothbory during the first week of the campaign. 19 On Friday, the 
14th of October, Matthew Bobson of Bellingham (a Bedesdale 
yeoman), when returning from the Quarter Sessions held at Alnwick, 
proposed on arriving at Bothbnry to bait his horse and have some 
refreshment himself. He had evidently been making his way to the 
'Three Half-moons,' for on riding up the village, he came quite 
unexpectedly upon a company of Jacobites assembled in the Market 
Place. Immediately .on his appearance, as he rode round the 'Black 
Bull' corner, two or three of the Jacobites, Bobert Talbot, William 
Dod, and William Charleton of Beedsmouth (who no doubt knew very 
well that Matthew Bobson was on the Hanoverian side), came forward 
and disarmed him, took possession of his horse, and placed the poor 
yeoman under arrest. After keeping him for three hours in mortal 
terror of his life, with threats to slay him or shoot him, he was released 
and sent off home to Bellingham on foot, a distance of twenty miles — 
his horse and harness, his buff belt, and his trusty broadsword being 
retained by his captors wherewith to arm a Jacobite trooper. 

For several weeks, from the first day of the rising, Bothbnry 
appears to have been the Jacobite head-quarters for the district, and 
was evidently visited and re-visited by roving parties of Jacobites. 
It is recorded that on the 2nd of November, 1715, the inhabitants 18 
4 att Bothbnry were in great consternation by an alarme in the night 
that they would be attacqued, some gott one boot on, and some neither, 
but mounted in great disorder.' The rebel army, however, did not 
molest the town. No wonder,' therefore, that the Government kept a 
watchful eye upon Bothbury, as the following item in the sheriff's 
accounts for the year 1715 will show : — ' For the Sheriff's clerk and 
two Bailiffes expences, by order of the Earl of Scarborough, Ld. 
Lieutenant of the County, in going to Bothbury as spies, £06 08s. 00d.' 
On the 19th of October there was a general muster of the whole force 
of English and Lowland Scotch supporters of the cause held at 
Bothbury. No doubt from its. central position and its easy distance 

n Records of the English Catholics of 1715, by John Orlebar Payne, M.A., 
p. 114. " Newcastle Weekly Chronicle. 


from Scotland, the little Border town was on that occasion considered 
by the Jacobite leaders to be the most convenient spot where they 
could effect a junction of their forces. As I have already stated, the 
Jacobites, on leaving Rothbury on the 7th of October, marched down 
the valley of the Coquet to Warkworth, where they stayed over the 
Sunday, thence to Morpeth, intending to go on to Newcastle ; but not 
being received by the wary merchant burgesses of that important town 
with open arms, as they had been led to expect, the little army, some- 
what discouraged, proceeded up the Tyne to Hexham, which they 
made their head-quarters. On Tuesday, October 18th, a messenger 
arrived at Hexham with the news that the Scottish Jacobites were 
crossing the Borders, and wished their Northumbrian friends to meet 
them at Rothbury. Having also been informed that general Carpenter, 
who had arrived at Newcastle, was preparing to attack them, the 
Northumbrian Jacobites at once decided to proceed northward ; there- 
fore the whole troop, under the command of the earl of Derwentwater, 
left Hexham early the next morning (being Wednesday, October 19th), 
and after halting some time at Kirkharle, marched across the fells, 
and entered Rothbury by the Hexham road late in the afternoon. 
Here they were met by the Jacobites of the Scottish Lowlands, with 
their leaders, lord Kenmure, the earl of Nithsdale, the earl of 
Wintoun, the earl of Carnwath, and lord Nairn, as brave an assembly 
of hardy Borderers as ever met on the banks of the Coquet. It is said 
that men and officers spent a convivial night in true border fashion, 
and we may be sure that many a Jacobite song and many a Jacobite 
toast would ring through the rafters of the 4 Three Half -moons,' and 
the ' Old Black Bull/ on that eventful night. Very fond our Jacobite 
ancestors were of drinking toasts and singing ballads in which they 
expressed their sentiments. Many of the Jacobite toasts were so 
esoteric and seemingly contradictory in their verbiage, that except to 
the initiated it was most^difficult to say which king, Jacobite or "Whig, 
was really being toasted. Besides the well-known toast, 'To the 
king over the water,' the following were often used at mixed meetings 
with perfect safety : — 

' Here's a health to the king, whom the crown doth belong to, 
Confusion to those who the right king would wrong so. 
I do not here mention either old king or new king, 
But here is a health, boys — a health to the true king/ 


Or again — 

• God bless the king, I mean the faith's defender, 
God bless — no harm in blessing — the Pretender ; 
But who Pretender is, or who is king — 
God bless us all — that's quite another thing.' 

Thanks to Sir Walter Scott, to the Ettrick Shepherd, and to the 
compilers of onr own Northumbrian minstrelsy, we have a goodly 
collection of Jacobite songs and ballads handed down to us. Many of 
these songs are yet great favourites amongst the rural population of 
Northumberland. I myself hear them frequently sung at our social 
gatherings in Coquetdale, and how expres8ive and heartstirring these 
old Jacobite verses are, such as, 'There'll never be peace till Jamie 
comes hame,' 'Charlie is my darling,' 'Jamie the rover,' 'Wha wadna 
fight for Charlie,' "The auld Stuart's back again,' and others holding 
up to ridicule the house of Hanover. 'Though Geordie reigns in 
Jamie's stead/ ' Awa, Whigs, awa,' 'Oh, what's the rhyme to porringer,' 
'The wee, wee German Lairdie,' 'The sow's tail to Geordie,' and the 
like. On the morning of Thursday, the 20th of October, the combined 
forces marched from Rothbury to Wooler, where they rested for the 
night, and reached Kelso the next day. The subsequent movements 
of the Jacobite army are too much a matter of general history to be 
repeated in this paper. The leaders, after much discussion and many 
dissensions, decided upon entering England by way of Carlisle, which 
they, did, and penetrating as far as Preston in Lancashire, they 
were totally defeated by the king's forces. Of that miserable affair at 
Preston, when there were taken no less than seven lords and 1,490 
followers, numbering amongst them the finest noblemen in the land, 
I need not relate to you in full. Among the Jacobite prisoners in that 
ignominious march from Preston to London, besides the noble earl of 
Derwentwater, lord Widdrington and his two brothers, William Shaftoe 
of Bavington, his son John and other two of the family, there were the 
Ordes, Forsters, Riddells, Thorntons, Claverings, and Scotts, the 
flower of Northumberland chivalry. 

It may be of some interest if I give a short account of some of those 
brave but misguided gentlemen who were taken prisoners, and the fate 
which befel them. Of the execution (or, as the Jacobite calendar puts 
it) 'the murder of James Ratcliffe,' earl of Derwentwater, and of 
William Gordon, viscount Kenmure, Kenmure as commanding the 


Scotch, and Derwentwater as commanding the English Jacobites at the 
first rising, who were beheaded on Tower Hill, February 24th, 1716, 
I shall only remark that, by a strange coincidence, the reading of this 
paper has fallen on the anniversary of the sad death of these two 
unfortunate noblemen ; whilst, to show how tradition lingers amongst 
our rural population in remote districts, it was only the other day a 
person in Upper Coquetdale told me that from their earliest recollec- 
tions they had heard the 'Aurora BoreahV called 4 Derwentwater's 
Lights.' Patten furnishes us with the names of the prisoners, from 
whose list I shall give the names of a few who were connected with 
the rising in Coquetdale : — * William Widdrington, lord Widdrington, 
Charles Widdrington, Esq., brother to the lord Widdrington of 
Northumberland, Papist, pleaded guilty ; Peregrine Widdrington, Esq., 
third brother to this lord, and aide-de-camp to General Forster, 
Papist; John Hunter, a farmer at Callylee, in Northumberland, 
reputed very rich, he made his escape ; John Clavering, a Papist, of 
Northumberland ; John Clavering, brother to William Clavering, both 
Papists in Northumberland.' 

In his defence, lord Widdrington pleaded that 14 'he went with 
his kinsmen to the assembly at Plainfield in October, 1715, without 
any definite knowledge as to what was intended,' 16 * for although he 
had met with publick rumours and reports of intended invasions from 
abroad, and insurrections at home, yet he never knew, or any other 
way heard of, any formed design against the government, till he was 
told the night before of a meeting intended at Plainfield in North- 
umberland on the sixth of October last ; and being soon after informed 
that almost all his neighbours and acquaintance had there met in arms, 
he took a hasty and inconsiderate resolution of joining them, nor was 
he in any sort prepared for such an undertaking, having only some of 
his own family with him, no arms, but his common fowling pieces, and 
wearing swords.' 16 Notwithstanding this evidence, it was well known 
that lord Widdrington and his two brothers, Charles and Peregrine, 
with about twenty men, joined the Jacobite army at Warkworth on 
Saturday, October 8th. Lord Widdrington was sentenced to death, but 

14 Doran'8 London in Jacobite Times, vol. i. p. 135. 

15 Hodgson's Hist, of Northumberland, part ii. voL ii. p. 256 (note 41 
Widdrington Miscellanea). 

16 Lady Cowper's diary, p. 186 (Appendix). 


afterwards pardoned. William Clavering of Callaly, the chief of his 
house, was over seventy years of age when he joined in the rising. It 
has been a puzzle to many how the Widdringtons, the Selbys, and the 
Claverings, managed to save their lives and their estates after the active 
part they took in the affair of 1715 ; but a perusal of lady Cowper's 
diary makes this matter somewhat clear. Most interesting details 
relating to the trials in London of the Jacobite prisoners of 1715 are 
given in the ' Diary of Mary Countess Cowper, Lady of the Bedchamber 
to the Princess of Wales, 1714 to 1720.' 17 * Her maiden name was 
Mary Clavering, and she was the Daughter of John Clavering, Esq., of 
Chopwell, in the county of Durham, who was himself of a younger 
Branch of the Ancient Northumbrian Family of Clavering of Callalee 
and Axwell, a Race entertaining the Jacobite predilections which were 
then so prevalent in the north of England and Scotland.' She was 
married in 1706 to William lord Cowper, who was then Lord Keeper 
of the Great Seal, afterwards Lord Chancellor, and at the trial of the 
Jacobite prisoners he was appointed High Steward of England. Lady 
Cowper was possessed of considerable personal attractions, and 
although the object of much admiration at the court of George I. 
die preserved an unsullied reputation. Lady Mary appears to have 
sided with the political opinions of her husband in support of the 
Hanoverian succession, rather than with those of her Jacobite kins- 
men. Speaking of the arrival of the prisoners in London, lady 
Cowper gives the following melancholy picture. — l8 'This week 
the prisoners were brought to town from Preston. They came in with 
their arms tied, and their horses (whose bridles were taken off) led 
each by a soldier. The mob insulted them terribly. The chief of my 
father's house (Wm. Clavering of Callalee) was amongst them. He 
was about seventy years old. A desperate fortune had drove him from 
home in hopes to have repaired it/ It was no doubt due to the benign 
influence of lady Cowper, the beautiful Mary Clavering of Chopwell, 
that so many of our north country squires and their followers were 
acquitted or quietly allowed to escape from prison, who would 
eventually return to their Northumbrian homes, sadder and wiser 
men. It fared very differently indeed with the gentle George Colling- 

n Lady Cowper's diary, p. vii. (Preface). ,8 Lady Cowper's diary, p. 62. 


wood of Eslington, of whom even the renegade Patten thus speaks : 
'George Collingwood of Northumberland, a Papist of a valuable estate. 
He was ordered for London, but he was seiz'd with the gout at Wigan, 
and from thence he was carried to Liverpool, and there found guilty, 
and afterwards executed there the 25th of February, 1716. He was a 
very pious gentleman, and well beloved in his country.' Traditions of 
George Collingwood were still current amongst the old inhabitants of 
Whittingham Vale some forty or fifty years ago. It was said that 
Collingwood, like his friend Derwentwater, was strongly urged by his 
wife (a daughter of lord Montague) to take part in the rising ; and 
that when on his way to join the Jacobite army, he turned round at 
Thrunton Crag End, a range of hills south of the village of Whitting- 
ham, and fondly gazed over his fair domain with a sorrowful heart 
and a secret foreboding that he was looking upon it for the last time, 
and that never again would he sleep under the ancient roof -tree of 
the Collingwoods of Eslington. Lady Cowper tells us how, before his 
execution, there were 'sad pleadings.' Poor 'Mrs. Collingwood wrote 
to a friend in town to try to get her husband's life granted to her. 
The friend's answer was as follows : — ' I think you are mad when you 
talk of saving your husband's life. Don't you know you will have 
five hundred pounds a year jointure if he's hanged, and that you 
won't have a groat if he's saved ? Consider, and let me have your 
answer, for I shall do nothing in it till then.' The answer did not 
come time enough, and so he was hanged. 

Amid the corrupt court of George I. it was only with some 
difficulty, and after much bribery, that any petition in favour of a 
Jacobite prisoner found its way to the king. Lord Nairn, one of 
the Scotch Jacobites, after lying many months in prison, and spending 
a large sum of money, was at last set at liberty. The following entry 
from his lordship's diary — which is brief, blunt, but expressive — tells 
its own tale : — 19 ' Gave to lawyers and bitches during that time, 
£1,500.' In Patten's list of prisoners a gentlemen, who for a short 
time resided at Cartington, is described thus : — ' John Talbot of 
Cartington, in Northumberland, a brave young gentleman (his father 
made himself famous for his courage at the siege of Buda, but was 
killed). This gentleman made his escape from Chester.' The Talbots 
}9 Doran'8 London in Jacobite Times, vol. i. p. 281. * 


appear to have succeeded the Widdringtons at Cartington. Of this 
family I have only come across one entry in the Rothtrary Parish 
Register, and that is of a burial : — * November 18th, 1679. Edward, 
fil Mr. John Talbot, Cartington.' This was the last of the Talbots at 
Cartington, for in the register of burials (two years after the '15) is 
found December 25th, 1717. 'John, fil Mr. John Fenwick, Carting- 
ton.' In the July of 1716, twenty-four Jacobites were condemned to 
death, but through the intercession of the duchess of Shrewsbury, 
twenty-two of them were reprieved. The two unfortunate exceptions 
were Parson Paul, a Church of England clergyman, and Justice Hall 
of Otterburn. Doran 80 relates the following incident which took place 
at the execution of these two unfortunate men : — ' As Justice Hall was 
standing meekly at Paul's side, a cowardly Whig ruffian in the crowd 
threw at the doomed man a stone which reached its aim. The poor 
gentleman bowed his head in acknowledgment of the civility, turned 
to the hangman, and died without fuss or protest.' Patten relates a 
conversation, which he remarks * has something diverting in it,' which 
took place between William Shaftoe of Bavington and John Hall of 
Otterburn, whilst prisoners in Newgate : — * Couzin Jack (said Shaftoe) 
I am thinking upon what is told us that God will visit the sins of the 
fathers unto the third and fourth generations. I am of opinion that it 
is so with us ; for your grandfather and my grandfather got most of 
their estates as sequestrators ; and now we must lose them again for 
being rebels.' The explanation Justice Hall gave of how he got 
entangled in the Jacobite rising is a little curious, and often enters 
my mind whilst crossing Plainfield Moor : — 21 ' Two witnesses deposed 
that they had seen him in the company of the rebels ; but he alleged that, 
on a tempestuous day, as he was returning home from a magistrates' 
meeting on Plainfield, while he was leaning forward to screen himself 
from the weather, he was suddenly surrounded by rebels, who forced 
him and his servants away with them, though he was unarmed, and 
had only seren shillings and sixpence in his pockets.' 

To the list of noblemen and gentlemen who were taken prisoners 
at Preston, Patten adds the names of their servants and followers. 
Two of these, I think, I have been able to identify as Coquetdale 

" Doran's London in Jacobite Times, vol. i. p. 260. 

" Hodgson's Hist, of Northumberland, part ii. vol. i. p. 113. 


men, viz., William Ratcliff and James Robson. Other names rather 
uncommon also occur in the list, such as Rowland and Tasker, which 
are frequently met with in the Rothbury parish register. William 
Ratcliff is (I should say) that laird Ratcliff of Thropton, whose death 
is recorded in the register of December 16th, 1720. Whilst of James 
Robson we find a note to a song in * Bell's Rhymes of Northern Bards ' 
(1812), page 250, which says : ' This song is imperfectly compiled from 
part of a " Satyr upon Women," wrote in Preston prison in 1715 by Mr. 
James Robson, a freeholder in Thropton, near Rothbury, Northum- 
berland, at that time a musician in the rebel army. He sung the satyr 
aloud, at an iron-barred window looking into a garden, where a lady 
and her maid were walking. After the song was finished, the former 
says : " That young man seems very severe upon our sex ; but perhaps 
he is singing more from oppression than pleasure ; go give him that 
half-crown piece," which the girl gave him through the grating, at a 
period when he was at the point of starving. 9 It would appear that 
this Jacobite bandsman had at length been set at liberty, for on looking 
through that portion of the Rothbury parish register then specially set 
apart for Papists and Dissenters, I find there were Robsons (Papists) 
residing in Thropton 200 years ago. Between 1705 and 1714 there are 
frequent baptismal entries of the children of James Robson of Thropton. 
In 1714 these entries cease ; but in 1723 we find amongst the burials, 
' Mary, wife of James Robson, Thropton,' and then on May 6th, 1757, 
the burial of our hero himself is recorded thus : — ' James Robson of 
Thropton/ In searching through our parish register for the several 
items just quoted, I could not help observing what I thought to be 
one of the symptoms of the unsettled state of society during that 
period of which I have been speaking, the palpable decrease there is 
in wedding entries. It is said of our own day that marriages are more 
numerous in prosperous times than in times of commercial depression. 
So we find in the Rothbury register there were in 1713, twenty 
weddings ; in 1714, fifteen weddings ; in 1716, there were fifteen 
weddings ; while in 1715 there were only seven. Burials and 
christenings went on as usual ; in fact, on the very day that the 
Jacobites marched from Plainfield to Rothbury there was a christen- 
ing from Flotterton :— « Oct. 6, 1715, Margt., fil Michael Potts of 



The following extracts from the session records of Northumber- 
land show that both before and after the Jacobite rising of 1715 
the government, through the reports of the High Constables to the 
Quarter Sessions, obtained a complete register of the names and 
places of abode of all the Soman Catholics in the county : — 

(Bastsb Sessions, 1714.) 

A List of the Papist Houses in ye West Division of Koket-dale Ward. 

John Vint in hepple. 

Mr. James 8elby in AUenton. 

Mr. Robert King ) . ^. JJt _ 
T , ^ , } in Biddle8tone. 

John Reed ) 

Mr. Fenwick Robson in healey. 

Thomas Hunter ) . _ , , 

^ w } in Rothbury. 

George Hunter ) 

William Rbadhbad (High Constable). 

A List of ye Papistts names of Rothbury pairish August ye 16 th daye 1715. 

Mr. John Talbot •> 

Willie Dod I"**** 

Mr. Thomas Story in Low Trewhit. 

Edward Givens ) 

u l n v I m Sniter. 

Peter Robson ) 

James Robson in Thropton. 

George Robson in ye Spittle. 


Mr. John Talbot in Cartenton. 

William dood in Cartenton. 

Mr. Thomas Story in Trewghett. 

Mr. George Story in Trewghett. 

peeter Robson in Snitter. 

George Robson in Snitter. 

Edward Jineings in Snitter. 

George Besford in Snitter. 

Mr. Francis Huntredge in Throptton. 

James Robson in Throptton. 

George Robson in Thropton Spittle. 
Thomas Hunter in Rothbury. 
George Hunter in Rothbury. 
John Hunter in Rothbury. 
Mr. Fenwick Robson in Healey. 
William Hunter in Thorney-haugh. 
John Hunter in ye Raw. 
John Denntt in Hepple. 
Hendry Johnstone in Flotterton. 
John Reiveley in ye Busy Gapp. 

Christtefer Davison in Throptton. 

At Hedgeley August ye 19 th 1715 this return made by George Chaitter high 
Constable for ye West Division of Coquetdale Ward. 

A List of ye papists names of Allington parish and Halleystone August ye 
19* 1715. 

Mr. Robert King in Bittleston. 
George Rutherford in Bittleston. 
John Reed in Bittleston. 
Thomas Rutter in Bittleston. 
John Grey in Bittleston. 
John Sprote in Bittleston. 
William Walles in Bittleston. 
Alexander Luke in Bittleston. 
John Brown in Bittleston. 

Franke 8cott in Bittleston. 
Alexander Rutherford in Borrowtown. 
Thomas Potts in Borrowtown. 
Mr. James Selby in Allington. 
John Jameson in Harbottle. 
Marke Scotte in Harbottle. 
John Robson in Foxton. 
George Stavert in Halleystone. 
John Gardner in Fairnham. 

Thomas Davisen in Bittleston. 

At Hedgeley August 19 1715 this return was made by George Chaitter 
high Constable for ye West Division of Coquetdale Ward. 



Papists in ye North Division in Coquetdale Ward August 19 1715. 



High Houses .., 

John Clavering esq. 

— Moodey. 

— Moodey. 
Luke Blakelock. 
W m . Avery. 
James Gardiner. 
Mr. John Hunter. 
Geo. Collingwood esq 
Cuthbert Blakelock. 
John Wilson. 

John Ferry. 
W m . Cowley. 
Mich. Brown. 

Mountain of ye 

Edlingham ... 

John Blagdon. 
John Perey. 
Christopher Perey. 
W m . Robson. 
John How. 

Mr. George Morrison. 
John Heslipp. 
Alexander Himer. 
Tho*. Snawdon. 
W m . Snawdon. 
— Snawdon, a Brother 
of ye same. 

At Hedgeley, August ye 19 th , 1715, this return made by ffergus Storey, high 
Constable of the North Division of Coquetdale Ward. 

In 1718, this system of espionage, if we might so call it, still 
continued in force, for an entry in the Session Records reads thus : — 
I John Hopper High Constable for the North Division of Coquetdale ward 
do hereby certifie that I have made Diligent Search and Enquiry for such persons 
as were concerned in the late Rebellion but have found none only the following 
persons hereunder named who formerly were residing within my Division and 
about the time of the Rebellion withdrew themselves and went abroad and are 
suspected to have been concerned therein but are not now to be mett with in 
my Division. As witness my hand the 14 th day of January 1718. 

(Signed) John Hoppeb. 
John Hunter of Calliley high-houses. George How of the same. 
Tho $ . Selbye of Calliley. Henry Brown of Eslington Miln-house. 

Jno. How of Whittingham. George Downey of Thrunton. 

In a letter from Thos. Burrell, esq., of Broom Park, to Thomas 
Ord, esq., Clerk of the Peace, dated Jan. 12, 1718-19, he says : — 

The bearer John Hopper High Constable for this Division haith to my 
knowledge made deligent search for ye Rebels in these partes but they are so 
wise as to get out of ye way and tho' he hath often made it his business to finde 
them yet to no purpose as I believe he will be reddy to make oath thereoff. 

About the same time, Robert Readhead, High Constable for the 
West Division of Coquetdale Ward, gives the following report : — 

John Vint of heple. Edward Greings of Snitter, John Talbot of Carting- 
ton, John Henderson of Cartington, Thomas Davidson of Bittlestone, Roleand 
Robson of healey weare psons formerly Resideing within my Division and 
about the time of the Rebellion withdrew themselves and went abrode and are 
suspected to have beene concerned in the Late Rebellion but are not now to be 
found in my division. George Story of Cartington I have taken and caryed him 
before Thomas Collingwood Esq. As witnes my hand this 14 th Jan. yr 1718. 

(Signed) Robert Readhead. 



By Edward Batbson. 

[Read on the 29th September, 1892.] 

I recently had occasion to examine a large number of documents at 
Merton college, Oxford, bearing upon the history of Embieton, many 
of which will shortly appear elsewhere. In the course of my search I 
came across some memoranda written in contracted Latin upon long 
narrow slips of paper ; the writing being in many places faded and 
difficult to read. 1 Upon examination it became evident that the 
memoranda were the rough notes of the daily expenses of a journey 
of one of the bursars of the college from Oxford to Embieton and 
back in the year 1464. 

The object of the bursar's journey was no doubt to superintend 
business connected with the rectorial tithes of the two Northumbrian 
livings of Embieton and Ponteland, which belonged to Merton college. 

Any record of a journey from one end of England to the other at 
so remote a period must be of great interest, but more especially 
daring the troubled time to which this reoord refers. For it will be 
remembered that the battle of Hexham was fought in May, 1464, 
and the state of affairs was such that in the same year Edward IV. 
ordered the sheriffs to proclaim that every man from sixteen to sixty 
should be well and defensibly arrayed and ready to attend on his 
highness at a day's notice. It is surprising, therefore, that a long 
journey should have been undertaken by a private individual at such a 
time, and more especially when the road led to the seat of the greatest 
disorder. But an examination of the record itself may afford some 
valuable conclusions as to the general state of the country at that time. 

The bursar started from Oxford on Monday, August 13th, 1464, 
*.«., the Monday preceding the Feast of the Assumption. Being the 
first day of his long journey he was anxious not to make himself stiff 
by riding too far, and only got as far as Buckingham, about 17 miles. 

1 Merton Coll. Deeds, No. 2,858, on paper 140 lines, 4 inches wide. 
tol. xvi. 


He there bought a halter, probably to lead one of his pack horses, and 
supped on ducks, bread and beer. On Tuesday, August 14th, the eve 
of the Feast of the Assumption, he dined at Bedford, and he must 
therefore have ridden about 25 miles before mid-day. He had roach, 
from the Ouse at Bedford, for dinner, with bread and beer, and 
pushing on in the afternoon he reached Gamlingay, a little village in 
Bedfordshire, by night. Merton college has still some property at 

He appears to have timed his journey to arrive at Cambridge, to 
celebrate the Feast of the Assumption, on Wednesday, August 15th. 
On that day he dined with the master of St. John's. It should be 
remembered that this individual was not the master of the present 
foundation, but master of the Hospital of St. John, which stood on 
the site of the college of the same name. The bursar was wise in his 
choice of a host on this occasion, for the hospital was wealthy, and the 
extravagant sums spent by the canons of St. John's upon their commons 
afforded shortly afterwards a reason for the suppression of the estab- 
lishment. He spent the afternoon of the feast-day in drinking beer 
with a companion, and treated himself to sixpennyworth of meat for 
supper. The object of the bursar's visit to Cambridge was no doubt 
the transaction of some business connected with the Merton college 
property there. The name of Merton hall, the old house facing the 
Madingley road, still recalls the connection of the ancient Oxford 
college with the University of Cambridge. 

On Thursday (August 16th) the bursar again dined with the 
master of St. John's. In the afternoon, like some modern graduate, 
he walked to the picturesque village of Grantchester, about two miles 
from Cambridge. There he spent the afternoon with his friend Lacy, 
and refreshed himself with beer and carp — the latter probably caught 
in the mill pool, then recently made famous by Chaucer. On the same 
day he bought a horse comb. 

Besuming his journey on Friday (August 17th) he reached Hunt- 
ingdon, 12 miles distant, in time for the midday dinner. Pushing 
on after dinner he reached Stamford, 20 miles from Huntingdon, 
by night, having therefore travelled 82 miles in the day. A payment 
for candles shows that he sat up after it had become dark. 

Before starting on Saturday (August 18th) the usual draught of 

TO BMBLETON IN 1464. 115 

beer was taken as a stirrup-cap. Grantham (15 miles) was reached 
by dinner time, Newark (12 miles from Grantham) in time for sapper. 
The day's jonrney of 37 miles ended at Tuxford. 

On Saturday night the bursar cast up his account for the week's 
jonrney and found that his expenditure amounted to 10s. lid. He 
had only eaten butcher's meat once, viz., on Wednesday, the feast- 
day, his other meals had consisted of bread and beer, with fresh-water 
fish, or an occasional duck. 

Resuming the road on Sunday (August 19th) he travelled by way 
of Blythe (8 miles) where he dined, to Doncaster (16 miles) where he 
mended his saddle. The day's journey was short, and ended at Went- 
bridge, 23 miles. Meat was eaten twice, at dinner and supper, in 
observance of the day. 

On Monday (August 20th) he dined at Wetherby (14 miles) and 
ended the day at Northallerton, a day's journey of 84 miles. 

The next day (Tuesday, August 21st) he went to Stillington, where 
Morton college had property, 9 and arrived at Durham (23 miles). 

Wednesday (August 22nd) he spent in Durham, attending to the 
shoeing of his horses. 

Thursday (August 28rd) was the eve of the Feast of St. Bartholo- 
mew, which he celebrated by the exceptional luxury of two pennyworth 
of wine with his dinner in Newcastle-upon-Tyne. He arrived on 
Thursday night, after a ride of 19 miles, at the Merton college living 
of Ponteland. 

He proceeded on the following day, Friday (August 24th), to 
Bothbury (12 miles) and Bolton ; and thence he had to take a guide 
to lead him across Alnwick Moor to Alnwick. The distance from 
Bothbury to Alnwick is entered in a memorandum of the distances at 
the end of the paper as only 8 miles, but it is in reality much more. 
As there was no regular road the bursar seems to have trusted to his 
memory for the distance. 

At Alnwick the bursar's long journey was virtually at an end, and 
he therefore celebrated his safe arrival by a dinner on Saturday, upon 
which he spent the sum of one shilling. This was more than double 
the usual cost of that meal, and would be equivalent to at least ten 

* The Rolls for Stillington are at Merton college. They are very numerous 
and voluminous. 


shillings at the present day. No doubt every obtainable delicacy 
graced the bursar's board on that occasion. 

As he was to dine with the Abbot of Alnwick on the following day 
(Sunday) he expended a penny in shaving. The expenditure of the 
week amounted to 9s. 7^d. : a total for the fortnight of 20s. 6£d. 

On Sunday (August 26th) he dined with the Abbot at Alnwick 
abbey, and on Monday (August 27th) he arrived at the end of his 
outward journey at Embleton. The bursar appears to have entertained 
a large party at Embleton, at both dinner and supper on that day. 

His journey north had occupied exactly a fortnight, but it must be 
remembered that he had not come direct from Oxford. He had only 
had twelve days of actual travel, and had traversed in that time a 
distance of about 256 miles, and therefore his average day's journey 
had been rather more than 21 miles. 

The bursar stopped at Embleton for a month, and did not leave 
that place until Friday, September 28th, when the harvest would be 
well over, and the tithe corn safely stored in the college grange. 

On his return journey the bursar dined on Sunday (September 80th), 
the feast of St. Jerome, with the Abbot of Newminster, and stayed in 
Newcastle until Wednesday, October 3rd. On his return his calvacade 
was composed of at least four horses, for he got three horses re-shod in 
Newcastle, and he also mentions another — a white horse. Either he 
himself or some of his party seem to have fallen ill in Newcastle, for 
he had to spend eight pence on some medicines there, and four pence 
on some sort of surgical instrument. Possibly he had caught a chill, 
as he began to pay for fires on Tuesday, October 2nd. 

Either this illness or some other cause delayed the party in Durham 
from Tuesday, October 2nd, to Saturday, October 7th, and when the 
journey was resumed one of the party rode on a crupper specially 
bought in Durham, with a new bit. An item of expenditure at Durham 
was 2s. 64 for a salt, apparently medicinal. Two curious items also 
are 4d. for two citations, and 2s. 6d. for a * malediction,' perhaps 
a form of exorcism. The bursar followed the same road by which 
he had come as far as Northallerton, when he struck across the 
Yorkshire moors to Newburgh, near Coxwoid. In noting his expen- 
diture the bursar describes the latter place as 4 Newburgh, namely 
the new borough, where Saint Saviour is.' There was an Angus- 

TO EMBLETON IN 1464. 117 

tinian priory at Newburgh, and the bursar alludes here to a miraculous 
image of St. Saviour, at Newburgh, which was au object of pilgrim- 
age in the Middle Ages from many miles around. At Newburgh he 
spent 2d., on 'minshynys,' a provincial word meaning a small piece 
as applied to food. Hungry children on receiving a small piece say 
'what a minchin to give me.' At the present day Newburgh park, 
the former priory, is associated with the memory of Oliver Cromwell, 
whose heart is said to be mouldering somewhere within the walls of 
Sir George WombwelTs house. On Wednesday, October 10th, the 
bursar proceeded to York, and travelling by way of Doncaster, 
Worksop, Mansfield, Nottingham, Leioester, Eibworth, and Daventry, 
he reached Oxford on the evening of Monday, October 15th, having 
been absent about two months. 

At the end of his itinerary he has noted down a few miscellaneous 
items, euj., for an excommunication 8d., for gaiters for a member of 
the party 10d., for a guide from Bedlington to Newcastle 6d. 

Not the least interesting feature in the document is a memorandum 
at the end of the various distances from one place to another on the 
outward journey. Where the high-road was followed these distances 
are fairly accurate, but in the more remote regions they are not quite 
trustworthy, e.g. the bursar estimates the distanoe from Alnwick to 
Embleton as only four miles. The bursar seems to have bought the 
horse, upon which he rode himself, for twenty shillings. The total 
cost of the journey, inclusive of everything, amounted to £6 7s. 3d. 

Looking at the document as a whole, our feeling is possibly one of 
disappointment that no reference whatever is made to contemporary 
events. The bursar and his servants jogged on from day to day in 
perfect safety, and covered their twenty or thirty miles a day with 
unfailing regularity. No toll was exacted and the roads were good. 
We might have expected some distant echo of the clang of arms to 
have penetrated even this formal document, but it cannot be said that 
the bursar's memoranda strike anywhere a martial note. Whilst 
feudalism was dashing itself to pieces in the mighty conflicts of the 
civil war the country at large was absolutely peaceful ; and whilst the 
great lords were involved in mortal conflict, the humble traveller could 
proceed from one end of England to the other without let or hindrance. 
We are sometimes told that England, during the Wars of the Roses, 


was given over to ruin and bloodshed. Upon statements of this 
nature the bursar of Merton's memoranda furnish a valuable if sober 
commentary. The document itself is as follows : 

MD. quod exitus mens versus Northumbriam erat in die lane immediate 
precedente diem assumpcionis B. Marie viz. xiij° die Augusti, anno regni regis 
Edwardi IV U IV to , unde inprimis, in dicto die lune, in cena apud Bukyngham 
anatis iij d , in pane obolus, in cfervisia] ij d , et pro capistro obolus, et pro prebend' 
equorum per noctem illam et matutinum diei martis vij d . 

In die martis viz. in Vigilia assampcionis B. M. Virginia in prebend' equorum 
j d ob\ In prandio apud Bedford in roche iiij d , in pane ob', in cervisia iij d , in 
prebend' equorum iij*, in nocte apud Gamylgay in pane equino iiij d . 

In die mercurii, scilicet in die Ass. B. M. in prandio cum magistro Sci. 
Johannis apud Cantebr'. In cervisia cum Cokwes post nonam ij d , in cena cum 
Rav5 Hych in pane j d , in cervisia iij d , in carne vj d . 

In die Jovis, in prandio cum magistro Sci. Johannis, item post' nonam cum 
Lacy apud Graunceter in cervisia et carb' iiij d , in cena cum Ravff Hych vj d , 
in prebendo equorum a matutino diei mercurii usque ad matutinum diei Veneris 
xxix d , item pro pectine equino iiij d . 

In diei Veneris, in cervisia apud dominum (?) Cokwes j d , in prandio apud 
Hyntyngdon in pane ob. in cervisia ij d , in piscibus iiij d ob, in prebendo equorum 
iij d , item apud Styllton in cervisia ob. in prebendo j d , in nocte apud Stavnford 
in pane ob. in cervisia ij d , in prebend* equorum vj d , in candelis ob. 

In die sabbati, in cervisia ibidem ante exitum ob. in prandio apud Grantham 
ob. in pane j d , in cervisia iij d , in piscibus iiij d , in prebendo equorum ij d , in cena 
apud Newark in pane j d , in cervisia iij d , in piscibus ij d , in prebendo ij d , in nocte 
apud Tuxford yn cleey in pane ob, in cervisia ij d , in candelis ob, in prebendo vij*. 
Summa x' xi d . 

In die Dominico apud Blythe, in prandio, in pane ob, in cervisia ij d , in carne 
iij d , in prebendo ij d , in cervisia apud Dankaster j d ob. in emendacione selle j*, 
in prebendo ij d , in cena apud Wentbryygg in pane ob, in cervisia ij d , in carne iij*, 
in candelis ob. in prebend vj d . 

In die lune, in prandio apud Wethurby in pane ob. in cervisia ij d , in carne 
j d , in prebendo ij d . Item apud Borobryg in pane, cervisia, et carne iij d , in 
prebendo j d , in cena apud North Allerton in pane ob. in cena j d , in carne ij* ob. 
in prebendo iiij d . 

In die martis in prandio apud Styllyngton, in nocte in cena apud Durham, 

in cena ii j d , in f errura iiij d , in prebendo a 
tempore introitus in villain usque ad recessum xij d . 

In die Jovis, scilicet in vigilia Sci Bartholomei, in prandio apud Novum 
Cast rum vj d , in vino ij d , in nocte apud Ponteland in avenis iiij d . 

In die Veneris in prandio apud Rothysbury iiij d in prebendo ij d . Item 
cuidam ducenti me a Bolton ubi architi[us] ? usque ad Anwyk ij d , in cervisia 
ibidem et in prebend' iij d , in nocte apud Alnewyk in cervisia j d . 

In die sabbati in prandio apud Alnewyke xij d , in rasura j d , in cena Alnewyke 

TO KMBLETON IN 1464. 119 

In die dominico in prandio cum abbate de Alnewyke, in cena cam Davyson 
ibidem vj d . Item in prebendo a tempore introitus usque ad exitum xx d In die 
lone in prandio apud Emeldon xij d , in cena ibidem xvj d . Item in cervisia ibidem 
in nocte j d . 

In die martis in prandio ibidem iij d . Summa iiij" x d . 

In die Sabbati scilicet in vigilia Sci. Michaelis in regressu apud Alnewyke in 
prandio et prebend* xij d . In nocte apud Moorpath, in cena iiij d , in prebend viij d . 
Somma ij*. 

In die dominico scilicet in die Sci. Jeronimi in prandio cum abbate Novi 
Monasterii, in nocte in cena apud Novum Castrum, in pane, cervisia et came apud 
Fo 1 ** iiij d , in prebendo viij d . In regarda cujusdam equitantis mecum a magistro 
Johanne Eland vica m apud Bedlyngton versus Novum Castrum vj d . Item cuidam 
equitanti ad Newbyggyng pro D n0 Thoma Pyshwyk iij d . In die lune que est 
prima dies Octobris, in prandio apud Novum Castrum, et in cena, et in prandio 
in die martis, et in cena eadem die, et in nocte diei martis, et in prandio in die 
mercurii per totum hoc tempus in Novo Castro ij\ Item in prebend' ij* vj d . 
Item in ferrura trium equorum de novo ij*. Item pro equo albo in prebend' ix d . 
Item viii d pro medicinis, item pro artificio iiij d . Item pro prebend' ejus expost (?) 
v*, item pro uno equo pro Roberto Mawnder equitanti mecum ad Durham per 
ties dies et dim' xiiij* 1 . Summa xj* ij d . In cena apud Durham vj d . 

In die Jovis, in prandio nostro vj d , in cena iii j d . 

In die Veneris, in prandio iiij d , in rasura j d , f ob M et candelis j d , ob. in vino 
ij* 1 , in cervisia cum magistro Roberto Bartram ij d . 

In die Sabbati in prandio viii d et pro aliis in prebend' equorum a die mercurii 
ad noctem usque ad diem Sabbati in matutino ad exitum iij" viij d . Item pro 
gyfreno et croper viij d . Item ad Walterum pro Sallt ij* vj d . Item magistro 
Eoberto Bartram pro feodo procuratoris iij* iiij d . Item pro duobus citationibus 
sibi iiij d . Item sibi pro maledictione ij s vj d . Item Roberto Mavnder xvj d , in 
cena apud Stillyngton, summa xxx s v 4 ob. Summa hac usque lvj B x d . 

In die dominico, videlicet septimo die Octobris, in prandio apud Stillington. 
In die lune, in prandio cum Hertylpolle apud Aolce, in prebend' ibidem iij d , in 
cena apud Darlinton vj d , in prebend v*. 

In die martis, in prandio apud North Alderton iii j d ob, in prebend' ij d . Item 
apud New burgh, scilicet novum burgum, ubi sanctus salvator est. In minshynys 
ij*, in prebend' ij d , et hec erat dies Sci. Dionisii, in nocte in cena apud Creek vj d , 
in prebend' v 4 . 

In die mercurii in prandio apud Bboracum xj d , in prebend' iiij d ob. in vino 
iij 4 , in cena apud Wentbrygg v*, in prebend' et fo b,u et igne vj d . 

In die Jovis, in prandio apud Dankaster iij d , in prebend' ij d . Item apud 
Dankaster ob. in cena apud Wussop vij d , in prebend' et candelis et fo*"" vj d . 

In die veneris in prebend' apud Maynesfold ij d , in prandio apud Notyngham 
v 4 , in prebend' iiij*. 

In die Sabbati apud Leycester, in prandio cum tenentibus de Barkby, Roberto 
Johnson et clerk, et aliis x d , in prebend' iiij* 1 , in cena apud Kybworth cum 
Johanne clerk. Summa ix B iiij d . 

In die dominico in prandio apud Kybworth cum clerk in nocte, in cena apud 
Dawyntree viij d , in prebend' vij d . in die lune in prandio apud Bakley viij d , in 
prebend iiij d , in cena Oxon', vj d . Summa ij § v d . Summa totalis iiij u vj* vij d 


ob. Memorandum quod Walterus habuit de me in camera mea apud Oxoniam 
post hoc iter ix". 

Item Walterus habuit pro faciacione ocrearum suarum apud Durham vel 
Newcastell x d . 

Item deliberavi Waltero apud Durham pro salet ij*. Item Walterus habuit 
de me ante exitum suum ab Oxonia mecum versus boream xx d . Summa xiij* vj d . 
Item ad sequestratorem episcopi dominum Ricardum, pro vicario iiij 01 " marcas. 
Item pro visitacione x s . Item ij* viij d pro excommunicacione. Item in vino 
cum ipso iiij d . 

Memorandum quod dedi cuidam conducenti me a Bedlynton usque ad novum 
castrum vj d . Item eidem equitanti ad dominum Thomam Fyshwyk iiij* ij d . 

Cantebr. Huntyngdon xij ml, Stavnford xx, Grantham xv, Newerk xij, 
Tuxford in Cleey x, Blythe viij, Dankaster viij, Wentbryg vij, Appulford x, 
Wether by iiij, Borrowbrig viij, Topclyff iiij, Northallerton viij, Zaru viij, Styl- 
lington v, Durham xij d , Novum Castrum xij d , Ponteland vij, Rothysbury xij d , 
Alnewyk viij, Emeldon iiij. 

Memorandum de xx d solutis ad Lacy pro plumbo, item de xiij* iiij d episcopo 
pro institucione, item de viij d datis Magistro W m0 Gysburne scribe episcopi. 

Memorandum de v 8 solutis Ravf Hych pro Johanne falcatore murorum de 
Merton hall. Item solut' Ravf Hych pro equo meo xx 8 . Item Mag"* W mo 
Labovrne iij 8 iiij d . Item data ad servum ejus iiij d . Item officiali vocato D* 
Roberto Wateon xiij* iiij d . Item Walterus habuit ad equitandum ad Durham 
pro sequestro etc. iij* iiij d . Summa vj n vij* iij d . 



a paper founded principally upon manuscripts in the 

possession of Mr. William Woodman, of Morpeth. 

By Frederick Walter Dbndy. 
[Read on the 27th day of September, 1892.] 

' Nam hoc pertinet praeclara noetri poetae sententia : — 
Laudato ingentia rura, exiguum colito.' 

The manor and the township are both descended from one archaic 
parent, the village community. 3 

At an early date the manor became the nucleus of agricultural and 
landowning rights and duties ; and the parish, a later institution, has 
since become, for most purposes, the administrative unit of imperial 
and county machinery. The township has thus been bereft of much 
of its ancient vitality and importance, but as a landmark of past 
history it has more value than either the manor or the parish. For 
whilst grants of the drown and transactions between landowners have- 
influenced the extent of manors, and whilst ecclesiastical requirements 
have determined and varied the limits of parishes, the present bound- 
ary line of the township is still in most cases identical with the 
original metes and bounds of the rural colony who peopled it from 
pre-historic times. 8 

1 1 had completed the outline of this paper and prepared the appendices to 
it before I knew that the bishop of Peterborough (then canon Creighton of 
Embleton) had written a paper founded largely upon the same materials, which 
paper, under the title of 'The Northumbrian Border' was read by him at 
the annual meeting of the Archaeological Institute, at Newcastle, in 1884, was 
published in MacmiUan's Magazine for October, 1884, was also published with 
appendices in the Archaeological Journal, yol. xlii., and was reprinted as a 
pamphlet, which 1 am informed is now scarce. 

* Gomme's literature of Local Institutions, p. 171. 

9 A parish is a precinct within a diocese (Selden, p. 80). Several townships 
may be contained in the same parish (Comyn, Title, Parish) and, per contra, 
several parishes may exist in one township (Fleta, 4, c. 15, s. 9.) As to the 
institution and gradual increase of parishes and parish churches, see Kennett's 
Parochial Antiquities, yol. ii. p. 269. " The term manerium seems sometimes 
used for the whole honour, hundred, or holding of the chief lord ; sometimes 
for a single holding, whether or not commensurate with a vill or township, held 
of a chief lord ; sometimes for a collection of such holdings which their lord for 
convenience had treated as one manor, holding the courts for all in one of them, 
sometimes merely a dwelling or mansion house, as in ' Stanmore Abbas Johanne 
manerium constraxit ' ' Manerium de Ky verdale f uit integraliter combustum.' 


The village of each country township was, up to recent times, to a 
large extent independent of the outer world ; for it was isolated by 
the difficulties of inter-communication and was self-supplied with all 
the necessaries of life. Its fields and live stock provided food and 
clothing, its wastes timber for building, and turves for fuel. 4 The 
women spun the yarn and wove the clothing, and the men tanned the 
hides of the slain cattle in the village tan vats, and made them into 
breeches for themselves 6 and harness for their beasts of draught. 8 
Each township had its mill and bakehouse to which the inhabitants 
were bound to bring their corn to be ground and their dough to be 
baked, and it was a treasured and exceptional custom of the favoured 
burgesses of Newcastle-upon-Tyne in the reign of Henry I. that each 
burgess might have his own oven and his own hand-mill, saving the 
right of the oven of the king, the lord of the manor of Newcastle- 
upon-Tyne. 7 

A few years since, a theory prevailed that the communities settled 
in the townships of England were, at the outset of the history of the 
English in this island, free communities, which gradually degenerated 
into the serfdom of the middle ages. 8 That theory has been shaken 
by the researches of Seebohm 9 and De Ooulanges, 10 who have traced 
the existence of these village communities in a state of serfdom back 
to the time of the Roman occupation of this island. These writers 
advocate the view that the origin of the Norman manor and the Saxon 
township is to be found in the rules which regulated the serfs and 
colonists attached to the Roman villa. The fact that the two-field 
and three-field systems, which prevailed in England on manorial 
estates from the earliest times have never been at all general in the 
corner of the continent from which the English came, supports the 

In the vill we have the township, which the bishop of Chester treats as the unit 
of the Anglo-Saxon polity, and which had in itself public duties in criminal 
administration apart from any relation to a lord. The goods of fugitives were 
to be delivered ' a la ville poor nons en respondre.' " Scrntton on Common 
Field*. 12. 

4 Prothero's Landmarks, 2. Ashley's JSoonomio History, 35. 

• Dr. Jessop, Nineteenth Century, June, 1892, p. 972. 

e An old lady I knew in Lincolnshire always made her own soap in the 
early days of her housekeeping, and on many farms in Norfolk the wood-ashes 
are still saved to scour the dairy utensils. 

• Acts of Parliament of Scotland, i. 33, 34. Stubbs's Select Charters, p. 112. 
8 Green's The Making of England, p. 182. 

• 8eebohm's Village Community, p. 438. 

10 The Origin of Property in Zand, by Fustel de Coulanges, p. 150. 


supposition that the Tillage community, as found in this island, did 
not originate with these immigrating English settlers. 11 Bnt instead 
of ascribing the township organisation of agriculture to the Romans, 
many have recently thought that it originated in the relationship 
which existed between the Celts and the pre- Aryan aborigines of these 
islands before the Romans appeared on the scene ; and that Borne 
left the village communities of Celtic Britain as England would leave 
the village communities of the India of to-day * untouched in their 
inner life, but crystallized in their form by pressure from without, 
and that the after-arrival of the Teutons affected the inner life of 
those communities, but did not affect their outer shell.' 13 

The importance of the customs of these ancient communities to 
students of history and of social science has only been fully realised 
during the latter half of the present century. The study of the sub- 
ject was started in Germany by Maurer and Nasse, 18 was continued in 
England by Sir Henry Maine 14 (who brought to bear on the subject 
his knowledge of similar communities in India), in France by Fustel 
de Oonlanges, 16 and in Russia by Eovalesky 16 and Vinogradoff. 17 

' They cull for the historic page, 
The truths of many a doubtful age, 
Thus are their useful labours shewn, 
New lights on darkling times are thrown, 
And knowledge added to our own.' 19 

The clear and exhaustive investigations of Mr. Seebohm, narrated in 

his English Village Community, and the descriptions of other modern 

writers, 19 have made us now well acquainted with the general outlines 

11 Hanssen, quoted by Seebohm, 372, 373, and Ashley's Economic History, 15. 

13 Qomme's Village Community, 292, and see Lewis's Ancient Laws of Wales, 
201, 236. From an article by Mr. Seebohm on ' Villeinage in England ' contained 
in the Royal Historical Review for July, 1892, it would appear that he himself 
is now modifying towards this direction the views on the subject which he 
expressed in his main work in 1883. See also the account of the early land 
tenures of the Celtic inhabitants of Scotland contained in Skene's Celtic 
Scotland, vol. iii. 

11 A list of the principal German works on the subject is set out in Appendix 
II. to Maine's Village Communities in the East and West. See also Sir R. 
Morier's description of the German Communities in his report to the Government 
in 1869, republished by the Cobden Club in a work entitled Systems of Land 
Tenures in various Countries, p. 243. 

14 Village Communities in the East and West. 
a The Origin of Property in Laud. 

M England* s Social Organization at the Close of the Middle Ages (in Russian). 
Modern Customs and Ancient Laws of Russia (London, 1891). 
K Villainage in England. 

18 Death and the Antiquaries. 

19 For the latest accounts see especially Ashley's Economic History, vol. i. 
pp. 5-68 ; Vinogradoff 8 Villainage in England, p. 224 et seq.; Prothero's ' Land- 
marks in British Farming,' Agricultural Soc. Journ. vol. iii. 3rd series, pt. L 


of the open field system of husbandry : a system which prevailed in 
this country from pre-historic times down to the end of the middle 
ages and lingered in many parts of England well into the present 
century. 20 

Whilst the main features of the system generally have now become 
so well known as to need no further explanation, a desire still exists 
for information as to its prevalence in particular localities, and as to 
local variances in custom and nomenclature which may possibly throw 
new light on the subject as a whole. 

Workers in every county are utilizing the information which may 
be gathered from local records with regard to the characteristics of 
the village life of its former inhabitants ; and it is with the view of 
placing before the notice of those interested in such matters in North- 
umberland the materials which Mr. Woodman has collected upon this 
subject, that he has asked me to write upon it a paper to be read 
before this Society. 

In doing this I must, for the sake of making myself plain, go over 
much ground that has been trodden before, both upon the subject 
generally and upon its local application. Although many of our 
members have interested themselves in the topic, very few papers have 
been read and very few discussions have taken place upon it. To 
some members it may even be new in some of its elementary proposi- 
tions. If, therefore, I can pave the way for future original papers and 
discussions founded on fresh local knowledge there will be reason as 
well as excuse for my taking but little for granted in presenting the 
subject to your notice. 

Whether the village communities of which we have been speaking 
were formed of originally free or originally servile cultivators, and 
whether their system of husbandry was organized under compulsion or 
by voluntary effort may be doubtful, but there is no doubt that the 
vast majority of the tillers of the soil were in a state of serfdom at the 
commencement of the time covered by extant written records in 
England. The villans, or customary tenants of the village lands, 
laboured not only for themselves but for a lord in authority over them. 

70 Nassc's Agricultural Communities of the Middle Ages, pp. 6, 84. Interest- 
ing particulars of the somewhat similar communal system of co-operative 
agriculture still existing at the present day in Russia will be found in Wallace's 
Russia, 4th edition, voL i. pp. 144 and 179-209. 

Archaeology Aeliava, Vol. XVI. 

To face page 125. 


yfcthmviifou Village intite. 

middle, rtih&lB^Cextiury 



In Northumberland, as elsewhere, the township in the middle 
ages almost invariably possessed the following characteristics. There 
were in the village the houses of the cultivators with little garths 
adjacent to them. As jet there were no isolated farmhouses, such as 
we see in these days scattered here and there among the fields. They 
belong to a later period, for their establishment and erection followed 
upon the subsequent enclosure of the open fields and commons. 

Near the clustered houses of the cultivators stood the village 
church (if the township was also a parish), the village mill, and the 
hall or castle of the lord or chief landowner or of his bailiff. This 
hall or castle was the mamor or plas of the Celts, 31 the aula of the 
Romans, the hall of the English, and the manoir of the Normans.* 2 

Beyond and around the village was the arable land, divided into 
great fields or flats, usually three in number. In that case they were 
worked on a three field rotation of crops, one being appropriated for 
autumn sown corn (*.*., wheat or rye), one for spring sown corn (».*., 
barley or oats), or for peas and beans, and one was left Mow. 38 
These fields were again sub-divided into furlongs or squares or shots, 
placed very often at right angles to each other, with headlands or head- 
riggs between them, on which the plough turned, and by which access 
was gained to these smaller areas. Each furlong was divided into 
acre or half acre strips, separated from each other by balks of un- 
ploughed turf, 34 and these acre or half acre strips were usually known 
in the south as sellions** or stitches,™ and in Northumberland, Scotland, 
and Ireland, as rigs. 

n Lewis, 230-233. The address * Manor Hall Place,' not unfrequently met 
with, is a pleonasm similar to that contained in the name ' Derwent- water Lake.' 

M Le manoir, maison, masnre, avec la cour & jardin doit de relief trois sols 
pourru qu'il ne contient pins d'une acre ; fc s'il en contient moins, il doit pareil- 
lement trois sols. Codtumes de Normandie, 1685. Article 159. Le vieux manoir 
de Turdy, edifice elegant dans sa force. George Sand's Mademoiselle de 
Qvintinie, p. 7. 

a A two field system is also found very often, Vinogradoff, 255. Canon 
Taylor in * the Plonghland and the Plough * (Domesday Studies, 144) and Mr. 
Prothero {Landmarks of Farming ', p. 10) think that the two field course was the 
more ancient. In the manor of Milton in Cambridgeshire there were four 
common fields. The three field system was the prevailing one in Northumber- 
land, at any rate in the late middle ages. 

M In a terrier for the manor of Milton the furlong is used as a superficial 
measure, each furlong containing 20 acres. These furlongs were therefore oblong 
in shape, as a square furlong would contain 10 acres. 

* Milton terriers of 1699, 1637, and 1707. Penes J. P. Baumgartner, esq. 

* Lewis, 493. 


Where the strips were acre strips they were usually a furlong or 
furrow long (220 yards) in length and 4 rods or perches (22 yards) 
in breadth, and where they were half acre strips they were still usually 
a furlong in length, but they were only two rods instead of 4 rods in 
breadth. Except in counties where the customary acre differed in size 
from the statute acre the common field acre corresponded with the 
statute acre fixed by the ordinance of Edward I., which declared that 
40 perches in length and 4 in breadth make an acre, and a ploughman 
still measures his acre in the same way, for he will tell you that eleven 
score yards long and 22 yards broad make up the acre that he ploughs. 

The strips were distributed in equal proportions amongst the culti- 
vators in such a manner that each man's holding was made up of a 
number of acre or half acre strips lying apart from each other in the 
several square or oblong furlongs of which the three fields were com- 
posed, and these strips were so dispersed amongst similar strips held by 
his neighbours that no man, while the system remained intact, held 
two contiguous strips. Each individual holder was bound to cultivate 
his strips in accordance with the rotation of crops observed by his 
neighbours, and had rights of pasture over the whole field for his 
cattle after the crops were gathered. 

Besides the three arable fields there was usually attached to each 
township a meadow called a lot meadow? 7 a lammas meadotv** or 
leazes. 29 This meadow was divided into portions by lot, or rotation, 
for the purposes of hay harvest and after that time was thrown open for 
the cattle to graze upon it. In most cases there was also, beyond the 
arable fields and meadow, a large space of uncultivated ground consist- 
ing of woodlands and rough common, into which the cattle of the 
cultivators were turned either without stmt or stinted; or, in other 
words, restricted to number of cattle, sheep, and horses, proportioned 
to the extent of each man's holding. This wild ground also afforded 
to the cultivators turves for fuel, heather for thatching and bedding 

* Scrutton, 3. * Seebohm, 11. Vinogradoff. 260 

* Lord Coke says ' leswes ' or ' lesues ' is a Saxon word, and signifieth 
pastures. Id a Jesmond deed dated 1667 occurs the expression '5 riggs or 
leazes of ground and 3 riggs or leazes and one tongue or half rigg of ground 
lying in a place called the Long Fridaries in Jesmond Field/ See also * leys of 
land lyine in the Shieldfield,' Welford's Newcastle, ii.172; *les rigges in the 
Shieldfield,' Welford, ii. 258. In the Saxon version of the Reetitudines (ancient 
laws, etc., Record edition, 188) common pastures are called genuene Usee. 


and house bote, hedge bote, and plough bote, that is material for repair- 
ing their houses, fences, and ploughs. 

The full number of strips in the open arable fields which belonged 
to each customary homestead in the village, with the meadow and 
common rights also appurtenant to it, was called throughout England 
a yardland, in Dorsetshire a living, meaning the holding of a family, 10 
in Kent 81 and Essex 82 a "wista", in Cambridgeshire a "Jull land," M in 
the North of England and in Scotland a ' husband land, 9 * 4 or a ' whole 
tenement! 16 and in Northumberland and in the North of Durham a 
'farm ' or 'farmhold.'** 

The number of acres in the arable fields constituting such a yard- 
land varied in different localities. There seems to be a general 
consensus of opinion that 30 acres was the most usual quantity. 87 
The author of Sheppard's Touchstone, who wrote at a time when this 
form of holding was common throughout England, states that 'in 
some countries it doth contain 20 acres and in some countries 24 acres, 
and in some countries 80 acres/ 88 In Littleport a ' full land ' con- 
tained 12 acres, 89 and Professor Vinogradoflf 40 gives instances of other 
quantities, varying from 15 to 80 acres, as the normal holding, but 
states that 80 acres is perhaps the figure which appears more often 
than any other. 

Some of the cultivators held only a half4and or bovate or ox-gang, 
which was half a yardland ; and according to the Boldon Book for the 
estates of the bishop of Durham (1183) as quoted by Mr. Seebohm 41 
there were in Boldon 22 villani, each holding two bovates, amounting 
together to 80 acres each ; whilst at Whickham there were 35 villani, 
each of whom held one bovate or ox-gang of 15 acres. 

In almost every township there were also a few cottagers holding 
each a cottage and a smaller number (usually from 2 to 5) of acres in 

* Lewis, p. 49S. n Curt. Batt. xiii. 

n Spelman's Glossary, Title * Wista.' The word is probably the same as the 
British word, Quests, meaning the amount of food or money in lieu of it payable 
to the lord of the manor. Domesday Studies, vol. i. 271. 

* Maitland's Court Baron, p. 109. 

* Seebohm, p. 61. Scotch Legal Antiquities by Cosmo Innes, p. 242. 

* Ovington deed of 1607. 

* As to Northumberland, see the instances cited in Appendix A. Westoe 
and Harton in North Durham paid their church rate to Jarrow by the number 
of farms at which they were rated in the old parish books until after the year 
1810. Nicholl's Collectanea, vol. ii. p. 46. 

* Seebohm, 27. * Preston's edition, 93. 

» Maitland's Court Baron, 108. «• P. 239. 4I P. 69. 


the arable common fields. The holder of a yardland contributed two 
oxen to the ploughing of the common fields, including those strips that 
were in the hands of the lord as part of his demesne or home farm ; 
the holder of a half -land or ox-gang contributed one ox for the same 
purpose ; whilst the services of the cottagers never included ploughing, 
since they did not possess oxen, 43 but they paid rental in eggs and 
poultry, and contributed a share of weekly labour. 

Where the strips were stunted by abutting upon some obstacle, 
such as a river 43 or highway, they were called butts. The term is 
common throughout England and in Northumberland. There were 
butts in the west common field of Corbridge 44 and North Butts and 
South Butts in the common fields of Elswick. 45 There were also butts 
in the fields of Jesmond. 46 There was a close called the Eight Butts 
in Westgate in 1801 47 and numberless other instances might be cited. 

Where the strips were compelled from the lie of the land to taper, 
or, in other words, to assume a wedge-like shape, they were called 
gores, a term which still survives in dressmaking and wooden ship- 
building. One of the common fields of Benwell, next the Scotswood, 
was called Gore Piatt. 48 

Besides the number of acre or hatf acre strips, making up the 
quantity which each cultivator held in the arable fields, he had also his 
proportionate share of the meadow strips or hay bounds (which were 
enclosed up to hay-harvest and were afterwards thrown open for 
pasture) and of common in the waste, so that if there were, say 10 
full tenements in the township, and the township consisted of, say, 
2,000 acres, the holder of each tenement would (although he might 
probably hold only 30 acres in the cultivated fields), have an interest, 
subject to the rights of the lord of the manor, in 200 acres altogether 
of arable, pasture, wood, and common, forming in the whole a tenth 
part of the entire township. 

Amongst the manuscripts in the possession of this Society is an 
account by Mr. Hodgson Hinde of the township of Ovington. Speak- 
ing of its condition in the seventeenth century he says . — 

42 Ashley's Economic Hittory, p. 10. 

41 ' Et habebunt istas buttas usque ad filum aquae predicts.' Record quoted 
by Cowell, Title, Filum aqua. 

44 Corbridge Enclosure Book. «* Elswick deed of 1722. 

45 Jesmond deed of 1677. « Westgate deed of 1801. 
48 Augmentation Office Record, 1660. 


The homesteads of all the farms within the township were situated in the 
village of Ovington, with two exceptions, Ovington Hall and Wellbura. Oving- 
ton Hall lay almost contiguous to the village, but the land which belonged to it 
was generally enclosed and divided from the rest of the township. The lands 
of Wellburn were partly enclosed and partly intermingled with those of other 
proprietors. With the exception of some small garths and crofts adjacent to the 
village of Ovington the remainder of the township was undivided and consisted 
of two portions : the town fields, containing about 600 acres, and the common 
pasture, containing upwards of 100 acres, which was called the Ox-close. Besides 
this the customary tenants of Ovington (who had acquired the freehold of their 
holdings by purchase from the Crown's Escheator after the attainder of the earl 
of Westmorland) had a right of common, jointly with several other townships, 
on an extensive tract of open land called Shi 1 don common, containing between 
1,600 and 1,700 acres. The Ox-close lay to the north of the town fields and was 
divided amongst the freeholders about the year 1680. The town fields consisted 
of three portions — the Low Field lying between the River Tyne and the road 
from Ovington, the Middle Field and the North Field; the two latter lying 
between the Low Field and the Ox-close and separated from each other by an 
occupation road called 'Fallow Field Way' leading eastward from Ovington 
towards Whittle Dene. 

In 1708 these town fields were divided by commissioners appointed 
by the freeholders. In 1749 an Act of Parliament was passed for 
dividing Shildon common and the proportion thereof falling to Oving- 
ton township was also awarded amongst the freehold landowners of 
Ovington so that the acreage of the original whole tenements which 
consisted of 21 acres each 49 of arable land was increased propor- 
tionately by the division of the ox-close or common meadow in 1680 
and again proportionately by the division of the common or waste 
land in pursuance of the Enclosure Act ; since which time the land of 
the township has all been held as enclosed land, cultivated according 
to the present methods of husbandry. 

To come still nearer to Newcastle, there were in Elswick, in the 
reign of James I., ten whole tenements, and there appertained to each 
of them 2 acres of meadow ground and 24 acres of arable land, 6 ox- 
gates and 2 horse-gates in a several pasture, 6 beast-gates 'on the 
moore ' and * for 30 sheep there.' 50 The same survey as to Benwell 
states that : 

All the said tenants being xv in all, and xv entire farms, doe holde to everye 
tenant particularlye as followeth : a house, a barne, and a garth, arable land 
20 acr., meadowe land 2 acr., pasture gates for vi oxen vi young beasts two 
horses and xx* sheepe. 

• Ovington deed of 1588. *° Land Revenue Office Survey, Northumberland, Jas. I. 

vol. xvl Q 


This survey states another interesting fact as to the tenants of 
Ben well, namely that the fishings and mills were not, as is usual, in the 
hands of the lord, but that the tenants held in their occupation 'by 
ancient custome' the fishings on the Tyne and the water corn mills at 
customary rents which they equally divided amongst them, and these 
rents were added to the rents of their farms. The customary tenants 
of the historic manor of Aston and Cote in Oxfordshire had in 1658 
similar fishing rights. 61 

No map has been published showing the common fields and the 
acre strips in them for any township in Northumberland. Good 
examples of such maps are to be found in Seebohm's Village Com- 
munities for the township of Hitchen in Hertfordshire, 68 and in Canon 
Taylor's Domesday Survivals for Burton Agnes in Yorkshire. 68 Mr. 
R. R. Dees, one of our members, has in his possession a manuscript map 
showing the common fields and common field strips for a township in 
Durham county, and Mr. R. 0. Heslop, another of our members, has in 
his possession a similar manuscript map for the township of Corbridge 
in Northumberland. When the Corbridge enclosure award was made 
in 1777 four half acre strips, lying side by side, were apportioned to 
different owners, and have been separately cultivated as half acre strips 
up to the present day. I produce for your inspection a survey of these 
four strips as they appear in the year 1892. 64 It will be observed that 
they are approximately a furlong in length and 2 rods in breadth, and 
although they are only half acre strips you will see that they are wider 
than the 'rigs' or 'sam-casts' 86 used for drainage purposes in enclosed 
fields. It will also be observed that there are wide grass balks separat- 
ing each strip from the others, and that each strip instead of being 
straight has a double curve giving it an S shape, which is much more 
apparent when the strips are actually viewed in perspective. These 
bends, which have been remarked upon by several writers on the 
subject, are due apparently to the swerve of the plough-oxen in the 
centuries of continuous ploughing which the strips have undergone ; M 
and the sweeping curves to be found in the hedges of our oldest country 

81 Gomme's VUlage Communities, 136. 

** Frontispiece and facing pp. 6 and 28. 

M Domesday Studies, vol. i. p. 64. 

u Kindly prepared for me by Mr. Scott of Corbridge. 

* See Mr. Baty's letter in the Newcastle Weekly Chronicle for the 4th of 
June, 1892. 

* Domesday Survivals, p. 61. 

Archat'oloyia Aeliana, Vol. XVI. 

Four Ancfarit 


Scmic ad 

To fact jtage 130. 



^jJWWjarCTrarasL^as-^ \ \ LAm 

> .j«»«K JSIBM»3««» M 


Quarry (M*m~) ^^ 


r Bcrehm 

* T T T T 



lanes and enclosed fields, are doubtless, in most cases, a perpetuation of 
the trend of the acre strips, whose course they followed. The two 
westernmost strips have, unfortunately for their continued identification, 
recently come into possession of one owner (Mr. Straker) and the balk 
between them is consequently being ploughed away and becoming 
indistinguishable. I think if the owner knew what old-world interest 
attached to them he would take measures for preserving what is still 
left of the dividing balk. 

In the year 1832 Mr. William Woodman, as solicitor for the master 
of the Morpeth Grammar School, revived a Chancery suit instituted 
in the year 1710 to set aside an improvident lease which had been 
granted by the bailiffs and burgesses of Morpeth in 1685 to Nicholas 
Thornton, of lands in the township of Netherwitton, which lands had 
been made part of the endowment of the school on the dissolution of 
the chantry of Netherwitton in the reign of Henry VIII. 

At the time the lease of 1685 was granted the lands of Nether- 
witton had been neither divided nor enclosed, and the portions 
belonging to the charity lay intermixed in the common fields. The 
family of Thornton, by purchases made both before and subsequently 
to the granting of the lease, became, in course of time, the owners of 
the whole of the rest of the township, and they had, previous to 1710, 
destroyed all traces of the boundaries of the charity lands, and enclosed 
and brought into cultivation the ancient arable lands, the meadow, and 
large portions of the waste and woodlands. 

In order to recover the charity lands in the suit commenced in 1710 
and revived in 1832, it was necessary to distinguish them from the rest 
of the land of the township, and under the circumstances it may readily 
be conceived that this was not an easy task. No such light had then 
been thrown on the common field system as now exists. Its historical 
importance had up to that time been almost entirely overlooked, and 
although scattered instances of the existence of the system still 
remained, they were, towards the end of the eighteenth century, and in 
the early part of the nineteenth century, looked upon as abnormal, and 
not as having been, as they have since been shown to be, the ancient 
universal method by which agricultural lands were held in this country. 

Brand, the historian of Newcastle, writing his history in 1789 was 
evidently puzzled with the account of the Castle Leazes in Newcastle, 


which he quoted from Bourne as follows : — 67 

The place was formerly the inheritance of divers persons owners thereof, 
who were accustom e J, from ancient time, to take the fore-crop therof yearly, at 
or before Lammas Day, and after that, by an ancient custom, all the Burgesses 
of the Town used to put in their kine and used the same in pasture of them till 
Lady Day in Lent yearly and then to lay the same for meadow again until Lammas. 

The Rev. John Hodgson, the learned historian of Northumber- 
land, knew little or nothing of the subject when he was consulted 
upon it by Mr. Woodman ; and Kemble, the author of the Saxons in 
England, writing to Mr. Woodman in 1849 says : — 

It was indeed little to be imagined that a system, whose details I had 
induced from such a heap of heterogeneous arguments, and from so many 
isolated facts, should be after all found to exist as it were under our eyes. I 
trust it is not only a feeling of gratified vanity and selfishness that causes me 
to rejoice at this confirmation of my view. It has quite given me much comfort 
and much strengthened my confidence in the methods and nature and results 
of my investigations. 

Mr. Woodman found from the ancient grants and leases dating 
from before the time when the land was parted with, and from the 
evidence taken by commission in 1710, that the whole of the town- 
ship of Netherwitton, at the time the lease was granted, consisted, 
and that in 1710, although it had then been enclosed, it was still 
deemed to consist, of 19£ farms, and that of those 19^ farms, 5£ 
farms formed the charity estate which he was seeking to recover. It 
was his object to show that those 5£ farms formed an aliquot propor- 
tion of the entire 19£ farms into which the township was divided, or, 
in other words, that each of those 19£ farms was of exactly equal 
value, and that he was therefore entitled, in respect of his 5£ farms, 
to exactly ££ of the total value of the entire township of Nether- 
witton, which was still, in 1832, held as one property by Mr. Raleigh 
Trevelyan. It had devolved on him through the marriage of Walter 
Trevelyan with Jane, the heiress of James Thornton. 

Mr. Woodman was met at the outset by the difficulty that, at the 
time when he was reviving the suit, the word farm had in ordinary 
parlance no such equational meaning as that which he sought to 
attach to it ; and that it was, in 1832, used in Northumberland, 
as it was elsewhere in England, in the modern and general acceptation 
of the word, as expressing merely a parcel of land uncertain both as 
87 Brand, vol. i. p. 438. 


to extent and value. There had even been so early as the beginning 
of the reign of Elizabeth a legal decision in a case of Wrottesley v. 
Adams, 53 laying down the general local acceptation of the word in 
England in a sense different from that which he sought to establish. 

The definition in that case had been adopted by Lord Ooke, and 
by the editors of all the law dictionaries published after that time* 
In that case Anthony Brown, (Justice) and Dyer, (Chief Justice) 
decided that farm was : — 

A collective word consisting of a messuage with the lands, meadows, pastures, 
woods, common and other things appertaining to it, and that the messuage was 
not a common messuage and that the lands were not of the quantity of the other 
lands ordinarily belonging to the other messuages in the same township but was 
a chief messuage in the town, and that the lands belonging to it were of great 
demesne and more ample in quantity than the demesnes belonging to the other 

Mr. Preston also, who was the great authority on conveyancing 
matters in the beginning of this century, added the following note to 
the above definition of the word farm where it occurred in his edition 
of Shepherd's Touchstone, published in 1820 : — 'By the word farm 
is understood : ' Any such quantity of land in all its varieties and to 
any extent as are occupied by one tenant.' I think perhaps he would 
have been still more correct if he had added the words * at one rent.' 

Mr. Woodman, however, made enquiries as to what had formerly 
been the meaning of the word farm in all the parishes lying around 
Netherwitton ; and he collected in support of his case a remarkable 
series of affidavits from the leading agricultural authorities connected 
with the parishes which stretched from Elsdon in the north-west 
to Tynemouth in the south-east of the county, showing that in all the 
townships of all those parishes the word farm had been used to denote 
an aliquot part of an entire township, and that each township con- 
sisted of a certain recognized number of these ancient reputed farms. 

The witnesses who made affidavits to that effect in 1847 included 
many names well-known in the county of Northumberland. I may 
here mention those of William Forster of Burradon, Thomas Arkle 
of Elsdon, Middleton Henry Dand of Hauxley, Robert Swan of 
Bedlington, and Francis Brummell of Morpeth, and the names of 
other Northumbrian agricultural authorities carrying equal weight 
will be found set out in Appendix A. 

» Plowden, 196. 


Their evidence proved that * Ohurch Bates and Poor Rates, Land 
Tax, Parish Clerks 1 Fees, and Lord's Bents were assessed and paid by 
farms, each farm in every case contributing an equal sum, and that in 
some cases the custom was continued almost to the present day 69 that 
property was described in deeds as so many farms and parts of a farm, 
that commons were stinted and divided according to farms and parts 
of a farm which each proprietor of ancient land had ; and that the 
reputation of the meaning of the word as an aliquot part of an entire 
township was almost universal in the county. It was so used in 
terriers prepared by the collective wisdom of the parish in deeds of all 
kinds, in rate books, in court rolls, and proceedings in the Court 
of Chancery. 1 

Vice Chancellor Shadwell, the judge before whom the suit was 
tried, after carefully reading the affidavits, stated in court that they 
had convinced him that the word farm had been used in the county 
of Northumberland in a sense different from that which was usually 
attributed to it. 

It is impossible in this paper to do justice to the evidence which was 
collected relating to each parish and township, but I have endeavoured 
to epitomise it in Appendix A. One affidavit on the point was so 
conclusive and valuable that I have thought it best to set it out in 
full in the body of my paper, both as an example of what the other 
affidavits are like and also because it possesses a peculiar interest of 
its own ; inasmuch as it speaks to facts which still affect many 
property owners in 1892. The affidavit is made by the late Mr. 
Cuthbert Umfreville Laws, who was then the deputy steward of the 
manor of Tynemouth. The value of this affidavit is enhanced by the 
fact that this division of townships into ancient farms still exists in 
theory in the transactions of the manor of Tynemouth at the present 
day. The copyhold tenants of that manor still pay annually the hall 
corn rent which represents the weekly work the original villan had to 
perform in ploughing for, sowing, and reaping the lord's corn ; 
commuted first into a corn rent and then into a money payment ; the 
boon day rent, which represents the additional services or precari® 
which they rendered — services generally acknowledged by the lord 
finding them provision upon the day they were so occupied ; and the 
*• Th6 above sentence occurs in a brief written in 1847. 



shire rent, which represents either the tenant's contribution to the 
payment for county purposes which was assessed upon the lord in 
respect of the entire manor, or possibly a rent payable for the right of 
pasturage on the Shire Moor, or; possibly a rent payable by all the 
householders in the ancient shire of Tynemouth — for the parts of 
Northumberland known as Tynemouthshire, Hexhamshire, Norham- 
sbire, and Bedlingtonshire, are supposed by some to be divisions of 
the ancient northern kingdom of Bernicia. 

In surrenders and admittances which I have passed this year 
before Mr. Edward Leadbitter, the present steward of the manor of 
Tynemouth, copyhold land is still described as a quarter of a farm, 
meaning a quarter of the ancient holding of one customary tenant ; 
and I venture to think that there are few instances still existing in 
any part of England where traces of the ancient village community 
are so practically impressed upon the transactions and dealings of so 
large and influential a number of nineteenth century property 
owners as they are in the manor of Tynemouth to-day. 

Mr. Laws's affidavit is as follows : — 

I, Cuthbebt TJmfbbvillb Laws of Tynemouth in the County of Northum- 
berland, Gentleman, make oath and say that I am Deputy Steward of the Manor 
of Tynemouth in the said County of Northumberland.that all surrenders of and 
admittances to the copyhold lands within the said manor are prepared by and 
passed before me and all customary payments to which the lord of the said 
manor as such is entitled are received by me, that the said manor comprises the 
several townships of Tynemouth, North 8hields, Cullercoats, Chirton, Murton, 
Preston, MonkseatQn, and Whitley in the parish of Tynemouth and Backworth 
and Sarsdon in the parish of Earsdon. That the townships of Tynemouth, 
North Shields, and Cullercoats are of freehold tenure and consist principally of 
houses and buildings but all the other before named townships comprise con- 
siderable tracts of land held by copy of Court Boll and also portions of free- 
hold land and each township consists of a certain number of antient farms, that 
is to say : — 










Chirton East 


Chirton West 












That the following payments are annually due from the copyhold tenants of 
the said manor and from time immemorial as I verily believe have been received 
by the lord of the said manor and are now received by me on his behalf that is 
to say 2s. 6d. per farm for ' Boon days * or ' days work money ' for or in respect 
of each copyhold farm within the said manor, 32 bushels of bigg or barley and 
16 bushels of oats for or in respect of each copyhold farm within the said town- 
ships of Earedon, Monkseaton, Whitley, and Preston, 24 bushels of bigg or 
barley and 24 bushels of oats for or in respect of each copyhold farm within the 
said township of Chirton and 82 bushels of oats for or in respect of each farm 
in the township of Murton, all which several corn-rents become due and payable 
at Saint Andrew's day in each and every year, and are rendered or paid by each 
of such copyhold tenants by a money payment calculated according to the 
average price of cornjor grain in Newcastle market on such day commuted for 
or in lieu of the quantity of corn or grain payable by him for or in respect of 
and according to the number of antient reputed farms or fractional part or 
parts of a farm of which his land consists, contributing for each such antient 
reputed farm the quantity of corn payable in respect thereof as hereinbefore 
mentioned or a proportionate quantity for any fractional part or parts of such 
antient reputed farms which he holds. And there is also due and payable by 
the said copyhold tenants an antient immemorial payment called 'Shire 
Rent, 1 each antient farm in the township of Earedon and Monkseaton paying 
20 shillings, those in the said township of Whitley 16s. 8d., in Preston 13s. 4d., 
in Chirton 18s. 8d., and in Murton lis, Od. The following schedule sets forth 
the mode in which these payments are made in the said township of Earedon : — 


Number of 
Farms or 
parts of a 
Farm held 
by each 

Hall Corn Rents. 


Payable at 

September, 1846. 

Shire Rents. 

Half-year due 


Boon Days. 
One Tear 


Hugh Taylor, Esq 

Peter Shield's sequels 
Josh. Barker's heirs 
Forster of Pigg*s Charities 
Charles Dalston's heirs .. 
Rev. Ed. Parker's heirs ... 



£ s. d. 
7 10 7* 
2 10 2| 
6 6 
2 10 24 
6 6 6 
2 10 2£ 

£ s. d. 
6 0* 

s. d. 
3 9 

1 3 

2 6 

1 3 

2 6 
1 3 

26 2 1 

2 10 

12 6 

Each of the farms in the following townships also paid a modus for hay 
tithe, which payment continued Up to the commutation of tithes a few years 
ago, viz. : — 




farm in alL 

Monkseaton ... 




1 3 











TnnniouTH, etc. 187 

And I farther make oath and say that in all surrenders and admittances the 
land which is included in a surrender or admittance is stated to consist of so 
many farms or fractional parts of a farm and a fine of £4 for a farm, £2 for 
half a farm, and £1 for a quarter of a farm is paid to the lord on each surrender ; 
the word ' farm ' meaning such antient reputed farm as aforesaid. And I further 
make oath and say that in the year 1790 a certain Common called Billy Mill 
Moor was divided under the authority of an Act of Parliament passed in the 
28th year of the reign of his late Majesty King Geo. 3rd intituled • An Act for 
dividing, allotting, and enclosing a certain common moor or tract of waste land 
called Tynemouth Moor, Shire Moor, Billy Moor, or Billy Mill Moor, within the 
manor of Tynemouth otherwise Tynemouth Shire, otherwise Tynemouth with 
Tynemouth Shire, in the County of Northumberland,' and that the said common 
was divided among the proprietors of such antient reputed farms as aforesaid ; 
a certain value of the unenclosed lands being awarded to or on account of each 
antient reputed farm and bo in proportion for a fractional part of such antient 
reputed farm. 

And I further make oath and say that the paper writing hereunto annexed 
and marked with the letter ' A ' and signed by me contains a true and correct 
extract from the original award made in pursuance of the said Act. And I 
further make oath and say that the number of the said antient farms which is 
comprised in each of the said townships is perfectly well known and notorious 
and I have often heard of the same from divers old inhabitants of the said 
parishes. And that in all the said payments, surrenders, and admissions and 
division of Common each antient farm was considered as being one of several 
portions of land of equal value of which each of the said townships consisted, 
although the relative value of these is no longer the same, changes by cultivation 
increase of population and other circumstances in the course of years having 
completely changed this and these antient farms have no relation to the farms 
as now held and that the word ' farm ' as used in all these matters and proceed- 
ings was used in a sense totally and entirely different from the modern and 
general acceptation of the word as expressing a parcel of land uncertain both 
as to extent and value. And I further make oath and say that I have been 
informed and verily believe that the word ' farm ' was formerly generally used in 
the County of Northumberland as one of several parts of a township of the 
same value. 

The evidence was ample that the word farm was used in the 
county to express an aliquot part in value of a township, and that a 
farm was one of the several portions of land of which a township 
consisted, each one of such portions having originally been of equal 
value. But the question naturally arose how such an equalization 
could have existed in spite of all the differences in the value of the 
soil in any one township. The Continental and English works which 
now exist upon the subject, and which would so fully have explained 
this point, were not then in existence, but evidence was found that the 



township of North Middleton in the same parish of Hartburn (of 
which Netherwitton was a chapelry) had only been enclosed as lately 
as the year 1805, and that np to that time it had remained undivided 
both in tillage and pasture ground, and had been occupied in common, 
each proprietor's share or interest being estimated by the number of 
ancient farms, or parts of a farm, of which his land was known to 
consist. Evidence was adduced in the suit to the effect that prior to 
the division and enclosure of that township in 1805 it had been 
customary for the proprietors or their tenants to meet together from 
time to time and re-divide or re-allot the tillage and meadow-land 
amongst themselves in proportion to the number of forms to which 
they were entitled, and after the Chancery suit had been determined 
and compromised Sir W. C. Trevelyan copied from the documents in 
the muniment room at Wallington, and gave to Mr. Woodman, the 
following account extracted from a case laid before counsel with regard 
to the undivided North Middleton land: — 


The township of North Middleton in the parish of Hartburn in Northumber- 
land consists of 14 antient farms comprising about 1,100 acres of arable meadow 
and pasture land. 

The Duke of Portland is proprietor of 10 of these farms; Messrs. James 
George & Robt. Hepple of If of a farm ; Lord Carlisle of 1 farm ; Wm. 
Hodgson, Esq., of f of a farm; John Arthur of $ of a farm. In all 14 

The Besses and taxes of the township are paid by the occupiers in proportion 
to the number of farms or parts of farms by them occupied. 

These farms are not divided or set out, the whole township lying in common 
and undivided except that the Duke of Portland has a distinct property in the 
mill and about ten acres of land adjoining and that each proprietor has a 
distinct property in particular houses, cottages, and crofts in the vUlage of 
North Middleton. The general rule of cultivating and managing the lands 
within the township has been for the proprietors or the tenants to meet together 
and determine how much and what particular parts of the lands shall be in 
tillage, how much and what parts in meadow, and how much and what parts 
in pasture, and they then divide and set out the tillage and meadow lands 
amongst themselves in proportion to the number of farms or parts of farms 
which they are respectively entitled to within the township, and the pasture 
lands are stinted in the proportion of 20 stints to each farm. So that upon 
the pasture land the Duke of Portland or his tenants are entitled in respect of 


his 10 farms to 200 stints 

the Duke of Portland is also entitled in respect to his mill 

and mill lands to 6£ „ 

Messrs. James George & Robt Heppie in respect to their 

l&f of a farm to 32$ „ 

Lord Carlisle in respect of his 1 farm 20 „ 

Wm. Hodgson, Esq., in respect of his I of a farm to ... 17£ „ 

John Arthur in respect of his | of a farm to 10 „ 

285* stints 

Messrs. Heppie, Mr. Hodgson, and John Arthur have each of them a distinct 
property in several small parcels of land which lie in the open fields and which 
are known by the name of cottage lands, and when the lands in which any of 
these cottage lands are situated are in tillage the proprietor or the tenant of such 
cottage lands is entitled to sow such cottage lands with corn and reap and carry 
away the crop of corn which shall grow thereon to his own use. And when the 
lands in which any of these cottage lands are situated are in meadows the 
proprietor or his tenant of such cottage lands is entitled to cut and make into 
hay the grass grown thereon for his own use. And when the lands in which 
any of these cottage lands are situated are in pasture such cottage lands are 
also in pasture and are depastured in common with the other lands of the 
township but in such case the proprietor or tenant of such cottage land is 
entitled to a certain number of stints in respect of such cottage lands over and 
above the number of stints above mentioned, that is to say the said Messrs. 
Heppie are in such case entitled in respect of their cottage land to 3 stints and 
| of a stint, the said John Arthur is entitled in respect of his cottage land to 
1 stint and § of a stint, and the said Mr. Hodgson is entitled in respect of his 
cottage land to 4 stints and f of a stint. Further there belongs to the Duke of 
Portland 2 stints commonly known by the name of Bailiff or Manor stints. 

Besides affording valuable evidence upon the local customs of 
ancient farms in Northumberland the above case is also interesting 
upon the general question of the origin and customs of the common 
field system, because it shows a still more archaic method of cultiva- 
tion than is found to be the case with regard to common fields in 
England generally. According to Professor Vinogradoff, the latest 
writer on the subject, and one of the most careful investigators of the 
ancient muniments bearing upon it, the re-dknsion of the arable land 
is not generally found in the documents of the middle ages. There 
is, according to those documents, no shifting of the arable strips, and 
Professor Vinogradoff compares the strips in the arable fields to the 
ice-bound surface of a Northern sea. He says, 'It is not smooth, 
although hard and immovable, and the hills and hollows of the 


uneven plain remind one of the billows that rolled when it was yet 
unfrozen.' 60 

Mr. Elton also, in his Origins of English History* 1 after mention- 
ing that in several parts of Germany the land held in common was 
divided by lot, the drawings for the arable having originally been 
held once in three years, but afterwards at longer intervals, goes on to 
say : — ' It is true that there is hardly any documentary evidence to 
show that the arable in England was ever divided in this way.' He 
adds in a foot-note that it is said that the Enclosure Commissioners 
had met with instances of arable which was distributed by lot. The 
statement as to North Middleton does not mention whether the dis- 
tribution was effected by lot, 63 but it states clearly that there was a 
redistribution, and this statement is therefore a not unimportant 
contribution to the literature existing on the subject. To follow up 
the simile used by Professor Vinogradoff, it shows a portion of the 
sea still unfrozen and its waves still in motion. 68 

The prominence given to the cottage lands in the account of this 
undivided township should not escape attention. The place of the 
cottager in the rural economy of the middle ages was almost as 
conspicuous as that of the villan or holder of the customary farm. 
The cottager's duties are mentioned in the Saxon * laws of land right ' 
of the tenth century. 64 It is there laid down that he ought to have 
5 acres in his holding, ' more if it be the custom on the land, and too 
little it is if it be less.' According to the Domesday Survey, whilst 
the villans embraced 88 per cent, of the whole population, the 
cottagers embraced another 82 per cent., and in no county were there 
less than 12 per cent, of them. 65 According to the same survey, the 
cottager's holding varied from one acre to ten, but was generally five 
acres. To some this holding will suggest the 'five free erws (or 
common field strips) cotillage of wastes and hunting,' which, under 
the ancient laws of Wales, 66 were the ' three immunities of an innate 

" Pp. 403, 404. 8I pp. 405, 406. 

83 The Corbridge strips are still known in the district as * the cavils,' a term 
which supports the supposition that they were at some time apportioned by lot. 

61 Compare the customs of Lauder in Berwickshire, cited in Maine's Village 
Communities, p. 95. Qomme, 149. 

04 Ancient Lams and Institutes of England, Ed. Thorpe, p. 432. 

85 Seebohm, p. 90. 

88 Ancient Laws of Wales, vol. ii. p. 516. 


Cymro,' and to some the fact that these cottage lands in North 
Middieton were defined and ascertained whilst the rest of the common 
land was fluctuating and re-divisable, will afford an argument that the * 
cottage lands were held by a still older title or under a still older 
system. Possibly the nineteenth-century appeal for three acres (which 
approximately represents in area the five free erws of the 'innate 
Cymro ') is an echo from a time long past. 

The list which forms Appendix A to this paper contains the 
number of farms ascertained by the evidence in the action of the 
Attorney-General v. Trevelyan to have existed in the various parishes 
and townships in Northumberland. The bishop of Peterborough has 
a somewhat similar list as an Appendix to his paper read before the 
Archaeological Institute in 1884. 67 There are, however, in my list 
farther particulars of payments and of local names which may be 
useful to other workers in the same field. 

It will be seen from the nature of the evidence epitomised in that 
Appendix that clergymen and churchwardens of parishes, overseers of 
townships, and those who, as land agents, solicitors, or antiquaries, 
have access to the muniments of the great landowners of the county, 
can add from many sources much valuable information upon the 
subject of these Northumbrian farms. The points to which their 
attention should be directed are, (1) as to the time when the word 
farm was first used to express a yardland or husband land, (2) as to the 
nature of the tenure of the cultivators of these holdings, (8) as to 
the nature of the services rendered by the tenants, and (4) as to the 
extent of the holdings. I purpose to contribute a few suggestions 
under each of those heads. 

Although the documents in the suit of Attorney-General v. 
Trevelyan throw such ample light on the use of the word farm as 
meaning a yardland, they do not contain any evidence of the antiquity 
of that use of the word in the county of Northumberland. In Appen- 
dix B are some notes as to its derivation and as to its use in England 

With regard to the nature of the tenure it will be observed that 
although in other parts of England the present representatives of these 
customary tenants are to a large extent copyholders, yet in Northumber- 

97 Archaeological Journal, xlii. p. 41. 


land copyholds only exist in certain townships of the manor of 
Tynemouth, in Hexhamshire, in North Sunderland, and, as I am 
informed, in Bedlingtonshire, also formerly one of the possessions of the 
church. At the beginning of the seventeenth century the customary 
farms in Elswick and Benwell are described as copyhold, and 'The 
tenants claimed to hold their lands by Coppie of Court Boll as Coppie 
holders of inheritance.' 68 These manors of Elswick and Benwell had 
been part of the possessions of the dissolved monastery of Tynemouth, 
and even after the dissolution the roll was kept at Tynemouth, and the 
surrenders and admittances were made as of that manor. 69 

There is a statement in Clarkson's Survey of the earl of Northum- 
berland's estate in 1567 70 that the tenants of High Buston should build 
better houses, 'seeinge they have now their tenements by copyhold,' 
and another statement in the same survey that Roger Clay, one of the 
tenants of the same town, paid a rent 'to the late dissolved monastery 
of Hulme,' would seem to show that these copyholds, too, were connected 
with ecclesiastical estates. 

The word 'copyholder,' and the method of conveying by copy of 
Court Roll, are both things of comparatively modern growth. The 
customary tenants of a township are, according to Oomyns, 71 first called 
* copyholders' in the first year of the reign of Henry V. They are 
called ' tenants by the verge ' in the fourteenth year of Henry IV. They 
are called 'customary tenants' by the statute of Edward I. 'Extenta 
Manerii,' and that was their usual name or description before the word 
copyhold came into use. 

Professor Maitland 72 points out in the proceedings of the bishop 
of Ely's court at Littleport, a stage in the formation of copyhold 
tenure. In the cases in Edward the first's reign in which there is 

• Land Revenue Office Survey, Jas. I. 

w Welford, vol. iii. p. 146. William Jenison, who acquired the manor of 
Elswick under grant from the Crown, bought up the copyhold farms from the 
holders of them, had them surrendered to him or to trustees for him, and enclosed 
the common fields. Hodgson MS. Title, Elswick. Since that time the whole of 
the manor has been held and disposed of as freehold, although * the 9 farmholds 
sometimes called copyhold tenements or farmholds ' still linger in the descrip- 
tion of the parcels in the deed of partition of the lands of Elswick between 
George Stephenson and John Hodgson so late as 1776. Benwell has become 
almost entirely freehold, although traces of existing copyholds are still to be 
found in that township. 

70 Extracted by Mr. J. C. Hodgson (by permission of Earl Percy) for a paper 
for the Berwickshire Naturalists' Club. 

71 Vol. ii. p. 361. n Court Baron, p. 122. 


litigation in that manor about customary tenements, a jury is employed. 
At a later date the litigants pat themselves not upon the jury but upon 
the rolls of the court as giving the proper proof of title, and according 
to the form of the surrender and admittance still in use in the manor 
of Tynemouth, it is the homage, or jury, who find to this day that the 
vendor has surrendered his tenement into the hands of the lord before 
the lord by his steward admits the surrenderee. 

Now it is well known that although according to common custom 
these tenements descended from father to son, or were alienated from 
tenant to tenant at the manor court, yet the theory of the Norman 
lawyers was that they were held purely at the will of the lord according 
to the custom of the manor, and that the lord might oust the tenant 
when he pleased without any reason. 78 Although that legal right in 
the lord was in many cases exercised, it was controlled by the rights 
of usage, and was met by emphatic protests on the part of the peasantry, 
and at length the king's courts felt bound to recognise the universal 
custom which existed in favour of the customary tenant's right to 
alienate his lands, and the right of his heir to inherit them ; and this 
conclusion found expression in the reign of Edward IV. in the cases 
cited in Littleton 74 as follows: — 

Bat Brian, Chief Justice, said that his opinion hath alwaies been and ever 
shall be that if such tenant by custome paying his services be ejected by the 
lord he shall have an action of trespass against him. H. 21. Ed. 4. And so 
was the opinion of Danby, Chief Justice, in 7 Edward IV. for he saith that 
tenant by the cnstome is as well inheritour to have his lands according to the 
custome as he that hath a freehold at the common law. 

Prior to that time and when the harsher rule as to the meaning of 
'the will of the lord* prevailed it would appear an obvious advantage 
to the customary tenant to have a lease for life or for years of his 
lands. The big monastic houses, with more clerical assistance at their 
command, commenced to enter surrenders and admittances upon their 
court rolls at an earlier date than was done by other lords of manors. 
It was easier for these lay lords of manors and their less educated 
stewards to grant a lease in individual cases than to keep a record of 
all the changes of the tenancy upon the rolls of their court. 

n Gilbert on Tenures, p. 198. 

74 Litt. section 77. The passage is not found in the earliest editions. It 
occurs for the first time in Redmayne's edition in 1530. 


These leases, however, operated in the end prejudicially to the 
customary tenants, for whilst it was held, as stated above, that copy- 
hold tenants having no lease had an estate of inheritance in their 
lands, it was also held by the courts 76 that if a copyholder takes a lease 
for life or for years the copyhold is destroyed, and for ever gone, and so 
by taking a lease he would lose his inheritance. It is probable that 
the customary tenants in Northumberland took these leases where they 
could not acquire by purchase from the lord the freehold of their 
holdings. In Cornwall to this day the freehold of all the land in many 
manors is still in the hands of the lord, all the tenants holding on 
leases for ninety-nine years determinable on lives. 

In the well-known survey of the lands of the baronies of By well 
and Bolbeck, held in 1569 after the attainder of Charles earl of West- 
morland for the Great Northern Rebellion, it is stated that 'all the 
tenants hold their lands by indenture for term of years which are very 
fineable when their leases are expired/ 

Traoes of leases for lives are found in titles to landed estates in 
various districts of Northumberland. They still exist in the township 
of Stamfordham. The form of lease prevalent in that township con- 
tains a covenant by the lessor for the renewal of the lease upon the 
dropping of any life, and this covenant was supposed to render the 
Stamfordham leases perpetual The question was tested in 1884 in 
the action of Swinburne v. Milburn. 78 It was held in that action by 
Lord Esher the Master of the Rolls and Lord Justice Bowen that the 
covenant in the lease in question was one for perpetual renewal. This 
decision was, however, overruled by the House of Lords, who held that 
the covenant in the lease was for renewal, not perpetually, but only as 
often as any one of the three lives for which it was originally granted 
should drop. In consequence of this ruling these leases for lives will 
probably become extinct in Stamfordham, as they have already become 
extinct, or nearly so, in other parts of Northumberland. 

With regard to the nature of the services rendered by the tenants, 
it will be remembered that Mr. Seebohm, as the result of his researches 
upon the subject in various parts of England, summarises the services 
and payments of the villan which he finds to have been prevalent under 
the following heads 77 : — 

75 Comyns, vol. iii. p. 409. Gilbert on Tenures, p. 290. 
n L. R. 9 App. Cas. 844. " P. 78, 79. 


Week-work, ue. f work for the lord for so many days a week, mostly three 
days. Precarias, or boon-work, i.e., special work at request. Payments in 
money or kind or work rendered by way of rent or " Gafol," and payment of 
other dues under various names. The requirement of the lord's licence for a 
marriage of a daughter, and fine on incontinence. The prohibition of the 
sale of oxen, etc., without the lord's licence. The obligation to use the 
lord's mill, and to do service at his court. The obligation not to leave the land, 
without the lord's licence. 

He also sets oat 78 the services of a gebar or farmer of a yardland 
or customary farm from a document entitled ' The services due from 
various persons,' 79 the Saxon version of which dates probably from the 
tenth century. This document sets out the above services and states 
of the gebur that * if he do carrying he has not to work while his 
horse is out,' and later on ' he shall have given to him for his outfit 
ii oxen and i cow and vi sheep. And he must have given to him tools 
for his work and utensils for his house. Then when he dies his lord 
takes back what he leaves. 9 'Let him who is over the district take 
care that he knows what the old land customs are and what are the 
customs of the people.' 

Bemnants of similar services may be traced in Northumberland 
from the fourteenth century to the present day. A document dated 
1378 and entitled ' Customs and Works that the men of Tynemouth 
ought to do and from ancient times have been accustomed to observe 
and perform ' is extracted by Brand 80 from the Tinmouth Chartulary. 
That extract sets out that : — 

All of Tynemouth who hold land shall plough once a year for the food of 
the Prior with their own ploughs. All those who hold lands and tofts shall 
give three boon days in the autumn with one man only and a fourth boon day 
with their whole family (except the house-wife) at which the four sworn men 
of the township shall be reapers. All the ' self odes ' 81 shall give each three boon 
days only. All the 15 tenants shall each do one ' inlade ' without food or sheaf, 
▼is., from the field of Tynemouth withersoever they have been directed by the 
cellarer. Bach shall bring one cart load from Seaton Delaval and each of them 

* P. 131. 

" Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, Ed. Thorpe, p. 185. 

* Brand, vol. ii p. 594. 

° Yinogradoff, p. 250, notices this term in Northumberland in an inquisition 
post-mortem 65 Henry III. where it is spelt 'selfoder.' He thinks it means 
* self -other,' but 'self -owned' would appear to be an equally probable interpre- 
tation. As to the tenures by theinage, by drengage, and by coinage which 
existed in Northumberland and Durham, see Professor Maitland's article in the 
Boyal Historical Bevieto, vol. v. p. 625 ; Mr. Bates's Border Holds, p. 312 ; and 
Canon Qreenweli's Glossary in the Appendix to the Boldon Book, Surtees 
Society edition. 

vol. xvl s 


who shall with another companion make carriage as is aforesaid shall have food 
and sheaf™ except * nl^g.' 8 * 

The men of Tynemouth shall guard the prisons, and if there shall happen 
any escape they shall pay for each escape £8 sterling. And they who reside on 
the chief tenements called the XV. shall have common of pasture in open time. 
Also every cottager of the township of Tynemouth shall have common for his 
animals in the common moor, viz., Schiremoor, at all seasons of the year and 
not elsewhere. And all the waste places called Balkes are the separate soil of 
the Prior. 

And no tenant holding inland or outland can alienate or give any part of his 
holding without paying a fine in the court of the said Prior. And if a heir by 
blood is entitled to entry into his inheritance he shall pay a relief or double his 
rent (suam firmam) at his entry and shall do fealty and suit of Court from 
3 weeks to 3 weeks. 

And all the tenants of Tynemouth on occasion shall pay layrewyt (that is a 
fine for incontinence) for their daughters or handmaidens ; and also merchet 
for giving their daughters in marriage except the Lord Philip of Marston who 
is exempt from that service.* 4 

In the year 1784 an Act was passed for dividing and allotting part 
of the town fields and the whole of the town green of Blrington in the 
parish of Warden in the county of Northumberland. By that Act, after 
reciting that there were within the said township certain lands called 
the town fields and town green and that the greatest part of the lands 
lay intermixed and dispersed, and that other part thereof was held by 
the proprietors as tenants in common, and that Fewster Johnson, Esq., 
as owner of the capital messuage called Elrington hall and the 
demesnes of Elrington, was entitled to divers rents issuing out of three 
several tenements in the said township, and was also entitled for each 
and every of the said three tenements to one heriot (that is to say the 
best beast or forty shillings at his election at the death of the owner 
of the said capital messuage and the owner of the said three tenements 
and each of them), and was also entitled yearly for each of the said 
three tenements to two mow dargues and two shear dargues or days' 
works, and also to three hens and three catches or carriages yearly 
from Elrington aforesaid to the town of Hexham, and also reciting 

M « And he (the villan) is bound to carry sheaves, and for each service of this 
kind he will receive one sheaf called " mene sheaf," and whenever he is sent to 
carry anything with his cart he shall have oats as usual so much namely as he 
can thrice take with his hand.' Chartulary of Christ Church, Canterbury , cited 
in Vinogradoff, 175. 

99 I cannot find an explanation of this term in any glossary. 

M Compare the very similar services rendered by the 1 4 serfs of the vill of 
Wridtnorp in Lincolnshire in 1109. Ingulph. Bonn's edition, 240. 


that the owners of the said three tenements were entitled to take oat 
of the demesnes of the said Fewster Johnson sufficient hedgeboot, 
stakeboot, and rice for the making and amending of hedges and 
fences, it was enacted that the said lands should be enclosed and that 
satisfaction should be made for the said rights of the said Fewster 
Johnson, and that from and after the 22nd day of November, 1784, 
all right and title of the said Fewster Johnston, his heirs and assigns 
to the aforesaid yearly rents or annual payments, heriots, mow dargues 
and shear dargues or day works, hens and catches or carriages to the 
town of Hexham, and all right or title of the respective owners for the 
time being of the aforesaid three tenements to hedgeboot, stakeboot, 
and rice as aforesaid should respectively cease and be for ever extin- 

It will be seen that in 1784 the servile incidents of layrewite and 
merchet have disappeared. 85 The week work has been replaced by 
( diver8 rents.' fiut the heriot still remains as an acknowledgment of 
the Anglo-Saxon doctrine : — * Then when he dies the lord takes back 
what he leaves.' The boon days of two mow dargues and two shear 
dargues also remain, and the three catches or carriages yearly to 
Hexham probably have their counterpart in farm leases iu Ellington 
township at the present day as they had in the chartnlary of Tyne- 
mouth in 1387. 86 

I produce rent-receipts, surrenders, and admittances, dated in the 
years 1891 and 1892, showing payments in those years to the lord of 
the manor at Tynemouth for hall corn rent in lieu of week work, 
boon day rent in lieu of boon day services, for shire rent, and for 

* The latest account of the custom of ' merchet * is to be found in Mr. Owen 
Pike's Introduction to the Year Books, 15 Edward III. (Record Office Publications} 
pp. 15 to 62. As to * merchet ' in Northumberland see Bracton's Note Book 
(edition, M ait land), Case No. 895, and Testa de NevUl, 389. In Russia, prior 
to the emancipation of the serfs in 1861, serfs could not marry as they chose 
without the consent of their masters, and the proprietor would not allow the 
daughter ot one of his serfs to marry a serf belonging to another proprietor — 
because he would thereby lose a female labourer — unless some compensation 
were offered. Wallace's Russia, 4th edition, vol. i. pp. 114-140. 

m The Bev. J. Thomlinson, rector of Rothbury, says in one of his MSS. : 
1 No doubt all the lands in the town of Whitton did belong to the rector, but 
the inhabitants having held them time out of mind at one pound per annum 
each farm and two days' ploughing and leading with their draughts and as 
many ploughing and reaping (the rector finding them meat when they work for 
him), they now look upon themselves as freeholders.' History and Directory 
0/ Northumberland (Hexham Division), published by Bulmer, Manchester, and 
Beavis, Stewart, & Co., Newcastle, 1886. 


fines on the admittance of an heir and on the alienation of a quarter 
of a farm. It will also be observed, from the wording of the admittances, 
that the new tenant still does fealty for his holding at the lord's court. 87 
With regard to the extent of these customary holdings the following 
extract as to the township of High Buston made by Mr. J. C. Hodgson 
from Clarkson's Survey of 1567 is interesting as showing that each 
farm was looked upon as a living for a family, that no farm could be 
partitioned unless the farmer had acquired the freehold from his lord, 
and that even where freehold farms were sub-divided or sub-let the 
commonable rights of the partitioners were carefully restricted within 
the limits of those formerly enjoyed by the whole tenement : — 

This towne was at the fyrst planted with xvi tenn 1 as yett appeareth by 
the Bcites of there tenem' and are nowe but viij tenn-s the cause of that there 
ys so little arable land and medowe grounde as also pasture moore grounde wh. 
will not well suffice for the living of so many tenn te and for yt also they sholde 
the better lyve and be more able to do ther dewtyful servyce to their Ld and 
Mr. they were of xvj made but viij tenn*. 

The said Thomas Buston hath one lytle house there wherein dwelleth one 
tenn*. to do him servyce wc ys agaynst the old anceyent ordre of this Lp ; for 
althoughe he aledgeth that he or any other may upon his freholde sett such 
several buildinge upo auncyent scites as they shall think good, wherunto I must 
by leave agree, Never the lesse yf we consyder the premiss and for what cause 
the said towne was brought from xvi tenn** to viij fermors as also the small 
quantity of the corne moare (?) And that every inhabyt w* 11 in any towne must 
have suffycent for the maintenance of him and his family and wher also suche 
staite (extinte) of all things ys kept (as ys in the towne of Bustone) the will 
think it bothe lawe and reason that every tenn* of lyke lande and like rent have 
lyke porcyon in all things upon the said como pasture. And sure (?) I would give 
order that the said Thos. Bustone should have not more pasture or other extinte 
or feweU (seeing he ys in all respects equal with every one of the said tenn t ") 
for him and his tenant both, than one of the said tenants have and that under 
great penalty yf he be found by the Jurye convicte thereof. 

If we take the number of farms contained in each township, 
as mentioned in Appendix A, and divide the total acreage of the 
township by them, we shall find a varying number of acres assign- 
able to each farm, and if we exclude the townships of Rochester 
and Troughend in the parish of Elsdon, which contain an unusual and 
extraordinary quantity of useless waste and mountainous land, we 
shall find that the five hundred farms which are left have an average 
of nearly 160 acres of township land assignable to each of them. 
This is of course inclusive of arable land, meadow, pasture, and waste. 

97 As to manor courts see Proo. New. Soc. Antiq. voL 5, p. 161. 





nil Ui\ 

*^ %b >m '? 8 b t3 


It will be seen from the instances cited in the former part of this 
paper 88 that the arable land assigned to each farm ranged between 20 
and 30 acres, that the meadow land ranged between 2 acres and 10 
acres, and this would leave from 120 to 140 acres of open pasture and 
waste assignable on an average to each farm. 

According to Sir Henry Maine 88 the encroachments of the lord 
were in proportion to the want of certainty in the rights of the 
community. In the grass land he intruded more than into the arable 
land ; into the waste much more than into either. The conclusion 
suggested to his mind is that in succeeding to the legislative power of 
the old community the lord was enabled to appropriate to himself such 
of its rights as were not immediately valuable and which, in the event 
of their becoming valuable, required legislative adjustment to settle 
the mode of enjoying them. If that were the process it had probably 
begun before either the Saxon thane or the Norman baron had 
entered England. 

I will conclude by offering for your inspection a plan of a farm of 
the present day in a newly-settled country. It is the plan of a farm 
in the south-west quarter of section 28, of township 20, range Id west 
of the 6th principal meridian, in Barton county in the state of 
Kansas. It contains 160 acres, and the whole of the land is capable 
of being profitably cultivated. At the time of its survey, in 1888, 
40 acres were in maize, 25 in wheat, 15 in other crops, and 80 acres 
were in wild grass. Similar plans of hundreds of these farms are 
amongst the papers of those who invest in American mortgages. 
They are almost all of the same size of 160 acres, or ±th part of a 
square mile, but some of them are half that size, or only 80 acres in 
extent. Where the holdings are 80 acres, a larger proportion is 
cultivated as arable land. Notwithstanding the introduction of 
modern methods of cultivation, the quantity of land which one 
household can profitably manage does not appear to have varied 
greatly in the last thousand years. 

Notwithstanding the apparently modern scientific method of the 

• By an early statute of the Scotch Parliament (Scotch Statutes, vol. i. p. 887) 
it was ordained that the ox-gangs shall contain 13 acres. Two ox-gangs or 26 
acres made a husband land (Innes, 242), so that we have a statutory warrant 
that 26 acres of arable land was the normal extent of a similar holding across 
the border. 

* Village Communities, 141. 


mensuration of this American square mile, the influence of the com- 
mon field-furrow, and the gad, or rod, or pole, by which the common 
field acres were marked out can be traced in every corner of the plot. 
According to Canon Taylor, 90 a furlong is the length of the longest 
furrow that oould be conveniently ploughed before the oxen had to 
stop and rest ; whilst the breadth of the acre depended on the number 
of furrows which formed the daily task of the villan and his oxen. 
Mr. Pell, in his learned but difficult paper on the Domesday Assess- * 
ment, disputes this, 91 and states that the furlong means not a furrow 
long, but rather a line 40 rods long, that this line 4 rods broad makes 
the acre, and that both the acre and the rod are merely convenient 
fractions of some larger area. However this may be, 8 of these furlongs 
lie on each side of the square mile shown on this plan. Quarter the 
area and you get the normal farm of 160 acres, quarter the farm and you 
get the 40 acres which we have seen to be the usual extent of the part 
cultivated or enclosed for corn and meadow hay ; quarter that cul- 
tivated portion and you get the square furlong, orferdellj 9 * which con- 
tained 10 normal acre strips, each acre strip being 40 rods long and 4 
rods broad, in other words, a furlong in length and 4 rods in breadth, 
the area which, according to the ordinance of Edward I., constituted 
a legal acre. In fact this American square mile, divided into four 
farms of 160 acres each, is exactly similar in extent, dimensions, and 
divisions to the four carucates of arable land, containing in length 
8 furlongs, and in breadth 8 furlongs, the gift of Algar, the knight, to 
the abbey of Oroyland, which was confirmed to that abbey by that 
description by the charter of Wiglaf, king of the Mercians, in the 
year 888. 98 

There are two great differences between this modern Kansas farm 
and the ancient Northumbrian farms which we have been considering. 
Its homestead is isolated from those of its neighbours and its lands are 
cultivated in severalty. If, instead of being connected by the power 
of steam with other parts of the earth, from which it can obtain the 
supplies of those necessaries which are produced by different industries, 
its proprietor had had to depend for these on mutual exchange with 

90 Domesday Studies, vol. i. p. 60. n Ibid. p. 371. 

n Decern acrae terrse faciunt secundum antiquam consuetudinem unam 
ferdellam. Spelman's Gloss. Title Virgata terra. 

9t Kemble's Anglo-Saxon Charters, vol. I., page 306. See also Inguljfh. Bonn's 
edition, page 15. 


his immediate neighbours, he would probably for convenience have 
placed his dwelling closer to theirs. If, instead of being protected by 
the far reaching arm of a strong central government, he and his 
neighbours had been subject to maraudings similar to those spoken of 
in the Bywell survey of 1569 M as i the continual robberies and incur- 
sions of the thieves of Tynedale to assault them in the night ' he and 
his neighbours would probably have arranged their dwellings in a 
single street which could be closed and defended at each end. 

In that case the land which could be most conveniently cultivated 
would have been that which lay nearest to the aggregated homesteads, 
and there must have been, for the sake of peace, some equitable 
method of arranging that each neighbour had his fair share of good 
land and bad land, of land which lay conveniently at hand and land 
which lay awkwardly at a distance. Some have thought that it was 
such considerations as these which induced the early settlers in our 
townships to cultivate their land on the common field system; 9 * 
others have thought that its origin was the ancient pastoral right of 
the community to torn their cattle upon every part of the township, 
including even the arable fields after the crop was carried ; H others 
have thought that the obligations of a co-operative system of ploughing 
and of contributing oxen for that purpose are responsible for these dis- 
persed and scattered holdings; 97 whilst some believe that no such 
consideration would be strong enough to form so elaborate a communal 
arrangement as that which we have surveyed and that only the 
dominion of a master over his serfs could bring about the uniformity 
of the organization. 98 

An examination of historical documents shows many traces of free 
institutions, so far as the civic life of these village communities is 
concerned, bnt the details of their agricultural organization seem con- 
nected in almost every case with incidents of serfdom. It may be 
that they began to cultivate on a common field system after they lost 
their freedom, just as that method has been discontinued since they 
have regained it. But all these views and theories probably contain 
only some disconnected part of the whole history and truth as to the 
ancient village community in England. 

•* Hall and Humberstone's Survey of the Barony of Bywell, 1669. 
* Vinogradoff, 254. 

M Systems of Land Tenure in various countries. Morier on German Tenures, 
%U> note. w 8eebohm, 117. » Ibid. 178. 



Epitomising in a tabular form the evidence coUected by Mr. Woodman of the 
existence down to recent times in the parishes and townships of Northumberland 
of ancient farms, each forming one ascertained aliquot part of the township in 
which it was situated : — 

No. of 

Assessment* and Pay- 

Township* In 


menta Calculated and 

Eridenee in Support of 
the Facts 8tated. 


each Pariah. 


made per Farm and 


up to what Date. 



6 4/6 farms 

Vicar of Earsdon cus- 

Affidavit of John 

7 town- 

Seaton Dela- 

tomary payment 6/8 

Moor of Brenkley, 

ships, 66i 


11 „ 

per farm (up to 

made 14th July, 



9 6/10 „ 

1847). Church rates 

1847. Affidavit of 


10 „ 


(up to 1841); system 
departed from at 

Henry Warkman of 
Earsdon, made 22nd 


10 „ 

this date because 

July, 1847. Parish 



several collieries 

books of Earsdon 


6 4/6 „ 

had opened out 
which did not con- 

parish. Deponent 
John Moor stated 'I 

tribute under the 

was informed by my 

old arrangement. 

father, who died in 
1844, at the age of 
84, that the greatest 
part, if not all, the 
said county was 
divided into a num- 
ber of ancient farms 
— farm meaning 
land of a definite 
value and not as at 
present, a portion 
uncertain both as to 
extent and value.* 


ington. (No 

19 farms 

Church rates. Modus 

Affidavit of Thos. 


of 3d. per farm for 

Lawson of Long- 

10 town- 

evidence of 

tithe hay (1844). 

hirst Grange, made 


the num- 
ber of the 
farms in 
the other 9 
of this 

14th July, 1847. 



12 12/36th 

Church rates of 

(No evi- 

farms. 6 

Bothal. Modus for 

dence as to 

of these 

hay (1847). Parish 

the num- 


clerk 5d. per farm 
in Bothal parish. 

ber of an- 


cient f arms 


Fee farm rents in 

in the other 


township of Long- 



of Bothal 





1 Hartbum. 

Townships in 
each Parish. 

24 town- 


(inter olios') 




High and 
Low An- 






(inter alia*) 

No. of 


Farms in each 


16 farms. 

19 1/2 

21/2 farms 
14 farms. 

16 farms. 

21 farms. 

7 „ 

8 „ 
4 „ 

18 farms. 

i and Pay- 
ments Calculated and 
made per Farm and 
up to what Date. 

Church rate (1746). 
Poor rate (1831). 

Parish clerk 8d. per 
ancient farm. 

Parish clerk 8d. per 

Enclosed and parti- 
tioned in 1 805 in the 
ratio of the number 
of farms. Poor rates 
and Church rates 
paid per farm. 

Each farm in 1662 
paid 2d. to the Vicar 
of Hartbum. 

Church rates. 

Tithe paid per farm 
in 1695. 

Poor rates (1817), 
Highway rates 
(1827), Church 
rates (1830). 

Eridenoe in Support of 
the FaeU 8tated. 

Affidavit of JohnS wan 
made in 1847. De- 
ponent states that 
the words per farm 
and per plough were 
used synonymously. 

Affidavits of Thos.For- 
ster of Longwitton, 
and Thomas Ramsey 
of Backworth, both 
made in 1847. 

Affidavits of Robert 
Coxon of Morpeth 
and of William Davi- 
son of Middleton, 
both made in 1847. 

Terrier in the register 
of the Consistory 
Court of Durham. 

Affidavit of James 
Storey of Rothbury, 

' made in 1847. 

Terrier in the registry 
of the Consistory 
Court of Durham. 

Affidavit of Wm.Fors- 
ter of Burradon, 
made in 1847. De- 

Sonent exhibited a 
eed evidencing that 
Burradon * South- 
side* had been di- 
vided amongst the 
owners thereof in 
proportion to the 
number of ancient 
farms each held. 
Affidavit of Thos.Wal- 
bey of Lark hall, 
made in 1847. This 
deponent speaks to 
the division of Bur- 
radon Southside in 
1728 and Burradon 
proportion to the 
number of ancient 
farms owned by each 
participant on the 
assumption that the 
whole township con- 
sisted of 18 ancient 


No. of 

Assessments and Pay- 


Townships In 


ments Calculated and 

Eridenee in Support of 
the Facts 8taled. 

each Parish. 

Farms in each 

made per Farm and 


up to what Date. 



llf farms. 

Parish clerk 4d. per 

Affidavits of Thomas 

7 town- 





Arkle of Elsdon and 





Henry Dodds of 




Peels, both made in 













Church rates (1846). 

Affidavit of JamesRob- 

4 town- 




Poor rates(last cen- 

son of Whalton, made 





tury). Parish clerk 

in 1847. Terrier in 




3d. per farm (1846). 

the registry of Con- 
sistory Court of Dur- 
ham, in which the 
farms are called 
Affidavit of Middleton 





Church rates (1835). 





Parish clerk. Sex- 

Henry Dand of Wark- 




ton. Land tax. Mo- 

worth,made in 1847. 




duses. Fee farm 

Parish books. 




rents. Hall corn 




rent in barley (1837) 




paid per farm. 
Church wall re- 





paired in 1826 at 2 

Spittle and 

yards per farm. 












East Chev- 











Bed ling- 

Church rates (1674 

Affidavit of Robt 

ton, 61$ 

to 1782), land tax 

Swan of Bedlington, 


(1836) poor rates 
1763 paid per farm. 

made in 1847. 





Hall corn rents, Boon 

Affidavit of Cuthbert 





day rents and Shire 

Umf reville Laws of 




rents paid to 1847 

Tynemouth, made in 




(and still paid in 





1892).8teward8 , fees 




on surrenders and 
admittances assess- 
ed by farm. Billy 
Mill Moor divided 
amongst proprietors 
of ancient reputed 
farms in proportion 
to the number of 
such farms owned 
by each participant. 





Affidavit of Christopher 
Bird, vicar of Choller- 







ton, made in 1847. 



Coke says 1 * By the name of ferme or fearme houses, lands, and tenements 
may pass and firma is derived from the Saxon word feormian to feed or relieve 
—for in ancient times they reserved upon their leases cattell and other victual 
and provision for their sustenance. 

Spelman states* that customary tenants at will rendered to the lord a certain 
portion of victuals and things necessary for hospitality, and he goes on to say 
'This rent or retribution they call feorme, but the word in the Saxon signifieth 
meat or victuals, and although we have ever since Henry II.'s time changed this 
reservation of victuals into money yet in letting our land we still retain the 
name of fearmes and fearmers unto this day.' 

Mr. Lewis* says * The word * farm ' (A.S. Feorm) is from the Latin firma and 
meant originally an oath of fealty, whence it came to signify the measure of 
food or provisions rendered by the tenant as his fealty rent and afterwards the 
land held at and under such fealty and rent.' 

Mr. John Eemble in a letter to Mr. Woodman says * Fearme is from feorm 
and by no means from the Latin firmus? 

The editor of the Diet. Universal (Paris, 1721) after reviewing the above 
suggested derivations, adds ' It is more probable that the word comes from ferma, 
which in the Celtic or Bas-Breton signifies a letting and fermi signifies to let.' 
Turning to the Diet. Breton-Francais of Le Gonidec we find that form in 
the Bas-Breton means a letting, or the price of a letting, and femner is the 
Bas-Breton spelling and pronunciation of the French word fermier. Le 
Gonidec quotes the following Bas-Breton sentence : — ' Chetu ann ti em euz 
fermet ' as meaning ' There is the house which I have hired.' Dr. Nicholas in 
his Pedigree of the English People 1 points out the close relationship of the 
inhabitants of Brittany in France with the Celts of Britain. He says that 
history relates the conquest of Armorica or Brittany by the Britons and he 
confirms the correctness of the statement made by M. Emile Souvestre : — * Le 
bas Breton actuel n'est done pas un reste de Gaulois, mais de langue Brittan- 
nique.* 8 In Picardy the provincial form of the French word ferme is farmed 

In England the term farm in most ancient documents means a rent or letting, 
and not the reversion or the thing let, and this mode of expression is found 
down to the surveys of the time of the Commonwealth, e.g., * the farme of the coal- 
mines of Bebside and Cowpen.* 7 Spelman, however, in his Glossary, Title Firma 
quotes three early instances of its use to designate parcels of the land itself, viz., 
( Malmeb in Williel. Rufo. An. 1090, Rex. Will, ecclesias et monasteria fere 
totius Angliaa in manu sua pastoribus defunctis retinens ; gravi omnia depopu- 
lation vastabat et meter firmarwin laicis commendabat. Concil. Westmonast. 
An, Dom. 1 127. Episcopi Presby teros abbates Monachos Priores subjectos firmam 

1 Comm. Litt p. 6*. * Feuds and Tenures, 16. 

■ Ancient Laws of Wales, 468. 

4 P. 45. 5 Les Demurs Bretons, i. 144. • Diet. Littri. 

7 Augmentation Parliamentary Surveys, 1650. 


tenere inhibeant. Idem Concil. London An. 1237, etc, Constitut. Phil R. Franc. 
Pedit villam Burgesiam firmae blada molendina, etc., villas de Goingencampo.* 

In the Paston Letters, written in the fifteenth century, where the term 
frequently occurs, it almost always means the rent or hiring of the land rather 
than a quantity of land itself, but very early in the sixteenth century the present 
signification of the term as designating the land itself comes again to the front. 

Bishop Latimer in his first sermon before Edward VI., on the 8th March, 
1649, says :• * My father was a yoman and had no lahdes of his owne onlye he 
had a forme of iii or iiii pound by yere at the uttermost and hereupon he tilled 
so much as kepte half a dozen men. He had walke for a hundred shepe and my 
mother my Iked xxx kyne. * * * * He kepte hospitalitie for his pore 
neighbours and sum almess he gave to the poore and all this he did of the said 

More, in his Utopia* written in 1515, says : ( They have in the countrey in 
all partes of the shiere houses or forme* builded,' and a frequent use of the word 
as meaning the lands themselves will be found as well in Shakespeare as in all 
subsequent writers. 

In France the word although used also in the modern Bnglish sense is also 
much more generally used in the sense of a letting, as in the case of a Fermier 
Generate, .while the contractor who lets the chairs at a French church is a 
' Fermier des chaises ' and his contract is a ' ferine.' 

If the term is derived from the Anglo-Saxon feorm and not from the Celtic 
ferme, it is strange that we should find the word most generally used in Gallic 
France, and that it should have its nearest approximate form in the especially 
Celtic province of that country, whilst there is, I believe, no trace of the use of 
the word in either its ancient or modern English sense in Germany, Holland, or 
Scandinavia, from whence the English are supposed to come. 

We find from the Boldon Book (Surtees Society edition) that there were in 
1183 in Durham county viUani and firmarii in the same township, and that the 
firmarii did not pay so much in money or give so much in labour (App. lxi). 
In Hatfield's survey the firmarii are called mailmen. In VinogradofPs Villainage 
in England, p. 183, et $eq., the author examines the status of these mailmen or 
molmen and states that the word is commonly used in the feudal period for 
villans who have been released from most of their services by the lord on con- 
dition of paying certain rents. 

• Arber's edition, p. 3. • Ibid. p. 74. 



By F. Havebfield, M.A., F.S.A. 

[Read on the 29th day of March, 1893.] 

The inscription tells us that a water supply was provided for the Fifth 
Cohort of Gauls, the Roman garrison of the South Shields fort, in 
the first year of Severns Alexander (a.d. 222) and while Marius 
Valerianus was governor in the North of Britain. Its details are of 
an ordinary character and need bnt little comment. 

1. The Emperor Severns Alexander, of whose reign we have 
several memorials in Britain, is here described by his fall titulature, 
and his name Alexander has been erased. Both features are extremely 
common, but it may be worth while to explain why no more than 
4 Alexander ' has suffered erasure. 1 The reason is to be found in the 
fact that the emperors who reigned in the early part of the third 
century used very similar sets of names : Aurelius, Severus, Antoni- 
nus were common to nearly all of them and it is sometimes hard to 
identity even an unobliterated title. Naturally, then, after their 
deaths, their enemies often needed to erase only one word in an 
inscription, in order to obscure the identity of the emperor named, 
and, in the case of Severus Alexander, this one word was Alexander. 
There was, perhaps, a further reason for this acting in dealing with 
this emperor. His reign marked a brief recoil from the military 
despotism established by Septimius Severus, and when in a.d. 235 he 
and his energetic mother fell victims to the soldiers, their hatred 
would naturally be appeased by an erasure which left standing the 
names that had belonged to his military predecessors. If this was not 
intended, the coincidence between the erasure and the fact deserves to 
be noticed merely as a coincidence. 

2. Marius Valerianus, governor of the province in which South 
Shields was situated, is known from two inscriptions of a.d. 221-2, 

1 For other inscriptions of this reign in Britain see end of this note. For 
erasures of Alexander, see C.I.L. iii. p. 1117; Wilmanns, 1002, 1004; Dessau, 
479, 480, 484, 1356, etc. Any collection of inscriptions will furnish similar 
instances for Caracalla, Macrinus, and Elagabalus. 


found at Cheaters and Netherby.* He bears two names common in 
the third century, but nothing further seems to be recorded about him. 
3. The cohort garrisoning South Shields is also an old friend. It 
was in existence as a cohors equitata at least as early as Vespasian's 
reign (a.d. 69-79) ; it was in Pannonia in a.d. 84-5 and probably for 
some years earlier and later, and it may have joined in Trajan's Dacian 
campaigns, for its tiles have been found in a little Roman fort on the 
north bank of the Danube, near one of Trajan's crossing places. 8 We 
do not know when it moved to Britain, but, as a guess, we may 
suppose that it came with Hadrian, who appears to have moved one 
or two other auxiliary regiments from the Danube to Britain. In 
Britain our cohort is recorded at two places. One inscription 
mentioning it has been found at Cramond, near Edinburgh, in the 
ruins of a fort which was possibly connected with the operations of 
Pius. 4 More definite traces, tiles, an unmistakable though fragmentary 

inscription and some less intelligible leaden seals have been unearthed 
at South Shields within the last few years, 6 and our new inscription 
proves that the cohort was in garrison there about a.d. 222. Its 
subsequent history is unknown. 

8 Septimius Severus divided Britain into Inferior (York) and Superior 
(Chester), but the frontier is unknown, and this inscription (like most others) 
does not help us. That Marius was a provincial governor and not a mere 
legionary legatus is proved by the words pro praetore: the legionnm legati, 
though usually expraetors, had neither that title nor the powers it implied. 
For the Chesters inscription see C. vii. 585 and Lapid. 121, for the Netherby 
one C. 965 and Lapid. 774. 

■ An Aquileian inscription (C. v. 875 ; Orelii, 3651) mentions one Minicius 
Italus who began as praefectus coh. v. Oallorwn eqnitatae, was afterwards 
decorated by Vespasian, and, late in life, was in a.d. 105 otherwise distinguished. 
For the Pannonian and Dacian evidence see C. iii. p. 855 ; JSphem. v. p. 93 ; and 
Arch, epigr. MittheUungen, xiv. p. 111. This appears to be a case where we may 
safely suppose that all the mentions of a cohors v. Gallonm refer to the same 
cohort, an assumption which is often dangerous. 

* Gordon Itin. Sept. p. 116 ; C. vii. 1083. 

5 Eph. vii. 1003 (inscription),, iii. p. 143 and iv. p. 207 (tiles) ; iv. p. 209 
(seals) ; Arch. Ael. x. 223 et sea. Dr. Hubner (Hermes, xvi. 52 n.) says tiles 
have also been found at Tynemouth, but this is a mistake. 














4. The date of the inscription is fixed to the first year of Alex- 
ander's reign by the titulature, as well as by the name of the governor 
whom (as has been said) we know to have been in Britain in a.d. 
221-2. Of itself, the titnlatnre would not be quite conclusive evidence, 
as, from about the time of Septimius Severus, the numeral is some- 
times omitted after trib. pot. 

5. The formula of the inscription is of the usual character. It is, 
perhaps, a little unusual to find the governor himself curantem, but 
there are many parallels and the omission of any praefect or other 
inferior's name may imply the immediate supervision of Marius. The 
pluralf ttftdua is less common. 

The inscription possesses, however, a further interest than any 
involved in the details just noted. Like most lapidary monuments, 
it adds of itself but a shred to our knowledge, and only possesses real 
value when combined with others of its class. This new inscription 
from South Shields is a useful addition to a group of inscriptions 
which it is important for the student of Roman Britain to rightly 
understand. This group comprises the records of buildings erected or 
repaired in Roman fortresses, such as head quarters, offices, aqueducts, 
armours, baths, drill halls, store houses. Many of these records are 
dated, and, as is shown by the rough list appended to this note, the 
dates belong mostly to the first half of the third century. We need 
not, of course, take these records literally. The men who set them up 
followed only too readily the example set with more excuse by 
Septimius Severus, and they sometimes exaggerated their achieve- 
ments. Not every building which is described as * ruined by lapse of 
time ' (vetustate conlapsum) was really in serious disrepair. But the 
inscriptions are not wholly groundless glorifications : they may be 
connected with historical facts, and it has been usual to connect those 
found in the North of Britain with the campaigns of Septimius 
Severus and the statements which attribute to him the building of a 
Wall. However, the dates of the inscriptions make this view almost 
impossible, for a very considerable number of them are subsequent 
to the death of Severus in February, 211, and scarcely any belong to 
the years of his personal presence in Britain. We must turn rather to 
the changes in the army introduced by that emperor and his succes- 
sors, which tended to make the troops more territorial and the 



administration more efficient. Hence the number of new buildings 
and repairs providing for a more permanent occupation and some- 
times, perhaps, occupying ground, as at Lambaesis, vacated by soldiers 
who had received land outside. 

I. British Inscriptions of the reign of Severus Alexander (a.d. 222-235) : — 

Bath (near) 



Old Pbnbith 

Old Carlisle 


C. vii. 63 
C. vii. 104 
C. vii. 1223* 
C. vii. 319 
C. vii 348' 

C. vii. 585 


chestebholm . 



Fragment dated A.D. 235. 

Dedication dated A.D. 234. 

Tile (see Borghesi, iv. 296). . 

Dedication to the Matres. 

„ „ „ [uncertain: after 

examination of the stone I think Alex- 
ander and Iulia Mammaea were named 
on it.] 

Restoration and dedication of some building 
A.D. 221. 

Dedications [uncertain : perhaps relating to 
Elagabalus and Alexander A.D. 221.] 

Fragment, not much later than A.D. 222. 

Eph. iii. 100 .. 

and vii. 1016 

Eph. vii. 1021.. 


et $eq.; Eph. 

vii. 1041 ... Dedications to Thingsus, etc. 
C. vii. 716 ... Gateway and turrets restored, soon after 

A.D. 222. 
C. vii. 732 ... Granary restored aj>. 236. 
Arch. Ael. xi. 
132 ; Eph. vii. 

1115 Milestone. 

C. vii. 965 ... Basilica exercitatoria equestris A.D. 222. 
There are some other uncertain inscriptions — e.g. (C. vii. 222) at Bibchester 
belonging to this or the preceding reign (C. vii. 1045) at High 
Rochester, dated about a.d. 219-222. 
IL Rough List of Building Inscriptions :— • 

Prinoipia ruina opretta, A.D. 211-217. 

Cohorti vii centurias a solo restit AJ>. 253-9. 

Building restored A.D. 198-211. 

Temple rebuilt about a.d. 260 (C. vi. 1417). 

Aqueduct restored A.D. 198-211. 

Something rebuilt A.D. 197 ? 

Some work done by soldiers, about A.D. 165. 

Temple rebuilt A.D. 218-235 ? 

Bath burnt and rebuilt. Probably between 

A.D. 193 and A.D. 198. 
Uncertain : Hadrian^ reign. 

6 This list contains only inscriptions which appear to relate to some definite 
edifice or construction in a fortress. I have omitted the inscriptions which 
testify to the building of the two Walls by Hadrian and Antoninus, and other 
wall-stones. I have used my own discretion in including or excluding inscrip- 
tions of doubtful meaning. 

Bath (near) 

... C. vii. 62 


... C. vii. 107 




of. 96 


... C. vii 142 


... C. vii. 210 


... C. vii. 225 


cf. 222 


... C. vii. 273 




BAIHBRIDGE ... C. vii 269 ... ? Opm cum] bracohio eatmentieium A.D. 

Uncertain: after the division of Britain 
into two provinces. 
C. vii. 287 ... Bath and basilica restored about A.D. 200-250. 
C. vii. 310 ... Probably building about A.D. 218-7. 
C. vii. 316 ... Building restored third century. 
C. vii 446 ... Prineipia et armamentaria restit A.D. 
Bath and basilica built same date. 

Greta Bbidob ... C. vii 281 

Whitley Cabtle 
Old Penbfth ... 




Ch esters 


near) ... 






AroK Ael. xii 
2S9etuq. and 
xiii. 185 ; Eph 
vii. 960 

Bph. vii 91 

Bath rebuilt : perhaps a.d. 197. 
Water laid on. a.d. 216. t 


C. vii. 510 . 

C. vii. 585 . 

C. vii 686 . 
Eph. vii. 1021. 

C. vii. 621 . 

C. vii. 715 . 

C. vii 732 ., 

C. vii. 883d 

C. vii 894 
C. vii. 965 

Temple restored A.D. 
Rebuilding A.D. 221. 
Bridge — but doubtful : undated. 
Uncertain : soon after a.d. 222. 
. Uncertain : A.D. 237. 

Gate and towers rebuilt soon after a.d. 222. 
Storehouse rebuilt A.D. 225. [The word 
used, h&rreum, does not necessarily imply 
a corn-store.] 
Building A.D. 236. 

Uncertain : possibly between A.D. 211-222 ; 
the legate mentioned reappears at 
Netherby (c. 964). 
„ undated. 

Biding school A.D. 222. 

964, 966, 967 ... Uncertain : probably early in 3rd century. 
C. vii. 978 ... Inscription of Hadrian, perhaps founder of 
this camp, as of Netherby (c. 961.) 
Walls and gate restored A.D. 205-8. 
Bath: undated. 

Two buildings restored : undated. 
Building erected, perhaps temple, A.D. 

Praetoriwm ? A.D. 137-143. 
Uncertain (perhaps only a statue) A.D. 215. 
Ballittarium built (or rebuilt) A.D. 219-222. 

„ rebuilt. Same date. 

Fragment : probably A.D. 211-217. 

' The inscription appears to mention the territorium of the garrison. This 
primarily commissariat arrangement dates back to the first century (Brambach, 
/. Rh. 377^ and need not, with Schiller {Qesch, i 773), be connected with the 
changes of Septimius Severus. 



vii 1003 .. 




.984 .. 

» ••• 


High Bochesteb 


.1039 ... 

»» ... 

1041 .. 


1043 .. 

n ••• 

1045 ... 

» ... 

1046 .. 
1044 ... 





By the Rev. C. E. Adamson. 

[Read on the 29th day of March, 1893.] 

The manor of Haltwhistle or Hautwysel 1 formed part of the 
* Franchise of Tindale,' of which the kings of Scotland were lords 
seigneur, during parts of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. In 
1191 William the Lion gave Haltwhistle, Bellister, and Plainmeller 
as a dowry to his natural daughter Isabel, widow of Robert de Brus, 
on her marriage with Robert de Roos of Hamlake (Helmsley) and 
Wark-upon-Tweed, and the manor remained in the possession of her 
descendants for fourteen generations. Robert de Roos was succeeded 
by his son William who appears to have left Hamlake to his eldest son 
and Haltwhistle to his second son Alexander. In 1306, September 
11th, Edward I. passed through Haltwhistle, and on his arrival at 
Carlisle he granted to the lord of Haltwhistle license to hold a weekly 
market and two fairs, one on the festival. of the Invention of the Cross 
and the other at Martinmas. 

On the same occasion a complaint was made by William, son and 
heir of Sir Alexander Ros of Yolton, knight, alleging that he had been 
wrongfully deprived by John de Balliol, formerly king of Scotland, of 
the services of thirlage and maintenance of the mill pools of Hautwysel 
in Tyndale due by the lord of Grendon and his tenants in the time of 
his ancestor, Sir Robert de Roos, to whom William king of Scotland 
gave the manor of Hautwysel and appurtenances and praying remedy 
from the king as now lord of Grendon since the death of Antony 
bishop of Durham. 

It appears that Gilbert, the then lord of Grindon in the chapelry 
of Haydon Bridge, had granted an annual rent charge of four marks 
to Alexander de Ros for liberty for himself and his tenants to grind 

1 At the east end of the town is a mound known as the Castle HiU. It bears 
traces of ancient fortification, and it has been suggested that the name of Halt- 
whistle (or Hautwysell as it was originally spelled) is derived from the * watch ' 
[wessel] on the 'high' [alt] mound. 


their corn at Haltwhistle mill. His son Hugh had exchanged lands 
with Alexander III. king of Scotland from whom they had descended 
to John Balliol on whose forfeiture Anthony Bek, bishop of Durham, 
came into possession for a short time, bnt the king had recovered 
them at this parliament at Carlisle. The complaint is endorsed: — 
' As the King's father died seized in the Manor and the service was 
not done for long before, the case must be more folly considered.' 2 

Robert de Bos or de Boos was a very important personage. His 
name is continually occurring in state documents of the period. He 
held the important barony of Wark-upon-Tweed as well as Halt- 
whistle and had extensive estates at Helmsley in Yorkshire. In 1209 
he was one of the escort appointed to attend William of Scotland to 
York, and he is one of the witnesses to the agreements between the 
English and the Scottish kings. In 1212 he had * taken the habit of 
religion ' in connection with the Knights Templars, but we find him 
shortly afterwards again engaged in State business, and yet when he died 
in 1227 he was buried as a Knight Templar in the Temple church. He, 
with the Northumbrian barons Eustace de Yesci, John fitz Robert, and 
Gilbert Delaval, took a prominent part in promoting the signing of 
the great Charter (1215). Two of his grandsons, each named Robert 
de Ros, also took a prominent part in public affairs, but Haltwhistle 
passed into the possession of descendants whose names seldom occur 
in the public records. 

In 1343 William de Boos died leaving two daughters of whom one 
(who married Sir John EUerker) succeeded to Yolton in Yorkshire, 
the other to Haltwhistle, and thus the manor passed to Sir Thomas 
Musgrave the husband of Margaret de Roos. The Musgraves were an 
old Cumbrian family settled at Musgrave and afterwards branching 
oat into the four families of Great Musgrave, Edenhall, Hayton, and 

The tower of Hautwysel is first mentioned in the list of towers 
and castles that existed in Northumberland about the year 1416, and 
is probably the same as that described in 1542 as the inheritance of 
Sir William Musgrave and in measurable good reparation. 8 It is — as 

* See Hodgson's Northumberland, III. 385, and Bain's Documents relating to 
8cotland, III. 48, 236. 

• 'At Hawtewyale is a toure of thinherytance of S r Will'm Musgrave knighte 
in measurable good rep'ac'ons.' 



it now stands — a plain building with a loop-holed turret built on corbels. 
The old roof, which was removed some twenty years ago, was formed 

of flags laid on heavy 
oaken beams and fastened 
thereto with sheep shank 
bones. The floor also 
consisted of flags laid 
on joists formed of the 
roughly squared trunks 
of oak trees. A winding 
stone stair-case leads to 
the upper part of the 
tower. As Haltwhistle 
cannot have had a resi- 
dent lord during the tenure of the Musgraves, the tower was 
probably the official residence of the bailiffe who seem to have 
exercised considerable authority in the town. In 1279 Roger le 
Tailleur was bailiff. In 1473 Robert Stevenson, vicar, is named as 
seneschal. In 1552 Nicholas Blenkinsopp was bailiff (Nicolson's 
Leges Marchiarum 164). John Ridley, bailiff of Haltwhistle, by his 
will dated 1616 bequeaths his best ox as a 'herryate' to Lord William 
Howard, and another John Ridley and Nicholas Ridley held the office 
in 1684. (Lord William Howard's Household Book.) 

In 1516 Sir Edward Musgrave obtained from Henry VIII. a 
confirmation 4 of the grant of fairs and markets of Edward I., and his 
second son Simon (who succeeded to the estates on the death of his 
nephew Sir Richard without surviving issue) sold the manor to Sir 
Richard Lowther, knight, whose virtues and honours are thus recorded 
in Lowther church : — 

' Sir Richard Lowther knight, succeeded Henry lord Scroop in the office of 
lord warden of the West Marches, and was thrice a Commissioner in the great 
affairs between England and Scotland all the time of queen Elizabeth. And 
after he had seen his children to the fourth degree, given them virtuous 
education and means to live, advanced his brothers and sisters out of his own 
patrimony, governed his family and kept plentiful hospitality for 57 years 
together, he ended his life the 27th of January, 1607, ^Jtatis suae 77.' • 

4 See Appendix, page 176. 

* Nicolson and Burns, Westmoreland and Cumberland, I. 431 . 


Christopher his son married Eleanor daughter of Sir William 
Mosgrave of Hayton, co. Cumberland, and his daughter Annie married 
Alexander Featherstonhangh of Featherstone near Haltwhistle. 

With her the manor passed to the Featherstonhaughs, and her son 
Albany Featherstonhangh sold it to Lord William Howard (Belted 
Will) in 1611. The date of the sale is approximately fixed by the 
following entries in Lord William Howard's Household Book for 1612 
under ( Bents Pentecost and Martinmas.' 

1 Hautwysell. — Auguati 5°. Received of John Ridley for the half yeare's 
rent of the tenements thear, due to my Lord at Midsomer last, the sum of iiijZt 
iiij* viijd.— Per quittf Nov. 19. Rec. of John Ridley for the half yeare's rent of 
the tenements thear, due to my Lord at Martinmas last and for the towle 
xxj* yd. Rec of Mr. Harrison for wholl yeare's rent of the mill thear, due at 
Martinmas last Wt vj* viiji.' 

Bnt that it was then a recent acquisition is shown by an entry 
under another head : — 

* Bee of Cuthbert Harryson as remayning upon his accompt of ili part of 
the payment for the purchase of Hautwysell 28 Feb. iiij* i\d* 

Again under ' lands purchased ' : — 

•March 1° by bills— To Mr. Cuth. Harryson as parcell of the money due by 
my Lord for the purchase of Hautwysell and for drawing of writings belonging 
thereunto ili * * * To Cuthbert Harryson for John Corry for the purchase of 
his assignment for the lease of Hautwysell mill ulV 

Moreover this property does not occur in Lord William Howard's 
rental for 1611. 

Other entries in the same book are : — 

* 1612, Aug. 26, the stewards' dinner at Hautwysell Court ixs. iiijJ., in 1641, 

1618 (various receipts) clxvijZi iiij*. id. ob.— June 18. Rec. of Mr. Cuth. 
Harryson for the towles of St. Ellens and Martinmas 1618 for ij faires xv*. For 
Composition of all tradesmen comming to those ij fairs xiiij*. For towle corn 
xiiij*. For towle of bread vij«. Rec of John Bell for one of his sons for his 
amerciament for playing at ix holes vi* viijd/ 

Aug. 13. Various receipts of John Turner for corn and coals 
sold at Haltwhistle are enumerated : — 

'5 stone of Coale roap for Hautwisell and the other xvi*. viiii. 


1620, June 2. Bee. of John Ridley Miller for one half yeares rent of the 
Walk Mill at Hantwysley due at Whitsunday 1621, xl*.' 

The miller received vft. yearly as wages, probably this was the 
corn miller. 

4 Mr. Laurence Middleton for keeping the court at Hantwysley iij times due 
at the last St Ellenmas court 1621 xxu.' 

In connection with this period the following from a document (in 
the handwriting and peculiar spelling of Mrs. Cathbertson) preserved 
among the manor records is interesting : — 

' Lord Wm Howard bought ye Lordship of Albany 


Observations on Haltwhjstles Court Rolls 

due to ye Lord of ye Man* 

Herriots on Desent & arbitary fines on allinations 

£ 3 d 
Estamated Worth Yearly 6 3:6 
Certain Day works of ye several Tenant 
# d 
Estimated Worth : 7 6 

£ s d 
Profits of ye fairs & markets 1 8:4 
Court & Court Leets &c fines on Alenation Heriots releases wayf es & deodands 
Felon good &c Hawking Fowling Hunting fishing & all other Profits and Per- 
quasites worth 

£ $ d 

Lord Howard let ye follow to Tho Waugh-- 

Acre*. Rood. P. 

Message Barn & Stack yard &c — — 20 

Close call d Skele end Containing 6 — — 

Land Lyeing in Haltwhistle Hough con* ... — 2 — 

1 — 

Land Lying in y East feild Bounded by Walk I 
Water Mill Butts on ye West Containing J 

Two Ridges of Land lye 11 * in East feild — 2 — 

Third Part of a Pasture call Akey know 112 — 

Ground Lyeing in Halt w Westfeilds con* ... 4 2 — 

Land Lyeing in ye feild Call d . Wilyae con* ... 1 — — 

25 — 20 
The above was lett to Tho Waugh by Ijord Howard with all Perquisite 
mention* 1 , (excepting Mills & Quarrys). 

Tenants paying y* best Beast they dye d Seize* of for a Her *. 
Haltwhistle. Lord Howard let y° following to Hugh Ridley, 1632. 


Acre*. Rood. P. 

A Message Barn & Garth Containing — 1 — 

A Frontstead Containing — — 10 

Land laying in Haltwhistle Hough Con* 1 — 20 

Land Lyeing in j* Haither East Feild con* ... 1 2 — 

Land Lyeing in Haltwhistle West feilds con* ... 6 1 — 

Land Laying in j* feild call*. Wylegae con ... 1 1 — 

The whole Contain** 9 1 30 

At his Death to pay a Herriot & all other Custom & Dutys as ye Tenants are 
Bound to perform. 

The water Corn Mill w* all Mnlstors Tolls Sate Soken Custome &c to y 6 
same belonging. 

The Walk Mill with Pool Water &c thereto belong**. 

The Dye House with all Advantages theretoo belong 1 "*. 

Coal Mines & Seams of Coal discoverd or to be Discover 4 & all profits what 
so Ever. 

Lord Howard let y 6 follow** to John Ridley alias Basby. 

A. R, P. 

Parcel of Land Call d . Bayfield Hough contain* ... 
Land Call d Haltwhistle Lowe Hough con* 
Land Lyeing in Haltwhistle Bastfeilds Bounded 

by ye river Tyne on y 6 South con* 

Land lyeing in Haltwhistle West feilds con* ... 
Land lyeing in a feild call* Wylegae con* 

The whole 

Lord Howard let y* following to Chriatp. Ridley. 
A Messag House a smith shop garth & Close Call* 
Edenslaw containing 

Lord William Howard died in 1640 just as the troubles of the 
civil war were beginning ; indeed it is supposed that his hasty removal 
from Naworth to Greystock on the approach of the Scots was the 
immediate cause of the death of the old man whose once sturdy frame 
was now well nigh worn out. 

Sir Charles Howard, third son of Lord William Howard (who 
married Dorothy Widdrington), now succeeded to the manor. He 
'was a person whose political and religious principles did not permit 
him to bask in the favour of" Oliver " the " Captain General of all the 
forces," or of the honourable parliament of the time ; for, on the 14th 
July, 1652, " the humble petition of the lady Dorothy Howard late the 
wife of Sir Richard Howard, knight, one of those presented to their 
honours in the new list from the Commissioners for compounding as a 
papist delinquent, and of William Howard Esq. their son, being that day 























read " before the House of Commons " it was resolved — that the name 
of Sir Charles Howard, of Haltwhisle, be inserted into the bill"; and 
accordingly the name of Sir Charles Howard, of Plenmeller, near 
Haltwhistle, occurs in a long list of his offending neighbours, who 
were put into the bill of November 2nd, 1652, for the sale of several 
lands and estates forfeited to the commonwealth for treason.* 6 Accord- 
ingly the estate was put up for sale, and the following document belongs 
to this date. It is endorsed thus : — 


Boundery of Haltwhistle Lordship Beginneth at the South East Corner of 
the Falling in of Tippat Burn into the River of South Tyne ; And from thence 
Northwest up the said Burn to the Foot of Pansdale Sike, then North the said 
Silce to the Sandiefords. And so to the Wall Town Mosse ; And then East 
thro* the said Mosse to the Mear Poole And so along the Meare Steand to the 
Cawburn And from thence North East to the Roman Wall, And North beyond 
the said Wall up the Cawburn by the Summer Yards to an Old Double Dike And 
So along the said Dike to the Caw Gap And So South Over the Roman Wall to 
the Staving Stone And So South by the West End of the Christy Cragg And so 
still South by the Shudders (qy. Struthers) to the River Tyne And then West 
up the said River to Tippat Foot where the Bounder begun.' 

From the proceedings in connection with this forfeiture and 
subsequent sale we learn that Lord William Howard by a deed dated 
8th October, 1688, had settled Plenmeller and Haltwhistle first on 
himself and his then wife with remainder to Sir Charles Howard his 
son, and with further remainder to William Howard son of Sir Charles. 
But in April, 1651, Nicholas Ridley and others stated in a petition 
that * Capt. Thomas Howard and Sir Charles Howard papists in arms 
held the land until the Scots invasion when they fled leaving the 
lands waste, 9 and thereon the petitioners returned to their lands from 
which they had been formerly expelled by Lord William Howard and 
had held them for eight years paying rent, but the County Committee 
having sequestered Sir Charles Howard's estates bad let their tene- 
ments. They stated also that their ancestors had long held these 
lands paying rent to the crown but Lord William Howard purchased 
the royalties of king James. Roger Harbottle, on June 11th, states 

• Hodgson's Northumberland, i. II. p. 80, quoting Commons Journal, vii. 154, 


in a counter petition that the estate was sequestered seven years ago, 
and that Sir Charles being very aged and unable to prosecute these 
trespassers, Sir A. Haselrigg and the Northern Commissioners had let 
the premises to himself at an improved value of £55, and yet the 
others go on ploughing and sowing. The dispute was concluded by a 
resequestration of the estate on June 4th, 1652, and it was sold on 
November 10th, 1653, to Philip Purefoy, of whom nothing seems to 
be known and who within ten years had parted with his purchase. 
This order of the trustees for the sale specifies : — 

'All those the Mannours Lordshipps and Towneshipps of Halt whistle 
Haltleboume Plenmeller and Ferrysheilds with the Lands Tenements Rents 
Royalties Bights members and appurtenances thereof And also all that Water 
Come Milne and a Falling Milne or Walke Milne with the Appurtenances 
unto them belonging in Haltwhistle aforesaid And also all that Dying house 
together with the Coalery Coale Mynes or Seams of Cosies lying and being 
in Haltwhistle aforesaid and belonging to the said Mannours with the appur- 
tenances And also of all other the Messuages and Tenements with the Lands 
and appurtenances thereunto belonging lying and being within the said 
Mannours by what name or names soever they are called.* 

The next owner was William Pearson who is said to have lived at 
Haltwhistle Spital, now part of the Blenkinsop estate, where his initials 
W. P. were cut in the stone over the door of the house. In the valua- 
tion of the county of the year 1663 William Pearson is assessed for 
Haltwhistle town at £140 and for the mills at £20. 7 In 1672 we find 
George Pearson coupled with William in a note for the calling of the 
Pair, but in 1713 we find 'Mr.' William Pearson alone described as 
lord of the manor, and a John Pearson who is recognised as entitled 
to a share in the division of the common. At this time both William 
Pearson and John Pearson are described as of * 8. Gyles Hospital als 
Hexham Spital.' John is an infant who acts by his mother Margaret. 
As William Pearson's daughter 8 was married as late as 1728, it would 
appear that we have at least two if not three generations of Pearsons. 

7 Hodgson's Northumberland, I. iii. 318. 

• Mr. Thos. J. Leadbitter has kindly supplied the following note on Wm. 
Pearson : — 

'My ancestor, Matthew Leadbitter, of Wharnley and Warden (the grandfather 
of my great grandfather) succeeded to the Warden property in 1682 on his 
father's death. 

His eldest son succeeded him as owner of Warden. 

His 2nd son, Matthew Leadbitter, of Wharnley, purchased Haltwhistle 
Spital in 1726, and he was buried at Warden on 10 June, 1751. His 3rd wife 


In 1713, an agreement was made for the division of certain parts 
of Haltwhistle Common which were known by the names of * The 
ffoulding Steads Walkers Hill the Pike Horsley Radstones Greenholes 
Irdon Hill lyeing on the East side of Haltwhistle Borne Broomshaw hill 
Williah head the Kemb Hill Little Painsdale Great Painsdale the Hard 
riggs the Lees the Inner Lees hole the Outer Lees Hole the ffeild head 
lyeing & being on the West Side of Haltwhistle Borne and all that 
parcell of Ground lyeing and being at the Head of Hardriggs.' The 
parties to the agreement were William Pearson of St. Gyles Hospital 
also Hexham Spittle, lord of the manor, of the one part, and of the other 
Robert Coatsworth (of Unthank), Bartholomew Coulson, Matthew 
Henderson (of Akieknow), Albany Glenwright, John Johnson (of 
Elwick, Co. Durham), Cuthbert Lethart, Roger Pigg (Dyer), William 
Armstrong, John Newton (of Horse Close), James Armstrong, George 
Johnson, Thomas Pratt (Smith, of Whittington), Christopher Bell (of 
Old Sheels), Hugh Ridley, Matthew Ridley, Thomas Crawford (of West 
Renton, Co. Durham), Thomas Jackson, Thomas Bell, Thomas Waugh, 
JohnWaugh(ofBitchellgate), .... Thirlwell ( ....), 
Nicholas Havelock (of Cawfield), Thomas Pate (Vicar), John Mowbray 
(of the City of Durham, gentleman ), Thomas Marshall (of Walltown), 
Joseph Bell (Glover), John Nixon, Dorothy Hankin, Henry Hankin 
(of Newcastle, Barber Chyrurgion), Teasdale Mowbray (infant by his 
father for lands, late John Winter's Mason and also late Thomas 
Neven's), John Pearson (of Haltwhistle Spittle by his mother Margaret 
Pearson), Christopher Armstrong, John Routledge, William Whitfield, 
John Blenkinsopp, Dorothy Snawdon, Mary Routledge, Richard 
Blenkinsopp, all of Haltwhistle and yeomen, unless otherwise described. 
The land divided amounted to 518 acres 2 roods of which 50 acres were 
allotted to the lord of the manor for his demesne lands and two detached 
acres in right of two cottages. The 50 acres included the Lees, The 
Inner Lees, and Lees hope bounded by the burn. The largest allottees 

was Mary, daughter of William Pearson, of Hexham 8pital, to whom he was 
married on 20 June, 1728. They had issue an only daur., Margt., who was living 
and unmarried in 1760. (The above is extracted from Hodgson's Northumberland, 
Part II. Vol iii. p. 410.) I have the portrait of colonel Pearson who fought in 
1715 at Preston, and was a colonel in the Jacobite army. He was very nearly 
taken prisoner, and was said to have been a very resolute and powerful man. 
He is said to have lived at the Spital, Hexham, and, no doubt, was the Wm. 
, Pearson of Hexham Spital, and lord of the manor of Haltwhistle, party to the 
agreement of 1713 for division of Haltwhistle Common.' 


were the Mowbrays who received 140 acres to be divided by themselves 
into portions of 90 to one and 50 to the other. 

In 1714 the manor was sold to Thomas Oarr of Hexham, gentle- 
man, for £1,100, and the deeds show that it had been previously 
mortgaged to John Bacon, esquire, of Staward, for nearly its full 
value. Thomas Oarr had married Ann, the daughter of Thomas 
Burrell of Broom park, and his son John Carr in his will dated 14th 
April, 1738, left his landed property at Hexham and Haltwhistle to 
his * dear brother James Carr ' 9 with remainder, in default of issue, 
to George Cuthbertson who had married his aunt Mary Burrell, and to 
his heira male in strict entail. 

James Carr had no issue, and consequently the property descended 
to George Cuthbertson. The entail was broken when the younger 
George Cuthbertson came of age, and the property was resettled on 
his marriage, with remainder to his wife if she survived him, and then 
to his children. 

George Cuthbertson the elder and George Cuthbertson the younger 
were successively town clerks of Newcastle. The son, however, died 
before his father and thus never came into possession of Haltwhistle. 
The elder George Cuthbertson died in 1767, and his grandson, another 
George, on coming of age was admitted to the Hexham property, but 
his mother was lady of the manor of Haltwhistle from 1767 until 
her death in 1796 when she was succeeded by her only surviving child 
Elizabeth, in accordance with the settlement. 

Mrs. Cuthbertson was the daughter of Leonard Bower 6f Scorton, 
Yorkshire. She only enjoyed married life for about five years, her 
husband dying in 1756 at the early age of 26. She has left behind 
her a beautifully written book of daily expenses, 10 and the court rolls 
and presentments for this period are still preserved. 

Miss Elizabeth Cuthbertson, locally known as lady Cuthbertson 

and the eccentric Miss Cuthbertson, lived at Haltwhistle in the new 

manor house, rebuilt in 1800, and at one time known as the ' Griffin 

inn.' At first she kept up considerable state but afterwards (report 

says in consequence of an unrequited attachment) she became very 

eccentric. She was very tenacious of her manorial rights. She kept a 

•James Can son of Thomas Carr of Hexham, gent., University Coll., 
matriculated 10 Mar. 1736-7, aged 18. Foster's Alumni Oxonienses. 
w See Proceedings, Vol. V. p. 248. 


gamekeeper to preserve the * fowling ' on the manor. She was con- 
tinually quarrelling with her tenants. At the time of her death, the 
whole property (with the exception of two houses then lately built) 
was in a complete state of ruin, according to a report made by Mr. 
John Adamson to her successors in the manor. 

She died in 1836 11 intestate, and the manor therefore passed in 
' moieties' to her cousins Robert Bower and Frances and Charlotte 
Heron. The former represented her aunt Philadelphia whose marriage 
is thus announced in the Newcastle Journal for 14th July, 1759 : — 
* 1759, July, married John Bower of Bolton York 8 at St. John's Church 
N.C. to Miss Cuthbertson dau : to Geo : Cuthbertson Clerk of the Peace 
for North* an amiable and polite young lady with a handsome fortune.' 
The ladies represented Anne Cuthbertson of whose marriage there is 
no record, the bride having eloped with Mr. Heron to (it is supposed) 
Gretna Green. Mr. and Mrs. Heron had a large family, but the 
only survivors at the death of Miss Cuthbertson were two of the 
younger children, Frances and Charlotte. These ladies were descended 
from one Thomas Heron of Heron's Hill near Corbridge, and he is 
understood to have been closely connected with the baronets of 
Chipchase. Thus by a curious coincidence the manor of Haltwhistle 
came into the possession of descendants of its ancient owners, Margaret, 
daughter of Sir Edward Musgrave by his first wife Alice, having 
married John Heron of Chipchase in the last years of Henry VIII. 

11 ' 1836. Dec 17. Died at Haltwhistle at the advanced age of 82 years 
Elizabeth Cuthbertson a maiden lady. She chose for her abode the second 
storey of a miserable abode in Haltwhistle, the door of which was nearly con- 
stantly locked and many of the windows bricked up to shut out the gaze of 
inquisitive people. Here she lived alone, and the wealth with which she was 
blessed, and which might have been a source of blessing to all around her, was 
allowed to accumulate, as she invariably refused all applications to improve the 
estate or render those around her more comfortable. For the latter part of her 
life her exclusiveness became more strict and her solitude more remarkable. 
She kept no steward or servant or any one to look after her affairs or manage 
her property, and consequently much inconvenience was sustained by all the 
neighbourhood. Towards her tenants she behaved in a very peculiar manner. 
It is said that there were some who had not paid any rent for a great number of 
years, there were others who paid a portion of the rent due only, and both these 
descriptions of tenants she allowed to live upon the respective tenures they 
occupied because they owed her money, but those who paid the whole of their 
rents she immediately discharged. It is said by those who had occasional access 
to her that she had a fine intelligent countenance but it was clouded with auster- 
ity, and a little more cleanliness would have made it more agreeable. During 
the last few years of her life she declined transacting any business in the 
most positive manner, and no inducements or persuasions could prevail upon 
her to abandon her system of non-intercourse with the world.' — Local Papers, 
Richardson's Tajble Book, 


In 1844 an Act of Parliament was obtained for the division of the 
remainder of the common and also of the rig or dale lands. The 
common contained about 1,360 acres yet undivided. Under the Act, 
one-sixteenth was allotted to the lord and ladies of the manor in 
consideration of their manorial rights, three large plots were sold to 
pay the expenses of the division, and the remainder was divided 
amongBt those entitled to right of common. The rig or dale lands 
have a peculiar interest in that they were relics of the old system of 
farming when the farmers had each his toft and his croft and his share 
in the common fields. In each field each freeholder had his rig or dale, 
and this was convenient when perhaps the manor possessed only one 
plough for which every farmer contributed an ox and the village 
blacksmith the irons and so on, but it was altogether out of date 
and inconvenient under the modern system, one particular disadvan- 
tage being that no system of drainage was possible in plots of land 
seldom or never exceeding one acre in extent. By comparing the old 
documents relating to Lord William Howard's tenants, and a map 
made by the commissioner for the division, we can get a fair idea of 
these common fields. We see first that every tenant had his * Message 
Barn and Garth,' and also 'Lands Lyeing in* various places. Halt- 
whistle Haugh was the land lying south of Edenslawn and the church- 
yard by the riverside. The East field may have been situated near the 
foot of the burn. The West fields perhaps lay on either side of the 
road leading to Bitchelgate, and the field called Wilyae lay to the north 
of the town. Besides these we have Bayfield Haugh in the older 
document (perhaps the Bogfield which lies between Edenslawn and 
Haltwhistle Haugh), and in the map we find that dale lands lay south 
of the river in Bellister Haugh, and that there were other plots 
at Bitchelgate and Tippalt Foot (perhaps also parts of the Westfields). 
These were all divided into convenient fields according to the several 
interests of the owners thereof. 

The Misses Heron bequeathed their moiety to the surviving 
children of their friend, Mr. John Adamson of Newcastle. The Adam- 
bohs afterwards acquired the other moiety by purchase from Mr. Bower, 
thus becoming sole lords of the manor; and it may be noted as 
another curious coincidence that the Adamsons are descended (by a 
chain with several female links) from the original grantee through the 


families of Darcy, Dodsworth (of Thornton Watlass) and Blythman (of 

The manor coald not pass through snch a tenure as that of Hiss 
Cuthbertson without some serious depreciation ; but the present lords 
still hold the old Tower, the Castle Hill, the < Water Come Milne,' 
the ' Fulling Milne or Walke Milne,' the * Dying house ' (in the 
occupation of Mr. Saint whose ancestors have for several generations 
carried on business therein), the * Coalery Ooale Mines or Seames of 
Coales ' (still worked for the supply of household coal), the Town 
Foot Farm representing the old demesne lands, and the Leas Hall 
Farm, allotted in lieu of the lord's rights over the common. This 
latter form is bounded on the east by Haltwhistle Burn, which, as it 
flows for a short distance between rugged cliflfe of valuable freestone, 
presents to view one of those picturesque spots which are characteristic 
of the county of Northumberland. 

Pedigree of Db Bos ob De Boos. 

Arms : Chdet three water bougets org. 

Peter deBos, lord of =f Adeline, one of the sisters and oo-heiress of 
Bos in Holderness. Walter de Eepeo, lord of Hamlaka (Helmsley). 

Robert de Roe =F Slbill de Valolnes. 

Brerard de Bos. had lirery of =r Bos, one of the daughters and oo-heiresses of 
Yorkshire estates 26 Hen. IL Wm. Trusbutt of Wartree in Holderness. 

Robert db Bos, surnamed Fursan. =f Isabella, dau. of William the Lion, king of 
had livery of lands, 2 Ric. L reoelred Sootland, and widow of Robert le Bros. 

Haltwhistle on his marriage ; ob. 1227. 

William dk Bos, =f Lucy, dau. of Reginald BobertdeBos =f Margaret WjUiamthe =f . 

t= Lucy, dan. of Reginald Robert ae J&os =f Margaret wunam tne =f . 
Fitss-Piers. * of Wert' Bros. jounger. 

Robert de Ros, oneof the =f Isabel, dan. of Alexander db Bos, soo- =F . . . . Peter de Roe. 

principal barons of Par- William, 4th lord oeeded to Haltwhistle and rector of 

liament, 1264 and 1285; AlbiniofBelrouv Yolton; mentioned 14 Ed. L Bottesford. 

ob.1285. ' 

William de Roe, =f Maud. dan. Isabel William dx Bos, to=p.. 

ob. 1316.1 of John Emmeline. whom Edw. I. granted 

deVaux. fair at Haltwhistle, 1307. 

William t= . . . . Alioe = Nicholas Lord Meinill, Alexander Maroarkt, wife of Sir 
de Bos. I of Whorlton, from de Bos, Thomas Muagrave, who 

whom are descended ob *.p. had Haltwhistle. 

the present lords of Mary, wife of Sir John 

Haltwhistle. Bllerker, who had Yol- 




Sketch Pedigree to illustrate the Descent of Haltwhibtle 
Manor in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. 

Thomas Barren, Esquire, of Broom park, had, 
besides other children, two daughters. 

Thomas Oarr of Hexham, =f Anne. George Outhbertson=F Mary. 

vhobonghlHaltvhistle. I (IV.) V 


John Anne =f Ralph 

Bower. Oathbertson. 


John James George =f Hannah, Philadelphia =f 

Carr. Oarr. Oathbertson. | dau. of Oathbertson. 

(H) (DX) L. Bower. 

w ^ (V.) 

George Mary Elizabeth Amongst others. Amongst others, 

Guthbertson. Oathbertson. Oathbertson. Robert Bower. Franoes Heron and 

(YI.) (VH. one moiety.) Charlotte Heron. 

(Vn. the other 

Connecting links between the original lord of Haltwhibtle and 

the present lords. 
Alice, dau. of William de Ros, the great grandson of Fursan, married Nicholas, 

lord Meinill of Whorlton. 
Elixabeth, her only dau., married John, 2nd lord Darcy, who fought at Crecy 

with his father, and died 1356. 

John, 3rd lord Darcy, died a minor s.p. 
Philip, 4 th lord Darcy, married Elizabeth, dau. of sir Thos. Grey of Heton and 

widow of Roger Widdrington. He died 1398. 
John, 5th lord Darcy, married Margaret, dau. of Henry lord Gray de Wilton. 
Philip, 6th lord Darcy, married Eleanor, dau. of Henry lord Fitz Hugh, and 

died 1418, under age, leaving two daughters, one of whom, 
Margery Darcy, married sir John Conyers of Hornby, knt. 
Margaret Conyers married Rowland Place of Halnaby. 
Matilda Place married Thomas Dodsworth of Thornton Watlass. 
Richard Dodsworth married Dorothy Wy vil. 

(? William Dodsworth, another son, father of Laurence.) 
Katharine Dodsworth married her cousin Laurence, and her daughter 
Margaret Dodsworth married William Blythman of Gateshead and afterwards 

of Westoe. 
Edward Blythman married Jane Cook in 1597. 
Edward Blythman married Mary Chambers in 1617. 

William Blythman married 

Mary Blythman married Henry Eden, M.D. 

Jane Eden married Cuthbert Adamson in 170}. 

Blythman Adamson married Eleanor Thirkeld. 

Cuthbert Adamson married Mary Huthwaite. 

John Adamson married Elizabeth Huthwaite in 1812. 

Edward Hussey Adamson. 

William Adamson. 

Charles Murray Adamson. 

8arah Mary Adamson. 

John James Adamson. 


Haltwhistlb Fair. 

Hodgson quotes a writ showing that in 1207 king John granted a weekly 
market to Robert de Roe. Rex vicecomiti Northumbrian — praecipimus tibi 
quod facias habere Rob. de Ros unum mercatnm apnd Altewis' singulis septi- 
manis per diem jovis quia illud ei ibi concessimos nisi sit, etc. Teste me ipso 
apud Oxon x di Febr. A. r. n. 8to. (Bet. Lit. Clam. temp. Johan, p. 77.) 

At the date of this John of England and William the Lion of Scotland were 
at war with each other. 

Confirmation Roll. 7 Henry 8. Part 2, Membrane 13. 
D' Confirmac'o'e Edwardo Musgrave. Rex Onmibtt* ad quos haec salwtem 
Inspeximus cartam dominx Edwardi nuper Regis Anglian primi Progenitoris nostri 
factum in hec verba. Edwardus Dei Gratia Rex Augliae Dominus Hibemiae 
k Dux Aqvdtaniae Archiepwcopis Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribtt* Comitibfc* Baroni- 
bus Justiciariis Vicecomitibw Prepositis Ministris k omnibus ballivis k fidelibtt* 
sais Salutem. Sciatis nos concessisse k hac carta nostra, confirmasse dilecfo 
k fideli nostro WillieZww> de Ros de Yoltone quod ip*e & heredes sui imperpetuum 
habe&ut unum mercatum singulis Septimanis per diem Jovis apud manerium 
suum de Hautwyselle in Tindale in comitatu Northumbrian k unam feriam 
ibidem singulis annis per tres dies dar&turam videlicet in vigilia k in die k in 
crastino Invencioais Sanctae Cruris k unam aliam feriam ibidem per tres 
dies duraturam videlicet in vigilia k in die k in crastino Sancti Martini episcopi 
in hyeme nisi mercatum illud k ferie ille sint ad nocumentuwt vicinorww 
mercatortt?/t k vicinartwi f eriarwm. Quare volumic*& firmiter praecipimuspro nobis 
k heredibiM nostris quod predic£us WilMelmus k heredes sui imperpetuum 
habe&nt predict* mercatum & ferias apud manerium suum prediction, cum om*i- 
bus libertatibw* k libris consuetudinibtu ad hujusmodi mercatum k ferias 
pertinentibw nisi mercatum illud k ferie ille sint ad noenmentum vicinortwt 
mercatorw/i k vicinarww f eriarww sicut prediction est. Hiis testibtu venerabilibu* 
patribus W. Ebor Archieputcopo Angliae primate W. Covent'r k Lich J. Cicestr. 
R. London' k J. Karliol' BpUcopis Henr* de Lacy Comite Lincoln' Guidone de 
Bello Cam po Comite Warr* Hugone le Despenser Rob'to fiT Ric' Rog'o de mortuo 
mari Petro de malo lacu k aliis. Datwm per manunt nostrum apud Karliol um 
decimo octavo die marcii anno regni nostri tricesimo quinto. Nos autem cartam 
prediclam ac omnia k singula contenta in eadem rata ho Rentes k grata pro nobis 
k heredibtu nostris quantum in nobie est acceptamit* & approbamw* ac Dileeto 
k fideli nostro Edwardo Musgrave militi nunc tenenti manerii de Hantwysel 
predictum k heredib«# suis ratificamtu k confirmamfu prout carta predtcte in 
ae roiionabiliter testator. . In cujus hoec T.R. apud Westm' xiiij. die Aprilis. 

Fro decern solidis solutii in hanapio. 

ARCHAE0L0G1A AELIANA, Vol. XVU to face p. i/7. 

P/ate XIII 

3 Hy«s&' 

^2 .oJ±*jST^- 

Haltwhistle Church, from the S. E. 



By the Rev. C. E. Adamson. 
[Read on the 31st day of May, 1893.] 
The church of Haltwhistle is a good and thoroughly characteristic 
work of the early part of the thirteenth century. Unfortunately it 
has been very badly treated at various times, but, indeed, considering 
its proximity to the Border, it is wonderful that it has come down to 
ns with so little serious injury. At the beginning of this century (as 
the picture in Hodgson's Northumberland shows) the aisles had 
eighteenth century sash windows and the roof was of a very low pitch, 
bat sufficient traces remained to enable the late R. J. Johnson, in 
1870, to restore the original lancets and the original pitch of the roof. 
The plan of the church is peculiar. The nave and aisles are so wide 
in proportion to their length that they appear to form a square, while 
the long chancel seems almost as long as the nave. The actual 
dimensions of the nave and aisles are, however, 64 feet by 44 feet, 
and of the chancel 46 feet by 19 feet. 

A Haltwhistle gentleman lately visiting at Grail, in Fifeshire, 
noticed that the church there was very like the church at Haltwhistle, 
and when the minister of Crail afterwards paid a visit to Haltwhistle 
and inspected that church, the two gentlemen agreed that the two 
churches were as nearly similar as could be. The abbey of Arbroath, 
to which Haltwhistle belonged, had property in 'Karale,' and thus it 
would appear that both churches were built from the same or a similar 
set of plans ; and at Haltwhistle there are details about the mouldings, 
etc., which, in the opinion of Mr. W. S. Hicks, 1 speak of a Scottish 

The nave has lofty and dignified arcades of four arches, and doors, 
north and south, opposite to each other. The bases of the pillars, as 
existing before the restoration, showed that the floor line must have 

1 I visited the church with the vicar, the Rev. Canon Lowe, and Mr. W. S. 
Hicks, the architect. Canon Lowe carefully watched all the work done during 
the restoration in 1870, and I am therefore greatly indebted to him as well as to 
the technical knowledge of Mr. Hicks in my description of the building. 



been, where they stand, about one foot higher than the floor where the 
responds, east and west, stand. These responds have fillets of an 
apparently later date than the general appearance of the building 
would indicate. The label moulding of the nave arcade has a dog 
tooth ornamentation. The capitals of the pillars have attracted some 
notice. The bell of the capital, which is circular at its base, gradually 
changes into a very irregular octagon. The abacus follows the shape 
of the bell and the members of the arch seem trapring from the edge 
of this curious irregular octagon. The west end of the church was 
rebuilt in 1870. 

The chancel contains several objects of interest. The east window 
consists of three lofty lancets of great beauty, with richly-moulded 
trefoil inner arches and delicate shafts. It is now filled with excellent 
glass by Morris. The reredos is a representation of the Visit of the 
Magi. The piscina is said to be an exact reproduction of the original 
work. The sedilia have been very beautiful, though there is a very 
curious admixture of bold and delicate work in the mouldings. In 
the south wall is a fifteenth century low side window of two lights, 
square-headed, now blocked up, and at the restoration traces were seen 
of a former window in nearly, but not quite the same position. There 
are four ancient grave-covers within the altar rail, two bearing the 
arms of Blenkinsop, two those of Thirlwall. On one of the former lies 
a recumbent effigy, possibly that of Thomas de Blenkinsop, who died in 
1388. The shield, which is very small in proportion, with the arms 
containing the three well-known garbs, is fastened to the knight's left 
arm, and therefore, as the effigy lies, it is almost out of sight. The other 
grave-cover bears, besides the arms, a beautifully flowered and traceried 
cross, a sword, a staff, and a scrip. These two stones are probably in 
situ. The other two were found buried under the eastern arch of the 
south arcade of the nave. During the restoration, marks were found 
indicating that an altar had been attached to the east wall of the. south 
aisle, and there is a broken piscina with a drain on the south side of 
the aisle. It seems not unlikely, therefore, that this was a chantry of 
the Thirlwalls. The grave-covers have each floriated crosses of a 
similar character to that- on the Blenkinsop stone, and the arms 
within a bordure a chevron between three boars' heads. On the south 
side of the chancel is the tombstone of John Ridley of Walltown, 


brother-in-law of Dr. Nicholas Ridley, bishop of London. It formerly 
stood on two dwarf pillars in the middle of the chancel. Under two 
coats of arms placed side by side one showing a wall with three turrets, 
the other a chevron between three falcons with jesses and bells, is the 
following inscription (in capital letters and lines as shown) : — 










A: 1569 
X X 

In the soffit of the chancel arch are two square holes evidently for 
the rood beam, and above are hooks for the chains or rods which sup- 
ported the arms of the cross. On either side of the arch are small 
brackets for figures. 

The font which stands at the west end of the church is very re- 
markable. The bowl only is ancient, the pedestal having been renewed 
at the restoration when it replaced one of similar form, which itself 
was comparatively modern. The exterior of the bowl is alto- 
gether of the rudest character and uneven in form. The shape is 
hexagonal. On one side is a representation of a face surrounded by 
rays which is evidently intended for our Lord; next to it an intricate 
knot is carved; on the third side is a group of thistle heads; the 
fourth has a Maltese cross; the fifth zfleur de lys with the letters IS; 
while the sixth has another knot. At some period it has had a fixed 
cover as the holes made in the rim for its support clearly indicate. 


Near the upper edge, the following has been incised: * B.P. July the 
27th 1676/ R.P. are no doubt the initials of Robert Priestman who 
was the vicar at that date. The interior of the bowl, however, and 
the moulding round the top are carefully and accurately worked, and 
moreover show signs of considerable wear and tear, while the outside 
is as sharp as if it had been recently cut. Can it be that the old font 
was recut in 1676 by some unskilful mason who incised upon its new 
sides imperfect copies of ornamentation which he had seen elsewhere ? 

There is in the churchyard what appears- to be a holy water stonp. 
It consists of a very roughly cut semi-circular bowl fixed upon a short 
round pillar, and looks as if it had originally stood against a wall. 

The following inscription on a tombstone in the churchyard 
deserves mention on account of the pathos which it expresses: — 

D. 0. M. 

€n worn zZ/atteim yen 

The vicar finds this entry in the Register of Burials for 1735 :— 

'Hot 22 M r . Robert Tweddell Oent B of lionkhazleton in the County of 
Durham.* He was no doubt connected with the family of that name at Unthank. 

The exterior of the church is severely plain but very dignified, 
and it is beautifully situated to the south of the town. The chief 
entrance in former days would appear to have been thfe very richly 
moulded door on the north side now covered by the modern vestry. 

To the south-east of the older portion of the churchyard stands the 
picturesque old vicarage house against whose northern walls the soil 


has been allowed to accumulate until half its height is buried ont of 
sight It has been supplanted by a more commodious house a little to 
the east of the church. 

The communion plate as described by Mr. Blair 1 in the Proceedings 
consists of eight pieces, six of silver and two of pewter. 

The history of the church of Haltwhistle should commence with 
the labours of St. Aidan, for Leland has preserved a tradition that 
'there lyethe one of the Holy Aydans and other Holy Men in the 
Churche Yarde by the Chapel ' at White Chapel in this parish. 

But the earliest existing notice of the church seems to be contained 
in a confirmation of William the Lion, king of Scotland, of his grant 
of it to the abbey of Arbroath which he had lately founded. 8 It may 
be translated into English thus : — 

William by the grace of God king of Scotland to the bishops abbots earls 
barons justices sheriffs bailiffs officers and all honest men of his whole land 
elerks and laymen greeting Let (all) present and future know that I have 
given granted and by this my charter have confirmed to God and the church of 
Saint Thomas archbishop and martyr of Abirbrothok and to the monks serving 
God there in free and perpetual alms the church of Hautwysill in Tyndal 
with all that appertains to it in chapels in lands in tythes in alms and in all 
other ecclesiastical rights customs and benefits with common pasture also and 
all other easements of the same parish To be held as fully as any parson has 
ever held the same church and so freely and quietly well and peaceably and 
honourably as any alms in the whole of my land are possessed Witnesses, etc 

This is followed in the * Registrum de Aberbrothoc ' by two other 
confirmations : — 

Bobert de Brays to all friends and his men greeting, &c, as above, as the 
charter of my king witnesses and confirms * * * 

To all ministers sons of holy church Robert de Bos and Isabella his wife 
greeting Let all present and future know that we have granted to God and the 
church of Saint Thomas the martyr of Aberbrothoc and the monks serving God 
there the church of Hautwysill with all justly belonging to it which lord 
William king of the Scots gave to the aforesaid monks and by his charter con- 
firmed To bbhblo to themselves in free and quiet and perpetual alms * * * 

*Proe. Soc. Antiq. Newc. vol. iii. p. 367. 

9 ' The date of the foundation of Arbroath is of some interest in church and 
public history. Thomas a Beckett, the high church archbishop, was slain at the 
altar of his own church of Canterbury on the 29th of December, 1170. Two 
years afterwards he was canonized ; and within five years of his canonization, 
and not more than seven from the period of his death, in the year 1178 William 
King of Scotland had founded, endowed, and dedicated to Saint Thomas the 
Martyr the Abbey of Arbroath.' Preface to * Begistrum vetus de Aberbrothoc ' 
published by the Bannatyne Glub. 


The first and second of these confirmations are dated by the editors 
of the 'Registrum' 1178-1180, the third 1199, that is eight years 
after the marriage of Robert de Ros with Isabella the daughter of 
William the Lion. 4 

In 1240 William de Ros the son and successor of Robert in the 
manor of Haltwhfatle seems to have disputed this grant, for we find 
an entry in the Patent Roll, 25 Henry III., stating that Roger 
Bertram, Odinell de Fordhe, Henry de Neketon, and William de Dera 
are justices of assize concerning the advowson of the church of 
Hautwisel to be held at Carlisle in the quinzaine of St. Hilary [Jan. 
28th, 1241] where William de Ros arraigns the abbot of Abirbrothe. 
Unfortunately the assize roll for Cumberland for this date is not 
now extant, and therefore we cannot know what was the exact point 
in dispute. 

The 'Taxatio' of 1254, sometimes called ' Innocent V or 'vetus 
valor,' contains the entry — 'HawtwesiP iiij-xx m*™. Dec. viij m*rc 
Porcio Radulphi de Bosco xxxvj m ft rc Dec. xlviijs.' 

In 1806 'The Prior and Convent of Lanercost 6 beg the king 

having regard to the reduced state of their house and the damages 

they have suffered by the King and his attendants which a great sum 

would not suffice to restore without perpetuity of something that in 

recompense of these damages he would grant them the church of 

Hautwyselle which is not worth more than 100 marks a year and make 

allowance to the monks of Arbrothock in Scotland whose it is; if 

agreeable to the King and his Council.' Shortly after 'The abbot of 

Abrebrothok for himself and his convent replies (as commanded) to 

the King and Council respecting the proposed exchange of their church 

of Hautewyseles that the King is " fundour " of their house and they 

have no other head to maintain their rights than him and his council. 

Begs the King to examine their muniments and confirmation of the 

said church from Rome and then to command restitution of the church 

of which they have been forcibly despoiled by the bishop of Durham.' 
• • • * • 

The letter is endorsed * Ponatur inter dormientes.' 

4 This grant of Hautwysill church is also mentioned in a general confirmation 

[1211-1214] by the same king, and in a great confirmation of King Alexander 
1214- 121 8 J. There is also a confirmation of Pope Honorius [1220]. 
* From the Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, vol. II. Lanercost 
had been pillaged and burnt by the Scots in 1291 and again in 1296, and it never 
recovered its prosperity. Edward 1. visited the priory in 1280 and 1307. 


In 1309, on the feast of AH Saints, John resigned (or was removed 
from) the office of abbot, and in 1311 the church of Hautwysel was 
assigned to him as a pension by his successor Bernard de Linton and 
the convent. The grant, however, was revoked the next year, and a 
loan was raised to redeem him from captivity as a prisoner of war in 

In 1311 the vicar of Haltwhistle, one Robert de Pykwell, was 
carried off by the Scots, and the bishop of Durham wrote him a letter 
of sympathy, allowing him to raise money on his living for his ransom. 
Shortly afterwards the bishop reports that he can levy nothing 
towards the king's subsidies on the vicars of Norham, Bywell St. 
Peter's, Haltwhistle, Ilderton, or the parson of Ovingham, because all 
their goods as well as the churches and villages in their parishes were 
entirely burnt and destroyed by the Scots. The present condition of 
Haltwhistle church shows that the word ' entirely ' does not apply to 
that building, though it may have been rendered unfit for use. 

In 1329 there was held an 'Inquisicio ad quod damnum' 6 about 
this church. The abbot of Aberbrothok claimed the church as having 
belonged to him and his predecessors before the war between England 
and Scotland, and Edward III. appointed three commissioners to 
enquire into the. justice of the claim. These commissioners held their 
enquiry at Newcastle, and reported that witnesses had said on oath 
that John the predecessor of the abbot had last held the church of 
Hautwysell, and that his predecessors had held it of the gift of William 
formerly king of Scotland, and by the bull of a certain pope Alexander 
and by the grant of Robert de Isle formerly bishop of Durham; 
and that Edward the king's father during the war had appointed his 
clerk Robert de Dyghton, who had been admitted and instituted, and 
still held the church as parson. In accordance with this report, 
Edward III. ordered the church to be restored to the abbot and 
convent of Aberbrothok, but he seems afterwards to have resumed it 
as an escheat ; and eventually it was granted by a deed 7 dated 13th 
July, 1385, to the convent of Tinmouth, the patronage being reserved 
to the bishop and a settled portion to the vicar. After the dissolution 
of the monastery, Edward VI., by letters patent 5th July, 1558, gave 

• 2 Edw. III., No. 11, m. 1, and m. 2, Patent Roll, 3 Edw. III., port 1, m. 16. 
7 Quoted at length in Hodgson's Northumberland. 


to John Wright and Thomas Holmes 'the whole rectory and church/ 
In 1585 Nicholas Ridley died possessed of the church ; and afterwards 
{temp. Chas. I.) it was forfeited by R. Musgrave and granted to the 
Nevilles of Chevet by whom it was sold to the Blacketts who now 
possess the great tithes. 

Walter de Merton, chancellor of England, who died October 27th, 
1277, left 25 marks to Haltwhistle as being one of the places where he 
had held preferment. Bishop Hobhouse {Sketch of the Life of Walter 
de Merton, Lord High Chancellor of England, Bishop of Rochester, 
and Founder of Merton College, Oxford; Oxford, 1859, page 45) 
quotes the will, and to * Hautwyse ' he adcjs a note — ' Supposed to be 
Haltwhistle in Northumberland in the patronage of the bishop of 
Durham. No evidence exists, except this bequest, of the founder's 
having held this living.' The writer has here fallen into the very 
natural mistake of supposing that Haltwhistle has always been in the 
patronage of the bishop of Durham, but as at the time of Walter de 
Merton the patronage was really in the hands of the king of Scotland 
or of his much favoured abbey of Aberbrothoc, and as a letter from 
the Scottish queen asking a favour of the English chancellor shows 
that these personages were on very friendly and intimate terms, it is 
therefore not unlikely that Walter de Merton held this benefice by the 
good will of his friends, and it may be that the church was built 
during his incumbency. Two other vicars of some note were 
Rotheram 8 (1768-1789) and Hollingsworth (1809-1829), the first an 
ex-professor of Codrington college in Barbadoes, and the latter an 
author and a poet. 

Wallis mentions a tradition that the parish church formerly stood 
on land in Bellister haugh, which is now part of the vicar's glebe, 
and states that human bones have been dug up in this field, but it 
appears more reasonable to suppose that, if there were any such 

8 Mackenzie, Northd. vol. ii. p. 263, speaking of Haydon Bridge school 
says : — * Rev. William Rotherham . . . had two sons who also acquired celebrity 
for learning and piety. Thomas, the eldest, was born in 1715, and took the 
degrees of B.A., 174... and M.A., 1744. In 1744 he accepted a professorship in 
Sir William Codrington's college, in Barbadoes, and remained there till his 
health compelled him to quit the island in 1753. On his return to England he 
accepted the curacy of Great Stain ton, county of Durham; and in 1768, was 
collated to the vicarage of Haltwhistle, not far from the place of his birth. 
The venerable simplicity of his character and manners, which residence in a 
foreign climate had neither altered nor corrupted, rendered him an object of 
universal esteem and respect.' 


church and burying ground, it was a chapel of ease for the benefit of 
the parishioners who lived on the south side of the river. 

With regard to the dedication of the church there is a curious 

doubt. Cole says * Hautwizzle St. Aidan q. Holy Cross q. St. 

Aidan as I judge,' and in this opinion he is followed by Hodgson 9 
and Bates. ia The latter says: — * A rather obscure passage in Leland's 
Itinerary has preserved the traditionary connection of St. Aidan with 
that district and the name of Eden's Lawn attached to a part of 
Haltwhistle immediately west of the church seems to be a re-transla- 
tion of the Celtic Llan Aidan. St. Aidan's well at Bamburgh had been 
corrupted into ' Edynwell ' temp. Ric. II. The idea that Haltwhistle 
church was dedicated to Holy Cross had its origin in the erroneous 
notion that the fair day generally followed the feast of the dedication. 9 
Raine in his York (Historic Towns series) spells the name JSdan, 
as if the pronunciation should be Edan. 

The parish of Haltwhistle until recently was very large, extending 
about fifteen miles from north to south and twelve from east to west. 
It included, besides Haltwhistle itself, the townships of Bellister, 
Blenkinsop, Coanwood, Featherstone, Hartleyburn, Jlenshaw, Melk- 
ridge, Plainmellor, Ridley, Thorngrafton, Thirlwall, and Walltown. 
In 1890 the townships of Ridley, Thorngrafton, and a portion of the 
township of Henshaw were formed into the new parish of Beltingham 
with Henshaw ; and in 1892 the townships of Blenkinsop and Thirl- 
wall were formed into the new parish of Greenhead. The two new 
parishes together contain an area of about 26,000 acres, leaving the 
mother-church still with the large area of 32,000 acres, and a popula- 
tion of 4,000 within its borders. 

At Beltingham there is a very fine little Perpendicular church, 
Baid to be the only building solely in this style in Northumberland. 
It is dedicated to St. Cnthbert. Its dimensions are 68^ feet by 18£. 
The east window is of five lights, and there are six windows on the 
south side but one only on the north. Local tradition states that it 
was built as a domestic chapel of the Ridleys. It was restored in 
1884, and during the work a grated squint in the north wall of the 
chancel and a thirteenth-century grave-cover, on which is a cross in 
high relief were discovered. Numerous stones have been found about 
• Hist. Worth. II. iii. 123. 10 Arch. Ael. XIII. 324. 



the church or have been built into it, which indicate that a twelfth- 
century building once stood here. In the churchyard, in addition to 
the three venerable yews, on the north side of the building are an early 
churchyard cross and a Roman altar without inscription. The com- 
munion plate has been described by Mr. Blair in the Proceedings of 
the Society. 11 

A chapel erected in 1827 at Greenhead, and entirely repewed and 
renovated throughout a few years ago, chiefly at the cost of the late 
Edward Joicey, esq., of Blenkinsop hall, is now the parish church 
for the western portion of the old parish of Haltwhistle. 


The vicar has made the following extracts from the vestry books: — 

The earliest entry is a burial. George Ridley, of Henshaw, was buried the 
21st of . . . (?Dec) 1656. The earliest baptism is in 1691, and the earliest 
marriage in 1703 : — 

The extant minutes of vestry meetings are contained in three volumes, dating 
from the year 1717. For the most part they consist of records of the Easter meet- 
ings of the 12 men, for settling the church accounts, the election of wardens and 
the laying of rates, whenever required, for church expences. Occasionally we 
come across matters which have a certain interest as showing the condition of the 
fabric and the cost of its reparation. For instance, on May 19th, 1718, the 12 
men and churchwardens agreed with Geo. Eell, ' plammer ' of Hexham, to keep 
in good repair, and keep dry, the * leed ' of the church for 7 years at £1 10 a 
year, to be paid at Lammas each year. This shows that at that time the outer 
covering of the roof was entirely of lead. The agreement was signed by all the 
12 men, two of whom were unable to write their names. 

In August, however, of the same year, ' the 12 men and wardens agreed with 
the vicar (finding our church out of repairs) to repair the roof, Mr. Pate to find 
all material, to cast the lead at 8 lb. per square foot, to lay gutters and to 
make spouts for £44. Work to be inspected by two sufficient workmen, and Mr. 
Pate to give security for performing the bargain. 1 Cautious wardens 1 

Non-attendance at vestry meetings is a failing of ancient date, for we have 
the following memorandum made at the Easter meeting, 1725 : — ' It is agreed and 
ordered by unanimous consent of the 12 men that whosoever of us (after law- 
ful summons given) does not attend in the vestry, and discharge the trust in us 
reposed by this parish, shall for his absence on Easter Tuesday forfeit the sum 
of 2s. 6d., and for any absence at any other time the sum of Is. to be disposed of 
at the discretion of those who are present.' 

In the wardens 1 yearly accounts we find constant entries of sums paid for 
killing ' vermin,' at the rate of 2s. 6d. for old foxes' heads, Is. for young foxes' 
heads, and 4d. each for brocks, ' foomurts ' and otters' heads. 

At Easter, 1726, an assessment of three and sixpence in the pound was laid 
towards ' whitening of the church, payment of arrears for gates to the church- 

11 Vol. iii. p. 367. 


yard, and other uses,' and in the following year an assessment of two and 
sixpence in the pound is laid for * repairing church wall and other uses.' As 
it appears from the accounts that the repair of the wall only cost £9 19s., one 
wonders why bo high an assessment was required. It can hardly have been on 
the rateable value of the parish, as the amount realised would have greatly 
exceeded that sum, and yet in 1751 it was agreed by the vestry ' that all monies 
raised for repairing of church and other legal purposes shall be by an equal 
rate or assessment according to the rack rents or true legal values. 1 

In 1735 two wardens were chosen by the vicar and two by the parish. . In 
1783, 10a, 6d. was paid for a new font cover. In 1741 there is the following 
entry : — * For a spade and hack to Beltingham chapel, 4s. 6d. N.B. — The spade 
and hack are an imposition. Sir Edward Blackett is impropriator there.* In 
1744, 8d. was paid for two otters* heads, and on August 24, 1773, Cuthbert 
Ridley entered to be clerk. In John Snowball's account for 1739 he charges 9d. 
for a quart of ale, bat does not say who had it. Keeping the roof in repair 
was evidently troublesome, for in 1765 there is the following item : — ' Agreed 
that Edward Bobson, senior, and Edward Robson, junior, be employed to keep 
leads of roof in good repair for the whole year, on condition that he receives 
£5 in hand and £5 in Easter week, 1766. N.B. — Wardens are to take care that 
Edward Robson fulfil this bargain for the above term, otherwise the wardens 
must be presented by the vicar if the leads are not taken care of and kept free 
from holes and letting in rain/ In 1768 it is noted that Rev. Mr. Wilson left 
Haltwhistle in September of that year, and on Friday, 14th of October, the 
Right Worshipful John Sharp, D.D., archdeacon, visited the church and ordered 
' that all the pews in the church be furnished with moveable kneeling boards, 
low, flat, and broad. That a cover for font be provided. That a new stone 
threshold for chancel door be provided. That a new bell of at least equal weight 
with the present one be provided. That remaining heaps of rubbish against 
church and chancel be removed. That one casement be made in each side of 
the church and chancel. That pulpit and reading desk be raised as vicar shall 
direct, and painted white. That a Btool or moveable kneeling board, low and 
flat, be provided for reading desk, covered and stuffed. Matthew Ridley and 
Isaac Thirlwell monished to cause them to be performed and to certify at 
visitation to be held after Easter next.' In 1770 it was ' agreed that a hearse be 
got for conveying of corps for the use of the parish, and to be kept in the church ;' 
and it was further agreed that ' the sexton shall have from the executor or 
principal person that comes along with the corps sixpence for cleaning the said 
hearse.' There is no entry of the cost, but in 1789 there is an entry of £12 Is. 
'for hearse and trappings/ In 1771, £13 5s. 5d. was paid for hearse house and 
other repairs. At the same vestry meeting it was agreed 'that any person 
who kills an old fox within the parish, and makes oath thereof before a magis- 
trate, shall receive for the same 2s. 6cL, and for every young fox, Is. In 1771, 
£1 4s. 6d. was paid * for a cloak for the sexton, and 2s. for making it.' In 1772 
a weathercock was erected at a cost of £1 12s. 6d. There is no record of any 
stoves being purchased, but in 1776 sixpence halfpenny is charged for a load of 
coals. In those days it would seem that Haltwhistle church was very like one 
about which the parish clerk, when asked how it was warmed, as there appeared 
no place for a fire, indignantly replied— 4 We put our fire in the pulpit— that's 


the proper place for it' In 1782 it was noted that the Rev. Thos. Botheram, 
M.A., who became vicar in 1768, died on the 5th of April, whilst visiting his 
brother at Houghton-le-Spring. He was succeeded by the Rev. Hugh Nanney, * 
M.A. In 1783 a new bell was bought at a cost of £1 10s. In 1786 the royal 
arms and five texts of scripture were placed in the church. In 1792 it was 
decided at a special meeting * that as the lead roof was in a ruinous state, the 
most effectual course will be to take it off and to put on instead a substantial 
slate roof, also that the west window be enlarged and the north side aisle win- 
dows be made to correspond with the south,' in which sash windows had been 
substituted for the ancient lancet windows. The slating was done for £55 and 
the roofing for £103. The west window was altered by Jas. Armstrong for 
£1 3s. 6d. In 1794 Geo. Biggs was appointed parish clerk, vestry clerk, and 
schoolmaster. In 1799 notice was given in church on two consecutive Sundays 
to receive proposals from masons to ceil and paint inside and outside of north 
and south aisles. The work was let for £40. In 1795 Mr. Wm. Saint was 
elected churchwarden for Haltwhistle township. In 1800 the outside walls 
of the church were rough cast and the inside whitewashed at a cost of £8. The 
following is among the entries of the Easter meeting, 1798: — 'It appearing at 
this meeting that a very great destruction of sheep, lambs, and geese is likely to 
happen in this parish from an uncommon increase of the breed of foxes, it is 
therefore ordered that instead of five shillings now to be paid for each old fox 
killed in the parish, that the sum of ten shillings and sixpence be paid until 
Easter next. Also ordered that the several sums be paid to people that pro- 
duced vermin heads at this meeting.' 

One volume of the registers contains a curious soliloquy on matri- 
{mony by vicar Wilson. 



Gateshead, Whickham, Boldon, and South Shields. 
By Mabebly Phillips. 
[Read on the 23rd day of December, 1891.] 
Ohb of many difficult problems that puzzled the early members of the 
Society of Friends was how to dispose of their dead. A great number 
stood excommunicated at the time of death, and, on that account, 
were denied interment in the ordinary manner. It is said that some 
of the clergy refused to bury any of them, and the story is told of one 
reverend wag, who, when upbraided for such inhuman conduct, denied 
the accusation, stating that, far from declining to bury them, he 
would cheerfully bury them all ! Be this as it may, it is certain that 
the religious persecutions that the early nonconformists were subjected 
to, led to the formation of private burying grounds, in garden, orchard, 
or field, the privilege of interment being often extended to relatives 
and friends. For establishing such grounds the owners were some- 
times cited before the ecclesiastical court at Durham, so that it must 
have been most perplexing to know how to act. When the laws were 
altered, public nonconformist burial places were gradually opened, the 
private ones Ming into disuse. In many cases the ground has been 
utilised for other purposes, and in some instances, has been so entirely 
forgotten that even the situation occupied cannot now be identified. 

Such interments as I have named not being entered in the 
parish books naturally led to formation of private registers, in which 
births and marriages were also recorded. No body of dissenters was 
so careful in keeping its registers as the Society of Friends. 

Sims, in a chapter upon ' Non-parochial Registers,' when remark- 
ing upon the Quaker Registers says : — * The Commissioners appointed 
by Her present Majesty in the year 1838, to enquire into the state 
of the Registers of Births, etc., in England and Wales, having called 
upon the Society of Friends to deliver up their Registers, with a view 
to some arrangement for depositing them with the Board ; the several 
Registers from the origin of the Society down to the establishment of 


the syBtem of civil registration, under the Act of 6 and 7 Will. IV. 
were brought to London for their inspection.' The Commissioners 
state, in their Report . — • We have visited their place of deposit, and 
saw enough of their state and condition to testify that they exhibit 
an admirable specimen of the state to which order and precision may 
be carried in the classification and arrangement of records of this 
description/ At this time the Society declined to surrender their 
books but subsequently oonsented to do so. I believe that prior to 
the surrender of these books, most, if not all, were copied in duplicate, 
one being retained locally, and the other deposited at Devonshire 
House, the London depdt of the Society. 

One local volume has the following endorsement : — ' Surrendered 
to the Commissioners of Non-parochial Registers, pursuant to Act of 
Parliament III. and IV. Vic. Cap. 92/ 

I find from * The Lists of Non-parochial Registers in the custody of 
the Registrar-General of Births, Deaths, and Marriages' the number of 
volumes now at Somerset House exceeds 1,500. Unfortunately they 
are difficult of access ; were they more easily got at for purposes of 
literary enquiry, they would prove of the greatest use to the antiquary 
and the genealogist. 

A short time ago I was fortunately able to examine one or two of 
these registers, which much aided my investigations. I have further 
been very much assisted by the kindness of Mr. J. R. Boyle, who 
placed at my disposal the notes that he extracted from the records of 
the Society of Friends when preparing the chapter ' Early Quakerism 
in Gateshead ' for his Vestiges of Old Newcastle and Gateshead. Mr. 
Blair also kindly lent me some most interesting papers, which were 
endorsed ' Copied from original documents in private possession, saved 
from fire, when the room within the gates at Auckland Castle was 
cleared out to make room for an office for the agent to the Eocl 1 Com" 
and the papers ordered to burnt. The carts carrying the documents 
to the flames were intercepted and many of the papers, but not all, 

Those who wish to see an account of the rise of Quakerism in this 
district, I refer to the most interesting chapter in the Vestiges, to 
the pages of Ambrose Barnes (Surtees Soc. vol. 50) and to Besse's 
Sufferings of the Quakers. The first home of Quakerism in this 

GATE8HBAt>. 191 

immediate neighbourhood was Gateshead, and there we find the ear- 
liest burying ground. 

One of the volumes at Somerset House bears upon its opening 
page the following :— 'The register book of the Burials of the People of 
God In scorn called Quakers and others their relations and kindred 
who have been buried in their Boring Ground In Gateshead in the 
county of Durham.' The book also contains the record of several 
persons who were buried in their own grounds. These I will first 
enumerate and give what account I can of the owners. 

1679. 'Susannah daughter of John Oarneath of Newcastle, 
Tanner, & of Mary his Wife, was buried in his garden the ninth 
day of ye 6 monthe.' The burials of several members of the family 
are recorded. 

In 1681 John Carneath had his goods distrained upon to the value 
of £1 Os. 9d. for tithes. The charity and generosity of the society is 
shown by the following entry in the records: — 'Agreed that Ann 
Carneath take care of Jos. Bell till next monthly meeting and that 
ffriends doe pay for his diett, and shee to make proofe, in that time, 
how much he can doe towarde earning his bread, in the Tobacco 
Trade & to report to the Meeting.' Probably the child remained 
with Ann Carneath, as another entry says : — * Paid Ann Gorneath to 
buy Jno. Bell's child a hatt 00 • 01 • 6.' 

In 1689 Ann Carneath was scandalized by Lionel Johnson 'for 
using an unjust measure, in that she measures barke by Cockle parke 
Boshell.' The matter having been debated, and a certificate from 
'ffive of the trading tanners in Newcastle intimating it to be an usual 
measure, and that they have bought by it, being read, in this meeting, 
Lionell Johnson has condescended, that if any two of the ffive Tanners 
that have certified conserning that measure, doe declare that it is an 
usual measure, then he will acknowledge that he has done her wrong. 
The two Tanners y* Lionel has pitched on, to prove this matter, is 
Christophere Barker and John Harle. And Christopher Vickers, 
John Harrison, Hue Middleton, and Jeremiah Hunter are appointed 
to take the said two Tanners Account, and to report to the next 
monthly meeting.' At a subsequent meeting the matter was most 
carefully gone into. The tanners affirmed 'that it is usual to buy 
Barke by Cockle parke measure/ and 'Lionele Johnson reprimanded 


for having wronged Anne Oorneath in her repute, through his false 
reports.' I quote this account to show how very carefully disputes 
between members were investigated. 

The next entry in the register that I note is '1688, 8 m. 26 d. 
Benjamin Tittory son of Daniel Tittory of Glasshouses broad glass 
maker & of Mary his wife was buried in his garden. 9 The Tittorys 
were one of the celebrated glass-making families who came from 
Lorraine during a religious persecution in their own country. 1 

Another entry is ' 1678. Peregrin Tizacke son of Peregrin Tizacke 
of Glasshouses, broad glassmaker and of Debora his wife was buried 
the thirteenth day of the 11 month.' 

'1679. Abagail daughter of John Tizack of Glasshouses broad 
glassmaker & Sarah his wife, was buried the 7 day of the 12 month.' 

The headstone that marked the resting place of Abagail may now 
be seen at the side of the footway, just below ' King John's Palace,' in 
Heaton park. It bears the following inscription : — 'Abigail Tizacke 
Daughter of John & Sarah Tizacke, departed this life ye 7th day of 
ye 12th month and in ye 7th weack of her age Anno 1679.' Brand, 
the historian, says that he found this stone in a garden belonging to 
Captain Lambton, near the Glasshouses. Although the register does 
not mention 'in his garden' as in the case of Carneath and Tittory, it 
does not say in Gateshead. It is therefore highly probable that the 
Tizacks had a burying place in their garden at the glasshouses like 
the Tittorys. The Tizacks were evidently very active members of the 
society as the constant mention of missions entrusted to their care 
fully testifies. In 1683 John Tizack was taken from a meeting at 
Gateshead on pretence of being a dangerous person, and for some 
time confined in Durham gaol. 

Mr. Boyle tells us that the first meetings of the Gateshead Friends 
were held in Pipewellgate, at an old house, now the Fountain inn. 
That many-gabled old building may yet be seen in crossing the Swing 
bridge. Here Fox found them upon his second visit in 1657. In 
1660 their meeting house was in the High street on property 
belonging to Richard Eubank. It would appear that their burying 

1 See Vestiges of Old Newcastle and Gateshead, p. 148. We cannot now 
identify the locality of their place of interment, but as they are described of 
'Glasshouses,' probably the ground was somewhere in that locality, although 
the burial was recorded in the Gateshead register. 


place was from the first in ground adjoining, as I have notice of 
burials here as early as 1655, two years prior to the time that we know 
they were holding their meetings in Pipewellgate. 

In 1674 Richard Eubank was cited in the Archdeacon's court at 
Durham for being a qnaker, and in 1677 'for enclosing a burial place 
for sectaries/ 3 He died in 1678, and was interred in the ground in 

At the Gateshead monthly meeting held 10 d. 9 m. 1679 'friends 
ordered y l Robert Younge, perig Tizeck, & Edward Kinge, assist 
one another in collecting a sum of money, for purchasing a Burieing 
grounde, of Margret Eubank, & to bring an acct thereof to ye next 
monthly meeting/ Subsequently a lease of the ground was taken 'in 
the name of Pergryne Tyzack and ors, from Margaret Eubank for 19 
years, the consideration for which was fifteen pounds/ 

In 1680 it was 'ordered that a Bricke Wall is to be built about the 
ground, about the Meeting house door in order for having it for bury- 
ing in. Peregrin Tizacke, Jeremiah Hunter, Robt. Wallis, John 
Ayrey, Geo. Raw, and 8amuel ffreeman to get it done/ At a subse- 
quent meeting it was ' Desired that the friends formerly appointed to 
get a wall made about the ground, before the meeting house, doe con- 
tinue their care to get it effected/ 

Again in 1689, 'Ordered that ffriends of Gateshead Meeting be 
reminded of building the wall about the Ground before the Meeting 
House for a New burying place, and that if it may with convenience, 
it be effected, betwixt this meeting and next monthly meeting/ The 
ground was in use until 1698. Mr. Boyle states that in all 101 inter- 
ments were made. Subsequently (in 1781) the alms-houses built by 
the bequest of Thomas Powell were erected upon the site of the bury- 
ing ground. In a conveyance of this property from the heirs of the 
survivors of Powell's trustees to the churchwardens and overseers of 
Gateshead, it is described as : — 'All that messuage, burgage, and 
tenement, garden, yard, and back side, with appurtenances in Gates- 
head aforesaid, formerly belonging to Richard Ewbank late of the 
same place, tailor, deceased, and heretofore in the possession of John 
Doubleday his undertenants and assigns/ 

The earliest mention of an interment that I noticed in the Register 
3 Surtees, vol. 47, p. 226-7. 

vol. xvl Y 


at Somerset House was in 1660, when ' Deborah Turner daughter oi 
Barth and Jane Turner of Gateshead dyed, the 21 day of the ninth 
month 1660 and was Interred in the Burying ground in Gateshead.' 
But from the registrar at Devonshire House I have been favoured 
with the following : — ' 1655. 11 m. 4 d. Isabella Hunter d. of 
Cuthbert Hunter and Elen was interred in Bichard Eubanks bury g 
place in Gateside.' 

The Aireys were another important family, some of whom were 
here interred. In 1677, George Airey was cited to Durham ' For not 
resorting to the Divine service at the Parish Church and for being a 

' John Ayrey of Gateside, Mathew Allinson of the 
the 13 th of the s&me, John Allett of Newcastle, John Tyzack of the 
ll h Moneth called (}i aB8 houses being at a meeting at Gateside amongst 
other friends, vpon pretence of being dangerous per- 
sons to the gouernment & for refuseing to take the oath of Alleagiance, 
were comitt to the goale at Durham by Isaac Basier, John Jenkins.' 3 

The following list will be a guide to the leading Quaker families in 
Gateshead in 1686 :— 

* A schedule or list of Several 1 Quakers or p'sons reputed Quakers within 
the County Palatine of Durham convicted as Recusants, and prosecuted by 
Exchequer Proces, for the Penalties thereby incurred.' 

Christopher Bickers and his Wife. 
John Donbleday. 
Lionel Hetherington, Sadler. 
Moses ffisher, and his Wife. 
Jno Ayrey, the Elder. 
Jno Ayrey, the younger. 
W m ffenwicke and his wife. 
John Allenson and his Wife. 
Mathew Allenson and his Wife. 
Robert Mooney and his wife. 
Barbara Hunter. 

The notes before me abound in accounts of fines, penalties, and 
imprisonments suffered by various members of the families named, 
but much as I am tempted to record the same, they are hardly within 
the scope of my paper. 

8 Mr. Blair's papers. 


Soon after the opening of the burying ground in Newcastle, the 
Gateshead one was abandoned, and, as already stated, the place was 
subsequently occupied by Powell's alms-houses. They are situated, 
as most of my hearers will be aware, on the east side of the High 
street, a little above the railway arch. 


In the churchyard of Whickham, under the west window ot the 
chancel, are two flat stones, which originally had round their margins 
the following inscriptions : — * Here lyeth the body of George Hodgson, 
he departed this life the 1 st of December 1667.' 'Here lyeth the 
body of Aibiah Hodgson, Daughter to George Hodgson, she departed 
the 6 th of February 1669.' The stones are considerably weathered, 
and the inscriptions much defaced. On the face of the right-hand 
stone was the following : — * These gravestones were removed out of a 
field at the west end of Whickham, on the 30 day of Nov. 1784 into 
this church yard, by order of M r Robert Hodgson of London, 
druggist, a descendant of the said George Hodgson, and as a memorial 
that his ancestors were inhabitants of this Parish, and had lands of 
inheritance therein, as may be seen by the division of lands made in 
the year 1691 under the name of Luke Hodgson M.D. grandfather of 
the said Robert Hodgson.' 

Such is the account given by Surtees, the historian of Durham. 
He adds, 'These sepulchral memorials of the Quakers were, on a 
cursory view, reported as the monuments of two Knight Templars/ 
The will of George Hodgson is not to be found at Durham, but there 
is an inventory (see Appendix I. p. 207) there of the goods that he 
died possessed of, which were appraised by George Shafto and Richard 
Harding, of Whickham, gent., William Lonsdale, of Swalwell, yeoman, 
and William Cutter, of Newcastle, cooper. 

I submitted what scant information I had of the George Hodgson 
in question to my friend Mr. Richard Welford, and he soon favoured 
me with most interesting memoranda, which show that George 
Hodgson, buried at Whickham in 1667, was the great-great-great- 
great-great grandfather of our late member, Mr. John Hodgson 



Pedigree op Hodgson. 
From Burke's Commoners, with additions by Richard Welford. 

William Hodgson, lessee with Sir Wm. Riddell and =f 
others, of the manors of Gateshead and Whiokham, 
ooalowner and landowner at Whiokham, where he 
held several copyhold tenements in right of his wife. 

nd =F Agni 
m, Jot 

r 68, WidOW Of 

ohn Harrison. 

ob. $ p. 

in 1649; ob. 1669 (1667?); 
buried at Whickham. 

: Jane . . 



Luke =r Susan. 

(AiHahf) 1669; buried 
at Whiokham. 

Luke, a 1 

Luke, a physician = , 
in Newcastle. 


John =r Mahitabel Partis, 
dau. of ... . 


Thomas =F Mary .... 

Robert of London, druggist, 
who subsequently had the 
stones removed. 

John, ob. Not.. = 
1749 ; purchased 
Elswick 1790. 

Ann, dau. of James 
Appbeby of Askerton, 

Jane. Mary. 

James, ob. Jol 


Alioe, dau. of 
Thos. Wilkinson, 
of Walbottle, ob. 
28 May, 1773. 

Ana = Wm. Outhbert, 
of Newcastle. 

Jane = John Row- 

Mary, ob. 


John, only son, =F Sarah, dau. of Richard 
ob. July 12, 1820. Huntley, of Friarside. 

John, afterwards 
John Hodgson Hinde. 

4 The above fits " Whickham George," if we suppose that 1669 is a misprint for 
1667 — a very likely error. My additions I have put within parentheses. I have 
several deeds relating to the Killingworth and Partis families, and if John, in 
Burke, was the husband of Mehitabel, the Nonconformist or rather Puritan 
connection seems to be established/ — Richd. Welford. 

Pedigree op Killingworth and Partis. 

Luke Killingworth, of Killingworth, liTing in 1657 ; =f 
a J. P. and active republican during the civil war. 
One of Commissioners to enquire (1650) into the 
value of Church livings in Northumberland. 



living 1623, 

ob. before 

1685, «.p. 

Luke, succeeded 
his brother, ob. 
before 1685, * p. 

Anne, buried at 
Long Benton. 
23 February, 

Mahitabel, =fThos. Partis, of 

married at 
Be -i ton, 12 
Feb., 16734. 

Male line extinct. 

Newcastle, bur. 
St. Nicholas, 10 
January, 1688-9. 

Thomas Killing- Eleanor, 
worth Partis, ob. 
13 April, 1687. 

Anne ■ 

Thos. Calling, 
of Westminst. 

Mahitabel =F John Hodgson, 
I * of Newcastle, 




Memo.— 1656, June 9. — Francis Wetwary of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, diaper, and 
George Hodgson, of the same town, assign to Thos. Brignall, of 
Whickham, gentleman, 4 acres of land in the south field of Whick- 
ham, with all coal mines, pits, and seams of coal under the said 
4 acres, with liberty to dig, sink, work, and make pits for the 
getting of- coals. — MS 

1682-83, February £3.— Witness to the will of Oliver Killingworth of 
Killingworth (a famous nonconformist family), Lake Hodgson with 
William Cutter. 

1705, June 14.— Witness to a deed relating to the manor of Killing- 
worth, in which John Hodgson and Mahitabel, his wife, daughter of 
Thomas and Mehitabel Partis (the Madam Partis of .Ambrose 
Barnes's Memoirs), and daughter of Oliver Killingworth were 
parties — Luke Hodgson. 

The particulars give inter-marriages with the Killingworths of 
Killingworth, and other strong Puritan families, but for the positive 
connection with the Quakers we only have the historian's statement. 
The name does not appear in the notes from the records before me, 
nor is it mentioned amongst the Quakers of Whickham who were cited 
to Durham in 1678, but in the same year Luke Hodgson, Nicholas 
HodgBon, and Massiam Hodgson, all of Whickham, were cited to the 
Durham Court for not paying church cess. The registers of the Society 
of Friends at Devonshire House have been most kindly searched 
for me, and they afford no particulars of any Quaker burials at 
Whickham or Quickham as it was often called, nor do they give any 
record of the death of George and Aibiah Hodgson. William Cutter 
who appraised Hodgson's goods was with his wife in July, 1667, at 
the celebrated conventicle held at the house of Mr. Richard Gilpin, 
in the 'White Freers/ at 6 o'clock in the morning, when the doors 
were broken open, and the names taken of all who were present. 
It was at the house of 'Madam Partis,' a relative of Hodgson's, 
that Mr. Thomas Bradbury delivered his noted speech. These circum- 
stances and the various marriage relationships lead one to think that 
the Hodg8ons were not Quakers, but belonged to some other body of 
nonconformists. On the other hand, George Hodgson's great-great- 
grandson, John, who purchased Elswick in 1720, undoubtedly 
belonged to the Society of Friends, and was interred in their burying 
ground in Pilgrim street in 1749. Richardson in the Table Book, 
His. vol. ii. p. 25, gives an account of the same, and a copy of the 
family arms* 


That a burying ground did exist at Whickham, other than that 
around the parish church, is beyond a doubt. The first field on the 
right-hand side of the path that leads from the high end of Whickham 
to Swalwell, and numbered 670 on the large Ordnance map, is locally 
known as the 'Graveyard' or 'Kirk Garth field,' and there are those 
still living in the village who hand down the tradition that it was 
from this field that the stones were removed to the churchyard in 
1784. One native assured me that he remembered seeing other stones 
in the same field at the early part of the present century. 

Upon a recent visit to Whickham I was kindly allowed to search 
the parish registers, but I could find no mention of the burials of 
George and Aibiah Hodgson, or any reference to the removal of the 
stones. A book in the church safe marked ' An ancient award of 
Common Lands in the Parish of Whickham ' gives a full acounb of 
the division of the lands in 1691. Luke Hodgson was awarded 
77 acres, Henry Hodgson, jun., 48 acres 2 roods 7 poles, and Henry 
Hodgson, sen., 23 acres, fully verifying the inscription on the stone. 

I am informed that the two stones at the church were originally 
standing upright, but at some 'restoration' were placed in a recumbent 
position, since which the inscription has become very much defaced. 

West Boldon. 

Another volume at Somerset House has the following endorse- 
ment : — ' Thife book bought by me Robert Linton att Randalls shop 
Newcastle, in or about the year 1678 w° h cost me four shillings.* 
From entries therein we have records of burying grounds at Boldon, 
South Shields, North Shields (high end), and Cullercoats ; each of 
which I shall review in order. 

The Boldon ground was in the orchard of Christopher Trewhitt. 
How it came to be established there the records of the society shall 
show in their delightfully quaint style. ' Our Meeting at Sunderland 
was held at ye house of George Humble, at ye beginning, who was a 
faithful man, and died a Prisoner for his Testimony, in reproving a 
persecuting Justice (so-called) namely George Lilburn, who [George 
Humble] after he died was brought home & buried in his own ground 
at Sunderland aforesd, where severall oth r frds children were likewise 
interred. But in process of time, when frds increased, our burying 


place was usually, at West Bowden in ye garden of Christopher 
Trewhitt, where to omitt naming of them, a great many of our frds 
were buried, as also from Shields, but it being far from us at Sunder- 
land, and ye waters tedious oftentimes, especially in the winter season, 
In ye year 1670 the Lord stirred up ye mind of Richard Willson 4 and 
W m Maull, to purchase a more convenient Burying Place, w * in due 
time they gott accomplished & bought a parcell of ground, a coppyhold 
Estate, in a place called ye Panfield in ye Parish of Bpps wearmouth.' 
. . . Then follows a long account of how the enclosure walls were 
provided, etc., but as Sunderland does not come under considera- 
tion I must page on. 

The earliest note that I have of a burial at Boldpn is in 1657, when 
Eleanor Harper, wife of Roger Harper of Sunderland, was interred at 
'West Bowden.' Another entry says, 'In Christopher Trewitt's 
Orchard at West Bowden.' 

I give what particulars I have gathered of the Trewhitt family. 
In 1664, 'William Trewhitt of West Bowden had his goods dis- 
trained upon for £3 6s. 8d. by a Bailiff for R° Chapman, priest.' 

In the list of recusants for 1686, we find Joseph Trewhitt, George 
Trewhitt, and his wife. 

George evidently married Isabella Walker, according to the rules 
of the society, as the subjoined entry shows: — 'At the meeting at 
Gateshead 13 day of . . . Month 1675 George Trewhitt, of Bowden, 
declares y e 2 nd Tyme, his Intentions of Taking Isabella Walker, of 
Monckhesleton, to Wife a certificate Redd from y c Meeting at Sunder- 
land, to w 011 she Belongs, giveing their consent, and soe passed w th j* 
consent of ffriends Heare.' This marriage is confirmed by records of 
Boldon which inform us that in September, 1677, George Trewhitt 
and his pretended wife were cited to the court at Durham 'for pro- 
cureing themselves to be clandestinely married.' (See Appendix III. 
p. 208.) This being the expression used for all marriages of non- 

Some members of the family were also cited 'for being Quakers/ 
and 'for not paying clerks wages.' 6 

In 1689, the Boldon family were again harassed for * Tythes.' 

4 See Appendix II. p. 208. 5 Surtees, voL 40, p. 218. 


1689. 4 m. * Charles Ba8ier, 6 of Bowden, in the county of Durham, because 
he could not get Wool from Joseph Trewitt, for Tythes, sent his men Robert 
Thompson, and Wm. Johnson, who instead thereof, took away a Lamb, worth 
if our shillings and sixpence. 

And in the — sent his men aforesaid, who took from the said 

Jos. Trewhitt, Two Thrieves of Bigg, worth Two Shillings, and one 

Waine Load of Hay worth 20s. They took more from him, 7 f 3 12 6 

Threeves of Wheat altogether in one Row, and 3 Threave of Oates 

— Altogether to ye Value of 7s. 6d. in all to the value of Three 

pounds 128. & 6d. 

And the same Joseph Trewhitt having Tenn Riggs of Bose 
The afore s* 2 Men, took up one halfe Rigg together, and the \ 12 6 
Impropriator the other half to the Value of 12*6. 

More come taken from said Joseph Trewhitt by Rob Carnaby 
Impropriator, the like Quantities as by the Priest, to the said value > * 9 6 
of ffour pounds, nine shillings & sixpence. 

Taken from him in all 8 19 

In 1661 William Trewhitt was taken prisoner at South Shields and 
for some time confined in Tynemouth castle, bat of this I shall give 
an account when I come to remark upon the burying ground at South 

William Trewhitt died about 1677, his will is dated November 80th 
of that year, he names himself as William Trewitt of West Boldon, 
yeoman, and leaves George Trewitt and Thomas Wood his executors, 
and directs that his property be sold and divided in the following 
manner : — 

Richard Wilson late of Sunderland his Executors 

William Humble of East Boldon 

Widdow Hogg of East Boldon 

Widdow Feckell of Newcastle 

Thorn Peddison of Hedworth 

Thorn Wood of Cleadon 

86 10 

'Ye charges' at his funeral are quoted at £1. Would that 
funerals were conducted as simply in the present day* 

Christopher Trewhitt lived to see quieter times. From the calen- 
dar at Durham I find his estate was administered to in 1692, bat 
unfortunately the document is not now to be found. 

• Rector of Boldon, 1673-1691. 









The name Trewhitt has evidently been long in the county of 
Durham. By the will of James Dale of Ravensthorpe, June 4th, 
1507, there is bequeathed to 'Sir Thomas Trewhit, prior of Hertylpoule, 
a nag.' By the favour of Mr. P. J. Trewhitt of Sunderland I give 
in the Appendix IV. (p. 208) a copy of a will of Cuthbert Trewhitt of 
'Howghton in the Springe,' dated 25th Sept., 1512. He leaves four 
sons, Robert, John, George, and Christopher, he desires to be buried 
in Houghton churchyard, and would probably be interred by the 
celebrated Bernard Gilpin who was rector at that time. 

The Vestry Book of the Parish of Houghton-le-Spring has been 
published by the Surtees Society. 6 Nearly every name in the will 
is mentioned in some way in it, and in an account of the letting of 
the stalls it is remarked, that although the sexes are divided ' Widdow 
Trewhete' still has her state on the men's side, as a widow might 
occupy the room of her husband. 

Two of the children of Robert Wardell were interred at Boldon 
in 1661 and 1670 respectively. Wardell was another leading man 
amongst the Friends, and numerous references are made to him in the 
records. In 1670 he was instrumental with Rob* Chipchase and W m 
Dawson in building two side walls to the Sunderland burying ground. 
In 1672 he was cited 'for not comeing to the church' [Wearmouth], 
and in 1675 with others ' schismaticks and offenders against all order' 
and ' for keeping open Shoppe on Holydays.' 

The last entry that I find at Boldon is in 1670. There is no 
reference to the Quakers in any way in the Parish Registers at Boldpn. 
I have been quite unable to identify the position of this ground al- 
though I have made diligent enquiry. I give a list of all the burials 
at Boldon that I have note of. 

Bubials at Boldon in Chbistophbb Tbbw&itt's Obchabd. 

Eleanor Harper Wife of Roger Harper of Sunderland. 

Margaret Jackson of So. Shields Widow. 

Mary Turner D. of Thomas Turner of Gateshead. 

Roger Harper of Sunderland. 

Lancelot Wardell. 

Robert Warham Daughter of William. 

Johanna Linton D. of Robert & Joan Linton of South Shields. 

• Vol. 84, Durham Parish Boohs. 
























Year. Day. Mo. 















Thomas Turner late of Winlaton. 

Levi Trewhitt Son of William Trewhittof West Boldon 9 Months. 

George Linton Son of Robert Linton and Joan Linton of South 

Shields 1 9 3. 
Margery Wardell daughter of Robert Wardell. 
Alienor Wife of George Carr of So. Shields. 
George Carr Husband of Ellenor Carr of South Shields. 

South Shields. 

The next ground that the register under consideration makes 
mention of is that of South Shields. As previously stated this was 
situated in Robert Linton's garden. It will be remembered that it 
was Robert Linton who purchased the register book at Randall's for 
four shillings. Two of his children (one in 1665 and another in 1669) 
were buried at Boldon, so that it seems hardly likely that the Shields 
ground was opened until after the latter date. The first interment 
that I can record is 1673 when 'Mary Fearon* daughter of Thomas 
Fearon of South Shields was buried in Robert Linton's Garden.' The 
date of the last use of the ground was in 1697. 

Linton was evidently a prominent member of the society. From 
Besse's Sufferings of the Quakers we get a most interesting account 
of how a meeting at Linton's house was surprised, and all persons pre- 
sent taken prisoners. I give the story in Besse's words : 'Anno 1661. 
On the 10th of the month called August, John Blakeling of Drawell 
near Sedberg in Yorkshire, Yeoman, Thomas Jackson, Robert Fowler, 
of Burlington, Samuel Nelhest of Whitby in Yorkshire, mariner, John 
Stockley, Thomas Allison, William Hurt, John Dove, and William 
Dove of Whitby, Yorkshire, yeomen [which undoubtedly should be 
Whitley, Northumberland], Mary Dove, jun., of the same, spinster, 
William Trewithwaite of Bowden, Robert Linton, Thomas Chandler, 
Thomas Merriman, Lancelot Wardell, merchant, Thomas Smith, 
labourer, Richard Wilson & Margaret his wife, George Carr, salt 
merchant, Sarah Knowles, Dorothy Dawson, Joane Sanderson, 
spinster, William Maud, merchant, George Linton, John Harrison, 
all of Sunderland or Shields, Susannah Truthwaite, spinster, and 
Laurence Haslem of Whitby in Yorkshire [should be Whitley, Nor- 
thumberland] mariner, were taken at a meeting at Robert Linton's at 
South Shiexls by Major Graham the deputy governor of Tinmouth 


Castle and cast into nasty Holes there, where they lay a fall month 
and then he turned them out, having so far as appeared to them 
neither Order, Authority, or Warrant, for any Part of his Proceedings. 

I fear that George Linton suffered from the imprisonment as he 
only lived a few months after his release, when his body was stolen by 
the soldiers, but this I shall give an account of at another time. 

Robert Linton appears to have been in an extensive way of busi- 
ness, and amongst other things was proprietor of several salt pans. 

One mission on which Linton was engaged will show the care 
the society took that their members should only marry 'Friends.' 
'1678, 10 day 7 month, ffriends also agreed y fc Robert Linton, 
Anthony Wind (interred the following year in the ground under con- 
sideration), Jno. Harrison, John Linton, & Bridget Pinder, goe a9 
soon as possible may be, and speak wt h Jane Michell touching Inten- 
tions to marry one of y e world, & as we ar Informed ar already cald 
in ^ steeplehouse & to bring an acct thereof to y 6 next monthly 

From the register of marriages I find that Robert Linton married 
Jane Parrott. Amongst the names of the witnesses who signed the 
register are William and John Dove of Whitley. 

The Rev. 0. E. Adamson has favoured me with the following 
extracts from the Westoe Court Rolls: — 

4 1671. It m R°. Linton that he repare & amend the way down the 
Banks toward the dam lying right above the ground hee now enjoyes 
before the ffirst of ffebruary they lay a paine of 10 lb. 10 s. 00 d. 

It m they p'sent . . . together with Robert Lyntons servants 
for throwing their ashes into the street. . . .' 

Recusants in 1682. 'Robert Linton South Shields, Yeoman. 
Jane his wife. Sarah Linton, Spinster.' 

Richardson's Terrier of Survey made 1682. MS. made by Mr. 
Andrew Stoddart. 

'In 1667 the Lay Farm was separated from the other four, and 
belonged to Lewis Frost, Ra. Milbourne, Mich 1 . Coatsworth, and 
Rob*. Lynton.' 

This 'Lay Farm' was afterwards subdivided, and in 1768 belonged 
to Rob. Green, Mrs. Shrive, Rev. Mr. Radley, and possibly others 
(62 acres). 


It seems to have been the fringe of Westoe township, which 
included much of what is now called High Shields. 
Court Rolls of Westoe contain these names, thus : — 




Lewis Frost 

Lewis frost 

Lewis ffrost 


Exor Ra Milbnrne 

Henry Wolfe 


Ry Lynton 

Ro Linton 




Mich Coatsworth 

Mich Coatesworth 

A short time ago the Rev. C. E. Adamson brought to our notice 7 
a very interesting stone now in an outhouse of the residence of the 
late Robert Ingham, esq., at Westoe. The stone, it was stated, had 
been removed from the neighbourhood of Frederick Street, Laygate, 
South Shields, The stone marked the resting-place of Ralph Milbourne, 
who died January 14, 1668, of Grace Woolf, who died 16th January, 
170J, and of Henry Woolf. i Grace Wolfe/ named on the stone, 
wrote a most interesting letter to Ambrose Barnes, the Puritan 
alderman 8 of Newcastle. 

At that time I was inclined to think that the stone was a relic of 
the burials in Robert Linton's garden, but subsequent consideration 
leads more to the belief that Milbourne and Woolf were nonconformists, 
either Presbyterian or Independent, but not belonging to the Society 
of Friends. Milbourne was buried in 1668, and had the ground at 
Linton's been then open a child of the latter would hardly have been 
buried at West Boldon in 1669. 

The earliest entry that I have of any burial at Linton's is in 1673, 
five years after the date of Milbourne's death. St. Hilda's register 
says that he was ' buried in his house.' The wills 9 of Milbourne and 
Woolfe are at Durham, and from them I find that Grace was the widow 
of Milbourne, and subsequently married Henry Woolfe. 10 From the 
wills we are able to get a short pedigree of the family. 

7 Proc. Soc. Antiq. Newo. vol. v. p. 100. 

8 Surtees Soc. Publ. vol. 50. p. 196. 

9 For wills see Appendix VI. and VI L pp. 209 and 210. 

10 Henry Woolf 's will is dated April 25, 1709. He describes himself as of 
the Lay Yett, near South Shields, and desires that his body shall be buried at 
the discretion of his executors. 

80X7TH SHIELDS. 205 

One daughter of the second marriage became Mrs. Gay, and 
another Mrs. Linskill (see Appendix V. p. 209). 

The signatares of several witnesses are on each will, bnt I do not 
find the name of Milbourne, Woolfe, or of any one person referred to 
in the wills mentioned in the Quaker records before me. 

Henry Woolfe and one of his co-tenants [Michael Coatsworth] of the 
Lay Farm are both named in the will of Henry Hudson of Brunton, 
November 22, 1700, as ' my worthy friends.' Hudson himself desired 
to be buried in the Sidgate, Newcastle, which was the 'QuigV 
burying ground, the first in Newcastle used for nonconformists. 
Again, in 1672, when King Charles the II. granted his 'Preaching 
Licenses, or licenses of indulgence to tender consciences,' in the list 
for Durham we find, under South Shields, * The house of Cuthbert 
Cotesworth in the Westpans near South Shieles Durrham Pr [Pres- 
byterian] Meeting Place.' The Whitburn records show that Cuthbert 
Coatsworth and his wife were in 1674 cited to Durham 'for not 
comeing to theire Parish Church,' 'for keeping theire children un- 
baptised, and she not comeing to be churched after her childe birth.' 11 
These considerations lead me to think that the stone found by Mr. 
Adamson was not from the Quaker burying ground in Robert Linton's 
garden, but that probably as Milbourne and Linton were joint tenants 
of the Lay farm, they each appropriated some spot of ground for 
their private burials. The site most probably was about Frederick 
street. It is stated that when excavations were made for the forma- 
tion of the street several skeletons were found that could in no way be 
accounted for. 

A cash book belonging to the Society of Friends, now in the 
custody of Mr. C. J. Spence, has this entry: — '1817 12 mo Cle* 
Graveyard in S h S° 8s.' Mr. Spence knows of no other burying-place 
than the one under consideration. It seems most remarkable that if 
8s. was paid in 1817 for cleaning the ground there is no one who can 
identify the site that it occupied. I give a list of those that I have 
a record of as being buried in Robert Linton's garden between 1673 
and 1697. 

" Surtees Soc. Publ. vol. 47, p. 245. 





























Burials at South Shields in Robert Linton's Gabden. 

Mary Fearon daughter of Thomas Fearon of South Shields was 

buried in Robert Linton's Garden. 
Martha daughter of Thomas Fearon. 
Margaret Wife of James Smith of South Shields. 
Mary Harrison of Blackwell Co. Durham. 
Elizabeth Lisle daughter of Joseph and Elizabeth Lisle. 
Anthony Wynd of South Shields. 
Thomas Chandler of South Shields. 
Timothy Frost son of John and Dorothy Frost. 
Ann Chandler of South Shields. 

Robert Linton lived to see more peaceful days for the Quakers, 
both he and his wife were laid to rest in the Friends' Burial Ground 
at North Shields i Upper End,' the former in 1715 and the latter in 
the following year. 

I had been much struck with the fact that in some of the very 
early Quaker burying grounds many head-stones, with lengthy inscrip- 
tions upon them are to be found, while grounds of later date possess 
very few stones. I made many enquiries but could get no explana- 
tion, until a few days ago Mr. 0. J. Spence favoured me with the 
following, which fully explains the matter, and may also account for 
the entire absence of stones in nearly all the grounds I have been 
reviewing : — 

EXTBAOT FEOM Rules OP DISCIPLINE, 3rd Edition, 1834. 

1717. This meeting being informed that friends in some places have gone 
into the vain custom of erecting monuments over the dead bodies of friends, by 
stones, inscriptions, etc., it is therefore the advice of this meeting, that all such 
monuments should be removed, as much as may be with discretion and con- 
veniency : and that none be any where made or set up, near or over, the dead 
bodies of friends or others, in friends burying places for time to come. 
In 1766 another resolution was passed : — 

This meeting being informed that since the advice formerly issued, in order 
to excite friends to a proper regard to our testimony against grave stones, divers 
having accordingly been removed, and being desirous that the revival of this 
concern may be effectual, we earnestly recommend the removal of them may be 

This rule was rescinded in 1850, when a plain stone was allowed 
with name, age, and date, under direction of the monthly meeting : — 

So €hat in each particular burial Ground such an entire uniformity may be 
preserved in respect of the material, size, and form of the stones as well as the 
mode of placing them, as may effectually guard against any distinction being 
made in that place between the rich and the poor. 


One other extract from the records shows the desire for simplicity 

at ftmerals : — 

Gateshead ye 8th day of ye - 1675. At ye aaide meeting friends had a 

discourse touching a black cloth upon ye coffin and desired consideracon 
further had about it till next monthly mee tinge. 

At ye monthly meeting at Gatesid the 13 Day of — 1675 ffriends have 


generally given theire Judgment touching Burialls, that whean theire is a coffin, 

theire'8 noe nissisity of any cloth at all. And y* the distriabution of wine, And 

serveinge of ffreinds and people In ye maner of ye world as is a customed, is 

sorperfluous and needles, and not comendable amongest ffreinds. 

I fear that daring the two hundred years that have elapsed 
since this resolution was passed ' ye manner of ye world ' at funerals 
has not very much improved. 

If my hearers are not weary of the subject I propose at an early 
opportunity to give an account of the ground at North Shields ' High 
End ' and of the one that used to be at Cullercoats, the existence of 
which may be fresh in the memory of many present. 



Geobge Hodgson, 1667. 

A true & perfect inventory of all such goods & chattells as George 
Hodshon, late of Newcastle-on-Tyne, died, seized of, 17 Deer., 1667. 

Itm. One Lease of a cloyrie. 

I tin. A Lease of Boldon fflate, Milne Goods at Bowdon fflate, two oxen, etc., 

Itm. One Lease of a house in Newcastle, wherein the testator lived. 

Itm. One Lease of a Cole Stath from Sir James Clavering. 

Itm. One Lease of a Cole Stath from M r George Shafto. 

Itm. The Testator's purse, etc. 

Itm. Debts owing to the Testator. 

Sum total ... £147 7s.4d. 

George Shafto, ) m „„, . , , 
Richard Harding, } of Whiokhm, Gentn. 
William Lonsdale, Swalwele Groman. 
William Cutter of Newcastle. 


'. . . . Bichardum Wilson . . . ., for not oomeing to the Church: 
23 Augusti [16]74. BxV « . . . . Bichardum Wilson, sen., . . . . for 
schismaticks, and offending against all order : 10 Dec [16] 7 5. BxV '. . . . 
Galielmum Maude . . . ., for keeping open shopps on Holy days: 26 Aug. 
[16]77. BxV— Surtees Soc. Publ. vol. 47, pp. 246-7. 



4 Oppicium Domini contra Gulielmum Trewhit et Doratheam uxorem ejus, 
Adonellam Comforth, Georgium Trewhit, Margaretam Trewhit, Quakers; 
Gulielmum Trewhit et Georgium Trewhit, for not payeing assessments to the 
Church : 5 Jan. 1673. ExV * Gulielmum Trewhit, Georgium Trewhit, Johannem 
Robson, Robertum Steel, Richardum Moore, et Robertum Laidler,/or not payeing 
Clerk's wages; Thomas Bedson, et Janam Johnson, uxorem ejus pretensam; 
Georgium Trewhit et uxorem ejus pretensam, for procureing themselves to be 
clandestinely married: Sept. 1677. Bx*. — Surtees Soc. Publ. vol. 47, p. 218. 


Durham Probate Court. 

In the name of god Amen, the 25th day of September, in the yeare of our lord 
god 1582 : I Cuthbart Trewghit of Howghton in the Springe, seake and euill at 
ease in my bodye by the visitation of allmightie god, but by his grace and mercye 
in good and perfect remembrannce make the my last will and testament in 
maner and forme followinge. ffirste, I committe my soule into the handes of 
allmightie god, who as I stedfastlye trust and hope will receaue it, for the merites 
of his deare sonne and oure sauioure Jhesus Christ, who hathe redeamed it, withe 
his most precious bloude : And I will that my bodie be buried in my parrishe 
churchyarde of the saide Howghton, after I ha?e ended the course of this 
miserable lyfe. Imprimis, I geaue to the poore, 3/4. Allso I make A] lice 
Trewghit, my wyfe, Robart Trewghit, John Trewghit, Henrye Trewghit* 
xpofer Trewghit, And Jane Trewghit my chyldren, executoures of this my last 
will and testament. Allso, I make Mr. John Casson, and Raulfe Pendrithe, 
supervisoures of this my last will and testament, desiring theym for the loue of 
god, and as I trust theym, to see this my last will and testament performed and 
fulfilled to the true intent and meaninge hereof, Recordes (?) and wytnesses 
hereof, Are Mr. John Casson, Robart Rueter (?) John Browne, Roger Amond, And 
Anthonye Chiltoune. 

The Inventorye of all the goodes and cattellee, wch weare the goods and 
cattels of Cuthbart Trewghit of Howghtone in the Springe, of late deceassed, 
pryced by these men, John Browne, John Chilton, Henrye Clerksone and Robart 
Rueter (?) the 26th day of februarye. An'o. dni: 1582. 

Imprimis, fowre kye (?) 6 M v u 

Itm One mare, & twa stagges (?) 3 H 13 s 4 d iij u xiij 8 iiij d 

Itm 22 t 3 r sheape 4 U iiij" 

Itm fower swyne xviii 8 

Itm fowre bee hyves .xvi 8 

Itm wheate in the stackgarthe iij u 

Itm otes in the barne xxx s 

Itm wheate so wen upon the grounde iij 11 vi 8 viii d 

Itm hay in the barne xvi" 

Itm sowen bourdes (?) & all wood geare xxvi 8 

Itm AmbryeB, cawels (?), arkes (?), chystes, tables, formes, 

andchayres iij 11 

Itm pewder vessell, brasse pottes And other vessell ... iij 11 viii" viii* 

Itm howshoulde stuff e in the chamber xxxiii" iiii d 


Itm fowre threave of hempe & pulley ne iiii" 

Itm one Iron chymney, all bis worke geare And theyre 

appurtenannces xl" 

Some xxxiiii" xii § 

Debtee owinge to tbe eayde Cathbart. 

Xpoferhaall iii" 

... (?)viii» . 

Borne ... xi $ — xxxv" iii s 

Debtee to be taken out of tbe some aboue. 

To Mr. S'riffe (?) Bellassis iii* iii d 

To Ny colas Pounder . ii 8 viii d 

To Eobart Ironsyde younger iiii 8 

Itm f or reparacons xxxiii* iiii d 

Itm forwheate xxxvi* 

Itm f or clensinge of the howse xxxv" iiii d 

Some v u xiiii 8 vii d 

Some tot ... xxix 11 viii" v* 

V. • • 

Mr. H. A. Adamson informs me that the Linskills of North Shields originally 
came from Whitby. The 7th vol. of the North Riding Record Society states that 
at the Quarter Sessions held in 1677 William Joseph and Reuben Linskill of 
Whitby (all Quakers) made affirmation of loyalty to their sovereign, but claimed 
exemption from the penalties imposed on Roman Catholics. The Tynemouth 
Lodge estate and other property at North Shields properly came into the 
possession of the Linskill family by the marriage of William Linskill of Whitby 
with the daughter of Anthony Pearson in 1754. 

Durham Probate Court. 

Ralph Milboubne, 1668. 

I, Ralph Milburn of South Shields Westoe Salt pans in the County P. of 
Durham, etc., etc. 

Imp. I give & bequeath unto my Wife Grace (my debts being first paid 
out of the whole) that p'cell of Ground in the Lay called by the name of the 
Bordwell Close w to the new house thereon erected and all appur* thereunto 
belonging, being one fourth part of a farme lyeing in the township of Westoe 
w* I bought of Thomas Burdon. 

Itm. I also give & bequeath unto my wife Grace one full third part of all 
my other estate reall & personal. 

Itm. I also give & bequeath unto my son Joshua another full third part 
of all my estate. 

Itm. I also give & bequeath unto my two youngest sons John & Edward 
the other third part of my whole estate to be equally divided between them. 

Itm. I do hereby constitute & ordain my wife Grace Sole Extrix of this 
my last Will & Testament in witness whereof I have hereto set my hand this 
twelfth day of Jany in the twentieth year of the Reign of King Charles the 
Second Anno Dni, 1668. Ra. Milbourn. 

vox. xvi. A A 


Signed in the presence of — 

Lewis ffrost, 
Mich Colesworth, 
Thomas Airey, 
.... Milburn, 
Cuth Colesworth. 
Proved Feb. 6, 1668. 
Long inventory of Stock at Salt pans. Shares in sundry vessels (nine) 
proved at £640 19s. 8d. 


Dnrham Probate Court. 

I, Hknbt Woolpb of Lay Yett, near South Shields .... My body to 
be buried at the discretion of my Exors. . . . 

To my Son in Law John Cay & Grace his wife my daughter . . . 

To my Son in Law Robert Linskell & Rubina his wife my daughter . . . 

& shall suffer Henry Linskell & John Linskell sons of the s* Rob* & Rubina 
... to John Linskill, Alice Linskill daughter of the said Robert Linskill 
. . . Grandson Robert Cay. 

Robert Cay Messuage & ffive salt pans held from Dean and Chapter. 
Robert Cay twentieth part of Elswick Colliery . . . Farm in Harton lately 
bought of Thomas Watson. 

I give & b. to each of my son in law Joshua Mil bourne' 8 ffive children 
Hannah, William, John, Grace & Jane Milbourne £5. 

Dorothy Milbourne another daughter of the said Joshua Milbourne share of 
Ship Love of which her said father is now master. Henry, John & A. Linskill to 
be put to some honest trade. 

Dated April 25th, 1709. 

Proved 1710. 

Witness — 

Samuel Doneson, 
Hannah Greenwich, 
Wm. Rutter. 

Executors, John Cay & Grace nis wife. 



By Robebt Coltman Clephan. 
[Read on the 28th December, 1892, and 22nd February, 1898.] 

Part I. — General Sketch. 
It is impossible to deal intelligibly with the Hansa factories in 
England withont an introductory sketch of the history, aims, and 
government of the League in general. The outline to-night must 
necessarily be brief. The subject is so interesting and so pregnant 
with vast issues bearing on the history and trading policy of medieval 
northern Europe, that it is a matter for astonishment that historians 
have too often rather shrunk from grappling with its subtle and some- 
what obscure ramifications. Dynasties and wars form more concrete 
subjects for the historian, but trading aspirations have given the key- 
note and provided the sinews of war to many a scheme of empire, 
thus pulling the wires of history, so to speak, to an extent not always 

The German and Lombard towns laid the foundation for future 
corporate greatness by strenuous efforts made to lighten the oppression 
of the feudal system, which existed nowhere more conspicuously than 
in medieval Germany. Cities organised themselves against aggression, 
and associated themselves together with others for mutual protection 
against the injustice and exactions of a rapacious nobility. The 
feudal lords, instead of protecting the third estate, harassed and 
oppressed it. Little by little the towns began to organise their 
resources with a view of at least mitigating the grievous disabilities 
under which they groaned. They contended for safety of person and 
goods against freebooters ; the clearance of robbers from the high seas 
and highways ; right to own land ; the substitution of regular tribunals 
instead of the barbarous trial by combat ; or the test of hot iron, the 


so-called ' judgment of God ' ;* an equitable regulation of dues and 
taxes ; authorised weighing of goods ; machinery for the enforcement 
of debts ; municipal government ; and many other reforms which we 
should now consider absolutely necessary for the most elementary 
condition of society. At times buying the protection of their liege 
lords, or setting one baron or princeling against another ; by slow 
degrees they achieved power, with freedom to organise their com- 
munity, and pursue their commerce unfettered and unmolested. From 
the reign of the great Frederick Barbarossa, the so-styled holy Roman 
emperors were constantly engaged in wars in Italy and elsewhere, 
leaving Germany a perfect cockpit of faction. The cities, being 
frequently called upon for levies of men and money, gradually exacted 
privileges and monopolies in return, which, by and by, resulted in 
opulence, independence, and power, their alliance being eagerly sought 
after by powerful princes. Associated together they became irresistible, 
their citizens enjoying even wider immunities abroad than under their 
own rulers, and at length were a power to be reckoned with by the 
great states of Europe. Many of them became free cities of the 
empire, with most of the attributes of independent states. Eventually 
some eighty cities banded themselves together, forming a league 
powerful enough to dispose over fleets and armies, dethrone and set 
up kings; and to dictate their conditions more or less to all the 
northern sovereigns. 

The political condition of northern Europe, and especially that of 
Scandinavia in the middle ages afforded this association, so remark- 
able for diplomatic astuteness, opportunities for pushing its protection- 
ist and exclusive trading policy, which it used to the utmost, but which 
eventually rendered it intolerable. 

Origin, Meaning, and Application of the term Hakbe 
or Hansa. 

The word Hansa or Hanse was in use in north-western Europe, 
particularly in England, from a very early period. It invariably 
indicated a merchants' guild or association. 

The first mention I can find of the word in the middle ages occurs 
as early as 799, when the merchants' guild of Regensburg, in South 

1 Cany a bar of red-hot iron, or walk over a red-hot ploughshare. 

H18T0BI0 8UMMABT. 218 

Germany, is styled * Hanae.' It ifl very rarely met with in old Teutonic 
records, bat frequently crops up, after Domesday Book, in early English 
history ; and it was the use of the word in England that probably 
suggested its adoption by the early confederacies trading with the 
British Isles, and subsequently by the Hanseatic Bund. We find 
the term in an undated charter signed by Archbishop Thurstan (about 
1120), granting to the citizens of Beverley, the same privileges as 
enjoyed by those of York: 'Yolo ut bnrgenses mei de Beverlaco 

habeant suam hanshus ' King John conferred a charter 

on Dunwich in Norfolk which runs : * Concessimus etiam eis hansam 
et gildam mercatoriam • . . .' These examples may suffice — there 
are many others. 

The origin of the word would seem to have been low German, pro- 
bably the middle low German of the old dukedom of Saxony, or what is 
very similar, Anglo-Saxon, though it occurs in Bishop Ulfilas*s Gothic 
translation of the bible, written about a.d. 350 : * Judas nam Hansa ' 
(Judas took council) ; and the very early trading relations between 
the merchants of Cologne, ' homines Imperatoris,' and Wisby on the 
island of Gothland, might point to a Gothic derivation. 

I came across a report from the Edinburgh Review dated October, 
1877, of a most interesting article entitled ( Ulfilas, the Apostle of the 
Goths, 9 on which it is impossible to dwell this evening. The article 
is unsigned, but is, if I am not much mistaken, from the pen of our 
learned colleague Dr. Hodgkin. 

That the name was not confined to German unions is clearly shown 
by the fact of the Flemish federation of twenty-four towns associated 
together for trading purposes in England, styling itself ' The London 
Hansa,' and curiously enough the 'London Merchant Adventurers' 
at one time called their association by this very name also. 

Historic Summary. 

The Hansa Bund sprang out of the early Teutonic trade with 
England, which dates back to Roman times. The League of the 
cities of Westphalia, and those of the Rhine generally, with its 
Frie8land and Flemish allies, led by Cologne, was clearly the proto- 
type for the association of Baltic cities, with Liibeck at its head ; and 
eager was the rivalry and competition of the two confederacies until 


they merged together in the Hansa, with Liibeck as its acknowledged 
queen. The Hanseatic Bund was thus clearly a development of the 
earlier Teutonic unions. The city of Liibeck was engaged in trade 
with Denmark before the dawn of the thirteenth century, and took 
part in a campaign against the celebrated Waldemar Seir ; and the 
crushing victory of Bornhoved in 1227 was largely contributed to by 
the Liibeck contingent. The Danes were also beaten in Livonia and 
Courland, and their last stronghold, the castle of Reval, taken. The 
foothold then obtained resulted in the establishment of German 
factories at Reval, Dorpat, and Riga, but the position was lost 
again in 1238, when the treaty of that year gave Reval back to 
Denmark. The German influence soon after regained predominance, 
and these stations were re-established, by and by to be incorporated 
in the Bund. The victory of Bornhoved wrung concessions from 
Denmark for the herring fishery in the Baltic, and the possession of 
this trade clearly marked out Liibeck for the leadership of the Wendish 
cities, which union formed the nucleus for the future Hanseatic Con- 
federation. Already at this period the little herring had begun to 
play an important part in the history of Europe ; it was the loadstone 
that specially attracted the Germans to Baltic waters. 

It is impossible within the limits of a short paper to give more 
than a mere outline of the dynastic history, so to speak, of the 
League. Anyone wishing to pursue the subject in this direction, 
would be amply repaid by a perusal of Miss Zimmern's charming 
book, published in England. For what may be described as the 
archaeological and commercial sides of the question, I have freely 
availed myself of the labours of Dr. Lappenberg, and the writers of 
a series of papers published by a society styling itself * Verein fur 
Hansische Geschichte/ whose field of operations covered most of the 
towns and factories, beginning 1870 and extending over the following 

The oldest records of the Baltic League are to be found in the 
laws and compacts of the old Wendish towns of Liibeck, Rostock, and 
Wismar, dated 1259, 'Liibische Recht' (Liibeck laws) they are 
called ; they are written in Latin, but a German version dated 1240 
lying in the town archives of Kiel, points to a still earlier origin. The 
co-operation of these towns, together with Gadebusch, Stralsund 


Elbing, Kiel, Greifswald, and Hamburg goes still further back, and 
these common laws may be regarded as the oorporate foundation of 
the Hanseatic League, which, however, did not adopt the designation 
before the middle of the fourteenth century, ( Hanse der Deutchen,' 
when the two sections united and the League became formally con- 

There is an agreement of a slightly earlier date between Hamburg 
and Lubeck, but this concerns merely the mutual protection of the 
highway between the two cities.* 

The first of these Wendish compacts provides for a common action 
against pirates and robbers, but there is no special mention of com- 
mercial union ; while the second, dated 1265, decrees in addition that 
the necessary expenses be subscribed by all. The first document 
expressly states that it is compiled for all merchants using the 
'Liibische Becht,* 'zum Nutzen aller Eaufleute, die daes Liibische 
Becht gebrauchen,' runs the later high German translation. Provi- 
sion is made that all bad citizens be banished their towns, carrying 
away no property save and except ' apron and knife,' and the cities 
contract not to harbour the criminals of each other. Bigamy incurs 
the penalty of death by the axe, but this punishment was soon found 
too drastic, and but a little later was commuted to a fine of ten 
marks, later still increased to forty marks ; two-thirds to go to the 
town treasury, remainder to judge or court, and the offender to hand 
over half his property to the woman he first married. 

Shipwrecked goods (Strandgut) and prizes taken in war to be 
delivered to the Bath of the League, or their agents, for realisation for 
revenue purposes. Offenders against this article to be mulcted ten 
marks, or in default, banishment from the allied cities. 

Common action is arranged for in cases of disputes between the 
cities and their liege lords, with the saving clause that only money, 
not men, be subscribed by the cities not primarily interested. 

The punishment of whipping on the seat was inflicted for fraud, 
bribery, and minor offences. 'Qui falsa et nequam emptione sen 

* Disraeli, in his Owriositiet of Literature Q Feudal Customs *), says : « There 
was a time when the German lords reckoned amongst their privileges that of 
robbing on the highways of their territory ; which ended in raising np the 
famous Hanseatic union to protect their commerce against rapine and avaricious 
exactions of toll/ 


vendioione promeruftrit sedere in sede que dicitur "scupstol" arbitrio 
oonsulum et judicio eorum subjacebit.' Which may be rendered : — ' He 
who by fraudulent and wicked buying and selling shall have deserved 
to sit in the seat which is called "scupstol," shall be ducked at the 
discretion of the oounsellore and according to their judgment/ so here 
we have not only the word but the application. The word * scupstol ' 
recalls the punishment in the old Scottish law * cukBtule,' cucking or 
tossing the culprit up and down and in and out of dirty water. In the 
England of the Normans the punishment was expressed by ' tumbrel,' 
and later by cucking or ducking stool ; in France 'tonibereau' or 
* tomberel,' and in Latin ' tumbrellum. 9 

We are far too apt to look upon the middle ages as entirely a rude 
and rough page in the world's history, and to plume ourselves on the 
supreme refinement of our own age as against all that preceded it ; as 
if the application of steam to the locomotive was more wonderful than 
the genius that breathed life in the creations of Phidias and Praxiteles. 
Such generalizations are often hasty and very misleading. The world's 
history is made up of rising civilizations that culminate and set in 
luxury and effeminacy ; then darkness prevails, when almost all experi- 
ence is lost or hidden, and the world has to begin again, as it were. 
So it has gone on for many thousand years, and so it will go on to the 
end. We owe much to the middle ages, which were progressive, and 
oontained a great deal that was sturdy and good ; in them lay the 
resurrection of art, liberty, and jurisprudence. 

The early history of the Wendish League was characterised by 
singular astuteness in negotiation, both with foreign powers and the 
feudal lords of its cities, and the political condition and combinations 
of northern Europe in the middle ages materially assisted its develop- 
ment. It invariably exhausted all the resources of diplomacy before 
drawing the sword, rightly judging that the baleful influence of war 
on commeroe is but badly compensated for even by a successful appeal 
to arms. That the Wendish towns, including Hamburg, were more 
or less acting together for common objecte with those of Westphalia, 
the Netherlands, and Livonia, is shown by an early treaty between the 
Gothic city of Wisby (Gothland) On the one hand, and the prince of 
Smolensk and burghers of Liibeck, Soest, Minister, Groningen, Dort- 
mund, Bremen, and Riga on the other. All the earlier efforts of the 


League were concentrated on extending trade and acquiring influence 
in the Baltic, and the Norwegians, onoe the terror of the seas, became 
restricted to their own coasting trade, while the English were ousted 
from a great part of their oversea traffic. 

In 1278 Magnus of Norway granted extensive trading privileges 
to the Wendish cities and Bremen, and the foundations for the 
important factory of Bergen were then laid down. 

The constant friction and frequent wars among the three divisions 
of Scandinavia gave the League opportunities for pushing its influence 
in Baltic waters, which it used to the utmost, and its success became 
so evident that Waldemar III., surnamed Atterdag (a day will come), 
determined at all hazards to attempt to check its growing power. The 
Confederacy sustained its first reverse in the opening campaign, when 
Waldemar took and sacked the rich city of Wisby in 1361, the then 
richest and most important emporium of the League ; the king there- 
upon assuming the title of king of the Goths; his success was, 
however, but transient, as the Lubeck fleet led by the burgermeister 
Johan Wittenberg, assisted by flenrik of Holstein, soon afterwards 
completely defeated him before Helsingborg. Wittenberg meeting 
with a serious reverse after this was recalled and beheaded, a common 
fate for Hansa leaders whose operations were not crowned with success. 
Lubeck now made a league with 77 cities, Wendish, Westphalian, 
Netherlands, and Livonian ; the compact being signed at Cologne in 
1867. The struggle for supremacy between the cities of Cologne and 
Lubeck will be touched upon more particularly in the second section 
of this paper, as it has a special bearing on English trade, but at this 
crisis they became united in common aims and objects, and the 
Hanseatic Confederation was now formally constituted. The forces 
now wielded by the Band beoame very formidable, and their fleets 
took and sacked Copenhagen. The peace of Stralsund signed in 1370 
gave the now powerful Confederacy indisputed sway in the Baltic, 
and a veto on the election to the Danish throne. Following is a list 
of the Hanse towns in alphabetical order : — 





A,nk1ft.m t 



















Frankfurt a. 0* 













































































The list covers an immense and almost international area. Ger- 
many, the Netherlands, Russia, and even Sweden being all represented. 
Many have sunk into insignificance and others have disappeared 
altogether. The roll was ever a changing quantity, as cities joined 
or left the Confederacy, or were 'unhansed.' Discipline among 
the towns was strictly maintained, and any contumacious towards the 
diet were subjected to * unhansing,' that is ejectment from the Bund, 
and were only readmitted after abject submission and the imposition 
of a heavy fine. The important city of Bremen, which pressed her 
views as to leadership, remained unhansed for thirty years, and many 
cities once recalcitrant were never allowed to rejoin. 

The diet, presided over by a syndic, was composed of deputies 
from each town on the roll, but there was always great reticence 
displayed to the world outside as to the numbers composing the 
League. A deputy questioned on this head would answer evasively, 
* Those who fight the Hansa's battles.' The meetings were generally 
held at Liibeck, the deputies being received with great pomp and 
ceremony ; heavy fines were inflicted for non-attendance without good 
cause assigned, and the decisions of the majority bound the entire 
Confederacy. The diet was the grand court of appeal for all .questions 
and quarrels ; it controlled all diplomatic action, and held in its hands 
the issues of peace and war. The Hansa had no regular seal of 
association, but all documents were sealed with the arms of the town 
in which the diet happened to meet. The usual symbol attached to 
all Hansa guildhalls was the double eagle with the legend * quo omnes 

BERGEN. 219 

utimur in praesenti.' The remaining years of the fourteenth century 
were characterised by unwearied efforts of the League to consolidate 
and increase its influence in the Baltic ; but in the beginning of the 
fifteenth the rich and influential towns of the Netherlands withdrew 
in a body from the Association, allying themselves with king Eric 
against the Hansa. The Liibeck fleet under Tidemand Steen was 
defeated in the Sound, and an attempt on Copenhagen in 1428 was 
unsuccessful. The rival Confederacies continued the struggle for 
Baltic supremacy until 1445, when a truce between them was arranged. 
At the close of the war Bergen became the complete vassal of the 
Hansa, and its extensive fishing industry a source of great riches to 
the Association. This northern factory calls for a passing notice, and 
our tourist countrymen may spend an' interesting hour or two in 
inspecting the last settlement built after the great fire in 1702, soon 
after which the hated foreigners were driven out by the government 
under the Danish crown. 


After the times of the Vikings when the coast towns of Norway 
ceased to be enriched by the spoils of other nations, the Norwegians 
were thrown back on their own resources, which, with the exception 
of extensive fisheries, were of a trifling character. Although still in 
possession of a considerable fleet, they were unable from some cause or 
other to do their own carrying trade in fish, possibly because of the 
horror and detestation with which the Norsemen were still regarded on 
the other side of the North Sea, or more likely by a wave of decadence 
passing over them. 

A competition for this trade ensued between the Wendish towns 
and England, the former completely ousting our countrymen, by 
reason of their more powerful fleet. The Germans soon made good 
a foothold on the land itself at Bergen, which they successfully main- 
tained for centuries, in spite of the bitter opposition of the citizens. 

The relentless policy of monopoly nowhere showed itself in darker 
colours than in the Hansa's arbitrary and oppressive dealings with 
Norway. The maritime position of Bergen with its unrivalled land- 
locked harbour and fishing grounds marked it out as a centre for this 
important trade, and the factory grew rapidly ; already in the middle 
of the fourteenth century it assumed the name of * Hansiche Kontor.' 


The factory consisted of twenty-two strongly bnilt buildings of 
timber facing the fjord, connected with the water by a gangway for 
loading and discharging. The frontage was narrow, bnt warehouses 
extended far behind. The dwelling portion of each tenement was 
styled the * flof,' and the accommodation for the ' Hansebriider ' was 
of the rudest description. Each house contained a ' family ' of about 
120 persons, the majority coming from one particular Hanse town ; all 
men were sworn to celibacy and presided over by a * Husbonde.' These 
were divided into classes, such as managers and clerks, svender, boots- 
junger, cooks, and servants. At the back was a large yard and garden, 
in which numerous ferocious dogs were kept. The most curious of 
the offices rearwards was the * Schutting,' an old Norwegian fire annex, 
with a single entrance, windowless beyond a hole in the roof with an 
adjustable shutter, to let light in and smoke out. This shutter was 
closed when the fire cleared. During summer the 'family' lived in 
the * Hof ,' eating and sleeping in their own rooms, but in the winter 
months they all lived in common in the capacious ' Schutting,' where 
a table stood for each. The fleet being laid np during the winter 
months, all business was at a standstill at that season. 

A large branch of the import trade was the highly prized pepper, 
and merchants of the Hansa at Bergen rejoiced in the nickname of 
* Pebersvende ' (pepper lads), which name still survives in the langu- 
ages of Scandinavia for a bachelor over forty, the members of the 
factory being all celibates. I may perhaps suggest to our philologists 
that the word nickname was necknavn (neken — to tease). 

All marriage was forbidden, and no woman permitted within the 
enclosure ; but for all that great laxity of morals prevailed, deepening 
as the central control became weaker. 

A manuscript of the fifteenth century was found in one of the 
houses giving an account of a carousal held over a barrel of beer by 
one of the ' families, 9 the ale being the fine imposed on a clerk for an 
illegitimate child ; the manuscript ends thus ' may our brother soon 
be found tripping again.' 

The factory was really a fortress, entrance by a bridge surmounted 
by the arms of the station, viz., half the double eagle and a crowned 
cod's head. The total number of inhabitants varied from two to three 
thousand, and the community was governed by two Oldermcend, 


Misted by a oouncQ. They made their own laws, had their own 
churches, and generally set the Norwegian authorities at defiance. 

It was at Bergen where the German of the middle ages and 
renaissance was seen at his very worst, his otherwise genial though 
somewhat coarse humour here took the form of tyranny, licentiousness, 
and brutality of the most odious type. The bestial games and orgies 
indulged in when candidates from German towns presented themselves 
for admittance to the 'families' to fill up gaps in the community 
caused by removal or death, were a scandal even in that rough age. 
These were subjected to the most dreadful barbarities, smeared with 
filth and garbage, underwent terrible whippings, which some did not 
survive ; duckings in the sea occasionally ending in drowning ; com- 
pelled to ascend a chimney under which filth was burnt, so as to cause 
a nauseous smoke that frequently overcame them. These are but a 
sample of the horrors that took place, and no wonder that the Hansa 
continues a term of reproach in Norway down to our own day. The 
games, harmless enough when instituted, clearly degenerated into a 
device for the limitation of immigration from the parent towns. 


Evidence of a very early connection of our own city with the 

Hansa, or more properly with the older associations whence it sprang, 

is not wanting, and it is certain that a considerable trade was 

carried on soon after the Conquest, and probably much earlier. I have 

found direct testimony of trading operations on a large scale at the 

beginning of the fifteenth century, which by implication may be set 

much further back. A despatch preserved in the archives of Stralsund, 

dated 5th September, 1401, from the mayor of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 8 

addressed to the Bath of Stralsund, thanks the latter for the agreeable 

audience given to an ambassador from the former, and promises a like 

favourable reception to the Stralsund ships and merchandize to the 

Tyne. A promise is given by the magistrate to convey the sense of 

these negotiations to king Henry IV. 

I have ventured to give the document in extenso as having a local 
application. It runs as follows : — 

* Sykes states that Sir Peter Scott was the first chief magistrate of Newcastle, 
haying the title of mayor in 1251, but there was a mayor in 1243. See Arch. 
Ael. iiii 126, N.8. 


' Re'uerendis et discretis viris Consulibus et Burgimagistris Ciuitatis Strales- 
sundensis, Maior, Vicecomes et Communitas ville Noui Castri super Tynam in 
Anglia salntem cum reuerencia pariter et honore. Scire dignetur vestra discrecio, 
veneranda nos vestras literas honorabiles per manus Johannis Sterneke, nostri 
burgen8is, nuper recepisse, cui vestram beneuolenciam ac multiplices grates 
nostre dileccionis intuitu prout nobis retulit, aroicabiliter intimastis ; eundemque 
Johannem in suis agendis efficacius pertractando, vnde vobis ex toto nostri cordis 
desiderio intime regraciamur cum affectu. Et quantum ad grauamina, prout in 
dictis literis vestris continetur, vestratibus illata, aut quod aliqua discensio inter 
vos et aliquem nostrorum esset inita seu orta, multipliciter condolemus. In- 
super quoad literam vestram excellentissimo principi et domino nostro Regi 
Anglie et Prancie directam, ipsam eidem Serenissimo principi domino nostro Regi 
festinacione qua commode poterimus, secundum formam copie litere nobis trans- 
misse presentabimus cum affectu. Scientes pro firmo, quod cum et quando 
placuerit aliquibus vestrorum partes et villam nostram cum vestris nauibus 
seu mercibus visitare, quantum in nobis est et secundum totum nostrum 
posse, digne et amicabiliter recipientur, que con sim ilia merca tori bus nostris apud 
tos fieri temper cupimus et speramus. Vestram prosperitatem, prout nostram, 
perpetuam conseruet altissimus glorio3e Virginia intemerate filius per tempora 
longius duratara. In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus 
patentes, nostro sub sigillo con si gnat as. Datum apud dictam yillam nostram 
Noui Castri super Tynam : quinto die mensis Septembris, Anno Dni : Millesimo 
quadringentesimo primo.' 

We find mention of the trade of Newcastle with the Hansa, towards 

the end of the same century, in a memorandum by a certain priest 

Clement Armstrong, he says : — 

' These merchants bring to England pitch, tar, wood for quarterstaves, wax 
and pork from the north ; wine from Spain ; alum from Italy ; madder, silk, and 
many other articles from Flanders ; and to buy cloth bring with them gold and 
silver in bars, whence the name (E) sterling money comes. England is stuffed 
and pestered 4 with foreign goods. 

He sermonizes on the good old times before England determined 
to dominate the channel. Then comes the following remarkable 
passage :~ 4 There were to wn^ besides London that had steelyards, viz., 
Hull, York, Newcastle, Boston, and Lynn.' There were undoubtedly 
factories or steelyards at both Boston and Lynn, and I shall give 
some account of them in Part 2, but I have not found any evidence 
in corroboration of this statement as to York, Hull, and Newcastle. 
The term steelyard implies a residential German settlement, and I am 
of opinion there were never more than depdts at these three towns. 
Investigation among local or imperial records should define what the 
position of the Germans here really was, but I have not yet been able 
4 Pestered (pest — black death). 


to find anything more bearing on the question. In 1443 Copenhagen 
became the capital of Denmark, and the almost always nominal anion 
of the three Scandinavian kingdoms came to an end. 

It was king Eric who first instituted the Sound dues, so fiercely 
contested by the Wendish cities. 

The renaissance had now succeeded the middle ages, and Martin 
Luther was preaching his propaganda, soon to exercise such a dis- 
integrating influence on the fortunes of the Hansa. 

Norway had become a Danish province when Christian II. ascended 
the throne in 1513. He invaded and again subdued Sweden, for the 
last time to be united to the Danish monarchy. The Hansa, true to its 
traditional policy of preventing the realisation of a strong and united 
Scandinavia, determined at all hazards to break the union which always 
aimed at its exclusion from the Baltic, and declared war against the 
king. In the campaign that ensued Christian was completely defeated, 
losing both his liberty and throne. The Hansa then placed Gustav 
Wasa on the Swedish throne, and Frederik of Slesvig Holstein on that 
of Denmark, and for a time the Bund enjoyed vast privileges in 
Scandinavia, but even the kingmakers were never quite able to close 
the Sound against the Frieslanders, their most formidable rivals in the 
Baltic, though its most strenuous efforts were directed to that end. 

The great and lucrative trade enjoyed by the League at this epoch, 
with a well equipped trading fleet, quickly and easily convertible into 
powerful squadrons for war, resulted in a great accumulation of wealth, 
which, coupled with an unrivalled diplomacy and successful wars, had 
made it the arbiter of Northern Europe, and secured it the almost 
entire monopoly of the Baltic trade. Its factories extended to Norway 
and Russia on the one side, and England and Lisbon on the other, 
with depdts at Venice and many other important centres ; the mer- 
chants were like great princes in the wool, cloth, tallow, wax, 
salt, hides, timber, wine, and beer trades, besides spices, to say nothing 
of herrings and stockfish, which in these fast fading catholic days 
continued to swell the sails of the mighty confederacy. The other 
maritime nations could barely keep the seas, and became restricted 
mostly to their own coasting traffic, but times were at hand which 
were soon to have a disastrous influence on the further progress of the 
League, which never could realise that competitive power and influence 
was last accumulating in other directions. 


In 1533 the democratic burgomaster of Liibeek, Jurgen Wullen- 
wewer, made a supreme effort to obtain possession of the entrance to 
the Sound, the key to the Baltic The city of Liibeck, as representing 
the Bund, under the leadership of this ambitions man, again attacked 
Denmark. The allied Scandinavian kingdoms assembled their forces to 
oppose him, and inflicted a crushing defeat on the Hansa fleets before 
Assens, which sadly weakened her power and prestige, and becoming a 
potent factor towards her downfall. Wullenwewer paid for his failure 
with his life as he suffered at the hands of the executioner ; the lessons 
of his career are not the least interesting pages of the history of this 
hitherto successful Confederacy. The key to the prosperity of the 
League lay as ever in the Baltic trade, which now began rapidly to 
decline, owing to these frequent wars, the rising power of the Fries- 
landers, and relative political consequence and wealth of other nations. 
The Reformation began to sow dissension among the cities, and the 
discovery of America and the ocean route to India told heavily against 
them, for they made the blunder of using Lisbon as the dep6t for the 
oversea traffic, instead of tracking the trade to its source. Dissensions 
in the League itself, brought about by divided interests, new political 
combinations, and religious bigotry, rapidly weakened its power and 
prestige. The loss of Livonia and Bornholm, the final closing of the 
station of Novgorod, and gradual loosening of discipline and co-opera- 
tion, all combined for the now inevitable disruption of the Bund. 
The Hansa still possessed influence enough to keep the Sound closed 
against the English, but even here the fates were against her, as the 
discovery of the Arctic route to Russia by Sir Hugh Willoughby in 
1553, gave our countrymen direct access to Russia, and the formation 
of a company styled 'The London and Moscovy Merchant Adven- 
turers ' was another severe blow to the League. 

In 1562 the Swedes took forty ships of the League in the waters 
of Narwa. To avenge this outrage the Hansa once more drew the 
sword and this time, during the seven years' war, not without a 
flickering amount of success, as it succeeded in exacting from Sweden 
an indemnity of 75,000 Thalers, and a free passage through the 
Sound, a privilege it was only destined to retain for a single year. 
In 1577 the operations of the League were forbidden in England, and 
the steelyard temporarily closed in 1598* 


The Hansa at length began to realise the weakness of her position ; 
as these successive blows fell heavily upon her, she now held but 
weakly together, and but fifty towns remained on the roll, only a very 
few of which continued to contribute to the general fund ; and from 
this time the famous Bund, which had played for centuries such a 
leading part in history, ceased to be the great connecting link between 
the east and west of Europe. 

A letter written by a certain Dyrik Busselborch at Brunswick 
on the 10th November, 1586, gives a contemporary glimpse of the 
condition of the Hansa Bund at that .time. Written in the time- 
honoured Low German of Liibeck, which had become after Latin the 
diplomatic language of the League, the letter is addressed to the Rath 
of that city. Following is a short digest : — 

' He sees with sorrow that the Bund is falling to pieces, its trade daily more 
and more restricted by arbitrary and oppressive duties, rapidly becoming pro- 
hibitive. Referring bitterly to a heavy duty recently imposed by Denmark on 
piece goods, he sorrowfully contrasts the now impotent condition of the League, 
as compared with its dominant position but a short few years before, when the 
will of the Hansa was law to Denmark. He sees arrogance and reprisals on 
eYery side ; privileges and monopolies enjoyed for centuries, arbitrarily and sud- 
denly curtailed. He refers to the abandonment of trading routes, owing to 
rancorous opposition from abroad, and to the selfish policy of the cities as 
pursued towards each other. Then follows a philippic against the blasphemy 
prevailing, the deplorable religious differences, the rioting, indolence, and luxury 
—he sees in all this the judgment of God.' 

This picture has many parallels in history and vividly portrays 
the pass the Hansa had now reached. She had sown monopoly and 
oppression, and the harvest was ready. On the close of the sixteenth 
century it became impossible to get a quorum for the diet. The thirty 
years' war had played havoc with what remained of the once great 
trade. The coup de grace was reached when Christian IV. of Den- 
mark drove the Liibeck fleet into its own river the Trave, and publicly 
proclaimed that the exceptional privileges so long enjoyed by the 
League in the Baltic had ceased for ever. On the signing of the 
peace of Westphalia in 1648 the Hanseatic Confederation ceased to be 
a corporate body. A portion of the towns continued to act together, 
but at length only Liibeck, Hamburg, and Bremen remained to carry 
down the Hansa legend to our own day. 

TOI* XVI. o c 


Part II. 

There is no chapter in the history of the Hanseatic Confederation 
so interesting and suggestive as that relating to its English trade and 
factories, for in England the association had its birth, and there it 
received its death-blow at the hands of that energetic and enterprising 
corporation the Merchant Adventurers of London, led at that time by 
the famous Sir Thomas Gresham. Its fall was brought about by 
changing times and a commerce developing by such leaps and bounds 
that the old Hansa monopoly was simply crushed out of existence. 

The trading of the Teutonic nations with the British Isles dates 
from a very early period ; indeed, before the closing days of the Roman 
empire. Tacitus, in the year 97, refers thus to Londinium: — 'Lon- 
dinium . . . copia negotiatorum et oommeatuum maxime celebre.' 1 

Anglo-Saxon England sent missionaries to convert the Germans to 
Christianity, but these were conveyed in German ships. 

The first historic mention of extensive trading between the two 
nations is to be found in Wilkins's Concilia, wherein is reproduced 
a letter from the emperor Charlemagne to king Offa of Mercia, 
guaranteeing safety and justice to English merchants trading in 
Germany in consideration for reciprocity in this respect by England. 
Thus in the year 758 a system of reciprocity in trade prevailed, which 
certainly ceased for the most part soon after the German traders had 
made good a footing on English soil. 

The ravages of the Vikings during the ninth and greater part of 
the tenth centuries seem to have effaced all record of German trade 
with England during that period, but that the Easterlings had again 
secured a preferential position there by 990 is shown by a document 
of the reign of Ethelred II., in which the Germans are described as 
'homines Imperatoris,' and the annual tax of two grey handkerchiefs 
and one brown one, ten pounds of pepper, five pairs of men's gloves, 
two casks of vinegar, and one barrel of oysters, shows clearly that they 
at this time formed a corporate body on English soil. This acknow- 
ledgment was made at Christmas, and it is therefore certain that they 
were not merely bringing and taking away goods in ships, but living 
in England all the year round, as oversea shipping was invariably laid 
up during the winter months. 

1 Taciti Annul. 1, xiv. 33. 


During Canute's reign there was a lively trade and an intimate 
relation between the peoples ; his daughter Gonhilda was married to a 
son of Conrad II. Early in the eleventh century we again find men- 
tion of the 'Emperor's people' in the judicial records of London, and 
a petition was addressed by the merchants of Tiel and Waal to the 
emperor Heinrich II. in 1018 (Canute) praying him to command the 
Frieslandera to cease from placing hindrances in the way of their 
trading with England. The designation 'Leute des Kaisers 9 was at 
this early period applied generally to all the traders of the lower Rhine, 
and Maas, Dordrecht and purely Dutch towns, Cologne, and towns in 
the old Duchy of Saxony, and on the Elbe, constituting the larger 
portion of the Hansa's field of operations in later times $ but at this 
period there is no mention of Lubeck and the Wendish towns proper. 
Regulations regarding tolls show that inland cities such as Brunswick, 
Magdeburg, and towns of the Harz district, largely participated in the 
trade of the period with the British Isles. 

Cologne was the queen of this early Confederacy, and the trade in 
the then so highly prized Rhine wine was very considerable. She was 
the dominant factor of the League and visible head at the Oildehalle. 

The career of the Hansa and kindred associations from start to 
finish was always characterised by jealousies and dissensions among 
the roll of cities forming its membership, which, as set forth in Part I, 
was always an uncertain quantity. It is very remarkable that a 
magnet so potent as English trade should have been able for centuries 
to keep this mass of conflicting interests and ambitions from falling 

In monkish chronicles frequent mention is made of the Easter- 
lings. William of Malmesbury states that London and York enjoyed 
a considerable trade with the empire in the reign of Henry I. A 
connected account of the trading relations of Germany with England 
begins with the reign of Henry II. (1154), and a letter from this 
monarch to the emperor Frederick promises protection to the Cologne 
house at London, its inhabitants, and goods. ' Henricus Dei gracia 

rex Anglie, etc., etc Precipio vobis, quod custodiatis et 

manuteneatis et protegatis homines et ciues Colonienses, sicut homines 
meos et amicos et omnes res et mercaturas suas et possessiones ita quod 
neque de u domo sua London." . . . .' It may thus be inferred 


that the Germans had a settlement in London, certainly as far 
back as Anglo-Saxon days, and the tax paid in kind in the days 
of Ethelred was doubtless an acknowledgment or rent for land 
occupied as a factory; and distinct reference is made in the letter 
of Henry II, to 'domo sua London/ In 1175, the king takes the 
house of the Easterlings under his protection, 'as if they were my own 

Richard Cceur de Lion in passing through Cologne, homeward 
bound from his captivity in Austria, after first remitting all charges 
in kind, settled the annual tribute for ' de Oildhalle sua London ' in 
money, viz., two shillings English currency. Richard borrowed large 
sums from the Easterlings for the Crusades, granting in return exten- 
sive privileges and monopolies. Besides assisting the king with 
loans, the League was useful to the nation in bringing over large 
quantities of corn, then much needed in England by reason of an 
extensive Mure of the crop in 1260. It was in this year when 
on leaving England for the second time, the king gave instructions 
to his brother Henry, running thus : — ' I give my protection to the 
merchants of the German Empire, who possess the house in London 
usually called " the Gildhalle of the Germans," and guarantee to them 
all the privileges they have ever enjoyed in my kingdom/ 

In 1269, owing to continuous complaints of bad weight, the beam 
and scales of the Easterlings were forcibly taken from them, and 
publicly burnt at Eastcheap, after which all their goods were required 
to be weighed on the public steelyard. 

The Easterlings, unlike the Lombards, were always more a trading 
than a banking association ; still as far as the English crown was con- 
cerned they bought and successfully maintained their extraordinary 
privileges, which for centuries weighed so heavily on English trade, 
by making themselves useful, nay indispensable, to the kings of 
England as bankers, and it was this fact alone that enabled them to 
resist the constant efforts of the English mercantile class to oust them 
from their favoured possession of English trade. 

There is no record when or from whom the piece of land was 
acquired on which the first * Gildehalle Teutonicorum ' stood, but a 
memorandum in the archives of Cologne, dated 1260, states that 
William son of William Reyners, sold to Arnold (Thedman's son) 


Aftermann of the Germans, for two markB* Easterling, the yearly rent 
(interest of two shillings), a piece of ground east of the Gildehalla. 
This mention of Arnold reveals the interesting fact that at that time 
an English merchant, thoogh of German origin, held the office of 
alderman of the Easterlings. In 1844, we find the lord mayor of 
London, John Hammond, figuring in this capacity, but the office 
most have been merely honorary in such a case as this. Fifteen 
golden nobles, inside a pair of gloves, conld be merely an acknowledg- 
ment to a friend at court. Dr. Lappenberg gives a list of the 
'Altermanner,' from which it would appear that the said John Ham* 
mond held the office as above stated, after him coming the senior 
alderman of the Oity of London, Sir William Walworth. Then 
follows a long list of German names, from which it is obvious that the 
system in vogue, for a short time, of having highly placed members of 
the Oity of London holding the office, had not answered, most likely 
owing to the growing impatience of the citizens to the Hansa mono- 
polies ; and the factory clearly reverted to officials of its own order 
and nationality. Presents were freely distributed among the corpora- 
tion and government officials — the lord mayor receiving yearly a 
cask of the finest Rhine wine. 

There was a movement among the German merchants during the 
latter half of the thirteenth century to cease lodging with London 
citizens, and to reside within the factory enclosure ; doubtless for the 
better security of person and goods, and from this time no chance of 
acquiring any land or buildingB east of Cosins lane was allowed to slip. 

King John was well disposed towards the Easterlings, who supplied 
his pressing needs for money. In his reign we find trading privileges 
first accorded to Bremen, and reference made to Hamburg (Hamborch). 
Frequent mention is made of Sandwich, Winchester, Yarmouth, 
Southampton, Wmchelsea, and Lynn, as trading centres of the 

We hear nothing of Liibeck before the reign of the succeeding 
monarch (Henry III.) in 1226, but this city is destined soon to 
supplant its archiepiscopal rival as leader of the League, now rapidly 
developing into the Hanseatic Confederation of history. The glimpse 
we get of the social life of the times of the successors of the Conqueror 

'An old English mark was of the value of two-thirds of a pound sterling. 


and Plantagenets, shows how highly prized by the ruling class were 
the wines of the Rhine, the beverage of the knights and nobles, 
just as much as mead was that of the peasantry. One can thus well 
understand how Cologne, as the chief emporium of this trade, was so 
long able to dominate the councils of the League, in spite of her 
distance from the seaboard. After the signing of ' Magna Charta,' 
when the peasantry began to be a more important factor in the state, 
- and some signs of a middle class were becoming apparent, the trade in 
dried and salted fish took very large dimensions in our islands, 
-particularly as it formed the staple food for the armies of England 
abroad. Liibeck as the centre of this industry, with a large fleet of 
vessels at her command, quickly and easily convertible into formidable 
squadrons for war, began to press hard for the leadership, which did 
not so much imply prestige as a policy. Fierce became the rivalry 
between the two cities in the thirteenth century. Petitions to the 
emperor for equal rights became frequent, and at length Frederick 
III. sharply reprimanded Cologne, and compelled her to extend equal 
rights in England to the Wendish towns and Wisby in Gothland. 
These commands were seconded by the English themselves, in the 
interest of the ever growing importance of the trade in fish, and as 
early as 1260 Liibeck began to take the lead among the cities. In 
1266 Liibeck and Hamburg were formally invested' by the English 
crown with the same rights and privileges as those so long enjoyed by 
the League under the leadership of Cologne, against an annual 
acknowledgment of five shillings each. It will be seen that the 
English crown was ever careful to fix a limit of time to the immunities 
enjoyed by the Easterlings ; and merely nominal acknowledgments 
were exacted, so that a revocation was possible almost at any time, 
but as we know all too well in our own day, vested interests have a 
faculty of growing, and are not so easily set aside as created, limits of 
time notwithstanding. 

During the remainder of the century the relations between 
the League and England were in the main peaceable and pro- 
gressive, though chequered by obstacles and difficulties placed in 
the way of the trade of Boston, Hull, Newcastle, and Berwick, 
with Bergen and Iceland. There was also a serious dispute with 
the English crown regarding the reparation of the Bishopsgate, 


which gate had been, strange to say, for centuries in the watch 
and ward of the Easterlings. How it ever came about that a 
colony of foreigners should have been entrusted with the keep- 
ing of one of the gates of London, and responsible for its arma- 
ment and repair, is unknown and most remarkable ; the fact 
alone goes far to show what an exceptional position the fiasterlings 
held in England, and how little is really known of their earlier history. 
It also goes to show how deeply rooted the connection was, and in 
some measure explains the invincible tenacity with which the Hansa 
held to privileges that in the face of it seemed unreasonable and ex- 
cessive. In 1282, the gateway had got into a dilapidated condition, 
and, after much negotiation, the Easterlings paid 240 marks sterling 
towards its repair, undertaking to bear a third of the cost of manning 
it, and to provide one-third of the necessary force. All further wall 
dues, Muragium, to be remitted. In other matters the Easterlings 
carried their points, greatly owing to the prestige the League enjoyed 
as the undoubted mistress of the seas, and the development it assured 
to English trade, by the system of barter that prevailed, whereby 
English products, such as wool, hemp, hides, and even iron and tin 
found a ready exchange in wine, fish, tallow, wax, spices, and many 
other articles now rapidly becoming indispensable to the growing 
necessities of England. Above all, the factory was conducted in a 
manner calculated to give little umbrage to the English authorities 
and a judicious application of presents and bribes in high quarters, 
and a readiness to meet the views of the crown in the way of loans, 
all helped at this period to smooth over matters in dispute. 

Towards the end of the reign of Edward II., the power of the 
crown, which had hitherto invariably stood between the Hansa and 
popular clamour, became deplorably weak. This encouraged the 
citizens of London to agitate against the privileges enjoyed by the 
Easterlings, which had not been formally renewed on the king's 
accession, as was usually the case at the beginning of each reign, and 
a court of enquiry into the whole question was decided on in January, 
1325. The heading of the warrant is interesting. It runs : — 
'Placita coram domino Eege apud Westmonasterium de termino 
Sancti Hilarii, anno regni Edwardi, filii regis Edwardi decimo octavo 
G, le Scrop.' 


The enquiry was concluded two years afterwards, shortly after the 
coronation of Edward III., and the crown, haying regained its cus- 
tomary control, with vast schemes of aggression in prospect, all 
privileges were renewed and even extended. The rights of the Easter- 
lings to appoint their own alderman was formally recognised, with the 
reservation, however, that he must possess property in the Oity of 
London. The nomination of this official by the Germans henceforth 
required confirmation at the hands of the lord mayor and court of 
aldermen, to whom he was to be presented then and there to make 
oath that he would govern his constituency in strict accordance with 
the laws of England, and so as not to impinge on the time-honoured 
rights and customs of the citizens of London. 

King Edward III. showed a disposition to befriend and further 
the views of the League from the very commencement of his reign, 
doubtless concluding that this powerful association would be an 
extremely useful ally in the schemes of conquest he meditated 
He soon made use of it as bankers, and quickly demanded or was 
proffered a loan for military purposes, depositing as security certain 
jewels of the crown. Being unable to meet his acceptances at 
maturity, he offered on the 14th November, 1342, the security of a 
great Flemish financier, Paul de Montefiore, and his associates. 

In 1846, the king contracted another loan with the Easterlings, 
lodging his royal crown as security, which remained deposited at 
Cologne for three years, being redeemed on February 17, 1349.* In 
the year following there must have been another transaction of a 
similar nature, as Edward lodged with the Germans several gold cups 
and tankards, besides ornaments adorned with precious stones. 

In August, 1347, the Black Prince mortgaged the tin mines of 
Cornwall to the Easterlings, and the king the produce of the wool 
tax, subsicUum lanarium (forty skillings, or about equal to three 
shillings per sack), for three years, against a loan for the equipment 
of the armies for Crejy and Poictiers. 

The riches of some of the magnates of the Hansa at this period 
must have been enormous. In 1350, king Edward conferred on one 
of them (Tideman von Lymburgh) estates in seven counties for 
services rendered to the crown. 

• Calendars of the Exchequer, vol. i. p. 166. 


The Hansa fleet was at the king's disposal daring the French 
wars, and the Easterlings were styled 'the allies of the English 
crown/ and are so mentioned in all treaties with France. 

In 1867, Lubeck became the acknowledged queen of the now 
formally constituted Hanseatic Confederation. This city had risen 
to great power and influence, not only in the councils of the League, 
but as the centre of northern banking operations and general 

The career of the Bund went on progressing until the Wars of 
the Roses, when the rivalries of York and Lancaster induced corre- 
sponding divisions in the League itself, brought about by conflicting 
aims and interests, and the desirability of keeping on the winning 
side as the fortunes of war swayed in either direction, or as continental 
influence and intrigue were brought to bear on the struggle. 

There seems to have been some reciprocity in the case of Stralsund 
in 1401, as shown in its relations with Newcastle-upon-Tyne, but 
this was clearly local and exceptional, the rule being for the Germans 
to take everything and give nothing, or as little as possible in return. 
In fact, the constant bone of contention, now as ever, between the 
merchants of London and the Easterlings was that the continental 
towns would not extend reciprocal treatment to English trade. 

Daring the reigns of Richard II. and Henry IV. English shipping 
enjoyed a considerable trade with Danzig, and for a time England was 
represented by a consul or agent there, as in the case of Stralsund. 

In 1400 an ordinance of the Privy Council decreed that the towns 
of Lubeck and Wismar be requested to send an ambassador to London 
to answer certain charges made against them by English merchants 
for insult to person and damage to the goods of English traders. 
These negociations would lead one to infer that the English oversea 
traffic at this time was far from being so insignificant as has been 
generally supposed, and this renders the Hansa's position in England 
all the more remarkable. Of a verity were they allies of the crown of 
England, and it was this favoured position that enabled them to keep 
their English competitors so long at bay. 

There was a continued considerable English trade with Danzig, and 
in 1482 a petition from the House of Commons was presented to 
Henry VI. praying that the London factory be made responsible for 



all loss and damage sustained through the ill-treatment of English 
merchants at Danzig. The king, however, refused to interfere in the 
matter. In 1434 the Council of the Hansa sent as ambassadors to 
London the burgomasters of Cologne, Lubeck, Hamburg, and Danzig 
to settle these matters, which were fast becoming burning questions, 
but the negotiations came to an end in the fatal 'black death 1 year, 
1435. Soon after this the English were much embittered against the 
Hansa by reason of being shut out from trading with Iceland by Eric 
of Denmark, a measure which the English properly ascribed to the 
machinations of the League, then all-powerful with Denmark. Henry 
VI. threatened to annul the privileges enjoyed in England unless this 
objectionable edict was revoked. The Hansa at this juncture found, 
or bought, a friend at court in the person of cardinal Beaufort, bishop 
of Winchester, who had great influence with the king. The cardinal 
agreed that what the Hansa required was merely the continuance of a 
time-honoured privilege, while the English demands had simply no 
warrant at all. 

On 22nd March, 1437, a highly-advantageous treaty for the Hansa 
was signed at London, and countersigned by the king the same year ; 
the English merchants being permitted to trade with Stralsund and 
Danzig when furnished with free passes by the League. A poem 
written by John Lydgate 4 showed how the Hansa formed part and 
parcel of the civic life of London in the reign of Henry VI. The poet 
commemorates the rejoicings at the king's coronation in verse, de- 
scribing how the lord mayor was bravely clad in satin, the sherifls and 
aldermen riding on horseback in their scarlet mantles trimmed with 
fur; then came the citizens in grand array marching 'to mete withe 

the Kyng.' 

* And for to remembre of other alyens, 
Fyrst Jeneneyes, thoughe the were straungeris, 
Florentynes and Venycyens, 
And Easterlings, glad in her maneres, 
Conveyed withe sergauntes and other officeres, 
Estatly horsed af tyr the maier riding, 
Passid the subbarbis to mete withe the Eyng.' 

Following are a few of the old statutes and regulations of the 
Steelyard ; the first series of which we have any knowledge dates from 
1320 :— 

4 Lydgate's Minor Poems. Percy Society, p. 4. 


The first provides for fine and punishment for leaving straw or other rubbish 
about the yard. Small fines were payable in wax, which was used for providing 
' All Hallows,* the church frequented by the Hansa community, with candles. 

In 1348 the fine for libel, fighting with the fists, or using the knife, was £5. 

Any German bringing an Englishman into the Steelyard to fight or play at 
ball, £1. 

The gate was locked at 9, and it was forbidden to knock or call out later — 
penalty, £1. 

There were many complicated regulations, as the levying of dues, 
which are very interesting, but too bulky for treatment here. 

Throwing dice in any tavern, £2. One noble to go to the informer. 

No merchant shall place any hindrances in the way of his fellow doing 
business, or make any effort to tempt a customer once in any one warehouse 
into another. £2. 

Samples not allowed to be drawn from bulk and shown secretly to merchants 
outside the Steelyard. 

Small fines below four pfenninge were the perquisite of the alderman. 

Etc., etc., etc. 

During the Wars of the Roses, the attempt made by the Wendish 
towns to close the Baltic to the English led to heavy reprisals, and the 
Cologne section of the League protested violently against the selfish 
policy pursued by their northern colleagues, which was fast endangering 
the very existence of the English factory. The English colony at 
Danzig had been driven away and British trade with Iceland pro- 
hibited. This so embittered the Merchant Adventurers that their 
privateers sought to intercept the fleet of vessels bringing over Princess 
Marie of Gueldres, the bride of James II. of Scotland. They missed the 
convoy, but met with and attacked a large fleet of vessels laden with 
salt and wine, from Lisbon to the Baltic, in spite of the ships being 
provided with a safe-conduct granted by the English Crown. This 
act of war or piracy resulted in fierce reprisals, and Liibeck captured 
an English ship laden with cloth, bringing her into Bergen, selling 
ship and cargo there. In 1458 the earl of Warwick, governor of Calais 
and Admiral of the Fleet, attacked twenty-eight Liibeck ships, laden 
with wine and salt. His flotilla consisted of only twelve ships, but he 
succeeded in capturing six of the enemies' vessels, and brought 
them in to Calais. The privileges of the Hansa were nevertheless 
renewed by Henry VI. and Edward IV., but for all that a state of war 
prevailed, during which seventy Liibeck ships of an estimated value of 
£20,000 were taken by the English. These matters at length resulted 


in Lubeck on the 1st May, 1460, recalling the Hansa merchants from 
England, and forbidding the sale of English cloth in any of the cities 
of the northern Bund. The confusion of these events, both in England 
and the Hansa cities can only be explained by the civil war in England, 
and the conflicting interests of the northern and southern branches of 
the League. The Steelyard was handed over to the merchants of 
Cologne, the earlier possessors of the factory, who sided with the Red 
Rose of Lancaster, and a judgment of the privy council was registered 
against the Bund in favour of the Merchant Adventurers for £13,520 
towards the recoupment of their losses at the hands of the Germans. 
The Hansa fleet then ravaged the English coasts, and captured our 
ships on the high seas. 

Edward had to fly the country on the restoration of Henry VI., 
but returning with a small armament within six months recovered 
the throne. Although then at war with the Northern League, for 
some reason that we cannot quite follow, it assisted Edward's descent 
on England, by lending him seven ships, the remainder of the squadron 
being chartered at Walcheren, and paid for by an advance of 50,000 
St. Andreas gulden, made by Charles the Bold of Burgundy. Through 
the mediation of Charles peace was restored between England and the 
Hansa, by the Treaty of Utrecht, and an Act of Parliament dated 6th 
October, 1473, confirmed its conclusion. It runs : — 

* The Kyng calling vnto his tendre remembrance how that in tymes passed 
vnto nowe of late the marchaunts & people of the xlation of Almayn hauing the 
howse in London commonly called Gyldhalle Theutonicorum .... that 
by Gods grace the warre and hostilitie, that hath been betwixt boothe parties, 
maye vtterlie scase and be avoided, the oolde freendliehode also betwixt them 
to be renovelled in such wyse, as it maye abide and endure for ever, by the aduis 
and assent of the Lordes spiritually and temporallie and the commons in this 
present parliament assembled . . . . ' 

King Edward not only confirmed all the old privileges, but granted 
new ones. He bound himself to pay £10,000 solatium, but the 
amount remained still unpaid in 1486 after Henry VII. had obtained 
the throne, and it seems in every way probable that the amount was 
eventually written off as a set-off against some concession or counter- 

The Treaty of Utrecht brought about by Charles the Bold of 
Burgundy was decidedly the culminating point of the glories of the 


Hansa in England, and its provisions formed the basis for all future 
negotiations of the Germans with the English crown ; bnt the ink was 
barely dry when fierce disputes between the English merchants and 
the Steelyard broke out afresh. An English fleet of merchantmen 
attacked the Hansa settlement in Iceland, and Lord Lomely (Lumley ?) 
with some ships from Hartlepool despoiled several Liibeck vessels. 

The Merchant Adventurers now began to have some influence at 
court, and they induced the Government to impose a limit on the 
enjoyment of the Hansa's monopoly in cloth; but the citizens of 
London were up in arms for the abolition of all preferential advantages 
whatever. In March, 1498, a London mob invaded the Steelyard and 
plundered some of the dwellings and warehouses, but after a hand-to- 
hand fight the Easterlings, always well armed and organised for such 
an emergency, drove out the rabble and succeeded in closing the gate. 
The mob, being reinforced, assailed the gate with clubs and crowbars, 
when the lord mayor came to the assistance of the foreigners and 
quelled the tumult, taking eighty of the rioters prisoners and lodging 
their leader in the Tower. 

The sons of the German merchant princeB caused much bad blood 
in London by reason of their luxury and love of dress, vieing with the 
English nobles in this respect, and there exist many regulations on the 
Steelyard minutes for keeping this competition in check, as highly 
detrimental to the best interests of the League, in making enemies at 

At the close of the reign of Henry VII. some very remarkable 
events happened. Columbus discovered the West Indies, John Cabot 
landed in America, and Vasco de Gama had doubled the Cape and 
reached India by sea. These extraordinary discoveries gave an im- 
mense impetus to English trade, and the Corporation of Merchant 
Adventurers became a power in the land with influence enough to 
press the Steelyard hard, and it became rapidly apparent that the ex- 
tensive monopolies enjoyed by the Hansa were quite incompatible with 
the legitimate growth of English trade, and would not be very much 
longer tolerated by the country, now bounding towards the first place 
among the nations in adventure and commerce. 

The Merchant Adventurers were recognised as a corporate body by 
the Government in 1505. In 1509 an enquiry was held into the 


Hansa's 'title' to the possession of the Steelyards of London, Boston, 
and Lynn. The warrant for the enquiry begins : — 

'Be it hadde in rememberance that a Commission by writte was directed 
oate of the Eyngs Esceker to the Sheriffs of London in anno XXII Henrici VII, 
nuper regis Angliae, to enquere who were the occupyers of the tenements here- 
after folowying, that is to say, ODe that kyng Richard II gave to Richard 
Stratford, chapleyn, the VIII yere of his reign, the XXII day of September, 
called the diehowse, with 11 tenements thereto adioyning etc ' 

Henry VIII. and his minister Wolsey were favourable to the Hansa 
pretensions, and all her privileges were renewed at the beginning of 
the reign, but the diminished prestige of the League abroad, owing to 
the reverses of Wullenwewer, began to react on its English relations, 
and popular clamour against its monoplies grew steadily more pro- 
nounced. This ill-feeling and impatience was much accentuated by 
a proclamation of neutrality in the war with Francis L, when the 
Hansa reaped a rich harvest by supplying both combatants with muni- 
tions of war, a policy so different from that pursued by the Association 
in its relations with Edward III., when England warred with France. 

The old privileges were, however, again renewed on the accession 
of Edward VI., but it soon afterwards became apparent that the 
League would not be able to hold its own for long against the rising 
power and influence of the Merchant Adventurers and general con- 
sensus of English opinion. This is not surprising in the face of the 
fact that the Hansa's export of cloth exceeded that of the English 
traders by forty times, the latter being handicapped by nearly a like 
proportion of extra duty and expense. 

A manuscript in the British Museum, 6 being a return of the 
Hansa's export of cloth, dated 1552, headed — 

'Shipped by the Merchauntes of the Stilly ard, from the first yeare of King 
Edward II. unto Michaels last past, as by the King's recordes of his G race's 
exchequer it dothe plainely appeare, as hereafter followith.' 

As follows are a few examples : — 

The first yeare of King Edward II, (1307) owt of this realme of England but 
VI clothes. 

The first yeare of King Henry VI. (1422) the said merchauntes shipped owt 
of this realme the nomber of IIII" 11 1III C LXIII. clothes, XXII. yeardes. 

* Cotton Manuscript. Claudius E. VII. Fol. 99. 


The first yeare of Edward IV. (1461) VI™ 1 I c LIX. clothes. 

The fifteenth yeare of Henry VII. (1600) XXI™ 1 IIP IIIl" IX. clothes. 

The XXVIIL yeare of Henry VIII. (1637) XXXIIII^ VI e IIII" XIII. 
clothes, and XI. yeardes. 

The XXXVIIL yeare of Henry VIII. and first yeare of Edward VL (1647) 
XXIX™ 1 VI IHI" IX clothes. 

The second yeare of Edward VI. XLin^ V° IIII" III clothes. 

During the reign of Henry VIII., Cardinal Wolsey ordered all 
writings concerning the Reformation propaganda to be bnrnt. A 
great quantity of these writings from Germany, such as Luther's De 
Oaptivitate Bdbyhmica y De Castitati, and TyndaTs English Testament, 
printed at Antwerp, smuggled into England, hidden in bales of 
merchandise, were consigned to Steelyard merchants, and, in feet, a 
lively trade in this forbidden literature was carried on. At length, on 
January 28th, 1526, Sir Thomas More visited and rummaged the 
Steelyard. Nothing contraband was discovered, owing, doubtless, to 
some hint received as to what was in store for them, but the alderman 
and eight elders were cited before a court of enquiry, regarding which 
a lively correspondence ensued between the English king and Sigis- 
mund I. of Poland. 

With Henry VIII. the Hansa's absolute domination of the foreign 
trade of England came to an end, and the reign of his successor saw 
her shorn of many privileges and advantages, a pear ripe for the 
gathering by her young and vigorous rival. Popular clamour grew 
apace, and in 1551 an English secret society was discovered, the 
members of which had bound themselves by an oath to attack the 
Steelyard on the 1st May. The head quarters of the League became 
alarmed, and at a meeting of the Rath at Liibeck the deputy from 
Hamburg advised that the valuable plate at London, together with 
the archives of the Steelyard, should be taken to a place of safety on 
the Continent. 

Sir Thomas Gresham made strong representations to the king that 
a continuance of the Hansa monopolies would be fatal to the develop- 
ment of English trade, and advised that as no reciprocity was to be 
obtained, the exports of the League should be confined to her own 
cities, urging that the rate of exchange for gold was seriously prejudiced 
by the freedom from duty enjoyed by the foreigners for almost the 
entire export of cloth, which they refused to carry under any other 


flag than their own, to the great detriment of the English mercantile 
marine and development of the Royal Navy, and that the revenues 
that must accrue to the English crown by a national trade would far 
more than compensate for the loss of the very inadequate dues paid by 
the Hansa. 

At a meeting of the Privy Council held 28rd February, 1558, 
Gresham stated that the Hansa records had been examined with the 
following result :— 

1. That the Hansa was no properly constituted corporation. 

2. That their members names and countries supposed to be invested with her 
privileges were unknown or ill-defined. 

8. That Edward IV. had renewed the privileges, but subject to the express 
condition that no adulterated goods were to be introduced into the country, and 
that this condition had been persistently violated. 

It was represented to the Council that the League began its operations 
by exporting only six pieces of cloth yearly, then a hundred, which 
increased gradually to a thousand, then six thousand, and in 1552 
had increased to 44,000 pieces. 6 This enormous increase in weavings 
had been greatly brought about by the immigration of the exiled 
Flemings. These arguments, supported as they were by facts and 
figures, proved irresistible, and on the following day a decree was 
issued depriving the Hansa of all exceptional privileges as regards the 
export of cloth, placing her in this respect on the same footing with 
other foreigners and English merchants, the Hansa's 'title* to the 
possession of the Steelyards in England was not called in question. In 
the following May this decree was countersigned by the king. Thus, 
for the time at least, the Merchant Adventurers had triumphed ; 
indeed the struggle was an unequal one. The Hansa grown effete and 
shorn of all powerful political support, had only her musty parchments 
to set against the telling arguments of the English nation, hard 
indeed she fought, but the new order of things simply overwhelmed 
her and her sophistries, her work was done, and the foundations of a 
mighty trade, destined to enrich England and colonize new worlds, 
were laid on her ashes. She was still destined fitfully to regain part 
of her lost privileges, as the forces of reaction had their play, but her 
death blow had fallen. That she had been so long able to maintain 

• A report of these proceedings may be seen in the King's Pocket Diary. 


her English monopolies practically unimpaired can only be explained 
by a chain of political circumstances, the innate conservatism of 
England and English respect for treaties. 

The Hansa had meanwhile not yet given up everything for lost, 
and the Rath sent ambassadors again to London, craving for a renewal 
of the privileges as set forth in the Treaty of Utrecht, and at length 
with some success, as certain modified monopolies were restored to her. 

Under the reactionary government of Mary, the Hansa, with 
Philip II. as her advocate, temporarily regained the fiscal position as 
enjoyed under Henry VIII., and the League took joyful part in the 
public welcome accorded to Mary on her state entry into London, 
having fountains cascading Rhine wine in the streets, and spending 
something like £1,000 in gifts and street decorations. The am- 
bassador sent over to felicitate the queen on her accession had barely 
reached home again when violent disputes broke out afresh, and the 
Adventurers succeeded in obtaining a substantial curtailment of the 
privileges so very recently renewed. The negotiations were endless 
until the death of Mary in 1558. 

Elizabeth on her accession showed the Hansa a certain degree of 
favour, for she remitted some vexatious restrictions placed on the 
landing of certain goods at the Steelyard wharf, and permitted all 
sorts of goods to be received there. 

Gresham, who had lost influence under Mary's reactionary regime, 
soon got the ear of her enterprising and sagacious successor, and he 
strongly represented that if it were just for the Hansa to enjoy mono- 
polies in England to the detriment of the English trading classes, 
surely the League should be compelled to extend reciprocity to English 
trade in German territory. This was the one thing the Hansa had 
always been unwilling to do ; but, Elizabeth herself taking a personal 
interest in these negotiations, an arrangement was arrived at under 
which it was agreed that the Merchant Adventurers were to be assigned 
a station at Hamburg for ten years. Sir Richard Olough was appointed 
English resident at the head of the establishment. This factory's 
operations were attended with complete success, as in 1569 the ad- 
mitted value of the cloth imported in that year amounted to little 
short of a million thalers. 

The Hansa, alarmed at the lamentable effect produced on the Steel- 


E B 


yard export of cloth, withdrew permission to continue the station, and 
the English got notice to quit possession of their factory at Hamburg. 
For the Hansa, with such a roll of monoplies behind her, to give 
England notice that the Hamburg concession would be withdrawn, 
was clearly a dangerous step to take, especially at this critical juncture 
of aflairs, but indeed the League began to find itself unable to com- 
pete with its English rivals under anything like equal conditions. It 
was, besides, torn by dissensions from within, owing to conflicting 
interests and ambitions among the cities still on the roll. In fact, the 
League was everywhere tottering to its fall. Her cloth export had 
begun to shrink coincident with the competition of the English depdt 
at Hamburg, as the following figures show : — 

1550-1566—50,000 pieces, average annual export. 
1560-1562—40,000 „ „ „ 

1670-1675—30,000 „ „ „ 

The Hansa in her negotiations with England at this time found 
an opponent anxious and able to deal with facts and plain issues. It 
had ceased to be a question of old treaties and privileges, bought at a 
price and handsomely paid for long ago, and it became clear to both 
parties that the Hansa had had her day. Secret information, as to the 
possible seizure of the Steelyard induced the fathers to send all impor- 
tant documents and silver plate to Liibeck, these documents had now 
amply served their turn. 

The long impending blow fell on 7th April, 1579, when the Privy 
Council withdrew in a word all the Hansa's privileges and monopolies. 
The question as to the Steelyard ' title ' being left in abeyance. 

The Hansa herself, torn by conflicting councils, and unable to tell 
friends from foes, was unable to make any headway against the storm, 
and confusion reigned at the Steelyard. 

The Merchant Adventurers were refused access to all German ports 
by the emperor, but had still a settlement at Stade, on the Elbe, 
established 1587, in succession to that of Hamburg. 

Lord Leicester, writing to Secretary Walsingham in 1585, says : — 
* Hamborou ys a villanous town and wholy the kings of Spayn, my 
lord Wyllouby was in great danger to be taken in there territerye. 
But yf yt please her Majesty to bestow her merchants in other places, 
I believe veryly more to their proffyt, but far more to their safety/ 


Elizabeth seemed now determined to carry the war into the enemies' 
country, for she dealt another important Hansa staple a crushing 
blow, by granting the trading monoply in steel, practically long 
enjoyed by the Hansa, to Robert and Richard Cammerlane. 

The war with Spain brought about the final catastrophe. Sir 
Francis Drake, finding the Hansa supplying the Spanish fleet with 
grain and munitions of war, took forcible possession of sixty of their 
vessels redhanded. 

All English merchants were thereupon ordered to quit Germany, 
and on 13th January, 1598, the Steelyard merchants received notice 
to quit England within fourteen days. On 25th July the lord mayor 
and sheriffs took possession of the Steelyard in the queen's name, and 
on the 4th August following the Hansa merchants, with their belong- 
ing?, and headed by their alderman, Heinrich Langerman, marched 
out of the Steelyard, shutting the gate behind them. 

The Steelyards op London, Boston, and Lynn. 

The house which was originally the ' Gildehalle Teutonicorum,' 
stood in Upper Thames street, eastward of Cosen's lane ; the other 
factory buildings extended in the direction of All Hallows' lane. 
The oldest house was doubtless of wood, like the early halls of the 
London guilds, and the German buildings at Bergen and Novgorod. 
The word 'Gildehalle' is probably of Old Saxon, or Anglo-Saxon 
origin, and the structure built, or at all events owned by Cologne may 
possibly go back to the times of Colonia Agrippini, when we know a 
considerable trade existed between that Roman city and Londinium. 

In 1260 there is mention of the hall as situated in the parish of 
All Hallows (in parochia omnium sanctorum), but its locality in Dow- 
gate, Downgate, or Dovegate ward does not appear before 1883. It 
lay on the bank of the Thames in close proximity to the ancient wall 
and fortifications already ruinous in the days of Henry II. 

In all probability the wooden building was replaced by one of stone 
in the time of Henry III., in whose reign it was styled the house of 
the Easterlings. Even then the factory must have consisted of 
several houses and buildings, as we find in a taxing record of the 
period the phrase domus et mansiones m Warda de Dovegate. The 
new Gildhall was about 38 feet broad and 100 feet long ; it had com- 


munication with a quay. The facade faced Cosen's lane, and the 
building was provided with a tower in which the records of the associa- 
tion and valuable collection of silver plate were kept. It had accom- 
modation for ambassadors and foreign deputations of importance, and 
was the place of meeting of the alderman and council of twelve. 
Near it stood the buden (booths) which provided dwellings for the 
merchants and their apprentices, then came the warehouses, offices, 
and stables. 

The factory had now grown too small for the accommodation 
required within its walls, and the State Papers contain many records 
and agreements concerning the acquisition of new ground, river front- 
age, and buildings, of which I quote a few : — 

Sir Thomas of Salisbury makes over to Reynand Loue, citizen of London, 
for £20 sterling, the buildings adjoining the quay in St. Dunstan's parish (1365). 

Richard II. confirms the purchase of Sir Richard Lyon's house and quay (1383). 

Richard Medford, bishop of Chichester, declares that he placed at the dis- 
posal of J. Northampton the houses used for dyeing, 2 houses by the stairs, 
and the cellar in Windgoos lane (1391). 

Robert Comberton transfers to his son-in-law, Robert fitz Robert, jun., all 
his possessions in Dowgate ward (1410). 

Th. Ferrars and others let the piece of ground and quay in Wind goos lane 
for 20 years for £66 13s. 4d. (1417). 

The Hansa transfers to the citizens of London and Sergeant J. Russel the 
watch house in the Bishopsgate, and rent of the dwelling house in the same 

The Hansa bought the five houses westwards in Windgos lane 
in 1475, but it was the house eastward in the same lane, acquired 
in 1884 'with the steelyard/ that most likely gave the factory its 
latest designation, as at one time the royal weighing beam, for deter- 
mining the weight of goods subject to duty, stood on this very spot. 
Indeed, it is quite likely that this very beam was retained in use by 
the Hansa merchants. The government weighing station had been 
transferred to Cornhili, but the name steelyard (stilliard) continued 
to stick to the piece of land now taken possession of by the Hansa, 
and we find the Easterlings referred to in 1411 as the steelyard 
merchants. In my parent's home the household weighing beam was 
called the stilliard, and perhaps such machines are still so called; 
but I greatly fear our housewives of to-day do not use such things 
as much as their grandmothers did. 


There is evidence of steel, iron, and other goods being weighed 
here, and a tariff of charges fixed for the Hansa porters, dated 22nd 
February, 1449, mentions steel on its list of articles. Dr. Minscheus, 
in 1617, refers to the steelyard as a broad place or court where ( much 
steel is sold. 9 The mention of steel in connection with steelyard, 
is, however, most probably a mere coincidence, still there remains 
some difficulty as to the derivation of the name. 

In the reign of Elizabeth the Gildhall, then known as the Old 
Hall, is described as a great stone building with three round doors 
to the street, the middle one being the largest, the others bricked 
up. Above the doors were placed the following inscriptions : — 

' Haec domus est laeta, semper honitate repleta; 
Hie pax, hie requies, hie gaudia semper honesta.' 

* Auram bland itiae pater esc natasque doloris ; 
Qui caret hoc moeret, qui tenet, hie metuit.' 

* Qui bonis parere recusat, quasi vitato f umo in tiammam incidit.' 

The middle inscription also surmounted the celebrated picture by 
Holbein, painted about 1535, which adorned the dining hall. This 
picture was destroyed with the buildings in the Great Fire. 

Next we have the dwelling of the housemaster, a stone building 
overlooking the Thames. Here was the great kitchen. Between this 
house and the Gildhall lay the garden, in which fruit trees and 
currant bushes flourished. Then comes Sir Richard Lyon's house, 
called the Rhenish wine house. In Nash's book (1592), Pierce penilesse 
his supplication to the divel, the lazy man says, ' Let us goe to the 
Stilliard and drink Rhenish wine.' A few years later we read in one 
of Webster's plays, 'I come to intreat you to meet him this afternoon 
at the Rhenish winehouse in the Stilliard.' The rooms above the 
public drinking hall were sometimes used by ambassadors, and at the 
back of the house was a large apartment called the 'winter hall.' 
The summer-house lay on the Thames, and the remaining buildings 
consisted of booths, etc., as previously described. On an open space 
facing the river stood the big crane. 

The factory was walled in as a provision against sudden attacks by 
mobs, and every man in the factory had his arms and was taught how 
to use them. 



1. Upper Thames street. 

4. Cosen's lane. 

5. All Hallows' lane. 

6. 'Gildehalle.' 

7. Garden. 

9. House-master's house. 

Ground Plan of Old Factory. 



The accompanying sketch is from an old print of the time of 
queen Bess. The ground plan herewith is not that of the old factory, 
though doubtless the old walls and foundations were used as much as 
possible and the old plan more or less adhered to, as the resources 
at the command of the Hansa after the Great Fire were very limited 
indeed. The ground plan is dated 1667. Another I have seen of 
1797 shows some very important changes. The clearly-marked site 
of the factory is now shrouded by the lower end of Gannon street 
station, but the homogeneous character of the Steelyard block under 
the projecting station still retains its old form, extent, and general 
features. Bounded on the north by Upper Thames street, with a 
frontage of something like 200 feet, on the south by the river Thames, 
and on the west and east by Cosen's and All Hallows' lanes respec- 
tively, with an average depth towards the quays from Thames street 
of about 400 feet. 

A— Upper Thames street. B— Cosen's lane. 0— All Hallows' lane. 

After the closing of the Steelyard in 1598, it was acknowledged 
by the king in council on the 8th April, 1663, to be still the pro- 
perty of the Hanse towns. Sir John Evelyn had been desirous of 
securing the site for a new exchange, but this could not be arranged. 
The Great Fire on Sunday morning, the 2nd September, 1666, laid 
the Steelyard in ashes. 

Boston and Lynn were both early factories, the former, under 
its old name of Uoyland, was first established. Henry II. issued 


letters of protection for the Easterlings here, and Leland refers to the 
station in his Itinerary. This factory was closed in 1550. Lynn 
Episcopi, after the Reformation, Lynn Regis, was the other important 
factory. King John endowed it with extensive privileges. Among 
the public archives is an immense amount of correspondence regarding 
the Hansa's ' title ' to the freehold of these stations. 

With Elizabeth, the Hansa monopoly in England, and indeed prac- 
tically the League itself came to an end, and but for the possession of 
the freeholds of the Steelyards of London, Boston, and Lynn, we 
should have heard very little more of the Hansa in England, after her 
reign. The possession of these places, however, gave rise to continued 
negotiations and correspondence, and the Steelyard was rebuilt after 
the Great Fire in 1666, with the German traders pretty much on the 
footing of other merchants. 

Pennant, in his work on London (1790), referring to the Steel- 
yard, says : — * Next to the waterside are two eagles, with imperial 
crowns round their necks, placed on two columns/ 

In 1853 the Steelyard was sold by the citizens of Hamburg, Bre- 
men, and Liibeck for building purposes for £72,500, and the site is 
now nearly equally divided between the premises of a large wholesale 
wine merchant and a gigantic colonial meat refrigerating company. 

' Quicquid ezcessit modnm 

Pendet instabili loco.' 


By Wilfred J. Cripps, C.B., F.S.A. 
[Read on the 27th April, 1892.] 
Following the example of the Cumberland and Westmorland 
Archaeological Society, the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle upon 
Tyne has collected a very complete body of statistics relating to the 
ancient church plate of the wide district in which it is interested. If 
the former enquiry embraces the counties of Cumberland and West- 
morland, or in other words, the diocese of Carlisle, the latter comprises 
the present dioceses of Durham and Newcastle, being the counties of 
Northumberland and Durham and part of Cumberland, and in fact 
completes it for the northernmost portion of England. The interest- 
ing details which have been obtained in the course of this enquiry are 
necessarily scattered throughout many numbers of the Proceedings 1 of 
the Society, and it is very desirable to present the result to the mem- 
bers in a more compact form. It is the object of the present paper to 
accomplish this, to draw attention to the objects of special interest 
which have been brought to light in either county, to mark their 
place in the history of old English church plate, and to compare the 
returns generally with those which have been collected in other parts 
of the country. Until recently it would have been impossible to get 
together any such record at all. There were but little means at the 
disposal even of the antiquary for dating specimens, except for the 
inscriptions which some might bear ; and so little was known about 
what might or might not be expected to be found that it would have 
been difficult to turn the search to any good archaeological account. 

Things are now, however, different) in both these respects ; old plate 
and its marks are more intelligible ; specimens, whether inscribed or 
not, can be, in most cases, easily dated by their fashion and their hall 
marks ; and since the appearance of Chancellor Ferguson's most inter- 
esting account of the church plate of the diocese of Carlisle, so many 

1 Proo. Soc. Antiq. Newo. vol. ii — v. 


Other similar searches have been taken in hand, and some of them 
carried to completion, that we are able to compare their results with 
increasing interest. 

It is unnecessary to go into any details as to English plate making 
and the science of hall marks here. Suffice it to say that the refer- 
ences on this subject which occur throughout the details are to the 
third edition of Old English Plate, a work which may be further con- 
sulted if necessary on such points. These references have, however, 
a special local colour in the present case, owing to the existence of an 
active guild of goldsmiths in Newcastle, joined as they were with 
workmen of kindred crafts in that always busy centre of industry. 
Ah unusual amount of the church plate in the northern counties 
proves, as might be expected, to be of Newcastle manufacture ; and it 
is interesting to find that it illustrates the work of the Newcastle 
silversmiths throughout the whole of their working history, from the 
middle of the seventeenth century onwards. It is needless to say that 
the records of the craft jextend back much further than that, certainly 
reaching to the early part of the sixteenth century, and indeed for 
purely archaeological purposes, even to the middle of the thirteenth. 
But the existing specimens of Newcastle work cover the period, speak- 
ing in general terms, from the Restoration to the present century. 

It is now well-known how few specimens of pre-Beformation plate 
remain to illustrate the history of Gothic art as regards church vessels. 
Much that was beautiful was melted down to satisfy the Puritanical 
outburst which signalized the short reign of king Edward VI., and 
whatever escaped this, fell under the ban of the renewed crusade 
against all that was held to savour of popery which marked the early 
years of his sister, queen Elizabeth. No doubt there was a short 
respite during the few intervening years of queen Mary, but details as 
to this disastrous period are not needed for our present sketch. Suffice 
to say that one single chalice — that at Old Hutton — remains in the 
diocese of Carlisle, whilst some thirty only remain, so far as is yet 
known, in all England. It is possible that one or two may still be 
discovered in unsuspected places, but the enquiry has now gone so far 
that many more are not to be expected. 

No chalice remains of pre-Eeformation type in either Northum- 
berland or Durham, but we are more fortunate as regards patens 



Elizabethan Communion Cups, All SainU Church, Newcastle-upon-Tyne (aee p. 254). 


which are represented by two examples. Pre-Reformation patens 
are more numerous than chalices, some ninety altogether being known, 
of which almost a third are in Norfolk. The two north country 
examples are (see Plate XIV.) the rude paten at Heworth, county 
Durham, which is of 1514, and a similar example (see Plate XV.) 
formerly at Hamsterley in the same county, but now preserved in the 
Chapter Library at Durham, of the year 1519. 

They are of the usual type found in the later Gothic period, show- 
ing a six-lobed depression, with a very rude representation of the 
Vernicle engraved in the centre of the plate. A large proportion of 
the patens remaining are of this fashion, and are of the thirty years 
between 1490 and 1520. With the accession of Edward VI. the 
whole fashion of church plate changed. The chalices were melted 
down or exchanged, under stringent visitation articles of the bishops, 
into plain communion cups of the strictest Protestant shape and 
character ; but owing, no doubt, to the shortness of the reign there 
are fewer communion cups known of this period than chalices of the 
pre-Beformation type, few though there are even of these. Not a 
single example is to be seen in our present list. Come we then to 
the reign of queen Elizabeth for the first examples of vessels of the 
Protestant type to be found within the range of our present enquiry ; 
and we are immediately struck by the extreme paucity of such pieces 
compared with what we might fairly have expected to find. The 
change from chalice to communion cup was made all over England 
with such rapidity that in the course of a few years, say, in the 
interval between 1558 and 1580, almost every church in every county 
and diocese from one end of England to the other was provided with 
vessels adapted for the new use, and everywhere examples of the cups 
so provided are commonly found at the present day — everywhere but 
in the extreme north it must now be said — for whereas they are 
broadcast over the south of England and Midland counties, strange 
to say only seven individual examples of undoubtedly Elizabethan 
cups and plates have been brought to light in the whole county of 
Northumberland, and hardly more, comparatively speaking, in Durham, 
which can, however, show some seventeen specimens as will be seen 
by the list appended to this article. If we add to these the very few 
pieces which appear to be of sixteenth century fashion, but which, 

ARCHAEOLOGIA AEUANA, Vol. XVI; to fat p. 2J2. 

Plan XIV. 

!f* Dtmmry * Sm t pbon 

He worth Paten. 

(Full Sit*.) 

Arekaeoloaia A el tana, Vol. XVI., tu /act page 252. 

Plate X V. 

Jim £— Sttfvoum, photo. 

Collotype by Romm/er £ Jotuu, Dresden. 

Hamsterley Paten, 
1519 — 20. 

(Full She.) 



Elizabethan Oommunion Oup, Sherburn Hospital (see p. 2SI). 


owing to want of either inscriptions or hall marks, cannot be more 
than approximately dated, we shall still have a far smaller proportion 
of Elizabethan as compared with more modern plate in Northumber- 
land and Durham than in any other county at all. There are much 
more than a hundred Elizabethan specimens in Kent, and as many 
in proportion in almost any southern district ; and in Northumber- 
land it will be at once noticed that all the seven specimens are either 
of the year 1570 or 1571. This points to some stringent direction 
on the subject on the part of the diocesan, such as that which we 
find resulted in Kent in the exchange of chalices being chiefly effected 
in the course of the year 1562. Other parts of England often show 
groups of cups of a certain period, always between the limits of 1558 
and 1 580 mentioned above, many details regarding which have been 
noted in Old English Plate. 

A word should be said here of a cup of somewhat exceptional type 
at Heworth, Durham, resembling in some of its features chalices of 
medieval workmanship. This is, however, probably of later date ; 
corresponding more with vessels of the seventeenth century which 
were made for Roman Catholic use, and many examples of which are 
preserved ; for instance there are two vessels similar in design to the 
chalice at Heworth in use at the Roman Catholic church at Glanton 
which are said to have come from Callaly castle. 

Turning to the Elizabethan specimens themselves we find that, 
though few in number, they are very typical of their kind, giving a 
good illustration of the general fashion of the time they represent, 
and that the more special pieces show features of much interest. 

Of the typical kind the cups with corresponding patens, dated 1571, 
at All Saints', Newcastle (see p. 251), are perhaps the best Northum- 
berland illustration, whilst the not dissimilar cap and paten of the 
same year (see p. 258), at St. John's, Dinsdale, may represent the 
Elizabethan examples of the sister county. A little earlier vessel of 
1564, at Sherburn hospital (see p. 253), with a secular cup of unusual 
type of 1571, at Bishopwearmouth (see p. 257), and a very interesting 
cup of 1596, at Stainton (see Plate XVI.), all these three being in 
Durham, are good illustrations of special types and forms. 

The Sherburn hospital cup is normal in every respect, except the 
lettered band running round the top of the bowl, which clearly relates 

ArchaertogUi Aeltana, Vol. XVI., tofaeepag* 254. 

Phut XVI. 

Mc Leltb, fboto. 

Rtimmtrr * Jonas, Dresden. 

Elizabethan Cup at Great Stainton, co. Durham. 




Oambo Communion Cap (aee p. S66). 


to some matter of domestic interest. These letters are a good example 
of the bold Tudor capitals of the time. Its stem and foot give an 
illustration of the dotted ornament so often found in the earlier years 
of queen Elizabeth, and the lower part of the bowl shows the usual 
fillets, not interlacing however at intervals as is most usual, but con- 
taining between the parallel bands the ordinary waving line of simple 
woodbine foliage. 

The Bishopwearmouth cup is quite special, and may or may not 
have been originally a secular cup. Its cover looks almost as if it had 
once had some knop or finish by way of handle. This piece again shows 
the dotted or hyphen- work of Elizabethan days, with leaves at the end 
of each rib of the very usual Elizabethan type. 

With the Stainton-le-Street cup we come to a vessel of more 
undoubtedly secular origin, but a very good illustration of the work of 
its period. A large number of cups which, if not originally made for 
secular use, are at all events of the shapes commonly used in their 
day for drinking cups, are amongst the finest pieces of our present 
church plate. 2 Good examples occur in Westmorland, at Holm 
Cultram, and at Appleby, as well as in other parts of England, no 
doubt representing the pious liberality of lay donors. In the Stainton 
example there is a head in profile with a hat and feathers, such a head 
being a common ornament of such pieces. The foot is of characteristic 
fashion, with its flower and fruit swaggs surmounted by scroll brackets 
which support the bowl, aronnd the edge of which is a band of the 
ordinary Elizabethan type. It is by a maker whose mark is to be seen 
upon a great deal of fine plate, both church and secular, from the date 
of this example, 1596 to 1632, the date of the latest piece known to 
the writer on which it is found. 

With this, we pass to the seventeenth century. The later we get 
the less interesting is the church plate from an archaeological and even 
from an art point of view. We pass through the usual stages from 
wine-glass-shaped cup at the commencement of the seventeenth century 
to huge shapeless vessels on rude massive stems resembling clumsy 
truncated cones, sometimes with and at other times without knops, 
which distinguish its closing years. If there is anything which may 
be specially remarked about the north country vessels of this century, it 
3 See Cambo Communion Cap as an example, p. 256. 



Elizabethan Oommnnion Cup, 
Biahopwearmouth Church (see p. 354). 

g a 



is that a good deal of it was made at York, a city where the craft of 
goldsmiths flourished till it seems to have been displaced by the rising 
wealth and importance of Newcastle upon Tyne. The quantity of plate 
made in the latter city from about the year 1670 onwards is immense, 
and the activity of the trade there perhaps accounts not only for the 
quantity of modern church plate found of local make in the two 
counties, which are the subjects of this paper, but for the absence of 
the usual proportion of Elizabethan specimens. 

Much that seemed old-fashioned 
to the eyes of Georgian times went 
into the melting pots of Newcastle to 
make way for what was thought no 
doubt more suitable or more tasteful, 
and this has deprived the writer of a 
great deal of the archaeological ma- 
terials which the chronicler of the 
church plate in more southern coun- 
ties has had the interesting task of 

The following lists indicate the 
date and origin of most of the more 
important pieces now remaining in 
Northumberland and Durham, and a 
reference to it will bear out the re- 
marks which have here been made 
upon it. 

In conclusion, the writer hopes 
that, although of less interest, on 
the whole, from the above circumstances, enough has been said to 
induce all who are concerned with the care and custody, or the love of 
the old church plate of these counties (be it better or worse, it is at all 
events representative of the real piety and generosity of those who 
have preceded us), to preserve it for the future from reckless alteration 
or unauthorized alienation. 

Elizabethan Communion Cup, Dinsdale 

m Communion Cup, 
Church (see p. 251). 















Article and Maker's Mark. 

I.— London Plate. 


Two cops and paten covers, each dated 1571 l ... 


Pateti cover, dated 1571 ; maker, two crescents 

back to back 

Cap and paten cover, dated 1571 , usual band. I F 
Cup and paten cover, dated 1571 ; usual band. 

H W ; pellet above and below 

Cup; usual band 

Cup ; usual band. H 8, interlaced ; for Henry 


(Seventeenth Century.) 
Oviform cup, on baluster stem. T E, linked 

Cn P* WW 

Tall oviform cup on high stem. C B, linked 8 
Flagon. R S ; mullet above and below ... 

V-shaped cup on baluster stem 

Cup. I B ; buckle below ; probably J. Buckle 

Plain cup, dated 1701. AF 

Flagon, dated 1676. TM 

Cup and paten, dated 1686. RL 

Paten. I- 1 ; probably John Jackson 
Paten, dated 1694. GG ; George Garthorne 

Flagon, given 1703 

Flagon, given 1829 

(Eighteenth Century.) 


Cup given 1707. Fl.; William Fleming ... 

Cup. Pa; Humphrey Payne 

Paten, given 1829. G, A within ; Fras. Garthorne 

Alms dish, dated 1718. G, A within ; Fras. 


Paten, dated 1726. Ho ; Edw. Holaday ... 

Salver on small feet 


Fluted porringer. I C ; Joseph Clare 

Paten. RB; Richard Bay ley 

Cup, dated 1726. R B ; Richard Bayley ... 

Cup, given 1842 

Cup (cover is of 1752). M F ; Mordecai Fox 

Cup given 1770 

I Y 
Cup. q j ; Jas. Young and Orlando Jackson 


All Saints, N'c. 
St. John, N'castle. 







St. Nicholas, N'c. 











All Saints, N'c 







St. John, N'c. 




See page 251. 

See page 255. 

VOL. xvi. 



List op Old North umbebl and Church Plate.— Continued. 



c. 1681 

17 cent. 


o. 1685 









Article and Maker's Mark. 


London Plate— (MgMeenth Cent.)— Continued. 

Cup, dated 1781 

Flagon, dated 1793. G S ; probably Geo. Seatoun 

Cup, dated 1788. H C ; Henry Chawner 

Paten, dated 1793. R S ; probably Robert Sharp 


Flagon given 1840. I R ; John Robins ... ". 
Flagon and cup, dated 1803 (paten is of 1803). 

grrj R. & S. Hennell 

II.— Newcastle-upon-Tyne Plate. 

Cup and paten (the cap not marled). 
Wm. Ramsay 

Cup. (S|) for W. Ramsay 

Cup. W R, as in 1681, for W. Ramsay 

Cup, with engraved band, dated 1684 ; probably 
Fras. Batty, senr 

Two cups, with patens. ^85} for Wm. Ramsay 

Flagon and patens, dated 1686. rgg]j for Wm. 
Ramsay 85) 

Cup, dated 1687. (IS for Eli Bilton 

Cup and paten, dated 1688. W R, as in 1686, for 

Wm. Ramsay 

Flagon, dated 1697. Thos. Hewitson ... .." 
Flagon, dated 1698. g«l for Thos. Hewitson ... 
Cup, dated 1719. Ba for Francis Batty, senior 
Cup. IotI * or J°h n Younghusband 

Cup, dated 1579. 

I for Eli Bilton 

Cup and paten, dated 1714. JFr for J. French ... 
Cup and paten, dated 1721. ffFgl for Francis 

Batty, junior •=«] 

Cup and paten. F B (? re-made by Francis' Batty) 
Cup, paten, and flagon, given 1722. Fras. Batty 

Paten, dated 1722. Fras. Batty 

Cup, inscribed 1571 "\ " 

Flagon. F.B for Francis Batty, jun. (?) ' 

Cup, given 1724 ... . 

Paten. J C ; John Carnaby 

Cup, dated 1730. 

Cup, dated 1732. 

for Isaac Cookson 

Cup and plate, dated 1731. I Vfe I R bt 
Makepeace ' ' 







Al win ton. 






St. Nicholas, N'c. 

St. Nicholas, N'c. 

All Saints, N'c. 
All Saints, N'c. 


Holy Island. 



St. John, N'c. 


St. Andrew, N'c 



St. Nicholas, N'c. 

St. Andrew, N'c. 




List of Old Nobthumbbbland Chubch Plate.— Continued. 












c. 1770 







e. 1785 

Article and Maker's Mark. 

Newoastle-upon-Tyne Plate.— Continued. 

Cup, dated 1731 

Cup, dated 1732. Robt. Makepeace 

Flagon, dated 1731. | JRUb | Robt. Makepeace 

Paten, dated 1734. Robt. Makepeace 

Paten, dated 1788. |wd] for Wm. Dalton 

Cup. I C, as in 1729, for Isaac Cookson 

Cup, dated 1758. Isaac Cookson 

Cap. fSg) for Isaac Cookson 

Tumbler-shaped cup. (W3?J for Wm. Partis ... 

Paten (waiter with 3 claw feet). Isaac Cookson 

Cup, dated 1743. Isaac Cookson 

Flagon, dated 1743. Isaac Cookson 

Cup. Wm. Partis 

Cup, dated 1749. Isaac Cookson 

Alms dish and paten, given 1751. Isaac Cookson 

Paten. Isaac Cookson 

Cup and paten, dated 1753 

Paten, dated 1765. Langlands and Goodricke ... 
Cup, paten, and 2 flagons, dated 1775. Wm. Partis 

Cup and paten, dated 1762. r^j for J. Langlands 
Flagon and paten, dated 1763. [nc] for John Eirkup 


for James Crawford 

Two cups and paten, dated 1768. John Kirkup 

Flagon. John Langlands 

Small cup on low foot. John Langlands 

Paten, dated 1770. John Langlands 

Cup, given 1773. I C, as in 1769, for James 

Crawford ... ... ... ... 

Cup, given 1773. John Langlands 

Paten, dated 1776. John Langlands 

Paten, dated 1776. John Langlands 

Two flagons, dated 1776. John Langlands 

Cup and paten, dated 1774. John Langlands ... 

Cup, converted into flagon, dated 1774. W 8, 1 M; 

William Stalker and John Mitchison 

Paten. John Langlands ... 

Oviform cups, dated 1778. John Langlands " ... 
Four alms dishes, dated 1785 (and wine strainer, 

no date letter), (jq^t for Langlands and 

Robertson ... ll*Rj 

Alms dish, dated 1784. Langlands and Robertson 
Alms dish, dated 1785. Pinkney and Scott 
Paten, given 1824. Langlands and Robertson ... 





St. Andrew, N'c. 

Allendale Town. 
St. John Lee. 














Long Benton. 

Ninebanks. West 

St. Anne, N'c. 
St. Anne, N'c. 




St. John Lee. 

St. Andrew, N'c. 





All Saints, N'c. 
St. Andrew, N'c. 
St. John, N'c. 


List op Old Northumberland Church ?latk.— Continued. 


Article and Maker's Mark. 


Newcastle-upon-Tyne Plate.— Continued. 


Two alms plates and paten, dated 1788. Pinkney 

and Scott 

St. Andrew, N'c. 


Basin. Ijjgl for Pinkney and Scott 

All Saints, N'c 


Cup, paten, and flagon (cup dated 1790). Lang- 

lands and Robertson 



Paten, dated 1789. Langlands and Robertson ... 

Holy Island. 


Cup, altered into flagon 1873 



Cup and paten, dated 1793. Langlands and 




Cup. I K, as in 1757, for John Kirkup 



Cup. John Kirkup 

III.— Foreign Plate. 


Cup. Augsburg MA 


IV. — Miscellaneous and Uncertain. 

Very ancient pewter coffin chalice 



Cup, repaired later by John Langlands ; no 
doubt of same date as its paten (see London 

16 cent. 


Old cup, apparent ly E lizabethan 



Cup and paten cover ; usual band 


16 cent. 

Old cup, apparently Elizabethan 



Cup and cover, dated 1612 



Old cup, with cover, dated 1618 



Two cups. Engraved with arms ; Elizabethan 


All Saints, N'c. 

o. 1630 

Cup of Elizabeth an shape 

Kirkwhelpington . 


Cup, dated 1642 



Cup, dated 1663 


c. 1670 

Deep straight-sided cup, on short stem 



Cup like the last 


o. 1680 




Cup, dated 1699, but looks Elizabethan 


17 cent. 

Cup, with large band 

Old cup (see p. 368) 



St. Nicholas, N'c. 











Tumbler-shaped cup ; willow leaf band 



Salver, used as paten. I H, star above 














c. 1619 



Article and Maker's Mark. 


I.— London Plate. 

(Pre -Reform at ion.) 

Paten, with vernicle ; usual Gothic type" 
Paten, very similar to the last* 


Cup, with special engraved band. Maker, 

hand with cross-croslet* 

Cup ; usual engraved band. Maker, S H 
Cup, with paten cover 

Cup, with paten cover. Maker, H W 

Cup; no paten. HW 

Cup; dotted belt; given 1842 

Paten cover, dated 1842. Maker, animal's 

head erased 

Cup, with paten cover ; usual type 

Secular cup of unusual type - 

Cup, with paten cover ; usual band ; dated 

1571 7 

Cup, with paten cover, dated 1571 ; usual 

band; maker, pair of bellows ... 
Cup ; usual band. Maker, H W ... 
Cup ; usual band. Maker, animal's head 

erased . 

Cup, by same maker as the last 

Cup; usual band 

Paten cover 

Secular cup, on stem with scroll supports ; 

maker C B, linked 8 

(Seventeenth Century.) 

Egg-shaped cup, on baluster stem. Maker, 

Cup. Maker, RB 

Alms dish ; repousse with marine mon- 
sters. Maker, IG 


Cup ; maker, W B, fleur-de-lys below 
Cup and cover, dated 163*<. W W, linked 
Wine-glass shaped cup, on baluster stem. 

Maker, GG 

Pair of patens. Maker, S A, linked 


Sherburn Hospital. 

St. Mary-le-Bow, Dur- 
Spen Colliery, Winlaton 

Do. do. 

Witton Gilbert. 

St. John Dinsdale. 




Stainton-le- Street. 


Kirk Merrington. 

St. Mary in the South 

Bailey, Durham. 
St. Giles, Durham. 


• See plate xiv. 

• See page 257. 

* See plate xv. 
7 See page 258. 

* See page 253. 
8 See plate xvi. 


List of Old Dubham Chubch Plate.— Continued. 


Article and Maker's Mark. 


London Plate.— Continued. 

(Seventeenth Century.) 

o. 1660 

Plate and coyer. Maker, WM 

Durham Cathedral. 


Cup and cover, given 1660. TG 

St. Mary, Gateshead. 


dip and cover, given 1665. IR 

St. Nicholas, Durham. 


Cup, given 1670. WG 

Barnard Castle. 


Cup and paten cover. M 

Cup, with large band, and paten cover. 

Greatham Hospital. 



St. Margaret, Durham. 


Tankard-shaped flagon. F.R 

Maggies wick. 


Cup and cover. I.M. ►. 



Paten. G G ; George Garthorne 



Large cup, cover, and flagon, given 1686. 

I Y, animal between 

St. Nicholas, Durham. 


Pair of patens, given 1689. Maker, FGj 
Fras. Garthorne 

8t. Mary-le-Bow, Dur- 


Paten, dated 1720. Maker, T I ; probably 

T. Issod 

Church Eelloe. 


Paten, dated 1731. Maker, F G ; Garthorne, 

as above 



Pair of patens, dated 1696. Maker, R T ; 

Robt. Timbrell 

M iddleton-in-Teesdale. 


Pair of flagons, given 1703 

(Eighteenth Century.) 

St. Mary-le-Bow, Dur- 

c. 1700 

Cup. PL; Pierre Platel 



Alms dish. Ru ; John Ruslen 

St. Oswald, Durham. 


Paten, dated 1703. Tr ; Benj. Traherne .. 



Paten; gilt. W B 



Flagons (pair), like Rothbury. Ba ; R. 




Paten, dated 1730. Pa ; Humphrey Payne 



Paten, given 1712. CH 



Paten. L O ; Seth Lofthouse 



Large paten. RA; R. Raine 

A similar one, dated 1720. Same maker ... 

St. John, Weardale. 




Paten, given 178- G, A within ; Fras. Gar- 


Bishop Auckland. 


Cup and cover, dated 1718. 8 L ; G. 81eath 



Cup, given by Bishop Lord Crewe, 1720. 

8 H ; probably Alice Sheene 

Bishop Auckland. 


Cup, paten, and flagons. G, R within ; 

Richard Greene 



Tankard flagons. Ba; R. Bayley 



Paten. M L, tied ; Matthew Lofthouse. 

Entered 1721 

Auckland Castle. 


Cup. RP 



Paten, given 1806. W A ; W. Atkinson ... 

St. John Dinsdale. 


Paten, dated 1727. CM 



List op Old Durham Church Plate.— Continued. 







c. 1745 

















Article and Maker's Murk. 

London Fultk.— Continued. 
(Eighteenth Contury.) 

Flagons, one dated 1727. T F; Thoe. 


Paten, given 1732. E V ; Edw. Vincent ... 


Paten, dated 1740. BA; Robert Aber- 



Plates, dated 1743. H P ; Humphrey Payne 
Alms dish, dated 1744. J G ; Thoe. Gilpin 
Perforated spoons. 10 (no other mark); 

Isaac Callard 

Flagon. H B ; Henry Brind 

Salter, on three claw feet. W P ; Wm. 

Peaston .» 

Flagon, dated 1761. M F ; Mordecai Fox 

Plain tall cup 

Flagon, given 1887. W G ; W. Grundy ... 

V B 
Large set of plate. N D ; Francis Butty 

and Nicholas Dumee 

Tankard flagons, given 1772. WG; W. 


Flagon. WT; Walter Tweedie 

Tall cup, paten, and flagon. ggj Smith and 


Alms dish. J A; perhaps Jonathan Alleine 
Paten and alms dish. HB; Hester Bate- 

Paten, given 1790. I H ; John Harris ... 

II.— York Plate. 

Cup ; band of dots or hyphens 
Paten. I P ; James Plummer 
Cup; usual Elizabethan band. Same maker 

Cup. T H ; Thos. Harrington 

Paten. I T ; John Thompson 

Cup and cover ; Elizabethan band and 

shape. T M ; Thos. Mangy 

Pair of cups and covers ; engraved bands, 

and dated 1689. I O ; John Oliver 


Cup and flagon, dated 1818. 

and Whitwell 
Pair of Patens. Same makers 
Cup. Same makers 







Durham Cathedral. 


Castle Eden. 

St. Cuthbert, Darl'gton. 


Durham Cathedral. 

St. Cuthbert, Darl'gton. 
Witton Gilbert. 

Elwick Hall. 

St. Mary, Gateshead. 
St Helens Auckland. 






Elwick Hall. 


Bishop Middleham. 


List op Old Durham Church Plate. — Continued. 


Article and Makwr's Mark. 



So date. 




No date. 


So date. 
c. 1684 


So date. 

e. 1708 




III.— Newcastle-upon-Tynb Plate. 


Tall plain cup, dated 1664. \WJ for John 
Wilkinson VJ ^ 

Wine-glass shaped cup, baluster 
I W for same maker 

Paten, with marks like Wilkinson's 

Flagons, given 1 772. [fpj for J. Douth wayte 

Cup, dated 1672. Same maker 

Cup. Same maker 

Paten, dated 1681. WR, as at CorbriJge 
(p. 260) for W. Ramsey 

Cup and cover, dated 1681. (35 for same 


Cup. WR, as at Corbridge (p. 260), for 

same maker 

Cup. WR, as at Church Kelloe, for same 

Paten, dated 1687. WR, as at St. Nicholas 

(p. 260), for same maker 

Cups. E B, with crown above. Eli Bilton 
Cup and cover, given 1702. Bi; Eli Bilton 

Two cups, dated 1704. Same maker 

Cup. Jonathan French 

Cup, dated 1707. Eli Bilton 

Paten. Eli Bilton 

Flagon, dated 1702. Jonathan French ... 

Cup, dated 1712. Same maker 

Flagon and paten, dated 1712. Younghus- 


Cup. Carnaby 

Tumbler cup. Jonathan French 

Cup, given 1727 

Cup, dated 1725. Thos. Partis 

Cup, dated 1726 

Alms-dish. Thomas Partis 

Cup. T P; Thomas Partis 

Jug-shaped flagons, given 1726. Robert 


Alms-dish. Thos. Partis 

Tumbler-shaped cup 

Flagons, dated 1727. Ihos. Partis 

FUgon. ICQ), for Isaac Cookson 

Paten, given 1732 

Font, given 1825. Robt. Makepeace 

Collecting basin 

Paten. Isaac Cookson 

Flagon, dated 1740. Wm. Partis 

Ewer-shaped flagon. James Kirkup 



St. Mary, Gateshead. 

West Boldon. 
Haverton Hill. 

West Boldon. 

Church Kelloe. 


Barnard Castle. 

Haverton Hill. 
St. Mary in the South 

Bailey, Durham. 
Castle Eden. 
St. Giles, Durham. 
St Mary in the South 

Bailey, Durham. 

Sherburn Hospital. 
St. Mary, Gateshead. 
Bishop Auckland. 
Monk Heselden. 
St. John, Dinsdale. 

St. John's, Weardale. 



St. Hilda, So. Shields. 



St. Mary, Gateshead. 


St. Oswald, Durham. 

St. Helen, Auckland. 

West Boldon. 



List of Old Durham Church Plate. — Continued. 


Article and Maker's Mark. 


III.— fContd.).— Newcastle-upon-Tyne 


Oup. Isaac Cookson 



Ewer-shaped flagon. James Kirkup 



Paten, dated 1744. Wm. PartiB 



Salver, given 1746. Isaac Cookson 

Barnard Castle. 


Dish, dated 1745. Wm. Partis 

West Boldon. 


dip. W B, with gem ring above; William 
Beilby of Durham 

St. Mary-le-Bow, Drhm. 
Castle Eden. 


Paten, dated 1760 


Paten, dated 1750. Isaac Cookson 


No date. 

Paten, dated 1753. Isaac Cookson 

St. Margaret, Dhm. City. 


Flagon, dated 1760. John Langlands ... 

St. Hilda, South Shields. 


Alms saucer, dated 1765. Same maker ... 

Castle Eden. 

c. 1770 

Patens. Same maker 



Flagon, given 1845. Same maker 

St. Giles, Durham City. 


Paten, dated 1772. Same maker 



Flagon, dated 1769. Same maker 



Cap and cover, and two patens, given 1776. 

Same maker 

St. Cuthbert, Darlington. 


Alms dish, given 1780. Langlands and 


St. Mary, Gateshead. 


Flagon, given 1786. Pinkney and Scott ... 

Do. do. 


Alms dish and flagon, given 1785. Lang- 

lands and Robertson 



Cnp and paten, dated 1796 

IV.— Foreign Plate. 



Greatham Hospital. 

V.— Miscellaneous and Uncertain. 


Cup and paten cover, dated 1608 



Cup and paten cover, usual band, dated 1622 



Cup and cover, dated 1680 



Cup, dated 1696 



Tall cup, dated 1718 

St. Hilda, 8outh Shields. 

17 cent. 

Straight-sided cup on low foot 

St. Helens Auckland. 


Chalice-shaped cup 



Cup. A F ; mullet below, 4 times repeated 




St. Oswald, Dhm. City. 


Rude cup. N H, linked ; 3 times repeated 
Paten. N H, linked, and 5 fleurs-de-lis ... 





I I 




By Major-General Sir William Grossman, K.C.M.G., F.S.A. 

[Read on the 28th May, 1893.] 

Neasham, a Benedictine nunnery, dedicated to the Virgin, was one of 
the two monasteries (St. Edmund's, Gateshead, being the other) within 
the palatinate that alone were independent of the church of Durham ; it 
contained only eight female votaries, and appears to have been founded 
by an ancestor of Lord Dacre, one of the old barons of Greystoke. 

Surtee8 says that the original charters of the house of Neasham have 
been preserved by the family of Lawson, to whom the monastery was 
granted at the Dissolution. The earliest is apparently a charter of 
Henry II. confirming the foundation. 

The bull of Adrian IV. is dated 3rd February, 1156-57. 1 The charter 
of Henry II. is not dated. Henry came to the throne in October, 1154, 
and probably his charter may have been granted about 1164, when 
the Constitutions of Clarendon were passed by a general council of 
barons and prelates, and when various rules were made with reference to 
ecclesiastical property, one being that the churches belonging to the 
king's fee should not be granted in perpetuity without his consent. 
The charter is therefore probably of a later date than the bull. 

In it he concedes and confirms, 'in perpetuam elemosinam,' to God 
and to St. Mary of 'Nesham,' and to the nuns there serving God, the 
site of the church, and the carucate of land given by Emma, called in 
the bull the daughter of Waldeof, but now described as de Teisa and 
as having given it with the consent of her son Ralph. He also confirms 
the grant made by Engelais, here called the sister of Emma, the gift 
of Alan, son of Torfin, of land in Toretona, and an additional gift not 
mentioned in the bull, of two oxgangs (bovatas terrej in Neasham, by 
Alan de Eggescliva. Ralph fitz Ralph confirms, in a later charter, the 
gifts of Emma, his mother. William fitz Ralph confirms the charter 
of his father Ralph and adds more land. 

1 1157 according to our reckoning. Adrian was at Benevento from January 
to July, 1156; he was, however, at Rome in January and February, 1157, in 
which month several bulls were issued by him from the Lateran. 


Then Ralph fitz William, lord of Neasham, again gives to the nuns 
the whole plot called the Milne hills of Kent, lying betwixt Kent 
and the nun's land in the village of Neasham, in breadth and length 
from le Croke, betwixt the said plot and Hnrtheworth lands to 
Kent bridge. Seal (white- wax) : Barry, over all three chaplets for 
Greys toke. 

Up to the time of Henry VII. other gifts of land which are detailed 
in Surtees, Durham, vol. iii., page 259, were made from time to time 
to the nans. And in 1540 when dame Joan Lawson the last prioress 
surrendered the house to the king, 29th December, the revenues were 
reported as follows : — 

Priory, orchard, garden with eight oxgangs of land 

in the manor of the prioress xl* 

Total rente, etc., in Durham... xxiv 1 i § xi d 

Do. do. Yorkshire « vi* x fl 

xxvi 1 ix» ix d 
The clear value after deductions being £20 17s. 7d. 

Not one stone of the old priory now remains upon another. James 
Lawson of Newcastle purchased the property for £227 5s. 0d., and the 
old charters connected with the priory are still in the possession of his 
descendant Sir John Lawson of Brongh. 

The bull, which is written in the ecclesiastical Latin of the period, 
is the property of Mr. Salvin and has been kindly lent by him. It 
is an excellent specimen of caligraphy. It is in a remarkably good 
state of preservation, and is signed by the pope and nineteen other 
cardinals and bishops. The leaden 'bulla' attached is also perfect. 
The following is an exact transcript of the text carefully collated with 
the original : — 

Adrianus Episcopus Servus servorum Dei dilectis in Christo filiabus sancti- 
monialibas in Ecclesia Sancte Marie de Neshann Domino servientibus tarn 
presentibus quara fnturis regularam vitam professis in perpetunm. 

Prudentibu8 virginibus que sub habitu religionis disposuerunt Jesu Christo 
vero 8ponso lampadibus accensis occurrere. Tanto sunt a sacrosancta Roraana 
Ecclesia ampliora beneficia conferenda quanto propensius in servitio domini 
comorari noscuntur, et ad nuptias eterni regis bonis operibus festinare. 
Ea propter dilecte in Christo filie vestris justis postulationibus clementer 
annuimus, et pref atum monasterium in quo divino mancipate estis obsequio, sub 
beati Petri et nostra protectione suacipimu3 et presentis scripti privilegio com- 
munimu8. In primis siquidem statuentes ut ordo monasticus qui secundum Deum 



et beati benedicti regulam in eodem loco dinoscitur institutus, perpetuus ibidem 
temporibo8 et inviolabiliter observetur. Preterea quascumqne possessionis que- 
cumque bona idem monasterium in presentiarum juste et canonice possedet, ant 
in futurum concessione pontificum, largitione regum vel principum, oblatione 
fidelium, sen aliis just is modis per ante domino potent adipisci, firma yobis 
vestrisqne successoribus et illibata permaneant. In quibus hec propriis duximus 
exprimendi vocabulis. Locum in quo prefata ecclesia sita est, qui dicitur 
Mahaldecroft, quern dedit vobis Emma filia Waldef, unam carrucatam terre 
de dominico ejusdem Emme. In Neahann, cum medietate Offnamarum suarum, 
in culturis pratis et turbariis, communem pasturam totius terre sue. Culturam 
que vocatur Sadelflat. Molendinum super Kent. Culturam que est inter 
molendinum et ecclesiam. Ex dono Engelais unam carrucatam terre. Omnes 
decimas vestras de dominico vestro in Neshaim, tarn in blado quam in aliis. Ex 
dono halani fllii Torphin unam carrucatam terre in phornetuna. Sane novalium 
yestrorum que propriis manibus aut sumptibus colitis sive de nutriment is 
yestrorum animalium, null us a yobis decimas exigere presumat. Sepulturam 
quoque ipsius loci liberam esse concedimus ut eorum devotioni et ex- 
treme voluntati nullus obsistat qui se illic sepeliri deliberaverint nisi forte 
excommunicati vel interdicti sint. Salva tamen justitia matricis ecclesie. 
Decernimus ergo ut nulli omnino hominum liceat prefatam ecclesiam temere 
perturbare, aut ejus possessions auferre, vel ablatas retinere, minuere, seu quibus 
libet yexationibus f atigare. Set illibata omnia et integra conserventur eorum pro 
quorum gubernatione et sustentatione concessa sunt usibus omnimodis futura. 
Salva sedis apostalice auctoritate, et diocesani episcopi canonica justitia. Siqua 
igitur in futurum ecclesiastica secularisve persona hanc nostre constitutionis 
paginam sciens, contra earn temere venire temptaverit. Secundo tertiove 
commonita, nisi presumptionem Ruam digna satisfactione correxerit, potestatis 
honorisque sui dignitate careat, reamque se divino judicio existere de perpetrata 
iniquitate cognoscat et a sacra tispi mo corpore ac sanguine dei et domini 
redemptoris nostri Jesu Christi aliena fiat, atque in extremo examine districte 
ultioni subjaceat. Cunctis autem eidem loco sua jura servantibus, sit pax domini 
nostri Jesu Christi. Quatinus et hie fructum bone actionis percipiant, et apud 
districtum judicem premia eterne pacis inveniant. Amen. Amen. Amen. 2 

Ego Adrianus Catholice Ecclesie 
Episcopus. Bene Valete. 

7 The legend on the bulla. « Oculi mei semper ad Dominum,' was one generally- 
used by Adrian IV. 

ArcLaeologiaAeliana.VolXVl, tofecep.270. 

! /*» it*,*. \ 





_ y ^ c '•WAnuap 

!)*.(. JoW )t*^' : 

i mettle mome- 





Mn 4 * l|TU * ^*uic^ $Uo?rtHt tttantwywi 
X \y **»*V<5 flu* C*iT< Sot <u^k 

— Fac-Simile of Signatures to Bull- 

of Adrian IV. Relatinc to Neasham.- 

Pho'oiith^rapW JcftintwlbT Jana»s Akencaa.6 IJueen Square W C 


*{* Ego hubaldus pbr. card, titulo see ►£• Ego Imams Tusculanus Episcopus. 7 
Praxedis*. ►{« Ego Cencius portuensis et see Rafine 

>{* Ego manfredus pbr. card. tt. see episcopus. 8 

Sabine 4 . *f« Ego Gr[egorius] Sabinensis Epis- 

4« Ego bernarduB pbr. card. tt. see copus. 

•J« Ego octavianue pbr. card, tt see 
Cecilie. 6 

►J* Ego oddo diac card, sci Georrii ad velum aureum.* 
*{* Ego rodolfus diac card, see Lucie in septa solis. 10 
►I* Ego guido diac card. See Marie in portion. 11 
►I* Ego Jacintus diac card. See Marie in cosmydyn. 12 
►I* Ego Johs sci Sergii et Bacchi diac card. 1 * 
»}• Epo odo diac card, sci Nicholai in carcere Tulliano. 11 
►I* Ego bonadies diac card, sci Angeli 14 
*%* Ego ardicio diac card, sci Theodori. 
»J« Ego Astaldus pbr. card. tt. see Prisce." 
►J* Ego Gerardus pbr. card. tt. set Stephani in celio monte. 17 

• Ubaldo Alluciguoli, afterwards pope Lucius III. ; cardinal priest of St. 
Prassede, 1140-1158. — Storia dei Cardinali di Santa Romana Chiesa, by count 
Francesco Cristofori, Rome, 1888, Cronotassi dei Cardinali, vol. i. p. 61. 

4 Manfred, cardinal priest of St. Sabina from 1144. — Ibid. p. 127. 

5 Bernardo, a canon regular, cardinal priest of St. Clement, 1145-1 170. — 
Ibid. p. 85. 

• Ottaviano da Monticello, cardinal priest of St. Cecilia from 1150. — 
Ibid. p. 67. 

7 Icmaro, of the order of Cluny, bishop of Frascati (Tusculum) 1142(?)-1164. 
Ibid. p. 26. 

s Cencio, bishop of Porto and St. Bufina, 1159(7). — Ibid. p. 12. Judging from 
the present bull, the date should be 1156, or earlier. 

• Ottone da Cesena, cardinal deacon of St. George, in Velabro, from 1130. — 
Ibid. p. 241. 

10 Rodolfo, cardinal deacon of St. Lucia, in Septisolio, from 1 144. — Ibid. p. 230. 

11 Guido, cardinal deacon of St. Maria, in Porticu, from 1145. — Ibid. p. 217. 
18 Giaeinto Bobone Oreini, cardinal deacon of St. Maria in Cosmedin, 1144- 

1191, afterwards pope Celestine III. — Ibid. p. 259. 

If Giovanni, cardinal deacon of S8. Sergius and Bacchus from 1145. — Ibid. 
p. 231. The only other cardinal deacon of the name of Giovanni at the time of 
the Neasham bull was Giovanni Pizzuto, who bore the title of St. Maria Nuova, 
1155-1158.— Ibid. p. 223. 

14 Ottone da Brescia, cardinal deacon of St. Nicholas, in Carcere Tulliano, 
1145 — 1150(?).— Ibid. p. 246. The Neasham bull adds six years for certain to 
this cardinal's life. 

15 Bonadies de Bonadie, cardinal deacon of St. Angelo, in Pcscheria, from 
1155.— Ibid. p. 249. 

u Astailo Astalli, cardinal priest of St. Prisca from 1145; from 1158, 
Actaldo(?).— Ibid. p. 107. The Neasham bull seems to rectify this last date, and 
render it probable that these names belong to one and the same cardinal. 

17 Gerardo (Bernardo), cardinal priest of St. Stefano, on Monte Celio, from 
1159.— Ibid. p. 118. The Neasham bull settles the name as Gtrardo, and shows 
that he must have been created some three years earlier, unless these slight dis- 
crepancies are held to impugn its authenticity. They should hardly do so, since 
the authorities for the dates of these early cardinals appear to be very meagre. 


4* Ego Johs pbr. card, sanctorum Johannis et P(auli) et pagii (Pamachii). 
►I* Ego Johs. pbr. card. tt. sanctorum Silvestri et martini. 18 

Datum Laterani manum Bolandi sancte Rom an e Ecclesie pbri Cardinalis et 
Cancellarii. iii nones Febr. in dictione v. Incarnationis dominice Anno m c 1. vi 
PoQtificatus vero do mini Adriani pp iiii. anno iii. 

The bulla has above the heads of Peter and Paul, s pa[u1ub], 
s PE[trus], and on the reverse : — 



The following is a translation of the document : — 

Adrian, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his beloved daughters in 
Christ, the holy nuns now or in future serving the Lord in the Church of the 
Blessed Mary of Nesham, and professed in perpetuity to a regular life. 

To the prudent virgins who in religious garb with lighted lamps have set 
themselves in order to go to meet Jesus Christ the true bridegroom. In so much 
as they are known to be more inclined to sojourn in the service of the Lord and 
to hasten through good works to the nuptials of the Eternal King, so the more 
benefits to be conferred upon them by the Holy Roman Church. Therefore, 
beloved daughters in Christ, we, of our clemency, assent to your just requests, 
and we take under the protection of Saint Peter and of ourselves the aforesaid 
monastery, of which by the Divine indulgence you are now possessed, and this 
we confirm by the authority of this present writing. Firstly, decreeing that 
inasmuch as the monastic order according to Qod and the rule of Saint Benedict 
is known to be established in the same place, that it be there observed inviolate 
in perpetuity. Further, whatever possessions, whatever goods the said monastery 
at present legally and canonically holds or may in future obtain possession of, 
by concession of Pontiffs, by liberality of Kings or Princes, by oblations of the 
faithful or by other methods legal before the Lord, they shall remain firmly 
secured and unimpaired to you and your successors. Amongst which we have 
expressly mentioned : The place in which the before-named church is situated, 
called Mahaldecroft, 19 which Emma, the daughter of Waldef, gave to you ; one 
carucate of land of the lordship of the said Emma in Nesham, with a moiety of 
her offnamaruvri* in cultivated land in meadow and in turbary, and common 
pasture of all her land ; the cultivated ground which is called Sadelflat w ; the 
mill upon the Kent ; the cultivated ground between the mill and the church. Of 
the gift of Engelais one carucate of land ; all your tithes of your lordship in 
Nesham whether in corn or otherwise. Of the gift of Halan, son of Torphin, 
one carucate of land in Phornetuna. 21 No one shall presume to demand tithes 

18 Giovanni da Mercone, cardinal priest of S. Silvestro e Martino ai Monti 
from 1145.— Ibid. p. 71. 

19 In the grant to Lawson, 32 Henry VIII., there is mention of 4 a close called 
Madencrof te,' also of * a close called Saddelflat.' 

10 • Offnamarum.' What is the meaning of this word ? 

21 Meant for ' Thornetona.' See deed of Henry II. Snrtees, Durham, vol. iii., 
p. 238, and in Dugdale's account of the monastery mention is made of land 
in * Thornton.' 


from the land which yon have brought under cultivation with your own hands 
or by hired labour, or of the food for your animals. We also concede free right 
of sepulture at the same place, so that no one shall make any opposition to the 
piety or last wishes of those who may have thought of being buried there, unless 
perchance they may be excommunicate or under interdict : Saving, however, the 
rights of the Mother Church. 

We decree, therefore, that it is unlawful for any man to rashly disturb in 
any way the said church, either to take away its possessions or to retain them 
if taken, to diminish or harass it by any vexatious proceedings whatever ; but 
all things shall be preserved whole and unimpaired of those for whose future 
government and sustentation they are conceded with use and enjoyment of 
all kinds. Saving the authority of the Apostolic See and the canonical rights of 
the bishop of the diocese. 

If therefore, in future, any person, ecclesiastic or layman, being cognizant 
of this our written ordinance, be rashly tempted to act contrary to it with a 
second or third reminding, unless he make amends for his presumption by suitable 
satisfaction, he shall be deprived of his power, honour and dignity ; he will 
know himself to be a criminal under divine judgment for perpetrated iniquity ; 
he will be debarred from partaking of the most sacred body and blood of Qod 
and our Lord Redeemer Jesus Christ, and at the last judgment will be subject to 
the severest punishment. 

But the peace of our Lord Jesus Christ will be with ail in this same place 
who keep his laws, so that here they will be partakers of the fruit of good works, 
and when before the severe Judge will receive the rewards of eternal peace. 
Amen. Amen. Amen. 



Leaden bulla of Adrian IV. 




By Maberlt Phillips. 

[Read on the 30th day of November, 1892.] 

North Shields. 
The paper that I read before the Society in December last 1 recorded 
4 Some forgotten burying grounds of the Society of Friends at Gates- 
head, Whickham, Boldon, and South Shields.' This evening I propose 
to give some account of grounds that existed at North Shields high 
end and at Oullercoats. In the paper referred to I mentioned a meet- 
ing that was surprized in 1661 at the house of Robert Linton of South 
Shields when all present were taken prisoners by major Graham, the 
deputy-governor of Tynemouth castle, ' and cast into nasty holes ' 
within the said castle where they lay a full month, and then were 
turned out as no charge was made against them. One of the persons 
so confined was George Linton of North Shields, who only survived 
his imprisonment a few months. One of the registers at Somerset 
House has the following interesting entry regarding him : — 

1661. George Linton of North Shields dyed in North Shields & by the furry 
of the tymes, was by relations & souldiers carryed away from friends and lyeth 
buryed in the down end of Tinemouth kirk, the month 8c day not certain, bnt it 
was as fifteen thought, in the 11 th or 12 th month. 

This interment is confirmed by the parish register, although there is a 
difference of two years in the date : — ' 166f George Linton of North 
Shields buried excommunicate.' 

I am indebted to Mr. Horatio A. Adamson for the extracts from 
the parish register, and he informs me that this is the only record 
there of an excommunicated person being buried. 

Subsequently the Society of Friends appears to have opened a burial 
ground in North Shields. It was situated in Coach lane directly 
opposite Trinity church. It is still intact, separated from the public 
road by a high stone wall. For a great number of years no burials 

1 Arch. Ael. vol. xvi. p. 189. 



















have taken place there. It is now used for grazing purposes. I have 
only the record of a few interments, though doubtless the ground 
was extensively used : — 

Isabella Boston was buried in the burial-ground North Shields. 
Caleb Turner of North Shields Mercer buried Opper End North 

Johan Linton Wife of Robert Linton Upper End North Shields. 
Robert Linton of South Shields Upper End North Shields. 
Zechariah Tyzack of Tinmouth North Shields Aged 66. 
Abagail Wife of Caleb Turner Mercer Upper End North Shields. 

From the cash books of the Society Mr. C. J. Spence has favoured 
me with the following extracts : — 

1720 12 m -16 To mending a spade for ye Graveyards use & other 

necessirary charge Laid out 8 

1721 5 9 To cutting y* Grass in the Burying Ground and making 

it into Hay and carrying it into y e Meeting-house 

Chamber paid 2 

[This is an annual entry.] 

1727 4" 1 - 24* To mending y* Grave-yards Lock : being oute of repare 
4 d Dressing y" Water corse 8 d and Salt Pan Rubush 
to Lay upon y° Bank to hinder y° beasts coming 
into the Ditch 4 d - in all is 14 

1759 29 S^A legacy of £50 from Sarah Chapman of Whitby— in 
trust for repairing Y e Meeting house & walls of y e 
Burying place of y° Pople called Quakers scituate 
in North Shields aforesaid 

1782 1 18 to the expense of making a New Door for the Grave 

Yard 1 12 9 

1783 10 12 to the Expenpe of repairing Meet* House Grave Yard 

wall the Gutter &c 6 2 11 

1789 11 11 IK to Henry Humprey for clearing Grave Yard Gutter 

one Year due this day 4 

1765 12 6 p d Jno Trench his bill on ace* of y° surrender of y° 

Graveyard 6 4 6 

1765 10 1 paid for Graveyard Step 10 foot long a 8 d 8 

Paid for clearing Graveyard Gutter 2 4 

[After thiB date the case of the gutter is an annual charge.] 

The payment in 1765 of £6 4s. 6d. to John Trench on account of 
the surrender of the graveyard would almost imply a change of owner- 
ship, but I have no further information on the matter. 


George Fox, the great founder of the Society of Friends, paid his 
first visit to Newcastle in 1653. Very soon after that time some of 



the residents of the then quiet villages of Whitley and Collercoats 
must have entered the ranks of that Society, for only eight years after 
the date named we have a record of a burial in the ground belonging 
to them, 'On the 20 day of the 11 month 1661 Johanna, daughter 
of George Linton of North Shields was buried at Cole coates.' She 
was presumably a daughter of the George Linton who died excom- 
municated, and was buried 'at the down end of Tinemouth kirk.' 
From this time until 1739 the ground was regularly used. 

It would appear to have originated in the following manner, in 
1606 Ralph Delaval made confirmation or surrender of lands at Culler- 
coats to his brother Peter Delaval, in which was included Arnold's 
close (or Marden close). In 1618 John Delaval of Tynemouth, 
gentleman, made a grant in fee to Thomas Wrangham of Arnold's 
close, and in 1621 Thomas Wrangham and Catherine his wife sold 
the estate at Cullercoats called Arnold's close to Thomas Dove of 
Whitley and Cullercoats. The MS. from which I get this information 
states that * The Doves were Quakers, and soon after the purchase at 
Cullercoats the above-named Thomas Dove enclosed a small portion of 
Arnold's close by a high wall which he intended for a burial-place for 
himself and family.' I incline to think that it would be some years 
after the purchase in 1621 before the ground was enclosed as 
Quakerism was hardly known at that date. The ground was most 
probably set apart for the purpose named by John Dove (son of the 
Thomas Dove previously named) who was himself buried there in 
1679. When I first made enquiries of the villagers as to whether any 
of them could remember interments taking place, Thomas Armstrong 
informed me that about 1820, when he was a lad, he remembered a cab 
driving out from Shields, the coffin of a child taken from the same, 
and interred in that ground. All the other * oldest inhabitants ' con- 
tended that Armstrong was mistaken, and that no iuterment had taken 
place during the present century. When I inspected the register I 
found the following entry : — ' Buried John Hewitt son of Robert 
Hewitt of North Shields, linen draper, 3 day 11 month 1818 aged 6 
mo.,' showing that Armstrong's statement was correct. This appears 
to be the only burial after 1739. The ground is marked in the 
Ordnance plan. It was in existence some years after I first knew 
Cullercoats, and doubtless will be remembered by many of our mem- 


hers. It was situated at the north-west corner of the field called 

Arnold's close, near to the Marden burn. The ground was maintained 

by the Friends at North Shields, as the following entry in their cash 

book testifies : — 

1819 Sep. 18. Received of the Society of Friends by the payment of Robert 
Spence the sum of thirteen pounds being the am* agreed upon for rebuilding the 
Grave Yard Wall at Cullercoats. Henby Alnsley. 

There were many head-stones, and more than one table-stone, but 
in after years the enclosure became overgrown and dilapidated. It 
was a very favourite hiding-place for the youth of several generations 
wherein to secure themselves from the vigilance of the village 
pedagogue, * Billy Moffat.' 

In 1872 the corporation of Tynemouth desired to extend John street, 
Cullercoats, to Marden burn, where it would join Whitley lane. To 
accomplish this it was necessary to remove the ancient burying 
ground, and the sanction of the Society of Friends was obtained. For 
many years the key of the ground was kept by Mr. James Bailey of 
Cullercoats, whose wife's ancestors were buried therein. Mr. Bailey 
strongly opposed its demolition, so that forcible entry had to be made. 
It was arranged that all existing head-stones and what human remains 
could be found should be removed to Preston cemetery. I well 
remember the operations being carried out, and for several mornings 
the hedge bank was bedecked with the skulls and dried bones of mem- 
bers of the Society who had been interred some two centuries pre- 
viously. The stones were placed against the south wall of the 
cemetery, where several of them may yet be seen, and considering 
their age and the vicissitudes they have been subjected to some of 
them are yet in excellent condition. Whether the stone has been 
particularly good or the purity of the air has aided their preservation 
I cannot tell, but it is exceptional to find stones in such a good state 
that have been exposed to the weather for over two hundred years. 
When they were removed to Preston the corporation undertook to be 
at the expense of affixing a suitable brass tablet to the wall of the 
cemetery explaining the cause of their removal. This I regret to say 
has never been attended to. 

The site occupied by the burial ground may to-day be best 
described as on the road a little to the north of the Primitive 
Methodist chapel. 



By the kindness of Mr. Smillie, borough surveyor, North Shields, 
I have been favoured with a tracing from the plan that was adopted 
when the alterations were made. 


Would not the present be a suitable time to have the brass tablet 
fixed at Preston, and also (if permission could be gained) to have a 
stone inserted into the palisading of the chapel, denoting as nearly as 
possible the site of this interesting old ground ? 

I give a copy of the stones now at Preston as far as I can decipher 
them, adding any information I have gathered of the families 
named : — 

1.— |_He]re lieth the body of 
John Buston of North 
Shields Skinner and 
Glover who departed 
November y e 30th 1710(?) 

Aged 58 years. 
Elisabeth his dang, buried 
1695— Aged 6 years. 

2.— Here lyeth the Body 
of John Willoby An 
cor smith in North 
Sheels who dep 
ed this life the 5 day 
of e An • Dom • 

In 1684 John Willoughby of North Shields 'was committed to 
Morpeth gaol by a writ de excommunicato capiendo? 


3.— Here Lyeth 
The Body of 
Martha the 
Wife of Lawr 
ance Haslam 
Who Deceased 
The 13(?) Day of 
December 1703. 
In the 42 year 
of her age. 

4.— Here lye 
the body 
Doratha th . . 
Wife of John 
Frost who 
Deceased the 
26 Day of 
1694 In the 
39 year of he . . 

Three and four are a double stone, the dexter side recording the 

death of the wife of Lawrence Haslam, the sinister the wife of John 

Frost. Lawrence Haslam was a ship captain. He was one of those 

taken prisoners at the house of Robert Linton at South Shields, 

and imprisoned in Tynemouth castle. A most interesting entry from 

the records of the Society of Friends shows what staunch advocates 

for peace they were even at this early date : — 

Monthly Meeting. 10 day 11 month 1693. 

Lawrence Haslam came to this meeting and friends had some discourse w" 1 
him about his having Guns in his ship, and tenderly admonished him of the evil 
consequences of it, and its inconsistency w tt the principle of truth w th desire that 
he may dwell under the weighty consideration of the matter soe as to come into 
the unity of fEriends in his judgement and practice therein, and that fifriends who 
have the exercise of truth in this p'ticular upon them, may further deal w" 1 
Lawrence as in y* wisdom of God they may see necessary and give account to 
this meeting. 

Haslam was evidently interviewed, and soon after the following 

was recorded : — 

12 day 1 month 169|. Jeremiah Hunter and Lawrence Weardale having 
spoke Laurence Haslam about carrying Guns does certifie this meeting that he 
gives them an acco* that for the satisfaction of ffriends he hath sold his Guns 
& is to deliver them very shortly. 

Such an entry may cause a smile at the present day, but we must 
admire the consistency of the man who for conscience sake could 
dispose of his guns when the northern seas must have been infested 
with pirates of all descriptions, and good guns must have often 
meant the saving of a good ship. 

An entry in the register of the Society gives the marriage of 

Haslam's daughter : — 

1698. John Tyzack son of Zachariah Tyzack of Lowfflatworth broad glass 
maker & Dorothy Haslam daughter of Laurance Haslam of No. Shields. 

The other side of the same stone records the death of Doratha 


Frost. In the register her husband is described as of North Shields, 

formerly of Burlington. 

6. — Here lieth th . . . 
of Robert . . . 
North Shiel .... 
Glouer who .... 
this life 20 ... . 
And his Daughter .... 
who departed this life 
the 16 ... . 

It is carious to find this inscription confirmed by the register 
of Tynemouth parish church. Under date 1680, Oct. 8, we have : — 
4 Robert Carrey of Shields Skinner & Glover buried in Doves buriall 
place near Culoucoats, he was drowned in M r . Lawsons sumpe.' 

The daughter is probably the child referred to in another extract 
from the same parish register: — 'Aug. 19. 1680. Robert Currey 
of Shields Skinner & Glover had a child buried I think at Doves 
buring place.' 

6. — Here lyeth the bod . . 
. . . son Henry Aiery 
. . . red November the 4 
. . . Dominie 167 

7. — Here lyeth the body of Thomas 
Airey of North Shealds 
Intered . . . eober the 27 
Anno Dominie (?) 167(?)f 

Stones 6 and 7 record the death of members of the Airey family. 
The inscription upon No. 7 is confirmed by Tynemouth parish 
register: — ' 1675. Nov. 4. Thomas Airey buried (in Jo Doves 
burying place).' 

A stone (8), much broken and defaced, belonged to the family of 
Selby. The Society register contains the following: — k In 1684 
buried Hannah Selby Wife of Robert Selby (of Durham) formerly 
the wife of John Dove of Whitley.' 

Stones 9, 10, 11, and 12 all refer to the Dove family. As lords 
of the manor they were undoubtedly the most influential people in 
the place. They are so interwoven with the history of the burying- 
place and of Cullercoats that I propose to add a short pedigree and 
account of them, and what particulars I have of * Sparrow Hall ' — 
the mansion house that was erected by them. 

9.— Hear • lyeth • the 
Body • of • Eliner . 
Dove • Wife • William 
... of • Whitley • who 
. . . this • life . . . 

10.— Here lyeth 
the body of 
Francis Dove 
Daughter of 
Thomas Dove 
Buried the 
Day of July 168(?)8 


11.— Here lyeth 
the body 
of Ellenor (?) 
Dove Wife 
of Thomas 
Dove who 
this life 
ye 2 Mch (?) 
16 . . . 

12. — Thomas Dove 

this life y e 
... of April 1 
. . . Anno . . 

Another stone (18), not now to be found, marked the tomb of 

Margaret Haddock, and was copied by Mr. David Richardson in 


13.— April 5 • 1699 
Here lyeth 
the body of 
Haddock Daugh r 
. . f Zeph Haddock 
. . . eased 

The Haddocks married into the Dove family, and will come under 
review subsequently. 

The Family of Dove, of Tynemouth, Ccjllercoats, 
and Whitley. 

During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries various members 
of the Dove family appear to have been considerable landowners, and 
bo have generally held promiuent positions in Tynemouth, Culler- 
coats, Whitley, and Monkseaton. Mr. Tomlinson in his account of 
Cullercoats says. — 'This little fishing village is said to derive its 
name from the Anglo-Saxon Culfre Cotes, *.$., dove-cotes.' (Is it 
possible that the surname Dove could have originated from some 
connection with these dove cotes ?) The earliest record that I 
have obtained of the family is from a court holden at Tynemouth, 
24th April, 1584, for our Lady the Queen, before Mr. Allen, deputy 
for the earl of Northumberland •, Mr. Thomas Bailes, surveyor for 
the Queen's Majesty's lands in Northumberland; John Clark of 
Alnwick, clerk of the court; among the jurors were Robert Dove 
of the age of 48, Thomas Dove aged 63, and others. 

My next information is from the will of Christopher Dove of 
Tynemouth, made in 1589. 2 He names his brothers Oswold and 
Robert of Monkseaton, also Robert, jun., son of Robert. He desires 

3 bee Appendix I. 


to be buried in * my parish church of Saint Oswin in Tinemouth.* 
His goods are * praysed by four honest men,' and are valued at 
£16 168. 4d. A Robert Dove, whom I take to be the nephew 
mentioned in the above will, duly makes his will in 1619. 8 He 
describes himself * of Whitley/ and desires to be buried in the parish 
church of Tynemouth. He leaves his 'new house in Tynemouth 
with the bark garth thereto belonging' to his son-in-law 'Gylbert 
Middleton and his wife.' To his wife Jane, lands in Tynemouth. 
To his son Thomas * one great iron chimney in the Hall, a Buttery, a 
cupboard, and a lead/ etc. He makes his wife Jane and his son 
Thomas joint executors. The value of the goods amounts to £164. 
Thomas Dove, named in the will, appears to have been an only son. 
In 1621, two years after the death of his father, he purchased the 
manor of Arnold's close from Thomas Wrangham and Catherine 
his wife, who, a few years before, had acquired the same from John 
Delaval of Tynemouth, gentleman. The boundaries of the estate 
are given as * On the lower Moss on the West [this is the level 
ground a little west of Marden House], and upon a beck called 
Marden on the North, and the Sea-banks towards the East, and upon 
a gutter or runny sworle towards the South-East.' This I take to 
be the little stream that now flows over the banks just south of the 
baths at Cullercoats. ' Most of the present town of Cullercoats 
therefore stands upon the land called Arnold's close, granted by 
different members of the family of Dove upon lease varying from 
50 to 100 years, but now the land is all bought, and the whole of 
the township freehold.' 

The MS., from which I get much of my information, says : — 
The estate purchased at Cullercoats was simply called Arnold's Close, yet 
must not be supposed that what is called Arnold's Close — a field comprising 8 
acres of land — constituted the whole of the estate. It is very evident from an 
examination of the old deeds of the estate that the land in the field in Tyne- 
mouth called Arnold's Close or Marden Close comprised the greater part, if not 
the whole, of the present Manor and Township of Cullercoats, for in the deeds 
the boundaries given of Arnold's Close are precisely the present bounds of the 
Township of Cullercoats, one of the smallest Manors probably in Northumber- 
land, but still a Manor, the Lords of which were the Doves. 

Thomas Dove died about 1666, and left three sons, John, Robert, 
and William. Robert the second son was of Tynemouth. In 'A 

3 See Appendix IL 


Terrier of lands in the Manor of Tinemouth and Preston in 1649/ a 

moet interesting account of which is given in vol. xiii. of the Archaeo- 

logia Aeliana by Horatio A. Adamgon, Robert Dove appears as a 

considerable landowner. In 1674 he was one of the twenty-fonr of 

Tynemouth church. In 1677 he came to Cullercoats, and erected a 

house on land leased for 99 years from John and Thomas Dove for 10s. 

per annum. He died 18th March, 169$. The baptisms of six of his 

children are entered in Tynemouth parish register and shown upon the 

pedigree, but I have no further record regarding them. John, the eldest 

son of Thomas (born 1620) had extensive business transactions. In 

1663 he was residing at Monkseaton, and paid £10 per annum for 

his house. In the same year he removed to Whitley, and paid a 

rental of £30. 4 In 1678 Arthur, earl of Essex, and William Pierpoint, 

demise to John Dove for 21 years the collieries at Whitley. In 1677 

John Dove with others grants a lease to John Carr of Newcastle, 

merchant, of a piece of land forming the pier at Cullercoats. Also 

That parcel of ground containing 2 acres of land as the same is now dowled, 
Mark'd & set forth That is to say six batts or ridges of Land at the head of 
the Bank next the Pier or Key there lately erected & also all that parcel of 
ground containing 15 yards in breadth as the same is dowled, Marked, & set 
forth for a waggon way or ways in, thro, along the said Close from the upper 
Dam belonging to Tynemouth Mill, alias Maiden Mill to the Pier head & Top 
of the bank. 5 

The waggon-way here mentioned is interesting, as it must have 
been one of the earliest in Northumberland. In 1600 waggons and 
waggon-ways had not been invented, but coals were brought down 
from the pits in wains. 6 

The earliest record of coals being delivered by waggon was in 1671 
at Teams staiths only six years prior to the formation of the waggon- 
way at Cullercoats. 7 

The purpose of the waggon-way was to bring the coals from 
Whitley colliery to Cullercoats haven where they were shipped. Two 
wooden piers, the foundations of which may still be traced, formed a 
protection for small ships which were brought at high tide close up to 
the bank. The waggon-way came from Whitley colliery down by the 

4 Hodgson, Northd. vol. i. part iii. p. 243. Rentals and rates for Northum- 
berland with the proprietors. 
* See Appendix III. 

g RichardsoD, Table Book, vol. i. p. 237. 
7 Richardson, Table Book, vol. i. p. 301. 

vol. xvi. K K 


south side of Marden burn, past the north wall of the old burial 
ground, and then at a point now occupied by Albert place (the 
north end of Brown's buildings) turned into the present main street 
of Cullercoats, continuing along the west side of the same until it 
reached the bank top, where the look-out house now stands. Here 
the coals would be shot over the bank in spouts to the vessels below. 8 

A few years ago when cellars were being excavated for the * New- 
castle Arms,' the rails and sleepers of the waggon- way were unearthed. 
In many old documents the boundaries of properties are given as on 
the east by the front street or waggon-way. 9 

I have previously stated that I think this John Dove was the 
founder of the burial ground. He was evidently an ardent member 
of the Society of Friends. He was one of those arrested at South 
Shields, and spent one month of the year 1661 a prisoner in Tyne- 
mouth castle. In 1675 his children appear to have caused some 
uneasiness to the members of the Society, as at the monthly meeting 
held 8 day 9 month several friends were desired * to speak with John 
Dove touching his children, and give an account thereof at the next 
monthly meeting.' His first wife's name was Mary, she died 
20"12 # 1672, and was buried at Cullercoats. He subsequently married 
Hannah, daughter of Francis Lascelles of Stank. She survived her 
husband, and afterwards married Robert Selby, physician, of the city 
of Durham. 10 She was buried in the Cullercoats ground 14*1 1*1684 
as Hannah Selby, wife of Robert Selby, formerly wife of John Dove 
of Whitley. The fragments of a stone are at Preston that recorded 
her interment. John Dove died of the flux 20'1-1679, and was interred 
at Cullercoats. His will is dated Feb. 22, 1678. 11 

8 About thirty colliers of 230 tons each were freighted with coals, two and some- 
times three being loaded at one tide. Mackenzie, in his History of Northd., 
states that there was a colliery in Union street, North Shields, the owners of 
which not being permitted to load their coals at Shields, though the pit was 
within a few yards of the river, sent them in carts to Cullercoats, where they 
were shipped. 

• Extracts from the Will of Robert Southern, January 14, 173$. 

All that my messuage Sc dwelling houses or tenements with their appurten- 
ances scituate in Coulercoats aforesaid and now in my own possession & 
adjoining unto a parcell of Ground belonging to Mrs. Gilpin on the west and on 
the street or waggon way upon the east. 

10 Deed, February, 1684. 

Appointment by Hannah Selby late Dove of her husband Robert Selby 
physician to be Tutor and Guardian of her daughter Sarah Dove in case of hi* 
death she appointed her brother M r Daniel Lascelles of Stank. 

11 See Appendix IV. 

ARCH. A EL. Vol. XVI. (to face p. 285.) 


Plate XVIII. 

South Front, 1890. 

North Front. 
'Sparrow Hall,' Cullercoats. 

(The illustration of the North Front of 'Sparrow Hall' has been kindly lent by Mr. W. W. Tomlinson, 
author of Historical Notes oj' Cullercoats, etc.] 


Thomas, his son by his first wife Mary, inherits Arnold's close. 
Much of his Whitley property goes to Sarah, the child of his second 
wife. Thomas Dove, like his father, entered into extensive business 
engagements. He married Elizabeth, daughter of Richard Shipton of 
Lythe, Yorkshire. 

In 1686 he built a mansion house in Cullercoats, where he is said 
ever after to have resided. It was a house of goodly proportions. It 
faced the north overlooking the Marden burn, and would have a fine 
view seawards. At the rear were malt house, barn, stabling, gardens, 
etc. By the kindness of Mr. Enowles, I am able to produce a sketch 
of the north front as it appeared in 1853. On the apex of the east 
gable may still be seen a carving or casting bearing the initials 
T.D.E.D. and the form of a bird. There was also until recently a 
date upon the back-door lintel, and a representation of a bird. A 
dove, descriptive of the name of the builder, was evidently intended, 
but the local people took the bird for a sparrow, and for many years 
the house has been known as 'Sparrow hall.' It is sadly altered 
now. I shall have to refer to it again further on in my paper. A very 
interesting account of the old place may be found in the Weekly 
Chronicle for October 18th, 1888, by Mr. H. A. Adamson. 

As lord of the manor, Thomas Dove grants a lease in 1682 to 
Richard Simpson of Lythe, Yorkshire, to get coal at Cullercoats, but 
I cannot find any information as to whether this project was ever 
carried out. Mr. Hudlestone in 1770 states that there is 'a good 
band of coal extending through the whole freehold for the working 
whereof the late Mr. Dove entered into partnership, but was prevented 
carrying it into execution by his death.' In 1690 he sold land at 
Cullercoats to John Atkinson of Cullercoats. In 1698 he grants a 
lease to Richard Brough and others to get freestone on the condition 
that they do not cart any waste or rubbish over the bank during the 
term of the said lease, but secure it on the shore, showing that the 
* quarry must have been close to the sea. From inquiries made I am led to 
think that this quarry would be at the face of the cliff near the clock- 
house as from here the stones were wrought for the building of the 
present piers. 12 This Thomas Dove died in 1704, his will being 

lt Mason's Lease for the Quarry, commencing September 29th, 1698. 

The said Thomas Dove for himself his heirs covenants grants & agrees with 


dated April 15 of that year. He leaves three daughters and one son, 
John, (all nnder age). The manor of Arnold's close is left to his son — 
his wife is not named — and his loving brother Henry Hudson, 
formerly of Newbiggin, now of Whitley (who married his half-sister 
Sarah), is appointed executor. He evidently retained his connection 
with the Society of Friends. In 1682 he was one of those deputed * to 
take care to bring in an account of what sufferings happened to each 
particular district meeting.' He was buried in the Cullercoats ground, 
a much-defaced stone at Preston most probably marked the resting 
place of himself and his wife. John Dove, son and heir of Thomas, is 
described as of Wapping, grocer. Two years after his father's death 
he, in conjunction with Henry Hudson, promotes a new industry in 
Cullercoats by letting a piece of ground ' 14 yds. in width, 30 yds. in 
length . . . extending from the rock where the gutter runs down 
under the banks nigh unto the Key, Pier, or Wharf to Thomas 
Fearon of South Shields for the erection of two Salt Pans, with 
liberty to load ships, etc., and also to erect above the bank Garners 
and Salters Houses.' The position named is close to the present baths 
in Cullercoats haven. The foundations of the salt pans were removed 
when the present foreshore was made for the boats. 18 In the same 
year (1706) John Dove sold the mansion house at Cullercoats (built 
by his father and mother in 1686) to Zephaniah Haddock who had 
married his cousin Eleanor Dove. Presumably if he were residing at 

the said Richard Brough William Metcalfe, John King & William Brough 
their Exors &c. that it shall & may be lawful for the said R B &c. to break and 
uncover what ground they may or shall have occasion to work in the said close 
now in the occupation of John Rogers & Partners concerned therin the Free 
Stone Quarry now is paying therefore Yearly and every year one Penny for 
every square yard of Land so broken ... to continue for the term of nine years 
. . . the said R B &c. . . . doth hereby oblige themselves their Exors &c. not to 
cart any waste or rubbish over the Bank during the said term but secure it on 
the shore. 

1S Salt Pans at Cullercoats. Thomas ffearon's Settlement, 1706. 

This indenture between Thomas ffearon of Cullercoats W. Dove of Whitley 
& Hy Hudson of Whitley &c did let unto Thomas fearon of South Shields in 
the County of Durham Salt Merchant, all that parcel of ground containing 14 
yards in width and 30 yards in length lying and: being in p* of Arnold's Close 
Extending from the Rock where the gutter runs down under the banks nigh 
unto the Key, Pier or Wharf, for the erecting of two salt pans thereon together 
with free liberty at all times to load Ship send away & export from the s d 
pier, all such quantities of Salt as the s d Thomas ffearon should make in his s* 
Salt Pans & also to erect & build above the Bank Garners & Salters House Also 
to lay Coals thereon to be used & spend in the s d Salt pans not exceeding 6 
yards in breadth & in length to the West hedge or Dyke on the top of the Bank 
or Dam. 


Wapping he would not require the house in Cullercoats. In 1710 he 
married Mary, daughter of Enoch Hudson of Brunton, who was buried 
in the Quig's burying ground, Newcastle, 1715. 

I have no record of John's death, but it was certainly prior to 
1734. His wife survived him, and subsequently married B. Gilpin. 
In some 'Historic Memoranda concerning Cullercoats/ among the 
questions asked in 1770 by Mr. Hudlestone regarding the land is 
the following : — ' If the stone of the Quay &c. since the same was 
washed down were not sold or otherwise disposed of by M re . Gilpin 
for repairs and buildings of Houses in Cullercoats and what right 
of ownership she has revived since the death of her late husband 
John Dove.' The issue of the marriage of John Dove and Mary 
Hudson was one daughter, Eleanor, who married the rev. Curwin 
Hudleston of Whitehaven, second son of William Hudleston of 
Hutton John. By this marriage the manor of Arnold's close, 
Dought by Thomas Dove in 1621, passed to the Hudlestons. The 
various lines of ownership down to the present day are shown upon 
the pedigree. In 1770 the rev. Curwin Hudleston opened up negotia- 
tions with the duke of Northumberland for the sale of the estate, 
when some interesting correspondence followed regarding the owner- 
ship of the pier. 

I have traced the family and the property that descended from 
John Dove (who died in 1679) by his first wife Mary. I must now 
revert to Sarah, the child of his marriage with Hannah Lascelles. 
In her father's will she was left lands at Whitley. She married 
Henry Hudson, second son of Henry Hudson of Newbiggin. The 
issue of the marriage was one son, Henry. He married his cousin 
Elizabeth, daughter of Robert Ellison of Otterburn. Henry Hudson 
owned and resided at Whitley hall. He died at Bath, May 15, 1789, 
aged 69, a tablet to his memory being erected in the abbey church 
at that place. Mrs. Hudson survived her husband many years. She 
died in 1815, aged 86, and was buried at Tynemouth. 

Now we return to William Dove, the third son of Thomas, who 
purchased Arnold's close in 1621. He was born about 1629, and 
was one of those imprisoned in Tynemouth castle, 1661. In 1690 
he is mentioned in the Quaker records. He was buried at Culler- 
coats in 1690, and left several daughters. Barbara married Thomas 


Fearon, who in 1706 built salt pans in Cullercoats. Fearon was 
buried at Cullercoats in 1717, aged 89 years and 6 months. Eleanor, 
another daughter of William Dove, married Zephaniah Haddock, 
24 day 7 month, 1696. The marriage is entered in the register of 
the Society. * Eleanor Dove daughter of William Dove Yeoman of 
Whitley married Zephaniah Haddock of North Shields, County of 
Northumberland Shoemaker.' In another place he is styled cord- 
wainer. Ten years afterwards Haddock removed to Cullercoats, for 
in 1706 he purchased the mansion of John Dove. Mrs. Haddock 
died in 1717, and her husband in 1789 ; they were both buried at 
Cullercoats. Zephaniah left three daughters : Barbara, who married 
John Simpson ; Patience, who married John Heddon ; and Margaret, 
who married John Shipley. They appear each to have inherited 
some portion of the mansion house, Sparrow hall, and to have held 
in common the outbuildings and adjoining ground. 

In 1768 an indenture is made dividing the outbuildings, etc.: 
Margaret Simpson takes the brew-house ' and that part of the curtain 
or waste ground on the north side of the said mansion house extend- 
ing from the east side of the back door cheek to the east side of the 
north curtain gate, with all the rights,' etc. 

Patience Heddon takes the east part of the malting, and waste 
ground on the south side thereof, the barn, and one full moiety of the 
west end of the curtain behind the mansion from the west side of the 
back door cheek to the west side of the curtain gate. 

Margaret Shipley takes the west part of the malting, the waste 
ground on the south side thereof, the stable, and a moiety of 
the west end of the said curtain behind the said mansion house 
from the west side of the said back door cheek to the west side of 
the curtain gate. The garden with the passage through the said 
mansion and curtain behind, and a passage, 8 feet wide, from west 
to east on the front or south side of the malting was to be kept 
open for the common use. And it was agreed that in case the said 
Margaret Shipley should chuse to build in the curtain behind the 
said mansion house, where the old house then stood, it should be 
lawful for her to build to the height of one storey, with such a good 
and sufficient wall that the said John Heddon might build such 
conveniences thereon as he should think proper, and that they should 


be at equal expense in covering the said building.' It can well be 
understood that such plurality of ownership would lead to many 
complications. From time to time gardens and outhouses have been 
disposed of and cottages built upon the ground, and the fine passage 
way that ran through the house has been converted into rooms. 

But time laid his hand heavily upon the old building ! In 1887 
the roof fell in, and the property was eventually condemned as unfit 
for habitation. A local builder, Mr. George Lisle of Whitley, then 
purchased certain rights, and jointly with some of the other owners 
greatly repaired the place, but almost defacing its original design, 
the north front being now the back. Nevertheless, it is interesting 
to record that two of the present proprietors, though in humble life, 
are direct descendants of the Doves, Richard Simpson, who owns 
the east rooms both up and downstairs, and Mrs. Brunton, who 
owns the west room upstairs. The course of their descent will be 
seen upon the pedigree. 14 

There is one member of the Dove family whom I have failed to 
identify, namely, Lieutenant Dove. In the ' terrier of lands,' pre- 
viously referred to, he is named as owning lands. By the kindness 
of Mr. C. J. Spence I am favoured with an interesting entry from 
Pox's MS. Journal : — ' Autumn, 1657. From Newcastle we travelled 
through the countries having meetings and visiting Friends as we 
went in Northumberland and Bishoprick. A very good meeting we 
had at Lieutenant Dove's, where many were turned to the Lord and 
his teaching.' 

List of Burials in the Friends' Burial Ground at 

Johanna D. George Linton of North Shields. 

Alice D. Wm. Dove $c Eleanor his wife of Whitley. 

Mary Wife John Dove of Whitley. 

William S. Joseph Lisle of Whitley k Eliz* his Wife. 

Mary D. William Dove St Eleanor his wife. 

John Dove Whitley Died of flux aged 69. 

Hannah Selby Wife Robert Selby formerly Wife of John Dove 

of Whitley. 
Thomas Fearon of Colonrcoats. 
Robert 8. Robert & Isabel Carry. 
Jeremiah S John Peel Cullercoats & Ann his Wife. 

14 See Appendix V. 






























Jacob S. Robert Storey & Elleanor his Wife. 

Elleanor Wife Wm. Dove of Whitley. 

Abigail & Marg* Ds. of Caleb Tennant & Abigail. 

Elizabeth D. John Buston of No. Shields Skinner & Isabel his 

Temperance Wife of Thomas Buston of North Shields. 
Alice Wife of William Ingledew late of Stockton. 
Dorothy Wife John Frost No. Shields formerly of Burlington. 
Benjamin S. Caleb Tennant & Abigail his Wife. 
Margaret D. Zephaniah Haddock. 
William S. Zephaniah Haddock. 
Thomas Sole of Linn Died at North Shields. 
Elinor D. Zephaniah Haddock & Eleanor his Wife Aged 3 mo. 
Thomas Richardson of North Shields. 
Israeli Brown of South Shields. 

Joan Robinson Wife of Richard Robinson North Shields. 
John Boston. 

Ellenor Atkinson Wife William Atkinson Low Lights. 
William Dove of Whitley Aged about 85 years. 
Zephaniah S. Zephaniah Haddock & Eleanor his Wife. 
Barbara The Wife of Thomas Ffearon of Whitley. 
Thomas Ffearon of Whitley. 39 & 6 mo. 

Ellinor Haydock Wife of Zephaniah Haydock of Cullercoats. 45.) 
Shem Peirson Marriner. 
Zephaniah Haddock of Cullercoats. 
John Hewitt S. of Robert Hewitt Draper of North Shields. 

Baths at Cullercoats. 
Copy of letter from R. Robinson respecting the baths at Culler- 

Boldon, April 22, 1808. 

Sir / I have perf ° my promise in copying the lease and sending it to you. 
Please to ask Mr Huddleston if he ga7e any leave to M r Richard Armstrong to 
Build Baths below the South Bank at Cullercoats : if not I think it necessary 
that he should be informed they are built and been in use last summer. Also 
that the sea banks have fallen in between W m Shipleys house & one belonging 
to him wherein one Loff who keeps an Alehouse lives, but more in danger of M r 
Shipleys owing chiefly to the poor inhabitants getting coal at a seam above the 
freestone in the Bank. Tour obt. servant 

R. Robixson. 













































































The VIII th day of Aprill 1589. 

In Nomine Dei Amen, I Xpoper Dove of Tinemouth sick in body yet thank be 

god of good & perfect reinembranc maketh this my last Will & Testament in 

manner and forme following. First. I give and bequeath my soule to Allmightie 



god my onely maker say vour and redeamer Jesus Christ by whose precious blood 
death and passion I trast to be saved and my bodie to be buryed within my 
parish church of Saint Oswin in Tinemouth my debts legacies and mortuaryes 
due and accustomed by la we payed Item, I give and bequyith to William Otwaye 
my Brother in law the boolez of Malt and he to pay forth of the same to Widow 
Dove of Newcastle late wief of Oswold Dove my elder brother deceased 3/4 and 
to Agnes Hutcheson and Agnes Fyndeley between them 3/4 I give to Anne Otway 
Widow late wief of James Otway deceased 6/8 in money and one bush ell of Ots 
which I have sowen with her and all the benefit growing and coming thereof. 
Item I give and bequyeth to Oswine Doves childer amongst them XX" in money. 
Item I will give and bequyeth to 6 childer of William Otway amongst them every 
one 20 i /- (£6). Item I give and bequyeth to Robert Dove son to Robert Dove of 
Monkseaton my Brother three oxen and nag and the one half being my parte of 
all kind of come and grayne sowen with my said Brother Robert Dove of his 
tenement in Monkseaton. I give to Robert Oteway the younger sonne of William 
Oteway of Tynemouth one foole. Item I give to my Brother Oswin Doves 
Daughter in Monckseaton 20 i /-. IUm I give to Janet Dove my Brother 
Robert his Daughter 2C/-. I give and bequyeth to Alyson Hall Dowghter 
of Robert Hall of Whitly 10£. All the residuee of my goods not legated & geven 
away my debtes and f unerell expences payed. I give and bequyeth to Robert 
Dove my Brother and William Oteway my brother-in-lawe whom I maik my 
Executor of this my last Will and Testament, and they to paye my debts and 
dispose the residue for my sowles health. Wytnessw of my sayd Will Richard 
Dawson, John Hindmers, Robert Hindmers, Robert Helme, Edmund Hutchinson 
with others 

Debit p. defunct Debent. 

I m primus To M r James Vale for one Oxe 50*/- 

William Anderson 

Robert Rey for one peck of pease 

Lancelot Nicholson Maryner 

Sum Totalis 

7 d 

8 d 

3/4 d 

54' 7 d 

Debit defunct Debent. 

Imprimus Agnes Hodgson Widow .. 

Robert Spearman 

Mathew Gofton .... 

Thomas Robinson alias Ember Thorne ... 
the same Thomas for one boole of Oots 

Thomas Smyth 

George Yalaley 

Widow Otway late wief of James Otway 

Henry Smyth maryner 

William Oteway 

Thomas Hall of Monkseaton 

Thomas Atkinson of Preston 

Sum totalis 





ll 1 10/- 

6 l 5/- 


23 1 15- 6 d 
L L 


An Inventory of all goods as well moveable as immoveable of Xpoper Dove 
late deceased praysed by four honest men that is to say, Richard Dawson, 
Thomas Dove of tynemouth Richard Mylnes & Tho" Pryour of Monkseaton. 

Imprimus 4 oxen price 6 1 13" 4 d 

Item one horse and one mare 3 1 10" 0* 

„ „ Stott 12* 0* 

„ „ foole 13 s 4 d 

„ my Brasse Pottes price 4 8 0* 

„ two chargers I 8 8* 

Item two basins 2 s 0* 

„ one Almery with a chest 20 s 0* 

„ half the come on the ground 4 1 10* 0* 

Summ Totalis 16* 16 8 4* 

II.— Will of Robert Dove, 1619. 

In the name of God, Amen. I Robert Dove of Whitley in the Coy of 
Northumberland, my bodie to be buried in the parish Church of Tynemouth I 
give and bequeath to my Daughter Barbary Dove fifteen pounds. Item my will 
is that my executors shall pay to my Daughter Katherin Grene 10*/- yearly 
during her life natural. Item I give to my Daughter Jane Litster three pounds. 
Item I give to Elenor the Daughter of Gylbert Midleton ten pounds, if she live 
or else the said ten pounds to be put forth to the use of the rest of her Brothers 
or Sisters which shall then living. Item I give to Thomas Otway son of Richard 
Otway of Monkseaton forty shillings. Item I give to Katheren Taylor one Cowe. 
Item I give to my Daughter Margaret Otway one Cowe. Item I give to Jane 
Grene Daughter of William Grene of Morpeth one Whye. Item I give my new 
house in Tynmouth with the bark garth thereto belonging, to my son-in-law 
Gylbert Midleton and his wife and to the longer liver of them. Item I give to 
my wyfe Jane Dove my land in Tynmouth during her life natural and my son 
Thomas Dove to occupy the same or the one half. Item I give to my son 
Thomas Dove one great iron Chimney in the Hall, a Buttrey a cupboard and a 
lead with all my husbandrie geare also a table with a form and one feather bed 
with furniture; and all the rest of my goods moveable and moveable I give to 
my wife Jane and my son Thomas Dove whom I make joint Exors of this my 
last Wyll and Testament. Witnesses Gylbert Midleton Ry chard Hodgsons, 
William Ottwane, Ralph Dove and William Robinson Clerk. 

Amount of Inventory £164. 

III.— Lease op Waggon-way. 

1677, July 30, 29 Chas. II. 
A copy of the first lease for the cart way St Pier— 99 years. Rent £5. This 
indenture made between John Dove of Whitley in the Co of Northumb d 
Thomas Dove of Whitley Ralph Hed worth of Chester Deanery in the County 
of Durham on the one part & John Carr of the Town and County of N'Castle 
Merchant on the other part Witnesseth that the said &c &c doth lease and let 
unto the said John Carr &c &c ail that parcel of ground containing 2 Acres more 
or less as the same Is now dowled Marked & set forthe 


That is to say six butts or ridges of Land at the head of the Bank next the 
Pier or Key there lately erected & also all that parcel of ground containing 15 
yards in breadth as the same is dowled, marked, & set forth for a waggon way 
or ways in, thro, along the said close from the upper Dam belonging to Tyne- 
mouth Mill alias Marden Mill to the Pier head and Top of the bank & also 
all that parcel of waste ground below the Bank of the said Arnolds close as the 
same extended from the High Water Mark to the low water mark or so far as 
the sea doth ebb & flow to the utmost bounds whereon the said Key Pier, or 
Wharf is now erected & built. And also full & free liberty for him the said 
John Carr his Exors, &c, from time to time & at all times during the term 
herein after and by these presents granted to lay, place & fix within & through 
the 3 d parcel of ground, Rails & Sleepers or other Wood Iron or timber for the 
making of a sufficient & convenient waggon way with power to employ horses 
and men for the said John Carr his Assigns &c to dig and cut gutter trenches in 
the said Arnolds close for the conveying away of water from the said way or 

IV.— Will of John Dove op Whitley, Gent. 

1678. Gives unto Shipton & Fearon all estate in 4 th part of Colliery k Coal- 
Feb. 22. mines at Whitley demised by Earl of Essex & William Pierpoint 
together with 4 th part of gins &c 

Also one 4 th part of Pier, Key, or Wharf, with house thereupon 
erected and also the whole salt pans built upon the Pier, and also the 
4 th part of Mordaunts Close alias Arnolds Close granted unto John Dove 
of N'Castie Merchant in trust for him. 

Upon trust to raise £500 for Mary Jekyl Widow Daughter Mary £30 
Children of Robert M . . . £30. 

To pay £100 borrowed of Rich d Shipton. 

To Wife Hannah Dove for life Remainder to Daughter Sarah Dove. 

Mentions Children of said John Dove by Mary. 

Lands to Daughter Sarah on decease of Wife Remainder to heirs of 
body of his said former Wife Mary. 

In default to his own right heirs. 

Unto his eldest Son Thomas all plows wains and Instruments of 

Daughter Mary £10 besides £20. 

Daughter Elizabeth £10 besides £20. 

Son Henry £5. 

Brother Williams 5 Children 20/- a piece. 

Unto Sister Jane Lawrence. 

Dear Wife Hannah Sole Extrix 


Indenture made between John Headon of Colourcoata [He] Mariner 22 Oct., 1763 
and Patience his wife of the 1 st part Margaret Simpson of Colourcoats 
Widow of John Simpson of the same place Mariner dec d who was Eldest 
Son & Heir of John Simpson late of Colourcoats Mariner & Barbara his 
wife both dec d of the second part Margaret Shipley of Colourcoats afs d 
Widow of John Shipley late of the same place Mariner dec 4 which said 
Barbara Patience* and Margaret Shipley were the Daughters of Barbara 
Zephaniah Haddock late of Colourcoats Cordwainer dec d of the 3 rd part S^'^riJd * 
& Nicholas Armstrong of Colourcoats aforesaid Gentleman of the 4 th John8im i*° a 
pt. Reciting that the s d Margaret Simpson John Headon & Patience his * So In deed - 
wife & Margaret Shipley were seized of a Malting Brcwhouse Stable Barn 



Dore's mansion 


Moit be east 


Garden Waste Ground $ premises with the appt 06- therein after particu- 
larly ment d (that was to say) of & in All that Malting Brewhouse Stable 
Barn & Garden with the waste ground thereunto adjoining situate standg 
lying & being in Colourcoats aforesaid and then in the possession tenure 
and occupation of them the said Marg* Simpson John Headon & Patience 
his wife & Margaret Shipley or one of them all which said premises adjoin 
upon or near to the Mansion House in Colourcoats aforesaid which said 
Mansion House and all other the premises therein before par 1 ' mentioned 
were late the Estate of the s d Zephaniah Haddock And reeitff that the s* 
Margaret Simpson & John Headon and Patience his wife and Margaret 
Shipley had agreed to make a partition and division of the premises It is 
witnessed & the before ment d premises were conveyed. 

1 As to the middle part or share the whole into 3 parts equally to be 

divided of the said Malting and Waste Ground on the South side 
thereof as the same was set off and divided together with the 
Brewhouse and that part of the Courtain or waste ground on 
the North side of the said Mansion House extending from the 
East side of the back door cheek to the East side of the North 
Curtain Gate with all the rights etc To the use $ behoof of the 
8 d Margaret Simpson her heirs $ assigns for ever, 

2 And as to All that East part or share of the Malting & Waste ground 

on the South side thereof as the same was set off & divided with 
the Barn and one full moiety of the West end of the Curtain 
behind the Mansion from the West side of the Back door Check 
to the West side of the Courtain gate with all the rights etc 
To the use & behoof of the s* John Headon & Patience his wife 
their heirs & assigns for ever. 

3 Aud as to the West part or share of the said Malt* and Waste ground 

on the South side thereof as the same was set off & divided with 

Stable & a Moiety of the West end of the said Curtain behind 

the said Mansion House from the West side of the said back 

door Cheek to the West side of the Curtain Gate with all the 

rights etc. to the use and behoof of the said Margaret Shipley 

her heirs k ass - for ever. 

And as to the said Garden with the passage through the said Mansion 

House & Curtain behind the same & a passage of 8 feet wide from West 

to East on the front or South side of the said Malting it was agreed to be 

kept open & used for the benefit of all the parties And it was agreed that 

in case the s d Margaret Shipley should chuse to build in the Curtain 

behind the said Mansion House where the old House then stood it should 

be lawful for her to build to the height of one story with such a good and 

sufficient Wall that the said John Headon might build such conveniences 

thereon as he sho d think proper & that they should be at an equal expense 

in covering the said building. 

The Deed was executed by John Headon 

Patience Headon 
& was attested by Margaret Simpson & 

Chris. Barker Margarett Shipley 

Tho* Richardson 















By the Rev. Anthony Johnson, Vicab op Healey. 

[Read on the 30th August, 1893.1 

Blanchland, like Slaley (which some of our members visited on 
Friday, the 16th of June, 1898), originally, and until the year 1724, 
formed part of the ancient and extensive parish of By well St. Andrew. 
On a fine summer's day few excursions can be pleasanter than a drive 
through Minsteracres park, then turning westward along the valley of 
the Derwent, or from Slaley over the Bolbeck common — high, wide, 
wild, and lonely — until you drop with a rapid descent and pleasant 
surprise into the lovely valley of the winding Derwent, and suddenly 
discover the charming little village of Blanchland spread out before 
you, like an oasis in the desert, with its rich and fertile meadows, 
and its massive square-towered church and many other remnants of 
monastic buildings, grey with age, a sight to delight the eye either of 
an antiquary or an ordinary visitor. In the village itself we see to-day 
in the bright, clean cottages every sign of comfort and prosperity, and 
we perceive that Blanchland is rightly named * The Happy Village.' 
A hundred years ago it must have presented a very different appear- 
ance, for Hutchinson, who visited the place about a.d. 1776, gives but 
a doleful account of what he saw. ' By a disagreeable road,' he says, 
* in a desolate country, we travelled to Blanchland, seated in a narrow 
deep vale, on the river Derwent ; a few strips of meadow ground lay 
along the margin of the stream, and some cultivated lands skirt the 
feet of the hills, whose summits are covered with heath. This is a 
very different situation from others I have seen, chosen by the Religious 
for the foundation of their houses ; the country around is barren and 
mountainous ; the narrow vale in which the abbey is placed, seems in 
no-wise suited to the maintenance of its former inhabitants — poverty 
for ages past has reigned over the face of the adjacent country. The 
scites of religious houses are generally in well-sheltered and warm 
situations, where the retirements are surrounded with rich lands. 


This place looks truly like the realm of mortification. . . . The west 1 
end and tower of the church and the south 9 aile of the cross remain ; 
the latter neatly fitted up for parochial duty. . . . The towers on 
each hand converted into ale-houses ; the buildings which are standing 
are now inhabited by poor people, who are perhaps employed in the 
leadworks ; the distress and ragged appearance of the whole con- 
ventual buildings, being most deplorable ; no one relique of church 
pomp remaining. To compensate for the disagreeable review of cells 
of poverty, we walked in the levels adjoining the church, when it 
happened to be the time of divine service ; the psalm of the congre- 
gation, at our distance, had a degree of solemn harmony, which 
inspired serious though pleasing reflections ; sentiments and ideas 
succeeded, which dignify the mind of man, and give him com- 
petition with angels/ 8 

The abbey of Blanchland was founded in a.d. 1165 by Walter de 
Bolbeck, and dedicated to the Blessed Virgin, for twelve Premonstra- 
tensian canons, with liberty to add to their number. Bolbeck was 
the barony of John de Bolbeck in the reign of Henry III. In the 
first year of king Edward I. it was held by sir Hugh de Bolbeck, who, 
as Camden informs us, fetched his descent by his mother from the 
noble barons of Mon-Fitchet. Sir Hugh died without male issue, 
and it came to his four daughters, namely, Margery, who married 
Nicholas Corbet, and afterwards Ralph, son of William, lord Grey- 
stock ; Alice, who married Walter de Huntercomb, baron of Wooler ; 
Philippa, who married Roger de Lancaster ; and Maud, who married 
Hugh, baron of Delaval. Alice and Maud having no issue, the whole 
barony was divided between Nicholas Corbet and Roger de Lancaster. 
We find a mediety of it in the possession of Robert de Harle of Kirk 
Harle, heir of Roger de Lancaster, 24 king Edward III., in which 
he was succeeded by sir Ralph de Hastings, his nephew, by his sister 
Margaret; the other mediety belonging to William, lord Greystoek, 
by Margaret's second marriage. The barony was in the crown in 
the twelfth year of queen Elizabeth, a.d. 1569, when a survey was 

1 The east end and north transept were what he would see. He had evidently 
lost his bearings. 

2 What he thought to be the south aisle was really the chancel and part of 
the nave ; ' the towers on either hand ' being -the present inn and the old gate 
tower. 3 Hutchinson, Aorthd. vol. i. pp. 118, 119. 


taken in which it is stated that ' the Barony of Bulbeck extendeth 
into the Towns and Hamletts of Bromehangh, Rydding, Helye, 
Shotley, Slaylye, and Mynstreacres All which Towns and Hamletts 
are very well Inhabited with Men of good Service and have very good 
ffarms and able to keep much Cattle and get plenty of Corn and Hay 
were it not for the continual Robberies and Incursions of the Thieves 
of Tyndall which so continually assault them in the Night as they 
can keep no more Cattle than they can Lodge either in the House 
or in like safety in the Nights/ 4 On the ' 21 8t of October, 38th 
Eliz. 1596, Henry Widderington held the Manor of Bolbeck as the 
10 th part of a knight's fee and the Manor of Haughton and appur- 
tenances, and Humshaugh, certain lands in Burkley [Birtley], Bing- 
field, and Stonecroft, Stanely field and Whitingham of the Queen's 
Barony of Tindale as one knight's fee. He died 9 th of March 40 th 
Eliz. Henry Widderington son of Edward Widderington his son is 
heir.' 6 The barony of Bolbeck came afterwards into the possession 
of the Bakers of Elemore hall, in the county of Durham. It was 
sold by George Baker to George Silvertop of Minsteracres, from 
whom it has descended to the present lord of the manor, H. T. 
Silvertop of Minsteracres. 

When Walter de Bolbeck founded the abbey he gave to it the 
lordships, demesnes, and advowson of the church of Blanchland, 
the appropriations and advowsons of the churches of Harlow, Bywell, 
Styford, Shotley, and Apperley, dedicated to St. Andrew, the tithes of 
the village of Wulwardhope, and twelve fishes for their table out of 
his fishery at Styford, in lieu of tithe-fishes. Lands near Acton, on 
Bolbeck common, belonged to the abbey, and it had property also in 
the parishes of Wolsingham, Stanhope, and Bolam. The Nevilles 
were benefactors of the abbey ; also John de Torrington and Peganus 
de Caducis, by deed of gift dated 1270, gave it nineteen acres of 
arable land on condition of prayer being offered daily at mass by the 
officiating priest for the souls of his family, deceased and living. 6 
King John, in the sixteenth year of his reign, a.d. 1215, confirmed 
all previous benefactions. The mitred abbot, for such was his dignity, 

4 See a full copy of the survey, Arch. Ael. vol. xiii. p. 110. 

* Spearman's Notes, from copy in possession of the Editor. 

• Trans. Durham $ North. Architectl. $ Archaeol. Sue. A.D. 1866, p. 136. 


was summoned as a peer to parliament in the twenty-third year of 
king Edward I., a.d. 1295. 

In 1322, on the 12th of May, Lewis Beaumont, bishop of Durham, 
wrote from Naburn, near York, to the archbishop, asking leave to 
bless the abbot-elect of Blanchland, and that permission, to perform 
an episcopal act in another diocese, was granted. 7 

In 1359 bishop Hatfield appropriated the church of Bolam to the 
abbey of Blanchland, which establishment, in their petition to the 
bishop for having its rectorial rights conferred upon them, repre- 
sented their monastery as ' standing in a lonely desert which was 
rendered less productive than it had formerly been, by its inhabitants 
having migrated from it into more fertile parts of the country during 
the ravages of a recent plague. They also represented their rents 
and proceeds to have become so small and scanty by hostile incur- 
sions and incessant depredations as to be unequal to their own main- 
tenance, the support of hospitality, and the discharge of other burdens 
with which they were encumbered. The deed of appropriation gives 
the advowson of the vicarage, the tithes of corn throughout the whole 
parish, the manse of the rectory, and other rents and proceeds not 
specially reserved to the vicar, to the abbot and convent and their 
successors, chargeable nevertheless with the repairs of the chancel; 
finding the books, robes, and other ornaments which had been sup- 
plied by preceding rectors ; and with the payment of two-thirds of 
all ordinary and extraordinary burdens then or in future coming 
against the said church, the vicar for the time being having to pay 
the other one-third. The same deed also awards to the vicar a portion 
to enable him to live respectably, to pay his part of the episcopal 
rights, and to lodge and entertain wayfaring people, to do which it 
set off for him a competent house and buildings, to be awarded by 

7 Willemu8 permissione divina Ebor. Archiepiscopus, Angliae primus, Venera- 
bili in Christo fratri domino Lodovico Dei gratia Dunolm. Episcopo, salutem, 
et fraternae caritatia in Domino continuum incrementum. Petition i et pre- 
cious vestris favorabiliter annuentes, ut fratri Johanni de Staynton, Canonico, 
monasterii de Alba-landa, vestrae Dunolm. diocesios, in abba tern ejusdem 
monaster ii electo et confirmato, in aliqua ecclesia seu capella nostrae diocesios, 
quam ad hoc duxeritis eligendum, manus benedictionis impendere hac vice 
valeatis, de nostra speciali gratia, licentiam vobis concedimus per praesentes : 
jurisdictione, et jure diocesano, ac dignitate, et ecclesiae nostrae Ebor. ac 
successorum nostrorum, nobis competentibus, nobis in omnibus et per omnia 
semper sal vis. Valete. Data apud Thorp prope Ebor., ij idus Maii, anno 
gratiae millesimo ccc mo xxij°. Reg. Melton, 462a. 


one honest man, and repaired and put np by the abbot and convent ; 
also the tithe of hay through the whole parish, the tithe of lamb and 
wool, of dairies, mills, and fisheries ; all mortuaries, obventions, and 
oblations : and the whole altarage of the church, and all small tithes 
then belonging to it and its rectors, either by law or custom ; it also 
gives to the vicar all the glebe land belonging to the living; the 
cottages, houses, and rents in the town of Bolum, on the outside of 
the manse of the rectory ; and a pension of 2 marks, payable half- 
yearly, by the said abbot and convent.' 8 

At the time of the dissolution of the monasteries the number of 
the brethren at Blanchland was fourteen, and the annual revenue of 
the house, according to Dugdale, was £40 0s. 9d., according to Speed 
£44 9s. Id. 

The Premonstratensians, or white monks, under whom Blanchland 
rose, formed an order slightly modified from that of the Augustinians, 
based on the same rules, those of poverty and community of goods, 
slightly less strict than those of St. Benedict, and was founded by 
Norbert, archbishop of Magdeburg, in a.d. 1120. 9 He was a courtier 
and favourite at the court of Henry V., but after a while became im- 
pressed with religious sentiments and the vanity and hollowness of 
worldly things, and leaving the court he retired to a monastery, clad 
himself in sheep skins, and, by the authority of pope Gelasius II., 
travelled the country as a reformer and apostle. He was naturally 
eloquent and persuasive in his style of oratory, and had a wonderful 
power of convincing his hearers of the truth of what he taught. 
Struck with the carelessness and irregularities of the priests and monks 
of his time, he resolved upon establishing an order that should consist 
of men selected for their devout zeal and eloquent speech, who should 
combine the functions of the two classes, living together under rule and 
in community, and going forth to preach to the people ; and in 1120 
obtained papal authority for carrying out his object. When ponder- 
ing over the question as to where he should establish his house, it is 
said that an angel appeared to him in a vision, and pointed out a 
meadow, near Laon, a lonely spot in the forest of Coucy. Hence the 
name given to the place was Premonstr6, or, in Latin, Premonstratus, 
the fore8hewn spot, and the brethren were called Premonstratensians. 
8 Hodgson, ii. i. 338, and iii. ii. 37. » Ross, p. 133. 

voi* xvi. M M 


In 1127 Norbert became archbishop of Magdeburg, but he remained 
the supreme head of the order until his death in 1134. The order 
spread rapidly, especially in France, and was introduced into England 
in 1146, when Newhouse, in Lincolnshire, was founded. A second 
house was established at Alnwick in 1150. Dryburgh, in Scotland, 
was founded in 1152, and Blanchland followed in 1165. A description 
of the daily routine of duties of the Premonstratensians will furnish a 
tolerable idea of the mode of life within the walls of Blanchland. ' It 
consisted of religious exercises, the cultivation of the fields, and the 
performance of their household duties ; going abroad to preach, teach, 
and visit the sick and dying ; and reading and copying manuscripts. 
The religious services in the church occurred seven times in the day. 10 

The Premonstratensians were called white monks on account of 
their dress, which was white, that is of undyed wool. They wore a 
white cassock with a rochet over it, a long white cloak and a white 
cap. The rochet was a garment resembling a surplice, but with 
narrower sleeves. The strange appearance of those white-dressed 
monks might well have given rise to the name of the place, Blanchland 
or Whiteland, as is popularly supposed, but we are assured by the 
chronicler Froissart that it bore the name long before the industry of 
the monks converted that bleak and dreary desert into a little paradise, 
even as far back as the good old days of king Arthur and the Round 

Blanchland occupies such a secluded position among the moors 
that in former days when roads were few it must have been difficult to 
approach or discover. Tradition says that when Henry VIIFs. 
commissioners came down to dissolve the monastery they lost their 
way, and were unable to find the place. The monks, overjoyed at 
their escape, most indiscreetly began to ring their bells, and the sound, 
piercing through the still air in the hill country, reached the ears of 
the foes, who were still too near, and guided them to the spot. There 
may be some truth in the story, but it is more probable that the 
sounds heard by the commissioners were those of the bells calling the 
monks to prayer. To the lovers of folk-lore, however, it may be 
worthy of notice that the tradition appears in another form. Once, 
it is related, a party of Scotch freebooters paid an unwelcome visit to 

10 See Ross, Ruined Abbeys of England, p. 133. 







the neighbourhood in search of plunder at the abbey, but, losing their 
way in a mist on the fells, were on the point of abandoning their 
adventure, when, on what is still called 4 Dead Friars* Hill/ their ears 
were caught by the unusual sound of the sweet church bells ringing 
the monks to their evening prayer, and by these sounds they were 
guided to the abbey, where they murdered several of the monks and 
carried off all the valuables they could discover. 

By the statute passed in 1536 for the dissolution of the smaller 
monasteries, all congregations of religious persons under the number 
of twelve, or of a less annual value than £200, were granted to the 
crown absolutely. Henry VIII. was empowered by the statute to 
refound such houses as he thought fit. As a rule, he does not appear 
to have availed himself of the privilege, but in the case of Blanchland 
he made a rare exception. Probably the commissioners had given 
him a favourable report of the moral tone of the house and the good 
work done in a desolate neighbourhood by the monks of Blanchland. 
At all events, he professed to have such a knowledge of the abbey 
as induced him to spare it from the general plunder, and leave it 
unmolested in its privileges and in its works of piety and charity. 
This is proved by a Latin document in the treasury of the dean 
and chapter at Durham, entitled ( An Exemplification of King Henry 
VIII** Refoundation of the Abbey of Blanchland, Jan. 80 th , 1536. 
Granted by Queen Elizabeth June 10, 1589, to Oswald Mitford Gent/ 

Thus we see that Blanchland was spared in the first attack upon 
the monasteries, but in 1589 came the final dissolution, and Blanch- 
land fell with the rest. ' 1546, June 4 th . Henry 8 th grants to John 
Belloe and John Broxholm the site of the late dissolved Monastery of 
Blanchland with its appurtenances to be held of the king in capt. as 
tjV of a knight's fee payable yearly at Martinmas 18/3£. The grant 
comprises one close called Westheugh Eastheugh Middleheugh Oole- 
field East Park Ensbury Dogger Ohilder Wolcross Everyshaw and 
pasture in Blanchland.' 11 Before long the abbey lands were again 
attached to the crown, and, as shown by the endorsement of the 
above-mentioned document, were granted by queen Elizabeth to 
Oswald Mitford. After passing to the crown again they were sold 
to the Forstere, and remained in that family until they were purchased 

11 Spearman's Notes, copy in possession of the Editor. 




columns, 11 feet 4 inches in length, the produce of a neighbouring 
quarry, took the place of the square window that had become dilapi- 
dated. At the same time also a ceiling of pitch-pine was placed over 
the chancel and nave. On both the north and south sides of the 
chancel there are two lancet windows, seemingly of some antiquity. 
The nave and chancel are otherwise severely plain in appearance. 
Looking towards the transept and tower two handsome and lofty 
arches meet the eye, and one does not often find a finer arch than that 
of the tower. The arches on the east side of the transept appear to 
belong to the same period as the tower. The windows in the lower 
portion of the tower, both outside and inside, are most worthy of 
attention. The tower was evidently a place of refuge, as its strength 
and solidity and the immense bolt spaces betoken. 

There are traces of detached buildings on the east and west of 
the tower ; that on the west existed and was occupied by an ancient 
dame, who is still remembered. There is a trace of a doorway in the 
south wall of the nave, which probably led into the refectory. The 
sedilia, of which but little remains, were restored with plaster some 
few years ago. 

The east window on the left contains a remnant of stained glass, 
representing a Premonstratensian monk in the attitude of prayer; 
the words 'Sancta Maria' are inscribed on the scroll. The centre 
window has a small representation of the Crucifixion, surrounded by 
the sacred symbols of the Passion. There is another small figure of a 
saint, kneeling in prayer, in one of the lancet windows on the south. 

The other minor points of interest in the interior are five ancient 

sepulchral slabs: — (1), in the baptistery, a stone with a crozier ; (2), 

also in the baptistery, a forester's tomb, inscribed Robertus Egylston, 

with bow, arrow, horn, and sword ; (3), another forester's tomb, with 

the initials " T.E.," possibly Thomas Egylston, and an arrow, bugle, 

and sword ; (4), a cross ; (5), the abbot's tomb, with chalice and 

crozier on either side of a large cross ; the three latter are now 

arranged alongside in the transept. The Bible dates from the year 

1727, and contains the following entries by lord Crewe's trustees on 

the fly-leaf : — 

(1) A Bible, A Common Prayer Book, A Carpet for the Communion Table, 
A Linnen Cloth for the same, and a Napkin, with a Surplice, given to the 
Chappel at Blanchland by the Rev. S r Jo. Dolben & Dr. Eden, Executors of the 


Late Lord Crewe. Nov. 24. 1736. Durham. Nothing of these to be used 
at Shotley Church. Thos. Eden. 

(2) A Bible and a Carpet for the Communion Table and a Linning Cloth 
and a Napkin, allso a Common Prayer Book, and a Surplice given by Sir James 
Dolb 11 and Dr. Eden for the use of Blanchland Chappie. The above not to be 
used at Shotley. Durham. Dec. 6th. 1748. 

A handsome oak reredos and side panels have been lately erected 
by the Rev. B. 6. R. Hale, in memory of the late vicar, the Rev. G. M. 
Gurley, his uncle. The churchyard lies to the west and east of the 
building, and is well planted with trees. In it is an ancient cross, 
about 7 feet high, of slender form, with open floriated head, which is 
worthy of notice. 

There is a tradition which tells us that an underground passage 
runs from the bottom of the tower steps to the old fort, some quarter 
of a mile below the village on the bank of the river : no one, however, 
has yet verified this tradition, but probably, like many more, it has no 

The church plate has been fully described by Mr. Blair in Proceed- 
ings (vol. iii. p. 267). 

Blanchland Registers. 
The registers begin in 1758, and are all in good condition. The 
first is on parchment, the rest are on good strong paper. 
I. Contains baptisms from 1753 to 1801. 
„ marriages „ 1758 „ 1804. 
„ burials „ 1758 „ 1801, 
„ banns „ 1758 „ 1804. 
The first baptisms are : — 

1753. March 4. Baptiz'd George Son of Tho". Beck & Hannah 
his Wife Blanch*. 
„ March 14 th . Baptiz'd John son of Tho. Ward of Coathouse. 
„ April 14 th . Elizabeth daughter of Rich d . Hutchinson of the 
The first marriages are : — 

1753. Apr 1 24 th . Isaac Liddle and Hannah Maughan. 
„ Apr 1 27 th . Joseph Watson and Bridget Thompson. 
„ Do. 29 th . John Baron and Mary Bowman. 

The first burials are : — 

1763. Apr 1 29 th . Buried Hannah daughter of Rob*. Ward of Hill- 
„ May 19 th . Joseph son of John Ward of Burnshield Haugh. 
,, Do. 20 th . Edward son of Tho. Beck of Blanchland. 

ARCHAE0L0G1A AEUANA, Vol. XVI; to face p. 304. 

PtMte XXI 

G. T. Brown, Photo. 

Cross in Blanchland Churchyard. 


II. Contains baptisms from 1802 to 1812. 

„ marriages „ 1805 „ 1812. 

„ burials „ 1802 „ 1812. 

In this register the following entry is made : — 

Londini Fecit 1754 
Messrs Lister and Thompson 
This Bell fell down on Sunday 25 th of November 1877 — Was recast by Thomas 
H. Watson, High Bridge Works Newcastle upon Tyne. Mounted again on Tues- 
day 19th day of February 1878. At the same time the floor of the Belfry was 
relayed with new Timber at the expense of My Lord Crewe's Trustees, making 
it all to be in good and substantiall repair. 

G. M. Gurley, Vicar. 
William Taylor. 
Thomas Hey. 

When the fragments of the broken bell were recast an extra cwt. 
of metal was added to give a deeper and richer tone to the new one, 
which weighs 6 cwts. 

There is a tradition that the pre- Reformation bells were carried 
off to Hexham at the time of the dissolution of Blanchland abbey. 

Register II. also contains copies of a petition respecting four stints 
on the park pasture and of the ' Terrier describing House, Lands and 
other Premises belonging to the Living of Blanchland, extracted from 
the Registry of the Consistory Court of Durham, 1792.' For these 
two entries see Appendices II. and III. 

III. Contains baptisms from 1813 to 1861. 
IV. „ „ „ 1861 to present date. 

Y. „ banns and marriages from 1813 to 1837. 
VI. „ burials from 1813 to present date. 
VII. „ marriages from 1838 to present date. 
VIII. „ duplicate of VII. 

Blanchland Vicars and Curates. 

1753-1777. Thomas Hudson, perpetual curate. He was the 
first incumbent of Blanchland after it became a 
separate parish. 

1777-1804. Hudson Barnett, curate. 

1804-1827. Richard Wallis, curate. In the 'Ecclesiastical 
Directory ' for 1822 he is named as curate of 
Blanchland, and stated to have been instituted 


in 1804. He was also curate of South Shields. 
Under him were sub-curates: — 

1811-1813. Jonathan Jopling. 

1814-1827. J. Ireland. 
1827-1850. Robert Harrison, curate, under whom were sub- 
curates : — 

1827-1829. John 0. B. Hall. 

1829-1831. E. H. Hopper. 

1832-1836. John Greenwood. 

1836-1840. James Boucher. 

1840-1843. Samuel Payne. 

1845-1846. F. T. Altree. 

1846-1849. William Sawers. 

1849-1850. George Hustler. 

Near the abbot's tomb in Blanchland church lies a 
sepulchral slab to his memory, bearing the follow- 
ing inscription : — 

Robert Harrison B.A. 
Curate of Blanchland 
Died at Lastingham, Yks. a.d. mdoocl : 
Aged lxxvii years. 

1850-1855. Charles Thorp, curate or vicar 
1855-1863. John Gibson, vicar. 
1863-1887. George Marshall Gurley. 
1887-present date. John Charles Dunn, B.A. 


I. — An Exemplification of the Refoundation of the Abbey of Albalanda or 
Blancheland by Henry 8 th King of England 30 th Jan. a.d. 1536, 
granted to Oswald Mitford gentleman by lady Elizabeth Queen of 
England 13 th June 1589. 

Elizabeth by the grace of God of England France and Ireland Queen 
defender of the faith <fcc. To all to whom the present writings shall come 
greeting. We have inspected a roll of certain letters Patent of lord Henry 8 th 
late King of England our very dearly beloved father inrolled in his Rolls of 
Chancery and [inrolled] in our Rolls of Chancery remaining on record in these 
words The King to all to whom &c. greeting. Whereas by a certain act in our 
Parliament at London on the 3 rd day of November in the 21 st year of our reign 
begun and then adjourned to Westminster and by divers prorogations unto and 
into the 4 th day of February last past continued and then held there (among 
other things) it stands enacted that we should have and enjoy for ourselves and 
our heirs for ever all and singular the monasteries Priories and other religious 




§ s 

- a 

i i 
§ i 



Z - 

< o 

-J ** 

ffl & 







houses of monks canons and monials by whatsoever kinds or diversities of habit 
rules or orders called or known which had not lands tenements rents tithes 
portions and other hereditaments beyond the clear annual value of two hundred 
pounds the said clear annual value of the said monastries and Priories to be 
taken and preserved according to the clear value certified in our Exchequer. 
And in similar manner that we should have and enjoy for ourselves and our 
heirs all and all manner of sites and circuits of the same religious houses. And 
all and singular manors Granges messuages lands tenements reversions rents 
services tithes pensions portions advowsons patronage of Churches Annuities of 
Chapelries rights entries conditions and other hereditaments whatsoever to the 
same monasteries Priories or religious houses not having as aforesaid lands 
tenements or hereditaments beyond the aforesaid annual value of two hundred 
pounds pertaining or accruing as fully and entirely as the abbots Priors Abbesses 
and other Governors of this kind of Monasteries Priories and other religious 
houses have hitherto had them or ought to have had them in right of their 
houses To have and to hold all and singular premises with all their rights 
benefits jurisdictions and commodities to us our heirs and successors for ever to 
be employed and used henceforth for our proper pleasure. And whereas 
however in the aforesaid Act it is provided that we at any and whatsoever 
time after the provision of that act may be able and may be empowered 
for our good pleasure to ordain constitute and declare by our letters Patent 
under our great Seal that these and such of this kind of aforesaid religious 
houses which we had wished to be suppressed and dissolved may exist persist 
stand continue and remain in their same bodies corporate and in their same 
essential state quality condition strength and effect as well in possessions 
as otherwise just as they w?re or would have been before the provision of 
the aforesaid act for the suppression or dissolution of the same or any part 
thereof on the ground and authority of the same act and that any such 
ordination or declaration of this kind by us thus to be made and ordained 
shall be good secure effectual to the Chapters Governors of this kind of 
religious houses which we might have wished to be suppressed and dis- 
solved and to their successors next after them and according to the tenors 
and effects of letters Patent to be provided thereto any other thing or any 
other things in the aforesaid act contrary thereto notwithstanding just as in 
the aforesaid act (among other things) is more fully contained By virtue of 
which act however the Monastery or Abbey of the blessed Mary of Albalanda or 
Blancheland in the diocese of Durham in our county of Northumberland by rea- 
son that it hath not lands tenements rents tithes portions or hereditaments 
beyond the said clear annual value of two hundred pounds as certified in our 
said Exchequer and there plainly doth appear in our hands and at our dis- 
posal now the question arises whether it should be dissolved according to the 
form and effect of the aforesaid act or remain and continue in its pristine and 
essential state condition and quality just as it was before the provision of 
the aforesaid act. We wishing the said Monastery or Abbey of the blessed 
Mary of Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid for divers causes and considera- 
tions at present specially known to us to remain and continue in its pristine 
essential state body condition and quality just as it was before the provision of 
the aforesaid act and as it would be if that act had not passed Be it known 
vol. xvl N N 


thebefobb that we for favour which we bear and have towards the Monastery 
or Abbey of the blessed Mary of Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid because 
it doth not extend in its lands tenements and other hereditaments to the annual 
value of two hundred pounds in the county aforesaid of the Premonstratensian 
order in the diocese of Durham. And that the abbot and religious persons of 
the same Monastery may the more devoutly attend to the celebration of divine 
worship there and the more copiously exercise Hospitality and other works of 
piety there, Op out special grace and exercised knowledge and our mere motion 
we have ordained constituted and declared and by these presents as far as in us 
lies do constitute and ordain and erect and renew that the Monastery or Abbey 
of the blessed Mary of Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid shall for ever continue 
stand and remain in its same body corporate and in its same essential state grade 
quality and condition as well in possessions as in all other things as well spiritual 
as temporal and mixed just as it was at the time of the provision of the aforesaid 
act or at any time before the provision of the aforesaid act without any suppres- 
sion or dissolution of the said Monastery or Abbey of the blessed Mary of 
Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid or of any part or parcel thereof by virtue 
and authority of the aforesaid act. And fubtheb of our more copious special 
grace we have granted and by these presents do grant that William Spragen 
professed of the Premonstratensian order may be henceforth Abbot of the said 
Monastery or Abbey of Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid henceforth to be 
held reputed accepted in the same manner form quality grade condition dignity 
state and power as the same William was on the 4 th day of February last past 
or before And that the Afobesaid William and the religious persons 
aforesaid and all their successors may have and shall have in this manner also 
the same succession in all things and by all means just as before the said 4 th day 
of February last past they had or ought to have had and just as they would have 
ought to have could have and would be able to have if the aforesaid Act had 
not been passed. And that the aforesaid William by the name of Abbot of the 
said Monastery or Abbey of the blessed Mary of Albalanda or Blancheland 
aforesaid and his successors Abbots of the said Monastery or Abbey of the 
blessed Mary of Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid may be henceforth 
persons liable to implead and be impleaded in all pleas suits complaints 
actions petitions as well real as personal and mixed and others whatsoever 
in whatsoever courts and places and before whatsoever Judges or Justices 
as well temporal as spiritual albeit it may touch us and our heirs, and 
for the doing exercising and executing of all and singular other things 
whatsoever as Abbots of the said Monastery or Abbey of the blessed Mary of 
Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid just as they might have done and would 
have been able to do before the provision of the aforesaid act and just as they 
might have done and would have been able to do if the same act had by no 
means been passed and published. And that the aforesaid William 
and the religious persons aforesaid as Abbot and Convent of the Monastery or 
Abbey of the blessed Mary of Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid and their 
successors Abbots and Convent of that Monastery or Abbey may have enjoy and 
hold and may be able and empowered to have for ever all the aforesaid 
Monastery or Abbey of the blessed Mary of Abalanda or Blancheland aforesaid 
likewise the church the belfries site cemetery ground surrounding precinct and 


circuit of the same church and all and singular our Manors messuages lands 
tenements rents reversions services possessions perpetuities and hereditaments 
whatsoever Likewise commodities ornaments jewels goods and chattels and 
other things whatsoever as well spiritual as temporal to the same Monastery or 
Abbey in whatsoever manner accruing or pertaining in the same manner and 
form as they would have enjoy and hold and would have been able and 
empowered to have enjoy and hold if the aforesaid act had not been passed and 
published. And fob the greater security of and in the premises to be held by 
the aforesaid Abbot and Convent of the Monastery or Abbey of the blessed 
Mary aforesaid and their successors Be it Known moreover that we 
of our more copious special grace have given and granted and by these 
presents do give and grant to the aforesaid Abbot of the said Monastery 
or Abbey of the blessed Mary of Albalanda or Blancheland aforesaid and 
the Convent of the same place ail the said of the Monastery or Abbey [totum 
dictum Monazterii site AWxe] of the blessed Mary of Abalanda aforesaid and 
all and singular Manors messuages lands tenements woods underwoods rents 
reversions services Knights' fees Wards marriages reliefs escheats parks [or 
pounds] Warrens pools vinaries fisheries cottages rectories vicarages advowsons 
patronage of churches chapels and Chantries glebelands pensions portions tithes 
oblations court leets views of frank pledge liberties jurisdictions franchises and 
other rights possessions and hereditaments whatsoever and all goods and cbatells 
belfries jewels ornaments and other things whatsoever to the same Monastery 
or Abbey accruing or pertaining And which the aforesaid Abbot and Convent 
on the 4 th day of February last past or before or afterwards in right of that 
Monastery or Abbey had held or enjoyed, and which by reasonand virtue of 
the aforesaid act came and ought to come into our hands as fully and 
entirely and in as ample manner and form as the said Abbot and Convent 
on the said 4 th day of February last past and before the provision of the 
aforesaid act in right of the aforesaid Monastery or Abbey had held or 
enjoyed them and as fully and entirely and in as ample manner and form 
as they by reason virtue force and authority of the aforesaid act came and ought 
to come into our hands or now exist or ought to exist in our hands. To have 
and to hold the aforesaid Monastery or Abbey of the blessed Mary of Alba- 
landa or Blancheland aforesaid and all and singular other premises with all their 
rights appurtenances and commodities to the aforesaid William Abbot of that 
said Monastery or Abbey and the Convent of the same place and their successors 
in pure and perpetual alms of us our heirs and successors as of our foundation 
and not otherwise. Bents of lands and tenements and other premises and ser- 
vices therein to them and to whomsoever of them due and of customary right to 
be paid and done to the Chapter lords. Provided always that the aforesaid 
Abbot and Convent with unanimous consent for themselves and their successors 
by these presents do grant to us and our heirs that the aforesaid Abbot and Con- 
vent and their successors for ever shall pay or cause to be paid to us our heirs 
and successors all tithes portions and first fruits as often as they shall have 
happened to fall due in the same manner and form as if the said Monastery or 
Abbey had never been suppressed dissolved or given to us by the aforesaid Act, 
and according to the force form and effect of a certain act of Parliament pub- 
lished and provided for tithes and first fruits. And the said Abbot and Convent 


do grant by these presents that they and their successors for ever well and faith- 
fully will guard and observe all and all manner of rules ordinances conditions 
and Statutes by us as Supreme Head of the English Church or our Ministers 
and our successors concerning or touching for the time to come the good rule of 
the said Monastery and the religious men of the same Monastery to be provided 
assigned and appointed. To that intent that express mention &a In testimony 
whereof &c Witness the King at Westminster the 30 th day of January in the 
28th year of King Henry 8 th By the King Himself &c 

We however have caused the tenor of the aforesaid roll to be exemplified by 
these presents on the requisition of our beloved subject Oswald Mytford Gen- 

In testimony whereof we have caused these our letters Patent to be made. 
Witness Oubself at Westminster the 5 th day of June in the 32 nd year of our 
reign. S. GEBRABD. 

Examined b y u. j J™ <*bew } clerks 

II. — To the Venerable the Archdeacon of Durham and the other Trustees of 
the late Lord Crewe, The Lords of the Manor, & Patrons of the living of 

The respectful Memorial of the Bev* Rob 1 Harrison Incumbent of the said 
Living, sheweth, 

That a Portion of the endowed emoluments of his Incumbency arises from 
Four stints on a Common Pasture, called the Park Pasture, in the Parish of 
Blanchland, & that the Privilege of Thirty-Two other Stints is enjoyed, in com- 
mon with himself, by Cottagers, Tenants of the said donors ; 

That a considerable Part of the said Pasture is of great natural Fertility, and 
capable of being rendered highly productive, but from the poverty of some, and 
disinclination to incur any Expense in its improvement on the part of other 
claimants, it is become little better than the adjacent moors. That to obviate 
this evil, according to the various Parties interested, your late & present Steward 
have kindly accommodated us with the Eatage of another Pasture, called the 
Bope Field, at a low Bent, with the hope of thereby silencing complaint, which, 
tho' not without foundation, has been altogether occasioned by a want of 
Unanimity among ourselves ; that hope unfortunately, however has not been 
realized, and the intended remedy has failed to produce the contemplated effect. 

Tour Memorialist, therefore, humbly suggests, that it would conduce much 
to his satisfaction, & eventually to the Benefit of the living, if the Patrons would 
either assign to him a definite part of the said Park Pasture in lieu of his Privi- 
lege, or, what could be accomplished with greater ease, and at a much lighter 
expense, would commute his Four Stints for such a Portion of the above named 
Rope-Field, as their Steward might award as a fair Equivalent for it. 

Tour Memorialist takes the liberty of adding, that his main object in making 
this suggestion is that by having an exclusive Field for his operations, an 


opportunity would be afforded him of shewing the result of much thought on 
Agricultural Improvement, whereby his present Colleagues might witness such 
a practical proof of the capability of rendering a barren subject fruitful, as might 
induce them to set to work with their own ; k at the same time, while it improved 
the value of the Living to his Successors, might infuse into the whole Tenantry 
of the Estate a spirit of Improvement, which would be at once creditable to 
themselves, and alike beneficial to their Country and their Landlords. 

Tour Memorialist cannot conclude, without acknowledging the deep sense of 
obligation he entertains for his Patrons former acts of kindness to him, and 
subscribing himself, with no common pleasure. 

Their gratefully faithful Servant, 

Bobt. Habbisok. 
[This petition was granted.] 

IIL— The copy of the Terrier describing House, Lands, k other premises 
belonging to the Living of Blanchland. 
Extracted from the Registry of the Consistory Court of Durham. 

Blanchland Terrier. 

1. The Parsonage House is built with stone k lime k covered with slate, 
contains eight rooms the Floors of the Parlour k upper Booms are boarded the 
Rooms also are ceiled the Floors of the Kitchen k the other two low Booms are 
stone the Kitchen only is ceiled there are adjoining the House on the west side 
a stable k cowhouse with a Hay loft above built with stone k lime k covered 
with slate 26 feet by 15 k 15 feet in height there are also a Brewhouse k Coal- 
house built with stone k lime k covered with slate the one 13 feet by 10 the other 
13 feet by 5. 

2. There are two Meadow Fields adjoining the House on the east side con- 
taining in the whole near 9} acres border upon the High road on the south there is 
a wood on the east k north sides k the west side joins the village these Fields 
have a right of 4 Stints in the east Pasture of Blanchland commonly called the 
Park pasture there are three gardens the Fences are walls k Quickset no Trees 
growing on the Churchyard. There are 30 ash k sycamore trees growing upon 
the glebe. There is a Farm called Blackburn in the Parish of Slaley belonging 
to this Curacy containing 93 acres. There are also proper Houses &c upon the 

3. No Tythes due to the Minister. 

4. The Trustees of the late L d Crewe give the annual sum of thirty pounds to 
the Minister of this Curacy I do not know whether any Deed has been executed 
no Pension payable out of the Living : no stipend or allowance to the Minister 
of a Chapel no Custom established to the expence or charge of the Incumbent. 

5. This Parish is subject to the Customary payment of four pence annually 
to the Minister for each Family commonly called Easter offerings ; the annual 
sum of thirty pounds is also paid to the Minister by the Trustees of L d Crewe. 

6. There is belonging to this Church a crimson coloured Cloth also a Table 
Cloth k Napkin for the Communion Table ; a crimson coloured cushion k Cloth 
for the pulpit, one Bell two silver plated Flaggons one silver Cup k plate ; 
(Blanchland 1753) is inscribed upon the Cup k plate no weight marked there- 
upon no Books have been left to this church or Parish. 


7. No Lands or Money in stock for repair of the Church or Utensils. 

8. The Parish is charged with the repair of the edificies & Churchyard Fence. 

9. The Trustees of L d Crewe give the Annual sum of £2 2s to the Clerk the 
remaining part of his & the Sexton's wages by Custom paid by the Parish & are 
appointed by the Minister. 

This is a just Sc accurate account of everything required in the Terrier rela- 
tive to the Curacy of Bianchland. 

Witness our Hands this 14 th day August 1792. 
Hudson Barnett, Minister. 
Christopher Forster I ChurcnwardeD8 . 
Bob* Oliver J 

William -f Makepeace. William Lowes. 

John Lambert. Ambrose Green. 

Joshua Archer. Edward Blenk. 

Jo § Makepeace. Jonathan Lee. 

Cuthbert Johnson. Thomas Bell. 

William Routledge. 

Duly compared and examined with the original. 

John Burrell, 

Dep. Reg. 
The above is a Faithful transcript of a Copy of the original taken this 20 th 

day of March 1846. 

William Oliver, Parish Clerk, 


ON THE 15th JULY, 1893. 

(A) By the Rey. R. E. Hooppell, LL.D., D.O.L., Rector op 
Byers Greek. 
[Read on the 30th day of August, 1893.] 
On Saturday, July 15th, 1893, Mr. Frederick Blackmur, one of the 
officials of the Lanchester union workhouse, made a most interesting 
discovery in a field about half a mile from the village of Lanchester, 
and somewhat less than that distance from the Roman Station, whose 
walls are still standing several feet in height on the high ground 
to the south-west of the present village. As the circumstances under 
which the discovery was made are calculated, in all probability, to 
throw light upon the nature and character of the find, I will briefly 
describe them. 

The union workhouse at Lanchester is supplied with water from 
several springs, which rise on the hillside to the west of the village. 
From these the fluid is conveyed in pipes to tanks, situated at no 
great distance from the springs, and from the tanks the water flows 
in one stream to the workhouse. In the early part of July of this 
year the supply from some cause, possibly simply from the long 
continued drought, ran short, and the officials of the workhouse 
determined to investigate the state of the springs. I have drawn 
a rough sketch, shewn on the next page, of the position of the one 
with which we are most concerned. It is situated on the side 
of a sloping field near the top of the field. Above it runs a kind 
of level terrace, with a hedge beyond, and a field of greater ele- 
vation beyond the hedge. The pipes run up the hill in a slanting 
direction from the nearest tank, and end abruptly at a- point 
about twenty-four yards from the hedge. Exactly in the line of the 
pipes was the discovery made. It consists of an exceedingly fine altar, 
dedicated to a Keltic goddess, whose name is new to us, and to the 
deities of the reigning emperor. It evidently originally stood upon a 



base, for a socketed base was found behind it. The altar was found 
upon its face, sloping downhill, as though some unusual force had 
overturned it, where it was standing with its inscribed face fronting 
the valley. The distance of the spot on which the altar was found 
from the end of the present line of pipes is about seventeen yards. Its 
distance from the hedge behind it is about seven yards. Between the 
spot where the altar was found and the hedge behind it runs the terrace 
mentioned already, which appears certainly to have been mad£ by man. 

Field Hedge. 

m Baae. 
■ AlUr. 


□ Present 
%ma Tank. 

The circumstances detailed above remind us irresistibly of the well 
or fountain of Coventina, discovered by our late valued vice-president, 
Mr. John Clayton, at Procolitia, in 1876. 1 One wonders, too, whether a 
walled fountain like that at Carrawburgh does not exist at Lanchester, 
of which the wooden tank across the hedge a few yards down is the 

Arch. Ael. vol. viii. pp. 4-49 and 88-107. 

Archaeologia Aeliana, Vol. XVI. (to/ace p. 314). 

Plate XXIV. 

(Onetirhtk Scale ) 


more modest modern representative. If so, what more likely than that 
it, too, may be filled with precious relics hidden in a moment of panic, 
and never returned for or recovered ? Mr. Blackmur, after finding 
the altar, did probe the ground in the immediate vicinity of the spot, 
and came to the conclusion that there were hollow places there. If the 
owner of the land, Mr. Fawcett of the Temple, London, would order, 
or permit, further researches to be made, they might eventuate in 
additional discoveries being effected. 

The altar is one of great size. With its base it is calculated that 
it weighs well nigh three-quarters of a ton. It is formed out of the 
stone of the neighbourhood, a compact gritty freestone. I am informed 
that there is a quarry of the same kind of stone not far from the spot 
where the altar was found, and that the railway bridges at Lanchester 
are built of similar material. 

The height of the altar, standing on its base, is five feet three 
inches, of which the altar itself claims four feet five and a half inches, 
and the base nine and a half inches. The breadth of the base is two 
feet six inches ; of the foot of the altar, one foot eleven inches ; of the 
stem, one foot eight inches ; and of the top one foot eleven and a half 
inches. The thickness of the base is one foot five inches ; of the foot 
of the altar, one foot one inch ; of the stem, ten and a half inches ; 
and of the top, one foot. 

The altar is richly sculptured on three sides. The back is plain, 
so that it was evidently intended to stand against a wall. It is 
singular, too, that there is no focus or elevated ridges at the top, which 
is rough like the back. The prevailing style of ornamentation is 
circular, with rays proceeding from the centre to the circumference. 
There are also what seem like foreshadowings of the later cable and 
dog-tooth mouldings, and some of the central rays seem to suggest the 
later nail-head ornament. On the left hand side to one facing the 
altar are represented the culter or sacrificial knife, and the praeferi- 
culum or jug, and on the right the patera or dish, and a circular 
object, very prettily filled with curved rays from the centre, which I 
take to be the * mola salsa ' or sacrificial cake. 

We come now to the inscription, which is decidedly perplexing. 
There can be very little doubt as to the lettering, but it is the exact 
signification, which is puzzling. I will give my reading of it : — 







DB-ffiEGAR I differ from others only in the first word. 

M a n G a b i To me it appears to be certainly dejs, with 
e t n [go r d i the third and fourth letters ligatured. The 
ani] avg n pr[o] next word then begins with another e, and 
sal • vex • svebo is egarmangabi. Other decipherers make 
rvm • Lon • Gor . v© the first word deae, and the second word 
t*m solv»rvnt • m garmangabi. With this introductory ex- 
planation I will give the inscription as I 
have deciphered it. I have very carefully investigated the stops, and 
give them as they exist upon the stone. 

Now, how is this to be expanded ? There is very little difficulty 
down to the word sal. All seem to be agreed that, most likely, the 
name erased was gordiani. Why Gordian's name should be deleted 
is puzzling. Still it appears it must be his. I would suggest that 
possibly the news of his death arrived before the stone was set up, 
and that the erectors of it were, in consequence, in a difficulty, and 
that they solved it, or attempted to solve it, by erasing his name, and 
making the inscription applicable to the succeeding occupant of the 
throne. That the erasure was determined on, and executed, in some- 
what of a hurry, seems indicated by the fact that the eraser began to 
cancel also the n preceding the emperor's name, and the avg n 
following it ; but, either upon second thoughts, or upon revised orders 
from his employer or employers, he ultimately decided to allow them 
to remain. 

So far, then, the inscription may be expanded thus : — Deae 
Egarmangabi et Numinibus Gordiani Augusti Nostri Pro Salute. In 
English : — * To the Goddess Egarmangabis, and to the Protecting 
Deities of Gordian our Augustus, in gratitude for the health and 

safety of .' 

Now is the next to be vexillationis Sueborum, vexillariorum 
Sueborum, or vexillarii Sueborum ? And what are we to make of 
lon • gor ? 

The Suebians or Suevians have not, I believe, been heard of 
before in Great Britain. But lon • gor has ; not at so great length, 
curt as the lettering is, but still sufficiently to enable us, I think, to 
affirm that it is not absolutely new. 

In the library of the Dean and Chapter of Durham are two 




m mmwm 

I. If imM 



I V_ 1 1. LJiC k 

I :f RI N OP ! A- ETA R M^-IVEN 

[rARlAGON'J&SMtf -; 



Roman Inscribed Slabs, Lanchxsteb, 
[See following page.] 


extremely interesting and valuable inscribed slabs from Lanchester 
here given (see woodcuts on preceding page), on which are recorded the 
re-erection, during Gordian's reign, of several important buildings of 
the fortress there. 2 These works were carried out by Marcus Aurelius 
Quirinus. I will give the exact concluding words of the text : — 

PR * CoH * I * L * GOR 

There cannot be the slightest doubt about these letters, and the stops 
are all there, perfect and distinct. Doubtless the L <* gor, of the first 
cohort, of which Quirinus was captain, and the lon • gor • of our 
altar, are identical. 

Who can be meant by the expression ? It does not add to the 
simplicity of the matter that, in the one case, it seems to be intimated 
that they were a people furnishing several cohorts, or regiments, to 
the Roman army, and that, in the other case, they are mentioned 
without any limitation as to numbers or divisions. 

The Suebians, or Suevians, were a people that inhabited ancient 
Germany. They are described as being the most ancient, great, and 
warlike people of all that country. Tacitus says they were divided 
into several tribes, amongst which he enumerates the Semnones, the 
Longobardi, the Angli, etc. 

Can the abbreviations lon • gor • on our altar stand for longo- 


There can be little doubt of the signification of the gor. It 
means, it would seem certainly, a title derived from the emperor's 
name, assumed through affection and devotion to him, by the troops 
in question. The doubt is confined to the signification of the l- of 
the Durham inscriptions, and the lon • of ours. 

Then what is the nominative to solvervnt ? Is it vexillaru 
Sueborum Lmgobardorum Gordianorum, * The veterans of the Gordian 
Lombard Suevians/ as we should say, or is it Longobardi Gordiani, 
'the Gordian Lombards.' Does pro salute stand alone without a 
genitive after it, or do the abbreviations vex • sveborvm, tell 
specifically for whose health and safety the erectors of the altar 
expressed their gratitude ? 

* See Lapid. Sept. Nos. 699 and 700 ; and C.I.L. vol. vii. Nos. 445 and 446. 


For my own part I do not remember to have seen the word 
vexillatio used in any Roman inscription found in Britain, except 
with the name of a legion following it. I, therefore, incline to think 
that vex must stand for vexillarii, the veterans, those who were 
serving the last four years of their military life. In this Dr. Hubner 
agrees with me. 

A friend has suggested that the final m stands for milites, i the 
soldiers,' and indicates the nominative to the verb solverunt. Others 
think m is the usual abbreviation for the adverb merito, or the 
adjective mentis. 

There was a numerus Longovicariorum at Longovicus. And it 
has been thought that our lon • here may be an abbreviation for 
Longovicariorum. But, if so, from the inscriptions at Durham it 
would seem that there must have been several cohorts of the Longo- 
vicarii, which hardly seems feasible. 3 

The monument is, undoubtedly, of the age of the emperor Gordian. 

He was slain in the East, by Philip, who succeeded him as emperor, 

in a.d. 244. 

* Unless, as there is a Lanchester and a Lancaster, there was in Roman times 
a Longovicvs and a Lcngovicxum, and two cohorts of Longovicarii, one at the 
eastern fortress and the other at the western. 

(B) By F. J. Havebfield, M.A., F.S.A. 
[Read on the 27th day of September, 1893.] 
The Newcastle Society of Antiquaries is much to be congratulated on 
the discovery of yet another important Roman inscription. This is a 
fine altar, unearthed last July at Lanchester in the course of some 
digging connected with the Workhouse water supply, about two hun- 
dred yards north of the Roman fort, and close to the line of the Roman 
road. In size it is above five feet high (including a loose base) and two 
feet wide ; the lettering is well preserved and large, the letters being 
three inches tall in the first line, two and seven-eighth inches in 
the second and third lines, and two and three quarter inches in 
the other lines. Besides the usual knife, dish, etc., on the sides, 
the altar is ornamented with an unosual profusion of that Roman 
geometrical ornament which sometimes reminds one of the later Nor- 
man work. Accounts of the discovery have appeared in the New- 


castle Daily Chronicle (on July 24), in the Academy (by myself, 
August 19), in the Proceedings of this Society (by Mr. Blair, F.S.A., 
vi. 55-7), and elsewhere. I have myself examined the altar, which is 
now in the porch of Lanchester parish church ; I have to thank Dr. 
Hooppeil aud Mr. Blair for photographs and information. 

The reading of the stone is, I think, beyond doubt. Expanded 
and completed it is : — Deae Garmangabi et n(uminibus) [(?]0[nft]ara 

Aug{ust%) n(ostri), pr[o~\ sal(ute) vex{illa- 
d e a e G A r tionis) or vex(illariorum) Sueborum Lon. 
M A N G a b I Gor(dianorum), votum solverunt m(erito) 
E t N / o / / / / / / or m(ilites). 

ani avg pr[o] With respect to the text I may remark 

sal-vex-svebo that the first line certainly has deae, not 

r v m • lon • gor . Yo de^se ; in the third and fourth lines the 

t*m-Solv*rvnt-m name Oordiani has been intentionally 

erased, but o and ani can still be detected, 

and in the sixth line there are distinct stops before and after GOR. In 

the fourth line there is a fracture after PR. 

The interpretation of the stone involves several points of interest 
(1) The name of the goddess, Garmangabis, or whatever the nomina- 
tive may be, seems wholly unknown. The second part of the name 
can be compared with two German titles, Matronae Gabiae and dea 
Idban. Gabia, 1 the latter mentioned on an altar found near Cologne, in 
both of which the syllable gab has been conjecturally connected with 
geben * to give.' But the resemblance is not very close, and neither 
Dr. Stokes nor professor Napier can help me any further. 

(2) The name erased in the third and fourth lines is that of 
Gordian III. (a.d. 288-244), a detail which dates the inscription, and 
is noteworthy for another reason. Emperors' names were not seldom 
erased on Roman inscriptions, but the erasures were limited to definite 
emperors, of whom Gordian was not one. Until the Lanchester altar 
was found, only one instance, I believe, was known in which his name 
had been deleted. 2 We must explain the present erasure as a result 

1 Ihm, Bonner Jahrbtlchcr, lxxxiii. 28 and index ; ZeiUchrift f&r deuttches 
Alterthum, xxxv. 317. The etymology assigned to Gabia is, after all, little 
more than a guess. 

2 The instance is a milestone on the road from Carnuntvm to Vienna (C.I.L. 
III. 4644). Two other instances are sometimes quoted, but both are due to error. 
One (C. II. 3406) is a slip in indexing ; the other (Lipid. Sept. No. 22 ; C. VII. 



of ignorance, such as caused the erasure of the names Pupienus and 
Balbinus on a Benwell inscription, but it is none the less extraordi- 
nary. It is proved however both by the traces of the lettering and 
by the Gor of line 6, which can only be Gordianorum. 

Inscribed Slab at Ben well (see note 2). 

(3) The regiment or detachment which erected the altar is indicated 
in the words pro salute vexiUationis (or vexiUariorum) Sueborum Lon. 
Gordianorum. The terms vexillatio, vexillarii, are used very frequently 
in Roman literature (for instance, in Tacitus) and on inscriptions of 
the first two or three centuries, to denote troops, usually legionaries, 
sometimes veterans, occasionally auxiliaries, who had been detached 
from their proper organizations for some temporary purpose, and were 

510) is the Benwell altar mentioned above. On it we have an ala I. Hispanorum 
Astnrum . . . Gordianae; Prof. Hubner (who saw the stone) supplies the 
gap (a definite erasure of some seventeen letters) as Severianae Alexandrian at 
and says that Gordianae is in erasure. After examining the stone with my 
friend Mr. A. H. Smith, M.A., F.S.A., I have satisfied myself that Gordianae 
has never been erased, and the actual erasure is doubtless Pupienae Balbinae, 
as Mommsen suggested (C. III. Suppl. 6953), though no lettering can be dis- 
cerned. Even on the Vienna milestone (which I have examined myself) the 
erasure is very half-hearted. 

vol. xvi P P 


under a separate command and flag (vexillum). But in the second 
century another sense appears, which takes us somewhat deeper "into 
the secrets of the Roman military system. That system, as set up by 
Augustus, consisted of a uniform series of legions, cohorts and alas, 
without much distinction of race. The auxiliaries bore tribal names, 
but the recruiting soon ceased to be tribal. In the reigns of Trajan 
and Hadrian this began to alter, and a fresh set of auxiliaries levied, 
armed and drilled on a tribal basis, began to arise beside the regular 
army. These new troops are generally called numeri; they become 
plentiful during the second and early third centuries, and with them 
the tribal name has full meaning. Instead of numerus, we get other 
terms used occasionally, and among them cuneus and vexillatio. 
Examples of cuneus will be cited lower down ; for vexillatio we have 
such examples as 

Ala et vexillatio equity m lllyricorum (Dacia, A.D. 129; C. iii. pp. 876, 1977). 
Vexillatio milUum Maurornm Caeiarhentium Oordianorum (Lambaesis in 

Africa, A.D. 255 ; C. viii. 2716). 
Vex. equitum Maurorum in territorio Auziensi praetendentium = 'camping' 

(Auzia in Africa, A.D. 260 ; C. viii. 9046-7, and Cagnat Annie d'Jfriqve, 

pp. 253, 306). 
Vex. Brit. (Holland, undated tiles; Brambach C. I. Rh. 4, 128, 139). 
And so in Britain 

Vex. Oerma. %{trvusque)^ R(aetiae) D(almatiae?) ; Lap id. Sept. 811, and 
C. vii. 303. 

Vexil. Raetor(um) et Noricor(um)\ C. vii. 212. 

We cannot, indeed, be quite certain that all these represent 
separate regiments. The national principle represented in the numeri 
seems to have, to some extent, invaded the regular forces, and we find 
at Birrens (C vii. 1068) Raeti militantes in cohorte II Tungrorum, 
and at Carrawburgh (Eph. iii. 103) Tezandri et Sunici vex. cohortis II 
Nerviorum, very much like the Qermwi, cives Tuihanti, serving in the 
cuneus Frisiorum, which erected the great Housesteads altars to 
Thingsus and the Alaisiagae. 3 But we may be sure that in most of 
the cases, and probably on the Lanchester altar, separate troops are 
meant, and we may take vexillatio here to be hastening on from its 
classical sense to that which it acquired in the army of Diocletian 
and Constantine, that of a troop of horse in the field army. 

(4) Sueborum affords a puzzle. In the first century A.D., as in 

• Arch. Ael. vol. x. pp. 148-172. 


the last century B.C., we find the Snebi on the middle or lower Rhine 
fighting with Caesar, Augustus (who transferred some to the west 
bank), and his successors, including Domitian. In the fourth and 
following centuries we find the Suebi, or other tribes with the same 
name, on the upper Rhine and in the Swabian land, which still bears 
their name, closely associated with the Alemanni and Burgundians. 4 
But the intervening period is a blank. We have, indeed, the 
mentions of Ptolemy and Tacitus, who use the name in a very vague 
and comprehensive way, and we have the statements that Marcus 
Aurelius, about a.d. 165, and Aurelian, more than a century 
later, fought against Suebi, but neither notice can be relied on. 6 
Epigraphically we are little better off. An altar Matribus Suebis was 
erected at Deutz, the bridgehead of Cologne in a.d. 223, 6 and a 
Suebe served in the 4 Equites singulares ' at a period which must be 
later than a.d. 120. 7 Otherwise the Suebi, at least under this name, 
are alike unknown to Roman history and the Roman army, and their 
appearance on the Lanchester altar is notable. It is possible 
that they may have been recruited as a result of the wars with 
Germans waged shortly before Gordian's reign. The policy of setting 
an invader to catch an invader was, indeed, as yet but half known to 
the Romans, but Marcus Aurelius had despatched conquered Sarma- 
tians to Britain, and they had formed a regiment there. However a 
recent suggestion due to prof. Zangemeister (Neue Heidelberger 
Jahrbiicher, iii. (1893) pp. 1-16) affords a more attractive solution. 
A tombstone found at Aubigny in France mentions a rives Sueba 
Nicreti who must undoubtedly have been a Roman subject, and prof. 
Zangemeister conjectures that the civitas S.N., mentioned on several 
milestones found near Heidelberg, ought to be read in full civitas 

4 The first mention is in the list appended to the provincial catalogue of 
A.D. 297, as Miillenhoff has pointed out (Abhandlungety der k.k. Berliner 
Akademie, 1862, 489 foil.), comparing Ammian xvi. 10. In the Notitia, Suevi 
laeti et gentiles appear as settled in France and seemingly used freely for army 
purposes (Occid. lxii. 34, Mommsen, Hermes, xxiv. 251), but this was not earlier 
than a.d. 296, and probably much later. See R. Much, Deutsche Stammsitze 
(Paul and Braune's Eeitrage, xvii.) Halle, 1892. 

* M. Aureli Philosophi vita Capitol. 22, Eutrop. viii. 13 ; Aureliani vita 
Vopisc. 18. It is difficult with these writers to tell the exact sense sense, tra- 
ditional or other, in which the name is used. 

• Ihm, No. 289. Two other altars Matribus Suebis have been found at 
Cologne and Crefeld (Ihm, No. 273, Westd. Correspondenz-blatt, 1890, 147) but 
neither can be dated. 

7 Eph, iv. 935. Mommsen refers this Suebe to the Mattiaci near Mainz 
(Hermes, xvi. 649, note). The meaning of Subus in Ifph. iv. 892, 27, is unknown. 


Susborum Nicretum. In that case, we have material to prove that a 
community of Suebi, called Nicretes, existed on the Neckar near 
Heidelberg, during the whole of the second and a large part of the 
third centuries, and we may suppose that our Lanchester Suebes, as 
well as the eques singularis mentioned above, were recruited hence. 

(5) Lon • Gor • give in abbreviated form the namesof the station, 
and of the reigning emperor. Lon* may possibly belong to the 
Longovicium* of the Notitia (Occ. xl. 80), but we do not know where 
that was, and on phonetic grounds it may as well have been at Lan- 
caster as at Lanchester. I think Dr. Hiibner was rash in putting the 
former down in the Corpus as the site of Longovicium, but I confess 
that I cannot even now see any convincing reason for deciding between 
the two places, and I must perforce remain like Buridan's ass between 
the two attractions. Gor is, of course, Gordianorum? It justifies our 
supplying Gordiani in the third and fourth lines, while the nomencla- 
ture, as a whole, justifies our regarding the Suebes as a separate 
regiment. This nomenclature, indeed, of tribal name, station, and 
emperor's name is common in the third century. I have quoted above 
two instances from Africa ; there are others in Britain. 

Cuneus Friswnum AbaHavenrium Philipp(ianorum) (Papcastle, A.D. 244-9 ; 
Lapid. Sept. 907, C.I.L. vii. 416 - Eph. iii. p. 130. I have satisfied 
myself, from squeezes sent me by Mr. J. M. Brydone, that this is the 
correct reading). 10 

N(umerui) explorator(um) Brem{cnien*ium) GorQdianorwn) (High Ro- 
chester ; Lapid. Sept. 551, 552, C. vii. 1030, 1037.) 

N(umeru*) eq(uitum) Sar[matarum] Bremetenn(aeensium') Gordianus (Rib- 
chester, C. vii. 218). 11 

8 It may be as well to add that the name Longovicus, which has been quoted 
in this context, is a wholly imaginary form. 

9 Vexillatio . . . Gordianorum or Gordiana are equally possible and the 
difference is immaterial. For the first compare Lapid. Sept. 552, C.I.L. vii. 
1030, viii. 2716 ; for the second, Lapid. Sept 22, C.I.L. vii. 218, 510, Eph. v. 1047. 

10 It follows that Aballava is Papcastle, an identification which suits well 
its frequent juxtaposition with Uxellodunum (Maryport). Seeck's idea that 
it is the Galava of Iter x. is impossible if the Itinerary distances are even 
remotely correct. The great difficulty with the Notitia may, I think, be best 
solved by supposing that, after Amboglanna (Birdoswald) several names of 
stations per lirteam valli have dropped out and are now irretrievably lost. 
Chancellor Ferguson's idea (Cumberland, p. 55) i9 that the writer of the 
Notitia had the northern defences in two halves and begins the western half 
at the western instead of the eastern end. This is ingenious, and suits 
Uxellodunum and Aballava, but it does not in the least suit, e.g., Bremeten- 
nacum. A lacuna seems to me the best and simplest solution. 

11 It follows that Bremetennaeum is Ribchester, and this suits the Itinerary 
quite as well as any other route (Watkin, Lancashire, p. 25). Dr. Hiibner 


It remains only to comment on the inscription as a whole. It is a 
cnrious fact, to which I have elsewhere alluded, that we have in 
Northern Britain no scarcity of inscriptions belonging to the second 
quarter of the third century, the reigns of Alexander and Gordian III. 
These were reigns of comparative order and organization, when, as 
historians tell us, statesmen looked after the frontiers, built fortresses, 
and provided, by landgrants and other means, for the strengthening 
of the frontier troops. They were, at least on the Continent, the last 
periods of peace before the deluge : in the middle of this third century 
the barbarians began finally to beat down the defences, and the local 
rule of the Thirty Tyrants arose. The inscriptions of Alexander and 
Gordian III. in Britain show that there, too, danger was apprehended ; 
they shew us also that the defences were not based solely on the 
lines of Wall but on the fortified roads like Watling street that goes 
past Binchester, Lanchester, and Ebchester, to Risingham and High 
Rochester. Whether the Wall of Antonine was still occupied at this 
period is uncertain. It is, at least, significant that the Itinerary stops 
at High Rochester, and that this is the last point northwards where 
we find epigraphic traces of Roman occupation under Gordian. This 
striking correspondence between the inscriptions and the Itinerary can 
hardly be an accident, and is worth mentioning here as a further proof 
of the importance of the road at this period. 12 

(C. vii. p. 68) puts Coocium at Ribchester, but without and against evidence. 
The Notitia {600. xL 54) gives cunewt Sarmatarum Bretnetennaco ; the inscrip- 
tions give nvmerus or ala, the latter used wrongly (like ala cxploratorum 
PomarienHum in Africa, C. viii. 9906). The squadron was first formed out of 
Aureliu8'8 conquered Sarmatae (Dio lxxi. 16) about A.D. 175. 

13 Postscript. Since writing the above, I have seen two articles by prof. 
Hiibner (Westdeuttches Korrespondenzblatt, 1893, nro. 97) and Dr. Hooppell 
(Illustrated Archaeologist, i. p. 121). Dr. Hooppell's objection to the explana- 
tion given above of lon. is based on other Lanchester inscriptions which mention 
a Cohort L L. Oor., but L. here (as another inscription shows) denotes Lingerie* 
and has nothing to do with our Lon. Dr. Hiibner notes das in der Lvft sehwt- 
bende pro salute, I cannot help thinking that, if any part of the inscription is 
strictly ungrammatical, it is solverunt, which has no nominative unless we 
expand the final M into milites. But there are many epigraphic parallels for 
the absence of a nominative to a verb in such a case. 




By Shbbiton Holmes. 

[Read on the 26th May, 1886, but since rewritten and added to.] 

At the present time when the question of the relative ages of the 
Roman Wall, the vallum, and other works which stretch across England 
from the river Tyne to the Solway, and in the reign of which of the 
Roman emperors these gigantic works were executed, is occupying 
afresh the attention of antiquaries, I have thought that a more careful 
study of the passage of the North Tyne river demands attention, and 
that an elucidation of the works erected there might be of advantage 
as forming a key to unlock the hitherto unsolved problem. With a 
view to this I have taken careful notes of what remains of the works, 
and have availed myself of the drawings of the bridge-pier plans 
accompanying Mr. Clayton's paper on the Roman bridge. 1 

Until recently it seemed as though these questions had been 
definitely decided and set at rest upon the authority of such eminent 
writers as the rev. John Hodgson, Mr. John Clayton, and the rev. 
Dr. Bruce, but closer investigation into the facts has reopened the 
whole question and tends to upset many of the conclusions previously 

Where the line of the Roman works crosses the North Tyne river 
there are the remains of two bridges, both of them evidently of Roman 
construction. The later one consisted of an abutment at each end and 
three water piers, thus giving four water bays or openings of thirty- 
five feet six inches span. The parallel faces of the abutment and the 
piers are twenty-one feet six inches long and the breadth across the 
piers sixteen feet. The piers are flat-ended on the down-stream side 
but have starlings or cut-waters on the upper side. The eastern 
abutment has had very long and massive wingwalls, the southern one 
having been lengthened considerably, doubtless to provide against a 
set of the current tending to carry away the river's bank at its 

1 Arch. Ael. (N.S.) vol. vi, p. 80. 

ArchaeologiaAeha-na.VolXVI.tofecep 328. 





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Plate XXV 

. Roman CJall 


J Akermatt, Photo ir& Londo: 


previous termination. The river at this point has altered its course 
from time to time in a westerly direction, so that now the eastern 
abutment and a portion of the first pier are deeply buried in its bank, 
and the western abutment is in the bed of the stream. 

But this action of the river had been in operation previous to the 
time when this bridge was built, for, embedded in its eastern abutment 
is a water pier of an earlier bridge which must have had at least one 
bay or opening to the east of it, so that between the times when the 
two bridges were built the river had altered its course to that extent 

The roadway along the earlier bridge had been much less in width 
tlian that along the later one, its pier faces being only nine feet four 
inches long with a width of ten feet four inches. The earlier bridge had 
starlings both up and down stream diverging from the pier faces at an 
angle of forty-five degrees. It is deserving of note, and unique in my 
knowledge of bridges, that these piers should be less in length than 
their breadth across, but as the bridge had doubtless a timber platform, 
the beams supporting it would require to be cantilevered by others 
underneath them to give rigidity, and the breadth of the pier would 
be necessary to afford a sufficient length of base for them. The 
lowness of the roadway would render angle strutting to the piers use- 
less from the certainty of their being carried away during floods. 

The spans of this bridge must have been abnormally long in com- 
parison with the width of the roadway which could only have been 
about eight feet six inches, for a length from pier to pier of forty-one 
feet two inches or nearly in the proportion of five to one. If, however, 
the roadway platform had been projected beyond the longitudinal 
bearing timbers at each side, a greater width would be obtained, n 

The builders of the later bridge had taken full advantage of what 
remained of the former one, for not only had they inbuilt the water 
pier in their abutment, but had adopted and enlarged the other piers 
also, by adding a width of five feet eight inches to their western sides, 
and lengthening them southwards. This is apparent on applying a 
tracing of the embedded pier (the dimensions of which can be exactly 
defined) to the plan of the second pier, as given on the accompanying 
drawing, where the different character of the masonry clearly defines 
the earlier and more recent work. 


The western abutment of the earlier bridge would most likely 
occupy the site of the third river pier of the later one, and if one bay 
be allowed to the east of the embedded pier the number of the open- 
ings in the two bridges would be equal, only the widths of these 
openings would be five feet eight inches more in the earlier than in 
the later one. 

It seems pretty clear that the skill of the bridge builders had not 
improved as time went on, for the masonry of the later bridge, though 
substantial in character and composed of large ashlar stone through- 
out, is not nearly so well bonded by snecking and breaking joint with 
the stones as in the earlier one, though in the mechanical appliances of 
setting the stones they seem to have advanced, for the lewis had been 
adopted in place of the hand setting of the former work. 

The stones in both bridges have been elaborately fastened together 
by iron cramps and ties run in with lead, but here again the earlier 
men seemed to be in advance of the later ones, for instead of the long 
iron-face straps with T-headed branches running in a sort of hap- 
hazard manner into the work, and the few dog cramps here and there 
of the later work, there are systematic double dove-tailed cramps of 
good form, neatly let into the stones. 

Dr. Bruce inclines to think that the facing stones of the abutment 
of the later bridge might have been an addition by Severus to what 
he terms Hadrian's work, but I think that an examination of the plan 
will show that where these impinge on the embedded pier it could not 
have been so, and that this casing is an initial part of the second 
structure, and coeval with the added work of the piers where the same 
long iron clamps have been used. 

The work generally of the later bridge is of a ruder character than 
that of the earlier one, and there are many make-shifts apparent, 
indicating that the workmen had not such intelligent overlookers. 
This is apparent in the way many of the upper faces of the stones had 
to be dressed down after being set to admit of the proper bedding of 
those above. And there is a piece of very unconstructive work where 
the southern wingwall had been lengthened. 

In the beds of the stones forming the earlier pier there are at 
uncertain intervals wedge-shaped holes, the use of which is not clear. 
They could not have been used in lifting, and are not holes for joggles 


to prevent the stones shifting on their beds. The likeliest use for 
them is to give point-hold to the crowbars used in forcing along the 
upper stones to their positions in the process of building. 

The earlier bridge mast have had at least one of its bays to the 
eastward of the embedded pier, and if only one, then the abutment 
belonging to it must have had its position underneath where is now the 
Roman Wall, and the roadway must have occupied the site of the north 
wall of the castellum. It thus seems clear that neither the castellum 
nor that portion of the Wall could have been coeval with the bridge. 

A suggestion having been made that possibly the Wall had been 
lengthened when the later bridge was built so as to bring it forward 
to the bridge, Mr. Clayton gave permission to have the face of the 
Wall opened out eastwards, with the result that to a distance of sixty 
feet back from its junction with the castellum there is no break in the 
masonry, and the character of it is similar throughout, and very much 
like the exposed face on Limestone bank, the face stones running 
from about fourteen inches to nineteen inches in length, and from 
nine to twelve inches in depth. Writing in his Wallet Book, Dr. Bruce 
says of his portion of the Wall : ' It terminates in a square building 
or castellum formed of stones of the same character as those used in 
the Wall.' So far from this being the case the stones forming the 
Wall to the east of the bridge are larger, longer, and rougher than 
those in the castellum, these being nearly square on the face and very 
much smaller, and there is no true bonding between the two, the castel- 
lum having apparently been built on to the Wall end at a later time. 

Mr. Clayton 3 says : * There is an apartment twenty-four feet by 
twenty-three feet six inches under the platform of approach.' This 
in the hands of Dr. Bruce becomes a castellum, and as the walls are 
well faced all round it could never have been designed for an under- 
ground chamber. 

Owing to the dribbling away of material from under the abutment, 
the central portion, especially towards the face, and the castellum, 
have subsided considerably, but the longitudinal iron bonding of the 
face stones has held them so well together that no set or crack is 
perceptible in the masonry. Dr. Bruce thought that this depression of 
the centre portion was by design and deemed it an element of strength, 
but I scarcely think that any engineer would coincide in such opinion. 
1 Arch. A el. vol. vi (N.S.) p. 82. 

vol. xvi. Q Q 


The peculiar splaying back of the face courses in the northern 
wingwall seems to be a scientific idea for accommodating the face-line 
to the different rates of flow in the river, i.e. giving a larger area 
to the more rapid surface water than was required for the compar- 
atively sluggish current nearer the bed of the river, and it seems 
strange that engineers who could act upon such scientific lines should 
have made their piers flat-ended on the down-stream side, thereby 
incurring the danger of having the material eaten away from their 
foundations and the stones displaced by the regurgitative action of 
the water, and this too, with the evidence of the earlier piers before 
their eyes. It was this action of the water which rendered the 
lengthening of the south wingwall necessary, and in doing which they 
further endeavoured to throw the current away from the wall-face by 
placing the lower courses angle-way to the line of the work. This 
addition to the wingwall had been built chiefly with stone got from 
the earlier bridge remains, as is evident from many of the holes for 
the dove-tailed cramps remaining in positions which, in their new 
places, are of no use whatever. 

It is a question whether in building their large ashlar work the 
Romans used mortar in the joints, or built it dry as was the custom 
in Rome under the Republic. In their smaller stone work such as the 
Wall with its camps, etc., they did use mortar, if indeed it may be so 
termed. Here and there patches of mortar may be found in a well- 
set condition, but, generally speaking, in the North of England it 
had been of a very poor character, the face of the stones merely 
ipped by a pointing of better mortar, and the hearting filled in with 
a mixture of badlyslaked lime in clot, and soil instead of sand as a 
matrix, a material more calculated to disrupt than to cement the stones 
together ; for, as the lime became hydrated, it would swell and tend 
to rend the work asunder. It would appear as if the designers, accus- 
tomed to the pozzolanas of Southern Italy and the limes of Tivoli, 
had looked slightingly on the comparatively inferior limes of the 
district and had not placed much reliance in their binding power, 
preferring, in their more important works, to trust rather to the 
more costly bonding of iron run in with lead. 

From the evidence existing, pointing as it does to the later con- 
struction of the Wall, it may be taken that the earlier bridge was 



antecedent to its erection, and the question arises what office was 
this earlier bridge designed to fulfil? It seems to be generally 
agreed that previous to the building of the Wall, Agricola had con- 
structed a chain of forts across this isthmus, and as these would 
almost certainly be connected by a line of road, it is possible that 
this bridge might have been built in connection with such road, 
though as subsequently noted in this paper, I think the probability is 
against it. Then as to the date of erection of the later bridge, it 
seems unlikely that during the short period between Agricola and 
Hadrian (about forty years) the river had time to alter its course a 
distance of sixty feet from its former line, as it has taken 1,700 years 
since the departure of the Romans to perform an equal distance in 
the same direction. When Severus returned from his northern 
campaign, about 130 years after the time of Agricola, would appear 
to be a much more likely time for the river so to have changed its 
course and for the later bridge to have been built. 

Amongst the d&bris of the bridge abutment there are certain 
peculiar shaped stones which have evidently been designed for some 
special use. One of them is a monolithic pillar, nine feet one inch in 
length, havinsr a rectangular base, two feet two inches by one foot 
eleven inches, for a height of two feet two inches from the bottom ; 
above this the angles are rounded off, until at the top it assumes the 
circular form with a diameter of one foot seven inches. The shaft 
of the column is six feet six and a half inches long and concentrically 
on its upper end, there is a carved conical boss, four and a half 
inches deep, with a scarcement all round it of five inches on the pillar 
top. On the longer face of the base the stone has been cut away to a 
depth of five inches, so as to leave projecting a face moulding, and as 
the shape of this moulding is similar to that upon other stones which 
have apparently formed an ornamental string course along the face of 
the abutment, the original position of the pillar stone is thereby 
determined as having been on the face of the abutment and in line 
with the string course. As another evidence of the position of the 
pillar stone, there remains one of the stones which had formed the 
parapet hollowed out to fit up against it. 

There are also portions of a similar column which had been broken 
up. The upper end of it is now on the abutment amongst the ruins, 


and what appears to be a portion of the shaft, about four feet long, with 
a dowel hole cut in a similar manner to that in the entire column, 
is now placed in an angle of the building on the west side of the river. 

A third stone demands particular attention. It is in the form of 
a barrel or the nave ef a cart wheel without the axle-hole through it. 
This stone is two feet six inches long, one foot seven inches diameter 
at its centre, and one foot one and a quarter inches at its ends. 
Radiating from its centre are eight recesses cut to a depth of four and 
a half inches, which, at the face of the stone, form openings one inch 
wide by three inches long. The lower sides of these holes are cut 
deeper as they recede from the face, being half an inch deeper at the 
inner end than at the face, thus forming a tapered or half -dovetailed 
hole, similar to the lewis holes in the abutment stones. The weight 
of this stone is about five and a quarter hundredweights, and the most 
likely use I can imagine for it is in the nature of a balance-weight 
applied either over a pulley or at the end of a lever. 

A reference to the detailed drawings of this stone will show how 
admirably it is adapted to being slung, for, if in the holes be placed 
half-dovetailed studs, tapering from two and a half to three inches, 
they would fall down half an inch from the upper side of the hole, 
and admit of a flat slip of that thickness being driven in above them, 
thus securely fastening them in position. Then the studs being left 
projecting beyond the face of the stone would form attachments for 
the ropes or rods used in slinging it. A very similar arrangement to 
this existed until lately at the smaller collieries in the northern 
counties, when the water was drawn from the pit in tubs by means of 
a whimsey worked by a horse. To balance the water-tub they had 
another filled with stone, through which, midway in its height, pieces 
of wood were put at equal angles, and the projections formed attach- 
ment studs in the same manner as those in the balance stone. This 
stone has, I think, an intimate connection with the pillar stones, 
and all three taken together may be considered as a permanent frame 
and balance for the lifting of some heavy structure. What that struc- 
ture might have been, I will endeavour to set forth further on. 

The conical boss on the top of the pillar seems designed to secure 
a beam placed across the top of the two pillars, which would have 
cups cut in it to fit the stone bosses. 


So far, we are on tolerably safe ground; but what had the 
mechanical arrangement of support and balance to perform ? The 
ancient lever arrangement of the Egyptian shadoof, I think, now 
comes into play, so that if another beam be placed across the head 
beam and pivoted thereon, a means of lifting and swinging round a 
suspended weight would be accomplished. 

Now, a permanent arrangement, such as I have sketched out, 
would not be for a temporary purpose, such as lifting the stones 
whilst building was in progress, but must have been for some con- 
tinuous purpose, and I can see nothing more likely than that it was 
intended to lift and sling out of position a portion of the timber 
superstructure of the bridge so as to cut off communication along it. 

This arrangement I have endeavoured to formulate in the drawing 
accompanying this paper. 

The weight to be lifted would better accord with the narrow 
platform of the earlier bridge, but as the lewis principle had been used 
in the balance-weight stone in a similar manner to the setting of the 
stones in the later one, I think it most likely that the mechanical 
arrangement had belonged to it, and, if so, a counterweight became a 
necessity, for the distance between the face of the abutment and the 
castellum is too short to give sufficient pole balance otherwise. 

In connection with the timber platform there are large flat-stones 
which have cut across them grooves three inches broad and three and 
a half inches deep, which had evidently been intended for the inser- 
tion of six inch by seven inch timbers, half let into the stone and 
half notched into the cantilever timbers to counteract their forward 
tendency and secure them in their positions. The parapet-coping, of 
which many face-moulded stones remain, had also a longitudinal 
groove for the insertion of a tie rod. 

In the masonry of the south wingwall there is a hole, roughly 
circular, about thirteen inches diameter, which might have been for 
the insertion of a crane post during the erection of the work, as from 
this point a large area of the masonry could have beeu reached, and the 
employment of the lewis would almost carry with it that of the crane. 
The utility of thus severing the connection along the bridge may 
be questioned, as at present the river is fordable at points both above 
and below, but at the time of the Roman occupation, when the country 


was timbered, wet, and undrained, as described by Herodian, the rain- 
fall would be greatly in excess of the present time, and the water 
would get much more slowly away, the river neither rising bo high 
during rains nor shrinking to such small dimensions during dry 
weather, so that fording it would be found difficult at any time. The 
massive piers of the bridge would also obstruct the flow, and dam 
back the water for some distance above. 

4 Where the Watling-street crossed the Reed, the bed of the river 
is paved with large stones ; and when a part of the north bank was 
washed away by a flood a few years ago, two pillars were discovered, 
which it is supposed might have stood at the entrance to a bridge.' 8 
Might not this have been some similar arrangement for barring the 
passage across the Rede at a time when the wall having become ruin- 
ous or the number of soldiers remaining not sufficient to garrison 
it effectively, they had recourse to the rivers for protection against 
the invading Caledonians from the north and west. 

The solution of the actual dates when the various works were 
constructed will probably have to await the unearthing of more direct 
evidence in the shape of sculptured stones as history has been unable 
to give more than an uncertain clue to it, but it is quite possible that 
the relative dates may hereafter be made out with some degree of 
certainty from investigations carried on in the works themselves, and 
it is with a view to this that I have been led to examine the bridges, 
etc., of the North Tyne river so that the initiation thus given may be 
carried forward at other points until some definite information shall 
be obtained. 

The results of the investigations made, may, I think, be summed 
up thus : — 

Firstly, the earliest line of works would appear to be the 'Stane- 
gate' and the camps on its line which were probably those instituted 
by Agricola about the year 78. On referring to the six inch to a mile 
Ordnance map it will be seen that this road is traced directly up to the 
North Tyne river near where lately stood Homer's house, as though it 
had at that point crossed the river and continued on in an easterly 
direction without approaching the bridge. 

1 Rambles in Northumberland and on the Scottish Border, by Stephen Oliver 
the younger [W. A. Chatto], p. 151. 


Starting from this point westward it passes to the north of Four- 
stones and through Newbrough, and in a very direct course to 
Chesterholm, where is the important station of Vindolana, and hence 
along to a considerable camp which is seated on the eastern edge of 
the Haltwhistle burn. Grossing this it goes over the summit of the 
hill at Sunnyrig, being deflected from its direct course to gain this 
height. Then falling down it makes direct for Caervoran (Magna). 

Immediately west of this there are half a dozen important camps 
which, with the Caervoran station, form an arc of a circle. These 
being situated on high ground and on the watershed of the country 
east and west would, I think, form a stronghold in connection with 
the Stanegate. From this point westward the name is continued on 
the Ordnance plan in connection with the military way by the side of 
the Wall and vallum, but as this road is evidently the continuation of 
the one traced by the Wall side from near Procolitia, I think the more 
probable route for the Stanegate from Caervoran to have been along 
by the line of camps to Naworth, keeping the river Irthing as a 
northern defence ; thence to the north of the camp near Brampton 
(named ' Aballaba ' on the one inch Ordnance map), and the camp 
near Watchclose, to Bed Hills, from which point it is again traced 
as far as Parkbroom in the direction of Carlisle. The station of 
Caervoran, which is a little to the south of both Wall and vallum 
but on the line of the Stanegate, would favour this idea. 

There appear to have been connecting roads between the Stane- 
gate and the stations of Cilurnum and Borcovicus, the latter joining 
the Stanegate at Frendon hill. The Wall along by Borcovicus had 
its accompanying road between it and the vallum which would be well 
protected, whereas the Stanegate is at too great a distance off to have 
had protection from the Wall garrisons ; also, as at the North Tyne 
river, the Stanegate seems to have had an independent crossing and 
not to have approached the bridges, the inference is that it was the 
pioneer work of the district. 

Secondly, the Boman Wall would seem to have been a later work 
than the earlier of the two bridges, for the eastern abutment must (as 
previously explained) have occupied its site. . 

Thirdly, the castelltm commanding the later bridge seems to be 
yet a later work than the Wall, and might have been added when the 



second bridge was built, or even at a date later than that, when it 
became necessary to substitute for the Wall the line of defence afforded 
by the rivers Eden, Irthing, North Tyne, and Rede. 

Then, fourthly, as to the inscrutable vallum, which seems to 
pursue a perfectly independent line across the river, and indeed to be 
independent of all around it. Seeming now to be defensive against 
the north, at other times equally so against the south, and also 
by its two aggers or ramparts affording as much cover for an enemy 
attacking as would be given to those defending, the question 
arises whether it was ever designed for a defensive work, or merely 
as marking a boundary possibly antecedent to Roman days. And 
this seems to be favoured by the finding in the recent 
excavation cut across it near Heddon-on-the- Wall of 
a bronze axe head and a flint scraper of circular form 
about one and three-eighths inch in diameter. Also 
where the vallum was recently excavated at Down 
hill the road in connection with the Wall was cut 
across in several places. In one of the sections it is 
found on the northern marginal mound of the vallum fosse, showing 
that when it had been formed the vallum 
works were in existence and, in all proba- 
bility obsolete. 

Against this view may be adduced the 
similarity of the two fosses, those of the 
Wall and vallum, at the summit of Lime- 
stone bank where they are cut through the 
columnar basalt and each of them left in a 
similar state of incompletion ; and it seems 
curious why, if not contemporary, there 
should have been two ditches cut so close 
together through such intractable material, 
and why, if the vallum fosse was existing, the 
Wall builders did not adopt it and build their wall on its southern margin. 
These and many other questions concerning the northern boundary 
works await solution, and it may be hoped that the investigations now 
being instituted may be the means of clearing away some of the 
difficulties which have hitherto delayed that result. 

SLALEY. 889 

By thb Rev. A. Johnson, Vicar op Healey. 
[Read on the 30th August, 1893.] 
The ecclesiastical history of Slaley is somewhat peculiar. Originally 
it seems to have formed part of the parish of Bywell St. Andrew. 
Along with the rest of that ancient parish, it is mentioned, soon after 
the Conquest, as belonging to the barony of Bolbeck. In its more 
prosperous days, during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, we 
find it named as a separate parish, and holding the position of a 
rectory. In the time of Henry III., Gilbert de Slaley, who was 
living in a.d. 1239, gave to Hexham priory the church of Slaley, 
with one plow land of the endowment of the said church, and a 
common of pasture in the village for 260 sheep, and a common of 
pasture in Le Stele for the same number; 1 and by the great charter 
of InspeximuSy granted by Edward I. to the prior and convent of 
Hexham, these lands and possessions in Northumberland, after the 
burning of their house by the Scots, were confirmed to them. 

The ' Black Book of Hexham,' giving the rental of the prior and 
convent of Hexham, says that they hold in Slaley divers tenements, 
and half a carucate of land, and certain other acres and pasturage for 
sheep, as in the charter of the convent are contained. 2 It was assessed 
as a rectory in pope Nicholas's taxation in 1292, and was again taxed 
as a church and distinct parish to the ninths in 1340. In the list 
of Procurations paid by the clergy of Northumberland in 1857 to 

1 Tenent etiam ecclesiam de Slaveley in proprios usus et unam carucatam 
terre de dote ejusdem ecclesie et communiam pasture in eadem villa ad ducentas 
et sexaginta ores et communiam pasture in le Stele ad ducentas et sexaginta 
ores in liberam.puram et perpetuam elemosinam de dono Gilberti de Slaveleye 
et inde habuerunt cartam et conflrmationem domini episcopi et capituli Dunelm- 
ensis et tenuerunt a tempore regis Henrici patris Domini regis nunc. Ex Rot. 
Cart. 27 Edw. I. 23rd Nov. 1298. In the tower of London. Hodgson, pt. III. 
vol. ii. p. 164. In Surtees Soc. vol. 46, p. 112, Raine gives a copy of this from 
what is said to be an original in the possession of W. B. Beaumont, esq. Query, 
can Mr. Beaumont's be an original, or is it a copy of the document in the tower 
of London ? 

1 Sclavblbyb. — Tenent etiam in Sclavelye diversa tenementa et di caru- 
catam terrae, et alias certas acras, ut in cart is Conventus, et pasturas ad certas 
oves, ut in cartis continetur. [Then follows an interesting list of the tenants, 
with their holdings, and quantity of land held by each in Sclavelye, Prestplace, 
Lumbard's place, etc.] Hexham Priory, vol. ii. (Surtees Soc. vol. 46), pp. 27-28. 

YQL. xvi, R H 

340 SLALEY : 

cardinal Talairand and his colleagues the rector of Slaley is stated to 
have paid his share : — 

Rectoria de Slaveley non valet ultra iiijli xvjd & solvit ijg. 

From a survey of the estates of the priory of Hexham, made at the 
dissolution, we learn that Slaley was no longer a rectory. It appears 
simply as a chapel, and the officiating minister is styled chaplain : 
' Et in pencione annuali exennde de capella de Slevele soluta abbati et 
conv. de Abbyland, p.a. xxiijs. Salaeia Capellanorum . . . . et 
in salario unius capellani servient is coram animarum infra capellam 
de Slavele, p.a. ill j li.' 3 

The period of the Reformation seems to have been a trying time 
for Slaley. When the priory of Hexham was dissolved the endowments 
of Slaley fell with it into improper (alias impropriator) hands, and in 
her impoverished condition, not being able to maintain her position 
of independence as a separate parish, the church of Slaley was obliged 
to return to the old maternal fold, and had to depend upon the mother- 
church of By well St. Andrew for maintenance for a time. Randal, in 
his Survey of the Churches of Northumberland, gives Slaley as a chapelry 
in the parish of By well St. Andrew, with a list of curates from 1501 
to 1756. In the Liber Regis, compiled by order of Henry VIII., this 
living is valued at £15. 

At the Archdeacon's Visitation, held at Corbridge in 1601, it was 
reported of the curate and churchwardens 'that they have had no 
sermon this last yeare, and that they use no perambulation in Roga- 
tion weeke, and that the Register Booke is in paper.' Two years 
later the presentment is * that they have no Register book, nor new 
communion booke.' 

John Shaftoe, vicar of Warden, bequeathed by will, 13th May, 
1693, an augmentation of £10 for ever to the church of Slaley, to be 
paid out of the mortgaged lands and estate of John Heron, bart, then 
lately deceased, of Chipchase. 

In 1719 Slaley again arose to the rank of a separate parish. In a 
letter (dated 12th February, 1887) the secretary of Queen Anne's 
Bounty informs me that Slaley was augmented by the governors of 
Queen Anne's Bounty in the year 1719, that the cure was, prior to that 
date, an ' Impropriate Curacy ' or chapelry, and the effect of augmenta- 
tion was to make such curacy or chapelry a perpetual curacy and 
* Surtecs Soc. vol, 46, p. 169, 


benefice (see 1 Geo. I. c. 10, s. 4). The benefice has (he says) been 
subsequently augmented several times. 

A church was built at Slaley in 1312, and an indulgence of forty 
days was granted to those who contributed to the fabric. 4 The present 
church was erected in 1832, and in the vestry is preserved the contract 
for the work, which is dated ' 24th April, 1832.' On May 25th, 1832, 
the foundation stone of the new church was laid by the rev. C. Bird, 
vicar of Chollerton, in the presence of the clergy of the neighbourhood, 
the principal inhabitants, and a large concourse of people. The old 
church had become little better than a mass of ruins, and totally unfit 
for the celebration of divine service. By the persevering exertions of 
the rev. Henry Armstrong, the curate, and other members of a com- 
mittee selected for that purpose, sufficient funds were raised to rebuild 
and enlarge the structure, without having recourse to a parish rate. 
Previous to the ceremony, the rev. C. Bird delivered an appropriate 
address. The stone was then laid with the usual ceremonies. On the 
4th of November, 1832, the new church was opened for divine ser- 
vice. It consists of chancel, nave, western bell turret, vestry on 
south of nave, with a gallery on the north side of the nave. It 
affords room for three hundred and fifty worshippers, whilst the old 
church had only ninety-four sittings. 

Two bells were placed in a turret at the west end, when the church 
was rebuilt in 1832. They are both of that date, but bear no inscrip- 
tion. Registers begin in 170}. The old vicarage house, now a pictur- 
esque ruin covered with ivy, is worthy of note. The Shaftoe charity 
is said to have been spent in buying land and building this old house. 
The new vicarage was built by vicar Heslop. In the church there is 
a ' three-decker/ with a sounding-board over, and a curious font, a 
stone octagonal basin, ten inches in diameter, on a wooden octagonal 
stem, four feet high. On the west side of the south door is a tomb- 
stone bearing the inscription :— here lieth | richard teas | 

| ANO DOMINI | 1635. 

The communion plate has been described by Mr. Blair in the 
Proceedings of the Society. 6 

4 Memorandum. — Quod xxiij° die Novembris, anno Domini millesimo ccc mo 
xij°, concessit dominus xi dies indulgentiae omnibus conferentibus de bonis suis, 
ad labricam ecclcsiae de Slaveley, Dunelmensis dicecesis. Up, Kellawtf* RegUtvr t 
I. p. 254. • Vol. iii. p. 272. 

342 8LALEY : 

Slalet Vicars and Curates. 
A.d. 1501, William Thompson. 
„ 1577, Jan. 25, Cuthbert Pattenson, Scotus. He had no letters of orders 

or licence. In Bishop Barnes's Visitation he was admonished to 

serve no longer till he be licenced. 
„ 1578, July 15, Edward Thompson. 
„ 1604, Peter Gillaspie. 
„ 1612, John Smith. 
„ 1662, Andrew Turner. 
„ 1671, Matthew Wrightson. 
„ 1710, John Sleigh. 
„ 1712, William Richardson. 

„ 1723, Feb. 2, John Topling, clerk, after death of Richardson. 
„ 1740, Matthew Robinson, A.M. 
„ 1766, William Wharton, clerk, after death of Robinson. Patron, Sir 

Walter Blackett, Bart. The burial register states:—* 1774, Dec. 

27th. Then was buried the Rev. W. Wharton.' 
In 1773, Thomas Martindale, \ 

Jona n . Jefferson, I 

William Dalston, V All sign the registers as curates. 

John Orton, ( 

A. Brown, P.C. of Whitley, J 
„ 1775-1792, Thomas Martindale, minister. He died March 24th, 1792, 

aged 76 years. 
„ 1792-1811, Richard Close, curate. 
„ 1811, Jn°. Jopling, curate. 
„ 1812-1821, W. Harrison, curate. 
„ 1821-1823, G. Thompson, minister. 
„ 1823-1830, Jos. Smith, minister. 
„ 1831-1832, H. Armstrong, curate. 
„ 1832, Richard Heslop, P. curate. The present church and vicarage were 

built during his incumbency. 
„ 1850, Blythe Hurst, Ph.D., incumbent. A linguist of superior attain- 

„ 1854, W m . Si8Son, the present vicar, who is also vicar of Whitley (or 

Slalet Registers. 

I. Contains baptisms, marriages, and burials, beginning A.D. 170}. This 

consists of 9 pages on paper in poor condition. 

II. Contains baptisms, marriages, and burials, A.D. 1725 to 1752. 40 pages 

on parchment, good condition. 

III. Contains baptisms, marriages, and burials, also churchwardens* accounts, 

A.D. 1755 to 1769. 10 pages on paper, good condition. 

IV. Contains baptisms and burials, a.d. 1769 to A.D. 1812 ; also banns and 

marriages, A.D. 1754 to a.d. 1812. This and the following are on good 
strong paper and in good condition. 

V. Contains baptisms, a.d. 1813 to A.D. 1860. 

VI. Contains marriages, a.d. 1813 to A.D. 1837. 

VII. Contains burials, a.d. 1813 to present date. 

VIII. Contains baptisms, a.d. 1860 to present date. 

IX. Contains marriages (in duplicate), A.D. 1838 to present date. 


The following are the earliest legible entries : — 


February y e 29 th , Anno Domini 170f. — Joseph Carr, son of William Carr, and 
Mary, his wife, were then Baptizd. 

Septem r y* 12 th , Anno Dom. 1703.— John Farbridge, son of John Farbridge, 
and Mary, his wife, was then baptizd. 

Decern' the 3 d , Anno Dom. 1705.— Leonard Farbridge, son of John Farbridge, 
& Mary, his Wife, was then Baptizd. 

March y e 5 th , Anno Dom. 1705. — John Carr, son of William Carr, and Mary, 

his Wife, was then Baptizd. 


December the 28 th , 1722.— Then was marryd by Publication Henry Carr, of 
this Parish^ and Alice Milton, of St. Nicholas, in the City of Durham. 

April y« 23 d , An. Dom. 1723. — Then was Marryd by Publication Joseph 
Foster, in the Parish of Hexham, and Mary Linton, of y 6 Parish of Slealey. 

April y* 24 th , 1728.— Then was marry 'd W m Taylor, of this Parish, & Ann 
Spark, of y e parish of Hexham, by Publication. 

26th .... [obliterated] [1720] An. Dom., Burials. . . . t Taylor was 
then buried. 

. . . mber y e 24 th . — Gerrard Farbridge was then buried. 
April y* 12 th , 1721.— M r Tho. Teasdale was then buried. 

April y* 8th, 1725. — Then was buried a Strainger. 


An Abstract of the title deeds of John Thornton, Esq. [of Nether witton], to 
the Rectorys and tythes of By well St. Andrew and Slaveley in the County of 

10 Oct. 5 Jac. — A Copy of a Grant from King James to Geo. Ward and Rob 1 
Morgan and their heirs (inter alia) of the Rectory and Church of Bywell St 
Andrew, Count. Northumb., with its rights, members, and appurt 6 " of the yearly 
rent of 61i. 18s. 4d., late belonging to the Monastery of Blanchland in the s* 
County, and also y* Advowson, donation, free disposition, and right of patronage 
to the Vicarage Church of Bywell aforee 4 , with all the lands, tenements, tythes, 
meadows, pastures, feedings, court leets, view of frank Pledge, &a, to the said 
Rectory belonging, under the yearly rent of 61i. 13s. 4d., payable to his Maj*, 
his heirs, and successors. To be held of Mann 1 * of East Greenwich. 

21 May, 6 Jac. — By bargain and sale inrolled in Chancery the said Geo. 
Ward and Rob* Morgan grant and convey the said Rectory, advowson, Tythes, 
&c., of Bywell Andrew, as fully as his then Maj^ granted the same to them 
(inter alia) by the Grant last above mentioned unto Cuthbert Radcliffe, of 
Blanchland, Esq., his heirs, and assigns, under the said Crown rent of 61i. 13s. 4d. 

344 SliALEY i 

29 Oct. 9 Jac. — By Indenture reciting that Queen Elizabeth by her L'res 
Patents dat y e 11 Apr', in the 21st year of her reign did grant to Sir Chr. 
Hatton, Kn 1 , and his heirs (inter alia) all and all manner of tythes of what 
nature or kind soever of and in the town, fields, parish, and hamlet of Slaveley, 
in the s d County of Northumberland, theretofore belonging to the late Monastery 
of Hexham, with all houses, buildings, barns, dovecots, orchards, gardens, 
gleablands, meadows, pastures, Tythes as well greater as lesser, advowBon, gift, 
free disposition, and right of patronage to the Vicarage of Slaveley aforesaid, 
as fully as her s d Maj ty held the same, reserving to her s* 1 Maj tjr , her heirs, and 
successors for the s d prem'es the yearly rent of 611. 13s. 4d. for the maintenance 
of a fit minister or Clerk in the Church or Chapel of Slaveley af ores d , which s* 
Tythes and prem'es in Slaveley the 3 d S T Chr. Hatton by Indre of Bargain and 
sale inrolled in Chancery Dat. 12 of the s d April in y° s d 21 of her s d Maj'^'' 
reign, did grant to S r John Foster and his heirs, who conveyed the same to S r 
John Fenwicke and his heirs. He the s d S r John Fenwicke grants and conveys 
the 8 d Tythes, advowson, and prem'es in Slaveley laf ores' 1 to the abovenamed 
Cuthbert Radcliffe, Esq., and his heirs, renewing the yearly rent of 411. towards 
payment of y e yearly rent reserved by the 6* 1 L'res Patents, for Slaveley, and also 
the s d rent of 61i. 13s. 4d. for Ministers wages or Stipend. 

(A Counterpart of this conveyance executed by Radcliffe.) 

6 Oct. 11 Jac. — By Indenture reciting as in the last above-mentioned 
Indenture is recited the s d Sir John Fenwicke grants and conveys the s - Tythes, 
advowson, and prem'es in Slaveley afores d to John Radcliffe, of Blanchland, 
Gent., and his heirs under y* s d rent of 41i., and the said rent for Ministers 
wages of 61i. 13s. 4d. 

(A Counterpart of this deed signed by John Radcliffe.) 

29 Oct. 9 Car. — The said John Radcliffe by his last will and testament gives 
to his brother Anthony his Rectory of By well Andrew and the Chappelry of 
Slaveley, and to his brother William all his nioyety of Corn Tythes in Chester 
[i.e.., Chester- le- Street], and makes his said brothers executors of his said will. 

22 Oct. 1647. — A probate of the last will and testament of William Radcliffe, 
whereby he gives the Tythes of Slaveley Parish, and the Tythes or Rectory of 
By well Andrew to his sister, Jane Witham, and her heirs. 

25 May, 1649.— By Indenture John Witham and the s d Jane (his then wife) 
grant and convey unto John Thornton, of Netherwitton, Gent., and his heirs all 
their messuage or tenement called Hassewell, alias Hassiwell, in the County of 
.Northumb d , with a pasture there called Wattefield, alias Watchman's Bogg, and 
all that Rectory and Church of By well Andrew, the free gift, and right of 
patronage of the Vicarage of Slaveley, one rent charge of 81i. per annum issuing 
out of West Calecoates, one other rent charge of 121L out of the Mann r of North 
Charlton, one other of 401i., out of Great Swinburne, West Swinburn, Cockwell, 
Whiteside Law, and Holmes Haugh, one free rent or White rent of 40s. out of 
Great Framlington and Little Framlington, one other of 40s. out of Todburne 

APPENDIX. . 345 

and Horseley, and one other of 39s. lid. out of Riplington, and also the Moyety 
or one half of the Prebend, Rectory, and Vicarage of Chester in the Street 
afores*. To hold to the s* John Thornton and his heirs, to the use of John 
Witham and Jane, his wife, for the life of the s d Jane, then to the use of the 
a* John Thornton and his heirs, Provided the s* John Thornton, after the death 
of the 8* Jane, did pay to his brother Henry Thornton and his heirs the yearly 
rent of 301i. per annum, if the 3 d Henry did pay to Margaret Thornton, his 
sister, 100H., and the further sum of 2001i. if the s d Jane did appoint and declare 
the same by her last will and testament. 

A Copy of the Capcon of a fine of the s* 1 prem'es from the s d Witham et Ux. 
to the 3 d John Thornton. 

1 Apr. 1653. — By Indenture the 3 d John Thornton covenants to stand seized 
of the Rectory and Tythes of Bywell Andrew and Slaveley and the advowson 
thereof, and of one moyety of the Prebend Rectory and Vicarage of Chester to 
the use of himself for life, then to the use of Henry Thornton and the heirs of 
his body. In default of such to the use of William Thornton and the heirs of 
his body, and for default of such, to the right heirs of him the said John 

3 June, 1659. — A Copy of the said Jane Witham's will, whereby she consti- 
tutes her son, Henry Thornton, sole executor of all her estate, real and personal, 
provided that he pay to her daughter, Marg 1 Thornton, sister to the s d Henry, 
the sum of 3001L pursuant to the deed of the 25 of May, 1649, above-mentioned. 

1 and 2 Oct. 36 Car. 2.— By Indentures of Lease and Release, the release 
being 3-partite and made between the s* 1 Henry Thornton of the first part, 
Edward Burdett and Anthony Anderson of the 2 d part, and Richard Pepper of 
y* 3 d part, the s 41 Henry Thornton grants and conveys the s d Rectorys, Tythes, 
advowsons, and prem'es of and in Bywell and Slaveley, the 3 d moyety of the 
Prebend, Rectory, and Vicarage of Chester, to the s 4 Burdett and Anderson and 
their heirs to make them tenants of the freehold, in order to suffer a recovery 
thereof. The uses whereof is thereby declared to be to the use of such person 
and persons for such estates charged with such annual paym u and with such 
sums of money as the 3 d Henry Thornton should by any writing or last will in 
writing direct or appoint, and subject thereunto To the use of the s d Henry 
Thornton, his heirs, and assignee for ever. 

Hil. Pro. 36 of 37 Car. 2. — An Exemplification of a recovery of the prem'es 
pursuant to the deed last abovement nd , wherein Richard Pepper is demant. 
against the said Burdett and Anderson on Tenants and the said Henry Thornton 
le Vouchee.. 

14 Mar. 4 Jac. 2. 1687.— A Copy of the last will and testament of the s d 
Henry Thornton, whereby he gives and devises the s d moyety of the s d Prebend, 
Rectory, and Tythes of Chester in the street, with the appurtenances, to his 
nephew, Nicholas Thornton, and his heirs, and gives to his cousin, Marg* 
Sackvile, an annuity of lOli. per annum for her life, chargeable on the Rectory 


of Bywell Andrew and tythes of By well Andrew and Slaveley afores d , payable 
half-yearly at Pent, and Martinmas ; and devise* the s* Rectory, advowson, 
Tythes, and prem'es of and in Bywell Andrew and Slaveley aforesaid to his 
sister, Marg* Thornton, for her life. Then to her executors for 7 years from her 
death for payment of her debts, subject to the s* 10H. per annum given to 
Sackvile, and after the expiration thereof gives the 8* tythes and premises to his 
8* nephew, Nicholas Thornton, and his heirs, subject to the s d annual payment 
of 10H. above-mentioned, and further devises to his s d sister Marg* and her 
heirs an annual rent charge of 81i. issuing out of Shelley, one other of 61i. per 
annum out of one messuage or tenement in Eirkley, and out of all other the 
lands late of Sir Nicholas Thornton in Northumberland, and makes the said 
Margaret, his sister, executrix of his said will. 

By memorandum the s 4 Henry Thornton wills That his s* sister Margaret 
enjoy Chester Tythes for her life, and in defect of such enjoyment gives a rent 
charge of 201i. chargeable on Bywell Andrew and Slaveley Tythes to the s 4 
Margaret and her heirs, But in case the s d Margaret enjoy Chester Tythes for 
her life, then all his said tythes to come to his s* nephew, Nicholas Thornton, 
and his heirs. — Hodgson's ftfS. Materials, AT. p. 100 and 8. p. 101. 

John Thornton, whose name stands at the head of these abstracts, was son 
and heir of the above-named Nicholas. By the marriage of his grand-daughter, 
Margaret, to Walter Trevelyan, the Slaley tithes passed into the hands of the 
Trevelyans of Netherwitton. Two fields near the church, still known as Glebe 
Fields, belong to that family. The tithes, passed by sale into the hands of the 
Silvertops, and are at present held by Mr. Witham, of Lartington, who pays to 
the vicar of Slaley the annual sum of £6 13s. 4d.. and provides wine for holy 
communion. The patronage of Slaley is now in the hands of Mr. W. B. 

Merchingley or Marchingley Hermitage in the Parish 
op Slaley. 

In the thirteenth century a hermitage existed at a place called 
Merchingley or Marchingley, in Northumberland, on land belonging 
to Walter de Bolbeck, and granted by him to two monks from Kelso, 
about the year 1280. From the names of places and the boundaries 
mentioned in the following charters I have come to the conclusion 
that the hermitage and church of St. Mary must have been situated 
within the parish of Slaley, and not far from the borders of the 
present parish of Healey, somewhere near the burn now called 
March burn, which forms the boundary. Unfortunately, the name 
Marchingley has entirely disappeared, and no traces of the hermitage 
or of the church now remain to mark the spot. It has been suggested 


that Slaley church (of which the dedication is lost) may have been 
the church of St Mary, mentioned in the charters. That could not 
have been the case, for the church of Slaley was given to the priory of 
Hexham by Gilbert de Slaveley, who was living in 1239, and Slaley 
was assessed as a rectory in 1292. Further investigation may throw 
light upon this subject, but at present the exact site of the hermitage 
is unknown. 

The following is a summary of charters in the Kelso Register, 
Liber de Calchou, respecting Merchingley : — 

No. 264. Walter de Bolbech, Ac. I have conceded to God and St. Marie and 
brother William de Mercheleye and all his successors a certain 
hermitage [heremitorium] which is called Merchingleye, and formed 
' de vasto meo,' out of my waste near Merchingburn, with the church 
of St. Marie there constructed, with all appurtenances, &c, in wood 
and in plain, in meadows, in waters, in dams and mills, and in 
common easements, k in all common pastures through the whole of 
my land and my forest, k free exit k entry to their men and their 
animals through the whole of my land from whatever of the aforesaid 
places they wish ; and they shall receive beyond their marches of my 
green wood to build, k of dead to burn as much as they wish ; and 
they shall be quit of punage, * de dominicis f orcis suis.' This hermit- 
age he concedes for ever to the aforesaid brother William & to all the 
men of religion his successors, for his soul k that of his wife Sibille, k 
for the souls of his heirs, his ancestors, k successors, to be held as a 
free alms gift. Witnesses — Sibilla de Bolbech, Reginald de Kenne- 
belle, Osbert the monk, Wdard the parson, Symund de Kent, Robert 
de Grej k others. 
No. 265. Confirmation. Walter de Bolbech, son of Walter de Bolbech, at the 
petition k with the consent of Hugo de Bolbech his brother k heir, 
confirms for ever to God k St. Mary k William k Roger, monks of 
the Kelso order, a certain hermitage called Merchingleie, which is 
founded of the waste of my father k mine near Merchingburne, with 
the church of St. Marie built in the same place with all appurtenances ; 
by these bounds, to wit : whatever is contained below their enclosures 
[clawtra* sua$ t it may be cloisters] on either side of Marchinburne by 
the circuit of the ford of the Potters [per oircuitum de vadofigulomm], 
as far as the ford where Stainesden-burne descends into Merching- 
burne, in wood k plain, &c., k in all common easements k liberties, k 
in common pastures everywhere through the circuit of the aforesaid 
hermitage, on either side of Marchinburne through my land k my 
forest, k wheresoever the said William or Roger had their animals in 
the time of my father, k of others [as if they had squatted here 
vol. xvl S 8 


before de Bolbeck's time], & in my time, & free exit & entry to them 
& their men through all my land & forest from whatever side of the 
aforesaid place they wish. If one of these monks die, the hermitage is 
granted to the other of them. After the decease of both monks, the 
aforesaid hermitage of Merchinglee, with the aforesaid church of St. 
Marie constructed there & its appurtenances, is to pass to one monk 
or two of the habit & order of Kelso, & of no order or habit of religion 
unless of the order of the church of Kelso, without subjection however 
to church of Kelso or of any other house of religion of another order. 
Witnesses : Sibilla de Bolbech, Hugo de Bolbech her son, Gilbert de 
laual [Delaval], Robert de Insula, Reginald de Kennebelle, Robert 
Morell & others. 

No. 266. Confirmation, by the same Walter de Bolbech in somewhat similar 
terms, stipulating that two monks & no more shall always have the 
alms gift of Mercheleye. William de ffenwic appears as a witness 
along with some of the preceding. 

No. 267. Confirmation upon 26 acres of land near Heleychesters. Hugo de 
Balliol concedes to God & St. Mary & Roger the monk of Merching- 
lega & all the monks his successors in the place of Merchingleye, who 
are to serve God in perpetuity, 26 acres of land near Heleychestres, 
which Eustace, my father, gave to him in free, pure, & perpetual 
almsgif t. This gift Hugo de Balliol now confirms, ' with all common 
easements & liberties to him & his men & animals everywhere upon 
my land, &c. Witness : Ingelram de Balliol, Bernard de Balliol, 
Henry de Vi-Guidone [i.e., Guido] de fontibus, Hugo de Normanvilla, 
and many others. 

The editor of the Kelso charters conjectures that the date of these 
is about a.d. 1280. Hugo de Bolbeck, as appears from the Testa de 
Neville, held ' the moiety of Bywell by five fees of ancient feofment.' 
The manor of Merchenley, 6 Edw. II., belonged to Walter de Hunter- 
cumbe and Alicia, his wife, daughter and heiress of Hugo de Bolbeck. 7 

Merthenley, in Northumberland [misprint for Merchingley], 
belonging to Kelso, valued at 58s. 10d., was in the reign of John 
Balliol confiscated to Edward I. (May 10th, 1296) and delivered to 
them again. 8 On the Healey side of the March burn there are two 

7 Inq . p.m. i. p. 250. 

8 Historical Documents, Scotland, ii. p. 48. An extract from the Pipe Rolls. 
29 Edw. I. In it the lands held by Scotchmen in Northumberland are set out. 
The name of the lands, the name oi the hold, and the amount payable in respect 
of the holding only, are given in each case. The entry referred, to in the text 
occurs in these terms : — ' Merthenley (Abbatis de Kelsou) summa lviii*. xdS To 
this there is the following note : — ' Idem reddit compotum de liij*. xd. receptis 
de ij busselis frumenti j quart, multurae Tenditis antequam liberaret easdem 
terras abb..ti de Kelesou per breve regis de mag no sigillo.' In a letter to the 


houses, now called Hill Top and Bigg End. Formerly they were 
Wheat Hill and March's House. 

The monks of Kelso were a reformed class of the Benedictine 
order, first established at Tiron, in France, in the year 1109, and 
hence called Tironenses. They were, in 1118, introduced by David I. 
to Selkirk, bnt that place being found unsuitable for such an estab- 
lishment, the monastery was transferred to Kelso in 1128. Among 
the witnesses to the foundation charter of Selkirk there appears the 
name of Walter de Bolbec. This has led some of the Boxburgh topo- 
graphers to believe that Hermitage in Liddesdale was Merchingley, 
and that all memory of it had been effaced. But neither de Bolbeck 
nor the Balliols had any land in Liddesdale. Besides, the charters 
show that the lands of these noblemen either surrounded the hermit- 
age, or were in such contiguity, that common pasture for their animals 
was within reach. On the other hand, they both had possessions in 
the neighbourhood of Slaley and Healey, between which two parishes 
flows the dividing stream still known as the March burn [*.«., boundary 
burn], and a small tributary which joins it a little below Slaley bears 
the name of Stoney burn. Here we have the more modern forms of 
the Marchinburne and Stainesden-burne mentioned in charter Ko. 
265 ; and it is remarkable that a tradition still survives among the 
old inhabitants of Slaley that the neighbourhood was originally 
occupied by squatters. When we examine the names of places with 
which Marchingley was associated we find further proof that it was 
situated in this locality. In the list of manors of Hugh de Bolbeck 
it is placed thus : — * Ridinges maner', Merchenley maner', Bromhalle 
maner', etc.* The March burn enters the Tyne between the townships 
of Biding Mill and Broomhaugh. The same may be gathered from 
a record of the damage done by the Scots under David Bruce, when 
they devastated this neighbourhood in 1346. 

writer Dr. J. Anderson writes : — * I see that in the previous April there is a list of 
the names of those dwelling in the kingdom of Scotland who possess lands and 
tenements in Northumberland which have been confiscated, and are in the 
king's (Edward's) hands. In that list the abbot of Melrose is followed by the 
abbot of Kelso, and in the list of the lands which I have quoted (p. 348) the 
lands of Trolhope are given in the line before those of Merthenley thus : * Trol- 
hope (abbatis de Meuros) summa xiiw. iiijrf.,' and there is a note in similar terms 
of an accounting for the price of pasture sold before the said lands were freed 
to the abbot of Melrose by brief of the king under the great seal ; so that I have 
no doubt that both abbots got back their lands.' 


Bain's Record Book, vol. iii. No. 1501, August 14, 1847, gives it 
as follows : — 

Inquisition [in virtue of two writs tested Redyng 8th June preceding] taken 
at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, on Tuesday the Eve of the Assumption of the B.M.V., 
21 Edw. III., before Hugh de SadelyngBtanes and Adam de Walton, royal 
commissioners, to inquire into the damages of Robert de Herle and his tenants 
in Northumberland by 12 jurors, who find that the lands of said Robert and his 
tenants at Styford, Neubigging juxta la Blaunchelaunde, Bromhalgh, Ryding, 
Merchenley, Shildeforde, and Shotteley, of which he owns half, and also the 
▼ill of 81aueley, of which he is sole lord, were totally destroyed and laid waste 
by David de Bruys, and other Scots enemies with a great host, riding over them 
on Sunday next before St. Luke Evangelist's 'day [15th October] 1346, the 
houses, crops, &c., burned, and the tenants plundered of 70 oxen, 83 cows, 142 
bullocks and queys, 32 avers, 316 sheep and muttons, and other goods ; the said 
Scots riding, burning, destroying, wasting and plundering the vills. [No seals.] 
— Inq. ad quod damnum, 21 Edw. III. No. 3. 

Marchingley, in this document, is clearly placed in Northumberland, 
and in the possession of Robert de Herle. Kelso lost Marchingley in 
the reign of Edward I., but it was restored to them again. It would 
be finally annexed to England in the reign of Edward III. In the 
reign of Richard II. it was granted to John of Creswelle. * The king 
in exoneration of his father's soul, and discharge of a debt of 840 
" guieneas," arrears of the annuity of 40 " guieneas " due by him to 
the late John of Creswelle, who was in his service for life, in the 
Castle of Bordeaux, grants to John de Creswelle his son (inter alia) 
10 acres of land in Marchenley and parcels of a toft, and 15 acres of 
land which were the abbot of Kelso's in Scotland, an annual rent of 
2s. for an acre in Bamburgh, which was the prioress and nuns of 
Caldestreme's in Scotland. To be held for life, if the King or his 
heirs retain them, for a white greyhound yearly in full of all services. 
Westminster.' 9 

On the western borders of the Slaley parish, not far from Linnels 
Bridge, on the Devil's Water, is Nunsbrough, the site of an old 
convent. For a description of the place see Hutchinson's Northd. 
vol. i. p. 172. 

9 Patent, 10 Ric II. p. 2, m. 18.— Cf. Bain's Record Booh, vol. iv. No. 361. 
Dec. 14, 1386, Ric. II. 


By Cadwallader J. Batbs. 
[Bead on 28th December, 1892, and 22nd February, 1893.] 
Fought originally between James IV. of Scotland, and Thomas Howard, 
earl of Surrey, on the 9th of September, 1513, the battle of Flodden, 
or as it should strictly be called, the battle of Brankston Moor, was 
fought over again in the middle of the present century by Bobert 
White, 1 an eminent member of our society, and the Rev. Bobert Jones, 
vicar of Brankston. 2 The second encounter was, I believe, distin- 
guished by as great a deference to the rules of chivalrous combat as was 
the first, but the result was by no means so decisive. Mr. White's 
elaborate account of James IV.'s second campaign in Northumberland 
is one of the most valuable contributions that has ever been made to 
our Archaeologia, though it labours under two very opposite defects, 
being neither what one would call exactly light reading, nor provided 
with references and quotations sufficient to enable one to judge of the 
historical evidence for statements generally correct in themselves. 
The local knowledge possessed by Mr. Jones, is of very great service, 
but does not guarantee the entire accuracy of his topography. 

Quite recently the problems suggested by an attentive study of 
Flodden Field have again been brought out in high relief by our 
senior secretary, 8 whose pen, we may congratulate ourselves, has at 
last been attracted to a Northumbrian theme, in which Milfield and 
the Till come in for some of that mature scholarship and graceful 
diction which have been so splendidly lavished on the plains of 
CMlons and the banks of the Frigidus. There are imaginations to 

1 Mr. White's paper read at Brankston 27th July, 1858, was printed in Arch. 
Ael. N.8. iii. and published in pamphlet form at Newcastle in 1859. He also 
contributed a list of the Scots slain at Flodden to Arch. Ael. N.8. vi. p. 69. This 
list has now been admirably supplemented by the Death Roll of the Flodden 
Campaign in Exchequer Rolls of Scotland, xiv. App. to preface p. clxii. 

1 The Battle of Flodden, read at the Chatton meeting of the Berwickshire 
Naturalists' Club, 31st July, 1862, and printed in their Proceedings, iv. p. 365 ; 
published also by itself, 12° London, 1864, 16° Coldstream, 1869. 

» Arch. Ael. N.8. xvi. p. 1. 


which history appeals more forcibly than does poetry : I confess that 
the very martial address delivered by Mr. Thomas Hodgkin in Brank- 
ston church awoke in ray mind an interest in Flodden, deejier and 
truer than any derived from nine or ten perusals of Marmion. It is 
at Mr. Hodgkin's suggestion that I have now thrown together in an 
independent essay a collection of raw material that I should have 
preferred to have seen incorporated in his appendix. 

Mr. Hodgkin has so ably dealt with the general history of the 
campaign and the portraiture of the chief personages engaged in it, 
that I can pass almost straight on to the battle itself. But please first 
remember that a battle, with its ever-shifting scenes, is one of the 
hardest things to describe or comment upon. No soldier nor spectator 
sees exactly the same incidents; no historian will make the same 
selections from the mass of reminiscences laid before him. I do not 
think you would recognise the Sedan of Mr. Forbes in the Sedan of 
M. Zola. My object is to illustrate not to controvert. I wish to give 
you a clear and plain narrative of the events that took place on and 
around Flodden on Friday, the 9th of September, 1513, based on the 
earliest evidences attainable, many of them still, I believe, unused, 
without eternally harping on the subject of my agreement or disagree- 
ment with the conclusions of previous writers. 

In order not to needlessly break the thread of my story, I will, to 
begin with, call attention to some of what I regard as the prime 

In treating of a battle the first thing we naturally turn to are the 
despatches of the victorious general. Surrey, we know, forwarded 
two despatches through queen Katharine to Henry VIIL, then 
engaged in besieging Tournay, the first by Rouge Croix herald, the 
second by John Glyn. 4 Neither of these is to be found and identified 
without a little trouble. The first, the Gazette, as it is called, exists in 
full only in a French form, Articles envoyez aux Maistres des Posies 
du Roy oTAngleterre, clearly stated to have been sent from Thomas 

4 * * My lord Howard hath sent me a letter open to your grace, within one of 
mine, by the which ye shall see at length the great victory that our Lord hath 
sent your subjects in your absence.' Could not for haste send by Rouge Croix 
4 the piece of the king of Scots coat which John Glyn now bringeth.' Sends a 
bill found in a Scotchman's purse of the instigation used by France to induce 
James to invade England. 1 — Katharine of Aiagon to Henry VI II., Woburn 16 
Sept. 1513, Letters and Papers, Henry VIIL i. p. 670, n° 4451. 


Howard, the admiral ; 6 the second, of which there is an imperfect copy 
in the Record Office, is given in full in a Latin letter written from 
Rome to Cardinal Bainbridge, 17th November, 1518, and printed in 
a volume of the Roxburghe Club in 1825, 6 while an abstract of it, 
of doubtful accuracy, taken from the Sforza archives at Milan, 
appears in our Venetian State Papers. 7 

Then, next in value to the official despatches, there is the popular 
news-letter, the precursor of our special correspondence, which has 
come down to us in the contemporary black-letter tract printed by 
Richard Fawkes, The trewe encountre or batayle lately don betwene 
Englande and Scotlande, 6 but of this the two inner leaves, giving the 
account of the very thick of the fray, were provokingly missing until 
a manuscript copy of them was providentially discovered by Dr. 
Laing in about 1865. 9 

Flodden was no sooner fought than it was seized on by the poets. 
The moment the details of the victory arrived at Rome an Italian 
broke out into a song of triumph, La Rotta (TScocesi. 10 This, too, 

5 ' Signees au dessoubs des choses dessus d'Thomas Sr. de Howard Admiral 
d'Angleterre, qui estoit a la d'bataille avec le conte de Surrey son pere et menoit 
l'avantgard.' — Pinkerton, History of Scotland, ii. pp. 456-458. The truncated 
English version is given in State Papers, Henry VIII. vol. iv. part iv. p. 1, and 
an abstract of it in Letters and Papers, Henry VIII. i. p. 667, n° 4441. 

• The despatch is identified by the fact that it contains the 'bille of such 
things as the Frenshe king sent to the saide King of Scotts to make warr,' 
referred to in the letter of Katharine of Aragon. It also mentions the piece of 
the king of Scots' coat (palvdimentum) that Katharine could not send the first 
time * for hastynesse.' Ihere seems to be some error about the date of the letter 
to cardinal Bainbridge, which must have been written immediately the news of 
Flodden reached Rome. 

7 Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, ii. p. 134. 

8 Reprinted in black-letter facsimile under the revise of Mr. Hazelwood, 
London, 1809. 

9 Proceedings of Soc. Ant. Scot. vii. 1867, p. 141. 

10 Roxburghe Club Publications, 1825. It there follows La Rotta de Franc- 
riosi a Terroana noxamcnte facte — 'lmpressum Romas per Magistrum 
Stephanum <fc Magistrum Herculem socios. Anno M.D. xiii. Die xii. Septem- 
bris,' four days, that is to say, after the arrival of the news of the battle of 
Terouenne ; but in neither case is the name of the poet given. The poem on 
the battle of Flodden bears internal evidence of having been composed by 
the same author, but it has neither date, nor name of printer nor place of 
publication. Both were printed by the Roxburghe Club from a volume in the 
possession of Mr. B. Heywood Bright. It appears probable that they were 
the work of Andrea de Bernardi, as among the Salisbury MSS. is an * Invo- 
catio de inclyta invictissimi Regis nostri Henrici VIII. in Gallos et Scotos 
victoria, per Bernardum Andree poetam regium ' — Hist. MSS. Comm. Report 
on MSS. at Hatfield, i. p. 4, and Mazzuchelli in his Scrittori d y Italia, i. p. 
961, mentions that Andrea de Bernardi (1450-1522) 'con solenne cerimonia e 
applause universale fuLaureato Poeta nel 1505/ The * Invocatio 1 itself is in 


was printed in the volume of the Roxburghe Club already mentioned, 
but as acute bibliomania restricted the issue to forty copies, it is 
exceedingly rare, and I venture to think much of the information 
derived from it both novel and interesting. But among all early 
materials the stately old ballad called ScoH&h ffeilde, written by Leigh 
of Baggaley Hall, a Cheshire squire, in about 1515, is that which 
deserves the most prominent place. 11 It is to be found in the folios 
of good bishop Percy, and though not so long, compares very favour- 
ably, as far as the poetry is concerned, with the better known ballad 
of Floddon Field, the production, it is said, of Richard Jackson, 
schoolmaster at Ingleton in Craven, in about 1560. 1 * The contrast 
of feeling between the two is very remarkable ; the Baggaley ballad is 
thoroughly medieval, the Ingleton ballad thoroughly renaissant 

On the Scottish side, until the recent publication of the valuable 
series of Exchequer Accounts, 13 the only early notice of the battle was 
contained in a letter of the regency of James V. to the court of 
Denmark. 14 

The first historian who gives a lengthened account of Hodden is 
Paolo Giovio, the elder, bishop of Nocera, in the portion of the history 
of his own times presented by him to Leo X. in 1516. 15 

Without referring to minor documents or to the thumb- worn pages 

of later chroniclers, I trill now proceed to insert some of the unused 

evidence to be drawn from the sources cited in an elementary sketch 

of the campaign as the best and shortest method of explaining its 

historical value : — 

Latin and does not seem to resemble the poem in the Italian vernacular. The 
Rotta de Scocesi is largely founded on the Latin letter to Cardinal Bainbridge, 
but much of the information contained in it must have been derived from the 
Scottish side of the battle. It appears to be the earliest source of the accounts 
of the escape of the hare through the king's camp and of the remonstrance of 
Douglas. With respect to the minute details of the combat the poet may have 
used a free hand. 

11 Bishop Percy's Folio MS. Ballads and Romances, ed. Hales and Furnivall, 
1867, i. p. 202. It is worthy of note that A ballade of the scottysshe Kynge, by 
John Skelton, commencing * Kynge Jamy, Jomy your Joye is all go,' printed in 
black-letter, by Richard Fawkes, 1513, is said to be the earliest printed English 

13 TJie Ballad of Floddon Field, edited by Charles A. Federer, Manchester, 
1884, p. 133 ; but Weber's edition, Edinburgh, 1806, is perhaps stiU the best. 

xt Exchequer Rolls of Scotland, vols. xiii. and xiv. edited by Sheriff 

14 Instructions to Andrew Brownhill, 16 Jan. 1614, Ej>. Reg. Scot. p. 187, 
quoted in Bidpath, Border History, page 492 n. 

" Pauli Jovii, Historiarum sui temporis tomusprimvs{ — secvndus), Florentire, 


James IV. crossed the Tweed near Coldstream on the 22nd August, 
1513. The object he had in view was to assist the French by causing 
a diversion of the English forces then besieging Terouenne under 
Henry VIII. in person. A letter and ring he had received from the 
French queen, bidding him take three steps on English ground as 
her true knight had finally decided him on this course. Some French 
officers and men-at-arms under M. d'Aussi had landed at Dumbarton 
with several cannon and four thousand arquebusses and springalds. 16 

The English Border still exhibited traces of the ravages James had 
committed seventeen years previously when he had championed the 
cause of our false Richard IV. The castle of Heton and the towers of 
Brankston, Tilmouth, Twizel, Duddo, Shoreswood, Howtell, and 
Lanton still lay in ruins. 17 Norham, thanks largely to the wise rule 
of bishop Fox, was the only stronghold capable of offering serious 
resistance, and Norham fell after a five days' siege on the 29th of 
August. Etal and Ford, and also Chillingham it seems, 18 were 
speedily captured, and then having established a camp of observation 
on the heights of Flodden, James made Ford castle his headquarters 
for the inside of a week, quietly waiting till Thomas Howard, earl of 
Surrey, king Henry's lieutenant in the North, should advance to 
attack him. 

One reason for this inactivity was, no doubt, the very practical 
lesson as to the danger of advancing too far unsupported into an 
enemy's country which lord Home, the chamberlain of Scotland, had 
received about a fortnight before from sir William Buhner at Broom- 
house. Another was the certainty that if ever Highlanders were allowed 
too wide a field of plunder it would not be long before they went off 
with it to their own homes. Then, too, the whole object of declaring 
war was not, as was said to have been the case in 1496, the conquest 
and annexation of the seven northern ' sheriffdoms ' of England, but the 
compelling Henry VIII. to conclude a peace with France. There is 
little or no reason to give credence to the old-wives tale that this 

18 Cal. State Papers, Venetian, ii. p. 136. Aussi, who is curiously forgotten 
by the English chroniclers, is not to be confounded with the French envoy La 
Motte. I can find no account of either in books of French genealogy. 

17 Border Holds, i. pp. 22, 329 n. 

w John Ainslie, captain of Norham, and Edward Gray, captain of Chilling- 
ham, were sent to Falkland for thirteen weeks as prisoners after those castles 
were cast down by James. — Exchequer Bolls of Scotland, XIV. xxxviii. 9. 


T T 


inertion on the part of James was due to the fatal charms of dame 
Elizabeth Heron the chfttelaine of Ford. 19 

James was soon disabused of the notion that in transporting his 
army to Flanders, king Henry had only left ( millers and mass- 
priests' 20 at home. At the first news of the invasion, Surrey had 
written to James Stanley, bishop of Ely, asking for the support of 
his powerful house. Sir Edward Stanley found 10,000 men already 
under arms on his arrival at Skipton, where he was joined by 4,000 of 
the bishop's tenants, with eagles' feet (the Stanley badge) and three 
crowns (the arms of the see of Ely) broidered in gold on their breasts. 
They brought with them the banner of St. Audrey, as St. Etheldreda, 
queen of Northumberland, and foundress of Ely, was then popularly 
called. 81 A curious list of the Craven contingent, armed mostly with 
bills and bows, is preserved at Bolton abbey : large villages like 
Marton and Addingham each sent nine men ' horssed and harnessed at 
the town's cost.'* 2 

Surrey had summoned his levies to meet him at Newcastle, on the 
1st of September. Two days later he marched on to Alnwick, whence 
he dispatched his pursuivant, Rouge Croix, to the king's headquarters 
at Ford. James called his council together. The rumour soon spread 
that Surrey's son, the admiral, had reached Alnwick with a thousand 
'merry mariners' and a detachment of picked troops from before 
Terouenne. Many of the Scottish lords considered that they had 
already done enough for the French alliance, and were in favour of 
recrossing the Border, but their advice was overruled by the violent 
opposition of La Motte, the French ambassador. It seems to 
have been a foregone conclusion with James that if Surrey should 
attack the fortified camp on Flodden, it could only be by forcing a 
passage over Ford bridge. It is said that Robert Borthwick, his 
master-gunner t now offered to arrange for blowing up this bridge 
when only half the English army should have crossed, a treacherous 
proposal that not unnaturally excited the king's indignation. 28 The 

19 Border Holds, i. pp. 305, 306, 308, 309. *° Scotish ffeildt, 1. 109. 

21 < The standard of Saint Towder' (St. Tandere, Lyme MS.).— Ibid. 1. 368. 
This has needlessly puzzled the editors of Bishop Percy's Folios, i. p. 226 n. 

** Floddon Field, ed. Federer, pp. 155, 156. 

M Whether this legend given by Pitscottie be true or not, the bridge in ques- 
tion was evidently Ford bridge : — 

' Dum ad Furdam ita desidetur, &c., &c nam cum Tillus amnis 


term fixed for negotiations respecting the preservation of Ford castle 
expired bpotlessly on that day, Monday, the 5th of September, at noon, 
and the Scots immediately set to work to dismantle it. Then, having 
planted a battery to openly command the bridge, king James moved 
his headquarters to the camp on Flodden.* 4 

Surrey meanwhile was marching on from Alnwick to Bolton, 
whence he sent a message promising to give the Scots battle 'by 
Friday next at the furthe8t. ,25 At Bolton, too, he divided his troops 
into two divisions. The centre of the vanguard, in which was the 
banner of St. Cuthbert, was commanded by his elder son, Thomas 
Howard, the lord admiral ; the right wing by his younger surviving 
son, master Edmund Howard; the left by old sir Marmaduke 
Constable. 26 Surrey himself remained with the rear-guard, the right 
and left wings of which were entrusted respectively to lord Dacre 
and sir Edward Stanley. The strength of the two armies should be 
determined once for all by the clear contemporary statement that the 
English, though said to be 80,000, were really 40,000, while the Scots, 
said to be 80,000, were really GOjOOO. 27 The latter discrepancy may 
be accounted for by the fact that 20,000 Scots deserted their king 
and made off home before the day of battle. 28 

A jealous enmity prevailed between the Howards and the Stanleys. 
Surrey could scarcely have forgotten that it was the defection of 

ripis pnealtis, ac nusquam fere vadosus nullum intra aliquot millia passu um, 
nisi per unum pontem, exercitui transitum daturas esset, paucos ibi tante multi- 
tudini posse obsistere : posse etiam, parte Anglorum transmissa, machinis 
commode locatis pontem interscindi.' — Buchanan, Rerum Scoticarum Historia, 
ed. Elzevir, pp. 461, 462. That the ' machined * here referred to were not mere 
honourable cannon, we shall 'presently see from the fact that James did defend 
this one approach to Flodden by ' marvellous and great ordnance of guns, 1 as the 
English well knew. 
*• Buchanan, p. 464. 

* Letters and Papers Henry VIII. i. p. 667, n° 4439. 

* ( Marmaduke Cunstable of fflaynbright knyght 

At brankisto* feld wher the kyng of Scottys was slayne 
He then beyng of the age of thre score and tene 
With the gode duke of Sorthefolke yt iorney he hay tayn 
And coragely avancid hy'self emo'g other there & then.' 

— Monumental inscription on a brass plate in Flamborough church, copied by 

Ed. Peacock, Gentleman's Magazine, 1864, i. p. 93. 

* Brian Tuke to Richard Pace, Tournay 22 Sept. 1613.— Cal. State Papers, 
Venetian, p. 134. 

* * They say that after the kyng of Scotts medelyd with Norham xxm 1 of 
hys men went away from hym.— Letter of Bishop Ruthal to Wolsey, Are h. Ael. 
N.8. V. p. 779. 


sir Edward Stanley's father that caused his own father to be slain on 
the field of Bosworth. The Stanleys still remembered with pride how 
they had * busked ' their banner at the recovery of Berwick in 1482, w 
and their Cheshire tenants chafed at the hard fate that condemned 
them to serve in one of the three divisions led by Howards. 80 

The English army, thus marshalled, proceeded to Wooler haugh, 
where they pitched their thousand tents. This is said to be within 
4 three miles' of the king of Scots ; but these * little miles' were no 
doubt the * petits lieux ' of the French, or two of our present miles. 81 
Every soldier on Wooler haugh ' might,' we are told, * see how the 
king of Scots did lie with his army upon a high hill on the edge of 
Cheviot, .... whereunto he had removed from Ford castle 
over the water of Till, and was enclosed in three parts with three 
great mountains so that there was no passage nor entry unto him but 
by one way, where was laid marvellous and great ordnance of guns.' 32 

On the Wednesday afternoon, 7th September, the English lords, 
tired of waiting, drew up a formal challenge requesting that James 
4 of his noble courage would come down to the plain of Millfield where 
was convenient ground for the meeting of two armies, or to a ground 
(hard) by, called Flodden, or to any other indifferent ground for two 
battles to fight upon.' 88 Rouge Croix, who bore this challenge, was 
not admitted into the royal presence, but received his answer from a 
Scottish gentleman. This answer, which has an important bearing 
on the subsequent tactics, has been so distorted by the later 
chroniclers that it is necessary to quote it at length in its earliest 
form. * The king, my master,' so the gentleman told Rouge Croix, 
4 wills that ye shall show to the earl of Surrey that it beseemeth him 

• ' because the" busked them at Barwicke : that bolds them the more.'— 
Scotish ffeildc, 1. 364. Sir Edward Stanley is made to say : 
' A scourge for Scots my father was ; 
He Barwick town from them did gain.' 

—Floddon Field, 9th fit, ▼. 12, ed. Federer, p. 83. 
*° * theire chance was the worse ; 
because they knew not theire C&ptaine : theire care was the more, 
for they were wont att all warr : to waite uppon the Stanleys.' 

—Scotish f tilde, 11. 266-267. 
31 An English mile contains 1,000 geometrical paces, the French little league 
2,000. — Chambers's Cycloycedia y 1781, vol. iii., tub vooo League. This suggests 
that many of our English chronicles are translated from the French. 
92 Trewe Encountrc, Laing MS. ; Proc. Soc. Ant. Soot vii. pp. 145, 146. 
83 Ibid. p. 146. 


not, being an earl, so largely to attempt a great prince. His grace 
will take and keep bis ground and field at bis own pleasure, and not 
at tbe saying of tbe earl of Surrey, wbom tbe king, my master, sup- 
posed to deal with some witchcraft or sorcery because he prouveth to 
fight upon only the said ground.' 84 Here is certainly no quixotic 
promise on James's part to place no dependence on any ground, and 
sorcery is only mentioned by way of taunting Surrey. 

Surrey now perfectly well understood that James was not to be 
tempted to throw away the advantages of his position, he therefore 
advanced northwards on the Thursday in hopes of forcing the engage- 
ment he so eagerly desired. He crossed the Till no doubt at Doddington 
bridge, and * continually all that day went with the whole army in array 
in the sight of the king of Scots.' 36 He encamped that night under a 
woodside called Barmoor wood. As this was at least four miles from 
Flodden, we can hardly understand the special advantage of there 
having been a hill between the two hosts 'for avoiding the danger of 
gun shot.' 86 The hill seems accurately described in a later chronicle 
* as rising from the hither bank of Till water with an easy steepness, 
the height of a mile's space,' that is to say two of our miles, * or there- 
abouts,' but we are still told that one camp was within culverin shot 
of the other. 87 The condition of the English on this their fourth night 
of encampment was pitiable in the extreme. During their whole march 
there had been scarce one hour of fine weather, and even at Wooler the 
men were so 'clemmed' with the cold and wet that they threatened 
to return home unless they were at once led into action. 88 Worse 
than all ' there was little or no wine, ale, nor beer for the people to be 
refreshed with but all the army for the most part were enforced and 
constrained of necessity to drink water, .... without comfort 
or trust of any relief in that behalf,' 89 The Scottish camp on the con- 
trary was well provisioned, the nobles reposed on 4,000 feather beds 

8 » Ibid. * Ibid. p. 147. 

w Ibid. p. 147. It seems probable that Surrey's camp was at Woodside, in the 
township of Barmoor, about a mile farther from Flodden to the north-east than 
the hill of Watchlaw in Ford parish, from which the lord admiral may well 
have reconnoitered the Scottish position. 

v Holinshed, Chronicles of England, ed. 1577, p. 1490. 

* * there company was clemmed : and much cold did suffer ; 
water was a worthy drink : win it who might.' 

—Scottihffeilde 11. 258, 259. 
89 Trme Encountre, Laing MS. ; Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot. viii. p. 147. 


and drank ont of vessels of gold and silver, while the soldiery were 
supplied with most excellent beer. 40 

James was perfectly well aware of Surrey's advance to Barmoor, 
and no doubt concluded that he was on his road to Berwick, which 
indeed would have formed a good base of operations. 41 If we could 
believe Leslie, the king was actually marching forward to surprise the 
camp at Barmoor, on the morning of the battle when he found it had 
already been broken up. 42 

According to Holinshed's English Chronicle, Surrey's march from 
Barmoor to Twizel had not been decided on when he left Wooler, but 
was the consequence of a reconnaissance of Flodden made by the lord 
admiral from a hill on the right bank of the Till on the evening 
before the battle :— * Thomas lord Howard sonne and heire to the 
earle of Surrie, from the top of this hill beholding all the countrie on 
euerie side about him, declared to his father, that if he did eftsoons 
remooue his campe, and passe the water of Till againe in some place 
a little aboue, and by fetching a small compasse come and shew him- 
selfe on the backe halfe of his enemies, the Scottish king should either 
be inforced to come downe foorth of his strength and give battell, or 
else be stopped from receiving vittels or anie other thing out of 

By noon the English vanguard and artillery had accomplished the 
passage of the Till at Twizel bridge, mentioned by Leland in 1538, as 
* of stone one bow, but greate and stronge,' and Surrey proceeded to 
lead his rear-guard through a ford called in the inscription on his 
monument ' Twizell forth, ,43 but more generally * Milford. ' There are 

40 Cal. of State Papers, Venetian, ii. p. 148. Holinshed, Chronicles of Scot- 
land, ed. 1677, p. 420, gives a curious view of the camp at Flodden with one of 
the soldiers swilling out of a very long glass, plenty of good cheer being roasted, 
and no absence of womankind. The castle in the distance is not much like 
either Ford or Btal. 

41 Buchanan, ed. Elzevir, p. 494. 

43 * And qhen the day of the feild was cumin, and the king marchand forwart 
toward the place quhair his enemye did campt the nycht preceiding, quhair he 
had the avantage of grand, he was schortlie advertised of the craft of the Inglis 
men/ — Leslie, History of Scotland, p. 94. 

48 ' the next Morning toke his passage oner the water of at Twisull forthe.' 
— Weever, Funeral Monuments, ed. 1767, p. 558. The only hint of Surrey's having 
crossed the Till by Btal bridge is to be found in Paolo Giovio, Hist, sui temp. i. 
p. 147. — * (Surreius) bipartito exercitu binisque pontibus uno tempore flumen 
transmittit.' But both with regard to the passage of the Till and that of 
Brankston bog it seems that the English army did not mind wading as long as 
the artillery was got safely across on the principle of keeping the powder dry. 


many reasons for supposing that this was the ford near Heton mill. 
It is very improbable that he crossed the river by any of the fords in 
the neighbourhood of Etal which would have been dangerously near 
the Scots. Indeed had he not been afraid of being attacked by them 
before all his troops were on the left bank, he would never have been 
at the trouble of marching so far north as Twizel, and instead of 
any uncertain fords, would have preferred to make use of the stone 
bridge that seems to have been in existence at Etal at the time, since 
Leland found it there in 1588, and the account of it three years later as 
' decayed and fallen down of late to the great trouble, hurte and annoy - 
aunces of the inhabitants thereabouts whiche had allwaies redy passage 
when the said river is waxen greate and past rydinge up on horse- 
backe,* 44 points both to its having been no recent construction and to the 
impossibility of using the fords near it when the Till was so swollen as 
it was on the morning of Flodden. The Border Commissioners of 1541 
proceed to express the opinion that 'much necessary it were to have it 
reedified again as well for the purpose aforesaid as for the conveying 
of ordnance and armies into Scotland over the same.' Though Surrey 
cannot well have crossed it during his advance, there is little doubt 
that the Scottish artillery captured at Flodden was brought over it to 
Etal castle that night. 

Once safely over the Till, Surrey's strategy, it seems, consisted in 
leading James to suppose that he intended to carry the heights of 
Flodden by storm. 45 The whole English army probably marched up 
the left bank of the river. Three hundred years ago this district, in 
many parts rough and uneven, was in some places a mere rushy, swampy 
morass. 46 The movement of a large force with artillery in its van was 
necessarily very slow through such a country. A yet more formidable 
obstacle, though it was one that protected them from the Scots, lay 
before them in the great bog that then stretched towards the Till for 
about a mile and a half from just north of the village of Brankston. 

44 Border Holds, i. p. 38. 

45 James, we arc told, considered that Surrey was bound in honour to attack 
him in his position at Flodden by noon that day, instead of which Surrey pre- 
tended to keep his word by crossing the Till before the hour settled for the com- 
mencement of the battle : — * (Jacobus) statariam pugnam expectat. Sed Angli 
dolis intenti, locum et horam belli statuto die detrectantes, pugnam dissimulant.' 
— Epigt. Beg. Scot. p. 187, quoted in Ridpath, Border History, p. 492 n. 

* Letter of Jones to White, Arch. Ael. N.S. iii. p. 233. 


Near the centre of this swamp was a strip of rather firmer ground, 
where at the end of the last century there was 'a small narrow rude 
bridge, which went by the name of * Branx bridge/ and which was 
always pointed out by the old people as the bridge over which part of 
the English army crossed when marching to Flodden Field.' 47 This 
tradition, so far as the swamp is concerned, is admirably substantiated 
by the earliest accounts of the battle. The English army was forced 
to wade through a certain marshy pass, leaving their artillery in their 
rear 48 — mom ita erat munitus et defensus tormmtis bellicis vX eocercitus 
Anglorum cogeretur indagare quandam viam paludosam relictis post se 
tornieniis.' 49 The contemporary Italian poem also gives as the reason of 
this difficult passage of Brankston bog by the lord admiral, the neces- 
sity lie was under of avoiding the extensive artillery of the enemy :— 

' Vero e che per la molta artegliaria 
nimica, ando per certa via fangosa 
et convenne lassar la sua per via.'* 

The Scottish artillery had by this time no doubt been drawn up 
opposite Crookham to prevent the advance of the English on Flodden 
across the little burn. 

1 A brook of breadth a taylor's yerd,' 51 

that issued from the east end of the morass to soon join the Till near 
the hamlet of Sandyford. In the sixteenth century, this burn was 
called after the hamlet, which in its turn may have derived its name 
from a neighbouring ford over the Till. 

It was about four o'clock in the afternoon when the Scots sighted 
the English vanguard (consisting of Edmund Howard's wing, 3,000 
strong, followed by the lord admiral with from 12,000 to 14,000 men, 

« Ibid. 

48 Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, ii. p. 134. 

49 Letter to Card. Bainbridge, JRotta de Scocesi, App. p. 4. 

50 Ibid. p. 30. 

41 Floddon Field, 7th fit, v. 47. On Surrey's monument the battle is said to 
have taken place ' on a hill besidis Bramston in Northumbrelond, very neer vnto 
Sandiford.' — Weever, Funeral Monuments, ed. 1767, p. 558. As * Twisull forth ' is 
mentioned in the same inscription as the place where Surrey crossed the TiU, the 
two crossings were, it is evident, perfectly distinct, and should never have been 
confused as they have been through that most treacherous of all guides popular 
etymology. In the same way the burn has been dubbed ' Pallinsburn,' and the 
name connected with St. Paulinus, for which there is not a shred of historical 
authority or real tradition. * Burn ' in place-names is often a form of ' burn,' 
see Border Holds, i. p. 302 n., and the * Pallin ' in question was much more pro- 
bably a former owner of the place like Paulane of Koddam, in king Athelstan's 
jingling charter, than the first missionary in the North. 


% t fe 


ft ; ^ 



^ si 4» 

































including those in sir Marmaduke Constable's wing) turning inexplic- 
ably westwards along the north margin of this morass. 52 Giles Mus- 
grave, an Englishman, probably an outlaw, who happened to be in the 
Scottish camp, gave it as his opinion that his countrymen were about 
to cross the Tweed near Cornhill and ravage the Merse. 58 Still greater 
was the surprise of the Scots when they saw the English suddenly 
wading through the middle of the swamp that they had thought im- 
passable. James at once rightly conjectured that the enemy were 
making for Brankston hill, the Qccupation of which, rising as it does 
to within a few feet of the altitude of Flodden, would have enabled 
them to cut his lines of communication with Scotland. With true 
military genius, he at once ordered the camp refuse on Flodden to be 
set on fire, and, taking advantage of the clouds of smoke with which 
a south-easterly wind enveloped the whole range, he transferred his 
forces and artillery to the summit of Brankston before the lord 
admiral, who had arrived at its foot, had the least idea of the sudden 
move he had made. 

In marching from Flodden hill, James, we are told, arranged his 
forces in five lines composed of square pike-shaped battalions. 64 He 
himself, with the royal standard of Scotland being in the third line, 
was protected by two other lines on either side. 56 Each line, except 
that of the king which was larger than the others, and has been esti- 
mated as high as 20,000 men, 66 was, it would seem (judging from the 
fact that the names of the leaders of these lines occur in pairs, Home 
and Huntley, Crawford and Errol, Argyle and Lennox), composed of 
two brigaded battalions, each containing four French captains, and 

n ' (Angli) sub vesperum loco undique mnnito et paludoso, se ostentant.' — 
Ep. Reg. Scot. p. 187 ; Ridpath, Border History, p. 492 n. 
M Floddon Field, 8th fit, vv. 6-8. 

M ' Omnes copias in quinque acies dispertit ; ea ratione at tertium agmen in 
quo signnm regium erat, at omnes viri insignes militabant, dnplici utrinque acie 
tanquam duobus comibus clauderetur.' — Paolo Giovio, Hist, sui temp. p. 148. 

** * Exercitus Scotorum divisus fait in quinque ordines et distributus in 
turmas quadrangulares : contorum (quos picas nunc vocant) similitudinem 
ref erentes : omnes ab exercitu Anglico aequali spatio distantes.' — Letter to Card. 
Bainbridge, Rotta de Scocesi, App. p. 4. 

* Scocesi (wmo dissi) facte havieno 
le lor acie quadrate : equale in punta 
a la guise de piche se stendieno : 
cinque eron, Tuna da l'altra disgiunLa. 

—Ibid. p. 29. 
M * 'Bove twenty thousand men at least.'— Floddon Field, 8th fit, v. 64. 

vol. xvi UU 


about 5,000 men. 57 The peculiar pike-shape of the battalions may 
have been adopted in deference to the latest theoretical rules of military 
science imported from beyond the seas, or, more apparent than real, 
may have been caused by the diagonal line of march from Flodden to 
Brankston. 58 In fact as it advanced on Brankston that fatal afternoon, 
the formation of the Scottish host must have borne, however strange 
and fanciful it may seem, a strong resemblance to the nine of 
diamonds, that * curse of Scotland.' First came the foremost vanguard 
composed of the two battalions, the earl of Home's border horse, and 
the earl of Huntley's Gordon highlanders ; then the battalions of the 
earls of Crawford and Errol ; third, in the centre, the royal division, 
followed by one less clearly distinguished than the others but which 
appears to have been formed by the battalions of the Seigneur 

w ' Nel primo corno overa il franco havvardo 

percossero, col conte de Arelia : 

quel de huntley ch'era tanto gagliardo 

et quello de Crafordia in compagnia : 

con octo sir Francciosi alio standardo : 

per che ordinate* e che in ogni acie stia 

oltra li proprii lor conducitori, 

octo Francciosi per gubernatori. 
' Con cui mi par che dece millia f ossero 

soldati, & se fur piu, non molti forono 

il camerer de Scotia e le suoi se mossero, 

che dece millia fur che '1 seguitorono, 

& furiosi nello altro percossero, 

nel qual Edmondo havvardo ritrovorono 

el conte de Lincres con quel de Argillia : 

se mosser dopo con ben dece millia. 
' Questi dove era Eduardo ferirono. 

dopo si mosse la bandera regia 

e il re, quindici millia lo seguirono.' 

— Rotta de Scooesi, pp. 31, 32. 

The letter to Cardinal Bainbridge mentions the forty French captains. — Ibid. 
app. p. 3. 

M Through the kindness of the Rev. F. J. Foakes-Jackson, I have examined 
the unique collection of early military books in the library of Jesus College, 
Cambridge, in the hope of finding an ideal arrangement of troops like that 
adopted by James IV. and his French advisers, La Motte and Aussi, but though 
all sorts of singular shapes, such as wedges and shears, are recommended, I have 
found nothing exactly bearing on the point. I noted especially among these 
books, Tlve Arte of Warre, 4 written first in Italian by Nicholas Machiavell k 
set forthe in English by Peter Whitehorne, student at Graies Inn MDLX.,' 
which contains good plans of the battles of Guarigliano, 1503, and St. Quentin, 
1557 ; Instruction des Prineipes et Fondements de la Cavallerie, * per Jean 
Jacques de Wallhausen, capitaine de la louable ville de Danzick. Francfort, 
MDCXVI ;' and Le Qoutememewb de la Cavalier w Leg ere 'par George Basta, 
Governeur General en Vngrie & Transilvanie pour feu l'lnvictissime Empereor 
Rodolphe II. Rouen, 1627,' with diagrams of the * exploits' at Driel, Ordingen, 
and Ingelmunster. 


d'Aussi and the earl of Bothwell, while the Highland battalions of 
Argyle and Lennox brought up the rear. When the enemy halted and 
turned north to front the advancing English, the configuration of the 
ground was such that the fourth division, that of d'Aussi and Both- 
well, found itself hidden from the view of the enemy in a small valley, 
and was thus able to act as an important reserve for assisting both the 
royal division and the ferther rear-guard. 59 

The king at once gave the command for the vanguard, that is to 
say his first and second divisions, to descend the hill in good order like 
Germans guarding perfect silence, so that when the smoke rolled away 
the admiral was alarmed to find the four battalions bearing down on 
him only a quarter of a mile away, and sent in all haste the Agnus Dei 
that hung at his breast to his father as a signal that he was to bring 
up the rear-guard with all speed to join his left wing commanded by 
Constable. 60 

The removal of the Scottish artillery to Brankston hill had per- 
mitted the earl of Surrey to cross unchallenged the Sandyford burn 
near Crookham with the ordnance that the admiral had been forced to 
leave behind in wading through Brankston moss. Meanwhile, it would 
seem that the right wing of the rear-guard, about 8,000 strong, 

" * II Bignor Dansi <iapitan Francese, 

con quindici migliaia in on squadrone, 
per refrescare le gente Scocesi 
rimase alia riscossa in un burone.' 

— Botta de Scoceti, p. 32. 

* ' My Lorde Hawarde conceiving the great power of the Scottes, sent to my 
said [Lorde] of Surrey his fader and required hym to advaunce bis rerewarde 
and to joine his right wvng with his left wyng, for the Scottes wer of that 
might that the vanwarde was not of power nor abull to encounter thaim, My 
saide lorde of Surrey perfitely vnderstanding this with all spede and diligence, 
lustely, came forwarde and joyned hym to the vanwarde as afor was required 
by my said Lord Hawarde, and was glad for necessite to make of two battalles 
oon good battell to aventure of the said iiij battelles.' — Trewe Encountre, Laing 
MS. in Proceedings 8oe. Ant. Scot. vii. p. 148. The English is provokingly 
vague; the Latin account says the admiral waited 'donee altera ala ultimi 
agminis conjungeretur extremae parti agminis sui.' — Letter to Cardinal Bain- 
bridge, Botta de Scocesi, app. p. 4. This leaves no doubt that Surrey's right 
wing (Dacre) was to have joined the admiral's left (Constable), but in conse- 
quence of the violence of the Scottish attack on the admiral's right (Edmund 
Howard) it was ordered chemin faisant to hasten to the relief of this last. That 
Dacre did command a wing of Surrey's division is clear from his own letter to 
Henry VIII. (see note 63). The idea that he was stationed with an independent 
squadron to give assistance where necessary is a mistake of Paolo Giovio. The 
distance from the bottom to the top of the hill is clearly given as 500 paces 
— ' cujus radices a cacumine quingintis passibus distabant.' — Botta de Scocesi, 


commanded by lord Dacre, instead of joining' Constable, pushed for- 
ward as rapidly as ever possible to support Edmund Howard, whose 
division appears to have made more progress towards BraDkston 
hill than the rest of the vanguard. At any rate Edmund's was the 
first to be engaged, receiving as it did at the extreme west of the field 
the shock of the charge of the battalion composed of Border horse led by 
lord Home the chamberlain of Scotland, linked with that of the earl 
of Huntley's Gordon Highlanders. Sir Brian Tunstal, a knight of the 
same stainless character as his father, whose loyalty to the Bed Rose 
had remained unshaken amid all the tergiversations of the civil wars, 
was the first Englishman * to proffer stroke/ 61 Swinging his halbert 
about him he brought sir Malcolm Keen and others staggering to the 
ground, then rushing into the midst of the descending host he was 
cut off from all succour, and sank overpowered by some twenty Scots. 
The battle had begun in good earnest. In the words of the ancient . 
ballad, which with its stately metre has about it so much of the true 
ring of the glorious song of Brunanburh, 

' there was gurding forth of gunns : with many great stones, 
Archers vttered out their arrowes ; and eagerlie they shotten, 
they proched vs with speares : and put many over 
that they blood out brast : at their broken harnish. 
theire was swinging out of swords : and swapping of headds ; 
we blanked them with bills : through all their bright armor 
that all the dale dunned : of their derfe strokes.'** 

At the first boom of the Scottish cannon the men of Tynemouth 
and Bamburghshire in the wing of the rear-guard that lord Dacre was 
bringing up to support Edmund Howard, took to their heels. 
Edmund's Cheshire followers, already half-mutinous at not being led 
by a Stanley, and cowed by the fall of the heroic Tunstal, immediately 
followed their example. 63 Some of the leaders manfully stood their 

« Floddon Field, 8th fit, v. 41. ■ Scotish ffeilde, 11. 324-329. 

68 ' At Branxton, that victorious field, as I was not of sufficient power of my 
country folks to be a wing of my Lord Treasurer's hoste, he assigned to me 
Bamburghshire and Tinmouth, to assiste me with there powers, which at the 
first shott of the Scottish gonnys fled from me and tarried no longer.' — Raine, 
North Durham, introd. p. vi. So, too, the Baggaley ballad. 
1 in wing with these wees : was my Lord Dacres, 
he ffledd at the first bredd : and th6 followed after.' 

— Scotish ffeilde (Lyme MS.), 11. 331, 332. 
It may be explained that * wees ' or * wyes * mean ' men/ and * bredd ' or * braid,' 
' onset.' 


ground : sir John Booth of Barton ; sir William Warcop, a young 
Yorkshire knight ; M sir Thomas Fitzwilliam, from beside Eotheram ; 
Christopher Savage, and others, these 

* wold neuer flee : for noe f eare that cold happen, 
but were killed lik Conquerors: in their King's service.'" 

Edmund Howard himself was thrice laid low, and was only saved by 
the timely arrival and unselfish devotion of John Heron. 66 Even 
then, as. he was hurrying towards the main body of the vanguard, sir 
Edmund was in danger of being cut off by the troop of sir David 
Home, but at this moment a successful charge, delivered by lord 
Dacre with the levies of Gilsland and Alston moor, and , 

4 The horsemen light from Esk and Leven," 7 
fifteen hundred in all, drove off the victorious borderers, and saved 
the discomfiture of the extreme right from spreading a panic through 
the other divisions of the English army. 

The lord admiral in the centre of the vanguard had been attacked 
by the earls of Crawford and Errol, with whom was George Lesley, 
earl of Rothes. 68 At every step Howard called loudly for the king, 
saying, in reference to the alleged taunts of James as to his 
evasive policy on the high seas, 'Now I flee not at thy approach. 
Thou who boastedst of having sought me everywhere in vain,* where 
art thou ? Show thyself, and we will prove which has the greatest 
strength ! ,69 Instead of the king, he encountered the earl of Craw- 
ford, and the two, armed with axes, fought undecisively together for 

04 Sootishffeilde, 1. 341. He is called Sir Bobert in the Craven ballad. 
65 Scottihffeilde, 11. 349, 350. 
" Floddon Meld, 8th fit, vv. 51, 62. 

87 The text, manifestly corrupt, has f Hexham Leven.' — Floddon Field, 5th 
fit, v. 64 ; ed. Federer, p. 51. 

68 * Ne valse per che assai fossero f orti. 
il conte de Craf ordia & de Arelia : 
ne. per che quello de Huntlei conforti 
con voce & facti la sua compagnia.' 

— Rotta de Scoceri, p. 39. 
Pinkerton, Hist, of Scotland, ii. p. 457, notices the mistake of Huntley for 
Lesley in the earliest list of the slain. 

w ' eco non f uggo hor a te vegno, 
tu che havermi cercato in ciascun passo 
te vanti, ov sei ? hor lassati vedere, 
et provarem chi havra maggior potere.' — Ibid. 
The admiral would give no quarter, not even to the king himself * neminem 
quantumvis nobilem Scotum, etiam si esset rex ipse, captionem facere : sed 
occidere.' — Letter to Bainbridge, p. 4. 


some time. At last, just at the right moment, Howard raised his axe 
and dealt the earl a blow tinder the left arm, where the arm-piece met 
the cuirass, and the wretched man fell dead at his feet. The earl of 
Rothes 70 was hastening to Crawford's assistance when he was met by 
William Percy, who, with his brother, 71 was stationed to the admiral's 
left, and slain by a thrust in the thigh. Errol alone was now 
left to defend the colours. Upon Howard's advance the standard- 
bearer was thrown down, and victory definitely secured to the English 
in this part of the field. The eight French captains who had been 
appointed to the command of this Scottish division were slain, and the 
fugitives hotly pursued by the two Percies. 

It was at the moment of this successful termination of his own 
engagement that the lord admiral heard of his brother Edmund's 
discomfiture. He accordingly refrained from joining in the pursuit 
of the routed Scots, and turned towards where Dacre was attacked by 
the chamberlain, doing his best to soothe Edmund's irritation. * like 
a furious lion amongst a herd of cattle, not content with blood but 
covetous of glory,' 78 Edmund forced his way through the enemy's 
ranks till he reached their banner. Lord Home now found the 
pride of bis earlier success abashed, and, leaving Dacre, fled with 
the rest. 

On seeing the rout of Edmund Howard's division, king James could 
restrain himself no longer, and, without waiting for his rear-guard, 78 
madly came down the hillside upon Surrey, who had brought a force 
of about 5,000 into line to the east of the admiral. 74 The English 
artillery had hitherto proved of little service owing to the uneven nature 

70 The poet says Huntley, p. 41; but as Huntley was one of the few Scottish 
survivors, it is evident that Lesley was meant. The whole of the details of the 
personal combats are to be taken subject to poetic license. 
71 'Guglielmo & Henrico, 
gioveni f ratri & ciascun cavalliero 
del sangue de Percy nobile, e anticho.' 

—Rotta de Scocert, p. 38. 
The second brother may have been Jocelyn, as Henry, the eldest brother, was 
earl of Northumberland, and was at Terouenne with Henry VIII. 

n ' che come Leon f uribondo 
tra gli armenti arivato, non si satia 
del sangue loro, irato & sitibondo.' 

— Ibid, p. 43. 
7 * Leslie, History of Scotlaitd. p. 95. 
74 Trewe Encountre, Laing MB. ; Proc. Soo. Ant. Soot, vii p. 148. 



of the ground it had been passing over, 75 bat now William Blackenall, 
the master-gunner, got his guns into good position and sent his 
missiles like 'sowsing tennis balls' 76 into the midst of the royal division, 
causing it to come down faster still. Lord Sinclair, the master of 
the Scottish ordnance, was slain, and its misdirected fire practically 
silenced. 77 The king charged at full speed with his lance couched, 
and had already borne down five Englishmen when it broke. He 
then drew his sword, and, undeterred by the entreaties of the aged 
earl of Douglas, 78 rushed into the ranks of the enemy, striking all he 
met to the ground. His natural son, the archbishop of St. Andrew's, 
bravely followed him. Lord Herries and lord Maxwell pressed 
forward to the king's assistance/ 9 and the combined forces of the 
Scots forced their way to Surrey's standard. The king was challenged 
by Ouiscard Harbottle, a young man of great strength ; the arch- 
bishop was met by Surrey himself, by whose side lord Darcy's son 
engaged Maxwell The proud lord Latimer fought with Herries, 
lord Conyers with old earl Douglas. By this time the Scottish 
left had been entirely defeated by lord Dacre and the admiral, 
and the king, roused to fury, struck Ouiscard Harbottle so heavy 

75 * notwithstanding that othir (? otherwise) our artiUery for warre coulde 
doe noe good nor advantage to oar army because they wer contynually goyng 
and advansing vp towarde the said hilles and mountaines.' — Ibid. p. 147. 
w Floddon Field. 8th at, v. 21. 

71 Hall says : ' The Master Gunner of the English slew the Master Gunner of 
Scotland, and beat all his men from their ordnance, so that the Scottish ordnance 
did no harm to the Englishmen, but the Englishmen's artillery shot into the 
king's battle and slew man 7.' Borthwick, however, is known to have been alive 
three years after the battle. — Exchequer Accounts of Scotland, xiii. preface, p. 

78 ' Veniva appresao il signor Dalisse : 

quel vecchio che con lunga oratione 
lo dissuase da sta impresa, & disse 
che ella seria la sua destrutione : 
che era venuto como li promisse 
per monstrar de sua forza parangone 
e che non havea data quel consiglio, 
per tema alcuna de morte o periglio.' 

— Rot (a de Scocesi^ p. 35. 
The presence of old Archibald Bell-the-Cat taking part in the actual battle 
is a surprise when we recall the famous account in Buchanan of his quarrel with 
James at the council at Ford and his consequent return home. It should, how- 
ever, be borne in mind that Buchanan's story does not agree with Pitscottie who 
represents the earl of Angus as one of the proposed leaders of the forces of 
the south of Scotland in the battle. On Douglas's advice previous to the invasion, 
see Rotta de Scocesi, p. 11. It seems very evident that the * Dalisse' in the 
text is Douglas, and not Hales, earl of Both well, as suggested in the notes. 
n ' El signor de Hercie, e quel de Maxuello.' — Ibid. p. 36. 


a blow with both hands on the shoulder that it descended on his 

side and stretched him lifeless on the gronnd. James then gave 

orders for the rear-guard to be advanoed, and lord Dacre, who was 

now coming round from the west, had only just time to form to receive 

them. 80 The only portion of the rear-guard then available, as will be 

presently seen, seems to have been that commanded by the earl of 

Bothwell, which probably formed the major part of d'Aussi's reserve. 81 

This last division of the Scottish force was much stronger than the 

other, we are told ; for the fugitives rallied, and all the troops still 

under discipline hastened bravely to the front, 83 so that it might well 

be said 

' The victory in doubt did stand.' 83 

All was to be changed by the advance- of the English left under 
sir Edward Stanley, 

' The man ... on whom the matter wholly hinges." 4 
Considering the very different issue that the engagement in this part 
of the field was to have, it seems in every way likely that Stanley's 
following was superior in number to the 10,000 Scots under the earls 
of Argyle and Lennox opposed to him, and 15,000 does not seem 
much too extravagant an estimate of it ' The lads of Lancashire,' 86 

we are told 

' could hardly fast their feet, 

But forced on hands and feet to creep, 

At last the mountain top they wan.' 86 

They thus turned the position of the Scots. Argyle fell at the first 
onset ; Lennox, pursued by Stanley along more than half the hillside, 
was slain at the foot of the banner, which was only rescued by 5,000 
men of the division under the Seigneur d'Aussi, which had been 

80 Ibid. pp. 36, 44. There is a curious woodcut of all this combat on foot 
with spears and swords in Holinshed's Chronicles of England, ed. 1577, p. 1492. 

81 * Adamus Heburnus cum propinquiis & caetera Lothiana Nobilitate in sub- 
sidiis erat.' — Buchanan, p. 465. 

83 ' Questa ultima acie de Scocessi grossa 
era piu assai che l'altre : che la gente 
fuggita a quell a tutta se e riscossa.' 

— Rotta de Scocesi, p. 45. 
88 Floddon Field, 9th fit, v. 4. M Ibid. 5th fit, v. 57. 

85 ' Lancashire like Lyons : Laid them about. 

All had been lost by our Lord : had not those leeds beene.' 

M Floddon Field, 9th fit, vv. 6, 7. 

-Scotish ffeilde, 1L 883, 384. 


posted in a dough to give assistance where required. 87 This stand 
made by d'Aussi can have been of little avail. Stanley charged down 
the hill on the rear of the king's forces, while Dacre pressed in from 
the west. The fate of the battle was sealed by the death of king James 
beneath the banner of St. Audrey. 88 The Scots fled and were killed 
'like Caitiues, in Clowes all about. 

all the lords of their lande were left them behind, 
beside brinston in a bryke : breatheless th£ lyen, 
gaping against the moone : theire guests were away.** 

It is said that the iron gauntlets were still on the king's body 
when it was found ;*° and removed to the nearest church, which is the 
only faint reference we have to the church of Brankston, that would 
seem to have been so close to the battlefield. 91 His rent surcoat was 
sent to Tournay, stained with blood and chequered in the English 
fashion. 92 The fatal torquoise ring and his sword and dagger are 
shown at Herald's college. The sword bears on the blade the motto : 

GE&poir conforte le (BuetoaL 

to be translated 'Hope encourages a leader,* 8 and it might almost 
seem that a contemporary writer alludes to this when he ascribes 
James's defeat to the fact that he had impiously placed all his hope in 
his French captains. 94 

87 ' sel signor de Ausy quella schiera rotta 
non soccorrea, con cinque millia in frotta.' 

— Rotta de Scoceri, p. 87. 
n * their King was downe knocked : & killed in there sight 
vnder the banner of a Bishoppe : that was the bold standlye.' 

—Scotish ffeilde, 11. 386, 386. 
On the back of a list of ' ffranche prisoners taken at Turwine ' is the note ' The 
Kynge of Scotts was fownd slayn by my lord Dakers in y° fronts of his batayll 
& also y e lord maxwill & his brother y 6 lord harryes erle Crauford who is knowen. 
And y 6 kynge of Scotts body is closed in lede & be kept till y* kyngis plesure be 
knowen in Barwicke. And y r were slayn xj ml scotts beside yem yet were slayn 
in ye chace, and ij bisshops. And of English men but ij C psons slayn.* — 
Harl. MS. 869, p. 94 d.; quoted, but not correctly, in Gait, Life of Wolsey, p. 17. 
" Scotish ffeilde, 11. 391, 400-403. * Clowes ' means * doughs,' or small 
valleys ; ' bryke,' a * brake ' or thicket; ' guests,' * gasts ' or spirits. 
90 State Papers, Venetian, ii. p. 130. M Ibid. p. 128. 

■* * Lacerata paludamenta Regis Scotorum hue missa f uerunt, tincta sanguine 
et variegatijs (sic) more nostro.' Brian Tuke, clerk of the signet to Richard 
Pace, secretary of the cardinal of England, Tournai, 22 Sept. — Ibid. p. 135, n. 
The ' variegatia ' seems to refer to the tartan, and the ' more nostro ' to assert its 
English origin. •• Archaeologia, xxxiii. p. 835. 

w ' Scotorum rex, qui majorem auxilii spem in gallicis praefectis (quorum 
XL numero habuit) quern in deo repoeuit,' — Letter to Cardinal Bainbridge, 
Rotta de ScoceH, app. p. 8. 




While the battle was going on, the good folks of the English 
marches are said to have taken the opportunity of plundering Surrey's 
camp. 98 They also appear to have laid their hands on the riderless 
horses. The Baggaley ballad complains 

' many a wye wanted his horsse : and wandred home a Soote ; 
all was long of the Marx men ; a Mischeefe them happen.™ 

As some mitigation of this charge we have The booke of the horses and 
mares takyn by the inhabitants of Cumberland and Northumberland of 
theffelde ofBranxton the iz. day of September ■, thefyfthe yereofthe reigne 
of our souverain lord King Henry the Eighth, being within the boundes 
and Auctorite of Thomas LordDacres, <bc> of Qraystok, Wardain of the 
Marchies? 1 There were delivered by Dacre's officers in Cumberland 
before the 26th of November, 221 horses and mares to the claimants 
on their 'book-oath.' The list of these embraces the whole of the 
North of England, but the only notices relating to Northumberland 
are the recovery of a grey mare by Thomas Blyth of Bennington, 
of a bay gelding by Nicholas Bidley of * Wollemontswyke,' of five 
horses and mares by Thomas Horsley for himself and neighbours, and 
of a horse by Balph Widdrington. The inhabitants of Northumber- 
land restored seventy-six horses and mares to their owners at Morpeth ; 
Leonard Thornton of Shilbottle is the only local claimant in the list. 

95 Letter of Bishop Ruthal, Arch. Ael. v. p. 179. 

* ScotuhffeUde, 11. 414, 416. 

97 P.R.O. Chapter House Books, B. 

Archaeologia Aeliana, vol. xvi., to face page 373. 

Plate 1 

"THE Fax&fcXttB'; Piiumn Street, 


P • 1- 

*» x 





By W. H. Knowles, F.R.I.B.A. 
[Read on the 20th December, 1893.] 
Op the building known as the ' Fox and Lamb,' now removed to 
provide premises for the National Telephone Company, unfortunately 
we have no records or even mention in any of our local histories, 
whilst search in other channels has yielded but meagre results. 

Who erected or who resided within the ancient building previous 
to its bearing the sign of the ' Fox and Lamb,' or when this title was 
first used, we know not, excepting that in 1730 1 it is so called. 

It would be difficult, and indeed unwise, to attempt to conjecture 
what the original structure was like, as the building just removed had 
at various times been much added to, altered, and mutilated. 

In 1789 it is described as a messuage burgage or tenement and 
garden, including makings, cornlofts, brewhouse, and mill to the same 
premises belonging, bounded on the north and south by other mes- 
suages, on the east by the king's highway called or known by the 
name of Pilgrim Street, and on the west by the Painters Heugh Dean, 
apparently the ravine through which the Lortburn ran, was at this 
point so called. 

All that was really of an ancient character is shown in the accom- 
panying drawings. Some portions were of the latter part of the 
fifteenth century, and were incorporated with those of the seven- 
teenth century with which we are familiar. On the plan the parts 
attributed to the earlier date are shown coloured black, and comprise 
the gables on the north and south, walls in continuation thereof 
carried westward in the direction of Dean street (site of the Lort- 
burn), and the lower portions of the front and passage walls. A 
pointed arch chamfered on both sides existed at the point A ; and 
another arch, possibly of later date, much flatter chamfered on the 
outside and rebated within, at the point B. In the room over the 
barber's shop (C), there existed an arched stone recess, bearing no 

1 Arch. Ael. vol. iv. (N.S.) p. 248. 



mouldings, bat rebated on inside. The remainder of the old work 

was of the seventeenth century. 
(See the elevation and the portions 
hatched on plan.) 

The square projecting oriel (of 
which now one other example 
only remains in Newcastle, that of 
Cosyns' house on the Quayside) was 
supported by stout uprights and 
cross-beam, the oaken floor joists 
resting on the latter, extended from 
the west wall above the arch A. 
An old-fashioned fireplace of ample 
dimensions existed in the bar. The 
rooft were all covered with pantiles. 
All the windows were fitted with 
solid wooden frames and casement 
sashes. The walls towards Pilgrim 
street were covered with a rough 
coat of plaster. The arch (D) and 
the gable surmounting it were of 
brick (see sketch). 

On the first floor over the point 
E were the remains of chamfered 
stone window heads, sills, and mul- 
lions. In a room on the first floor 
(above H), over a fireplace, were 
two plaster panels, one of which 
bore the date 1651, with a rose and 
crown between two Jlturs-de-lis, 
whilst on the other panel a winged monster was represented. 3 

The staircase was of the simplest description, and with one slight 
exception, and that of very poor character, there existed no panel- 
ling of wood or plaster. 

2 It is the intention of the National Telephone Company to place these 
panels in the new building. They are depicted at page 132 of Vestiges of Old 
Newcastle and Gateshead. 


■ ^mrrrr 



The long narrow building to the sooth of the * Fox and 
|t ^^ Lamb/ also now polled down, had projecting opper stories 
" I and was of the same date. 

The late 0. B. Richardson, in a rough sketch in the 
Society's possession, shows the ori- 
ginal building to the north. It is 
of simple character, and later than 
the seventeenth century. In this 
sketch the barber's shop with pro- 
jecting pole is shown. 
From the deeds 
of the property we 
learn that, in 1727, 
it was owned by 
John Donkin, inn- 
keeper; 8 and in 1789 
occupied by his eld- 
est son John Donkin, 
baker and brewer. 
In 1754 the occu- 
pants were : John 
Ramsey, innholder, 
and John Hays, 4 bar- 
ber. In 1764 it was sold by John Donkin to John Huntley, upholsterer, 
and was then in the occupation of Richard Joblin and John Hays. 

In a will dated 4th December, 1792, Richard Huntley 6 leaves to 
his daughter Sarah (who afterwards married John Hodgson of Els- 
wick house) all that, etc., known by the sign of the ' Fox and Lamb,' 
and in the occupation of Burdon 6 and Rayne. 

* John Donkin had three sons, John, Ralph, and Bryan. In the poll books 
of the election of 1741, John and Ralph Donkin voted for Matthew Ridley, the 
candidates being Walter Blackett, Nicholas Fenwick, Matthew Ridley, and 
William Carre. 

4 In the election of 1774, Bryan and John Donkin and John Hays voted for 
the successful candidates, sir W. Blackett and sir M. W. Ridley — Phipps and 
Delaval being the defeated ones. 

* In the election of 1780, Richard Huntley, barber surgeon, Hollin hill, and 
Bryan Donkin, baker and brewer, Walker, recorded their votes, the former for 
Bowes and the latter for Bowes and Delaval. The other candidate was sir M. 

Itouqh fcdeh. by (ftfttiwtdm 
town. «L ^c-iimk'hj *W-K. 

W. Ridley 
6 Fath 
officer, who also filled the chief municipal offices. Thomas Burdon married 

Father of Thomas Burdon, brewer and knight, an enthusiastic volunteer 


In a will dated 2nd October, 1818, John Hodgson 7 of Btowick 
house gave his property to his first son who should attain twenty-one 

In 1828 it was purchased from John Hodgson 8 (afterwards John 
Hodgson-Hinde) by James Harding, whose surviving trustee, John 
Dove, in 1862, sold it to John Johnson. The trustees of John Johnson 
(Francis Johnson and others), in 1888, disposed of it to Walter Scott, 
from whom, in 1892, it was obtained by the National Telephone 

Of further occupants, the following occur in the various direc- 
tories : — In the year 1778, Rich. Jopling ; 1787-9, Rich. Jopling ; 
1790, Thos. Wood ; 1811, Ralph Lowes ; 1824, Ralph Lowes ; 1827, 
Ralph Lowes ; 1839, William Elliott ; 1847, Jane Waters ; 1850, Jane 
Waters ; 1855, George West. 

The 'Fox and Lamb' does not appear to have been used for 
coaching or posting purposes. Many carriers are, however, recorded 
as leaving it for neighbouring towns to the north and west of New- 
castle. Amongst them one notices that Wm. Graham continues to 
make the journey to Alnwick, between the years 1778 and 1847 
(probably being father and son), and that another, J. Forster, in 1839 
' goes to Blaydon and Redheugh four to six times each day.' 

In his Roderick Random, Dr. Smollett describes a meeting of that 
hero with his old schoolfellow Hugh IStrap, 9 then filling the position 

Jane, sister of William and John Scott, who afterwards became respectively 
lord Stowell and the earl of Eldon. Richard, son of sir Thomas Burdon, married 
the daughter and heir of sir James Sanderson, bart., and assumed the name of 
Bichard Burdon Sanderson. He erected Jesmond towers, now occupied by Mr. 
Charles Mitchell, LL.D.— See B. Welford's Men of Mark 'twixt Tyne and 

7 Pulled down the old and erected the present Blswick house (Elswick park), 
his grandfather, John Hodgson, esq., linen draper, having purchased, about the 
year 1720, the lordship of Blswick from the last of the Jennisons. 

8 John Hodgson-Hinde, magistrate, deputy-lieutenant, and high sheriff of 
Northumberland, seventeen years member of parliament for Newcastle, assumed 
the name of Hinde in 1836, was a vice-president of our Society, and well versed 
in all antiquarian matters, contributed largely to our transactions ; the follow- 
ing being also by him : — The Pipe Bolls for Cumberland, Westmoreland, and 
Durham, Fountains of British History Explored, and the volume of the History 
of Northumberland * which was intended to fill the place of the never-written 
first part of Hodgson's History.' — See biographical notice, Arch. Ael. vol. vii. 
p. 229. 

9 Of the prototype of Hugh Strap we learn in an obituary notice in the 
Newcastle Courant of April 11, 18 09, that on ' Sunday sen'night, in St 
Martin's-in- the- Fields, London (died) Hugh Hewson, aged 85. He was the 
identical Hugh Strap whom Dr. Smollet has immortalized in Roderick Random, 


of barber's assistant in Newcastle. Tradition has associated the shop 
under the roof of the ' Fox and Lamb ' with the story. In this con- 
nection I may recall the fact that in 1754 John Hays, barber, occupied 
a portion of the premises, and that the daughter of the late H. P. 
Parker now possesses a chair given to her by her father, and obtained 
by him from an occupant of the shop, who alleged that it had been 
used by Smollett whilst staying at the i Fox and Lamb.' 

During the early part of this century the ' Fox and Lamb ' seems 
to have been the rendezvous of local celebrities. It was here that 
H. P. Parker found material for his picture of the i Eccentric Char- 
acters of Newcastle.' We also learn from the memoirs of Dr. Robert 
Blakey, 10 a native of Morpeth, who appears to have been much in 
Newcastle during the early part of this century, whilst speaking of 
Bewick, that i he [Bewick] was then an interesting-looking old man, 
of portly size, and of a good-humoured and social temperament. He 
frequented, on certain evenings, a sort of club-room at the "Fox 
and Lamb " at the foot of Pilgrim street, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and 
many happy and pleasant hours he spent with a few select, intelligent, 
and jocular friends, who congregated here chiefly with a view to enjoy 
hie company and conversation. He was fond of porter, and I have 
known him sit from seven o'clock in the evening till eleven, sipping 
his favourite beverage to the tune of five or six pints. It did not 
seem to produce any muddling or stupefying effect upon him whatever. 
He was always clear, collected, humorous, and pleasant. Custom, I 
have no doubt, had rendered this indulgence quite innocuous and 
harmless both to his body and mind.' 

Dr. Robert Blakey contributed articles at this time to the 
Newcastle Magazine, Durham Chronicle, etc., and was intimate with 
Charles Larkin, Thomas Doubleday, and others. It may, I think, be 
fairly assumed ' that the sort of club ' included these free lances of 
radicalism, doubtless the artist Parker, and others of a bohemian 
disposition, and that the sitting room at the end of the bar with 

and had for many years kept a hairdresser's shop in the above parish. His 
shop was hung with latin quotations, and he would frequently point out to his 
customers and acquaintances the several scenes in Roderick Random pertaining 
to himself, which had their foundation, not in the Doctor's inventive faculty, 
but in truth and reality.' 

"• Memoirs of Dr. Robert Blakey, Professor of Logio and Metaphysics, 
Queen's College, Belfast, p. 35 Triibner & Co., London, 1879. 


separate entrance from the passage was the room in which the 
* select, intelligent, and jocular friends ' met. 

Let us now glance at the surroundings of the Fox and Lamb, the 
lane called the Low Bridge on the sooth (see plan) is, of course, the 
'Nether Dean Bridge' of Bourne's time (1732). Proceeding down 
this lane, you would pass over the bridge spanning the Lort-burn, 
and so reach St. Nicholas's church. This was also the line of the 
Roman Wall. 

Looking northward from the oriel over the porch we view, 
according to Bourne, 11 ' the most beautiful Part of the Street, the 
Houses on each Side of it being most of them very pretty, neat, and 
regular ; such are the Houses of Mr. Edward Harl, Mr. Thos. Biggs, 
John Rogers, Esq., Thos. Clennell, Esq., Nicholas Feuwick, Esq., 
Nathaniel Clayton, Esq., Edward Collingwood, Esq., Mr. Perith, Mr. 
John White, John Ogle, Esq., Mr. Thos. Waters, Matthew White, 
Esq., &c. . . . On that Side of it, next the Town- Wall is a very 
agreeable Walk, generally frequented on a Summer's Evening by the 
Gentry of this part of the Town ; The Prospect of the gardens, some 
of which are exceeding Curious, affording a good deal of Pleasure.' 1 * 

Mackenzie, speaking in 1827 of Bourne's reference, says, 'At 
present, scarcely any of the families above mentioned, retain their 
residences here ; the greater part of the street having, of late years, 
been converted into offices, shops, and inns.' 18 

A century ago the scene hereabouts would frequently be a busy 
one, the arrival and departure of the many carriers to and from the 
numerous inns would cause much stir among the townsfolk, whilst 
the wheat market, 14 held on stated days of the week, would further 
add to the activity. 

From Gray's time (1649), when Pilgrim street 'was the longest 
and fairest street in the town,' from Bourne's (1732), when many 
members of the aristocracy resided, from Mackenzie's (1827), when 
much commercial success was enjoyed, Low Pilgrim street has 
degenerated into an overcrowded district of miserable tenements. 

11 Bourne's Newcastle, p. 85. If Bourne, p. 81. 

18 Mackenzie's History of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, p. 178. 

11 Gray, in his Chorographla, or a Survey of Newcastle upon Tine, printed in 
1649, speaking of Pilgrim Street, says : — ' In it is a Market for Wheat and Rye 
every Tuesday and Saturday.' 

Case L^ 
Pea body 



tfuseum of American Archaology and Ethnology 



^vv irXjU\XZ 


o<& % /n^ . 

Plate XX5Q1 


lt B^sVArchaecturalAnUqu.Ues of the County of D-** 
( Reduced from plate mBiIbngss Jffen 



By Charles Clement Hodges. 

[Read at Sedgefield on the 27th August, 1892.] 

Sedgepield has always been a place of very considerable importance, 
and was one of the chief centres in the south part of the bishopric. 
Its name is, there can be little doubt, of topographical origin, and 
means the field or open place amidst swampy ground occupied by reeds 
or sedges. 2 The site is a wide swell of sandy gravel, on the highest 
point of which the church and village stand. Anciently the sur- 
roundings were a wide marsh, as is clearly shown by the condition of 
the low lying lands and the names of adjoining places, such as Red- 
marahall, formerly Redmereshill, or the hill in the middle of the red 
mere. Also the names of some old farms such as Green Knolls, Island 
Farm, the Lizards, etc. 

Of the history of the place little is known. It seems to be the 
town mentioned by Symeon as having been purchased for the church 
by bishop Cutheard, who came to the see in 900 during the time of its 
location at Chester-le-Street, 8 and ruled it till 915. 

In bishop Pudsey's great survey of the bishopric known as Boldon 
Buke, and made in 1183, we find Sedgefield recorded as a thriving 
and for those days a populous place. There were twenty tenants in 
villenage, twenty firmarii or renters, a smith, a pounder, a carpenter, 
and five cottagers. The manor mill and that of Fishburn are also 
mentioned. Bishop Hatfield's survey (1345-1381) shows that an in- 
crease had taken place in the number of the various kinds of tenants 
and holders, as well as in the money value of their services. Under 

1 This paper was read at Sedgefield on the occasion of a Saturday afternoon 
meeting there on August 27th, 1892 (see Proc. v. p. 199). As the meeting 
was but thinly attended it has been thought desirable to print it with illustra- 
tions, as no complete description of this fine church is available. 

7 On the other hand the derivation may be a nominal one, and * Ceddes field ' 
looks like the field or place of one Cedd, a not uncommon Anglo-Saxon name. 
The great St. Chad had a brother of this name, the founder of the monastery 
of Lastingham, who is often confounded with Chad. — Bede, Eocl. Hist, book I. 
preface, and book III. cap. xxiii. 

* ' Eodem tempore Cuthardus, episcopus fidelis, emit de pecunia Sancti 
Cuthberti villam quae vocatur Ceddesfeld, et quicquid ad earn pertinet, praeter 
quod tenebant tree homines, Aculf , Ethel by riht, Frithlaf / — Historia de 8. CtUh- 
berto, etc. 51 Surtees Society Publ. p. 146. 

vol. xn. WW 


bishop Kellaw (1311-1816) Sedgefield was chartered for fairs and 
markets, and so came to rank as a market town. 

The village is situated at a turning point in the main road between 
Durham and Stockton. The principal streets are at right angles to 
one another, one being on the Durham road, and the other on that 
which originally led to Hartlepool through Embleton, which is in 
Sedgefield parish, and possesses an ancient chapel. The other main 
road out of the village connects it with the great north road at Rushy- 
ford, passing the hamlet of Bradbury on the way. In the centre of the 
town is a large open space where the markets were once held, no doubt 
around a market cross of which there is not now even a tradition. To 
the east of this area stands the church and churchyard. 

The church is dedicated to St. Edmund the bishop, a very rare 
dedication in the north. 4 

It is certain that a place of such importance as Sedgefield possessed 
a church from very early times. The absence of any good stone in the 
neighbourhood and the remoteness of the site from any Roman station, 
although near the line of a Roman road 5 renders it very improbable 
that this early building would be anything but a timber construction. 
Whether such a church was ever superseded by a stone building before 
the time of the Norman conquest, or whether it survived until after 
that eventful period, and was then succeeded by a church in the Nor- 
man style, are questions which it is impossible to answer either in the 
affirmative or in the negative. Whatever was the nature of the pre- 
decessor or predecessors of the present church it is a remarkable fact 
that it, or they, have wholly disappeared, not a single fragment of 
masonry, either architectual or monumental, ever having been seen on 
the site, so far as can be ascertained, within recent times. That no 
part of an early church should have come down to our day is not alto- 
gether a matter of surprise, when we reflect that in a populous and 
thriving village the church was not likely to pass the great rebuilding 
periods of the early and later Gothic styles without being transformed, 

4 Bacon (Liber Regis) gives Bt. Edmund the bishop ; but, about 1300, the 
church seems to have been dedicated to the Virgin Mary, as by the will of John 
Daudre he directed his body to be buried in 4 Cimiterio Beates Maries de Segge- 

feld:—2 Surtees Soc. Publ. (1835, 2) p. 20. 

5 See Durham before the Conquest, by W. H. D. Longstaffe. Archaeological 
Institute Proceedings, Newcastle, vol. L 

Arciaeologia Aeliana.Vol XVI. to face p. 380. 



a a a ue 


i > » i » 1 1 1 i > i 

Plate XXX111 


?ioU)-L«ho^ked J.PhBudbjrJ«»t»AtonMB.6.Qu«ta Sq»«w 1 


or completely rebuilt, as was the case here. But that no fragment of 
any early sepulchral memorial has survived is indeed a matter of won- 
derment, for we know from other cases, such as Aycliff, Gainford, or 
Sockburn, how numerous such monuments must have been about such 
a church as Sedgefield. The poor and perishable nature of the local 
stone, and the value of any large pieces for building purposes to a large 
extent accounts for this, and we may feel sure that the monuments 
raised during the Anglo-Saxon period by the men of Sedgefield have 
gone into the foundations and walls of the later church where they still 
remain hidden. At any time such may be brought to light either by 
digging in the churchyard or making alterations to or repairs of the 

The list of the early rectors is lamentably incomplete, but amongst 
those given by Surtees 6 two are earlier than the date of the church. 
These are Ulchild, 1085, and Peter, • clericus de Seggefeld,' 1168. In 
reading the names of these ancient priests one cannot help wondering 
what the church was like with which they were familiar, and which has 
as completely disappeared as if it had never existed. 

The present church is of various dates. In plan it oomprises a 
nave of three bays with aisles, north and south transepts and chancel, 
all three aisleless, a disengaged western tower, and a south porch. 

The earliest remaining work is the nave, and this has been so far 
left unaltered as to show that the church of which it is a part was 
begun about the middle, or shortly before the middle, of the thirteenth 
century, and that this church consisted of a short and wide nave with 
aisles, a disengaged western tower, and a chancel. The plan was an 
entirely new one and does not seem to have in the least regarded, or 
been hampered by, any previous building on the site; it is not impro- 
bable therefore that the new building was begun near the old one, 
which was cleared away on its completion, for the lines are all square 
and regular, and we miss these ugly though interesting twists and 
deflections and numerous angles with which the plans of old churches 
usually abound. The design was that of a master-hand in the craft 
of architecture, and it is an interesting thing to be able once in a 
way to say without much fear of dispute that the name of the archi- 
tect can be given, a rare thing it is to find that such a name has come 
• History and Antiquities of Durham, vol. Hi. p. 32. 


down to oar own time in the case of a great cathedral or monastic 
church, but still more rare in the case of a village church. 

In the middle of the thirteenth century the monks of Durham 
were, speaking architecturally, chiefly occupied with their grand 
scheme of adding the chapel of the Nine Altars to their church. The 
story of how this building came to be thought of, and whether such 
story be true or otherwise need not detain us now, it has often been 
told, and nowhere better than in a now well-known guide to the 
cathedral, 7 but the architectural history of the scheme, so to speak, 
has not been dwelt upon, and as it has some bearing on the somewhat 
unusual plan of Sedgefield church it may be well to give it here. 

There is only one other building in England that is anything like 
the Nine Altars at Durham, and that is the similar eastern termination, 
also called the Nine Altars, of the conventual church of the Cistercian 
abbey of St. Mary of Fountains. Of the two the latter is earlier in 
date as it is cruder in conception than the Durham building. As 
this part of Fountains abbey has a direct bearing on the Nine Altars 
at Durham, and an indirect bearing on the design of the earliest re- 
maining parts of Sedgefield church, a few remarks upon its history 
must be brought in here. 

The old choir of Fountains was extended in the first half of the 
thirteenth century under three abbots of the same name, John of 
York (1208-1211), John of Ely (1211-1220), and John of Kent 
(1220-1247). The scheme included the building of a choir with 
aisles, five bays in length, and an eastern transept across the east front 
of the church, with a range of nine altars against its long east wall. 
There is tolerably clear evidence that this scheme was not all matured 
at once, and that it was modified as it progressed, as indeed was likely 
in so great a work which was so long in hand. Mr. Reeve has shown 8 
that the conception of the Nine Altars was due to abbot John of Kent, 
or of his architect, who it can be shown with tolerable certainty was 
a south country man. The exact date of the completion of the Nine 

7 Durham Cathedral. An address by the Rev. Wm. Greenwell, M.A., F.R.S., 
F.S.A., Durham, 1881. 

8 A Monograph on the Abbey of St. Mary of Fountains, by J. Arthur Reeve. 
Architect, 1892. A magnificent work, where all the architectural beauties of 
Fountains are shown, and the architectural history of the buildings is given 
with the learning and scrupulous care of a Willis and the instinctive insight of 
a Longstaffe. 


Altars at Fountains is not known, but it was finally finished before tbe 
death of abbot John of Kent, which occurred in 1247, and as the Nine 
Altars at Durham was begun in 1242 it may be said that the one 
building was finished before the other was begun. A careful com- 
parison of the two, and especially their plans, supports this view. Mr. 
Reeve has shown that the Fountains work failed owing to faulty 
construction and insufficient foundation, and its vault was removed 
and a wooden roof of low pitch substituted for it in the days of abbot 
John Dernton (1478-1494). The primary cause of this failure was 
the insufficient buttressing, especially on the east wall, to take the 
thrust of a lofty vault, there being no aisle over which flying but- 
tresses could be stretched to carry such a thrust by easy st