Skip to main content

Full text of "Archaeologia aeliana, or, Miscellaneous tracts relating to antiquity"

See other formats



















TYNE (with illustrations). REV. Q-. ROME HALL .... 3 
MONTHLY MEETINGS .... 18, 19, 78, 79, 81, 87 
tions) REV. D. H. HAIGH 20 




DR. BRUCE , .... 80 










CASTLE .... - 120 




CASTLE OF HILTON (with illustrations). MR. W. H. D. LONGSTAFFE 143 

CLAYTON , 171 



WOBTU ............ 176 



Du. BBUCE ............ 184 


8TAFFE ............ 196 


REV. G. ROME HALL ......... 209 




MB. W. H. D. LONGSTAFFE ..... : . . .240 

JOHN CLAYTON ........... 256 


Mu. R. CARR ELLISON ......... 260 



ME. R. CARE ELLISON ......... 265 




MR. R. CARE ELLISON ......... 272 


ROMAN WHEEL FROM THARSIS, IN SPAIN (with illustrations). Mfi. A. S. 

STEVENSON ............ 279 

REPOEr OF THE SOCIETY, 1876. ........ 285 

BALANCE SHEET ........ 288 



INDBX TO VOL. VII. ........ . 297 


John Clayton, Esq.) V,P. t in the Chair. 

OFFICERS AND COUNCIL. Patron : His Grace the Duke of Northum- 
berland, K.G. President : The Right Hon. Lord Ravensworth. 

Vic e- Presidents: Sir Charles M. L. Monck, Bart., Sir "Walter Calverley 
Trevelyan, Bart., John Hodgson Hinde, Esq., and John Clayton, Esq. 

- Treasurer : Mr. Wm. Dodd. Secretaries : Edward Charlton, Esq., 
M.D., and the Rev. John Collingwood Bruce, LL.D. Council : The 
Rev. Edward Hussey Adamson, the Rev. James Raine, and Messrs. 
Richard Gail, Robert Richardson Dees, "William Dickson, Martin Dunn, 
W T m. Hylton Dyer LongstafFe (Editor}, John Peter Mulcaster, William 
Pears, Edward Spoor, Robert White, and William Woodman. 

NEW MEMBER. Mr. George MarJcham Tweddell, Stokesley. 

DONATIONS OF BOOKS. From Publishing Societies. The Archaeological 
Journal, No. 83. The Canadian Journal, November, 1864. From 
the Author. The new edition of Dr. Daniel Wilson's Prehistoric Annals 
of Scotland, 2 vols., 1863. 

DONATIONS OF OBJECTS. From Mr. Morrison. Portions of a thin 
brass vessel, probably of the kind known as camp kettles, found 20 feet 
below the surface in operations for the donor's iron works near Coxhoe. 
From Mr. Lamb', of the Shaw, near Bellingham. A greenstone celt 
in perfect condition, found in a bog on his farm. 

TREASURERSHIP. The annual accounts show receipts (including a 
credit balance from last year of 35. 10s. 8d.) amounting to 182. 4s. 
6d., and payments of 112. 4s. 6d. The Treasurer is formally allowed 
to charge a commission for the collection of subscriptions similar to that 
hitherto charged in practice for the services of a collector. 

PROPOSED MUSEUM. Mr. White, the retiring Treasurer, hands to the 
Trustees, appointed on December 7, a note in their names of a deposit of 
628. 16s. lodged with Messrs. Lambton & Co. The subject generally 
is referred to the Chairman, the two Secretaries, and Messrs. Spoor and 
Turner, as a Committee to communicate with the Corporation. Mr. 
Archibald Dunn submits some designs for the intended building. 




THE fifty-first year of the Society's existence, just now completed, 
has passed without any very notable occurrence. More new members, 
however, have been admitted than during some previous years, but the 
papers presented at the Society's monthly meetings have not been so 
numerous. The new era that was to have been inaugurated on the 
completion of the fiftieth year has, as yet, shown little signs of appear- 
ing, but the Council have to exhibit a prospect of better days, especially 
as regards the grand object of increasing the accommodation for the 
Society's collections. The hopes that have been held out so long of 
obtaining a new Museum are now about to be realised, and perhaps no 
time more appropriate for the laying of the foundation-stone of this 
new building could be selected than that of the approaching visit of the 
British Archaeological Association to the North. The collections of the 
Society have been increased during the past year by the acquisition, at 
a moderate price, of the valuable Roman altars and inscriptions belong- 
ing to the late Dr. Charles Thorpe, of Ryton, and by several donations, 
all tending to prove that the interest of the public in archaeology has 
by no means diminished. That such is the case has been still further 
shown by the exertions of the magistrates of Northumberland, in 
conjunction with this Society, to preserve the gateway lately discovered 
on the line of the Roman Wall at "Walbottle Dean. The meeting of 
the ArchaBological Association, at Durham, will, no doubt, attract many 
both to that ancient city, and subsequently to Newcastle. The Secre- 
taries of this Society have duly communicated to the Association the 
resolutions come to by the Society to afford that reunion every 
assistance possible ; and to assure to the Association a cordial reception 
in case its members should visit Newcastle. The Council has this day 
placed before the Society the plans and elevations for the new Museum, 
prepared at the request of the Committee by Mr. A. M. Dunn, of this 
town. The objects to be obtained in the proposed building are to avoid 
obstructing the view of the Castle from the vicinity of St. Nicholas' 
Church, to keep the street front of the Museum as nearly as possible in 
accordance with the style of the ancient building, and, at a moderate 
cost, to provide sufficient space for the collections. The entrance to the 
new Museum will be by a door close to the southern entrance of the 
present Blackgate, from whence the visitor will pass into a hall ninety 
feet in length by fifty feet in breadth, and lighted from the roof alone. 
The roof itself will be supported by a row of five Norman pillars down 


eath the railway 
m to the western 
;rn front towards 
the Old Castle, 
this design, with 
st, be carried into 
seum excellently 
es, and attached, 
The Council trust 
I have made con- 


remains observed 
r on the estate of 
aunicated to this 
a detail was then 
e a more accurate 
t about 30 square 
orth Tyne on the 
rd Crags and the 
referable for arch- 
lich a four years' 
,han to venture at 

the river-basin of 
> that during the 
;e of going over a 
V. Greenwell, and 

rounded hills and 
n limestone, and 
ange of columnar 
lal castrametation 
, is, comparatively 
3j and this, com- 






' '?" 

//rw.vfa/u- /Mi /".v ri/tt/ . 

/iri/t/tf/t//r'rx cf'2h/i. 
/3T7./tfW/.<: /c 

TfrtfttiondlS&iK n/' /*////> . . X 




the centre of the hall, and from thence, passing beneath the railway 
arch next to the carriage road, a passage will lead down to the western 
window of the guard-room in the Castle. The western front towards 
the street will present a curtain wall in the style of the Old Castle, 
connecting that building with the Blackgate. Should this design, with 
such modifications or changes as the Society may suggest, be carried into 
effect, the antiquaries of Newcastle will possess a Museum excellently 
adapted for the study of their collection of antiquities, and attached, 
moreover, to a building of high historical interest. The Council trust 
that ere the next anniversary arrives the Museum will have made con- 
siderable progress, if it be not by that time completed. 



IN September, 1862, a brief account of certain ancient remains observed 
near the village of Birtley, in North Tynedale, chiefly on the estate of 
His Grace the Duke of Northumberland, was communicated to this 
Society through Dr. Charlton. A description more in detail was then 
promised. I have since that time been able to take a more accurate 
and wider survey of the district, in superficial extent about 30 square 
miles, which is well defined by the rivers Rede and North Tyne on the 
north and west, and by the Gunnarton or Barrasford Crags and the 
"Watling Street on the south and east. It seemed preferable for arch- 
aeological purposes to choose such a locality, with which a four years' 
residence had made me intimately acquainted, rather than to venture at 
present upon a survey embracing the whole area of the river-basin of 
the North Tyne and its tributaries. I may add also that during the 
last autumn I have had the pleasure and advantage of going over a 
great portion of the district with Revs. Dr. Bruce, W. Greenwell, and 
J. E. Bigge, and Mr. MacLauchlan. 

The physical characteristics of this valley the rounded hills and 
high escarpments of the carboniferous or mountain limestone, and 
the numerous intersecting " denes," with the great range of columnar 
basalt offer many " coigns of vantage " for aboriginal castrametation 
and settlement. The district, it should be remarked, is, comparatively 
speaking, isolated by two rivers not easily fordable; and this, com- 


bincd with the pastoral occupation of most of the inhahitants, has 
tended to conserve in an unusual manner the ancient vestiges now de- 
scribed for the first time. 

These primitive remains consist of camps or fortlets, terrace-lines of 
culture, iron-stone workings, standing stones, and burial barrows. 
These I will take in order : 

CAMPS OR FORTLETS. One of the finest examples in western 
Northumberland of a valley-fastness, or stronghold, near the margin of 
the river, is the Countess Park Camp. It is placed on an extensive 
platform at the point of junction of two deep and wide ravines within 
a bow- shot from the North Tyne. Its area, if we include the fosse 
and outer rampart, is about three acres, and it is therefore one-third 
larger than the remarkable fort on "Warden Hill, and almost thrice the 
extent of Bell's Hunkin Camp, near Keilder. The ground slopes gently 
upwards towards Buteland House on the north, which is the only weak 
side. Here the ramparts are obliterated, but the ditch can be easily 
traced determining the camp to be irregularly rectangular in form, 
with rounded corners. The rampart-walls are of massive blocks of 
freestone, unhewn and generally water- worn, with larger " binding 
stones" at intervals for additional strength. The fosse is between three 
and four yards wide, beyond which, on the south-west, there appears 
to have been a second outer rampart. This would protect a narrow 
outlet, as it seems to be, from the camp towards the level space which 
is now^ an open glade in the woods. An enclosure, nearly circular, of 
the extraordinary diameter of 46 feet, occupies the centre of the fortress. 
A kind of guard-chamber fronts the door- way at the eastern side, from 
which may also be traced the foundations of walls, nearly parallel, that 
proceed in the fashion of an avenue towards the chief entrance of the 
caer. This entrance is in the east, tho usual position. Adjoining this 
great central circle is a smaller one opening out of it, having the wall in 
common, on the west side. Four or five hut-circles or " old buildings," 
as the woodman terms them, are visible in other directions ; a cluster 
of two, one on each side of the south-western adit, being in excellent 
preservation. In their dimensions these are typical hut-circles of the 
district, varying in diameter from 17 to 27 feet. The next valley-forfe 
is the Carry House Camp, one mile distant to the south, where a free- 
stone escarpment literally overhangs its site, which resembles in this 
respect the old Celtic town of Greaves Ash, near Linhope- Between 
the Park and Carry House forts, and relatively more elevated on the 
slope of the valley-basin, stands the Birtley Shield's Dene Camp, on tho 
yergo of a deep, precipitous ravine. It is surrounded by a massive- 






1-'''% Enclosures (for Cattle) j 






Paint Traces of 
Hut, Ctpcles r 




-Lambert.. Zi& 


'ampart, strengthened by a broad fosse on the west and north. In 
form it is so nearly square that it is marked in the Ordnance Survey 
as a Roman Camp, but the rounded corners the irregular southern 
rampart and three distinct hut-circles militate against this supposition. 
A strong wall, passing from the central space of this fort, projects ex- 
ternally on the eastern side. Another wall runs parallel on the opposite 
side of the entrance, but does not project beyond the rampart. These 
inner walls would flank and cover the approach to the camp on the 
only accessible side, and might form a suitable shelter for the cattle of 
the inhabitants in times of danger. A hollow way, evidently artificial, 
and of considerable depth, has been cut through the escarpment on the 
north, which forms a second fosse, and leads down to the Countess 
Park and Carry House Camps. In the case of each camp, especially 
in that of the last named, the closely adjoining ridges would afford 
a dangerous vantage-ground for an enemy ; and the sites can only be 
explained by supposing that these commanding positions were in the 
possession of the same or a friendly tribe. The Carry House Camp is 
remarkable for several peculiarities : for the number of hut-circles in 
its limited area of about an acre, which are chiefly grouped against the 
circumference of the fort westwards, like those of a camp on Croydon- 
hill ; for the discovery of a cist with enclosed urn in draining a few 
years since, and for a fence-wall nearly bisecting the whole area which 
separates between two ancient farm-holdings a proof that this camp 
has been a well-known landmark for many ages. A fourth valley- 
fastness exists on the Birtley West Farm, in which is an internal ram- 
part. The site is on a rounded eminence called " The Good Wife Hot " 
(Saxon, Eolt], still partially covered with bush, but its outline, appar- 
ently rectangular, has been rendered indistinct by surrounding tillage, 
and, perhaps, by the occupation of a later race. 

We may now pass to another class of caerau, the upland or hill- 
fortresses of the district. These are characterised by a greater elevation of 
site rather than by any constructive peculiarities. The Buteland Camp t 
overlooking the valleys of the ilede and North Tyne, and the Garret 
Hot Camp on the right bank of the latter river, has been incidentally 
noticed by Mr. Hodgson in his Notes of a Journey to Mounces in 
August, 1814, 1 as "a round camp-like place of large dimensions." It 
covers about an acre and a half, and is in form an irregular rectangle, 
with corners rounded off. The rampart is of massive freestone blocks, 
and is surrounded by a wide fosse. An additional defence, unique in 
the district, but not unusual in other parts of Northumberland, has been 
afforded by a second massive rampart, projected like the arch of an ellipse 
* Raine's Memoirs of the Rev f John Hodgson, Vol. L, p. 149. 


on the eastern the weakest side. At High Shield Green is an ancient 
fortified work, called the " NigUfolds" resembling the "Camp" on 
Errington Hill Head noticed by Dr. Bruce, which is also popularly 
termed "Nightfolds." Traces of four or five hut-circles exist here, 
and the foundations of two inner parallel walls, whose purpose in primi- 
tive or mediaeval times may have originated the traditional name. 
Though the escarpment on which the camp is placed is nearly 900 feet 
above the sea, the surrounding slopes are considered an excellent 
" summer-feed " or pasture ; and the fort may have served as a place of 
security for aboriginal herdsman and their cattle. One mile to the 
south-west is the Mill- knock Camp an acre and a half in area which 
occupies the summit of a lofty rounded hill. It is of an elliptical form. 
A broad and deep fosse, with massive double rampart, renders it secure 
towards the east, where alone it could be assailed. The entrance on 
this side is protected by a kind of guard-chamber; and six other hut- 
circles, besides a four- sided oblong dwelling, are yet visible. This has 
been a most important work, and commands a prospect only limited by 
the Cheviots and the Crossfell range. Its site is exceedingly well- chosen 
on the brow of abrupt declivities on the north, west, and south, now 
worked as a freestone quarry ; and where there is a gentler slope on the 
south-west, the approach has been guarded by two outer concentric 

These seven camps, which form the Birtley group, are all in excellent 
preservation. The next great centre of aboriginal occupation is in the 
neighbourhood of Gunnarton and Barrasford, in the south of the district. 
Here three ancient forts occupy the elevated summits of the precipitous 
basalt crags. Several gaps or fissures, locally called "Heughs," occur 
in the protruded mass which ranges from west to east in the line of this 
portion of the great fault that stretches from Sewingshields to Barn- 
borough and Dunstanborough. The fissures mark off several isolated 
elopes and platforms, well- adapted for such castrametation. And it is 
not improbable that these almost impregnable strongholds constituted the 
great "camp of refuge" of the neighbouring tribes, and their final re- 
treat, where they made their last ineffectual stand against the invincible 
Roman legions. Two of these are situated on the sides, one on each of a 
deep pass called the Gunnar Heugh, close to the loftiest peak of the 
range. The west fort covers only about half-an-acre, in which are four 
distinct hut- circles and an oblong enclosure 36 feet long by 21 feet wide. 
But a high out-burst of the whin on the west appears to have been joined 
by a rampart proceeding from the south-western angle of the camp, so 
that an enclosure of considerable extent has been formed beyond the 
limits of the fort itself. The second camp is nearly quadrilateral in 





Outcrop of Basalt 

Outer Rampart 

" * 




outline, and large blocks of the native basalt have been piled up into 
cyclopean walls of unusual massiveness. In extent it is over aa acre, 
with three hut-circles within, and there are other enclosures without the 
camp on the brow of the Gunnar Heugh. Traversing the crags east- 
wards, we arrive at a third example in this important series of ancient 
forts. Like the first, a much larger space than bears vestiges of primitive 
occupation has been bounded by rampart walls following the verge of 
the precipice and one of the passes on two sides. A peculiarity in this 
enclosure containing about two acres is observable in detached fort- 
lets, so to speak. Two of these approach the form of an oblong rect- 
angle ; whilst a third is nearly circular, and a fourth square. They are 
grouped along the eastern and southern faces of the entire enclosed 
camp ; an outcrop of the whin having been made available for the ram- 
part to the south. In each of the inner fortlets are several hut-circles 
of the usual dimensions, from 27 to 15 feet in diameter, with two oval 
dwellings. A few inner lines may be of later date, though even these 
Beem to be anomalous only through conformity to the up-burst of the 
igneous rock. In all these examples the native whinstone has furnished 
the primitive builders with materials for ramparts and hut-circles alike ; 
whilst the common freestone is invariably met with in the Birtley group. 
No vestige of ditch or fosse occurs in the three Gunnar forts, a fact easily 
to be explained, however, by their position on the impregnable crags, 
and on account, also, of the impervious nature of the basaltic surface, 
which no doubt set at defiance the rude tools of the ancient, as it still 
defies the well-tempered implements of the modern artificer. 

A few isolated camps in the neighbourhood of Swinburne, and on both 
sides of the Watling Street as at Rever Crag, Oxhill, Camp Hill, or 
Pity Me, and Blue Crag (the last being a large and strong fortress, with 
twelve hut-circles distinctly traceable) have been casually noticed by 
Mr. MacLauchlan in his valuable Survey. 2 These may have been used 
as "redoubts or exploratory forts" by the Romans; but the greater 
part bear evidence of British rather than "Roman construction." Be- 
sides those already mentioned, tradition and local names preserve the 
remembrance of several ancient forts, where scarcely a vestige is now 
visible; among which may be mentioned Rochester (Rutchester on 
Camden's Map of 1609) and Carmogon on the Chipchase Castle estate; 
with Cowdon farther north, and still nearer to Habitancum (which 
occupies the north-east corner of the district under consideration), the 
Steele, and Broomhope. At the last named spot the " Camp-hill " is a 
wedge-like promontory, defended on each side and towards the Rede by 
natural precipices, and approached by a spiral ascent like that of Old 
Sarum hill-fort in miniature. 
2 Memoir on A Survey of the Watling Street, Durham and Northumberland, pp. 251, 


Such arc tlic most important remains of the aboriginal occupation in 
fortified settlements. Vestiges of primitive dwellings, hut-circles, and 
enclosures not entrenched exist in various parts of the district ; as near 
the Mill Knock Camp on the opposite side of the ravine southwards, 
where there is also an ancient road or hollow- way ; below the Carry 
House Camp ; and near the Buteland Camp, in a field called Black 
Buteland. The farmers pronounce these remains not to be the so-called 
" sheep- stells" or circular folds, but more ancient dwellings of the 
earlier dales-folk ; and they may have been outlying abodes of primitive 
pastoral tribes in times of comparative peace and safety. 

TERRACE CULTIVATION. The next class of ancient vestiges 
presents itself in the numerous terrace-lines occurring on the upland 
slopes of the valley near Birtley and Barrasford. They are found 
chiefly in close proximity to the northern groups of camps, on the lime- 
stone escarpment above the Steele farm house, on the southern face 
of the Buteland ridge near High Shield Green ; and, which is by far 
the finest example in Western Northumberland, on another limestone 
escarpment, between the Carry House and West Farm Camps, but more 
elevated in site. A series of terrace-lines also occur in Swinburne 
Park. One out of many theories to account for these remarkable 
earthworks is that their singular conformation of broad parallel lines 
or gradations of ascent is owing to the abrading force and gradual sub- 
sidence of primeval seas in the geological periods acting on the peculiar 
conformation of the strata. If the Swinburne terraces be conceded as 
formed by natural causes, though this is more than doubtful when the 
very numerous adjoining settlements are considered, the other examples 
cannot be explained by this theory. A more probable supposition is 
that such terraces are ancient lines of entrenchment, and the Birtley 
Shields series is marked as such in the Ordnance Survey. This 
example consists of six or seven terraces from six to ten feet high, and 
varying from eighteen to twenty- seven feet in breadth. The lines 
follow the face of the escarpment as it bends nearly at right angles, 
the south-west front being about 170, and the north-west face about 500 
yards in length. The objections to this theory are, that the terraces 
lessen by degrees in the more extended front until they become useless 
as entrenchments through at least one- half of their length, being only 
from 12 to 18 inches high, and that they coincide at last with the level 
ground; that the inosculation of the lines in both fronts are apparent, 
destroying their exact parallelism ; and that Lieut. Sitwell pointed out 
an inclined approach at the junction of the terraces, which is unusual 
in earthworks for military purposes. The remaining explanation 


appears to be correct assigning them as examples of the terrace-culti- 
vation of the aboriginal tribes. The only reason to be alleged against 
this conclusion is the fact that both the Swinburne and the larger front 
of the Birtley Shields terraces face towards the north-west, a point of 
the compass which the Rev. H. Taylor, a competent authority, assures 
me would be carefully avoided by practical agriculturists of the present 
day. This objection would not hold in the case of the Buteland series, 
which consists of seven or eight lines from five to seven feet high and 
proportionately broad, and is artificially formed on the southern slope 
of the ridge, directly fronting the mid-day sun. The Steele terraces, 
again facing the west, would receive the afternoon rays throughout their 
single front, which is of considerable extent. Besides, at Heathpool, 
high up on the slopes of the College valley, are similar terraces facing 
the north, which are generally allowed to be British culture-lines ; and 
such also occur, Mr. Greenwell informs me, in the Craven district, 
which, like three out of the four in the Birtley district, bear no resem- 
blance to entrenchments. With a race, living chiefly upon milk and 
flesh, as Caasar describes in speaking of the inland people of Britain, and 
whose tillage at best was on a limited scale, a suitable site for the 
construction of these terraces might counterbalance other defects in 
position. The known fertility of soil on the limestone formation with 
its iron oxides, two- thirds of the largest series of terraces being recep- 
tive also of the sunshine, and the rest scarcely shadowed by the platform 
alone j and the knowledge that even the Birtley Shields lines have 
been under cultivation within memory, leave scarcely a doubt on the 
mind that we have here the representative sites of the cereal cultivation 
of the ancient tribes who inhabited the closely -adjoining caerau or 
fortified dwellings. 


third class of primitive remains, the ironstone delves and heaps of slag, 
indicative of the rudest smelting apparatus, is of more doubtful anti- 
quity, although they may probably be referred, for the most part, to 
the Romano-British period. Beneath the limestone escarpment near 
the Steele farm-house whence the name is derived are innumerable 
delves, or rounded shallow pits, stretching for several hundred yards 
above the terrace-lines, where a great mound or hill of iron scoria 
occurs. The native iron is found in nodules near the surface, and so 
rich is it in quality, that the site appears to have been worked in all 
ages. Perhaps the later Britons used this valuable deposit for the con- 
struction of their long and broad, but rudely-tempered swords. Nor 
could it long escape the vigilant observation of their Roman conquerors, 


for it is situated in immediate proximity to Habitancum and the Watling 
Street. Other iron- workers may have followed in their steps in mediae- 
val times, like Sir William Armstrong, who is obtaining the ore on the 
same site at the present day. Another great limestone escarpment, 
Lending round from Piunud Hill hence so called for the distance of 
a mile and a half fr 1 ill Knock Camp and the Birtley Shields 

terraces, is indented in its entire length with th'ese ancient delves. A 
hollow way, plainly artificial, has led down from the vicinity of the 
"West Farm Camp to several immense heaps of scoria, termed the " Cin- 
der Kiln Hills." Hundreds of tons of iron ore must have been smelted 
in this secluded woodland glade. There is little doubt., from a frag- 
ment of pottery, the bottom of a small vessel, found on the surface of 
one slag heap, that medieval metal-workers probably from the village 
of Barrasford, which is traditionally said to have been noted for the 
manufacture of armoury in the middle ages have here exercised their 
craft ; though the entire oxidisation into a red powder of much of the 
scoria in the adjoining heaps indicates the labours of earlier artificers. 
A hollowed contrivance to promote a blast is yet visible ; and lime to 
be used as a flux, with abundance of wood for charcoal, was near at 
hand. On various other sites, as on the Warkshaugh Farm, similar but 
smaller deposits of iron-slag, and also of charcoal, are met with. But 
there has as yet been no discovery of coins or other relics, as in the 
Sussex slag-heaps, to prove their Eomano -British origin; only, perhaps, 
because no attempt at exploration has hitherto been made. Sir John 
Lubbock remarks in his recent very valuable work : 3 " When the 
armies of Rome brought the civilisation of the South into contact with 
that of the North, they found the value of iron already known to their 
new enemies ; the excellence of whose weapons indicated very consider- 
able progress in the art of metallurgy." 

STANDING STONES. A fourth class of undoubtedly early 
remains is found in two or three huge upright stones with legendary 
associations. One of these primitive and so-called Druidical monu- 
ments is an immense mass of freestone, severed, apparently by na- 
tural forces, at some far distant era, from the adjoining cliff in the 
ravine to the south of the Mill Knock Camp. It is within a hundred 
from the fort, stands about twelve feet high above ground, 
weighs several tons, and closely adjoins to the chalybeate spring called 
the Birtley Holy Well, which issues from the perpendicular rock 
beneath a picturesque linn or water-fall. As the cromlech is commonly 
termed a devil's table in France and Ireland, so this great stone is popu- 
3 "IV ,-h. i., p. 7. 


larly known as the devil's rock, from a wild tradition, unique, I believe, 
in the annals of demonology, in respect of its tragical catastrophe. The 
legend tells of a Satanic personage leaping from its summit, where the 
marks of his footsteps are still visible, it is said ; and falling short of 
his aim to reach the opposite bank of the river, a mile distant, he 
plunged headlong into the Leap Crag Pool, the deepest abyss in the 
whole course of the North Tyne. Like the herd of swine of the ancient 
Gadarenes, when possessed by the demoniac legion, tradition averreth 
that he was drowned. Another remarkable stone-pillar, a peufoan, or 
menhir, eleven feet high, three feet and a half broad, and about two 
feet in thickness, spreading out at the top like an open fan or human 
hand, stands near the southern boundary of the Swinburne Park, and 
not far from several tumuli and the terrace-lines. The deeply furrowed 
indentations, worn by falling rains through many ages, prove a hoary 
antiquity for this singular stone. Whether it marks the site of an 
ancient interment, after some important battle, 4 or lias formed one in a 
series of monuments, like the three of similar dimensions near Matfen, 
has not been ascertained. The field in which it occurs is called from it 
Standing Stone Field" at the present day. In a close near the Bar- 
rasford School, a third example, a huge block of the native basalt, may 
yet be seen. This stone was blasted a few years since by gunpowder, 
and it now lies in an inclined position, and is about six feet in length. 
Within the memory of the Rev, ircl, the venerable vicar of Choller- 
ton, two or three standing stones occupied this site, which is a level 
space almost in the centre of a kind of natural amphitheatre. Eut the 
too-eager encroachments of modern a o have caused the destruc- 

tion and removal of all but this solitary memorial. Mr. Bird informs 
me that, beneath the stone, fragments of bones and charcoal have been 
found in digging, which would imply an ancient interment. It is 
popularly believed that the series of stones which once stood here were 
located on the spot, through a duel between two ancient giants, who 
from their respective stations on the heights east and west of the river 
hurled these Titanic missiles at each other, which clashed and fell mid- 
way a legend cicely resembling that of Brittany, which terms such 
great stones the quoits or.palets de Gargantua. " Long after the people 
who raised them had passed away," remarks Mr. Wright 5 by no means 
a credulous authority " and when their meaning or the object for which 

4 Compare I Sam. XV. 12, whore Saul's "place" or monument after his victory 
is the Hebrew, yad, and LXX, x e ^"> literally, a hand, from the representation of a 
large hand, the symbol of power, being set on a stone pillar. 

5 The Celt, the Roman, and the Saxon, p. 62, 


they were erected were alike forgotten, these monuments of stone con- 
tinued to be regarded by the peasantry with reverence, which, combined 
with a certain degree of mysterious fear, degenerated into a sort of 
superstitious worship. In this feeling originated legends connected 
with them, and the popular names which are often found attached to 

these primitive vestiges which remains to be noticed is found in the 
numerous burial-barrows, tumuli, or carneddau. Perhaps even the most 
remarkable example, in the North of England, may be seen near the 
village of Gunnarton, placed on an elevated head-land or platform 
above the junction of two concurrent streams. It is an immense conical 
mound of earth, about 30 feet high, and 100 yards in circuit at the base, 
with a fosse of great breadth and depth surrounding it. Another fosse 
or ditch of equal depth, with a high rampart of earth on either side 
passes, as it were, to isolate and defend the approach to the great barrow, 
diagonally across the level space to the north between the ravines. It 
is difficult to say whether thie great earth work was raised for purposes 
of interment only ; for an exploratory mound, as it occupies high ground; 
or for a session place or crug, used in the law gatherings and other 
Druid ceremonies. The adjoining outer fosse has the appearance of a 
hollow way, and leads across the ford of the larger stream towards the 
neighbouring settlements of the aborigines on the Gunnar Heights and 
Camp Hill or Pity Me. This favours the idea that all these purposes 
may have been combined. An attempt has been made, probably about 
a century since, to dig into this Gunnerton Money Hill, as it is called 
from a tradition of a dragon or other unearthly monster guarding a 
central hoard of treasure. This is precisely similar to several legends 
from the old Scandinavian Sagas recorded by Dr. Charlton. 6 The ex- 
cavators could not say with Grettir the Strong, 

" The hope of spoil 
Failed not in the cairn," 

if the rest of the tradition be true that they were ignominiously dis- 
persed by the " cairn-dweller." So large is the excavation, however, 
that the mound might easily bo explored ; and under Mr. Greenwell's 
experienced direction, who promises shortly to give his aid, much may 
be done to elucidate the original purpose of this interesting barrow. 7 

6 The Runic Inscriptions of Maeshow. Archael. JEliana, vol. vi. 

7 In April lust tho "Money Hill" was carefully and completely opened. In 

. no trace of an ancient interment was noticed. A fragment of a 
u dunking- vessel, of which the pottery decided its comparatively late date, 


By permission of the Duke of Northumberland, several tumuli, forming 
part of an ancient cemetery near the High Shield Green Camp, wer 
lately opened. The result was not very satisfactory, as only a few small 
fragments of calcined bones and charcoal, with abundance of stones red- 
dened by fire, and a circlet of upright stones about two feet high be- 
neath one of the barrows, were noticed. " Dan's Cairn," the largest, 
had evidently been opened long before, and the stones led away, as from 
a quarry, to form adjoining fence- walls. Some of these mounds may be 
"sow-kilns," as the heaps of burnt turf are locally called. But they 
are placed in the midst of ground under tillage at a remote date, and 
they have been all carefully avoided by the plough. Numerous solitary 
tumuli or cairns occur elsewhere in the district, respecting which the 
tradition is that they are the burial-place of ancient warriors. These 
11 currachs " of stones have been opened in a few cases, but unfortunately 
no relics have been preserved. A large barrow was explored many 
years since by Mr. Thompson on his farm at Barrasford Green. Five 
large cists, from four to six feet in length, were discovered, each with 
an enclosed urn, apparently not containing any bones. One urn the 
most carefully scored, and entire was saved, and is now in the museum 
at Alnwick Castle. Another family-barrow, as it may be considered, 
has been excavated a fortnight since by Hunter Allgood, Esq., of Nun- 
wick, in a field on his Warkshaugh farm. This very interesting tumulus 
was first known to be such through the accidental discovery in plough- 
ing of a large urn, inverted, and surrounded by small protecting slabs. 
The urn was of a squat form, scored around the rim with well-defined 
incisions and cord-lines. It was 17 inches in diameter and 13 inches 
high. The site is unusually low, being near the river, and, before the em- 
bankment was made, beneath its level in high floods. From the humidity 
of the soil the urn fell to pieces, but not before Mr. MacLauchlan had 
taken a sketch and dimensions. Mr. Snowball, the tenant-farmer, ob- 
served a large stone slab near to it eastwards, which, with two similar 
slabs, formed a pavement between the urn and a cist of massive construc- 
tion, containing no trace of interment except a quantity of dark unctuous 
matter, with a few small fragments of bones and charcoal. Further ex- 
cavations have disclosed on the south and east sides of the barrow two 

was found several feet beneath the surface of the early excavation a relic, no doubt, 
of the former explorers. This negative result does not altogether militate against the 
supposition of the mound's sepulchral character. For many of the largest and 
probably earliest barrows have yielded no vestiges of human interment, which the 
lapse of thousands of years could not fail utterly to destroy, when no primitive cist 
enclosed the body laid, without, cremation, to its final rest. But Mr. Greenwell 
inclines to the opinion, which a first view could suggest, that this singular combina- 
tion of earth-works formed, like a Maori pah, one defensive fort of the ancient 
inhabitants, the great central mound representing the donjon or keep of a Norman 
Castle, the palisaded summit, which would be the last resort of the defenders. 


additional cistceini and one urn. And some time afterwards the original 
central cist, on a higher relative position, was found without any en- 
closed remains. The sunny sides of this family-burial place seem alone 
to have been used, in accordance with an intuitive feeling which yet 
exists amongst ourselves, and partly in connection with the sun-worship 
of the Ancient Britons. The cists, each about three feet long by one and 
a half wide, in every case were filled with river sand, and from the 
porous nature of the subsoil, mere fluvial sand drift, the unburnt bodies 
have almost entirely disappeared. In the eastern cist an urn of graceful 
form and scoring, but unfortunately broken to nieces by the falling in of 
a side slab long since, was found. It did not contain any calcined bones, 
as in the first example, but only some dark-coloured dust, probably of 
corn, intended for the use, or to prop' 'late the manes, according to the 
usual Pagan idea, of the departed chief. A flint knife or scraper, with 
some chippings of stone, was also found in this cist, besides flakes of 
flint around and above the barrow. The bottom and side of the urn from 
the eastern cist remain to determine its contour and size. The clay of 
which the pottery is formed is studded with glittering specks of mica ; 
and it appears to have been baked in the north-east of the barrow where 
a number of stones, reddened by fire, may be seen. It has been men- 
tioned that a kist-vaen with urn was discovered on the very unusual 
site of the Old Carry House Camp in draining the inner space ; another 
was found in a field beneath it ; and a third near Chipchase Mill. All 
these with two so-called incense-cups, described as "salt-cellars" and 
used as such by the labourer who found them in draining a marsh near 
Kobin Hood's Well (close to the TSTorth Tyne, below the Cinder Kiln 
Hills) have been lost or destroyed. I have made many inquiries in 
vain respecting them. One instance of a Saxon burial on a British 
burial-barrow of much earlier date has recently been made out very 
satisfactorily. The tumulus or cairn of stones stood on a lofty escarp- 
ment above the Barrasford Burn, which was excavated in making the 
railway cutting near the station. The relics were very numerous, and 
remained in the possession of Mr. White, the station-master, until they 
were purchased by Mr. MaeLauchlan in the autumn of last year. They 
were taken by him to London, and Mr. Albert Way and Mr. Franks 
(of the British Museum) agree in considering the projecting part of 
the boss or unibo of the shield to be of extraordinary dimensions. 
Several circular discs of silver, found with it, had served in part to 
cover the rivet -heads which attached the boss to the wooden shield. 
Some of these thin discs, which varied in size, had probably formed 
ornaments of the shield. A broad two edged sword of the same period 
early Anglo-Saxon was also found j but only fragments were saved. 


The urn, from the character of the pottery, of which the bottom and 
part of the side remained, was pronounced to be not Saxon, but British ; 
and the " find " may be deemed of particular interest because so little 
of their class has occurred in Northumberland. Some follower of the 
renowned Hencgist or Horsa (be they Yikings, or only Viking's battle- 
standards), himself a chief of note, may have fallen here in battle, and 
been interred upon the site of the more ancient British hero's burial. 

The traditional sites of battles in the district, I may add, are at the 
Broomhope Camp-hill and Btiteland Common ; near the Countess Park 
Camp; on the Birtley Shields terraces (which the popular memory 
associates both with the encampment of an army, in the ''troublesome 
times," supposed to refer to Edward III.'s first campaign against the 
Scots in 1327, and with " rig and reen" culture) ; and at the Cattreen 
Greaves' head, near Birtley Tillage. 

GENERAL REMARKS. It may be perceived from this descrip- 
tion of the ancient vestiges found in a district hitherto little known, 
that these remains are singularly numerous and varied in character. 
They may tend, perhaps, to cast some few rays of light upon the social 
life of a far-distant period in Northumbrian history. Yet it cannot 
be doubted that until there shall be a more extended and systematic 
observation, as at Greaves Ash and Yeavering Bell, of the early vestigfs 
in other parts of the country, and a more careful comparison of their 
peculiarities by the different observers, much that would be of general and 
scientific interest must remain unelucidated. With respect to the fortifl I 
and domestic dwellings of the race (no doubt Celtic, and, from the local 
names, both of the earlier and later immigrations), which has left so 
many remains in the limited district around Birtley and Barrasford, it 
may be possible with further data to separate them into something like 
a chronological series, as Mr. Albert Way has suggested to me. The 
constructive peculiarities of some of the camps, without special regard 
to size or form, should be noticed ; for instance, those having massive 
inner ov projecting ramparts, and whose walls are really " Pelasgic 
structures," from their greater strength, may indicate the settlements 
of an earlier and more turbulent period. The Rev. Wm. Barnes thinks 
that the hill-forts of the Ancient Britons were of earlier date than their 
lowland fastnesses. 8 Further diggings, and the discovery of such 
remains as sunbaked pottery, and weapons, or tools, as they may be, of 
flint or metal, would be of great service. A small celt of hard green- 
stone, which is no\v presented to our Museum by Mr. Lamb, was 
found in a bog on the Shaw Farm, near Bellingham. I am informed 
8 Notes on Ancient Britain, p. 93. 


also that a bronze celt was discovered a few years since in a camp at 
Conshields, near Wark. Excavations within the Countess Park Camp 
would probably be as amply rewarded as were those at Greaves Ash, 
near Linhope. In some parts of its ramparts and hut-circles three 
courses of the unhewn masonry are visible above ground. The exuberant 
growth of underwood and marshy plants has been checked, and the 
approach made more accessible by direction of the noble proprietor, 
our patron, the Duke of Northumberland, who has the satisfaction 
of being also the owner of the sites, with scarcely a single excep- 
tion, of the remarkable vestiges described in this memoir. The 
Park caer resembles in many respects the town of Cassivellaunus, 9 
which CaBsar tells us (as Strabo and Uiodorus Siculus also describe the 
British towns) was a place admirably fortified both by nature and men's 
labour in the midst of intricate woods and morasses, defended by a 
vallum and fosse, every approach to which could be effectually blocked 
up with fallen trees ; and in which the Britons would find security for 
themselves and their cattle on the incursion of an enemy. It will be 
observed that, if numerous, as the accompanying map will show, the 
forts are of small dimensions compared with some in Northumber- 
land and the South of England. They vary from three acres to half- 
an-acre in area. The internal domestic dwellings are similar, however, 
both in form and size. We have the rectangular, as well as the more 
usual round wattle -house, which are both carved as the abodes of a 
Gaul on the Antonine Column at Rome. A careful exploration of the 
two central hut-circles of the Park Camp, which may be dwellings of 
the Celtic Kinglet of the district, would, no doubt, give interesting 
results. Our usual notion of British dwellings, which Ca3sar says were 
very like those of the Gauls, is that there was a foundation- work of 
unhewn stones, on which or against which was raised a circular wall of 
wattled stakes, surmounted by a high -peaked roof of thatch such as 
our Venerable Bede describes as the inn of a benighted Briton, of the 
seventh century, who was travelling homeward with some of the holy 
dust from the grave of the saintly King Oswald at Macerfield 10 As the 
conservating presence of water exists around the hut-circles of the Park 
Camp the whole inner area being a marsh, except in the height of 
summer some fragments of the original walls and roof might be 
recovered, which, I believe, has not as yet been done in any known 
British dwelling of the prehistoric age. 

Different phases of the aboriginal social life have been passed in review 
in the preceding surrey. There is evidence of a condition of chronic 
warfare in the number of strongholds, which closely resembles the pahs 
a De Bell. Gull , lib. Y. c. 21. Eccles. Hist. c. x. 


of the Maoris of New Zealand, or, as Professor "Wilson thinks, a still 
more appropriate comparison, the present state of the North American 
Indians. 11 The various septs may have occasionally united for common 
safety ; for the Birtley group of forts are, as it were, a connected series, 
the occupants being able to see and convey signals to each other. The 
same holds good of the Gunnar group. Their terrace culture again 
proves that they had emerged from the lowest condition of savages de- 
pendent only upon the casual produce of the chase or the bounty of na- 
ture in her primeval forests. Numerous querns or hand-mills have been 
found in or near the camps, which are probably of ancient construction, 
(though they may have been used until even recent times), for grinding 
the corn grown on these " baulks " or terraces. Dr. Bruce mentions 
instances of this mode of culture at Borcovicus, on the banks of Eede 
Water, and at Old Carlisle. 12 It is found, also, on the banks of the Khine, 
in Provence, in Italy, in Palestine, and in China. We have, also, seen, 
these early vale- dwellers, at least in the Romano -British period, ac- 
customed to work in iron, so plentifully distributed over this district. 
The flint knife in the Warkshaugh cist speaks, indeed, of a more primi- 
tive age, perhaps, when the aborigines were emerging from the rude 
life of the stone age into that of bronze, some centuries before the 
Eoman conquest or even before the Christian era. Further, in obser- 
ving the great stone monuments with their grotesque legends, and know- 
ing that they are near to medicinal and noted wells, we are forcibly 
reminded of the ecclesiastical laws of Canute directed against the wor- 
ship of such monuments and sacred springs. We obtain a glimpse of 
the olden Pagan superstitions in contemplating these enduring memorials 
of their religious veneration ; and feel disposed to admit that they are in 
truth, if not remnants of the British temple-circles, at least 

" Stones of power 
By Druids raised in magic hour." 

And, then, in viewing the opened burial-barrow, not without feelings 
of reverence, we discern the hallowed promptings of filial and tribal 
affection for those who were beloved and lamented in long-forgotten 
days. Here they were laid with all honour, after a peaceful ending or 
a death in manful fight, in their "long home," and rested with their 
fathers and kindred in the solitary cairn or family burial place, on which 
the sun, the symbol, it may be, of a brighter luminary to them, might 
never cease, as they hoped, to shine. 

11 Prehistoric Man, Vol. i., p. 6. 

12 The Roman "Wall, 2nd edition, p. 192. Compare Columella, De Re Rustica, 
lib. ii, cap. 2; Palladius, lib. i. cap. 5 ; and Dean Stanley's Sinai and Palestine, 3rd 
edit. p. 133. 



The Right Hon. Lord Ravensworth, President, in the Chair. 

DONATIONS OF BOOKS. From Publishing Societies. Report of the Pro- 
ceedings of the Geological and Polytechnic Society of the "West 
Riding of Yorkshire, 1863-4. On the Early History of Leeds, by 
Thomas Wright, read before the Philosophical and Literary Society of 
Leeds. Annual Report of the same Society, 1863-4. Proceedings and 
Papers of the Kilkenny and South-East of Ireland Archaeological 
Society, July, 1864. By Lord Ravensworth. Carmina Latina, partim 
nova, partim e lingua Britannica expressa, Auctore Henrieo Thoma, 
Barone de Ravensworth, 1865. 

MINING RECORDS. A request having been received from the Mining 
Record Office, Museum of Practical Geology, permission to have copies 
made of the Colliery Plans deposited with the Society by Dixon Dixon, 
Esq., the application is granted. 

ENGLISH COINS. The Chairman exhibits a few coins preserved at 
Ravensworth Castle. Among them are two nobles of Edward III., 
and a groat of Henry VI., reading on the obverse : (cross patonce 
mm.) HENKIC' (leaf] DI (leaf] GEA (leaf] REX (trefoil] ANGL (small 
quatrefoil] & (small quatrefoil} FRANC. The reverse reads: (plain 
cross] POSVI DEVM (small quatrefoil] ADIVTOE E' (small quatrefoil] 
MEVM civi TAS (leaf] LON DON (trefoil.] Those acquainted with 
the exertions of the Irish numismatists to raise the study of the English 
coinage to a science will understand the motive of this minuteness of 


""We, the Fellows of the Antiquarian Society of Newcastle, beg 
leave to approach your Grace with an expression of profound sympathy, 
and with hearts^ penetrated with sorrow for the great and irreparable 
loss which this society has sustained by the decease of the illustrious 
Duke, your Grace's lamented husband, and [late patron to this Society. 

" "We desire to record our humble testimony of the innumerable 
blessings and benefits conferred upon all classes of society by the 
generous disposition and discriminating judgment of that noble Duke. 
His abilities, research, and munificence have largely added to the 
reputation and contributed to the welfare of this Society, and the grief 
we feel for his loss is in proportion to the extent of his public services 
and private virtues." 


Rev. E. Hussey Adamson in the Chair. 

HONORARY MEMBER ELECTED. The Duca di Brolo, Secretary of the 
Royal Society of Belles Lettres. 

THE LATE PATRON OF THE SOCIETY. The answer of the Duchess of 
Northumberland to the foregoing address is read. 

BOOK ORDERED. North's Chronicle of the Church of S. Martin, in 

Martin Dunn, Es%,, in the Chair. 

GAINFORD. The Rev. J. Edleston presents two photograms of a Roman 
inscription lately disclosed in alterations in Gainford Church. The 
dedication is to Jupiter Dolichenus. Declines to remove the antiquities 
discovered in the repairs of the church from their locale. 


" MR. THOS. ROBSON, Low Shield Green (the Duke of Northumberland's 
bailiff), tells me there is a " drove " or " drift " road of ancient date, and 
now much obliterated, passing across Wark ford, and leading, as he 
believes, from Carlisle to Morpeth. 

" At different times he has noticed it when in the hunting field, and 
in his country rides. Near Birtley village it may be distinctly traced 
eastwards towards Pitland Hills, where the original construction of this 
" made road " can be easily perceived. In draining, &c., the stones 
forming it have often been noticed. Mr. Robson has observed the 
ancient way at the following points : 

Carraw, on the Roman Wall, where it joins the Military Way. 
Goatstones, 2 miles N.W. from Simonburn crosses Ward Lane. 
Morrilee Fell, between High and Low Morrilee. 
TTarKs Ford across North Tyne. 
Wark's Haugh Bank, a little to N. 


Birtley Village, in N. " Cows Grasses " and Stile on Buteland 


Pitland Hills Cottage, a little to S. 
Tone Hall, somewhat to S. 
Watling Street, which it now apparently crosses. 

11 Thence on the "Whiteside ground, K". of Carey Coates Hall, on N". 
side of Sweethope Lough from W., and near Ha wick, a little to N. 
it may be faintly traced, if it be the same line of way. 

" Did the road continue in an E. direction towards Morpeth, passing 
near Thockrington, down the valley of the Wansbeck ? 

" "Was it a Eoman line of way ? From the following considerations 
it seems probable that the road is of Roman origin : 

1. "The Shepherd at Pitland Hills had told me of a traditional way 
through the ancient forest before the Norman Conquest, passing from 
Birtley to the Watling Street. 

2. " A Roman altar was found at the foot of the Wark Mote Hill, close 
to the ford, which is now in the museum of the Society of Antiquaries 
of Newcastle-on-Tyne. The late Mr. Eidley of Park End had seen the 
altar about 70 years since, lying near the School-house. 

3. A "drift" or "drove" road for cattle, not made with stones, 
is preferred by drovers. Morpeth market, also, was not discontinued 
till about 25 years ago (if the road is supposed to have gone so far) ; 
and this road was disused long before that time. The Eoman way of the 
old Watling Street between Eochester and Pennymuir, now overgrown 
with grass, is still used as a drove road for cattle. Mr. Allgood, of 
Nunwick, tells me that he has often noticed this ancient road on the 
western bank of the North Tyne, and adds that large stones, composing 
it, are visible below Goatstones. 

4. " This road, if of Eoman construction, would afford ready access 
to the legionaries posted at Procolitia or Borcovicus to the "Watling 
Street, and the stations of Habitancum and Eochester, and vice versd. 
If it went beyond Watling Street eastwards it would meet or intersect 
in a similar manner the Devil's Causeway before reaching Morpeth. Its 
course beyond Watling Street seems somewhat doubtful, however. 

" There is a great saving in distance by taking the line of this 
ancient way. 

" To follow the Military Way on the Wall from Carraw to Stagshaw- 
bank "Portgate," and thence by the W. Street to Woodburn is about 
22 miles. The road across Wark's Ford is Carraw to Wark 4 J, Wark 
to Tone 4, and Tone to Habitancum 4 miles not more than 13 miles 
in all a clear gain of 9 miles, nearly one half the distance otherwise 


traversed. The lines of Boman roadi meeting at Carraw, Portgate, 
and Tone, as angles, would form nearly an equilateral triangle. 

"I have noticed some portions of this new Roman way, between 
Birtley and Pitland Hill, where what seem to be curbstones line the 
paved road here and there on one side." 



THE accompanying plates were intended to form part of a work, which 
was commenced more than twenty years ago, but interrupted by cir- 
cumstances which I need not detail, and never completed. I never 
thought of writing about coins again, and gave these plates to the 
Society, in the hope that they would be printed and distributed amongst 
its members, who would then be enabled to study at their leisure the 
very interesting series of the Coins of the Kings of Northumberland, 
during the last century of its existence as an independent kingdom. It 
seems, however, that an illustrative text is expected from me ; so I must 
endeavour to accomplish this task to the best of my ability, and begin by 
entering into a careful examination of the history of Northumberland 
during the period to which they belong. It is true that this has been 
already done by several eminent writers, but I see reason to differ from 
them occasionally on points of considerable importance. 

In an enquiry such as this, the first consideration must be the value 
of the authorities to which we are indebted for our knowledge of the 
history ; and, amongst these, of our English Chronicle first. Of this 
precious record we have six HSS. 

A. Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, CLXXIII. This alone is a 
strictly contemporary narrative of the events of the period with which 
we are concerned. It is written in one hand to A.D. 891, and continued 
by a second, whose work was interrupted in the midst of A.D. 894; a 
third scribe takes up the pen and records, from time to time, the events 
of the ensuing thirty years ; then a fourth from A..D. 925 to 965 ; and a 
fifth to A.D. 977. After this date the entries are only occasional, and 
very brief, until A.D. 1070. Its notices of Northumbrian affairs are 
few, but on these, such as they are, I place the greatest reliance. 

B. Cotton. Tiberius, A. vi. ; written in one hand of the tenth century 
to A..D. 977. 


C. Cotton. Tiberius, B. I. ; written in one hand to A.D. 1046, and 
continued by others. 

D. Cotton. Tiberius, B. iv. ; written in one hand to A.D. 1016, and 
continued by others. This contains the fullest notices of the events of 
Northumbrian history, and I regard it as second in value to MS. A. 

E. Bodleian. Laud, 636; written in one hand to A.D. 1122, and con- 
tinued by others. 

F. Cotton. Domitian, A. vm. ; written in one hand of the twelfth 
century. It ends in A.D. 1056. 

These two last have entries which are not in the others, and help to 
complete the history. 

The Life of Alfred, by Asser, coasval with the first scribe of MS. A, 
is also contemporary history, but contains very little that is not in the 

Ethel werd lived at the same time as the writer of MS. D ; Simeon of 
Durham about a century later. Simeon ought to be an authority on 
Northumbrian affairs, and indeed has preserved to us much information 
which would otherwise have been lost; but he is frequently inaccurate. 
Of his contemporaries and successors I make very little use ; there IB 
nothing but confusion in their accounts of the Anlafs, and the source of 
this confusion will appear when we come to speak of them. 

The Irish Annals afford invaluable aid in the study of this history. 
They enable us to trace the career of the Sitrics, Regnalds, and Anlafs, 
when they were not in Northumberland, and to identify the Anlafs 
clearly. Before I had an opportunity of consulting them, I was in- 
clined to follow William of Malmsbury, in regarding the Anlaf of Bru- 
nanburh as the son of Sitric ; in every other respect my conclusions, 
previously arrived at, are confirmed. Although not free from errors, 
(it would be too much to expect that they should), they appear to be 
generally very trustworthy. I shall quote them and the Chronicle at 
length, that my readers may have the opportunity of judging for them- 
selves of the illustration they mutually afford, each to the other. 

The chronology of the English Chronicle is generally a year too late, 
as appears from comparison with the French Annals from A.D. 879 to 
891. That of the second and third scribes of MS. A was correct, but 
has been altered in every year. 

The Annals of Ulster are generally two years earlier than our Chro- 
nicle ; but the valuable criteria they afford in notices of eclipses, Easter, 
and days of the week coincident with days of the month, shew that they 
are one year earlier than the true chronology. Those of the Four 
Masters are sometimes one year earlier than these, sometimes more, and 
those of Clonmacnoise some years earlier still. In giving, therefore, the 
dates as they are in our Chronicle and those Annals, I shall add in 


parenthesis what appears to be the true date. When I do not quote 
from these authorities, the dates which I give are those which I regard 
as the true dates. 

None of our earlier authorities assigns any special motive for the 
Danish invasion of Northumberland, but we have four distinct traditions 
to account for it in later writings. 

1. The Danish story, that Eagnar Lodbrog was shipwrecked on the 
Northumbrian coasts, taken captive by JElle, and cruelly murdered. 

2. Matthew of Westminster's, that Eagnar, driven by a storm to 
East Anglia, was murdered by Beorn, the huntsman of S. Eadmund, 
and that Beorn, sent out to sea in an open boat as a punishment for 
his crime, went to Denmark, and invited the sons of Eagnar to come 
and avenge the murder of their father, which he falsely imputed to his 
royal master. 

3. Another, preserved by Gaimar, Douglas of Glastonbury, John of 
Bromton, and Hector Boece, that a certain ship master, named Buern, 
invited Codrinus (i.e. Godrum), King of the Danes, to invade North- 
umberland, in revenge for the dishonour of his wife by Osberht ; and 
that his relatives deposed Osberht, aud raised ^Elle to the throne. 

4. A similar story, in a MS. of the twelfth century, in which the 
names of ^Ernulf and JElle replace those of Buern and Osberht. Our 
Chronicle says, " there was much dissension among the people, and 
they had cast out their King Osbryht, and had taken to themselves an 
ignoble King JElle." 

It seems to me that each of these traditions may have preserved some- 
thing of the truth. "We observe that the first and second agree, as to the 
facts of Eagnar' s shipwreck, and murder; the third and fourth, in im- 
puting to a King of Northumberland the crime of adultery, and assign- 
ing it as the motive of the disaffection of his subjects ; and the second 
and third, in the name of the person who invited the Danes. Thus, 
then, it may be true that Beorn instigated rebellion against Osberht for 
the crime alleged ; that he assisted in raising JElle to the throne, and 
entered his service ; that Eagnar was put to death by JElle's orders; 
and that Beorn afterwards quarrelled with .2Elle, and invited the Danes 
to avenge his death. Or it may be true that .ZElle outraged Beorn's 
wife, and that this was the cause of the quarrel. However this may 
be, it is certain that the Danes came to East- Anglia in A.D. 866. There 
was no personal hostility to S. Eadmund ; the East- Angles made peace 
with them, and allowed them to winter in their country. Having pro- 
vided themselves with horses, in 

A.D. 867, they proceeded to Northumberland, and occupied York. 
The parties of Osberht and JElle made peace, and "late in the year they 
resolved that they would fight against the army, and therefore they 
gathered a large force, and sought the army at the town of York, and 


stormed the town, 'and some of them got within, and there was excessive 
slaughter of the Northumbrians, some [within, and some without, and 
the kings were both slain, and the remainder made peace with the army." 

"We have nothing more trustworthy than this statement, in our Chron- 
icle, written within twenty-four years of the event, and by Asser (who 
supplies the fact that Osberht and -<Elle made peace and attacked the 
Danes together 1 ), at the same time. 

The Danes remained in Northumberland until the following year. 
Before their departure, they committed the government of the province 
north of the Tyne to Ecgberht, but nothing is said of the southern pro- 
vince. Certainly none of their leaders remained in Northumberland ; 
and I believe they would adopt the same policy with regard to Deira, 
as they did with regard to Bernicia at this time, and to Mercia later ; 
i.e. invest some thane or ealdorman with the title of king, to hold the 
kingdom as their tributary. The evidence of a coin, which I shall 
describe in the sequel, seems to confirm this, and to establish the pro- 
bability, that their deputy in Deira during the following years was no 
other than the above named Beorn. 

Florence of "Worcester says, that the great Danish army which in- 
vaded England at this time was commanded by eight kings Bagsecg, 
Halfdene, Ing war, Ubba, Godrum, Oskitell, Amund, and Eowils ; and 
all of these, except the last, appear occasionally in the story of their 
ravages in the Southumbrian provinces, during the following years. 
The Annals of Eoskild say that Ingwar was accompanied by nine kings 
of the North, but this number must include Anlaf, who did not come 
with them into England, but joined them from Ireland, along with 
Eowils or Eowisl. Ingwar 2 and Ubba were sons of Ragnar, and Half- 
dene, according to our Chronicle, was Ingwar's brother. 

1 " Advenientibus Paganis, onsilio divino et optimatum adminiculo pro communi 
utilitate, diacordia ilia aliquantulum sedata, Osbyrht et jElla adunatis viribus, con- 
gregatoque exercitu, Eboracum oppidum adount." 

* Ing-war had invaded France. His name does not occur in any extant Annals of 
the Franks, but Adam of Bremen read it in the " Gesta Francorum." 

" Erant et alii reges Danorum vel Nortmannorum, qui piraticis excursionibu* 
eo tempore Galliam vexabant. Quorum prsecipui erant Horich, Orwig, Gotafrid, 
Rodulf et Inguar' tyranni. Crudelissimus omnium fuit Inguar, filius Lodparchi, 
qui Christianos ubique per supplicia necavit. Scriptum est in gestis Francorum." 
Gesta Pontif : Hammaburg: L. I., c. 30. 

Although the Northern Chronicles seem to distinguish Ingwar from Ivar, it appears 
very clear from ours, that they were one and the same person. In the Chronicle, under 
A.D. 878, the different MSS. give his name with these variations, Inwser A, Ingwaer 
B, Inwer C, Iwcer D, Iwer E. Ethelwerd calls the commander of the invading host 
Igwar, and the same person, in the account of S. Eadmund's death, luuar. One MS. 
of Gaimar calls him Inguar, Ingwar, or Yngvar, but all the others uniformly Iwar. 

Of the chieftains whom Adam of Bremen names in the above-cited passage, Gozfrid, 
Roric, and Eriveus, (a Breton count), are named together, and for the first time, by 
Hincmar of Rheims, in 8G3 ; and Ilodulf is noticed for the first time in 864. About 
that time, probably, Ingwar invaded France ; he is mentioned in tlie Iriih Annali in 
863, and, three years later, he led the Danes to England. 


A.D. 868, they left Northumberland, invaded Mercia, and occupied 
Nottingham. Burgred, King of Mercia, made peace with them, after an 
ineffectual attempt to dislodge them, in which he had the aid of the 
West-Saxon kings, JEthelred and JElfred. Towards the end of the year 
they returned to Northumberland, and wintered at York. 

A.D. 869, they crossed the Huniber into Lindsey, destroyed the abbey 
of Bardney, were defeated by, and in turn defeated, the forces of the 
ealdornian Algar ; destroyed the monasteries of Croyland and Peter- 
borough, plundered Huntingdon, and destroyed Ely. Thence they 
proceeded to Thetford, and there took up their winter quarters. S. 
Eadmund, the King of the East- Angles, attacked them in November, 
but was defeated, taken prisoner, and put to death.' We know from 
the evidence of S. Eadmund' s own sword-bearer, detailed by him to S. 
Dunstan, and afterwards repeated by the latter to Abbo of Fleury, that 
his murderer was Ing war. He and Godrum are named as the com- 
manders of the Danish forces in the second battle with Algar ; Oskytel 
was the murderer of the Abbot of Croyland, and Ubba of the monks of 

A.D. 870. They proceeded to Eeading in Wessex. JEthelred and 
Alfred fought with them at Heading, Ashdown, Basing, and Merton; 
and, after JEthelred's death, JElfred continued the contest at Wilton, 
and other places (not named,) but at last was compelled to make peace 
with them. In this year the best MSS. of the Chronicle, for the first 
time, name their leaders; Bacgsecg, killed in the battle of Ashdown, and 
Halfdene. They were largely reinforced after the battle of Merton ; 
"there came to Eeading a great summer army" ; and the Annals of 
Inisfallen inform us whence this reinforcement came. 

"A.D. 870. Plundering of Leinster, from Ath Cliath to Gabhrain, by 
Aodh mac Neill, after Arnhlaoimh and lomhair had gone, with a fleet 
of 200 ships, to assist the Danes of Britain, with their Danish leaders, 
Hingar and Hubba." 

Olaf,* said to have been a son of a king of Denmark, came to Ireland, 
with his brothers, Sitric and Ivar, and was accepted as king by all the 
foreigners there in 853 ; and he is noticed in the years 859, 861, 862, 
863, and 869. Ivar (Ingwa3r or Inwasr), the ancestor of the Danish 

3 The Chronicle dates these events, A.D. 870. The life of S. Eadmund, cited by 
Florence of Worcester, supplies a criterion which fixes them to 869. 

" Rex Eadmundus, ut in sua legitur passione, ab Inguaro rege paganissimo, 
Indictione II., XII. Cal: Decembris, die Dominico, martirizatus est." 

* For the sake of uniform orthography I adopt the Norse form of this name, except 
in quotations. Anlaf is the English form in the Chronicle and on coins ; Auahlaoimh 
(with many variations), the Irish, 


Kings of Dublin, is mentioned in 858, 859, and 863. In the last year 
Olaf, Ivar, and Uisli, aro named together, as the three chieftains of the 

"AD. 865, (866). Amlaiph and Auisle went to Fortren, together 
with the foreigners of Ireland and Scotland, and spoiled all the Picts, 
and brought all the hostages with them." (Ann : Ulster.) 

Ivar is not mentioned with them on this occasion ; it is probable that 
he had gone to France, between 863 and this date ; and at this time he 
was the leader of the Danes in England. Probably also Olaf and Uisli 
remained in England, for the Annals of the Four Masters, (which seldom 
mention events that occurred out of Ireland), omit the notice, which 
by those of Ulster, of the death of Uisli by the hands of his brethren, 
is supplied in 867, immediately before the notice of the defeat and death 
of Aillil (^Elle), at York. In 869, however, the Four Masters record 
Olaf s burning Armagh, so that he had by that time returned to Ireland; 
and in 870, the Annals of Ulster have, 

" Siege of Aile Cluith by the Northmen. Aulaiv and Ivar, the two 
Kings of the Northmen, besieged that fortress, and destroyed and 
plundered it at the end of four months." 

I suppose that Ivar went to Ireland in 869 or 870, returned with 
Olaf to assist the Danes who were contending with Alfred, and, after 
the conclusion of the war in Wessex, went into Scotland. Thence they 
returned to Ireland. 

" A.D. 870 (871). Aulaiv and Ivar came again to Dublin out of Scot- 
land, with great booty, and many captives of Angles, Britons, and 
Picts." (Ulster.) 

"A.D. 871. Amhlaoimh and lomhar came again to Dublin out of 
Albania. A great booty of men, i.e. Saxons and Britons, brought by 
them to Eri." (Inisfallen.) 

Olaf is mentioned no more in the Irish Annals. 

A.D. 871. The Danes retired to London. 

A.D. 872. They wintered at Torksey, in Lincolnshire, and in 

873, at llepton, in Mercia. In this year the Annals of Ulster and 
of the Four Masters record the death of " lomar, King of the Northmen 
of Ireland and Britain." Ethelwerd has disposed of him four years 
earlier, saying that he died in the same year as S. Eadmund. He 
probably died in England, for Gaimar says that he remained in London 
when Hulfdene, Oskytel, and Godrum went northward. 

I have followed their movements during these six years, in order 
to shew that none of their leaders could have remained in "North- 


umberland ; 5 and to establish the probability that Deira was under the 
government of an Angle, tributary to them, as Bernicia was. Simeon, 
of Durham says that Ecgberhc reigned beyond the Tyne for six years ; 
but before these six years were completed, he records the expulsion of 
Ecgberht and of Archbishop Wulfhere, in A.D. 872; and then, without 
a word about his restoration in the following year, he says, " Ecgberht, 
the King of the Northumbrians, dying, had Eicsig for his successor, 
who reigned three years, and Wulfhere was restored to his arch- 
bishopric;" and again, "A.D. 876, Eicsig, King of the Northumbrians, 
dies, and a second Ecgberht reigns over the Northumbrians beyond 
the Tyne." 

I suspect there was but one Ecgberht"; that "moriens," under A.D. 
873, is Simeon's conjecture; 6 that Ricsig was raised to the throne by 
the Northumbrians, on Ecgberht's deposition ; and that Ecgberht was 
restored by Halfdene on his return to Northumberland. 

A.D. 874. The army, which had wintered at Repton, was divided ; one 
division, under Godrum, Oskytel, and Anwynd, went to Cambridge; 
the other, under Halfdene, whom we may consider as having been the 
chief commander after Bagsecg's death, returned to Northumberland, 
and wintered on the Tyne. 

A.D. 875. Halfdene divided the lands of Northumberland amongst his 
followers ; and with this year the history of the Northumbrian Danish 
kingdom properly commences. 

Our own chronicles afford no reliable information as to the length of 
Halfdene's reign, or the manner of his death. 7 This, however, is 
supplied by the Irish Annals. 

"A.D. 874 or 876 (877). Ruaidhri mac Mormind, King of the 
Britons, came into Ireland, to escape the Black Gentiles." 

5 Turner supposes that Ivar remained in Northumberland, and thence invaded 
Scotland ; overlooking the evidence of the Irish Annals that he and Olaf went from 
Ireland to England in 870, and returned to Ireland in 871. 

6 Such conjectures the chroniclers of the Norman sera occasionally indulged in, 
and there would have been no harm in this, if they had given them as conjectures, 
but unfortunately they state them with all the gravity of history. Examples will 
occur in the sequel. 

7 Simeon disposes of him at the battle of Cynwith in 878 ; but this is only one of 
his blunders, for all the MSS. of the Chronicle agree in saying that the chieftain who 
fell there was Ingwar's and Halfdene's brother (most piobably Ubba). Florence saya 
that Halfdene and Eowils reigned 26 years, meaning probably the sum of their reigns, 
but the cypher should be 36, for an Eowils was killed at the battle of Wednesfield, 
36 years after Halfdene's return to Northumberland. With one exception, all the 
MSS. of the Chronicle say that Halfdene was killed in'the same battle ; but the excep- 
tion is MS. A, the only one which can be regarded as contemporary. Ethelwerd 
says that Ingwar also fell in that battle, but no MS. of the Chronicle* supports him, 
and I believe that he really died in 873. 


"A battle between the White and Black Gentiles at Loch Cuan " 
(Strangford Lough)," wherein fell Alband King of the Black Gentiles." 
(F. M. & U.) 

" ,v. p. 877 (878.) Roary son of Muvmin, King of the Britons, killed 
by the Saxons." (Ulster). 

Apparently Halfdene had invaded the territories of Rotri, pursued 
him to Ireland, and there met his fate'. Rotri, returning to "Wales, 
must have been slain by Saxons who were in league with the Danes ; 
for the year of his fall was that in which fortune began to turn in 
JElfred's favour, two years before he succeeded in delivering his do- 
minions from the presence of the invaders ; and the battle of Conwy, in 
which, according to the .Annals of Cambria, Rotri's death was avenged, 
three years later, seems to correspond with Alfred's engagement with a 
Danish squadron, recorded in our Chronicle under A.D. 882 (881). 

Adam of Bremen says that the Northmen sent into England one of 
the companions of Halfdene, that he was killed by the Angles, that 
then the Danes raised Gudred to the throne in his place, and that he 
conquered Northumberland. 8 

Without any notice of Halfdene's immediate successor, Simeon of 
Durham says that, the army of Northumberland being deprived of a 
leader, 9 the abbot Eadred, in obedience to a supernatural monition, per- 
suaded them and the Angles to accept, as Halfdene's successor, Guthred 
the son of Hardecnut, who had been sold as a slave by the Danes to a 
widow at Whittingham ; and that this Guthred reigned at York, and 
died A.D. 894. Ethel werd calls him Guthfrid, and says that he died on 
the Feast of S. Bartholomew A.D. 896, four years before King JElfred, 
and was buried in the Cathedral of York. I prefer his authority, not 
only as being earlier than Simeon, but as likely to have had precise in- 
formation, since he is able to specify the day, as well as the year, and 
the place of sepulture. Adam of Bremen, who seems to mark A.D. 885 
as the year of Guthred's accession, two years later than Simeon's date, 

8 Gesta Pont: Ilammaburg: L. I., c. 33. The passage must be quoted with its 
context, to shew the date of these events. 

"Nordmanni plagam, quam in Frisia rpccperunt" (A.D. 884. cf: Ann: Fuld :) "in 
totum imperium ulturi, cum regibns ISignfruio ct Gotairido, per Rhenum et Mosam, et 
Scaldam fluvios Galliam invadentt-s, miserabili ca-dc Christianos obtruncarunt, ip.nun- 
quc rogem Karolum bello petentes, ludibrio nostros habucrunt." (A.D 885. cf : Ann : 
J'uld : et Vedast.) 

"In Angliam quoque miserunt unum ex sociis Ilalfdani, qui dum ab Anglis occid- 
tretur, Dani constituerunt in locum cjus Gudrcdum. Is aut'-m Nordimbriara expug- 
ravit. Atque ex illo tcmpore " (i.e. A D. 885), " Frisia ct Anglia in ditione Danorum 
esse feruntur. Scriptum est in gestis Anglomm." 

9 " Occiso, sicut supradictum est, ipso Halfdcne et Inguar cum TXIII navibus apud 
Domnaniimi n miimtris Elfridi regis." This of course is Simeon's conjectural addition 
to his original authority, for the reference is to the blunder noticed above. 


indirectly supports Ethelwerd's date for his death ; and, though he writes 
the name Gudred, Ethelwerd is supported, in this particular, by Henry 
of Huntingdon, who says, " after Osbrict and Ella were slain by the 
Danes, the Danes reigned for a long time in Northumberland, viz : 
King Haldene, and Gtidfert, and Nigel, and Sidric, and Reginald, and 
Anlaf." Adam of Bremen says that his sons, who succeeded him, were 
Anlaf, Sihtric, and Regnald, 10 and as the Irish Annals assert that these 
were grandsons of Ivar, it follows that Guthfrith was a son of Ivar, 
not of Hardecnut. As such ho would be readily accepted by the Danes 
of Northumberland; and Adam of Bremen enables us to account for the 
fact that he had been sold to slavery, by informing us, that the sea-kings 
of the North frequently made war, one on another, and sold the captives 
whom they took in war, either to their own people or to foreigners. 11 

Guthfrith seems to have manifested great zeal for the advancement of 
religion; he re-established the northern bishopric, and the community 
of monks, which had been driven from Lindisfarne eight years before, 
not indeed in their ancient home, but at Cuneca-ceastre (Chester-le- 
Street) ; and, in conjunction with Alfred, he endowed the Church of 
S. Cuthbert with all the lands between the Tyne and the Tees, and con- 
ferred upon it the privilege of sanctuary. 

There is no ancient authority for the statement, which is sometimes 
made, that JElfred was Guthfrith' s feudal superior, and that he exer- 
cised direct supremacy over Northumberland, after Guthfrith' s death. 
An ally and adviser, in the important ecclesiastical regulations which 
Guthfrith effected, he certainly was, but no more. When the return of 
his old enemies from France, in 892, involved him in a fresh series of 
campaigns, the Northumbrians and East-Anglians pledged themselves to 
observe neutrality, so that he was no more sovereign of the former than, 
he was of the latter ; but that his relations with the Northumbrians 
were more intimate and friendly than they were with the East-Anglians 
appears from the fact that he exacted no hostages from them, but was 
satisfied with the security of their oaths alone. 12 The Chronicle claims 
for him no supremacy over Northumberland, but says " he was King 
over all the English nation, except that part which was under the do- 
minion of the Danes," that is, East-Anglia, Northumberland, and a 
great part of Mercia. 

10 L : II. c. 15. " Anglia, ut supra diximus, el in gestis Anglorum scribitur, post 
mortem Gudredi, a filii? ejus Analapli, Sigtrih, et Jfteginold, parmansit in ditioue 

" L: IV : c : 6. 

1S Simeon contradicts the contemporary evidence of the Chronicle, saying that both 
nations gaye hostages. 


Their pledges were broken by the Danes of both kingdoms. " Con- 
trary to their plighted troth, as often as the other armies went out with all 
their force, they also went out, either with them, or on their own part." 
"Whilst ..Elfred was pursuing the Danes whom he had defeated at Farn- 
ham in 893, their kindred "who dwelt with the Northumbrians and 
East-Angles, gathered some hundred ships, and went south about, and 
some forty ships north about, and besieged a fortress in Devonshire by 
the north sea, and they who went south about besieged Exeter. "When 
the king heard that, he turned west towards Exeter with all the force, 
save a very powerful body of the people eastwards ; when he had ar- 
rived there they went to their ships. Whilst the king was thus busied 
with the army there in the west, and both the other armies had drawn 
together at Shoebury in Essex, then both together went up along the 
Thames, and a great addition came to them, as well from the East- 
Anglians as from the Northumbrians." Later in the year, when these 
armies returned to Essex, after their defeat at Buttington, " they gathered 
together a great army from amongst the East-Anglians and Northum- 
brians," and went to Chester. In the following year they escaped 
from JElfred by going through Northumberland to East-Anglia; "and 
as the army, which had beset Exeter, again turned homewards, then 
spoiled they the South Saxons near Chichester, and the townsmen put 
them to flight, and slew many hundreds of them, and took some of their 
ships." After the unsuccessful campaign of I.D. 895, the following 
sentence concludes the history of this invasion. 

" i. D. 897 (896). After this, in the summer of this year, the army 
broke up, some for East-Anglia, and some for Northumberland ; and 
they who were feeless got themselves ships there, and went over sea 
southwards to the Seine. That same year the armies from among the 
East-Anglians, and from among the Northumbrians, harassed the land 
of the West Saxons, by predatory bands, most of all by their long ships, 
which they had built many years before." 

Thus, throughout this' four years' struggle, the Northumbrian Danes 
were assisting the invaders. Whether Guthfrith himself took part in 
this war, we do not know ; but Ethel werd has preserved the name of the 
chieftain who commanded the fleet which invaded Devonshire in 893, 4 ; 

" Sigeferth, a pirate from the land of the Northumbrians, comes with 
a great fleet, ravages along the coasts twice in one season, afterwards 
sails to his own home ;" 

and this Sigeferth appears to be mentioned in the Annals of Ulster, in 
the year preceding, as the rival of a son of Ivar, (therefore a brother of 


"A.D. 892 (893). A battle against the Black Gentiles by the Saxons, 
in which innumerable men were slain." (This was probably the battle 
of Farnham.) " Great dissension among the foreigners of Ath Cliath, 
so that they separated part of them with Mac Immair," (apparently 
Sihtric), "the other part with Sichfrait the earl." 

"A.D. 893 (894). Mac Imhair returns to Ireland." 

The Annals of the Four Masters, as well as those of Ulster, record the 
death of this son of Ivar. 

" A.D. 891 or 895, (896). Sitriuc mac lomair slain by other Norse- 

Sigeferth himself has been, represented as a son of Ivar and a 
brother of Guthfrith, but I can find no ancient authority for this. 13 
Although a leader of the Northumbrian Danes during the last year of 
Guthfrith' s reign, he appears to have been the opponent of Sihtric, 
another son of Ivar, and probably succeeded in destroying him in the 
very year of Guthfrith' s death. The evidence of coins, to be cited in 
the sequel, proves that he actually succeeded to the throne of North- 

His reign, I think, must have lasted four years, for in SOO, the 
year of ^Elfred's death, Ethel werd says there were great dissensions 
between the Angles and the Danes in Northumberland ; 14 and in the 
same year we learn from the Chronicle, that .^Ethelwald, the son of Al- 
fred's elder brother JEthelred, refusing to acknowledge the authority 
of his cousin Eadweard, fled to Northumberland and was elected king 
by the Danes. He reigned four years. In 903 he invaded Essex, and 
in the following year was killed in Cambridgeshire, in conflict with 
the Kentish contingent of Eadweard's army, along with Eohric, King 
of the East- Angles, whom he had seduced from his allegiance to Ead- 
weard. Amongst the nobles who fell in the same battle, the Chronicle 

13 This mistake, I think, has arisen from confounding him with a more celebrated 
namesake, whose fall is thus recorded in the Annals of Ulster, eight years earlier : 

"A.D. 887 (888). Sicfirth mac Imair, King of the Northmen, wta treacherously 
slain by his brother (Sigtryg) ;" 

But this happened in Friesland, 

" A.D. 887. Sigifredus circa Autumni tempora Fresiam petiit, ibique interfectus 
est." (Ann; Vedast:) 

This Sigifred was a leader of the army which went from England to France in 879. 
The Annals of S. Vedast, and of Fulda, relate his history, in 882, and the following 
years. (Some copies of the Annals of Ulster substitute the name of Godfred, who 
was slain in 885, for that of Sigifred.) 

11 It is impossible to translate this passage as it stands, but I venture to correct it 
by inserting "et," and writing "fsetidas" for "fsetidus." 

" Interea bis binis post annis, facta est discordia nimis et maxime, ex quo supradictus 
ohierat rex, inter Anglos (et), quae turn manebant, loca per Northhymbriorum, fcetido* 


names Byrhtsige son of Beornoth the JEtheling. This is of course the 
Brehtsig, whose death Simeon records in 902. 

In 901, Simeon says Osbrith was driven from the kingdom. He 
was probably a usurper who took advantage of JEthel \vald' s absence 
in 903. 

^Ethelwald's successor was probably Eowils (or Eowisl). 1 ' He fell 
in the battle of Wednesfield, in 910. 

The Annals of Ulster notice the death of " Etulpp King of the North 
Saxons" in 912 (913). This must be Eadulf of Bamborough, whose 
son Aldred afterwards submitted to Eadweard, and whose monument, 
in fragments, has been found at Alnmouth. Of our chroniclers, Ethel- 
werd alone records his death in this year. 

In the same year, the Annals of Ulster, and those of the Four Mas- 
ters, record a " a victory gained by the foreigners over a fleet of Ulster- 
men in the borders of England." 

Guthfrith's sons did not succeed to the throne on the death of their 
father. His successor was almost certainly a usurper, and exile for 
them would be the natural consequence of such usurpation. Their 
exile was spent in France ; and a collation of our Chronicle with the 
Irish Annals renders it probable, that they and their followers were the 
feeless band who went from Northumberland to the Seine in 896, 
at the very time of Guthfrith's death. The Annals of Ulster record, 

"A.D. 913 (914). A sea-fight at Manainn" (Man), between Earid 
mac Octin, and Kagnall valwar" (grandson of Ivar), "when Barid 
was destroyed with almost all his army." 

" A great new fleet of foreigners came to Loch Dacave " ( Waterford), 
and "placed a fortress there j" 

and they, and the Four Masters, notice successive arrivals of foreigners 
at Waterford, in this and the following year and in 9 1 7. These were 
the details of a general migration of these Danes, unwilling to submit 
to Hollo's rule, from Bretagne to Ireland. The adventures of one fleet 
are related in our Chronicle, MS. A. 16 

" A.D. 918 (917). Here, in this year, a great fleet came over hither 
from the south from the Lidwiceas, and with it two earls, Ohter and 
Hrvald; and they went west about, till they arrived within the 
mouth of the Severn, and they spoiled the North- Welsh everywhere by 
the sea coast, where they then pleased. And in Ircingfield they took 

lf Ethelwcrd calls him Eyuuysl. It is apparently the same as Auisle or Uigli, the 
name of the Danish King who was killed in 867, and of a sou of Sihtric who fell at 

16 MSS. C and D, followed by Florence of "Worcester, date these events A.D 915. 
I prefer of course the contemporary authority of MS. A. 


Bishop Cameleac, and led him with them to their ships, and then King 
Eadweard ransomed him afterwards with forty pounds. Then, after 
that, the whole army landed, and would have gone once more to plunder 
about Ircingfield. Then the men of Hereford and Gloucester, and the 
nearest burghs, met them, and fought against them, and put them to 
flight, and slew the Earl Hroald, and the brother of Ohter, the other 
earl, and many of the army, and drove them into an enclosure, and 
there beset them about, until they gave hostages to them that they 
would depart from King Eadweard' s realm. And the King had so or- 
dered it that his forces sat down against them on the south side of 
Severn mouth, from the Welsh" (i.e. Cornish) "coast westward, to the 
mouth of the Avon eastward, so that on that side they durst not any- 
where attempt to land. Then, nevertheless, they stole away by night, 
on some two occasions, one to the east of Watchet, and another time to 
Portlock. But they were beaten on either occasion, so that few of them 
got away, except those alone who there swam out to the ships. And 
then they sat down on the isle of Flatholm, until such time as they 
were quite destitute of food, and many men died of hunger, because 
they could not obtain any food. Then they went thence to South Wales, 
and then out to Ireland, and this was during harvest." 

Florence of Westminster (A.D. 915) identifies these invaders with 
those who had left England nineteen years before. 

In the very month in which they were compelled to abandon their 
enterprise in England, the Irish Annals detail circumstantially their 
proceedings in Ireland under the conduct of the grandsons of Ivar. 

" A.D. 915 or 916 (917). Sitrioc ua lomair, with his fleet, took up at 
Cind Fuait (Confey, co. Kildare), in the east of Leinster. Ragnall ua 
lomair, with another fleet, went to the foreigners of Loch Dacaoc. The 
army of the Ui Neill, of the south and north, was led by Niall mac 
Aod, King of Ireland, to wage war with the foreigners. He pitched his 
camp at Tobar Gletrac, in Magh Femin, on the 22nd August. The 
foreigners went into the territory the same day. The Irish attacked 
them the third hour before noon, so that 1,100 men were slain between 
them, but more of the foreigners fell, and they were defeated. Reinforce- 
ments set out from the fortress of the foreigners, to relieve their people. 
The Irish returned to their camp before the last host, i.e. before Ragnall, 
King of the Black foreigners" (arrived), "who had an army of foreigners 
with him. Niall set out with a small force against the foreigners, so that 
God prevented their slaughter through him. Niall, after this, remained 
twenty nights, encamped against the foreigners. He requested of the 
Leinstermen to remain in siege against the foreigners" (this they did), 
"until Sitriucc ua lomair, and the foreigners, gave the battle of Cinn 
Fuait to the Leinstermen, wherein 600 were slain about the lords of 
Leinster." (F.M. & U.) 

*** On the preceding page for Barid mac Octin and Ragnall va I war, read Barid 
mac Octir and Hagnall ua I \vair : for Dacave read Dacaoc : for Lidwiceas read 
Lidwiccas : and for Hrvald read Hroald. 



" Sitric O'Hivar came to Dublin." (U.) 

" The plundering of Cille Dara by the foreigners of Chinn Fuait." 
(F. M.) 

"A.D. 916 (918). Oitir and the foreigners went from Loch Dacaoc 
to Alba " (Scotland), " and Constantino mac Aod gave them battle, and 
Oitir was slain, with a slaughter of foreigners along with them." (F.M.) 

The Ulster account of the expedition is very important; the Four 
Masters seldom notice events which occurred out of Ireland. 

" The Gentiles of Lochdachaech left Ireland, and went to Scotland. 
The men of Scotland, with the assistance of the North-Saxons, prepared 
for them. The Gentiles divided themselves into four battles, viz., one by 
Godfrey O'Hivar; another by the two earls; the third by the young 
lords ; and the fourth by Eanall mac Bieloch, which the Scots did not 
see. But the Scots overthrew the three that they saw, so that they had 
a great slaughter of them about Ottir and Gragava ; but Ronall gave the 
onset behind the Scots, so that he had the killing of many of them, only 
that neither King nor Maormor was lost in the conflict. Night put an 
end to the battle." 

Simeon of Durham has a notice of this affair, six years too early. 

"A.D. 912 (918). King Eeingwald, and Earl Otir, and Osvul Craca- 
bam, invaded and ravaged Dunblien." (Dunblain on the Forth). 

The Ulster account is valuable in giving Gragava as the name of one 
of the two earls, and so explaining Simeon's Cracabam 17 as a surname of 
Oswulf. Bicloch is perhaps the name of Kegn aid's mother ; the Irish 
Annals supply many instances of persons distinguished by the mention 
of their mother's name. 

In the same year the Ulster Annals continue, 

""War between Nell mac Hugh, and Sitrik O'Hivar." 
This war was ended in the year following ; 

" A.D. 917 or 918 (919). The battle of At Cliat, i.e. of Cill Mosa- 
mocc (Kilmashoge), by the side of At Cliat, over the Irish, by lomair 
and Sitriug Gale, on the 17 Kal : October, 4th day; in which were 
slain Niall Glunclub, son of Aod Finnleit, after he had been three years 
in the sovereignty, &c. Easter on the 25th April." (F.M. & U.) 

This notice is very important. The year is determined, A.D. 919, by 
Easter, 25th April, and Wednesday, 15th September. Niall was 
sovereign of Ireland, and it is elsewhere said that he fell by the hand 

17 It should be u Cracaban," a surname afterwards given to Olaf Tryggveson, 
meaning " soothsayer." Lappenberg strangely translates it Clackmannan. . 


of Amhlaid, (i.e. Olaf, Sihtric's brother.) We must therefore correct 
the notice, in our Chronicle (in the three latest HSS. D.E.F), two 
years too late, and in Simeon, five years too early, as follows : 

" A.J>., 919. King Sihtric's brother slew Mel ; " 18 
and clear Sihtric's memory of the guilt of one crime at least. 

"A.D. 918 or 919 (920). A battle was gained in Ciannacta Breg, .that 
is at Tig-mic-n-Eathach, by Donnchad mac Flainn mic Macleachlainn," 
(Niall's successor) "over the foreigners, wherein a countless number of 
foreigners was slain ; indeed in this battle revenge was had of them for 
the battle of At Cliat, for there fell of the nobles of the Norsemen here, 
as many as had fallen of the nobles and plebeians of the Irish in the 
battle of At Cliat." (P.M. & U.) 

" Sitric mac Ivar " (i.e. " ua Ivar," grandson of Ivar) " forsook 
Dublin by divine power." 

His destination was probably Northumberland, whither Regnald had 
already gone to recover the kingdom of his father. He was succeeded 
in Dublin by Guthfrith O'lvar, who commanded the first division of the 
Danish army in 9 i 8, and whom the Irish Annals notice in almost every 
year until 927. 

The year of Eegnald's invasion of Northumberland cannot be deter- 
mined. It was probably A.D. 919, the year after his expedition to 
Scotland. In the "Historia S. Cuthberti" we are told that he came 
with a great fieet and occupied the land of Aldred, son of Eadulf, (i.e 
Bernicia), that Aldred sought aid from Constantino King of Scotland, 
and attacked Regnald at Corbridge, but was defeated with great loss, 
his brother Uhtred and himself, alone of all the Northumbrian nobility, 
escaping with their lives, and that Regnald then divided the land of S. 
Cuthbert, from the Wear to the Tees, between his followers Onlaf and 
Scula. Our Chronicle, A.D. 923, and Simeon, A.D. 919, record his 
subsequent conquest of York, and as this entry only occurs in those 
MSS. (D. E. F.), which notice the death of Niel, two years too late, I 
think that this must be dated A.D. 921. The Annals of Ulster say : 

"A.D. 920 (921). Ragnall O'Hiver King of the White and Black 
Gentiles died," 

18 Simeon says "Niel rexoccisus estafratre Sihtrico." Perhaps the original record 
had " Sihtrici," whence the corruption " Sihtrico " would be very easy. Henry of 
Huntingdon amplifies this statement, on his own authority, of course; "nee multo 
ante" (mortem Eadwardi), " Sidric rex Nordhumbre occiderat fratrem suum Nigell- 
um ; quo scelere patrato, rex Reginaldus conquisiverat Eoverwic"; presenting to us aa 
history, what was nothing more than an erroneous conjecture, that Sihtric was King 
of Northumberland at the time, and that the murder of Niel was connected with the 
conquest of York. 


but this must bo a mistake, arising probably out of some rumour of 
his death in England ; for a Regnald was certainly reigning in North- 
umberland two years later ; and it is very improbable that another of 
the same name, but of a different race, reigned between the brothers 
Regnald and Sihtric. In 923, the last entry of the third scribe of MS. 
A, written probably in this very year, records his submission to Ead- 
weard, and from this time his name appeal's no longer in the history of 
Northumberland, but in that of the country in which he spent his 
youth. Frodoard says, 

"A.D. 923. Ragenold, the Prince of the Northmen on the Loire, 
instigated by frequent messages from Charles, in conjunction with a 
great number" (of his compatriots, subjects of Rollo), "from Rouen, 
plunders France beyond the Oise. The vassals of Heribert attacked 
his camp and took immense booty, and 1000 captives were set free. 
Ragenold, on hearing this, greatly exasperated, marches to the district 
of Arras to plunder; but Count Adelelm met him, killed 600 of his 
army and put the rest to flight ; with whom Ragenold hastes to the 
shelter of his forts, and thence, to the utmost of his power, plunders 
without intermission." 

" A.D., 924, Ragenold with his Northmen wastes the land of Hugo 
between the Loire and the Seine, because he had not yet received a 
settlement in Gaul." (It seems then that he had been invited by King 
Charles, under the promise of such a settlement.) 1 " Willelm and Hugo 
son of Robert make terms with Ragenold about their land, and Ragenold 
goes to Burgundy with his Northmen." 

" A D. 925. In the beginning of the year Ragnold, with his Northmen 
wastes Burgundy. The Counts Warneri and Manasses, the Bishops 
Ansegis and Gotselm, encounter him at Mount Chalus " (4 leagues 
from Vezelay), " and kill more than 800 Northmen." 

He is mentioned no more, and the " Historia S. Cuthberti" says that 
he died in this year, the year of the death of Eadweard. 

He was" succeeded in Northumberland by his brother Sihtric, of whose 
career in England Simeon has preserved the earliest notice. 

" A D. 920.* King Sitric broke into Devennport" (Davenport in Che- 
shire) ; 

but as Simeon's date for the death of Niel is five years too early, 
so also may this. I would refer this invasion of Mercia to A.D. 925, 
when our Chronicle (MS. D.) informs us that Sihtric met JEthel- 
stan at Tamworth, and received his sister in marriage. The same 
authority dates his death A.D. 926 ; but the true date, determined by 
the following notice in the Irish Annals, was A.D. 927. 

"A.D. 925 or 926 (927). Sitriuc ua lomair, King of the Black and 
"White foreigneis, died." (F. M. & U.) 

After the departure of Regnald and Sihtric from Ireland, 

" A.D. 919 or 920 (921). Gofrait ua loraair took up his residence at 
At Cliat, and Ard-macha was afterwards plundered by him and his 
army." (F. M. & U.) 

" A.D. 923 (924). An army by Gofrith O'Hivar from Dublin to 
Limerick, where many of his men were killed by Mac Ailche." (U.) 

" A.D. 924 or 925 (926). A victory was gained by Muirceartac mac 
Neill on the 28th December, being Thursday, when were slain 800 
men with their chieftains, Albdann mac Gofrait, Aufer, and Roilt. 
The other half of them were besieged for a week at At Cruitne " 
(Ath Crathin near Newry), "until Gofrait, lord of the foreigners, came 
to their assistance from At Cliat." (F. M. & U). 

On the death of Sihtric in Northumberland, 

"A.D. 925 or 926 (927). Gofrait with his foreigners left At Cliat, but 
came back after six months." (F. M. & U). 

The English Chronicle (MSS. E. & F.) very briefly notice his 
coming ; 

" A.D. 927. Here King JEthelstan expelled King Guthfrith ; ' 

but William of Malmsbury has very interesting particulars of his 
history. He does not contradict the Irish Annals in calling him the 
son of Sihtric, for if Sihtric' s son he would still be O'lvar, but it seems 
to me more probable that he and Olaf were Sihtric' s younger brothers. 
The following notice in the Annals of Clonmacnoise, in the same year ; 

" Mac Eilgi, 19 with the sons of Sitrick, took Dublin, on Godfrey ; " 

seems to intimate that they were too young to take part in public affairs, 
and that Mac Eilgi governed [the Danes of Dublin during Guthfrith' s 
absence. "William of Malmsbury says, 

" Anlaf fled into Ireland, and his brother Guthferth into Scotland." 
" Messengers from the King immediately followed to Constantino King 
of the Scots, and to Eugenius King of the !,Cumbrians, claiming the 
fugitive under a threat of war. The barbarians had no thought of 
resistance, but came without delay to a place called Dacre" (in Cum- 
berland), " and surrendered themselves and their kingdoms to the 
sovereign of England. Out of regard for this treaty, the King himself 
received the son of Constantino, who was ordered to be baptized at the 
sacred font. Guthferth, however, amidst the preparations for the jour- 
ney, escaped by flight with one Turfrid, a leader of the opposite party ; 

19 Lest this should be supposed the same as Mac Ailche, mentioned above, I add 
the sequel from the same Annals. 

" Tonirair mac Alchi reported to go to hell with his pains as he deserved." 


and, afterwards, laying siege to York, where, neither by entreaties nor 
by threats could he succeed in bringing the citizens to surrender, he 
departed. Not long after, being both besieged in a fortress, they eluded 
the vigilance of their enemies, and escaped. Turfrid, losing his life 
soon after by shipwreck, became a prey to fishes. Guthferth, suffering 
extremely by sea and land, at last came a suppliant to court. Being 
amicably received by the King, and sumptuously entertained for four 
days, he returned to his ships ; an incorrigible pirate, and accustomed 
to live in the water like a fish." 

True in substance this story may be, but it has much of the author's 
own fancies mixed up with it. He did not know that Guthfrith had a 
kingdom in Ireland before he came to Northumberland, and that he 
returned to it in six months from his departure, after his unsuccessful 
attempt to establish himself in his father's kingdom at York. The rest 
of his history, not as a viking on the sea, but as a warrior on land, is 
written in the Irish Annals. 

"A.D. 927 (929). The plundering of Cille Dara by Gotfrith on the 
feast of S. Brigit." (F. M.) 

"A.D. 928 or 929 (930). Gofrait ua lomair, with the foreigners of 
At Cliat, demolished and plundered Derce Feanra" (co. Kilkenny). 
(F. M. & U.) 

" A.D. 929 (931). Gofrait went into Osraig" (Ossory) " to expel Ua 
lomair from Moig Roigne" (Magh Kaighne). (F. M.) 

"A.D. 932 or 933 (934). Gothfrith, lord of the foreigners died." 
(F. M. & U.) 

Before I proceed to the history of the Anlafs, I must notice an ad- 
dition to, Northumbrian history in the Annals of Clonmacnoise. 

"A.D. 928 (933). Adulf mac Etulfe King of the North Saxons died." 

This is a son of Eadulf, unknown to our historians except William of 
Malmsbury, who does not mention his parentage, calls him Aldulph, 
and says that he resisted JEthelstan, and was expelled by him after 
Sihtric's death. 

Olaf, the son of Guthfrith I., and brother of Sihtric, seems to have 
established himself at Limerick, and to have had the surname Ceann- 
cairech, " Scabby head." 

"A.D. 929 or 931 (932). The victory of Duibthir" (near Athlone) 
"was gained by Amlaoib Ceanncairech of Luimneac." (F. M. & U.) 

"A.D. 934 (935.) The island of Loch Gavar " (Wexford), "pulled 
down by Aulaiv O'Hivar. The cave of Cnova" (Knowth, co. Mcath), 
"by him turmoiled the same week." (U.) 

"A.D. 934 (936). Amlaoib Cendcairech with the foreigners came from 
Loch Eirne across Breifne to Loch Rib. On the night of Great Christ- 
mas they reached the Sinainn and remained seven months there." (F.M.) 


I conclude that these notices relate to the same person, and that after 
marching northward from Wexford to Knowth, he proceeded to Lough 
Erne in 935, and thence to Lough Hee in the following year. Another 
notice of him, the last, will occur in the sequel. 

There were two Olafs, 20 connected with the history of Korthumber- 
land in the tenth century, one of the son of Guthfrith II., the other his 
cousin, the son of Sihtric. I shall trace the history of each separately. 

The former is first mentioned during the life of his father, 

"A.D. 931 or 932 (933). Ardmacha was plundered, about the feast of 
S. Martin by the son of Gofraid, i.e. Amlaib, with the foreigners of Loch 
Cuan about him. Matadan mac Aed, with the province of Ulster, and 
Amlaib mac Gofrait spoiled and plundered the province but they were 
overtaken by Muircertach mac ^Teill, and a battle was fought between 
them in which he defeated them." (F.H. & U.) 

"A.D. 935 (937). Amblaoib mac Gofradh, lord of the foreigners, came 
at Lammas from At Cliat, and carried off Amlaoib Cendcairech from Loch 
Bib, and the foreigners who were with him, after breaking their ships." 

" The foreigners of At Cliat left their fortress, and went to England." 

The Annals of Ulster simply record the terrible battle which ensued, 
and JEthelstan's victory over Olaf; but those of Clonmacnoise have a 
very interesting rotice, supplying the names of several of the chieftains 
who fell on Olafs side. 

" Awley with all the Danes of Dublin, and the north part of Ireland, 
departed, and went over seas. The Danes that departed from Dublin ar- 
arrived in England, and by the help of the Danes of that kingdom they 
gave battle to the Saxons in the plains of Othlyn, where there was a great 
slaughter of "N"ormans and Danes, among which these ensuing captains were 
slain, viz. Sithfrey and Oisle, the two sons of Sittrick Galey, Awley Fivit ; 
and Moylemorrey, the son of Cossewara, Moyle-Isa, Geleachan King of 
the Islands, Ceallach Prince of Scotland, with 30,000, together with 800 
captains about Awley mac Godfrey, and about Arick mac Brith. Hoa, 
Deck, Imar, the King of Denmark's own son, with 4000 soldiers in his 
guard, were all slain." 

The English Chronicle says that five young kings, and seven earls 
of Olafs army were slain, and if to those here named we add Adils and 
Hryngr of the Saga of Egil we have the whole number. Sittrick 
Galey, whose sons were slain, was the King of Northumberland ; he 
is called Sitric Gale, in the narrative of the battle of Kilmashoge, A.D. 

20 Mr. Thorpe, in a note to his excellent edition of the English Chronicle, expresses 
surprise at the form of the name used therein. Anlaf is in fact an older form than 
Olaf, and has become Olaf hy the process which converted the Gothic "tunthus " into 
the O.E. "toth," and the Gothic "ans" into O.L. and N. "6s." So also in our 
Chronicle, in the oldest MS, the name Ivar is represented hy Inwser. 


919. The son of Constantine, whose death the Chronicle and Ingulf 
record, is here named Ceallach. As these Annals speak of North- 
umbrian Danes as assisting Olaf, and then associate with him as com- 
mander Arick mac Brith, it seems that he must have been the leader of 
their forces. The Saga of Egil speaks of Adils and Hryngr as British 
princes (that is 'reigning in Britain, for their names are Norse), who 
fought on Olaf's side. The latter must have been the same as Arick or 
Eric. Barith, his father, seems to have been left commander of the 
Danes of Dublin by Olaf and Ivar when they went to England, for 
after the record of his destroying the Oratory of Ceanan, A.D. 878 
(881), he is called the fierce champion of the Norsemen, and chief of 
the persecutors, and his son, Colla mac Barith of Limerick, A.D. 922 
(924), is called TJa lomair in A.D. 929 (931). Eric mac Barith was 
therefore most probably a grandson of Ivar, and reigned in Northum- 
berland, during the interval, A.D. 933 to 937, which is blank in our 
Annals. He fell in the battle. 

William of Malmsbury says that the Danish leader on this occasion 
was Anlaf the son of Sihtric. Perhaps he was present in this battle, 
with his brothers, but the leader was certainly the son of Guthfrith. 

" A.D. 936 or 937 (938). Amlaib mac Gofrad came to At Cliat again, 
and plundered Ceall Cuilinn," (Kilcullen), "and carried off 1000 
prisoners," (F. M. & U.) 

" A.D. 937 (939(. The foreigners, i.e., Amlaoib mac Gotfrit, deserted 
At Cliat, by the help of God and Mac Tail." 21 (F.M ) 

The Annals of Ulster record the death of ^Ethelstan in the same year. 

Neither the Annals of Ulster nor those of the Four Masters name this 
Olaf again, but in those of Clonmacnoise (generally seven years too 
early), we have 

" A.D. 934 (941). Awley mac Godfrey, King of the Danes died." 
Simeon has preserved a fuller notice of him. 

"AD. 941. Olilaf" ("Onlaf" R. Howden), "ravaged "the Church of 
S. Baiter, and burned Tiningham, and perished immediately." 

MSS. E. and F. of our Chronicle notice his death A.D. 942. 

This was the end of Olaf, the son of Guthfrith II. His last two years 
were probably spent in piracy. Henceforth all the notices of Olaf in 
our Chronicle belong to the son of Sihtric, who by this time had at- 
tained to years sufficient to enable him to take the kingdom of Dublin 

21 Mac Tail was the patron of Kilcullen, lately ravaged by this Aulaf. 


into his own hands. Of course his claim to the throne was prior to 
that of his cousin, but the latter reigned in Dublin during his 

After the death of Harald Haarfager, King of Norway, in 936, ^Ethel- 
stan furnished Hakon, who had been educated at his court, with a fleet 
to enable him to contest the succession to the throne of Norway, with 
his elder brother Eric Ittodoxe, then reigning by their father's will Eric 
however, was so unpopular, that he found himself obliged to relinquish 
his rights to Hakon without a struggle ; and he left Norway with all his 
followers in the following summer, recruited his forces in Orkney, 
plundered the coast of Scotland, and came to England. .^Ethelstan 
ceded to him the kingdom of Northumberland, on condition that he and 
his family should be baptized, and that he should defend the land against 
the Vikings ; and he fixed his residence at York, but went to sea every 
summer, and plundered Shetland, the Hebrides, Iceland, and Bretland. 
After the accession of Eadmund, no friend to the Northmen iiorto Eric, 
there was a rumour that he intended to set up another king over North- 
umberland, so Eric went again to Orkney for fresh forces, plundered 
Iceland and Bretland, returned to England, and advanced into the heart 
of the country. Eadmund had set up a king, whose name was Olaf, 
and he gathered an innumerable host with which he marched against 
Eric. A dreadful battle ensued, in which Eric was slain, and five other 
kings with him, and when the tidings of it reached Northumberland, 
his widow Gunhild, and her sons, retired to Orkney. 

Such is the story, in the Saga of Hakon the Good, of the reign, in 
Northumberland, of a king, of whom our historians say absolutely 
nothing. Indeed the period during which it is asserted that he reigned 
is a complete blank in our annals. 

Lappenberg very much undervalues this story ; for my part I must 
say that I regard it as substantially true, but I must reserve my com- 
ments upon it, until I have introduced Eric's adversary, Olaf the son of 

The Annals of Clonmacnoise, and of the Four Masters, say, 

"A.D. 933 or 938 (940). Amlaoib Cuaran " (.<?." the Crooked"), 
" went to Cair Abroc, and Blacairo rnac Gofrad came to At Cliat ;" 

and the Four Masters continue, 

" a victory -was gained by the King of the Saxons over Constantino mac 
Aed, Anlaf or Amlaoib mac Sitric, and the Britons." 

Our Chronicle, MS. D., says, 


"A.D. 941 (940). Here the Northumbrians helied their fealty oaths, 
and chose Anlaf of Ireland for their King." 

Simeon of Durham says, 

"A.D. 939 (940). This year King Onlaf came first to York. After- 
wards going southward, he besieged Hamton," (Northampton), " but 
gaining no advantage there, he marched his army to Tarn worth ; and, 
having wasted the country round, when he reached Leicester on his 
return, King Eadmund met him with his army ; but tbere was no great 
battle, for the two archbishops, Odo and Wulstan, appeasing the kings 
on either side, put an end to the conflict. Peace being therefore made, 
Watlingstreet was made the boundary of either kingdom, Edmund held 
the south, Onlaf the north." 

Roger of "Wendover supports Simeon in saying that peace was made 
by the intervention of the two archbishops, but not until after a fierce 
battle had been fought, and adds that it was agreed between Olaf and 
Eadtnund that the survivors should have all England, and that Olaf 
married the daughter of Earl Orm. MS. A. of the Chronicle says, 

" A.D. 941 (940). Eadmund the King received King Anlaf at baptism, 
and the same year, a good while afterwards, he received King Eagenold 
at the Bishop's hands." 

It is therefore decisive evidence that the reconciliation between Ead- 
mund and Olaf took place in the year of Olaf's coming, and therefore 
that the date of the following notice in MS. D. is wrong. 

" A.K. 943 (940). Here Anlaf stormed Tamworth, and great carnage 
was on either hand, and the Danes had the victory and much booty 
they led away with them ; there, during the pillage, was Wulfrun 
taken. Here King Eadmund besieged King Anlaf and Archbishop 
Wulfstan in Leicester, and he would have taken them, were it not that 
they broke out by night from the burh. And after that Anlaf acquired 
King Eadmund's friendship," &c., as in MS. A. quoted above. 

Here I must first insist on the identity of Olaf the son of Sihtric, 
and "Anlaf Cuaran." It is evident from our Chronicle that Olaf who 
was chosen by the Northumbrians is the same as he who afterwards 
encountered Eadmund, made peace with him, and had him for godfather 
at his baptism in the same year; and this Olaf is called by the Four 
Masters, first "Anlaf Cuaran," in the notice of his departure for York, 
and then, in that of his encounter with Eudmund ; " the son of Sihtric." 
On the other hand the Olaf who burned Tiningham was a distinct per- 
son, according to Simeon, and the Annals of Clonmacnoise tell us that 
he was the son of Guthfrith ; and his death is recorded only in two 


MSS., E. and F., which do not contain the entries relative to the 
other Olaf. 23 

Now, with regard to the story of Eric, I think it is possible to recon- 
cile it with the above statements thus. After the death of JEthelstan, 
knowing that the Northumbrians were attached to the family of Sihtric, 
and that he could not rely on the support of Eadmund, Eric sought help 
from his friends in Orkney. On his return, he found that his subjects 
had invited Olaf, and inarched to give him battle. Olaf was besieging 
Northampton, but raised the siege on hearing of Eric's approach, re- 
traced his steps to Tamworth, and there defeated and slew him. The 
knowledge that Olaf 's forces were much weakened by his hardly- won 
victory, might encourage Eadraund to attack him at Leicester, where 
the Chronicle, Simeon, and other annalists, agree that he and Olaf met 
for the first time. 

The peace between Olaf and Eadmund was broken by the latter, 
after three years ; 

"AD. 944 (943). King Eadmund subdued all Northumberland into 
his power, and expelled two kings, Anlaf the son of Syhtric, and Kae- 
genald the son of Guthferth." 

They must, however, have returned immediately ; for after his notice 
of the expulsion ; 

"A.D. 943. The Northumbrians expelled their King Onlaf from his 
kingdom ;" 

Simeon records a second ; 

" A.D. 945. King Eadmund, having expelled two kings, obtained the 
kingdom of the Northumbrians." 

In the interval between these dates, I believe that Regnald, Olaf's 
cousin, son of Guthfrith, fell in battle ; for only to him can the following 
notice in the Annals of Clonmacnoise belong ; 

"A.D. 937 (944). The King of the Danes killed by the King of the 
Saxons at York." 

82 The confusion, -which has hitherto prevailed with regard to the Olafs, has 
arisen from a want of attention to the differences in the MSS. of the English Chronicle, 
and to the sources whence our later historians have derived the information. 

Florence t)f Worcester copies the notices of A.D. 941 and 943, but is silent with 
regard to the Olaf of A.D. 942 (941). He therefore had not seen MSS. such as E. 
and F. Henry of Huntingdon knows nothing of the invitation of Olaf AD. 941 
(940), but notices the death of the other Olaf, and then Eadmund's sponsorship. 

Ko weight can be attached to these annalists' identification of these princes, for 
each having noticed but one before, it was natural that, on a recurrence of the name, 
they should add such phrases as " cujus supra meminimus," (Flor : A.D. 943), " de 
quo praBdiximus," (Henr : A.D. 942) ; and if, in these instances they happen to be 
right, there are others, in which this method has led to a false conclusion. 


Olaf returned to Dublin, after his second expulsion, and took the 
kingdom out of the hands of JBlacairc 

"AD. 943 or 944 (945). Blacaire, one of the chiofs of the foreigners, 
was expelled from At Cliat, and Amlaib remained utter him there." 
(F. M. & U ) 

" Some of O'Canannan's people killed by Congalach and Anlaiv Cua- 
rain in Tir Conell." (U.) 

"A.D. 944 (946). The plundering of Cille Cuilinn by the foreigners, 
i.e. by Amlaoib Cuaran. Atalstan the celebrated King of tho Saxons 
died." (F.M.) 

The name in the last entry, of course, is a mistake, which the Annals 
of Clonmacnoise correct, " Ettymon," i.e. Eadmund. 

" A.D. 945 or 946 (947). An army was led by Ruaidri ua Canannain 
to Slaine, where the foreigners and the Irish met him, viz., Congalaeh 
mac Maoihnibhig and Amlaoib Cuaran, and the foreigners of At Cliat 
were defeated, an'l numbers slain or drowned." (F. M. & U.) 

"AD. 946 or 947 (94H). The battle of At Cliat by Congalaeh mac 
Haoilmithig over Hlucaire ua lomair, lord of the Norsemen, wherein 
Blacaire himself, and 1600 men were lost, both wounded and captives, 
along with him." (F. M. & U.) 

Blacaire is come again, for Olaf is gone to Northumberland. Our 
Chronicle (MSS. E. and F.), records his arrival. 

"A.D. 949 (948). Here Anlaf Cwiran came to Northumberland." 

The events whicli occurred in Northumberland in the interval be- 
tween his expulsion and his return are noticed in MS. D. 

"A.D. 947 (946). Here King Eaflred came to Taddenesscylf, and 
there Archbishop Wulistan and all the Northumbrian witau swore 
fealty to the king, but in a little while they belied it all, the pledges 
and the oaths. 

"A.D. 948 (947). Here King Eadred overran all Northumberland, 
because they had taken Yryc for tlu-ir king ; and in that harrying the 
great minster at Hipon, which S. Wilfrid had built, was burned. And 
when the King was homeward, the army within Yoik overtook him, the 
King's rear was at Ceasterford " (Castleford), " and there made great 
slaughter. Then was the King so indignant, that he would again march 
in. ;md destroy the country utterly. When the Northumbrian witan 
understood that, they forsook Hyryc, and made compensation for the 
deed with King Eadred." 

Simeon of Durham dates these events A.D. 948 and 950. 
Olaf reigned three years in Northumberland after his return. MSS. 
E. and F. record his expulsion ; 


"AD 952 (951). Here the Northumbrians drove out King Anlaf, 
and received Yric Harold's son." 

I suspect that Olaf did not go to Ireland during Eric's second reign, 
but that he remained on the borders of the kingdom, and harassed Eric. 
The following notice must refer to him. 

" A.D. 950 or 951 (952). A battle was gained by the foreigners over 
the men of Alba and the Saxons, in which many were slain." (F. M. & 

and it was in conflict with his party that Eric fell. The Chronicle, 
USS. D. E. F., merely says, 

"A.D. 954 (953). Here the Northumbrians drove out Yric, and 
Eadred assumed the kingdom of the Northumbrians " ; 

but "Roger of "Wendover informs us that he was betrayed by the Earl 
OMilf, and slain by the Consul Macon 23 (whom Simeon calls Maccus, 
son of Onlaf), in the wastes of Stainmore, with his brother Reginald, 
and his son Henric. 

The occurrence in this history of an Eric son of Harold, so near to 
the time of Eric son of Harald Haarf'ager, would have been a great puz- 
zle to us, had not Adam of Bremen most fortunately preserved the fol- 
lowing notice of him. , 

"Then" (i.e. at the end of the reign of Guthfrith's dynasty) "Harald" 
("Blatand, King of Denmark) " sent his son Hiring with an army into 
England, and he subdued the island, but was at length betrayed and 
slam by the Northumbrians" 

Having thus, by the aid of the Irish Annals, endeavoured to trace 
the history of the dynasty founded in Northumberland by Guthfrith the 
son of Ivar, I will ask my readers to follow with me, to the end, the 
fortunes of its last king. 

"When he went to Northumberland in 948, Blacaire succeeded him 
again in Dublin, but fell in battle, as we have seen, in the same year, 
and was succeeded by Olaf's brother, Guthfrith son of Sihtric, who is 
mentioned in 950 and 951. In 953, Eadred having established his 
dominion in Northumberland, Olaf seems to have returned to Ireland. 

" A.D. 951 (953). The plundering of Inis Doimle, and Inis Ulad" 
(in co. Wicklow), "by Amlaib Cuaran, and Tuatalmac Ugaire." (F. M.) 

"A.D 954 (956). Amlaoib mac Gofrad" (this must be a mistake, 
unless in this instance his grandfather is meant), " lord of the foreigners, 

3 Magnus is the more usual form of this name- 


with his foreigners, laid an ambush for Congalaig, by means of which he 
was taken with his chieftains at Tig Giogrann " (near Dublin.) (F.M.) 

"AD. 960 (96'2). A prey by Sitriucc Cam from the sea to Uib Colgan, 
but he was overtaken by Amlaib with the foreigners of At Cliat, and 
the Leinstermcn Amlaib was wounded through the thigh with an 
arrow, and Sitriucc Cam escaped to his ships, after the slaughter of hia 
people." (F. M.) 

" A.D. 962 (964). A victory was gained over Amlaib mac Sitriucc, 
by the Ossory men, i.e. at Inis Teoe" (Ennistiogtie, co. Kilkenny), 
"where many of the foreigners were slain." (F. M.) 

"A.D 965 (967). Muireadach mac Faolain, Abbot of Cille Dara, and 
royal heir of Leinster, was killed by Amlaoiph, lord of the foreigners, and 
by Cerball mac Lorcain." (F. M.) 

The two following notices appear to refer to one and the same event. 

" A.D. 967 (969). Cenanusa " (Kells) " was plundered by Sitriucc, 
eon of Amlaib the lord of the foreigners, and by Murchad mac Finn, 
King of Leinster, but Domnall ua Neill, King of Ireland, overtook and 
defeated them." (F. M.) 

"A.D. 968 (970). Ceanannus was plundered by Amlaib Cuaran, 
with the foreigners and Leinstermen, and he carried off a great prey of 
cows ; but lost numbers of his people together with Breasal mac Eillel, 
and he gained a victory over the Ui Nell at Ard Maelchon," (Ard JVIul- 
chan co. Meath). (F. M.) 

"AD. 975 (977). Muirceartach mac Domnaill ui Neill, and Congalach, 
mac Domnaill mic Congalaig, two heirs to the monarchy of Ireland, 
were slain by Amlaoibh mac Sitriucc." (F.M.) 

" A.D. 976 (978). The battle of Cillemona by Domnaill mac Congalaig 
and Amlaoib, over the King, Domnall ua Nell." (F. M.) 

"AD. 978 (980). The battle of Temar" (Tara) " by Maoilseclaind 
mac Domnaill, over the foreigners of At Cliat, and the islands, and over 
the sons of Amlaoib in particular, where many were slain, together with 
Eagnall mac Amlaoib, heir to the sovereignty of the foreigners, Chona- 
mail mac Gilliairri, and the Orator of At Cliat ; and a dreadful slaughter 
of the foreigners with them." (F. M.) 

"A.D. 979 (981). Amlaoib, son of Siotriocc, chief lord of the foreigners 
of At Cliat, went to I on his pilgrimage, and he died there, after 
penance and a good life." 

The first plate contains seventeen varieties of the stycas of Osberht. 










rxTU tx> 





16 Jm&fWtiR&i 


^\\ on >1 \ " \fc\ >\ 


v y 












These are chiefly from a hoard which was found about twenty years 
ago at York, and which I had the opportunity of examining in detail. 
It differed from the Hexham hoard, in that it contained a considerable 
proportion of the coins of this king and of his cotemporary Archbishop 
Wulf hern, but it did not contain a single piece which could be assigned 
to JElle; and as the Hexham coins must have been hidden before 
Osbercht's accession to the throne, I must take from JBlle, and relegate 
to the uncertain class, the piece which Mr. Adamson assigned to him. 

^Elle, however, is not altogether unrepresented in the series of North- 
umbrian coins. Some twenty years ago, one of the most distinguished 
numismatists of Scandinavia communicated to the Numismatic Society 
of London, a cast of a silver penny which he assigned to this King, 
correctly, as I now believe, although I had great difficulty in admitting 
it at the time. I describe it from memory. 

Olv. ELA MINORTI, a rude head, crowned, to the right. 
Rev. ELRED ON VSILT, a cross with a small cross in three quar- 
ters, and a crescent in the fourth. 

If this coin is English, and it seems impossible to connect it with the 
numismatic series of any country but our own, JElle of Northumberland 
is the only king to whom it can belong ; but it stands alone, without 
any cotemporary coins with which it can be compared. The series of 
Northumbrian coins is so defective, that we cannot say when the styca 
coinage ceased, and the penny coinage began. No money of Osberht has 
yet been found mixed with that of his successors, so that it is possible 
that he coined pennies before the end of his reign ; but all that we can 
say at present is this, that of his money we have only stycas, which 
may have been coined as late as A.D. 863 ; that, after an interval of 
twelve years, we have a penny and a half-penny which undoubtedly 
belonged to Halfdene ; and that we have this piece, and another, to be 
described immediately, to represent the Northumbrian currency of that 

The execution of this coin is peculiar; the devices and the legends 


have been engraved in the dies, not produced by a series of punches, as 
on the cotemporary coins of the Mercian and West Saxon Kings ; but 
we must remember, that even on coins of the same reign (that of ^Elfred 
for instance), there are great differences of workmanship. 

The legends, too, are strange. We should not have expected so early 
the formula Clred on Usilt ; but, after all, it is English, and possible 
under the reign of any English King. The moneyer's name seems in- 
tended for Celred; the mint I cannot identify. 

But what shall we say to the obverse legend Ela minor ti ! I can 
suggest nothing better than minor tirannm, " the inferior King "; 
supposing that ^Elle had the royal title, and owned the supremacy of 
Osberht, before the revolution in which Osberht was deposed. 

The following coin was found some years ago in the church at 
Corbridge, and is in the possession of Mr. Fairless of Hexham : 

Obv. BARNRED RE, a rude bust. 

Rev. EERED MONETA, in three lines. (Plate I.) 

The type and workmanship are the same as those of the cotemporary 
coins of JEthelred, JElfred, and Burgred ; the moneyer's name should 
be Celred or Cenred ; if the former, it would be the same as on the coin 
of ^Elle; if the latter it is the name of one who worked for Burgred. 
As we have instances of simple and compound names borne by the same 
person, and I have elsewhere suggested that our forefather's fondness 
for alliteration may account for the resemblance which frequently exists 
between them, I think it very probable that this Barnred is Biorn or 
Buern, who is said to have betrayed his country to the Danes ; and that 
he was the person whom they left as King in Deira, when they went to 
the South. 

The Cuerdale hoard furnished one piece, a half-penny, which un- 
doubtedly belongs to Halfdene ; it is now for the first time published. 

Obv. +ALEDENE RX, a small cross. 
Rev. ItALNGALD MO, in two lines. 

The type is the same as that of the most common coins of ^Elfred. 
The moneyer's name, Raingald for lluignald, has not occurred on any 
other coins of the time. 

There was also in the same hoard a penny of this King, 

Obv. DEN ALF "KX-f (the syllables of the name transposed) ;' two 
emperors sitting together on a throne, overshadowed by victory. 
Rev. The monogram of London. (Plate I.) 

24 I have published it, in my essay on the coins of JElfred. 

PI. 11 


The obverse type, copied from the coins of Arcadius and Honorius, 
appears also on the reverse of a penny of Ceolwulf II. of Mercia; the re- 
verse, the same as that of some of the coins of JElfred, seems to limit 
the time of mintage of this piece to A.D. 872, when Halfdene occupied 

Many coins of the time offer examples of transpositions of the legend, 
as on this ; a very remarkable one will be noticed in the sequel. 

I now proceed to describe a series of coins, of which very few were 
known previous to the finding of the Cuerdale hoard, in May, 1840. 
They bear the names of two kings, Cnut and Siefred ; and I am as 
firmly convinced as ever that they are Northumbrian, of the close of the 
ninth century. I had engraved one plate of the coins of Cnut, and had 
prepared for engraving drawings for two other plates, containing about 
thirty additional varieties, when I was compelled to abandon my scheme; 
but the series of the coins of Siefred is complete. 

I shall describe the coins of Cnut in classes, each class in what I con- 
ceive to be the true order of the types ; and then those of Siefred. 

1. CNVT, each letter attached to one of the extremities of a cross, the 
whole so placed as to be read at one view, without turning the 
coin, in the order in which the cross is formed, first down- 
wards, then from left to right ; 73 in the intervals between them 
the letters BEX, completing the legend CNVT BEX; a pellet 
in each quarter of the cross. 

-f EBBAICE CIVITAS, a small cross. (PL II. 4). 
2 & 3. Same type and same obverse legend. 

-f EIRAICE CIVI; and +EB : IAI : CEC -: IYI : . (PI. 
II. 5 & 6). 

4. Same arrangement of the legend CNVT EEX, but the cross is pate 

and the letters detached. 
-j-EB EAI CEC IV; same type. (PL II. 8 & 9). 

5. Same legend ; no pellets in the quarters of the cross. 

-f EB .: IAI : CEC : IV -:. ; a small cross with a pellet in two 
opposite quarters. (PL II. 10). 

6. Same legend and type. 

-f EB : IA! : CEC : IVI : ; a cross with a pellet in each 
angle. (PL II. 11). 

7. Same legend ; a bar across the lower limb of the cross, and a pellet 

in each quarter of the croslet so formed. 
+EBEAICE CIYITA; a small cross. (Hawkins 125). 

24 This is a common arrangement on the coins and seals of the Byzantine empire; 
and, about half a century later than the date of these coins, we have an example of it 
on the coins of the Emperor Otho I , struck at Verona. 





8. Same legend ; the left arm of the cross barred. 

-f E ' I B . : ICI v C v EC; A-.- ; a cross with a pellet in each quar- 
ter. (H. 128). 

9. Same legend and type as 7. 

+EBRAICE CIVITA; monogram KROLS. (H. 112). 

10. Same legend and type. 

+EB. JAl v CE-CIT; monogram EROLS. (H. 113). 

The variations in the reverse legend of these coins are as follow : 






The number of specimens of these varieties in the hoard was upwards 
of 500. 

11. Same type and obverse legend as 1; reverse legend -f-CVN : 

NET.i-TI-:.. (PL II. 7). 

12. Same type and obverse legend as 5; reverse legend 7!- CVN : 

NET-r-TI-:.. (PI. II. 12 & 13). 

13. Same type and obverse legend as 6; reverse legend -J-CVN : 

NET-:.TIv. (PI. II. 14). 

14. Same obverse legend and type as 7. 

-j-CVN : NET : TI : ; a cross with a pellet in two opposite 
quarters. (H. 118). 

15. CNVT REIX; same as the above, but with a small cross in each 

upper quarter of the cross. 
+CVN - : NETI : . 5 a small cross. (H. 117). 

16. CNVT REX, the letter R attached to the upper limb of the cross. 
+CVN : NETI : as 14. (H. 119). 

17. Same legend; the upper as well as the lower limb of the cross 

barred, and pellets in each quarter of each croslet. 
+CVN : : NET : : TI : : , as 14. (H. 120). 

18. Same legend and type as 7. 

+CVN : NET : TI : ; monogram EROLS. (H. 114). 

The variations in the reverse legend of these coins are as follow : 





The number of specimens of these varieties was upwards of 1900. 
The following varieties have the obverse legend blundered. They 




seem to have been executed by moneyers, who did not understand the 
meaning of the arrangement of the legend on such coins as the fore- 

19. CRETN; a cross croslet extending to the edge of the coin, a pellet 

in each quarter, and on each side of the extremity of each limb. 
+EB : IAI : CEC . IY . a small cross. (PI. II. 1). Of these 
the hoard contained 7 specimens. 

20. CRTEN; a cross with a small cross attached to the extremity of 

each limb. 

-j-EB . RAI . CEC . IV . ; a small cross with a pellet in two oppo- 
site quarters. (PI. II. 2). Unique. 

21. CRTEN; as 19. 

-fCVN : : NET : : TI : : ; as the last. (PI. II. 3). 3 specimens. 

As introductory to, and illustrating those which follow, I must men- 
tion what seem to be ecclesiastical coins, and which as such I intended 
to have engraved in a separate series of plates. 

a. DNS DS REX ; in two lines. 

-f-MIRABILIA FECIT ; a cross with pellets in opposite quarters. 
(H. 133). 66 specimens. 

b. + . EBR . AI CEC ; cross as on 7. 

+D . NS . DS . BEX; same type as the last. (H. 110). 10 spe- 
e. +EB ... RA v EC ... EC; same type. 

-f HIRAB1LA EECIT ; same type. (H. 131). 124 specimens. 

22. CVT RIEX EB ; (Cnut Rex Ebraice, N omitted) ; cross as on 7. 
+D NS DS REX; a cross with pellets in opposite quarters. 

(H. 111). 10 specimens. 

23. CNVT REX; same type. 

-fMIRABILA FECIT; same type. (H. 129). 121 specimens. 

24. Same legend and type as 22. 

Same legend and type as last. 4 specimens. 

25. CNVT REX, cross as on 7. 

+SI EF RED VS; same type. (PL III. 10 & 11). 57 speci- 

26. -fSI EF RED VS; a small cross, two pellets opposite each 


-j- v R . E v X ; the letters at the extremities of a cross 
croslet. (PL III. 8). 26 specimens. 

27. -|-SI EF RED VS; a cross with a pellet in two opposite quarters. 
4-REX; the letters at the extremities of a cross. (Pi. III. 9). 27 


28. +SI EU ERT REX ; cross as on 7. 

-f D . NS . DS . REX . ; as on 22. (PL III. 12, 13, 14). 43 spe- 

29. Same legend and type. 

-fMIRABILA FECIT; as on 23. (PL III. 15). 4 specimens. 


SO. -f SI v FCR v TRE ; same type. 

+NI : EA v BI : LI : ; same type. (PL III. 16). Unique. 

3 1 . IIS IE VE RT ; a cross with a small cross at the extremity of 

each limh, occupying the whole field and dividing the legend. 
+EB IAI CEC IVI; a small cross. (PI III. 1). 

32. Same legend ; similar type, with three pellets in each quarter of the 

-f EB : I AT : CEC -: IYI : ; same type. (PI. III. 2). 

33. IS IE VE 11T ; same type. 

-f EB IAI CEC IVI ; a small cross with three pellets opposite 
each quarter. (PI. III. 3). Of these three varieties there were 
45 specimens. 

34. -fSIE FRE DVS REX; a cross croslet, no inner circle. 
Same legend and type as last. (PI. III. 4). 

35. In every respect the same as the last, except that a cross, connect- 

ing four small crosses, takes the place of the cross croslet on the 
obverse. (PI. III. 5). 

36. -f-SIE : FRE -: DVS : REX; same type, obverse and reverse, 

and same reverse legend as the last. (PL IIL 6). Of these 
three varieties there were 62 specimens. 

37. CSIE ERX ERS IIDE ; a cross with a pellet in each quarter, 

two at the extremity of each limb, and four below each interval 
in the legend. 

-f EB - : I Al : CEC : - IVI : ; a small cross. (PL III. 7). 6 
specimens. The obverse legend of this piece illustrates the 
reading on the penny of Halfdene, noticed above. The first six 
letters are correctly placed, the remaining seven must be read 
backwards from the end. CSIEER ED.IIS REX. 

38. CSIEFRE DVS REX; in two lines. 
Same legend and type. (PL IV. 18). 

39. Same legend and type. 

Legend and type as in 33. (PL IV. 19). Of these two varieties 
there were 1 1 specimens. 

40. Same legend ; a cross on steps between the lines. 

-f-EB RAI CEC IVI ; same type as the last. (PL IV. 20). 

41. Same legend and type. 

Legend and type as 32. (PL IV. 21). Of these two varieties there 
were 18 specimens. 

42. SIEVE RT RX ; same type. 

Same legend and type. (PL IV. 22). 6 specimens. 

43. C SIE FRE ; same type. 

+ED IVI CEC IVI; same type (PL IV. 23). 3 specimens. 

For these interesting coins I claimed an English Northumbrian origin, 
from the moment of my first acquaintance with them, in the spring of 
1841 ; and in advancing this claim, 25 after the publication of the first 
part of Mr. Hawkins' paper, I had the support of the leading numis- 
matists of the Continent, amongst whom I may mention particularly 
Thomson of Copenhagen, and De Longperier of Paris. 

25 In the Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. v., p. 105. 






My arguments are these : 

1. In any large find of mediaaval coins the bulk is generally of the 
coinage of the country. If there be any admixture of the coinage of 
other kingdoms, it is also a general rule that the nearer any such king- 
dom is to that in which the treasure is found, the greater will be the 
proportion of the coinage of that kingdom ; and, with regard to time, 
the coins which had been longest in circulation when the hoard was lost 
or hidden, and those which had been most recently minted, will be the 
fewest. Now, of the undoubtedly English coins, found at Cuerdale, the 
proportion of the coins of Alfred to those of Eadweard, about 900 to 50, 
shows that this treasure was deposited very early in the reign of the 
latter, say about A.D. 901. At that time England was divided into three 
kingdoms, Wessex, East Anglia, and Northumberland ; and as this hoard 
was within the limits of the last, 26 not only should the bulk be English, 
but of this again, the bulk should be Northumbrian. So it was, if the 
coins above described belong to Northumberland. Out of the number 
examined by Mr. Hawkins (by some hundreds less than the whole), 
there were; of 

Cnut, Siefred, and ecclesiastical coins . . .3016 
JElfred and Eadweard . . . . . 966 
JEthelred and Ethelstan of East Anglia . . . .27 
Ceolwulf of Mercia, and Earl Sitric .... 4 
Ceolnoth, Ethered, and Plegmund, Archbishops of Can- 
terbury 67 

The money of S. Eadmund 1815 

French coins, including 23 blundered imitations of coins of 

Cnut, Alfred, and EtheUan . . 1047 


If these coins be English, the proportion of English to Trench money 
in this hoard is 6894 to 1047 ; if they be Erench, it is 2878 to 4063. 
Prim a facie, then, the abundance of them in this hoard is sufficient to 
establish a strong probability that they are English ; and, if English, 
Northumbrian ; since they outnumber all the other English coins put 

2. The pennies of Cnut and Siefred weigh from 20 to 23 grains, and 
the halfpennies 9 to 10 grains; and in this respect correspond with the 

26 The authority of the third scribe of MS- A., who wrote whilst Northumberland 
was still a kingdom, seems to me decisive as to the fact, that Lancashire formed part 
thereof. He says that King Eadweard, A.D. 922, built, occupied, and garrisoned a 
burgh at Thelwall on the Merse}', and, whilst he was there, commanded the Mercians 
to take possession of Manchester in Northumberland. 


English money of the time. The deniers of the cotemporary French 
kings average 26 grains. 

3. Two coins appeared in this hoard with -j-ELFRED RE round a 
small cross on the obverse, and CNYT REX, as on No. 1, on the 
reverse. Now the dies of these coins were not engraved by the money - 
ers who executed the coins of Cnut, which they resemble; for the 
workmanship is not so neat, and the inner circle is plain, not beaded as 
it is on all the coins of this class. On the other hand their execution is 
so similar to that of many of Alfred's coins, that there can be little 
doubt that they were minted by his authority and within his dominions ; 
and it is difficult to account for the occurrence of the name and title of 
Alfred on one side, and those of Cnut on the other, otherwise than by 
supposing that they were minted under the joint authority of the two 
kings. Cnut must have had friendly relations with Alfred, as Ethel- 
stan of East Anglia and Guthfrith of Northumberland had. 

4. These coins do not at all resemble those of the cotemporary kings 
of France, but there are two remarkable points of correspondence be- 
tween some of these and tbe coins of Ethelstan of East Anglia, and of 
JElfred. The first is a peculiarity, observable on almost every coin of 
the series, the division of the legend on the obverse or reverse, or on 
both, generally into four groups, so as to give to the type a cruciform 
appearance ; sometimes into three. Precisely the same device appears 
on the coins of Ethelstan and of JElfred, but on no other, English or 
foreign. Again, the obverse type of Nos. 38 to 43 is precisely the same 
as the reverse of some of the Oxford money of ^Elfred, and the obverse 
of a unique halfpenny, unquestionably English, which reads EVE RAT 
on one side and ME FECIT on the other. The Carlovingian monogram, 
on some of the Elraice pennies and halfpennies, and Cunnetti half- 
pennies, appears also on some of the S. Peter money (coined at York), 
and on the rude pennies of Regnald, which I shall presently describe. 

5. About one- fifth of the coins of Cnut, and one-third of those of 
Siefred, bear the name of the mint, Elraice or Ebraece. This can only 
be York, the British name of which was Cair Ebrauc. On the S. Peter 
money, first minted in the 10th century, soon after the time of the de- 
posit of this hoard, it is generally Elorace ; but on one variety, which 
resembles the above-noticed coins of Cnut in presenting the Carlovingian 
monogram, it is Ebraicit ; and we shall have occasion to notice in the 
sequel a coin of Anlaf, in which Elr undoubtedly designates the mint 
of York. 

Slight resemblances in workmanship may be traced between some of 
these coins, and those of cotemporary French kings; but generally they 
are much neater and sharper, and the points of connexion between them 


and the money of our own country are far more numerous and striking. 
Even these resemblances, such as they are, do not afford a valid ground 
for transferring them from our own numismatic series to that of France ; 
for there can be no doubt that French moneyers were employed in Eng- 
land towards the close of the 9th century. I believe that JElfred's 
moneyers Ferlus, Stefanus, and Winigerus, who write their names in 
the Latin form, came from France ; and the S. Eadmund money, indis- 
putably an English currency, appears to have been almost entirely the 
work of French artists. On these coins we have five names, at the 
most, which may be English, JEadret, Edulfm, Edwinus, Oswlf, and 
Wiglaldus, and some of these I suspect are French; two Irish, 
Aolbran and Ouran ; three Danish, Arm ( Are Latinized), Asten, and 
Bascic; but the rest are French names, Ablo, Allonel, Adalbert, 
Adalar, Adalart, Adradus, Allrt, Ansered, Amicar^ Hado, Berincari, 
Beslin, osccm, Dagemond, Deinolt, Ergemond, Erie/red, Erlefran, 
Fredemund, Gislefredo, Gundlert, Haielert, Martmus, Oandbert, Odo, 
Odulbert, Oslert, Parus, Rather, Remigius, Rolertus $* Roidilert, 
Tedredo, Tedwinus, Walter, Wandefred, Widald, Widlold, Wiedulf, 
Wineger, and many others ; and one writes "Wulfoldmifiet" in French, 
for ''me fecit." Under these circumstances, it is not strange that the 
S. Eadmund coins should resemble, as they do, the cotemporary coins of 
France. I regard the idea of this coinage as French, and attribute its 
execution to French artists who accompanied the Danes on their return 
to England in A.D. 892. I believe it was begun in the dominions of the 
martyred king whose name it bears ; and some specimens, which read 
HEMNCX REXE, seem to reveal the name, Heming, of the king who 
conducted the great fleet on that occasion, and who is said in the 
Chronicle, A.D. 894 (893), to have been disabled by his wounds from co- 
operating with Hoesten. But it was imitated by -2Elfred at Canterbury 
and elsewhere, and by the Northumbrians also ; for ERIACECIV, which 
is the legend on the reverse of some specimens, will be recognized at 
once as one of the blundered spellings of Elraice. 

As, then, French moneyers, in considerable number, were at work in 
England, we cannot be surprised that their influence should extend to 
Northumberland, and be the occasion of Siefred's name, on the greater 
part of his coinage, assuming the Latin form. 

Thus the number of the coins of this class found at Cuerdale ; their 
weight ; their types ; the name of the city in which many of them were 
minted ; and the occurrence, on two specimens, of the names of Cnut 
and .ZElfred together ; concur to establish their English Northumbrian 
origin ; and the slight resemblance which may be traced, between some 
of them and the coins of France, is easily accounted for. 


It is obvious that the time, during which they were issued, could 
have little exceeded the last decade of the 9th century. Very few 
indeed of the Cuerdale coins can be referred to an earlier date than A.D. 
890. There were only 24 pennies of JEthelstan of East Anglia, who 
died in that year, but 1815 of the S. Eadmund coins; not one of the 
earliest type of Alfred's money, but 14 of that which followed it, 40 
of the London type, and 832 of his latest (the Canterbury, Oxford, and 
common) types ; of 67 coins of Archbishops of Canterbury, we have one 
each of Ceolnoth and Ethered, and 65 of Plegmund, consecrated A.D. 
891 ; and whilst we have only two coins of Halfdene, and but one of 
these Northumbrian, we have upwards of 3000 of those of Cnut and 
Siefred. These two kings therefore must have been reigning between 
A.D. 890 and 900. 

I must now call attention to the most interesting feature of this series 
of coins, their thoroughly religious I may even say ecclesiastical cha- 
racter. It is evident, either that the kings whose names they bear were 
zealous Christians, although undoubtedly of Danish race; or that the 
Church had great influence during their reigns : and I think that the 
coins which have the legend, DomiNuS DeuS Omnipotens REX 
MIRABILIA FECIT, must have reference to some event, which was 
regarded as an extraordinary interposition of Divine Power. 

Of the identity of Siefred there can be no doubt. He is the Sigeferth 
who appears as the leader of the Northumbrian Danes in 893-4, two 
years before the death of Guthfrith, and who therefore was probably in 
some way or other associated with him. His coins are evidence that 
he reigned for some years. The Irish Annals have told us of a Sitric 
who was his rival in 893, and who perished in 896, the year of Guth- 
frith' s death; and to him I believe we must assign the coin, of which 
two specimens occurred in the Cuerdale hoard, and which presents the 
only instance, before the Norman conquest, of a layman, inferior in rank 
to the king, coining money in his own name. 

Obv : SITRIC COMES ; in two lines. 

Rev: GVNDIBERTVS; in two lines; SCELDEOR between 
them. (H. 56). 

The type of this piece connects the Oxford type of JElfred with those of 
Siefred, 38 to 43 ; the mint is probably Shelford, in Nottinghamshire, 
(Sceldford in Domesday); the moneyer's name, (the English form of 
which, of course, would be Guthberht), is that of one of the foreigners 
who coined the S. Eadmund money. 

Who, then, is Cnut ? He can be no other than Guthfrith. The 
number of his coins, and the variety of their types shew that he 


must have reigned for some years ; he could not therefore have inter- 
vened between Guth frith and Siefred. 

The coins which were issued in his name and Siefred' s, but do not 
give to the latter the title of king, compared with others on which 
Kiefred, using the same dies for an obverse, places his title on the 
reverse, and with others on which the obverse presents his name and 
title as usual, shew that he was associated with Cnut towards the end of 
his reign, and immediately succeeded him. 

We have a right to expect the money of Guthfrith in this hoard, but 
we have it not, unless these coins be his. We have many of Siefred or 
iSigeferth, and many more of a king who was his immediate predecessor, 
but none with the name of Guthfrith, although he reigned for eleven 
years in peace. The Cnut, whose name these coins bear, evidently occu- 
pied Guthfrith's place in history; he was in alliance with ^Elfred as 
Guthfrith was ; and like Guthfrith, he was a zealous Christian. More- 
over, if we endeavour to realize the events of A.D. 884 " Guthred ex 
servo factus est rex, et sedes episcopalis in Cunkecestra restauratur ;" 
the fugitives of Lindisfarne, after eight years' weary wandering, " ante 
faciem barbarorum de loco ad locum," find themselves once more estab- 
lished in community life, under the auspices of a divinely chosen king, 
and their church enriched by him with endowments such as it never had 
before ; we must confess, that to no other events of Northumbrian his- 
tory could the jubilant legend of some of these cour, "Dominus Deus 
Omnipotens rex mirabilia fecit," more fitly apply. 

Under all these circumstances, I cannot hesitate in avowing my con- 
viction, long since formed and matured by years, that Cnut is Guthrith, 
and I have no difficulty in accounting for the difference of name. The 
historical name of Alfred's godson, not only in the English Chronicle, 
but in the treaty which he made with ^Elfred, is Godrum or Guthrum ; 
but the Chronicle informs us, when recording his death, that he had 
received in baptism another name, JEthelstan, and this he adopted on his 
money. So I believe that Guthfrith, known only by this name to the 
Chroniclers, may also have taken the name of Cnut, when he became a 
Christian, and coined money under this name ; and I think that Simeon's 
statement, that he was the son of Hardecnut, may have originated, 
either with him, or before his time, in the misapprehension of a scribe, 
translating, from dictation, some such words as these, " he sima hatte 
Cuut," "he was forthwith named Cnut." 27 He was really a son of Ivar. 

27 Similar mistakes occur elsewhere in Simeon. Under A.D. 749 he says, "Elfwald 
rex Orientalium Anglorum defunctus est, regnumque Hunbeanna et Alberht sibiMivi- 
serunt." The name of the king, as shewn by his coins, was Benna or Beonna, and there 
can be no doubt, as Mr. Thorpe has suggested, that tho reading in the original was 
"after him Beanna and ^thelberht fengon to rice," "after him" (^Ifwold) "Beanna 
and -ZEthelberht succeeded to the kingdom." The pronoun " him " has been joined to 
the name, making Himbeanna, and then a scribe has carelessly written Hunbeanna. 
VOL. vii. i 


When I last wrote on this subject, (July 16, 1842), I supposed 
Cunnetti or Cynnetti"* to be the name of a mint, and suggested its iden* 
tity with the Cuneet of Domesday, now Cound in Shropshire ; but the 
fact that Cunnetti never occurs as a reverse to Siefredus Rex or its vari- 
ations, has changed my views in this respect. Had it been the name 
of a mint, it seems to me that we ought to have found it on some of the 
coins of Siefred ; since we have it on more than 1900 of those of his pre- 
decessor; and besides this, it would have been very strange that the 
quantity of the money issued in Cnut's reign, from an obscure mint, 
should have been four times greater than that from the mint of York. 
Under these circumstances I feel sure that it is the name of some prince 
who was associated with Guthfrith-Cnut in the government, as Rie- 
fred was, and who eithor died before Siefred' s elevation, or was sup- 
planted by him; for it will be observed that this name occurs as a 
reverse to all the types of Cnut, and Siefredus only to one. 

Cunnetti, then, I take to be a personal name, and the occurrence of 
such a name on these coins is a most interesting fact, for it is not Teu- 
tonic, but undoubtedly Celtic. It is a name which occasionally occurs 
in history, under the Welsh forms Cunedag and Cunedda, and the Irish 
Cinneittigh (with many variations) ; 29 and is still a family name, 
Kennedy (O'Kennedy). If Guthfrith was, as we have reason to believe, 
a prince of the dynasty who reigned over the Danes of Dublin, taken 
captive and brought to Northumberland, the occurrence of such a name 
as this upon his coins, indicating the high rank of an Irish prince at his 
court, second only to himself, during the greater part of his reign, is 
easily accounted for. The Irish annals shew that many of the native 
kings and princes were, as suited their convenience, the allies or the 
enemies of the Danish invaders of their country ; 30 the Danes had not a 
keener relish for a fight than they had ; and when a Danish fleet sailed 
to England, their Irish neighbours gladly availed themselves of an op- 
portunity so congenial to them. 

28 On Northumbrian coins V represents U and Y ; thus CVNVVLF is Cynwulf. 
CVNEMVXD Cynemund. 

29 Ceindeittich Cindedid Cindeittigh Cinneidig 

Ceinnedi Cindeidig Cinnedi Cinneitich 

Ceinnedigh. Cindeitig Cinnedid Cheinneittig 

Ceinneittig Cinddttid Cinnedig Cuineda 

Cenueitig Cindeittig Ciuneidid Cuinedha 

Most of those variations are taken from the Annals of the Four Masters. None of 
them can be considered coseval with the coins. 

30 See. for instance, the quotation above, from the Annals of the Four Masters, under 
A.D. 947- Congalach is the ally of Anlaf and of the Danes of Dublin, and shares in 
their defeat; then he turns round upon them, aud plunders Dubliu. 


Two Kennedys figure in these annals, in the latter half of the ninth 
century; and one of these, under circumstances which render the sup- 
position of his identity with our Cunnetti hy no means improbable. 31 

"AD. 860 (863). Destruction of Longpuirt "Rothlaib," (Dunrally, 
Q. Co.) "by Cindeittid mac Gaithin, lord of Laigis," (Leix, Q. Co.) 

"A D. 864 (866). A slaughter was made of the foreigners, by the 
people of the north of Osraige," (Ossory), " and Cinneidig mac Gaithin, 
at Mindroichet," (Monadrehid, Q. Co.) 

"AD. 865 (867). The burning of Duine Amlaib at Cluain Dolcain," 
(Clondalkin), by Mac Gaitene. A victory was gained by Mac Gaithin 
over the foreigners of At Cliat, wherein fell Odolb Micle." 

" A.D. 868 (870). The Leinstermen attacked the fort of Cearbaill, and 
of Mac Gaiten, and many men were slain by them." 

"A.D. 875 (878). The plundering of Ua Ceinsealaig by Cindeidig 
mac Gaeithin, lord of Laoigis." 

Actively engaged in the wars of his time, up to this date, he appears 
no more for twenty-five years, when his death is recorded ; 

" A.D. 898 (903). Cinneidig mac Gaoithin, lord of Laighis and of the 
Comanns, died;" 

but it is possible that he had taken part in the affair, A.D. 886 (889), 
in which 

" Cionaed mac Cennedid, heir apparent of Laoigis, was slain." 

Thus there is time for his presence in Northumberland during the 
greater part of the reign of Cnut, who, in Ireland, was probably engaged 
in conflict with him in 867 ; and when we consider that our Cunnetti 
must have been an Irish prince, the supposition of his identity with 
Cinneidig mac Gaithen, almost the only one of the name who is men- 
tioned iii the annals of his time, does not seem very improbable. The 
battle in which his son was slain might be the occasion of his leaving 

I think I can trace the history of our Cunnetti still farther, and still 
within the absence of Cinneidig's name, from the annals of his country. 
Let us turn to the history of France for an account of the "feeless" 
band, who went from Northumberland to the Seine in 896. The Chro- 
nicle of S. Vedast's monastery, at Arras, says, 

"A.D. 896. The Normans with their leader, Hunedeusby name, again 
entered the tfeine with five barks, and whilst the King is occupied with 
other affairs, he occasions great evil to increase for himself and his king- 
dom." " The Normans being now multiplied, entering the Uise a lew 

81 The other is Cindeitig raac Cinaed, lord of Ui Briuin, slain in 892. 


days before the Nativity of our Lord, fortify for themselves a settlement 
at Choisy, no one resisting." 

" A D. 897. Afterwards they went out to plunder as far as the Maas, 
no one resisting them; but, as they returrned from plundering, the 
King's army met them, yet gained no advantage. The Normans, how- 
ever, betook themselves to their ships, and returned to the Seine, fearing 
the multitude of the army, lest they should be besieged ; and, abiding 
there the whole summer, made predatory excursions, no one resisting 
them. But Charles received Hunedeus who had been brought to him, 
from the sacred font in the monastery of Cluninium." "The Normans 
in great force ravage all the rest of the kingdom with fire and sword, 
wherefore the King sent to them wishing to redeem the kingdom, and, 
a treaty being made, they go to the Loire to winter." 

This Chronicle ends in A.D. 900, and is therefore a strictly cotempo- 
rary ard trustworthy authority for these events. 

Here, then, at the very time when Cunnetti disappears from the 
Northumbrian coinage, to be replaced by Siefred, and the sons of Guth- 
frith-Cnut fly for safety to France, Hunedeus appears on the Seine, the 
leader of the band which fled from Northumberland, with a small fleet 
of but five ships. It can scarcely be said that the names are different 
(the aspirate merely replacing the guttural), and it seems to me exceed- 
ingly probable that Cunnetti and Hunedeus are one and the same per- 
son, notwithstanding the fact that this Hunedeus submitted to be 
baptized. The Northmen of those days had no objection to the repeti- 
tion of baptism, provided that each repetition were accompanied with 
suitable gifts, and a chieftain, such as Cinneidig mac Gaithin was in his 
native land, and as this Hunedeus was in France, would scarcely be 
more scrupulous than they, whose mode of life he had adopted. This 
is the only difficulty ; and, whatever may be thought of it, the probabi- 
lity that this Hunedeus is our Cunnetti, (resting on the fact, that he 
appears as the leader of a forlorn squadron from Northumberland imme- 
diately after the disappearance of our Cunnetti, the death of his lord 
and friend Guthfrith Cnut, the usurpation of Siefred, and the flight of 
Guthfrith's family to France), is entirely distinct from the probability 
that our Cunnetti is Cinneidig mac Gaithin, (suggested by the circum- 
stances that Cinneidig and Guthfrith must have been cotemporaries in 
Ireland, and at one time probably in conflict with one another, that 
Cinneidig' s name, not once mentioned during the previous ten years, 
disappears from the Irish annals after the disastrous affair in which his 
son was slain, A.D. 889, until the year in which his death is recorded, 
A.D. 903, and that an Irish prince of the same name appears at this time, 
A.D. 890 to 896, associated with Guthfrith-Cnut in Northumberland). 

Besides the coins described above, of Northumbrian mintage, the 


Cuerdale hoard contained some barbarous imitations, with the name of 
the mint of Quantawic (now Etaples) on the reverse. 

a. -fCIRTENA ; a Calvary cross. 

-fQVENTOVICI ; a cross. (H. 136). 4 specimens. 
I. -j-CIRTENA ; a small cross with a crenate line issuing from each 
limb, a pellet in each angle. 

-f QVIEITOVICI ; same type. (H. 137). 6 specimens. 

c. C+IRTENA ; a cross with a pellet in each angle. 
-j-QIVEIITOVICI ; same type. (H. 138). 8 specimens. 

d. 4-ITOEIINC; across. 

-f-QVIIITOVCI ; same type. (H. 139). 1 specimen. 

Besides four others, differing in the blundering of the obverse legend. 
There were also two others, which must be mentioned in connexion 
with these. 

AELRF -REX ; front of a temple. 

-f QVENTOVVICI ; a cross with a pellet in each angle. 

EDENAT REX ; same type. 

-f QVVENTOVVCI ; same type. 

I have engraved both these in my memoir on the coins of JElfred ; 
they are of great importance, inasmuch as they make known to us the 
existence of types of Alfred, and of ^Ethelstan 32 of East Anglia (iden- 
tical with those of Oswald and of _2Ethelred), of which they are blun- 
dered imitations, and of which English specimens have not yet been 
discovered. So also, whilst c and d, above, are blundered copies of the 
coins of Cnut, Nos. 4 and 5, a and b are copies of other types, earlier 
than any of those found at Cuerdale. It is evident that the North- 
men, either that force which was engaged with Alfred in A D. 884, 
off the East Anglian coasts, or some other, later, carried English 
money with them to Erance, and during the winter of A.D. 890-1, when 
they occupied the neighbourhood of Quantavic, caused these barbarous 
imitations to be minted there. They are certainly imitations of Eng- 
lish, not of French coins, for on all the French coins of the temple type, 
the temple is on the reverse. It is never on the obverse, accompanying 
the king's name and title as on these coins, and on those of Oswald and 

I do not think that the coins of Cnut and Siefred with the reverses 
Dns Ds Rex, and Mir alilia fecit are (as I once supposed), the result of 

32 Not one of the English coins of JEthelstan presents the name correctly. We 
EDIAELMA. but not EDELSTAN. Here it is EDETAN (the latter half reversed, 
as on the coins of Halfdene and of Siefred, noticed above). On a London penny of 
Alfred we have AELEFED. 


a confusion of dies, for I observe that all the coins, on which we hare 
Dm Ds Rex combined with Mirabilia fecit, have the obverse legend 
in two lines, and the is never omitted, however blundered they may 
be ; whereas on these Dns Ds Rex is always written round a cross, and 
the never appears. It seems, too, that the coins with this legend in 
two lines, are earlier than the others, and therefore that the coin which 
I formerly assigned to jEthelwald (when I regarded Cnut as Sief red's 
successor), must be earlier than the reign of Cnut. 

-f-ALVVALDV ; a cross with a pellet in two opposite quarters. 
DNS DS REX; in two lines. (PI. IV. 24.) 

Here, then, most probably, we have the name of the king, whose 
reign intervened between Halfdene' sand Guthfrith's. This coin has not 
the neatness and sharpness which distinguish the coins of Cnut, but 
more resembles, in execution, those of Oswald and ^Ithelred, and that 
on which the names of JElfred and Cnut occur together. 

In taking leave of these coins, I may remark, that some of their types 
were copied, in the 10th century, by the Dukes of Normandy. A 
denier of Richard I. or IT. exhibits on its reverse the cross on steps of 
Siefred ; and a cotemporary, apparently ecclesiastical, coin of Rouen, 
the cross with one limb crossed of Cnut. 

JEthelwald, Osbrith, and Eowisl do not appear to have coined money 
in their own names, but during their time a series of coins were issued 
from the ecclesiastical mint of York, of which the idea was probably 
suggested by the S. Eadmund money. The general description is 

SCI PETRI MO ; in two lines. 

-f-EBORACE CIV; a small cross. (Ending, PI. XII, 6 to 13). 

The time of their mintage is certain, for a number of them were 
found in the year 1611, at Harkirk, in the parish of Sefton, in Lan- 
cashire, along with others of the latest and Oxford type of Alfred, of 
Eadweard, of the S. Eadmund money, and of Cnut. The coin in 
Ruding, PL xxx. 3, with Ebraicit and the monogram KRLS on the 
reverse, is a connecting link between these, and the coins above de- 
scribed. I have seen a coin of this class, on which S. Peter's emblem, a 
key, is introduced as an accessory ornament on the obverse, and another 
(I think in the York Museum), on which a large key, between the two 
lines of the legend, forms a distinct type. 

The following coins I assign to Regnald : (Plate V.) 

1 & 2. -j-RAUENALT ; a face in profile turned to the right or left. 
+EARIC FCT; the monogram ERLS. 


R A 6 N LT . 


3. -fRACNOLT; a hand. 

-f RXEACIOIT ; same type. 

4. Same legend and type. 

-f EIOIACII ; a different monogram. 

5. +ICA(MTI; same type. 
+EIARIC FCT; the monogram ERLS. 

6. 4-RANOCLT; same type. 
-j-EIOACECA ; same type. 

7. -j-RACNOLT; same type. 
-fEIORAdl; same type. 

8. -f-RACNTII; same type. 
+EIORACII ; same type. 

9. -j-RACNOLT; same type. 
Same legend and type. 

10. -I-RACNOLT; a Tau. 

-j-RABIOCIT ; a bow and arrow. 

Of these ten coins, two read Rahenalt, five Racnolt, one Ranoclt, one 
Hacntii, on the obverse ; and, although the title Rex does not appear, it 
is not the name of a moneyer, for the moneyer's name, Earic or Eiaric t 
with fecit, appears on 1, 2, and 5, and in a blundered form on 3. It 
can only be the name of the prince by whose authority they were 

The reverse legend of 4, 6, 7, 8, and 9 is intended for Eborace. 
Nearly all have the monogram which we have already noticed on the 
coins of Cnut. 

As a connecting link between these and the following, I must notice 
hpre a coin figured in Mr. Lindsay's " Yiew of the Coinage of the 
Heptarchy," (PL 2, 52). 

4-EIOIAIE AIE ; a sword. 
-fEIOldAClA; a Tau. 

The legend, retrograde, on both obverse and reverse, is intended for 
Elorace civ. 

The following belong to Sihtric : (Plate VI.) 

1. [+S]ITR[I]C RE ; in two lines, a sword between them. 
: ARE MON ; a Tau between two crescents. 

Although this coin is broken, there can be no doubt of the reading. 

2. Similar type ; legend, intended for SITRIC RE, blundered. 
Thor's hammer, between two billets ; legend intended for INGEL- 


3. LVDO SITRC ; similar type ; Thor's hammer introduced as an ac- 

cessory ornament. 

-j-ERIC MOTI; a cross with crescents and pellets in alternate 


The word Ludo, on the obverse of this coin, indicates, I think, the 
mint, Leeds; the arrangement is similar to that of ^Elfred's coins, 
JElfred Ohnaforda. 

The moneyer Are was employed by JEthelstan and Eadmund ; Eric 
is the same as Earic and Eiaric, on the coins of Regnald. 

After the death of Sihtric, a second series of the S. Peter money seems 
to have been issued from the mint of York, of which the general de- 
scription is, 

SCI PETRI MO in two lines; a sword between them; Thor's 

hammer introduced as an accessory ornament. 
+ EBORACE CIV; a cross with a pellet in each quarter. (Ru- 

ding, PI. XII., 1 to 4). 

There are also blundered coins with the same obverse, and on the 
reverse Thor's hammer, with the legends +ERIVIITCI, -f ERIVIITN, 
-fERIVITN, -fERIVIOI, &c. (Ruding, PI. XII., 5); and others with 
a Tau and -f IOBEYRIT, -f-LBIOEVITR, &c. It is impossible to 
make Elorace out of these legends. 

In connection with these, also, I must mention the exceedingly rare 
coins of Lincoln : 

SCI MARTI, in two lines ; a sword between them ; below them, a 

+LINCOIA CIYIT ; a peculiar cross, of a form frequently found 
on the Runic monuments of Scandinavia, and also in the inscrip- 
tion over the door of Kirkdale Church, in Yorkshire (in which 
Hawarth, a Dane, records the rebuilding of the church under the 
auspices of Orm Gamalsuna, also a Dane), but nowhere else. 

Lincoln at this time was a Danish burgh, and I believe that all these 
coins were minted under Danish influence, at a time when the succes- 
sion of the Kings was interrupted. 

JEthelstan himself coined money at York ; some of it with a church 
on the reverse, and the legend EBORACAC REGNALD MON ; but he 
did not adopt the Northumbrian types. 

The evidence of the coins now to be described is decisive as to the 
fact that an Eric reigned in Northumberland before Olaf, for the sup- 
position (on which alone they could be assigned to Eric, son of Harold 
Blatand), that the sword type was abandoned under the reign of Olaf, 
and then resumed, appears to me exceedingly improbable. I believe 
it commenced with Sihtric, and was continued by his subjects after 
his death, and then by Eric I., the sou of Barith, who was slain at 

We have two distinct types bearing this name. 

I. Obv. The King's name and title in two lines, a sword between 

Rev. The moneyer's name round a small cross. 

Of these I have engraved the following varieties (PL VI.) : 





5. 4-ING.2ELGAR 

At is the only mint. 

Of his moneyers, Ingelgar and Radulf were employed by his 
successors, and the former by Eadmund and Eadred ; Leofic by 

II. Olv. The King's name and title round a small cross. 
Rev. The moneyer's name in two lines. 

Of these I give the following (PL VI.) : 




10. NO M 



On these we have the initials of six mints, in which two moneyers, 
Ingelgar and Radulf, were employed. I think there can be no doubt 
that the same two worked in all, accompanying the King in his progress. 
The former class I assign confidently to Eric 1., the son of Barith ; and 
the latter I assign to Eric II., the son of Harald Haarfager, rather than 
to Eric III., the son of Harald Blatand. 

Simeon of Durham tells us that Olaf, the son of Guthfrith II., 
perished immediately after the devastation of Tiningham. In the 
course of the destruction of the parish church of Leeds, many fragments 
of memorial crosses were discovered, of ante-Norman times, but ap- 
parently of later and coarser work than those at Ruth well, Bewcastle, 

33 This coin has been added to the British Museum collection since my plates were 



Collingham, Ilkley, &c.; and on one of these was part of an inscription 
in Runes. 


Although Leeds is very distant from Tiningham, it is possible that 
this cross may be a memorial of this Olaf ; but as he does not appear to 
have ever reigned in Northumberland, and was probably engaged in 
piracy, from the time of his leaving Dublin to that of his death, I think 
it more likely that this is part of an inscription, which recorded the 
erection of this monument, to the memory of some friend, by the son of 
Sihtric, the only Olaf who ever reigned in Northumberland, and the 
only one who embraced Christianity, to whom I assign the whole series 
of the coins which bear this name. (PI. VII.) 

1. -f-ANLAF EEX EBR; a small cross. 
INGELGAR; a flower. 

2. -fANLAF REX TOD; same type. 
RADVLF ; same type. 

[2#.-{-Ruding has figured another of these with the moneyer 
"WADTEH. The type is one which was used by JEthelstan 
and Eadmund.] 

3. -j-ONLOF REX I ; a small cross. 
B ACIALER ; in two lines. 

4. +ONLAF REX; same type. 
INGELGAR MO; same type. 

5. +ONLAF REX T ; same type. 
-j-FARMON HONE ; a small cross. 

\_5a. A. coin of this moneyer in the British Museum has -{-ONLAF 
REX S on the obverse.] 

6. -|- ONLAF REX ; same type. 
-f INGELGAR 0; same type. 

7. +ANLAF CVNViSO; same type. 
-fSICARES MOT ; same type, M in the field. 

8. +ANLAF CVNVNC F ; same type. 
-j-RADVLF MONETR; same type. 

9. -j-ANLAF CVNVNC; a cross moline. 

Same legend and type. 
10. Same legend ; a dove. 


All the coins of this type appear to have been struck by the same 

It. Same legend ; a triquetra. 

-f-FARMAN MONET A; a standard. 

| 110. A variety, in the British Museum, reads -f-FANL AN MON- 

34 I think that the U should he Y, and that Mr. Chantrell in his drawing of the 
stor.e lias overlooked the distinctive mark of the latter. I have called his attention to 
this point, but have not been favoured with a reply to my letters. 




12. -f ANLAF CVNVNC M ; same type. 
+ASCOLV MONETRA; same type. 

He appears to have coined in six mints. Of his eight moneyers 
Ascolv, Athelferd, JBacialer, Farmon (of whose name I regard Fanlan as 
a blundered variety), Ingelgar, Radulf, Sicar, and Wadter, the second 
was employed by JSthelstan ; the third, fourth, and seventh by Ead- 
mund ; and the first by Eadwig ; the fifth and sixth have been noticed 

The coins with the title Cununc I refer to Olaf's second reign 
in Northumberland, and the following to the same time : 

-j-SITRIC CVNVNCA; a triquetra. 
+ASCOLV MONETRA; a standard. 
-f-KEGNALD CVNVNC ; a cross moline. 
+AVRA MONET REL; a small cross. 
-j-REG(NALD) CVNVNC; a triquetra. 
H-B(ALDUI)C MOTRAL; a standard. 

Sitric, I believe, was Olaf's brother. He is mentioned in the Irish 
Annals, as having been taken as a hostage by Muircertach mac Neill, in 
941; and the death of Muircertach by the hands of Elacaire, King 
of the Danes of Dublin, in 943, would of course set him at liberty. 
Their brother Guthferth succeeded Blacaire in 948, and reigned in 
Dublin during Olaf's absence in Northumberland. 

Regnald must be the son of Olaf, whose fall in the battle of Tara, in 
980, seems to have been the occasion of his father's retiring to lona. 

I have deferred the examination of the types of these coins, until I 
could speak of them together. They are very interesting, and illustrate 
remarkably the history of these Northumbrian kings. 

1. The hammer of Thor. There can be no doubt that this is tho 
object intended by the device on two of the coins of Sihtric, and on the 
later types of the S. Peter money. Little hammers of this form seem to 
have been worn as amulets; there are three or four in the Old 
Northern Museum at Copenhagen, one attached to a ring, all intended 
to be so ; and one was found with the Cuerdale coins. This hammer, 
celebrated under the name of Miolner, was one of the three masterpieces 
of the Dwarfs Brokkur and Sindri. Its virtues were said to have been 
such, that Thor might strike whatever he pleased, and as vigorously ag 
he pleased, without danger of injuring it : he might throw it to what- 
ever distance he pleased, and it would always come back to his hand ; 
and he could make it so small, at will, that it would easily go into his 
pocket. It had only one defect ; its handle was very short ; and this 
feature seems to have been attended to in the representations on these 


Now Thor was the chief god of the old Teutonic race. His name 
stands first in the Saxon renunciation, " EC forsacho Thunaer ende 
Woden ende Saxnote." Adam of Bremen tells us that his image occu- 
pied the place of honour between those of Wodan and Ericco, in the 
great temple at Upsala, because he was the mightiest of the three ; 
and the story, which Simeon tells, of Onlaf "the hold," swearing 
enmity to the clergy of the church of S. Cuthbert, by his gods " Thor 
and Othan," shews that he stood first in the estimation of the Danish 
rulers of Northumberland. So this dynasty, the race of Ivar, whose 
seat of empire was alternately Dublin and York ; who quitted Dublin 
when the Northumbrians invited them, and resumed their authority in 
Dublin when they were compelled to abandon Northumberland, are 
called, in verses quoted by the Tour Masters, A.D. 942 (944), muintir 
Thomair, i.e. the "people," or "race," or "descendants of Thoraair," 
and they cherished, as their greatest treasure, the " ring of Tomair," or 
Thor. 85 

This was doubtless the very same "holy ring," on which they 
swore to keep their treaty with JElfred, when they were in England in 
876 ; for we read in the Eyrbiggia Saga, that, when Thorolf went to 
Iceland, in A.D. 883, (carrying with him, from the isle of Mostur, the 
framework and the columns of the temple of Thor,) and there rebuilt the 
temple, this temple contained an altar on which a silver ring was laid, 
two ounces in weight, to be worn by the priest in every public assembly, 
and to be used, after having been dipped in the blood of sacrifices, in the 
administration of solemn oaths. 36 This holy ring of Thor, therefore, was 
one of the instruments of his worship, and would be kept in the same 
way in all his temples, and so also in their own temple by the sons of 

These facts sufficiently explain the presence of Thor's chief symbol, 
the hammer, on the coins of Sihtric, and on those which, although they 
bear the name of S. Peter, were doubtless coined under Danish influence 

15 Dr. O'Donovan confounds this name, Thomair, with that of Tomrair, the Earl, 
tanist of the King of Lochlann, who was slain in b48 ; and supposes that the Kings 
of Dublin, who were certainly descended from lomair or Ivar, were also descended 
from Tomrair. But Tomrair aad Thomair are certainly distinct names. The former 
is the Irish orthography of the common Scandinavian name Thorer, and Thomair is 
the Irish form of Thor. The original name of the god was Thunaer, contracted in 
the Norse dialects to Thor, just as Anlaf is contracted to Olaf, hy the absorption of n; 
and Thunaer, Thor, Thomair, is exactly parallel to Anlaf, Olaf, Amlaib, and Inwa3r, 
Ivar, lomair. 

88 Arngrim lonas tells us the same thing, Rerum Islandicarum^ L, 7. " In ara 
prseterca annulus asservabatur argenteus, vel ex orichalco, unciorum XX, quern 
i'orensi aliquo munere fungentes, jusjurandum jam prasstituri, victimarum illinitum 
cruore religiose inter jurandum contrectabant." 


after his death ; and they suggest the explanation of another type, that 
of the coins of Eagnolt ; 

2. The glove, also a symbol of Thor. His iron gloves, also the gift 
of the Dwarfs, are often mentioned in the mythology of the North. He 
handled them whenever he grasped his lightning-flashing hammer. 

3. The tau. From the way in which it is interchanged with the 
hammer on some of S. Peter money, and takes its place on the S. 
Martin coins, I regard it as a modification of the same symbol. 

4. The low and arrow. I cannot explain this otherwise than by 
supposing it to be the symbol of the hunting god ; the archer, Tiller ; 
the son of Thor's wife Sif, by a former husband. 

5. The sword. This has generally been thought to be a symbol of 
S. Peter, but it is to be observed that it occurs also on the coins of S. 
Martin, where the same explanation will not hold good. We see it first 
on a blundered coin resembling those of Ragnolt, then on the coins of 
Sihtric, then on those of S. Peter and S. Martin, and lastly on the first 
type of Eric. The Annals of the Tour Masters furnish the clue to the 
true explanation of this interesting device, and at the same time of the 
monogram, KRLS, which first appears on the coins of Sicfred, then on 
some of the S. Peter money, and lastly on the coins of Ragnolt. 

" A.D. 994 (995). The Ring of Tomair, and the Sword of Charlus, 
were carried away by force, by Mhaoilsechlainn, from the foreigners of 
At Cliat." 

" A.D. 1029. Amlaoibh mac Sitrioce, lord of the foreigners, was taken 
prisoner by Matgomain ua Riagain, lord of Breg, who exacted 1200 
cows as his ransom, together with 140 British horses, and 60 ounces of 
gold, and the Sword of Carlus, and the Irish hostages, both of Leinster 
and Let Cuind, and 60 ounces of white silver as his fetter ounce, and 80 
cows for word and supplication, and four hostages to Riagain as a se- 
curity for peace, and the full value of the life of the third hostage." 

" A.D. 1058. Gallbrat ua Cerbaill, royal heir of Temrach, was slain 
by Concobar ua Maoileachlainn, by treachery. The Sword of Carlos, 
and many other precious things were obtained for him by Mac 
Maol na mbo, for he was the security for him." 

This " sword of Carlus" was evidently an heir-loom in the family of 
the Danish kings of Dublin, and, after the Ring of Tomair, their most 
cherished treasure ; and the Latin termination of the name shews that 
it came originally from a king of Prance. There is recorded, it is true, 
in the Annals of the Pour Masters, A.D. 866 (868), the fall of " Carlus, 
the son of Amlaib, i e. the son of the lord of the foreigners," in the 
battle of Killaderry (near Dublin) ; but here again the Latin form of his 
name indicates a connexion with a king of Prance, and indeed that this 
young prince had been baptized in Prance, and received in baptism the 


name of the King, Charles the Bald. We have therefore to seek for an 
occasion in the history of France and of the family of Ragnar, to which 
these princes belonged, an occasion, such as is more than once recorded 
in that history and our own, when Charles the Bald made peace with 
this family, persuaded some of them to embrace Christianity, and 
bestowed upon them costly gifts. The occasion presents itself at once. 
Prudentius of Troyes says 

" A.D. 845. 120 ships of the Northmen penetrate to Paris, by the 
Seine, in the month of March, without any resistance, laying waste 
every thing on every side, and when Charles purposed to meet them, 
but found that his people could offer no effectual opposition, he pre- 
vented them from advancing, and persuaded them to depart, by certain 
covenants, and a gift of 7000 pounds." 

The Chronicle of Fontanelle informs us who their leader was 

" A.D 845. Tnd. VIII. Ragneri, a leader of the Northmen, came 
with his fleet, and advanced to Paris, and entered the same city on 
the Vigil of Easter, that is the 28th March." 

Nothing is said of the nature of the covenants, but we know that the 
Christians on these occasions always endeavoured to persuade the Pagans 
to embrace Christianity, and that the Pagans were usually nothing loth 
to receive baptism for the sake of the substantial favours which accom- 
panied it. The day, moreover, on which the Northmen entered Paris 
was the great day of baptism, throughout Christendom. This expedi- 
tion to France must have been the sequel to the invasion of Flanders, 
mentioned in the Lodbrokar Quida. It was followed, according to that 
document, by others to England, Scotland, the Orkneys, England again, 
the Hebrides, and then Ireland ; and the last appears to be noticed in 
the Annals of the Four Masters and of Ulster : 

"A.D. 847 or 848 (849). A fleet of 140 ships, of the people of 
the king of the foreigners, came to contend with the foreigners that 
were in Ireland before them, so that they disturbed Ireland between 

This attack was renewed two years later. 

A.D. 849 or 850 (851). "The Dubgoill," (Black foreigners or 
Danes), "arrived in At Cliat, and made a great slaughter of the Fionn- 
goill," (White foreigners or Norwegians), " and plundered the fortress, 
both people and property. Another depredation by the Dubgoill upon 
the Fionugoill at Linn Duachaill, and they made a great slaughter of 


The Norwegians made an ineffectual attempt to recover their lost 

"A.D. 850 or 851 (852). A fleet of 160 ships of the Fionngoill 
arrived at Snam Eidneach," (Carlingford Lough), "to give battle to 
the Dubgoill, and they fought with each other three days and three 
nights, and the Dubgoill gained the victory; the Fionngoill left their 
ships to them." 

In the following year Olaf arrived, and probably Ivar with him, and 
from this time forward the posterity of Ragnar were kings of the 
Danes of Dublin. 

All these circumstances considered, it seems to me extremely pro- 
bable, that the Sword of Carlus was originally given by Charles the 
Bald to one of these chieftains, and his name conferred on the son of 
Olaf, on the occasion of Kagnar' s visit to Paris in A.D. 845; and that 
the sword became an heir-loom in the family of Ivar. Thus the head 
of the family, in Dublin or in York, would be its possessor, and the 
possession of it would be the symbol of sovereignty; and when we 
observe that the monogram KRLS ceases on the Northumbrian coins, 
when the sword takes its place, it will appear more probable that the 
monogram was copied from this sword, than from the Trench coins of 
the time ; that it was in fact the symbol of the sword on which it was 
engraved. We have the monogram on the coins of Guthfrith-Cnut and 
Ragnald, and the sword on those of Sihtric I. and Eric I., and all these 
were of the family of Ivar. 

6. The bird. Its curved beak would seem to mark it as an eagle or 
hawk ; but, this notwithstanding, I take it to be a dove, the symbol of 
the Holy Spirit, a type afterwards adopted as the reverse of the coins of 
^Slthelred II., which have on their obverse the " Agnus Dei." It has 
been thought to be a raven, and connected with the famous standard of 
the sons of Ragnar, taken from them in the battle of Cynwith. 

7. The triquetra. Whatever was the meaning of this device, it was 
one of old standing on the coins of Northumberland. It accompanies 
the dog on the sceattas of Eadberht, Alchred, ./Elfwald, and the stycas 
of .ZEthelred I. (of the moneyer Leofdegn). It was also a favourite de- 
vice on later coins of Danish kings. 

8. 2 he standard. On these coins of Olaf, Sitric, and Ragnald, it is 
distinctly marked with a cross ; and Olaf, we know, was a Christian. 
In one of the plates (copied from a Yisigothic MS.), in Shaw's 
" Dresses and Decorations," a warrior appears holding a standard of 
this precise form. On a coin of Cnut the Great (moneyer BRIHTRED 
ON LYNden), in the Royal Cabinet at Copenhagen, the King appears 


holding a standard such as this, marked with parallel bars, instead of a 
sceptre ; and I think that sceptres were sometimes made of this form ; 

for amongst the treasure of silver orna- 
ments, found at Cuerdale, there was a 
piece of silver which must have formed 
part of such a sceptre. The fringe of 
this is more elaborate than could be re- 
presented on these coins, consisting of corded loops crossing each other, 
and supporting sheep's heads for tassels. 


The coins enumerated and described by Lindsay, Rashleigh, and 
Pollexfen, have been most serviceable in preparing the following 
remarks. Some previous observations by the writer are repeated for 
clearness' sake. 

No coins have occurred for the official or palatine earls of North- 
umberland or the owners of franchises comprised within, their earldom 
previous to the conquest. 

The scarcity of metal may have been one reason for a hiatus in the 
Bernician coinage generally. In the reign of Henry I. matters improved. 
In the celebrated pipe-roll of his 31st year, really from Sep. 1129 to 
Sept. 1130, the Burgesses of Carlisle accounted for 100s. the ancient 
farm of the Silver Mine. They had paid it into the Treasury and were 
acquitted. William and Hildret accounted for 40/., the rent of the 
Silver Mine for the current year. A wonderful increase of value, not 
overrated, for Hildret was sheriff. In 1133, Eobert de Monte chro- 
nicles that "veins of silver ore were discovered at Carlisle and the 
miners, who dug for it in the bowels of the earth, paid SOoPyearly to 
King Henry." The King died two years afterwards, in Dec. 1135. 
And the numismatic evidence is that the only Northumbrian coin (ex- 
cluding Durham) which can with safety be attributed to Henry I. is of 
the coinage which the Watford find proved to be his last, Hawkins's No. 
262, according to the Murchison Catalogue, but, if that number be 
scrupulously engraved and the catalogue be correct in its description, 
rather Ruding, Supp. pt. ii, pi. ii, fig. 7., or, more strictly, Rashleigh, 
No. 1 or 2. The coin was formerly in the Martin collection, and reads 

At the very outset of Stephen's reign, at the commencement of the 
year 1136, the honor or earldom of Carlisle was given to Henry, son of 
David I. of Scotland. The first coinage of Stephen is fixed by the 
Watford find. In that find were coins of the type in question (Haw- 
kins 270) struck with the name of Stephen by ERE . . L . (0)N 
CA(R)D i 37 " There are (says Mr. Rashleigh in Num. Chron. XII.) 

' Rud. I. 16, seems to be the same coin (W)IL(EAL)ME ON CA(R)D : 


of the Cardiff? [Mr. R. now admits tbat this should be read Carlisle] 
mint two coins which, in the workmanship both of the head and 
legend, are very different from every other coin in the collection. 
Their peculiarities, as they extremely rare, have been hitherto un- 
noticed. The letters are of the character of those on the early Saxon 
coins, having no serifs, and the portrait considerably more rude than 
usual." The figure (No. 10 on Mr. R.'s plate) of Wilealme's coin gives 
unmistakably the general character of David I.'s head and crown. 
The lettering of the reverse shows a dot in the centre of in ON, a 
peculiarity which we shall presently meet with again. 

In the first of these names we seem to have Erkembald the father of 
the well known William Fitz Erkembald of the Tealby type ; and the 
coins, though bearing Stephen's name, must surely be Prince Henry's. 
In 1139, after a hard fight for it, he obtained the Earldom of Northum- 
berland, and, with it, doubtless, a vast increase of silver. We find, on 
Bp. Pudsey's elevation to the same earldom, that the Silver Mine, though 
called that of Carlisle, was in fact partly in Cumberland and partly in 
Northumberland, that, in plain words, it was contained in the lead of 
the frontier manor of Alston Moor, and that the Northumberland share 
was by far the richest. We need feel no surprise if the coinage followed 
the supply of bullion ; and we gain some clue to the chronology of 
Stephen's types in observing that Henry's first Northumbrian coinage 
is of the same pattern as that at Carlisle. He chose the demesne manor 
of his new earldom which was nearest to the mine a place full of old 
remembrances where King John was to search for hid treasure a 
decayed Roman station an ancient borough Corbridge. The modern 
name links its history with Corstopitum, the Roman station which it 
unquestionably represents. Yet there is ample proof that, for euphony's 
sake, the r was I when it had a coinage. Thus we have the expression 
"Colebrigia civitate," temp. Stephen, 38 and the L is retained in the 
pipe-rolls down to Edward I.'s days. 

Amongst the earlier ones, those of 1 169 and 1 1 75 read Colebrige. In 
the Bute find, ably described by the Rev. J. H. Pollexfen in Num. Chron., 
N.S., v., were two most interesting coins. One, reading (ST)IEFHE 
REX (E)R(CEMBA)LD : ON CARD . The other HENRIC VS : . 
ERCBOLD.O(N) COLEB : M It is impossible to doubt that the latter 
coin was struck at Corbridge, and it is satisfactory to find that the O has 
a dot in its centre like Wilealme's Carlisle money. It will be observed 
that the style has changed, and I am not sure whether Prince Henry 
did not even strike at Corbridge with the name of David his father. At 
least, a coin of the same first type of Stephen in the Bute find, Pollex- 

fen's fig. 8, seems to read DAVID . R [ER?~]C130LD . ON C 

with something like a monogram near the end of the name of the lo- 
cality. Mr. P. gives several other coins of David of that English type, 
the legends on the reverse being illegible, one suggests Durant or Erkem- 
bald . RIN . : a ... ON :. The letter here treated as a reversed D is 

38 Vita Oswini, 

39 The excellent plate gave the clue. That given, a squeeze adds an extra detail 
or two. I thank Mr. McCullock, the curator of the Edinburgh Museum, for the 



in the form of a rude 6, but is hardly a G. The concluding B of the 
money er' s name in the preceding coin resembles it, but the twist is 
thrown the contrary way. 

The treaty of Durham, 1139, by which Prince Henry secured North- 
umberland, provided "that no interference should be attempted with 
the rights of the Bishop of Durham within the territory of St. Cuthbert, 
or of the Archbishop of York in Hexbamshire." Accordingly we have 
no coins of Henry struck at any of their places. "In the grant of 
the earldom, as recorded by Richard of Hexham an exception is made 
of the towns of Bamburgh and Newcastle, in lieu of which towns of 
equal value had to be assigned to Henry in the south of England. It 
is uncertain whether this stipulation was ever carried into effect as 
regarded the cession of towns in the south, nor do we know how 
long Bamburgh and Newcastle were retained by King Stephen. That 
they were at a later period enjoyed by the Scotch prince with the 
rest of the earldom is abundantly proved, although we have no direct 
evidence of the fact of an earlier date than A.D. 1 147. John of Hexham, 
who wrote somewhat later than Richard, is silent as to the exclusion of 
the towns of Newcastle and Bamburgh from the grant. It may be 
doubted indeed whether the object of the treaty was not carried out in 
a different form, by allowing Henry to enjoy those towns with the re- 
mainder of the earldom, the fortifications having first been destroyed." 
So writes Mr. Hinde, and his evidences and reasons may be seen in the 
History of Northumberland, p. 216. As far as the coins go, they would 
support the conclusion that there was some lapse of time before the two 
towns were surrendered, the coins of Prince Henry which were not 
struck at Corbridge being of an entirely different type to the Corbridge 
and piece by a different moneyer. 

They constitute the bulk of his money, and read, with little variation 

beyond occasional transpositions, : -j-N' : EN : CON (-WILEL : 

M : ONCI : B. The head on the obverse resembles that of David, though 
it is better finished than his. The reverse has a large cross crosslet 
between four crosses patee, which are connected by loops or crescents to 
the inner circle. Altogether they are well struck and handsome coins, 
very different in design and workmanship to any of the period. Mr. 
Lindsay engraves several, and among them one reading -j-STIFENE 
RE + : WILEL : M : ON : ON(?)CI. Beyond proving that when it 
was struck Henry and Stephen were at peace, this coin probably has no 
actual connection with the latter. It is evidently the work of Henry's 
moneyer, and it is not to be supposed that Stephen, before his cession 
of Newcastle and Bamburgh to the owner of the rest of the earldom, 
would have a type in Northumberland different from that of any of his 
other mints. Some may regard it as struck in Stephen's last year, 
when Henry was dead and his younger son "William, who was invested 
with Northumberland, was a minor. Nearly the whole of Prince 
Henry's coins occurred, I believe, in one find near Berwick. 

The contraction at the beginning of Henry's legend is formed by a 
reversed N with a bar across the right-hand stroke. The want of H in 
foreign coins of our Henries, and the use in our chronicles of Consul for 
Comes, are well known. The whole legend on the obverse probably 
presents a formula similar to that of the commencement of a sheriff's 


pipe-roll, and should be read as : NORHUMBERLAND ENRICUS 
CONSUL (or CONES, n or m being very convertible, thus Baenburc, 
Baemburc, &c.) On the reverse the letter M is so treated as to suggest 
that it has to answer a double purpose ; and that the legend should be 
CIVITATIS BEBB.&), rather than in the formula WILELM ON 
CITEE BAEMBURC. Both readings may be objected to, but the 
objector must state where in the earldom but at Bamburgh can Henry's 
mint have been. It was not at Newcastle, for Bishop Pudsey's Boldon 
Buke of 1183 is express on the fact that dies were "first placed " there 
by the reigning monarch Henry II. And surely there is nothing won- 
derful in finding civitas applied to what early writers called the urls 
regia quce a regina quadam vocalulo Bella cognominatur ; regia civitas , 
Bella urls munitissima ; Bebbanburg. These examples taken from 
Leland's Collectanea may suffice. The word civitas was largely applied 
and the grand old seat of the Kings and Earls of Northumberland had 
a good claim to it. I am aware that the final letter has been read H. 
I can only say that in good specimens that I have seen, the final letter 
is B, and poorer ones have appeared to present it also. Inchaffray, 
supposed to have been indicated, is not in the earldom. 

As these coins were probably struck late in Stephen's reign, there 
does not appear any good reason to doubt that this "William was 
William fitz Erkembald, who was lessee of the Silver Mine of Carlisle 
when the pipe rolls recommence in 4 Hen. II., and whose coins as 
moneyer of that king at Carlisle and Newcastle occur in the Tealby 
type, which commenced about the same time, the same roll, according 
to Ruding, containing an account by the Sheriff of London pro commu- 
tatione monetce. This circumstance leaves it an open question whether 
some curious tenures at Corbridge connected with the king's moneys at 
Newcastle, arose with Henry II. 's establishment of a mint there, or had 
originally been associated with Prince Henry's mint at Corbridge. No 
doubt, assuming the latter to have been their true history, their holders 
would be glad enough to continue their service, notwithstanding the 
addition of a journey, rather than give up the results of their hus- 
bandry to others. The distance from Corbridge to Newcastle (17 
miles) does not seem favourable to the supposition that the tenures 
were originally so remote from the locality of service, especially as 
arrangments might have been made at the nearer manor of Newburne, 
or even at Newcastle itself. 

However this may be, we find in 4 Hen. II. an account of 5 marks 
by Archil de Corebrigge, and of 40 marks by Joel de Colebr'. In 6 
Hen. II. Archil de Corebr' accounts for 10 marks. In 9 Hen. II. 
Archil de Corebrugge accounted for 40 marks, and Johel de Corebrugge 
for 10 pounds. In 16 Hen. II. and 17 Hen. II. we also have mention 
of Johel de Corebrigge and Johel de Cholebrigge. (By the way, 
Erchenbald or Erkenbald occurs in these years, but not as moneyer.) 

The Testa de Nevill shows how these early Corbridge people held 
their serjantries there. 

3 Hen. fil. Joh. (1218-9) Serjantia Joh'is fiF Joelis valet p'annu' 
xxxij 8 '& vj den' p' servic' eligendi den' Reg'. Offert d'no- 
Regi xx sol'. 


De Serjantiis arentatis p' Rob' turn Passelewe temp'e H. Beg' 
filii Reg' J. Serjantia do Cornebrig' ad tricandu' and nu'andu' 
donar' d'ni Reg' ap'd Novu' Castrum subtus Tynam alienata est 
in p'te. Rog'us fiT Joh'nis tenet indo xxx solid' terre fecit 
inde fine' p' annu' videlicet x sol'. 

Serjantia de Corbrigg' que feodata fuit ad t'dend' den' d'ni R. 
ap'd Novu' Castru' s'r Tynam. D' Rog'o fil' Joh'is p' xxx 
solidat' redd' de eadem s'jantia p' ann' x 8 unam videl't med' 
ad pasch' et aliam med' ad festu' S'c'i Mich'. Sexaginta 
acre t're in Corbrigg' quas Will'us de Tindal tenet p' serjantiam 
ad recipiend' & narrand' & ad tricandu' denar' d'ni Reg' p' xv 
dies ante pasch' & p' xv dies ante festu' S'c'i Mich'is & quolibet 
die cap' de bursa d'ni Reg' p' p'd'c'm tempus xii den' capiat' 
in manu d'ni Reg' quia servic' ill'd no' fuit factu' a temp'e 
Reg' J. & valet p' annu' xxx sol'. 

The chronology would tend to identify the William who coined at 
Carlisle much at the same time as Erkembald with William the co- 
lessee of the Carlisle mine in 1130, rather than with William fitz 
Erkembald, who was Hen. II.'s moneyer until 1180. This would 
allow Erkembald to have been his successor, who, if there were two 
money ers at a time, may just as well have succeeded Durant, who, be 
it remembered, intervenes between 1130 and Prince Henry's accession. 
There can be no certainty in any deductions on this point, which of 
course, affects the question, whether the mint at Corbridge continued 
under Erkembald during the issue at Bambrough by William who was 
probably his son. It does not indeed follow that William of 1130 was 
a moneyer at all, any more than his partner Hildret the Sheriff. Con- 
sidering that for some time afterwards only one moneyer occurs, the 
most probable supposition is that there we only have the succession of 
one before: Durant at Carlisle, temp. Hen. I.; William at Carlisle, 
Erkembald at Carlisle and Corbridge, and William at Bamborough, 
temp. Stephen ; and William fitz Erkembald, probably the same man, 
at Carlisle and Newcastle, temp. Hen. II, until the Short Cross Period. 

In the foregoing remarks, no attempt has been made to bring in the 
coins of David's Scotch type, (a cross patonce between four pellets) 
which appear to bear Henry's name. They seem to have been struck 
out of the earldom at Berwick, and belong to the Scotch series. 

There are some other coins, mostly of barbarous character and of 
English types, which, though bearing the name of Henry, are believed 
to have been struck in Stephen's reign. Some barbarous imitations of 
the types of Henry I. or preceding monarchs, where Rex occurs, need 
not be mentioned, but other coins, which want it, may have been struck 
by Henry Earl of Northumberland, or Henry Fitz-Empress. Rud. Sup. 
II, ii. 10, Hks. 259 with Stephen's reverse was found at Wallsop, with 
the Rex coins, and the moneyer's locality is not clear. But Rud. Sup. 
II. ii. 8 strongly resembles the Corbridge coin. It reads -f-HENRICVS 

[-PIRIC ON HER : The reverse is Stephen's, with the cross in 

saltire, instead of the usual direction. No such coins were in the 
Watford find which settled the last coinages of Henry I. and the first 
of Stephen. If the last example is Prince Henry's, it was perhaps 
struck at Hertelpol, at which there seems to have been, some demesne 


although Brus had the fee. Or a Bras may have struck it, placing the 
Earl's head upon it, as other barons placed Stephen's on their coins. 
The name, so likely in the honor of a Pieres de Brus, rather counten- 
ances the hint. Then there is another and very peculiar class of coins 
" badly executed, badly struck, legends very imperfect, the only 
instances of a double legend upon an English penny." They con- 
stitute No. 9 of Hawkin's types of Henry I. (his fig. 258) and occur 
for moneyers at LINCOLN, LVflD, HASTI, and SVTPVK. They 
read HENRE without title. Can these be the Duke^s money issued by 
Henry Fitz- Empress ? " Anno gratiae 1149, qui est 13 an. regni Eegia 
Stephani, Henricus Dux Normannorum verit in Angliam cum magno 
exercitu, et reddita sunt ei castella multa, et munitiones quam plures, 
et fecit monetam novam, quam vocabant Monetam Duds ; et non tantum 
ipse sed omnes potentes, tarn Episcopi, quam Comites et Barones, suam 
faciebant monetam, sed et quo Dux ille venit, plurimorum monetam 
cassavit." So Houeden the northern chronicler. Ruding remarks that 
"this is so obscurely expressed by Houeden, that it is difficult to discover 
whether he intends the Duke's coming in 1 149, his second coming in 
1153, when a treaty was concluded between him and Stephen, or in- 
deed whether the expression may not with greater propriety be referred 
to the following year, when he came to England to claim the so- 
vereignty." The reader will form his own conclusions whether any 
such obscurity exists, at least as to the former part of the passage, 
relating to the issue of the Duke's money. "We well know from other 
instances that a nova moneta was distinguished by a unmistakable 
change of type. "What type have we to fulfil Houeden' s statement ? 
The popular name points to something quite different from the regular 
issues. Can we have it in that of the pieces which have the place of 
coinage in an inner circle as in the groats of after days? The outer 
legend is broken by four circles or crescents. In Hawkins's figure that 
at the commencement of the legend differs from the others, containing 
a sort of pierced cinquefoil, reminding one of the estoile and crescent of 
the Plantagenets. 

The foregoing remarks, added at Mr. Haigh's request, complete the 
survey of the coinage as distinguished from the issues of Kings of 
England and Bishops of Durham within the limits of Bernicia until the 
the establishment of Henry II.'s mints of Carlisle and Newcastle, for 
the history of which in the time of him and his sons the reader is 
referred to recent papers on the "Short Cross" question in the 
Numismatic Chronicle. 


John Clayton, Esq., V.P., in the Chair. 

DONATIONS. From the Rev. W. N. Darnell, Rector of Stanhope. A 
mortar taken at the Siege of Mooltan, January, 1849, by his son, Major 
T. C. Darnell. From the Canadian Institute. The Canadian Journal, 
March, 1865. 

NEW MEMBER. Mr John Ryley Rolimon, of Dewsbury. 

ITER DE WARE, 21 Edw. I. An office copy is on the table, and will 
be printed in a subsequent page. 


SEVERAL members proceeded to Bamborough, and, in examining the 
interesting castellated and ecclesiastical remains there, met with every 
attention from the local authorities. 

John Hodgson Hinde, Esq., V.P., in the Chair. 

DONATIONS or BOOKS. From Publishing Societies. The Archaeological 
Journal, No. 84. The Canadian Journal, May, 1865. Journal of 
the Kilkenny Archaeological Society, No. 46. Transactions of the 
London and Middlesex Archreological Society, Vol. ii., Part vi. 

NEW MEMBERS. Messrs. Robert Ormston Lamb, Axwell Park; 

Jhomas Hodgkin, Benwell ; George A. FenwicJc, Newcastle ; William 
Edward Barnett, Bywell ; Ralph Brown, Newcastle. 

EXCHANGE OP PUBLICATIONS. Resolved, That the Society's 8vo series 
be exchanged for the publications of Comite Central de Publication des 
Inscriptions Funeraires et Monumentales do la Flandre Orientale (Bel- 
gique) a Gand. 

PINCUSHION OF 1662. Mr. E. Thompson presents a satin pincushion 
set with pins in the form of a vase of flowers, and with the initials 
i"* 1662. 



The Rev. James Everett in the Chair. 

DONATIONS OF BOOKS. From Publishing Societies. The "Wiltshire Maga- 
zine, August, 1865, No. 26. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries 
of London, November 26, 1863, to February 11, 1864, Vol. ii., No. 6. 
List of the Society of Antiquaries of London. Archaeologia, Vol. 
xxxix., Part 2. Atti della Accademia di Scienze e Lettere di Palermo 
Nuova Serie, Vol. ii., 1853. The Canadian Journal, July, 1865, No. 
58. Surrey Archaeological Collections, Vol. iii., 1865. From Messrs. 
J. R. Appleton and M. C. Jones. Evans, 1865 (a memoir of the Evans 
family of Montgomeryshire, for private distribution). 

PURCHASED BY SUBSCBIPTION. Testamenta Eboracensia, Vol. iii., 
Surtees Society. 

John Clayton, Esq,, V.P., in the Chair. 

DONATIONS OF BOOKS. From Publishing Societies. Transactions of the 
Historical Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, Session 1863-4. N.S. 
Vol. iv. The Archaeological Journal, No. 85. Kilkenny Archaeolo- 
gical Society's Quarterly Journal, Vol. v. N.S. Jan. 1865. Surrey 
Archaeological Collections, Vol. iii. 

THE ABALLAVENSES. The Rev. Mr. Farmery presents a rubbing of a 
Roman inscription found at Cockermouth Castle in May last, mention- 
ing this body of troops. See further in subsequent remarks by Dr. 


The Rev. James Everett in the Chair. 

BOOK OEDEE.ED. Englehardt's Denmark in the Early Iron Age. 

EXHIBITED. By Dr. Charlton. An imperfect English Chronicle 
ascribed to the 15th century. By Mr. Turner. A small silver crucifix 
the property of Master J. J. Howson, found several years since in Friar 
Street, Penrith. He mentions that a kist vaen has been recently opened 
near " Long Meg." 




I HAVE examined with care the rubbing sent us from Cockermouth 
Castle by the Rev. Mr. Farmery, and I think I have made out the 
greater part of the inscription. The latter part of the fourth line seems 
to have met with some injury, intentional or accidental, and I suspect 
that an examination of the stone itself would alone afford a chance of 
deciphering it. I am not aware what portion of the altar has been lost. 
The upper part of it is gone, and this probably contained the name of 
the deity to whom it was dedicated, and perhaps also the occasion of the 
dedication. The inscription, as I make it out, is as follows : 

. . AVG . . 




The translation may be given thus : " .... The troop of Frisians 
quartered at Aballava .... on the 14th of the kalends and the 
13th of the kalends of November, Gordianus, for the second time, and 
Pompeianus being consuls, and Atticus and Pretextus being consuls." 

It will be observed that I give up for the present the first line ; but 
an inspection of the altar may enable us to make use of it. 

The 1 4th of the kalends of November answers to our 1 8th of October, 
and the 13th of the kalends of November corresponds with the 19th of 

Gordian and Pompeianus were consuls A.D. 241, and Atticus and Pre- 
textatus were consuls in A.D. 242. 

We have long been acquainted with the fragment of an altar found 
at Cockermouth Castle, of which the only legible portion mentions the 
14th . , . and the 13th of the kalends of November, Gordian, for the 
second time, and Fompcianus being consuls. 


Some important events must have occurred on these dates to warrant 
this double referrence to them. Cockermouth Castle is about a mile- 
distant from the Eoman station of Papcastle, and the stones of whcih 
it has been built are supposed to have been derived from the Eoman 

The reference to the troop who reared the altar is of a provoking 
character. The Eoman names of the stations on the "Wall west of Am- 
boglanna have not been ascertained. An inscription that should give 
us any information upon this point would be peculiarly acceptable. The 
Notitia gives us this account of the 14th station : " The prefect of a 
detachment (numerus) of Moors styled the Aurelian at ABALLABA." 
Horsley places ABALLABA at Watch Cross ; Hodgson at Stanwicks. In 
this new inscription we have mention of a band of Frisian Aballaven- 
sians, but we have no indication of the precise locality of Aballava. 

Again, the mention of the Frisians is puzzling. At YINDOBALA, the 
modern Eutchester, the Notitia places the first cohort of the Frixagi. 
As the Frixagi are not known to geographers, it is thought that we 
should read Frisiones or Frisiani. The Frisians are mentioned in the 
Sydenham rescript in the time of Trajan, and in the Eiveling rescript 
in the time of Hadrian. They are also mentioned on a stone found at 
Manchester, recorded by Camden. It is interesting to meet with yet 
another notice of them. On the whole, however, we could wish for 
more definite information. 

John Hodgson Hinde, Esq., F.P., in the Chair. 

DONATIONS OF BOOKS. From Publishing Societies. Sussex Archa5ological 
Collections, Vol. xvii. The Canadian Journal, September, 1865. 
Quarterly Journal of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society, April, 1865. 
From Mr. J. G. Forster. Newcastle in the Olden Time: being 155 
views reprinted from Eichardson's Table Book, From Mr. Brockett, 
The Hawks Memorial, reprinted from the <; Gatcshead Observer." 
From M. Boucher de Perthes. Antiquites Celtiques et Antediluviennes, 
par M. Boucher de Perthes, Tome Troisieme, 1864. Memoires de la 
Societe Impe'riale d'J^mulation d' Abbeville, 1861-2-3-4-5, premiere 

LOCAL PRINTS. Mr. Edward Thompson has presented the following, 
framed: East view of All Saints' Church, Newcastle, Eobt. Hardy 


del., Robt. Pollard sculpt. Chancel of St. Andrew's Church, New- 
castle, 1840, Mark Hall Gibson. Buck's View of Tinemouth, 1728. 
South-east view of the Church of St. Dunstan in the East, Jos. Skelton 
sculp. 1817. 


IN the month of March, 1864, a shepherd was watching some ewes on 
Baronspike, a high range of crags, or rather of huge stones, lying about 
two miles to the north-east of Bewcastle Church. He suddenly ob- 
served some faint traces of letters on a large square stone, facing to the 
north-west, and which was then illuminated by the slanting rays of the 
setting sun. On examining the letters he found them of a form totally 
unknown to him. The inscription consisted of three lines and a quarter, 
in letters about 2^ inches long. No information of this discovery 
reached us at Newcastle, but about two months ago our attention was 
called to it by a letter from a learned antiquary in Copenhagen, who 
stated that it was noticed in The Builder, for October 8th, 1864. 
On referring to this number of that journal, I found the following 
paragraph : 

" Last winter a shepherd discovered an old inscription on one of the 
large rocks at Barnspike, a long range of crags cresting the hills about 
three miles to the east of Bewcastle Church. The inscription is Scan- 
dinavian or old Norse, and may perhaps be read thus 




Barnr cut this in memory of Gillesbueth, who was slain in a truce by 
Robt. de Vaulx, for his patrimony again coveted." 

" The inscription is on the north-west side of a large crag, and well 
protected from the weather, but is almost illegible," &c., &c. 

On Friday, November 10th of this year, we rode over to the spot, 
and a herd-boy, from the High Grains, soon pointed out to us the in- 
scription. Our astonishment was great, for instead of illegible or almost 
illegible characters, we found the surface of the stone covered with three 
bands of black paint, while each letter had been worked out with a sharp 
tool so that it looked like a thing of yesterday. On close examination, 


while copying the inscription, we found two or three strokes indicating 
letters which had been missed by the modern Yandals in their opera- 
tions, and in these, to our great satisfaction, we observed that the hoary 
lichen which closely covered the rest of the stone was quite perfect. 
On our return to the High Grains house we closely cross-examined two 
of the men there as to the original condition of the stone, and they both 
assured us that when first discovered the letters were, as stated in The 
Builder, nearly illegible, and that they were covered with lichen, or, as 
they expressed, " with the fog," like the rest of the stone. We learned 
from them that this injury was inflicted by the photographer and his 
companion, no doubt with the object of obtaining a good negative of the 
inscription. As it stands at present, it requires a keen eye to be certain 
that it is not a modern forgery, were it not for the certain testimony of 
the honest farmer and his shepherd at the High Grains. We read the 
inscription as follows: 


Baranr writes (these) to Gillesbueth 
who was slain in truce (by) Rob 
de Vaulx at Fetrelana now 

Had we not ourselves inspected this stone, and heard from credible 


witnesses of its original condition, we should have hesitated about re- 
ceiving it as genuine. There has always been a tradition in the country 
that Robert de Vaulx, who founded Lanercost Abbey in 1169, slew 
Gille or Gilbert, son of Beuth, Lord of Bowcastle, at a meeting for 
agreement appointed between them under trust and assurance of safety. 
" Which shameful action made the said Eobert leave arms and be- 
take himself to the study of the law, in which he made such proficiency, 
that he became a judge. But this murder still stuck upon his mind, 
until he made satisfaction to Holy Church by building the Abbey of 
Lanercost, and endowing it with that very patrimony which had occa- 
sioned the murder." Nicolson and Burn's Cumberland, p. 475. 

The Editor of the Pipe llolls of Cumberland and "Westmoreland, pub- 
lished by this Society in 1847, thinks that there is no foundation for 
this story, as Gilles Bueth was dead before any of the Vaulx family had 
any connection with Gilsland. It is quite true that the De Vaulxs only 
obtained the Barony of Gilsland after the death of Gilles Bueth, but the 
murder of this chieftain by Robert de Vaulx may have taken place, as 
tradition tells us, several years before. We know that Gilles Bueth re- 
sisted the grant of Gilsland to William de Meschines by force of arms, 
so that the said William could not take possession thereof (temp. 
Henry I). 

Henry the Second, very early in his reign, recovered possession of the 
Northern Counties from the Scotch, and he then gave to Hubert de 
Vaulx, the father of Robert de Vaulx, " all that land which Gilbert, the 
son of Beot, had on the day of his death, of whomsoever he held it." It 
is plain from this that Gilbert de Bueth held Gilsland by force of arms 
against the legal owner, and it was not unlikely that the De Vaulxes 
should be rewarded with his lands, when one of that family took means 
to rid the King of England of his troublesome enemy. From the in- 
scription before us it seems that the deed was accomplished on the very 
spot where Lanercost now stands, but which in olden times was called 
Eetrelana. It was a likely spot for a truce meeting, that level ground 
near the river's bank on the confines of the Bewcastle district. 

The inscription is in old Norse, and the Runes are purely Scandina- 
vian or Norse. We observe the use of the word HEAITA, writes, instead 
of rista or ristr, and the same is to be found in the Carlisle Runic in- 
scription of nearly the same date. Some of the Runes are reversed, and 
some too are compound, or more than one letter is expressed on the same 
stem. It is singular that the crag should have the name of Baronspike, 
that being the name too of the writer of the inscription. With regard 
to the word TRICU, it occurs also upon a cross in the Isle of Man, IE 
OSKETIL SUILTIT TRICU, whom Osketil killed in a truce. 


The character employed, as well as the language, are both nearly con- 
temporaneous with the period when the events recorded took place. "We 
may assume that some follower of Gillesbueth recorded on this wild crag 
the murder of his master. Few in those days would remember the 
Danish Runes, and fewer still would seek for a memorial of the deed in 
this desolate spot. 

That so fine and remarkable an inscription should have been so reck- 
lessly injured must be deeply regretted by all archaeologists. 


A BUNDLE of documents not of the highest interest. Among them is 
Lord Eldon's autograph as chancellor. One or two notes are given 

YOKE: CITY. MAYOR'S SEAL AND POWERS. 16 Jul/21 Eliz. 1589. 
Noveritis nos Johannes Dobson de Novo Castro super Tinam mr. mar- 
riner et Margareta uxor ejus relaxasse et quietum clamasse JSicholao 
Dicconson, de civitate Ebor., roper, in sua plena et pacifica possessione 
et seisina die confeccionis presentium existen., totum jus in uno mes- 
suagio extra "Walmegaite Barre in parochia Sancti Laurentii extra 
Walmegaite Barre in suburbiis civitatis Ebor. " Quia sigilla nostra 
pluribus sunt incognita, sigillum officii maioratus civitatis Ebor. huic 
dicta3 cartaa nostrse apponi procuravimus. Et ego Robertus Criplinge 
Maior civitatis Ebor. ad instantiam et specialem requisicionem dictorum 
Johannis Dobson et Margarets uxoris ejus, et precipue pro eo quod 
prefata Margareta per me examinata confessa fuit coram me prefato 
maiore dictam cartam esse factam suam propriam libere et spontanie, 
et absque aliqua compuncione sive cohercione dicti Johannis Dobson 
viri sui : ideo in verum testimonium premissorum sigillum mei officii 
maioris civitatis predicts presentibus apposui." Two small effaced 
seals. Sigillum. %ecretum. offici. maioratus. civitat. Eloraci. The city 
arms, between two ostrich feathers, engraved in Boyne's Yorkshire 

STERNE. Arms sealed by Elizabeth Sterne of York,' widow, on a bond 
of 17 Mar. 1769 to Stephen Croft of York, Esq., securing 200 to her 
daughter Lidia Sterne of York, spinster. Quarterly. I and 4, At the 
base are waves, from which rises a tower at the sinister. There is a 
chief charged with a crescent between two mullets, and below this at 
the dexter side a sun from which proceed beams in the direction of the 
tower. 2 and 3, A bend charged with three owls ? "Witnessed by 
" A. Ricard, A. Ricard Jun r ." 

BYRON. Seal of arms used by parties to a deed concerning property 
in the Market. Street Lane, Manchester, 26 Dec. 1720, witnessed by 


" Jo : Byron., Chr. Byron. Quarterly, 1 and 4, The three bendlets of 
Byron, but not enhanced. 2 and 3, On a bend three annulets, in 
sinister chief a cross patee (fitchee ?) Crest. A Mermaid. 

BAUTON IN THE WILLOWES. A property conveyed in 1668 as a 
" messuage bur gage or tenement within the lordshipp of Barton 
aforesaid." In a previous description of 1654, the word 'burgage' is 



WHEN I was at Newcastle, and spent day after day in the examination 
of the precious collection of .Roman antiquities collected by the Society 
of Antiquaries there, I was particularly struck by the appearance of the 
jive sitting statues, which were brought from one of the stations along 
the line of the Iloman "Wall. They agree in general appearance with 
the other mutilated statues which have been found elsewhere in threes, 
except that yours have not baskets in their laps, as the others have. I 
promised a note in explanation of my view of their design, and now I 
fulfil my promise. 

The group of three sitting female figures, preserved in the Guildhall 
Library, was found in London, and has been hitherto supposed to repre- 
sent certain mythological personages, under the title of De*e Matres, as 
you may see in our friend Mr. C. R. Smith's " Illustrations of Roman 
London," and elsewhere. But, if goddesses, why bearing baskets? 
That accompaniment to a female figure always denotes, in the "Notitia 
Utriusque Imperii," of Alciatus, Pancirollus, Gronovius, and Booking, 
and especially in the finely illuminated MS. of that instructive record, 
contained in the Imperial Library at Paris, the revenues of a port or 
province, metaphorically its fruits. I have therefore explained, but 
not until now in writing, those figures as representing the three oldest 
provinces of Roman Britain, bearing their vectigal in baskets. In the 
" Notitia," a standing figure represents a tributary or taxpaying region ; 
a sitting figure, one of great dignity, as "Roma" and "Campania," in 
that book. The three standing figures of " Asia, Insulse, Hellespontus," 
bearing baskets, were produced with much force by Selden, in his famous 
work the "Mare Clausum," to prove that the Romans drew revenues 
from their iovereignty over the narrow seas of the Mediterranean ; and 


those figures are, as he justly says, majestic, and crowned with turreted 
crowns. He describes the contents of their baskets or vessels as golden 
coins, and they are gilt in the MSS., but in the sculptures they resemble 
flattish apples or oranges, and are clearly fruits. 

But jQMrfive figures bear no vessels at all. Hence I suppose that 
they signify the five provinces of Britain, of a later age, that of the 
" Notitia" which contains five, three of which (viz. Britannia Prima, 
Britannia Secunda, and Flavia Cresariensis,) were Presidential, and two 
of which were Consular, (viz. Maxima Cassariensis, and Yalentia). I 
suppose also that Britain became at length self-supporting, and that the 
absence of fruits may have denoted freedom from tribute to the Eoman 
fiscus. If I am right in my political interpretation, the date of your 
figures is not only later than that of the others, (say about the end of 
fourth century,) but was before the addition of a sixth province, that of 
the "Islands," which is expressly mentioned in one of the oldest MSS. 
in the Imperial Collection, namely in the work of Dicuil. 

John Clayton, Esg^., V.P. in the Chair. 

NEW MEMBEES. Messrs Charles James Spence, 4, Kosella Place, North 
Shields ; Walter John Till, Croydon. 

ATTDITOES. Messrs. Robert White, W. H. D. Longstaffe. 


You are first to call the Quarter Master General and all the quarter 
masters of the foote before you, and to consider of the fittest place 
where to lodge the foote regiments uppon the Tyne of Northumberland 
side, having a regard to the comoditiee of bringing all manner of provi- 
sion by water, and to have a particular care of my Lord Generalls 
quarter. To advance the horse if they give any impediment to the 
foote as fair as Hexham, and so eautivavd farther into Northumberland, 


To treate withe the Maior and Aldermen of the towne, concerning 
corne and victualls and to publish a free marquett to all that will 
come, and to assure them that upon any misdemenore of soldiers, 
justice shall be done, and if they cannot agree of the price they shall 
have libertie to transport their corne where they please within the 
kingdome. To take consideration howe to furnish the army with 
bread, and what provision of meale they can weekly grind about New- 
castle, that soe provision may be weekly sent overland or otherwise to 
Barwick as occasion shall serve. To make an exacte state of artillery 
with the Generall of the Artillery, or in his absence with Mr. Pinckney, 
that at his Maiesties cominge into Northumberland, they may march at 
24 howers warninge into the feild. To take care that the horse sent 
out of the country e be duly payd accordinge to the Lord's letters, viz. : 
I2d. for each horse per diem and Sd. for each carter, and that these 
horses and carters be duly quartered and harness made for them, they 
beinge only to be applied to the draught of artillery ammunition wag- 
gons, and to noe other use without speciall command. To consider 
with those of Newcastle howe haye may be transported thence to the 
Holy Hand, and at what rate. That a letter be instantly sent to my 
Lord of Linsey, that the colliers that brought his men out of Lincolne- 
shire be all stayed at the Holy Hand untill further order from my Lord 
Generall. To remember to have boates provided to make a bridge over 
the Tyne for coach and horse to passe over against the Kinge's Courte, 
which is thought will be at the "White-Howse. To take into consider- 
ation what deale boards, timber, firre poles, Ac., may be had at New- 
castle. And what artificers, as smythes and masons, may be had there 
also, that some present order may be taken for the sendinge them to the 
Holy Hand. You are to require the Mayor accordinge to my direc- 
tion to cause good accomodation for an howse and forge to be made for 
the pistoll master and his fewe serventes for his better execution of his 
Majestie service and the present use of the army. That the Maior and 
officers cause all howses to be aired and bedds where any infection hath 
beene, and this to be done presently before the army come. Coll. 
Trofford to have armes for his regiment of 600 dragones, beinge snap- 
haurcs, and Roger Woddrington for 120, both without pay. That the 
Maior of the towne call before him the doctors of phisicke of the towne, 
and to require them to give their oppiaions both of the contagion of this 
new disease or fever or small pox, and how longe since the plague hath 
been in the towne and immediately to certify the Lord Generall. The 
generall troope of horse and company of foote to be lodged in, or as nere 
the towne as may be, and god quarter to be preserved for my Lord 
Generall' s troop of horse, which will dayly increase, as near his person 
as may be. A village preserved for lodging of sicke or hurte soulcliers, 
and another for the infected persons. 1 

1 Copy in J. B. Taylor's MSS. 




THE present essay is founded upon direct lettered evidences, and in the 
margin is a sort of chronological table of names of Roman emperors, and, 
as soon as we can procure them, Bornician chiefs and kings. 

" After ages of depredation," says Surtees, "Lanchester still exhibits 
perhaps the boldest and proudest monument of Roman arms in the 
North." It " arose probably during the early ages of the Roman do- 
minion in Britain. A large proportion of the coins found here are of 
the higher empire, and the station had at least had time to decline from 
its first meridian, when Gordian, according to two notable inscriptions 
discovered here, restored the Arsenal, and founded the Baths and Ba- 
silica." "The principal coins in Mr. Grecnwell's possession" enu- 
merated by Surtees, commence with some of Augustus, and include 
specimens struck during the reigns of his immediate successors, Tiberius 
and Caligula. The 20th Legion, Valens Victrix, which came into Britain 
under Claudius, and had its head quarters at Diva, and which is not 
mentioned in the Notitia, occurs in the Lanchester inscriptions. 

JULIUS CJESAE. A gold coin of Nero was found on Gilli- 

1-14. AUGUSTUS. gate moor, near Durham. (Newcastle Congress, 

14-37. TIBERIUS. vol. i. 67.) A first-brass coin of him turned 

37-41. CALIGULA. up in a brickyard near Sunderland in 1861. 

41-54. CLAUDICJS. (Cotemporary newspaper.) A silver coin of 

54-68. NERO. Yitellius was taken out of the heart of walls 

68-69. GALBA. at Jarrowin 1812. '(Ibid. 53.) In 1822 a brass 

69. OTHO. coin of Domitian, during whose reign Agricola 

69. YITELLIUS. was continuing his exploits, was picked up bc- 

69-79. YESPASIAX. tween Scaton and Hartlepool. (Arch. JE1. ii. 

79-81. TITUS. 110.) A gold coin of Trajan, discovered at 

81-96. DOMITIAX. Piercebridge, was secured by Mr. Denham of 

96-98. NERVA. that station. The coins found at Chester-le- 

98-117. TRAJAN. Street range from Hadrian. (Personal inspec- 

117-138. HADBIAX. tion.) A slab to the honour of that emperor's 

adopted sons, from Jarrow, is in the New Castle, 



Ptolemy lived and wrote under Trajan, Hadrian, and Antoninus Pius. 
(Horsley, 356.) In his tables (Mon. Hist. xiii. xiv.), between the river 
Alaunus, which is admitted to be north of the Tyne, and the bay of the 
Gabrantuici, admitted to be south of it, we have along' the Germanic 

ocean : 

Outlets of the river Ouedra . . . 29 10' 58 30'. 
Dounon lay 20 15' 57 30'. 

and south of the Elgovee, and of the Otadeni, whose town Bremenium 
is admitted to be north of the Tyne, we have ' ' the Brigantes, among 
whom the towns are : 

Epeiakon 18 30' 58 30' 

Ouinnoouion 17 30' 58 " 

138-161. ANTONINUS Pius. These precede Katourraktonion andothertowns 

161-180. AURELIUS. admitted to be south of the Tees. Yinnovium 

180-192. COMMODUS. being obviously Binchcster, it is clear that the 

193. PERTINAX. subsequent boundary of the Tees between Ber- 

193. DIDIUS JULIAN, nicia and Deira was then unknown, and that 

the Tyne divided the Brigantes from the 

193-211. SEVERUS. A coin of Severus was found at ^Newton Ket- 

ton (J. Ord), and some Greek and Latin in- 
scriptions at Lanchester, which mention Titianus and the Vardulian 
cavalry, are considered to belong to the age of Severus or his sons. 

211-217. ANTONINUS This is the proper place to notice the Anto- 

(CAEACALLA). nine Itinerary, although its present appearance 

must have been assumed long after the last of 

the Antonines. (Horsley, 379.) Iter I., leaving Corstopitum, admitted 
to be Corbridge, has (AEon. Hist, xx.) 

217-218. MACRINUS. Vindomora . . . . m. p. vim. 

218-222. HELIOGABALUS. Vinovia .... m. p. xviiii. 

222-235. ALEXANDER. Cataractoni . . . m. p. xxii. 

235-238. MAXIMINUS. 

Yindomora is clearly the crossing of the Der- 

went near Ebchester. 

238-244. GORDIAN. Two Lanchester inscriptions arc identified 

244-249. PHILIP. witli Gordian, who "balneum cum basilica a 

249-25 1 . DECIUS. solo instruxit," and ' ' principia et armamentaria 

251-254. GALLUS. conlapsa restituit." " Conors prinia legionis 


254-268. GALLIEXUS. Gordianoc" performed these works. (Horsley, 
268-270. CLAUDIUS Durham, xi. xii.) 

GOTHICUS. It is not intended here to chronicle the oc- 

270-275. AURELIAX. currcnce of intermediate coins. The earliest 
275-276. TACITUS. and the latest reigns only have their interest. 

276-282. PROBUS. In the margin, for facility of carrying on the 

282-283. CARUS. chronology, the emperors who reigned longest 

283-285. CAHINUS. and most certainly are named. But, as to 

285-305. DIOCLETIAX. Britain, the coins of Yictorinus, Tetricus, Tc- 
305-306. COXSTAXTIUS I. tricus Junior, Carausius, and Allcctus, during 
306-337. COXSTAXTIXE. the period between 265 and 296, will always 
337-350. COXSTAXS. have, for the British collector, a higher interest 
350-353. MAGXEXTIUS. than those of the more generally recognized 
353.361. COXSTAXTIUS II. owners of the purple. 

361-363. JULIAX. The death of Julian the Apostate in 363 

363?-364?BEORXEC. forms an epoch in the history of England. For 

we know from Ammianus Marcellinus, a co- 
temporary and unexceptionable witness, who flourished in 380, that, in 
364, the next year to that of Julian's death, not only the native enemies, 
Picts, and Scots alias Irish, and Attacotti, but also Saxons were vexing 
the Britons with constant calamities. The conjunction of words Picts 
and Saxons, and Scots and Attacotti, should not be overlooked. 

There is a useful summary of the various statements concerning the 
pedigrees 01 our hcptarchic kings inHaigh's Conquest of Britain, p. 132. 
But the principles respected in the present essay demand implicit defer- 
ence to the authorities of 737, they being a century older than the Ge- 
nealogies next in date, which arc contained in Textus Roffensis. One 
thought as to the chasm between the accession of George III. and that 
of Victoria, albeit only one of sixty-seven years, will enable the realiza- 
tion of a ccnturial difference of time, sentiment, and ideas of what 
constitutes truth. Yet, be it remembered, absolute verity may be ap- 
proximated more in one cycle of time than in another. 

Taking the Genealogies of 737 which are appended to the History of 
the Britons usually quoted as jS"ennius, and which have a leaning to, or 
origin in, Bernicia, we find the kings of Bcrnicia and Deira traced to 
Woden. The Bernician pedigree commences thus : l ' Woden gcnuit 
Beldeg, genuit Beomec." The Deiran one begins: " Woden gcnuit 
Beldeyg, Brond genuit Siggar." There is no early genealogy of the 
West Saxons, but in later times it also was made to commence with 
Bacldeag and Brand. We need not inquire whether Beldeyg and Brond 
in the Deiran genealogy are intended to be successive or identical. 
When we reach them we reach the period when the actual pedigree 


fails, and supposititious ancestors, human or divine, treated as common 
to the race, arc tacked on according to the taste of the compiler. Brond 
or Brand, lire, is merely another name of Woden's son BscltUeg or 
Balder, the god of splendour, and we must regard descent from him as 
only meaning an idea of community of origin. The real homines pro- 
positi arc BEORXKC and Xi</i/r. 

Tfow, to gain an idea of the chronology of them and their descendants, 
we must pursue the course we should take in testing probabilities in 
more modern pedigrees. AVe must take deaths on which our earliest 
historians arc agreed, and count back the generations, " so that," as Sir 
Isaac Xcwton hath it, " three of them may be reckoned at about 75 or 
80 years." Starting from the death of Ida the Beruician in 559, we 
find that the process, allowing 25 years to each generation, makes his 
ancestor Bcomec die about 384. A similar calculation from the death 
of Edwin in G33 gives 407 as the approximate date of the death of 
Siggar the Deiran, about a generation lower than Bcomec's. The pre- 
mature date of Edwin's death in battle is neutralized by his being 
much younger than his sisters. 

It is not said when Bemicia began ; but as to Deira, we read that 
Siggar's grandson, Socniil, who would die about 482, "first severed 
Dcur from Birneich." 

Skene has come to the conclusion that " the tradition given by Xcn- 
nius, that Octa and ^Ebussa, the son and nephew of Hcngist, led a body 
of Saxons past the Orkneys, and took possession of a part of Scotland, 
'usque ad confinia Pictorum,' indicated a real settlement of Saxons on 
the east coast of Scotland as early as 374. (Sec his Four Ancient Books 
of Wales, i. 107.) There is no reason why Beornec might not be vexing 
the province of Yalentia, lying between the Yallum and the Picts, at 
the same early period. lie might well be one of the vexatious Saxons 
of 364. The province was temporarily recovered in 3G9 by Theodosius, 
and named Yaleutia after his master, but no towns in it arc mentioned 
in the Xotitia of 395-408. 

There is no necessary connection between these presumptions and the 
name of Bcrnicia. One is indeed led to the idea that its origin, after 
the time of Ptolemy, had probably some connection with Bcarnoch or 
the early Beornicas proceeding from his loins. But it is fair to state 
that our Scottish friends of the present day prefer a British origin for 
Bernieia and Deira, and that the Arthurian Triads, in a MS. of 1300 or 
so, give three sons of bards with British names, as princes of ' Deiuyr 
a Brynyeh." Phryder mab Dolor of Deiuyr a Brynych occurs in the 
same Triads as one of the three stroug-crutchcd ones of the island of 
Prydein. (Skene, ii. 457, 458, 463.) Harrison in 1577 has a curious 


notion about the river Brcaniish (the Broinic of the Historia clc S. Cuth- 
berto). " As touching the IVecle (he says), this I have to note, that 
the old and ancient name of the Till that fallcth into the same is not 
Bromis, from the head, as some do now call it (and I, following their 
assertions, have set down), but rather Brcnniche. And, beside that 
Lclande is of the same opinion, I find how the kingdom of Brenicia took 
denomination of this water, and that only thereof it was called Brenicia, 
or Brcnnich, and upon none other occasion." 

384 ?-409 ? GECIIBEOXD. The Durham stations of the Romans appear 
to have been used until near the final flight of 

the Eagles. Coins of Yalcntinian, who died in 375, have occurred at 
Shields Law and Lanch ester, and the coins from Chester-le- Street in- 
clude those of Gratian (375-383). In the ISotitia Imperil, which ap- 
pears (Hinde's Northumberland, 16,) to have been compiled during the 
joint reign of Arcadius and Honorius (395-408), divers stations per 
lineam valli, and in Yorkshire, Durham, Cumberland, and part of Lan- 
cashire, appear "sub dispositione viri spectabilis Ducis Britanniarum." 
!No towns in Yalentia appear. As to the rest of the kingdom, the only 
other fortresses mentioned are those on the Kentish coasts, which were 
" sub dispositione viri spectabilis comitis limitis Saxonici per Britan- 
niarn." Probably, in these concentrations of forces, we see the defences of 
lloman Britain, in its dying agonies, against the Scots from the west, 
the Saxons from the cast, and the Picts from the north. The spade on 
the Wall, when liberally handled by some antiquary of the Greenwell 
steel, will, doubtless, tell our sons the true story of those troublous 

The following entries in the Notitia arc presumed to refer to Pierce- 
bridgc, Lanchester, and Ebchcstcr : 

Prafectus numeri Pacensium, 3Iagis. 
Prffifectus numeri Longovicariorum, Longovico. 
Prcefcctus numeri Derrentionensis, Derventione. 

The Ravenna geographer, supposed to have flourished in the 7th century, 
in his barbarous enumeration of the cities in Britain of which he had 
read, sceins to mention Lanchester and Binchcster as 



A glimpse of the fate of Longovicum presents itself. " Its destruction 
was probably owing to some hidden and violent catastrophe. The red 
ashes of the Basilica and the Bath, the vitrified flooring, and the metallic 


substances, evidently run by fire, which occur amongst the ruins, form 
a strong indication that the structure perished in flames." And then, 
unless -we except the questionable appearance of Hart (Ilcort) in the 
romance of Beowulf, and of Kaer Weir in some Welsh poems, the curtain 
falls on the land between the waters of Tyne and Tecs for the remainder 
of the period under present consideration. 

GECHBROXD, son of Bcorncc, dying about 400, might just, by a judi- 
cious uublocking of a northern gateway of some station or castle per 
lincam valli, somewhere near the sea-coast, mayhap at Pons JElii, have 
had the honour of taking seisin of Durhanishirc. For, in 409, during 
the time of Constantino's usurpation, the people of Britain and other 
Celtic nations were compelled, themselves, in consequence of the usurp- 
er's neglect of the government, to revolt from the empire, take up arms, 
and free their cities from the invading barbarians. "We have this on 
the testimony of Zosiinus at the period, and the same date is confusedly 
found in a passsage of the Historia Britonum : " Hucusquc rcgnaveruut 
llomani apud Brittones quadra gentis et no vein annis." Among the 
" invading barbarians" we may not unreasonably class Siggar, the an- 
cestor of the princes of Deira. 

409?-434? ALUSON. ALUSOX, son of Gcchbrond, occurs next in the 

Bemician series, Sebald, son of Siggar, being 

his cotcmporary. The Roman power was at an end with the defection 
in 409. Honorius, having written letters to the cities of Britain, urg- 
ing them to look to their own safety, indulged in indolence. His rival 
Constantino was slain in 411, but as Procopius, writing in the time of 
Ida or his sons, observes, " the Romans had it no longer in their power 
to recover Britain ; so that from this time it remained subject to usurp- 
ers." In Aluson's time, as here estimated, two great events seem to 
have occurred. One was an emigration, from the north, of .Cunedag or 
Cunedda, the British Guledig, or Leader of the Hosts, with his sons, 
which, before the time of Ida, resulted in the exiles permanently driv- 
ing some Scots or Gael from Ireland out of their Welsh settlements. 
There is a laudatory poem ascribed to Talicssin the British bard, which 
says: " There is trembling from fear of Cuncdaf the burner, in Kacr 
Weir and Kacr Liwelyd. A door-hurdle the men of Bryncich car- 
ried in the battle. They became pale from fear of him and his chill- 
moving terror." It has been supposed that this Cuncdaf is Cunedda, 
and that the places mentioned are Durham and Carlisle. That Cacr 
Weir was some Roman station on the Wear is not improbable. "The 
contention of men even to Gaer Weir" occurs in another poem, subse- 
quent to Taliessin. (Skene, i. 436, ii. 399.) 


484 ?-459 ?. IXGUEC. IXGUEC, son of Aluson, has the Dciran Zcyulf, 
son of Sebald, for his cotemporary. And, for his 

time, we have the very conclusive statement of Prosper, an author of the 
period, that in 441, the Britains, hitherto harassed with various slaughters 
and misfortunes, were reduced under the rule of the Saxons. The re- 
duction, as to the coasts which faced the German Ocean, and which had 
received the close attention of the inhabitants of the continent, was, 
doubtless, complete. But, westward, and northward, combats, for many 
a century more, had to be faced by the invaders. 

459 ?-484 ? JEDIBRITH. The next person in the Bcrnician genealogy, 
JKmimiTir, son of Inguec, would be living along- 
side of Soemil, 1 son of Zegulf, whose name, in the ancient Genealogies, 
has the weighty addition : " Ipse primus separarit Deur o Birneich" 
The various reading supcravit, making Soemil the first governor of all 
Northumbria, cannot be supported. clearly means from. And the 
phrase resembles a later one in the Genealogies, where of Penda it is 
said: " Ipse primus separavit rcgnum Merciorum a regno Nordonim." 
As Edwin had married a daughter of Cearl, a previous king of the Mer- 
cians (B. H. E. ii. 14), it is plain that we are not safe in assuming that 
such phrases mean more than severances or ascertaining of boundaries be- 
tween districts, the result of the reduction of former rulers. Trespassers 
from the north and trespassers from the south might readily find them- 
selves face to face upon the Tees. 

484 ?-516 ? OSSA. OSSA, son of JEdibrith, in Bernicia, and Squer- 

tJu'nf/, son of Soemil, in Dcira, would be flourish- 
ing during the twelve battles of Arthur. The probabilities appear to 
be with the writers who locate these fights in the north. Ths conclud- 
ing battle of Badon Hill is supposed by Skenc to have been at Boudcn 
Hill, in Linlithgowshire, which is of considerable size and strongly for- 
tified, and past which a river Avon flows. Its date, according to Gildas, 
was 5 1C. According to Skene, one Eossa or Ossa Cyllelaur (the knife- 
man) is mentioned us one of Arthur's opponents by Welsh traditions. 
If there is anything in these, Ossa of Bernicia suggests himself as the 
man intended, and as he would live until 509, even according to our 
average computation, his years might well continue until olG. 

1 " I have always A'iewed Soemil'e claim to be founder of Deira with great sus- 
picion, but, if we look upon Beohvlf as historical, the localities seem to be indis- 
putably Peiran, and the period earlier than Ella. Beolwlf, however, appears to me 
to be a fiction of the same nature as llaveloc's, the places real, but the personages 
fictitious, and the chronology false. With all this, I can scarcely defend my views 
with regard to Soemil from the charge of prejudice." I. H. H. 


516?-534? EOBIU. KonnA, son of Ossa, and Giulyli*, son of Sqiicr- 

thing, follow for the period between Arthur's 

successes and the battle of Canilan, in which lie and Mcdrant perished, 
and which by the Welsh chronicler of 977 is placed in 537. 

534 ?-559. IDA. We now come to IDA of Bernieia, son of Eobba, 

and Ufffrea, son of Guilglis, in Deira. 

Up to this time Arthur has been represented as all-successful. What- 
ever truth be contained in the Units when they make him dividing- the dis- 
tricts which he had wrested from the Saxons and Jutes, clear it is that the 
British territory is found split up into petty chieftainships. J I istmy pro- 
ceeds to the amalgamation of these into the kingdoms of Strathclyde, Dal- 
riada, and Wales, and of Bernicia and Deira into a powerful Northumbria. 

The Saxons " sought aid from Germany, and increased manifold with- 
out intermission, and brought kings from Germany that they might 
reign over them in Britain, up to the time in which Ida reigned, 
who was son of Eobba ; he was the first king in Bcomicia, that is, in 
Berneich." Such, without any special mention of Camlan, or of 
any other national reverse of fortune after Arthur's last victory, 
is the concluding language of the Historia Britonuni in its original 
shape. The Genealogies of 737 tell us that "Ida son of Eobba held the 
regions on the north of Britain, that is of the Umbrian Sea." Bedc's 
Epitome says that in 547 ''Ida began to reign, from whom the royal 
family of the Northumbrians derives its origin." The Short Northum- 
brian Chronology of 737 copies that language. The chronicler of 891 
translates it into Anglo-Saxon. The Vatican MS. of the Historia 
Britonum, written in the 10th century, or thereabouts, enlarges the 
original language, and says that Ida was first king "in Beornicia, 
that is in Bernech, and in Cair Affrauc, of the race of the Saxons." 
Cair Affrauc is doubtless Cair Ebrauc, York, and some such version 
had been before Gairner when he confusedly states that Ida merely re- 
stored Bamborough, which had become decayed since Ebrauc built it. 
-^Ethelwerd, representing a lost text of the Chronicle, says that ' ' Ida 
began his reign over the province which is called Northanhymbra." 
Subsequent writers arc of little moment, but possibly some local tradi- 
tion is preserved by the Libellus of Henry I.'s days when it says that 
Ida, with his father Eoppa, came with 60 ships to Flemaburch, and 
thence occupying the northern parts, reigned there 12 years. Whither 
he came is not stated. Malmsbury seems to have known nothing of the 
relation. " Whether." he says, "he himself seized the chief authority 
or received it by the consent of others, I by no means venture to deter- 
mine, because the truth is unrevealed." 


It sccins to liavc been conceded at all periods that the capital of Ida 
was the modern Bamborough, which, under the name of Dinguoaroy, is 
stated to have been given by Ida's grandson, to Queen Bebba, and to 
have taken from her the name of Bebbanburch. The Genealogies of 
737, which mention this, also say that Ida nnxif, iinexit, junxit, stnixit 
or rinxlt Dinffiuti/rdi Gnurtlt-Px'rncich. /7/vY or re.cit have also been 
suggested. The fact is unnoticed in the original codex of the Chronicle 
of 891, and in those of 977 and 104G. But it occurs in that of 1056, 
and the copy of the Genealogies before the compiler was evidently one 
in which a word occurred, junxit or struxit apparently, which, to his 
mind, alluded to joiners' work or other mode of construction to which 
the vernacular yetitnlrade might be safely applied, for such is his trans- 
lation. 2 He calls the place Bebcnburh. The codex of 1122 and the 
additions to that of 891 add that it was first enclosed by a hedge, and 
afterwards by a wall. 

The nature of Ida's sovereignty, whatever its extent, must be estimated 
by the history of its origin. The Saxons brought kings from Germany 
that they might reign over them, until Ida reigned. He took their place 
in tlie north. "Where he had been chieftain before, he would be king 
as we understand the term. Elsewhere, he would be dux bellorum, or 
Guledig, or leader of the hosts. This was a dignity in no Avay ending 
til 1 : original position, of the princes of Deira. It was one to which they, 
or any others of their peers, might well aspire on the death of the first 
king. Sooner, or Liter, the aspirations were confined to the two royal The ''hero sank into the king." The leadership of the hosts of 
Bernieia and Deira became the kingdom of North umbria. The idea 
of it was never absent after the accession of Ida, but a struggle for its 
inheritance was inevitable. The Genealogies and Short Chronology 
utterly ignore the royalty of the Deiran kinglets, while the Anglo- 
Saxon Chronicle, as coolly, treats ./Ella of Deira as successor to Ida over 
]S T orthumbria. Between the parties, we are left in entire ignorance of 
the ancestry of some of the kings whose names and regnal years are. 
preserved by the Bernician writers. 

1 IDA 5-17-548 !For the real dates during the reigns of the 

'2 . . - - 548-549 early sovereigns we are generally left to a con- 

3 .. = 519-550 sideration of their regnal years by such writers 

4 . . = 550-551 as we can trust. The accession of Ida is an 

5 -= 551-552 exception. On whatever grounds it was come 
G . . =- 552-553 to, Bede's date of 547 must be accepted. The 

2 " Tlie analogy of the Saxon word ffetimbrads pleads very strongly in favour of 
limit."!. 11. II. 



7 L>\ - 55; regnal years after it enable us to arrive at the 

8 .. 054-5.")-") next Cliristian date of authority with preci- 

9 . . = 555-556 sion. Coronations, a< for such times might lie 

10 .. = ;356-oo7 expected, must have followed accessions with 

11 .. = 557-558 expedition. 

12 IDA 558-559 Hede's Epitome, the Short Northumbrian 

Chronology of 737, and the Xennian Genealo- 
gies of the same date, all agree in allowing 12 years for Ida's rule. 
Thus we arrive at 559 for the end of it, Immediately before passing 
from Ida to his successors, the Genealogies say: " Maileun, a great king, 
reigned over the Britons, that is, in the region of Guenedota." They 
proceed to mention the emigration of his ancestors from the north, and 
their expulsion of the Scots from Wales. Gildas, writing in 560, the 
very year after Ida's death, also mentions Magloeunus as a king of the 
Britons. Such coincidences enable us to proceed with confidence. 

The Genealogies precede their mention of Mailcun with other most 
interesting words, though few. " Then Dutigirn, in that time, valiantly 
fought against the race of the Angles. Then Talhaern Tataguen flour- 
ished in poesy, and Xeirin, and Taliessin, and Bluchbard, and Cian, 
who is called Gueinthgnaut, together, at one time, flourished in British 

Here the Four Ancient Books of Wales, edited by Skenc, must be 
noticed. They consist of: 1. The Black Book of the Black Canons 
of Caermarthen, written t, Hen. ii., 1154-1189; 2. The Book of Ancu- 
rin, a MS. of cent. xiii. ; 3. The Book of Taliessin, a MS. of cent. xiv. ; 
and 4. The Bed Book of Hcrgest, compiled in cents, xiv. and xv. for 
the Yaughans of Hergest Court, as it is said. The dates of the MSS., if 
the writings are our earliest specimens of reducing Welsh poetry to let- 
ters, do not militate against the genuineness of their contents. And the 
later MSS., if independent of the earlier, aft to the character of their con- 
tents, may not be spurious altogether, but may preserve authentic records 
not within the scope of the earlier scribes. The contents of MSS. pos- 
terior to the new sort of Arthurian literature must depend on their own 
inherent probability and resemblance to other earlier productions for 
acceptance. That the Genealogist had genuine works by the bards lie is 
careful to mention cannot be doubted, and Skene remarks very justly 
that the reason of their notice by the Genealogist is that he afterwards 
proceeds to note the precise period in which some of their heroes 
flourished. These will be remarked upon in the sequel. 

The family of Ida is thus stated by the Genealogist of 737 : " Ida had 
twelve sons, of whom the names are : [1] Adda, [2] JEaldldric (Skene, 


Stevenson has JEdldric from the same MS. Harl, 3859 : vat: EALDKIC), 
[3] Decdric (var. Dcodric), [4] Edric, [5] Dcothcrc, [6] Osmer, ' et 
unam rcginam Bearnoch', [7] Ealric." EALDKIC begat Aelfrct (var. 
Eadfreth), he is JEdlfrcd (car. Eadfreth) Flesaur. He [i. e. JEdllrcd] 
also had [nam et ipse habuit] seven sons, of whom the names arc Anfrid, 
Osguald, Osbiu, Osguid, Osgudu, Oslapf, OfFa," 

It may be suspected that, in the case of Ida, vii has been copied xii. 
"Whether his first six sons were by Bearnoch (ex una, regina as Stevenson 
suggests), whether Bearnoch was his daughter and a queen, whether she 
was named Bearnoch or was the wife of a king of Bemicia, that word 
Bearnoch seems to distinguish the seventh son, Ealric, from his brethren. 

For the obscure period between the death of Ida and that of JEthel- 
frid, our historians differ. The authorities of 737, which have a lean- 
ing to, or origin in, Bernicia, and arc followed by most of the northern 
writers subsequently, give us this series of kings: Ida, Glappa, Adda, 
JEthclric, Theodoric, Frithwald, Hussa, ^Ethelfrid. We learn further 
that ^Ethelric who succeeded Adda was Adda's son, and that JEtlielfrid, 
who closes the series, reigned 12 years in Bernicia, and 12 in Deira, to- 
gether 24 years. The previous kings of Deira are not named as such. 
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle of 891, on the contrary, excludes the series 
of 737, and in its original state is content with the mention of the ac- 
cession to the throne of Northurnbria of Ida in 547, and the Deiran 
./Ella in 560 ; of the death of JElla and the accession of JEthelric 
" after him " in 588 ; of the reign of JEthclric for 5 years ; and of the 
accession of JEthelfrid to some kingdom or other in 593. It does not 
say who its JEtkelric was. The father of JEthclfrid, son of Ida, as 
well as the son of Adda, grandson of Ida, was named JEthelric, but we 
do not know that he ever ascended the royal chair. 

In the reign of Heniy L, three or four centuries after the times of 
the writers already quoted, a new school of history arose. The heirship 
of Adda's son, JEthelric, was ignored, and the whole series of Berniciau 
kings was transposed in order to identify the Bernician ^Ethclric, of the 
writers of 737, with the person of the same name, apparently reigning 
in Deira, who is presented by the scribe of 891 : ./Ethelfrid, his son, 
being represented as reigning over ^orthumbria generally during the 
whole of his reign of 24 years. There are some differences among the 
authors who flourished in the period of Beauclerc. The statement 
most in favour is that of the Libellus de Hegibus Saxonicis which was 
afterwards adopted by Wallingford. In that tract the order of kings 
runs : Ida, Adda, Glappa, Hussa, Frithwulf, Theoderic, ^thelric, 
JEthelirid. Here the Bernician evidences are acknowledged. JElla, 
however, is represented as reigning in Deira from the death of Ida, and 


Kdw'm, his MIII. MS expelled by yEthelfrid, not In' -EthelnY, which is 
noteworthy. William of .Maliusbury, and tin- JVi -.Thorough Codex of 
the SMXOII Chronicle, in coninion with the former editions of that chro- 
nicle, merely give the Deiran succession, treating Ida, _KIIa. .Ethelric, 
and JEthelfrid as kings of all !N"orthurabria during the whole of their 
reigns. 1'robably the writers of both schools considered that .Ethelric, 
tlie predece-M .r of .Ethelfrid was his i'at her, and was son of Ida, bnt 
onlv Malmsbiiry and Florence of Worcester say so expressly. The lat- 
ter make- .Ethelric to reign - years in BermVia before .Ilia's death, and 
to eject Edwin and reign ~> years in Deira. Roger of AVendover, who 
preserves for us many details from sources with which we are now un- 
acquainted, has this sequence : 

.VIS. Ida. ]'2 yea is. 

.560. Death of Ida. Klla in Deira lor 30 years. Adda, son of Ida, 

in Hernicia for 7 years. 

o(57. Death of Adda. Glappa succeeds for 5 [read 2] years. 
.")(>!). J)eath of (Uappa. Tlieodwald succeeds for 1 year. 
.")70. .Frethwnll' ^nci-ccds for 7 years. 
07-3. Benedict tills the J'oman chair 4 years, 6 months, and 1.4 days. 

Hi- liives permission to Tope Gregory to j;o and preach to the 

Angles, hut the people tnniiiltuonsly detain him. 
;")77. Death of 1'rethwnlf. Tlieodoric, succeeds lor 7 years. 
080. The 8 kingdoms of the Angles or Saxons completed by the 

commencement of that of Mercia under Credda. 
586. At this time were reigning JElla in Deira, and Affrid in 

088. ^Etlielfrid, king of the J3ernicians, marries Acca, daughter of 

JElla, king of Deira. 
593. On the death of-iElla, JEthelfiid expels li is son Edwin from 

Deira, and reigns over both kingdoms. Edwin takes refuge 

with Hedwald king of the East Angles. 
617. ^Ethelfrid slain. Edwin had found refuge with Iveodwald/;/' 

17 years. 

There, are confusions, omissions, and inconsistencies here, but the last 
statement, taken as the sum of Edwin's banishment generally, together 
with the making ^Ella and ^Ethelfrid, cotemporaries, and Gregory's mis- 
sion in the reign of Ercthewulf coincide with what we tind in the oldest 
authorities, and prove; that Wendover, however mistaken and pu/xled, 
did not belong to the new school. 

! ndependeiitly of the impropriety, on general principles, of preferring 
late authorities to early evidences, there are grave difficulties in tin- way 
of adopting the theory of the Libellist. Of the four British kings who 
are mentioned by the .Xennian Genealogist of 7.')7 as warring with Ida's 
successors, Biderch Hen is the only one who occurs in any other grave 


prose, and lie occurs in Adomnan's Life of S. Coluruba and Josccline's less 
trustworthy Life of S. Kentigem. He may fairly be considered as 
living until 600 or so. He was king of Strathelyde, and reigned at 
Alclydc or Dumbarton. His kingdom, apparently on good grounds, is 
considered, in Scotland, to have been consolidated, by the Battle of Ar- 
derydd in 573, and by the ruin of the petty states of which TJrien's 
.lleged was one. TJrien was assassinated in the reign of Theodoric of 
Bernieia. The transposing theory places Theodoric' s reign as late as 
580-587, some years after the conclusive conflict. To the objection 
that Urien is made to fight with Hussa, the immediate predecessor of 
^Kthelfrid, it is enough to reply that this notion merely depends on a 
fancy that illw of the MSS. of the Nenniau Genealogies had better 
be, illiiin. Petrie, in the Monumenta Historica, judged otherwise. 

By the transposition JEthelric is postponed in succession not only to 
his younger brother Theoderic, but also to Erithwald and Hnssa, who, 
with Glappa, have been called sons of Ida, but of whose descent we 
really know nothing at all. This succession is possible, not probable; 
and the statement of 737 that JEthclric the Bernician king was son of 
Adda is not lightly to be set aside. The language as to JEtheliiid's 
reign in Bernicia for 1:2 years, and in Demi for other 12, might perhaps 
be satisfied by change of capital, but it looks more like an allusion to 
enlarged sovereignty. 

Tet it is not safe to conclude that the chronicler of 891 was romanc- 
ing, llather may we gather (especially as the name of ./Ethelfrid's 
kingdom, Xorthumbria, is an insertion) that he only knew that JEthcl- 
frid reigned 24 years somewhere or other, that JEtlielric preceded him, 
and that JElla preceded JEthelric. Having nothing but the regnal 
years of those paynim times for his guidance (if he had them at all, 
for JEthelric's live years are the only regnal ones which are not inser- 
tions for the period), he dated back the Deiran princes from JEthelfrid's 
accession to Bernicia instead of his acquisition of Deira. The correc- 
tion of his pardonable error explains Bedc's mention in one breath 
of ./Ella and ^Ethclfrid and "Wendover's statement that Edwin was 17 
years in exile. 

1 GLvrr.v = 559-5GO Gr-Arr.v occurs after Ida in the Short North- 
umbrian Chronology of 737 supported by the 

Chronicle ascribed to Symeon. According to a common rule of succes- 
sion he might be a brother of Ida, but the omission of him in the Gene- 
alogies, and his short reign of one year, point to other blood and to 
violence. Nothing was more probable than a struggle for Ida's post 
after his death. 


1 ADDA = 560-501 Amu. son of Ida, comes m-xt to Glappa, 

2 .. = 501-502 and all the early and northern writers give 

3 = 562-503 him a reign of 8 years. 

4 .. = 563-504 En the Dciran chronology, Tj^t, son of Usfrea, 

5 . . .">(i [-">('>:> would be extemporary ut'tlie >uiis of Ida. It 

6 . . 505-500 lias already been noticed that later writers, 

7 .. 506-507 owing to an erroneous computation, make ^Klla 

8 .. = 507-508 eommeiice his reign in 500. JEthelwerd'a 

mode of mentioning it is this : " Aelle quippe 

Iffing ad Northanhymbre seriem. mittitur, quorum genus usque ad geu- 
eralissimum asccndit, id est. ad "Wotlicn." 

= 508-509 " JEALDLDRIC," son of Adda, 3 succeeded his 

2 .. =509-570 father for 4 years, according to the Genealogies. 

3 . . = 570-571 The Short Chronicle, calling him Aedilric, 

4 . . =571-572 agrees. 

This JEthelric and his successors Thcoderic, 

Frithwald, and Hussa, arc understood by Petrie to be the four kings 
mentioned in the following passage of the Genealogies which .imme- 
diately succeeds* the record of Hussa : " Contra illos ([>/ ft/or /vy//-* Url>- 
gen, et Biderch Hen, et Guallauc et Morcant dimicaverunt." There is 
now a tendency to apply the words quatuor regex to the four British 
kings, leaving illos applicable to Hussa' s predecessors generally. The 
suggestion of ilium has already been noticed with disapprobation. 

We have ascertained the existence of Maikim in 500, the year 
after Ida's death. The latest date assigned by any writer for the 
termination of his reign is stated to be 585, and Biderch Hen or 
Hael is said to have died in the same year as S. Kcntigcrn, 60o. A 
third king, JEdan, invaded Bernicia in that year. These three men 
are understood to have become kings of Wales, Strathclyde, and Dal- 
riada in the general. To this the clearing away of such famous men as 
Urien of Ithcgcd, Guallauc, and Morcant, seems to be a condition 
precedent, and the earliest writings must be taken in their integrity. 
The names must be marshalled, as lawyers say, and not necessarily 
taken in the lump as antagonists together of any one king of Bernicia 
in particular. 

For reasons already hinted at, it is believed that the commencement 
of ^Ella's rule in Beira took place during the troubles of this JEthel- 
ric' s time, and not in 560 on Ida's death. There may, however, have 

3 "I still think that ' Aecllric son of Add(t' should bo son of Ida. There is no 
ijncstion that one copy of the genealogies i* very corrupt, and this seems to have 
been the view of all succeeding writers." I. 11. II. 


been a tendency to severance of Doira, or rather a claim by JElla's 
family to the whole rule of Northumbria from an earlier date. The 
first codex of the Chronicle, that of 891, in its original state, gives no 
regnal years for JElla, and the later ones give 30 in words, but 28 in 

1 THEODRIC = 572-573 The succession of THEODUIC, son of Ida, for 

2 ,. =573-574 7 years, indicates that Adda's posterity was ex- 

3 . . = 574-575 tinct or unfit to occupy the throne, and that 

4 . . = 575-576 an uncle of JEthelfrid had to take preference 

5 .. =576-577 of him also. The times were troublous. So 

6 . . = 577-578 long as we hold to the old authorities, we can 

7 . . = 578-579 understand that the effect of the great battle 

of Arderydd in 573 was to amalgamate the 

British kingdoms. It is clear that Urien was murdered in Theodric's 
reign, and the date of Theodric's accession, 572, synchronizes and places 
the murder at its commencement. " Dcodric contra ilium Urbgcn cum 
filiis dimicabat fortitcr." " In that time, one while the foes, at another 
the citizens, were A'anquished. And he [Urbgen] shut them up for 
three days and three nights in the isle 3fedcaut, and while he was in 
the expedition he had his throat cut (jugulatus cst) at the instigation 
of Morcant, out of envy, because in him, above all the kings, was the 
greatest valour in the prosecution of the war." As to the locality of 
all this, the Genealogist afterwards states that S. Cuthbcrt died "in 
the isle of Medcaut." Strictly, S. Cuthbcrt died at Farno Island, but 
it is obvious that the stronghold of Holy Island is alluded to by the 
Genealogist in his narrative of Theodric's extremity and the assassination 
of the British king. Any doubt is removed by the annals of Tighernac 
when in mentioning the foundation of the see of Lindisfarne they say 
" Inis Metgoit (Insola Megoet, Ann. Z7M) fundata est." 

Now our old Genealogist is remarkably borne out by the song upon 
the death of Urien, which is preserved in the Red Book of Hergest, xii. 
(Skene, i. 355.) As in the Cymric Genealogies of 977, Uricn is stated 
to have been the son of Cynvarch. The poet represents himself as a 
messenger bearing with him the head of Urien, while a sable raven is 
put forward as preying on his white bosom. "A head I bear on 
my arm, he that overcame the land of Bryneich the head, the most 
powerful pillar of .Frydain. A head I bear from the Riw, with his lips 
foaming with blood. "Woe to lleged. Woe my hand that the father of 
Owain is slain. In Aber Lieu has Uricn been slain. Dunawd, the 
leading horseman, would drive onward, intent upon making a corpse, 
against the onset of Owain. Dunawd, the chief of the age, would 


drive onward, intent upon making battle, against tlic conflict of Pasgen. 
Gicallawg, the horseman of tumult, would drive onward, intent upon 
trying the sharpest edge against the conflict of Elpliin. JJran, the son 
of Mellyrn, would drive onward, collecting men to burn my ovens : a 
wolf that looked grimly hy the hanks of Alters. Murf/ant and his men 
Avould drive onward, collecting a host to burn my lands : lie was a 
mouse that scratched against a rock. I pushed onward when Elgno 
was slain ; tlio blade which Pyll brandished would gleam terribly, if 
tents were pitched in his country. A second time I saw, after a con- 
flict, a golden shield on the shoulders of Urien; a second to him was 
Elgno Hen. Upon the resolution there came a failing from the dread 
of a furious horseman: will there, be another compared with Urien y 
Decapitated is my lord, his opponents are powerful : warriors will not 
love his enemies: many sovereigns has he consumed. The ardent spirit 
of Urien! it is sadness to me: there is commotion in every region, in 
pursuit of Llovan Llawdivro. This hearth, will it not be covered by 
the greensward ? In the lifetime of Owain and Elphin, its cauldron 
boiled the prey. This hearth, will not the slender brambles cover it ? 
Panning wood used to be on it, which 1'rgrd was accustomed to give. 
This hearth, will it not be scratched up by the fowl '? Want would 
not approach it in the lifetime of Owain and Urien. This buttress and 
that one there. More congenial around them would have been the 
joy of a host, and the tread of a minstrel." 

Here it plainly appears that jur/ulttfttfi, the word used by the Genealo- 
gist, was in accordance with the wild minstrelsy which mourned over 
the death of Urien with two or three of his sons, Owen, Elfin, and 
Pasgen, and the destruction of the hospitable home of the chiefs of 
Rheged. G walla wg and Morgant, both mentioned by the Genealogist, 
also occur. The name of the river, Lieu, is also correct. The Northern 
Low (the ancient Lindis). and the Southern Low, which gives name to 
Lowick and Lowlinu, meet just before they creep into the ocean oppo- 
site to Holy Island. Llovan Llawdivro or Llawdino, after whom the 
song says there was pursuit, is recorded in the Triads, as the author of 
one of the three detested assassinations of the island of Britain, in kil- 
ling Urien. 

The poems relating to Urien llegcd, in the Book of Taliessin, gener- 
ally end with " May I not be smiling, if I praise not Urien," or with 
some similar expression. He is represented as having been elected 
Guledig or Leader in the "Wars at Cattraeth, having most valiant child- 
ren, and possessing " the most wide-spreading sword" among the 
thirteen kings of the north. One of his Anglian enemies is termed 
Ulph. A great battle at Argoed Llwyfaiu is stated to have been between 


Urien (and his son Owain (and Flamdwyn, and by the latter, who 
may or may not have been one of the kings of Bernicia, Owain was on 
some occasion slain. " The soul of Owain son of Urien. May its Lord 
consider its need. The chief of Heged, the heavy sward conceals him. 
When Flamdwyn killed Owain, there was not one greater than he 
sleeping. A wide number of Lloegyr went to sleep with light in their 
eyes. And those that fled not instantly were beyond necessity. 
Owain valiantly chastised them, like a pack (of wolves) pursuing 
sheep. A worthy man, upon his many-coloured trappings, he would 
give horses to those that asked. "While he hoarded hard money, 
it was not shared for his soul. The soul of Owain, son of Urien." 

In the Yerses of the Graves, in the Black Book of Caermarthen, we 
have a number of sepulchral localities, many of them probably on the 
hills. Stanza xiii. reads : " The Grave of Owain ab Urien in a secluded 
part of the world, under the sod of Llan Morvael ; in Abererch, that 
llhydderch Hael." There are also poems in praise of Gwallawg ap 
Llleenawg, who seems also to be called Guledig, though cotemporary 
Avith Urien. That some poems of this kind were in the mind of the 
Penman Genealogist cannot well be doubted, and the Four Books may 
well convey much of the older matter in the altered garb of the period 
of transcription. In the poems relative to Urien, Guallauc, and Mor- 
cant (the three being, according to Genealogies of 977, third cousins, 
Morcant being once removed), Kydderch does not seem to occur, but he 
is prominent in the verses relative to the battle of Arderydd. The pre- 
sent writer does not wish to enlarge upon the localities mentioned in 
the poems or the boundaries of the kingdoms of their heroes, or the 
dates of the events alluded to. The famous battle of Cattraeth, wher- 
ever fought, is only alluded to in this place for the purpose of noting 
that Caeawaug, beloved friend of Owain, is related to have slain five 
battalions of the men of Deivyr and Brcnncich, and that this sentence 
occurs : " If I had judged you to be on the side of the tribe of Bren- 
neich, not the phantom of a man would I have left alive." 

1 FRITIIWALD = 579-580 The ancestry of the next king, Fridolguald 

2 . . = 580-581 or FEIDUUALD, is unknown. The Geneal- 

3 .. =581-582 ogies and Short Chronology agree in giving 

4 . . = 582-583 him six years. The Genealogies add to the 

5 .. = 583-584 notice of him this passage : " In whose time 
C . . = 584-585 the realm of the Kentishmen, of Gregory's 

mission, received baptism." So also the 

Chronicle printed by Gale and by him ascribed to Asser, but which was 
written after his time (see Mon. Hist., 79), states that Pope Gregory 



sent Augustine to Britain with monks in the year 580 of our Lord's 
incarnation. AVendovcr, making Frcthwulf reign in Bernicia from 
570 to 577, asserts that " in 575, Benedict filled the lloman chair 
4 years, 6 months, and 14 days. He gave permission to Pope Gregory 
to go and preach to the Angles, but the people tmnultuously detained 

Thus there seems to have been a notion that something connected 
with Christianity in Britain took place in Trithwald's time. Our first 
authority for the famous meeting at Rome between some Deiran boys 
and S. Gregory isBede. According to him, Gregory was- told that they 
came from the province of the Deiri, and that the name of the king of 
that province was JElla (car. Aelli, -Mle, Elle). There is some dif- 
ference of opinion (says Stevenson) as to whether the event took place 
during the pontificate of Benedict I., 573-577, or in that of Pelagius II., 
578-590, Gregory's own years reaching from 590 to 604. The current 
of the events: "mox ut ipse pontificatus officio functus est, pcii'ecit 
opus diu desideratum" : seems to point to the pontificate of his imme- 
diate predecessor Pelagius. Bede only gives the story "traditione ma- 
jorum ad nos perlata," but we may venture to consider JElla, irrespect- 
ively of other evidence, as already reigning in Dcira in the time of 
Frithwald. Edwin, ^Ella's son, was born sometime about the close of 
Prithwald's reign, Bede calling him 47 or 48 years old at the time of 
his death in 633. 

There is an attractive scheme by which Frithwald is made one of the 
successors of JElla in Deira from 592 to 598, comprising the period 
when Augustine came, but it must, on principle, be withstood. Bather 
let it be considered that the Genealogist classes the whole circumstances 
of conversion under the approximate date of the first of them. 

That we have any very exact account of this first circumstance may, 
however, be reasonably doubted. Bede was not a Kentishman, and he 
hardly seems to have depended upon the details of the story as his 
countrymen had it. He introduces it with peculiar caution. ' ' Kcc si- 
lentio pnetereunda opinio qua) de B. Gregorio traditione majorum ad nos 
usque perlata est. Dicunt &c. Ha3c juxta opinionem, quam ab anti- 
quis accepimus, Historic nostrrc Ecclesiastics inserere opportunum 
tluximus." (H. E., ii. 2.) The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, as we have it, 
makes no mention of any south country version of the story, but JEtlicl- 
werd, of the AVessex blood royal, writing in the 10th century, preserves 
for us the substance of a lost text which differed even from ours of 891, 
and gives us an account of the slave incident materially differing from 
Bede's tradition. The young men arc not represented as slaves ; the 
answers are given by themselves, not by the bystanders ; they call 


themselves Angles, but there is no punning by Gregory ; there is no 
mention of ^Ella or Deira : the men say that they are not Christians, 
for no one has opened their ears : and after another differing remark or 
two, they are led home by Gregory and baptised, and he is much dis- 
posed to return with them to their native country. But the most 
remarkable variation is that no lapse of time takes place between the 
interview and Augustine's mission. Gregory is represented as Pope at 
the time, and the objection of the Romans to his departure is founded 
upon that fact, and not on that of Gregory being a famous citizen, as 
Bede has it. There is no reason to prefer JEthel word's chronology, and, 
if it were correct, we should only have an additional evidence that ^Ella 

was reigning in Deira as late as the time of ^Ethelfrid. 

1 HUSSA = 585-586 The Genealogies and Short Chronology agree 

2 = 586-587 in stating that HUSSA, the next king, reigned 

3 . . = 587-588 seven years. He was the last of the kings 

4 . . = 588-589 against whom " Urbgen, and Eiderch Hen, and 

5 . . = 589-590 Guallauc, and Morcant fought." As in the 

6 = 590-591 case of his predecessor, we know nothing of 

7 . . = 591-592 his ancestry. The Saxon Chronicle of 1122 

has a curious addition to the entry about the 

defeat of the Scots in 603 by JEthelfrid, the next king. He says that 
Herin the son of Hussa led them there. 

= 592-593 We now come to the great king ^E 

2 . . = 593-594 son of -ZEthelric, son of Ida. " Eadfered 

3 . . = 594-595 Plesaurs (car. Eadlfered Elesaur, Ealdfret 

Flegaur) reigned xii years in Berneich, and 

other xii in Deur. One rule with another he reigned xxiv years. And 
he gave Dinguaroy to his wife, who is called Bebbab, and from the 
name of his wife it received its name, i. e. Bebbanburch." The short 
Chronology agrees in giving " Aedilfrid, xxiiii." Bede seems to agree 
in placing his beginnings in Bernicia (H. E., iii. 1), and he twice says 
that the royal city is named from a former queen called Bebba (H. E., 
iii. 6 and 16). It is observable that in 1560, the castle of Holy Island, 
the locality of Theodiic's defence, is surveyed as one "fort buildecl 
upon an hill called Beblawe." (llaine, 26.) 

The Saxon Chronicle places the date of JEthelfrid's accession in 593 
and his death in battle in 617. There is no earlier authority for these 
dates, and as there is no reason to deduct from the regnal years of him 
and Edwin or add to those of their predecessors, we may fairly read 592 
and 616 as the true Christian years. 


4 JEiHELFHiD = 595-59(3 In July of 596, Augustine and his company 

5 . . =596-597 were proceeding to Britain (H. E., i. 23,24), 

and it appears that previous to the Christmas 

of 597 more than 10,000 of the English had been baptized, and that 
Augustine had returned to Kent from Aries, whither he had gone for 
consecration. (See Stevenson's notes to II. E., i. 26, 27.) The baptism 
of ./Ethelbert, king in Kent, who had extended the bounds of his empire 
to the Humber, by which the jSorthern and Southern English were di- 
vided, is believed to have taken place the same year. (H. E., i. 25, and 
Stevenson, referring to Pagi.) The following important passage occurs 
in JBeda's Chronicon dc Sex JEtatibus: " Et quidem yEdilberctus mox 
ad Christi gratiam conversus cum gente Cantuariorum cui prsccrat, 
proximisque provinciis, etiani episcopum doctoremque suum Augustinum, 
Ked ct caateros sacros antistites episcopali sede donabat. Porro gentes 
Anglorum ab Aquilone Umbri fluminis sub regilm JElle et JEdilfrido sitce, 
necdum verbuni vita? audieraut." 4 This, by our chronology, corrected 
by dating back that of the chronicle from^Ethelfrid'a accession to Deira, 

and so finding that JElla and he were cotem- 

6 JEmELFRiD = 597-598 porary kings from 592 to 599, is perfectly 

7 . . = 598-599 accurate language. 

8 ^ETHELFRID = 599-600 The 8th year of JEtheltiid was thus the 

1st year of JEtlwlritfs succession in Deira, 

and of Edwin's exile of 17 years. He was only aged 13, but old enough 
to be dangerous. For some time he wandered through divers king- 
doms, and at last settled with Kedwald of East Anglia. His flight docs 
not show that JEthelric was not of his own family. Edwin's son and 
brother had in 633 to flee, and Osric his cousin, son of his uncle JElliic 
brother of ./Ella, on that later occasion reigned in Deira. 

9 JEiHELFitiD = 600-601 In 601, Gregory sent the pall to Augustine, 

10 .. =601-602 and many ministers, among whom was Paul- 

inus, who afterwards played so important a 
part in North umbria. Of more interest to 

1 1 ^ETHELFEID = 602-603 the pagans at the time was the incursion of 

./Edan, king of those Scots who inhabited 
Britain. He came against JEthclfrid in 603 with a large force which 

1 " The passage quoted from JBeda do Sex yEtatibus certainly rai*es \\w preaump* 
lion tliat Ethelfrith was the contemporary or immediate successor of Ella. I should 
say rather successor than contemporary. But I do not think that either one or 
the other is a necessary inference. All that \ve can positively assume is, what we 
knew before, that both reigned north of the Humber, and both before the intro- 
duction of Christianity into that district." I. H. H. 


was almost cut to pieces " in loco celcberriiuo qui dicitur Dcgsastan, id 
est Degsa lapis. In qua etiam pugna Theodbaldua fratcr JEthelfridi, 
cum omni illo queni ipse ducebat exercitu peremptus est." This battle 
was fought in " 603, in the llth year of JEthelfrid, who reigned 24 
years, and in the 1st year of Phocas who then held the Roman rule." 
Bede elsewhere makes 605 the 2nd year of Phocas, supposing that 
Gregory died in 605. But Stevenson notes that he really died in Mar. 
604. The dates arc therefore consistent. 

The Chronicle of 891, before erasure, and those of 977 and 1066 
agree in the simple entry under 603 of " Her wass gefeoht set Egesan 
stane" If this really was the name of the place in those days, it seems 
so closely allied to the Eggascliff of 1084, now Egglescliffe on the Tees, 
that Eggleston on the same river naturally suggests itself rather than 
Dalston (anciently Dalaston, as in Testa de Nevill) in Cumberland, or 
Dawston in Liddesdale ; particularly as Eggleston had a notable circle 
of stones (engraved by Hutchinson) and another big archaic monolith 
(mentioned to the writer by the clergyman of Laithkirk, W. E. Bell, 
who has every facility of obtaining local knowledge. 5 ) One of the 
boundaries of Eggleston in the time of James I. is recorded in the great 
survey of the royal manors as " King's Cragg." This was the route 
said to have been taken by Malcolm in 1070, and to a Dalriadan prince, 
coming from Argyllshire against a Bernician enemy, may well have 
been preferred to the pass through the Cheviots up Dawston Burn. 
JEdan was concerned at JEthelfrid's successes against the Britons, who 
were on the west of the English, and would not be likely to part 
from the friendly coasts of Cumberland till it was absolutely necessary 
or advisable. 

There was evidently a crisis at the period. But we cannot pretend 
to understand its details. "Was Thcodbald for or against his brother 
JEthelfrid ? "Was there an unnatural alliance between the kings of Deira 
and Dalriada as between Pcnda and Cadwalla in later days ? "What 
grounds had the interpolator of 1122 for adding to the Saxon Chronicle 
what looks very like truth, that Hcring the son of Hussa led the Scots 
hither ? Whence did the Tighernac annalist derive his information for 
this entry: "600k. v. (599) Cath Saxanum la li. Aedan ubi cecidit 
Eanfraich fratcr Etalfraich la Maeluma mac Baedain in quo victus erat." ? 

1 2 jJEiHELFRii) = 603-604 Another interesting event must be noticed 
under the year 603. S. Oswald, son of 

5 He remarked to me that an invader from Scotland, wishing to avoid the 
east coast, would come down Tcesdale by High-cup-nick or Eagles-chair, the rock 
on tlic left hand in coming from Westmorland. 


JEthelfrid, was born in the next one, 604. "We have seen how the 
J^ennian Genealogist states that he gave Bambrough to his wife Bebbab. 
Bede, in mentioning how the arm and hand of 8. Oswald were preserved 
in S. Peter's church "in urbe regia quac a regina quondam vocabulo Bella 
cognominatur," says, almost in the same breath (H. E., iii. 6), that 
Oswald was nephew of king Edwin by his sister Acha, and that it 
was fitting that such a predecessor should have of his own kindred such 
an heir of his religion and realm. 

It is impossible, in face of such language, to identify Bebba and Acha 
with each other. Was Bebba first or second queen ? Under what cir- 
cumstances did JEthelfrid give Bambrough to her ? 

The Genealogist says that JEthclfrid had seven sons, Anfrid, Osguald, 
Osbiu, Osguid, Osgudu, Oslaph, Offa. The Libellus, t. Hen. I., says that 
' ' he had seven sons, Eanfrid ; and ; by the sister of king Edwin, the daugh- 
ter of Ella, Acca ; Oswald, Oswi, Oslac, Oswudu, Osa, Offa." Florence 
gives all the sons to Acha, and ranges them thus, Eanfrid, Oslaf, Oslac, 
$. Oswald the king, king Oswi, Offa, and Oswudu. As Oswald certainly 
succeeded Eanfrid, and the language of Bedc leads to the impression 
that Eanfrid was no relation of the Christian Edwin, it seems probable 
that Florence is less trustworthy than the Libellus, and that Eanfrid 
was by a former wife. Considering that the other six sons with S. Ebba, 
a daughter of Acha, would occupy the rest of JEthelfrid's reign pretty 
well, we may conclude that the first wife was Bebba. Oswald being 
born in 604, the last year of JEthclfrid in Bernicia, or his first in Dcira, 
the marriage with Acha cannot have been later than 603 or the begin- 
ning of 604. It is not a usual thing for a monarch to present his capital 
to his queen. But a divorce, and a marriage with a Deiran princess, 
and seizure of her father's throne on the termination of the reign of an 
interloper, will explain all. 

13 ^THELFKID = 604-605 The 13th year of the reign of JSthelfrid 
in Bernicia was his first in Deira. We are 

ignorant of the circumstances of JEthclric's end. Under any, JEthelfrid 
would probably have been his successor. Edwin was only aged 18, and 
in exile. JEthclfrid, flushed with English victory, would, if only an 
infant when his uncle Theodric succeeded, be now at least 33 ; and his 
wife was probably the eldest member of the Deiran house. Another 
sister, we know, was very much older than her brother Edwin, for 
Hereric, the nephew of Edwin, father of S. Hilda in 614, and earlier 
still, as it seems, of her sister Heresuid queen of the East Angles, could 
scarcely be born later than 595, when his uncle Edwin would be hardly 
10 years old. 



14 U.ETHELFEID = 605-606 


= 606-607 
= 607-608 
= 608-609 
= 609-610 
= 610-611 
= 611-612 
= 612-613 
= 613-614 
= 614-615 
= 615-616 

While Edwin was in exile, two sons, 
Osfricl and Eadfrid, were borne to him by 
Quoenburga, daughter of Cearl, king of 
Mercia. (H. E., ii. 14.) At the court of 
Kedwald, he is said by Bede to have received 
a sign from a stranger that he should be a 
king more powerful, not only than all his 
progenitors, but all previous kings of the 
English. In 616, as it appears from the reg- 
nal years, Eedwald, refusing to surrender 
Edwin, slew JEthelfrid in battle. 

1 EDWIN = 616-617 Eedwald succeeded JSthclbert of Kent as 

2 = 617-618 supreme ruler in England in 616. Edwin 

3 = 618-619 became king of all jN'orthumbria, as yEthel- 

4 = 619-620 i'rid had been before him. He occurs thus 

5 = 620-621 in the Genealogies: Eogiiin (var. Eaguin) 

6 = 621-622 filius Alii, reigned 1 7 years, and he occupied 

7 . . 622-623 Elmct, and expelled Gertie king of that 

8 . . 623-624 region." The Short Chronology agrees in 

9 .. 624-625 giving " Aeduini, xvii." 

10 .. = 625-626 On 12 cal. Aug., 21 July, 625, Paulinus 

was ordained bishop : and then he came with 

JEthelberga, alias Tatc, daughter of JEthelbert the late king of Kent, 
''ad regem Edwinum quasi comes copulce carnalis." (H. E., ii. 9.) On 
20 April, 626, primo die pasclne, Edwin was preserved from assassina- 
tion, and that night, eadem nocte Dominici paschffi, his queen bore a 
daughter Eanfled or Elflcd, mayhap rather prematurely. .She was bap- 
tized die sancto (in sabbato) pentccostes, 8 June (H. E., ii. 9, and 

Epit.), or on the twelfth day after Pentecost. 

11 EDWIX. : 626-627 (H. Brit., c. 66, and Geneal.) Within a 

twelvemonth afterwards, Edwin was bap- 
tized in a hastily built church of wood at York, at Easter, 2 id. April, 

12 April, 627, D., in his llth year. (H. E., ii. 14.) S. Hilda was bap- 
tized at the same time. (H. E., ii. 23.) Paulinus, who officiated, is 
call Bum or Him map Urbgen in the Ncnnian Genealogies, and Edwin's 
subjects who were baptized with him arc termed Angli Trans-Uinbranaj 
gentis by Bede (Chron.), genus Arnbronuin by the Nennian Genealo- 
gist, id est Aid Saxonum according to the work ascribed to Nenmus 


12 EDWIN 627-628 During the next " six years" Paulinus 

13 .. 628-629 continued in Ivhvin's province, " that is, to 

14 .. = 629-630 the end of his reign." Osfrid and Eanfrid, 

15 . . 630-631 his sons by Quoenburga were baptized. After- 

16 . . 631-632 wards his children by JEthelburga, vix. 

17 .. 632-633 yEthelhun and ^Ethelthryd ; a daughter, 

and Yuscfrea, another son, were also bap- 
tized. JEthclhun and JEthelthryd died infants, and were buried in the 
church of York. Yffi son of Osfrid, and other nobles, were also bap- 
tized. (H. E., ii. 14.) 

After Edwin ' ' had ruled for 1 7 years over the race of the English as 
well as that of the Britons, during 6 of which he had fought for Christ's 
kingdom," he was slain by Cacdwalla, the rebellious king of the Britons, 
and Penda, who for 22 years was king of the Mercians, at Hacthfelth 
(H. E., ii. 20) or Meieun (Gen. Xcnn.) Edwin was aged 47 or 48. His 
head, was brought to York and afterwards placed in 8. Peter's church 
there, which he had begun by enclosing the wooden baptistry with 
quadrilateral walls of stone. Oswald his successor completed it. The 
head was deposited in the porch of pope Gregory, from \vlnso disciples 
he had received the Wo-cl of Life. (H. E., ii. 20.) 

On the death of Edwin, Paulinus returned to Kent, taking with him 
queen Ethelbcrge, Bassus, a valiant soldier of the king, Eaniied tho 
daughter, and Vuscfrea the son of Edwin, and Yffi son of Osfrid his son. 
Osfrid himself had fallen in the war before his father. Eadfrid his bro- 
ther fled to Pcnda and was put to death during the reign of Oswald. 
The Nennian Genealogies agree with this statement of Bede in substance, 
but they make Osfrid and Eadfrid to perish with their father in bello 
Meican. Vuscfrea and Yffi were sent to France for protection from 
Oswald. They died infants, and were buried in a church there. (H. E., 
ii. 20.) And thus ended Edwin's issue in the male line. 

The date of the fatal battle was 12 Oct., 4 id. Oct. 633. (H. E., ii. 
20.) And from it the years of Oswald were reckoned, although he did 
not actually succeed until a year afterwards. In 635 the see of Lindis- 
fame was founded, and the episcopal years commence. With the death 
of Edwin, the introducer of Christianity into Northumberland, this 
essay appropriately concludes. 

Xot only in Avar was his standards (vexilla) bore before him, but even 
in time of peace, when he rode with his officers among his cities, or 
vills or provinces, the standard-bearer (signifer) was always wont to go 
before him. Also, whenever he walked along the streets, that kind 
of standard (vexilli) which the Romans call Tufa, and the Angles Tmif 
(var. TJmuf\ was borne before him. (H. E., ii. 17.) The Tufa, 


mentioned by Vegetius, quoted by Smith, was a tuft of feathers affixed 
to a spear. (Stevenson's note.) 

In later days, when it was thought proper to allot armorial bearings 
to Saxon saints and kings, we read in Leigh's Accidence that "Azure, 
a cross flurte Or, were the arms of Edwine the first Christian king of 
Northumberland." The coat in the central tower of York Minster, 
Three crowns, two and one, which, according to the tinctures, might be for 
either S. Oswin or S. Edmund, has been ascribed to S. Edwin, and that 
next to it, with Three crowns in pale, like the Irish device on the coins of 
Edward IV., has been attributed to king Oswald. Speed gives for^Ella 
and Edwin of the Deiran house A lion rampant, and for Ida, ^Ethelfrid, 
and Oswald of the Bernician house Paly of six. "With Oswi he com- 
mences the coat of A plain cross between four lions, the discussion of 
which belongs to the subject of the arms of Oswald and Cuthbert in con- 
nection with Durham. From Camden's Eemains it would appear that 
the paly coat ascribed to the early kings of Bernician blood is derived 
from the notion that " King Oswald had a banneroll of Gold and purple, 
interwoven paly or bendy, set over his tomb at Bardney Abbey in Lincoln- 
shire." That his vexillum was set over his tomb, is indeed stated by 
Bede (H. E., iii. 11), but he merely says that it was made of Gold and 
purple (auro et purpura compositum), leaving the design an open ques- 

As Bede in his account of Oswald says expressly that before his time 
there was not a church inBernicia (H. E., iii. 2), and no early authority 
mentions Edwin's erection of a wooden sacellum at Tynemouth or his 
daughter Rosella who is said to have been baptized in it, the statements 
of such events by a chronicle of S. Alban's, the enemy of Durham, may 
be set down to a wish to glorify Tynemouth. His other statements, to 
the effect that Oswald converted the wooden monasteriolum into a stone 
one, that in Coquet island there was a coeniobiolum of the monks of 
Tynemouth, that in the region of Tynemouth there was a city called 
Urfa, where Oswin was born, and which was afterwards wasted by the 
Danes, and that the site of Tynemouth monastery was by the Saxons 
called Benebalcrag or Penbalcrag, must be taken cautiously. 





RECEXT events having attracted much notice to the history of the ill- 
fated Earl of Derwentwater a narrative, the interest of which is not 
likely to die out there have been engrafted upon the Radcliffe Pedigree 
some erroneous statements, which ought not to pass without notice, 
since they are at variance with all that has hitherto been known with 
regard to the Earl's immediate descendants. 

The marriage, in 1712, of James, the 3rd Earl of Derwentwater, to 
Anne Maria, daughter of Sir John Webb, Bart., by whom he had a son 
and daughter, the Earl's participation in the rebellion of 1715, and his 
unfortunate end, are circumstances too well known to need more than 

It was always understood that the Earl's son, John Radcliffe an 
infant at his father's death only survived him sixteen years, and died 
a minor. 

After having prevailed uninterruptedly for upwards of a century, and 
formed the basis of family succession, this belief is now, for the first 
time, disturbed. 

John Radcliffe's decease in 1731 is called in question; his death 
is pronounced an invention his obsequies a sham. He is spirited 
away from Paris to Germany is provided there with a wife and 
family ; instead of a premature death, abundant length of days is 
vouchsafed to him, and his life is protracted to the venerable age of 

When a fact, which has been unhesitatingly received throughout 
several generations, and never, until now, critically regarded, comes to 
be questioned, it is well to inquire upon what grounds contemporaries 
founded their belief in the fact. 

In the obituary of the Gentleman's Magazine for 1731, vol. i. p. 541, 
the demise was thus announced : 

Dec. 31. The E. of Derwentwater, at Six John Webb's, his Father-in- 
Law (mistake for grandfather) in Great Marllorouyh Street, having been 
lately cut for the Stone. He was the only Son of the late E, of Der- 
wentwater, who was beheaded in 1716," 


The Historical Register for tlie same year, with more time to test the 
accuracy of the news than the magazine might have, records the event 
thus : 

"1731, Dec. 31. This Day dy'd of an Ulcer in his Kidneys, James 
(misprint for John) Earl of Derwentwater, at Sir John Well's, in Great 
Marllorougli Street. He was the only surviving son of the late Earl of 
Derwentwater, who was beheaded in 1716, \)j Anne Maria, Daughter 
of the said Sir John Well." 

The widow of James, Earl of Derwentwater, is understood to have 
died at Louvain, in 1725, and to have been buried in the Augustine 
Convent there. 

Her son, John Eadcliffe, is found to have been interred in the same 
convent. The establishment was removed, in 1794, to England, and is 
now settled at Newton Abbot, in Devonshire. 

The archives of the convent accompanied the nuns to this country. 
Amongst their records are the following entries : 

" 1725. My Lady Webb sent us 15 guineas on account of the Countess 
of Derwentwater being buried in our church." 

" 1732. Sir John "Webb gave us 20 guineas for burying Lord Der- 

The death, in 1725, of the Countess of Derwentwater has not been 

If her son did not, seven years afterwards, follow her to the grave, his 
maternal grandfather must have been under a strange delusion on the 

Not less strange would it have been that John Radcliffe should, a 
month before the date assigned for his death, have made a will, and 
that his grandfather should, a few weeks after the supposed death of 
the testator, have proved the will. 

At Doctors' Commons is duly enrolled a will, dated the 18th 
November, 1731, purporting to be made by John Eatcliffe, commonly 
called Earl of Darwentwater, and signed " John Eatcliffe, Darwent- 

Amongst other bequests, legacies are left to his aunt, Lady Mary 
Petre, and his grandfather, Sir John Webb, Bart. 

On the 28th January, 1732, probate of the will was granted to Sir 
John Webb and Nathaniel Pigott, the executors. 

Five months after the reputed death of John Eadcliffe his sister, Ann 
Eadcliffe, was married to Eobert James, Lord Petre. In the marriage 
settlement (which is enrolled on the Close Eolls), dated 29th April, 


1732, the intended bride is described as "Ann lladcliffc, commonly 
called the Lady Ann Radcliffe, only surviving child of James, late Earl 
of Dcrwent water, deceased." 

By the marriage settlement, in 1712, of her father, power was given 
to raise a sum of 20,000 for a daughter or daughters in default of male 

That sum is referred to in the marriage settlement of Lady Ann Ilad- 
cliffe, as part of her portion, and as "secured upon the estate late of 
the said James Earl of Derwentwater. 

So much for the contemporary evidence of the death, in 1731, of John 

In addition to having been universally accepted, the event was stated 
to have influenced the family succession. 

On the death of John Iladcliffe without issue, the heir to the title, 
had it subsisted, and estates, would have been his uncle, Charles Rad- 
cliife, only brother of the unfortunate Earl. 

For the active part he took in the first rebellion, Charles Radcliffe 
had the singular fate of suffering in the second at an interval of 30 

Whilst in exile, Charles Radcliffe was married at Brussels, in 1724, 
to Caroline, Countess of Eewburgli. 

Their first child was born in Trance the rest at Rome, where other 
members of the Radcliffe family had taken refuge. 

The eldest son, James, was baptised, in 1725, at Vincennes, as the 
son of "Messire Charles Radcliffe et de dame Charlotte Levinson nee 
Countess de Xewbrough son epouse." 

Their daughter, Barbara Radcliffe, was baptized at S. Lorenzo, in 
Damaso, Rome, on the 18th March, 1728, as "nat. ex illuio D. Carolo 
Radcliffe Ex Sexia in Anglia et illma D. Carlotte Comitissa de Eew- 

The sponsors were " Joes Radcliffe concg de Darwcntwater," repre- 
sented by Mr. Patrick Darcy ; and Lady Barbara Webb, who also ap- 
peared by proxy. 

On the 13th January, 1730, Ann Thornasin Radcliffe another daugh- 
ter, was baptised at the same church, as the child of Count Charles 
Radcliffe and the Countess of Newburgh. 

On the 24th July, 1730, Count William Radcliffe, uncle of Earl James 
and of Charles Radcliffe, made his will, at Rome, and left to his great 
nephew (pronipoti) the Earl of Derwentwater a painting by Pietro da 

He left various legacies to his nephew (nipote) Charles Radcliffe, and 
his wife the Countess of Newburgh. 


The Christian name of the first legatee is not given, but, as the tes- 
tator distinguished between his great nephew and his nephew, the 
former, doubtless, indicated John Radcliffe. 

His existence and his status were therefore distinctly recognised, 
both by his uncle, Charles Radcliffe, the heir presumptive to the title, 
and by his great uncle, William Radcliffe. 

So long as John Radcliffe lived his relatives seem to have been careful 
not to infringe any family right. His death, under age, on the last day 
of 1731, opened the succession to his uncle. 

Not long after the nephew's death the uncle assumed the family 

On the 6th April, 1732, his daughter, Lady Maria Radcliffe, was 
baptised at S. Lorenzo in Lucina, Rome, as "INatam ex Domino Carolo 
Radclyffe Londinen. mylord Danoentwater et ex Carlotta de Livingstone 
comitissa Newburgh." 

On the 22nd July, in the same year, another son, James Clement 
Radcliffe, was baptised at the same church, as " Infans ex illnio et exmo 
D. Carolo Radcliffe milord Darwentwater." 

Again, in the funeral register, at Rome, in 1734, of his daughter, Ann 
Thomasin, the father appears as " Signer milord Carolo Darwentwater 

It is needless, perhaps, to adduce further proof that the public belief, 
at the time, in the death of John Radcliffe, was shared by his family, 
and that they acted upon that belief. 

The public records, and the legislation of later years with regard to 
the Radcliffe family and their estates in Northumberland and Cumber- 
land exhibit few distinct references to the death of John Radcliffe, but 
all assume the fact. A circumstance of such recent occurrence seems to 
have been taken for granted. 

The 28 Geo. III. c. 63, however, (by which the Derwentwater Estates 
were charged with 2,500 per annum to Anthony Jamqs, Earl of 
!N"ewburgh, Grandson of Charles Radcliffe) alludes thus to the event: 

" And whereas the said John Radcliffe departed this life sometime 
in or about the year of our Lord 1731, before he had attained his age 
of 21 years, without issue and unmarried." 

Into the genealogical superstructure that has been raised upon the 
hypothesis of John Radcliffe's having attained old age and left a family 
it is unnecessary to enter ; it being sufficient to shew that the first step 
rests upon an imaginary foundation. 

W. C. M. 

5 May, 1869. T. H. B. 



I BELIEVE I have now found who the EICHAKD was that sculptured the 
striking Bridekirk Eunic Font. If so, I was right in assigning its date 
on independent internal grounds to the 12th century, not the 13th. 
Lately, again looking through the excellent edition of the Bold on 
Buke 1 by my learned friend the Eev. "W. Greenwell, M.A., I was struck 
at pp. 2 and 43 by the following : 

" Willelmus quondam Abbas de William, sometime Allot of Peter- 

Burgo tenet JSTewtonam juxta Dun- lorough holds Newton near Durham, 

olm. de accommodatione et elemos- ly the accommodation and alms of the 

ina Domini Episcopi, et reddit pro Lord Bishop, and renders, for the 

medietate dominii quam Eicardus moiety of the demesne which Richard 

ingeniator tenuit, j. marcam." the Architect held, one mark." 

Mr. Greenwell adds in a note : 

" Eichard was a man of some note in his profession ; he was employed 
by Bishop Pudsey about the repair of Norham Castle. Eeginald, in his 
Life of St. Cuthbert (Surtees Soc.), ch. 47,54, tells an interesting story 
about him, and says * Cunctis regionis hujus incolis arte et nomine no- 
tissimus est.' He and his heir, Thomas, granted land in Wolviston to 
the Prior and Convent of Durham in exchange for a carncate of land in 

What was this " interesting story"? It is told diffusively by 
Eeginald in his ch. 47, shorter, with some variations, in ch. 54. The 
substance is : A pious layman, who showed his faith by his works, 
like many other simple people carried about him some amulets, half- 
christian charms and spells, with verses of scripture, &c. A familiar 
friend, a monk of St. Cuthbert, who also bore on his person a kind of 
amulet, a little manuscript life of the saint, and, hidden in the binding- 
boards, a morsel of the chasuble which had lain by his body, showed 

1 Boldon Buke, a Survey of the Possessions of the See of Durham, made by 
order of Bishop Hugh Pudsey, in the year 1183. With a translation, an appendix 
of original documents, and a Glossary. By the Eev. W. Greenwell, M.A. 8vo. 
Durham, 1852. (Published by the Surtees Society.) 


Richard this last treasure. But its sight excited holy and eager long- 
ings, and at last, overcome by his prayers, the monk gave the layman a 
bit of the costly fragment. For this and his other talismans Kichard 
procured a rich silken case or bag, and constantly went with them on 
his person. One of the first fruits of this devotion was, that Bishop 
Pudsey made him his Master of the "Works for the improvements at 
Norham Castle, and here Eichard was always boasting of his precious 
safeguards. A certain ecclesiastic at Norham, a Frenchman, heard often 
of this hidden belt, and one day Eichard having gone to Berwick, and 
in his haste forgotten it he happened to find it. Quickly tearing it open 
to see what jewels were within, what was his disappointment to find 
that the chief treasure was a tiny lave of whitish cloth ! Angry and 
disgusted, the French priest threw the relic into the fire, where it re- 
mained for a couple of hours. But it took no harm, would not burn, 
and so the Frenchman lifted the wondrous morsel from the coals, hum- 
bly restoring it to the returning Eichard, and announced the token to 
all the bystanders. 

Ecginald says that he himself had seen the bit of cloth, and that it 
was whiter and brighter after its fire-bath than the robe from which it 
had been cut ; all which only shows that it was woven of amianthus, 
or earth-flax, a kind of asbestos, which for thousands of years has been 
used for making incombustible stuffs. And this reminds us of the 
equally " unburning" hair of St. Cuthbert, evidently fabricated of gold- 
wire^ a few years before, by that cunning and impudent relic-thief 
Elfred "Westow. (See Symeon of Durham, ch. 42 ; Eeginald, ch. 26 ; 
and the Eev. James Eaine's valuable St. Cuthbert, 4to, Durham, 1828, 
p. 59.) 

As we have seen, it was while Eichard was superintending the 
works at Norham Castle that the " miracle" in question took place, 
that is to say about the year 1171. Eeginald wrote his book about 
1172, and in the chapters on Eichard that craftsman is still living (cog- 
nominatus EST," "notissimus EST," not FUIT). But he was dead before 
1183, for this is the date of the Boldon Buke, when Abbot "William had 
followed him (how long before we do not know) as tenant of Newton. 
The works at Norham were too extensive to have been finished in one 
year (1171), and while engaged thereon Eichard could neither have 
time nor wish to descend to simple stone-cutting with his own hands. 
He doubtless therefore carved the font either before his elevation to the 
post of Master-builder at Norham, that is, say, some time beween 1150 
and 1170, or else after his finishing those works, and his death, say 
about 1172 to 1180. The former is the more likely, as handiwork 
would better suit a clever journeyman than a renowned architect. 


After praising his simplicity and piety, lleginald adds about him 
(ch. 47), " artificiosus fuisset opere, et prudcns architectus in omni 
structura artis forisseca?," that he was most skilful in his work, and a care- 
ful architect f talented constructor} in all kinds of outdoor building ; and 
(ch. 54), "Vir iste Ricardus Ingeniator dictus cognominatus est, qui 
Dunclmcnsis civis effcctus cunctus regionis hujus incolis arte et nomine 
notissimus est." This man Richard is well known lij his title of the En- 
gineer f Architect}, and, having become a burgher of Durham, is celebrated 
both by name and fame to all the men of this region (at least including the 
counties of Durham, Westmoreland, Cumberland, and Northumberland. 

Thus, according to all testimony, he was a worthy, highly respected 
artist, pious beyond the average, and distinguished as a gifted craftsman 
long before the favour shown him by Bishop Pudsey. It is also evident 
that he became a man of substance. That he was a native Northum- 
brian is plain, for otherwise the contrary would have been pointed out 
by Reginald, in the same way as he is careful to tell us that the clerk 
who stole his belt was " Francigena," a Frenchman. "When Richard 
was born, and when he died, I do not know. The dates \vill be some- 
thing like A.D. 1120 and 1180, 




STOCKTON THE verdict and presentment of the jurye whose names are 
UPON TEASE, herunder written taken and made the x tL of September 
anno regni Elizabeth Dei gratia Anglic, etc. xix, upon 
the vewe and survey of the inannour howse of Stockton upon Tease in 
the County of Durcsrne with all other howses and buildinges belongynge 
unto the said mannour in what decay and ruyne they were at the deaths 
of the late reverend father in God James late busshopp of Duresme, and 
what woold repaire the same agayne in all thinges necessary. 

First the Barne beinge of Ixiij yardes in length, xiiij yardes brode, 
builded of post & pan and covered with slate all savinge xvij yardes in 
Jength which is decaied of slate and covered with struwc ; the walk's 
beinge iiij yardes high with a xj butteresses on either syde, and xj 
yardes depe of thatch on either side. The walles and buttresses sore 
decaied and ruyiiouso, and the said slate woorkc decayed for lar-ke of 


poyntinge ; and some parte of the tymbre rotten and shott owt, will 
amownte for repayringe of the same in tymbre slate and stone, in 
woorkmanshipp and other thinges necessary for the same to the some 
of ex 11 . 

The Hall beinge xxj yardes in length, xj yardes brode within the 
walles ; the walles beinge ix yardes high and iiij foote thicke ; which 
hath had one flowre and one roufe of tymbre of the said length and 
bredth, which hath ben covered with leade, with v wyndowes with two 
leaves a pece ij yardes high every wyndow & v quarters brode all de- 
cayed in tymbre, leade, iron & glasse, nothinge remaynynge but the 
walles, which are broken and ruyuouse, will amount, to be repaired in 
all thinges necessary, to the some of v c x lj . 

The Tower north of the Chaple of xv yardes longe and xiij yardes 
brode xij yardes high, decaied in the batlement & for lacke of pointinge, 
to be repaired as it ought will amount to xxxvip. 

The Westmoste Tower on the north syde beinge vij yardes in length, 
v yardes brode & xij yardes high beinge lykewise decaied in battlement 
& for lacke of pointinge, to be repaired necessary, or as it ought, will 

f amount to the some of v u . x s . 
The walles of the Chambre adjoyninge unto the Lorde's Chambre called 
the Chamberlaynes Chamber, from the "West Tower unto the Greate 
Chambre on the north syde of the howse beinge xxj (sic} in length, iiij 
yardes brode, & xij yardes high lackinge the battlement and decaied 
for lacke of pointinge, to be repaired necessarily or as it ought will 
amount to the some of xxj 11 . x s . 

The walles of the Chambre adjoyninge to the Greate Chambre on the 
north syde, beinge xxv yardes longe, x yardes in breadth, & xv yardes 
high, decaied for lacke (of) pointynge, to be repaired as nede requyreth, 
and as it ought, will amount to the some of ix u .xv s . 

The walles on the west square of the Gardener beinge Ix yardes in 
length, viij yardes in bredth & xv yardes high, decaied & to be repaird 
will amount to the some of xxxv 11 . 

The walles of the Gardener on the south square, beinge Ixxij yardes 
in length vij yardes & di. brode, and viij yardes high, with stables under 
the said Gardener, beinge decaied for lak of poyntinge & in plankes and 
mangers to be repaired will amount to the some of xxxviijn. 

The Kytchinge beinge xiiij yardes square within the walles, v yardes 
high & iij yardes thicke, which hath had a rowfe of tymbre & covered 
with slate of ix yardes depe, with a loover of leadd & guttered rounde 
abowt w 1 - leade, which is all pulled downe & nothinge remaynyng nei- 
ther tymbre slate nor leade which was pulled downe by the commaund- 
nient of James late busshopp of Duresmc, to be repaired againe and made 
as good as it hath ben will amount to cx u . 

Item one other Howsc adjoyning to the north-ende of the said kit- 
chinge of lyke square, which is lykewyse decayed & nothinge remayn- 
ynge but ruynous walles, to be repaired will amount xxiij 11 . x s . 

Item one Howse for a Horse Milne, the walles being xvj yardes longe, 
xiij yardes brode, iiij yardes high & ij foote thicke, which hath had a 
roufe of tymbre covered with slate and guttered rounde abowt w* leade, 
all decayed & downe to be repaired in tymbre, slate, leade, & stone, coste 
Ixxiij'' x s . iiijd. 



Item one Kylne, the -walles beinge xvj yardes longe xiij yardes brode 
& iij yardes high, which hath had a roufe of tymbre covered with slate all 
decaied, to be repaired will amount to xxxv u . 

Item one Howse adjoyninge to the said Kilne w* two flowers for 
floweringe malt, the walles beinge in length xxvij yardes, in bredth ix 
yardes & in hight vj yardes, which hath had ix dormauntes of tymbre 
wt a flower on them ; which said flower and dormountes were taken 
downe by the commaundment of James late busshopp of Duresme ; both 
the gavell endes downe from the syde wall upp ; which howse was gut- 
tered rounde abowte w* Icade, which leade was also taken away by 
commaundment of the said late James busshopp of Duresme ; which to 
be repaired agayne into as good state will amount to the some of Ixx 11 . 

Item the Brewhowse and Backhowse with a Charnbre at either ende ; 
the walles beinge xlj yardes longe & x yardes brode, covered with slate 
of x yardes on either syde, decaied in stone slate and tymbre for lacke 
of poyntinge to be repaired will amount to xxvij 11 . 

Item the Chaple beinge xxj yardes longe & vj yardes deepe on either 
syde, with one to-fall on either syde, with iiij tirrettes adjoyninge to the 
same on the north square decaied in leade and to be repaired againe 
therwith and the woorkmanshipp will amount to vj 11 . xiij s . iiij d . 

Item the Leades on the Greate Chambre beinge xx yardes longe & xv 
yardes brode which are sore decaied & muste be caste a newe, which 
will requyre iiij foothers of leade, which we esteme with the woork- 
manshipp will amounte to xxxvj 11 . 

Item the Leades over the Chambre at th'ende of the said Greate 
Chambre on the north square beinge xxx yardes in length and x yardes 
brode, beinge decaied in riggyng and fillettes will requyre one foother 
of leade ; which with the woorkmanshipp will amount x 11 . x s . 

Item the Leades over the Gardeners on the west square in length Iv 
yardes, in bredth ix yardes, w fc a Tower at the north ende of the same iiij 
square, which was covered which the said James late busshopp caused 
to be taken away and uncovered : which Tower is yet bare. And also 
a Tower at the south ende of the said Gardeners covered w* leade, which 
is viiij yardes longe, & v yardes brode : which leades will requyre for 
the repayringe the same in suche places as they are decaied iij foothers 
of leade, which with woorkmanshipp wilbe xxx 11 . 

Item the Leades on the south square beinge Ixxij yardes longe & vij 
yardes di. brode beinge decaied in dyvers places will requyre one foother 
of leade, which with woorkmanshipp wilbe vj 11 . xiij 8 . iiij d . 

Item xviij longe spowtes of Leade of viij yardes deepe with iiij half 
spowtes cutt away, a greate decay to the walles, will requyre ij foothers 
of leade to repayre the same, which we esteme with the woorkmanshipp 
will amounte to the some of xviij 11 . x s . 

Item decayed in Glasse in the entery to the Parlour and in the 
Chambers above the same cvj foote. One Chambre next unto the same 
xl foote. In the Butteiy viij foote. The Tower over the Stayers 
xlviij foote. In the Parlour & Greate Chambre 1 foote. In the Chaple 
& Revestry Ix foot, iiij other Chambres in the north square xvj foote. 
iij Chambres in the north syde of the Chaple xxxij foote. In the Pan- 
tery & one Chambre adjoyninge to the same with a wyndowe goinge to 
the "VVyne Seller xxxij foote. In the Kylne & the Howse adjoyninge to 
the same cj foote. In the Chambre over the Backhouse xiiij foote. 



Some of the footes v c viij ; which we esteme to xd the foote for glasse, 
leade, sowder, & woorkmanshipp will amounte to the some of xxj u . ij s . vjd. 

Item decayed in Iron for stancyons for wyndowes & dore crookes, as 
amounteth to x 11 . xvs. 

Item one Stathe of Tymbre forannempst the said howse for the defence 
of the water of Tease of vij xx yardes longe, which is sore decaied and 
worne away in dyvers places. Which Stathe except it be repaired the 
said water will undermyne the said howse, for it ebbeth and floweth 
every tyde at the said Stathe and viij myles above it. "Which to repayre 
will cost cccxxx 11 . 

Item we doo fynde and present that the said James late bushopp of 
Duresmc dyd command two foothers of leade to be caryed by his ten- 
nantes of Norton & Hartborne from the said howse of Stockton unto 
Hartlepole and delyver it unto one Parrett of the same xiiij 11 . 

Item we doo fynde that one John Lever, servaunt to the said James 
late busshopp did sell v stone of leade of the said howse unto William 
Swaynston of Stockton for x d the stone, which is valued to iiij s . ijd. 

Item we doo fynde that there was xxx ti foothers of stone caryed from 
the said howse unto Norton mylne by the commandment of the said late 
busshopp, estemed to xx s . 

Summa totalis ar.Dlxxxv 11 . iiijd- 

Bryan Tunstall. 
Anthony Wrenne. 
Kobert Gates. 
William Elis. 
Nicholas Harperley. 
Eoger Weede. 
Thomas Blaxton. 

Richarde Johnson. 
Thomas Wilson. 
Rauffe Bayles. 
John Thompson. 
Cuthbert Forster. 
Thomas Cully. 

Anthony Harpeley. 
Nicholas Fleteham. 
William Blaxton. 
William Fletham. 
William Burden. 
Edmunde Fewter. 
Thomas Kitchyn. 



Stockton was in the parish of Norton, and was severed from it by 
Act of Parliament in 1711. 

"Northtun by metes, and with men and all that thereunto serveth, 
with sac and with soken," was given to S. Cuthbert about 952. (Liber 

The Bishops of Durham, with their castle of Durham, had fortified 
residences between Tyne and Tees at Auckland, Middleham, and 

Bishop Hugh Pusat built suitable houses wherever the former ones 
were unfit for the episcopal dignity. (Coldingham.) 

Above the door of the "sort of embattled cowhouse," mentioned by 
Surtees as marking the site of " Stockton Castle," was a stone with the 
nutmeg ornament of Pusat' s time ; and other carved stones, now or lately 
in the town, are decidedly transitional in character. 


" In Stockton Robert do Cambous has the old toft of the hall near 
his house, and renders therefore 16 d . An oxgang of land, which the 
Bishop has across Teis, opposite the hall, renders 4 s ." (Boldon Bukc, 
1183, p. 14.) 

"Bishop Kichard [do Kellaw] who previously had built the beautiful 
chamber [which may mean a suite of rooms] of Stockton died 1316." 
(Graystanes, p. 97.) 

" Stockton town. Freeholders. John Elvet holds a toft and an 
oxgang of land and three acres of meadow, formerly of Ilichard de 
Stockton, clerk, on the south side of Tese-water opposite the manor- 
house, rendering 13 s . 4 d ." 

" Exchequer Lands. Richard Maunce for a place of land, cit-tts 
manerii, for enlarging his house, rendering yearly 4d." " Chantry 
Lands. An old toft, formerly Robert de Coum's for the site of his hall, 
which used to render yearly 16a." "There is there a built manor- 
house, whose site is worth nothing beyond the reprise of the houses 
there." (Hatfield's Survey.) 

The early charters dated here are apud, or in manerio nostro, de Stofoton. 

But as early as 1345, Bishop Hatficld dates a confirmation "in castro 
nostro de Auckland (Rot. Nevil), and in his Survey, with " portam 
manerii" we also have "le Netherorcheard in banco sub rnuro castri" 
In 1396, Bp. Skirlaw summoned Win. Lambton, domicellus, to appear 
at Auckland, "manerio immo verius castro, muris et turribus ad instar 
castri constructo et fossis circumdato." He did not dare to go, and the 
Bishop threatened to imprison him. (York Eccl. Appeals.) 

In 1489, Bp. Sherwood calls Auckland his " castle or manor." 

Leland, who strangely omits "Witton, Raby, Brancepeth, and Hilton, 
from his list of Durham castles, and imports Prudhoe from Northum- 
berland, includes Stockton and Auckland. 

Bp. Pilkington "plucked down certain buildings of the Manor-house 
of Stockton, and took away a very fair and large steeple-head from the 
said Manor, and also had a lead cover over the kitchen there, and con- 
verted them to his own use." 

Camden omits the place, though Saville had written to him that the 
Bishop "hath a fair house and his best provision there." 

Speed [limits the Durham castles to seven, supplying Leland' s omis- 
sions and rejecting the two manor-houses of Stockton and Auckland. 

" Our castles which were of anie accounte (Durham, Rabie, and 
Stockton onely exceptcd) are throwne downe and utteiiie laid waste, or 
at the best become unserviceable." (Observations, 1634.) 

The building is repeatedly called Stockton Castle during the civil 

"An exact Survey of the Manor of Stockton taken 1646. The 
Bishopp's Castle, situate at the South end of the towne of Stockton by 
the river Tease, is ruinous, and in great decay. The castle hath had a 
great moatc about it, but the same is now for want of cleansing filled 
up in part, and within that moate hath heretofore been orchards and 
gardens, but all destroyed." 

" This Castle standeth upon a brave river called Teeze, and hath been 
a very gallant Summer seate, very convenient, and all houses of offices, 
except brewhouse and milnehousc, within the castlewalls which arc 
built of freestone. The bewtie of the house was within the squadron of 


the castlewalls, and a dozen stables are within the walls, but^ (pittic) 
all in mine, the leades being taken off the stable roofes, to its great 
decaye. The lam hath been lately built, and is a very large one, built 
of stone, and the decay's very little. The materialls of the castle are 
worth to bee sould, 500 1 . at least ; but'wee shall give you a more par- 
ticular account of it when the soldiers give workmen leave to view it." 
(Sur.tees, iii., 173.) 

" 13 Julii, 1647. Resolved, that this House [of Commons] doth 
concur with the Lords, that the works about Stockton Castle made 
sithence these troubles be slighted and dismantled ; and the garison dis- 

" 1652. The Castle of Stockton was totally destroyed." (Mickleton.) 

" Old Noll, in his day, out of pious concern, this castle demolished, 
sold all but the barn." (Sutton's Song, 176.) 

" It was in fact only a strong post, or a fortified and moated manor- 
house, important solely as commanding the passage of the Tees. The 
town was neither walled nor defensible." " The term of castle as applied 
to Middleham, Auckland, and Stockton, seems the courtesy of later 
times." " A sort of embattled cowhouse, just on the north of the road 
to Tees Bridge, marks the exact site. The south- western angle of this 
said cowhouse has actually formed part of the castle-barn, or of some 
other office or outhouse." (Surtees, iii., 170, 171.) 

This building was destroyed between 1860 and 1870. 


A LETTER in the Durham County Advertiser, in March, 1869, proposing 
that the three central windows at the east end of the choir of our 
Cathedral should be filled with stained glass, renders it proper that their 
history should be clearly understood. The writer assumed that the old 
glass had perished "by the fanatical violence of evil times." 

"A subscription [he says] for the purpose of filling those eastern 
lights with stained glass was commenced many years ago (I think in the 
University), but the endeavour failed in consequence of a difference of 
opinion (if I remember rightly) as to the kind of glass to be preferred ; 
some of the committee having been (strange to say) in favour of pattern 
glass, like that of the famous ' Five Sisters ' of York Minster, while the 
rest thought that subjects with principal figures should be represented. 
I need not say that the subjects of the glass which formerly filled each 
of the tall windows at the east end of the choir are well known, from 
extant descriptions. In each window there was a principal figure, illus- 
trative of the dedication and history of the Cathedral and the diocese." 


The writer appears to forget that any imitation of old glass needs the 
^introduction of the perpendicular tracery, in which the ''principal 
figures" were, and perhaps he is hardly aware that the glass principally 
disappeared at a very late period. 

As to the original appearance of the windows in that part of the 
church, we can only hazard conjectures. Probably the round one might 
bear some resemblance to that in the south transept of York Minster. 
As to the others, "it is not certain whether or not they originally had 
any tracery." If tracery they had, it would be of the character of that 
remaining in the great north window of the chapel of Nine Altars. 

The alterations in the Nine Altars, during the period of perpendicular 
tracery, seem to have commenced in the centre. The name of " Richard 
Pikeringe, rector of Hemyngburgh," in the Durham Book of Life, is 
accompanied by the note that "he glazed the Round Window, to the 
value of 14." He held the rectory of Hemmingbrough from 1409 to 
1413, when it was vacated by his death. Cardinal Langley was then 
bishop, and it may be remarked that John Hemmingbrough was prior. 
To him we probably owe the renewed tracery of the window, the per- 
pendicular and elegant character of which we learn from Carter's 
" introduction of a part of the great circular window, supplied from the 
destroyed parts lying among the rubbish." 

Of the nature of Pikeringe's glass we are perhaps in ignorance. In 
1722, the window is represented in Smith's Bede as principally full of 
plain quarries. In the centre, within a circle, were the arms of the 
church of Durham, the cross being patonce. There were only six cusps 
at that time for this centre, if the plate be accurate in that respect ; 12 
compartments surrounded it, 24 were at the outside, divided by trefoiled 
spaces between their heads. In the 1 2 and 24 compartments were round- 
els in the centre of each. Some of these roundels contained quatrefoils ; 
others were divided into six divisions, one contained a star of seven 
points, and another had some square object in it. Those in the inner 
circle were wholly of the first sort ; the second sort were wholly in the 
lower lights of the outer circle. Carter says that " the paintings in the 
great circular window, called St. Catherine's "Window, consisted of the 
representations of her martyrdom," but he appears to mistake the language 
of the author of the Rites of Durham. "What that writer really says 
is this : " There is in the east end of the church a goodly fair round 
window, called St. Katherine's "Window, the breadth of the quire, all of 
stone, very finely and cunningly wrought and glazed ; having in it 24 
lights very artificially made, as it is called geometrical ; and the picture 
of St. Katherine is set in glass on the right side, underneath the said 
window, in another glazed window, as she was set upon the wheel to be 


tormented to death." "We know from the descriptions of the glass that 
none of the three central windows is meant by this other glazed window ; 
but the next window in the lower tier of lights, to the right or south, 
was over the altar of St. Thomas of Canterbury and St. Katherine, and 
there, surely enough, "the story of St. Katherine" is found in the des- 
criptions of the glass in it. This glass was still existing in 1787. 

It is remarkable that there is no description of the glass in the Bound 
Window, and seeing that the author of the Bites proceeds from it to 
describe the north and south windows of the Nine Altars' chapel, "in 
fine coloured glass," we are led to the suspicion that the expression of 
twenty-four lights, very artificially made, as it is called geometrical," 
refers to the glass rather than the stonework of the window. "We must 
not overlook the fact that external effect at night might be an element 
in inducing plain glazing. Tor " in the said window was there a frame 
of iron, wherein did stand nine very fine cressetts of earthern mettal filled 
with tallow, which every night was lighted, when the day was gone, to 
give light to the Nine Altars and St. Cuthbert's Feretory in that part, 
and over all the church besides." 

John Ogle's note hereon is as follows: "June 30th, 1777. The 
following letter I had a few days since from Mr. Thomas Woodness, 
merchant, in Durham. He is a person much conversant in the ancient 
state of this church, but unhappily I have thought his verassity some- 
times disputable. He says, first As to the iron frame and cressetts, I 
suppose it must have projected a little from the upper gallery under St. 
Katherine' s Window, and probably made with a contrivance to draw two, 
in order to leight the cotton. As to its being in the Abbey after the year 
1541, I don't know what to say to that." 

Most of the perpendicular tracery which filled the windows in the 
chapel of Nine Altars may with certainty be placed between 1416 and 
1437. In the latter year Cardinal Langley died. Some of the glass in 
these windows referred to him. The following entry occurs in the 
enumeration of works done by Prior Wessyngton between 1416 and 
1447: "Firstly, the repair of eleven lower windows above the Nine 
Altars and in the south gable there, in stonework, ironwork, and glass- 
work, amounts to 120." There are, of course, nine of these windows 
above the altars. Those in the south gable are two double ones. The 
record then proceeds to the upper tier : " Also, the repair of six upper 
windows at the Nine Altars in stonework, ironwork, and glasswork, 
amounts to 11 9s." The discrepancy of price leads to the inference, 
which is confirmed by absence of description, that the lights in the 
same tier as the rose window were, as it probably was itself, uncoloured. 
Their stonework was of the simplest description, "mullions of a 


style similar to those below, but without tracery," by which Carter 
meant a transomed mullion in each window branching so as to leave a 
quadrangular space in the head, but without cusping. This looks very 
like the continued form, if not the repaired substance, of earlier work. 

Some caution has been used in the foregoing language as to date, 
because it is just possible that the stone work of 2 out of the 13 
windows of the Nine Altars and southern gable was introduced in the 
time of Bishop Skirlaw, who died in 1406, probably about the period 
when the rose window, which was glazed three or four years afterwards, 
was prepared. The language, "eleven windows," taking into account 
the double windows of the gable, is capable of two interpretations. 
The possibility to which I allude arises in the fact that the northern- 
most of the three central lights contained Bishop Skirlaw's insignia. 

Each .window was full of perpendicular tracery "of considerable 
elegance." In the summit, according to the old descriptions, were 
"four turret windows," with a quatrefoiled opening "above all." These 
composed the head of the tracery. The main part of each "fair long 
window with stone work partitions" had "a cross division toward the 
midst." The "first light" and the "second light" are "in a higher light." 
There are "the lower lights" corresponding. And "in the cross division 
are four little lights." All which arrangements will readily be understood 
from the restored tracery in the South Gable of the Nine Altars' chapel. 

Dugdale, after the Restoration, attending only to armorial bearings, 
evidently saw much glass at Durham. The arms in the church, com- 
prised of one material and another, amounted to 1 17 coats. King's view 
of the east end of the Cathedral is utterly worthless, but the plate in 
Smith's Bede is important. It shows that in 1722, the stained glass in 
Durham Cathedral was still tolerably perfect. 

The state of the Bound Window at this time has already been noticed. 
The plate shows two small windows under it, close to the openings in 
the wall. And, what is more to our point, it shows the three lights 
below full of coloured glass. Let us compare them with the descriptions. 

I. North Window, above the Altar of SS. Martin and Edmund. 

1. First Light. St. Martin, Archbishop. "Besides the picture of 
S. Martin are certain arms." The glass agrees. 

2. Second Light. S. Edmund, Bishop. The glass agrees. There is 
some figure under his feet. The description, after mentioning the above 
arms, proceeds with the picture of a wicked spirit, who tempted 
S. Edmund, and then it comes to S. Edmund's figure. It evidently runs 
from the arms to the parallel subject and then upwards to S. Edmund. 

3. 4. Lower Lights. The description omits the contents of these lights. 
Two saints, with something under them, appear in the plate. All the 


main lights, both upper and lower, in all three windows had canopied 

Turrets and Transom. The description is " Above, in the turret 
windows are Bishop Skirlaw's picture, (var. arms), and an angel finely 
painted on each side. On the other side, under S. Edmund, were the 
arms of doctors and noblemen, perfectly drawn on the breasts of four 
angels, (var. in four turret windows). The variations are in the Hunter 
MSS., 44, and they are right. The turret windows have four angels 
under canopies, bearing shields, some evidently quartered, one possibly 
Skirlaw's crossed osiers. In the transom are four shields, quarterly. 
The arms under S. Martin are borne by an angel, and are possibly 
Skirlaw's. The composition of this window differs from the others, and 
aids the suspicion that it is earliest. Both it and the next show borders 
of coloured and plain panes alternately. 

II. Central Window, above the altar of SS. Cuthbert and Bede. 

1. S. Cuthbert. 2. Bedc. Under each a bishop kneeling. The glass 
agrees, but Bcde is 1 and Cuthbert 2. This may be an engraver's error, 
just as he makes the rampant lions look the wrong way in the centre of 
the round window. 

3. Birth of S. Cuthbert. 4. S. Oswald blowing his horn and 
S. Cuthbert appearing to S. Oswald. These are probably also reversed 
in the plate, No. 3 containing a king. 

" With the draught of Bishop Langley's arms in fine coloured glass 
and four turret windows containing our Blessed Lady, and the lily be- 
fore her, and the Salutation." The plate gives Langley's arms and 
three other crossed shields in the transom, and in the turret windows 
are figures of some kind. 

III. South Window, above the altar of SS. Oswald and Lawrence. 

1. S. Oswald. 2. S. Lawrence. Under S. Oswald Bishop Langley 
kneeling. S. Lawrence has "the arms and escutcheons of Bishop 
Langley under him, viz., a crown of gold above his helmet, and within 
the crown the crest, being a bush of ostrich feathers, finely set forth in 
red and green painted glass." The representation agrees. 

3. "S. Oswald's beheading, and being on his bier, accompanied by 
S. Cuthbert and others and the sunbeams shining on them, when they 
laid him on his bier." 4. S. Lawrence's death. In the plate there seems 
to be two nimbed figures, and half figures also nimbed beneath them. 

" In the cross division are four little lights, bearing four stars]or mullets, 
and four little turret windows with our Saviour Christ, our Blessed 
Lady, and others, in most curious work." The plate agrees. The 
mullet was Langley's badge. The figures above were half ones, two 
in each light. 



Now all the agreements in this comparison arc very satisfactory, and 
the more so because the slight disagreements and the obscurities of the 
artist's details (he, likely enough, being often unable to decipher the 
meaning of the glass) show that the plate is not a mere fanciful one 
derived from the inscription. We may admit that some of the designs 
had actually been transplanted from other windows. But one thing is 
certain. The eastern triplet was then full of ancient coloured glass, 
almost wholly in situ. That there was abundance of stained glass 
elsewhere in the church there is also ample evidence. 

The latest MS. of the Rites, written apparently after the Restoration, 
is the only one which contains the valuable descriptions of the painted 
windows in the church. It must from the first have been intended as 
supplemental to the llites, for it omits such windows as are described 
in the main work. These were St. Katherinc's "Window in the east end, 
St. Cuthbert's Window in the south end of the Nine Altars, Joseph's 
Window in the north end of the same chapel, the Window of the four 
Doctors in the north transept, the Te Deum Window in south transept, 
the Jesse Window in the western gable of the nave, and the four western 
windows of the Galilee. Much mischief had been done by the earlier 
Protestants when the author of the Rites wrote in 1593, but all this 
glass is spoken of as existing, and it is evident from the way in which 
the inscriptions and other details are given that it was so, in marked 
contrast to the subsequent account of the same writer how that the 
story of S. Cuthbert in the cloister windows was in the time of Edward 
VI. "pulled down and broken all to pieces." At what time the 
supplementary descriptions were compiled is not so clear. They are in 
the present tense, and they give the glass in the north and south aisles of 
the nave, some of which was wholly plain, others with coloured borders, 
and others partially stained. The uses to which naves had been put, 
and this especially during the civil wars, may account for the compara- 
tively early destruction. Braithwaite's copy of the Rites, written in the 
17th century, instead of containing the full account of the Galilee win- 
dows given by the author of 1593, gives a few notices of the pictures 
and their inscriptions, with this preamble : "There are in this place (the 
Galilee), and all the church about, divers fair windows richly wrought 
with pictures and imagery of Saints, which arc now altogether broken, 
which I do forbear to mention, for want of room and time, only I have 
here inserted some things which were written so near as they could be 
read." The windows of both transepts, both aisles of the choir, and 
those of the Nine Altars are all described as filled with coloured glass. 

These descriptions were published by Dr. Hunter in 1733. He was 
in error in ascribing the compilation to Prior Wessington, for "some of 


the figures represented persons who flourished long after Wessington's 
death." This is of no consequence. The work is of high interest, for 
Hunter throughtout incorporates with his copy of the MS. divers details 
and explanations apparently from personal inspection: and moreover 
gives a minute account of the glass in the windows of the vestry, which 
is not described in the MS. from which he printed. 

Stukeley in 1725 confirms, so far as he goes, the foregoing evidences. 
" The Nine Altars [says he] from so many there placed, much painted 
glass of Saints &c. Two images amongst others left are those of 
S. Cuthbert and Yenerable Bede." 

Up to the early part of George the Second's reign, therefore, the tracery, 
by which the severity of the contrast between the handsome windows 
of the gables and the Norman work had been mitigated, still glowed 
like the lights of York Minster and many a parish church, with saints 
and armories, and biblical and legendary stories. 

There is a dim interval of some forty or fifty years. 

Some of Surtees's letters, in 1817, to C. K. Sharp, who seems to have 
been collecting old glass, allude to a catastrophe between 1775 and 1777. 
" Painted Glass. I have got you the head of a monk, which I mentioned 
I think at Edinburgh, and, since that, the arms of Eichardson, three 
lions heads, very basely done ; but I mean to reside great part of Novem- 
ber in Durham, and I fancy many reliques are scattered in Durham. I 
never thought of them before. About 1775, the great east window in 
the Cathedral was blown in, and the painted glass was picked up and 
scattered over the town, the light being restored with clear glass. There 
is one great box full of fragments preserved in mum Dec. et cap. ; but 
much found its way out, and of such is my hope. Durham is an ancient 
place, full of oddments. Be so good as to direct me how to pack glass 
safe. I am very young and sore afraid." 1817, " I send you a box 
with a monk's head, which came from a window in the abbey, blown in 
about forty years ago, and a miserable glazing of the arms of Richardson, 
impaling Vavasour, cracked and soldered in the middle. There are four 
pieces of plain coloured glass in the same house from whence the arms 
came, but they have stuck them up in a passage light, and won't accept 
of clear glass instead. I believe other fragments are still to be had ; and 
I have people on the look out." 1818, " your glass is packed up ; but 
it would be an Irish present to send it by the mail." 

" About 25 years" before 1801, [giving a date of circa 1776], great re- 
pair of the Cathedral was made, and every house in the neighbourhood 
bears testimony to the wreck of the smaller decorations suffered by the 
church in that repair." ''There lives," saith Jack Ogle, ''in Bow Lane 
one George Nicholson, who built the New Bridge, when, to create a job 


to himself, made Doctor Sharp and the Dean and Prebends believe he 
could greatly add to the beauty of the church, by new chizelling it over 
on the owt side, and that he could add to the beauty of the ancient 
windows by means of his own genious. But all lovers of antiquity must 
regret that such men are suffered to polute with there hands the valu- 
able and venerible work of so many ages. This Nicholson is now going 
on with what he calls Eepairs in the year 1780; thought I had rather 
see the dust of antiquity then any thing which can come from him." 
Ogle's orthography and wording were bad, but let us revere the religious 
sentiment of this humble admirer of the " cunning works" of those who 
had been filled " with the spirit of God in wisdom and in understanding, 
and in knowledge, and in all manner of workmanship." 

In the very extraordinary " Kecord &c., printed for private circulation 
among the members of the Chapter," which has acquired publicity by 
the death of one of its members and the sale of his effects, it appears that 
the "Kepairs " of the church between 1772 and 1778, while the Pre- 
bends' Bridge was being erected " under the direction of IVIr. G. Nichol- 
son," cost about 1420. " About the time of the conclusion of this 
work, it is believed that the facing of the north side of the Cathedral 
and of the Western Towers commenced, as well as the erection of the 
battlements now standing on the latter, and of the pinnacles on the 
northern turrets of the Nine Altars. In 1779 and 1780, were consider- 
able charges for ' repairs at the north end of the Nine Altars.' " 

Hutchinson, in 1787, " thought it expedient to present the public 
with a representation of the church in the state it was before the repairs 
began." He gives an elevation of the north front, "from admeasure- 
ment by G. Nicholson, architect, 1780," and also another "from Mr. 
Nicholson's drawing and measurement," undated, of the exterior of the 
Nine Altars. "While all the rest of the details in the latter differ 
materially from the present ones, the centre of the circular windows 
has twelve cuspings, as at present. From Carter, in 1801, when his 
drawings, of 1795, were published, comes this language : " The alter- 
ations which have been made within these fourteen or fifteen years past, 
on the east front and north side of the fabric, have so totally changed 
the smaller parts of the work, that no certain representation can now be 
given of their original exterior forms. The centre division, with its 
three principal altars, three pointed windows in its first tier, and the 
magnificent circular window in its second tier, would have been a more 
proper object for representation then the lateral division now given ; 
but the tracery of the central round window has been very lately (this 
is vague) entirely taken out, and replaced by a design not much re- 
sembling the work of any period of our ancient architecture, but totally 


discordant from the style of the chapel in which it is inserted." " The 
plate, besides showing the lateral division, affords an ^introduction of 
part of the great circular window, supplied from the destroyed parts 
lying among the rubbish." "The division now given had not, when 
the drawing was made, been under the hands of the workmen." 

From Hutchinson we learn that in the north aisle of the nave " all 
the old painted glass is destroyed. In the south aisle are six windows, 
in which are some broken remains of painted glass. The fine paintings 
in the west windows are all defaced." Of those in the south transept 
little remains. " The picture of St. Eede, an elegant figure in a blue 
habit, is yet perfect, and part of the crucifixion, as described in the 
notes." " St. Bede, in a blue habit," occurs in the descriptions as in a 
turret in the high part of the window, above the southernmost altar, and 
" the picture of Christ crucified" was in the central light of the window, 
southward of the same altar. He gives no account of any glass in the 
Te Deum "Window. Of the windows in the Nine Altars he says this: 
" It is to be observed that the fine paintings in these windows are almost 
totally defaced, or so mutilated and confused by bunglers who have 
repaired them, that the histories are not now to be made out, except the 
story of St. Catherine." 

" 1795-1797. Considerable restorations, both of the walls and windows, 
at the east end of the Nine Altars, were in the course of completion." 
When the Eound "Window fell among ''the rubbish" is not quite clear. 
It had been destroyed previous to Carter's visit in 1795. In 1796 
the tracery of the lower lights, which, in the north division at least, 
had not, in 1795, "been under the hands of the workmen," was re- 
moved from most of the windows, and in 1801 Carter writes that 
" probably none of it now remains." The more ornamental part of the 
mullions were partly placed upon the garden walls of Dr. Sharp, near 
the water gate, and partly in the gable of a stable, near the abbey mill." 

The glass in the Nine Altars' chapel had been " mutilated" and " con- 
fused" in 1787. But still it existed. The story of St. Catherine could 
even be " made out." But after 1795-6, Eaine's Guide of 1833 being 
the evidence, it " lay for along time in baskets upon the floor, and when 
the greater part of it had been purloined, the remainder was locked up 
in the Galilee." Of " the armorial bearings in the east windows of the 
Nine Altars, chiefly those of the royal family," supposed by Eaine to 
have been " destroyed in 1796," some of them were probably "pur- 
loined." At least a very beautiful coat of Beaufort from Durham 
Cathedral still exists in loving hands. 

Some of the glass had a harder fate. "The east end was wholly 
taken down, and rebuilt by Mr. "Wyatt, but not being approved, was 


again taken down, and the present wall "put up. The old verger said, 
the painted glass, in the East window, was found to darken the church, 
and was therefore thrown away, and the windows improved by having 
plain glass put in." 

Leaving the smaller part, to which the glass of Nine Altars had been 
reduced, in the Galilee for the present, let us see what was left in the 
rest of the church in 1801, so far as Carter's plates enable us. 

In the great west window were some foliated patterns in all the 
compartments formed by the tracery in the head. The Root of Jesse 
and Mary with Christ in her arms were gone. The north windows of 
nave and transept and choir were vacant, but in all the circles in the 
head of the Joseph "Window at the north end of the Nine Altars were 
designs, ancient or modern, in circles. In the westernmost light of this 
fine window was a large figure, whether connected with the history of 
Joseph, which once filled it, it might be difficult to say. Turning to the 
south side of the church, four uniform windows on the south aisle of 
the nave had their tracery full of stained glass. The removal of this 
will be found chronicled in the sequel. The main lights of these win- 
dows were bordered, and apparently were [surmounted by canopies. 
The heads of the main lights of the Te Deum Window and the tracery 
thereof had coloured glass. Moreover, two of its main lights were 
two-thirds full of it. There was one great figure, and other figures in 
couplets, and fleurs-de-lis and roundels or something of the sort. 
Lastly, so far as the plates extend, in the first and fourth windows of 
the south aisle of the choir, there were straggling remains of old glass. 
In the first window from the west, the remains were those of figures of 
considerable size. 

In 1802, "the ancient vestry attached to the south side of the choir 
was taken down," "for no apparent reason." "The richly painted 
glass, which decorated its windows, was either destroyed by the work- 
men or afterwards purloined." Hunter's description of it has already 
been mentioned. 

Coloured glass, representing S. Cuthbert holding S. Oswald's head, 
was sold at a sale in Durham not many years before 1828, and was sent 
to London. 

In "the finest window" of the Vestry, that to the east, containing five 
long lights, the picture of S. Leonard finely set out in coloured glass 
filled the southernmost light. In the south window above the altar of 
S. Fides in the south transept, was also the picture of S. Leonard. One 
of these figures was probably the scs LEENARDVS in one of the prebendal 
houses formerly Dr. Zouch's, which Fowler carefully drew and engraved. 
The Saint is in a cope, and carries a crosier, but has no mitre. The 


glass is of about the middle of the 14th cent., and is beautifully bordered 
with white crosses formee, charmingly inaccurate in their drawing, and 
separated from each other by a ruby ground. 

The plate of the choir in Surtees's Durham, which was engraved in 
1816, has traces of patterns in the Eound "Window, and a marked con- 
trast to the quarried glazing of the three lights below. Eaine, in his 
" Saint Cuthbert," published in 1828, says, of the glass from the Nine 
Altars, which we left in the Galilee: "The painted glass in the cir- 
cular window was put up six years ago, from fragments preserved from 
the Nine Altars. The central star is new." His "Guide," 1833, 
reads: "About fifteen years ago, portions of it were placed in the great 
round window, and the rest still remains unappropriated." 

" Prior Wessington's windows, in the south end of the Nine Altars, 
then in a state of great decay, were only removed in 1827, when they 
were carefully restored after his plan ; but the armorial bearings, re- 
maining in the spandrils of their tracery, were not replaced. Dugdale 
noticed here, in 1666. 1. The arms of Percy, impaling Warren; 2. 
Percy impaling Mortimer (the bearing of Hotspur and the Lady Eliza- 
beth Mortimer, his wife, daughter of the Earl of March) ; 3. A coat, 
argent, a lion rampant, azure, impaling sable, a lion rampant, or, qu ? 
Falconbridge ; 4. Argent, a chief, dancette, azure ; 5. Sable, a lion 
rampant, argent ; 6. Quarterly, argent and sable, a bend of the latter ; 
7. Argent, a fess sable ; 8. Old Percy; 9. Percy impaling Neville ; 
10. A saltire argent, impaling Percy; 11. Percy; 12. Party per 
pale, gules and sable, over all a crescent; and 13. Sable, a saltire 
argent." The glass was probably dirty in Dugdale's time, and some of 
his tinctures it would have been useful to have been able to check with 
the originals. 

In the copy of Guillim, 1679, which passed through the hands of 
several antiquaries, and finally in our time rests with Canon Eaine, we 
have the following in Dr. Hunter's hand with 8 shields, described in 
italics below: "St. Cuthbert's Window [i.e. the S. end of the Nine 
Altars], y e east partition of four lights, in y e tower windows at y 6 top." 
1. A crescent; 2. Blank, impaling cliequy 0. and A. [sic.~\; 3. Blank; 
4. Blank; 5. A chief dancette ; 6. Blank; 7. A lend; 8. A fess S. 

This is the same order as Dugdale's, "in australi fenestra ejusdem 
partis dictre ecclesise (orientem versus) appellatae Novem Altaria." 

Of Joseph's Window in the north end of the Nine Altars, Eaine, in 
1833, remarks : "Its painted glass, now almost entirely destroyed, con- 
tained the history of the Patriarch Joseph." This looks as if the large 
figure shown by Carter, was still there. The Te Deum Window seems 
to have been in a state of transition. " There is still much coloured 


glass in one of its lower pannels, and in the interstices of the perpendi- 
cular traceiy above, are figures of Bishop Aidan, with his name, a king, 
a queen, a prior, &c." 

According to the " Record," "in 1839, the circular window in the 
Mnc Altars, of which the tracery had been restored about 1796, was 
filled with stained glass, and several windows in the Galilee were newly 
glazed, zinc being substituted for lead." The inhabitants of Durham 
will be able to supply the shortcomings and obscurity of this summary. 
Billings, writing in 1843, speaks of the circular window only in con- 
nection with the Nine Altars' glass, which, after its removal in 1795, 
" lay in baskets about the floor for a considerable time. After much of 
it had been broken and more taken away, the remainder, with the ad- 
dition of numerous pieces of modem red, green, blue, and yellow, was 
fitted into the window by a jumbling process known only to the artist (?) 
employed. In fact, it looks like the multitudinous variegation produced 
by a large kaleidoscope." 

Between 1833 and 1841, the large figure disappeared from Joseph's 
"Window, and the upper part, in which " some small fragments " of 
"its painted glass" arc " still left," seems to have assumed its present 
appearance. The whole of the glass in the main lights of the Te Dcum 
Window had also vanished. "All the ancient painted glass of the 
tracery remains." A MS. note of much the same period has " several 
saints in tracery, at top Christ in an aureole." 

In 1842, the glass commemorating Thomas Hexhani, a monk of 1436, 
had "been lately removed " from the south cast window of the south 
transept, and Raine corrected the old description of it from, the original. 
This was the window where Hutchinson's " crucifixion as described in 
the notes " was or had been. 

In 1843, Billings gives two shields, one with a chevron, the other 
with a plain cross in the south window of the choir near the Altar-screen. 
This has been removed. He states that the ancient painted glass of the 
Jesse Window was " almost entirely gone." The fragments, we have a 
note, were " the crucifixion and several medallions," perhaps from 
various sources. Here it may be useful to note, on the authority of 
Ornsby, publishing in 1846, that the glass which now fills the upper 
lights of the western windows of the Galilee had "been recently inserted, 
and is made up of fragments which had been tossing about in some 
neglected corner." The same author, recording, in one page, that more 
than two-thirds of the cost of the magnificent Altar-screen was defrayed 
by John Neville, of Raby, whose shield appears in the spandrils of the 
doorways; in another, remarks that "a few shields, in the upper com- 
partments of the windows, with their well-known bearing of a saltirc 


argent on its field gules, and the fragment of a border, ensigned with a 
repetition of the Bulmer 6, still remain, to associate the memories of the 
proud Nevilles with the spot where they were gathered to their fathers." 

And true it was that the turret windows of the south aisle of the 
nave, in which the donor of the Altar-screen and other Nevilles were 
sleeping, were still, as represented by Carter in 1801, full of heraldic 
glass. In 1 847, the Altar-screen was "repaired and restored." In 1 848, 
" the three north windows of the Choir of Durham Cathedral, which 
were Decorated Insertions in a debased style (refer to the plates of Carter 
and Billings) were replaced by other decorated windows suggested ly Mr. 
Salvin, and for the most part copied from windows to be found in the 
churches of Sleaford and Holbeach in Lincolnshire, and Boushton Aluph 
in Kent. But on the north side of the Nave the Norman windows 
were restored in the place of the perpendicular insertions which had 
long been there." The windows are made suitable to the modern face 
of the wall. The ancient state may be gathered from the basement 
near the west end. 

The "Record," under 1849, says: The principal work of this year 
was the entire new fronting of the whole south side of the nave of the 
Cathedral. The easternmost window of the aisle of the nave was a 
decorated insertion, of which the point had been run up far above the 
string course. The window next to this was a very large, irregular 
insertion, with a round head and perpendicular tracery. The other 
windows retained the vestiges of their Norman origin, with the addition 
of tracery the heads of the lowest being slightly pointed. The original 
windows were restored throughout." 

Two of these windows had Neville four times repeated one having 
the border already mentioned ; four shields of other county gentlemen 
were in a third window, and the large window contained sacred mono- 
grams and various fragments. The whole of this glass disappeared from 
the aisle with the tracery in which it was contained. Some shields and 
fragments have recently been placed in the south aisle of the choir. 


%* POSTSCRIPT I. Since the above pages were printed off, Mr. 
C. Hodgson Eowler has kindly read them in the Cathedral, and noted 
as follows : 

pp. 126-132. " I have little doubt but that the general outline of the 
present tracery of the Hound Window is a correct copy from the old one. 
Carter shows 15th cent, tracery and cusping, but he also shows the same 



sort of cusping to the Joseph Window, which is really soffit cusping. In 
a book of dra wings by J. Wyatt, in the Cathedral Library, is an eleva- 
tion of the east end, much as it is now, signed by Wyatt, and, immedi- 
ately after it, another design of the same part, without date or name, 
and immediately preceding the drawings of the bridge, built by ' one 
George Nicholson.' I believe that the second elevation of the east front 
is his. It seems to retain more of what I fancy is old work than does 
Wyatt, and the Hound Window is much as it is now." 

pp. 127, 128. "As to the mullions of the upper windows, those in 
the South Gable have cusping like the lower ones, while Carter shows 
the tracery plain. Does not this look as if the simple tracery once had 
soffit cusping P 1 and that Wyatt's renovation of the South Transept was 
a reminiscence of them ? I think it is very probable that all the lancets 
had mullions originally." 

pp. 134, 136. "The 'foliated patterns' in the West Window were 
merely scraps of old glass worked up round some considerable fragments 
of large leaves and stalks, most likely part of Jesse's Tree, while the 
crucifixion in the head of the central light was made up of two figures. 
These fragments have been reloaded with some new quarries and a bor- 
der, and are now placed in the tracery of one of the windows in the 
north aisle of the choir." 

pp. 134, 135. "Joseph's Window seems to have been reglazed in 
the 17th century, in geometrical patterns, and the tracery still retains 
nearly all its glazing of this date, pieces of old glass being worked in. 
In some cases they surround new painted glass of that period, represent- 
ing shields of different forms." One of them, with the date 1662, bears 
the palatine arms of the see of Durham impaling a goafs head quarter- 
ing Ermine for the late Bishop Morton. Another has the well-known 
arms of Lambton. A third has A., two bars S. But there does not 
seem to have been any true blazonry, nor anything more than shades of 
gold, brown, and white. Thus the field of the palatine coat is Sable, 
and the last-named coat is probably that of Baron Hilton, A. two bars . 
" In the centre of one of the large cinquefoils are two beautiful fragments 
of figures of Benedictine monks. And in the top circle, and seemingly 
in situ, is a much mutilated effigy of Our Lady, seated, with the Infant 
Jesus on her knee, all of the 15th cent, work." 

pp. 134-136. " Wlien the fragments of the Tc Deum Window were 
taken out, they were found to be much more imperfect than they seemed 
to be from below. Enough canopy work remained to give the idea for 
the new work, and two or three figures (or rather half-figures) were 
pretty perfect. The whole had apparently been worked np to suit the 
tracery when the window was repaired about 30 years ago. One of the 
figures represents a Benedictine monk, but without any name." 

1 Or had it a small circle in the top, like the clearstory windows of the presbi- 
tery (see the north side in Billing's plates VI., LIV.), and did a separate sketch of 
one of them give to King the cue to make this the design of all the windows, both 
upper and lower, in the east end ? H. D. 


p. 134. " S. Leonard still remains in the staircase window of Mrs. 
Maltby's house, surrounded by most lovely quarries figured with birds. 
Much glass of later date exists in the same window." [The glass of 
this window is more fully described in a second postscript.] 

p. 135. "The outer lights of the Eound "Window bear the glazier's 
name and date 1839. 2 The inner lights were glazed in 1824. The few 
fragments that remained after it was glazed were swept, together with 
old lead and dirt, into three boxes, where they remained till I had them 
turned out and sorted three or four years ago, and glazed together and 
placed in the lights of a window in the south aisle of the choir." 

p. 137. " The three shields and glass in the tracery were placed there 
at an earlier date. These shields are : 1. Percy, impaling Warren 3 ; 
2. Greystock, with a label CM ; 3. Greystock, with a mullet 0." 

" The rest of the glass is principally of perpendicular character, with 
many heads of monks, angels, and saints, parts of several crucifixes, 
two or three large stars, numbers of fragments of flowered quarries, and 
some very beautiful Decorated fragments of foliage." 

POSTSCEIPT II. On a review of the glass of many dates in Mrs. 
Maltby's house, it proves to be of high heraldic interest, but it is not 
mentioned, I think, by Dugdale, and the unpleasant suspicion arises 
that its northern locus is not the original one of many of its portions. 

The suspicion arises from three private shields. The first is of heater 

I. A. three ravens' heads erased S. (RAVENSCEOFT de Lane. ; NOEEEYS, 
alias BANKE; Glover's Ordinary.) 

Impaling a quarterly coat : 

1, 4. 0. four lends B. within a Bordure G. (MOUOTFOED ; 
Glover's Ordinary. With bendy of 6 0. and B. instead of 
the bends, MEEBROKE ; same Ordinary.) 

2, 3. 0. two bars G. overall a bend B. (BBAXASTOIT, WAKE de 
Kent ; Glover's Ordinary. Cf. A. two bars and a bend over 
all B., MOUNTFOED ; in the same Ordinary. And A. two 
bars G. a bend B., MOUNTFOED of Warwickshire : Burke's 
General Armory.) 

I have no time for much investigation of this southern coat, but 
it is plainly that of an heiress of Mountford married by Ravenscroft. 

2 Thus it is plain that fragments have been twice, if not thrice, disposed in 
it. H. D. 

3 This was in the south end of the Nine Altars, vide p. 135. H. D. 

4 This was in the easternmost window of the south aisle of the nave teste 
meipso. And I think the next shield was so. H. D. 


My Elizabethan Roll of Peers begins the quartered coat of " Dominus 
Norms" thus 

1. " NORREYS." Quarterly A. and G. in the second and third 
quarters a fret 0. over all afess B. 

2. " EAVENSCROFT." A. a chevron between three ravens 1 
heads S. 

3. " MERBROKE." Bendy of six 0. and B. a bordure G. 
(N.B. " PIERS DE MONTFORD Bende d? Or et d 1 Azure" : Eoll 
of 1245-50). 

4. " MONTFORD." G. a lion rampant double queued A. (N.B. 
" LE CONT DE LEISTER [Simon de MONTFORT] Goules ung 
lion rampand d* Argent, U cowefourchee" : Eoll of 1245-50). 

SIR WALTER NORYS bore a Black Raven's head erased as a badge 
(Planche's Pursuivant, 186.) "NoRRis or NORREYS, as borne by JOHN 
NORREYS, second son of Sir "William Norreys of Speke, who married 
the daughter and heir of EAVENSCROFT of Cotton, and assumed the 
arms of that family, A. a chevron between three ravens' heads erased 
S" " NORRIS alias BANKS alias BANK. A. a chevron between three 
falcons' heads erased S" (Burke's Gen. Arm.) 

II. Cheeky 0. and B. fretty A. (EGBERT DE CHENEI, according to 

Charles's Eoll, circa 1295. Eoll 1337-50 has it thus: MONSIRE 
DE CHENY, Chequere d* Or et d'Asur, a une fes Gulc; frette 
d* Argent.} 

This coat is rounded off at the foot of the shield. The cheeky field 
is minutely and effectively divided, the checks being 12 by 6 above 
the fess. The fretty form is merely caused by a succession of X's, 
the terminations of which are in some places expanded on one side. 

III. A. a chevron between three eagles displayed 8. 

This shield is of the 16th century. It is not certain that bla- 
zonry is intended, and whether or not, the coat does not appear to 
be Northern, and its period does not justify inquiry as to its attri- 

Before proceeding to the regal heraldies of the window, I shall enu- 
merate some miscellaneous items. 

1. A. a stag's head caboshcd A. horns 0. with a cross A. between 
them, transfixed through the mouth with an arrow fesswise A. 
[Qu. if not a badge of NORREYS. See the demi stags and rein- 
deers' heads caboshed, and arrows through the bucks and owls, 
under that name, in that rather under-rated but most useful 
book, old John Burke's General Armory.] 

2. A circular object A. armed with six spear heads 0. with some 
adjunct to the dexter A. edged 0. surrounded by a wreath of straw 
twisted in chief, and rising into 8 heads of rye or barley 0. [A 
very curious device, of Perpendicular date, of course.] 


3. A bird with a garb or bound faggot on its head. 

4. A device, allusive to S. CATHEEINE, no doubt, consisting of a 
wheel, two palms, and a sword, all attributes of a martyr. 

5. An herb, apparently the plantain. 

6. A tradesman's mark. The usual triangular summit, with V 
above it, and M on the sinister side of the staff. 

7. An angel playing on a violin, a most beautiful piece of glass. 

8. Two crests of the 16th century. 

1. A brown gryphon passant. 

2. A Black lion, with head regardant. 

I now give the regal shields and badges, which, when not otherwise 
stated, are in yellow and white. 

I. A crowned shield, England and France quarterly, impaling 
the usual quarterings of QUEEN MAIKJARET OF ANJOU. 

II. The Plantagenista. 

III. The Daisy of MAEGAEET OP ANJOU, a pretty example. " The 
Daise, a floure white and rede, in French called la belle Mar- 
garete" (Chaucer.) 

IV. The Red Rose of the HOUSE OP LANCASTEE. 
V. The Wliite Rose of the HOUSE OF YOEK. 
VI. The Royal arms, in yellow and white. 

VII. A Hawthorn lush with a crown above it, for HENEY VII. The 
trunk in this specimen is not perfect, and it may have had 
H. B. at the sides, as in Willement's Eegal Heraldry, p. 57. 

VIII. A Hawthorn bush with a crown among the branches, and H. E. 
at the sides o/ the trunk, for HENEY VII. and his QUEEN, 

In the midst of all this sumptuous assemblage and other fragments 
stands S. LEONAED. 

If we could be sure that the Lancastrian glass was always at Durham, 
it would derive a curious interest in connection with the visit of Henry 
VI. to the city in 1448. His devotional exercises there, and his strange 
letter to Master John Somerset from Lincoln in that year, describing 
" the great heartily reverence and worship as ever we had, with all 
great humanity and meekness, with all celestial, blessed, and honourable 
speech and blessing" of the people of " the province of York AND diocese 
of Durham," 4 " as good and better than we had ever in our life, even as 
they had been celitus inspirati" may be seen in Hutchinson's Durham, 
i. 338. One can understand how such language had the same ultimate 
effect as the less sincere and equally absurd language of the Tudors and 


" All the world and part of G-ateshead," as saith the proverb. 



MB. JAMES FERGUSON, of Middleton-Teesdale, reports that in 1854 there 
was a bell at Greystoke, which had been brought from Patterdale. In 
1 860, it could not be found. The legend was in Lombardics of the 1 5th 
century, as follows : 

J< (mark of two T>8 interlaced like an old W) A B C (mark of one 
VJ d E F G q I K. 

The D and Lombardic H were upside down as above. 


IT will be in the recollection of many of you that a few years ago I pre- 
sumed to write a memoir, on the suggestion of my friend Dr. Charlton, 
upon the somewhat enigmatical tablet the Corbridge Lanx. I then 
started a novel point, and I believed I was the first to suggest it that 
the female figure which had been represented by different commentators 
in different guises might be Latona, the mother of Apollo and Diana, 
the two prominent figures in the Lanx. The worship of Latona was 
conjoined with the worship of Apollo and Diana. One of the symbols in 
the border of the Lanx is a palm tree ; and the palm tree was dedicated 
to Latona. It so happens that a report has been put into my hands in 
reference to this subject, from a gentleman named Mr. Pullan, who had 
been sent out by the Dilettanti Society in London (of which I am a 
member) to take the measurements, and to produce a report on the 
temple of Apollo Smintheus, in Asia Minor. There has been discovered 
an altar dedicated to Apollo, Artemis, and Latona Artemis being 
Greek for Diana. I mention this circumstance as in some degree cor- 
roborative of the opinion which I ventured to set forth that the figure 
which had never been satisfactorily named before was that of Latona. 




THERE are, at Hilton, evidences of repeated alterations in the remaining 
fabric, and the internal walls were found to he placed upon foundations 
which, if not of an earlier period, were unusual in such buildings. But 
no details, prior to such as distinguish the Perpendicular style, have 
turned up. 

In fact, there is not the slightest ruin of work which can safely be 
ascribed to a date previous to that of the builder of the Great Gate-house 
or Tower, Baron William of Hilton, who died in 1435. l Even in the 
chapel, a trace of a square-headed trefoiled doorway, in the interior of 
the south wall of the chancel, may not point to an earlier period than 
that of similar objects in the Tower. It is, however, almost certain 
that the chapel, which was built a little before 1500, would occupy the 
consecrated site of the earlier one which was in existence as early as 
the time of the first baron whose name we know, Romanus, Knight of 
Helton, in 1157, when it was called the chapel of that vill. The 
Gate-house was plainly intended to be viewed from the west, and there 
is no reason to suppose that its founder renewed the dwellings of his 
fathers, in addition to his costly annexation of the " house of stone," as 
the inquest after his death distinguished it. The presumptions are all 
in favour of the manorial buildings standing to the east of the Tower, 
and to the south and east of the chapel. The old stone wall which was 
traced as far up as the quarry above the chapel, and that which may or 
might be traced below the south terrace of the chapel, cannot be de- 
pended upon, as any cemetery would require walls. But a third wall, 
traced at some distance east of the Tower, and running north and south, 

1 The early history of the family is traced under the Church of Guyzance in 
Vol. III. of this series, p. 134. But I find that the scribe of Placfta de Quo War- 
ranto is wrong in supposing that the charter of 1256-7 was produced eidem JZoberto 
in 1293. In 1289, Robert de Hiltone held the Tison estates. On 6 Jan., 1290-1, 
Alexander de Hiltonne, Dominus de Eenyngton, executed a charter touching the 
possessions of Alnwick Abbey in that manor. In 1293, another Robert presents 
the charter of 1256-7, and in 1303-4, Elizabeth, wife of Alexander, was living, with 
dower. The charter which thus proves that Alexander's tenure of the estates was 
between 1289 and 1293, was noticed in Mr. Tate's investigations for his History of 

The title " Baron of Hylton" is discussed in Nichols's Herald and Genealogist, 
iv, 348. 



might really bo connected with the square of the Manor-house. The 
superstructure of the erections, whether older or younger than the 
Tower, would most likely be of timber and plaster, post-and-pan, as were 
the great Percy house of Topcliffe, albeit called a castle, and many 
considerable piles of lodgings. Yet it is possible that the noble west 
front, like John Lord Lumley's armorial array at Lumley, was to be 
viewed from a courtyard, here to the west. The east front, with its 
coat and crest and badge of the Hiltons is good enough as an external 
one, specially as only overlooking a chapel-garth. Sculls have been 
found at a distance of 20 feet from it, at a proper depth. And a large 
regular paved square, as if of a courtyard, not shown in any engraving, 
has recently been discovered on the west side of the Gate-house. 

Between 1435, or even 1448-50, when the same description occurs, and 
1559, there is ample time for a complete renovation of the dwelling, 
and it would be idle to attempt identification of the chambers of both 
periods. However, it may be mentioned that in 1435, after a statement 
of the tenure of the Manor of Hilton, the inquest runs thus : " And 
there are in the same Manor a hall, four chambers, a chapel, two barns, a 
kitchen, a house constructed of stone, called Gate-house, which are nothing 
worth yearly beyond outgoings by reason of the cost of their repairs." 

These may be compared with the enumerations at a later period thus : 





The order indicated 
by figures. 

1 Great Chamber. 

2 Green Chamber. 

3 Middle Chamber. 

4 New Chamber. 

5 Gallery. 

6 "Wardrobe. 

7 Cellar within the 


8 Parlour. 

9 Chamber over the 

Hall door. 

10 Low Checquer. 

11 Kitchen. 

12 Larder. 

13 Brewing vessels. 


The order indicated 
by figures. 


Additional items at 
end of inventory. 


built of 

14 Tower. 


HaU. 3 

^ 15 Hall. 
16 Buttery. 

Two Barns. 

17 Garner. 
18 Barne. 


1 Red Chamber. 11 Portalin Great 

2 Green Chamber. Chamber and 

5 Lady Chamber. hangings in 

6 Nursery. Great Cham- 
4 Low Gallerie. ber. 

17 Wardrobe. 

3 Parlour. 

8 High Checquer. 

16 Checquer 
7 Low Checquer. Chamber. 

9 Kitchen. 15 Kitchen. 

1 3 Larder house. 

14 Brew house. 

10 Tower. 

18 HaU. 

12 Buttery. 


The Gate-house or Tower of Hilton, which now alone is known as 
Hylton Castle, first appears in the Inquest after the death of the great 
baron William, in 1435, as " a house of stone constructed of stone, called 
jethous." In 1461 it occurs as the Tower of Hilton, and the chaplain 
of William Bulmer during the minority of the young lord of Hilton had its 
custody. In the inventories of the effects of Sir Thomas Hilton in 1559, 
and of Sir William in 1600, it is, as we have seen, also called the Tower. 
Previously to the last date, its nobility was probably the reason of the 
whole manor-house receiving the name of castle. In 1583 we have a 
settlement of the castle and manor of Hilton, and the first edition of 
Camden's Britannia, in 1587, speaks of " Hilton Hiltoniorum Castrum." 2 
It was the fashion of the day, and Hilton was in no worse position 
than Ravenshelm with its four early towers in its previous exclusion 
from the castellic rank. In 1600, a sort of official sanction to the style 
was given, for although the word castle does not seem to occur in Sir 
William's inventory, yet, five days previously, administration had been 
granted to his widow "in the Great Chamber within the Castle of 
Hilton." This Great Chamber occurs in 1559 far away from the Tower, 
and to the commencement of the 18th century it must have been clearly 
understood that the present edifice was only within the manor-house or 
castle, and did not constitute its entirety. Gibson, in his edition of 
Camden, 2nd. edit. 1722, adds to Camden's " Hilton, a castle of the 
Hiltons", the following passage : "an ancient family, wherein is pre- 
served to this day the title of the Bishop's Barons. The Gate-house, 
which is all that remains of the old castle, shews how large it hath been ; 
with the Chapel, a fine structure, wherein there were chaplains in 
constant attendance, it being the burying-place of the family." So also 
a plate nearly identical with Buck's view of 1728, and dedicated to Mr. 
John Hilton, of .Coventry, says: "It was formerly a very large and 
strong building, but at present there is little remaining except the Great 
Gatehouse and an old Chapel." 

An ill-lighted and circumscribed hall appeared to be indicated in the 
Tower by carved corbels, but it seems to have only occupied the position 
which the halls in older keeps held in relation to the baronial halls in 

2 There may be two earlier instances, but it is open to doubt whether the word 
" castle" in them refers to Hilton. In an inquest about the tithes of Hilton in 
1428, nine acres called Kussel-land are said to be between Stiklaw and Castelway. 
In proceedings of 1467 as to whether Mary, the heiress of Vipont and of Stapleton, 
had, after the death of her husband Baron William Hilton, married William Hag- 
gerston or Richard Musgrave, she is stated to have proceeded from some castle to 
Newcastle to be married to Haggerston, but an unlucky imperfection in the MS. 
follows the word " Castle." And in another part of the record she is said to have 
been beseiged by Sir ... Maners and other accomplices of Musgrave " in her manerium 
of Hilton" at night, and to have escaped to the cell of Wearmouth " per porticulam 
ejusdem manerii." 


the outer works of castles. At all events, in 1559, the Tower merely 
contained a " great caldron, a pan, an iron spit, and eight complete 
harness (suits of armour) from the knee up." In 1600, it covered 
"four corslets with their furniture without weapons," and "certain 
hay," valued at 26s. 8d., an item which seems to exclude all possibility 
of the projection externally and internally in the eastern front of the 
building at the summit being considered as the Tower in itself. 

The Tower would therefore be only used in case of danger. It is a 
peel-tower or gateway elongated and made gigantic to serve in lieu of 
a regular castle. Independently of the armorial evidences on its walls, 
its whole detail points to Baron William, (in the inquest upon whose 
death it first appears,) as its founder. There is some resemblance to 
Lumley Castle in the machicolation, but while the detail at Lumley is 
more chaste and delicate, that at Hilton Tower is more exuberant, and 
its peculiarity of form has given to it a mass and a skyline which on the 
whole are more impressive. There is, moreover, a weird grandeur about 
the Hilton sculptures which is wanting in those at Lumley. Lumley 
Castle was built in the days of Richard II., and we cannot place the 
work at Hilton, which is decidedly later, in an earlier reign than that 
of Henry IV. There are reasons, indeed, for locating it in the years of 
Henry V. or early in those of Henry VI. The flours de lis of France in 
the royal banner are reduced to three, agreeing with the change in the 
great seal of Henry V., and there is no licence of crenelation for the 
work on the episcopal rolls. For any other period after the palatine 
usurpations fairly set in, it might be supposed either that there was a 
previous tower, or that a gatehouse was not within the scope of licences. 
But, looking at other instances, these explanations would be by no 
means satisfactory. The true reason probably is that the Tower was 
built in defiance of the Bishops. In 1432, three years before the 
founder's death, his son, Robert Hilton, chivaler, occurs at the head of 
the jury which at Hartlepool found Bishop Langley and his predecessors 
guilty of divers offences against the crown and the subjects of the realm, 
putting the alleged palatine jurisdiction, in fact, upon its trial. One of 
the articles was that the Bishop, during the reigns of Henry IV., V., 
and VI., had usurped the granting of licences for building, embattling, 
and machicolating castles, walls, and other houses and defencible erec- 
tions. The presentment was quashed in Parliament in 1433, by reason 
of Hartlepool appearing to be in the Bishop's liberty and of the inquisi- 
tion being taken there without authority, and of the age and merits of 
Langley, Parliament being unwilling to put him to the fatigue and 
costs of traversing the presentment. 

"While the nianorhouse generally was going to decay, the family in 


the seventeenth century being, through Baron Henry's charitable gifts, 
disabled from any great outlay, the Tower seems to have remained in 
much its original condition, until about 1705. In that year John 
Hilton, who had married a Musgravc, placed the impaled arms above 
the door of a house which is now the Golden Lion at Ford, and we may 
fairly assume that at about the same time he made the alterations and 
doorway bearing the same coat, which appear in Buck's plate of Hilton 
Castle in 1728. With reference to the stiff but valuable plates by the 
Bucks, it may be remarked that drawings of Hilton, Lumley, Kaby, 
and other castles by one of the brothers Buck occur, dated June, 1728, 
in which material variations from the plates occur. Judging by a com- 
parison of the drawing and plate of Lumley Castle, the drawings are to 
be preferred, but, singularly enough, certain details, such as the bearings 
on the Hylton shields, are better in the plates than the drawings. The 
inference seems to be that the drawings of one of the Bucks were after- 
wards amended with details separately, and finally much damaged in 
the transfer to copper. 

By Buck's plate of Hylton we see that the old gateway was partially 
built up, a north wing added or remodelled, a new doorway with the 
arms of Hilton and Musgrave driven through the wall at the junction 
of the old building and the new, and numerous Italian windows pierced 
through the walls. A square Elizabethan or Jacobean window had 
displaced something or other near the Eoyal banner at an earlier date. 
John Hilton's architect, by design or accident, gave a little irregularity 
to the form and position of his windows, preserving the general effect 
from disagreeable uniformity of shape and level, .and, by squeezing the 
windows on the right close to the buttress, he fortunately left the traces 
of one of the ancient lights (see Billings's plate) to guide any future 
restorer. He also left the charming elevation of the centre of the 
western front untouched. 

It is observable that Buck makes the north wing join the Tower 
without the intervening buttress, which now balances that at the other 
end of the Tower. On investigation it seems that for a considerable 
portion of its height from the ground this buttress is modern, built 
against ancient quoining. The turret above, therefore, was corbelled 
out of the angle, an arrangement which may give colour to the idea that 
the Hall or some other edifice ran off where the north wing afterwards 
stood, and that the angular buttress at the other end marks the corner 
of the manorial square of buildings. No signs of ancient windows seem 
to have appeared at the north end, which, indeed, on the recent de- 
struction of the north wing had to be considerably rebuilt, while they 
are not wanting at the south end, one of the ancient windows therein 


being of singular grace. Other circumstances might however account 
for this. 

Buck, the engraver, also makes the north western turret circular. It 
is now in existence 3 and shows that, intentionally or not, he has brought 
one of the eastern turrets, from a drawing of details, into the wrong 

The last Baron Hilton was much more mischievous. He blocked the 
elegant window in the centre of the western front, and destroying or 
hiding the great doorway, he made a new west entrance, quasi-Gothic, 
in its place, adding a tall porch surmounted by a gallery between the 
buttresses, thus ruining the design which carried the eye from the 
massive and suitable gateway arch up the banner staff of the Hiltons 
which seemed to spring from it, thence to the handsome surmounting 
canopy, thence, by the pretty central window which rested on the 
canopy, up another banner staff, that of Prance and England, to another 
canopy and the grand machicolated arch full of ornament, which spanned 
from buttress to buttress. Above this again were two gigantic figures 
on the battlements, engaged in the defeat of winged and fiery dragons 
or " worms," possibly in allusion to the local legend attached to the 
"Worm Hill on the Hilton estate of North Biddick. It must be confessed 
that for modern use some shelter for a visitor was requisite, but there 
were three modes open. One was to bring the great archway forward. 
This would have preserved the baronial aspect. Another was to have 
had a comely wooden porch, close or open, like those of some of the south- 
country churches, and sufficiently low to have shown the very bottom 
of the Hilton banner staff and its springing. To show both arch and 
banner with an outer porch was impracticable. The third and best plan 
was to have had an internal porch, merely converting the square door- 
way, in the blocking which old John had left, into a shape more 
consonant with the outer arch, which it must be admitted, was too large 
an entrance. This low outer arch remains. After all, notwithstanding 
the beauty of the west design, as it appears in the plate of Buck, illus- 
trated by the engravings in the works of Surtees and Billings, I am by 
no means certain that the banner of the Hiltons was always under the 
old west window. It might, very well, be near the Eoyal banner, and be 
removed when the square mullioned window was broken through the 
wall at that place. The old west window, by the way, according to 
Buck's drawing (which I have), had a transom. 

John the last Baron, moreover, removed his father's front door, covered 
its passage and the window above with a buttress, raised and castellated 

3 It is presumed to be ancient, but the figure on the side next to tlie leads is 
modern ? 


the north wing, added a south wing, with Italian windows, 4 added 
bowed rooms with screens between them in pseudo-Gothic to the east 
front, made a fine banquetting or ball room with stucco ornaments 
possibly in imitation of the better ones at Lumley, and covered all the 
vaulted passage on the ground floor with arabesque adornments in the 
same substance, not much to the detriment of the older work and much 
adding to its appearence of comfort. 

" All the defacement it has undergone," says Billings, " cannot destroy 
the simple grandeur of its composition." " It is a remarkable specimen 
of castellated architecture, both in size and decorations." " When we 
have reached the lead covered roof a scene presents itself of which few 
castles can now boast. There are the turrets, with their staircases, and 
the bold broad machicolations ; even the guard's room (surmounting the 
projection of its eastern front) remains perfectly entire, and nothing but 
a few armed men is wanted to complete the picture of by-gone baronial 

It is not easy to describe either the architecture or the arrangements 
without the aid of engravings. The angular turrets on one side, the 
corbelled circular ones on the other, and the great square projection from 
the east front, with the picturesque battlements, form a fine assemblage. 
There are the usual domestic conveniences inside. The idea on the 
summit, where the turrets are machicolated and ornamented to the leads 
as much as to the exterior, and are much isolated, seems to have been 
to enable a defence from every turret independently. 5 

It remains to give some account of the heraldry on the two fronts. 

West Front. Centre. 

The banner of Trance modern and England. 
First row of shields below, four coats. 

1. A Saltire. Neville. [Alexander Hilton served in the Scotch 
wars, 7 Edw. III., with Ealph Lord Neville.] 

2. A plain cross. This cross is moulded exactly like the saltire : 
the mouldings do not interlace, but Surtees mistook the coat 
for that of Bishop Skirlaw. It may either bo the arms of 
Vescy of Alnwick, under whom the Hiltons had held their 
estates in Northumberland derived from Tyson, or the coat 
ascribed to S. Gfeorge, the founder's cotemporary being Kalph 

4 Tradition says that the architect, one Frankini, an Italian, induced the Baron 
to do this because his castle looked like a sow -with one lug. The north wing, on 
its recent removal, was in great decay. Indeed I remember that it was in that 
condition twenty years ago. 

5 While the alterations by the present owner were in progress I ventured to 
remark that if the Italian windows gave way to the originals restored and a few quiet 
imitations of the existing originals at Hilton and Lumley were introduced ; the 
old place might be none the less the finest thing in the county of its sort. 



Neville, the Great Earl of Westmorland, E.G., and the same 
company of crosses being found at E-aby and Gainford. Or 
it may have reference to the see of Durham, a subject which 
I am treating elsewhere. 

3. A Lion rampant, quartering three Lucies or Pikes, Percy and 

Lucy. This coat was worn by the Percies, successors to the 
Vescies, from 1384, and the plain cross is found in company 
with it in the Eastern chapel of Tyncmouth. 
The three important shields above are larger than the rest, 
which, irregular in size, are alike as style and time. 

4. A Lion rampant, differenced by a label of three points. 

" Perhaps the heir of Percy." 

Second row, five shields. 

1 . A Lion rampant. Qu. Brus, connected with Hilton of Swine 
through Thwenge. 

2. Two bars (Hilton), quartering three chaplets (Lascellcs). 

Hilton of Swine (the difference of that house, a fleurs de lis, 
being omitted) representing Lascelles. The founder of the 
building married his kinswoman Dionysia Hilton of Swine. 
The line of descent is not drawn from her in the received 
pedigrees, but the inquest after her death and an early settle- 
ment by her husband are contrary to them. 

3. A fess between three popinjays. Lumley modern, alias 
Thwenge. The arms of this Baron Hilton are also on Lum- 
ley Castle, and there was a connection with Thwenge through 
his wife's family. 

4. A Lion rampant, within an engrailed border. Grey of North- 
umberland, also on Lumley Castle. [The founder of this 
fabric "William de Hilton, knt. and Tho. Grey held an acre 
at North Bedick in 1380, called Stanhers.] 

5. Quarterly, a bend charged with three escallops now very 
obscure. Eure of Witton. 6 

Third Row. Four shields. 

1. A chief dancette, Fitz-Randolph of Spennithorne connected 
with Hilton of Swine through Lascelles, or Campaigne the 
Baroness's mother. 

2. Two bars and three mullets in chief. Washington, or perhaps 
Yeland, families connected with the Hilton estates at Bid- 
dick and Usworth. 

3. A fess between three crescents. Boynton ? See the Felton 
pedigree, and that of the Daldens. 

4. Three water-bougets. Kos ? or Lilburne ? 

Left hand Buttress. Three shields. 

1. A Lion rampant debruised by a bendlet. Eshe through 
Yeland ? or Tilliol or Sutton, see pedigree of Hilton of 

6 The following evidence appears to be too late to explain this shield. 1483, 
June 4, Radulphus Eure, anniger Maria Helton sorori mese 20 inarcas. 


2. Two Lions passant within a tressure. Felton. The founder's 
mother was a Felton, and he was coheir of the whole blood 
of her family. 

3. Heron. Three herons [looking to the sinister ?] Some 
Herons were connected with Usworth, and Robert de Dalden 
married a coheir of Heron of Chilton. 

Right Hand Buttress. Three shields. 

1. Ermine, in the dexter point an orle. Surtees. 

2. Effaced. Probably Dalden. 

3. Ermine, three bows. Bowes of Dalden, holding Cloweroft 
manor under the Hiltons. 

Under the window, a banner of the Arms of Hilton, the bars being 
raised and overlapping the flag-staff. Buck in his plate gives two small 
lions holding it, in the drawing they are more like griffins. 7 

On the east front is a noble sculpture of the Roebuck of the Hiltons, 
collared with a coronet and chained. Below are the arms under a 
helmet covered with a mantle quarried with slipped trefoils, and crested, 
on a wreath, with Moses' Head in profile, horned with triple rays. The 
engraving of this in Surtees' s Durham is exceedingly inaccurate. 

On the corbels inside of the west front are the arms of the Baron and 
those of his son (differenced by a label), borne by angels, with some other 
designs which there is no need to particularize. Those who are curious 
in such matters are referred to the subject of Jack of Hilton in another 

A Chapel of the vill of Helton existed in or before 1 157, and the licence 
to the lords for the burial of themselves, their wives, their freemen, and 
the freemen of their freemen, in that chapel or its cemetery, is printed 
in Surtees's History of Durham, ii. 380. It is plain that, like the abbey 
church of Tynemouth, the collegiate church of Darlington, and many 
another ecclesiastical edifice, this chapel had a double debt to pay, partly 
for the souls of the Lords, with chantry accommodation, partly for those 
of their tenants without it, leaving the eventual adjustment to sentences 
in the region of Dives and Lazarus. The dedication was to S. Catherine, 
but, before 1322, a chantry within the chapel dedicated to the Virgin, 
had arisen. In 1370 there were three chaplains or sub -chaplains or 
chantry priests on the establishment. 

Sir Thomas Hylton by will dated 1558 says : " I bequeath my body 
to be buried in the middest of my Chapel of Hilton, whereas my grand- 
father lieth buried. ' ' This grandfather was Sir William who died in 1 5 5 . 

7 No such ornaments appeared when the removal of the battlement of the porch 
disclosed the bottom of the staff. But it does not follow that they were absent 
before the last baron's time. 


The Chapel does not present any features much older than that period. 
In Buck's time it appears to have had a considerahle nave with two 
stories of small square side windows, and with strings resembling but 
not corresponding with those of the transepts, which end semi-hex- 
agonally, and are well lighted in both stories with plainly-headed triplets. 
The chancel is not divided into stories. On its south side it has square 
lights divided in two by a mullion, and on its north side similar ones 
have supplanted larger windows which came nearly to the ground. 
The strings of the transepts are not continued in the chancel. The 
east window has five lights, and Buck's view shows a west window of 
six lights. Through it we see [only in the engraving, not in the draw- 
ing] an empty window (it seems too small for an arch and it has a sill) 
apparently in a gable [distinct both in drawing and engraving] which 
separates the nave from the chancel and transepts. On the south side 
of the nave he shows a round turret in which is one of the slits usually 
employed in lighting newel staircases. There was a large western 
doorway. The impression left upon the mind is that the nave was used 
separately from the chancel. I offer no opinion as to what part of the 
edifice was the chantry of S. Mary. 8 The arrangements of the transepts, 
which look later than the body of the building, 9 their two stories, the 
newel turret, and marks of eastern doorways in the upper stories of both 
transepts (approached, I presume, by wooden steps) suggest that we 
have a modification of the common arrangement of the oriole or overstory, 
looking into the chancel which was the height of both stories. The 
oriole was for the lord's and his family's use, or often for the ladies only. 
There is now only a very small nave, unlighted and unadorned by 
strings on the sides, ending in a wall containing the foot of an old win- 
dow of three lights, apparently formed of the two sides of the old one of 
six lights, some of the centre being omitted. Across this window is 
thrown externally a circular arch composed perhaps of old mouldings 
and possibly part of the old division between nave and chancel. Beneath 
the window is an Italian doorway of the last Baron's style. 

At each side of the window sill are the only two coats which are 
given by Buck, viz. 

1. Hilton, Yipont, and Stapleton quarterly on a pendant shield, 

with mantling and the crest of Moses' head affrontee (engraved 
badly in Surtees.) 

2. The same quartcrings on a shield in the usual direction, as are 

all the other shields on the chapel. Supporters, two lions. 

8 There are no traces of chantry arrangements in the transepts, or elsewhere. 

9 There is no foiling in them or in the side windows of the chancel, unlike the 
eaet and west windows. The north and south walls of the chancel have manifestly 
been disturbed, but no pre-perpendicular details exist. 


Above the arch are three other coats which must have been on the 
divisional wall between nave and chancel, viz. 

1. Same coat and supporters as the last. 

2. (Apex) Same coat, with crest and mantling, no supporters. 

3. Same coat. Supporters, two roebucks. 

On the north transept is the same coat with crest and mantling, with- 
out supporters. On the south transept the same arms are accompanied 
by the roebucks, of different drawing to those on the west front, and in 
the cornice above is the nebulee badge of the Hiltons which appeared 
in their standard and above their crest in drawings of the Tudor period. 

The chapel was in ruins in Buck's time, and, after two vain restor- 
ations, is now in ruins again. As soon as their nonsenses went out 
of fashion, so much as was left of original truthful work on which they 
operated, reasserted sole claims to consideration, and ' ' then they fell, 
so perish all" restorations. 



HAVING, in other papers, 10 attempted to trace the true beginnings of the 
Hyltons, their castle, and their title of Baron, and having found that, 
after all, their myths have as much interest, or more, than the truth, 
I propose to say something on the beginnings of the legends also, and 
to collect some details respecting them. 

It is somewhat remarkable that no story has been invented to account 
for the extraordinary crest of the house, Moses' Head. The first legendary 
evidence seems to be composed of the two gigantic .groups of warriors 
and fiery dragons on the battlements of the west front of Hylton, erected 
in the fifteenth century. These doubtless have some reference to the 
tradition attaching to the Worm Hill in the estate of North Biddick, 
which had been acquired by the Hyltons. The story is now known as 
that of the Lambton Worm. 

The estate of Hylton was of ancient feofrrnent, and therefore created 
before the death of Henry I., and the ascent in blood of its barons 
reaches to Eomanus de Helton, who was living in the time of Henry II. 
The fictitious pedigrees which ignore this ancient gentleman were at 
least in progress before 1625. In 1526 and 1558, some strange 

10 See p. 143, and the references in the note there. 


entails had been made by two barons of Hylton, whereby, after ex- 
hausting their most immediate relatives, they call in the Hyltons of 
Usworth, Wellome in Yorkshire, London, Parke in Lancashire, and 
Hilton and Burton in Westmorland, whose relationship to the baronial 
stock is rather problematical. Whether the barons were influenced by 
tradition, or a false pedigree, or by mere coincidence of name, thus to 
pass over heaps of nearer relatives through females, certain it is that in 
a collection of pedigrees by Eobert Hegge, dated 1625, the germ of the 
later genealogies is found. The stem given there mentions a younger 
son, a Richard Hilton, as marrying the daughter and heir of John 
Parke, Esq., and it multiplies generations and supplies mythic wives, 
throwing back the marriage of the heiress of Tyson with William de 
Helton from the twelfth century to the eleventh, making her husband, 
with whom the pedigree begins, exist at the time of the Conquest. 

The next edition before me, copied by Eandal into a book of pedigrees 
in my possession, bears internal evidence of being of the date 1642, and 
carries up some ill-contrived descents from the Conquest to the reign of 
Athelstan or earlier. It contains an absurd statement that in the reign 
of that king, one Adam Hilton gave a crucifix engraved with his arms 
to the monastery of Hartlepool. Richard who is said to have married 
the heiress of Parke, is stated to have "had issue, and was called Hilton 
of Parke, in Lancashire." 

In the reign of Charles II. we have other copies, which make the 
husband of Bona Tyson have a brother Robert, who marries the daughter 
and heir of Richard Bacon of Westmeiiand, and "so it took the name 
of Hilton Bacon." Just before the making of the pedigree the Baron's 
daughter had married Robert Hilton of Hilton Beacon, near Appleby. 

It is quite true that one Robert de Hilton heads the pedigree of the 
Westmerland Hiltons, at a date correspondent to what he ought to have 
if he were a brother of the Durham Hilton who married Tyson. But 
the marriage with Bacon was later. The pedigree of the Hultons or 
Hiltons of Park, in Lancashire, runs in an independent stream still 
higher, and gives no loophole for the supposed heiress. 

Lancelot was a favourite name of the members of one branch of the 
Hilton Beacon family, which came to what had probably at the outset been 
the true cradle of their race, Hilton near Staindrop. But I cannot trace 
to them the next addition to the marvellous history, which appears in the 
edition of Guillim's Heraldry, 1724, although the name "Lancelot" 
occurs in it. It states that the Hilton of Athelstan's time was called 
Robert, that Malmsbury mentions William de Hilton-Castle, as being 
called " with the other great lords" to " Pizzeazemoz, i.e. their Wit- 
tenagemott." Then comes the following fable. "In the reign of 


King William the Conqueror, Henry de Hilton was one of the four 
lords that treated with him for the JSTorthern Counties. This Henry, 
(as the family report) received of his gift, a stag lodged and chained for 
a cognizance or crest, which his valiant son Lancelot declined for that of 
his family ; but, however, caused it to be placed on the backside of his 
castle, as a memorandum to posterity. This family unfortunately lost 
their peerage in the reign of King Edward L, nor had "William de Hilton 
and his son, who lived about the time of Edward II. and Edward III., 
whose dispositions were too turbulent, any summons to Parliament. But 
yet the Bishops of Durham, while they had power to nominate barons, 
gave them that title ; and neighbours, in courtesy, still call them so." 

The story, being without marks of quotation, ought to be " peculiar 
to this edition" of Guillim, but it was evidently written before 1722, 
when Baron Richard died. He is described as living, and, amusingly 
enough, as " great-grandson" of the melancholy Baron Henry who in 
his will had called God and man to witness that he had no child living. 
Some Hiltons of Kea-Hall are prominently noticed as of the same family, 
and an erroneous descent is given. 

In a similar account preserved by Eandal and Allan, as "of one of the 
family's writing," which also mentions the Kea-Hall folks, the Hiltons 
are said to have lost the greatest part of their estate with their peerage, 
in the reign of Henry VI. by means of De la Pole, the royal favourite. 

This idea, probably for the delectation of the Hiltons of Feversham, 
in Kent, was worked up in the final edition of the romance, as it ap- 
pears in a letter addressed from somebody at Chelsea, who professed to 
have papers relating to the family, to the last Baron, in 1740. The 
substance of this popular account may be sufficiently seen in the His- 
tory of Durham by Hutchinson, who pithily remarks that " some 
principal errors will appear in the comparison of the records." "A 
certain inscription at Hartlepool" is quoted for the existence of the 
family in Athelstan's time. " Upon the coming over of "William the 
Conqueror, Lancelot de Hylton, with his two sons Henry and Robert, 
espoused his cause and joined him, but that Lancelot soon after was 
slain at Feversham, in Kent." Then his son Henry obtains from the 
King a tract of land on the Wear, builds Hylton Castle in 1072, treats 
with him concerning the four northern counties. John Hylton is made 
Baron by Edward III. William the seventh Baron talks against 
Queen Margaret and Delapole, forfeits his estate, and is thought to 
have died a violent death. The Crown grants the estate to the inform- 
ing Bishop of Durham, who after some time gives part of it to another 
Lancelot, the grandson of Lord William, ' ' under this hard condition, 
that he and his heirs for ever should hold the moiety that was given them 


under certain rents and services to the sec of Durham, and have the title 
of barons, but barons to the Bishoprick only, annexed to their inheritance. 
Then conies an account of 24 Hyltons dying in divers battles, which prob- 
ably gave the cue for the strange statement, that Lord Craven's armour 
of blue burnished Milan steel at the Eglington Tournament was that 
which had been worn by Baron Hylton at the Battle of Cressy. 

The letter only professes to be an abstract. The name of the writer 
does not appear in my copies, and probably it is only by one of the 
pseudo-heralds of the day who expected that the Baron would pay for 
more of such stuff. 

The claims of various pretenders to the hcirship and estates of the 
Hyltons are mythical enough, but we need not trouble ourselves with 
them in connection with the baronial stock. The owners, very sensibly, 
seem to have treated them as owners of the present day treat claimants 
supported by Newcastle newspapers. 

We have now to consider traditionary legends, such as are found in con- 
junction with many families whose rise is lost in the clouds of antiquity. 

On these subjects we have scarcely any early observations. To 
Hutchinson they plainly were distasteful. He is obliged indeed to 
notice the "Worm Hill, and its name compels him to notice the legend 
attached to it. And in this fashion he despatches it. "Near [Fat- 
field Staiths] is an eminence called the "Worm Hill, which tradition 
says was once possessed by an enormous serpent, that wound its horrid 
body round the base ; that it destroyed much provision, and used to in- 
fest the Lambton estate, till some hero of that family engaged it, cased 
in armour set with razors, and when it would have crushed the com- 
batant by enfolding him, sustaining a thousand wounds, fell at last by 
his falchion. We thought to have found entrenchments round this 
mount, and that the fable had reference to some Danish troop who kept 
the place as a station, from whence they conld commit depredations on 
the country, and that the story of the hero imported some chief per- 
sonage's victory over a public enemy. But there is not the least trace 
of any such matter, and the whole miraculous tale has no other evi- 
dence than the memories of old women. Our map makers have figured 
the place very significantly." 

When the Lambton Worm is thus treated, we need not expect any 
notice of the Cauld Lad of Hilton. 

He first appears, I think, in the improper guise of a spirit of a departed 
Hylton himself, in a letter of 1809 from Surtees to Sir Walter Scott : 

" Hilton Castle, the ancient baronial residence of that family, is 
haunted by a being called "the Cold Lad of Hilton," supposed to be 
the spectre of one of the family who killed himself. This being inhabits 


a small room under the staircase where, I suppose, the deed was com- 
mitted. He had full possession of the house several years after the 
death of the last Baron Hilton, but has been lately exorcised by the 
hospitality of the present occupant, Simon Temple, Esq., who came in 
the fortunate crisis to prevent the demolition of this fine structure, 
which was already condemned to be taken down for the materials. The 
death of the last Baron (a title the family have held from immemorial 
custom, not as peers of Parliament, but barons of the Bishoprick, or, 
possibly, as descendants of very ancient territorial lords,) was predicted 
by a greyhound with a collar of gold (inscribed with magical characters, 
illegible to all but the Baron,) which rushed into the dining-room 
without being previously seen, and, neglecting the rest of the company, 
fawned upon the Baron, who, to the great surprise of all present, de- 
clared that his father, who had been dead 25 years, sent the dog to 
him, &c. &c. et veritatem comprobavit eventus. The dog disappeared 
before morning, as unaccountably as it come," u 

We are treading on perilous ground. Before quoting Sir Cuthbert 
Sharp's Hartlepool, a well-intentioned and, as to the Knight's work, an 
honest book, let me put in a reminder that some of the notes were com- 
posed by Mr. Surtees, and that touching these, "some amusing anecdotes 
could be told." One of them ** told by Dr. Raine (Life of Surtees, 
372). To Robert Chambers (see the Book of Days), such things are not 

I now quote from Sharp. After mentioning the Hartlepool crucifix, he 
proceeds : "A legendary tale resting solely on oral tradition, states that 
a raven flew from the north, and perching on the turrets of a tower 
seated on the Wear, received the embraces of a Saxon lady, whom her 
father, a powerful abthane, had there confined to protect her from the ap- 
proaches of a Danish nobleman, by which may possibly be adumbrated the 
origin of the family springing from a mixture of Danish and Saxon blood. 
The author, who wishes to adhere to facts, instead of presenting to the 
reader a fanciful pedigree, is glad to glean the isolated fragments which 
have survived the wreck of ages, and though the above tales are given, 
yet it is unnecessary to add any caution respecting their authenticity, 
although they may envelope some allusion which is now hid in the 
obscurity of fabulous legend." 

In another page (79) he speaks of the portrait of the last Baron "still 
preserved at Hilton, let into a pannel above the fire-place, in the great 
dining-room. There were in the same house, a considerable number of 
other family portraits, all bearing a striking resemblance to each other. 

II Kaine's Additions to Life of Surtees, p. 350. Is not the dog story an invention 
of somebody who was puzzled with the dog which bears company with the fountain 
in the gardens at Hilton. It has a collar with an inscription. The inscription is 
by no means very legible. But, after a little investigation, it reads I WILL NOT 

TOL. Til. T 


One in particular represents a lady, young and handsome, of whom, 
strange to say, there is presented another portrait exhibiting her in a 
state of mental derangement." 

Sharp printed in 1816. Garbutt's Sunderland, in 1819, gives us no 
further information. Neither of them speak of the Cauld Lad, unless 
his history is merged in that of the mad lady. 

In 1820, appeared the 2nd volume of Surtees's History. The Hilton 
portion had been in type at least as early as May, 1818. I have not 
myself been able to trace to the people the story of the raven and the 
althane's daughter, but it might exist at that time. " One proof perhaps 
(says Surtees), of the high antiquity of the Hiltons is the number of 
popular traditions which, in various ways, account for their origin. 
There is no improbability (though it is not matter proven) in supposing 
that the local establishment of the family extended above the Norman 
sera. Romanus, the Knight of Hilton might be Saxon, Dane, or Nor- 
man, or, according to a wild legend alluded to in Sharp's Hartlcpool, 
he might with equal ease spring from a Northern Rover, who wooed 
and won ' a fair young Saxon dame with all her lands and towers,' 
under the disguise of one of Odin's Ravens. The account given below 
is certainly not offered as any portion of the Hiltons* evidence" And 
thereupon folio weth Surtees's beautiful poem : 

" His fetters of ice the broad Baltic is breaking." 

On this subject I have nothing more to say. 

As to the portraits, Surtees says that " a series of short, round, com- 
panionable-looking faces, on canvas, at Hilton, do not belie the family 
character. The last Baron, in a suit of blue and gold, still occupies the 
pannel above the fire-place in the deserted dining-room." Not a word 
about the lady sane and insane. Not a word about the greyhound men- 
tioned in 1809. 

As to the Cauld Lad, I transcribe the whole passage, premising that 
John Brough Taylor's manuscripts are geological, genealogical, and 

" For the whole evidence of the Lad of Hilton, I am indebted to the 
indefatigable zeal of my worthy friend I. B. Taylor, (et est milii sape 
vocandus,) who collected and collated all the floating oral evidence 
which all the seniors of Hilton and "Wearmouth could afford. 

"Every castle, tower, or manor-house, has its visionary inhabitants. 
The Cauld Lad of Hilton belongs to a very common and numerous class, 
the Broivnie or domestic spirit, and seems to have possessed no very dis- 
tinctive attributes. He was seldom seen, but was heard nightly by the 
servants who slept in the great hall. If the kitchen had been left in 


perfect order, they heard him amusing himself by breaking plates and 
dishes, hurling the pewter in all directions, and throwing everything 
into confusion. If, on the contrary, the apartment had been left in 
disarray (a practice which the servants found it most prudent to adopt), 
the indefatigable goblin arranged everything with the greatest precision. 
This poor esprit folet, whose pranks were at all times perfectly harmless, 
was at length banished from his haunts by the usual expedient of pre- 
senting him with a suit of clothes. A green cloak and hood were laid 
before the kitchen fire, and the domestics sat up watching at a prudent 
distance. At twelve o'clock the sprite glided gently in, stood by the 
glowing embers, and surveyed the garments provided for him very at- 
tentively, tried them on, and seemed delighted with his appearance, 
frisking about for some time, and cutting several summersets and gam- 
bados, till, on hearing the first cock, he twitched his mantle tight about 
him, and disappeared with the usual valediction. 

" Here's a cloak and here's a hood 
Tlie cauld lad o' Hilton will do no more good." 

" This account of the Cauld Lad's very indecorous behaviour, on 
receiving his new livery, seems apochryphal. The genuine Brownie 
always received the present which was to banish him from his long-loved 
haunts with tokens of deep regret. The genuine Brownie, however, is 
supposed to be, ab origine, an unembodied spirit ; but the boy of Hilton 
has, with an admixture' of English superstition, been identified with 
the apparition of an unfortunate domestic, whom one of the old chiefs of 
Hilton slew at some very distant period, in a moment of wrath or in- 
temperance. The Baron had, it seems, on an important occasion, ordered 
his horse, which was not brought out so soon as he expected ; he went 
to the stable, found the boy loitering, and seizing a hayfork, struck him, 
though not intentionally, a mortal blow. The story adds, that he 
covered his victim with straw till night, and then threw him into the 
pond, where the skeleton of a boy was (in confirmation of the tale) dis- 
covered in the last Baron's time. Amongst other baronial appendages, 
Mr. Hilton was one of the latest gentlemen in England who kept a 
domestic fool. The Baron, on one occasion, on his return from London, 
quitted his carriage at the ferry, and amused himself with a homeward 
saunter through his own woods and meadows ; at Hilton foot bridge he 
encountered his faithful fool, who, staring on the gaudy laced suit of 
his patron, made by some false suthron tailor, exclaimed, Who's fule 

Something of the same style of story is related of a Lambton fool. 
Jacky was very deferential to the Lambton ladies, in opening of gates 


and other attentions. One day, Squire Lambton, inclined to a joke, 
passed through a gate first and as often as Jacky attempted to open it, 
pushed it back with his foot. The fool bore this pursuit of courtesy 
under difficulties for a time patiently enough, but at last burst out 
angrily; "Why, I really think Mr. Lambton's a greater fool than 
Jacky ! " 

These anecdotes are in fact only exemplars of a very numerous class. 
It will be remembered that Charles I.'s wise fool Archie Armestrong 
was degraded from the king's service and had his coat pulled over his 
head, ' for certain scandalous words of high nature spoken against the 
Archbishop of Canterbury his face.' The fool had heard of the introduc- 
tion of the prayer-book proclaimed in Scotland, and sideling towards 
Laud as he was passing to the council table, said " Wliedsfeule now ? 
doth not your grace hear the news from Striveling about the liturgy?" 12 
I have already stated that Surtees's account of the Hiltons was in type 
in 1818. In that year he writes to Brough Taylor as follows : " I sent 
you a message through Sir Cuthbert which I trust you will take in good 
part, to be careful how you indulge the Newcastleites with any view of 
the Hiltons. A Mr. Philipson, of whom I know nothing but that he 
writes like a gentleman, tells me that he intends to publish a detailed 
genealogical account of all the Hiltons, with anecdotes, &c., &c. I shall 
be ready to give him any assistance compatible with my own work, but 
I really cannot suffer my elaborate pedigree of Hilton, nor still more 
my narrative and anecdotes, &c., to be anticipated, and I must therefore 
beg, if applied to, that you will keep the Hiltons close in your desk, and 
refer Mr. P. to me, and he shall be very genteelly used." 

Now this Nicholas John Philipson, the useful editor of the Durham 
Visitation of 1575, fortunately applied to Spearman of Eachwick. In 
December, 1818, that gallant receptacle of local lore wrote his reply, 
which by the kindness of Philipson's brother, our Town-Clerk, I have 
seen. He gives quite a different account of the spirit, and thus he gives 
it: "Now for a story to match Mr. Surtees's apparition huntsman. 
Some of the Barons of Hylton maintained an orphan boy as a scullion ; 
from his activity he was useful, and regarded by the whole family. He 
went by the name of Cowed Lad from his short cut hair ; at last he 
sickened and died, but in death forgot not his old occupation, but, as 
when living, was often seen sleeping before the kitchen fire, by such 
servants as were early up. As soon as any one appeared, he stalked 

Spearman also mentions that "the last Baron John, as his ancestors 
had done, kept a fool. A pitman, on the opposite bank of Wear had a 

12 Bushworth. 


handsome wife. "When it was high, her husband, good soul ! carried 
her on his back to a summer-house. A song was made: 

" Drive Hawky, car' Hawky, drive Hawky thro' the water, 
Hawky' s but a little cow, she's sometimes flaid to wade the water, 
Take her up, and set her through, car' Hawky thro' the water." 

"Mr. Hylton hearing the fool sing this song, asked 'who taught him/' 
' What wad you ? ' answered he, so no further enquiry, as after he an- 
swered ' "What wad you ? ' no threats or beating could gain any fur- 
ther answer." The rhyme is an alteration of a well known Scotch song 
about a cow whose pet name, a common one for her species, was 

I will now show that in the popular mind this fool and the Cauld Lad 
were sometimes identified. Mrs. Booth of Monkwearmouth, who died 
upwards of 40 years ago, aged about 70, 13 used to say that the Cauld Lad 
was living in her great-grandmother's time, [i.e. about the time of the last 
Baron] and that he was a sort of idiot servant, and continually pestering 
the household with fooleries. He had an odd fancy for throwing away his 
clothes, and as a remedy he was provided with a jacket which was but- 
toned behind. Meeting a greyhound with its bones standing up along 
its back, he dolefully said: " Times are sair altered with thou and me, 
poor least, since we were both buttoned up behind." 

Now the same story is briefly told by Spearman for the fool. " From 
over-gorging himself, his waistcoat was buttoned down the back. 
Stroking a greyhound, he said, ' Poor thing, thow'rt buttoned down the 
lack as well as me." I heard the tale in much the same fashion from 
Mrs. Storey, an aunt of the late Mr. Kell, whose father lived at High 
Eighton, and had told it to her. She added that the fool's jacket was 
of leather. 

Another of Mrs. Storey's tales was this. The fool, dressed in livery, 
one morning was pacing the banks of the "Wear at the ford. The river 
was unusually high, and a gentleman by invitation was to breakfast 
with the Baron that day. The guest, arriving on horseback at the 
opposite side of the stream, and seeing the boy in the Baron's colours, 
shouted to know if he could pass the ford in safety. The lad answered 
that " he might come across well enough." The gentleman plunged 
into the river, and was in the greatest danger of his life. Some of the 
servants, however, rendered assistance, and safe but soaked he arrived 
at the castle. The Baron expressed his vexation and surprise at his 
coming through the ford while it was in such a state. "I was deceived 
by your servant, sir ' " " By mine ? " " Yes, sir, by yours / " " In 

13 Inf. M. E. Taylor. 


my livery ? " " Yes." The servants were one by one called in. None 
answered the gentleman's remembrance. " "Why these are all the 
servants that I have," said the Baron, "but" (an idea striking him) "just 
call . . . ." The fool, whose name is forgotten, was called in. That's 
the man." "How," said his master, "durst you tell this gentleman 
that he could pass the ford such a morning 'Jas this ? " " Why, sir, I 
saw our ducks come across well enough just before, and the gentleman's 
horse had much longer legs than our ducks, and I thought, dear me, if 
they could come over, he would do so a long way better than them." 

This story I have heard more than once, and from persons who did 
not profess to have any literary turn of mind. Now it also was by Mrs. 
Booth attributed to the Cauld Lad while in the flesh. But in her version 
three gentlemen were the victims, and before ventuiing into the water 
they asked if any thing had passed over it that morning. He answered 
yes; and the Baron, on hearing the misadventure, said at once, " Oh, I 
know who it has been ! " 

Mrs. Storey's account of the Cauld Lad himself was, that he used to 
be sadly in the way of the cook by hanging about the fire. One day 
she pushed him aside, and, taking up her iron ladle, banged him on the 
head with it. What with the blow, and what with the heat of the 
ladle and its contents, the lad died, but he continued to annoy the 
cook by his spiritual appearance. For he came in his old shape, but 
with a scalded head ! This notion approaches Spearman's, and a North- 
umbrian will say when he sees you with your hair cut shamefully 
short: "Why, how they've cowed ye." Yet, in favour of the form 
cauld, I have a note on the authority of E. A. from a very old woman 
[it is well that Hutchinson the historian is not here] that the spirit's 
approach on the landings and passages of the castle was known by a 
cold damp wind a murky mist preceding before him. All was cold 
and blasty near him. His long fair hair hung down his shoulders, his 
face was cold and deadly white, and his eyes glistened unnaturally. 

The next evidence in this most grave and veracious history is a se- 
ries of stanzas, with notes, called " The Kow'd Lad of Hylton," " by 
the writer of the ' Lambton Worm,' " Gateshead, 1831. This tract 
has been reproduced by lloss of the Arcade as a favourite chap-book. 
It contains a woodcut representing the Kow'd Lad as a gentleman 
without other clothes than breeches and shoes, minus his head, which, 
however, streaming with blood, he carries in his right hand. 

The plot of the verses is that the Hyltons, whose "ancient lands, 
from south of Wear, reached forty miles around," and "northward 
reached to where the Tyne leaves Gateshead's sandy shore," had waxed 
lewd and lavish. One heiress married a Jew, who, contrary to what 


we might conceive would have heen the result, " hasted the fortunes 
through " ; and another fell in love with the butler, whom her father 
sent away as a soldier. She scorns to know another love. Her 
father close confines her. " Her food, by hand unseen, each day, was 
sent her through the wall." She dies of delirium, and the stranger is 
shown her likeness in every stage of love. The Baron dies. " His heir 
a groom did luckless slay, full wroth," forfeits his lands and flees. The 
murdered groom appears the same night, and oft is seen : 

" The head suspended by its hair, 

He holds in either hand, 
And carries, as a lantern good, 
To guide him o'er the land." 

The notes are the only parts of the book worth notice. As to the lady : 
" paintings, seven in number, represent her love from beginning to end, 
from her being a beautiful girl of sixteen or seventeen, to where she 
dies of delirium. The room is shown also in which she died, with a 
square hole above the door, through which her victuals were passed 
and in the room is a very high window, with a sloping bottom 
inside. This was to prevent her taking hold of anything to further her 
escape." As to the Cauld Lad, we are informed that " lately his visits 
have not been frequent. One of the servants observing that his poll 
was rather bald, took the liberty of placing a green cloak and hood for 
the spirit. In the morning both cloak and hood were missing ; and on 
the table were found, written with chalk, the following regular couplet : 

" Here's a cloak, and there's a hood, 
And the Kow'd Lad o' Hylton will do no more good." 

' ' Cauld or cold is the orthography of the word ; but the ear being more 
familiar with the word kow'd, I have adopted it accordingly." " The 
ferry boat seems to have been his hobby-horse ; many are the freaks he has 
been known to play upon the water, much to the terror and annoyance 
of the passengers. He would often get into the boat and row over half- 
way, then of a sudden disappear, and leave the women and children to 
shift for themselves ; then again he would make his appearance, and after 
rowing them up and down the river a mile or two, land them on the 
same side they started from." Some other tricks are mentioned in the 
verses. At the end is this note : "Others have the Kow'd Lad, origin- 
ally an orphan boy, presenting himself at the castle begging. But that 
he was stable lad or groom in the family is the current tradition. A 
gentleman near Sunderland has favoured me with a well written song 
of his." Then follows a ditty about a wandering boy being fed and 


employed at the castle, and struck down by the Baron on his return 
from the chase, in which the loss of a favourite hound had enraged him. 

The tract seems to have attempted to continue genuine tradition, but 
in the year before, 1830, one John Pawcett 14 had published at Sundcr- 
land ' ' a legendary tale " called ' ' Hilton Castle in the Olden Day." This 
is in the style of fiction which must have Mowbray or some such name for 
that of the hero. The Baron returns to his castle with a wounded chief- 
tain who had saved him on the Border, and gives him to the charge of 
his charming daughter Ella. He was called De Mowbray, was of noble 
kin, and, mirdbile dietu, had led 'the Lumley's force.' It appears that 
he was Lumley's nephew ! He falls in love, of course, and is promised 
Ella, if he returns crowned with glory. On his departure a wealthy 
Eanulph comes, and obtains the Baron's good offices: she sends for 
Mowbray by a page, who, bribed by Ranulph, brings back an account if 
his inconstancy. She is about to marry Eanulph, when Mowbray turns 
up in guise of a palmer, discloses himself, fights Eanulph, gives him his 
life, which is forthwith lost by his own hand ; and then the page drowns 
himself, and the ghosts of the two suicides walk and talk by the Wear, 
but they are not connected with the Cauld Lad. 

There is little to say upon tliis production. A note upon a casual men- 
tion of " Hilton's clay-cold boy," informs us that the Cauld Lad o' Hilton 
had kept lords and peasants in terror by its nocturnal ramblings, until 
sealed to eternal rest by the all-powerful spell of an exorcist," and that 
"though generations had passed away since the wandering spirit 
received its mittimus," yet passengers by the castle feared its 

This laying of the Cauld Lad henceforth forms an element in the 

The notion of Surtees that the Cauld Lad's joyful conduct in receiving 
his clothes was indecorous and apochryphal doubtless arose from his being 
more acquainted with the Scottish Brownies than with the laughing 
English Portuni or Pixies. A valediction in a Pixie story is much like 
that of the Cauld Lad. 

" Now the Pixies' work is done, 

We take our clothes and off we run." 

And I suspect that when Surtccs uses the expression " usual" in de- 
scribing the Cauld Lad's parting rhyme, he had in his mind something 
still more closely resembling, or which had originated it. His advice to 
Sharp in 1833 is noteworthy: "Let us have the old stuff first. Some 

1* " The author was clerk in a mercantile establishment, but died some years 
ago in a state of mental derangement." G-.G-. 1854. 


local traditions might be mentioned as notes to the metrical remains, but 
have we a single old line of poetry to hang the Lambton "Worm or Cold 
Lad of Hilton on? To enter into any dissertation on Brownies, &c., 
would be exceeding the limits of a metrical collection; so tell the stories 
short and quaintly." Sir Cuthbert's Bishoprick Garland did not come 
out until the next year, 1834, after the Historian's death. The story 
of the Cauld Lad is merely copied from Surtees's History. 

Two or three years afterwards, old Mrs. Fitzpatrick, the keeper of the 
castle, was collecting subscriptions for laying the Cauld Lad. It seemed 
that a priest once exorcised him for some years, and nailed as many nails 
in a door as the number of years was for which he had laid him. The 
last nail was about to drop, and the very ancient woman was alarmed 
for the consequences. In 1838, " Mr. Eoxby's new local drama of the 
Cauld Lad of Hilton" was being performed at his theatres. It appeared, 
I think, a year or two before. The plot andnames are founded on Fawcett's 
poem, but there are variations, and the words t ' Awful Appearance of 
the Cauld Lad of Hilton" figured in large letters about halfway down 
the " Progress of the Incidents." 

In 1842 a very graphic account of the castle appeared in the 2nd 
series of William Hewitt's Visits. 

" Hilton Castle (he says) was one of the last places in which a brownie 
or hobthrush flourished. There are various versions of this story, some 
of which seem to point to a more than hobthrush origin." After de- 
tailing the Surteesian account, he thus proceeds. " The country people, 
however, seem to have another idea of the Cold Lad. The woman who 
showed me the house, on arriving at a certain chamber, pointed to a 
cupboard over the door, and said : ' That is the place where they used 
to put the Cold Lad.' I replied : ' To which he used to retreat you mean.' 
' No, no,' reiterated she pertinaciously, ' where they used to put him.' 
In her story, it was a boy, that on some account had been treated cruelly, 
and kept in confinement in this cup-board, where no doubt, in the 
winter, he accquired the unenviable epithet of the Cold Lad. A third 
opinion is that the real name is the Cowed Lad that is the lad with 
his head cut off; or at least with his hair cut close. It brings the story 
back to the notion of the boy being killed by his master, rather by the 
sword than by scythe or fork. The woman at the house also asserted 
that he had no head. Be the original fact which it may, or be it none 
of them, it has for many a long age given plenty of food for the fire- 
side gossip of this part of the country, and there are not wanting those 
who assert that the Cowed Lad may still be met there. They tell of ser- 
vants who, one after another, deserted the service of the house from 
frights which he gave them long after the time that he was said to 



receive his green clothes ; and especially of a dairymaid who was very 
fond of helping herself to the richest milk and cream. One day as she 
had been sipping with a spoon from various pans, the Cowed Lad 
suddenly, but invisibly, over her shoulder, said : ' Ye taste, and ye taste, 
and ye taste, but ye never give the Cowed Lad a taste ! ' At the hearing 
of this voice she dropped the spoon on the floor in a fright ; rushed out 
of the house, and never would enter it again." 

When Sharp again turned his attention to the Hiltons, and compiled 
an article on them for llichardson's Table Book (vol iii., 1846), he had 
gained some extra poetry. The Cauld Lad " was frequently heard to ex- 
claim in the dead of the night, in a melancholy strain : 

' Wae's me, wae's me, 
The acorn is not yet 
Fallen from the tree 
That's to grow the wood 
That's to make the cradle 
That's to rock the bairn 
That's to grow to a man 
That's to lay me ! ' " 

These lines are termed by Sharp "consolatory," and as proceeding 
from the Lad in consequence of his having an inkling of the intention 
of the servants to banish him, he having become wearisome to them. 
" However, the goblin reckoned without his host." And then Sir 
Cuthbert gives the Surteesian account of his exit. 

To me the tenor of the melancholy strain rather points to long dis- 
appointed expectation of being laid. 

" Long after this (continues Sharp) although he never returned to 
disarrange the pewter and set the house in order, yet his voice was 
heard at the dead hour of midnight, singing in melancholy melody, 

' Here's a cloak, and here's a hood, 
The Cauld Lad o' Hilton will do no more good.' 

" There was a room in the castle long distinguished by the name of 
the Cauld Lad's Room, which was never occupied except when the 
castle was overflowing with company, and, within the last century, 
many persons worthy of credence had heard at midnight the unearthly 
wailings of the Cauld Lad of Hilton." 

Shortly after this I saw the worthy knight, and he told me that among 
the fearsome tales of an old quondam inhabitant of the castle was the 
following: One night she saw the Cauld Lad " aye that was the 
night, sir" looking in between some shutters which did not fit close. 
" Well, and what was he like ? " " Why, sir, he hatfnt a head." 


About 1848, I paid much attention to the Legends of the County, 
and being on a visit to the widow of Mr. Taylor, and within walking 
distance of Hylton, I extracted from her and the neighbours some few 
additional details. One tale was, that the Cauld Lad, being colder than 
usual one night, asked the cook for the cloak and hood to keep him 
in decent temperature, and she laid them accordingly for him the next 
evening. The morning after that there was found written on the table 

" I've taken your cloak, I've taken your hood, 
The Cowed Lad of Hylton -will do no more good." 

Some thought that the title of the sprite meant the Cow-lad or Cow- 
herd Lad, i. e. the Baron's cow keeper. I ventured to suggest that, 
after all, coived was merely a dialectic synonym of cold or cauld, just as 
Boldon is pronounced Bowdon ; and that cold being synonymous with 
dead (cauld deed is a common pleonasm in Northumberland), the Cauld 
Lad was the Dead Lad, agreeing with the tenor of the traditions, how- 
ever the old Brownies or Pixies may be at the bottom of them. 

Again, there was a marvellous narrative making one of the Miss 
Hyltons fall in love with the Cauld Lad himself when living. The 
Baron found the couple in the Cauld Lad's room, locked her up in the 
closet above the door, fed her there on bread and water, and starved 
her to death. The Cauld Lad he slew there and then, as the indelible 
blood spots on the floor of the apartment most plainly attest. The two 
pictures mentioned by Sharp were stated to have represented the Cauld 
Lad's lady love. Then there was the more prosaic notion that the 
Cauld Lad had been shut up in the closet when he became so tiresome 
that the establishment would not permit him to practise his pranks ad 
libitum : and that at last the Baron, coming in drunk, and incensed at 
him, threw a heavy bootjack at his head and killed him, leaving the 
stains aforesaid. All, I observed, gave a somewhat late date to the 
murder, they differed in the unimportant point as to whether it was 
effected by a hayfork, pitchfork, or bootjack. They agreed that the 
Cauld Lad, in his spiritual state, was minus his head. The latest story 
was that a poor fellow, in walking along the road past the castle, heard 
a melancholy sound of Click him ! Catch him ! ! close to him. Away 
he ran. The quicker he went, the quicker was it repeated. He stopped, 
and so did it. At last he stuck by running, and, dashing into his house 
in mortal agony, discovered that his boot heel had given way, and had 
been flapping up and down with attendant horrors. 

All this was hardly in keeping with the pursuits of a grave archaeolo- 
gist. So I inspected material evidences. From the castle all the 
portraits had disappeared. The cheerful stucco-work of the last Baron 


was still to the fore, but miserably denuded of the accompaniments 
neccessary to its effects. In the noble saloon, over the fireplace, was a 
vacant frame for a picture and a bust above, and opposite this was an- 
other vacant place, and a pretty bust above. This was pointed out as 
" the lady." I am ashamed of the continuation of my note of the 
information I received: " One of the servants who used sometimes to 
give her food." A fight between Baron John and his man-servant would 
be an ignoble conclusion to the history of " my beautiful lady." 

In the " Cauld Lad's room," in the third story towards the south, there 
were near the window some large stains of blood or ink or other dye, 
and a hole above the door leading apparently into the roof or some other 
part of the south wing. For some reason, the south windows of the 
venerable centre were placed closer to one of its buttresses than the 
corresponding ones on the north, and the window of the Cawd Lad's 
room rather slanted through the wall and was very high up. But the 
window seat, though slanting with two stages of seats, hardly bore out 
the statement that its slope inside was to prevent the imprisoned girl 
taking hold of anything to further her escape. Nor did escape from such 
a height seem feasible. It was a remarkable coincidence, and nothing 
more, that at the exterior, immediately below the window in question, 
the lime had assumed a reddish hue. 

Afterwards I inspected the portraits of the Hiltons which had been 
removed from the Castle to Streatlam. A beautiful lady, with open 
breast and dark blue eyes, arrayed in white, over which is loosely thrown 
some dress of blue turned up with amber, is pointed out as having cut 
her throat. Another lady, with an excrescence under the right eye, seems 
older. Another has golden ear-rings, and has brown eyes. Her dress is 
scarlet over white. Another, with brown eyes, also in scarlet and white, 
is different from the last, and has an air of insanity. Another, in black 
frame, is marked "Nat. Sept. Ao. 1622, Capt. Mense Maij 1662." There 
is an old pair of portraits apparently of a brother and sister. She has her 
hair dressed with scarlet, and an open piazza, ascended by steps, appears 
in her picture. Another lady seems evidently to be her sister. All the 
above have very light auburn hair. I have enumerated seven portraits, 
but two of them, as Sharp has it, are perhaps all that can be considered 
as belonging to one personage, sane or insane. There is one more picture 
of a lady, in chalks. She has light brown eyes, and strongly resembles 
the subject of one of the other portraits, I forget which, but my note is 
"not the insane one." 

The last phase of the Cauld Lad's story is contained in the Durham 
Chronicle, a christmas or two ago. "W. P. Shield is the narrator, and 
by way of traditionary introduction, he makes the Cauld Lad a sort of 


Banshee, cheerfully warning the barons of their death, with the un- 
comfortable prophecy "I'se cauld, varra, varra cauld, and ye'll be sune 
cauld tee," and moaning at the birth of their heirs. The explanatory 
romance is of the Rose of Raby and Lily of Lumley school. The Lords 
of Hylton and Ludworth are at variance. The heir of Ludworth, under 
the guise of Ran' o' the Burn gains the affections of Baron Hilton's 
daughter. She attempts to escape with him, being threatened with a 
match with John the heir of Lambton. Lambton catches the couple, 
fights Ludworth, and allows the Baron time to appear and to put the 
disguised hero into a prison in Hilton, prior to his execution. The 
Hilton fool, Dicky Witless, is allowed access to him, is sent for a monk 
to shrive him, returns as the monk himself, and exchanges clothes. 
The cheated Baron pops the fool into a clammy subterraneous dungeon, 
and is alarmed at night with a voice that some one was cauld, varra 
cauld, and will die if not relieved. Then he chases a spirit, and in the 
hunt leaps off the battlements. In the morning, Ludworth and his 
father come in propriis personis, and find Baron dead and Cauld Lad 
dead too, the latter from the sad lack of sanitary dryness and ventilation 
in his dungeon. And so arises the legend. The tale needs no comment. 

I hope that my chronological summary will not be unuseful in esti- 
mating the worth of traditionary lore, and of chronicles written little 
better than a century after the events they profess to record ; for the 
last Baron Hilton died only about a century and a quarter ago. 

I have not touched upon the facts which might have given rise to 
the tradition, because I think that the Brownie or Pixie was a relic of 
ancient heathendom and unconnected with any event ; and because I 
cannot but come to the conclusion that the manslaughter or mischance 
or murder or suicide which has been tacked on to the superstition is of 
recent date. It is sufficient, in conclusion, to say that in 1 609 Robert 
Hilton of Hilton, gent., in mowing hay, as moneyless younger brethren 
thought it right to do, slew Roger Skelton with his scythe by accident ; 
that Baron William received a general pardon for all sorts of murders, 
manslaughters, &c., in 7 Fox ; and, that in the reign of Edward III., 4 
Hatfield, Alexander de Hilton had a pardon in the matter of the death 
of John de Farnacres, who was, I think, connected with Follonsby, an 
estate bordering the Baron's estate of Usworth, and which eventually 

was acquired by the Hiltons. 


POSTSCRIPT. Since the above papers were written I have been 
enabled to accompany them with the following illustrations. 

I. Ground plan of the Great Gatehouse before the recent removal of 
its internal walls. The "Hall" was a through passage with original 


vaulting which was covered with the stucco work of the last Baron in 
plaster. The four apartments to the north and south of this passage, 
formed by the walls which ran at right angles to it, were also arched 
over. In the centre of this arching, at intcivals, were square holes, as if 
for the annoyance of any enemy who had succeeded in gaining possession 
of the ground story of the fabric. Above the arches was solid grouting, 
and upon that was a covering of paving stones, which formed the floor 
of the 2nd story. In the subsequent alterations the north east room 
was found to have an opening to the north to the wing on that side : 
and the communication from the destroyed door of 1728 to the south 
east apartment also disclosed itself. 

II. Plan of that 2nd story, which was rich in the peculiar stucco 
work introduced by the last Baron. 

III. Plan of the 3rd story. The room to the south with the slanting 
light is the " Cauld Lad's." 

When the above plans were taken, a second newel staircase was 
unknown. It is in the same front as the one shown, and is opposite to 
it in the thick masonry on the northern side of the Hall. 

IV. Plan of the 4th or Roof story. The old leads, given by Billings, 
had disappeared, and with them the ancient chimney alluded to in my 

The above are from plans made in 1864 for the present owner, who 
has obligingly allowed the use of them. But it must not be understood 
that they sufficiently show the ancient state of the building above the 
ground floor. The indication of the old lights in the plates and remains 
of the fabric seems to support Hutchinson's statement that "the present 
centre of the building is five stories in height." 

V. A view in 1854, taken by the camera lucida, showing the de- 
stroyed chimney and the north part of the Guard room. 

VI. Buck's view of the Chapel, showing the destroyed nave. 

VII. Buck's view of the North Wing and the new Doorway. 

VIII. His view of the ancient Tower. The drawing gives a transom 
across the window above the Banner of the Hiltons. 

The three preceding illustrations are from impressions of the original 
plate of S. and K Buck, 1728, of which our treasurer has allowed the 

It is observable that while the nave of the Chapel was then unroofed, 
the transepts seem to have possessed both roofs and glass. It is possible 
that some of the rather elegant roofs of " Irish wood" which existed a 
few years ago were older than the last Baron. The ribs were thin, but 
with good quasi-Gothic mouldings, in feeling reminding one of the 
chancel roof at Brancepeth, and the portion above the altar had painted 


























' ' '' 





VTJB .. [CIA . 

- TOWER OP ffiLTulU728. 



THE result of a recent excavation at the station of Cilurnum (the sixth 
per.lineam Valli) has been to throw some further light on the history of 
the Roman fortifications in the North of England. 

According to the theory of antiquarians, as enunciated and powerfully 
sustained by Dr. Bruce (p. 143, Roman Wall, 3rd edition), the station 
of Cilurnum was the work of Julius Agricola, in the reign of the Em- 
peror Vespasian, or of his immediate successor Titus. It seems clear 
that, previous to the succession of Vespasian, the Roman rule in Britain 
did not extend Northward beyond the Humber. The country between 
the Humber and the Tyne was held by the Brigantes, a powerful British 
tribe. In the early part of the reign of Vespasian, his Legate Petilius 
Cerealis subdued the Brigantes, and took possession of a great part of 
their country. Agricola came to Britain in the character of Imperial 
Legate, A.D. 78 ; he spent that year in restoring tranquillity in the 
more southern parts of the island; the next year, A.D. 79, he ad- 
vanced through the country of the Brigantes to the borders of Scotland ; 
and, in the year following, A.D. 80, he marched without resistance through 
Scotland as far north as the River Tay. Agricola has left no record on 
marble or stone of his acts in Britain, but he is not to be classed amongst 
those whose fame perishes "carent quia vate sacro." The historian 
Tacitus saves him from that fate. According to that author, Agricola 
made use of the opportunity afforded him by the inactivity of the enemy, 
during the years 79 and 80, in securing the country he occupied by the 
erection of fortresses, on which constructions Tacitus passes an eulogium 
in the following terms " Adnotabant periti, non alium ducem oppor- 
tunitates locorum sapientius legisse ; nullum ab Agricola positum cas- 
tellum, aut vi hostium expugnatum, aut pactione ac fuga desertum." 
The station of Cilurnum doubtless was one of the fortresses erected in 
the years 79 or 80, and was about 40 years afterwards connected with 
the great "Wall by Hadrian, its builder, and thereupon became one of 
the stations per lineam Valli. 

The wall of Hadrian approaches the station of Cilumum at its eastern 
and western fronts, and strikes the wall of the station so as to leave 


about 71 yards on the north, and 115 yards on the south ; and the im- 
mediate object of the excavation lately completed was to investigate the 
point of junction of the wall of Hadrian with that of the station on its 
eastern front. After the removal of the soil and debris which had ac- 
cumulated during the fourteen centuries which have elapsed since the 
Eomans abandoned Britain, the wall of the station was found standing 
to the height of five courses of masonry, whilst the great Wall was 
standing to the height of four courses. The two structures are obviously 
distinct and separate works, and though they touch each other there is 
no intermixture of masonry. 

With respect to the gates ^of the station of Cilurnum, Mr. MacLauchlan 
the able surveyor and acute observer selected for the Survey of the 
Koman Wall by our late noble patron, Algernon, Duke of Northumber- 
land makes the following observation : " The gates in the north and 
south fronts appear to have been in the centre, and of the gates in the 
other fronts (the east and the west) those nearer to the south front are 
opposite to each other and about 57 yards from that front. We could 
see no trace of any other gates in these fronts (the east and the west) 
more northerly, and the Wall strikes these in such a manner that if the 
gates were placed conformably with the more southern ones, they would 
be outside the Wall ; hence we are disposed to consider that there was 
only one gate in each front." (Memoir by Henry MacLauchlan, p. 27.) 

If the station of Cilurnum and the wall of Hadrian had been co- 
temporaneous in either design or execution, then the reasoning of Mr. 
MacLauchlan against the existence of any other gates in the east and 
west fronts of the station would have been conclusive, for they would 
been placed outside of the shelter of the great Wall. 

The eastern gateway, the site of which (57 yards from the south front) 
was pointed out by Mr. MacLauchlan, was shortly afterwards excavated, 
and was found to be a single gateway, up to which was traced the road 
leading from the Koman bridge over the North Tyne. 

The recent excavation having been continued for a short distance 
northward, along the face of the wall of the station (outside the wall of 
Hadrian), the excavator came upon the remains of a massive double 
gateway, thus disclosing, contrary to the expectation of Mr. MacLauchlan, 
" another gateway conformably to the more southern one, and conse- 
quently outside the Roman Wall." 

The station of Cilurnum, therefore, like the station of Amboglanna, 
has six gates, each of those stations having two gates on the east and 
west fronts one of them a single gate, and the other a double gate. 
The very clear and minute account of the excavation of the north-eastern 
gate of Amboglanna, by Mr. Henry Glasford Potter, in the year 1852, 



"- : Jll3l| 

/in; , 












published in the fourth volume of the " Archseologia Juliana," 4to, p. 
141, supplies many points of resemblance between the two stations, both 
of which obviously existed before the Koman Wall. 

Both these stations were placed on Eoman roads, formed anterior to 
the Wall the station of Cilurnum on the Roman road, to which, in 
modern times, has been given the name of the Stonegate, leading from 
Watling Street, to the Eoman road, designated as the Maidenway, at 
the station of Magna, and hence continued in conjunction with the 
Maidenway to Amboglanna. 

The ground plan of the site of the excavation, with a drawing of 
the remains of the buildings, from the skilled hand of Mr. Henry B. 
Bichardson, will render any verbal description almost unnecessary. 

It will be observed from the ground plan that the gateway is set back 
five feet from the wall of the station that the opening in which it is 
placed is 28 feet 3 inches in width, and that the guardrooms on each side 
of the gateway measure 12 feet 9 inches by 12 feet, and are of larger 
dimensions than the guard rooms at the gateways of any of the stations 
on the Roman Wall that have yet been excavated. One of the pillars 
of the gateway was found standing at its full height. The wall of one 
of the the guardrooms stands to the height of eleven courses of masonry, 
and the station wall at the point to which the excavation has been con- 
tinued is standing to the height of seven courses of masonry. 

On the sill of the gateway were found pivot holes for the gates, but at 
an early period of Roman occupation the floor seems to have been raised 
rather more than a foot, probably for the purpose of clearing the top of a 
drain from the station which is carried through the gateway, and stones 
with pivot holes have been placed on the original stones. At a subsequent 
period, probably when the Wall of Hadrian was built, leaving this gateway 
outside and exposed to the enemy, the outside openings of the gateway 
have been built up with solid masonry, and the space behind them, as 
well as the floors of the guard rooms, filled with stones, mortar, and 
rubbish, and a new floor laid about four feet above the original floor. 

One of the two openings of each of the four gateways of the station of 
Borcovicus has been built up, which has been assumed to have been done 
by the Romans, as their garrisons grew weaker, and their power waned. 
In the present case loth openings have been substantially built up, and 
the presumption is that the Wall of Hadrian having interrupted the 
communication between this gateway and the Bridge of Cilurnum, it had 
become useless, the gate in the northern front of the station affording 
ample means of communication, whether hostile or otherwise, with the 
country of the Picts to the North. The coins which have been unearthed 
by these operations are altogether imperial coins, ranging from Domitian 

VOL. VII. A 2 



(A.D. 83,) to Valentinian (A.D. 375). With a few exceptions in silver, the 
whole are of brass. One of the coins of Trajan is a fine specimen of the 
produce of the Eoman mint it is a large brass coin of the date of the 
5th consulate of Trajan (A.D. 106) unworn by circulation, having for its 
reverse a figure of Victory placing a wreath of laurel on the head of the 
Emperor, who holds in his right hand a thunderbolt, and in his left a 
spear, with the legend 


This coin was found on the floor of the earlier period (that of Agricola). 

On the floor of the later period (that of Hadrian) was found a tablet 
inscribed to his immediate successor, Antoninus Pius. The stone has 
been broken, but enough remains to render the whole legible, with the 

exception of the number and style 
of the legion, which arc supplied 
with sufficient certainty from other 
sources. The letters stand thus 

10 . HADR[. ANTOXI] 
NO . AVG . [PIO . PP .] 
cos . LEG[ . ii AVG . p . ] 

which being extended read "Imper- 
atori Tito ^Elio Hadriano Antonino 
Augusto Pio Patri Patriot Consuli 
Legio Secunda Augusta Posuit." 

Antoninus Pius was consul for the 
first time in the year 120 of the 
Christian era, and became entitled to be styled "consul" or "consularis" 
after the expiration of his year of office. He succeeded to the imperial 
throne on the death of his patron Hadrian, which took place on the Ides 
of July (15th July), A.D. 138. Antoninus assumed the name of his 
predecessor Hadrian, placing it before his own, and was a second time 
consul in the year 139, when his title became Cos. n. (bis consul), so 
that the date of this inscription is with certainty ascertained to be in the 
latter part of the year 138, after Antoninus was Emperor and before he 
was a second time consul. 

The tying together of I and at the end of JElio is noticed by Horsley 
as a remarkable contraction on an inscription to Antoninus Pius, found 
on the Antonine "Wall, and deposited in the library of the University of 
Edinburgh (see Horsley's "Britannia Romana," p. 203, and No. 25 of 
" Inscriptions in Scotland,"), and the lettering and borders of this stone 



very closely resemble those of the stones found on the Antonine Wall. 
The number and style of the legion is broken off the stone, but there is 
abundance of evidence that the Second Legion, styled " Augusta," was 
stationed on the Eoman Wall in Northumberland during the reign of 
Hadrian, and in the early part of the reign of Antoninus Pius, and we 
find in the station of Condercum (Benwell) an altar dedicated to Jupiter 
Dolichenus by a centurion of the Second Legion for the preservation of 
the Emperor Antoninus Pius. 

The stone before us commemorates no work, but is merely a compli- 
mentary tablet inscribed by the Second Legion to the Emperor Antoninus 
Pius on his accession. 

There has, also, been dug up a small altar inscribed, 


" Dibus" is used for the dative case plural of Deus, as 
Deabus is still more frequently used for the dative case 
plural of Dea. Three altars similar in size and inscrip- 
tion have been found at various periods on the Roman 
Wall, one at the station of Magna by Baron Clerk and 
Mr. Alexander Gordon in the beginning of the last 
century, and now in the Museum at Edinburgh, and two recently at 
the station jEsica, one of which is in the collection of our Society, and 
the other is at Chesters. These three altars are described in Dr. Bruce' s 
Roman Wall, pp. 187 and 188, 3rd edition. 

The Eoman garrisons of Magna, ^Esica, Borcovicus, and Cilurnum, 
are shown to have sacrificed to the British gods Cocidius, Belatucader, 
and Yitiris, and to the Persian God Mithras, and the suggestion that the 
Roman soldier, weary of foreign novelties, resorted to the gods of his 
own country, and addressed them as his " ancient gods," may perhaps 
be accepted as an explanation of the object of these altars; and this sug- 
gestion seems to receive confirmation from a passage in Virgil, ^Eneid 8, 
185 in which the worship of strange gods is depreciated as " Vana 
superstitio veterumque ignara deorum." 

No similar inscriptions are met with in the works of Gruter, or 

The minor antiquities disclosed by these operations are of the character 
usually found on the sites of Roman occupation ; they consist of large 
quantities of horns and bones of deer and cattle, oyster shells, fragments 
of glass both of vessels and windows, and quantities of pottery, chiefly 
Samian ware, adding to the number of potters' names found on the 
Roman Wall. Amongst them is a portion of a bowl of embossed Samian 
ware of unusual type ; and on the rim of one vessel a Roman soldier has 


asserted his right of property by incising the name of VARITJS. There 
have heen found two seals separated from their settings the one a 
cornelian stone, on which is a figure of Mercury, and the other of jasper, 
on which is the figure of a Roman soldier ; and in the works of the early 
period was dug up mineral coal, showing that the Romans had discovered, 
at an early period of their occupation, that in Northumberland there was, 
beneath the surface, a material calculated to mollify its climate. 

3ltt December, 1867. 


THE design and structure of the Roman Wall from the Tyne to the Sol- 
way have long engaged the attention of antiquarians and historians. 
The noble volume, of which a third and very elaborate edition has re- 
cently been given to the public by the industry of our able Secretary, 
Dr. Collingwood Bruce, has left nothing further to be desired in explana- 
tion of this great military road and rampart. The general design of 
this work is thus briefly described by Dr. Bruce 

" This great fortification consists of three parts : 

1 . A Stone "Wall, strengthened by a ditch on the north. 

2. A Turf Wall or Yallum to the south of the Stone Wall. 

3. Stations, Castles, Watch Towers, and Roads, for the accommo- 

dation of the soldiery and the transmission of military stores." 

In the following paper I propose simply to offer to your attention 
the description given by Humboldt and others of the great military roads 
constructed in Peru by the powerful monarchs called Incas who ruled 
that empire for many centuries before the Spanish conquest. 

I do not, indeed, profess to contribute any novel facts or original in- 
formation regarding those mighty and magnificent works ; but if, by 
collating some of the statements which have been made by travellers 
and historians of indisputable authority, I can point out evidences of 
design and structure of a parallel character with those of Asiatic and 
European origin, such analogies almost irresistibly lead the mind to 
those periods of remote antiquity when the human race formed one fa- 
mily, and derived their knowledge of the primitive arts of design and 
structure from the same sources of knowledge. 

I now proceed to read the paper which has been drawn up by a skil- 
ful and industrious friend of mine, well known to many of my hearers. 


It is compiled principally from a popular work entitled " Bell's Geo- 
graphy," with which I am not myself familiar, but which embodies in 
a condensed form the reports of that distinguished traveller, Humboldt, 
and the Spanish historians, Sarmiento and Garcilaco de la Vega, so 
largely quoted by Prescott in his " History of the Conquest of Peru. 

The following account, although given in a popular work, viz. " Bell's 
Geography," (vol. vi. 120,) affords some particulars which I do not 
remember in the account read from Humboldt. 

"The chief proofs of Peruvian grandeur, industry, art, and civiliza- 
tion, are found in the public roads, aqueducts, and buildings. Prom the 
market place of Cusco issued four roads, 1 running towards the extremi- 
ties of the empire, in the direction of the four cardinal points. These 
running north and south were each 1,500 miles in length. One was 
carried along the sea shore, through the plains, and another along the high 
ridge of the Andes, which still remains in many places entire a work of 
stupendous labour, carried over mountains and valleys, and at heights 
equalling that of Mont Blanc. This road was 15 feet broad, paved with 
large and smooth flags, 2 and fenced with a bank of turf on each side ; 
and to preserve, as much as possible, the level of the road, the hollows 
were filled up, and eminences levelled. At proper distances, tamlas, or 
houses of lodging, 3 accompanied with other buildings for store-houses, 
were erected. . . . Even in civilized Europe it was long be- 
fore such useful modes of facilitating communication were adopted. 
The Eoman roads, so justly admired for their length, solidity, and dura- 
bility, and as monuments of former power and high civilization, were 
destroyed by barbarian inroads ; and at the time when the Spaniards 
entered Peru, no European state could boast of any work to be compared 
with these great public roads of the Incas. As the Peruvians were un- 
acquainted with the use of the arch, and from the want of tools could 
work only on a limited scale in wood, they could not construct bridges 
either of stone or of timber over the innumerable and impassable 
torrents which crossed their great roads ; so they adopted the de- 
device of rope-bridges similar in construction to the sangkas or rope- 
bridges constructed by the natives of Thibet and Northern Hindustan. 
In the lower plains the rivers were passed in balzas or floats furnished 
with masts and sails. ... In this, the Peruvians excelled all 
the American tribes, who were acquainted only with the oar. . . . 
Remains of the aqueducts (says Humboldt) are still found in the mari- 
time part of Peru, extending from three to four miles. . . . The 
solidity of their stone structures was astonishing. Their architecture 
indeed was limited to the wants of a nation of mountaineers ; it had 

1 From the groma, or four cross roads, at the Forum, the nucleus of the city, 
even the illustrious name of Roma itself is by some conjectured to have been de- 
rived. W. S. G. 

2 Blocks or slabs of stone are probably to be understood. W. S. GK 

3 These correspond with the caravanserais of the East, and are attributed to the 
Incas. W. S. GK 



w A oonssruoticai in 


erf the Sun a: 



wfckkTO* W fcctkBg. ISfctt 

sel 6 fret thiol. - - - The scees ATV sdll n-rv i^ri*Vf fee tbe 


put jWMdtD^ttW Wi&0t T Mt. It IS W* 

in the 

strictJjtnw Otttaw I^nran ^m fennrt of tike 

>r.;::> rf C^-^r v s w.Ca.- rf :h- EMM). Hi Wb ^ :: 

4t^_+ %, *_m. j *_^ j|g A -ft^rf^^rm^Mimj ^-mij- -f Vj. .MMfc fc 

- "- '. - - -'--, -' . .V. .. '.V. . . .. .-'...-. . . . ." . .". "....> '. . . -t . . -: 

, ^ .' f \. . . . > * . . . ' . V . V. ,'--..""..-,- - - " " . - . - 

: >-.;:: <:.--;> 

..V..:. . ;. .:._- ::.:. : 
of stMW Kit ottfy this 

. 1 '.'.! i^ ; V. .. s. 

::.:. : , /.:.,- ...'.. :: 


..'.!'.. . ; . '. '. . ..>- 
:.> ;v- -/.-. C..>. . . :": 

>le, p^h*pss of all the oxi^ir^ 
**:cT*rJ :he iNM IMMMI 

a 1^57, 

ol irv. :v^ 


lor, ahixx^ OT ww 
of a " 

graAHlvmAT, He 
oatfenu* of bm f*m% vrawlMAMi; VKL Bimek i kb 

::>:-> .: V:. :..:..:x .w,..^ :. ..-.:.- :'...: : . - ,.;,' .s.v 
;.:.-.: : ; :':-.; .... : :' /...< ^... v ,; ..>,..; : , : . ..i . ., : ^ 


-- x. - r v - : x ' 

W**WJBI 4WWP9W * Jv wi MM W Vl^m^V 

RO4M Oi niK ROMANS 180 v tf lT l - 

to have been ancient burial places ; and 1. u a large <ta*l* Mftfc, 

k of granite sculptured with circles and serpi 

, d in lYru that art'ord links in the 

..I chain of connection between the ,1 and tho New. 

und in tombs of tlu- > resemble in design 

certain Grxvian vases. Customs of tho ancient Egyptians are recalled to 
mind by Temple's description of some old Peruvian I 
. all. tho uwjfHay* o/ 7/iW**.'.;-; is found in tho 
9, mountains, and othor natural objects in lYru.* and it it 
:ten horo. that tho rope-bridges of tho Veruviaus seem to have been 

N vth Hindustan. 

Furthor investigation may rondor highly probable tho conclusion that 
while tho Latin and Sabino settlors an Indo-Kuropoan 1*00 wew 
founding Koine, a people from Hindustan woiv forming roads and 
ing buildings in Torn that resemble those works of tl. 

'. we are familiar in Kuropo. 

The Ineas those Old Priest- Kings of Tern had reigned for at least 
four hundred years betoro tho coming of the Spaniards, but the : 
and the temples, tombs, and similar works, must be the monuments of 
a much earlier civilisation, which had probably passed axv.iy bet\v 
lucas appeared. 

Some of the authorities cited in Prescottfs " Conquest of lYru" v ln- 
tivd\u tion, pp. ^, seq.> seem likely to elucidate the question whether 
there are constructional resemblanco to Uom.. See particularly 

Humboldt's "Vues des rordilleres," 294, and UUoaa "Voyage to 
South America," ISOrt, London. 

To these pages I desire to add a few remarks by way of supplement. 
If we take for granted, as we are bound, the truth of llol\ \\:it. \\v 
from thence that mankind, which up to the building of tho Tower 
of Isabel had existed as a common family ^r..e. 2247), waa then divided 

into tribes by the adoption of different languages, and dispersed from 
the regions of Central Asia into all the quarters of the world. 

1: would appear from a consideration of the architectural works of the 
highest known antiquity, that the arts of design and structure in ma- 
sonry were limited to certain of these emigrant tribes, who carried along 
with them the qualities of a more advanced civilisation than fell to the 
lot of the rest. Such, for example, as travelling east founded tho Chinese 
and Indian empires, and such as travelling west became the founders of 
the Assyrian and Egyptian dynasties, and from thence proceeded, in after 
times, through Persia and Asia Minor to the regions of (ireoce and Italy. 

These tribes, and these alone of the countless multitudes which > 
spread the earth, seems to have cultivated and brought to the highest 
perfection the arts of design ami construction. 

It is really wonderful to ohsen e wit Inn how limited a sone of tho 
earth's surface those countries are contained, the inhabitants of which, 

* Many crumples oro given in Moor's " Oriental Fr.igment!*." pp. ll'O, sea. 


4000 years ago, dwelt in walled cities, and reared Pyramids, and 
temples, and towers, and obelisks, which are the still remaining records 
of ancient grandeur. 

The inhabitants of Arabia, one of the most ancient peoples, to this day 
avoid walled cities and dwell in tents, as in the time of Abraham. 

The savage tribes of Africa, even the semi-civilised Abyssinians, have 
scarcely advanced beyond the construction of a wigwam. Many, like 
the Troglodytes of old, dwell in caves and holes like their congeners the 
apes and baboons. 

These are they of whom Horace speaks as living " sub curru nimium 
propinqui Solis in terra domibus negatd" 

The barbarians of Northern Europe, the ancient Gauls, Germans, 
Huns, and Scythians, were little superior. Of these latter Virgil writes 
in his celebrated description of the Scythian winter : 

" Ipsi in defossis specubus secura sub alta 
Otia agunt terra, congestaque robora totasque 
Adrolvere focis uhnos, ignique dedere." Georgic. Hi. 

No better was the condition of the ancient Britons, Celts and Picts, 
the Scandinavians, and the Asiatic Tartars and Tungusians. 

If we pass to the New World, the Aboriginal inhabitants are equally 
ignorant of the arts of civilisation ; and the tribes of Esquimaux to the 
north, and those of "Tierra delFuego" to the south, exhibit some of the 
most degraded examples of the human race in stature and habits, recalling 
exactly the description given by Tacitus of the ancient Penni, which I 
am again tempted to cite as an example of the graphic power and singular 
conciseness of that historian: 'Tennis mira feritus, fda paupertas : 
non anna, non equi, non Penates victui herba, vestitui pelles, cubile 
humus : sola in sagittis spes, quas inopia ferri ossibus asperant." 

The empires of Mexico and Peru as they formerly existed seem to 
constitute the sole exceptions to the universal character of the Aborigines 
of all other countries of the globe, save those who branched off directly 
from the first centre of civilisation. 

Prom what source, then, did the rulers of these nations derive their 
inspiration ? Who was that Manca Capac revered by the Peruvians, as 
the founder of the dynasty of the Incas, and the teacher of the arts of 
civilisation and of masonry, which were carried to so high a pitch ; from 
whence did he come ? This appears to be one of that class of questions 
which are easier asked than answered, and is a problem which I shall 
certainly not attempt to solve upon the present occasion. 




THE upper part of Teesdale, extending from Ncwbiggin to the head of 
the valley, and comprising Langdon and Harwood, with a large portion 
of the Parish of Middleton, is called "The Forest and Frith" of Tees- 
dale : giving name to a Township. 

The upper part of "Weardale, comprising the "Western portion of the 
Parish of Stanhope, is also called " The Forest." The name still desig- 
nates a Township. Weardale had formerly its Frith, but the locality 
and the name are, alike, lost sight of. 

Though Harwood and Langdon have long ceased to he wooded, the 
designation " Forest " points to a state of things once existing in the 
valley when it was really what its name betokened. 

The adjunct " Frith " is less intelligible. The name subsists, though 
all trace of its local meaning has long been lost. As its being coupled 
with Forest would indicate a connection of some kind, an enquiry into 
the meaning of the term may not be useless. 

The shape of the word with its open termination a sound not now 
easily attained out of Great Britain is Saxon. 

The Anglo Saxon Frith has several meanings, but (according to Bos- 
worth) none of them sylvan. 

It corresponds with the German Friede (peace). 

Leo (Angcl-sachsische sprach prolenj, with some definitions analogous 
to Pax, of Frith gives a compound Frith-us, and renders it Zn flucJits-ort 
(an asylum or place of refuge. ) 

Meidinger (Dictionaire des Langues Teuto Gothiquesj compares Friede 
with its Swedish, Danish, Icelandic, and other Teutonic synonymes, 
assigning to all no other meaning than peace, except in the North, where 
he says the further signification of Tower, rampart, or place of refuge, 

Dr. Grieb, of Stutgardt, a comprehensive modern philologist, after 
giving German equivalents for the marine meaning of Frith, adds das 
unter-hoh (underwood or coppice) Gehoh (thicket) kleine eingezaunte 
Felde (a small enclosed field, answering to our close or garth). 

In Coleridge's " Alphabetical Inventory of words occurring in the 
literature of the thirteenth century," Frith is simply rendered a ivood, 
derived from the low Latin /return. 

VOL. VII. B 2 


That obviously falls short of the meaning. Mere synonymes would 
hardly have been strung together, Frith added to Forest. 

Equally insufficient appear Drayton andMinot's definitions, and those 
of some of the old Ballads, a high wood, as well as some provincialisms 
representing hedges, hedgeivood, underwood, brush wood, &c. 

In some early poems, Frith and Wood are distinguished as separate 
terms, neither, however, being clearly denned. 

The ""com" specified in the "Noble Art of Veneric," as one of 
the indications of a Fell, in contradistinction to a Frith, would not be 
found in the upper part of Teesdale. 

In its limited sylvan sense, Frith is stated to have been introduced by 
Chaucer; but it has not been found, Spencer is not known to have 
used it, nor Shakespeare. 

In Blunt' s Glossographia, 1656, "interpreting all such hard words, 
whether (inter alia) Teutonick, Belgick, British, or Saxon, as are now 
used in our refined English tongue," Frith does not appear. 

Spelman does not seem to have been aware of Frith possessing any 
sylvan meaning. He translates it, Aestuarium, though he follows with 
the compound Frith-lrich, as Pads violatio. Out of his list of sixty- 
eight ancient English forests, six are in Yorkshire, two in Cumberland, 
two in Westmoreland, and none in Durham. 

Evelyn, in his Sylva, has a dissertation upon Sacred Groves, but does 
not bring it down to Saxon times. Frith appears to have been a word 
unknown to him. 

Noah Bailey preserved more old fashioned words and provincial terms 
than Dr. Johnson, whoso classical turn did not favour Saxon-isms. 

Bailey renders Frith by a wood, citing Chaucer, and says that the 
Saxons held several woods to be sacred, and made them sanctuaries. 

Grose considered Frith as a West of England word, signifying under- 
wood jit for hurdles or hedges. 

The use in this country of the term Frith being almost exclusively 
sylvan, one would expect in any treatise of such subjects to find it 

Manwood, the great legal authority upon Forest Law, whilst carefully 
defining Forest Chases and Warrens, and prescribing the nature of 
Drifts of the Forest, never mentions such an accessory as a Frith. It 
may be questionable whether he had ever heard the word, for his 
illustrations are mostly taken from Southern and Midland Counties. 
Lancaster and Pickering seem his extreme northern points. 

Lord Bacon's Sylca Sylvarum has, except in name, nothing to do with 

Coke, a Norfolk man and co-temporary of Manwood, and who only 


treats of Forests incidentally, whilst the other discussed them specially, 
says (L. I. C. I. 56) : " Frythe is a plaine between woods, and so is 
Lawnd or Lound." He afterwards explains words so thoroughly local 
as Comb, Hope, Dene, Glyn, and JIaugJi terms quite out of the way of 
an East Anglian, and not likely then to be met with in books. Except 
he had ridden the Northern Circuit, how could that profound and crabbed 
Lawyer have picked up these names. 

It might have been expected that a Local Historian of the County 
would have explained the parochial subdivisions of his own valley, and 
their names ; but, beyond stating that the Baliols had an ancient Forest 
in the Parish of Middleton, subsequently disforested, and naming the 
township as to land-tax and county-rates, Hutchinson makes no allusion 
to Forest and Frith an odd omission for a resident at Barnard Castle. 

Surtees unfortunately left Stanhope and Middleton untouched, other- 
wise we should have had the history of each Parish fully elucidated. 

Brockett, in his Glossary of North Country Words, does not give 
Frith. Had it been a common expression he would hardly have over- 
looked it. Probably it does not exist at all in Northumberland or Cum- 
berland, nor in Durham, except Teesdale in Weardale it has long been 

In the Teesdale Glossary, 1849, the word is not given. The author per- 
haps regarded it rather in the light of a proper name. Marwood Chase, 
which he describes, would otherwise have suggested some allusion to the 
Forest of Upper Teesdale. Upon the whole, Coke's interpretation seems 
nearest the mark, and best adapted to the local circumstances of Teesdale 
and Weardale. The Frith or clearing in the Forest of Weardale would 
probably be earlier made and much wider than that of Teesdale, as the 
population and cultivation of Upper Teesdale bear no proportion to 
those of the Park and Forest Quarters of Stanhope. 

The deer in Teesdale Forest must have been well preserved for 400 
to perish in the snow in 1673. A century before they were becoming 
scarce in Weardale through the advance of cultivation and the encroach- 
ments of the Dalesmen. 

The destruction in Teesdale, in 1673, seems to have been great. Sir 
W. Bowes, when appointed Chief Ranger in 1685, covenanted, among 
other things, to replenish the Forest and Chase with Deer. 

Whether any then existed in Weardale is doubtful, for in 1595 only 
forty head were officially reported to remain. 

T. H. B. 

August, 1870. 



THE North of England is rich in Roman Inscriptions. Comparatively 
few have been found in the South; but fortunate as we are in this respect, 
never before, probably, were the antiquaries of this district able to rejoice 
over such a sudden acquisition of treasure as we have just heard of. In 
the short space of a month not less than seventeen altars have been ex- 
humed on a spot of ground outside the camp of Maryport, and all of these, 
with a single exception, bear inscriptions which are distinctly legible. 

Before proceeding to notice the altars in detail, I may be permitted to 
make some observations upon the camp in the vicinity of which they 
have been found. 

When the Romans grasped the throat of England the isthmus 
between the Tyne and the Solway they did it with a tenacity all their 
own. They not only drew the Wall from sea to sea, but they planted 
garrisons to the north and south of it, to stem in either direction the first 
torrent of attack. In addition to this, they seem to have given consider- 
able attention to the fortification of the Cumbrian coast south of the 

Camden, who visited this neighbourhood in 1599, draws attention 
strongly to the latter fact. Speaking of St. Bees Head, he says (I quote 
from the contemporary translation of Philemon Holland), " From hence 
the shore draweth itself back by little and little, and as it appeareth by 
the heapes of rubbish, it hath been fortified all along by the Romanes 
wheresoever there was easie landing. For it was the outmost bound of 
the Roman empire, and the Scots lay sorest upon this coast and infested 
it most when, as it were, with continual surges of warre they flowed and 
flocked hither by heapes out of Ireland ; and certaine it is that Moresby, 
a little village where is a road for ships, was one of these fortifications." 
Again, speaking of Workington "a place famous for taking of salmons" 
he says, "From hence some thinke there was a wall made to defend 
the shore in convenient places for four miles or thereabout by Stilico, the 
potent commander in the Roman state, what time as the Scots annoyed 
these coasts out of Ireland. For thus speaketh Britaine of hersclfe in 


Claudian : ' Me quoque vicinis pereuntem gentibus, munivit Stilico, totam 
ciam Scotus Hibernem movit, et infesto spumavit remige Thetis. 1 There 
are also (he goes on to say) continued mines and broken walls to bee 
scene as farre as to Elne Mouth. Seated upon the height of a hill, the 
camp hath a goodly prospect farre into the Irish sea, but now corne 
growes where the towne stood, nevertheless many expresse footings 
thereof are evidently to be seene, the ancient vaults stand open, and 
many altars, stones with inscriptions and statues are here gotten out of 
the ground, which J. Sinhous, a very honest man, in whose grounds they 
are digged up, keepeth charily, and hath placed orderly about his house." 

I have no doubt that Camden has correctly described the manner in 
which this coast was fortified by the Romans, but I am quite sure that 
he and his authority, Claudian, are wrong in ascribing the work to Stilico. 
I have little hesitation in saying that the altars of which we are now 
to treat were buried in the spot where they have recently been found, 
two centuries before Stilico appeared upon the stage of the world's his- 
tory. As it is of importance to fix a time when the Romans seized the 
magnificent site now occupied by the camp of Maryport, we may as well 
at once address ourselves to this subject. On two of the altars recently 
discovered, and on another with which we have been long familiar, the 
name of Marcus Maenius Agrippa, the tribune, occurs. Now from an 
inscription which has been found near the modern city of Camerino in 
central Italy, we learn that M. Msenius Agrippa was a personal friend 
of the Emperor Hadrian, and that amongst the other offices which he 
held was that of prefect (or as we would call it admiral) of the British 
fleet. This enables us to fix the date of these altars. Hadrian was in 
Britain in the year 120, and it is not improbable that he may have 
brought his friend Agrippa along with him. Further, as there can be 
little doubt that the Romans established a camp at Maryport, because 
it commands the Solway Frith, and all the waters in its vicinity, we see 
why the admiral of the British fleet was appointed to this station. But 
we have other evidence than this of the comparatively early occupation 
of the camp of Maryport by the Romans. 

On two altars discovered some time ago, and which are now in the 
portico of the mansion at Netherhall, we find a prefect named Acilianus, 
making on one of them a dedication to Jupiter. The date when Acilianus 
flourished is rendered clear by another of the treasures preserved in the 
portico, a much-broken slab, which mentions the erection of some build- 
ing by this prefect, and " for the safety of Antoninus Pius." Antoninus 
Pius was the immediate successor of Hadrian, and he assumed the purple 
A.D. 138. The Romans must therefore have been here in the time of 
Hadrian and Antoninus Pius. The newly discovered altars, excepting 


that they supply us with the name of Msenius Agrippa, do not furnish 
us with a date. Still we are not altogether at a loss upon this subject. 
The character of an inscription and the form of the letters employed 
often enable us to judge approximately of its age. In the time of 
Hadrian the inscriptions were brief and simple, the letters well formed, 
and there was an entire absence of the practice which was afterwards 
introduced of uniting two or three letters together after the manner of 
our diphthongs. Judging from intimations of this character, I would 
venture to suggest that the latest of these newly found altars belongs to 
the reign of Antoninus Pius. I am glad to find this opinion corroborated 
by a gentleman well entitled to speak upon the subject. 

Mr. John Buchanan of Glasgow, who is familiar with the inscriptions 
found upon the Eoman Wall in Scotland, all of which belong to the 
reign of Antoninus Pius, writes to me thus " These altars, as well as 
the cut of the letters, closely resemble those found along the Antonine 
"Wall, and I agree with you in conjecturing that their era is about the 
reign of Antoninus Pius." I think, moreover, not only that these altars 
were carved at the early period of which I speak, but that they were 
buried in the spot where they have been found long before the abandon- 
ment of Britain by the Romans. I found this opinion not only upon the 
clearness and sharpness of their sculpture, but upon another circumstance. 
After the Romans had been long in the country, and had formed matri- 
monial and other connections with the friendly natives, their own myth- 
ology became blended with the superstitions of the people with whom 
they associated. The native gods were associated with those of Greece 
and Rome. Now, amongst the recently discovered altars we find no 
trace of a British divinity. Jupiter is the chief object of worship, twelve 
altars being dedicated to him ; the others are addressed to the Emperor, 
to Victory, to Mars, and to Vulcan. Had the altars been buried in the 
third or fourth centuries I think we should have had some traces of the 
Cumbrian gods Cocidius and Belatucader, which we do not ; and I think, 
also, that we should have had some indications of the conflict of opinion, 
which we know was then taking place, in the discovery of some altars 
dedicated Dibm Veteribus to the old gods ; and probably, also, some 
dedication to the Persian god Mithras, the worship of whom at that time 
was exceedingly prevalent. 

Before proceeding to form a conjecture (absolute certainty, I fear, is 
unattainable) as to the causes which led to the interment of the altars 
before us, it is necessary that we should know the circumstances attend- 
ing their discovery. The spot on which the altars have been found lies 
at the distance of about 350 yards from the Roman camp which over- 
looks the modern town of Maryport, in a northerly direction. The 


altars have been clustered together in a space somewhat circular in its 
character, and of about 60 feet in diameter. 

The discovery occured in this manner : The owner of the estate in 
which the camp is situated, J. Pocklington Senhouse, Esq., of Nether- 
hall, having taken into his own hands a portion of ground hitherto 
cultivated by a tenant, had given orders for having it brought into good 
condition. As a first step in this process, the plough was driven to a 
greater depth than had previously been done. Here and there the 
share struck against large stones which were marked for removal. On 
the 13th of April, 1870, a stone was dislodged, and on its being removed, 
a carved block was seen lying beneath it. This proved to be an altar. 
The attention of Mr. Humphrey Senhouse was called to the circumstance, 
and he instantly and energetically adopted those measures which have 
resulted in the discovery of the largest find of altars on record. 

It seems that a series of pits had been formed in the circular space of 
ground to which I have referred. These pits were from four to six feet 
deep, and usually they penetrated the subsoil (which here is a stiff clay) 
to some extent. The bottom of several of these pits was paved with 
" cobble " stones. Into these pits the altars had been put. In no one 
instance was the face of the altar found lying uppermost. In several 
cases the incriptions were lying sideways, in some downwards. Two of 
the pits contained three altars each ; four other pits contained two each; 
others only one. Besides the holes in which altars were found others 
were examined in which no perfect altar was discovered, but only 
broken pieces of altars and a mass of loose stone. The appearances pre- 
sented by these barren pits led the excavators to suppose that they too 
had originally been occupied by altars, but that at some period anterior 
to the present they had been noticed and removed. The altars had been 
deposited in their beds with care. When more than one had been placed 
in a pit it was covered over with loose stones and earth before the next 
was put in, and the second or third was covered in a similar manner. 
Marks of haste are, however, evident. In one pit the first altar was 
lying at the bottom with its face downwards, but two others were lying 
diagonally across it, as if hurriedly thrown in. In some instances por- 
tions of the capitals have been broken off the altars, apparently by the 
force with which they have been projected into their places the dis- 
placed fragments lying beside them. 

The question now arises, How came these altars to be here ? The first 
thought which suggests itself to most minds is, Has this been the site 
of a temple, and are these the altars which were placed within it ? A 
number of circumstances oblige us to abandon this theory. No traces 
of foundations have been found upon the spot. Eoman building stones 


have been thrown into the pits, but they have probably been brought 
from the neighbouring suburban buildings which extended to the north 
of the station. Had there been a substantial building on this spot, 
traces of mortar would have been found, but there are none. Had 
this been a temple, the altars would have been found upon the surface, 
though covered with a mass of superincumbent ruin, instead of being 
buried in the way that has been described. And lastly, no one temple 
would have contained so many as twelve altars to one god : twelve of 
the altars which we have before us being dedicated to Jupiter. From 
this circumstance it seems pretty plain that we have here the gatherings 
of several temples. 

These altars have been brought from the camp or temples in its im- 
mediate vicinity. Have they, then, been placed here by friends or by 
foes ? Every student of Eoman antiquities must at some time or other 
have experienced an earnest desire to trace in existing remains some 
evidences of the transference from heathenism to Christianity which took 
place during the period of the Eoman occupation of Britain ; and some 
may be disposed to say that in this most remarkable find we have the 
wished-for proof. According to this view the garrison have in a body 
embraced the worship of the one living and true God, and in a fit of 
righteous indignation have buried out of sight the altars dedicated to 
their false gods. The care with which the altars have been deposited in 
the pits and covered up is fatal to this theory. Friends, not foes, to 
the prevailing idolatry, have placed them where they were found. Had 
religious enthusiasm led to their removal from the camp, they would 
have been defaced and broken into pieces, and the fragments would have 
been thrown over the cliff. The only circumstance giving countenance 
to this view is the fact that one of the altars to Jupiter is worn on the 
face as if it had been used as a common whetstone. I do not know that 
much importance is to be attached to this matter, for probably the 
reverence which the Eomans entertained for their deities was of a very 
superficial character. 

On the supposition, then, that these altars were placed in the pits 
where they were found with a view to their preservation and that 
they have been deposited in them towards the latter part of the second 
century, what was the occasion which led to the adoption of this course? 
Whenever excavations are made, in the camps or castles of the Eoman 
"Wall, proofs are obtained that the garrison manning it have on more than 
one occasion had to submit to defeat and disaster. Two, if not three, 
lairs of wood ashes and superincumbent rubbish are uniformly met with. 
One of these seasons of calamity occurred about A. D. 184. Xiphilinc, 
in his abridgment of Dion Cassius, says, "Commodus was engaged in 


several wars with the barbarians. The Britannic war was the greatest 
of these, for some of the nations within that island, having passed over 
the "Wall which divided them from the Koman stations, and besides kill- 
ing a certain commander with his soldiers, having committed much other 
devastation, Commodus became alarmed and sent UlpiusMarcellus against 
them." The Caledonian onslaught thus referred to by Dion Cassius 
would not extend along the whole line of the Barrier. "We have some 
evidence for believing that Borcovicus, the central camp of the line, felt 
its chief force. In order to repel the invasion and reconstruct the ruined 
works it would be necessary to concentrate the troops of the whole 
fortification. In order to do this the soldiers would for a time be with- 
drawn from those camps which were least threatened with danger. 
Maryport may have been temporarily deserted on this occasion and the 
cohort then in garrison may have barely had time to secure the altars 
dedicated to their gods against insult and injury. On the repression of 
the rebellion this cohort may have been placed in some other garrison 
and never returned to recover their altars. Such is the best explanation 
I can furnish of the circumstances in which these altars have been found. 
This view is in harmony with the early date of the altars, and the care, 
yet haste, with which they have been deposited in the ground. I am 
indebted for the suggestion of it to our Vice-President Mr. Clayton, who 
has had more experience in the work of Koman excavation than any 
other individual in the North of England. 

But it is time now to introduce the inscriptions to your notice, and 
this I will do in the order in which the altars were discovered. 

(1) ro'M- lovi optimo maximo 
L-CAMMI Lucius Cammi- 

VS-MAXI[M] us Maxim- 

VS-PBAEFEC us prsefec- 

TVS COH tus cohortis 

I'HISPANO* prima3 Hispanorum 

EQ-vs'L'i/M' equitatse votum solvit laetus libens 


To Jupiter, best and greatest, Lucius Cammius Maximus, prefect of 
the first cohort of Spaniards, furnished with cavalry, joyfully and 
willingly erects this altar to one worthy of it. 

(2) ro'M* lovi optimo maximo 

MAEN Maenius [Agrippa] 

TETBV tribunus 

To Jupiter, the best and greatest, - - - - Msenius Agrippa, a 
tribune, dedicates this. 

VOL. vii. c 2 


(3) roMvr lovi optimo maximo 

CAion Cammi- 

fv]s MAXI us Maxi- 

MVS PE-ffi mus prasfectus 

COHTHIS* cohortis primse Hispanorum 

EQ'ET'TE.xvm equitatEe et tribunus 

COHOE'VOLV cohortis duodevicesimse Yoluntariorum 
votum solvit libens merito. 

To Jupiter, best and greatest, Cammius Maximus, prefect of the first 
cohort of Spaniards, having a due proportion of cavalry, and tribune of 
the eighteenth cohort of Volunteers, willingly dedicates this altar, in 
discharge of a vow to one who is worthy. 

(4) MAETI MTLITAEI Marti militari 
con' r BAETASIO cohors prima Baetasio- 

EVM* c* E' rum civium Romanorum 

en PEAEEST V[L] cui praeest TJ1- 

PIVS TITIAJSTV[SJ pius Titianus 

PEAEP' v s* L* i/ M" proefectus votum solvit laeta libens 


To Mars, the warlike, the first cohort of Bsetasians, Eoman citizens, 
commanded by Ulpius Titianus, a perfect, erects this altar in discharge 
of a vow, gladly, willingly, and to one deserving of it. 

(5) ro'M* lovi optimo maximo 
COH- i* HISP* cohors prima Hispanorum 

EQ* cvr PEAEEST equitata cui praeest 

L- ANTISTIVS L* F' Lucius Antistius Lucii films 
QVTETN-A LVPVS Quirina (tribu) Lupus 

VEEIANVS PEAE' Verianus prosfectus 

DOMV sic domu Sic- 

CA EX AFRICA ca ex Africa. 

[This altar is dedicated] to Jupiter, the best and greatest, by the first 
cohort of Spaniards, having a due proportion of cavalry, commanded by 
Lucius Antistius Verianus, the son of Lucius, of the Tribe Quirina, a 
perfect, a native of Sicca, in Africa. 

(6) i'0-M' lovi optimo maximo 
ET NVM* et numinibus 

Av<r COH* Augusti cohors 

i. HISPA- prima Hispanorum 

POS* posuit. 

To Jupiter, best and greatest, and the divine influences of the Emperor, 
the first cohort of Spaniards erects this altar, 



(7) ro-M- lovi optimo maximo 
c- CABAL- Caius Caballus 

PEISCVS Prisons 

TEIB- tribunus. 

To Jupiter, the best and greatest, Caius Caballus Priscus, a tribune, 
[erects this altar.] 

(8) FO-M- lovi optimo maximo 
ET- NVM- AVGT et numinibus Augusti 

MAE- AGEIP Maenius Agrip- 

PA* TEIBV pa tribunus 

[_p]os- posuit. 

To Jupiter, best and greatest, and to the divine influences of the 
Emperor, Msenius Agrippa has erected this. 

(9) 10 vi op- M- lovi optimo maximo 

COH- i cohors prima 

HISPA- Hispanorum 

en PEAE* cui priest 

HELSTEI Helstri- 

vs NOVEL us Novel- 

LVS PE^E lus prae 

FECT fectus. 

To Jupiter, the best and greatest, the first cohort of Spaniards, com- 
manded by Helstrius JSTovellus, prefect, dedicates this. 

(10) i'0'M* lovi optimo maximo 
COH- i- DA cohors prima Dal- 

LMATAE- CVT matarum cui 

PEAEEST L- as; praeest Lucius Cse- 

CILIVS VEGE cilius Vege- 

TVS PEAEFEC tus praefectus 

v s- L- M- votum solvit libens merito. 

To Jupiter, best and greatest, the first cohort of Dalmatians, com- 
manded by Lucius Caecilius Yegetus, prefect, dedicates this altar in 
discharge of a vow, willingly and to one deserving of it. 

(11) VICTOELE- AVG- Victoria augustae 

COH- i- BAETA cohors prima Baata- 

SIOEVM- c- E- siorum civium Eomanorum 

CVT PEAEEST Clli pr896St 

T- ATTrvs TVTOE Titus Attius Tutor 

PEAEPEC pra3fectus 

v s- L- L- IT votum solvit leeta libens merito. 

To imperial Victory, the first cohort of Bffitasians, Boman citizens, 
commanded by Titus Attius Tutor, rears this altar in discharge of a 
vow, gladly, willingly, and to one deserving of it. 


(12) ro'M- lovi optimo maximo 
COH- i- BAETA cohors prima Bseta 

SIOEVM siorum 

c* E* cvi PEAE civium Romanorum cui prse- 

EST T* ATTIVS 6St Titus AttiuS 

TVTOE PEAEF Tutor prsefectus 

v s- L- L- M- votum solvit Iseta libens merito. 

To Jupiter, best and greatest, the first cohort of Baetasians, possessed 
of the Roman citizenship, and having for their prefect Titus Attius 
Tutor, erects this altar, gladly, willingly, and to a most deserving 

(13) No. 13 is an elegantly formed altar, about two feet high, but it is 
without any inscription. 

(14) ro'M- lovi optimo maximo 
COH-I cohors prima 

HISPANO- Hispanorum 

cvi PEAE cui pra3- 

EST c- CAB* est Caius Caballus 
PEISCVS Priscus 

TRIE- tribunus. 

To Jupiter, best and greatest, the first cohort of Spaniards commanded 
by Caius Caballus Priscus, tribune. 

(15) 10 vi OP- M- lovi optimo maximo 
ET NVM'AVG* et numinibus Augusti 
M'MAE'AGEip* Marcus MaBnius Agrippa 

TEIBVN tribun- 

vs us 

POS- posuit. 

To Jupiter, best and greatest, and the divine influences of the Em- 
peror Marcus Maenius Agrippa, a tribune erected this. 

(16) VICTOEIAE AVG' Victorias augustaB 
coH'i'BAETASiOE- cohors prima BaBtasiorum 

C*E- civium Romanorum 


VLPIVS TITIA Ulpius Titia- 


TVS tU8 

v s- L- L- M- votum solvit Iseta libens merito. 

To imperial Victory the first cohort of Bffitasians, Roman citizens, 
commanded by Ulpius Titianus, a prefect, dedicates this altar, in dis- 
charge of a vow, gladly, willingly, and to one worthy of it. 


(17) HELSTEI Helstrius 

vs NOVEL Novellus 

LVS PKAE Prsefectus 
FECTVS Numini 

NVMINI Volcani 

VOLCAN Solvit 


Helstrius Novellus the prefect [erects this altar in discharge of a 
vow] to the deity of Vulcan. 

If will be quite impossible for me in the compass of a single paper to 
discuss the peculiar features of all these altars. A few general remarks 
must suffice. Before proceeding with these I may state that the work 
of deciphering a Roman inscription is not the haphazard thing which 
some suppose. In expanding the contractions which frequently occur, 
the antiquary does not draw upon his imagination, but proceeds upon 
certain well established precedents and rules. It occurred to me that 
the discovery, all at once, of sixteen 1 inscriptions which had not been 
scanned by the eye of man for at least as many centuries, afforded an 
excellent opportunity of proving to those unacquainted with the subject, 
the certainty of the fact which I have now mentioned. I accordingly 
sent copies of the inscriptions as they stand upon the stones to three gen- 
tlemen : Professor Henzen in Rome, Dr. Emil Hiibner, of the University 
of Berlin, and Dr. McCaul, Principal of University College Toronto, 
Canada, and requested them to give me their views as to the expansion 
of them. They have all kindly acceded to my invitation, and I may 
say that their reading of the inscriptions is precisely the same as my 
own. The only point of divergence is this : one gentleman reads the 
L.L. which occurs in the last line of some of the inscriptions lilem 
lilenter ; the rest of us make it latus lilens ; the meaning in both cases 
is, however, virtually the same. It is true that these inscriptions 
present no unusual difficulty. Should however the next sixteen altars 
which Mr. Humphrey Senhouse turns up, present peculiarities ever so 
great, I pledge myself to submit my own reading to a test similar to the 
present, whatever the result may be. 

I will now indulge in some random remarks upon these altars. The 
form of them is for the most part tasteful, and the cutting of them good. 
As they must have been the work of soldiers, not of professional sculp- 
tors, we must suppose that even the auxiliaries of the Koman army 
possessed an unusual amount of artistic taste and skill. 

These altars have been erected by different cohorts : eleven are by 
the first cohort of Spaniards, or its officers ; four by the first cohort of 

1 The seventeenth has been found since. 


Baetasians, a Belgic tribe ; and one by the first cohort of Dalmatians, a 
people from the shores of the Adriatic. We have a similar variety in 
the altars previously discovered here, and which are in the portico of 
Netherhall. We hence learn that it was the policy of Eome to use in 
foreign parts the martial tendencies of a conquered country. They also 
avoid massing together in one district large bodies of troops belonging to 
the same nation. In this way conspiracy was avoided. If England had 
attentively studied the tactics of Eome all the blood and treasure which 
was expended in India during the Sepoy rebellion might have been saved. 
From inscriptions found in Northern Turkey we know that some 
cohorts of Britons were in Roman times located in that distant province. 
If I am right in supposing that all the altars before us belong to the 
reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, the diversity of troops named on 
them shows that a quicker exchange took place here at that time than 
was usual. On some of the stations of the Wall we have evidence to 
show that the same cohort was in garrison for centuries in succession. 
The period of these two reigns was one of peculiar activity in Britan. 
There waa the building of the wall of Hadrian, and afterwards that of 
Antoninus. When the Romans first established themselves in the north 
of England, the natives would be more restless and give more trouble 
than afterwards. There would be the greater need, therefore, for con- 
centrating the Roman troops, at times in places threatened with attack; 
and consequently more frequent removals. 

One thing is manifest from these altars, and that is, that the auxiliary 
troops of Rome, though all foreigners, were commanded by Roman 
officers. We have on these altars the names of eight commanders 
Lucius Cammius Maximus, Marcus Masnius Agrippa, Ulpius Titianus, 
Lucius Antistius Lupus Verianus, Caius Caballus Priscus, Helstrius 
Novellus, Lucius Caecilius Vegetus and Titus Attius Tutor. These are 
all Roman names ; and Roman names, with the exception of the prce- 
nomen or first name, were given in accordance with strict rule the 
names indicating the gens, the tribe, the family to which the individual 
belonged. One of the commanders, named Antistius Lupus, tells us 
that he was born in Africa. This circumstance did not interfere with 
his citizenship. Paul was a Roman, though he was born in Asia 

These altars disclose to us two peculiarities. For the first time we 
meet on a British inscription with the title of a tribune of Volunteers. 
There are several examples of it in foreign inscriptions. Its appearance 
at the present day is perhaps opportune, as it has a tendency to stimu- 
late and encourage our citizen soldiers. For the first time, too, in 
Britain, we meet with a dedication to the blacksmith's god, Vulcan. 


This, too, is strangely opportune, as Maryport is becoming, I understand, 
a great iron producing place. 

On one important point these altars fail to give us the information we 
have long desired, that is, what was the Roman name of the camp of 
Maryport. A document, called the Notitia, written in the fifth century, 
has come down to our time, which gives us the names of the Roman 
stations, and the garrisons which were in them. By means of this, and 
the inscriptions which are found in any particular camp, we can often 
obtain its ancient name. This method fails in the instance before us. 

According to the Notitia, the first cohort of Spaniards (of which we 
have so many records in these altars) was in garrison at Axelodunum. 
Now, Axelodunum cannot be Maryport, it must from its order of sequence 
in the Notitia be situated on the Wall itself, and east of Bowness. The 
cohorts of Baetasians and Dalmatians were not in this part of the country 
at all when the Notitia was compiled. 

Horsley identifies Maryport with the Virosidum of the Notitia, where 
the sixth cohort of the Nervii was in garrison. Unfortunately, not a 
single inscription has ever been found at Maryport mentioning this body 
of troops. We must, therefore, wait a little while longer before we can 
attain to certainty upon this point. Let us hope that next year's 
ploughing may be as successful as this, and that amongst other things 
it may supply us with this piece of intelligence. 

I began with a quotation from Camden, and I will end with one. 
That eminent antiquary who, with his friend Sir Robert Cotton, "of an 
affectionate love to illustrate our native countrey, made a survey of 
these coasts, in the yeere of our redemption, 1599, not without sweet 
food and contentment of our minds," goes on to say; " And I cannot 
chuse but with thankful heart remember that very good and worthy 
gentleman (I. Sinhous) not only in this regard that he gave right cour- 
teous and friendly entertainment, but also for that being himself well 
learned, he is a lover of ancient literature, and most diligently preserveth 
these inscriptions, which by others that are unskilfull and unlettered 
be straight waies defaced, broken, and converted to other uses, to the 
exceeding great prejudice and detriment of antiquity." I need not say 
how peculiarly applicable these words are to the Netherhall family of 
the present day ; and I doubt not that the result of their wise and 
patriotic example will so influence their children and their children's 
children that should the present state of mundane affairs continue so 
long, they will be as applicable three centuries hence as they are now. 





UP to the death of Edwin, our principal authorities have been of the 
most scanty character, both in number and in detail. The difficulties 
of the student are increased by the absence of a proper edition of 
the work known as that of Nennius. Of this venerable production, 
the differing MSS. ought to be printed in parallel columns. On Mr. 
Hodgson Hinde's death, his representatives found among his papers a 
number of copies of " The Fountains of British History explored. London, 
published by J. B. and J. G. Nichols. MDCCCLII." This little book consists 
of a minute consideration of the work in question, "from a conviction that, 
if that authority is altogether discarded, the early Anglo-Saxon annals 
will present a blank very pleasant to theorists and system-mongers, but 
little conducive to the information of the ordinary enquirer." Possibly 
there may be some slip in the edition which led to its withdrawal from 
publicity, but whether this be so or no, it is a useful dissection and 
translation of the History of the Britons. The critical remarks are 
worthy of Mr. Hinde's acumen, and they should be read before the 
preceding chapter of Durham and Sadberge. 

It has been suggested that it would be convenient to print in these 
pages a revised summary of the relative dates and qualities of the prin- 
cipal chronicles on which the annals of Durham, for the times before 
the existence of cotemporary records, depend. Some of these have to 
a certain extent already been referred to. 

When written history adds its light to the broken proofs afforded by 
earthworks and stones, our Venerable Bede takes foremost rank. His 
celebrated Ecclesiastical History was revised by him in about 732. 
" The schools of Yorks (says Stubbs) were the result of the general 
learned movement originated by Bede, and the schools of York produced 
Alcuin, in his turn the light of the Western world." The handwrit- 
ing of our earliest copy of the Saxon Chronicles, which may be re- 
garded as more southern productions, ends more than a century and 


a half later, in the time of King Alfred, its probable originator. For 
the period preceding Bcde, as to general rather than ecclesiastical his- 
tory, the most important adjuncts to his great work (which, after all, is 
our chief guide, even for civil affairs) are his own Six Ages ; the Chro- 
nological Recapitulation attached to his history ; the Short Northumbrian 
Chronology appended to the earliest known manuscript of the same, 
(which is brought down to 737, and the varying computations of the 
copyists or editors of which do not reach below 748) ; and the Gene- 
alogies attached to the History of the Britons which passes by the name 
of Nennius, or rather the northern version of the history itself as it ap- 
pears in the earliest manuscripts. There is, it is true, evidence for an 
edition of the middle of the 7th century, but we cannot say to what it 
extended, and there is a sequence of statements in our early text which 
it is difficult to sever from the Genealogies. They, as distinguished 
from general additions to them in the 10th century, continue in their 
original condition as to Northumbria, ending, like the Short Chronology, 
in 737 or thereabouts. Of authority equal to them, probably, are some 
at least of the poems which pass by the name of the Celtic bards men- 
tioned in them. These have lately been admirably edited by Skene. 
There are, too, for ecclesiastical history, a few tracts of authority equal 
to Bede's. There is the Life of St. Wilfrid by Eddi (709-720) of which 
we require a new edition. Bede's Life of St. Cuthbert in prose is pre- 
ceded by that in verse, and by an anonymous life of the Saint in prose 
which gives many interesting topographical details wanting in Bede's 
adaptation. Again, the great historian's Lives of the Abbots of Jarrow 
and "Wearmouth were founded upon an earlier production by one of the 
brethren. The celebrated Lindisfarne text of the Gospels, a most valua- 
ble evidence for the history of art, was certainly written by Bishop 
Eadfrid, and it is concluded that his task was finished before his appoint- 
ment to the see in 698. 

To the writings we have already enumerated, it is again submitted, 
all subsequent statements, especially if contradictory, must give way. 

After the time of Bede, the materials for north country histoiy, as for 
that of the nation at large, are much dovetailed. Their value doubtless 
greatly depends, as in the previous period, upon the order of the years 
of their conclusion or known composition, though, as we shall see, some 
early performances were not used in all later writings, and for the traces 
of them we are indebted to later works still. 

The first and most important of the chronicles after Bede is a North- 
umbrian one, embedded in that ascribed to Symeon, and certainly used 
by him in composing his History of the Church of Durham. From 732 
to 766 it mostly coincides with the recapitulation of Bede's works, 

TOL. Til. D 2 


which in some MSS. ends with 735, in others with 766. From 766 to 
803 it is of the same character, a series of notes, written, apparently, 
while the events narrated were fresh in the memory. At present it 
terminates ahmptly in 803, but Symeon himself, judging from internal 
evidence in his Durham History, seems to have had a continuation to 
867 or a little after. This continuation was not forthcoming for Houeden 
between 1132 and 1161. Yet Wendover, a later writer, must have 
had something of the sort before him, for among other Northumbrian 
matters found nowhere else, he mentions the usurpation of liedulf in 
844 ; and the truth of his unsupported testimony was amply vindicated 
by the existence of the usurper's coins in the Hexham find. 

The chronicle is known as Historia de Gestis Regum Anglorum et Da- 
corum, or briefly as the History of the Kings. Its early character, in- 
dependently of the period at which it concludes, appears by the writer 
describing the church of Hexham as existing in its pristine splendour. 
That church was defaced in 875. 

The famous Book of Life, containing the names of the benefactors of 
the churches of Lindisfarne, Chester, and Durham, is supposed to have 
been commenced in its gold and silver letters in the 9th century. Many 
important documents, reaching over the following centuries, are found 
in it ; and a new and careful edition, arranged in order of handwriting 
rather than that of folios, and with an index, would be a boon. If such 
an arrangement were preceded by a facsimile of the MS., it would still 
more command the gratitude of North Country folks, who yearn for 
some systematic publication of such chronicles, calendars, and records, 
as are of real value. 

The collection of Rochester evidences by Bishop Ernulf of that city, 
called Textm Roffensis, contains genealogies of the Saxon kings, origin- 
ally compiled, Mr. Haigh believes, not later than in the beginning of 
the 9th century, as Cocnwulf of Mercia (796-818) is the last whose 
descent is traced, and Beornwulf, his second successor (821-823) the 
last who is named. 

Our earliest codex of the Saxon chronicle, in the Library of Corpus 
Christi College, Cambridge, 173, is in one hand until 891. But this 
original version is constantly interpolated by additions, apparently of 
the 12th century, which are chiefly on erasures of the original text. 
Both Asser's Life of Alfred and Ethelwerd's Chronicle, up to 893, re- 
semble some codex very similar to this Cambridge one. 

With the visit to Durham of King Edmund, who died in 948, ends 
the Cambridge MS. of the Histoiy touching St. Cuthbert, or rather re- 
lating to the possessions of his church (printed by Mr. Hinde). Symeon 
appears to allude to it as the ancient cartulary of the church, and freely 


uses both, it and a most valuable addition to the time of Canute, who died 
1036, which appears in the Oxford MS. of this our highest authority for 
the rise of the possessions of the Church of Durham. In the introduc- 
tion to the Monumenta Historica published by Government is the singu- 
lar observation that the history under notice " is of little value, as the 
facts appear more fully elsewhere" Elsewhere must, we may presume, 
mean Symeon's Durham History, but that worthy was of quite a differ- 
ent mind, for he omits particulars which he says " it is unnecessary to 
detail, as they are written elsewhere." Sis " elsewhere" is the earlier 
history in question, and there the particulars are found. As the two 
MSS. are severed and under different heads in the useful Government 
Catalogue of Materials for British History, it is plain that they were 
not understood. 

Our second codex of the Saxon Chronicle, Cottonian MS. Tiberius A, 
VI., extends to 977 in one hand, apparently of the latter part of the 
10th century. The MS. appears to be Mercian. 

The third codex of the chronicle has been published by Wheloc from 
the now injured Cottonian MS., Otho, B. ix. 2, which extends to 1031, 
in a hand apparently of the 1 1th century. In Thorpe's edition the MS. 
and Wheloc's print are made to supplement and collate with the other 
versions by the references Gr. and "W. 

Ethelwerd's chronicle, already mentioned, terminates in 975, and was 
composed before 1011. The author or the compiler was a member of 
the royal family of Wessex. 

A fourth codex of the Saxon Chronicle is the Cottonian MS., Tiberius 
B. iv., in one hand to 1 01 6. It has Mercian and Northumbrian additions 
After the middle of the 10th century, it has, like the fifth codex, noticed 
below, peculiarities relating to Northumbria. During the 8th and 9th 
centuries, that fifth codex, together with the first in its present state, 
and also the second, are frequently a year before the fourth codex in the 
chronology. But the latter agrees with the first codex before it was 
altered, and also with the Northern Chronicles. 

A most singular document about the body of St. Cuthbert and other 
documents interesting to us are to be found in the Diplomatarium pub- 
lished by Thorpe, which should always accompany Kemble's great col- 
lection of Saxon charters. 

The fifth codex of the Saxon Chronicle, Cottonian MS., Tiberius, B. i., 
of the class of the second one, is apparently in the same hand to 1046. 
And a sixth one, Cottonian MS., Domitian, A. VIII. 2, runs in nearly 
one hand, apparently of the 12th century, until 1056, and has peculiar 
Kentish additions. 

In the reign of Edward the Confessor, who is mentioned, the chronicle 


ascribed to Symeon, which we left at 803, was advanced a stage by an 
addition, which ended in 957. This part is chiefly derived from Asser, 
the Saxon Chronicle, and the History of St. Cuthbert. Like the first 
portion of the History of the Kings, it seems to have been known to 
and used by Symeon. A valuable narrative of a siege of Durham in 
the time of Bishop Aldhune, who first settled there, and of the descent 
of various manors of the see which he settled upon his daughter, was 
also prior to Symeon, but he has not made as much use of it as one 
might have expected. Possibly the erroneous date given to the siege 
(969, supposed by Hinde to be 999 and by Robertson and Freeman to be 
1006,) perplexed him, or he may have been shocked at the doings of the 
Bishop and his daughter and at the facilities for divorce in their time. 

William of Poictou (1036)- 1067), " more studious of his patron's 
glory than of truth," must be read with caution. 

We now reach Symeon himself. He stands on the roll of Durham 
monks as No. 38. The number of monks who emigrated from Jarrow to 
Durham in 1083 was 23, "to which it is likely enough that the 37 
enrolled previous to Symeon had been reduced by deaths and removals 
during an interval of nine or ten years." " Symeon appears to have 
been resident in Durham, perhaps as a member of the choir, before the 
removal of the monasteiy from Jarrow, as he speaks from his own recol- 
lection of the performance of the choral service in the Cathedral by the 
secular clergy during the episcopate of Bishop Walcher ; and it is pro- 
bable from his position on the monastic roll that he joined the fraternity 
shortly after their transference to that city." He was present at the 
exhumation of St. Cuthbert in 1104, and his account of the Archbishops 
of York is dedicated to Dean Hugh, who was holding office in 1130 and 
1133. His great work, however, on the Church of Durham ends in 
1096. The alterations in it will be exemplified under the proper dates. 

After the work of Symeon on the Durham Church some interpolations 
were made in the old History of the Kings about the saints of Hexham 
for the express purpose, as it appears, of contradicting the Durham 
writer. Hinde considers that the History of the Translations of St. 
Cuthbert was in Symeon' s hands when he wrote the History of the 
Church, but that the chapters of the Lawson and other MSS. touching 
St. Cuthbert which are not incorporated by Symeon in his History of 
the Church of Durham were after his time. 

There was formerly in the chancery of Durham a book professing to 
contain charters of kings and privileges granted to the Bishops of Dur- 
ham, called the Red Book. During the civil troubles, on production of 
a letter from Bishop Morton, then in London, it was, with other muni- 
ments, delivered by his auditor to one Harrison, and is now only known 


by certain extracts picked up somewhere by Bishop Cosin, and printed 
by the Surtees Society. According to them, it ended in the time of 
Bishop William I. (de St. Carilepho) before 1096. Charters of that 
bishop, of William the Conqueror, and of Archbishop Thomas of York, 
touching the foundation of Durham, monastery were in it. What now 
exist as such are spurious documents, more than once altered. Without 
seeing the Red Book itself we cannot be certain, but the probabilities 
are, that, though it might end with Bp. William I., it was not of his 
time. It modifies and amplifies the old history touching St. Cuthbert 
to suit later ideas, and there are agreements with the portion of the 
chronicle next to be noticed in certain doubtful incidents wherein it 
differs from Symeon. A similar sort of book, continued to the reign of 
Henry IV., lay on the high altar at Durham, and is now only known to 
us by Prior Wessington's extracts from it in Henry VI.'s reign (also 
printed by the Surtees Society), and an abstract of its contents by 
Leland. Something of the character of both may doubtless be seen 
in the narrative printed in Dugdale's Monasticon under the head of 

A peculiar portion of the chronicle which passes under the name of 
Symeon, and probably affected, rather than was derived from, the 
Durham MSS. just mentioned, commences with a recapitulation of the 
former part of the chronicle from 848 to 957, and thence it is continued 
to 1117. It is principally a mere copy of the chronicles, or rather inter- 
polation of Marian's works, by Florence of Worcester, who ended them 
in that year, and died 1118. Where not so copied, it consists itself of 
interpolations by an unknown writer, which are sometimes at direct 
variance with Symeon' s History of the Church of Durham, which is 
nevertheless used in this continuation. Stubbs considers that there are 
traces of independent study of the earlier authorities whom Florence 
had used. 

The seventh codex of the Saxon Chronicle, in the Bodleian Library, 
Land. 636, is in the same hand to 1122. From 653 it contains several 
notices of Peterborough Monastery, to which it seems to have belonged. 

William of Malmsbury's noble work ends in 1125. "In many in- 
stances it is difficult to name his authorities, as several of them appear 
to be now lost." 

A further continuation of the chronicles ascribed to Symeon from 
1117 to 1129 is of considerable value, and this portion, and this portion 
only, may possibly be by Symeon himself. It does not seem to have 
been known to an epitomist of 1132 who closes his abbreviation with 
1119. Nor was it known to the Durham compilers of the History 
of the Angles or Saxons up to 1148, The MS. of the collection of 


chronicles is fixed to a date between 1161 and 1175. John of Hex- 
ham had the continuation of 1129, as he commences his own chronicle 
in 1130. 

Of the same reign (Hen. I.) is the Libellm touching the Saxons (printed 
for the first time by Hinde in the volume of Symeon's Collectanea edited 
by him for the Surtees Society), in which some of the statements which 
we previously had not earlier than in the chronicles of Wendover and 
Wallingford are first seen. It is observable that Roger de Houeden in 
his chronicles in which we ' ' have the full harvest of the labours of the 
Northumbrian historians," stands by the earlier writers in omitting 
these statements. 

Ordericus Vitalis dates in 1140; the continuation of Malmsbury, 
" altogether original," called Histories Novella, in 1142. The first edi- 
tion of Henry of Huntingdon's history (which eventually ended in 1 154) 
ended in 1148. The copy of the Saxon chronicle used by him was 
(says Hardy) probably of the scantier class, in some respects resembling 
the Cottonian MS. Tib. A. vi. or Tib. B. i., but continued to a later pe- 
riod than either of those copies. 

After the above works, a compilation was made before 1161, combin- 
ing (with a few additions principally relating to Durham), the chroni- 
cles ascribed to Symeon, and the first edition of Henry of Huntingdon's 
work. It is entitled the History of the Angles or Saxons since Vener- 
able Bede's death. In the treatment by its writer of the works no- '] 
minally Symeon's, the extracts from Malmsbury are omitted, and, what 
is of more importance, the continuation of the chronicles is not used. 
This looks as if the continuator were not the compiler of the work under 
notice. To this work public attention has especially been drawn by 
Stubbs in his valuable edition of Houeden's chronicles. 

The History since Bede, with a few additions (including notices of 
William the Conqueror's confirmation of Durham privileges and his gift 
of Hemmingburgh, and a copy of the charter ascribed to Archbishop 
Thomas,) constitute the chronicles of Roger de Houeden to 1 148. From 
1148 to 1169, Houeden uses to some extent another chronicle of the 
Durham school, written up to the latter year, and now composing part 
of the Chronicle of Melrose. The notices in 1 148-69 not taken directly 
by Houeden from the Chronicle of Melrose, nor connected closely with 
the Becket contest, are very few. Stubbs thinks they are of question- 
able authority. " The death of Eustace of Boulogne is antedated five 
years." " Of the striking of money by Henry in 1149 called the Duke's 
money, and of the appointment of Henry as justiciar to Stephen in 1153, 
it is impossible to say that they are false, but equally impossible to say 
that that they are in the least degree probable." Nevertheless the 



striking of coins by Duke Henry would well explain a most remarkable 
class of silver pennies, usually given to Henry I., but differing most 
materially from his other pieces and from all others of the English se- 
ries. Prom 1170 to 1192 Houeden receives and annotates the work 
known as the chronicle of Benedict of Peterborough. From 1192 to 
1201 we have his own pen and experience as a cotemporary of the 
events he relates. " The other chroniclers of the period are as ignorant 
of Houeden as he is of them." 

Such, with the addition of the three short works usually printed at 
the end of Symeon's History of the Church of Durham, are the chief 
chronicles which must be consulted for the story of the land between 
the waters of Tyne and Tees to the time of the " jolly bishop " Pusat, 
when we arrive at the writings of Reginald, Boldon Buke, the Three 
Historians of Durham, and divers cotemporary proofs. The principal 
muniments of the episcopate of Durham are, however, lost, having been 
made way with before the time of Edward III. for reasons which will 
be discussed in due time. 



AMONG the depositions in the York Ecclesiastical Court I have found 
the following North Country case : 

1567. Office against John Reymes, master 1 of the Westspittle hospital, 
Newcastle-on-Tyne. He is not a priest, is non-resident, and allows the 
buildings to go into decay ; he is supposed to be absent because he does 
not approve of the religion. The house is let to Lady Anne Hilton for 
41. per annum. 

A formal document is put in by Raymes, proceeding from the Supe- 
rior of the University of Louvaine, saying that Raymes is there, and he 
makes John Swinburn of Chop well, esq., Robert Rames of Shortflat, 
esq. his brother, and John Swinburne of "Wylam, gen., his attornies to 
act and answer for him. 


1 The reader interested in the Swinburnes and Raymes's, and the intimate con- 
nection between the families, and between them and the hospital, must consult 
Brand, i. 79 et seq., and Hodgson's Nd., n. i. 368. 



ILDERTON TITHES. 20 May, 1629, 5 Car. Francis Morice of Waiisti-d, 
co. Essex, Esq., and Erancis Phelips of London, Esq., for 34^., convey 
to Thomas Fotherley of Bickmersworth, co. Hartford, esq., in fee, to be 
holden of the king as of his manor of East Greenwich, in common socage, 
the tithes of wool and lambs arising in the vill, fields, parish or hamlet 
of Ilderton, co. Nd., now or late in the tenure or occupation of Thomas 
Orde, gent., by the particular thereof of the yearly rent or value of 
26s. 8d., parcel of the possessions of the late monastery of Kirkeham, 
co. Ebor., as fully as expressed in the grant to the vendors by letters 
patent of 22 Sep. 1 1 Jac. under as well his great seal of England as the 
seal of his county palatine of Lancaster and the seal of his duchy of 
Lancaster. Phelips seals with some bird as a device. Enrolled in 

ALNWICK. COINS IN SEALS. 12 May, 1655. Hugh Gallon of Aln- 
wicke, co. Nd., yeoman, grants, bargains, and sells to Robert Pcarett 
of Alnwicke, yeoman, in fee, an outrent or white rent of 5s. issuing 
out of a burgage or tenement in a street there called Clayport, without 
the Tower, late Richard Watson's, boundering between the burgage in 
the occupation of Elizabeth Toottup on the W., the burgage of Thomas 
Taylor on the E., Howling Close on the N., and the High Street on the 
S., and now in the occupation of the said Robert Pearett or his assigns. 
" Signed Sealled and Delivered with one single Two-pence lawfull 
money of England put into the scale in the token of the possession 
livery and seizen of the out rent or white rent of five shillings by yeare 
within named in presence of these witnesses, Thomas Palliser 
Francis A Heareot his marke Robert Anderson Antho Adston." 
The coin enclosed is a half groat of James I. Vide Notes and Queries, 
2nd series, ii. 129, 178, and the Law Dictionaries under Quit-Rent and 



a corner of a tapestried bedroom of the residence in Appleby Castle, 
Westmoreland, is inserted some tapestry of unusual beauty. It possesses 
so much interest that, although I do not at present trace any historical 
connection with the north of England or with the holders of Appleby, I 
may be pardoned for calling attention to its existence. 

The ground- work is delicately covered with wild flowers, and, all 
over it, is used a badge, which may be described as the top of a royal 
vessel of war. The summit of the mast is represented as erased or torn 
from the rest, passing through a round basket-shaped projection, which 
contains five spears or arrows with their points upwards at the dexter 
side of the mast, from which a streamer with two tails proceeds to the 
sinister. The upper tail is gules, the lower one argent. Between them 
and the mast the streamer is occupied by the arms of St. George as usual. 

There are three coats of arms on the tapestry, all in the peculiar style 
of the latter half of the 1 5th century, familiar to the students of the 
garter plates at Windsor. The main coat is at the foot. It is gules, 
four fusils ermine in f ess, with a profusion of mantling covered with 
ermine spots, and between two bucks proper as supporters. The crest I 
took to be a lamb between two lighted candles. The animal, I have no 
doubt now, is really an ermine. This crest arises from a chapeau 

Above this main coat are two other shields. That on the dexter is 
surrounded by the garter, inscribed, Sony soit que male y pense, and 
contains the same coat gules, four fusils ermine in f ess. That on the 
sinister comprises the same, impaled with gules, three arches (the two 
upper ones being conjoined) argent. The arrangement is a little peculiar, 
for, according to the pedigrees, as we shall presently see, the Knight 
of the Garter was son and not husband of the lady who bore the im- 
paled coat, and he only left sisters and co-heiresses. His arms seem, 
therefore, to occur twice, once with his supporters and crest as head 
of the paternal house, and again beside his mother's coat, with his 
knightly garter. She was an heiress, as we shall also see, and he would 
be entitled to quarter her arms on her death. Thus he might in anti- 
cipation please himself with perpetuating them, or the introduction of 

VOL. VII. 2 E 


his mother's shield might merely be from affection. Or, in giving the 
full insignia, he might be perpetuating his father. That there is a want 
in the lists of the Knights of the Garter of the husband of the heiress is 
not likely, and all doubt as to the generation to which the tapestry 
belongs is removed by the marine character of the badge, which, from 
the evidences in the sequel, will, I think, be allowed to have originated 
with the son of the heiress. 

On referring to my Elizabethan Roll of Peers, the two coats soon 
revealed themselves as quartered by Bourcliier Earl of Bath for Denhani 
and Arches. The coat of the latter family, as at present, is drawn with 
two separate arches in chief and two conjoined in base. I have no 
hesitation in considering that the tapestry is more accurate, and that 
the original coat was simply gules three arch 'S argent, the capitals perhaps, 
as quartered, being or. 

The Bourchiers quartered the two coats through the marriage of Sir 
Fulk Bourchier with Elizabeth, eldest sister and co-heir of Sir John 
Dynham, K. G., the owner of the tapestry. 

The pedigree of Dinaunt, Dinan, or Dynham, is not very well proved, 
but the descent of the manors of Bocland-Dynham, and Hertland, of 
which Bocland was accounted a member, seem to show that, in the 
general result, it is correct. J9oc-land accounts for the two bucks as 
supporters. The summonses to Parliament of the members of this race 
ceased for the whole period between Edward I. and Edward IV. The 
family in the 12th century, was intimately connected with Brittany, 
whence it had sprung ; and thus the ermine, so conspicuously given in 
its insignia, is explained. In the reign of Henry VI., apparently a 
little before 1430, Sir John Dynham married Jane daughter and co-heir 
of Sir Richard Arches, explaining the occurrence of the coat of the 
family of Arches. He died in 36 Henry VI. (1457-1458), leaving John 
Dynham his son and heir, aged 28. 

Two years afterwards, this son commenced a series of marine services 
in favour of the House of York. "A book of Chroniqucs in Peter 
College Library," extracted frombyLeland (Coll. i., 713), says " Then 
fled the Duke of York with his second son by "Wales into Ireland, and 
the Earls of Salisbril and the Earl of March into Devonshire, and there 
one Deneham, an esquier, gat them a ship for a 220 nobles, and thence he 
sailed into Garnesey, and after was received into the castle of Calays. 
Denham went suddenly from Calays by the Earl of "Warwike's device 
to Sandwich, and took the town, and therein the Lord Rivers and Lord 
Scales his son, and took many ships in the haven, and brought them all 
to Calays. The King [Henry VI.] ordained Mountford with a garrison 
to keep Sandewyche. But Denham, coming from Calays thither, took 


Mountefort, aud carrying him to Risebank, there smit off his head." 
Anyone of these exploits would well explain the badge on the tapestry, 
and it may probably, with his supporters, be assigned to the date when 
he became a baron. According to "Another Cronique" with which 
Leland proceeds (Coll. i., 716), " Edward at his coronation created . . 
Denham, Esquyer, LordDeneham, and worthy, as is afore shewed." The 
summonses to him, however, commence in Edward's sixth year. I 
suspect that, although the descent of estates prove him to have descended 
from Oliver Dinaunt, who had been summoned by Edward I., some 
female co-heirship had in the meantime interfered with the ancient 
barony, or that the circumstances of the family had declined and ren- 
dered summonses undesirable or unacceptable, For, though some of the 
estates had descended, all had not. 

In 9 Edw. IY. (1469-70) the marine hero had a substantial grant 
from that king, but only for life. On the restoration of King Edward 
" the Lord Denham and Syr John Fog, and other, were left in Kent to 
sit on judgment of the rebels, whereof were a great number punished 
by the purse." This was in 1 1 Edw. IY., and in 12 Edw. IY (1472-3) 
Lord Denham was again on the brine, being retained to serve the king 
in his fleet at sea, with 3,580 soldiers and marines. So likewise in 15 
Edw. IY. (1475-6) for four months with 3,000 men, in which year he 
was made a Privy Councillor, with an annuity of 100 marks. Another 
annuity of 100 was granted by the king to him in 18 Edw. IV. 
(1472-80) until 600 should be fully paid, in some recompence of large 
sums of money which George, Duke of Clarence, had exacted from him. 
In 21 Edw. 4. (1482-83) he was a married man, his wife being Eliza- 
beth Fitzwalter. She had no issue, nor was likely to have any, as 
John Ratcliff (her nephew) is in that year, when she joins with her 
husband in founding a guild, called her heir. 

Beltz supposes that Lord Dynham became Knight of the Garter be- 
fore 14th May, 1487, on the attainder and degradation of Thomas, Earl 
of Surrey, 7th November, 1485, in the first year of Henry VII., in 
which year he was made Privy Councillor and Treasurer to that politic 
king. Denham had, on Edward IV. 's restoration, sworn to the Parlia- 
ment chamber to be true to his master's son, afterwards Edward V., and 
he had been appointed an executor to Lord Hastings two years before 
his execution. It is pleasing to infer that he had been no friend to 
Richard III.'s seizure of the crown, and so that he readily fell in with 
the accession of Henry. His mother, the co-heiress of Arches, survived 
until 1496. By her will, dated in that year, shes desires to be buried 
in the Black Friars' Church of Exeter, beside her lord and husband, Sir 
John Dynham, knight, where their tomb was made. She mentions hep 


sons, Oliver and Charles Dyneham (who must have died issueless), and 
her daughters, who afterwards became co-heiresses of her son, Lord 
John Dynham, who was to have the remainder of her goods, "if he 
had issue of his body," a tolerably plain indication that he had none le- 
gitimate at that time. She does not mention his wife, and, as he does 
not give the arms of any spouse on the tapestry, I infer that Elizabeth 
Fitzwalter was then dead. 

He makes his will on the 7th January, 1500-1, desiring to be buried 
at the Abbey of Hartland, in Dorsetshire, of which he was founder (i. e. 
representative of the original founder, who was Jeffrey Dynant, t. Hen. 
II.), if he shonld die within 100 miles thereof, otherwise in the Grey 
Friars', London. To Lady Elizabeth, his wife, he left all household stuff 
in his place at Lamehith, in Surrey, and 1690 ounces of plate. The 
will was not proved until 1509, but the testator's four sisters and co- 
heiresses had livery of his lands in 17 Hen. VII, 1501-2, an evidence 
that the register of burials in Grey Friars' was correct in making him 
die on 28th January, 1501. The entry runs thus " Item ad finem 
stallorum [quondam inserted'] in eadem [sinistra] parte chori in archu 
jacet nobilis dominus, Dominus Johannes Dennham, Baro, et quondam 
thesaurarius Angliae, militis cum liberata de Garterio. Qui obiit 28 die 
mens' Januarii, Anno Domini 1501." From the will of Jane Lady Tal- 
bot, 1505, it appears that the widow was not Elizabeth Fitzwalter, but 
a niece of the testatrix, who was daughter and co-heiress of John 
Champernon. She is mentioned thus : " Anthony Willoughby, my ne- 
phew. To my Lady Dinham, my niece, a device of gold," and doubt- 
less Sir Harris Nicolas is correct in stating that she was daughter 
of Lord Willoughby and Blanch his wife, daughter and co-heiresses of 
John Champernon, and sister of the testatrix. 

I have not the date of Elizabeth Fitz waiter's death, but the evidence 
seems to show that the tapestry was made between the gift of the gar- 
ter in 1487 and Joane d' Arches's death in 1496, and, further, between 
the death of Dynham' s first wife and his re-marriage, as the shield of 
any present wife would hardly have been wanting. With some research 
the date might be gained with tolerable minuteness. For us it is per- 
haps sufficient to know that its date is the early part of Henry's VII. 's 
reign, a most unusual one, certainly, as far as the north of England is 

It is perhaps difficult to say whether George, son of John Lord Dyn- 
ham, who died in 1487, and Philippa his daughter, who died in 1485, 
both commemorated by a tomb formerly in the chancel of Lambeth 
Church, were legitimate or illegitimate. I do not know the age of 
of Elizabeth Fitzwalter. One thing is clear ; they died issueless. The 


allegation on the tomb at Radnage, co. Buckingham, I regard as utterly 
untrustworthy in the face of the livery to the co-heiresses of 1501-2. 
For the curious, I repeat it. " Here lieth William Tyer, Preacher of 
God's Worde, late Parson of Radnage, who took to wife Jane, daugh- 
ter of George Dynham, son of Sir Thomas Dynham, Knt., son and 
heir of John Lord Dynham, and departed this life the 3rd day of Au- 
gust, A.D. 1605." 

I presume that it was this or some other illegitimate line that used 
Lord Dynham' s badge for a crest, described in the Heraldic Dictionaries 
thus : " In a round top Or six spears, in the centre a pennon argent, 
thereon a croslett" 

Lord Dynham's own crest, the animal called an ermine on a chapeau 
ermine, is engraved from his garter plate by Boutell, but no flames are 
shewn at the ends of the upright objects at its sides. Hence they look 
more like horns than candles. The flames are distinct at Appleby. 

The tapestry was a very agreeable surprise to the participators in the 
recent archaeological excursion into Westmoreland. 



THE Bronze Spear-heads, now exhibited, were accidentally discovered by 
a mason in uncovering a new portion of the freestone quarry for build- 
ing purposes near Park House, North Tynedale, about three quarters of 
a mile south of the village of Birtley, and on the property of Hugh 
Taylor, Esq., of Chipchase Castle. The quarry is situated within a 
beech wood of some extent, which covers the slopes and bottom of a 
deep glen through which runs a small tributary of the North Tyne. 
The stone was formerly used in the construction of the Border Counties 
Railway. The necessity of laying bare more of the upper portion of 
rock surface, led to the finding of the spear-heads. The exact site is 
where the ravine changes in its direction from the south-westerly to the 
south, and where a path must always have led down into the bottom of 
the glen, as the adjoining slopes on either side are more precipitous. 

The spear-heads were not found lying down as if casually dropped by 
their possessor, but were fixed nearly upright with their points down- 
wards in the soil, a little above the rock itself, and about eighteen 


inches from the present surface. The growth of the soil from the fall 
of leaves and the decay of vegetable matter, has no doubt been consider- 
able since they first occupied the position in which they were found, so 
that the depth of soil would not be nearly so great then. They were 
also found close together, separated only by a few inches ; and the angle 
of inclination at which they were fixed corresponded very nearly with 
the downward slope of the ravine beneath. It may with probability be 
inferred from this that their ancient owner may have cast the spears 
javelin-fashion at some person or object, (according as he was engaged 
in fight or in the chase,) when just about to descend from the more 
level ground to the less accessible depths of the ravine beneath, where 
escape would be almost certain. The other supposition is that they 
were intentionally placed, that is, concealed, in that spot for accident 
is apparently out of the question by some primaeval dalesman, who 
either never lived to return, or did not take the trouble to revisit the 
spot where he had left his weapons. It is not likely that he could 
forget the site, if he ever returned. 

Mr. MacLauchlan, speaking, in his interesting "Notes on Camps in 
Northumberland," (pp. 79, 80, notes] of the local names in the district, 

" It is probable that Chipchase was originally the name of the hunt- 
ing-ground extending down the North Tyne from Comogan, by Chip- 
chase Strothers, opposite Nunwick ; Chip, or Kip Hill, near the School, 
and ancient stone ; and thence by Barrasford, up the Sivin-Burn to the 

Swin-lurn requires little explanation ; but it is possible that ar, a 
boar, (in Barrasford), in Anglo-Saxon, may commemorate the existence 
of that formidable animal; and even Co-Mogan, (which is probably 
Cwm-Nochyn, the valley of the swine, in Celtic), be a rocky ravine where 
the hunters found their game, a little further up the Tyne, nearly 
opposite to Wark." 

The "rocky ravine" here mentioned is the same which I have just 
described. For the farm-house of Cumogan ( Car-mogon, in a tracing of 
a map in my possession, as if the Caer or fort of the god Mogon wor- 
shipped at Habitancum on the Rede,) stands on the other bank of the 
ravine or glen, on the east side of which the spear-heads were found, 
and within about 150 yards in a direct line from the exact spot. 

The dimensions of the two ancient weapons are as follows One is 
If in. across the widest part, length 7 in., and the diameter of the 
socket part 1 in. When the young ash-tree or other suitable shaft was 
inserted, it was secured by a rivet passing through two holes placed 
opposite to each other in the bronze socket. The other spear-head is 
7 in. in length, 2 in. in the greatest breadth, with the socket in. in 


diameter, the shaft in this case being, however, secured apparently 
without any perforation in the metal. 1 "When found no trace was 
observed of the wooden shaft in either weapon, which I thought might 
have been noticeable to some slight extent, judging from the peculiar 
position in which they were found. 

As to their approximate date, the Eev. Wm. Greenwell, of Durham, 
(one of our highest authorities in the North of England, to whom I sent 
a sketch full-size) coincides in my opinion that they are British, or pre- 
Roman spear-heads, of the ordinary type, such as the late Mr. George 
Tate has figured in his " History of Alnwick," Yol. I., Plate II., fig. 5 ; 
and that they do not belong to any later race. It will be interesting to 
compare them with other similar weapons in our Museum. Though 
unfortunately rather scraped before coming into my possession (in order 
to find out of what metal they were composed), they are still in fair 
preservation especially considering that no funereal cist has conserved 
them from the weather, and that an interval of perhaps 2000 years has 
elapsed since some pre-historic warrior, or hunter of the bronze age, in 
North Tynedale, may have hurled them against his foeman or the object 
of his chase. 

4 Oct., 1871. 

1 On closer inspection, since writing the above, I have found that this second 
spear-head originally had rivet -holes also. The lower part of the socket had 
been fractured and broken oft' where the perforations had been made in the 
metal, so that both would be very nearly the same length ; the difference in 
the width and form of the small wing or flange 011 each side being the chief 
distinctive mark between them. Both are of the long and narrow type de- 
scribed by Mr. Tate (ibid. p. 14) as having been discovered together with a 
great number of bronze swords and celts in the Old Park at Alnwick under 
similar circumstances to those which led to the present discovery ; namely, by 
a mason employed in clearing away the earth, at a depth of 18 inches, from the 
sandstone rock, in order to obtain building stone. Other instances, where spear- 
heads have been found apparently placed designedly at the spot of finding, 
have occurred at Denwick and at Eslington, where two were discovered with 

swords, now in Lord Ravensworth's possession. Several were also found near 
Stanhope, and are described in Arch. jEliana, Vol. I. Mr. Greenwell informs 
me that he has in his possession seven out of eight spear-heads found in 
Heathery Burn Cave, which were "all placed together with the points down, 
and stuck into the sandy bottom of the cave. " 



SOISIETIMB ago our esteemed associate, Mr. Robert White, gave me a 
copy of a Roman inscription which he had noticed upon a stone in- 
serted in the garden wall at Abbotsford. His reading of it was 


My curiosity was at once excited. "We have many inscriptions in the 
North of England which mention the 20th > Legion, but in every instance 
that legion bears the title of Valeria, victrix. The 22nd Legion took 
the epithet of Primigenia, but, so far as I was then aware, no detach- 
ment of that legion had ever been in Britain ; besides the inscription in 
question bore the numerals xx, not xxn. At length it occurred to me 
that possibly we might not have the whole of the inscription, but that a 
portion of the stone had been broken off. I therefore took a journey 
to Abbotsford for the special purpose of examining the record. The 
inscription is placed in a recess in the garden wall fronting the house ; 
and, apparently with the view of making the stone fit the niche, the 
lines of the inscription are made to assume a slanting position. The 
inscription has been surrounded by a boldly-moulded label ; but the 
whole of the label, together with a considerable portion of the plane of 
the stone itself upon the right hand side, has been broken off. There 
cannot be a doubt that the inscription when entire was intended to sig- 
nify that a certain building had been erected by a vexillation of the 
22nd Legion styled primigenia, primitive. As this was the only notice 
I had that any part of this legion had been in Britain, I felt anxious to 
confirm my reading of the inscription by some other authority. On 
communicating with Professor Hiibner of Berlin, that learned antiquary 
directed me to No. 5456 of Henzen's continuation of the inscriptions of 
Orelli, where the required confirmation was to be found. The inscrip- 
tion given was inscribed upon a marble cippus found at Ferentinum, in 
Italy. It records the name, rank, and exploits of Pontius Sabinus. As, 
amongst other things, it mentions that he was upon the Parthian expedi- 
tion, conducted a divo Trajano (the emperor Trajan now transferred to 


the skies), the inference is almost inevitable thac the inscription belongs 
to Trajan's successor, Hadrian. The part of the inscription relating 
to our present subject is the following: " Prcepositus vexillationibus 
mittiariis tribus expeditione Britannica legionis septimce gemince, octaves 
^Lugustce, vicesimce secundce primigenice" From which it appears that 
he joined in the Britannic expedition at the head of vexillations, each a 
thousand strong, belonging to the 7th, the 8th, and the 22nd Legions. 
Here it may be necessary to mention that a vexillation was a body of 
troops selected for some special purpose from different centuries, all 
fighting for the time being under one common vexillum or standard. Thus 
we have distinct and independent evidence of the presence of a strong 
detachment of the 22nd Legion in Britain about the time probably of 
Hadrian's visit to it. It is probable that this legion or a portion of it 
was in Britain in the time of Carausius ; for a coin of that emperor, 
described by Mr. Eoach Smith in the second volume of the Numismatic 
Chronicle, and one in the Hunterian Museum, Glasgow, bear upon their 
reverse a sea-goat (the probable badge of the legion), together with the 
legend LEG. nxx fsicj PEIMIG. 

Before leaving the Ferentine inscription, I may mention that it 
throws light upon another Roman relic of great interest. 

In describing the boss of a shield which was found not long ago in 
the estuary of the Tyne, and an engraving of which was inserted in the 
first part of the Lapidarium, through the kindness of the Rev. William 
Greenwell, I was at a loss to account for the presence of a soldier of 
the 8th Legion in these parts. All is now plain. To use the words of 
Dr. McCaul, whose attention has been independently turned to this in- 
scription : "I have but little doubt that Junius Dubitatus, named on 
this boss, was a soldier of the vexillation of the 8th Legion that is 
mentioned in that inscription. He seems to have been drowned, pro- 
bably with some comrades, the boat or vessel in which he was having 
been upset or swamped whilst crossing or entering the river." 

No inscription mentioning the 7th Legion has been found in Britain. 
If the vessels conveying the vexillations of these legions struck upon 
Tynemouth bar, or were driven by a north-east gale upon the Herd- 
sands, the soldiers would not all get safely to land. We may thus 
account for the comparative absence of inscriptions mentioning them. 

The next thing to be ascertained respecting the Abbotsford inscription 
is, Where was it found ? 

The stone is of white freestone, not the red sandstone of the neigh- 
bourhood of Melrose. There is no account of it in Stuart's Caledonia 
Bomana or Wilson's Prehistoric Annals. After a good deal of corres- 
pondence, I am unable to elicit any direct testimony as to the place 
from which it came. 



In the same garden wall where this stone is, there are five other niches 
of similar character to the recess in which it is placed, which are occu- 
pied by statuettes of Jupiter, Mars, Apollo, Mercury, and Venus, figures 
which we know were discovered in 1813, at Old Penrith. They are 
figured and described in Lysons' Magna Britannia. "We may fairly sup- 
pose therefore that the stone that at present interests us came from the 
same locality. It must however have been discovered after the publi- 
cation of the last volume of the Lysons', or it would not have escaped 
the attention of Dr. Bennet, the Bishop of Cloyne, who wrote that part 
of the work which treats of the antiquities of Cumberland. 

Having mentioned these five figures of which the Lysons' give an 
engraving, it may not be improper, by way of digression, to state that 
they are emblematic of five of the days of the week. Apollo, or the 
Sun, represents the dies Solis, Sunday ; Mars represents the dies Martis, 
or Tuesday ; Mercury, the dm Mercurii, or Wednesday ; Jupiter, dies 
Jbvis, or Thursday ; and Yenus, the dies Veneris, or Friday. No doubt 
there were originally two other figures, Luna and Saturn, to represent 
Monday and Saturday, but which have been lost or destroyed. These 
seven figures would probably be placed in the sides of an octagonal 
building, the eighth compartment being occupied with an inscription or 
perhaps with a figure of Saturn or Cybele. I am indebted for these 
views to Mr. C. Eoach Smith, who referred me in confirmation of his 
opinion to an article in the 2nd volume of the Collectanea Antiqua upon 
Roman Tesselated Pavements. There we have a description of a pave- 
ment found at Bramdean, in Hampshire, where a similar representation 
occurs. Other instances of the same arrangement are there given, at 
home and abroad. 

One other object has recently come under my observation, to which 
I would call the attention of the Society. Ten days ago, Mr. Roach 
Smith and I visited Hexham. As my friend had not seen the Priory 
Church since its restoration, it was proposed that we should examine it. 
Whilst a messenger went for the keys we sauntered about in different 
directions. Mr. Roach Smith was attracted by a sort of natural sym- 
pathy to a Roman altar which stood near the entrance into the porch, 
and when I rejoined him he was sketching it. The stone was dis- 
covered five or six years ago, when the road was made from the Market 
Place to the New Town Hall, but up to that moment no one as far as 
we could learn had recognized it as a Roman altar, or observed that 
there was a single letter upon it. 

The altar is a large one, being 4 feet 3 inches high, and 1 foot 8 inches 


Its capital and base have been cut down, so as to make them flush 
with the face of the altar, and thus adapting the whole slab for use as 
a building stone. 

The inscription is nearly perfect, the only portions wanting being the 
single letters which indicated the praenomen or personal name of the 
dedicator and of his father. The letters are clearly cut and well 
formed. The inscription reads 

. F OVF 
D D 

"Which may be translated 

" To Apollo Maponus Terentius Eirmus Senianus, the son of . . . ., 
of the Oufentine tribe, prefect of the camp of the sixth legion, styled 
victorious, pious, and faithful, dedicates this altar." 

I am not quite certain about the expansion of the SAEN at the end of the 
fifth line. I have here treated it as a second cognomen : further inquiry 
may lead to some modification of this view. All the rest is I think certain. 

Altars to Apollo are very rare in Britain. Horsley, in his Britannia, 
only records one. It was found near Musselburgh, in Scotland, and 
was lost before his day. Two have been found recently, and in our own 
own district : the first near the Cawfields Mile Castle ; and the other, 
sorely injured, at Chester-le- Street. Another very highly ornamented 
altar to Apollo was found several years ago at Eibchester, and is figured 
in the second part of the Lapidarium, as well as in other works. Be- 
sides these, I do not remember any other. 

In the altar before us, and also in the Eibchester altar, Apollo has 
the epithet Maponus. 

An altar found at Old Penrith about the middle of the last century 
bears the dedication DEO MAPONO. 

The origin or meaning of this word MAPONTS has not been satisfactorily 
ascertained. In the Cosmography of Britain, ascribed to an anonymous 
writer of Ravenna, a place called Maponis occurs, but its situation is 
not pointed out. Probably the epithet on our altars may have been de- 
rived from this place. Apollo may have been specially worshipped at 
this place, and the expression Apollo Ma/ponits may have had an origin 
similar to that of Jupiter Dolichenus. 

The oifice of prefect of the camp (prcefectm castrorumj mentioned in the 
sixth linq of our inscription has not occurred before in any altar that has 


come under my notice. It is met with, however, in several continental 
examples. For instance, in Henzen, N"o. 6759, we have the precisely 
equivalent expression, " Praefectus castrorum legionis in Cyrenaica" 

The prefect of the camp of a legion was probably the military en- 
gineer of the legion. The following is the account given of the office 
in Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities : " The prefect of the camp 
is first mentioned in the reign of Augustus. There was one to each le- 
gion. We learn from Yegetus that it was his duty to attend to all mat- 
ters connected with the making of a camp, such as the vallum, fossa, 
&c., and also to the internal economy of it." 

It would be satisfactory to know the age of this altar, with the view 
of ascertaining whether or not it was possible that Terentius Firmus 
was the man who planned the Wall for Hadrian. The 6th Legion 
came to Britain in the time of Hadrian, and probably with him. There 
is nothing in the inscription to furnish us with a date. The form and 
clear cutting of the letters are not inconsistent with the supposition 
that the altar belongs to the reign of Hadrian. 

Two of the letters of the inscription, however, (TE in castrorum} are 
presented in combination. I do not myself remember an instance of this 
in an inscription in the time of Hadrian, but it occurs frequently in the 
reign of his successor, Antoninus Pius. If Firmus was not engaged 
upon the southern Barrier in the year 120, he probably was upon the 
northern in 140. 

The discovery of another altar, in addition to those previously known, 
gives strength to the conviction expressed by Horsley, Hodgson, and 
others, that Hexham was the seat of a Eoman garrison. If more of the 
ground in the vicinity of the spot where this altar was found were 
levelled, other inscriptions might be found, and possibly one which 
would give us the means of ascertaining with certainty the Roman name 
of the place. May it be soon, and may we be there to see ! 

October, 1871. 

P.S. Since writing the above I have received a communication from 
Professor Hiibner respecting the point in the inscription about which I 
was in doubt. That learned epigraphist says, " The new altar at 
Hexham is very interesting. The copy of the inscription is thoroughly 
satisfactory ; it is no great loss that the prsenomen of Terentius Firmus 
and his father has perished ; for certainly nothing else is wanting but 
those single letters. The tribus Oufentina contains the key for the ex- 
planation of SAEN ; it is certainly Saena (so better spelled than Sena) 
the celebrated town of Etruria, now Siena ; for this belonged to that 
tribe, the Oufentina. Therefore we must expand SAEN by Saenensis or 
Saeniensis," indicating that Terentius Eufus was a native of Siena. 



BY ROBEBT W. Foss, M.D, 

THE objects of this paper are first, to show that friction lucifer matches 
were first sold in the year 1827; secondly, that Mr. John Walker, of 
Stockton-upon-Tees, was the inventor ; points which, although never 
strictly disputed, have not as yet been laid down as facts. It is necessary, 
in commencing, to distinguish between the friction and phosphorus 
match : the latter was not invented till the year 1834, and has since 
been superseded by other matches of more agreeable composition. 

The word match, according to the London Encyclopsedia, is derived 
from the Greek noun JU.VKTJS signifying dried fungus, and is there further 
defined as a splinter or cord used to set fire to a candle or gun. The 
corresponding Italian word is micchia ; the French being meche, from 
which we have our English word match. 

The word lucifer is made up of the two Latin words, lux, signifying 
light, and/m>, to carry ; and the light-carrier phosphorus has exactly 
the same meaning, being, however, derived from the Greek. Therefore 
in English lucifer match means a light-bearing splinter (of wood). 

The following appears in the Illustrated London News (October, 

" The brimstone matches, the tinder-box, and the flint and steel, 
as well as the song, are now amongst the matters of the past ; and 
so completely have the lucifers superseded them, that the fire-producing 
apparatus which was, and had been for centuries, so common in every 
dwelling throughout the laud, are almost as rare as the schoolboy's 
'Hornbook,' the street oil lamps, the London hackney coaches, sedan 
chairs, and other matters which have vanished from view. It is remark- 
able how gradually yet surely those matters which have been made 
useless by improvements vanish. 

There is now only one of the two-horse hackney coaches in London, 
so that a person who remembers the multitude of them once in the 
streets, if curious about it, might have some difficulty in finding the 
remaining example. It may, however, be often seen in the cab rank on 
the London Bridge railway terminus. Just as scarce has the flint and 
steel tinder-box become. When searching for matters of greater im- 
portance we have inquired in many parts of the metropolis, and in many 

VOL, VII. 2 G 


districts of England and Scotland, for a remaining example of an appar- 
atus which was once so well known, and which has so often tried the 
patience of the dames of the preceding generation. Some thought they 
had one, others knew somebody who had. When inquiry, however, 
came to be made, they were either not to be found or were in some way 

Without myself attempting a history of the subject, I will give the 
following comprehensive extract (for the suggestion of which I am 
indebted to the kindness and courtesy of Dr. Lyon Playfair, M.P.) 
from the XXIX. Report of the Juries of the Exhibition of 1851, 
reported by Warren De La Hue, Ph.D., F.R.S., &c., and A. W. Hof- 
mann, Ph.D., F.R.S., F.C.S., Corresponding Member of the Royal 
Academy of Turin, of the Philomathic Society of Paris, &c., Professor 
of Chemistry, Royal College of Chemistry: 

" In another part of this Report will be found some descriptive notices 
of several conveniences for travellers and others contained in the hollow 
heads of walking sticks. One of these consisted of an apparatus for pro- 
curing instantaneous light, and the contrivance appears almost to realize 
the fable of Prometheus, who concealed the fire which he stole from 
Jupiter in his narthex ferula, or stem of fennel, on which he leaned in 

' I am he who sought the source of fire, 
Enclosing it hid in my narthex stalf ; 
And it hath shown itself a friend to man 
And teacher of all arts.' 1 

This invention, however, was in reality only the means of preserving 
fire unextinguished, somewhat like the German tinder of the present 
time, and not of causing instantaneous ignition. The giant fennel, of 
which the ordinary ancient walking sticks were made, sheds its seeds 
about September, when the stein decays, and becomes a substance so 
easily ignited as to be employed in Sicily for tinder. The pith of the 
plant also is stated by Proclus to be an excellent preserver of flame, to 
which Pliny adds his testimony, that it makes excellent matches, the 
Egyptian sort being the best. 2 

" There is, however, another form in which a staff may be metaphori- 
cally said to conceal fire, since one of the most primitive means of pro- 
ducing it was by the friction of two pieces of wood against each other 
until sparks were emitted, and flame was then easily communicated to 
dry leaves or decayed vegetable matter. This method of procuring fire 
has been found generally in use in several savage nations, though with 
some difference in the process ; and St. Pierre describes one of the most 
common, as practised by the \Vcst India negroes : ' With the sharp 
edge of a stone,' says his narrative, ' Paul made a small hole in the 
branch of a tree that was sufficiently dry, which he fixed firmly between 

., Prometh. Vinct. 110. 

2 Proclus, Comment, in Hesiod. Opera ct Dies, i. 52. Plinii Hist. Nat. 
xiii, 22. 


his feet, and lie then employed the stone to shape into a point another 
piece of wood, equally dry, but of a kind different from the former. He 
next placed the pointed wood in the hole which he had provided, and 
made it to turn rapidly between his hands like a chocolate mill, and in a 
few moments he saw smoke and sparks issuing from the place of con- 
tact, and then collecting dry plants and sticks, he lighted a fire at the 
foot of the palm tree.' 3 

"It appears that the same process was in ordinary use with the Romans 
down to a late period, even when the flint and steel were well known. 
' This experience,' says Pliny, 'was first discovered in camps and by 
shepherds, when a fire was wanted and a fitting stone was not at hand ; 
for they rubbed together wood upon wood, by which attrition sparks 
were engendered, and then collecting any dry matter of leaves or fungi, 
they easily took fire. For this purpose nothing is better than to rub 
the wood of the ivy with that of the laurel, and a wild vine, different 
from the labrusca, which grows upon trees in the manner of ivy, lias 
been also approved to be good.'^ The same authority, in enumerating 
the different kinds of wood fit for kindling a light, denominates them 
iff mar ia, or those trees out of which fire may be produced. Pyxidicula 
igniaria appears to have been the usual name of a Roman tinder-box, 
but Solinus calls the fire-box ignitalulum, and assigns its invention to 
Pyropolis, in the island of Delos. 5 In those receptacles the apparatus 
probably consisted as well of a small iron bar and a fragment of flint or 
pyrites, as of pieces of those woods which were the most readily ignited. 
Virgil notices ' the hidden fire in the veins of flints,' 6 as being one of the 
benefits anciently bestowed on man at the commencement of the reign of 
Jupiter ; and pyrites are described by Pliny as being well known and 
esteemed for producing sparks, ' Certain of them,' lie says, 'have much 
fire in them, whence we call them living, and they are very heavy. 
They are sought for because they are most valuable in camps ; for when 
they are struck hard with an iron spike (elavus) or another stone, they 
will emit sparks, which being taken by sulphur or dry fungus or leaves, 
will cause them to catch fire even with the rapidity of speech.' 7 

" There does not appear to be any information extant relating to the 
material anciently employed for tinder, unless it may be presumed to be 
indicated in that passage of the Prophet Isaiah (chap, i., v. 5), which 
declares that ' the strong shall be as tow, and the maker of it as a 
spark, and they shall both burn together, and none shall quench them.' 
It is probable that a very small degree of experience would suggest the 
thought that flax or the linen wicks used for lamps would easily receive 
sparks and become ignited, but of this there has not been any certain 
information preserved. 

" For many centuries the apparatus of a stone struck against a piece 
of iron continued, with but little improvement, to be the only means 
of procuring light. By the Saxons the flint or the pyrites was used 
under the general name of fyr-stan ; and any piece of iron that was 
sufficiently substantial was the substitute for the modern steel : a writ- 
ing stylus is known to have been used for the purpose by the Abbot 

3 Suite des Etudes cle la Nature : Paul et Virginia. 4 Nat. Hist., xvi. 40. 
Polyhistor., c. xi. 6 Georg., i. 135. 1 Hist, Nat,, xxxvi, 19, 


Berlin, in Burgundy, early in the seventh century. An instrument, how- 
ever, which should be at once more substantial and more convenient for 
striking, must have been soon rcqnir(?d, and was probably as speedily in- 
vented in the form of the fusil, a thick rhoinboidal piece of steel, having 
the faces cut into many angles. This was in use at a very early period 
of the middle ages, when it is frequently to be found mentioned under a 
variety of names, all of them being derived from the same original. In 
1429 Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, established the Order of the 
Golden Fleece, in the collar of which the flint and steel of the time formed 
the principal device. The latter was thereon represented as a short and 
stout fusil, sharpened to a pointed edge on one side, and on the other 
having two small curved handles, with a vacant space between them for 
the hand ; and a modification of this shape for the steel continued to 
exist to the close of the history of the old-fashioned tinder-box. 8 

" It was not until after the middle of the seventeenth century that the 
discovery of phosphorus indicated a quicker or more certain means of 
procuring light or fire. In 1677, Dr. Hook, in one of his Cutler 
lectures, described the effects of phosphorus as they had been recently 
exhibited in England to the Hon. Robert Boyle and several other Fel- 
lows of the Royal Society, by Daniel Krafft, ' a famous German, 
chemist.' Even after all the earliest experiments, however, the new 
matter appeared to be regarded only as a curiosity, which Boyle entitled 
the * Noctiluca,' and a ' factitious self-shining substance ' procured 
but in very small quantities, and with great labour and time, the prin- 
cipal value of which was to supply a light in the night or in dark places, 
when exhibited in glass vessels. It can scarcely be doubted but that 
some trial was made as to whether an ordinary match could be in- 
flamed by the substance ; but Boyle's recorded experiments refer only to 
the strength, the diffusion, and the continuance of the light. 

"After these notices of the older apparatus devised for procuring light, 
it will be an interesting inquiry briefly to glance at the history of che- 
mical matches. And here it may be first remarked that the transition 
from the tinder-box, with its flint and steel, to the elegant friction 
match, was not so simple as a superficial consideration of the subject 
might lead one to infer. In the daily enjoyment of a luxury, we but too 
oft en forget the persevering efforts which are always necessary to render 
available the discoveries of the experimental philosopher, and take but 
little heed of him whose disinterested labours are constantly bringing to 
light new truths from the hidden but inexhaustible stores of nature. 

"The perfecting of chemical matches has been accomplished chiefly 
during the last thirty years, for before 1820 scarcely any other method 
of producing fire was employed than that of the well known trio before 
alluded to, with which the ordinary sulphur match was inseparably 

" Soon after this peiiod Doebcreiner made the remarkable discovery 
that finely-divided platinum (spongy platinum) is capable of inflaming 
a mixture of hydrogen gas and atmospheric air, and he founded on this 
property of platinum the invention of the instantaneous light apparatus 
first known by the name of Doebcreiner's Hydrogen Lamp. This was 
greatly admired at that time, and is even now frequently employed, it 

8 Du Fresne, Glossarium, 1736, vi, ; col, 562, voce Sol, 3, 


having been again recently applied to light an ordinary gas burner re- 
quired to be ignited at intervals during the day-time for the purpose of 
sealing parcels and other similar objects. Although it was without 
any immediate influence on the development of the manufacture of che- 
mical matches, which had before this time been repeatedly attempted, 
Doebereiner's discovery appears, nevertheless, to have attracted atten- 
tion more generally to the subject, and thus, at least, to have contri- 
buted indirectly to their perfection. 

" A method of producing ignition, proposed about the same period, has 
never been generally adopted. It depends upon the property which 
certain compounds of phosphorus and sulphur possess of inflaming, when 
slightly rubbed, in contact with the atmosphere. For this purpose 
about equal quantities of phosphorus and sulphur are fused together in 
a glass tube, which is to be subsequently closed with a cork. 9 Upon 
opening the tube, if a splinter of wood be dipped into the mass, so that 
a small quantity of the composition may adhere to the wood, it will be- 
come ignited when slightly rubbed on the cork used to close the phial. 
This apparatus, however, has become almost entirely obsolete. 

" The most important and permanent improvement in the means of ob- 
taining light consisted in covering the sulphurized end of a match with a 
mixture of sugar and chlorate of potash ; which being deflagrated by im- 
mersion into concentrated sulphurated acid, communicated the inflam- 
mation to the underlying coating of sulphur. Many persons will call 
to mind the small glass phial containing asbestos moistened with con- 
centrated sulphuric acid, which was usually fixed in a paper or tin 
box having two compartments, one of which held the prepared matches. 
These matches were in all probability invented in France, whence at 
least they were certainly first introduced into England ; but prior to 
their introduction Captain Manby had been accustomed to employ a 
similar mixture for firing a small piece of ordnance for the purpose of 
conveying a rope to a stranded vessel ; and indeed the composition was 
also described by Parkes in his Chemical Catechism 10 amongst the experi- 
ments illustrative of combustion and detonation at the close of the volume. 

" Exactly the same principle was involved in the preparation of the 
matches invented by Mr. Jones, of the Strand, and used for some time 
under the name of ' Prometheans,' but which do not appear to have 
found their way to the Continent. These were made of a roll of paper, 
into one end of which was placed a small quantity of a mixture of sugar 
and chlorate of potash, with a small tube (hermetically sealed), similar 
to those in which the leads of ever-pointed pencils are preserved, contain- 
ing a minute quantity of strong sulphuric acid. By compressing the 
match with a pair of pliers sold for the purpose, or between two hard sub- 
stances (between the teeth, for example), the tube was crushed, and the 
sulphuric acid came into contact with the mixture, and ignited it. These 
matches, though very convenient, were so expensive that they were not 
very generally employed ; but they certainly formed, as it were, the 
stepping-stone to the production of the friction match. 

9 To those who would repeat this experiment, we would remark, that the 
fusion should be performed with great caution, inasmuch as the mixture fre- 
quently detonates at the moment when the components enter into chemical 

10 Third edition, 1808, p. 503. 


"The first friction matches, or congreves, nude their appearance 
about 1832. They had a coating of a mixture of two parts of sul- 
phide of antimony and one part of chlorate of potash, made into a paste 
with gum-water, over their sulphurized ends, and were ignited hy draw- 
ing them rapidly between the two surfaces of a piece of folded sand- 
paper, which was compressed hy the finger and thumb. 

"The Reporters have not succeeded in learning with certainty by whom 
the substitution of phosphorus for the sulphide of antimony was first 
suggested ; the mixture of the sulphide with chlorate of potash requires 
so much pressure to produce the ignition that it was frequently pulled 
off from the match, and this substitution was therefore an important 
improvement. 11 The phosphorus matches, or lucifers, appear indeed to 
have been introduced contemporaneously in different countries about the 
year 1834. In Germany they were first manufactured on a large scale 
in the Grand Duchy of Hesse, and especially in Darmstadt, where Dr. 
Moldenhauer, in particular, contributed much to the improvement of 
this branch of industry. 

"From Darmstadt the manufacture was gradually extended through 
Germany ; but its progress was at first very slow, on account of the 
lucifer match being prohibited, until the year 1840, in Bavaria, Bruns- 
wick, Hanover, and various other states, on account of the alleged risk 
of fire consequent upon iis employment." 

The next evidence we have is that of Mr. Isaac Holden, a woollen 
manufacturer and inventor of woollen machinery, formerly a member of 
Parliament. It occurs at page 150 of the Report from the Select Com- 
mittee on Letters Patent (1871). Mr. Holden there says 

" I began as an inventor on a very small scale. For what I know 
I was the first inventor of lucifer matches, but it was the result of 
a happy thought. In the morning I used to get up at four o'clock, in 
order to pursue my studies, and I used at that time the flint and steel, 
in the use of which I found great inconvenience. I gave lectures in 
chemistry at the time at a very large academy. Of course I knew, as 
other chemists did, the explosive material that was necessaiy in order 
to produce instantaneous light, but it was difficult to obtain a light on 
wood by that explosive material, and the idea occurred to me to put 
under the explosive mixture sulphur. I did that, and published it in 
my next lecture and showed it. There was a young man in the room 
whose father was a chemist in London, and he immediately wrote to 
his father about it, and shortly afterwards lucifer matches were issued 
to the world. I believe that was the first occasion that we had the pre- 
sent lucifer match, and it was one of these inventions that some people 
think ought not to be protected by a patent." 

There is here a remarkable absence of dates, but there cannot be a 
doubt that Mr. Holden means the phosphoro-sulphur match, which of 
course was not the first lucifer match ; but as we are here not contending 

11 Detonating mixtures of chlorate of potash with either sulphide of anti- 
mony or phosphorus are described in Parkes's Chemical Catechism, 10th edit., 
published in 1822 ; and the latter in the 3rd edition (1808). 


who invented that particular kind of match, but who invented the 
friction lucifer, there is no need to enter futher into the matter, except 
to notice it as having gone the round of the papers, and still therefore 
fresh in the memory of many persons. 

John Walker (the subject of this memoir) was the third son of John 
"Walker, a grocer, draper, and spirit merchant, who occupied and was 
the owner of the shop No. 104, High Street, Stockton (opposite the 
Town Hall), and was born on the 24th. of May, 1781. He was edu- 
cated in the town, and when he had attained the usual age was 
apprenticed to Mr. "Watson Alcock, surgeon. After completing his 
apprenticeship, he went to London for a few years, then came back to 
Mr. Alcock ; afterwards he spent several years in Durham and York in 
the employ of wholesale druggists, finally settling down in Stockton as 
a druggist in June, 1819. He would then be 38 years of age. In 
physique he was a little thin man, never weighing more than nine 
stones. He was never married. He commenced business in the drug- 
gist's shop next door to Messrs. Jennett & Co., and not, as is generally 
jsaid, on the opposite side of the street. Many persons can remember 
the matches being sold at this establishment. It is said that Mr. 
Walker's relations were desirous that he should become a surgeon, but 
as he had an invincible horror to surgical operations, he would not follow 
out their wishes. When an apprentice with Mr. Alcock, he first began 
to show his scientific proclivities. He became an expert botanist, and 
was well acquainted with all the common plants of the neighbourhood, 
as well as the most likely places to find them. He was also very fond 
of mineralogy, a science which was just then springing up, and which 
later was much studied by young men in the town, who frequently 
consulted him about rare or difficult specimens. He was also constantly 
making chemical experiments, and it is within the recollection of John 
Clennett, a bookbinder, still living, that he used to go to the shop where 
Clennett was working to beg the gold leaf which was brushed from the 
lettering of the books, for the purpose of making fulminating gold. On 
one occasion, when in his house upon the Quayside, near to Cleveland 
Row, some chemical mixture he had compounded fell upon the hearth- 
stone and ignited, and then Walker exhibited some of his compound to 
the wondeiing gaze of the bookbinder, and the mixture was handed 
about as a novelty, no one thinking that the discovery possessed any 
really practical use. The following account was published in a local 
newspaper in the year 1852 : 

" Mr. Walker was preparing some lighting mixture for his own use 
when a match, after being dipped in the preparation, took fire by 
accidental friction on the hearth. This was the first friction match; and 


the hint was not lost. He commenced to make friction matches, selling 
with every box a piece of doubled sandpaper to set them in flame by 
pressure of the thumb and forefinger and a sharp pull. It was in the 
month of April, 1827, that he began the sale, and his first customer was 
the late Mr. John Nixon, solicitor, of Stockton. Harrison Burn was em- 
ployed to make the matches, and the boxes were made by John Ellis at 
threehalfpence each, the price of a box containing fifty being one shilling." 

The exact chemical composition of the matches Mr. Walker always 
kept secret, and from a careful search which has been made in his 
books it has not been possible to find it. Showing how near he was 
the discovery of the phosphorus match, there are a number of experi- 
ments on light-producing substances, which he has noted in a book 
now in the possession of his niece, Mrs. Hutchmson Wilkinson (who 
has very kindly revised this part of my paper). According to some 
notes I have of lectures delivered in the University of Edinburgh, ses- 
sion 1863-4, friction matches were there said to have been invented in 
the year 1832, that is to say, five years after the subject of this paper 
manufactured and sold them. It is there likewise said, as it is by all 
other authorities I have consulted, that they were composed of chlorate 
of potash and sulphuret of antimony, and for want of other proof, we 
must conclude Walker's matches were- of the same composition. Phos- 
phorus matches were not invented till the year 1834. Phosphorus was 
added in the place of the sulphuret of antimony. Sulphur is not now 
used in the preparation of the best matches : stearine or some fatty mat- 
ter is generally substituted. The first friction matches sold by Mr. 
Walker were made of cardboard or a substance similar to what the pre- 
sent fusee pipe-lighters are made; but he soon substituted splinters 
of wood for this. The sandpaper sold with them in shape resembled a 
cocked hat, into which the match was inserted and drawn out sharply. 
For the manufacture of the matches and boxes, Walker employed, be- 
sides his own men, all the old pensioners i& the alms houses. It is said, 
with how much truth it is impossible to find out, that the late Professor 
Faraday heard of the invention, and came to Stockton to see Mr. Walker 
about it, and then strongly urged him to take out a patent, which he 
declined to do. He, however, gave Faraday an account of their com- 
position, which Faraday communicated to some German, who at once 
started a manufactory of them in his own country. With reference to 
the patenting of his invention, it is said that he, like the inventor of 
phosphorus matches, thought at the time that they were of such trifling 
importance that they would not pay the expense, and it was well known 
that Mr. Walker was a studious retiring man, caring more to pursue 
his scientific studies, whether botanizing or experimenting in chemistry, 
than speculating in order to make money. It may be stated that he 


realized sufficient to enable him to live in retirement for many years 
previous to his death. He died at Stockton on the 1st of May, 1857, 
aged 73 years, having been afflicted for some time with dropsy. It is 
right to say here that Mr. Alderman Jackson, J.P., of Stockton, has 
written several letters to various newspapers on this subject. 

After a careful consideration of what has here been advanced, there 
cannot now be two opinions as to who was the inventor of friction 
matches. In point of date no one has yet brought forward a prior claim. 
All authorities state that the first friction match was invented in the 
year 1832, whereas I hope the evidence now given has prove:! that they 
were publicly sold at Stockton in the year 1827, that is to say, five 
years before they were generally known to scientific men. 

If we take into consideration the distance of Stockton from London, 
and the difficulties in those days of communicating between the two 
places, we can almost think that it would take that time for the know- 
ledge of the invention to travel so far southwards. Also, when we look 
at the varied scientific knowledge and constant application to scientific 
work of the man although we have no exact formula of the composi- 
tion of the matches coupled with the fact that he has left notes of a 
great number of experiments (many original) with phosphorus and 
other readily ignitable substances, the argument is still further strength- 
ened; for it is proved more and more distinctly every day that no 
discovery is the result of accident or mere chance, but always the 
terminating link of a sorites of logical propositions thoroughly discussed ; 
and we have no doubt that for many years he had this subject clearly 
before his mind. It is true that if it had been possible the production 
of actual specimens of the matches would have clearly established the 
nature of their composition ; but this has been prevented by reason of 
the number of years which have elapsed, and the essentially destructible 
nature of the articles under notice. It is proper to point out that the 
friction match had no rival, and it is admitted on all sides that it was 
the first practical match ; also that it was soon superseded. It, like all 
other new ideas, although the public mind was gradually for many 
years by various light-producing inventions prepared for its reception, 
met with opposition, and it was many years before it became the indis- 
pensable household article that it now is, and it is not so long since 
many of the captains of the old Tyne colliers would not consider it 
"lucky" to have a lucifer on board. It is to be regretted he did not 
patent his invention, because then we should easily have known all the 
essential and necessary particulars. 

\* Since writing the above, my attention has been directed by Mr. 
J. G. Forster, of Newcastle, to the following curious paragraph which 

VOL. VII. 2 H 


occurs in the " Lounger's Common-Place Book," 1805, under the head- 
ing " The Black Assize," and, as illustrating the kind of opposition 
which the introduction of lucifer matches met, is very interesting. 

"The recusant papist perhaps might have been able to have per- 
formed the task assigned to him [the alledged setting fire to a poisoned 
lamp- wick by Rowland Jcnks, whilst being sentenced to death for 
seditious and treasonable words spoken against Queen Elizabeth] had 
he been furnished with phosphorus matches, that invention of modern 
times, by which the chemist and the philosopher have so effectually 
forwarded the purposes of house-breakers and nocturnal assassins, but 
which, like its cotemporary discovery, the air balloon, cannot, I believe, 
be applied to any purpose of utility or convenience." 



TheHumlle Petition of the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-upon- Tyne 


That the members of this Society have learned with great 
dissatisfaction that, in a bill introduced into your Honorable House, 
intituled " An Act for better enforcing the Laws Ecclesiastical respect- 
" ing the Discipline of the Clergy; amending the constitution and 
" regulating the mode of procedure of the Ecclesiastical Courts; and 
4< regulating the government of the Ecclesiastical Registries in England," 
clauses have (without any public enquiry) been introduced by the Lord 
Romilly, the Master of the Rolls, providing for a transfer to himself, 
and the placing in the Public Record Office of London, of various deeds, 
wills, processes, acts, proceedings, registers, and other documents relat- 
ing to the various dioceses of England and Wales, unless the respective 
bishops thereof shall, within two months after the passing of the act, 
certify that the same several documents have been duly sorted, classed, 
and indexed, up to a period within five years ending December last : 
and that another attempt is to be made to obtain the removal of parish 

That these clauses would enable a continuation of the removal of 
local records to London, whereby local students are practically debarred 
from the use of them, great local mistrust has arisen, the general pro- 
gress of historical knowledge in this kingdom is impeded, and the costs 
of legal proceedings and the hindrances to the honest administration of 
justice are seriously increase!. 


That the documents in question in the North of England have been 
largely used hy the antiquaries of that part of the country in the com- 
pilation of the noble works relating to it, and that there exists a 
systematic use of the records in their respective places. The Surtees 
Society, which has already printed 54 volumes from original MSS., is 
at present engaged in the publication of a volume devoted to the Regis- 
ter of Walter Gray, Archbishop of York from 1215 to 1255. 

That official copies or abstracts of local records made or printed at 
London neither are nor can be so accurate, judicious, and satisfactory 
as the labours of gentlemen possessed of the requisite local knowledge of 
persons, subjects, and places, and that it is most inexpedient to dis- 
courage or destroy local schools of history by depriving them of records. 

That hardly any proper calendars or indexes of the more ancient and 
valuable contents of the Public Record Office have as yet been published, 
while the period of two months mentioned in the objectionable clauses 
is manifestly insufficient for sorting, classifying, and indexing according 
to modern ideas, however desirous the custodians of records may be to 
do so. 

That there is no reason to suppose that a removal of episcopal regis- 
ters and other records would conduce to their publicity. That no provi- 
sion is made for the removal and publicity of the valuable parliamentary 
surveys (similar to those open to the public at Lambeth) and other 
documents removed from Auckland Castle by the Ecclesiastical Com- 
missioners. That such of the Durham records as have been removed to 
the Public Record Office were so removed at the commencement of 
1869, yet rolls of which much use was made by historians in the 
country are not even distinguished, and such few calendars as have ap- 
peared for Durham are imperfect, inconvenient, and inexact ; while the 
well known great surveys, and rolls of account, and registers which 
have repeatedly been decided to be of a public character, are not now 
produced to the public. 

That it cannot, from experience, be expected that the records proposed 
to be removed would be sorted, classed, or indexed, in the Public Record 
Office, within the period of two months, or be made more useful than 
they are at present within any reasonable time, unless it be also ex- 
pected that local enquirers shall be at the trouble and expense of a 
prolonged absence in London gratuitously for the purpose. 

That, although it has not been found that access to records in the 
country generally has been denied to the public in the manner that 
access to such of the Durham records as have been under London control 
has been, it is, nevertheless, suggested that to prevent misunderstand- 
ings, it might be well to enact that all documents relating to estates, 


the revenues whereof have been devoted to the general welfare of the 
Established Church, should, in common justice to all concerned, be de- 
clared, in express terms, to be public ; and that their custody, eorting, 
classification, and indexing, in their respective localities, should be pro- 
vided for out of the palatine, episcopal, and capitular revenues originally 
liable thereto, before such revenues should be diverted for the public 
benefit. The attention of your Honorable House is more particularly 
directed to this subject, inasmuch as, notwithstanding the enormous 
revenues of the franchise and see of Durham, no supervision of the re- 
cords thereof was exercised by their owners after the Bishops of 
Durham ceased to have the full beneficial enjoyment of the franchise 
and see, until, under colour of the Public Records Act, the records were 
de facto, and, as we believe, de facto only, and not de jure, removed to 
the Public Record Office, because the authorities of the county of 
Durham, in the discharge of their duties, properly declined to comply 
with the request that the records should be kept at the expense of 
other funds. 

That your petitioners, on grounds of public policy, object to the re- 
moval of the parish registers, which, in any case, should be removed, if 
at all, to the General Registry at Somerset House, for public and free 
access, which, practically, is generally enjoyed at present, as far as 
ancient registers are concerned. 

Your petitioners, therefore, humbly pray your Honourable House not 
to pass into law the clauses hereinbefore referred to. 

And they also humbly pray your Honorable House to institute pub- 
lic enquiry into and to redress the grievances as to the removal and 
present dealings with the records relating to Her Majesty's franchise 
and the see of Durham, and all ecclesiastical records in the Public Record 
Office and in the possession of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, and all 
other records in their possession. 

And your petitioners will ever pray, &c. 

Given under our Common Seal and the signature of our President 
the fourth day of April, 1872. 


1. 8. 



To be remembered when we are gone is a desire implanted in the 
human bosom, which has been indicated through all ages in almost 
every possible way. Eastward from Home, the remains of tombs on 
each side of the Appian Way, at no great distance from each other, 
may be traced to a distance of above ten miles from the Eternal City, 
and they who preferred the sides of that road, as their last resting 
place, did so that their names might be read on stone by all who went 
to, or returned from, Greece, Palestine, and the other regions of the 
East. This ' longing after immortality,' which in the case of John 
Milton, was ' death to hide,' is an impulse certainly of the noblest kind 
when directed to the welfare of the human race. Yet some who 
have done' good service either to science or literature, often pass 
away without a fair tribute of respect being awarded them. Such 
neglect is in no way creditable where benefit has been received, hence 
we would speak of one recently departed, who has thrown new and 
important light on several subjects, elucidating the history both of 
Newcastle and the county of Northumberland. 

The late John Hodgson Hinde was of an ancient family, for a sketch 
of his pedigree now before us, by his own hand, dates as far back as 
1474, in which year William Hodgson was Sheriff of Newcastle. An- 
other ancestor, Eichard Hodgson, was Sheriff in 1549, and Mayor of the 
same town in 1556, 1566, and 1580, dying in 1585. Mr. Hodgson's 
great-grandfather bought the manor of Elswick, and died 4th Novem- 
ber, 1749. His father, who married, in 1803, Sarah, daughter of 
Eichard Huntley, Esq., of Fryerside, in the county of Durham, 1 was 
born in 1774, and died 12th July, 1820. John Hodgson, the sub- 
ject of our memoir, being the eldest son, was born on the 30th July, 
1806. From about the eighth year of his age he was placed under the 
tutelage of the late Eev. James Birkett, of Ovingham, after which he 

1 A beautifully situated property on the banks of the Denvent, which has 
been nearly three centuries in the family, and is inherited by Mr. Richard 
Hodgson, of Carham, as heir-at-law to his brother ; consequently he has as- 
sumed the name of lluutley. 

VOL* VII, 2 I 


was confided to the care of Mr. Carr, head-master of the school at Dur- 
ham, aiid under these able teachers he acquired a perfect knowledge of 
the Latin language, which was of essential use to him when his attention 
was directed to the early documents of Border History. Afterwards he 
studied for a time under the Rev. Henry Blunt, of Clare, Suffolk, a man 
who distinguished himself in clerical literature, and subsequently he kept 
several terms at Trinity College, Cambridge. On arriving at manhood, 
being by patrimony a freeman of Newcastle, he took an active part in 
public business, and qualified as a magistrate for the county, being, 
with the exception of Mr. Cresswell, of Cresswell, as to date, the oldest 
member in point of qualification on the bench. About this early period 
he was also appointed to another office, that of a Deputy Lieutenant for 
the county of Northumberland. 

The arduous duties of Mr. Hodgson's political career commenced 
in 1830, on the death of King George the Fourth, when he was re- 
quested to allow himself to be put in nomination as a representative for 
Newcastle. Considering the unaffected modesty of his nature, it is some- 
what singular he assented to this ; yet he did so, the result being that, 
with Sir M. W. Ridley, he was triumphantly returned, and a medal 
was struck, bearing an excellent likeness of the young member, in com- 
memoration of the event. In the following year, also, ,Sir M. W. 
Ridley and he were returned without opposition. On the Reform Bill 
becoming law in 1832, though opposed by Charles Attwood (for Sir 
M. W. Ridley was secure), Mr. Hodgson was again elected by a ma- 
jority over his opponent of nearly six hundred votes. An important 
event in his life took place on the 31st January, 1833, when he led to 
the altar Isabella, eldest daughter and co-heiress of the late Anthony 
Compton, Esq., of Carham Hall, on the northern border of Northum- 
berland. On the occasion of his marriage, a sumptuous dinner was 
served up to the inmates of the several freemen's hospitals in Newcastle. 

When the dismissal of the Melbourne Cabinet occurred in 1834, the 
event was succeeded by another election in Newcastle, and after a severe 
struggle Mr. William Ord occupied the head of the poll, Sir M. W. 
Ridley outnumbering Mr. Hodgson by about two hundred and fifty 
votes, while Aytoun, the fourth candidate, was much the lowest of all. 
On Mr. Hodgson's defeat the public mind was influenced greatly in his 
favour, and a large number of his political friends uniting together, 
held a meeting in the Assembly Rooms on the 12th June, 1835, when 
they presented him with two beautiful and massive pieces of silver 
plate in the shape of soup tureens, with stands, &c., all complete, in 
recognition of the able and independent way in which he had repre- 
sented Newcastle during the three successive parliaments. 


On the decease of Sir M. W. Ridley in July, 1836, Mr. Hodgson was 
again brought forward to contest the constituency. He was opposed by 
Captain Blackett, but on the 25th of the same month, after a severe 
contest, he was returned by a majority of forty-eight votes. Also, in 
the course of the following month, in compliance with the will of Miss 
Elizabeth Archer Hind, of Stelling Hall and Ovington Lodge, Northum- 
berland, he assumed the additional name of Hind by royal authority. 2 
At the general election during August, 1837, another contest ensued, 
the candidates being Mr. William Ord, Mr. Hodgson Hinde, Mr. C. J. 
Bigge, Mr. J. B. Coulson, and Mr. A. H. Beaumont, when, at the close 
of the poll, Mr. Ord and Mr. Hinde were returned as members for New- 
castle. At the general election in 1841 Mr. Ord and Mr. Hinde met 
with no opposition, and they continued to represent that northern town 
till 1847, when the latter declined to come forward again, and conse- 
quently his political connection with Newcastle was on that occasion 
brought to a close. To his honour be it said, that during the seven- 
teen years Mr. Hodgson Hinde represented the metropolis of the 
North, he was ever to be found in his place when matters of any 
importance came before the House, and gained respect from all classes 
by attention to his duties, and his readiness, by upright means, to 
promote the trade of the port and the interests of the borough. 
He spoke frequently both in the House and in Committee, and his 
remarks and suggestions were always listened to with attention. Hav- 
ing gained an early reputation for honesty of purpose and sound 
judgment, these he brought to bear on every useful measure which carne 
before parliament. According to a sentence respecting him, a few weeks 
ago, in a public notice of his decease, ' He always preferred not to ap- 
pear in the foreground, but would lend his able and cheerful assistance 
to the uttermost ; and his public services his large attainments and 
singular ability with his kind and obliging disposition, won for him 
the respect and esteem of all.' 

In placing before the reader an outline of Mr. Hodgson Hinde's 
labours, we ought to state that whilst residing in London on parlia- 
mentary business, amidst the intervals of leisure he enjoyed, he must 
have devoted many hours towards investigating the sources whence light 
could be thrown on the early history of the North of England. In Part 
III. of Vol. III. of the Eev. John Hodgson's History of Northum- 
berland, which was published in 1835, and contained the 'Pipe Bolls' of 
the county from 1130 to 1272, &c., the author in his preface thank- 
fully acknowledges his obligations to ' John Hodgson, Esq., M.P., for 

2 These estates were inherited, under entail, by Mr. Thomas Hodgson, Mr, 
Hinde's second brother, who thereupon assumed the name of Archer Hind, 


the unremitting and intelligent zeal with which, at his own expense, 
he had procured materials for that work.' This was shewn more fully 
about the period of Mr. Hodgson Hinde's retirement from Parliament, 
for in 1847, a royal octavo volume of ahout 300 pages was printed and 
published under the auspices of the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle- 
upon-Tyne. It contained the * Pipe Rolls,' or Sheriffs' Annual Ac- 
counts for Cumberland, Westmorland, and Durham, during the reigns 
of Henry II., Richard I., and John. The introduction of the book 
occupies above 70 pages, elucidating those revenues of the crown in such 
a minute way that the historian of Northumberland having died in 
1845 no living man in the North at the time could have written it 
and compiled the contents, save Mr. John Hodgson Hinde. The volume 
was printed in Newcastle, and is now scarce, but like other works of the 
kind sent forth by the Rev. John Hodgson, the valuable and important 
matter it contains is too difficult in the original form to be mastered by 
the common reader, and hence it is not in great request. This, how- 
ever, cannot lessen the worth of these records in illustrating a dark and 
early period of our country's history, and as no name either on the title 
or at the preface indicated who the investigator might be, we have here 
another proof of the extreme reserve and gentlemanly feeling of Mr. 
Hodgson Hinde that Cannot be too highly appreciated. 

Mention of this work brings to our recollection another of less size, 
but consisting of 106 pages, dated 1852, and entitled ' The Fountains 
of British History explored.' The publishers are J. B. and J. G. 
Nichols, London. No name reveals the compiler, but from a general 
knowledge of those who were likely to draw up such a compendium, we 
believe the evidence points conclusively to him of whose labours we 
are endeavouring to draw a faint outline. The modesty of its title 
and preface, and the profound research apparent in its pages, evince 
the same hand to which we are indebted for the volume last mentioned. 

As we shall relate at greater length Mr. Hodgson Hinde's contribu- 
tions to historical literature, we now turn to another sphere in which 
he exerted himself for the benefit of the public. Soon after he retired 
from Parliament, he filled the office of High Sheriff for the county of 
Northumberland. Yet it was not in official life alone that he won his 
laurels honourably, for whatever tended to promote the welfare of 
the country was sure on every occasion to command his ready influence 
and support. 

Considering the increase of population all round the district, he was 
not slow in perceiving the danger and difficulty of crossing the Tyne 
above Newcastle, and accordingly he united cordially with the proper 
authorities in having a~ road opened up westward, and in erecting t&e 


suspension bridge at Scotswood. It was opened 12th April, 1831, on 
which occasion, in the name of the committee, he presented John Green, 
the architect, with an elegant silver claret jug. Again, when George 
Stephenson attracted the notice of the observing world by his locomotive 
engines, and by advocating the benefits which would result to society 
by the extension of railways, Mr. Hodgson Hinde was among the first 
to perceive and publicly to acknowledge, the sound and practical ideas of 
the Killingworth engine-man. So also, from the active part he took in 
the formation of the Newcastle and North Shields Railway, he was ap- 
pointed vice-chairman of the Company Mr. M. Bell being chairman, 
who at the time was also member for South Northumberland. Hence 
Mr. Hodgson Hinde, on the 13th January, 1835, laid the foundation 
stones of the Ouseburn and Willington Bridges, these being at that 
tune the largest railway viaducts in the North, and the line was for- 
mally opened on the 18th June, 1839. Even towards the close of his 
life, when the Redheugh Bridge was thought to be necessary for the 
convenience of those who were located on the west side of Newcastle 
and also of Gateshead, Mr. Hodgson Hinde took an active part in pro- 
moting the measure, and was elected chairman of the company of 

Before we enter on the peculiar line of historical research in which 
Mr. Hodgson Hinde especially excelled, we may remark that there had 
been labourers in the field before him of no mean capacity, and it is 
probable that his spirit caught inspiration from the brilliancy of their 
flame. In the early part of last century, John Horsley, M.A., a Pres- 
byterian clergyman of Morpeth, gleaned all the information that was 
then known of the memorials left by the Romans, during the occupation 
of Britain by that wonderful people, and died about the 46th year of his 
age, worn down, it may be, by the labour he had undergone in prepar- 
ing his great work, BRITANNIA ROHANA, which was published in 1732, 
shortly after his decease. Then, during the period of Mr. Hodgson 
Hinde's early manhood, and down nearly to the close of his parlia- 
mentary career, another worker, the Rev. John Hodgson, was toiling 
on at the History of Northumberland, and by his intense application in 
bringing out that work, he shortened his days, leaving behind him, 
however, a book, imperfect though it be, that will continue to be 
prized through all time. That able county historian, while he spent a 
considerable portion of his studious life at Whelpington, and the later 
part at Hartburn, we say it without fear of contradiction, was one 
of the most remarkable men in the North of England. Mr. Hodg- 
son Hinde knew this, and it is likely a kindred sympathy induced him 
to cQatiftue his researches in the same direction. Herein he was very 


successful. From 1844 to 1855, while the papers and communications 
of the Newcastle Society of Antiquaries of which he was vice-president, 
were in the course of printing, to complete the quarto series of Arcli- 
ceologia JEliana, Mr. Hodgson Hinde either read or sent in five contri- 
butions, all of considerable interest. These consisted of ' The Site of 
Bremetenracum in the Notitia and Itinerary,' ' Viscountal Eents of 
Northumberland,' ' Rents payable towards the Old Castle,' ' Investiga- 
tions on the Sites of Horsley's List of Stations on the line of the Koman 
Wall and other places in the Notitia and Itinerary,' and lastly ' On the 
Belgic Tribes in Britain.' 

A new series of the Arcli&ologia ^Eliami was commenced in 1857 of 
an octavo size, and in the six volumes now issued, we find not less than 
fourteen papers, partly differing from those in the preceding series, but 
all tending to illustrate the history either of Newcastle or Northumber- 
land. Besides those that treat exclusively of Antiquity, in 1859 he 
threw the result of his knowledge into a more popular shape by 'his ex- 
cellent paper 'On the Original Site and Progressive Extension of 
Newcastle, with an estimate of its Population at various periods.' An- 
other followed of almost equal merit, ' On the Early Municipal History 
of Newcastle,' and, subsequently, that ' On the Old North Koad,' 
showed how well the writer was acquainted with all minute details on 
matters of that description. During 1860 he supplied another ex- 
haustive paper ' On Public Amusements in Newcastle,' wherein, for the 
last two centuries, Races, Theatrical Performances, Exhibitions, Assem- 
blies, Masquerades, Concerts, Inns, Taverns, and Coffee Houses, are 
all treated of with graphic fidelity. In 1865 we have his * Notes 
on the Eev. John Horsley,' containing, among other remarks, every 
particular entry that could be gleaned from the Corporation books 
of Newcastle which throws light on the family and relatives of 
that memorable man. Mr. Hinde's latest contribution to the last 
volume treats ' On Early Printing in Newcastle,' embracing, like the 
others, an amount of information which must have cost the compiler 
great pains to acquire. Indeed, these contributions to local history 
merit a much wider circulation over the country than the Transactions 
of the Society of Antiquaries are calculated to diffuse. 

We ought also to observe that apart from Mr. Hodgson Hinde's 
labours on subjects of that kind, he was ever ready and most willing to 
communicate what he knew to others who were engaged in simular pur- 
suits. Among the volumes issued by the Surtees Society, the Boldon 
Buke appeared in 1852, edited by the Rev. William Greenwell, of 
Durham, and that gentleman observes in the preface, he is indebted 
to ' John Hodgson Hinde, Esq., for very important information, on 


drengage and cornage, indeed everything that is valuable on these arti- 
cles in the glossary is due to him.' This is not a solitary instance of 
his zeal, especially in that line. The knowledge he possessed of the 
obscure customs which prevailed in the early history of our country, he 
was willing at all times, and on every occasion, to communicate, and it 
was done with the urbanity and grace becoming the true gentleman. 

At such of the several Annual Meetings of the ' Archasological Insti- 
tute of Great Britain and Ireland' as were held in the North, Mr. 
Hinde contributed one or more papers illustrative of northern history. 
During that which assembled at Newcastle in August, 1852, he read 
one ' On the State of Newcastle and Gateshead during the Saxon 
Period,' and another ' On the Trade of Newcastle previous to the Eeign 
of Henry III.' Both communications fortunately are preserved in the 
first volume of the ' Memoirs illustrative of the History and Antiquities 
of Northumberland,' which were produced at the Meeting of that year, 
and the Editor of the second volume, the Rev. Charles H. Hartshorne, 
in his preface acknowledges the several suggestions he received from 
his friend, John Hodgson Hinde, Esq., and observes he is indebted to 
him exclusively for the chapter on the Saxon Earls of Northumberland. 
Again, when the Institute met at Edinburgh in July, 1856, Mr. Hinde 
supplied a dissertation ' On the Condition of Lothian previous to its 
Annexation to Scotland.' We know this compilation would prove the 
well-grounded knowledge he possessed of ancient Northumberland, a 
district which extended from the Humber and Mersey on the south to 
the Forth and Clyde on the north. Also, during the latter end of July 
and beginning of August, 1859, when the yearly meeting of the Insti- 
tute was held at Carlisle, Mr. Hinde performed a prominent part, 
occupying the chair on several occasions, and, moreover, he read an 
excellent paper ' On the Early History of Cumberland,' which fortun- 
ately appeared at p. 217, Vol. XVI. of the ArcJiceological Journal, 
published in 1859. But this recalls to us another most important 
work which he accomplished, and with which his fame hereafter is 
likely to be more permanently associated. 

In consequence of the lamented decease, in 1845, of the Rev. John 
Hodgson, his History of Northumberland, as has been stated, was left 
incomplete. He proposed to divide his work into three parts : 

I. The General History of the County from the earliest periods. 

II. The Topography and Local Antiquities arranged in parishes. 

III. A Collection of Records and Illustrative Documents. 

On the second and third Parts the historian had laboured with great 
diligence, but on the first Part, unfortunately, no progress had been 


made. The Council of the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle, regard- 
ing the matter with much solicitude, requested Mr. Hodgson Hinde to 
supply the deficiency, which he undertook, and the result was, that in 
1858 a quarto volume of 400 pages came from his pen, comprising the 
General History of the County, from the earliest period down to the 
accession of the House of Hanover. This publication must have cost 
Mr. Hinde immense labour in his search among ancient authorities, 
yet he seems to have examined them with the utmost care, separating 
from chaff the pure grain for the benefit of every English reader. The 
volume is indeed a memorial of Mr. Hinde's learning, industry, and 
perseverance, and renders more perfect the great work with which it is 
connected. Our space forbids us entering fully into its merits, but 
the following extract from a review of it which appeared soon after 
publication tells much in its favour : 

' Looking back to the fifth, sixth, and seventh chapters, embracing 
the Norman possession of England, we think Mr. Hinde has here put 
forth his greatest strength ; hence we would recommend our readers 
not to pass them over slightly, but bestow upon them the earnest con- 
sideration they deserve. There is here matter for instruction both to the 
solitary student and the practical business-man ; and had nothing else 
proceeded from Mr. Hinde's pen, this portion of his work ought to pro- 
cure him a niche in the temple of our historians. The information 
these chapters convey would seem to have been stored up gradually for 
a course of years, from the author's way of supplying in the first place 
a forcibly graphic sketch of Norman history, and then exhibit- 
ing in detail all the tenures, &c., whereon the government of that 
martial people was founded. We believe the economy and polity of 
the Norman kings have never before been so clearly and definitely 
marked out ; and in future, should any writer undertake to treat that 
dynasty at length, let him look to this section drawn up by Mr. Hinde 
as a text-book wherein he will find much to facilitate his labour.' 

Referring to the foregoing work, at page 151, and extending to page 
157, we have a scrutinizing note on Symeon of Durham, in which the 
merits of that ancient chronicler are clearly pointed out, aud a sugges- 
tion made that an improved edition of all he had written should be pub- 
lished. In 1861, it was ordered by the Council of the Surtees Society 
that a volume of Symeon's works should be edited by Mr. Hodgson 
Hinde, and in 1868 the book was issued to the members. The preface 
consists of nearly 80 pages, and proves how successfully Mr. Hinde 
had investigated every authority bearing on Northern History towards 
the close of the eleventh century. The Latin text alone occupies above 
260 pages, and though Symeon's History of the Church of Durham is 
intended for a second volume, no part of it being in the first, Mr. Hinde 


must have bestowed upon the present portion very great attention 
and labour. He observes he was induced to incur the responsibility of 
being editor only by the kind offer of the Rev. James Eaine, Canon of 
York, to relieve him from the task of collating MSS. and correcting the 
press, but much depended on himself, and he performed his part well. 
Considerable progress in the composition of a critical preface to the 
second volume was made by him, and this will appear when it is issued 
by the Society. 

Almost the last time we remember seeing Mr. Hodgson Hinde in a 
public capacity was when the Annual Meeting of the British Archseolo- 
gical Association was held in Durham, in August, 1865. On Wednes- 
day the 23rd, he read a paper on * The Progress of the Eoman Arms 
in Britain,' and on Friday the 25th, he entertained the Members and 
Associates thereof, with many other friends, amounting to nearly two 
hundred, at dinner in the Assembly Eooms, Newcastle. The host 
presided of course, and by his cordial deportment diffused delight and 
enjoyment over the whole company. This was another proof of the 
interest he took in promoting the study of Northern Archaeology, and 
giving that department of investigation all the aid he could bring to 
bear upon the subject. 

We ought here to remark that about this time Dr. Bruce, known 
over the world for his exhaustive work on the Eoman Wall, compiled a 
Hand-Book to Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and in preparing it, he says, 'he is 
indebted to the accurate pen of John Hodgson Hinde, Esq., for the sec- 
tions on the early hisbory of the town, and its monastic institutions.' 
He had previously written, and provisionally printed the opening por- 
tion of a History of Newcastle, for which material had been compiled 
by Mr. G . B. Richardson, and which was intended to be issued under 
the editorship of Mr. Thomas Gray. Thus we repeatedly perceive how 
his local information was held in request, and how freely he bestowed 
it, whenever the requirement came from an approved quarter. 

Allusion has already been made to the Eev. John Horsley, and it 
may not be uninteresting here to state how Mr. Hodgson Hinde exerted 
himself to obtain a perusal of the manuscripts of that great man, which 
related to the History of Northumberland. They had been, about 1830, 
entrusted to the Rev. John Hodgson who printed extracts from them 
in his small volume of ' Memoirs,' 1831, but all further trace of them 
was unsuccessful. At last, by applying to David Laing, Esq., of the 
Signet Library, Edinburgh, well known over Britain by his connexion 
with the Bannatyne and Maitland Clubs, and his valuable editions of 
our old Scottish Poets, they were discovered, and, through him, pre- 
sented, with several other papers and tracts of Horsley, by the owner, 

VOL. viz. 2 K 


Mr. Cay, in the most free and liberal spirit to the Society of Antiquaries, 
Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Here Mr. Hodgson Hinde's own words on the 
gift are so appropriate that we gladly place them before the reader. 
He observes that until the historian of Northumberland had seen them, 
they had remained concealed for a complete century from the time of 
the authof's death, and 

'After a second interval of forty years, making in all 140, these 
materials had at length found a permanent resting place, combining 
security with facility of access. Still it appeared to me that something 
more was requisite, in order to make them to the fullest extent avail- 
able for the illustration of the History of the County of Northumber- 
land, and I resolved to accomplish this by committing them to the 
press, so that they may be read at leisure by hundreds who would have 
been deterred from their perusal, under the difficulties of a crabbed 
hand-writing, and ink in many instances nearly obliterated, and the 
text complicated by perpetual erasures and interlineations.' 

Although suffering much from declining health, Mr. Hodgson Hinde 
performed in this instance what he intended to do, and added to the 
matter on Northumberland supplied by Horsley, a survey of a portion 
of the same county by George Mark in 1734. The whole was com- 
pleted at his own expense, and copies were presented to the public 
Libraries of Newcastle and Gateshead, and to each member of the 
Society of Antiquaries of the former place. He entitled it " Inedited 
Contributions to the History of Northumberland, Part First." Of the 
matter intended by Mr. Hinde to form the concluding portion of the 
volume it seems necessary to offer some explanation. 

The late Mr. Ealph Spearman, of Eachwick Hall, who died in 1823, 
aged 74, ' was one of the most distinguished local antiquaries in the 
North of England.' Mr. Surtees, the historian of Durham, observed 
* he was almost the sole depository of a vast mass of oral and popular tra- 
dition.' In his possession was a copy of Hutchinson's View of North- 
umberland, uncut, the margins of the pages of which he had filled with 
notes of valuable information. Mr. Hodgson Hinde had obtained the 
loan of this book from the owner, and he intended to print these mar- 
ginal notes on the county, with a preface and index to form Part Second 
of these important collections. He has, however been called away ere 
he could himself accomplish the design, and we lament it the more for 
this reason, that had he been spared, he might have added from his 
vast store of knowledge such additional notes as would have given the- 
volume a value that no other individual can supply. 

For a considerable period, notwithstanding the force and vigour of his 
mind, which was unimpaired to the last, Mr. Hodgson Hinde had been 


in a declining state of health, and at last on the evening of Thursday 
the 25th November, 1869, he was called to his rest. He leaves no 
family save his widow, a respected and accomplished lady. His remains, 
accompanied by his relatives and friends, were interred in the vault at 
St. Peter's, Bywell, on the 30th November. 

At the following monthly meeting of the members of the Society of 
Antiquaries, Newcastle, a motion was unanimously carried, that they 
' receive with deep sorrow the announcement of the death of their late 
able and valued vice-president, Mr. J. Hodgson Hinde, of whose im- 
portant contributions to the Society, and eminent services to historical 
literature they retain a grateful remembrance, and they respectfully 
offer to Mrs. Hodgson Hinde a sincere expression of their sympathy 
and condolence on that melancholy event.' 

We cannot close this notice of one of our most eminent northern 
worthies, without expressing a wish that the several occasional contri- 
butions of Mr. Hinde, whether in print or manuscript, were gathered 
together, and published in one or two volumes. These papers well 
deserve preservation, and the journals or transactions in which they 
have hitherto appeared, being limited to a small circle of readers, were 
they appearing in a popular form, so that they might be read by all, they 
would tend greatly to advance and give a degree of perpetuity to his 
fame. He left no man behind him who knew more of northern history 
and antiquity, and the collection, if it did not outlive * marble and the 
gilded monuments of princes,' would at least show that he merits a pro- 
minent place among those who have investigated and brought to public 
notice much of the early history of Newcastle and Northumberland. 
Since his decease, the MSS. he left have been generously given by his 
representatives to the Society of Antiquaries, Newcastle. They are 
arranged, and such as are unpublished will be printed. 

Mr. John Hodgson Hinde, from his youth upwards was a healthy- 
looking, handsome man. Being of middle height, he had a florid com- 
plexion, and his hair, inclining to dark, kept its hue well, till declining 
health and literary work tinged it slightly with gray. Unassuming by 
nature, he was, like all truly great men, entirely free of ostentation 
either in public or private life, while his manner and deportment always 
indicated the gentleman. Still, his bearing was not altogether that of 
the country squire. His superfine black dress and white linen always 
told more of the student than of one who enjoyed rustic life. Indeed, 
his appearance always reminded the writer of the venerable historian of 
Northumberland, the Eev. John Hodgson. The continued process of 
mental labour had imparted to the features of the latter something even 
of a more studious expression than could be traced in those of his 


younger friend, yet it is singular how in both identity of name was 
accompanied to a certain extent by a coincidence of taste and pursuits. 
The fame of the one by what he performed in gathering together a 
harvest of north country history is firmly established ; the other, by 
adding to the amount of knowledge previously reaped, has left also a 
name that will continue to be remembered throughout our district long 
after the present generation shall have passed away. 



THE church at Darlington was built in that transitional period which, 
when the pointed arch became thoroughly established, produced a pecu- 
liarly vigorous phase of the Early English style in the North of 
England. In the counties of Northumberland and Durham the finest 
examples occur at Hexham, Brinkburn, Tynemouth, Hartlepool, and 

The discovery of the late Saxon sculptured stones proves that a 
church must have existed at Darlington about the time that Styr son 
of Ulphus gave the town to the church of Durham. It was one of the 
places selected for the reception of the ejected canons of Durham when 
the constitution of the cathedral was changed in the time of the Con- 
queror. These, it will be remembered, were hereditary priests, and the 
state of things in their various parishes must have strongly resembled 
the livings of modern times where a younger son of the patron from 
time to time succeeds to the benefice. In the parishes of ancient days, 
however, the eldest son would inherit. At what precise time the mar- 
riage of priests ceased in the North of England it is difficult to say. 
The question has peculiar interest with reference to the relations of 
bishop Pudsey with Adelidis de Percy, whose son Henry de Pudsey 
exchanged Perci in Normandy for some estates in Durham. Some 
curious evidence on the subject, of a much later date than one would 
have expected to find it, appears in canon Raine's book on the register 
of archbishop Walter Gray. 

The rights of the ejected seculars, whatever they were, at Darlington, 
seem to have died out before the time of bishop Pudsey, who decreed 
that the order which was formerly at Durham should be restored in the 
church which, notwithstanding all his mischances and troubles, he was 


building at Darlington. The year referred to was 1192. The new 
establishment consisted of four prebendaries. 

From the first, therefore, the present church must have been both 
collegiate and parochial. As usual in churches of exceptional dignity, 
the plan is cruciform, with a central tower. Although, at the exterior, 
the architect seems to have insisted that the plan should be kept uni- 
form, just as at Tynemouth, where we have the rich work of the east end 
appearing also at the west end of a humble parochial nave, yet, as at the 
latter place, the interior is divided into splendid and homely provinces. 
The more sumptuous work at Darlington stops with the eastern bay 
of the nave, and there must, one would Ihink, have been some sort 
of screen at that point, though no trace of it now exists. Marks of a 
screen of some height across the collegiate church of Middleham occur 
at the same place. At Tynemouth, a massive stone screen, through 
which two doors penetrate, crosses the church at the extreme end of 
the nave. There is a tradition at Darlington that there was a screen 
across the nave at its west end, further eastward than the modern one 
which used to sever the western bay only. The Glossary of Architec- 
ture remarks that " in some churches there are indications of the west 
end of the nave having been parted off from the rest, either by a step 
in the floor, a division of the architecture, or some other line of demar- 
cation ; it was considered to be somewhat less sacred than the other 
portions of the buildings." At Darlington the distinction had perhaps 
a local significance. In the 15th century it was supposed that the 
dedication of churches to st. Cuthbert identified the spots where his 
body had rested. Darlington church is so dedicated. Originally women 
were forbidden to set foot even in the cemeteries attached to them, but, 
as time rolled on, provision was made for females in the west end of the 
cathedral, and doubtless the same relaxation of rule would prevail in 
smaller churches. 

There is reason to believe that an interruption in the erection of the 
fabric took place. In the north wall of the chancel, below the first tier 
of windows, mr. Pritchett, the architect entrusted with the restoration 
of that part of the church, found the effects of exposure to the weather 
of a winter or two at least. During the interruption the style would 
be rapidly changing, and the circumstance doubtless accounts for some 
anomalies which, strangely enough, occur less in the upper stage of the 
north transept than in the chancel itself. We have mouldings intended 
for square abaci resting on round ones, some of which present the tran- 
sitional volute below them, and show that the capital had been altered. 
But, after the best consideration available has been given to the subject, 
we may be inclined to think that the work was resumed by Pudsey 


himself, and that the church, if not quite finished hy him, had made very 
considerable progress under William the Engineer, the bishop's second 
architect, who survived his master ; Pudsey dying in 1194-. The work 
is the most advanced in style in the south transept, still it is not typi- 
cal Early English. Putting the early detail in the chancel out of sight, 
as being of materials prepared before the interruption, we cannot help 
noticing that above the tower arches we have the nutmeg ornament, 
decidedly an early detail, and that the uppermost story of the chancel, 
near the tower, presents shafts arising out of shafts, a peculiarity 
foxmd in the same position at Hexham church, a building which also 
shows transitional work at the east end, and progresses by impercep- 
tible gradations of style into comparatively rich transepts. At the west 
end of Darlington church we have an effigy of a female in the cos- 
tume of Berengaria, the queen of Richard I. It was found in the 

The tower arches were probably only intended to carry a spire con- 
structed of wood and lead, but in the 11-th century they received the 
weight of the stone spire and its supports. Upon this addition the whole 
fabric seems to have given away. The windows of the transepts and 
choir near the tower on its east side were built up, and something was 
done internally to its eastern piers, but the two western piers of the 
tower were left to bear the brunt as best they might. In the nave the 
walls of the aisles were heightened and rebuilt, the old doorways being 
retained, The choir at this time received the addition of three sedilia, 
and two niches in an unusual position, namely in the east wall, the 
northern one being plain, the southern one containing a basin divided 
into two parts, apparently for some double use of the piscina. The se- 
dilia are identical in style with the renovated walls of the aisles, and 
bear the shield (an estoile) of Henry de Ingleby, rector of Haughton, 
near Darlington, and prebendary in Darlington church. He died in 
1375, having inserted a low-side window of the same style in his church 
of Haughton, which window was discovered lately. The same style 
also appears in the Fulthorp porch of Grindon church, in the southern 
aisle of Easington church, and in the church of Monkwearmouth. The 
windows of the Darlington aisles seem to have been glazed with coloured 
glass immediately after their change. They contained the arms of bishop 
Hatfield (1345 to 1381), those of Beauchamp, lord of Barnard-castle, 
and a coat _5. a lion rampant O., which is given for the older Xevilles 
of Essex, and which is not yet identified with the north country at that 

In the blocked windows north and south of the choir are two curious 
lights, the south one having a trefoiled head, the north one presenting 


a cinquefoiled head, and a cinquefoiled transom. These lights would 
be of little or no use as rood-lights, and yet are too high for confes- 
sional purposes. For almsgiving they might serve, if the dispenser had 
a loft inside, or persons outside might hear service through them. The 
subject is very perplexing. Mr. Hodgson is of opinion that these and 
low- side windows were for the communication of light from lamps to 
affright evil spirits, after the use of lamps in continental churchyards. 
No opinion is here offered as to an usage which was so soon lost to the 
memory of the church which adopted it. 

What had been for the strengthening of the tower seems to have 
been insufficient, or thought to have been so, and, between 1381 and 
1407, a substantial screen of stone was thrown across the church under 
the choir arch, after the fashion of cathedral screens, not perhaps more 
solidly than ordinary rood-screens in such a position, but resembling 
the arch of a bridge more than usual, in consequence of the aperture 
being ribbed transversely instead of being vaulted diagonally. There 
is the usual rood-stair in the south end of this screen, and at the restor- 
ation some indications appeared, on the top, of the places where the 
rood or crucifix and the accompanying images of Mary and John had 
been placed. 

On the wesf front of the screen, and above the point of the arch, but 
not reaching across the whole of the screen, if I understand the subse- 
quent language rightly, were five shields carved in sandstone. As to 
their style, I need hardly remind you that they were executed in the 
most palmy days of heraldry. The shields were these : 

1. Quarterly A. and G. a bend S. charged with three escallop- shells 

A. EUEE, Lord of Witton-on-Wear. 

2. Barry of eight A. and B. three chaplets of four roses_each G. 

GEEYSTOCK, Lord of Coniscliffe and Neasham. 

3. Quarterly : 

i. iv. 0. a lion rampant B. PERCY, Earl of Northumberland, 
ii. iii. G. three lucys or pikefish A. LUCY, Lord of Cocker- 
mouth, quartered by the Earl after his marriage with Maud 
Lucy between 1381 and 1384. 

4. G. three escallop- shells A. DACEE, Lord of Dacre. 

5. Quarterly: 

i. iv. B. seiny of fieurs do lis O. OLD FBANCE, disused by 
Henry V., who gives only three fieurs on his seal, 
ii. iii. G. three lions passant guardant 0. ENGLAND. 

The Percys, in after days, held a burgage in Darlington, and the 
other persons entitled to these shields may or may not have been bur- 
gesses, seeing that Darlington was on a great thoroughfare. The only 
landowner, properly so called, but such in a trifling way, in the parish, 


among them, was sir Ealph Eure, who, among the many odds and ends 
with which he had increased his hereditary possessions, held three acres 
in Derlyngton, called Hell, a messuage and half an oxgang in Blakwell, 
and a messuage and a place (whatever that may mean) in Cockerton. 
As to Dacre, he was not even a neighbouring proprietor, for we are 
dealing with times long before the period of the great match between 
Dacre and Greystock of Coniscliffe. 

Little tenements, for the mere convenience of travellers, would not ac- 
count for the presence of the arms of the king and four lords in exclusion 
of those of the Nevilles and other distinguished neighbours. Eather do 
the shields betoken substantial subscriptions from outsiders, placed by 
reason of liberality of purse and without regard to the local parishioners, 
who would, doubtless, be bled at much less uncertain intervals of time. 

The date of the heraldry is confined between that of the quartering 
of Lucy (1381-4) and the forfeiture of the estate of Maud Lucy's hus- 
band, the earl of Northumberland, in 1407. The Percy lands were not 
restored until the reign of Henry V., when the old arms of France had 
disappeared. If it could be assumed that the stalls of the chancel 
which bear the arms of bishop Langley, who acceded in 1406, were 
contemporaneous with the screen against which they turn, the date 
would be reduced to much greater nicety, the earl of Northumberland 
having been slain in rebellion in March, 1407. One would like to clinch 
so pretty a piece of architectural evidence, and to think that the arms 
of Langley, " sculptum super primum stallum ad introitu chori," were 
on the screen itself. But we must not close our eyes to the likelihood 
that there would be some short lapse of time between the construction 
of the stonework and its supplement of work in wood, that the cardi- 
nal's arms would probably be on the destroyed \\uinsi-ot above the stalls 
or on the first stall itself, and that the minority in the Dacre family 
did not cease until 1408-9, when the inheritance was delivered to 
Thomas Dacre, the heir. The facts are now fairly before us ; but we 
had better not come to any opinion on this point. We do not know 
how much pocket-money was allowed to wards for expenditure on rood- 
screens and such objects, but Darlington was a very likely spot to see 
its expenditure. When Dunbar, the good old Scottish poet, speaks of 
"preaching in Derntoun kirk, and eik in Canterbury," he proves, by 
no uncertain sound, that the church of Darlington was famous in the 
minds of travellers. 

Next in order of time come, of course, the stalls in the chancel, with 
"bench ends full five inches thick," the "most massive specimens" 
ever met with by Billings, who remarks that " their numerous edge 
mouldings would seem rather to belong to a large archway." They 


bear the arms of cardinal Langley, and his badge (an eagle). The 
misereres present a legend resembling that of Jack the Giant-killer, 
also a royal figure with two sceptres (st. Oswald, king of Bernicia 
and Deira) supported by collared griffins, and other subjects. The 
whole arrangements are suggestive of an intention by Langley to re- 
found the college, an act effected by his successor, bishop Neville, in 
1439, two years after his accession. The vicar was made dean, and as 
the parish was rapidly increasing, and the transepts were chantries, it 
seems not improbable that the parochial part of the church was extended 
to the new stone screen, even if the whole church did not then become 
parochial, which it possibly did. 

Before 1509, a treasure-house, probably where the present vestry 
stands, on the south side of the chancel, had arisen, and an easter sepul- 
chre, to the north of the altar, can hardly be assigned to an earlier date. 
Leland, about 1539, saw " an exceeding long and fair altar stone of 
variegated marble, that is, black marked with white spots, at the high 
altar in the collegiate parish church of Darlington." There is perhaps 
no very distinct evidence as to whether one altar generally served both 
parts of the double churches. At Darlington one would infer that such 
was the case. 

After the Keformation, the Darlington rood-loft assumes a new in- 
terest. The history of church architecture previous to that event had 
to be elucidated by Bickman, a quaker. That of our churches since 
demands the attention of some other desperately honest dissenter. At 
present the antiquary will act wisely if he confines his attention to the 
printed rubrics and canons, and the various injunctions collected in the 
valuable blue-book of 1868, in attempting to grope his way freed from 
strange questions of doctrine. "While, from the first, when it was deter- 
mined to allow the chancels to remain, " as they have done in time 
past," there appears to have been a lingering affection for those parts 
of the churches, every arrangement was, nevertheless, made so as to be 
subservient to the convenience of the congregations. In 1547, Edward 
VI. enjoins that when there was no sermon, the pater noster, the creeds, 
and ten commandments were to be recited after the gospel, but " in 
the pulpits," " to the intent the people may learn the same ; " and so 
also, in the time of high mass, the epistle and gospel were to be read 
" in the pulpit, or in such convenient place as the people may hear the 
same." The prayer-book of 1549 still speaks of an altar, and of the 
priest " being in the quire" for the ordinary prayers, and after the offer- 
tory the partakers are to " tarry still in the quire, or in some conveni- 
ent place nigh the quire, the men on the one side, and the women on 
the other side. All other (that mind not to receive the said holy com- 

VOL. VII. 2 L 


munion) shall depart out of the quire, except the ministers and clerks." 
The order of communion in 1548 speaks of the administration to the 
people " still reverently kneeling," and of the priest going " again to 
the altar," or " God's board," as the previous injunctions also call it. 
Doubtless, therefore, from the first, the communicants were " conve- 
niently placed for the receiving of the holy sacrament," as the rubric 
still has it, and so remained until, as it also has it, the celebrant, after 
delivering the elements, returned. The locality of the altar, under these 
circumstances, was of small consequence ; but matters were greatly sim- 
plied by the destruction of the altars and the substitution of tables, 
which in 1552, as now, are directed to be placed, " at the communion 
time," " in the body of the church, or in the chancel, where morning 
prayer and evening prayer be appointed to be said," the ordinary prayers 
being said " in such place of the church, chapel, or chancel, as the peo- 
ple may best hear." The priest was to stand then, as now, " at the 
north side of the table," and, therefore, it was intended to stand, and in 
those days it doubtless did stand, east and west, as it stood in after 
times, though not lately. When there was no communion, the priest 
would follow tha injunctions, and read the commandments, &c., from the 
pulpit. The college at Darlington had now fallen, and no question seems 
to have arisen about the rights of the inhabitants to use the chancel ; 
but the parish of Darlington being large, and the chancel small, prayers 
would naturally be said, and the table placed, in the nave, and so the 
screen was no nuisance. The chancels of collegiate churches, where 
they had not been parochialised, were frequently destroyed, as at How- 
den. It does not appear where the tables were placed, during the 
reign of Edward, out of communion time, but we may assume that 
they would, as enjoined afterwards by Elizabeth and James, be taken 
to the east end as the most convenien b place between communions. 

The screen at Darlington, from its constructional character, was in 
no danger from the orders to convert rood-lofts into partitions between 
chancels and churches, by removing the gallery portions. Its rood and 
images would alone suffer, and the service, after Mary's time, would 
have to be conducted again as it had been in Edward's clays. The in- 
junctions of Elizabeth direct that the table shall be set where the altar 
stood, " saving when the communion of the sacrament is to be distri- 
buted, at which time the same shall be so placed within the chancel, as 
whereby the minister may be more conveniently heard of the commu- 
nicants in his prayer and ministration, and the communicants also 
more conveniently, and in more number, communicate with the said 
minister. And, after the communion done, from time to time the same 
holy table to be placed where it stood before." Whether the restriction 


to chancels was intentional or not, or whether it is enlarged by the prayer- 
book or not, the clause agrees with bishop Middleton's injunctions of 
1583. " When there is a communion to be ministered, that the com- 
munion table be placed at the lower end of the chancel, as near unto 
the people as may be convenient, and when the ministration is done, 
remove it to the upper end of the said chancel." In large churches a 
low pulpit was to be provided "in the body of the church" for divine 
service. In smaller churches, some convenient seat " without the 
chancel door" was allowed, and, where the churches were very small, 
archbishop Grindal, in 1571, considered it to suffice that the minister 
stand in his accustomed stall in the quire, so that a convenient desk or 
lectern with a room to turn his face towards the people be there pro- 
vided." Bishop Middleton enjoined " that there be no recourse by the 
minister to the communion table, to say any part of service there, 
saving only where is a communion to be ministered, for it doth 
retain a memory of the idolatrous mass. For the avoiding whereof, all 
the service shall be said by the minister in his own seat or pulpit, with 
his face turned down towards the people." And Grindal " provided 
also that the prayers and other service appointed for the ministration 
of the holy communion be said and done at the communion table, ex- 
cept the epistle and gospel, which shall be read in the said pulpit or 
stall, and also the ten commandments when there is no communion." 
In Elizabeth's time, therefore, the ministers of Darlington, following 
the law and practice of the church of England, would, notwithstanding 
the screen, be always fully heard and seen, as no part of their ministra- 
tions, in or out of communion time, would be performed at the east end 
of the chancel. 

King James's canons of 1603 agree with Elizabeth's Injunctions in 
saying that the table is to stand in its certain place, saving when 
communion was to be administered, when it is to be placed within the 
church or chancel for the same reason that Elizabeth assigns. Accord- 
ingly archbishop Bancroft in 1605 asks whether " at the communion 
time is the table then placed in such convenient sort within the 
chancel or church as that the minister may be best heard in his prayer 
or administration, and that the greater number may communicate ? " 
These last words probably refer to the question as to whether the use 
of the nave or chancel would be most efficient, the present practice of 
successive rows of communicants along a rail being unknown, rail there 
being none, and all the communicants having been disposed, according 
to rubric, in readiness to receive before the administration began. In 
1599, archdeacon King inquires " whether the communion be admin- 
istered monthly where the parishes be great, or else so often every year 


as that the parishioners may receive three times at the least yearly ; 
and in 1603 bishop Thornborough asks " whether your parson, &c., 
doth minister the communion to any of his parishioners not in 
their several seats, where they usually sit in the church, but kneel- 
ing in the seats severally appointed in your several churches for the 
communicants to receive the same." The fine post-Reformation fit- 
tings of such chancels as that of Brancepeth had probably reference to 
sacramental purposes. 

Towards the end of James I.'s reign a change of practice had set in. 
Advantage of a vacancy of the see was taken in 1617 to remove the 
communion table in Durham cathedral from the midst of the quire to 
the east end, " as far as possible from the people," says Peter Smart 
11 years afterwards, " where no part at all of the evening prayer is 
ever said, and but a piece of the morning, and that never till of late." 
Smart informs us that the direction from east to west was the custom 
of all reformed churches, and had been observed in Durham cathedral 
from the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, save when the rebels possessed 
the church (in the Eising of the North). After Charles I.'s accession 
in 1625, matters ran fast indeed. About 1631, archdeacon Kent makes 
this extraordinary addition to Bancroft's lawful inquiry of 1605 : " To 
that end [i. e. that the minister may be best heard, and that the 
greater number may communicate !] doth it [the table] ordinarily stand 
up at the east end of the chancel, where the altar in former times 
stood; the ends thereof being placed north and south." In 1636, 
bishop Wren enjoins the same illegal act : " that the communion table 
in every church do always stand close under the east wall of the chan- 
cel, the ends thereof north and south, unless the ordinary give 
particular directions otherwise. And that the rail be made before it, 
according to the archbishop's late injunctions, reaching across from the 
north wall to the south wall, above one yard in height, and so thick 
with pillars that dogs may not get in. That all communicants come 
up reverently, and kneel before the rail. That the minister's desk do 
not stand with the back to the chancel, nor too remote or far from 
it." By 1638 another element had been introduced. Bishop Duppa 
asks if the " communion table or altar is set, according to the prac- 
tice of the ancient church, upon an ascent ;" and in the same year 
bishop Montagu enquires if the table is " fixedly set, in such conve- 
nient sort and place within the chancel as hath been appointed by 
authority, according to the practice of the ancient church, that is, at 
the east end of the chancel, close unto the wall, upon an ascent or 
higher ground, that the officiating priest may be best seen and heard 
of the communicants, in that sacred action ?" And then he proceeds 


to treat the observance of the law as something improper : " Whether 
is the communion table removed down at any time, either for, or with- 
out communion, into the lower part of the chancel or body of the 
church ? by whom, at whose instance, direction, or command is it 
done ?" 

There was this inconvenience about the new acts of the clergy. 
They found that their chancels were too small. Montagu, who asks if 
the " parishioners sit bare all service time, kneel down in their seats, 
bowing towards the chancel and communion table," has also to enquire 
as follows : " are the names of such as intend to receive taken by the 
minister over night that he may proportion the multitude of receivers 
according to the capacity of his chancel, and not be pestered or 
crowded with multitudes, Avho thereby may be occasioned and desire to 
sit in their pews in the church, and not come up and draw near unto 
the altar." It is plain that Montagu intended the whole of the com- 
municants to be in the chancel, for he directs that the exhortation is to 
be read "before the communicants ascend up into the chancel out of 
their seats in the church," and that the " draw near" clause is to be 
said " when after this exhortation the communicants are come up into 
the chancel before they dispose themselves to kneel in their several 
places, which are orderly and decently to be appointed for them." That 
anything like the present practice was wholly unknown is evident from 
other questions whather the sacrament was given " to every communi- 
cant, not standing, sitting, or going up and down, but humbly expect- 
ing till it be brought and given to him in the place appointed for him 
by the ordinary," and again : " Do all your parishioners draw near, 
and come to the Lord's table and not (after the most contemptuous 
and unholy usage of some, if men did rightly consider) sit still in their 
seats or pews, to have the blessed body and blood of our Saviour go up 
and down to seek them all the church over ?" 

The same state of matters is illustrated by the subtle canons passed 
at archbishop Laud's illegal synod in 1640. Suppressing the context 
of Elizabeth's injunctions as to the position during communion, and 
only noting her order that the tables should stand in the place 
where the altars stood, and suppressing the canons of 1603 also, he 
judges that place to be convenient, admitting the matter to be indiffer- 
ent, and saving " the general libert} 7 " left to the bishop by law, during 
the time of administration." For severing the tables with rails the 
reason given is the irreverent behaviour of many people, " some lean- 
ing, others casting their hats, and some sitting upon, some standing, 
and other sitting under the communion table in time of divine ser- 
vice." The insufficiency of some chancels to hold all communicants is 


also alluded to. " According to the word of the service-book ' draw near,' 
&c. all communicants shall draw near and approach to the holy 
table, there to receive the divine mysteries, which have heretofore in 
some places been unfitly carried up and down by the minister, unless it 
shall be otherwise appointed in respect of the incapacity of the place or 
other inconvenience." It is observable that Laud does not venture in 
express terms to condemn the existing law that the table was to be 
brought from its extreme eastern position during communion, a prac- 
tice which was not necessarily inconsistent with the table being en- 
closed with rails at other times. 

Let us, however, do Laud justice. We may not unreasonably sus- 
pect, from Smart's silence as to the removal to and fro, that at Durham 
cathedral and elsewhere the opposite party had also transgressed the law 
by having the table continually standing east and west in the body of 
the church or chancel, and never removing it to the east end at all. 
During the early days of the long parliament, in 1640-1, the house 
of lords ordered the bishops to take care that the communion-table 
" do stand decently in the ancient place where it ought to do by the 
law, and as it hath done for the greater part of these three score years 
last past." In 1641 bishop Williamsi asks, " Doth your said commu- 
nion table stand in the ancient place where it ought to do, or where it 
hath done for the greatest part of these 60 years last past, or hath it 
been removed to the east end, and placed altar- wise, and by whom, and 
whose authority hath it been so placed ?" "Do you know of any 
that refuse to give the communion to any that will not come up and 
receive it at the rails ?" " Are all the steps raised up in the chancel 
towards the altar (as they call it) within these 15 years last past lev- 
elled? or whose fault is it that they are not so?" 

With some, possibly with many, of the protestant dissenters, the 
primitive and free church methodists for instance, something of the 
old order of the church of England is retained. For the communion 
the recipients readjust themselves into alternate pews, giving room for 
the convenient administration by the minister. The present practice 
in the church of England, varying in detail, of table-fulls of people 
filling the line of rail in succession, and thence departing to their usual 
seats, was probably of gradual growth. One of our clerical associates 

l In the 3rd Report of the Historical MSS. Commission, p. 214, will 
be found a note of a letter from Williams to the minister of Grantham, 
insisting on his having a table and not an altar, and that it must stand altar- 
wise, but that the minister must officiate at the north side and not at the north 
end, and that in the first and second services he is not to officiate at the table, 
but in the place of the church or chancel where he may be most conveniently 


remembers seeing the stalls at st. Mary's, Oxford, laid with. " houseling- 
cloths" for the communicants in readiness for the sacrament being 
brought round, and states that the same ancient custom was retained in 
ordination services at the cathedral there. Rare examples of churches 
having the table standing in an east and west position exist. The 
wording of the prayer-book, leaving it an open question (had we not 
had the evidence of the practice in Elizabeth's time) as to the position 
of table and clergyman during the reading of part of the communion 
service when there was no communion, but speaking very decidedly as 
to his position on the north side of the table where there was commu- 
nion, his ordering the communicants in a body, his return to the table 
after ministration, and the position of the table itself during commu- 
nion in the body of the church or chancel where prayers were said, was 
not altered at the Restoration. In 1662 bishop Hacket asks, " Have 
you a comely table placed conveniently in church or chancel ?" Yet 
in the same year bishop Wren asks : " Are there steps or ascents in 
your chancel up to the communion table ? Have you also a decent rail 
of wood, or some other comely inclosure covered with cloth or silk, 
placed handsomely above those steps before the holy table, near one 
yard high with two convenient doors and if it be a rail, are the pil- 
lars or ballusters thereof so close that dogs may not anywhere get 
in?" If dogs might not get in, neither might they get out, and a 
recent work on pews gives a singular instance of the enclosure being 
used to contain the dogs of the lord of the manor during service. In 
1710 bishop Fuller asks whether the sacrament was administered so 
often that the parishioners might receive at least three times a year, 
and the frontispiece of Wheatly's Church of England Man's Com- 
panion, in 1714, shows all the communicants, in five rows, kneeling on 
the chancel floor in front of the rails. With the curious reasons there 
given for the general disobedience of ecclesiastical law, this summary 
of the history of position which has been rather forced upon me may 
appropriately conclude, after noting that one of our most distinguished 
south-country archaeologists has suggested, as a compromise between 
protest and practice, that the table might well be brought down 
into the nave once a year, after the manner of protecting disused public 
and private rights, for the purpose, as intended, of clearly distinguish- 
ing it from its predecessor the altar. Wheatly's reasons to which I 
have alluded are these. The first (which Wheatly himself has his 
misgivings about, thinking that in large towns willing ministers would 
find recipients) is as to the minister reading the communion service 
partially at the table, although there is no communion. " The minis- 
ter, in obedience to the church's order (!), goes up to the Lord's table, 


and there begins the service appointed for the communion, and goes on 
as far as he can, till he come to the actual celebration of it ; and if he 
stops there it is only because there are none, or not a sufficient number 
of persons to communicate with him. For if there were he is ready to 
administer it to them. And therefore if there be no communion on 
any sunday or holy-day in the year, the people only are to be blamed. 
The church has done her part in ordering it, and the minister his in 
observing that order. And if the people would do theirs, too, the holy 
communion would be constantly celebrated in every parish church in 
England, on every sunday and holy-day." This is inconsistent with 
previous arrangements for arranging the communicants' receptions ac- 
cording to the size of chancels, but let it pass. The other reason is 
rather clever. After giving the injunction about the removal of the 
table for more convenient hearing and communicating, and the placing of 
it afterwards where it stood before, he argues thence that the latter was 
its proper place, and that wherever the churches are so built as that 
the minister can be heard and conveniently administer at the place 
where the table usually stands, he is not bound to remove it, but is ra- 
ther obliged to administer in the chancel. And further, if the table be 
in the middle of the church, and the people consequently round about, 
the minister cannot turn himself to the people, as he is sometimes di- 
rected to do, any more at one time than another. 

This last argument is sufficiently answered by the orders to have the 
table at the lower end of the chancel, so that, standing at the the north 
side of the table, the minister would have to turn to the people, east- 
ward or westward, as he might have arranged them in chancel or in 
nave ; and, as to the preceding one, Darlington church is not so built 
that the minister can be well heard if he retires from his congregation 
to the extreme end of the chancel, even did the premises justify 
Wheatly's ingenious deduction ; and the alteration of churches and the 
destruction of objects of interest are not required where the clergyman, 
even on Wheatly's assumption, has an option. What may be the num- 
ber of communicants at Darlington church, and whether, with decent 
arrangement, it would, by means of monthly or weekly communions, 
enable them to communicate thrice a year, are best known to the min- 

From ruminating upon the probable arrangements at Darlington in 
common with other churches let us revert to the screen, the existence 
of which has been considered as interfering with the edification of the 
congregations in the nave. 

Tradition knew it as an organ loft. I see no reason why, as over the 
quire door in Durham cathedral, there might not be pairs of organs, 


and a lectern upon it, even in pre-Reformation times, in company with 
the rood. In 1634, the churchwardens paid Gd. to George Langstraffe 
for washing the organs, not valuing them as printed by Surtees. The 
instrument at Sedgefield in our own days has borne no trace of such an- 
tiquity, but, as we have no further evidence until the 18th century, 
there may be truth in the idea, that an organ was removed from 
Darlington to Sedgefield. In 1707, the roofs of the nave and 
transept were somewhat lowered. In 1748, the east gable of the 
chancel was rebuilt in very humble fashion, the mouldings of the 
windows being fortunately used as building materials ; and the roof, 
then or before, was flattened. In 1750 the spire, which had been struck 
by lightning, was rebuilt. And still the screen was to the fore in its 
pristine condition. But now an ugly was impending. Cade, 
the local antiquary, in his tract about Hell-kettles, in speaking of 
Darlington church, lamented " the destruction of the arms of benefac- 
tors to the fabric, cut in stone, and properly blazoned over the entrance 
into the quire, by a late reformer." Cade published his tract in 1791. 
He was baptized in 1731, and two years afterwards, in 1736, George 
Allan, the antiquary, was born. Allan fixes the date of the reformation 
to which Cade alludes (however lately, in 1791, the reformer may have 
died), in the year 1756, and the chancel, he says, is separated from the 
nave by a low pointed arch of three ribs, " like bridge-arches, above 
which is the old rood-loft. Organs were formerly placed on this loft. 
Tradition says they were removed from hence to Sedgefield church. 
The loft still retains the name of the organ-loft, and at the north end 
thereof there was a projecting gallery made of the painted panels of the 
organ case, wherein the scholars of the grammar school usually sat, 
and in the centre the blue coat charity boys also sat ; and at the 
south end of the loft was placed the machinery of the clock, with a dial 
plate into the church. On the front of the wall, and above the point of 
the arch, I well remember the following escutcheons of arms were placed, 
all properly emblazoned. [Here the antiquary provokes the reader by 
drawing five blank shields.] In the year 1756, the projecting gallery 
and clock were taken away, and a new gallery uniformly erected with 
a wainscot front, and appropriated to the same purposes as before ; but 
the said several shields of arms were all taken down, totally de- 
faced, and, as I also remember, were sold as sandstone by the sexton." 
mother place " the same purposes " are more satisfactorily defined. 
1756, two galleries were erected at each end of the organ-loft for 
the scholars of the free school, and between them the charity boys sit. 
Below, against the wall, were the arms. The deck stocd on the south 
pillar where the gallery is now erected, and was then removed into the 

VOL. VII. 2 M 


loft under the bells. Above this loft hang the king's arms from the 
roof, where they are with great propriety placed in all churches, the 
king being acknowledged to be the supreme head, in the temporal sense, 
of our protestant national church." The royal arms in our tiino were 
on the modern western screen, and were dated 1733. The old project- 
ing gallery, with the quaint panelling of a departed organ, and the 
clock, might not be very satisfactory in appearance ; but there was then 
no great organ, mounting from between them, and the five shields, sculp- 
tured in stone and coloured, (in the intervening space immediately 
above the arch, and not dispersed across the whole screen, if the 
language is rightly understood), must have produced a picturesque 
effect. For, as we have seen, they were carved during the best days of 
design and execution of heraldic works ; and, if the sexton made much 
out of his bargain, they must, moreover, have been of considerable bold- 
ness, and probably accompanied by ornamental canopies and panelling. 
Seeing that Cade was aged 22, and Allan 20, when the destruction, the 
real motive for which is not readily intelligible, took place, it was tan- 
tantalising that the five shields had, by some forgetfulness, been left 
unfilled in the ms. There was no idea that the matter could be carried 

But, in a recent collation of some of Surtees's shields from Dugdale's 
drawings of arms at Durham cathedral and Staindrop church, it was, 
much to the astonishment of the examiner, found that the excellent 
herald had recorded the armory in Darlington church also. 

He was at " Darnton" on Sept. 6, 1666, and, besides noticing cardi- 
nal Langley's arms sculptured "super primurn stallum ad introitu chori" 
(which stall was, with two others, destroyed in our own days, by a 
curate), and the arms in the windows, already alluded to, he records 
as " in the church, formerly collegiate, of Darlington, alias Darnton," 
what is more to our purpose, the lost heraldry of the five shields, 
" sculpta super murum supra introitu chori," as I have already de- 
scribed them. Cade's notion, that they were those of benefactors to 
the fabric, might be a mere guess; but, for reasons previously sub- 
mitted, we may put it to his credit that lie was correct in his surmise. 

After a long reign of fiddles and pitchpipes, a good 500Z. organ was 
placed on the screen in 1821. The then east gable was so objection- 
tionable that no complaint of it being hidden could well be made. 
Billings considered the screen to be, as far as he knew, unique. How- 
ever, in 1862, when mr. Scott was busy with the restoration of the 
nave and transepts, there was a strange cry for the destruction of the 
screen. Intelligent persons, sane on every other point, went mad on 
this one. A plea was put in for the preservation of the collegiate 


arrangements, which the Auckland people had, in their case, foolishly 
destroyed, and mr. Scott did not allow his fair fame to be imperilled by 
the dull whims of churchwardens or commissioners. He, of course, at 
once answered that, although his assistant had mentioned that the idea 
had been entertained, he had not supposed that it had seriously been so 
entertained, and that it certainly must not be thought of. In 1865, 
however, when the chancel was restored, and when the details, which 
had been entombed in 1748, enabled a faithful reproduction of the 
beautiful east gable, there was again an outcry and a demand that the 
building should be deprived of its historical and picturesque interest. 
In some way it again escaped the fate of Durham cathedral, and re- 
tained the royal and baronial benefaction. One might have supposod 
that those who wished to remove the screen would now have taker 
measures to show the pretty termination of the church to as much 
advantage as possible. On the contrary, an organ with appurtenances, 
larger and more hideous than before, Avas placed upon the screen, to the 
serious detriment of the appearance of the improved chancel, both with- 
in and without. And now the question of sacramental proprieties 
cropped up in an amusing way. 

Archdeacon Thorp, among divers other gifts of ornaments, good, bad, 
and indifferent, to churches, gave a fair oaken table fer communion 
purposes to Darlington church, identifying it with himself as usual. 
After the restoration of the church this " decent table standing on a 
frame, for a communion-table" (though not as capable of removal as 
might be desired), was discarded, and it now forms a vestry table, de- 
nuded of its i; carpet, silk, or other decent covering," while at the east 
end of the chancel we see an undignified object, like a box or packing 
case, of doubtful material, probably of some wood cheaper and less ap- 
propriate than oak, if we may judge from the care with which, in com- 
munion time and out of it, it is closely covered on the top and ends, 
and at least one side, with some kind of velvet. There is a cross on 
the velvet on its side. It also is not convenient!}^ formed for removal 
at the sacramental administration, and it apparently was in the 
church at the re-opening, because there were complaints that the 
whole congregation could not see " a communion table, with its rich 
Covering, on the front of which" was a cross ; that the service was a 
sort of pantomime, being nearly all performed in the chancel beyond the 
bridge ; and that the clergyman's utterances were inarticulate as re- 
garded the congregation in the nave. The newspaper recorder of the 
day, possiblv a dissenter, ignorant of rubric and canon, said with de- 
lightful simplicity : -" It is contrary we suppose to ecclesiastical eti- 
quette, or we should suggest that the reading and praying clergymen 


should take their stand outside the chancel somewhere hy the pulpit, 
then the congregation will have a chance of hearing what is being said." 
On this restoration, the panels containing the names of donors of cha- 
rities which had in modern times supplanted cardinal Langley's panel- 
ling above the stalls in the chancel, were placed against the vestry wall. 
It was not attempted to reproduce the cardinal's work, the effect of 
which may be realized at Staindrop. Since then some ugly w r arming 
apparatus has been erected in front of the stalls. The east windows 
are devoid, not of colour, but of stained glass, and altogether the chan- 
cel, in spite of its fabrical excellence, presents an unsatisfactory aspect. 
In its present state, or, perhaps, in any state, it must, one would think, 
be very inconvenient for the lawful administration of the holy com- 
munion in so important a parish as that of Darlington. 

W. H. D. L. 


BETWEEN the stations of Cilumum and Pro?olitia, the 6th and 7th per 
lineam Valli, and between the Mile Castles at Towertye and at the 
Limestone Corner, have been recently exposed to view the remains of 
one of the turrets on the Roman Wall, hitherto concealed by an accu- 
mulated mass of debris and a dense thicket of mediaeval copsewood. 

It is difficult to account for the total disappearance of the numerous 
turrets which must have originally existed, if indeed they possessed the 
solidity of these remains, but it is possible that many of them were 
placed on the Wall itself, and disappeared with its upper courses. Be- 
fore describing the remains of this turret it may be useful to advert to 
the historical notices of this particular feature of the Roman line of 

Camden, who visited the Roman Wall in company with Sir Robert 
Cotton in the year 1599, is the first historian who supplies us with any 
of its structural details. In his Britannia, under the head of " Vallurn 
sive Murus Picticus," he thus expresses himself: "The Wall had a 
number of castles, separated a mile from each other, which they call 
Castle Steads, and inside the Wall little fortified towns, which at this 
day they call Chester's (the foundations of which, of square form, are 
seen in some places), and placed between these were Turrets, in which 
the soldier posted could watch the barbarians." 1 

1 Castella murus habuit crcbriora millcnis passibus disparata qua*, "Castle 
Steals'' vocant ct interius oppidula munita quoe " Chesters" hodie vocant, 
quorum radices qadrata forma alicubi visuntur ot his Turrcs intcrpositas in 
quibus dispositus miles Barbaris immiiieret. Pa. 652. Folio edition of 1607. 


Three of the Eoman stations, Cilurnum, Vindolana, and ^Esica, still 
retain the name of Chesters. 

Camden made a very imperfect inspection of the Wall, and does not 
seem to have prepared himself by any previous study of the subject, 
or he would not have identified Ponteland with Pons ^Elii, and Ambleside 
with Amboglanna, stations per lineam Valli. He seems to have been 
led by no guide but sound. 

The Scottish antiquarian, Alexander Gordon, visited the Eoman 
Wall in company with Baron Clerk in 1715, and in 1725 he pub- 
lished his Itinerarium Septentrional 'e, and to him we are indebted for 
the earliest description of the actual state of the remains of the Wall. 
He identifies many of the stations, and points out the sites of many of 
the mile castles ; but, in his progress from the eastern extremity west- 
ward, he does not appear to have met with the remains of a single turret 
till he reached that part of the Wall which is between Cilurnum and 
Procolitia. At a point 1,329 yards west of Cilurnum (which station 
he mistakes for Huunum) he found joining to the Wall a " little ex- 
ploratory turret of hewn free stone, very little more than 12 feet in 
length, and something less in breadth, and above five courses of stone 
in height." Proceeding westward he meets with another of these 
turrets at Towertye ; he then comes to the Towertye Mile Castle, 
and adds, " still more westerly is another small exploratory turret of the 
same dimensions as the former." 

No traces of the two first mentioned turrets now exist, all vestiges 
of them having been effectually erased by the plough. The last is evi- 
dently identical Avith that which has now been discovered. For want 
of excavation, Gordon in his day would see these remains very imper- 
fectly. Little more than the remains of the south wall of the turret 
would then be visible, and would at that ^date retain five courses of 

Horsley, whose Britannia Eomana was published in 1732, accom- 
panied by a rough map of the Roman Wall, lays down on the map the 
three turrets mentioned by Gordon, and observes on the subject of the 
turrets as follows : 

" The smaller turrets (in Latin turres) have been more generally and 
entirely destroyed than the castella, so that 'tis hard to find three of 
them anywhere together with certainty ; the distance between two 
where it was thought surest was measured and found to be near 14 
chains or 308 yards. It seems, therefore, most probable that there 
have been four of these between every two castella at equal distances 
from the castella and from one another. These exploratory turrets, or 
watch towers, seem only to have been four yards square at the bottom." 


The Rev. John Hodgson, the historian of Northumberland, whose 
able and laborious description of the Roman Wall was published in 
1840, mentions having seen in 1833 the remains of one of these 
turrets, at a point about 300 yards west of the station of Amboglamia 
(Burdoswald), the walls of which, 34 inches thick, were standing of 
the height of six courses of stone. He adds, " All of it in 1837 was 

Dr. Bruce, the last and greatest authority on the subject of the 
Roman Wall, who published first in 1851, found still in existence some 
trifling remains of the turret described by Mr. Hodgson. He also no- 
ticed " a break in the Wall a little to the west of Harehill, in which a 
turret or small quadrangular building is placed apparently independent 
of the Wall and projecting northward beyond it." This feature is 
also noticed by Mr. Henry McLauchlan, the accurate surveyor em- 
ployed by the late noble patron of this Society, Algernon, fourth Duke 
of Northumberland, to survey and map the Wall, and who does not 
seem to have met with any other vestiges of these turrets on the 
whole line. 

The recent disinterment of one of these turrets, complete in its 
outline, must necessarily be interesting to those who have given their 
attention to the Roman works between the Tyne and the Solway. For 
such the following details are intended ; for the general reader they have 
no interest. 

This turret is 530 yards west of the Towertye Mile Castle, and 
therefore does not support the theory of Horsley, that the turrets were 
placed at equal distances of 308 yards from the mile castles and from 
each other. 

The Roman Wall, in approaching this turret both from the east and 
from the west, is of the breadth of 7 feet, but forthe space of 13 feet 
on each side of the turret the Wall is increased in thickness to 9 feet 
4 inches by means of a projection of 2 feet 4 inches on its south side. 
The inside measurement of the turret corresponds very nearly with the 
statements of Gordon and Horsley. The precise dimensions are II feet 
10 inches in length from north to south and 11 feet 4 inehes in breadth 
from east to west. The turret projects from the south face of the Wall 
to the extent of 10 feet. Its southern and western walls are of the 
thickness of 3 feet 4 inches ; its eastern wall is of the thickness of 1 
feet 2 inches ; it is recessed into the great Wall to the extent of ~> l-.-ct 
to the north, on which side there are 17 courses of stone in situ. In a 
part of the west wall there are 15 courses, and in part of the east wall 
10 courses in situ. The south wall has been removed to its lowest 
course. The entrance to the turret is l.y a doorway 3 feet wide, through 


the south wall ; the door cases and pivot holes are very distinctlv 
marked. There are no remains of a stair, which would be necessary to 
enable the soldiers to ascend the tower. The presumption is that 
the stair has been of wood, and has (like the stairs in the houses at 
Pompeii) perished. The woodcut correctly shews the present appear- 
ance of this turret. 

This excavation has also had the effect of favourably exposing to view 
about 110 yards in length of the Roman Wall, throughout which from 
5 to 7 courses of stone remain undisturbed. Amongst the debris on the 
north side of the Wall was found a centurial stone represented by this 

Every letter is distinct except the first letter of the name of the centurion, 
which resembles the letter A, and the reading of the inscription would 
thus be "Centuria Anoni Felicis." Professor Hubner suggests as the 


proper reading -'Antonii," which might have been produced by a liga- 
ture of letters now effaced, and then the inscription would commemorate 
the work of the Company of Antonius Felix. 

Coins of Vespasian, Trajan, Hadrian, and Constantine the Great were 
turned up in the course of the digging. It is singular that none of 
the coins of the numerous intervening emperors have been found. 
Fragments of mill stones, a large quantity of the coarser descriptions 
of pottery, some Samian ware and broken glass, and bones and horns 
of animals, have been met with sunn Hirst the debris, indicating that the 
turrets, as well as the stations aad mile castles, were provisioned by the 
Roman garrison. 

May 2, 1873. JOHN CLAYTON. 


THE dedications on the well-known Benwell altars. 



have long seemed to me not to present to us denominations of any 
new divinities hitherto unknown as objects of Roman worship or vener-- 
ation, but rather descriptive adjectival epithets indicating the attributes 
of a particular god, or possibly of two gods. 

But it was only in September, 1873, that I distinctly per.eived the 
Greek characteristics of these designations, whilst conning them over 
in the pages of Lapidarium Septentrionale. 

Moreover it was manifestly not improbable that in the original in- 
scriptions some distinctive feature might accompany the first o in 
either word, showing it to be not a simple o, but diphthongal and re- 
presenting CE. Should this be so, then firm footing would be found, 
as we should have before us adjectival formations originating from the 
familiar noun 01x09. 

On visiting the altars at Condercum a few days subsequently, the 
compound character formed by the interblending of oc in AIS'TENOCITICO 
was found to present to the reader an elegantly arid deeply-cut oval line, 
occupying the centre of the o, and being in fact a sort of iota-inscript, 
horizontally inserted. 

In the other case, that of ANOCITICUS, the space between the o and 
the c is somewhat wider than between any of the other letters, and out- 


side the dexter circumference of the o there is an indentation of the stone 
surface, as if by some accidental lesion, just where we might expect a 
small i or E to have "been affixed to the o, to form it into a diphthong. 

So that in this case we have only the negation of evidence either for 
or against the presence of a diphthognal feature, before that injury to 
the surface was done. 

After this inspection I felt no difficulty in reading 



These words are Greek adjectives regularly formed from the verbal 
noun ot/tttm, which signifies the building or construction of a house or 
houses, or founding of a colony. 

This noun is formed from the verb oucigto to build or construct. 

And from oucurts an adjective ot/cm/cos, constructional, would naturally 
and regularly proceed, though it so happens that this adjective does not 
occur in the portion of Greek literature which has been preserved to 
us, and therefore has not found a place in our lexicons. Constructional 
itself is not in Johnson's Dictionary, folio, of 1755 ; yet what more 
legitimate English adjectival formation can there be ? 

But in the epithet or designation, ANGECITICO, given upon one of the 
altars before us, to the god to whom it is dedicated, we have to deal 
with the adjective, not alone and by itself, but as carrying also the 
familiar particle ava. 

Now avoiKi^ia is a well known verb signifying to rebuild, to build up. 
So that avotKiai-i would be restoration or instauration, and avoiKniicos, 
our ANCECITICOS, distinctly means Instaurational. 

The dedication of the altar so inscribed was then, 

"To the Instaurational Deity. To the Deity who presides over 
Domiciliary Establishment and Power." 

In like manner we are able to arrive with certainty at the exact mean- 
ing of A]\"TEXOECiTico by simply attending to the formative laws of the 
Greek language, which is not only one of the most copious and extensive, 
but one of the most logical, definite, and precise, ever spoken by man. 
signifies an opposite neighbour. 

would be a construction or collocation of houses opposite 
to each other. 

KvrevoiKiGiS) opposite collocation of dwellings in a street or enclosure; 
aggrouped or interproximate construction, as if for mutual support and 

VOL. VII. 2 N 


Consequently DEO ANTEXOECITICO, will signify, " To the god of 
Interproximate Occupancy ;" that is occupancy in close neighbour- 
hood ; occupancy hy mutual neighbourly support. 

This dedication is, I conceive, high evidence to the prowess of our 
gallant ancestors of unsubdued Britain. 

The Eomans had learned by bitter experience the necessity of 
settling only in closely aggrouped habitations, and again of planting 
their principal camps and military colonies themselves in mutually sup- 
porting positions, like those on the line of the Wall. 

If it be asked, why should the Romans have recourse to Greek in 
defining the attributes of these household divinities? The answer 
is " Grascia victa ferum victorem vicit." The fine arts were all 

There was a love of Greek literature and of Greek quotations. The 
education of high-born youth was often in the hands of Hellenic peda- 
gogues. The arts of medicine and surgery the latter Greek in its very 
name of chirurgia were probably much exercised by men of learning: 
and research from the Grecian portions of the empire. 

Lastly, we are not without some two or three examples of Greek in- 
scriptions in Greek letters found on the line of the Roman Wall itself, 
and ably reproduced in the Lapidarium Septentrionale. And may not 
Hardalion, the humble but honoured Domestic of Hunnum,have received 
his certainly Hellenic name from aipeiv Oa\iav, ferre epulas ? 


May G, 1874. 


THE conjecture that this very elegant little chalice of bronze, with its 
beautiful external graved- work representing the mural crown, exhibited 
to us merely certain names of Roman camps or stations arranged 
consecutively so as to form a short intinerary, never seemed to me 

There was absolutely nothing in its favour, except the bare fact that 
Roman itineraries have really come down to us with lists of stations, 
and giving the distances from one to the other. 

The inscription runs thus: A. MAIS ABALLATA TXELODYM 
CAMBOGLANS BA^NA. As respects Aballava, Uxelodum, or Uxelo- 
diinum, and Banna or Yanna, we know that they were camps, per 
liiieam valli, that is, along or near the line of The Wall ; and as Banna 


overlooks the Cambog, or Little Cam, we may infer that tlie words 
Camboglans Banna merely stand for Camboglannensis Banna, or more 
briefly Camboglannis Banna. After due consideration, I cannot read 
A-MAIS as if A were the preposition, whether in the sense of from or of 
~by. Nothing but the unfortunate impression that the epigraph con- 
stituted an itinerary could have led to the acceptation of this initial 
A. followed by a point as a mere preposition. But if it be not such, 
then the important key-word Mais is not necessarily in the ablative ; 
nay, much more naturally it falls into the dative. 

Let us then take it so, and we perceive that the epigraph is donatory, 
and written to record the presentation of the cup by Aballava, Uxelo- 
dum, and Camboglannis Banna. If we take Maiis as from Maii it 
would be a latinised British word signifying Men of the Plains, from 
the term Ma, Maes, a plain, still so familiar in the Welsh tongue, and 
which enters largely into composite names of places in the level and 
alluvial portions of the Cambrian Principality. 

As A. is not unfrequently found to stand for amicus, we might 
venture to say Amicis Maiis, " To the Friendly Men of the Plains, 
Aballava, Uxelodum, and Banna present this cup." And it might be 
inferred that these Friendly Neighbours had assisted them in rearing 
the walls represented upon the object thus given. 

But since such an interpretation of MAIS occurred to me last year, I 
have found so many instances of Gra3co-Latin adaptation and phraseo- 
logy in the epigraphy of The Wall, that I deem it necessary to examine 
every uncertain term with regard to a possibly Hellenistic origin. 

In taking this course in the present instance, I soon found that uatat 
was the designation of the women who acted as attendants on the sick. 
The primary sense of the word seems to have been the more limited 
one of obstetrix or midwife ; but the signification amplifies itself freely 
to that of curatrix or sick-nurse : and it was thus perfectly applicable 
to whatsoever females were in attendance in such hospitalary apartments 
and quarters as a Roman army was able to provide for its many wounded, 
ailing, and infirm, and who would be the best assistants to the medical 
officers, and not seldom their able substitutes. For we know that nearer 
to our own times, that is, in the middle ages, medicine and surgery were 
much in the hands of women, and were skilfully cultivated even by ladies 
of high birth. 

I gather therefore that owing to some unusually hard fighting and a 
consequent accumulation of wounded soldiers, or owing to some epi- 
demic disease, the camps at Aballava, Uxelodum, and Camboglannis 
Banna had felt more than ordinary obligation and gratitude to the 
curatrices or nurses of their sick-quarters, and that in recognition of 


signal services they conferred a number of sacrificial cups for libations, 
(of which this is one,) inscribed, 


To The Kind Nurses this cup we give, 
Aballava, Uxellodum, Camboglannese Banna. 

And around the margin, outside the chalice, runs this grateful legend in 
fair characters, whilst the embattled mural crown graces the sides 
thereof, the proud recognition of the lives of defenders of the barrier, 
saved from impending Death : by none surely better merited than by 
the Amicae Maiae of The Wall, on the extreme limits of the Empire in 

To the kind Nurses, Three Camps jointly gave 
The Mural Crown, for toils the sick to save. 

In appropriate connection with the subject of the chalice found at 
Rudge, let us next pass to a most interesting altar found at liexham 
so lately as the year 1866, inscribed 



D. D. 

Now let us suppose that instead of this, we had found a stone, 


we should have said at once, this is erected to 


that is, To Ceres who presides over Agriculture and Agriculturists. 
So, in like manner I say that this stone, inscribed 


To Apollo the god of Surgery and Sick-nursing ; 
To the Therapeutic Apollo. 

And the altar is dedicated by the Prefect of the Camp, the officer spe- 
cially in charge of the tents or huts of the soldiers, of the baggage, 
and unquestionably also of the arrangements for the sick and the 
wounded. 1 

1 It is well worthy of remark that Horsley thought Hexham might oc- 
cupy, possibly, the site of Ptolemy's Epiacum, 


Lastly, we have an altar inscribed, 


by four German soldiers, whose names are given, and which are nowise 
inconsistent with their nationality. They are apparently names of four 
private soldiers, who concurred in erecting this plain and simple stone, 
in grateful consciousness, as we may well believe, of a superintending 
. Power, which had brought them through some sickness, they had all 
undergone together. 

Such are the lessons of the interior life of Roman camps, conveyed to 
us by the chalice found at Eudge, and by the inscriptions on the altars 
we have here examined. 

And we may infer that the town or station denominated Maia or 
Maise in the topography of Britain by the anonymous writer of 
Ravenna, was a place distinguished by some establishment for curative 
treatment of the sick and wounded. It is mentioned as if situated near 
to Aballava or Avalaria, a camp which there is much reason to infer 
was situate where Papcastle now stands. 




THE two hexameter lines which constitute the inscription upon this 
stone have hitherto not been completely read ; and this is the only 
reason why it has been found impossible to understand them. It fol- 
lows, of course, that no English version that has been attempted is at 
all worthy of acceptance. 

On reperusing them in the Lapidarium one day in May or June, 
1873, the oversight that had occurred in the reading and transcription 
suddenly disclosed itself to me. An abraded letter E had been missed, 
though the space which it occupied was shewn in the beautiful repre- 
sentation of the altar. 

On the presence of that single letter being recognised the latinity 
becomes perfectly good and regular, and the versification correct, 
allowance only being made for a trifling license by which the word 
somnio is contracted into two syllables in utterance, and used as a. 


Instead of reading 


let us restore 


And we are no longer mystified by an unreal and imaginary nominative. 
The incomprehensible soldier vanishes like vapour, and the grammatical 
construction of the remainder of the composition becomes easy and 

The relative clause, " quse Fabio nupta est," is seen to constitute the 
only nominative before us, and to represent and comprise its own ante- 
cedent, ilia, orfo&mina, as relatives in many instances do. 

But it is time to advert to our new discovery, which is the name of 
the goddess Semile or Semele, the former spelling being common in 
Latin, though the latter form, as in accordance with the original Greek, 
is the more accurate. This venerable goddess was the mother of 
Bacchus, and was held in high honour by matrons, who were wont to 
adore and consult her on occasions of moment. 

By the present inscription we are informed that " From the monition 
of Semele in a dream, she who was the spouse of Fabius ordered this 
altar to be erected to those Nymphs whom she ought to adore." 

The Nymphs thus referred to are indubitably certain of the divine 
sisterhood who presided over conception and conjugal fertility. 

It remains only to reproduce the text of the inscription as a whole. 



And it is immaterial whether we read Somnio, praemonitu Semilcs, 
By a dream, the premonition of&emile, or Somnio prse monitu Semile?, 
Through the monition of Semile, in a dream, &c. Let us take this last, 
and it runs 

Somnio, prse monitu Scmiles, hanc ponere jussit 
Aram, Qtisc Fabio nupta est, Nymph is venerandis. 


Taught in a Dream from Semele on high, 
The Spouse of Fabius to the Nymphs drew nigh, 
To bless her as she would be: She did raise 
This Altar to their worship and their praise. 

I promptly communicated this new reading of the inscription in 
question to Dr. Bruce, to Mr John Clayton, and to Lord Eavensworth, 
being desirous that lines which had presented no little difficulty as 
theretofore known, should be well examined in their amended aspect. 
And if I remember right, nothing was urged that was adverse to 

I am hopeful therefore that the matronly goddess will stand her 
ground as she apparently is well entitled to do. 

The position assigned to this altar was assuredly a domestic one. 
The lines, composed, we may infer, by the votary herself, indicate at 
once the delicacy of expression, combined with the easy command of 
language, that accord with a high position in the Eoman society of 
Britain j and are truly an interesting literary relic. 


May 27, 1874 


THIS relative of the late Lord Brougham, " bom in 1683, died in 
February, 1789, at the age of 106 ; having lived," says Burke, " in the 
reigns of seven sovereigns, viz., Charles II., James II., William and 
Mary, Anne, and the first three Georges." 

Centenarians are rare. Although four-score years may often be over- 
passed, and even four-score years and ten, it is seldom that man or 
woman exceeds a hundred years of life. The busts and portraits which 
adorn the rooms of our Literary and Philosophical Society give instances 
of a near approach to the limit of five-score, but not one of them marks 
the full number. The picture of Lord Brougham is there, and his lord- 
ship reached his ninetieth year. His mother attained the same great 
age, and his maternal grandmother was still older. Her death, on the 
25th of May, 1807, is recorded in the Gentleman's Magazine, where her 
age is stated to have been 92. In Burke' s Peerage it is 93. Two of 
the portraits in the leading room, those of Sir John Swinburne and the 
Eev. William Turner, (who died, the former in 1$60, the latter in 1859,) 
give the ages of 98 and 97. Another of the original members of the 


society, William Losh, who passed away in 1861, lived to 91 ; and Mrs. 
Bewicke, of Close House, a member for many years, was 97 at her death 
in 1859. Dr. Winterbottom, elected an honorary member on the forma- 
tion of the institution in 1793 (being at that time a resident in Sierra 
Leone), died at South Shields in 1859, aged 93 ; Dr. Hutton of Wool- 
wich, another of the earliest honorary members, is shown by his portrait 
to have lived to 85 ; and Dr. Fenwick of Durham, enrolled among 
the honorary members in 1795, (who presided over the memorable 
meeting of 1818 in Darlington which pronounced in favour of a railway 
in preference to a canal,) was 94 years old when he died in 1855. The 
inscription on the picture of the Rev. Edward Moises, an original mem- 
ber of the society, states his years to have been 83, (the same age at 
which his uncle, the Rev. Hugh Moises, also died). The bust of 
Matthew Boulton, an honorary member at the beginning, names four- 
score as the number of his years, his life extending to w ithin a week or 
two of 81 ; and the bust of his partner, James Watt, is inscribed 83. 
One of the successors, moreover, of Sir John Swinburne in the office of pre- 
sident, Dr. Headlam, died at 87. All these lived far beyond three-score 
and ten, and some survived the term more than twenty years, three 
of them living within a year or two of a century. But none of them 
arrived at the extreme limit of that protracted span. One, however, 
of the number, the venerable Lord Brougham, records in his auto- 
biography an example of a centenarian in his own family ; and in the year 
following the publication of his lordship's Memoirs, Mrs. Duncombe 
Shafto, widow of Robert Eden Duncombe Shafto (meoiber for the 
county of Durham in the Parliament of 1802), died at Whitworth 
Park aged 101. 

" My grandmother," says Lord Brougham in his Memoirs (published 
in 1871), "was born in Queen Anne's reign ; so that I have conversed 
with a person who was alive a hundred and eighty years ago, and also 
might have heard her relative Ann Brougham, who lived to the age of 
a hundred and six, speak of events that happened in Queen Elizabeth's 
time ! This is only conjecture; but it is at all events a certain fact 
that I, now writing in the latter half of the nineteenth century, have 
heard my grandmother, being, at the time I refer to, about ninety years 
of age, relate all the circumstances of the execution of Charles I., as 
they had been told to her by an eye-witness who stood opposite to 
Whitehall, and saw the king come out upon the scaffold. I think the 
story was told to her about the year 1720, and she talked of her inform- 
ant as having been quite old enough at the time of the execution to 
have carried away a clear and accurate recollection of all the details, 
Her own memory was most perfect ; nor did the event appear to her to 


be so very remote, for she herself perfectly remembered the attempt of 
the Pretender in 1715." 

Her memory must indeed have been good, to retain the attempt of 
the old Pretender, made 91 years and more before her death. Dying 
in May, 1807, at the age of 92 or 93, she was living, not " a hundred 
and eighty years" before the writing of the Memoirs, her birth occuring 
about the reign of Queen Anre, but less than a hundred and sixty years 
prior to the death of her illustrious grandson, who indulges in the con- 
jecture that she might have heard her centenarian relative " speak of 
events that happened in Queen Elizabeth's time." But how could this be ? 
She was not born before the year 1713 ; and no relative of the age of 
106, with whom she was contemporary, could have lived in the reign of 
Elizabeth, who died in 1603. Moreover, the Anne Brougham " who 
lived to the age of one hundred and six" was born, as the pedigree of 
the Peerage runs, in the reign of Charles II., eighty years after the 
date of Elizabeth. She had her birth in 1683 ; and as she lived to 
February, 1789, her noble kinsman, born in September, 1778, was ten 
years old at the period of her death. To his lordship, therefore, as well 
as to her older relatives, she might discourse from living memory. He 
might have heard her tell, if not of the arrival of the Armada in the 
Channel in 1588, of the coming of the Stadtholder's fleet a hundred 
years afterwards. 

Such is the inference warranted by Burke. But in a " Leaf for 
the Local Historian" which I wrote for the Newcastle Daily Chronicle 
in 1864, extracts were given from the enrolments of the Merchants' 
Company inconsistent with the centenarian claim ; and now that a place 
has since been assigned to it in the Memoirs, the opposing facts, drawn 
from the archives of the borough, may appropriately be repeated in the 
Archceoloyia ^jliana. 

The father of Anne Brougham, " Henry Brougham, of Scales, who 
enlarged his possessions there, and greatly added to Scales Hall," 
succeeded his sire, Thomas Brougham, in 1648, about the time of 
his coming of age. By his first wife, (the " fair Miss Slee" of Bishop 
Nicolson's MS., " daughter of Mr. Slee of Carlisle, a jovial gentle- 
man of 300 a year,") he had, as shown by Burke, four children, 
Thomas, Henry, Anne (the centenarian), and Joane; and by his second, 
(" Elizabeth, daughter and ultimately sole heir of John Lamplugh, Esq., 
of Lamplugh, in Cumberland,") he had Thomas, Bernard, John, Peter, 
Samuel (great-grandfather of Lord Brougham), Elizabeth, and Mary. 

Nicolson and Burn's " Westmoreland and Cumberland," and the 
" Cumberland " of Hutchinson, (in both of which the second marriage 
is omitted, and also the centenarian age,) give the sons and daughters 

VOL. VII. 2 O 


in the order of their birth. They make the number, not eleven, but 
twelve ; and they exhibit differences of name. Their roll runs thus : 
Agnes, Thomas. Henry, William, Jane, Bernard, John, Mary, Matthias, 
Peter, George, and Samuel. The names of Agnes and Anne are con- 
vertible ; and in the county histories, Agnes takes the place of Anne in 
the later pedigree, where the year 1683 occurs as the date of her birth. 
Her father, who was 37 at the time of Dugdale's Visitation in 1665, 
would therefore be between fifty and sixty years of age at the time of 
his first marriage, and the birth of Agnes or Anne. Ten or eleven more 
children were born to him in all ; and one of the younger sons is Matthias, 
the ninth child of the county histories, not named by Burke, but en- 
rolled by the Merchants' Company of Newcastle. Apprenticed to Mr. 
Francis Johnson, merchant-adventurer and mercer, April 1, 1692, 
Matthias, son of Henry Brougham, of Scales, in the county of Cumber- 
land, Esq., was enrolled on the 22nd of November, 1693, and set over 
to Mr. William Procter, (w r ho had served the office of sheriff in 1684). 
Matthias died, however, before his term of servitude expired ; and 
opposite the enrolment is written in the margin Mort. In consequence, 
probably, of his death, his next brother, Peter, was apprenticed, on 
the 10th of April, 1695, to Mr. Edward Parkinson, merchant-adven- 
turer and mercer, and subsequently set over to the" master of Matthias, 
Mr. Procter, the date of the enrolment being February 18, 1696. 

These are the facts recorded of the two Newcastle apprentices, sons 
of Lord Brougham's great-great-grandfather ; and how are they to be 
reconciled with the birth of Anne Brougham, the eldest child of the 
family, in 1683 ? Six or seven births, and a second marriage, come in 
between Agnes (or Anne) and Matthias ; and Matthias, indentured in 
1692, must have been born before the former date, with also seven or 
eight sons and daughters more. The pedigree of the Peerage har- 
monizes with this presumption, where it "records the birth of his lordship's 
grandfather, second son of Samuel, the youngest of the two children 
who succeeded Peter. Samuel's son Henry was born in 1717 ; an event 
which is consistent enough with the books of the Merchants' Company, 
but not with the birth of the eldest of the eleven or twelve children so 
late as 1683. 

Is not, then, this case of centenarianism more than doubtful ? It cer- 
tainly appears so to me. Clear instances there are in which life has flowed 
on until a century was run out. Mrs. Duncombe Shafto's is one of them, 
her years being 101 in number when she died in 1872 ; but the claim 
of 106 years for Anne Brougham is open to grave question. Cases of 
great longevity are commonly noticed in newspapers and other periodi- 
cals, and I have turned to contemporary publications in search of some 



record of her death, but without success. The Annual Register and 
Gentleman 's Magazine are silent ; nor in the Newcastle Chronicle have 
I found this centenarian named. On the 21st of March, 1789, there is 
an obituary notice of Mrs. Ann Benn, wife of Mr. Lamplugh Benn, 
who had died lately, at Birkby, near Maryport in the 100th year of her 
age ; but no mention occurs of Anne Brougham, stated in the Peerage 
to have died in the previous month, at the greater age of 106. 


Saville Row, Newcastle. 


IN the sixth volume of the Society's Transactions (1865), there is a 
valuable contribution from the pen of the late Mr. Hodgson Hinde, 
" On Early Printing in Newcastle." A volume of the Calendar of 
State Papers (Domestic), published in 1873, now supplies materials 
for a supplementary leaf. It comprises six months of the year 1639 ; 
and we learn from its contents that the press ordered from London in 
April, when King Charles was in York, was set in motion at ^Newcastle 
in May. The Earl of Arundel and Surrey (Thomas Howard), Lord 
General of the Army in the North, wrote from York to Sir Francis 
Windebank, Secretary of State, on the 20th of April, giving him the 
King's instructions : " His Majesty would have you, with all expedi- 
tion, to send down a printer with a press, to set out His Majesty's 
daily commands for his court or army, and that to be done with more 
than ordinary diligence, the want being daily found so great. I con- 
ceive a waggon by land the surer way, to change horses as often as 
they will, by express warrant to take up teams daily." An indorsement 
by Secretary Windebank shows that he answered this letter on the 
30th of the month. 

There was no slackness or delay in the execution of the royal wish. 
The printer was in Newcastle with his press in less than three 
weeks from the date of the Lord General's communication. This fact 
appears by a letter from Edward Norgate to his cousin Robert Reade, 
nephew and secretary of Windebank. Garter King-at-Arms (Sir John 
Borough) was in attendance on the King. Norgate was with him, 
preparing official papers for print, " making patterns for two Scotch 
heralds' coats," and otherwise employing himself in the duties of his 


office. He is repeatedly writing to Reade ; and on the 16th of May he 
says to him : " This book of orders " (probably the " Laws and Or- 
dinances of Warre " referred to by Mr. Hinde) " was proclaimed this 
morning by our Clarencieux, in a miserable cold morning, with hail and 
snow." A week earlier (May 9), he had mentioned a proclamation to 
the Covenanters, " read on Sunday last (May 5), in the church here, in 
the presence of the Lord General, the Earls of Essex, Holland, and 
other lords and commanders." Of this proclamation, the Marquis of 
Hamilton, " now riding at anchor near Leith," had six copies ; and 
"we have brought hither a printer, with all his trinkets, ready to make 
new, as occasion may require." This was written on the 9th ; and on 
the 12th Norgate was again writing to Reade from Newcastle. " We 
have a printer here," says he ; " and this day I made ready for the 
King's hand a proclamation for the importation of butter. It is now 
printing ; so are four hundred of the former proclamation of pardon 
to the Scots." 

No copy, printed in Newcastle, of the proclamation to the Scots, 
" read in the church here" (the church of St. Nicholas), nor of the 
more humble State Paper relating to butter, has come down to our own 
day ; and the Calendar is silent, moreover, as to the employment of the 
royal press in the North of England elsewhere than in Newcastle. 


THE epitaph upon this stone must have been somewhat hastily read 
subsequently ; for on careful examination the syllables will be found to 
group themselves best as follows. And in this order they constitute a 
rythmic or versified inscription of much native dignity and earnestness 
in the expression of dutiful affection. In it we perceive the richness, 
the wealth of expression, in the Northumbrian Saxon, which here pre- 
serves to us the noun eomerth, lamentation, from the adjective eomer, 
sad, woeful; and in the compound expression seftereo-maege, after- 
abiding kinswoman. 

The lines run thus in perfect alliteration 

eomaerthe ssettre 
zefter Hroetbaerhte becun 
seftereo-msege : 
beodeth thsere sawle, 


In the standard Saxon of Wessex we should have found 

geomerthe sette 
sefter Hrodberhte beacen 
sefteru-msege : 
beodeth there sawle. 

In sorrow hath set 

Over Eobert stone-beacon, 

Care of kin-sister 

True, after-remaining : 

Pray all, for the soul, pray. 

Moerore adparavit 
Inscription! Eoberto 
Propinqua, superstes : 
Pro anima orate. 

The name of Falstone is apparently framed in direct reference to 
such a memorial, being easily deducible from one or other of the fol- 
lowing forms in Anglo-Saxon. Thus it may either come from falles- 
stan, " stone of fall " ; and most likely, perhaps, a slaught-fall, such 
as often resulted from deadly feuds : or it may have originally been 
falnes-stan (a contraction of fallenes-stan), "stone of the fallen"; 
that is, of the fallen man. 

It is sometimes heard pronounced as Fa'stone, under the Scottish 
omission of the 1- sound, so common on the Border. But this must not 
be mistaken for fast-stone, which would be a manifest error. 

The epigraph is inscribed in twofold form, being given first in 
Komanesque minuscule and again in Anglo-Saxon Kunes, as if to 
aid and conciliate all readers. The inflections of the Northumbrian 
Anglo-Saxon are all well retained. On the whole, I should infer that 
it belongs to the epoch 1100, or but little later. 

The Anglo-Saxon epitaphs that remain to us are nearly all concise, 
terse, and graceful compositions in verse. They were assuredly all 
composed by ecclesiastics, who were not only skilled, in the poesy of 
their own people, but conversant with Latin epigraphy. 


%* The Stone itself is in the Museum of the Antiquarian Society, Newcastle, 



THE present volume of the Transactions records the loss of some of the 
more prominent members of the Society. Names long associated with 
posts of honour and of usefulness have passed away. They are enrolled 
in our annals, but those who bore them will take part in our assemblies 
no more. Mr. Robert White, who wrote the memoir of Mr. Hodgson 
Hinde printed on preceding pages, has himself departed ; and also Dr. 
Edward Charlton, who attended him in his last illness. They were all 
of them contributors to the previous volume ; their well-known hand is 
even visible in this ; and now they have ceased to share with us in our 

The historian of " Ofcterburn," who died at his residence in New- 
castle, No. 11, Claremont Place, on the 20fch of February, 1874, was 
born at Yetholm on the 17th of September, 1802. His father, a small 
farmer, was one of those bold patriots who flew to arms on the false 
alarm of 1804, afterwards turned to such good account in " The Anti- 
quary " by Sir Walter Scott, " the different corps of volunteers, on 
arriving at their alarm-posts, announcing themselves by their music 
playing the tunes peculiar to their own districts, many of which had 
been gathering-signals for centuries." The prompt response of the 
local forces, on both sides of the Borders, made it apparent to Napoleon 
how general and how enthusiastic would be the defence of the shores of 
Britain against any assault from France ; and if invasion were ever 
seriously meditated, probably warded it off. In such a time it was 
that the infancy of Robert White was spent. His schoolboy days 
flowed by between Trafalgar and Waterloo ; and on the acres which his 
father tilled he was early inured to toil. Occasionally, also, he assisted 
the neighbouring occupiers in reaping their harvests ; some portion of 
his youth he gave to the workshop of a millwright, acquiring a know- 
ledge of his ingenious art ; and all his leisure time he devoted to books. 
" Reedsdale," writes a genial pen in the Hawick Advertiser (Septembrr 
25, 1869), "saw his boyhood disporting itself in frolic and cow-herding 
by the pleasant haughs of Otterburn. There he got gristle and pith into 
his bones by hardy labour, and pleasant days of helpfulness to his father, 


who rented a piece of land. There, too, he became smitten by the 
spirit of Border lore." " Born on the Scottish Border," are his own 
words, " and hearing from nv r parents' lips of The Bruce and The 
Douglas, and of the battles of Bannoekburn and Otterburn, I desired as 
I grew up to know something of the lives f these men, and to wander 
over the localities where they led their armies to victory. In this way, 
when I came to reflect on the privileges which Scotland derived from 
the former of these battle fields, the place came to be regarded by me as 
hallowed ground." History, and legend, and song he eagerly devoured. 
His father's landlord at Otterburn, Mr. James Ellis, formerly a solicitor 
in Newcastle, kindly granted him the use of his library. The spell of 
the Northern Wizard had then fallen on his countrymen ; and one of 
the kindly loans to the farmer's son was " The Lady of the Lake," with 
which he was so fascinated that he copied the poem, every word, into a 
paper book, in the fair, clear hand, which became so perfect by prolonged 
practice. Thus, then, diligent and thoughtful, studious and industrious, 
the young Borderer rose to manhood ; and now he looked about him for 
some new sphere of labour, where he might have larger means and 
wider opportunities of usefulness. The " Memoir of the Rev. John 
Hodgson," by the Kev. Dr. Eaine, affords us a glimpse of him at 
this early period of his life. " He was for many years, and continues to 
be," says the historian of North Durham in 1858, " a profound admirer 
of Hodgson and his character. So far did he carry this feeling, that once 
upon a time, (I have it from himself,) he would fain have become the 
village schoolmaster at Whclpington, that he might be near the object 
of his admiration, and help him with his pen in his vacant hours." " I 
hope," adds Dr. Raine in a note, " I may not be guilty of any breach of 
confidence when I make the following extract from what in strictness 
of speech was intended as a private communication. The feeling which 
it betrays is too rare and creditable to be kept a secret : ' Before com- 
ing to Newcastle,. I was nearly brought into a position that would have 
given me many opportunities of being better acquainted with Mr. 
Hodgson. In 1825, about the time when haycutting commences, I 
learned that a teacher was wanted for the school at Whelpington ; and 
knowing that Mr. Hodgson was closely occupied in writing his great 
work, I felt desirous above all things to be near him. Hence I became 
a candidate for the appointment. Had I attained the office I then 
sought, I cannot tell you with what alacrity and devotedness I had en- 
tered into every kind of work by which, during my leisure hours, I 
could have been of use to that remarkable man. Copying manuscripts, 
surveying old camps, &c., would have brought me into my proper ele- 
ment ; and the whole would have been to me a labour of love.' " 


It was in the same year that Mr. Ellis, ever anxious to advance his 
interests, wrote to Mr. John Watson, of the Edinburgh Tea Warehouse, 
whose shop in Union Street, at the head of the Cloth Market and the 
Middle Street, faced the Bigg Market. Tea Warehouse and Middle 
Street have since gone ; Town Hall and Corn Exchange cover the site ; 
and Newcastle has lost one of the quaintest features of the olden times. 
Mr. Ellis inquired if Mr. John Watson knew of any opening suitable for 
a steady and intelligent young man ? Mr. Eobert Watson, of the 
High Bridge, plumber and brass founder, was in the daily habit of 
looking in upon his neighbour the grocer. They bore the same name, 
and were great friends, though not relatives ; and the application from 
Otterburn was named between them. The mention was seasonable. 
Robert Watson was in want of such a youth, and wrote at once to Mr. 
Ellis, asking a question or two, and requesting a specimen of his pro- 
tege's handwriting. The answers were satisfactory, the penmanship all 
that could be desired, and an engagement was made. Eobert White 
came to Newcastle in 1825, and bound himself to the employer in whose 
counting-house he remained about forty years. Death alone separated 
them ; and his friend and master, appreciating his worth, left him one of 
his executors. 

A book-buyer when his means were small ; always enabling himself, 
by careful thrift, to add to the well-chosen contents of his shelves ; Mr. 
White's library eventually became one of the most extensive and valu- 
able in the North of England. The ploughboy who had copied the poem 
of Sir Walter Scott, could not fail to gather books about him according 
to his resources ; and some spare cash for literature he constantly found, 
even when his income was but on a par with " the village preacher's " 
of Goldsmith's song. Surrounded by his growing literary stores, he 
lived to old age, his rare and varied library the visible expression of his 
cultured mind the outward manifestation of the inward man. He had 
learnt to know and value good books, and made them the companions 
of his daily life. He also added his own name to the roll of writers in 
prose and verse ; his first work, written in 1829, being " The Tyne- 
mouth Nun, a Poem ; " and it is pleasant to remember that one of the 
founders of this Society, for a long course of years its Secretary, was 
instant in his encouragement of the author. " When I had written 
out a fair copy," says Mr. White in a preface to his reprint of 1858, 
" I sent it to Mrs. Ellis of Otterburn, a lady who had always conducted 
herself towards me with much kindness, and to whom I afterwards 
dedicated the poem. Her husband, Mr. Ellis, subsequently transmitted 
the manuscript to Mr. Adamson of this town, who waited upon me with it, 
and entreated me to allow the 'piece to be printed for the Typographical 


Society of Newcastle, to which I assented." And thus it was that 
Mr. White first came before the public, to whom he so often afterwards 
presented the fruits of his leisure moments ; his last volume of " Poems" 
appearing in 1867,"and including his ".Epistle" of 1848 " to Mr. James 
Telfer, Saughtree, Liddesdale, 

"The friend whom I have longest known." 

In these verses he recurs to their early days, when together they 
feasted with the sons of song, and " murmured not, though they were 

Well I remember when, by turns, 

We onward read, and relished high, 
The soul-inspiring verse of Burns, 

The Ettrick Shepherd's minstrelsy. 
Sir Walter's bold, heroic lyre, 

Evoked at once our warmest praise j 
And full we felt the force and fire 
Of Byron's powerful, thrilling lays. 

Chaucer and Spenser, Shakspeare and Milton, beguiled the passing hour, 
oft " seated in some nook of earth, or wandering on o'er field or moor," 
admitted by books to the society of the highest and the best ; and 
when, in the year 1857, having taken up materials which had been 
" lying untouched for a quarter of a century," he brought them before 
the world, expanded over nearly two hundred pages of print, in the form 
of a " History of the Battle of Otterburn," he acknowledged in his pre- 
face the many services rendered him on all sides, his warm gratitude 
was expressed to " an old, a true, and a valued friend," James Telfer. 
" At all times," said the historian, " he has responded most devotedly 
to my wishes, and in no instance, on my part, has any appeal to his 
judgment been made in vain." 

Next year, Mr. White brought out an edition of the Poems and 
Ballads of Dr. John Leyden, born like himself in Eoxburghshire, a 
farmer's son ; and to the life written by Sir Walter Scott, he added a 
supplementary memoir of his own. 

The " Otterburn," published in 1857, gave its author an enduring 
place in the historic literature of the country. He had already, in 1856, 
read a paper at a field meeting of the Society, narrating the story of the 
battle of Neville's Cross on the scene where it was fought, (Arrtfeologia 
JEliana, N. 8., i., 271) ; and Mr. Hodgson Hinde, in his continuation of 
" Hodgson's History of Northumberland," singled him out as the most 
appropriate chronicler of Flodden fight. Dr. Kaine also, commending 
" Otterburn " as "a publication very remarkable for its judicious ar- 
rangement and fidelity of narrative," bound him down to the task 

VOL, vii. 2 p 


" The faithful and gentlemanly way in which Mr. White has executed 
his undertaking," observed the biographer of Hodgson, " prompts a 
hope that he may be inclined to turn his mind and pen to the still more 
* dismal tale' . 

Of the stern fight and carnage drear 

Of Flodden's fatal field, 
Where shivered was fair Scotland's spear, 
And broken was her shield. 

For such a task the materials are rich and abundant ; and well do they 
deserve to be sifted and concentrated into a readable book upon the com- 
prehensive but unpretending plan of ' The Battle of Otterburn.' " 

This hope found expression in 1858; and in the summer of that year, 
the Society assembled on Branxton Moor, when "The Battle of Flodden" 
was read, (Archceologia, N. S., iii, 197). One more historical work was 
still in store for Mr. White. It had long occupied his thoughts, and in 
his latter years he set himself to its accomplishment. " Mr. White, (said 
his friend " T. H.," already quoted, in the autumn of 1869,) has told the 
story of various battles, but one remains yet to be recorded, that of 
Bannockburn. A notice recently appeared in the AtJiceneum, that he 
was engaged on a work of this kind. Scotland more and more lends 
an ear to any one who will repeat the tale of that great deciding battle. 
Who would not gather round were it only an old pensioner on sixpence 
a day to hear from him the story of Waterloo ? Bannockburn was the 
best summer day's darg Scotland ever did. She put in the sickle, 
and reaped a great harvest, which has filled her barns and fed her 
children with the food of freedom and stout-hearted exultation ; and we 
will never tire of listening to the way and manner in which she went 
about the work, and we will be all the more pleased that Robert White 
recounts it." It was recounted in 1871 ; and at the annual meeting of 
the Society, held in the month of February, 1872, reference was made 
in the Report of the Council to this last work of our departed fellow- 
member. He was then in his seventieth year, and with apparent pro- 
mise of long life to come. But the prospect \vas not fulfilled : two 
years only remained to him. His was, however, a good old age, to 
which he had arrived with almost unbroken health on the way ; and he 
had lived long enough to teach an admirable lesson to our race. Born 
to an humble lot, the son of virtuous and intelligent parents, he walked 
in the way of industry, winning knowledge and culture as he went. 
Temperate in all things, he so husbanded his means that he could con- 
tinually be adding to what he well described in verse as 

The rich bequests of those inspired 
To elevate and teach mankind, 


Confidence and respect, and the fruits of faithful service, came to him 
by natural law. He attracted the good opinion and esteem of those 
around him. He gained the applause to which the Roman orator 
assigns peculiar weight " the praise of those who deserve praise ;" and 
his declining days were spent in honourable ease, to which literary labour 
lent a zest, and foreign travel, and converse with men and books. 


A PORTION of a .Roman water wheel of wood was lately sent to me 
from the mines of Tharsis, in Southern Spain, in the ancient workings 
of which it was found. At the suggestion of Dr. Bruce, and with his 
kind assistance, I have set it up here for the inspection of the members 
of this Society, some of whom may, perhaps, be able to throw some light 
on the mode in which the motive power was supplied to these wheels. 
At present this seems to be unknown. They are not water wheels in 
the usual sense of the term. They are curious, as having been used as 
lifting pumps to draw the mine. During a yachting cruise last sum- 
mer, I visited the mine, and with your permission I shall shortly lay 
before you the information I gathered on the spot regarding these 
wheels, severalj)f which have been found in situ on the north side of 
the mine. 

Where the outspurs of the range of hills called the Sierra Morena 
die away towards the sea, to the north of the Bay of Cadiz, there 
have been found some of the richest mineral deposits in Spain. In this 
district, iron, copper, lead, zinc, arsenic, antimony, bismuthj nickel, 
silver, and gold, have been found in quantities very much in the 
order in which I have given them. That this district is the Tarshish 
of ancient history there can be little or no doubt. The mine from 
which that wheel was taken is still called Tharsis ; and in the same 
province of Huelva, a high hill near Rio Tinto still bears the name of 
Solomon, and close by a little village is named Zalomea. The mine of 
Tharsis is situated about thirty miles from the town of Huelva, which 
lies not far from the junction of the rivers Odiel and Tinto, and close 
by is the little town of Palos, and the convent of La Rabbida, from which 
Columbus sailed with his three small vessels to discover the new world. 
The galleries by means of which the Tharsis mine, in ancient times, was 
worked, are of two kinds, square and round. The square galleries are 
believed to be Phrenician, and the round Roman. I regret that I have 


not succeeded in obtaining for your inspection any of the Eoman coins 
found in the round galleries. Some of these, however, were of the date 
of Nero. Some of the wheels found are marked with Roman letters ; 
one was marked T n s s E, but what these letters mean I cannot say. 
On the wheel before us I have only found two x's, which may have 
stood for 20. Until about 17 or 18 years ago the Tharsis mine seems 
to have remained for centuries un worked. In 'the old excavation, a 
lake of sulphurous water had formed, to which, from great distances, 
people afflicted with skin diseases came to bathe. A great demand hav- 
ing arisen for sulphur for the manufacture of sulphuric acid, attention 
was called to the forgotten mine. The healing waters of the lake were 
all pumped away, and a great mass or lode of mineral exposed, as stone 
is in an open quarry, to the extent of about a thousand yards in length. 
About six millions of tons of the mineral have been explored, but still 
the depth of the lode is unknown. As the depth increases the mass 
widens, and the richness of the mineral for copper appears to become 
greater, and it was from depths greater than the present workings that 
t^ie ancients drew the ore they smelted on the surface. And it is most 
interesting to find that in the great heaps of ancient slags on ths sur- 
face, there is hardly a trace of copper to be found, showing that the 
knowledge then possessed of the process of smelting must have been 
more perfect than any now known. It was in one of the deeper Eoman 
galleries that the wheel before you was found. The preservation of the 
wood is no doubt due to its saturation with cupreous water. The saw 
and other tool marks are still quite visible. I submit a plan of some 
of the first found wheels, which will show the position in which they 
were placed. All the wheels found are of the same diameter, about 
fifteen feet, and they have always been found in double pairs, as shown 
in the plan. That is, two working side by side in one excavation, 
and to them the water was lifted by another pair close by. As I 
have said, the manner in which the motive power was applied is un- 
known. Some remains of little tags of rope have been found hanging 
to the outer edges of the wheels, and these seem to indicate that they 
were turned by manual power, by means of these tags of rope. That 
they were turned by slaves I think there can be no doubt, for I cannot 
believe that any freeman would have consented willingly to work in 
the miserable galleries in which the water wheels have been found. If 
the wheel before us dates from the age of Xero, as it probably does, it 
must be 1800 years old. Longfellow, speaking of the sculptured 
figures of the Middle Ages, says 

"And above cathedral doorways saints and angels carved in stone, 
By a former age commissioned as apostles to our own." 


' .1 








Is not that wheel, dug up after eighteen centuries, an apostle as well ? 
an ajjostolus, or messenger, sent down through all the ages since 
Nero's time to tell us how Kome, in pursuit of that wealth which, 
as the result of her enterprise, made her grandeur, overcame all 
difficulties of navigation and of transit, and how, like the burghers of 
Nuremburg, her citizens could boast " That their great Imperial city 
stretched its hand through every clime ! " 


Description of the various parts of Old Roman Water Wheel found 
in the workings of the Tharsis Mines, and now placed in the 
Museum of the Castle. 

A Is fixed on to outside of lining of rim of wheel and to each set of arms, which 
projects a little beyond the lining. It is supposed to be that part of the 
wheel to which the workman either applied his strength or weight to cause 
it to revolve ; the latter of these methods is probably the correct one, as 
the rope suspended from the wooden balk above would lead to the con- 
clusion, that it was employed for the man to sling himself up to, and in 
this position by alternately using his feet as is done on a treadmill. 

B Ts dovetailed to the sides of the rim, in the inside of the oiitside lining, 
and in the centre of the space between each set of arms ; its use is for 
strengthening and joining the outside rim and holding the sides of the rim 

C Is the division piece which divides the rim between each set of arms into 
buckets ; it is morticed through the arms, also checked to them. 

D Arms of wheel. 

E Outside lining of rim, \ inch thick x 6i inches broad. 

p Inside lining of rim, ,, 6 \ ,, 

G Sides of rim \ ,, x 4\ ,, 

H Porthole for the ingress and egress of the water. 

| Centre flange of wheel with sockets formed for the reception of arms, and 
square hole in centre for axle. 

J Square axle, with round journals. 

K Pieces to deepen and strengthen up the eye in centre flanges for axle. 
L Four square pieces to stiffen up the centre flanges, &c. 
M Journal blocks and seats for axle to revole in. 

N Beam on which journal blocks are secured and on which the whole wheel 
is carried. 

O Trough shoot for receiving and conveying away the water raised by the 



DURING the present year there has been dug up amongst the ruins 
of the earliest buildings of the Roman station of Procolitia (the 
seventh per lineatn Valli), an altar dedicated to the genius of the 
place " Genio hujus loci." According to the Roman superstition, 
every person, and every place, had a presiding genius. In this 
instance the object of the dedication is distinct and clear, not so the 
names of the dedicators. The lettering is by the hand of an un- 
skilled sculptor, and is indistinct in the third and fourth lines ; these 
appear to be the letters 


of which the following would seem to be a probable reading : " Genio 
hujus loci Texander et Suavis Vexillarii cohortis secundse Nerviorum." 
The dedicators are thus assumed to be Texander and Suavis, two Vexil- 
larii of the second cohort of the Nervii. The name of Texander has 
not been met with in any inscription found in Britain the name of 
Suavis is recorded on a centurial stone found in the vicinity of Proco- 
litia as that of a centurion employed in building Hadrian's Wall, and 
there might well be a standard bearer having the same cognomen. It 
is satisfactory to the writer that Dr. Bruce (whom he regards as the 
best authority on the subject) concurs in this as the probable reading 
of these imperfect letters. The standard bearer of the Legion was 
styled " Aquilifer, from Aquila, the Ensign of the Legion ; the standard 
bearer of the cohort was styled Signifer, from Signa, the standard of a 
cohort ; and the standard bearer of a century (company) or any body 
of troops serving under a vexillum, was styled " Vexillarius. The second 
cohort of the Nervii, whose officers dedicate this altar without doubt 
came to Britain with the Sixth Legion, early in the reign of Hadrian. 
It is mentioned in the diploma of that emperor, A.D. 124, and the only 


other record of this cohort which has been discovered in Britain is an 
altar found near the line of the road of Agricola, between the stations 
of Cilurnum and Magna, dedicated by Decimus Cserellius Victor, a 
praefect of the Second Cohort of the Nervii. The Nervii were a people 
of Belgic Gaul, distinguished for their valour. Julius Caesar, in the 
Second Book of his Commentaries de Bello Gallico, describes his inva- 
sion of Belgic Gaul at the head of eight legions, and his approach 
through the country of the Ambiani to that of the Nervii, and he thus 
states the result of his inquiries as to the habits and character of the 
Nervii : " There is no intercourse with them by merchants ; they do 
not allow wine, or any other things tending to luxury, to be brought 
into their country, because they are satisfied that by such things their 
minds would be weakened and their courage impaired ; they are a peo- 
ple fierce and of great valour," The great Eoman general proceeds to 
narrate his advance into their country, and his desperate conflict with 
them on the banks of the Sabis (the modern Sambre) . A people who 
could maintain such a conflict with the disciplined legions of Rome 
must have contained excellent materials for soldiers, and so the Romans 
must have thought, for at a later period no less than six auxiliary 
cohorts of the Nervii served in the Roman armies. The permanent 
garrison of Procolitia was the first cohort of Batavians, which has left 
numerous records of its presence there, extending from the reign of 
Maximinus, A.D. 237, to the date of the Notitia Imperii, supposed to 
be A.D. 400. Very near to the spot where this altar was found was 
dug up a fragment of an inscribed stone, containing a very few letters, 
but]enough to justify the conjecture that the inscription relates to some 
act to which the Sixth Legion and some troops of the Nervii were 
parties. The Sixth Legion and the second cohort of the Nervii (pro- 
bably one of its auxiliary cohorts) arrived in Britain at the same time. 
The Sixth Legion took part in the building of the Wall of Hadrian, of 
which the station of Procolitia is a component part. Amongst the ruins 
of that station many tiles have been found bearing the impress of that 
Legion, LEG. VI. V., " Legio sexta victrix." The Sixth Legion remained 
in Britain, its head quarters being at York, till the date of the Notitia 
Imperii, in which it is placed as being under the command of the Roman 
officer styled Dux Britanniarum, " sub dispositione viri spectabilis Ducis 
Britanniarum." The district under the command of this officer includes 
all the garrisons on the Wall of Hadrian, the Wall of Antoninus would 
seem to have been previously abandoned. Immediately after the date 
of the Notitia, Stilicho, the general, and the Minister of the youthful 
Emperor Honorius, called in the legions from the provinces for the 
purpose of resisting the invasion of Italy by the Goths under Alaric, 


Amongst the legions so called in would be the 6th, and no doubt it is 
the legion referred to by the poet Claudian, the " Vates Sacer," who 
sung the exploits of Stilicho 

Venit et extremis Legio praetemVBritannis 
Quse Scoto dat fraena truci, ferroque notatas 
Perlegit exsangues Picto moriente figuras. 

It may be hoped that future excavation may bring to light further 
fragments of this inscribed stone, of which so little has been yet found ; 
and the same hope may be extended to the discovery of further frag- 
ments of a bronze statute of the size of life, of which the hand, a. 
favourable specimen of the sculptor's art, has been lately exhumed. 




af 9ntt(|nant* 



THERE is a time-honoured custom affecting this JElian Society, as 
many others, of offering to the annual general meeting some remarks 
on the recent position of the body and on outside events connected with 
its objects. Such remarks, designated a report, are, for some reason or 
another, generally drawn up by a secretary, rather than a council or 
committee, or a member thereon, and they sometimes are revised in 
meeting, sometimes not. It is feared that in the yElian Society such 
revision has seldom taken place ; but it seems desirable on this occasion 
to say that the Senior Secretary has neither drawn nor seen the report, 
and that, for obvious reasons, he was not asked to do so. For it so 
happens that he must be mentioned prominently as the painstaking 
and skilful editor of the famous book, the last part of which bears 
the date, 1875. Dr. Bruce, who has scarcely been identified suffi- 
ciently with the Lapidai'ium upon which the society has delighted to 
plume itself, possesses certain qualifications peculiarly requisite for the 
production of a monographic work. The confining himself, upon the 
whole, to a particular department of archaeology, or rather to a par- 
ticular period of our national history, the enthusiasm which every true 
worker shows to his own hobby, with a proper slowness in jumping to 
conclusions, and indomitable industry, are useful properties. But our 
friend has, in addition, a certain amount of common sense, in which 
scientific men arc too often Ineking. and he has lorg seen that a popular 
style, handsome get-up, and abundant pictorial illustration are requisite 
to entice the world at large towards his favourite subject. Probably 
all men possess a love for the beautiful, though differing very much in 
their respective selection of the objects in which they love to find it. 
Some delight in Greek coins, and minute gems, and Elzevir classics and 
diamond-type editions of modern authors ; others in the noble medallions 
and first brass coins of Imperial Rome, and noble folios, and Baskerville',s 

288 REPORT. 

type, and engravings and maps 011 a good scale ; others in a tattered 
manuscript, the deciding a reading or a date to a nicety ; others, again, 
in the crinkle-crankle of architecture of this or that period ; some in 
pictorial art of one style or another ; some in divers other arts. But 
perhaps in all there is a wish to be as perfect, almost mathematically 
correct, in the exercise of their intelligence with respect to the subjects 
of their tastes as to history and art as they would like to be in their in- 
quiries in physical subjects, or their own professional or mercantile or 
mechanical avocations. Now, Dr. Bruce likes a handsome volume, and 
one compete according to its scope, and pleasing to those taking an in- 
terest in what he takes an interest in, and to those whom he wishes to 
bring to his own good ways. And thus we have acquired a most useful 
book, and imposing withal, and the Society has been right in pluming 
itself on being the vehicle of its production. But as it has already ac- 
quired an inconvenient scarcity, it may become a speedy question 
whether a smaller edition, after the manners of the Elzevirs, never in- 
terfering with the value of the larger one to connoisseurs, should not be 
issued for the convenience of practical students who like handy books 
and may have small means. A double part of the " Archa3ologia JSliana,' 
which must be sold to non-members at more than the usual price, is 
now ready for issue. It completes a volume, and the title page, con- 
tents, and index, to be prepared by the trained hand of Mr. Dodd, will 
be issued as soon as possible. The part is extensively illustrated, and 
through the kindness of Messrs. John Clay ton and Alexanders. Stevenson, 
in a great measure without cost to the Society. The ordinary operations 
of the Society must, however, for the present be suspended. They could 
not well be so previously. But it has been a matter of real regret that 
the unpublished manuscripts of Mr. Hodgson Hinde, ft\e facile princeps 
of critics on north-country history, could not be taken up earlier. They 
must now be so in good earnest. What we may call his remains abound 
in much of extreme interest. A subject to which he paid much atten- 
tion may here be fitly mentioned. The fact that Newcastle was leagues 
behind other towns as to museum facilities preyed upon his mind, and 
as to antiquities his proposition was that this Society should build a re- 
ceptacle near the Castle whither might be removed our own collections 
and those which at present unfortunately float past us to other public 
collections, or to mere private gatherings, which will' be dispersed by 
sale, or go to distant places in their entirety, or rot away after various 
losses or pilferings. Mr. Hinde probably over estimated the zeal of his 
friends, and forgot that there was no particular reason why one or two 
hundred persons should at their own cost relieve a wealthy town, many 
of the ratepayers of which form their own collections of works of art, 
from the ordinary obligations of townsmen. But there should be no 

REPORT. 287 

objection to the handing over of the nucleus of a fund raised by him, 
and invested at Lambton & Go's, in the names of himself, Dr. Charlton, 
and the present Secretaries, 629 16s., (plus considerable interest) to- 
wards any well considered scheme for such a museum as inconsiderable 
places enjoy, and our collections could, as is done in small towns, be 
lent for what would practically be permanent exhibition. That New- 
castle has by its municipal apathy lost articles of enormous value is 
but too certain, but " it is never too late to mend." We cannot, 
indeed, bring back the Castle of Newcastle and its surroundings, or the 
Pink Tower, or the somewhat more vulgar edifices called Newgate and 
the tower on the bridge, or the pretty clustered pillars of Old All Saints', 
or the fair east gable of St. Andrew's, or the stately memorials of New- 
castle's ancient worthies in those churches and in St. Nicholas. Still, 
there is no great destruction in our churches at Newcastle at this 
moment, and present mistakes can easily be put right by the next 
generation at an enhanced cost. On the whole, St. John's Church 
now possesses the highest interest. Its Norman work is older than 
anything mediaeval in Newcastle, save perhaps some portions of the 
outer walls of the Castle near the south postern, and in its glass is the 
oldest exemplar of the arms of the Borough. The Society luckily 
possesses the piscina and the arms of Robert Rhodes (the good lawyer, 
who gave a steeple to St. Nicholas) which were formerly part of the 
fabric. The interesting remains of Henry III.'s Black Gate also still 
exist, though the superstructure creates a prejudice against them. The 
excavations in the Roman Station at Shields Lawe must, we may hope, 
not be regarded as closed. The most striking remains are, it will be 
learned with satisfaction, to be preserved. It may not be distasteful 
to the Society to learn that the Heworth School Board have adopted on 
their seal the design of the valuable stycas of the Northumbrian king, 
Ecgfrid, the great benefactor of Jarrow, in relation to whom Jarrow 
was called the port of King Ecgfrid. The stycas were found in 
Heworth Churchyard, in Jarrow parish ; and the earthen vessel in 
which they were contained, now in our museum, rather perplexes the 
learned as to whether it is not more ancient than its small copper 
contents, which sometimes occur for sale in London at about twenty 
pounds a piece. The monthly meetings continue to afford pleasant 
recreation, and the Society imy reasonably consider that it is still 
of some slight utility. Numerous short papers have been read. The 
following is a list of the most recent presentations to the Society, by 
its constant friend, Sir "VV. C. Trevelyan : The Cartulary of Cam- 
bukennoth, Reid's Bibliotheca Scoti Celtica, Norris' Ancient Cornish 
Drama, McLaren's Plains of Troy, Harleian Society Visitations of 
Oxford aud Cumberland, Instituto Archieologica Roma. 


1870. i*. s. (1. 

JAN. 28. To Balance in hand MO 10 7 

Subscriptions 87 3 

Cash Collections at Castle 77 8 G 

Cash from B. Quaritch for Lapidariuin . . . 236 18 

,, Books sold by W. PmUl, less Commission . 171 G 

713 6 I 
To Ualance , . 407 14 11 


1876. . s . (1. 

JAN. 28. By paid J. Gibson. 46 16 

,, ,, A. Reid, Printing 98 2 

,, Do. Bookbinding &c 92 9 

,, D. Mossman 18 11 6 

,, ., R. B. Utting 18 1 

,, ,, Insurance 076 

,, Rent of Castle 2 <! 

,, ,, E. Phillips, for Grey Abbey . . . . 10 6 

,, ,, Advertising Lapidarium 444 

Surtees Society and P.O. Order ... 112 

G. B. Frost, Wire Guards for Chapel . 414 

,, ,, R. G. Salmon, Chapel Windows . . . 5 14 

,, ,, Hancock, Brushes 10 5 

,, Gas and Candles 6 10 

,, Wm. Dodd, Account 3123 

,, ,, Commission on Subscriptions . . . . 460 

,, ,, Carriage of Lapidarium to Members . . . 1 14 2 

,, ,, Coals and Firewood 3 16 

,, ,, Postage and Carriage 135 

,. Sundries 096 

Balance. 407 14 11 

713 6 1 

January 31st, 1876, 

Examined with the vouchers, 
and found correct, 




David Laing, Esq., Librarian to the Signet Library, 

Edinburgh 2 Jan. 1828 

Sir Walter Calverley Trevelyan, Bart. F.S. A., Wellington 6 Feb. 
James Orchard Halliwell, Esq., F.R.S., F.S.A. ... 5 Nov. 1839 

John Yonge Akennan, Esq., Seer. S.A. ... ... 3 Feb. 1840 

His Excellency John Sigismund von Mosting, Copen- 

Robert William Billings, Esq 7 July 

John Richards, Esq., F.S.A., Reading ... ... ... 

Robert Bigsby, Esq., Repton, Burtou-on-Trent ... 

Charles Roach Smith, Esq., F.S.A., London 6 Feb. 1844 

Charles Newton, Esq., M.A., H.B.M. Vice-Consul at 

Mitylene 5 Sept. 1841 

Mons. Ferdinand Denis, Keeper of the Library of St. 

Genevieve at Paris 3 Feb. 1851 

Right Honourable Lord Talbot de Malahide, F.S.A., 

M.R.I.A., Malahide Castle, Ireland 1 Sept. 1852 

Sir John P. Boileau, Bart., F.R.S., F.S.A., M.R.I.A. 
Rev. John Montgomery Traherne, F.S.A., late Chan- 
cellor of Llandaff Cath., Coedriglan, Cardiff ... ,, 

Edwin Guest, Esq., LL.D., Master of Caius College, 


Rev. J. L. Petit, M.A., F.S.A., Old Square, Lincoln's 


James Yates, Esq., F.R.S., Lauderdale House High- 

William Wat-kin E. Wynne, Esq., M.P., F.S.A., 

Aberamffra, Barmouth ... ... ... ... ,, ,, 

Sir Charles Anderson, Bart, Lea Hall, Gainsborough ... 

Daniel Wilson, Esq., LL.D., late Secretary of the 
Society of Antiquaries, Edinburgh, now Pro- 
fessor of English Literature in the University 
of Toronto 



Anthony Salvin, Esq., F.S.A., Finchley, Middlesex ... 1 %>*.1852 
William Beaumont, Esq., Warrington . . . ... ... ,, 

Henry Maclauchlan, Esq., London ... ... ... ,, 

Charles Bridger, Esq., 3, Kepple Street, London ... 3 J/izy, 1851 
Richard Sainthill, Esq., Cork ... ... 6 Dec. 1851 

William Webster, Esq., York ... ... ... ,, 

John Lindsay, Esq., Cork ... ... ... ... 

Aquilla Smith, Esq., M.D., Dublin Il^>ri7,1855 

Abbe Cochet, Dieppe 2 Sept. 1857 

Signer Giovanni Monteroli, Rome ... ... ... 7 Nov. 1860 

Kev. Dr. Hume, Liverpool ... ... ... ... 3^1/m7,18Gl 

The Duca di Brolo . 5 1865 

FEBRUARY, 1876. 

ADIMSOX, Rev. Edward Hussey, Heworth, Durham. 

Adamson, William, Cullercoats, Northumberland. 

Adamson, Laurence, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 

Adamson, Horatio A., Xorth Shields. 

Allan, Robert Henry, F.S.A., Blackwell Hall, Durham. 

Allen, William, Wallsend, Northumberland. 

Appleton, John Reed, F.S.A., Durham. 

Arkle, Thomas, High Laws, Morpeth, Northumberland. 

Atkinson, George Clayton, Xewcastle-upon-Tyne. 

Atkinson, "William Hall, North Shields. 

Bainbridge, William, North Shields. 

Barker, C. D., Radnor House, Great Malvern, Worcestershire. 

Barnes, Thomas, Whitburn. Durham. 

Bates, Thomas H. W r olsiugham, Durham. 

Beaumont, "Went worth Blackett, M.P., Bretton Hall, Yorkshire. 

Blackett, Sir Edward, Bart., Matfen Hall, Northumberland. 

Blair, Robert, South Shields. 

Booth, John, jun., Shotley Bridge, Durham. 

Boulton, Babington, Bishop Auekland. 

Brooks, John C., Wallsend, Northumberland. 

Brown, Rev. Dixon, Unthank Hall, Northumberland. 

Brown, Ralph, Newca.stle-upon-Tyne. 

Bruce, Rev. John Collingwood, LL.D., F.S.A., Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 

Cadpgan, ( 1 harles Hodgson. Brinkburn Priory, Northumberland. 

Cail, Richard, Beaconsfield, Gateshead. 

Calvert, Rev. Thomas, Brighton, Sussex. 

Carr, Rev. H. B., Whickham, Durham. 

Charlton, William Henry, Hesleyside, Northumberland. 

Clark, Rev. William Atkinson, Belibrd Hall, Northumberland. 

Clavering, Edward, Callaley Castle, Northumberland, 


Clayton, John, Chesters, F.S.A., Northumberland. 
Oawshay, George, Haughton Castle, Northumberland 
Cresswell, A. J. Baker, Cresswell, Northumberland. 
Cuthbert, William, Beaufront Castle, Northumberland. 

Dees, Eobert Eichardson, The Hall, Wallsend, Northumberland. 

Dodd, William, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 

Dunn, Martin, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 

Dunn, Kev. J. W., Warkworth, Northumberland. 

Elliott, George, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 
Ellison, Ealph Carr, Dunston. Hill, Durham. 
Errington, John, High Warden, Northumberland. 

Falconar, John Brunton, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 
Farmery, William K., Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 
Fenwick, George A., Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 
Finch, Eev. Thomas, Morpeth, Northumberland. 

Gibb, Charles John, M.D., Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 
Goddard, Daniel H., Chester-le- Street, Durham. 

Hailstone, Edward, F.S.A., Walton Hall, Yorkshire. 

Hall, Kev. George Eome, F.S.A., Birtley, Wark, Northumberland, 

Haswell, Francis E. N., North Shields. 

Heywood, Samuel, London. 

Hodgkin, Thomas, Newcastle-upon-Tyue. 

Hodgson, Eichard Wellington, North Dene, Gateshead. 

Hoyle, William Aubone, Denton Hall, Northumberland. 

Huntley, Eichard Hodgson, Carhani Hall, Northumberland. 

Ingledew, Henry, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 

James, Sir Walter Charles, Bart., Betteshanger, Sandwich, Kent, 
Johnson, Eobert James, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 
Johnson, Eev. Anthony, Bywcll, Northumberland. 

Longstaffe, William Hylton Dyer, Gateshead. 


Manners, George, Croydon, Surrey. 

McDowall, T. W., M.D., Morpeth, Northumberland. 

Northumberland, His Grace the Duke of, Alnwick Castle. 

Oilier, J. Clement, Riding Mill,Northmnberland. 
Orniston, Robert, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 
Oswald, Septimus, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 

Pemberton, Richard Lawrence, The Barnes, Sunderland. 
Philipson, John, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 

Raine, Rev. James, York. 

Ravensworth, Tho Right Hon. the Earl of, Ravensworth Castle, 

Rendcl, George W., Ben well, Northumberland. 

Riddell, Sir Walter Buchanan, Bart., Ilepple, Rothbury, Northum- 

Ridley, Sir Matthew White, Bart., Blagdon, Northumberland. 

Robinson, Thomas W. U., Houghton-le-Spring, Durliam. 

Kogers, Rev. Percy, Simonburn, Northumberland. 

Rutland, George, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 

Silvertop, Henry, Minsteracres, Northumberland. 

Spence, Robert, North Shields. 

Speuce, Charles James. North Shields. 

Stevenson, Alexander S., Tynemouth. 

Swinburne, Sir John, Bart., Capheaton, Northumberland. 

Swithinbank, George E., London. 

Taylor, Hugh, Chipchase Castle, Northumberland. 
Taylor, Edward J., Sunderland. 
Thompson, Matthew, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 

Warwick, John, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 
Williamson, Rev. R. H., Whickham, Durham. 
Woodman, William, Stobhill, Morpeth, Nort' 

Young, Charles Henry, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 













Abbotsford, Roman inscription at, 212 

Abbotsford, Roman statuettes at, 214 

Acha, 110 

Adda, 102 

Jidan, incursion of, 108 

^dibrith, 95 

./Elf red, 25 ; moneyers employed by, 


^Elfred, coins of, 61 
^Ella's reign in Deira, 102 
JEtte, 23 ; coin of, 47 
yEthelburga, queen of Edwin, 112 
^Ethelfrid, 107 et seq. 
^Ethelred, 25 
jEthelric, 102 
yEthelstan, money coined by, at York, 


^Ethelwald, 31 
Aldred, 32, 35 
Altar found at Cilurnum, 175; at 

Hexham, 214 ; by the spouse of 

Fabius to the Nymphs, remarks 

on the inscription, 265 
Altars found at Maryport, 184 
Aluson, 94 
Alvualdus, coin of, 62 
Amund, 24 
Anglo-Saxon stone found at Falstone, 

remarks on, 272 
Anlaf or Olaf, coins of, 66 
Anniversary meeting, 1 
Annual Report, 2 
Anocitico, on the dedication of an 

altar to, 260 

L. Antistius Verianus,, 190 
Antonine itinerary, 90 
Antoninus Pius, inscription to, 174 
Antenocitico, on the dedication of an 

altar to, 260 

Apollo, statuette of, 214 
Apollo Maponus, altar to, 216 
Appleby Castle, tapestry in, 205 
Archaeologist yEliana, Mr. Hinde's 

contributions to, 234 
/Erchseological Institute, Mr. Hinde's 

papers read at meetings of, 235 

Arderydd, effects of the battle of, 

Armorial bearings of the kings of 
Bernicia and Deira, 113 

Arms on Hilton Castle, 149 ct seq. ; 
in Darlington Church, 243 

Ascolv, moneyer, 67 

Asser's Life of yElfred, quoted, 22 
et seq. 

Astley, Sir Jacob, instructions for 
to make his speedy repair to New- 
Castle, 87 

Athelfred, moneyer, 66 

Atticus, 80 

T. Attius Tutor, 191, 192 

Augustine, 108 


Bacialer, moneyer, 66 
Badon Hill, battle of, 95 
Ba3tasians, first cohort of, altars 

erected by, 190 et seq, 
Bagsecg, 24 

Bamborough, 97 ; mint at, 75 ; coun- 
try meeting at, 78 
Bannockburn, battle of, White's 

history of, 278 
Barnett, W. E., elected a member, 


Barnred, coin of, 48 
Baronspike, Runic inscription on, 82 
Barrasford, British remains near, 3 ; 

Saxon relics found at, 14 
Barrows, 12 

Barton in the Willows, 86 
Bates, T. H., on the local term 

'Frith,' 181 
Bearnoch, 99 
Bede, 129 

Bede's Ecclesiastical History, 196 
Bell, alphabetical, from Patterdale, 


Beornec, 92 

Bernicia, kingdom of, 91 
Bewicke, Mrs., of Close House, 268 
Bird, the, on coins, 71 
Bird, Rev. C., 11 



Birtley, J.ritish remains, 3 ; 
two bronze spear - heads found 
near, 201 ; holy well, 10 

Birtley Shield's Dene camp, 4 ; ter- 
races, 15 

Birtley West Farm, 5 

Black, W. H., on the live sitting 
statues, of Roman date, in. the 
museum of the Society, 86 

Blue Crag, 7 

Book of Life, the, 198 

Boulton, Matthew, 268 

Bourchier, Earl of Bath, arms quar- 
tered by, 206 

Bow and arrow, the, on coins, 69 

Breamish, river, 1)3 

Bridekirk font, by George Stephens, 

British remains near Birtley and 
Barrasford, 3 

Brolo, The Duca di, elected an hon- 
orary member, 19 

Bronze spear-heads found near Birt- 
ley, 209 

Broomhope Camp-hill, 15 

Brougham, Anne, the centenarian, 
by James Clephan, 267 ; Lord, 267 ; 
of Scales, family of, 269 

Brown, Ralph, elected a member, 78 

Bruce, Rev. J. C., observations on a 
Roman inscription at Cockermouth 
Castle, 80 ; on the altars found at 
Maryport, 184 ; on inscriptions at 
Abbotsford and Hexhain, 212 

Buck's view of Hilton Castle, 147 

Buteland Camp, 5 ; Common, 15 

Burgred, 25 

Byron, arms of, 85 


C. Caballus Prisons, 191, 192 

L. Csecilius Vegetus, 191 

Csedwalla, 112 

Camden's visit to the Roman Wall, 

Cainlan, battle of, 96 

Cammius Maximus, 190 

L. Cammius Maximus, 189 

Camp Hill, or Pity Me, 7 

Carmogon, 7 

Carry House Camp, 4 

Cassivellaunus, 16 

Catherine window, Durham Cathe- 
dral, 126 

Catherine Greaves' head, 15 

Cauld Lad of Hilton, 156, et scq. 

Celred, or Cenred, moneyer, 48 

Chapel of Hilton Castle, 151 

Chaiiton, Edward, M.D., on Runic 
inscription on Baronspikc, 82 

Christianity introduced into Britain, 

("'illinium, excavation at, 171 ; east- 
ern gateways at, 172 

Cinder Kiln Hills, 10 

Clayton, John, notes of an excava- 
tion at Cilurnum, 171 ; notes of 
an excavation of a turret on the 
Roman Wall, 256 ; on a Roman 
altar at Procolitia, 282 

Clephan, James, notice of Anne 
'Brougham, 267 ; on early printing 
in Newcastle, 271 ; memoir of 
Robert White, 274 

Cunt, coins of, 49 et sec. ; identity of 
with Guthfrith, 57 

Cockermouth Castle, Roman inscrip- 
tion at, 80 

Coins of the Danish kings of North- 
umberland, 21 

Coins in seals, 204 

Condercum altars, on the dedica- 
tions of, 260 

Conshields, bronze celt found at, 16 

Corb ridge, coins struck at, 73 ; ser- 
jantrics at, 75 ; Church, coin of 
Bamred found at, 48 ; lanx, note 
on, by Lord Ravensworth, 142 

Countess Park camp, 4, 16 

Cuerdale, find of coins at, 49 et ac(j. 

Cuncdag, emigration of, from the 
North, 94 

Cunnetti, or Cyimetti, 58 

S. Cuthbert, 129 


Daere, arms of, 243 

Dalmatians, first cohort of, altar 
erected by, 191 

Dan's cairn, 13 

Danish kings of Northumberland, 
coins of, 21 ; invasion of Northum- 
berland, 23 ct scq. 

Darlinglon Church, the screen and 
chancel arrangements of, 240 

Darnell, Rev. W. N., Donation of a 
mortar from Mooltan, 78 

Deira, kingdom of, 92 

Denham, or Dynham family, 206 

Derwentwater, James, third Earl of, 
114 ; Anne Maria, Countess of, 114 

Domestic fool kept by Baron Hilton, 
anecdotes of, 161 

Donations of books, 1, 18 

Dugdale's notice of arms in windows 
of Durham Cathdral, 135 

Durham Cathedral, stained glass of, 

Durham and Sadbergc, pagan pe- 
riod, 89 ; the early chronicle?, 196 


Eadmundj 41 ct scy. 
W. Eadmmid, 25 



S. Eadmund money, 55 

Eadulf of Bamborough, 32 

Ecclesistical records, petition on, 

Ecgberht, 27 

S. Edmund, 128 

Edwin, 111 

Ellis, James, of Otterburn, 275 

Ellison, R. Carr, on the two altars 
found at Condercum, 260 ; on the 
Rudge cup, 262 ; on an altar found 
at Risingham, 265 ; on the Anglo- 
Saxon stone found atFalstone, 272 

English Chronicle MSS. of, quoted, 
22 et seq. 

Eobba, 96 

Eowils, 24, 32 

Eric, son of Harold, 45 

Eric Blodoxe, 41. 

Eric, coins of, 65 

Erkembald, moneyer, 73 

Eure, Lord of Wit toil le Wear, arms 
of, 243 

Everett, Rev. James, deeds from, 85 


Falstone, remarks on Anglo-Saxon 

stone found at, 272 
Farmoii, moneyer, 66 
Fawcett's " Hilton Castle in the olden 

day," 164 
Fenwick, Geo. A. , elected a member, 

78; Dr., of Durham, 268 
Flodden, battle of, White's history 

of, 278 

Foss, Dr. R. W., on the tinder-box,217 
Fountains of British history explored, 


Four ancient books of Wales, 98 
Fowler, C. Hodgson, on the glass in 

Durham Cathedral, 137 
French moneyers employed in Eng- 
land, 55 

Frisians, altar erected by troop of, 80 
Frith, on the local term, 181 
Frithwald, 105 

Gainford, Roman inscription at, 191 

Gichbrond, 94 

Gillesbeuth, Runic inscription in 
memory of, 82 

Gilsland, baronv of, 84 

Giulglis, 96 

Glappa, 101 

Glass, stained, in Durham Cathe- 
dral, 125 

Glove, the, on coins, 69 

Godrum, 24 

Gordianus, 80 

Gordon, Alex., on the turrets of the 
Roman Wall, 257 

Gregory, Pope, 105 
Greystock, arms of, 243 
Gunnar Heugh, 6 
Gunnerton Money Hill, 12 
Guthfrith, 29 ; identity of, with Cnut, 

Guthred or Guthfrid, 28 


Hakon, 41 

Haigh, Rev. D. H., on the coins of 
the Danish kings of Northumber- 
land, 21 

Half dene, 24 ct seq ; coins of, 48 

Hall, Rev. G. R. , on ancient British 
remains near Birtley and Barras- 
ford, 3 ; on Roman way across 
Wark's Ford, 19 ; notes on two 
bronze spear -heads, 209 

Harkirk, find of coins at, 62 

Headlam, Dr., 268 

Heathpool, terrace cultivation near, 9 

Helstrius Novellus, 191, 193 

Henry I. , Northumbrian coin of, 72 

Henry (Prince), Earl of Northumber- 
land, coins of, 74 

Heraldic glass in Mrs. Maltby'a 
house, Durham, 139 

Hexham, Thomas, glass commemor- 
ating, 136. 

Hexham, find of coins at, 47 ; 
Roman altar at, 214 ; altar, re- 
marks on the inscription on, 264 

High Shield Green, terrace cultiva- 
tion near, 8 ; Camp, or Night 
Folds, 6, 13 

S. Hilda, baptized, 111 

Hilton, Baron William of, 148 ; 
family, portraits of, 168; Castle, 
the architectural history of, 143 ; 
arms on, 149 et seq.; Chapel'of, 151 j 
legends connected with, 153 

Hind, Miss E. Archer, 231 

Hinde, John Hodgson, biographical 
notice of, 229 

History of the Kings, 198 

Hodgk'in, Thomas, elected a mem- 
ber, 78 

Hodgson, Rev. John, 231, 233 

Hodgson of Elswick, family of, 229 

Horsley, John, 233 ; on the turrets of 
the Roman Wall, 257 ; memoir on 
Northumberland and other MSS. , 


Hospital of S. Mary the Virgin, 203 
Howitt, William, Account of Hilton 

Castle, 165 
Hunedeus, GO 
Hunter's notice of arms in >vindows 

Durham Cathedral, 135 
Hussa, 107 



Hutchin^on's Account of Durham 

Cathedral, i:!i 
Hutton, Dr. Charles, 2GS 

Ida, 96 el seq. ; successors of, 100 

Ilderton Tithes, 204 

Ingelgar, moneyer, G5 

Ingleby, Henry de, rector of Haugh- 

ton, 242 
Ingucc, 95 
Ingwar, 24 et seq. 
Irish annals quoted, 22 et seq. 
Ironstone workings, &c., 9 
Ivar, 26 


Joseph window, Durham Cathedral, 
134, 135, 138 

Jupiter, altars to, found at Mary- 
port, 189 et seq. ; Statuette of, 214 

Lamb, R. O., elected a member, 78 

Lamb, Mr. presents a greenstone celt, 1 

Lambton worm, 156 

Lanchester, Roman station at, 89 

Lanercost Abbey, 84 

Langley, Cardinal, 245 

S. Lawrence, 129 

Leap Crag Pool, 1 1 

Leeds, memorial ciosies found at, 65 

Legends connected with Hilton Cas- 
tle, 153 

Legion, the twenty-second, inscrip- 
tion of, 212 

Leofic, moneyer, 65 

Leyden's poems and ballads, edited 
by R. White, 277 

Lincoln coins, 64 

Lindisfarne, see of, founded, 112 

Local muniments, 204 

Longovicum, 93 

LongstafFe, W. H . D. , on Durham and 
Sadberge, 89, 196 ; on the stained 
glass in Durham Cathedral, 125 ; 
architectural history of Hilton Cas- 
tle, 143 ; on tapestry in Appleby 
Castle, 205 ; on the screen and 
chancel arrangements of Darling- 
ton church, 240 

Losh, William, 268 

Lubbock, Sir John, on use of iron by 
ancient Britons, 10 

Lucifer matches, invention of, 224 


Msenius Agrippa, 189, 191 
M. Maenius Agrippa, 192 
Maileun, 98 

Mars, altar to, found at Maryport, 
190 ; statuette of, 214 

S. Martin, 128 

Maryport, altars found at, 184 

Mercury, statuette of, 214 

Military roads of the Romans and 
Incas, 176 

Mill Knock Camp, 6 ; standing stone 
near, 10 

Moises, Rev. Hugh, 268 ; Rev. Ed- 
ward, 268 

Monthly meetings, 18, 19, 78, 79, 81, 

Morrison, Mr. , presents portion of a 
thin brass vesse,, 1 


Nennius' history, 196 ; genealogies 
in, 91 

Neville arms in Durham Cathedral, 

Newburgh, Anthony James, Earl ef, 
117 ; Caroline, Countess of, 116 

Newcastle, on early printing in, by 
James Clephan, 271 

Nicholson, G., repairs Durham Ca- 
thedral, 132 

Nine Altars, chapel of, in Durham 
Cathedral, 126 et seq. 

Northumbria, kingdom of, founded, 

Northumberland, Duchess of, ad- 
dress to, 18. 

Northumberland, general history of, 
by J.Hodgson Hiude, 236 ; inedited 
contribtions to history of, 238 

Notitia Iniperii, 93 


Ogle, John, on window in Durham 
Cathedral, 127 

Olaf, 25 

Olaf, son of Guthfrith, 39 

Olaf, son of Sihtric, 42 

Olaf or Anlaf, coins of, 66 

Ordericus Vitalis, 202 

Osberht, 23 ; stycas of, 46 

Osbrith, 32 

Oskitell, 24 

Ossa, 95 

S. Oswald, 110, 112. 

Oswald in window, Durham Cathe- 
dral, 129 

Ottcrburn, battle of, White's his- 
tory of, 277 

Oxhffl, 7 


Patterdale, alphabetical bell from, 

Paulinus, 111 

Percy, arms of, 243 ; arms in win- 
dow, Durham Cathedral, 135 

Peter (St.) money, 62 et seq. 



Petition on ecclesiastical records, 226 
Peru, military roads in, 176 et seq. 
Philipson, Nicholas John, 160 
Pikeringe, Richard, glass by, in 

Durham Cathedral, 126 
Pipe rolls of Northumberland, 231 ; 

of Cumberland, Westmorland, and 

Durham, 232 
Pitland Hill, 10 
Portraits of the Hiltons, 168 
Pretextatus, 80 _ 
Printing, early, in Newcastle, 271 
Procolitia, discovery of a Roman altar 

at, 282 
Pudsey, Bishop, builds Darlington 

Church, 241 


Quoenburga, queen of Edwin, 111 


Radcliffe Pedigree, observations on, 
114 ; family, 114 et seq.; John, 
death of, 114; Lady Ann, 115; 
Charles, 116 

Radulf, moneyer, 65 

Ragnar Lodbrog, 23 

Railways, Mr. Hinde's connection 
with, 233 

Raingald or Raignald, moneyer, 48 

Ruvensworth, Lord, exhibits coins, 
18 ; note on the Corbridge Lanx, 
142 ; on the military roads of the 
Romans and Incas, 176 

Raymes, John, 203 

Red Book, the, 200 

Redwald, 111 

Regnald, 35 ; coins of, 62 

Rever Crag, 7 

Richard the Architect, 118 

Riczig, 27 

Robinson, J. R., elected a member, 

Robson, Thomas, 19 

Rochester, 7 

Roger de Houeden, 202 

Roman Way across Wark's Ford, 19 

Roman stations in Durham, 93 ; in- 
scription at Gainford, 19 ; water 
wheel from Tharsis, in Spain, 279 

Rood-loft, Darlington Church, 245 

Rotri, 28 

Roxby's drama of the Cauld Lad of 
Hilton, 165 

Rudge cup, the inscription on, 262 

Runic inscription on Baronspike, 82 

Rusidbri mac Mormind, 27 


Saxon remains, 14 ; chronicle, 198 ; 
burial on a British burial-barrow, 14 

Screen and chancel arrangements of 

Darlington Church, 240 
Screen, Darlington Church, 252 
Scotswood Suspension Bridge, 233 
Sebald, 94 
Sepulchral barrows or tumuli, 12 

Serjantries at Corbridge, 75 

Shafto, Mrs. Duncombe, 268 

Sharp, SirC., 157, 166 

Shaw Farm, celt found at, 15 

Sicar, moneyer, 66 

Siefred or Sievert, coins of, 51 et seq. 

Siefred, identity of, with Sigeferth, 56 

Sigeferth 30, 56 

Siggar, 92 

Sihtric, 36 ; coins of, 63 

Silver mines in Northumberland, 73 

Skirlaw, Bishop, 128 

Soemil, 95 

Spaniards, first cohort of, altars 
erected by. 189 et seq. 

Spearman, R., account of the Cauld 
Lad of Hilton, 160 ; notes to Hut- 
chinson's Northumberland, 238 

Spence, Chas. J. , elected a member, 

Squerthing, 95 

Standard, the, on coins, 71 

Standing stones, 10 

Standing Stone Field, 11 

Statuettes at Abbotsford, 214 

Steele Farm House, terrace cultiva- 
tion near, 8 

Stephen, Northumbrian coins of, 72 

Stephens, Geo., on the Bridekirk 
fount, 118 

Sterne, Elizabeth, of York, arras of, 

Stevenson, Alexander S., on a Ro- 
man water wheel from Tharsis, 279 

Stockton Manor House or Castle, 
survey of, 120 

Stukeley's account of windows in the 
Nine Altars Chapel, 131 

Stycas of Danish kings of Northum- 
berland, 46 et seq. 

Surtees, Robt., on the painted glass 
in Durham Cathedral, 131 ; letter 
on the Cauld Lad of Hilton, 156 

Swinburne, Sir John, 267 

Swinburne Park, terrace cultivation 
in, 8 

Sword, the, on coins, 69 ; origin of, 70 

Symeon of Durham, history, 200 ; 
Mr. Hinle's edition of, 236 

Symeon of Durham quoted, 22 et seq. 


Tapestry in Appleby Castle, 205 
Tau, the, on coins, 69 
Te Deum window, Durham Cathe- 
dral, 134 3 135, 138 



Telfer, James, of Saughtree, 277 

Terrace cultivation, 8, 17 

Textiia Rottensis, 198 

Tharsis, in Spain, Roman water 
wheel from, 279 

Theodric, 103 

Thompson, Edw., presents a pin- 
cushion of 1662, 78 ; presents lo- 
cal prints, 81 

Thor, hammer of, on coins, 67 

Thorp, Archdeacon, presents commu- 
nion table to Darlington Church, 

Till, Walter J., elected a member, 87 

Tinder box, the, and its practical 
successor, 217 

Trevelyan, Sir W. C., exhibits local 
muniments, 204 

Triquetra, the, on coins, 71 

Tumuli, 12 

Turner, Rev. Wm. 267 

Turret on the Roman Wall, excava- 
tion of, 256 

Tweddell, Geo. M., elected a mem- 
ber, 1 


Ubba, 24 

Uisli, 26 

Ulpius Titianus, 190, 192 

Unen murdered, 103, poem on, 103 


Vaulx, Robert de, 84 

Venus, statuette of, 214 

Vestry, Durham Cathedral, glass in, 

Victory, altars to, found at Mary- 
port, 193 


Wadter, money er, 66 

Walker, John, inventor of lucifer 
matches, 223 

Wark, Iter de, 78 

Wark's Ford, Roman way across, 19 

Warkshaugh Farm, 10 ; barrow, 13 

Watford, find of coins at, 72 

Watson, Robert, of Newcastle, 276 

Watt, James, 268 

Webb, Sir John, 114 

Wessington, Prior, window in Dur- 
ham Cathedral, 135 

White, Robert, biographical notice of 
J. H. Hinde, 229; memoir of, by 
James Clephan, 274 

Wilealme, moneyer, 73 

William of Malmsbury, 201 

Winterbottom, Dr., 268 

Wulfhere, 27 


York, find of stycas at, 47 ; mint 
names of, 54; City, Mayor's seal 
and powers, 85 

Zegulf, 95 





Archaeologia aeliana